Yasastilaka and Indian Culture

Author(s): Krishnakant Handiqui
Publisher: Jain Sanskruti Samrakshak Sangh Solapur
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/001609/1

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Jivaraja Jaina Granthamala No. 2 YASASTILAKA INDIAN CULTURE AND BY K. K. HANDIQUI ooo 00 bra. jIvarAja gautamacaMdrajI PUBLISHED BY JAINA SANSKRTI SAMRAKSHAKA SANGHA, SHOLAPUR

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Jivaraja Jaina Granthamala, No. 2 GENERAL EDITORS : Dr. A. N. UPADHYE & Dr. H. L. JAIN YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE OR Somadeva's Yasastilaka and Aspects of Jainism and Indian Thought and Culture in the Tenth Century BY KRISHNA KANTA HANDIQUI M. A. (Cal. et Oxon.) Ex-Vice-Chancellor, Gauhati University, Assam (India) PUBLISHED BY JAINA SAMSKRTI SAMRAKSHAKA SANGHA, SHOLAPUR 1968 All Rights Reserved Price Rupees Twenty Five Only

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Second Edition: 2000 copies Copies of this book can be had direct from Jaina Samskrti Samraksaka Sangha, Santosha Bhavan, Phaltan Galli, Sholapur (India) Price Rs. 25/- per copy, exclusive of postage jIvarAja jaina graMthamAlAkA paricaya solApUra nivAsI brahmacArI jIvarAja gautamacandajI dozI kaI varSoMse saMsAra se udAsIna hokara dharmakArya meM apanI vRtti lagA rahe haiM / sana 1940 meM unakI yaha prabala icchA ho uThI, ki apanI nyAyopArjita sampattikA upayoga vizeSa rUpase dharma aura samAja kI unnati ke kArya meM kreN| tadanusAra unhoMne samasta dezakA paribhramaNa kara jaina vidvAnoMse sAkSAt aura likhita sammatiyAM isa bAtakI saMgraha kI ki kaunase kArya meM sampattikA upayoga kiyA jAya / sphuTa mata saMcaya kara leneke pazcAt sana 1941 kI garmiyoM meM brahmacArIjIne tIrthakSetra gajapaMthA (nAsika) ke zItala vAtAvaraNa meM vidvAnoM kI samAja ekatrita kI, aura UhApohapUrvaka nirNayake lie ukta viSaya prastuta kiyA / vidvatsammelanake phalasvarUpa brahmacArIjIne jaina saMskRti aura sAhitya ke samasta aMgoM ke saMrakSaNa, uddhAra aura pracArake hetu 'jaina saMskRti saMrakSaNa saMgha' kI sthApanA kI aura usake lie ( 30000 ) tIsa hajArake dAnakI ghoSaNA kara dI / unakI parigrahanivRtti baDhatI gaI, aura sana 1944 sAlameM lagabhaga ( 200000 ) do lAkha kI apanI saMpUrNa isTeTa saMghako TrasTarUpameM arpaNa kI / isI saMgha antargata ' jIvarAja jaina graMthamAlA' kA saMcAlana ho rahA hai| prastuta graMtha isI mAlAkA dvitIya puSpa hai / prakAzaka : zrImAn lAlacanda hirAcanda jaina saMskRti saMrakSaka saMgha solApUra mudraka : mA. ha. paTavardhana, saMgama presa, prA. li. ; 383, nArAyaNa peTha, punA 2

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bra. jIvarAja gautamacaMdrajI

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General Editors' Preface General Editors' Preface (Second Edition) Author's Preface Author's Preface (Second Edition) Supplementary Notes (I-IV) I Somadeva and his Age II Synopsis of Yasastilaka III The Story of Yasodhara and Its Sources IV Yasastilaka as a Prose Romance V Yasastilaka as a Socio-Political Record VI. Yasastilaka as a Religious Romance VII Yasastilaka as an Anthology of Sanskrit Verse VIII Philosophical Doctrines IX Schools of Thought CONTENTS X Jaina Dogmatics and Moral and Spiritual Discipline XI The Anupreksas and Jaina Religious Poetry XII A Controversial Dialogue XIII Jainism and Other Faiths XIV Jaina Criticism of Vedic Sacrifices XV Non-Jaina Cults, Customs and Beliefs XVI Jaina Religious and Moral Stories XVII Myths and Legends XVIII Quotations and References Appendix I Somadeva and the Pratihara Court of Kanauj II The Verses on the Courtesan's Corpse and a Buddhist Legend III Saiva Temples and their Geographical Distribution IV The Kalamukha Sect Index of Geographical Names mentioned in Yasastilaka General Index y-vi vii-viii ix-x xi xii-xv 1 21 42 53 89 124 139 184 217 246 291 316 326 377 391 408 432 439 464 466 467 509 511 518

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GENERAL EDITORS' PREFACE Critical studies in Jaina religion and philosophy and researches in Jaina literature have conspicuouly lagged behind in the march of Oriental scholarship with the result that our picture and perspective of Indian cultural heritage are far from being perfect and complete. Very often eminent scholars both from abroad and at home have stressed the pressing need of speeding up the progress of Jaina studies by critically editing ancient texts in different languages and by researches in various branches of Jainology. Brahmachari Jivaraja Gautamachandaji, Sholapur, whose biography is already included in the First Volume of this Series ( Tiloyapannatti, part i, pp, 9-12), is well-known for his piety, love of learning and philanthropic zeal. It was with a view to advancing the cause of Jaina studies that the Jivaraja Jaina Granthamala was started under the auspices of the Jaina Samskrti Samraksaka Samgha which was founded by him by creating a Trust for it of his entire property amounting to about two lakhs of rupees. It is with great pleasure that the General Editors present to the world of scholars this learned work, Yasastilaka and Indian Culture, by Professor K. K. Handiqui as the Second Volume of the Jivaraja Jaina Granthamala. Though the Yasastilaka (A. D. 959) had attracted the attention of Sanskrit scholars like Peterson and others, the literary genius and the wealth of learning of Somadeva were not fully appreciated. This dissertation will enable us now to assess the value of Somadeva's achievements in Indian literature. Somadeva, as Professor Handiqui has observed, is one of the most versatile talents in the history of Indian literature, and his masterpiece Yasastilaka reveals the manifold aspects of his genius. He is a master of prose and verse, a profound scholar with a well-stocked memory, an authority on Jaina dogma, and a critic of contemporary philosophical systems. He is a close student of the art of government, and in this respect his Yasastilaka and Nitivakyamita supplement each other. He is a redactor of ancient folktales and religious stories, and at times shows himself an adept in dramatic dialogue. Last but not least, he is a keen observer of men and manners. The position of Somadeva is, indeed, unique in Sanskrit literature. Turning to Somadeva's Yasastilaka, the salient feature of the story of Yasodhara is that it is a realistic tale based on a domestic tragedy, even an unpleasant incident of domestic life, around which is woven a story of moral and religious edification'. It is, as a matter of fact, the only considerable Sanskrit prose

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vi romance which deals with tragic incidents of conjugal life, eschewing romantic love in favour of grim realities and the working of fate'. Though the chief object of this tale is to propound the highest standard of human morals, namely, the principle of Ahimsa, Somadeva has made his religious romance an elegant specimen of artistic Sanskrit prose and poetry. Apart from its special characteristics as a prose narrative, Yajastilaka combines features which bring it into relation with diverse branches of Sanskrit literature. It is not only a Jaina romance in prose and verse but a learned compendium of Jaina and non-Jaina philosophical and religious doctrines, a manual of statecraft, and a great repository of Kavya poetry, ancient tales, citations and references, and numerous rare words of lexical interest. Somadeva's Yasastilaka is a work of massive scholarship enlivened by occasional flashes of literary genius and poetic feeling'. YASATILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE It is indeed very happy that such a masterpiece of literature as the Yasastilaka is thoroughly studied in its various aspects by an eminent and versatile Sanskritist of the status and standing of Professor Handiqui. His mastery over the niceties of the Sanskrit language and Kavya poetry are well-known to all by his English Translation Sriharsa's Naisadhacarita with extracts from unpublished commentaries, appendices on philosophical allusions etc. ', Lahore 1934. Thus Somadeva for his literary rehabilitation has found a worthy scholar in Professor Handiqui who possesses rare qualities of sympathetic and judicious understanding, wide and rich information and deep and critical learning. He undertook and completed the study of Yasastilaka while he was the Principal and Senior Professor of History and Sanskrit at J. B. College, Jorhat (Assam). Very few Sanskrit works have been studied as thoroughly as the Yasastilaka in this work; and Professor Handiqui deserves every praise for his steady labours and painstaking researches. The Sanskrit studies have become richer by his present contribution. The Authorities of the Jivaraja Jaina Granthamala offer their sincere thanks to Professor K. K. Handiqui for his generosity in placing his learned dissertation at their disposal for publication in this Series. It is a matter of pleasure for the General Editors to record their thanks to Br. Jivarajaji as well as to the members of the Trust Committee and Prabandhasamiti for their active interest in the Series, and also to Professor Handiqui for his willing cooperation. They trust that the present volume is a worthy contribution to Indian studies, and it would open in future many a new line of study in the fields of Jaina religion, philosophy and literature. KOLHAPUR, May 1949 A. N. UPADHYE and H. L. JAIN General Editors.

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GENERAL EDITORS' PREFACE (Second Edition) It is with great satisfaction that we are presenting here the Second Edition (a photographic reprint of the First Edition with a few additions) of the Yasastilaka and Indian Culture, by Professor KRISHNA KANTA HANDIQUI, M.A. (Cal. et Oxon.), which was first published in 1949 as No. 2 of the Jivaraja Jaina Granthamala. This publication was received with appreciation both at home and abroad, particularly from leading Sanskritists like the late lamented Professor L. RENOU of Paris. This exhaustive study of the Yasastilaka has been in a way, epoch-making and has inspired a number of other scholars to follow this model while studying other Indian classical texts. Professor HANDIQUI's name has been well-known to Sanskritists through his standard English Translation (with learned Notes ) of the Naisadhacarita of Sriharsa (Lahore 1934, Poona 1956 and again Poona 1964). This work brought to the notice of Indologists Professor HANDIQUI'S consummate mastery over the intricacies of the Sanskrit language and his wide vista of Sanskritic learning. His dissertation on the Yasastilaka has been a pioneer and scholarly exploration in a more or less neglected religious romance based on domestic tragedy, of a medieval author of encyclopaedic learning. Somadeva was fortunate that his Campu came to be studied by a worthy scholar of great literary acumen and historical perspective. In fact, Sanskrit studies have become richer by Professor HANDIQUI'S contributions on the Naisadhacarita and Yasastilaka. Professor HANDIQUI has inherited in his veins the blue blood of an aristocratic family of administrators connected with the Ahom dynasty of Eastern India. Obviously his zest (even at the age of seventy) for Indian learning is a part of his personality; and his devoted self-training in Western Universities has equipped him with the knowledge of many European languages, catholic taste and critical outlook. His personal library could be a proud possession of any of our new Universities. He leads the life of a true vanaprastha scholar whose entire time is spent in fruitful study and quiet research. Professor HANDIQUI shuns publicity and is shy of positions: vidya vinayena sobhate. He is an academic Rsi ; and his dedication to learning should be an inspiring example for the younger generation. His detached pursuit of knowledge is characterised by generous instincts, rare indeed, these days. He is wellknown for his munificent donations to literary and educational foundations in the

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viji YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE State of Assam. The authorities of the Granthamala are highly grateful to him for his gift of this edition to the Sangha. Professor HANDIQUI'S Translation of the Setubandha of Pravarasena is nearly complete, and would soon see the light of day. When published it will be another major contribution from his pen in the field of Indian classical studies. Jabalpur, H. L. JAIN Kolhapur 1-2-1968 A. N. UPADHYE

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AUTHOR'S PREFACE Somadeva's Yasastilaka was composed in 959 A. D. somewhere in the area corresponding to modern Dharwar and the westernmost districts of Hyderabad State. It is a Jaina religious romance written in Sanskrit prose and verse, but more important as an encyclopedic record of literary, socio-political, religious and philosophical data, valuable for the study of the cultural history of India, and particularly of the Deccan, in the tenth century and thereabouts, when the Rastrakuta empire still held sway in that part of the country. The object of the present volume is a critical study of the work; and if we have often gone far outside the limits of the text, it was only to give a more comprehensive picture of the life and thought of the times with reference to antecedent and subsequent factors in Indian cultural development. The Sanskrit text was published long ago by the Nirnaya Sagar press in two volumes of a little over a thousand pages with the commentary of Srutasagara. The second volume of the work appeared in 1903, and the second edition of the first volume in 1916. A voluminous Jaina text composed in a difficult style could hardly be expected to be popular even with advanced students of Indian literature. To add to our difficulties, the commentary, which is our only guide to the work, breaks off at p. 244 of the second volume; and the printed text was found to be far too defective to admit of a critical study of the work. To obviate these difficulties, I have utilized the following manuscripts of the text kindly lent by the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona : 1) Ms. A: No. 230 of 1902-07, folios 434; 2) Ms. B: No. 752 of 1886-92, folios 391; 3) Ms. C: No. 274 of A. 1883-84, folios 341; and 4) another incomplete manuscript of the work. Of these ms. A is the most important. It is not only correct but contains valuable marginal notes which have been of great use in studying the text, specially the portion dealing with Jaina doctrines, on which the commentary is not available. Notes from Ms. A have been incorporated in the present work; and, here and there, a line or a verse omitted in the printed text has been added from the manuscripts in the footnotes. In fact, nearly all the quotations from Somadeva's Yasastilaka in the present volume have been collated with the manuscripts, especially A. I am grateful to Dr. A. N. Upadhye, Kolhapur, for his generous and voluntary offer to publish this work on behalf of the Jaina Samskrti Samraksaka Samgha of

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Sholapur. The munificence of the Samgha has made the publication possible in a comparatively short time, but the work would not have appeared in a presentable form without Dr Upadhye's tireless efforts. Dr. V. Raghavan of Madras University was kind enough to send me an offprint of his interesting paper Gleanings from Somadevasuri's Yasastilaka Campu published in Ganganatha Jha Research Institute Journal (February-August, 1944). Dr. Raghavan refers in his paper to the unpublished commentary of Srideva on the text. It is a fragment of 34 leaves preserved in the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, and its existence was not known to me at the time of borrowing the manuscripst mentioned above. I am indebted to my friend Prof. P. K. Gode, Curator, Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, for help in connection with manuscripts, and especially for carefully made copies of articles and papers otherwise inaccessible to me. The photographs of the sculptures relating to the ancient Jaina Stupa of Mathura were a gift from Dr. Vasudev Agrawala when he was Curator of the Provincial Museum, Lucknow. The Saiva sculpture preserved in the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, is reproduced in this book with the kind permission of the Archaeological Survey of India. My sincere thanks are due to Sj. Brajendra Kumar Acharya, Lecturer in Bengali, Cotton College, for compiling the General Index. GAUHATI, 2 April, 1949.) K K. HANDIQUI

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AUTHOR'S PREFACE (Second Edition) The present edition is a reprint of the first edition published about twenty years ago. Circumstances have prevented me from undertaking a revision, but I have added supplementary notes incorporating the results of recent studies on the relations of the Lemulavadaor Vemulavada Calukyas with Somadevasuri and the locality in which he wrote his masterpiece Yasastilaka and other works. A brief note on the Eastern Calukyan temples, based on Dr. M. RAMA Rao's interesting monograph on the subject, has also been added to supplement the information brought together in Appendix III. The early publication of this edition is entirely due to the enthusiasm and keen interest of my esteemed friend Dr. A.N. UPADHYE. I offer my sincere thanks to Dr. B. RAMA RAJU of Hyderabad for sending me information about some of the places dealt with in the supplementary notes and drawing my attention to Sri. S. GOPALAKRISHNA MURTHY's monograph Jain Vestiges in Andhra. K. K. Handiqui Jorhat (Assam ), 8-1-68

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SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES (I) The Vemulavada Calukyas and Somadevasuri. Recent studies have conclusively shown that the Calukya family during whose rule Somadeva lived and worked held the territory corresponding to Karimnagar district of former Hyderabad State, now included in Andhra. These chiefs were feudatories of the Rastrakutas; and Yuddhamalla I, the founder of the family, has been assigned to about the middle of the eighth century. We are concerned here with the last three rulers Arikesarin II, Vadyaga or Baddega and Arikesarin III.2 Arikesarin II ruled in the second quarter of the tenth century, and was the patron of Pampa who wrote his famous poems Adipurana and Vikramarjunavijaya in Kannada in 941 A. D.3 According to the Parbhani plates, Arikesarin II was succeeded by his son Bhadradeva (II), also called Vadyaga, the father of Arikesarin III. Somadeva tells us in the colophon to his Yasastilaka that he wrote the work in 959 A. D. during the reign of a prince who was the eldest son of Arikesarin (II), and who, as we have pointed out on p. 4, is variously called Vagaraja, Vadyaraja, and Vadyagaraja in the manuscripts. The name Vadyaga is considered to be a variant of Baddiga, which occurs as the name of an earlier chief in the genealogy given in the Parbhani plates, and appears also as Baddega in the Vemulavada pillar inscription of Arikesarin II. Baddega is said to have built a Jina temple for his teacher Somade vasuri in an inscription on the pedestal of an image of Parsvanatha found at Vemulavada in 1. See VENKATARAMANAYYA : The Chalukyas of L(V) emulavada, Hyderabad, 1953; and specially N. LAKSHMINARAYAN Rao's paper The Family of Arikesarin, Patron of Pampa in the Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, Vol. XLV. 2. There is a confusion in the genealogy given on p. 4 of this book. The last two names should be omitted. 3. RICE : A History of Kanarese Literature, p. 30. 4. Baddega is called Baddega III by Rao op. cit., obviously because among the earlier chiefs there was another Baddega and another Bhadradeva ( same as Baddega, being a Sanskrit variant of the name ). But the first Bhadradeva is not mentioned in the Vemulavada Pillar inscription, and if he did not actually rule, as seems probable, our Baddega might be called Baddega II.

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SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES xiii Karimnagar district. This is confirmed by the Parbhani plates issued in 966 A. D. by his son Arikesarin III, which state that the village of Vanikatupulu was granted by him to Somadevasuri for the repairs and upkeep of a temple called Subhadhamajinalaya built by his father Vadyaga in the capital city of Lembulapataka, identified with the village of Lemulavada or Vemulavada mentioned above. Close to it was the prosperous town of Gangadhara where Somadeva says he composed his romance. The manner in which he refers to this town in the colophon to the work would seem to indicate that it enjoyed the bountiful patronage of the reigning chief Vadyaga or Baddega.? Lembulapatakas figures also in the Vemulavada pillar inscription of Arikesarin II, which records a grant of land in a corner of the city for the maintenance of a Sun temple built by Peddaparya, a high official (tantrapala) in the service of the ruling chief. Three other temples dedicated to Siva (Rajesvara, Baddegesvara and Nagaresvara) are mentioned in the record, which shows that the place was a stronghold of Saivism. Even today Vemulavada is an important centre of pilgrimage in Telingana. Arikesarin II seems to have been a follower of the orthodox religion, but he was catholic in his sympathies, as shown by the fact that his court poet Pampa was a Jaina and wrote on Jaina themes. His son and successor Baddega came under the influence of Somadevasuri, who is described in the Parbhani plates as being held in great esteem and veneration by kings and powerful feudatory chiefs. He not only built a temple in the capital for the great teacher but seems to have adopted the Jaina creed under his guidance. It is noteworthy that the Parbhani inscription issued by his son Arikesarin III opens with a verse which extols the glory and the beneficent mission of the Jaina faith. 5. Rao op. cit., p. 216; VENKATARAMANAYYA op. cit., p. 45. 6. This and some other villages are said to exist almost under the same names in Sirsilla taluk of Karimnagar district. Rao op. cit., p. 223. 7. Pt. Premi's manuscript gives this portion of the colophon in a more correct form than the printed edition : zrImadvadyagarAjasya lakSmIpravardhamAnavasudhArAyAM gaMgadhArAyAM. RAO (op cit., p. 223) says that Gangadhara still exists under the same name near Vemulavada. I am informed by Dr. B. Rama Raju of Hyderabad that it is in Jagtiyal taluk of Karimnagar district, ten miles from Vemulavada. 8. The Parbhani plates and the revised text of the Vemulavada pillar inscription of Arikesarin II in Rao op. cit. have -pataka. The text of the latter record repro duced by VENKATARAMANAYYA (p. 91 ) has -vataka. 9. Several Saiva temples are shown on the site plan of Lemulavada village in VEN KATARAMANAYYA'S monograph.

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Xiv YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE The Jaina relics at Vemulavada have been surveyed, 10 but no trace exists of any Jaina structure or temple. The image of Parsvanatha with the inscription mentioned above may have once belonged to the Subhadhama temple built by Baddega. There are as many as a dozen figures of Jaina Tirthamkaras scattered in the precincts of the Hindu temples in the area besides a few other interesting Jaina sculptures. Vemulavada may have had more than one Jaina temple, and was in any case a notable centre of Jainism during the reigns of the last two Calukya chiefs in the third quarter of the tenth century. The rule of the Vemulavada Calukyas seems to have terminated with that of their overlords, the Rastrakutas; and soon afterwards Telingana came under the sway of the Calukyas of Kalyani. Jainism may have flourished for some time more, but it is probable that with the loss of royal patronage it declined and ultimately disappeared from the area. It is in the heyday of its glory at Vemulavada that we see Somadevasuri as an honoured and influential exponent of the Jaina faith. ( II ) No attempt can be made here to fill the lacunae in Appendix III on the geographical distribution of the Saiva temples, but a reference may be made to the Eastern Calukyan temples by way of illustrating the dominant position of saivism in Andhra.11 Most of these temples are dedicated to Siva, and the more important ones are assigned to the ninth century, covering the reigns of Narendramsgaraja Vijayaditya ( 806-46), Gunaga Vijayaditya ( 848-891 ), and Calukya Bhima I ( 892-922). The first king is said to have built one hundred eight Siva temples; while several such temples in the village of Bikkavolu in East Godavary district are attributed to the reign of Gunaga Vijayaditya. The next king Calukya Bhima I was a great builder. He built three important temples known as Bhimesvara at Draksarama, a township in Ramachandrapuram taluk of East Godavary district; at Calukya-bhimavaram, a village near Samalkot in the same district; and at Chebrolu in Bapatla taluk of Guntur district. Other Eastern Calukyan temples of the same period are the Ramalingesvara at Palakollu in West Godavary district; the Somesvara at Somarama (now Somavaram forming part of the village of Bhimavaram in the same district); and the Amaresvara at Amaravati on the southern bank of the Krishna in Guntur district. Most of these structures are two-storied and the shrine at Draksarama with its elaborate sculptures is the most famous among the temples of 10. MURTHY : Jain Vestiges in Andhra (Andhra Pradesh Government Archaeological Series No. 12). Hyderabad, 1963. 11. See M. RAMA RAO : Eastern Calukyan Temples of Andhra Desa (Andhra Pradesh Government Archaeological Series, No. 19). Hyderabad, 1964.

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SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES XV Andhra. The development of Eastern Calukyan temple architecture in the second half of the ninth century was coeval with the transition from the Pallava to the Cola style of temple building in the Tamil country during the reigns of Vijayalaya and Aditya I. It is noteworthy that the temples named above with the exception of the one at Chebrolu are located at the five traditional Saiva centres of Andhra, collectively known as Pancarama namely, Daksarama (modern Draksarama), Kumararama (Calukya-bhimavaram), Ksirarama (Palakollu ), Somarama (Somavaram) and Amararama (Amaravati). Of these Amaravati and Palakollu are popular centres of Saiva pilgrimage. (III) It may be noted that some of the verses cited by Somadeva in the Yasastilaka in illustration of Buddhist doctrines (see pp. 188-9 & 457 of this book) are taken from the Pramana varttika of Dharmakirti (circa 600 A. D.). The two verses yah pasyaty atmanam and atmani sati parasamjna occur in the pramana-siddhi chapter of that work (see Pramanavarttika with the commentary of Manorathanandin, pp. 86-7; and Pramanavarttikabhasyam of Prajnakaragupta, pp. 146-7, Patna, 1953). The verse vedapramanyam kasyacit kartrvadah occurs at the end of Dharmakirti's own vrtti on the svarthanuma na chapter of the above work. Karnakagomin in his commentray on the vrtti, however, reads dhvastaprajnane for oprajnanam, and says pramanavalambijnanam prajnanam, tad dhvastam yasmin jad ye tattathoktam, nyayanusarijnanarahita ityarthah. See Pramanavarttikam, p. 619, Allahabad edition. (IV) (Addendum by the General Editor : A. N. U.) Lately an inscription is discovered on the hill Bommalagutta in the vicinity of the village Gangadharam (Gangadhara ?) in the Karimnagar district of former Hyderabad State, now included in Andhra Pradesh. It was got carved by Jinavallabha, brother of Pampa. It is partly in prose and verses, and in three languages, Kannada, Sanskrit and Telugu. It gives good many details about Pampa, his parentage and provenance. Arikesari donated the village Dharmapura to Pampa when the latter completed his Kannada poem Vikramarjuna vijaya ( see p. 6 of this book and Note I above ); and it is this event that is commemorated by Pampa's brother in this record. (See the Telugu Magazine Bharati for March 1967; Journal of the Karnatak University, Humanities No., Vol. XI 1967, pp. 73 f., 107f., also Kannada Nudi March 1968, pp. 9f.)

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By the same Author Pravarasena's Setubandha : Translated from Prakrit into English with extracts from unpublished commentaries and an Introduction In the press.

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CHAPTER I SOMADEVA AND HIS AGE Two works of Somadeva are extant: Yasastilakal and Nitivakydmrta. The former, called also Yasodhara-mahairaja-carita, deals with the pathetic story of Prince Yasodhara in prose and verse in eight Books called Asvasas. The latter work is a treatise on polity, divided into thirty-two chapters consisting of aphorisms on the various topics dealt with.. Nitivakyanrta seems to have been written after Yasastilaka. Somadeva gives a fair amount of information about himself at the end of his Yasastilaka. He belonged to an order of Jaina monks known as Devasamgha, and was the disciple of Nemideva who was the disciple of Yasodeva. The colophon to Nitivakyamrta tells us that Somadeva was the younger brother of Mahendradeva, and had the following honorific titles: Syadvadacalasimha 'A lion on the mountain of Syadvada', Tarkika-cakravartin The Lord of the logicians', Vadibha-pancanana 'A lion to the elephants, to wit, the disputants', Vakkallola-payonidhi "An ocean of the waves of eloquence', and Kavikularaja "The king of the poets'. We are also told that Somadeva was the author of Yasodhara-maharaja-carita, Sannavatiprakarana, Mahendra-mitali-sarjalpa and Yakticinta manisutra. There is some doubt about the title of the last work, as a manuscript of Nitivakyamsta written in Samvat 1290, and preserved in one of the Jaina Bhandars at Pattan, gives it as Yukticintamanistava*. In one of the concluding verses of Yasastilaka Somadeva tells us that the work was copied by a celebrated scribe named Racchuka, who was called Lekhaka-sikhamani, and whose calligraphy seems to have been utilized by the fair sex for their love-letters. All trace of this first copy of the original manuscript seems to have been lost. | Kavyamala 70, Parts I & II, Bombay 1901. 2 Manikachandra D. Jaina Granthamala 22, Bombay 1922. 3 zrImAnasti sa devasaMghatilako devo yaza-pUrvakA, ziSyastasya babhUva sadguNanidhiH shriinemidevaaiyH| tasyAzcaryatapaHsthitestri radigital art, false Atha la UFTRITT F1674: 11 Yasastilaka, part II, p. 418. 4 Descriptive Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Jain Bhandars at Pattan, Vol. I, p. 31. 5 vidyAvinodavanavAsitahRcchukena, pustaM vyalekhi vilasallipi racchukena / zrIsomadevaracitasya yazodharasya, sa lokamAnya guNaratnamahIdharasya / / api ca / yasyAkSarAvaliradhIravilocanAbhirAkAyate madanazAsanalekhaneSu / tasmai vivekiSu na yacchati racchukAya, ko nAma lekhakazikhAmaNinAmadheyam / / .

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN OULTURE Somadeva goes on to say that the Kavya, that is, Yasastilaka was composed in Saka 881 (959 A. D.), the cyclic year being Siddhartha, on the Madana-trayodasi day of the month of Caitra, when Krsnarajadeva was extending his sway at Melpati, after having vanquished the Pandya, Cola, Cerama (i. e. Cera), Ceylonese and other kings. Somadeva's statement is remarkable for its historical accuracy, as it is corroborated by the Karhad plates of the great Rastrakuta emperor Krsna III, issued on the 9th March, 959 A, D., at Melpati, a few weeks earlier than the completion of Somadeva's Yasastilaka. The subject of the inscription is the grant of a village in Karahata (Karhad in Satara district) to a Saiva ascetic, but the record was issued at Melpati (Melpali in North Arcot district), where the emperor was encamped with his victorious army for establishing his followers in the southern provinces, for taking possession of the estates of the provincial chiefs and for constructing certain temples '.3 The inscription, like Somadeya, refers to Krsna III's victories over the Colas and the kings of the Ceranma (i. e. Cera), Pandya and other countries as well as Ceylon, and tells us, besides, that he erected a pillar of victory at Ramesvara. The emperor states in the record that he issues the order, having established his victorious camp at Melpati' (melpati-samavasita-srimadvijaya-katakena maya). The victory over the Colas was the most important, as Krsna III is known to have occupied Tondaimandalam (to the north of the Kaveri), and appears to have annexed the northern part of the Cola dominions to his empire, sometime after the decisive battle of Takkolam in 949 A. D., when the Cola crown-prince Rajaditya, the son of Parantaka I, was killed on the battlefield by Krsna's tributary and ally, the Ganga ruler Butuga II. The Karhad grant of 959 A. D. shows the Rastrakuta emperor in his camp at Melpati at the close of his victorious southern campaigns. As a recent authority on Cola history says, "there can be no question that the effect on the Cola empire was ruinous, and that as a consequence of the blow in 1 'zakanRpakAlAtItasaMvatsarazateSvaSTasvekAzItyadhikeSu gateSu (ataH 881) siddhArthasaMvatsarAntargatacaitramAsamadanatrayo dazyAM...."melpATIpravardhamAnarAjyaprabhAve zrIkRSNarAjadeve sati / . 2 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IV, parts VI and VII. "The date of the grant was Wednesday, the thirteenth tithi of the dark fortnight of Phalguna of the cyclic year Kalayukta, the Saka year being 880 past (1. 56 f.)." 3 Ibid., p. 281. Somadeva says: pANDyasiMhalacolaceramaprabhRtIna mahIpatIn prasAdhya. The inseription says: kRtvA dakSiNadigjayodyatadhiyA caulAnvayonmUlanaM, tadbhUmiM nijabhRtyavargaparitazceranmapANDyAdikAn / yenoccaiH saha siMhalena karadAn sanmaNDalAdhIzvarAn , nyastaH kIrtilatAMkuraprati kRtistambhazca rAmezvare / / 5 Altekar:The Rastrakutas and their times, p. 117 ff., Poona 1934.

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1. SOMADEVA AND HIS AGE the north, much of the south also slipped out of Parantaka's hands. The Cola empire was no more; it had to be built up all over again".? It is interesting to note that the Melpati camp of Krsna III is mentioned also by Puspadanta in his Mahapurana, a voluminous work in Apabhramsa verse on the lives of the sixty-three heroes (salakra-purusas ) of the Jaina faith, commenced in 959 A, D., that is, in the year of the completion of Somadeva's Yasastilaka, and finished in 965 A. D.' in his Mahapurana 1. 3 taM kahami purANu pasiddhaNAmu siddhatyavarisi bhuvaNAhirAmu / ubbaddhajUDa bhUbhaMgamIsu toDeppiNu coDaho taNau siisu| bhuvaNekarAmu rAyAhirAta jahiM acchai tuDhigu mahANubhAu / taM dINadiNNadhaNakaNayapayaru mahi paribhamaMtu mepAThiNayaru / Puspadanta means to say that he commenced his Purana in the cyclic year Siddhartha (the same as that mentioned by Somadeva) when the lord of kings', Tudiga, explained in the gloss as Krsnaraja, was in the city of Mepadi, identified in the gloss with Melapatiya-nagara, that is, Melpati, after having severed the Cola prince's head with the hair tied up'. This is obviously a reference to Rajaditya's death in the battle of Takkolam, the memory of which was still fresh in 959, Puspadanta describes the town of Melpati as 'rolling in festivities', and as a place where presents of money and gold had been given to the poor. It is natural to surmise that Kssna III was celebrating his southern victories at Melpati that year, and the town was in a gay mood on account of the celebrations. The year 959 A. D. was indubitably a year of political and cultural importance in the history of the Dekkan, as it not only saw the consummation of Rastrakuta hegemony in the south, but the commencement and completion respectively of two monumental works of Indian literature. Although Somadeva was a contemporary of Klsna III, his work was not composed at Manyakheta, the Rastrakuta capital, but at an obscure place called Gangadhara, which seems to have been the capital of a prince named Vagaraja, the eldest son of a Calukya chief named Arikesarin, a tributary of Krsnaraja. The Arikesarin mentioned by Somadeva belonged to an obscure 1 2 3 Nilakanta Sastri: The Colas, Vol. I, p. 162. Vaidya : Introduction to Jasaharacariu, p. 20, Poona 1931. "zrIkRSNarAjadeve sati tatpAdapabhopajIvinaH..."cAlukyakula janmanaH sAmantacUDAmaNeH zrImadariphesariNaH prathamaputrasya bhImadAgarAjapravardhamAnavasudhArAyAM gaGgadhArAyAM vinirmApitamidaM kAvyamiti / Yatastilaka, Book VIII, part II, p. 419. Ms. A reads Tri. This is omitted altogether in M36. B and c. Mg. B, however, reads a rt, and in Ms. C agitat seems to be corrected into vasuparAyA.

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE branch of the Calukya dynasty, which ruled over a province called Jola, a portion of which is said to have been included in the modern district of Dharwar in Bombay Presidency. Nothing is known about Gangadhara, but it seems to have been somewhere in or around Dharwar District. It may perhaps be identified with Gangawati in the south-western corner of Hyderabad State in Raichur District, quite near Dharwar. There is also a river named Gangawali in the North Kanara District south-west of Dharwar, As regards the prince during whose reign Somadeva composed his romance, there is some doubt about the reading of the name Vagaraja found in the printed text of Yasastilaka. Of the manuscripts of the work used by me, the well-written and correct A reads Vagaraja as in the printed edition, but MSS. B and C read Vadyaraja, while a manuscript consulted by Pt. Nathuram Premi reads Vadyagaraja. The correct name, as we shall see, seems to be Baddiga of which Vadyaraja and Vadyagaraja are Sanskritized variations. A copper plate inscription in Sanskrit recently found at Parbhani in Hyderabad Statet not only gives us a glimpse of Somadeva seven years after the composition of Yasastilaka but furnishes a genealogy of the feudatory Calukya chiefs in whose territory he lived and worked. The genealogy of these tributaries of the Rastrakutas, hitherto known to us from the Kanarese Bharata composed by the Jaina roet Pampa in 941 A. D.,' is here carried to 966 A, D., the date of the inscription. The list of kings may be compiled as follows: Yuddhamalla I, Arikesarin I, Narasimha I (+Bhadradeva), Yuddhamalla II, Baddiga I (defeated and captured Bhima), Yuddhamalla III, Narasimha II, Arikesarin II (married a Rastrakuta princess named Lokambika), Bhadradeva, Arikesarin III, Baddiga II (Vadyaga) and Arikegarin IV. Of the kings mentioned Arikesarin II was the patron of Panpa who wrote his masterpieces in 941 A. D.; while Baddiga II or Vadyaga was the king during whose reign Somadeva completed his romance in the year 959 A. D., as recorded in the colophon. The inscription under discussion Bharata composed bye hastrakutas, hitherto kno worked. The genealogy 1 Bhandarkar: Early History of the Dekkan, third edition, p. 137. 2 The Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. XXVI, Atlas, Plates 39 and 42. 3 Pt. Premi: Jaina Sahitya aura Itihasu p. 76, Bombay 1942. 4 Reproduced in the above work (p. 90 f.) from the Journal of the Bharata Itihasa Samsodhana Mandala, Poona, Vol. XIII, No. 3, published in Marathi. 6 Bhandarkar: Barly History of the Dekkan, p. 137 and Altekar: The Rastrakutas and their times, p. 129.

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1. SOMADEVA AND HIS AGE records the grant of a village to Somadeva by Vadyaga's son Arikesarin IV in Saka 888 or 966 A. D. for the repairs and upkeep of a Jaina temple called subhadhama-jinalaya, built by Vady dhama-jinalaya, built by Vadyaga in the capital (Lem )bulapataka. The name of the village granted to Somadeva was Vanikatupulu.? It is clear from the above record that in 966 A, D. Somadeva was in charge of the Subhadhama temple, and seems to have carried on his literary activities undisturbed, as a hitherto unknown work Syadvadopunisad is here attributed to him in addition to Yasodharacarita. He was held in the highest esteem by his contemporaries, and kings and feudatory chiefs are described as reverently bowing at his feet.3 It may be noted in this connection that there are at least two puzzling factors in the inscription we are considering. Firstly, the Samgha to which Somadeva belonged is here called Gaudasamgha: Yasodeva, the guru of Somadeva's guru Nemideva, is assigned to this Samgha. But, as we have seen, Somadeva himself describes Yasodeva as belonging to the Devasamgha. Secondly, the capital of Arikesarin IV is stated to be (Lem )bulapataka, about which nothing definite is known, although it might be somewhere in Hyderabad State. It is noteworthy that we have so far the names of three capitals of the Calukya chiefs who ruled in the Jola territory. Arikesarin II, who was the patron of the famous Kannada poet Pampa, ruled at Puligere (mod. Lakshmesvar in Dharwar District); Vadyaga is described by Somadeva as ruling at Gangadhara; and his son Arikesarin IV calls (Lem )bulapataka his capital. It may also be noted that just as Arikesarin, the father of Vadyaga, is described by Somadeva as a humble tributary of Krsnaraja (Krsna III), similarly the present inscription describes Arike. sarin, the son of Vadgaga, as a tributary of the same overlord in exactly similar terms. While Somadeva was a contemporary of Krsna III and Vadyaga, it is not clear whether either of them was his patron; probably he had no 1 ( )bulapAdakanAmadheya nijarAjadhAnyAM nijapituH zrImadvadyagasya zubhadhAma jinAlayAkhyavasa(teH) khaNDasphuTitanavasudhA #HERR Teie erste fauty ag... TATRATOTT *** sheath a #STS THT OTH:** *** : Ii'. 2 'Arafaa hata martTha: (a)at a Taf THROAIE..... 3 'akhilamahAsAma(ntasI)mantaprAntaparyastottaMsasraksurabhicaraNaH sakalavidvajjanakarNAvataMsIbhavadyazaHpuNDarIkaH sUrya iva sakalAvanimRtAM ziraHzreNipu zikhaNDamaNDanAyamAnapAdapadmo'bhUt / ', 4 stitch hradia 112 a Te Pt. Premi (op. cit.) is inclined to identify this Gauda with the Gola or Golla kingdom of the South, mentioned in the Sravana Belgola Inscriptions. 5 Rico: Kanarese Literature, p. 30. 6 'svastyakAlavarSadevazrIpRthivIvallabhamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakazrImadamoghavarSadevapAdAnubhyAtapravarddhamAnavijayarAjya. bhIkRSNarAjadevapAdapabhopajIvinA / .

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6 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE atron properly so called. Somadeva was a Jaina Acarya and respectfully mentions his gurt. He was, besides, a political thinker, and in his Nitivakyamrto pays homage to the state and not to any king. It is, Lowever, certain that he was intimately acquainted with court life, and may have passed some time in the Rastrakuta capital. The court life so minutely Cescribed by him in Book III of his Yasastilaka does not apply to a petty feudatory chief like that of Gangadhara, and can be true only of a sovereign of imperial status, who receives embassies from foreign courts, declares war against i efractory kings, and has at his disposal regiments drawn from different parts of Hindustan Somadeva, the author of Nitivakyamrta, vas a patriotic citizen of the Rastrakuta empire, and gave much thought to the principles of state-craft and the well-being of the state, and in his great romance he gives a picture of the imperial court, besides throwing sidelights on the problems of government affecting war and peace. The tenth century, like its predecessor, was a flourishing period of Jaina literature in Sanskrit and Prakrit, and in Kanarese as well. Confining ourselves to the epoch of Somadeva, we may safely assume it to coincide with the reign of Krsna III from 939 to 968 A, D., and within these limits we come across several distinguished names in the annals of scholarship and literature. In 941 the famous Kavarese poet Pampa wrote his two poems, Adipurand, which relates the history of the first Tirthamkars, and Vikramarjuna-vijaya, which tells the story of the Mahabharata, or rather that of Arjuna. About the year 950 Ponna, the second great Kanarese poet of the century, wrote his Santipurana, which relates the legendary history of the sixteenth Tirthamkara, under the patronage of Krsna III who gave the poet the honorific title of Ubhaya-kavi-cakravartin for his proficiency in Kanarese and Sanskrit. Quite at the beginning of the reign of Krsna III, Indranandin wrote in Sanskrit a work called Jvalamalini-kalpa dealing with a mystic fire-cult associated with the goddess Jvalamalini. The work was composed in 939 A. D. at Mangakheta and refers to Krsnaraja. Among the immediate contemporaries of Somadeva we come across two distinguished names: Puspadanta and Munjarya Vadighanghala Bhatta. We have already referred to the former, who commenced his Mahapurana in 59 A. D. under the patronage of Krsna III's minister Bharata, and wrote twother works, Jasaharacariu, which, like Somadeva's Yakastilaka, relates i Ty T4194074 76779 57: 2 Sor below Chapters IV and V. 3 Rice: Kanarese Literature, 4 Hiralal: Catalogue of Sanskrit and. Prakrit Manuscripts in C. P. and Berar, p. XXX.

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1. SOMADEVA AND HIS AGE the story of Yasodhara, and Nayakumaracariu or the story of Nagakumara, both under the patronage of Bharata's son and successor Nanna. Puspadanta wrote in Apabhramba verse, and is one of the most important Jaina poets in that language so far discovered; and his prodigious literary activity bears witness to the flourishing condition of Apabhramsa literature in the tenth century. Harisena? who wrote his Dharmapariksa in Apabhramsa in 988 A. D. mentions three distinguished Apabhramsa poets : Puspadanta, Svayambhu and Caturmukha; and Puspadanta himself refers to Svayambhu and Caturmukha in his Mahapurana 1.9. The works of SvayambhuPaumacarir and Ritthanemicariu-are available in manuscript, and his son Tribhuvana Svayambhu was also a poet and made substantial additions to his father's poems. Svayambhu may be assigned to the eighth or ninth century, as he mentions Ravisena, the author of Padmacarita (seventh century), in his Paimacariu, and is himself mentioned by Puspadanta. Caturmukha is earlier than Svayambhu, as the latter mentions him in his Ritthanemicariu, and other works. It is also noteworthy that a number of other Apabhramsa poets is cited by Svayambhu in another work of his, a treatise on Prosody called Svayambhu-chanda. There was thus a welldefined literary tradition in Apabhramsa in and before Somadeva's time; and there is no doubt that he was to some extent influenced by the prevailing current of Apabhramsa poetry, as he has used various Apabhramsa metres with considerable skill in a number of verses of his Yasastilaka. The use of Apabhramsa metres in Sanskrit verse is a novel experiment on the part of a writer who sets out to write classical Sanskrit in the style of Subandhu and Bana, but it shows the wide range of Somadeva's literary equipment and his interest in the vernacular literature of the time. Further, in spite of the divergent character of the works of Somadeva and Puspadanta, they seem to have occasionally drawn on common sources for some at least of the literary material handled by them. The story of Yasodhara itself is one such example; while the tale of Jamadagni and the two birds, and that of Sribhuti and Bhadramitra related by Somadeva as independent stories in Yasastilaka, Books VI and VII, occur in Puspadanta's Mahapurana (LXV. 13 ff. and LVII. 7 ff.) as part of a larger scheme of Jaina religious and mythological stories, 1 For details see the Introductions to the critical editions of these works. The first two are edited by Dr. Vaidya and the third by Prof. Jain. 2 Annals of the B. O, R.I., XXIII, 592-608; Pt. Premi's Jaina Sahitye aura Itihasa, p. 326. 3 caumuhu sayaMbhu siriharisu doNu NAloiu kai IsANu bANu / 4 See Pt. Premi's article on Svayambhu in his Jaina Sahitya aura Itihasa. 5 See below Chapter VII. 6 See below Chapter XVI,

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Munjaryya Vadighanghala Bhatta is known to us from the Kudlur plates of the Ganga king Marasimha, dated 963 A. D.' Marasimha was a tributary of Krsna III, and the grant of a village to Vadighanghala Bhatta by the former forms the subject of the inscription, which eloquently describes the great Jaina teacher's attainments and influence. Vadighanghale. Bhatta was a distinguished grammarian and seems to have propounded a system of grammar on a sure and sound basis. He was an expert in Lokayata, Samkhya and Buddhist philosophy as well as Vedic interpretation, a great master of Jaina doctrine, and an eminent poet. He was intimately connected with the Ganga king Butuga II and Krsna III and the Rastrakuta capital. We are told that his faultless and eloquent elucidation of literature (sahityavidya) made Ganga-Gangeya (Butuga II), 'a cuckoo in the pleasure-garden of learning', his pupil. He was honoured by the learned men of Vallabharaja's capital, who were enlightened by his exposition of all branches of political science, and Vallabharaja seems to be no other than Krsna III who is called Vallabhanarendradeva in the Karhad grant, and Vallabhanarendra and Vallabharaya in Puspadanta's works. Krsna is, moreover, explicitly mentioned in the inscription, which declares that Krsnarajadeva, who with his tributaries honoured the master, conquered the regions by his counsel, which was 'sound in relation to the present as well as the future'. It would thus appear that while Somadeva was preoccupied with the theore. tical principles of state-craft, Vadighanghala Bhatta played the role of a practical statesman and acted as a political adviser to the Rastrakuta emperor. The glory and achievements of the empire seem to have opened new vistas before the thinking men of the age, and persons like Somadeva and Vadighanghala Bhatta, who in other times would probably have confined themselves to literature or speculative thought, took a deep interest in tters of vital importance to the state. The disruption of the Rastrakuta empire after Krsna III must have been a rude shock to cultural possibilities in the Dekkan. 1 Text and translation in Annual Report of the Mysore Archeological Department for 1921. 2 'Perfec ioner:' lines 159, 160. 3 hari akatafaqur:' line 162. 4 'yasya niravadyasAhityavidyAvyAkhyAnanipuNadhiSaNAnuguNavANIvizeSAtizayacchAtrIbhUtasakalavidyA vinodArAmakalakaNThagaGga gAneyabhUpasya, sakalarAjavidyApratipAdanapratibuddhabodhaprabodhitavallabharAjakaTakAnekavidvajjanopajanitapUjAprakaTIkRtamahimo. alacrita cenfetuar', lines 165-169. b valahaNariMdagharamahayarAsu Jasaharacaries 1. 1.33 vallaharAyamahaMtaeNa Nayalbumaracarrie 1. 3. 2. tadAtvAyatisughaTamabakramopadezAnuSThAnavazIkRtAkhiladigaGganAsarabhasasaMbhogasukhasaMpannakRSNarAjadevavihitavacanasaMbhAvanApraHaT48HVERT FART ATRT', lines 169-171.

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1. SOMADEYA. AND HIS AGE Two important Jaina poets Vadiraja and Vadibhasimha are said to be Somadeva's disciples. Srutasagara in his commentary on Yasastilaka 2. 126 quotes a statement which represents Somadeva as saying that both Vadiraja and Vadibhasimha are his disciples. The statement cannot, however, be traced in the two extant works of Somadeva, and neither Vadiraja nor Vadibhasimha claims Somadeva as his guru in any of their works. Vadiraja says at the end of his Parsvanathacarita, a poem in 12 cantos, that his guru is Matisagara; besides, he belonged to the Nandisamgha, while Somadeva belonged to the Devasamgha. Similarly, Vadibhasimha in his prose romance Gadyacintamani 1.6 gives expression to his deep obligations to his guru Puspasena. On the other hand, it is not chronologically impossible for Vadiraja and Vadibhasimha to be regarded as disciples of Somadeva, Vadiraja, according to his own statement, wrote his Parsvanathacarita in Saka 947 (1025 A. D.) during the reign of the Western Calukya king Jayasimha II who ruled from 1015 to 1042 A. D. As regards Vadibhasimha, he as well as Vadiraja is mentioned in the Belgamve grant of Jayasimha II, dated 1036 A. D., which describes a Saiva savant named Vadi-Rudraguna as having defeated in argument Vadibhasimha, Vadiraja and other scholars; and the great king Rajaraja mentioned at the end of Vadibhasimha's poem Ksatracudamani' might very well refer to the Cola king Rajaraja the Great who ruled from 985 to 1014 A. D. It will be thus seen that Vadiraja and Vadibhasimha flourished in the first quarter of the eleventh century; and assuming Srutasagara's statement to be correct and genuine, they may be regarded as having been Somadeva's disciples during their boyhood. But, nevertheless, it is strange that they should be so completely silent about their early guru Somadeva. The epoch of Somadeva was preceded and followed by a considerable output of Jaina literature in various parts of India. Among his predecessors, from the beginning of the ninth century to the early part of the tenth, we find such names as Virasena (author of the Dhavala commentary and part of the Jayadhavala), Jinasena (completed the Jayadhavala and wrote Adipurana and other works), Gunabhadra (author of Uttarapurance and Atmanusasana), the Jaina Sakatayana, Vidyananda (author of Aotasahasri, Tattvarthaslokavartika etc.), Siddharsi (author of Upamitibhavaprapanca katha), and Harisena (author of Kathakosa) and others; while among his immediate successors, from about the last quarter of the tenth centary to the first quarter of the eleventh, we find Kanarese writers like Camunda 1 sa vAdirAjo'pi zrIsomadevAcAryasya shissyH| 'vAdIbhasiMho'pi madIyaziSyAzrIvAdirAjo'pi-madIya ziSyaH' ityukttvaac| 2 See below Chapter XIII. 3 heri Tarcisisei TFF TFT HET: 1 SAATTE : YTT fOrG: Il.

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10 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE raya (wrote in prose Camundaraya-purana), Ranna (wrote Ajitapurana and Gadayuddha), and Nagavarma (author of the Kanarese version of Bana's Kadambari); philosophical writers like Nemicandra Siddhantacakravartin ( wrote in Prakrit Gommatasara, Dravyasamgraha and other works) and Prabhacandra (author of Nyayakumudacandra and Prameyakamalamartanda'); and poets and scholars like Vadiraja (wrote Parsvanathacarita, Kakutsthacarita and Yasodharacarita), Vadibhasimha (wrote Gadyacintamani and Ksatracudamani), Dhanapala (author of Tilakamanjari), Amitagati (author of Subhasitaratnasarndoha, Dharmapariksa and other works ), Asaga (author of Vardhamanacarita), Mahasena (author of Pradyumnacarita), Viranandin (author of Candraprabhacarita), and perhaps Kanakamara (wrote Karakandacariu in Apabhramsa); and other writers like the grammarian Dayapala (author of Rupasiddhi and contemporary of Vadiraja ). While Somadeva made substantial contributions to Jaina religious literature, his literary importance and achievement go beyond its narrow limits; and the value of his work can be assessed in relation to Sanskrit literature as a whole. He is one of the most versatile talents in the history of Indian literature, and his masterpiece Yasastilaka reveals the manifold. aspects of his genius. He is a master of prose and verse, a profound scholar with a well-stocked memory, an authority on Jaina dogma, and a critic of contemporary philosophical systems. He is a close student of the art of government, and in this respect his Yasastilaka and Nitivakyarta supplement each other. He is a redactor of ancient folktales and religious stories, and at times shows himself an adept in dramatic dialogue. Last but not least, he is a keen observer of men and manners. The position of Somadeva is, indeed, unique in Sanskrit literature. Despite the fact that Somadeva's reputation rests on a prose romance and a treatise on polity, he was primarily a Jaina theologian; and rly half of Yasastilaka and presumably the lost works are devoted to the defence and exposition of the tenets of the Jaina faith. He acknowledges the fact himself and would have us believe that his poetry was a byproduct of his philosophical studies. He tells us in one of the opening verses of Yasastilaka that just as a cow yields milk by eating grass, similarly his intellect produced the beautiful utterances of his poetical composition by feeding on the dry logical studies, to which he had devoted himself since his childhood. Tarka or philosophical argumentation was Somadeva's true vocation, and his honorific titles Tarkikacakravartin and Vadibhapancanana point to the fact that he, like many intellectuals of his age, spent a good 1 See Introduction (in Hindi) to Nyayakumudacandra, p. 121, Bombay 1938. 2 AjanmasamabhyastAcchaSkAsarkAttRNAdiva mamAsyAH / matisaramerabhavadidaM sUktipayaH sukRtinA punnyaiH||.

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1. SOMADEVA AND HIS AQE 11 deal of his energy in engaging in controversy influential disputants belonging to rival faiths. This was, in fact, a trait of the times, as can be seen from such peculiar but significant names as Vadiraja, Vadibhasimha, Vadigharatta, Vadighanghala, Paravadimalla, Vadikolahala eto., found among the Jaina writers and scholars of the age. That this was a practice common to all the schools is evident from I-tsing's eloquent description of it in his account of education in India towards the end of the seventh century. " When they are refuting heretio doctrines", says the Chinese traveller, " all their opponents become tongue-tied and acknowledge themselves undone. Then the sound of their fame makes the five mountains (of India ) vibrate, and their renown flows, as it were, over the four borders." "They oppose the heretics as they would drive beasts (deer) in the middle of a plain, and explain away disputations as boiling water melts frost. In this manner they become famous throughout Jambudvipa (India), receive respect above gods and men, and serving under the Buddha and promoting His doctrine, they lead all the people (to Nirvana)." The Prasasti verses of Nitivakyamsta emphasize Somadeva's activity as a controversialist, and proclaim his superiority to all prospective disputants. One of the verses, for instance, asks a disputant how he dares argu with Somadeva, not being an Akalanka in argumentation nor a Hamsasiddhantadeva in the knowledge of traditional lore nor a Pujyapada in eloquence. ___ sakalasamayata nAkalako'si vAdI na bhavasi samayoktau haMsasiddhAntadevaH / naca vacanavilAse pUjyapAdo'si tattvaM vadasi kathamidAnIM somadevena sArdham // The final verse trumpets Somadeva's eloquence which strikes terror into the hearts of all disputants, and claims that even Brhaspati cannot hold his own in argument with him. While these boasts and eulogies are of a conventional character, they reveal one aspect of Somadeva's intellectual equipment; and he was perhaps as assiduous in his polemical activity as any of his contemporaries. This, however, should not blind us to the fact that poetry and literature must have made heavy claims on his time and intellectual effort as the composition of an extensive work like Yasastilaka in prose and verse was bound to presuppose long and careful preparation, involving laborious study of the secular branches of study and fervent devotion to the art of poetry. His statement that he had studied Tarka since his childhood shows that he began his career as a student of logic, metaphysics and allied subjects, 1 A Record of the Buddhist Religion by I-Tsing. Trans. by Takakugu, pp. 178, 181. 2 dandhibodhabudhasindhurasiMhanAde,vAdidvipoddalanadurdharavAgvivAde / zrIsomadevamunipe vacanArasAle, vAgIzvaro'pi purato'sti TRAITS HI

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12 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE and seems to have taken to poetry late in his life. But his devotion to his second love was no less sincere, and apparently he came to realise that poetry was an exacting mistress. As he says at the beginning of his work, nidrA vidUrayasi zAstrarasaM ruNarisa sarvendriyArthamasamartha vidhi vidhatse / tax f ue afaa foratifa tyf oft aegu u 1. 41. Thou Muse, thou evil genius, thou dost dismiss sleep, hinder delight in the Sastras, reduce all the senses to impotence, and bewilder the mind. Yet men are lucky if they obtain thy favour.' The combination of Tarka and Poetry, so prominent in the case of Somadeva, is not an isolated phenomenon in Indian literary history. Sriharsa, the author of Naisadhacarita and Khandanakhandakhadya, is a classio example of this tendency, which is also observed occasionally in lesser known poets. We may refer, for example, to Trailokya who flourished in Kashmir in the first half of the twelfth century, and is mentioned by Mankhaka in Srikanthacarita 25. 65, 66. It is noteworthy that Mankhaka compares Trailokya to Tutatita or Kumarila, who is also supposed to have been a Tarkika as well as a Kavi, although no poem composed by him has come down to us. It may be safely assumed that Yasastilaka was the product of that period of Somadeva's life when his poetic power had reached its full maturity. The author makes certain claims for his work which will bear the scrutiny of investigation. First, he says that he composed his work without aid from any source and without any model before him, and therefore compares it to a gem produced by the ocean. BETH Ta an tEET I AFT: Hout is a THUSETE 11. 14. The claim of originality, like all such claims, may be admitted only in a limited sense. Somadeva cannot claim any originality regarding the plot, but there are some novel features in regard to the form and contents of the romance, which distinguish it from other versions of the story of Yasodhara and, indeed, from other prose romances extant in Prakrit or Sanskrit. It may be added that the claim of originality is in conformity with Somadeva's idea that a poet should rely upon his own efforts and not imitate or borrow from others. He declares that the poet, who keeps before him the works of his predecessors and consults them again and again and expresses himself in the same manner or differently, is a plagiarist (poetry thief') and a sinner. 1 dRDho'pi tarkakArkazye pragalbhaH kavikarmaNi / yaH zrItutAtitasyeva punarjanmAntaragrahaH / taM zrItrailokyamAlokya gaNyaM satkarmirNA dhuri / yayau muhuradhijyasya kArmukasya sadhamaitAm // . Jonaraja remarks in his commentary; gafaa: ghi andi: fanera

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1. SOMADEVA AND HIS AGE kRtvA kRtIH pUrvakRtAH purastAt pratyAdaraM tAH punarIkSamANaH / tathaiva javapedatha yo'nyathA vA sa kAvyacoro'stu sa pAtakI ca // 1. 13. It is, however, conceded that occasional similarity with other writers in ideas or expression cannot detract from the merits of a poet who is not in the habit of looking into the works of others. 13 kRtIH pareSAmavilokamAnastaduktivaktApi kavirna hInaH / 1. 12. Somadeva's theory of poetical self-sufficiency is no doubt exaggerated and belied by literary history, but we may be certain that he relied mainly upon his own resources in the composition of his encyclopedic work. Secondly, Somadeva says that he who has the curiosity to go through his work can avail himself of poetic utterances, appropriate dicta, and the tenets of all the S'astras. uktayaH kavitAkAntAH sUktayo'vasarocitAH / yuktayaH sarvazAstrAntAstasya yasyAtra kautukam // 1. 15. This is not an empty boast or arrogant self-assertion. Poetic merits apart, Yasastilaka is, indeed, a storehouse of information concerning the tenets of various Sastras and schools of thought; and this aspect of the work conforms to the theory of Vyutpatti held by Somadeva himself and the writers on poetics. Somadeva tells us that there is one type of Kavya, 'sweet to the ears' and eloquent with descriptions, and another type which charms the heart, being replete with meaning: no wise man will find fault with either of these, but proper and fit is that kind of composition which contributes to the all-round vyutpatti or scholarly instruction of the author himself and others. kiMcit kAvyaM zravaNasubhagaM varNanodIrNavarNa, kiMcidvAcyocitaparicayaM hRcamatkArakAri / anasUyet ka iha sukRtI kiMtu yuktaM taduktaM, yadvyutpatyai sakalaviSaye svasya cAnyasya ca syAt // 1. 16. The Vyutpatti mentioned by Somadeva has two aspects. The Vyutpatti of the poet is his scholarly training; and the idea of it appears in a systematic form in most writers on poetics, who lay stress on the importance of Vyutpatti as a supplementary discipline reinforcing Sakti or Pratibha, or natural genius; while, among poets, Mankhaka emphasizes the value of Vyutpatti or Panditya in his Srikanthacarita (2. 5, 27, 45-48). Certain writers, e. g., Mammata, and especially Rajasekhara' who is closely followed by Hemacan 1 Rajasekhara in Kavyamimamsa, chap 8, envisages a wide range of intellectual equipment for a poet, and enumerates twelve recognised sources of poetry: Sruti; Smrti; Itihasa; Purana; Pramanavidya or the philosophical systems; Samayavidya or sectarian systems like those of the Saivas, the Pancaratras, and the Buddhists, popularly called Agama; the three Rajasiddhantas consisting of Polity, Erotics, and Dramaturgy; Loka or a knowledge of the world, its geography and customs; Viracana or fanciful stories and conceits; and Prakirnaka or miscellaneous subjects like the science of elephants, the Dhanurveda, the science of gems, treatises on Yoga etc.

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14 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE dra, and Vagbhata, the author of Kavyanusasana, and Ksemendra, in his Kavikanthabharana, who employs the term Paricaya for Vyutpatti, clearly enumerate the various branches of learning, with all or some of which the poet is expected to show his acquaintance. Considered from this standpoint, Somadeva's statement that his Kavya is a repertory of all the Sastras is corroborated to a large extent by an examination of the contents of the work, and there are few works in Kavya literature which fulfil the conditions of Vyutpatti so completely as Somedeva's Yasastilaka. The Vyutpatti of others', that is, of the readers of a poem refers to their instruction in the topics of the Sastras, so that a Kavya is viewed as a kind of introduction to the learned branches of study. Somadeva's view of this aspect of Vyutpatti may be correlated with the opinion of Bhamaha, who says in his Kavyalankara (chap. V) that the Sastras are, as a rule, difficult to understand and shunned by the untalented, who, however, enjoy them when mixed with the sweet potion of poetry, just as people take an unpalatable dose of medicine after tasting honey. In oti the sastric pill is to be sugared with poetry for the benefit of those who are unable to swallow it as it is. The difficult topics of the Sastras should be made interesting and popular through poetry, and this the poet can do by expounding or referring to them in the course of his Kavya. Bhamaha, accordingly, goes on to say that there is no topic--no word, no meaning, no principle of logic, and no art or science-which does not serve element in poetical composition, and the poet's burden is undoubtedly great." It will be thus seen that the idea that a Kavya should be a medium of instruction for its readers was prevalent long before the tenth century, and this idea no doubt greatly influenced the scope and composition of Somadega's Yasastilaka. Somadeva speaks of the great transmuting power of poetry. The true poets are those whose words make familiar things unfamiliar and unfamiliar things familiar. aga at m ai avata: gaisgear di raga: getaran 1. 25. This somehow reminds us of certain lines of Wordsworth on the contemplation of Nature: Familiar things and awful, the minute And grand, are destined here to meet...... 3 1 prAyeNa durbodhatayA zAstrAd bibhytymedhsH| tadupacchandanAyaiSa hetunyAyalavoccayaH // svAdukAvyarasonmizraM zAstramapyupa yuJjate / prathamAlIDhamadhavaH pibanti kaTu bheSajam // na sa zabdo na tadvAcyaM na sa nyAyo na sA kalA / jAyate yanna kAvyAGgamaho bhAro mahAn kveH||. 3 Herbert Read: Wordsworth, p 193. The lines occur in the first draft of a passage intended as an alternative for some lines in Book VIII of the Prelude.

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1. SOMADEVA AND HIS AGE 15 But it is obviously the genius of the poet, working on a broader canvas, that makes the familiar awful and the awful familiar. Somadeva asserts that even the animals are. thrilled with joy when they hear the utterances of a good poet. This is an exaggeration, but he may have in mind the musical effect of lyric poetry. The question of appreciation of poetry is considered by Somadeva from the standpoint of poets in several verses. The poets are said to be fond of people who may not be learned, but who can grasp the trend of the spoken word. In other words, learning is not necessary for the appreciation of poetry: the excellence of gold is, for instance, demonstrated by the touchstone which is of inferior value. The ability of laymen to judge the merits of poetry, although they are not poets themselves, is set forth by citing the example of the man who can discern the flavour of sweets while eating, although he is ignorant of the process of boiling sugar. As for princes, poetical efforts are useless when a king lacks in judgment; it is no use putting rich fare before an animal who feeds on grass. The populace also lacks in judgment and delights in a poem, simply because it is reputed to be good; it often happens that literary works are held in esteem solely on account of their being accepted as good by others, just as a woman acquires a reputation for beauty when she becomes someone's mistress. In matters affecting poetry, one should appeal to the judgment only of those who, like the ocean, 'keep within' (i. e. bear in mind) what is good, and throw out what is bad; that is, the true critic is one who appreciates the merits of a puem, ignoring the defects. Further, a thing ; to be judged on its own merits and not in relation to a type to which it does not belong; it is futile to look for the sheen of gold while testing silver. In other words, poetry must be judged as poetry, and the critic must not expect to find in it what does not properly fall within the province of poetry. Those who are blind to merits, being intent on fault-finding, and try to pass off blemishes as merits are unfit to study poetry: being the enemies of the goddess of learning, they have indeed no right to study it. Finally, it is useless to argue whether any one mia tafar: 1: RTLETT 34 Tahoe grife! 1 va undatafretha at: 7: 1 5 4TH GETA : 11 1. 26. 2 gascyfthyfth attachat HETTI TUT: P a Tavirt474a Peta II 1. 28. 3 avaktApi svayaM lokaH kAmaM kaavypriiksskH| rasapAkAnabhijJo'pi bhoktA vetti na kiM rasam // 1. 29. quag: 4: Hat Arart arti faf: : PUTETTA a 1. 30. 6 aGganAvadroi gaNyAH prAyeNAnyaparigrahAt / svayaM vicArazUnyo hi prasiddhayA rajyate jnH|| 1. 32. kAvyakathAsu ta eva hi kartavyAH sAkSiNaH samudrasamAH / guNagaNamantaniMdadhati doSamalaM ye bahizca kurvanti / / 1.36. 7 Atmasthitervastu vicAraNIyaM na jAtu jAtyantarasaMzrayeNa / durvarNanirvarNavidhau budhAnAM suvarNavarNasya mudhaanubndhH|| 1.37. 8 guNeSu ye doSamanISayAndhA doSAn guNIkartumayezate vA / zrotuM kavInAM vacanaM na te'rhAH sarakhatIdrohiSu ko'dhikaarH|| 1. 38. 1.37.

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16 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE is a poet or not, since in the ultimate resort the ears and minds of the readers are capable of discerning the true nature of the spoken word and its significance respectively.1 Somadeva exploited to the full the resources of the Sanskrit language, and has an undisputed claim to rank as a classical writer; but he could not altogether escape the influence of Jaina literary usage in handling Sanskrit prose and verse. A glaring instance is his use of imaih for ebhih, a Prakritism found also in some other Jaina Sanskrit writers. He writes also klesa-bhajanah more than once (e. g., in 3. 388 and towards the end of Book VI), which is clearly against classical usage. A serious grammatical mistake occurs in 3. 480. surapaticadhUhAsollAsazriyaM zrayadAkRtiH / prathamasamaye candrohayotastavAstu mudde sadA // Here srayat, although it forms part of a Bahuvrihi compound, is made to govern sriyam. The editors of the N. S. edition of Yasastilaka propose to read 'cchavisraya', but not only the printed text but the three manuscripts used by me have the incorrect form. An instance of loose construction is kinasa-kelim anavapta-dhiyah in 2. 130. The commentator explains the phrase by supposing prati to be understood between the two compounds: kInAzakeliM yamakrIDAM prati anavAptadhiyaH aprAptabuddhayaH yAvanmaraNaM nAyAtItyartha: Such irregularities are, however, few and far-between, and perhaps negligible considering the bulk of the work. One of the most conspicuous characteristics of Somadeva as a writer is his use of numerous rare and unfamiliar words, many of which are not found elsewhere in Sanskrit literature. The command of vocabulary makes Yasastilaka an exceptionally fruitful source of Sanskrit lexicography, but the use of far-fetched words sometimes gives a pedantic air to the work. Somadeva is not, indeed, the word-hunter ridiculed by Athenaeus*; he is rather the learned researcher who tries to bring into use obsolete words. As a matter of fact, he distinctly refers to this aspect of his literary effort, when he says at the end of Book V that he has resuscitated words that had been swallowed by the crooked monster of Time. alakAlagyAlena ye lIDhAH sAMprataM tu se / zabdAH zrIsomadevena prosthApyante kimadbhutam // While Somadeva thus claims to have rescued long-forgotten words from oblivion, he also states that he has recovered words lying hidden at the bottom of the ocean of the Sastras, and that with these gems of words he has made an ornament for the Goddess of speech. 1 ayaM kavinaiSa kaviH kimatra hetuprayuktiH kRtibhirvidheyA / zrotraM manazcAtra yataH samartha vAgarthayo rUpanirUpaNAya // 1. 39. 2 vihitAnandamahotsavaH kulavadhUgItaprasAdyairimaiH / 2. 229 ; kiM vedoktairimaiH sUktaireta SiGgAnupAsmahe Book IV, p. 118. 3 See Jacobi's Preface to Upamitibhavaprapanca Katha, p. XX. 4 Deipnosophistae, III, 98.

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1. SOMADEVA AND HIS AGE uddhRtya zAstrajaladhernitale nimanaiH paryAgatairiva cirAdabhidhAnaraH / yA somadevaviduSA vihitA vibhUSA vAgdevatA vahatu saMprati tAmanardhAm // In the latter verse Somadeva evidently refers to the unfamiliar words and the technical terms of the Sastras which he has used in his Kavya. This was, in fact, a trait of Kavya literature, especially of the later period, but Somadeva seems in this respect to have gone further than any other writer of the age. Somadeva, like Bhavabhuti, sometimes gives expression to a sense of over-confidence in his own powers, and claims something like a monopoly of poetical talents (End of Book IV). mayA vAgarthasaMbhAre bhukte sArasvate rase / kavayo'nye bhaviSyanti nUnamucchiSTabhojanAH // In another place he says that if there are any honest people efficient in the art of poetry and the knowledge of the world, they should make it a point to study the utterances of the poet Somadeva. #fara aeface an af great: I HHT: T: ARTRIT 19: II 3. 513. That Somadeva himself was conversant with the art of poetry as well as the way of the world, that he was a kavi as well as a lokavid, a shrewd observer of contemporary society, is apparent from his works, and that is the highest compliment we can pay him. That this was considered high praise even in those times is shown by the fact that Jinasena in his Adipurana I. 56 attributes these qualifications to his guru Virasena, the celebrated author of the Dhavala commentary. Somadeva's self-assertion is in marked contrast to the modesty of an author like Siddharsi, who wrote his great allegorical romance about half a century before Yasastilaka was written.But it is noteworthy that in the opening verses of Yasastilaka Somadeva makes only modest claim behalf of his work. He begins by saying that there is nothing that has not been visualized by the all but omniscient poets of old; and it is a miracle when a present-day poet, however sharp in intellect he may be, happens to make any utterance comparable to theirs (1. 11). As regards his own Kavya, he opines that it will create fun among the wicked, but will contribute towards the intellectual growth of the wise, while those who are impartial will not remain silent about the work. He hopes that the wise, whose sensibility has been made extremely dull by partaking of the excessive sweetness of 1 lokavittvaM kavitvaM ca sthita bhaTTArake dvayam / vAgmitA vAgmino yasya vAcA vAcaspaterapi / / . 2 In 908 A. D. See Jacobi's Preface to his ed. of Upamitibhavapropanca katha, p. xxi. 3 sarvajJakalpaiH kavibhiH purAtanairavIkSitaM vastu kimasti saMprati / aidaMyugInastu kuzAgradhIrapi pravakti yattatsadRzaM sa vismayaH / /

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18 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE the works of the meritorious poets, might have a liking for the utterances of poets like himself, just as they would relish Neem leaves after excessive indulgence in sweets (1. 22-3). durjanAnAM vinodAya budhAnAM matijanmane / madhyasthAnAM na maunAya manye kAvyamidaM bhavet // sukavikathAmAdhuryaprabandhasevAtivRddhajADyAnAm / picumandakandalISviva bhavatu rucirmadvidhoktiSu budhAnAm // Despite the all-round importance of Somadeva as a writer, he seems to have exercised very little influence in any department of thought outside the sphere of Jaina religious literature. He was completely ignored by the non-Jaina literati, and his literary rehabilitation is due to the interest taken in him by modern research. He seems to have found only one commentator for his Yasastilaka, the Jaina Srutasagara Suri who wrote his works early in the 16th century. As regards Nitivakyamrt anonymous commentary extant on the work, of unknown date: it is, however, full of quotations from ancient writers on Smrti and polity, and its author was a non-Jaina as he salutes Hari at the beginning of the work." The literary fortunes of Somadeva are a sad commentary on how the achievement of a writer of genius can be neutralized by sectarian indifference and religious prejudices; but, as we shall see, Somadeva himself was imbued with such influences, and could hardly expect recognition outside the circle of his co-religionists. On matters relating to Jaina dogma he has always been recognised as an authoritative writer, and it is noteworthy that, in a number of verses quoted by Srutasagara in his commentary on Kundakunda's Bhavapahuda (V. 34), Somadeva is mentioned among the great teachers of Jainism: atha ke te AcAryA yaiH kRtaM zAstraM pramANIkriyate ityAhazrIbhadrabAhuH zrIcandro jinacandro mahAmatiH / gRdhrapicchaguruH zrImAn lohAcAryo jitendriyaH // elAcAryaH pUjyapAdaH siMhanandI mhaakviH| vIraseno jinaseno guNanandI mhaatpaaH|| samantabhadraH zrIkumbhaH zivakoTiH shivNkrH| zivAyano viSNuseno guNabhadrago guNAdhikaH // akalako mahAprAjJaH somadevo vidAMvaraH / prabhAcandro nemicandra ityAdimunisattamaiH // yacchAstraM racitaM nUnaM tadevAdeyamanyakaiH / visaMdhai racitaM naiva pramANaM sAdhvapi sphuTam // Citations from Yasastiloka are often found in later Jaina literature, e. g., in Padmaprabha's commentary on Niyamasara (v. 101 ), Asadhara's commentary on his Anugaru-dharmamrta (2. 75, 9. 81, 98), Brahmadeva's commentary on Yogindudeva's Paramatmaprakasa (2. 15), and frequently in 1 Pt. Premi: Jaina Sahitya aura Itihasa, p. 410. 2 On the quotations in the Commentary, sve O. Stein's paper in the Atmananda Centenary Commemoration Volume, Bhavangar 1936, pp. 150-67. A commentary on Nitivakyamsta in Kannada by a Jaina author is known to exist. It was composed by Nominatha about the middle of the twelfth century A. D. See Pt. Premi (op. cit.), p. 80.

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1. SOMADEVA AND HIS AGE Srutasagara's commentary on the Prabhrtas of Kundakunda.' The following verse of Yasastilaka (VIII. 34) is found with a slight variation in Sivakoti's Ratnamala, this writer being different from the ancient author of that name. sarva eva hi jainAnAM pramANaM laukiko vidhiH / yatra samyaktvahAnirna yatra na vratadUSaNam // The following three verses are cited from Yasastilaka VI. 1 in Subhacandra's Jnanarnava (under 4. 27). jJAnahIne kriyA puMsi paraM nArabhate phalam / tarozchAyeva kiM labhyA phalazrIrnaSTadRSTibhiH // jJAnaM pakriyA cAndhe niHzraddhe nArthakRddvayam / tato jJAnaM kriyA zraddhA tryaM tatpadakAraNam // hataM jJAnaM kriyAzUnyaM hatA cAjJAninaH kriyA / dhAvannapyandhako naSTaH pazyannapi ca paGgukaH // 19 It may be noted that the third verse does not belong to Somadeva, as it appears in his work as a quotation introduced by the phrase uktam ca. Another verse of Somadeva occurring in Yasastilaka VI. 21 is quoted in Jnanarnava (under 6. 8): uktam ca granthantare: sai madAzcASTau tathAnAyatanAni SaT / aSTau zaGkAdayazceti dRgdoSAH paJcaviMzatiH // 3 Somadeva's verse kartA na tAvadiha ko'pi ghiyecchayA vA dRSTo'nyathA kaTakRtAvapi sa prasaMga: / kArya kimatra sadanAdiSu takSakAdyairAhatya cet tribhuvanaM puruSaH karoti // ( Yasastilaka 2. 139 ) is quoted anonymously in Sarvadarsanasamgraha in the chapter on Jaina philosophy. A verse occurring in Yasastilaka in the philosophical dialogue towards the end of Book V (p. 257) is quoted as follows in Anantavirya's commentary on Pariksamukhasutra (Visayasamuddesa): tatha coktam tadaharjasta nehAto rakSodRSTerbhavasmRteH / bhUtAnanvayanAt siddhaH prakRtijJaH sanAtanaH // iti / Hiralal says in his Catalogue of Sanskrit and Prakrit manuscripts in C. P. and Berar (P. XXXII) that in the Stotracatustayatika Vidyananda makes frequent references to and quotations from Dhyana-paddhati of Somadeva Suri. This may be another work by our author.' It is, however, possible that this Dhyana-paddhati is not an independent work; but may turn out to be the elaborate discourse on meditation (Dhyanavidhi) in Yasastilaka VIII. 39. As a poet, Somadeva's contribution to Karya literature is substantial enough to justify his claim to be regarded as a worthy successor of Magha. The poetry of Yasastilaka has been analysed elsewhere', and it 1 Satprabhrtadi-samgrahah, Manikacandra Digambara Jaina Granthamala, 17. Included in Siddhantasaradi-sangrahah, Ibidem 22. 2 3 It is uncertain whether the verses are actually quoted by the author of Jnanarnava or merely occur in the manuscripts of the work. The Janarnava is an original composition in fluent Sanskrit verse dealing with certain aspects of Jaina doctrine. A careful examination of the availablo manuscripts of the work will help to decide whether the quotations are genuine.

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20 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE will be seen that Somadeva not only deals with the usual themes of Karya but adds to the rich fund of Sanskrit poetry by his treatment of topics not usually dealt with in Kavya literature. He gives us vivid and intimate pictures of court life not found elsewhere, and their accuracy is apparently due to the fact that they are drawn from personal observation and experience. He depicts also other aspects of life, and among his most notable verses may be included those on child life, the cremation ground, and the goddess Candaprari. He is a sympathetic observer of animals, and some of his verses on animal life are among the best of their kind in Sanskrit literature. He has introduced Jaina religious themes into Kavya poetry, and his verses on the Anupreksas are an important contribution to the literature on the subject. The use of Prakrit metres in Sanskrit verse is also a noteworthy experiment; and Somadeva has in this connection made a lyrical effort which merits attention as being anterior to the composition of Jayadeva's Gitagovinda, Perhaps the most interesting body of verse in Yasastilaka is that dealing with the vices and foibles of the ministers of kings, and the verses in question, varied and extensive as they are, constitute the first systematic attempt at political satire in Sanskrit poetry, and remind us of the satirical verse of Ksemendra, who in his Narmamala attacks the Kayastha or the official caste of Kashmir. The later poet writes in a lighter vein, but his work is richer in concrete details, and covers a. wider ground than the corresponding verses of Somadeva. The object of the latter is edification rather than entertainment, but from a historical point of view the observations of both the writers are important as throwing light on some of the abuses of the times. Somadeva may be said to have introduced in this respect a new theme in Sanskrit poetry, which was later developed with ampler details by Ksemendra. Somadeva is not a great inspired poet: he is sometimes artificial and suffers from verbosity and repetition of ideas. But his verse often throbs with the currents of contemporary life, and he ranks supreme among the Jaina Sanskrit poets who have adopted the kavya style as a vehicle of expression. He has, besides, given effective expression to some of the noble teachings of Jainism in Sanskrit verse. The subject has been treated in another chapter, but we may cite here a notable verse which enshrines the idea of returning good for evil. ajJAnabhAvAdazubhAzayAdvA kurvIta cet ko'pi janaH khalasvam / tathApi sadbhiH priyameva cinyaM na madhyamAne'pyamRte viSaM hi // 1 See Chapter VII,

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1. SOMADEVA AND HIS AGE 21 Even if any one resorts to villainy from ignorance or evil motives, the good should think of doing only good. Nectar never becomes poison even when it is churned' (Yasastilaka, 1. 151). This is, indeed, not a new idea in Indian literature, and we may cite, for instance, the ancient Buddhist dictum: Enmity is not calmed by enmity i na vairena vairani samyante). Nevertheless it represents one of the cardinal teachings of Jainism, and the exhortation is in harmony with the love for all creatures inculcated elsewhere in Somadeva's Yasastilaka. CHAPTER II SINOPSIS OF YASASTILAKA Book I In the Yaudhega country there was a beautiful city named Rajapura, adorned with magnificent temples and lofty mansions belonging to the wealthy. Here reigned Maradatta, son of Candamahasena, a powerful Prince who surpassed in valour such kings of old as Nrga, Nala, Nahusa, Bharata, Bhagiratha and Bhagadatta. Ascending the throne while still quite young, he embarked on a wild career of reckless adventure along with companions who had passions and traits of character similar to his own. Sometimes, putting on his armour, he would play with rogue elephants, who had broken their chains like lotus fibres, flung away the pegs like sprouts of Virana grass, torn the ropes to pieces like branching creepers, and smashed the posts like reeds'. Sometimes he would pet vicious wild horses. Sometimes he would plunge into lakes and grapple crocodiles. Sometimes he would kill tigers with the force of his arms, and wander in the woods echoing with the uncanny screeching of owls in their mountain resort. Sometimes he would betake himself at night to cremation grounds, terrible with the sound of the loud drums in the hands of the female goblins', and engage in duels with powerful spirits and overthrow them in the encounter. But there was also a lighter side to his activities. Like a veritable god of love, he enjoyed the company of the women of different nationalities, to wit, Andhra, Cola, Kerala, Simhala, Karnata, Surastra, Kamboja, Pallava 1 Mahavastu, Vol. I, p 132, etc. 2 aTag #t' Book VIII, section 36. For the verse in question See Chap. XI. The idea of returning good for evil was advocated by Lao-tzu in ancient China: it was disapproved and modified by the more practical Confucius, Soothill : The Three Religions of China, pp. 33, 205.

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE and Kalinga. Sometimes he dallied with young women in pleasure gardens, and, on other occasions, indulged in water-sports, surrounded by beautiful women, in artificial lakes, perfumed and abounding in flowers, with emerald floors, crystal embankments, golden steps and islets of pearls. Although reckless and self-willed, and addicted to wine, hunting, and courtesans, Maradatta was free from dangers and calamities, and considered himself akin to the gods. 22 One day a Tantric teacher named Virabhairava told him that he would obtain a miraculous sword with which he could conquer the realm of the Vidyadharas, if only creatures of all kinds were sacrificed in the temple of the goddess Candamari in his capital, and if at the same time he killed with his own hands a couple of human beings possessing all auspicious physical characteristics. Hearing this, Maradatta summoned the entire population to the temple of the dread goddess under the pretext of celebrating the Mahanavami festival, although it was not the proper season for it, and himself repaired to the shrine and ordered the guards to fetch the required couple of human beings for the purpose of sacrifice. The temple of Candamari was a horrid place, frequented by the terrible female spirits known as the Mahayoginis, and a crowd of fanatical votaries, engaged in outrageous forms of self-torture. Certain devotees were burning Guggula incense on their heads; some, extremely ferocious, were burning their arteries, like lights; while others, exceedingly bold, were trying to please Siva by drinking their own blood. In one corner, Kapalikas were selling for a price pieces of flesh cut off from their own bodies, and at another place certain fanatics were worshipping the Mothers by swinging from their intestines, extracted with their own hands. Elsewhere certain grim men were offering their own flesh as an oblation in the sacred fire. Such was the temple of Candamari, terrifying to Death himself. Meanwhile, the Jaina sage Sudatta, famous for his austerities, and unaffected by the rigours of the winter and the summer and the monsoon, was approaching Rajapura with a large number of disciples. Avoiding the city in view of the impending slaughter, and turning to the east, he saw a beautiful pleasure garden where young men were disporting themselves with beautiful damsels, adorned with floral ornaments. But he said to himself thus: brahmastambanitambinI ratikathAprArambhacandrodayAH, kAmaM kAmarasAvatAraviSaya vyApArapuSpAkarAH / prAyaH prAptasamAdhizuddhamanaso'pyete pradezAH kSaNAt svAntadhvAntakRto bhavanti tadiha sthAtuM na yuktaM yateH // 1. 71. 1 See Chap. XIII.

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2. SYNOPSIS OF YASASTILAKA 23 "Such places, like the hours of moonrise, occasion gossip about the amours of the beantiful women of all the world. Like the spring, they provide free scope for mundane joys in which the sentiment of love prevails. Such places, as a rule, delude in a moment the heart even of one whose mind is purified by deep concentration. So it is not meant for an ascetic to remain here.' Going a few steps further, the sage saw a cremation ground with the funeral pyres fiercely burning; and the gruesome scene of desolation awakened diverse thoughts in his mind. He moved further away, and came to a hill not far from Rajapura. Here he fixed his camp and ordered the monks to beg for alms in the neighbouring villages. Among the disciples of Sudatta were two young ascetics, a boy and a girl, brother and sister, named Abhayaruci and Abhayamati respectively, who, unlike the others, were directed to beg in the city. They were the twin children of Kusumavali, sister of Maradatta, and chief queen of Yesomati, son of Yasodhara Maharaja, and had taken the monastic vow in early childhood and wandered with the sage Sudatta. On their way to the city they were encountered by the guards, who had been sent in quest of a couple of human victims for the impending sacrifice. Careful not to frighten the young persons, the guards told them in a friendly manner that a great teacher, who had been apprised of their arrival, was waiting to see them in the temple of Bhavani. Their frightful appearance, however, betrayed their real purpose; and the boy and the girl, resigning themselves to their fate, followed them to the temple of the goddess. The temple of Candamari, which was known as Mahabhairava, presented a strange spectacle, being full of the victims of all kinds brought there for sacrifice, and held fast by armed guards resembling the attendants of Siva. There could be seen sheep, buffaloes, camels, elephants and horses frightened by the half-brandished swords of the keepers. There were aquatic animals like crocodiles, alligators, frogs, crabs, tortoises, and Pathina fish, all trembling with fear at the sight of the spirits waiting to drink their blood. The keepers were at pains to hold together the numerous birds, scared by the movements of the circular sacrificial blade, and the other victims such as antelopes, tigers, lions, wolves, boars and apes. The mass slaughter of the animals was to take place after the king had sacrificed the first victims. The young ascetics saw before them the grim figure of Maradatta. Standing on the Hoor of the temple, with drawn sword, he looked like

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24 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE & mountain in the middle of a river, with a serpent with raised hood on its slope. The king'seemed to be aflame with his valour flaring up in his inner being, and burn everything with his angry look. He was extremely ferocious like a venomous serpent, and seemed to consume everything with the fury of his deportment. The aspect and charac ter of the goddess were still more terrible. daMSTrAkoTiniviSTadRSTikuTilamyAlokaSisphAritabhrUbhaGgoTabhAvabhISaNamukhatrasyatrilokIpati / preteauaarfareswar1*2t@raigelecegini fara eT: 47s ag: 11 1. 186. The young ascetics whose minds were bent on the highest beatitude re not in the least afraid of the danger before them, and never lost their balance and composure when ushered into the presence of the king in the grim setting of the temple of Candamari. They encouraged each other to be firm and resolute, scorn death, and regard salvation as the highest object of human endeavour. Maradatta's heart softened at the he tender boy and the girl; and although he could not recognise them to be his own nephew and niece, he felt the kindly influence of their presence, and said to himself (p. 156): "MARATDETAIL cAntAmRtamiva nRzaMsAzayabahalakAluSyamapi muhaH prazAntaM me cetaH, cakSuH punaH kulizakIlitamiva kathaM na viSayAntaramavagAhate, cirapravasitapraNayijanAvalokanAdiva kathamayamAtmA paramantarmodate, cittamapi cedaM cirAyAcaritaparicayAmeva kathamatIvAnandathumantharam , kiM nu khalu tadetanna syAnmama bhAgineyayamalam, AcakarNa cAparedhureva revatakanAmaprasiddhAt kulavRddhAdetasya bAlakAla evAzcaryAyaM tapazcaryAparyAyam, bhavanti hImAnIndriyANyadRSTapUrveSvapi priyajaneSu prAyeNa prAtastapanatejAMsIva rAgolbaNavayAMsi / " / "How is it that, at the sight of these two, my heart, though rily tainted by cruel thoughts, has become absolutely calm, as if it had partaken of nectar; and my eyes turn to no other object, as if because riveted upon them with the force of thunder? Why is my soul in an ecstasy of joy, as if at the sight of beloved friends who have been long abroad? Why is my heart steeped in joy, as if it were long familiar with them? Are they not possibly my own nephew and niece? Only the other day I heard from one of the elders of my family, Revataka by name, the amazing story of their religious austerities even in childhood. At the sight of beloved persons, though never seen before, the senses become suffused with youth in an ecstasy of love, like the rays of the morning sun." Observing the change in the attitude of the king, a bard recited two verses and appealed to him to lay aside his sword. nAsanA ripavo na cApi bhavataH kazcinidezAvazaH zrIreSA tava deva yA praNayinI tasyai na ko'pIya'ti / gADhaM muSTinipIDanazramabharapodvAntadhArAjalAM muJcatvAhavakelido sahacarI tatkhanayaSTiM bhavAn // 1. 148. No enemies are near at hand; none transgresses thy command. Sire, the goddess of prosperity is devoted to thee, and no one is jealous

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2. SYNOPSIS OF YASASTILAKA 25 of her. Do thou therefore discard thy sword, the companion of thy arm in the sport of war: its blade doth emit its lustre under the pressure of thy powerful grip!" Maradatta listened to the verses recited by the bard, and laid down his sword at the feet of the goddess. Then imposing silence on the noisy crowd of spectators with his raised hand, he offered a seat to the ascetic boy and the girl, who now recited, one after the other, a series of panegyrics in honour of the king in the conventional style of court poetry. The purpose of the ascetic boy was to convert the king to the Jaina faith: but he thought it advisable to proceed slowly ar in the matter, and reflected within himself (p. 176): ____ "rajastamobahuleSu ca prANiSu prathamatarameva dharmopadezaH karoti mahatIM ziraHzUlavyathAm , bhavati cAvadhIraNAya vaktuH, tadenamabhyastarasaprasaraireva vacobhirulAsayAmi, nayavedino hi vanagaja iva svAdukaphalapralobhanamaviditatatve puMsi chandAnuvartanamapi bhvtyaaytyaambhimtaavaaptye|" "Preaching of religion at the very outset to persons, dominated by passion and ignorance, only gives them a severe headache, and brings the speaker into contempt. So I will cheer him with words enlivened by such sentiments as are familiar to him. A sagacious person ultimately obtains the desired result with regard to one who is ignorant of the truth, even by humouring him, just as one subdues a wild elephant by alluring him with delicious fruits." - The ascetic boy, followed by his companion, again praised the king in & series of lyrical verses; and the latter now questioned them about their native place and origin. The boy promised to satisfy the king's curiosity and addressed to him a benedictory verse. Book II The ascetic boy Abhayaruci, addressing Maradatta, now begins the story of his previous births, an autobiographical record, which incidentally throws interesting light on medieval court life in India. There is a prosperous country named Avanti, hospitable with its fruit-trees, lotus-pools and vernal bowers. mArgopAntavanadumAvalidalacchAyApanItAtapAH pUrNAbhyarNasaro'vatIrNapavanavyAdhUtadehazramAH / puSpairmandamudaH phalairbhUtadhiyastoyaiH kRtakrIDanAH pAnthA yatra vahanti kelikamalavyAlolahArazriyaH // 2.12. "There the travellers wear beautiful unsteady wreaths of toy-lotus blossoms, and are protected from the sun by the shade of the leaves of the woodland trees alongside the roads. Their fatigue is removed by the breezes coming from the neighbouring pools of water, full to the 4

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26 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE brim; and delighted with the flowers, and contented with the fruits, they indulge in sports in the waters." In that country was the famous city of Ujjayini where reigned a great king named Yasorgha. "The Mandara mountain gave him the quality of firmness, the ocean gave him depth, the god of love gave him beauty, Bphaspati gave him mastery of traditional lore, the Kalpa tree made him accessible to suppliants, the Earth gave him the virtue of forbearance, and the sky gave him dignity. The goddess of speech gave him eloquence, the goddess of wealth gave him success in the art of commanding, the Cintamani gem gave him intellectual power, and the family goddess gave him physical fitness, while the god of death gave him the power of bringing all men under his control. In this way, other deities, too, such as Varuna and Kubera, gave him their essential qualities, like ancestral wealth (p. 218)." Candramati was the consort of Yasorgha, and is no other than the ascetic girl Abhayamati in her present birth. Yasodhara was t son of Yasorgha and Candramati, and is no other than the ascetic boy himself in his present birth. One day king Yasorgha happened to see a growth of grey hair on his head, and immediately his thoughts turned to renunciation of worldly ties; and he revolved in his mind the twelve topics of meditation prescribed by the Jaina faith, commonly known as the Anupreksas. Thereafter the king gave orders for the marriage and coronation of his son Yasodhara, and himself renounced the world and took the monastic vow under the direction of a learned sage named Samyamadhara. Pratapavardhana, the chief of the army, with the help of an architect, made the requisite preparations for the coronation. A. branch city with spacious avenues was built on the bank of the Sipra as well as a bejewelled pavilion, protected from the sun by beautiful curtains, and equipped with numerous gates, towers, altars and apartments. Round about were the camps of the princes who had come to witness the festival The selection of a suitable elephant and a horse for the new king was the next important item preliminary to the coronation. Under instructions from Pratapavardhana, a committee of experts selected an elephant named Udayagiri from among those sent by the king of Kalinga as part of his annual tribute, and the chief keeper of the royal elephants communicated to Yasodhara the findings of the experts, an elaborate report 1 What follows may be termed the STORY OF YASODHARA. Throughout the narrative Abhayaruci identifies himself with Yasodhara and speaks in the first person, YASASTILAKA is another name of Abhayaruci,

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2. SYNOPSIS OF YASASTILAKA 27 on the characteristics of the chosen animal, full of technical details. Meanwhile, a bard named Karikalabha recited a number of verses in praise of elephants. Similarly, a notable white charger of Kamboja was selected by another committee of experts, whose report was likewise communicated to the Prince by the keeper of the royal stable, Salihotra, after which a bard named Vajivinodamakaranda recited some verses in praise of horses. The astrologers then reported to Yasodhara that the coronation might follow the marriage rites, or the marriage rites the coronation, or if the time was favourable, both the functions might take place together; just as an idol could be installed after the building of a temple, or a temple built after the installation of an idol, or if one's resources permitted, the building and the installation could proceed together. The astrologers described in detail the time and hour technically favourable for both the coronation and the marriage rites. Yasodhara proceeded to the coronation pavilion where gold and silver pitchers, various herbs and Kusa blades, and water from ocean-going rivers were kept ready. The royal throne, the white umbrella, and the fly-whisks added to the beauty of the structure, and the arms and the family treasures were carefully arranged near the idol of the tutelary ss. Auspicious utterances were made by gay women, and crowds kept at a distance by trustworthy officers. Here, to the accompaniment of music, the sacred water was poured over Yasodhara by a bevy of courtesans, while a bard named Jalakelivilasa recited verses celebrating the ceremonial bath. The ceremonial bath was followed by the marriage rites. Attended by the family priest, Yasodhara worshipped the blazing Fire with butter mixed with curds, and curds mixed with boiled milk, while other priests offered oblations in the fire and uttered blessings with appropriate formulas. The marriage of Yasodhara and Amrtamati was celebrated in prose and verse by the bard Manojakunjara. Next came the ceremony of coronation, of which the principal feature was the presentation of the royal insignia to the prince, while relevant verses were uttered by the bards. The white umbrella was presented first, and Yasodhara was asked to ascend the throne. Then followed the presentation of the royal turban and the sword. After the coronation, Yasodhara and his bride mounted the elephant Udayagiri, and the royal procession started from the bank of the Sipra on its way to the capital. Trustworthy followers, equipped with armour, and others armed with swords guarded the king, while

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE attendants, wielding various weapons, cleared the road and removed inauspicious persons such as women in periods, eunuchs, men with deformities, Candalas and the like. The elders recited congratulatory verses, and women sang to the flute and the lyre. The neighing of horses and the trumpeting of elephants mingled with the sound of drums. 28 The procession passed through the streets of the decorated city, the terraces and windows of the buildings being crowded with women eager to have a look at the royal pair. Meanwhile, in the palace, the aged lady superintendents of the royal household were stirring up the maids and attendants with admonitions and directions preparatory to the reception of the king. The frivolous maid Vasantika was, for instance, asked to have done with the gamblers and make garlands of Bakula buds. Lavangi was ordered not to join her playmates, but to get busy in making 'ornamental designs on the floor' (rangavalli).1 Madana was asked if she was sleeping even at that hour, and told to make preparations for the ceremonial waving of lights. Kurangi was ordered to prepare cosmetics, and Malati to decorate the throne; while Kalahamsi was urged to get the betel-stand ready, and Madhukari the flywhisks. The eunuch was advised to step aside, the Kirata to remain indoors, the hunchback to do auspicious acts, the dwarf to indulge in sports, and the chamberlain to set about his business in right earnest; and even the tame birds were asked to put forth joyous notes. On arrival at the palace, bedecked with white flags, the king was welcomed by the bard Kirtisahara with a poetical description of the noble edifice. Book III The narrative continues in the form of an autobiographical record and describes Yasodhara's life as a king; but it is by no means a continuous account, being rather a series of episodes incidental to the routine of a medieval court. They are here enumerated in the order in which they occur in text. a) Yasodhara is awakened from sleep by bards reciting verses descriptive of the morning scenery, after which the king goes to his durbar to dispense justice with the help of learned and impartial judges, while erudite scholars expound the law-books. 1 Called also rangavali and rangarekha, and made with coloured powder, also with camphor dust, and even with pulverized pearls and gems. Cf. feqaraGgAvalividhAnam Book III; raGga (1) limaNIn Book IV ; maNDyantAM masRNamuktAphalakSodaraGgAvalIbhiH prAGgaNAni Natacampu Book VI; cUrNitakarpUraraGga rekhAbhAji ......vinodamaNDape Ibid. Book VIl; muktAphalaracitataraGgaranyaraGgarekhArAjirAjitAjiram Ibid.

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2. SINOPSIS OF YASASTILAKA 29 b) The relative merits of fate and personal endeavour form the subject of an academical discussion in the council-chamber, in which the ministers maintain different points-of-view, and the deliberation ends with a discourse on the principles which ought to govern the relations of a king with other kings. c) An arrogant message in verse summoning rival princes to accept the suzerainty of Yasodhara is read out to the envoy in charge of the mission by the royal clerk under the king's direction. d) The chief of the secret police reports to Yasodhara that the spy Sankhanaka has returned after gathering information about various people in the country and abroad. Yasodhara summons the spy to his presence and speuds some time, jesting with him. Questioned by the king about the absence of his former corpulence, Sankhanaka replies that poor men like himself can hardly expect to have protuberant bellies. It is, of course, otherwise with men like Yasodhara and the idle rich, who daily gorge emselves with luxurious food, such as rice white and clear like the glances of beautiful women; broths of the colour gold; butter fragrant as the mouth of a beloved woman; curries charming as the graceful movements of nautch girls; well-cooked dishes, savoury like a beloved woman's lips; curds wellshaped and hard like the breasts of a young woman; milk sweet as the glances of one's beloved; sugared preparations of milk-rice, delicious as the first union with a newly-married bride; and water perfumed with camphor, refreshing as the mysteries of love! Addressed by the king as the lord of the rams,' and asked whether he has had anything to eat, Sankhanaka replies that he has been in a way entertained by a miserly, penniless and greedy fellow named Kilinjaka, the righthand man of the Chief of the Secret Agents, Visvavasu, a native of the Deccan. The meal consisted of boiled rice grown stale, and full of husk and gravel; some rotten beans; a few drops of rancid Atasi oil; slices of half-cooked gourds and certain badly cooked vegetables as well as some raw fruits and overburnt brinjals thrown in. The meal ended with sour gruel mixed with plenty of mustards, and the beverage was some alkaline fluid with a taste like that of the water of a salt-mine. Sankhanaka pitifully relates that he could eat nothing and remained hungry; and his only subsistence was a quantity of boiled Syamaka rice mixed with whey, which the miser's wife had the goodness to serve, unseen by her husband. Yasodhara once asked the spy for particulars about a minister named Pamarodara, entrusted with the administration of a province, and famous for his piety, wisdom and spotlegs character. This brings us to what may bo termed a detailed report of the spy on the doings of the minister.

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Sankhanaka promises to speak the truth, but warns the king that what he is going to relate will to some extent put a slur upon him as well. It is the master's fault if his servants do as they like through a sense of their own power and influence. The spy goes on to quote a large number of verses on the vil ways of ministers, composed by various poets by way of criticizing the king's failure to investigate the misdeeds of Pamarodara. The verses are mostly general in character, but a few directly attack the offending minister. Sankhanaka gives an idea of Pamarodara's administration by saying that the latter demands unpaid labour when the people are busy sowing, and collects taxes before the corn is ripe, while the harvest is spoilt by the unlicensed movements of the soldiery. The revelation of the spy is a rude shock to Yasodhara who is unwilling to believe his allegations, but Sankhanaka replies that, in all matters beyond the range of direct perception, a king must depend upon spiag as well as his own judgment, as if they were his eyes. He quotes a verse to the effect that when a king does not employ spies nor exercise his own judgment, his kingdom is at the mercy of his ministers, just as the milk belonging to a blind man becomes the prey of cats. The low origin of Pamarodara is described as the cause of his overweening pride. His father was an oilman and mother a low-born woman, while his wife has had five husbands! The respect shown to such a man on account of his rank was bound to make him proud and overbearing. The spy then illustrates by various examples the danger to kings from elevating low-born persons to high positions in the state. Describing Pamarodara as a monster of corruption, to wit, bribery and extortion, the spy tells Yasodhara that the minister, after cheating him, as he did the former kings, will one day go over to some other king, like a trumpeter who serves any one employing him: afy calafaian Teratara hetatt alueert Jagathatut: 1 3. 185. Pamarodara's valour' is next described. He is brave and valiant in the presence of merchants, physicians, the weak and the deformed, but, like an ape, maintains a discreet silence in the presence of warriors and desperadoes: vaNiji ca bhiSaji ca zUraH zauNDIro durbale ca vikale ca / kapiriva nibhRtastiSThati raNazauNDe caNDadaNDe ca // 3. 190. Speaking of the origin of villains, Sankhanaka relates that, in days of yore, there came into being fourteen, or rather eighteen, groups of them. He declares that the king's minister combines in himself the vices of all the categories of villains enumerated by him.

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2. SYNOPSIS OF YASASTILAKA 31 After quoting some verses attributed to different poets, and containing reflections on Pamarodara's character, the spy represents him as an enemy of religion. He misappropriates money donated for the worship of the gods, and breaks or melts down valuable idols and replaces them by others of lesser value. Sometimes he would sell an idol, and, with the proceeds, celebrate a religious festival. It is also his habit to rob people by employing the methods of thugs, and give the money to worthy Brahmanas. Besides, he confiscates villages and property endowed for the purpose of maintainiag the worship of the gods": devadaviNAdAtA devadrohAcca devanirmAtA / ahaha kharaH khalu saMprati dharmaparaH pAmarodAraH // 3. 227. vikrIya devaM vidadhAti yAtrAM tadAlanAdeSa parAMzca devAn / You to tyfaccia gri gagnayu: 1 3. 235. agrahAragrahaH sAkSAddevabhogabhujaMgamaH / ziSTaviSTapasaMhArapralayAnalamAnasaH // 3. 236. Crime and irreligion play their part in a more serious charge brought against the minister. The latter had employed five Candalas, knowing them to be such, in his household for cooking and drawing water; but this violation of the caste-rules gave rise to a scandal, and one night he murdered them all while they were fast asleep. When it was suggested by some distinguished person that he should perform purificatary rites to expiate the crime, he ridiculed the idea by putting forward heterodox opinions, commonly associted with the Carvakas: ravirazmiratnapAvakamAheyIvAyavo'ntyajaiH spRSTAH / na hi duSTAstadvadahaM prakRtizucirmAlamadhye'pi // AtmA svabhAvazuddhaH kAyaH punarazucireSa ca nisargAt / prAyazcittavidhAnaM kasyeti vicintyatAM jagati // varNAzramajAtikulasthitireSA deva sNvRtinaanyaa| paramArthatazca nRpate ko vipraH kazca caannddaalH| 3.232-4 "The rays of sun, jewels, fire, cows and air are not polluted when touched by Candalas. Similarly, being pure by nature, I could not be contaminated even in the midst of Candalas. The soul is pure by nature, while the body is naturally impure. Think over the matter. To whom, in the world, does the process of purification apply? Sire, the regulation of castes and orders of society and birth and family is a matter of convention and nothing more. In reality, o king, there is neither Brahmana nor Cannala." Further charges against Pamarodara are contained in a verse which describes the harm done by the minister to certain schola He destroyed the livelihood of a scholar named Tridasa, and caused financial loss to (the poet) Kohala. He insulted the poet Ganapati, and brought about the ruin of ( the scholar) Samkara. He outraged the religious 1 See Chap. V.

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32 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE susceptibilities of the scholar Kumuda, and compelled (the poet) Kekati to leave the country. The spy concludes by saying that the religious merit of a king and the joy and happiness of his friends and servants depend upon the removal of wicked ministers; but we are left in the dark about what steps, if any, were taken against Pamarodara. e) Yasodhara reviews his army on the eve of an expedition, and the different regiments recruited from various parts of India are described to him by the military commanders. f) The Sandhivigrahins or Secretaries for peace and war announce in verse the arrival of the envoys of various monarchs at the court of Yasodhara. 9) Utterances of the court jester. h) Yasodhara discusses Arthasastra verses. i) Yasodhara says that he sometimes witnessed exhibitions of dances in dancing halls in the company of connoisseurs of the art. We have in this connection a hymn to Sarasvati forming part of the Purvaranga ceremony. ;) Yasodhara wounds the vanity of a tactless and self-conceited poet. k) Yasodhara takes part in philosophical discussions. 1) Stick in hand, Yasodhara trains elephants; and while in training, the animal is addressed in prose and verse, the elaborate prose invocations ending with the words he he hala divyasamaja matrasatam tistha tistha. The following is one of the verses containing the instructions of the trainer (3.282): gAtraistiSTha samaiH puronakhasamaM hastaM nidhehi kSitau dRSTiM dehi karAgrataH sthiramanAH kau~ gajAzleSaya / vAlaM dhAraya vatsa yAvadacirAnmaunyAmahaM kalpaye mAtrANAM zatamAssva tAvadacalastvaM yogiklpaakRtiH|| "Stand with thy limbs in equipoise. Place the trunk on the ground on a level with the claws. Fix thy look on the tip of the trunk. Tusker, hold thy ears motionless, with a steady mind. Move not the tail. Child, keep still, like a sage in meditation, for a space of time equal to a hundred matras, while I quickly devise (another) posture (for thee)." m) Yasodhara reports that once during an inspection of different categories of elephants, a military commander enumerated to him the various states of intoxication in which rutting elephants are found. It was also his custom to witness the sports of elephants from a special pavilion in the race-course, accompanied by experts conversant with the different methods of treating elephants during their period of frenzy. On such occasions keepers used to delight him by reciting verses in praise of the animals. Sometimes, again, he supervised the process of armouring the tusks of his war-elephants with protective sheaths of iron. 2) Yasodhara listens to a lecture on health and dietetics. 1 See Chap. IV.

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2. SYNOPSIS OF YASASTILAKA 83 o) Yasodhara says that he passed the hours of noon in the hot summer days in amorous sports in his garden called Madanamadavinoda "The Frenzied gaiety of love', and indulged in water-sports with his mistresses in the Hall of Mechanical Showers (yantradharagrha), 'cooler than the Himalayas'. We find here watery beds' on the raised floor of pavilions erected on islets on the surface of pools for water-sports; vessels of gold, gems and silver containing scented water; ground lotus-beds watered by showers from 'mechanical clouds'; streams of water gushing from the mouths of the statues of various wild animals; currents of water issuing from the holes of artificial lotus stalks made of moonstones; sprays emitted by the trunks of artificial elephants; fountains rising from the mouths of artificial alligators; and water let loose from the mouths of artificial monkeys placed in creepery recesses. What seems to be a statuary group represents water-deities quarrelling in the course of their water-sports, the sage Narada dancing in joy at the sight, and the Seven Sages hurrying to the scene, the figures of the latter spouting a copious flood of water. We see also handfuls of water thrown up by the statues of nymphs, seated on the trunks of artificially made Celestial Trees, while water for bath comes pouring from the bosoms of mechanical 'cloud-puppets'. Another mechanical device is the decorated figure of a woman, which discharges streams of liquid sandal when pressed on different parts of the body (3. 375): haste spRSTA nakhAntaiH kucakalazataTe cUcukaprakrameNa vakre netrAntarAbhyAM zirasi kuvalayenAvataMsArpitena / suai aieftgunifsassg a gazifuczko du grad za fi fafazia fafinizzzzerZTIRI: || p) Once in the rainy season, while Yasodhara was enjoying the beauty of the clouds from a palace on the slope of a pleasure hill, accompanied by his tributaries and warriors, the Sandhivigrahin ushered into his presence an envoy and a messenger from the court of Acala, the king of Pancala, with symbolic presents conveying a threat of war. This causes considerable excitement and commotion in the court of Yasodhara, and ultimately a letter is sent to the king of Pancala, demanding submission.' q) At the advent of autumn, war is declared against the king of Pancala, and an expedition sent against him under the command of Vijayavardhana. Winter comes, and at the dead of night a spy arrives to announce to Yasodhara the victory of his commander-in-chief and the defeat of Acala. r) Spring arrives, and Yasodhara participates in the festivities of the season. While the bards recite verses describing the glory of the spring and the vernal attire of the king and the gaily decorated swings in the royal household, Yasodhara worships the god of love and celebrates the festival in his honour. 1) See Chap. V. 5

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34 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE 8) The spring festivities are followed by the Mahanavami in the course of which the goddess Aparajita is worshipped. Then comes the Festival of Light (dipotsava). After this, Yasodhara practises archery, while a bard recites verses in praise of his skill in shooting with bow and arrows. t) Moonrise and the gaiety of love. Book IV Yasodhara now turns to his domestic affairs, and relates an episode of his married life, which is the pivotal point of the story. One evening Yasodhara visited his consort Amrtamati to pass the night with her in her apartments on tbe top floor of a seven-storied palace. About midnight the king, who was not quite asleep, noticed that the queen slipped away from his bed, and, furtively looking at him, discarded her ornaments, and, putting on the clothes of her maid, quickly went out of the chamber. The king's suspicion was aroused, and he at once followed her close on her heels, and saw her entering the hut of an elephant-driver named Astavanka, an ugly cripple, who was fast asleep in a miserable bed, resting his head on a pile of ropes. Amotamati sat down near him, and took hold of his bands, but he was furious at her delay in coming to him, and, dragging her by the hair with the left hand, gave her blows with the other. The queen was profuse in her apologies and confession of love, and swore by the goddess Katyayani that she was thinking only of him even when in the company of Yasodhara. The latter was observing the scene unseen, and was about to draw his sword to strike the guilty pair, but restrained himself, thinking of the resulting scandal and the grief the young prince Yasomati would feel at the death of his mother. Yasodhara then returned to the palace; and Amotamati, too, stealthily came and quietly lay down beside him as if nothing had happened. Yasodhara could hardly sleep, and was filled with anguish and disgust, and felt abhorrence not only for Amrtamati but for women in general, He was puzzled at the queen's strange infatuation with a low-born elephantdriver, but remembered that the cripple was an expert singer, reputed to be able to make even withered trees put forth new shoots with the melody of his voice, and that songs had a ravishing effect upon women who were apt to be bewitched by a singer, however wretched or ugly he might be. Yasodhara continued to reflect on the conduct of Amrtamati, and the more he brooded over it, the greater became his disgust for women and worldly pleasures; and he made up his mind to renounce the world, leaving the throne to his son Yasomati. Next morning he appeared in court, and was there joined by his mother Candramati. A bard recited

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2. SYNOPSIS OF YASASTILAKA some verses which seemed to reflect the king's own thoughts at the moment (p. 84): za afgrzfanzrazzerazqonamifargafuftragfe: 1 kliznAsyaharnizamimaM na tu citta vetsi daNDaM yamasya nipatantamakANDa eva // 'Deluded by the ever-recurring darkness of desires such as those relating to home, wealth, wife and children, thou dost suffer day and night, o mind, but reckest not of the suddenly arriving scourge of Death!' 35 The bard recited another verse on the futility of trying to keep women under control; and it seemed to Yasodhara as if the bard had come to know of the events of the previous night. Candramati also noticed the change in her son's demeanour, and had misgivings about his relations with Amrtamati, who, she thought, had been given much more freedom than was good for a woman. She remembered also that a maid-servant had reported to her that her daughter-in-law was in the habit of casting affectionate glances at the elephant-driver. Nevertheless she asked Yasodhara the reason of his dejection and restlessness, but he told her a concocted story about having seen a dream, in which he appeared to renounce the world and retire to the woods, after having put Prince Yasomati on the throne. Candramati advised her son not to have any faith in dreams, and told him the story of the teacher, who had dreamt of his school as being full of sweetmeat balls, and, relying on his dream, invited the king to a luxurious repast! She further related that the maid-servant Vasantika had just reported to her that in a dream seen by her she had turned into rice gruel, and was being eaten up by the Brahmins invited to the sraddha of her deceased mother! After thus demonstrating the fantastic character of dreams, Candramati suggested that, if Yasodhara was really apprehensive of having seen an evil dream, he should seek a remedy by sacrificing all kinds of animals to the tutelary goddess, and perform the customary rites to counteract the evil. Yasodhara was shocked at the idea of sacrificing animals, and his heart revolted against the use of animal flesh in the worship of the gods. As he made no attempt to conceal his feeling of revulsion at the course of action suggested by his mother, the latter attributed his heterodox leanings to the insidious influence of the Jainas, and accused the courtiers of disloyalty and corruption for allowing her simple-minded son to associate with the Digambares, who, like magicians, were so skilled in deluding the world! An animated discussion ensued between mother and son on such controversial topics as animal sacrifice and various other Brahmanical tenets and practices, which were subjected to adverse criticism by Yasodhara. While Candramati exhorted the latter to worship Siva or Visnu or the sun,

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36 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE he picked holes in the Brahmanical religion, and sought to establish the antiquity and prestige of the Jaina faith by citing various texts in support of his thesis. Candramati felt herself to be worsted in the argument, and ultimately persuaded Yasodbara in the name of filial piety to accept a compromise, whereby he would sacrifice to the tutelary goddess & cock made out of flour, and partake of the offering, imagining it to be flesh. While orders were given to make such a cock and decorate the temple of the goddess, Amotamati came to know of the happenings at the court, and at once realised that the story of the dream was only a feint, and that she had been detected in her escapade of the previous night. She decided to act quickly, and made up her mind to strike Yasodhara before he could strike her. Accordingly, she sent to him the minister Gavisthira with a message, declaring her willingness to sacrifice herself before the goddess in order to counteract the evil effect of the king's dream and ensure his safety Furthermore, she begged that should the king decide to renounce the world, she might be permitted to accompany him to the woods, like the devoted wives of old, such as Sita, Draupadi, Arundhati and others. Meanwhile, she invited Yasodhara and his mother to a banquet in her house after the worship of the goddess was over. Yasodhara accepted the invitation and sent back the queen's minister. The treachery and hypocrisy of Amotamati served only to deepen Yasodhara's hatred of her, but still he decided to abide by his promise to eat in her house. Meanwhile, the sound of music accompanying the dance of courtesans in the streets announced to the citizens that Candramati and her retinue were on their way to the temple of Candika, and Yasodhara also started for the same place on the back of an elephant amidst a host of evil omens. Arriving at the temple, he severed the head of the cock made out of dough with a knife, according to the instructions of the priests, praying to the goddess that the offering might produce for him the same results as the actual killing of animals in sacrifices. He then sent the dough, from which the cock was fashioned, to the kitchen, as if it were the flesh of a real cock, Next day, Yasodhara, accompanied by his mother, son and daughterin-law, dined in Amstamati's house. But she had mixed the food served out to her husband and mother-in-law with poison, which at once took effect and imperilled their lives. Physicians were sent for, and the inmates went about looking for medicine. Meanwhile, Amrtamati cried aloud, and feigning to droop on Yasodhara's bosom, strangled him to death. The mother also died.

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2. SYNOPSIS OF YASASTILAKA Book V The ascetic boy describes the rebirths of Yasodhara and his mother Candramati after their tragic death. a) Yasodhara was reborn in a family of peacocks inhabiting a large tree in a well-watered valley to the north-east of the Suvela mountain. There he was caught by a hunter and presented to Yasomati, who had ascended the throne after Yasodhara's death. The peacock miraculously remembered the events of his former birth, and recognised the old scenes and associates as soon as he entered the city of Ujjayini and saw the royal palace: saiveyaM nagarI tadeva bhavanaM tA eva kelIdharAH saMvaiSA vanabhUH sa eva sarasIsAre vilAsAcalaH / saivAsau vanitA sa eva tanayaste caiva me bAndhavAzritraM kevalameka eva hi kathaM jAto'hamanyAkRtiH // Meanwhile, Candramati was reborn as a dog in a cowherd settlement in Karahata, a country lying to the south of the Vindhya mountain. It so happened that the dog was also presented by the owner to the king, who was glad to receive so fine an animal for his hunting excursions. 37 One day the peacock wandered to the seventh floor of the royal palace, and discovered Amrtamati dallying with her paramour, the cripple. The peacock became mad with rage and attacked the pair with his beak, wings and throat. The serving maids saw this, and raising a hue and cry, struck the bird with whatever they found ready to hand, caskets, canes, fans and shoes. The dog, too, came and rushed upon the bird and killed him. The king, who was playing a game of dice nearby, saw the dog attacking the peacock, and dealt a blow at the animal with the board, killing him outright. b) In the next birth Yasodhara became a stag and Candramati a serpent. On the very day of his birth, the former developed a taste for snake's flesh, and discovered the serpent while digging up ant-hills with his horns. He at once started to devour the reptile, but the hoarse sound emanating from his throat, gorged with snake's flesh, awakened a hyena asleep in a neighbouring grove of Kadamba trees, and the stag in his turn became the hyena's prey. c) Yasodhara was then reborn as a huge fish and Candramati as a crocodile in the Sipra. One day, during the water-sports of the women of Ujjayini in the river, a maid of the royal household was seized by the crocodile, and Yasomati, in anger, ordered the fishermen to destroy all dangerous animals in the river. They at once got into all kinds of fishing craft; and in the course of the operation, the crocodile was pierced in the throat by a spear, and the fish, too, caught in a net. Both of them

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38 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE were brought ashore, and ordered by the king to be made over to the cook of a hospice for Brahming. Everyday slices from their bodies were cooked and served to the inmates until they both expired after prolonged sufferings. d) After this, Yasodhara and Candramati were reborn as a pair of goats in a herd of sheep in the village of Kankahi, near Ujjayini. One day, while the male goat (Yasodhara) was covering the female, the herd got scared, and the leader of the rams attacked the billy-goat with his horns. The goat died, but was reborn in the womb of the she-goat. One day Yasomati came there on a hunting expedition, accompanied by a large number of hunters; but unable to kill any game in the woods, he returned, angry and disgruntled, and while passing through the herd, hit the she-goat (Candramati) with an arrow, ripped open her belly, and found the kid in the womb. The young goat was entrusted to the care of the chief cook, and passed a few months in the royal kitchen. There he saw Amstamati teaching the cooks how to roast meat, but she had been stricken with leprosy in consequence of her sins, and her loathsome body emitted so foul & smell that the attendants had to go about, covering their noses. Besides, the maids used to point at her mockingly, and tell passers-by how she had administered poison to her husband, the great and good Yasodhara. Meanwhile, the she-goat, after her death, was reborn as a buffalo in Kalinga. Purchased by the owner of a caravan, the ani course of time to Ujjayini, and used to swim in the Sipra. One day he happened to meet Yasomatis horse, and immediately made a murderous attack on the latter, owing to the innate mutual hostility of the two species of animals As a punishment, the buffalo was tortured to death under the orders of the king. The young goat, too, was killed for the table of Amrtamati who was inordinately fond of meat. e) Yasodhara and his mother Candramati were next reborn as . a cock and a hen, but there is a prelude to the story. A sage named Manmathamathana was engaged in deep meditation on the Vijayardha mountain. A Vidyadhara named Kandala vilasa, who was going over the mountain in his aerial car, was ashamed to find that the motion of the vehicle was checked by the mystic force of the sage. By way of retaliation, the Vidyadhara decided to exercise his own magical powers to interrupt the meditation of the sage, and conjured up a scene of terror, by producing torrential rain, hail-stones and hurricanes, and a crowd of goblins, decked with serpents. Ratnasikhandin, the king of the Vidyadharas, who was coming to worship the sage, was enraged to

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2. SYNOPSIS OF YASASTILAKA 39 see the evil action of Kandalavilasa, and cursed him, saying that as a result of his offence he would become a hangman in the city of Ujjayini. Implored by the Vidyadhara for mercy, Ratnasikhandin decreed that he would regain his former state and powers, if he ever had an opportunity of meeting the great sage Sudatta, and received religious instruction from him. Incidentally, the king of the Vidyadharas related that Sudatta was once the mighty king of Kalinga. One day a thief was produced before his court and accused of having murdered and robbed a barber in his sleep. The judges, consulted by the king, opined that the culprit should be subjected to various kinds of torture and maltreatment in such a way that he night expire in ten to twelve days. Hearing this verdict, Sudatta pondered over the dilemma of kings: if they served the cruel ends of justice, they were bound to incur sin; if they did not, there would be social disorder and imputation of cowardice. Failing to solve the problem of reconciling justice with mercy, Sudatta renounced his kingdom and became a Jaina monk. In due course the Vidyadhara appeared in the role of a hangman in Ujjayini, and Yasodhara and Candramati were reborn as a cock and a hen in a Candala settlement in the vicinity of the city. One day the hangman who was known as Candakarman, happened to see the birds in the hands of a Candala boy, acquired them from him, and took them to Yasomati. The latter was about to start for the garden of the Temple of the Thousand Spires, accompanied by a large retinue composed of boon companions and women of the harem, for the purpose of celebrating the worship of Makaradhvaja, the god of love. The king asked Candakarman to take the birds to the scene of the festival and give an exhibition of cock-fighting The temple garden was full of orange-coloured tents and rows of pavilions erected for the festival. Candakarman went there with the birds in a cage, accompanied by the augur Asuri, a Bhagavata; the astrologer Dhumadhvaja, a Brahmana; the Saiva Haraprabodha, an expert in divining underground treasure; and the Buddhist Sugatakirti, a consummate cheat There they saw Sudatta under an Asoka tree, and severally expounded before the gave the philosophical tenets followed by each. Sudatta refuted all their doctrines, and explained that Ahimsa or non-injury to living creatures is the basis of Dharma, the sole means of attaining worldly happiness and final beatitude. In illustration of his point, he referred to the sufferings of the two birds in their various previous births as a result of obeying the law of violence, and briefly mentioned the circumstances of the death of Candrannati and Yasodhara and the succession of their karman and his companions, chastened by the teachings of the sage, took the

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40 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURY vow of Jaina laymen; and Candakarman himself, having fulfilled the conditions of the curse inflicted upon him, regained his former status and departed for the world of the Vidyadharas. Meanwhile, Yasomati was enjoying the company of his consort Kusumavali in a tent in the garden. Wishing to show her his skill in hitting invisible objects with arrows simply by hearing the sound, he shot an arrow which pierced and killed the cock and the hen left behind by Candakarman. Soon after, Kusumavali conceived, and the birds found their next birth in her womb. During the ante-natal period, the queen implored the king to proclaim protection from injury for all creatures and prohibit the sale of wine and the use of meat. Further, she expressed a keen desire to have teachings on kindness to living creatures expounded to her, and worship holy women noted for their self-control. The king was convinced that he was going to have a child with an innate leaning towards the Jaina religion, and tried his best to fulfil the wishes of the queen. In due course Kusumavali gave birth to a pair of twins, a boy and a girl, who were respectively called YASASTILAKA and Madanamati, better known as Abhayaruci and Abhayamati, on account of the mother's solicitude for abhaya or protection from injury for all creatures during the period preceding their birth. The children grew up, and it was rumoured that Abhayaruci would soon be made crownprince, and Abhayamati married to the king of Ahicchatra. One day Yasomati went hunting, and happened to see the sage Sadatta in the garden of the Temple of the Thousand Spires. Ajamara, a boon companion of the king, suggested that the inauspicious sight of the naked ascetic angured ill for the hunt, and this annoyed the king and made him feel disgust for the sage. A merchant named Kalyanamitra, who had come to pay homage to Sudatta, entreated Yasomati not to be disrespectful towards the saint, who was once the king of Kalinga and renounced his throne to practise religious austerities. The merchant and Yasomati then both paid their respects to the sage, who greeted the king with a benedictory verse, and uttered a panegyric (p. 262): svaM dhIravairivanitAnayanendukAntaniSyandasaMpadi mato'si nareza rAjA / Aditya eva ca bhavAnahitAGganAGganistokazokatapanopaladIpaneSu // The affable conduct of the sage touched the king to the heart; and repenting that he should have ever harboured ill-feeling for so good a man, he resolved within himself to cut off his own head and lay it at the feet of the sage as an expiatory offering. The latter at once read Yasomati's thoughts and forbade him to do such a thing. The miraculous power of the sage astonished the king, who now questioned him about the whereabouts of his departed parents and grand-parents after their death. The sage

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2. SYNOPSIS OF YAKASTILAKA related that Yasorgha, the king's grand-father, after practising religious austerities according to Jaina tenets, became after his death a divine sage, while his mother Amrtamati went to the fifth hell in consequence of her sins. As for his father Yasodhara and grand-mother Candramati, they had to undergo countless sufferings in many a birth owing to the sin of having sacrificed a cock made out of flour-paste in lieu of living animals, and have now been reborn as Yasomati's own children, Abhayaruci and Abhayamati. The words of the sage made the king realise the enormity of his own sin on account of having killed numerous animals and partaken of their flesh since his early childhood. Disgusted with life, he made up his mind to follow the path of religion, but before renouncing the world, narrated to Abhayaruci and Abhayamati the story of their previous births. The ascetic boy (Abhayaruci) now relates to Maradatta that he and his sister Abhayamati, on hearing their father's words, suddenly remembered their former births, and decided in their turn to renounce the world, although they were at that time only about eight years old. Owing to their tender age, they became religious apprentices under the sage Sudatta, and travelling in his company, had arrived at the outskirts of Ujjayini, when they were arrested by Maradatta's men and produced before him. The narrative of the ascetic boy visibly moved Maradatta, and the latter, having realised that worldly happiness is like a dream or a magic show, expressed his desire to enter the order as a novice. Abhayaruci advised him to see the sage Sudatta, and both set out to meet the great teacher. Book VI Sudatta, perceiving by his supernatural knowledge that Maradatta was coming to meet him, himself came to the king's court, and was received with honour. Abhayaruci introduced Maradatta to the sage as the son of king Candamahasena of the Yadu dynasty and the younger brother of his mother Kusumavali, and spoke about the prince's desire to be initiated into the religious life. Maradatta then questioned Sudatta about the nature of Dharma, the causes of salvation and the cycle of births, and the duties of householders and monks. Sudatta now commences his great discourse on Jaina doctrines. starting with a brief resume and criticism of the theories of other schools, and an exposition of the doctrine of Samyaktva or right faith, that is, faith in the tenets of the Jaina religion. He then describes the four obstacles to the growth of Samyaktva as well as the four factors conducive to its growth, illustrating each of them with appropriate stories which occupy most of the

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YABASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Chapter. This portion of the discourse ends with an enumeration of the different categories of Samyaktva and a brief difinition of Right knowledge and Right conduct, which with Samyaktva constitute the fundamental dogma of the Jaina faith. Book VII Continuing his discourse, Sudatta deals with certain essential features of Jaina religious practice, e. g., the prohibition of wine and meat. The stories are again prominent, and illustrate the evil results of drinking and flesh-eating and the merit of abstaining therefrom. Another series of stories illustrates in detail the bitter consequences of malevolence, theft or breach of trust, falsehood, lust and greed, abstention from which forms the keynote of the five primary vows known as Anuyratas. Book VIII The Jaina system of worship and devotions (japa, dhyana etc.) is outlined in the remaining portion of Sudatta's elaborate discourse. His teachings have the desired effect, and Maradatta and the citizens are initiated into the Jaina religion. Abhayaruci and his sister, Maradatta who became an ascetic, the sage Sudatta, and Yasomati, who had already renounced the world and taken the ascetic's vow, all became celestial beings after their death. Somadeva sings the glory of the Jaina faith and acclaims the Goddess of Poetry at the end of the story (p. 418): jayatu jagadAnandaspandI jinoktisudhArasastadanu jayatAt kAmArAmaH satAM phalasaMgamaiH / jayatu kavitAdevI zazvattatazca yadAnayAt kRtimatiriyaM sUte sUktiM jagaranayabhUSaNam // CHAPTER III THE STORY OF YASODHARA AND ITS SOURCES It is not possible to determine how old the story of Yasodhara is, but it is certain that it is much older than the 10th century. It is said that a Yasodharacarita by Prabhanjana is mentioned in the unpublished Prakrit romance Kuvalayamala composed by Uddyotanasuri in 777 A. D. at Javalipura, identified with Jhalor in Marwar. This shows that the story must have been current long before the eighth century, and we find it 1 The relevant verso of Kuvalayamala is cited by Pt. Nathuram Premi in his Jaina Sahitya aura Itihasa, p. 539. The verse describes Prabhasjana as a Rajargi, and says that he became famous in the country by virtue of his Yaiodharacarita which was probably composed in Prakrit. See also Introduction to Apabhramsakavyatrayi (G. O. S.), p. 90, and Jinavijayaji Muni's articles on Kuvalayamala in Bharatiya Vidya, Vol. II, Parts I and II,

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3. THE STORY OF YASODHARA AND ITS SOURCES incorporated also in Haribhadra's Prakrit romance Samaraiccakaha. Haribhadra was one of the gurus of Uddyotana, and his literary activity is assigned to the middle of the eighth century. HARIBHADRA'S PRAKRIT VERSION The story of Yasodhara occurs in the fourth Bhava of Samaraiccakaha in connection with the story Dhana and Dhanasri. Haribhadra's version is a detailed narrative, and important as recording the story as it was current two hundred years before it was handled by Somadeva. Its most notable feature is the absence of the episode of Maradatta and the projected human sacrifice in the temple of Candamari. It may be surmised, although we cannot be sure on the point, that this was a later addition to the story of Yasodhara. Apart from this and certain other minor divergences, the Prakrit version does not materially differ from the story as we have it in Somadeva's Yasastilaka. Another noteworthy feature is that the names of the principal characters differ in the earlier version, and the name Yasodhara occurs only at the end. As in Somadeva's romance, the narrative is in the form of an autobiographical record, and related by the monk Yasodhara to Dhana, the hero of the fourth Bhava of Samaraiccakaha. The story as told by Haribhadra may be summarized as follows. 43 suc Surendradatta was the son of Amaradatta, the king of Visala. Yasodhara was his mother and Nayanavali his wife. Surendradatta ceeded his father on the throne, and on a certain occasion made up his mind to renounce the world on discovering a white hair on his head, saying that the messenger of Dharma had arrived. On the eve of his departure from worldly life, he passed a night with his consort Nayanavali in her mansion, and was surprised to see her slink away from his side at the dead of night. Fearing that she might have gone out to commit suicide in her grief at the impending separation from him, he followed her footsteps, sword in hand, and was amazed to see her in the embrace of a hunchback, who was employed as a watchman at the palace. The king, who observed them unseen, drew his sword and was about to kill the guilty pair, but restrained himself, thinking of his past affection for the queen, the follies of women, and the young prince Gunadhara, his son. He then returned to bed and feigned to be asleep, and was shortly afterwards joined by the queen, who quietly laid herself to rest by his side. Next night the king saw in a dream that he was sitting on a throne on the top of the palace, but was thrown to the ground by his mother Yasodhara, speaking something that was contrary to his wishes. He went 1 Ed. by Jacobi, Bibliotheca Indica, No, 169, Calcutta 1926.

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE rolling to the seventh floor below, followed by his mother who also rolled down after him, but he managed somehow to rise and climb up the Mandara mountain. The dream was unpleasant in the beginning, but pleasant towards the end, and the king could not guess its significance; yet he remained indifferent, bent as he was on the conquest of the life beyond. 44 Next morning the king appeared in court, and his mother also joined him there, but he gave her a different version of the dream with a view to making her more readily consent to his idea of renouncing the world. He spoke of having dreamt that he had transferred the kingdom to prince Gunadhara and become a monk and fallen from the top of the palace. The mother, who was an adept in the science of dreams, at once suggested that, in order to counteract the evil effect of the vision, he should assume the garb of a monk for a few days, and sacrifice different kinds of animals at the altar of the tutelary goddess. The king was horrified at the idea of killing animals, as he held ahimsa to be the basis of Dharma. The mother, however, persisted in her demand; and the king, finding it impossible to reconcile his religious principles with obedience to his mother, drew his sword to kill himself and asked her to worship the tutelary goddess with his blood. This led to a commotion among those present at the court, and the mother got frightened and deterred her son from the attempt. At this moment a cock crowed, and the old lady suggested that he should sacrifice before the goddess not a live cock, but one made out of paste. The king agreed and 'killed' with his sword an artificial cock in the shrine of the goddess, while the mother prayed for his longevity and health. The paste model was then roasted as if it were a real cock, and despite the objection of the king to the eating of meat, he was induced by his mother to partake of the sacrificial offering, on the plea that it was not real meat that he had been asked to eat. Next day the young prince Gunadhara was installed on the throne, and preparations were made for the king's departure as a religious mendicant, The queen Nayanavali now thought if she did not accompany the king and share in his ascetic life, it would cause a great scandal; on the other hand, if he died, it would be possible for her to abstain from suttee on the plea that she would have to act as regent during her son's minority. Accordingly she decided to murder her husband by poisoning. The hour of dinner arrived, and Nayanavali took her meal with the king. She had, however, secretly mixed poison with a digestive pill, and gave it to her husband at the end of the meal after the withdrawal of the guards. The king, suspecting nothing, took the pill and retired to his chamber and at once showed symptoms of poisoning. A hue and cry

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3. THE STORY OF YASODHARA AND ITS SOURCES was raised by the doorkeeper, and physicians were sent for; but Nayanavali, thinking that medical consultation would not be to her advantage, cried aloud and rushed upon the king, and weeping without tears, strangled him to death. Yasodhara also died the same day as her son. The births and rebirths which the king and his mother undergo after their death are practically same in both the versions of the story until we come to the birth of Abhayaruci and Abhayamati, these names being common to the two versions. In Haribhadra's version Abhayaruci and Adhayamati are not brought to the temple of Candamari for sacrifice, but are reborn as gods in the Sahasrara heaven. On the termination of their life in heaven, Abhayaruci is born as the son of Vinayandhara, the king of Ayodhya, and named Yasodhara; while Abhayamati is born as the daughter of Isanasena, the king of Pataliputra, and named Vinayamati. When they were grown up, Vinayamati was sent to Ayodhya with a great retinue as svayamvara bride for Yasodhara, and preparations were at once made by the latter's father for the wedding of the young couple. But, on the day fixed for the marriage, while Yasodhara was going in a procession on the back of a white elephant to the bride's quarters, he happened to see a monk begging at a merchant's house, which at once revived the memories of his previous births, and he fell into a swoon. The trouble was thought to be due to the toxic effect of betel, and sandal-water was sprinkled over the prince, who soon regained consciousness, opened his eyes, and felt a deep disgust for the world. Yasodhara then asked his father to call the queens and the notables; and when they were all assembled in a road-side pavilion, he related the long story of his previous existences beginning with his birth as Surendradatta, king of Ujjain. He spoke about the terrible consequences of sin and his own indifference to the prison of the world, and finally declared his unwillingness to proceed with the marriage. The remonstrances of his father were of no avail; and a priest was at last sent to the bride to intimate to her the decision of the prince and his desire to renounce the world. The priest went on his mission and began to relate the story of Yasodhara's previous birth, but as soon as the princess heard the names Surendradatta, Yasodhara and Nayanavali, she in her turn remembered her past lives and fell into a swoon. Regaining consciousness, Vinayamati bewailed the strange way of the world, and declared that she was no other than Yasodhara, the mother of Surendradatta. She, too, expressed her desire to renounce the world and asked for permission to do so. Yasodhara's father was deeply moved by these happenings, and became convinced of the illusory nature of life; and the queens, too, realised the transient character of the world resembling a troop of actors. Yasodhara's

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46 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE younger brother Yasovardhana was then installed on the throne; while Yasodhara, his father, Vinayamati, the queens, and the chief notables renounced the world and took the monastic vow under a celebrated teacher named Indrabhuti. Thus ends the story of the monk Yasodhara, as related by him to the merchant Dhana. It will be seen that the sequel of Hraibhadra's version differs completely from that of the story as found in Somadeva's Yasastilaka, A comparison of the two versions reveals certain other points of difference in the treatment of the story. Firstly, Somadeva does not pay much attention to Amrtamati after the murder of Yasodhara beyond the fact that she appears occasionally in certain episodes, according to the requirements of the story; and we are told at the end that she went to hell. Haribhadra, on the other hand, gives a more detailed picture of the guilty woman after her crime. The prose description of Nayanavali's affliction with leprosy is followed by several verses, in which her former beauty is contrasted with the physical havoc wrought by her dreadful disease. This reminds us of certain verses in Somadeva's description of the cremation ground in which he contrasts the decaying corpse of a courtesan with her former beauty and charms.' Haribhadra says, for instance (p. 262): vayaNeNa thaNahareNaM caraNehi ya jIe nijiyA Asi / samvavilayANamahiyaM sohA ssiklskmlaannN|| tIe ciya peccha kahaM aMgulivigamakhayasaMgamehiM ca / te ceva haMdi desA dhaNiya uvvevayA jAyA // Haribhadra touches also the subject of Nayanavali's redemption. Abhayaruci begs the sage Sudatta to give her religious instruction and initiate her into the Jaina religion. The sage replies that she is beyond the scope of religious instruction, that her disease of Karma has been aggravated by her misdeeds acting like prohibited food, and that she is doomed to hell and unfit to receive the blessings of Jainism on account of her great delusion." Secondly, the motive of the murder is not the same in the two versions. Somadeva represents Amotamati as acting in self-defences, while in Haribhadra's version Nayanavali murders her husband just to avoid taking the monastic vow. This is a weak point in Haribhadra's treatment of the story. The delineation of Amrtamati by Somadeva is far more complex, involving as it does a study of character and analysis of motives. 1 1.95ff. See Chapter VII. 2 'avisao khu esA dhammakahAe / saMtappio imIe akajjAyaraNApacchAsevaNAe, kammavAhI, buddhaM ca taccapuDhavIe parabhavAuyaM, ao pAviyannamavassaM tIe nArayattaNaM, na pavajjai ya esA mahAmohao jiNadhammarayaNaM ti|' p. 278. 3 See below.

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3. THE STORY OF YASODHARA AND ITS SOURCES 47 Thirdly, there is hardly any theological bias in Haribhadra's version. Somadeva employs the dialogue between Yasodhara and his mother in Book IV on the subject of animal sacrifice as a vehicle for launching a series of attacks on Hinduism; and the aim of the writer is also to establish the claim of Jainism to greater consideration than it seems to have received among his non-Jaina cantemporaries. In Haribhadra's version, the mother, indeed, asks her son to sacrifice animals 'according to the Vedic procedure', but the latter confines himself to pointing out that a propitiatory rite is not compatible with the killing of animals, and that he best performs a santikarma who regards all living beings with the same consideration as himself (p. 246): ihaloe paraloe ya saMtiyamma bhaNuttaraM tassa / jaha pecchaha appANaM taha jo samve sayA jIve // As regards the mother's contention that it is permissible to commit sin for the sake of health, the son asserts that it is rather on account of the protection given to living creatures that a man acquires longevity, beauty and health, besides winning universal admiration in the lif come (p. 247): dIhAubho surUvo nIrogo hoi abhayadANeNaM / jammaMtare vi jIvo sayalajaNasalAhaNijo y|| The controversy between the king and his mother, in Haribhadra's version, comes to an end with a declaration by the former of the evils of flesh-eating and the benefits of abstention therefrom. Throughout the episode the Jaina standpoint is stressed, but attacks on the Brahmanical religion are entirely absent. It is obviously far from the intention of Haribhadra to make the mother and the son protagonists of two rival faiths, as is done by the author of Yasastilaka. Thoughts on the treachery of women are common to both the versions, and that of Haribhadra contains besides a condemnation of marriage in the episode of Yasodhara and Vinayamati. Most of the birth stories generally agree in the two versions, but there are certain episodes which Haribhadra with his lucid and simple style treats in a more realistic fashion. The torture of the buffalo that killed the king's favourite horse, is, for example, repulsive enough in Somadeva, but it is more so in the detailed picture of refined cruelty whith Haribhadra presents before his readers. On the whole, the latter's version of the story of Yasodhara is a well-balanced narrative with qualities which we miss in the intricate prose of Somadeva's Yasastilaka. 1 See Chapter XIII. 2 Book V.

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48 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE ANALOGOUS STORIES Considered as a folk-tale, the story of Yasodhara is of considerable interest, although the motif of adultery is quite common in folklore and legend. The chief interest centres round the character of Amstamati, who represents a type recognised very early in Indian literature. An ancient Buddhist text, for example, speaking of the seven kinds of wives, refers to the first variety as vadhaka 'murderess' and describes her thus: paduddacittA ahitAnukaMpinI mamnesu rattA atimamlate pati / dhanena kItassa vadhAya ussukA yA evarUpA purisassa bhAriyA // 7091 Hitat fa a a gua Anguttaranikaya (Sattakanipata LIX). The vadhaka wife, we are told, is corrupt in mind and addicted to evil; she despises her husband and reserves her affection for others; she is bent on murder, and may be purchased by wealth. Guilty of adultery and murder, Amstamati is vadhaka, but the characteristic thing about her is that she, a woman of high rank, has a lowborn paramour. The closest parallel to the tale of Yasodhara and Amrtamati is found in another Jaina story, that of Devarati and Rakta. Devarati was the king of Ayodhya and Rakta his queen. It is said that Rakta had & paramour in the person of a lame gardener, and got rid of the king by murdering him and throwing the corpse into a river. The story of Devarati and Rakta seems to be as old as the Yasodhara story, as it is referred to in Jasaharacariu (II. 10) of Puspadanta', who, like Somadeva, belongs to the tenth century. The story is mentioned also in Anagaradharmamrta (4. 77) of Asadhara who wrote about the middle of the thirteenth century, Jaina narrative literature acquaints us with the existence of Amstamatis in middle-class society as well. In the story of the wealthy young merchant Dhana and his wife Dhanasri, occurring in the fourth Book of Haribhadra's Samaraiccakaha, Dhanasri has a paramour in the person of her servant Nandaka, administers poison to her husband, throws him overboard during a sea-voyage, and succeeds in killing him even after he has escaped and become a monk. In the similar story in the sixth Book of the same work, Laksmi, the wife of the young and wealthy 1 NaisaMmami dui vairiNie uvayAravimukkaDa sairiNie / ujjhAhiu devarai ti mUdu paMgulaNimittu rattAi chUdu / 2 The story of Devarati is referred to in the Bhagavati Aradhana of Sivarya; and it is given, in short or eleborately, in different Kathakosas. See Byhatkathakosa (ed. A. N. Upadhye, Bombay 1943). Intro, p. 76, Story No. 85, Notes p. 388.

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3. THE STORY OF TASODHARA AND ITS SOURCES 49 merchant Dharana, is no better than Dhanasri: she first prefers a robber and then a merchant from China to her husband whom she attempts to murder. Two other women Gopavati and Viravati give evidence of similar propensities in stories which seem to be drawn from the life of the common people. Both the stories are mentioned in Jascharacarin of Puspadanta (II. 9) and in Anagaradharmamrta of Asadhara (op. cit.), who alludes to Rakta, Gopavati and Viravati together, showing that the three women were notorious in Jaina tradition for their treachery and crimes. It may be mentioned that Dasakumaracarita (Book VI) and Kathasaritsagara 10. 9 also contain a popular tale in which a woman attempts to murder her husband for the sake of a mutilated wretch, the two versions showing variations in details. The placid complacence of Yasodhara after the discovery of his consort's orime is a noteworthy feature of our story and seems to go beyond the ordinary limits of forbearance. But the pardoning of the guilty wife is a trait that fits in with the religious character of the story; and the motif occurs also in the ancient Buddhist tale in which the Bodhisattva, while a king, once pardoned his chief queen, who had been found guilty of a serious offence and taken to the place of execution.' Kings are not, however, always lenient in regard to their guilty wives; and Jaina tradition records stories of how some of them dealt with their adulterous queens. The Vivagasuya, the eleventh Anga of the Jaina canon, records the story of the young priest Bahassaidatta, who is surprised by king Udayana of Kosambi in the inner apartments of his palace in the queen's company, and in consequence arrested and sentenced to death. Another story occurs in Hemacandra's Parisista paruan (2. 547 ti. ), in which one of the wives of a king pays a nocturnal visit to an elephant-driver, as in the story of Yasodhara, but is discovered; and a dreadful sentence is passed on the guilty pair. POPULARITY OF THE STORY or YasoduARA The popularity of the story of Yasodhara with Jaina writers seems to date from the tenth century. Puspadanta who told the story in Apabhramsa verse in his Jasaharacaria in four Cantos was a contemporary of Somadeva, the author of Yasastilaka. The story was next narrated in 1 raktA devaratiM sarityavanipaM raktA'kSipat paGgake, kAntaM gopavatI dravantamavadhIcchitvA sptniishirH| zUlasthena malimlucena rag frETT afegn frada TASTE : IV. 77. See also Bhagavati Aradhana, 949-51, and Brhatkatha kosa, story Nos. 85-87. 2 'iminA eva ca bhagavatA rAjJA satA agramahiNyA: mahAparAdhAparAddhAyA vakSasthAnaprAptAyAHyAcintyA abhayaM datta Mahavastu, Vol. I, p. 132. 7

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50 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Sanskrit verse by Vadiraja who wrote a Yasodharacarita in four Cantos. Vadiraja is said to have been a pupil of Somadeval and wrote his Parsvanathacarita, a Sanskrit Kavya, in twelve Cantos, according to his own statement, in Saka 947 or 1025 A. D. After Vadiraja may be mentioned Vasavasena, who wrote a Yasodharacarita in Sanskrit in eight Cantos, and Vatsaraja who also composed a poem on the subject. Vasavasena and Vatsaraja are earlier than the fourteenth century, as the poet Gandharva who made certain additions to the Jasaharacariu of Puspadanta in 1308 A. D. refers to both of them as his sources for certain episodes in the story of Yasodhara. Vasavasena, too, mentions in his work two earlier poets who handled the story of Yasodhara, viz., Prabhanjana and Harisena. Prabhanjana, as we have seen, is earlier than the eighth century, and one of the earliest writers who narrated the tale of Yasodhara. We know nothing about Harisena's work, but he may perhaps be identified with Harisena who wrote his Kathakosa in Sanskrit verse in 931 A. D. at Wadhwan in Kathiawar. There is however more than one Harisena, and the identification must await further evidence. The widespread popularity of the tragic story of Yasodhara is shown by the fact that numerous other poems dealing with the subject were composed in the succeeding centuries not only in Sanskrit but in Old Gujarati, Old Hindi, Tamil and Kannada; while a prose version of the story in Sanskrit was produced by Ksamakalyana as late as the 18th century. A comprehensive list of these works has been compiled by Dr. Vaidya in the Introduction to his edition of Puspadanta's Jasaharacariu. The CharacteR OF AMRTAMATI Somadeva's Yasastilaka, composed in prose and verse, is entirely different from the other versions of the story of Yasodhara inasmuch as it is also a great socio-political study and a learned compendium of philosophy, theology and religion. Even in the treatment of the story proper, Somadeva is not without some originality, following as he does his own method in dealing with some of the principal episodes. But his most important contribution to the narrative is his portrayal of Amotamati's character. He, of course, regards her as a sinner, but takes care to analyse her motives, explain her conduct, and exhibit her point of view. Thus Yasodhara, 1 See Chapter I. 9 Vaidya : Introduction to Jasaharacariu, p. 18. 3 Ibid., p. 25. 4 Now odited by Dr. A. N. Upadhye (Singhi Jaina Series, 17, Bombay 1943) who kindly supplied these details, See Intre, pp. 117-18.

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3. THE STORY OF YASODHARA AND ITS SOURCES in the course of his long and bitter tirade against women, tries to discover the cause of the queen's strange infatuation with the deformed elephantdriver, and attributes it to his melodious singing. He says: "The preceptors declare singing to be the greatest of the arts. A well-sung song makes even a man, wretched by nature, the resort of the eyes of young women as of their minds. A singer, though ugly in appearance, is more beautiful in the eyes of women than even the god of love. Even women, not easily visible, are deeply attracted by song, as if dragged by a halter. Singing done by expert singers does away with the obstinate pride of proud women, and produces in them an anguish that cannot be remedied by others." This at least partially explains the queen's undignified passion for a paramour of humble station. Further, it is apparent from the words put in the mouth of Amrtamati, after the discovery of her infidelity, that her married life was an unhappy one, and she had come to Yasodhara as an unwilling bride. This seems to be the meaning of her assertion that Yasodhara and others like him can only be the masters of the bodies of their wives, sold to them by their parents in the presence of the gods, the Brahmanas, and the Fire, but not of their hearts: the lord of one's heart is he who is the object of one's undivided love, 'the haven of confidence.' Less cogent is her appeal to the example of certain wives of legend, who, it is hinted, acted like her, the reference being to the relations of Ganga with Siva, of Radha with Krsna, of Tara, wife of Brhaspati, with the Moon-god, and of Tara, wife of Sugriva, with Vali. The appeal to antiquity reminds one of that in the nurse's speech in the Hippolytus of Euripides (vv. 451 sq.), and does not improve Amrtamati's case; it is rather an admission of her moral weakness. It is, however, certain that Amrtamati was thoroughly disgusted with her married life with Yasodhara. As she says, there is nothing in the world which men of fortitude cannot do except the reawakening of love in a heart filled with disgust: who can, indeed, unite two hearts that are like two iron balls, the one hot and the other 51 1 ' gRNanti ca kalAsu gItasyaiva paraM mahimAnamupAdhyAyAH / suprayuktaM hi gItaM svabhAvadurbhagamapi naraM karoti yuvatInAM nayanamanovizrAmasthAnam / bhavati kurUpo'pi gAyanaH kAmadevAdapi kAminInAM priyadarzanaH / gAnena hi durdarzA api yoSitaH pAzenAkRSTA iva sutarAM saMgacchante / kuzalaiH kRtaprayogaM hi geyamapanIya mAnagrahamaparameva kaMcidananyajanasAdhyaafaya nafastar Book IV, p. 55. The idea goes as far back as the Yajurveda. Cf. Taittiriyasamhita VI. 1. 6: . : 2 'kulavadhUnAM yamanyazca devadvijAgnisamakSaM mAtApitRvikrItasya kAyasyaiva bhavatIzvaraH na manasaH / tasya punaH sa eva svAmI yatrAyamasAdhAraNaH pravartate paraM vizrambhavizramAzrayaH praNayaH / ' Ibid, p. 141. 3 ' mahAsattveSu hi jagati na kiMciduSkaramasti anyatra virakte cetasi rAgapratyAnayanAt / ko hi nAmAyaHpiNDa iva taptatapte manasI saMdhAtumarhati / ' Ibid, p. 142.

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52 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE cold? Further, she accuses Yasodhara of jealousy when she says that only an intelligent person, free from jealousy, can be happy with women; one who behaves otherwise runs the risk of losing his life, like a worshipper of the evil spirit Krtya, or at least incurs a woman's hatred.' Amrtamati's plea for reciprocity of love as an essential condition of conjugal harmony cannot, of course, absolve her from moral responsibility as wife and mother. But she says enough to convince us of the misery of her married life, and we may feel inclined to look upon her failure as a wife as a domestic tragedy rather than as an inveterate case of moral depravity. The next episode, the murder of Yasodhara, can be regarded only as a premeditated crime without any redeeming feature; but even here, as already pointed out, Somadeva represents Amrtamati as acting in self-defence. She regards the story of Yasodhara's dream and his plan to renounce the world as a feint', that is, as a device to take her unawares, and resolves to act quickly: 'Before he lets loose the poison of his wrath on me, I will let it loose on him!" She opines that a person who is honest in his dealings with cheats and villains, the wily and the selfish, and those who lack in self-respect, is a fool and becomes the dupe of all. So she decides to follow the policy of deceit for deceit' (sathapratisathanyaya), and pay Yasodhara in his own coin. The plea of self-defence is, however, hardly convincing, as there is nothing in Yasodhara's attitude to justify any suspicion of revengeful action on his part. Somadeva is well aware of this, and does not, in fact, try to palliate Amrtamati's crime. But he depicts her as a weakling who cannot help her instincts, and lacks the moral strength to resist their power over her life. He analyses her motives and examines her conduct from different points of view, and seeks to preserve to some extent our sympathy for the guilty woman. the succeeding portion of the story Somadeva does not add anything important to the traditional presentation of Amrtamati's career, and seems rather to lose interest in her and lets her appear according to the exigencies of the story. But, on the whole, Amrtamati in Somadeva's romance is a remarkable piece of characterization showing originality and skill, and reveals an aspect of the author's genius all but obscured by the wealth of scholarship and learning exhibited in the work. In 1 ' kiMca paramakuhana eva puraMbhISu buddhimAnavApnoti svazreyamam / anyathA kRtyArAdhaka ina dhruvaM paJcajanaH paJcatAmazcet / bhavedvAvazyamakSigataH / p. 142. Srutasagara says paraM kevalamakuhana evaM IrSyArahita eva / Ibid. 2 ' na khalu me yAminIsamAcaritasAhasAdasya vasumatIpatera paramevaMvidhakUTakapaTAnuSThAnamasti / Ibid. p. 141. 3 ' tadeSa yAvanna mayi roSaviSaM varSate tAvadahamevAsya tadvarSAmi / ' Ibid., p. 142. 4 dhUrteSu mAyAviSu durjaneSu svArthaikaniSTheSu vimAniteSu / varteta yaH sAdhutayA sa loke pratArthate mugdhamatirna kena // Ibid., p. 145.

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CHAPTER IV YASASTILAKA AS A PRose ROMANCE The history of Sanskrit prose romances shows a lamentable gap after the masterpieces of Bana and Subandhu; and when prose romances reappear two centuries later, they bear the impress of new influences and point to a somewhat different literary environment. In the first place, most of the Sanskrit prose romances of the tenth and eleventh centuries were composed by Jaina writers, who were eager to expound and glorify their religion, and may be said to have introduced a religious element into this branch of literary composition. In the second place, there is an increased tendency to mix prose with verse, and the two earliest extant Campus were, in fact, composed in the tenth century. Somadeva's Yasastilaka owes a good deal to Bana and Subandhu in the matter of style and the treatment of conventional topics, but it differs from all other Sanskrit prose romances in so many respects that it may be said to stand in a class by itself. Apart from its special characteristics as a prose narrative, Yasastilaka combines features which bring it into relation with diverse branches of Sanskrit literature. It is not only a Jaina romance in prose and verse but a learned compendium of Jaina and non-Jaina philosophical and religious doctrines, a manual of statecraft, and a great repository of Kavya poetry, ancient tales, citations and references, and numerous rare words of lexical interest. Somadeva's Yasastilaka is a work sive scholarship enlivened by occasional flashes of literary genius and poetic feeling. Among his predecessors in the field of prose romances, Sonadeva mentions Bana in Yasastilaka, Book IV, and shows some acquaintance with his works, especially the Kadambari. He clearly refers to the deprecation of the life of the Sabara hunters uttered by the parrot in Bana's romance, and quotes a phrase from the passage in question. Somadeva's claim that the religion of the Arhat enjoys great renown in the works of Bana among others should, however, be taken with a grain of salt. Bana, indeed, refers to Jaina mendicants carrying peacock feathers in Kadambari as well as Harsacarita', and in the former work describes Vilasavati as respectfully offering food to naked Jaina mendicants called Siddhas and asking them questions about the future. The Jinadharma, compassionate to living T 1 'AhAraH sAdhujananindito madhumAsAdiriti kathaM cedaM mRgayopayogAnandaM zabaravRndaM nindatAvAdi bANena / ' 2 ofera una corona:' Kadambari; 'fatlaatu714 5 THA frana: Harsacarita, Book II. 3 'svayamupastapiNDapAtrAn bhaktipravaNena manasA siddhAdezAn nanakSapaNakAn papraccha / '.

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54 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE creatures, is mentioned in Kadanbari. But the sight of a naked and unwashed Jaina mendicant with his peacock feathers is mentioned among certain evil omens enumerated in Harsacarita, Book V.? Somadeva is not only influenced by Bana and Subandhu in the conventional descriptions such as those of the seasons, morning ard evening scenery, mountains, kings and countries etc., but also borrows an idea here and there from the earlier writers. The description of the different categories of villains and their origin in Yasastilaka, Book III, is obviously suggested by that of the fourteen families of nymphs and their origin in Kadambari. The famous advice of Sukanasa to Candrapida has its counterpart in Yasasatilaka, Book II. The conglomeration of picturesque names of women in brief sentences occurring towards the end of the same Book is a device already found in Kadambari, Harsacarita and Vasavadatta. The enumeration of evil omens in Yasastilaka, Book IV, may be compared with the similar lists in Harsacarita, Books V and VI. Dust in Kavya literature is not as trifling a thing as one might suppose, and the description of the battle scene and the resulting dust in Yasastilaka, Book III, is forestalled in Vasavadatta; while Bana in Kadambari pays attention to the dust raised by Candrapida's expedition. A brief description of a cremation ground occurs in Subandhu's work; but the similar account in Yasastilaka, Book I, is in verse and far more elaborate and serves a different purpose. These and other similarities between Yasastilaka and the romances of Bana and Subandhu would appear to be superficial in face of the essential differences in style, outlook, and the character of the respective stories. The style of Bana and Subandhu, though by no means simple, is simpler than that of Somadeva's prose ; and the Jaina narrative shows, on the whole, a greater elaboration of details than is found in Kadambari and Vasavadatta. It is noteworthy that Somadeva has chosen to employ the involved style even in the moral and religious tales narrated in Yasastilaka, Books VI and VII; and one of the factors which makes his prose less attractive than that of Bana and Subandhu is the use of rare and obsolete words, which, though valuable from a philological point of view, makes Yasastilaka a far more difficult work than the earlier prose romances. Many of the descriptive passages are undoubtedly more complicated and artificial than those of Kadambari. One may contrast, for example, the portrait of Jabali with that of Sudatta in Yasastilaka, Book I; the picture of the Salmali tree in the Vindhya forest in Bana's 1 sayfuta argital'. 2 'kajjalamaya isa bahudivasamupacitabahalamalapaTalamalinitatanurabhimukhamAjagAma zikhipicchalAJchano ngnaattkH|'

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4. YASASTILAKA AS A PROSE ROMANCE 55 romance with the unwieldy description of the huge tree in the valley of the Suvela mountain towards the beginning of Yasastilaka, Book V; and Bana's beautiful portrayal of the trees around the Siva temple where Mahasveta worshipped with the Jaina author's laboured description of the pleasure garden in Yasastilaka, Book I. Similarly, the enumeration of different varieties of plants illustrated in Subandhu's description of the seashore in Vasavadatta is overdone in Somadeva's picture of the great forest in Yasastilaka, Book V. It may be said, on the whole, that in natural descriptions Somadeva is far excelled by Bana and Subandhu; and there is nothing in Yasastilaka which will bear comparision with the serene picture of the rule of concord and harmony governing the life of animals and human beings in Jabali's hermitage, as described in Bana's Kadambari. Lengthy and detailed descriptions of female beauty, so wearisome to readers of Sanskrit prose romances, are practically absent in Yasastilaka owing to the very nature of the subject-matter. More important than the question of style is the fundamental difference between the story of Yasodhara and the romantic tales of Kadambari and Vasavadatta. The salient feature or the story of Yasodhara is that it is a realistic tale based on a domestic tragedy, even an unpleasant incident of domestic life, around which is woven a story of moral and religious edification. It was a daring experiment on the part of Somadeva to have co romance, of which adultery and murder were two prominent features, in the grand style of Bana and Subandhu; and Yasastilaka, is, as a matter of fact, the only considerable Sanskrit prose romance which deals with tragic incidents of conjugal life, eschewing romantic love in favour of grim realities and the workings of fate. From this standpoint Yasastilaka may be described as a realistic novel, and the note of realism is accentuated by the complete absence of the miraculous except in a few minor episodes independent of the main story. This appears to be a noteworthy characteristic of Somadeva's work when we remember the part played by the miraculous in all other Sanskrit prose romances from Kadambari to Gadyacintamani. Two other characteristic features of Yasastilaka may be emphasized : it is a vivid picture of certain aspects of contemporary life and society as well as a great religious romance; and in both respects it differs widely not only from Kadambari and Vasavadatta but from the remaining Sanskrit prose romances. These points have been dealt with in subsequent chapters, and we may here attempt a somewhat detailed treatment of Somadeva's prose as far as it is represented in his Yasastilaka, As is usual in Sanskrit prose romances, long-winding descriptions preponderate in Yasastilaka to the detriment of the narrative, and are

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56 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE often complicated by conglomerations of intricate and loosely constructed compounds of considerable length. There is, however, no doubt that Somadeva has at his command a rich variety of details, and shows an intimate knowledge of diverse phases of the life of his times. The conventional descriptions are mostly involved and artificial, but there are others simpler and more effective, mostly dealing with topics peculiar to the romance, and by no means frequent in Kavya literature. We may start, for example, with the picture of the dread goddess Candamari in Book I (p. 150): yasyAH kapAlamAlAH zikhaNDamaNDanAni, zavazizavaH zravaNAvataMsAH, pramitaprakoSThAH karNakuNDalAni, paretakIkasa. maNayaH kaNThabhUSaNAni, parAsunalarasAH zarIravarNakAni, gatajIvitakaraGkAH karakrIDAkamalAni, sIdhusindhavaH saMdhyAcamanakulyAH, pitRvanAni vihArabhUmayaH, citAbhasitAni candrakavalAH, caNDAtakamAIcarmANi, sArasanaM mRtakAtracchedAH, pranartanapradezaH saMsthitoraHsthalAni, kandukavinodaH stabhottamAGgaiH, jalakelayaH zoNitadIrghikAbhiH, nizAvalipradIpAH zmazAnakRzAnukIlAbhiH, pratyavasAnopakaraNAni naraziraHkaroTibhiH, mahAnti dohadAni ca sarvasattvopahAreNa / "Garlands of human skulls are her head-ornament. Corpses of children are her ear-ornament. The elbows of dead men are her earrings, Balls made from the bones of dead bodies form her necklaces. The oozings from the leg-bones of corpses serve as her cosmetics. Skeletons play the part of toy-lotuses in her hands. Rivers of wine are the streams wherein she performs her evening ablutions. Charnel-fields are her pleasure grounds. The ashes of funeral pyres are her face-ornament. Raw hides constitute her robe. The intestines of dead bodies form her girdle. The bosoms of dead men are her dancing floor. She plays with the heads of goats as with balls. Her water-sports take place in lakes of blood. The blazing fires of cremation-grounds serve as her votive lamps at night. Human skulls are the vessels she eats from. Her greatest pleasure is when living creatures of all kinds are sacrificed at her altar." The description of the shrine of the goddess, the Mahabhairava temple, gives a good idea of a contemporary cult of savage character, and is perhaps the most elaborate picture of its kind in Sanskrit literature; and, although in this respect Somadeva is anticipated by Bana in his description of the temple of Candika in Kadambari, and by Haribhadra in his verse description of the temple of Kadambari or Candika in Samaraiccakaha (Book VI), the corresponding account in Yasastilaka preserves interesting details not recorded elsewhere. The delineation of the surging crowd of the Mahayoginis in the temple, for example, although fantastic to some extent, graphically presents the grim aspect of these monstrous deities, "extremely ferocious and long-limbed like the Nights of universal destruction". "They were emerging with fury from the surface of the sky, 1 See Chap. II.

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4. YASASTILAKA AS A PROSE ROMANCE 57 from the earth, from the depths of the nether regions, and from all the corners of the sky, like darkness at night." " The banners of the Sun's aerial car were singed by the flames issuing from the eye on their foreheads, being fanned by the gaspings of the hapless serpents, ruthlessly pressed in the tangled masses of their hair; while the Sun's rays were obstructed by the huge vultures hovering about the gruesome skulls decorating their heads; and the ornamental designs of blood painted on their cheeks were being lapped up by the snakes adorning their ears."1 A notable picture is the dramatic appearance of the spy of Yasodhara in the streets of Ujjain with his grotesque dress and clamorous retinue (Chap. III, p. 397 ): kRtakArdhacandracumbitacandrakApIDavimbitamuNDamaNDalaH, tUlinIkusumakumalAkRtijAtuSotkarSitakarNakuNDalaH, kArmaNAnekajaTAjAtijaTitakaNThikAvaguNThanajaTharakaNThanAlaH, ciracelacIrIcarcitavicitrAprapadInaprAlambajAlaH, kuvalIphalasthUlatrApuSamaNivinirmitAGgadasaMpAditaprakANDamaNDanaH, kUrparaparyantaprakoSThaprakalpitagavalavalayAvaruNDanaH, kAkanantikAphalamAloparacitavaikakSakavakSaHsthalaH, kaThorakamaThapRSThASTIlasthapuTapANitalaH, 'paTacaraparyANagoNIguhyApihitamehanaH, purANataramandIramekhalAlaMkRtanitambanivezanaH, kasahaMsakarasitavAcAlacaraNacAracAturIkSobhitavIthIjanamanaskAraH, kAtarekSagaviSANakANaviniveditanizAbalipracAraH, kirAtaveSasya bhagavato vizvamUrteraparameva kamapyAkalpaM bibhrANaH putrabhANDaM bandivRndArakasya kaTakAdhipateH, jaamibhogaavliipaatthinH subhaTasauhArdasya, dauhitraH zrotriyakitavanAno narmasacivasya, samAzrayasthAnamavakIrNilokAnAm , akhilapuna vivAhakRtakazipuvetanasaMbandhaH, sakalagokulAlikhitatUvarasurabhisairinIdAyanibandhaH, pracurapratikavikRtagAtraiH satriputraidaNDAjinizca parivrAjakaiH 'eSa khalu bhagavAn saMjAtamahAyoginIsaMgati tIndriyajJAnodgatiH siddhaH sAmethikaH saMvananAmagA kariNaH kesariNamANe saMgamayati vidveSabheSajena jananImapyAtmajeSu vairiNIM vidadhAti ityAvedyamAnajJAnamatratantraprabhAvaH / "His head was adorned with a crown of peacock feathers surmounted by a crescent, and he was wearing earrings made of red lac and shaped like the flowers and buds of the silk-cotton tree. The neck was stiffened by the fastening of a necklace made out of many varieties of magic roots, and he was wearing a garland made from shreds of old rags, multicoloured, and reaching to the feet. The upper arms were decorated with armlets made of tin balls large as plums, and the forearms enveloped with buffalo-horn bracelets up to the elbows; while a garland of Gunja berries served the purpose of a vaikaksaka wreath across the bosom. The hands were rugged like the bony frame of the carapace of a tortoise, and the privy parts were covered with the lower edge of an old saddle cloth. The waist was decorated with a girdle of worn out churning ropes and the attention of the passers-by was attracted by the nimble gait of his feet resounding with the brass anklets worn by him. He announced his nocturnal rites with the sound of his buffalo-horn; and he was, in fact, 1 'kapardanirdayasaMmarda nimoMdAlagardagalaguhAsphuratphUtkArasphAritalalATalocanAnalajvAlAglapinAditisutaniketanapatAkAbhogA bhiH, zikhaNDamaNDanoDumaranarazira zreNiparyantabhrAntapravRddhagRdhaniruddhabannadIdhitiprabandhAbhiH, zravaNabhUSaNabhujaGgajihAniyA mAnakapolatalalikhitaraktapatrAbhiH' (p. 45),

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58 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTITRE dressed in an attire exactly like that of Lord Siva disguised as the Kirata hunter. He was the son of the chief panegyrist Katakadhipati (Campcommander), the son-in-law of the minstrel Subhata-sauharda (Friend of Warriors ), the grandson of the jester Srutriyakitava (Brahmana Gambler). and the refuge of all who had transgressed their vows. His food and emoluments were marned by arranging the nuptials of all the harlots', and he had endowments of hornless cows and she-buffaloes registered in his favour in all the dairy farms. The glory of his wisdom and knowledge of mystic formulas and rites was proclaimed in the following manner by religious mendicants, carrying sticks and deerskins, and acting as informers, with bodies made ugly by excessive decorations: 'Here is the Exalted One who has communed with the Mahayoginis and acquired supersensuous knowledge. He has attained spiritual perfection, and his utterances are unfailingly true. By his art of enchantment he can unite even a lion with an elephant, and by means of animosity-producing drugs he can make even & mother an enemy of her children!' The picture of the elephant-driver in Book IV is a minute study in ugliness, which is emphasized in such a manner as to suggest the enormity of the queen's strange infatuation. He is described as sleeping on the floor of a thatched hut strewn with grass left over from the ration of elephants, resting his head on a heap of coiled up ropes serving as a pillow. His only clothing was a piece of rag used for rubbing elephants with oil. He had coarse thornlike hair; ears like old shoes; eyes like the mouth of a bucket; lips like the fringe of a leather oil-flask gnawed off by rats; cheeks like the hollow of an age-worn tree; teeth protruding like an irregular row of cowries; a chin hardly visible, as he had a regular goat's beard ;3 a throat with the veins visible, resembling the trunk of a castor-oil plant; arms like a couple of dead serpents suspended from on high ; a stomach bloated like inflated billows; and thighs like stakes damaged by fire. 'He was repulsive to sight like a mass of sins, and extremely disgusting like a charnel-field. ed to be a compact mass of iron rust in human shape, and fashioned by the Creator by combining all kinds of deformities.' The original passage runs as follows (Chap. IV, p. 42): ___ kaTaGkarakuTIrake karikavalAvaziSTayavasamrastariNi* avaguNThitarajupuJjaparikalpitaziraspade nidrAyantam, ibhAbhyaGgakarpeTapihitalajjAsthAnam atikaThinakacakaNTakoimaramuNDamaNDalam, anavAnupadInApaTalasamazravasam,......udaJcanazuSirAtizAyilocanam,...... unduravikartaritasaMghATataTatulitobhayadazanavasanam, atipurANakujakoTarapratimallagallan , asamasthApitavarATakavikaTadantam , aja GETFT 703 EG -4 itera ,...... tak TETTER T 1 Srutasagara says punarbhUNAM puMzcalInAM saMgrahastrIvidhavAnAm. 2 Obviouly employed by the court. 3 969 Cf, the Greek phrase pogon mala tragikos (Lucian, The Dream, 10). 4 This is the reading of Ms. A, The printed text reads...qerfarinfo. (Lacian, The Dream, co

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4. YASASTILAKA AS A PROSE ROMANOS 59 nirgamama, anilabhRtabhastrAdhmAtajaTharam ,......agnilavitasthANugaNanorukam,......aghasaMghAtamiva durIkSyam, amaGgalasthAnamiva nitarAmudvejanIyam , akhaNDamaNDUrakulamiva manuSyarUpeNa pariNatam , akhilamiva vairUpyamavacitya vedhasA niSpAdinam....... The account of the regiments of Yasodhara's army has more than a literary interest, and is full of important details throwing light on the composition of old Indian armies. It is one of the most remarkable descriptions not only in Yasastilaka but in Sanskrit literature as a whole (chap. III, p. 461 etc.): niTilataTapaTTikApratAnaghaTitodbhaTajUTam , utkozakiMzukaprasUnamajarIjAlajaTilaviSANavikaTamekarANAmRgamaNDalamiva, kartarImukhacumbitAmUlazmazrubAlam , udbhidyamAnamadatilakitakapolaM pIlukulamiva, kirimaNivinirmitatrizarakaNThikaM mahAmaNDalAvaguNThitagalanAlamAnyamIzAnasenyamiva, AkuphaNikRtakAlAyasavalayakarAlakarAbhogaM bAlabilezayaveSTitaviTapabhAgaM bhadrazriyAmokaha dezottambhitAsidhenukam ahIzvarAnubaddhamadhyamekhalaM manthAnakAcalamiva, AvaDaNotkSiptanibiDanivasanaM sakaupInaM vaikhAnasavRndamiva, anekAGkanAmasaMbhAvanodgrIvAnanam, AtmastavADambaroDDamaramAgadhotkarNitavadanam, UrdhvanakharekhAlikhitadehaprAsAdaM deva idaM vihitavividhAyudhavartanaucityaM dAkSiNAtyaM balam / "Sire, this is the Deccan regiment practised in the use of diverse arms. The luxuriant tangle of the hair of the men is tied up with cloth bands around their foreheads. Conspicuous by the horns carried by them, entwined with sprays of fullblown Palasa flowers, they look like a troop of rbinoceroses; and with the tips of their knives coming up to the roots of their beards, they resemble a troop of elephants with the cheeks dotted with flowing ichor. They are wearing triple necklaces made of many-coloured beads, and look like Siva's troops, awful on account of their necks being enwrapped with Mahamandala serpents. They have the forearms enveloped with iron bracelets worn up to the elbows and resemble a thicket of sandal trees with the branches entwined by young snakes. With their daggers fixed about the centre of the waist, they resemble the mountain wherewith the gods churned the ocean, with its central slope encircled by the lord of serpents (Vasuki). With their thick loin-cloths tucked up as far as the thigh-joints, they look like a crowd of religious mendicants wearing kaupina. They are looking up on hearing the many laudatory poems, and stand with upturned faces, as they listen to the minstrels loudly reciting exuberant panegyrics in their honour. Their bodies are scratched all over with upward lines of finger-nail marks." ___ itazca paryantakharSitakuntalatayArdhamuSTimitamastakamadhyakezam , atipralambazravaNadezadolAyamAnasphArasuvarNakarNikAkiraNakoTikamanIyamukhamaNDalatayA kapolasthalIparikalpitapraphullakarNikArakAnanamiva, samutkarSitasukkacibukajaGkhAgrabhAgaromalomazam , aharahaHpramArjitadazanaprakAzapezalavadanatayA pradarzitakhakIyayazaHprasUtikSetramiva, anaGgagrahapariveSavartuladantakSatakSapitabhujazikharam , anavaratakSaratkSapArasarAgaraktazitizarIratayA kajakiMjalkakaluSakAlindIkallolakulamiva, mAyUrabahAtapatraprabhAzyAmikAsaMpAditagaganagAruDopalakuTTimacchAyam, daradadvApATalaphalakAntikuTilakaritaTollAsalAlasakara saMdhyAghragarbhavibhrAntAbhriyasaMdarbhanirbhara nabha iva. deva, idamane kadolikAvilaM dAmilaM balam / "This, Sire, is the Tamil regiment provided with numerous litters. The men have a mere handful of hair on the crown of their heads owing

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60 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE to the hair all around being cropped short. They seem to have clusters of full-blown Karnikara blossoms attached to their cheeks on account of their countenances being lovely with the shooting rays of the large gold earrings swinging from their elongated ears. They are shaggy on account of the profuse growth of hair on the borders of the lips, the chins, and the frontal part of the legs. They seem to be displaying the source of their fame', eir visage being beautiful with the lustre of their daily cleaned teeth. Their upper arms are dented with the marks of bites (given by their mistresses), round as the halo of a planet, to wit, the god of love. They look like the waves of the Yamuna blended with the filaments of lotus blossoms, their dark bodies being painted with fluid turmeric ceaselessly dripping. With the blue sheen of their parasols made of peacock feathers they have caused the sky to look like an emerald floor; and wit hands playfully moving along their curved loins shining with the lustre of their shields painted with liquid red lead, they look like the sky full of flashes of lightning playing in the bosom of the evening clouds." itazcottaptakAJcanakAntakAyaparikaram , karottambhitakartarIkaNayakRpANaprAsapaTTizabANAsanam AsanavizeSavazAtividrutamitadravakhurakSobhitakumbhinIbhAgam, bhAgabhAgApitAnekavarNavasanaveSTitoSNISam, anavadhiprakAraprasavastabakacumbitazikhaM vijayazrInivAsavanamivedaM, deva, turagavegavarNanodINaM yathAyathakathamauttarapathaM balam / "Here, Sire, is the North Indian regiment of truthful speech, and elcquent in praise of the speed of horses. The men have bodies comely as heated gold; and held fast in their hands are knives, darts, daggers, spears, blades and bows. The surface of the earth is agitated by the hooves of their horses galloping at top speed on account of their particular mode of riding. They wear puggrees made up with multicoloured scarves arranged in layers; and with the crown of their heads adorned with clusters of flowers of endless varieties, they look like the sylvan abode of the goddess of victory." 572.............with ASEMT1904. Bataafse goretsretaria 91699fabadanavRttibhiH khabhAvAdevAtikopanahRdayairAprapadInacolakaskhalitagativailakSyotkSiptaparyantajanadurvAgvidhibhiH prakAmAyAmalomacUDaigauDairAkulitasakalasainikam , vicitrasUtragumphitasphArapharakotkarakarburitasarvadAkSAyaNIdezam , .......... B egri, deva, idaM jalayuddhabaddhakriyAvizeSAsaktaM tairabhuktaM balam / "Here, Sire, is the Tirhut regiment, fond solely of war and devoted to manoeuvres incidental to naval combats: it'has darkened the entire horizon with its mighty elephants..................All the troops of this regiment are 1 2 3 Fame in Sanskrit poetry is always white. A marginal note in Ms. A says grofta: farle izat: 1377491 TETET This seems to be a reference to river operations. The Deopara stone inscription of Vijayasena of Bengal (about the end of the eleventh century speaks of the royal flest going up the entire course of the Ganges for the conquest of the western regions (PTT fog qe kane alferra)Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 309.

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4. YASASTILAKA AS A PROSE ROMANCE .61 disturbed by the Gauda soldiers with extremely long tufts of hair: the extremities of their teeth are worn out by constant chewing of flattened rice, and their mouths are tinged red with betel; they are by nature exceedingly irascible, and hurl abuse at the bystanders, being ashamed of stumbling on account of their cloaks reaching to the feet. The large shields of the regiment made from multicoloured cords have tinged the entire expanse of the sky with diverse hues." ___itazcAjAnulambamAnanivasanam , mAhiSaviSANaghaTitamuSTikaTArakotkaTakaTIbhAgam , nirantaraghanadIrghadehalomakalApakalpitasarvAGgINakaGkaTam , adhastiyaprabandhavRddhakUrcakezatayA kriyAnumeyanAbhinAsAnayanazravaNadezam , ubhayAMsottambhitabhUribhastratayA trizironizAcarAnIkamiva, laghudRDhaduSkaradUralakSyAdipAtAdipATavApahasitakRpakRpadharmakarNArjunadroNadrupadabhargabhArgavam , dhRtAdhi24191971, 29, a ne aeg II " This, Sire, is the Gujarat regiment armed with strung up bows. The men are wearing cloaks reaching to the knees, and their loins are girt with daygers with buffalo-horn hilts. The close, dense and long hair of their bodies constitutes an all-enveloping armour; and the existence of certain portions of their bodies, the navel, the eyes and the ears, can only be inferred from their actions, owing to their beards expanding thickly downwards and sidewise. They look like a throng of three-headed monsters on account of the large quivers attached to both the shoulders. They surpass even Krpa, Krpadharma, Karna, Arjuna, Drona, Drupada, Bharga and Bhargava in efficiency, in swift aiming, vigorous shooting, and hitting of difficult and distant targets." The report of the spy against a minister of Yasodhara and the account of the embassy sent by the king of Pancala to the latter's court, in Book III, are not only socio-political records of great value but interesting as good specimens of Somadeva's simpler style and businesslike prose. The account of the embassy has been reproduced elsewhere and we may here give a few illustrative extracts from the former document. It is necessary to point out that the spy's report, comprehensive as it is, contains, besides specific charges against the minister in question, a satire in prose and verse against ministers in general, quasi-historical traditions, and observations on human traits. Speaking of villains, the spy gives a fanciful account of their origin, classifying them into eighteen different groups. The first group originated from the Kalakuta poison in Siva's throat; the second from serpents; the third from the ferocious beak of Garuda; the fourth from the moon of the fourth lunar day (believed to cause disputes); the fifth from the attendants 1 See Chap. V.

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE of Death; the sixth from the dust of a libertine's feet; the seventh from fire; the eighth from hell; the ninth from the illusion created by Visnu; the tenth from the jaws of the god of death; the eleventh from the evil ways taught by heretic schools; the twelfth from the sin of doubt and hesitation; the thirteenth from burning shame; and the fourteenth from the arts of deception. In addition to these, one group of villains originated from darkness, whence arose in the sky Rahu, the enemy of the other planets. A second group originated from the quarrel of Brahma and Visnu at the time of the glorification of the Phallic Siva', whence arose also the sage Narada, the lover of disputes. A third group originated from the clash of thunder and lightning, whence arose also the submarine fiare. A fourth group of villains originated from Diti who gave birth to Taraka, the demon who habitually cheated all pious people on the earth. This account of the origin of villains appears to be Somadeva's invention, and shows imagination and selective power, although in design he is indebted to the story of the fourteen families of nymphs and their origin in Bana's Kadambari. An indirect reference to this occurs in the passage in Yasastilaka which runs as follows ( Chap. III, p. 441): deva, apsarasAmivAmareSu nareSvapi kila khalAnAM caturdaza kulAni purA prAdurbabhUvuH / tatra tAvat prathamaM pramathamAthakaNThAlaMkAranikaTAt kAlakUTAt prAdurAsIt , dvitIyaM dvijihvebhyaH, tRtIyaM tRkSAtmajatuNDacaNDatAyAH... 2. The irresistible and invariable character of the evil propensities of a man is illustrated with various examples. Addressing the king, the spy says: deva, mAMsarasaratasya puMsaH kimiva mAMsavratam / kapAle bhuJAnasya hi narasya ka iva kezadarzanAdAzapratyAdezaH / pure pramoSadakSasya hi puruSasya keva kAntAre'pekSA / nirambaranitambAyAmAtmAmbAyAM dAhodyogasya hi janasya ka iva parAmbAyAmambaraparityAgaH / yataH sthitAsu grasamAnasya gatAsau kIdRzI dayA / parabAle kRpA kaiva svabAlena balikriye // "Sire, how can a man who is fond of the savour of meat undertake a vow of abstention from flesh eating? Does a man who eats from a skull stop eating on discovering the presence of hair in his food? Does a man who is expert in stealing in the city need a forest for his activities? How will a man whose passion is aroused at the sight of his naked mother react to the nudity of another's mother? Because, how can one who devours the living have pity on a corpse? How can one who sacrifices his own child be compassionate to that of another?" 3. 174. 1 2 g 97499TETITIE This seems to be a reference to the quarrel of the two gods about the extent of the Phallus. See Chap. XVII. Somadeva says: DOSTUURT fare for za Srutasagara says: queqrantzitaiat fasuyga.

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4. YASASTILAKA AS A PROSE ROMANCE 63 deva, khabhAvajA hi dustyajA khalu prkRtiH| na khalu poSito'pyahipoto jahAti hiMsAdhyavasAyam, na khalu pratazIlo'pi biDAlastyajati krauryam , na khalu prAyopavezanavAsinyapi kuTTanI muJcati paravaJcanocitAM cintAm , na khalu kAlakavalanikaTo'pi kirATo rahati zAThyasthitim / yataH yaH svabhAvo bhavedyasya sa tena khalu dustyajaH / na hi zikSAzatenApi kapirmuJcati cApalam // "Sire, verily it is diffioult to renounce one's natural propensities. A young snako, though nourished with food, does not renounce the effort to do harm. A cat, though he may practise religious observances, dose not give up his ferocity. A bawd, though she observes religious fasts, does not abandon the design of cheating others. A merchant' does not give up his art of deception even when he is on the verge of death. Because, verily, of whaterer nature a person may be, it is hard for him to discard it. A monkey never forsakes his fickle habits even if he is given a hundred kinds of training." 3. 175. The tirade against the ministers of kings in verse, forming part of the spy's report, has been summarized elsewhere; and there is also a satirical description of them in prose (Chap. III, p. 439): / deva, saralakhabhAvasya devasyAmAtyadaityAnAmAkalpodaJcaH pratikriyAprapaJcazca sAdhutAyoge'nurAge ca kAraNam / tatra cAmISAmetattAtparyam / tathA hi satpuruSapRSatavadhAya vyAdhasyAkhilAGgasaMvaraNaM yatrAvaraNamivAmAtyajanasya lambAJcalakaM colakam . mugdhamInabandhanAnAyamiva mahAkAyaH kUrcakezanikAyaH, kapaTabakoTapeTakaghaTanAya sara ivodAramudaram, paravyasanAnveSaNAya mRgadhUrtasyeva mandamandAcAraH pAdapracAraH, kathamete khalu pAtAlasthAH karasthA mama bhaviSyanti zeSazikhAmaNaya iti luNTAkatayeva muharmuhurjaleSu nimajjanam , kadA hyamI gaganacarAH kadanakandukavinodakarA mama bhaviSyanti ravirathaturaGgA ityapajihIrSayevAditisutopAsanam, are hatAza hutAza mayi satyAzrayAze savoze ca kathaM nAma tannAmavAn bhavAnitIrNyayevAhutimilega viSamarIcitADanama, suprayuktasya dambhasya brahmApyantaM na gacchatIti manISayA sAdhujanazakunihananAya dvIpidvijoddIpanamiva devatArcanam, kiyanto mayA mahAntaH pratAritAH kiyanto nAdyApi iti saMbhAlanAyeva japavyavasAyaH, kuzalazakulAzanAya bakasyeva dhyAnaparatA, caturavaJcanAya Thakasyava dharmAgamapAThaH, paralokagatibhaGgAya nigalajAlasyeva gurucaraNopacAraH, zAkinIjanasva sevakeSu jIvita. vinAzAya priyaMvadatA, avijJAtAntastattvasya zuSkasaraHsetoriva klezAya priyaaloktaa| "Sire, the pomp of dress and flurry of remedial measures of those devils, the ministers of Your Majesty, straightforward as you are to give an impression of honesty and loyalty. Their real purpose is as follows: The flowing robes of ministers are like a hunter's cloak enveloping all his limbs, and designed to kill honest people, like deer. The huge mass of their beard and hair seems to be a drag-net for capturing ignorant fools, like fish. Their big bellies are like a pool for amassing tricks, like a flock of cranes. They walk slowly and slowly like jackals to look for weak points of others. A minister makes very frequent ceremonial dips into waters, as if with a thievish purpose : How will indeed the crest-jewels of the serpent Ananta abiding in the nether regions come into my possession ?' He worships the Sun, as if with motives of robbery: "When will those 1 Ms. A explains kirATa as vaNika

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64 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE horses of the Sun's chariot, coursing in the sky, play the ball-gume of war for me?' He strikes the Fire by way of offering oblations, as if out of spite, saying: Since it is I who destroy my own refuge or benefactor, and destroy also all and sundry, why dost thou, o wretched Fire assume the names srcayasa (one who consumes one's own refuge) and sarvasa (one who consumes all)?' The worship of the gods by a minister is comparable to se a bird of prey for killing honest people, like birds, with the idea that not even Brahma sees through a well-devised trick.' The muttering of prayers by a minister seems to be a device for recalling how many great men he has cheated and how many still remain uncheated. The meditation of a minister is like that of a crane for the purpose of devouring' able men, like fish. The study of the Law Books by him is like that of a thug for the purpose of cheating the wise. His obeisance at the guru's feet looks like the spreading of a network of chains for obstructing the way to heaven. His sweet words, like those of a witch, serve only to rnin his followers, His amiable looks, like the pleasant aspect of the embankment of a dried up pool, bring distress to those who are ignorant of the inner truth." The more important of the charges against Yasodhara's minister bearing on contemporar conditions have been discussed in another chapter viz., Chap. V. Some of the observations of the spy on the ways of the minister provide interesting reading. The cultural pretensions of the man are severely criticized, his mean tricks exposed, and the secret his fame explained. A healthy feature is the insistence on learning being independent of wealth procured by royal favour: deva, prasAdanAdanAtmabhAvinyo'pi vibhRtayaH pativarA iva khAt patitasyApi janasya bhavanti, na punarAyuHsthitaya ivAnupAsitagurukulasya yatnavatyo'pi srkhtyH| yataH nRpakaruNAyAH kAmaM draviNakaNAH saMcaranti zaraNeSu / nAsvAbhijAtyametat pANDityaM vA nRNAM bhavati / deva, tacchranye'pi yat kvacit puMsi nabhasi vidyuta iva vidyAvilasitam , taddhanasya ghanasyeva mAhAtmyAnAtmanaH / yataH vidyArasavihInApi dhIsthalI vibhavAtapAt / vyaTIkokkottaraGgeyaM bhavenmugdhamRgapriyA / / yadapi kvacita kvacit kalAsu payasi patitasya tailabindorivAntAptizUnyasyApyasyopanyAsasAhasama, tadapi lakSmIlavalAbhAzApAzaskhalitamatimRgIpracArasya durbharajaTharakuThAravinirminamAnasArasya hatAhaMkArasya sarakhatIpaNyapAtakAvasarasya janasyAjaryAna punarbodhaudAryAt / yato deva, ghaTadAsInAM hi vadanasaurabhaM khAmitAmbUlodgAlAna saubhAgyabalAt, pavanasya hi parimalapezalatA prasUnavanasaMsargAnna nisargAt , dAruNo hi dAhRdAruNatA bRhadbhAnubhAvAnna khabhAvAt , maNDa tasya hi bhaNDanakaNDUlatAdhipatisaMnidhAnavazAna zauyAvezAt, upalazakalasya hi namasyatA devAkArAnubhAvAnna prakRtibhAvAt / .........."yat punaH sevakalokadaurAtmyaM pracikhyApayiSuH kimapyaNakapadabandhena bhagavatI sarasvatI vidhamati, tatra yo hi svayamevaM nikAyati sa kathaM nAma durAtmA syAditi parapratAraNArtham / ... * .....vRttaM punarasya piNyAkapaNyAGganAjanasyavAlokAntotsargaranekazo'nekapAkhaNDiliGgisaMsargavisagaireva rAjapathIkRtam / yataH traidaNDikAhituNDikakApAlikakauzikavratakaiH / kIrtirjagati prasRtA kharapaTadIkSAdhikarasya // 1 i. e., the worship of the gods by a minister is a carefully planned show of piety, the real motive being to obtain their help in cheating and ruining honest people.

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4. YASASTILAKA AS A PROSE ROMANCE "Sire, riches, although they do not crop up of their own accord, may, like brides seeking a husband, come into the possession even of a man fallen from the sky, as a result of (royal) favour; but learning, like the span of life, never comes to a man, even though accompanied by efforts, unless he attends the lecture-hall of a teacher. Because, 'wealth there may be in plenty in men's homes as a result of a king's favour, but not nobility of birth nor scholarship' (3. 179). When, my lord, there is a show of learning in a man, although he is devoid of these two qualities, it is due not to his own ability but to that of wealth, just as a flash of lightning in the sky is due not to any potency of the sky itself but to the presence of clouds. The field of the intellect, although devoid of the water of learning, may on account of the power of wealth undulate with falsehood, and prove attractive to those deer, the dunces (3. 180). Indeed, this minister (of yours) has the hardihood to hold forth on certain branches of art, although lacking in depth, just as a drop of oil spreads on water without penetrating below the surface; but even that is due not to any great measure of intelligence on his part, but to his association with people who commit the sin of prostituting their learning, being without any self-respect, with all sense of pride destroyed by the axe of chill penury,' and the antelope of their intelligence trapped in the snare of the hope of gaining an infinitesimal quota of wealth. Sire, the fragrance of the mouths of slave girls is due not to any luck but to their taking the remnants of the betel chewed by their masters. The lovely redolence of a breeze is due not to its natural qualities but to its contact with flower gardens. The fierce burning of wood is due not to its natural properties but to the action of fire. A dog is eager to fight not on account of his courage but on account of the presence of his master, and a piece of stone becomes an object of veneration not on account of its natural state but because it is shaped into the likeness of a god............ Further, the minister annoys the Exalted Goddess of Speech with his wretched verses, his purpose being to proclaim the villainy of his subordinates. This is meant to put outsiders off the scent, who would be led to think, 'How can a man who speaks thus (about the vices of his subordinates) be a villain himself?". 65 Then it is the associates of the many heretics, wandering in the world to its farthest limits, who have oftentimes given wide publicity to his way of life, similar to that of a spendthrift whore. 1 Lit, the axe of a stomach difficult to replenish. 9

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66 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE His fame has been spread in the world by religious mendicants snake-charmers, Kapalikas, jugglers and consummate thugs." 3 183. The minister is then accused of various offences such as tyranny disloyalty, usurpation of power and financial maladministration, all kinds of motives being attributed to him. yastu svAsthyAvasareSvapi samRddhadezo hi mahIzaH kInAza ivAvazyaM karoti kAmapi vikRtimiti dhUmaketurivAnaparAdhamapi janapadaM pIDayati, prabhUtapakSabalo hi bhUpAlaH zaila iva kasya bhavati vaza ityanuraktamatIrapi prakRtIrasamaJjasayati, kRzakozako hi dharezaH kSapitapakSaH pakSIva bhavet sukhasAdhya iti dhanaM nidhanayati, vyasanavyAkulito hi rAjasuto vyAdhita iva na jAtu vikurute purazcAriSviti dviSataH protkarSayati, ekArakSo hi kSitipatiH karipatiriva na syAt pareSAM viSaya iti na kamapyabhijAtaM sahate, sa kila prANapratIkAreSu khApateyopakAreSu vA vidhureSu bhavitopakarteti ko nAma zraddadhIta / yataH svasthAvasthAyAmapi yo'narthaparamparArthamIheta / sa kathaM vidhureSu punaH svAmihite ceSTate'mAtyaH // "Like an outbreak of fire, he oppresses the innocent population even in peaceful times, because a king whose realm is prosperous is sure to do some harm (to his ministers), like the god of death. He creates disaffection among the loyal citizens, because a king with a large following is like a mountain and comes under no one's influence. He squanders public funds, because a king with a depleted treasury can be tackled with ease, like a bird whose wings are cut off. He consolidates your enemies, because a prince overwhelmed by peril is like an invalid, and gives no offence to his counsellors. He never tolerates any highborn person, thinking that a king in the grip of any particular individual is, like an elephant, unlikely to come under the influence of others. Who would believe that such a man would be of any help in the preservation of life or the protection of property in times of danger? Because, how can a minister who strives to do continuous harm even in easy circumstances exert himslf for the good of his master in times of peril?" 3. 184. The minister is also accused of having banished various distinguished men whose presence was vital to the welfare of the state (Book III, p. 453): tato'sau yadi devasya paramArthato na kupyati, satpuruSapariSadiva manasi manAgapi nAbhyasUyati, tat kimiti manISApauruSAbhyAmazeSaziSTazauNDIrazikhAmaNIyamAnamatisamIkSaM puNDarIkAkSam , sindhurapradhAno hi vijayo vizAmIzAnAmiti tat kimiti samastasAmajaitihyagRhyamanaHprabhAvaM bandhujIvam , mahAkavisaMgrahAnmahIpatInAmAcandrArkAvakAzaM yaza iti tat kimiti sa bhavatkIrtilatAlalanAlApAmRtasevakasAraM hAram , 'yAsu santo na tiSThanti tA vRthaiva vibhUtayaH' iti tat krimiti svabhAvAdeva devasya praseduSo'parAnapi viduSaH puruSAnamiSannagArAntarApatitaH kapota iva nirvAsya khayamekaizvarye vrtte| "If then he really has no illwill towards Your Majesty, and if he, like an assembly of good men, bears not the slightest malice in his heart, why has he monopolized all power by banishing, like a dove flying into a house, such men as Pundarikaksa, whose intellect and insight were as 1 See Chap. XV for the superstition.

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4. YASASTILAKA AS A PROSE ROMANCE 67 the crest-jewel of all cultured and spirited men by virtue of his talents and courage? The triumph of kings depends upon elephants; yet (why did he banish) Bandhujiva whose mental faculties were devoted to the mastery of all branches of elephant-lore? The fame of kings lasts as long as the sun and the moon owing to their patronage of great poets; yet (why did he banish) the poet Hara, an excellent votary of the nectar of sweet utterances on the creeper of your fame? Wealth that does not support the good is of no use : knowing this, why did he, being intolerant, banish yet other learned men, friendly by nature to Your Majesty ?" Good examples of reflective prose are provided by the musings of Yasodhara after the discovery of the misconduct of his consort. Pausing after his momentary resolve to kill her, Yasodhara says (Chap IV, p. 48 ): AH kimidamaho karmAhamanuSTAtuM vyvsitH| na khalu nArya iva zubhamazubhaM vA karma sahasaivArabhante vinItamatayaH, nApi vipadi saMpadi vA kRpaNaprakRtaya ivAzu vikriyAM gacchanti mahAnubhAvAH, na cAlpamedhasAmiva mahIyasAmupapannA bhavanti kAmacAreNa pravRttayaH, na caitadgahanaM kiMtu prAtarmayaiva lajjAvanatamastakena ziraH pidhAya sthAtavyam / zocitavyaM ca mayaiva praNayinAM puraH pazcAttApaduHpratiSThAnamidamanuSThAnam / zrotavyA bhaviSyanti mayaiva karNakaTutAkArAH purajanasya dhikkArAH / suSTha malinIkRtaM syAnmayaivAtmIyaM mAmIya ca kulam / soDhavyA mayaiva svaduSkRtaniruttaravidhAzcittazalyaspRzaH kulavRddhAnAmabhidhAH / ahamevodAharaNaM bhaviSyAmi durbuddhInAM kuTumbavighaTane / kaluSatAmeSyatyeSevAsthAne viniyojitA khagalatA / strIvadhAdayamajani tapakhIti mRtasyApi me na duryazaH prazAntimarhati / zokAtaGke patiSyati ca sAparAdhasavitrImRtiduHkhito yuvarAjaH / paraM ca bahvaparAdhe hi dehini kSaNamAtravyathAzaraNaM maraNamanugraha iva / yadi punaranavekSaNamupasthitasya, asaMbhASaNamAsannasya, upekSaNaM vijJapayataH, avadhIraNamasa paribhUyamAnasya, AzAbhaGgakaraNamarthayataH, prItivitaraNaM tadanabhimatAnAm , asmaraNaM priyagoSThISu, anavekSaNaM tatparijanasya, apavArya vyAharaNaM khaprakAzeSvapyAlApeSu, anavasarAnusaraNamasaMgabhAveSvapi prastAveSu kriyeta, syAt pratyAnItazciramasthAne kRtasamayaH praNayaH / ___"Ah, what have I set myself to do? Certainly the wise never do anything good or bad, like women, on the spur of the moment, nor are the high-spirited quickly perturbed, like the weak-minded, in prosperity or danger, nor do arbitrary acts befit the great as they they do those who are poor in talents. This is by no means hard to comprehend. (If I kill her) it is I who will have to cover my head on the morrow, downcast with shame; it is I who will have to bewail my action, injudicious on account of repentance, in the presence of friends; it is I who will have to hear the reproaches of the citizens, harsh to the ear; it is I w] have tarnished my own family and that of my uncle ; it is I who will have to bear the cutting remarks of the elders, without any means of reply on account of my misdeed. I will be cited as an example of how the foolish disrupt their own families. And this sword will be polluted, if applied to an unworthy object. "He became a miserable wretch by murdering a woman' - this evil report concerning me will not subside even after my death. And the prince (Yasomati), miserable at the death of his guilty mother, will be sorely afflicted with grief. Besides, death with its momentary

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68 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE pain is as a favour to one who has committed a grievous offence. On the other hand, it is possible to repudiate long misdirected love if the person so loved is treated with contempt' even on isolated occasions; for example, if one does not take any notice of him when present; if one does not talk to him when near; if one ignores him when he makes a statement; if one neglects him when insulted by his inferiors; if one disappoints him when he asks for a favour; if one befriends those who are disliked by him; if one does not mention him in conversation with friends; if one does not look at his attendants; and if even in self-evident matters (requiring no deliberation) one dismisses him on the pretext of lack of leisure." After recognising that the pageant of life loses its meaning without women, Yasodhara dilates on their villainy and faithless character (p. 61): imA nizamanunIyamAnA gRhamarkaTamiva viDambayanti puruSam, upacArairgRhyamANA dAnadurbharAH sa meSa ityadhikSipanti, apekSyamANAH pazumiva manyante, haThAdupabhujyamAnAH zmazAnakuTamiva pariharanti, serghyamanuyujyamAnA bhujaya iva dazanti, guNavadbhagho nimbAdivodvijante, zucikriyeSu mRtpiNDa ivAbhinivizante, anurajyantya eva bhavanti kAraNamanarthaparaMparAyAH, hasantya eva zalyayantyaGgAni pazyantya eva dahanti deham, Alapantya eva skhalanti manasaH sthairyam, Asajantya eva kurvanti tRNAdaSi laghutaraM manuSyam, ArakSyamANAH svacchalenaivArabhante duSkarmANi / na cAsAmasti rakSaNopAyaH / "Constantly pampered, they deride men as they would a tame monkey. They are never satisfied with presents, and when treated with marks of esteem, they mock at men as being sheep. When sought after, they look upon men as brutes. When enjoyed against their will, they forsake men like a water-pot used in a cremation ground. Jealously questioned, they bite like serpents. They shun those who are virtuous like the Neem tree (with the bitter leaves), and regard those who act from pure motives as clods of earth. Women become a source of perennial evil even while they profess love, pierce one's limbs even while they laugh, consume one's body even while they cast glances, undermine one's strength of mind even while they talk, and degrade a person even lower than a blade of grass by attaching themselves to him. When guarded, they commit misdeeds by resorting to their own devices, and there is in fact no means of effectively guarding them." The disgruntled husband takes a pessimistic view of youth, wealth and the joys of life, all these being regarded as disturbing influences on the moral life. The observations are enlivened by a large number of illustrative similes (p. 66 ) : yauvanAvirbhAvaH punaH kAdambarIyoga iva paraM mumukSUNAmapi nAvikArya manAMsi vizrAmyati / zrImadaH sarvendriyANAM januSAndhatvamivApratIkAramupaghAta karaNam / anaGgasiddhAntaH khalopadeza ivAnarthabhujaGgamAnAmutthApanadaNDaH / kavayaH punaH pizAcA iva viSayeSu vibhramayanti nisargAdajihmAnyapi cittAni / DiNDimadhvaniriva vyasanavyAlaprabodhanakaraH kalAnAmabhyAsaH / niyogalAbha ivApAtasundaraH prasahyonmAdayati suviduSo'pi puruSAn praNayijanavilAso hRdayamupanipatya darpayati ca / yAcitakamaNDanamiva 1 Ms. A remarks yadi anavasarAnusaraNaM nirAdaraH kriyeta tadA praNayaH nirAkRtaH syAt / anavasarAnusaraNaM kimiva anavekSaNamityAdi kriyeta.

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4. YASASTILAKA AS A PROSE KOMANCE . TL chandAnuvatI parijanaH / tadeteSvekamapyalamupahantuM prANinaH, kiM punaramISAM na samavAyaH / ..... yasyAM punarlakSmyAmayaM mahAnAgraho lokasya sA daivAt karamupAgatApi sUtakakaNikeva na bhavati sthirA / khalamaitrIva saMgacchamAnApi janayatyavazyaM kAMcidvipadam / apAmArgayavAgUriva labdhApi na zakyate pariNamayitum / prayatnaparipAlitApi kulaTeva karotyupapatAvabhilASam / anubhUyamAnApi madireva mohayatyantaHkaraNam / grahoparAgalekheva gatApyasaMtApayantI na vyavatiSThate / sAhasairupasthitApi rAkSasIva chalayati kevalaM mahApuruSeSu pratiSThAM pratyavasAdayitum / durjaneSu kSaNamAtraM sakhIbhAvamupayAti / "The advent of youth, like the drinking of wine, never fails to pervert the minds even of those who are bent on salvation. The pride of wealth, like birth-blindness, causes an incurable paralysis of all the senses. Erotic lore, like a villain's counsel, is a magic wand for raising serpents, the evils of life. The poets, like demons, bewilderingly divert the minds of men, although straightforward by nature, to mundane joys. The practice of the arts is like the sound of a drum, awakening the serpents of evil passions. The enjoyment of a beloved woman, charming only at the beginning, like an appointment newly obtained, forcibly intoxicates even very wise men, and taking possession of the heart, fills it with pride. The subservient attendents are like borrowed ornments. Not to speak of the combination of these evils, even one of them is sufficient to destroy sentient beings. The Goddess of wealth, for whom the world has so great a longing, becomes fickle like a particle of mercury even when she comes into one's possession by chance. Like the friendship of villains, she is bound to cause some calamity even when she is one's associate. Like gruel made from the Apamarga plant, she cannot be assimilated even when one has acquired her. Like a lewd woman, she longs for a paramour even when cherished with care. Like wine, she deludes the mind even while she is enjoyed. Like an eclipse, she never fails to cause distress even after she has vanished. Although she appears at the call of bravery, she practises deception, like a demoness, in order to destroy the eminence of the great. For a moment she befriends the villains." The difficulty of controlling the mind is emphasized in Sudatta's reflections in Book I, similes being used as usual to give point to the remarks (p. 111): tathA sakRccalitaM ca cetaH prAsAda iva punaH duSkaramuddhartum , dUrataramunnatAni girizikharANIva zakyante zarIriNAM hRdayAni sukhenaivAdhastAt pAtayitumArohayituM na punarduHkhenApi / asti ca 'zreyAMsi bahuvighnAni' iti viduSAM prvaadH| zrutAbhyAsazca bisatanturdantinamiva pratyavasyantamAtmAnamalaM na bhavati nivArayitum, tanucchada ivAdhIradhISuna jAyate calatazcittasya trANAya dehadAhakarAgamaH saMyamaH, bahirutthAvasthitaH pAradarasa iva dvandvaparigataH pumAn kSaNamapi nAste prasaMkhyAnakriyAsu / "It is as difficult to steady the mind, once it has gone astray, as it is to restore a building shaken to its foundations. The hearts of men. i. e, fickle, faithless. Borrowed ornaments denote the idea of instability as they are claimed back by their owners. The idea is fully explained in a Buddhist simile which compares the pleasures of sense to borrowed wealth. See Majjhima Nikaya, Potaliya Sutta (LIV): T he FifT.'

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70 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE b e mentioned he spy gives a deto al to which he was t like extremely high mountain-peaks, can easily be flung to a lower level, but cannot be elevated even with difficulty. And there is a saying of the wise that the good is accoinpanied by many impediments. The study of the Scriptures cannot check the erring self, just as lotus fibres cannot hold back an elephant. Self-control, physically distressing as it s, cannot protect the unsteady minds of those who are fickle, just as an armour cannot fortify the wavering hearts of cowards. A man surrounded by distractions cannot concentrate even momentarily on meditative efforts, just as mercury placed over the fire does not last even for a moment." A few homely pictures are provided by Somadeva's description of certain misers in Yasastilaka. In the humorous prelude to the spy's report, the latter speaks of a fellow named Kilinjaka described as the foremost of misers. "He is to be counted first among the stingy. He is the exemplar of the penurious, and deserves to be called the chief of the untidy. He is the crest-jewel of the greedy, and his name can be mentioned only at the end of a meal." The spy gives a detailed account of the wretched meal to which he was treated by the miser (Book III, p. 404): ................... gl/T4541 91TH, e ferTARH, 3771 ARHFP#19219, abhRSTacirbhaTikAbhakSaNabhagnabhAvakramam , apakvArkAgnidamanariGgiNIphalAviralaviracanam , agasticUtAmrAtakapicumandakandalasadanam , anekadivasavAsArthitAmlakhalakavistAram , atIvapAkopahatabRhatIvArtAkaphalasobhAjanakandasAlanakAvatAram , eraNDaphalapalANDumuNDikADambaram , ucchUnodvellitavallakarAlakakokundoDDamaram , analparAjikAvarjitAvantisomAvasAnam ,............ The description is of interest not only on account of the names of a large variety of fruits and vegetables but as providing detail of domestic life, and is a contrast to the rather empty rhetoric which sometimes characterizes Kavya prose, including Somadeva's own writing. It reminds one of a similar but less complex account of poor men's fare preserved in an extract from the Greek comedian Alexis, cited by Athenaeus in Deipnosophistae II. 55. Somadeva in Yasastilaka, Book VII (section 32), gives another picture of a notorious miser, the wealthy merchant Sagaradatta, who has rather queer notions of economy and resorts to ingenious devices to put them into practice. He does not, for instance, buy oil for lighting his courtyard, but hangs a mirror from the edge of the roof of his house, and allows the light from his neighbour's house to be reflected in the mirror. He would advise the boys of the household not to waste oil in massaging their bodies before bath, but to have contact with the oil-smeared bodies of the boys of the neighbourhood in a close fight with them. He would instruct his servants to purchase oil and salt and then return both as being bad, the particles adhering to the receptacle being sufficient for subsistence! He avoids washing expenses by selling his dirty linen, and never accepts an

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4. YASASTILAKA AS A PROSE ROMANCE 71 invitation to dinner lest he should be required to return the invitation; and his servants see what other people ate in their homes. It will be conceded that we have here a portrait worthy of Theophrastus. Descriptions of female beauty so frequent in Sanskrit literature are rare in Yasastilaka. A well-drawn picture is that of the beautiful daughtersin-law of Queen Celini, followed by the pathetic figure of the wife of Puspadanta, grown ugly and emaciated after twelve years of separation from her husband who had taken the monastic vow.1 The portrait of Maradatta in Book I is chiefly remarkable for the young king's love of dangerous exploits and strange rites; while the cumbrous description of king Yasorgha in Book II may be contrasted with the simple one of Sudatta as king of Kalinga in Book V. The seasonal descriptions in Book I form the background of Sudatta's religious austerities which are briefly outlined. Not much interest attaches to the artificial description of Avanti in Book II and the pleasure garden in Book I. Most of the natural descriptions are of the conventional type and often characterized by artificial conceits and commonplace images. There are, however, others enlivened by striking details illustrating the author's powers of observation. Mention may be made of the animated description, in Book V, of the prosperous dairy-farm of Karahata, full of all kinds of cows, horses, mules, donkeys and sheep, a combination, as it were, of the oceans of curds, milk and clarified butter'. A variety of scenes common to life in a dairy-farm in medieval India is vividly described (p. 184): kvacidunnigalamaNDalavAlAkulitabastavarkarakam kvacigopAlapota pAriplavopadyamAna vRddhavRSNikam, kvacidvatsekSaNakSaratstanadhenudugdhadhArAdhAvyamAnadharApITham, kvacit kAlazeyakalazarAzivizrANanaprIyamANAtithipeTam, kvacid vanavinirRttanicikI. niTilanikaTanikSipyamANadadhidarbhadUrvAkSataprasavam kvaciddalitadAmadAsera kArbha kabhrAntizaGkitazakRtkarikhurakSudyamAnAdmanidezapalavam,kvacittaruNatarAbhIroddbhUrNaghana dughaNa ghoraghAta ghUrNyamAnaraNarabha sakSobhasaMdhukSitaraktAkSakakSam, kvacidunmAthanAthahariyUthayuddhabAdhyamAnapraSTauhIpakSam kvacidvaSkayaNIkSIra pratIkSyamANagRhagRhAvagrahaNIgRhadevatAkulam kvacidgomithuna pariNayotphullapallavasvavAsinIjanoccAryamANamaGgalam, kvaciddadhimanthamanthAnadhvanivinartyamAnabhavatabarhiNam, kacinmAheyI dohavyA hArAhUyamAnapayaHpAnaparapathikagaNam, kvacit saMdAnadAmanIcyuta capalatastarNakakSoda rudita dArakadIyamAna jaratIrakSAvidhAnam "Somewhere in the farm the kids are harassed by the unchained young dogs, and elsewhere an old ewe is tormented by the pranks of a cow-boy. At one place the ground is drenched with milk streaming from a cow's udders at the sight of her calf; at another place guests are entertained with gifts of pitchers of buttermilk; and elsewhere curds, blades of kusa and durva grass, unbroken rice and flowers are placed on the forehead of a cow back from the woods. Here the tender leaves in the mangers are crushed by the hooves of For the story see Chap. XVI. 1

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72 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE calves frightened by the scamper of the young camels who have broken their chains; there the buffaloes stagger under the merciless blows dealt by the young Abhiras with heavy sticks, and are infuriated by the violent commotion t. At one place the resort of cows with young for the first time is disturbed by the combats of a herd of powerful bulls. At one place the tutelary deities presiding over the threshold of a house are worshipped with the milk of cows with grown up calves; and at another place women with husbands alive, carrying blossoming sprig3, sing auspicious songs at the nuptials of a bull and a cow; while else where the domestic peacocks are made to dance by the sound of the churn staff in the making of curds. Somewhere in the farm the sound of the milking of cows invites wayfarers eager to partake of milk; while elsewhere an old dame comes to the rescue of a boy weeping at being trampled on by a nimble calf that has broken away from the tether." The elaborate description of the great forest chiefly for the vivid portrayal of a variety of wild animals in their natural surroundings (p. 198): ......... kvacidupalambApralambastambavilambamAnajAnakottrAsitahariNaprayANabharabhItabhAlUkanikaram , .... kacidanavaratamRgamArgamArgaNazramazrAntacilAtaceliko culuJcitacurIvArivIkSaNAturatarakSucakSurdurlakSyanaganimnagApulinam , kvaciDDAmarikanikAyasAyakaviddhavRddhavarAhavirasavirasitasravatkuraGgAGganAgarbhanirbharam , kvacidunmadamahiSamaNDalArabdharaNaviSANasaMghaTTocchalatsphuliGgasaMgazIryamANAgamAprapa69774, ....**facaizsgariaetcaracfarefarbe TomassisTaTuS ET TESTESAFET........ 99ghoraghUtkAraghUrNyamANapurANaviTapikoTaraprasUtavAyasIvargam , kvacidbalavadalAlonmUlitadrumalAkulakalabhapracAram ,....... kvaciccitrakakulAghrAtapRSatakhurakhaNDyamAnakadalIpravAlAntaraGgam , kvacidananyasAmAnyodanyAnudrutadravadrakujihvAvalihyamAnamRgatRSNikAtaraGgam kacitpracaNDagaNDakavadanavidAryamANarururudhiradurIkSavRkSAnIkam , kvacinniHzalyazallakazalAkAjAlakIlyamAnarallakalokalokam....... "Somewhere in the forest a pack of bears is scared by a herd of deer rushing past, being struck with terror at the sight of the wild oxen loitering among the clumps of spreading creepers........................At one place the islet of a mountain river looks terrible with the hyenas worried at the sight of the water of the sandy pools being drunk up by the Bhilla boys, exhausted by the constant search for the track of deer. A corner of the forest is covered with the embryos of hinds expelled by the shrill cries of the old boars pierced by the arrows of a band of robbers. At one place the extremities of the thick foliage of trees wither in contact with the sparks shooting up from the the clash of horns in the combats of frenzied buffaloes...... .......At one place the sky is covered with the feathers of birds flying away from their nests, being dispersed by a crowd of monkeys roaming at will........................ another place the female crows bring forth their young in the hollows of the old trees shaken by the horrible cries of the compact flocks of screech-owls. In one part of the forest, the movements of the elephant cubs are hampered by the clusters of trees uprooted by violent gales....... .......... Another ...At

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4. YASASTILAKA AS A PROSE ROMANCE 73 part of the forest is covered with the leaves of the banana plants cut up by the hooves of the bucks attacked by leopards. At one place antelopes, oppressed by an uncommon thirst, run and lap up the ripples of a mirage. At another place the trees are ghastly with the blood of stags pierced by the horn of some fierce rhinoceros, and all the Rallaka deer are transfixed by the spines of the porcupines moving about freely." Similar delineation of the wild life of nature is found in the descripion of the Sipra river in Book V (p. 208): anyonyApaghanaghanAghaTTakupitakumbhIra bhayabhrAmyatkakubhakuhUtkAramukharam, avAghATaba koTaceSTitazca kitakamalamUlanilImAnapotAdhAnam, amburuha kuharaviharadavahAra vighnitavaikhAnasa kusumoJchana vidhAnam, udIrNadarpadIvi tumulakalikolAhalAvalokamUkamUkakalokam, unmattamakarakarAsphAlanottAlalahariko ttAlitAravindakandaradravanmakaranda binducandrakAvacayacaTulacaJcarIkamecakavIcikAnIkam, uddAmodakadvipadazanadazyamAnamRNAlinIzakalasAraprasaram, atucchakacchapAcchoTamUrchatpAThIna pRSThapIThIuThaduddaNDaDiNDIrapiNDazikhaNDitATanitaTInikaTa karkaram .. "The waters resound with the cries of the water-fowl hovering about in fear of the alligators enraged at the heavy clash of each other's bodies, and the young fish lie hidden under the lotus beds, scared by the movements of the silent cranes; while the gathering of flowers by anchorites is hampered by the water-snakes prowling inside the lotus beds. The frogs keep quiet on hearing the noise of the fierce fights of ferocious waterserpents; and the ripples are darkened by the bees briskly collecting the spreading honey drops oozing from the inner cavity of the lotus blossoms swayed by the surging waves caused by frenzied crocodiles splashing the water with their claws. The waters are overspread with fragments of lilies chewed by fierce hippopotami; and the contiguous rocks of the mountain slopes are fringed with heavy masses of foam floating on the broad backs of the Pathina fish, excited by the splash made by huge tortoises." Among other descriptions of nature the oncoming darkness is described towards the end of Book III, and Book IV opens with an overwrought picture of sunset and the evening twilight. Elaborate descriptions of the seasons occur in Books I and III, and although the imagery is conventional, there are graphic touches; for example, in the portrayal of the flowers and plants of the rainy season when "the fields are uneven with dense masses of mushrooms; the horizon is pink with blossoms of water-pepper plants; the crevices of mountain rocks are delightfully fragrant with jasmine flowers; .the hill tops are adorned with Girimallika buds;.. the mountain bowers are gay with Sarja and Arjuna trees; and the leafy petals of the Ketaki flowers glisten, shaped like Cupid's darts." (Book III). 1 Ms. A reads dIvaTa for dIvi. 2 This is the reading of Ms. A. The printed text reads frenare. 10

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE The prose hymns in Book VIII are an interesting experiment in Kavya prose, and illustrate a Jaina literary genre. They are in the form of elaborate prayers addressed to the Panca-Paramesthins, ti spiritual leaders of the Jaina church, and are in keeping with the character of Yasastilaka as a Jaina religious romance composed in Kavya style. The place of these prose invocations in the devotional scheme outlined by Somadeva has been indicated in a subsequent chapter, and it may here be pointed out that each invocation ends with a verse in the con ustup metre. There are eight such groups, five addressed to the Paramesthins (Arhat, Siddha, Acarya, Upadhyaya and Sadhu), and three abstract ones addressed to the Jewels of Right Faith, Kight Knowledge and Right Conduct. For example, OM nikhilabhuvanapativihitaniratizayasaparyAparamparasya .............................virahitArirajorahaHkuhakabhAvasya samavasaraNasaro'vatIrNajagattrayapuNDarIkakhaNDamArtaNDamaNDalasya duSpArAjavaJjavIbhAvajalanimajajantujAtahastAvalambaparamAgamasya bhaktibharavimataviSTapatrayIpAlamaulimaNiprabhAbhoganabhovijRmbhamANacaraNanakSatranikurumbasya sarakhatIvaraprasAdacintAmaNerlakSmIlatAniketakalpAnokahasya kIrtipotikApravardhanakAmadhenoravIciparicayakhalIkArakAraNAbhidhAnamAtramantraprabhAvasya saubhAgyasaurabhasaMpAdanapArijAtaprasavastabakasya saurUpyotpattimaNimakarikAghaTanavikaTAkArasya ratnatrayapuraHsarasya bhagavato'rhatparameSTino'STatayImiSTiM karomIti khAhA / api ca naroragasurAmbhojavirocanarucizriyam / bhArogyAya jinAdhIzaM karomyarcanagocaram // "I perform the eightfold worship of the Exalted Arhat Paramesthin preceded by the Three Jewels. All hail! He is continuously worshipped with intense devotion by the lords of all the worlds......... ...............He is free from the deception of Deluding, Knowledge, and Conation-obscuring and Obstructive Karmas. He is a sun to the lotus-bed of the universe appearing in his great audience-hall as on a pool of water. He is the mighty support of the creatures submerged in the impassable waters of transmigration. His feet, like stars, shine in the firmament of the expansive radiance of the crown jewels of the lords of the three worlds, devoutly bowing obeisance. He is as a wishing gem for obtaining the highest favours of the goddess of learning. He is a Kalpa tree, the support of the creeper of Prosperity. He is as the all-giving celestial cow in nourishing the nascent Fame (of his worshippers). The mere utterance of his name has the efficacy of a magic formula in destroying one's chance of going to hell. He is as a bunch of Parijata flowers radiating the fragrance of well-being. He is the imagemaker that creates the bejewelled figure of Beauty's rise. Further, I worship Lord Jina for health. His splendour doth produce 1 Ms. A explains faaet as gasto 2 See Chap. X. 3 Ms. A says ar HIE: I sit antaa T HI TE: prara: 1

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4. YASASTILAKA AS A PROSE ROMANCE 75 on men, gods and serpents an effect like that of the rays of the sun on lotus blossoms." OM viditaveditavyasya bAhyAbhyantarAcaraNakaraNatrayavizuddhitripathagApagApravahanirmUlitamanojakujakuTumbADambarasya amarAmbaracaranaranitambinIkadambanadaprAdurbhUtamadanamadamakarandadurdinavinodAravindacandrAyamANoditoditavratatrAtApahasitArvAcInacaritracyutavirizcavirocanAdivaikhAnasarasasya anekazastribhuvanakSobhavidhAyibhirdhyAnadhaiyAvadhUtaviSvakpratyUhavyUhairananyajanasAmAnyavRttibhirmanogocarAticarairAzcaryaprabhAvabhUmibhiranavadhAritavidhAnaistaistairmUlottaraguNagrAmaNIbhistapaHprArambhaiH sakalaihikasukhasAmrAjyavarapradAnAvahitAyAtAvadhIritavismitopanatavanadevatAlakAlikulavilupyamAnacaraNasarasijaparAgasya nirvANapathaniSThitAtmano ratnatrayapuraHsarasya bhagavataH sarvasAdhuparameSThino'STatayImiSTiM karomIti svAhA / api ca bodhApagApravAheNa vidhyAtAnaGgavahnayaH / vidhyArAdhyAJjayaH santu sAdhyabodhyAya sAdhavaH // "I perform the eightfold worship of the Exalted, All-holy Sadhu Paramesthin preceded by the Three Jewels, the Saint who has devoted himself to the path of salvation. All hail! He has comprehended all knowable things, and uprooted the luxuriant grove of passion with the Ganges flow of the purity of mind, body and speech in the external and internal spheres of activity. He has thrown into the shade the religious meditation of inferior and degenerate recluses such as Brahma, Virocana and others, by dint of the multitude of his own ever-recurring vows, which, like the moon, wither up the honey-laden toy-lotus of frenzied passion, originating in the river of beautiful maids among the gods, men and the Vidyadharas. The dust of his lotus feet is wiped off by the bees in the shape of the hair of the sylvan deities, bowing to him in obeisance, who come to confer on hin the boon of worldly happiness in its entire range, but are amazed at being ignored by him on account of his diverse austerities, headed by the vows comprising the Mula - and the Uttara-gunas; (austerities) that perturb the three worlds in diverse ways, and remove all obstacles with the strength of meditation, and are extraordinary in character, and beyond the range of thought, and inscrutable in their working, and productive of miraculous power! Further, may the saints whose feet are to be worshipped, according to the prescribed rule, help us to acquire perfect knowledge! They have extinguished the tire of passion with the current of the river of knowledge." OM yat sakalalokAlokAvalokanapratibandhakAndhakAravidhvaMsanam , anavadyavidyAmandAkinInidAnamedinIdharam , azeSasattvotsavAnandacandrodayam , akhilavataguptisamitilatArAmapuSpAkarasamayama, analpaphalapradAyitapaHkalpadrumaprasavabhUmimasmayopazamasaumanasyavRttidhairyapradhAnaranuSTIyamAnamuzanti saddhAdhanAH paramapadaprAptaH prathamamiva sopAnam , tasya paJcatayAtmanaH sarvakiyopazamAtizayAvasAnasya sakalamaGgalavidhAyinaH paJcaparameSTipuraHsarasya bhagavataH samyakcAritraratnasyASTatayImiSTiM karomIti svAhA api ca dharmayoginarendrasya karmavairijayArjane / zarmakRt sarvasaravAnAM dharmadhIvRttamAzraye // 1 MB.A says sAdhyo bodhya AtmA yasya tata sAdhyabodhyaM kevalazAnaM tasmai.

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76 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE "I undertake the eightfold worship of the Exalted Jewel of Right Conduct, preceded by the five Paramesthins, and fivefold in character that produces all good, and culminates in the absolute cessation of all forms of activity. All hail! It destroys the darkness that obstructs the view of the entire universe. It is the Himalaya of unblemished knowledge ; the moonrise of festive joy to all living creatures; and the springtime of the creepery grove of all the vows and modes of self-restraint and vigilance. It is the nursery of the Kalpa trees of religious austerities that vouchsafe mighty results, and it is practised by those who possess humility, mental calm, a kindly disposition and fortitude. The wise call this Jewel of Right Conduct the first step to the attainment of the supreme goal. Further, intent on Dharma, and for the purpose of vanquishing my enemy, Karma, I resort to the way of life of the Dharmayogin, the best of men. It bring happiness to all living creatures." Somadeva's style is enlivened by the occasional use of popular maximg occurring chiefly in his prose and sometimes also in verses. For example, Paret yostacat 77927' (Book IV): Enquiring as to an auspicious date for shaving one's head after one has already finished it. As pointed out by Jacob, Laukikanyayanjali, Part II, this proverb occurs in the Nyayamanjari in the form muNDitazironakSatrAnveSaNam . The proverb 'zreyAMsi bahuvighnAni' (Book I) occurs at the beginning of a popular verse cited, for example, by Haribhadra at the commencement of his own commentary on his Anekantajayapataka: zreyAMsi bahavighnAni bhavanti mahatAmapi / azreyasi pravRttAnAM vApi yAnti vinaaykaaH|| 'carinat 2121: TET TUOTT ofa:' (Book IV): On one side a precipice, on the other a tiger; how can a living creature pass? To be between the devil and the deep sea. This and two other similar sayings are cited in Nalacampu, Book V: Fat 0279 gadst, at Tallarat fra:, gat geerara catstg777' Pat -91277 1. Tua it A FOT777: big fagra, faqen e Hat' (Books VII & V): Sovereignty leads to hell, employment to captivity, trust in women to death, and friendship with villains to dlanger. Tact #: a Tar:' occurs in a verse of Book IV. aT ga a g ' Ibid.' TA A trategi yaoi ain' Ibid. 1 For the fivefold Caritra (conduct) see Chap. XI ( section on Caritrabhakti). 2 Effective control over mind, body, and speech (Fraufa, togfa and Faitge). Tattvartha dhigama-sutra 9.4. 3 saata (Proper care in walking), Tareqa (Proper care in speaking), quam (Proper care in eating), sra E AR (Proper care in lifting and depositing), and Schiffa (Proper care in excretion). Ibid.9.5. 4 See Chap. XII.

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4. YASASTILAKA AS A PROSE ROMANCE 77 What wise man will carry salt for presenting it to the saltsea ? Then guapAeterna: ' sta #f 794, Book VII, section 32. The sense, as far as can be judged from the context, seems to be that kings are as liberal as Indra in rewarding merit and as strict as Yama in punishing crime. 'rAjaparigRhItaM tRNamapi kAJcanIbhavati' Ibid. : Even a blade of grass belonging to the king becomes as valuable as gold. ofya ' Book IV, 3778977' Book II, verse 153: The maxim of the blind man and the quail'. ' H SHREE : :' Book III. verse 73. is a variation of the wellknown maxim 3r A fare for ef 90 asta discussed by Jacob (op. cit.), Part I. The following maxims bearing on the character of women occur in Book IV: farzt: g Thua THERE Alley' spa, '31919 Tha Art' ga HET I 27 galala Anarca:- detsfa gert fait la fet gaat FITT'. The last of these maxims is also cited by Somadeva in Nitivakyamita : aituri si fara sa kuryustairazvo'pi puMyogaH / . Somadeva has an eye for the grotesque, as exemplified in his description of the elephant driver in Book IV and the king's spy in Book III, His power to depict the strange and the terrible is illustrated not only in his remarkable picture of Candamari and the Mahabhairava temple in Book I but in the description of the scenes of horror conjured up by a Vidyadhara to disturb the meditation of the sage Manmathamathana, in Book V, and the similar scenes created by two gods to test the steadfastness of Jinadatta and Padmaratha in their austerities, in the first story of Book VI. Disease and disgusting conditions are delineated in the story of Auddayana in Book VI section 9); while Amrtamati, stricken with leprosy after her crime, is introduced in a verse of Book V. Curious examples of abusive language are found in the story of the Vidyadhara mentioned above, who is discovered in the act of molesting the sage Manmathamathana by the king of the Vidyadharas, and addressed by the latter thus : are kadAcArAcAra parAkadurAtman khalapurobhAgin vidyAdharAdhama khecarakheTa vihAyogamayApya viyacarakhela heTha narakanivAsa pApAcAra bahukumatibhRtacitta guNamaTaha nihIna gandharvalokApasada mAtaripuruSa......... Similarly, in the story of Sribhuti in Book VII (section 27), the dishonest priest is rebuked by the king in opprobrious language. The incorporation of the religious and moral tales in Books VI and VII gives the author an opportunity esenting scenes not usually found in Sanskrit prose romances. 1 The translation of the verse in question in chapter XI follows Srutasagara's explanation of the maxim. Vardhamana, on Ganaratnamahodadhi III. 195, explains it differently. See Jacob ( p. cit.), Part I.

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78 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Frequent and sometimes felicitous use of similes is made by Somadeva in his narrative and descriptive prose, Vajrakumara was, for instance, adorned by his youth, just as a desert path is adorned by a shady tree; just as a shady tree is adorned by a pool of water; just as a pool of water is adorned by a lotus-bed; just as a lotus-bed is adorned by a flock of swans; just as a flock of swans is adorned by the company of beautiful women; a id just as the company of beautiful women is adorned by the graceful play of love'.' After the discovery of Amrtamati's guilt, Yasodhara's heart burnt like a tree enveloped by fire; he was furious like the ocean overflowing its shores; he changed countenance like the moon attacked by Rahu, and trembled like creatures at the approach of death; his lips quivered like a leaf that is being cut to pieces; he frowned like Siva intent on burning the Three Cities; aud his bosom was aglow like a heated cauldron. The guilty wonian, after her transgression, crept back to her husband's bed and slept, clinging to his bogom, like as a female rogue elephant enters a grove of trees, just as a sheet of lightning plunges into a rain-cloud, just as a serpent enters a mountain cave, just as the messenger of death enters the world, just as a crocodile enters the ocean, or a female goblin the dense woods. This may be contrasted with another series of similes, in which the conjugal harmony of Candramati and her consort Yasorgha is likened to the relationship existing between wise policy and a kingdom, forbearance and religious austerities, modesty and learning, fame and life, the Flag of triumph and the god of love, mango blossoms and springtime, the Kalpa creeper and a tree of heaven, and a series of beneficial happenings and a sacred day of religious piety. A long series of similes occurs also in Yasodhar reflections on women as an indispensable factor in the joys of life. Without women, a kingdom is like a forest, ornaments are like the decoration of a dead body, beauty paint is like smearing of clay, adornment of the body is like shampooing a man who is asleep, the flurry of fly-whisks and parasols is like the worship of evil spirits, the practice of the arts is like a device for wasting time, the study of poetry is like an attempt to re irritation of the mouth, deliberations in the council chamber are like possession by evil spirits, public audience is like entering a prison, music is like a loud sermon on the futility of life, the sound of drums is like a trumpet proclaiming the banishment of worldly happiness, mansions are 1 SATI KA DIT91847, OPTYTETT TETT, TTT4 T530 TOT etc. Book VI, section 16. 2 gratuita: falane ticara , wahutag: 9 satiraranger:' etc. Book IV. 3 'auf 2710, TETTHFIAT alata, ficcitata Ya# eto. Ibid. 4 'nItiriva rAjyasya, kSAntiriva tapasaH, anutsekasthitiriva zrutasya, kIrtiriva jIvitavyasya, vijayavaijayantIva manasijasya' etc Book II.

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4. YASASTILAKA AS A PROSE ROMANCE like mountain caves, pleasure gardens are like charnel-fields, protecting one's subjects is like wage-earning, conciliation of the citizens is like the rounds of a city barber, execution of the six-fold policy is like the crossing of a dried up river, and the effort to acquire wealth is like dancing in the dark.' Yasodhara's disgust for the world and decision to renounce the world is brought into harmony with the morning scenery in a series of appropriate similes. "The east cleared up like my own decision. The stars vanished like my desire for sovereignty. The lunar orb grew dim like my passion of love. The day lotus beds blossomed forth like the disgust of my heart. The darkness of the night disappeared like my desire for worldly happiness. The glow of the early dawn melted away like the snare of my delusion." Rather bold and exaggerated similes are used to praise the Sipra river in Book V. Its waters are bright as a stream of nectar and beautiful as the oozings from moonstones, and delight the world like the Supreme Light. Abstract similes are sometimes used to describe concrete objects, e. g., in the description of the great forest in Book V: it is impenetrable like the heart of a wicked man, dreadful like the hour of universal destruction, deep like the science of numbers, intricate like the character of a woman, infested with mischievous thorns like a period of anarchy, harmful like a villain's counsel, and inaccessible like the heart of a princes. Some of the similes are marred by word-play, and a typical example is the comparison of the forest just mentioned to Raghu's family, simply because both happen to contain 'Magadhi', which, applied to the forest, means a pippali creeper; and applied to the family in question means Sudaksina, the consort of Dilipa. Simpler and more tolerable is the comparison of king Yasorgha, also based on verbal similarity, to the autumn, the spring and the other seasons. Similes based on paronomasia are in fact a common feature of the Kavya style, and it is perhaps significant that Somadeva's romance opens with a long series of similes of this type (slistopama). They are used also in the description of the great tree in the valley of the Suvela mountain in Book V." v 1 'vinA hi vilAsinIjanenAraNyamivedaM rAjyam, mRtakamaNDanamivAbharaNam, paGkopadeha iva vilepanam suptasaMvAhanamiva zarIrasaMskAraH, prakaraNamiva cAmarAtapatrA DambaraH, kAlaharaNopAya iva kalAnAmabhyAsaH, tuNDakaNDUvinayanamiva kAvyAdhyayanam ' Book IV. etc. 2 ' makkAryaparicchedeneva sphuTitaM pUrvadigbhAgena, madrAjyAbhilASeNeva viralIbhUtaM tArakanikareNa, manmanasijavilAseneva vicchAyitamindubimbena, madvairAgyamanaseva vikasitamaravindavRndena ' etc. Book IV. vAmekSaNAcaritamiva 3 'durjanahRdayamiva duSpravezam, pralayakAlamiva bhayAnakam, nigadyAgamamiva gahanAvasAnam, svabhAvaviSamam' eto. 4 'raghuvaMzamiva mAgadhIprabhavam. 5 ' zaratsamaya iva pratApavardhitamitramaNDala : ' etc. Book II. 6 ' yatra mahAnRpataya iva gomaNDalavantaH, cakravartizriya iva mahiSIsamAkulAH, bharataprayogA iva sagandharvAH 7 ' kAkutsthakathAvatAra iva kapikulavilupyamAna palAzaprasaraH, satramaNDapa iva dvijarAjavirAjitaH pAdaprabandhAvaruddhavasudhaH' etc. 79 ..........grAmAH / ' chandaH prastAra iva

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80 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN OULTURE Other examples of word-play are not very numerous considering the bulk of the romance. The device is aptly used in the satirical description of the wicked minister in Book III. The spy says, for instance, that the minister is indeed the vardhana or 'promoter' of the prosperity of the kingdom, but the word means also cutter', 'destroyer'. Similarly, he is the cause of vibhuti glory', but the word means also 'ashes'; and he is also the maker of a series of mangalas, which means both 'happy events' and 'potsherds'. There is likewise a long series of compounds in Book II, which describes in identical language the condition of kings, both when they are favoured by Yasorgha and when they incur his displeasure. When, for instance, the great king is displeased with them, their lot is tirthopasana, i. e. deprived of tbeir kingdoms, they pass their days in sacred places for the practice of religion; but when Yasorgha is favourable to them, they have tirthopasana of another kind, i. e, enjoy the loyalty of the various components of the state in full sovereignty of the realm". Similarly, another series of compounds describes simultaneously a pleasure garden and a crowd of beautiful women in a description of the summer in Book III. Virodhabhasas and Parisamkhyas, based on word-play, are also met with, but their number is not large. The description of the royal palace towards the end of Book II contains some highly artificial examples of Virodhabhasa, The most typical of the characteristics of the later Kavya style is, however, exhibited by the use of Utpreksas which are frequently employed in our work. A series of Utpreksas is used, for example, in Book I, to describe a hill, which is fancied as the bosom of Dame Earth, as the play-ball of some sylvan deity, as a sweetmeat ball given to the boyish Regions of the sky by their mothers, as the hump of the Earth Bull, as a mound barring the entrance to the nether regions, and as the supporting roost of the Sky Bird! Utpreksas are generally used to give greater perspicuity to an image and make it more striking and graphic, but very often the effect produced is rather bizarre and grotesque, although there are numerous exceptions. Those employed, for instance, to describe Candamari are quite in keeping with the dread character of the goddess, who is fancied as the younger sister of Yama, as the mother of Mahakala.Siva, as the messenger of the god of death, as the companion of the Kalagni form of Siva associated with the hour of universal i a, aer 14 tastata: 129, dari TTT TETTCH: "...aq, daerah Talerfahru 1. 2 Isfundaturaafiagif:.... Bertart: HATHATAT: 3 'khanAbhoga iva mahImahilAyAH, krIDAkanduka va vanadevatAyAH, mAtRmodaka iva digbAlakalokasya' etc.

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4. YASASTILAKA AS A PROSE ROXANGE 81 destruction, as the stewardess of the kitchen of the awful Mothers", as the nurse of the monsters, as the ground where the kinsmen of the god of death worship the Manes, and as the Night of destruction of all living creatures.' Not so successful is the attempt to reproduce the nasty spectacle of a serpent half buried in an anthill. The reptile is fancied as the intestines of the Earth Antelope, as the tail of the Earth Lioness, as the root of the Earth Creeper, as the stalk of the Earth Lily, and as the lock of hair of the Earth figured as a female monster.3 The constant desire to add new images tends to make Utpreksas farfetched and artificial, and sometimes a good image is spoilt by juxtaposition with others less effective. As is to be expected, Utpreksas occur mostly in descriptions; and some characteristic examples are provided by the natural descriptions in our romance. The Sipra river is, for example, fancied as a girdle of moonstones worn by the city of Ujjayini like a graceful lady, as the pleasure tank of the mistresses of the king of Malava, as a festive banner flying over the nether regions, as a nuptial garland for the wayside mountains, pearlstring worn by the Earth goddess, as a banner proclaiming the fame of the mountain from which the river rises, and as an irrigation canal for the gems in the ocean. Similarly, in the rainy season the sky seems to be a shower-bath for the earth long scorched by heat; the mountains with the waters of the cascades streaming down their sides appear to have white banners covering their slopes; and the lakes, full to the brim, seem to be ceremonial vessels of water, a parental offering to the Summer dead and gone!' Another series of Utpreksas occurs in the description of the temples of Rajapura in Book I. The tall, white edifices are fancied as clusters of flowers of the Sky tree, as white lights of the firmament, as masses of lotus blossoms adorning the crest of the Sky Goddess, as places for the acquisition of vast 1 The seven Matrs are mentioned in the following verse quoted by Srutasagara: Apoft a aaruft OrTet Arat i arguar mual TI: H Har: 11. For other definitions, and the number of the Mothers, which is sometimes given as nine, see the English trans. of Naisadhacarita, Vocab. uuder afiada. 2 'yA ca laghIyasI bhaginIva yamasya, jananIva mahAkAlasya, dUtikeva kRtAntasya, sahacarIva kAlAgnirudrasya, mahAnasikIva #THESE etc. 3 'gitaaaaa olentzieferata, ha metferram' etc. Book V. 4 'indumaNimekhaleba padmAvatIvilAsinyA:, jalakelidISikeva mAlavAvanIpAlavilAsinInAm , nityotsavapatAkeva bhujaGgamalokasya, PROTEST HITHEACTIE' eto. Ibid. 5 'ciratarAtapasaMtApaduHsthitAyAH kSiteryantradhArAgAralIlAmiva vibhrati gaganamaNDale.............nidApanivApajalasarAveSviva Paract*#yag Frig' Book III. 11

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82 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE religious merit by the pious of the three worlds, as expanses of the foam of the atmospheric ocean, as gleams of the loud laugh of Siva incarnate as the sky, as crystal pleasure hills of the planetary world, and as elephant cubs of the Sky Forest belonging to the (white) Airavata family." Acoumulations of Rupakas are occasionally met with, for example, in the description of Maradatta as the lover of women of different nationalities." The lengthy series of epithets, mostly Rupakas, applied to Yasodbara in the letter despatched to a rival, illustrates a current practice in royal - correspondence and inscriptional records of grants and endowments. Some of the epithets are as follows: "The Sunrise of prowess: Brahman hi in wisdom; an ocean of discernment; & swan participating in the joyful sports of the goddess of learning; the beloved consort of poetic speech; a Vidyadhara in the game of ball-throwing; an Indra in playing with rutting elephants; an Aruna in chariot-driving; a Garuda in fighting on foot; a Gandharva king in singing; a Bihaspati in the science of instru. mental music; & Bharata in the art of dancing;........ Parasurama in self-sacrifice; an axe in the jungle of hostilities; a lion to the 'fawn' of Kalinga*; a blaze to the bamboo clump' of Asmaka; a fire to the 'moth' of the Saka country; & flame consuming the king of Krathakaisika ; the crest-jewel of the Ksatriyas of Ahicchatra; Deathknell to the insubordination of the king of Pancala; a thunder-bolt to the royal dynasty of Kerala; lightning-fire to the Yavana Tree;' the subject of pleasant disputes among the beautiful women of Cedi; the luxury mirror of the women of Magadha; a tender leaf on the plump bosome of the ladies of Kanci; & love-god to the youthful Ratis of Mahismati; the beauty-paint of the ruddy lips of the fair women of Kausambi; the ear-ornament of the women of Dasarna; the passionate lover of the courtesans of Pataliputra; a bee enjoying the graceful gestures of the beautiful women of Valabhi, the perfumed ornamental dot on the foreheads of the women of Ayodhya." A reference to the original will show that most of these epithets are used with an eye to verbal effect, to which Kavga poets paid considerable attention. 1 'guerharafthmar, defefafa tantere etc. 2 'AndhrINAmalakavallarIvijummaNajaladharaH, colISu bhUlatAnartanamalayAnilaH, keralInAM nayanadIrghikAlikalahaMsaH, siMhalISu mukhakamalamakarandapAnamadhukaraH, karNATInA kucakalazavilAsapalavaH, saurASTrISu valivAhinIvinodakuaraH, kambojInA nAbhivalabhigarbhasaMbhogabhujaGgaH, palavISu nitambasthalIkhelanakuraGgaH, kalinInAM clnkislyotsvpusspaakrH|'. 3 See chap. V. 4 'Fawn', Bamboo clamp' and Moth' are contemptuous references to the kings of the respective countries. 3 i.e. the Yavana king.

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4. YASASTILAKA AS A PROSE ROMANCE 83 The Rupakas used are not, all of them, equally successful. The courtesan whose dead body forms the subject of the verse description in Book I was 'the pleasure resort of the apish minds of all who are henchmen of the god of love'. The nights of the rainy season are 'the female buffaloes who nourish the child minds of the women going out to meet their lovers'. A young man who took the help of a nurse in his love affairs is described as having made her a field for the growth of the woodland of his project. A certain sage is called 'an elephant engaged in water-sports in the river of learning. A particularly bad example is the description of another sage as 'an enclosure for the capture of the elephant herd of religious merit'." Neglect of proportion is a common characteristic of later Kavya style, and overelaboration of details often leads to the use of artificial conceits and hyperboles. Somadeva, for instance, devotes no less than twenty elaborate and mostly far-fetched epithets to Maradatta's sword (Book I, p. 161), and an almost equal number is applied to the dust raised by Yasodhara's troops (Book II, p. 337). The particles of dust are incidentally likened in an elaborate fashion to lovers enjoying the company of their beloved, because they enshroud and cling to the various limbs of the women accompanying the procession. The height of the temples of Rajapura is conveyed by saying that 'the showers of water streaming from the conduits made of moonstones, emitting moisture in contact with the rays of the moon, drench the bodies of the nymphs of heaven, withered by the fire of separation from their lovers'. Sometimes a conceit employed is exaggerated to the extent of producing something like a comic effect. In the description of the great hospitable tree in Book V, for example, the tree is fancied as mockingly addressing other trees in the forest on the subject of their being barren and useless for wayfarers. 1 'cetobhavAnucaramAnavamanomarkaTakrIDAvanavihAravasatiH '. 2 'abhisArikAjanamano'patyapoSaNagarvaryaH zarvaryaH '. 3 'svakIyAkUtakAntArapravardhanadharitrImakarot' Book VII, section 31. " 4 'sarasvatIsarijjalakelikuara: ' Book V. 5 'grafaqquit:' Book VI, section 19. 6 tataH sainyasImantinIca raNapraNipAtapraNayimAnasApraNIta prasRtAsaMvAhanavinodakarmANaH kRta nitamba sthalIkhelakhedA: saMjanitanA - bhidarakuhara viharaNAH ... ..." samAcarita sImantaprAnta cumbanAH sUtrita suratasamAgamAH priyatamA iva balasaMcaraNa reNavaH / '. 7 'amRtakarAMtapasparzadrava ccandrakAntamayapraNAlocchalajjalajAlakA sAra sicyamAnaviyadvihAriNIviraha vaizvAnarakarmamarmara zarIrayaSTibhiH". 8 yazcAnavaratamakhilajanopasevyamAnasarvasvaH pavanavazavikAzadhareNa palavAdhareNopahasatIva prativezitarUn / ' asmin duHsaMcAre kAntAre devAdavApyamAnasamAgamanasyArthijanasyAvidhAya kamapyupakAramare khadira, kiM tavAntaHsAratayA / sarala, vRthedaM saralatvam "pUtIka, arthijanAzAbhaGgAya mArgAvasthitiH / "

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84 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE One of the topics which makes later Sanskrit writers throw off all restraint is fame, usually the fame of kings. Apart from poetical descriptions of royal fame, Somadeva gives an elaborate picture of the fame of the sage Sudatta (Book I), which illustrates how Kavya poets seek novelty in the treatment of conventional themes by introducing fanciful images and conceits. The description in question may be summarised thus. "The universe having been pervaded by Sudatta's fame, white as the foam of milk, Brahman is anxious lest the white things created by him should be inerged in the general whiteness and lost to view. So he devises signs of recognition, and puts the submarine fire in the Ocean of Milk, masses of matted hair on Siva's head, a dark spot in the form of a deer in the moon, protuberances on the heads of Airavata and other divine elephants, mineral peaks on the Himalayas, Tamala trees on the slopes of the Kailasa mountain, the dark waters of the Yamuna in the course of the Ganges, and yellow filaments in white lotus blossoms; while he prescribes for the Pancajanya conch contact with the dark hands of Krsna. Sudatta's fame is also represented as a maiden in her nuptial attire, wandering in the universe and rejecting various suitors for her hand on different grounds. She tells Brahman, for instance, that he is too old to accompany her in her travels; tells Agni, the god of fire, that he is hardly fit for marriage, suffering as he does from acute jaundice; and rejects Varuna, the lord of the ocean, because he is disabled by dropsy and hence debarred from the gaieties of love. Vayu, the wind-god, is too fickle for her, and she tells Kubera, the god of wealth, that a confirmed drunkard like him is not fit to converse with a maiden like her. Siva who lives near funeral pyres is, of course, ruled out; and she warns the Moon that his life is in danger on account of his incurable consumption, and tells Visnu that, being a baldpate with a scalp resembling an iron cauldron turned upside down, he is not worthy of her kisses. Unable to accept any one of them, Maiden Fame continues to wander without abiding anywhere, like a doe deluded by a mirage, like the mind of a king who has lost his throne, like the intellect of a sage who has attained the inner vision." There is no doubt that this description of fame shows considerable ingenuity, but the reckless elaboration of a favourite theme all but makes it verge on the comic.3 27 1 'anavaratamadhupAnaparicyutamatiprakAza vittaza, na gocarazcaturoktisudhArasAsvAda visphuritazravaNAJjalipuTAyAH sahAlApagoSThI nAm' iti nakUlabarapitaram / 2 'avatAnakAlAyasatalikAkRtikhala timastakadeza hRSIkeza, na samIpamadayakacagrahagrahilavigrahAyAH kuTilakuntalA vilavilocana. cumbanAnAm' iti mukundam / 3 Certain other gods are also mentioned, including & vulgar reference to Indra.

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4. YASASTILAKA AS A PROSE ROMANCE 85 An interesting example of Kaku-Vakrokti is found in Amrtamati's fraudulent message to Yasodhara, in which she begs to be allowed to accompany the king into wilderness after his proposed renunciation of the world. Yasodhara, while listening to the message, interjects sarcastic remarks which appear to corroborate her statements, but really give them a different interpretation reflecting on her character. Portions of the message may be reproduced here, Yasodhara's remarks being put within brackets. Amrtamati says: I will accompany Your Majesty, just as the tide accompanies the ocean (That is why you are fiokle ); just as the image of the moon accompanies the sky (That is why you have a black spot'); just as the shade accompanies a tree (That is why you are enjoyed by others); just as the track accompanies a chariot (That is why you are "full of dust'?); just as the flame accompanies a lamp (That is why you emit 'smoke'); just as sylvan beauty accompanies the spring (That is why you are full of Cupid's lore); just as the Ganges is the companion of the Himalayas ( That is why you seek a lower level)':5 Instances of Yamakas are occasionally found. A device used more than once is the Ssnkhalayamaka which consists in the continuous repetition of the last syllables of a series of compounds at the beginning of each succeeding compound. For example, yaH khalvanekavikirakulakAminInizitazikhollekhanakhamukhavilikhyamAnazAkhAbhujazikharaH, zikharazikhADambarita... fra:, .......ages: , agz925FPS... :423................ Hea23:, qaqa...*OPIEST , M As pointed out by Jacobi, the Stnkhalayamaka is used by Siddharsi in Upumitibhavaprapanca katha, p. 752. Haribhadra too has used this device in verses in his Samaraiccakaha, The mixture of prose and verse is a salient feature of Yasastilaka which is one of the two earliest extant Campus, the first being Trivikrama's Nalacampu written during the reign of the Rastrakuta Emperor Indra 1 i. e. a blot on her character. 2 a lewd woman'. 3 i. e. disgrace. 4 i. e. a paramour of lower rank. 5 'devasyAhaM sahacarI..........."jalanidheveleva ata eva capalAsi, nabhasaH zazipratimeva ata eva sakalaGkAsi, viTapinazchAyeva ata evAnyopabhogyAsi,"......"rathasya mArgabhUmiriva ata eva pAMzulAsi / pradIpasya zikheva ata eva malinodvArAsi, HTRA 4764fna s a #747 TUI******** T 157 377 59 STATE ***...? 6 See B. I, ed., pp. 79, 423-4, 449, eto,

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86 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE III in the first quarter of the tenth century. It will be out of place to trace here the growth of Sanskrit narrative composition in mixed prose and verse, the origins of which go back to Vedic literature as well as Buddhist writings in Pali and Sanskrit. There is, however, no doubt that this form of composition became popular in the Deccan in the tenth century in Sanskrit as well as Kanarese literature. Apart from the romances of Trivikrama and Somadeva, the Kudlur grant of the Ganga king Marasimha, elaborately composed in Sanskrit prose and rerse, and containing a detailed account of the Ganga dynasty, was issued in 963 A. D. about five years after the composition of Somadeva's Yasastilaka, As regards Kanarese literature, Pampa wrote his famous works Adipurana and Pampa Bharata in mixed prose and verse in 941 A. D., and the campii style continued to be popular in that literature for a long period after, Among notable later examples of the mixed style may be mentioned Nagacandra's Pampa Ramayana (circa 1105 A. D.) and Nemicandra's Lilavati (circa 1170 A. D.), the earliest known specimen of the Novel, or genuine work of fiction, of the Kanarese language'.3 Somadeva wrote his Yasastilaka less than two decades after the composition of Pampa's works; and being a native of Karnataka, he may have been influenced by the prevailing Kanarese literary style of his time. As we have already pointed out, Pampa was court-poet of Arikesarin II who reigned at Puligere ( Lakshmesvar, Dharwar District ), while Somadeva wrote at Gangadhara during the reign of one of his successors. Another noteworthy point is that most of the Kanarese writers of the tenth century and after were Jainas, and it is highly probable that they as well as Somadeva were influenced by the example of the great Jaina Prakrit romances in mixed prose and verse, e. g., the Samaraiccakaha of Haribhadra and the Kuvalayamala of Uddyotana* composed in the eighth century. The extensive allegorical novel Upamitibhavaprapanoa katha of Siddharsi composed in prose and verse in 906 A. D. is an early example of a Jaina romance written in Sanskrit under similar influences, though not in Kavya style. Comprehensive Jaina narrative works in Prakrit using prose and verse indiscriminately continued to be written till long after the eighth century, e. g., Gunacandra's Mahaviracarita (1082 A. D.), Somaprabha's Kumarapalapratibodha (1184 1 Seo Rico: Kongrese Literature. 2 Annual Report of the Mysore Archacological Departmont for 1921. 3 Rice (op. cit.), p. 43. & For Kuvalayamala seo Bharatiya Vidya, Vol. II, p. 77 6 Annals of the Bhandarkar 0. R. Institute, Vol. XVI, p.37.

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4. YASASTILAKA AS A PROSE ROMANCE 87 A. D.) etc. While Somadeva's Yasastilaka, like Trivikrama's Nalacampu, is essentially a work written in Sanskrit Kavya style, its Jaina characterisitics and the probable influence exercised by the Jaina Prakrit romances on its style and composition cannot entirely be ignored. Dialogues in prose and verse add to the interest of Somadeva's work. The controversial dialogue in Book IV has been dealt with elsewhere, and we may refer to the story of Padma in Book VII, section 31, which is practically in the form of dialogues linked together by brief narrative passages. The story contains two main dialogues cast in a dramatic form which could be easily adapted to the stage. That between the bawd and Padma is reproduced below : ekadA mudA ......tAM puSyakAntAmuddizya zlokamudAhASIt / strISu dhanyAna gareva parabhogopagApi yA / maNimAleva solAsaM dhriyate mUrti zaMbhunA // bhaTTinI (khagatam )- itvarIjanAcaraNaharmyanirmANAya prathamasUtrapAta ighAyaM vAkyopodghAtaH / ...... .. (prakAzam ) Arye, kimasya subhASitasya aidaMparyam / dhAtrI-paramasaubhAgyabhAgini bhaTTini, jAnAsi evAsya subhASitasya kaiMparyam , yadi na vajraghaTitahRdayAsi / bhaTTinI - (svagatam ) satyaM vajraghaTitahRdayAham , yadi bhavatprayuktopaghAtadhuNajarjaritakAyA na bhaviSyAmi / ( prakAzam ) Aye, hRdaye'bhiniviSTamartha zrotumicchAmi / dhAtrI- ghasse, kathayAmi / kiM tu cittaM dvayoH purata eva nivedanIyaM jJAnAbhimAnadhanadhanyadhiyA nareNa / yaH prArthitaM na rahayatyabhiyujyamAno yo vA bhavennanu jano manaso'nukUlaH // bhaTTinI-(khagatam) aho nabhaHprakRtimapIyaM paGkarupaleptumicchati / (prakAzam) Arye, ubhayatrApi samarthAhaM na caitanmaduparza bhavadupakrama vaa| dhAtrI- (khagatam ) anuguNeyaM khalu kAryapariNatiH ............ (prakAzam) ata eva bhadre, vadanti purANavidaH vidhurguroH kalatreNa gotamasyAmarezvaraH / saMtanozcApi duzcarmA samagasta purA kila // bhaTTinI- Arye, evameva / yataH khINAM vapurvandhubhiragnisAkSikaM paratra vikrItamidaM na mAnasam / sa eva tasyAdhipatirmataH kRtI visrambhagarbhA nanu yatra nirvRtiH // dhAtrI- putri, tarhi zrUyatAm / tvaM kilaikadA kasyacit kusumakiMsArunirvizeSavapuSaH......... prAsAdaparisaravihAriNI vIkSaNapathAnusAriNI satI kaumudIva hRdayacandrakAntAnandasyandasaMpAdinI abhUH / tatpramRti nanu tasya madanasundarasya yUnaH ..... prativAsaraM kAryAvatAraH, smarArAdhanapraNItapraNidhAnasyevendriyeSu sannatA, prANeSu cAyazvInapathA kathA / api ca anvrtjlaardvaandolnsyndmndairtisrsgRnnaaliikndlaishcndnaaH| amRtarudhimarIcinauTitAyAM nizAyAM ziyasakhi suharate kiMcidAtmapravodhaH // ....................................

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88 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Heft 31, htcrema maana dhAtrI- (karNajAhamanusRtya) evamevam / bhaTTinI-ko dossH| Eft-11 bhahinI-yadA tubhyaM rocte| The above dialogue is of interest as presenting a lifelike picture of a procuress attempting to seduce a respectable married woman at the instance of a young man of high social standing. There is some resemblance between the Sanskrit dialogue and the first Mime of the Mimiambi of the Greek poet Herodas, a collection of Mimes or dramatic dialogues of a literary character, composed about the third century B. c. In the Mime in question the bawd Gyllis visits Metriche, a well-to-do young lady, whose husband Mandris" has been away in Egypt for nearly a year, and tries to persuade her to accept a wealthy young man who has vehemently fallen in love with her, and employed the old woman as a go-between. Metriche politely but firmly rejects her proposal and dismisses her with a cheering cup of wine. In both the versions the bawd is an old woman, the husband is or expected to be away, and the passion of the admirer is eloquently described, but the mission ends in failure owing to the loyalty of the young wife. There are, however, important points of difference. The Sanskrit dialogue forms part of a moral and religious tale illustrating the evil consequences of unlawful love, while the Mime is a faithful representation of the seamy side of contemporary life. Further, the sequel is different in the Indian tale, as Padma, the chaste wife of the priest, instead of dismissing the bawd in a friendly spirit, like Metriche, pretends to accept her proposal, and hatches a plot to trap the young libertine. The Mime is no doubt by far the more realistic in tone and expression; but the treatment, as dramatic dialogue, is no less vivid in the Sanskrit story. Obscure allusions occur in both the Sanskrit dialogue and the Greek Mime. Somadeva employs the ornate style of the Sanskrit drama in prose and verse; while Herodas uses only verse, but in an artificial dialect. The dramatic qualities of the dialogues in the story of Padma are also present to a lesser extent in the dialogue between Yasodhara and his mother in Book IV, ti the importance of the latter is socio-religious rather than literary. 1 Text and Trans, in Otto Crusius: Die Mimiamben des Ierondus............ umgearbeiiet von Rudolf Herzog, Leipzig, 1926; and Knox: Herodes etc. (Locb Classical Library). 2 Korte (Helloniscio Poetry, p.329) thinks Mandris is Metriche's lover,

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CHAPTER V YASASTILAKA AS A SOCIO-POLITICAL RECORD As we have already pointed out, Yasastilaka throws considerable light on contemporary life and society, especially court life and administration; and the available data may be classed under three heads: court life, problems of statecraft and social conditions. COURT LIFE A glance at the Synopsis and Chapter VII (the section on Court poetry) will show that Books II and III of Yasastilaka contain valuable information on medieval court life; and the conditions described therein are chiefly applicable to an Imperial court, which, as suggested in a previous chapter, could be no other than that of the Rastrakuta emperors about the middle of the tenth century. Somadeva describes the ceremonies connected with the birth, nuptials and the coronation of the prince, and draws a series of vivid pictures of the various activities of the court. On the intellectual side we have weighty discussions of an academic character: sometimes the king listens to an elaborate debate on the guiding principles of policy; sometimes he discusses important verses of the Arthasastra2; or participates in heated debates, winning the applause of the learned by his proficiency in the philosophical systems of Jina, Jaimini, Kapila, Kanada, Carvaka and Buddha.3 Interludes in a lighter vein are not wanting. For example, on a certain occasion, while the king is discussing the poetical works of the Mahakavis, a poet named Pandita-vaitandika (Scholar Sophist) comes along and recites an untimely panegyric in his honour, e. g. (3. 271), haragirayanti mahIghrAH kSIrodadhayanti vArdhayaH sarve / tava deva yazasi visarati saudhanti jaganti ca trINi // "Sire, by reason of the expansion of thy fame, mountains turn white like the Kailasa; the seas turn white as the Ocean of milk, all of them; and the three worlds resemble palaces in lustre !" Finding the king inattentive, he asks discourteously how it is that the sovereign does not recognise a world-renowned poet like him!* The king, however, wounds his vanity by asking him the purport of a difficult verse of Sanskrit poetics which proves to be beyond his comprehension." 1 See Chap. VII. See Chap. XVIII. 2 3 ' kadAcit paNDitaprakANDamaNDalI maNDanADambaragIrgumphasaMrambheSu jinajaiminikapilakaNacaracArvAka zAkyapraNItapramANasaMvINatayA viduSviNInAM pariSadAM vittabhittiSvAtmayazaH prazastI ruddhilekha / ' Vol. I, p. 480. 4. sakalakavilokacakrapramardanaH khyAta eva bhuvane'smin / kathamiha saMprati bhavatA samAgato nAvabudhye'ham // 3. 273. 5 For the verse in question see Chap. XVIII, 12

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90 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Court poets or rather panegyrists are very much in evidence, and recite appropriate verses on diverse occasions, marriage, coronation etc. Certain of them describe the morning and evening scenery, the beauties of the seasons and the gaiety of court festivals; recount the merits of horses and elephants, and recite panegyrics while the king practises archery in the gymnasium. One of the bards who recites the verses in praise of the rising moon is described as having been a fellow student with the king; and there is no doubt that the presence of these educated versifiers adds to the refinement and cultural atmosphere of the court. Reference is made in Book II to Committees of Experts (acaryaparisad) for the examination of horses and elephants and th tives, the Mahamatra and the Mahasadhaka, the chief keepers of the royal elephants and horses respectively, who submit to the king detailed oral reports on the characteristics of the elephant and the horse selected for his use. The Mahamatra appears to be a Brahmana, being introduced as belonging to the family of Parasurama; while the Mahasadhaka is an experienced soldier, being described as having a body marked with the scars of wounds received in many a battle. Great attention seems to have been paid to elephants. The king himself takes part in the training and arming of elephants, and one of his favourite recreations is the witnessing of elephant-races in the race-courses (pradhava-dharani'). The court jester (narma-saciva) does not appear in person in our work, but certain utterances attributed to him contain some home truths about the character of kings (3. 254-5): samarabharaH subhaTAnAM phalAni kaNejapaistu bhogyAni / karidazanA iva nRpaterbAsAH klezAya khaadne'ntsthaaH|| khapuSpamiva nisargAdguNeSu nRpatiH parAbAkhaH praayH| koza ivAtmavidAriNi nistriMze saMmukho bhavati // "The warriors bear the brunt of the fighting, but it is the wirepullers who enjoy the results. Those serving a king from outside undergo all hardship, while those in the inner circle reap the benefits; just as the outer tusks of an elephant do the hard jobs, while the inner teeth are employed in eating. Kings, by nature, turn their backs at merits, just as the flowers of a wreath turn their backs at the string. They welcome the heartless who destroy them, even as a sheath receives the sword that cleaves it." The minister, the physician, the chef and the priest are mentioned together in one of the morning verses (3. 11 ) recited by the bards, who announce their arrival at the court. The court physician seems to be well-read in medical literature, aud admonishes the king in a lengthy 1 Book III (pradhAvadharaNiSu karivinodavilokanadohadaM prAsAdamadhyAsya etc.).

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5. YASASTILAKA AS A SOCIO-POLITICAL RECORD discourse on matters connected with physical exercise, food and drink.1 Astrologers are mentioned in Book II, and they are consulted on the eve of the coronation, and doubtless on many other occasions. The Sthapati or the architect appears in connection with the arrangements for the coronation and the construction of the magnificent pavilion on the bank of the Sipra." The composition of the personnel of medieval courts seems to have been more or less similar in India and elsewhere. Nizami of Samarcand declared about 1155 that a properly constituted court should have four classes of educated men: secretaries of state, poets, astrologers and physicians, for "the business of kings cannot be conducted without competent secretaries; their triumphs and victories will not be immortalized without eloquent poets; their enterprises will not succeed unless undertaken at seasons adjudged propitious by sagacious astrologers; while health, the basis of all happiness and activity, can only be secured by the services of able and trustworthy physicians ".3 This is a fairly accurate description of the composition of medieval courts, whether oriental or occidental. We are told that "even in the West most courts had their astrologers by the thirteenth century-the earl of Chester even in the twelfth-and the other three might well be found still earlier, but in a less bureaucratic form. The description is particularly true of the Sicilian court of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries with "its astrologers and poets, its Arab physicians and many-tongued secretaries"; and the entourage of the Indian court was not, we presume, materially different, to judge from Somadeva's circumstantial account. As regards secretaries and state officials, we may here refer to the Sandhivigrahins, who appear in our work in the role of secretaries of state, and can be accurately described as 'many-tongued', as will be seen later. utterances of the Sandhivigrahins are reproduced below (3. 247-46): dUtAH keralacolasiMhalazaka zrImAlapaJcAla kairanyaizcAGgakaliGgaSaGgapatibhiH prasthApitAH prAGgaNe / tiSThantyAtmakulAgatAkhilamahIsAraM gRhItvA kare devasyApi jagatpateravasaraH kiM vidyate vA na vA // One of the functions of the Sandhivigrahins in our work is to announce the arrival at the imperial court of envoys from foreign courts with presents characteristic of their respective countries.5 The poetical 1 2 3 4 91 See below. See Chap. II. Haskins: The Renaissance of the twelfth century, p. 54. "" 'The court astrologer...became an indispensable adjunct of the Abbasid throne. Hitti: History of the Arabs, p. 318. 5 The hajib or chamberlain of the Baghdad court was attached to the person of the caliph, and his duty consisted in introducing accredited envoys and dignitaries into the caliphal presence. Hitti (op. cit.).

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92 YASASTILAXA AND INDIAN CULTURE avalagati kalikAdhIzvarassvAM karIndraisturaganivaha eSa preSitaH saindhavaiste / ayamapi ca samAste pANDyadezAdhinAthastaralagulikahAraprAbhRtavyagrahastaH // kazmIraiH kIranAthaH kSitipa mRgamadaireSa nepAlapAla: kauzeyaiH kozalendraH ziziragiripatigraMnthipaNerudIrNaiH / zrIcandrazcandrakAntairvividhakuladhanairmAgadhaH prAbhRtastvAM draSTuM dvAre samAste yadiha samucitaM deva tanmAM prazAdhi // "The envoys, despatched by the kings of Kerala, Cola, Ceylon, the Saka land, Srimala and Pancala, and by the lords of Anga, Kalinga and Vanga as well as other kings, stand in the courtyard, holding in their hands the choicest products of all their dynastic possessions. (They may be told) whether Your Majesty, the lord of the earth, has the leisure to see them or not." " The lord of Kalinga comes to thee with mighty elephants, and the princes of the Indus region have sent thee yonder multitude of horses. Here, too, is the lord of the Pandya country, his hands full of wreaths of large pearls brought as presents." "Ruler of the earth, to see thee the lord of Kasmira is at the door with presents of saffron, the ruler of Nepala with musk, the lord of Kosala with silks, the lord of the Himalayas with large Granthiparnal roots, the lord of Kailasa with moonstones, and the king of Magadha with diverse heirlooms. Sire, command me to do what befits the occasion." The challenge to various kings, demanding submission, intended to be delivered by Yasodhara's envoy, is no more than a rhetorical exercise ; but interesting data on the reception of envoys from hostile courts and the declaration of war can be gleaned from the episode of the king of Pancala described in Yasastilaka, Book III. The Sandhivigrahin enters and tells Yasodhara: Sire, Dukula, an envoy of Acala, king of Pancala, has arrived and is waiting at the gate.' Thus saying, he ushers in the envoy, and ordered by Yasodhara, offers him a seat at the proper place after he has paid his respects to the king. The Sandhivigrahin then says: 'Envoy, show to yonder Lord the presents sent by your master. Messenger, deliver the letter;' and both the envoy (duta ) and the messenger (sasanahara) carry out the instructions. The Sandhivigrahin had already been informed by a spy, living in Acala's capital in the guise of an ascetic under the name of Jabala, that that king had a powerful force of elephants and planned to declare war against Yasodhara before long The information supplied by the spy is corroborated by certain indications provided by the articles sent - an iron ball, the letter marked with the emblem of a sword on the outside, and the presents wrapped in four pieces of cloth; or according to another interpretation, an iron ball and the presents and the letter, 1 A fragrant root called trga in Assamese, which is pounded by women to the accom. paniment of sengs during the night on nuptial occasions among the Assamese people. 2 See Chap. VII.

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5. YASASTILAKA AS A SOCIO POLITICAL RECORD 93 both marked with the figure of a sword and four encircling lines. In Nitivakyamrta (Chap. 13) Somadeva refers to these emblems as being present on letters from enemies. Now, the iron ball symbolized the invulnerability of the sender; the fourfold wrappings or the four encircling lines the four-limbed' army consisting of cavalry, infantry, elephants, and chariots; and the sword, of course, the threat of war. It was apparently usual to despatch such symbolic gifts as a prelude to warlike measures ; and that it was a very ancient custom, and not confined to India, is shown by the account of the gifts (a bird, a mouse, a frog and five arrows) sent by the Scythian kings to Darius under similar circumstances, as related by Herodotus, Book IV. 131. Be that as it may, the Sandhivigrahin is convinced of the war-like intentions of the king of Pancala, and considers it useless to examine the insincere presents and the contents of the letter, which was only too likely to proclaim the enemy's glory. Accordingly he puts aside the letter and asks the envoy to deliver his message orally, at the same time thre. atening him with dire punishment for his unfriendly mission: the nose would be chopped off, the head shaved at random, Bilva fruits tied to the forelock, and a garland of potsherds hung round the neck; besides, he would have to ride a donkey. Controlling himself, the Sandhivigrahin admits that no wise man should be angry with an envoy who is bound to report facts. Then addressing the envoy, a Brahmana, the royal official stresses the futility of further queries, and goes on to say: "The motives of your master are clear from your demeanour. The reason why His Majesty has so long connived at Acala, in spite of his having committed many an act of defiance, is that the kings of his line bad long paid homage in the past to His Majesty's forbears. But, now, if Acala seeks for himself the fate of a moth in the flames of His Majesty's might, it would be like desiring to play with the manes of a lion, or decorate oneself with the crest-gems of deadly serpents, or scratch with one's finger-nails the tusks of a rutting elephant, or extinguish with one's hands the fire of the epoch of universal destruction, or swim across the ocean, or traverse the sky with 1 The first interpretation is found in a marginal note in Ms. A. Somadeva says prAbhRtatantrametat patraM ca prAhiNot / tathAhyanayormaNDalAnamudrAGkito veSTanacatuSTayAneSTaGkitazca bahi:prakAzaH sniveshH| p. 550. Ms. A says anato erat: at: fela: TIRE SERT aer: Estacafea: The sUcayati / prAbhRtasya saMnivezaH veSTanacatuSTayamiSTaM vastracatuSTayena veSTitaH sainyabhayaM darzayatIti bhAvaH / 'catvAri veSTanAni khaDgamudrA ca prtipksslekhaanaam| 2 The anonymous commentary says teSAmupari catvAri veSTanAni bandhanAni bhavanti. 3 nAsodAsanamArgamuNDanazikhAmAlUrabandhakramaH kaNThe zIrNazarAvadAmakalanaM kAtreyakArohaNam / dUtAnyazca na te nikAraparuSaH 15 maaf aftTETT a am facuaserati Maga II 3. 402.

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94 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE a bound, or lift the Mandara mountain with one's hands, or use the axe of Siva as a mirror, or extract the pearl embedded in the jaw of the Primeval Boarfor using it as an ornament." Acala, in fact, proud of his own power in destroying the petty enemies of his kingdom, does not even now realise the great king's valour, praised by Indra himself in talks about Ksatriya heroes( 3. 403): vaikuNThaH kulakIrtanaM kamalabhUrdarbhapragalbhAGgulina strI naiva pumAnumApatirayaM candro nizAsevakaH / heliH kelisarojabandhuranilaH krIDAzrame cATumAna yasyetthaM gaNanAmareSu vijayI tasyAhave ko'paraH // " Who can conquer him in battle who is talked about among the gods thus: Visnu is his panegyrist, and Brahman his priest, busily taking up Kusa blades with the fingers; Siva is the eunuch of his harem, and yonder Moon serves him at night; and the Sun is the friend of his toy lotuses, and the wind caresses him in the fatigue of his sports " The speech of the Sandhivigrahin arouses the martial ardour or the warriors present, each of whom, addressing himself to the envoy, utters a vehement challenge to the king of Pancala. Kodandamartanda, for example, catching hold of the envoy's hand, says (3. 405-6): zrIpadaM mitrapakSANAM kharadaNDaM ca vidviSAm / devasthAsya padAmbhojadvayaM zirasi dhAryatAm // no cet kodaNDamArtaNDakANDakhaNDitamastakaH / yAsyatyAjI sa te svAmI ruNDatANDavaDambaram // "Hold on thy head His Majesty's lotus feet, a source of prosperity to his allies, but grimly oppressive to his foes. Otherwise, thy master, decapitated by the arrows of Kodanda-martanda (The Sun of the Bow), will vehemently dance on the battlefield, a headless trunk." Karavalavira declares, brandishing his sword (3. 409-10): 357, qaypialni akharvagarvaduravIryaparyastamAnasaH / madIyasvAmisevAsu yaH ko'pi hatasAhasaH // vipakSapakSakSayadakSadIkSaH kaukSeyako mAmaka eSa tasya / rakSAMsi vakSaHkSatajaiH kSarahiH pratIkSate'kSuNNatayA raNeSu // "Wayfarer, know for certain, this my sword, consecrated to the task of destroying the foeman and his allies, amply gratifies the gobling on the battlefield with the blood gushing from the bosom of the man, who is slack in paying homage to my master, being perverted by a sense of overweening pride and irresistible might." Certain of the champions ask the envoy to deliver threatening messages to the king of Pancala, of which the following are specimens, being communicated by Trisula-bhairava and Asama-sahasa respectivly (3, 416 and 320): idaM trizUlaM tisRbhiH zikhAbhirmArgatrayaM vakSasi te vidhaay| pAtAlamartyatridivAvatArA kartA raNe kIrtimimAM madIyAm // 1 2 The Boar Incarnation of Visnu. i. e. the envoy.

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5. YASASTILAKA AS A SOCIO-POLITICAL RECORD 95 " Three openings will this trident make in thy bosom with its three prongs, and spread my martial fame on earth, in heaven and in the nether regions !" tulAraNe dvandvaraNe divAraNe nizAraNe kUTaraNe paratra vA / yadi pravIrassvamihaidhi me pure na garjitaiH zauryakaleSu kiirtyH|| "If thou art strong in duels or in day-war or night-war or deceptive warfare or in other modes of fighting, do thou confront me in any of them. The fame of the valiant is not produced by empty roars." Throughout this unseemly scene, insulting language is freely used, the king of Pancala being referred to as the meanest of all the villains', and the envoy variously addressed as Veda-vaivadhika ('one to whom the Vedas are a burden'), dvijapasada, brahmabandhu, dvija-varsaparsana, or simply as Brahmana'. Happily the disorder is stopped by the intervention of the commander-in-chief who addresses the assembly: Ye wise men, useless are the shouts of men lacking in proper conduct. The brave and the timorous will be sorted out in war (3. 422). Therefore let every one of you control his wrath and desist from offensive language. You, too, Sandhivigrahin, eager to enhance the might of your master, should not give way to emotion. Examine the letter and draft a reply. Examine the presents and prepare counterpresents. Let due respect be shown to all the three (the envoy, the letter and the presents ), for the kings speak through their envoys vhen they take up arms against each other. Not to speak of the envoys, even their servants should not be insulted. Further, neither one's own failure nor the success of others depends upon the loud declamations of envoys. They are non-combatant intermediaries and speak as they like." (3. 423) The letter is soon ready, and the Sandhivigrahin reads it out. It is extremely brief except for a lengthy conglomeration of epithets designed to glorify Yasodhara; and, after a polite and formal prelude, communicates an arrogant message from the commander-in-chief, Vijayavardhana, calling upon the king of Pancala to submit, since there is no safety for him whether on the battlefield or in flight. The letter is reproduced in part below: svasti / samastamahAsAmantazikhaNDamaNDanIbhavaJcaraNakamala: kamalAkarasasejasevyamAnapAdapallavaH pallavapANDyacolaceramaharmyanirmANaprakAzyamAnadigvijayavAhinIpracAraH cAracakSuHsahasrasAkSAtkRtasakalabhUpAlamaNDalaH maNDalAyadhArAjalanimagnanikhilArAtisaMtAnaH .............. pATaliputrapaNyAGganAbhujaGgaH valabhirambhoruvibhramabhramaraH pauravapuraMdhIrodhratilakaH satatavasuvitaraNaprINitadvijasamAjaH zrIyazodharamahArAjaH sakalaprazastisahitamacalamahIpatimAdizati / zreyo'nyat / kArya caitadeva-yaduta vijayaada: Marthara dhahamu...... The episode of the embassy, divested of rhetoric, throws interesting sidelights on court practices in the tenth century, but even the rhetoric 1 BETEG magti HaHaM ersiner etc.

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96 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE cannot entirely be ignored, as it somehow always appears in the background of medieval court life. Diplomatic immunity seems to have been assured by time-honoured custom, but there was nothing to prevent an envoy being subjected to humiliation or open insult. Things were not far different in this respect in the contemporary Byzantine court, to judge from the Legatio of Liudprand, Bishop of Cremona, a Western contemporary of Somadeva, who gives an account of an embassy to Constantinople during the reign of the Emperor Nicephorus Phocas, undertaken on behalf of Otto the Great in 968 A. D. Not only was Liudprand compelled every now and then to swallow affront and offensive language at the Byzantine court, but he also describes how in the same year the envoys of the Pope were actually put in prison for bringing an improperly addressed letter to the emperor. The fulminations of the court officials against the Papal legates may be compared with the threats uttered by the Sandhivigrahin against the envoy of the king of Pancala: "............ Would that one of them were a bishop and the other a marquess! Then we would sew them in a sack, and after giving them a sound beating with rods and plucking out their beards and hair we would throw them into the sea. As for these fellows, their lives may be spared ;................... The comprehensive report of the spy to the king in Book III is a unique document, to which we will return presently. The review of the army is an important incident of court life, and Somadeva's detailed account of it in the same Book gains in importance from the fact that he describes regiments of soldiers from different parts of India in the king's army, Somadeva's picture is so minute and lifelike that he must have personally observed the ways of these soldiers, and may be supposed to have witnessed them, if anywhere, in the capital of the Rastrakuta emperors, who possibly included in their armies regiments composed of fighting men of different nationalities of India to meet the demands of their far-flung campaigas beyond the limits of the Deccan. Five regiments in all are described: the Deccan regiment; the Dramila or South Indian regiment provided with litters; the North Indian regiment of cavalry; the Gurjara regiment of archery; and the Tirhut regiment, expert in naval warfare, and well-equipped with elephants, and containing an undisciplined Gauda element. The Tirhut, or the Tairabhukta regiment, as it is called, may be roughly described as the Behar and Bengal regiment, and it may 1 Liudprand :: Works. Trans. Wright, p. 264. 2 See Chap. IV. The King reviews the troops from a raised platform. Somadeva says 49ersthilg Thutfly TOGETH I p, 461.

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5. YASASTILAKA AS A SOCIO-POLITICAL RECORD be noted in this connection that there is another reference to naval soldiers (taricaranara) elsewhere in the work.' It will be seen that most of the regiments described are those of foot-soldiers; and the description, on the whole, corresponds to Al Masudi's statement that the Balhara or the Rastrakuta king's horses and elephants were innumerable, but his troops were mostly infantry'.2 It has, however, been rightly pointed out that the Rastrakuta cavalry cannot be overlooked, and "the lightning all-India movements of Dhruva, Govinda III and Indra III presuppose a strong cavalry". Another noteworthy feature of Somadeva's description of the regiments is the absence of any reference to chariots, although he refers to their fighting qualities in his theoretical work Nitivakyamrta. This seems to corroborate the view that chariots as an instrument of war were no longer in use in the days of the Rastrakutas.* The lighter side of court life is represented by dance exhibitions in the court theatre in connection with the Purvaranga ceremony accom. panied by hymns to Sarasvati. The king is described as witnessing these performances in company with expert dancers and well-trained exponents of the histrionic art.5 As is to be expected, certain court festivals are also mentioned: the Mahanavami, the Dipotsava, the Spring carnival and the worship of Makaradhvaja, the god of love." 97 It is hardly necessary to emphasize the documentary value of the second and third Books of Yasastilaka as presenting before us a detailed and vivid picture of Indian court life about the middle of the tenth century. Yasodhara, the hero of the story, is a legendary figure; but the setting of his court has a historical character and reflects the conditions prevailing in the writer's own time. It is a curious coincidence that not long before Somadeva composed his imaginative account of Indian court life, the Byzantine Emperor Constantine VII (912-59) wrote his De cerimoniis aulae, an account of the whole life of the Byzantine polity, with its hierarchy of lay and ecclesiastical officials,' and the traditional ceremonies and festivals, from the coronation and burial of an Emperor to the baptism of his son'." The Indian writer would presumably have 1 ' kadanamedinISu nakharadavidAritAra(tikarituragaratha tarIcaranaranikara ... Book III, p. 90. 2 Altekar: The Rastrakutas and their times, p. 248. 3 Ibid., p. 249. 4 Ibid., p. 248. 5 See Chap. XV. 6 See Chap. XV. 7 Hussey: Church and Learning in the Byzantine Empire, p. 28. 13

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE shared the emperor's idea that 'it is through its glorious ceremonial that the imperial majesty is increased in splendour'; and Somadeva was doubtless sufficiently impressed by the grandeur of contemporay court life, which partly explains his treatment of the theme as a pendent to the traditional story of Yasodhara. But he does more: he deals with problems of administration, a subject in which he is deeply interested. PROBLEMS OF STATECRAFT as Side by side with the portrayal of court life, Somadeva lays down precepts and principles for the guidance of a monarch, and illustrates them where necessary by means of concrete examples and quasi-historical traditions. From this point of view, Yasastilaka may be regarded a sort of illustrative commentary on some of the topics dealt with in the formal treatises on the nitisaastra including Somadeva's own Nitivakyamrta. The latter is a comprehensive work in the form of sutras in thirtytwo chapters; and topics briefly touched in Nitivakyamrta are often treated in greater detail in Yasastilaka, the two works supplementing each other, so far as problems of statecraft are concerned. 99 Somadeva lays great emphasis on the paramount influence of the monarch in moulding the character of his subjects, who implicitly follow his example whether it is good or bad. We are told that just as the day and the night cause light and darkness respectively, so is the example of the king the determining factor in the practice of virtue or sin by his subjects (Book IV, p. 95): ahorAtraM yathA hetuH prakAzadhvAntajanmani / tathA mahIpatirhetuH puNyapApapravartane // Somadeva quotes in this connection a popular verse: rAzi dharmiNi dharmiSThAH pApe pApAH same samAH / rAjAnamanuvartante yathA rAjA tathA prajAH // A similar verse is found also in S'ukranitisara 4. 1. 62: supuNyo yatra nRpatirdharmiSThAstatra hi prajAH / mahApApI yatra rAjA tatrAdharmaparo janaH // The idea is indeed an old one, and occurs in Aryasura's Jatakamala XIII. 39, wherein the subjects unhesitatingly following the king's example, good or bad, are compared to cows following the lead of an ox: jihyaM zubhaM vA vRSabhapracAraM gAvo'nugA yadvadanuprayAnti / utkSiptazaGkAGkuzanirvighaTTa prajAstathaiva kSitipasya vRttim // It is interesting to note that the influence of the king's example on his subjects is likewise emphasized in St. John Damascene's Barlaam and loasaph (Chap. XXXIII) a religious romance of the eighth century to which we will have occasion to revert. "And soothly, the king was a good example to all; and he inflamed and kindled the hearts of many to be of the same mind with himself,

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5. YASASTILAKA AS A SOCIO-POLITICAL RECORD For such is the nature of authority. Its subjects always conform to its likeness, and are wont to love the same objects, and to practise the pursuits which they perceive to be pleasing to their governor." Somadeva goes on to say: "Verily the habits and customs of men are based on those of the king. And the customary regulations of the different castes and orders of society, leading to religious merit and demerit, are subject to the king's control. The citizens do exactly what the kings do, good or bad, under the influence of passion or anger, or through ignorance." Somadeva reinforces his remarks by pointing out how the bad example set by kings is responsible for the existence of evil customs among their subjects. For instance, the kings are to blame for the fact that the Brahmanas of the Vangi kingdom are in the habit of drinking wine, and the Persians commit incest with their mothers, and there is intermixture of castes in Ceylon. It is difficult to adjudge the historical value of these statements. The Vangi country is identified by Srutasagara in his commentary with Ratnapura, modern Ratanpur, which was the capital of Daksina Kosala (Bilaspur District, C. P.), where reigned a branch of the Cedis of Tripuri.* The reference to the intermixture of castes in Ceylon may have something to do with the conversion of the island to Buddhism by Mahinda under the king Devanampiya Tissa, & contemporary of Asoka, as related in the Mahavamsa. As regards the Persian custom, the Christian Apologist Tertullian (second century A. D.) says in his Apology IX. 16 that the Persians, according to Ctesias, consort with their mothers. Be that as it may, Somadeva concludes his argument by declaring that just as a good king acquires the sixth part of the religious merit of those who practise virtue, so does a wicked one the sixth part of the sin of those who commit misdeeds : yathaiva puNyasya sukarmabhAjAM SaSThAMzabhAgI nRpatiH suvRttaH / tathaiva pApasya kukarmabhAjAM SaSThAMzabhAgI nRpatiH kuvRttaH // 1 Text and Trans, in Loeb Classical Library, p. 515. 2 'nRpatipratiSThAni ca khalu dehinAM vyavahAratatrANi vartante / nRpatyAyattAH puNyapApahetavo varNAzramAcAravyavasthAzca / te ca 1974: 114772ANa ar 29 THAT IT ufunda 517437 311 Book IV. 3 'zrUyate hi-vaGgImaNDale nRpatidoSAdbhUdeveSvAsavopayogaH, pArasIkeSu svasavitrIsaMyogaH, siMhaleSu ca vizvAmitrasRSTiprayoga sfati' Ibid. p. 95. 4 Poussin: Dynasties et Histoire de l'Inde, p. 155. 5 Ctesias of Cnidus lived many years at the Persian court towards the end of the 5th century B. C., and wrote in the Ionic dialect a comprehensive work on the history of Persia. 6 Persas cum suis matribus misceri Ctesias refert.

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100 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE The idea is not new. Yajnavalkya 1. 335 says that the king acquires the sixth part of the religious merit of the subjects as a result of governing them with justice ; while the Agnipurana 223. 10 goes further and says king acquires the sixth part of both the merit and the demerit of his subjects.' that a Somadeva lays great emphasis on the personal supervision of the affairs of the state by the king. He says: "A king inaccessible to his subjects is misled by those near him and baffled by his enemies. The employees, like faithless wives, have, as a rule, no other means of thriving than the troubles of their masters, nor has a master any other means of thriving than by checking the transgression of his employees, like that of his wives."3 Somadeva has in this connection the following verses in Yasastilaka, Book III (3. 23-26): niyuktahastApita rAjyabhArAstiSThanti ye svairavihArasArAH / biDAlavRndA hi tadugdhamudrAH svapanti te mUDhadhiyaH kSitIndrAH // jJAyeta mArgaH salile timInAM patatriNAM vyomni kadAcideSaH / adhyakSasiddhe'pi kRtAvalopA na jJAyate'mAtyajanasya vRttiH // vyAdhivRddhau yathA vaidyaH zrImatAmAhitodyamaH / vyasaneSu tathA rAjJaH kRtayatnA niyoginaH // niyogibhirvinA nAsti rAjyaM bhUpe hi kevale / tasmAdamI vidhAtavyA rakSitavyAzca yatnataH // "Kings who enjoy pleasures at will, leaving the charge of the kingdom in the hands of officials, are foolish indeed. They might as well sleep, leaving the cats in charge of the milk. The movement of fish in the water and of birds in the sky might sometimes be known, but the conduct of ministers, inscrutable even in palpable matters, can never be known. Just as a physician exerts himself to aggravate ailments of wealthy patients, so do the officials of a king attempt to create troubles for him. There cannot be a kingdom with the king alone, without any officials; so they have to be created as well as guarded with care.' "" The necessity of strict control to be exercised by the king over his officials is emphasized also in Somadeva's Nitivakyamrta (Chaps. 17 and 18), and there is sometimes close verbal resemblance between the statements in the two works. For example, we read in Nitivakyamxta ( 17. 38-9, 44 ) : * durdarzo hi rAjA kAryAkAryaviparyAsamAsannaiH kAryate'tisaMdhIyate ca dviSadbhiH / vaidyeSu zrImatAM vyAdhivardhanAdiva niyogiSu bharturvyasanavardhanAdaparo nAsti jIvanopAyaH / mArjIreSu dugdharakSaNamitra niyogiSu vizvAsakaraNam / 1 puNyAt SaDbhAgamAdatte nyAyena paripAlayan / sarvadAnAdhikaM yasmAt prajAnAM paripAlanam // 2 ' rAjA SaDbhAgamAdatte sukRtAduSkRtAdapi . 3 'durdazoM hi rAjA kAryAkAryaviparyAsamA sannaiH kAryate'tisaMdhIyate ca dviSadbhiH / na hi niyoginAmasatIjanAnAmiva bhartu rvyasanAdaparaH prAyeNAsti jIvanopAyaH / svAmino vA niyuktAnAM striinnaamivaatiprsrnnnivaarnnaat|' Book III, P. 373.

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5. YASASTILAKA AS A SOCIO-POLITICAL RECORD 101 It may also be noted in this connection that the verse 3. 24 quoted above is reminiscent of the following verses of Kautilya'sArthasastra II.9: matsyA yathAntaHsalile caranto jJAtuM na zakyAH salilaM pibantaH / yuktAstathA kAryavidhI niyuktA jJAtuM na zakyA dhanamAdadAnAH // api zakyA gatiAtuM patatAM khe patatriNAm / na tu pracchannabhAvAnAM yuktAnAM caratAM gatiH // Somadeva opines that the ministers of a king should be men of pure lives, loyal and well-versed in the science of government: they should be men of birth and natives of the country. A king should not depend upon a single minister, the prosperity of one doing so being compared to a creeper climbing a tree with a single branch. Somadeva says in Yasastilaka 3. 230 : ekAmAtye mahIpAle nAlaM lakSmIrvijambhate / latAyAstatra kA vRddhiH zAkhaikA yatra zAkhini // In Nitirakyumrta 10. 82 he expresses the same idea by saying that a tree with a single branch does not cast a large shadow. In the same work (10. 71) he recommends that a king should have three, five or seven ministers. Yet the destiny of a king often depends upon the character of a single minister. Somadeva points out in Yasastilcakaa3. 242 that Duryodhana, though powerful, was ruined, because he had a wicked minister; while Candragupta, though without any resources, obtained a kingdom, because he had a good minister in Canakya. The primary duty of a minister is described thus : he should protect those of the citizens lacking in fighting spirit and resolution with courage, and take care of those who are poor by charitable actions; and by avoiding all cause of disaffection, he should secure the loyalty of the subjects, infected with sedition, whether latent or manifest in ineffectual outbursts. The true minister of a king is one who is liked by the army and the allies, upright in matters relating to the country and the treasury, and above all devoted to the king (3.200): tantramitrArpitaprItirdezakozocitasthitiH / yazcAtmani bhavedbhaktaH so'mAtyaH pRthiviipteH|| The attitude of a minister towards the king should be governed by loyalty tempered with justice (3. 241 ): yaH kAryArthini bhUpatAvasamadhIH kAryAya dhatte dhuraM yazcAArthini saMnayocitamatizcintAmaNijAyate / bhaktau bhartari mantriNAmidamaho divyaM dvayaM kIrtitaM na kSoNIza mahIyasAM nirasanaM rAjyasya vA dhvaMsanam // 1 zucayaH svAmini nigdhA rAjarAdvAntavedinaH / mantrAdhikAriNo rAzAmabhijAtAH svdeshjaaH| 3. 110. 2 'kimekazAkhasya zAkhino mahatI bhavati cchAyA'. 3 'vigrahAvagrahAbhyAM hInAnAM dInAnAM ca prajAnAmavadAnapradAnAbhyAM rakSaNamavekSaNaM cAntarbahiravAntarATopaiH kopairduHsthitAva sthitInAM prakRtInAM virAgakAraNaparihAreNaikamukhIkaraNaM ca saMkSepeNa matriNaH karma / ' Book III, P, 445.

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE "Unequalled in wisdom, he undertakes the responsibility of executing a task when the king demands action, and acts like the Wishing gem, in conformity with justice, when the king is in need of funds. These are said to be the two divine factors governing the loyalty of ministers to their master, and not, o king, the expulsion of the great nor the extinction of the realm." 102 Those who are in constant fear of their lives (that is, fear the king), and have no motives of sordid gain in deliberations, are alone fit to be ministers of kings, and not those who are like blood-sucking leeches (Book IV, p. 155): pratikSaNaM saMzayitAyuSo ye na yeSvapekSAsti ca kAryavAde / ta eva mantre'dhikRtA nRpANAM na ye jalaukAsamavRttayazca // Further, a minister should exercise independence of judgment in expressing his views, and his aim should not merely be to please the king. Somadeva remarks (Ibid.): prazAsti yaH zrotRvazena dharmaM nRpecchayA yo nigRNAti kAryam / akalpakAmopacayena vaidyastrayasta ete kAlikAlapAdA || "He who preaches religion according to the inclinations of his hearers, he who sets forth a project in conformity with the wishes of the king, and the physician who lives by ministering to the desires of his patients: these three are the pillars of the Kali Age!" Ministers are, however, faced with a dilemma. If they followed the wishes of the king, the people might be ruined; while if they acted according to the wishes of the people, they might ruin their own position. Yet it is incumbent on ministers to speak the truth: this might only inolve their own ruin, but false counsel might bring about the ruin of the state, the king, and themselves as well (Book IV, pp. 155-6): prajAvilopo nRpatIcchayA syAtprajecchayA cAcarite svanAzaH / na mantriNAM vedhavidhAyinIvatsukhaM sadaivobhayataH samasti // yato yathArthaM vadatAM narANAmAtmakSayaH syAtparameka eva / rASTrasya rAjJo dhruvamAtmanazca mithyopadezastu karoti nAzam // Somadeva speaks a good deal about ministerial corruption. The report of the spy in Book III is designed to show to what length the corruption of a single minister, placed in charge of a province, can possibly go; and it also gives occasion to a large number of verses, attributed to diverse poets, on the supposed villainy of ministers in general.' The author of Yasastilaka seems to regard the proper control and supervision of the activities of the ministers by the king as the first and foremost requisite in the administration of a state. He opines that the evil ways of ministers cease only when the king is strict in determining issues of justice and 1 See Chap. VII.

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5. YASASTILAKA AS A SOCIO-POLITICAL RECORD injustice; if he is lenient, indolent and bent on the pleasures of the moment, the ministers are bound to prove insolent and disloyal (3. 196): saccivacaritaM tatraivaitat prazAmyati bhUpatau bhavati iha ya nyAyAnyAyapratarkaNakarkazaH / sadayahRdaye mandoyoge tadAtvasukhonmukhe striya iva nRpe haptA bhRtyAH kathaM na vikurvate // The evil consequences of ministerial corruption and misrule aer summed up thus (3. 197): prakRti vikRtiH kozotkrAntiH prajApralayAgatiH svajanaviratirmitrAprItiH kulInajanA sthitiH / kusacivarate rAjanyetaddhruvaM nanu jAyate tadanu sa parairdAyAdaivI balAdavalupyate // "Sedition among the citizens, depletion of the treasury, decimation of the population, disaffection of kinsmen, hostility of friends, and the emigration of the high-born: verily, this is sure to happen when a king is attached to a wicked minister. Thereafter the former is ousted by force by his enemies or by his kinsmen. 103 "3 Magnanimity accompanied by pre-eminence is stated to be the sole cause of a king having honest persons to serve him. A king may be poor; but if he is magnanimous, he can have plenty of trustworthy servants: even when a pool of water is dried up, numerous trees grow under its bridge (3. 198): adhanasyApi mahIzo mahIyaso bhavati bhRtyasaMpattiH / zuSkasyApi hi sarasaH pAlitale pAdapavibhUtiH // It is dangerous for kings to incur the displeasure of the people by favouring the unworthy and dishonouring the worthy. Several semilegendary examples are cited by Somadeva to illustrate the point. A king of Kalinga named Ananga, who had made a barber his commanderin-chief, was pelted to death with clods of earth by the enraged citizens. Similarly, a king named Karala was killed in the Kerala country for making a gambler his priest; king Mangala was killed in the country of Vangala for making an outcaste his minister; while in the country of Krathakaisika a king named Kama met with a similar fate for making the son of a courtesan the Crown prince. On the other hand, in Vanga a king named Sphulinga was assassinated for humiliating his honest and sincere minister; in Magadha a king named Makaradhvaja was murdered for despising his pious priest; in Kaunga a king named Kuranga was killed for insulting his powerful commander-in-chief; and in Cedi king Nadisa was similarly punished for removing his innocent eldest son from the position of heir-apparent.1 Danger to kings lurks also in presents sent by rival courts, which should be carefully scrutinized before acceptance. It is said that king 1 Book III, p. 431.

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104 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Dhisana killed king Durdharsa by presenting him with a jewel casket containing a deadly artificial serpent. Another king, Kanapa? by name, killed a rival named Krpana by sending him a perfumed cloth for covering idols which was coated with a deadly poison. These stories are also mentioned with slight variations in Nitivakyam?ta (Chap. 13) wherein we are told that a king of Karahata named Kaitabha killed king Vasu by presenting him with a marvellous cloth perfumed with a deadly poison, and a king named Karavala killed king Karala by sending him a jewel casket containing a venomous serpent. Somadeva clearly says in the latter work that letters and presents sent by an enemy should not be accepted without being examined by trustworthy persons (13. 15). A king should also be on his guard in his relations with women. This is, as a matter of fact, one of the lessons of the romance; and the subject is also treated in detail in Nitivakyamsta (Chap. 24). given in the latter work (24, 32) that nothing coming from the ladies' apartments should be eaten by the king has a direct bearing on the story of Yasodhara. Free and careless association with the inmates of the harem is held to be a source of danger to the king (Book IV, p. 153): antaHpure bhUmipatirmadAndhaH karoti yaH saMgatimaGganAbhiH / tasya dhruvaM syAdacireNa mRtyurbilapravezAdiva dardurasya // "Verily, the king who, blind with passion, associates with women in the inner apartments, soon loses his life, like a frog entering a serpent's hole." The idea occurs also in Nitivakyamsta- . grer adeiast ga Tetaan 27T: 1 24. 31. Further, both works record a number of traditions, with slight variations, to illustrate how kings are sometimes assassinated by women with devices of their own. For instance, in the Yavana country a queen named Manikundala killed king Ajaraja (Angaraja) by giving him a mouthfiil of poisoned wine, in order to place her son on the throne. In the country of Surasena, Vasantamati killed king Suratavilasa by kissing him with lips painted with poisoned red lac. In the Dasarna country Vrkodari killed king Madanarnava with her girdle-jewel smeared with poison. In Magadha, Madiraksi killed king Manmathavinoda with a sharp-edged mirror, and 1 Ibid. p. 550; Ms. A reads up. 2 TER 7 q:facto! 3 #foretrug forargar foreftforurauto (Yasastilaku); Bffarfau atahisarda (Nitivakyamrta). Envenomed gifts are familiar in Groek literature. In one version of the story of Modea she kills her rival Glauce by presenting hor with a poisoned robe and crown. Cf. Euripides, Modea, 1116 899. and Diodorus Siculus, IV. 54. 6. The death of Heracles caused by the deadly robo' unwittingly sent by his aggrieved wife is the theme of the Trachiniae of Sophocles.

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5. YASASTILAKA AS A SOCIO-POLITICAL RECORD 105 in the Pandya (Pandu) country Candarasa murdered king Mundira (Pundarika) with a dagger concealed in the lock of her hair.' The danger from women is also illustrated by asserting that it is risky to educate them. Yasodhara says in Book IV (p. 152): inchan gRhasyAsmana eva zAnti striyaM vidagdhI khalu kaH karoti / dugdhena yaH popapate bhujaGgI puMsaH kutastasa sumaGgalAni // "Who doth ever make a woman excel in wisdom, desiring his domestic peace ? How can a man, who nourishes a serpent with milk, profusely thrive ?" This is not merely the opinion of a disillusioned husband. Somadeva makes 1 similar observation in Nitivakyamrta 24. 43: zraia ferait ayrurgettet: Tiraganito prelidat: antg granty outea sa farai sagad i; and the statement, in fact, occurs also in Yasastilaka, Book IV.: Further, we are told that women may have as much freedom as they like in the discharge of their duties towards their husbands and children, but must not interfere in matters which properly belong to men's sphere, their minds being extremely fickle and superficial, like & drop of water on a lotus leaf. No one who accepts the participation of women in activities other than domestic duties can thrive for long, being like a tree fallen into the current of a river. And it is under a man's control that a woman can achieve her desired end, like a sword in the grip of a man. These statements are put in the mouth of Yasodhara, annoyed at the importunities of his mother in behalf of animal sacrifice, and remind one of the words of Eteocles, in Aeschylus' Septem Contra Thebas (200, 201 ), that outside affairs are men's business-let woman not advise thereon'. It may be added that the gist of what Yasodhara says oocurs also in Nitivakyamrta (Chap. 24). The narrow view of women's character and capacity to which Somadeva here gives expression should be considered in relation to what 1 Yasastilaka, Book IV (P. 153 ) and Nitivakyamsta (chapter on THT). The anony mous commentary on the latter work remarks that the stories in question are found in the Brhatkatha. 2 ts Tract: afy ralfs9 ruta: qe targa safat I'P. 152. 3 striyo hi nAma bhavantu bhartRSu zayyAviSaye putreSu ca pratipAlanasamaye prakAmaM nisRSTArthA niraGkazAcaraNasamarthAzca, na punaH pauruSeyeSu karmasu / yasmAt kamalinIdaleSu jalakaNasyeva nArINAM manasazcaJcalataratvAdatIva niHsAratvAca / puruSo'pi gRhakAryAdanyatra striyaM pramANayan nadIpravAhapatitaH pAdapa iva na ciraM nandati / strI tu puruSamuSTisthitA khagayaSTiriva sAdhayatyabhi HAI P. 135. 4 ( 3990 forio fre n tant stori Erts 77899' (39), fra 79674 Terra 99 54 afat arefi' (+1); 'gragteur f lera olika ' ( 42). 14

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106 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE is called rajaraksa or protection of kings, and is in keeping with the precaution against familiarity with women recommended as a measure of self-defence. There are no adequate grounds for holding that Somadeva is a misogynist. It is noteworthy that almost all the attacks on women in Yasastilaka are put in the mouth of Yasodhara and the Jaina ascetic Sudatta, appropriately enough, it would seem. Somadeva refers also to the Digambara Jaina doctrine that women are unfit for salvation', but he declares in emphatic terms that women are superior to men in the intellectual field (1. 146): dehAyate karmaNyayaM naraH strIjano'yamiti bhavati / cittAyatte karmaNyadhikA nArI tu madhyamaH puruSaH // "Discrimination between men and women is valid in respect of physical activity. But women are superior and men inferior in intellectual activity." It may also be noted that Somadeva as a practical thinker tells us in Nitivakyamrta that women are neither good nor bad: they are, like the Ocean of Milk, the source of poison as well as nectar (24. 10), and have neither any innate merit nor blemish, but become just like their husbands, as rivers assume the character of the ocean when they are merged therein (24. 25). The Jaina author's position with regard to women is, in fact, similar to that of Kalhana as stated in a verse of his Rajatarangini (VII. 856), vrajati rajanI tyaktvA vApi kSaye kSaNadAkaraM padamupagatasyAstaM saMdhyA raveranugacchati / zfa qwnai anogamaa affarafa man Hqmifarai afui a ar gfuai far: 11 The guiding principles of a king's policy in matters affecting peace and war, and, generally speaking, his relations with other kings are expounded in an academic discussion in verse in Book III. The framework of the discussion is provided by an examination of the relative claims of daiva and purusakara, a subject bearing on rajadharma, as already recognised in early texts like Yajnavalkya (1. 346 ). The king is also recommended to rule the kingdom, as a gardener looks after the garden (3.107): vRkSAn kaNTakino bahirniyamayan vizleSayan saMhitAnuskhAtAn pratiropayan kusumitAMzcinvaMlaghUn vardhayan / uccAn saMnamayan pRthuMzca kRzayannAtyucchritAn pAtayan mAlAkAra iva prayoganipuNo rAjan mahIM pAlaya // "Skilled in devising ways and means, rule the earth, like a gardener, oking expelling the petty enemies, like thorny plants; disuniting the united; replanting the uprooted; collecting dues from the well-to-do, as a gardener gathers flowers from the blossoming trees; elevating the lowly, as a gardener rears the smaller plants; humbling the high-born, as he bends the tall-growing ones; reducing the great, as he thins out the thick under 1 Yasastilaka 1. 145. 2 See Chap VII. 1

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5. YASASTILAKA AS A SOCIO-POLITICAL RECORD 107 growths; and levelling the mighty, as he fells the lofty trees." No enemy, however small, should be neglected (3. 108): svalpAdapi riporbIjAdazvasthasyeva zAkhini / bhayaM jAyeta kAlena tasmAt kastamupekSate // "Even from the tiny germ of an enemy there might be cause of fear in the course of time, just as there might be danger to other trees even from a small seed of the Pippal. Who can therefore neglect an enemy?". The duties and qualifications of various officials of the king are dealt with by Somadeva in Yasastilaka as well as Nitivakyamrta. The Duta or envoy should be an aged Brahmana, learned, eloquent, forbearing in face of provocation and amiable: he should be efficient, courageous, pure, wise, bold and readywitted (3. 111). Even when an envoy is entrusted by his master with a provocative message, he should regulate his speech according to the temperament, character, or the resources of the king to whose court he is sent. To a proud enemy he should speak in conciliatory terms. To one well-versed in polity he should talk about principles. To one who is powerful he should speak about dissensions among his subjects; while to an enemy inferior in resources he should talk in terms of war. The responsibility of an envoy is shown by the fact that the prosperity of a king, however great, is endangered by the misconduct of envoys that are greedy and rough in the manner and content of their speech (3. 114-5): saMkIrtayet sAma ripo sadarpa nayaM sanItau balini prabhedam / mantreNa tantreNa ca hInavRttau daNDAzrayopAyavidhi vidhijnyH|| anyathA-vAgartharUkSalubdhAnAM dUtAnAM duHpravRttibhiH / zrIH svAminaH pravRddhApi kriyate saMzayAzrayA // The commander-in-chief should be brave, experienced in the practice of arms and well-versed in the Arthasastra. He should be a skilled fighter, and well-provided with elephants, cavalry, infantry and chariots; and loyal to his master, and popular with the army (3. 245): zUro'rthazAstranipuNaH kRtazastrakarmA saMgrAmakelicaturazcaturaGgayuktaH / bhartunidezavazago'bhimataH svatane senApatirnarapatervijayAgamAya // The Sandhivigrahin, officer in charge of peace and war', may be called the Secretary of state for foreign affairs. He is an important court official with varied functions. In Somadeva's romance, as we ha seen above, he receives the envoys of friendly courts and ushers them into the king's presence; and deals also with the envoy of a hostile court, addresses him, and drafts a threatening letter to the enemy. The Sandhi. vigrahin is thus in charge of matters affecting peace and war; and he seems to be in close attendance on the king, for we find Yasodhara in

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108 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Book IV questioning the Sandhivigrahin about the sudden poals of music in the city. In Rajatarangini 4. 137-8 we have another glimpse of the functions of the Sandhivigrahin in the person of Mitrasarman, styled as the Sandhivigrahika of Lalitaditya, king of Kashmir, who is present at the drafting of the treaty between Lalitaditya and Yasovarman of Kanauj, and objects to the latter's name being recorded prior to his master's in the document in question. In Bana's Harsacarita (Book VI) we find Harsa, after his decision to punish the king of Gauda for treachery, dictating to his Sandhivigrahin Avanti, called Maha-sandhi-vigrahadhiksta, an arrogant proclamation calling upon all kings to accept his suzerainty or prepare for battle. It seems that there were sometimes more than one Sandhivigrahin in the same court: Somadeva, for instance, records what he calls the verses of the Sandhivigrahins' in the court of Yasodhara. The occasional addition of the epithet Mahit to the usual designation shows that there was sometimes a chief official of that class. Among the new offices created by Lalitaditya (first half of the eighth century), as related in Rajatarangini 4, 142, mention is made of a Maha-sandhi-vigraha, which is also the appellation of Harsa's secretary for foreign affairs, as stated above. It may also be noted that one of the verses quoted from Vyasa in Apararka's commentary on Yajnavalkya 1. 319 refers to a Sandhi-vigrahalekhaka, obviously the same as Sandhivigrahin; but his function is to draft records of grants of land made by the king. It would appear that the Sandhivigrahin was a Secretary of State whose functions were not confined to the conduct of foreign affairs. Somadeva tells us that he should be able to read, write, narrate and interpret all scripts and languages: he should be ready-witted and capable of gauging the relative strength of his own master and other princes ( 3. 250): arafat ferafat Had Taufe Fat Peta 1919 i preparata: asfaa: sifafaragt #ret: it The Aksapatalika or the keeper of the state records is mentioned in connection with the challenge to other kings (3. 112, 113) issued by Yasodhara,' similar to the one issued by Harsa in Bana's romance (see above). The Aksapatalika is here commissioned to read out the message to the envoy who was expected to deliver it to the kings in question. The 1 'sa tu afaROTHIC=ESHT' P. 157. 2 zrIyazovarmaNaH saMdhau sAMdhivigrahiko na yat / nayaM niyamanAlekhe mitrazarmAsya cakSame // so'bhUt saMdhiyazovarmalalitAditya. yoriti / likhitenAdinirdezAdanahatvaM vidan prabhoH / / . 3 See above. fragraut afternut TATA' Book III. 4 See Chap. II. 6 'crareazkenetan era arrapater.

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5. YASASTILAKA AS A SOCIO-POLITICAL RECORD 109 Aksapatala, to judge from certain references in the Rajatarangini, was the royal archive containing the records of grants and deeds of gift, and the official who drafted the deeds of gift or made the necessary entries was called Pattopadhyaya.' The same work (5.301) mentions an Aksapataladhisa, chief of the record office, obviously the same as Aksapatalika. Great importance is attached to the role of spies in the king's government; and they are regarded as a sort of second sight for him." The report of the spy in Book III provides a concrete example of the kind of information available to kings from this source, and gives us an idea of ate and comprehensive such information could be. The importance of spies is stressed in the following verses of Yasastilaka (3. 116-7): sarvacetogatAnarthAn draSTuM yeSAM kutUhalam / te bhavantu para cAraizcakSuSmantaH kSitIzvarAH // cArasaMcArato yeSAM nAdhyakSA svaparasthitiH / niyuktArAtisaMpAtAtteSAM nArtho na cAsavaH // "Let those kings, who have the curiosity to visualise what is in the mind of every one, have spies only for eyes. Those who are not aware of the situation of themselves and others, through the movements of spies, are deprived of both wealth and life by the action of their officials and foes." The institution of spies is treated in great detail in all ancient works on Indian polity. Manu (7. 223) and Yajnavalkya (1. 330), for instance, lay down that the king should listen to the reports of spies after the evening ablutions, and, as Manu says, indoors, and the king should be armed while doing so. Yajnavalkya (1. 338-9) suggests what action should be taken by the king in regard to his officers on the reports of spies: those who take bribes, for instance, should be dispossessed and exiled. Espionage is dealt with in several chapters of Kautilya's Arthasastra, on which Somadeva's own treatment of the topic in Nitivakyamrta is based. In Yasastilaka, too, he is indebted to Kautilya (Chap. XI) in the description of Yasodhara's spy, disguised as a religious mendicant, and surrounded by disciples who proclaim his mystic powers. The expression siddhah samedhikah occurring in Yasastilaka, Book III, is taken from Kautilya (op. cit.); and the topic is, of course, elaborated in the romance. As regards the report of the spy on the corruption of one of the ministers of Yasodhara, analysed elsewhere (Chap. II), its prototype may be found 1 C. rAzA pradatta raGgAya heluyAme'grahAravat / lilekha paTTopAdhyAyo na yadA dAnapaTTakam // tadAkSapaTalaM gatvA raGgaH kopAt anafter I T Rota grega 7 Pena ! 5. 397-398. Kautilya deals with the organisation of the Aksapatala in Arthasastra 2.7; it was the Records and Accounts office combined. 3 Yasastilaka 3. 173. 3 See Chap. IV.

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110 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN OULTURE in the Mahabharata (S'antiparva, chap. 32) in the story of the sage Kalakavrksiya, who, taking with him a crow credited with the power of soothsaying, goes round the capital of the king of Kosala and observes the evil ways of his ministers, and later reports to him all details of their corruption and conspiracies. Reference is made in Book III to the Chief of the secret agents called Varisthaka', and it is he who reports to the king the arrival of the spy from his tour.2 Srutasagara in his commentary seems to take Varisthaka as a proper name, but in Book IV we find a Varisthaka named Vaikunthamati, who brings, however, an ordinary message to the king. The spy in his report mentions also a chief of the emissaries or couriers (janghacurikanayaka). Srutasagara and Ms. A, however, explain the term janghacirika as a carapurusa, herika, a spy. The forms jangharika and janghukarika occur in Arthasastra II. I, but there the word is taken to mean messenger or courier'. It is difficult to determine the exact significance of these terms, but there is no doubt that the Criminal Intelligence Department had many ramifications, and was as important in the tenth century as it was in the days of Kautilya. We have already referred to Somadeva's description of the regiments of Yasodhara's army in connection with the review of troops, which is included by Yajnavalkya (1. 329) in the daily routine of the king. In Nitivcikyamrta 22. 17 the king's neglect to review the troops personally is described as one of the causes of the disaffection of the army. Elephants and horses were two principal components of old Indian armies; and a number of verses occurs on the importance of the military role of these animals (2. 176, 180): bhayeSu durgANi jaleSu setavo gRhANi mArgepu raNeSu raaksssaaH| manaHprasAdeSu vinodavedhaso gajA ivAnyat kimihAsti vAhanam // Elephants serve as fortresses in danger, as causeways in traversing waters, as houses on the wayside, and as monsters in battle. They give 1 See Chap. II. 2 ETHICT-ta: 787%arat SOTRAG TE R TARDE ETY P. 400. 3 ........."tadartha caiva nagare paurANAmudyAvodhamaH / tatra devaH kAlavilambanamakRtvA sajjIbhavatu majjanAdiSu kriyAsu' ityAgatya ETUSHTT R8 ATA".... P. 158. 4 TRT 1: Printed text reads at which is incorrect. Ms. A reads nAyakasya. 5 Srutasagara says cArapuruSapradhAnasya. 6 See Shama Sastri's Translation and Word Index, and M. M. Ganapati Sastris ed.

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5. YASASTILAKA AS A SOCIO POLITICAL RECORD 111 delight in momonts of joy: what other vehicle is there in the world, comparable to them? puraH pratyakpakSa bhramibhirabhihantuM vyavasite gataiH sarvairgarvAt samarasamaye sindhurapatau / vidIrNa mAtaGgaisturaganivahaizcApi dalitaM rathaiH prAstaM patraiH pizitakavalIbhUtamacirAt // When, at the time of battle, a mighty elephant proudly begins to charge, stepping to and fro, and turning to the right and to the left, with all possible movements, the foeman's elephants are ere long pierced, the horses crushed, the chariots scattered, and the infantry reduced to pulp. The speed of elephants is praised in Yasastilaka 3. 309, and Somadeva, the writer on polity, goes as far as to offer salutation to elephants (2. 169): sAmodbhavAya zubhalakSaNalakSitAya divyAtmane sakaladeva niketanAya / kalyANamaGgalamahotsavakAraNAya tubhyaM namaH karivarAya varAya nityam // A large number of technical terms appertaining to elephant lore is used in Books II and III. In the latter Book Somadeva enumerates the different methods of treatment applied to rutting elephants,' and gives the names of certain kinds of elephants and the particular states of intoxication to which they are subject. For example, Names of elephants Vasumatitilaka Pattavardhana Uddhatankusa Paracakra-pramardana Ahitakula-kalanala Carcarivatamsa Vijayasekhara States of intoxication Samjata-tilaka Ardra-kapolika Adhonibandhini Gandhacarini Krodhini Ativartini Sambhinna-madamaryada The above details are in our work reported to the king by an army commander; and elephant-lore, like the science of horses, was regarded as an auxiliary branch of statecraft in view of the important part played by elephants in warfare. Like elephants, horses are also praised for their utility in war, and mention is made of various characteristics of efficient chargers. Particularly good are the well-trained ones with well-proportioned, symmetrical and compact limbs (2. 206). Good horses have large foreheads, mouths depressed on the outside, smooth skins, stout shoulders, long 1 'sosALaMhaNasaM trayanyAstAra mukhavardhanakaTavardhanakaTazodhanaprati bhedanapavardhana varNakara gandhakaroddIpanahAsanAvinivartanaprabheda madopacA ropadeza bizArada P. 495. 2 ergantner: angf@xmi qaft: *: car aftaqi: ageregean 11.

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112 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE legs, broad backs and lean bellies (2. 203).' Their colours are like those of pearls, or blue lotuses, or gold, or filaments of flowers, or collyrium, or bees, or the rising sun, or Asoka flowers, or parrots. The neighing of good horses is deep like the trumpeting of elephants, or the roar of lions, or the bellowing of oxen, or like the sound of trumpets, drums or clouds; and the smell of lotuses, blue lotuses, Malati flowers, clarified butter, honey, milk, or the perspiration of rutting elephants is present in their perspiration, mouths and ears (2. 197-9). Questions of food and drink are discussed in relation to health and physical well-being in a large number of verses (3. 321-74) attributed to the court physician Sajjana, alias Vaidyavidyavilasa, to whose words the king listens at meal-time. Sajjana is also described as one who gives instruction in the art of producing sixty-three varieties of flavours by primary and secondary combinations of the usual six, and Srutasagara in his commentary gives a formidable list of these combinations. Sound dietetics is a subject intimately connected with the welfare of the king, and accordingly given a place in Somadeva's discourse on the art of government. Sajjana says many sensible things. Addressing the king, he remarks that just as food is not well cooked in a vessel that is neither covered nor stirred, so a man who has neither sleep nor exercise cannot digest what he eats (3.322). He who gorges himself with food gluttonously even when he is not hungry stirs up diseases, like dormant snakes, for his own ruin (3.329). All stale food with the exception of clarified butter and liquids, food containing hair or worms, and rechauffes should be avoided (3.344); and one should also abstain from overeating, undereating, eating of combinations of hygienic and unhygienic food, and eating immediately after eating (3.345). Certain kinds of food are recommended for particular reasons. In the autumn one should take sweet, bitter and astringent things; in the rainy season and the winter sweet, salty and sour things; in the spring pungent. bitter and astringent things; and in the summer mild preparations (3.349). Again, in the winter one should take fresh food. preparations of milk, pulses, and sugarcane, curds, and things prepared with ghee; and oil, too, is beneficial (3.350). In the spring one should take food consisting chiefly of barley and wheat, and containing little ghee, and avoid 1 farena TRETTET: 27: TagaST: I gotat: TYTEATTEIGTET: PHOTFT: . 2 mai prestatuta frafegant TAS: wafi', 3 saad teata 47274275249 '.

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5. YASASTILAKA AS A SOCIO-POLITICAL RECORD 113 heavy, cold and sweet dishes (3.351). On hot days one should take Sali rice, Moog soup containing ghee, lotus stalks, fresh shoots and bulbs, fried barley flour, sherbets, curds mixed with sugar and spices, coconut milk, and water or milk with plenty of sugar (3.352). In the rainy season the food should be dry light, oily and warm; and preparations of old Sali rice, wheat and barley should be taken (3.353). In the autumn the diet should consist of ghee, moog, Sali rice, powdered wheat, preparations of milk, patolas grapes, Amalaki fruits, sugar, and sweet bulbs and leaves (3.354). A number of vegetables including slices of fresh ginger is praised in 3.356', and the properties of ghee, curds, butter and milk are described in verses 3.360-63. We are also told that the constant eating of over-sweet dishes leads to indigestion, too much of salty food causes weakening of vision, extremely sour and pungent dishes lead to physical decay, and any unhygienic food causes loss of strength as soon as it is taken (3.364). Certain remedies are suggested for indigestion (3.366), and emphasis is laid on the proper use of water. Water is called both amsta and visa; properly used, it is amrta, nectar, and used without proper care, it is pisa, poison (3.368). Transparent water without any taste and smell, and swept by wind and sunshine, is beneficial by nature; in all other cases water should be boiled before drinking Water exposed to the rays of the sun and the moon should not be used longer than a day and a night; water boiled in daytime should not be taken at night, and water boiled at night should not be taken in daytime (3. 370-1). Examination of food and detection of poison is dealt with in a number of verses; and the subject has, of course, an important bearing on the safety of the king, and is exhaustively dealt with in Kautilya's Arthasastra I. XXI. Speaking of poison, the court physician mentions certain phenomena indicating its presence in food. He observes that, at the sight of poison, crows and cuckoos cry in an unwonted fashion, mungooses and peacocks are overjoyed, the Kraunca bird sleeps, the cock crows in a harsh tone, the parrot vomits, and the monkey evacuates bowels; while the eyes of the Cakora bird lose colour, and the goose limps. Besides, flies do not settle on food containing poison (3. 338-9). Addressing the king, Sajjana further remarks that fire crackles in contact with food mixed with poison, as it does when a quantity of salt is thrown into it (3. 340). 1 ghRtaM muddA zAliH samithavikRtiHkSIraviSayaH paTolaM mRdIkAH phalamiha ca pANyAH samucitam / sitA zItacchAyA madhurasavazaM kandakupalaM zaratkAle senyaM rajanivadane candrakiraNAH / / . 1 vAlaM vRntAkaM kohalaM kAravelaM cillI jIvantI vAstulastaNDalIyaH / saghaH saMbhRSTAH parpaTAvirbhaTAntAH kiM svalokaimveda 1154 II. 15

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114 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Certain kinds of food are forbidden under given circumstances, for example, germinating paddy, and ghee kept in a brass vessel for a period of ten days (3. 341). Further, bananas should not be taken with curds and butter-milk nor milk with salt...................nor broth of pulses with radishes; fried barley powder should not be taken when it becomes compact like curds, and all sesamum preparations are prohibited at night (3. 342-43). The discourse on food and drink shows the importance attached by Somadeva to a proper understanding of dietetics for the safety and physical wellbeing of the king and the efficient discharge of his duties. It shows also the Jaina teacher's keen interest in the secular branches of study. It is evident that Somadeva in Yasastilaka does not go over the entire range of topics dealt with in the nitisastras, but rather concentrates on problems affecting the king personally and the role played by him in the administration of the state. Considered from this point of view, the relevant portion of Yasastilaka reminds one of the Mirrors or manuals of instruction for the guidance of kings, which were widely prevalent in the Middle Ages in the West, such as the book of Agapetos, the tutor of the Emperor Justinian (sixth century A, D.), and specially the famous Secretum Secretorum attributed to Aristotle, many versions of which are known to exist in different languages. There are, for instance, Latin texts not earlier than the twelfth' century, which in their turn rest on Arabic originals'. We may here refer to two English versions, the first from a shortened French source, the second from a Latin source made soon after 1400 A. D.8 The Prologue to the first version tells us that the book was translated from Greok into Syriac, and thence into Arabic. It is interesting to find that although Somadeva's discourse is far more systematic and methodical, and more intimately connected with the actual problems of administration, there are certain noteworthy points of resemblance batween his work and the Secretum Secretorum. Firstly, as in Yasastilaka, the king is warned in the Secretum never to trust a woman, and it is also pointed out that many kings have beon poisoned, a woman's hate being the worst poison. Secondly, both works treat of questions of health and food and drink; and proportionately speaking, the Secretum seems to attach even greater importance to the subject 1 Cf. the treatise on diet composed by Anthimus, a Byzantine doctor, for the Frank king Clovis ( 481-511 A, D.), to whom he had been sent by Theoderic the Great, 2 J. R. A. S. 1908, pp. 1065-1084. 3 See Three Prose Versions of the Secreta Secretorum, ed. Steele. Part I. Text an Glossary. (Early English Text Society). 4 Pp. 20, 64.

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5. YASASTILAKA AS A SOCIO-POLITICAL RECORD than our text. Both works deal with the seasons and the kinds of food appropriate to each of them; and the Secretum, too, speaks of forbidden combinations of food, e. g., milk and flesh. Thirdly, the qualities of secretaries, messengers, and counsellors are dealt with in the Secretum as in Yasastilaka, although the subject is treated far more exhaustively by Somadeva with concrete details and illustrations. The opinion of the Secretum that the king should have five counsellors, or not less than three, if five are not available, may be compared with Somadeva's recommendation in Nitivakyamrta that the number of ministers should be three or five or seven. On the other hand, the author of Yasastilaka does not evince any interest in certain topics dealt with at length in the Secretum e. g., physiognomy, miraculous properties of plants, magic stones etc. 4 It is a noteworthy feature of Somadeva as a political thinker that he divests himself of his theological bias while treating of the problems of the state. For example, as an exponent of Jaina doctrines he severely condemns the Lokayatika or materialistic view of life, but in Nitivakyamrta 6. 33 he declares that a king conversant with the Lokayatika system is capable of exterminating the malefactors of the state. Similarly, while emphasizing the importance of Dharma, he declares in the same work that he who solely devotes himself to Dharma, overriding the claims of Artha and Kama, is like a man who tills a forest, abandoning a ripe cornfield (1.44). It is also noteworthy that at the beginning of Nitivakyamrta Somadeva offers obeisance not to the Arhat but to the State (Rajya); and his method of approach to the problems of government is certainly not that of a Jaina theologian but that of an unbiassed thinker with considerable knowledge and experience of the affairs of the state. The non-theological attitude of the Jaina author in matters affecting the state may be contrasted with the outlook of certain Western political thinkers of the Carolingian age, who were Churchmen and 'approached the questions at issue through theology'. The aim of writers like Smaragdus, Jonas and Sedulius, who paid attention to the problem of government in the first half of the ninth century, and wrote hortatory treatises, contrasting the good and the bad ruler, is, generally speaking, to produce, as it were, manuals of Christian ethics for Christian rulers'. Admonitions such as 1 Pp. 27, 72. 2 P. 76. 5 3 Pp. 98, 101. 4 See Chap. VIII. 5 Laistner: Thought and Letters in Western Europe (A. D. 500 to 900), p. 261. 115

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116 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE that the Christian ruler must trust in divine aid rather than in his own courage and that of his troops' would have appeared highly incongruous to the Jaina thinker. Somadeva's ideal of kingship is evident from his description of the life of Yasodhara as a ruler. In presenting before us a picture of his activities, the author of Yasastilaka does not attempt to make him a paragon of virtue or even a hero, but is content to depict him as a prince diligent in discharging the duties that devolve upon him as the ruler of the state. Yet he came to an untimely end, because of his failure to take precaution against a woman's perfidy; and his example is intended to be an object lesson for other kings to profit by. Yasodhara, as represented by Somadeva, is very different from the Syrian king, mentioned by Dio Chrysostom,' who spent his life indoors with eunuchs and concubines without even a glimpse of army or war or assembly at all. It may be noted that Dio insists on virile pursuits for the king, and considers hunting to be the best recreation for him." Yasodhara does not indeed indulge in hunting, but we see him training elephants and armouring their tusks and practising archery. More questionable is his participation in the summer sports and the gaieties of moonrise in the company of young women, as described in Yasastilaka, Book III; but this may be regarded as a concession to prevailing custom and the conventions of kavya poetry, and is certainly contrary to Somadeva's considered opinion against the association of the king with the women of the harem. Somadeva's discourse on the problems of government in Yasastilaka is doubtless unparalleled in kavya literature, but it should be remembered that earlier poets like Bharavi, Magha, Bhatti, and Ratnakara also deal with aspects of Niti especially in relation to matters affecting peace and war; while Bana's interest in the duties and responsibilities of kingship is revealed in Sukanasa's advice to Candrapida. Further, Bana, like Somadeva, records in Harsacarita, Book VI, a large number of semi-legendary traditions illustrating the mortal danger to kings from carelessness and risky adventures and from the machinations of women. Somadeva and Bana both seem to draw on earlier sources, as similar stories, for instance, those about women murdering kings, are also found in Kautilya's Arthasastra I. XX and Kamandaka's Nitisara 7. 11. 51 ff. 1 In the Fourth Discourse on Kingship. Dio was a Greek moralist of the first century A. D. 2 In the Third Discourse on Kingship.

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5. YASASTILAKA AS A SOCIO-POLITICAL RECORD 117 Social DATA The interesting data concerning religious conditions in the tenth century, preserved in our text, constitute a large mass of information which has been analysed in subsequent chapters; and we may here confine ourselves to Somadeva's references to social conditions proper. The charges brought by the spy against the king's minister, a provincial governor, in Book III, point to certain potential abuses of the times, and similar incidents are mentioned also in Rajatarangini. The spy, for instance, says (3. 172): vApasamayeSu viSTiH siddhAyaH kSIrikaNizakAleSu / lavanAvasareSu punaH svacchandaH sainikAbAdhaH // The minister is alleged to be responsible for three things : demanding abour at the time of sowing, collection of dues while the ears of corn are still unripe, and the unbridled movement of troops at the harvesting season. In Nitivakyamrta 19, 15, 16 Somadeva says that the collection of dues (siddhadaya) while the ears of corn are unripe depopulates a country, and the movement of troops at the time of harvest leads to famine. As regards unpaid or forced labour (visti), it goes back to early times; and Kautilya says in Arthasastra II. I that the king should protect agriculture from the abuses of fines, forced labour, and taxation.? Forced labour seems to have been the poor mans terror as we learn from the parable of the foolish son in Saddharmapundarika, wherein the vagrant youth comes after years to beg at the mansion of his wealthy father, and taking the latter for a king or a grandee, fears lest he should be detained to do forced labour, and slinks away in a hurry.3 The grant of a village sometimes carried with it the right to unpaid labour within the area granted. A record of the Rastrakuta king Indra III. dated 915 A. D., grants, for instance, a village called Tenna to a Brahmana with the accompanying right to forced labour as occasion presents itself. Somadeva, it should be noted, takes exception to forced labour only at the time of sowing. It is also alleged by the spy that Yasodhara's minister misappropriates agraharas and devabhogas. Agraharas are villages granted to Brahmanas, and devabhogas are temple endowments (villages, cornfields 1 'kSIriSu kaNizeSu siddhAdAyo janapadamudrAsayati', 'lavanakAle senApracAro durbhikSamAvahati / ' 2 'queffettate Tagat ! 3 TAHU for et ufora are to TTT'IV. 17. 4 H a lf ' . I. Vol. IX ( Two grants of Indraraja III). 5 Yasastilaka 3. 236 quoted in Chap. II (q. v.)

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118 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE etc.); and the two terms are sometimes mentioned together, e. g., in the aforesaid grant of Indra III (verse 24). It was, of course, an abuse of power to rob the grantees of their legitimate rights, and similar instances are also recorded in the Rajatarangini. For example, during the reign of Avantivarman (855-883 A. D.) a powerful feudal baron was beheaded under the orders of the minister Sura for the crime of robbing the temple of Bhutesa of villages (5. 52 ff.). Some of the later kings of Kashmir were themselves notorious for such usurpations, notably Samkaravarman (883-902 A. D.), Kalasa (1063-89 A. D.), and Harsa (1089-1101 A. D.). Kalhana deplores the fact that Gauraka, the aged and virtuous minister of Harsa, accepted the post of Arthanayaka (Prefect of Wealth) for the confiscation of the villages and the entire property of all the temples of the gods (7. 1103-4). The next charge against the minister is that he melts down the images of the gods and replaces them by those of lesser value; he also sells an image, and with the proceeds institutes a religious festival.' The motives of the minister are evidently not only cupidity but a show of piety Be that as it may, the practice of melting down images by greedy monarchs is wellknown in history and found not only in India but also elsewhere; it was a form of sacrilege akin to the plunder of temples practised by many kings for the treasury. The Rajatarangini has a good deal to say about such prac.. tices being resorted to by the kings of Kashmir. Samkaravarman plundered sixty-four temples of the gods (5. 169). Kalasa removed the copper image of the Sun called Tamrasvamin, and carried away also the brass statues from the Viharas (7.696). The climax came during the reign of Harsa, who, after plundering the treasures of the temples granted by former kings, turned his attention to the images, and appointed an officer called the Prefect for the uprooting of the gods (devotpatana-nayaka), with the result that images of gods made of gold, silver and other metals rolled in filth in the streets, like faggots of wood (7. 1089 ff.). Another king of Kashmir Ksemagupta (950-958 A. D.), a contemporary of Somadeva, used the brass from a statue of Buddha in building the shrine of Ksema-Gaurisvara, a show of piety comparable to that of Yasodhara's minister (6. 172-3). Turning elsewhere, we find that towards the end of the twelfth century a prince of Gujarat, Prahladanadeva, the author of Parthaparakrama Vyayoga and founder of Palanpur, melted a brass statue of Jina for making a bull for the Acalesvara temple; and there is a legend that he was stricken with leprosy as a result of the sin, but cured himself by building a monastery 1 Ibid. 3, 227, 235 quoted in Chap. II (q. v.)

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5. YASASTILAKA AS A SOCIO-POLITICAL RECORD 119 and setting up therein Jaina statues and shrines. The references in Yasastilaka would lead one to suppose that the melting down of images to meet financial needs was not unknown in the Deccan in the tenth century, and Somadeva's statements may be taken as a kind of protest against the practice being resorted to by provincial governors. It may be mentioned in this connection that, elsewhere, during the reign of the Byzantine Emperor Alexius I Comnenus (1081-1118 1. D.), Leo, Bishop of Chalcedon, came protesting against the melting down of icons for purposes of filling the imperial treasury'.: The spy in his report describes Yasodhara's minister as a monster of financial corruption (lanca-lunca-nisacarah 3. 185). Lanca or lanca is bribery, while lunod is extortion; and the phrase is used in the sense of financial corruption in general. Somadeva deals with the subject in his Nitivakyamrta and describes lancalunca as the source of Financial malpractice represents the seamy side of government, and Somadeva exhorts the king not to allow persons wbo come on business to become the victims of rapacious officials. Glimpses of economic prosperity are occasionally afforded by our work. The description of a prosperous dairy-farm of Karahata occurring in Book V has been translated in the previous chapter. More interesting is the description of the mart owned and run by the trusted priest the story recounted in Yasastilaka, Book VII, section 27. We are told that 1 See Dalal's Introduction to the play in G. O. S. 2 Classical antiquity provides instances of rapacious princes laying sacrilogious hands on costly images. Clement of Alexandria (second century A. D.) reports in his shortation to the Greeks (Chap. IV) that the tyrant Dionysius the younger stripped the statue of Zeus in Sicily of its golden cloak and ordered it to be clothed with 4 woolen one; while Antiochus of Cyzicus, a Greek city of Asia Minor, when he was in want of money, ordered the golden statue of Zeus, fifteen oubits high, to be melted down, and a similar statue of cheaper material covered with gold leaf to be set up in ito place. Hussey: Church and Learning in the Byzantine Empire, p. 94. 4 Lanca, bribe', is used in Pali, being peculiar to the Jataka literature. See Rhys Davids: Pali-English Dictionary. Cf, Pali lancakhadaka, bribe-eater. The Bengali expression ghuskhor means the same thing. Compare also luca khane in Marathi and lanca tinnu in Kannada. 5 'preffa gert a hazai ta l'; ' a TFTHATTHCTTI; 19: Th afa alifan' etc. Srutasagaro in his comm. on Yasastilaka 3. 185 explains 399 : as ent( ?) : The anonymous comm. on Nitivakyamrta says yur i 334 (3 ) 3a: a orar: va va T TAT: Farther on it says lacchena malAkAragrahaNena, also laJcana kAryakaraNe balAtkAreNa haraNe. There is some confusion of meaning, but the expression as a whole signifies extortion or unlawful exactions by the king or his officials. Somadeva remarks in Nitivakydmrla (op. cit.): rAho lazna kAryakaraNe kasya nAma kalyANam

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120 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE the mart (penthasthana) was furnished with tents containing many compartments and large stores of merchandise, with stalls for cattle nearby. Water, fodder and fire-wood were easily available, and the establishment covered an area of about four miles. It was closely guarded by troops, and protected by moats, gates, walls and ramparts, and had avenues with arrangements for water-supply, eating houses, assembly halls, and warehouses for different classes of commodities. Gamblers, whoremongers, jesters and dancing masters were excluded from the precincts of the mart. Here merchants from many countries were allowed to carry on their business, the rates of toll and rent being extremely moderate. The mart maintained by Sribhuti seems to be entirely a private organisation, but in Nitivakyamrta 19. 21 Somadeva speaks of pintha (sic) as a state organisation, and observes that a mart * maintained with justice' is a source of endless profits to the king. The commentary on the latter work explains pintha as sulkasthana, and quotes a verse from Sukra to the effect that toll should not be realised at excessive rates, and whatever is stolen by thieves from the mart should be restored to the merchants by the king from his own treasury. The pintha is described in Nitivakyamrta as panyaputabhedini, explained in the commentary as containing diverse places for storing commodities," and it seems to have had an elaborate organisation, to judge from the description in Yasastilaka. The granting of proper facilities and protection to merchants was the chief aim of these emporiums, which were also an important source of revenue to the state. References to the fine arts are few and far between in our work. An interesting statuary group is presented in the description of the Pavilion of mechanical showers in Book III. The account of the Jaina temple in Book V is chiefly remarkable for its paintings, of which two categories are mentioned. Firstly, there are portraits of wellknown figures of Jaina legend and mythology, viz. Bahubali the warrior saint, Pradyumna whose austerities 1 'sa kila zrIbhUtivizvAsarasanirvighnatayA paropakAranighnatayA ca vibhaktAnekApavarakaracanAzAlinIbhirmahAbhANDavAhinIbhirgo zAlopazalyAbhiH kulyAbhiH samanvitam, atisulabhajalayavasendhanapracAram, bhaNDanArambhodbhaTabharIrapeTakapakSarakSAsAram , gorutapramANaM vapraprAkArapratoliparikhAparisUtritatrANaM prapAsatrasabhAsanAthavIthinivezanaM paNyapuTabhedanaM vidUrita kitavaviTavidUSakapIThamardAvasthAnaM peNThAsthAnaM vinirmApya nAnAdigdezopasarpaNayujAM vaNijAM prazAntazulkabhATakabhAgahAravyavahAramacIkarat / p. 345. 2 Tant quagefrit fast trai rag'. 3 tathA ca zukraH-grAhyaM naivAdhikaM zulkaM caurairyaccAhRtaM bhavet / piNThAyAM mUbhujA deyaM vaNijAM tat svkoshtH|| 4 'paNyAni vaNigajanAnAM kuMkumahiMguvatrAdIni krayANakAni teSAM puTAH sthAnAni bhidyante yasyAM sA pnnyputtbhedinii|' 5 See Chap. II. 6 galantata faragot' p. 246. 7 Parceria algaffeat.

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5. YASASTILAKA AS A SOCIO-POLITICAL RECORD 121 are celebrated in Jaina legend, the Tirthamkara Suparsva, and king A sokacandra and his consort Rohini, the woman who did not know how to weep. Secondly, there are representations of most of the dreams of Rsabha Jina's mother, e. g., the Airavata elephant, a bull, a lion, the goddess Laksmi, the sun and the moon, a lotus-pool, the ocean, flames, a heap of jewels, and an aerial car. Further, the temple is described as being marked with two fish, like the Mudra of the Pandyan kings. The figures of fish were apparently painted on the walls, a pair of fish being included among the eight auspicious objects of the Jainas. It may be noted in this connection that the fish appears also in early Christian art where it recalled the name of Jesus, as Christ, Son of God and Saviour'. As regards the Pandyan mudra, it might mean seal or coin or perhaps both. We know that "gold coins bearing the emblem universally adopted by the Pandyas in later times, viz. the fish have been attributed to a period from the 7th to the 10th century A. D." It is extremely probable that Somadeva actually saw Pandyan coins with the double fish emblem. In the course of the description of the Jaina temple Somadeva refers to two technical terms of painting: rupagunanika 'the study of figures' and parsvagata the side view proper', being one of the nine different positions in which the figures may appear.. Visnudharmottara 39. 1 (Part III) says, nava sthandni rupanam. Writing in ink on ivory slabs is mentioned in Book I." In Book III Somadeva refers to a gold ring with the figure of Laksmi stamped on 1 stor faraftfadan'. Ms. A remarks This! H e r fazlafen . 2 'gefia': 3 ariaticoftol!. For the story see the Ratha of Kanakakusala. 4 TOT...SEARCH ... 99,08 ftratt yal ' eto. Ms. A remarks citralikhitasvapnAvalI. 5 qrugagaa gasteifgar'. 6 Foakes Jackson: History of Christianity A. D. 590-1314, p. 35. 7 Rapson: Indian Coins, p. 36. 8 Prof. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri writes to me that the Pandyan emblem was always a pair of fish-both lanchana and dhvaja. Jayanagara of E. Java (1309-28 ) who called himself Sundarapandyadevadhisvara-nama-rajabhisoka also had a pair of fish for his mark on his seal. Pandyan coins with fishes on them are noticed also by Hultzsch in Indian Antiquary, Vol. 21, p. 324 and by Codrington: Ceylon coins and currency, pp. 86-89. 9 UUTART garrai', which refers also to the Tirthamkara Suparsva by *** 10 See also Kramrisch: Vishnudharmoltara, p. 13. 11 'Para f feaffequitfa' p. 79. 16

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122 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE it." Glass bangles are mentioned in Book IV. Shopfronts of garlandsellers, stalls of dealers in perfumes, and streets full of courtesans and women messengers: form part of the description of evening scenery at the beginning of Book IV. The gorgeous apartments of the queen are located on the top floor of a seven-storied palace, and a Jaina shrine is described as being on the top floor of a seven-storied palace belonging to a wealthy merchant in & story in Book VI, section 12. Palaces whence elephant-races were witnessed are mentioned in Books III and VII, section 32.7 The prevalence of early marriage is attested both in Yasastilaka and Nitivakyamsta. A speaker in a story in the former work (Book VI, section 19 ) identifies heaven with the mutual love of a maiden, twelve years of age, and a youth of sixteen ; while in Nitivakyamrta 31, 1 it is clearly said that a maiden and a youth of the age specified above are fit for marital relations. Certain details concerning crime and punishment are preserved in Yasastilaka. In a story in Book VII, section 27, the pr Sribhuti who is found guilty of breach of trust is given three choices by the king: he must either swallow three bowls of cow-dung or receive thirty-three blows to be given by powerful wrestlers, or forfeit his entire property. When he chooses the latter alternative, all his wealth is confiscated; and he is smeared with clay teeming with worms, and made to wear garlands of potsherds and abandoned platters, and expelled from the city seated on the back of a donkey. Similar treatment is meted out to Parvata by the enraged citizens in a story in Book VII, section 30. He is pelted with clods of earth and severely whipped and turned out of the city on the back of a donkey, clothed in rags from the cremation ground, and wearing a garland 1 gigi ata' p. 394. 2 as faqta #a: n a vila HEA p. 77. 3 ota FTTHIURETTE' p. 18. 4 Amalari farofanty'p. 18. 5 quaffarnafafa*** 7 hledyrsrettedy' p. 19. 6 CATERTETAP*** **a ta' Book IV, p. 29. A partially ruined palace, known as the Kushk Mahal, at Chanderi, now in Gwalior state, has been identified as a seven-storied palace ordered to be built by Mahmud Shah of Malwa in 1445. Only the remains of four stories now exist, Percy Brown: Indian Architeature, Vol. II, p. 65. 7 'TERYTYTTANTEITHNITH'; sutay forg sifaaitafT STIITTAR '. Vol. I, p. 495; Vol. II, 369. 8 aui atata : : 1 aura HFT #ETETTHETAT : fift:""" : 1'p. 317. 9 7 41 1614: Art HTETT 98:'

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5. YASASTILAKA AS A SOCIO-POLITICAL REOORD 123 of platters, with the head shaven at random with the blade held in the reverse direction, and Bilva fruits suspended from the tuft of hair on the crest of the head. As we have already seen, the envoy of the king of Pancala was threatened with humiliation of this nature on account of the hostility of his master to Yasodhara. In another story in Book VII, Section 31, the libertine Kadarapinga and his father, the minister Ugrasena, who connived at his adulterous adventure, are exiled by the king after indictment in the presence of all the people. Public humiliation of the kind noticed here seems to have been reserved for respectable offenders, and is heard of in the annals of other countries as well. In the eighth century at Rome, for example, the deposed Pope Constantine, after he was blinded, was led in derision through the streets seated on a horse with a woman's saddle and heavy weights attached to his feet.' Somadeva refers also to the torture of thieves and the indignities heaped upon them. In Yasastilaka, Book V, in the episode of king Sudatta, a thief accused of robbing and murdering a barber is condemned by the judges to 'picturesque imprisonment' (citro bandhah) so that he might lose his life in ten or twelve days, the preliminary indignities to be inflicted on him being riding a donkey, and fastening round the neck a row of cast off earthen vessels." Certain details about cruelty to animals are recorded in our work, In one of the birth-stories in Book V, a buffalo is tortured to death with revolting cruelty for killing the king's horse; and the incident is described also in Haribhadra's Samaraiccakaha. We are told that the feet of the animal were tied together, and burning coals heaped upon the body, while salt water was poured over the wounds, and he was allowed to drink water mixed with boiled extracts of peppers. On the other hand, the epitaphs on the dog and the peacock who were accidentally killed, as related in another story in the same Book, bear testimony to the love of animals, It is interesting to note that a contemporary record, the Atakur inscription the Ganga ruler Butuga II, who took part in the battle of Takkolam in 949 A. D., tells us that Manalara who fought in front of him in the battle made a gift of land in memory of a hound, who had attacked and killed a boar, but was himself killed in the fight. 1 'Afers A ATETTcotiqa sana'p. 366. 2 'tadasya pATacarasya cakrIvadArohaNocchiSTazAlAjirarAjibandhaviDambanapUrvakazcitro bandhaH kartavyo yathAya nakSatravANijo daza. fraizafiat father faela Ip. 245. 3 Soe Chap. III of this book. 4 See Chapters II and VII. 5 Sources of Karnataka History, Vol. I, p. 97.

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CHAPTER VI YASASTILAKA AS A RELIGIOUS ROMANCE As we have already remarked (Chap. IV), the Jaina writers of the tenth century and after, who composed prose romances in Sanskrit, introduced into them a religious element which was absent in the works of Dandin, Bana and Subandhu. Siddharsi's Upamitibhavaprapanca Katha and Somadeva's Yasastilaka are two outstanding examples of Jaina religious romance in the tenth century, and it is evident that the development of the religious novel is a comparatively late phenomenon in Sanskrit literary history. In Prakrit, on the other hand, we have comprehensive Jaina religious romances like Uddyotana's Kuvalayamala and Haribhadra's Samaraiccakaha in prose and verse composed in the eighth century, while the extensive Vasudevahindi in prose is ascribed to about the seventh century, and the lost Tarangavati of Padalipta is much earlier. Such religious romances are called dhammakaha (dharmakatha) in Prakrit; and Haribhadra, in fact, enumerates four varieties of katha in the prologue to his Samaraiccakaha: arthakatha, kamakatha, dharmakatha and the mixed samkirnakatha. Of these the dharmakatha is declared to be the highest type of narrative, illustrating as it does such qualities as forbearance, kindness, honesty, renunciation, austerities, self-restraint, truthfulness, purity, non-possession, and chastity, and the Anuvratas and the other vows; in fact, the entire code of Jaina ethics and religious discipline. Uddyotana in his Kuvalayamala mentions four types of dharmakatha: aksepini or pleasant, viksepini or unpleasant, samvegajanani or leading to knowledge, and nirvedajanani or leading to detachment." The purpose of the dharmakatha is clear from these definitions, and we may in this connection refer to another division of katha into cariya and kappiya found in Vasudevahindi, Chap. X, which has a bearing on the character of the dharmakatha. The cariya deals with what is actually seen, heard or experienced in matters relating to dharma, artha and kama; while the kappiya is a story modified and altered for the purpose of instruction, and narrated in one's own way :3 it is obviously an imaginative tale with a didactic purpose, and may be correlated with a dharmakatha. 1 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Vol XVI, p. 31. 2 ' tatrAkSepiNI manonukUlA, vikSepinI manaHpratikUlA, saMvegajananI jJAnotpattikAraNam, nirvedajananI vairAgyajanakA / " Ratnaprabhasuri's Sanskrit summary of Kuvalayamala. 3 duvihA kahA - cariyA ya kappiyA ya / tattha cariyA duvihA - itthIe purisassa vA / dhammasthakAmakajjesu diTTaM suyamaNubhUyaM cariyaM ti buccati / jaM puNa vivajjAsiyaM kusalehiM uvadesiyaputraM samatIe jujjamANaM kahijjai taM kappiyaM / '

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6. YASASTILAKA AS A RELIGIOUS ROMANCE Judged by these standards, Yasastilaka is clearly a dharmakatha. Apart from the fact that it is a comprehensive manual of Jaina moral and religious doctrines, its purpose is to illustrate the great doctrine of ahimsa and its manifold implications. Yasodhara, it will be remembered, had to undergo grievous suffering in several births even for the sin of sacrificing the paste model of a cock with the idea of killing. This aspect of the story brings into relief certain moral and religious issues which throw interesting light on the Jaina view of ahimsa. In the first place, the practice of sacrificing the effigy of an animal seems to have been an expedient favoured by those who were opposed to animal sacrifices as such, and instances of this are recorded not only in Indian but also Greek literature. It is stated, for example, in Rajatarangini 3. 7 that during the reign of Meghavahana, an ancient king of Kashmir, who prohibited animal slaughter in the kingdom, it was the custom to sacrifice butter models of animals in Vedic rites and those of paste in the Bhutayajfia offerings. In later times Madhvacarya is said to have introduced a reform consisting in the substitution of similar models of rice-flour for live animals in Vedic ritual. As regards Greek tradition, Philostratus likewise says in the Life of Apollonius of Tyana, the Greek saint and mystic of the first century A. D., that Empedocles of Acragas (in Sicily), made at Olympia a bull out of pastry (pemma poiisamenos) and sacrificed it to the god, showing thereby that he approved of the sentiments of Pythagoras. Apollonius himself, who was opposed to animal sacrifices, is said to have condemned blood offerings in the temple at Alexandria, and sacrificed in the fire, by way of contrast, a plasma interpreted as a frankincense model of a bull (V. XXV). It is interesting to note that Apollonius refers in this connection to Indian sentiments, perhaps Buddhist or Jain. When the Egyptian priest sneered at his disapproval of animal sacrifices by saying that no one was so clever as to make corrections in the rites of the 125 1 tasya rAjye jinasyeva mAravidveSiNaH prabhoH / Rtau ghRtapazuH piSTapazurbhUtabalA va bhUt // . 2 See Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XVI, p. 378. 3 Book I, chap. I (Loeb Classical Library). Philostratus wrote about 217 A. D. Diogenes Laertius VIII. 53 records a statement that Empedocles sacrificed a bull made out of honey and barley-meal in honour of the Sacred envoys. It may be noted that the early Egyptian king Amenhotep IV (fourteenth century B. C.) is said to have offered in his temple bloodless sacrifices, chiefly of incense. He suppressed the worship of Amen and of the old gods of Egypt, and led a short-lived religious revolu tion in favour of the god Aten, which represented a solar monotheism based on the worship of the disc of the sun. Budge: Egypt, p. 146. cf. Erman: Handbook of Egyption Religion, p. 63 ff. and Breasted: Development of Religion and Thought in ancient Egypt, p. 319 ff.

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126 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN OUTUBE Egyptians, Apollonius is reported to have answered: "Anyone with a little wisdom, if only he comes from India". Be that as it may, the story of Yasodhara makes it clear that so far as Jainism was concerned, it was opposed even to the sacrifice of lifeless models of animals; it rejected the very idea of animal sacrifices. In the second place, the story of Yasodhara is designed also to show that the resulting consequences might be quite out of proportion to the sin committed by an individual. The latter point is emphasized by Haribhadra in his version of the story. He makes Yasodhara declare that even a slight error is fraught with peril, as can be seen from the dire results produced even by the sacrifice of a cock made out of paste. Somadeva considers the problem of ahimsa in its relation to abhiniveca, the decisive character of which is stressed in a notable discourse in Book IV. It is put in the mouth of Yasodhara, who accepts a compromise on the subject of animal sacrifice, and agrees to sacrifice an artificial cock to Canoika with the object of attaining the results obtainable by sacrificing living creatures. The idea of killing is thus present, although a lifeless model is substituted for a real cock. Somadeva emphasizes in this connection the importance of abhinivesa, mental preoccupation or resolve', \purpose or motive', or intention', and declares that "the wise speak of abhinivesa as occupying the paramount place in all actions leading to virtue or sin. The external sense-organs, like the rays of the sun, are drawn equally to good as well as bad objects, but that alone does not make the agent liable to virtue or sin." This is another way of saying that it is the intention and not the outward act which determines the moral validity of an action. The idea is implied in another statement which Somadeva makes elsewhere, that if a pereson, pure in thought and action, inflicts injury on any one, he cannot be regarded as having done any injury at all." Somadeva illustrates the point further, using in this connection the term abhidhyana in place of chinivesa. A fisherman, for example, although he does not actually kill the fish, is a sinner because his motive is himsa ; 1 See Chap. III. 2 'aho dAruNavivAgayA akajjAyaraNANaM jamiha devayAnimittaM piTramayakukkaDavaho vi evaM pariNao tti / 'dAruNo ya vivAo thevassa vi pamAyaceTThiyassa jeNa piTThamayakukuDavaho vi peccha kahaM pariNao tti. 3 nag ay gag # 4 afara m' Book IV, p. 163. 4 'abhinivezaM ca punaH pApapuNyakriyAsu pradhAnaM nidhAnamAmananti manISiNaH / bAhAnIndriyANi tapanatejAMsIva zumeSvazubheSu T U A fafaqafer 1 daran hafa refugig: Fresat nielea sana: 1 Srutasagara says her qroa. p. 136. 5 Kathalt: Taalaalag: 111acat fecumsta alem: 11 Book VI, section 21, p. 335.

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6. YASASTILAKA AS A RELIGIOUS ROMANCE 127 while a cultivator who happens to kill various creatures while tilling the ground incurs no sin, because he has no deleterious motive.? Somadeva uses also the terms sankalpa and abhisardhi in the same sense as abhinivesa. Abhisamdhi is often used in this sense elsewhere, for example, in the Prasastapada Bhasya on the Vaisesika Sutras. With regard to samkalpa, Somadeva says that the profanation of stones invested with divinity and set up with the samkalpa or intention of worshipping them is (in the Jaina view) a grievous sin. Similarly, it is the samkalpa which makes a householder an ascetic, and an ascetic a householder. The householder Arhaddasa continued his religious meditation even on hearing of the death of his wife and children; while the sage Puruhuta, formerly a king, although engaged in austerities, formed a warlike resolution as soon as he heard that his son was being attacked by enemies. The respective sankalpas of Arhaddasa and Puruhuta thus determined their moral outlook, regardless of their outward vocations. Somadeva lays emphasis also on the difficulty of purifying the mind once it is polluted by an evil intention, and says that the sum total of pious acts done over a long period is completely destroyed in a moment, like a house on fire, if marred by an evil intention even once through error. Further, the bearing and conduct of different persons towards the same object are bound to vary according to the diversity of their intentions or mental attitude. A sage, a libertine and a vulture do not, for example, have the same attitude towards the body of a young woman,' Somadeva points out that mental activity is the main spring of virtue and sin: nareSu saMkalpavazena manmatho yathA pravarteta payazca dhenuSu / tathaiva karmANyubhayAni mAnasAhadhAti bodhAdhipatirvijRmbhitAt // Just as, under the stress of mental preoccupation, Love appears in men, and milk in cows (at the sight of the calf), similarly on account 1 sA kriyA kApi nAstIha yasyAM hiMsA na vidyate / viziSyete paraM bhAvAvatra mukhyAnuSaGgikau // anannapi bhavet pApI AT HIT I femafaatan er efter pont a Book VII, section 26, p. 335. 2 .........gera PTURAM stafius:'. 3 'saMkalpopapannapratiSThAni ca devasAyujyamAjizilAzakalAni kimatyAsAdayan puruSo na bhavati loke pnycmhaapaatkii|' Book IV, p. 136. There is a marginal note in Ms. A: Talatai at, which we have followed, 4 at 7 wafa Teofratsa gay: 1 .........gage IEET: 1' Ibid. 5 uttaramathurAyAM nizApratimAsthita tridivsuutritkltrputrmitropdrvo'pyektvbhaavnmaanso'hNdaasH|' 'kusumapure carAdAkarNi agtfe fataligatsfa gagacaft: 'Ibid., p. 137. 6 'cireNApi ca kAlena kRtaH kalyANakarmaNAM pracayaH pramAdavazena sakRdapi saMjAtavidhirdurabhisaMdhiH pAvakanikSepAt prAsAda iva puta fattaa: 1' Ibid., p. 136 7 'asti ca jagatprasiddhamidamudAharaNam-ekasminneva kila kAminIkalevare munikAmikuNapAzinAmabhinivezanimitto vicitra 97: Fafanim a l' Ibid., p. 137.

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128 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE of mental activity the Self acquires karma, good and bad (Book IV, p. 137). Thus, according to Somadeva, mental activity represented by abhinivesa or sankalpa involves a process which gives rise to the physical act and determines its moral validity. And ahimsa is not merely abstention from killing, but presupposes the absence of the very idea of killing, the complete absence of any sarkalpa that might have the remotest connection with injury to living creatures. The insistence on ahimsa brought Jainism into conflict with diverse cults, and Yasastilaka preserves a faithful record of the religious conflict of the times. Somadeva's romance is a notable protest not only against the Vedic sacrificial system but against the debased form of contemporary Kaula or Tantric cults involving human sacrifice, and contains also important data on the historic conflict between Saivism and Jainism in the South. These topics have been dealt with in subsequent chapters, and we may here confine our remarks to the protest against Tantric and Vedic rites. It may be noted that such protests occur also in Jaina works outside Sanskrit literature, for example, in the poem Neelakesi, one of the early Tamil classics,' which describes how the Jaina ascetic Municandra puts a stop to blood offerings to Kali, and foils the designs of the goddess and her chief Neelakesi, who is ultimately converted to Jainism, and preaches the doctrine of ahimsu. The Neelakesi is also a controversial work, like Somadeva's Yasastilaka, directed against Buddhism and other systems, one chapter being devoted to the criticism of Vedavada involving animal sacrifices. It will be remembered that Yasastilaka opens with the Maradatta episode which shows the Tantric cult in the darkest colours, and there is hardly any parallel to Somadeva's graphic description of the temple of Candamari and, its horrid atmosphere in the whole range of Sanskrit literature. The human victims are brought to the temple, but not actually sacrificed; and this gives the author an opportunity of demonstrating the salutary influence of Jainism, which undoubtedly did good work by raising its voice against blood-thirsty cults like those of Candamari or Candika." A somewhat similar episode occurs in Haribhadra's Samaraiccakaha (Book VI) in the story of Dharana, who is brought by th rana who is brought by the Sabaras to the temple of Kadambari or Candika as an offering, but is not actually immolated; 11. 1 See Jaina Antiquary, Vol. VI, No. 2 and Vol. VII, No. 1. 2 See Chap. II. 3 Compare the early Christian protest against human sacrifices, e. g. in Clement's Exhortation to the Greeks (second century). In that work he records a number of Pagan cults involving human sacrifice, and remarks that such sacrifice is murder and human butchery.

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6. YASASTILAKA AS A RELIGIOUS ROMANCE 129 and the Sabara chief Kalasena partially at least accepts the principle of ahimsa, and agrees to worship the idol with flowers and perfumes instead of blocd offerings, In our work Maradatta and his subjects are, of course, converted to Jainism at the end; and the conversion motif is an appropriate feature of a religious romance, and found, for example, in early Christian novels like Xanthippe and Polyxena attributed to about the fourth century, and St. John Damascene's Barlaam and Ioasaph. etc. Perhaps more striking is the calm and fearless attitude of the two young votaries of Jainism, who are brought to the temple of Candamari as sacrificial victims. Their courage, equanimity and dignified bearing do credit to the faith; and it is they who give utterance to the great idea of returning good for evil. As we have pointed out elsewhere (chap. I), the idea is common in Buddhist literature, and inherent in the doctrine of the Four Actions, but it no doubt represents one of the noblest teachings of Jainism as well. The utter resignation of the young ascetics and their readiness for suffering and disregard of death, as expressed in their own utterances, clearly illustrate some of the best moral influences of the doctrine of the Arhat. For example, soDhastvatpraNayAdanena manasA tahaHkhadAvAnalaH saMsArAbdhinimajanAdapi kRtaM kiMcittvadAnandanam / svatkrIDAgamakAraNocitamatestyaktaH zriyaH saMgamo yadyadyApi vidhe na tuSyasi tadA tatrApi sajA vayam // 'Thou Fate, thanks to thy favour, this heart hath endured the intense fire of all that suffering (in previous lives). Thou hast even been gratified a little by our plunging into the ocean of worldly existence. Prosperity, apt to be the cause of thy sports, hath been discarded by us. If thou art ed even now, ready we are for suffering evermore.' (1. 132 ). The ascetic boy likewise says to his companion at the sight of the terrible goddess and the king and the crowd in her temple: vizuddhabodhaM tapa eva rakSA grAmeSvaraNyeSu ca saMyatAnAm / ataH kRtAnte'pi samIpavRttau mAtarmano mA ma kRthA nirIzam // jIvasya saddarzanaratnabhAjazcAritrayuktasya samAhitasya / AzaMsito mRtyurupaprayAtaH paraM pramodasya samAgamAya // "Austerities, based on pure knowledge, are the sole protection for those who have self-control, whether in human habitations or in the woods. Hence, o mother, never feel helpless even when Death is near. Death, ever expected, when it comes, causes only delight to the man who 1 Glover: Life and Letters in the fourth century, p. 376. 2 Yasastilaka 1. 151. 3 According to the Mulasar vastivadai kasatakarman, they are (1) not returning slander for slander; (2) not returning anger for anger; (3) not meeting insult with insult; (4) not returning blow for blow. See I-Tsing: A Record of the Buddhist Religion, translated by Takakusu, p. 56 (f. n. 2.). 17

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130 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE possesses the Jewel of Right Faith, and is endowed with Right Conduct, and devoted to holy meditation.' (1. 139-40). Without disparaging Somadeva's picture of the fortitude and equanimity of the young Jaina munis, we may here refer to the remarkable story of the young Buddhist novice Adhimutta in the Theragatha (705 ff.), which depicts his dauntless courage and philosophic calm when he is seized by highwaymen as a suitable offering to their deity, apparently of the same type as the Candamari figuring in our romance. Adhimutta declares, for example, This body irketh me; no seeker I To live. This mortal frame will broken be, And ne'er another from it be reborn. Your business with my body, come, that do E'en as ye will; and not on that account Will hatred or affection rise in me. The attack on Vedic and Smarta rites involving animal sacrifices occurs chiefly in the controversial dialogue between Yasodhara and mother, analysed elsewhere." The Jaina condemnation of animal sacrifices is similar to that of the Buddhists, and reminds one of the attacks on Pagan sacrifices found in the writings of the Christian apologists of the second century such as Justin, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, and Tatian, and Arnobius (end of the third century) and others. Arnobius, for example, says: "Lastly, what pleasure is it to take delight in the slaughter of harmless creatures, ............ to see rivers of blood, the life fleeing away with the blood ............? Will any one believe that the gods, who are kind, beneficent and gentle, are delighted and filled with joy by the slaughter of cattle, if ever they fall and expire pitiably before their altars ?"! Similar sentiments are found in Yasastilaka, Book IV and other anti-Brahmanical writings. Arnobius goes on to say:"..............is that foul smell, then, which is given forth and emitted by burning hides, by bones, by bristles, ...............(is that) a favour and an honour to the deity?" This sounds like Somadeva's line (Book IV, p. 109): sudhAndhasaH svargasukhocitAGgAH khAdanti kiM vahnigataM nilimpAH / 1 Psalms of the Early Buddhists 11. Trang. by Mrs. Rhys Davids, p. 293. 2 See Chap. XII. 3 Details in Lietzmann: Christliche Literatur : Croiset: Histoire de la Litterature Grecque, Vol. V, p. 727 ff.; Schanz: Geschichte der Romischen Litteratur, Vol. III, p. 245 ff.) 3rd ed.); and Puech: Histoire de la Litterature Grecque Chretienne. 4 The Seven Books of Arnobius Adver 8448 Gontos VII. 4 ( Ante-nicon Library). 5 See Chapters XII and XIII.

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6. TAGASTILAKA AS A RELIGIOUS ROMANCE 131 Similarly, the sarcastic verse, attributed in our work to an ox addressing a priest about to sacrifice him, in the story related by Yasod in the dialogue with his mother,' has its counterpart in Arnobius VII. 9 in the elaborate speech imagined to be addressed to Jupiter by an ox on the iniquity of sacrificing him to appease the fury of the gods. But the Jaina view of ahinsa is far more comprehensive than the Christian objection to animal sacrifices, involving as it does complete abstinence from all kinds of flesh food. Arnobius, in fact, deeply regrets the necessity that compels men to kill animals for food, and we have what we may call his confession on the subject: "We half-savage men, nay rather ............, we Savages, whom unhappy necessity and bad habit have trained to take these as food, are sometimes moved with pity for them ............. The condemnation of animal food and blood-shedding sacrifices is an important adjunct of the Jaina doctrine of ahimsa, and Somadeva's Yasastilaka contains many interesting data on this aspect of Jainism. Buddhism was equally opposed to sacrifices, but the Jaina prohibition of animal food is far stricter than that of the Buddhists; and Somadeva, in fact, severely criticizes the latter for eating flesh(r), and similar criticism occurs also in the Tamil Jaina poem Neelakesi. It is noteworthy that it is in certain early Greeks and Jewish and Jewish-Christiano sects 1 Quoted in Chap. XII. 2 Arnobius (op. cit.) VII. 4. 3 See Chap. XIII. 4 Jaina Antiquary, Vol. VII, p. 3. 5 The early Pythagoreang do not seem to have been strict in abstinence from animal flesh. It is said that Pythagoras himself did not abstain from animal flesh in general, but only from that of the ploughing ox and the ram, although he is said to have refused to sacrifice on any but the oldest altar, that of Apollo the Father, where only bloodloss sacrifices were allowed. It was the later Pythagoreans (fourth century B. c.), called also Akousmatios, who practised vegetarianism and complete abstinence from meat, fish, wine eto., and did not participate in the usual sacrifices, Diogenes Laertius, Book VIII; Burnet: Barly Greek Philosophy, p. 93; Zeller: Outlines of the History of Greek Philosophy, p. 72. Still later, the Pythagorean rule of life embodying these principles was again preached by Apollonius of Tyana, as stated above, Empedoolog of Akragas (fifth century B. c. ), who as a religious teacher was guided by Pythagorean influence, also advocated abstinence from animal food and blood offerings, which, as we have seen, were replaced by sacrificial cakos in animal form. Burnet (op cit.), p. 250; Zeller, p. 58. The Essenes were a pre-Christian Jewish sect of Syria and Palestine, and followed, according to the historian Josephus, the Pythagorean mode of life, a significant phrase. Moore: Judaism, Vol. I, p. 457. They were communists, and the initiate, before he was allowed to share the common meal, was required to take an oath, among other things, "never to injure anyone, either of his own accord or under compulsion". The Essenog included the Therapeutae, who were to be found in Egypt,

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132 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE and schools that we find a close parallel to the Jaina prohibition of animal food and sacrifices; and special reference may be made in tnis connection to the Pythagorean rule of life preached by Apolloinus of Tyana in the first century A. D., as recorded in the biography of the saint by Philostratus (VI. XI; VIII. VII etc.). The dialogue between Yasodhara and his mother in Yasastilaka, Book IV, is highly interesting from the standpoint of comparative religion. In the first place, the attack on the Brahmanical deities, found also elsewhere in the work as well as in other Jaina texts, is comparable to the attack on the pagan deities found even in a more systematic form in early Christian apologetic literature, e. g., in Clement's Eschortation to the Greeks, The Seven Books of Arnobius Adversus Gentes etc. In the second place, it is noteworthy that in the dialogue in question Yasodhara takes pains to prove the antiquity of Jainism in order to refute the charge that it is a modern creed, and cites in support of his thesis evidence thatis not altogether convincing and reliable.' The anxiety of a minority faith to establish its ancient origin by all kinds of literary evidence at its disposal for the purpose of enhancing its prestige is inevitable in its struggle for recognition, and instances of this are found also in the literature of Christianity in the early period of its conflict with the Pagan cults. For example, Tertullian, who admits that the Christian community is rather modern, points out that it rests on the very ancient books of the Jews, and asserts that Moses is earlier than Danaus, "Your most ancient of men", about a thousand years ahead of the Trojan and led the contemplative life of ascetics; their so-called feasts where no flesh was served were famous and formed a contrast to Greek revels.' Encylopedia Britannica, sub voce, fourteenth edition. Next in importance for our purpose is the JewishChristian sect of the Ebionites (second century), or, strictly speaking, that section of the Ebionites who derived their tenets from contact with the Essenes and the Gnostics, and professed what is known as Essene or Gnostic Ebionism. These Ebionites denied the divinity of Jesus, and their discipline inoluded abstinence from flesh and prohibition of blood-shedding sacrifices: the Pentateuch, specially where it requires sacrifice and the use of flesh, was to be rejected. Gnosticism has been described as a system of heathenish thought, adopting some Jewish and some Christian elements; and we are here concerned with the Syrian school whose inspiration was Oriental, and practice ascetic. Satornilus, or Saturninus, of Antioch and Tatian of Mesopotamia belong to the Syrian school (second century A. D.). Both of them condemned marriage and animal food, while the asceticism of Tatian was so thorough that his followers were called Encratites, or professors of an abstinence that was really total. Kidd: A History of the Church, vol. I, chapters IV and VIII. On the Essenes cf. Headlam: The Life and teaching of Jesus the Christ, pp. 110, 137, 162, fourth edition, 1940; Peters: The Religion of the Hebrews, p. 423. 1 See Chap. XIII.

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6. YASASTILARA AS A RELIGIOUS ROMANCE 133 war, and fifteen hundred years before Homer. As regards proofs, the task of setting them out in deatail is "not difficult so much as endless, not an arduous task, but for the moment too long".! To the same category of presumptions belong Pontius Pilate's alleged report to Tiberius on the story of the resurrection of Christ, and spurious documents such as the letter of Marcus Aurelius to the Senate on the miraculous effect of the prayers of his Christian soldiers on the great dronght in Germany, Abgar's letter to Christ and his reply thereto etc. So far as Somadeva is concerned, he cannot indeed be accused of forgery, but only of misjudging the chronological value of some of the authorities cited by him. It will also be seen that, in Yasodhara's dialogue with his mother Candramati, he makes a serious attempt to refute the charges levelled against Jainism by her; and elsewhere in the work Somadeva justifies certain typical beliefs and practices of the Jaina faith. It is, as a matter of fact, one of the objects of Yasastilaka to remove misconceptions and prejudices concerning the religion of the Arhat, and establish its legitimate place among the recognised schools and systems of the land. In this respect also Somadeva's work reminds one of the literary efforts of the early apologists, and we may besides refer in this connection to a work like Against Apion of the Jewish historian Josephus (first century A. D.), who sets out not only to demonstrate the great antiquity of the Jewish people and explain and eulogize their law but to rebut certain calumnies of the Greek writers on the subject. The occasional similarities between Jaina and Christian polemical literature are not surprising, and may be attributed to a like cause, the religious conflicts of the Graeco-Roman world and of Ancient and Medieval India. Apologetic literature is, however, apt to lose part of its interest after the storm and stress of controversy is over, and what has been said of the work of Josephus may also be applied to Somadeva's apology for Jainism in his romance. No one today doubts the antiquity of Jainism or considers the Digambaras 1 Apology, Ch. XIX, Trang. by Glover. 2 Ibid. Ch. XXI. 3 Eusebius: Ecclesiastical History I. XIII. 4 See Chaps. X and XIII. 8 Croiset (op. cit), p. 443. 6 Candramati's strictures on the Digambaras for their part in the conversion of Yasodhara to Jainism reflect the feelings of a pious Hindu and indicate the spirit of the times. We are reminded of the attack of Celsus ( second century ) on converts from Judaism to Christianity, the main charge being that they have erred 'in consequence of their minds being led captive by Jesus, that they have been most ridiculously deceived' etc. Kid: A History of the Church, Vol. I, p. 413. For similarity of language see Candramati's remarks cited in Chap. XII.

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134 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE to be unworthy people, but the defence of Jainism in the dialogue in Yasastilaka, Book IV, although a record of past prejudices, is important as reflecting contemporary conditions, and preserving for us a number of citations from works no longer extant and certain important references to little known authors. The controversial dialogue is indeed & conspicuous feature of Yasastilaka as a religious romance. In addition to the dialogue between Yasodhara and his mother in Book IV, the episode of Candakarman in Book V contains & dialogue in which & follower of the Samkhya system, a Mimamsaka, a Carvaka, a Saiva and a Buddhist expound their respective tenets before the Jaina teacher Sudatta, who makes a summary reply, reserving for special attack the doctrines of the Saivas. Very unlike is the dialogue between Yasodhara and his mother, which is a lively debate on questions at issue between Jainism and the Brahmanical religion. It is an interesting fact that, whenever there is a conflict of religions, the controversial dialogue or religious debate tends to appear in contemporary literature. In Jaina literature itself there are examples which might have served as models for later writers like Somadeva. For instance, in the Sutrakytanga Sutra II. 6 there is an important dialogue, in which Ardraka, a follower of Mahavira, is the chief speaker, and refutes the views of the representatives of various schools: Gosala, a Buddhist, a Vedantin, a Vedic priest, and a Hastitapasa. Turning to Western literature, we may refer to such examples as the famous Octavius of Minucius Felix (circa 180 A. D.), which records a debate in Latin between two friends on the relative merits of Pagan and Christian beliefs; Justin's Dialogue with the Jew Trypho (2nd century) in Greek; and Aristo's lost Dialogue between the Christian Jason and the Jew Papiscus, also in Greek, and composed about the same time. Amicable debates between exponents of Christianity and Islam are known to have been encouraged by certain Califs and Byzantine Emperors; while the Emperor Manuel Palaeologus (1391-1425 A, D.) wrote a large number of polemical dialogues directed against Islam.' More interesting from our point of view is the debate on the validity and merits of Pagan beliefs and the Christian religion occurring in St. John Damascene's Barlaam and Ioasaph, a Greek religious novel of about the eighth century 1 See Chap. VIIT. 2 Jacobi: Jaina Sutras, Part II, p. 409 ff. 3 Croiset (op. cit.), p. 736 ff. of. Glover : Conflict of Religions in the early Roman Empire, p. 176. 4 Runolman: Byzantino Civilisation, p. 131. 5 Montolatioi: Letteratura Bizantina, p. 250.

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6. YASASTILAKA AS A RELIGIOUS ROMANCE 135 A. D.' The discussion here is not in the form of a dialogue, but we have the speech of Nachor against the Pagan deities and in praise of the Christians; and the contest, as recorded in the work, provides, on the whole, a good example of a religious debate incorporated in a prose romance ( Chap. XXVI ff.). Authorities are not cited as in Yasastilaka, but the speech of Nachor itself is nothing but the Apology of Aristides, a philosopher of Athens of the second century A. D., fitted, with some deftness into its new context.' In the Jaina romance mother and son disagree on religious issues, while in the Greek story the disagreement is between father and son; but while in Yasastilaka the disputants themselves carry on the debate, in Barlaam and Ioasaph orators are employed by both parties to plead their cause. Religion plays an important part in another medieval Greek romance of the tenth century, the Byzantine poem of Digenis Akritas, wherein Emir Mousour, a Muhammadan convert to Christianity, soon after his baptism enters into a discussion with his mother to make her renounce the religion of Islam, and argues like a veritable theologian.' Somadeva's Yasastilaka is likewise a religious romance composed in an age of conflict, and as such shares some of the characteristics of works written at similar epochs. The stories of rebirth in Book V are a typically Jaina feature, and similar stories are found in earlier romances like Vasudevahindi, Samaraiocakaha etc.; they are not without interest from the standpoint of comparative literature. The sequence of Karma and rebirth, which 1 Text and Trans. in Loeb Classical Library. 2 Diehl: Figures Byzantines, Vol. II, p. 312. 3 As is well-known, Pythagoras and Empedocles taught the doctrine of Rebirth or transmigration, which the former may have learnt from the contemporary Orphics, For possible Indian influence on Pythagoras see Gomperz: Greek Thinkers, vol. I, p. 127. Empedocles says that he has not only been a human being, a boy and a maid. and a plant, but even a fish. Diogenes Laertius, VIII. 77. The Greek writer Lucian of Samogata (second century A. D.), in his pleasant satire The Dream, or The Cock, describes the bird as declaring to his master Micyllus the cobbler that, before being a cock, he was first Euphorbus who fought at Troy, then Pythagoras, then the courtesan Aspasia, then the Cynic Crates; after that, a king, then a poor man, and soon a satrap; thon a horse, a jackdaw, a frog, and a thousand things besides: the cobbler admits that he can no longer call himself the master of such a bird. Traces of belief in motempsychosis are found in old Irish sagas (seventh century A. D. and earlier). For example, Tuan, son of Cairell, had been successively a man, a stag, a boar, a falcon, a salmon, and then again a man. Dottin: L'Epopee Irlandaise, p. 9. The peculiarity of the Jaina stories is that vach successive birth of an individual is narrated in detail so as to form a regular sequence designed to illustrate the vicissitudes brought about by the law of Karma. The period of development of these stories may be taken to be the same as

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136 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE these stories illustrate, is also emphasized elsewhere in the romance, being represented as the raison d'etre of Dharma and the antidote against materialism. satyaM na dharmaH kriyate yadi syAd garbhAvasAnAntara eva jIvaH / a tapi jAtismarANAmatha rakSasAM ca dRSTiH paraM kiM na samasti loke // svayaM kRtaM jantuSu karma no cet samaH samastaH khalu kiM na lokaH / bhUtAtmakaM cittamidaM ca mithyA svarUpabhedAt pavanAvanIva // evaM cedamapi saMgacchate yadupacitamanyajanmani zubhAzubhaM tasya karmaNaH prAptim / vyaJjayati zAstrametattamasi dravyANi dIpa iva / / "Dharma need not, of course, be practised if the existence of the Self were limited to the period between birth and death. But that is not the case. Because, do we not see in the world people who can remember their past lives as well as those who become ghosts after death? If self-done Karma had no effect on sentient beings, would all creatures not be equal in status? It is also false to say that the mind is composed of matter, because mind and matter essentially differ, like earth and air. On these grounds the following statement turns out to be true. The science of astrology' reveals the consequences of good and bad Karma accumulated in another birth, just as a lamp reveals things in darkness." (Book IV, p. 92). The romance of Yasodhara has also a didactic purpose. It shows us the seamy side of a woman's character and warns against the grave consequences of conjugal infidelity. The idea that marriage entitles the husband to the body of a woman, 'sold by her parents in the presence of the gods, the Brahmanas, and the Fire' but not necessarily to her heart, Occurs twice in our work, in Book IV, and in the story of Padma in Book VII. We read in the latter context: strINAM vapurbandhubhiragnisAkSikaM paratra vikrItamidaM na mAnasam / sa eva tasyAdhipatirmata: kRtI visrambhagarbhA nanu yatra nirvRtiH|| that of the Jaina Kathanaka literature. See Chap. XVI. It may be added that the doctrine of metempsychosis appears also in the system of the Elkasaites, a JewishChristian sect of the second century: 'for, though Christ was regarded as born in the ordinary way, His birth of Mary was held to be but one of many such experiences. He had been incarnate before and would be incarnate again.' Kidd (op. cit.), vol. I, p. 103. The literary history of metempsychosis is a subject which requires detailed treatment on comparative lines. Srutasagara says in his commentary that the verse is written at the beginning of horoscopes. The evidence of astrrlogy is cited to prove the existence of Karma and rebirth. 2 See Chap. ILI.

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6. YASASTILAKA AS A RELIGIOUS ROMANCE 137 The body of a woman and not her heart is sold to another by her relations with Fire for witness. But he alone is the lucky lord of her heart, in whom she verily finds joy and bliss born of confidence.' (p. 363). These ideas favourable to free love seem to have been current in Somadeva's time, and it is his purpose in Yasastilaka to show that they cannot be put forward as an excuse for treachery much less for crime. We have discussed elsewhere Somadeva's attitude towards women, and as is to be expected in a thinker like him, it takes into account diverse aspects of female character (Chap. V). There are, however, certain attacks on women, for example, those in Book I, attributed to the sage Sudatta, which may fittingly occur in a religious romance, particularly in one dealing with a Jaina theme. Similar attacks are also found, for example, in the Buddhist biographical romance Lalitavistara (Chap. 15). Disgust for women is only a form of that detachment and indifference to worldly pleasures which it is the purpose of a Jaina dharmakatha to inculcate. This is the moral and religious background of Sudatta's reflections on the decomposed body of a young woman in the cremation ground (1. 95-124), particular emphasis being laid on the contrast between the courtesan's once admired beauty and the miserable condition of her corpse. The musings of the Jaina monk belong to the same category as the Buddhist asubha-bhavana, the meditation on impurity, on the horrors of bodily disease, decay and corruption. The dead body of a young woman is a familiar object for such contemplation, and an early example of this is found in a psalm attributed to the Thera Rajadatta in the Theragatha (315 ff.), which describes the monk's effort to meditate on the partially intact corpse of a courtesan slain and cast into the charnel-field. It may also be noted that observation and contemplation of corpses in various stages of decompozition, and the realisation that one's own body is of like nature, form part of the discipline envisaged by the introspective process of satipatthana, described in the Dighanikaya XXII. 7 ff. and other Buddhist texts. Medi. tation of this type is known as pratyuha or pratipaksa-bhavana, meditation counteracting attachment to worldly objects', in Brahmanical literature. Jayanta, discussing the subject in Nyayamanjari (Chap. 9), explains how 1 See Chap. VII 2 Psalms of the Early Buddhists, II. p. 189. Cf. Majjhima-nikaya XIII, Maha-dukkha kkhandha Sutta. Here the body of a young woman, lying dead in a charael-field, and being devoured by animals and birds of prey, is described to illustrate the perils that attend visible forms and the satisfaction they give, 18

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138 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE the Vivekin contemplates objects likely to produce vairagya, and gives the same example of meditating on the body of a beautiful maiden mangled by birds of prey : asau taralatArAkSI pInottuGgadhanastanI / vilupyamAnA kAntAre vihagairadya dRzyate // vibhAti bahirevAsyAH panagandhanibhaM vapuH / antarmajAsthiviNmUtramedaHkrimikulAkulam // gyAttAnanA vivRttAkSI vivarNA zvAsaghughurA / kathamadya na rAgAya mriyamANA tapasvinI // Sudatta's verses on the corpse of the young woman in Yasastilaka, Book I, may be called a poetic elaboration of a similar idea, and constitute an eloquent sermon on the emptiness of life." An idea of the place occupied by religious topics in Yasastilaka may be had from the fact that, of its eight Books, the last three exclusively deal with Jaina doctrines; the comprehensive controversial dialogue between Yasodhara and his mother occurs in Book IV, and Sudatta's dialogue with Candakarman and his companions containing the criticism of Saiva doctrines in Book V; while the cult of Candamari and the Jaina reaction to it are delineated in Book I. Only Book II and the lengthy Book III may be said to be free from religious topics as such. 1 Scenes from the burning ground, the vultures and their mates in flocks' and *the skulls of the dead', are used to illustrate the essential vileness of the human frame in the Maladiyar (Chap. V), one of the early Tamil classics, and believed to be of Jaina origin. Pope's translation, p. 29. Ho remarks that there is no chapter corresponding to this in the Kurral, but the same spirit is recognised in the Tamil Jaina epic Jivakacintamani XIII. 162-201, very striking verses'. "Everything that cau be said in disparagement of the body of humiliation' is heaped up there. This is a characteristic of Jaina works. In Saiva books the standpoint is somewhat different." A foundation is laid in this and the preceding chapters for the doctrine of Renunciation, which is definea as the relinquishment of all attachment to worldly wealth without, and to the body within (the lusts of the flesh) in view of their impermanency.' pp. 30, 35.

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CHAPTER VII YASASTILAKA AS AN ANTHOLOGY OF SANSKRIT VERSE The large number of verses interspersed in Yasastilaka makes it a veritable anthology of Kavya poetry in the tenth century. There are groups of verses on diverse topics as well as individual slokas, which can be detached from the context without causing any appreciable break in the narrative, and form, so to speak, an independent body of verse valuable for the study of the poetry of the period. These verses, as a rule, are composed in a comparatively easy style more attractive than the intricate prose, in which Somadeva chose to recount his story. I. COURT POETRY A number of verse-groups forming part of the autobiographical record of Yasodhara deals with aspects of medieval court life, with which the romance is so closely bound up, and often gives vivid pictures of scenes which Somadeva must have personally witnessed. The cultural value of these verses can hardly be overestimated, and the following specimens form a more or less consecutive scries. a) BIRTH OF YASODHARA The festivities and the atmosphere of gaiety at the royal palace at Ujjayini on the occasion of the birth of Yasodhara are described in a dozen verses (2. 68-79). nRtyadvRddhapurandhrigeyasubhagAH sollAsa hallAnanAH kheLadvAmana kAminIpriyabhuvaH sAnandadhAtrIkulAH / piSTApIDaviDamyamAna jaratIsImantakAntAGgaNAstUrodyAvaravaiH samaM kila babhuH zuddhAntamadhyAstadA // At that hour the inner apartments, delightful with the songs of the old matrons dancing therein, rang with the festive notes of musical instruments, and the countenance of the attendants beamed with joy. The floor presented an amusing scene, dwarfish women indulging in sports. Groups of delighted nurses were about, and the forecourts were charming with the presence of old dames, their hair heavily laden with heaps of coloured powder (2.68). AnandavAdyaravapUritadiGmukhAni paurAGganAjana vinodamanoharANi / Amuktaketuracitotsava toraNAni kAmaM tadA zuzubhire nagare gRhANi // At that time the mansions in the city brightly shone, with flags flying and decorative arches built for the occasion. Charming they were with

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140 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE the pleasantry of the women of the city, and filled the quarters with the gay notes of music (2. 75).. AkhaNDalapratimaputravatAM dhurINaH strIlocanotpalavilAsarasapravINaH / trailokyapAvanayazaHkiraNodayena tvaM nandatAttanayajanmamahotsavena // dharmaH pallavitaH striyaH kusumitAH kAmaH phalaiH zlAdhyate vaMzasta kSitinAtha saMprati parAM chAyAM zritaH kAmapi / bhUdevI sakRtArthatAmupagatA mUlAnvayAnAM punazcitte mAti na deva sAndritarasastvatputrajanmotsavaH // sAnandaM bandivRndaiH kvacidavanipatiH stUyate prArthitArthairbandhUnAM tuSTidAnaiH kvacidatanumudaH sauvidallAstvarante / AkalpaM bhartRlakSmImiyamanubhavatAt putrapautraizca sAdhaM devItyevaM purodhAH kvacidapi ca paThatyAziSaH kAmitazrIH // svargaH kalpadrumairbhUH kuladharaNidharaiauradhAmnA payodhidyauH pUSNA bhogiloko bhujagaparivRDhenAkarameva ravaiH / devastAvaccirAya prathitapRthuyazAH kIrtipRthvI tatheyaM devI ca stAt pramodAvaha divasavatI putrajanmotsavena // At one place the bards, asking for various gifts, praised the king (Yasorgha) in joy: "Thou art chief among those who possess sons like Indra. Thou dost delight in the amorous play of women's lotus eyes. Mayst thou rejoice in the birth of thy son, a mighty festival, the source of a worldpurifying halo of fame! The tree of virtue has put forth leaves, riches have blossomed forth, and desire is crowned with success. Thy dynasty, o king, now attains a radiant glory beyond all words. The divine Earth has her crowning desire fulfilled. And, sire, the joy of thy ministers occasioned by the birth of thy child, knows no bounds, for it has deepened the affection of their hearts." At one place the chamberlains were hurrying to and fro, overjoyed at the gifts presented by their friends. Elsewhere the family priest, desiring wealth, recited blessings : "May the queen share for years the prosperity of her consort in company with her sons and grandsons! Just as heaven is delighted with the Kalpa trees, the ocean with the moon, and the nether regions with the lord of the serpents; similarly, may the king, with his fame spreading far and wide, long enjoy days of happiness on account of the joyous birth of this child! May the queen, too, be likewise happy, great in her renown; just as the earth is happy with the great mountainranges, the sky with the sun, and the bosom of the earth with its jewels!" (2.76-79). b) WEDDING AND CORONATION OF YAGODHARA The wedding and coronation of Yasodhara give occasion to a series of verses recited by the court poets. A bard named Jalakelivilasa announces the preliminary ceremonial bath (2. 202-13): yatrAbhUdamRtAtapaH surakarI kalpadrumaH kaustubho lakSmIrapsarasAM gaNazca sudhayA sAdhaM budhAnAM mude| yadbhUyo bhuvanopakAricaritairAsevyamAnaM ghanaistadranAkaravAri majanavidhau bhUyAttava zreyase / / yannAkalokamunimAnasakalmaSANAM kAzyaM karoti sakRdeva kRtAbhiSekam / prAleyazailazikharAzramatApasAnAM sevyaM ca yattava tadambu mude'stu gAGgam //

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7. YASABTILAKA AN AN ANTHOLOGY OF SANSKRIT VERSE 141 "In the ceremony of thy bath, may the waters of the ocean bring good to thee, the waters whence emerged the moon and the Airavata elephant and the Kalpa tree and the Kaustubha gem and the goddess of wealth, and the nymphs along with nectar for the pleasure of the gods! The clouds, benefactors of the world, frequent those waters again and again (2. 210). May the waters of the Ganges bring thee joy! Even a single dip in them destroys the mental impurities of the sages living in the celestial world. Those are the waters resorted to by the anchorites living in the hermitages on the Himalayan peaks." (2. 211). ymunaanrmdaagodaacndrbhaagaasrsvtii-| sarayUsindhuzoNotthairjelairdevo'bhiSicyatAm / "Let the king be bathed with the water brought from the Yamuna, the Narmada, the Godavari, the Candrabhaga, the Sarasvati, the Sarayu, the Indus and the Sona !" (2. 213). The ceremonial bath is described in the following verse spoken by Yasodhara: ullolAlakavIcibhirvicalitApAnotpalazreNibhiH prkssubhytkucckrvaakmithunaiaalolnaamiihdaiH| vAracInivahaiH satyaM ninadaM jAtAbhiSekotsavaH kAmaM sphAritakAJcidezapulinaiH sindhupravAhairiva // The gay ceremony of my bath was performed by bevies of court. esans resembling river-streams, to the sound of music. The curls of their hair waved like ripples; the corners of the eyes moved like blue lotus beds; the bosoms heaved like pairs of red geese; the navels were agitated like pools of water; and the hips expanded freely like a river's sandy bank.' (2. 214.). The sacred bath is followed by the nuptial rites, and a bard named Manojakunjara addresses felicitations to Yasodhara and his bride Amotamati (2. 215-220). There is almost an ironic touch in these verses in view of the tragic sequel to the marriage, which at the moment augured 80 well for the future. lakSmIriyaM tvamapi mAdhava eva sAkSAdeSA zacI surapatistvamapi pratItaH / AzAsyate tadiha kiM bhavatoridAnI prItiH paraM ratimanobhavayorivAstu // eSA himAMzumaNinirmitadehayaSTistvaM candracUrNaracitAvayavazva sAkSAt / evaM na cet kayamiyaM tava saMgamena pratyAnirgatajalA sutanuzcakAsti / "She is the goddess of wealth and thou art Visnu himself; she is Saci and thou art the illustrious Indra. What blessings can now be given to you twain? Yet may mutual love be yours like that of Cupid and Rati! Her frame is verily made of moonstones, and thy limbs seem to be composed of particles of moonbeams. Otherwise how is it that the fair maiden shines in thy company, perspiring all over the body." (2. 215-216)'. 1 Moonstones are supposed to emit moisture when exposed to the light of the moon.

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142 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE The bard then adopts an impersonal tone and describes the deportment of a newly married bride, an erotic picture often met with in Kavya literature. uktA vakti na kiMciduttaramiyaM nAlokitAlokate zayyAyAM vihitAgamA ca vivazazvAsolbaNaM vepate / narmAlApavidhI sakopahRdayA gantuM punarvAgchati prIti kasya tathApi no vitanute bAlA nave saMgame / kiMcit kekaravIkSitaM kimapi ca bhrabhaGgalIlAyitaM kiMcinmanmanabhASitaM kimapi ca zleSAbhilASehitam / itthaM mugdhatayA bahirvilasitaM vadhvA nave saMgame cittasthena manobhuvA balavatA nIvIkhalatvaM kRtam // "When spoken to, she never replies; when looked at, she never glances. Coming to the bed, she trembles heavily, being out of breath. Offended by jesting, she desires to depart. Yet who is not charmed by a maiden in the first union with her? A slight side-glance, a gentle play of the eyebrows, a few indistinct words, and a faint desire and effort to embrace. Such is the deportment born of simplicity, manifested by a bride in her first union with her lover; while the powerful Cupid, abiding in her heart, plays the villain with the knot of her skirt !" (2. 218-219). Then follow the coronation verses recited by the bards while the prince accepts the emblems of sovereignty: ____apahasitapuSpadantaM kuvalayakamalAvabodhanAdeva / adharitasakalamahIdharamAbhAti tavAtapatramidamekam // "Sire, here shines the unique parasol. It hath brought under its shade all kings, and surpasses in grandeur the sun and the moon, for it illumines the earth and calls into activity the goddess of wealth." (2. 222). dviSadvipamadadhvaMsAdbhUbhRtAM zirasi sthitaH / ArohatAM kSitIzAnAM siMhaH siMhAsanaM nRpH|| "Let the prince ascend the throne. A lion among kings, he is above all rulers of the earth, having destroyed the pride of his enemies, elephants as it were." (2. 223). mRgamadatilake'sminnardhacandrAvadAte jalanidhirasanorvIbhAjanaizvaryavayeM / janitasakalalokAnalpakalpapramodaH kSitiramaNa lalATe paTTabandhastavAstu // " 1 Kuvalaya 'the earth' means also 'night lotus' which cannot be opened by the sun; and Kamala 'the goddess of wealth' has to be construed also as Kamala 'day lotus' which cannot be opened by the moon. 2 Helen Johnson points out in ABORI, Vol. XXVII, p. 187, that there is a reference to pattabandha in Hemacandra's Trisastisalakapurusacarita 10. 11. In an account of the feud between Pradyota of Avanti and Udayana of Vitabhaya he describes the capture of Pradyota by Udayana who branded Pradyota's forehead with an insulting term. Subsequently they were reconciled and "Udayana made a pattabandha which concealed the brand on Pradyota's forehead. From that time a pattabandha indicated the majesty of kings. Formerly they wore & kirita and nothing else as a headornament." Hemacandra thus meant by pattabandha a 'fillet', diadem', worn around the forehead in contrast with a head-dress worn higher on the head.

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7. YASASTILAKA AS AN ANTHOLOGY OF SANSKRIT VERSE 143 + Ulo "Sire, let the diadem be placed round thy forehead, causing delight to all the world for countless ages. Adorned with an ornamental mark of musk-paint, thy brow is bright as the half-moon, shining with the glory of sovereignty over the sea-girt earth!" (2. 224). aku garn lakSmIvinodakumudAkaracandrahAsaH saMgrAmakelinalinIvanasUryahAsaH / vidviSTadaityamadamAndhaharATTahAsaH kIrtistriyAtribhuvanodayamodahAsaH // " And, this thy sword is verily the light of the moon, causing the bloom of the night lotus-bed, to wit, the joyous advent of prosperity. It is verily the light of the sun, causing the bloom of the day lotus-bed, to wit, the sport of war. It is verily the loud laugh of the pride of the demons, namely, thy enemies. It is verily the smile of Lady Fame, caused by joy of her prosperous career through the world." (2. 226). After the coronation, Yasodhara is greeted by the elders of the family who recite a number of punyaslokas or verses conveying good wishes and blessings (2. 229-235): ITETERNITZA: 1a za: stq: Tata: pet: aftaafarcat: gtaiat TAT: AT I eteSAM dviguNIkRtodayajayastatsAmyabhAjAtmanA tAvatvaM kSitipAla pAlaya mahIM jAtotsavaH kAmitaH // "Rule thou the earth, o king, rejoicing in the fulfilment of thy desires as long as exist heaven and earth, the great mountain ranges, the serpent Ananta, the oceans, the sun and the moon, the regions of the sky, Indra and Brahman, and the created worlds: with a soul as exalted as any of these, but crowned with a glory twice as great as theirs !" brahmajJAhavajaitramatrasubhagAstUrNa kuru vyAhRtIrdAgindra prahiNu dviSAM vijitaye divyAstratatraM ratham / dikpAlAH punareta satvaramamI devasya sevAvidhAvitthaM pArthivanAtha kathanaparaH zaGkhadhvanijRmbhatAm // "King of kings, let the sound of conch proclaim this message: Recite quickly, o Brabman, Vedic verses charming with mystic formulas ensuring victory in battles! Send forth with, o Indra, a chariot equipped with divine arins for vanquishing all foes ! Come swiftly, ye guardians of the regions of the sky, to serve our king!" (2. 234). The coronation over, Yasodhara and his bride leave the river side pavilion and return to the city on the back of an elephant. Yasodhara briefly recounts what he said to himself at the sight of the gaily decorated city (2. 236-239). __ saudhAprabhAgeSu purAGganAnAM nIlotpalaspardhibhirIkSaNairme / 197 Harghiaraft: gsattete maleta il "The goddess embodying the beauty of yonder sky seems to be eager to shower flowers on me in her joy, using for the purpose the eyes,

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144 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE resembling blue lotus blossoms, of the women of the city, standing on the front terraces of the mansions.' (2. 237). On arrival at the royal palace Yasodhara is welcomed by a bard named Kirtisahara. lakSmI bibhrad dhvajaughaiH kvacidanilabalollolavIcevunadyAzchAyAM puSyat sumeroH kvacidaruNataraiH svarNakumbhAMzujAlaiH / kAnti kurvat sudhAbdheH kvacidatisitimadyotibhirbhittibhAgaiH zobhAM zliSyaddhimAdreH kvacidiva gaganAbhogabhAgbhizca kUTaiH // strIlIlAkamalaM tavAvanipate sAmrAjyacihnaM mahat kIyutpattiniketanaM kSitivadhUvizrAmadhAma svayam / lakSmIvibhramadarpaNaM kulagRhaM rAjyAdhidevyAH punaH krIDAsthAnamidaM vibhAti bhavanaM vAgdevatAyA iva // "Thy palace, o king, sometimes looks beautiful as the Ganges with its wind-tossed ripples on account of the rows of flags flying over the top. Sometimes it looks beautiful as the mountain of the gods by virtue of the crimson lustre of its golden cupolas. Sometimes it reproduces the beauty of the ocean of nectar with its glistening white walls. Sometimes it resembles the Himalayas with its sky-touching domes. A mighty emblem of thy sovereignty, this palace is verily the toy-lotus of the goddess of wealth! It is the birth-place of Fame, and Dame Earth's own resting place! It is the luxury mirror of the goddess of wealth, and the family mansion of the presiding goddess of the realm! It appears to be the play-ground of the goddess of learning !" (2. 242-243). C) MORNING SONGS Verses recited by bards in the morning to awaken the king form an important component of court poetry, and in our work there are two sets of Terses recited by the prabodha-mangala-pathakas and the saukhasayanikas respectively to arouse Yasodhara from sleep (3. 3-13, 14-22). The bright morning scenery is the theme of these verses, and there is also a personal touch in them, containing as they do occasional references to the king and his court. d) A DISCUSSION AT THE COURT An interesting discussion takes place at the court of Yasodhara on the relative merits of fate and personal endeavour as governing principles of human conduct, followed by a diversion on topics relating to state-craft. Pronouncements on the respective claims of daiva and purusakara are as old as the Mahabharata, but they assume here the character of a forinal debate designed to give the king practical hints in shaping his policy. The discussion is opened by a minister named Vidyamahodadhi, who, after stressing the importance of maintaining the secrecy of

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7. YASASTILAKA AS AN ANTHOLOGY OF SANSKRIT VERSE 145 deliberations in the council-chamber, proclaims the supremacy of fate', and recommends the policy of least resistance, free from warlike adventures, and aimed at the peaceful enjoyment of the fruits of prosperity and the cultivation of justice and virtue. The minister argues that man toils and suffers for nothing: what is written on the forehead will come about even if he remains inactive. Indra is the lord of heaven and the serpent Ananta the mainstay of the earth, not because of any personal exertion on their part, but because they are fated to be so: evameva paraM lokaH klinAtyAtmAnamAtmanA / yadana likhitaM bhAle tat sthitasyApi jAyate // watafalcar tertegu ya: 1 ata Arora Artoi fala: 1 3. 37-8. As for warlike ventures, the very name of enemies is unpleasant, and their sight, too, hateful like that of serpents: also f ui gazhat hatszyfa: 1 ** eleget safera: yrstaarata 3. 40. Fortifications and wise counsel are futile when fate decrees otherwise : durga mandarakandarANi paridhiste gotradhAtrIdharAH kheyaM sapta payodhayaH svaviSayaH svargaH surAH sainikaaH| mantrI cAsya gurustathApyayamagAt prAyaH pareSAM vazaM daivAivapatistadatra nRpa kiM tatreNa mantreNa vA // The Mandara caves are Indra's forts. The great mountain-ranges are his ramparts. The seven oceans are his moat. Heaven is his realm, the gods are his soldiers, and Bphaspati his minister. Yet, by the decree of fate, he was oftentimes subjugated by his foes. Sire, of what avail is then army or counsel on earth ? (3. 41). The king should, therefore, enjoy his great fortune in peace without forgetting the claims of virtue. The speaker concludes by saying: dhanaM dharmavilopena parabhogAya bhUpateH / pApaM tvAtmani jAyeta harepivadhAdiva // The wealth earned by a king by violating the right is enjoyed by others; he acquires only the sin for himself: just as a lion acquires sin by killing an elephant, while the other beasts feed on the flesh (3. 44). The views of Vidyamahodadhi are attacked by another minister described as a materialist, who regards personal endeavour as the sole guarantee of success. As a follower of Carvaka doctrines, he cannot, of course, accept any unseen agency like fate, but his views in this respect do not materially differ from those of the Yogavasistha, which, too, glorifies personal effort and denies the existence of fate, although a Carvaka would certainly accept its theory that the so-called fate of popular imagination 1 The Sutrakstanga 2. 1. 12 describes a heretical school which regards Fate as the cause of everything. See also Jacobi: Jaina Sutras II (S. B. E.), p. 35. 2 Very similar verses occur in Gunabhadra's Atmanusasana and Bhartphari's Nitisataka. 3 Mumuksuprakarana, chas, 6-9. 19

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146 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE is nothing more than the sumtotal of the actions and desires of previous births.1 Arguing that all actions depend upon effort and not on passivity, the speaker goes on to show the futility of depending upon fate. Fate, for instance, is powerless to feed even a man who has food before him, but whose hands are tied. He who relies upon fate is bound to lose even the wealth he has acquired: fate never guards a traveller who carries with him a bundle of jewels, but falls asleep on the way. narasya baddhahastasya puro bhane kRte'pi yat / azaktaM mukhanikSepe taddaivaM kaH samAzrayet // 3. 47. daivAvalambanavataH puruSasya hastAdAsAditAnyapi dhanAni bhavanti dUre / AnIya ratnanicayaM pathi jAtanidre jAgarti tatra pathike hi na jAtu daivam // 3. 49. The minister then applies his theory to the policy to be followed by the king: vihAya pauruSaM yo hi daivamevavilambate / prAsAdasiMhavattasya mUrdhni tiSThanti vAyasAH // Crows perch on the head of one who abandons effort and depends upon fate, just as they do on the head of a sculptured lion in a palace (3. 50). tejohIne mahIpAle svAH pare ca vikurvate / niHzaGkaM hi na ko dhatte padaM bhasmanyanUSmaNi // When a king is devoid of vigour, both friend and foe prove disloyal. Who does not fearlessly tread on ashes that are cold? (3. 51). ahaMkAravihInasya kiM vivekena bhUbhujaH / nare kAtaracitte hi kaH syAdatraparigrahaH // Intellect is of no use to a king who lacks in pride. A coward has no use for arms (3. 52). harSo'marSazca no yasya dhanAya nidhanAya ca / ko vizeSo bhavedrAjJastasya citragatasya ca // What difference is there between a living king and a painted one, when his favour brings not riches nor his wrath destruction? (3.53). yeSAM bAhubalaM nAsti yeSAM nAsti manobalam / teSAM candrabalaM deva kiM kuryAdambarasthitam // What, o king, can the power of the moon in the sky do for those who have no strength in their arms nor any strength of mind? (3. 54). The speaker, therefore, appeals to the king to exert his valour and triumph over his enemies. He urges valiant action and a resolute attempt to expand the existing prosperity, and concludes by saying: labdhApyananyasAmAnyasAhasaM nAyakaM vinA / lakSmIrna nirbharAzleSA pramadeva jaratpatau // woman does not closely embrace her decrepit husband, similarly Just as a 1 Cf. Matsyapurana 221. 2: auf The Jain Amitagati also identifies fate with the Karma of previous births, representing it as an all-powerful agency which none can escape. Subhasitaratnasamdoha, verses 343-374. 2 Cf. Bharavi 2. 20. 3 i. e. planetary influence.

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7. YASASTILAKA AS AN ANTHOLOGY OF SANSKRIT VERSE 147 the goddess of wealth, though possessed by someone, does not closely adhere to him unless he is a hero of uncommon courage (3. 59). The next speaker is a minister named Kavikulasekhara who tries to effect a compromise between the views of the two previous speakers. He recognises both fate and effort as determining factors in the life of man, although he gives greater importance to effort, and his point of view is the same as that developed in the Mahabharata (Anusasanaparva, chap. 6), which likewise admits the existence of fate, but lays by far the greater emphasis on personal endeavour. Kavikulasekhara opines that when success comes without being deliberately aimed at, it is to be attributed to fate; in all personal exertion must be held to be the determining cause. When a serpent comes in contact with a man in his sleep and he remains unhurt, his safety is to be attributed to fate, but when the reptile is seen and avoided, the determining factor is one's personal effort. Fate and personal effort often help each other, and their mutual relation is like that of medici the vitality of a patient ( 3. 61-63): aprekSApUrvikA yatra kAryasiddhiH prajAyate / tatra daivaM nRpAnyatra pradhAnaM pauruSaM bhavet // saptasya sarpasaMparke devamAyaSi kAraNama / dRSTAnavaJcite sapai pauruSaM tatra kAraNam // parasparopakAreNa jIvitauSadhayoriva / daivapauruSayovRttiH phalajanmani manyatAm // Nerertheless the speaker recognises personal endeavour as the governing principle of human activity and dismisses fate as something outside the range of sense experience' (3. 64): tathApi pauruSAyattAH sasvAnAM sakalAH kriyAH / atastaJcintyamanyatra kA cintAtIndriyAtmani // A youthful minister, Upayasarvajna by name, protests against this theoretical discussion, declaring that the king's council-chamber is not a school nor is the time opportune for an academic controversy. He, therefore, 1 The Matsyapurina (Chap. 221) admits a third factor, kala, (ta gepare for yourHI HHG fofuga RTIT 959E11) but gives the palm to purusakaira. The Sutrakstanga 1. 1. 2. 4 givos equal importance to fate and human exertion. See alse Jacobi: Jaina Sutras, II, p. 240. They are treated as mutually dependent in Haribhadra's Vinsa tivirsika, section 5. 2 Cf. Yogavasistha, op. cit., 7. 6. The discussion of the ministers reminds one of the tenets of the early Jewish sects about destiny and free will. The Essenes exempted nothing from the sway of destiny. The Sadducess denied destiny altogether. The Pharisees 'held the middle ground--some things, but not all, are the work of destiny; some are in man's own power to determine whether they shall come to pass or not. Moore: Julaism, Vol. I, p. 457. The Sadducees supposed that all our actions are in our own power.' The Pharisees ascribed everything to fate, and yet allowed that to do right or wrong is within the power of each individual, although fate does co-operate in his action, Poters: The Religion of the Hebrews, p. 421.

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148 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE calls attention to matters of political import, confining himself to questions of foreign policy, which can be narrowed down to the problem of dealing with hostile or rival kings. Although the speaker is convinced of the might of his king, he recommends the utmost caution in adopting war as an expedient. In the first place, if the desired object can be attained by diplomacy, it is useless to resort to war: who, for instance, climbs a mountain in search of honey if he can get it on the Mandara tree? mantrayuddhAzritazrINAM zastrayuddhena kiM phalam / ko nAma zailamArohedarke labdhamadhuH sudhIH // 3. 73. In the second place, a king should take up arms only when all other means, conciliation, gifts and sowing dissension, have been tried and found wanting. It is useless to take up arms when the desired result can be obtained by conciliation: who, for instance, administers poison when death can be caused with molasses? sAmnA dAnena bhedena yat kAryaM naiva sidhyati / tatra daNDaH prayoktavyo nRpeNa zriyamicchatA // sAmasAdhyeSu kAryeSu ko hi zastraM prayojayet / mRtiheturguDo yatra kastatra viSadAyakaH // 3. 91, 92. The speaker pertinently asks, how much can be achieved by the sword? A man has, after all, one body and two hands: there are enemies at every step, and even an insignificant foe can be extremely troublesome (3.90): ekaM vapurubhau hastau zatravazca pade pade / duHkhakRt kaNTako'pi syAt kiyat khaGgena sAdhyate // When war is decided upon, it is the duty of a king to adopt defensive measures for his own realm: a king who neglects to do so is like a man who takes off his underwear to cover his head with: akRtvA nijadezasya rakSAM yo vijigISate / sa nRpaH paridhAnena vRttamauliH pumAniva // 8. 74. There are three periods in the life of a king: that of superiority to an enemy, that of equality with an enemy, and that of inferiority to him. It is in the first of these that warlike operations should be undertaken. Fighting with a powerful enemy is like fighting with an elephant on foot; while a clash between two equals, like that of two raw vessels, leads to the destruction of both. A powerful enemy should be attacked, like a wild elephant, by a combination of forces; while an equal should be subdued by employing others against him, just as one captures an elephant with the help of other elephants (3. 81-3): udayaH samatA hAnistrayaH kAlA mahIbhujAm / tatrAdya eva yoddhavyaM sthAtavyamubhayoH punaH // pAdayuddhamivebhena bhUyasA saha vigrahaH / taM saMghAtavighAtena sAdhayedvana hastivat // AmabhAjanabadyuddhe samenobhayataH kSayaH / enaM prabandhayedanyairgajaM pratigajairiva // No enemy, however small, should be neglected; mighty elephants often meet with death at the hands of lion cubs. Sowing dissension among

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7. YASASTILAKA AS AN ANTHOLOGY OF SANSKRIT VERSE 149 enemies is an important step: a king neglecting this is like a man who pulls at bamboos interlaced in tall clumps. A king without power is like a lame man, unable to use his intelligence; and a king without intelligence is like a blind man, unable to use his power: 1 ahaM mahAnayaM svalpazcinteyaM nRpa mucyatAm / siMhazAvAt karIndrANAM mRtyuratra nidarzanam // 385. abhittvA zatrusaMghAtaM yaH parAkramate nRpaH / sa tuGgastambasaMlagnavIraNAkarSakAyate // 3. 94. zaktihIne matiH kaiva kA zaktirmativarjite / nRpasya nyAyyadRSTAntaH paGgurandhazca kathyatAm // 3. 95. Bravery and loyalty count more in an army than numbers. A brave, well-equipped and efficient army, though small, contributes to success, provided it is loyal; a mere conglomeration of heads serves no useful purpose. Loyalty is an important factor, and a king who causes disaffection among his loyal subjects is bound to come to grief like a man who awakens a sleeping cobra : kSatrasAraM bhUtaM zUramastrajJamanurAgi cet / api svalpaM zriyai sainyaM vRtheyaM muNDamaNDalI // 3. 87. svAnuvartiSu lokeSu yastu kSobhAya ceSTate / zreyAMsi na ciraM tasya suptavyAlaprabodhivat // 3. 103. In spite of the caution recommended by the speaker himself in matters affecting war, he ends by asking the king to send an expeditionary force against those whom a false sense of power has made overbearing and proud. The chief minister Nitibrhaspati approves the foregoing speech, and, for his part, gives some advice to the king. He asks the king to look after the kingdom as a gardener does a garden, and reiterates the warning not to despise enemies, however small. e) A CHALLENGE TO OTHER KINGS We have next a specimen of a challenge to various kings and peoples, which the royal clerk, ordered by the king, reads out to the envoy, entrusted with the message: garva barbara muJca mA carata re paJcAkAzcApalaM keliM kerala saMhara praviza re madreza dezAntaram / mithyaizvaryabalAvaleparabhasabhrazyadvivekAtmanAmitthaM vaSTiriTillitaM na sahate devaH sa devAzrayaH // zauNDIryazAlini jagattrayalabdhavarNe deve na yaH praNatibhAvamupaiti bhUpaH / tasyAhaveSu vayasAM zirasi prabandho yadvAzrameSu paralokadhiyA jaTAnAm // "Thou Barbara, renounce thy pride. Ye men of Pancala, be not wanton. Chief of Kerala, wind up thy amusements. King of Madra, take refuge in another land. The great king (Yasodhara), who believes in his destiny, will not tolerate your misdemeanour. You have forthwith lost all power of discernment through a false pride of wealth and power. The king who does not submit to His Majesty, magnanimous and renowned in all the three worlds, shall have birds of prey pouncing on his head fallen on the battlefield,

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150 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE or have a tangled mass of hair on the head, passing his days in holy resorts, with his mind fixed on the world beyond?!" (3. 112-3). Luckily this arrogant message does not seem to have been delivered. for the author says that, in spite of the king's order to deliver a message like this, an envoy should regulate his speech and conduct according to the temperament and resources of the court he visits. f) VERSES AGAINST MINISTERS The report of the spy against a wicked minister of Yasodhara gives occasion to a poetical outburst against ministers in general, which is all the more interesting as the relevant verses are attributed to various poets whose names are clearly mentioned. It is difficult to say whether these names are fictitious or refer to real personages. The former alternative seems to be the more probable, as in the foregoing sections also various verses have been attributed to bards or speakers whose names are obviously fictitious, and seem to have been introduced to lend a graphic character to the narrative. It may, however, be pointed out that the section on ministers belongs to a somewhat different category, as the verses here are given in the form of a regular anthology, and look like quotations from different poets. It is not impossible that some of the names refer to poets who were Somadeva's contemporaries or obscure writers, now forgotten, but we cannot be certain on the point. It is also noteworthy that certain names, e.g., Mugdhangana-keli-kutuhala, Vilasini-locana-kajjala, and Praudha-priyapanganavotpala are too artificial to be real, although, as a matter of fact, fantastic names of poets are not quite rare in the Sanskrit Anthologies. The chief value of this collection of verses lies in the fact that it is the nearest approach to political satire that we have in Sanskrit literature before Ksemendra. Treatment of questions relating to Niti or public policy is constantly found in the Mahakavyas, but we have here a body of satirical verse directed against the ministers of kings; and there is at the end a set of verses which have for target a particular minister, and constitute a personal attack on him. Taruni-lila-vilasa is the author of a prelude to what he calls the drama of a minister's villainy. cacApaJcajanAkRtiH kSitipatiyaMtrAbhavanAyakaH pauro bhAgyapurANapAlitamatirmatrI dhvitriisutH| sa prauDhoktibRhaspatizca taruNIlIlAvilAsaH kavistadurmatridurIhitaM vijayate sUktotkaTaM nATakam // The drama of a wicked minister's villainy thrives indeed well. It is full of excellent precepts. A king resembling a figure of straw is its hero. 1 i. e, defeat will cause him to renounce the world,

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7. YASASTILAKA AS AN ANTHOLOGY OF SANSKRIT VERSE The citizens are nurtured on the myth of Fate, and the minister is the son of a blacksmith's wife. And there is a poet in the drama, Tarunililavilasa by name ; he is Brhaspati himself in forceful composition ( 3. 125 ). mRlloSTaceSTaH kSitipaH svabhAvAt suduSTaceSTaH sacivazca yatra / zubhAzayasyApi sumedhaso'pi kSemaH kutastatra bhavejjanasya // 'How can even a man, honest and intelligent, be happy in a realm where the king is, by nature, like a clod of earth, and the minister a perfect villain?' (3. 126 ). 151 ziSTAvAsaH kutastatra durmantrI yatra bhUpatau / iyenaizvaryaM tarau yatra kutastatrApare dvijAH // 'How can the good live under a king with a wicked minister? How can small birds live on a tree where the mastery belongs to a hawk ? ' ( 3. 127 ). durmaNi nRpasutAt sumahAn sa lAbhaH prANaiH samaM bhavati yanna viyogabhAvaH // sUnAkRto gRhamupetya sasArameyaM jIvan mRgo yadi nireti tadasya puNyam // When a person is not deprived of his life by a prince with a wicked minister, it must be reckoned a mighty favour. When a stag comes out alive, after entering the dog-guarded house of a butcher, it must be due to his religious merit (3. 130). Kavi-kaumudi-candra declares: ahivalayitamUlaH pAdapaH kena sevyaH zrayati ka iha ziSTaH zalyasaMga taDAgam / viSakaluSitamandhaH kasya bhojyAya jAtaM kusacivahata bhUtirbhUpatiH kairupAsyaH // avivekamatirnRpatirmannI guNavatsu vakritagrIvaH / yatra khalAzca prabalAstatra kathaM sajjanAvasaraH // Who can resort to a tree that has a serpent coiled round its trunk? What wise man enters a tank with thorns in it? Who ever partakes of poisoned food? Who can serve a king whose welfare is marred by a villain of a minister? How can the good have any scope in a realm where the king lacks in discernment, the minister turns his face away from those who have merit, and villians are in power? (3. 131-2). Two verses are attributed to a poet named Vidagdhamugdha, but they depend for force upon double entendre, and can be appreciated only in the original. pajavane lakSmIrvipine vijayo hutAzane tejaH / tapane ca paraM maNDalamavanipaterbhavati duHsacivAt // khaDgeSu paraM kozaH zeSAyAM taNDulAH kare parva / caturaGgeSu ca tatraM durmatriNi bhavati bhUpasya // Nitinetra mentions the characteristics of a wicked minister: rAjyavRddhistato'mAtyAdyo na kukSiMbhariH svayam / atti sthAlyeva cedrataM bhoktarbhuktirbhavet kutaH // yaH syAdbhujagavadbhUyo bahirIkSita mohitaH / taM khAdanti na kiM nAma laJjikA iva sevakAH // The prosperity of a kingdom can be enhanced only by a minister who is not greedy. How can the owner eat if the cooking-vessel itself eats

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152 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE up the rice? Is not the king who is charmed by outward looks, like a libertine, ruined by his servants, like whores? (3. 135-6). kozodvAsI prajAdhvaMsI tamrakSobhavidhAyakaH / yo vidveSTA viziSTAnAM zatrurmanimiSAdasau // An enemy he is in the guise of a minister, who empties the royal treasury, ruins the people, stirs up rebellion in the army, and does harn to the leading citizens (3. 138). Manadhananjaya says: nRpatisutaH khalanirataH sacivajano durjano'dhanaH sujanaH / mahatAM mastakazUlaM jAtaizvaryaH kadaryazca // A prince devoted to villains and a wicked minister, and the virtuous poor, and the wealthy miser cause headache to the wise (3. 140). Kavikovida dwells on the wiles of ministers: yadIcchasi vazIkartuM mahIzaM guNaya dvayam / bahumAyAmayaM vRttaM cittaM cAkaruNAmayam // If you wish to bring a king under your control, cultivate two things, . an extremely deceitful character and a cruel heart (3. 142). bahiraladhurasaprabhavairantaHzUnyArthapATavaiH sacivaiH / mugdhamRgAH pratidivasaM vajyante marumarIcikAzakaiH // Like a mirage in a desert, the ministers daily deceive those (thirsty) deer, the simpletons. Outwardly they have charming manners, but inwardly they are good for nothing (3. 143). ___ kArye svasyAbhimate sacivaH siddhiM karoti haThavRttyA / nRpatirayaM bahusacivaH ke vayamatreti bhASate'nyasya // A minister executes a task even by violent means when it serves his purpose. But when it serves the purpose of another, he simply says: The king has so many ministers; what authority have I ?' (3. 144). Abhimana-mahidhara says: yadyapi vidhe na suvidhiH kAmye'rthe yAcyase tathApIdam / kuru maraNaM mAkArSIH sujanAnAM durjanaH saMgam // Albeit thou grantest not our desires, o Fate, we beg this favour of thee: inflict death upon us, but never cause the good to associate with villains (3. 148). mantrAvasare samare vidhure dAreSu vastusAreSu / yo na vyabhicarati nRpe sa kathaM tu na vallabhastasya // He who is faithful to a king in deliberations, war and adversity, and in respect of his wife and treasures, is bound to be dear to him (3. 149). Avyadhidurbala enumerates certain things that are not likely to happen: kSArAbdhau salilasya durjanajane vidyAvinodasya ca kSudre saMbhramabhASitasya kRpaNe lakSmIvilAsasya ca / bhUpe duHsacivAgamasya sujane dAridyasaMgasya ca dhvaMsaH syAdacireNa yatra divase taM cintayan durbalaH // I am tired of waiting for the day when the waters will forthwith cease to exist in the salt ocean, when villains will cease to profess love of learning, when mean fellows will cease to be addressed with respect, when misers

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7. YASASTILAKA AS AN ANTHOLOGY OF SANSKRIT VERSE 153 will cease to have joy of wealth, when kings will cease to have wicked ministers, and when honest persons will cease to be poor ( 3. 150). Kavikusumayudha is rather emphatic in what he says: yadi tava hRdayaM sanayaM vidvan svame'pi mA sa seviSThAH / sacivajitaM yuvatijitaM khaGgijitaM khalajitaM ca rAjAmam // ____ upalaH salileSu tarejaladhirgAdheta mandaraH pracaret / iti saMbhavati kadAcinAkhalabhAvaH punaH sacivaH / / If thou hast any sense of right, o wise man, never, even in a dream, resort to a king dominated by a minister or a young woman or a swordsman or a villain. A stone may float on water, the ocean may turn shallow, and the Mandara mountain may move, all this may one day happen, but never will there be a minister who is not a villain (3. 152-3). Sujanajsvita is hard both on kings and ministers: vizvastaM mahimAstaM sujanaM vijanaM kulInamamuhInam / guNinaM ca duHkhakaNinaM kurvAditi sacivasiddhAntaH / kumudAkara iva dinakRti viramati nRpatirnare sarAge hi / sa ladhu virakta rajyati rajanirasacUrNarajasIva // "The faithful should be degraded, good men isolated, the highborn killed, and the virtuous made miserable': such is the doctrine of ministers. A king ceases to love a loyal person, just as a night lotus-bed ceases to bloom at the sight of the sun. He suddenly becomes attached to one who is disloyal, just as fluid turmeric sticks to pulverised lime (3. 156-7). Mugdhangana-kelikutuhala describes how ministers dissuade the king from helping good and pious men: jvarAta iva khiyeta matrI satsu dhananyaye / kRtArtha iva modeta viTa-vAgajIvanAMdiSu // bhamani hutamiva mahate yahattaM deva tadaphalaM sakalam / upayogine ta deyaM naTAya viTapeTakAyApi // piNDIzUrAH kevalamamI hi sarvasvabhakSaNe dakSAH / na hi yAmArtha santaH svAmin bhaTapeTikArya vA // A minister would be pained, like a man suffering from fever, if money were spent for the benefit of honest people. But he would rejoice like a man who has achieved success, if it were spent on libertines, panegyrists and the like. (He says to the king) Sire, what is given to the pious is all useless, like an oblation offered on ashes. Money should be given to those who serve an useful purpose, even to dancers and pimps. Those pious fellows are merely gluttons, expert in consuming their substance. Sire, they do not keep watch at night nor do they contribute to the maintenance of the warriors.' (3. 158-60). Vilasinilocanakajjala refers to the misappropriation of pablic money by ministers: yadalpaM dayate'mAtyaiH phalamAkAzajaM kvacit / tatsarvasvApahArAya mugdheSu puradhUrtavat / / saMbhAvavatyamAtyo'vaM yat svameva mahIbhuji / tadanyasAdviveko'sya mA bhUnmayi dhanAzini / If ministers sometimes show to ignorant kings a slight transitory profit from some investment, it is with a view to misappropriating the 20

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154 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE entire amount; just as certain jackals, showing to the lion a small portion of the game, ate all of it themselves!? A minister creates an impression of his own honesty on the mind of the king lest the latter should find out the truth from another while he is misappropriatinga public money (3. 162-3). Sarastani-kaitava-kautuka, after pointing out that the evil accompanies the good, depicts a minister as a kind of monster: aurvo'kharvaH sudhAmbhodhau bhUpAle prabalAH khalAH / sadazcindane sarpA na rakhamanupadravam // The great submarine fire burns in the ocean of nectar; villains are in power in the court of a king; and fierce serpents are found on the sandal tree. No gem is there without some blemish (3. 165). graho grahANAmasuro'surANAM yamo yamasyApi nRpasya mantrI / evaM na cedeSa kathaM nu jIvedakAraNaM kovidakAmakAlaH // dvijihvo jantUnAM mRgapatiribhAnAmiva kule taDiddaNDo'drINAmayamasamarociH kSitiruhAm / himAtAno'jJAnAM tapatapanakAlazca sarasAmabhUt krUraH ko'pi prakRtikhalabhAvena mahatAm // The minister of a king is a planet among the harmful planets, a demon among demons, and death of death. If it is not so, how does he manage to exist without any justifying cause, he who frustrates the desires of all wise men? A minister is born among the great, savagely cruel by reason of his vile nature, like a serpent among the creatures, like a lion among the elephants, like a thunder-bolt over the mountains, like a fire among the trees, like a screen of frost over the lotuses, and like the hot summer among the pools of water (3. 166-7). Praulha-priyapanga-navotpala says: tatra kathaM manu santo yatrAste taccatuSTayaM yugapat / kalikAlaH khalakAlo nRpakAlaH sacivakAlazca / / How can the good live in a piace where these four live simultaneously : the Death-like Kali Age, Death-like villains, a Death-like king, and a Death-like minister! (3. 169). The verses of the remaining poets are directed against the wicked minister Pamarodara, and contain various charges against his character. The poet Asvattha says: 1 See Srutasagara's commentary, 2 fra means literally one who eats money.' 'Eating money' is the Assamese expression for 'misappropriation. Compare also rokka tinnu in Kannada and paise khane in Marathi. "The emperor's councillors are swindlers," declares a obronicler speaking of the conditions in Germany on the eve of the Reformation; "they nearly all grow riob while the emperor grows poor." Quoted by Janssen : History of the German People at the close of the Middle Ages, ii. 84.

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7. YASASTILARA AS AN ANTHOLOGY OF SANSKZIT VERSE 155 paramahilAH kulamahilAH parijanavanitA vinodavanitAzca / ratissabhANDaM raNDAstApasyazcAsya gRhdaasyH|| The wives of others are, as it were, his married wives. The wives of his relatives are his companions of joy. Whores are the object of his love and affection. Nuns are his serying maids (3. 206). The young poet Bharata (Bharata-bala-kavi), after accusing the minister of dishonesty and corruption, exposes his hypocrisy: paravittarataH paradArarataH paravaJcanavRtticaritrarataH / adhamadhvajavaMzabhavaH sacivaH samabhUttava deva tamaHprabhavaH // Sire, thy minister, belonging to a degenerate oilman's family was born as the source of sin. He is addicted to the wealth of others, addicted to the wives of others, and addictod to the habit of cheating others (3. 201). karituragarabhanarotkaravihArasaMhAritAkhilaprANI / saMcarati rASTramadhye nAdatte pAdukAyugalam // dalaphalaphalAni tarornogchati kila tatra jIvapIDeti / yama iva sakalAMzca punadevadvijatApasAna aste|| He travels in the kingdom, destroying numerous creatures by the reckless march of his elephants, horses, chariots and camp-followers, but does not wear a pair of shoes (for fear of hurting animal life)! He plucks no leaves, flowers, and fruits of trees lest he should hurt any sentient being; but, like the god of death, he destroys all gods (i. e. idols ), Brahmanas and hermits.' (3. 210-11). Puruhuta gives the following estimate of Pamarodara's character: mAnavati mAnadalano guNavati guNagopanaH svataH prtH| kulazIlazauryazAliSu vizeSato nRSu ca kiinaashH|| kSArodadhiriva sudhiyAM caNDAlajalAzayopamaH kRtinAm / marumAlakUpakalpaH satAM ca tava deva sAMprataM scivH|| naTA viTAH kirATAzva pttuvaacaatttotkttaaH| sacive tava ceSTantAM kaTake prkttshriyH|| He wounds the pride of those who are proud, and conceals the merit of those who are meritorious, either himself or with the help of others. He is Death particularly to those who are high-born, good-natured and brave. Sire, thy minister is at the moment like the salt ocean in his dealings with persons of talent. For the virtuous he is like a Candala's tank. For the good he is like a rocky well in a desert, So long as thy minister is in office, may dancers, libertines, swindlers and glib tattlers thrive in thy camp!' (3. 216, 218, 220). Panditavaitandika reports a conversation between Villainy and his mother Deceit bearing on the character of Pamarodara : he vatsa daurjanya kimamba mAye kaH sAMprataM nAvucito nivAsaH / vadAmi mAtaH zRNu so'sti nUnaM yaH pAmarodAragirAdharAGkaH // (Deceit:) Child Villainy!' (Villainy:) What sayst thou, mother Deceit?' (Deceit:) What will now be our fitting abode ?' (Villainy :) "I say, mother, hear. There it is, a symbol of meanness, under the name Pamarodara !' (3. 224).

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156 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Sarasvatitudaga makes the final attack: svayaM kartA svayaM hartA svayaM vaktA svayaM kaviH / svayaM naTaH svayaM bhaNDo mantrI vizvAkRtistava // "Thy minister appears in an endless variety of roles. He is himself creator and destroyer both. He is himself the speaker and the poet, the dancer and the clown!' (3. 225). In addition to the verses attributed to various poets, a number of verses on the much hated ministers is interspersed in the report of the spy, the line of attack being very much the same. bahiravikRtaveSairmandamandapracArairnibhRtanayanapAtaiH sAdhutAkArasAraiH / nikRtinaya vinItai zrAntare tairamAtyaistimaya iva bakoTairvacitAH ke na lokAH // dUrAddIrdhamavekSaNaM sarabhasaH prItikramaH saMbhramaH pratyAsannamathAsanaM priyakathAcAre mahAnAdaraH / bAhyo'yaM saciveSu ceSTitavidhiH kAmaM na kaM modayeccittahA tu na jAtu mArdavamayI manye janabhyAmapi // None there is who is not deceived by these ministers, as the fishes are by the cranes. They are immaculate in outward appearance and dress, walk slowly, and cast steadfast glances. A pretence of honesty is their asset, and they are trained in their inmost hearts in the art of deception (3. 191). They look intently at a visitor even from a distance, receive him with effusive courtesy and respect, offer him a seat near themselves, and cordially indulge in pleasant talks. Who is not supremely delighted by their outward deportment? But, methinks, they have no pity in their hearts even for their mothers (3. 193). 9) MINOR THEMES OF COURT POETRY Among other verses incidental to court life may be mentioned those attributed to the Sandhivigrahins, announcing the arrival of the envoys of different princes at Yasodhara's court (3. 246-9); the verses containing the challenge of his warriors to the king of Pancala (3. 405ff); and the eulogistic verses recited by the bard Marganamalla during Yasodhara's archery practice (3. 466-72). There are also groups of verses which describe various court festivals. One such group is connected with the spring festival when the god of love is worshipped by the king. The latter is asked to put on vernal attire in a series of verses (3. 447-56), while the sport of swings which forms part of the festivities in honour of Cupid is described in the verses quoted below: navakisalayapUgIpAdapastambhazobhAH sitataruphalakAntAzokavallipratAnAH / maNikusuma dukUlolocaketuprakAntAstava nRpavara dolAH kurvatAM kAmitAni // vakraM vakramupaiti yatra nayane netrapratispardhinI vakSaH pInapayodharAgrakalanAt sollAsalIlAntaram / hastau hastasamIpavRttivalitau ja ca jaGghAzrite dolAndolanamaGganArpitabharaM tat kasya na prItaye // 'May the swings, o best of kings, fulfil thy desires! They are trees with fresh young leaves, and fitted beautiful with poles of areca

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7. YASASTILAKA AS AN ANTHOLOGY OF SANSKRIT VERSE with branching Asoka creepers with camphor wood boards attached to the ends. Charming they are with canopies and banners of silk set with flower-shaped gems. Who is not delighted by the oscillation of the swings, the women adding their weight? During the sport, mouth comes near mouth; eyes meet eyes; the heart is enraptured at the contact of the partner's high projecting bosom; hands move close to hands; and legs are entwined with legs.' (3. 447, 458). A bard named Sunasukta recites a few verses (3. 462-464) describing to the king the Festival of Lights (dipotsava): dyUtonmAditakAminI jitadhRtaprANeza cATUtkaTaH krIDadvAravilAsinIjana bhavadbhUSAvikalponnaTaH / AtodyadhvanimaGgalAravabharaNyAjRmbhitAzAmukhaH prItiM pUrNamanorathasya bhavataH puSyAt pradIpotsavaH // 'May the Festival of Lights bring delight to thee, whose desires are fulfilled! It is enlivened by the flattering words of lovers, defeated in gambling, and held fast by their mistresses, excited by the game. It is charming with the varied adornment of the courtesans, engaged in sports. The regions of the sky resound with the deep auspicious notes of instrumental music.' (3. 463). The blessings of the goddess Aparajita are invoked on the occasion of the Mabanavami festival by a bard named Vijayajaitrayudha for the victory of the king on the battlefield (3. 459-61): 157 kha khaGgatanusthitirdhanuSi ca prAptA dhanuH saMhatiM bANe bANavapurbhuje bhujamayI gAtre tanutrAkRtiH / saMgrAme'prajayAya cintitavidhau cintAmaNirbhUbhujAM yA sA syAdaparAjitA tava muhujaitrAya dhAnrIpate // 'May Aparajita contribute to thy victory oft and anon, o king! In the sword of kings she is incarnate as a Sword, and in their bow she assumes the shape of a Bow. She is incarnate as Arrow in their arrows and as Arm in their arms, and assumes the form of an armour round their bodies: she is as a Wishing Gem in fulfilling their desire for triumph in battles.' (3.459). The blessings of Sarasvati are similarly invoked during the Purvaranga ceremony in the court theatre on the occasion of dance performances, and we have here a specimen hymn to Sarasvati recited on such occasions (3. 261-268): svargesadAM vadanapadmanivAsa haMsI vidyAdharazravaNamaNDanarattrarekhA / bhUvAsamAnasavibhUSaNahArayaSTirvAgdevatA nRpa tavAtanutAM hitAni // saMdhyAsu prativAsaraM zrutiSTatirbavA praNAmAJjaliM yogasvApamupetya dugdhajaladhau zeSAzritaH zrIpatiH / zaMbhuyayati cAkSasUtravalayaM kRtvA kare'nanyadhIrdevi svaspadapaGkajadvayamidaM sarvArthakAmapradam // May the Goddess of speech confer benefits on thee, o king! She is a swan abiding in the lotus mouths of the gods; a spray of jewels adorning the ears of the Vidyadharas; a pearlstring embellishing the minds of

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158 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE mortals! Everyday at morn, noon and eve, Brahma, Visnu and Siva intently contemplate thy lotus feet that grant all objects and desires, o goddess! Brahma, by folding his hands in obeisance; Visnu that lies on the serpent Ananta in the Ocean of Milk, by resorting to Yogic trance ; and Siva, by holding in his hand a rosary of Rudraksa beads !'( 3. 264-5). h) PANEGYRICS Panegyrics are an essential feature of court poetry, and there are several of them in Yasastilaka. The following specimens are from among the verses addressed to Maradatta by the ascetic boy and the ascetic girl : kapuradrumagarbhadhUlidhavalaM yat ketakAnAM tviSaH zvetinnA paribhUya candramahasA sAdhaM pratispardhate / tat pAkonmukhamAlikerasalilacchAyAvadAtaM yazaH prAleyAcalacUlikAsu bhavato gAyanti siddhAGganAH // puSpazrIryasya tArAH phalamamRtaruciH patralakSmIryunadyAH kallolAH skandhabandho haragiriramarAmbhodhirapyAlavAlaH / kandaH zeSazca zAkhAH punarakhiladigAbhoga evaiSa sa stAtrailokyaprItihetuH kSitipa tava yazaHpAdapo'nalpakalpam // ripukulatimiranikaradAvAnala jagati tanoSi maGgalaM divi bhuvi vidizi dizi ca vibudhArcita dhAma dadhAsi saMtatam / bhuvanAmbhojasarasi mahatAM mata dizasi vibodhanazriyaM dharmavinoda bhUpa tava bhAnumatazca na kiMcidanta "The wives of the semi-divine Siddhas sing thy fame on the Himalayan peaks. White as the inner dust of camphor trees, and bright as the lustre of the milk in mature coconuts, thy fame vies with moonbeams, surpassing in whiteness the radiance of Ketakas in bloom!(1. 155). Sire, may the tree of thy fame delight the universe for endless ages! The stars are its flowers, the moon is its fruit, the ripples of the celestial Ganges are its leaves, the mount of Kailasa is its trunk, the Ocean of Milk is its watering basin, the serpent Ananta is its root, and all the regions of the sky are its branches! (1. J65). No difference is there between thee and the sun,,o king, delighting in religious virtue. Thou who art a forestfire in destroying the expanse of darkness, to wit, thy foes, thou dost good to the world. Thou who art honoured by the wise, ever dost thou radiate thy brilliance in heaven, on earth, and in the regions and corners of the sky Thou who art esteemed by the great, thou dost create the beauty of bloom in the lotuspool of the world !' (1. 169). Battle-scenes, a favourite theme of Kavya poetry, are described in Yasastilaka ( 3. 437-441): krodhaaveshprdhaavodbhttsubhttghttaavirbhvnmuulbndhstuurnntvnggtturnggaannpvnvshaaveshvistaarsaarH| AsIdatsyandanApradhvajanibhRtabharaH paryaTakuJjarendrasphAravyApArakarNAhativitatazikhaH pAMsurUvaM vyadhAvIt // The dust of the battlefield sped high, originating from the multitudes of warriors vehemently rushing forward in a paroxysm of rage, and was spread far and wide by the pantings of the swiftly galloping chargers. Masses of it were held fast by the banners on the top of the advancing

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7. YASASTILAKA AS AN ANTHOLOGY OF SANSKRIT VERSE 159 chariots, and its topmost layer was dispersed by the extensive flappings of the ears of the roving elephants ( 3. 437). II. SCENES OF NATURE Nature poetry is adequately represented in Yasastilaka, some of the descriptions being put in the mouth of the bards of Yasodhara's court and addressed to the king. While Somadeva's portrayal of natural scenery will not bear comparison with the classic descriptions of the earlier poets, it is not wanting in genuine touches which reveal the poet's sympathy with Nature and his accurate powers of observation. There are elaborate pictures of the seasons and morning and evening scenery as well as glimpses of animal life; and it may be said, on the whole, that the poet's verses on the subject often have rapidity of movement and show a comprehensive grasp of details, A large number of verses is devoted to the seasons (1. 53-68; 3. 376-387, 389-401, 425-435, 442-446). bhAsvadbhAsvati dAhavAhimaruti jvAlolbaNAzAkRti zuSyadbhUbhRti dIpyamAnaviyati preGkhanmukhAmbhodyuti / saMzuSyatsariti kvathattanumati svAntodbhavorjAhRti grISme'smin mahati kSayAmayaciti prAJcan mRtiM gacchati // In the summer the sun shines bright, the winds radiate heat, the regions of the sky are made fierce like flames, the mountains wither, the sky is ablaze, and perspiration gleams on the visage of men. The rivers dry up, the creatures are scorched, Love loses its force, and the disease of consumption prevails. A wanderer at the height of summer meets with death (3. 377). mArtaNDacaNDatApastapati marubhuvAmagnisAvaM dadhAnaH kAmaM vyomAntarANi sthagayati kimapi yoti dhAvat purastAt / urva nirdhyAmavIcIcayamiva visRjatyetadAzAntarAlaM manAGgAna nimnagAnAM payasi ca kariNaH kvAthayana vAti vaatH|| Fierce with heat, the sun doth shine, setting the deserts on fire. A mysterious luminosity, moving before the eyes, intensely pervades the regions of the sky. Yonder horizon seems to belch forth waves of vapour. The wind blows, scorching the elephants, immersed in the waters of rivers (1. 60). The king is asked to resort to the refreshing shade of the gardens in the summer: kRtakisalayazayyAH prAntacUtapratAnAH stbkrcitkuddyaasttprsuumophaaraaH| jalasaraNisamIrAsArasArAH priyANAM kucklshvikaasainirvishodyaanbhuumiiH|| Enjoy the gardens, delightful with breezes from the rivulets, accompanied by the graceful movements of the plump bosoms of thy mistresses. Beds of leaves are made in them, and mango groves are on the borders. The garden walls are made of clusters of flowers, and blossoms are strewn on the ground." (3. 378).

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE The effect of the summer heat on certain familiar birds and animals is described in the following verse: 160 madhyAhnAya vAhAzvaTulatarakhurAstotramArga tyajanti sthAnAyAnetumIzAH payasi kRtaratIn hastinI naiva miSThAH / zoSaNDaH zikhaNDI vimRzati zizirAn kandaradroNidezAn svecchaM kaccheSu cemAH kamaladalatalaM vAralAH saMkhayanti // At noon the horses quickly leave the channels of water with ever swift hooves. The keepers fail to bring home the elephants playing in the waters. The peacock, raising his beak from heat, seeks cool caves and valleys, and yonder female swans rest as they like under lotus leaves on the borders of streams (1. 61). The rainy season is brought into special connection with love and described with gusto and enthusiasm: unmArgAmbhasi meghamandanabhasi channAMzumattejasi kSubhyatsrotasi rupAntarasi sphUrjattaDidbhUyasi / kaMdapakasi mattakekimanasi premodyate cetasi kAle yAsi kathaM ca rUDhavayasi prauDhAM priyAM muJcasi // In the season when the waters overflow, the sky is overcast, the rays of the sun are obscured, the streams are in flood, the speed of wayfarers is checked, and flashes of lightning abound: in such a season, the resort of the god of love, when the peacocks' hearts are maddened, and thy own heart is eager for love, how canst thou leave thy youthful wife and go on thy travels, young as thou art ! ( 3. 389 ). utkUjacchikhinaM naTatkaraTinaM prAdurbhavacchAkhinaM krIDanekakulaM patadvahujalaM kSubhyaddharitrItalam / puSyakAmamadaM jayajjanapadaM sotsargasindhusyadaM dRTvemaM mihiraM jagatpriyakaraM kAbhyeti na strI naram // What woman doth not approach her lover at the sight of the rainclouds, delightful to the world? Now the peacocks sing, the elephants dance, the trees flourish, the frogs make merry, heavy showers come, and the earth is astir; the frenzy of love grows apace, the countryside thrives in glory, and the current of rivers gains in force (3.390). The monsoon breezes are described in several verses: kurvANAH pracalAkinAM kalaravairuttAlanRttakriyAM nyasyanto niculeSu kandaladalolA sAvakAzazriyaH / ete cAtakapotapeyanipatatvAdhaH kaNazreNayo nAtA vAmti nidAghalaGghanaghanollAghAH pradIrghAgamAH // Breezes blow, pervasive in their approach, and skilled in overcoming the summer heat. They dance wildly to the sweet notes of peacocks, and exhibit in Kadamba trees the beauty born of the rich array of shoots and leaves, and produce the raindrops the young Cataka birds drink (3.392). sphuTita kuTajarAjirmallikollAsahArI navaniculavilAsaH kandalAnandakArI / sarati ghamasamIra: sIkarAsAradhArI kRtasamadhikakAntiH ketakI kAnanAnAm !!

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7. YASASTILAKA AS AN ANTHOLOGY OF SANSKRIT VERSE A strong wind sweeps along, conveying sprays of water, and enhancing the beauty of the Ketaki groves. It makes the rows of Kutaja trees burst into bloom, and destroys the gaiety of Mallika blossoms, and makes the young Kadamba trees gay, and brings joy to Kandala flowers (3. 393). protsAlayan karaTinAM karapuSkarANi randhoddhuradhvanitakIca kakAnanAntaH / udgApayan madhukarIrnavanIpalanA vAtaH pravAti zikhitANDava pUrva raGgaH // 161 The wind blows, a prelude to the dance of peacocks, making the bees, seated on the fresh Kadamba blossoms, sing. It quickens the movements of the fore-ends of elephants' trunks; and makes the interior of the bamboo groves echo with loud sounds coming through the holes ( 3.394 ) . The pleasures of the rainy season are recounted again: zamAH kAmaprakAmAH sukavikRtikathA dohadA vAgvivAdAH saudhotsaGgAH sabhogAstaruNatarudalollAsakAntA digantAH / yasmiMzcAsAradhArisravadanaNukaNazreNisArAH samIrAH so'yaM modAya rAjanna bhavati samayaH kasya parjanyajabhyaH // Sire, who is not delighted by this season of rainclouds? Now the women burst with passion; literary quarrels take place centering round topics in the works of worthy poets; the palaces are equipped with the joys of life; the regions of the sky look charming with the gay beauty of the young leaves of trees; and the breezes are laden with thick sprays of water issuing from heavy showers ( 3.401 ). The plight of the animals in the deepening gloom of the rainy season with its floods and storms is touchingly described: meghodrIrNa patatkaThorakarakAsAratrasatsindhure paraplAvita kUlapAdapa kulakSubhyatsaritpAthasi / ambhazcaNDasamIraNAzrayazivA phetkAratAmyanmRge kAle sUcimukhAprabhedyatimiraprAyaH kSapAsaGgini // bhUyaH payaHplavanipAtitaHzailazRGge parjanyagarjitavitarjitasiMha pote / saudAmanItikalitasarvadikke ke dezamAzrayatu DimbhavatI kuraGgI // The elephants are frightened by showers of ever falling rough hailstones hurled by the clouds. The waters of the rivers heave with the trees on the banks swept away by the current. The deer languish as the jackals howl on account of violent rainstorms. In such a season when the nights are dark as pitch, where will the hind take shelter with her young? Now, the mountain peaks are hurled down by heavy floods; the lion cubs are frightened by the rumble of the rainclouds, and the regions of the sky made lurid by flashes of lightning (1.65-6 ). Winter scenery and the joys of the season are described in the following verses: ithUlAsini sasyazAlini kharaM zephAlikotphullini krauJconmAdini kundanandini ghanAzleSAGganApAdini / bhAsmandini vAtavAhini himAsArAvasannAGgina kAle kAmini dIrgharAtrighaTini prAdet kRtI ko'dhvani // tat svayameva kAmiSu nizi strINAM ghanAliGganaM yatrAyaM smarakelikAmitasamAyAmaviyAmAgamaH / yatrArdrA kaphAlibhiH paricitaH sadyaHsruto'sau rasaH prItyai kasya na sa kSitIzvarapate prAleyakAlo'dhunA // 21

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Beloved, what wise man would take the road in the season that prolongs the nights? It lessens the heat of the sun and lets loose winds, and the creatures are benumbed by snowstorms. This is the season that ripens the sugarcanes, and looks beautiful with the corn, and makes Sephalika flowers abundantly bloom; maddens Kraunca birds, cheers up Kunda blossoms, and causes women to tighten their embrace (3.431). O lord of kings, who doth not delight in the winter now? In this season the women tightly embrace their lovers of their own accord at night; and the nights are long, like the cherished joys of the sports of love. Now is also served fresh sugarcane juice flavoured with slices of raw ginger (3. 435). aefiai: Aranca aagyozensanik: 7616 azaragdagendafaafayacidara1faq171: / vidhyAtAsannavahniprasaritabhasitA pANDavaH piNDazeSAste hemante nayante tava nRpa ripavaH zarvarIM parvateSu // 162 Lean and emaciated, thy enemies, o king, pass the winter nights on the mountains, their bodies whitened by the spreading ashes of the fires dying out near them. Once did they pass the long nights in their palaces, their bodies profusely smeared with thick saffron paint, with the hands gaily placed in the bower of the bosoms of their beloved! (3. 433). The poet is fond of dilating on the severity of the winter cold and its benumbing effect on men and animals, and sets before our eyes a series of vivid little frosty scenes: siMhaH saMnihite'pi sIdati gaje zIryatkramaspandano madhyAhne'pi na jAtazaSpakavalaH prAyaH kuraGgIpatiH / varasaH kuNThitakaNThanAlavalana: pAtuM na zaktaH stanaM vaktraM naiti vibhAtakarmakaraNe pANirdvijAnAmapi // haMsI cAntarArpitabicchedAt kharaM khidyate bhUmisrastakarA kareNuravazakSIrastanI tAmyati / prAtaDimbhaviceSTituNDakalanAnnIhArakAlAgame hastanyastaphaladbhavA ca zabarI bASpAturaM roditi // ahno'rdhe'pi taraGgavAri kariNo gRhNanti rodhaH sthitA jihvAgrAdgalanAlameti na payaH siMhe satRSNe'pi ca / gmnatantansgidanfagfa q12:401: qaktarafagesterona: da a gama: 1 The lion sits idle, unable to move his feet, albeit the elephant is just near him. The antelope, as a rule, doth not take his mouthful of tender grass even at noon. The calf, with its neck inert, is unable to suck its mother's teat. Even the Brahmanas are loth to apply the hands to the mouth while performing the morning rites (1. 54). The female swan feels great pain when a piece of lotus-stalk is put in her mouth (by her mate). The she-elephant languishes, resting the trunk on the ground, with her full breasts benumbed with cold. The Sabara woman, taking some fruit juice in her hands, piteously weeps when she sees in the winter morning the inert face of her child (1. 56). Even at noon the elephants drink only wave-splashed water from the banks of rivers. Even though the lion is athirst, water doth not come down his throat from the tip of the tongue. Drops of water remain rolling between the lips of antelopes. The boar resorts to the dry pond previously dug up, and feeds on Musta grass there (1.57).

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7. YASASTILAKA AS AN ANTHOLOGY OF SANSKRIT VERSE 163 The love life of animals in the spring is described in the following verse; haMso yatra mRNAlinIkisalayairgaNDUSatoyairgajaH kokazcumbanaceSTitaH paripatan pArApataH kUjitaH / eNaH zRGgAvigharSaNairmugapatirgADhaM punaH zleSaNaiH zRGgAraprasaraprasAdihRdayaH svAM svAM priyAM sevate // In springtime the animals, their hearts gladdened by the surge of love, caress their mates, each his own; the swan with offerings of tender leaves of water-lilies, and the elephant with mouthfuls of water; the red goose with strenuous kissings, and the flying dove with cooings; the antelope with gentle scratchings with the horns; and the lion with close embraces ever and anon ( 3. 442). Geographical names are sometimes used to add a zest to natural descriptions: AmandaM pallavInAM ratirabhasabharaprAptakelIvinodAH sAmoda keralInAM mukhkmlvnaamodpaanprglbhaaH| AzaityaM kuntalInAM kucakalazarasAvAsakArAH samIrAH kAle vAnti sa tasmin kila malayalatAnatino dAkSiNAtyAH // The breezes of the south, which make the creepers on the Malaya mountain dance, blew at the time, soft, fragrant and cool. Verily these breezes delight in the vehement gaiety of love, in which the Pallava women indulge; avidly imbibe the fragrance of the lotus mouths of the women of Kerala; and linger on the perspiration on the high bosoms of the women of Kuntala (2. 69). Morning scenery is described in 3. 3-22, and moonrise in 3. 479-489. utkallolo jaladhirajaDaM nIlanIrejametanmAraH sphAraH pramadahRdayodAracArAzcakorAH / saudhotsaGgAH sapadi vihitakSIrapUrAbhiSaGgA yasyollAse sa jayati janAnandanazcandra eSaH / / ghRddhirvadhairvijayasamayaH puSpakodaNDapANeH krIDAnIDaM ratirasavidheH prANitaM paJcamasya / strINAM lIlAvagamanigamaH kAminAM kelihetuH srotaHsUtirnijamANebhuvAM deva candrodayo'yam // Yonder Moon thrives in glory, causing delight to men. When he joyously rises, the ocean surges with waves; the blue lotus comes to life, the god of love waxes strong; the Cakora hirds move freely about with delighted hearts; and the surface of palaces is forth with flooded with milk! (3. 481). Sire, this moonrise causes the ocean to swell. It is the hour of the flowerbowed Cupid's triumph. It is the pleasure resort of the sentiment of love and the life-breath of the fifth note of the gamut. It is the science that teaches women their graceful movements; the occasion for the sports of lovers; and the source of the oozing of moonstones (3. 484). Descriptions of mountains and the Sipra river occur in Book. V. The following verse is addressed to an ancient tree: pAndhaiH pallavaluNTanaM karaTibhiH skandhasya saMghaTTanaM saMbAdho haribhiH zakuntanikaraiH kSodastu kiM varNyate / kiM cAnyattava devadehasadRzastrailokyamAnyasthiterAtmIyA iva yasya yAcakajanaiH svacchandasevyAH zriyaH // Travellers pluck thy leaves; elephants shake thy trunk; monkeys harass thee; and how can the pecking by bevies of birds be described ? What else

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164 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE can be said? Divine and universally honoured as thou art, thy riches can be enjoyed at will by suppliants as if they were all their own! (Book V, p. 177). Apart from the glimpses of animal life in the account of the seasons, a considerable number of verses is devoted to the description of animals in our work. Verses in praise of horses and elephants are recited by the bards on the occasion of the presentation of the royal horse and the royal elephant to Yasodhara on the eve of his coronation. Elephants receive the first tribute of praise (2. 167-190). For example, bhaveSu durgANi jaleSu setavo gRhANi mArgeSu raNeSu raaksssaaH| #7: falcatuit To carpaq Pfare anga I 2. 176. Another series of verses is recited by the keepers on the occasion of the sports of elephants witnessed by Yasodhara (3. 291-318). The poet often succeeds in presenting a life-like picture of the animal. ucambhIkRtakarNatAlayugalaH pratyastapAMsukriyaH pratyAdiSTakareNukeliramaNa: pratyarpitAmbhoghaTaH / pAtuH prArthanayA cirAya vistAnikSUn gRhItvA kare tiSThatyanyakarIndrasaMcaramanAH kopvythaakiilitH|| The elephant stands, holding in his trunk the sugarcanes ere long seized at the instance of the keeper. He is rooted to the ground by the frenzy of wrath, his mind fixed on a rival; and the flat ears stand firm and erect. He hath given up playing with dust and renounced the joy of sports with his mate and repelled the pot of water set before him (3. 293). Horses receive their share of praise in 2. 191-208. For example, kadanakandukakelivilAsinaH parabalaskhalane paridhA hyaaH| sakalabhUvalayekSaNadRSTayaH samarakAlamanorathasiddhayaH // Perhaps more interesting are certain individual verses on other animals. A simple yet faithful description of a dog occurs in Book V: nirmAsAmyaH kapilanayanaH svalpatIkSNAprakarNaH kukSikSAmaH pRthulajadhanaH puurnnvkssHprdeshH| dugdhasnigdhapravanudazanaH sArameyo mahIzAmAkheTAya prajavacaraNaH kiMcidAbhumavAlaH // The same Book contains the following vivid picture of a huge buffalo: rakamAntavilolalocanayugaH prothapratiSTAnanaH protkUNAmaviSANabhISaNavapurnIlAanAdiprabhaH / utkarNaH pRthukandharo gurukhuraH sthUlatrikoraHsthalaH sA mRtvA kamanIyabAladhirabhUcchAgI punaH kaasrH|| The she-goat, after death, was reborn as a buffalo with a fine hairy 1. His eyes were nimble and fringed with red, and the mouth firmly based on the snout. He resembled a mountain of blue collyrium with a body inade fierce by the horns curved at the extremities. He had erect ears, broad shoulders, massive hooves, and fleshy breast and buttocks ( Book V, p. 224). Epitaphs on animals do not seem to occur in Kavga poetry, and the following mournful verses on a favourite peacock and a dog, uttered

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7. YASASTILAKA AS AN ANTHOLOGY OF SANSKRIT VERSE 165 by the king on their death, belong to a type rare in Sanskrit literature, prAsAdamaNDanamaNI ramaNIvinode kriiddaavniidhrshilaatlcitrlekhe| ko nAma kelikaratAlavidhi vadhUnAM nRttAnugaM svayi kariSyati kIrtizeSe // (Addressed to the peacock): Thou wast the oramental gem of the palace and the joy of the ladies, and gleamed like a picture on the rocks of the pleasure hill. Who will dance to the joyous clapping of hands by the damsels, since thou art dead?' siMhaH sukhaM nivasatAdacalopakaNThe sotkaNThameNanicayazcaratAt sthalISu / satvAH pare'pi vipine vikasantvazakaM nAkaM gato'yamadhunA nanu vishvkduH|| Verily this dog is gone to heaven. Let the lion now live happily on the mountain slope. Let the deer graze on the fields with zest. Let other animals, too, move about freely in the woods without fear (Book V, p. 192). The commotion of the animals in the Sipra river, caused by the inroad of an army of fishermen, equipped with boats, nets and spears, is graphically described in the following verse : uDInANDajaDimbhamAkulabhavazAlIkinIkAnanaM kulottAlabilAntarAlacalanaglAnAlagarbhikam / prAyaHpatilagartagarvaramilahauleyabAlaM muhustasrotaH kaluSIbabhUva vivazamAhaM vigaahtttH|| Then the rolling waters of the river became turbid ever more, with the alligators lying helpless. The young birds flew about, and the waterlilies swayed to and fro. The young water-snakes, briskly moving about on the bank, languished after running into the holes. The young turtles mingled with the buffaloes in the muddy hollows (Book V, p. 217). III. Tax CREMATION-GROUND One of the most elaborate and comprehensive descriptions in Yasastilaka is that of the cremation-ground in the opening chapter, in which the sterner aspects of Nature are brought into play, and the entire description is of a kind not fully met with in Kavya literature. The reader is at once reminded of the picture of the cremation-ground in Malatimadhava, but the aim of Bhavabhuti is to evoke horror, while that of Somadeva is to excite pity, and the verses are appropriately put in the 1 Cf. the commemorative inscription mentioned in Chapter V, p. 123. It has been pointed out that the preface to the Histories of Orosius (417-18 A. D.) 'has a charm of its own, for it is one of the few places in ancient literature where dogs are mentioned with feeling.' In early Greek poetry we have the epitaph of Simonides on the hound Lycas whose white bones lying in the tomb are still a terror to the wild beasts. The poet refers to the mountain landscape in which the hound ran while alive, "Thy worth is well-known to tall Pelion and far-seen Ossa and the lonely peaks of Cithseron," Fragment 142, Diehl: Anthologia Lyrica V, p. 113.

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166 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE mouth of the Jaina sage Sudatta. The delineation of the horrid scene is followed by the thoughts provoked by the sight of the decomposing corpse of a young woman, and specially by the contrast between beauty and present condition. The decaying body is described limb by limb; and while the description of the scene of desolation shows graphic power, that of the dead woman is overdone, and lapses into wearisome details, although there are some beautiful verses which recount her former charms, Some of the verses in which the cremation-ground is described are cited below: ardhadagdhazavalezalAlasairbhaNDanodbhaTaraTadgalAntaraiH / kAlakelikarakautukodyatairvizvakaDhubhirupadrutAntaram // zyenakulaM ghUkakulaM droNakulaM zvakulabhaNDanAdrItam / zavapizitaprAzavazAdivi bhuvi ca samAkulaM purtH|| The place is overrun by dogs eager to devour the fragments of half-burnt bodies. They are busy fighting and loudly bark and indulge in a pastime delightful to the god of death. And in the foreground, flocks of hawks, owls and ravens, scared away by the fighting of the dogs, throng in disorder on the earth and in the sky in the hope of feeding on the flesh of the corpses (1. 13-4). gRdhrAghrAtasamAMsakIkasarasasrAvotpathAH pAdapAH pretopAntapatatpatantriparuSaprAyAH pradezA dishH| ga Tautas*93ztufese: ta: daga frutat xafaat: 11 The trees are polluted by the oozings from the fleshy bones swallowed by the vultures, and tho topmost branches are blown away by violent gales. The environs are made repulsive by the birds flocking round the dead, and on every side spreads the smoke of funeral pyres, resembling in colour age-worn doves (1, 85). ___ kAlAgnirudraniTilekSaNadurnirIkSAH kInAzahomahutavAhavirukSavIkSAH / dAhagavacchavavapuHsphuTadasthimadhyaprArabdhazabdakaThinA dahanAzcitAnAm // The flames of the funeral pyres are hard to look at, like the eye on Siva's forehead at the time of the universal fire of destruction, and present a gruesome sight, like a ceremonial fire in which oblations are offered to the god of death. They are harshly loud with the sound produced within the cracking bones of the dead bodies dissolved by the fire (1. 86). bhrazyaccharIrazavazIrNazirojasAraH kuthysklevrkrngkhtprcaarH| dagdhArdhadehamRtakAgnimayaprabandho vAtaH karoti kakubho'zubhagandhabandhAH // The wind fills the regions of the sky with a noxious smell. It is laden with the falling hair of decomposing dead bodies, and checked in its onrush by the skeletons of putrid corpses, and fans the flames clinging to the halfburnt bodies of the dead (1. 88). 1 A brief description of a cremation-ground occurs in Ksemesvara's Candakausika Act IV.

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7. YASASTILAKA AS AN ANTHOLOGY OF SANSKRIT VERSE 167 yAnyutsaveSu kRtinAM kRtamaGgalAni vAdyAni modijanageyanirargalAni / tAnyeva zokavazabandhuravoddharANi nardanti saMsthitavatAM virasasvarANi // Those very musical instruments, which on festive occasions accompany, unimpeded, the songs of joyous crowds, and prove auspicious to the lucky, sound harsh when they mourn the dead, loud as they are with the wailings of kinsmen stricken with grief (1. 89). dantotkIliptazuSkakIkasakalAkIloddalattAlukAH knntthaantHprvilgnshsyshklodgaalskhltkukssyH| pretaprAntapurANapAdapapatarapatrapraduSyadRzaH prabhrAmyantyavizaGkapheskRtikSIbAH zivAH soddhavAH / / The jackals roam about, full of joy and maddened by their own fearless howls. Their palates are pierced by the nail-like fragments of the dry bones stuck fast in the jaws, and their bellies quiver as they spit out pieces of bones sticking in the throat; while their eyes are troubled by the leaves falling from the age-worn trees alongside of the corpses (1. 94). Sudatta then gives vent to his feelings at the sight of the dead body of the woman, apparently a courtesan: yA pUrva smarakelicAmararuciH karNAvataMsotpalazliSTendindirasundaradyutirabhUdgaNDasthalImaNDanam / seyaM kuntalavallarI pitRvane vAteritA sAMprataM dhUlIdhUsaritA dadhAti visaratsaMmArjanIceSTitam // This lock of hair used to adorn her cheeks and looked like a fly-whisk during the sports of love and beautifully gleamed like bees clinging to lotus ear-ornaments. Driven along by the wind and grey with dust, it now does the work of a moving broom in the cremation-ground: (1.95). ___ kastUrikAtilakapatravicitritazrIryo'bhUnmRgAGkasamakAntirayaM kpolH| so'dyacchavi vahati vAyasabAlabhuktaH kothapradIrNatanutumbaphalopameyAm // The cheek that was gaily embellished with ornamental designs of musk paint, and gleamed like the moon, is now pecked by young crows, and looks like a gourd lacerated by disease! (1. 99). yA kaumudIva sarasIva mRNAlinIva lakSmIriva priyasakhIva vilAsinIva / taistairguNairajani sA sutanuH prajAtA pretAvanIvanavazA vivazA vraakii|| By dint of manifold merits, the fair maid was like the light of the moon, like a pool of water, like a water-lily, like the goddess of wealth, loved friend, like an elegant lady. She is now wretched and forlorn, ]ying helpless in the wilderness of the cremation-ground (1.113). yAmantareNa jagato viphalAH prayAsA yAmantareNa bhavanAni vanopamAni / yAmantareNa hatasaMgati jIvitaM ca tasyAH prapazyata janAH kSaNamekamaGgam // AzliSTaM paricumbitaM paramitaM yadAgaromAJcitaistatsaMsArasukhAspadaM vapurabhUdevaMdazAgocaram / zIryacarmacayaM patatpalabhara bhrazyacchirApaJjaraM vyasyatsaMdhibalaM galanalakulaM kuthyaratrasAjAlakam // Without her, the toil of the world seems to be in vain. Without ler, the houses look like the woods. Without her, life loses its meaning.

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168 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Ye folks, behold her body for a moment. The source of mundane joys, her body used to be clasped, kissed and enjoyed by men thrilled with passion. But it is now reduced to such a plight. The skin is torn to shreds, the flesh is falling off, and the network of veins is loosening. The strength of the joints is gone, the bones are crumbling to pieces, and the sinews are putrescent (1. 121-122). With the above pictures may be compared that of Amrtamati, stricken with a fell disease after her crime. Somadeva depicts the gruesome to excite our pity. bhalikulamidaM lUtAtantupratAnavidhUsaraM manasijadhanurjAtaM jIryattanusthiti pijanam / kuvalayavanaM dhatte dainyaM davAgnisamAzrayaM dhuNadarabharabhrasyatstambhaprabhAvamabhUdvapuH // The hair, once dark as a swarm of bees, has turned grey as the threads of & cobweb. The eyebrows, once like Cupid's bow, resemble a dilapidated bow for cleansing cotton. The eyes, once blue lotus blossoms, look miserable, as if within grasp of a forest fire; and the body resembles a worm-eaten pillar, about to crumble' (Book V, p. 223). IV. OTHER DESCRIPTIONS Somadeva's power of portraying the terrible is illustrated in the picture of Candamari, which looms large in the opening chapter of the work. Sound echoes the sense in the powerful description of the goddess in 1. 137. JOHITTATIFZ72182faxafectat sahi yasamaTUZITEGIFFITI daityadhvaMsapramodo ravidhutakarAbhogakharvagirINi sphArAghAtAnipAtocchaladudadhijalAnyuddhatodvelitAni // The impetuous movements of the goddess are such that the waters of the ocean are splashed by the heavy impact of her feet; and the moon ( on her forehead) is terrified by the horrid mass of her matted hair, entwined with madly excited serpents; while the bells of her club ring out as the human skulls, swaying at her side, move to and fro; and the mountains are laid low by her massive hands as she vehemently waves them in an outburst of joy at the destruction of the demons. Among other descriptions may be mentioned those of the city of Ujjayini (2. 14-29) and of king Yasorgha (2. 31-53). There is a good description of child life in 2. 82-90, which testifies to Somadeva's accurate observation and love of children, and is all the more interesting, as such descriptions are by no means common in Kavga literature. ambAM tAta iti bravIti pitaraM cAmbeti saMbhASate dhAtrIpUrvaniveditAni ca padAnyoktito jalpati / zikSAlApavidhau prakupyati to nAste sthiro'yaM vacid vyAhUto na zRNoti dhAvati punaH pratyutthitaH satvaram // 1 Lit.: pillar crumbling owing to the accumulation of worn-holes,

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7. YASASTILAKA AS AN ANTHOLOGY OF SANSKRIT VERSE 169 The child addresses the mother as 'daddy' and the father as 'mammy'. He half utters the words first taught by the nurse. He becomes angry when an effort is made to teach him, and nowhere keeps still when held. He never listens when summoned. He slips and rises quickly and runs again (2.90). tadnehaM vanameva yatra zizavaH khelanti na prAGgaNe teSAM janma vRthaiva locanapathaM yAtA na yeSAM sutAH / teSAmaGgavilepanaM ca nRpate paGkopadehaiH samaM yeSAM dhUli vidhUsarAtmajarajazcarcA na vakSaHsthale // Verily the house where no children play in the courtyard is a jungle. Futile is their birth who have seen no children of their own. Beauty-paint, oking, is like a smearing of mud for those whose bosoms are not bedaubed with the dust transmitted by their children, grey.with dust (2.88). Descriptions of female beauty, so common in Kavya poetry, are few and far between in Yasastilaka owing to the very nature of the plot. We may here cite two of the verses spoken by Varisena, unable to forget his young wife even after he has renounced the world: alakavalayaramyaM bhUlatAnartakAntaM navanayanavilAsaM cArugaNDasthalaM ca / madhuravacanagarbha rabimbAdharAyAH purata iva samAste tanmukhaM me priyAyAH // lIlAvilAsavilasannayanotpalAyAH sphArassarottaralitAdharapallavAyAH / uttuGgapIvarapayodharamaNDalAyAstasyA mayA saha kadA nanu saMgamaH syAt // The watersports of young women in the Sipra river are described in the following verse in Book V: bhrazyatkarNavataMsakAH saralitaprAntapralambAlakAH zIryatkajalalocanAH priglgnnddsthliicndnaaH| utkampastanamaNDalAH pravilasallIlAjabAhAkulAH kIDanti sma purAGganAH priyatamairAsevyamAnA iva // A graceful picture of women adorned with floral decorations occurs in the description of the summer in Book III: vikacavicakilAlIkIrNalolAlakAnAM kurabakamukulasraktArahArastanInAm / darajaraThadalApraiH pallavaizRtajAtenupa kimapi kaSAyaM yoSitAM cumba vaktram // Kiss, o king, the mouths of women redolent with mango shoots with slightly hardening tips. The agile curls of their hair are studded with fullblown Vicakila blossoms, and wreaths of Kurabaka buds and radiant pearlstrings adorn their bosoms (3. 379). A number of playful verses occurs in connection with the description of moonrise on the subject of the conventional viraha of young women such as are frequently found in the Mabakavyas, and it is interesting to find that the Jaina monk proves himself an adept in dealing with such topics. The following verses contain what is known as dutivakya, but are attributed in our work, as in so many other cases, to bards attached to Yasodhara's court. grISmasthalAlila mitaM zvasitaM nitAntamudyAnasAriNisamasrutirazrupUraH / AnartitastanataTAstatra kAnta kopAkaNThe ca mArutalavAH saravAH priyAyAH // 22

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170 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE The sighs of thy beloved, o lover, are utterly like desert winds; her tears flow like a garden rivulet; and owing to her wrath her sobs are loud and shake the bosom ( 3, 496). bhrAtastvadviraheNa saMjvarabharAdasyAH saraHsaMgame pAthaHkAthavidheryadadbhutamabhUdetattadAkarNyatAm / uDDInaM muhuraNDajaistimi kulastIre sthitaM dUrataH zINa zaivalimaJjarIbhirabhitaH kSINaM kssnnaacaambujaiH|| Listen, o brother, to the miracle of how the waters boiled when she entered the waters of the pool, suffering from grievous heat owing to her separation from thee! The birds flew off again and again; the fish kept to the shore at a distance; the offshoots of the moss were torn to shreds all around; and the lotus blossoms withered in a moment! (3. 497). tava subhaga viyogAt paJcaSairapyahobhirmanasijazaradIrghAH zvAsadhArAH sudatyAH / smaravijayapatAkAspardhinI vakAntistanuratanudhanuAtAnavaM cAtanoti // Beautiful lover, in less than a week, owing to her separation from thee, the fair maid's sighs lengthened like Cupid's arrows; the complexion turned white as Cupid's triumphal banner; and the body became lean as Cupid's bowstring ! (3. 498). kedaM kAzya ka ca manasijasphAravANaprahAraH kArya tApaH kva ca niravadhirbASpapUrapracAraH / kaiSA mUrchA ka ca kucapaTaprezaNazvAsakalpaH kAsau lajjA ka ca mRgazazcitrameSa prjlpH|| What a great contrast between the emaciation of the fair maid's body and the continuous hitting by Cupid's arrows! Between her heat and the unceasing flood of her tears! Between her swoon and the sighs that shake her robe! Between her bashfulness and the words uttered at random ! Strange it is all! (3, 502) bandhuprArthanatastvayi smRti nizAvezAttayA mugdhayA dattazcakSuSi yAvakaH kRtamidaM bimbAdhare kajalam / kaNThe kAJciguNo'rpitaH parihito hAro nitambasthale keyUraM caraNe dhRtaM viracitaM haste ca hijIrakam // Begged by her friends ( to decorate herself ), the foolish girl, owing concentration of the night-like train of her thoughts on thee, applied red lac paint to the eyes and collyrium to the ruddy lips; wore the girdle round the neck and the neck-lace on the hips; and fastened the bracelets to the feet and the anklets to the hands! (3. 503). kAmasyaitatparamiha raho yanmanaHprAtikUlyaM tasmAdeSa jvalati nitarAmaGgamAdhurya hetuH / kAmaM kAntAstadanu rasikAH prItaye kasya na syustatrAsvAdaH ka iva hi sakhe yA na pakkA mRNAlyaH // Love's great secret it is on earth: it blazes up on account of disappointment of hopes, lending grace to women's physical charms. Fair women then become subject to intense passion, and who would not delight in them? What is their flavour like, o friend?' They are just tender water-lilies!' (3. 506). 1 Red paint is applied to the lips and collyrium to the eyes.

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7. YASASTILAKA AS AN ANTHOLOGY OF SANSKRIT VERSE 171 VI. DIDACTIC VERSES As in other Kavya works, didactic verses are interspersed in Yasastilaka, and occasionally contain balanced expression of the wisdom of life and bring into relief human traits with remarkable fidelity and insi The specimens cited here are classified according to the subject dealt with by them. THE GODDESS OF WEALTH tAtastAvajaDanidhirabhUt sodaraH kAlakUTaH kRSNe yasyAH praNayaparatA paGkajAte ratizca / lakSmyAstasyAH sakalanRpatisvairiNIvRttibhAjaH kaH premAndho bhavatu kRtdhiilokviplaavikaayaaH|| What wise man will blindly fall in love with the subversive goddess of wealth, a harlot kept by all the kings? The Ocean ("the abode of waters', also the abode of folly') is her father, and the Kalakuta poison her brother. She loves Krsna, the Black, and is fond of the mud-born lotus (2. 160)." asallokAnurodhena sallokopekSaNena ca / vyAlazailAntarAlAGgI kuraGgIvAkSamA ramA // The goddess of wealth is helpless, like a hind placed between a wild elephant on one side and a mountain on the other, because she favours the wicked and neglects the good (3. 177). TRANSIENT CHARACTER OF LIFE AND ITS JOYS mAyAsAmrAjyavaryAH kavijanavacanaspardhimAdhuryadhuryAH svamAptaizvaryazobhAH kuhknymyaaraamrmyottraabhaaH| parjanyAgArasArAstridivapatidhanubandhurAzca svabhAvAdAyulAvaNyalakSmyastadapi jagadidaM citramatraiva saktam // It is strange that the world is attached to life, beauty and wealth. They are but magnificent as a phantom empire, supremely sweet as the words of poets, beautiful as treasure obtained in dreams, charmingly resplendent like a magic garden, lovely as a mansion of clouds, and, by nature, delightful only as a rainbow (1. 124). mAyArAmasamA ramA sukhamidaM duHkhAvalekhonmukhaM svamAlokanayaH suhRtparicayaH kAntaH kRtAnte hitaa| utsAho'pi ca dehagehaviSayo yaH so'pyanityodayastatvAlokaviluptacittatamasA puMsAM bhaghedutsavaH // Prosperity is like a magic garden, and pleasure is liable to be marred by pain, Friendship is like the vision of a dream, and a beloved woman is but an aid to Death. Even the zeal for the mansion of the body has merely transient results. Joy is for those who have destroyed the darkness of their minds with the light of the Truth (Book V). PROPER USE OF WEALTH labdhA api zriyo yAnti puMsAM bhoktamajAnatAm / abaddhAH kuJjarendrANAM pulAkA iva hstgaaH|| Riches, even though acquired by men who know not how to enjoy them, are lost for ever, like the loose grains of boiled rice seized by mighty elephants with their trunks (3.78 ). 1 The reference is to the legend of Laksmi emerging during the churning of the ocean. Jadanidhi is purposely used for jalanidhi. Kisna stands for Visnu, the consort of Laksmi. Somadeva rarely uses such devices in his verse.

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172 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE of those kings, who evin THE CURSE OF DEPENDENCE satyaM dUre viharati samaM sAdhubhAvena puMsAM dharmazcittAt saha karuNayA yAti dezAntarANi / pApaM zApAdiva ca tanute nIcavRttena sAdha sevAvRtteH paramiha paraM pAtakaM nAsti kiMcit // saujanyamaitrIkaruNAmaNInAM vyayaM na cedbhatyajanaH karoti / phalaM mahIzAdapi naiva tasya yato'rthamevArtha nimittamAhuH // No greater sin is there on earth than earning one's livelihood by serving others. Truth with honesty wanders far away from such men, and piety with compassion departs elsewhere from their hearts; while their sin increases with meanness, as if under a curse. Unless the servants of a king barter away the gems of courtesy, good will and kindness, they are never rewarded by him, for, as is said, money alone begets money' (1. 130-131). THE USE OF POETS rAjannazeSaviSayAtizayaprasUtau yeSAM mahAkavikRtau na manISitAni / teSAM zrutI ca rasanAM ca manazca manye vAgdevatAvihitazApamivezvarANAm // Sire, Sarasvati's curse, I ween, is on the ears, tongues and minds nose kings, who evince no desire for the works of great poets, which create supreme beauty in an infinite range of themes ( 3. 275). ELOQUENCE yathAvarahite paMsi vathA zauryaparigrahaH / tathopanyAsahInasya tathA shaastrprigrhH| sphurantyapi manaHsindhau zAstraratnAnyanekazaH / vacoguNavihInAni bhUSayanti na sanmanaH // vidyAnAM sphuritaM prItyai strINAM lAvaNyavarahiH / antarbhavatu vA mA vA kiM vicArairatIndriyaiH // The bravery of a person without weapons is useless; just so the mastery of the Sastras is futile in the case of a person without eloquence. The gems of learning may flash in plenty in the ocean of one's mind, but, without eloquence, they can never edify the minds of the wise. Like the beauty of women, the outward manifestation of learning causes The inner existence of either matters little. What is the use of investigating things beyond the range of the senses? ( 3. 372-78). FIVE GREAT SINS svAmidrohaH strIvadho bAlahiMsA vizvastAnAM ghAtamaM liGgabhedaH / prAyeNaitatpaJcakaM pAtakAnAM kuryAt sadyaH prANinaH prAptaduHkhAn / Hostility to one's master, killing a woman, injury to children, killing those who have been assured of safety, and divulgation of secrets: these five sins nearly always bring swift misery to sentient beings (Book V). THE RAISON D'ETRE OS AHIMSA yatparatra karotIha sukhaM vA duHkhameva vA / vRddhaye dhanavahattaM svasya tajAyate'dhikam // 1 Tho icoa sooms to be that unless the employees of a king bring him money by fair means or foul, they are never rewarded by him.

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7. YASASTILAKA AS AN ANTHOLOGY OF SANSKRIT VERSE 173 The pleasure or pain which a man causes to others in this life is like money lent on interest: it becomes his in a greater measure (Book VII, section 24). VALUE OF DIRECTING POWER svayaM viSamarUpo'pi saMghAtaH kAryakRdbhavet / adhiSThAtuH prayatnena yathA hasto'samAGguliH // Like the hand which has unequal fingers, a combination of things, although composed of unequal elements, proves effective by dint of the master's effort (3. 120). VALUE OF CO-OPERATION asahAyaH samarthA'pi na jAtu hitasiddhaye / vahnirvAtavihIno hi busasyApi na dIpakaH // Even an able man can never do any good without the help of others Fire, without air, cannot burn even chaff (3.228). THE PROPER ATTITUDE TOWARDS ENEMIES anunayata vadata madhuraM yatkArya tadapi mAnase kuruta / rauti kalaM hi mayaraH saviSaM ca bhajaGgamaM dazati // mUga vahati loko'yaM yathA dagdhumihendhanam / anuzIlya kSayaM neyastathArAtirmahAtmanA / prAyaH saralacittAnAM jAyate vipdaagmH| RjuryAti yathA chedaM na vakraH pAdapastathA // Conciliate thy enemy and speak to him sweet words, but at the same time carry out what thou hast planned in thy mind. The peacock sings sweetly, but feeds on venomous serpents. Just as fire-wood is carried by. men on their heads in order to burn it, similarly, in the world, a highspirited person should first conciliate an enemy and then destroy him. It is. as a rule, straightforward people who fall into danger. It is not possible to cut a crooked tree with the same ease as a straight one (Book IV). VALUE OF REPORT abudhe'pi budhodgAre prAjJAnujJA vijRmbhate / saMskartuH kauzalAdeti yataH kAco'pi ratnatAm // Aramani vivekavikalaH prasiddhimAtreNa rajyate sakalaH / kairava iva kamale'pi hi na zrIH pUjyaM tathApyakham // Even if a fool is called wise by all, the wise concur therein. Even glass becomes jewel owing to the craftsman's skill. All men, lacking in discernment, like a thing, simply because it is reported to be good. The goddess of wealth abides neither in the day-lotus nor in the night-lotus; yet the day-lotus is honoured (because it is said to be her abode ) (3. 181-82). A SECRET OF SUCCESS kAryArthino hi lokasya kimanyAcAracintayA / dugdhArthI kaH pumAnAma gavAcAraM vicArayet // It is useless for people who seek to gain their ends to study the ways of others. Who ever investigates the ways of cows in need of milk ? ( 3. 231). WHAT IS NOT PROFITABLE TO PHYSICIANS AND MINISTERS yo svAsthyAya samIhete vyAdhitasya nRpasya ca / svArthasiddhi niroddhArau dhigUdhikU to vaidymtrinnau|

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Fie, fie on the physician and the minister who strive for the health and well-being of a patient and a king respectivly, since they thereby stand in the way of their own profit! (3. 187). 174 THE RIGHT THING IN THE RIGHT PLACE tejastejasvinAM sthAne dhRtaM dhRtikaraM bhavet / karAH sUryAzmavadbhAnoH kiM sphuranti hatAzmani // The might of the mighty produces happy results when exerted in the proper place. The rays of the sun do not flash on gravel as they do on sunstones (3. 178). THE USE OF OPPORTUNITIES ajJAnabhAvAdathavA pramAdAdupekSaNAdvAtyayabhAji kArye / puMsaH prayAso viphalaH samasto gatodake kaH khalu setubandhaH // All one's efforts are useless, once an opportunity is lost owing to ignorance or error or negligence. What is the use of a bridge after a flood has subsided? (Book IV). ENDURANCE mArdavAdhikataraM kaladhautaM tApatADanasahaM ca nisargAt / evameva vapuruttamapuMsAM saMpadAM ca vipadAM ca sahiSNu // Gold is extremely soft, and yet, by nature, capable of bearing heat and pounding. Likewise, the bodies of the ablest men are capable of enduring privation as well as ease (Book V). CHARACTERISTICS OF YOUTH yasmin rajaH prasarati skhalitAdivoccairAndhyAdiva prabalatA tamasazcakAsti / satvaM tirobhavati bhItamivAGgajAnestadyauvanaM vinaya sajjanasaMgamena // In youth ill-fame spreads far and wide as if from sin; deep-rooted ignorance reigns as if from blindness; and patience vanishes as if frightened by Cupid's fire. Control thy youth by association with the good (2. 161). A THIEF SUSPECTS ALL AtmanIva paratrApi prAyaH saMbhAvanA jane / yadastenAdapi stenaH svadoSAt parizaGkate // People, as a rule, suppose others to be just like themselves. A thief, on account of his own wickedness, suspects another, even though he is not a thief (3. 121). CONJUGAL FIDELITY IS RARE suratarahasyaM puMsAM yadi bhavati svAsu deva yoSAsu / kimiti zrIratimando govindo balavIlolaH // Sire, if the inmost eortic desires of men were confined to their own wives, why should Krsna, averse to Laksmi's love, run after cowherd maids? (3. 204). ADVICE TO OTHERS vicakSaNaH kiM tu paropadeze na svasya kArya sakalospi lokaH / netraM hi dUre'pi nirIkSamANamAtmAvaloke va samarthameva //

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7. TASASTILARA AS AN ANTHOLOGY OF SANSKRIT VERSE 175 All men are expert in giving advice to others, but not in doing their alloted work. The eye can see even distant objects, but not itself (Book IV). FATAL TEMPTATION kiM nAsti palaM salile yena tibhiH sAdaro galAhAre / prAyeNa hi dehabhRtAM tatrAsaktiyato mRtyuH / / Is there no other food in the waters that a fish eagerly swallows the bait? Creatures are, as a rule, attached to objects that cause their death (3. 231 ). FORCE OF ASSOCIATION pUjyamalaM zriyaH saGgAjyeSThAyAzca na kairavam / prAyo jane'nyasaMsargAguNitA doSitApi ca // . The day lotus is esteemed for its association with the goddess of wealth, but not the night lotus for its association with the goddess Jyestha'. Merit and blemish among men depend invariably upon the company they keep (3. 118). saMsargeNa guNA api bhavanti doSAstadadbhutaM naiva / sthitamadhare ramaNInAmamRtaM cetAMsi kaluSayati // It is not strange that even merits turn into blemishes owing to the force of association. The nectar that is in women's lips corrupts the hearts of men (1. 79). REASON Irte yuktiM yadevAtra tadeva paramArthasat / yadAnudIptivattasyAH pakSapAto'sti na kvacit // Whatever in this world conforms to Reason is really true, for, like the rays of the sun, Reason is partial to none (Book VI, p. 270). VII. ATTACKS ON WOMEN Numerous attacks on women occur in Yasastilaka in prose and verse, and this is explained partly by the very nature of the plot and partly by the fact that such attacks are frequent in Jaina literature owing to the stress laid on asceticisin and abstention from pleasures. Attacks in verse occur in works like Gunabhadra's Atmanusasana, hacandra's Jnanarnava, Amitagati's Subhasitaratnasamdoha (both censure and praise), and in Hemacandra's commentary on his Yogasastra 2. 105. A. notable instance of such attacks in Jaina canonical literature is found in Tandula-Veyaliya, one of the Painnas, wherein women are decried in prose and verse. It should, however, be noted that the character of women is sometimes painted in dark colours in non-Jaina works as well, for example, in the Mahabharata (Anusasanaparva, chap. 38). Num 1 For Jyestha see Chap. XV.

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176 below': YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Specimens of Somadeva's deprecatory verses on women strISu sAkSAdviSaM dRSTau na sarpeSviti me manaH / taddRSTa eva loko hi dRzyate bhasmatAM gataH // Verily there is poison in the eyes of women, I ween, and not in the eyes of serpents. Men, indeed, are seen to be reduced to 'ashes' as soon as they are looked at by women (Book IV). devairmanuSyairatha rAkSasaivAM nisargato gUDhatarapracArA / IdRktayA jJAtumiyattayA vA na zakyate strIjanacittavRttiH // Neither gods nor men nor demons are able to ascertain or fathom the naturally inscrutable working of a woman's mind. Ibid. yathocchikhaNDA maNDUkyo lokaviplavahetavaH / tathA striyaH svabhAvena bhartRvyasana tatparAH // Just as crested tadpoles bring calamity to men, similarly women, by nature, set themselves to cause disaster to their husbands. Ibid, The irresistible temptation offered by women and the bewildering effect of their charms are emphasized in the following verses: kSINastapobhiH kSapitaH pravAsairvidhyApitaH sAdhu samAdhitoyaiH / tathApi citraM jvalati smarAgniH kAntAjanApAGgavilokanena // are cited The fire of passion is weakened by austerities, attenuated by travelling, and effectively quenched by the waters of meditation. Yet, strange it is, it flares up at the sight of women's glances (1. 72). tAvattapo vapuSi cetasi tatvacintA kAmaM hRSIkaviSaye paramaH zamazca / yAca pazyati mukhaM mRgalocanAnAM zRGgAravRttibhirudAhRtakAmasUtram // The body undergoes austerities, and the mind meditates on the Truth, and perfect calm prevails over the senses, only so long as a man does not behold the visage of fair women, which, by its amorous play, illustrates the lessons of the science of love (1. 73). zrotraM zruto harati vIkSaNamIkSyamANazcittaM smRtaH kRtasamAgatiraGgakAni / prANAn punaH praNayavAn viyuto ratiM ca loke tathApi vanitAjana eva yatraH // faculty of hearing. Looked Remembered, they captivate Women, when heard of, deprive one of the at, they deprive one of the power of seeing. the mind; and embraced, they disable the limbs. When in love, they take away one's life; and when separated, they take away one's joy. Yet women are the goal of all efforts in the world (1.74). 1 Somadeva's reasoned views on the subject present an entirely different picture. See Chap. V. Misogynistic traits appear also in other literatures of a bygone age, and have been inspired by different motives. In Italian Renaissance literature, for instance, the current abuse of women, in which Petrarch no less than Alberti and Boccaccio indulged, seems to have been a scholastic survival of the coarse and ignorant literature of the medieval clergy'. Symonds: Renaissance in Italy, Vol. IV, p. 184 (1937 ed.).

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7. YASASTILAKA AS AN ANTHOLOGY OF SANSKRIT VERSE 177 tAvadravo gaNyAstAvat svAdhyAyadhIrataM cetaH / yAvanna manasi vanitAdRSTiviSaM vizati puruSANAm // Teachers are obeyed, and the mind is prone to study, only so long as the poison of women's glances does not enter into the hearts of men (1. 76). ____ tAvat pravacanaviSayastAvat paralokacintanopAyaH / yAvattaruNIvibhramahRtahRdayo na prajAyeta // The scriptures maintain their jurisdiction, and it is possible to ponder on the other world, only so long as a man's heart is not enthralled by a maiden's charms (1.7). VIII. METRES No attempt is made here to analyse the metres used by Somadeva in his verses. He uses, as a rule, the ordinary metres employed in Kavya poetry, and it will be sufficient to point out a few special features, the most notable of which is the adaptation of certain Prakrit metres to the require. ments of Sanskrit poetry. Duvai or Dvipadi is a Prakrit metre, of which each foot consists of one gana of six matras, five ganas of four matras, and one long syllable at the end; the second and sixth ganas may be gurumadhya (~-~) or sarvalaghs (~~~~). The metre is frequently used in Apabhramsa poetry, and Somadeva employs it in several verses of Yasastilaka (1. 167, 169; 3. 9, 17, 18, 313, etc). For example, pUrva sarasakarajarekhAkRtiradhararucistato ravista danu ca ghusaNapiNDakhaNDadyutirabacayacchavistataH / punarayamaruNaratnamukurazrIrudayati rAganirbharaiH kurvan kakubhi kakubhi bandhUkamayImiva sRSTimaMzubhiH // 3. 17 shtmkhdhaamhemkumbhaatirindrsmdrvidmstmbstimitkaantirhrutsvsmysuvrnndrpnnH| udayati ravirudAraharirohaNaruciruciroskaraiH karairdigdayitAmukhAni piJjarayanaruNitajaladhimaNDalaH // 3. 18 suragiriramarasindhurambhonidhiravaniranUrusArathiH phaNipatiramRtarociramarAzca dizo daza yAvadambaram / tAvadazeSabhuvanacintAmaNicarita paraM mahotsavairutsavacaritacandra jaya jIva virAja cirAya nanda ca // 1. 167 zatamakha dahana kAla guha varuNa samIraNa dhanada candramaH prathitaikaikakumbhivibhavAstadibhAnavata prytntH| ityupadeSTakAma iva hastamudaJcati viyati vAraNo no cedibhavihInaracanA bhavatAM bhavitA phtAkinI // 3.313 It is certain that Somadeva is not the first writer to employ the Duvai metre in Sanskrit verse. The following verse occurring in Dasabhakti, a collection of Jaina devotional compositions in Prakrit and Sanskrit, is, for instance, composed in the Duvai metre; and the Sanskrit Bhaktis, it should be noted, are attributed to Pujyapada. jAtijarorurogamaraNAturazokasahasradIpitAH duHsahanarakapatanasaMkhastadhiyaH pratibuddhacetasaH / jIvitamambuvinducapalaM taDidabhrasamA vibhUtayaH sakalamidaM vicintya munayaH prazamAya vnaantmaashritaaH|| The Dripadi or Duvai, or Doai, as it is also called in the Prakrta Paingala, is, properly speaking, a metre with two padas, and appears as such in 23

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Apabhramsa works; but the Prakrit example of Dvipadi given in Hemacandra's Chandonusasana contains four feet; and the combined definition and example of the metre in the Prakrta Paingala, although apparently given in two verses of two feet each (1. 152, 153), is taken by some to represent one verse of four feet.1 Somadeva's Sanskrit verses in the Dvipadi metre consist of four feet. 178 Mayanavayara or Madanavatara is another Prakrit metre used by Somadeva in a group of lyrical verses, in Book V, which describe the Karahata country. Each foot of this metre consists of four ganas of five matras, as pointed out by Hemacandra in his Chandonusasana, Chap. 4. Nanditadhya in his Gathalaksana calls the metre Camdanana. The verses in question are cited below (p. 162 ) : sasya saMpatti saMkSiptasImAbhuvaH savApIprapArAmaramyodayAH zrI vilAsotsava skhalitasurasamitayaH pikavadhUrutamanohAri sarvartavaH samarabhara bhAgi bhaTabhAvavAdotkaTAH tyAgabhogaprabhAvAdbhutakhyAtayaH pravaNazaraNAgatoddharaNa kulakIrtayaH sukRtaphalabhUmayo grAmavinivezikAH Prakrit metres are also used in the three lyrical panegyrics, two in honour of king Maradatta in Book I ( verses 175-212 ) and one in honour of the Arhat in Book VIII, section 37, consisting of 28 verses. Somadeva's scheme consists of an opening verse or verses in Arya metre which he calls Varna; one verse in Matra metre consisting of one line of 41 matras and pracurapathikapriyApaNitapathivastavaH / padminIkhaNDatANDavitatoyAzayAH / phulaphalapallavollA sivanavRttayaH / sakala saMsArasukha sevitAgantavaH / kheladummada vRSokhAta taTinItaTAH / zuddhavarNAzramAcaritavigatetayaH santi dharmArthakAmeSu samanItayaH / kAmitAcAtivijitAmarodezakAH // 1 ' idaM ca vRttaM dvipAdameva na catuSpAda, udAharaNAnurodhAditi kecit / anye tu yadIdaM dvipAdameva tarhi lakSaNaM pAdacatuSTayena kathaM kRtamiti idaM catuSpAdameva, na codAharaNa virodhastasya caraNadvayenApi saMbhavAt' / See Comm. on verse 154 in prAkRtapaiGgalam (B.I.). 2 It will be seen that each verse has four feet and each foot twenty matras. Somadeva seems to follow Apabhramsa models. The metre is known also as Kaminimohana and occurs in the Apabhramsa poem Sardesarasakca ( verses 82, 83, 85 ). For example, vayaNa NisuNevi maNamatthasaravaTTiyA, mayausaramukka NaM hariNi uttaTThiyA / mukta dIunha nIsAsa usasaMtiyA, paDhiya iya gAha jiyayaNi varasaMtiyA // 83. The metre is discussed by Bhayani in his Introduction to the poem, p. 58, Singhi Jain Series, Bombay 1945. Samdesarasaka has been attributed to the twelfth century A. D. 3 Edited by Prof. Velankar in ABORI, Vol. XIV, pp. 1-38. 4 There are five feet, and Somadeva's scheme is 15 +11+15+12 + 15. The Matr& is an Apabbramsa metre and employed in Samdesarasaka ( verses 18, 19, 24, 25 etc ). In Apabhramsa poetry a Matra verse is often followed by a Doha, and the whole is owlled Radda. The Prakrta Paingala describes seven varieties of Radda, that is,

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7. YASASTILAKA AS AN ANTHOLOGY OF SANSKRIT VERSE 179 another of 27; one or more verses with four feet of sixteen matras each, called by him Catuspadi; several verses in Paddhatika or Pajjhatika metre consisting of four feet of sixteen matras each, and each foot rhyming with the other and ending with a ja-gana(-u) or sometimes four laghus; and a concluding verse called Ghatta. It may be noted that the Pajjhatika is a popular metre in Apabhramsa poetry. It is, for instance, the prevailing metre of Karakandacariu of Kanakamara; while it has been pointed out that of the three hundred and fifty-four Kadavakas (verse-groups) in Dhanapala's Bhavisayattakaha, almost all with the exception of about seventeen are either in Pajjhatika or in Alillaha metre, which is really a variety of Pajjhatika.' As regards the Ghatta verse, in all narrative poems in Apabhramba he concluding couplet of a Kadavaka is almost always called Ghatta. Pingala recognises a Ghatta metre of 62 matras (31+31 ), and Srutasagara saya in his commentary on 1. 212 that there are twentyseven varieties of Ghatta, and it may consist of 60 mdtrds and sometimes of 62 matras. Of the three Ghattas in our work, two (1. 187 and 8.37) consist of 60 matras, and in each balf the first two sections of 10 and 8 matras each have a caesura and rhyme with each other, so that each half of 30 matras corresponds to a pada of the Caupaia described and illustrated in Praksta Paingala (1. 97 and 98). The remaining Ghatta (1. 212) is a two-foot Dvipadi with 28 matras (6+4+4+4 4+6) in each half.' A reference to Apabhramsa poetry shows that a variety of metres may be used for the Ghatta verse, As regards Somadeva's scheme of arrangement, it seems to be based on Prakrit models. An arrangement, similar to his is, for instance, of Matra; and the composition of some of these resembles that of Somadeva's verse. For instance, the scheme of the Caruseni variety is 15+11+15+11+ 15; that of Bhadra is 15+ 12 + 15 + 12 +15; and that of Rajasena is 15 + 12 + 15 + 11 + 15. Somadeva's scheme represents a slight variation of the Rajasena variety in respect of the number of matras in the second and fourth padas, the total number of matras (68) being the same. The following example of the metre is from Sandesarasaka (verse 25): 94% AUT STEGHETT, H Y HE, 34 SVT HTETI PRETSTRA H 31, a ak DHIK TET 11. This is followed by two lines of Doha. The scheme followed here is 15 + 11 + 15 +11+ 15 corresponding to the Caruseni of Pruksta Paingala. The Rajasena scheme of 15 + 12 + 15 +11+ 15 is also found in Sandesarasaka, as pointed out by Bhayani (op. cit.), p. 67. The Matra is believed to be a very old Apabhramsa metre, as it was known to Virahanka (Vrttajatisamuccaya, JBBRAS, 1929, p. 87 ) who describes four different varieties of it, Carunetri, Rahuseni etc. See Velankar: Apabhramsa Metres, Journal of the University of Bombay, November 1933, p. 50. 1 See Introduction to Gune's edition in G. O. S., p. 28. 2 See first definition of Dvipadi in Prakrta-Paingala.

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE 180 found at the beginning of Dhavala's Harivamsapurana composed in Apabhramsa verse, as can be seen from the extracts from that work given in Hiralal's Catalogue of Sanskrit and Prakrit Manuscripts in C. P. and Berar (pp. 716 and 763). We have here a group of eulogistic verses beginning with a Vanpi (i. e. Varna I. 188-90 ) followed by a Matra (I. 191) and other verses (Catuspadi I. 192, Paddhatika I. 193, 210-11 ) ending with a Ghatta ( I. 212 ). One of the panegyrics addressed to Maradatta is reproduced below to illustrate the above scheme of arrangement followed by Somadeva. As we have already pointed out (see Chap. 1), there was a considerable output of Apabhramsa poetry in and before Somadeva's time; and he has clearly borrowed Apabhramsa metres and applied them to Sanskrit verse for the sake of novelty. varNaH // lakSmIrAmAnaGgaH sapatnakulakAlavikramottuGgaH / kIrtivilAsatamaGgaH pratAparaGgazciraM jayatu // utsAritA risarpaH zaraNAgatanRpaticittasaMtarpaH / lakSmIlalAmakUrpastapatu ciraM nRpatikandarpaH // bhuvanAja sarastaraNirdharmAmRtaharaNirudayatarudharaNiH / zrIramaNIra tisaraNirmaNDalikazikhAmaNirjIyAt // mAtrA // kuvalayotsavacandra nRpatIndra lakSmIvara kIrtisaradamRtavRSTipallavita budhavana / AbhuvanamabhimAnadhana dharyasadana jaya vihitasadavana // catuSpadI // nRpa mahati bhavati kiMcidvirApi vaktuM guNamakhilaM nottarAmi / dIptiryumaNeravanIza yatra kA zaktiH kAcamaNerhi tatra // paddhatikA // jaya lakSmIkarakamalAtapatra dharmArthakAmasamavRttacitta sArasvatarasaniSyandapAtra / tIrthArthamanorathavartivitta // vaGgIvanitAzravaNAvataMsa | pallava ramaNIkRtavirahakheda // keralamahilAmukhakamalahaMsa colastrI kucakumala vinoda kuntalakAntAlakabhaGganirata malayAGganAGganakhadAnanirata / vanavAsiyoSidIkSaNacimugdha karNATayuvatikaitavavidagdha | kurujAGgalalalanAkucatanutra kamboja purandhrItilaka patra // ghattA // nRpanRpatIzvara bhUramaNIzvara yadidamakhilaguNasaMzraya / uktaM kiMcitvarastutikRticinttaccitraM na mahodaya // Among comparatively rare Sanskrit metres employed by Somadeva may be mentioned the Mattebhavikridita used in 2.229. The metre of the following verse ( 1. 127 ) is uncertain. na dainyAt prANAnAM na ca hRdayahariNasya rataye na darpAdaGgAnAM na ca karaNakariNo'sya madanAt / vidhAvRttiH kiM tu kSatamadanacaritazrutavidheH pare hetau mukteriha muniSu na khalu sthitiriyam // The verse is composed in a metre corresponding to the Krida metre described by Hemacandra in his Chandonusasana, chap. 2, but in that metre the 12th and 13th syllables are heavy, whereas they are light in Somadeva's verse.

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7. YASASTILAKA. AS AN ANTHOLOGY OF SANSKRIT VERSE 181 IX ARDHASAMASYA AND NANDI VERSES An interesting example of an Ardhasamasya verse, of which the first half is spoken by a court poet and the other half by the king, occurs in the description of sunrise in Book III. ardhakAvyakaviH__ aruNakiraNamadhye vidrumastambabimbaH kSitipa kimiva zobhA bhAnurudhana bibharti / IT ___ budha yudhi mama zatroH zoNitApUritAyAM prataradupari kopAt pATalaM yadvadAsyam // 3. 19 (The poet): "Sire, the Sun with its coral orb rises amid crimson rays. What is its lustre like?" (The king): " Wise one, it resembles my own face, red with fury, emerging above the battlefield overflowing with the foeman's blood." Other examples of Ardhasamasya verses are found in later Kavya literature. There is, for instance, a series of them in Naisadhacarita 4. 102-9 and in Utpreksavallabha's Bhiksasana Kavya (Paddhati 9). Nandi verses are imitated in 3. 122-124, As explained in the Natyasastra 5. 109 ff., Nandi consists of one or more benedictory verses recited by the stage-manager before the commencement of a dramatic performance; and a Nandi verse may contain eight or twelve padas or phrases (avantara-vakyas, according to Abhinavagupta). In certain satirical verses on ministers of kings, attributed to a poet named Tarunililavilasa, the evil ways of a minister are represented as a drama, and three appropriate Nandi verses are added as a prelude. tatra tAvattaruNIlIlAvilAsasya Aht Taigo a 1911FTHETET I TESTING BALOITTAA: 11 aSTapadA naandii| yasya ziSTaghaTocchedi mantrasUtraM vijRmbhate / sAMpAlapAcine tasmai namo durmanicakriNe // aurvAyApUrvarUpAya tasma durmatriNe namaH / ajaDA api zoSyante yena patyuH zriyaH parAH // iyaM ca dvAdazapadA / tatazcacaJcApaJcajanAkRtiH kSitipatiryavAbhavanAyakaH... tadurmatridurIhitaM vijayate sUktotkaTaM nATakam // X, STYLE As we have already remarked, Somadeva employs in his verse a simpler and more lucid style than in his prose; and his poetry is, on the whole free from the intricate and involved ideas and expressions that characterise his prose. He tells us in one of the opening verses of his romance (1. 27) that neither Vakrokti (ornate speech ) nor Svabhavokti (natural expression) alone pleases the wise who delight in a combination

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182 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE of both; and this may be taken as a fair description of the principle underlying his own poetical style. Yet it should be remembered that Somadeva liberally uses the resources of the Kavya style, and his verses are sometimes marked by the complexities and conventionalism associated with that style. A few examples will suffice to illustrate the artificial conceits occasionally employed by Somadeva. In 1. 168 a king is told that his Fame, although it is an old eunuch, goes up to enjoy the starry Heaven, after enjoying all the Regions of the sky ("fame' being neuter and heaven' and regions' feminine in Sanskrit)'. The description of battle scenes in 3. 438 ff. is full of far-fetched and exaggerated conceits, and the picture of the violent battle' in 3. 436 is made unreal by the poet's anxiety to compare it to the rainy season. An instance of how an otherwise beautiful verse is spoilt by an artificial conceit is provided by the following description of a young woman, which ends by figuring her as an enclosure for capturing Cupid, the elephant ( Book VII, section 31): ependriyadrumasamulasanAmbuvRSTireSA mnomRgvinodvihaarbhuumiH| eSA smaradviradabandhanavArivRttiH kiM khecarI kimamarI kimiyaM ratirvA // Conceits like these are a common feature of the Kavya style in its later phases, and it must be said to the credit of Somadeva that he often shows laudable restraint and discrimination in the use of the many artifices resorted to by the poets of his age. Citralamkaras are absent in our work, and even slesa or word-play, which adds to the intricacy of Somadeva's prose, is but rarely used in his verse ; and only a few examples of it can be recorded. There is a pun on kharadanda in 3. 430, and the expression sadana has four meanings in 3. 312. The epithets in the verse quoted below (1. 174) are simultaneously applied to three different things : dancing, dalliance with women and the royal court. caJcatkuntalacAmaraM kalaraNatkAJcIlayADambaraM bhrUbhaGgArpitabhAvamUrucaraNanyAsAsanAnanditam / khelatpANipatAkamIkSaNapathAnItAGgahArotsavaM nRtyaM ca pramadArataM ca nRpatisthAnaM ca te staanmude|| Elaborate Rupakas are sometimes met with; for example, in 3. 380, 381, wherein the women companions of Yasodhara in his summer sports are successively figured as frows of woodland groves' and 'pools of water'. alakakisalayAnAM bhralatAlAdhinInAM mayanamadhulihAnAM cAragaNDasthalInAm / kucakusumacayAnAM strIvanazreNikAnAmavaniSu kuru kelIH kiM nRpAnyairvanAntaH // 1 upabhujya yaddizaste napuMsakaM vRddhamapi yazaH srvaaH| dyAmupabhoktuM yAtaM taralitatArAM tadAzcaryam / /

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7. YASASTILAKA AS AN ANTHOLOGY OF SANSKRIT VERSE 183 lasadalakataraGgAH kAntanetrAravindAH pracalabhujalatAntAH pInavakSojakokAH / atanujaghanakUlAzcArulAvaNyavArastava nRpa jalakeliM kurvatAM strIsarasyaH // A typical Rupaka is jara-rajaki, Old Age fancied as a laundress whitening the hair', reminding one of rajani-rajaki in Naisadhacarita 22. 113. A practical example of Samasokti occurs in connection with the satire on ministers. We are told that certain wise people, being unable to express their sentiments regarding the ministers of a king openly, do so with the help of a Samasokti. pratIkSe jAtAsthaH sukRtasulabhaM taddinamahaM yato yAtAro'mI prlymhyshcndntroH| amISAM pApAnAmiha hi vasatAmeSa mahimA kadApyetacchAyAmabhilaSati yannAdhvagajanaH // 3. 168 With confidence I await the auspicious day when the serpents on the sandal tree will go to ruin. Thanks to those wicked creatures living on the tree, no wayfarer ever seeks its shade.' An important feature of Somadeva's style is the occasional but deliberate effort to attain lyrical effect and the occasional (2.220, 3.428 etc.). He may be regarded to some extent as a precursor of the lyrical style which reached its full development in Jayadeva's Gitagovinda; of this there is interesting evidence in the use of Apabhramsa metres in the three lyrical panegyrics considered in Section VIII (see above). Rhyme is also used in isolated verses for lyrical effect (2.75, 76 226 etc.). Repetition of the last letter in a series of epithets is sometimes practised to give a lyric tone to a verse. bhAsvadbhAsvati dAhavAhimaruti jvAlolbaNAzAkRti etc. unmArgAmbhasi meghamandanabhasi cchannAMzumattejasi etc. ithUlAsini sasyazAlini kharaM zephAlikotphullini etc. Alliteration is freely used in many verses interspersed in the work, and the quick movement of such verses is invariably in keeping with their lyrical qualities. Good use of onomatopoeia is made in the following description of elephants (3. 304) : taDattaDiti bandhanaM truTati kandharollAsane khaNatkhaNiti vallikA galati vikramArambhiNi / maDanmaDiti bhajyate tarugaNaH kRtAdhaTTane khaDatkhaDiti vAraNaH patati cAtra yuddhaiSiNi // 1 'kRSNacchaviH sAdya ziroruhazrIrjarArajakyA kriyate'vadAtA' 2. 102. 2 taduktaM kaizcidvizvidbhiretadeva hRdayastharmApa jihvAsthaM kartumatarIddhaH samAsoktimiSeNa / '

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CHAPTER VIII PHILOSOPHICAL DOCTRINES A considerable number of philosophical doctrines is mentioned and discussed by Somadeva in Yasastilaka. The first section (Kalpa) of Book VI is interesting as a summary of the theories of salvation propounded by different schools of thought, followed by critical remarks on the opinions recorded by the author. The section is called Samasta-samaya-siddhantavabodhana, 'Elucidation of the doctrines of all the schools', and important as a collection of philosophical tenets current in the tenth century. Another set of opinions is recorded in Book V in the episode of Candakarman and Sudatta, in which the former and his companions give an exposition of the doctrines followed by them, while the latter criticizes and tries to refute all of them. If we add to these the various Jaina doctrines explained and discussed in Yasastilaka, it will not be an exaggeration to describe the work as serving the purpose of a veritable compendium of the philosophical speculations of the age. The principal doctrines summarized in the romance are here grouped together according to the system to which they belong. VAISESIKA DOCTRINES Somadeva refers to two classes of Vaisesika thinkers: the Tarkika Vaisesikas and the Saiddhanta Vaisesikas. The main difference.between the two schools of Vaisesika philosophy is that the Saiddhantas were Saivas or worshippers of Siva' and laid stress on faith; while the Tarkikas were followers of the Vaisesika system proper and laid stress on knowledge. The Saiddhantas held that salvation is the outcome of faith as manifested in initiation into the cult revealed by the omniscient Siva in his two aspects, corporeal and incorporeal'. It may be mentioned in this connection that, according to Haribhadra's Saddarsanasamuccaya (vv. 13,59), both the Naiyayikas and Vaisesikas were worshippers of Siva. Gunaratna mentions in his commentary four sects among the followers of Siva: Saivas, Pasupatas and two others, and adds that the Naiyayikas were called Saivas, while the Vaisesikas were called Pasupatas. There was, however, a distinct school of Pasupatas with doctrines of their own, and these do not seem to have been 1 The Siddhantas or the Sivasiddhantas are the Saiva scriptures, and the Saivas were often called Saiddhantikas, e. g. in the Gurgi inscription of Prabodhasiva ( P$? fara). See Chap. XIII for this inscription. 2 ' sakala niSkalApta prAptamantratatrApekSAdIkSA lakSaNAcchraddhA mAtrAnusaraNAnmokSaH iti saiddhAntavaizeSikAH / Vol II, p. 269.

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8. PHILOSOPHICAL DOCTRINES 185 directly connected with the Vaisesika system. Somadeva himself, as we shall see, mentions their view of salvation separately. The Tarkika Vaisesikas, who do not seem to have been Saivas, held that salvation results solely from the knowledge of the categories based on an understanding of their similarities and dissimilarities; and the categories are Substance, Quality, Action, Generality, Particularity, Inherence and Non-existence. Strictly speaking, this is not an accurate presentation of the Vaisesika view. According to that system, salvation is the result of Dharma and knowledge of the categories is only a means to that end inasmuch as such knowledge produces Dharma, of which the essence is nivitti or renunciation; and this cannot be realised unless the nature of all objects, external and internal, is comprehended and the evils inherent in them grasped. Besides, Dharma cannot bring about salvation unless it is supported by the will of God. This is the interpretation of Sridhara in his Nyayakandali," Udayana says in his Kiranavali that salvation results from the realisation of the ultimate truth, revealed by the continuous practice of Dharma or renunciation according to the principles laid down in the Veda and other sacred texts, the knowledge of the categories being a preliminary discipline. It is interesting to note that Somadeva, like Sivaditya, the author of Saptapadarthi, definitely includes Abhava or Negation among the categories. It is wellknown that Kanada recognised only six categories, but from about the tenth century onwards writers on the Vaisesika system such as Sridhara and Udayana have emphasized the importance of Abhava ;' and others have given it its legitimate place among the categories. Somadeva attempts to define with precision the nature of salvation propounded by the Vaisesika system. He says that the followers of Kanada hold salvation to be the absolute cessation of the nine attributes of the Soul, namely, knowledge, pleasure, pain, desire, aversion, effort, virtue, vice and 1 'dravyaguNakarmasAmAnyasamavAyAntyavizeSAbhAvAbhidhAnAnAM padArthAnAM sAdharmyavaidhAvabodhatatrAt jJAnamAtrAt iti tArkika darenr: 1' Ibid. 2 The Prasastapada Bhasya says 'faqitu: 957 4: Frunkiai gei wat madalat ATTATT....(see below). Sridhara says 'afa: ia fa fanfara a fillorar niHshreyssaadhnmitybhipraayH| tattvato jJAteSu bAhyAdhyAtmikeSu viSayeSu doSadarzanAdviraktasya samIhAnivRttAvAtmajJasya tadarthAni karmANya kurvataH tatparityAgasAdhanAni ca zrutismRtyuditAni asaMkalpitaphalAnyupAdadAnasyAtmazAnamabhyasyataH prakRSTavinivartakadharmopacaye sati paripakAtmajJAnasya AtyantikazarIraviyogasya bhAvAt / ......."dharmo'pi kevalaM tAvat na niHzreyasaM karoti yAvadIzvarecchayA nAnugRhyate tenedamuktam-IzvaracodanAbhivyaktAt dharmAdeveti / ' 3 'zAstreNa padArthAn vivicya zrutismRtItihAsapurANopadiSTayogavidhinA dIrghakAlAdaranairantaryasevitAnnivRttilakSaNAddharmAdeva ona qatstuga i... Ya T14177! 4 Udayana says 31+T retaraf 94131 alfee: 1 fautetta A697710 17 7 Tagar.' Sridharu says ara er gertata:T: RAAT 17894141'. 24

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186 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE mental impressions. Somadeva illustrates this statement by quoting a verse which tells us that, according to the sage Kanada, the nature of an emancipated being is the same as that of the soul, as it may be supposed to exist outside the body. taduktam bahiH zarIrAdyadrUpamAtmanaH saMpratIyate / uktaM tadeva muktasya muninA kaNabhojinA // This is in conformity with what we know of the Vaisesika conception of salvation, which is also described as a quiescent condition comparable to a fire that has burnt up its fuel. The actual number of the attributes of the iven by Somadeva is immaterial, since the Bhasya of Prasastapada enumerates as many as fourteen of them. The vital point is the complete loss of attributes in the state of emancipation. Sridhara says that salvation does not consist in eternal bliss but in the continued existence of the soul in its own pristine condition, divested of all specific attributes. He meets the objection of Mandana that this kind of salvation is nothing but annihilation, by contending that the cessation of specific attributes does not amount to annihilation in the case of the eternal soul. Nevertheless, the view that salvation consists in the eradication of specific attributes is rejected in philosophical texts of diverse schools, e. g. in Samkhyasutras 5. 75, Bhojavrtti on Yogasutras 4. 33 and Bhasarvajna's Nyayasara. Somadeva makes some statements criticizing the Vaisesika views on salvation. He criticizes the Saiddhanta Vaisesikas by saying that faith alone cannot lead to salvation; the Udumbara fruit never becomes ripe on account of the faith of a hungry fellow. Further, if Mantras or mystic texts brought about the purification of the Self, no one would undergo the hardship imposed by self-discipline. Diksa or initiation, too, cannot bring about salvation, as it is seen that the worldly blemishes which existed before ist even after the completion of the rite? As regards the Tarkika Vaisesikas, Somadeva criticizes their view that kuowledge leads to salvation. Knowledge, he says, helps one to comprehend things, but 1 jJAnasukhaduHkhecchA dveSaprayatnadharmAdharmasaMskArANAM navasaMkhyAvasarANAmAtmaguNAnAmatyantonmuktirmuktiH iti kaannaadaaH|' 2 ay faitei fatataBCHAT: 378Tiefgfg: ga: TATIETEYTil Totapanag9371 HTH 'Prasasta. pada Bhasya. 3 'tasya guNAH buddhisukhduHkhecchaadvessprytndhrmaadhrmsNskaarsNkhyaaprimaannpRthktvsNyogvibhaagaaH|' 4 'nAstyAtmano nityaM sukhaM tadabhAvAnna tadanubhavo mokSAvasthA kiMtu samastAtmavizeSaguNocchedopalakSitA svarUpasthiti reva / '. 5 'yaduktaM maNDanena vizeSaguNanivRttilakSaNA muktirucchedapakSAnna bhidyate iti / vizeSaguNocchede hi sati AtmanaH svarUpeNAva. sthAnaM nocchedo nityatvAt / ' 6 See Naisadhacarita, trans., Appendix I, p. 497. 7 zraddhA zreyo'rthinAM zreyaHsaMzrayAya na kevalA / bubhukSitavazAt pAko jAyeta kimudumbare // pAtravazAdivanmatrAdAtmadopaparikSayaH / dRzyeta yadi ko nAma kRtI klizyeta sNymaiH|| dIkSAkSaNAntarAt pUrva ye doSA bhvsNbhvaaH| te pazcAdapi dRzyante tanna sA eftirme Pp. 270-271.

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8. PHILOSOPHICAL DOCTRINES 187 not to acquire them; the mere perception of water, for example, does not slake one's thirst.1 Somadeva offers some further criticism on the kind of salvation set forth by the Vaisesikas. The purport of what he says is: it may be readily admitted that there is no knowledge or bliss of a worldly character in salvation, but if it is assumed to be a condition in which knowledge is totally absent, what would be the character of the emancipated soul? There cannot be a soul without knowledge, just as there cannot be fire without heat." The opinion of the Yoga system of Patanjali is cited to show that knowledge exists in the state of salvation. Somadeva argues that such beings as jadasiva or Isvara cannot be held to be worldly entities since they are omniscient, and if they are not worldly entities, they must be held to be emancipated beings. Now, Patanjali tells us that Isvara, who is untouched by worldly ties such as the Klesas, Karman and its effects, and impressions, possesses omniscience in an unlimited degree. The example of Siva or Isvara, emancipated yet omniscient, thus shows that knowledge can co-exist simultaneously with salvation. Somadeva reinforces his argument by quoting a verse from Avadhuta, addressed to Siva, in which universal knowledge is attributed to the Exalted One, besides irresistible power, aversion to pleasure, contentment, self-control, supreme bliss and unimpeded energy. On these grounds Somadeva, like many other thinkers, rejects the Vaisesika view of salvation as a colourless condition devoid of attributes. BUDDHIST DOCTRINES a) As in the case of the Vaisesika doctrines, Somadeva makes three different statements defining Buddhist views on salvation. First, he seems to say that final release results from the practice of bhavana based on the realisation of nairatmya, both of which are well-known Buddhist concepts. Nairatmya is non-existence of the self; man, according to the Buddhists, is a compound of material and spiritual aggregates known as skandhas. "Just as the word 'chariot' is but a mode of expression for axle, wheels and other 1 jJAnAdavagamo'rthAnAM na tatkAryasamAgamaH / tarSApakarSayogi syAddRSTamevAnyathA payaH // P. 271. 2 bodho vA yadi vAnando nAsti muktau bhavodbhavaH / siddhasAdhyatayAsmAkaM na kAcit kSatirIkSyate // nyakSavIkSAvinimoMkSe mokSe kiM mokSilakSaNam / na hyagnAvanyaduSNatvAlakSma lakSyaM vicakSaNaiH // P. 272. Ms. A remarks: samastapadArthAvalokanavinAzalakSaNe (mokSe ). 3 "kiM ca sadAzivezvarAdayaH saMsAriNo muktA vA / saMsAritve kathamAptatA / muktatve 'klezakarmavipAkAzayairaparAmRSTaH puruSavizeSa Izvarastatra niratizayaM sarvajJabIjam' iti pataJjalijalpitam, 'aizvaryamapratihataM sahajo virAgastRptinisargajanitA vazitendriyeSu / ' ityavadhUtAbhidhAnaM ca na ghaTeta " P. 272. 4 For the verse from Avadhuta see Chap. XVIII. 5 ' nairAtmyAdiniveditasaMbhAvanA to bhAvanAtaH iti dazabalaziSyAH' P. 269. details, See next Chapter for further

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188 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE constituent members, placed in a certain relation to each other; but, when we come to examine the members one by one, we discover that, in an absoluto sense, there is no chariot ;** ...... ..in exactly the same way, the words 'living being' and 'ego' are only modes of expression for a complex of bodily and nonbodily constituents."! Bhavana is meditation or cultivation, the highest of the three stages of spiritual training recognised by the Buddhists, the other two being sraddha (faith) and darsana (sight, personal inquiry). As Poussin says, "That is Faith, adhesion to the word of the Master. To ascertain this statement by personal inquiry is what is called Sight. Finally, to ponder over it until it becomes not only familiar, but actually always present to the mind, that is Cultivation." Somadeva ridicules the doctrine of bhavana as a means to salvation. Anything and everything may flash across the mind in the course of thavana or meditation; if salvation were to result from meditation, any swindler would obtain it. Somadeva in this connection quotes a verse which describes an imprisoned thief as declaring that he can clearly see his beloved's face (by force of meditation), even though his eyes are closed and the prison locked up and it is pitchy dark inside.* The doctrine of nairatmya is set forth also in the episode of Candakarman (Book V) by the Buddhist Sugatakirti, one of the interlocutors. He maintains that the belief in a Self is nothing but the certain blindness of a great delusion', and quotes two verses which declare the notion of the Self to be the source of all evils : yaH pazyatyAtmAnaM tasyAtmani bhavati zAzvataH snehaH / snehAtsukheSu tRSyati tRSNA doSAMstiraskurute // Atmani sati parasaMjJA svaparavibhAgAtparigrahadveSau / anayoH saMpratibaddhAH sarve doSAH prajAyante // "Whoso believes in a Self conceives lasting affection for it; from affection arises desire for pleasures, and desire hides all blemishes. Once there is the notion of the Self, there arises that of the not-Self, and from the distinction between one's own self and others arise attachment and hatred. All evils originate, dependent on these two." Vol. II, p. 252. Sugatakirti goes on to define the Buddhist view of salvation and calls it nirodha or cessation. He quotes a verse which says that, just as the flame of a lamp goes out without leaving any trace when the oil is used up, i Visuddhimagja cited in Poussin: The Way to Nirvana, p. 42. 2 Ibid. p. 159. 3 w gah HA TI #748791 1924 1 71ERTO Ich glttiRafaeftail P. 271. 4 fagtilfafea PITT TAPE 7 otc. See Chap XVIIJ.

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8. PHILOSOPHICAL DOCTRINES similarly a man becomes calm without attachment, when passion is destroyed. tadAha 189 yathA snehakSayAddIpaH prazAmyati niranvayaH / tathA klezakSayAjjantuH prazAmyati niranvayaH // Ibid. Such being the ultimate end of man, Sugatakirti comes to the conclusion that all forms of religious austerities are nothing but self-torture.1 He goes on to quote a verse which enumerates the five emblems of folly: the authority of the Vedas, the theory of a Creator, bathing for religious purposes, the pride of caste, and self-mortification. - vedaprAmANyaM kasyacit kartRvAdaH snAne dharmecchA jAtivAdAvalepaH / saMtApArambhaH klezanAzAya ceti dhvastaprajJAnAM paJca liGgAni jADye // Ibid. Certain other verses are cited by Sugatakirti in support of sensual enjoyment; and the object of Somadeva is to show Buddhism in an unfavourable light, the theory of nairatmya being represented as leading to materialism. The doctrine comes in for further criticism in Sudatta's reply to Sugatakirti. The Buddhist monk recognises his alms-bowl, the houses of the donors, and himself as recipient of the alms: how can he then believe in the non-existence of the Self? If a man becomes extinct without leaving any trace, there can be no continuity of life, and such a unique being cannot be compared to anything else, for example, a lamp. Further, if an individual is liable to destruction at each successive moment (for, in the Buddhist view, man is not the same for two consecutive moments), how does he hold together a compact group like that of the sense organs? How can impressions abide in something that is in a state of flux? Somadeva, therefore, declares that the Buddhist doctrine is devoid of all proof, and as such cannot provide a basis for the regulation of dharma and adharma." The Buddhist, after denying the existence of the visible Self, might vociferously maintain the existence of some unseen principle (for example, the skandhas), but his position would be no better than that of the potter who asserted that his donkey had two horns, but his neighbour's ox had none ! Sudatta then attacks the Buddhist doctrine that there is rebirth but no transmigration of a soul. 1 evaM ca sati kezoluJca na tapta zilArohaNa kezadarzanAzanavinAzabrahmacaryAdayaH kevalamAtmopaghAtAyaiva / ' 2 ' payodharabharAlasAH 'strImudrAM jhaSaketanasya See Chap. XVIII. Vol. II, 3 so'haM tadeva pAtraM tAnyetAni ca gRhANi dAtRNAm / iti nityaM viduSo'pi ca durAgrahaH ko'sya nairAtmye // p. 256. 4 The Jaina critic misunderstands the significance of Nirodha, and wrongly interprets it as annihilation without any sequel (f). See next Chapter for the correct meaning of Nirodha. 5 saMtAno na niranvaye visadRze sAdRzyametannahi pratyAsattihate kutaH samudayaH kA vAsanA vAsthire / tattve vAci samastamAnarahite tAthAgate sAMprataM dharmAdharmanibandhano vidhirayaM kautaskuto vartatAm // P. 257. 6 dRSTAtyayAttattvamadRSTameSa prasAdhayeccedvacanAsarAlaH / tadA kharokSNoH zrutito viSANe vidhanniSedhaMzca jayI kulAla: // Ibid.

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190 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE nAhaM naiva paro na karmabhiriha prAyega bandhaH kvacidbhoktA pretya na tatphalasya ca vadeditthaM sa bauddho yadi / kasmAdeSa tapaHsamudyatamanAzcatyAdikaM vandate kiM vA tatra tapo'sti kevalamayaM dhUtejaDo vnycitH|| "The Buddhist maintains that neither I nor any one else exists nor does bondage, as a rule, result froin kar man in this life nor does a mar reap the consequences of his actions after death. If so, why does a monk, bent on austerities, worship shrines and the like? Or, perhaps, there is no scope for austerities here. The fool is simply deluded by cheats." (Vol. II, p, 257) 6) The ancient Buddhist doctrine of Nirvana is also mentioned by Somadeva. He states that, according to the Buddhists, emancipation consists in the emergence of a detached frame of mind,' and quotes two verses in illustration of the doctrine: dizaM na kAMcidvidizaM na kAMcinnaivAvaniM gacchati nAntarikSam / dIpo yathA nirvRtimabhyupetaH snehakSayAt kevalameti zAntim // dizaM na kAMcidvidizaM na kAMcinnaivAvaniM gacchati nAntarikSam / jIvastathA nirvRtimabhyupetaH klezakSayAt kepalameti zAntim // "The flame of a lamp, when the oil is used up, goes not to any of the four quarters nor to any point between nor earthwards nor skywards. Ceasing to burn, it simply becomes extinct. Just so a sentient being, when his passion is destroyed, goes not to any of the four quarters inor to any point between nor earthwards nor skywards. Becoming calm, he simply attains peace." (Vol. II, p. 270) The end of passion (klesa ) is often represented as nirvana in early Buddhist texts. The klesas are moha 'delusion', raga 'lust' and dosa 'hatred or malice'. We read, for instance, in the Samyutlanikaya XXXVIII. I: yo kho avuso ragalkhayo dosakkhayo mohakkhayo idam vuccati nibbanam ti. The end of lust, hatred and delusion is here called Nirvana. The nature of Nirvana is discussed in the Milindapanhas which describes it as a condition in which no evil dispositions can grow. Nirvana is supreme bliss, in which the burning heat of the threefold fire (lust, malice and delusion) is totally absent. As water allays the thirst of men and beasts, so does Nirvana st of craving after lusts, craving after future life, and 1 'Farrerafatcafuu #ter: @ HATATTyrtar: P. 270. See next Chapter for another reference to this definition by a Jaina writer and its interpretation. 2 See also Chap. XVIII. 3 See The Questions of King Milinda, trans, by Rhys Davids, Part II, pp. 190, 195, 197, 203. The extracts in Pali are from the Devana gari edition of the text, Bombay 1940. 4 hari aadari afaceri? 5 'vyapagatatividhagiArantApaM paramasukha nibbAna'

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8. PHILOSOPHICAL DOCTRINES 191 craving after worldly prosperity. Nirvana is thus "a state of mind to be realised and enjoyed by a man here, on this earth, in this life, and in this life only".If grounded in virtue, and mentally alert, "the man who orders his life aright, wheresoever he may be, will realise Nirvana." It is peace beyond compare. In the Buddhist view, it is immaterial to ask what becomes of the emancipated saint after he has passed away. In the Aggi-Vacchagotta-sutta of the Majjhimanikaya, Vacchagotta is asked by the Buddha whether he can tell in what direction an expiring fire goes, whether to east, west, north or south. The reply is na upeti, the question does not apply. The fire has simply gone out for lack of fuel to sustain it. Similarly, it is pointed out, everything by which the emancipated saint might be denoted, has passed away, has been completely extirpated; 'reborn does not apply to him nor not reborn nor any combination of such terms'. Nirvana is in a sense freedom from rebirth. The man who sees the peril in the cycle of births (pavatta ), says the Milindapanha, realises that it is all "burning, and blazing, full of pain and of despair", and yearns for a state in which there is no becoming (appavatta), and concentrates his mind on it; and, after mighty endeavour, having gone far beyond the cycle of ce, attains freedom from samsara. "And when he has gained that, the man who has ordered his life aright has realised Nirvana." The only criticism which Somadeva offers in respect of the Buddhist view of Nirvana is that the soul which remains imperishable through a succession of births cannot become extinct in the state of salvation. Somadeva's criticism is, however, beside the mark, as Nirvana is not salvation to be enjoyed by an imperishable soul after death. As Rhys Davids says, "the parts and powers of the perfect man will be dissolved, and no new being will be born to sorrow. The wise will pass away, will go out like the flame of a lamp, and their Karma will be individualized no longer.... 1 'udakaM kilaMtatasitapipAsitadhammAbhitattAnaM janapasupajAnaM pipAsAvinayanaM; evameva nibbAnaM kAmataNhAbhavatahAvibhava taNhApipAsAvinayanaM / ' 2 Ibid. p. 181. f. n. 1. 3 'yatha kavaci pi Thito sammApaTipanno nibbAnaM sacchikaroti / ' 4 Cf. 'Brat Teh Hara' 317 acara qarat Ariya pariyesana Sutla, Majjhima-Nikaga (26). 5 See Further Dialogues of the Buddha, Vol. I, pp. 343, 344. 6 751 I 37TTA HAI See Rhys Davids: Pali-English Dictionary under pavatta. 7 The Questions of King Milinda (op. cit.), p. 201. 8 345 diadata144: HTTI TETHETTET 17:19 || P. 272

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192 YASASTILAKA UND INDIAN CULTURE So the living, moving body of the perfect man is visible still, though its cause has ceased to act: but it will soon decay and die and pass away; and as no new body will be formed, where life was, will be nothing". Nirvana corresponds in fact to jivanmuktata, and this interpretation seems to have been well-known in the tenth century. Utpala, a writer of the Kasmir school of Saivism, who lived about this time, defines Moksa as jivanmuktata, and quotes in illustration a Buddhist verse, among others, which says that sarisara consists in a state of mind sullied by lust and other impurities; while freedom from such a condition constitutes Moksa." c) The third important reference to Buddhist doctrine is that to the Madhyamika theory of Void ( sunyata), which Somadeva attributes to "cer. tain Buddhists who are regular cheats, and have invented the pervasive darkness of sunyata".3 The following definition of sunyata is quoted in Yasastilaka VI. I (p. 269 ): naivAntastatvamastIha na bahistattvamaJjasA / vicAragocarAtIteH zUnyatA zreyasI tataH // The purport of the verse is that there is no reality external or internal; hence the realisation of Void is the highest good, transcending as it does the range of the intellect. It is doubtful whether Somadeva faliy appreciates the significance of the theory of sunyata as interpreted by Nagarjuna and Candrakirti in the Madhyamakaitarikas and the Prasannapada commentary respectively. The sum and substance of the doctrine is that sunyata is nothing but the law of causation known as pratitya-samutpada, that is, whatever is subject to cause and condition is really unborn, has no real origination, and is hence called sunya or void. All objects have only a relative existence like a mirage or a magic show or a dream; and the doctrine called madhyamaka or the middle doctrine, because it avoids the two extremes of existence and non-existence. The doctrine is such that it 1 Buddhism, p. 114 (S. P. C. K, 1903). 2 'bauddhe ca-rAgAdimalinaM cittaM saMsArastadviviktatA / saMkSepAt kathito mokssHprhiinaavrnnjinaiH||' Spandapradipika p. 7 (Vizianagram Sanskrit Series). 3 'pazyatoharAH prakAzitazUnyataikAntatimirAH zAkyavizeSAH' 4 yaH pratItyasasamutpAdaH zUnyatAM tAM pracakSmahe / sA prazaptirupAdAya pratiyat saiva madhyamA | Madhyamakatarika 24. 18. Candrakirti says : 'yo'yaM pratItyasamutpAdo hetupratyayAnapekSyAGkaravijJAnAdInAM prAdurbhAvaH sa svabhAvenAmutpAdaH / yazca svabhAvenAnutpAdo bhAvAnAM sA shuunytaa|'. Also 'yaH pratyayairjAyate sa hyajAto na tasya utpAda svbhaavto'sti| yaH pratyayAdhInu sa zUnyu ukto yaH zUnyatAM jAnati so'pramatta / / iti bhagavato gAthAvacanAt / evaM pratItyasamutpAdazabdasya yo'rthaH sa eva zUnyatAzabdasyArthaH na punarabhAvazabdasya yo'rthaH zUnyatAzabdasyArthaH / ' 5 'mAyAsvapnagandharvanagarAdivatta laukikAH padArthAH nirupapattikA evaM santaH sarvalokasyA vidyAti miropahatamatinayanasya prasiddhimupagatA iti parasparApekSayaiva kevalaM prasiddhimupagatA bAlarabhyupagamyante' (Chap. 7). 'tadevaM madhyamakadarzana evAstitvanAstitvadvayadarzanasthAprasano na vijJAnavAdidarzanAdigdhiti vijJeyam' (Chap. 15). Cf. astIti zAzvatagrAho nAstItyucchedadarzanam / tasmAdastitvanAstitve nAzrIyeta vickssnnH| Madhyamakakarika 15. 10.

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8. PHILOSOPHICAL DOCTRINES 193 must be realised in one's own heart, and hence described as unexplained by speech and beyond the range of mental comprehension.' Nirvana, according to the Madhyamika school, is nothing but the realisation of sunyata, which consists in the cessation of the complex of worldly notions known as prapanca.2 Somadeva has a fling at the doctrine of void, when he says that if a follower of the Sunya theory tries to establish it by means of independent proofs, he will be contradicting his own theory that everything is sunya 'void' 'non-existent.'3 The Madhyamikas are, however, careful to point out that what they maintain is not abhava, non-existence, but the relative existence of tings: they recognise neither eternalism nor annihilationism.* SAMKHYA DOCTRINES There are two statements defining the Samkhya view of salvation in Yasastilaka VI. 1. The first is that salvation results from discrimination between Matter (Prakrti) and the Self (Purusa). The second is that salvation is the condition in which the Self subsides in the pristine state (of pure consciousness) after the cessation of intellect, mind and egoism, resulting in the destruction of the sense organs." The expression, tada drastuh svarupe'vasthanam, is borrowed from the Yogasutras 1. 3. The idea of the soul abiding in itself after the cessation of all mental and intellectual processes occurs in Samkhyasutras 2. 34. In the episode of Candakarman (Book V), Samkhya doctrines are represented by Asuri who quotes the following verse on the Samkhya conception of the Self (p. 250): akartA nirguNaH zuddho nityaH sarvagato'kriyaH / amUrtazcetano bhoktA pumAn kapilazAsane // 5 1 Candrakirti (18 9 ) says: 'vikalpazcittapracAraH tadrahitatvAt tattattvaM nirvikalpam / ' 2 ' zUnyataiva sarvaprapaJca nivRttilakSaNatvAnnirvANamityucyate' Candrakirti on Madhyamakakarika 18. 5. Properly speaking, salvation results from the destruction of Karma and the Klesas, but the latter spring from Vikalpas or fanciful ideas, and these again from prapanca, which is eradicated only on the realisation of Sunyata. Nagarjuna says:: karmaklezA vikalpataH / te prapaJcAt prapaJcastu zUnyatAyAM nirudhyate // 18. 5. Candrakirti says: f anAdimatsaMsArAbhyastAt jJAnajJeyavAcyavAcakakartRkarmakaraNa kriyAghaTapaTamukuTaratharUpa vedanAstrIpuruSalAbhAlAbhasukhaduHkhayazo'yazonindAprazaMsAdilakSaNAdvicitrAt prapaJcAdupajAyante / sa cAyaM laukikaH prapaJcaH niravazeSaH zUnyatAyAM sarvabhAvasvabhAvazUnyatAdarzane sati nirudhyate / ' 3 zUnyaM tattvamahaM vAdI sAdhayAmi pramANataH / ityAsthAyAM virudhyeta sarvazUnyatvavAditA // P. 272. 4 See above. 5 'prakRtipuruSayoH vivekamateH khyAteH iti sAMkhyA: ' P.269. 6 'buddhimano'haMkAra virahAda khilendriyopazamA vahAttadA draSTuH svarUpe'vasthAnaM muktiH iti kApilAH / P. 270. 7 'tannivRttAvupazAntoparAgaH svasthaH ' 25

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Asuri explains that Prakrti contaminates the Self, even though composed of bliss, like a piece of crystal, with such manifestations as intellect, egoism and the like, which bring in their train pleasure, pain and illusion. When the Self comes to realise the nature of Prakrti, its connection with the latter, comparable to that of fire with an iron ball, comes to an end; and the Self attains Kaivalya which means the cessation of all connection with knowledge and objects of knowledge.1 Asuri then declares that since salvation results simply from discrimination between Prakrti and the Self, it is useless to perform religious austerities; and one should therefore eat, drink, and be merry, and follow ones' inclination: 194 anubhavata pibata khAdata vilasata mAnayata kAmitaM lokAH / AtmavyaktivivekAnmuktirnanu kiM vRthA tapata // This looks like a satire on the Samkhya theory of salvation, but similar views are expressed in an authoritative text like the Matharavrtti on the Samkhyakarikas (37), where it is stated that, according to Kapila, a man has no prescribed duties; and final beatitude results solely from the knowledge of the twentyfive principles recognised by the Samkhya system. The Matharavrtti then quotes a verse very similar to that put in the mouth of Asuri: hasa piba lala moda nityaM viSayAnupabhuJja kuru ca mA zaGkAm / yadi viditaM te kapilamataM tatprApsyase mokSasaukhyaM ca // Sudatta criticizes some of the Samkhya tenets in his reply to Asuri. If, as the Samkhyas hold, bondage and salvation, pleasure and pain, and activity and retirement belong to Prakrti, what is the use of postulating the existence of a Self? Further, the Samkhya doctrine involves a number of self-contradictions. The Self never acts, yet it enjoys the fruits of action; it is devoid of action, yet adopts an attitude of indifference; it is eternal, yet comes into temporary association with Prakyti; it is bound up with Prakrti, yet separates itself from the latter; it is pure, yet it is connected with the impure body; and it is called bliss, though it has no attributes. Besides, if the Self is eternal and without any form, it can have no connection with actions producing their results, just as the sky can have no connection with binding ropes.* In VI. 1 also there is some criticism of Samkhya views. Somadeva asks how it is possible to discriminate between the Prakyti and the Self, both 1 ' sa yadA sphATikAzmAnamivAnandAtmAnamapyAtmAnaM sukhaduHkhamohAva parivartane hadahaMkAra divivataiH kaluSayantyAH...... prakRteH svarUpamavagacchati, tadAyomaya golakAnalatulyavargasya bodhavadbahudhAnekasaMsargasya sati visarge sakalajJAnajJeya saMvandhAvaikalyaM kaivalyamavalambate tadA draSTuH svarUpe'vasthAnamiti vacanAt / ' P. 250. 22 bandhamokSau sukhaM duHkhaM pravartananivartane / yadyeSa prakRterdharmaH kiM syAt puMsaH prakalpanam // P. 253, 4 akartApi pumAn bhoktA kriyAzUnyo'pyudAsitA / nityo'pi jAtasaMsargaH savargo'pi viyogabhAk // zuddho'pi dehasaMbaddho nirguNo'pi zamucyate / ityanyonyaviruddhoktaM na yuktaM kApilaM vacaH // P. 253. 4 nitye'mUrte sadA puMsi karmabhiH svaphaleribhiH / kuto ghaTeta saMbandho yathAkAzasya rajjabhiH // P. 254.

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8. PHILOSOPTICAL DOCTRINES 195 eternal and pervasive. He seems also to criticize the Samkhya theory that the self continues to exist without any knowledge or mental process after the cessation of its connection with the material world. He points out that the Self is bound to have unlimited knowledge even in its pristine state, once the impurity of Karma is removed, in the same way as the Self has knowledge of things in dreams that come true. The analogy of dream consciousness is continued; and Somadeva contends that even a blind man can see things in a dream, and it is therefore wrong to suppose that the emancipated Self can have no knowledge, being without any sense organs. It is but natural that tie intellect should reveal the entire range of objects, like the rays of the sun, nce the screen of Karma is destroyed, VEDANTA DOCTRINES There are two references to Vedanta doctrines in Yasastilaka VI. 1. First, it is stated that, according to the Vedantins, salvation takes place when Nescience, which brings about the cognition of endless divergences, is destroyed as the result of the realisation of the Absolute. Secondly, all living oreatures are merged in the Absolute after the final annihilation of the body, just as the space enclosed within a jar is merged in universal space after the breaking up of the jar." Somadeva criticizes the above doctrines thus. First, if all divergence is dismissed as Nescience, how can the varied character of the world be explained, with its palpable manifestations of birth, death, pleasure and the like? Secondly, if the Absolute alone exists and nothing else, why is there no cessation of the waves of worldly phenomena? Why is the universe distinctly seen? Why is it not merged in the Absolute, just as the space enclosed within a jar is merged in universal space ?: The Vedantins also say that the Supreme Soul is one, though it abides in each individual: it is seen both as one and many, like the moon and its reflections in water. The 1 3777CATERI PA H 14: 1 faaetat i ett hittymi: 9991 P. 271. 2 See above, 3 te HoTTRICT HEA ICHITET asfaa RIHATFORII P. 272. Ms. A says: karmakSayAt kevalena jJAnena bAhye padArthe grAhye avalokite sati draSTurAtmanaH svasvarUpe'vasthAnaM sthitirbhavati / mAnarahita manantaM jJAnaM syAdityarthaH / + yatra netrAdikaM nAsti na tatra matirAtmani / tanna yuktamidaM yasmAtsvAnamandho'pi vIkSate // P. 272 5 racit Te Tea afa: 12 Syft F arraha 970 47 11 P. 273. 6 TCHATRIATETIZATHUG alfanaaigra sa kaala: 1' P. 269. 7 Tut erzfaUZA aztear Tall fituara ne delate HeApoft qe ago 24 sa nallarla: l' P. 270. 8 ay qafar rift ita: : ISTER IN hagiaa: 11 P. 272. 9 A T THE FUTETT 724 TI 92T FTATII TEFTI 71 P. 273.

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196 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE comparison is, however, fallacious, because the moon is seen as one in the sky and as many elsewhere in the form of reflections; but the undifferentiated Absolute is nowhere seen apart from the diversities of the visible world, JAIMINIYA DOCTRINES Somadeva refers to the Jaiminiyas or the followers of Jaimini, who declare that the mind is by nature impure like charcoal and collyrium, and can never be purified. This opinion is expressed also by Dhumadhvaja in the episode of Candakarian and Sudatta, and he deduces from it a sensualist conception of life. He maintains that just as charcoal, though rubbed, never becomes white, similarly the mind, impure by nature, never becomes pure.3 Further, there is no heaven in the guise of another world for which it is worth while to perform religious austerities; the real heaven is the ardent mutual love of a maiden of twelve and a youth of sixteen!* Dhumadhvaja goes on to ridicule those who forsake the pleasures of the senses and strive for pain rather than pleasure. The opinions of Dhumadhvaja are controverted by Sudatta. If the mind or the inner faculty is impure, why does Kumarila in offering salutation to Siva describe him as being composed of pure knowledge ? Sudatta then cites a verse which declares the existence of the eternal soul: it is interwoven with all things, yet not in contact with anything, and its nature is ever pure as the sky. kathaM cedaM vacanamajayam samasteSu vastuSvanusyUtamekaM samastAni vastUni yanna spRzanti / viyadvat sadA zuddhimadyasvarUpaM sa siddhopalabdhiH sa nityo'hamAtmA // P. 254 The sage concludes by saying that just as a gem tarnished by impurities can be cleansed with effort, and ore turned into gold by a process of manufacture, similarly the Self can be liberated from passion by those who are well-meaning and resort to the canon of the Arhats. 1 atha matam -eka eva hi bhUtAtmA dehe dehe vyavasthitaH / ekadhAnekadhA cApi dRzyate jalacandravat // tadayuktam / ekA . khe'nekadhAnyatra yathendurveyate janaiH / na tathA vedyate brahma bhedebhyo'nyadabhedabhAk // P. 273. 2 'aGgArAanAdivat svabhAvAdeva kAluSyotkarSapravRttasya cittasya na kutazcidvizuddhacittavRttiH iti jaiminiiyaa| 3 ghRSyamANo yathAGgAraH zukRtAM naiti jAtucit / vizudhyati kutazcittaM nisargamalinaM tathA / / P. 250. 4 'na cAparamiSastAviSaH samartho'sti yadartho'yaM tapaHprayAsaH saphalAyAsaH syAt / yataH dvAdazavarSA yoSA SoDaza varSoMcita sthitiH puruSaH / prItiH parasparamanayoH svargaH smRtaH sdbhiH||' P. 251. 5 'ghRSyamANAGgAravadantaraGgasya vizuddhyabhAve kathamidamudAhAri kumArilena-vizuddhazAnadehAya...... / .....'namaH somArdha. dhAriNe // ' See Chapter XVIIL. 6 malakaluSatAyAta ratnaM vizudhyati yatnato bhavati kanakaM tatpASANo yathA ca kRta kriyaH / kuzalamatibhiH kaizciddhanyaistathAptana: yAzritairayamapi galatkezAbhogaH kriyeta paraH pumAn // P. 254.

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8. PIILOSOPHICAL DOCTRINES 197 The Jaiminiya doctrine is criticised also in VI. 1. Somadeva says that removal of impurities involves transformation of character, and this can be brought about through the operation of the appropriate causes as in the case of gems and pearls.? CARVAKA DOCTRINES Somnadeva refers to the Barhaspatyas or the followers of Brhaspati and calls them the leaders of all the Nastikas or materialists, popularly known as the Carvakas. According to them, dharmas or qualities may be said to exist only if we can be sure of the existence of a Dharmin, 'one who possesses dharmas', that is, the Self. Similarly, there is no other world than this, because no one lives after death. The question of salvation thus does not arise. The Barhaspatyas then regard emancipation as a myth. In the episode of Candakarman and Sudatta, the former sets forth Carvaka doctrines. He declares that those who believe in the rebirth of a dead man, those who believe in a Dharma whose result is unseen, and those who believe in a soul apart from the body are people who see blues and yellows'.3 The four elements, constituting the body, and moved by the five breaths, produce consciousness, just as substances like flour-water, molasses, and the Dhataki creeper possess intoxicating properties, and just as the combination of lime, betel and areca-nut produces a red colour. Consciousness lasting from birth to death never reemerges, once it has reached its term, like a leaf fallen from the tree. Since there is no life after death, and the living creatures are like bubbles of water, all painful efforts (such as religious austerities) are futile. "One should therefore live 1 Fara faza 2 : 1 77: Tout Aforinfaa || P. 271. 2 'sati dharmiNi dharmAzcintyante tataH paralokino'bhAvAt paralokAbhAve kasyAsau mokSaH iti samavAptasamastanAstikAdhipatyA ang : 1 P. 269. 3 pazyanti ye janma mRtasya jantoH pazyanti ye dharmamadRSTasAdhyam / pazyanti ye'nyaM puruSa zarIrAt pazyanti te nIlakapIta FIP. 252. 4 Empedocles likewise taught that "it is by these (elements) men think and feel pleasure and pain". Thought, like sense-perception, is only a function of the body, which is composed of the elements (fire, air, water and earth). Burnet: Barly Greek Philosophy, p. 247; Zeller: Outlines of the History of Greeh Philosophy, p. 57. In his religious teaching, however, Empedocles laid stress on the doctrine of transmigration of souls. 5 The important Jewish sect of the Sadducees denied the survival of the soul it perishes with the body-and the rewards and punishments in Hades.' Moore: Judaism, Vol. II, p. 317. 'prANApAnasamAnodAnavyAnavyatikIrNebhyaH kAyAkArapariNatisaMkIrNebhyo vanapavanAvanipavanasakhebhyaH piSTodakaguDadhAtakI. pramukhebhya iva madazaktiH, parNacUrNakramukebhya iva rAgasaMpattistadAtmaguNakAryasvabhAvatayA caitanyamupajAyate / tacca garbhAdimaraNaparyantaparyAyamatItaM sat pAdapAt patitaM patramiva na punaH prarohati / tathA ca paralokAbhAve jalabuddasvabhAveSu jIveSu

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE merrily as long as one lives: no one can escape death, and the body, burnt to ashes and extinct, never returns." 198 Sudatta while criticizing the above doctrines tries to establish the existence of the Self and continuity of births. He cites three factors in favour of his contention. First, a new-born child, just after his birth, sucks his mother's breast, which cannot be explained otherwise than by supposing the continuity of impressions acquired in a previous birth.' Secondly, it is seen that certain persons become evil spirits after death. Thirdly, there are people who can remember their previous lives. Fourthly, no sentient being ever originates from the elements. Hence the conclusion that the Self exists, eternal, and conscious of the manifestations of Matter. Further, it is seen that the body, the sense organs, and the intellect exist only so long as the Self exists, and decay as soon as the Self departs. The Self might be supposed to be non-exisent if the body and the sense-organs continued to exist even after death, but as this does not take place, the dependence of the body upon the Self must be accepted as true.* The fact is that the Self is not composed of the elements; it possesses qualities different from theirs. Besides, if the Self were composed of the elements, the latter would also cease to exist when the former ceased to exist." The Self has characteristic qualities such as knowledge, pleasure and pain; and the elements, too, for example, earth, air and fire have their own distinctive qualities: upholding, impelling and burning respectively." Some are of opinion that a bilious constitution produces among other things intelligence and intellect, but the theory cannot be accepted as valid. Increase or decrease of intelligence may be due to a corresponding excess or madazaktipratijJAne kimartho'yaM lokasyAtmasapatnaH prayatnaH / ' P. 253. It will be seen that the Carvaka here recognises only four elements: water, air, earth and fire. See also next Chapter (section on the Barhaspatyas). 1 Sallustius, a Greek writer of the fourth century A. D., employs a similar argument in support of transmigration of Souls. "The transmigration of souls can be proved from the congenital afflictions of persons. For why are some born blind, others paralytic, others with some sickness in the soul itself?" Sallustius: On the Gods and the world, Eng. trans. in Murray: Five Stages of Greek Religion, pp. 241-267. 2 Empedocles likewise speaks (fr. 129) of a man of rare knowledge, believed to refer to Pythagoras, who could remember what happened ten or twenty generations before, Burnet (op. cit.), p. 224. * 3 tadarhajasta ne hAto rakSodRSTerbhavasmRteH / bhUtAnanvayanAjjIvaH prakRtijJaH sanAtanaH // P. 271. 4 puMsi tiSThati tiSThanti zarIrendriyabuddhayaH / yAnti yAte'nyathaitAsAM sattve sattvaM prasajyatAm // P. 257. 5 viruddha guNasaMsargAdAtmA bhUtAtmako na hi / bhUjalAnalavAtAnAmanyathA na vyavasthitiH // Ibid. 6 vijJAna sukhaduHkhAdiguNaliGgaH pumAnayam / dhAraNeraNadAha / didharmAdhArA dharAdayaH / / Ibid.

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8. PHILOSOPHICAL DOCTRINES 199 deficiency of bile, just as fire waxes and wanes in proportion to the quantity of fuel consumed, but the sharpness of intellect is always seen to be due to study and learning at the feet of a teacher: to deny this is to contradict what is self-evident. In any case, there cannot be any causal relation between bile and intelligence, because there might be plenty of intelligence even when bile is totally absent. It follows therefore that the mind cannot be a product or attribute of the body nor can it be identical in composition with the body.' PASUPATA DOCTRINES Somadeva tells us that, according to the Pasupatas, ritual alone leads to salvation, meaning thereby the system of ritual prescribed in the religious texts of the Pasupatas. The chief Pasupata practices mentioned by him are smearing the body with ashes in the morning, at noon and in the evening, adoration (of the idol or the phallus of Siva or Pasupati), ceremonial offering of water-pots (probably before the idol), circumambulation from left to right, self-humiliation and other processes." Somadeva does not explain any of the practices mentioned above, but we can understand most of them with the help of the commentary on the Ganakarika of Bhasarvajna, who flourished about the middle of the tenth century, and was probably a contemporary of Somadeva. It may be noted that the Ganakarika is one of the very few works on the Pasupata system so far published, and both the text and the commentary thereon have been quoted in the brief account of the Pasupata school in the Sarvudarsancsangraha. Passing references to Pasupata doctrines are found also in the commentaries and sub-commentaries on the Vedantasutras 2. 2. 37 and specially in the Agamapramanya of Yamunamuni, the teacher of Ramanuja; but perhaps the best extant account of the system is found in the commentary called Ratnatika on Bhasarvajna's Ganakarika.* As regards the religious practices of the Pasupatas mentioned by Somadeva, the Ratna commentary refers not only to the smearing of the atha matam-pittaprakRtidhImAn medhAvI krodhano'lpakAmazca / pravedyakAlapalito bhavati naro nAtra saMdehaH // tanna prabaham / vRddhihAnI yathAgneH staamedhotkrssaapkrsstH| pittAdhikonabhAvAbhyAM buddheH saMprApnatastathA / / gurUpAsanamabhyAso vizeSaH shaastrnishcye| iti dRSTasya hAniH syAttathA ca tava darzane // kutazcit pittanAze'pi buddharatizayekSaNAt / kutaH prabhavabhAvo'tra syAdvIjAGkarayoriva // x x x x evaM ca satIdaM na kiMcit / dehAtmikA dehakAryA dehasya ca guNo matiH / matavayaM fa altra: P. 258. 2 'trikAlabhasmoddhUlanejyAgaDukapradAnapradakSiNIkaraNAtmaviDambanAdikriyAkANDamAtrAdhiSThAnAdanuSThAnAt iti pAzupatA' P.269. 3 See also next Chapter. 4 The Pasupata Sutras with the Bhasya of Kaundinya has recently been published in Trivandrum Sanskrit Series.

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200 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE body with ashes, three times a day, but to the habit of sleeping on such ashes in the shrine of the deity, and mentions also the custom of ceremonial circumambulation in the course of the devotions. Ijya is 'worship', 'adoration', the word being found in the Ratna commentary in connection with the worship of the phallus of Siva. Atmavioambana or self-humiliation refers to a group of curious and ludicrous practices calculated to bring the devotee into contempt. The Ratna commentary says that these practices are designed to create a feeling of disrespect ( apamana) in the minds of the people in that the devotee may suffer humiliation, apamana being compared to a forest-fire and regarded as something desirable, probably because it destroys one's pride and teaches one to be meek and mild. This is no doubt a very curious method of inculcating humility; and we are also told that the devotee should indulge in certain antics in full view of a crowd, like an actor on the stage. The practices in question are krathana or pretending to be asleep while awake; spandana or shaking the limbs like one suffering from an epileptic fit; mandana or walking like a lame man; srngarana or indulging in amorous gestures as if at the sight of a beautiful young woman; apitatarana or acting in a disgraceful manner like one devoid of commonsense; and apitadbhasana or uttering incoherent and meaningless words. 1 E. g., STRESITZai aforgu gala *..* ....... Tara 1974 atsipalat Tar pAdatalamastakaM yAvat prabhUtena bhasmanAGgaM pratyakSaM ca prayatnAtizayena nighRSya nighRSya lAnamAcaredityevaM madhyAhAparAhnasandhyayorapIti'.........."athAyatanasandhinaM bhUpradezaM divA............... bhasmanaiva zuci kuryAt / tadanu tatropavizya vidhya bhini viSTastAvattiSThedyAvadatinidrAbhibhUtaH zrAntazca bhavati / tataH punarutthAya vivecayet / tadanu matraiH saMskRtya bhasma prabhUtaM prastaret / tatastatra paMca matrAnAvartayanneva svapet |''..."nisskrmyeshN praNamya praNAmAntaM pradakSiNatrayaM japanneva zanaiH gala' etc. This is mentioned prior to the nightly vigil in the shrine of the god (p. 19). See under verse 7. 2 'Era GET Tea Garganta FIRE SAUT a' ete. Ijya may also be equivalent to Yaga, a technical term of the Pasupatas. The entire ritualistic process is called Carya which is the means to Dharma. Carya is composed of Dana, Yaga and Tapa. Dana is self-surrender to the deity accompanied by salutations. Yaga is the proper execution of the prescribed ritualistic acts such as smearing the body with ashes. Tapa is patient endurance of suffering in the discharge of one's religious duties. See katnariko under verse 7. Carya is called also Vidhi and defined as : TIF with whicli may be compared the definition of Vidli cited in next Chapter ( section on Pasupatas). Carya is described also as twofold: vrata and the dvaras. Smearing the body with ashes, sleeping over them, offerings, japa and pradaksina constitute vrata. The dvuras are the practices known as krathana, spandana etc. 3 'na caiSAM kramo niyamyate / kintvapamAnAdiniSpAdakatvaM yena paribhavaM gacchedityupadezAddavAgmitulyatvenApamAnAderiSTatamatvA. diti| 4 'raGgavadavasthiteSu janeSu madhye naTavadavasthito vivecya vivecya krAthanAdIni kuryAt / "

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8. PHILOSOPHICAL DOCTRINES 201 Salvation, according to the Pasupatas, is not only cessation of pain but the acquisition of unlimited supernatural powers; but as far as can be judged from the scanty literature available on the doctrines of the Pasupatas, salvation in their view does not solely depend upon ritual, as alleged by Somadeva. Carya or ritual' is no doubt a very important factor in the Pasupata system, but nevertheless it is only one among the five upayas or means of attaining perfeotion in the religious life. It is, however, possible that Somadeva may he referring to contemporary Pasupatas, who, like all followers of ritualistic systems, may be supposed to have laid particular emphasis on Carya or Vidhi as a means of emancipation. Carya, also called cari and vidhikriya, is fully explained in Kaundinya's commentary on the Pasupata Sutras 2, 13; 3, 2; 4, 2 etc. It comprises the entire range of Pasupata practices which are of two kinds : public and private, Tho publio practices are the peculiar ones mentioned above, and the devotee who undertakes them in the presence of all is called vyaktacara. The private observances are those which he carries out unseen by others and known as vrata; hence he is called gudhavrata, The practices of krathana, mandanas and the rest are designed to hold up the devotee to ridicule and make him accustomed to humiliation, insults and censure. They are calculated to promote indifference to the world; and there is also the curious belief that the devotee thereby acquires the religious merit of the onlookers who insult him, and transfers his own sins to them. The Pasupata devotee who is totally devoid of worldly ties is enjoined to go about like a man not in his senses, even like a mad man, whose true nature remains unrevealed to the people at large. The indignities which he willingly suffers appear to take the place of the austerities recognised by other schools. The Pasupata Sutras 3, 18, 19 declare, for instance, that while undergoing humiliation, the devotee, conversant with the truths, achieves the full measure of austerities. The inculcation of humility is no doubt the main purpose of 1 Tatar: 741 2 arasaf T FFI PETAT I THE S TATUT: qa fafar: Il Ganakarika (7). The five recognised means of attainnig the labhas or ways of perfection are vasa or intellectual discipline including the thorough comprehension and realisation of the tenets of the school and the effort to carry them into practice; carya or ritual; religious meditation; concentration of the mind on Siva as a regular and constant process; and the favour of the deity. See also next Chapter. 3 Kaundinya uses the form mantana. 4 3. 3-9. 5 4, 6, s. 26

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE these practices; as we are told that lack of pride born of caste and social standing is superior to all the Yantras, by which are meant sacrificial rites and privations such as prolonged fastings. It may be noted that the Pasupatas, unlike the later Virasaivas, recognise the caste-system. The devotee is invariably referred to as a Brahmana, and it is forbidden to talk to a Sudra." But the devotee must discard pride of birth; and the Pasupata way of life, characterized by a complete disregard for personal and social decorum, is designed to result in eradication of caste rules and intensification of vairagya,3 The private practices known as vrata are resorted to in the aayatana, that is, any place sacred to Siva where the devotee may choose to reside.* He must 'bathe' himself with ashes three times a day, sleep over a bed of ashes, and cleanse himself when necessary with the holy ashes (anusnana). He may not wear a wreath of fresh flowers, but take up only such flowers as have been offered to the idol of Siva. As part of his devotions, he does mental obeisance to the deity (namaskara), meditates on the sacred formulas, and resorts to certain practices which are again peculiar to the Pasupata sect. In the shrine of the deity, he breaks out into loud laughter, sings songs in Sanskrit or Prakrit in honour of Siva, and indulges in dancing. He makes also a sound called dumdumkara (called also hudukkara in later texts) resembling the bellowing of a bull and produced by joining the tip of the tongue to the palate. Singing and dancing as a medium of religious fervour are well-known in the history of religion. We may refer, for instance, to the early Christian sect of the Euchites, or Massalians, who, like the Pasupatas, were quietists, lived on alms and had no possessions. They spent all their time in prayers, and indulged in frenzied dancing. Sects like the Massalians had no organisation, but appear to have led a loosely knit communal life. The Pasupata devotions, on the other hand, were individual and carried out in seclusion. 202 Ijya, as explained above, is adoration; and the worship of Siva is no doubt the central feature of the Pasupata cult. But jya properly means yaga 'sacrifice'; and the Pasupatas have their own interpretation of what sacrifice is. Kaundinya says that Yaga is bhavana or mental concentration on 1 Kaundinya 4. 9. 2 1. 13. 3_Kaundinya 3. 11 saya : sarvasaMskAravarjitena bhavitavyam / ato varNAzramanyucchedo vairAgyotsAhazca jAyate. 4 'grAme vA yadi vAraNye puNyasthAnaM hi zUlinaH / AvAso dharmatRptAnAM siddhikSetraM hi tat param // ' quoted by Kaundinya 1. 7. 5 Details in Kaundinya 1. S. 6 The Massalians who have been called 'Christian fakirs' first appeard on the borders of Syria and Armenia in the latter half of the fourth century, and spread to Syria and Asia Minor. Kidd: A History of the Church, Vol. II, p. 373.

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8. PHILOSOPHICAL DOCTRINES 203 Mahesvara to the exclusion of any other deity. Further, we have the doctrine of atiyajana or higher sacrifice in contrast to kuyajana or the inferior sacrificial rites of the Vedic religion, so called on account of himsa and other defects inherent in them. The atiyajana is, however, nothing more than the Pasupata scheme of diseipline comprising the religious practices collectively known as Carya.' The Pasupatas had, as a matter of fact, no elaborate ritual like that of the Saivas, who had their Agamas, Tantras and Paddhatis dealing with the subject. They worshipped Siva, the lingam or any other image of the god, Vraadhvaja, Sulapani, Nandi or Mahakala. An important proviso laid down in the Pasupata Sutras is that the worshipper should have in view the Daksinamurti of Siva, that is, he should stand on the southern side of the ng his face towards the north.3 Stress is also laid on the meditation of the Pranava; and the devotee repeats various holy mantras which invoke the different aspects of Mahesvara. The Sadhaka no doubt worships the image of Siva, but his attention is directed to the incorporeal aspect of the deity. Pasupata worship is really self-surrender( atidana) to the Supreme Being, who is without any sense organ, beyond the senses, pervasive and self-existent; who sees without eyes and hears without ears; has no intellect, but has nothing outside the scope of His knowledge; and knows all, but has no knower.' Somadeva criticiizes the Pasupatas by pointing out that religious acts are useless without knowledge and faith. He opines that if a man is devoid of knowledge, his action is barren of result: the blind may enjoy the shade of a tree, but not the beauty of its fruits. Further, knowledge is useless in the case of one who is lame, that is, unable to act, and so is action in the case of a blind unbeliever; it is the combination of knowledge, action and faith that leads to the realisation of the summum bonum." Somadeva 1 Kaundinga 2. 9 says: meat strata HET: tri rast. CPS. 775& gt at ar rada Kari T raat Bica ATASHET: 11 quoted by Kaundinya on Pasupata Sutras 2. 20: agaftita 7 2 Kaundinya 2. 15 says: 34fara a ar e all area efTet Freq ndanAdyA vidhikriyA. 3 1. 9. 4 For example, aradara 47 99 H 14 :', 'er :','frutta FH:' '1074731 77','HASHTU 22:. The last mantra sums up the Pasupata conception of God. 5 2. 15, 27. 6 zAmahIne kriyA puMsi paraM nArabhate phalam / tarogchAyeva kiM labhyA phlshriinssttdRssttibhiH||shn panau kriyA cAndhe niHzraddhe aru 697 laat aaff414617ETO | P 271.

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204 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE concludes his remarks by quoting a verse, the purport of which is that knowledge without action is useless as is action without knowledge; a blind man, if he runs, comes to grief and so does a lame man, even though he has the power of seeing. uktaM cai tri fari Taalafaa: fast I want y# 78: 999afo = 4F#: Vol.II, p. 271 THE KULACARYAS AND TRIKAMATA Somadeva tells us that, according to the Kulacaryas, that is, Tantrikas, salvation results from unhesitating indulgence in all kinds of food and drink, forbidden or otherwise. It may be noted that another Jaina writer, Yasahpala, the author of the allegorical drama Moharajaparajaya, written two centuries later, gives about the same definition of the views of the Kaulas or Kulacaryas. The Kaula in this play declares that one should daily take meat and drink heavily, that being the religion taught by him, allowing free scope to one's desires." The views of the Kulacaryas are identified by Somadeva with Trikamata. According to this system, one should, after indulging in meat and drink, worship Siva with wine in company with a female partner sitting on one's left during the rites: the worshipper is to play the role of Siva united with Parvati and exhibit the Yonimudra.3 This is, generally speaking, a more or less accurate picture of Tantric ritual as elaborated in texts like Kularnavatantra and Kulacudamanitantra, although many of the details are unintelligible and obscure. The use of wine and meat is a conspicuous feature of the cult. As regards relations with the other sex, the Kulacudamani. tantra, for instance, gives a colourful description of the worshipper setting about the mystic rites at night in company with his partner, perfumed and dressed in red and richly adorned with gold ornaments; she sits on a cushion to his left and he gracefully clasps her around with his arm. It should, however, be remembered that ceremonial worship of women of all castes without any distinction is an important feature of Tantric ritual;' but the use of meat and wine for religious purposes and freedom of association with women must have led to abuse 1 'Hang EZTETET TETE art fat 441:1 The term far is met with in Tantrik texts, e. g. in Kularnavatantra, chap. II. 2 T H Byfeu fost Teini 1 3 futanara CAT RESTLIV, 22 3 'tathA ca trikamatoktiH-madirAmodameduravadanastarasarasaprasannahRdayaH savyapArzvavinivezitazaktiH zaktimudrAsanadharaH svaya ATHEPATUHOT Frit Taloft ITHITVE e 'P. 269. 4 Chap. 3. See also Kularnava, chap. 10 ( partit TIA FIFA19iaart etc.). 5 Ibid. 3, 16, 17. Cf. Kularnava, chap. 11-a facrare IT C ar

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8. PHILOSOPHICAL DOCTRINES has no doubt based his definition of Kaula views on what he saw and heard in his own days. The Kularnavatantra (Chap. 9) says, like Somadeva, that the Kaulikas do not observe any restriction with regard to food and drink,' and goes on to declare that for them exists no injunction or prohibition, virtue or vice, heaven or hell. But the Kaula devotee is described also as a man free from desires, ever content, impartial and chaste, without any striving and desire for heaven, and conversant with the highest truths. The Kaula mystics go about the world in different guises, doing good to men, inscrutable and unperceived by others.* The Kaula ideal is, it is true, to eat, drink and be merry, but it is also one of concord and amity, for the Kaula is enjoined not to make any distinction between "You" and "I" Salvation, according to the Kaula system, seems to be union with Siva to be attained by knowledge, ignorance being destroyed by the performance of one's religious duties. Somadeva's definition of Kaula views does not take into consideration this aspect of the cult; and he criticizes the Kaula standpoint by asserting that if salvation was the outcome of reckless living, it would sooner come to the thugs and butchers than to the Kaulas." 205 Somadeva, as we have seen, treats the Kaula doctrine as identical with Trikamata, to which there is another reference in Book I. We are told that the young prince Maradatta considered his body to be divine like one initiated into the Trika doctrine.s The commentary of Srutasagara takes Trikamata to mean Saiva doctrine; and the divine character of the body seems to be a tenet common to the Saiva and Tantrika systems. The Kularnavatantra (Chap. 9) says, for instance, that the body is the abode of the gods, while the Self is Lord Sadasiva himself. The doctrine is found in a more developed form in the Sutasamhita (belonging to the Skandapurana), a comprehensive work of the Advaita school of Saivism. The Sutasamhita says among other things that the various organs are presided 1 apeyamapi peyaM syAdabhakSyaM bhakSyameva ca / agamyamapi gamyaM syAt kaulikAnAM kulezvari // 2 na vidhirna niSedhaH syAnna puNyaM na ca pAtakam / na svargo naiva narakaH kaulikAnAM kulezvari / Ibid. 3 niHspRho niSyasaMtuSTaH samadarzI jitendriyaH / svargahIno'prayAsI ca yogI paramatattvavit // Ibid. 4 yogino vividhairvezairnarANAM hitakAriNaH / bhramanti pRthivImetAmavijJAtasvarUpiNaH / Ibid. The expression kulayogI is frequently used. 5 piban madyaM vaman khAdan svacchAcAraparAyaNaH / ahaM tvamanayoraikyaM bhAvayenniva set sukham // Ibid. 6 karmaNonmUlite'jJAne jJAnena zivatAM vrajet / zivakyasyaiva muktiH svAdataH karma samApayet // Ibid. 7 niHzaGkAtmapravRtteH gyAdyadi mokSasamIkSaNam / ukasUnAkRtAM pUrva pazcAt kauleSvasau bhavet // P. 271 8 'sakalajanasAdhAraNe'pi svadehe trikamata dIkSitasyaiva deva bhUyenAbhinivizamAnasya' Vol. I, p. 43. 9 'deho devAlayo devi jIvo devaH sadAzivaH

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206 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE over by various deities; for example, the sun is the deity of the eye, Varuna that of the tongue, Fire that of speech and so on. Moreover, five deities are said to abide in the body composed of the five elements; Brahman in the earthy portion, Isvara in the airy portion, Visnu in the watery portion, Rudra in the fiery portion, and Sadas va himself in the portion of the body composed of ether. For this reason the body, whether one's own or that of another, should be honoured as having a divine character (devatamaya); no one should de despised even by mistake, and even a fool or a villain should be respected as possessing a body that is divine. Similar views are expressed in the S'ivapurana (Sanatkumara samhita, Chap. 39).2 A passing reference to Tantric doctrine as Mantravada dealing with the mystic diagrams or Yantras occurs in Book I.3 SAIVA DOCTRINES Saiva doctrines are prominently dealt with in the episode of Candakarman in Yasastilaka, Book V (pp. 251, 254 ff,); and the discussion is of particular interest in view of the struggle of Jainism against the rising tide of Saivism in certain parts of India in the age of Somadeva and after. Haraprabodha, one of the companions of Candakarman, is a Saiva and declares that Lord Siva has two ways of doing good to the world: the Daksina Marga or the Righthand Path and the Vamamarga or the Lefthand Path.* Of these the Righthand Path is meant for general usage, and two verses are quoted to illustrate its principles (Vol. II, p. 251): prapaJcarahitaM zAstraM prapaJcarahito guruH / prapaJcarahitaM jJAnaM prapaJcarahitaH zivaH // zivaM zaktivinAzena ye vAnchanti narAdhamAH / te bhUmirahitA dvIjAt santu nRnaM phalosamAH // To these may be added another verse quoted in VI. 19 (Vol. II, p. 317): advaitAca paraM sadhvaM na devaH zaMkarAt paraH / zaivazAstrAt paraM nAsti bhuktimuktipradaM vacaH // The first verse declares that the Sastra, the Teacher, the true knowledge, and Siva himself are without any connection with prapanca or worldly phenomena. The second verse emphasizes the organic connection between Siva and Sakti, and declares that to accept Siva without accepting Sakti is like expecting a harvest from seeds without the intermediary of earth. 1 Yajnavaibhavakhandoparibhaga, Sutagita 4. 22 ff. and 7. 3ff. Cf. a devatAmayam / svakIyaM parakIyaM ca pUjayettu vizeSataH // Ibid. 7. 28 ets. 2 ' idaM zarIraM viprendra sarvadevamayaM zRNu' etc. 3 'matravAdoktiSviva vividhayantrazlAghinIpu'. Vol. I, p. 39. 4 'bhagavato hi bhargasya sakalajagadanugrahasargo dakSiNo vAmazca / P. 251. 5: For the Daksina Marga see also Chap. XIII.

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8. PHILOSOPHICAL DOCTRINES 207 The third verse declares that there is no truth higher than non-duality, no god higher than Siva, and no science more capable of guaranteeing happiness as well as liberation than the Saiva doctrine. The three verses quoted by Somadeva may be said to sum up the doctrines of the Advaita school of Saivism, as propounded in texts like the S'ivapurana, the Sutasamhita, and the Tavaragita incorporated in the Kurmapurana. The doctrines represent a Saiva adaptation of the views of aita Vedanta, whose doctrine of non-duality is mentioned with approval in the Sivapurana (Jnanasamhita).' The latter text, in one place, uses the significant expression advaita-saivce-veda to denote the Saiva system and its antagonism to the conception of dvaita or duality. The Saiva doctrine, as developed in the aforesaid texts, postulates absolute non-duality and denies the reality of prapanca and samsara, that is, worldly phenomena and the course of mundane life. Siva alone exists self-luminous; and the universe being an outcome of his own Power, nothing exists apart from the Supreme Deity. Sakti, the inherent and conscious Power of Siva, creates the universe according to his will; and this Power, without beginning and end, is called Maya, the cause of the material world. No relationship is possible between the visible phenomena and the Supreme Soul, just as there cannot be any a between darkness and light; but the universe is ultimately merged in Siva, just as foam and waves rise from the ocean and are merged in the ocean. "Knowledge free from worldly phenomena' (prapanca-rahitan 1 Published in three Volumes in Anandasrama Series. 2 See Chapter 78 (qi aceaat T raian: etc.) 3 patati di 7 mg afart. Sivcpuruna ( Kailasasamhita 10. 166). The expression felqiga occurs in verse 96, 4 Cf. : afya na HITT 7 TE97: 1 Terharfe 5 gat haefa: 11 Sutasamhita (Jzanayogakhanda 20. 4). FETTU TEAS: #4:17 TaHE THESIT: htfa 7 974 Hal Ibid. ( Yajnavaibhavakhanda 15. 30). 5 atazca saMkSepamimaM zRNudhvaM jagatsamastaM cidacitprabhinnam / svazaktiklaptaM zivamAtrameva na devadevAt pRthagasti kiMcit // Ibid. 12. 29. mAyA mAhezvarI zaktiH sattvAdiguNabhedataH / jIvamAkramya saMsAre bhrAmayatyanizaM dvijaaH||'ato mAyAmayaH sAkSAt HEIT: Hafetih etc. Ibid. 2. 42 ff. ar 91 fhfaqet fast I T OTT fant zaktiH prasavadharmiNI / vibhajya bahudhA vizva vidadhAti zivecchayA / sA mUlaprakRtirmAyA triguNA trividhA smRtaa| Sivpurana (Vayaviyasamhita 5. 13 ff.) 7 yathA prakAzatamasoH saMbandho nopapadyate / tadvadeva na saMbandhaH prapaJcaparamAtmanoH / / chAyAtapau yathA loke parasparavilakSaNau / 167 Tag a fafaat Tha: 11 Isvara gita 2. 10, 11 (kurmapurana, Uparibhaga). T azaif Furgi : 1 ya Taaza !! Sutasanihita (Jzanayogakhanda 20. 20). It is stated in the same Chapter (verse 5) that just as the akasa is called ghatukasa and mahakasa, siinilarly the One Soul is called by the ignorant both Jiva and isvara.

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208 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE jnanam ) seems to refer to the state of samadhi, in which the devotee no longer perceives the objects of the world and becomes united with the Supreme Soul. The Teacher free from worldly phenomena' (prapanca-rahito guruh) is the religious preceptor, who is identified with Siva, and, in the ultimate resort, Siva himself. The indispensable and inseparable connection between Siva and Sakti, set forth by Haraprabodha, is frequently emphasized in Saiva texts and forms a fundamental dogma of the Saiva system, The Vamamarga or the Lefthand Path devised by Siva is described as leading to pleasure as well as salvation, and corresponds to the grosser aspect of the Tantric cult. The following verse is cited by Haraprabodha to illustrate the Vamamarga (Vol II, p. 251): ___ agnivat sarvabhakSo'pi bhavabhaktiparAyaNaH / bhuktiM jIvanavAmoti muktiM tu labhate mRtaH // One who is devoted to Siva obtains pleasure in life and release on death, even though he is omnivorous like Fire.' The verse quoted from the poet Bhasa' as a further illustration of the Vamamarga advocates the pleasures of love and wine, an the picture of the Path as one of gross sensualism combined with devotion to Siva. It goes without saying that the Advaita school of Saivism condemns the Vamamarga as non-Vedic and hindering the rise of true knowledge. The former school glorifies bhakti, and asserts that it is Siva, ed with Sakti, that vouchsafes joy as well as liberation, and shines in the hearts of those who are sincerely devoted to him.? Sudatta's reply to Haraprabodha provides a good example of Jaina c against Saivism, and enables us to have an idea of the chief points at issue between the two schools of thought. The following verse quoted by 1 q naifo TTIE Farfait a zte iftua: qtuet 791 HRT #7: || Ibid. (verse 25). Also FET ETGE Encaifoga carta a la faf Ag af farfarerea Ibid. 2 FITTE TEHNIT TOTT FETTE I Tota: qfarat TFFI FART: 11 Sivapurana (Vidye svarasanihita 16. 84). The conception of Siva as Aca rya ogcurs in Bhoja's Tattvaprakasa 1. 15 (ara atata taariare:). Cf. 7 faraa faar Titint tefta: fata: I SHTAT T: TTTT #qrta Sutasamhita Yajnavaibhavakhanda 13. 30). va TESTUA 37 fitffitat: fela: 1 fa faat Tiia 74 a fal fata: 11 Sivapurana (Vayaviyasanhita 5. 12), TETASFATIT C Ibid. (verse 37). 4 fifted 2HANT: CATT:'(Printed text reads haa:) P, 251, 5 Seo Chap. XVIII. 6 HITTTTTTTTH PLATITI TRIT: 3724 SETTCTTTTTE 11 Sutasanhita (Muktikhanda 6.12). 7 bhaktiyuktajanacittapaGkaje muktimuktiphaladaH purAtanaH / zaktiyuktaparavigrahaH zivaH satyameva satataM prakAzate || Yajha. vaibhavakhanda 26. 39. The chapter in question deals with Sivabhakti,

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8. PHILOSOPHICAL DOCTRINES 209 Somadeva and put in the mouth of Sudatta (P. 254) records the Jaina objec. tions to the theory of Siva being the source of scriptural knowledge. aging vaktA naiva sadAzivo vikaraNastasmAt paro rAgavAn dvaividhyAdaparaM tRtIyamiti cettat kasya hetorabhUt / zaktyA cet parakIyayA kathamasau tadvAnasaMbandhataH saMbandho'pi na jAghaTIti bhavatAM zAsaM nirAlambanam // The idea of the verse is that Sadasiva cannot be the expounder of a system, since he is incorporeal nor can this role be attributed to the deity in his corporeal aspect, for example, to Siva as the consort of Parvati, because as such he is subject to passion, which makes him unfit for the task. A third alternative is lacking; and it cannot be urged that he expounds the system by means of an extraneous Sakti or Power, because he cannot be supposed to possess any such Power owing to the absence of any integral celationship between the two. It follows therefore that the sastra of the Saivas is without any authoritative foundation. This dismisses another claim of the Saivas that a very rare sastra originated from Siva in the form of Nada or Sound, Sudatta then points out certain inconsistencies in the Saiva doctrine resulting from the two mutually conflicting conceptions of Siva, the corporeal Rudra and the incorporeal Sadasiva. The Jaina sage argues that if Rudra is regarded as omniscient, even though he is subject to passion and similar affections, that will contradict Patanjali's definition of isvara or the Supreme Being as one untouched by passions, acts, consequences and impressions, and hence possessing the highest degree of omniscience. It is a fallacy to associate omniscience and passion with the same person; and a conception of Rudra, worldly yet omniscient, contradicts also the assertion that Siva possesses the qualities of freedom from passion, self-control, and omniscience besides irresistible might, contentment, supreme bliss, and untrammelled energy. Sudatta continues the argument and shows that the conception of the incorporeal Sadasiva also involves similar contradictions. The poet Grahila,' for instance, in his hymn to Sadasiva, speaks of the pballus of the god and the inability of Brahman and Visnu to find out its limit, and refers also to the burning of the three cities of the demons by Siva when the earth became his chariot, Indra his charioteer, the sun and the moon the chariot-- wheels and so on. Further, there is another aspect of Sadasiva which is not in keeping with the character of an incorporeal being. Sudatta quotes in this 1 For another attack on the Saiyasastra see Chap. X. 2 ga ata a tard-31EURfateregr arrasala T OTTI arki Ture 43 *Tip Vol. II, p. 250. 3 "rAgAdibhirupadrutasyApi rudrasyAptatAyo 'klezakarmavipAkAzayaraparAmRSTaH puruSavizeSa Izvara' iti, 'aizvaryamapratihataM mahajo fata:" = fareza." For the verse in question see Chap. XVIII. 4 See Chap. XVIII. 5 For the verse in question see Chap. XVIII. 27

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210 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE connection a verse, which says that a living creature is steeped in ignorance and not a master of his own destinies, and goes to heaven or hell, as directed by isvara or Siva (Vol. II, p. 255); ajJo janturanIzo'yamAtmanaH sukhduHkhyoH| Izvaraprerito gacchet svarga vA zvabhrameva vA // It may be noted that the verse is cited in many texts' as an illustration of the supreme power of God, and incorporated in the S'ivapurana to show that a sentient being is nothing but a plaything in the hand of Siva. What is important is that the Saiva system regards Siva as the preraka or prerayita, the great moving or directing force of the universe.* Bhokta or the Self, Bhogya or Matter and Preragita or the Mover are, as a matter of fact, three fundamental concepts of the Saiva system; and the moving power is known also as the Kriyasakti of Siva. The Jainas, however, regard this as inconsistent with the conception of Siva as the incorporeal Sadasiva. Sudatta contends that it is impossible for the ethereal Sadasiva to move others; and it is also doubtful whether one who is himself never moved by others should be able to move any one else." The Jainas attack also the conception of Siva as the creator of the universe. Sudatta begins his argument by quoting a verse in which Siva is addressed as the primeval architect of the universe (P. 255); bhogyAmAhuH prakRtimRSayazcetanAzaktizUnyAM bhoktA nainAM pariNamayituM bandhavartI samarthaH / bhogye'pyasmin bhavati mithune puSkalastatra heturnIlagrIva svamasi bhuvanasthApanAsUtradhAraH // The sense of the verse is that the Bhokta or the Soul in bondage cannot evolve any change in unconscious Matter, called Bhogya or Prakrti; and the interaction of the two is entirely due to the initiative of Siva, who sets in motion the process of cosmic evolution. The Jainas, however, do not admit the existence of a personal creator of the universe; and Sudatta utters the following verse which sums up the Jaina objection (P. 256 ): kartA na tAvadiha ko'pi dhiyecchayA vA dRSTo'nyathA kaTakRtAvapi sa prasaMgaH / kArya kimatra sadanAdiSu takSakAcairAhatya cet tribhuvanaM puruSaH karoti // The idea of the verse is that no one who creates the world by intellect or will 1 See Naisadhacarita, Trans., Appendix I, p. 509. 2 Vayaviyasanhita, chap. t. 3 Sta atsafu 1959' Ibid. (verse 62). 4 Cf. Hitafaefer gut HTATET: 819- **** i fett: 47* 297:11 Sivapurana (Vayaviya sanhitis, 1. 4. 18). FIAT 1917AATI 992 : 1 OTTI FT Frame 711fERE AU Isvaragita 6. 5. 6 il fat og fafar u771 ara: qi faarafgafaroj f A ll Sivapurina (op. cit verse 7:3). 6 Isvaragita (op. cit.). 7 AkAzakalpasya sadAzivasya paraMprati prerakatA na yuktA / svayaM parApreSita eSa zaMbhurbhavet paraprerayiteti cintyam / / P. 255. 8 Cf, Sirupuruna (Vayaviyasinihil 1. 4. 65 ff.). 9 Cf. TAI ATZI quayeugu Isvaragitu 6. 8. fa: affatyti ghisatt azzal afaat GTA 4 H 9: UTAT: Sivapurana (op. cit, verse 16).

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8. PHILOSOPHICAL DOCTRINES has ever been seen; and if an invisible creator is postulated, even the making of a mat might be attributed to him. Further, if there is really some one who builds up the universe, there will be nothing left for carpenters and others to do!1 Further, Sudatta contends that the conception of Isvara is redundant, because what is called Isvara is only another name for Karma. He quotes a verse which records the synonyms of Purakrta or Karma done in previous births, and among these Isvara is also included (p. 256): vidhirvidhAtA niyatiH svabhAvaH kAlo mahazvezvaradaivakarma | puNyAni bhAgyAni tathA kRtAntaH paryAyanAmAni purAkRtasya // It cannot be urged that Karma, being insentient, is powerless to serve as an agent for the enjoyment or suffering of others." Insentient objects like jewels, magnet and wind are known to have the power of acting upon other objects, and the same is true of Karma,3 Sudatta in this connection quotes a verse from a work named Ratnapariksa in order to prove the miraculous efficacy of jewels in counteracting evils even from a distance. However that may be, the role of shaping the destinies of creatures is assigned exclusively to Karma; and the position of God, even if he exists, is reduced to that of a servant,5 The Jaina doctrine of Karma is calculated to exalt the Self and inculcate self-reliance, since each individual has to solve the problem of existence and liberation by his personal effort. The emphasis is always upon Karma; and Sudatta concludes his sermon by quoting a verse, which declares that the Self by itself acts and reaps the consequences of its deeds, by itself it passes through worldly existence, and by itself is liberated from its bonds (p. 256): svayaM karma karotyAtmA svayaM tatphalamaJjate / svayaM bhramati saMsAre svayaM tasmAdvimucyate // It should be noted that the universe in the Jaina view is uncreated, eternal and endless, hence the objection to the theory of a personal creator, God or Siva. It will also be seen that the controversy between Jainism and Saivism centering round the problem of creation resolved itself into one between the theories of Karma and God; and the identifica 211 1 The verse occurs in Yasastilaka 2. 139. The theory of creation is also ridiculed in a verse in Book VIII, section 37, which says that Siva creates the mountains and the earth_as_well as pots and huts ! dharaNIdharadharaNiprabhRti sRjati, nanu nipagRhAdi girizaH karoti, Vol. II, p. 388. 2 'kathamacetanaM karma paropabhogArthaM pravartata iti cettanna / ' P. 256. 3 ratnAyaskAntavAtAderacito'pi paraM prati / yathA kriyAnimittatvaM karmaNo'pi tathA bhavet // P. 256. 4 See Chap. XVIII. 5 viSTiH karmakarAdInAM cetanAnAM sacetanAt / dRSTA ceSTA vidheyeSu jagatsraSTari sAstu vaH // P. 256. hare ceSTA bhavatu vo yuSmAkaM sraSTA vRthA / sarveSAM dAsa eveti bhAvaH / 6 Soe Chap. X. Ms. A remarks

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212 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE tion of Siva with God was facilitated by the fact that the word Isvara means both Siva and God. Another point at issue between Saivism and Jainism is the ques. tion of omniscience; and it must be said to the credit of Somadeva that ho fully reproduces the Saiva point of view in the course of his exposition of Jaina doctrines.' The Saivas point out, with reference to the Jaina conception of Tirthamkara or Supreme Teacher, that the Jainas regard a human being as apta or omniscient, despite the fact that it is extremely difficult for a human being to attain omniscience. Even supposing that a Tirthakara is omniscient, it will be necessary to find out his teacher, because no man can acquire knowledge by his own effort without the help of a teacher. If it is said that the teacher of a Tirthakara is another Tirthakara, one will have to discover the teacher of the latter as well and so on, until we are faced with the absurdity of an endless series of Tirthakaras and their teachers. The only way to avoid such a situation is to accept either Sadasiva or Siva, the consort of Parvati, as the teacher of a Tirthakara; and the Saivas in this connection cite the authority of the Yogasutras 1, 26, which declare Isvara to be the eternal teacher of all primeval teachers. The Saivas also assert that a very rare sastra arose from the incorporeal and quiescent Siva in the form of Sound, the implication being that such a Being is fit to be the guru of a Tirthakara. Further, they contend that there should only be one Apta or Omniscient Being. There cannot be a multitude of aptas like that of other creatures; and there is no reason why there should be only twenty-four of them, that being the number of Tirthakaras recognised by the Jainas. Somadeva replies that a Tirthakara who possesses three kinds of supernatural knowledge is not the person to require the help of a teacher, and tries to meet the Saiva objections by showing that the Tirthakaras are not the only persons who have attained knowledge of the highest truths by their own initiative. As an illustration of this, Somadera cites a legend concerning the rise of the Vaisesika system of philosophy, according to which the knowledge of the six categories spontaneously dawned upon the 1 Yasastilaka, Book VI, section 2. 2 'athaivaM pratyavatiSThAsavaH-bhavatAM samaye kila manujaH sannAto bhavati tasya cAptatAtIva durghaTA |..."mnussysyaabhilssit tattvAvabodho na svatastathAdarzanAbhAvAt / parazcat ko'sau prH| tIrthakaro'nyo vaa| tIrthakara zcettatrApyevaM paryanuyoge prakRtamanubandhe tasmAdanavasthA / tadabhAvamAptasadbhAvaM ca vAgchadbhiH sadAzivaH zivApatirvA tasya tattvopadezakaH pratizrotavyaH / aare 47:- defa yk: dastatasarai Vol. II, p. 276. 3 healografegar........ (see above). The verse is quoted twice, in Books V and VI. 2, pp. 255, 276. 4 'tathAptenaikena bhavitavyam / na hyAptAnAmitaraprANivadgaNaH samasti / saMbhave vA caturvizatiriti niyamaH kautaskuta iti""""" 5 tattvabhAvanayodbhUtaM janmAntarasamutthayA / hitAhita vivekAya yasya jJAnatrayaM param // dRSTAdRSTamavaityartha rUpavantamathAvadheH / ga: gia He dieI THANH || P. 277.

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8. PHILOSOPHICAL DOCTRINES 213 sage Kanada in Benares; and Siva, in the form of an owl, exhorted him to communicate the divine revelation to the Brahmanas.1 Somadeva does not mention the source of his story, but it seems to be a variation of the popular legend that Siva, assuming the shape of an owl (uluka), communicated the Vaisesika philosophy to Kanada, whence the name Aulukya given to that system. The crucial point, however, is that even the highest truths can be known by one's own efforts without instruction by a teacher; it is therefore futile to foist an imaginary preceptor upon the Jaina Tirthakaras. As regards their number, there is nothing abnormal about it, since there are many things in the world of which a considerable number is known to exist, for instance, lunar days, stars, planets, oceans, mountains and the rest. It may be noted that the controversy between the Saivas and the Jainas on the subject of omniscience is at the bottom a contest between two rival conceptions, the S'aivas reserving the term sarvajna omniscient' for Siva and the Jainas doing the same for each one of their Tirthakaras. The Jaina standpoint will be clear from their definition of Apta.* As regards Siva, he is consistently called sarvajna in Saiva texts, and omniscience is one of the five saktes attributed to him." The Jainas attack also the doctrine of Siva and Sakti, to which prominence is given in Saiva works. Somadeva attempts to prove that the relationship between Siva and Sakti is a fiction, because the supposed connection can be described neither as samyoga 'conjunction' nor as samavaya 'inherence'. He points out that, according to the Yauga doctrine, that is, the Nyaya theory, samyoga or conjunction is possible only between two substances; but sakti or potency is not a substance, hence there can be no samyoga between Siva and Sakti. Nor can samavaya or inherence be supposed to be the basis of relationship between Siva and Sakti. According to the Vaisesika theory, samavaya or inherence is the permanent relation between two things which are not known to exist separately, for example, a quality and the qualified. Sakti is, however, known to exist and operate 1 'kathamanyathA svata eva saMjAtapaTpadArthAvasAyaprasare kaNacare vArANasyAM mahezvarasyolUka sAyujyasarasyedaM vacaH saMgaccheta - brahmatulA nAmedaM divaukasAM divyamadbhutaM jJAnaM prAdurbhUtamiha tvayi tadvatsa vidhatsva viprebhya: / ' Vol. II, p. 277. 2 Cf. Naisadhacarita 22. 36 ( aulUkamAhuH khalu darzanaM tat ). 3 niyataM na bahutvaM cet kathamete tathAvidhAH / tithitArAgrahAmbhodhibhUbhRtprabhRtayo matAH // P. 277. 4 See Chap. X. 5 Cf. Sutasamhita: Yajnavaibhavakhanda 22.6; Sivamahatmyakhanda 2.7; Muktikhanda 2.10. 6 sarvakartRtva rUpA ca sarvajJatvasvarUpiNI / pUrNatva rUpA nityatvavyApakatvasvarUpiNI / / zivasya zaktayaH paJca saMkucadrUpabhAskarAH / Sivapurana (Kailasasamhita 10. 158). 7 On the use of the expression Yauga in this sense see G. N. Kaviraja in Sarasvati Bhavana Studies, Vol. III, p. 84.

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214 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN OULTORE separately from Siva; so there can be no samavaya relationship between the two.' There is no doubt that Somadeva gives a fairly comprehensive account of the philosophical controversies of the Saivas and the Jainas current in his own age. The Saivas attacked the Jaina theory of Arhat or the Perfect Saint and tried to establish the superiority of Siva to any such finite personality, whether called Arhat or Tirthamkara. Somadeva, as we have seen, sums up some of the Saiva objections; and we find a similar attack on the Jaina conception of the Arhat also in the Isana-sivagurudevapaddhati," a comprehensive work on Saiva doctrine and ritual, which records the teachings of a line of Saiva Yogins, who were influential in many parts of India during the ninth, tenth and eleventh centuries. The rivalry of these two important sects covering a considerable period lends more than an academio interest to their controversies in the field of speculative thought. Somadeva condemns certain fundamental concepts of the Saiva and Tantrio systems in Yasastilaka VIII. 39. They are chiefly Jyotih, Bindu, Nada, Kundali, and Nirbijikarana. Jyotih * Light' is one of the mystic names of Siva. In Sanskrit the word is neuter, and it is usual to designate the Siva-tattva as masculine and feminine and reuter to denote its comprehensive and transcendental character, The Pranava or Om syllable, which is the expression of Siva, is also called Jyotih. Kala is one of the thirty-six principles of the Saiva system, and denotes the agency which unfolds the power of human beings to act. In other words, Kala is the source of the limited power of action possessed by the Pasus or creatures in bondage. Nada and Bindu are two concepts always mentioned together, but not specifically recognised by certain texts, as pointed out by Raghavabhatta in his commentary on Saradatilaka 1.7. The Sivapurana' says that, at the beginning of creation, Sakti, the latent energy of Siva, becomes manifest by the will of Siva; and when Sakti is stirred up by the creative urge of Siva, 1 tarat FatRat 74 TE 7 farart #aTT: IT 1741 della fara: 1 samavAyalakSaNo'pi na saMbandhaH zakteH pRthasiddhatvAt / ayutasiddhAnAM guNaguNyAdInAM samavAyasaMbandhaH iti vaizeSikamaitihyam / ' Vol. II, p. 277. 2 See Kriyapada 1. 39 ff. See also next Chapter and Chap. XIII, 3 See Introduction to Part II. (Trivandrum Sanskrit Series ). 4 Flarergon ang gustarra: 1...See below. 5 The comm. on Tattvaprakasa 1. 3 says: oma fani gangajar afea, and remarks: taduktaM bRMhaNyAm-zivo deva: zivA devI zivaM jyotiriti tridhA / aliGgamapi yattattvaM liGgamedena kathyate / / 6 Raghavabhatta says in his comm. on Saradatilaka 1. 11: trueifcurafa "Far fear zAnaM gaurI brAhmI tu vaiSNavI / tridhA zakti sthitA yatra tat paraM jyotiromiti / / " 7 Tattvaprakasa 3. 6. says 'sofa Mit PS a aa . 8 ffaa praeg' Sivapurana ( Kailasasanhita 10. 161). 9 Ibid. Payaviyasanhita 5. 18 ff.

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8. PHILOSOPHICAL DOCTRINES 215 there arises Nada whence emerges Bindu. From Bindu arises Sadasiva, from the latter Mahesvara, and from the latter again Vidya, the expressive energy of Siva consisting of the letters of the alphabet. The foregoing account adds Nada and Bindu to the five usually accepted Suddhatattvas, viz. - Siva, Sakti, Sadasiva, isvara or Mahesvara and Vidya. The Tattvaprakasa of Bhoja, for instance, recognises only these five, and remarks that Nada and Bindu are included in the Sivatattva.' It is in some of the Tantras that we find an exhaustive treatment of Nada and Bindu.2 Roughly speaking, Nada represents the awakening and Bindu the active aspect of Sakti. According to Saradatilaka 1.7, from Siva emerges Sakti, from Sakti Nada, and from Nada Bindu. The Prapancasaratantra (1. 42, 43), explaining the next stage of evolution, says that the Bindu splits up into three portions: Bindu and Nada ( different from the first two) and Bija, of which Bindu represents Isvara or consciousness and Bija unconscious matter, while Nada represents Purusa or the Self,the blend of consciousness with unconscious Matter. While the original Bindu is in the process of disintegration, there arises an indistinct sound, and this is known as Sabdabrahma, the consciousness abiding in the creatures of the universe and the basic foundation of sounds and their meanings. According to Raghavabhatta, Nada and Bindu represent the indistinct, undifferentiated and pervasive sound emerging at the beginning of the process of cosmic evolution initiated by Siva, and it is this sound that is known as Sabdabrahma. There are also other interpretations, but there is no doubt that Nada and Bindu were fundamental concepts of the Saiva system in Somadeva's time. Although Sabdabrahma is universal and all-pervading, it abides in the form of Kundali, better known as Kundalini.? Kundalini is the stored up energy inherent in each individual and the force that produces all forms of sound from the primitive inarticulate murmur to organised literary speech. 1 77 fars: TOT Fat fra afThrerait aferat 2. 11 2 See, for example, saradatilaka, Chap. 1 and the citations in Raghavbhatta's com. mentary thereon. 3 Raghavabhatta (op. cit.) says (1.7)-ati gara-"argaar sya # actualeti zivonmukhI yadA zaktiH puMrUpA sA tadA smRtA"......."anyatrApi "abhivyaktA parA zaktiravinAbhAvalakSaNA / ......... prayAti bindubhAvaM ca kriyAprAdhAnyalakSaNam" iti / 4 "......HATIT i stratosfentant al arafagh9na: 11" 5 Cf. Far & Tavai FC A Afa: Saradatilaka 1. 13. 6 fear arafaT4AETH BUSTsaa rfre ga area : Jaa :'(1.12). Ibid. 25. 35. Madhavacarya in his comm, on Sutasanihita (Sivamahatmyakhanda 5. 9) says 'va 3777& t ta igrani fa galima ratif tifojai tursfraza ra-HIFF Erat e Tur 9: 1 Batara aty STIROTTurilt (Prapancasara 1. 63) abroafa .....

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216 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE The seat of Kundalini is the plexus known as Muladbara, and it is described also as being enclosed within the Susumna artery." Kundalini is visualised as & coiled up (kundalibhuta) serpent; but Raghavabhatta, commenting on Saradatilaka, 1.51% points out that there is an artery shaped like a coiled up serpent in the muladhara, and this, propelled by nerve-force (Vayu), travels to all parts of the body. This movement of Kundalini under the action of Vayu is called gunana,' and this is what Somadeva means by kundali-vayu-samcara in Yasastilaka VIII.39. Lastly, Nir Yogic process aimed at complete inastery over the body. In addition to the doctrines outlined above, stray allusions to philosophical topics are occasionally found in Yasastilaka in the course of descriptions, often in artificial comparisons based on word-play. They are of lesser importance and belong to a type common in Kavya literature.? 1 HABITS TOUR: l' See Padmapada's comm. on Praponcasarc: 2. 43. 2 Tour facra argit :' Ibid. 2. 51. 3 77 FSTATT FETThaci ada i ta argaze: paruia i saradatilaka 1. 57 says 'guar F-TITE FUE qart'. 4 For the significance of Vayu see Introduction to Prapancasaratantra in Tantrik Texts, ed. Avalon. 6 A marginal note in Ms. A on a verse in Yasastilaka, Book VI, section 10, p. 296. explaining the expression arrafas Ti fa fa a xa), tells us that fag refers to Nirbijikarana, which is a process of expelling the seminal fluid through the eyes, navel etc. A similar note on the relevant verse in Book VIII, section 32, says the same thing, and adds that the process in question helps one to conquer death by dint of constant practice. Somadeva says: zlatarg: orar: pucatarie: NETcodyAni nibauMjIkaraNAdikam // nAbhau netre lalATe ca brahmagranthau ca tAluni / agnimadhye ravau candre lUtAtantau hRdaGkare / / rreira noite fetes at 3751 fragt: 95977: 11 Yasastilaka Vol. II, p. 393. Ms. A says a gent for the Profile I e FIRTITI AT Prata achi ravau dakSiNanADyAM candre vAmanAcyAm / lUtAtantau linggvissye| hRdaye chidaM vinApi tadA kAle medasadRzagranthiH syAt . It will be seen that Somadeva uses symbolic terms of the Tantra, and the process of Nirbijikarana has in view various openings of the body. The Jaina author condemns such Yogic practices. For example, "FUTTAT Farfa 9471:'; 'HITECT * ferata:'; ifras: (i. e.as) ivAnAtmanInavRttiH' Book I, pp. 12, 13,41; 'samIkSAsiddhAntaH (Samkhya dootrine) iva kapilakulakAnta'; 'mImAMseva nirUpyamANaniyogabhAvanAdiprapazcA', 'piTakatrayapaddhatiriva yogAcAragocarA', 'amaragurubhAratIva marfactantziar'; 'stofa falta fafaquatiqam' Book V, pp. 170, 246. A marginal note in Ms A explains area as referring to the Yaugas or the followers of the Nyaya-Vaisesika school, who were generally Saivas. The Vaisesiku theory of salvation comes in for further criticism in a verse occurring in Book VIII, section 37, wherein it is stated that he who does not admit the existence of kuowledge and other attributes in the emancipated self cannot postulate the existence of the Self at all, because there cannot be a Self without attributes, just as there cannot be fire without heat fanger: afra fayfa 7 por: gerus aifa en ghraf 89 T CITIEET: E ETTEISTI Yasastilaka, Vol. II, p. 388. Ms. A explains vimuci as muktajIve, and remarks: uSNatvaM vinA yathAgnirnAsti tathA vijJAnAdiguNAn vinA AtmApi naasti| 7 is taken as referring either to Saiva or Kanada.

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CHAPTER IX SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT In the preceding chapter we have summarized the doctrines of the various non-Jaina systems recorded or discussed by Somadeva in Yasastilaka; and we may here enumerate the different systems mentioned by the author and bring together some additional information bearing on the character and historical position of certain of these schools of thought. Towards the beginning of Book VI Somadeva mentions the following schools: Saiddhanta Vaisesikas, Tarkika Vaisesikas, Followers of Kanada; Pasupatas; Kulacaryas;1 Samkhyas, Kapilas; Buddhists mentioned separately as (1) the Disciples of Dasabala, (2) Tathagatah, and (3) those who preach the doctrine of the Void; Jaiminiyas; Barhaspatyas or the followers of the Lokayata system; Followers of the Vedanta philosophy mentioned twice as Vedantavadins and Brahmadvaitavadins. It will be seen that some of the schools of thought are mentioned more than once by way of demonstrating different aspects of the views held by them. In addition to these, Somadeva records Saiva doctrines and the views of those who believed in the efficacy of Vedic sacrifices. The followers of these schools of thought were obviously contemporaries of Somadeva and so prevailed in the tenth century. It is interesting to compare the non-Jaina systems described in Yasastilaka with the non-Buddhist systems recorded in the ancient Tamil Buddhist Kavya Manimekhalai. Chapter XXVII of that work considers ten such systems: (1) the Pramanavada of the Vaidika systems, (2) Saivavada (3) Brahmavada (4) Narayaniya or Vaisnavavada (5) Vedavada (6) Ajivaka (7) Nirgrantha i. e. Jaina (8) Samkhya (9) Vaisesika and (10) Bhutavada or the Lokayata system. If we compare the two lists, we shall find that Vaisnavavada is a notable omission in Somadeva's summary, while the latter makes only a passing reference to the Ajivikas without mentioning anything about their doctrines. It may also be pointed out that Somadeva makes a general reference to the four systems (Samayas) in Yasastilaka, II. 32 and the four systems and the six schools of philosophy (Darsanas) in Book IV. Srutasagara in his commentary on II. 32 explains the four Samayas as the Jaina, Saiva, Vaidika, 1 It is not clear why Somadeva connects Trika-mata with the doctrines of the Kulacaryas. The Trika system usually refers to the Kashmir School of S'aivism. 2 Aiyangar: Manimekhalai in its historical setting, p. 189 ff. 3 catvAra ete sahajAH samudrA yathaiva loke Rtavo'pi SaT ca / catvAra ete samayAstathaiva SaD darzanAnIti vadanti santaH // Vol. II, p. 114. 28

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218 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE and Bauddha systems; while in his commentary on Book IV he takes them to mean the Jaina, Jaiminiya, Buddhist and Saiva systems, and explains the six Darsanas as these four plus the Samkhya and Lokagata systems. It is difficult to say how far this interpretation is correct; but the six Darsanas referred to by Somadeva seem to be identical with the six Tarkas enumerated by Rajasekhara in Kavyamimamsa (Chap. 2), viz. the Jaina and Buddhist Darsanas and the Lokayata forming one group, and the Samkhya, the Nyaya, and the Vaisesika forming another group. It is probable that this classification of the Darsanas was popular it the tenth century, the age of Rajasekhara and Somadeva. It may be noted in this connection that the Darsanas seem to have been variously classified at different epochs: for example, in Vayupurana 104. 16 the six Darsanas are stated to be Brahma. Saiva. Va iva, Vaisnava, Saura, Sakta, and Arhata i. e, Jaina. Similarly, in Jnanarnavatantra 16. 131-134 we find mentioned the Saivadarsana, Saktadarsana, Brahmadarsana, Vaisnavadarsana, Suryadarsana, and Bauddhadarsana. Certain points relating to some of the systems criticized by Somadeva require further elucidation. SAIDDHANTA VAISESIKAS The mention of two distinct schools of Vaisesika philosophy, Saiddhanta and Tarkika, in Yasastilaka is a noteworthy feature; and, as we have seen, the former school laid stress on the worship of Siva and faith in him, while the latter represented the orthodox school with emphasis on Dharma and the knowledge of the categories. We do not know when the Saiddhanta school came into being, but the followers of this school seem to be the same as the VIddha Vaisesikas mentioned by Vidyananda (9th century) in his Aptapariksa, wherein he remarks that they propound the existence of Mahesvara or Siva in reality, just as they believe in the reality of Substances. Qualities, Actions, Generality, Particularity, Inherence etc., that is, the categories recognised by the Vaisesika system as such. The same work tells us that a certain section of the Vaisesikas (unlike the orthodox school) postulates the existence of consciousness even in the liberated soul :* it is not the pure and infinite consciousness of the Self recognised by the Samkhyas, but jnanasakti or intellectual power; and Mahesvara, like the liberated soul, 1 'dvidhA cAnvIkSikI pUrvottarapakSAbhyAm / arhadbhadantadarzane lokAyataM ca pUrvaH pkssH| sAMkhya nyAyavaizeSiko cottaraH ar a: 1 2 brAmaM zaivaM vaiSNavaM ca saura zAktaM tathAItam / SaD darzanAni coktAni svabhAvaniyatAni ca // 3 'yathaiva hi mahezvarasya svarUpataH sattvaM vRddhavaizeSikairiSyate tathA pRthivyAdidravyANAM rUpAdiguNAnAsutkSepaNAdikarmaNAM ara h TAI THIQIT, ga' (under verses 59-76). 4 'zAnazaktistu niHkarmaNo'pi kasyacinna virudhyate cetanAtmavAdibhiH kaizcidaizeSikasiddhAntamabhyupagacchadbhirmuktAtmabhyapi #ar: q ara' (under verse 11). 5 The orthodox Vaisesika view of salvation is of course far different. See preceding Chapter,

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9. SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT 219 possesses this power, although he is incorporeal and untouched by Karmas. This school of Vaisesikas which holds that the soul is ever conscious and has the power of knowledge even in the state of liberation, and seems also to believe in Siva, might be allied to the Saiddhanta Vaisesikas mentioned by Somadeva. Gunaratna tells us in his commentary on Saddarsanasamuccaya (Chap. 2) that the Naiyayikas are Saivas and the Vaisesikas are Pasupatas. The Pasupatas were a Saiva sect, but it is impossible to rely on Gunaratna's statement for the purpose of determining the religious affiliation of the Vaisesika centuries earlier than his time. Somadeva's reference to the Tarkika Vaisesikas shows that there were adherents of the system who were not worshippers of Siva or Pasupati. Among the medieval exponents of the Vaisesika system Vyomasiva and Udayana were Saivas; while Sridhara pays homage to Brahma, Visnu and Siva separately or conjointly in the opening verses of the different sections of his Nyayakandali. Apart from the personal beliefs of individual thinkers, Vyomasiva distinctly says in his commentary on the Prasastapada Bhasya in the section on Viparyaya (P. 543) that the Supreme Siva is different from the worldly souls, and His worship leads to beatitude: this, he says, is the salutary teaching of the Vaisesikas.' It would thus appear that the views of Vyomasiva were closely allied to those of the Saiddhanta Vaisesikas, who held that faith in Siva was an essential means to final release. Further, while commenting upon the opening verse of the Prasastapada Bhasya, Vyomasiva, unlike Udayana and Sridhara, explains the term Isvara in the phrase pranamya hetumisvaram as Mahesvara, that is, Siva. Considering the devotion to Siva evinced by Vyomasiva in bis commentary, it will not be wrong to associate him with the Saiddhanta school of Vaisesika philosophers. As regards the term Mahesvara, it occurs even in the Prasastapada Bhasya, but here it means the Supreme Lord or the great God who initiates the process of creation. Udayana, for example, svara as mahan isvarah in the relevant section of his commentary on the Bhasya, and takes it to mean Paramesvara." 1 'cetanA ca jJAnazaktireva na punastadvayatiriktacicchaktirapariNAminyapratisaMkramAdarzitaviSayA zuddhA cAnantA ca yathA kApilairupavarNyate tasyAH pramANavirodhAt / tathA ca mahezvarasya karmabhiraspRSTasyApi jhAnazaktirazarIrasyApi ca muktAtmana iva prasiddhA / ' 2 'yadi vA saMsAryAtmanAM nAnAtvaM paramazivazcaitebhyo bhinnastadArAdhanAcApadAdeH zreyo bhavatItyevaM hitamupadizatsu vaizeSikeSu ahitamiti zAnaM vipryyH|| 3 "Izvarazabdazca anyatra vartamAno'pi jJAnaprastAvAt mahezvara eva vartate / 'zaMkarAt zAnamanvicchet' iti vacanAt / " 4 32 PT CAT SFF TOUTTARZY: 1 # 99: are a stat Herfst:" P. 91. qaraga q orfafga: qfi fara afya' P. 97.

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220 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE BUDDHISTS The Buddhist doctrines of salvation mentioned by Somadeva have explained in the preceding chapter with reference to ancient texts, but it is more likely that Somadeva derived his information from later works prevalent in his time. He says, for instance, 'nairatmyadi-nivedita-sambhavanato bhavandtah' which seems to refer to what is called Nairatmya-bhavana in later Buddhist texts. Santaraksita, for example, who belongs to the eighth century, deals fully with the doctrine of Nairatmya in Tattvasangraha (vv. 3488 ff). He tells us that the notions of 'I' and 'mine', known as sattvadrati, are the source of endless suffering, and the only antidote against sattvadrsti is the realisation of Nairatmya (non-existence of the Self); suffering ceases when the conception of I' and 'mine' ceases to exist, and when suffering ends there is no more birth. Final release is the outcome of absolute freedom from rebirth, and the realisation of Nairatmya is the peerless eway to the supreme beatitude. Because, liberation takes place only when egoism comes to an end; and egoism never comes to an end so long as one believes in a Self. santaraksita declares that the Buddha is omniscient, because it is he who for the first time propounded the doctrine of Nairatmya, and that is also why he is supreme among the founders of religious systems. Mere realisation of Nairatmya. however, does not lead desired goal. What is essential is fervent and constant contemplation (Bhavana), ranging over a long period, in the course of which the knowledge of all objects flashes across the mind: it is all-comprehensive Nairatmyabhavana of this type that is cultivated by the kind-hearted devotee who desires to do good to the world. For we are told that there are two hindrances to the realisation of the truth, klesavara and ineyavarana: the first is nothing but the klesas (lust, hatred and delusion) that obstruct the vision of the truth, and the second consists in the inability to recognise and comprehend the nature of the true and the false. Direct realisation of Nairatmya does away with klesavarana, but jneyavarana cannot be got rid of without fervent, constant and prolonged cultivation of the principle of Nairatmya. The Bhavana is practised by some in anxiety for their own release from the sufferings of the world and 1 AtmAtmIyadRgAkArasattvadRSTiH pravartate / ahaM mameti mAne ca kezo'zeSaH pravartate // sattvadRk pratyanIkaM ca tannarAmyani darzanam / abhyAsAt sAtmyamAyAte tasmin sA vinivartate // tanmUlaklezarAzizca hetvabhAvAt prhiiyte| taminnasati taddheturna punarjAyate bhavaH // tadatyantavinimuktarapavargazca kIrtyate / advitIyazivadvAramato narAmyadarzanam / / sarveSAmapi tIrthyAnAmaha dvAranivartanAt / muktiriSTAtmasattve ca nAhakAro nivartate // 2 1.1.1 gram Haralegalimai ana ferat af AT: 11 V, 3340.

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9. SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT 221 the cycle of births; while others, philanthropic by nature, are moved to pity by the miseries of the world, and without taking thought of their own interest, consider all worldly beings as their own selves and strive for the salvation of all: kindness is the motive which prompts such men to betake themselves to Nairatmya-bhavana. All this will be clear from the following extracts from the commentary of Kamalasila on Tattvasamgraha : yA sAdaranairantaryadIrghakAlavizeSaNA bhAvanA sA karatalAyamAnagrAhyAvabhAsamAnazAnaphalA tadyathA kAmAturasya kAminIbhAvanA... sarvAkArasarvamatanairAtmyabhAvanA kAruNikasyeti khabhAvahetuH / (v. 3339) klezajJeyAvaraNaprahANato hi sarvajJatvam, tatra klezA eva rAgAdayo bhUtadazenapratibandhabhAvAt klezAvaraNamucyante / dRSTasyApi heyopAdeyatattvasya yat sAkArAparijJAnaM pratipAdanAsAmarthya ca jJeyAvaraNam / tatra klezAvaraNasya nairAtmyapratyakSIkaraNAt prhaanniH| jJeyAvaraNasya tu tasyaiva nairAtmyadarzanasya sAdaranirantaradIrghakAlAbhyAsAt |..........ye tAvajjAtyAviduHkhotpIDitamAnasAH saMsArAduttrastamanasastadupazamamAtmanaH prArthayante, teSAM ...... saMsArAdbhayameva nairAtmyabhAvanArthitvanimittam / ye tu gotravizeSAt prakRtyaiva parahitakaraNaikAbhirAmAH saMskArAdiduHkhatritayaparipIDitaM jagadavekSya kRpAparatabatayA taduHkhaduHkhinaH khAtmani vyapekSAmapAsya sakalAneva saMsAriNa AtmatvenAbhyupagatAstatparitrANAya praNidadhate teSAM karuNaiva bhAvanApravRttinimittam / (v. 3339) Among non-Buddhist writers earlier than Somadeva, Jayanta gives a clear and succint aocount of the theory of Nairatmya as part of the Buddhist argument in Nyayamanjari (chap. 7), and his remarks may be compared with the statements of santaraksita reproduced above and the views cited by Somadeva in Yasastilaka, Book V.' Jayanta says: tasmAdutsRjyatAmeSa mUrdhAbhiSiktaH prathamo moha Atmatraho nAma / tannivRttyA cAtmIyagraho'pi viraMsyati ahameva na kiM mameti / tadidamahaMkAramamakArapranthiprahANena nairAtmyadarzanameva nirvANadvAramAlambyatAm / tasya sa mArgaH kSaNikapadArthanizcayaH / kSaNikeSu hi sarvabhAveSu nirAzrayeSu jJAnasyApyAzraya virahAt kutastyamAtmakalpanamiti / Somadeva, as we have seen, criticizes the Buddhist doctrine of Bhavana in Yasastilaka VI. 1. An earlier criticism of the doctrine is that of Vidyananda in Tattvartha-sloka-vartika 1.71: bhAvanAprakarSaparyantastatsiyupAya iti cet na, bhAvanAyA vikalpAtmaka venAtattvaviSayAyAH prakarSaparyantaprAptAyAstattvajJAnavaitRSNyakhabhAvodayavirodhAt / na hi sA zrutamayI tattvaviSayA zrutasya pramANatvAnuSaMgAt / ... sarvathA bhAvanAyAstattvaviSayatvAyogAt / tattvaprApakatvAdvastuviSayatvamiti cet , kathamavastvAlaMbanA sA vastunaH praapikaa| Somadeva gives the following definition of the Buddhist view of salvation in Yasastilaka VI. 1: nirasraya-cittotpatti-laksano moksah and quotes the two verses ending with klesa-ksayat kevalam eti santim.? The medieval interpretation of this is found in Vadideva Suri's Pramana-nayam tattvalokalarnkara 2. 26: ___ saugatAstu kecinnirAzrayacittasaMtAnotpattirmokSa ityAcakSate / tatrAvidyAtRSNArahitaM cittaM nirAzrayamityabhidhIyate / avidyA rAgadveSAbhilASaH / tRSNA tu bhAvibhogAbhilASaH / 1 Soe preceding Chapter.

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222 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE It will be seen that nirasraya is explained as free from avidya (lust and hatred) and trsna (craving); and the emergence of a stream of consciousness free from these impurities is described as Moksa. This is similar to the ancient teaching that Nirvana is nothing but the end of klesas (lust, hatred and delusion). In Yasastilaka, Book V, Somadeva gives another definition of the Buddhist view of salvation. Moksa is here described as Nirodha consisting in the emergence of a state of mind free from the asravas following the destruction of the notion of the Self. Asrava is an irregular Buddhist Ganskrit form of the Pali Asava, there being four asavas : kamasava, bhavasava, ditthasava and avijjasava (sensuality, lust for life, speculation and ignorance)." Freedom from the Asravas, which are generally taken to mean the cravings that produce an intoxicating effect on the mind, constitutes the the Buddhist ideal of salvation, known also as Nirodha or cessation, Haribhadra says in Saddarsana-samuccaya (verse 7) that nirodha is moksa ; and Gunaratna in his commentary thereon explains it as a men from the klesas, that is, lust, hatred and delusion. We thus come back to the old conception of the destruction of the kles'as; and it is obvious that the two definitions of the Buddhist view of salvation given by Somadeva do not materially differ from each other. In Buddhist literature, Nirvana is defined as Nirodha (cessation) in Milindapanha III. 6. It is said that inasmuch as the wise man neither takes pleasure in the senses and in the objects of sense nor continues cleaving to them. "in him craving ceases, and by the cessation of craving grasping ceases, and by the cessation of grasping becoming ceases, and when becoming has ceased birth ceases, and with its cessation old age and death, grief, lamentation, pain, sorrow and despair cease to exist." In this way the cessation of all that aggregation of pain is brought about. "Thus is it that cessation is Nirvana." The end of cravings, the absence of passion, Nirodha and Nirvana are mentioned together, 1 'Padam KH Artsafastarf Gut Altereta 189: F OTOTAUT: /' Yasastilaka, Vol. II p. 252. This is followed by the verse Ta CHIETT: Tufa Artzaz:1 Ferrara jjantuH prazAmyati nirnvyH|| See preceding Chapter. 2 See Rhys Davids: Pali-English Dictionary under asava.. cf. fat: toiterary Divyavada na, p. 542. 3 'tassa taM anabhinandato anabhivadato anajjhosAya tito.taNhA nirujjhati, taNhAnirodhA upAdAnanirodho, upAdAnanirodhA bhavanirodho, bhavanirodhA jAtinirodho, jAtinirodhA jarAmaraNasokaparidevadukkhadomanassupAyAsA nirujzanti / evametassa 2777TEFTAM Chai gj ET HERE A Paritat i See also The Questions of King Milinda, p. 106. Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXXV. 4 MIATT ATT A R I' Ibid. IV, 8, 90.

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9. SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT There seem to have been at least two conceptions of Buddhist salvation current in the medieval period. The first is the emergence of a stream of consciousness free from all impurities, and corresponds to the view recorded by Somadeva. Kamalasila says in his commentary on Tattavasamgraha (verse 151) that the practice of Yoga brings about the disappearance of Avidya followed by the rise of an undefiled stream of consciousness leading to Apavarga or final release: 223 tasyAzcAvidyAyA yogAbhyAsAdasamarthataratama kSaNotpAdakrameNa vyapagamAt parizuddhajJAnasantAnodayAdapavargaprAptirityato bandhamokSavyavasthA yuktimatI / This view is recorded also by Vyomasiva in the introduction to his commentary on the Prasastapada Bhasya, wherein he says that, according to some, the supreme beatitude consists in consciousness, free from the passions, emerging as a result of meditation on Nairatmya and the momentary character of things: anye tu asthirAdibhAvanAvazAt rAgAdiviyuktajJAnotpattiH niHzreyasamiti manyante / tathAhi sarva kSaNikamiti bhAvayato viSayeSu AsaktirvyAvartate " ... / tathA sarva nirAtmakamiti bhAvanAyAM nAhaM paraH na mamAyamiti parigrahadveSAbhAve bhavatyeva vizuddhacittasaMtAnotpattiriti / The second view of Buddhist salvation prevalent in the medieval period, although not recorded by Somadeva, is that Moksa is nothing but the complete annihilation of the stream of consciousness, comparable to the going out of a lamp. Vadideva Suri (op. cit.) mentions this view as that of a certain section of Buddhists along with the former doctrine. He says: apare punaH pradIpa nirvANavat sarvathA cittasantAnocchedo mokSa iti saMgirante / Vyomasiva (op. cit. ) explains it along with the other view : tathA ca pArthasya pratiSedhAt sarvaM zUnyamiti ca / evaM hi duHkhasya samudayanirodhamArgeSu viziSTajJAnaM niHzreyasakAraNamiti / tathAhi duHkhaM rUpAdiskandhapaJcakaM tasya samudayaH kAraNam / ... tayornirodho vinAzaH tasyopAyo mArgaH ityeSu viziSTajJAnavazAt zuddhacittasaMtAnataducchedo vA niHzreyasamiti yuktam / The opinion is recorded also by Bhaskara in his Brahmasutra Bhasya 2. 2. 18 : grAhyagrAhakAkAravimuktA saMvitsaMtatirnirvAtasthapradIpavadAsaMskArakSayAt kSaNaparaMparayAvatiSThate / saMskArakSaye sA pradIpavadeva nirvANamRcchati / seyamabhAvaprAptirapavarga iti manyante / apare tu santatyavicchedamicchanti / Siddharsi ( Upamiti-bhava-prapanca katha, Book IV) and Gunaratna (comm. on Saddarsana-samuccaya, v. 11 ) attribute the doctrine in question to the Sautrantika school of Buddhism: sautrAntikamataM punaridam / rUpavedanAvijJAnasaMjJAsaMskArAH sarvazarIriNAmete paJca skandhA vidyante / na punarAtmA / taeva hi paralokagAminaH / tathA kSaNikAH sarve saMskArAH santAnocchedo mokSa iti / Both the views are mentioned together by Jayanta in Nyayamanjari (chap. 9):

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224 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Aaioniqqeredznqadi z dina: 1 acacg-daftefta awi an amazafaz u VEDANTISTS The school of Vedanta prevalent in Somadeva's time was the Advaita school; and he records the views of the Vedantavadins or the Brahmadvaitavadins. He refers to Samkaracarya, asserting that the Buddha's doctrine was imitated by the latter'. The allegation that the great philosopher was a Buddhist in disguise seems to have been widely current by the middle of the tenth century. Somadeva appears to have been acquainted with the writings of the school of Samkara; and his statement of the ultimate goal according to the Brahmadvaitavadins runs thus : 'yathA ghaTavighaTane ghaTAkAzamAkAzIbhavati tathA dehocchedAt sarvaH prANI pare brahmaNi lIyate / This reminds one of the following verses of Samkara's Sarva-vedanta-siddhantasarasamgraha: serer area mahAkAzo yathA tathA / upAdhyabhAve svAtmaiSa svayaM brahmaiva kevalam // 695 yatra yatra mRto jJAnI paramAkSaravit sadA / pare brahmaNi lIyeta na tasyotkrAntiriSyate // 1000. Suresvaracarya says in his Naiskarmyasiddhi II. 68: arr vizuddha AkAze sahasaivAbhramaNDalam / bhUtvA vilIyate tadvadAtmanIhAkhilaM jagat // The doctrine of the Vedanta recorded by Somadeva is summed up also in the following verse quoted in the Matharavrtti on Samkhyakarika (39): dehe mohAzraye bhane yuktaH sa paramAtmani / kumbhAkAza ivAkAze labhate caikarUpatAm // SAIVAS An interesting feature of Somadeva's treatment of Saiva doctrines is the light thrown by it on the controversy between the Saivas and the Jainas on the subject of omniscience and creation. The first is claimed by the Saivas for Siva or Mahesvara, while it is reserved by the Jainas for their Arhat; and as for creation, attributed by the Saivas to Siva, it is altogether denied by the other sect. The roots of this controversy go to earlier times, and that it is older than the middle of the tenth century is certain. Vidyananda who belongs to the ninth century tries to refute S'amkara-mata, Saiva doctrine, in his Aptapariksa3, and rejects the claim of Mahesvara to be regarded as the creator of the universe and the omniscient author of a system teaching the way to salvation (moksa-marga). It will be out of place to analyse his argument; but in dealing with this topic Vidyananda and Somadeva supplement each other and record valuble information on the 1 ' dvaitAdvaitAzrayaH zAkyaH zaMkarAnukRtAgamaH' VI. 2. Vol, II, p. 276. 2 See preceding Chapter. 3 'sAMprataM zaMkaramatamAzaMkya dUSayannAha' etc.

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9. SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT 225 subject. Vidyananda's views are partially referred to by Anantavirya in his commentary on Manikyanandi's Pariksamukhasutra (Pratyaksoadesa); and it may be pointed out that most of our knowledge of the Saiva-Jaina controversy is derived from Jaina works. The background of the controversy between the Saivas and the Jainas mentioned above is provided by Kumarila's well-known attack on the conception of an Omniscient Being; and the questions involved are part of a larger issue which brought several schools of thought into the arena of philosophical controversy. Kunlarila regarded omniscience as something impossible; and instead of positing an omniscient author of the Vedas, he maintained that they were eternal and not the composition of a personal author. Kumarila's views may be studied in Slokavartika (Codanasutra) and specially in the verses quoted from him by santaraksita in the last section of Tattvasargraha, many of them being not found in the extant S'lokavartika, It is important to note that Kumarila in the course of his argument insisted on the absurdity of the Buddhist and Jaina notions that the Buddha and the Arhat respectively were Omniscient Beings. The Buddhist reply to this is elaborately given by Santaraksita in Tattvasangraha; and the earliest Jaina reply to Kumarila is probably that of Akalamka (8th century) in his Nyayaviniscaya (chap. 3). Kumarila, for example, had written in S'lokavartika (2. 141, 142): evaM yaH kevalaM jnyaanmindriyaadynpekssinnH| sUkSmAtItAdiviSayaM jIvasya parikalpitam // narte tadAgamAt sidhyena ca tenAgamo vinA / dRSTAnto'pi na tamAnyo nRSu kazcit pravartate // Akalamka replied to this as follows in Nyayaviniscaya (vv. 412, 413): evaM yat kevalajJAnamanumAnavijRmbhitam / narte tadAgamAt sidhyena ca tena vinAgamaH // satyamarthabalAdeva puruSAtizayo mataH / prabhavaH pauruSeyo'sya prabandho'nAdiriSyate // Not only Akalamka but other Jaina scholars have tried to refute Kumarila's views, and this explains the large number of quotations from Kumarila. found in later Jaina philosophical literature, e. g., in Vidyananda's Aptapariksa, Astasahasri and Tattvartha-sloka-vartika (under sutra 1. 29). Abhavadeva's commentary on Sammatitarka, Nyaya-kumuda-candra and other works. The bitterness of the Jainas against the MimaTM attacking their fundamental doctrine of the Omniscient Being is shown in Siddharsi's Upamiti-bhava-prapanca-katha (chap. 4), which declares that the Mimamsa is not a philosophical system at all; and after enumerating six non-Jaina systems including the Mimamsa, Siddharsi excludes the latter from the field of speculative thought, although he finds room for the materialistic 1 'yaca mahezvarasya kezAdibhiraparAmRSTatva niratizayatvamaizvaryAdhupetatvaM tat sarvamapi gaganAbjasaurabhavyAvarNanamiva niviSayavA dupekSAmahati / 29

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226 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Lokagata system. There is no trace of any such bitterness against the Mimamsa in Somadeva's Yas'astilaka, as we find here the Saivas replacing the Mimamsakas as adversaries of Jaina doctrines. The controversy about omniscience was further complicated by the Naiyayikas entering the lists in defence of the doctrine. Like the Buddhists and the Jainas, they upheld the theory of omniscience as against the Mimamsakas; and we find, for instance, Jayanta quoting and criticising Kumarila's views in his Nyayamanjari (chap. 2) and establishing the theory that the adepts in Yoga possess the unhampered faculty of pure and universal knowledge. The Naiyayikas, however, declare God to be the omniscient creator of the universe and the author of the Vedas. Vatsyayana, indeed, attributes the authorship of the Vedas to trustworthy persons' (Aptah) in his Bhasya on Nyayasutras 2, 1. 68, and does not say that God is their author. Uddyotakara in his Nyayavartika calls the author of the Vedas a superior individual (Purusa-visesa), which might mean God, this being the designation applied to God in Yogasutras 1. 24. The later exponents of the Nyaya system, Jayanta, Vacaspati and Udayana, however, maintain that the omniscient God is the creator of the universe as well as the author of the Vedas. Jayanta, for example, says in his Nyayamanjari (chap. 4): mal aga parafernalinga formatars: 1 vizvAtmanA tadupadezaparAH praNItAstenaiva vedaracanA iti yuktametat // The Mimamsa objections to the Nyaya conception of an omniscient Creator are fully stated in Mandana's Vidhiviveka (P.210 ff.): A later writer Salikanatha, an authoritative exponent of the Prabhakara school of Mimamsa, tries to refute the theory of the omniscience of God in Prakaranapancika (chap. 7). He argues that it is the cycle of tradition (vrddha-parampara), without any beginning, that fixes the meaning of words and not the significance supposed to be attached to them by God at the beginning of creation. Further, the idea of personal authorship is not compatible with the authoritative character of the Veda which deals with supernormal things. Salikanatha probably belongs to the tenth century, but in this century the position of the Nyaya-vaisesika school was so strong that 1 arvAkAlikametaddhi mImAMsakapura matam / tena darzanasaMkhyAyAmetalokairna gaNyate / 2 tadevaM kSINadoSANAM dhyAnAvahitacetasAm / nirmalaM sarvaviSayaM jJAnaM bhavati yoginAm / / 3 Cf. Handiqui: Naisadhacarita, Appendix I, p. 505. 4 'na cezvarasya sarvajJAnamapi sidhyati zAnahetvabhAvena jJAnAbhAvanizcayAt / tenAnAdireva vRddhaparamparA zabdArthAvagame heturma sRSTayAdAvIzvarakRtaH sngketH| ........."evaM puruSasya dharmapratIti prati zabdamantareNopAyAbhAvAnna, pauruSeyatve vedasyApUrvAtmake vedArthe prAmANyopapattirityapauruSeyatvAzrayaNam / ' 5 G, N, Kaviraja: Introduction to Kusumanjalibodhani (Sarasvati Bhavana Texle).

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9. SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT 227 Mimainsa theories were not likely to wield any great influence. Be that as it may, having established the existence of an Omniscient Being, the Naiyayikas turn against the Buddhists and the Jainas, and deny that the Buddha or the Arhat can ever be called omniscient; and their attitude, on the whole, is one of hostility towards the non-Brahmanical systems, Vaoaspati says in his Nyayavartika-tatparya-tika that Buddha and Rsabha are known to be the authors of the Buddhist and Jaina scriptures respectively; but as they are not the creators of the universe, like God, how can they be regarded as omniscient?In his commentary on the Yogasutra Bhasya also (1. 24, 25) he rejects the claims of the founders of systems like the Buddha, the Arhat, Kapila and others to be regarded as omniscient beings. Further, the Naiyayikas just mentioned give a new turn to the old Nyaya theory that the Vedas are authoritative, because they are the utterances of a trustworthy person (Apta); and argue therefrom that the Vedas are the utterances of a Trustworthy Being, because they are accepted by the majority of the people (mahajana), and what is not declared by a Trustworthy Being is not accepted by the majority of the people. This is exactly what Udayana says in the Kiranavali commentary on the Prasastapada Bhasya. Jayanta also says that it is possible to speak of anything as being declared by a Trustworthy Being (Apta) only when it is well-known among and accepted by the majority of the people. He explains Mabajana i. e. the great mass or the majority as those who follow the Varnasrama order prevalent in the Aryan country, that is, the Vedic order of society founded on the division of castes and the stages of life, and makes a distinction between Mahajana and Vinda, the group or the minority, such as the Buddhists. The latter might claim their vinda to be the mahajana in order to establish the authoritative character of their scriptures, but it is not possible to raise a minority (Vinda) to the status of a majority (Mahajana), and the latter always avoids and never approves any scriptures that are opposed to the Vedas.* Jayanta therefore concludes that scriptures other than the Vedas cannot be regarded as being composed by a trustworthy individual, because they lack support among the large mass of the people, 1 'tatra zAkyAdyAgamAnAM buddharSabhAdayaH praNetAra iti sphuTataramasti smaraNaM na tUkkalakSaNa IzvarasteSAM krjeti| na caite zauddhodaniprabhRtayaH tanubhuvanAdInAM kartAro yena sarvazA iti nizcIyeran / ' 2 'AptoktA vedAH mahAjanaparigRhItatvAt / yat punarnAptottaM na tat mhaajnprigRhiitm| 3 HEI G T Rafa yaratiro wala 172 Nyayamanjari, Book IV. 4 'bauddhAdayo buddhAdInAptAn svAgamaprAmANyasiddhaye vadanti te mahAjanamapi nijaM tatsiddhaye vRndAdikaM vadeyureva kastatra pratIkAraH, ucyate, cAturvarNya cAturAzramyaM ca yadetadAryadezaprasiddhaM sa mahAjane ucyate.........."cAturvarNyacAturAzramya. rUpazcaSa mahAjano vedaprathamapravRttaH.........."ata eva na nijo mahAjana utthApayituM zakyate vRndakAdiH kiM tvayameva cAturvarNyAdimahAjana sa caiSa mahAjano vedaviruddhamAgama pariharatyeva nAnumodate' Ibid. 5 'ata evaMvidhAyA mahAjanaprasiddharAgamAntarevadarzanAnna teSAmAsapraNItatvam / '

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228 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Similarly, Vacaspati in his Tatparyatika, makes a sharp distinction between the Vedas and the scriptures of the Buddhists, the Digambara Jainas and others, and observes that no scriptures other than the Vedas are accepted by the majority of the people and mentioned as being composed by God. The Vedas alone, composed by God as they are, maintain the entire social order and provide instruction in the means to attain the good and shun the evil. On the contrary, the teachings of the Buddha and others do not uphold the social order, nor are they accepted by the great mass of the people. Owing to this general reproach, they are followed only by a few barbarians, vilest among men and just like animals, and hence it is impossible to regard such teachings as being propounded by any trustworthy individual." It will be seen that the arguments of the Naiyayikas are not only directed against the non-Brahmanical systems as such but against the Jaina conception of the Arhat as the omniscient and trustworthy guide. They seem to put forward a rival Apta theory to discredit that of the Jainas, and thus reinforce the Saivas in their attack on the fundamental Jaina omniscient Arhat. It is difficult to determine the chronological relations of the Saivas and the Naiyayikas, but they might represent a parallel Inovement: Vacaspati and Jayanta belong to the ninth century and Udayana to the tenth, and we have seen that the Saiva-Jaina controversy recorded by Vidyananda and Somadera falls in the same period. Further, as Haribhadra tells us in Saddarsanasanuccaya, the Naiyayikas were generally Saivas; and we know, in fact, that the leading Nyaya-Vaisesika philosophers of the period of revival, Bhasarvajna, Jayanta, Udayana, and Vyomasiva were all Saivas. It is also noteworthy that the Naiyayikas often identify God (Isvara) with Siva or Mahesvara. Jayanta does so in Nyayamanjari (chap. 3);? while Bhasarvajna says in Nyayasara that salvation is the outcome of the vision of Siva. The verse sarvajnata trptiranadibodhah......sadahurangani Mahesvarasya cited by the Saivas to illustrate the greatness of Siva is quoted by Udayana in Nyayakusumanjali (Book V) in support of the argument for the existence of God; and Udayana's own lines at the end of Book I devo'sau virataprapaJcaracanAkallolakolAhalaH / sAkSAt sAkSitayA manasyabhiratiM badhAtu zAnto mama // 'na cAnya Agamo lokayAtrAmudvahan mahAjanaparigRhIta IzvarapraNItatayA smaryamANo dRzyate |.."vedaa eva sakalalokayAtrAmudhanto hitAhitaprAptiparihAropAyamupadizanta IzvarapraNItA ityavagacchAmaH |............."buddhaadivaakyaani tu na lokayAtrAmudahanti / na ca tatra laukikAnAmavigAnaM......."tasmAdvigAnAt kaizvideva mlecchAdibhirmanuSyApasadaiH pazuprAyaH RHETC #quattrica Fa:' 2. 1. 68. 2 'rAgAdayaH kathaM te syunityAnandAtmake zive'; 'yasvecchayaiva bhuvanAni samudbhavanti, tiSThanti yAnti ca punarvilayaM yugaante| 19THART, F e 7: fara li' etc. 3 'fatearater Efa.

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9. SOHOOLS OF THOUGHT 229 may be compared with some of the doctrinal verses of the Saivu school quoted in the preceding chapter. The identity of Siva with isvara seems to have been an accepted fact; and as late as the twelfth century Vadideva Suri freely uses the term Siva and its equivalents in his detailed criticism of the Nyaya conception of God in Pramana-naya-tattvalokalamkara 2. 26. But in spite of the affinities between the Saivas and the Nyaya school, the former an independent system with doctrines of their own; and while the Nyaya school maintained that God was the author of the Vedas, the Saivas attributed their Sastras to the omniscient Siva, and claimed that the Vedas, too, were created by him. It is noteworthy that the isanasivagurudevapaddhati (Kriyapada, chap. I) quotes various Saiva texts to prove that Siva is not only the author of the Saiva Agamas but of the Vedas. The claim was not probably repugnant to the Naiyayikas who were, generally speaking, Saivas; and the interconnection of the two schools accounts for the fact that the isanasivagurudevapaddhati (op. cit.) quotes a well-known verse of Jayanta's Nyayamanjari,' declaring Paramesvara (God) to be the author of the Vedas, in support of the Saiva claim that Siva was their author. SAAKBYAS We have reproduced Somadeva's criticism of Samkhya doctrines in the preceding chapter, and may here cite another criticism of Samkhya views by a Jaina writer, Devasena, a senior contemporary of Somadeva, who wrote his Darsanasura at Dhara in 933 A. D.' He says in his Bhavasangraha that according to the Samkhya system, Prakrti does everything and the Self is subject to neither virtue nor sin : this is a negation of moral responsibility and leads to vice and corruption. The Samkhyas, according to Devasena, are addicted to worldly pleasures, consummate drunkards, and devoid of compassion for living creatures; they are given to stealing, reject virtue, and indulge in evil practices. jIvo sayA bhakattA bhuttA bahu hoi puNNapAvassa / iya payaDiUNa loe gahiyA vahiNI sadhUyA vi // 79 // ee visayAsattA kaggummattA ya jIvadayarahiyA / paratiyadhaNaharaNarayA agahiyadhammA durAyArA // 18 // With this view of Samkhya philosophy may be compared that of Asuri in the episode of Candakarman in Yasastilaka towards the end of Book 1 E.S., 37 PTU- JA TE I segrai ta: car fi afar 14 YT 11" X X X svAyambhuve-"punaH khacchAvatAreSu tatraM pAzupataM tathA / vAkulaM somatatraM ca jagAda prmeshvrH||xx x tasmAdatyantamAptena zivena shrutyo'khilaaH| praNItAH sarvakaDeti pramANaM jAyate satAm // " x x x tadyathA-"brahmA bhUtvA jagat sarva sadevAsuramAnuSam / yat sRjatyambumadhyasthaM tale brahmAtmane namaH" iti / etasmAdapi vedAnAM vaktA jJeyo mahezvaraH // 61 // 2 747 3 ard-ach you al afet ATERIATE: Ifa ag for forfarge: Y TT: 1/" Nyaya. manjari, Chap. III, 3 See Introduction to 7495 : p. 12 Manikacandra Jaina Granthamala).

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230 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE V. The evidence of Devasena and Somadeva points to the fact that there may have been some degeneration in the moral tone of the Samkhyas in their time, but the ethical ideal of the Samkhya school is manifest from the conception of the Sattvika from of Buddhi, as propounded in Samkhyakarika (23). As regards the charge that the Samkhyas are devoid of compassion for living creatures, it is belied by their view that animal slaughter in Vedic sacrifices is productive of sin, a point elaborated in the Matharavrtti. It is noteworthy that the Jaina Gunaratna Suri tells us in his commentary on Haribhadra's Saddarsanasamuccaya (chap. 3) that the Samkhyas are spiritualists averse to the Vedic cult involving killing of animals, and he mentions in this connection certain devices adopted by them to avoid injury to living creatures, similar to those used by the Jaina monks. Somadeva, on the other hand, classes the Samkhyas with the Buddhists, the Carvakas, and the adherents of the Vedic, Saiva, and medical systems, and advises people to abstain from flesh-eating by rejecting the views of all these schools (Yasastilaka VII. 24. Vol. II, p. 331): tacchAkyasAMkhyacArvAkavedavaidyakapardinAm / mataM vihAya hAtavyaM mAMsaM zreyo'rthibhiH sadA // Obviously the systems mentioned above permitted the eating of animal food; and the Samkhya attitude towards flesh-eating may have been similar to that of the Buddhists, in spite of the repugnance to the slaughter of animals, common to both schools. Somadeva, as we shall see, condemns the Buddhists for eating flesh, and this is probably the reason why Devasena likewise describes the Samkhyas as devoid of compassion for living creatures. BARHASPATYAS The Barhaspatyas, as we have seen, are called Nastikas by Somadeva; and in Yasastilaka, Book V, Candakarman who expounds their views is described as an exponent of Lokayata doctrines.3 Siddharsi says in his Upamiti-bhava-prapanca katha that the Barhaspatyas are the inhabitants of the Lokayata City. That the Lokayata was a prominent system in the tenth century and thereabouts is certain. Siddharsi includes it among the principal non-Jaina systems described by him in his allegorical romance (Book IV); and in the Kudlur Plates of the Ganga king Marasimha, dated 963 a. D., a famous Jaina teacher is described as Lokayata-loka-sammata-matih, 'one whose talents are appreciated by the adherents of the Lokayata system.' The 1 See Chap. VIII. 2 See Chap. XIII. The Pasupata views on the subject are very similar. See below. 3 'prayukta lokAyatamatadharmA' Vol. II, p. 259. 4 lokAyatamiti proktaM puramatra tathAparam / nAIspatyAzca te lokA ye vAstavyAH pure'tra bhoH // Bool: TV.

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9. SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT 231 views of the Barhaspatya school are discussed by Vimuktatman in Istasiddhi VII. 18,' a work composed between 850 and 1050 A. D." In spite of frequent references to the Lokayatikas or the Carvakas, as they are popularly called, in Indian philosophical literature, no systematic work of this school has come down to us, which we can point out as the source of the statements of Somadeva and other scholars who have dealt with Lokayata doctrines. That there was a work called the Barhaspatya Sutra seems certain and possibly it was quite brief. Bhaskara in his Brahmasitra Bhasya 3. 3. 53 refers, like Samkara, to the Lokayatikas, and quotes some aphorisms of the Barhaspatya school. He says: tathA bAIspatyAni sUtrANi-pRthivyaptejo vAyuriti tattvAni, tatsamudAye zarIrendriyaviSayasaMjJA, tebhyazcaitanyaM, kiNvAdibhyo madazaktivadvijJAnamiti / The first three of the aphorisms cited above are reproduced also in Vidyananda's Tattvartha-sloka-vartika 1. 104 with slight variations: pRthivyApastejo vAyuriti tattvAni, tatsamudAyaH zarIrendriyasaMjJAviSayaH, tebhyazcaitanyam / Bhaskara and Vidyananda are assigned to the ninth century, and it may be assumed that the Barhaspatya Sutras were current in their time. In addition to the Sutras quoted by them, the following Lokayata aphorisms and dicta are cited in Kamalasila's commentary on Santaraksita's Tattvasamgraha (vv. 1858, 1872): tathAhi tasyaitat sUtram-'paralokino'bhAvAt paralokAbhAvaH' iti / tathAhi-pRthivyApastejo vAyuriti catvAri tattvAni, tebhyazcaitanyam' iti / tatra kecidRttikArA vyAcakSate-utpadyate tebhyazcaitanyam , anye abhivyajyata ityAhuH / (Under v. 1858). yathoktam-'etAvAneva puruSo yAvAnindriyagocaraH' tathA 'punaruktadezAntaraM kAlAntaramavasthAntaraM vA paraloka' iti / ( Under v. 1872). Santaraksita quotes a Lokayata aphorism in verse 1864 and attributes it to Kambalasvatara : kAyAdena tato zAnaM prANApAnAdhiSTitAt / yuktaM jAyata ityetat kambalAcataroditam // Kamalasila remarks : tathA ca suutrm-kaayaadeveti| kambalAzvataroditamiti. As pointed out bvG.N. Kaviraj, Samkara Bhasya on the Vedantasutras 3. 3. 53 cites the following Lokavataaphorisms: 'tebhyazcaitanyam' 'madazaktivadvijJAnam ' 'caitanyaviziSTaH kAyaH puruSaH', and Sadananda in Advaita-brahma-siddhi cites two more: 'kAma evaikaH puruSArthaH' 'maraNamevApavargaH'. It will be seen that the followers of the Lokayata school recognise four elements only, but Gunaratna tells us in his commentary on the relevant 1 atrAhurbArhaspatyAH-bhede'bhede'pyayuktatvAnmukteH puMso'pyadarzanAt / dehAyevAsti dRSTatvAnnAtmA muktizca neti cet / / 9 See Introduction to the work in Gackwad's Oriental Sorics. 3 Sarasvati Bhavania Studies, Vol. III, p. 68.

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232 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE section of Haribhadra's Saddarsana-sumuccaya that certain among them include Akasa as the fifth element. In Yasastilaka VIII. 37' Somadeva mentions only four elements in connection with the system of Bphaspati, who is described as attributing consciousness to earth, air, water and fire, but not to the Self. Apart from aphorisms, a collection of verses containing Lokayata doctrines seems to have long existed, and such verses are occasionally met with in Indian philosophical literature. One such verse, namely, etAvAneva puruSo yAvAnindriyagocaraH / bhadre vRkapadaM hyetad yadvadanti bahuzrutAH // is cited by Candrakirti (6th century) in his commentary on Nagarjuna's Mula-madhyamaka-karikas (Chap. 18); while this as well as an accompanying verse is quoted in Haribhadra's S'addarsanasamuccaya (vv. 81, 82). A Lokayata verse is quoted also by Somadava in Yasastilaka, Book V, p. 253: yAvajIvet sukhaM jIvenAsti mRtyoragocaraH / bhasmIbhUtasya zAntasya punarAgamanaM kutH|| It is an oft-quoted verse and cited among earlier writers by Jayanta in Nyayamanjart (Chap. 7). Among early works the famous Mahayana text Saddharmapundarika, prior to the third century A. D., alludes to the Lokayata system at least twice ;4 while the interesting summary of Lokayata views in Vatsyayana's Kamasutra is reproduced by Somadeva in Yasastilaka, Book IV. P. 92.5 Bana in his Kadambari refers to the teachings of the system as promoting sinful tendencies; while in Harsacarita, Book VIII, the Lokayatikas are mentioned among the adherents of diverse schools of thought who studied and taught in the hermitage of Divakaramitra in the Vindhya forest. Somadeva's discussion of Lokayata views in Yasastilaka, Books V and VI, is an important contribution to our knowledge of the subject. 1 bhUpavanavanAnalatattvakeSu dhiSaNo nigRNAti vibhAgameSu / na punarvidi tadviparItadharmadhAni bravIti tattasya karma // Vol. II, p. 388. Ms. A says ( fahri) fa 19 i fare HQ See also preceding Chapter (section on Carvaka doctrines). 2 Ajita Kesakambali, who was a contemporary of Buddha and professed the doctrine of annihilation (ucchedavada), held that a human being is composed of four elements (earth, water, air and fire). 'arg'ayrat ap that.' See the Samanna-phala Sutta it. Dighanikaya. 3 piba khAda ca cArulocane yadatIta varagAtri tatra tena hi bhIru gataM nivartate samudayamAtramidaM kalevaram // 4 3731 T 4ft prar lateral :III, 148; ' H atut ostetud safatafa' Chap. XXVI. 5 See Chap. XVIII. 6 taraffertariaa:'.

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9. SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT 238 Among his literary predecessors Haribhadra gives an interesting exposition of the doctrines of the school in Samaraicca-kaha, Book III, in the dialogue between the Jaina teacher Vijayasimha and a Nastikavadin. Similarly, in a story in Vasudevahindi, Book IV, a king named Kurucandra is introduced as a Nastikavadin, whose views are briefly described.' Jayanta says in Nyayamanjari (chap. 4) that the Lokayata is mere casuistry and not an authoritative system, as it does not inculcate any duty ;8 but he takes care to expound the tenets of the school at the beginning of Chap. 7, and towards the end of the same chapter calls the Carvakas susiksita, well-trained, describing and refuting their views. NAIYAYIKAS While enumerating the theories of salvation put forward by the different schools of thought, Somadeva does not refer to the Naiyayikas, obviously because their view of moksa does not differ from that of the Vaisesikas which is defined by him as the complete cessation of the specific attributes of the soul." Somadeva says: 'agagelegraag ayaHiF4/TTI aten CARTUCHTCAIUTEH Inftigfari' sfat FMCT: 1. With this may be compared the statement of Jayanta defining the Nyaya conception of salvation in Nyayamanjari (Chap. 9): FATHTCHUATT glagagereglaga TAUHEFAIRTOTI F a isqaraf i Hafati Jayanta goes on to say: Eeltagerea atmeana Tani Roamnaatanlar defe ysadu 9 1 Terat aftermarsalarcade gastarfagra: aferents faecija: el Somadeva seems to refer to the Nyaya theory of salvation in a verse addressed to the Arhat in Yasastilako VIII. 39 (Vol. II, p. 396): ___khasuptadIpanirvANe prAkRte vA svayi sphuTam / khasuptadIpanirvANaM prAkRtaM sthAjagatrayam // The verse refers to three types of salvation: kha-nirvana, sky-like salvation, supta-nirvana, sleep-like salvation, and dipa-nirvana, salvation like the going out of a lamp. According to a marginal note in Ms. A, dipa-nirvana refers to the Buddhist view; supta-nirvana to the Samkhya view (because, according to that system, the emancipated Self, although conscious, perceives nothing); and kha-nirvana to the Nyaya view, because, as we have seen, the Naiyayikas believe moksa to be a 1 P. 164 ff. ara .....care n fot .......* 2 'so yA rAyA NAhiyavAdI, 'iMdiyasamAgamamettaM purisakappaNA, majjaMgasamavAra mayasaMbhava iva, na etto parabhavasaMkamaNasasIlo asthi, na sukayadukayaphalaM devaneraiesu koha aNubhavaItti vavasio........" 3 na hi lokAyate kiMcit kartavyamupadizyate / vaitaNDikakathaivAsau na punaH kshcidaagmH|| 4 See proceding Chapter. 30

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234 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE colourless condition like that of the sky, in which the Self exists bereft of all attributes.1 It may be noted that there is another conception of salvation different from the usual Nyaya view, and associated with the Bhasarvajna, an important writer of the Nyaya school, assigned to about the middle of the tenth century. It is probable that Somadeva, like Sriharsa, who also refers to the Nyaya doctrine of salvation in Naisadhacarita 17. 75, was either not acquainted with the views of Bhasarvajna or perhaps ignored them in his treatment of the current theories of salvation. PASUPATAS Somadeva describes and criticises the procedure recommended by the Pasupatas for the attainment of salvation, but he does not tell us anything about the kind of moksa contemplated by them. The Pasupata conception of salvation, according to certain writers, is not different from that of the Nyaya school. This requires some explanation. Sarkara in his Bhasya on the Vedantasutras 2. 2. 37 criticises the doctrines of the Pasupatas, but he refers to them simply as Mahesvaras, followers of the system propounded by Siva. The Pasupatas were a Saiva sect, and we know that there were four Saiva sects in the ninth century, as both Vacaspati and Bhaskara refer to them, the former in his Bhamati and the latter in his Brahmasutra Bhasya 2. 2. 37. The four sects are Saivas, Pasupatas, Kapalikas and Karunika-siddhantins, the latter being called Kathaka-siddhantins by Bhaskara. The four-fold division of the Saiva sects is found also in Yamunacarya's Agamapramanya (latter half of the eleventh century), but here the names given are Saivas, Pasupatas, Kapalikas and Kalamukhas. This classification is followed in Ramanuja's Sribhasya. 1 Applied to the Arhat, the epithet is explained as rAgadveSamohara hitatvAt AkAzavat zUnyaM yoga nidrAyAM suptaM dIpavat kevalajJAnena dyotakam . 2 See the English translation of Naisadhacarita of Sriharsa, Appendix I, P. 497 ff. 3 According to Samkara, the Mahesvaras believe in five categories: Karya, Karana, Yoga, vidhi, and duhkhanta, which are all Pasupata tenets. Cf. Agamapramanga: pAzupataprakriyA |......"ttr paJca padArthAstu vyAkhyAtAH kAraNAdayaH / kAraNaM kArya vidhioMgo duHkhAntaH // Vacaspati in Bhamati explains Mahesvaras as referring to the four Saiva sects includ. ing the Pasupatas, but his interpretation of yoga and vidhi is based on Pasupata texts. He says itse tarifarofa: 1 fafafanua allegagigha, with which may be compared the following Pasupata sutras : velat qui aitai 1.%; TTi sifagarfot: 4. 2. 3; ita afirearefta, g ata ROTH 15, 24, 25.

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9. SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT 235 We learn from Bhaskara (op. cit.) that the Pasupatas and the Kapalikas hold the same view of salvation as the Vaisesikas and the Naiyayikas, that is, suppose the emancipated Self to be divested of all specific attributes, resembling a block of stone.1 As for the Saivas, their conception of moksa is said to be identical with that of the Samkhyas, that is, according to them, the emancipated Self subsists in a pristine condition of pure consciousness. Bhaskara says: pAzupatavaizeSikanaiyAyikakApAlikAnAmaviziSTAH muktyavasthAyAM pASANakalpA AtmAno bhavantIti / sAMkhyazaivayozca viziSTA AtmAna zcaitanya svabhAvAstiSThantIti / Yamunacarya, who gives an account of the Saiva sects in his Agamapramanya, offers the same interpretation of the Pasupata conception of salvation as Bhaskara. He explains duhkhanta, one of the fundamental tenets of the Pasupata system, as absolute cessation of pain, and states that the Pasupatas regard this as mukti, a condition characterized by the annihilation of the entire range of the specific attributes of the Self : AtyantikI duHkhanivRttirduHkhAntazabdenoktA tAmeva niHzeSavaizeSikAtmaguNocchedalakSaNAM muktiM manyante / Duhkhanta is in fact the apex of the Pasupata system. As explained in the Ratna commentary on the Ganakarika (p. 9), in a negative sense, duhkhanta is absolute cessation of all pain; while, in a positive sense, it corresponds to siddhi or the possession of supernatural power like that of Siva. Siddhi is of two kinds: jnanasakti or the potency of knowledge and Kriyasakti or the potency of action, which has three aspects: extraordinary speed, the power to assume shapes at will, and boundless might with the body and the organs intact. The attainment of the twofold siddhi is followed by ten other siddhis or miraculous powers: for example, absolute freedom, irresistible knowledge, freedom from risk to life, complete fearlessness, freedom from the effects of old age and from the pangs of death, lack of all hindrances, overlordship etc. The Pasupata system thus lays great stress on the attainment of supernormal powers; but siddhi does not stand alone, as it belongs to a group of five labhas or ways of perfection recognised by the school, the others being jnana, tapas, nityatva and sthiti. Jnana is knowledge of the truths. Tapas is dharma or discipline produced by the observance of practices such as bhasmasnana. The Ratna commentary declares that the devotee is misled from the right path by the thief Adharma and protected by Dharma acting 1 For a different view of the Kapalika ideal of salvation see Chap. XIII. For a discussion of the Nyaya view see Naisadhacarita 17. 75 and the English Translation, Appendix I (op. cit.). 2 'sarvaduHkhApoho duHkhAntaH / sa dvividho'nAtmakaH sAtmakazceti / tatrAnAtmakaH sarvaduHkhAnAmatyantocchedaH, sAtmakastu mahezvaraizvaryalakSaNA siddhiH / sA dvirUpA jJAnazaktiH kriyAzaktizceti / tatra jJAnameva zaktirjJAnazaktiH / kriyAhetuH zaktiH kriyAzaktiH sA trividhA manojavitvAdibhedA / tatra niratizayaM zIghrakAritvaM manojavitvaM, saMbhRtakAyendri yasyApi niratizayaizvaryasaMbandhitvaM vikaraNadharmitvaM ceti / yadA ceyaM dvirUpA siddhiH prApyate tadA daza siddhilakSaNAnyavazyatvAdIni patitvAntAni bhavanti / '

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236 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE like a city magistrate (purapala). The power of Dharma (dharmasakti) is revealed in the devotee's strength of mind which is not perturbed even by the songs and music of a Rambha. Nityatva is constant devotion to the deity. Sthiti is firm concentration of the mind free from impurities on Rudra. The Pasupata seems to have been a system of religious discipline rather than a school of speculative thought. Kaundinya's commentary on the Pasupata Sutras gives a fuller picture of the moral discipline of the Pasupata school at an early stage of its evolution. It is based on the yamas or modes of self-restraint, viz., ahimsa, brahmacarya, satya, asamvyavahara, sauca, aharalaghava and apramada. Ahimsa is non-injury which is almost as comprehensive as that of the Jainas. Even the lighting of fire is forbidden to avoid hurting sentient beings. Water should be filtered before use through a cloth or a strainer to keep out tiny creatures. Edible vegetable-stalks, growing bulbs and ripe seeds are to be shunned for similar reasons.' Ahimsa, in short, is avoidance of injury to all forms of life by any process, mental, vocal or physical. The Bhasya of Kaundinya quotes the following verse, which declares ahimsa to be superior to the gift of the golden mount of Meru or the entire earth or the ocean full of jewels: yo dadyAt kAJcanaM meruM kRtsnAM caiva vasuMdharAm / samudraM ratnapUrNa vA na tulyaM syAdahiMsayA // It is interesting to note that Somadeva has a verse on the same subject in Yasastilaka, Book IV (p. 97), which appears to be a variation of the verse cited above: yo dadyAt kAJcanaM meruM kRtsnAM cApi vasuMdharAm / ekasya jIvitaM dadyAt phalena na samaM bhavet // Brahmacarya or chastity does not require any explanation. Satya is speaking the truth. Kaundinya quotes in this connection a verse which declares that even a falsehood uttered in mercy to all creatures leads to heaven, but not the truth, which being spoken results in the destruction of the good. Asamvyavahara is keeping aloof from commercial transactions and the royal court. Asteya is abstention from stealing which includes anadhikara-pratigraha (acquisition of property) and anupalambha (swindling money out of others). Akrodha is forbearance. Gurususrusa is serving one's teacher with devotion. Sauca is purity, physical, mental and spiritual. Physical impurities are removed by the use of holy ashes. More important is bhavasauca or purity of thoughts. Atmasauca or spiritual purity is effected 1 Flesh food is permitted provided it does not involve killing, and is lawfully acquired. It is permissible to eat, for instance, the flesh of wild boars and buffaloes. See Kaundinya on Pasupata Sutras 5. 16. 2 svargamanRtena gacchati dayArthamuktena sarvabhUtAnAm / satyenApi na gacchati satAM vinAzArthamuktena //

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237 by submission to humiliation, insult and opprobrium. Aharalaghava is temperance in eating which follows from the injunction to live on alms, Apramada is constant vigilance in the practice of self-restraint. 9. SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT The early Pasupatas appear to have led an austere life without any fixed abode and worldly ties. According to the Pasupata Sutras, the devotee lives in a deserted house or a cave or even on a cremation ground (5. 9, 30). He wears a single piece of cloth and, if possible, dispenses with clothing altogether as a token of renunciation of all possessions (1. 10, 11). It is, however, doubtful if in later times such rules were strictly followed. The Pasupata mendicant is enjoined to live on alms; and according to Kaundinya, even the holy ashes should be obtained by begging. This appears to be conditioned by the rule of ahimsa which prohibits the kindling of a fire.' The Pasupata contempt for Vedic sacrifices was a natural consequence of the principle of ahimsa.2 Yoga is preliminary to emancipation. Kaundinya frequently defines yoga as connection of the individual soul with Isvara; and the Pasupata system, in fact, inculcates a process of Yogic discipline (yogavidhi), as mentioned in the opening Sutra. The devotee assiduously observes the essential religious practices, adores Mahadeva with wholehearted and constant devotion, and cultivates the yamas or the different kinds of self-restraint. He contemplates the sacred formulas and practises meditation: this is kriyayoga. With his mind diverted from the objects of sense, he is ripe for the real yoga, that feeling of the self as the self, directed towards Mahesvara as the ultimate goal. Supernatural powers of vision, hearing, thought-reading and knowledge come to the Siddha who has attained perfection in Yoga. The Siddha attains supernormal qualities like omniscience, speed like that of the mind etc.; and these are called gunadharma, the possession of supreme faculties like those of Mahesvara obtained through His favour. The Siddhis or supreme attainments, which are also gunas, are finally acquired by the devotee. All creatures come under his control, but he is not subject to the control of any; he dominates the minds of all, but he is not subject to similar domination; he has the power of life and death over others, but he is not subject to any such power; 1 Kaundinya 1. 2 says: bhaikSyavat bhasmArjanaM kartavyam ahiMsakatvAt. 2 Kaupdinya 2. 15 says: saMgrahapratigrahahiMsAdiyuktena zraveNAbhinirvRttidarzanAt anitya sAtizaya saMkIrNaphalatvAcca kuyajanAnyagniSTomAdIni. 3 See Chapter VIII. 4 Kaundinya 1. 20 says: adhyayanadhyAnAdilakSaNaH kriyAyogazcarataH pravartata ityarthaH / viSayebhyaH pratyAhRtacittasya.........yo'yamAtmanyAtmabhAva sa mahezvare pravartata ityarthaH 5 Kaundinya 1, 21-26.

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238 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE he is free from fear, and his power suffers no diminution; he conquers old age and death. Endowed with the Siddhis, the aspirant becomes the Mahaganapati or the associate of Mahadeva.1 Fervent devotion to Rudra in this life and intimate association with Him in the life beyond is the goal set before the Pasupata devotee. The highest Yoga is absorbed concentration on the supreme Rudra, discarding shape and form. This aspect of the deity is called vagvisuddha 'one that transcends the range of speech'.' The devotee, in his turn, becomes dharmatman or the embodiment of dharma as revealed in the process of discipline starting with the yamas and culminating in mahatmya or that constancy of soul which enables him to devote himself to the religious life.3 Thus endowed, he attains rudra-sayujya or direct association with Rudra. It is clear that the devotee does not merge his identity in the godhead, as we are told that, 'having gone near Rudra' by the prescribed method, the Brahmana never returns; that is, he is released from the cycle of births." But, before such a consummation is reached, it is essential to destroy the root cause of the dosas or evils. The evils are the various forms of sense experience which lead to lust, wrath, greed, desire, hatred and the rest. Further, the objects of worldly endeavour are also evils on account of the misery caused by their acquisition, preservation and loss, the discontent produced by the insatiabale desire for more and more of them, and injury to others involved in their acquisition and enjoyment. The root cause of the evils is stated to be adharma, which causes mental distraction and makes the devotee incapable of living the full religious life. Once the mind, free from the dosas, is established in its pristine purity and concentrated on Rudra, the devotee reaches the next higher stage. Dharma and Adharma have ceased to operate, and actions and the means thereof are practically non-existent; the Sadhaka stands alone (eka) above the physical plane with his mind fixed on Rudra. Adharma, the chief obstacle to Yoga, is no longer active, and the Sadhaka, free from 1 Kaundinya 1. 27-38. 2 5.27. Kaundinya quotes the following verse : AkRtimapi parihRtya dhyAnaM nityaM pare rudre / yena prAptaM yoge muhUrtamapi tatparo yogaH // The commentary on Ganakarika says: nityAnAgantukaizvaryayukte paramakAraNe / yatra vAco nivartante vAgvizuddhaH sa kIrtitaH // 5. 31; 2. 14. 3 4 Kaundinya 5 33 says: sAkSAdU rudreNa saha saMyogaH sAyujyam |......yogsy samyaktvaM sAyujyamiti yogaparyAyo'vagamyate. 4. 19, 20. See Kaundiuya on Pasupata Sutras 5. 35. 5 6

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9. SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT the dosas, stands like a man who has traversed a forest; he is ksemin with his mind concentrated on Rudra. All actions have ceased, and he is devoid of activity; he is sat with his mind firmly devoted to Rudra. All thoughts relating to pursuits of good and evil have ceased; and the Sadhaka is now vitasoka, free from anxious thoughts.' Having reached this stage, the unerring devotee comes to the end of all forms of pain and misery through the grace of Mahesvara. This is duhkhanta, but it is not a negative condition, as pointed out by Kaundinya. For emancipation is not merely absolute cessation of all forms of misery but the attainment of gunas or excellences, that is, the supernormal powers which figure so prominently in the Pasupata system.3 It will be seen that the interpretation of the Pasupata view of salvation as a condition devoid of the specific attributes of the soul, put forward by later writers like Bhaskara and Yamuna Muni, finds no support in the Pasupata Sutras and Kaundinya's commentary. The latter clearly states that, while in the Samkhya-Yoga view the emancipated beings abide in a condition similar to a swoon without the knowledge of self and others, the Mukta in the Pasupata view is fully endowed with knowledge.* The Pasupatas were, however, a very widely spread sect; and it is possible that there were adherents of the school who held views similar to those recorded by Bhaskara and Yamuna Muni. 239 The Pasupata system is honourably mentioned along with the Vedas, Samkhya, Yoga, and Pancaratra in the following verse cited by Aparaditya (12th century) in his commentary on Yajnavalkya Smrti 8. 7: aix : 0 vedAH pAzupataM tathA / atipramANAnyetAni hetubhirna vicArayet // iti anUSyatvena hetvavicAraNIyatvena ca devIpurANayogayAjJavalkyayoradUSyatvena tasya smaraNAt. There is no doubt that the Pasupatas continued to be an influential sect till as late as the twelfth century. They as well as the Saivas regarded God (i. e. Siva or Pasupati) as the efficient cause of the universe, unlike the Bhagavatas or Pancaratras who regarded Vasudeva, the Supreme Soul, as both the efficient and the material cause of the universe, as pointed out by Samkara in his Bhasya on the Vedantasutras 2. 2. 37, 42. Aparaditya 1 Kaundinya 5. 39. 2 5. 40. 3_Kaundinya says : saMhAraM prAptasya nigaLamuktAdhikAravanmuktAvatizayitaguNaprAptyartham ucyate gacched duHkhAnAmantam / duHkhAnAmatyantaM paramApoho guNAvAptizca paraM bhavatIti / tadubhayamapi ita eva bhavatIti. 4 'atha sAMkhyayogamuktAH kiM na vizeSitAH / ucyate - vizeSitAH / katham / tadjJAnAtizayAt katham / sAMkhyayogamuktAH" kaivalyagatAH svAtmaparAtmajJAnarahitAH saMmUrcchitavat sthitAH / asya tu jJAnamasti / ' (5.39 ) ' evaM yat sAMkhyaM yogazca varSayati asagAdiyuktAH muktAH zAnti prAptA iti, tadavizuddhaM teSAM darzanam / ' ( 58 ).

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240 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE (op. cit.) gives the following definition of the theistic conception of the Saivas and the Pasupatas, and calls it bhedesvara-vada : aer tat:--- quayanyoradhiSThAtA kevalaM nimittakAraNamIzvara itaretaravilakSaNAH pradhAnapuruSezvarA iti bhedeshvrvaadinH| .........pAzupatAH punaH kAryakAraNayogavidhiduHkhAntAH paJca padArthAH pazupatinezvareNa pazupAzavimocanArthamuddiSTA iti bhedezvaravAdamevAGgIkurvanti. The Pasupatas as a Saiva sect were in contlict with the Jainas. They are, for instance, mentioned along with Saivas, Kapalikas, Samkhyas and Buddhists in the Sravana Belgola epitaph of Mallisena of 1129 A. D. or outs, engraved on a pillar of the temple of Parsvanatha on the Candragiri hill, which describes a Jaina teacher named Vimalacandra as having publicly challenged all of them to controversy (verse 26). Another Jaina reference to the Pasupatas is in Hemacandra's Yogusastra 4. 102 wherein he describes a number of Pasupata practices (vv. 26-22)," which can be better understood by referring to the account of the system in the Ratna commentary on Ganakurika. The Pasupatas, it may be noted, indulged in ceremonial singing and dancing and made various kinds of what to them were auspicious sounds. Heinacandra, however, presents them in an unfavourable light, as liars and quacks and of loose morals. His remarks should be taken with a grain of salt as the relations between the Jainus and the Saiva sects were not very cordial. It will be seen that we have an almost unbroken record of Pasupata tenets form about the eighth to the twelfth century. The Pasupata school seems to have undergone a sort of revival in the tenth century. The brief but authoritative text Ganakarika was composed in this century; and not only Somadeva but Udayana, as stated below, refers to the system. A Mysore inscription, dated 943 A. D., states that Lakulisa, the traditional founder of the Pasupata system, became incarnate as a sage named Cilluka to preserve the continuity of his name and doctrines, which points to a revival of Pasupata teachings in the Mysore country in the latter half of the tenth century; and the sect, in fact, wielded considerable influence in that region for nearly two centuries after this. An inscription found in the temple of Harsanatha in the Sikar principality of Jaipur State mentions a scholar named Visvarupa who was a teacher of the Pancartha-Lakulamnaya, that is, the sacred book of Lakulin, called Pancartha. The inscription is dated 957 A. D., and Visvarupa was thus a contemporary of Somadeva. 1 More about this inscription in Chap. XIII. 2 Hemacandra says GT292SHIFT TOY OTTE ! Thicagefaaraanil graai facile putau vAdayatAM muhuH| muhurvadananAdenAtodyanAda vidhAyinAm // asatyabhASApUrva ca munIn devAn janAn pratAm / vidhAya vratabhaGgaca dAsIdAsatvamicchatAm / / gRhNatAM muJcatA bhUyo bhUyaH pAzupataM vratam / bheSajAdiprayogeNa yUkAlikaM praNitatAm / / 3 See Chap. XIII 4 For references see Bhandarkar: Vaisnavism, Saivisna and Jiror religious systems, pp. 170-173. Poona edition, 1928. 5 For the early history of the Pasupata sect and its expansion see Chap. XIII.

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9. SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT 241 RESUME Roughly speaking, Somadeva in his Yasastilaka considers certain doctrines of the Samkhya, Buddhist, Vedanta, Nyaya-Vaisesika, Lokayata, Jaiminiya, Saiva, Pasupata and Kaula systems. Early in the tenth century Siddharsi records the doctrines of the Nyaya, Vaisesika, Samkhya, Lokayata, Buddhist and Mimamsa systems in his Upamiti-bhava-prapancakatha (Chap. 4), and describes in this connection the views of the four schools of Buddhist thought: Vaibhasika, Sautrantika, Yogacara and Madhyamaka. Late in the century Udayana mentions several schools of thought at the beginning of his Nyayakusumanjali: the Aupanisadas or the Vedantins, th Samkhyas, the Patanjalas, the Mahapasupatas,' the Saivas, the Vaisnavas, the Pauranikas, the Yajnikas, the Digambara Jainas, the Mimamsakas, the Naiyayikas and the Carvakas. A comparison of this list with the systems described by Somadeva, who seems to have been an elder contemporary of Udayana, shows that the Jaina writer does not mention the opinions of the Pauranikas as such nor does he refer to Vaisnava doctrines or system. As regards the Yajnikas, Somadeva mentions the Yagajnas, * Experts in sacrificial lore', along with the Buddhists and the Nastikas in a verse occurring in Yasastilaka VIII. 43. That the opinions of the Yajnikas still prevailed in the tenth century is shown by Somadeva's attack on Vedic sacrifices in the dialogue between Yasodhara and his mother in Book IV. The Yajnikas are mentioned also by Vidyananda in Tattvarthasloka-vartika 1. 20 (verse 38), but here they appear to be identified with the Mimamsakas. 1 According to Varadaraja and Samkara Misra, the Mahapasupatas were those Pasupatas who practised Mahavrata, which usually means the Kapalika cult. See G. N. Kaviraja in Sarasvati Bhavana Studies, Vol. II, p. 176. A Pasupata appears in the farce Mattavilasaprahasana composed early in the seventh century, and in it occurs the expression Mahapasupata (p. 26) which seems to refer to the Kapalika figuring in the play. As has already been stated, the Pasupatas aimed at the acquisition of supernatural powers, and so dia the Kapalikas (see Chap. XIII). It is probable that there was some affinity between the Mahapasupatas and the Kapalikas. It is, however, doubtful if the Malavrati mentioned in Prabodhacandrodaya 2,3 refers to the Pasupata system, as explained in the Prakasa commentary which says mahAvrataM pAzupatavrataM tatsaMbandhinI mAhAvratI 4131975THREAT: The verse in questiun refers to various exponents of the Mimarsa system; and it is noteworthy that the Candrika sumnwentary takes the expression as referring to the work of a writer of the Bhatta school of Miwaruga, named Mahavrata. The verse in the play says: sUktaM nApi mahodadheradhigata mahAvratI nekSitA. The Candrika says mahAvrato nAma bhaTTamatAnuvatI mahodadhipratispardhI. See below for more about the verse. 2 T14 FEAT Teftariqaft:' Vol. II, p. 406. 3 HOTEuifki atza' 31

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242 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE In the same work (1. 32 under verse 15) the Yajnika is said to reject Jaina notions such as those concerning Samvara, Nirjara and Moksa. Statements such as those of Somadeva and Udayana help us to understand the character of the schools of thought current in their age. It may be added that Udayana refers also to the Tautatitas or the adherents of the Bhatta school of Mimamsa at the beginning of his commentary on the Prasastapada Bhasya and to the Prabhakaras in Nyayakusumanjali (Chap. 3), mentioning in this connection a Gauda Mimamsaka, who is identified with the Pancikakara in Varadaraja's commentary Kusumanjalibodhani. The Pancikakara is Salikanatha, the wellknown author of Prakaranapancika, an important work of the Prabhakara school of Mimamsa; and to judge from Udayana's sarcastic remarks about him, he might be the former's contemporary and, if so, lived in the tenth century. Udayana refers also to Bhaskara's interpretation of the Vedanta in Nyayakusumanjali (chap. 2), showing that Bhaskara's Brahmasutra Bhasya, now almost forgotten, was current in his time. Going back a few years earlier than the tenth centur we come across Jayanta's Nyayamanjari, which also reveals a world of thought full of variety and covering a comprehensive range of intellectual activity Jayanta refers to contemporary sects like Saivas, Pasupatas, Kaulas, Pancaratras, and Samsaramocakas (chap. 4); and throughout his work he records and criticises the views of diverse schools of thought such as Bhattas, Prabhakaras, Vedantists, Buddhists, Samkhyas and Carvakas, and noteworthy doctrines like Jnanakarma-samuccayavada, Sabda-brahmavada etc. Apart from the schools of thought enumerated by Somadeva and Udayana, the tenth century saw also a revival of Nyaya and Vaisesika studies, as witnessed by the works of Bhasarvajna,* Vyomasiva, Udayana 1 'saMvare nirjarAyAM mokSe ca tadasattvavacanaM yAzikasya viparyayaH' 2 See Introduction to Kusumanjalibodhani, ed. G. N. Kaviraja. Varadaraja remarks : gauDo mImAMsakaH pnycikaakaarH| gauDo hi vedAdhyayanAbhAvAd vedatvaM na jAnAtIti gauDamImAMsakasyetyuktamiti, p. 123. Varadaraja has been assigned to about the eleventh century. Salikanatha is referred to in a verse of the allegorical play Prabodhacandrodaya of Krsnamisra composed towards the end of the eleventh century: * uetaa.......799TEI 7 faizi...... IP HET Puti...... Act 2, verse 3. The author of the Candrika commentary on the play states that Mahodadhi was a fellow student with Malikanatha and a writer of the Prabhakara School: metafuara TRIFTIAI(1)#Tagar The Warnerat. See N. S. edition. 3 'brahmapariNateriti bhAskaragotre yujyate' 4 See S. C. Vidyabhusan: History of Indian Logic, p. 358. Vyomasiva's date is circa 950 A.D. See Hindi Introduction to Pt, Mahendra Kumara's edition of 4147275, P. 120.

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9. SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT and Sridhara; and we may include in the list even Jayanta who wrote towards the end of the preceding century. Bhasarvajna wrote Nyayasara on which there are numerous commentaries. Vyomasiva wrote the Vyomavati commentary on the Prasastapada Bhasya. Udayana, who tried to fuse together Nyaya and Vaisesika tenets, wrote Nyayakusumanjali, Atmatattva-viveka, Nyaya-vartika-tatparya-parisuddhi (commentary on Vacaspati's Tatparyatika), Kiranavali (commentary on the Prasastapada Bhasya), and Laksanavali (984 A. D.), a manual of Vaisesika definitions.3 Sridhara wrote Nyayakandali (991 A. D.), a commentary on the Prasastapada Bhasya. It should also be noted that the expansion of Nyaya and Vaisesika studies not only led to an intensive study of these systems but to the interpretation, criticism and refutation of the doctrines of the other schools, especially those of the Mimamsa, Buddhist and Samkhya systems. It is not rare to find in the writings of the period diverse doctrines of other schools fully and clearly stated before they are subjected to criticism or any attempt is made to refute them. This is particularly true of Jayanta's Nyayamanjari, and we have already referred in this connection to Udayana's Nyayakusumanjali. For other examples we need refer only to the accounts of the Buddhist theory of Ideas (with illustrative quotations), the Mimamsa theory of the self-validity of cognitions (with citations from Kumarila), and the Samkhya theory of cognition in Vyomavati (pp. 524 ff., 579 ff., 521 ff.); the summary of Samkhya doctrines in Nyayakusumanjali (chap. 1); and the discussion of the Prabhakara theory of error, and the clear presentation of Sphotavada and other tenets in Sridhara's Nyayakandali (Pp. 180 ff,, 268 ff.). The latter work quotes, besides, various authors and works, e. g. Tantravartika and Slokavartika (P. 257),* Mandana's Sphotasiddhi (P. 270) and Vidhiviveka (P. 274), the Buddhist logician Dharmottara (P. 76) etc. The interrelation of the various schools is outside the scope of our discussion; but it is evident that there was considerable activity in the sphere of speculative thought, and the doctrines put forward by the different systems formed the basis of the intellectual movement of the century. It is perhaps the mutual conflict of so many schools of thought that led certain thinkers of the age to suggest the way to a synthesis, or proclaim the common ultimate goal of all systems and schools. In a remarkable passage of Atmatattvaviveka, Udayana "attempts to show that in its gradual ascent 1 See G. N. Kaviraja in Sarasvati Bhavana Studies, Vol. III, p. 104. 2 Ibid. p. 110. 3 Udayana wrote also a commentary on Gotama's Sutras (Fe) and tuff, an original treatise on Nyaya. See G. N. Kaviraja in Sarasvati Bhavana Studies, Vol. III, p. 112 ff. Cf. Jha's Translation, p. 549. 4 243

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244 YASABTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE along tbe path of Moksa the soul is confronted with views which broaden out more and more. The different schools of philosophy representing the varied views thus obtained in passing are conceived to form a graduated series, arranged according to an ascending scale of spiritual realisation, and in such a scheme the lower is always supposed to be a stepping stone to the higher and is to be superseded by it." Even more explicitly and with greater catholioity does the Jaina writer Siddharsi declare the essential unity underlying all faiths and systems of philosophy ih his Upamiti-bhava-prapanca katha Book VIII (Pp. 1220-1227). The sum and substance of what he says is that the Supreme Soul is one. He is endowed with pure intelligence, and delivers the world with His infinite power. The true religion (Dharma ) is also one and consists of such qualities as forbearance, kindness, purity, self-control, truth, chastity, honesty, sacrifice etc. Further, the Ultimate Truth, which is the way to final deliverance, is in reality one, although it may be expressed in different ways; and it is for the realisation of this Truth concerning tho Supreme Lord that people undertake austerities, meditation and vows. Moksa is the subsistence of the soul in its pristine condition characterized by infinite intelligence, conation, joy and power, and known by such names as Supreme Attainment, Bliss, Peace, the endless Good, the Deathless State, Brahma, Nirvana etc. The Doctrine that reveals the One God, the One Dharma and the One Truth, and propounds such a state of final deliverance is alone authoritative and commands universal jurisdiction. It is the purport of this Doctrine that men learn with special care and enunciate in varieties of expression. Call it Vaisnava, Brahmanical, Saiva, Buddhist or Jaina, it is all the same: the difference in name does not count so long as the meaning remains the same. Such assertions as I am right and you are wrong', 'my system is right and yours is wrong' are only a manifestation of jealousy and nothing more. Siddharsi's sublime conception of the spiritual unity of man is no doubt much in advance of his age. Somadeva's review of the tenets of the different schools of thought is important as illustrating the Jaina standpoint, and much of what he says is no doubt cogent and valuable even as an independent effort in philosophioal criticism. As a matter of fact, he belongs in this respect to a line of Jaina scholars who have discussed, criticised and attempted to refute the doctrines of other schools of thought both before and after the tenth century; for example, Haribhadra, Akalanka, Vidyananda, Anantavirya, Prabhacandra, Hemacandra, Vadideva, Mallisena and others. It should, however, be pointed out that, so far as the Brahmanical schools are concerned, the reaction to the impact of 1 G. N. Kaviraja in Sarasvati Bhavana Studies, Vol. III, p. 112.

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9. SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT 245 Jaina thought and criticism is surprisingly small; and except for isolated comments and criticism, the vast literature of the Brahmanical systems hardly takes any adequate notice of Jaina tenets and objections. Among noteworthy criticisms of Jaina doctrines may be mentioned those of Samkara in his Bhasya on Vedanta Sutras 2. 2. 33-36 and of Kumarila in Slokavartika (Codanasutra, v. 141 ff; S'abdanityatadhikarana, v. 106 ff. etc.); but, generally speaking, it may be said that Brahmanical writers from Samkara to Udayana have directed their polemical energies against Buddhist rather than Jaina doctrines. To confine ourselves to the Jaina conception of Moksa, which it is the intention of Somadeva to contrast with the non-Jaina theories on the subiect, it is recorded and criticized as follows by Vyomasiva in the introductory portion of his commentary on the Prasastapada Bhasya: anye tvanekAntabhAvanAto viziSTapradeze'kSayazarIrAdilAbho niHzreyasamiti mnynte| ......tathA ghaTAdiH mRdAdirUpatayA nityaH sarvAvasthAsUpalambhAt / ghaTAdirUpatayA cAnityastadapAyAt / evamAtmApyAtmarUpatayA nityaH sarvadA sadbhAvAt / sukhaduHkhAdiparyAyarUpatayA cAnityaH tadvinAzAt / ............tadetadasAMpratam , mithyAjJAnasya niHzreyasakAraNatvena pratiSedhAt / bhanekAntajJAnaM ca mithyaiva baadhkopptteH| tathAhi nityAnityayoH vidhipratiSedharUpatvAt abhinne dharmiNyabhAvaH, evaM sadasattvAderapIti / yaccedaM ghaTAdiHdAdirUpatayA nitya iti, asadetat mRdrUpatAyAstato'rthAntaratvAt / tathAhi ghaTAdarthAntaraM mRdUpatA mRttvaM saamaanym| tasya tu nityatvena ghaTasya tathAbhAvaH tto'nytvaat| ghaTasya tu kAraNAdvilakSaNatayopalabdheH anityatvameva / ............na cAnekAntabhAvanAto viziSTazarIrAdilAbhe'sti pratibandhaH / na cotpattidharmANAM zarIrAdInAmakSayatvaM nyaayym| tathA maktAvapyanekAnto na vyAvartate iti mukto na muktazceti syAt / evaM ca sati sa eva muktaH saMsArI ceti prasakteH // evamanekAnte'pyanekAntAbhyupagame dUSaNam / Jayanta who devotes so much space to the doctrines of other systems, makes only a passing reference to the Jaina conception of the Self. and summarily rejects certain Jaina tenets as absurd in his Nyayamanjari ( Chap. 9); and it is noteworthy that although he discusses in that chapter the theories of salvation of diverse schools of thought, he has only a fling at certain practices of the Digambara Jaina monks and the absurdity of the notion that such practices lead to salvation. He declares that these monks expect to attain final release by plucking out their hair and going about naked: if they were right, bald persons would attain moksa straightway, and so would the animals, because they, too, are unclad! Such criticism, of course, does not rise above the level of comic satire of the type found in plays like Mattavilasaprahasana and Prabodhacandrodaya. 1 kacanilucanadikpaTadhAraNakSitiparAkramaNakramapUrvakam / kSapaNakAstvapavargamuzantyamI atitarAM paramArthavidastu te // lomnAM nityamasaMbhavAt khalatayo mokSaM kSaNAt prApnuyussaMsAroparamo digambaratayA sadyastirazcAM bhavet / muktAH syurgirizRGgayAyina ime zazvattadArohaNAjantUnAmapavargavamai nikaTaM kenedRzaM darzitam / /

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CHAPTER X Jaina DOGMATICS AND MORAL AND SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE Apart from the fact that one of the aims of Yasastilaka is to illustrate the doctrine of ahimsa, the work is designed to be a comprehensive manual of Jaina doctrines, and the object of Somadeva is to provide entertainment as well as religious instruction, and help forward the propagation of the Jaina faith. Books VI, VII and VIII of Yasastilaka, divided into fortysix kalpas or sections, are styled Upasakadhyayana or Readings for laymen, and deal elaborately with samyaktva or right faith and its various aspects as well as the different vows, which are viewed as the mainstay (upalrmhaka) of right faith. Somadeva's treatment of these topics is wider than that of many professed manuals on the subject, and what is more remarkable, illustrated in some cases by elaborate stories, which, although not original, are narrated in a manner peculiarly his own. In addition to the contents of Books VI-VIII, there are brief expositions of Jaina doctrines in Books IV and V, while the Anupreksas are treated in an elaborate body of verse in Book II. It is true that the Jaina canon and its doctrines had been fixed long before the tenth century, but the age of Somadeva was an era of systematization and interpretation; and judged from this standpoint, his comprehensive review of the salient topics of Jaina dogmatics has a definite place in the literature of Jainism in Sanskrit. I) Only a brief outline of Somadeva's exposition of Jaina dogma can be attempted in this chapter, and we may start with an interesting summary of the teachings of Jainism contained in a group of verses occurring in the dialogue between Yasodhara and his mother in Book IV. The summary is in the form of question and answer, and purports to report a conversation between Yasodhara and a Digambara saint on the tenets of the Jaina religion. It is somewhat as follows: "What is Dharma? That which inculcates kindness to all creatures. Who is Apta? He who is free from worldly blemishes. What is the means to know him? A sastra free from contradictory statements. What constitutes religious au Extermination of all desire for worldly objects. What is java ? That which possesses self-experienced attributes such as the intellectual faculty. How does the incorporeal jiva come into contact with the body? It is bound to the body by its own actions, just as the sky comes into contact with the dust raised by wind; and by its own actions it is subjected to birth in order that it may suffer their consequences, just as a learned Brahmin is made to tumble over an unclean substance by intoxicating drugs. How can Dharma be acquired? By observing the vows to the best of one's

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10. JAINA DOGMATICS AND MORAL AND SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE 247 ability. What is a vow? The extermination of desire preceded by the acquisition of faith. What is faith ? Reasoned belief in the categories (recognised by Jainism ). What are the categories ? They are the agencies which uphold the universe". 1 The great discourse on Samyaktva or Right faith in Book VI opens with a further definition of Dharma, which is described as the factor causing human advancement resulting in supreme beatitude. It consists of pravrtti and nivrtti, and applies to householders as well as monks. Pravrtti is endeavour to attain salvation, while Nivrtti is abstention from all that leads to worldly bondage. Faith, knowledge and conduct are the causes of salvation; while worldly bondage is caused by false doctrine, non-abstention (from injury, theft etc.), passions (anger, pride, greed and deceit), and yoga or the activity of body, mind and speech. Samyaktva or faith is concentration on things that conform to reason; knowledge is that which is free from ignorance, doubt and error; and right conduct is complete cessation of all activity that leads to the acquisition of Karma.3 We are also told at the end of Book VI that Samyaktva is faith in the fundamental principles; knowledge is determining the nature of the fundamental principles; and conduct is complete detachment, devoid of all action whatsoever. Right faith, right knowledge and right conduct are the most important factors in the Jaina view of liberation. As Kundakunda says in Samayasara (verse 162), Samyaktva is faith in the soul and the other categories; the comprehension of their nature is (right) knowledge; and the renunciation of desire, passions etc. is (right) conduct, the three constituting the path to salvation." It may be noted that Somadeva does not discourse on knowledge and conduct, but expounds Samyaktva in detail. 1 ko bhagavanniha dharmoM yala dayA bhUpa sarvasattvAnAm / ko nAmApto yatra hi na santi sAMsArikA doSAH // tajjJAne ka upAyaH zAstraM yaccaikavAkyatAyAtam / tarhi tapaH kiM viSayavyAsaMgavinigraho yatra // jIvaH ko yatraite bhavanti buddhyAdayaH svasaMvedyAH / tasyAmUrtasya sataH zarIrabandhaH kathaM bhavati // svakRtaiH karmabhireSa prayAti jIvaH zarIrabandhaM vA / vAteritaiH parAgairbhavati yathA saMgamo nabhasaH // taireva garbhavAse sa nIyate nijaphalopabhogArtham / azucini madanadravyairnipAtyate zrotriyo yadvat // asmA dRzAM sa dharmaH kathaM tu nijazaktito vratagrahaNAt / kiM vratamiha vAJchAyA yo darzanapUrvako niyamaH // kiM darzanamidamAhuryA zraddhA yuktitaH padArtheSu / ke punaramI padArthoM yairetadvartate jagaccakram / P. 103. 2 yasmAdabhyudayaH puMsAM niHzreyasaphalAzrayaH / vadanti viditAmnAyAstaM dharma dharmasUrayaH // sa pravRttinivRttyAtmA gRhasthetara - gocaraH / pravRttirmuktihetau syAnnivRttirbhavakAraNAt // P. 268. 3 samyaktvajJAnacaritratrayaM mokSasya kAraNam / saMsArasya ca mImAMsyaM mithyAtvAdicatuSTayam // vastuSu / mohasaMdeha vibhrAntivajitaM jJAnamucyate // karmAdAnanimittAyAH kriyAyAH paramaM rucAritramUcire // 4 rucistattveSu samyaktvaM jJAnaM tatvanirUpaNam / audAsInyaM paraM prAhurvRttaM sarvakriyojjhitam // P. 326. 5 jIvAdI saddahaNaM sammattaM tesimadhigamo NANaM / rAgAdIpariharaNaM caraNaM eso du mokUkhapaho || samyaktvaM bhAvanA mAhuryu ktiyukteSu zamam / nAritrocitacAturyAcA

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248 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE II) The whole of Book VI, after a preliminary discourse on the doctrines of other schools of thought, is devoted to the interpretation of Samyaktva, the great tutelary deity of man' (naranari mahati purusadevata). Samyaktva or Right Faith depends upon a certain attitude of mind produced by the realisation of the nature of the categories, just as gold is said to be produced by the mere contact of fire with specially treated mercury. It is not necessary to master the scriptures or subject the body to austerities or journey elsewhere or wait for the lapse of time for acquiring Samyaktva. It is the prime cause of salvation; just as the foundation is the mainstay of a palace, good luck that of beauty, life that of bodily enjoyment, royal power that of victory, culture that of nobility, and policy that of government. Samyaktva is primarily faith in Apta, Agama and the Padarthas or Categories. It may be produced in two ways, has eight components, and is characterised by prasama and other qualities, and free from erroneous beliefs (muohatva). Before considering the various aspects of Samyaktva, Somadeva explains in detail the nature of Apta, Agama and the Padarthas (VI. 2, 3.). III) The Apta, as the Jaina Tirthamkaras are generically called, is defined as omniscient and free from all blemishes; he is the lord of the universe and the benefactor of all creatures, He extricates the world from the ocean of suffering by teaching the fundamental truths, and is therefore to be regarded as the lord of the universe, whom the three worlds obey. He is pure and free from the eighteen defects common to all living creatures such as hunger, thirst, fear, passion, birth, old age, disease, death, anger, sorrow, sleep etc., and is endowed with infinite knowledge, and is the only source of words of wisdom. Passion, hatred and ignorance are the cause of telling a lie, but as the Apta is free from these, he has no occasion for uttering a falsehood. He resembles in shape the heterogeneous creatures (i. e. men), is a mirror unto the universe, and the master of the worlds. 1 'tasmAdadhiSThAnamiva prAsAdasya, saubhAgyamiva rUpasaMpadaH, prANitamita bhogAyatanopacArasya, mUlabalamiva vijaya prApteH, vinIta. tvamevAbhijAtyasya, nayAnuSThAnamiva rAjyasthiterakhilasyApi paralokodAharaNasya samyaktvameva nanu prathama kAraNaM gRNanti T ip: I' P. 274. 2 sarvazaM sarvalokezaM sarvadoSavivarjitam / sarvasattvahitaM prAhurAptamAptamatocitAH / / 3 patais Cardinateriali a T: 61YTTET: || P. 274. 4 kSut pipAsA bhayaM dveSazcintanaM mUDhatAgamaH / rAgo jarA rujA mRtyuH krodhaH khedo mado rtiH| vimayo jananaM nidrA viSAdo'STAdaza dhruvaaH| trijagatsarvabhUtAnAM doSAH sAdhAraNA ime // ebhirdoSaivinirmuktaH so'yamApto niraanaH / sa eva hetuH sUktInAM kevlshaanlocnH|| 5 TTIGT AT&T HTEIT aga TIC atariahro aftli P. 274. 6 uccAvacaprasUtInAM sattvAnAM sadRzAkRtiH / ya Adarza ivAbhAti sa eva jagatAM ptiH||

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10. JAINA DOGMATICS AND MORAL AND SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE 249 For various reasons such as subjection to passion, Brahma, Visnu, Siva, the Sun-god, or the Buddha cannot claim to be the Apta. Brahma is attached to the nymph Tilottama, and Visnu devoted to Laksmi, while Siva has Parvati forming half his body, and yet they are called Aptas! Vasudeva er of Krsna, and Devaki was his mother, and he himself fulfilled the duties of a king; yet, strangely enough, he is called a god! Further, if the universe exists in his stomach, and he himself is omnipresent, how can he be subject to birth and death ?" As regards Siva, being subject to worldly blemishes like passion in his corporeal form, he lacks the authority to oropound a religious code; while, in his incorporeal form, Sadasiva, he lacks the capacity to do so. Besides, with his five mouths, he teaches mutually contradictory doctrines, of which it would be impossible to ascertain the meaning. It is said that a portion of Sadasiya becomes incarnate in Rudra in every age; but in that case there would be no difference between the two forms of the deity (the one incorporeal and the other endowed with physical form), just as there cannot be any difference between gold and a fragment of it. It is also strange that the deity should indulge in such freaks as begging, dancing, nudity, the destruction of the Three Cities, the killing of Brahma and the carrying of a human skull in his hands." The Saiva system, its principles and the nature of its Omniscient deity constitute, a strange medley of contradictions in respect of the basic doctrine, methods of proof, poetical representation and actual practice. With regard to Sun-worship, it is strange that the sun alone should be worshipped and not the moon, although the latter also is a planet: the cult surely represents the thoughtless activity of people who have neve examined the Truth.* As for the Buddhist, he favours indulgence and continence as well as unrestrained indulgence, and is addicted to wine and flesh: how can he be respected by the wise? It seems to be the object of 1 druhiNAdhokSajezAnazAkyasUrapura sarAH / yadi rAgAdhadhiSThAnaM kathaM tatrAptatA bhavet // ajastilottamAcittaH zrIrataH zrIpatiH smRtH| adhanArIzvaraH zambhustayAdhyeSAM kilAptatA / / vasudevaH pitA yasya savitrI devakI hareH / svayaM ca rAjadharmasthazcitraM devastathApi saH / / trailokyaM jaThare yasya yazca sarvatra viyate / vimutpattivipattI sto kvacittasyeti cintyatAm // 2 kapI doSavAneSa niHzarIraH sadAzivaH / aprAmANyAvazaktezca kathaM ttraagmaagmH|| parasparaviruddhArthamIzvaraH paJcabhirmukhaiH / zAstraM zAsti bhavettatra katamAthevinizcayaH // sadAzivakalA rudre yadyAyAti yuge yuge| kathaM svarUpabhedaH syAt kAJcanasya 25tfela i nagara gratia 147 IETAUIRC Har: Aler: Petit at II P. 275. 3 siddhAnte'nyat pramANe'nyadanyat kAvye'nyadIhite / tatvamAptasvarUpaM ca vicitraM zaivadarzanam / / P. 276. + ACTA car czat a 7*80: @Raatant toate fantasti 5 arata: 27174: 17117mara: aki watafTECHET3ft: 11 P. 276. Ms. A says ati27f3f 24t: referente al FT after ICT 1 Cf. Nyayakusumanjali, chap. II: - 278791eaatio: Varadaraja says in his commentary- TR TR aT w 27 AT dvaitaM nAsti kiMtu sarva bhakSyaM va peyaM caikatvameveti kAmayamAnA iti. 32

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250 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Somadeva to show that lack of passion or renunciation is an essential condition of Apta-hood, and no faith which does not inculcate absolute renunciation can be said to have an Apta or trustworthy spiritual overlord. It may also be noted that the question of Apta was an important controversial issue between the Saivas and the Jainas, and their respective argu Somadeva here analyses, have been summarized in Chap. VIII. IV) Agama or a religious code can be pure only if the Apta is pure, just as children are pure when their parents are of pure descent. An Agama, which does not conform to reason owing to contradictory statements, is like the raving of a mad man, and can have no authority? The true Agama is so called because it makes us comprehend (gamayan) things relating to the present, past and future by occupying itself with the problems of religious virtue, material prosperity, desires and liberation, and pointing out what is to be shunned and what accepted. The Jaina Agama deals with five categories: the self, the non-self, the constitution of the universe, and bondage and liberation with their causes.* The Self is the knower and the seer, great and subtle, and acts and suffers. It is coextensive with the body, and ascendant by nature. It is endowed with knowledge and discernment, without which it would be in no way different from a lifeless object. On the other hand, if it be regarded as pure knowledge, it would not have any definite idea, like the painted figure of a man that is neither friend nor foe. Karma is directed by the Self and the Self is directed by Karma; they are like the boat and the boatman and have no one else? to direct them. The Self is, by nature, endowed with unlimited power, although it is confined within the body, like a mystic formula circumscribed by the letters of which it is composed. Ajiva or the non-self comprises Dharma, Adharma, Space, Time and Pudgala or Matter, Dharma is the underlying principle of motion, Adharma that of rest, Space that of non-resistance, and Time that of 1 Ast: et quae fagfare grydere fara atacat 11 P. 278. 2 qatqzfactia a 11 aanza IHH17:JET: TATO FATTA: 11 P. 279. 3 heyopAdeyarUpeNa caturvargasamAzrayAt / kAlatrayagatAnarthAn gamayannAgamaH smRtH|| 4 AtmAnAtmasthitiloko bandhamokSo sahetuko / Agamasya nigadyante pdaarthaastttvvedibhiH|| 5 jJAtA draSTA mahAn sUkSmaH kRtibhuttyoH svayaM prbhuH| bhogAyatanamAtro'yaM svabhAvAdadhvaMgaH pumAn / / 6 1977 Teac: ercatata i att start ateriat-1971 7 preryate karma jIvena jIvaH preryaMta karmaNA / etayoHprerako nAnyo naunAvikasamAnayoH / / 8 See also Chapter VIII. 9 matravaniyato'pyeSo'cintyazaktiH svbhaavtH|

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10. JAINA DOGMATION AND MORAL AND SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE 251 change; while Pudgala or Matter is endowed with form, touch, taste, smell and colour.' Bandha or bondage is due to the mutual infiltration of Karma and the Self, and their relation is like that of gold and rust. Bondage has no beginning, but has an end. There are four different aspects of bondage according to prakrti or the nature of karma, of which there are eight varieties, sthiti or the duration of each kind of karma in contact with the soul; anubhaga or the consequences of karma; and pradesa or th number of karmic molecules that enter the soul. It may be noted that Somadeva merely enumerates the different aspects of Bandha which is treated in detail in the Tattvarthadhigamasutra, chap. VIII, Moksa or liberation is the coming of the Self into its own after shedding all inner impurities. Liberation is not non-existence nor lack of consciousness. Somadeva gives two other definitions of the Jaina view of liberation. In VI, 1 he defines moksd as a state characterised by supreme joy, knowledge, power, potency and subtleness in the highest degree. In VIII. 39 moksa is defined as the state in which the Self acquires its own charac teristics. The Three jewels (Right faith, Right knowledge and Right oonduct) are the causes of salvation, while bondage is caused by false views, lack of self-restraint and other factors such as passions and yoga or the vibrations produced in the soul by the activities of mind, body and speech. Lack of faith in Apta, Agama and the Padarthas, error and doubt constitute Mithyatva or false views. Taking only one aspect of a matter into consideration, doubt, lack of discrimination, erroneous notions, equal respect for all deities and faiths: these five also constitute Mithyatva, as they contribute towards worldly bondage." It way be noted that Somadeva seems here to 1 dharmAdhamauM nabhaH kAlaH pudgalazceti pnycmH| ajIvazabdavAcyAH syurete vividhaparyayAH // gatisthityapratIpAtapariNAma PRI FER: HELGI EYTETCHT 966: II P. 280. 2 anyonyAnupravezena bandhaH karmAtmanormataH / anAdiH sAvasAnazca kAlikAsvarNayoriva // 3 zAnAvaraNIya Knowledge-obscuring, darzanAvaraNIya Conation-obsouring, mohanIya Deluding, antarAya Obstructive, nAma Body-forming, gotra Family-determining, vedanIya Feeling, AyuH Age. See Tattvarthadhigamasutra, chap. VIII. 4 prakRtisthityanubhAgapradezapravibhAgataH / caturdhA bhidyate bandhaH sarveSAmeva dehinAm // 5 3 faghts startar i Fala gare a 4 P 280. 6 B a Tama atef TCHERTTI OTETARTATT #ter: Ofellaa: 11 P. 273. 7 See Section XII (d). 8 bandhasya kAraNaM proktaM mithyAtvAsaMyamAdikam / ratnatrayaM tu mokSasya kAraNaM saMprakIrtitam // 9 AptAgamapadArthAnAmazraddhAnaM vipryyH| saMzayazca tridhA proktaM mithyAtvaM malinAtmanAm / / 10 ekAntasaMzayAzAnaM vyatyAsavinayAzrayam / bhavapakSAvipakSatvAnmithyAtvaM paJcadhA smRtam / /

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252 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN OULTURE follow Pujyapada's commentary on Tattvarthasutra VIII. 1. Absence of vows, carelessness, cruelty, lack of contentment, and subservience to the dictatos of are collectively called Asamvama or lack of felf-restraint. The four passions, anger, pride, deceit and greed, with their four varieties, plunge the creatures into the sea of transmigration; and activities connected with the mind, speech and the body, according as they are good and bad, are the factors which attach virtues and vices to the Self, The next Padartha is the universe, which is, in the Jaina view, without foundation or support, uncreated and free from destruction: it is situated in the midst of space, and rests on air (that is, on the three atmospheres of dense liquid, gross air and thin air). Somadeva records the criticism of this theory by other schools of thought. The Jainas, they say, do not regard the universe with the earth, mountains and oceans as being fixed anywhere nor do they believe that it is upheld by a fish or a tortoise or a serpent or a boar (as in Brabmanical mythology): so they fancy air as upholding the unsupported universe, an absolutely foolhardy proposition. How can air that cannot uphold even clods of earth, wood and similar substances uphold the universe ? Somadeva tries to refute this objection by pointing out that the clouds which inundate the universe with rainwater are kept aloft in the sky solely by the force of air. V) Somadeva goes on to say that those who hold false opinions, not being able to find fault with the conception of Apta, Agama and the Padarthas, censure Jaina (Digambara) ascetics for abstaining from bath and ablutions and going about naked and eating their food standing. He tries to defend each of these practices, and says with regard to bathing that it is useless for ascetics, who observe chastity, and are bent on a spiritual way of life. Besides, they do take a bath to avoid pollution caused by contact with Kapalikas, women in their poriods, Candalas and Sabaras. Similarly, wholesale ablutions are superfluous on the ground that it is necessary to wash only the limb which 1 avratitvaM pramAditvaM nirdayatvamatRptatA / indriyecchAnuvatitvaM santaHprAdurasaMyamam // 2 kaSAyAH krodhamAnAcAsta ctvaarshcturvidhaaH| saMsArasindhusaMpAtahetavaH prANinAM mtaaH|| manovAkAyakargANi zubhAzubha vibhedtH| bhavanti puNyapApAnAM bandhakAraNamAtmani / / 3 nirAdhAro nirAlambaH pavamAnasamAzrayaH / nabhomadhya sthito lokaH sRSTisaMhAravarjitaH / / 4 nirAdhAro nirAlambaH pvmaansmaashryH| nabhomadhya sthito lokaH sRSTisaMhAravarjitaH // atha matam-naiva lagnaM jagat kApi bhUbhUdhAmbhodhinirbharam / dhAtArazca na yujyante matsyakUrmAhipotriNaH / / evamAlocya lokasya nirAlambasya dhAraNe / kalpyate pavano jainairityetat sAhasaM mahat // yo hi vAyurna zakto'tra loSTakASThAdidhAraNe / trailokyasya kathaM sa syAddhAraNAvasarakSamaH // tadasat / ye plAvayanti pAnIyairviSTapaM sacarAcaram / meghAste vAtasAmarthyAt kiM na vyomni samAsate // P. 281. 5 amajanamanAcAmo nagnatvaM sthitibhojitA / mithyAdRzo vadantyetanmunerdoSacatuSTayam / / 6 brahmacaryopapannAnAmadhyAtmAcAracetasAm / munInAM snAnamaprApta doSe vasya vidhirmataH // saMge kApAlikAtreyIcANDAla zabarAdibhiH / Aplutya daNDavat smygjpenmtrmupossitH||

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10. JAINA DOGMATICS AND MORAL AND SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE 253 gets actually soiled; no one, for instance, cuts off the nose when a finger is bitten by a serpent." As regards nakedness, it is urged that the wise hate what is artificial, but not the observance of what is natural. Nakedness is natural: where is the ground to hate it? Further, it would be impossible for the ascetics to observe the vows of non-possession and non-injury if they desired to wear robes made of barks or decr-skins. As for the custom of taking food standing, Somadeya says that its observance does not lead to heaven nor does the failure to observe it lead to hell. The custom merely marks a certain resolution of an ascetic: I will take food only so long as it comes to the hollow of my palm and I am able to take it standing; otherwise I will abstain from food altogether,"4 VI) After dealing with the essential Jaina doctrines and the custom of the Digambara munis, Somadeva enumerates a large number of religious practices, repugnant to Jainism, and collectively called Mudha or Stupid customs and beliefs, from which Samyaktva or Right faith must be absolutely free. They are sun-worship; bath during eclipses; giving away money on samkranti days; the morning and evening ablutions; fire-worship; the worship of edifices; ceremonial bathing in rivers and the ocean; adoration of trees, stupas, and sacred offorings of boiled rice; religious suicide by falling from a precipice; bowing at the tail of a cow and taking cow's urine; and the worship of jewels, conveyances, weapons, the earth, Yaksas and mountains. Association with heretics of other faiths and the adherents of the Vedas also comes within the scope of Mudha of which there are many varieties. To attribute divinity to what is not divine, to adopt as a VOW what is not really a vow, 1 yadevAGgamazuddhaM syAdadbhiH zodhyaM tadeva hi / aGgalau sarpadaSTAyAM na hi nAsA nikRtyate // 2 vikAre viduSAM dveSo nAvikArAnuvartane / tannagnatve nisargotthe ko nAma dveSakalmaSaH // 8 naiSkicanyamahiMsA ca kutaH saMyaminAM bhavet / te saMgAya yadIhante valkalAjinavAsasAm / / 4 na svargAya sthite ktinazvabhrAyAsthiteH punaH / kiM tu saMyamiloke'smin sA pratijJArthamiSyate // pANipAtraM milatyatacchaktizca forfaitarai apiz y TaTITICHETA 11 P. 282. 5 sUryAghoM grahNanAnaM saMkrAntau daviNavyayaH / saMdhyAsevAgnisatkAro gehadehArcano vidhiH // nadInadasamudreSu majjarna dharmacetasAm / tarustUpAyabhaktAnAM vandanaM bhRgusaMzrayaH // gopRSThAntanamaskArastanmUtrasya niSevaNam / ralavAhanabhUyakSazastrazailA* ANTII P. 282. Ararauz HT992411 Carte AIICHI Chi Mudha or Mudhata corres. ponds to what is called 'alien cultus' in Judaism, covering heathenism and all that it implies, the worship or acknowledgement of any deity except the true God, vene. ration of images, and all the customs ilssociated with heathen religions. Alien cultus' or hoathenism is one of the three deadly sins in Judaism, the others being uchastity in all its forms and homicide. Moore: Julaism, vol. I, p. 466; vol. II, p.267. Jainism, on the other hand, appears to treat heathonism as an error of judgment, and keeps it distinct from the cardinal sins envisaged by the Anupratas,

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254 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE and to accept as the truth what is not a truth at all constitute Mithyatva or falsehood, which has to be renounced. Somadeva defines in this connection the attitude of Jainisin towards novices. If a convert to Jainism cannot altogether renounce all his false beliefs, he ought to be given a mixed reception, but it is not advisable to discard him altogether. On the other hand, persons who are wicked by nature should not be induced to accept the Jaina doctrine, but proper consideration should be shown to those who voluntarily adopt the faith ( VI. 4). 'VII) Somadeva next deals with the angas or auxiliaries of Samyaktva, but it will be convenient to summarize first the different aspects of the doctrine enumerated in the concluding section of Book VI. First, Samyaktva or Right faith may be realised naturally i. e. by intuition with but little effort or acquired from external sources with great effort. Samyaktva is said to be naturally produced when faith in the fundamental principles of Jainism comes into being 'without the suffering attendant on mental wanderings in the wilderness of deliberation', as a result, for instance, of remembering previous births, or hearing religious discourses, or meditating on the image of a Jaina Tirthamkara, or witnessing great religious festivals, or any other similar cause. Samyaktva is said to be acquired when faith in the tattvas comes into being after a long time, as a result of great efforts made in thoroughly investigating all the scriptural texts," which can only be understood with the help of methodical instruction by a wise teacher. Secondly, Samyaktva may be of two, three and ten kinds according to the standpoint from which it is viewed, but faith in the fundamental principles is the common feature of all its phases. a) Samyaktva may be of two kinds, saraga or accompanied by desire and vitaraga or free from desire. It is saraga up to the eleventh gunasthang or stage of spiritual development; it is vitarago in the last three stages. Saraga Samyaktva has certain fundamental characteristics such as prasama etc., while Vitaraga Samyaktva is characterised by the absolute purity of the soul." 1 adeve devatAbuddhimatrate vratabhAvanAm / atatve tatvavijJAnamato mithyAtvamutsRjet // 2 tathApi yadi mUDhatvaM na tyajet ko'pi sarvathA / mizratvenAnumAnyo'sau sarvanAzo na sundaraH / / 3 na svato jantavaH preyA durIhAH syurjinAgame / svata eva pravRttAnAM tadyogyAnugraho mtH|| 4 Freits THT TRATTAT FIT&TT I FF7c715 CATT TETT77999767:11 P, 322. 5 Antig HSAsud'. 6 ' Thielfajafaryzya'. 7 471............ saraag aaraa fass4.........Pazo atag sa: 4 . 8 fafau fafau cyfaqiy: HTFAHRT: 1 atasarafafy: Tahf#:11 P. 322. 9 Ferratacitiffyg calg for HTH | TAY ga at archaykha ! Ms. A remarks, guNasthAnaparyantaM sarAga dvAdazAdi vItarAgam. ZT

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10. JAINA DOGMATICS AND MORAL AND SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE 255 Somadeva observes that just as the virility of a man, which cannot be perceived with the senses, can be ascertained from his relations with women, or the generation of children, or his fortitude in danger, or the execution of his designs ; similarly, the existence of the Jewel of Right Faith, although extremely subtle owing to its being a condition of the soul, may be inferred from the qualities of Prasama, Samvega, Anukampa and Astikya.' Prasama is restraining the mind from passions and other evil tendencies. Samvega is fear caused by worldly existence, the source of all kinds of sufferings, and fleeting like a dream or a magic show. As Hemacandra observes in his Yogasastra 2. 15, Samvega is man's longing for liberation. Anukampa is kindness to all creatures; it is the fundamental basis of dharma. Astikya is a believing attitude of the mind towards the Apta, the scriptures, the vows and the fundamental principles. Somadeva concludes by saying that long is the worldly bondage of the man who is subject to the fury of the passions, devoid of vows, cruel and unbelieving. It may be added that some writers mention another characteristic of Samyaktva, nirveda or indifference to the world. b) Samyaktva may be of three kinds according as it is accompanied by the destruction of the karmas or their abatement or the process of partial abatement and destruction. Somadeva does not treat the topic in detail, but it may be noted that Samyaktva, viewed from this standpoint, is classified into ksayika, aupasamika and ksayopasamika, the characteristics of which are explained in detail in Pujyapada's commentary on Tattvarthasutra II. 3-5. Briefly speaking, Ksayika Samyaktva is caused by the destruction of seven particular kinds of karma; Aupasamika Samyaktva is caused by the mitigation of the four passions and the three kinds of darsanamoha; and Ksayopasa yaktva is caused by the mitigation of the existing four passions and mithyatva and samyaktvamithyatva and the destruction of their germs. c) Samyaktva may also be of ten kinds according to the sources from lerived. These sources are ajna, the command of the scriptures 1 'yathA hi puruSasya puruSazaktiriyamatIndriyApyaGganAjanAGgasaMbhogenApatyotpAdanena ca vipadi dhairyAvalambanena vA prArabdha vastunirvahaNena vA nizcetuM zakyate, tathAtmasvabhAvatayAtisUkSmayatnamapi samyaktvaratnaM prazAmasaMvegAnukampAstikyairekavAkyairA kalayituM zakyam / ' 2 yadrAgAdiSu doSeSu cittavRttinibarhaNam / taM prAhuH prazamaM prAzAH samasta vratabhUSaNam // 3 TECHTEREO TITIT 19 I ENFISEheure afta: Trgoya il P. 323. 4 satve sarvatra cittasya dayAvaM dayAlavaH dharmasya paramaM mUlamanukampa pracakSate // 5 Apte zrute vrate tattve cittamastitvasaMstutam / AstikyamAstikairuktaM muktiyuktidhare nre|| 6 rAgaroSadhare nityaM nimrate nirdayAtmani / saMsAro dIrghasAraH syAnare naastikniitike| 7 Hemacandra (op. cit.) says: fet apa27747. 8 hoti guar: zira: apiaraaaa r i fear alezi ait hit wag P. 323.

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE composed by the exalted and omniscient Arhat or Tirthamkara; marga, the investigation of the Three Jewels of Right Faith, Right knowledge and Right conduct; upadeso, listening to the life-stories of the great men of old such as the Tirthamkaras, the Cakravartins etc.; sutra, the code regulating the conduct and behaviour of the ascetics; bija, a clue to the understanding of all sections of the doctrine; samksepa, summary knowledge of the main topics of the system, Apta, sutra or the sacred canon, the vows and the categories; vistara, comprehensive knowledge of the vast canonical literature consisting of the twelve Angas, the fourteen Purvas and the Prakirnas; artha, personal conviction in matters connected with the sacred lore; avagadha, profound knowledge of some part of the threefold Canon; and paramavagadha, the conviction of a man possessing the three kinds of supernatural knowledge, viz., avadhi, manahparyaya and kerala.1 Samyaktva is thus tenfold according to the source from which it is derived, and we have therefore ten types of Samyaktva: margasamyaktva, sutrasamyaktva, arthasamyaktva and so on. 256 In early literature the above ten aspects of Samyaktva are dealt with in Uttaradhyayanasutra XXVIII. 16 ff., although some of the sources are differently given : ' Faith is produced by 1. nisarga, nature ; 2. upadesa, instruction ; 3. ajna, command; 4. sutra, study of the sutras; 5. bija, suggestion; 6. abhigama, comprehension of the meaning of the sacred lore ; 7. vistara, complete course of study; 8. kriya, religious exercise ; 9. samksepa, brief exposition; 10. dharma, the Law'. The Sutra defines each of these factors in detail, and later writers explain them in their own way. The following verse, quoted by Somadeva in Yasastilaka VI. 21, being enumeration of the ten kinds of Samyaktva, occurs in Gunabhadra's atmanusasana. AjJAmArgasamudbhavamupadezAtsUtrabIja saMkSepAt / vistArArthAbhyAM bhavamavaparamAvAdigADhaM ca // Gunabhadra clearly explains the ten kinds of Samyaktva in the following verses (ibid. 12-14) : AjJAsamyaktvamuktaM yaduta virucitaM vItarAgAjJayaiva tyaktapranthaprapaJcaM zivamamRtapathaM zraddadhanmohazAnteH / mArgazraddhAnamAhuH puruSavarapurANopadezopajAtA yA saMjJAnAgamAbdhiprasRtibhirupadeza dirAdezi dRSTiH // AkarNyAcArasUtraM municaraNavidheH sUcanaM zraddadhAnaH sUktAsaiau sUtradRSTirduradhigamagaterarthasArthasya bIjaiH / kaizvijAtopalabdhera samazamavazAd bIjadRSTiH padArthAn saMkSepeNaiva buddhvA rucimupagatavAn sAdhu saMkSepaH // yaH zrutvA dvAdazAGgIM kRtamuciratha taM viddhi vistAradRSTiM saMjAtArthAt kutazcit pravacanavacanAnyantareNArthadRSTiH / dRSTiH sAGgAGgabAhya pravacanamavagAhyotthitA yAvagADhA kaivalyAlokivArthe ruciriha paramAvAdigADheti rUDhA // Somadeva says: bhagavadarhatsarvajJa praNItAgamAnujJAsaMjJA AzA, ratnatrayavicArasaga mArgaH, purANapuruSacaritazravaNA bhiniveza upadezaH, yatijanAcaraNanirUpaNapAtraM sUtram, sakalasamayadalasUcanAvyANaM bIjam AptazrutavratapadArthasamAsAlApAkSepaH saMkSepaH, dvAdazAna caturdaza pUrvaprakIrNa vistIrNazrutArthasamarthana prastAro vistAraH, pravacanavipaye svapratyayasamartho'rthaH trividhasyAgamasya niHzeSato'nyatamadezAvagAhAlI DhamavagADham avadhimanaHparyaya kevalAdhikapuruSapratyaya prarUDhaM paramAvagADham / P. 323. 2 Jacobi: Jaina Sutras, Part II, p. 154. 1

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10. JAINA DOGMATICS AND MORAL AND SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE VIII) Somadeva enumerates twentyfive hindrances to Samyaktva, known as drgdosah: the three kinds of mudha or mudhata, the eight madas, the six anayatanas, and the eight defects, samka etc.1 He does not explain any of these except the group of eight defects. The three kinds of mudha are lokamudha consisting of stupid popular customs such as dips in sacred water; devamudha or the worship of false deities, ghosts, spirits and the like; and samayamudha or following the lead of those who profess false doctrines such as astrology, magic lore etc. The eight kinds of mada or pride are pride of birth, family, beauty, wealth, intellect, knowledge of the scripture, honour and power respectively, as explained in the Bhasya on Tattvarthasutra IX. 6. What is not ayatana or abode (of right faith) is anayatana. The six anayatanas are a false deity subject to passion and hate; the followers of such a deity; false austerities; those who practise such austerities; false scriptures; and the followers of such scriptures. The group of eight defects consists of samka, kamksa, vicikitsa, mudhadrsti, lack of upaguhana, lack of sthitikara, lack of vatsalya and lack of prabhavana. These will be explained later. After enumerating the twentyfive hindrances to Samyaktva, Somadeva points out that a man of right conduct, who possesses right faith, and is conversant with the fundamental truths, attains salvation, even though he is devoid of vows; while a man without faith can never attain salvation, even though he observes the vows. External functions and external karma are mere agencies: when the three Jewels (Right Faith, Right Knowledge and Right Conduct) are mature, the soul becomes impregnated with them.* Right knowledge is not derived from the senses nor right faith from delusion nor right conduct from the body: when the soul attains the supreme bliss of liberation, it simply becomes one with those three. It will be seen that right faith, right knowledge and right conduct are regarded as conditions of the soul, which is, in the ultimate resort, identified with them. Nemicandra puts the idea clearly in his Dravyasamgraha (verse 39) when he says that, from the ordinary point of view, right faith, knowledge and conduct are the causes of salvation, but in reality one's own soul is the cause of liberation, consisting as it does of those three. Among early writers Kundakunda says in 1 mUDhatrayaM madAzcASTau tathAnAyatanAni SaT / aSTau zaGkAdayazceti dRgdoSAH paJcaviMzatiH / P. 324, 2 See Brahmadeva's commentary on Dravyasamgraha, verse 41. 3 nizcayocitacAritraH sudRSTistatvakovidaH / avratastho'pi muktistho na vratastho'pyadarzanaH / P. 324. 4 bahiSkriyA bahiSkarma kAraNaM kevalaM bhavet / ralatrayasamRddhaH syAdAtmA ratnatrayAtmakaH // 5 akSAjjJAnaM rucirmohAddehAdvRttaM ca nAsti yat / AtmanyasmivizavIbhUte tasmAdAtmaiva tat trayam // 6 samma saNa NANaM caraNaM mokkhassa kAraNaM jANe / bavahArA Niccayado tattiyamaio Nio appA // 33 257

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258 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Samayasara (verse 19 ) that a saint should always resort to (right) belief, knowledge and conduct; these three are in reality nothing but the soul itself. The same author says in Niyamasara (verse 96 that the soul is to be meditated upon as consisting of pure knowledge, pure faith, joy and pure consciousness. As has already been said, Somadeva deals only with Samyaktva or Samyagdarsana, Right faith, and regards it as the corner-stone of the entire system of Jaina religion and ethics. After dealing with the various aspects of Samyaktva, he sums them up in the following verse occurring in Yasastilaka VIII. 35. tattveSu praNayaH paro'sya manasaH zraddhAnamuktaM jinairetadvitridazaprabhedaviSayaM vyaktaM caturbhirguNaiH / aSTAGgaM bhuvanatrayArcitamidaM mUDharapoDhaM tribhizcitte deva dadhAmi saMsRtilatollAsAvasAnotsavam // The different kinds of Samyaktva, two, three and ten, as the case may be, and its four characteristics, referred to in the verse, have already been explained. Samyaktva should also be free from the three types of mudha, that is lokamudha, devamudha, and samayanudha (see above ). Besides, it has eight angas which are elaborately explained and illustrated by Somadeva in Yasastilaka VI. 5-20. IX) The eight angas or auxiliaries of Samyaktva are freedom from samka, freedom from kamksa or akamksa, freedom from vicikitsa or vininda, freedom from anyaslagha or mudhata, upaguha, sthitikura, prabhavana and vatsalyu. Conversely, sanka, kamksa, vicikitsa, mudhata and lack of upaguha, lack of sthitikara, lack of prabhavana and lack of vatsalya form a group of defects which hamper the growth of Samyaktva, and are included among the twentyfive drgdosah. Somadeva's account of the angas of Samyaktva are summarised below. Samka, akamksa, vinindu and anyaslaghu are the four obstacles to the growth of Samyaktva or Right Faith. Samka is fear or hesitation, which causes lack of resolution and the consequent inability to follow in a steadfast manner the chosen doctrine or vow. The story of the fickle sage Jamadagni is meant to illustrate this failing, while Jinadatta and Padmaratha represent the type of devotees who do not flinch from their vows even in the face of death. Freedom from sarka enabled even a criminal like Lalita to attain success in the difficult mystic rites, which the pious Dharasena had commenced but failed to accomplish owing to his fear and indecision. 1 dasaNaNANacarittANi sevidanvANi sAhuNA NiccaM / tANi guNa jANa tiNNivi appANaM ceva nnicchydo| 2 kevalaNANasahAvo kevaladasaNasahAvasuhamaio / kevalasattisahAvo sohaM idi ciMtae NANI / / 3 See Chap, XVI for the stories,

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10. JAINA DOGMATICS AND MORAL AND SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE 259 Samka is, properly speaking, the fear of a man that he is alone and has no protector in the three worlds; it is the fear born of the ill and death, Samka is also lack of decision, that is, inability to choose between one doctrine and another, one vow and another, and one divinity and annther.' Akarkka is the desire for worldly happiness, which hampers constancy of faith and the practice of vows. To preserve the purity of one's faith renounce the desires and aspirations born of this and the other world, and those encouraged by other faiths based on erroneous doctrines. One must not, for instance, aspire to become a god or a Yaksa or a king as a result of one's devotion to Right Faith. To exchange Samyaktva or Right Faith for the joys of the world is like exchanging a ruby for butter-milk, and nothing but self-deception. Equanimity of mind (anakula citinvrttih) in matters of religion is the sure basis of all prosperity and bliss. To develop right faith one must, therefore, be free from attachment to the world, and the chaste maiden Anantamati is praised for rejecting her chance of worldly happiness for the sake of her vow. Vininda or Vicikitsa is doubt or hesitation in the exercise of piety as inculcated by one's faith. One must, for instance, have no hesitation in succouring the poor and the sick, however loathsome the object of one's pity may bo, because one is required to do so by one's religion. King Auddayana was praised by Indra, because he personally tended helpless, old and diseased ascetics without scruple or hesitation. It is one's own fault if one is unable to follow the course of conduct prescribed by one's religion or grasp its meaning. It is the fault of the eye if the clear and luminous sky appears to be dark, He who neglects the teachings of one's religion at the sight of physical defects is like a man who rejects gold at the sight of rust on iron. The good who view the teachings of the scriptures and the nature of the body in their proper perspective feel no scruples of any kind in carrying out tenets of their faith." 1 287 at fra fa fait for itael P. 283. 2 etattattvamidaM tattvametadtamidaM vratam / eSa devazca devo'yamiti zaGkA viduH parAm / / 3 tat kudRSTayantarodbhUtAmihAmutra ca saMbhavAm / samyagdarzanazuyarthamAkAhAM trividhAM tyajet // P. 291. 4 syAM devaH syAmahaM yakSaH syAM vA vasumatIpatiH / yadi samyaktvamAhAtmyamastItIcchAM parityajet // 5 udazviteva mANikyaM samyaktvaM bhavajaiH sukhaiH / vikrINAnaH pumAn svasya vaJcakaH kevalaM bhavet / / 6 aleg IT gaftaleria: F9471HGTARTART gia ra gizo P. 296. 7 af at 7: yaran g TECKTA AT P. 294. 8 darzanAddehadoSasya yastattvAya jugupsate / sa lohe kAlikAlokAnnUnaM muJcati kAzcanam / / 9 tadaitihye ca dehe ca yAthAtmyaM pazyatAM satAm / udvegAya kathaM nAma cittavRttiH pravartatAm /

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260 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Anyaslagha or Mudhata is attachment to the dogmas of other faiths, which a devout Jaina must avoid. The Vedic, Buddhist, and Saiva scriptures are dismissed by the author as favouring the use of honey, meat and wine, as also the Vedic religion which prescribes sacrifices as a means to salvation. Such practices as purification with earth etc., ceremonial bathing, sprinkling of water, ablutions, and the worship of the Manes and the Fire; the use of deceitful speech, holy ashes, cowdung plasters and Kusa seats; the wearing of matted hair, ceremonial cloth and girdle; the carrying of clubs and bamboo baskets, and mystic poses of the fingers: all these are described as the stock-in-trade of those who are ignorant of the inner truth. The erroneous dogmas of other systems are attractive in outward appearance but dangerous in their inner significance; they are like the limpaka fruit, and should never be relied upon. A follower of the Jaina faith should neither praise nor become acquainted with such doctrines nor be misled by the knowledge and science of other schools of thought. The devout lady Revati is accordingly praised for the utter indifference to divinities not recognised by the Jaina scriptures. Somadeva then describes the four attributes which contribute to the growth of Samyaktva. They are upaguha, sthitikara, prabhavana and vatsalya. Upaguha or Dharmopabrmhana is guarding the reputation of one's religion by suppressing or concealing such faults of one's coreligionists as may lower it in the estimation of others. It is, of course, one's duty to enhance the prestige of one's faith by the cultivation of such virtues as forbearance, truthfulness, purity, mercy and honesty, and by the practice of austerities, self-control and charity. At the same time, if any of one's co-religionists commits an offence by chance or error, one should conceal it with the wealth of one's own virtues' as does a mother that of her children. This seems to mean that one should establish the innocence of the culprit, even if the attempt should entail personal loss or damage. When, for instace, the bogus Jaina ascetic was arrested by the police for stealing the merchant's Jewel, the latter, being a good Jaina, declared that he had himself given it to the thief, because the conviction of a Jaina ascetic for theft would have lowered the prestige of Jainism among the populace 1 bharmibhasmajaTAvoTayogapaTTakaTAsanam / mekhalAprokSaNaM mudrA vRsIdaNDaH karaNDakaH // zauca majjanamAcAmaH pitRpUjAnalArcanam / grafita fatrai sfertei fatisd P. 296. 2 antardurantasaMcAra bahirAkArasundaram / na zraddadhyAt kudRSTInAM mataM kiMpAkasaMnibham / / 3 tatsaMstavaM prazaMsAM vA na kurvIta kudRSTiSu / jJAnavijJAnayosteSAM vipazcinna ca vibhramet / / 4 hora ilga H arian 1974: 449la: guia CHTICH 11 P. 302. 5 savitrIva tanUjAnAmaparAdhaM sadharmasu / daivapramAdasaMpannaM nigRhedguNasaMpadA / /

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10. JAINA DOGMATICS AND MORAL AND SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE 261 who were not acquainted with the real facts. Somadeva goes on to say that a religion cannot be sullied by the misdemeanour of a weakling among its adherents, just as the ocean does not become foul on account of a frog dying in its waters. This is, of course, true of all religions, but the Jainas seem to be prepared, under certain circumstances, to ignore occasional infractions of the moral code if they can thereby save their religion from any possible opprobium or disgrace. Sthitikara is the strengthening of the conviction of those among one's co-religionists who may be faltering in their loyalty to the faith, and show signs of breaking away from the fold. A person initiated into the Jaina religion may be wavering in his allegiance owing to the rigour of the vows and insufficient knowledge of the scriptures, and it is the duty of the faithful to hearten him and strengthen his loyalty to the faith.: A novice must not be discarded on account of a single lapse, and the aim of a good Jaina should be gananardhana, 'the advancement of the community', to be accomplished by constant efforts to win back waverers and sceptics and restore their allegiance. The ends of religion can be served only by the efforts of various types of men, and each one should be assigned the role for which he is fit. Any negligence of this principle deprives men of access to the truth, prolongs the cycle of births, and contributes to the decay of the faith. The story of Varisena illustrates this aspect of one's obligations to one's religion, Prabhavana is propagation of the faith by the installation of images and the establishment of temples and the institution of worship and festivals as well as by the diffusion of knowledge and the practice of manifold austerities." We are also told that it is one's duty to enhance the prestige of the faith, without any motives of worldly gain, by means of charity and diverse forins of knowledge and science and the celebration of grand festivals and ceremonies.8 The story of Vajrakumara shows that a good Jaina must be prepared to defend his religion against the encroachments of rival sects. Vatsalya is helping one's co-religionists in distress, as illustrated in the story of the sage Visnu. Connected with vatsalya are certain kindred virtues 1 See Chap. XVI. 2 azaktasyAparAdhena kiM dhamoM malino bhavet / na hi bheke mRte yAti payodhiH pUtigandhatAm // 3 ta A NTHITHI BITTE BEACHTET Whet hyfa 11 P. 304. 4 navaiH saMdigdhanirvAhaividadhyAdgaNavardhanam / ekadoSakRte tyAjyaH prAptatattvaH kathaM nrH|| 5 q: whefeff are tal979: 1 344: Fann y Trei na aiseta 6 upekSAyAM tu jAyeta tattvAirataro naraH / tatastasya bhavo dIrghaH samayo'pi ca hIyate // 7 n a farfaus: 1 FIHETETUTTO STREHITHTFT II P. 309, 8 tddaanshaanvishaanmhaamhmhotsvaiH| darzanadyotanaM kuryAdaihikApekSayojjhitaH / /

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262 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE which a Jaina layman ought to cultivate. They are vinaya, vaiyavrtya, and bhakti. Vinaya is respect for one's teacher, fellow-student, and the community, and for the study of the scriptures and ideal of self-control. Vaiyavrtya is efficient service rendered to the miserable and the sick. Bhakti is pure and sincere devotion to Jina, the Jaina scriptures, and Jaina religious teachers distinguished for their austerities and learning. X) Somadeva next deals with the salient features of Jaina religious and moral discipline in detail. In Book VII he defines Vrata as the mainstay of Samyaktva, and it is of two kinds according as it is based on the Malagunas and Uttarugunas. The Mulagunus are eight, consisting as they do of abstention from wine, meat, honey and five kinds of fruits such as Udumbara Asvattha, Plaksa and Nyagrodha, which are the breeding ground of various living organisms, visible and invisible. A number of stories is told to illustrate some of the milagunas, and it is asserted that flesh-eaters have no kindness, drunkards never speak the truth, and people who take honey and the Udumbara fruit feel no pity. Drinking is condemned by saying that it is the root of all evils, since it completely deludes the mind, and is therefore the greatest of all sins, Owing to the loss of the power of discrimination men commit all kinds of sins, which lead to their wandering in the wilderness of worldly existence. It is well-known that wine was the cause of the ruin of the Yadavas, just as gambling was the cause of that of the Pandavas?. Somadeva records also a curious belief that some persons, after a long succession of births and rebirths, are in the course of time transformed into wine to delude the minds of men. The number of sentient beings transformed into a single drop of wine is large enough to fill the universe ! With regard to the prohibition of meat-eating, Somadeva wonders how people who seek their own welfare hope to increase their own flesh 1 Eee #FTEIR fot i qetai BACHRAT face yTETIETTII P. 316. 2 AdhivyAdhiniruddhasya niravadyena karmaNA / saucityakaraNaM proktaM vaiyAvRtyaM vimuktaye // 3 jine jinAgame sUrau tapaHzrutaparAyaNe / sadbhAvazuddhisaMpanno'nurAgo bhaktirucyate / / 4 HUHHYRINTI: HETSF7929r: 1 gera TCFTATUT Toyo: al P. 327. * * * * * * Bruta # Thaanaafa I STATEN: TOTA: For: TAT : 1! P. 330, 5 mAMsAdiSu dayA nAsti na satyaM madyapAyiSu / AnRzaMsyaM na matryeSu madhUdumbaraseviSu // 6 sarvadoSodayo madyAnmahAmohakRtermateH / sarveSAM pAtakAnAM ca pura-saratayA sthitam // hitAhitavimohena dehinaH kiM na 9179TI: PARTITOR HURTI P. 327. bhayena yAdavA naSTA naSTA chutena pANDavAH / iti sarvatra loke'smin suprasiddha kathAnakam / / 8 samapadya vipadyeha dehino'nekazaH kila / madhIbhavanti kAlena manomohAya dehinAm / / mathaikabindusaMpannA-prANinaH pracaranti cet / pUrayeyuna saMdehaM samastamapi viSTapam / /

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10. JAINA DOGMATICS AND MORAL AND SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE 263 with the flesh of others. Just as one's own life is dear to one, similarly the life of another is dear to him; and one should therefore refrain from destroying animal life. The objection to honey is based on the ground that it is pressed out of the young eggs in the womb of bees', and resembles the embryo in the first stage of its growth. It is forbidden to eat or drink in the house of those who take wine, meat and honey, and even to use any utensils belonging to them. Further, one who observes the mulagunas should always avoid water brought in waterskins, oil kept in leather flasks, and women who are not in a fit state for vows. In connection with the taboo on meat, we are told that some object even to the eating of beans and pulses, as these, too, according to them, are flesh, being endowed with life like the bodies of camels, sheep and other animals. Somadeva, however, rejects this view, and cites a verse to the effect that flesh may constitute the body of an animate object, but the body of any animate object is not necessarily composed of flesh; just as the Neem is a tree, but any tree is not Neem. The Uttaragunas are twelve in number, and comprise the five Anuyratas, the three Gunavratas and the four Siksavratas. The An are treated in detail and fully illustrated with elaborate stories in VII.26-32. They consist of limited vows to renounce severally injury, stealing, falsehood, lust and greed.' 1 tat svasya hitamicchanto muJcantazcAhitaM muhuH / anyamAMsaiH svamAMsasya kathaM vRddhividhAyinaH / / 2 ta sifat to her friota: faragaze at tegi RETSII P. 330. 3 makSikAgarbhasaMbhUtabAlANDavinipIDanAt / jAtaM madhu kathaM santaH sevante kalalAkRti // 4 madyAdisvAdigeheSu pAnamannaM ca nAcaret / tadamatrAdisaMparka na kurvIta kadAcana // 5 dRtiprAyeSu pAnIyaM snehaM ca kutapAdiSu / vratastho varjayennityaM yossitshcaavrtocitaaH|| 6 16-HiFi startete paa at Hitafaat at ang nata: 11 P. 331. 7 Erdeaalnearicaragt: I gata a : 2 a a P. 333. The Anuvratas or lesser vows are intended for laymen and distinguished from the same vows in their more rigorous form, known as Mahavratas or great vows, which are prescribed for unorks and ascetics. The vices against which these vows are directed cover a wido field, being classified into different categories. Theft, for example, includes misappropriation of deposits, as shown by the story of Sribhuti and Bhadramnitra (see Chap. XVI), It is noteworthy that the early Christians, tou, included this among the more serious violations of the moral law. Pliny who was sent as legate tu Bithynia in 111 A. 1), reports in his ninety-sixth letter to the Emperor Trajan that the Christians 'bound themselves with an oath, not fur any crime but not to commit theft or robbery or adultery, not to break their word, and not to deny a deposit when demanded'. Kidd: A History of the Church, Vol. I, p. 325; Bindley: l'he Apology of Tertullian, Appendix, p. 148 ff.

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264 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Dealing with the question of injury, Somadeva enunciates a positive view of ahinsa and defines hirinsa as destruction of living creatures through error of judgement, and ahinsa as the protection afforded to them. It follows, therefore, that animals must not be killed for the purpose of worshipping the gods or the Manes, or entertaining one's guests, or in any mystic rites, or for medicinal purposes or out of fear: this constitutes the the vow of ahissa.? All liquids should be strained through a cloth before use to avoid any possible injury to living creatures, and one should for the same reason give up also eating at night. Rice-gruel (or pickles), syrups, unhusked paddy, flowers, fruits, roots and leaves, being the breeding gr organisms, should not be acquired for use nor anything that is frequented by the latter. Hollow stalks and reeds should be avoided as well as creepers and bulbs resorted to by diverse creatures. Herbs or vegetables should be taken when no longer raw, after splitting them into two sections, and all kinds of pulses and beans which are cooked entire should also be avoided. Somadeva then enumerates certain qualities which should be cultivated to realise the ideal of ahimsa. They are maitri, pramoda, karunya and madhyasthya. Maitri is the disposition not to cause suffering to any one by any physical act or thoughts or words. Pramoda is affection coupled with respect for men eminent for their virtues and religious austerities. Karunya is the will to help the poor, while Madhyasthya is an equitable attitude, free from pleasure and displeasure, towards those who are devoid of any merit. The supreme quality of kindness is emphasized by declaring that virtue is light and sin darkness, and sin cannot abide in a person crowned with the rays of kindness. 16 Ahimsa is thus a positive virtue, and resolves into jivadaya or compassion for living creatures, which by itself is as efficacious as all good words combined. The effect of the latter is like the result of agricultural labour, while that of the former is like the miraculous results produced by the Cintamani yem." 1 yat syAt pramAdayogena prANiSu prANahApanam / sA hiMsA rakSaNaM teSAmahisA tu satA matA // P. 33 2 devatAtithipitrartha manauSadhabhayAya vA / na hisyAt prANinAM sarvAnahiMsA nAma tadratam / / 3 dagogifot aaffat qah UFTIx x x x x x x x Fastigi aut a azie * saMdhAnaM pAnakaM dhAnyaM puSpaM mUlaM phalaM dalam / jIvayoni na saMgrAhyaM yacca jIvairupadrutam // 5 yadantaHzuSiraprAyaM heyaM nAlInalAdi tat / anantakAyikaprAyaM vallIkandAdikaM tyajet / / 6 dvidalaM dvidalaM prAzyaM prAyeNAnavatAM gatam / siddhayaH sakalAstyAjyAH sAdhitA. sakalAzca yaaH|| 7 TT HTET E T a Eh 137.estat afat #itfaat Faril P. 335. 8 tapoguNAdhike puMsi prshryaashrynirbhrH| jAyamAno manorAgaH pramodo viduSAM mtH|| 9 dInAbhyuddharaNe buddhiH kAruNyaM karuNAtmanAm / haSAMma!jjhitA vRttimAdhyasthya nirguNAtmani // 10 puNyaM tejomayaM prAhuH prAhuH pApaM tamomayam / tat pApaM puMsi ki tiSTheyAdIdhitimAlini / / 11 gefal sifat407 453 4 : BTT: 10% a T a rnuta II P. 337.

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10. JAINA DOGMATICS AND MORAL AND SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE Speaking of theft, Somadeva difines it as taking possession of another's property, not being given by the owner, with the exception of such things which may be used by all. It is permissible to take possession of ungiven property only at the death of one's kinsmen; in case of the living, specific permission for the purpose is necessary." Those who take the vow of non-stealing must not take anything that is the property of others 'whether in a house or in the street or on water or in the woods or on the hills'. With regard to objects of unknown ownership, the king alone has the right to acquire them so that the produce of mines, large and small, belongs to none but the king. Falsification of measures, abetment of theft, receiving of stolen property, and the accumulation of wealth in war time are obstacles to the vow of non-stealing." Somadeva mentions various degrees of truth and falsehood. Firstly, that which is to some extent true, though on the whole false, as when we say in common parlance, 'he cooks food or weaves cloths'. Secondly, what is to some extent false, though on the whole true, as when a man, after promising to give something at the end of a fortnight, gives it after a month or a year. Thirdly, that which is in all respects true. Fourthly, that which is completely false, as when a man promises to give something which he does not possess." The fourth item should always be avoided, but the transactions of everyday life are founded on the other three, and sometimes even a false statement ceases to be false if it pleases one's preceptor and others. Divulging of secrets, slander, backbiting, forgery and perjury are obstacles to truth. One should not also talk about the wives of others nor speak against the king nor indulge in anti-social talks: one should take care 1 asya parasvasya grahaNaM steyamucyate / sarvabhogyAcadanyatra bhAvAttoyatRNAditaH / P. 344. 2 jJAtInAmatyaye vittamadattamapi saMgatam / jIvatAM tu nidezena vratakSatirato'nyathA // 3 mandire padire nIre kAntAre dharaNIdhare / tannAnyadIyamAdeyaM svApateyaM vratAzrayaiH // 4 rikthaM nidhinidhAmotthaM na rAzo'nyasya yujyate / yat svasyAsvAmikasyeha dAyAdo medinIpatiH / / Ms. A remarks yo vyayIkRtaH kSayaM na yAti sa nidhiH / yad vyayIkRtaM sat kSayaM yAti tannidhAnamalpamityarthaH // 265 5 pautavanyUnatAdhikye stenakarma tato grahaH / vigrahe saMgraho'rthasyAsteyasyaite nivartakAH // The last item appears as fa in Tattvarthadhigamasutra VII. 27, which means 'Contraband trade with a hostile or prohibited country'. Siddhasena says in his commentary-Ink. rAjya nivAsina itarasya rAjyaM pravizantItararAjyanivAsino vA'nyatararAjyamabhigacchantIti viruddharAjyAtikramaHPujyapada hints at profiteering from this source - viruddharAjye'tikramaH / tatra hi alpamUlyalabhyAni mahArSyANi dravyANIti prayatnaH / 6 Properly speaking, one cooks rice etc. and weaves yarn. 7 asatyaM satyagaM kiMcit satyamasatyagam / satyasatyaM punaH kiMcidasatyAsatyameva ca // asyedamaidaM paryamasatyamapi kiMcit satyameva yathAndhAMsi randhayati vyati vAsAMsIti etc. P. 349. 8 turIyaM varjayennityaM lokayAtrA traye sthitA / sA mithyApi na gIrbhithyA yA gurvAdiprasAdinI // 9 matrabhedaH parIvAdaH paizunyaM kUTalekhanam / mudhAsAkSipadoktizca satyasyaite vighAtakAH // 34

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266 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE not to make any unfounded statement.1 Exaggeration, fault-finding and indecent speech must be avoided, and one should always speak words that are 'noble, beneficial and concise'.' One should not praise oneself nor calumniate others: one should not be jealous of the merits of others when they really exist and describe those of oneself which do not exist at all. Somadeva appears in certain cirumstances to attach greater importance to self-preservation and philanthropic considerations than to speaking out the truth. He opines that the truth must not be spoken if it is likely to endanger others and bring inevitable ruin to oneself. This can only mean that the truth need not always by revealed, if by so doing one can stave off one's own ruin and that of others. Somadeva, however, points out that the effective power of truthful speech is based on the inherent validity of truth itself, and what a truthful man says is on all occasions valid." It is evident that Somadeva lays as much emphasis on doing good to others as on speaking the truth, if not more. Doing good to others seems to him to be the most natural thing to do, and he fails to understand why people are bent on making others unhappy, since to make others happy is to make oneself happy." To harbour evil thoughts against others is to injure oneself, and Somadeva expresses the idea by saying that even while the mind spreads darkness over others, it injects streams of darkness into its veins'. One should accordingly be always merciful and always devoted to the good of others, be of pleasant nature and pleasant manners, do what is pleasant and speak what is pleasant. It is also a sin to withhold spiritual knowledge from any one who asks for it." Somadeva then discusses the question of brahman or chastity, and defines it as regarding all women except one's wife or concubine as one's 1 parastrIrAja vidviSTalokavidviSTasaMzrayAm / anAyakasamArambhAM na kathAM kathayedudhaH // 2 atyuktimanyadoSoktimasabhyoktiM ca varjayet / bhASeta vacanaM nityamabhijAtaM hitaM mitam // 3 na stUyAdAtmanAtmAnaM na paraM parivAdayet / na sato'nyaguNAn hiMsyAnnAsataH svasya varNayet // P.350. 4 tat satyamapi no vAcyaM yat syAt paravipattaye / jAyante yena vA svasya vyApadazca durAspadAH // P. 349 cf. Hemacandra: na satyamapi bhASeta parapIDAkaraM vacaH / loke'pi zrUyate yasmAt kauziko narakaM gataH // Yogasastra 2. 61. The sage Kausika was famous for speaking the truth, but went to hell because accurate information given by him led to the capture and killing of a band of robbers, who had concealed themselves in a wood close to his hermitage. 5 satyavAka satyasAmarthyAdvacaH siddhiM samazrute / vANI cAsya bhavenmAnyA yatra yatropajAyate // P. 350. 6 yat parasya priyaM kuryAdAtmanastat priyaM hi tat / ataH kimiti loko'yaM parApriyaparAyaNaH // 7 yathA yathA pareSvetacceto vitanute tamaH / tathA tathAtmanADISu tamodhArA niSiJcati // 8 priyazIlaH priyAcAraH priyakArI priyaMvadaH / svAdAnRzaMsadhInityaM nityaM parahite rataH // P.349. 9 mokSamArge svayaM jAnannathine yo na bhASate / madApahavamAtsaryaiH sa syAdAvaraNadvayI //

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10. JAINA DOGMATICS AND MORAL AND SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE 267 mother, sister or daughter (according to their age). It is also defined as something, the maintenance of which leads to the growth of qualities like ahimsa or non-injury. In the Realm of Dharma' men are by nature temperate in their sexual desires, and one should therefore remain content with one's married wife, and leave alone the wives of others, female relations, and nuns.* Study, meditation and the practice of virtue are out of the question so long as the fire of sexual desire burns in the mind. Worldly pleasures should be enjoyed in moderation, like food, to satisfy only physical needs so as to avoid excessive longing for them. The vow of chastity is spoilt by illicit relation with women, unnatural methods of sexual enjoyment, arrangement of other people's marriages and preoccupation with the art of love. Wine, meat, gambling, music with song and dance, personal decoration, intoxication, libertines and aimless wandering: these ten are concomitants of sexual passion. One should be careful not to excite oneself by erotic acts, aphrodisiac potions and erotic literature. It should be remembered that men are never satiated with worldly pleasures, just as fire is never satiated with sacrificial oblations or the ocean with the influx of waters.10 Parigraha, the subject of the fifth Anuvrata, is attachment to worldly objects, and it should always be curtailed. The attachment may be to both outer and inner objects, the former being ten and the latter fourteen. The outer objects are arable land, corn, money, habitation, clothing and the like, couch and seat, servants, cattle and household articles. The inner objects are false doctrines; the three kinds of inclinations (feminine inclinations, mesculine inclinations and inclinations common to both the sexes): the six kinds of feelings, viz., the sense of the laughable, pleasure, displeasure, sorrow, fear and disgust; and the four passions: anger, pride, 1 y rit yarar? Arar Euro a TCT 11 P. 359, 2 rakSyamANe hi hanti yatrAhiMsAdayo guNAH / udAharanti tadbrahma brhmvidyaavishaardaaH|| 3 Explained in Ms. A as grave. 4 A TA Ha haut facer: a rafdryefffar I Ms. A remarks FEET pariNItayA saha saMbhogaH kAryaH / parA cAsau ajAtiH parAjAtiH parakIyajAtiH strii| 5 FEYZer: fakia 970:1 Fre fervorady THTHT: 11 P. 360. 6 aidaMparyamato muktvA bhogAnAhAravadbhajet / dehadAhopazAntyarthamabhidhyAnavihAnaye / / 7 prstriisNgmaannggkriiddaanyopymkriyaaH| tIvratA ratikaitavye hanyuretAni tdtm|| 8 HI T561 alerfreiheit at fatt puca CFT971FT TOT | Ms. A explains thet as yantraliGgalepAdiprayogaH 9 madanoddIpanairvRttairmadanoddIpanai rasaiH / madanoddIpanaiH zAstrairmadamAtmani nAcaret // 10 havyariva hutaprItiH pAthobhiriva nIradhiH / toSameti pumAneSa na bhogairbhavasaMbhavaiH / /

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268 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE deceit and greed.' The transient character of the body and the objects of the world, property, wife and children, ought to convince us of the vanity of our desires. Wretched and miserable is the man who uses his wealth for selfish enjoyment and not for the cultivation of virtue, and supremely wealthy are those who do not desire to acquire what they have not got nor rejoice when they have acquired it. Nothing but sin results from the concentration of the mind on wealth, and acquisition through greed of more than one's legitimate share of wealth or property destroys the vow to renounce parigraha. The man, who is free from desire for both the outer and inner objects of attachment, is fit to obtain the bliss of heaven and salvation.* XI) The three Gunavratas are next described (VII. 33), but they are not illustrated with stories, like the five Anuvratas. The Gunavratas are Digvirati, Desavirati and Anarthadandavirati. The first two consist of vows to restrict one's movements to a fixed point in a particular direction or in a particular place, preparatory to restraining the mind from external objects by renouncing injury, greed, indulgence and similar propensities. These vows constitute a scheme of preliminary self-restraint designed to secure moral purity and establish mental equilibrium with regard to the objects of the world. The third Gunavrata is abstention from the Anarthadandas, which comprise all accessories of violence and all agencies and means of injury leading to slaughter, capture or confinemet, and are so called because they contribute to the prevalence of strife and discord. The Anartha-dandas include birds and animals like cocks, hawks, peacocks, cats, vicious elephants and ichneumons, and such means of injury as poison, spears, arms, fire whips, nooses and tethers. The person who takes a vow to observe this particular Gunavrata should not therefore keep noxious animals nor use any implement designed to cause injury or loss of life. The Anarthadandas cover a wide field and include also sinful gossip, evil thoughts, sports involving loss of life, futile occupations, doing harm to others, jealousy, and all acts that 1 kSetraM dhAnyaM dhanaM vAstu kupyaM zayanamAsanam / dvipadAH pazavo bhANDaM bAlA daza parigrahAH // samithyAtvAstrayo vedA hAsyaprabhRtayo'pi SaT / catvArazca kaSAyAH syurantargranthAzcaturdaza // P. 36. 2 sa zrImAnapi niHzrIkaH sa narazca narAdhamaH / yo na dharmAya bhogAya vinayeta dhanAgamam // prApte'rthe ye na mAyanti nAprApte spRhayAlavaH / lokadvayazritAM zrINAM ta eva paramezvarAH // P. 367. 3 kRtapramANAlomena dhanAdadhikasaMgrahaH / paJcamANuvratajyAniM karoti gRhamedhinAm // 4 yasya dvandvadvaye'pyasmin niHspRhaM dehino manaH / svargApavargalakSmINAM kSaNAt pakSe sa dakSate // 5 dikSu sarvAsvadhaH prordhvadezeSu nikhileSu ca / etasyAM dizi deze'sminniyatyevaM gatirmama // digdeza niyamAdevaM tato bAdheSu vastuSu / hiMsA lobhopabhogAdinivRttezcittayantraNA // P. 370.

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10. JAINA DOGMATICS AND MORAL AND SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE 269 cause grief and mourning to one's fellow creatures. It will be seen that the third Gunavrata is designed to supplement the great vow of Ahimsa, and Somadeva goes on to say that, by renouncing the Anarthadandas, the earns the friendship of all creatures and becomes their lord. Deception and violence practised at the instance of others, the overloading of beasts of burden, and causing excessive suffering to them amount to violation of this vow, XII) The four Siksavratas are treated in detail in Book VIII, which practically brings to an end Somadeva's masterly discourse on the Jaina religion. They are samayika or customary worship, prosadhopasana or religious fasting, niyama or limitation of worldly enjoyment, and duna or charity. We have in our work a comprehensive treatment of samayika or the Jaina system of worship, which primarily resolves itself into the worship of Arhats, that is, the all-holy and omniscient Tirthamkaras or Patriarchs. The worship is of two kinds according as it is done with or without the use of idols. a) The kind of worship in which idols are dispensed with is regulated by what is known as samayn-samicara-vidhi, which prescribes the adoration of certain entities, concrete and abstract, held sacred by Jainism. They are the Five Paramesthins or Exalted Beings and the Three Jewels (Right Belief, Right Knowledge and Right Conduct). All these should be visualized on a piece of birch bark or cloth or wooden board or a slab of stone or on sand or the earth or in the air or in one's heart. The salutations and hymns accompanying the votive offerings are composed by Somadeva himself in ornate prose and verse, and they rank high in Jaina devotional literature. The Five Paramesthins are adored first. They are, according to Somadeva's interpretation, the Arhat, that is, one of the Tirtham karas or Patriarchs endowed with superhuman qualities; the Siddha or one who has realised within himself the luminous presence of the Infinite Soul; the Acarya or the teacher who regulates the social order according the principles of Jainism; the Upadhyaya or the learned preceptor who has mastered 1 zikhaNDikukkuTazyenabiDAlavyAlababhravaH / viSakaNTaka zastrAgnikaSApAzakarajjavaH // pApAkhyAnAzubhAdhyAnahiMsAkrIDAvRthA kriyaaH| paropatApapaizunyazokAkrandanakAritA / / vadhabandhanasaMrodhahetavo'nye'pi cedRzAH / bhavantyanarthadaNDAkhyAH saMparAya' pravardhanAt / / poSaNaM krUrasattvAnAM hiMsopakaraNakri yAm / dezavratI na kurvIta svkiiyaacaarcaardhiiH|| 2 anarthadaNTanirmokSAdavazyaM dezato yatiH / suhRttAM sarvabhUteSu svAmitvaM ca prapadyate // 3 vaJcanArambhahiMsAnAmupadezAt pravartanam / bhArAdhikyAdhikaklezau tRtIyaguNahAnaye // 4 i fa feria and that we ar: HTFR 1 P. 373.

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270 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE the sacred lore; and the Sadhu or the devotee bent on salvation and engaged in rigorous austerities in the face of insuperable obstacles. It may be added that the doctrine of the Paramesthins is a cardinal feature of Jainism, which offers to some extent to be a cult of the superman in the sphere of religion, and reserves its highest honours for the best of men who uphold religion and society according to the tenets of the Jaina faith. The Paramesthins as well as the Three Jelwes are invoked in our work in elaborate, long-winding prose salutations, each followed by a supple. mentary verse, some of which will be found reproduced in Chapter IV. Somadeva refers in this connection to the eightfold worship of the Paramesthins and the Three Jewels. The prose invocations are followed by a considerable number of verses in praise of Right Faith, Right Knowledge, and Right Conduct, the Arhat, the Siddha, the Acarya, and Santinatha, one of the the Jinas or Tirthamkaras. Most of these eulogies are couched in an elevated style and will be found in the chapter on Somadeva's verse. b) The worshipper may also use an image of the Arhat, and such worship consists of six items, viz. bathing and adoration of the idol, hymns, silent prayer (japa), meditation, and the adoration of the presiding goddess of the scriptures (Srutadevata). The first two items, ceremonial bathing and adoration of the idol, are closely interconnected, and illustrated by Somadeva with a series of highflown verses in praise of Jina, designed to accompany each successive stage of the ritual. The various stages of the worship proper are prastavana (prelude ), purakarma (preliminary arrangements), sthapana (placing the idol on the altar), samnidhapana installation of the idol), puja (obeisance and offerings ), and pujaphala (declaration of the results accruing from the worship of Jina). The idol is bathed with fragrant water, clarified butter, and the juice of vines, dates, sugarcanes, old myrobalans, areca-nuts, and Piyala fruits as well as coconut-milk, and anointed with various pastes and compounds made from sandal, aloe wood, cardamoms, cloves and Kamkola berries. Four pitchers filled with water and decorated with flowers and leaves are kept ready for the bathing ceremony. The sacred Nandyavarta and Svastika emblems, 1 For example, 'maatsecarafgaise APT title rer. The eightfold worship is defi ned as fiollows in Hemacandra's Yogasastra 3. 120: STE I T rafa fari f ra dhUpadIpaiH sAnAyyaiH prAjyabhedaizcarubhirupahRtaiH pAkapUtaiH phalaizca / ambha-saMpUrNapAtrairiti hi jinapaterarcanAmaSTabhedAM kurvANA vezmabhAjaH paramapadasukhastomamArAlabhante // 2 arretratarea area : aquifa forare: 11 P. 383. 3 elaalvnggkngkolmlyaagrumishritaiH| piSTaiH kalkaiH kaSAyaizca jinadehamupAsmahe / / 4 pAthaHpUrNAn kumbhAn koNeSu supalavaprasUnA n / dugdhAbdhIniva vidadhe pravAlamuktolbaNAMzcaturaH / /

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10. JAINA DOGMATICS AND MORAL AND SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE 271 fruits, flowers, unbroken rice, water, handfuls of Kusa grass, and earthen vessels are revolved in a circular fashion before the idol: this being the ceremony known as nirajana. After a final bath (avabhrthasnana), the worshipper should present to the idol Kalama rice, havis, lights, incense, flowers and fruits. White parasols, fly-whisks and mirrors are among the articles used in the worship of the idol. The following are some of the verses composed by Somadeva to mark the different stages in the worship of Jina. pAthaHpUrNAn kumbhAn koNeSu supallavaprasUnArcAn / dugdhAndhIniva vidadhe pravAlamuktolbaNAMzcaturaH // (purAkarma ) p. 383. tIrthodakairmaNisuvarNaghaTopanItaiH pIThe pavitravapuSi pratikalpitArthe / 'lakSmIzrutAgamanabIjavidarbhagarbhe saMsthApayAmi bhuvanAdhipati jinendram // (sthApanA) so'yaM jinaH suragirinanu pITametadetAni dugdhajaladheH salilAni sAkSAt / indrastvahaM tava savapratikarmayogAt pUrNA tataH kathamiyaM na mhotsvshriiH|| (saMnidhApanam ) The following verses among others are meant to be recited while worshipping the idol with diverse offerings : yoge'smin nAkanAtha jvalana pitRpate naigameya praceto vAyo raidezazeSoDupasaparijanA yUyametya grhaanaaH| manaHsvaHsadhAyairadhigatavalayaH svAsu dikSupaviSTAHkSepIyaH kSemadakSAH kuruta jinasavotsAhinAM vighnazAntim // P.383 mamRtakRtakarNike'smin nijAbIje kalAdale kmle| saMsthApya pUjayeyaM tribhuvanavaradaM jinaM vidhinA / The glory of the bathing ceremony is proclaimed in another verse: lakSmAkalpalate samulasa janAnandaiH paraM pallavairdhArAmaphalaiH prakAmasubhagastvaM bhavyasevyo bhava / bodhAdhIza vimuJca saMprati muhurduSkarmadharmaklamaM trailokyapramadAvahairjinapatergandhodakaiH nApanAt // P. 385 Owing to the bathing of Lord Jina with perfumed waters that delight the universe, thou Wishing Creeper of Prosperity, blossom forth with leaves, bringing joy to men; thou Garden of Religious Merit, ever beautiful with fruits, be thou the resort of the faithful; and, thou Soul, shake off now the langour caused by the seat of recurring sins ?' The benign influence of the worship of Jina is expressed in the following benediction : dharmeSu dharmaniratAtmasu dharmahetordharmAdavAtamahimAstu nRpo'nukUlaH / ' nityaM jinendracaraNArcanapuNyadhanyAH kAmaM prajAzca paramAM zriyamAmuvantu // P. 386. 1 nandyAvarta svastikaphalaprasUnAkSatAmbukuzapUlaiH / avatArayAmi devaM jinezvaraM vardhamAnaizca / / P. 384. 2 yajJairmudAvabhRthabhAgbhirupAsya devaM etc. As Ms. A says, yazaiH means pUjAbhiH. P. 386. 3 Refers to the mystic formula zrI. Ms. A says pIThasyApi pUrvama? dIyate / akSataiH zrIkAro likhyate na tu gandhena. 4 Ms. A explains amRta as pavarNa and says: pakAreNa karNikA kriyate tanmadhye svakIyaM nAma nikssipyte| SoDazadaleSu akArAdayaH svarA likhyante / 5 Ms. A reads dharmahetau for dharmaheto and explains it as caityAlayamunizAstrasaMgheSu.

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272 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE "Let a king, having acquired glory by dint of virtue, be for the sake of Virtue, favourable to the practice of the virtues and those who are devoted to Virtue. Let the people, too, obtain at will the highest prosperity, ever blessed with the religious merit accruing from the worship of Lord Jina's feet.' c) The ritual of worship is followed by the singing of hymns in praise of Jina. The next item is Japa or the repetition of the famous Pancaparamesthi-mantra consisting of thirtyfive letters: "Namo arahatANaM, Namo siddhANaM, Namo AyariyANaM, Namo uvajjhAyANaM, Namo loe savvasAhUrNa / " This is the sarvaksara-mantra. Somadeva refers also to the namaksara formula consisting only of the names of the five Paramesthins, the mukhyaksara formula consisting of the initial letters of the names of the Paramesthins, and formulas consisting of a single letter such as Oms or 31, but he prefers the one consisting of thirtyfive letters as the most authoritative. The counting of the letters is to be done with a rosary composed of lotus seeds or golden beads or sunstones or gems, and the counting may also be done with flowers or on the finger-joints. The formula is to be repeated in full, very clearly, with stress on the final anusvaras. The repetition of the mantra may be vocal or mental, the latter method being the more efficacious. Great mystic value is attached to this formula which is eloquently praised by our author. d) Japa is followed by dhyana or meditation. The thirtyninth section of Book VIII deals with this important subject, and belongs, in fact, to a type of Jaina mystic literature represented by such works as Kundakunda's Mokkhapahuda and Niyamasara. Samadhisataka, Yogindu's Paramatmaprakasa, Subhacandra's Jnanarnava and Devasena's Aradhanasura. There are different kinds of dhyana, but the fundamental basis of the Jaina system of meditation is the contemplation and realisation of the true nature of the Self. It is necessary to remember at the outset that Jaina doctrine l'ecognises three kinds of Self: bahiratma or the outer 1 "Tefingrettigiegitaargyi A: 1" Ms. A says 376 AG i. 3 3 3 3941" 3 See Section (d). 4 Hatacara HETER autfernal afirf 79 Baca T ita il P. 390. See also Dravya. samgraha, verse 49 and Brahmadeva's comm. thereon. qorts at Etqu a gafa javaha jhAeha / parameTThivAcayANaM aNNaM ca gurUvaeseNa // 5 puSpaiH parvabhiramvujabIjasvarNAkAntaralairvA / niSkampitAkSavalayaH paryastho japaM kuryAt / / 6 T ETE AACHET 6997:!'

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10. JAINA DOGMATICS AND MORAL AND SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE 273 Self, antaratma or the inner Self, and paramatma or the higher Self. Kundakunda says in his Mokkhapahuda that the external Self consists of the sense organs; the inner Self is the consciousness that the soul is distinct from the body; and the higher Self is the emancipated soul free from the impurities of Karma. The paramatma or the higher Self is the sole object of meditation, and it is essential to note that it is not the universal Soul of Vedanta, but the pure and all-knowing soul in each individual, circumscribed and obscured for the time being by the hindrances of karma. Jaina meditation is not merely contemplation but realisation of the Self, which is the same thing as liberation or the existence of the individual soul. As Kundakunda says, the Yogin by contemplating the paramatma diverts himself of sin-producing greed and acquires no new karma : firm in right conduct and right faith, he contemplates the Self and reaches the supreme goal (ibid. verses 48, 49). Somadeva begins by saying that the prescribed process of meditation should be sedulously practised by one who desires to contemplate the Supreme Light and attain that eternal abode', that is, the abode of the emancipated souls at the top of the universe, as conceived by Jainism. The Supreme Light (paramjyotih) is the higher Self or paramatma, and the expression is often used in this sense in Jaina literature, e. g., in Jnanarnava 31. 8,8 41;4 32. 35% etc. Somadeva mentions two broad divisions of meditation, sabijadhyana and abijadhyana. In sabijadhyana the mind is like a lamp, unshaken by the gusts of external and internal delusion, and cheers up at the sight of the Truth. In abijadhyana the mental current reaches a stage when it becomes devoid of conscious thought, and the Self sparkles within itself." In other words, the mind is at work in sabijadhyana, but ceases to function in abijadhyana, leaving the Self to discover itself. The latter is the higher kind of contemplation, of which Somadeva describes the main characteristics. He says that when the five senses sink into themselves and the mind is submerged, the Light dawns on the inner Self. Meditation consists in mental concentration; the Self meditates and reaps the consequences; the 1 akkhANi bAhirappA aMtaraappA hu appasaMkappo / kammakalaMkavimukko paramappA bhaNNae devo|| 2 paramappaya jhAyaMto joI muccei maladaloheNa / NAdiyadi NavaM kammaM NiddiDha jiNavariMdehiM // hoUNa diDhacaritto diDhasammatteNa bhaaviymiio| jhAyaMto appANaM paramapayaM pAvae joI / / 3 CHICHT TEUTA: 4 qollar aysutsfartafia: 6 aya: qfACICHT q ila: 1: 6 af CFTTHVATAITETA arha: 1 YTToate ca aa PT Ezra Foto 1 P. 391. 7 nirvicArAvatArAsu cetasrotaHpravRttiSu / Atmanyeva sphurannAtmA bhavedhAnamabIjakam // 35

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274 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Light of the Self is the object of meditation; and the subjugation of the senses is the means to accomplish it. Lack of strength does not remove obstacles nor does lack of stamina lead to eternal life : one should therefore contemplate the higher Self ( param brahma) without any sense of weakness." Two points may be noted in this connection. First, while there cannot be meditation without mental concentration, the destruction of the senses ally the activity of the mind is the primary condition of self-realisation. Devasena's Aradhanasara, which elaborates the point, remarks, for instance, that the Self atma becomes the higher Self (paramatma) when the activity of the mind is destroyed. Yogindu in his Paramatmaprakasa (verse 31) describes the higher Self as mindless amanu), and the devotee is asked to meditate on the infinite and divine Self by suppressing the mind." Super-mental consciousness is the goal aimed at, and the vision of the Light is said to appear only when the senses are subdued and the mind is at a standstill. Pujyapada says in his Samadhigataka (verse 30 ) that what one visualizes for a moment after controlling all the senses, with the inner Self motionless and calm, is the reality underlying the higher Self. Somadeva says in a mystic verse, which, if we understand it correctly, seems to mean that when the swan of the mind (i. e. the inner Self) is bereft of mental activity and the swan of the soul (i, e. the higher Self) is steady in every respect, the swan of knowledge becomes the swan of the lake of visible pheno. mena in their entirety. There seems to be here a reference to what Yogindu calls hamsacara (2. 170), which is explained as the passionfree purity of the soul concomitant with infinite knowledge and other attributes. Secondly, the use of the expression param brahma in the sense of the higher Self is another instance of Jaina adaptation of Vedantic terminology. Somadeva uses the expression several times, and other examples are frequently found in Yogindu's Paramatmaprakasa. Meditation is always difficult. Just as gems, though found in the earth, are not found everywhere; similarly, meditation, though it depends upon 1 cittasyaikAgratA dhyAnaM dhyAtAtmA ttphlprbhuH|dhyeymaatmaagmjyotistdvidihyaatnaa|| nAkSamitvamavighnAya na klIbatvamamRtyave / TATE PRETARISHT TE Rea fatada 11 P. 391. 2 foto forget 31 4547347 CAT 3 for foarfifa ilt ad 370 g Bruia 2. 172. 4 sandriyANi saMyamya stimitenAntarAtmanA / yat kSaNaM pazyato bhAti tattattvaM prmaatmnH|| 5 ART HIEH ga ada: feriachtsfaltaTHEA: wara li P. 392. 6 Brahmadeva says in his commentary: haMsAcAra saMzayavibhramavimoharahitAnantazAnAdi nirmalaguNayogena haMsa iva haMsaH paramAtmA tasya AcAraM rAgAdirahitaM zuddhAtmapariNAmamiti / 7 See below. 8 ay gufag i. 109. Comm. says te falfoqchi RHT Frat; at af The 2. 171 etc.

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10. JAINA DOGMATICS AND MORAL AND SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE 275 individual effort, is not possible for everybody.' The duration of dhyana is only an antarmuhurta; and it is difficult to attain a state of mind, steadfast in meditation and free from vibration.2 But dhyana, though it lasts only for such a short time, firm in the soul, totally destroys one's accumulated karma, just as a stroke of lightning rends asunder a hill in a moment. There are five factors which contribute towards Yoga or meditation: indifference to the world, maturity of knowledge, lack of attachment, a steadfast mind and ability to endure the privations of hunger, thirst, grief, swoon, old age and death.* The obstacles to Yoga are mental suffering, disease, error, carelessness, idleness, confusion, lack of success, attachment and fickleness." He who practises meditation should be free from anger and pleasure, and remain indifferent, like a clod of earth, both to one who pierces him with thorns and one who smears him with sandal-paste." He should maintain a uniform attitude towards gain and loss, home and woodland, friend and foe, the pleasant and the unpleasant, happiness and misery. He should be deeply learned in sacred lore regarding the higher Self, endowed with fortitude, goodwill, and maintain constant silence except for words pleasant and true. 8 Somadeva then refers to the four kinds of dhyana mentioned in Tattvarthasutra, ch. IX: arta, raudra, dharmya and sukla. Artadhyana is of four kinds: contemplation of the presence of an unpleasant object and the anxiety to get rid of it; contemplation of the loss of a pleasant object and the anxiety to regain it; constant thought of pain or disease and the desire to remove it; and the anxiety to enjoy unattained objects of pleasure. Raudradhyana is also of four kinds according as it is preoccupied with thoughts of injury, falsehood, theft and the preservation of the means of enjoyment. Artadhyana and Raudradhyana should be avoided by all means: they are, as it were, gates barring the entry of the Three Jewels and effective barriers in the path of liberation; steps leading to hell and wings obscuring the vision of the truth. The tree of rebirth prodigiously grows as long as even a vestige of these two dhyanas remains in the mind." 1 bhUmau janmeti ratnAnAM yathA sarvatra nodbhavaH / tathAtmajamiti dhyAnaM sarvatrAGgini nodbhavet // P. 392. 2 tasya kAlaM vadantyantarmuhUrta munayaH param / aparispandamAnaM hi tat paraM durdharaM manaH // 3 tatkAlamapi taddhyAnaM sphuradekAgramAtmani / uccaiH karmoccayaM bhindyAdvajraM zailamiva kSaNAt // 4 vairAgyaM jJAnasaMpattirasaMga: sthiracittatA / UrmismayasahatvaM ca paJca yogasya hetavaH // 5 AdhivyAdhiviparyAsapramAdAlasyavibhramAH / alAbhaH saGgitA sthairyamete tasyAntarAyakAH // 6 yaH kaNTakaistudatyanaM yazca limpati candanaiH / roSatoSA viSiktAtmA tayorAsIta loSTavat // 7 lAbhelAbhe vane vAse mitre'mitre priye'priye / sukhe duHkhe samAnAtmA bhavettaddhayAnadhIH sadA // P. 393. 8 pare brahmaNyanUcAno dhRtimaitrIdayAnvitaH / anyatra sUnRtAdvAkyAnnityaM vAcaMyamI bhavet // 9 jantoranantasaMsArabhramanorathavartmanI / Artaraudre tyajeddhayAne durantaphaladAyinI // bodhyAgamakapATe te muktimArgAgaMle pare / sopAne zvalokasya tattvekSAvRtipakSmaNI // lezato'pi mano yAvadete samadhitiSThataH / eSa janmatarustAvaduccaiH samadhirohati // P. 393.

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276 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Somadeva then deals with Dharmyadhyana and Sukladhyana. He who practises Dharmyadhyana should ponder over the fundamental principles of Jainism, carefully considering the authoritative means of knowledge, and the various standpoints and aspects. Dharmyadhyana is of four kinds: ajnavicaya or discerning the truth on the basis of absolute faith in the scriptures composed by Jina; apayavicaya or pondering on the means of making people abstain from wrong belief, knowledge and conduct; vipakavicaya or pondering over the consequences of the eight kinds of karma; and samsthanavicaya or pondering over the nature and constitution of the universe. Somadeva gives examples of all the varieties of Dharmyadhyana. For instance, the devotee may reflect on ajna in the following manner: 'Just as there is no mystery in the world about pure gold and its working, similarly it is the desire of the wise that there should be no mystery about authoritative scriptures. But the scriptures of other faiths) fail to convince even persons of scanty intelligence like myself. How can they help the creatures sinking in the ocean of worldly existence?' Apaya may be contemplated as follows: 'Alas, the darkness of false doctrines makes man's minds blind to the acceptance of the Three Jewels, even though such a step shines with the rays of reason. Let us hope for the day when, casting off sins, men will see the Truth that puts an end to misery.'After reflecting on the constitution of the universe, the devotee should ponder over the consequences of karma : "There in the universe, upwards, downwards, and athwart, the creatures incessantly wander, like dust, impelled by the gust of their own karma.'' It is asserted that he who thus practises Dharmyadhyana, with his senses and mind subdued, has his darkness dispelled, as if at the rise of the sun The next step is Sukladhyana which is the highest form of meditation. The four stages of this dhyana are briefly mentioned by Somadeva (P. 394.): bhedaM vivarjitAbhedamabhedaM bhedavarjitam / dhyAyan sUkSmakriyAzuddho niSkriya yogamAcaret // The first stage, called by Somadeva diversity devoid of unity', is prthaktvavitarka-vicara, wherein the devotee is absorbed in the meditation of the Self, but unconsciously allows its different attributes to replace one another. The second stage, called by our author 'unity devoid of diversity', is ekatva-vitarka / 1 Alfa: Highfara: I failer arag y : 11 P. 394. 2 arahasye yathA loke satI kAJcanakarmaNI / arahasyaM tathecchanti sudhiyaH paramAgamam / yaH skhalatyalpabodhAnAM vicAreSvapi HIEFTET I Hartia Hurraga: 4 a 11 (CAT) P. 394. 3 aho mithyAtamaH puMsAM yuktidyotaiH sphuratyapi / yadandhayati cetAMsi ratnatrayaparigrahe / / AzAsmahe tadeteSAM dina ytraastklmssaaH| idamete prapazyanti tattvaM duHkhanibarhaNam / / (ityapAyaH) 4 akRtrimo vicitrAtmA madhye ca trasarAjimAn / maruttrayIvRto lokaH prAnte taddhAmaniSThitaH / / (iti lokaH) reNuvajjA ntavastatra tiryagUlamadho'pi ca / anArataM bhramantyete nijkrmaanileritaaH|| (iti vipAkA) 5 farayat y TICHETTA: ITAIFA TH I ETITRIGA !

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10. JAINA DOGMATICS AND MORAL AND SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE 277 vicara, wherein the Yogin concentrates on a particular aspect of the Self without any change or variation. These two stages of Sukladhyana are followed by the destruction of the destructive' karmas, and the third stage is known as suksma-kriya-pratipati, wherein the absorption of the soul in itself s room for minute vibratory movements in the soul. The fourth stage is vyuparata-kriya-nivarti, called by Somadeva niskriya yoga, wherein vibration or activity of any kind is totally absent. Transcending the body, the Yogin now loses all connection with the mind, and his vital breaths come to an end, while he attains the supreme goal and perfect knowledge. This is the stage in which the Self becomes the higher this is moksa or liberation, characterized by the destruction of both 'destructive' and "undestructive' karmas, and free from the limitations of birth, a condition in which the Self attains its own qualities. As Kundakunda says in his Samayasara (verse 196), one who is full of faith and knowledge, and meditates on the Self with undivided attention, soon attains the higher Self, free from karmas;and liberation is nothing but the attainment or realisation of the higher Self, as pointed out by Yogindu in Paramatmaprakasa 2. 10. One who practises meditation should also contemplate the path of the Three Jewels, the rules of conduct, the Anupreksas, and the seven fundamental principles of Jainism, and the personality of Lord Jina." But the contemplation of the Self is the supreme object of dhyana, and the devotee should reflect within himself that he knows the truth and devotedly believes in the scriptures, and will renounce all external activity and merge the Self in the (higher) Self. As explained in Jnanarnava 40.19, the person engaged in meditation should unite the Self with the higher Self, inspired solely by the nature thereof, and impregnating the Self with the qualities of the higher Self. The realisation of the higher) Self by the Self by means of the (inner) Self, that is, knowledge, is a mode of expression frequently used in 1 See Tattvarthadhigamasutra IX. 39 (ed. Jaini, p. 190). 2 STATISTICHET: ITIFAHTETHET: 1 Terda: qE ECH macar saert The verse is omitted in the printed text of Yasastilaka, p. 394. 3 The 'destructive' (ghAtina) Karmas are zAnAvaraNIya, darzanAvaraNIya, mohanIya and antarAya. The ___ 'undestructive' (aghAtin ) Karmas are vedanIya, nAma, gotra and AyuH. See Section IV. 4 tafuta halofarm 154FHITHICHO HAIG#affout: 11 P. 394. 5 appANaM jhAyaMto daMsaNaNANamaio aNaNNamaNo / lahadi acireNa appANameva so kammaNimmukkaM / / 6 jIvaha~ so para mokkhu muNi jo paramappayalAhu / kammakalaMkavimukkAha~ NANiya bollahi sAhU / 7 HUHAHT: HTTA ATT I TEMATYCHT THE G ut: 11 P. 395. 8 jAne tattvaM yathaitihya zraddadhe tadananyadhIH / muJce'haM sarvamArambhamAtmanyAtmAnamAdadhe // 9 tadguNagrAmasaMpUrNa tatsvabhAvaikabhAvitaH / kRtvAtmAnaM tato dhyAnI yojayet paramAtmani /

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278 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Jaina mystic literature with peculiar and almost redundant emphasis. Somadeva, for instance, says that when the Self realises the Self within itself by means of the Self as a result of the attainment of the Three Jewels, it attains itself (that is, its own true qualities) along with the higher Self (P. 395): ___ AtmAyaM bodhisaMpatterAtmanyAtmAnamAtmanA / yadA sUte tadAtmAnaM labhate paramAtmanA / The idea is expressed in similar language in several other texts, e. g., Samayasara 196; Pujyapada's Istopadesa 22; Jnanarnava 32. 41; Paramatmaprakasa 2. 174 : appANaM jhAyaMto daMsaNaNANamaio aNaNNamaNo / lahadi acireNa appANameva so kmmnnimmk| saMyamya karaNagrAmamekAgratvena cetasaH / AtmAnamAtmavAn dhyAyedAtmanaivAtmani sthitam // mAtmanyevAtmanAtmAyaM svayamevAnubhUyate / ato'nyatraiva mAM jJAtuM prayAsaH kArya niSphalaH // eha ju appA so paramappA kammaviseseM jAyau jappA / jAmai~ jANa appa appA tAmahU~ so ji deu paramappA // Somadeva declares that the Self meditates, the Self is the object of meditation, the Self is meditation, and the Self composed of the Three Jewels is the result of meditation (P. 395): dhyAtAtmA dhyeyamAtmaiva dhyAnamAtmA phalaM tathA / AtmA ratnatrayAtmokko yathA yuktiparigrahaH // The absolute identity of the Self with the higher Self so that there remains no distinction between the subject and object of meditation and meditation itself is proclaimed also in other texts: Pujyapada's Istopadesa 25; Devasena's Aradhanasura 11; Jnanarnava 31. 37-8: kaTasya kartAhamiti saMbandhaH syAd dvayordvayoH / dhyAnaM dhyeyaM yadAtmaiva saMbandhaH kIdRzastadA // bhArAhaNamArAhaM bhArAhaya taha phalaM ca je bhaNiyaM / taM savvaM jANijo appANaM ceva nnicchydo|| ananyazaraNIbhUya sa tasmin lIyate tathA / dhyAtRdhyAnobhayAbhAve dhyeyenaikyaM yathA vrajet // so'yaM samarasIbhAvastadekIkaraNaM smRtam / apRthakatvena yatrAtmA lIyate paramAtmani // Somadeva has a number of verses which contain the reflections of the devotee engaged in meditation (P. 395): sukhAmRtasudhAsUtistadbhaverudayAcalaH / paraM brahmAhamatrAse tamaHpAzavazIkRtaH // yadA cakAsti me cetastaddhyAnodayagocaram / tadAhaM jagatAM cakSuH syAmAditya ivaatmaaH|| Adau madhvamadhu prAnte sarvamindriyajaM sukham / prAtaHsrAyiSu hemante toyamuSNamivAGgiSu // yo durAmayadurdeze baddhagrAso yamo'Ggini / svabhAvasubhage tasya spRhA kena nivAryate // janmayauvanasaMyogasukhAni yadi dehinAm / nirvipakSANi ko nAma sudhIH saMsAramutsRjet // bhanuyAceta nAyUMSi nApi mRtyumupAharet / bhRto bhRtya ivAsIta kAlAvadhimavismaran / mahAbhogo'hamadyAsmi yattattvarucitejasA / suvizuddhAntarAtmAse tamaHpAre pratiSThitaH // tanAsti yadahaM loke sukhaM duHkhaM ca nAptavAn / svame'pi na mayA prApto jainAgamasudhArasaH / / samyagetat sudhAmbhodherSindumapyAlihana muhuH / janturna jAtu jAyeta jnmjvlnbhaajnH| I am the higher Self, the moon of the nectar of bliss, and the mountain 1 eSa yaH AtmA sa paramAtmA karmavizeSeNa jAtaH jApyaH / yadA jAnAti AtmanA AtmAnaM tadA sa eva devaH paramAtmA / / 2 ArAdhanamArAdhyaM ArAdhakastathA phalaM ca yad bhaNitam / tat sarva jAnIhi AtmAnaM caiva nizcayataH / /

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10. JAINA DOGMATICS AND MORAL AND SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE 279 whence rises the sun of bliss. Overpowered by the fetters of ignorance, I am confined within the body. But when my mind shines under the influence of the contemplation of the higher Self, I will be the eye of the universe, like the sun free from darkness. All pleasures of the senses are sweet at the outset, but bitter at the end, like water in the winter, which at first proves warm to bathers at dawn. Death is ready to swallow even a creature afflicted with a fell disease: who can check his greed for one that is beautiful by nature ? If life, youth, association and the joys of creatures were permanent, what wise man would desire to avoid the cycle of births ? One should neither long for life nor invite death, but remain like a servant maintained with wages, not forgetting the limit of one's term. Paramount happiness is mine today, standing as I do on the farther shore of darkness, the in thoroughly purified by the light of faith in the fundamental truths. No pleasure or pain is there in the world which I have not experienced, but never have I tasted the nectar of Jaina lore even in a dream. No living creature ever becomes subject to the flames of rebirth if he takes, rightly and often, even a drop of that ocean of nectar !' . The devotee should also contemplate the nature and glory of Jing, 'who appears to shine in person in the lights of meditation'. Somadeva describes in a series of verses the various aspects of the Exalted One's sacred majesty, as a guide to the devotee's own contemplation of the true character of Jina. Portions of the dhyana are reproduced below (P. 397): deva devasabhAsInaM paJcakalyANanAyakam / catustriMzadguNopetaM prAtihAryopazobhitam // niraJjanaM janAdhIzaM paramaM ramayAzritam / acyutaM cyutadoSaughamabhavaM bhavabhRdgurum // prabhavaM sarvavidyAnAM sarvalokapitAmaham / sarvasatvahitArambhaM gatasarvamasarvagam // ' stuuymaanmnuucaanbrhmothairbrhmkaamibhiH| adhyaatmaagmvedhobhiyogimkhyairmhrddhibhiH|| nirUpaM rUpitAzeSamazabdaM zabdaniSThitam / asparza yogasaMsparzamarasaM sarasAgamam // atAvakaguNaM sarva svaM sarvaguNabhAjanaH / tvaM sRSTiH sarvakAmAnAM kaamsRssttinimiilnH|| trayImArga prayIrUpaM trayImuktaM trayIpatim / trayIvyAptaM trayItattvaM trayIcUDAmaNisthitam // jagatAM kaumudIcandraM kAmakalpAvanIruham / guNacintAmaNikSenaM kalyANAgamanAkaram // praNidhAnapradIpeSu sAkSAdiva cakAsatam / dhyAyejagattrayArcAhamarhantaM sarvatomukham // Somadeva then explains the Jaina view of gods. He tells us that the Jaina scriptures have imagined the existence of various deities for the protection of the faith, but whoever considers them equal in matters 1 na sarva gacchati iti zarIrapramANamityarthaH-Ms. A. 2 yad vastu tat sarvam atAvakaguNaM tvatsvarUpaM na-Ms. A. 3 According to Ms. A, trayI means successively (1) ratnatraya (2) sattA, sukha and caitanya (3) rAga, deSa and moha (4) the three forms of knowledge (mati zruta and avadhi) (5) atIta, anAgata and vartamAnakAla (6) utpAda, vyaya and dhrauvya (7) and the three worlds.

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280 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE of worship to Lord Jina, 'the eye of the three worlds', is bound to go to the lowest hell, although it is permissible to honour them as well by allotting to tham a portion of the ceremonial offerings. These deities including Indra show favour of their own accord to those who are solely devoted to the Jaina creed, possess right faith, and carefully observe the vows.? The contemplation of Lord Jina mentioned above is an attempt to visualize the diverse aspects of the saviour's personality, and is generally known as rupastha dhyana. The worshipper may contemplate also the mystic formula signifying the five Paramesthins, namely the Arham mantra, 'the eternal foundation of all branches of knowledge'. While contemplating it the devotee should use the mandara-mudra and mentally locate the mantra on his forehead. We are told that sages contemplate this mantra after studying all the scriptures and performing the greatest austerities, and that any one who mentally repeats it attains all kinds of prosperity whether he is pure or impure, happy or miserable. It may be noted that this kind of meditation is known as padastha dhyana, explained in Jnanarnava (chap. 38), which describes diverse mystic formulas including the Arhan mantra, The above forms of meditation are called by Somadeva transcendental (lokottara), and he makes also certain observations which he calls popular or general (laukika). The devotee, for instance, should contemplate the Omkara formula, mentally locating it on the tip of the nose and concentrating the mind on space between the eyebrows. He sho mystic lotus inside his navel and move the connected artery, and then direct the four winds' or subtle breaths relating to earth, water, fire and air towards the mind. It may be noted that the process referred to here 1 at: Ifta of 67: HOT' etc. 2 See Jnanarnava, chap. 39. 3 dhyAyedA vAGmayaM jyotirgurupaJcakavAcakam / etaddhi sarvavidyAnAmadhiSThAnamanazaram // dhyAyan vinyasya dehe'sminnidaM HETI I parni quis auferri Hi ll P. 398. MS. A says macht tragea feteria17: kuGmalaH kriyate sa eva mndrH| 4 efter attenfot fair a 79: T etc. 5 3 7-3rf 696 TAHET afarga ada 9 ata a ara #rafaali Jnanarnava (op. cit.) ar fi fa fafaraga mur a t PETETTHETETT 11 It may be noted that the Jaina Om is composed of the first letters of the name of the five Paramosthins. 37 (376 ) + 34 (3737ft i. e. f ) + 371 (ar) +3 ( 3 2 ) + (i. e. Hy ) = 31TH or so See Brabmadeva's commentary on Dravyasamgraha, verse. 49. pabhamutthApayet pUrNa nADI saMcAlayettataH / maruJcatuSTayaM pazcAt pracArayatu cetasi // Ms. A says nAbhau svabhAvena sthitaM kamalaM cAlayet pazcAt nAlAkAreNa nADI, nADyA kRtvA marutaH hRdayaM prati prApayet / (maruzcatuSTayaM )pRthvI-apatejovAyumaNDalAni nAsikAmadhye sUkSmAni sthitAni tAni cetasi AtmaviSaye pracArayatu yojayatu /

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10. JAINA DOGMATICS AND MORAL AND SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE 281 is employed in pranayama, and the devotee has to master the control and regulation of each of the four kinds of vital air, believed to be located, each in its own centre, inside the nostrils. The topic is treated in detail in Jnanarnava 29. 15 ff, Somadeva goes on to say that just as a person, holding a lamp in his hand, looks at something and then puts the lamp aside, similarly the devotee, after having seen the object of knowledge with the help of knowledge, should renounce knowledge (that is, mental action) altogether.1 Concentration in meditation takes place only when the inflow of all sinful karma ceases, and there can be no question of dhyana for those whose minds are corrupted by sin.' Milk turned into curds never becomes milk again: similarly, one whose soul has been purified by the knowledge of the truth is not contaminated by sins again.3 In conclusion, no real difference exists between the individual Self and the blissful higher Self: the former is so called when in bondage, and becomes the blissful higher Self again when it is released from bondage. There is, however, a great difference between the body and the Self, the former extremely impure and the latter extremely pure, and the Self should always be meditated upon after isolating it from the body.* Just as oil remains separate in water, similarly the Self remains apart within the body." Those who know the truth should by proper means isolate the Self from the body in spite of their long association, just as clarified butter is ingeniously separated from curds." The relation between the body and the Self, the one with form and the other without form, is like that of a flower and its fragrance, a tree and its shade, and a face and its reflection." Somadeva's elaborate discourse on dhyana ends with a definition of asanas or Yogic postures viz. padmasana, virasana and sukhasana, and a few hints on the method of acquiring concentration during meditation. e) The next item of Samayika is the worship of Srutadevata or the presiding goddess of the Jaina scriptures, also called Sarasvati, like her Brahmanical counterpart. Somadeva, following his usual method, gives a 1 dIpahasto yathA kazcit kiMcidAlokya taM tyajet / jJAnena jJeyamAlokya pazcAttaM jJAnamutsRjet // P. 398, 2 sarvapApAstra ve kSINe dhyAne bhavati bhAvanA / pApopahatabuddhInAM dhyAnavArtApi durlabhA // 3 dadhibhAvagataM kSIraM na punaH kSIratAM vrajet / tattvajJAnavizuddhAtmA punaH pApairna lipyate // 4 jIvaH zivaH zivorjaH kiM bhedo'styatra kazcana / pAzabaddho bhavejjIvaH pAzamuktaH zivaH punaH // atyanta malino dehaH pumAnatyanta nirmalaH / dehAdenaM pRthakkRtvA tasmAnnityaM vicintayet // 5 toyamadhye yathA tailaM pRthagbhAvena tiSThati / tathA zarIra madhye'smin pumAnAste pRthaktathA // 6 dakSaH sarpirivAtmAyamupAyena zarIrataH / pRthakkiyeta tattvajJaizciraM saMsargavAnapi // 7 puSpAmodau tarucchAye yadvat sakalaniSkale / tadvattau dehadehasthau yadvA lapanavimvat // P. 399. 36

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282 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE series of verses, composed by himself, to accompany the various offerings made to the goddess. The following verses are addressed to the goddess at the time of offering water, lights and incense respectively (P. 401): yasyAH padadvayamalaMkRtiyugmayogyaM loktryaambujsrHprvihaarhaar| tAM vAgvilAsavasati salilena devIM seve kavidyutarumaNDanakalpavallIm // ekaM padaM bahupadApi dadAsi tuSTA varNAtmikApi ca karoSi na varNabhAjam / seve tathApi bhavatImathavA jano'rthI doSaM na pazyati tadastu tavaiSa diipH|| cakSuH paraM karaNakandaradUrite'rthe mohAndhakAravidhutau paramaH prakAzaH / taddhAmagAmipathavIkSaNaratnadIpastvaM sevyase tadiha devi janena dhUmaiH // The following verses mark the conclusion of the worship of Srutadevata (P. 401); kaladhautakamalamauktikadukUlamaNijAlacAmaraprAyaH / ArAdhayAmi devI sarasvatIM sakalamaGgalarbhAvaiH // syAdvAdabhUdharabhavA munimAnanIyA devairananyazaraNaiH smupaasniiyaa| svAntAzritAkhilakalaGkaharapravAhA vAgApagAstu mama bodhagajAvagAhA // "I worship Goddess Sarasvati with all-auspicious objects comprising golden lotuses, silken scarves studded with pearls, bejewelled curtains and fly-whisks. Like an elephant entering the waters of a river, may my intellect plunge into the River of Speech, whose current cleanses the mind of all its impurities, (the River) that rises from the Mount of Syadvada doctrine, is worthy of the veneration of the sages, and fit to be adored by the gods, having no other refuge !' The adoration of Srutadevata brings to a close the Samayika or customary worship, and Somadeva concludes this section with a devout prayer to Jina (P. 402): dRSTastvaM jina sevito'si nitarAM bhAvairananyAzrayaiH snigdhastvaM na tathApi yatsamavidhirmakte virakte'pi ca / maJcetaH punaretadIza bhavati premaprakRSTaM tataH kiM bhASe paramatra yAmi bhavato bhUyAt punadarzanam // XIII) The second Siksavrata is Prosadba or religious fasting on four days of the month (the eighth and fourteenth lunar days in each fortnight). He who observes this vrata should refrain from all sinful actions and practise self-control; and abstaining from bath, perfumes, bodily decoration, ornaments and women, observe fast and devote himself to religious meditation in a temple or on a hill or at home or in the woods. The inner spirit cannot become pure without the mortification of the body: what else but fire can purify gold ? Failure to examine and sweep the ground before use, evil 1 snAnagandhAGgasaMskArabhUSAyoSAviSaktadhIH / nivRttasarvasAvadhakriyaH sNymttprH|| devAgAre girI cApi gRhe vA gahane'pi vA / upoSito bhavennityaM dharmadhyAnaparAyaNaH // P. 402. 2 vizudhyennAntarAtmAyaM kAyakezavidhi vinA / kimagneranyadastIha kAzcanAzmavizuddhaye //

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10. JAINA DOGMATICS AND MORAL AND SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE actions, evil thoughts and abstention from the Avasyakas or obligatory duties' destroy the efficacy of the Prosadha vow.' XIV) The third Siksavrata is the limitation of worldly enjoyment. Enjoyment is of two kinds. Food and other objects which can be used only once are called bhoga, and objects such as ornaments which can be used again and again are known as paribhoga. Both kinds of enjoyment should be kept within bounds to prevent 'mental obsession', and one should voluntarily practise abnegation when everything needed comes into one's possession.* Abnegation may be of two kinds, yama and niyama, the former being for life and the latter for a limited period." Flowers and vegetables containing various living organisms, e. g., onions, Ketaki and Nimba flowers, and Surana roots should be forsaken for life." One should also avoid ill-cooked and prohibited food as well as food that has come in contact with or got mixed up with living organisms, and food that has not been prepared under one's own supervision.' XV) The fourth Siksavrata is dana or charity. That which contributes towards one's own welfare and promotes the cultivation of the Three Jewels in others and brings relief to one's kinsmen as well as others is called dana. Some practise charity with a view to attaining bliss in the next world, others to get it in this world, and there are also,those who practise charity because it is proper to do so.10 Dana or charity is of four kinds, namely, gift of abhaya or protection, gift of food, gift of medicine and gift of sacred lore." Of these abhaya is the highest gift, and the wise should always give the first place to affording protection to all living creatures." Next comes the gift of food, and it is the duty of a householder to feed Jaina sadhus or holy men 1 (1) Samayika, avoidance of sin leading to equanimity; (2) praise of the twenty-four Arhats; (3) Vandana, homage to those having the mula and uttara-gunas; (4) Pratikramana, repentance; (5) kayotsarga, cure of spiritual faults by meditation; (6) pratyakhyana, determination to avoid sin. 2 anavekSApratilekhanaduSkarmArambhadurmanaskArAH / AvazyakaviratiyutAzcaturthamete vinighnanti // 3 yaH sakRt sevyate bhAvaH sa bhogo bhojanAdikaH / bhUSAdi paribhogaH syAt paunaHpunyena sevanAt // 4 parimANaM tayoH kuryAccittavyAptinivRttaye / prApte yogye ca sarvasminnicchayA niyamaM bhajet // 5 yamazca niyamazceti dvau tyAjye vastuni smRtau / yAvajjIvaM yamo jJeyaH sAvadhirniyamaH smRtaH // 6 palANDuketakI nimbasumanaH sUraNAdikam / tyajedAjanma tadrUpabahuprANisamAzrayam // P. 403 Compare Ratnakaranda-sravakacara III. 39: alpaphalabahuvighAtAnmUlakamArdrANi zRGgaverANi / navanItanimbakusumaM kaitakamityevamavaheyam // 7 duSpakasya niSiddhasya jantusaMbandhamizrayoH / avIkSitasya ca prAzastatsaMkhyAkSatikAraNam // 8 yathAvidhi yathAdezaM yathAdravyaM yathAgamam / yathApAtraM yathAkAlaM dAnaM deyaM gRhAzramaiH // P. 403. 9 AtmanaH zreyase'nyeSAM ratnatrayasamRddhaye / svaparAnugrahAyetthaM yat syAttaddAnamiSyate // 283 10 paralokadhiyA kazcit kazcidaihikacetasAM / aucityamanasA kazcit satAM vittavyayastridhA // 11 abhayAhAra bhaiSajyazrutabhedAccaturvidham / 12 abhayaM sarvasattvAnAmAdau dadyAt sudhIH sadA /

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284 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE according to the nine-fold canon of hospitality consisting of reception, offering of a high seat, washing of the feet, adoration, salutation, affable speech, affable manners and affable temperament, and, lastely, purity of food. Particular attention should be paid to the quality and purity of the food, which should be seasonable and prepared at home and not brought from another locality nor purchased from the bazar, Food that has been touched by wicked people or consecrated to gods and Yaksas as well as offerings brought for mystic rites should not be given to the sadhus to eat. He who observes the Three Jewels, that is, the cardinal principles of Jainism, is the most deserving of those who are entitled to charity, and anything given to one who is not a follower of the Three Jewels is like seeds sown on barren soil. In fact, charity practised in favour of those who are attached to false doctrines and wrong conduct leads to evil consequences, like feeding of serpents with milk. If one wishes to be charitable towards such people out of pity or from a sense of propriety, one should give them a residual portion of food to be taken away and not feed them in one's house. Even the sight of them during the reception of Jaina holy men leads to pollution, just as even pure water is contaminated by a vessel containing poison. One must not live or talk with or accord hospitality to Buddhists, Nastikas, Sacrificers, ascetics wearing matted hair (Saivas), Ajivaka mendicants and others of similar persuasion. Conversation with people ignorant of the fundamental truths, and corrupted by evil propensities, leads only to a free fight in which the parties belabour each other with sticks and pull each other's hair. There are five classes of people who are entitled to hospitality: the samayin, the sravaka, the sadhu, the suri and the samayadipaka, The samayin is an adherent of the Jaina faith and may be a layman or a monk. The stavaka is one who has an expert knowledge of astrology, incantations, omens and unseen things in general as well as the art of healing. The time for religious functions such as initiation, festivals and installation of idols cannot be fixed without his help, and Somadeva naively asks how the Jaina 1 taneteranratura :THCT: farfagfeet atq=tr: frei goftai TEHT I P. 404. 2 grAmAntarAt samAnItaM matrAnItamupAyanam / na deyamApaNakrIta viruddha vA yathartukam // 3 Taare ETHERE IS ...............atagal 4 taduttamaM bhavet pAtraM yatra ratnatrayaM nre| ........."yatra rajatrayaM nAsti tadapAtraM vidurbudhAH / uptaM tatra vRthA sarvamUSarAyAM faarfra 11 P. 406. 5 mithyAtvagrastacitteSu cAritrAbhAsAbhAgiSu / doSAyaiva bhaveddAnaM payaHpAnamivAhiSu // kAruNyAdathavaucityAtteSAM kiJcidizannapi / dizeduddhRtamevAnnaM gRhe bhuktiM na kArayet / / 7 satkArAdividhAveSAM darzanaM dUSitaM bhavet / yathA vizuddhamapyambu viSabhAjanasaMgamAt // zAkyanAstikayAgazajaTilAjIvakAdibhiH / sahAvAsaM sahAlApaM tatsevAM ca vivarjayet // 9 maatfagtrahA24:17 818gi qosrafo 741

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10. JAINA DOGMATICS AND MORAL AND SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE 285 faith will progress if one has to ask the followers of other religions for information about these matters.1 The sadhu is one who has accomplished religious austerities combined with the observation of the Mula and Uttaragunas, that is, the entire range of the Jaina religious vows. The suri is the leader of society in the sphere of knowledge as well as the practice of religion, and should be worshipped like a god, since he is like a boat for crossing the ocean of existence. The samayadipakas are men who advance the cause of the Jaina faith by their knowledge of the world, poetical faculties and other powers as well as eloquence and skill in disputation.* It is useless to test the purity of monks for the purpose of giving them food: whether they are good or bad, the householder is purified by the mere act of giving. Besides, householders are in the habit of spending mony on so many things that it is not wise to consider the pros and cons of a gift too much. The greater the merits of a monk, the greater should be the respect shown to him; but those who are wealthy should use their money, acquired through luck, to help any follower of the Jaina faith, since a monk, conforming to the standard laid down by the scriptures, may or may not be available for the purpose of charity." The creed established by the great Jaina seers is professed by men of diverse faculties, and does not depend upon any single individual, just as a house does not rest on a single pillar.s Dana is of three kinds: rajasa, tamasa and sattvika. Charity acco mpanied by self-glorification, momentary, casual and lacking in conviction is known as rajasa. Charity practised through the agency of servants and slaves without any respect for the recipient or familiarity with him, and without any consideration of merit, is tamasa.10 Charity is sattvika when hospitality is spontaneous and the recipient worthy, and when the giver has certain qualities, namely, faith, contentment, reverence, knowledge, liberality, forbearance and ability." The sattvika form of charity is the best, the rajasa comes next, and the tamasa is the worst. Somadeva says in this connection 1 jyotirmatranimittajJaH suprajJaH kAyakarmasu / dIkSAyAtrApratiSThAdyAH kriyAstadvirahe kutaH / tadarthaM parapRcchAyAM kathaM ca samayonnatiH / P. 407. 2 mUlottaraguNazlAghyaistapobhirniSThita sthitiH / sAdhuH sAdhu bhavet pUjyaH puNyopArjitapaNDitaiH // 3 jJAnakANDe kriyAkANDe cAturvarNyapuraHsaraH / sUrirdeva ivArAdhyaH saMsArAbdhitaraNDakaH // 4 lokavitvakavitvAdyairvAdavAgmitva kauzalaiH / mArgaprabhAvanodyuktAH santaH pUjyA vizeSataH // 5 bhuktimAtrapradAne hi kA parIkSA tapasvinAm / te santaH santvasato vA gRhI dAnena zudhyati // 6 sarvArambhapravRttAnAM gRhasthAnAM dhanavyayaH / bahudhAsti tato'tyarthaM na kartavyA vicAraNA / / 7 daivAlabdhaM dhanaM dhanyairvaptavyaM samayAzrite / eko munirbhavellabhyo na labhyo vA yathAgamam // 8 uccAvacajanaprAyaH samayo'yaM jinezinAm / naikasmin puruSe tiSThedekastambha ivAlayaH // 9 yadAtmavarNanaprAyaM kSaNikAhAryavibhramam / parapratyayasaMbhUtaM dAnaM tadrAjasaM matam // P. 408. 10 pAtrApAtra samAvekSyamasatkAramasaMstutam / dAsabhRtyakRtodyogaM dAnaM tAmasamUcire // 11 AtitheyaM svayaM yatra yatra pAtranirIkSaNam / guNAH zraddhAdayo yatra dAnaM tat sAttvikaM viduH //

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286 TASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE that the statement (made by Brahmanical writers) that what is given in this life is recovered by the donor in the next life is entirely false. Cows, for instance, are in the habit of eating water and grass, but they produce milk, something quite different. It is the duty of householders to remedy the ills of monks and saints, which may be of three kinds : physical ailments, mental worries and external troubles such as the rigours of cold and wind, 3 If the laity neglect the sufferings of the monks, the latter cannot maintain their spiritual concentration, and the former will render themselves guilty of impiety. While the monks are engaged in expounding and studying the sacred texts, they should be comforted with lodging, food, books and other amenities. The holy textsthe Angas, Purvas, Prakirnas, Suktas and the utterances of the Kevalinswould entirely become extinct, if those who know the scriptures thoroughly were to perish on account of neglect. One should therefore help the monks to master the scriptures by sheltering and encouraging them and contributing to their joy, and by providing them with materials necessary for their study. 8 It should be remembered that men, capable of physical labour, for instance, the carrying of arms, are easily available, but those who are endowed with real knowledge are rare like heroes. Knowledge alone can control the mind, like a spear controlling an elephant: without knowledge, physical labour is nothing but labour that is lost. One who concentrates on knowledge succeeds in external austerities without any effort, but, as a matter of fact, external activities no longer take place when the soul is immersed in knowledge. It is doubtful if a man without knowledge can destroy his karma even after ages, but a man who is endowed with knowledge and yoga is sure to destroy his karma in a moment. The man whose speech is not refined by the science of words, and whose intellect is not purified by right principles, is like a blind person labouring according to the convictions of others." 1 Cf. Naisadhacarita 5. 92-1997AYHUT B feufuta Rafa afei Hyta SR dig pAralaukikakusIdamasIdat // 2 947 PIECETTE 27:1 19:42: 973fa fatia atqRIGT: 11 P. 408. 3 THTHTT-goarfeciaria I FITTATI : Tatar Terfi: 11 P. 409. 4 oftai afo r ra 1 Bruneta agi er 14 i (added from mss.) 5 ATHEI ara Ech 98641 (added from mss.) 31rar Terrariefah aGgapUrvaprakIrNoktaM sUktaM kevalibhASitam / nazyennirmUlataH sarvaM zrutaskandhadharAtyaye / / 6 prazrayotsAhanAnandasvAdhyAyocitavastubhiH / zrutavRddhAnU munIn kurvajAyate shrutpaargH|| astradhAraNavadvAhye kleze hi sulabhA nraaH| yathArthajJAnasaMpannAH sauDIrA iva durlbhaaH|| 8 sRNivajJAnamevAsya vshaayaashydntinH| tadRte ca bahiHklezaH keza eva paraM bhavet / / 9 bahistapaH svato'bhyeti zAnaM bhAvayataH sataH / kSetrajJe yannimagne'tra kutaH syuraparAH kriyaaH|| 10 yadajJAnI yugaiH karma bahubhiH kSapayenna vA / tajjJAnI yogasaMpannaH kSapayet kSaNato dhruvam // 11 yad oft: I Te Tarefaa: 1979T THEY: THITHI

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10. JAINA DOGMATICS AND MORAL AND SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE 287 Somadeva mentions at the end of this section the various factors which destroy the value of charity. They are instructions to others' to make a gift on one's behalf, that is, lack of personal attention; jealousy at the liberality of others; lack of punctuality (in serving a guest); the practice of depositing food on sentient objects such as lotus leaves or covering it with same.? XVI) The custom of sallekhana or fasting unto death is dealt with in VIII. 45. Somadeva says that the practice is to be followed wh is about to perish, like a dry leaf or a lamp without oil. The hour of this last act of life comes when everyday the body loses strength and power of enjoyment, and is beyond remedy. Self-restraint, study, austerities, worship, and charity all become useless if the mind, is not pure at the last hour of life. Just as the training of a king, who has learnt the use of weapons for twelve years, becomes useless if he faints on the battlefield ; similarly the past conduct of a saint is of no avail if his mind is impure at the end. One should renounce one's affection for friends, infatuation with riches and illwill towards enemies, and then take proper steps (that is, resort to sallekhana) after confessing all sins before the head of the congregation. Food should be gradually given up and then beverages, both sweet and pungent; and one should thereafter abstain from everything with one's mind fixed on the five Paramesthins. There are five factors that destroy the efficacy of sallekhana: lesire to live longer, the desire to die to avoid suffering, longing for friends, recollection of past happiness and the desire for happiness in the next life. XVII) In Yasastilaka VIII. 44 Somadeva interprets from the Jaina point of view a number of Brahmanical terms, which illustrates certain salient features of the Jaina outlook in religious matters. For instance, a Diksita is not one who kills goats and other animals in sacrifices, but one whose daily sacrifice consists in friendliness towards all creatures. A Srotriya is not one who has external purity, but one who has nothing to do with wicked deeds and wicked men, and is kindly disposed towards all creatures. 10 A Hota is not one who kindles the external fire, but one who 1 Art afarafanaidi TTET I 37-4179am CET & fra gt: 11 P. 410. 2 To ate acfaetri satuma TEKI farsituahagE te faforme 11 P. 413. 3 pratidivasaM vijahadbalamujhaDAktaM tyajat pratIkAram / vapureva nRNAM nigirati caramacaritrodayaM samayam // 4 yamaniyamavAdhyAyAstapAMsi devArcanAvidhinam / etat sarva niSphalamavasAne cenmano malinam // 5 dvAdaza varSANi nRpaH zikSitazastro raNeSu yadi muhyet / kiM syAttasyAstravidheryathA tathAnte yateH purAcaritam / / 6 snehaM vihAya bandhuSu mohaM vibhaveSu kaluSatAmahite / gaNini ca nivedya nikhilaM durIhitaM tadanu bhajatu vidhimucitam / / 7 azanaM krameNa heyaM snigdhaM pAnaM tataH kharaM caiva / tadanu ca sarvanivRttiM kuryAdgurupaJcakasmRtau nirtH|| 8 jIvitamaraNAzaMse suhRdanurAgaH sukhAnubandhavidhiH / ete sanidAnAH syuH sallekhanahAnaye paJca / / 9 3516: PHI 11 qera Pati H HTC DICHT17 aufhTT: || P. 421. 10 duSkarmadurjanAspazI sarvasatvahitAzayaH / sa zrotriyo bhavet satyaM na tu yo bAhyazaucavAnU / /

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288 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE casts the fuel of good deeds in the spiritual fire with the formulas of kindness." A Sacrificer is defined as one who adores the deity with the flowers of pure thoughts, the mansion of the body with the flowers of vows, and the fire of the mind with the flowers of forbearance. The Veda that pleases the wise is not the one which causes the destruction of all creatures in sacrifices, but the one which clearly makes known the difference between the body and the soul. The Threefold Lore (i. e. the Veda) is called Trayi, because it destroys the triad of birth, old age and death, the cause of transmigration.* A Brahmana is not one who is blind with the pride of birth, but one who does not destroy life, observes salutary vows, has knowledge, and is without desires and acquisition. The true Pancagnisadhaka (one who performs austerities amid five fires ) is he who has controlled the five fires : lust, anger, pride, deceit and greed. Knowledge is Brahma, kindness is Brahma, and the destruction of lust is Brahma : when the soul rests securely on these, a man is called Brahmacarin.? A Paramahamsa is not an ascetic who eats anything and everything like fire, but one who can (like a hamsa, swan) distinguish between karma and the soul, intermingled like water and milk.8 XVIII) The 46th section of Book VIII. called Prakirnaka, which deals with certain miscellaneous topics, brings to a close Somadeva's elaborate discourse on the Jaina religion. It describes chiefly the six daily duties of a householder:' worship of the deva i. e. Jina, adoration of the teacher, svadhyaya or study of spiritual lore,io tapas or physical and mental activities leading to the purification of the soul by removing external and internal impurities," samyama or control of the passions and the senses, and the observance of the vows,n and dana or charity. Kasaya (passion) is derived thus (P. 416): 'kaSanti saMtApayanti durgasaMgatisaMpAdanenAtmAnamiti kaSAyAH krodhAdayaH / athavA yathA vizuddhasya vastuno naiyagrodhAdayaH kaSAyAH kAluSyakAriNaH, tathA nirmalasyAtmano malinatvahetutvAt kaSAyA iva kssaayaaH|' XIX) Stray allusions to Jaina tenets occur occasionally in the course of Utpreksas and similes. For example, manuSyarUpeNa pariNataM dharmadvayamiva Book I, 1 adhyAtmAnau dayAmaraiH samyakarma samiccayam / yo juhoti sa hotA syAnna bAhyAgnisamedhakaH / / 2 bhAvapuSpairyajeddevaM vratapuSpairvapugRham / kSamApuSpairmanovati yaH sa yaSTA satAM mtH|| 3 vivekaM vedayeduccairyaH zarIrazarIriNoH / sa prIya viduSAM vedo nAkhilakSayakAraNam / / 4 jAtirjarA mRtiH puMsAM trayI saMsRtikAraNam / eSA trayI yatastrayyAH kSIyate sA trayI matA // 5 ahiMsaH savrato dAnI nirIho nissprigrhH| yaH syAt sa brAhmaNaH satyaM na tu jAtimadAndhalaH / / 6 kAmaH krodho mado mAyA lobhazcetyagnipaJcakam / yenedaM sAdhitaM sa syAt kRtI paJcAgnisAdhakaH / / P. 411. 7 zAnaM brahma dayA brahma brahma kAmavinigrahaH / samyagatra vasannAtmA brahmacArI bhvennrH|| 8 karmAtmanovivektA yHkssiirniirsmaanyoH| bhavet paramahaMso'sau nAgnivat sarvabhakSakaH / / P. 412. 9 devasevA gurUpAstiH svAdhyAyaH saMyamastapaH / dAnaM ceti gRhasthAnAM SaT karmANi dine dine / / P. 414. 10 anuyogaguNasthAnamArgaNAsthAnakarmasu / adhyAtmatattvavidyAyAH pAThaH svAdhyAya ucyate / / 11 antarbahirmalaploSAdAtmanaH zuddhikAraNam / zArIraM mAnasaM karma tamaH praahustpodhnaaH|| 12 kaSAyendriyadaNDAnAM vijayo vratapAlanam / saMyamA saMyataiH proktaH zreyaH zrayitumicchatAm //

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10. JAINA DOGMATICS AND MORAL AND SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE p. 136. This is a reference to the Sagaradharma, the Rule of life prescribed for the householders, and the Anagaradharma, the Rule of life prescribed for the monks. fi af Ibid. The two Pramanas recognised by Jaina doctrine, Pratyaksa and Paroksa, are referred to. AAIbid. The two pure Dhyanas, Dharmadhyana and Sukladhyana (see above), are meant. nayanaviSayatAM gataM nayayamalamiva Ibid. A reference to the two types of Naya, the method of comprehending things from a particular standpoint. While the Pramanas convey the whole truth, the Nayas reveal only partial truths. Broadly speaking, they are of two kinds: dravyarthika, which has in view the substance in its permanent aspect, and paryayarthika, which takes note of the modes of the fluctuating aspect of the substance and its qualities. af Book II, p. 223. Naya is also classified into five or rather seven kinds: naigama, the non-analytical; samgraha, the collective; vyavahara, the practical; rjusutra, the straight or immediate; and sabda, the verbal or nominal. S'abda is subdivided into samabhirudha, the subtle, and evambhuta, the actual. According to Mallisena (Syadvadamanjari under verse 28), the Nyaya and Vaisesika systems follow the Naigama-naya: the Advaita Vedanta and the Samkhya are guided by the Samgraha-naya; the Carvaka school comes under the Vyavahara-naya; the Buddhists accept the Rjusutra-naya; and the Grammarians and others take their stand on the Sabda-naya," The method of comprehending things from such diverse standpoints is what Somadeva calls nayapaddhati, and the doctrine of Syadvada, known as saptabhanginaya, is represented as being based on the Naya method. The Syadvada doctrine itself is set forth as follows: (1) May be, it is; (2) may be, it is not; (3) may be, it is and it is not; (4) may be, it is indescribable; (5) may be, it is and yet indescribable; (6) may be, it is not and it is also indescribable; (7) may be, it is and it is not and it is also indescribable. The doctrine of Syadvada is claimed to be a great synthesis comprehending all the Nayas without any distinction. Mallisena says in his Syadvadamanjari (under verse 30) that, just as disputants cease from their quarrels after resorting to an impartial judge, similarly the other Nayas, though mutually hostile, are reconciled in the system of the Arhat, their differences being smoothed over by the use of the expression Syat, may be's nayanItiriva navabhUmikA Book V, p. 246. This is another refe 1 For an explanation of these terms see S. C. Vidyabhushana: A History of Indian Logic, p. 170, and specially Dhruva: Syadvadamanjari of Mallisena, Notes, p. 279 if. 2 ' naigamanayadarzanAnusAriNau naiyAyikavaizeSikau / saMgrahAbhiprAyapravRttAH sarve'pyadvaitavAdAH sAMkhyadarzanaM ca / vyavahAranayAnupAti prAyazcArvAkadarzanam / RjusUtrAkUta pravRttabuddhayastAthAgatAH / zabdAdinayAvalambino vaiyAkaraNAdayaH / ' 3_Srutasagara remarks : yathA nayapaddhatiH syAdvAdasya mUlaM bhavati. He explains nayapaddhatiH as naigamAdinayAnA mArgaH 289 4 Vidyabhushana (op. cit.), p. 167. 5 'yathA hi samIcInaM madhyasthaM nyAya nirNetAramAsAdya parasparaM vivadamAnA api vAdino vivAdAdviramanti evaM nayA anyonyaM vairAyamANA api sarvazazAsanamupetya syAcchabdaprayogopazamita vipratipattayaH santaH parasparamatyantaM suhRdbhUyAvatiSThante / " 37

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290 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE rence to the Nayas. A marginal note in Ms. A on navabhumika says Amarca, but the ninefold classification of Naya is rather unusual. Perhaps the two broad divisions of dravyarthika and paryayarthika and the seven varieties of Naya are meant: of these naigama, samgraha and vyavahara come under dravyarthika-naya, while rjusutra, sabda, samabhirudha, and evambhuta are subdivisions of paryayarthika-naya. Somadeva may have in mind also the nine divisions of Naigamanaya mentioned in certain texts." 892 forfa 79:54amiaalfot: Book I, p. 133. The reference is to the "ladder' known as ksapakasreni mentioned in connection with the fourteen Gunasthanas or stages on the way to emancipation. There are, in fact, two ladders, upasama and ksapaka, for the suppression and destruction of Caritramohaniya-karma or Right-Conduct-Deluding Karma, and they emerge in the eighth Gunasthana. Briefly speaking, the Jiva ascends the ksapakasreni and devotes himself to the destruction of Karma, the last vestige of Caritramohaniya-karma being destroyed in the tenth Gunasthana, whence he passes to the twelfth Gunasthana. Interesting references to Ksapakasreni occur in Hemacandra's Trisastisalakapurusacaritra, e. g. "She mounted at once the ksapakasreni, and, the eight Karmas being destroyed, she attained omniscience at once from the eighth Gunasthana." "As he was reflecting rightly in this way, having ascended the ksapakasreni and having attained pure meditation, omniscience becomes manifest from the destruction of the destructive Karmas, like the light of the sun from the removal of a mass of clouds."3 A reference of the final stage of religious apprenticeship occurs in the following statement in Book I, p. 135: 'jinarUpagrahaNAyogyatvAccaramAcAravazAmupAsakadazAmAzritavadalaM munikumArakayugalam' Srutasagara takes this to mean the eleventh Pratima or stage in the life of a layman, known as uddistatyaga-pratima, wherein he begs his food and refuses what is specially prepared for him. Abhayaruci and Abhayamati are described as being in this stage of religious apprenticeship, as they were too young to lead the rigorous life of Digambara monks. References occur also to the twenty-two Parisahus* and other miscellaneous topics. The three kinds of Karmandins or monks are mentioned in Book 1,' and Srutasagara explains the term as referring to Acarya, Upadhyaya and Sarvasadhu. tash, ayah, forgat etc. See Dhruva (op. cit., p. 298. 2 For a detailed exposition of the Gunasthanas see Johnson's English Trans. of Hemacandra's Trisastisalakapurusacaritra, Vol. I, Appendix IIl. See also Pravacanasaroddhara I, p. 196 ff. for a discussion of for Johnson's Trans. (op. cit.), pp. 197, 378. 4 trag: #ETTSTERT Book I. 5 fafara mirarafa:' Ibid.

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CHAPTER XI Tue ANUPREKSAS AND JAINA RELIGIOUS POETRY Jaina religious poetry, as far as it is represented in Yasastilaka, comprises verses on the Anupreksas, hymns, and what may be loosely called religio-ethical verses. Of these the Anupreksa verses are the most important not only from the standpoint of subject matter, but on account of the place they occupy in Jaina literature and relgious thought. In order to appreciate Somadeva's treatment of the Anupreksas, it will be convenient to explain their religious background, and enumerate the principal literary attempts to define and interpret them before and after his time. The Anupreksas are, roughly speaking, topics of meditation, twelve in number, and cover a wide range of the cardinal teachings of Jainism. They are in the form of reflections on the transient character of things (anitydnupreksa), helplessness (asarananupreksa), the cycle of rebirth isamsaranupreksa), loneliness (ekatvanupreksa), the distinction between the self and the not-self (anyatvanupreksa), the impurity of the body (asucyanu preksa), the inflow of Karmas (usravanupreksa ), stoppage of the inflow of Karmas (sarvaranupreksa ), the shedding of Karma (nirjaranupreksa), the constitution of the universe (lokanupreksa), the difficulty of attaining the Right Path consisting of the Three Jewels (bodhidurlabhanupreksa), and the Law expounded by the Arhat (dharmasvakhyatatvanupreksa). It may be noted that the Anupreksas are known also as Bhavanas, specially in Svetambara texts. Anupreksa means anucintana "pondering', 'reflection'. Pujyapada in his commentary on Tattvarthasutra 9. 2 explains Anupreksa as pondering on the nature of the body and other substances'.' Svamikarti (verse 97) defines it as 'pondering on the right principles' (sutacca-cita anuppeha). The word is used also in connection with Svadhyaya or study of sacred lore, of which anupreksa, pondering on what one has learnt, is an important factor. Pujyapada says in his commentary on Tattvarthasutra 9. 25: adhigatarthasya manasa abhyasah anupreksa. The word is used in this sense also in Uttaradhyayanasutra 29. 22, wherein anuppeha, explained as cintanika in Nemicandra's commentary, is one of the factors of sammatta-parakkama, 'exertion in righteousness', mitigating the power and duration of practically all the Karmas. The Anupreksas are designed to serve as aids to spiritual progress, produce detachment, and lead the devotee from the realm of desire to 1 'zarIrAdInAM svabhAvAnucintanamanuprekSA'

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292 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE the path of renunciation. The Bhasya on Tattvarthasutra 9. 7 says that the devotee, after reflecting on the transient character of worldly objects and relationships, loses all attachment to them: this is the purpose of anityanupreksa. He reflects on the fact that there is no escape from death and misery, and the sense of helplessness makes him indifferent to the things of the world and inclines him towards the teachings of the Arhat; this is the purpose of asarananupreksi and so on. Similarly, Pujyapada, in his commentary on the same sutra, says in connection with asucitvinupreksa that the body is impure, and its impurity cannot be removed by perfumes, incense and other means; whereas the contemplation of Right Faith and other principles leads to absolute purity: thinking like this in all earnestness amounts to asucitvanupreksa. Thus reflecting, the devotee becomes indifferent to the body and concentrates his mind on crossing the ocean of births'. In this way the object of each Anupreksa is minutely explained, but the general purpose of the Anupreksas is to make the aspirant averse to the world and concentrate his mind on the Self and its emancipation. The Maranasamahi, a Jaina canonical text, says that contemplation of the Bhavanas, that is, the Anupreksas leads to vairagya or disgu and seems to sum up the Bhavanas as vairagya-bhavana (verses 636 and 638), and describes them also as producing a strong desire for liberation (verse 571 ). The idea of the Anupreksas being the cause of vairagya is stressed also in Mulacara 8. 73;3 and we are told that he who always edifies himself with their help becomes free from Karmas, and being pure, 'attains the Abode of Purity. Subhacandra in his Jnanarnava 2, 5, 6 recommends the Bhavanas for the attainment of the purity of thoughts (bhavasuddhi) and the growth of samvega (desire for salvation), vairagya, yama (selfcontrol) and prasama (extinction of the passions). Hemacandra says in Yogasastra ( 4 40, 45, 49, 55) that one should vanquish love and hate for the attainment of mental purity which alone shows the way to nirvana; and love and hate can be conquered by means of samatva or equanimity, which again is produced by nirmamatva or lack of selfish desires; and one should resort to the Bhavanas for the purpose of cultivating nirmamatva, Hemacandra concludes by saying that he who ceaselessly preoccupies the mind with the Bhavanas becomes indifferent to all objects and maintains an even attitude free from love and hate. 1 jaha jaha daDhappaiNNo samaNo veraggabhAvaNaM kuNai / taha taha asubhaM AyavahayaM va sIyaM khayamuvei // bArasa vi bhAvaNAo evaM saMkhevao smttaao| bhAvemANo jIvo jAo samuvei verggN|| 2 Gent 3 TEGOTIP =1' 4 aNuvekkhAhiM evaM jo attANaM sadA vibhAvedi / so vigadasavvakammo vimalo vimalAlayaM lahadi / 5 '17771farzfas-affarahi: 1 An: Hag hans 2 11 4. 110.

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11. THE ANUPREKSAS AND JAINA RELIGIOUS POETRY 293 The Anupreksas have other aspects as well. In Tattvarthasutra 9. 2 they are mentioned among the agencies that cause Samvara or stoppage of the influx of Karmas, the others being Gupti, Samiti, Dharma etc. The Anupreksas are also brought into special connection with Dharmya-dhyana, one of the two forms of spiritual contemplation prescribed by Jaina doctrine, In a number of verses quoted by Siddhasena in his commentary on Tattvarthasutra 9. 38 the Anupreksas are prominently, mentioned among the preliminaries to Dharmya-dhyana. According to Subhacandra (Jnanarnava 41. 3) the Anupreksas are the leading cause of Dharmya-dhyana, and the devotee is asked to determine the nature of the Self by implanting them in his mind.' Sivarya in his Bhagavati Aradhana (verse 1714) goes one step further, and definitely recommends the contemplation of the Anupreksas as a sort supplementary discipline in the stage of Dharmya-dhyana known as Samsthanavicaya, consisting in meditation on the constitution of the universe according to the Jaina conception. A similar yet different standpoint is met with in Camundaraya's Caritrasara. It mentions two kinds of Dharmyadhyana,bahya and udhyatmika, and classifies the latter into ten varieties including Samsthanavicaya, which is, however, explained as investigation of things as they are' (yathavasthitamimamsa) and completely identified with the twelve Anupreksas. The Anupreksas are thus viewed from different standpoints, but their wider aspect can hardly be mistaken. They are in the nature of reflections on the fundamental facts of life, and remind the devotee of the teachings of the Master on the subject of rebirth, Karma and its destruction. equanimity and self-control, the glory of the Law and the final goal. They are no doubt designed to develop the contemplative faculty of the Yogin, and may be called the starting point of dhyanu. But they have also a great moral significance inasmuch as they are meant to develop purity of thoughts and sincerity in the practice of religion. Kundakunda, for instance, in his Bhavaprabhrta (verse 94 exhorts the devotee to contemplate the Anupreksas and the twenty five Bhavanas, and asks: what is the use of external symbols without inner conviction? The catholic character of the Anupreksas is shown by the fact that they are recommended to monks and laymen alike for contemplation (Maranasamahi, v. 571). In our work king Yasorgha ponders on them on the eve of his abdication and retirement from the world, Somaprabha tells us in his Kumarapalapratibodha that Kumarapala, after 1 Vol. II, P. 272. 2 anuprekSAzca dharmyasya syuH sadaiva nibandhanam / cittabhUmau sthirIkRtya svakharUpaM nirUpaya // 3 aha tiriyauDaloe viciNAdi sapajjae sasaMThANe / icceva aNugadAo aNupehAo vi viciNAdi / 4 bhAva hi aNuvekkhAo avare paNavIsabhAvaNA bhAvi / bhAvarahieNa kiM puNa bAhiraliMgeNa kAyavvaM / /

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294 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE receiving instruction in the twelve Bhavanas, experienced a feeling of indifference to the world and used to reflect on them while looking after the affairs of the kingdom. Amitagati in his Sruvakacara 14. 82 says in conformity with earlier texts that he who meditates on the Anupreksas constantly with devotion comprehends all the fundamental facts and attains liberation, after getting rid of his Karma. The human and spiritual appeal of the Anupreksas accounts for their popularity, as evinced by the numerous attempts made to describe and interpret them in Prakrit and Sanskrit verse and occasionally also in prose. A more or less extensive literature may be said to have grown up on the subject, as will be seen from the short sketch given below. The famous Digambara authority Kundakunda, who is assigned to the beginning of the Christian era, is perhaps the earliest writer to deal with the Anupreksas as an independent subject, being the author of a treatise called Barasa Anuvekkha, The twelve Anupreksas', containing 91 verses in Prakrit (Jaina Sauraseni). The treatment here is simple yet authoritative, and has influenced later writers on the subject. Connected with this work is the account of the Anupreksas in Mulacara (Chap. 8) in 76 verses in Prakrit. The work is attributed to Vattakera who is sometimes identified with Kundakunda himself. While these may be the earliest metrical efforts to offer a systematic exposition of the Anupreksas, there is an exhaustive treatment of them in a canonical text called Maranasamahi, one of the Painnas, which devotes 70 verses (569-639) to the Bhavanas. While enumerating the Bhavanas, it mentions Uttama Gunas instead of Dharma (v. 573), obviously meaning thereby Uttama Ksama, Uttama Mardava etc., being the characteristics of Dharma. The three ancient works mentioned above are composed in a more or less similar style, and there is also occasional similarity in thought, and the subject of their inter-relationship requires critical investigation (Mulacara 8. 13; Maranasamabi, verse 590; Barasa Anuvekkha, verse 22; Maranasamahi, verse 588): micchatteNocchaNNo magaM jiNadesidaM apekkhNto| bhamihadi bhImakuDille jIvo saMsArakatAre // hA jaha mohiyamaiNA suggaimagaM bhajANamANeNaM / bhIme bhavakatAre suciraM bhamiyaM bhayakarammi // aNNo bhaNNaM soyadi mado ti mama NAhago tti maNNaMto / appANaM Na hu soyadi saMsAramahaNNave bu9 // sobhai aNNajaNaM bhamabhavaMtaragayaM tu bAlajaNo / navi soyaha appANaM ki lissamANaM bhavasamuhe // 1 iya bAraha bhAvaNa suNivi rAu, maNamajjhi viyaMbhiyabhavavirAu / rajju vi kuNaMtu ciMtai imAu, pariharivi kugaikAraNu 971311 2 A. N. Upadhye: Pravacanasara, Intro., p. 26.

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11. THE ANUPREKSAS AND JAINA RELIGIOUS POETRY 295 The next important treatise to deal with the subject is Svamikarttikeyanupreksa of Karttikeya, who devotes the entire work of 489 verses in Prakrit to the elucidation of the Anupreksas. It is a work of considerable merit, but the treatment of the subject is disproportionate inasmuch as more than 350 verses deal only with Lokanupreksa (115-283) and Dharmanupreksa (302-486). This is due to the fact that Karttikeya includes in his work many heterogeneous details not usually incorporated in the discussion of the Anupreksas. The date of the author is not certain, but he is assigned to the early centuries of the Christian era. A comprehensive exposition of the Anupreksas occurs also in Sivarya's Bhagavati Aradhand,' a devotional work in Sauraseni Prakrit containing more than 2000 verses, of which (1715-1872) deal with the Anupreksas. Sivarya is an important writer and said to be a disciple of Samantabhadra. He may be identified with Sivakoti who is mentioned in Jinasena's Adipurana 1. 49. That he is considerably earlier than the tenth century is shown by the fact that his Aradhana was translated into Sanskrit verse by the wellknown writer Amitagati who flourished towards the end of the tenth century and the beginning of the eleventh. Sivarya's style is simple and lucid, and he uses a large number of interesting similes to illustrate his ideas. For example, rattiM ekammi dume sauNANaM piMDaNaM va saMjogo / pariveso va maNicco issariyANAdhaNAroggaM // 1720 dhAvadi giriNadisodaM va AugaM savvajIvalogammi / sukumAladA vi hAyadi loge puvaNhachAhI va // 1723 jaha AiccamuditaM koI vAraMtao jage Nasthi / taha kammamudIrataM koI vAraMtao Nasthi // 1740 sasago vAhaparaddho bilaM ti NAUNa ajagarasma muhaM / saraNaM ti maNNamANo macussa muhaM jaha adIdi // 1781 taha aNNANI jIvA parikhamANA chudhAdivAhe hiM / adigacchaMti mahAduhahetuM saMsArasappamuhaM // 1782 sarisIe caMdigAe kAlo vesso pio jahA junnho| sarise vi tahA cAre koI vesso pio koii|| 1808 chaMDiya rayaNANi jahA rayaNaddIvA harija kaTTANi / mANusamave vi chaMDiya dhamma bhoge bhilasadi tahA // 1829 pAvapayogAsavadAraNirodho appmaadphligenn| kIrai phaligeNa jahA NAvAe jlaasvnnirodho|| 1837 Strings of Rupakas are also used occasionally: evaM piNaddhasaMvaravammo sammattavAhaNArUDho / sudaNANamahAdhaNugo jhANAditavomayasarehiM // 1853 saMjamaraNabhUmIe kammAricamU parAjiNiya savvaM / pAvadi saMjayajoho aNovamaM mokkharajjasiriM // 1854 It is not known when Sanskrit verse was first employed to describe the Anupreksas, but Somadeva's account of them in Yasastilaka, Book II in 53 verses composed in the Vasantatilaka metre may be regarded as one of the earliest attempt to expound them in Sanskrit instead of Prakrit verse. His treatment of the Anupreksas is weighty and compact and full of spiritual fervour; and his verses on the subject are unique in th 1 For a detailed note on the Bhagavali Aradhana, see A. N. Upadhye: Brhad-kathakosa Intro, pp. 50 ff.

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296 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE that they are composed by a writer who is not only a learned theologian but a religious poet of no mean order. Far more comprehensive in treatment and simpler in style is the exposition of the Anupreksas in Subhacandra's Jnanarnava, which calls them Bhavanas and devotes more than 190 verses to the subject. Subhacandra may be assigned to about the eleventh century, and his Jnanarnava is an authoritative work on Yoga. Although the author discla pretensions (1. 19), he handles Sanskrit verse with remarkable felicity and sometimes employs elaborate metres. The following verses from the section on Anitya-bhavana will illustrate his style: gIyate yatra sAnandaM pUrvAhne lalitaM gRhe / tasminova hi madhyAhe saduHkhamiha rudyte|| gagananagarakalpaM saMgama vallabhAnAM jaladapaTalatulyaM yauvanaM vA dhanaM vA / sujanasutazarIrAdIni vidyuccalAni kSaNikamiti samastaM viddhi saMsAravRttam // Subhacandra concludes his exposition with an eloquent verse in praise of the Bhavanas: etA dvAdazabhAvanAH khalu sakhe sakhyo'pavargazriyastasyAH saMgamalAlasairghaTayituM maitrI prayuktA budhaiH / etAsu praguNIkRtAsu niyataM muktyaGganA jAyate sAnandA praNayaprasannahRdayA yogIzvarANAM mude // Amitagati, whose Subhasitaratnasamdoha and Dharmapariksa are wellknown works, wrote also a S'ravakacara Duties of laymen', of which the fourteenth chapter deals with the Anupreksas in 84 verses composed in a variety of metres (Rathoddhata, Dodhaka, Upajati, Puspitagra. Vasantatilaka etc.). The following verses may serve as specimens : yauvanaM naganadIsyadopamaM zAradAmbudavilAsajIvitam / svapalabdhadhanavibhramaM dhanaM sthAvaraM kimapi nAsti tatvataH // 14. 1 pAtakamAzravati sthirarUpaM saMbhRtimAtmavatAM na yatInAm / a n I TOTS Efa fwaff FACAS 14. 53 Vadibhasimha, who flourished in the early years of the eleventh century and wrote the poem Ksattraculamani and the prose romance Gadyacintamani, devotes more than fifty verses to the Anupreksas in the former work (11. 28-80). The verses are rather pedestrain in style and composed in the Sloka metre. In the last verse the Self is exhorted to have abiding faith in the exquisitely pure Jaina religion : tavAramannAramanIne'smin jainadharme'tinirmale / sthavIyasI ruciH stheyAdA muktermuktidAyinI // After Vadibhasimha we may mention Hemacandra, who flourished in the twelfth century. He deals with the Anupreksas, called by him 1 Subhacandra wrote between 959 A. D., the date of composition of Yasastilaka, which is quoted by him in Jnanarnava, and 1227 A. D., the date of one of the manuscripts of his work. See Chap. I and Pt. Nathuram Premi's Jaina Sahitya aura Itihasa p. 440.

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11. THE ANUPREKSAS AND JAINA RELIGIOUS POETRY 297 Bhavanas, in his Yogasastra 4. 55-110, besides devoting a large number of supplementary verses (antaraslokah) to the topic in his own commentary on the work. There are, for instance, only three main verses in the text on Samsara-bhavana, while there are 90 supplementary verses in the svopajna commentary, containing an imaginative description of the grief and despair of the gods at the prospect of their fall from heaven (vv. 69-89). The following striking verse also occurs in the commentary (Verse 53, op. cit.): syAcchaizave mAtRmukhatAruNye taruNImukhaH / vRddhabhAve sutamukho mUrkho nAntarmukhaH kvacit // Hemacandra eloquently describes the universal discipline and equilibrium maintained by the sustaining power of Dharma in the verses on Dharmasvakhyata-bhavana (4. 96 ff.): AplAvayati nAmbhodhirAzvAsayati cAmbudaH / yanmahIM sa prabhAvo'yaM dhruvaM dharmasya kevalaH // na jvalatya lastiryag yadUrdhvaM vAti nAnilaH / acintyamahimA tatra dharma eva nibandhanam // etc. After Hemacandra comes Siddhasena Suri who wrote his Sanskrit commentary on Nemicandra's Prakrit work Pravacanasaroddhara in 1192 A. D. In this commentary Siddhasena devotes more than 130 verses to the Bhavanas, some of them being composed in elaborate metres. Siddhasena's exposition is not without literary merit, as will be seen from the following specimens: sumatiramatiH zrImAnazrIH sukhI sukhavarjitaH sutanuratanuH svAmyasvAmI priyaH sphuTamapriyaH / nRpatiranRpaH svargI tiryaG naro'pi ca nArakastaditi bahudhA nRtyatyasmin bhavI bhavanATake // yat proddAmamadAndhasindhuraghaTaM sAmrAjyamAsAdyate yanniH zeSajanapramodajanakaM saMpadyate vaibhavam / yat pUrNendusamadyutirguNagaNaH saMprApyate yat paraM saubhAgyaM va vijRmbhate tadakhilaM dharmasya lIlAyitam // Among later accounts of the Anupreksas one of the most noteworthy is that of Asadhara in his Anagaradharmamrta 6. 57-82. He wrote this work about the middle of the thirteenth century and added to it a svopajna commentary after the manner of Hemacandra. He employs elaborate metres, and a good specimen of his style is furnished by the following verse on the rarity of Bodhi or the attainment of the Right Path. duSprApaM prApya ratnatrayamakhilajagatsAramutsArayeyaM no cet prajJAparAdhaM kSaNamapi tadaraM vipralabdho'kSadhUtaiH / tat kiMcit karma kuryAM yadanubhava bhavatklezasaMklezasaMvidbodhervindeya vArtAmapi na punaranuprANanAsyAH kutastyAH // A brief but interesting exposition of the Bhavanas in Apabhramsa verse is found in Somaprabha's Kumarapalapratibodha written in 1184 A. D.2 on the conversion of king Kumarapala of Gujarat to Jainism and his instruction in that religion by Hemacandra. The work is written in Prakrit, but certain 2 1 The date is mentioned at the end of the work: karisAgara visaMkhye zrIvikramanRpativatsare caitre / puSyArkadine zukASTamyAM vRttiH samAptAsau // The Vikrama Samvat is 1248. Winternitz: History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, p. 571. 38

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298 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE portions are in Sanskrit and in Apabhramsa, among them the verses on the Bhavanas towards the end of the third chapter. The following two verses are cited as specimens: rAyA vireku sayaNo vi satta jaNao vitaNau jaNaNi vi kalattu / iha hoinaDu va kukammavaMtu saMsAraraMgi bahurUvu jaMtu // ekallau pAvai jItu jammu ekallau marai viDhattakammu / ekkallau parabhavi sahai dukkhu ekallau dhammiNa lahai mukkhu // We are not concerned with the various comments on the Anupreksas in prose, but it may be pointed out that they are elaborately expounded in the Bhasya on Tattvarthasutra 9. 7 and Pujyapada's commentary thereon. The Anupreksas are dealt with in detail also in Camundaraya's Caritrasara written in prose in the eleventh century. This account is based on that of Pujyapada who is sometimes copied verbatim, but the the Asravanupreksa is interesting as containing a reference to the story of Yasodhara and Amstamati. A detailed interpretation of the Anupreksas is found also in Brahmadeva's commentary on Nemicandra Siddhantacakravartin's Dravyasangraha (verse 35). Brahmadeva has been assigned to the thirteenth century. Despite the extent of the literature on the Anupreksas, we do not find in it much originality of thought, as the prevailing characteristics of the various literary attempts to deal with them are rather elaboration and illustration designed to elucidate the cardinal teachings of the Jaina faith. Every writer on the subject seeks to express himself in as striking a manner as possible; and both in point of style and ideas Somadeva's exposition ranks high among the metrical compositions on the twelve Anupreksas, Most of his verses on them are translated below. 1. ANITYANUPREKSA (Thoughts on the Transient Character of Things) utsRjya jIvitajalaM bahirantarete riktA vizanti maruto jlyntrklpaaH| ekodyamaM jarati ni mahatyaNau ca sarvakaSaH punarayaM yatate kRtAntaH // These (five) life-breaths draw the water of life, like a water-wheel, and leaving it outside, enter the body empty. Death, the destroyer of all, acts with equal effort on old and young, great and small (2. 105). 1 Winternitz: History of Indian Literature, p. 587. 2 A. N. Upadhye: Paramatmaprakasa, Introduction, p. 72. 3 The process of breathing is represented as a sort of gradual exhaustion of the vital force, bringing death nearer and nearer,

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11. THE ANUPREKSAS AND JAINA RELIGIOUS POETRY 299 uccaiH padaM nayati jantumadhaH punastaM vAtyeva reNunicayaM capalA vibhUtiH / zrAmyatyatIva janatA vanitAsukhAya tAH sUtavat karagatA api viplavante // Unstable Prosperity raises a man high and brings him low again, as a whirlwind does a heap of dust. People strive hard for the pleasure afforded by lovely women, but the latter slip away, like mercury, even when securely possessed (2. 107). zUraM vinItamiva sajanavat kulInaM vidyAmahAntamiva dhaarmikmutsRjntii| cintAjvaraprasavabhUmiriyaM hi lokaM lakSmIH khalakSaNasakhI kaluSIkaroti / The goddess of wealth forsakes the valiant and the humble, the good and the highborn, the learned and the pious. A moment's friend, like a villain, she is a source of the fever of anxiety and corrupts the world (2. 108). vAci bhruvAra zi gatAvalakAvalISu yAsAM manaH kuttiltaastttiniitrnggaaH| antarna mAnta iva dRSTipathe prayAtAH kastAH karotu saralAstaralAyatAkSIH // Who can render women sincere, women with large and nimble eyes? The crookedness of their minds seems to overflow their hearts, like the waves of a river, and comes into view in their words, eyebrows and eyes, in their gait, and in the eurls of the hair (2. 109). saMhArabaddhakavalasya yamasya loke kaH pazyatoharavidheravadhi prayAtaH / yasmAjagattrayapurIparamezvaro'pi tatrAhitocamaguNe vidhurAvadhAnaH // Who in the world hath ever passed beyond the range of Death that acts like a robber, ready to clutch and destroy? Even Jina, the overlord of all the three worlds, is powerless against Death when the latter exerts himself (2. 110). itthaM kSaNakSayahutAzamukhe patanti vastUni vIkSya paritaH sukRtI ytaatmaa| tat karma kiMcidanusatumayaM yateta yasminnasau nayanagocaratAM na yAti // Thus seeing on all sides the things falling into the destructive fire of Death, the virtuous self-restrained man should strive to pursue that line of conduct wherein Death appears nevermore ( 2. 111). 2. AsARANANUPREKSA (Thoughts on one's Helplessness) dattodaye'rthanicaye hRdaye svakArye sarvaH samAhitamatiH purataH samAste / jAte tvapAyasamaye'mbupatI patatreH potAdiva drutavataH zaraNaM na te'sti // When thy wealth is on the increase and thy heart bent on spending, everybody stands to attention before othee. But, like a bird flying from a ship on the sea, thou hast none to save thee at the hour of death (2. 112). bandhuvajaiH subhaTakoTibhirAptavagairmatrAstratamravidhibhiH parirakSyamANaH / janturbalAdadhivalo'pi kRtAntadUtairAnIyate yamavazAya varAka ekH|| 1 rutasigara says 'svakArye dhanakAyeM hRdaye citte vartamAne sati'.

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300 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Even when a man is stronger than an army, being protected by multitudes of kinsmen, millions of warriors, and trusty followers with all the resources of counsel, arms and troops, he is brought under the sway of Death by the latter's messengers -- miserable and all alone ( 2. 113 ). saMsIdatastava na jAtu samasti zAstA tvattaH paraH paramavAptasamaprabodheH / tasyAM sthite tvayi yato duritopatApaseneyameva suvidhe vidhurAzrayA syAt // Good-natured one, once thou hast attained the full measure of Bodhi (right knowledge, conduct and faith), thou hast verily no protector other than thyself in thy ills. The army of Sins and Sufferings is helpless so long as thou art devoted to Bodhi ( 2 114 ). 3. SAMSARANUPREKSA (Thoughts on the Cycle of Transmigration) karmArpitaM kramagatiH puruSaH zarIramekaM tyajatyaparamAbhajate bhavAndhau / zailUSayoSidiva saMsRtirenameSA nAnA viDambayati citrakaraiH prapaJcaiH // In the ocean of existence, the transmigrating soul leaves one body, the result of Karma, and resorts to another. The cycle of existence, like an actress, deludes the soul with many a marvellous show ( 2. 115 ). daivAdhigateSu paTurna kAyaH kAye paTau na punarAyuravAptavittam / ithaM parasparahatAtmabhirAtmadharmairlokaM suduHkhayati janmakaraH prabandhaH // When by chance wealth is acquired, health is absent. When there is health, longevity attended by wealth is lacking. Thus the process of birth and rebirth inflicts misery on the world with its mutually contradictory attributes (2. 116). AstAM bhavAntaravidhau suviparyayo'yamatraiva janmani nRNAmadharoccabhAvaH / alpaH pRthuH pRthurapi kSaNato'lpa eva svAmI bhavatyanucaraH sa ca tatpadArhaH // Let alone the mighty ups and downs in the births to follow; even in this life men are subject to rise and fall. The small becomes great and in a moment the great becomes small. The master becomes servant and the latter attains the former's rank (2. 117 ). vaicitrayamitthamanubhUya bhavAmburAzerAtaGkavADavaviDambitajantuvAreH / ko nAma janmaviSapAdapa puSpakalpaiH svaM mohayenmRgadRzAM kRtadhIH kaTAkSaiH // Thus realising the varied moods of the ocean of existence, whose waters, to wit, the creatures, are oppressed by the submarine fire of deadly disease, what wise man will let himself be bewitched by fair women's glances that seem to be the flowers of the poison tree of life ? ( 2.118 ) 4. EKATVANUPREKSA (Thoughts on one's Loneliness ) ekasvamAvizasi janmani saMkSaye ca bhoktuM svayaM svakRtakarmaphalAnubandham / anyo na jAtu sukhaduHkhavidhau sahAyaH svAjIvanAya militaM viTapeTakaM te //

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11. THE ANUPREKSAS AND JAINA RELIGIOUS POETRY Thyself thou undergoest birth and death, all alone, to suffer the consequences of thy own deeds. Thou hast no companion in happiness or misery. Only a crowd of parasites gathers round thee to make their living ( 2. 119 ). bAhyaH parigrahavidhistava dUramAstAM deho'yameti na samaM sahasaMbhavo'pi ! kiM tAmyasi tvamanizaM kSaNadRSTanaSTairdArAtmajadraviNamandiramohapAzaiH // Let alone thy external possessions, even the body, coeval with thee, will not accompany thee at death, Why dost thou suffer evermore from such fetters of delusion as wife and children and wealth and home, appearing and disappearing in a moment ? ( 2. 120 ). saMzocya zokavivazo divasaM tamekamanyedyurAdaraparaH svajanastavArthe / kAyospi bhasma bhavati pracayAccitAgneH saMsArayantraghaTikAghaTane svamekaH // Whelmed with grief, thy relatives will mourn thy death only a day, but on the morrow they will be eager only for thy wealth, and the body will be reduced to ashes by the flames of the funeral pyre. Alone thou pliest the water-wheel of life! (2. 121). eSa svayaM tamacalairnanu karmajA leteva veSTayati naSTamatiH svamekaH / 301 puNyAt punaH prazamatantukRtAvalambastaddhAma dhAvati vidhUtasamasta bAdham // Alone and erring, verily a sentient being is enmeshed, like a spider, in the rigid network of Karma, of his own free will. But by dint of religious merit he advances to that state of bliss, free from all pain, threading his way with the aid of spiritual calm ( 2. 122 ). 5. PRTHAKTVANUPREKSA (Thoughts on the Distinction between the Body and the Self) tereasana cetasi mA kRthAsvaM tvatto yato'sya vapuSaH paramo vivekaH / tvaM dharmazarmavasatiH parito'vasAyaH kAyaH punarjaDatayA gatadhInikAyaH // Never imagine that thou art composed of the body, because the body is utterly different from thee. Thou art all consciousness, an abode of virtue and bliss; whereas the body, because it is inert, is an unconscious mass ( 2. 123 ). AsIdati tvayi sati pratanoti kAyaH krAnte tirobhavati bhUpavanAdirUpaiH / bhUtAtmakasya mRtavanna sukhAdibhAvastasmAt kRtI karaNataH pRthageva jIvaH // When thou art Composed of The body exists and grows so long as thou art in existence. dead, it disappears in the form of earth, air and the like. the elements, it is devoid of feelings such as joy, like a corpse. Hence the blissful self is surely different from the body ( 2. 124 ). sAnandamavyayamanAdimanantazaktimuyotinaM nirupalepaguNaM prakRtyA | kRtvA jaDAzrayamimaM puruSaM samRddhAH saMtApayanti rasavadduritAgnayo'mI // The Self is by nature deathless and without any beginning, endowed with bliss and infinite power, and luminous and pure. The powerful flames of sinful Karma heat it, like mercury, after lodging it in the body ( 2.125 ).

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302 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE karmAsavAnubhavanAt puruSaH paro'pi prAmoti pAtamazubhAsu bhavAvanISu / tasmAttayoH paramabhedavido vidagdhAH zreyastadAdadhatu yatra na jnmyogH|| Under the intoxicating power of Karma, even a man of superior merit goes reeling down to unhappy births. Se let the wise, who know the cardinal difference between the body and the Self, strive for the bliss that is free from rebirth (2.226). 6. ASUCITVANUPREKSA (Thoughts on the Impurity of the Body) bhAdhIyate yadiha vastu guNAya kAntaM kAye tadeva muhuretyapavitrabhAvam // chAyApratAritamanirmalarandhrabandhaM kiM jIva lAlayasi bhagurametadaGgam // Whatever is beautiful becomes unclean in a moment, when applied to the body to lend it charm. Deluded by the complexion, why dost thou, o soul, cherish this perishable frame, beset with cavities of dirt ? (2. 127). yoSidbhirAhatakaraM kRtamaNDanazrIryaH kAmacAmararucistava keshpaashH| so'yaM tvayi zravaNagocaratAM prayAte pretAvanISu vanavAyasavAsago'bhUt // This thy lock of hair, beautiful as the fly-whisk of the god of love, and elegantly dressed by ladies with careful hands, will, on thy death, find itself in the haunt of wild ravens on cremation-grounds! (2. 128). antarbahiryadi bhavedvapuSaH zarIraM daivAttadAnubhavanaM nanu dUramAstAm / kautUhalAdapi yadIkSitumutsaheta kuryAttadAbhiratimana bhavAnzarIre // If by any chance the interior of the body were visible outside, and thou couldst bring thyself to look at it even out of curiosity, contact being out of the question, then thou wouldst indeed delight in the body! (2, 123). tasmAnisargamalinAdapi labdhatattavAH kInAzakelimanavAptadhiyo'cirAya / kAyAdataH kimapi tat phalamarjayantu yassAdanantasukhasasyavibhUtireSA / / / So let men, having learnt the truth even from the body, unclean by nature, and without taking thought of death, attain before long that inexpressible goal which yields a rich harvest of infinite joy ! (2. 130). 7. ASRAVAN UPREKSA (Thoughts on the Influx of Karma) antaH kaSAyakaluSo'zubhayogasaMgAt karmANyupArjayasi bandhanibandhanAni / rajaH kareNuvazagaH karaTI yathaitAstvaM jIva muJca tadimAni durIhitAni // With thy heart contaminated by passions, thou dost acquire Karma, the cause of bondage, owing to thy assiduity in evil activities; just as an elephant forgetting himself in the company of his mate, earns for himself the ropes that bind him. Renounce, therefore, o sentient being, all thy misdeeds (2.131).

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11. THE ANUPREKSAS AND JAINA RELIGIOUS POETRY 303 saMkalpakalpatarusaMzrayaNAttvadIyaM ceto nimajati manorathasAgare'smin / tatrArthatastava cakAsti na kiMcanApi pakSe paraM bhavasi kalmaSasaMzrayasya // Thy heart is submerged in the ocean of desire, because it clings to the all-giving tree of imagination. Thou dost thereby gain really nothing, but oniy followest the path to sin (2. 132). seya vibhUtiSu manoSitasaMzrayANAM cakSurbhavattava nijArtiSu moghavAncham / pApAgamAya parameva bhavedvimUDha kAmAt kutaH sukRtadUravatAM hitAni / / Thy mind, o fool, absorbed in its hankerings and frustrated in its desires, jealously contemplates the splendour of the objects of desire, but only paves the way to sin. How can those who are remote from virtue acquire joys by merely yearning for them? (2. 133). daurvidhyadagdhamanaso'ntarupAttabhuktazcittaM yathollasati te sphuritottaraGgam / dhAmni sphuredyadi tathA paramAtmasaMjJe kautaskutI tava bhavedviphalA prasUtiH // Thy birth would never be futile, if thy heart delighted in the Light called the Supreme Self, in the same way as it cheers up, heaving with the waves of desire, when thou thinkest of imaginary pleasures, thy mind consumed by penury (2. 134). 8. SAUFARANUPREKSA (Thoughts on the Stoppage of the Influx of Karma) Agacchato'bhinavakArmaNareNurAzerjIvaH karoti yadavaskhalanaM vitndrH| sattattvacAmaradharaiH praNidhAnahastaiH santo vidustamiha saMvaramAtmanInam // The watchful Soul stops the oncoming dust of ever-new Karmas, with the helping hand of meditation, upholding the banner of right doctrines. The good in the world call this samvaraa (stoppage) that benefits the soul (2.135). nIrandhrasaMdhiravadhIritanIra pUraH potaH saritpatimapaiti ythaanpaayH| jIvastathA kSapitapUrvatamaHpratAnaH kSINAsravazca paramaM padamAzrayeta // Like as a boat without holes and joints safely traverses the ocean, defying the surge of waters; similarly, the soul, with the expanse of earlier Karma destroyed, and the influx of new ones stopped, reaches the Supreme Goal (2.137). 9. LOKANUPREKSA (Thoughts on the Universe) madhyAdharovaracanaH pavanatrayAntastulyaH sthitena jaghanasthakareNa puMsA / ekasthitistava niketanameSa lokatrasyantrikIrNajaTharo'graniSaNNamokSaH // Composed of the upper, the middle and the lower regions, and bounded by 1 For the Jaina idea of the paramatman see Chap. X

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304 YASASTILAKA AND INDJAN CULTURE the three atmospheres", and surmounted by the abode of liberated souls, the universe resembles a man in standing posture (with outstretched legs ), with the hands resting on the hips. Ever in the same position, it is thy abode, its womb filled with living creatures (2. 138). svaM kalmaSAvRtamatirniraye tirazci puNyocito divi nRSu dvayakarmayogAt / itthaM niSIdasi jagattrayamandire'smin svairaM pracAravidhaye tava loka essH|| When thy mind is beset with sin, thou art born in hell, or as some lower animal, Thou art born in heaven. when thou hast relicious merit, and among mankind as a result of virtue and sin. Thus thou livest in the three worlds. The universe exists for thy wanderings at will (2. 140). atrAsti jIva na ca kiMcidabhuktamuktaM sthAnaM tvayA nikhilataH parizIlanena / tat kevalaM vigalitAkhilakarmajAlaM spRSTaM kutUhaladhiyApi na jAtu dhAma // No place is there in the entire universe, o soul, which thou hast not repeatedly enjoyed and left. But not even out of curiosity hast thou ever approached the place whence all Karma is banished (2. 141). 10. NIRJARANUPREKSA (Thoughts on the Shedding of Karma) ApAtaramyaracanairvirasAvasAnairjanmodbhavaiH sukhalavaiH skhalitAntaraGgaH / duHkhAnuSaGgakaramarjitavAn yadenastattvaM sahasva hatajIva navaprayAtam // Suffer, o miserable being, the consequences of the pain-bringing, ever-new sins thou hast committed, led astray by the pleasures of life, charming in the beginning and unpleasant at the end (2. 142). kAluSyameSi yadiha svayamAtmakAmo jAgati tatra nanu karma purAtanaM te| yo'hiM vivardhayati ko'pi vimugdhabuddhiH svasyodayAya sa naraH pravaraH kathaM syAt // Verily it is due to thy ancient Karma that thou, with desire inbred in thee, makest thyself impure in this life. How can the fool that nourishes a serpent achieve his own success? (2.143). AtaGkapAvakazikhAH sarasAvalekhAH svasthe manAGmanasi te laghu vismaranti / tatkAlajAtamativisphuritAni pazcAjIvAnyathA yadi bhavanti kuto'priyaM te // Thou sentient being, when thy mind is a little at ease, the keenly felt fames of suffering are quickly forgotten. But if the resolve (to pract taken at the moment of suffering, is subsequently kept in inind, how can sorrow ever be thine ? ( 2. 144). 1 dhanavAta (gross air), ambuvAta (vapour), and tanuvAta (thin air). See Tattvarthasutra 3.1 and Pujyapada's comm. thereon. Also Jaini's trans, and notes. Subhacandra gives another picture of the universe according to the Jain conception in his Jiranarnava (Lokabhavana): veSTitaH pavanaiH prAnte mahAvegairmahAbaleH / tribhitribhuvanAkIrNo loka stAlatarusthitiH // x x adho vetrAsanAkAro madhye syAjjhalarInimaH // mRdaGgasadRzazcAme syAditthaM sa tryaatmkH|| 3 i. e. in the course of transmigration.

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11. THE ANUPREKSAS AND JAINA RELIGIOUS POETRY 305 11. DHARMANUPREKSA (Thoughts on Dharma or Religious Virtue ) zraddhAbhisaMdhiravadhUtabahiHsamIhastattvAvasAyasalilAhitamUlabandhaH / AtmAyamAtmani tanoti phaladvayArthI dharma tmaahurmRtopmssymaaptaaH|| Intent on faith, and discarding. external activities, the Self, desirous of the twin results, heaven and salvation, cultivates within itself Dharma (Religious Virtue), laying its foundation with the water of the knowledge of the fundamental principles. The wise call Dharma a plant with the properties of nectar (2. 145). maitrIdayAdamazamAgamanirbhUtAnAM bAhyendriyaprasaravarjitamAnasAnAm / vidyAprabhAprahatamohamahAgrahANAM dharmaH parAparaphalaH sulabho narANAm // Religious virtue, productive of salvation as well as worldly joys, can easily be attained by men who delight in the exercise of good will, kindness, selfcontrol and forbearance; whose minds are free from sensual cravings; and who have destroyed the spectre of ignorance with the light of knowledge (2.146). icchAH phalaiH kalayati praruNaddhi bAdhAH sRSTerasAmyavibhurabhyudayAdibhiryaH / jyotIMSi dUtayati cAramasamIhiteSu dharmaH sa zarmanidhirastu satAM hitAya // A treasure-house of bliss, may Dharma confer benefit on the good ! It crowns one's desires with success and wards off all evils and wields unrivalled power over the creation by reason of its vouchsafing prosperity and other results. It sends forth the Lights of supersensuous knowledge as messengers to evoke the aspirations of the Self! (2. 147). dehopahArakutapaiH svaparopatApaiH kRtvAdhvarezvaramiSaM vidalanmanISAH / dhamaiSiNo ya iha kecana mAnyabhAjaste jAtajI vitadhiyo viSamApibanti // Unintelligent men, who desire to attain Dharma, by worshipping Siva with vociferous texts, recommending animal sacrifices and causing suffering to their own followers and others, are fools that take poison with the idea of preserving their lives (2. 248 ). ye'nyatra manamahimekSaNamugdhabodhAH zavaiSiNaH punarataH zivatAM gRNanti / te nAvi tAraNahazo haSado'valambya duSpAramambudhijalaM parilAyanti // Those of other faiths, who are befooled by the sight of the efficacy of mystic formulas, and adore Siva and declare salvation to be his gift, are men who seek to traverse the impassable waters of the ocean by support: ing themselves on blocks of stone, fancying that they are crossing by boats (2. 149). 1 rutasagara says in his commentary kutapAsturyANi vedavacanAni ityarthastaiH. 39

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306 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE ajJasya zaktirasamarthavidhernibodhastau cAruceriyamamU tudatI na kiMcit / andhAGgrihInahatavAnchitamAnasAnAM dRSTA na jAtu hitavRttiranantarAyA // The strength of one who lacks knowledge and the knowledge of one who is unable to act as well as the strength and knowledge of one wlio has no faith accomplish nothing, because the lack of faith renders kn strength futile. The salutary endeavour of the blind or the lame or those who have lost all hope hath never been seen to be free from obstacles (2. 151.). cA- rucau taducitAcaraNe ca nRNAM dRssttaarthsiddhirgdaadinissevnnessuH| tasmAt parAparaphalapradadharmakAmAH santastrayAvagamanItiparA bhavantu // Men are seen to attain their object in acts like the taking of medicir e for health, when they have right knowledge and faith and observe the right procedure. So let the good, who aspire after Dharma that gives worldly happiness and final release, devote themselves to the way of realising the triad of right knowledge, conduct and faith (2. 152). 12. BODHYANUPREKSA (Thoughts on Bodhi or the Acquisition of Three Jewels) saMsArasAgaramimaM bhramatA nitAntaM jIvena mAnavabhavaH samavApi daivAt / tatrApi yadbhavanamAnyakule prasUtiH satsaMgatizca tadihAndhakavartakIyam // Unceasingly wandering on the ocean of transmigration, a sentient creature is born as a human being by chance. Even then birth in a family respected by the world and association with the good are as rare as the coming of a quail within a blind man's grasp ( 2. 153). kRcchrAdvanaspatigatezyuta eSa jIvaH zvazreSu kalmaSavazena punaH prayAti / tebhyaH parasparavirodhimRgaprasUtAvasyAH pazupratinibheSu kumAnaveSu // Released from birth in the plant world, after much suffering, a sentient gain born in the hells on account of his sins, then in the genus of animals, mutually hostile, and then again among uncouth men resembling animals (2. 154). saMsArayantramudayAstaghaTIparItaM sAtAnatAmasaguNaM bhRtamAdhitoyaiH / itthaM caturgatisaritparivartamadhyamAvAhayet svakRtakarmaphalAni bhoktum // Thus, in order to reap the consequences of one's deeds, one has to ply the water-wheel of transmigration, bounded by the vessels of prosperity and adversity, and overflowing with the waters of suffering, and furnished with the expansive cords of sin, with the hub of the wheel rotating in the river of the four conditions of existence' (2. 155). 1 Hellish, sub-human, human and celestial. See Tattvarthasutra 2. 8.

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11. THE ANUPREKSAS AND JAINA RELIGIOUS POETRY 307 AtaGkazokabhayabhogakalatraputrairyaH khedayenmanujajanma manorathAptam / nUnaM sa bhasmakRtadhIriha ratnarAzimuddIpayedatanumohamalImasAsmA // He who wastes his human birth, obtained after cherished desire, with thoughts of disease, sorrows, fear, pleasures, wife and children, might as well consign a heap of jewels to the flames for the sake of the ashes. Verily his soul is blackened by mighty ignorance (2. 156). bAhyaprapaJcavimukhasya zamonmukhasya bhUtAnukampanarucaH priyatasvavAcaH / pratyapravRttahRdayasya jitendriyasya bhabyasya bodhiriyamastu padAya tasmai / / May Bodhi (the acquisition of the Three Jewels') lead the man with faith to that exalted state, namely, Liberation, the man that is averse to worldly phenomena and eager for spiritual calm, self-controlled, and kind to all crea. tures, and fond of the truth, his heart devoted to the Inner Self! (2. 157). The HYMNS The next category of Jaina religious poetry, the hymns, as far as they are represented in Yasastilaka, consist mostly of verses in praise of e Arhat, the five Paramesthins (Arhat, Siddha, Acarya, Upadhyaya and Sadhu), and the three Jewels (Right Faith, Right Knowledge and Right Conduct). Most of these verses occur in Book VIII, section 35, while another series of verses accompanying various items in the worship of Jina is found in Section 36. Section 37 of the same Book contains a long hymn in honour of Jina in the lyrical metres described in Chap. VII. Reference may also be made to the dhyana (hymn for mental recitation in the course of meditation) in section 39, extracts from which will be found in Chap. X. Verses in honour of the Jaina Sarasvati, the presiding goddess of the Scriptures, occur in Section 40, which deals with her worship. While most of these eulogistic and devotional verses occur in connection with Samayika or the customary worship of Jina described in Book VIII, isolated v in his honour are also found elsewhere in the work usually at the beginning and the end of a chapter. The verses which we have called hymns are composed in elaborate metres in elevated style, as may be expected in a Kavga poet like the author of Yasastilaka. They are in the nature of a tribute to moral. intellectual and spiritual grandeur, and glorify the sublime in the sphere of religion. asceticism and spiritual culture. The ideal of omniscient and iminaculate sainthood, the utter disregard of the body and worldly aspirations self-control, altruism and universal good-will, right knowledge and faith and conduct: these form the keynote of the eulogies, the abstract 1 i. e. Right Faith, Right Knowledge and Right Conduct. 2 See Chap. X.

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308 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE character of which may be contrasted with the concrete descriptions of many Brahmanical hymns. At the same time the sectarian character of some of the verses is all too apparent, as their purpose is to glorify Jaina dogmas and tenets, specially the Syadvada doctrine. Nevertheless, these little hymns or prayers breathe an atmosphere of saintly purity, and proclaim the triumph of Light over Darkness, of the all-pure Self over the obstacles of matter. The scheme of arrangement of the devotional verses in Book VIII, sections 35-37, is worthy of notice. Somadeva starts with elaborate and complicated prose invocations of the five Paramesthins and the three Jewels,' followed by groups of verses styled Bhaktis in the following order : Darsanabhakti (Addressed to Jina), Praise of Right Faith (three verses); Jnanabhakti, Praise of Right Knowledge (three verses); Caritrabhakti, Praise of Right Conduct ( three verses); Arhadbhakti, Praise of the Arhat (seven verses); Siddhabhakti, Praise of the emancipated saints (three verses); Caityabhakti, Praise of the Shrine (one verse); Pancagurubhakti, Praise of the five teachers, that is, the Paramesthins (one verse ); santibhakti, Praise of the Tirthamkara Santinatha (one verse); and Acaryabhakti, Praise of the Preceptor ints (ten verses). It may be noted in this connection that the use of the term Bhakti in the sense of a devotional prayer or hymn' is much earlier than Somadova, who was no doubt influenced to some extent by the Bhaktis attributed to Pujyapada and Kundakunda. The Bhaktis in our work are followed by a description of the ceremonial worship of Jina, dealt with in Book VIII, Section 36. which contains the devotional verses (including a prose passage) recited in the various stages of the ritual. This is followed by the lyrical hymn in Section 37, which is meant to be sung after the formal worship is over. Somadeva's arrangement of the verses is designed to conform to ceremonial requirements, but their independent value as notable specimens of Jaina religious poetry can be easily recognised. The following specimens are mainly from the verses classified above. DARSANABHAKTI te kurvantu tapAMsi durdharadhiyo jJAnAni saMcinvara - vittaM vA vitarantu deva tadapi prAyo na janmacchidaH / eSA yeSu na vidyate tava vacaHzraddhAvadhAnoddhurA duSkarmAkurakuJjavajradahanadyotAvadAtA ruciH // Those who possess no faith, ardent with devotion to thy teachings, O Lord, 1 See Chap. IV for specimens. 2 See suffi: edited by Pt. Jinadasa Parsvanatha with the commentary of Prabhacandra. It contains Siddhabhakti, Srutabhakti, Caritrabhakti, Yogibhakti, Acaryabhakti, Pancagurubhakti etc. in Sanskrit and Prakrit. The work is anonymous, but Prabhacandra remarks at the end of the comm. on Siddhabhakti that the Sanskrit Bhaktis were composed by Pujya pada and the Prakrit ones by Kundakundu.

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11. THE ANUPREKSAS AND JAINA RELIGIOUS POETRY 809 (faith) blazing like lightning fire in consuming the grove of sprouting sins, cannot destroy the cycle of births, even if they, with mighty resolve, perform austerities or acquire knowledge or give away wealth in charity. saMsArAmbudhisetubandhamasamaprArabhbhalakSmIvanaprollAsAmRtavArivAhamakhilatrailokyacintAmaNim / kalyANAmbujakhaNDasaMbhavasaraH samyaktvaratnaM kRtI yo dhatte hRdi tasya nAtha sulabhAH svrgaapvrgshriyH|| The splendour of heaven and final release, O Lord, is easily attained by the meritorious man who possesses the Jewel of Right Faith in his heart. It serves as a causeway for traversing the ocean of worldly wanderings, and acts like a cloud, showering nectar for the lusty growth of the garden of prosperity, of incomparable extent. It is a wishing gem for the entire universe and a lotus pool of mundane bliss. yaddevaiH zirasA dhRtaM gaNadharaiH karNAvataMsIkRtaM nyastaM cetasi yogibhirnRpavarairAghAtasAraM punaH / haste dRSTipathe mukhe ca nihitaM vidyAdharAdhIzvaraistat syAdvAdasaroruhaM mama manohaMsasya bhUyAnmude // May the lotus of Syadvada doctrine delight the swan of my mind! It is cherished by the ascetics in their hearts, and its rich perfume is inhaled by mighty kings. The Vidyadhara chiefs keep it in their hands and mouths and under their eyes. mithyAtamaHpaTalabhedanakAraNAya svargApavargapuramArganibodhanAya / tattattvabhAvanamanAH praNamAmi nityaM trailokyamaGgalakarAya jinAgamAya // Ever do I bow to the Doctrine preached by J the Doctrine preached by Jina, applying my mind to the contemplation of its fundamental principles: the Doctrine that dispels the enveloping gloom of false tenets, reveals the way to the cities of Heaven and Salvation, and does good to the universe. CARITRABHAKTI jJAnaM durbhagadehamaNDanamiva syAt svasya khedAvahaM dhatte sAdhu na tatphalazriyamayaM samyaktvaratnAGkaraH / kAmaM deva yadantareNa viphalAstAstAstapobhUmayastassai tvacaritAya saMyamadamadhyAnAdidhAmne namaH // Salutation to thy Rule of conduct, the abode of self-control, self-restraint, meditation and other attributes! Without it, O Lord, knowledge is a burden, like the decoration of an ugly body. Without it the Jewel of Right Faith, a germinating plant, doth not bear fruit in plenty, and the fields of austerities remain ever barren. yaJcintAmaNirIpsiteSu vasatiH saurUpyasaubhAgyayoH zrIpANigrahakautukaM kulabalArogyAgame saMgamaH / yat pUrvaizcaritaM samAdhinidhibhirmokSAya paJcAtmakaM taccAritramahaM namAmi vividhaM svargApavargAptaye // For the attainment of heaven and final release, I venerate that fivefold Rule of Conduct, varied in character, which was practised by 1 The five kinds of Right Conduct (samyakcAritra) are, roughly speaking, sAmAyika (equani. imity), chedopasthApanA (recovery of equanimity), parihAra vizuddhi (absolute cessation from injury). mUkSmasAmparAya (all but complete freedom from passion), and yathAkhyAta (passionless conduct). See Jaini: Tattvartholligamatsutra 9. 18. For details see the commentaries of Pujyapada and Siddhasena on the sutra.

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310 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE the sages of old for the attainment of salvation. It is a wishing gem in granting one's desires, an abode of beauty and luck, a ceremonial wristlet for the wedding of the goddess of prosperity, and a meeting-place of family glory, might and health. ARHADBHAKTI dhyAnAva ko kavigala ttimirapratAne tAM deva kevalamayIM zriyamAdadhAne / AsIt tvayi tribhuvanaM muhurutsavAya vyApAramantharamivaikapuraM mahAya // When thou wast assuming the glory of infinite knowledge, O Lord, and the expanse of Darkness was receding before the Light of thy meditation, the entire world stood motionless, ready for continuous rejoicings, like a city preparing for a festival. tvaM sarvadoSarahitaH sunayaM vacaste satvAnukampanaparaH sakalo vidhizva / lokastathApi yadi tuSyati na tvayIza karmAsya tannanu ravAviva kauzikasya // Thou art free from all blemishes, thy words are well-principled, and all thy acts are inspired by compassion for sentient beings. If the world still doth not delight in thee, O Lord, its action is verily like that of the owl in regard to the sun. mithyAmahAndhatamasAvRtamaprabodhametat purA jagadabhUdbhava gartapAti / tadeva dRSTihRdayAvikAsakAntaiH syAdvAdarazmibhirathoddhRtavAMstvameva // In times of yore the world, without enlightenment, was enveloped in the cimmerian darkness of false belief, and submerged in the ravine of worldly existence. It is thou who saved it, O Lord, with the rays of the Syadvada doctrine, delightful by reason of their opening the lotus blossoms of men's eyes and hearts. SIDDHABHAKTI samyagjJAnatrayeNa pravidita nikhilajJeyatazvaprapaJcAH proDUya dhyAnavAtaiH sakalamagharajaH prAptakavalyarUpAH / kRtvA savopakAraM tribhuvanapatibhirdattayAtrotsavA ye te siddhAH santu lokatraya zikharapuravAsinaH siddhaye vaH // May the emancipated saints inhabiting the crest of the three worlds grant ye success! With the three kinds of perfect knowledge,' they have comprehended the entire range of the knowable truths, and attained omniscience by sweeping away all dust of sins with the breeze of meditation. The lords of the universe celebrate festivals in their honour on the completion of their mission of doing good to all living creatures. dAnajJAnacaritra saMyamanaya prArambhagarbha manaH kRtvAntarbahirindriyANi marutaH saMyamya paJcApi ca / pazcAdvIta vikalpajAlamakhilaM bhrazyattamaH saMtati dhyAnaM tat pravidhAya ye ca mumucustebhyo'pi baddho'JjaliH // I fold my hands in obeisance to those who attained final deliverance, after 1 avadhi ( direct knowledge of matter), mana:paryaya ( direct knowledge of another's mental activity) and kevala (omniscience).

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11. THE ANUPREKSAS AND JAINA RELIGIOUS POETRY 311 they had completed the entire range of meditation, free from all doubts, all darkness gone, having controlled the internal and external sense organs and the five vital breaths, and concentrated their minds on the application of the law of charity, knowledge, conduct and control of the self. itthaM ye'tra samudrakandarasaraHsrotasvinIbhUnabhodvIpAdridumakAnanAdiSu bhuutdhyaanaavdhaanddhyH| kAleSu triSu muktisaMgamajuSaH stutyAstribhirviSTapaiste rakhatrayamaGgalAni dadhatAM bhavyeSu ratnAkarAH / / Thus did they attain the height of absorption in meditation, in places like the ocean, mountain caves, pools of water, rivers, the earth and the sky, islands, mountains, groves of trees and the woods. Emancipated in all the three categories of time, they are worthy of praise by all the three worlds. Oceans as it were, may they confer on the faithful the blessings of the Three Jewels! PANOAGURUBHAKTI samavasaraNavAsAn muktilakSmIvilAsAn sakalasamayanAthAn vAkyavidyAsanAthAn / bhavanigala vinozodyogayogaprakAzAn nirupamaguNabhAvAn saMstuve'haM kriyAvAn // SANTIBHAKTI bhavaduHkhAnalazAntirdharmAmRtavarSajanitajanazAntiH / zivazarmAstravazAntiH zAntikaraH stAjinaH zAntiH / / ACARYABHAKTI dUrArUDhe praNidhitaraNAvantarAtmAmbare'sminnAste yeSAM hRdayakamalaM modanispandavRtti / tattvAlokAvagamagalitadhvAntabandhasthitInAmiSTiM teSAmahamupanaye pAdayozcandanena // With sandal paste I adore their feet! The hold of Darkness on them Vanishes at the sight of the light of the Truth, and their lotus hearts are benumbed with joy, when the sun of meditation climbs high in the firmament of their inner souls. yeSAmajhe malayajarasaiH saMgamaH kardamaivA strIbibbokaiH pitRvanacitAbhasmabhirvA samAnaH / mitre zatrAvapi ca viSaye nistaraGgo'nuSaGgasteSAM pUjAvyatikaravidhAvastu bhUtye havirvaH // May the ceremonial offerings made in the course of their worship make ye thrive! It is all the same to them whether their bodies come into contact with liquid sandal or mud, or the amorous caresses of women or the ashes of funeral pyres on cremation grounds; and their mental attitude is calm in regard to friend and foe. __ yogAbhogAcaraNacature dIrNakandarpada svAnte dhvAntoddharaNasavidhe jyotirunmeSabhAji / saMmodetAmRtabhRta iva kSetranAtho'ntaruccaryeSAM teSu kramaparicayAt svAcchUiye vaH pradIpaH // May the votive lamp bring ye prosperity on account of its being presented (before their images) in succession! Their inner souls intensely 1 The past, the present and the future, 2 Lit: abodes of jewels.

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312 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE. rejoice, as if filled with nectar, when their hearts, skilled in the practice of expansive meditation, having destroyed the insolence of the god of love, approach the lifting of the Darkness and experience the dawning of the light. yeSAM dhyeyAya kuvalayAnanda candrodayAnAM bodhAmbhodhiH pramadasalilaimati nAsmAvakAze / labdhvApyetAmakhilabhuvanaizvaryalakSmIM nirIhaM cetasteSAmayamapacitau zreyase vo'stu dhUpaH // May this incense burnt in the course of their worship bring ye good! They are as moonrise in delighting the lotus hearts of the faithful. The ocean of their consciousness overflows with the waters of joy in the expanse of their souls, and their hearts are serene, even after acquiring the riches of the entire Wwworld. dehArAsyuparatadhiyaH sarvasaMkalpazAnteryeSAmUrtismayavirahitA brahmadhAmAmRtAteH / AtmAtmIyAnugama vigamAdvRttayaH zuddhabodhAsteSAM puSpaizcaraNakamalAnyarcayeyaM zivAya // Their actions pay no heed to the pleasures of the body owing to the extinction of all desire, and are free from physical cravings and pride owing to their having attained the deathless state in which the Self abides, and are inspired by pure thoughts owing to the absence of all sense of 'I' and 'mine'. May I worship their lotus feet with flowers for my good! LYRICAL HYMN TO JINA namadamaramaulimaNDalacilajharanAMzukaragagane'smin / aruNAyate'GghriyugalaM yasya jIyAjino devaH // surapatiyuvatizravasAmamaratarusmeramaJjarI ruciram / caraNanakhakiraNajAlaM yasya sa jayatAjino jagati // varNaH // divijakuJjaramauli mandAramakarandasyanda kara visara sAradhUsarapadAmbujaM / vaidagdhIparamapada prAptavAdajaya bijitamanasija // mAtrA // svAmitaguNaM jina kazcit sAvadhibodhaH stauti vipazcit / nUnamasau nanu kAJcanazailaM tulayati hastenAcirakAlam // ... // catuSpadI // suramativiracita saMstava dalitAkhilabhava paramadhAmalandhodaya / kastava janturguNamaghaharaNacaraNa pravitanutAM hatanatabhaya // jaya nikhila nilimpAlApakalpa jagatIstutakIrtikalatratalpa | jaya paramadharma harmyAvatAra lokatritayoddharaNaikasAra // jaya lakSmIkarakamalArcitAGga jaya bodhamadhya siddhA khilArtha ... ... sArasvatarasanatanAdyaraGga / muktizrI ramaNIratikRtArtha // 1 A marginal note in Ms. A explains dhyeya as bhavyajana. // paddhatikA // iti tadamRtanAtha smarazaramAtha tribhuvanapatimati ketana / mama diza jagadIza prazamaniveza tvatpadanutihRdayaM jina // ghattA //

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11. THE ANUPREKSAS AND JAINA RELIGIOUS POETRY 313 VERSES ADDRESSED TO JINA bhaktirnityaM jinacaraNayoH sarvasatveSu maitrI sarvAtithye mama vibhavadhIbuMdira yAtmatattve / sadvidheSu praNayaparatA cittavRttiH parArthe bhUyAdetadbhavati bhagavan dhAma yAvattvadIyam // Constant devotion to Jina's feet, goodwill towards all living creatures, a sense of ability to accord hospitality to all, realisation of the truth of the Self, love of those who possess the true learning, and the application of the mind to the good of others : may all this be mine, O Exalted One, as long as thy splendour lasts! amarataruNInetrAnande mahotsavacandramAH smaramadamayadhvAntadhvaMse mata: paramo'ryamA / bhadayahRdayaH karmArAtau nate ca kRpAtmavAniti visadRzavyApArastvaM tathApi bhavAn mahAn // Thou art a carnival moon in delighting the eyes of celestial maidens, but own to be a mighty sun in destroying the darkness of frenzied passion. Thou art pitiless in regard to Karma, thy enemy, but merciful to the humble. Thou dost thus indulge in opposites, yet art thou great in thy gloryi jagannetraM pAtraM nikhilaviSayajJAnamahasAM mahAntaM svAM santaM sakalanayanItismRtaguNam / mahodAraM sAraM vinatahRdayAnandaviSaye tato yAce nocedbhavasi bhagavarthivimukhaH // If thou art not averse to suppliants, O Exalted One, I beg of thee superabundant wealth of joy for my reverent heart. Thou art the eye of the world and the repository of the light of omniscience; thou art great and good, and thy virtues are declared by all schools and systems." manujadivijalakSmIlocanAlokalIlAzciramiha caritArthAstvatprasAdAt prajAtAH / ___ hRdaya midamidAnI svAmisevotsukatvAt sahavasatisanAthaM chAtramitre vidhehi // Thanks to thy favour, my longing for the graceful glances of the goddess of human and celestial prosperity hath long been fulfilled. Make now this heart of mine, owing to its eagerness to serve its master, dwell with thee, the friend of disciples ! VERSES INVOKING THE BLESSINGS OF JINA. dhyAnajyotirapAstatAmasacayaH sphArasphuratkevalajJAnAmbhodhitaTaikadezavilasatrailokyavelAcalaH / AnanendrazikhaNDamaNDanabhavatpAdadvayAmbhoruhaH zrInAtha prathitAnvayasya bhavato bhUyAjinaH zreyase / ' O Lord of prosperity, may Jina bring good to thee, of renowned dynasty! He hath dispelled the expanse of darkness with the light of his meditation, The universe, like a coastal mountain, stands only on a part of the shore of the ocean of his perfect knowledge, extensive and refulgent! His lotus feet adorn the crown of Indra, bowing in salutation to him! (1.219). Most of the benedictory verses occur at the beginning or end of chapters. For example (4.2, 2.245): tayAnaviSi jAtakalmaSamuSi prAdurbhavajyotiSi trailokyakSubhi dattayAtra kakubhi svargismRtAnuSTubhi / yasminnacyuti sarvalokamahati stotronmukhazrIkRti zreyobhAjanatA janaH paramagAt sa stAchiye vo jinaH // vitteza svaratAM puraH suratarUdyAnaiH samaM mAtale tUrNa sajaya sAmajaM kuru guro yAnocitAM vaahiniim|| AsIdisthamazeSakalmaSamuSi prAdurbhavatkevale yasmin svargapatermahotsavavidhiH so'vyAt trilokI jinaH // 1 A marginal note in Ms. A explains the phrase nayanIti- samaya siddhAnta. 2 The verse is addressed to Maradatta. 40

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314 YAGASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE The inferiority of the principal Brahminical deities to Jina, who is not, strictly speaking, a deity but a world teacher and saint of superhuman status and universal power, is declared in the following verse : lakSmIpatiprabhRtibhiH kRtapAdasevaH pAyAjaganti sa jayI jinacandradevaH / sAmyaM triviSTapatisthitavikramasya daMSTrAtAvanitalasya harenaM yasya // 3.2 Verses in honour of the Srutadevata, the presiding goddess of sacred lore, the Jaina Sarasvati, occur in connection with her worship, which is described immediately after the discourse on meditation (dhyanavidhi).' One of these verses is cited below: cakSuH paraM karaNakandaradarite'rthe mohAndhakAravidhatI paramaH prakAzaH / taddhAmagAmipathavIkSaNaratnadIpastvaM sevyase tadiha devi janena dhUpaiH // Thou art our sole eye in the perception of objects made inaccessible by the abyss of the senses. Thou art the supreme light in destroying the darkness of ignorance. Thou art a jewel lamp showing the path to the abode of beatitude. Thou art, therefore, 0 goddess, worshipped by men on earth with offerings of incense (Vol. II, p. 401). RELIGIO-ETHICAL VERSES THE WAY OF SAGES na dainyAt prANAnAM na ca hRdayahariNasya rataye na dadaGgAnAM na ca karaNakariNo'sya madanAt / vidhAvRttiH kiM tu kSatamadanacaritazrutavidheH pare hetau muktariha muniSu na khalu sthiti riyam // The sages take nourishment not owing to the frailty of the nor for the gaiety of the antelope-like heart nor for the vigour of the limbs nor for the exhilaration of the elephant-like senses; but for the supreme object of salvation as propounded in the canon of Jina, who hath destroyed the sway of passion. Is this not the customary practice of sages on earth? (1. 127) USELESS STRENGTH zrutAya yeSAM na zarIravRddhiH zrutaM caritrAya ca yeSu naiva / teSAM balitvaM nanu pUrvakarmavyApArabhArodvahanAya manye / / Verily the strength of those whose physical growth does not lead to the study of the Scriptures and whose study of the Scriptures does not lead to right conduct, is meant, I ween, for merely bearing the burden of the Karma done in previous births (1. 128). ___WHEN DEATH IS WELCOME jIvasya saddarzanaratnabhAjazcAritrayuktasya samAhitasya / AzaMsito mRtyurupaprayAtaH paraM pramodasya samAgamAya / / Death when it comes is welcome and certainly a cause of joy to a man who possesses the Jewel of Right Faith, is endowed with Right Conduct, and practises pure meditation (1. 140) THE USE AND ABUSE OF HUMAN LIFE paryAptaM virasAvasAnakaTukairuccAvacairnAkinAM saukhyaimisaduHkhadAvadahanavyApAradagdhAtmabhiH / itthaM svargasukhAvadhIraNaparairAzAsyate tadinaM yatrotpadya manuSyajanmani mano mokSAya dhAsyAmahe / / 1 See Chap. X.

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11. THE ANUPREKSAS AND JAINA RELIGIOUS POETRY 315 yastu labdhvApi janmedaM na dharmAya samIhate / tasyAtmakarmabhUmISu viz2ambhantAM bhavAGkarAH // No more of celestial joys, uneven and bitter on account of their unpleasant sequel, and spoilt by the conflagration of mental anguish!' Thus do the gods, despising celestial happiness, look forward to the day when, born as men, they will be able to say: 'We will concentrate our minds on final release!' Let the sprouts of future births shoot forth in the field of Karma of the man, who does not strive to cultivate piety, even after attaining this human existence (1. 142-3). KARMA sukhaduHkhAnubhavArtha nijakarmagalagrahAt sudUro'pi / jAlAvalammatimivajanturyamasamayamAyAti // Like a fish caught in a net, a living being, owing to the stranglehold of ais own Karma, comes under the law of Death even froin afar, in order to experience pleasure and pain (in another birth'). Book V. HOW MAN BECOMES LIABLE TO REBIRTH navaM vayazcArutarAstaruNyo ramyANi hANi zivAH zriyazca / etAni saMsArataroH phalAni svargaH paro'stIti mRSaiva vArtA / doSastvamISAM punareka eva sthairyAya yatnAsti jagatyupAyaH / tatsaMbhave tatvavidoM paraM syAta khedAya dehasya tapaHprayAsaH // bAlasya mauradhyAsa tapo'dhikAro yuvA tapasyeyadi tatra daMNDaH / kuTambabhArAdhikRtazca madhyo vRddhaH punarvRddhisahAya eva / paroparodhAdayamevamAsmA mithyaagrhgrstmnHprtaanH| svayaM vijAnamapi devadUtairAkRSya nIyeta bhavabhramAya // Early youth, charming young women, beautiful mansions and salutary wealth: these are the fruits of the tree of life. That there is heaven other than these is definitely untrue. But they have one defect. No means is there in the world to ensure their permanence. If that were possible, the assiduity in religious austerities of those who are conversant with the truth would merely amount to exhaustion of the body. A child is not fit for austerities owing to his ignorance, and a youth is liable to penalty if he should undertake them; while a middle-aged man is responsible for the support of his family, and an old nan just manages to subsist. Under the influence of others, a sentient being, although he knows the truth, has his mind in the grip of the demon of false belief, and is dragged along by the messengers of Fate for undergoing the cycle of births ( Book IV, P. 94). DESIRE FOR RELIGIOUS MERIT mahadapi pApaM vilayati puNyAptimanorathaH sutuccho'pi / kiM nAlpo ravireSa tribhuvanamAtraM tamo hanti // Even an insignificant desire for the acquisition of religious merit destroys an enormous quantity of sins. Does not the sun, though limited in extent, destroy the darkness reigning in all the three worlds? ( Book V).

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CHAPTER XII A CONTROVERSIAL DIALOGUE One of the most interesting episodes of Yasastilaka is the animated dialogue in Book IV between Yasodhara and his mother Candramati on the subject of animal sacrifice, the former being a convert to Jainism, and the latter a champion of the Brahmanical faith, Certain tenets of the Vedio religion are attacked by Yasodhara in the course of his argument, and he also attempts to establish the ancient and authoritative character of the Jaina faith by citing various texts from what are apparently non-Jaira sources. A dramatic character is given to the dialogue by the use of parenthetic indications resembling stage directions, and but for the numerous quotations, the dialogue is cast in a form that could easily be adapted to the stage. Another, and perhaps more striking, example of a dramatic dialogue occurs in our work in the story of Padma in Book VII. The controversy between Yasodhara and his mother starts from the point where the latter asks him to sacrifice all kinds of animals before the tutelary goddess, and then perform an appropriate rite to counteract the effect of his evil dream. While making the request, she asserts on the authority of Manu that animals may be legitimately killed in sacrifices and the worship of the gods and the Manes, and, as a matter of fact, a Brahmana, killing animals on such occasions, ensures for himself as well as the victims a state of bliss after death. Further, the killing of animals in sacrifices is not killing at all, since animals have been created by Brahman himself for the purpose of sacrifices, and sacrifices are meant for the good of all. Yasodhara, closing his ears and heaving a sigh, expresses surprise at the amount of evil that can be done by delusion and its cause ignorance, and entreats his mother to allow him to speak a few words. After a preliminary discussion on Carvaka views, which mother and son agree in repudiating, Yasodhara admits the desirability of a rite for counteracting the effect of an evil dream, but firmly objects to the expedient of sacrificing animals before the goddess, as suggested by his mother. The protection of living creatures, he argues, is the primary duty of Ksatriyas, and it would be a repudiation of that duty if he killed harmless animals. A. king, in fact, takes up arms only against an armed foe on the battlefield or a malefactor of his kingdom, but never against those who are wretched or lowly or well-meaning. *How then, mother', asks Yasodhara, can I strike living creatures with weapons, myself pure in my conduct in relation to this life and the life beyond?' Further, 1 See Chap. XVI.

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12. A CONTROVERSIAL DIALOGUE has she forgotten that only the previous day the minister's son Nitibrhaspati had, at her instance, taught him certain significant verses on the subject? na kurvIti svayaM hiMsAM pravRttAM ca nivArayet / jIvitaM balamArogyaM zazvadvAnchan mahIpatiH // yo dadyAt kAJcanaM meruM kRtsnAM cApi vasuMdharAm / ekasya jIvitaM dadyAt phalena na samaM bhavet // yathAtmani zarIrasya duHkhaM necchanti jantavaH / tathA yadi parasyApi na duHkhaM teSu jAyate // 'A king who constantly desires longevity, strength and health must do no injury to living creatures himself nor allow it to take place when planned by others. One may give away the Meru mountain of gold as well as the entire earth. The result will not be equal to that of saving the life of a single sentient being. Suffering will cease to exist among living creatures if they no longer wish to cause physical pain to others, just as they do not wish to cause it to themselves.' Yasodhara points out that there are many commendable expedients other than the killing of animals for propitiating the Brahmanas and the gods, and sustaining the body. Why do honest people then commit the sin of killing? Besides, animal flesh is full of impurities: if it pleased the gods, we would rather worship the tigers! saMtarpaNArthaM dvijadevatAnAM puSTyarthamaGgasya ca santyupAyAH / anye'pi loke bahavaH prazastAH santaH kutaH pApamihAcaranti // zukrazoNitasaMbhUtamazucInAM niketanam / mAMsaM cet prINayeddevAnetadvyAghrAnupAsmahe // 317 Yasodhara declares the current opinion that the gods are pleased with animal sacrifices to be false, and says gar: gqua adsut araat ar? faura noficma | adanti caitAn svayameva devyo vyAghrAH stavAhaH paramantra santu // kRtvA miSaM daivamayaM hi loko madye ca mAMse ca rAteM karoti / evaM na ceddurgatisaMgamiH syAdduSkarmaNAM ko'para eva mArgaH // 'Animals surely perish in the woods, killed with swords, or strangled to death, and there are goddesses who of their own accord devour them. But the tigers alone are worthy of praise (for they themselves kill and eat unlike the gods who make others kill). People are addicted to wine and flesh on the pretext that these serve to please the gods. But if the wicked do not go to hell in this way, what other way thitherward is open to them?' Further, if Dharma is really based on the killing of animals, why is hunting called paparddhi, 'progress in sin'? Why is it customary to bring in flesh under cover? Why is flesh called Ravanasaka, 'Ravana's herb'? Why is it shunned on sacred days? Yasodhara terminates this part of his argument by quoting a number of authoritative texts in support of abstention from killing.

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Hearing these words, Yasodhara's mother says to herself: mAtA - (svagatam) aho madIye sute sAMprataM jainajanavAta iva lagnaH pratibhAsate / viSamazca khalu bhavatyayaM janaH / yasmAcciraM samayAntaroparacitapratIkArANyapyanyeSAM manAMsi prAyeNa pazyatohara iva haratyAIto lokaH / tadvAsanAvAsitaM hi ceto na brahmaNApi zakyate'nyathAkartum / duzcikitsyazca khalu kariNAM kUTapAkala iva prANinAM kSapaNakopanotazcittasyAbhinivezaH / 318 " Ah, now the Jaina wind seems to have taken possession of my son. These Jainas are difficult people to deal with, because like thieves, they beguile the minds of men, though long protected by the doctrines of other schools. Once the mind is imbued with their ideas, Brahman himself cannot divert it to other channels. The cast of mind produced in men by the Jainas is indeed beyond remedy, like the fever of elephants.' Candramati then recollects the priest's son Sivasarman having told her that the king had met a Digambara Jaina ascetic living under a tree, and for a long while discussed religious topics with him. She remarks that her son has since evinced a dislike for wine, meat, hunting and animal sacrifice, and demonstrated his hostility to the injunctions of the Vedas and the Law-books. Then addressing herself to the councillors, and calling them monsters and destroyers of her son and the kingdom, and despoilers of the people, she gives vent to her wrath and censures them for allowing her immature son, despite her instructions to the contrary, to come into touch with the Digambara Jainas, who are, like magicians, habitually skilled. in bewitching the world. She addresses her son in a menacing tone, and calling him a raw Carvaka, tells him that she has understood him well, and can herself give him a suitable reply. She asks him how he can ever have any leaning towards the religion of the Digambaras, which makes no provision for the gratification of the gods, the Manes and the Brahmanas, and for dips in sacred waters as well as oblations in the fire; a religion outside the jurisdiction of the Vedas and the Law-books. None but him would care to talk with those heretics, who speak ill of the gods and the Brahmanas, eat standing like brutes, and are devoid of all sense of shame and personal hygiene. Besides, their system came into being only in the Kali Age, and not even their name was known in earlier times. They hold quite unreasonably that men become gods and the gods are many. To speak the truth, the Veda is the sole authority in the matter of religion, and there is no god other than the Veda. He who does not know the Veda well does not know the regulations of the four castes and the four stages of life. Then if Yasodhara has any devotion 1 The reference is to the twenty four Tirthankaras' or Apostles worshipped as divine beings.

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12. A CONTROVERSIAL DIALOGUE 319 to the gods, let him worship Siva or Visnu or the Sun. When they are pleased, they transport their worshippers in a moment to their respective cities, and when gratitied, vouchsafe even a kingdom. na tarpaNaM devapitRdvijAnAM snAnasya homasya na cAsti vArtA / zruteH smRtebAhyatare ca dhIsta dharma kathaM putra digambarANAm // udbhAH pazUnAM sadRzaM grasante ye lajjayA zaucaguNena hInAH / svattaH parastaiH saha ko hi goSThI karotu devadvijanindakaizca // nAmApi pUrva na samastyamISAmabhUt kalo darzanametadIyam / devo manuSyaH kila so'pyanekasta evamicchanti ca nirvicAram // dharme pramANaM khalu veda eva vedAt paraM daivatamatra nAsti / yo veda samyar3a na hi vedamenaM varNAzramAcAramasau na veda // athAsti bhaktistava daivateSu haraM hAre vArcaya bhAskaraM vaa| nayanti hRSTAH svapurI kSaNena tuSTAH prayacchanti ca rAjyamete // Hearing these words, Yasodhara reflects within himself that even washing with nectar cannot cleanse a heart that is by nature black as charcoal. Yet he recognises that his opponent in the debate is his own mother, 'the presiding deity of the kingdom', and she is at liberty to speak as she likes to him. Then addressing his mother and entreating her to pardon him for what he is going to say, he replies to the charges brought by her against the Jaina religion, and in so doing severely criticizes certain aspects of the Brahmanical faith. Speaking of Sraddha, Yasodhara argues that if it is true that the Pitrs have betaken themselves to earthly existences or celestial abodes as a result of their good deeds, they cannot have any need for annual offerings of rice-balls, which are actually taken by Brahmanas and crows : martyapu cet sadmasu nAkinAM vA vidhAya puNyaM pitaraH pryaataaH| teSAmapekSA dvijakAkabhuktaiH piNDairbhavedvarSakRtairna kApi // Further, the ancients prescribed Sraddha and other rites by way of religious observances, because religion has to be practised by all decent people, desirous of their own good, in one form or another; and no one, as a rule, practises religion unless there is an occasion for it: yenApi kenApi miSeNa mAnyairdharmo vidheyaH svahitaikatAnyaiH / bhanena kAmena kRtaH puraannaargo'ymaatmaabhyudyprviinnH|| ninimittaM na ko'pIha janaH prAyeNa dharmadhIH / ataH zrAddhAdikAH proktAH kriyAH kuzalabuddhibhiH // Similarly, the observance of Amavasya, pilgrimage, reception of guests, Sraddha rites, and observances connected with particular days, occasions and stars have been declared by the ancients to be conducive to the religious merit of those who are unable to practise constant clarity: parvatIrthAtithiznAddhavAravAsaratArakAH / nityaM dAtumazaktAnAM puNyAyoktAH purAtanaiH / /

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920 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE It is not true to say that the Jainas do not gratify the Twice-born. They do worship the Munis (Jaina ascetics), who are "Twice-born', being once actually born, and born a second time at the time of initiation into the religious vows. Nor is it true to say that Jainism does not recognise ceremonial baths, because the Jaina householder is enjoined to take a bath before worshipping the Arhat or studying the Sacred Books or devoting himself to meditation. One must not, however, think that a mere dip in a river or a pool of water or a tank or the ocean leads to any religious merit, for in that case it is the aquatic animals that would go to heaven first. It has been rightly said that those who are maddened by passion, hate and pride, and addicted to women, are never purified even by bathing at hundreds of sacred sites: janmaikamAtmAdhigamo dvitIyaM bhavenmunInAM vratakarmaNA ca / amI dvijAH sAdhu bhavanti teSAM saMtarpaNaM jainajanaH karoti // strAtvA yajetAsamathavAgamaM vA paThedyadi dhyAnamupAcaredvA / strAnaM bhavedeva gRhAzritAnAM svargApavargAgamasaMgamAya // saritsarovAridhivApikAsu nimajanonmajanamAtrameva / puNyAya cettarhi jalecarANAM svargaH purA sAditareSu pazcAt // tadAha-rAgadveSamadonmattAH strINAM ye vshvrtinH| na te kAlena zucchanti snAnAttIrthazatairapi // As regards Homa, it is impossible that the gods who feed on nectar and live in luxury in heaven should ever partake of oblations made in the fire. The expression agnimukhah, as applied to the gods, means those who have faces bright as fire', just as candramukhi kanya means a moon-faced girl'; but it does not mean, as is usually supposed, those who have Fire for mouth'. Yasodhara then refutes the charge that Jainism is a modern creed unknown to the Vedas and the Law Books, by citing a number of texts supposed to contain references to Jaina ascetics, images and doctrines." It is, accordingly, concluded that just as there are four oceans and six seasons, similarly there are four schools of thought and six systems of philosophy including, of course, the system of the Jainas.? caravAra ete sahajAH samudrA yathaiva loke tavo'pi SaT ca / catvAra ete samayAstathaiva SaD darzanAnIti vadanti santaH // The speaker next defends the custom of Jaina ascetics who eat standing and that of the Digambara ascetics, who wear no clothing owing to their determination not to possess anything. As for personal hygiene, 1 See Chapters XIII and XVIII. 2 See Chapter IX.

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12. A CONTROVERSIAL DIALOGUE 321 they carry a water-pot with them, and cleanse any particular limb that might be soiled. Surely, when a man is bitten by a snake on one of the fingers, he cuts off the finger and not the nose: yAvat samartha vapulatAyAM yAvaJca pANidvayameti bandham / tAvanmunInAmazane pravRttirityAzayena sthitabhojanAste // bAlApakoTAvapi yatra saMge nikiMcanasvaM paramaM na tiSThet / mumukSavastatra kathaM nu kuryurmatiM dukUlAjinavalkaleSu // zaucaM nikAmaM munipuMgavAnAM kamaNDaloH saMzrayaNAt samasti / na cAGgulau sarpavidUSitAyAM chinatti nAsAM khalu kazcidatra // Yasodhara emphasizes the purity of the Jaina religion : vadanti jainAstamihAptamete rAgAdayo yatra na santi dossaaH| madyAdizabdo'pi ca yatra duSTaH ziSTaiH sa nindyeta kathaM nu dhrmH|| The Jainas call him an Apta who is free from passion and such other blemishes. How can the cultured censure a religion wherein even terms like wine are condemned'? The Arhat, free from passion, is contrasted with a Brahmanical god. The latter is blind with rage in dealing with enemies, and loves his wives : if such an individual is a god, the universe is full of gods : pareSu yogeSu manISayAndhaH prItiM dadhAtyAtmaparigraheSu / tathApi devaH sa yadi prasaktametajagaddevamayaM samastam // Yasodhara then condemns the use of wine, flesh and honey; and recounts the evil consequences of drinking. lajA na sajjA kuzalaM na zIlaM zrutaM na pUtaM na varaH prcaarH| madyena mandIkRtamAnasAnAM vivekanAzAcca pizAcabhAvaH // Those who are stupefied with drink have no sense of shame nor propriety of conduct nor knowledge of sacred lore nor commendable activities; they are as ghosts owing to the loss of the power of discernment.' The authority of the Veda is next attacked. The speaker contends that the injunctions of the Veda are guided by the instincts of the crowd, and often self-contradictory. No sure clue is to be found in the Veda as to what is to be done and what avoided, and the Veda can in no sense be an authority for the world. yathAjanAkRtamayaM pravRttaH parasparArthapratikUlavRttaH / vidhau niSedhe ca na nizcayo'sti kathaM sa vedo jagataH pramANam // An instance of how the Veda follows the instincts of the crowd is found in the fact that the common people desire to take meat, and the Veda sanctions meat-eating by prescribing certain rules for it, e. g., meat is to be taken after ceremonially sprinkling it with water in accordance with the desire of the Brahmanas, and it is also permissible to take it after worshipping the Manes and the gods. Similarly, the Veda legitimizes the lewd desires of certain people by sanctioning incest in the Gosava 1 tathA hi mAMsaM cedAcaritumicchasi Acara / kiM tu vidhipUrvakamAcaritavyam / tadAha-prokSitaM bhakSayenmAMsa brAhmaNAnAM tu kAmyayA |"arcyitvaa pitRn devAn khAdan mAMsa na duSyati / 41

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322 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE sacrifice, and there are also other instances in which the injunctions of the Veda follow the inclinations of the populace. This explains the universal popularity of the Veda, for no one who obeys the desires of the people is ever disliked. But men by nature lack the power of discrimination. and covet one another's wives and wealth, and what are we to think of a Scripture that sets itself to conform to their wishes ? prasiddhirata evAsya sarvasAdhAraNI mtaa| ko hi nAma bhaved dveSyo lokacchandAnuvartanaH // hitAhitAvedi jaganisargataH parasparastrIdhanalolamAnasam / .. tatrApi yadyAgama eSa tanmanovazena varteta tadA kimucyate // Instances of self-contradiction are found in the Veda. There is a Vedic injunction against the drinking of wine and the killing of a Brahmana, but wine is nevertheless prescribed in the Sautramani sacrifice, and a Brahmana may be sacrificed to Brahman. Similarly, the Veda, after prohibiting a Brahmana from serving a Sudra or accepting food or the means of livelihood from him, asks the former to accept for sacrificial purposes the flesh of animals killed by Candalas, dogs, tigers and others. Even in worldly affairs a person who is consistent in what he says is alone trusted, and who can have any respect for a scripture containing such conflicting statements ? pramANaM vyavahAre'pi janturekasthitimataH / ko nAmetthaM viruddhArthe sAdaro nigame nrH|| Yasodhara points out that independent discussion of the injunctions of the Veda, just as one discusses the scriptures composed by a known author, is held to be a great sin. But he asserts that it is absurd to say that a man is liable to sin as great as that of killing a Brahmana if he questions the authority of the statements of Manu, Vyasa and Vasistha, based on the Veda. Yasodhara ridicules the suggestion that he should worship Siva or Visnu or the Sun. umApatiH skandapitA trizUlI saMdhyAsu yo nRtyati carmavAsAH / bhikSAzano homajapopapatraH kathaM sa devo'nyajanena tulyaH // How can Siva be a god? He is just like other people. He is simply the husband of Parvati and the father of Kartikeya, carries a trident, and dances in the evening twilight. He is dressed in skins, and lives by begging and practises fire-oblation and mutters prayers.' hariH punaH kSatriya eva kazcijyotirgaNaistulyaguNo ravizca / devau sta etau yadi muktimAgauM pRthuzca somazca kutastathA na // 1 mAtari svasari vA cet pravartitumicchasi pravartakha / kiM tu vidhipUrvakaM pravartitavyam / yadAha-gosave etc. For the Gosava sacrifice see Chap.XIV. 2 evamanye'pi santi yathAlokAbhiprAyaM pravRttAste te vidhayaH / 3 See Ohap. XIV. 4 zUdrAnaM zUdrazuzrUSA zUdapreSaNakAriNaH etc. See Chap. XVIII. 5 atha pauruSeyAgamavaccodanAyAM vicAre mahat pAtakam / / 6 tadAha-mAnavaM vyAsavAsiSThaM vacanaM vedasaMyutam / apramANaM tu yo brUyAt sa bhaved brhmghaatkH||"ityetnmukhbhaassitm /

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12. A CONTROVERSIAL DIALOGUE 323 Visnu again is just a Ksatriya, and the Sun has characteristics similar to those of the other planets. If those two are gods leading men to salvation, why is it that the Ksatriya Prthu and the moon, too, are not called gods?' azeSametadvapuSA bibharti dazAvatAreNa sa vartate vaa| zilAplavAdapyativismayAha mAtaH kathaM saMgatimajhAtIdam // Visnu is said to sustain the entire universe within his body, and described also as existing in ten different Incarnations. This is far more astonishing than the floating of a stone on water. How can it, mother, be reconciled with facts ?' svayaM sa kuSThI padayoH kilArkaH pareSu rogArtiharazca citram / ajA pareSAM vinihanti vAtaM svayaM tu vAtena hi sA mriyeta // * It is strange that the Sun should be able to exterminate the suffering of others caused by disease, himself stricken with leprosy in the feet! (On the same principle) a she-goat, who (with her flesh) cures the gout of others, would herself die of gout! Speaking of the Arhats, the omniscient world-teachers worshipped by the Jainas as divine beings, Yasodhara explains that the virtues of the Arhat are known from the Scripture composed by himself. The chain ed Arhats and Scriptures is without beginning or end, like the cycle of creation, existence and destruction, or that of the seasons: winter, summer and the rains. Further, it is not absurd to hold that just as there are past, present and future kings, conversant with the three worlds, similarly there are present and future Aptas or Arhats; and plurality of this sort is surely found also in other faiths. sargasthitipratyavahAravRttehimAtapAmbhaHsamayasthitervA / mAdyantabhAvo'sti yathA na loke tathaiva muktAgamamAlikAyAH // war facufaa wafa i 3147971: *AT: feratai: 1 yathA tathAptA yadi ko viruddho bahusvamanyatra ca bADhamasti // Yasodhara's mother, on hearing these words, says to herself that the time is gone when her son could be compelled to carry out her wishes by argument or threat or even a box in the ear. Addressing herself to her son, she extols his wisdom and learning, and appeals to him again to offer animal sacrifices to the tutelary goddess for counteracting the effect of the evil dream and preserving his own life. After citing some instances of sages and others who are known to have killed various living creatures for their own good,' she asserts that a king, pure in his motives, can never incur any sin, just as lotus leaves cannot be drenched with water or the sky bedaubed with mud. She then declares thus: viSaM viSasyauSadhamagniragneriyaM prasiddhirmahatI yathaiva / puNyAya hiMsApi bhavettathaiva sarvatra he putra na SaDhalAni // softare THT TI 1 TTI: Fakt Hafra #T:, Ta 2 See Chapter XVII.

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324 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE 48. It is very wellknown that poison is the remedy for poison, and fire for fire. On similar grounds, even destruction of life may lead to religious merit. The number of ploughs is not six on every plot, my child." Further, a person in the habit of probing a matter too much with minute investigation gains thereby nothing, and it is advisable to do as the world does, since the path followed by the many is the true path. na kApi puMsaH puruSArthasiddhiH sUkSmekSayAtIvaparIkSakasya / jagatpravAheNa tu vartitavyaM mahAjano yena gataH sa panthAH // Candramati goes on to praise the joys of wine and flesh-eating, vilAsinIvibhramadarpaNAni kandarpasaMtarpaNakAraNAni / kriyAzramacchedakarANi hAtuM madhUni ko nAma sudhIryateta // matAH samA manmathatattvavidbhirmRtAH striyo madyavivarjitAzca / ye bhuJjate mAMsarasena hInaM te bhuJjate kiM nu na gomayena // What wise man would attempt to give up wine, the mirror of the graceful gestures of fair women, wine that excites love and removes tigue? Women who abstain from wine are as good as dead in the opinion of adepts in erotic lore. And those who eat without the flavour of meat verily eat with that of dung.' Yasodhara's mother concludes her appeal by citing a number of Smrti verses on the subject of meat-offerings to the Manes. But the son remains unconvinced, and after a brief soliloquy makes his final declaration on the points at issue. rajastamobhyAM bahalasya puMsaH pApaM satAM naiva nidarzanAya / nApyenasAmasajatAmapekSA jAtau kule vA rajasAmivAsti / jAtirjarA mRtyurathAmayAcA nRpeSu cAnyeSu samaM bhavanti / puNyairjanebhyo'bhyadhikAH kSitIzA manuSyabhAve tvavizeSa eva / yathA mama prANavadhe bhavatyA mahAnti duHkhAni bhavanti mAtaH / tathA pareSAmapi jIvahAnau bhavanti duHkhAni tadambikAnAm // The sin committed by a man overpowered by evil propensities and delusion is no example for the good nor does supervening sin, like dust, make any distinction of family or caste. Birth, old age and death and disease and the like are common to kings and others. But kings are superior to other men in religious merit; no difference exists so far as the human aspect is concerned. Mother, just as thou wouldst feel profound sorrow if I were killed, similarly the mothers of others would be aggrieved if their sons were to lose their lives.' 1 The speaker means to say that there is no hard and fast rule that hiinsa in every case will lead to sin. 2 The reference is to the sin of men like Gautama and Visvamitra who are said to have killed living creatures for preserving their own lives. 3 Yasod hara refers to the religious responsibility of kings, which makes them uphold the principle of ahimsa.

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12. A CONTROVERSIAL DIALOGUE 325 Further, if it had been possible to save one's own life by taking the life of another, the kings of old would never have died; and if the sastric injunction sanctioning flesh-eating were to be applied universally, one would have to eat even the flesh of dogs and crows! . parasya jIvema yadi svarakSA pUrve kSitIzAH kuta eva mamraH / zAstraM tu sarvatra yadi pramANaM zvakAkamAMse'pi bhavet pravRttiH // Yasodhara then attacks the belief that the sacrifice of animals leads to heaven: lolendriyairlokamano'nukUlaiH svAjIvanAyAgama eSa sRssttH| svargo yadi syAt pazuhiMsakAnAM sUnAkRtAM tarhi bhavet sa kAmam // matreNa zastrairgalapIunAdvA vedyA bahizcApi vadhaH samAnaH / svoM yadi syAnmakhahiMsitAnAM svabAndhavairyajJavidhirna kiNtu|| This Vedic lore was created by sensual persons, favourable to the inclina. tions of the populace, in order to make their own living; and it is the butchers who would mostly go to heaven if that was the destination of those who killed animals in sacrificial rites. Killing is the same whether it is done at the altar or outside, whether it is accompanied by Vedic formulas or brought about by strangulation or weapons. If the animals killed in sacrifices go to heaven, why is it that one's kinsfolk are not sacrificed?' Yasodhara illustrates his point further by a story in which a goat, about to be sacrificed, is represented as saying to the priest: nAhaM svargaphalopabhogatRSito nAbhyarthitastvaM mayA saMtuSTastRNabhakSaNena satataM hantuM na yuktaM tava / svarga yAnti yadi tvayA vinihatA yajJe dhravaM prANinI yajJaM kiM na karoSi mAtRpitRbhiH putraistathA bAndhavaiH // "I am not eager to enjoy the bliss of heaven nor have I asked thee for it. I am ever content with the eating of grass; it is not right for thee to kill me. Verily, if the animals slain by thee in sacrifices go to heaven, why dost thou not sacrifice thy parents, children and friends ?' Yaiodhara's mother makes no further attempt to argue with her son, and falling at his feet, in spite of his remonstrances, entreats him to accept a compromise in the matter of sacrificing a cock at the altar of Candika and partaking of its flesh. Yasodhara agrees most unwillingly. and the debate comes to an end. The discussion between Yasodhara and his mother belongs to a long series of texts wherein Jaina writers have attacked various tenets and practices of the Brahmanical religion, especially those connected with the sacrifice of animals in Vedic rites. There is in fact a whole literature of such attacks interspersed in Jaina writings in Sanskrit and Prakrit, but there are few as systematic and comprehensive as that in our work, not to speak of the dramatic realism which characterizes the dialogue,

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CHAPTER XIII JAINISM AND Other Faiths POPULAR JAINISM The period of Rastrakuta hegemony in the Deccan was perhaps the most flourishing epoch of Jainism. Not only in the Rastrakuta empire but in the feudatory Ganga kingdom (Mysore), the religion of the Arhat enjoyed royal patronage and esteem and the support of the people, especially of the commercial classes. The ninth and tenth centuries an era of great expansion of Jaina culture in that part of India in the sphere of religion, philosophy and literature. Somadeva's Yasastilaka, a contemporary record of documentary value, throws considerable light on the position of Jainism and its relation to other religions during an important period of Indian history. In the Deccan of the tenth century Jainism was, as it has always been, the religion of an influential and ambitious minority, and nowhere in Jaina literature is the propagandist note more clearly heard than in Somadeva's Yasastilaka. It would appear that, as late as the tenth century, the charge of being an upstart religion lacking in the prestige of antiquity was levelled against Jainism; and Somadeva tries to prove the ancient origin of the faith by citing the authority of a number of texts and authors, supposed to contain, according to him, appreciative references to the Jaina creed and Jaina monks. Unfortunately some of the authorities cited by him do not seem to be very old, while there are others of a dubious character, if not altogether spurious; and they do not, on the whole, carry him very far in defending his thesis. For example, Somadeva claims to find a reference to the expedient of worshipping a Jaina for the cure of illness caused by his wrath in a verse of the Jyotisa Vedanga, but the verse in question is not found in the latter work and seems to be a quotation from a later astrological text. Similarly, in another text. cited anonymously, Brhaspati is represented as expounding before Indra the Syadvada doctrine. The quotations from Citrakarman and Adityamata relating to portraits and idols respectively of Jaina Tirthamkaras* are no doubt authentic and genuine, but the two works cited by Somadeva cannot be very old, although earlier than the tenth century, 1 Yasastilaka, Book IV. 2 kathaM nAma jyotiSAne vacanamidamuktam-samagraM zaninA dRSTaH kSapaNaH kopitaH punH| tadbhaktastasya pIDAyAM tAveva paripUjayet // Ibid. 3 'sAMkhyaM yogo lokAyataM cAnvIkSikI / tasyAM ca syAdasti syAnnAstIti nagnazramaNaka iti bRhaspatirAkhaNDalasya purasta samayaM di TTATI Ibid. 4 See Chap. XVIII. 914

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13. JAINISM AND OTHER FAITES 327 while Varahamihira, from whom Somadeva quotes a verse containing a reference to the cult of the Jinas practised by the naked ascetics, fourished only about four centuries earlier than the composition of Yasastilaka.' Somadeva then quotes a verse from a work called Nimittadhyaya, which describes the visit of 'ascetics free from worldly ties' as auguring prosperity to a place, and he obviously takes the expression nirgranthasca tapodhanah to mean Jaina monks. The date of this work is unknown, but it seems to be referred to by santaraksita in Tattvasamgraha (vv. 3511 f.). He says that if Vedic authority is required as proof of the omniscience of the Buddha, reference should be made to the Nimitta Sakha of the Veda wherein the Exalted Buddha, the Omniscient sage, is clearly mentioned by the learned Brahmanas. The Nimitta Sakha of the Veda seems to be a fiction and is probably the same as the Nimittadhyaya cited by Somadeva, which might be supposed to contain a reference to the Buddha. That the Nimitta Sakha was not a Vedic school is shown by the statement of Santaraksita that the hostility of the Brahmanas to the Buddha was responsible for the fact that this particular Sakha was not included among the Vedic schools, although the text concerned, obviously the same as the Nimittadhyaya, could be converted into a Vedic text at will by adding the necessary accents. However that might be, the citation from the Nimittadhyaya does not further to any great extent Somadeva's argument in support of the antiquity of the Jaina religion. Similarly, after citing the texts mentioned above, he goes on to enumerate a large number of poets including Bharavi, Bhavabhuti, Kalidasa and Magha, and claims that the Jaina faith enjoys a great reputation in their works. The anxiety of Somadeva to establish the antiquity of Jainism illustrates the desire of a member of a minority community to enhance the prestige of his faith, so essential for its propagation. The duty of a pious Jaina to his religion is clearly formulated in connection with the angas or components of Samyaktva ;8 and one of his sacred obligations seems to be ganavardhana, expansion of the community, to be carried out by appropriate methods explained by Somadeva in detail. The evidence of Somadeva 1 See Chap. XVIII. 3 nimittAdhyAye ca-pabhinI rAjahaMsAzca ninthAzca tpodhnaaH| yaM dezamupasarpanti subhikSaM tatra nirdizet / / 3 kiMtu vedapramANatvaM yadi yuSmAbhiriSyate / tat kiM bhagavato mUDhaiH sarvazatvaM na gamyate / nimittanAni sarvazo bhagavAn munisattamaH / zAkhAntare hi vispaSTaM paThyate braahmnnairbudhaiH|| atha zAkhAntaraM nedaM vedaantrgtmissyte| tadatra na nimittaM vo dveSaM muktvA'vadhAryate // svarAdayazca te dharmAH prasiddhAH zrutibhAvinaH / kartumatrApi zakyAste narecchAmAtrasaMbhavAt // 5 ...... 757 tertaherifloroetag *****ei afaqat Hell self' Book IV. For poets in question see Chap. XVIII 6 Book VI. 7 See Chap. X.

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328 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE clearly shows that while the Jainas were eager to propagate their religion, they were definitely opposed to the admission of undesirable elements to the fold of Jainism, and preferred to welcome those who had voluntarily adopted the faith. At the same time there was a tendency to show considerable latitude to those converts who were unable to forgo completely their former customs and beliefs. As Somadeva says, a person of this category should be given a mixed reception, since the total loss of a new adherent is by no means desirable. As we have already pointed out, Somadeva defends certain Jaina practices which seem to have provoked adverse comment in non-Jaina circles." The nudity of the Digambara monks was one such example, and there is an interesting episode in Yasastilaka Book V, wherein another attempt is made to justify it. Prince Yasomati is disgusted at the sight of the Jaina monk Sudatta in the garden of the Sahasrakuta temple, and the companion of the prince explains to the merchant Kalyanamitra that the king's displeasure is due to his having seen the inauspicious nude fellow before him. Kalyanamitra who is a good Jaina makes a spirited reply, in the course of which he asserts that nudity is natural and it is clothing that is artificial: one is nude at birth and during childhood and at the time of enjoying physical comforts; Siva is nude and so is the recluse who cuts off the tuft of hair on his head. If nudity is objectionable, why is the cow honoured every day? It is sinful and harmful objects that are inauspicious; if sages, devoted to the good of all sentient beings, and purified by knowledge, meditation and austerities, are an inauspicious sight, what else can be auspicious in the world ?8 The frequency with which Somadeva defends the nudity and other practices of the Digambara monks seems to suggest that these were considered to be unattractive features of the Jaina creed in the eyes of non-Jainas, and it was accordingly deemed necessary to remove all misconceptions in regard to them in order that there might not be any obstacles in the path of the propagation of Jainism among the masses. Jaina propaganda seems to have been subtle and effective. In Yasastilaka, Book IV, Yasodhara's mother describes the Jainas as weaning away the people from other systems, like thieves, and calls the Digambaras magicians expert in fascinating the world. It was also part of Jaina. 1 For the relevent verses see Chap. X, section VI. 2 See Chap. X. 3 sukhAnubhavane nagno nagno jnmsmaagme| bAlyai nagnaH zivo namo nagnazchinnazikho ytiH|| nagnatvaM sahajaM loke vikAro vastraveSTanam / nannA ceyaM kathaM vandhA saurabheyI dine dine |...shaandhyaantpHpuutaaH sarvasattvahite rtaaH| kimanyanmaGgalaM loke munayo yadyamaGgalam / / 4 See Chap. XII.

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13. JAINISM AND OTHER FAITHS 329 propaganda to hold up the tenets of other faiths to ridicule and dilate on the excellence of Jainism. Somadeva, for instance, indulges in unbridled criticism of contemporary non-Jaina faiths and lays emphasis on the essential purity of the Jaina religion. He says among other things that the Omniscient and trustworthy Guide postulated by the Jainas is free from all blemishes such as the passions, and Jainism condemns even the use of words signifying wine and similar objects : how can the wise ever decry a religion like this?1 Further, it may be noted that Jaina writers often indulge in what is called ilharmapariksa or the examination of the relative merits of different jeligions with a view to demonstrating the superiority of Jainism to the others. Somadeva, for instance, examines in his romance various religions and systems, and enumerates the different theories of salvation held by the nonJaina schools of thought by way of contrasting them with the Jaina view of Moksa, which by implication is claimed to be superior to the rest. Amitagati, who is somewhat later than Somadeva, wrote in 1014 A. D. a treatise called Dharmapariksa to establish the superiority of Jainism to the Brahmanical religion by pointing out the fallacies and weak points of the Puranic mythology. It is noteworthy that Dharmapariksas were composed also in Prakrit, Apabhramba and Kanarese. Vittavilasa (c. 1160 A. D.) produced a Kanarese version of Amitagati's Sanskrit work : "it tells how two Ksatriya princes went to Benares, and in successive meetings with the Brahmans there, exposed the vices of the gods as related in the sacred books." Harisena wrote a Dharmapariksa in Apabhraiba in 988 A. D., and this again is based on a Dharmapariksa composed by Jayarama in Prakrit. Lesser in scope but earlier than these is the episode of Dharmapariksa in Uddyotana's Prakrit romance Kuvalayamala Book IV. Here we find that the tutelary goddess Sri presents king Drdhavarman with a mysterious document, inscribed on a gold plate in Brahmi characters, and containing what turns out to be the fundamental tenets of the Jaina religion. The next day the king summons an assembly of learned men of different communities and asks them to expound their religious tenets to see whether they correspond to those recorded in the inscription. The Jaina Sadhus alone declare that the doctrines set forth in the document constitute the true faith. Jainism is 1 For the verse in question see Chap. XII. 2 Rice: Kanarese Literature, p. 37. Brahma Siva (c. 1125) is another Kanarese writer, who in his controversial work Samaya-parikse "points out the defects of rival creeds, and justifies the Jaina position." 3 See Dr. Upadhye's article in The Jaina Antiquary, Vol. IX, p. 21. 4 See Ratnaprabha's Sanskrit version, p. 202: TTFU T #qara qare giocaat PARITHTH etc. 42

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330 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE accordingly declared to be the best of religions, and the king decides to adopt the Jaina faith and enter the monastic order. The shortcomings of other religions and the excellence of Jainism form the sum and substance of Jaina propaganda, reminding one of a certain type of Missionary literature of modern times. Dogmatic assertions declaring the supremacy of the Jaina religion are, as is to be expected, frequent in medieval Jaina literature. Vadibhasimha, for instance, invites the ambitious man, desirous of the supreme beatitude, to betake himself to the sacred Jaina faith, 'a lion in destroying the elephants, the wrong creeds:' (Ksatracudumani 11. 105 ): evaM nirmaladharmanirmitamidaM zarma svakarmakSayaprApta prAptamatucchamicchatitarAM yo vA maheccho janaH / so'yaM durmatakuJjaramaharaNe paJcAnanaM pAvanaM jaina dharmamupAzrayeta matimAniHzreyasaH praaptye|| Nothing could be more incorrect than to assume that the success of medieval Jainism was due solely to subtle and successful propaganda. The latter was no doubt an important factor, but the progress made by the faith and the royal patronage enjoyed by it under the Calukyas, the Rastrakutas, the Gangas, and the Hoysalas as well as under certain feudatory rulers should be attributed rather to the zeal of a succession of saintly Jaina teachers and the confidence inspired by the intellectual eminence of scholars and writers like Akalamka, Virasena, Jinasena, Gunabhadra, Pampa, Ponna, Puspadanta, Vadiraja, Prabhacandra and others. Such men could be expected to hold their own and maintain the prestige of their faith in a world of thought dominated by the leaders of the Brahmanical revival from Samkara and Kumarila to Udayana and Ramanuja. The old philanthropic ideals of Jainism seem to have been upheld in the tenth century. In a remarkable verse of Yasastilaka Somadeva gives expression to the religious ideal of the true Jaina: devotion to Jina, good will 1 The recently published Dhurlakhyana of Haribhadra throws further light on the character and composition of the Dharmapariksa texts. Haribhadra's Dhurtukhyana, composed in Prakrit verses in the eighth century, is a lively satire on the Puranic legends, and as such allied to the Dharmapariksas of Amitagati and others, but it is free from the theological bias and the propagandist tone of the latter. Jayarama's Dharmapariksa is no longer extant, but that of Harisena is available in manuscripts. Harisena says that the Dharmapariksa which was formerly composed by Jayarama in Gatha metre is now composed by him in Paddhadiya metre. A comparison of the Dhurtakhyana and the Dharmapariksa of Amitagati reveals considerable similarities; and it is probable that Jayarama, who is so far the earliest known among the Dharmapariksa writers, utilized Haribhadra's work for sectarian purposes. See Dr. A. N. Upadhye's Introduction to Haribhadra's Dhurtakhyana edited by Acarya Jinavijayaji in the Singhi Jain Series No. 19. See also Dr. Upadhye's paper 'Harisena's Dharmaparaka in Apabhramsa' in the Silver Jubilee Number of the Annals of the B. 0. R. I., vol. XXIII, pp. 592-608.

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13. JAINISM AND OTHER FAITHS 331 towards all creatures, hospitality to all and an altruistic disposition. The four gifts of protection, food, medicine and religious instruction, which constitute the groundwork of Jaina charity, are duly emphasized by Somadeva in connection with the customary vows of a Jaina householder. It is, however, necessary to point out a certain parochial attitude noticeable in the matter of according hospitality and rendering charitable assistance to persons who were not adherents of the Jaina faith. Somadeva distinctly says that those who do not possess the Three Jewels, that is, do not believe in the fundamental Jaina dogmas of Right Faith, Right Knowledge and Right Conduct, are not eligible for gifts, and that charity practised in favour of those who hold wrong views and indulge in wrong conduct, that is, all who are outside the pale of Jainism, leads only to evil consequences, like the feeding of serpents with milk. Hospitality towards such people should be limited to a residual portion of food to be taken away, as a Jaina layman is forbidden to entertain them in his house. He is also asked to keep at arm's length members of other communities such as the Buddhists, the Saivas and the Brahmanas who perform sacrifices lest familiarity with them should lead to friction and disputes ending in violence, Isolation rather than amity based on free social intercourse was the object aimed at in inter-communal relations. Jaina writers often attack the Hindu caste system, and we need to the strictures of Jatasimhanandi on the theory of castes in liis Varangacarita 25. 2 ff. It is, however, well-known that the caste system is prevalent among the present-day Jainas almost to the same extent as among the Hindus; and it has been said that in practice the modern Jaina is as fast bound as his Hindu brother in the iron fetters of caste. " Evidence recorded by Somadeva in Yasastilaka goes to show that conditions were not far different in the tenth century. He says, for instance, that the three higher castes are alone eligible for religious initiation, while all the four including the Sudras are fit to receive gifts of food. The status of 1 See Chap. XI. 2 See Chap. X, section XV. 3 For the relevant verses see Chap. X, section XV. 4 In Dharwar, for example, Jain Kshatriyas have disappeared, but Jain Brahmans, Vaisyas and Sudras remain. Jain Sudras are also called Jain Caturthas [ 27. There are various restrictions on interdining. If Karnatak Jains go to Gujarat they do not dine with Gujarat Jains, por, when thoy come to Dharwar, do Gujarat Jains dine with local Jains'. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXII, p. 117. 5 erialaut arecare faalfaar:' Yasastilaka, Book VIII, section 43. A marginal note in Ms. A says: maaf PUT BIET gaat dudu:.

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332 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE the Jaina Sudras does not appear to have been more favourable than that of their brethern in Hindu society. It was impossible for Jainism to remain unaffected by the influences of local customs, beliefs and cults. Ample testimony is borne to this by diverse religious customs such as the burning of the dead and the offering of rice-balls to the crows on the tenth day, the belief in ghosts and spirits, and the worship of various deities, like Padmavati. Cakresvari, Padmavati, Ambika and Siddhayika are, in fact, well-known goddesses of popular Jainism." Of these Somadeva mentions Siddhayika as 'a city goddess who has inspired. faith in many people' and refers to the pleasance dedicated to her as a refuge. for all creatures, in Yasastilaka, Book I. Medieval Jaina religious Canon seems to have sanctioned, or at least not to have opposed, the observance of local customs and practices. Somadeva says, for instance, that the religion of Jaina householders is of two varieties, laukika and paralaukika: the former is based on popular usage and the latter on the scriptures. The castes, he continues, are without a beginning and so are their observances; it is immaterial whether the Jaina Scriptures or any other S'astras are accepted as an authoritative guide. with regard to them. Somadeva sums up by observing that it is legitimate for Jainas to follow any custom or practice sanctioned by popular usage so long as it does not come into conflict with the fundamental principles of the Jains faith or the moral and disciplinary vows." Such views no doubt 5 1 Sharma: Jainism and Karnataka Culture, p. 145 ff. The Dharwar Jains are said to have as their family gods Cakresvara, Dharanendra and his wife Padmavati, Laksmi-Narayana [1], and Ksetrapala, whom the head of the family daily worships. They go on pilgrimage to the shrine of Padmavati at Hombas in Mysore. Bombay Gazetteer (op. cit.), p. 118. 2 For Ambika see Journal of the University of Bombay, Vol. IX. Part 2, p. 147 . She is represented in sculpture, painting and religious texts with two children and a lion as her vehicle. The latter feature makes her akin to the Brahmanical goddess Ambika or Durga, although the mythological background is altogether different. Nevertheless she too has a grim aspect, and is invoked in Jaina Tantric texts as Siva, Candika, Aghora etc. Ambika is still worshipped in Jaina temples in various parts of the country. There was a temple of Ambika famous as a place of Jaina pilgrimage at Kodinar in South Kathiavada. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, part I, p. 182. 3 ' tadevamaneka lokotyAditapratyavAyAH puradevyAH siddhAyikAyAH sarvasatvAbhayapradAvAsarasaM sarasaumanasaM nAmoyAnam' P.107. 4 dvau hi dharmoM gRhasthAnAM laukikaH pAralaukikaH / lokAzrayo bhavedAdyaH paraH syAdAgamAzrayaH // Book VIII, Section 34. 5 jAtayo'nAdayaH sarvAsta kiyApi tathAvidhA butiH zAstrAntaraM vAstu pramANaM kAtra naH kSatiH // 6 sarva eva hi jainAnAM pramANaM laukiko vidhiH / yatra samyaktvahAnine yatra na tadUpaNam // Ibid.

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13. JAINISM AND OTHER FAITHS imply a recognition of well-established facts and the unescapable influence of social environment rather than any liberalism in the Jaina religious outlook. Further, as we have already pointed out, Jaina religious opinion was lenient in regard to those adherents of the faith who could not wholly discard their former beliefs and practices, and this, too, seems to have facilitated the infiltration of non-Jaina elements into Jaina social and religious usage. Moreover, co-existence with Brahmanism for centuries appears to have influenced Jaina religious practice in various other directions. Somadeva describes, for instance, the five Yajnas for the Jaina householder, and these are clearly modelled on the five Brahmanical Mahayajnas, although by Yajua he seems to mean dana, as explained in a marginal note in Manuscript A.1 It has also been pointed out that certain Rastrakuta documents, viz. the Konnur inscription of Amoghavarsa I and the Surat plates of Karkka, which record grants made for Jaina establishments, make provision inter alia for such typically Hindu religious rites as balicarudana, vaisvadeva, and agnihotra. It is no doubt surprising to find provision made for these rites in grants allocated to Jaina temples and monasteries, but there seems to be no reason to suppose that the rites in question were introduced in these records by the oversight of the imperial secretariat'. Considered in the light of Somadeva's observations cited above, the rites mentioned in the two inscriptions could perhaps be legitimately performed by Jainas so long as they did not involve any animal sacrifice, and we seem to find here another instance of Jaina adaptation of non-Jaina practices. With regard to agnihotra, the Jainas were no doubt opposed to the Brahmanical rite, but evidence furnished by South Indian Jaina literature clearly shows that the Jainas were not opposed to fire ritual, as such. In a learned note published in the Jaina Antiquary Vol. VI, No. II, p. 64, we are told that in Tamil the term Velvi is always used to denote fire ritual, while the expression Veda-Velvi is used in ancient Tamil literature in the sense of Vedic sacrifice. "Whenever the term Velvi is used alone, it merely means fire ritual without involving animal sacrifice. Such a fire ritual has never been codemned by Jains, while they were staunchly opposed to Vedic sacrifice on the ground of Ahimsa. Even now among the Tamil Jainas fire ritual is a common thing. During their marriages they do have the characteristic marriage Homam with all its necessary details. Even in temple worship it is a common practice among the south Indian Jainas. Hence it is entirely erroneous to conclude that fire ritual is foreign to Jainas and that it could not be performed or attended by a Jaina". We are also told that the term in the Tamil 383 1 AvezikA zritajJAtidInAtmasu yathAkramam / yathaucityaM yathAkAlaM yazapaJcakamAcaret / / Book VIII, section 43, 2 Altekar: The Rastrakutas and their times, p. 314.

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334 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE epic S'ilappadikaram for such a rite is " Arravelvi, fire sacrifice, according to the doctrine of Ahimsa". The process of infiltration of non-Jaina elements in Jaina religious practice must have set in before the tenth century, and the gradual transformation of Jainism was already at work when Somadeva formally recognised it and tried to bring it into harmony with the orthodox position of the faith. OTHER FAITHS Somadeva attacks various non-Jaina faiths in Yasastilaka which not only throws light on the religious conflict in the tenth century but on the different sects prevalent at the time. The main attacks are directed against Saivism and its different forms, popular Brahmanism, Vedic sacrifices, the Buddhists and the Ajivakas. sAIVISMDAKSINA MARGA The relations between Saivism and Jainism are of paramount importance in view of the prolonged conflict of the two religions particularly in the Tamil country and the Deccan. The main doctrinal points at issue between the two systems have been discussed in previous Chapters; and we may here deal with the place of Saivism in the religious life of the country in the tenth century and thereabouts. Somadeva, as we have seen, speaks of two broad divisions of Saivism, the Daksina Marga and Vama Marga. The latter marga represents the grosser form of saivism or rather Tantricism; while the form :r may be said to constitute Saivism proper. The Saiva system recognises three fundamental concepts: Pati, Pasu and Pasa. Pati is Siva himself, the lord of the Pasus or creatures who are bound by the Pasas or fetters. These are five or rather four: Mala (nescience or mental darkness), Karma, Maya and the world produced by it, and the obscuring power of Siva. The latter has the power both to bind and release, but release cannot be had without undergoing the consequences of one's Karma. Siva, accordingly. creates the world to enable the creatures to serve out the full term of their Karma. Ever merciful, he assumes the role of a preceptor (acarya), and accords initiation (diksa), preliminary to final release, to those who have destroyed their 1 ** ATT artcafea sa facterapist aftiterat i quoted in comm. on Tattvaprakasa 1. 5. TOISST Tafacer 14: 1 3fur alfaiat quare : 11 quoted from Kirana. Ibid. 1. 17.

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13. JAINISM AND OTHER FAITHS 335 Karma.' Emancipation consists in union with or absorption in Siva (Slivasamanata, sayujya)". The Daksina Marga, as interpreted by Somadeva, seems to represent a sort of monistic system under the influence of Vedantic ideas. Siva is regarded as the sole ultimate reality, but the system postulates also thirty-six Tattvas or Principles which last till the dissolution of the creation. They are Siva, Sakti, Sadasiva (the volitional aspect of Siva), Isvara (the active aspect of Siva) and Suddha-vidya (the omniscient aspect of Siva); Maya, Kala, Niyati (the law regulating the nature of things ), Kala (the urge to activity in creatures), Vidya (intuition), Raga (desire including the higher impulse) and Purusa ; and Prakrti, Buddhi, Ahamkara, Manas, the ten Indriyas, the five Tanmatras and the five elements. It is important to note that Maya is the constituent material which Siva stirs into action with his Saktis in order to create the universe. The universe is accordingly compared to a magic show, and Siva is spoken of as identical with Maya and its product, the universe. In the ultimate resort Siva is declared to be the sole Reality and the Supreme Principle, in which is reflected the universe composed of the thirty-six Principles, just as a town or a village is reflected in a large mirror.8 Siva is the supreme, deathless Absolute (Brahma), the one and the true, subject to no change or modification, self-luminous and beyond the range of mind and speech. He is accompanied by Maya, and Maya is at the root of the creation; it is the indestructible germ of the universe, and inspired by Siva. The principle i Tattvaprakasa 1. 15; 6. 2. 2 Ibid, 2. 16. 3 311 faga HOT THEIR GET ITT TAR Titracie TTHC Tattvaprakasa 6. 3. In 5. 7 it is stated that Maya, Purusa and Siva continue to exist after the dissolution of the Tattvas, and creation starts again. 4 asat svataH sadAbhAsamindrajAlaM yathA tthaa| tAM mAyAM zaktibhiH svAbhirvikSobhya prmeshvrH|| svakarmAnuguNaM sRSTiM karoti Furafa: 1 Isanasivagurudevapaddhati (Kriyapada )1. 87, 88. Cf. Tattvaprakasa 3. 3. 5 e rifaqetafiet arafasadi: 1 31T ASW-FASTTH HOTII Isanasivagurudeva paildhati (Kriyapada), p. 15. 6 The comm. on Tattvaprakasa 1. 18 says: H 414 fa: #12ta chal i tataH sa eva tadubhayamiti / ...taduktamIzvaragItAyAm sa eva mUlaprakRtiH pradhAnaH puruSo'pi ca / vikArA mahadAdIni data: :11 7 TO ator faraus fatifitisraefaat | Tattvaprakasa 2. 13. sarvavikalpavihInaM zuddhaM zAntaM vyayodayavihInam / yat paratatvaM tasmin vibhAti SaTtriMzadAtma jagat // darpaNabimbe TAYE faqafiri Hafa feria 9 7 993 yurafa all Quoted from a 77. in Srikumara's comm. on Tattvaprakasa 1. 18. Cl. kUTasthamamRtaM brahma satyamekapa vikriyam |...sdaatmkN svayaMjyotiravAsanasagocaram / mAyAsahAyaM tat prAhuH staad #lifeo: II Quoted from fucrat in comm. on Tattvaprakasa 2. 5. Also H ata Hotelarsi ferarse quoted from Friya in Isanasiva (Kriyapada), chap. 2.

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336 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE of Advaita is, on the whole, consistently maintained; and when Siva is described as appearing in the form of Maya and its product, the universe, it is to be understood that the transformation is apparent and not real, The Saiva system recognises vivarta and not parinama.' The Saiva doctrines corresponding to the Daksina marga mentioned by Somadeva are formulated in Bhoja's Tattvaprakasa and the Isanasivagurudevapaddhati, an encyclopedic treatise, which quotes Bhoja's work, Jayanta's Nyayamasjari and numerous other Saiva works and authors, and may be assigned to the latter half of the eleventh century or thereabouts. It is noteworthy that the kind of Saivism represented in the latter compilation is of the ritualistic and mystic type, due importance being given to Mantradiksa and Kriyacarya or ritual. The history of medieval Saivism is yet to be written, but it is this form of Saivisin that seems to have been prevalent in Somadeva's time. The quotations and references in the Isanasivagurudevapaddhati show that there was a vast amount of Saiva religious literature extant in the tenth and eleventh centuries. The Svayambliuva Tantra quoted in the Paddhati enumerates twentyeight Tantras or Agamas which expound the doctrines of the Saiva system, there being two groups of ten and eighteen. The first group consists of Kamika, Yogaja, Acintya, Karana, Ajita, Dipta, Suksma, Saharsa, Amsumat, and Suprabhedaka, collectively known as the Slivabheda Tantras. The second group of Agamas or Tantras includes Vijaya, Ninsvasa, Prodgita, Paramesvara, Agneya, Mukhabimba, Svayambhuva, Raurava, Makuta, Kirana, Lambita, Candrajnana, Virabhadra, Siddha, Santanika, Sarvodgita, Vimala and Vatula, collectively known as the Rudrabheda Tantras. A further quotation from the Svayambhuva mentions a four-fold division of the Saiva scriptures into Saiva Tantra, Pasupata, Va (La) kula and Somatantra: and it is stated that Siva delivers the pure among the creatures from misery by means of these four varieties of Tantras with the help of proper ritual knowledge and Yoga. The element of Yoga was important in the Saiva system, and involved intense faith in and devotion to Siva, in other words, bhaktivoga, which was no doubt the mainspring of popular Saivism. The emotional appeal of bhakti is illustrated in the fervent hymn to Siva 1 Srikumira (op. cit.) says ... frakt forfcaffaari faadarte 2 The Saiva Tantra represents the Saiva system proper. The Pasupata and Lakula, if this is the correct reading, may be regarded as variations of the Pasupata system. Somatantra seerus to be same as Somasiddhanta or the Kapalika system, 3 dIkSA disatkriyAcaryAzAnayogaimahezvaraH / duHkhapaGkAd bhavAmbhodhestArayatyamalAnaNUn / /

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13. JAINISM AND OTHER FAITHS 337 composed by the Cedi king Yuvarajadeva II, which is preserved for us in the Bilhari inscription of the rulers of Cedi.1 The Saiva system proclaimed the paramount character of the Dharma propounded by Siva. There was a notable revival of Nyaya-Vaisesika studies in the ninth and tenth centuries, and the Vaisesika system laid great stress on the cultivation of Dharma. The idea appealed to the Saiva teachers who admitted the necessity of Dharma for the attainment of salvation, but contended that the Saiva creed, and not the various other Dharmas propounded by the different scriptures, constituted the paramount Dharma. The Isanasivagurudevapaddhati (Kriyapada, 1. 4 ff.) quotes the first of the Vaisesika sutras and says: athAto dharmamityAdisUtrAd vaizeSikAdataH / dharmaprayojanaM mokSaH proktazcAbhyudayo mahAn // uni agitur: eunaazginzsikar: 1 a fe a gouni: eyjevnt: Batikar: 11 mAyAvikArahInena vizuddhenAmalAtmanA / sarvakartrA zivenoktaM zAstraM mukhyaM hi sarvathA // SAIVA MATHAS AND TEACHERS The Saiva system was expounded and taught in the Mathas or monasteries many of which were in existence in central and western India in the tenth century or thereabouts. The Karhad plates of Krsna III issued in 959 A. D. record the grant of a village to a teacher named Gaganasiva, described as a great ascetic proficient in all the S'ivasiddhantas. He was the pupil of the Acarya Isanasiva, the head of the Valkalesvara Matha in Karahata (modern Karhad in the Satara district); and the purpose of the grant was the maintenance of the ascetics who lived at the place. It may be assumed that the Valkalesvara Matha was large and important enough to have attracted the notice of the Rastrakuta emperor. A teacher named Gaganasivacarya, described as an ornament to the spiritual lineage of the sage Durvasas, is mentioned in a Kanarese inscription issued by Dattalpendra Srimara, a king of the Alupa family which ruled for many centuries in the Tuluva country corresponding to the modern district of South Kanara and part of North Kanara. The subject of the record is the grant of a plot of land in Karkala in favour of the Matha 1 samadakarighaTAbhiH kiM kimaGgAGganAbhirmadanazayanalIlAM bhAvayantIbhirAbhiH / kanakaturagavAsoralajAtairna kRtyaM na hi bhavati heturbhavatu bhavati nityaM bhaktiyogo Verse 76. Yuvarajadeva bhavAnIvallabhasyArcanaM cet | Verse 74. ( kimiha ) bahubhiruktairnAtha sarvasya mamaikaH / sakalasukhavizeSAd yatra pIyUSavarSaH svayamanubhavagamyo jAyate tvatprasAdAt // II reigned about the last quarter of the tenth century A. D. See Chapters VIII and IX. 'karahATIya valkalezvarasthAnapati. 43 2

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338 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE to which Gaganasiva belonged. If the Gaganasiva mentioned in the inscription, which is not dated, is the same as the teacher named in the Karhad grant of Krsna III, it may be presumed that the Valkalesvara Matha had a branch in South Kanara, of which Gaganasiva was the head. It is noteworthy that Gaganasiva is called in the Karhad grant not the abbot of Valkalesvara, but a disciple of the abbot Isanasiva. It is possible that the latter was the head of the matha in Karahata and the former of the branch in Tuluva. It may be added that the Alupa kings were Saivas, and Saivism was the predominant religion in Tuluva from about the seventh to the thirteenth century, when the Vaisnava movement initiated by Anandatirtha came to the fore, A few years after the Karhad grant of Krsna III we find an ascetio named Prabodhasiva founding a Saiva Matha in central India, at Chandrehe in Rewa State, then within the dominions of the Cedi kings of Tripuri. The relevant inscription is dated in the Kalacuri year 724 corresponding to 972 A. D., and engraved on slabs built into a wall of the monastery, the remains of which still exist at Chandrehe.3 The edifice is of considerable size and partly two-storeyed, but the upper storey has for the most part collapsed. Still it is 'a very favourable specimen of Hindu civil or domestic architecture' with spacious rooms and smaller chambers. Two other Saiva morrasteries built during the rule of the Cedi kings, those of Vaidyanatha and Nauhalesvara or Nohalesvara, are earlier than the one at Chandrehe. According to the Bilhari inscription of the rulers of Cedi,* the Vaidyanatha-matha was presented to a teacher named Hrdayasiva by Laksmanaraja who ruled about the middle of the tenth century, being the son and successor of Yuvarajadeva I, who has been assigned to the first half of the same century. The Nauhalesvara Matha was also accepted by Hrdayasiva, but made over by him to his disciple Aghorasiva (vv. 57-8). As noted towards the end of the inscription, the prasasti seems to have been put up at the Nohalesvara Matha by Aghorasiva; and the monastery no doubt existed at Bilhari, in the Jubbalpore district, where the inscription is said to have been found. The Matha derived its name from Nohala, the queen of Yuvarajadeva I, and was obviously attached to the Siva temple caused to be built by her, as stated in the inscription (v. 40). 1 Saletore : Ancient Karnataka, Vol. I, p. 388, 2 Saletore (op. cit.), Chapter V. 3 See R. D Banerji: The Haihayas of Tripuri and their monuments. 4 Dp. Ind. Vol. I, p. 251.

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13. JAINISM AND OTHER FAITES 339 The Bilhari inscription of Prabodhasiva at Chandrehe and another record of his discovered at Gurgi, in Rewa State, throw light on an influential order of Saiva monks known as the Mattamayura family, who propagated the faith in many parts of western and central India from about the ninth to the eleventh century. Prabodhasiva who founded the Chandrehe monastery was a disciple of Prasantasiva. The latter built a hermitage ( asrama, siddhasthana), on the banks of the Sona river at the foot of the Bhramara mountain, and a retreat for the practice of austerities (tapahsthana) on the Ganges, which was held in high esteem by the people of Benares who were devout worshippers of Siva. Prasantasiva is called the ornament of the Mattamayura family in the Gurgi inscription, and was the disciple of Prabhavasiva. The latter was induced to settle in the Cedi country by Yuvarajadeva I and was presented with a Matha built at an enormous cost (ananta-dhana-pratistham). Similarly, Laksmanaraja, who gave the Vaidyanatha monastery to Hrdayasiva, is described as having brought the sage .by manifesting his devotion to him by means of presents sent through honest messengers. The services of the Mattamayura monks appear to have been freely requisitioned by the Cedi kings, who placed rich mathas at their disposal for the propagation of the Saiva faith. Prabhavasiva was the disciple of Sikhasiva or Cudasiva, who, according to the Chandrehe inscription, was the disciple of Purandara of the holy Mattamayura family, the preceptor of kings'. The latter may be said to have initiated the activities of the Mattamayura organisation; and to judge from the succession of teachers and disciples, he must have lived not later than the end of the ninth century. An inscription found at Ranod or: Narod in Gwalior State, about half-way between Jhansi and and assigned on palaeographic grounds to the end of the tenth or the beginning of the eleventh century, gives some information about this distinguished teacher. A king named Avantivarman, who visited Purandara at Upendrapura (Undor), and was initiated by him in the Saiva faith, persuaded the sage to migrate to his kingdom; and there in the city of Mattamayura, Purandara founded a Matha and another establishment at Ranipadra identified with Ranod. Ranipadra seems to have been a religious centre as it is called a tapovana, also a Yatyasrama in the Ranod inscription (vv. 15, 17 59.). There still exists an old building at Ranod, with an open cloister in front of it with rooms at each end, which most probably served the purpose of Banerji (op. cit.), 1 The inscriptions of Prabodhasiva are edited and translated in App. C. 2 Ep. Ind. Vol. I, p. 351 ff.

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340 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE a Matha or residence for monks. It is noteworthy that there are two tanks close to each other outside the courtyard; and one of them might ank elaborately described in the Ranod inscription, and said to have been excavated by a teacher named Vyomasiva. The latter seems to have lived about the middle of the tenth century, as there is a succession of three teachers between him and Purandara: Kavacasiva, Sadasiva and Hrday esa. Of them Sadasiva is said to have practised austerities at Ranipadra (v. 17). The town and the Matha seem to have fallen on evil days at a later date; and it was Vyomaciva who restored the town to its former prosperity, repaired and improved the dilapidated monastery, installed images of Saiva divinities, and founded the tank with temples and gardens attached to it (vv. 29, 30, 43, 44). Madhumati, in Malara, was another important saiva religious centre in the tenth century. In the Gurgi inscription of Prabodhas Madhumati is described as the abode of the Saiddhantikas or Saivas; and it was in fact one of the centres of the Mattamayura monks. Cudasiva or Sikhasiva, who was, as already mentioned, a disciple af Purandara, is called Madhumati-pati, Lord of Madhumati', in the Chandrehe inscription Hrdayasiva, who accepted monasteries from Laksmanaraja, and one of whose predecessors is stated to be Mattamayuranatha in the Bilhari inscription, is described therein as having enhanced the reputation of the Madhumateyavam sa or the family of the Madhumati monks (v. 55). All this shows that the monks of Madhumati represent a younger branch of the Mattamayura line of Saiva teachers. The Ranod inscription gives the names of the predecessors of Purandara, the founder of the Mattamayura lineage. They are Kadambaguhadhivasin Resident of Kadambaguha'; after him Sankhamathikadhipati Master of Sankhamathika'; then Terambipala Protector of Terambi'; and lastly, Amardakatirthanatha 'Lord of Amardakatirtha'. Terambi has been identified with Terahi, five miles to the south-east of Ranod, and Kadambaguha with Kadwaia or Kadwaha, about six miles south of Terahi, and where there are even now some old temples and the ruins of many others. Kadambaguba seems to have been an early centre of Saivism where lived a long line of saints (Siddhasantati), according to the Bilhari inscription. The sage Rudrasambhu was their revered leader and his disciple was Mattamayuranatha 'The lord of Mattamayura', who brought spiritual enlightenment to king Avantivarman. This is a clear reference to Purandara, 1 The spiritual pedigree is given as Rudrasam bhu-Mattamayuranatha-DharmasambhuSadasiva-Madhumateya-Cudasiva-Hrdayasiva-Aghorasiva. Verse 49. See Kielhorn's re-interpretation of the verse in Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 353, 2

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13. JAINISM AND OTHER FAITHS 341 but in the Ranod inscription his immediate predecessor is said to be Amardakatirthanathu. The town of Mattamayura made so famous by the distinguished line of ascetics named after it has not been identified; but, as suggested by Kielhorn, it must have been somewhere in Central India. As already mentioned, most of the Mathas of the Mattamayura sect were established in various parts of Central India, in the regions corresponding to Malwa, Gwalior State, Central Provinces and Rewa State. But the Mattamayura monks appear to have gone further afield, and established a branch in Southern Konkan, as shown by the Kharepatan plates of Rattaraja, dated in Saka 930 = 1008 A. D.' Ratta was a prince of the Silahara family of Southern Konkan, a feudatory of the Calukyan king Satyasraya, the successor of Taila II. The inscription records the grant of certain villages to a learned teacher named Atreya for the upkeep of the shrine of Avvesvara, for providing food and raiment to the resident ascetics and for the benefit of pupils (Chatra ), learned men and guests. There was obviously a Matha attached to the shrine. Now, the donee Atreya was a disciple of an ascetic named Ambhojasambhu who belonged to the Karkaroni branch of the Mattamayura family; and it is also stated that the yield of the villages granted was for the use of the learned Brahmacarins and Acaryas of the said branch of the Mattamayura line of ascetics. Another important Matha of the tenth century was the Golaki Matha in the Cedi country, but it does not appear to have been connected with the Mattamayura line. Golaki or Golagi is said to be a contraction of Golagiri, and the Matha seems to have been in the neighbourhood of Tripuri, the Cedi capital (modern Tewar within six miles of Jubbalpur). According to the Malakapuram pillar inscription of the Kakatiya queen Rudra Mahadevi, dated 1261 A. D., the Matha was founded by a Saiva teacher named Sadbhava Sambhu who was patronized by Yuvarajadeva I of Tripuri, who, as mentioned above, ruled in the first half of the tenth century A. D.3 The inscription mentioned above speaks of another teacher of the same line, named Soma Sambhu, who composed a work called Sonasambhupaddhati, and had thousands of disciples, but his exact date cannot be determined, as it is not known how many generations separated him from the founder of the Matha. We are inclined to identify him with 1 Ep. Ind. Vol. III, p. 292 ff. 2 Mattamayuran vaya-Karkaroni-Samtati'; "Mattamayurunvayantargata-Karkroni santana.' 3 CE. Mirashi: Yuvarajadeva I of Tripuri in A BORI, Vol. XI, p. 362.

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342 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE the Soma Smbhu quoted several times in the isanasivagurudevapaddhati (Kriyapada), specially as the verses cited from him deal with ritual ; and the Somasambhupaddhati, to judge from the title, must have been a work on ritual. If our identification of the two authors is correct, Soma Sambhu may be assigned to the latter half of the tenth or the first half of the eleventh century. It may be added that the succession of teachers at the Golaki Matha seems to have continued unbroken till 1261 A. D., the date of the Malakapuram pillar inscription, which records the grant of a village to a celebrated Saiva teacher named Visvesvara Sambhu. The ramifications of the great Matha have, as a matter of fact, been traced, beyond the thirteenth century and the geographical limits of Tripuri, to the Tamil and Telugu lands. A very old Saiva establishment, much earlier than the tenth century, and associated with the Pasupata sect, appears to have existed at Kayavarohana, also called Karohana and Karavana, identified with Karvan in Dabhoi taluka in Baroda State. The place is known also as Kayavatarana or Kayavatara. Kaundinya states in the introduction to his Bhasya on the Pasupatasutras that the Lord, assuming the form (kaya ) of a Brahmana, became incarnate at Kayavatarana, went on foot to Ujjain, and taught his doctrine to Bhagavat Kusika. The reference here is to the tradition that the Pasupata doctrine was revealed by Nakulisa or Lakulisa, the last of the the twenty-eight incarnations of Siva. The various incarnations of Siva are mentioned in Vayupurana (chap. 23), Lingapurana (chap. 24), Sivapurana (Vayaviya-samhita II, chap. 10 ) and in Kuumapurana, in the last chapter of the first part. The begin with Sveta and end with Lakulin; and they are called Yogacaryas in the Sivapuruna, The Vayy and Linga-puranas, which give the more detailed account, mention Kayarohana or Kayavatara as the place where Lakulin manifested himself, along with such famous sites as the Kalanjara mountain and the Prabhasa Tirtha where certain other Avataras of Siva are said to have revealed themselves. The Lingapurana makes in this connection particular mention of Pasupata Vrata, and declares its superiority to Samkhya or the Pancaratra discipline. Karohana is glorified also in the Karavanamahatmya, a work of unknown date, which declares it to be a Tirtha as sacred as Benares and Prayaga; and tells us that Lakuin here merged 1 For the Golaki Matha see Saletore: Ancient Karnataka, Vol. I, p. 362 ff. In a record found in the Madras Presidency, the Kalacuri king Yuvara jadeva is stated to have donated three lakhs of villages to Sadbhava Sambhu, the head of the Golaki Matha. See Amoda Plates of the Ilaihaya kiny Pothvideva in Ep. Ind. VoI, XIX, p. 75 ff,

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13. JAINISM AND OTHER FAITHS himself in the Brahmesvara Linga.' The characteristic emblems of Lakulin, a staff in the left hand and a citron in the right, are mentioned in this work." 343 An interesting link between Karvan and the ancient founder of the Pasupata system is provided by two lingas with the figure of Lakulin sculptured in front: one of them is in the temple of Naklesvar, and the other in that of Rajrajesvar, both at Karvan.3 Lingas with one or four faces of Siva carved against the linga pillar are quite common, and were installed in temples dedicated to Siva. It appears, however, that lingas with the figure of Lakulin carved on them were also installed, evidently by members of the Pasupata sect. The Puranic texts mentioned above assign four disciples to each of the twenty-eight Avataras of Siva. Those of Lakulin are stated to be Kusika, Garga, Mitra and Kaurusya. Important light on the date of Lakulin and Kusika is thrown by the Mathura Pillar Inscription of Candragupta II dated in Gupta era 61-380-81 A. D.* The inscription records the installation of two lingas called Kapilesvara and Upamitesvara by a Saiva teacher named Uditacarya whose pedigree is given. He is described as fourth in succession from Bhagavat Parasara and tenth from Bhagavat Kusika. Upamita and Kapila are two other teachers mentioned in the record. Bhagavat Kusika is no doubt the same as the first disciple of Lakulin mentioned in Kaundinya's Bhasya on the Pasupatasutras and the Puranic texts. If Uditacarya (380-81 A. D.) is tenth in succession from Kusika, the pupil of Lakulin, and we allot a certain number of years to each succeeding teacher, Lakulin and Kusika cannot possibly be later than the second century A. D. The Pasupata centre at Karvan was thus established sometime in the second century A. D., and Uditacarya's inscription shows that Pasupata teachers carried on their activities at Mathura in the fourth century A. D. The epigraph tells us that Uditacarya installed 1 The Karavana-mahatmya is printed as an appendix to Ganakarika (G. O. S.). 'Karvan seems to have suffered great desecration at the hands of the Musalmans. All round the village, chiefly under pipal trees, images and pieces of sculpture and large lingas lie scattered. To the north and east of the village on the banks of t large built pond called Kasikunda are numerous sculptures and lingas. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Pt. I, p. 83. 2 sthitaH sa bhagavAn tatra kAyarUpI mahezvaraH / yena kAyAvatAro'sau temeda kAyarohaNam || asidaNDadharo vAme dakSiNe bIjapUrakam | brahmaliGge mahAdevi ahamapi laya gataH // 3 See D. R. Bhandarkar: Mathura Pillar Inscription of Candragupta II in Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXI. I Ibid.

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344 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE the lingas, Upamitesvara and Kapilesvara, obviously named after the teachers Upamita and Kapila, in a place called guru-ayatana, which seems to mean & * Teachers' shrine', where such memorial lingus appear to have been placed for worship. It is possible that such shrines belonging to the Pasupata sect existed at other places besides Mathura. Uditacarya, as stated above, traces his descent to Kusika, the first disciple of Lakulin. Another line of teachers who trace their descent to Garga, the second disciple of Lakulin, is mentioned in the Cintra Prasasti of the reign of Sarangadeva of Gujarat, composed in 1287 A. D. at Somanathapattana, or Prabhasa, the famous Saiva Tirtha, in Kathiawar.? It is stated that Siva became incarnate as Bhattaraka Lakuliba, the reputed founder of the Pasupata system, at Karohana in the Lata country. He had four pupils named Kusika, Gargya, Kaurusa and Maitreya who set themselves to practise particular Pasupata vows. From them originated four branches or families of ascetics, and to the line established by Gargya (gargyagotra) belonged the abbot (sthanadhipa) Karttikarasi, his disciple Valmikirasi and the latter's disciple Tripurantaka. These teachers lived in the thirteenth century, but they belonged to an ancient line of Pasupata ascetics, and were apparently abbots in succession of some Matha in Gujarat. The tradition recorded above appears to be mentioned also in an inscription of the reign of Naravahana, king of Mewar, the ancient Medapata, dated 972 A. D. The inscription is mutilated, but there are clear references to Kayavarohana and Siva with a lakula (staff) in his hand, that is Lakulin or Lakulica, and Kusika and other sages. The ol the inscription seems to be to record the building of a temple of Lakulisa somewhere in Mewar. It is engraved on a slab built into the wall of a temple called Natha's Mandir near Ekalingaji's temple, a few miles north of Udaipur. It is obvious that temples of Lakuliba existed in the tenth century; and an old temple of Lakulisa is found also at Badami, as mentioned below. The Pasupata, as noted in Chapter IX, was an influential school of thought in the tenth century, and Pasupata teachers played an important part in the religious life of Mysore in the eleventh and twelfth centuries.* 1 Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 271. 2 A Collection of Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions published by the Bhavanagar Archaeological Department, p. 70. 3 'lakulIzavezma himavacanopamaM kAritam' 4 See below.

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13. JAINISM AND OTHER FAITHS 345 The influence of Pasupata teachers and Mathas can also be traced elsewhere in the country. Kalhana tells us in Rajatarangini 5. 404 that the king of Kashmir Cakravarman (935 A. D.) constructed a lodge for the Pasupatas called the Cakra-matha, which, being half built at the time of his murder, was completed afterwards by his widow. Turning to the south, we find that, a few years later, an inscription of the thirtysixth year of the reign of the Cola king Parantaka I (907-953 a. D.) records a grant of land for the maintenance of certain attendants and offerings in a temple, and for feeding the Sivayogins and the Mahesvaras on the seven festival days beginning with the asterism of Mula. Here the Sivayogins obviously refer to the Saivas, and the Mahesvaras appear to be Pasupatas, as Samkara in his Bhasya on the Vedantasutras II. 2. 37 refers to the latter as Mahesvaras. . An inscription of the reign of Kumarupala of Gujarat, dated 1169 A. D., throws interesting light on the career of a distinguished Pasupata teacher named Bhava-Bphaspati alias Ganda. The inscription is engraved on a large stone in the side wall near the door of the temple of Bhadrakali at Somanathapattana, and tells us that he was a native of Benares and belonged to the Gargeya-vamsa, that is, to the spiritual lineage of Gargya, one of the original founders of the Pasupata sect. Bhava-Bshaspati left Benares on a tour of pilgrimage and came to Dhara, and the Paramara kings are said to have become his disciples. He practised austerities in Malava and Kanauj and efficiently managed Mathas. Subsequently he came to Gujarat where he cultivated the friendship of the reigning king Jayasimha Siddharaja. The great achievement of Bhava-Brhaspati was the restoration of the famous temple of Somanatha under the patronage of the next kiny Kumarapalu, who richly rewarded him for rebuilding the dilapidated edifice. A Pasupata Matha, much earlier than the thirteenth century, existed on Mount Abu in Rajputani. An inscription, dated Samvat 1342 (1285 A. D.), which records the genealogy of the Sisodiu kings of Chitore, tells us that the Matha on the hill-top was repaired by Raja Samarasimha who also equipped it with a golden flag-staff at the request of a Saiva ascetic named Bhavacamkara. The latter was a disciple of Bhavagni, a Pasupata ascetic who was formerly the abbot (sthanadhisa) of the Matha. 1 N, K, Sastri: The Colas, Vol. I, P. 434. | 2 ng645 : Ita: 3 A Collection of Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions (op. cit. ), p. 186.

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346 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE The establishment was considered very old at the time of the inscription which calls it anadi." The active influence of a faith is best illustrated by the temples devoted to its cultus; and of no other faith is this so true as of S'aivism during several centuries in India. Some of the most important shrines may be casually enumerated here: Somanatha at Somanathapattana in Kathiawar, Acalesvara at Abu, Ekalingaji near Udaipur, Mahakala at Ujjain, Nilakanthesvara at Udayapura near Bhilsa, Omkaresvara in the Nimar Dt. of Central Province, Visvanatha etc. at Khajuraho, Viratesvara at Sohagpur, Parasuramesvara etc. at Bhuvanesvara in Orissa, Saingamesvara at Badami, Kailasa) isvara at Ellore, Tarakesvara at Hangal (Dharwar Dt. ), Madhukesvara at Banavasi, Rajasimhesvara at Conjeevaram, etc. A study of the geographical distribution of these Saiva temples shows tbe influence and popularity of Saivism in vast areas of early medieval India until about the 12th century A. D.* GAIVISM AND JAINISM: THE LAST PHASE The struggle of the Jaina faith with Virasaivism came in the latter half of twelfth century. In the tenth century Jainism still occupied a privileged position under the patronage of the ruling dynasties in Mysore and the Deccan; and it was about this time that it was in conflict with the prevailing Saivism of the age. Sectarian controversy was the order of the day; and Somadeva seems to echo contemporary Jaina theological opinion when he denounces Saivism as a strange medley of mutually contradictory doctrines. Others, besides him, appear to have entered the lists against Saivism. The Mallisena Prasasti tells us that the Jaina teacher Vimalacandra challenged the Saivas, Pasupatas and Kapalikas as well as Bauddhas and Kopilas to argument; while another teacher Hemusena is declared to have vanquished Siva himself, like Arjuna (vv. 25, 36 )i The Prasasti was composed in honour of the Jaina saint Mallisena who died by fasting at Sravana-Belgola in 1129 A. D., and these two scholars are mentioned in a list of Digambara teachers who preceded Mallisena.* Hemasena is mentioned just before Dayapala and Vadiraja, both of whom lived in the first quarter of the eleventh century, and just after Matisagara, the guru of Dayapala. Hemasena may possibly be assigned to the end of the tenth century. Then, there are six teachers between Matisagara and 1 Ibid., p. 84. 2 See Appendix III. 3 See Chapters VIII and X. 4 Bp. Ind., Vol. III, p. 184.

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13. JAINISM AND OTHER FAITHS Vimalacandra, who may have lived in the first half of the tenth century, and was perhaps a contemporary of Somadeva. Similar claims of Saiva teachers triumphing over their Jaina opponents are occasionally met with. The Ranod inscription states that a celebrated teacher named Vyomasiva silenced among others the Jainas who are contemptuously likened to jackals (v. 39). Vyomasiva was a native of Central India, and as already mentioned, he may be assigned to about the middle of the tenth century. Another distinguished opponent of Jaina teachers was Vadi-Rudraguna of whom we shall speak later. 347 One of the points at issue in the Saiva-Jaina controversy was the position of the Arhats as superhuman universal teachers. The Saivas contended that the Jaina conception of the Arhat was wholly inadequate : if he was an omniscient teacher, we must ask who his teacher was, and if he was a saint devoted to austerities, there must be some one to vouchsafe the result of his efforts. In either case, it was necessary to postulate a superior Being, self-existent and without a beginning, and He was no other than Mahesvara or Siva. The Saiva contention that Siva was the guru of the Jaina Tirthamkaras is recorded by Somadeva in Yasastilaka; while the claim that He confers on the Arhat, who is conditioned in time, the reward of the Latter's religious austerities is put forward in Isanasivagurudevapaddhati (Kriyapada 1. 39 ff.). Jainism began to lose ground from about the eleventh century following the subversion of the Rastrakuta empire and the Ganga kingdom, which were its principal mainstay. Saivism, on the other hand, continued to make fresh conquests under the Calukyas of Kalyani, while the Colas, who conquered Mysore early in the eleventh century, were its most ardent champions. Interesting light on the prestige and eminence of the Saiva teachers of the age is thrown by an inscription of the reign of the Calukya king Jayasimha II, dated 1036 A. D., which records certain grants of land made to a Saiva scholar named Vadi-Rudraguna Lakulisvara Pandita for the repairs of the temple of Panca Linga, at Balligave, 'the royal city of Banavase 12000'. Vadi-Rudraguna, described in the inscription as a falling star to the Digambara speakers, defeated in argument a number of eminent 1 See Chap. VIII. 2 tatkAraNaM sadhIrastItyeSaNIyo mahezvaraH / dehapramANamAtmAnaM nityAnityavizeSaNAt // bhavatAM jainasAdhUnAM maharSistAdRgeva hi / ahiMsAditapoyogAdarhattvaM tasya tanmate // siddhamityAdimAn so'pi tapasA paravAn yataH / tattapaHphaladAtAnyastairutsRjyeha matsaram // svatatro'nAdimAn kartAdhyeSaNIyo mahezvaraH / 3 Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. VII. Inscriptions in the Shimoga District. Part I (No. 126).

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348 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Jaina teachers including the famous scholar and poet Vadiraja. The Panca Linga temple was an important educational centre of the Kalamukha order of Saiva ascetics, being called the Kalamukhi Brahmacari-sthana of Balligave'; and the grants in question were made not only for the upkeep of the temple and the worship of the god but for the provision of food and clothing for the students and ascetics. The Kedara Matha of Balligave was even a more important Saiva religious and educational institution. An inscription of the reign of Bijjala, dated 1162 A. D., gives a remarkable picture of the great establishment, called in the record 'Kodiya Matha, the place of the Southern Kedara', while the deity worshipped in the temple is referred to as * Daksina Kedaresvara of the Kodiya Matha'. The Matha was not only a place of worship but a great centre of learning and a well-organised charitable institution for the destitute and the sick. It is described in the inscription as "the place appointed for the performance of the rites of devotee Brahmacari-Sivamunis; the place for the recital of the four Vedas with their Angas; the place for commentaries on the Kaumara, Paniniya, Sakatayana, Sabdanusasana and other grammars; the place for commentaries on the Nyaya, Vaisesika, Mimamsa, Samkhya, Bauddha and (other systems); the place for commentaries on the Lakula-siddhanta, the Patanjala and other Yoa-sastras; the place for the eighteen Puranas, the Dharma-sastra, all poems, dramas, comedies and every branch of learning; the place where food is freely distributed to the poor, the destitute, the lame, the blind, t deaf........ .........; the place for the treatment of the diseases of destitute sick persons; a place of security from fear for all living things". 'The Southern Kedara' is described also as "the means of the absolution of sin, the very presence of Siva manifested to all the citizens........." A celebrated Saiva teacher Vamasakti Pandita, designated as Rajaguru, was the head of the Matha at the time; and Bijjala, washing the feet of the guru, made various grants of lands "for the decoration of the god Daksina Kedaresvara, for gifts of food to the ascetics, for gifts of learning, for repairs of the temple............". On the same occasion he made grants to two other siva temples, those of Sonianatha and Brabmesvara at Abbalur. Bijjala may have had Jaina leanings, but there is no doubt that he was a patron of Saivism. It is hardly necessary to point out that it was during his reign that the aggressive Virasaiva cult came into prominence and imposed serious handicaps on the further progress of the Jaina faith in South-Western India. Virasaivism weaned away the commercial classes 1 Ibid., Inscription No. 102. Balligave or Balligame is in the Shimoga District of Mysore State. 2 Ablur in Dharwar District.

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13. JAINISM AND OTHER FAITHS 349 who were the chief supporters of Jainism; and whole clans, like the Cangalvas were converted from Jainism to the Virasaiva faith. The influence of the new sect is illustrated by the fact that an important Jaina centre like Bankapur, in the Dharwar district, which had five religious colleges of the Jainas in 1055 A. D., came to have a Hindu population, the greater part of whom were Lingayats. It is also said that Lingayats appropriated a large number of Jaina temples in the Kanarese districts and installed in them the linga as the object of worship. Prior to this, Jaina temples appear to have suffered considerable damage during the Cola invasions of the Calukyan dominions in the eleventh century. The base Cola' (Raja. dbiraja I who was killed in the battle of Koppam in 1054 A, D.) is said to have burned down many temples and defiled and damaged Jaina sanctuaries in the Belvola province during the reign of Somesvara I. The damage seems to have been repaired to some extent by Lakshma, the governor of a, who, in 1071 A. D., restored the Jaina temple at Annigeri, in the Dharwar district, which had been burned down by the Cola Among the saiva sects the Pasupatas appear to have been very influential in the Mysore country in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The name of Lakulisa, the founder of the system, occurs very often in the Mysore inscriptions, and the creed is referred to as the Lakulagama, Lakulamnaya and Lakula-samaya. An inscription of 943 A. D. says that Lakulisa, fearing lest his name and works of merit should be forgotten, became incarnate as the muninatha Chilluka. As mentioned above, a grant was made in 1036 A. D. in favour of Vadi-Rudraguna, styled as Lakulisvara Pandita. An inscription of about 1078 and two others of 1094 and 1103 mention respectively Valmiki-muni, Srikantha-pandita and his son Somesvara-pandita, all of them distinguished exponents of the Lakula creed. 1 Rice: Coorg Inscriptions, Vol. I, p. 13. 1914. The Cangalvas ruled in West Mysore and Coorg. 2 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXII, p. 653. 3 Cousens (op. cit.). 4. See Two Inscriptions from Gawarwad and Annigeri, Ep. Ind., vol. XV, p. 337 ff. Also Sastri: The Colas, Vol. I, p. 311. Belvola is an old Kanarese word meaning a field of standing corn. The name was given to the fertile district near the centre of which are Dambal, Gadag and Lakkundi, in the Dharwar district. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXII, pp. 392, 718. There still exist a number of old Jaina temples in this area, at Aminbhavi (near Dharwar town), Apnigeri (between Dharwar and Gadag), Chabbi (about eight miles south of Hubli), Lakkundi (about seven miles south-east of Gadag), Mulgund (about twelve miles south-west of Gadag), and Soratur (about ten miles south of Gadag). Bombay Gazetteer (op. cit.), chap. XIV.

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350 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE The latter is said to have caused the Lakula-siddhanta to blossom. Further, two inscriptions of 1168 and 1179 compare the rajaguru Vamasakti with Lakulisvara or Nakulisvara. Another record mentions a succession of gurus of the Agastyesvara Matha at Sriparvata, all whose names end in sakti. T'he Lakula or Pasupata system is generally mentioned in the Mysore inscriptions in connection with the Kalamukha sect;' and there is no doubt that the Pasupatas were known as Kalamukhas in the Kannada country. The technical expression Kalam Karcci (laving the feet) used in Kannada inscriptions on the occasion of making a gift to the teachers of this sect is an indication of the high respect shown to them?. These Kalamukha Pasupatas were not certainly identical with the Kalamukhas mentioned by Yamuna Muni and Ramanuja in their enumeration of Saiva sects, as the latter were no better than Kapalikas. The mantle of the Pasupatas appears to have fallen on the Virasaivas to a very great extent in the Kannada country. Many of the great Kalamukha Mathas seem to have been transformed into Virasaiva Mathas. The Kalamukha Matha at Puvalli, the modern Huli in the Belgaum District of Bombay Province, which had many branches and a succession of influential abbots, as recorded in a number of inscriptions, is now a Virasaiva Matha, and provides a striking illustration of the process of transformation. Virasaivism represented a mass movement, and was a more serious rival of Jainism. It was also a movement of social reform, and at variance with orthodox Hinduism in several respects. The rapid expansion of this powerful, hostile sect had an adverse effect on the subsequent history of Jainism in the South. Virasaivism gathered momentum under the inspiring leadership of Basava, the minister of Bijjala (1162-67 A, D.) who had taken possession of the Calukyan throne. Kalyana (now in Bidar District, Hyderabad State), the capital of the later Calukyas, became the centre of direction of the new religious movement. The devotional literature of the Virasaivas known as the Vacanasastras composed in Kanarese prose goes back to the eleventh century A.D., about a century earlier than the age of Basava; but the literary and religious movement reached its climax about the middle of the twelfth century during the 1 See Rice: Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, p. 205. Also Bhandarkar: Vaisnarism, Saivism and minor religious systems, p. 171. Poona ed. In an inscription of 1177 A. D., for example, certain ascetics are called upholders of the Lakulagama-samaya and adherents of the Kalamukhas. 2 Nandimath: A Handbook of Virsaivism, p. 9. 3 Nandimath (op. cit.), p. 10.

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13. JAINISM AND OTHER FAITHS 351 period of the activities of Basava and his contemporaries. Jedara Dasimayya, one of the early Vacana writers, is believed to have been a contemporary of the Calukya king Jayasimha I whose reign covers the greater portion of the first half of the eleventh century A. D. The principal writers and leaders of the movement, however, belong to the latter half of the next century. Among the contemporaries of Basava may be mentioned Ekantada Ramayya, a vigorous propagandist who is said to have destroyed Jaina temples; Prabhudeva who was the head of the Virakta-matha at Kalyana, the pontifical seat known as Sunya-simhasana The throne of the void '; Cennabasava who seems to have led the movement after Basava; Siddharama who is known as Sivayogin, and several others. The doctrines and social practices of the Virasaivas are beyond the scope of our discussion. It may, however, be noted that the apostles of Virasaivism laid great stress on intense devotion (bhakti) to Siva, and owed a good deal to the teachings of the great Saiva saints of the Tamil land. Indeed the Virasaiva saints claimed the Tamilians as their own; and the Kannada Virasaiva literature teems with accounts of the va saints.' More important for us is the fact that Virasaivism spread like wild fire over a considerable portion of the Deccan and southern India. It enjoyed extensive patronage and privileges under the Vijayanagura kings. It was the religion of the Keladi or Ikkeri chiefs who ruled a considerable portion of the Vijayanagara empire. The ancestors of the present rulers of Mysore were Lingayats till the 18th century. Of all the rivals of Jainism Virasaivism seems to have been the most potent, and still continues to play an important role in the social and religious life of South-western India. Apart from the rise of Virasaivism, the loss of royal patronage following the overthrow of the Rastrakutas and the Gangas placed Jainism at a disadvantage in its encounter with rival creeds. The reorganisation of Vaianavism by Ramanuja and the conversion of the Hoysala king Bittideva (Visnuvardhana) by the latter at the end of the eleventh century was another blow to the prospects of Jainism in the south. Most of the Jaina centres in Karnataka (Paudanapura, Hanasoge, Humcca, Balligame etc.) ceased to be strongholds of Jainism, and "in the centres which fell into the hands of the non-Jainas, only mutilated Jaina images and broken slabs bear silent testimony to the once prosperous condition of Jainism in the country". It has been said of Balligame that, like many a great 1 For a brief but authoritative account of Virasaivism see Dr. Nandimath's book cited above. % Saletore: Medicvul Jainism, p. 184.

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352 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Jaina centre, it today possesses no traces of Jaina worship except broken Jaina images.1 Still when we speak of the decline of Jainism in Karnataka we should think in terms of a setback rather than any progressive decay or deterioration. It has been rightly pointed out that Jainism did its best work in the best days of the Rastrakutas in the Southern Maharatta country and Mysore. "These are the portions of South India that happen to be great Jaina centres even now, and in that region Jainism flourished even in the age of the great Colas............Jainism continued to flourish under the Calukyas and under the Hoysalas at a later time and even in the age of Vijayanagar." It has indeed been said of the Hoysalas that, though they were Jainas first, and later changed over to Vaisnavism, they still built temples dedicated to Tirthankaras, Siva and Visnu, and were patrons of all sects alike." Any talk about the conflict of Saivism and Jainism during the period under consideration might be misleading if we failed to point out that the two faiths existed side by side, generally speaking, in an atmosphere of toleration and amity in various parts of the country. This is proved by the existence of imposing Jaina temples in such important centres of Saiva worship as Khajuraho in Bundelkhand or Un in southern Indore. At Khajuraho where the temples were mostly built during the reigns of Yasovarman and Dhanga (c. 930-1000 A. D. ), we have the large and fine temple of Jinanatha, which has an inscription of 954 A. D., and was built in the beginning of Dhanga's reign. The Ghantai Jaina temple, so called from the bells carved on the pillars, has been partially rebuilt from older materials. The original temple is believed to have been erected in the tenth century A. D. 1 Saletore: Medieval Jainism, p. 204. 2 Aiyangar: Some contributions of South India to Indian Culture, p. 291. 3 Mysore Archaeological Report for 1924, p. 7. 4 Vincent Smith (op. cit.) in IA, 1908, P. 133. There are several other Jaina temples at Khajuraho. No. 26 in Cunningham's list is an ancient temple 'restored with plaster and old stones and called Setnath, which is most probably the original name, as the principal statue enshrined is a colossal standing figure of Adinatha, 14 feet in height with the title of Setnath, 'On the pedestal of this statue Cunningham found on his first visit an inscription dated in Samvat 1085, or A. D. 1028. No. 27 in his list is a small ancient Jaina temple now dedicated to Adinatha. There are many Jaina statues, both whole and broken, collected about these temples, with dated inscriptions. One of them is inscribed on a pedestal of a colossal seated statue, and records that the image was dedicated in Samvat 1215 (A. D. 1158) during the reign of Madanavarman. Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. Il, p. 412 ff.

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13. JAINISM AND OTHER FAITHS 353 The Un group of temple has been assigned to the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Here we have a large Jaina temple, Chaubara Dera No. 2, 'which in spite of the loss of its sikhara still remains one of the most beautiful monuments at Un.' The building has a very large porch in front of the mandapa. The second Jaina temple at Un is very well-preserved and popularly known as Goalesvara. The floor of the garbhagrha is about ten feet lower than that of the mandapa, and one has to descend a series of steps. Inside the sanctum stand three huge Digambara Jaina images, one of which measures twelve and a half feet in height. The images bear short inscriptions which give 1206 A. D. as the date of their dedication. Several other large Jaina images have been found at Un, one of which bears the date 1125 or 1135 A. D.1 Jaina religious edifices are also found in close proximity to the island of Mandhata in the Narmada, in the Nimar District of Central Provinces. 'On the island itself, every temple is dedicated to Siva or his associate deities; but the north bank of the river opposite, in addition to Sivaite ruins, contains several old structures devoted to Visnu, and a whole group of Jaina temples.' The Jaina temples stand on an elevation overlooking, but a little retired from the river. The largest building raised on a plinth of basalt blocks five feet high was perhaps a monastery. It consisted of a quadrangle 53 feet by 43 feet, surrounded by four rows of pillars about 10 feet high. The eastern wall is still complete, decorated with geometrical figures rudely carved in yellow sandstone. On each side of the doorway is a figure carved on slabs about 2 feet high, with Sivaite and Jaina emblems curiously intermixed. To the north stood the temple proper, built in a pyramidal shape, with numerous smaller spires. The porch is still erect, but the shrine has been buried beneath the ruins of the dome. The third building was a smaller temple raised on a pyramid of basalt blocks about 25 feet high.' Interesting sidelight on Saiva-Jaina relations is provided by the religious history of Mount Abu, which was an early and famous seat of Saiva worship. The Abu region was subjected by Bhima I of Gujarat early in the second quarter of the eleventh century A. D.; and the Jaina Vimala Saha, the first great exponent of marble architecture in India, was sent out as the governor of Abu. It appears that Jaina religious edifices had not existed on the sacred mountain before his time. The magnificent marble temple of Adinatha was built at Delwara (Devalwada) on Mount Abu by Vimala Saha in 1 Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, 1919, pp. 62-61. 2 Imperial Gazelleer of India, Vol. IX, p. 296, 45 2

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354 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE 1031 A.D.; and there is a significant tradition associated with the building of the shrine. It is said that the site on which the edifice now stands was formerly occupied by Brahmanical temples, but this devout Jaina offered to cover with silver coins as much ground as was required for his temple in return for the permission to erect it. This munificent offer was accepted.' It is not necessary to mention the existence of Jaina cave temples at Ellora, the home of stupendous rock-cut temples dedicated to Siva, as the caves here have been assigned to the Rastrakuta period, which coincided with the heyday of Jainism in the Deccan and Mysore. Apart from occasion. al acts of vandalism, Saiva-Jaina relations do not appear to have been marred by anything more serious than theological disputes or religious controversies. sAIVISM-VAMA MARGA The Vama Marga, as defined by Somadeva, may be said to represent the grosser form of the Saiva and Tantric cults and includes sects like the Kaulas and the Kapalikas. We have already discussed Somadeva's account of the practices of the Kaulas who are represented as avowed sensualists i Commissariat: History of Gujarat, Vol. I, p. 1xii. 2 Jaina temples are said to have been demolished during the invasion of Gujarat by the Paramara king Subhatavarman early in the thirteenth century A. D. Ganguly : History of the Paranara Dynasty, p. 197. As against this, we may point to the flourishing condition of Jaiua culture and religion in Malwa from the latter part of the tenth centary onwards, which will bear comparison in its own way with the efflorescence of Jainism during Rastrakuta hegemony in the Deccin, or under the Solankis in Gujarat. The harmonious relation of the various faiths in medieval Malava is shown also by the co-existence of Jaina and Vaisnava temples it several places in Northern Indore. At Kohala, six miles from Bhanpura, to the east of the temple of Laksmi-Narayana, there are two Jaina temples side by side and known by the popular name of sar-bahu-ki mandir or the temples of the mother-in-law and the daughter-in-law, one of which is used for worship even now. At the village of Sandhara, not far from Bhanpura, the remains include an old temple of Visnu and a Jaina temple called Tamboli-ka-mandir or the temple of the betel-seller as well as two other Jaina temples, which have been partly rebuilt at a later date. These two temples are dedicated to Adinatha and belong to the Digambart community, and regular worship is carried on in both. Twould temples, one dedicated to Visnu and the other to Parsvanatha, stand in the centre of the village of Kukdesvar, ten miles to the west of Rampura in the northern part of Indore State. It is rioteworthy that the Jain teinple contains a large bus-relief representing scenes from the life of Krsna, which has been built into the south wall of the mandapa. For details see Progress Report of the Archaculogical Survey of Initiet, Western Circles for the year enebing 31si March, 1920. temples, which air or the temple old temple

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13. JAINISM AND OTHER PAITHS 355 and worshippers of Siva. It is related in Skandapurana, Prabhasakhanda (Chap. 119 of Prabhasaksetrc-mahatmya) that when the great goddess of the Prabhasaksetra killed the demons Bala and A tibala and their army, some of the demons who escaped became Kaulas, addicted to meat, wine and women. This seems to be in accord with current description of the Kaulas, but it is an irony that the Purana should have stated also that certain of the demons became Jainas, who were bitterly hostile critics of the former sect. Jayanta in Nyayamanjari (chap. 4) hints at the objectionable practices of the Kaulas aimed at the attailiment of superhuman powers; but as, in this context, he records the views of certain thinkers that all religious systems are authoritative in their own way, he is inclined to put Kaula ritual on a par with such malevolent Vedic rites as the Syena performed for the purpose of destroying one's enemies. That the Kaula cult was prevalent in the tenth century is shown not only by the evidence furnished by Somadeva but by that of Rajasekhara and Devasena, both of whom belong to the first half of the century. In Rajasekhara's play Karpuramanjari 1. 22 ff. the master magician Bhairavananda declares that he is an adherent of the Kaula way, drinks wine and enjoys women and so goes forward to salvation. He describes the Kaula religion as charming to all, as its only requirements are a hot strumpet for wife, plenty of meat and wine, alms and a pelt to serve as bed; and opines that while gods like Hari and Brahma prescribe meditation, the study of the Vedas, and sacrifices as leading to final release, Siva has the sole credit of having devised a way to salvation consistent with the pleasures of love and wine. The Jaina Devasena gives a similar picture of the Kaula cult in his Bhavasangraha (verses 182-3). Rajasekhara's verse ( Karpuramanjari 1. 23): . raNDA caNDA dikkhimA dhammadArA maja maMsaM pijae khajae / mikkhA bhoja cammakhaNDaM ca sejA kolo dhammo kassa No bhAi rammo // may be compared with Devasena's description of the Kaula religion in Bhavasamgraha: raMDA muMDA thaMDI suMDI dikkhidA dhammadArA sIse kaMtA kAmAsattA kAmiyA sA viyaaraa| maja maMsaM mihaM bhakkhaM bhakkhiyaM jIvasokkhaM ca kaule dhamme visaye ramme taM ji ho saggamorkha // It is also noteworthy that Devasena, while describing Carvaka doctrines in the above work (verses 172-76), attributes them to Kaulacarya or the teacher of Kaula doctrines. The Carvakas or Lokayatikas were no doubt distinct from the Kaulas, but the insistence of the latter on rank sensualism seems to have led Devasena to identify them with the Carvakas, 1 Chap. VIII.

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356 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN QUINTURE Hemacandra says in his commentary on his Yogasastra. 4. 102 that the disciples of the Kaulacaryas are known as Yogins. It may be noted that in Karpuramanjari the Kaula Bhairavananda is often referred to as joisara (Yogisvara), the great Yogin or adept in mystic rites. Kaula diksa is likewise referred to in a double entendre in Nalucampu (chap. 2).* The Kaulas were akin to the Kapalikas, and both the Kaula and the Kapalika cults were anathema to the Jainas. In Yasastilaka VI. 3 Somadeva prescribes a bath for Jaina monks when they happen to come in contact with a Kapalika. We learn from Yamunacarya's Agamapramanya (about 1050 A. D.) that the characteristics of the Kapalikas were the sacred thread, the smearing of the body with ashes, a crest jewel, various ornaments for the ears and the neck, a human skull and a club. According to them, be who realises the true significance of the six symbols ( sacred thread, ashes, crest-jewels, karnika, kundala and rucaka), and meditates on the Self, mentally locating it on the female organ, attains the supreme beatitude. Additional information about the Kapalika sect is furnished by Krsnamisra's allegorical play Prabodhacandrodaya, Act III, which introduces a Kapalika who recounts his beliefs and practices. He wears a garland of human bones, lives on cremation grounds and uses a skull as a dish. Describing his religion, he declares that it consists of the worship of the Mahabhairava form of Siva with human sacrifices: human flesh is offered as an oblation in the fire, and the worshipper drinks wine from a skull. Not only Mahabhairava but his consort (Mahabhairavi) is worshipped with blood along with a host of goblins called up to the beating of drums. As regards his beliefs, the Kapalika declares that the world, full of diversities, is not different from Siva. The Kapalika ideal of salvation is to become incarnate in a form like that of Siva and enjoy the pleasures of love with a consort beautiful as Parvati. This doctrine is said to have been revealed by Siva himself, as there can be no happiness without mundane joys; and a state of salvation in which the Self subsists in its pristine condition, like a block of stone, without any consciousness of joy, cannot be a desired goal. This is the sum and 4 ay 1 THT dan 173CTITRITTHCAT i afirmar afhai hierailar TH 11 Verse 33. 2 "acante interfata gestastarfar: .......*** aft:'. The comm, remarks *** dIkSAmu kutsitena caruNA mAMsAdinopalobhitalokA.. 3 saMge kApAlikAgreyIcANDAlazabarAdibhiH / Aplatya daNDavat samyagjapenmatramupoSitaH / / tthaahuH| mudrikASaTkatattvazaH paramudrAvizAradaH / bhagAsanasthamAtmAnaM dhyAtvA nirvANamRcchati // tathA / karNikArucakaM caiva kuNDalaM ca zikhAmaNim / bhasma yajJopavItaM ca mudrASaTka pracakSate / kapAlamatha khadAGgamupamudre prakIrtite / Abhirmudritadehastu na bhUya iha jAyate / / 5 alfa 1474 Flatforwafa tret 11 3. 12. 6 dRSTaM kApi sukhaM vinA na vipatharAnandabodhojjhitA, jIvasya sthitireva muktirupalAvasthA kathaM prAya'te / pArvatyAH pratirUpayA dayitayA sAnandamAlihito, muktaH krIDati candracaDavapurityUce mRddaaniiptiH| 3. 16.

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13. JAINISM AND OTHER FAITHS 357 substance of the Kapalika doctrine, called also Mahabhairavanu sasana, Paramesvare-siddhanta, and Somasiddhanta in Krsnamisra's play. Like Bhairavananda in Rajasekhara's Karpuramanjari, the Kapalika in Prabodhacandrodaya puts forward exaggerated claims of miraculous powers, and one of the avowed objects of the Kapalika cult is the attainment of the supernatural Yogic powers known as the Siddhis. It is noteworthy that the Kapalika is once addressed in the play as Kulacarya", which shows that, although the Kaula and the Kapalika cults were distinct from each other, Kapalikas were sometimes confused with Kaulas owing to certain resemblances in their practices. The Kaulas are not, as a rule, associated with human sacrifices; yet it is at the instance of a Kulacarya that Maradatta orders preparations for a human sacrifice in the Mahabhairava temple in Yasastilaka, Book I. Members of both sects would seem to have indulged in objectionable practices, but it was the Kapalikas who were more prominently connected with rites involving the sacrifice of human beings. In the fourth Act of Ksemisvara's Candakausika, composed in the first half of the tenth century, Dharma appears in the guise of a Kapalika, armed with a club, and carrying a skull in his hand; and decorated with ashes and human bones. He declares that he is about to attain certain magical powers: control over a goblin who has entered into a corpse, possession of a thunderbolt and magic pills and paints, union with a demoness, and the knowledge of alchemy (dhatuvada) and the elixir of life ( rasayana ). There no doubt that the Kapalikas were charlatans and adepts in black inagic, but those who sought to discover the elixir of life and practised alchemy were not necessarily Kapalikas. That the Kapalika cult is much earlier than the tenth century is shown by the wellknown episode in Bhavabhuti's Malatimadhara, Act V, he Kapalika Aghoraghanta attempts to sacrifice Malati before the goddess Karala or Camunda. This episode is based on the story of Vidusaka in Kathasaritsagara 3. 4. 158 ff., or rather on Gunadhya's Brhatkatha, of which the former work is a summary. Although the fanatic, who attempts to sacrifice king Adityasena's daughter before the idol of 1 30gara laitsta a Agrar: qogel HERACY: I eto. 3. 32. 2 7074-77 for are 3**... ! 3 A drunken but otherwise innocent Kapalika appears in the lattavilasaprahasana of the Pallava King Mahendravikramavarman (first quarter of the 7th century A. D.). About the same time Hsuan-tsang met the first Hindu ascetics of his journey at Kapisi, north of Kabul: they had their bodies smeared with ashes and wore a chaplet made of skulls. They were no doubt Saiva ascetics, but probably not Ka palikas. Grousset: In the footsteps of the Buddha, p. 93. Pallava King line Hsuan-tsang mas hodies smeared

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Katyayani in the story of Vidusaka, is called a Pravrajaka or Parivrajaka, there is no doubt that he is a Kapalika. In another story in Kathasaritsagara 18. 2 a Kapalika draws a married woman named Madanamanjari to a cremation ground for an evil purpose by force of magic formulas and oblations in the fire, but is foiled in his attempt by the intervention of the great king Vikramaditya. In Haribhadra's Samaraiccakaha, Book IV, the gambler Mahesvaradatta becomes a Kapalika and an expert in garuda-mantra, mystic formulas for curing snake-bites. The machinations of a Kapalika and his grim ritual are vividly portrayed in the eighth Act of Ramacandra's Kaumudimitrananda. Makaranda in the play allows Kaumudi and Sumitra to take shelter in a subterranean chamber as a protec tion against the alleged designs of a Vidyadhara. Meanwhile the Kapalika offers oblations of human intestines in the fire and attempts to revive what is apparently a corpse which rises and strikes him. The Kapalika and his accomplices manage to disappear, but Makaranda finds no trace of the chamber or the ladies concealed therein. The episode throws light on certain nefarious tactics of the Kapalikas seen by a writer of the as twelfth century. 358 Kapalikas were known also as Mahavratins. Jagaddhara in his commentary on Malatimadhava, Act I, explains the term Kapalikavrata as Mahavrata, and Candapala in his commentary on Nalacampu (Chap. 6) explains Mahavratikas as Kapalikas. In Kathasaritsagara 5. 2. 81 a Mahavratin is described as Kapalin ('furnished with a human skull'), wearing matted hair, and white with ashes. In Yasastilaka 1. 115 Death is pictured as a Mahavratin or a Kapalika, and the skeleton of a beautiful woman as his club.1 In the description of the shrine of Candamari in Yasastilaka, Book I, Somadeva mentions Mahavratin heroes selling for a price flesh cut from their own bodies." The uncanny practice of selling human flesh, one's own or that of a corpse, to goblins for the purpose of gaining a desired object is often referred to in Sanskrit literature, and seems to have been resorted to not only by Kapalikas but by others in desperate circumstances. The love-sick Madhava appears on the cremation ground in Malatimadhava, Act V, with a lump of human flesh for sale to the goblins. The practice is referred to in at least two stories of Kathasaritsagara (5. 2. 180 ff. and 18. 2. 53 ff.). In the first story the brave Asokadatta goes to a cremation ground on the fourteenth night of the dark half of the month, and offers to the goblins a corpse for sale, the price being a marvellous anklet required 1 'sA kAlamahAvratinA khadAGgakaraGkRtAM nInA' 2 'kvacinmahAvratikavIya vikI yamANasva va pulUna varam'

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13. JAINISM AND OTHER FAITHS 359 by the king of Benares. In the second story a gambler, who has promised to supply human victims to two Brahmaraksasas, is at a loss to find them, and repairing to a cremation ground at night, offers to sell human flesh to a goblin in return for a temporary loan of the latter's form and powers wherewith to procure the required victims from among his enemies. In Bana's Harsacarita (Chap. 5) the sale of human flesh (to goblins) by princes among the various rites performed for the recovery of Prabhakaravardhana in the latter's capital. The same work (chap. 6) records the story of a prince, apparently of Ujjayini, who was killed by a goblin, being over-zealous in the matter of selling human flesh on the occasion of the festival of the Mahakala Siva," . Another reference to the sale of flesh occurs in the third chapter of Harsacarit As pointed out by R. G. Bhandarkar, a copper-plate charter of Nagavardhana, nephew of Pulakesin II, records a grant of a village near Igatpuri in the Nasik District for the worship of the god Kapalesvara and the maintenance of the Mahavratins residing in the temple. This shows that the Kapalika sect existed in Maharastra about the middle of the seventh century.* The practice of carrying a skull and a club is mentioned among the religious customs of non-Buddhist sects enumerated in Lalitavistara, chap. 17. This is a clear reference to the Kapalika sect in an important work of Buddhist Sanskrit literature composed before, probably long before, the ninth century. It is evident from Bhavabhuti's statements in Valutinadhava, Act I, that in his time (eighth century) Sriparvata, a holy mountain in Kurnool District (Madras Presidency on the Kistna river, was a centre of the Kapalika cult. There is a reference to a Matha of the Mabavratins in an inscription from Ramnad District (Madras Presidency) of the reign of Vira Pandva. that the Kapalikas were well-established in that part of South India in the second half of the tenth century. It is stated in another record issued by a chieftain named Vikramakesari, a contemporary of Vira Pandya, that the former presented it big Matha to a certain Mallikarjuna of Madura, 1 'aparatra prakAzanarapatikumArakakriyamANamahAmAMsavikrayaprakrama 3 'mahAkAlamahe ca mahAmAMsavikrayavAdavAtUla vetAlastAlajaDo javAna jaghanyaja pradyotasya pauNaki kumAra kumArasenam / 3 'gahAmAMsavikrayakrItena mana:zilApaTaneva' 4 Bhandarkar: Vaisnavism, Saivism etc. (Poona ed.), p. 168. 5 "... aguTU2) fa Tarragfa er: 6 An earlier roference to Sriparvata is in Subandhu's Vasavadatta: sfoga za Gear afshiga: Mallikarjuna is the Sivalinga worhipped on the hill. The Padmapurana (Uttarakhanda, chap. 19) describes Sriparvata as the abode of Mallikarjuna, Shivaji visited the sacred site in 1677. For a later description of the temple of Mallikarjuna and its enclosure see Sarkar: Shivaji, p. 297.

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360 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE who was the chief ascetic of the Kalamukha sect. The latter community was akin to the Kapalikas and both sects indulged in similar practices. The Kalamukhas are in fact included among the Mahavratikas or Kapalikas in Trivikrama Bhatta's Nalacampu composed early in the tenth century (Chap. 6). The Kapalikas are accused of cannibalism in Yasahpala's Moharajaparajaya 4. 23, an allegorical drama composed during the reign of Ajayapala of Gujarat (1172-1176 A. D.)3 BRAHMANISM Somadeva's strictures on the beliefs and practices of popular Hinduism have been summarized in Chapters X and XII. The chief attacks are directed against the Puranic traits of the principal Brahmanical deities, the funeral rites (Sraddha), bathing at sacred sites, and diverse religious practices collectively designated as muohu or mudhata, 'stupid customs.' These attacks while throwing light on the religious conflict in the tenth century are not peculiar to Somadeva, and should rather be regarded as forming part of the customary Jaina polemics against the Brahmanical faith. Such polemics are scattered throughout Jaina literature of all periods, and we may cite here only a few examples bearing on the topics criticized by Somadeva. Jata-simhanandi's Varangacarital circa 7th century A. D.) has a Canto called Mithyasruti-vighataka (XXV), which criticises among other things the caste system, the Brahmans dependent upon the patronage of kings, and the Sraddha rites, and explains, like Somadeva, why Brahma, Visnu and Siva cannot be regarded as trustworthy beings (apta). The author asks in this connection: what are the dacoits like, if the great gods be armed with weapons, trident, thunder, discus, bow, mace, lance, sword and club (25. 80)? Similarly, Devasenu in Bhavasangraha (op. cit.) criticizes bathing in sacred waters, Sraddha, and adoration of cows, and scoffs at the exploits of Brahma, Visnu and Siva, who are ridiculed also in Patrakesaristotra. The Sutrakrtanga, a canonical work, ridicules ceremonial bathing thus: "..........if perfection could be obtained by contact with water, many beings living in water must have reached perfection : fishes, tortoises, aquatic snakes, cormorants, otters, and demons living in water....... ....... If water did wash off the impure Karman, it must take off merit too." Similarly, the morning and evening oblations in the sacred fire are declared to be meaningless: "Those who, lighting fire in the morning and evening, contend that perfection is obtained through fire (are easily 1 Nilakanta Sastri: The Pandyan Kingdom, p. 116. 2 'kaliyugazivazAsanasthitimiva mahAbatikAntampAtibhiHkAlamukhaiA naraiH saMkulAm 3 Poussin (op. cit.), p. 145. 4 See Chap. X.

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13. JAINISM AND OTHER FAITHS 361 refuted). For if thereby perfection could be obtained, mechanics also, who use fire, would be liberated (1. 7. 14-18)."l. The same work condemns also the feeding of Brahmanas (2. 6. 43, 44). In regard to the Jaina attacks on Sraddha, it is said that the present-day Jainas burn the dead, throw the ashes on the third day into a river, and even offer rice-balls to the crows on the tenth day, and feed relatives and caste-fellows on the twelfth and thirteenth days." These customs seem to have grown up in later times under Hindu influence, Somadeva, on the other hand, states in Yasastilaka, Book IV, that if the Pitrs have gone to earthly or celestial abodes, they can have no need of annual offerings of rice balls, which are actually eaten by Brahmanas and crows, His statement may be compared with that of Jata-Simhanandi in Varangacarita 25. 64: dvijaizca kAkaiyadi bhuktamannaM mRtAn pitRstarpayate paratra / purArjitaM tat pitRbhirvinaSTaM zubhAzubhaM tena hi kAraNena // The Jaina attack on Sraddha reminds one of the satire of the Greek writer Lucian (second century A. D.) on the custom of making offerings to the dead. In his Charon, or the Inspectors, Charon the ferryman conveying souls to Hades exclaims What, they eat and drink, when their skulls are dry as tinder?.........I should be in a fine predicament, Hermes, and should have no end of trouble if I were obliged not only to bring them down but to bring them up to drink 1" 8 The group of stupid customs' mentioned by Somadeva in Yasastilaka VI. 4 and 10 reminds one of those enumerated in Lalitavistara, chap. 17, and described as being followed by the misguided adherents of the non-Buddhist sects. Somadeva's list has been reproduced elsewhere ;* that recorded in the Buddhist text is more comprehensive, and where there are resemblances provides additional details. Among later Jaina writers Hemacandra enumerates a large number of stupid customs' followed by diverse non-Jaina communities in his commentary on his Yogasastra 4, 102, and some of them are undoubtedly mentioned with reference to popular Brahmanism." 1 Jacobi : Jaina Sutras, Part II, p. 294. 2 Sharma: Jainism and Karnataka Culture, p. 161. 3 Trans. in Loeb Classical Library. 4 See Chap. x. 5E.g., gUthAzinInAM ca gavAM sparzataH pUtamAninAm / jalAdikhAnamAtreNa pApazuddhayabhidhAyinAm / / vaTAzvatthAmalakyAdi drumapUjAvidhAyinAm / vahrau hutena havyena devaprINanamAninAm // bhuvi godohakaraNAd riSTazAntikamAninAm / yoSidviDa FTATATATATATE! Verses 23-25, 46

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362 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Somadeva cites the Smrti injunction that the Veda and the Dharmasastras, composed by sages like Manu, Vyasa and Vasistha, should be regarded as mandatory and authoritative in all matters, and on no account should their authority be called in question by means of argumentation : in fact, the Brahmana, who censures the Veda and despises the S'ruti and the Smrti, should be ostracized as a nastika. These views are summarily rejected by Somadeva. In Yasastilaka, Book IV, he quotes the relevant verses : mAnavaM vyAsavAsiSThaM vacanaM vedasaMyutam / apramANaM tu yo brUyAt sa bhavedrahmaghAtakaH // purANaM mAnavo dharmaH sAGgo vedazcikitsitam / AjJAsiddhAni catvAri na hantavyAni hetubhiH||, and calls them fanciful or absurd utterances (mukhabhasitam). It may be i that the Buddhist S'antaraksita also quotes the second verse and makes a similar remark in Tattvasamgraha (verses 3584-5). In Yasastilaka VI. 2 Somadeva quotes the following verses : zruti vedamiha prAhurdharmazAstraM smRtirmatA / te sarvArtheSvamImAMsye tAbhyAM dharmo hi nirbabhau / te tu yastvavamanyeta hetuzAstrAzrayAd dvijaH / sa sAdhubhirvahiH kAryoM nAstiko vednindkH|| and remarks that the opinion expressed therein is unsound. He points out that a disputant, who depends entirely upon the Scriptures and never resorts to reasoning, while seeking the truth, is not likely to triumph; as the good appreciate merit, but not a thing whose character has not been ascertained: a jewel is placed on the head, but a stone (unobserved while walking ) is kicked away with the foot." samastayuktinirmuktaH kevalAgamalocanaH / tatvamicchanna kasyeha bhavedvAdI jayAvahaH // santo guNeSu tuSyanti nAvicAreSu vastuSu / pAdena kSipyate pAvA ratnaM maulau nidhIyate // The infallibility of the Veda and the Dharniasastras was the cornerstone of Hindu orthodoxy, and it was natural for non-Brahmanical writers to challenge the theory that the authority of the Sruti and the Smrti must be unquestioningly accepted. We have already seen that in the controversial dialogue between Yasodhara and his mother in Yasastilaka, Book IV, the latter represents the orthodox view and the former the standpoint of the heretics. Yasodhara's mother declares to her son: Discard Sruti, Smati, Itihasa, and Puranic lore if thou hast no use for 1 purANaM mAnavo dharmaH sAGgo vedazcikitsitam / AzAsiddhAni catvAri na hantanyAni hetubhiH|| manye tenaiva datteyaM jaDebhyastairvibhISikA / AzAsiddhatvamanyatra vAGmAtrAtka nu vA bhavet // 2 Cf. Shakespeare, Measure for Measure, II. I: The jewel that we find, we stoop and take it Because we see it; but what we do not see We tread upon, and never think of it.

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13. JAINISM AND OTHER FAITHS 363 thy soul!! This is a noteworthy assertion of the Hindu orthodox ideal as it appeared to a Jaina writer of the tenth century. Somadeva's criticism of Hindu beliefs and practices is not without some historical importance, as it shows that the popular Hinduism of the tenth century was not far different from the religion as it exists today. Somadeva justifies his own attitude towards the Brahmanical religion by asserting that no one who speaks out the truth in regard to the Brahmanical deities and other concepts, exercising his own judgment, can be called a slanderer; otherwise the sun, and even the lamp, which reveal things as they are, would be slanderers, too (Book IV): deveSu cAnyeSu vicAracakSuryathArthavaktA kimu nindakaH syAt / evaM na cettarhi yathArthadarzI bhAnuH pradIpo'pi ca nindakaH syAt // It will be however fair to suppose that the real motive underlying Jaina criticism of Brahmanical tenets and practices was propaganda aimed at showing the latter religion in an unfavourable light, and bringing into relief the relative merits of the Jaina faith. Brahmanical writers do not appear to have taken any serious notice of attacks on their religion by hostile critics, but in Sriharsa's Naisadhacarita (Canto XVII) we find a systematic attempt not only to bring together the different charges levelled against the Brahmanical faith by the Jainas and the Buddhists but to formulate an elaborate reply to them from the orthodox standpoint. The aim of the author of Naisadhacarita is to demonstrate the triumph of Hindu orthodoxy over the heretics, while that of Somadeva is to portray its discomfiture in a religious controversy between a tenacious Jaina and a zealous champion of orthodox Brahmanism. VAISNAVISM It is a noteworthy feature of Yasastilaka that, although it discusses or mentions so many philosophical and religious tenets of different schools, it is practically silent upon the Pancaratra system and Vaispava doctrine. This is all the more strange, because about the time when Somadeva wrote there was a large mass of Pancaratra literature extant in Kashmir, as sh by the citations in Utpala's Spandapradipika, a commentary on Kallata's Spandakarika. Utpala wrote in the tenth century, and quotes in his work Pancaratrasruti, Pancaratropanisad, and the three wellknown Samhitas Jaya, Satvata and Pauskaru. He quotes also the Visnuyamala and two 1 'zrutismRtIhAsapurANavAcastyajAtmanA cenna tavAsti kAryam / / 2 Utpala quotes Anandavardhana and is vory probably earlier than Abhinavagupta, Chatterji: Kashmir Shaivism, part I, p. 13 ff.

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364 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE texts called Sankarsanasutras and Jabalisutras, which, to judge from the citations, are clearly works dealing with Vaisnava doctrine. It would seem that while works dealing with Pancaratra or Vaisnava doctrines were widely prevalent in Kashmir in the tenth century, they had not so far become current in the Deccan; otherwise it would be difficult to explain the absence of any reference to Pancaratra tenets in so encyclopaedic a writer as the author of Yasastilaka. The Bhagavatas are casually mentioned by Somadeva in a simile in Yasastilaka, Book I, and spoken of as resorting to Krsnabhumi, explained in the commentary as referring to Dvaraka. Another reference occurs towards the end of Book V, wherein Asuri, one of the interlocutors of the sage Sudatta, in the episode of Candakarman, is described as a Bhagavata; but in the discussion that follows he figures as an exponent of Samkhya views. The silence of Somadeva on Vaisnava doctrine seems to be an indication that Vaisnavism was not a force to reckon with in the Deccan in the tenth century; and, in any case, it does not evoke any criticism in his work. Certain characteristics of Visnu are, it is true, criticized in Yasastilaka. Somadeva, for instance, criticizes the belief in the Incarnations of Visnu, of which he gives the number as ten. He refers also to Radha's relations with Narayana.* and Krsna's love for the cowherd maids. But, on the whole, the deity appears in his work rather as a mythological character than as the central figure of a religious system. A passing reference to the idea that the universe is pervaded by Visnu occurs in a description of evening scenery, in Book IV. The paucity of references to the cult of Visnu, as contrasted with the prominence given to that of Siva, in Somadeva's work, seems to suggest that, while Vaisnavism existed during the period of the Rastrakutas, it wag Saivism that wielded the greater influence, and formed the principal target of Jaina attacks. It is, however, necessary to go back much earlier to obtain a correct perspective of the relative position of the Vaisnava and Saiva faiths in the Deccan. The early Calukyas were mostly, if not all, followers of the Vaisnava cult. The Vaisnava cave at Badami was excavated 1 A definition of Visnu is quoted from the Sarkarsanasutras; while the oitation from the Jabalisutras declares Vasudeva to be the supreme Soul. 2 H ai 39 af Fr[HT:' p. 13. 3 See Chap. XII. 4 See Chap. XVII. 5 at Tots: 13. 204. 6 fare faruhy s a hai da' p. 10.

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13. JAINISM AND OTHER FAITHS 365 in 578 A. D. under Kirtivarman I. In it was installed the image of Visnu and provision made for narayanabali or offering to Narayana.1 Still more significant is the fact that most of the early and archaic-looking temples at Aihole, in the south-eastern portion of the Bijapur district, were originally dedicated to Visnu, the usual cognizance being the figure of Garuda upon the dedicatory block over the shrine door." The earliest of these temples are that of Lad Khan and the Kontgudi group, ascribed to the beginning of the sixth century A. D. The temple of Lad Khan is square in plan and remarkable for its cave-like characteristics: the flat roof, and its want of elevation, the great massiveness of the pillars unusual in structural temples and the total absence of anything like a sikhara or tower, except for a small square shrine over the central portion of the roof. The temple has great lattice windows, beautifully finished, in the north and south sides; but the most decorated part of the temple is the front porch, the pillars of which have life-sized images upon them in bold relief'. The Kont-gudi temple is of the same type as the last, and, like it, square in plan. It is smaller in size, but, except for the pillars, it is hardly less massive in construction'. The roof in them idle, above the four pillars, is flat, and it slopes away from this square space, all around, to the four walls.' Upon the flat central portion of the roof is the first storey of an unfinished tower, with an image niche on each of its four sides. That on the west contains an image of the Varaha avatara of Visnu; while, on the east, is the Vamana avatara. By the side of Kont-gudi is another early temple, of an unusual type. The edifice is, in plan, more like an early Muhammadan mosque than a Hindu temple, being in the from of a long open verandah, with three rows of columns in its depth. The shrine is just where the Mihrab would have been, being formed by enclosing the space between the central pair of back pillars and the back walls, the doorway being between the pillars'. The pillars are of the same type as those at Lad Khan's and upon the front of one of the pillars is an image of Narasimha. Close to this temple is another of the same class, built upon the same open verandah plan', somewhat smaller in size. One of the most remarkable buildings at Aihole is that known as the Durga temple, which, in plan, closely resembles the Buddhist Caitya aves. As in these cathedral caves, the end of the temple is round or apsidal, 1 Bhandarkar: Vaisnavism, Saivism etc., Poona edition, p. 61. 2 See Cousens: Chalukyan Architecture of the Kanarese Districts, p. 32 ff. 3 So called, because a Muhammadan of that name, not long ago, lived in the deserted building.

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366 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE and it has a central nave and two side aisles separated by two rows of columns. The central roof is flat and lofty, and that of the side aisles low and sloping. Perhaps the most conspicuous feature is the pillared verandah, outside, surrounding the temple, and projecting in front to form an open pillared hall, or porch. Garuda presiding above the shrine door shows that the temple was dedicated to Visnu. A characteristic common to the temples mentioned above is that the shrine is not a separate compartment from the hall, as is usual in Brahmanical temples, but is formed within the hall itself by enclosing the required space between one of the walls and the nearest pillars. In the caitya-like Durga temple, the shrine is in the place where the dagoba would be. Even apart from the peculiar shrine, these early temples have many unusual character. istics and stand in a class by themselves, both as regards age and style. In addition to them, there are certain other temples at Aihole, also dedicated to Visnu, which are considered to be earlier than the seventh century A, D., judging by the general style and more cyclopean-looking masonry.' It will be thus seen that Vaisanavism came to be associated with a very early type of architecture at Aihole, which must have been an important centre of the Visnu cult during the sixth and seventh centuries a. D. But towards the beginning of the eighth century, the centre of gravity shifts to Pattadakal, where we find massive temples being erected in honour of Siva, and what looks like a change over to Saivism takes place. Certain old shrines, for example, the Malegitti-Sivalaya, which were originally dedicated to Visnu, seem to have been converted to Saiva worship at a later date. On a pillar in the Durga temple at Aihole is a short inscription in letters of the 8th or 9th century, which reads "Sri-Basa-mayya, the bhatta of Kisuvolal." Pattada Kisuvolal is the ancient name of Pattadakal, and the presence of the bhatta from that centre of Saivism may be connected with the time when these temples were restored for Saiva worship.'? There is another factor pointing to such conversion of Visnu temples to Saiva worship. A circular panel of carving representing the tandava dance of Siva is found, for example, on the front of most of the old temples at Aihole. But the slab often lies loosely against the tower instead of being built in with it; and in the earliest temples the sculpture is of inferior quality compared with that on the other parts. It is probable that the slab bearing representation of the tandava is a later addition made when the temples were first converted to Saiva worship.3 1 See above. 2 Cousens (op. cit.), p. 39. 3 Cousens (op. cit.), p. 40.

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13. JAINISM AND OTHER FAITHS 367 Vaisnavism appears to have been a secondary cult under the Rastrakutas. The great cave temples at Ellora were, with a few exceptions, excavated for the worship of Siva, if we exclude the Buddhist and Jaina caves. The two-storied Dasavatara cave is no doubt an exception, and contains sculptures representing Visnu resting on Sesa; Visnu, sixholding up the Govardhana hill; and the Varaha, Vamana and Narasimha incarnations. The shrine was excavated about the middle of the eighth century A. D. in the reign of the Rastrakuta king Dantidurga, whose triumphs are recorded in an inscription upon the cave. But Saiva sculpture preponderates even in the Dasavatara cave. Some of them illustrate the Bhairava aspect of Siva? ; and there is another of particular interest, designed to prove the superiority of Siva to Brahma and Visnu who fail to discover the top and the base respectively of the great linga. There is another snava cave at Ellora (No. XXVII), known as the Milkmaid's cave, but the style of it says but little for the wealth or influence of the sect in the days when it was executed.? As already stated, if temple architecture is any index to the influence and popularity of a religion, Saivism was the more important faith during the rule of the Calukyas of Kalyani. There exist a comparatively few examples of later Calukyan temples dedicated to Visnu, Vikramaditya VI constructed a large temple of Visnu, and had a tank dug in front of it." An inscription slab, in the court-yard of the temple of Daksina-Kedaresvara, records a grant, in 1075 A. D., of a village to the Vaisnava temple of Narasimha at Baligave, or Balagamve, now a small village in Mysore territory, fourteen miles south-west of Hira-Kerur in the Dharwar district. The Basti or Kalla-Gudi at Degamve, about twenty-five miles south-east from Belgaum, is a decorated medieval temple consisting of 'a long pillared hall in front of three shrines on the west side, the middle one projecting forward into the hall in advance of the other two'. The central shrine contains an image of Laksmi-Narayana. An inscription in the temple records the building of the shrines of Kamalanarayana and Mahalaksmi; while another records a grant by Kamaladevi, queen of the Kadamba chief of Goa, to Brahmanas of the village of Degamve, in 1175 A. D. Standing at right 1 Cousens (op. cit), p. 9. 2 Burgess: A Guide to Blura Cave Temples, p. 27. 3 See Chap. XVII. 4 Burgess (op. cit.), p. 46. 5 Vikramankade vacarita XVII. 15 ff. 6 Cousens (op. cit. ), p. 106. 7 Ibid, p. 119.

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368 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE angles to the temple of Siddhesvara at Haveri, in the Dharwar district, is a smaller Vaisnava temple dedicated to Narasimha, a large image of the deity being found in the shrine. Mahadeva, the general of Vikramaditya VI, who built the great Siva temple at Ittagi towards the end of the eleventh century, built also the temple of Narayana, which might be identified with the smaller temple, built in granite, upon the south side of the main temple. It occupies very much the same position with regard to the main temple as the Vaisnava shrine of Narasimha does to the temple of Siddhesvara at Haveri.' Of the later Calukyan temples in the Bellary district of Madras Presidency, there appear to be few that are dedicated to Visnu. Notable exceptions are the temple of Venugopalasvamin at Magala and that of Kesavasvamin at Huvinahadgalli. It is apparent, on the whole, that more elaborate provision seems to have been made for the organised worship of Siva than for the cult of Visnu under the ruling dynasties of the Deccan. There is also the important fact that, in the history of the Deccan, during seven centuries, Vaisnavism has nothing so imposing and grand to show as the temple of Virupaksa at Pattadakal or Kailasa at Ellora or Mahadeva at Ittagi. The situation is not far different in the northern part of the Deccan where, architecturally, the most important templeis the great shrine of Siva at Ambaranatha, built in the eleventh century A. D. The temple of Laksmi-Narayana at Pedgaon, near Srigunda in the Ahmadnagar district, is 'a perfect little gem', but its date is not known. Far more important for the religious history of the Deccan is the celebrated Vaisnava temple of Vithoba, or Vitthala, at Pandharpur in the Sholapur district, on the banks of the Bhima. The present temple is of little interest from an architectural point of view; but there is no doubt that it succeeded an older one to the same deity, as an inscription upon a pilaster of a former temple, now used as an overhead beam in the present, informs us that the Hoysala king Vira-Somesvara presented a gift of gold to the god Vitthala in Samvat 1159 (1237 A. D.): Vithoba is perhaps the most popular deity in the Deccan, but the temple dedicated to him is not known to have existed before the thirteenth century. The 1 See Rea: Chalukyan Architecture, 1896. 2 Cousens: Mediaeval Temples of the Dakhan, p. 56. 3 Ibid. p. 64. For another reference see Bhandarkar: Vaisnavism, Saivism etc., Poona edition, p. 124.

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13. JAINISM AND OTHER FAITHS 369 ueration. cult itself must have existed before this, and probably goes back to a much earlier date, but it is difficult to determine its extent and influence during the period under consideration. While speaking of the relative position of Vaisnavism and Saivism in the Deccan, it is necessary to point out that there appears to have been no sharp division between the two cults in those early days. On the other hand, a certain amount of syncretism is apparent in the religious thought of the time. The popularity of the conception of trimurti is an illustration of this. An inscription of the reign of the Calukya king Vijayaditya says that images of Brahma, Visnu and Mahesvara were installed in Vatapipura (Badami) in the third year of his reign, that is, in 699 A. D. The images of these three deities occur also in the panels of the ceilings of several of the oldest temples at Aihole. For example, in the temple beside that of Kont-gudi, there are finely carved images of Brahma, Visnu and Siva in each of the three central bays of the ceiling, Siva being placed in the centre. There was a temple at Salotgi in the Bijapur district, in the 10th century, for the joint worship of Brahma, Visnu and Siva? No less significant is the impartial mixture of Saiva and Vaisnara sculptures in the early temples of the Deccan. For example, on the exterior walls of the temple of Papanatha at Pattadakal, there are images of Siva in various attitudes, Visnu, Mahisasura-mardini, Ganapati, Narasimha, Varaha, the Vamana avatara, and Krsna, upholding the Govardhana hill. Among the sculptures on the walls of the temple of Virupaksa, are found Ardhanari, the Vamana avatara and Visnu upon the east face of the edifice; Siva and Parvati, the tandava of Siva, Harihara, Bhairava and Varaba on the north side; Siva and Visnu in various forms on the west wall; and Lakulisa, Siva in different forms, Visnu and Narasimha among those on the south wall. Similarly, there is 'an impartial mixture of Saiva and Vaisnava subjects in the image groups, representing Narasimha, Mahisasura-mardini. Varaha, Visnu, Ardhanari and Siva, in the niches around the walls in the outer verandah of the Durga temple at Aihole. Among the sculptures on the pillars in the Saiva temple of Mallikarjuna or Trailokyesvara at Pattadakal are depicted scenes from the life of Krsna. He is seen, for example,killing Kamsa's great elephant, then the demon Kesin who is in the shape of a horse, and, at the end, Arista who attacked him in the shape of a savage bull, 1 Cousens: Chalukyan Architecture of the Kanarese Districts, p. 37, Fig. 3. 2 Altekar: The Rastrakutas and their times, pp. 275, 403. 3 Cousens (op. cit.), pp. 38, 64, 66, 70. 47

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370 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE It will be seen that, among the incarnations of Visnu, Varaha, Vamana and Narasimha are the most frequent in the sculptural representations of that deity in the early temples of the Deccan. At Ellora, as in the Dasavatara cave, they are found also in the Kailasa temple, in the corridor surrounding the back half of the court. The ten incarnations of Visnu are found sculptured on a huge rock at Badami, close behind the Bhutanatha group of temples. Upon the south side of this rock is a sculpture of Narayana reclining upon Sesa, with the ten avataras in a row above him, some on one side and some on the other side of Brahma." The sculpture in question is no doubt much earlier than the reference to the ten avataras in Somadeva's Yasastilaka. The number of the avataras came, as a matter of fact, to be fixed at ten long before the tenth century A. D. A verse inscription in Pallava-Grantha characters of about the eighth century A. D., found in the rock-cut temple of Varaha-Perumal at Mahabalipuram, enumerates the ten incarnations as follows: the Fish, the Tortoise, the Boar, the Man-Lion, the Dwarf, Rama, Rama (Parasurama), Rama (Balarama), Buddha and Kalkin.: The reference to the ten avataras in Somadeva's work is, however, of some importance as showing that they were well-known, and probably worshipped, in the Deccan in the tenth century. The image of Narayana with the ten avataras, on the rock at Badami, is still worshipped, and a small shrine has been built for the purpose in front of the rock.* The close contiguity of Saiva and Vaisnava shrines at Haveri, and probably also at Ittagi, is an indication of the harmonious co-existence of the two cults. Interesting examples of Saiva and Vaisnava shrines standing in close juxtaposition to one another have been found in Mysore State, at Marale in the Chikmangalur Taluk, and at Mosale, a village about eight miles to the south of Hassan. The twin temples at Mosale are ornate structures standing side by side, a few feet apart, and belong to the Hoysala style of architecture. They are identical in size and workmanship, and have been assigned, on architectural grounds, to the twelfth century A. D., when most of the ornate temples in Mysore State oame into being. One of the shrines is dedicated to Siva styled as Nagesvara. while the other contains a Visnu image called Channakesava." 1 Burgess (op. cit.), p. 32. 2 Cousens (op. cit. ), p. 57. 3 Sastri: Two statues of Pallava Kings and Five Pallava Inecriptions. (Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India ). p. 5. 4 Cousens (op. cit.), p. 57. 5 Annual Report of the Mysore Archaeological Department for 1924, p. 6.

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13. JAINISM AND OTHER FAITHS 371 As Puranic deities, Siva and Visnu were equally reverenced in the Deccan, as elsewhere, a trend reflected in sculpture as well as literature. Among the few non-Jaina writers of the Rastrakuta period, Trivikrama Bhatta, the author of Nalacampu, who lived in the early years of the tenth century, under Indra III, was a staunch adherent of the Saiva faith. The work is described in the colophons as 'imprinted with the lotus feet of Siva', and the concluding verse of each chapter contains a phrase expressive of devotion to Siva. The sixth chapter of Nalacampu contains. however, a fervent hymn to Visnu; and this also reminds us of the fact that the opening verse of Rastrakuta grants offers salutation to Visnu as well as Siva. Devotion to both the deities was part of the religious syncretism of the time, and shows the popularity and ascendancy of the Puranic religion as a whole. But the evidence furnished by architecture and literary sources shows that, as an organised cult, Vaisnavism occupied a subsidiary position in the Deccan, and seems to have prevailed there in the shadow of Saivism for several centuries, say, from the eighth to the twelfth. The Vaisnava cult was hardly a rival of Jainism in the Deccan; and we find, accordingly, Jaina attacks levelled chiefly against Saivism, which was its greatest rival even before the rise of the Lingayats. BUDDHISTS AND OTHER SECTS The Jainas had nothing but contempt for those communities who had no objection to taking flesh and wine. In Yasastilaka VI. 10 the Veda and the Buddhist and the Saiva scriptures are described as favouring the use of honey, flesh and wine. The Buddhists are particularly decried for not observing any restrictions in regard to food and drink. In Yasastilaka VI. 2 Somadeva asks: How can the wise respect the Buddhist who is addicted to flesh and wine?! In another verse the Buddhist appears to be described as a votary of what is called advaita pure and simple. Somadeva seems to say that, excepting the Jaina doctrine, all other systems favour either the path of duality' (dvaita ) or that of non-duality' (advaita); and he illustrates his remarks by saying that the Mantrin or the Saiva mystic follows the Vamamarga and the Daksinamarga, and the Brahmanical Scriptures lay stress on Karma and Jnana, while those of the Buddhists merely prescribe 1 'sfatul 1: UCHIHIH17:' p. 296. 2 haftafanica :' p. 276.

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972 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE flesh-eating. In Yasastilaka VII. 24 the Buddhists are mentioned first among certain communities who recommend the eating of flesh. The quarrel of the Jainas and the Buddhists over the question of using flesh as an article of food goes back to very early times. "IQ the time of Buddha there was in Vaisali a wealthy general named Siha who was a convert to Buddhism. He became a liberal supporter of the Brethren and kept them constantly supplied with good flesh food. When it was noised abroad that the bhikshus were in the habit of eating such food specially provided for them the Tirthikas made the practice a matter of angry reproach." The Master thereupon announced to the Brethren "the law that they were not to eat the flesh of any animal which they had seen put to death for them, or about which they had been told that it had been killed for them, or about which they had reason to suspeot that it had been slain for them. But he permitted to the Brethren as "pure' (that is, lawful) food the flesh of animals the slaughter of which had not been seen by the bhikshus, not heard of by them, and not suspected by them to have been on their account. In the Pali and Ssu-fen Vinaya it was after a breakfast given by Siha to the Buddha and some of the Brethren, for which the carcase of a large ox was procured, that the Nirgranthas reviled the bhikshus and Buddha instituted this new rule declaring fish and flesh pure in the three conditions. The animal food now permitted to the bhikshus ......... was tersely described as "unseen, unheard, unsuspected' ........." Two more kinds of animal food were later "declared lawful for the Brethren, viz. the flesh of animals which had died a natural death, and that of animals which had been killed by a bird of prey or other savage creature."3 This was the Hinayanist position 1 jainamekaM mataM muktvA dvaitAdvaitasamAzrayo / mAgauM samAzritAH sarve sarvAbhyupagamAgamAH // vAmadakSiNamArgastho matrI T: I rmat: IyTETEENTH: | The Ms. A remarks H Haicafta 17:1 mAMsamAzayati bauddhaH / jIvahomAdikriyAjJAnaprApto viprH| 2 931#THIET rata eto. A little further on, Somadeva says that a king named Saurasena, although he had taken a vow to abstain from flesh-eating, became addicted to it, being misled by the doctrines of the Veda, medical lore and the Advaita doctrine (zania Hahlenha:). The Advaitamata obviously refers to the Buddbist view of flesh-eating. Watters: On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India 629-645 A. D., Vol. I, p. 55. Manichaeism, which prohibited the slaughter of animals, permitted the Hearers, as distinguished from the Elect, to eat flesh food when it had been slain by others. Cf. Wand: A History of the Early Church, p. 141. The Manichaean Elect and Hearers corresponded pretty well to monks and seculars. Babylon was the birth-place of Manichaeism, and Manes, the founder of the new religion about the middle of the third century, was brought up in the sect of the Mugthasila, who laid special stress on abstinence from flesh, wine and women, Kidd: A History of the Church, Vol. I, p. 50EUR.

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13. JAINISM AND OTHER FAITHS in regard to the use of flesh as an article of food. The Mahayanist rule, on the other hand, prohibited "the use of flesh of any kind as food by the sons of Buddha"", and "some Mahayanists were strict in abstaining, not only from all kinds of flesh food, but also from milk and its products." In Yuan Chwang's time, for instance, there were three Buddhist monasteries in Karnasuvarna (in Bengal) "in which in accordance with the teaching of Devadatta milk products were not taken as food." " So far as Jaina criticism is concerned, the writers do not make any distinction between Hinayanists and Mahayanists and condemn the Buddhists as a class for partaking of animal food. That there was considerable laxity in matters of food and drink among the Buddhists in the tenth century and thereabouts seems extremely probable, and charges of soft living were in fact occasionally levelled against them. Devasena, who wrote about twentyfive years earlier than Somadeva, severely criticizes Buddhist doctrine, in his Bhavasamgraha, and remarks that the Buddhist regards whatever falls into his begging bowl as pure, eats flesh and shamelessly drinks wine, but if it were possible to go to heaven by eating flesh and drinking wine, it is the drunkards and the huntsmen that would go thither. Similarly, Udayana, who wrote a few decades after Somadeva, says that the absence of any restrictions in the matter of food and drink, eating at all hours of the day, and lightness of religious duties are among the causes that induce men to become Buddhists." Hemacandra says in his commentary on his Yogasastra 4. 102 that the practice of austerities is impossible for the Buddhists who eat day and night, and make no distinction between lawful and forbidden food. Further, he remarks in an interesting verse that the religion of the Buddha is excellent indeed, its essentials being a soft bed, rice-gruel in the morning, boiled rice at noon, drinking bouts in the evening, and sugarcandy at night." The Buddhists, on the whole, gave offence to the Jainas by their indulgence in food and drink which the latter abhorred. 373 In Yasastilaka VIII. 43 Somadeva advises his co-religionists to have nothing to do with the Buddhists, the Nastikas, the Adepts in sacrifices, the Jatilas (that is, the Saivas) and the Ajivakas. There is no doubt that a 1 Watters (op. cit.), p. 57. 2 Watters, Vol. II, p. 191. 3 pattapaDiyaM Na dUsai khAi palaM piyai majju Nilajjo / icchara saggaggamanaM mokkhaggamaNaM ca pAveNa // asiUNa maMsagAsaM majjaM piviUNa gamma saggaM / jai evaM to suMDaya pAraddhiya ceva gacchaMti || Verses 68-9 4 'saMbhavanti caite hetavo bauddhAdyAgamaparigrahe / tathAhi bhUyastatra karmalAghavamityalatAH |bhkssaadyniym iti rAgiNaH / ....... Nyayakusumanjali, chap. 2. 5 divase ca rajanyAM ca mukhamApRcchatha bhakSatAm / bhakSyAbhakSyAvivekAnAM saugatAnAM kutastapaH // mRdvI zayyA prAtaH peyA madhye bhaktaM sAyaM pAnam / drAkSAkhaNDaM rAtrermadhye zAkyopajJaH sAdhurdharmaH || Verses 9 and 10. I 6 zAkyanAstikayAgazajaTilA jIvakAdibhiH / sahAvAsaM sahAlAbhaM tatsevAM ca vivarjayet //

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374 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE certain amount of communal hatred existed between the Jainas and the Buddhists, and mutual recriminations are occasionally found in the religious literature of both the communities. The Jainas contended that since the Buddhists denied the existence of the Self, all their talk of compassion and philanthrophy was meaningless. The Buddha is accordingly called 'ferocious and merciless' (!) in Jatasimhanandi's Varangacarita 25. 84. On similar grounds Akalanka accuses the Buddha of criminal propensities such as injury to others, falsehood, theft and unchastity ! The Buddhists are likewise in the habit of giving expression to their contempt for the Jainas and their habits and customs. The celebrated Mahayana work Saddharma-pundarika (earlier than the third century says, for instance, that the Bodhisattvamust avoid such monks as follow the precepts of the Arhat, and immoral men (chap. XIII)'S The practice of nudity (nagnabhava ) mentioned in the Lalitavistara (chap. XVII) among the stupid customs followed by the adherents of the non-Buddhist systems obviously refers to the Digambara monks. In the first half of the seventh century, the great Chinese traveller Hsuan-tsang (the name is variously spelt), a philosopher of Mahayana Buddhism, ridicules Jainism as a sort of caricature of the Buddhist religion. "These sectarians", writes Hsuan-tsang, "give themselves up to extreme austerities. Day and night they display the most ardent zeal without a moment's respite. The law expounded by their founder (Mahavira) has been largely stolen from the books of Buddha, and on this he guided himself when laying down his precepts and rules. In their religious observances and exercises, they follow almost entirely the rule of the Buddhist monks............. The statue of their teacher, by a kind of impertinent imitation, resembles that of Buddha." Here is a picture of the Digambara monks drawn by the Chinese pilgrim: " The Jainas think they gain distinction by leaving their bodies entirely naked, and they make a virtue of tearing out their hair. Their skin is all broken, and their feet are horny and cracked; they are like those rotten trees that are found close to a river. "4 In similar but less dignified language, certain Digambara practices are held up to ridicule in the Dohakosa of Sarojavajra (Saraha) written in an Apabhramsa dialect sometime between the eighth and twelfth ceuturies, Saraha, who was a Buddhist Tantric writer, says that if it were possible to attain salvation by going about naked, the dogs and the jackals would surely attain it. As Nyaya viniscaya, verse 390. 1 'Tata ATEI 2 BESTETIT atiqafera: 1 Klatoztat a altera Il 3 Trans, Kern, p. 265 (S. D. E.) 4 Grousset: In the footsteps of the Buddha, pp. 197-8. 5 Ed H. P. Sastri in ala TG 311 ater, Introduction, p. 6.

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13. JAINISM AND OTHER FAITHS 375 regards the practice of plucking out the hair, he says something positively indecent. Then he says that if the carrying of peacock's feathers led to salvation, the horses and the elephants who are decorated with them were bound to obtain it!! Recriminations of this type point to theological hatred, but there is no reason to suppose that there was any deep-seated hostility between the Jainas and the Buddhists. As pointed out by S. C. Vidyabhusan, there was no bitter rivalry between the two communities. According to the same scholar, the Jaina writers Rabhasa Nandi (circa 850 A. D.) and Kalyanacandra (about 1000 A. D.) appear to have written commentaries on the Buddhist logician Dharmakirti's Sambandha-pariksa and Pramana-vartika, respectively; while the Jaina Mallavadin (about 962 A. D.) wrote a commentary on Nyaya-bindu-tikii of Dharmottara. The Ajivakas whom Somadeva mentions among the communities to be shunned by the Jainas were an ancient sect founded by Mankhaliputra Gosalaka, a contemporary of Mahavira, and the present refere shows that members of this sect were still to be found in the tenth century. The Jainas disliked the Ajivakas, as their founder Gosalaka was a bitter: rival and opponent of Mahavira, and the former is, as a matter of fact, represented as something of an impostor in early Jaina literature. Nor were the Ajivakas liked by the Buddhists. Just as Somadeva asks the Jainas to keep aloof from Ajivakas, Buddhists, Nastikas and others, similarly the Saddharma-pundarika (Chap. XIII) declares that the Bodhisattva never associates with Carakas, Parivrajakas, Ajivakas and Nirgranthas (Jainas ). The Ajivakas had certain peculiar doctrines, e. g. the Niyativada, an extreme form of fatalism propounded by Gosalaka, and seem to have flourished in South India for centuries after the age of Mahavira, as their doctrines are included among the contemporary philosophical systems described in detail in the Tamil epic Manimekhalai, assigned to the early centuries of the Christian era. In another Tamil epic of the same age, the S'ilappadikaram, the father of the heroine Kannaki is said to have distributed his wealth among the Ajivaka friars. "This is a very important 1 hotar laat klagfer af, at Jae fake, macarent Hez left:37, ar gat folettae, feetreut Pere bhokkha, tA kariha turaGgaha / 2 A History of Indian Logic, pp. 194, 198. 3 See Gupani: Ajivika sect--A new interpretation in Bharaliya Vidyo, Vol II, part II. Trans. Kern, p. 263 (S. B. E.). In ancient Buddhist texts the Ajivakas are regarded as the worst of the sophists. 'As the sect is thrice mentioned in the Asoka Edicts as receiving royal gifts, it is certain that it retained un important position for several centuries at least.' Rhys Davids: Dialogues of the Buddha, Part I, p. 71.

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376 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE co reference inasmuch as the religion of the Ajivakas, if it could be so described, was undoubtedly practised in South India at the time. It should be noted in this connection that Somadeva, contrary to his usual practice, does not mention any doctrines of the sect so that we cannot tell how far any welldefined Ajivaka system prevailed in his time. All that the reference to the Ajivaks in Yasastilaka proves is the existence of the sect in the tenth century. In Yasastilaka VII. 24 Somadeva seems to refer to another sect, although it is not explicitly mentioned. He says that such is the peculiarity of things that the cow's milk is pure but not the flesh, just as the gem supposed to be on the hood of a snake counteracts poison, while snake-poison itself causes death. Again, milk may be taken, but not the cow's flesh; just as the leaves of a poisonous plant may be taken for the cure of disease, while its roots are sure to cause death. Somadeva seems here to reply to an argument that if it was permissible to take milk there was no reason why one should not take beef. Exactly this opinion is put in the mouth of the leader of the Rahamana sect in the Jaina allegorical play Moharaja-Parajaya written about two centuries later, wherein he declares that just as one takes cow's milk, similarly one may take also cow's flesh without incurring sin. Rahamana says further that according to Dhanika, Dharma consists in the killing of Brahmana ascetics. We do not know anything about this Rahamana who appears in the play along with the Kaula and the Kapalika, but the views attributed to him might very well represent those of the Muslims, It is not clear whether Somadeva had in mind the views of any particular sect or community while making the statements cited above, but it was not impossible for him to have been acquainted with Muslim customs, since the contact between Indian and Muslim cultures goes back to a date at least two centuries earlier than the composition of his Yasastilaka. The conflict of religions in the Deccan in the tenth century should not blind us to the general spirit of toleration prevailing in the age. Much important evidence has been adduced by scholars to prove the existence of concord and harmony in the sphere of religion, and we have referred elsewhere* to isolated attempts at a synthesis of divergent philosophical and religious views in the century. 1 Aiyangar: Manimekhalai in its historical setting, pp. 57, 193. 2 Jagr antalet agafazet i Faqa TTHET a and 47:11 37491, EU 5 99: 44 hafa kAraNe / viSadrorAyuSe parva mUlaM tu mRtaye matam // 3 rahamANaH-(sATopam ) jaha pijjai gocchIraM palAsaNe taha ya natthi so doso| itya ya ligithavaNe dhammo dida for fogor 11 4. 24. 4 See Chap. IX.

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CHAPTER XIV JAINA CRITICISM OF VEDIC SACRIFICES Apart from the criticism of popular Hinduism, Somadeva denounces the Vedic sacrificial system for sanctioning animal slaughter in the controversial dialogue between Yasodhara and his mother in Yasastilaka, Book IV. As examples of Vedic rites involving the killing of animals he mentions Rajasuya, Vajapeya, Gosava, Asvamedha, Kariri and Pundarika (in which an elephant is said to have been sacrificed),' and condemns also the Sautramani sacrifice in which it was customary to drink wine. Vedic sacrifices are represented as sinful also in Buddhist texts, for example, in the Mahavastu (Vol. II, p. 237) wherein Mara instigates the Bodhisattva to perform certain sacrifices for the attainment of heaven and religious merit, viz. Asvamedha, Purusamedha, Somaprasa, Nirargada (?), Paduma and Pundarika. References like these are of a literary character and do not always point to contemporary conditions. In any case Somadeva's criticism of Vedic sacrifices and citations from sacrificial texts do not prove that Vedic rites were common in his time, as Vedic sacrifices seem to have gone out of vogue and become obsolete by the tenth century. The Smarta religion reigned supreme; and it has been pointed out, for instance, that there are only two Rastrakuta inscriptions which record grants made to enable Brahmanas to perform Vedic sacrifices like Rajasuya, Vajapeya and Agnistoma. "In all other cases the grants were made for discharging purely Smarta duties connected with bali, caru, vaisvadeva." Further, "Alberuni was informed that the Vedic sacrifices were rarely performed and practically abandoned because they presupposed a long life....... It may be added that the decline of Vedic sacrifices must have set in long before the tenth century or even the Rastrakuta period. Samkara in his Bhasya on the Vedanta Sutras 3. 1. 25, indeed, speaks of Vedic rites as if they were still being performed by cultured people in his time. But it is important to note that the Prasastapada Bhasya, which belongs to the early centuries of the Christian era, while laying down the religious duties of a householder in connection with 27 4 1 ' tathA vede'pyAtmazreyorthamazeSavighnopazamanArthaM ca rAjasUyapuNDarIkAzvamedhagosavavAjapeyAdiSu varSikAmeSTikArIrItyAdiSu ca yajJeSu pravRtto'yaM prANivadhaH sa ca vadho na bhavati / ' The object of the Kariri sacrifice was to bring rain. For references see Handiqui: Naishadhacarita, Vocabulary (sub voce). 2 See, for example, the first story of Book VII, summarized in Chap. XVI. 3 ' mahAyajJAni ca yajAhi azvamedhaM puruSamedhaM somaprAsaM nirargaDaM padumaM puNDarIkaM ca / etAni yAni yajitvA pretya svargeSu modiSyasi bahu ca puNyaM prasaviSyasi ' / 4 Altekar: The Rastrakutas and their times, p. 279. 5 ' tasmAdvizuddhaM karma vaidikaM ziSTairanuSThIyamAnatvAdanindyamAnatvAcca / ' 48

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378 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE the Vaisesika scheme of spiritual discipline, prescribes in the first instance Smarta rites such as the five Mahayajnas and the Pakayajnas, and then mentions the Srauta sacrifices: the Haviryajnas (Agnyadheya, Darsapaurnamasa etc.) and the Somayajnas (Agnistoma, Ukthya etc.), to be undertaken if one has the capacity to do so. Udayana who wrote in the last quarter of the tenth century says in his Nyayakusumanjali, chap. 2, that Vedic rites such as Rajasuya and Asvamedha were dying out in his time, as they were no longer performed, and that in his age Dharma rested only on one foot, charity, owing to the decline of the Vedic sacrifices. The Nyaya theory of sakhoccheda, the dying out of the Vedic schools, was, in fact, more in conformity with the process of history than the Mimamsa view which refused to believe in any such decay. It may, however, be readily admitted that Vedic sacrifices continued to be sporadically perfomed till quite recent times; and contemporary evidence of the performance of such rites is not rare. The Asvamedha, in particular, attracted many kings of the ruling dynasties. For example, the Iksvaku king Vasisthiputra Camtamula I, who reigned in the Andhra country about the second quarter of the third century A. D., is said to have performed the Asvamedha and Vajapeya sacrifices. Several inscriptions of the Vakataka kings, who ruled in Central Provinces and Berar, state that Pravarasena I who reigned about the end of the third century A. D. performed four Asvamedhas besides several other Vedic sacrifices such as Agnistoma, Aptoryama, Ukthya, Sodasin, Atiratra, Vajapeya, Brhaspatisava and Sadyaskra. The inscriptions of the Vakatakas frequently mention their kinsmen, the Bharasivas, who seem to have established themselves on the banks of the Ganges, and are said to have celebrated as many as ten Asvamedhas.* In Gupta records Samudragupta (circa 330-375 A. D.) is stated to have revived the Asvamedha which had long been in abeyance, evidently in North India; for it seems to have been quite popular in the South. The Pallava king Sivaskandavarman, who has been assigned to about the beginning of the fourth century A. D., is reported to have performed the Agnistoma, Vajapeya and Asvamedha sacrifices. Dahrasena, the Traikutaka king of Northern Deccan, who ruled in the second half of the 1 'paJcAnAM mahAyajJAnAM sAyaMprAtaranuSThAnam ekAgnividhAnena pAkayazasaMsthAnAM ca nityAnAM, zaktau vidyamAnAyAmadhyAdheyAdInAM ca haviryasaMsthAnAmagniSTomAdInAM somayazasaMsthAnAM ca / ' 2 'vaidikA apyAcArA rAjasUyAzvamedhAdayaH samucchidhamAnA dRzyante / yata idAnIM nAnuSThIyante / 'pUrva catuSpAddharma AsIt *********** fa fa alaTI 3 Sarkar: The Early Pallavas, p. 17. 4 'parAkramAdhigatabhAgIrathyamalajalamUrdhAbhiSiktAnAM dazAzvamedhAvabhRthasnAtAnAm' 5 Sarkar (op. cit.), p. 38.

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14. JAINA CRITICISM OF VEDIO SACRIFICES 379 fifth century, and the Kadamba king Krsnavarman I, who ruled in West Mysore and Kanara about the end of the fifth century A. D., are also credited with the performance of the Asvamedha. In the sixth century A. D. the Calukya Pulakesi I is mentioned as having performed a great many sacrifices including the Asvamedha," A much later instance is that of the Cola king Rajadhiraja I, who is known to have performed the Asvamedha about the middle of the eleventh century.3 The Yadava king Krsna (1247-1260 A. D.) is said to have performed a great many sacrifices and brought fresh strength to the Vedic ceremonial religion which in the course of time had lost its hold over the people.'* Candupandita, the author of a learned commentary on Sriharsa's Naisadhacarita, performed a large number of important sacrifices, showing that Vedic ritual was not extinct in Gujarat in the last quarter of the thirteenth century." The Vajapeya was performed in the sixteenth century for the Vijayanagara kings Nrsimha and Krsna-Raya. The Asvamedha was performed by Sevai Jayasing of Amber as late as the first half of the eighteenth century.' Somadeva while condemning animal slaughter for religious purposes combats the theory that killing in Vedic sacrifices is not, properly speaking, killing, as it ensures to the victim life in heaven. The subject is more systematically dealt with by Mallisena (1292 A. D.) in his Syadvadamanjari (under verse 11). He tries to show that the killing of animals even for the purpose of Vedic sacrifices is a grievous sin, and quotes in support of his thesis the views of certain Brahmanical thinkers, Samkhyas and Vedantins and Vyasa, who abhorred the practice of animal slaughter in Vedic ritual. tathA ca paThanti pAramarSAH / yUpaM hitvA pazUn hatvA kRtvA rudhirakardamam / yadyevaM gamyate svarge narake kena gamyate // vedAntikA apyAhuH / andhe tamasi majjAmaH pazubhirye yajAmahe / hiMsA nAma bhaveddharmo na bhUto na bhaviSyati // vyAsenApyuktam / jJAnapAliparikSipte brahmacaryadayAmbhasi / snAtvAtivimale tIrthe pApapaGkApahAriNi // dhyAnAgnau jIvakuNDasthe damamArutadIpite / asatkarma samitkSepairagnihotraM kurUttamam // kaSAyapazubhirduSTairdharmakAmArthanAzakaiH / zamamantrahatairyajJaM vidhehi vihitaM budhaiH // prANighAtAta yo dharmamIhate mUDhamAnasaH / sa vAnchati sudhAvRSTiM kRSNA hi mukhakorarAt // 1 ABORI, Vol. XXVI, p. 28 and Sarkar (op. cit.), p. 20. Bhandarkar: Early History of the Dekkan, 3rd ed., p. 103, 2 Sastri: The Colas, Vol. I, pp. 293, 312. Bhandarkar (op. cit.), p. 197. See the English trans. of Naishadhacarita, Introduction, p. III. 3 4 5 6 7 Rice: Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, p. 210. See P. K. Gode's papers in Poona Orientalist, Vol. II, pp. 166-180 and Mimansa Prakash, Vol. II, pp. 43-46. 8 See Book IV and Chapter XII of this book. 9 Cited in the Matharavrtti,

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380 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE The views of Vyasa are quoted also by Somadeva, and it is interesting to find Jaina writers drawing on Brahmanical sources to reinforce the doctrine of ahimsa (Yasastilaka, Book IV): homanAnatapojAyabrahmacaryAdayo guNAH / puMsi hisArate pArtha cANDAlasarasIsamAH // iti...vyaasoktiH| yAvanti pazuromANi pazugAtreSu bhArata / tAvadvarSasahasrANi pacyante pazudhAta kAH // iti paurANikI zrutiH / Ibid. Somadeva's views on the killing of animals in Vedic sacrifices are recorded in the aforesaid dialogue between Yasodhara and his mother. Mallisena sums up by saying that just as a cruel man may try to obtain a kingdom by killing his own son, but cannot escape the ignominy and sin resulting therefrom, even if he attains his object, similarly, even though the gods may be gratified by the slaughter of animals sanctioned by the Veda, the sin caused by such killing can never be averted." The attacks on the authority of the Veda and its religion which we come across in Yasastilaka belong to a class of recriminatory literature directed against Vedic rites by Jaina writers since long before the tenth century. Although the Vedic religion had been obsolete for centuries, it was considered worth while to attack the Veda, since it was the bed-rock on which the superstructure of Brahmanism was claimed to have been built up beyond the ravages of time. Among the many stories invented for the purpose of discrediting the Vedic religion, there are at least three which deserve notice as illustrating the Jaina attitude and mentality in regard to the Brahmanical Scriptures. The earlier version of the story of Sagara, Sulasa, Narada, Parvata and Vasu related in Jinasena I's Harivar sapurana (cantos 17 and 23) and Somade va's Yasastilaka, Book VII, occurs in the comprehensive Jaina Prakrit romance Vasudevahindi, Chap. V (circa sixth century A. D.). This story is interesting as recording the Jaina allegation that the Veda and its religion were the work of a demon named Kalasura. The latter is also called Mahakala, e. g. in Vasudevahindi wherein he is described as a most reprobate god, the minister of Yama. Even a sober philosophical writer like Vidyanandi declares in his Tattvarthaslokavartika 1. 20. 36 that the followers of Kanada attribute the authorship of the Veda to Brahman, while the Jainas attribute it to Kalasura, Similarly, in an outrageous story preserved in Vasudevahindi (Chap. III), Pippalada, the reputed author of the Atharvaveda, is described as 1 'yathA kila kazcidvipazcit puruSaH paruSAzayatayA nijamaGgajaM vyApAdya rAjyazriyaM prApThanIhate na ca tasya tatprAptAvapi putra__ghAtapAtakakalaGkapakkaH kvacidapayAti evaM vedavihita hiMsayA devatAdiprItisiddhAvapi hiMsAsamutthaM duSkRtaM na khalu praahnyte|' 2 'jamassa logapAlassa amacco paramAhammio mahAkAlo nAma devo jaao|'

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14, JAINA CRITICISM OF VEDIC SACRIFICES 381 being born of the illicit union of the nun Sulasa "and the ascetic Jannavakka. He is deserted by his parents as soon as he is born, but grows up to be an eminent Vedic scholar. In the course of time he comes to know the circumstances of his birth, and invents the Atharvaveda and its black magic in order to take revenge upon his parents. He severs the tongue of his father with a knife, and after reminding him of the crime of desertion of his own child, hacks him to pieces and offers the limbs as oblations in the sacrificial fire. A similar treatment is meted out to his mother. This is the Jaina version of the origin of the magic rites of the Atharvaveda. Another interesting but far from disgusting story about Vedic rites occurs in the eleventh canto of Ravisena's Padmacarita (seventh century A. D.), which contains also a slightly different version of the Parvata story. The story in question describes the destruction of Marutta's sacrifice by Ravana, represented as a patron of Jainism in Ravisena's work, which contains a Jaina version of the story of the Ramayana. The Jaina sage Narada argues with the officiating priest about the authority of the Veda and the advisability of performing sacrifices, and tries to convince him of the sinful character of animal slaughter. Some of his sentiments are not unlike those expressed by Yasodhara in Yasastilaka; the following two verses, the first from Yasastilaka, Book IV and the second from Padmacarita 247, may be compared: zukrazoNitasaMbhUtamazucInAM niketanam / mAMsaM cet prINayeddevAneta vyAghrAnupAsmahe // zukrazoNitasaMbhUtamamedhyakRmisaMbhavam / durgandhadarzanaM mAMsaM bhakSayanti kathaM suraaH|| The assembled Brahmanas are enraged at the interference of Narada, and attack him with kicks and blows. The news is brought to Ravana who hastens to the sacrificial site with his soldiers, and there follows a tumultous scene in which the animals kept for the sacrifice are set free and sacrificial posts broken, and the Brahmanas receive a good hammering. The description of the Brahmanas as "huntsmen with the sacred thread round their necks" sums up the Jaina attitude towards the Vedic religion, Considering the theological hatred of earlier times, it is not surprising to find Jaina writers inventing or giving currency to stories calculated to discredit the Vedic religion and culture. The Jainas had. however, no direct knowledge of Vedic literature, and their criticism of Vedic rites is often disfigured by gross exaggerations, misunderstanding and misstatements. A few examples may be given to show that even a deeply learned scholar like Somadeva is not wholly free from this charge.

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382 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE In Yasastilaka, Book IV, Somadeva quotes a Vedic phrase en aguhi , and opines that the Veda sanctions the killing of a Brahmana in spite of the general injunction that a Brahmana should not be killed. We are not here concerned with the question of whether traces of human sacrifice are found in the Vedic age, but the phrase cited by Somadeva belongs to the ritual of the Purusamedha which is wrongly supposed by him to be a human sacrifice. The Purusamedha was a symbolic rite, and the human victims, men as well as women, who were actually tied to the sacrificial posts, were set free, one and all, after the paryagnikarana or carrying of a firebrand round the victims. These are enumerated in the Vajasaneyisamhita XXX. 5-22 and the Taittiriya Brahmana III. 4, while the Satapatha Brahmang (XIII. 6. 2. 12, 13) says: ".........Now, the victims had the fire carried round them, but they were not yet slaughtered. Then a voice said to him, (Purusha, do not consummate (these human victims): if thou wert to consummate them, man (purusha) would eat man! Accordingly, as soon as fire had been carried round them, he set them free, and offered oblations to the same divinities..................," The Katyayana Srauta Sutra XXI. 1. 12 clearly says that the Brahmanas and the other victims are released, just as the Kapinjala birds and the other wild animals are set free in the Asvamedha after the paryagnikarana (XX. 6. 9). It is true that there are two Srauta Sutras, Vaitana (XXXVII. 10 ff.) and Sankhayana (XVI.10 ff.), which set forth a form of Purusamedha in which a man is to be sacrificed, but these Sutras lack Brahmana authority for what they prescribe; and as Eggeling points out, the Purusamedha described therein "is nothing more than what Sankhayana appears to claim for it, viz. an adaptation, and that a comparatively modern adaptation, of the existing Asvamedha ritual." Further, " the very fact that, in both Sutra works, this sacrifice is represented as being undertaken, not for the great object of winning immortal life, but for the healing of the Sacrificer's bodily infirmities, might seem sufficient to stamp the ceremony as one partaking more of the nature of the superstitious rites of the Atharvan priests than of that of the great sacrifices of the traditional Srauta ritual." 3 According to Keith, the ritual prescribed in the versions of Sankhayana and the Vaitana "is a mere priestly invention to fill up the apparent gap in the sacrificial system which provided no place for man."' + Hillebrandt gives too much importance to the version of Sankhayana and remarks that the 1 See Chap. XII. 2 Eggeling's Translation, Part V, p. 410. 3 Eggeling : Satapatha Brahmana, Trans., Part V, Introduction, p. xliv. 4 Taittiriya Saihita, Trans., Introduction, p. cxxxviii.

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14. JAINA CRITICISM OF VEDIO SACRIFICES 383 Purusamedha is a relic of a barbaric age, but the statement is vague, and there are no reliable data which might enable us to determine the limits of 'barbaric age'. The evidence of the Satapatha Brahmana, a far more ancient text, is of greater value than that of the two Sutra texts, and the fact remains that as early as the age of the Satapatha Brahmana no human victims were sacrificed in the Purusamedha. More generally speaking, the legend of Sunahsepa "is enough to show that human sacrifice was for the Brahmana period a horror beyond words". It is also noteworthy that the Purusamedha is not mentioned at all in the Samhitas of the Black Yajurveda: the Taittiriya, the Maitrayani and the Kathaka nor in the comprehensive Baudhayana Srauta Sutra. Another misleading statement made by Somadeva in Yasastilaka, Book IV, concerns the Gosava sacrifice. He opines that this rite was devised to sanction incest with one's mother and sister. The Gosava was an ekaha or one-day sacrifice and usually performed by a man of position of the Vaisya caste, who might be honoured by the king and the pe who performed the Gosava was therafter called Sthapati, an honorific term. According to some, this rite was exclusively meant for the Vaisya caste, and one of its important features was that fresh milk was poured over the Sacrificer while seated on the bare ground to the south of the Ahavaniya fire. This is roughly the account of the Gosava given in the Katyayana Srauta Sutra XXII. u. 6-11. The prescribed sacrificial fee of a myriad oxen shows that the rite was performed by a wealthy man, and according to the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra XVI. 15. 1 it should be undertaken by one who desires cattle. The Taittiriya Brahmana II. 7. 6 and Tandya Brahmana XIX. 13. 1 connect the Gosava with Svarajya or supremacy as the promised goal, and in any case the rite was meant for a leading man of the community as marking the culminating point in his social rank and position. As pointed out by Hillebrandt, there were certain special sacrifices for particular classes of men, e. g. the Rajasuya for the Ksatriyas, the Bshaspatisava for the Brahmanas and the Suta., Sthapati-, Gramani-, and Go-sava for the other orders of society. Now, the Gosava had a particular connection with the bovine species. The Taittiriya Brahmana (op. cit.) observes that the ox is Supremacy, and the Sacrificer acts like an ox. Sayana's interpretation 1 Ritual-Litteratur, p. 153. 2 Keith: Taittiriya Sanhita (op. cit.), p. cxl., 3 Ibid., p. cxxxviii. 4 'acie-te ac a dagi TATT HITTA forgalta Sur HraTHIR FARAR 1 Books IV and VII, and section 30. 5 Ritwal-Litteratur, p. 143. 6 'svArAjyaM gaureva gauriva bhavati / ya etena yjte|'

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384 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE "Just as an ox roams freely in the woods, so does the Sacrificer in the Brahmaloka" does not appear to be accurate in view of the detailed explanation of the rite given in the Jaiminiya Brahmana II. 113. The latter text describes the vrata of the Gosava and it consists in imitating the ways of an ox. The Sacrificer is to lie with his mother, his sister, and a woman of his own gotra, drink water and eat grass with face downwards, and ease himself wherever he feels the necessity. It is said that Janaka of Videba wanted to perform the Gosava, but when he was told about the procedure, he declared that he was willing to pay the prescribed sacrificial fee, but not to undertake the vrata, and did not after all venture to set about the rite. Punyakesa, the king of the Sibis, once undertook the Gosava. He felt like easing himself in the royal assembly, and while uncovering himself for the purpose then and there, exclaimed that the rite was suitable only for old men, and only an old man should undertake it, for all this' is permissible to the old. The Brahmana therefore concludes that the Gosava was a sthavirayajna, and should be undertaken only at an advanced age. It was thus an apparently innocent sacrifice primarily designed for old people, free from the repulsive significance attributed to it by Jaina writers. It may be noted that the urata described in the Jaiminiya Brahmana is omitted in most of the texts dealing with the Gogava, e. g., in the Srauta Sutras of Katyayana (op. cit.), sankhayana 14. 15, Baudhayana 18. 7 and Asvalayana 9. 8, and the Tandya Brahmana 19. 13; while the Taittiriya Brahmana (op. cit.) seems to make only a passing reference to it: gauriva bhavati. Caland shows that there is good reason to believe that the Jaimintya Brahmana is older than the Tandya or Pancavina Brahmana, and he thinks that the latter text omitted certain details, e. g, the of vrata the Gosava, perhaps because it found them too "barbaric'. It is quite probable that the childish procedure of behaving like an ox became soon obsolete, and was excluded from the customary ritual of the Gosava. Somadeva is not the only Jaina author to make misleading statements regarding Vedic sacrifices, Ravisena asserts in Padmacarita 11. 85 that intercourse with forbidden women is required in the Gosava sacrifice. Devasena who wrote Darsanasara in 933 A. D.S says in his Prakrit Bhavasamgraha (verses 52-3) that the cow is declared to be 1 Das Jaiminiya Brahmana in Auswahl, p. 157. 2 34 PARTIST THITHU ' 3 aa atacate eta i 4 Pancavimsa-Brahmana. Trans. Caland, Introduction, p. xxi. 5 See Introduction to : (Manikacandra Jaina Granthamala ), p. 12.

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14. JAINA CRITICISM OF VEDIC SACRIFICES a goddess (by the Brahmanas) and all the gods are believed to reside in her body; yet they kill her in the Gosava sacrifice and eat the flesh; do they not kill those gods by killing the Cow ? 1 The Jainas had a tendency to believe that all sacrifices whose names began with the name of a living creature involved its slaughter in the accompanying ritual. Another example of erroneous statements made by Jaina writers about Vedic rites is found in Ravisena's Padmacarita 11. 87-89: AzuzukSaNimAdAya pRSThe kUrmasya tarpayet / haviSyajuhvakAkhyAya svAhetyuktvA prayatnataH // yadA na prApnuyAt kumaM tadA zuddha dvijanmanaH / khalateH piGgalAbhasya viklavasya zucau jale // Asyadaghne'vatIrNasya mastake kUrmasaMnibhe / prajvAlaya jvalanaM dIptamAhutiM nikSiped dvijaH // 385 These verses containing details, corresponding more or less to particulars found in Vedic texts, might very well deceive an unwary reader not familiar with the Vedic sacrificial system. Among the terms used juhvaka is a misreading for jumbaka, and viklava for viklidha. Ravisena means to say that oblations are offered in the fire on the back of a tortoise, but if one is not available, the offerings are made in a fire kindled on the head of a Brahmana with certain characteristics, immersed in the water up to the mouth. This is an atrocious misrepresentation of a Vedic rite which took place on the third day of the Asvamedha towards the end of the sacrifice at the end of the purificatory bath (avabhrtha). What really happened was that an oblation of clarified butter was made on the head of a man of hideous appearance, standing in the water, with the mantra To Jumbaka hail !' The mantra occurs in the Vajasaneyisamhita 25. 9, Jumbaka being a name of Varuna as explained, for instance, in the Taittiriya Brahmana III. 9. 15. Among the epithets applied to the man the most frequent are pingala tawny-eyed', khalati bald-headed', viklidha, and sukla 'white' or rather 'pale'. As regards viklidha, it is variously explained as dantura with protruding teeth' by Karka on the Katyayana Srauta Sutra XX. 8. 16, Mahidhara on the Vajasaneyisamhita 25. 9, and Harisvamin on the S'atapatha Brahmana XIII. 3. 6. 5; as svedanasilasarira and viklinnadeha perspiring' 'clammy' by Sayana on the Taittiriya Brahmana (op. cit.); and as 'leprous' by Varadattasuta Anartiya in his commentary on the S'ankhayana Srauta Sutra 16. 18. The latter text as well as the Baudhayana S'rauta Sutra 15. 37 uses some other epithets to make the man still more repulsive, and Sankhayana 1 surahI loyassagge vakkhANai esa devi paccakkhA / savve devA aMge imie NivasaMti niyameNa // puNaravi gosavajaNNe marsa bhakkhati sA vimArittA / tasseva vaheNa phuDaM Na mAriyA hoMti te devA // 49

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386 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE adds that he should be led to a river and immersed therein, and when the waters flow into his mouth the Adhvaryu priest should make an oblation of horse's blood on the man's head with the mantra bhrunahatyayai svaha'. After the oblation the man is brought out of the water ( nihsedhanti explained in the commentary as nirgamayanti), and possibly driven away as a scapegoat. Just as there are no traces of remnants of human sacrifice in this rite, as Weber thought, similarly it did not involve any inhuman practice like lighting a fire on a man's head, as alleged by Ravisena. It is hardly necessary to cite other examples of Jaina misstatements regarding Vedic rites. Ravisena tells us also that in a sacrifice called Matsmedha one's mother was killed, while in the Pitrmedha one's father suffered the same fate (11. 86 ). Jinasena I states that kings were sacrificed by hundreds and thousands in the Rajasuya, which, according to him, was devised by the wicked god Mahakala, an enemy of kings. This amazing statement occurs in his Harivamsapurana written in 783 A. D. Hemacandra mentions a Gomedha and a Naramedha along with the Asvamedha in a sweeping condemnation of Vedic sacrifices in a verse of his commentary on his Yogasastra 4. 102. In another amusing verse in the same work (2. 38 ) he declares that the poor Carvaka is rather preferable to Jaimini, because the former openly professes atheism, while the latter is a monster disguised as an ascetic citing Vedic texts.8 It is evident that much of the information of Jaina writers in regard to Vedic rites was based on hearsay, and the only thing they definitely knew about them was that they involved the sacrifice of living beings, men as well as animals. Their statements are no doubt mala fide, misleading and erroneous, but similar inaccuracies are found also in the Matharavrtti on the Sankhyakarika.* It may be noted in this connection that the following sacrificial verse is quoted, perhaps inaccurately, in both the Matharavrtti and Somadeva's Yasastilaka VII. 30: SaTzatAni niyujyante pazUnAM madhyame'hani / azvamedhasya vacanAdUnAmi pazubhitribhiH / / 1 9 99 Tia: TTTTSAA FFETT: 1 79THAT atstat trafo 11 23. 142. 2 gomedhanaramedhAzvamedhAyadhvarakAriNAm / yAzikAnAM kuto dharmaH praNighAtavidhAyinAm // 3 varaM varAkazcArvAko yo'sau prakaTanAstikaH / vedoktitApasacchamacchannaM rakSo na jaiminiH / / 4 The Matharavrtti misunderstands the significance of the Purusamedha and the Gogava. It says qyqusfueto Hiu 4: 496 TIRUZI TTTT7*** ***FTSF459 Hazi bhUrikartavyatayopadizyate 'brahmaNe mAhmaNamAlabheta kSatrAya rAjanyaM marudbhyo vaizyaM taskara nArakAya borahaNam' ityAdi 219117!

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14. JAINA CRITICISM OF VEDIO SACRIFICES 387 The verse occurs in a different form in the commentaries of Uvata and Mahidhara on the Vajasaneyisamhita 24. 40; SadazatAni niyujyante pazUnAM madhyame'hani / azvamedhasya yajJasya navabhizcAdhikAni ca // Among other sacrificial citations, all of which are anonymous, we have already reproduced the dubious statement on the Gosava sacrifice quoted in Yasastilaka, Books IV and VII. 30. The dictum Hinnot a gafauri murAM pibati na tena surA pItA bhavati quoted in the same context cannot be genuine, because although the reference to wine is correct, the name of the rite (sautramuni) is incorrectly spelt. The word is, in fact, consistently misspelt by Somadeva who writes sautramani for sautramani. The following sacrificial verse is cited in VII. 30: gosave surabhi hanyAdrAjasUye tu bhUbhujam / azvamedhe hayaM hanyAt pauNDarIke ca dantinam // The verse is clearly spurious, and might even be an invention, as it contains the absurd statement that the king is sacrificed at the Rajasuya, The only reference to human sacrifice in the ritual of the Rajasuya is in the legend of Sunahsepa, which is recited by the Hotr priest after the anointing of the king, but the story in question is nothing less than a condemnation of the offering of a human victim. Hillebrandt's view that the reoitation of the legend is a reminiscence of a possible early connection of the Rajasuya with human sacrifice is clearly far-fetched, and has been rejected by Keith. The following citation hearing on the Purusamedha in Yasastilaka VII. 30 is an example of haphazard quotation or misquotation from sacrificial texts. It reads as follows in Somadeva's work: ___ brahmaNe brAhmaNamAlameta indrAya kSatriya marudbhyo vaizyaM tamase zadgamuttamase taskaram Atmane klIbaM kAmAya puMzcalamatikuSTAya mAgadhaM gItAya sutamAdityAya striyaM garbhiNIm / The passage in question forms part of a longer one found with variations in the Vajasaneyisamhita XXX. 5ff., the Taittiriya Brahmana III. 4, and the S'atapatha Brahmana XIII. 6. 2. The ancient text, e. g, that of the Taittiriya Brahmana, reads as follows: brahmaNe brAhmaNamAlabhate / kSatrAya rAjanyam / marubhyo vaizyam / tapase zudam / tamase taskaram / nArakAya vIrahaNam / pApmane klIbam / AkrayAyAyogUm / kAmAya purazcalUm / atikruSTAya mAgadham / gItAya mUtam / nRttAya zailUSam / The principles underlying Vedic injunctions are criticized by Somadeva in the aforesaid controversial dialogue in Yasastilaka, Book i e. g. Afeche Tetit HTHU in VII. 22. 2 Hillebrandt: Ritual-litteratur, p. 145, and Keith: Rigveda Brahmanas, p. 62.

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388 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE IV. Similar objections to the authority of the Veda as a whole are recorded in various Jaina works, e. g. Akalanka's Nyayaviniscaya (chap. 8), Anantavirya's commentary on the Pariksamukha Sutra (chap. 3) etc. Akalanka attacks the apauruseya theory of the origin of the Veda, and says that if the Veda revealed its own truth, it would be unnecessary to study texts like the Ayurveda, which are an integral part of the Veda. Further, if the Veda was eternal, the generations of students who have been studying and explaining it would be like an endless succession of blind men following one another; and if the Veda had really no author, its statements would be like the utteranoes and customs of barbarians which could not be attributed to any competent authority.' Anantavirya goes further and opines that the Veda cannot be regarded as an authoritative source of knowledge, whether it is supposed to be apauruseya or pauruseya. In the former case, supposing there exists an endless sequence of Vedic interpretation current from times without a beginning, this interpretation is bound to go astray in the course of time owing to defects of memory, ineptitude of expression, and dishonest motives, thus destroying the authoritative character of the Veda. Even at the present time those who profess astrology, for instance, are seen to make misleading statements: there are some who know the hidden truth but explain it otherwise for some evil purpose; there are some who know the subject but misinterpret it for lack of the faculty of expression; while there are others who make incorrect statements, having missed a vital link in the sequence of facts, The same is the case with the Veda; hence the divergence of opinions regarding bhavana, vidhi, niyoga etc., and disagreement among Manu, Yajnavalkya and others in laying down Smrti rules in harmony with the true import of the Vedas. Thus the Veda would fail to conform to the truth even if it were based on a tradition without any beginning. The apauruseya theory therefore does not help to establish th as a reliable and infallible guide, nor is the pauruseya theory more helpful. There are indeed good reasons for supposing the Veda to be the composition of a certain individual or individuals, e. g. the mention of the names of the sages, gotras and schools, subject to birth and decay, the arrangement of the sentences according to a hard and fast rule, and the dictum 1 See Chap. XII, 2 vedasyApauruSeyasya svatastattvaM vivRnnvtH| AyurvedAdi yadyaGgaM yatnastatra nirarthakaH // zAstrajJAnaM tathaiva syAt saamgriigunndoptH| avirodhe'pi nityasya bhavedandhaparamparA / tadarthadarzino'bhAvAtmlecchAdivyavahAravat / anaadismprdaayshcedaayurvedaadiraagmH|| Nyayaviniscaya, verses, 416-418.

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14. JAINA CRITICISM OF VEDIC SACRIFICES 389 that "The Veda is the work of a certain person like the Sutras of Manu' etc. The fact of the Veda having an author does not, however, give it an authoritative character. Anantavirya declares: "We do not deny authority to the Veda on the ground that it has no author. The Veda lacks authority because it can never be free from defects owing to its expounders having no knowledge of supersensuous things". The Jainas thus close the door, to their own satisfaction, upon all claims that may be put forward in behalf of the Veda being an authoritative source of human knowledge. It is extremely doubtful if Jaina attacks on the Veda and the Vedic religion made any impression upon Brahmanical circles if they were at all acquainted with them. The regeneration of the Vedic sacrificial system was out of the question, but renewed and vigorous attempts cotninued to be made to eastablish the authority of the Veda on a firmer and sounder basis. The first great effort towards this end in medieval times was made by Kumarila (seventh century A. D.) and the school of Mimamsa founded by him and thereafter by the distinguished writers of the Nyaya-Vaisesika school who flourished in the ninth and tenth centuries. It was the leaders of the latter school that exercised paramount influence in the intellectual sphere in Somadeva's age. The Naiyayikas rejected the Mimamsa view that the Veda was eternal, and not composed by any individual, and sought to replace the apauruseya theory by a more plausible doctrine. Jayanta says in his Nyayamanjari that the Mimamsakas are incapable of devising an adequate method for maintaining the authority of the Veda: words aided by convention can only have the power to signify; the determination of the shades of meaning must inevitably depend upon the judgment of some one; hence words can have any authoritative character only when they are uttered by a trustworthy person and not otherwise. The Naiyayikas thus usher in the pauruseya theory and glorify the Veda as the handiwork of God Himself. Jayanta, for instance, says that He who created the universe composed also the Vedas containing His teachings; and the people believe in the Vedas because they believe in Him, the Trustworthy Guide and the Supreme Lord without a beginning: no wise 1 'nAsmAbhirvakturabhAve vedasya prAmANyAbhAvaH samudbhAvyate kintu tavyAkhyAvRNAm atIndriyArthadarzanAdiguNAbhAve tato doSANAmanapohitatvAt na prAmANyanizcaya iti / ' 2 a thica: 474T FIVETTATHI APOTHES FTST:' ete. Nyayamanjari, Book I.

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390 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE man would have thus believed in the Vedas. had they been without an author (as the Mimamsakas hold).1 While emphasizing the fact the Veda is composed by God and accepted by the vast majority of the people, the leaders of the Nyaya. Vaisesika school adopt a rather contemptuous attitude towards the Scriptures of the minorities like the Buddhists and Jainas. Vacaspati in Nyaya-vartika-tatparya-tika 2. 1. 68 contrasts the Vedas with the Buddhist and Jaina Scriptures composed by mere mortals who are neither Creators nor Omniscient Beings. Sridhara says in Nyayakandali (p. 217) that the Veda is known to be the work of a Superior Being (purusa-visesa), because its message is unquestioningly accepted by all who belong to the varnasrama order of society. If it were the work of an ordinary person, like the Scriptures composed by Buddha and others, not all discerning persons would unquestioningly act upon its teachings. That with regard to which there is a universal consensus of opinion (on the subject of its reliability) is bound to be an authoritative source of knowledge, like direct perception and similar means of cognition.3 Thus while the Vedic sacrificial religion was fast becoming a relic of the past, the authority of the Veda was constantly reaffirmed by Mimamsakas, Smartas, and Nyaya-Vaisesikas alike. It is noteworthy Samkara in his Bhasya on even the Vedanta Sutras 3. 1. 25 supports in principle the slaughter of animals in Vedic sacrifices, and proclaims the purity of all rites prescribed by the Veda. The voice of Jaina criticism was not likely to be heard in an age characterized by a large-scale revival of Brahmanical thought, say, from about the seventh to the end of the tenth century. that 1 karttA ya eva jagatAmakhilAtmavRttikarmaprapaJca paripAkavicitratAzaH / vizvAtmanA tadupadezaparAH praNItAstenaiva vedaracanA iti yuktametat // AptaM tameva bhagavantamanAdimIzamAzritya vizvasiti vedavacaHsu lokaH / teSAmakartRkatayA na hi kazvidevaM visrambhameti matimAniti varNitaM prAkU | Ibid., Book IV. 2 ' na caite zauddhodaniprabhRtayaH tanubhuvanAdInAM kartAro yena sarvazA iti nizcIyeran / ' See also Chap. IX. 3 'puruSavizeSapraNItaH sarvairvarNAzramibhiH avigAnena tadarthaparigrahAt yatkiJcanapuruSapraNItatve tu vedasya buddhAdivAkyavat na sarveSAM parIkSakANAmavigAnena tadarthAnuSThAnaM syAt yatra ca sarveSAM saMvAdaniyamaH tat pramANameva yathA pratyakSAdikam / pramANaM vedaH sarveSAmavisaMvAdijJAna hetutvAt pratyakSavat / "

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CHAPTER XV NON-JAINA CULTS, CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS Among the non-Jaina cults mentioned in Somadeva's Yasastilaka the most prominent is, of course, that of Candamari, which forms the starting point of the story. As we have already seen, human sacrifice was an essential feature of the worship of that goddess, and a detailed, though to some extent fantastic, description of her appallingly gruesome shrine occurs in Book I. Candamari is only another form of Candika, whose cult is much earlier than the tenth century, as is evident from the descriptions of the goddess and her blood-stained temple in works like Bana's Kadambari and Haribhadra's Samaraiccakaha, Book VI. In the latter work the deity is called also Katyayani and Kadambari. Subandhu in his Vasavadatta likewise refers to the shrine of Katyayani alias Canda while describing the city of Kusumapura or Pataliputra.' In Bhavabhuti's Malatimadhava, Act V, the goddess appears as Karala or Camunda to whom a human victim is about to be offered by a Kapalika. In Vakpati's Gaudavaho she appears as Vindhyavasini, to whom a lengthy hymn is addressed by Yasovarman (vv. 285-338), the goddess being called also Candi, Sabari and Narayani. The hymn in question refers among other things to the human victim and the custom of selling human flesh, as in our work." The self-torture described by Somadeva as being practised by certain fanatics in the temple of Candamari3 is mentioned in another context in Bana's Harsacarita (Book V), which refers, for instance, to the burning of Guggulu resin on the head while supplicating the Mahakala Siva, and the offering of flesh cut out of one's own body as an oblation in the fire. The offering of slices of one's own flesh to Camunda is mentioned in Uddyotana's Kuvalayamala composed in the eighth century. The Chinese traveller Yuan Chwang, in the first half of the seventh century, describes a temple, at Prayaga (Allahabad), where certain devotees committed suicide in the hope of gaining 'the paradise of the gods." 1 'yatra bhagavatI kAtyAyanI caNDAbhidhAnA svayaM nivasati ' 2 'visasijjantamahApasudaMsaNa ( v. 319 ) ; 'sUranti vIravikkayavikkamamiha jAmiNI masANesu' ( v. 327 ). The comm. remarks devIzmazAne vIrA siddhaye mahAmAMsavikrayaM kurvantIti kaulAgamAdiSu prasiddham. See Chap. XIII for further details. 3 See Chap. II. 4 'anyatra zirovidhRtavilIya mAnagugguluvikalana va sevakAnunIyamAnamahAkAlam, aparatra nizitazastronikRttAtmamAMsahomaprasatAptavargam' 5 ' kiMvA cAmuNDAyAH purastIkSNakSurikAvidAritoruyugalasamucchalalohitapaGkilabhUtalaM mAMsakhaNDairbaliM dadAmi' Ratnapra bha's Sanskrit version. 6 Watters: On Yuan Chwang, Vol. I. p. 362. A similar practice has been traced on the island of Mandhata in the Narmada, in the Nimar District of Central Provinces. Here, until recent times, devotees were in the habit of dashing themselves over

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392 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE The cult of the Devi, who is known under different names, Candika, Katyayani, Bhavani, Durga etc., seems to have been widely prevalent from about the seventh century onwards. The cult, as ordinarily practised, represents what is known as Sakti worship, and must be distinguished from the abnormal ritual mentioned by Somadeva in Yasastilaka. There are, for instance, two rock-cut temples dedicated to Durga at Mamallapuram, now the village of Mahabalipuram, known also as the Seven Pagodas, on the sea-coast, about forty miles south of Madras. The excavations at this place date from the second quarter of the seventh century A. D.' The temples are locally known, the one as Kotikal Mandapa, and the other as Draupadi's Ratha. The former is a primitive-looking shrine consisting of a hall, about 22 feet long and eight feet wide. The latter is a beautifully carved little shrine with a domical roof, and contains a bas-relief figure of Durga. In front of the temple is a huge rock-cut figure of Durga's vehicle. the li are, besides, various sculptural representations of the goddess on some of the other temples and rocks at Mamallapuram. A number of crudely fashioned figures of the goddess and her lion are also carved on some of the isolated rocks near the Shore Temple facing the sea. In the so-called Draupadi's Ratha the bas-relief figure of Durga is four-armed and portrayed standing on a lotus pedestal with two worshippers kneeling at her feet. These features are also seen in the bas-relief representation of the goddess in one of the large panels on the walls of the temple known as the Varahamandapa. Other panels, which represent the goddess with eight arms, and trampling on the head of a buffalo, occur on the facade of the Trimurti Temple and in the the Birkhala cliffs, at the eastern end of the island, on to the rocks by the river brink, where the terrible god Kala Bhairava resided. The last such offering to Kala Bhairava was witnessed in 1824. It is significant that the shrine of Candamari is called Mahabhairava in Somadeva's Yasastilaka. It is said that about the time when a Chauhan Rajput named Bharat Singh took Mandhata from Nathu Bhil in 1165 A. D., a priest named Daryao Nath used to worship Omkara Siva on the island. There is a legend that Daryao Nath by his austerities shut up Kali Devi, the consort of Kala Bhairava, who fed on human flesh, in a cave, for the protection of the pilgrims. The mouth of this cave is still shown. It was also arranged that Kala Bhairava should in future receive human sacrifices at regular intervals. The disciples of Daryao Nath still enjoy lands on account of the worship of Omkara Siva. Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. IX, p. 293 ff. It is difficult to separate fact from fiction in these traditions, but an abnormal variety of Tantric cult seems to have grown up, evidently at a later time, on the island of Mandhata, and no doubt represented a debased type of Saivism or Tantricism resembling the Vamamarga described in Somadeva's Yasastilaka. 1 See Appendix III. 2 See Longhurst: Pallava Architecture, Part II.

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15. NON-JAINA CULTS, CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS 393 interior of the Varaha Temple. The story of Durga slaying the Buffalo Demon was popular not only in India but in Java; and a remarkable bas-relief showing the fight of the goddess with the demon, regarded as one of the finest specimens of Indian art, is found in the so-called Mahisasuramandapa. The eight-armed goddess, astride on her lion, is represented as shooting arrows at the demon whose colossal figure is seen slightly receding before her, with one of his followers slain and another apparently wounded. It is also noteworthy that, in the bas-reliefs in the Draupadi's Ratha and the Varahamandapa, one of the worshippers is shown as cutting off the tresses of his hair with a sword as a votive offering to the goddess. Such practices are, of course, far different from the various forms of self-torture practised in connection with the cult of Candamari, or Candika, as described by Somadeva and others. The practices described by Somadeva in Yasastilaka evidently belong to an abnormal variety of the cult, which appealed to the fanaticism of a limited class of worshippers. But the cult of the Devi, in the ordinary sense of the term, had a much wider appeal; and old temples dedicated to the Goddess are found in various parts of India. The cult was, as stated below, popular 1 The scene is represented on a much smaller scale in a beautiful panel discovered near the Siva temple at Bhumara of the early Gupta period (see Appendix III). The goddess is four-armed with a sword in one hand and a trident in another. She stands with her left foot on the head of the buffalo and grasps his tail with one of her hands. See plate xiv (b) in R. D. Banerji's monograph on the temple. 2 Some of the old temples dedicated to Devi may here be mentioned, many of which have been rebuilt in later times. The temple of Ambi Bhavani on the summit of the hills of Arasur at the south-western extremity of the Aravalli range is an important centre of pilgrimage, and lays claim to a remote antiquity. The ancient town of Darbhavati or Dabhoi, about twenty miles to the south-east of the city of Baroda, contains a temple dedicated to Bhadra Kalika Mata (Bhadrakali). It is situated to the right of the famous Hira'Gate at Dabhoi on the east side of the old fort, and stands on the site of an older shrine in honour of the same goddess. It was probably built by Vishaldev Vaghela about 1255 A. D. "Its dimensions are small, but the whole outer face has been so broken by mouldings, and ornamented by sculptures, large and small, as to render it typical of the rich thirteenta century style in Gujarat.' The temple is, in fuct, one of the most important architectural monuments of the pre-Muslim period in Gujarat. Another Devi temple known as Kalka Mata or Kalka Bhawani stands on the lofty summit of the hill of Pavagadh situated about twenty-five miles north-east of Baroda. The goddess has been worshipped on the rocky peak for many centuries as the guardian deity of the hill. The shrine, which is visible from a distance of many miles in the plains below, is no doubt very ancient, being mentioned as a place of pilgrimage under the rulers of Anhilvad Patan,' But the present building is probably of a much later date. Commissariat: History of Gujarat, Vol. I, pp. lxi, lxxxvii, 191. An ancient temple of Devi or Candika, venerated by Rajputs throughout Malwa and Mewar, exists at the small village of Antri in the Garoth District of Indore State. The present temple is, however, a modern structure built with the materials collecte! from the ruins of an older shrine, 50

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394 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE at royal courts, as it was believed to promote success in warfare. The temples and sculptures at Mamallapuram, which was essentially a royal foundation, prove the popularity of the cult of Durga, probably for similar reasons, during the rule of the Pallavas in the south from the seventh century onwards. The Pallavas were supplanted by the Colas, and it is noteworthy that Vijayalaya, the founder of the line of the imperial Colas, built a Durga temple at Tanjore after his conquest of the city about the middle of the ninth century A. D. It may be noted that about this time, in Northern A small temple dedicated to the god Samba (Sambhu) and Devi stands outside the village of Dighi, six miles dus east of Kajgaon Station in the East Khandesh District, a couple of miles from the frontier of Hyderabad (Deccan). "The temple consists of a porch in front, & mandapa on pillars with a bigh dome, an antarala or passage leading to the sanctum or garbhagha and the sanctum or shirne itself.' The sanctum contains a small linga and 4 large standing image of Devi. A niche on the north wall of the mandapa contains a dancing figure of Camunda. She has four hands and an emaciated body, but the scorpion usually to be found in her stomach is absent. She holds a trident, a skull-mace (khatvanga ) and a skull-cup (nara-kapala). Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, 1920, pp. 75, 99. Close to the island of mandhata in the Narmada, a small ravine on the north bank of the river, popularly known as the Rawana nala, contains a prostrate figure 18feet in length, rudely carved in bold relief on four basalt slabs laid end to end. It has ten arms, all hoiding clubs and pendent skalls, but only one head. On its chest is a scorpion, and at its right side & rat, while one foot rests on a smaller prostrate human figure. The huge image no doubt represents Camunda or Mahakali, and was evidently intended to be placed in a colossal temple which was never completed. The bed of the ravine is covered with huge basult rocks, slightly carved in some places, which doubtless had the same destination.' Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. IX, p. 296. Sastri: The Colas, Vol. I, p. 140. Temples of Durga appear to have been built in different parts of medieval India. An inscription discovered in the village of Dirghasi, four miles to the north of Kalingapatam in the Ganjam District, records the erection of a mandapa in front of a temple of Durga at Dirgharasi or Dirghasi in the Saka year 997 (1075 A. D.), by a Brahmana chieftain named Ganapati in the service of the Eastern Ganga king Rajaraja I of Orissa (1068-1078 A, D.). R. D. Banerji: Histury of Orissa, Vol. I, p. 246. There is a ruined temple of Durga of about the twelfth century, near the village of Balsana in the West Khandesh District of Bombay Presidency. Inside the shrine stands the mutilated image of the goddess. The temples at Balsana suffered badly at the hands of the Muslim invaders. An inscription on the stone lintel of a ruined temple bears a date corresponding to 1148 A. D. See Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, 1919, pp. 46, 56. There is an old temple called the temple of Devi Hinglaj in the village of Baridelchi near Mehidpur Town in Indore State. The editice has been partially rebuilt, as the sikhara and the garbhagsha are modern, but the porch in front has four well-carved medieval pillars. Inside the shrine is an old image which is a very good representation of the killing of the buffalo demon by Durga (Mahigamardini). Progress Report of ASI Western Circle, 1920, p. 102,

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15. NON-JAINA CULTS, CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS 395 India, Durga or Bhagavati was fervently worshipped by some of the Gurjara. Pratihara emperors of Kanauj." Somadeva is not the only Jaina writer of the tenth century who refers to the cult of Candika. A few decades earlier, Devasena in his Bhavasamgraha (verse 76) mentions the killing of goats at the altar of Candika and the worship of the Kula' with wine : while Siddharsi in his Upamitibhavaprapanca Katha (Book IV) refers to the worship of Candika with wine and describes drinking bouts and merrymaking in the forecourt of the shrine of the goddess with their evil consequences. So far as Somadeva is concerned, the cult of Candika is located by him in the city of Rajapura in the Yaudheya country, which has been variously identified as the region between the Sutlej and the Jumna, or Bahawalpur State in the Punjab, south of Multan. If the Yaudheya country is supposed to be the region between the Sutlej and the Jumna, Rajapura may perhaps be identified with Rajpura in Patiala state, now an important junction on the North Western Railway. Somadeva describes Rajapura as full of magnificent temples, and it is obviously the capital of the Yaudheya country, but we cannot be certain about its identification. It may be noted in this connection that a Rajapura is mentioned by Yuan Chwang, and it has been identified with the Rajapuri frequently mentioned in the Rajatarangini, the modern Rajauri in the province of Jammu in Kashmir. We have no evidence to connect Rajapuri with the Candika cult, but the Chinese traveller describes the inhabitants from Lampa to Rajapura as of rude violent dispositions' and as inferior peoples of frontier (i. e. barbarian) stocks', reminding one of the Sabaras who were in the babit of worshipping the goddess under different names. But few ancient remains have been discovered at Rajauri, and a recent survey revealed nothing except a few architectural fragments belonging to temples similar to those of Kashmir proper. The site of Rajapura is, as a matter of fact, of 1 The Partabgarh inscription of Mahendrapala II (946 A. D.) has, for instance, two verses in praise of Durga almost at the beginning. Nagabhata II (first half of 9th century), Bhoja I (second half of 9th century) and Mahendrapala I (end of 9th and early 10th century) are described as ardent devotees of Bhagavati. or Durga (pararibhagavati-bhakta). DI, Vol. XIV, p. 176 ff. 3 Kyla Weans Sakti. l'or details see Introductiou to Kulacudanani Tantri (Tantrik Texts). 3 Poussin: Dynasties et Histoire de l'Inde depuis Kanishka, p. 41. 4 Watters: On Yuan Chwang, vol. I, p. 284. 6 Kak: Antiquities of Blimbar and Rajauri (Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, No. 14).

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396 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE little importance with regard to the cult of Candamari. Somadeva's account is in some respects so graphic and detailed that he seems to write from first-hand knowledge of the cult, as it was practised by certain zealots in his time somewhere in the Deccan. The Mahayoginis are described by Somadeva in Yasastilaka, Book I, in connection with the temple of Candamari. The description is rather fantastic, but the author's purpose is to depict the terrific aspect of these deities and represent them as fit companions of Candamari. In Book III the spy is declared to have communed with the Mahayoginis and acquired supersensuous knowledge. These references are interesting as illustrating the fact that the cult of the Yoginis was prevalent in the tenth century. It is noteworthy that the circular temple of the sixty-four Yoginis at Bheraghat, thirteen miles from Jubbulpore, has also been assigned to the tenth century. This peculiar shrine consists of a huge thick wall along the outer edge of a circular platform, inside which there is a circular row of pillars and pilasters arranged in two concentric circles'. There is a flat roof supported on the pillars and pilasters. According to Cunningham, the temple of the Sixty-four Yoginis was originally a simple circular enclosure, containing the images of the Yoginis, the wall being of the same height as the statues. He concluded that the circular cloister, as it at present stands, is the work of two different periods: the old circular wall, with its inscribed statues, belonging to the tenth century; and the cloister, with its roof, being the work of queen Alhanadevi in the twelfth century. The actual number of images in the shrine including various other figures is more than eighty. Most of them are seated, with the names of the deities inscribed on the pedestals in letters of the tenth century. For example, Sri-Thakini, Sri-Virendri, Sri-Phanendri, Sri-Rsatradharmini, Sri-Bhisani, Sri-Ghamtali, Sri-Jaha, Sri-Dakini, SriLampata, sri-Indrajali, Sri-isvari, Sri-Aingini, Sri-Cannika, Sri-Ajita, SriPimgala, Sri-Varahi, Sri-Eruli, Sri-Vibhatsa, Sri-Kamada, Sri-Ranajira etc. A beautiful figure of Mabisamardini is called Sri-Teramva. The existence of a separate temple for the worship of the sixty-four Yoginis shows the popularity of Tantric cults in the tenth century. It is interesting to note that, under the lotus on which Sri-Sarvatomukhi is seated is another fullblown lotus, the calyx of which bears the Tantric emblem of crossed triangles (Satkona), with the mystic formula Hrii in the centre. 1 See Chap. IV. 2 R. D. Banerji: The Haihayas of Tripuri and their monuments,p. 69, 3 See the detailed description of the images in Banerji (op. cit.)

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15. NON-JAINA CULTS, CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS 397 Another temple dedicated to the sixty-four Yoginis exists at Khajuraho in Chhatarpur State in Central India. The script of the brief inscriptions on its walls does not indicate a period much, if at all, anterior to 900 A, D.'; and the temple has accordingly been assigned to the first half of the tenth century. Three other temples dedicated to the 64 Yoginis are known to exist, viz., 1) at Surada in the Patan or Pattana State, one of the Tributary States of Orissa; 2) at Ranipur-Jural in the same State; and 3) in Coimbatore District, Madras. It is a remarkable fact that all the known temples dedicated to the 64 Yoginis are circular, except the one at Khajuraho, which is 'peculiar in being oblong?? Somadeva refers to the Mothers in connection with the cult of Candamari. In his description of the temple of the goddess, in Book I, he speaks of the Matrmandala or the group of the Mothers as being worshipped there by certain fanatics, who had torn out their intestines to please those deities. The Seven Mothers are here brought into relation with a horrid and ferocious cult, but they had also a benign aspect, and are well-known as the guardian deities of the early Calukyas, as stated in their copper-plate grants. Sculptural representations of these deities have been found at Aihole and other places in the Deccan. The Seven Mothers, four-armed, each with a child, figure among the sculptures on the south wall of Cave XIV at Ellora, popularly known as Ravana-ka-kai: each has her cognizance on the base below. There is a very well-executed sculpture representing the Seven Mothers on a stone slab. built into the wall of a step-well, out in front of the temple of Siddhesvara at Haveri in the Dharwar district. On most of these slabs each goddess holds a child on her lap to denote motherhood, but they are absent on this; and they are generally flanked by Siva on one side and Ganapati on the other, Next to Siva, in this case, is Brahmi or Brahmani, the female counterpart of Brahma, below her being Brahma's vehicle, the goose. Next is Mahesvari, Siva's counterpart, with his bull Nandi, beside whom is Vaisnavi seated over Garuda. After her come Kaumari, counterpart of Kartikeya, with his peacock ; Varahi with a buffalo instead of the boar; Indrani or Aindri with the elephant, and, lastly, Camunla with a dog, but sometimes a dead body. This last Mother is shown as a skeleton with long pendent breasts. 1 For detailed references see Indian Antiquary, 1908, p. 132. faiteorgear hereftergato AIATEHUESH. There is another reference to the Matsmandala in Book I. See Chap. IV. 3 Bhandarkar: Early History the Dekkan, p. 83. Third edition. 4 Courens: Chalukyan Architecture of the Kanaresc Districts, p. 45. 5 Burgess: A Guide to Elnora Cave Tempics, p. 24.

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398 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Each goddess has four arms, and in their hands they carry symbols belonging to the gods they represent. The arrangement is not always the same." Various sculptures representing Siva and the Seven Mothers are found in the temples at Un in the southern part of Indore State. The worship of the goddess Aparajita is mentioned by Somadeva in Book III as part of the general description of the court life of Yasodhara. In three verses recited by a bard the blessings of the goddess are invoked for the success of the king in warfare. We are told that Aparajita, called also Ambika, grants victory to kings on the battlefield, and is herself incarnate in their arms and weapons. The stars are the pearls on her hair, and the sun and the moon are her eyes: the celestial river is her robe, and the oceans are her girdle, and the Meru mountain is her body. She is worshipped by Indra, Siva, Brahma and Visnu. It is clear from the Devimahatmya section of Marlandeyapurana (chap. 88 ff.) that Aparajita, Ambika, Durga, Katyayani, Gauri, Bhadrakali etc. are different names of Candika; they are to be regarded rather as different forms of Candika, and worshipped on different occasions for special purposes. The meditation of Aparajita is recommended in the medieval Tantric work Isanasivagurudevapaddhati in the course of the ritual prescribed for the worship of Gauri:4 and it is interesting to note that one of the rites is meant for the king and prescribed to ensure his victory in war. The same work treats in detail of the worship of Durga, who is significantly described as capable of destroying hostile armies. Aparajita is thus one of those deities whose worship was favoured at the royal court as a means to vanquishing the enemies of the king. We learn further from Yasastilaka that the worship of Aparajita took place on the Mahanavami day, and the occasion is, in fact, more important than the name of the goddess. The Mahanavami festival is mentioned 1 Cousens (op cit.), p. 87. For some other details see the Vooabulary apponded to the English Translation of the Naisadhacarita, under Ambika. 2 See Appendix III. In the Chaubara Dera temple the sculpture occurs twice on doors. An elaborately carved door bears the Seven Mothers with Siva in the centre, all dancing. Over a door in the small Siva temple to the north of the Chaubara Dera we have representations of the Seven Mothers with Siva piaying on a lyre. One of the lintels in the temple of Nilakanthesvara represents Stva as dancing with the Seven Mothers. 3 Yasastilaka 3. 459-461. 4 ....*37749tait yargftoft, facilisi mtariorare il' (Mantrapada) 23. 51. 5 Ibid. 23. 57 6 3749r Tester Titan Ibid. 25, 19

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15. NON-JAINA OULTS CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS 399 by Somadeva also in Book I, wherein we are told that Maradatta invited the populace to the temple of Candika on the pretext of celebrating the festival, although it was not the proper season for it. Srutasagara in bis commentary defines Mahanavami as the ninth day of the bright fortnight of the month of Caitra. Another Jaina writer, Udayavira, in his Parsvanathacarita (chap. IV) includes the Mahanavami rites among non-Jaina cults and practices and assigns them to the bright fortnight of Caitra and Asvina. It was usual to celebrate the festival in the latter month, and Mahanavami was the ninth day of the bright half of Asvina, marking the culmination of the Navaratra rites commencing from the pratipad of that month. Strictly speaking, the term mahanavami was applied to the eighth lunar day of the bright half of Asvina when in conjunction with the Mula constellation, and the eighth as well as the ninth day was appointed for the worship of the goddess Camunda or Durga.8 The Garudapurana (chap. 134) gives a similar definition of Mahanavami, but mentions a different constellation.* The Devipuruna (Chap. XXII) gives a detailed account of the Mahanavami rites which had a special significance for the king. On the eighth or astami day nine wooden pavilions were erected, or even one, wherein was installed an image of Durga made of gold or silver or earth or wood. The goddess could also be worshipped in a symbolic way in a consecrated sword or a spear. The king repeated in silence mystic formulas be. fore the goddess and sacrificed an animal after midnight for obtaining victory, the flesh and blood of the victim being offered to the goblins by repeating the Mahakusika formula. The king then took a ceremonial bath and hit a paste model of his enemy with a sword and presented it to Skanda and Visakha. This is a remarkable feature of the Mahanavami cult and illustrates all the more clearly its connection with the king and his security and military plans. The corresponding account in Garudapurana (chapters 134 and 135) gives some additional details. The Durga image is provided with diverse weapons, and appears to have eighteen hands; the left ones holding 1 'akAlamahAnavamImahamiSasamAhUtasamastasAmantAmAtyajAnapada:' 2 af 18T ETT*zi tarafasta ! 3 Cf. gafaremfor p. 59: CHI Hautat-TIT$878 qef tesugar TheTaa# # trailokye'pi sudurlabhA // kanyAgate savitari zuklapakSe'STamI tu yA / mUlanakSatrasaMyuktA sA mahAnavamI smRtA // aSTamyAM ca Rai T angani eto, 4 'zuklASTamyAmAzvayuje uttarASADhayA yutA / sA mahAnavamItyuktA lAnadAnAdi cAkSayam // navamI kevalA cApi durgA caiva tu pUjayet / mahAvrataM mahApuNyaM zaGkarAcairanuSThitam / /

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400 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE various objects, a skull, a shield, a mirror, a bell, a flag, a noose, a drum etc., and the right ones the weapons, spear, lance, club, dart, bolt, arrows etc. Nine other attendant deities with sixteen hands, Ugracanda, Candanayika, Canda, Aticannika etc., are also worshipped and a five year old buffalo is sacrificed in the latter part of the night. It is probable that of the two accounts that in the Devipurana records an older version of the Mahanavami cult. The ninth day of the bright fortnight of Asvina was, generally speaking, saored to the Devi, and nearly always the navami cult is brought lation with the king and his surroundings. We may refer, for instance, to Visnudharmottarapurana (Khanda II, chap. 158), which prescribes the worship of Bhadrakali and that of the royal insignia and arms and weapons on that day: the goddess is worshipped by the king in a decorated pavilion near the barracks (sibira), and he has to keep awake the whole night. Similarly, the worship of the goddess Camunda on the aforesaid tithi is prescribed in Skandapurana, Prabhasakhanda (chap. 242 of Prabhasaksetramahatmya). The same text describes a great festival in honour of Yogesvari, a form of Durga, commencing from the fifth night of the bright half of Asvina, the main feature being the mystic presentation of a sword to the goddess; while on the ninth day, after the sacrifice of animals, the king at the head of his army leads a procession with the image of the goddess in a chariot (Ibid. chap. 83). These and similar references help us to understand the nature of the Mahanavami festival, which may be regarded as a magic rite for the success of the king in warfare, or perhaps as a quasi-military festival celebrated under the patronage of the king, and in which he actively participates. A statement in Devipurana (chap. XXII) seems even to suggest that the Mahanavami rites were put forward as a kind of substitute for the ancient horse-sacrifice. The allusion to Mahanavami in Somadeva's Yasastilaka. corroborated by similar references in the Puranas, shows its popularity as a i The Mahanavami cult survives to some extent in the great Durga Puja festival of Bengal and Assam, celebrated in the bright half of Asvina on the same tithis as those prescribed in the Puraoic texts cited above. The mytholgical background is different, and the image of the ten-armed Durga, standing on a lion and piercing the Buffalo demon with a lance, is accompanied on either side by the subsidiary images of Laksmi, Sarasvati, Karttikeya and Ganesa. The eighth and the ninth are the great days of worship, and animal sacrifices are not entirely absent. Prominence is given to the tenth or the Vijaya Dasami day when the images are immersed in rivers and streams. 2 374721haft TUTI 77 4 Erg 1991 i 22, 28,

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15. NON-JAINA CULTS, CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS 401 court festival; and it is mentioned also in Bana's Harsacarita, Book VIII, which refers to the sacrifice of buffaloes on the occasion. Somadeva does not indeed speak of animal sacrifices in connection with Mahanavami; and it is quite possible that they were sometimes omitted, specially when the festival was celebrated under the auspices of a court like that of the Rastrakutas, susceptible to the influence of Jaina ideas. Mahanavami is followed by Dipotsava or the Festival of Lights, corresponding to the modern Diwali. The short description of it addressed to the king by a bard in Yasastilaka 3. 462-4 refers to the whitewashed palaces and the white flags and the rows of lights on the lofty terraces of the edifices of the city; and speaks of the women excited by gambling', the gaiety of courtesans, and the sweet notes of music. According to Padmapurana (Uttarakhanda), the Dipotsava commences on the fourteenth day of the dark half of Karttika, and importance is given to a ceremonial bath on that day followed by a salutation to Yama. The illuminations take place in the evening; temples, buildings, shrines, assembly-halls, stables and fortifications are decorated with lights as are also river-banks, tanks, gardens and gateways. Next day the king entertains the citizens in a large-scale reception; and the Dipotasva seems to have provided a suitable occasion for promoting cordial relations between the ruler and the ruled. The king is expected to gratify the various classes of people on the joyous occasion, the good men with courtesy and others with food and drink and the learned with conversation and the inmates of the inner apartments with presents of cloth, betel, flowers, camphor and saffron and various delicacies. The village headmen are rewarded with gifts, and money presents are made to the tributaries; while ornaments are distributed among troops, ministers and kinsmen. Seated on a raised platform, the king witnesses bull-fights reviews the assembled clansmen and the troops and the actors, dancers and minstrels. An interesting item is the ceremonial fastening of the Margapali, a wreath of Kusa and Kasa grass with numerous streamers, to a pillar of the fort or a tree, under which are assembled the horses, elephants and the cattle to ensure protection against disease. During the night the people indulge in gambling, and at midnight the women of the city cast out Alaksaii, the goddess of poverty, from their homes to the sound of drums and music, The most important item of the nocturnal festivities is the worship of the 1 'mahAnavamImahaM mahiSamaNDalAnAm'. The citation in puruSArthacintAmaNi (op. cit.) goes on to say sA puNyA sA pavitrA ca sudharmasukhadAyinI / tasyAM sadA pUjanIyA cAmuNDA muNDamAlinI // tasyAM ye chupahanyante prANino mhissaadyH| sarve te svargatiM yAnti natAM pApaM na vidyate / / 9 See also Chap. VII. 51

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402 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE demon king Bali. He is painted in gay colours, with the Vindhya range in the background (?), within a circle on the floor, and worshipped with all kinds of lotus blossoms and with wine, flesh and varieties of food. e, flesh and varieties of food. The king, too, with his ministers and priests, worships Bali for a happy new year, and passes the night without sleep in company with actors, dancers and singers (Chap. 122). The Dipotsava depicted by Somadeva in Yasastilaka is & secular festival; and the Padmapurana, too, emphasizes the prominent role played by the court and its entourage in the festivities. But the details given in the Purana indicate also its religious aspect which it has not entirely lost even today. In Bengal, for example, the goddess Kali is worshipped on the Diwali or Dipanvita night; while the Jainas celebrate the festival of lights on the new moon of Karttika as a commemoration of the nirvana of Mahavira, The Dipotsava or Diwali, like the ancient Jewish festival of 'Light', called also Hanukkah Rededication,'? may be described as a secular festival with a distinctly religious background.' The Padmapurina (op. cit.), which calds the festival of lights Dipavali or Dipotsava, designates it also as Kaumudi and gives the derivation of the name. The festival is also called Kaumudi in Vamanapurana 92.58, which describes how it was instituted in honour of Bali after his imprisonment by Visnu. But the Kaumudi, properly so called, was a festival of the moonlight, and so different from the Dipotsava or Diwali, Somadeva refers to the Kaumudi festival in Yasastilaka VII, 27, and it is also mentioned in 1 It was an annual eight-day festival instituted in 165 B. o. to celebrate the T8-establishment of worship in the temple after the interruption caused by the persecution under Antiochus IV. The illumination of houses on every one of the eight evenings was a characteristic feature of the celebration, "The illumination was originally solely domestic; later, lamps were lighted in the synagogaes also.' Moore: Judaism, Vol. II, p. 50. 2 The earliest festival of lights seems to have been celebrated in Egypt in connection with the cult of the goddess Neith of Sais, the capital of the Kings of the XXVIth dynasty, as recorded by Herodotus, II. 62. He says that, on the night of the sacri. fice, lamps were kept burning in the open air round about the houses. These lamps were saucers full of salt and oil, the wick burning all night. The illumination took place not only at Sais but throughout all Egypt. Herodotus travelled in Egypt about 450 B. O, 3 'kuzandena mahI yA muda harSe tato yam / dhAtutve nigamaizcaiva tenaiSA kaumudI smRtA / kau modante janA yasAmAnAbhAvaiH parasparam / iSTatuSTAH sukhApannAstenaiSA kaumudI smRtA / kumudAni baleryasyAM dIyante tena SaNmukha / / aArtha pArthivaiH putra tenaiSA kaumudI smRtaa| 4 The queen Ramadatta is described as witnessing the celebration of the Kaumudi festival by the women of the city from a high pavilion ( UFATE**** HOT samayamAlokamAnayA tamalotsAsamAsInayA).

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15. NON-JAINA OULTS CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS 403 Uddyotanasuri's Kuvalayamala which assigns it to the full moon of the autumn. An earlier reference to the Kaumudi festival occurs in Aryasura's Jatakamala (XIII) in the story of Unmadayanti: the city is decorated with flags and the ground bestrewn with flowers; songs, dance and mus full swing; luxury goods are exposed for sale and the streets thronged by gaily dressed crowds. It is noteworthy that there is no reference to artificial illumination which is a characteristic of the Dipotsava. The Kaumudi was, in fact, a glorification of the autumnal full moon. It was a popular festival, being also mentioned in Mudraraksasa, Act III and Malatimadhava, Aot VII, and seems to be identical with the Kaumudijagara noticed in Vatsyayana's Kamasutra 1. 4. 42. According to the Jayamangala commentary thereon, the latter festival took place on the full moon night of Asvina, the chief amusements being swings and gambling. The festival is mentioned simply as Kaumudi in Kamasutra 5. 5. 11, and the cornmentary here explains it as Kojagara, which is the same as the full moon of Asvina, It is probable, however, that it was also customary to celebrate the Kaumudi festival ou the full moon night of Karttika. A hymn to Sarasvati which is also a benediction addressed to the king occurs in Book III (vv. 261-8), and is described as accompanying the dance that takes place in connection with the preliminary worship of the deities before the commencement of a play. One of the verses runs thus: mAnasasarovinirgatasitasarasiruhasthiteH sarasvatyAH / varavarNakIrNakAntiH puSpAJjalirastu ragapUjAyai // "Let this handful of flowers, radiant with beautiful colours, offered to Sarasvati, abiding on the white lotus beds emerging on the Manasa lake, serve the purpose of rangapuja or the ceremonial worship preceding a dramatic performance," 1 Ratnaprabhasuri's Sanskrit version, p. 133. 2 It is probable that Kojagara is a contraction of Kaumudijagara in spite of the usual derivation ko jagartti. In Bengal and Assam the Kojagara or the Kojagari Purnima is definitely associated with the worship of Laksmi on the full moon after the Durga Puja celebrations usually in Asvina. An all-night vigil is recommended in honour of Laksmi, and the goddess is believed to ask at midnight: Ko jagartti, 'Who is awake?' See the citations in Sabdakalpadruma under Kojagara. For example, Azvine paurNamAsyAM tu carejjAgaraNaM nizi / kaumudI sA samAkhyAtA kAryA lokavibhUtaye // kaumudyAM pUjayelakSmImindramairAvataM sthiram | "nizIthe varadA lakSmI ko jAgatIti bhASiNI / tasai vittaM prayacchAmi akSaiH krIDA mit 7: !It will be seen that the full moon of Asvina is referred to as Kaumudi. See Dhruva's edition of Mudraraksasa, Act III, Notes. In Mudraraksasa, 3. 10 the Kaumudi is described as a parvana vidhi, which is explained by the commentator Dhundhiraja as taking place on parvana or the full moon of Karttika, See Telang's edition, Kaumudi is explained as a festival in Karttika in Trika. nasesa 2. 3, 19.

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404 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE The custom of rangapuja, as described in Bharata's Natyasastrat (chap. 3), is a very old one and illustrates the interconnection of art and religion in ancient India. In the Natyasastra, however, rangapuja is an elaborate process involving the worship of a large number of deities in the playhouse with various offerings, and Sarasvati is merely one among them; but it is probable that in later times Sarasvati alone was worshipped, and in any case Somadeva does not mention the worship of any other deity in the natyasala. Further, according to Bharata, the item of Purvaranga, an elaborate musical prelude consisting of songs and dances before the performance of a play, takes place after the rangapuja proper is over. Somadeva seems to make a combined reference to both the items when he speaks of purvarangapuja, but the distinct mention of rangapuja in the verse quoted above shows that he has in mind the customary worship preceding a dramatic performance in the Hindu theatre. In regard to the position of Sarasvati in rangapuja, Somadeva's verses in praise of the goddess in Yasastilaka are mainly in the nature of a benediction addressed to the king; and in the Natyasastra also, after the formal worship of the deities in which Sarasvati has her due share,' the preceptor of the dramatic art (natyacarya) praises and greets the king and the dancing girls, and then utters a benedictory verse for the prosperity of the king, in which the blessings of Sarasvati and certain allied deities are prominently invoked. Sarasvati is represented by Somadera as white and seated on a white lotus: she is three-eyed (i. e. has an eye on the forehead), and has matted hair on the head, and the crescent for ear-ornament. She has four hands bearing different emblems: the dhyana-mudra (also called cinta or jnanamudra); a rosary of Rudraksa beads; a book; and the earada-mudra. Somadeva's description of Sarasvati roughly corresponds to that found in authoritative texts like Saradatilaka, isanasivagurudevapaddhati and Praparicasaratantra, except for minor variations in the distribution and character of the emblems. According to Saradatilaka 6. 44 and Prapascasara 7. 3, for instance, the emblems are jnana-mudra, a rosary of Rudraksa beads, a jar of nectar and a book; while Prapancasara 8. 41 substitutes 1 ETV Tant gra rei frauerat: Thu Higher il Natyasastra 3. 37 ? Ibid. 3. 88 8. 3 Yasastilaka 3. 261, 262. 4 ***STATUUT TN fagi argomi Tai ratai area Raghavabhatta says in his commentary: BET ET 1 3580 ta arraiget Paert ger . The "book" is explained as referring to the UET, which is described as the closed left fist facing oneself (Tagfe: fet act y arana).

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15. NON-JAINA OULTS, CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS 405 & lyre for the jnana-mudra. According to isanasiva (Mantrapada 18. 6), the emblems are varada-mudra, a rosary, a lyre and a book. The cult of Sarasvati seems to have been prevalent in the Kanarese districts in the age of Somadeva. There is an old temple of Sarasvati at Gadag, in the Dharwar district, which, though small in size, contains some of the most elaborately carved pillars throughout the whole extent of Calukyan architecture. It stands close to the eleventh century temple of Trikutesvara, and might possibly be of the same date. Within the shrine is an image of Sarasvati, seated cross-legged upon a high pedestal, which has a peacock depicted in the central panel below. Unfortunately, the image is mutilated, the four arms being lopped off at the elbows. Otherwise, it is a very finely carved example representing the graceful figure of the goddess, with the pearlstrings around the neck and the jewelled band about the waist. The elaborate pile of curly tresses on the head is surmounted by a six-tiered coronet of jewels. Another image of Sarasvati, of inferior workmanship, was found in the old Jaina temple at Lakkundi in the Dharwar district. It is a more complete kample representing the goddess with four arms. "In her right upper hand is an elephant goad or ankusa. The right lower rests open, palm upwards, upon her knee, with a small petalled flower upon it. In the left upper hand she holds a folded book, while the left lower holds a citron." While the iconography shows divergence in details, the cult appears to remain the same. Traces of a temple of Sarasvati, older than that at Gadag. have been found at Aihole, the home of early temples in the Deccan. Close to the temple (No. 9) in the field to the south of the village, there stood another temple, but all that remains of it now is the shrine doorway and the seat or throne of the image. As in the temple at Gadag, a peacock, with its crest and long tail, is sculptured on the front of the pedestal, which seems to be an indication that the temple was dedicated to Sarasvati. "It thus occupies exactly the same position with regard to the temple as the later temple of Sarasvati does to the temple of Trikutesvara at Gadag. In northern India, there is a famous temple of the goddess Sarasvati, or Sarada Devi' at Maihar, now a station on the railway between Allahabad and Jabalpur. Pilgrimage to the shrine of the goddess Nanda on the Himalayas, evidently on the peak now known as Nandadevi, is mentioned in Yasastilaka 1 Cousens: Chalukyan Architecture of the Kanarese districts, pp. 25, 79, 110, 2 Ibid., p. 44. 3 Vincent Smith: History and Coinage of the Chandel Dynasty in Indian Anti quary, 1908, p. 136.

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406 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN OUATURE VII. 31. The cult of this goddess is described in detail in Devipurana (chap. 92-93), and extraordinary merit is said to accrue from the difficult journey to the almost inaccessible shrine. The goddess is clad in white raiment, and has four hands; she is surrounded by numerous beautiful maidens who are eager to marry her devotees. A noteworthy feature of the cult is that respect for women is particularly enjoined on the worshippers of the goddess (ibid. 93. 165 ff.). Nanda-tirtha is described in Devipurana as a Saiva tirtha, and, as in Yasastilaka, the goddess is called Bhagavati Nanda (93. 22-24).' A city-goddess named Siddhayika, "who inspired the confidence of many people', is mentioned in Book 1.3 In Book IV there is a reference to the evil spirit Kitya who kills her own worshippers. It may be noted that, according to Kathasaritsagara 5. 121-2, Canakya worshipped Krtya with magic rites in order to bring about the death of king Nanda. Kritya is mentioned also in Sivasvamin's Kapphinabhyudaya Mahakavya 3. 24, 28, composed in Kashmir in the ninth century. A reference to the six magic rites of the Tantrio cult occurs in a verse in Yasastilaka, Book IV.' According to S'aradatilaka 23. 122 ff., they are santi or cure of disease and the expulsion of evil spirits such as Ketya; vasya or bringing others under one's control; stambhana or paralysing the activity of others; vidvesa or causing enmity between friends ; uccatana or compelling one to abandon hearth and home; and marana or killing. Each of these rites has a presiding goddess who is worshipped at the beginning, and the goddess Jyestha seems to be connected with the process of vidvesa. A reference to Jyestha occurs also in Yasastilaka 3. 118 wherein she is said to be worshipped with white lotus blossoms,: Jyestha is diametrically opposite to Laksmi, being the goddess of adversity (Alaksmi), and so called, because she is believed to have emerged prior to Laksmi during the churning of the ocean. Her legend is related in Lingapurana (Uttarabhaga, chap. 6), and she is particularly associated with sinners and evil-doers and all those who are outside the pale of the Brahmanical religion, 1 Tatarina Salg 2 yathA gaGgA nadInAM tu uttamatve vyavasthitA / tadbhagavatI nandA uttamatvena saMsthitA / 3 caratterega grca: falfitat:*** ..**CATAFET FETARET?. Siddhayika appears to be a Jaina goddess. See Chap. XIII. 4 ruta Bra ya Tana: O BTI' 5 'atyugrAM japata iva prakopakRtyAM nirmAtuM dviSadabhicAramatratatrama'; 'kRtyeva bhrakuTiratisphuTA'. 6 tarafta eto. 7 zAntivazyastambhanAni vidveSoccATane ttH| mAraNAntAni zaMsanti SaT karmANi manISiNaH // rogakRtyAgrahAdInAM nirAsaH zAntirIritA |"rtirvaannii ramA jyeSThA durgA kAlI yathA kramAt // SaTkarmadevatAH proktAH karmAdau tAH prapUjayet / 8 'pUjyamajaM zriyaH saGgAjyeSThAyAzca na kairavam / '

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15. NON-JAINA CULTS CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS 407 The worship of Cupid was celebrated as a court festival in the spring amidst vernal sports, of which we have a lively picture in Yasastilaka, Book III. A further reference to the festivities in connection with the worship of of Cupid, in which the king participates, occurs in Book V. Certain beliefs and customs belonging to the sphere of popular religion are recorded in Yasastilakc. The moon of the fourth lunar day was believed to cause disputes. A dove alighting inside a house was supposed to forebode its destruction. A number of evil omens describe with Yasodhara's journey to the temple of Cannika in Book IV, e.g. the trumpeting of a female elephant at the commencement of a journey, the braying of a donkey from behind etc. A shower of crested tadpoles on a house was an evil portent indicating destruction of wealth and prosperity. Elephants were supposed to be possessed by a spirit named Madapurusa, of terrible aspect, like lightning fire. Srutasagara in his commentary quotes a verse which enumerates the characteristics of Madapurusa: he has sixteen hands, four jaws, red eyes and flaming hair." Among popular customs referred to by Somadeva may be mentioned that of ajyaveksana or looking into clarified butter in the morning to counteract the effects of evil dreams and obtain other salutary results. It was a practice observed by kings while Brahmanas uttered blessings. The wellknown custom of nirajana or ceremonial waving of lights was observed as part of the evening rites to ensure the well-being of the king. A quantity of salt, thrown into the fire, after whirling it over the king's head, was supposed to counteract the evil eye, and this was also accompanied by the ceremony of offering boiled rice to the goblins on the roadside. This seems to have been followed by the act of nirajana proper, which consisted in revolving lights beside the king. It was also customary to perform the nirajana ceremony in honour of the royal horses and elephants on special occasions like the coronation of the king. 10 1 ' TU TEGETARIAATH'. 2 See Chap. II. 3 See Book III ( TTA Tiara') and Srutasagara's comm, thereon. 4 377TRTTTag: 91 T Mark Book III. 5 farefisnogohgfest sitrofag: 2. 72. 6 sowat 11Sa #goufafgaar fagotaHACHAY' Book III. 7 "mayUragrIvAbhaM capalarasanaM raktanayanaM, caturdaSTrAhiMsraM pRthukaraziromejaTharam / calanmuktaM zaGkuzraNamadabhayaM SoDazabhujaM Saecotiara #2959927411". Tot seems to be a mistake for yzsta. 8 Yasastilaka 2. 96, 9 Ibid. 3. 476, 477 10 aprak analfsta: Book II.

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CHAPTER XVI JAINA RELIGIOUS AND MORAL STORIES A considerable number of independent stories occurs in Yasastilaka, Books VI and VII, their purpose being to illustrate diverse tenets of Jaina religion and ethics. The first series in Book VI is meant to illustrate the different aspects of Samyaktva or Right faith, while the second series in Book VII illustrates two of the Malagunas and the five Anupratas. The stories, on the whole, belong to the sphere of religion and folklore, and form part of the body of Jaina narrative tradition, generally known as Kathanaka literature. Jacobi says: The rise of the Kathanaka literature............may be placed about the end of the first century A. D. Its end is indicated by the time of Haribhadra who lived about 750 A.D. For Haribhadra wrote Tikas on the Avasyaka and other Sutras and Niryuktis: and the Tikas form the fourth and last layer of the Kathanaka literature.' Generally speaking, the stories incorporated by Somadeva in his work must be considered much earlier than the tenth century, and, as we shall see, several of them are actually found or referred to in earlier texts. Somudeva has thus no originality in respect of these stories, and his turgid prose is hardly suited to the treatment of such simple tales. His great merit is in bringing together so many ancient stories and elaborately narrating them by way of illustrating various teachings of the Jaina religion. He has, in fact, preserved for us a highly interesting collection of stories, which, from the standpoint of religion and folklore, is hardly less important than the story of Yasodhara. Their literary interest is enhanced by the fact that they form & sort of independent story-book within the framework of the romance. Some of the stories recorded by Somadeva are based on Brahmanical mythology, and may be called Jaina versions of Hindu tales. The story of the sage Visnu is nothing but a Jaina adaptation of the story of the Dwarf Incarnation of Visnu. Jamadagni and Renuka are well-known in Brahmanical mythology; the story of Vasu, as we shall see, is originally a Brahmanical legend. Perhaps the most notable of the stories preserved in Yasastilaka is an early legend, probably the earliest known, concerning the foundation of the once famous Jaina Stupa of Mathura. Most of the stories illustrating the Anuyratas may be described as folktales. All the stories recorded in Books VI and VII are summarized below in the order in which they occur in Somadeva's work. 1 Jacobi: Introduction to Sthaviravalacarita ur Parisistaparvan, p, vii. 2 See below (VII) and Chap. XVII.

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16. JAINA RELIGIOUS AND MORAL STORIES 409 I) The first story, in three sections, shows that without will-power, it is impossible to attain success in the practice of religion, and hints that ascetics of the Brahmanical faith lack in this essential quality. Two friends Dhanvantari, the son of a merchant, and Visvanuloma, the son of a priest, were banished by the king of the city of Bhumitilaka on account of various offences, and in the course of their wanderings they came to Hastinagapura. There Dhanvantari was initiated into the Jaina religion, and devoted himself to meditation under the Jaina discipline; while Visvanuloma followed the Brahmanical faith and became an ascetic wearing a mass of matted hair. After their death they were reborn as gods under the names of Amitaprabha and Vidyutprabha respectively. One day the latter happened to boast about the superior status of Brahmana sages like Jamadagni, Matanga and Kapinjala, and both decided to descend to the earth to ascertain the truth. There in the Badarika hermitage they saw the sage Jamadagni engrossed in rigorous austerities, his hair and beard white with age, and his body enveloped in a tangled mass of creepers, shrubs and ant-hills. Seeing him, the two gods assumed the form of a pair of birds, and having settled inside his beard, began to talk with each other. One of the birds said to his mate that he would have to go to attend the marriage of the bird-king Garuda, but wonld return without the least delay; if he spoke falsely, his sin would be as great as that of 'this' sinner of a sage. Jamadagni was angry to hear these words, squeezed his beard with a view to punishing the birds, but they flew away and perched on the top of an adjoining tree. The sage recognised the birds to be a couplc of gods in disguise, and asked them respectfully what sin he had committed. The birds cited two verses to the effect that one should renounce the world only after bringing children to the world. The sage was accordingly guilty of infringing the rule laid down in the Law-books, and should, therefore, marry and beget children. Jamadagni, on hearing this, exclaimed, That is quite easy', and went off to marry Renuka, the daughter of the king lof Benares, his uncle, and in the course of time became the father of Parasurama. With the fickle nature of Jamadagni is contrasted the steadfast purpose and resolution of two Jaina devotees. The two gods passed on to Magadha, and there saw Jinadatta, absorbed in meditation in a cremation ground on a dark Caturdasi night. They commanded him to give up his meditation, and tried to intimidate him by conjuring up terrible scenes of a weritable war of the elements, with bursting rain-clouds, thunder and storm; and at the same time tried to cajole him out of his resolution by offering o grant various boons. Jinadatta, however, remained unmoved, and the Bwo gods showed their appreciation of his courage and determination, by 52

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE presenting him with a magic formula enabling one to travel through the air. Jinadatta, in his turn, gave the formula to his pupil Dharasena, after having utilized it for the purpose of visiting the Jaina shrines on the Mountain of the gods. 410 Turning from the veteran Jinadatta, the two gods decided to try their tactics on a novice, recently initiated into the Jaina faith. They happened to see Padmaratha, the king of Mithila, going to worship the Tirthamkara Vasupujya on the very day of his initiation; and immediately began to disturb him by conjuring up various scenes of horror including certain tiger-shaped monstrosities. Unable to strike terror into his heart, they plunged him into a huge expanse of mud, but the drowning prince only said Salutation to Lord Vasupujya!' The two gods then extolled Padmaratha's courage and fortitude, and took their departure. The value of intrepid courage and resolution in the practice of religion is further illustrated in a sequel to the main story. Dharasena, who had received the magic formula for aerial travel from Jinadatta, began the perilous mystic rites necessary for its practical application amidst the nocturnal horrors of a cremation ground. The details of the rites are obscure, but the main item seems to have been the suspension of a swing from the branch of a banyan tree over a consecrated ground, bristling with numerous sharp arrows fixed in the earth with upturned points: the devotee was to mount on the swing and cut the arrows to pieces. while uttering the magic formula. Meanwhile, Lalita, the misguided son of a king, who had turned thief, having been robbed of his patrimony by relatives, came out in the darkness, on the mission of stealing for his mistress a famous necklace belonging to the chief queen of the lord of Kusagrapura. He succeeded in his venture, but could not evade the police owing to the lustre of the necklace being visible in the darkness. So he threw away the ornament, and walking about in the outskirts of the city, came upon the scene of Dharasena's mystic rites. Seeing that Dharasena was hesitating to mount the swing, the thief questioned him about the procedure; and having acquainted himself with the sacred formula, boldly seated himself on the swing and cut off at one stroke the entire mass of arrows. As a result of his bravery, the thief acquired the magic powers longed for by Dharasena, and later became a Jaina ascetic and attained salvation on the mount of Kailasa. II) The sacrifice of personal ambition and self-interest for the sake of one's vow is illustrated in the story of Anantamati, the beautiful daughter of the merchant Priyadatta, an inhabitant of Campa. On the eve

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16. JAINA RELIGIOUS AND MORAL STORIES 411 of his departure for the Sahasrakuta shrine for the celebration of the Eight-day rites, the merchant sent for his daughter, and was told that she was playing the bride with her doll, while her maiden friends were singing nuptial songs. When Anantamati appeared before the old man, he asked her in jest to take the vow of chastity rather than barbour thoughts of marriage. The maiden, however, took the vow very seriously. Onoe in springtime she came out to indulge in the pastime of singing in company with her maiden friends on the day of Cupid's festival, when she was seen by a Vidyadhara, travelling through the air, accompanied by his wife. Wishing to abduct her, the demi-god went back to his home, left his wife there, and then returned and flew away with Anantamati. But his wife was quick to follow, and seeing her in a rage, he hastily dropped the maiden in a forest near Sankhapura. There she was seen by a Kirata hunter named Bhima who took her away to his village. Failing to seduce her by persuasion, he decided on violence; but meanwhile, through the intervention of the sylvan deities, who admired the firmness of the girl, the house of the hunter caught fire, and the miscreant, seeing the danger, begged her to forgive him, and then left her on the slope of a mountain on the border of Sarkhapura. There she was found by a young merchant who had encamped with his caravan near by; but unable to seduce her with money, he made her over to a bawd in the city of Ayodhya. The latter, failing to mislead the girl, presented her to the king of that region, who in his turn discarded her, being baffled by her constancy and the opposition of the presiding goddess of the city, who had marked her displeasure by doing harm to many of the king's subjects. Anantamati then came to live in a shrine near the house of Jinendradatta, the husband of her father's sister. After some time her father, while on a visit to his brother-in-law, happened to see her engaged in austerities in the shrine, and proposed to marry her to her cousin Arhaddatta, the son of Jinendradatta. But she firmly rejected the proposal on account of her vow of chastity. III) Lack of hesitation in the practice of one's religion, for example, in the exercise of piety, is illustrated in the story of king Auddayana, famous for his philanthropic actions. In order to test his piety, a certain god assumed the form of a religious mendicant, a loathsome leper with stinking and decaying limbs, and came to the king's house and asked for food. The king received him with open arms, and personally waited upon and treated him to a sumptuous meal. Unfortunately the leper felt sick, and as he lay in a mass of vomitted food, the king raised and washed him with his own hands, wiped his body with a silken scarf, and solaced him

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412 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE with soft and kind words. The god then threw off his disguise, and took his departure after praising and honouring the king with divine presents. IV) Unswerving allegiance to the tenets of the Jaina faith and the lack thereof are illustrated in the stories of Revati and Bhavasena respectively. A Vidyadhara prince, indifferent to worldly happiness, abdicated in favour of his son, and desiring to visit the Jaina temple at Mathura, took leave of his guru Munigupta at Madura, the Mathura of the south', and departed for the north with a congratulatory message from Munigupta to Revati, the consort of Varuna, king of Mathura. Arriving at the city by air, the Vidyadhara decided to test the religious conviction of Bhavyasena, a learned Jaina teacher, and of the faithful Revati. Assuming the form of a young student, he first appeared before Bhavyasena and expressed his desire to study grammar with him. One day while walking with his teacher in the outskirts of the city, the Vidyadhara, by his supernatural powers, covered the ground with young sprouts of corn; and, on Bhavyasena hesitating to walk over them, because in the Jaina scriptures the sprouts of corn were regarded as stationary creatures, the so-called student argued that they had no characteristic of life such as breath, and were merely transformations of earth, very like gems. Bhavyesena believed his words and walked over the sprouts, without questioning the validity of his assertion. Similarly, the Vidyadhara persuaded Bhavyasena to use a clod of earth for cleansing purposes by arguing that it did not contain any living creatures, as maintained by Jaina doctrine. Then he persuaded him to take water without first straining it through a cloth, as required by Jaina practice (in order to eliminate living creatures), his argument being that no such creatures were visible in the transparent water. In this way the Vidyadhara satisfied himself that Bhavyasena lacked inner conviction and tenacity of faith in the religion professed by him; he now realised why the sage Munigupta had neglected to address any message to Bhavyasena. The Vidyadhara then proceeded with elaborate preparations to test the faith of Revati, well-known for her whole-hearted devotion to the Jains faith. He betook himself to the eastern quarter of the city, and there creat ed a sensation by assuming the form of Brahman, seated on a swan, with all his characteristics and paraphernalia. The Vedic verses uttered by the latter were being eagerly listened to by a multitude of sages such as Matanga, Bhrgu, Bharata, Gautama, Garga, Pingala, Pulaha, Puloman, Pulasti, Parasara, Marici and Virocana. The Arts incarnate in the form of beautiful maidens were standing by, plying their fly-whisks, and the deep-voiced Narada was acting as doorkeeper. Revati heard of this extraordinary phenomenon,

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16. JAINA RELIGIOUS AND MORAL STORIES 413 but remained indifferent for she knew that Brahman did not figure among the sixty-three Famous Persons recognised by the Jaina scriptures. The Vidyadhara then appeared in the southern quarter of the city and attracted great attention by assuming the form of Visnu, lying on the coils of the lord of serpents, and wearing a ruby crown surmounted by a large spray of Parijata blossoins. Brahman, seated on a lotus emerging from Visnu's navel, was reciting the latter's thousand names; Indra and the goddess of wealth were caressing his feet; the captive wives of demons were waving fly-whisks; and Garuda was maintaining order among the assembled gods. The apparition displayed the usual emblems of Visnu: the quoit, the conch, the lotus and the Nandaka sword. Reports of this strange phenomenon were brought to Revati, but she evinced no curiosity, and said, "There are, indeed, nine Visnus or Vasudevas known as Ardhacakravartins in Jaina lore, but they are no longer in existence; the one must, therefore, be a magician come to delude the people. The Vidyadhara appeared next in the western quarter of the city and assumed the guise of Siva, mounted on a gigantic bull, and accompanied by Parvati. The apparition was furnished with the usual equipment of Siva: the drum, the bow, the sword, the axe, the trident and the club; and attendants such as Analodbhava, Nikumbha, Kumbhodara, Heramba and Bhingiriti were paying homage to the deity. News of this strange incarnation of Siva or Rudra came in due course to Revati, but she took no notice of it and said, "There are, indeed, some Rudras mentioned in the scriptures as creating obstacles in the path of religious austerities, but they are dead and gone as a result of their actions ; so this must be some one else who is disturbing the peace by his magical tricks". The demi-god then resorted to the northern quarter, and appeared in the form of a Jaina Tirthamkara, seated on his throne in a marvellous audience-hall, furnished with perfumed chambers, pillars, tanks, gates, Stupas, flags, incense, water-jars, and various other receptacles. There gods and mortals participated in magnificent festivities, and false Jainas like Bhavyasena were also celebrating religious festivals. The show, however, produced no impression on Revati, who knew that the Jaina scriptures recognised only twenty-four Tirthamkaras, and the latter having attained salvation, the new impersonation must be the work of some adept in magic. Unable to shake the faith of Revati by any of these devices, the Vidyadhara at last revealed himself before her, and respectfully delivered Munigupta's message which she received with the utmost veneration and joy.

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414 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE V) The necessity of guarding the reputation of one's religion is emphasized in the story of the thief disguised as a religious mendicant. Yasodbvaja, the king of Pakaliputra, had a son named Suvira, who, being without education and moral training, fell into evil company and became addicted to theft and adultery. One day, while on a visit to a pleasure garden, he came across a gang of thieves and gamblers, and announced a rich prize for any one of them who could steal a certain marvellous jewel from a Jaina shrine, located on the top floor of a seven-storied building belonging to the merchant Jinendrabhakta, an inhabitant of the city of Tamalipti. One of the company, a notorious thief named Surya, declaring that it was an easy task for him, immediately started for the kingdom of Gauda to carry out his boast. On his arrival there he disguised himself as a religious mendicant, and attracted the attention of all and sundry by the rigour of his fastings and austerities. Gradually he succeeded in winning the love and confidence of Jinendrabhakta; and once when the latter was about to start on a sea-voyage, he invited the so-called ascetic to come and stay in his temple during his absence. After making some pretence of unwillingness, the dissembler accepted the offer, and soon after the departure of the merchant, he stole the jewel and slipped away at the dead of night. But the lustre of the jewel in the darkness attracted the notice of the watchmen; and, pursued by them, the thief entered the camp of the merchant in the outskirts of the city where he was halting for the night. The merchant was awakened from sleep by the shouts of the watchmen, and at once recognised his old acquaintance; but quickly realising that the accusation of theft against a Jaina ascetic would discredit the religion, he solemnly declared before the officials that he had himself given the jewel to the ascetic, a noble soul, who deserved their highest veneration and respect. VI) The duty of strengthening the loyalty of one's fellowmen to the Jaina faith is illustrated in the story of Varisena, the other-worldly son of Srenika, the king of Magadha. Once on a dark night Varisena was absorbed in deep meditation in a desolate cremation ground. Meanwhile, at midnight, a rogue named Mtgavega stole a costly necklace belonging to a merchant's wife at the instance of his mistress, a courtesan named Magadhasundari. Pursued by the police, he flung the necklace in front of Varisena and disappeared under cover of darkness. The police, finding the necklace lying near by, suspected Varisena of the theft and reported the matter to the king, who was inexorable in the dispensation of justice, and immediately ordered his son to be punished and tortured as a thief. Varisena calmly suffered the indignities inflicted upon him, eliciting by his fortitude the praise and admiration of the gods, and soon

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16. JAINA RELIGIOUS AND MORAL STORIES 415 after renounced the world and became an ascetic. Puspadanta, the minister's son, was his intimate friend from childhood, and Varisena prevailed upon him to become an ascetic like himself, Puspadanta, however, found it difficult to forget his beautiful newly married wife Sudati in spite of his vow. Twelve years rolled by, and still her memory haunted him day and night. Varise fearing that he would one day renounce his vow and return to his wife, hit upon a stratagem, and paid a visit to his mother, the queen Celini, accompanied by his friend. . The queen received both of them cordially, and Varisena asked her to send for her daughters-in law. They were soon ushered to their presence, resplendent in their dress and adornment, and lovely with the fresh beauty of vouth. Varisena then requested his mother to send for the wife of his friend Puspadanta; but during the long period of her separation from her husband, she had lost her beauty and youth, and when she appeared before them, her ugly, emaciated and worn out figure made a sad contrast to the charming ladies who were standing beside her. The sight was too much for Puspadanta to bear, and he asked for leave to depart. In this way Varisena confirmed his friend in the resolution to maintain his vow, and both thereafter continued their austerities together, VII) The king of Ahicchatra in the Pancala country had a learned priest named Somadatta. Once the latter's wife who was expecting the birth of a child expressed a great desire to partake of ripe mangoes at a time when their season had already passed. Somadatta accordingly went in search of mangoes, accompanied by his pupils, and entered the Kalidasa forest where they saw a large mango tree overloaded with the ripe fruit, as a result of the mystic power of the sage Sumitra who lived under the tree. Somadatta sent some mangoes to his wife with one of his pupils, but himself remained there spellbound by the teachings of the sage, renounced all worldly aspirations, and became an ascetic. He started austerities on the Nabhigiri mountain in Magadha, and his wife in due course gave birth to a male child and came to her husband with the baby ; but finding him utterly indifferent and insensible to family ties, she left the child before him on the rocks and returned home. Meanwhile, a Vidyadhara prince named Bhaskaradeva, who had been ousted from his heritage by his younger brother Purandara, fixed his camp at Balavahanapura and came with his wife to pay homage to Somadatta, while the latter was engaged in austerities. Taking pity on the child, they adopted him as their own and named him Vajrakumara, Bhaskaradeva then worshipped the sage and left with the child for Bhavapura. Vajrakumara grew up to be a youth possessing valour and courage, attained the rank of a Vidyadhara and married his uncle's daughter Indumati.

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416 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Once on the Himalayas he rescued Pavanavega, the wife of a Vidyadhara prince, who was engaged in certain magic rites for attaining the power of assuming a multitude of forms, but was about to be devoured by the Mystic Force in the shape of a huge serpent. Vajrakumara ultimately married Pavanavega, and succeeded in restoring his adoptive father to the throne by overthrowing the usurper Purandara. Later on, he visited Somadatta, his real father, who was then practising austerities at Mathura, renounced the world, and became an ascetic. About this time at Mathura there was an orphan girl who, according to a prophecy, was destined to be the chief queen of Putikavahana, the lord of that city. A Buddhist monk, who was acquainted with the prophecy, carefully brought up the girl in a monastery, and she was called in jest Buddhadasi, Buddha's maidservant'. She grew up to be a beautiful young lady, and soon attracted the notice of the king of Mathura, who won her hand by agreeing to make her his chief queen. Aurvila, the first queen of Putikavahana, was in the habit of sending out a ceremonial chariot in honour of the Jaina Saviour on the occasion of the Eight Day's Festival at Mathura, but the new queen, owing to her Buddhist affinities, used her influence with the king and sought to stop the practice and establish a new festival in honour of the Buddha. Alarmed at the machinations of her co-wife, Aurvila approached the sage Somadatta and appealed to him to ensure the continuity of the festival of the chariot. Somadatta instructed his son and disciple Vajrakumara to do the needful, Vajrakumara who had attained the supernatural powers of a Vidyadhara went up to the city of the Vidyadharas, and began to descend from the sky with a huge concourse of Vidyadharas, carrying flags and banners, gates, pillars and canopies, mirrors, white parasols and gold jars, and diverse materials of worship. Ladies were singing to the accompaniment of various musical instruments; there was merry-making by dwarfs, hunchbacks, dancers, bards and panegyrists; and charming maidens were carrying lights, censers, perfume and flowers. Decorated cars, chariots, horses and elephants formed part of the company. While the citizens of Mathura thought that a multitude of gods was coming to take part in the worship of the Buddha, organised by the Buddhist woman, Vajrakumara with the Vidvadharas took up h residence in the house of Aurvila, and for eight days caused her chariot to go round the city. Then he erected there a Stupa marked with the image of the Arhat, and the shrine has ever since been known as "Built by the gods". In this way the designs of the Buddhist woman were foiled and the glorification of the Jaina faith assured through the timely intervention of Vajrakumara.

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16. JAINA RELIGIOUS AND MORAL STORIES VIII) The next story is designed to illustrate the value of sympathy for one's co-religionists, and interesting as a Jaina version of the story of Bali and the Dwarf Incarnation of Visnu. Jayavarman, the king of the city of Visala in Avanti, had four ministers headed by Bali, all of whom were heretics. They were Sukra, a Buddhist; Brhaspati, a materialist; Prahladaka, a Saiva; and their elder brother Bali who was an expert in Vedic lore. Once the Jaina ascetic Akampana, while on a visit to the city, encamped in the public park, and the streets were crowded with citizens going to pay homage to the sage. Seeing this, the king, too, expressed his desire to visit and pay his respects to the sage, but the ministers sought to dissuade him by glorifying their respective faiths. Bali, for instance, extolled the Veda and the Vedic religion, while Prahladaka emphasized the glory of Siva and the Saiva scriptures. Disgusted with the attitude of the ministers, the king mounted on an elephant and betook himself to the camp of the sage. Thereafter offering his salutations, he entered into conversation with the Suri on religious topics such as the nature of heaven and salvation. Bali who had accompanied the king intervened with the remark that heaven was nothing but the mutual love of a maiden of twelve and a youth of sixteen, and there was no other heaven invisible to the human eye. The sage asked Bali if direct perception was the only proof admitted by him. On his replying in the affirmative, the sage asked him how in that case he would prove the occurrence of the marriage of his own parents or the existence of his forefathers. Bali was very much annoyed at this, and unable to hit upon a plausible reply, he abused the sage in indecent and insulting terms. The king did not say anything then and there for the sake of decency; but returning home, he banished Bali and his brothers from his kingdom on the pretext of some other offence. Bali with his brothers took refuge in the country of Kurujangala, and he became the chief minister of king Padma of Hastinagapura. There he won the gratitude of the king by vanquishing the latter's enemy Simhakirti who had invaded the city. Bali then obtained the king's permission to set out on an expedition of conquest. Meanwhile, the sage Akampana, accompanied by a huge concourse of monks, had in the course of his wanderings arrived in the vicinity of Hastinagapura, and taken up residence for the rainy season in a large cave of the Hemagiri mountain. Bali, on his return from the expedition, came to know of the whereabouts of his old opponent and decided on revenge. By virtue of a boon conferred upon him by king Padma as a mark of gratitude for the overthrow of Simhakirti, Bali obtained from the prince the entire sovereignty of the kingdom for 53 417

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418 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE a certain number of days, during which the king's authority was to be limited to his inner apartments. Bali then began the performance of an Agnihotra sacrifice with intoxicating substances near the camp of Akampana Suri, with a view to causing annoyance and disturbance to the sage and his followers. Meanwhile, in the city of Mithila, a Jaina monk named Bhrajisnu, going out at night, inferred from an observation of the stars that somewhere ascetics were being subjected to maltreatment and oppression. Thereupon the head of the monastery with his supernatural knowledge ascertained the mischief being done by Bali, and asked a devotee named Puspakadeva, capable of travelling through the air, to go and request on his behalf the powerful sage Visnu to counteract the evil. The latter, on receipt of the message, immediately proceeded to Hastinapura and appealed to king Padma to give the necessary protection to the oppressed monks, but the king pointed out that Bali, and not he, was reigning at the moment. The sage Visnu then decided on a crafty manoeuvre. Assuming the form of a dwarf, he went to the place where Bali was performing his sacrifice, and began to recite verses of the Veda in a melodious tone. Attracted by his sonorous voice, Bali came out of the sacrificial pavilion and asked him what he desired. The dwarf replied that, having been robbed of his home by his relatives, he wanted only a slice of land measuring three steps, and on hearing this, Bali at once granted his desire. The sage then discarded the guise of a dwarf and began to extend his frame upwards and downwards and athwart, without any limit. He fixed one step on the foundation of the ocean and another in the sky; and not finding room for a third, placed it on Bali and sent him down to the nether regions. IX) The evil consequences of drinking are illustrated in the following story. A wandering religious mendicant named Ekapad, arriving at the Vindhya forest from the town of Ekacakra on his way to the Ganges, fell in with a crowd of Candalas, who were indulging in bouts of drinking and partaking of meat in the company of youthful intoxicated women. The Candalas detained the mendicant, and declared that he must, on the pain of death, either drink wine or take meat or become intimate with a woman. The mendicant reflected that the eating of flesh was strictly prohibited in the Law-books, and so was union with a Candala woman, but wine was drunk in the Vedic sacrifice Sautramani, and the ingredients of wine such as flour, water and molasses were quite pure. Thus thinking, he preferred to take wine, but under the influence of drink he joined in the merrymaking of the women; and feeling hungry, partook of meat, and soon passion compelled him to desire the company of one of the Candala women.

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16. JAINA RELIGIOUS AND MORAL STORIES X) The next story illustrates the advantage of abstention from wine. In the city of Valabhi, a gang of five notorious thieves went out one night during heavy rain, and stole a large quantity of treasure. They, however, fell out while dividing the booty, but soon ceased to quarrel and indulged in drinking bouts. But drink made them quarrel again, and a free fight ensued, resulting in the death of all of them except Dhurtila. The latter was in the habit of taking a vow of abstention for one day whenever he happened to meet a pious ascetic, and that day he had taken a vow to abstain from wine. Dhurtila then felt disgusted with the world and shaved his head and became a monk. 419 XI) The following story is meant to show that even the desire to eat flesh is a sin. Saurasena, the king of the city of Kakandi, had taken a Vow of abstention from flesh-eating, but gradually under the influence of the Brahminical faith he became greedy of meat, and secretly employed his cook Karmapriya to procure the flesh of all kinds of animals for his table. Preoccupation with his public duties did not, however, leave him sufficient leisure to satisfy his desire fully. One day the cook Karmapriya, while in quest of game, died from snake-bite, and after death he became a huge whale in the ocean. The king, on his death, was reborn as a small fish living in the cavity of the whale's ear. The fish noticed that while the whale slept, opening his mouth, large numbers of aquatic animals used to enter the cavity of his throat and go out again. The fish pitied the whale for not being able to devour any of these animals, and said to himself that had he been as big as the whale he would have emptied the ocean of its animals. In the course of time the fish and the whale both died, and were reborn as denizens of hell with the power of remembering their past lives. While in hell the former whale said to the fish: "It was but natural that I should have come here as a result of my sins. But how came you who merely lived upon the filth of my ear?" The fish replied: "On account of my evil thought, more harmful than even the depredations of a whale!" XII) The next story illustrates the merit of abstention from flesh. There was a Candala named Canda in the town of Ekanasi in Avanti. One day in the outskirts of the town he put a jar of wine on one side and a plate of meat on the other, and standing in the middle, partook of both in quick succession, while he whirled round a leather thong and struck down birds flying over him. As a result, snake-poison attaching to the beaks of the birds dripped on to the wine, and contaminated the beverage.

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420 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Meanwhile two sages possessing the power of travelling through the air descended from the sky to give religious instruction to the people, and the Candala approached and entreated them to assign a suitable vow to him. Thereupon one of the sages asked him to fix a rope in the intervening space between the plate of meat and the jar of wine, and said that the momentary abstention from either that would be caused in going from one extremity to the other would constitute a sufficient vow of abstention for him. The Cannala acted accordingly, and after helping himself to the meat, said that he would abstain from it until his return from the other end. He then went towards the wine-jar, drank the wine and died from the effects of poisoning. As a result of the merit accruing even from the momentary abstention from meat, the Candala was reborn as the chief of the Yaksas in the world of these spirits. XIII) The following story illustrates the consequences of malevolence : There was a fisherman named Mrgasena in Sirisagrama in Avanti. One day he entreated a famous sage to assign a religious vow to him, and he was accordingly advised to refrain from killing his first catch on that particular day. The fisherman cast his net and soon caught a huge fish, but remembering the vow assigned to him, let the fish go after attaching to it a strip of cloth for the purpose of recognition. It so happened that he caught the same fish five times in the course of the day, but on each occasion let it go without any harm. His wife Ghanka was furious to see him return home empty-handed in the evening, and as she shut the door against him, he had to pass the night outside, resting his head on the trunk of a tree. Mrgasena was bitten by a snake during the night and found dead in the morning. The wife who was now overwhelmed with grief committed suicide by entering the flames on the funeral pyre. The story now goes on to narrate the rebirth of Mrgasena. Visvambhara was the reigning king of Visala where lived the merchant Guna pala, his wife Dhanasri and daughter Subandhu. As ill-luck would have it, the king asked the merchant to give his beautiful and accomplished daughter in marriage to the son of the court jester. Afraid of the disgrace resulting from such a marriage as well as the wrath of the king efusal, Gunapala fled with his daughter to Kausambi, leaving his wife, who was with child, in the house of his friend Sridatta, a wealthy merchant. The sages Sivagupta and Munigupta happened to see Dhanasri in the house of Sridatta; and Munigupta having pitied the condition of Dhanasri, who was pale and weak and dejected, the other declared that in spite of her present troubles, she would become the mother of a son destined to be a

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16. JAINA RELIGIOUS AND MORAL STORIES 421 merchant prince and the son-in-law of king Visvambhara. The merchant Sridatta overheard the conversation of the two sages, and, burning with envy, he devised a nefarious plan. No sooner had the child been burn than he spread a report that Dhanasri had given birth to a dead child. At the same time he secretly summoned a Candala and handed the child to him to be put to death. The Candala was moved to pity by the beauty of the child, and instead of killing, he left him in a secluded place and went home. The merchant Indradatta, who was the brother-in-law of Sridatta, came to know about the child from some cow-boys; and as he was childless, he came to the spot and gave the child to his wife Radha to be adopted as their son. Then he celebrated great festivities as if a child had been born unto them. Sridatta heard of the turn things had taken, and devised another plan to kill the child. He went to Indradatta and persuade him the custody of the child, his blessed nephew', whom he would bring up in his own house. Sridatta then made over the child to another Candala to be put to death. The Candala, instead of killing the child, left him in a wood on the bank of a river, and there he was guarded by the cows grazing on the spot. In the evening the cowherds came, and, finding the child, reported the fact to the head of the settlement Govinda, who gave him to his wife and adopted him as his own son. The child grew up to be a handsome youth and was named Dhanakirti. One day Sridatta happened to come to the place in the course of his commercial transactions, and saw Dhanakirti in the house of Govinda. He understood everything when he heard the story of the youth, and told Govinda that he had an urgent message to send to his son at home, and requested that Dhanakirti might be sent as a messenger, Govinda agreed, and Dhanakirti set out on his journey with Sridatta's letter, in which the merchant asked his son Mahabala to kill the youth immediately on his arrival. Dhanakirti took rest on his way under a mango tree and fell fast asleep. A courtesan named Anangasena, who was gathering flowers nearby, happened to see the youth and approached him while he was asleep, and seeing a letter suspended from his neck, took it and read it through. Cursing the merchant she substituted for it another letter addressed to his wife and son, in which he was represented as enjoining them to give his daughter Srimati in marriage to Dhanakirti The latter woke up after the courtesan's departure; and on arrival at the merchant's house, he delivered the letter to Mahabala and his mother, and was duly married to Srimati.

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422 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE The strange news reached Sridatta who at once returned home and hatched another plot. He posted a hired assassin and a wicked priestess in a desolate shrine of the goddess Durga in the outskirts of the city, and asked Dhanakirti to go there at nightfall with some offerings for the idol. Dhanakirti consented, but Sridatta's son Mahabala, seeing him going out alone in the dark, dissuaded him from the visit, as he was a stranger to the place, and offered to go to the shrine himself with the offerings. Dhanakirti accordingly stayed at home, and Mahabala went and met with death at the assassin's hands in the shrine of Durga. Overwhelmed with grief at the death of his son, Sridatta communi. cated the whole story of his conspiracy to his wife, and asked for help to get rid of the unwelcome guest. She promised co-operation, and, taking a number of sweetmeat balls, black and white, mixed the latter with poison, and asked her daugh Srimati to give them to her husband to eat, while the black ones were to be given to her father. She then went away to the river for a bath. Srimati served the sweetmeat balls in her mother's absence, but by mistake gave the poisoned ones to her father, whose death was instantaneous, and followed by that of her mother, who in her grief committed suicide by swallow. ing some of the poisoned sweets. Sometime after the death of Sridatta and his wife, Dhanakirti who continued to prosper was one day seen by king Visvambhara. The latter was struck with the beauty of the young merchant, and decided to give his daughter in marriage to him, thus fulfilling the prophecy made about Dhanakirti even before his birth. His father Gunapala, hearing reports of his continued luck and prosperity, now came from Kausambi and met his wonderful son. The courtesan Anangasena also came to see him. One day the merchant Gunapala, accompanied by Dhanakirti and his family and Anangasena and Srimati, paid a visit to the sage Yasodhvaja, and, after obeisance, entreated him to explain the mystery of Dhanakirti's providential escapes from death and the continued success of his glorious career. The sage pointed out that Dhanakirti was in his previous birth the fisherman Mrgasena, and he was now enjoying the fruits of the vow of non-violence which the latter had taken for a day. The courtesan Anangasena was the fish whose life had been spared by Mrgasena on the day of his vow, while Srimati was no other than Ghanta, the wife of Mrgasena, who had entered the flames after her husband's death. Having heard the story of their previous birihs, Dhanakirti, Anangasena and Srimati, all three, took the vow of renunciation and became ascetics under the Jaina system of discipline, and attained a blessed state after death.

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16. JAINA RELIGIOUS AND MORAL STORIES 423 XIV, The following story illustrates the consequences of theft or rather breach of trust. Simhasena was the king of Simhapura in the land of Prayaga, and Ramadatta was his chief queen. The learned Sribhuti who had a great reputation for speaking the truth was his priest, and Sridatta was the latter's devoted wife. A young merchant named Bhadramitra, on the eve of a voyage to Suvarnadvipa with other merchants, had left seven priceless jewels in the custody of Sribhuti. Unfortunately, on the return voyage, Bhadramitra suffered shipwreck, but succeeded in reaching the shore by clinging to a floating plank. Having lost his friends and wealth, he was reduced to sore straits, and, arriving destitute at Simhapura, went to Sribhuti and asked for the jewels entrusted to him. But the latter pretended not to recognise him and denied having received any jewels at all. When Bhadramitra persisted in demanding the jewels, Sribhuti had him dragged to the king's presence, and, accusing him of calumny and defamation, had him repudiated by the king. Not discouraged in the least, Bhadramitra climbed every night a tamarind tree which stood near the queen's palace, and regularly at dusk and dawn he kept shouting from the top of the tree that Sribhuti refused to return his jewels, and if the accusation turned out to be false, he (Bhadramitra) might be tortured to death. One evening the queen Ramadatta, while she was watching the celebration of the Kaumudi festival by the women of the city, heard the plaint of Bhadramitra and devised a plan to test the truth of the charge against Sribhuti. She invited the latter to a game of dice with her; and, under her instructions, a maidservant went to his wife, and won her confdence by producing certain articles belonging to her husband, which he had lost in the game, and obtained from her the jewels on the pretext that he had sent for them. The ruge succeeded perfectly well and the jewels were immediately taken to the king. The king mixed up the jewels with those in his treasury and sent for Bhadramitra, and when the latter arrived, he was asked to single out th belonging to him. Bhadramitra had no difficulty in finding them, and the king was at once convinced of the guilt of Sribhuti, and lavishly praised and rewarded the young man for speaking the truth. The king then sent for Sribhuti, and, after severely reprimanding him for his treachery, ordered that, by way of punishment, he must either swallow a certain quantity of cow-dung or submit to be roughly handled by a number of stalwart wrestlers; otherwise he would have all his property confiscated. Sribhuti calmly accepted the latter alternative, and was turned out of the city, mounted on an old donkey and wearing a garland of potsherds. As a result of his sins, he was attacked

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424 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE with leprosy, and put an end to his life by entering the flames. He was reborn as a serpent, and after causing the death of many creatures, expired and became a denizen of hell. XV) The following story illustrates the disastrous consequences of falsehood: Ayodhana was the king of Hastinagapura and his queen was Atithi. Sulasa was their daughter, and she had been betrothed by her mother to Prince Madhupingala of Paudanapura even before her birth. king, however, decided to hold a Svayamvara for her to choose a husband, and issued invitations to a number of princes including Madhupingala and Sagara. The latter was the lord of Ayodhya and sent a highly cultured nurse named Mandodari and the priest Visvabhuti to win over Sulasa before the Svayam. vara took place. They came to Hastinagapura, and Mandodari managed to become a teacher of the harem, and influenced Sulasa in favour of Sagara. The priest, on the other hand, ingratiated himself with the king and the queen, and created in their minds a dislike for Madhupingala. When the Svayamvara took place and the suitors came, Sulasa under the influence of Mandodari chose Sagara and not Madbupingala as her husband. Madhupingala in his grief became an ascetic, and arriving at Ayodhya in the course of his wanderings, happened to take rest at the gateway of Sagara's palace. The priest Visvabhuti was at the time giving lessons in prognostics to his disciple Sivabhuti, who observed the mendicant and expressed surprise at the contrast between his physical characteristics and his wretched condition, and spoke disparagingly of the science they were studying. Visvabhuti, however, explained to his pupil the story pingala and how he had become an ascetic owing to his failure to win the hand of Sulasa who had preferred Sagara. Madhupingala felt grievously insulted at these remarks of his old enemy, and when, after death, he was reborn as the demon Kalasura, he vowed vengeance against Visvabhuti as well as Sagara, and waited for a suitable opportunity to carry out his designs. Visvavasu was the king of the city of Svastimati and Vasu was his son. The learned Ksirakadamba was the priest of the king and Parvata was his son. One day the priest was expounding the ethical principles of the scriptures to his disciples Vasu, Parvata, and Narada, who was the son of the priest of another king. Two sages Anantagati and Amitagati happened to see them, and while the former expressed his admiration for the teacher and his disciples, the latter remarked that two of them were likely to reverse in practice the teachings of the sacred texts. The priest heard these remarks and interpreted them to mean that two of the group

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16. JAINA RELIGIOUS AND MORAL STORIES 425 would go to hell and the two others to heaven. He thought it most unlikely that he, a pious man, would go to hell, while he was certain that Vasu would, for that was where princely power led to. He was not sure about the fate of Narada and Parvata; so with a view to testing their virtue and intelligence, he created by magic two lambs and gave one to each of them, with instructions to kill the animals and eat the flesh at a place where no one could see him. Parvata took his lamb to a secluded enclosure behind the house of his father, killed it and roasted and partook of the flesh. Narada, on the other hand, pondered over the injunction about a place where no one could see him; and concluding that there could be no place, whether in a town or in a forest, where one could be beyond the range of one's own eyes or the eyes of the gods or the omniscient minds of the great sages, he refrained from killing his lamb and returned it to his teacher. After this incident, the priest Ksirakadamba renounced the world and became an ascetic, and died by fasting. After his death Narada came on a visit to Parvata, his old friend and companion. One day Parvata was expounding the text ajair yastavyam to some pupils, and interpreted the word aja' as goat,' so that the text would mean 'Sacrifices should be made with the flesh of goats'. Narada intervened and pointed out that their departed teacher had interpreted the word to mean 'grains three years old', and that was the correct explanation. Parvata disputed the truth and accuracy of this statement, and both agreed that they should request prince Vasu to act as umpire, and accept his ruling as final. Narada and Parvata then went to Vasu who received them cordially and undertook to give his decision on the morrow. Meanwhile, the widow of the priest Ksirakadamba, who was aware that he had interpreted the word in the sense mentioned by Narada, betook herself to Vasu; and in her anxiety to save her son from disgrace, reminded the prince of a certain boon that he had promised to her, and demanded that he should now fulfil his promise, by bearing testimony to the truth of the interpretation put forward by Parvata, Vasu knew that Parvata's statement was wrong, and that he would go to hell if he supported him, but he was bound by his promise to Parvata's mother and decided to abide by his pledged word. Next morning Vasu came to his court and occupied his famous crystal throne; and on an appeal by Narada to speak the truth, declared that Parvata's interpretation was the right one. Disaster followed this false declaration, for amid the lamentation of the citizens Vasu, as he was seated on his throne, went down to hell. Even now, at the time of the first oblation of the day, people say "Rise up, Vasu; ascend to heaven." Narada was deeply aggrieved at the turn events had taken, and, feeling disgusted with the world, became an ascetic and devoted himself to meditation. The citizens in their fury rushed upon Parvata, to whom they 54

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426 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE attributed the downfall of their king, and, after pelting him with stones, and mercilessly whipping him, drove him out of the city, half-dead, mounted on a donkey, and compelled to wear a wreath of potsherds round his neck. Parvata took refuge in a dense forest, and there on the bank of a stream he was seen by Kalasura, who approached him and won his confidence by representing himself to be his father's friend Sandilya. Parvata told him his story, how after the death of his father he had been addicted to drink, meat and courtesans, and gave a wrong interpretation of the text ajair yastavyam knowing it to be false, down to his dispute with Narada and its unhappy sequel. Kalasura consoled Parvata and asked him to take heart and join him in a new venture. He persuaded Parvata to insert in the Vedic texts injunctions sanctioning various sacrifices involving slaughter of animals, use of wine, and moral laxity and perversion. He then came to Ayodhya, and in the outskirts of the city assumed the form of the god Brahman, and commenced a vast sacrifice at which Parvata acted as the Adhvaryu or officiating priest. Magic forms of sages like Pingala, Manu, Matanga, Marici and Gautama recited Vedic mantras, while Parvata propounded the doctrine that the animals were created for sacrifices, and killing at sacrifices was not tantamount to killing, since sacrifices contributed to the good of all. Goats, birds, elephants, horses and other animals were accordingly killed at the sacrifice and their flesh offered as oblations in the fire. Kalasura by his magic showed the slain animals as going about in heaven in aerial cars, and the phantom sages proclaimed the glory of the phenomenon. The exploits of Kalasura created a sensation among the people and attracted the notice of Sagara and Visvabhuti, who were also induced by him to sacrifice animals and partake of their flesh. Kalasura then reminded them of the wrong they had done him during his previous birth, and murdered both by throwing them into the sacrificial fire amidst the oblations. Parvata continued to kill numerous animals for sacrificial purposes, but Kalasura disappeared soon after. Helpless and miserable without his friend, Parvata suffered and died and went to hell. XVI) The story of Kalarapinga and Padra is meant to illustrate the consequences of illicit passion. Dharsana was the king of Benares and Ugrasena was his minister. Pusya was the king's priest, and he had a beautiful young wife named Padma. Kadarapinga, the son of the minister, was a misguided and dissolute youth, who one day saw Padma, while walking in the streets with his boon-companions, and was at once enamoured of her. There was an old nurse named Tadillata, and she was persistently implored by the young man to help him to fulfil his heart's desire. The nurse thought it advisable to consult Ugrasena about his son's request, but the minister who was in his dotage openly encouraged her in the evil project, utt

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16. JAINA RELIGIOUS AND MORAL STORIES The nurse visited Padma's house, delighted her with her conversation, and became very intimate with the young woman. One day after some preliminary remarks on free love, she described to her the young man's ardent love for her and the suffering caused by his passion. Padma pretended to agree to the bawd's proposal, and the chances of the minister's son looked bright indeed. Meanwhile, the minister Ugrasena who favoured the criminal intentions of his son devised a scheme to ensure the absence of Padma's husband from the city, on a prolonged mission. He told the king that, in a cave near the Ratnasikhanda peak of the Himalayas, there was a marvellous bird called Kimjalpa, variegated in colour, and capable of talking like a man, the possession of which had a magic effect on the fortunes of the lucky owner. He further suggested that he and the priest Pusya who knew the place might be sent in quest of the bird. The king dissuaded the minister from going owing to his great age, and ordered that the priest should undertake the journey alone. 427 While Pusya was preparing to start, Padma explained to him the real motive behind the proposed expedition, and asked him to make a show of departure and return secretly at night and remain concealed at home. He followed the instructions of his wife; and one night, according to a pre-arranged plan, the bawd brought over the minister's son to Padma's house and introduced the young man to her. She asked both of them to seat themselves on a sofa, cunningly placed over a deep pit; and as soon as they sat down, they fell headlong to the bottom of the pit, and there they remained imprisoned, living on the remains of boiled rice left over by the household. After some time, Padma made it known that her husband would arrive in a few days with the Kimjalpa bird and the female spirit, its mother. She then caused the young man and the bawd to be put in a cage, after their bodies had been painted with various colours and decked with the feathers of diverse kinds of birds. The cage was then removed to a wood near the city and left in charge of Pusya, who was dressed in travelling attire, as if he had returned from a journey. Padma, meanwhile, dressed herself in a manner becoming a woman whose husband was abroad, and set out to receive Pusya in company with her girl friends, who were all talking about the 'exploit' of her husband. On the following day Pusya accompanied by his wife, proceeded to the royal palace with the precious load and asked the king to behold the Kimjalpa and the mother bird. The king scrutinized the pair, and saying that he could see only Kadarapinga and the bawd Tadillata in the cage, demanded an explanation of the mystery. Padma then recounted the whole story, and the king praised and honoured her with rich presents, and sent her home in a chariot drawn by Brahmanas, expert in Vedic lore. As for Kadarapinga and

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428 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE his father Ugrasena, their shameful intrigue was proclaimed before the people, and they were banished from the city. The young profligate, after long suffering the consequences of his sin, died and went to hell. XVII) The following story is meant to illustrate the sin of unlawful possession. In the oity of Kampilya in the Pancala country there was a merchant named Sagaradatta who was, in spite of his wealth, a notorious miser, and went to ridiculous lengths in effecting economies and avoiding expenditure. The king of the place, whose name was Ratnaprabha, desiring to build a pavilion for witnessing elephant-races, selected for the purpose the site of a ruined palace belonging to a former king, and ordered the debris to be cleared. The bricks of the delapidated palace were of gold, but as they had lost their lustre, the king took them for ordinary bricks and employed workmen to heap them together in another place for erecting a temple. The workmen while carrying the bricks happened to drop one of them on the roadside, and the miser, finding it there, took it home and put it at the place where he used to wash his feet. The dirt having been removed by the daily friction of his feet, the brick regained its original colour, and the miser, seeing that the bricks were of gold, bribed the workmen and acquired as many of the bricks as he could. One day the miser had to go to the city of Kakandi where his sister's son had died, but at the time of his departure he gave instructions to his son Sudatta to collect the bricks in his absence in the same fashion as he had done. Sudatta was, however, above such meanness; and when his father, on his return, asked him how many of the bricks he had managed to acquire, he replied that he had done nothing of the kind. The miser was shocked to hear this, and condemning his own feet which had taken him to the hated town of Kakandi, he mercilessly pounded them with a slab of stone. The king, who had come to know about these happenings, had the bricks scraped by artisans; and convinced that they were of gold, he ordered the confiscation of the miser's property and banished him from the city. Sudatta was, on the other hand, provided with capital to carry on his business, and his ancestral home was returned to him as a reward for his honesty. The miser, who was known as Pinyakagandha, 'one who smells of oil-cakes,' suffered on account of his sins and went to hell after his death. Apart from the stories outlined above, there are allusions to certain popular tales in Book IV. The story of Kancanika is cited to illustrate the inscrutable nature of women: she is said to have killed her husband, son and paramour, and then immolated herself on the funeral pyre of her husband'. The story of the merchant's wife and Muladeva, and that of 1 ihaiva vAtsyAyanagotrajasya putrI bhRgoH kAlaniketinAmnI / patiM ca putraM ca viTaM ca hatvA bhartrA tu sAthai dahanaM viveza //

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16. JAINA RELIGIOUS AND MORAL STORIES 429 Upadhyayika, although they are folktales, are mentioned by Somadeva along with wallknown mythological stories, and will be found in Chap. XVII. The following ancient tradition' cited in Book IV forms part of a popular tale related in the commentary: padarthe ca mahI tyaktA jIvitAdhaM ca hAritam / sA mAM tyajati niHnehA kaH strINAM vallamo naraH // The story, as given by Srutasagara, is as follows. The daughter of the king of Pataliputra was married by the son of another king, but soon after the marriage the father of the girl fell ill, and the sacrifice of the daughter was recommended by & Tantric teacher as the only means of the king's recovery. Hearing this, the husband of the girl fled with her to a forest where she was bitten by a serpent. The prince was about to commit suicide from grief, but the sylvan deities interfered and told him that his bride would revive if he gave her half of his life-span. He agreed and the bride at once came to life, and they both continued their journey and reached a town. There the prince fell asleep in a hospice, and meanwhile a fellow named Devakesin enticed the girl away. When the husband woke up, he saw her entering the town with the man, and a quarrel ensued over the possession of the girl, who, however, claimed the stranger as her husband. Thereupon the prince demanded back the portion of the life-span which he had given her, and the wicked woman at once dropped dead. The bystanders having asked for an explanation of these strange happenings, the prince uttered the verse quoted above: "She for whom I had renounced the earth and given away half my life left me without pity. Who can ever be dear to women?'! As we have already stated, several of the stories summarized above are met with in earlier works. The eight stories in Book VI meant to illustrate the different aspects of Samyaktva are, for instance, stock illustrations, and briefly referred to in Samantabhadra's Ratnakarandakasravakacara 1. 19, 20, the stories being summarized in Prabhacandra's commentary on the work. They were thus wellknown in Samantabhadra's time, and that they are much earlier than Samantabhadra seems also certain. Kundakunda, who lived about the first century A. D., mentions, for instance, Bhavyasena, one of the principal characters of the fourth story of our collection, in Bhavaprubhrta (verse 52), the typical instance of a man who failed to become a true monk despite his knowledge of all branches of the Scriptures." 1 For another version of the story see Pancatantra, Book IV. 2 tAvadAnacauroDauM tato'nantamatiH smRtA / uhAyanastRtIye'pi turIye revatI matA // tato jinendrabhakto'nyo vAriSeNastataH paraH / viSNuzca vajanAmA ca zeSayolekSyatAM gtaaH|| 3 Samantabhadra is believed to be earlier than the fifth century A. D. See Pt. Yugal kisore's Introduction (in Hindi) to Ratna-karandaka-sravakacara, p. 142. 4 aMgAI dasa ya duNNi ya caudasapuvvAiM sayalasuyaNANaM / paDhio a bhavbaseNo Na bhAvasavaNattaNaM ptto||

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430 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE As regards the other stories, there is no doubt that the story of Sagara and Madhupingala with the intermediate one of Vasu, Parvata and Narada is a very old one. The case of Madhupingala is referred to by Kundakunda in Bhavaprabhrta (verse 45). The entire story including the episode of Vasu is narrated in detail in Vasudevahindi, a comprehensive Prakrit prose romance earlier than the seventh century, to illustrate the origin of what is politely called the 'non-Aryan' Vedas.* The episode of Vasu is as old as the Mahabharata and appears to be the oldest portion of the legend. It seems to have been incorporated in the Jaina story owing to the lesson of ahimsa conveyed by it, and provides another instance of Jaina adaptation of Brahmanical stories. The original story as related in the Mahabharata (santiparva, chap. 335 ff.) is as follows. "Vasu was a great king of the Satya Age, also known as Uparioara, a disciple of Brhaspati and an ardent devotee of Visnu, who worshipped the deity according to the tenets of the Satvata or Pancaratra system. An asvamedha performed by him was remarkable for the fact that no animals were killed in the sacrifice, the oblations being made with the produce of the forest. Once while travelling through the sky, he was asked to aot as umpire in a debate, which took place between the gods and the sages about the interpretation of the word aja in the statement that sacrifices should be performed with ajas. The gods maintained that the word meant goats', while according to the sages, it meant 'grains of corn'. Vasu out of partiality for the gods, gave the decision in favour of the latter, whereupon the sages cursed and condemned him to a life in the nether regions. While living under the earth, Vasu was nourished by a stream of clarified butter poured for him by the priests as an oblation in sacrifices, which gave it the name of vasordhara 'the stream of Vasu'. Advised by the gods, Vasu continued to worship Visnu even in the nether regions, and favoured by him, he regained his freedom and ascended to Brahmaloka." The story of Vasu is also referred to in the Anusasanaparva 6. 34, where it is stated that he went to hell for speaking even a single falsehood. A variation of the story occurs in Matsyapurana, chap. 143, where the lesson drawn is not so much the danger of falsehood as that of rash judgment in religious matters. Jinasena I narrates in his Harivamsapurana written in 783 A. D. several stories mentioned above; the story of Vasu, Narada and Parvata in 17. 38 ff. and that of Sagara and Madhupingala in 23. 45 ff, the story of the sage Visnu and Bali in 20. 1 ff. and that of the priest Sribhuti and and his punishment in 27. 20 it. Some of these stories are found in the Brhat-Kathakosa of Harisena written in 931-32 A, D. 1 mahApaMgo NAma muNI dehAhArAdicattavAvAro / sabaNattaNaM Na patto NiyANamitteNa bhaviyaNuya / 2 Annals of the B. 0. R. I., Vol. XVI, p. 32. 3 Book V ( H RT).

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16. JAINA RELIGIOUS AND MORAL STORIES A variation of the story of Vajrakumara occurs in Hemacandra's Parisistaparva (Canto XII), which, though later than Somadeva's Yasastilaka, used old materials. Here, too, Vajra appears in the role of defender of the Jaina faith against the Buddhist community, although the place and circumstances are different. Somadeva's account is doubtless of greater importance as being connected with a wellknown historical monument, the Jaina Stupa of Mathura. It will be interesting to compare it with the version recorded by Hemacandra. "The king (of Puri) was a Buddhist, and so were part of the inhabitants, while the majority of them were Jainas. As the two rival sects were continually competing with each other, the Jainas, being richer than their rivals, bought up all flowers so that the Buddhists could get none to offer in their temples. But the Buddhists induced the king to issue a strict order that no flowers should be sold to the Jainas. In this calamity the latter entreated Vajra to help them; for the Paryusanaparvan was drawing near, when the laity used to worship the images of the Arhats with flowers. Promising his aid, Vajra went through the air to the town of Mahesvara, and entering the park of Hutasana he met the gardener Tadit who was a friend of his. Feeling greatly honoured by Vajra's visit, the gardener inquired with what he could serve him, and being told that flowers were wanted, he promised twenty lakhs of flowers. Vajra ordered him to have them ready against his return, and then flew through the air to the Himalaya, and thence to the Padmahrada, the residence of Sridevi. There he met the goddess who held in her hand a lotus to worship the gods with, but she gladly gave it to Vajra when he asked for it. 431 Returning to Hutasana's park he produced by magic a divine car, in which he placed the lotus given by Sri and round it the twenty lakhs of flowers brought together by his friend Tadit. Accompanied by the Jrmbhaka gods in their cars, whom he had called up to attend him on his journey through the air, he travelled towards Puri. When he and his train were just above the town, the Buddhists believed that the gods descended from heaven to worship the Buddha images. But great was their disappointment when the celestial train landed in a Jaina temple. Never has Paryusanaparvan been celebrated with such splendour as then at Puri. The miracles just related induced the king and his subjects to embrace the Jaina faith." The last but one story of the series, that of Padma, is a tale of the trapping of a libertine by a chaste woman, and resembles the story of Vararuci's wife Upakosa and the plight of her lovers, recorded in Kathasaritsagara, Canto IV. As we have seen, the story, as related by Somadeva, is in the form of dramatic dialogues linked by narrative passages, and might easily be converted into a little play." Jacobi: Parisistaparvan, p. xcvi. 1 2 See chap. IV.

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CHAPTER XVII MYTHS AND LEGENDS JAINA LEGENDS OF MATHURA Of the several legends recorded by Somadeva, that of the famous Jaina Stupa of Mathura is of outstanding interest, and narrated in detail in Yasastilaka Book VI; sections 17, 18.' It is wellknown that the ruins of the ancient Stupa were discovered in the course of excavations at the Kankali Tila standing in the angle between the Agra and Govardhan roads during the season 1889-90.2 Somadeva gives an entirely different version of the story of foundation of the Stupa from that recorded in Jinaprabhasuri's Tirthakalpa, a work of the fourteenth century, and made known by Buhler many years ago. Somadeva is nearly four hundred years earlier than Jinaprabha, and probably records the earliest known version of the legend of the Stupa, which was regarded as of divine origin as early as the second century A. D. An inscription of the year 79, engraved on the left hand portion of the base of a large standing figure of a Jina found in the Kankali mound in the season 1890-91, records the fact that an image of the Tirthamkara Aranatha was set up at the Stupa, "built by the gods" (thupe devanirmite). "The sculpture belongs to the Kushan period, and the mode in which the date is expressed shows that the year 79 must be referred to the era used by the great Kushan kings. This year 79 falls within the reign of Vasudeva, one of whose inscriptions is expressly dated in the year 80." The important thing to note is that when the inscript ion in question was executed, "not later than A. D. 157 (79+78)", the Jaina Stupa of Mathura was already so old that it was regarded as the work of the gods. "It was probably, therefore, erected several centuries before the Christian era, and may have been at least as ancient as the oldest Buddhist Stupa."3 According to Jinaprabha, the Stupa was built by the goddess Kubera for two Jaina saints named Dharmaruci and Dharmaghosa, and among the idols installed in its precincts the chief was that of Suparsvanatha. The Stupa was originally of gold, but later encased in brick as a safeguard against pillage. In the eighth century it was repaired by Bappabhatti Suri, and at his request provided with a stone dome by King Ama. According to Somadeva, on the other hand, the Stupa was founded by the saint. Vajrakumara, 1 See Chapter XVI. 2 See Vincent Smith: The Jaina Stupa and other Antiquities of Mathura, Allahabad, 1901. 3 Smith (op. cit.), pp. 12, 13. 4 Introduction to Pandit's edition of Gaudavaho, p, cliii

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OV Worship of the Stupa by Kinnaras and Suparnas, see p. 433. 60000 Procession on its way to the Stupa, see p. 433.

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Exploring the Siva Linga, see p. 433. (Rajaputana Musuem, Ajmer )

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17. MYTHS AND LEGENDS 433 son of Somadatta, during the reign of Patikavahana, and there is no reference to its ever being made of gold. The Jaina Stupa of Mathura seems to have existed in Somadeva's time, as is apparent from his statement that "the shrine is still known by the name of Devanirmita, "Built by the Gods". It may also be noted in this connection that the colossal image of Parsvanatha, seated in meditation, found in the Kankali mound at Mathura in 1889, and bearing an inscription dated Samvat 1036 or 980 A. D., was possibly built and installed within Somadeva's 'lifetime. The discovery of another colossal image of a Jina, also seated in meditation, at the same site, and bearing an inscription dated Samvat 1134 or 1078 A. D.,' gives evidence of the continuity of Jaina religious life at Mathura sixty years after the sack of the city by Mahmud of Ghazni in 1018 A, D. As Dr. Fuhrer says, "these ancient temples were used by the Jainas during the greater part of the eleventh century, and their destruction happened in very late times". As regards the great Stupa, its site is at present a bare flat mound without any semblance of an ancient edifice on its surface. But a sculpture on a Torana lintel from the Kankali Tila, now preserved in the Luoknow Museum (J 535), shows the Stupa as being worshipped by Kinnaras and Suparnas (half birds and half men), and gives us an idea of the general appearance of the monument as it originally stood. The reverse side of the lintel represents a procession probably on its way to the Stupa (see illustrations). Vincent Smith describes the piece of masonry as the central portion of the lowest beam of a Torana archway in the railing round a Stupa, and says that it may have belonged to the ancient Stupa, and is certainly an early work, probably to be dated about 100 or 50 B. C. . The existence of Jaina temples at Mathura, called Uttaramathura to distinguish it from Daksinamathura or Madura in the Pandya country, is attested by another reference in Yasastilaka VI. 10.8 Two temples were, in fact, discovered under the Kankali Tila. In the Museum Report for 1890-91 Dr. Fuhrer writes that an inscription, incised on an oblong slab, gives the name 1 far varafoite GHIETI S I' Vol. II, p. 315. 2 Now in the Provincial Museum, Lucknow, J 143. The date is variously read as 1038 and 1036. Smith (op. cit., p. 4 and Agrawala: Guide-Book to the Archaeological Section of the Provincial Museum, p. 13. In the text of the inscription sent to me by Dr. Agrawala the date is given as 1036. 3 J 145, Provincial Museum, Lucknow. 4 Smith (op. cit.), p. 4. 5 Smith (op. cit.), p. 22. 6 'uttaramathurAyAM jinendramandiravandAruhRdayadohadavartI varte'ham / 55

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494 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE of the founder of one of the temples; and as its characters do not differ much from those used in the earliest dated inscriptions of the Indo-Scythic period, he infers that one of the edifices was built before 150 B. c.1 The legend of the Jaina Stupa of Mathura, as recorded by Somadeva, is also important as throwing light on the rivalry between the Jaina and Buddhist communities at the epoch of the foundation of the Stupa. It is obvious from the legend that the Buddhist wife of Putikavahana sought to abolish the Jaina Eight-day festival at Mathura and replace it by a celebration in honour of the Buddha. Her attempt was foiled by Vajrakumara, and the foundation of the Stupa bears testimony to the unhindered celebration of the great Jaina festival at Mathura. Legends relating to certain pious Jainas of Mathura occur in Yasastilaka. That of Revati, wife of king Varuna, famous for her unflinching devotion to the Jaina faith, is given in detail in VI. 11. In Book IV Somadeva refers to the story of Arhaddasa, who, though a householder, showed the resolution of an ascetic, when he continued his meditation unperturbed even at the sight of the sufferings caused to his family by some hostile deities.* Aurvila, the pious Jaina wife of king Putikavahana of Mathura, who had to contend against the machinations of her young Buddhist co-wife, figures prominently in the legend of the great Stupa. OTHER JAINA LEGENDS In Book IV occurs a reference to the story of the sage Puruhuta of Pataliputra, who was once a king, but had abdicated in favour of his son and become an ascetic: even during his austerities he could not repress his martial spirit when he heard that his son was waging war against his enemies.* In Book I Somadeva refers to the temptation of the monk Rathanemi who gave up his austerities on witnessing the performance of a nautch-girl. Rathanemi was the brother of the great ascetic Aristanemi, and his story occurs in Uttaradhyayanasutra, chap. XXII; but, in the latter text, he feels tempted at the sight of his brother's discarded bride Rajimati at a lonely spot. Srutasagara, on the other hand, in his commentary on Yasastilaka, says that Rathanemi was a teacher of the Digambara sect, and married a nautch-girl, a girl of the potter caste, and a princess in succession, 1 Smith (op. cit.), p. 3. 2 See Brhat-Katha-kosa of Harisena, Story No. 12. 3 See Chap. XVI. 4 ' yathA uttaramathurAyAM nizApratimAsthita stridiva sUtritakalatraputramitropadravo'pyekatva bhAvanamAnaso'rhadAsaH 12 p. 137. 5 'kusumapure carAdAkarNitasutasamara sthitirAtApanayogayuto'pi puruhUtadevarSiH / Ibid. 6 'rathanemeva naTInartanadarzanAt / ' Vol, I, p. 109.

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17. MYTHS AND LEGENDS 435 and took also the religious vow as often. The story, according to Srutasagara, is found in a Kathakosa. In Book IV Somadeva refers to the early Jaina legend of the burning of Dvaraka by the sage Draipayana. The episode is clearly in the Antagadadasao, Book V; and the Harivarsapurana of Jinasena I, composed in 783 A. D., narrates in detail how the city was burnt to ashes hy the sage, as a revenge for being assaulted by the Yadava young men under the influence of drink (canto 61). The name of the sage is Divayana in the Ardhamagadbi text and Dvipayana in the Hariyamsapurana. Two other Jaina legends are cited in Book IV to illustrate the view that the doing of something different from what one resolves or promises to do does not cause any harm, provided it is harmless to others. There is a scriptural tradition (pravacana) that a king of Mithila named Padmaratha once set out on a journey apparently to worship the pontiff Vasupujya, but his real object was to become a leader of the Jaina church. Similarly, a young merchant named Sukumara, who wished to renounce the world, had promised to his mother that he would do so after passing a day with each of his five hundred wives, but carried out his resolution sooner on hearing from a sage that he was not destined to live long, NON-JAINA LEGENDS a) Brahma, Visnu and the Sivalinga The dispute of Brahma and Visnu about the extent of the Sivalinga is mentioned in a verse, quoted by Somadeva from an earlier text in Book V.* The story is also referred to iu Sribarsa's Naisadhacarita 10. 51 and narrated in detail in Skandapurana. It is noteworthy that there are important sculptural representations of the legend. In one of the cave-temples of Ellora, Siva is depicted inside a linga with flames issuing from the side of it. Visnu is represented below on the right as Varaha the boar-avatara, digging down to see if he can reach the base of the great linga; having failed to do so, he is also represented as worshipping it. On the other side is Brahma ascending to discover the top of it, which he also failed to do, and stands as a 1 of Jantareata a arget i TFI Vol. II, p. 139. See Byhat-katha-kosa of Harisena, Story No. 118. 2. See Btbat-katha-kosa, No. 51. 3 'tathA ca pravacanam vAsupUjyabhagavato dhandanAmiSeNa gato mithilAnagarInAthaH pAratho babhUva gaNadharadevaH / mAtuH aitafarla TISU Tarafa farc: HATTENTAT TE I See also Sratasagara's comm, thereon, p. 72. 4 See Chap. XVIII for the verse in question. 5 See Handiqui: Naishadhacarita, Notes, p. 410. 6 Cave XV.

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE worshipper." Similarly, in a beautiful sculpture preserved in the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, and assigned to the tenth or eleventh century, Brahma with a long beard is represented as soaring upwards, and Visnu as diving below, to explore the top and the base of the linga respectively. After their failure, Brahma is shown as standing on one side of it and Visnu on the other." 436 b) Necessity knows no law' In Book IV Yasodhara's mother, in her plea for animal sacrifices for one's wellbeing, says that the great sage' Gautama killed even his benefactor Nadijangha to save his own life, and Visvamitra killed a dog for the same purpose. Somadeva here tampers with two stories found in the Mahabharata, Santiparva (section on apaddharma). Gautama was really a degenerate Brahman who killed the divine crane Nadijangha, perceiving no other means of sustenance, despite the great favours conferred on him by the bird. He is severely condemned in the Mahabharata for ingratitude. Visvamitra, on the other hand, partook of dog's flesh in the house of a Candala, and yet incurred no sin, because he did so for the purpose of self-preservation during a famine. The story of Visvamitra feeding on dog's flesh is also referred to in Manusmrti 10. 108. It may be noted that Srutasagara in his commentary invents fanciful stories to explain these allusions. Women and the practice of religion A group of traditional stories (sruti) is referred to in the message of Amrtamati to Yasodhara in Book IV, bearing on the duty of women to accompany their husbands in the practice of religion. She cites the wellknown instances of Rama and Sita, Draupadi and Arjuna, Sudaksina and Dilipa, Lopamudra and Agastya, Arundhati and Vasistha, Renuka and Jamadagni. On the other hand, the danger of women engaging in religious austerities, however rigorous, unaccompanied by their husbands, is illustrated by the little known story of a Brahmin woman named Brahmabandhu, who, although she was fasting unto death, at Prayaga, was associated by scandal with a monk named Govinda.* 1 Burgess: A Guide to Elura Cave Temples (Reprint), p. 28. 2 The sculpture was examined by me during my visit to Ajmer in October, 1941. No catalogue was then available. See the illustration. 3 ' kimaGga mahAmuni gautamaH prANatrANArthamAtmopakAriNamapi nADIjaGgha na jaghAna / vizvAmitraH sArameyam / ' p. 124. 4 ' tathAca zrutiH - kila vAnaprasthabhAve'pi rAmasya sItA sadharmacAriNyAsIt / draupadI dhanaMjayasya reNukA ca jamadagneriti / "yathA prayAge prAyopavezana sthitApi brahmabandhUbrAhmaNI govindena parivrAjA saha kila parIvAdabhAginI babhUveti / P. 149

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17. MYTHS AND LEGENDS d) Effect of calumny The evil that can be done by popular report, however false, is illustrated by another group of traditional stories (laukiki srutih) in Book IV. It is said that the sage Brhaspati was once refused admission to Indra's council-chamber owing to a false accusation brought against him by a gambler in the city of Cunkara. A monk named Cakrapani was debarred from entering Benares, because a minstrel named Sajaka, having failed to obtain a share in his earnings, spread a report that the monk was in the habit of devouring children. An ascetic named Markanda was excluded from the hermitages of anchorites, because he lived among drunkards, even though he used to drink only water.1 e) Wisdom no bar to moral transgression The above group of legends is followed by another, designed to show that even the wise at times commit offences, regardless of consequences. The crime of the sage Dvaipayana is mentioned first. We are then told that Ravana abducted Sita, even though he was presumably acquainted with the story of Dandakya in the Nitisastras.2 The latter story occurs in the Ramayana, Uttarakanda, Chap. 80, 81, where it is related how king Danda and his kingdom were destroyed by the sage Bhargava as a punishment for violating the latter's daughter Araja. The legend of Danda is also treated in detail in Vamanapurana, Chap. 63 ff. and mentioned in Kamasutra 1. 2. 44. The wellknown stories of Nahusa's insult to the sages and Brahma's passion for his own daughter are next referred to. Then comes the story of how Vararuci carried a pitcher of wine for the sake of a courtesan. The source of the story is obscure, but it seems to be a variation of a legend recorded in Hemacandra's Parisistaparva 8. 87 ff., which relates that the poet took to drinking under the influence of a courtesan named Upakosa with fatal results for himself.* f) Legends of female character A group of legends is cited in Yasodhara's soliloquy in Book IV to illustrate the fickle character of women, and how they defy all restrictions on their movements. After referring to the mythological stories of Ahalya 437 1 'tathAca laukikI zrutiH - kila bRhaspatiH sadvRtto'pi cuGkAranagare locanAanahareNa kitavena mithyApravAdadUSitaH zatakratusabhAyAM pravezaM na lebhe / alabdhArAMnA zena tu SajakanAmnA vAgjIvanena ayaM bhikSAbhramaNavyAjenArbhakAn bhakSayati ityupahatazcakrapANiH parivrAT vArANasyAm / madhupeSu madhye pItapayAzca mArkaNDatApasastApasAzrameSu / ' p. 138. 2 'paulastyo nItizAstreSu nAzrauSIdANDakyopAkhyAnam' etc. p. 139. 3 ' vararucizca vRSalInimittamAsava nipodvahanam' etc. 4 Summarized by Jacobi in his edition of the work, p. lxix.

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438 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE and Indra; Parvati and the Elephant Demon; and Chaya and the Fire god (the former had been placed by her father in the custody of Yama who vainly put her in his stomach for safety), Yasodhara cites two little known tales. The first relates to the wife of a merchant, who resorted to the expedient of putting on a single cloth with her, but could not thereby prevent her from committing adultery with Muladeva. The second story is about a clever adulteress named Upadhyayika, the wife of a Brahmana teacher.1 According to Srutasagara, the name of the husband was Garga and that of the woman Somasri. The temptations offered by women are illustrated in Book I by the legend of how the austerities of Siva were interrupted by the sight of the water-sports of the daughters of Daksa, those of Brahman by the musical performance of the nymph Tilottama, those of Parasara by the meeting of the fisherman's daughter, and those of Rathanemi (see above) by the dancing of a nautch-girl." g) Miscellaneous Stories The legend of Jimutavahana is referred to in a simile in Book I. The allusion to Radha and Narayana in Book IV is of particular interest in view of the paucity of early references to the former, and shows that the Radha legend must be much earlier than the 10th century. It is noteworthy that both Krsna and Radha are mentioned in Hala's Gathasaptasati 1. 89.5 A woman named Radha appears in the story of Dhanakirti in Yasastilaka VII. 26. The antiquity of the name is shown by the fact that a woman called Radha is also mentioned in Lalitavistara, chap. 18, the famous Mahayana work, earlier than the ninth century." The ten Incarnations of Visnu are referred to in Yasastilaka, Book IV." 1 ' tathAhi anuzravaH - kRtarakSAzalyApyahalyA kilAkhaNDalena saha saMviveza, haradehArdhAzritApi girisutA gajAsureNa, yamajaTharAlayApi chAyA pAvakena, ekavasana vaidehakavadhUrmUladevena, evamanyAzcopAdhyAyikAprabhRtayo nijapatisamakSamupapatibhiH acitfat #granean p. 62. A story very similar to that of Chaya and the fire god occurs in Milindapanha iv. 2. 18. A Danava, to guard his wife, put her into a box, and swallowing it, carried her about in his stomach. That did not prevent a Vidyadhara entering his mouth and enjoying the company of his wife. Rhys Davids: The Questions of King Milinda, Vol. I, p. 217. 2 ' zrUyate hi kilA lakSyajanmano dakSasutAnAM jalakelivilokanAt tapaH pratyavAyaH, pitAmahasya tilottamAsaMgItakAt kaivata. saMgamAt parAzarasya, rathanemezca naTInartanadarzanAt / ' Vol. I, p. 109. 3 ' jImUtavAhanacaritAvatAramiva nAgavallIvibhava sundaram / ' p. 95 4 'kiM na reme rAdhA nArAyaNena' Vol. II, p. 142. 5 muhamAruNa taM kala goraaM rAhiAe avaNento / etA valavINaM aNNANa vi goraaM harasi // N. S. Press, third edition. 6 'tena khalu punarbhikSavaH samayena sujAtAyA grAmikaduhiturdAsI rAdhA nAma kAlagatAbhUt / ' 7' a '. For the verse in question see Chapter XII.

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CHAPTER XVIII QUOTATIONS AND REFERENCES A remarkable feature of Somadeva's Yasastilaka is that it quates or refers to a large number of earlier authors and works, many of them otherwise unknown or but insufficiently known. These references have thus a great chronological value, forming as they do a definite landmark in Indian literary history. There are indeed few writers who have enriched Kavya literature with so great a variety of well-stocked scholarship as the author of our romance. PORTS In Book IV Somadeva refers to the following poets as Mahakavis, and claims that their kavyas testify to the great reputation of the Jaina religion: Urva, Bharavi, Bhavabhuti, Bhartrhari, Bhartrmentha, Kantha, Ganadhya, Vyasa, Bhasa, Vosa, Kalidasa, Bana, Mayura, Narayana, Kumara, Magha and Rajasekhara. These names are followed by a reference to what Somadeva calls 'the Kavyadhyaya composed by Bharata', probably the 17th chapter of Bharata's Natyasastra which deals with the adornments of poetry' (kavyavibhusanani), figures of speech and similar topics, While some of the above names are well-known, we know praotically nothing about the others. Narayana may be Bhattanarayana, the author of: Venisamhara, but we cannot be sure about this. Kumara is very probably Kumaradasa, the author of Janakiharana. The reference to Gunadhya seems to suggest that the lost Brhatkatha was extant in the Deccan in the 10th century. The reference to Bhasa is not clear, and may not have anything to do with the dramatist of that name. In any case, Bhasa is again mentioned as a Mabakavi in a subsequent chapter (Vol. II, p. 251), and the following verse quoted therein shows that he was a follower of the sensual aspect of the Saiva cult." gaita 7 ARTHPORETH H T HETlaar peyA surA priyatamAmukhamIkSaNIyaM grAmaH svabhAvalalito'vikRtazca vessH| yenedamIzamadRzyata mokSavarma dIrghAyurastu bhagavAn sa pinaakpaanniH|| "One should drink wine and gaze at a beloved woman's face and assume a garb that is beautiful by nature and unspoilt.Long live Siva, the Exalted One, who discovered such a way to salvation." It may be noted that the verse occurs in the Pallava king Mahendravarman's Mattavilasaprahasana where it is declaimed by a drunken Kapalika, after salutation to Siva. 1 See Chap. VIII. Ms. A remarks Parfer: 2 99.

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440 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE With regard to the other poets mentioned in Somadeva's list no early poet of the name of Kantha is known, but a writer named Kantha is oited several times as an authority on Sanskrit roots in Ksirasvamin's Koiratarungini.' Combination of grammar and poetry is not rare in Sanskrit literature, but we do not know whether this Kantha was also a Mahakavi. As to Urva, two of our Manuscripts (B and C) give the name as Utsavva, but the reading of the printed text is supported by the other two Manuscripts (A and D) which seem to read Urva. There seems no doubt that Urva is the correct reading which has also the merit of being adopted in Srutasagara's commentary. Urva is probably the same as the poet Aurva cited in Vallabhadeva's Subhasitavali which attributes the following verses to him: bhrazyayanAndhakAre'tha prApte vrssaanishaakssye| zarat prAbhAtaveleva prkaashmnyhishH|| riktA vipANDurAtmAno niHzabdAH praaptlaaghvaaH| tvarasapanA iva ghanA nyastacApA dizo yyuH|| The second verse is evidently addressed to a king, and Aurva seems to have been a court-poet. of the remaining poets, Bana is mentioned in another place, the reference being to his Kadambari, Magha, too, is mentioned twice, Yasodhara being addressed as a Magha in poetio appreciation. As regards Bhavabhuti, a reference to the plot of his Malatimadhava occurs in Somadeva's Nitivakyamrta ( Yuddhasamuddesa).* In Book V Somadeva quotes verses from two other poets about whom we know nothing. They are Grahila, who sings the glory of Siva, and Nilapata, who heaps scorn on those who deny themselves the charms of women to seek the bliss of salvation. The following two verses are by Grahila : bhAstAM tavAnyadapi tAvadatulyakakSamaizvaryamIzvarapadasya nimittabhUtam / svacchephaso'pi bhagavanna gato'vasAnaM viSNuH pitAmahayutaH kimutAparasya // iti, rathaH kSoNI yantA zatatiragendro dhanuratho rathAGge candrAkauM rathacaraNapANiH zara iti / didhakSoste ko'yaM tripuratRNamADambaravidhirvidheyaiH krIDanyo na khalu paratanyAH prbhudhiyH|| sfat a gan (Vol. II, p. 55)." The following verse is attributed by Somadeva to Nilapata (Vol. II, p. 252). Ha a ara99apisala iraya 1 Ed. Liebich, Breslau, 1930. 2 See Chap. IV. 3 'affairfaitatag ' Book II. 4 'zrayate hi kila dUrastho'pi mAdhavapitA kAmandakIyaprayogeNa mAdhavAya mAlatIM sAdhayAmAsa / ' The second vorse occurs in Puspadanta's Mahimnastotra. It is possible that Somadeva's remark erfarw might simply mean "an obstinate utterance,' as the verses in question are cited to illustrate certain alleged contradictiong in the concepe tion of Siva. See Chap. VIII.

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18. QUOTATIONS AND REFERENCES payodharabharAlasAH smaravighUrNitArvekSaNAH kvacit salayapaJcamoccaritagItajhaGkAriNIH / vihAya ramaNIramUraparamokSasauravyArthinAmaho jaDima DiNDimo viphalabhaNDapAkhaNDinAm // Nilapata seems to be the same as the poet Nilapatta cited in Saduktikarnamrta which quotes from him the following playful verse on the irony of Siva's burning the god of love. It would seem that Nilapata or Nilapatta was a poet who laid stress on the pleasures of love. bhayaM sa bhuvanatrayaprathitasaMyamI zaGkaro bibharti vapuSAdhunA virahakAtaraH kAminIm / anena kila nirjitA vayamiti priyAyAH karaM kareNa parilAlayan jayati jAtahAsaH smaraH // The following verse is attributed in Book IV to Vararuci (p. 99): prANAghAtAnivRttiH paradhanaharaNe saMyamaH satyavAkyaM kAle zaktyA pradeyaM yuvatijanakathAmUkabhAvaH pareSAm / tRSNAstrotovibandho guruSu ca vinatiH sarvabhUtAnukampA sAmAnyaM sarvazAstreSvanupahatavidhiH zreyasAmeSa mArgaH // The verse is found in the Nirnaya Sagara edition of Bhartrhari's Nitisataka, but seems to be an interpolation. It is not included in Jivananda's edition of the work in Kavyasamgraha, vol. II. Somadeva refers to Bhartrhari in the above list, and must have been acquainted with his work. It is hardly possible that he would have missed the verse in Nitisataka if it had formed part of the text. The verse in question is put in the mouth of Vararuci in a story in Durgasimha's Kanarese rendering of the Pancatantra, based on Vasubhaga's Sanskrit version of the work; but as the latter recension is no longer extant, it is difficult to say whether Somadeva borrowed the verse from Vasubhaga.1 Two verses of Bhartrhari are quoted by Somadeva in Book V without mentioning their author, one from S'rngarasataka and the other from Nitisataka, the printed text of the S'atakas showing slight variations: strImudrAM jhaSaketanasya mahatIM sarvArthasaMpatkarIM ye mohAdavadhIrayanti kudhiyo mithyAphalAnveSiNaH / te tenaiva nihatya nirdayataraM muNDIkRtA luJcitAH kecit paJcazikhIkRtAzca jaTinaH kApAlikAzcApare // namasyAmo devAnnanu hatavidheste'pi vazagA vidhirnindyaH so'pi pratiniyatakarmAntaphaladaH / phalaM karmAyattaM yadi kimaparaiH kiMca vidhinA namaH satkarmabhyaH prabhavati na yebhyo vidhirapi // 441 As pointed out elsewhere, Somadeva quotes a large number of verses on the ministers of kings from various poets, but it is doubtful whether they are historical names. There is a similar reference to a poet named Ganapati in the verse quoted below: vRtticcheda stridaza viduSaH kohalasyArthahA nirmAna glAnirgaNapatikaveH zaMkarasyAzu nAzaH / dharmadhvaMsaH kumudakRtinaH kekaTezca pravAsaH pApAdasmAditi samabhavaddeva deze prasiddhiH // It is stated in the verse that the wicked minister Pamarodara insulted the poet Ganapati. Srutasagara in his commentary takes Tridasa, Kohala 1 The Poona Orientalist, Vol. II, p. 181. 22 See Chap. VII. 56

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442 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE and Kekati also as referring to poets, but the verse mentions only Ganapati as a poet. We cannot but regard these names as fictitious, but it is noteworthy that there was actually a poet named Ganapati earlier than the tenth century. Rajasekhara praises him in a verse cited in Jalhana's Suktimuktuvali, which also quotes another verse wherein he is mentioned along with several well-known poets. Verses from Ganapati are cited in Saduktikarnamrta and Subhasitavali, and he seems to have composed a work named Mahamoda. The following verse is quoted by Somadeva from an unnamed work on poetics. (3. 274): ___ trimUlakaM dvidhotthAnaM paJcazAkhaM catuzchadam / yo'gaM vetti navacchAyaM dazabhUmi sa kAvyakRt // GRAMMARIANS Somadeva says in Book I that the monks accompanying Sudatta expounded to their disciples the tenets of the Aindra, Jainendra, Candra, Apisala, Paniniya and many other grammars'. The grammar of Panini needs no comment, but the others are less familiar, and it is interesting to find that they were in vogue in the tenth century. About a , the Mulgund Inscription of the reign of Somesvara I, dated 1053 A. D., refers to the erudition of the Jaina Muni Narendrasena in the Candra, Katantra, Jainendra, Sabdanusasana and Aindra grammars, and that of Panini; and these were no doubt the standard grammars of the day. As late as the thirteenth century Bopadeva mentions at the beginning of his Kavikalpadruma eight ancient grammarians including Indra, Candra, Apisali, Panini and Jainendra, and says that he has composed his work after examining their opinions'. Samayasundara in his commentary on the Jaina Kalpasutra 2. 9 includes the Aindravyakarana and the Apisalivyakarana among the eighteen grammars mentioned by him; but while it may be assumed that the grammars enumerated by Somadeva were current in the Deccan for a few centuries after his time, it would be rash to draw any conclusion about the popularity of these ancient texts from late references occurring in a writer of the seventeenth century. No work called the Aindra grammar has come down to us, but the Katantra system is believed to be derived from the Aindra school, of which the traditional founder is the god Indra, who first appears in the role 1 atho gaNapatiM vande mahAmodavidhAyinam / vidyAdharagaNairyasya pUjyate kaNThagarjitam / / 4.72%; daNDI bANadivAkarI gaNapatiH File tarat: 4. 111 2 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XVI, Part II.

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18. QUOTATIONS AND REFERENCES 443 of a grammarian in the Taittiriyasamhita. In later times Indra is mentioned as the author of a grammar in Sriharsa's Naisadhacarita 10. 135; and Candupandita, who wrote a remarkable commentary on the poem towards the end of the thirteenth century, takes the reference to mean the Aindra grammar, Tibetan tradition, however, speaks of an Indravyakarana by a grammarian named Indragomin, and it is said to have been prevalent among the the Buddhists of Nepal. The question requires further investigation. The Apisala referred to by Somadeva is the ancient grammar of Apisali earlier than Panini who refers to him in the rule va supyapisaleh. Apisali's opinion is cited in connection with another rule in the Mahabhasya on Panini 4. 2. 45,4 and we learn from the same work (4. 1. 14) that a Brahmana woman who studies Apisala, that is, the grammar of Apisali, is called Apisala. Occasional references to the tenets of the Apisala school are found in the Kasika and Jinendrabuddhi's Nyasa thereon. For example, we read in Kasika 6. 2. 36: 19TORITATISTI: 1...a IHI0313 I...teffa as-WEIFAHTSCHICHT: 1 ...... Strlar total 3171 39a Pa...... B e ifarafia Street 1. Kasika 7. 3. 95 while explaining the rule turustuzamyagaHsArvadhAtuke says-ApizalAsturustuzamyamaH arang#15 goceila gola. Jinendrabuddhi remarks--ATaUTTEifeft alferdacat: alleet TO UTTET TOCRITERSAL caa fuftateatr I. Jinendrabuddhi on Kasika 1. 3. 22 mentions another peculiarity of Apisali: 97TH THE THIRSTo: hrana i ate a TRWARE asa bhuvIti gaNapAThaH / kiM tarhi / sa bhuvIti sa paThati |...s tvAgamau guNavRddhI AtiSThate / evaM hi sa pratijAnIta ityarthaH / References to Apisali's grammar are found also in writers of the Katantra school, e. g. in Durgasimha's comm. on the rule faa-3119 tout retai karmapravacanIyatvaM dRSTamiti matam / . The Candra grammar referred to by Somadeva is the work of the Buddhist Candragomin, and has been edited and assigned to the 5th century A. D. The Jainendra is the work of the famous Jaina philosopher and grammarian Pujyapada, also known as Devanandin. He is said to have been the tutor of the Ganga king Durvinita who ruled about the end of the fifth century. But a Jaina scholar named Niravadyapandita who was a spiritual adviser of the Calukya king Vinayaditya (680-696 A. D.) is described in an inscription as the house-pupil of Pujyapada; and R. G. Bhandarkar has on 1 Belvalkar: Systems of Sanskrit Grammar, p. 10. 2 Explaining the phrase tAdRkakRtavyAkaraNaH, C. P. says tAdRk kRtam aindra vyAkaraNaM yena saH. 3 Winternitz: Geschichte der indischen Litteratur, Vol. III, p. 398. 4 Tyrafastafe:' etc. 5 f3fa37chea rapoft 3927 Argoiti 6 See Candra-Vstti, Ed. Liebicb, Leipzig, 1918. 7 Belvalkar (op. cit.), p. 58.

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444 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE this ground suggested about 678 A. D. as the date of the grammarian.' It is possible, however, that there was more than one Pujyapada, and it is usual to assign the grammarian to the latter half of the fifth century. It may be noted that of the two recensions of the Jainendra grammar that preserved in Somadeva's commentary S'abdarnavacandrika composed in 1205 A. D. is the earlier and more complete." Somadeva refers to Pujyapada again in Book II. The young prince Yasodhara is described as being proficient in grammar like Pujyapada and in the science of logic like Akalamka.3 We shall speak about Akalamka a bit later. As regards Pujyapada, although he was no less distinguished for his philosophical and other writings, he was regarded as a grammarian par excellence, a founder of an independent grammatical system. 'Like Pujyapada in grammar, like Akalamka in logic' became a sort of proverbial expression among later Jaina writers. The comparison occurs, for instance, in some of the Sravana Belgola inscriptions. An inscription dated Saka 1037 describes (verse 30) a teacher named Meghacandra as: SaTtarkeNvaka laGkadeva vibudhaH sAkSAdayaM bhUtale / sarvavyAkaraNe vipazcidadhipaH zrIpUjyapAdaH svayaM // Another teacher, Jinacandra by name, is called jainendre pUjya ( pAdaH ) sakalasamayatarke (verse 23) in an inscription of about Saka 1022. Similarly, in an inscription dated Saka 1320 a teacher named Srutamuni is called zrIpUjyapAdaH sakalavimata jittarkatantreSu devaH ( verse 40 ) . 4 The grammatical learning of Pujyapada is further attested by the citations from the Mahabhasya occurring in his Sarvarthasiddhi, one of the earliest commentaries on the Tattvarthasutra.s A casual reference to the grammarian Patanjali, the author of the Mahabhasya, occurs in a metaphor based on word-play in Book VI, section 20: 'zastrazAstra vidyAdhikaraNavyAkaraNapataJjale bale'. NITISASTRAS In Book III Somadeva describes Yasodhara as having studied the Nitisastras of Brhaspati, Sukra, Visalaksa, Pariksit, Parasara, Bhima, Bhisma, Bharadvaja and others, None of these ancient works is now extant, but there is no doubt that they were available in the 10th century. 1 Early History of the Deccan, Third edition, p. 102. 2 See introduction to Benares edition, and Winternitz (op. cit.), p. 400. 3 'pUjyapAda iva zabdaitihyeSu', 'akalaGkadeva iva pramANazAstreSu' 4 jainazilAlekhasaMgrahaH, pp. 62, 119, 202 (maNikacandradigambara jaina granthamAlA ). 5 See Pathak in Annals of the B. O. R. I, Vol XIII, p. 32. 6 guruzukravizAlAkSa" 'bhAradvAjAdipraNIta nItizAstrazravaNasanAthaM zrutipatham P. 471

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18. QUOTATIONS AND REFERENCES The opinions of the followers of the schools of Brhaspati (Barhaspatyah) and Sukra (Ausanasah) are cited several times in Kautilya's Arthasastra, and these two ancient writers on statecraft are often quoted in the Mahabharata and other texts.1 A large number of quotations from Brhaspati in verse occurs in Laksmidhara's Krtyakalpataru (Rajadharmakanda ) composed in the twelfth century; and as late as the fourteenth century, Candesvara quotes Brhaspati, Barhaspatya, and the Niti or Rajaniti of Sukra in his Rajanitiratnakara, but the work of Sukra quoted therein is not the same as the extant Sukranitisara, which is believed to be a later compilation. Another reference to Sukra occurs in Book II. The young prince Yasodhara is described as proficient as Sukra in political science and the disposition of troops on the battlefield. The Nitisastra of Sukra seems to have paid special attention to the latter topic, as the Mahabharata (Asramavasikaparva 7. 15) refers to the Vyuhas known as Sakata, Padma, Vajra and mentions in this connection the sastra of Usanas. athopapattyA zakaTaM padmavajraM ca bhArata / uzanA veda yacchAstraM tatraitadvihitaM vibho // The subject is treated in detail in Kautilya's Arthasastra 10. 6, wherein the discussion opens with a reference to the classification of vyuhas according to Usanas and Brhaspati.. We know very little about the Nitisastras of Pariksit, Bhima and Bhisma. With regard to the latter, the opinions of an old writer on politics named Kaunapadanta are cited several times in Kautilya's Arthasastra (1. 8. etc.), and as Kaunapadanta is an epithet of Bhisma, the two names might refer to the same author. The Nitisastra of Parasara seems to be different from the Dharmasamhita of the same author. The opinions of Parasara and the school of Parasara are quoted several times in Kautilya's Arthasastra (1. 8, 15 etc.). An opinion of Parasara is cited also in Kamandaka's Nitisara 8. 39.5 An early reference to the Nitisastra of Parasara occurs in the Tantrakhyayika, the oldest recension of the Pancatantra, which mentions the Nitisastra of Manu, Brhaspati, Bhrgu, Parasara, Salankayana and Canakya (Book III). 445 We know a bit more about Bharadvaja. The Nitisastra of Bharadvaja has to be distinguished from the Smrti work attributed to the same 1 See Kane: History of Dharmasastra, Vol. I, sections 17 and 16. 2 Ed. J. Sastri. Lahore. 3 ' kaviriva rAjarAddhAnteSu', 'kAvya iva vyUharacanAsu'. 4 'pakSAvarasyaM pratigraha ityauzanaso vyUhavibhAgaH / pakSau kakSAvurasyaM pratigraha iti bArhaspatyaH / ' 5 dve eva prakRtI nyAyye ityuvAca praashrH| abhiyoktRpradhAnatvAt tathAnyo yo'bhiyujyate //

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446 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE author or possibly some other author of the same name. Most of the available data about Bharadvaja have been collected by Kane,' who points out that he is mentioned as one of the writers on Rajasastra in the Mahabharata (Santiparva. 58. 3) and that his opinions are cited several times in Kautilya's Arthasastra. It may be added that the opinion of a Bharadvaja is cited in Kamandaka's Nitisara 9. 57. The following verses are quoted by Somadeva in Book IV from a work of Bharadvaja, called Sadgunyaprastava. avakSepeNa hi satAmasatAM pragraheNa ca / tathA sattveSvabhidohAdadharmasya ca kAraNAt // vimAnanAca mAnyAnAM vizvastAnAM ca ghAtanAt / prajAnAM jAyate lopo nRpatezvAyuSaH kSayaH // kathamidamabhASata SADaNyaprastAve bhAradvAjaH / (p. 100). The purport of these lines is that the king and the citizens of a state go to ruin if the good are dishonoured and the wicked held in esteem, if living beings are injured and injustice prevails, if those worthy of respect are insulted and the faithful killed. The influence of these ideas can be seen from the fact that they are amplified in the following verses of Kautilya's Arthasastra (7.5): avakSepeNa hi satAmasatAM pragraheNa ca / abhUtAnAM ca hiMsAnAmadhANAM pravartanaiH // ...... adaNDanaizca daNDyAnAM daNDyAnAM caNDadaNDanaiH / agrAhANAmupagrAhaihyANAM cAnabhigrahaH // ...... upaghAtaH pradhAnAnAM mAnyAnAM cAvamAnanaiH ...... / prakRtInAM kSayo lobho vairAgyaM copajAyate // kSINAH prakRtayo lobhaM lubdhA yAnti virAgatAm / viraktA yAntyamitraM vA bhartAraM nanti vA svayam // Bharadvaja seems to have advocated the rule of concord and harmony in the relations of a king and his subjects, and the verses in question are cited by Somadeva in support of the doctrine of ahimsa. The principle of non-violence is in fact enunciated in another verse of Bharadvaja quoted in the anonymous commentary on Somadeva's Nitivakyamrta (Vyasana-samuddesa). tathA ca bhAradvAjaHtRNacchedo'pi no kAryoM vinA kAryeNa sAdhubhiH / yena no sidhyate kiMcit kiM punarmAnuSaM saham (?) // We know nothing about the contents of Bharadvaja's Sadgunyaprastava, but the name suggests that it dealt with the six gunas or principles of foreign policy. It is possible that this was the name of Bharadvaja's work on politics or dandaniti, of which sadgunya, according to the Maha. bharata, formed the quintessence (Santiparva. 59.78,79).3 1 Journal of the University of Bombay, September, 1942, p. 81. 2 svazaktyutsAhamudIkSya vigRhNIyAnmahattaram / kesarIva dvipamiti bharadvAjaH prabhASate / / 3 pAiguNyaguNasAraiSA sthAsyatyagre mahAtmasu /

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18. QUOTATIONS AND REFERENCES 447 Somadeva seems to have utilized another verse of Bharadvaja. Both in Nitivakyamrta and Yasastilaka (3, 23) he tells us that to confide the care of a kingdom to officials is to entrust cats with the guarding of milk. niyuktahastApitarAjyabhArAstiSThanti ye svairvihaarsaaraaH| biDAlavRndAhitadugdhamudrAH svapanti te mUDhadhiyaH kssitiindraaH|| In Nitivakyamrta we have : mArjAreSu dugdharakSaNamiva niyogiSu vizvAsakaraNam / . There is no doubt that the idea is based on the following verse of Bharadvaja quoted in the anoymous commentary on Nitivakyamota (Amatyasamuddesa). HRT:__ mArjAreSviva vizvAso yathA no dugdharakSaNe / niyoginAM niyogeSu tathA kAryoM na bhUbhujA // We shall now speak a few words about Visalaksa. He and Bharadvaja are mentioned among the writers on Rajasastra in the Mahabharata (Santiparva 58.2, 3). The Mahabharata (ibid. 59. 80-82) relates a legend, according to which Siva, otherwise known as Visalaksa, abridged a lengthy Nitisastra composed by Brahman, and this shorter version containing ten thousand chapters was known as Vaisalaksa after Siva. What is certain is that Visalaksa was an ancient writer on state-craft whose opinions are quoted several times in Kautilya's Arthasastra (1.8, 17 etc.), Kamandaka's Nitisara 8. 281, and Visvarupa's commentary on Yajaavalkya 1. 328. He is also mentioned in Candesvara's Rajanitiratnakara. The following quotation from Visalaksa occurs in Yasastilaka, Book III. Frakt fremefecteaza fatica: (p. 453). The maxim is incorporated by Somnadeva in his Nitivakyamrta, chap. 18, without acknowledgment. It is quoted also in Kautilya's Arthasastra 1. 15 with a slight variation: opet mantrasiddhirasti' iti vizAlAkSaH / . A similar idea occurs in a quotation from Yama found in Laksmidhara's Krtyakalpataru (Rajadharmakanda 15. 70): 42: Frifor yaH kuryAt so'tyantaM pAti medinIm // The opinions of Visalaksa sometimes run counter to those of Bharadvaja, to judge from the statements preserved in Kautilya. Bharadvaja, for example, contrary to the above maxim, opines that the king should deliberate alone on secret matters of policy: Ta p a' HREST: I. Further, while Bharadvaja recommends submission in the face of a superior enemy, Visalaksa recommends fighting with the combined strength of all one's forces, regardless of victory or defeat. ___'balIyasAbhiyukto durbalaH sarvatrAnupraNato vetasadharmA tiSThet / indrasya hi sa praNamati yo balIyaso namati' iti bhaardvaajH| 'sarvasaMdohena balAnAM yudhyeta / parAkramo hi vyasanamapahanti / khadharmazcaiSa kSatriyasya yuddhe jayaH parAjayo vA' iti vizAlAkSaH / Kautilya 12.1. 1 ete'STAdaza caiteSAM zatrumitre pRthak pRthakU / catuSpaJcAzatkamiti vizAlAkSaH prabhASate // 2 evaM ca vizAlAkSaH-vanyAn vanagatairnityaM maNDalasthAstathAvidhaiH / cArairAlocya sAtatkuryAjjigISudIrghadUradRk / / 3 See also Kane's paper in Journal of the University of Bombay (op. cit.)

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448 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE There is another quotation from Visalaksa in Book IV: "rahetarsikam, darzapaurNamAsayozcAtUrAtrikam , rAjanakSatre guruparvaNi ca trairAtrikam, evamanyAsu copahatAsu tithiSu dvirAtramekarAtraM ar Hand PRA H ' fa #gaferafes ala # 1972: . The purport of these lines is that non-injury to all creatures should be proclaimed (by the king) during the four months of rains for a fortnight, during the New and the Full Moon for four nights, on days related to the constellation under which the king was born and on Samkranti days for three nights, and similarly on certain inauspicious lunar days for one or two nights. Visalaksa is reported as making this statement in an Upanisad. The word seems to be used in its wider sense of 'secret doctrine' and Upanisad might simply refer to Visalaksa's Nitisastra. We know, for example, that the Mahabharata (Santiparva 103. 40) uses the e dandopanisad in the sense of 'secret application of force';' and Somadeva himself uses the word upanisad in the sense of 'secret' or 'mystery' in relation to the teachings of the Arthasastra. He says, for instance, 37TTEvicArapallavakalokaprakAzitopaniSatsu pariSatsu' (Book III) 'in assemblies where scholars expert in the discussion of the Arthasastra revealed the mysteries (of that science )'. The passage from Visalaksa's Upanisad cited above occurs in Kautilya's Arthasastra 13. 5 with slight modifications and omissions in connection with the restoration of peace in a conquered country : cAturmAsyeSvardhamAsikaHi guatatu za Tatacaf#1 It is possible that the passage is adapted from the work of Visalaksa, just as certain verses of Bharadvaja have also been amplified and incorporated in the text of the Arthasastra.? In face of this, it is impossible to accept Srutasagara's identification of Visalaksa with the sage Prabhakara and explanation of Upanisad as Vedantasastra. Somadeva seems to borrow an idea from another old writer whom he does not mention, but who is cited in the anonymous commentary on his Nitivakyamrta. Both in Yasastilaka (3. 25 ) and Nitivakyumrta he expresses the opinion that the troubles of the master are the opportunity of the servants, and says that just as physicians try to aggravate the illness of wealthy patients, similarly the officials of a king try to add to his troubles. __ vyAdhivRddhau yathA vaidyaH zrImatAmAhitodyamaH / vyasaneSu tathA rAjJaH kRtayatnA niyoginaH // He says in Nitivakyumrta: tag thai sagaida afiry H aigeRT ATT staatury:. There is no doubt that the above idea is based on the following verse quoted 1 Nilakantha says rahasyadaNDaH . 2 See above,

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18. QUOTATIONS AND REFERENCES 449 from an ancient writer named Raibhya in the commentary on Nitivakyamrta (Svamisamuddesa), TT 22:IzvarANAM yathA vyAdhiyAnAM nidhirutamaH / niyoginAM tathA jJeyaH svAmivyasana saMbhavaH / Similarly, Somadeva seems to have adapted another idea from the ancient writer Atri, well-known as an author of Smrti works. Somadeva says in Yasastilaka 3. 230: galart #etne tre xatama Tiga *1 gla: 1991 stofaat u In Nitivakyamsta ( 10. 82) he says: ARANTERT staat het tafat 191 I. The idea on the following verse quoted from Atri in the commentary on the above work. If yathaikazAkhavRkSasya naiva prachAyA prajAyate / tathaikamaMtriNA rAjJaH siddhiH kRtyeSu no bhavet // The following verse is cited by Somadeva in Book IV without mentioning the source. # - rAjJi dharmiNi dharmiSThAH pApe pApAH same smaa| rAjAnamanuvartante yathA rAjA tathA prajAH // The verse is quoted in the commentary on Nitivakyamrta (Svamisamuddesa) and attributed to Vyasa. It is cited from Vgddha Canakya in Bohtlingk's Indische Spruche. The following two verses are also cited in Yasastilaka (3.258-9) without mentioning the source. nemimekAntarAn rAjJaH kRtvA cAnantarArAn / nAbhimAsmAnamAyacchenetA prkRtimnnddle|| aSTazAkhaM caturmUlaM SaSTipatraM dvaye sthitam / SaTpuSpaM triphalaM vRkSaM yo jAnAti sa nItivit // The purport of the first verse is that a king desirous of supremacy should make himself the centre of the Circle of States, making the neighbouring kings and those living beyond his immediate neighbours the circumference of the Circle. Yasodhara says that while considering the verse in an assembly of learned men, he discussed also the second verse which has a bearing on the composition of the Circle of States, and dealt with the entire system of arrangement and distribution of alien states. The second verse is a sort of synopsis of the various topics of the Nitisastras, and from the nature of the reference we should expect to find both the verses in the same text, but actually we find the first verse in Kautilya's Arthasastra and the second in Kamandaka's Nitisara. The Arthasastra 6. 2 cites the first verse with an important variant, reading aran for naran. The reading (spokes) completes the metaphor of the wheel, but does not materially alter the sense of the verse. As regards the second verse, it occurs in Kamandaka 8.42, but we cannot be certain that Somadeva took the verse from the latter work, as Samkararya in his commentary on Kamandaka cites the verse independently from Ausanas, that is, the Nitisastra of Sukra. 57

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450 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE The following verses quoted anonymously in Yasastilaka 3.77 and Book VI, section 13, are found in Kautilya's Arthasastra 10.6 and 3.1 respectively. tadAha ekaM hanyAsa vA hanyAdiSuH kSipto dhanuSmatA / prAzena tu matiH kSiptA hanyAGgarbhagatAnapi // daNDo hi kevalo lokaM paraM cemaM ca rakSati / rAjJA zatrau ca putre ca yathAdoSaM samaM dhRtaH // The first verse occurs also in the Pancatantra (Tantrakhyayika) 3.123. It occurs in a somewhat different form in the Mahabharata (Udyogaparva 33.47). ekaM hanyAsa yA hanyAdiSurmukto dhanuSmatA / buddhirbuddhimatotsRSTA hanyAdrASTraM sarAjakam // The following verse occurring in Yasastilaka (towards the end of Book IV) is found in Kautilya 5.6 : kAlazca sakRdabhyeti yaM naraM kAlakAGkSiNam / durlabhaH sa punaH kAlastasya karma cikIrSataH // The verse is found also in the Pancatantra ( Tantrakhyayika) 3.74, the latter text reading tena for tasya and cikirsata for cikirsatah. The Pancatantra seems to have borrowed the verse from Kautilya, as the preceding sentence svayamupagatA zrIstyajyamAnAbhizapatIti lokapravAdaH is a variation of Kautilya's svayamArUDhA hi strI tyajyamAnAbhizapatIti lokapravAdaH. The real author of the verse seems to be Bharadvaja, as both the verse and the sentence preceding it form part of certain opinions of Bharadvaja which Kautilya here cites and subjects to criticism, There are also a few verses in our romance which are clearly based on Kautilya's Arthasastra. The following verse is one of three (3.106-108) which Somadeva represents as containing the essence of all the Arthasastras. He says: svasmAnijaH paro'nyasmAt svaH parasmAt paro nijAt / rakSyaH svasmAt parasmAcca nityamAmA jigISuNA // The verse is obviously based on the following verse found in Kautilya 9. 3: pare parebhyaH sve svebhyaH stre parebhyaH svataH pare / rakSyAH svebhyaH parebhyazca nityamAtmA vipazcitA // The following Niti verse on the risks of hunting is cited in Book V: stena dviSadviSanyAlazvApadaprabhavaM bhayam / zarmadharmavirAmazca mRgayAyAM mahIpateH // The verse seems to be based on Kautilya 8.3: ' stenAmitra vyAladAvapraskhalana bhayadi mohAH kSutpipAse ca prANAbAdhastasyAm / '. The references of Somadeva to the Arthasastra are of a general character, and he does not seem to refer to any particular Arthasastra. Two such references have been mentioned above. Another occurs in the following Niti verse cited in Book IV, which sums up a leading idea of the Arthasastra: to outwit one's enemies and not to be outwitted by them (p. 152): etadevArthazAstrasya nityamadhyayane phalam / yat parAnabhisaMdhatte nAbhisaMdhIyate paraiH // A similar summing up occurs also in Manu 7. 180 : yathainaM nAbhisaMdadhyurmitrodAsInazatravaH / tathA sarva saMvidadhyAdeSa sAmAsiko namaH //

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18. QUOTATIONS AND REFERENORS 451 The rise of Candragupta to power, though resourceless, through the efforts of a good minister is mentioned in a traditional verse (sruti) cited by Somadeva (3.242). tathAca zrutiH duryodhanaH samartho'pi durmatrI pralayaM gataH / rAjyamekazaro'pyApa sanmatrI candraguptakaH // The tradition is also mentioned by Somadeva in his Nitivakyamata 10. 4, wherein Visnugupta or Canakya is referred to by name : tathA cAnuzrUyate viSNuguptAnugrahAdanadhikRto'pi kila candraguptaH sAmrAjyapadamavApeti / . The anonymous commentary on the above work quotes a verse from Sukra which contains the same allusion, urhala (orsala?) apparently referring to Candragupta. tathA ca zukraH ___mahAmAtyaM varo rAjA nirvikalpaM karoti yaH / ekazo'pi mahIM lebhe hIno'pi vRhalo yathA // Somadeva says in the course of a discussion in Yasastilaka 3. 86: puSpairapi na yoddhayaM kiM punarnizitaiH zaraiH / tAmavasthAM gatAnAM tu na vidyaH kiM bhaviSyati / He says also in Nitivaryamrta 32. 30 : puSpayuddhamapi nItivedino necchanti kiM punaH zastrayuddham / The anonymous commentary cites here the following verse from Vidura. tathA ca viduraH puSpairapi na yoddhaSyaM kiM punarnizitaiH shraiH| upAya......pUrva tasmAdyuddhaM samAcaret // The verse is not found in the Viduraniti incorporated in Viramitrodaya ( Rujanitiprakasa). There is, however, no doubt that the verse adapted by Somadeva is an old one. Sriharsa's Naisadhacarita 4.81 refers to the idea thus : ahaha nItiravAptabhayA tato na kusumairapi vigraha micchati / Narayana in his commentary quotes the line puSpairapi na yoddhavyaM etc. and adds : iti nItiH. The following verse is quoted in Yasastilaka, Book III, without mentioning the source. tathA coktaM zAstrAntare cAro yasya vicArazca rAjJo nAstIkSaNadvayam / tasyAndhadugdhavadrAjya manimArjAragocaram // A reference to the Nitisastras in general occurs in Book I : nItizAstrariva prakAzitazamayogatIrthodyogaiH. The Tirthas are the eighteen agencies with whose help a king governs the state. Srutasagara says-ukkaM ca-'senApatirgaNako rAjazreSThI daNDAdhipo mantrI mahattaro balavattArazcatvAro varNAzcaturAbala purohito'mAtyo mahAmAtyazcetyaSTAdaza rAjJA tIrthA bhvnti|'. SMRTI WORKS A considerable number of Smrti citations occurs in Yasastilaka, but most of them are from Manu as shown below. Manu 3. 267-271 on the offer. ing of various kinds of meat in the Sraddha rites is quoted in Book IV. tilaicI hiyavairmArairadbhirmUlaphalena ca / dattena mAsaM prIyante vidhivat pitaro nRNAm // dvau mAsau matsyamAMsena trIn mAsAn hAriNena ca / aurabhregAtha caturaH zAkunenaiva pazca vai|| SaNmAsAzyAgamAMsena pArSavena hi sapta vai / aSTAveNasya mAMsena rauraveNa navaiva tu||

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. . .. 452 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE daza mAsAMstu tRpyanti varAhamahiSAmiSaiH / zazakUrmasya mAMsena mAsAnekAdazaiva tu // saMvatsaraM tu gavyena payasA pAyasena vaa| vANasasya mAMsena tRptidvaadshvaarssikii|| All the five verses are quoted also by Henacandra in his Yogasastra, Chap. II. Several verses of Manu (5.39,41-2) on the eating of meat and the killing of animals in sacrifices and other rites are quoted in Book IV. yajJArtha pazavaH sRSTAH svayameva svayaMbhuvA / yajJo hi bhUtyai sarveSAM tasmAdyajJe vadho'vabhaH // madhuparke ca yajJe ca pitRdevatakarmaNi / atraiva pazavo hiMsyA nAnyatretyabravInmanuH // eSvartheSu pazUna hiMsan vedavedArthavidvijaH / AtmAnaM ca pazRMzcaiva gamayatyuttamA gatim / / The above three verses are quoted also by Hemacandra in Yogasastra (op. cit.) Manu 5. 27, 32 and 56 are also quoted. prokSitaM bhakSayenmAMsaM brAhmaNAnAM tu kAmyayA / yathAvidhi niyuktastu prANAnAmeva cAtyaye / / krItvA svayaM vA hyutpAdya paropahRtameva ca / bharcayitvA pitRRn devAn khAdan mAMsa na duSyati // na mAMsabhakSaNe doSo na mayena ca maithune / pravRttireva bhUtAnAM nivRttezca mahat phalam // The following verse is cited in Yasastilaka Book VII, section 30. oSadhyaH pazavo vRkSAstiryaJcaH pakSiNo nraaH| yajJArthaM nidhanaM prAptAH prAmavantyucchritAM gatim // The verse corresponds to Manu 5. 40, but Manu reads tatha for narah. Somadeva seems to have purposely substituted narah for tatha to exaggerate the repulsive character of Vedic sacrifices. Certain verses on the duties and character of women are quoted from Manu (5. 155, 154 and 9. 14) in Book IV. nAsti strINAM pRthagyajJo na vrataM nApyupoSitam / patiM zuzrUSayedyannu tena svarge mahIyate // vizIlaH kAmavRtto vA guNairvA parivarjitaH / upacaryaH striyA sAdhvyA satataM devavat patiH // netA rUpaM pratIkSante nAsAM vayasi sNsthitiH| virUpaM rUpavantaM vA pumAnityeva bhute // The following two verses are cited by Somadeva in Book IV as 'old traditions' (purAtanyau zrutI): pauzcalyAcalacittavAnnaiHnehyAca svabhAvataH / rakSitA yatnato'pIha bhartRSvetA cikurvate // yadarthe ca mahI tyaktA jIvitAdhaM ca hAritam / sA mAM tyajati niHnehA kA strINAM vallabho naraH // Of these the first is Manu 9. 15. The second is cited also in Parlicatantra 4. 47 which reads it somewhat differently: yadarthe svakulaM tyaktaM jIvitAdhaM ca hAritam / sA mAM tyajati niHsnehA kaH strINAM vishvsennrH|| The following two verses on renouncing the world and taking to an ascetic's life are cited from Manu (6.3.6.36). the first in Book IV and the second in Book VI, section 5. saMtyajya grAmyamAhAraM sarva caiva paricchadam / putreSu dArAnikSipya vanaM gacchet sahaiva vA // adhItya vidhiSadvedAn putrAMzcotpAya yuktitaH / iSvA yajJe yathAkAlaM tataH pramajito bhavet // The Manu text reads dhar-matah for yuktitah and the second line as iSTrA ca zaktito yajJairmano mokSe nivezayet. The accompanying verse cited in Book VI, section 5: aputrasya gatirnAsti svargo naiva ca naiva ca / tasmAt putramukhaM dRSTvA pazcAnavati bhikSukaH // 1 Here the Many text reads the second line as pati zaSate yena tena kharge mahIyate.

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18. QUOTATIONS AND REFERENCES 453 is not found in Manu, and seems to be a subhasita. It is cited in Bohtlingk's Indische Spruche from a Vikramacarita and a Subhasitarnava. _The precept cited in Yasastilcka, Book IV (AtmAnaM satataM rakSeddArairapi dhanairapi) is the second line of Manu 7. 213. The verse in question occurs also in Garuda. purana (Purvakhanda 109. 1). The above citations are all anonymous, but a verse quoted in Book IV (p. 100) is definitely attributed to Vaivasvata Manu and found in the Manusmrti (6.66): bhUSito'pi careddharma yatra tatrAzrame rataH / samaH sarveSu bhUteSu na liGgaM dharmakAraNam // It may be noted here that Kulluka reads dusitah for bhusitah, but the latter reading is found in Medhatithi and adopted by Jolly in his edition of Manu, The verse in question is found also in Agnipurana 161, 11, which however reads zuddhabhAvaH for bhUSito'pi. The following verse on the sufferings in hell of those who kill animals is cited in Book IV as a Puranic tradition (iti kathamiyaM paurANikI zrutiH ): __yAvanti pazuromANi pazugAtreSu bhArata / tAvadvarSasahasrANi pacyante pazughAtakAH // A. similar verse occurs in Manu 5.38: yAvanti pazuromANi tAvatkRtvo ha mAraNam / vRthApazughnaH prAmoti pretya janmani janmani // Somadeva cites the following verse in Book VII, section 30. mahokSo vA mahAjo vA zrotriyAya vizasyate / nivedyate tu divyAya saksugandhanidhirvidhiH // There is a similar verse in Yajnavalkya 1. 109 (Anandasrama ed.), but the second line in it is entirely different. mahokSaM vA mahAjaM vA zrotriyAyopakalpayet / satkriyA'nvAsanaM svAdubhojanaM sUnRtaM vacaH / / The following verses are cited anonymously in Book IV. taduktam vimatsaraH kucelAGgaH sarvadvandvavivarjitaH / samaH sarveSu bhUteSu sa patiH prikiirtitH|| ApasnAnaM vratastrAnaM mantrasnAnaM tathaiva ca / ApastrAnaM gRhasthasya vrtmnvaistpsvinH|| na strIbhiH saMgamo yasya yaH pare brahmaNi sthitaH / taM zuciM sarvadA prAhurmArutaM ca hutAzanam // iti. P.110 uktaM ca tilasarSapamAtraM yo mAMsamaznAti mAnavaH / sa zvabhrAna nivarteta yAvaJcandradivAkarau // saMdigdhe'pi paraloke tyAjyamevAzubhaM budhaiH| yadi na syAttataH kiM syAdasti cetrAsiko havaHP. 115 tathA ca smRtiH saptagrAmeSu yat pApamaminA bhasasAskRte / tasya caitadbhavet pApaM madhubinduniSevaNAt // P. 116 The following verses are cited in Book IV as an illustration of alleged contradictory statements found in Smrti texts. The first verse, for example, condemns the acceptance by Brahmanas of food or livelihood from Sudras, whereas the second verse permits Brahmanas to accept even the flesh of animals killed by Candalas, dogs and tigers for use in religious rites.

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454 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE zuddhAzuddhazuzrUSA zUdrapreSaNakAriNaH / zUdradattA ca yA vRttiH paryAptaM narakAya te // tathA mAMsaM zvacANDAlakanyAdAdinipAtitam / brAhmaNena prahItavyaM havyakavyAya karmaNe // P. 118 With regard to the first verse, the Smrtis of Angiras and Apastamba (Chap. 8) contain a statement very similar in tone. In : zara HUTET I TERHAITA: #fxwazanfar crada di As regards the second verse, the Prajapatismrti recommends the acquisition of meat for religious purposes from hunters, who, as a rule, belong to the lower strata of society: AT #TRA autor on: (verse 143). Further, the Brhat-Parasarasamhita 6. 328" holds that the flesh of animals killed by dogs and tigers is pure, and may be used in religious functions. kanyAdaiH sArameyAdhairhataM mRgAdimAharet / etacchAkavAdicchanti pavitraM dvijsttmaaH|| Somadeva refers in Book III to several ancient writers on Smrti. The envoy of Yasodhara is described as surpassing in intellect Pulaba, Puloma, Palakapya and Katyayana.Of these writers Palaha and Pulastya are among the ten teachers of Dharma mentioned in a verse of VrddhaYajnavalkya quoted in Visvarupa's commentary on Yainavalkuasmrti 1. 5. and mentioned also in a similar verse in Vrddha-Haritasmrti 8. 3. Puloma was a writer on politics, and his opinion is cited in Kamandaka's Nitisara 8. 21. Katyayana was a great jurist. The reading Palakapya in the It is not clear why a writer on elephants should be mentioned along with celebrated writers on Dharma. Besides, the four Manuscripts used by me read Palakavya, and even Srutasagara who reads Palakapya says that there may be a reference to two different names, so that we have to suppose the mention of two writers, Pala and Kavya. The latter is no other than Sukra, the great authority on rajaniti, but we know nothing about Pala as a writer on Dharma or state-craft. It may, however, be mentioned that a writer named Palaki is quoted in the anonymous commentary on Nitivakyamsta 22. 2, but the quotation is about the eight weapons of a war elephant, and this Palaki may turn out to be the same as Palakapya. On the other hand, there was an old writer on Dharma named Gopala, who is mentioned in the Brhat-parasarasamhita of Suvrata (1. 14) and the Rajanitiratnakara of Candesvara. EL ELEPHANT-LORE In Book II Somadeva refers to the treatises on elephant-lore composed by Ibhacarin, Yajsavalkya, Vaddhali (v. r. Vahali), Nara, Narada, 1 See Parasaradharmasanhita, Vol. III, Part 1 (Bombay Sanskrit Series'). 2 'nijaprazAtizayAvahelitapulahapulomapulastipAlakApyakAtyAyanamatijAtam' 3 Kane: The History of Dharmasastra, Vol. I, p. 213ff. 4 pAlakApyasya kAvyasya vA iyaM bhinnam /

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18. QUOTATIONS AND REYRRENCES 455 Rajaputra, Gautama and other sages. The committee of experts appointed to examine and select an elephant for Yasodhara's coronation is described as having mastered the treatises of these writers. None of their works is now extant, but it is remarkable that so many texts on elephants were available in the tenth century. Some of the names occur in a long list of sages are represented as attending the court of Romapada, the king of the Angas, in Palakapya's Hastyayurveda (Chap. I), an ancient work of which we have only an imperfect text in the printed edition. These sages are described in Palakapya as conversant with the ways of elephants, and we find mentioned among them Gautama, Rajaputra, Baskali (v. r. Vakvali, Vakpati), Yajniavalkya, Narada and Matanga. The latter name might be our Ibhacarin, as the Matangalila of Nilakantha, which summarizes this portion of Palakapya in the first Patala, calls one of the sages Matangacarin, which is same as Ibhacarin. The nature of Somadeva's reference leaves no doubt that there were actual treatises on elephants attributed to Gautama, Yajoavalkya and Narada, but it is not known whether these authors had anything to do with their namesakes in the field of Smrti literature. As regards Rajaputra, he seems to be the same as the Rajaputra whom we know as a writer on politics from citations in the anonymous commentary on Nitivakyamrta. According to Kane, Rajaputra is cited also in Ballalasena's Adbhutasagara, but Somadeva's reference to him is about two oenturies earlier, and probably the earliest known, if we leave aside the occurrence of the name in Palakapya, Among later writers Mallinatha cites Rajaputra's treatise on elephant-lore in his commentary on Raghuvansa 4. 39. In Book II Somadeva describes the young prince Yasodhara as being proficient in elephant lore like Romapada, to whom we have already referred. In Palakapya's Hastyayurveda (Chap. I) he is stated to be the king of the Angas, and we see him at his court at Campa, attended by a large number of sages, and worried by the problem of catching wild elephants. Then appears the semi-legendary figure of Palakapya, the great authority on the diseases of elephants and their cure; and throughout the rest of the work Romapada is represented as the pupil of the famous teacher. According to the Hastyayurveda, Palakapya was the son of a sage named Samagayana and a female elephant who was no other than a nymph metamorphosed by & staturewe k nit 1 quer 1991 : 1. 67. 2 See verse 5. 3 Op. oit., p. 341. * tvagabhedAcchoNitanAbAnmAMsasa RthanAdapi / AtmAnaM yo na jAnAti tasya gmbhiirveditaa|| iti rAjaputrIye 5 476 TOTES

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456 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE curse. The home of the sage was on the side of the Himalayas on the banks of the Lauhitya or the Brahmaputra, which points to north-eastern Assam where the river is still called Luit. From here Palakapya wandered to Campa in search of a favourite herd of elephants, which had been driven away by Romapada and his troops in the absence of the sage. We are further told that, at the request of Romapada, Palakapya decided to settle at Campa, and the king caused a hermitage to be laid out for the sage in the outskirts of the city. The tradition of Palakapya and Romapada as teacher and pupil is recorded also in Agnipurana, chapters 286 and 387. Nilakantha says in his Matangalila 12. 29 that roman, according to the old teachers, means a lotus, and Romapada was so called because his feet were marked with figures of lotuses. PHILOSOPHICAL CITATIONS Most of the philosophical citations are anonymous, and occur towards the end of Book V and in Book VI, sections 1 and 2. They have been considered in Chap. VIII and IX, and some of them are reproduced below. There are at least two quotations from the Upanisads." TATRA Pensrautcmefarfa i aparati ang pria fazifa fyric: 1" Book V, p. 254. eka eva hi bhUtAtmA dehe dehe vyavasthitaH / ekadhAnekadhA cApi dRzyate jalacandravat // VI. 1 The first is from the Chandogya Upanisad VIII. 12. 1. The second occurs in pus texts, e. g., Brahmabindupanisad, Amrtabindupanisad etc. with slight variations. Samkara in his Bhasya on the S'vetasvataropanisad 1. 8 quotes the verse from Vasistha Yogasastra. The following definition of the fundamental doctrine of the Vedante in Yasastilaka VI. 1, namely, "Te gafaza 4377TTHIEFifthala a ESETL na: Stroft pateforstad" reminds one of Avadhutagita 2. 25: ghaTe minne ghaTAkAza AkAze lIyate ythaa| dehAbhAve tathA yogI svarUpe paramAtmani // Somadeva remarks in Book V (P. 254): * THE samasteSu vastuSvanusyUtamekaM samastAni vastUni yaM na spRzanti / vipadvat sadA zuddhimad yatsvarUpaM sa siddhopalabdhiH sa nisyo'hamAtmA // The verse occurs in the well-known Vedantic text Hastamalaka, commented upon by Samkara, which declares the Self to be identical with intelligence, Printed editions usually read the second line as follows: ...Y HEYETET facit alueetSEAT I The following verses are cited in Book V (p. 252) in illustration of Buddhist doctrines,

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18. QUOTATIONS AND REFERENCES 457 yaH pazyatyAsmAnaM tasyAtmani bhavati zAzvataH nehaH / srahAt sukheSu tRSyati tRSNA doSAMstiraskurute // Atmani sati parasaMjJA svaparavibhAgAt parigrahadveSau / anayoH saMpratibaddhAH sarva doSAH prajAyante // The first verse is quoted also in Haribhadra's Anekantajayap.tuka (p. 33) and the second in Nyayakandali (p. 279). Other Buddhist verses quoted by Somadeva are : sadAha-- yathA nehakSayAhIpaH prazAmyati niranvayaH / tathA klezakSayAjantuH prazAmyati niranvayaH // Book V taduktam vedaprAmANyaM kasyacit kartRvAdaH nAne dharmecchA jAtivAdAvalepaH / saMtApArambhaH klezanAzAya ceti dhvastaprajJAnAM paJca liGgAni jAvye // . The following verses seem to be quoted from Asvaghosa's Saundarananda XVI. 28, 29 wherein the lines appear in a somewhat different order. taduktam-- dizaM na kAMcidvidizaM na kAMcivAvaniM gacchati nAntarikSam / dIpo yathA nivRtimabhyupetaH nehakSayAt kevalameti zAntim / / dizaM na kAMcidvidizaM na kAMci vAvani gacchati nAntarikSam / jIvastathA nirvRtimabhyupetaH klezakSayAt kevalameti zAntim // ' The statement of the doctrines of the Laukayatikas put in the mouth of Yasodhara's mother in Book IV is taken almost verbatim from the Kamasutra I.2.25-30. Somadeva says "na dharmAcaret eNyatphalatvAta sNshyittvaac| ko hyabAlizo hastagataM pAdagataM kuryAt / varamadya kapotaH zvo mayUrAt / varaM sAMzayikAnniSkAdasAMzayikaH kArSApaNaH" iti mahAn khalu loke laukAyatikalokakolAhalaH / (p. 12). It may be pointed out that Vatsyayana reads paragatam for padagatam and simply says iti lokAyatikAH. The following verse cited by Somadeva in VI. i to illustrate the power of Bhavana to represent all things clearly is cited also by Anantavirya in his commentary on Pariksamukhasutra (Pratyaksoddesa). ag - pihite kArAgAre tamasi ca sUcimukhAgranirbhaye / mayi ca nimIlitanayane tathApi kAntAnanaM vyaktam // Patanjali's Yogasutras 1. 24-26 are quoted in VI. 1, 2. 'klezakarmavipAkAzayaraparAmRSTaH puruSavizeSa Izvarastatra niratizayaM sarvajJavIjam' iti pataJjalijAlpatam / tadAha pataJjali:-'sa pUrveSAmApi guruH kAlenAnavacchedAt / ' The following verse is quoted in Book V and VI. 1 where it is attributed to Avadhuta. aizvaryamapratihataM sahajo virAgastRptirnisargajanitA vazitendriyeSu / AtyantikaM sukhamanAvaraNA ca zaktijJAnaM ca sarva viSayaM bhagavaMstavaiva // ityavadhUtAbhidhAna...... The verse is not found in the Avadhutagita. It is quoted and attributed to Avadhuta also in Anantavirya's commentary on Pariksamukhasutra (op. cit.). A very similar verse is quoted from Vayupuruna in Vacaspatimisra's 1 Asvaghosa reads dIpo yathA nirvRtimabhyupeto naivAvani gacchati nAntarikSam / dirza na kAMcididiza na kAMcita snehakSayAt kevala meti zAntim / / etc.; further, he roads evaM kRtI for jIvastathA. 58

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458 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE 4 . commentary on the Vyasabhasya on Yogasutras 1. 25. It is cited also in Udayana's Nyayakusumanjali (Chap. 5), and occurs in Isvaragita ( Kurmapurana, Uparibhaga, 8. 12).. sarvajJatA tRptiranAdibodhaH svatantratA nityamaluptazaktiH / anantazaktizca vibhorvidhijJAH SaDAharaGgAni mahezvarasya // The verse occurs also in Sivapurana ( Vidyesvarasamhita) 16. 13 which reads the last two lines thus : ___ anantazaktizca mahezvarasya yanmAnasaizvaryamavati vedH|| Avadhuta seems to have been a Saiva philosopher. The following verse is attributed to him in Srikumara's commentary on Bhoja's Tattvaprakasa 1. 15. zaktidvayaM ca bhagavatAvadhUtapAdenoktam badhnAti kAcidapi zaktiraluptazakteH kSetrajJamapratihatA tava pAzajAlaiH / jJAnAsinA ca vinikRtya guNAnazeSAnanyA karotyabhimukhaM puruSaM vimuktau // Somadeva quotes a number of verses from little known Saiva texts in Book V (pp. 251,255). tadAha prapaJcarahitaM zAstraM prapaJcarahito guruH / prapaJcarahitaM jJAnaM prapaJcarahitaH zivaH // tadAhazivaM zaktivinAzena ye vAJchanti narAdhamAH / te bhUmirahitAdvIjAt santu nUnaM phalottamAH // agnivat sarvabhakSo'pi bhavabhaktiparAyaNaH / bhuktiM jIvanavApnoti muktiM tu labhate mRtaH // adRSTavigrahAcchAntAcchivAt paramakAraNAt / nAdarUpaM samutpannaM zAstraM paramadurlabham // Quoted also in VI.2 bhogyAmAhuH prakRtimRSayazcetanAzaktizUnyAM bhoktA nainAM pariNamayituM bandhavartI smrthH|| bhogye'pyasmin bhavati mithune puSkalastatra heturnIlagrIva tvamasi bhuvanasthApanAsUtradhAraH // The following controversial verse directed against the central Saivism is cited twice in Book V and in VI. 2. taduktam vaktA naiva sadAzivo vikaraNastasmAt paro rAgavAn dvaividhyAdaparaM tRtIyamiti cettatkasya hetorabhUt / zattayA cet parakIyayA kathamasau tadvAnasaMbandhataH saMbandho'pi na jAghaTIti bhavatAM zAstraM nirAlambanam // The following verse quoted by Somadeva in Book V is cited from Laksmidhara's Krtyakalpataru ( Rajadharmakanda) XIV. 160. tadAha vidhividhAtA niyatiH svabhAvaH kAlo grhshceshvrdevkrm| puNyAni bhAgyAni tathA kRtAntaH paryAyanAmAni purAkRtasya // A reference to Kumarila occurs in Book V. kathamidamudAhAri kumArilena vizuddhajJAnadehAya trivedIdivyacakSuSe / zreyaHprAptinimittAya namaH somArdhadhAriNe // It is the initial verse of Kumarila's S'lokavartika. The following verses are quoted from Jaina texts in Book VI, section 21. uktaM ca AsanabhavyatAkarmahAnisaMjhiravazuddhapariNAmAH / samyaktvaheturantabAyo'pyupadezakAdizca // uktaMca bhabuddhipUrvApekSAyAmiSTAniSTaM svadaivataH / buddhi pUrvavyapekSAyAmiSTAniSTaM svapauruSAt // dazavidhaM tadAha bhAhAmArgasamudbhavamupadezAt sUtrabIjasaMkSepAt / vistArArthAbhyAM bhavamavaparamAvAdigAuM ca //

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18. QUOTATIONS AND REFERENCES The second verse occurs in Samantabhadra's Aptamimamsa. The third verse is from Gunabhadra's Atmanusasana, and explained by Somadeva in detail. Another verse from Gunabhadra's Atmanusasana is cited in Book VII, section 26. ag pariNAmameva kAraNamAhuH khalu puNyapApayoH kuzalAH / tasmAt puNyopacayaH pApApacayazca suvidheyaH // Gunabhadra wrote towards the end of the ninth century, and it is remark able that he counted as an authoritative writer by the middle of the tenth century. A reference to the great Jaina logician and philosophical writer Akalamka occurs in Book II.1 He flourished about the eighth century A. D.3 and wrote Tattvartharajavartikalamkara, Nyayaviniscaya and other works. MEDICAL AUTHORITIES 459 In Yasastilaka 3. 328 Somadeva refers to the opinions of several ancient medical writers about the right time for taking the principal meal of the day. They are Carayana, Nimi, Dhisana and Caraka. cArAyaNo nizi nimiH punarastakAle madhye dinasya dhiSaNazvarakaH prabhAte / kiM jagAda nRpate mama caiSa sargasvatyAH sa eva samayaH kSudhito yadaiva // A casual reference to Caraka occurs also in Book VI, section 10: A TEANGSUIJEREMIER. Nimi is a very ancient authority, being quoted in Carakasamhita (Sutrasthana, Chap. 26). He is described as the king of Videha: ' rasA iti nimirvaidehaH, madhurAmlalavaNakaTutiktakaSAyakSArAH / Nimi is quoted also in Astangahrdaya of Vagbhata II, Ksirasvamin's commentary on the Amarakosa 2.5 28, Dalhana's commentary on Susrutasamhita* and other works. Carayana can hardly be called a medical writer. In Vatsyayana's Kamasutra 1. 1. 12 Carayana is said to have treated the general section of the Kamasutra of Babhravya Pancala in a separate treatise. It is noteworthy that the opinion of Carayana referred to by Somadeva is actually found in Vatsyayana's Kamasutra 1. 4. 20. As explained in the Jayamangala commentary, Carayana recommends eating in the forenoon and the evening and not in the forenoon and the afternoon, as advised by Vatsyayana. A number of verses from Carayana is quoted in the anonymous commentary on Somadeva's Nitivakyamrta, but as they are on Niti, it is difficult to say whether the two Carayanas are identical. 1 ' akalaGkadeva iva pramANazAstreSu' 2 Hiralal: Catalogue of Sanskrit and Prakrit Manuscripts in C. P. and Berar, p. XXVIII. 3 See list of authors cited in N. S. Edition. 4 See list of authors cited in N. 8. edition.

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460 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE In Book II the young prince Yasodhara is declared to be wellversed in the art of healing, like Kasiraja. Kasiraja is explained by the commentator as Dhanvantari. According to a tradition preserved in the Harivansa (Parva I, Chap. 23), in the dynasty of Kasa king Dhanva had & son named Dhanvantari, said to be an incarnation of the divine physician of that name on account of his knowledge of medical lore. In the same line of kings Divodasa came two generations after Dhanvantari, and it is remarkable that at the beginning of the Susruta-sanihita Susruta and other sages are described as being instructed in medical lore by Divodasa Dhanvantari, the king of Benares: atha khalu bhagavantamamaravaramRSigaNaparivRtamAzramasthaM kAzirAja Patay n a...quarta 57: Dhanvantari' is here explained by Dalhana as an expert in surgery,'' and it is clear that Divo:lasa, like his ancestor, was an expert in the art of healing and had the epithet Dhanvantari attached to his name. Divodasa is described in the Harivamsa (op. cit., verse 29) as the king of Benares, and in the Mahabharata (Anusasanaparva 30. 16 Cal. ed.) he is said to have founded the city. It appears that an ancient line of kings ruled in the country round about Benares, and both Dhanvantari and Divodasa belonging to this dynasty were famous as medical authorities and known as Kasiraja. The Harivamsa (op. cit., verses 26-7) tells us that Kasiraja Dhanvantari learnt the Ayurveda from Bharadvaja, and dividing it into eight sections taught them to his disciples. tasya gehe samutpanno devo dhanvantaristadA / kAzirAjo mahArAja sarvarogapraNAzanaH // AyurvedaM bharadvAjAt prApyeha bhiSajAM kriyAm / tamaSTadhA punarvyasya ziSyebhyaH pratyapAdayat // Dhanvantari is cited as an authority in the Carakasanhita (S'arirasthiina 6. 21 ), Astangahrdayas and other works. For a fuller discussion of the problem of Dhanvantari the reader may refer to the learned Sanskrit Introduction to the Nirnayasagar edition of the Susrutasamhita. ari and Divodasa bel the country round it. It appears that WRITERS AND TREATISES UN PAINTING, SCULPTURE, GEMS ETC. A work on painting called Citrakarma ascribed to Prajapati is quoted in Book IV. yatafaatti a la form zramaNaM tailaliptAGgaM navamirmitibhiryutam / yo likhet sa likhet sarvA pRthvImapi sasAgarAm // A work on sculpture called Adityamata is quoted in the same Book. fcand 7 bhavabIjAGkuramathanA aSTamahAprAtihAryavibhavasametAH / te devA dazatAlAH zeSA devA bhavanti navatAlAH // A work on gems called Ratnapariksa is quoted in Book V. 1 FENTIT 9 oreletaenda 2 'dhanuH zasyazAstraM tasya antaM pAram zyati gacchatIti dhanvantariH tam / ' 3 See list of authors cited in N. S. edition.

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18. QUOTATIONS AND RRFERENCES 461 taduktaM ratnaparIkSAyAm na kevalaM tacchubhakRpasya mamye prajAnAmapi tadvibhUtyai / yadyojanAnAM parataH zatAddhi sarvAnanarthAn vimukhIkaroti // The work cited by Somadeva is Buddhabhatta's Ratnapariksa, and the verso is found in the text edited by Finot in Les Lapidaires Indiens (Paris, 1896). The work is incorporated in Garudapurana (Purvakhanda, chapters 68-80) without acknowledgement. The verse cited by Somadeva is also found among the verses quoted from Garudapurana in Bhoja's Yuktikalpataru in the section on gems. It may be noted that Garudapurina as well as the other two texts (with slight variations) read bhAgyaiH prajAnAmapi tasya janma for manye prajAnAmapi tadvibhUtyai recorded by Somadeva. In Book II the young Yasodhara is described as an expert in the examination of gems, like Sukanasa, who seems to be an ancient authority on gems. Reference to writers on elephants has been made in & preceding section. In Book II Yasodhara is compared to Raivata in the mastery of the science of horses. That there were works on the subject in the tenth century is shown by the reference to the acaryaparisad committee of experts' appointed to select a horse on the occasion of Yasodhara's coronation nd the use of technical terms. But Raivata is explained in the commentary as the son of the Sun, and appears to be a inythological figure. He is the same as the god Revanta mentioned in Brhatsamhita 58. 56, according to which his image should be represented as riding a horse, surrounded by a hunting party. A quotation from Brhatsamhita, Chap. 60, occurs in Book IV. PUTEmiharavyAhRte pratiSThAkANDe ca viSNorbhAgavatA mayAzca saviturviprA vidubrAhmagAM mAtRgAmiti mAtRmaNDalavidaH zaMbhoH sabhasmA dvijAH / zAkyAH sarvahitAya zAntamanaso nagnA jinAnAM vidurye yaM devamupAzritAH svavidhinA te tasya kuthuH kriyAm // A verse from Nimittadhyaya occurs in the same Book. FETT - / padminI rAjahaMsAzca nirgranthAzca tapodhanAH / yaM dezamupasarpanti subhikSaM tatra nirdizet // A verse from Svapnudhyaya is quoted in Book VI, section 1: 7 ari errents ser: khanAdhyAye'tIva suprasiddhatvAt / tathA hi yastu pazyati rAjyante rAjAnaM kuJjaraM hayam / suvarNa vRSabhaM gAM ca kuTumbaM tasya vardhate // There is a Svapnadhyaya in thirtyfive verses in Matsyapurana ( Chap. 242), but it does not contain the above verse which, however, occurs in the Svapnadhyaya included in Agnipurana (Chap. 229). Two interesting references to Svapnudhyaya or the science of dreams occur in Lalitavistara. In ta ' 1 2 ' I an art

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Chap. 12 it is mentioned among the branches of study in which the Bodhisattva distinguished himself. In chap. 6 we find mentioned a class of people whose vocation seems to have been the interpretation of dreams, being styled as svapnAdhyAyI pAThaka. 462 A reference to the science of arms occurs in Book III, the Dhanurveda being described as occupying the highest place among treatises on the ayudhasiddhanta. It is, however, doubtful whether the verse 3. 465 is a citation from the Dhanurveda. Somadeva says yAvanti bhuvi zastrANi teSAM zreSThataraM dhanuH / dhanuSAM gocare tAni na teSAM gocaro dhanuH // ityAyudhasiddhAntamadhyAsAditasiMhanAdAddhanurvedAdupazrutya ....... A Pancatantra is mentioned in Book VII, section 31, but it is doubtful whether it has anything to do with the wellknown book of tales: 'paJcatantrAdizAstravistRtavacana ugraseno nAma scivH|' It is noteworthy that a marginal note in Ms. A explains pancatantra as tarkavyakaranadi. In the same section of Book VII the following verse is attributed to -- those who are well versed in the Puranas'. vadanti purANavidaH - vidhurguroH kalatreNa gotamasyAmarezvaraH / saMvanozcApi duvarmA samasta purA kila // 1 Casual references to the Tripitaka and the treatise of Bharata occur in the description of the Jaina temple in Book V. 'piTakatraya paddhatiriva yogAcAragocarA', 'bharatapadavIva vidhilayanATyADambarA'. Dattaka, an ancient authority on erotic lore, is mentioned in Book II. ' In Vatsyayana's Kamasutra 1. 1. 11 Dattaka is said to have treated the section on courtesans of the Kamasutra of Babhravya Pancala in a separate treatise, being employed for the purpose by the courtesans of Pataliputra. It may also be mentioned that a Kamasutra is mentioned at least twice by Somadeva, but without any reference to Vatsyayana or any other author. ' kSamazciraparicitakAmasUtrAyAH kAkilAdikaraNodAharaNAnAm' Book I, 'zRGgAravRttibhirudAhRtakAmasUtram ' 1. 73. A number of popular or moral verses is quoted by Somadeva without mentioning the source ( Book VII, sections 27, 28, 29; Books IV & VII ; Book VI, sections 5, 6, 10, 13, 15, 16, 17 and 19 ) : pAdamAyAnniviM kuryAt pAdaM vittAya kalpayet / dharmopabhogayoH pAdaM pAdaM bhartavyapoSaNe // iti puNyazlokaH bhavati cAtra zlokaH -- ahapairapi samayaiH syAt sahAyavijayI nRpaH / kAryAyAnto hi kuntasya daNDassvasya paricchadaH // bhavati cAtra zlokaH--bhasthAne baddhakakSANAM narANAM sulabhaM dvayam / paratra durgati dIrghA duSkIrtizcAtra zAzvatI // na vratamasthigrahaNaM zAkapayomUlabhaikSacaryAM vA / vratametadunatadhiyAmaGgIkRtavastunirvahaNam // bhavati cAtra zlokaH--atastasvavihInasya vRthA vratasamudyamaH / puMsaH svabhAvabhIroH syAnna zauryAyAyudhagrahaH // 1 'dattaka va kantusiddhAnteSu' 2 Cf. catuvA vibhaje bhoge, save mittAni ganthati, ekena bhoge bhuJjeyya, dvIhi kammaM payojaye, tutthaJca nidhApeyya, ApadAsu bhavissatIti / Digha Nikaya XXXI. 26.

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18. QUOTATIONS AND REFERENCES 463 bhavati cAtra kaH-urarIkRtanirvAhasAhasocitacetasAm / ubhau kAmadudhau loko kIrtizvAlpaM jagattrayam // bhavati cAtra zlokaH-jale tailamivaiticaM vRthA tatra bhitiH| rasavat sthAna yatrAntarbodho vedhAya dhaatussu|| bhavati cAtra zlokaH-vizuddhamanasAM puMsA paricchedaparAtmanAm / kiM kurvanti kRtA vighnAH sadAcArakhihaH khlH|| bhavati cAtra zlokaH-antaHsArazarIreSu hitAyaivAhitehitam / kiM na syAdagnisaMyogaH svarNasvAya tadazmani // bhavati cAtrAryA-tRNakarUpaH zrIkalpaH kAntAlokazcitocitAlokaH / puNyajanazca svajanaH kAma vidure nare bhavati // bhavati cAtrAryA-puNyaM vA pApaM vA yaskAle jantunA purAcaritam / tatsamaye tasva hi sukhaM ca duHkhaM ca yojayati // bhaktazcAtra zloko-sabasaMgha samAveva yadi cittaM malImasam / yAtyakSAnteH kSayaM pUrvaH paravAzubhaceSTitAt // svameva hantumIheta durjanaH sajjanaM dviSan / yo'dhitiSThettulAmekaH kimasau na bajedadhaH // All the verses cited above occur in the two Books of Yasastilaka containing the moral and religious stories. Besides, at the end of each story is quoted a verse containing a summing up of the story in question, and these verses seem to belong to Jaina Kathanaka literature, and are probably quoted from earlier texts. One such verse (Book VII, section 24) kSudramatsyaH kilaikastu svayaMbhUramaNodadhau / mahAmatsyasya karNasthaH smRtidoSAdadhogataH // is, for example, found in Jatasimhanandi's Vardigacarita 5. 103. Specimens of summary verses of this type are quoted below (from Books VI & VII): bhavati cAtra zlokaH-kAdambatAyagosiMhapIThAdhipatiSu svayam / AgateSvapyabhUSA revatI mUDhatAvatI // bhavati cAtra zlokaH-sudatIsaMgamAsaktaM puSpandataM tapasvinam / vAriSeNaH kRtatrANaH sthApayAmAsa saMyame // bhavati cAtra zlokaH-caNDo'vantiSu mAtaH pizitasya nivRttitaH / atyalpakAlabhAvinyAH prapede yakSamukhyatAm // bhavati cAtra zlokaH sarvArthaH paJcakRravaH kilaikasya matsyasyAhiMsanAt purA / abhUt paJcApado'tItya dhamakIrtiH patiH zriyaH /

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APPENDIX I SOMADEVA AND THE PRATIHARA COURT OF KANAUJ A statement in the anonymous commentary on Somadeva's Nitivakyamrta appears to show that the work was written at the instance of a king of Kanauj named Mahendradeva or Mahendrapaladeva. The commentator, whose date is unknown, mentions, however, a Jaina monk named Municandra as the author of Nitivakyamrta, and describes Somadeva as his guru.1 This is, of course, contrary to all that we know about Somadeva who gives a lot of information about himself in the colophons to his Yasastilaka and Nitivakyamrta. It has recently been suggested by some scholars' that Somadeva may have passed some time at Kanauj: and, during his sojourn there, he was encouraged to compose his Nitivakyamrta by Mahendrapala I (circa 893-907 A. D.), or more probably, by Mahendrapala II who is known to have reigned about the middle of the tenth century A. D. The Partabgarh Inscription of the time of Mahendrapala II of Kanauj is, for instance, dated Samvat 1003946 A. D. Ep. Ind. Vol. XIV, pp. 176-188). But the supposed connection of Somadeva with the Pratihara court of Kanauj can hardly be accepted as a historical fact; as, unlike his association with the Deccan, it is mentioned neither in the colophons to his works nor in the Parbhani inscription. It has been suggested that the following acrostic verse found at the end of the first Book of Yasastilaka contains a veiled reference to Mahendrapala. so'yamAzArpitayazA mahendrAmaramAnyadhIH / deyAtte saMtatAnandaM vastvabhISTaM jinAdhipaH // The first letter of each foot of the verse gives, when combined, he name Somadeva, as pointed out in Srutasagara's commentary; but it is extremely doubtful if there is any word-play in the expression mahendramarananya-dhih leading to the surmise that Mahendramara stands for Mahendraleva or Mahendrapala. Apart from the fact that the commentator is not ware of any such word-play, Mahendramara might very well refer to MahenIradeva, the elder brother of Somadeva, mentioned in the colophon to his Vitivakyamrta. As pointed out elsewhere, Yasodeva, the spiritual ancestor of Somaleva, belonged to the Devasamgha, according to the latter's own statement in Yasastilaka; but, according to the Parbhani inscription, Yasodeva belonged to he Gaudasamgha. It is possible that the Gaudasamgha was connected with he Gauda country, and Yasodeva may have lived there. It is also possible hat the Gaudasamgha, after its migration from Bengal, came to be known as 1 'tathA svaguroH somadevasya ca praNAmapUrvakaM zAstrasya tatkartRtvaM khyApayituM ......municandrAbhidhAnaH kSapaNakavratadharttA nItivAkyAmRtakarttA ' 2 See Raghavan in New Indian Antiquary, Vol. VI, p. 67 and Pt. Premi in Jaina Siddhanta Bhaskara, vol. XI, p. 90.

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APPENDIX I 465 Devasamgha, the name used by Somadeva. The latter was, however, the disciple not of Yasodeva, but of Nemideva; and except for one solitary reference, he alone is mentioned in all the colophons occurring in Yasastilaka and Nitivakyamrta. In the present state of our knowledge, there is no reason to suppose that Somadeva or his teacher Nemideva ever migrated from the Ganda country to Kanauj and thence to the Deccan. The term Gauda in Gaudasamgha is not without some ambiguity. In south Kanara there is a class of people called Gaudas who are farmers and labourers and speak the Tulu or the Kannada language. They are generally Hindus, but some are Jainas. They have a regular system of village govern. ment: in every village, for instance, there are two head-men, the Grama Gauda and the Vattu or Gottu Gauda. It will not be surprising if the Gaudasamgha has something to do with the Gaudas. In the latter sense the word is derived from gavunda (farmer changing into gaunda or gauda; and it also means the village headman. The Mysore inscriptions throw further light on the Gaudas. Some of the petty rulers of Mysore belonged to the Gauda caste or community. The Avati-nad Prabhus were Gaudas or farmers of the Morasu-wokkal tribe, who came from the east in the fifteenth century and settled in the Avati village'; and their immediate descendants became founders of the modern States in eastern Mysore which were subordinate to Vijayanagar. The leader of the Avati Prabhus was named Baire-Gauda, and the inscriptions of the family date from 1428 to 1792.' The Yelahanka-nad Prabhu is mentioned even in 1367, but the inscriptions of this Avati branch run from 1599 to 1713. They generally had the name Kempe-Gauda, after the most celebrated of the line. He founded Bangalore in 1537.' The Sugatur-nad Prabhus had the name Tamme-Gauda, and their territory included a great part of the Kolar District. Other references to the Gaudas are also found in the Mysore inscriptions. In 1417, when & Gauda, who had gone to visit the local governor, fell down dead in his presence, a sort of inquest was held on the body and it was sent back to his home. This was under Vijayanagar rule. Under Mughal rule we find in 1720 a regular magisterial process in the case of a Gauda whose village had been taken possession of by some one else during his absence abroad. It is also noteworthy that an inscription of 1027 A. D. refers to an agrahara named Gauda with its 32,000 Brahmana residents, believed to be an exaggeration. All this shows that the name Gauda was quite familiar in the Kanarese country both in the territorial and vocational sense as indicated above; and it is therefore difficult to rule out the possibility of the Gaudasamgha being originally connected with a village settlement of the Gaudas. We cannot, of course, be certain on the point, but the fact that Somadeva lived and worked in the Deccan inclines us to look for the home of his Samgha in 1 Sturrock : South Canara quoted in Sharma: Jainism and Karnataka Culture, p. 158. See also Mahalingain: Administration and Social Life under Vijayanagar, pp. 80, 236. 2 Rice: Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions. pp. 165, 176, 177. 3 Saletore: Ancient Karnataka, Vol. I, 332. 59

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466 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Karnataka rather than in Bengal. It is true that we hear of Jaina Samghas in Bengal even at a later date, though the term Samgha has a slightly different sense here. The Jaina writer Balacandra Suri, for example, tells us, in his Vasantavilasa-mahakarya (10. 25), that Samghapatis from Lata, Gauda, Vanga and other places came to join Vastupala, the famous minister of Gujarat, in his grandiose pilgrimage to Satrunjaya and Girnar in 1220 A. D. But, so far as Somadeva is concerned, his supposed migration from Bengal does not appear to be supported by any reliable evidence so far discovered. APPENDIX II THE VERSES ON THE COURTEZAN'S CORPSE AND A BUDDHIST LEGEND The Buddhist antecedents of Sudatta's reflections on the corpse of a courtezan lying in the charnel-field ( Yasastilaka 1. 95ff.) have been discussed in Chapter VI. That there was an underlying story going back to ancient times seems certain; and the framework of the original narrative can be seen in the story of Sirima, as related in the Dhammapada commentary composed about the middle of the fifth century A. D. The story occurs in Book XI in connection with Dhammapada 147, and is here summarized from Burlingame: Buddhist Legends, Part 2, p. 330 (Harvard Oriental Series, Vol. 29). Certain verses of Somadeva on the dead courtezan recall the concluding words of the Teacher in the Buddhist legend. Sirima was a beautiful courtezan of Rajagaha, who used to give food to eight monks regularly in her house. A certain monk, hearing of her beauty, went to receive food in her house. She was ill at the time, but the monk was so enamoured of her that he became indifferent to all about him, and was unable to take any food. "On that very day in the evening Sirima died. Thereupon the king sent word to the Teacher, Reverend Sir, Jivaka's youngest sister Sirima is dead.' When the Teacher received that message, he sent back the following message to the king, Sirima's body should not be burned. Have her body laid in the burning-ground, and set a watch, that crows and dogs may not devour it.' The king did so. Three days passed, one after another. On the fourth day the body began to bloat, and from the nine openings of her body, which were like to sores, there oozed forth maggots." The king then issued a proclamation ordering all to approach to behold Sirima. He sent a message to the Teacher, asking that the Congre gation of Monks presided over by the Buddha might approach to behold Sirima. "Now that young monk had lain for four days without touching food, paying no attention to anything anyone said to him; the rice in his bowl had rotted, and his bowl was covered with mildew. The rest of the monks who were his fellows approached him and said to him, Brother, the Teacher is 1 Introduction to Pasantavilasa Mahakavya (G. O. 8.), p. xii.

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467 going forth to behold Sirima.' When the young monk, lying thus, heard the name Sirima, he leaped quickly to his feet. Someone said to him, 'The Teacher is going forth to behold Sirima; will you also go?' 'Indeed I will go', he replied. And tossing the rice out of his bowl, he washed it and put it in his net and then set out with the company of monks. APPENDIX II The Teacher surrounded by the Congregation of Monks stood on one side of the corpse; the Congregation of Nuns and the king's retinue and the company of lay disciples, both male and female, stood on the other side of the corpse, each company in its proper place. The Teacher then asked the king, "Great king, who is this woman?" Reverend Sir, it is Jivaka's sister Sirima.' 'Is this Sirima?' 'Yes, Reverend Sir.' "Well! send a drum through the town and make proclamation, Those who will pay a thousand pieces of money for Sirima may have her." Not a man said 'hem' or 'hum'. The king informed the Teacher, They will not take her, Reverend Sir.' 'Well then, great king, put the price down.' So the king had a drum beaten and the following procla mation made, 'If they will give five hundred pieces of money, they may have her.' But nobody would take her at that price. The king then proclaimed to the beating of a drum that anyone might have her who would give two hundred and fifty pieces of money, or two hundred, or hundred, or fifty, or twentyfive, or ten, or five. Finally he reduced the price to a penny, then to a halfpenny, then to a quarter of a penny, then to an eighth of a penny. At last he proclaimed to the beating of a drum, 'They may have her for nothing. Not a man said 'hem' or 'hum'. Then said the king to the Teacher, 'Reverend Sir, no one will take her, even as a gift.' The Teacher replied, 'Monks, you see the value of a woman in the eyes of the multitude. In this very city men used to pay a thousand pieces of money for the privilege of spending one night with this woman. Now there is no one who will take her as a gift. Such was her beauty who now has perished and gone. Behold, monks, this body diseased and corrupt.' So saying he pronounced the following stanza: 147. See this painted image, this mass of sores, huddled together, Corrupt, once possessed of many thoughts, but now possessing neither strength nor stability." APPENDIX III SAIVA TEMPLES AND THEIR GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION GUJARAT The power and influence of Saivism is reflected in the numerous old temples dedicated to Siva, which exist in various parts of India, and in many cases, go back far beyond the limits of the tenth century A. D. We may commence our survey with the celebrated temple of Somanatha on the seashore, in south-western Kathiawar, at Somanathapattana, close to the modern port of Veraval. Somanatha was no doubt earlier than the tenth century, and

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468 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE may have been as early as the Maitrakas of Valabhi ( the modern Vala, near Bhavnagar), who held sway over Gujarat and Kathiawar during the sixth, seventh and eighth centuries of the Christian era, and call themselves parama-mahesvara or devout worshippers of Siva in their inscriptions. The great Saiva temple was built upon fifty-six pillars of teak wood covered with lead, and the glory of its wealth and splendour lives in the pages of Muslim historians. It was sacked and desecrated by Mahmud of Ghazni in 1026 A. D., and subsequently destroyed by a lieutenant of Mahmud; but soon after, it was rebuilt of stone by Bhimadeva I, the Solanki king of Gujarat (1022-64 A. D.). It was again restored and rebuilt by Kumarapala in the third quarter of the twelfth century, evidently in consequence of its being again attacked, or of having fallen into ruin. The present ruin represents the rebuilding by Kumarapala. Saivism was paramount in Gujarat during the rule of the Solanki kings who were great builders of temples dedicated to Siva. Their capital was at Anahillapura (Anahilavada or Patan), and other important places during their reign were Siddhapur and Vadnagar, now included in Baroda State, to the north of Ahmedabad. The first king Mularaja (942-96 A. D.) was a fervent devotee of Siva in the form of Somanatha or Somesvara; and the temple of Mulesvara and the Tripurusaprasada appear to have been built by him in honour of Somanatha, Siddharaja (1094-1143), whose name is still familiar everywhere in Gujarat, built the great Sahasralinga tank which derived its name from the numerous linga shrines on its banks. In the centre of the tank was an island on which stood the temple of Rudresvara." 1 Exceptions are Dhruvasena I (526 A. p.) who is called parama-bhagavata, and his brother and successor Dharapatta who is styled paramaditya-bhakta or a great devotee of the Sun. Guhasena, who was a worshipper of Siva (558-564), calls himself paramopasaka or a great devotee of Buddha in his grant of 566 A. D. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, pt. 1, p. 83; Poussin: Dynasties et Histoire de L'Inde, pp. 133--139. 2 See Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, pt. I, p. 165. The ancient temple is stated to have been thirteen storeys high, with its top surmounted by fourteen cupolas of gold which glittered in the sun and were visible from a long distance. The original edifice was built of brick and its floor was made of planks of teak wood with the interstices filled with lead. See Commissariat: History of Gujarat, Vol. I, Ix, and Nazim : The Life and Times of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna, p. 212. Cousens: Architectural Antiquities of Western India, p. 40. Kumarapala's temple suffered in every subsequent Muhammadan invasion of the place, though it was repaired and restored from time to time. In 1395 it was destroyed by Muzaffar Khan, and again by Ahmad 1, after his war with the Rav of Junagadh in 1414. Commissariat (op. cit.), p. lxxiv. 4 'tathA nityaM nityaM...zrIsomezvarapattane yAtrAyAM zivabhaktitayA vastadbhaktiparituSTaH somanAtha upadezadAnapUrva mnnddliingrmaagtH| tena rAzA tatra mUlezvara iti prAsAdaH kaaritH| tatra namazcikI harSeNa pratidinamAgacchatastasya nRpatestadbhaktiparituSTaH zrIsomezvaraH ahaM sasAgara eva bhavannagare sameSyAmItyabhidhAya zrImadaNahillapure'vatAramakarot / ' See Prabandhacintamani, p. 17 (Singhi ed.). 5 Hardly a vestige now remains of the Sahasralinga tank, the theme of so much legend and song. Its site is still pointed out to the north-west of modern Patan.' Commissariat (op. cit), p. lxvi.

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APPENDIX III Siddharaja restored and rebuilt also the great temple of Rudramahalaya, which had been founded by Mularaja at Siddhapur on the north bank of the Sarasvati, seventeen miles to the east of Patan. In or around the court were eleven other shrines in honour of the Rudras. This magnificent temple was destroyed by the Muslim conquerors of Gujarat; but the stupendous fragments that still exist give an adequate idea of the grandiose design of the original structure.' 469 Vadnagar (the ancient Anandapura), situated 19 miles southeast from Siddhapur, was a great religious centre in Gujarat, and noted as the home of the Nagara Brahmanas who worshipped Siva. An inscription engraved on a stone slab records the building of the walls of the town by Kumarapala, the equally famous successor of Siddharaja, in Samvat 1208 or 1151 A. D. The town had at one time an unusually large number of temples, but the number 3000 mentioned by Abul Fazl at the end of the sixteenth century is no doubt an exaggeration. The chief temple, that of Hatakesvara Mahadeva, is a lofty structure to the west of the town. It is sad to think that few temples in Gujarat have survived intact; and the only remains now of the Solankis and the Vaghelas are but fragments. Fortunately, the great temples of the Deccan, Bundelkhand, Orissa and South India are still in existence; and we shall in the course of our study enumerate the more important examples as far as they illustrate the progress and influence of the Saiva faith in those regions. From Gujarat we may turn to Mount Abu which was a flourishing centre of Saivism at an early age. The Prabhasakhanda of the Skandapurana has a section on Arbuda or mount Abu, which gives an account of its sacred sites and the legends associated with them. In medieval times the Abu region was ruled by a branch of the Paramara dynasty of Malava from the end of the tenth century to the end of the thirteenth under the suzerainty of the Caulukyas of Gujarat. It may be noted that Bhima I of Gujarat (1022-64 A. D.) brought for a time the Abu territory under his direct control in the second quarter of the eleventh century; and the Jaina Vimala Saha was deputed as the governor of Abu, who built the famous marble temple of Adinatha in 1031 A. D. Among the lingas worshipped at Abu, Acalesvara was the most famous. An inscription of Yasodhavala, one of the Paramara kings of Abu, dated 1150 A. D., was found in the temple of Acalesvara. Early in the thirteenth century we hear of the prince Prahladana, the founder of Palanpur, melting down a Jaina brass image for making a metal bull for Acalesvara Mahadeva.R 1 Commissariat, p. lxvii. 2 Ibid. lxxii. It may be noted that, while the main temples in Gujarat were dedicated to Siva, there were ancient temples devoted to the cult of Krsna or Visnu at Dvaraka and the adjoining island of Bet or Sankhoddhara, They were destroyed by Mahmud Shah I in his expedition of 1473. The existing temples are later structures. Ibid. p. 174. 3 Ganguly: History of the Paramara Dynasty, pp. 304, 319.

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470 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE The sacred sites of Mount Abu mentioned in the Arbudakhanda of the Skandapurana include Kanakhala (chap. 26 ) and Candikasrama (chap. 36), or the hermitage of Candika, which appears to have been a shrine of the goddess with an attached monastery. Both Kanakhala and Candikasrama are mentioned in the Abu inscription of the Saiva ascetic Kedararasi, which gives a detailed account of his building activities at Kanakhala. The inscription was incised in 1208 A. D. during the reign of Dharavarsa at Abu under the suzerainty of Bhima II of Gujarat. The record opens with verses in praise of Siva and Ujjain, and enumerates the succession of teachers of the Capala or Capaliya sect which seems to have been an order of Saiva monks in Malava. Altogether eight teachers are mentioned; and the first teacher Tapasa, a great devotee of Candisa or Siva, came from the New Monastery (Nutanamatha) at Ujjain, and became the head of the Candikasrama which was, as we have seen, located at Mount Abu, Kedararasi, the last teacher to be mentioned must have lived in the last quarter of the twelfth century; and to judge from the succession of teachers and disciples, Tapasa may have become the head of the Candikasrama about the middle of the eleventh century. As regards Kedararasi, he carried out an extensive building programme, according to his inscription. He renovated the entire site of Kanakhala with stoneslabs (uttana-patta), and provided it with an enclosure with lofty walls. He repaired also the temple of Atulanatha, built two new massive temples of Siva in front of the shrine of Kanakhalanatha, and erected a row of pillars of black stone, in the mandapa of the temple of Kanakhalasambhu. His sister Moksesvari also built a beautiful temple of Siva at the place." The capital of the Paramara Chiefs of Abu until about the beginning of the 14th century was at Candravati, now a small village at the junction of the Sivalan with the Banas river near the south end of Mount Abu and in the Sirohi State. Here the numerous temples were constructed of white marble, a rare phenomenon in the history of Hindu architecture; and many of them must have been dedicated to Siva, as Saivism was the prevailing religion in this area. The evidence of sculptures, scanty though it is, points to the same conclusion. In one of the marble edifices, for instance, the principal figures were a three-headed statue with a female seated on his knee, sitting on a car, with a large goose in front (i. e. Brahma); Siva with twenty arms; Bhairava with twenty arms, one holding a human head by the hair, a victim lying beneath, and a female on each side; one drinking the blood falling from the head. Unfortunately Candravati is in ruins, and no idea can be formed of the cults practised in its beautiful temples. 1 An Abu inscription of the reign of Bhimadeva II, Indian Antiquary, Vol. XI, p. 220. 2 Candrayati is one of the tragedies of Indian archaeology. Twenty marble edifices of different sizes were still in existence when the spot was first visited by Sir Charles Colville and his party in 1824. Nevertheless, about this time, the petty Chief of Girwar, a few miles to the northwest of Candravati, who regularly sold the marble materials, was called by Colonel Tod 'the depredator and salesman

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APPENDIX III 471 MEWAR Saivism was the prevailing religion in neighbouring Mewar where the worship of Ekalinga Siva was the symbol of a national cult and has survived till today. The worship of Ekalinga is mentioned in an inscription of Naravahana, dated 972 A. D., but the cult is earlier than the tenth century as two inscriptions, dated Samvat 1331 and 1342 (1274 and 1285 A. D.) respectively, which give the genealogy of the ruling dynasty, place the cult of Ekalinga at the beginning of the political history of Mewar. We are told that an ascetic named Haritarasi who was a devotee of Ekalinga gave a miraculous gold anklet to Bappa, the Brahmana founder of the dynasty, and helped him to acquire the throne. The cult of Ekalinga was thus prevalent at least as early as the ninth century, and the deity is still worshipped at the place now called Ekalingaji, about twelve miles north of Udaipur on the way to Nathadvara. The present temple is not later than 1213 A. D., as a date, Samvat 1270, is inscribed on a pillar together with the name of Raja Jaitrasimha. The evidence to be considered further will show that saivism represented a vigorous religious movement in a large part of western and central India from Gujarat to Rewa in the tenth century and thereabouts. The expansion of Saivism in western India goes back, however, to a much earlier date, as it was the prevailing religion under the Valabhi kings as early as the sixth century A. D. MALAVA An early and celebrated focus of Saivism was in Malava whose capital Ujjayini or Avanti was famous through the ages as the seat of the worship of of what time and the ruthless Turk had spared of its relics'. Gustav le Bon, a French archaeologist, writing in 1884, said that he had made a long journey to Candravati to visit a temple among other remains, but was informed that the temple had been recently reduced to fragments by an engineer to pave a road! Cousens who visited the place at a later date reported : "Save portions of the basement of one temple and a few blocks of the back wall of another, nothing now remains of the beautiful shrines discovered in 1822 excepting one solitary column, which by its loneliness accentuates the desolation around it'. The fact is that the temples of Candrivati were literally carried off to build railway bridges and culverts and to break up for metalling the permanent way. The site of the old city and its extent are still indicated by the mounds of bricks that formed the foundations of these old temples-of which there are great numbers; and on the south side are portions of the ancient city walls which faced the river Sivalan.' Judging from such images as still lie about, it would appear that the majority of the temples were Brahmanical, and that they were built of white marble.' See Burgess and Cousens: Archaeological Survey of Western India (Northern Gujarat), Vol IX pp. 96-102. A Collection of Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions (opcit.) pp. 75, 85. In the introductory note the date of the inscription is given as 1339, but 1331 appears as the date in the last line, P. 77. Ibid. p. 93. 1 2

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472 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Mahakala Siva. The legends connected with the numerous sacred sites and lingas of Avantiksetra, known also as Mahakala-vana, are narrated in detail in the Avantyakhanda of the Skandapurana. Mahakalavana is described here as a yojana in extent, and mentioned as one of the most important Saiva Tirthas along with Prabhasa, Puskara, Kedara and Kayavarohana. It is possible that the famous temple of Mahakala existed as early as the fifth century A. D. Kalidasa, in his Meghaduta (vv. 30-7), in the course of the description of Ujjayini, refers to the sacred abode (dhama) of Candisvara, styled also as Mahakala, on the Gandhavati river, which is in fact one of the sacred streams of Avantiksetra mentioned in the Skandapurana. The temple of Mahakala at Ujjain was as famous as that of Somanatha in Kathiawar. About the middle of the tenth century, Dhanika, a Paramara chief of Vagada (the modern Banswara and Dungarpur States in Southern Rajputana, not far from Ujjain), is known to have erected the Siva temple of Dhanesvara near Mahakala.' Early in the tenth century, the Rastrakuta emperor Indra III, while leading an expedition to conquer Kanauj, is believed to have stopped with his war elephants at the courtyard of the temple of Mahakala to pay homage to the deity. The great temple continued to exist for more than two hundred years after the destruction of the temple of Somanatha; but the tragedy was re-enacted in 1233 A. D. when Sultan Iltutmish invaded Ujjain and demolished the ancient shrine during the reign of the Paramara king Devapala. According to Firishta, the magnificent temple was built on the same plan as that of Somanatha, and is said to have occupied three hundred years in building: it contained the image of Vikramaditya as well as that of Mahakala, which the invader caused to be conveyed to Delhi and broken at the door of the great mosque. The Paramaras of Malava, who ruled as independent monarchs from about the middle of the tenth century to the end of the thirteenth, and whose dominions, in their widest limits, extended from Gujarat to Central Provinces and from Khandesh to Northern Indore, were devout worshippers of Siva and great builders of Siva temples. The Paramara king Bhoja, the most famous Indian monarch of the eleventh century A. D., built a number of temples dedicated to Kedaresvara, Ramesvara, Somanatha, Sumira (?) and Kala nalaRudra. These temples no longer exist, as most of the religious edifices of Malava were destroyed by the Muhammadans. 1 Avantyakhanda, Chap. I of Caturasitilinga-mahatmya. 2 See Two Paramara Inscriptions in Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXI, p. 41; Ganguli: History of the Paramara Dynasty, p. 337. See Cambay Plates of Govinda IV (v. 19.) in Ep. Ind., Vol VII. The Kalapriya mentioned in the verse is believed to be identical with Mahakala. 4 Briggs: Firishta, Vol. I, p. 211; Prasad : History of Medieval India, p. 159. 5 See Verse 20 of the Udepur Prasasti of the kings of Malva in Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I, pp. 222-38. Buhler takes Kala, Anala and Rudra separately. But the referenos seems to be to Kalagni-Rudra, one of the terrible forms of Siva, mentioned by Somadeva in Yasastilaka, Book I, p. 151.

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APPENDIX III 478 Of the existing temples of Malava the Nilakaathesvara at Udayapur and the Siddhanatha or Siddhesvara at Nemawar, both dedicated to Siva, are the most important. The temple of Nilakanthesvara at Udayapur, now a village thirty miles to the north of Bhilsa, in Gwalior State, was built by the Paramara king Udayaditya in 1059 A. D. Built of red sandstone, it is one of the best preserved temples in India, as it somehow eacaped to a very large extent the devastating hand of Muslim vandalism, although there is still a Muhammadan masjid at the back of the temple. A legend says that Aurangzeb, on his return from the Deccan, passed through this place and ordered the demolition of the temple; but Mahadeva appeared to him in a dream, and commanded him on pain of death to desist from his act of sacrilege. The next morning Aurangzeb found himself ill, and stopped the destruction of the temple; but a masjid was ordered to be built at the back of the temple. It is noteworthy that until recent times the temple was frequented by both Hindus and Muhammadans and the lingam within equally reverenced by both.' The linga is now inclosed in a shell of highly polished yellow metal said to be gold.' The temple is singularly beautiful both in plan and in elevation; and although large, the parts are so well-proportioned, that it does not look large, and it is only on measurement that its real size is realized.'. But it is in excellence of execution of the floral sculptured ornamentation that this temple surpasses all others. They are executed with remarkable fineness and freedom and are not overcrowded so as to destroy effect, but by a judicious interposition of broad plain surfaces worked with exquisite care, the ornamental value both of the flowered bands and of the plain are mutually enhanced. Doubtless a great deal of the beauty of the carvings is due to the superior quality of the stone here used; and the Khajuraho temples, if built of similar materials, would, some of them, have been more beautiful.' The great dome is formed of overlapping courses of stones, ranged in successive diminishing circles over each other. Twelve ribs, each rib composed of exquisitely scu lptured females, at once adorn and strengthen this beautiful roof; and this roof, thus adorned, and as it were vivified by the sculptures, rests on the massive pillars below, forming a whole of unsurpassed beauty and harmony." The richly sculptured temple of Siddhanatha stands right on the bank of the Narmada at Nemawar in Indore State, twelve miles from Harda station on the G. I, P. Railway. It cannot be later than the 10th century, and consists of a garbhagyha and a mandapa, which is open on three sides with an open porch on each side. The mandapu appears to be a later addition, and is built of bluish sandstone; while the garbhagyha with its sikhara is built of beautiful yellowish grey sandstone. Except for a modern structure which has been added on the top of the mandapa providing access 1 Ganguly: History of the Paramara Dynasty, p. 258. The temple of Mandalesvara Mahadeve at Panahera in Bangwara State in Southern Rajputana was also built in 1059 A. D. by Mandalika, a Paramara chief of the Vagada branch of the family, See Two Paramara Inscriptions (op. cit.). 2 Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. VII, pp. 85-88. 60

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474 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE to the chamber immediately above the garbhagrha, the edifice has not suffered any damage or structural alteration during the nine hundred years that have elapsed since it was built. The temple is in use, and worship is still carried on there on an elaborate scale. Io the north of the temple of Siddhanatha is an unfinished temple of Visnu, of which only the garbhagyha stands. The large temple of Bhojesvara is situated at Bhojpur twenty miles to the south of the city of Bhopal. It appears to be named after the great Paramara king Bhoja, and has been assigned to the eleventh or twelfth century A. D. In plan the building is a simple square; and an incomplete but richly carved dome is supported by four massive pillars, each of which is 40 feet in height. Inside the building stands a colossal linga, seven and a half feet high and more than seventeen feet in circumference, on a platform made of three superimposed blocks of sand-stone.' An important group of Saiva temples, fairly well-preserved, exists in the large township of Un in the Nimar District of Indore State. It has been said that with the exception of Khajuraho in central India, there is no other place in Northern India where so many ancient temples are still to be found intact. The carvings on the temples at Un are slightly less elaborate than those on the celebrated temples of Khajuraho, but in all other respects they would compare very favourably with the Khajuraho group. There are at least seven temples of Siva of which the largest is called Chaubara Dera. It has an elaborately carved magnificent mandapa with a large porch in the front and two small ones on the sides. The mandapa is supported by four round carved pillars, and the dome over it is richly carved in the style of the domes of the marble temple of Vastupala Tejahpala on Mount Abu. The group of buildings includes a large temple of Siva called Mahakalesvara and another of the same name. The Siva temple of Vallalesvara appears to have been rebuilt at a later date when a round dome like that of a mosque was built in place of the sikhara. A beautifully carved temple of Siva called Nilakanthesvara stands inside the modern village, and close to it is a small underground temple of Siva called Guptesvara. The shrine, of which only a small underground chamber remains, must have been originally below the ground level, as the level of the floor of the garbhagrha is about thirty feet below the level of the floor of the sanctum in the temple of Nilakanthesvara.' ater date whe, Siva templava called Mahount Abu. 1 Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, for the year ending 318t March, 1921, pp. 98-106. 2 Ganguly: History of the Paramara Dynasty, p. 270. 3 Progress Report of the Archacological Survey of India, Western Circle, for the year ending 31st March, 1919, pp. 61-64. Plates. XVIII-XXI. A temple dedicated to Siva under the name of Makalesvara (Mahakulosivara) also exists in the village of Makla in the Mehidpur District of Indore State. This district lies in the centre of Malava and is very close to Ujjain. The mandapa of the temple has been rebuilt, but the garbhagyha is intact, and provides a good example of Hindu temple architecture of the 11th and 12th centuries in Malva. Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, 1920. p. 101.

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APPENDIX III 475 A typically Saiva sculpture representing Siva and the Seven Mothers is found engraved on doors and fintels in some of the temples including the Chaubara Dera. An inscription in the latter temple mentions Udayaditya of Malava who is known to have reigned in the latter part of the eleventh century. This is no doubt an important clue to the age of the temples at Un. Another inscription in the Chaubara Dera temple engraved on the figure of a serpent exhibits the Sanskrit alphabet and some of the conjugational terminations; and this had apparently an educational purpose. Two similar inscriptions, on a larger scale, are engraved on two pillars in the Bhojasala or School of King Bhoja, now the Masjid of Kamal Maula, at Dhar.' The island of Mandhata in the Narmada, in the Nimar District of Central Provinces, south-east of Indore, was a seat of Saiva worship at an early age, probably long before the tenth century. To judge from 1 Ibid. p. 46. Remains of old Siva temples are fairly numerous in Indore State, many of which have been rebuilt in later times. Two or three of these temples may be mentioned. The village of Modi, seven miles to the west of Bhanpura in the north of Indore State, contains the ruins of a number of temples, one of which is still in position. The temple was dedicated to Siva, but only the garbhagrha is intact. The lintel of the door leading to the interior of the sanctum bears the figure of Siva as Lakulisa, and some of the large stones of the basement bear inscriptions in characters of the 12th century A. D.' The village of Kukdesvar, ten miles to the west of Rampura in the north of Indore State, contains the temple of Sahasra-mukhesvara. The old temple having collapsed, the present structure was built in its place. But the linga in the sanctum is very old and a real sahasralinga. It consists of a huge linga about three feet in height and twelve to sixteen inches in diameter. The body of the linga is covered with rows of miniature lingas of uniform shape and size measuring about an inch and a half in height.' The tableland or plateau at the foot of which Bhanpura lies is thickly studded with ancient remains, and shows ample signs of having been at one time a thickly populated locality of ancient Malava.' The remains on this plateau include those of two old temples at Navali or Naoli. One of these is the temple of Nandikesvara which stands at the southern end of the village. The temple was partly rebuilt at a later date with the old materials. The mandapa has disappeared, but the sanctum still stands. The linga of Nandikesvara is octagonal at the bottom and round at the top. Old Vaisnava temples are found here and there in Indore State. The old village of Kohala, for instance, in the Garoth District in northern Indore, six miles from Bhanpura, contains three temples dedicated to Vispu. The largest is the temple of Varaha which contains one of the finest images of the Boar Incarnation. Of the other two temples that of Laksmi-Narayapa is one of the best preserved monuments in Malava. The sikhara is tall and slender, and resembles that of the temple of Mahakalesvara at Un.' The temple of Caturbhuja is exactly similar in plan, but the sikhara is far inferior to that of Laksmi-Narayana. The temple of Sesasayin exists at the village of Kethuli which lies at the foot of the plateau on which Navali (see above) is situated. An old temple of Visou, partly rebuilt, exists at Kukdesvar. With the exception of the roof, the porch in front and the Mandapa are of the same date as the old garbhagrha on the west, i. e. 12th or 13th century A. D. The existing Vaisnava temples in Malava are of uncertain date; and there is apparently no Vaispava temple which can compare in grandeur and magnitude with any of the outstanding major temples dedicated to Siva. See Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, for 1920.

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476 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE the evidence of the Revukhanda included in the Skandapurana, the banks of the river were studded with holy places beginning from the sacred Amarkantak on the Maikal Range in Central India. All the temples on the island are devoted to the worship of Siva or his associate deities; but Muslim vandalism has done its work so thoroughly (from about 1400 A, D.) that 'every dome has been overthrown, every figure mutilated.' There are numerous temples ancient and modern; but the age of the older shrines does not appear to have been accurately determined. The celebrated shrine of Omkara, a form of Siva, is situated on the island, and that of Amaresvara on the southern bank of the river, These are among the most famous of the ancient Lingas in India, and pilgrims who have vowed to visit the twelve Jyotirlingas offer their adorations to both Omkara and Amaresvara. References to Omkara and Amaresvara are occasionally found in the inscriptions of the Paramara kings of Malava. The Mandhata plates of Jayasimha issued in 1055 A. D. record the grant of a village for the maintenance of the Brahmanas of the patjasala at the holy site of Amaresvara. An inscription of Arjunavarman issued in 1215 A, D, during his sojourn at Amaresvara says that he granted certain lands to a Brahmana after having worshipped Omkara, the lord of Bhavani. Three plates recording a grant of Devapala in 1225 A. D. were found near the temple of Siddhesvara at Mandhata. Evidently the Nimar District was included in the dominions of the Paramaras of Malava in the early part of the thirteenth century A. D. Earlier than this, the famous Paramara king Vakpati Munja, who reigned towards the end of the tenth century A. P., is said to have built many temples and embankments at places like Ujjain, Mahesvara and Mandbata. The oldest of the Sivaite temples is probably that on the Birkhala rocks. Unlike the other temples, which present the ordinary shrine and porch, it consists of a courtyard, with a verandah and colonnades supported on massive pillars, boldly carved in rectilineal figures.' On the hill stand the ruins of a very fine temple, now called Siddhesvara Mahadeva. To each of the four sides of the shrine was added a projection containing a doorway; and before every doorway was a porch resting on fourteen pillars, elaborately carved and about 14 feet high.' The temple of Gauri Somanatha appears to be an old shrine rebuilt with lime. Somanatha himself is a gigantic linga, now black, but once white, as his name denotes.' It may be noted that traces of Vaisnavism are not wholly absent in the Mandhata region. The north bank of the river opposite contains some old structures devoted to Visnu. Where the Narmada bifurcates are the remains of some gateways and a large shapeless building containing twenty-four figures of Visnu and his avataras, carved in good style in a close-grained green stone. Among them is a large Varaha or Boar Avatara covered with the same panoply of sitting figures as that at Khandwa.' 1 Ganguli: History of the Paramara Dynasty, pp. 63, 124, 202, 210. 2 Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. IX, p. 293 ff.

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APPENDIX III 477 BUNDELKHAND AND BAGHELKHAND From Malava we may pass on to Bundelkhand which was an important centre of Saivism during the rule of the Chandel kings in the tenth, eleventh and twelfth centuries. The Chandel Kingdom included Khajuraho (now a village in Chhatarpur State, Central India ), Kalanjar in Banda Dt., U.P. and Mahoba (in Hamirpur Dt., U.P.). Khajuraho is famous for its group of magnificent temples second in importance only to the Bhuvanesvar group in Northern India. The splendour of Khajuraho reached its climax in the tenth century during the reign of Dhanga (c. 950-1000 A.D.), who was a devout Saiva, and died, according to an inscription, at Prayaga, 'fixing his thoughts on Rudra, and muttering holy prayers. The northern style of temple architecture found its most perfect expression in the edifices at Khajuraho, which were designed on a grand scale, executed in a fine sandstone, and richly adorned with sculpture. Dhanga's father Yasovarman (c. 930-50 A, D.) built the magnificent Caturbhuj temple completed in 954 A, D.'; but the largest building of the Khajuraho group is the great Siva temple called Kandariya Mahadeo, believed to have been erected during the tenth century. It is 109 feet in length and 591 feet in width with a height of 116 feet above the ground. The temple known as Visvanatha is no less grand, the steeple being about 100 feet high, and was, according to an inscription, built during Dhanga's reign. The temple of Motanga 1 A temple of Narayana was built by queen Citralekha in 955 A. D. at Bayana in Bharatpur State The relevant inscription recording the fact is incised on a slah in the pavement of the Ukha mosque at Bayana, now transformed into the Ukha mandir. A portion of an old Hindu temple found inside the Ukha mandir might represent the remains of the temple of Narayana erected by queen Citralekha. Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, 1919, p. 43; 1920, p. 109. The temple contains a marble linga 47 feet in girth. Cunningham counted no less than 226 statues inside the temple, and 646 outside, or 872 statues altogether, of which the greater number are from 2 to nearly 3 feet in height. The richness of the carvings is rivalled by the profusion of the sculptures. The general effect of this gorgeous luxury of embellishment is extremely pleasing, although the eye is often distracted by the multiplicity of the details. The Visvanatha temple is 87] feet long by 46 feet broad. Its plan is similar to that of the Kandariya temple, but it is altogether in better preservation itself, and its five subordinate temples are still standing or traceable at the four corners of its terrace, and in front of the entrance. Cunningham counted 602 statues of from 2 to 2 feet in height in the different ranges of sculpture of this gorgeous temple.' Inside the shrine there is a linga. 'Inside the entrance portico of this temple, there are two large inscribed slabs which are dated respectively, in the Samvat years 1056 and 1058 or A. D. 999 and 1001. The earlier inscription records the building of the temple to Siva and the dedication of a linga made of emerald marakatamayam) by Raja Dhanga. The temple itself is said to have been called Pramathanatha, but the emerald linga no longer exists. Facing the entrance of the Visvanatha temple is a small open temple which contains a colossal recumbent figure of the bull Nandi. In plan it is a square of 16 feet with 12 pillars and a small open porch of two pillars on each of the four sides, thus forming an open temple of 20 pillars'. It evidently forms part of the Visvanatha temple, and must be of the same date.'

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478 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Mahadeo is remarkable for its large dome of overlapping stones, with a diameter of 22 feet, without extraneous support'. The temples are in more or less satisfactory preservation, which is largely due to the fact that Khajuraho luckily escaped the fury of Muslim vandalism. There are two more temples on the Kurar Nala to the south of the village, called Nilkanth Mahadeo and Kunwar Math. The former is a mass of ruins; but inside the sanctum there still exists the argha or pedestal of a linga. A pilgrim's inscription carved on the wall of the sanctum bears the date Samvat 1174 (A. D. 1117), and refers to the deity as Gaura or the White God. The temple seems to have been erected in the tenth or eleventh century. The Kunwar Math is also dedicated to Siva, whose figure occupies the central position over the doorway of the sanctum, between Brahma and Visnu. It is one of the finest temples at Khajuraho, and 66 feet long and 33 feet broad outside. There is no inscription to fix the date of the temple ; but as the word Vasala, a ma son's mark, is repeated several times on the stones of both of the Kurar Nala temples, Cunningham infers that they are of the same age, that is, the tenth or eleventh century. At Jatkari, 14 miles to the south of Khajuraho, there are two dilapidated temples, one of which is dedicated to Siva whose linga of marble is enshrined within. Kalanjar, with its strong fortress, was the military stronghold of the Chandel kings; and from early times the hill was famous as a favourite resort of Saiva ascetics. The buildings at Kalanjar are not, however, important as architecture. The upper gate, leading to the outwork in the middle of the west face, where the great lingam of Nilakantha stands, is attributed by local tradition to king Parmal or Paramardi ( 1165-1203 A. D.).' A hymn of praise to Siva composed by Paramardi is inscribed on a slab at Kalanjar bearing the date 1201 A. D. At Mahoba there is the Madan Sagar lake associated with the Chandel king Madanavarman (1128-1165 A. D.). A fairly well-preserved granite temple, equal in size to the largest of the sandstone temples at Khajuraho, stands on a rocky island in the north west corner of the lake. The shrine is known as Kakra Marh and was dedicated to Siva. The ruins of a second temple dedicated to Visnu, called Madari, exist on another islet in the lake, Both the temples are ascribed to the reign of Madanavarman. The Devi cult is almost everywhere associated with Saivism ; and it is noteworthy that a tribal goddess called Maniya Deo (Devi) was the tutelary deity of the Chandels. Maniya Devi appears to be akin to the Gond deities, and reminds one of Vindhyavasini, who was worshipped by the hill tribes of the Vindhya region, as described by Vakpati in his Gaidavaho. There are 1 Called also Mrtyuzjaya Mahadeva. It is a large square temple enshrining a colossal linga, 8 feet in height and 3 feet 8 inches in diameter. 'It is 24 feet square inside and 35 feet square outside, with a projecting porch 18 feet long and 9 feet broad on each side.' 'It is situated 30 feet to the south of the Caturbhuj temple, and is most probably of the same age' (i. e. the middle of the tenth century A. D.).

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APPENDIX III 479 three known shrines of the goddess, at Mahoba, at Maniyagarh, a large ruined fort, situated on a hill overlooking the town of Rajgarh in Chhatarpur State, and at the village of Barel in Hamirpur District. The Devi Jagadambi temple at Khajuraho is among the best, and like the others, has been assigned to the tenth century. There is no doubt that Saivism was the prevailing religion in Bundelkhand, and the architectural grandeur of Khajuraho rests on the great temples dedicated to Siva: but the cult of Visnu had also a recognised place, as shown by some of the temples dedicated to that deity. The Baghari inscription found near Mahoba commemorates the building of temples to both Visnu and Siva by the ministers of Parmal or Paramardi in 1195 A. D. We may refer in this connection to the allegorical play Prabodhacandrodaya, which was produced during the reign of the Chandel king Kirtivarman, about the year 1065 A. D.: it refers to shrines of Visnu ( v. 5) and glorifies Visnubhakti (Faith in Visnu), one of the prominent characters in the play. It may, however, be noted that Siva is glorified in the second verse of the prologue; and we are told in v. 9 that the Absolute is variously designated as Brahma, Visnu or Siva." Saivism was prevalent not only in Bundelkhand but in other areas of Central India. Jaso, the chief town of the tiny state of that name in Baghelkhand, seems to have been an important place in the middle ages. It contains an old temple of Siva and a large tank called the Rekra Talav. Two colossal images of Siva as Tripurari and Natesa were found close to the Rekra Talav. The temple of Kumhra Mahadeva is a building in the Khajuraho style of about the eleventh or twelfth century, The most important is the Caturbhuj completed in 954 A. D. (see above). The temple is 85 feet 4 inches in length and 44 feet in breadth, or almost exactly the same size as Visvanatha.' Immediately to the east of the Caturbhuj temple is a small open temple containing a colossal statue of the Varaha Avatara of Visnu No. 17 in Cunningham's list is a large temple situated close to the north end of the village. The temple is called Vamana or the Dwarf Incarnation of Visnu, a name which is certainly not correct; for, although there is a large statue of the dwarf god, 4 feet 8 inches high, enshrined inside, yet there is a small figure of Siva himself over the centre of the entrance to the sanctum, with Brahma and Visnu to the right and left.' One or two more temples of Visnu are mentioned by Cunningham. 2 For the Chandel kings and their monuments see Vincent Smith: History and Coinage of the Chandel dynasty in Indian Antiquary, 1908. "The remains, more or less complete, of more than thirty temples are traceable at Khajuraho and the neighbouring village of Jatkari.' See also Cunningham: Archaeological Survey og India, Vol. II, pp. 412-39. Cunningham writing in 1865 says that Khajuraho is still frequented by pilgrims who assemble in thousands for the celebration of the Sivaratri in the month of Pholgun, at which time an annual fair is held. It may be noted that a similar fair is held at Elephanta on the occasion of the Sivaratri festival every year in February when pilgrims visit the island in large numbers to worship the linga enshrined in the great cave temple in the western hill. Sastri: A Guide to Elephanta, p. 32. 3 Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, for the year ending 31 st March, 1919, p. 60.

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480 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE It may be noted that the history of Saivism in this region goes back to much earlier times. Seven miles to the south-east of Jaso are the ruins of the ancient city of Nachna Kuthara in Ajaygadh State in Bundelkhand. Some of the oldest known Hindu temples in India have been discovered at this place. The earliest of these is a flat-roofed temple surrounded by a narrow covered veranda on three sides. There was a very small mandapa or porch in front of the only door of the shrine, which has collapsed entirely.' Over the shrine is a small upper chamber instead of a sikhara, with a flat roof slightly raised at the centre. The temple is well-preserved, but without any idol, and has been assigned to the early Gupta period, i. e., 4th - 5th century A. D. To the south-west of this temple there is a large stone-built temple of Siva with a tall spire, which has been assigned to the later Gupta age. The mandapa in front has collapsed, and inside the temple there is a huge four-faced linga (Caturmukha Mahadeva) which is certainly earlier in date than the temple itself.' To the east of the Gupta temple are the remains of another temple of Mahadeva of which only the foundations and the linga remain. The ground around is strewn with carved blocks of stone from which it appears that this temple was of the same date as the temple of the four-faced Mahadeva.'' The Nagod State area, now included in the Baghelkhand Agency of Central India, appears to have been an early focus of Saivism, and continued as such till medieval times. An ancient temple of Siva exists at Bhumara, a village twelve miles to the west of the town of Unchehra in Nagod State. It is flat-roofed and similar in all respects to the early Gupta temple at Nachna except that there is no upper chamber over the shrine. The similarity in size and plan and the nature of the carvings indicates that both the temples belong to the same age, probably the middle of the fifth century A. D. As in the case of the temple at Nachna, the mandapa has collapsed, but inside the shrine was found a huge ekamukha linga measuring a little more than six feet in height.' In the small hamlet of Sankargadh, in Nagod State, there is, at the oot of a small conical hill, an ancient tank, now almost silted up, on the banks of which exist a very large collection of Saiva sculptures and a very small stone temple of the later Gupta period. Two paved foot-paths lead to the door of the temple which stands on a mound, and on both sides of the foot-paths an unusually large number of lingas have been arranged. The temple consists of a single chamber with one door; and the interior of the shrine is perfectly plain, and contains a very large linga. The sikhara of the temple was added at a later date, perhaps in the 10th or 11th century, sculptures of which period are found scattered around the edifice. "No inscriptions were discovered at the place, but from the technique the lower part of the temple can be assigned to the sixth century A. D.'. The images gathered around the shrine 1 Ibid., pp. 53, 61. 2 R. D. Banerji: The temple of Siva at Bhumara (Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India. No. 16).

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APPENDIX III 481 include a very fine image of Siva and Parvati; and it is apparent from the carving that the sculpture belongs to the later Gupta period, i. e. 6th or 7th century A. D. There is besides a very large collection of images of Siva and Parvati at this place, most of which belong to the 11th and 12th centuries A. D. Close by are the ruins of a large medieval temple of Siva of the 11th or 12th century A. D. There must have been other temples also at this place, as in all some 15 or 20 lingas were discovered within a short area, some of which belong to the earlier periods, as they are natural Phallic symbols of the God of Destruction.' The villages of Khoh and Majhgawan, in Nagod State, contain ruins extending over three miles in length, in which the remains of a large and once populous city lie buried. The biggest mound is the Ataria Khera where the remains of a Vaisnava temple were partly excavated by Cunningham, who discovered at the same place a fine image of the Boar Incarnation of Visnu. This area, too, seems to have been a centre of the Saiva cult. A number of ekamukha lingas was found in the village and in the mounds surrounding it, and broken images of Mahisamardini were found both at Khoh and Majhgawan. More important is the neighbouring site known as Nakti-ka-Talai, which contains the remains of two tine stone-built temples of the early Gupta period. They are Siva temples and stand side by side, hidden from view by thick bamboo groves. Here was also found one of the finest known ekamukha lingas. well-preserved and bearing the bust of Siva on its western face. Siva is represented with three eyes, and his crescent is carved in relief on the fore part of the mass of matted hair on the head. The face of this bust is a masterpiece of the plastic art of the early Gupta period.' The evidence of temples and sculptures shows that Saivism was firmly established in certain areas of Central India in the Gupta period. In the tenth century and after, Saivism was the prevailing religion in the area corresponding to Rewa State during the rule of the Cedi or Haihaya kings of Tripuri. Here are some important Saiva monuments which claim our attention. The territory of the Haihayas of Tripuri in the 10th-12th centuries was the Dahala country or the modern district of Jubbulpur; but under the more powerful princes the Cedi kingdom included that portion of Central India which lies to the south of the river Tons, consisting of the modern States of Nagod, Maihar, the eastern part of Panna and the western part of the northern division of Rewa State.' The existing monuments of the Cedi country consist chiefly of Saiva monasteries and temples, and are found for the most part in Rewa State and the district of Jubbulpur. We have already referred to 1 For Sankargadh, Khoh eto, see Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, for the year ending 318t March, 1920. 2 For details see R. D. Banerji: The Haihayas of Tripuri and their monuments (Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, No. 23). All the monuments have not been fully explored, and many of them are not in a good state of preservation. 61

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482 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE the influence of the Saiva monks of the Mattamayura line and their monasteries in the Cedi country. As regards temples, the remains are found chiefly in Rewa State: at Chandrehe and Gurgi, not far from Rewa town, and at Bhirpur, Amarkantak and Sohagpur. The Siva temple at Chandrehe was built about the middle of the tenth century A. D. It is the earliest specimen of the circular type of temples which came into vogue in this part of the country during the tenth century. The ruins of another temple of the same type were found near the village of Masaun in the neighbourhood of Gurgi, twelve miles due east of Rewa Town. Temples of this kind, with circular garbhagrhas, are extremely rare; and it has been suggested that this type of temple architecture was designed by the builders employed by the Saiva monks of the Mattamayura sect in the Cedi country. The Gurgi temple appears to belong to the same period as the one at Chandrehe which it closely resembles; and it is probable that it might be the Siva temple which, according to the Gurgi inscription of Prabodhasiva, was built by the abbot Prasantasiva, close to the very high temple of Siva built by Yuvarajadeva I, who ruled in the first half of the tenth century. The latter temple seems to have been built on the Gurgaj mound, at Gurgi, where the sites of two large temples are now marked by deep pits and the overturned colossal figures which were once enshrined inside'. The figures in question refer to a four-armed Durga nine feet high, seated on a lion, and a still larger sculpture of Siva aad Parvati lying on its face, the slab being more than twelve feet long by more than five feet broad. If the temples which occupied this mound bore any proportion to the size of the colossal figures which they enshrined, they must have been of considerable size, certainly not less than 100 feet in height.' Among other temples of the Cedi region may be mentioned that of Viratesvara Siva at Sohagpur, the Karan Mandir at the sacred site of Amarkantak, and the temple of Vaidyanatha Mahadeva at Baijnath, all in Rewa State. The Karan Mandir is a Siva temple ascribed by local tradition to Karna Raja, the powerful Haihaya king who ruled in the third quarter of the eleventh century A. D. It is a temple of rare design having three separate shrines; but it never was completed. The superb magnificence of such a temple with its three tall and profusely sculptured lofty towers of graceful outline can only be realised by actual sight. Lastly, the Bheraghat inscription of Albanadevi, the widow of king Gayakarna, issued in 1155 A. D. records the foundation of a temple of Siva with a matha or monastery and a ball of study and gardens around them. This temple, or rather the lower part of its garbhagyha, still exists and is known by the name of the temple of Gaurisan. kara.' It stands on the summit of a hillock at Bheraghat, better known as the Marble Rocks, thirteen miles from Jubbulpur. The temple is located within the circular enclosure of the shrine of the Sixty-four Yoginis of which we have spoken. It will be thus seen that the early monuments of the Cedi country are almost exclusively devoted to the cult of Siva. It is evident that at the time Gayakarna, issued in chat inscrip Or 2001 he lo of study and gardiation of a temple of Siva Gaur 1 See Chap. XV.

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APPENDIX III 483 when Somadeva wrote, Saivism was predominant in central India as in the south. We may now turn to Orissa. ORISSA Early medieval Orissa was an important centre of Saivism. Bhuvanesvara in the Puri District is the home of early temples dedicated to Siva, the oldest being the Parasuramesvara assigned to the eighth century A. D. The temple of Muktesvara, famous for its sculptures representing scenes of religious life, for example, ascetics and disciples and the worship of Siva, is somewhat later. The temple of Lingaraja, regarded as the most stupendous edifice of its kind in Orissa, is placed about the middle of the tenth century. Close to it is situated the small but exquisitely beautiful temple of Parvati, which is probably of the same date as its great neighbour. Other important Saiva temples at Bhuvanesvara include the Brahmesvara (eleventh century), which stands on a platform with four smaller temples at the corners, and thus occupies a position similar to that of the temple of Gondesvara at Sinar, twenty miles from Nasik. The beautiful temple of Meghesvara situated close to the Brahmesvara was built towards the end of the twelfth century; while the Siva temple of Catesvara was built about the year 1220 A. D. in the village of Krishnapur in the Cuttack District. It may be noted that the only architecturally important Vaisnava temple at Bhuvanesvara is the Ananta-Vasudeva said to have been built by Bhavadeva, a minister of king Harivarman of Eastern Bengal. It cannot be much later than the great temple of Lingaraja. Interesting early temples dedicated to Siva exist also at Khiching. the old capital of the rulers of Mayurbhanj, and in Baudh State on the right bank of the Mahanadi. The twin temples at the village of Gandharadi, a few miles from Baudh Town, belong to the same style of architecture as the Parasuramesvara at Bhuvanesvara. If the Parasuramesvara is assigned to the middle of the eighth century, the Gandharadi temples may be placed towards the close of that century. The two temples are exactly similar to each other: the one is dedicated to Siddhesvara Siva with its sikhara surmounted by a Sivalinga, and the other is a Vaisnava shrine dedicated to Nilamadhava, with a wheel of blue chlorite on the top of the sikhara. A wheel on the top of the sikhara is a common feature of Vaisnava temples, but the location of an entire Sivalinga on the top of a temple is something unknown in Orissan architecture. Next in importance are the three Siva temples, situated close to the modern temple of Ramesvara, in Baudh Town. They have been assigned to the ainth century. Beglar, who saw them in the last quarter of the 19th century, 1 2 3 4 This section is based on R. D. Banerjea: History of Orissa, Vols. I and II. Chapters 29 and 30 deal with Architecture and Plastic Art respectively. See also R. D. Banerjea: Antiquities of the Baudh State in Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Vol. XV. See below. R. D. Banerjea (op. cit.), Vol. I, p. 262. This view is no longer accepted. See The History of Bengal, Vol. I, p. 203, published by the University of Dacca.

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484 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE says: 'though small they are gems of art in their own humble way. RD. Banerjea says: The decorative motifs and the plastic art of the three temples at Baudh are certainly superior to and older than the great Lingaraja-AnantaVasudeva group at Bhuvanesvara.' A peculiarity of the three temples in Baudh Town is that they have no Mandapa or Jagamohana, as it is called in Orissa, its place being taken by a porch over the entrance. Unfortunately the porch still exists only in one of the temples. Another peculiarity is that in plan the three temples are eight-rayed stars, and the arghapattas of the Lingas are also similar. The Baudh temples are no doubt older than the Lingaraja group at Bhuvanesvara, specially because the large Jagamohana had not yet come into vogue. Khiching likewise was a prominent centre of Saiva worship. It is about ninety miles from Baripada, the present capital of Mayurbhanj, and the site represents the ruins of a large ancient city, which was the home of a people much more civilized than the present aboriginal inhabitants with a sprinkling of Oriya nationals. The principal shrine was that of Camusda known as Kincakesvari; and the Siva temples that have survived are the Kutaitundi or Nilakanthesvara and the Candrasekhara which is still intact. The Saiva sculptures discovered at Khiching (Uma-Mahesvara, the bust of Siva etc.) bear testimony to the influence of the Saiva cult in the area dominated by the culture of Khiching. The architecture of the three Siva temples in Baudh Town and those at Khiching is believed to represent an intermediate stage between such early specimens as the Parasuramesvara and the Muktesvara at Bhuvanesvara and the twin temples at Gandharadi and the next phase of Orissan art as we find it in the temples of Lingaraja, Brahmesvara and Anantavasudeva at Bhuvanesvara. The Candrasekhara temple at Khiching has accordingly been assigned to about 900 A. D. A peculiarity of the temples at Khiching, as in the case of the three temples at Baudh, is that they are without any Mandapa or Jagamohana. As a matter of fact, there are certain temples at Bhuvanesvara also, for instance, the Bhaskaresvara, which have no Jagamohana. Some of them are believed to be older than the great temple of Lingaraja. Most of the early Hindu temples in Orissa are thus dedicated to Siva. The Parasuramesvara at Bhuvanesvara is the earliest. The Gandharadi temples, although one of them is dedicated to Visnu, come next; and the Muktesvara at Bhuvanesvara is placed at the end of the early period. All these edifices are characterized by spires or sikharas of which the curvature is much less pronounced than that of the sikharas of later temples; and in this respect they belong to the same category as such early temples in other parts of India as the later Gupta temple at Nachna Kuthara, the Dasavatara temple at Deogarh in Jhansi District and certain other temples at Aihole." i JBORS, Vol. XV, p. 80. 2 See the plates in R. D. Banerjea: History of Orissa, Vol. II. 3 See above. 4 "The Parasuramesvara cannot be very far removed in date from the post-Gupta temple of the Dasavatara at Deogadh in the Jhansi District. The low regularly curving outlines of the temples at Gandharadi and the Parasuram esvara belong

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APPENDIX III 485 The predominance of the great saiva centre at Bhuvanesvara, or Amratirtha, continued for centuries until it was eclipsed by the final establishment of the cult of Jagannatha at Purusottama or Puri. The great temple of Jagannatha at Puri ( the Vimana or the sanctum and the Jagamohana) was erected by Anantavarman Codaganga (1078-1148 A. D.) towards the close of the eleventh century, but the architectural style is considered to be degenerate in comparison with the classic examples of Orissan art at Bhuvanesvara. The Eastern Gangas of Kalinga extended their rule over the whole of Orissa in the second half of the eleventh century. But their tutelary deity was Gokarnasvamin, or Gokarnesvara Siva, who is so often mentioned in their inscriptions, and whose shrine was located on the top of the Mahendra mountain in Ganjam District. Vajrahasta (1038-68 A.D.), the grandfather of Anantavarman Codaganga, is called parama-mahesvara or & devout worshipper of Siva in one of his inscriptions. Nevertheless the establishment of the temple of Jagannatha at Puri was a turning-point in the religious history of Orissa. A famous Vaisnava scholar, Naraharitirtha, a disciple of Anandatirtha, the founder of the Madhva'school, was the regent of Orissa for twelve years during the minority of Narasimha II (1278-1306 A.D.), and built the temple of Yogananda-Nrsimha at Sri-Kurmam in Chikakole Taluku of the Ganjam District in 1281 A. D. Other inscriptions recording gifts by Naraharitirtha have been found in the temple of Kurmesvara at Sri-kurmam and that of Laksmi-Narasimhasvamin at Simhacalam near Waltair. The final triumph of Vaisnavism, or rather Neo-Vaispavism, in Orissa was not, however, achieved until long after the fall of the Eastern Gangas. The new empire of Orissa extending from Medinipur to Trichinopoly was built up by Kapilendra (1435-70), who liberally patronized the great temple at Puri. His successor Purusottama (1470-97) added the Bhogamandapa to the temple of Jagannatha. It was during the reign of his successor Prataparudra (14971541) that Neo-Vaisnavism became paramount in the religious life of Orissa owing to the long residence of the Bengali saint Caitanyadeva in the country and his powerful influence on the king and the people. Unfortunately, as ably demonstrated by R. D. Banerjea, the supremacy of the new Vaisnavism in Orissa coincided with the political downfall of the country; and "the acceptance of Vaisnavism or rather Neo-Vaisnavism was the real cause of the Musalman conquest of Orissa twenty-eight years after the death of Prataparudra." So far as the equilibrium of faiths was concerned, the predominance of ea, the dd the pecanyadeva, te of 6 to the same type as the Sikharas of the Deogadh temple and the later temple at Nachna Kuthara. Sometime during the course of the 9th century A. D., temple types in Orissa began to change and the Sikhara grew taller. It was at this time that the curve of the spire became abrupt near the Amalaka. The only known examples of this type are the three small temples in Baudh town." J BORS, Vol XV, p. 80. The Dasavatara temple at Devagarh on the Vetravati river is believed to be a monument of the Gupta age (early fifth century A. D.). It was dedicated to Visnu whose image must have been installed in the sanctum. A short inscription in Gupta Brahmi characters on a big square pillar refers to the gift (dana) of Bhagavata Govinda, obviously the founder of the temple. See Dr. V. S. Agrawala's paper on the temple in Art and Thought (Luzac, 1947), p. 51.

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486 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE the cult of Jagannatha inevitably led to the decay of the older cults of Siva at Bhuvanesvara and elsewhere. In the tenth century or thereabouts the Saiva centre at Bhuvanesvara appears to have been as important as any other centre of Saiva worship in Central or Western or South India. About this time Bhuvanesvara was included in the dominions of the Somavamsi kings, who at first ruled in the Eastern part of Mahakosala corresponding to the Chattisgarh Division of Central Provinces, and later extended their control over portions of northern and central Orissa. These kings appear to have been Saivas. Mahabhavagupta Janamejaya who appears to have reigned at the beginning of the tenth century is described in one of his charters as a devout worshipper of Siva. His successor Mahasivagupta Yayati is probably the same as the king Yayati-Kesari who, according to Orissan tradition, built the massive temple of Lingaraja at Bhuvanesvara. As we have seen, even on architectural grounds, this edifice has been assigned to the tenth century. Similarly, the temple of Brahmesvara at Bhuvanesvara is said to have been built by the mother of Udyotakesari, described as seventh in descent from Janamejaya, probably the same as Mahabhavagupta Janamejaya. The temple thus appears to have been erected in the early part of the eleventh centui Among the kings of earlier dynasties who ruled in different parts of Orissa, Sagguyayyana of the Mana dynasty, who reigned in Southern Tosali or Tosala (the area to the south of the Chilka lake), is described as paramamahesvara or devout worshipper of Siva in an inscription issued by his feudatory Sivaraja in the Gupta year 283 = 603 A. D. The early Karas who ruled over Central Orissa in the eighth century A. D. were Buddhists. Among the later Karas, the queen Tribhuvana Mahadevi is described as a devout worshipper of Visnu; while the Hindol plate of Subhakara II records the grant of a village in Northern Tosali or Tosala ( the area around Bhuvanesvara and Puri) for the benefit of the temple of Pulindesvara and the maintenance of Saiva ascetics. Among the Bhanja chiefs of Khinjali' who ruled in the eighth and ninth centuries, Satrubhanja, one of whose grants was issued in 744 A. D., and his successor Ranabhanja I are described in their inscriptions as worshippers of Visnu; but Netrbh anja, the son of Ranabhanja I, is called a devout worshipper of Siva. The tutelary deity of these Bhanjas was Stambhesvari who appears to have been a tribal goddess like Maniyadevi of Bundelkhand (see above), or the more famous Vindhyavasini Devi worshipped by the Sabaras. The cult of these goddesses was, as a rule, affiliated to the Tantric aspect of medieval 1. Orissa in the eight 283.= 603 A. D." Tiption issued by his fama 1 R. D. Banerjea (op. cit.), Vol. I, Chap. XIV; Vol. II, pp. 356, 366, 373. Ibid. Vol. I, p. 118. 3 R. D. Banerjea (op. cit.), Vol. I, p. 158. 4 The territory corresponding to the States of Gangpur, Bonai, Bamra, Rairakho, Wortion of labor. mostly inhabited by Sonpur, Patna and Karond with a portion of Sambalpur, mostly inhabited by aboriginal tribes, was known as Khinjali. It was divided into two parts by the river Mahanadi. R. D. Banerjea (op. cit., Vol. I, p. 6. 5 Ibid. Chap. XII.

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APPENDIX III 487 Saivism. It may be added that the existence of prominent centres like Bhuvanesvara and Khiching provides more conclusive evidence of the prevalence of the Saiva cult in early medieval Orissa than the religious predilections of individual rulers. DECCAN From Orissa we may pass on to the Deccan which was one of the earliest centres of Saivism in India. Most of the Vakataka kings, who ruled in the area corresponding to Central Provinces and Berar in the fourth and fifth centuries A. D., are described in their inscriptions as paramamahesvara or fervent devotees of Siva. One of them, Rudrasena I, who reigned in the first half of the fourth century A. D., is described as a devotee of Mahabhairava, which shows that Siva was worshipped in both his benign and terrible forms. The Vakatakas were related by marriage to the Bharasivas who are invariably mentioned in the initial portion of the inscriptions of the former. Gautami-putra, the son of Pravarasena I, married the daughter of the Bharasiva king Bhavanaga; and the issue of this marriage was Rudrasena I. The Bharasivas seem to have carved out a principality for themselves on the banks of the Ganges, as they are described as having had their coronation bath with the pure waters of the Ganges acquired by their valour. Bharasivas were staunch Saivas, as they are described as having pleased Siva by carrying the sivalinga on their shoulders, resembling in this respect the Virasaivas or Lingayats of later times. It is possible that they originally belonged to the Deccan and later established themselves in North India. These The Vakatakas must have built shrines dedicated to Siva, but none of them is known to have survived. Rudrasena I is said to have built a dharmasthana, probably in honour of Mahabhairava. It is also possible that the ancient flat-roofed temple at Tigowa near Bahuribandh in the Jubbalpur District was dedicated to Siva, like the flat-roofed temple at Bhumara in Nagod State.* It may be noted that the cult of Visnu was patronized by two of the Vakataka kings. Unlike his predecessors, Rudrasena II worshipped Cakrapani (Visnu), probably under the influence of his wife Prabhavatigupta, the daughter of the Gupta emperor Candragupta II (380-414 A. D.); while Prthivisena II, the last known king of the elder branch of the Vakataka dynasty, who reigned in the second half of the fifth century A. D., is described 1 See, for instance, Mirashi: Pattan plates of Pravarasena II, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXIII, pp. 81-88; Kielhorn: Balaghat Plates of Prithivisena II, Ibid. Vol. IX, pp. 267-71; and Mirashi: The Vakataka Dynasty of the Central Provinces and Berar in Annual Bulletin of the Nagpur University Historical Society, October, 1946. 2 'aMsabhAra saMnivezita ziva liGgodvahana zivasuparituSTasamutpAditarAjavaMzAnAm' 3 See Mirashi: Pauni Stone Inscription of the Bhara King Bhagadatta, EI, Vol. XXIV pp. 11-15. 4 See above.

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488 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE as a parama-bhagavata or fervent worshipper of Visnu in the Balaghat plates. The sacred hill of Ramagiri with the footprints of Rama on its slopes, made famous by Kalidasa in his Moghaduta, was a holy spot in the Vakataka age, and is mentioned as such in the Riddhapur plates of Prabhavatigupta which were issued from Ramagiri.' Similarly, the Pattan plates of Pravarasena II (first half of the 5th ceutury A. D.) record the grant of a village called Asvatthakhetaka for the maintenance of a charity hall in honour of the foot-prints of Mahapurusa, evidently Visnu or Rama.It should, however, be noted that Pravarasena II himself is described as a parama-mahesvara or a fervent devotee of Siva in Vakataka inscriptions. Further light on the prominent position of Saivism in ancient Deccan is thrown by an inscription of the early Rastrakuta king Abhimanyu issued at Manapura. It records the grant of a village called Undikavatika to a recluse named Jatabhara in honour of the god Daksina-Siva of Pethapangaraka. It was formerly thought that Daksina-Siva might be the deity of the great Saiva shrine in the Mahadeva Hills in the Hoshangabad District of Central Provinces; and Pethapangaraka might be Pagara, the headquarters of the Zamindari of that name. Manapura could be Manapura in Malwa, about twelve miles south-west of Mhow, or Manapura near Bandhogarh in Rewa State. But, as suggested by Prof. Mirashi, it is much more probable that the Manapura mentioned in the inscription of Abhimanyu is identical with Man, the chief sub-division of the Satara District of Bombay Province, through which flows the Manganga, a tributary of the Bhima. It is noteworthy that an inscription of Avidheya, another king of the same family, records the grant of a 1 Thanh: IT'. Ramagiri is now Ramtek, a wellknown place of pilgrimaga near Nagpur. At present the centre of interest is the group of temples on the hill overlooking the town. The temple of Ramacandra, about 500 feet above the town, is the most prominent. The others are dedicated to Laksmana, Kausalya, Satya Narayana, Laksmi Narayana, Hanuman etc. The temple of Harihara is popularly known as the Dasaratha temple. There are also two temples with huge idols of Narasimha and the remains of a very old temple of the Dwarf incarnation called Trivikrama. One of the temple courts contains a huge image of the Boar Incarnation under a small flat-roofed shrine, An inscription on a wall of the temple of Laksmana contains the names of two kings of the Haihaya family who reigned in Mahakosala (modern Chattisgarh) in the latter part of the fourteenth century A.D., and so gives a clue to the age of the building. It is noteworthy that the aforesaid inscription refers to several Saiva temples, such a Ghaptesvara, Sudhesvara, Kedara, Ambikanatha, Dharmesvara, Muktisvara etc. Besides, there is a Sivalinga called Dhumresvara Mahadeva, to whom offerings are made by pilgrims before worshipping Rama. The linga is believed to represent Sambuka, the Sudra ascetic killed by Rama. The presence of the Sivalinga in front uf the temple of Rama and the enumeration of Siva temples in the inscription mentioned above would seem to indicate the existence of a Saiva cult prior to the foundation of the existing Vaisnava temples. It may also be noted that the group of temples on the hill includes two temples dedicated to Mahisasura-mardini; and down the hill is a temple of Candika built of massive blocks of hown stone. For details see Indian Antiquary, 1908. p. 202 ff. 2 'mahApuruSapAdamUlasatropayojyaM'.

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APPENDIX I 489 village called Pandarangapalli situated on the bank of the Ane river, which is most probably identical with the Yenna, or the Vena, which rises on the Mahabalesvara plateau and falls into a valley to the east of the Mahabalesvara hill in the Satara District. As regards the shrine of Daksina-Siva mentioned in the records of Abhimanyu, there are several Saiva temples on the summit of hills in the Satara District, the best known being that of Mahabalesvara not far from the source of the Krsna. Manapura was no doubt founded by Mananka, the first king of the family, who is mentioned in both the inscriptions; and Abhimanyu and Avidheya were apparently ruling over the territory corresponding to the Satara District of Bombay Province. The inscriptions in question have been assigned to the fifth century A. 1). on paleographic grounds; and genealogical considerations have led to Mananka being placed in the last quarter of the fourth century and Abhimanyu towards the end of the fifth century A. D. The rulers of Manapura, or the Rastrakutas of Manapura, as they have been called, were thus contemporaries of the Vakatakas, and appear to have been, like them, worshippers of Siva. As for the cult of Visnu, it no doubt existed in the Vakataka age, but seems to have occupied a secondary place; and similar conditions appear to be reflected in the subsequent history of the Deccan. Saivism played a decisive role in the temple architecture of the Deccan and the adjoining countries. The early Calukyas were mostly followers of the Vaisnava cult. The Vaisnava cave at Badami in the Bijapur district was excavated in 578 A. D. under Kirtivarman I; while his brother Mangalisa who succeeded him upon the throne is described as a parama-bhagavata. There is also no doubt that some of the ancient temples at Aihole, now a village, about twelve miles due east of Badami, were dedicated to Visnu. But, towards the beginning of the eighth century a. D., the Calukyas show a decided leaning to Saivism, and seem to have become worshippers of Siva. It is about this time that Pattadakal, now a small village, about ten miles east of Badami, emerges as an important religious centre with Saivism playing a dominant role. Three Saiva temples of considerable size were built here, the oldest being the massive temple of Vijayesvara, now called that of Sangamesvara built by Vijayaditya (696-733 A. D.). Of the other two, the temple of Virupaksa (Lokesvara ) is the largest and the most important of the old temples in the Kanarese districts. It was built by Lokamahadevi, the queen consort of Vikramaditya II (733-746 A.D.), in commemoration of his having thrice conquered Kanci or Conjeveram. Including the eastern and western gateways, the building measures 250 feet over all, of which the main building occupies a length of 120 feet. Within the great hall are eighteen heavy square pillars, decorated with sculptures representing scenes from the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. Close to the temple of Virupaksa is that of Mallikarjuna, which has been identified with the temple of Trailokyesvara 1 Mirashi: The Rastrakutas of Manapura in ABORI, Vol. XXV, p. 36. 2 For details gee Cousen's: Chalukyan Architecture of the Kanarese Districts. Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. XLII, 1926. 3 See below (section on Vaispavism). 62

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490 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE erected by the younger queen of Vikramaditya II, named Trailokyamahadevi, a sister or Lokamahadevi. The general plan and design are the same as in Virupaksa, but many parts of this temple have been left unfinished. The temples of Vijayesvara, Virupaksa and Trailokyesvara form an imposing group; and an inscription which gives us information about these three temples is engraved upon a great column which stands upon the north side of Virupaksa. It was erected by a sculptor, named Subhadeva, for a Saiva teacher named Jnanasiva who had come from a place on the north bank of the Ganges, in 754 A. D., during the reign of Kirtivarman II. There are certain other old Saiva temples at Pattadakal, such as those of Kasivisvanatha, Galaganatha and Kadasiddhesvara, but they are smaller in size, and of uncertain date; and there exist also the remains of two other temples of the same class, namely, Jambhulinga and Candrasekhara. Far more important is the large ornate temple of Papanatha, which cannot be later than that of Virupaksa, but seems to have been dedicated to Visnu, as shown by the Garuda emblem over the shrine door. There are, however, indications that it was, at a later date, converted to Saiva worship. Siva temples are found also at Badami, in the south-east corner of the Bijapur district, the former Vatapi, a capital of the early, Calukyas. The oldest and the best preserved is the Malegitti-sivalaya, 'the Saiva shrine of the female Garland-maker,' 56 feet in length, and of the same style as the older temples at Aihole. It is a complete Dravidian temple.... All its parts are heavy and massive and well proportioned to one another.' It seems to have been originally dedicated to Visnu, with that deity in the ceiling, and Garuda on the lintel of the shrine doorway. Another interesting temple at Badami is the smaller one of Lakulisa, an incarnation of Siva, whose image is seated upon the altar in the shrine, and represented nude as usual. Badami possesses yet another old Saiva temple, that of Virupaksa, which is still in use. In a secluded glen between Pattadakal and Badami is the temple of Mahakutesvara, which may be ascribed to the early part of the sixth century A. D., as an inscription of 601 A. D., engraved on a column found near the temple, records an additional grant made in continuation of a previous endowment of the god Siva under the name of Makutesvaranatha. Another temple, which, on the grounds of style and more cyclopean-looking masonry', is regarded as older than the seventh century A. D., is that of Huchchimalli-Gudi at Aihole. Unfortunately the interior of the shrine has been totally wrecked, portions of the linga and the paving of the floor lying about in great confusion'. An inscription of 708 A. D., upon the front of There is a dvarapala, four-armed, on either side of the shrine door......... In the upper left hand of the south figure is a trisula, but it has been made of plaster, evidently after the temple was converted to Saiva worship.' There is also the tandava sculpture on the face of the tower. On the other hand, the astadikpala ceiling, in the centre of the hall, has Visnu reclining upon Sesa as its central panel instead of the tandava of Siva which is usual in such ceilings found in Saiva temples.' Consens (op. cit., p. 69.

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APPENDIX III the temple, records a grant of oil to the priest of the temple by the Calukya king Vijayaditya, the builder of the Vijayesvara temple. The Calukyas were supplanted by the Rastrakutas about the middle of the eighth century A. D. The latter achieved little in the way of building structural temples, but they had their own works in hand in the north, notably the great excavations at Elura, which extended from the Dasa Avatara cave to the extensive group of Jaina caves around the Indra and Jagannath Sabhas.' These included the great monolithic temple of Kailasa, dedicated to Siva, which appears to have been excavated at Elura or Ellora, about fourteen miles northwest of Aurangabad, during the reign of Krsna I who ruled between 756 and 775 A. D. He is described as having built many temples of Siva, resembling the Kailasa mountain; and, it was under the orders of this monarch that a most marvellous Siva temple, evidently the great Kailasa temple, is said to have been constructed on the hill at Elapura (Elura). The Kailasa resembles the temple of Virupaksa (Lokesvara) at Pattadakal in plan and details, although the former is hewn out of the solid rock, and the latter is built in the ordinary way on level ground. There is similarity even in the sculptures on the two temples, representing scenes from the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. *In Lokesvara they occur upon the broad bands round the shafts of the great columns of the hall, while on Kailasa they are sculptured in narrow bands on the wall of the basement below the porch. Another unusual representation is that of the Siva-linga with Brahma and Visnu beside it, which is found, in both cases, on the front of the temple.' The Kailasa, in spite of its marvellous technique, and the more graceful treatment of its details, thus appears to be modelled on Virupaksa; and it is probable that the Rastrakutas copied the Calukyan building art when they had overthrown the dynasty, just as the Calukyas themselves had copied the Dravidian architecture of the south when they had carried their victorious arms to Kanci or Conjeveram.* Unlike other cave-temples, the Kailasa, once gorgeously painted, stands, isolated from the surrounding rock, in a great court averaging 154 feet wide by 276 long at the level of the base, entirely cut out of the solid rock, and with a scarp 107 feet high at the back.' The bewildering amount of labour and technical skill expended on the celebrated temple bears eloquent testimony to the importance which the Saiva cult had attained in the Deccan in the Rastrakuta age. 1 2 3 491 The Ellora group of cave temples includes, besides the Kailasa, other shrines dedicated to Siva such as the large cave north of Kailasa (XVII), and Caves XXII (Nilakantha), XXIII and XXVI. Far more important is Cave XXI, a lofty Saiva temple, locally known as Ramesvara. The hall is 15 feet high and measures 69 feet by 251 with a chapel at each end, cut off by two cushion-capital pillars.' Cave XXIX is known as Sita's Bhandarkar: Early History of the Dekkan. Third edition, p. 109 ff. For an elaborate comparison between the two temples see Cousens (op. cit.), p. 62. Burgess: A Guide to Elura cave temples, p. 31. (Reprinted by the Hyderabad Archaeological Department).

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Nahani, or Dumar Lena. 'The great hall, including the shrine, is 148 feet wide by 149 deep, and 17 feet 8 inches high, but the excavation extends to about 240 feet from north to south. This cave is remarkably similar to the great Saiva cave temple at Elephanta, but it is larger and in some respects finer; it is also, perhaps, later in age.' The shrine is a small square room containing a linga, with four doors, each guarded by a pair of gigantic dvarapalas. 492 Elephanta is a small island near Bombay, about seven miles to the north-east of Apollo Bandar; and the great cave temple of Siva hewn out of the living rock is on the north face of the western hill. The cave consists of a central hall and four vestibules, and measures about 130 feet in length, the breadth being approximately the same. The roof is supported by massive columns varying in height from 15 to 17 feet. These originally numbered twenty-six, of which eight have collapsed. The cave is remarkable for its colossal sculptures representing Siva in his various forms including Nataraja, Gangadhara and Ardhanarisvara. But the most striking sculpture in the cave is the huge panel consisting of a tripie-headed bust of Siva, which rises to a height of 17 feet 10 inches above a moulded base, nearly 3 feet high. The image stands in a recess 10 feet deep, within which the heads emerge clifflike from the native rock.' 6 The triple head represents three aspects of Siva: Tatpurusa (the supreme Mahadeva) in the middle, and Vamadeva (the Beautiful) and Aghora (the Terrible) on the sides. The image of Mahadeva 'dominates the whole assemblage. It is the concrete form of Siva whose linga is worshipp ed in the adjacent shrine. The plan of the rock-cut temple was thus adjusted to the image; the entire hall is laid out in front of it in its deep recess. The stage is set for that form (rupa) of His who is beyond form, and who pervades the universe, which thus is His visible body.'' The cave-temple at Elephanta has generally been assigned to the latter part of the eighth century A. D., and is probably of the same age as the excavations at Ellora, which fall in the Rastrakuta period. The close resemblance between the Dumar Lena at Ellora and the Elephanta cave has attracted the attention of observers; while pillars with compressed cushion capitals' have been found both in Elephanta and some of the cave temples at Ellora. But the simple grandeur of the Elephanta sculptures in striking contrast to the complex and grotesque multiplicity of those at Ellora suggests a somewhat earlier date for the former, possible the seventh century A. D.3 the tenth century A. D., Ellora and Elephanta must have been great centres In 1 Ibid. p. 47. 2 Stella Kramrisch in Ancient India, Number 2, p. 7. 3 See Hirananda Sastri: A Guide to Elephanta (published by the Government of India) and Burgess: The Rock temples of Elephanta or Gharapuri. When the Portuguese occupied the island in 1534, the cave temple must have been in excellent preserThe Portuguese captain Joao de Castro, who visited the island in 1538, thought that the cave could not be the work of human hands. Even Apelles', ho says, 'might have learned from the proportion and symmetry of the figures.' "The vation.

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APPENDIX ITI 493 of Saiva worship, like Somanathapattana, Ujjain, Khajuraho, and Tanjore. Apart from the Ellora and the Elephanta cave-temples, there were no doubt other temples dedicated to Siva in existence during the Rastrakuta period. It was in a Siva temple that Govinda III (794-814 A. D.) deposited the two statues sent by the king of Ceylon as a token of submission." The custom of founding a Siva temple in commemoration of a dead ancestor, and of naming the deity after the person to be commemorated, had already become prevalent in our period. Hebbal inscription, dated 975 A. D., refers to a temple of Bhujjabbesvara built to commemorate Bhubbarasi, the grand-mother of the Ganga ruler Marasimha II.' It may be noted that Siva temples existed in Mysore during the Rastrakuta period. The religion of the Gangas was Jainism, but they were liberal in their outlook; and some of the early kings favoured the worship of Siva, for example, Tadangala Madhava and Avinita (circa 5th-6th century A. D.). A considerable number of Siva temples seems to have been built during the rule of the later Gangas who were contemporaries of the Rastrakutas. Notable among these are the shrine of Bhoganandisvara at the foot of the Nandi hills, Somesvara at Gangavaripalli, Kapilesvara at Manne etc. The construction of so many temples for the worship of Siva proves the prevalence of Saivism side by side with Jainism in Mysore, although under the Gangas the latter was the more influential and favoured religion. Saiva temples were constructed or maintained, on a wide scale, during the reign of the Calukyas of Kalyani, as shown by the various grants and endowments recorded in their inscriptions. For example, an inscription of 980 A. D. belonging to the reign of Taila II is the subject of an endowment made for the benefit of the temple of Suvarnaksi, a form of Siva, styled as Samkara-Svayambhu-Suvarnamabaksi, at Soval (Sogal in the Belgaum district). An inscription of 1064 A. D. records the grant of an endowment to the temple of Kesavesvara at Pottiyur (Hottur); another of 1074 A. D. deals with the grant of a town for the maintenance of the sanctuary of Ramesvara at Pomballi (Hombli); while the temple of Maha-Svayambhu Portuguese annalist Diogo de Couto writing in the opening years of the 17th century says that the interior of the temple had formerly been covered with a coat of lime mixed with bitumen and other compositions that made the temple bright and very beautiful and worth seeing; and the features and workmanship were such that 'neither in silver or wax could such figures be engraved with greater nicety, fineness or perfection. Unfortunately it was during Portuguese occupation that the temple was damaged and the figures sadly mutilated. For detailed references see CommissariatHistory of Gujarat, Vol. I, Appendix, pp. 541-9. Altekar: The Rastrakutas and their times, p. 69. 2 Ibid. p. 287. 3 Rao: The Gangas of Talkad, p. 232. A systematic study of the early temples of Mysore is a desideratum. 4 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XVI, pp. 2, 6. 5 Ibid. Vol. XVI, p. 82. 6 Ibid. p. 69 ff.

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494 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Somanatha, the Somanatha of the South', at Purikara (Puligere, the modern Lakshmeshwar), (all in the Dharwar district), is referred to in several inscriptions belonging to the first half of the twelfth century A. D.' Further, an inscription of the reign of Soyi Deva, the son of Bijjala, records endowments made in 1172 A. D. for the temples of Siva-Somanatha (RayaMurari-Somanatha) and Bijjesvara at Malige (Madagihal in Jat State, near Bijapur). Apart from inscriptional evidence, there exists a large number of surviving specimens of later Calukyan Saiva temples, ranging from the tenth century to the end of the twelfth, mostly in the Dharwar district and the immediate neighbourhood. In fact, it will be no exaggeration to say that later Calukyan architecture was almost entirely devoted to the glorification of the Saiva faith. The advent of the later Calukyas under Taila II, towards the end of the tenth century, gave a fresh impetus to temple building; and it is from this time that we notice a gradual transformation of the earlier Dravidian style, till what is known as the Calukyan style came into existence. In the first place, the earlier building material, the rougher grained sandstone, was abandoned in favour of the more compact, tractable, and finer grained black stone known as chloritic schist, which dresses down to a much finer surface, and has enabled the sculptors to produce so much of that beautiful, delicate, lacelike tracery which characterises the later work. In the second place, there was a diminution in the size of the masonry, the heavy cyclopean blocks of the early temples being discarded in favour of much smaller ones. Finally, the storied or horizontal arrangement of the towers, a prominent characteristic of the Dravidian style found in the early temples, became obliterated by a great profusion of ornamental detail, and underwent a process of approximation to the vertical bands up the centre of each face of the Northern tower. The transition from the earlier to this later style, evolved about the tenth and eleventh centuries, is seen in the Saiva temple of Kallesvara at Kukkanur* and the Jaina temple at Lakkundi'; while that of Kasivisvesvara at the latter place shows a further marked development of the Calukyan tower. On a beam in the hall of the latter building is an inscription, dated in the thirteenth year of the reign of the later Calukya king Vikramaditya VI, which corresponds to 1087 A. D.(r) One of the finest of existing Calukyan temples probably the finest temple in the Kanarese districts, after Halebid, is that of Mahadeva in the small village of Ittagi, in the Nizam's territory, about twenty-two miles due east of Gadag in the Dharwar district. It measures, over all, 120 feet by 66 feet,' and consists of a shrine, with its antechamber, a closed and a great open hall at the east end, which was originally supported upon sixtyeight pillars. The temple is mentioned in sed in the tbhich correspos the finest tion, Jaaditya Vhi temples PMahadev 1 Ibid. Three Inscriptions of Lakshmeshwar by L. D. Barnett. 2 Ibid. Vol. XV, p. 317. 3 See Cousens (op. cit., p. 74 ff. 4 A village in the Nizam's territory, at a short distance across the border from Gading in the Dharwar district. 5 Now a small village near Gadag. 6 Cousens (op. cit.), p. 79.

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APPENDIX III 495 an inscription of 1112 A. D., which tells us that it was founded, as a temple of Siva, under the name Mahadevesvara, by Mahadeva, the danda-nayaka, or general, of Vikramaditya VI (1075-1125 A. D.). He founded also a temple of Narayana, and other Saiva shrines such as those of Candalesvara and Bhairava, One of the largest Saiva temples of the Calukyan period, in the Dharwar district, is that of Tarakesvara, in the town of Hangal, chiefly remarkable for the magnificent dome which covers the central portion of the great hall,' the roof of which is supported upon fifty-two pillars. The temple of Kaithabhesvara at Anavatti, in Maisur, just across the border from the Dharwar district, is distinguished by its unusually lofty hall, the pillars being massive in proportion. The temple of Daksina-Kedaresvara at Balagamve is now shorn of its infportance, but it was a great educational centre, of which we have already spoken. Saiva temples of the Calukyan period are found also at Chaudadampur ( Muktesvara ), Haveri (Siddhesvara ), Haralhalli (Somervara), and Rattehalli ( Kadambesvara ), all in the Dharwar district. The temple of Kadambesvara contains an inscription which records a grant to it in 1174 A, D, for repairing the building. Inscriptions dating from 899 to 1262 A. D. are engraved on several slabs standing beside the temple at Chaudadampur, the later ones recording grants and gifts to the god of the temple under the names of Muktesvara and Muktinatha. The temple of Madhukesvara at Banavasi, a very ancient place, now & village, eighteen miles south by west from Hangal, belongs to the eleventh century, as one of the inscribed slabs in and around the temple records & grant in the year 1068 A. D. The so-called Temple of the Sixty Columns, now in a ruined state, at Bankapur, and that of Trikutesvara at Gadag, both in the Dharwar district, may also be ascribed to the eleventh century. The former temple contains inscriptions upon either side of the shrine door, recording grants made to the god Nagaresvara in 1138 and 1091 A. D. Similarly, one of the inscriptions collected together at the temple of Trikutesvara records & grant made in 1062 A. D. in the time of Ahavamalla II. Calukyan temples are found also in the Bellary district of the Madras Presidency, and most of them are dedicated to Siva (Kallesvara, Kattesvara, Bhimesvara etc.) There is no doubt that the inspiration derived from Saivism helped the building art of the Calukyas and the technical competence of their craftsmen to give a distinctive stamp to Indian culture in the Deccan. Even in the northern part of the Deccan, outside the sphere of the Calukyas, we find a preponderance of temples dedicated to Siva. The most ornate of the temples in the Deccan style is that at the village of Ambarnatha, about four miles south-east of Kalyan, in the Thana district. This chef-d'oeuvre of the builder's art' was built for the worship of Siva 1 Poussin: Dynasties et Histoire de l'Inde, p. 211; Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XIII, p. 36 ff. 2 Cousens (op. cit.), pp. 84, 96, 104, 112, 128. 3 Seo Rea: Chalukyan Architecture. Archaeological Survey of India, New Imperial Series, Vol. XXI. 4 Seo Cousens: Mediaeval Temples of the Dakhan. Archaeologioal Survey of India, Vol. XLVIII.

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496 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE in 1060 A, D., during the reign of the Silahara chief Mummuni or Mamvani. The temple measures 89 feet by 731 feet, and is made up of the sanctum and mandapa or hall, the latter being provided with three entrances, each with its own porch. The temples in the Deccan style are not remarkable for their size, that of Gondesvara or Govindesvara at Sinnar, twenty miles south of Nasik, being about the largest now standing. It is a pancayatana temple forming a group of five shrines, the central main temple being dedicated to Siva, and the four small surrounding shrines to Visnu, Ganapati and others. It is supposed to have been built by Rav Govinda; and it is possible it may be named after Govinda raja, one of the Yadava princes, who ruled about the beginning of the 12th century'. Another temple, that of Mahesvara, at Patna, ten miles to the south-west of Chalisgaon in Khandesh, was completed by a chief Govana, of the Nikumbha family, who was ruling in that locality under the Yadavas in 1153 A.D. To sum up, the temple architecture of the Deccan bears testimony to the paramount character of Saivism in that region from about the eighth century to the end of the twelfth. No other faith, whether Vaisnavism or Jainism, during this period, found so elaborate an expression in the building art of the time. SOUTH INDIA From Deccan we may turn to South India properly so called. The classic land of Saivism was the Tamil country which witnessed one of the greatest epochs of the faith. Saivism is prevalent in South India even today; and it is said that the Saivas form the bulk of the population in the districts of Tinnevelly, Madura, Trichinopoly, Tanjore, South Arcot, Chingleput, Madras, North Arcot, Salem and Coimbatore, and are also found in large numbers in certain parts of Ceylon, Malabar and Travancore; in short, wherever Tamil is the prevailing tongue. Going back to early times, we find sixty-three cononized saints known as Nayanmars or Adiyars, who are the real founders of Saivism in South India. Included among them is Koccenganan, one of the Cola kings mentioned in early Tamil literature. He must have flourished long before the seventh century when he had already become a legendary figure. The importance of Koccenganan Jies in the fact that he appears to have been one of the earliest builders of Siva temples in the Tamil country. The Vaisnava Alvar Tirumangai, who lived about the middle of the eighth century, says in one of his hymns that the king built seventy beautiful shrines dedicated to Siva, besides offering worship to Visnu at Tirunaraiyur. He is also described as having founded other temples to Siva in the hymns of Sambandar and Sundaramurti. An old temple of Siva called Mallikarjuna exists at Nagansur in Akalkot State, near Sholapur in Bombay Province. It is built in the Calukyan style, popularly known as Hemadpanti; and, like all temples built in this style, it has an open porch in front of the manda pa which is supported by four elaborately carved pillars. A temple of Siva, apparently of the later Calukyan period, was discovered and excavated under the inner wall of the old fort at Sholapur. Progress Roport of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circte, 1919, p. 59; 1920, p. 74. 2 Tamilian Antiquary, No. 3, p. 1. 1909. 3 Sastri: T'he Colas, Vol. I, p. 67.

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APPENDIX III 497 The chronology of the Adiyars has not been settled in all its details, but the saint Appar and his younger and more influential contemporary Sambandar are known to have lived in the first half of the seventh century A, D. Sambandar was a contemporary of another Saiva devotee, Siruttondar, who was the general of the Pallava king Narasimhavarman I, and conquered with him Vatapi, the Chalukyan capital, about 642 A. D.' The next important saint, Sundaramurti, has been assigned to the early part of the ninth century A, D. The saint Seraman Perumal was a contemporary of Sundaramurti. The hymns composed by Appar, Sambandar and Sundaramurti form the first seven sections of the Saiva canonical literature in Tamil. Of the eleven sections of this literature, the first three contain the hymns of Sambandar, and the next three those of Appar; while the seventh is composed of the hymns of Sundaramurti. These seven sections, or rather collections, constitute the group known as the Tevaram,3 The eighth section contains the famous Tiruvasakam of the great saint and poet Manikkavasagar. He has been assigned to various dates, but it is almost certain that he is considerably earlier than the seventh century, as Appar refers to a well-known miracle associated with his life, and mentions a Vacaka who seems to be identical with the saint. The hymns of the Adiyars give fervid expression to intense, self-effacing devotion to Siva, and proclaim absolute faith in His abounding grace and beneficent mission. Their religious fervour and spiritual depth represent an early phase of Saivism of which the keynote is bhakti. Tamil Saivisni has an important bearing on the religious conflict, to which we have referred in this work. Here, Saivism was in open conflict with Jainism, and the antagonism was far more deep-rooted than in the Deccan, where the Jaina faith continued to be in a favoured position until long after its discomfiture at Kanci and Madura. In the Tamil country Jainism lost effective royal patronage as early as the seventh century A. D. when it had only commenced to obtain royal favour in the Deccan, for example, under Pulakesi II. The great Pallava king Mahendravarman I was converted from Jainism to the Saiva faith by Appar in the first quarter of the seventh century A. D. The Saiva saint had been persecuted by Mahendra; but, after his conversion, the king became an ardent champion of the new faith, and is said to have demolished the Jaina monastery at Pataliputtiram, a seat of Jaina learning in the South Arcot district, and built a Siva temple on the spot. Appar himself was born a Saiva, became a Jaina and leader of the Jaina settlement at Patali now the modern town of Cuddalore), and later reverted to his former religion. Further to the south, Kun Pand ya of 1 Jouveau-Dubreuil : The Pallavas, p. 68. 2 Aiyangar: Some Contributions of South India to Indian Culture, p. 217. 3 Tamilian Antiquary (op. cit.), p. 2. 4 Ibid. No. 4, pp. 1-55. See also Sastri: The Pandyan Kingdom, p. 67. 5 Jouveau-Dubreuil: Pallava Antiquities, Vol. I, p. 40; Longhurst: Pallava Architecture, Part I, p. 7. 6 Aiyangar (op. cit.), p. 237. 63

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498 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE which recounts, for instour against the nan elephant to Madura was similarly converted from Jainism to the Saiva faith by the saint Sambandar; and this king has been identified with Arikesari Maravarman who commenced his reign about the middle of the seventh century A. D.' The conversion of Kun Pandya and Mahendravarman I may be regarded as a turning point in the history of Saivism in South India, as it meant practically the elimination of Jainism as a serious rival. But the story of the persecution of the Jainas, eight thousand of whom are said to have been cruelly put to death at Madura at the instigation of Sambandar, is probably an exaggeration for which the Tamil Puranas are responsible, Sambandar was, however, noted for his anti-Jaina zeal, as he has given vent to his implacable hatred of the Jainas in all his hymns. The rancour against the Jainas lurked in various legends, one of which recounts, for instance, that these heretics once sent an elephant to destroy the city of Madura, but Siva petrified the beast in the form of the neighbouring Anamalai hill." The Saiva Adiyars as well as the Vaisnava Alvars were assiduous in combating heresy in the Tamil land. Manikkavasagar turned against the Buddhists, whom he defeated in argument at Chidambaram and thereafter converted to the Saiva faith. He was a high officer of the Pandya king of the time until he renounced the world at the call of Siva; and it is possible that Pandyan rule included Chidambaram in his day. The dialectical triumph of Manikkavasagar was repeated by Sambandar at Madura, but his opponents were the Jainas, who refused to adopt the Saiva faith despite their humiliation. Thus, while the earlier saint was an antagonist of the Buddhists, the efforts of Sambandar were directed against Jainism; and, it may be assumed that the hostility of so influential a leader of religious opinion contributed towards the retrogression of the Jaina faith in the South. The role of Appar in this conflict of religions was no less important, as the conversion of Mahendravarman I gave to Saivism one of its greatest patrons and protagonists. The decline of Jainism in the Tamil country was thus largely due to the loss of royal patronage and popular support brought about by the influence and missionary zeal of the leading Saiva saints. The process of decay, far-reaching as it was, must have been gradual, as references to Jaina temples and images are occasionally found in the records of the succeeding centuries. It is noteworthy that, as late as the first quarter of the tenth century, the Pand ya king Rajasimha II is said to have endowed, among others, several Jaina temples. It is clear from such facts that Jainism was not overwhelmed so completely as Buddhism by the rising tide of Saivism and Vaisnavism in the land.'" The paramount influence of Saivism in the Tamil country is also attested by the temple architecture of the time, as in the case of the Deccan. 1 Jouveau-Dubreuil: The Pallavas, p. 68. 2 Sastri : The Pandyan Kingdom, p. 97. 3 Tamilian Antiquary, No. 3, p. 7. 4 Sastri (op. cit.), p. 4. 5 Sastri (op. cit.), p. 96. 6 Sastri (op. cit.), p. 95.

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APPENDIX III 499 As stated above, the early Cola king Koccenganan is said to have built many Siva temples; while the Tevaram saints celebrate a very large number of them in their hymns. But, so far as existing examples are concerned, South Indian architecture may be said to begin with the Pallavas, or more precisely, with the reign of Mahendravarman I in the first quarter of the seventh century A. D. The shrines, before his time, appear to have been built of perishable materials, but he introduced the art of excavating temples in the natural rock in the Tamil country. Almost the first cave temple, 'caused to be built by King Curious-minded, without bricks, without timber and without mortar,' is the one at Mandagappattu in the South Arcot district; and it was dedicated to Brahma, Visnu and Siva.' Most of the remaining caves, with one exception, were excavated for the worship of Siva under the form of the linga; and they are found in the North Arcot, Chingleput, and South Arcot districts of the Madras Presidency. The name Mahendra occurs in inscriptions on the caves at Trichinopoly, Pallavaram, Mahendravadi and Vallam ; while one or other of his birudas is mentioned in those on the caves at Dalavanur and Siyamangalam. Mahendravarman's comic play Mattavilasaprahasana is mentioned in a mutilated inscription on one of the caves at Mamandur* in the North Arcot district. One of the inscriptions on the upper cave cut in the rock at Trichinopoly contains a verse, which has been taken to refer to Mahendravarman's former hostility to the Saiva religion. The verse in question seems to express the hope that, while king Gunabhara (one of the birudas of Mahendravarman I) is a worshipper of the linga emblem, the linga enshrined in the temple will proclaim the fact that he has desisted from 'hostile action', that is, his former persecution of the Saiva faith. Mahendravarman's conversion gave a new impetus to Saivism in the Tamil land. Only one of his caves, that at Mahendravadi, is dedicated to Visnu. The rock-cut temple at Singavaram in the South Arcot district contains a very large image of Visnu sleeping on the serpent Ananta, and is thought to belong to the epoch of Mahendravarman on architectural grounds. Of the three caves at Vallam (near Chingleput) two are dedicated to Siva, one of which contains an inscription of Mahendravarman: the third cave is dedicated to Visnu. Reference may be made in this connection to the great rock-cut temple at Undavalli in the Guntur district, situated on the 1 Tamilian Antiquary, No 4, p. 30. 2 'gara FESTEHT FRA and Thaa fasofala' See Jouveau-Dubreuil : Conjesvaram Inscription of Mahendravarman I. Trichinopoly, 1919, 3 Jouveau-Dubreuil: Pallava Antiquities, Vol. 1, p. 39. Ibid.: The Pallavas, p. 39. South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I, 1890, p. 29. The temple is excavated half way up the Triohinopoly rock, and consists of a rock-cut hall measuring 30 feet in length and 15 feet in width. A remarkable soulptural panel, carved in the west wall of the hall, and measuring about seven feet square, represents Siva with four arms, the right upper arm holding the Ganges issuing from his hair. 6 Jouveau-Dabrouil: Pallava Antiquities, Vol. I, pp. 49 83.

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500 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE south bank of the Krshna opposite to Bezwada. The temple consists of a ground floor and three upper storeys hewn out of the natural rock. It has a frontage of about 90 feet in length and rises to a height of 50 feet from the ground level.' The ground floor and especially the third or top storey are unfinished. The temple may be said in fact to be four-storeyed, but its different storeys are supposed to represent 'three temples of the Mahendra period excavated one above the other in the same rock. The principal image in the temple is a huge decayed image of Visnu lying on the serpent Ananta found in the second storey. A similar figure exists in the shrine attached to the big Siva temple at Mahabalipuram known as the Shore temple, and it also occurs in a large bas-relief panel in a Siva temple close to the Lighthouse at the same place. The colossal image of Anantasayana and certain Vaisnava sculptures have led to the belief that the rock-cut temple at Undavalli was originally dedicated to Visnu. But, as we have seen, it is not rare to find an image of Visnu, particularly in the form of Anantasayana, located in a Siva temple. The style of the doorkeepers, panels and niches containing Saiva figures, and the group of rockcut miniature Siva temples containing lingas on the hill close by all indicate that Undavalli was a stronghold of the linga cult in the seventh century in spite of the presence of Vaisnava figures in the big temple. The origin of the temples at Undavalli and Bezwada is obscure; and there is no actual proof that they are the works of the Pallavas, but their architectural style seems to denote that they were excavated by the latter and that they represent their earliest attempts in this direction before the Pallavas were driven south by the Chalukyas and executed similar but better works in the Tamil Country." There is an ancient Pallava cave-temple known as the Orukal Mandapa on the east side of the Vedagirisvara hill bordering the town of Tirukkalukkunram not far from Chingleput. The temple was dedicated to Siva as the shrine contains a large cylindrical granite linga. The style of its architecture clearly denotes that it was excavated in the reign of Mahendra. The Vedagirisvara temple on the summit of the hill is likewise an ancient structure, but later than the Orukal Mandapa. Carved on the back wall of the main shrine of this temple is the Somaskanda panel representing Siva and Parvati in the centre with the child Skanda seated between them. It may be noted that the Somaskanda panel is not found in any 1 Longhurst: Pallava Architecture, Part I, pp. 5, 22, 27, 29. Jouveau-Dubreuil first pointed out that the Undavalli caves closely resemble those of Mahendravarman, but he thought that they were the work of the Visnuku ding who seem to have reigned on the banks of the Godavari and the Krisbna towards the end of the sixth century A. D., before that country was conquered by the Chalukyas. Further, as the caves of Trichinopoly and Pallavaram contain certain surnames of Mahendra varman, which are all of Telugu origin, Jouveau-Dubreuil supposed thut Mahendravarman I reigned over the Telugu country and imported into the Tamil country the art that existed on the banks of the Krishna. The Pallavas, pp. 32, 33. Longhurst assumes, on purely architectural grounds, that the Bezwada and Undavalli cavetemples are Pallava monuments of the early part of the seventh century,

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APPENDIX III 501 shrine of the temples of the Mahendra period. It appears in the reign of Narasimhavarman I, e. g. on the back wall of the shrine cell in the Dharmaraja Ratha, and occurs in all the Pallava temples of the Rajasimha period. Mahendravarman I was succeeded by Narasimhavarman I in the second quarter of the seventh century A. D. He was the founder of the sea-coast town of Mamallapuram, now the village of Mahabalipuram, on a strip of sand, about 40 miles south of Madras. All his monuments as well as those of his grandson Paramesvarvarman I (about 655-690 A. D.) are mainly found at this place, and consist of cave-temples and the so-called rathas. The cave-temples are rock-cut excavations of the same style as those of the Mahendra period, but there is a distinct improvement in design and workmanship. The clumsy pillars with cubical capitals of the Mahendra period are replaced by elegant pillars with bulbous capitals, and the interiors are often decorated with sculptural figures in high-relief of great beauty and executed with remarkable skill.' The rathas are monolithic free-standing temples, delicately carved, and look like rock-cut models of structural temples. A few were dedicated to Vishnu, but most of them were devoted to the worship of Siva and his consort Parvati, the latter sometimes in the form of Durga. In a few cases, a combined worship of Siva and Visnu seems to have occurred in the same temple.' The most remarkable monument at Mahabalipuram is the so-called Dharmaraja Ratha, 'a lofty pyramidal-roofed temple with three storeys of cell-terraces above the ground floor, rising to a small octagonal dome.' The ground floor consists of a hall, about 28 feet square, with a projecting portico facing the west. As an example of marvellous stone-cutting and carving, it is quite the most wonderful monument in Southern India. It is also veryi nteresting as the prototype of the lofty structural pyramidal temples of later times.' It may be definitely stated that the Dharmaraja Ratha and the Ganesa Temple, quite the most finished and ornate' of all the rathas, For example, the so-called Arjuna's Ratha (these local names have no historical significance) represents a stone model of a small two-storeyed building crowned with an octagonal bell-shaped dome mainly of timber construction. The Sahadeva's Ratha consists of a ground fioor and two upper storeys, with a waggon-headed roof. All three floors are apsidal-ended like Buddhist caityas or churches. Like all the other so-called rathas, it is obviously a stone model of a building mainly of wooden construction. The Bhima's Ratha is waggon-roofed : 'it is a stone model of a large barn-like building mainly of timber construction. On plan it measures 42 feet in length, 25 feet in width and is about 25 feet high. The roof of this so-called Bhima's Ratha 'would seem to be the prototype of the ordinary waggon roof of all the great gopurams or gate-ways of the South Indian temples. The ratha known as the Ganesa temple is an oblong monolithic edifice with two upper storeys and a waggon-roof, having two gable end facades with horseshoe bargeboards like Bhima's Ratha which it closely resembles, although much smaller, being only 20 feet in length from north to south, 114 feet in width, and 28 feet in height.' See Longhurst: Pallava Architecture, Part II. 2 So called, because an image of Ganesa was installed in the temple by the villagers in recent times.

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502 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE and the cave-temples known as the Dharmaraja Mandapa and the Ramanuja Mandapa were originally dedicated to Siva. The name atyanta-kama-pallavesvara-grha, the Siva temple of Atyantakama Pallava', is inscribed on the east and west sides of the third storey of the Dharmaraja Ratha, and occurs also in a duplicate inscription on the Ganesa temple and the Dharmaraja Mandapa. Further, a verse condemning those who do not worship Siva occurs in the same inscription, and is found also inscribed on the Ramanuja Mandapa?. As regards atyanta-kama, it seems to have been a biruda of both Narasimhavarman I and Paramesvaravarman I. The name Sri-Narasimha and the epithet atyanto-kama occur, the former twice, in a string of inscription (Nos. 1-16 ) engraved in an archaic alphabet on the Dharmaraja Ratha, showing that it was founded by Narasimhavarman I. The name Paramesvara and the title Atyantakama occur in the duplicate inscription on the Ganesa temple and the Dharmaraja Mandapa; and it is probable that the reference is to Paramesvaravarman 1. As both these temples are called atyanta-kamapallavesvara-grha, the title Atyantakama is here thought to refer to Paramesvaravarman 1. But the name atyanta-kama-pallavesvara-grha is inscribed also on the east side of the third storey of the Dharmaraja Ratha (Inscription No. 17), not in the archaic alphabet of Inscriptions 1-16, but in the florid alphabet used in the inscriptions on the Dharmaraja Mandapa and the Ganesa temple. It is therefore supposed that the Dharmaraja Ratha was built by Narasimhavarman I, but it was consecrated by Paramesvaravarman I, surnamed Atyantakama, who gave it the name of Atyantakamanallah,, surnamed Atsarman I, but it w Most of the other temples at Mahabalipuram were devoted to the worship of Siva. The rock-cut temple near the Durga shrine is a large five-celled Saiva temple similar, on plan and in dimensions, to the temple of Mahendravarman at Pallavaram.* The central shrine of the Trimurti temple was dedicated to Siva, and contains a basrelief carved on the back wall representing a four-armed standing image of Siva.' The so-called Arjuna's Ratba was also dedicated to Siva, and contained a head of the deity surmounted by the trident. It is believed that these trident heads were set up in the shrine cells in place of the usual Siva lingas. The custom appears to have been peculiar to the Pallavas as such images do not seem to have been discovered elsewhere. The Mahisasura Mandapa is a large triple-celled Saiva cave-temple : 'a socket hole, cut in the centre of the floor of the cell, points to the fact that it had, or was designed for a Siva linga. A large square panel on the back wall of the shrine chamber contains a bas-relief representing the Sukhasa.na group (Siva, Parvati, the child Skanda and the bull Nandi). 1 "dhik teSAM dhik teSAM punarapi thigdhigdhigastu dhika teSAM / yeSAM na vasati hRdaye kupathagativimokSako rudrH||' 2 amAyazcitramAyo'sAvaguNo guNabhAjanaH / svastho niruttaro jIyAdanIzaH prmeshvrH|| v. 2. atyantakAmo nRpatiniji arches: llat 97814: T ag az all v. 5. Paramesvara in v. 2 primarily refers to Siva, but seems to refer also to the king of that name. 3 See South Indian Inscriptions, vol. I, 1890, pp. 1-6; Jouveau-Dubreuil : Pallava Antiquities, Vol. I, pp. 60-64. 4 Longhurst (op. cit.), p. 13.

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APPENDIX II 503 high, of the Burga. The Varahae Waraha Avatara. the former are remain. The two cave-temples known as the Varaha Mandapa and the Varaha Temple appear to be the only ancient Vaisnava shrines at Mahabalipuram. Carved in bas-relief in four large panels on the walls of the former are remarkable sculptures representing the Varaha Avatara, the Vamana Avatara, Laksmi and Durga. The Varaha Temple contains a large bas-relief, 8 feet high, of the Boar Incarnation, carved on the back wall of the shrine chamber. Vaisnavism seems to have ousted the Saiva faith from its dominant position at Mamallapuram at a much later date when the lingas were cast out of the shrines, and some of the Siva temples damaged and subjected to what has been called Vaisnava vandalism. But there is no doubt that during the Pallava period Mamallapuram was a stronghold of Saiva worship. There must have been Saiva temples at other places besides Mamallapuram during the reigns of Narasimhavarman I and Paramesvaravarman I. The Kuram plates issued by the latter, sometime after his victory over the Chalukya Vikramaditya I in 674 A, D., record a grant to the Siva temple of Vidyavinita Pallavesvara, which has been identified with the dilapidated Siva temple at Kuram, a village near Conjeeveram. At Melacheri in the South Arcot district there is a cave-temple dedicated to Siva, which contains an inscription recording the fact that it was built by the emperor Candraditya. It has been surmised by Jouveau-Dubreuil on paleographic grounds that Candraditya was a name of Narasimhavarman I or Paramesvaravarman I." The Pallava cave-temples are small in comparison with the stupendous excavations at Ellora, and appear to have gone out of vogue by the end of the seventh century. Paramesvaravarman I was succeeded by his son Narasimhavarman II, or Rajasimha, who distinguished himself by his piety and devotion to Siva. About the first decade of the eighth century A. D., he built the central shrine of the Kailasanatha temple at Conjeeveram, the Shore Temple at Mahabalipuram, and the old Siva temple at Panamalai in the South Arcot district. The temples of Rajasimha possess fluted black stone lingas, 1 Longhurst (op. cit.), Part II, pp. 5, 34, 37. "The comparatively ruined and desecrated state of the Saiva shrines, and the dispersion, overthrow and destruction of lingas, together with the unmolested state of the Vaishnava temples and symbols, suggest strongly the violent overthrow of the Saiva by the Vaishnava faith' at Mamallapuram. The interior of the so-called Ramanuja Mandapa was completely wrecked, and one of the pillars of the Mahisasura Mandapa was cut out and removed to the Varaha Temple, presumably, to be used in the construction of the modern mandapa erected in front of the old rookout shrine. The few Tamil inscriptions dating from 1073 to 1235 A. D. that have been found at Mamallapuram, indicate that the Vaisnav& sect was dominant during that period, and its followers seem to have remained in the ascendant down to the present day. They still occupy the Varaha Temple and the large modern-looking Sthalasayana Temple in the village and keep up the services of their sect therein.' Jouveau-Dubreuil: The Palladas, p. 45. Ibid.: Pallava Antiquities, Vol. I, p. 66. One of the largest, the so-called Mahisasura Mandapa, is '32 feet long from north to gouth, 15 feet wide and 121 feet high.' See Longhurst: Pallava Architecture, Part III. 3 4

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504 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE and on the back wall of the shrine is carved the Somaskanda panel representing Siva and Parvati, seated, with the child Skanda on the latter's knee. The temple of Airavatesvara at Conjeeveram is also dedicated to Siva, and bears all the characteristics of the style of Rajasimha, but it is not definitively known whether it was built in his reign.1 The Shore Temple is built on the shore within a few feet of the sea at Mahabalipuram. From an architectural point of view, it appears to be earlier than the central shrine of the Kailasanatha temple, as the latter seems to be mainly a development of the former. The Shore Temple faces the sea on the east side, and at the back facing the west is another Siva temple, smaller in size, but built in the same style as the main building. The stepped tower over the central shrine is divided into three main storeys, like Dharmaraja's ratha, and is crowned with the usual umbrella-shaped ornament surmounted by a lofty black stone Kalasam or urn-finial.' The central shrine of the Kailasanath temple at Conjeeveram is called Rajasimhesvara in old inscriptions, as it was built by Rajasimha; while his son Mahendravarman III seems to have completed the edifice. Mahendravarman III built also a smaller Siva temple with a waggon-headed roof, now called Naradesvara, in front of the Kailasanatha Temple, and named it Mahendresvara, or Mahendravarmesvara, after himself." At a distance of 26 feet to the east, in front of the central shrine of the Kailasanatha or Rajasimhesvara temple, is an old Mandapa or pillared hall which seems to have been built about the same time as the temple. It is now connected with the latter by an unsightly modern apartment with an entrance on the south side.' The pyramidal tower over the central shrine is divided into three main storeys rising to a total height of about 50 feet and is crowned with the usual umbrella ornament surmounted by an urn-finial.' The provision of procession paths and big enclosures around the temples of the Rajasimha period is an entirely new feature, as in the earlier Pallava temples it was not customary to surround the shrine witha circumambulatory passage or procession path, nor was any attempt made to provide walled enclosures or temple-yards around the shrines prior to this period. 'It would appear that, originally, the procession path, or passage around the shrine was open to the sky as in the Shore Temple. In the Panamalai and Conjeeveram temples, we find the passage closed with a flat roof and the interior in total darkness.' The style of the temples of the earlier period shows that the Hinduism of those early days was a simple, straight-forward form of worship conducted openly, and free from that secrecy and mysticism which forms such a striking feature of that religion in later times, necessitat- " ing the provision of secret passages around the shrine, gloomy interiors and high-walled enclosures, features quite unknown in the earlier examples.' The elaboration of structural details and appendages shows that the cults of the temples and Saiva ritual in particular tended to become more and more elaborate and complex, say from the eighth century onwards. 1 Jouveau-Dubreuil: The Pallavas, p. 46. 2 Longhurst (op. cit.), Part III, p. 10.

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APPENDIX III 505 Kailasnath the ancient Mandmiditya Satyasraya entioned above, the of The temple of Kailasanatha at Conjeeveram is of considerable historical importance, as it serves as one of the connecting links between the architecture of Southern India and that of the Deccan. The Chalukya Vikramaditya II (733-746 A. D.), who invaded the Pallava dominions (Tundaka-visaya or Tondai-mandalam ), defeated the Pallava king Nandivarman and entered Kanci or Conjeeveram. But he spared the Pallava capital and seems to have respected and admired its monuments, the Rajasimhesvara or the Kailasanatha temple in particular. It is stated in the Vakkaleri grant that he acquired great religious merit by restoring to the stone temple of Rajasimhesvara, caused to be built by Narasimha-pota-varman, and to other temples, the gold, which had probably been confiscated by his subordinates without his permission. That Vikramaditya II visited the Kailasnatha temple seems to be proved by a Kanarese inscription engraved on a pillar of the ancient Mandapa in front of the central shrine, which begins with the name of "Vikramaditya Satyasraya Sri-Prthivi-vallabha", and mentions the temple of Rajasimhesvara. As mentioned above, the great temple of Virupaksa at Pattadakal was built by the queen consort of Vikramaditya II in commemoration of his conquest of Kanci; and the superior technique of that temple, as compared with the shrine of Vijayesvara built by his predecessor Vijayaditya, has been explained by supposing that Vikramaditya II must have brought with him skilled artisans from the southern capital. That this is not a mere guess is shown by an inscription on the eastern gateway of Virupaksa, which speaks of the builder of the Lokesvara (Virupaksa) temple as the most eminent sutradhari of the southern country. Further, "high up on the front or east face of the temple of Papanatha at Pattadakal is an inscription in praise of a certain ChattaraRevadi-Ovajja who is said to have made the southern country', i. e. was the builder of the temples of the southern country. He belonged to the same guild, the Sarvasiddhi-acaryas, as the builder of Virupaksa in the last inscription." It is therefore probable that the old temple of Vijayesvara at Pattadakal was constructed by local builders, and that of Virupaksa by more capable architects from the Pallava capital. It may be assumed that Vikramaditya's conquest of Kanci indirectly gave a stimulus to the building art and the Saiva faith in the Deccan, and the temples of Conjeeveram and the shrine of Rajasimhesvara in particular seem to have been the main source of inspiration. Narasimhavarman II or Rajasimha was succeeded by Mahendravarman III, and the latter by Paramesvaravarman II. Paramesvaravarman II built an important Visnu temple, that of Vaikuntha Perumal at Conjee 1 afhetaHaHARETRAITE ariage qui lutaralistagoz:' South Indian Ins criptions, Vol. I, p. 146. 2 Ibid. p. 147. The insoription records that the king, having captured Kafici and inspected the riches of the temple, gave them again to the god i. e, did not confiscate the property of the temple. Ep. Ind., Vol. III, p. 359. 3 Cousens: Chalukyan Architecture of the Kanarege Districts, p. 61. 64

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506 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE veram, of which we shall speak later. The Siva temple of Virattanesvara at Tiruvadi in the South Arcot district contains an inscription belonging to the reign of Paramesvara-Pottaraiyar, and might perhaps be attributed to Paramesvaravarman II. There was a change in the line of succession after Paramesvaravarman II, and Nandivarman Pallavamalla came to the throne about 720 A. D. The Pallavas reigned for a further period of more than a century and a half, and continued the tradition of building temples in honour of Siva. These shrines are smaller in size, of which the best examples are the temples of Muktesvara and Matangesvara at Conjeeveram. The first may be assigned to about the middle of the eighth century and the second to its end. The temple of Kailasanatha at Alambakkam founded by Dantivarman, who succeeded Nandivarman Pallavamalla towards the end of the eighth century A. D., was probably rebuilt during the Cola period. To the later Pallava period also belong the temple of Parasuramesvara at Gudimallam near Renigunta and that of Vadamallisvara at Oragadam near Chingleput. It is said that Siva temples with the name Parasuramesvara are not rare in the South, and they are believed to owe their existence to Parasurama. The temple at Oragadam is apsidal-ended, and modelled on the style of the rock-cut temple known as Sahadeva's Ratha at Mahabalipuram. Apsidal-ended temples of this type are not uncommon in Southern India, and as a rule are dedicated to Siva. Perhaps in adopting this style of building from the Buddhists, the Brahmanas saw in its apsidal-ended plan the sacred form of the linga or phallic emblem of Siva, and thus considered it an appropriate design for Saivite temples. One of the latest Pallava temples dedicated to Siva is that of Virattanesvara at Tiruttani, which belongs to the reign of Aparajita, the last of the Pallavas, and was therefore built in the last quarter of the ninth century. It is square on plan with a small porch or hall facing the east giving access to a shrine chamber 6 feet square.' The tower or Vimana over the shrine chamber is designed like a small model of a Buddhist caitya and bears a striking resemblance to Sahadeva's Ratha.' That Saivism was the prevailing religion during the Pallava period is shown by the Pallava monuments, most of which are dedicated to Siva. It has been said of the Pallava capital that in the south the honour belongs to one city only and that is Kanci, It seems that this position was attained by Kanci under the orthodox rule of the Pallavas and mainly by the religion of Saivism which they propagated and favoured together with the greatness of the Saiva saints who flourished there. Buddhism and Jainism both found followers in the Pallava empire, but the religion of the ruling family and the people generally was Saivism. They built a few Visnu temples, but 'Siva was their family deity, and Kanci is still 1 Jouveau-Dubreuil: The Pallavas, p. 46. 2 For the later Pallava temples see Longhurst (op. cit.), Part III and Jouveau. Dubreuil; Pallava Antiquities, Vol. II,

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APPENDIX III 507 the greatest stronghold of Saivism in the south, and the most devout Saiva poets and saints belong to that city. The simultaneous existence of Vaisnavism cannot indeed be ruled out, but it seems to have played a subsidiary role during the Pallava period and probably long after. The earliest of the Alvars were associated with Kanci, but it is not easy to assign dates or the extent of their influence on contemporary society. Tirumangai, the last of the Alvars, has been assigned to the eighth century, and he was probably a contemporary of Nandivarman Pallavamalla.? Among the great Pallavas, Paramesvaravarman II appears to have been a devout Vaisnava, and the Vaikuntha Perumal temple built by him at Kanci is one of the few large Pallava temples dedicated to Visnu.3 The Kesava Perumal temple at Kuram near Conjeeveram is another Pallava shrine dedicated to Visnu. It contains an inscription of the reign of Dantivarman, and there is no doubt that the temple belongs to the latter half of the eighth century. Similar traces of Vaisnavism are found in the Pandya country where, as we have seen, some of the early triumphs of Saivism had been achieved. In 770 A, D. Marangari or Madhurakavi, a minister of the Pandya king Varaguna Nedunjadayan built a stone temple for Visnu in the Anamalai hill near Madura, and gave a village to some Brahmins apparently on the occasion of the installation of the image of Narasimha in the temple. The king, too, built a large temple for Visnu, but though he is called parama-vaisnavan in inscriptions, he was liberal in his benefactions to Saiva temples. The Pallavas were supplanted by the Colas about the end of the ninth century A. D. when Aditya I defeated Aparajita, the last independent king of the Pallava dynasty. The Colas were ardent Saivas, and their rule prolonged the domination of the Saiva faith. They were also great builders of temples, and from an architectural point of view, the later Pallava style merges into the early Cola. According to the Anbil plates. Aditya I (circa 871-907 A, D.) built on both banks of the Kaveri tall stone temples in honour of Siva. After his death, a Sive temple called by the names Adityesvara and Kodandaramesvara was founded in his memory by his son and successor Parantaka I (907-953 A. D.). As already mentioned, 1 Longhurst (op. cit.), Part III, p. 9. 2 Aiyangar (op. cit.), p. 275. 3 Like the Kailasanatha temple, the pyramidal tower consists of a central shrine on the ground floor and three upper storeys. The one on the ground floor contains a large four-armed image of Visnu in a sitting posture. The shrine of the first floor contains a fairly large image of Visnu in the form of Anantasayana. The cell on the second floor contains a smaller image of Visnu. The third story of the tower is hollow. The Anantasayana form of Visnu seems to have been popular in the South, Between the Shore Temple and the small attendant Siva temple at Mahabalipuram, is a third shrine containing a large decayed stone image of Visnu in a recumbent position and representing that deity in the form of Anantasayapa. It is an oblong cell built up against the back wall of the smaller Siva temple, and appears to be & later addition. Lunghurst (op. cit.), pp. 3, 16. 4 Jouveau-Dubreuil: Pallava Antiguities, Vol. II, p. 14. 5 Sastri: The Pandyan Kingdom, p. 63.

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508 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE the custom of founding such memorial temples dedicated to Siva was also prevalent in the Deccan in the tenth century. Parantaka I is known to have covered with gold the Siva temple at Cidambaram. In fact Parantaka's reign was a great epoch in the history of South Indian temple architecture, and the work of temple-building begun by Aditya was continued vigorously during the best part of his reign.'1 South Indian Saivism may be said to have reached its apogee during the reign of Rajaraja I (985-1014 A. D.). The great literary reorganisation of Tamil Saivism took place in his time. The hymns and devotional poems of the Saiva saints were collected and arranged in eleven sections, or Tirumurai, by Nambi Andar Nambi, a Brahmin priest of Tirunaraiyur in the Tanjore district, under the patronage of Rajaraja Abhaya Kulasekhara Cola, identified with Rajaraja I.' The encouragement of Nambi Andar Nambi in his great undertaking was not the only service rendered by Rajaraja I to the cause of Saivism. It was he who built the celebrated Siva temple at Tanjore, the Rajarajesvara, perhaps the most magnificent creation of the South Indian building art, with the vimana, or tower, rising over the sanctum to a height of nearly 200 feet on a square base of about a hundred feet.' Rajaraja who invaded and conquered Ceylon seems to have built a stone temple to Siva at Polonnaruwa, the new capital of the island, founded after the destruction of the ancient capital Anuradhapura by the invading armies. It is a small but beautiful structure, and one of the few Hindu monuments in Ceylon, which are still in a good state of preservation.' The Siva temple at Dadapuram in the South Arcot district bears an inscription of Rajaraja, and is another well-preserved example of the early Cola style of the tenth century A. D.3 It may also be noted that an inscription of the twenty-fourth year of the reign of Rajaraja I records a sale of land, tax-free, for the pavitrarohana ceremony in honour of Mahadeva of the Candramaulisvara temple by certain residents of Merpadi alias Rajasrayapuram. Pavitrarohana or Pavitraropana is an important Saiva rite described in detail in Isanasivagurudevapaddhati (Kriyapada, chap. XXI). Rajaraja I was succeeded by his son Rajendra I who reigned till 1044 A. D. The latter is said to have imported Saivas from the banks of the Ganges and settled them in Kancipura and in the Cola country. The great Siva temple built by him in his new capital Gangaikondacolapuram still stands amidst the ruins of the city in the Trichinopoly district. emphasis on vimanas of stupendous height is the outstanding feature of the early Cola style at Tanjore and Gangaikonda-colapuram. The It is not necessary for our purpose to pursue further the course of Saivism in South India. The finishing touch to the devotional literature 1 Sastri: The Colas, Vol. I, Chap. VII. 2 Tamilian Antiquary No. 3, 1909, p. 2. 3 Jouveau-Dubreuil: Dravidian Architecture, p. 37. 4 Sastri (op. cit), p. 512.

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APPENDIX IV 509 of Tamil Saivism may be said to have been given by Sekkilar in the twelfth century, by recounting the lives of the Saiva saints in his Periyapuranam, based on the earlier work of Nambi Andar Nambi. The organisation of Vaisnavism initiated by Nathamuni in the tenth century and continued by Yamunacarya was completed about this time by Ramanuja, who seems to have been an elder contemporary of Sekkilar. The activity of the Vaispava Acaryas thus falls within the period of the Saivite Colas. Rajaraja the Great was liberal in his outlook, and though a devout Saiva, built Visnu temples in Mysore and richly endowed others. But it is significant that Ramanuja and his followers were persecuted by a Cola king usually supposed to be Kulottunga I who commenced bis reign in 1070 A. D. There are other instances of the Cola persecution of the Visnu cult ; and, in any case, the initial triumph of Ramanuja was achieved not in the Cola country, but in Mysore under Bittideva or Visnuvardhana Hoysala who reigned in the first halt of the twelfth century, APPENDIX IV THE KALAMUKAA SEOT In Chapter XIII, p. 350, we have referred to the important Kalamukha sect and its influence in the Mysore country in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The Kalamukhas were influential also in the Cola country from about the tenth century A. D.; and the relevant evidence is summarized by Prof. Nilakanta Sastri in his Colas, Vol. II (part I), P. 494. A matha of the Kalamukhas existed at Melpali (North Arcot), where Krsna III established his camp during his invasion of the Cola kingdom, as recorded in Somadeva's Yasastilaka. Kalamukha teachers bearing the names Sailarasi and Jnanarasi are mentioned in connection with endowments in the temple of Tiruvanaikkoyil (Chingleput) in the years 1127, 1205 and 1231. A. Kalamukha teacher sold some land to the temple at Koyil Tevarayanpettai (Tanjore district) in 1123 A. D. As we have seen, the Kalamukhas of the Mysore region were Pasupatas, and are often described as exponents of the Lakula creed; and sometimes a teacher is compared to Lakulisvara, the founder of the system, or styled as Lakulisvara-Pandita. Similar evidence is furnished by the Cola inscriptions. The head of the matha of the Kalamukhas at Melpadi was, for instance, called Lakulisvara-Pandita. Some of these Kalamukha teachers are called also mahaoratin, possessed of the great vow'. An inscription from Jambai (South Arcot) of the reign of the Cola king Virarajendra (1063-69 A. D.) mentions a Mahavratin Lakulisvara-Pandita in connection with the local temple. An inscription of the twentieth year of the reign of Krsna III, i. e. about 959 A. D., describes how a certain man of a noble family, 1 Sastri (op. cit.), p. 224.

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510 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE his Nyahe tenth ceminent in the a devoted friend of the Cola prince Rajaditya, turned ascetic after the death of the latter on the battlefield (see p. 2), and became a mahavratin, under the name of Caturanana Pandita, and the head of the matha at Tiruvorriyur (Chingleput district). It is difficult to explain why the Kalamukha ascetics are styled here as mahavratin, which is the usual name for Kapalikas (see p. 358). It is true that the Kalamukhas are sometimes described as a sect very much akin to the Kapalikas who were notorious for their evil practices. But the Kalamukhas of the Mysore and Cola inscriptions were followers of the Pasupata system, and could hardly have been affiliated to the degenerate Kalamukha sect mentioned by Yamuna Muni and Ramanuja. It is, of course, not impossible that among the members of the Kalamukha Pasupata sect there were a few who might have adopted the Kapalika way of life and figured as the Kalamukhas stigmatized by the Vaisnava teachers. The Kalamukha teachers described in the Cola inscriptions as Mahavratins might be same as the Mahapasupatas mentioned by Udayana in his Nyaya-kusumanjali, which was composed in north India towards the end of the tenth century, about the time when the Kalamukha Pasupatas were becoming prominent in the south. We have noted (p. 241 ) that the commentators on Nyayakusumanjali explain Mahapasupatas as those Pasupatas who observe mahavrata or the great vow. "A certain amount of doctrinal affinity seems to have existed as between the Pasupatas and the Kapalikas (see p. 241 ); but it seems certain that mahavrata did not exclusively mean the Kapalika cult, and the term mahavratin was applied also to the Kalamukha Pasupata teachers of the south. We learn from Sastri: Colas (op. cit.) that a chieftain named Vikramakesari presented a big matha to a Kalamukha teacher named Mallikarjuna who was his guru, and gave him also eleven villages attached to the matha for the maintenance of fifty Asita-vaktra, that is, Kalamukha ascetics. Vikramakesari belonged to Kodumbalur (Pudukkottah) and was an ally of the Cola king Parantaka II who ruled after 953 A. D. On p. 359 we have connected Mallikarjuna with the disreputable Kalamukha sect; but in the light of the evidence furnished by the Cola inscriptions, it will be more appropriate to suppose that he was one of the Kalamukha Pasupata teachers who figure so prominently in the religious life of the south from about the tenth century onwards. These teachers, respected and patronized by kings, and in charge of monastic establishments, could hardly be supposed to have belonged to a sect akin to the Kapalikas merely on account of the similarity of names.

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Index of Geographical Names mentioned in Yas'astilaka. Comm. refers to Srutasagara's commentary on Yasastilaka. Page numbers refer to the N. S. edition of Yasastilaka. Ahicchatra in Pancala, Book VI, section 15. The Asmaka country thus corresponds to Identified with Ramnagar in Bareilly the Nizamabad District of Hyderabad District, U. P. Sacred to the Jaina Savi. State and the adjoining territory, and our Parsvanatha. Somadeva says that possibly covered in ancient times the pArzvanAthaparamezvarayaza prakAzanAmatre ahicchatre. southernmost area of Berar as well as the Anga 3. 247 etc. Corresponds roughly to the northern part of Hyderabad, See also modern districts of Bhagalpur, Mongbyr Sarkar: The Vakatakas and the Asmaka etc. country in IHQ, Vol. XXII, p. 233 and As'maka, Book III, p. 567: 3577aa97t:. Same Mirashi: Historical Data in Dandin's as Asmantaka mentioned in 1. 207: 31rak Dasakumaracarita in A BORI, Vol. XXVI, a fare difeComm. explains Asman p. 20. taka as the Sapadalaksa mountain. The Ayodhya, Book VI, section 8 (Ed.THETTABarbara mentioned in 3. 112 is also GerutgR). Kosala is mentioned in 3.249 explained by the comm, as the ruler of (sa: Tart:). Comm. explains 11 as the hill tract of Sapadalaksa, Vinitapura. Under 1.210 it says fa fare: Asmaka, Asmantaka, the Barbara country, and ayodhyAyA. Sapadalaksa are thus identical. The Balavahanapura, Book VI, section 15. capital of Asmaka was Podana or Pauda- Barbara, see under Asmaka. napura, identified with modern Bodhan, Bhavapura, Book VI, section 15. situated on an affluent of the Godavari in Bhoja country (Fra) 1. 207. Same as the Nizamabad District of Hyderabad Vidarbha or Berar. Bhandarkar: Barly State. See Saletore: The Southern History of the Dekkan, section III, Asmaka in Jaina Antiguary, Vol. VI, p. 60. Paudanapura is mentioned in Yasasti Bhumitilaka, see under Janapada. laka, Book VII, section 28. where it is Campa, Book VI, section 8 (37% vedy...... i located in Ramyakadesa (ramyakadezanivezopeta f). Near Bhagalpur. The ancient orgarafta:). According to the Parbhani capital of the kingdom of Anga. inscription (see Chap. I of this book), Cedi, Book III (7: etc.). The capital the Calukya chief Yuddhamalla I ruled of Codi was Tripuri (Tewar, near Jubbalover the Sapadalaksa country, and caused pur). Under 1.207 comm. explains Cedi his elephants to be bathed in a tank filled as Kundinapura. with oil at Podana. That GTETT Cerama, Book III. Yasodhara is described iti vizrutaH / tatrAbhUd yuddhamalAkhyo nRptirvikrmaarnnvH|| as pallavapANDyacolaceramaharmyanirmANaprakAzyamAnadigavijayasapAdalakSabhUbhartA tailavApyAM sa podne| avagAhotsavaM cakre alfagar: Cerama = Cera=Kerala (MaR itierf aarall. Asmaka is oalled Assaka labar). In 1. 208 the Cera king is in Pali literature, and Podana is the addressed thus: cerama paryaTa malayopakaNTham. The same as the ancient Potana, the capital reading of the printed text, a , is a of Assaka, which is one of the seven mistake, as the mss. read #H. Kerala Kingdoms of India mentioned in a verse is mentioned several times : keralInAM nayanacited in the Mahagovinda Suttanta of the Au E H: Book I; 3. 247; 3. 112: Dighanikaya. In the Suttanipata (verse fres deT; 1. 210: FATH ER: and 977), Assaka is located on the banks of oray Firs: etc. Book III, p. 431, the Godavari. The name appears as As- Cola, see under Cerama. Also 3. 247. CEmaka in the Mahavastu, Vol. 3, p. 208. are alwafael, 186; amag word.

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512 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE nh: Book I. The traditional Cola located in the Indrakaccha country. The country is represented by the modern name Raurukapura is omitted in the printdistricts of Trichinopoly and Tanjore and ed text, and supplied here from the manu. part of Pudukkottah State. Comm. on scripts. Raurukapura seems to be the 3,247 calls the Cola country Manjisthadesa, Roruka of the Buddhist texts, the capital The land of madder', also Samangadesa of Sovira, an important centre of the (under 1. 86), samanga being same as coasting trade, apparently on the Gulf of man istha. Under 1. 208 ( Gofruota Cutch. Rhys Davids: Buddhist India, fag) comm. identifies the Cola country p. 38. Cf. Mahavastu, Vol. 3, p. 208: with Gangapura, which seems to be an sauvIrANAM ca rorukaM. abbreviated Sanskritized form of Gangai Janapada, Book VI, section 5. The capital konda-colapuram, the Cola capital during of Janapada was Bhumitilakapura. The the eleventh and twelfth centuries, 'at the place is not identified, but for early coins meeting point of the modern districts of of Janapada see Rapson: Indian Coins, Trichinopoly, S, Arcot and Tanjore.' p. 12. Janapada was perhaps near the Cunkara, Book IV, p. 138. A city associated Kuru country, as in the story in question in a legend with the sage Bphaspati. (See Chap. XVI) two friends, banished Dahala, Book VII, section 29. Same as Dahala from Bhumitilakapura, come to Hastina. or Dahala identified with the kingdom gapura in Kurujangala. of Cedi (q. v.). Somadeva describes it Kakandi, see under Kampilya. as full of sugarcane groves, and says that Kalidasa, name of a forest, near Ahiochatra, the city of Svastimati is in Dahala (374 on the Jalavihini river (jalavAhinInAmanadItaTakAmakodaNDakAraNakAntArairivekSuvaNAvatArairvirAjitamaNDalAyAM Afacetaz HER FIRTHarga Book VI, DahAlAyAmasti svastimatI nAma purI). section 15). Das'arna, Book IV, p. 153. Also q uiaforaft-1 Kalinga, Book V. Sudatta is described as Huiger: Book III, p. 568. The capital of! the lord of the Mahendra mountain, the Dasarna was Vidisa, the remains of which are between the rock of Bhilsa and the home of elephants, in Kalinga ( dviradamadAmodamandakandarodaraparisaratpavanapAnaparamadhukarAlIhill of Udayagiri. In the midst of this nIlamaNimekhalAGkitanitambavasuMdharasya mahendramahIdharasyAdhiburied city is the hamlet of Besnagar, in fa:). The Kaliiga forest, famous for its Gwalior State. Comm, says a TIO FTTH ATT elephants, is thus defined in a verse 97WT Tataariffar ada. Dasarna is quoted in the comm. on Book II: 37 - identified with East Malwa and the ad 'utkalAnAM ca dezasya dakSiNasyArNavasya ca / sahyasya caiva joining region with its capital at Vidisa and the rivers Dasarna (modern Dhagan) vindhyasya madhye kAliGgajaM vanam // ' The elephants of and Vetravati (modern Betwa) running Kalinga are referred to also in Yasastilaka through it. IHQ, Vol. XXI, p. 61, 3. 248. Ekacakrapura, Book VII, section 22. Kamboja -1. 211 (ayraftf9 ); Friti Ekanasi, Book V (explained in comm. as faqefirretys: Book I. Comm. on Ujjayini), p. 226. Mentioned also in Book II (devamiva kulena kAmbonam) identifies Kamboja with Bahlikadesa (modern Balkh Book VII, section 25, and located in in Northern Afghanistan). Under 1.211 Avanti. comm. identifies Kamboja with Kashmir Girikuta, Book VII, section 29. and the neighbouring countries, and calls Hastinagapura, see under Kurujangala. the Kamboja women large-headed : giftHemapura, Book VI, section 15. rAdidezastrINAM bRhanmuNDAnAm. It explains also Indrakaccha, Book VI, section 9. The city a toitaiwas er after aftalu. Kamboja of Raurukapura, also called Mayapuri, is was near Gandhara 'in the extreme north

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GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX 513 west, with Dvaraka as its capital'. Rhys Karnataka History, Vol. I, p. VII. Under Davids (op. cit.), p. 28. 1.211 (Aoizga fama afac7) comm. explains Kampilya, Book VII, section 32 (210g Karnata as comprising Vidara and other FETTIFT974 Ff927). Identified places : karNATyuvatInAM vidarAdistrINAma. Vidara with Kampil in Farrukhabad District, U. is modern Bidar (District and Town) in P. The city of Kakandi, described as a great Hyderabad State. Comm. on Book I identifies Karnata with Vanavasa (or commercial centre (oriaagraarai Vanavasi): istai apargatatoare. rehart Ibid.), seems to have been in the neighbourhood of Kampilya, as the miser Kaunga, Book III: g Hik: etc., p. 431. Sagaradatta goes from the latter city to Same as Kongudesa, "the western part of Kakandi on hearing of the death of his Maisur as far as Nandidrug, together with nephew, and returns not long after. Ka- Coimbatore and Salem." Rapson: Indian kandi is mentioned also in Book VII, Coins, p. 36. section 24. It was the birth place of the Kaus'ambi, Book III (Tagafiaaffaa Jaina Tirtham kara Puspadanta. Soma Huga:). Identified with Kosam on the deva says sitas959654TH Figarra atufafaa Jumpa, about 30 miles west of Allahabad. patisaMpAditodyAvendirAsanyA kAkanyAM puri. Kausambi was the capital of the Vatsa Kanakagiri, Book III, p. 566. A mountain country. Comm. says tief ar 79 near Ujjayini. Yasodhara, the king of vatsadeze gopAcalAt gavyUticatuzcatvAriMzati vartate. If Ujjayini, is described as the lord of Gavyuti, as a measure of distance, is taken Kanakagiri. Comm. says that Kanakagiri to mean two Krosas or four miles, Kausis the name of a city on the Suvarnagiri ambi, according to the commentary, is mountain, four Krosas from Ujjayini about 176 miles from Gopacala or Gwalior. (suvarNagirinAmaparvatopari vasati yat nagaraM tat kanakagiri- Kausambi is mentioned also in Book VII, rityucyate / ujjayinyAH samIpe gavyUtidvayaM gatvA kanakagiriH section 26. In an early Buddhist text al). (the Maha-Sudassana-Syttanta of the Kankahi, Book V. A village near Ujjayini. Dighanikaya) Kosambi is mentioned The inhabitants of the village manufactur- as one of the great cities, the others being ed woolen shawls or carpets and leather Campe, Rajagaha, Bonares etc. saddles. Somadeva says gofaff Parafin Kira 3,249 (18+ a cara:). Kashmir. Comm. tamatAjinajeNAjIvanoTa jAkule..."kakAhinAmake grAma says dhAmake. Comm. says tamatam UmayamAstaraNam, 4: Thaterat fraften ferq:. ajinajeNaM carmapalyANam Krathakais'ika, Book III: Farfarang F#: etc., Karahata, Book V. Karhad on the confluence P. 431 and of this, p. 567. Comm. of the Krishna and the Koina in Satara explains the term as Viratadesa, corresDistrict, Bombay Province. Somadeva ponding roughly to the present territory describes Karahata as a prosperous coun of Jaipur and Alwar States. Kalidasa try and gives an interesting picture of a identifies Krathakaisika with Vidarbha large duiry farm of the locality. He (Berar and the adjoining territory) in refers also to the tall gold-crested edifices Raghuvamsa 5. 60, 61. of Karabata: 777, a TETI9451 Kuntala 1. 211 ( 3 [ETTE). "In TEHETHU 7: salut : 1...... the inscriptions of the later Kadambas, Karnata 1. 185 (karNATayuvatisuratAvataMsa) and karNATInAM the progenitor of the Kadamba family Tahfaro: Book I. Roughly the (sometimes called Mayuravarman, but country between the Godavari and the in some cases Makkana or Trilocana Kaverf, bordering on the Arabian Sea in Kadamba) is represented as the ruler of the West, and extending approximately to the Kuntala country which is described 78* longitude in the East. Sources of As the land round the capital city of 65

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514 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Vanavasi in the North Kanara District." (Huastg mga traat). KusagraThe territories of the Kadambas of Vana- pura is mentioned by Yuan Chwang, vasi comprised the North Kanara District being called the centre of Magadha and and parts of Mysore, Belgaum and Dhar- its old capital. "The city derived its war. Somadeva seems to have this area name from the excellent fragrant reedin his mind. See Sarkar in IHQ, Vol. grass which abounded there." Watters : XXII, p. 233. Kuntala seems, however, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, to refer to a wider area. "The follow- Vol. II, p. 148. According to a tradition ing verse which occurs in the Nilgund preserved in Hemacandra's Trisastiealaplate describes the Later Calukya emperor kapurusacarita, Prasenajit was king of Jayasimha II alias Mallikamoda as ruling Kusagrapura. Because of frequent fires over the Kuntala country where flows the in Kusagrapura Prasenajit ordered that famous river Krsnavarna (i. e. the Krspa any one in whose house a fire occurred which gets this name after its confluence should be exiled from the city. As a fire with the Vena near Mahuli, 3 miles east subsequently oocurred in the palace, Praof Satara): fetara or a sa ta ocal senajit felt bound by his own edict, left grasfat mati fariad Afsarata: 11" The the city, and founded Rajagrha. See Rastrakutas and the Later Calukyas are Johnson in 1HQ, Vol. XXII, p. 228. described in contemporary records and Rajagrha, the new capital, is modern Sanskrit works as rulers of Kuntala. The Rajgir, south of Patna, near Bihar (town). capital of the Rastrakutas was Manyakhe- Rajagrha, called also Paicasailapura, the ta, modern Malkhed in the Gulbarga city surrounded by the five hills, is District of Hyderabad State; while that mentioned by Somadeva in Book VI, sectof the Later Calukyas was Kalyana, about ion 13 ( Hirua tg TIFTETTAmat a yt). 50 miles almost due north of Malkhed, near Kusumapura, Book IV (Fungt atera etc). Bidar in the Bidar District in the same Same as Pataliputra. State. "Malkhed is about 250 miles, as Lampaka, Book III (594grytfaran TATYTKthe crow flies, north by east of Banavasi and more than 50 miles north of the 7...... ha). Identified with the Krsna." The Udayasundarikatha says modern Laghman. It is the Lan-po of Yuan-chuang, and supposed to represent that Pratisthana, modern Paithan on the the Lambatai of Ptolemy. Watters: On Godavari, was the capital of the Kuntala country. Kuntala thus did not comprise Yuan Chwang, Vol. I, p. 181. only the North Kanara District of Bombay | Lata 1. 185 (atra HTA). Oomm. Says Province and parts of Mysore, Belgaum and aratai 75mgasitarai oftT17. BhrgukaDharwar Districts, but extended much ccha, or Bharukaccha, as it is called in further to the north so as to include Pali, is modern Broach (District and what we now call the Southern Maratha Town) at the mouth of the Narmada. country. See Mirashi in THQ, Vol. Lata corresponds roughly to Eastern Gujarat. XXII, p. 310. Madra 3. 112 (fast HT trata). IdentiKurujangala 1. 211 (FFFFSasaT47). A fied with the country about Sakala (Sialportion of the Kuru country, which con kot) in the Punjab between the Ravi and tained the city of Hastinapura, called by the Chenab. Somadeva Hastinagapura or Hastinapura Mahismati, Book III ( P HT4787in Book VI, section 20. Jangaladesa mAhiSmatIpatiprabhRtInAmavanIpatInAM balAni and mAhiand Hastinagapura are mentioned also in chatyafara Book VII, section 28. 19:). Comm. says niet 7 Forst Tyagraft a. Supposed to be Kus'agrapura in Magadha, Book VI, section 6 Maheshwar on the Narmada in Indore, or

Page #536
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX 515 Mandhata, also on the Narmada, in Nimar rather vague, but there is no doubt that District, C. P. Mahismati was the capital the Dramila or Dravida or the Tamil of the early Kalacuris (Kataceuris) who country is meant. In Book III Somadeva ruled over Maharastra between the extinc- describes a Dramila or Tamil or Dravidi. tion of the Andhrabhrtyas and the rise of an Regiment (ars ). Apart from the Calukyas. Bhandarkar: Early History the Pallavas, the Kanci territory is mentof the Dekkan, 3rd, ed., Notes, p. 251. ioned in Book III (faransa Krsnaraja, the founder of the early Kala- T:). Comm. says if an afeggazin. curi dynasty, established himself at Mahis-Fancala A king of Pancala / modern Rohil. mati about the middle of the 6th century khand, U. P.) figures prominently in A. D. The capital was later transferred Book III. The Pancalakas are mentioned to Tripuri near Jubbulpur. Cf. IHQ, in 3.112, 247. Vol. XXI, p. 84. Pandu, Book IV (ET ESITE). Same as the Mathura. For references to Mathuri see Chap. Pandya country. The king of the Pandya. XVII of this book. In Book VI, section desa is mentioned in 3.248. 10, Uttara-Mathura, Mathura of the Pataliputra. The courtesans of Pataliputra North', is distinguished from Daksina are incidentally referred to in Book III Mathuri, Mathura of the South,' in (RETTYF:). Another PalaliPandyamandala, i. e. Madura. putra, located in Surastradesa (KathiaMithilapura, Book VI, section 20. war), is mentioned in Book VI, section 12. Nabhigiri, Book VI, section 15. A mountain Paudanapura. See under Asmaka. in Magadha on the border of the city of Soparapura (rafat alagrairauf air Paurava, Book III (tragittalasa:). Comm. fihafa hetTT). says that Pauravapura is Ayodhya. Nepala 3. 249 (Tata 45915:). Rajapura, capital of the Yaudheya country, described in Book I. "The Yaudheyag Padmavati, Book III (qaradtri*:). Comm. have been identified with the modern explains it as Ujjayini, Mentioned also Johiyas of Bhawalpur, but in ancient in Book VII, section 26. A marginal times their territory was more extended." note in Ms. A gives the same explanation, Rapson: Indian Coins, p. 14. Rajapura Padminikheta, Book VII, section 27. Name may perhaps be identified with modern of a city. Rajanpur in Bahawalpur State, south of Pallava 1. 207 (999 Tahut); 1. 210 Multan. See also Chap. XV of this Book, (9597 ottaacad); and at Para Sankhapura, Book VI, section 8. Seems #: Book I. The Pallava country to be not far from Ayodhya. In the was the region of Kanci (Conjeeveram ), story in question Anantamati is abandonthe ancient Tondaimandalam, ruled over ed in the neighbourhood of a mountain by the Pallavas until they were over- bordering on Sankhapura, whence she is thrown by the Colas towards the end of taken to Ayodhya by a merchant who had the ninth century. The Pallava territory pitched his camp near by (789Tradatwas annexed by the Colas, but the memories pakaNThe parihRtA tatsamIpasamAvAsitasArthAnIkena...vaNikaof Pallava rule must have been still fresh qfarqqargolia feat ...... chat when Somadeva wrote a little more than HEUTTHETTI gf... Hafar). half a century later. Further, Pallava Simhala 1.186, 3.247 etc. chieftains continued to rule here and there Simhapura, Book VII, section 27. Located under Cola suzerainty. Poussin : Dynasties in the Prayaga country. Not the Simhaet Histoire de l'Inde, p. 271. Comm. ex pura mentioned by Yuan Chwang. See plains Pallava as Panoa-Dramila, which is Watters (op. cit.), Vol. I, p. 248.

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516 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Sindhu 3.248 (acak ve gea: #9:). The Also valabhirambhoruvibhramabhramaraH Book III. Va. Saindhavas mentioned are the princes labhi was the capital of the Maitrakas of ruling over the Indus territory. Surastra (Kathiawar), and is now repreS'irisagrama, Book VII, section 26. Located sented by the ruins at Wala, about 20 miles in Avanti. N. W. of Bhavnagar. Sopara pura. See under Nabhigiri. Vanavasi 1.211 (aagiftratusufgru) and 1. 189. "Situated in the corner between the S'ricandra 3.249 (7459 rafa augsyany: Ghats, the Tungabhadra and the Varada." 51 Tartai, og at HHR...). The reference Buhler's Introduction to Vikramarkadevais obscure. Comm. explains Sricandra as carita. Comm. on 1. 211 says fittacartethe lord of the Kailasa mountain. Bazar, that is, the Vanavasi area contS'rimala 3. 247. Bhinmal in Jodhpur State. ained Girisopa (modern Gersoppa in It is the Bhillamala mentioned in the North Kanara District, Bombay Province) Prasasti of the Jaina Prakrit romance and other cities. It may be noted that Kuvalayamala somposed in the eighth under 1. 211 comm. reads fafatar and century. Srimala was the original home not faltaria, as stated in a footnote on of the Jains now inhabiting Rajputana, p. 181 of the printed edition. Vanavasa Western India, the Punjab and the U.P. is mentioned in the Mahavansa XII. 31, See Jinavijayaji Muni in Bharatiya Vidya, and, as pointed out by Geiger, there is a Vol. II, Parts I and II. modern town Banavasi in North Kanara. Surasena, Book IV ( Tafah). The Imp. Gaz. of India, s. V. See under Mathura country. Kuntala, Surastra, Book VI, section 12. Kathiawar. Vanga 3. 247 (F FTRFarafat:) and all Cf. trety a f tfaatamist : Book 1. 1912: etc. Book III. Comm. says fifahitifefore. The first Vangala, Book III: qidq #3: etc., p. 131. name refers to Girnar Hill near Junagarh Perhaps the earliest reference to the in Kathiawar. country of Vangala in classical Sanskrit Suvarnadvipa, Book VII, section 27. Sumatra, literature. For other references see D. C. In the story in question the young merch- Ganguly: Vangaladesa in IHQ, December, ant Bhadramitra along with his compan- 1943. "In the eleventh century Dacca ions goes on a voyage to Suvarnadvipa, District was in the country of Vangala.... and returns after acquiring choice and In the fourteenth century Sonargaon is rare local products in exchange for a huge definitely known to have been the capital quantity of merchandise (punaragaNyapaNyavini of Vangala, which extended from Dacca to mayena tatratyamacintyamAtmAbhimatavastuskandhamAdAya pratyA- Chittagong." Others think that the southdan ). See Chap. XVI of this book. ern part of old Vanga came to be known Suvela, Book V. A mountain to the south of as Vangala, and identify it with Candra the Himalaya, "EHISTEROTR : : dvipa, i. e. parts of the Buckergunge suvelo'sti ltaavilolaa|' District and the adjoining region. See D. Svastimati, see under Dahala. Sarkar: The City of Bengals in Bharatiya Tamalipti, Book VI, section 12. Described Vidya, Vol. V, p. 36. Vangala is mentioned in the Tirumalai inscription (1024 A. D.) as being in Purvadesa and Gaudamandala. Modern Tamluk in Midnapore Distriot, of Rajendra Cola, while the Ablur inscrip tion of Kalacurya Vijjala (1157-67 A. D.) Bengal. mentions Vanga and Vangala separately. Ujjayini. Described with Avanti in Book II. Ibid. Vangala has also been identified Valabhi, Book VII, section 23. (atefuld re- with south-east Bengal including Chitta madamattamanISimattAlikulakelikamalanAbhyAM valabhyAM puri). / gong. IHQ, Vol. XXII, p. 280.

Page #538
GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX 517 Vangi 1. 210 Tatraorrade; and Book 1 Kosala, where reigned a branch of the IV: at noge facta etc., p. 95. Vangi Cedis of Tripuri. seans to be the Vengi oountry, being the Varanasi in the Kasi country (Fifa). districts between the Godavari and the Book VII, section 31. Krsna, where ruled the Eastern Calukyas. Vijayapura in Madhyadesa, Book VI, section But the comm. in both places identifies Vangi with Ratnapura. On 1.210 it says vajIvanitAnAM vinItAyAH ayodhyAyAH pUrvadikustrINAM ratna Vis'ala, same as Ujjayini. sarafang : graft. Ratnapura (modern Ratanpur saudhasparddhizAlAyAM vizAlAyAM puri, Book VI, seotion in Bilaspur District, C. P., to the north of 19. Mentioned also in Book V. Bilaspur Town) was the capital of Daksina Yaudheya, ses under Rajapura.

Page #539
General Index 290 Agamapramanya 199, 234, 356| Aksapatala 109 Abgar 133 Agapetos 114 Aksapatalad hisa 109 Abhava 185 193 Agastya 436 Aksapatalika 1084 abhaya 40, 283 Agastyesvara Matha 350 Aksepint 124 Abhayadeva 225 Aggi-Vacchagotta-sutta 191 Alaksmi 401, 406 Abhayamati 23, 36, 40f, 45, Aghora 332n Alberti 176n Aghoraghanta 357 Alberuni 377 Abhayaruci 23, 25, 26n, 408, Aghorasiva 338, 340n Alexis 70 45PS, 290 Agneya 336 Alexius I 119 Abhidhyana 126f agnihotra 333, 418 Alhanadevi 396 Abbimana-mahidhara 152 Agnipurana 100, 453, 456, 461 Alillaha 179 Abhinavagupta 181, 363n Agnistoma 377f Al Masudi 97 abhinivesa 126, 128 Agnyadheya 378 Alupa 3378 Abhiras 72 Agranara 117 Ama 432 abhisamdhi 127 Ahalya 437 amanu 274 Acala 33, 92ff Ahamkara 335 Amaradatta 43 Acalesvara 118, 346 aharalaghava 236f Amarakosa 459 Acaryabhakti 308, 311 Ahavaniya 383 Amardakatirthanatha 340f Acarya-parisad 90, 461 Ahicchatra 415 Amba Bhavani 393n Acintya 336 Ahimsa 39, 44, 125f, 128f, 131, Ambika 332, 398 Actions 218 269, 333 Ambhojasambhu 341 Adbhutasagara 455 236f, 246, 267, 324n, 380, Amen 125n Adharma 189, thief 235, 238 430, 446 Amenhetep IV 125n 250 Ahitakula-kalanala 111 Amitagati 10, 146n, 175, 294ff, Adhimutta 130 Aihole 397, 405 329, 330n, 424 Adhonibandhini 111 Aindra 442f. Amitaprabha 409 Adhvarya 386, 426 Aindri 397 Amoghavarsa I 133 adhyatmika 293 Ajamara 40 Amrtabindupanisad 456 Adinatha 362n, 353, 354n Ajaraja 104 Amrtamati 27, 34ff, 41, 46, 48, Adipurana by Pampa 6, 86;| Ajayapala 360 50ff, 77f, 85, 141, 168, 198, by Jinasena 9, 17, 295 Ajita 336 Adityamata 326, 460 Ajita Kesakam bali 232n Arissumat 336 Adityasena 357 Ajitapurana 10 anadhikara-pratigraha 236 Advaita school of Saivism 205, Ajiva 250 Anagaradharma 289 207f, school of Vedanta 224; Ajivaka 217 Anagaradharmamsta 18, 48f, principle of 336; doctrine Ajivakas 284, 334, 373, 375f 297 372n ajna 255, 258, 276 Analodbhava 413 advaita 371 . ajnavicaya 276 Anandatirtha 338 Advaita-brahmasiddhi 231 ajyaveksana 407 Anandavardhana 363n Advaitamata 372n Akalanka 11, 225, 244, 330, Ananga 103 advaita-saiva-veda 207 374, 388, 444, 459 Anangasena 421f Advaita-Vedanta 207, 289 akamksa 258f Anantagati 424 Aeschylus 105 Akampana 4176 Anantamati 259, 410f Against Apion 133 Akasa 232 Anantavirya 19, 225, 244, 388f, Agama 13n, 203, 229, 248, Akousmatics 131n 457 250ff, 336 Akrodha 236 Anarthadandas 268EUR 436

Page #540
Anarthadandavirati 268 anayatanas 257 Andhra 21 Anekantajayapataka 76, 457 Angaraja 104 Angas 455; vedangas 348 angas 254, 285, 327 Angiras 454 Anhilvad Patan 393n Anitya-bhavana 296 anityAnupreksa 291f, 298 Antagadadasao 435 antaratma 273 antarmuhurta 275 Anthimus 114n Anthologia Lyrica 165n Antiochus 119; IV 402n anubhaga 251 anucintana 291 Anukampa 255 anupalambha 236 anyasagha 258, 260 anyatvanupreksa 291 Apabhraisa 7, 178; dialect 7, apauruseya 388f Apavarga 223 Apaya 276 apayavicaya 276 Apisala 442f Apisala 443 Apisali 442f apitad bhasana 200 apitatkarana 200 Apollo, the father 131n GENERAL INDEX Apollonius 125f, 131, 132 Apology 133n Apology of Tertullian 263n appavatta 191 apramada 236f apta 212f Aptah 2261, 246, 248, 321, 323, 360 Aptamimamsa 459 Aptapariksa 218, 224f Apta theory 228 Aptoryama 378 Aradhana 295 Aradhanasara 272, 274, 278 Araja 437 Ardhacakravartins 413 Ardhamagadht 435 Ardhanari 369 Ardhasamasya 181 Ardraka 134 Asravanupreksa 291, 298, 302 Agangahrdaya 4591 Ardrakapolika 111 Arhadbhakti 308, 310 anuppeha 291 Anuprekes 20, 26, 246, 277, Arhaddasa 127, 434 Agasahasri 9, 225 Astavanka 34 Asteya 236 Astikya 255 asubha-bhavana 137 291ff Arhaddatta 411 Arham mantra 280 anusnana 202 Apuvratas 42, 124, 253n, 263, Arhat 53, 74, 115, 129, 133, asucitvanuprekea 292, 302 267, 268, 408 178, 196, 214, 224f, 227f, adueyanupreksa 291 283n, Asuri 39, 193f, 229, 364 323, Advaghosa 457 233, 234, 256, 269, 289, 2911, 3071, 320f, 326, 347, 374, 416, 431 179, 298, 329, 330m, 374; Arhata (Dariana) 218 verse 7, 180, 297; metre 7, Arikesarin 3ff, 86 179, 180, 183; peetry 7, Arista 369 177, 178, 179f; poets 7 apamana 200 Aparaditya 239 Aparajita 34, 157, 398 Aparirka 108 Apastamva 454 Arundhat! 36, 436 Arya 178 Aryasura 98, 403 Asadhara 18, 486, 297 Asaga 10 Asama-sahasa 94 2551, asavyavahara 236 Asamyama 252 Aristanemi 434 Aristides 135 Aristo 134 Aristotle 114 Ariyapariesana Sutta 191n Arjuna 6, 61, 82, 346, 436 Arnobius 131 Arravelvi 334 arta 275 Artadhyana 275 Artha 115, 124, 256 Arthakatha 124 asanas 281 asarapanupreksa 291f, 299 Asava 222 asavas 222 Asoka 99 Asokacandra 121 Asokadatta 358 Aspasia 135n Asrava 222 asravas 222 519 Arthanayaka 118 Arthasastra 32, 445ff Arthasdetra 89, 101, 109, 113, Atmatativa-viveka 243 116f, 445 Atmavidambana 200 Aivalayana Srauta Sutra 384 Advamedha 377, 382, 3851, 430 Asvattha 154 Aten 125n Atharvan 382 Atharvaveda 380f Athenaeus 16, 70 Atibala 355 Aticapdika 400 atidana 203 Atiratra 378 Atithi 424 Ativartini 111 atiyajana 203 Atmanusasana 9, 145, 175, 256, 459 Atmasauca 236

Page #541
520 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN OULTURE Atreya 341 Bandhujiva 67 Bhaskaradeva 415 Atri 449 Bappabhatti Suri 432 bhasmasnana 235 Auddayana 77, 259, 411 Barasa Anuvekkha 294 Bhasya 1990, 342f; of Samkara Aulukya 213 Barhaspatya 445 239, 245, 377, 390, 456 Aupanisadas 241 Barhaspatyas 197, 1980, 217, Bhattanarayana 439 Aupasamika 255 230f Bhattaraka Lakulica 344 Aurva 440 Barhaspatya Sutra 231 Bhattas 242 Aurvila 416, 434 Barlaam and Ioasaph 98, 129, Bhatta school 2410, 242 Ausanas 449 134f Bhatti 116 avabhrtha 385 Basava 350f Bhavabhuti 17, 165, 327, 357, Baskali 455 avabhithasnana 271 avadbi 256. 359, 391, 439 Bauddha 228, 346, 348 Avadhuta 187, 4576 Baudhayana Srauta Sutra 383f Bhava-Brhaspati 345 Bhadra 179n Avadhutagita 456 Bhavagni 315 avagadha 256 Bhadradeva 4 bhavana 187, 188, 202, 220, Avanti 108 Bhadrakali 345, 398, 400 291ff, 296ff, 388, 457 Avantivarman 118, 339f Bhadrakalika Mata 393n Bhavani 23, 392 Avasyaka 408 Bhadramitra 7, 263n, 423 Bhavapahuda 18 Avasyakas 283 Bhagadatta 21 Bhavaprabhrta 293, 429f Avataras 342f, 370 Bhagavata 39, 239, 364 Bhavapura 415 avidya 222 Bhagavati 395 Bhavasamgraha 229, 355, 360, avijadhyana 273 Bhagavati Aradhana 48, 49n, 373, 384, 395 avijjasava 222 293, 295 Bhavasamkara 345 Avvesvara 341 Bhagavati Nanda 406 bhavasava 222 Avyadhidurbala 152 Bhagavatkusika 342 bhavasuddhi 292 Ayatana 202 Bhagiratha 21 Bhavisayattakaha 179 Ayodhana 424 Bhairava 367, 369 Bhavyasena 4121 Bhairavananda 355ff Ayodhya 426 bhedesvara-vada 240 bhakti 208, 262, 308, 336, 351 Bhiksatana kavya 181 ayudhasiddhanta 462 Bhaktis 177 Ayurveda 388, 460 Bhima 411, 444EUR bhaktiyoga 336 Bhima I 353 Bhamaha 14 Bhima 368 Babhravya Pancala 459, 462 Bhamati 234 Bhisma 444f Badarika 409 Bharadvaja 444ff, 450, 460 bhoga 283 Baddiga (I and II) 4 Bharasivas 378 Bhogya 210 Bahassaidatta 49 Bharata, minister, 6, 7; king, Bhoja 208n, 215, 336, 458, 461 21; poet 155; 82, 404, 439, bahiratma 272 462; sage 412 Bhoja I 3951 Bahuvali 120 Bharata (Kanarese) 4 Bhojavrtti 186 bahya 293 Bharat Sing 392 Bhokta 210 Bala 355 Bharavi 116, 146n, 327, 439 Bhrajisnu 418 Balavahanapura 415 Bharga 61 Bhramara 339 Balhara 97 Bhargava 61, 437 Bhrgu 412, 445 Beli 402, 417; minister 4178, Bhartrhari 145n. 439,441 Bhumara 393n 430 Bhartmentha 439 Bhumitilaka 409 balicarudana 333 Bhasa 208, 439 Bhutanatha 370 Ballalasena 455 Bhasarvajia 186, 199, 228, 234, Bhutavada 217 Bana 7, 10, 53ff, 62, 108, 116, 2426 Bhutayajna 125 124, 232, 359, 391, 401, 439EUR Bhaskara 223, 231, 234f, 239, Bhutesa 118 Bandha 251 1 242 Bija 215, 255

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Bijjala 348, 350 Bilhari inscription 337# Bindu 214f Birkhala 392n Bittideva 351 521 Buddhabhatta 461 Capdamar! 20, 22, 43, 45f, 77, Buddhadasi 416 80, 128, 138, 164, 358, 391, Buddhi 230, 335 392n, 393, 396f Buddhism 99, 128, 189, 223, Capdanayika 400 372, 374 Candapala 358 Buddhist 8, 21, 69n, 130, 187ff, Capdarasa 105 217f, 220, 233, 241, 243, Capdesvara 445, 447, 454 Black Yajurveda 383 Boccaccio 176n Bodhi 297, 300, 307 bodhidurlabhanupreksa 291 Bodhisattva 49, 374f, 377, 462 Bodhyanupreksa 306 Boar Incarnation 94n Bopadeva 442 Brahma 244, 288, 335 Brahma (Dardana) 218 Brahmabandhu 95, 436 Brahmabindapanisad 456 Brahmacarin 288, 341 Brahmacari-Sivamunis 348 brahmacarya 236 Caitya 365 Caityabhakti 308 Brahmadeva 18, 257n, 272n, Cakramatha 345 Brahmaloka 384, 430, Brahman 82, 84, 94, 143, 206, 209, 266, 316, 318, 322, 380, 426, 438, 447 Brahmani 397 Brahmanism 333f, 361, 363, 380 GENERAL INDEX 260, 359, 361, 365, 367, 371, Candi 391 373, 377, 390, 416, 431f, Candika 36, 56, 126, 128, 325, 434, 456f 332n, 391ff, 395, 398, 407, cult 395 Buddhists 13n, 39, 130f, 134, 188, 223, 226ff, 230, 240ff, Capdupandita 379, 443 249, 284, 289, 331, 334, 3621, Candra 442 Candra 442f 274n, 280, 298 Cakrapani 437 Brahmadvaitavadins 217, 224 Cakravarman 345 371, 390, 417, 431, 443 Batuga II 2, 8, 123 Byzantine 961, 119, 134 C Cakravartins 256 Cakresvara 332n Cakresvart 332 Califs 134 Calukya 3ff, 9, 330, 341, 350ff, 364, 367, 369, 397, 443 Brahmaputra 456 Brahmasiva 329n Brahmaritra Bhagya 231, 234, Camdanana 178 242 Campa 410, 455f Campa 53, 85f Calukyan 3491, 3671, 405 Brahmavada 217 Brahmesvara Linga 343, 348 Brahmi 397 Brhaspati 11, 26, 51, 82, 197, 232, 326, 430, 444f; minister 417 Brhaspatisava 378, 383 Brhatkatha 105n, 357, 439 Brhathathakola 48, 49, 430, 434, 435n Brhat-Parasarasamhita 454 Brhatsamhita 461 Candakautika 166, 357 Buddha 11, 89, 191, 220, 2241, Capdala 28, 31, 252, 322, 418, 227f, 249, 327, 370, 372, 436, 453 390, 416, 431, 434 66 Camupda 357, 391, 394n, 399f 151, Camupdaraya 91, 293, 298 437, Camundaraya-purana 10 Capakya 101, 406, 445, 451 Canda 419 Canda 391, 400 295, Capjakarman 39f, 134, 184, 188, 193, 196f, 2291, 364 Capdamahasena 21, 41 347, Carakas 375 379, Carakasamhita 459f Carayana 459. Carcarivatamsa 111 Cari 201 Caritra 76n Caritrabhakti 308 397, 138, 206, Candrabhaga 141 Candragomin 443 Candragupta 101, 451; II 343 Candrajana 336 Candrakirti 192, 193, 232 Candramati 26, 34ff, 41, 78, 133, 316,318, 324 Candrapida 54, 116 Candraprabhacarita 10 Candra-Vrtti 44 3n Candrika 241, 242; Cangalvas 349 Caraka 459 Caritra-mohanlya-karma 290 Caritrasara 293, 298 Cariya 124 Carunetri 179n Caruseni 179n Carvaka 89, 145, 197, 232n, 289, Carvakas 31, 134, 198, 230f, 316, 355, 386 233, 241f, 318, 355 Carya 200, 201, 203 Categories 248 Caturmukha 7 Catuspadi 1798 Caupala 179

Page #543
522 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Cedi 99, 337ff dandopanisad 448 Celini 71, 415 Dantidurga 367 Celsus 133n dantura 385 Cennabasava 351 Darbhavati 393n Cerama 2 Darhasena 378 Chandogya Upanisad 456 Darius 93 Chndonusasana 178, 180 darsana 188 Channakesava 370 Darsanas 218 Chandrehe inscription 339f Darsanabhakti 308 Charon 361 darsanamoha 255 Chaubara Dera 353, 398n Darsanasara 229, 384 Chaya 438 Darsapaurnamasa 378 Christian 121, 128n, 129, 131n, Daryao Nath 392n 132ff, 202, 263n, 294f, 377, Dasabala 217 432 Dasabhakti 177 Christianity 132, 133n, 134f Dasakumaracarita 49 Cilluka 240 Dasavatara 367, 370 Cinta (mudra) 404 Dattaka 462 Cintanika 291 Dattalpendra Srimara 337 Cintra Prasasti 344 Dayapala 10, 346 Citrakarman 326, 460 Deccan regiment 59, 96 Citralankaras 182 De Cerimoniis aulae 97 Clement 119n, 128n, 130, 132 Deipnosophislae 70 Cola 2f, 9, 21, 345, 347, 349, Deopara stone inscription 60n 352, 379, 394 Desavirati 268 Confucius 21n devabhoga 117 Constantine (Pope) 123; VII Devadatta 373 97 Devakesin 429 Ctesias 99 devamudha 257f Cudasiva 339 Devanampiya Tissa 99 Cunkara 437 Devanandin 443 D Devanirmita 433 Devarati 48 Dabhoi 393n Devasamgha 1, 5, 9 daiva 106, 144 Devasena 229f, 272, 274, 278, Daksa 438 355, 360, 373 384, 395 Daksina Kedaresvara 348 Devi 394, 400, cult 392f Daksina marga 206, 334ff, 371 Devi Hinglaj 394n Daksina Mathura 433 Devimahatmya 398 Daksinamurti 203 Devipurana 3999, 406 Dalhana 459f devotpatana-nayaka 118 Damascene, St. John, 98, 129, dhammakaha 124 134 Dhana 43, 46, 48 Dana 200n, 269, 283, 285 288, Dhanakirti 421f, 438 333 Dhanapala 10, 179 Da da 437 Dhanasri 43, 48f, 420f Dandakya 437 Dhanga 352 danlaniti 446 Dhanika 376 Dandin 134 Dhanurveda 462 Dhanva 460 Dhanvantari 409, 460 Dharana 49, 128 Dharanendra 332n Dharasena 258, 410 Dharma 39, 44, 76, 115, 124, 136, 185, 189, 197, 200n, 218, 2358, 238, 244, 246f, 250, 250, 267, 293f, 297, 305f, 317, 337, 357, 376, 378, 454 Dharmaghosa 432 Dharmakatha 124f, 137 Dharmakirti 375 Dharmanupreksa 295, 305 Dharmapariksa 7, 10, 296, 329, 330n dharmapariksa 329, 330n Dharmaraci 432 dharmas 197 Dharmasambhu 340n Dharmasambita (of Parasara ) 445 Dharmasastra 348, 362 Dharma-svakhyata-bbavana 297 dharma-svakhyatatvanapreksa 291 dharmatman 238 Dharmayogin 76 dharmin 197 Dharmopabrmhana 260 Dharmottara 243, 375 dharmya 275 Dharmyadhyana 276, 289, 293 Dharsana 426 dhatuvada 357 Dhavala 180 Dhavala 9, 17 Dhisana 104, 459 Dhruva 97 Dhumadhvaja 39, 196 Dhusdhiraja 403n Dhurtakhyana 330n Dhurtila 419 dlyana 272, 275, 277, 279, 281, 289, 293, 307 dhyanamudra 404 Dhyanapaddhati 19 Dialogue bet. the Christian Jason and the Jew Papiscus 134

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Dialogue with the Jew Trypho| Darvinita 448 Duryodhana 101 134 Digambara 106, 246, 2528, 290, dutivakya 169 294, 318, 320, 354n, 434 Digambaras 35, 133, 228, 328, 3468, 374 Digambara Jains 241, 245, 353 Digenis Akritas 135 Dighanikaya 137, 2320, 462n Dwarf, the, 370, 408, 417 Digvirati 268 dvaras 200n E Diksa 186, 334, 356 Diksita 287 Dilipa 79, 436 Dio 116n Dionysius 119n dipanirvana 233 Dipavali 402 Dipotsava 97, 157, 401 Diti 62 ditthasava 222 Divakaramitra 232 Divayans 435 Divodasa 460 Dio Chrysostom 116 Diodorus Siculus 104n Diogenes Laertius 1250, 131n, ekaha 383 135n Divyavadana 222n Doha 1780, 179n Dohakosa 374 Dosa 190, 238f Dramila (regiment) 59, 96 Draupadi's Raths 392 dravyarthika 289f GENERAL INDEX dumdumkara 202 Durdharsa 104 Duvai or Dvipadi 177ff Dvaipayana 435, 437 dvaita 207, 371 Dvaraki 364, 435 Durgasimha 441, 443 Durga temple 3651, 369 Durvasas 337 Ebionism 132n Ebionites 132n Eight-day festival 434 Eight-day rites 411, 416 Ekacakra 418 Ekalingaji 344, 346 Ekanasi 419 Ekantada Ramayya 351 Ekapad 418 Fire-cult 6 Fish, the, 370 Four Actions 129 G Gadayuddha 10 Durga 332, 392ff, 398ff, 403a, Gadyacintamani 9f, 55, 296 422 Gaganadivicarya 3371 Ganakarika 199 238n, 240, 343n Ganapati 31, 441f, 394n Essenes 131n, 132, 147n Eteocles 105 Euchites 202 Gitagorinda 20, 183 Gnosticism 132n Gnostics 132n Goalesvara 353 Godavari 141 Euphorbus 135 Euripides 51, 104. Golagi 341 Dravyasanigraha 10, 257, 2720, Exhortation to the Greeks 119n, Golagiri 341 280, 298 128n, 132 Golaki Matha 341f Gomedha 386 Drdhavarman 329 drgdosah 257f Gommatasara 10 Dropa 61 Gopala 454 Drupada 61 Gopavati 49 Dahkhanta 234n, 235, 239 Gosala 134 Dukula 92 Gosalaka 375 Gosava 321, 322n, 377, 383, 386n, 387 F ekatvanupreksa 291, 300 ekatvavitarka-vicara 276 Elephant Demon 438 Gavisthira 36 Elkasaites 136n Generality 218 Ghanta 420, 422 Ellora 435 Empedocles 125, 131a, 135, Ghantai 352 197n, 198n Encratites 132n 201n, Ganarainamahodadhi 77n Gapavardhana 261, 327 Gandhacaript 111 Gandharva 60 Ganga (dynasty) 2, 86, 123, 230, 326, 330, 347, 351 394, 443 Gangadhara 3f Gangawati 4 Garga 412 Gargeya-vamia 345 Gargya 344f Garuda-mantra 358 Garudapuraya 399, 453, 461 Gathalaksana 178 Gathasaptalati 438 Gauda-Mimamsaka 242 Gaudasamgha 5 Gaidavaho 391, 432n Gauraka 118 Gautama 324n, 412, 426, 436, 455 523 Ghatta 179f, 330 Govinda 421, 436 Govinda III. 97 235, Grahila 209, 440 Granthiparna 92 gudhavrata 201

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524 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Gupabhadra 9, 145n, 175, 257, Hemacandra 13, 49, 142, 175, Islam 134f 330 178, 180, 240, 244, 255, 270n, Istasiddhi 231 Gunacandra 86 290, 292, 296f, 355, 361, 373, Istopadesa 278 Gunadhara 435 386, 431, 437, 452 isvara 187, 206, 207n, 209ff, gunadharma 237 Hemagiri 417 215, 219, 229, 237, 335; Gunadhya 357, 439 Hemasena 346 temple 346 gunana 216 Heramba 413 Isvaragita 207, 210n, 458 Gunapala 420, 422 Hermes 361 Itihasa 13n, 362 Gunaratna 184, 219, 222f, 231 Heracles 104n I-tsing 11, 129n Gunaratna Suri 230 Herodas 88 gunas 237, 239, 446 Herodotus 93, 402n Jabala 92 gunasthana 254, 290 himsa 126, 203, 264, 324n Gunavrata. 263, 268f Jabali 54f Hinayanist 372f Gupti 293 Jabalisutras 364 Hindu 133n, 331ff, 338, 349, Gargi inscription 184n, 339 357n, 361fi, 365, 404, 408 Jagaddhara 358 Gurjara (regimeat) 61, 96 Hinduism 350, 360, 363 Jaimini 89, 196 Gurjara-Pratibara 395 Hippolytus 51 Jaiminiya Brahmana 384 Gyllis 88 Histories 165n Jaiminfya doctrines 196f, 218, 241 Homer 133 Hoysalas 330, 351, 368, 370 Jaiminiyas 196, 217 Thajib 91n Jainendra 142ff. Hrdayasiva 338ff Hala 438 Hrdayesa 340 Jainism 18, 20f, 126, 1288, bamsacara 274 Hsuan-tsang 357n, 374 131ff, 206, 211, 246f, 253, Hamsasiddhantadova 11 Hutasana 431 260, 269f, 273, 276f, 284, 291, Hanukkah 'Rededication' 402 297, 316, 320, 326ff, 334, Hara 67 I 346, 34Sf, 354, 371, 374, 381 Haraprabodha 39, 206, 208 Ibhacarin 454f Jalakelivilasa 27, 140 Haribhadra 43, 45ff, 55, 76, Ijya 200, 202 Jalhapa 442 85f, 123, 126, 128, 147n, 184, Ikkeri chiefs 351 Jamadagni 7, 258, 408f, 436 222, 228, 230, 232, 244, 330, Iksvaku 378 Janaka 384 358, 391, 408, 457 Indra 82, 84n, 141, 143, 145, Janakiharana 439 Harihara 369 209, 259, 280, 313, 326, 398, janghacarikanayaka 110 Harisena 7, 9, 50, 329, 430, 413, 437f; grammarian 442f Jannavakka 381 434n, 435n Indra III, 85, 97, 117f, 371 japa 270, 272 Harisvamin 385 Indrabhuti 46 Jasaharacariu 3n, 6, 8n, 48ff Harivamsa 460 Indradatta 420 Jatakamala 98, 403 Harivaniapuruna 180, 380, Indragomin 443 Jatasimhanandi 331, 360p, 374, 386, 430, 435 Indranandin 6 463 Harsa 108, 118 Indrapi 397 Jatilas 373 Harsacarita 53f, 108, 116, 232, Indravyakarana 443 Jaya 363 359, 391, 401 Indriyas 335 Jayadeva 20, 183 Harsanatha 240 Indumati 415 Jayadhavala 9 Hastamalaka 456 Inherence 218 Jayamangala 403, 459 Hastinagapura 409, 424 Inspectors, The, 361 Jayanagara 121n Hastinapura 417f isanasena 45 Jayanta 137, 221, 223, 226ff, Hastitapasa 134 isanansiva, Acarya 337f 232, 242, 245, 336, 355, 389 Hastyayurveda 455 Isanasivagurudevapaddhati Jayarama 329, 330n Haviryajnias 378 214, 229, 335n, 336, 342, Jayasimha I. 351 Hearers, the 372n 347, 398, 404f Jayasimha II. 9, 347

Page #546
GENERAL INDEX 525 K Jayasimha Siddharaja 345 kamasava 222 Jayavarman 417 Kamasutra 232, 403, 437, 457, Kadamba (dynasty) 379 Jedara Dasimayya 351 459, 462 Kadamba 367 Jesas 121, 132n, 133n, Kambalasvatara 231 Kadam baguhadhivasin 340 Jewels (Three) 74ff, 251, 265ff, Kadambari 10, 53ff, 62, 232, Kamboja 21 269f, 275ff, 283, 291, 307ff, 391, 440 Kamika 336 311, 314, 331 Kadambari 128, 391 Kaminimohana 178n Jimutavahana 438 Kadarapinga 123, 4268 kamksa 257f Jina 74, 89, 118, 262, 270ff. Kadavaka 179 Kampilya 428 277, 279, 282, 288, 307ff, Kailasa 368, 370 Kanada 89, 185f, 213, 216n, 313, 330, 432 Kailasasanihita 207n, 213n 217, 380 Jinacanda 444 Kaitabha 104 Kanakakusala 121n Jinadatta 77, 258, 4096 Kaivalya 194 Kanakamara 10, 179 Jinadharma 53 Kakandi 419, 428 Kanapa 104 Jinaprabhasuri 432 Kakutsthacarita 10 Kancanika 428 Jinasena 9, 17, 295, 330 Kaku Vakrokti 85 Kandalavilasa 38f Jinasena I. 380, 386, 430, 435 Kala 214, 235 Jinendrabhakta 414 Kankalt Tila 432 kala 147n, 335 Jinendrabuddhi 443 Kala Bhairava 392n Kannada 18n, 119n, 154n, 350 Jinendradatta 411 Kalagni Siva 80 Kannaki 375 Jiva 207, 246 Kalakavsksiya 110 Kantha 4392 Jivadaya 264 Kalamukhas 234, 348, 350, 360 Kapalesvara 359 Jivakacintamani 138n Kalamukhi-Brahmacari-sthana Kapalika 22, 66, 23 4f, 240, 241, Jivananda 441 348 252, 346, 350, 356ff, 376, 391, jivanmuktata 192 Kalasa 118 439 jfanabhakti 308 Kalasena 129 Kapalikavrata 358 Jaanakarma-sam ucoayavada Kalasara 380, 424, 426 Kapalin 358 242 Kalayukta 2n Kapila 89, 194, 227, 343f jfanamudra 404f Kalhana 106, 118, 345 Kapilas 217, 241, 346 Jnanarnava 19, 175, 272, 277f, Kali 128, 402 Kapilesvara 343f 280f, 292, 296, 304n Kali Age 154, 318 Kapinjala 400 Jnanarnavatantra 218 Kalidasa 327, 439; forest 415 Kapphinabhyudaya Mahakavya jfanasakti 218, 235 Kali Devi 3921 406 Jnansamhita 207 Kalinga 21 Kappiya 124 jieyavarana 220 Kalka Bhawani 393n Karakandacariu 10, 179 Jonaraja 12 Kalka Mata 393n Karala 103 Jonas 118 Kalkin 370 Karala 357, 391 Josephus 133 Kalla-Guli 367 Karana 234n Jsmbh aka 431 Kallata 363 Karana 336 juhvaka 385 Kalpasutra 442 Karavala 104 jumbaka 385 Kalyanacandra 375 Karavalavira 94 Justin 130, 134 Kalyanamitra 40, 328 Karavanamahatmya 342, 343n Justinian 114 Kama 103 Karhad plates 2, 8, 337f Jvalamalint 6 Kamakatha 124 Karikalabha 27 Jvalamalini-kalpa 6 Kamaladevi 367 Kariri 377 Jyestha 175, 406 Kamalanarayana 367 Karka 385 Jyotih 214 Kamalasila 221, 223, 231 Karkaroni 341 Jyotiga Vedanga 326 Kamandaka 116, 445ff, 449, 454) Karkka 333

Page #547
526 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Karma 46, 74, 76, 135, 146n,| Kautilya 101, 109f, 113, 116, Kojagari Purnima 403n 187, 190f, 193n, 195, 211, 445ff Konnur inscription 333 219, 247, 250f, 255, 257, 273, Kavacasiva 340 Kontgali temple 365, 369 275ff, 281, 285, 288, 290ff, Kavikalpadruma 442 Kotikal Mandapa 392 300ff, 313ff, 3341, 371 Kavikanthabharana 14 Krathana 2006 Karman 187, 190, 360 Kavikovida 152 Krida 180 Karmandins 290 Kavikularaja 1 Kriyacarya 336 Karmapriya 419 Kavikulasekhara 147 Kriyasakti 210, 235 Karpa 61 Kavikusumayudha 153 kriyayoga 237 Karpata 21 Kavya 82, 84;-lit. 4, 17, 198, Krodhini 111 Karpuramanjari 355ff 54, 142, 165, 168, 171, 181, Krpa 61 Karttikarasi 344. 216, 439, 454; poetry 53, 139, Kepadharma 61 Karttikeya 295, 322 158, 164, 169, 177; prose 70; Kipana 104 Karupika-siddhantins 234 style 20, 74, 79, 83, 86f, 182 Krsna 84, 171, 174, 249, 354n, karugya 264 Kavyadhyaya 439 364, 369, 438 Karvan 343 Kavyalankara 14 Krsna III 2, 5, 8, 337f Kirya 234n Kavyamimamsa 13n, 218 Krspabhumi 364 Kasa 46 Kavyanusasana 14 Krsnamisra 242n, 356f Kasaya 288 Kayarohana 342 Krs@arajadeva 2, 6 Kasika 443 Kayavarohana 344 Krsna-Raya 379 Kasikunda 343n Kayavatara 342 Krspavarman 1. 379 Kasiraja 460 kayotsarga 283n Ketya 52, 406 Katakadhipati 58 Kedara Matha 348 Krtyakalpataru 445, 447f Katantra 442f Kekati 32, 442 Ksamakalyana 50 Kathaka 383 Keladi chiefs 351 ksapakasreni 290 Kathaka-siddhantins 234 Kerala 21 Ksatracudamani 9f, 296, 330 Kathakosa 9, 48n, 435 Kesavasvamin 368 Ksatriya 316, 323, 329, 383 Kathanaka literature 136n, kerala 256 ksayika 255 408, 463 Kevalins 285 ksayopasamika 255 Kathasarilsagara 49, 357f, 406, Khandanakhandakhadua 12 K semaga urisvara 118 431 Katyayana 454 Ksemagupta 118 kha-nirvana 233 Katyayana Srautasutra 382ff Kharepatan plates 341 Ksemondra 14, 20, 150 Katyayani 34, 358, 391f, 398 ksemin 239 Khatvanga 394n Kaula 128, 241, 376 Kilinjaka 29, 70 Ksetrapala 332n Kaulacarya 355f Kimjalpa 427, Ksirakadamba 424f Kaulas 204f, 242, 354ff Kirana 334n, 336 Ksirasvainin 440, 459 K'siratarangini 440 Kiranavali 183, 227, 243 Kaulika 205 Kaumari 397 Kirata 28, 411 Kubera 26, 84 Kaumudi 402f, 423 kirita 142n Kubera 432 Kaumudijagara 403 Kirtisahara 28, 144 Kudlur plates 8, 86, 230 Kaumudimitrananda 358 Kirtivarman I. 366 Kula 395 Kaunapadanta 445 Kisuvolal 366 Kulacarya 204, 217, 357 Kaundinya 199n, 2018, 203n, klesa 187, 190, 193, 222 Kulacudamanilantra 204, 385n 236f, 238n, 239, 342 klesavarana 220 Kularnavatantra 304f Kaurusa 344 Kodandamurtanda 94 Kulluka 453 Kaurusya 343 Kodiya Matha 348 Kumara 348, 439 Kausambi 420, 422 Kohala 31, 441 Kumaradasa 439 Kausika 266n Kojagara 403 Kumarapala 293, 297, 346

Page #548
GENERAL INDEX 527 Kumarapalapratibodha 86,293, Lauhitya 456 Mahabharata 6, 110, 144, 147, 297 Laukayatikas 457 175, 430, 436, 445ff, 450, 460 Kumarila 12, 196, 225f, 243, la ukika 280, 332 Mahabhasya 4438 245, 330, 389, 458 Legatio 96 Mahadeva 237f, 368 Kumbhodara 413 Leo 119 Mahadukkha-kkhandha Sutta Kumuda 32 Lilavati 86 137n Kundakunda 18f, 247, 257, 272, linga 343, 349, 367, 394n. 435f Mahaganapati 238 277, 293, 308, 429f lingam 203 Mahajana 227 Kundali or Kundalini 214ff Lingapurana 342, 406 Mahakala 203, 346, 380, 386, kundali-vayu-samcara 216 Lingayats 349, 351, 371 391 Kuranga 103 Liud prand 96 Mahakala Siva 80, 357 Kurral 138n Lokabhavana 304n Mahakali 394n Kurucandra 233 Lokam bika 4 Mahakavis 439f Kurajangala 417 lokamudha 257f Mahakusika 399 Kusagrapura 410 lokanupreksa 291, 295, 303 Mahalaksmt 367 Kusika 343f Lokayata 8, 115, 217f, 226, Mahamatra 90 Kushk Mahal 222n 230ff, 241 Mahamoda 442 Kusumanjalibodhani 226n, 242 Kusumapura 391 Lokayatikas 2311, 355 Maha navami 22, 97, 157, 3986 lokottara 280 Mahapasu patas 241 Kusumavalt 23, 40f Kuvalayamala 42, 86, 124, 329,1 Lopamudra 436 Mahapurana 3, 6f Lucian 58n, 135n, 361 Mahasadhaka 90 391, 403 Maha-sandhi-vigrahadhikrta Luit 456 kuyajana 203 106 M Mahasena 10 labhas 201n, 235 Madanamanjari 358 Mahasveta 55 Lad Khan (temple) 365 Madanamati 40 mahatmya 238 Laksanavali 243 Madanarnava 104 Mahavansa 99 Laksma 349 Madanavarman 352 Mahavastu 21n, 49n, 377 Laksmaparaja 338ff Madapurusa 407 Mahavira 134, 374f, 402 madas 257 Mahaviracarita 86 Laksmidhara 445, 447, 458 Laksmi-Narayapa (temple) 354n Madhava 358 Mahavrata 241n, 358, Lakula 349f Madhukesvara 346 Mahavratas 263n Lakulagama 349 Madhumategavamsa 340 Mahavratikas 358, 360 Lakulamnaya 349 Madhumati-pati 340 Mahayajnas 378 Lakula-samaya 349 Madhupingala 424, 430 Mahayana 232, 374, 438 Lakula-Siddhanta 348, 350 Madhvacarya 125, 215n Mahayanist 373 Lakulatantra 336 Madhyamaka 192, 241 Mahayoginis 22, 56, 58, 396 Lakulin 240, 342ff Madhyamakakarikas 192 Mahendradeva 1 Mahendra-matali-sumjalpa 1 Lakulica 240, 342, 349, 369 Madhyamika 1921 Mahendrapala I and II 395n Lakulisvara Pandita 349f madhyasthya 264 Mahendravarman 439 Lalita 258, 410 Madiraksi 104 Mahendravikramavarman 357n Lalitaditya 108 Magadhasundari 414 Mahesvara 203, 215, 218, 224, Lalitavistara 137, 359, 361, 374. Magha 19, 116, 327, 439f 228, 237, 239, 347, 359, 431 438, 461 Mahabala 421f Mahesvaradatta 358 Lambita 336 Mahabhairava 23, 56, 77, 356f, Mahesvaras 234, 345 Lampa 395 392n Mahesvari 397 lagoakhadaks 119n Mahabhairavanusasana 357 Mahidhara 385, 387 Lao-tza 21n Mahabhairavi 356 Mahimnustotra 440n ain Education International

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528 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Mahinda 99 Manmathavinoda 104 Mayura 439 Mahisamardinr 3940, 396 Manojakuojara 27, 141 Measure for Measure 362n Mahisasuramapdapa 393 mankana 2017 Medapata 344 Mahisasura-mardini 369 Mantradiksa 336 Medea 104n Mahmud of Ghazni 433 mantras 203 Medhatithi 453 Mahmud Shah 122n Mantravada 206 Meghacandra 444 Mahodadhi 242n Mantrin 371 Meghavahana 125 Maitrayani Sanhita 383 Mapu 109, 316, 322, 362, 338f, Metriche 88 maitri 264 7 426, 445, 450ff Micyllus 135n Maitreya 344 Manuel Palaeologus 134 Mibrab 365 Majjhimanikaya 69n, 137n, 1911 Manusmrti 436, 453 Milindapanha 1908, 222, 438n Makaradh vaja 39, 97; king 103 Mara 377 Milkmaid's Cave 367 Makaranda 358 Maradatta 21ff, 41ff, 71, 82, Mimamsa 225, 241, 243, 348, Makuta 336 128f, 158, 178, 180, 205, 313n, 378, 389 Mala 334 357, 399 Mimarsa (theories) 227 Malakapuram pillar inscription marana 406 Mimasaka 134, 226, 241, 3895 341f Maranasamadhi 292ff Mimiambi 88 Malati 357 Marasimha 8, 86, 230 Minucius Felix 134 Malatimadhava 165, 357ff, 391, Marcus Aurelius 133 Mithyasruti-vighataka 360 403, 440 marga 256, 334 Mithyatva 251, 254f Malegitti-Sivalaya 366 Marganamalla 156 Mitrasarman 108 Mallavadin 375 Margapali 401 moha 190 Mallikarjuna 359, 369 Marici 412, 426 Moharajaparajaya 204, 360, 376 Mallinatha 455 Markanda 437 Mokkhapahuda 272 Mallisena 240, 244, 289, 346, Markandeyapurana 398 Moksa 192, 222f, 233ff, 242 379f Marutta 381 244f, 251, 277 Mallisena Prasasti 346 Massalians 202 moksamarga 224 Mammata 13 Matanga 409, 412, 426, 455 Moses 132 Manadhananjaya 152 Matangacarin 455 Mothers, the, 22, 81, 397f manahparyaya 256 Matangalila 455f Mrgasena 420, 422 Manalara 123 Matha 337ff, 344f, 348, 359 Mrgavega 414 Manas 335 Matharavrtti 194, 224, 230, Mudha 253, 257EUR Mandana 186, 226, 243 379n, 386 mudhadisti 257 mandana 200f Mathura 416, 431ff Mudhata 253, 257f, 260 mandaramudra 280 Matisagara 9, 346 mudhatva 248 Mandhata 353, 392n matra 32, 177ff Mudraraksasa 403 Mandodari 424 Matrmandala 397 Mandris 88 Mugdhangana-keli-kutuhala Matrmedha 386 Manes 81, 260, 364, 316, 318, Matsyapurana 146n, 147n, 430, 30, 150, 153, 321, 324, 372n 461 Mugthasila 372n Mangala 103 Mattamayura 339ff Mukhabimba 336 Manich aeism 372n Mattamayuranatha 340 mukhyaksara 272 Manikundala 104 Mattavilasaprahasana 241n, Mukta 239 Manikyanandi 225 245, 3570, 439 mukti 235 Manimekhalai 217, 375 Mattebha vikridita 180 Mulacara 292, 294 Mankhaka 12 Matter 193, 198, 210, 215, 250 Muladeva 428, 438 Markhaliputra Gosalaka 375 Maya 207, 334ff Muladhara 216 Man-Lion, the, 370 Mayanavayara (Madanavatara) Mulaguna 75, 262f, 283n, 285, Manmathamathana 38, 77 178 408 J

Page #550
GENERAL INDEX 529 Mulamadhyamaka-karikas 232 Nandi 203, 397 Nilakaothesvara temple 346, Mulasarvastivadaikasatakarm- Nandi 181 398n an 129n Nandisangha 9 Nilapata 440f Mulgund Inscription 442 Nanditadhya 178 Nilapatta 441 Mumuksuprakarana 145n Nandyavarta 270 Nimi 459 Mundira 105 Nanna 7 Nimittadhyaya 327, 461 Municandra 128 Nars 454 Nimittasakha 327 Munigupta 412f, 420 Narada 33, 62, 412, 434f, 380, nfrajana 407 Muninatha Chilluka 349 424ff, 430 nfrajana 271 Munjarya Vadigha ghala Naramedha 386 Nirargada 377 Bbatta 6, 8, 11 Narasimha (I and II) 4 nirasraya 222 Muslims 376 Narasimha 365, 367ff Niravadyapaudita 443 Naravahana 344 Nirbijikarana 214, 216 N Narayana 364f, 368, 370, 438 Nirgrantha 217, 372, 375 Nabhigiri 415 Narayana (poet) 439, 451 Nirjara 242 Nachor 135 narayanavali 365 Nirjaranupreksa 291, 304 Nada 209, 2146 Narayani 391 nirmamatva 292 Nadijangha 436 Narayaniya 217 nirodha 188, 189n, 222 Nadica 103 Narendrasena 442 Nirukti 408 Nagabhata II. 395n Narmada 141, 353, 394n Nirvana 11, 190ff, 222, 244, 292, Nagacandra 86 Narmamala 20 402 Nagarjuna 192, 1930, 232 narma-saciva 90 nirveda 255 Nagavardhana 359 pastika 362 Nirvedajanani (dharmakatha) Nagavarman 10 Nastikas 197, 230, 284, 373, 124 Nagesvara 370 375 niskriya yoga 277 nagnabhava 374 Nastikavadin 233 Niti 150, 445, 450 Nahusa 21, 437 Natha 344 Nitibphaspati 149, 317 naigama (naya ) 289 Nathu Bhil 392n Nitinetra 151 nairatmya 1878, 220, 223 natyasala 404 Nitisara 116, 445ff, 449, 454 Nairatmya-bhavana 220f Natyasastra 181, 404, 439 Nitisastras 437, 44f, 4447ff, 451 Naisadhacarita L2, 81n, 181, Nauhalesvara 338 Nitisataka 145n, 441 183, 186n, 210n, 213n, 234f. navabhumika 290 Nilivakyamsta 1, 6, 104, 18,76, 2850, 363, 379, 398n, 435, Navaratra 399 93, 97f, 100f, 104ff, 109f, 115, 443, 451 Naya 289f 117, 119, 122, 440, 446ff, Naiskarmyasidelhi 224 Nayakumaracariu 7, 8n 451, 454f, 459 Naiyayikas 184, 218, 226ff, Nayanavali 43ff nityatva 235f 233, 235, 241, 389 nayapaddhati 289 nivatti 185, 247 Naklesvara 343 Neelakesi 128, 131 niyama 269, 283 Nakulisa 342 Neith 402n Niyamasara 18, 258, 272 Nakulisvara 350 Nemicandra 257, 291, 297 Niyati 335 Nala 21 Nemicandra Siddhantacakra- Niyativada 375 Nalacampi 28n, 76, 85, 87, vartin 10, 86, 298 niyoga 388 358, 358, 360, 371 Nemideya 1,5 Nizami 91 Naladiyar 138n Neminatha 18n Nohala 338 namaksara 272 Nesoience 195 Nohalesvara 338 Nanda 405, 406 Nicephorus Phocas 96 North Indian regiment 60, 96 Nandadevi 405 Nihivasa 336 Nrga 21 Nandaka 48, 413 Nikumbha 413 Nrsimha 379 Nanda-tirtha 406 Nilakantha 4480, 4556 Nyasa 443 67

Page #551
580 Nyaya-bindu-fika 375 Nyayakandal 185, 219, 243, padmasana 281 390, 457 Padmavati 332 Paduma 377 Parasara 343, 412, 444f, 438 Parasaradharmasamhita 454n Pagan cults 128n, 130, 132, 134; Parasuramesvara (temple) 346 deities 135 paravadimalla 11 paribhoga 283 Paricaya 14 Parigraha 267f Nyayakumudacandra 10, 225 Nyayakusumanjali 228, 241ff, 249n, 373n, 378, 458 Nyayamanjari 76, 137, 221, 223, 226, 227, 228f, 232f, 242f, 245, 336, 355, 389 Nyayasara 186, 228, 243 Nyayasatras 226 Nyaya system 218, 226, 289, 348 Nyaya theory 213, 227, 233f, 235n, 378 Pampa Bharata 86 Nyaya-Vaisesiks school 216n, Pampa-Ramayana 86 Pancignisadhaka 288 241ff, 229, Pampa 4ff, 86, 330 226, 228, 241, 337, 389f Palicagurubhakti 308, 311 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Padmaratha 77, 258, 410, 435 paramjyotih 273 Parantaka I. 2f, 345 Octavius 134 Omkara 280 Omkara Siva 392n Paippa 175, 294 Pakayajnas 378 Pala 454 Nyayavartika 226 Nyayavartika tatparya-paritud Panela 415, 428 Panca Linga 347f dhi 243 Nyayavartik tatparya-tika 227 Nyayaviniscaya 225, 374n, 388, 363f, 430 459 Palakapya 454 Palaki 454 Pallava 21, 357, 378, 394, 439 Pamarodara 29, 154, 441 Padmapada 216n Padmaprabha 18 Padmapurana 359, 401f Omkaresvara temple 346 On the Gods and the World 198 Pancikakara 242 Orosius 165n Orphies 280 Otto the Great 96 P 437 Parivrajaka 358, 375 Parokya 289 Parsvagata 121 Pancaratra 13n, 239, 241f, 342, Parsvanatha 240, 354, 433 Parsvanathacarita 9f, 50, 399 Parthaparakrama Vyayoga 118 Particularity 218 Parvata 122, 380f, 424ff, 430 paryagnikarana 382 paryayarthika 289f Paryusaniparvan 431 Pasa 334 Pasu 334 Pancaratrasruti 363 Pancaratropanijad 363 Pancartha 240 Pancartha-Lakulamnaya 240 Palicatantra 429n, 441, 445, 450, 452, 462 Pancavimsa Brahmana 384 Pandita vaitandika 89, 155 Pandya 2, 121, 433 Panini 442f Padalipta 124 Padartha 248, 251f padastha dhyana 280 Paddhadiya 3300, Paramara 345, 354n Paddhatika or Pajjhatika 179f paramatma 273f Paddhatis 203 Papiniya 348, 442 Papanatha 369 Paracakrapramardana 111 paralaukika 339 Paramahamsa 288 Padma 417f Padma (vyaha) 445 paramavagadha 256. Padma 87f, 136, 316, 426f, 431 parah-brahma 274 Padmacarita 7, 381, 384f Padmahrada 431 Pariksamukhasutra 19 225 388, 457 Pariksit 444f parinama 336 Partsahas 290 277 Parisamkhya 80 Parisigaparean 49, 408D, 431, Pasupata 199, 201ff, 230n, 239, 241ff, 350 Painpatas 184, 199, 200n, 201ff, 217, 219, 234, 242, 245f, 349f Parmatmaprakaia 18, 272, 274, Patanjalas 241 Palupala Sutras 199n, 201, 203, 234n, 236f, 238n, 239, 342f Pasupati 199, 219, 239 Pataliputra 391, 429, 434, 462 Patanjala (Yogafastra) 348 Patanjali 187, 209, 444, 457 Pati 334 Paramesthins 74ff, 269f, 272, Patrakesaristotra 360 280, 287, 307f Paramesvara 219, 229 Paramesvara 336 Paramesvara-siddhanta 357 Pattabandha 142n Pattadakal 366, 369 Pattada Kisuvolal 366 Pattavardhana 111

Page #552
GENERAL INDEX 531 Pattopadhyaya 109 Prakaranapancika 226, 242 prosadhopasana 269 Paudanapura 424 Prakirnaka 13n, 288 Psthaktvanupreksa 301 Paumacariu 7 Prakirnas 256, 285 prthaktvavitarka vicara 276 Pauranikas 241 Prakrit 6, 12, 20, 42n, 177ff, Pitbu 323 pauruseya 388f 294f, 297, 308n, 325, 329, Pudgala 250f Pauskara 363 330n, 430 puja 270 Pavanavega 416 Prakrta Pingala 177ff pujaphala 270 pavatta 191 Prakrti 193f, 229, 251, 335 Pujyapada 11, 177, 252, 255, Pelion 165n Pramana-nayatattvalokalanka-! 265n, 274, 278, 291, 298, pesthasthana 120 ra 221, 229 304n, 308, 309n, 4438 Persians 99 Pramanas 289 Pulaba 412, 454 Petrarch 176n Pulakesin l. 379 Pramanavada 217 Pharisees 147n Pramana-Vartika 375 Pulakesin II. 359 Philostratus 125, 132 Pramanavidya 13n Pulasti 412 Pingala 179, 412, 426 Prameyakamalamartanda 10 Pulastya 454 Pinyakagandha 428 Puloman 412, 454 pramoda 264 Pippalada 380 Pranava.203, 214 Pundarika 105, 377 Pitrmedha 386 pranayama 281 Pundarikaksa 66 Pliny 263n prapanca 193, 206f Punyakosa 384 Ponda 330 punyaslokas 143 Prapancasara 215n, 216n Pontius Pilate 133 Prapancasaratantra 215, 216n, purakarma 270 Prabhacandra 10, 244, 308n, 404 purakrta 211 330, 429 prasama 248, 254, 292 Purandara 339, 415EUR Prabhakara 448 Prasannapada 192 Puruhuta 127, 155, 434 Prabhakaras 242 Prasantasiva 339 Purusa 193, 214, 335 Prabhakara school 226, 242 purusakara 106, 144, 147n Prasastapada Bhasya 127, 1850, Prabhakaravardhana 359 186, 219, 223, 227, 242f, 245, Purusamedha 377, 382, 386n, Prabhanjana 42, 50 377 Prabhasakhanda 400 Purvarange 32, 97, 404 prastavana 270 Prabhasaksetra 355 purvarangapuja 404 Pratapavardhana 26 prabhavana 2577, 260 Purvas 256, 285 Pratikramana 283n Paspadanta 3, 6ff, 48ff, 71, 330 Prabhavasiva 339 Pratima 290 Prabhytas 18 Paspakadeva 418 pratipaksabhavana 137 Puspasena 9 Prabhudeva 351 pratityasamutpada 192 Pusya 426f Prabodhacandrodaya 241 n, 242n pratyakhyana 283n Putika vahana 416, 433f 245, 356f Pratyaksa 289 Pythagoras 125, 131n, 135n, prabodha-mangala-pathaka 144 pratyuha 137 198n Prabodhasiva 184n, 339 Praudha.priyapanganavot pala Pythagorians 131n pradaksina 200n 150, 154 pradesa 251 Pravacanasaroddhara 290n, pradhava-dharani 90 297 Qualities 218 Pradyota 142n Pravarasena I. 378 Pradyumna 120 Pravrajaka 358 Pradyumnacarita 10 pravrtti 247 Rabhasa Nandi 375 Prabladaka 417 preraka 210 Racobuka 1 Prahladanadeva 118 Priyadatta 410 Radda 178n Prajapati 460 Prodguta 336 Radha 51, 364, 421, 438 Prajapatismrti 454 Prosadha 2826 Raga 190, 335 387

Page #553
532 Raghavabhatta 214ff, 404 Raghuvanisa 455 Rahamana 376 Rahuseni 179n Raibhya 449 Raivata 461 Rajadatta Thera 137 Rajadharma 106 Rajadhiraja I. 379 Rajaditya 2f Rajaguru 348 Rajaniti 445 454 Rajapura 395 Rajapurt 395 Rajaputra 455 Rajaraja 9, 394n Rajaraksa 106 rajasa (dara) 285 Rajadastra 4461 Rajasekhara 13, 218, 355, 357, 439, 442 Rajasena 179n YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE rasayana 357 rupagunanika 121 Rastrakita 2, 6, 8, 85, 89, 96f, Rapaka 182f, 295 117, 326, 330, 333, 337, 347, Rupasiddhi 10 351f, 354, 364, 367, 371, 377, ripastha-dhyana 280 401 Rajanitiprakala 451 Rajanitiratnakara 445, 447, Ratnaprabha Suri 124, 329n, sabijadhyana 273 Sadananda 231 391n, 403n. Ratnafikhanda 427 Ratnadikhandin 38f Sadasiva 187, 205f, 209, 212, 215, 249, 335, teacher; 340 Sadbhava Sambhu 341, 342 Saddharmapundarika 117, 232, Rajasiddhantas 13 Rajasimhesvara temple 346 Rajasuya 377f, 383, 386f Rajatarangini 106, 108, 117f, 125, 345, 395 Rajimat 434 Rajraje var (temple) 343 Rakta 48 Hama 370, 436 Rama (Parasurama) 370 Rama (Balarama) 370 Ramacandra 358 rangavali 28n rangavalli 28 Ranna 10 Ranod inscription 339, 347 Rathanemi 434, 438 Raina 199f, 235, 240 Ratnakara 116 Ratnakarandakatravakacara 429 Ratnamala 19 Ratnapariksa 211, 460f Ratnaprabha 428 Ratnatika 199 Rattaraja 341 raudra 275 Raudradhyana 275 Raurava 336 Ravana 381, 437 Ravana-ka-kai 397 ravapasaka 317 Ravisena 7, 381, 384 Rebirth 135n Repuka 4081, 436 Renunciation 138n Revataka 24 Revati 260, 412f, 434 Revanta 461 Ramadatta 402n, 423 Ramanuja 199, 234, 330, 350f Romapada 455f Ramayana 381, 437 Rambha 236 Rallaka 73 rangapuja 403f rangarekha 28n Righanemicaris 7 rjusutra (naya) 289f Rohipi 121 Right Faith, Right Knowledge, Right Conduct 256f, 259, Sahasrakuta (temple) 328, 411 269f, 408 Sahasrara 45 Saiddhanta Vaisegikas 184, 186, 217f Rsabha Jina 121, 227 rucaka 356 Rudra 206, 209, 236, 238f, 249, 413 S Sabaras 128f, 162, 252, 395 Sabari 391 sabda 289f Sabdabrahma 215 Sabdabrahmavada 242 Sabdanniasana 348, 442 Sabdargavacandrika 444 Rudrabheda Tantras 336 Rudraksa 404 Rudra-Mahadevi 341 Rudrasambhu 340 rudra-sayujya 238 374f Saddarianasamuccaya 184, 219, 2221, 228, 230, 232 Sadducees 147n, 197n sdgunya 446 Sadgunyaprastava 446 Sadhaka 203, 238f Sadhu 74f, 270, 283, 307, 329 Saduktikarnamrta 441f. Sadyaskra 378 Sagara 380, 424, 426, 430 Sagaradatta 70, 428 Sagaradharma 289 Saharsa 336 Saiddhantikas 340 Sais 402n Saiva 2, 9, 13n, 39, 134, 138, 184f, 203, 205ff, 213f, 216n, 217ff, 224ff, 228ff, 234f, 239ff, 244, 249f, 260, 284, 331, 336, 357n, 364, 366f, 369, 373, 406, 417, 439, 458 Saiva Tantra 336 Saivavada 217 Saiva Yogins 214

Page #554
GENERAL INDEX Saivism 128, 192, 205ff, 211f, Samgamesvara (temple) 346 217, 334, 336, 338, 340, 346f, sahgraha 2891 352, 364, 366, 369, 371, 392n, Samiti 293 458 Sajaka 437 Samjatatilaka 111 Sajjana 112f Sakata 445 Sakatayana (Jaina) 9 Sakatayana 348 sakhoccheda 378 Sakta (Darlana) 218 Sakti 206ff, 213, 335, 392 224 Samkara Misra 241n Samkararya 449 Samkaravarman 118 Samkarsanasutras 364 Samkhya 8, 134, 1931, 217f, 220, 233, 235, 239ff, 289, 342, 348, 364 Sallustius 198n Salvation 186ff, 194, 197, 201, Samkhya doctrines 193, 229 204f, 216, 220, 233, 239, Samkhyakarikas 194, 224, 230, 247, 268, 309, 314, 323, 337, 355f, 374, 410, 417 samabhiradha 289f samadhi 208 Salakapurugas 3 Silankayann 445 Salihotra 27 Silikanatha 226, 242 sallekhana 287 samka 257ff sankalpa 127f Samkara 31, 231, 234, 239, 245, 330, 345, 377, 390, 456, Samkara Bhasya 231 Sakaracarya 224 Samkaramata (Saiva doctrine) Sankhyasutras 186, 193 Samkhya-Yoga 239 Samkirpakatha 124 samksera 256 Sammatitarka 225 simmattaparakkama 291 samnidhapana 270 samsara 191f, 207 sanhsara-bhavana 297 samastasamaya-siddhantavabo- Samsaramooak as 242 samadhisataka 272, 274 Samagayana 455 Samantabhadra 295, 429, 459 Samaraiccakaha 43, 48, 56, 85f, 123f, 128, 135, 233, 358, 391 Samarasimha 345 Samasokti 183 dhana 184 samatva 292 samavaya 2131 samayadtpaka 2841 samayamudha 257f Samaya-parikse 329n Samayas 217 samaya-samacara-vidhi 269 Samayasara 247, 258, 2771 Samayasundara 442 samayika 269, 281f, 283, 307 samayin 284 Samba 394n Sambandhaparik 375 Sambhinna-madamaryada 111 Samdesarasaka 178, 179n 386 Samkhyas 379 samsaranupreksa 291, 300 samsthanavicaya 276, 293 Samudragupta 378 Samvara 242, 293, 303 samhvaranupreksa 291, 303 Sathvega 255, 292 Sahvegajanani tha) 124 Samyagdarlana 258 Samyaktva 41f, 246, 262, 327, 408, 429 samyaktvamithyatva 255 sanyama 288 Samyamadhara 26 sayoga 213 Samyuttanikaya 190 253ff, Sanatkumarasamhita 206 Sandhivigraha lekhaka 108 Sandhivigrahin 32, 91ff, 107, 156 Sandilya 426 Sankhamathikadhipati 340 Sankhanaka 29f Sankhapura 411 Sankhayana Srautarstra 382ff Savnavati-prakarana 1 Santanika 336 Santaraksita 2201, 225, 231, 327, 362 Santibhakti 308, 311 Santinatha 270 Santipurana 6 Saptapadarthi 185 Sarada 405 Saradatilaka 214ff, 404, 406 saraga 254 Saraha 374 Sarangadeva 344 mgraha 224 Sarvodgita 336 (Dharmaka-sasanahara 92 Sarastani-kaitava-kautuka 154 Sarasvati 32, 97, 157, 172, 2811, 307, 314, 400, 403ff; river 141 Sarasvatitudaga 156 Saraya 141 533 Sarojavajra 374 Sarvadarianasamgraha 19, 199 sarvajna 213 sarvaknaramantra 272 sarvalaghu 177 Sarvarthasiddhi 444 Sarvasadhu 290 Sarvavedanta-siddhantasarasa sat 239 Satapatha Brahmana 382f, 385, 387 sathapratisathanyaya 52 satipatthana 137 Satornilus 132n sattvadrati 220 Sattvika 230 sattvika (dana) 255

Page #555
584 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE 45 Saturninus 132n Simhakirtti 417 130f, 133ff, 137, 139, 160, Satvata 363, 430 Simhala 21 159, 165, 168, 1761, 184ft, satya 236 Simhapura 423 192, 194ff, 199, 201, 203, Satyasraya 341 Siinhasena 423 209, 212ff, 226, 228ff, 236, sauca 236 Simonides 165n 240f, 244ff, 280ff, 260ff, 369ff, saukhasayanika 144 Sipra 26f, 378, 73, 79, 81, 91, 276ff, 284f, 287ff, 295, 298, Saundarananda 457 163, 165, 169 308, 326ff, 346f, 354ff, 358, Saura (Darsana) 218 Sirisagrama 420 360ff, 370f, 372n, 373, 375ff, Saurasena 419 Sita 36, 436f 379ff, 386f, 389, 391ff, 395ff, Sautramahl 322, 377, 387, 418, Siva 22f, 51, 58, 61f, 78, 80, 404f, 4078, 429, 431ff, 439ff, Sautrantika 223, 241 82, 84, 93, 143, 158, 166, 184, 446ff, 461f Sayana 383, 385 187, 196, 199f, 2017, 202ff, Somanatha 345, 348 Scythian Kings 93 218, 224, 228f, 234, 239, Somaprabha 86, 293, 297 Secretum Secretorum 114f 249, 305, 319, 322, 328, 334ff, Somaprasa 377 Sedulius 115 342ff, 346ff, 351ff, 360, 364, Somasambhu 341f Self 128, 136, 186, 188f, 193ff, 366ff, 393n, 397f, 413, 417, Somasambhupaddhati 341f 205, 2105, 215, 216n, 218, 435, 43PSff, 447 Somasiddhanta 336n, 357 220, 222, 229, 232ff, 2 Siva bhakti 208n. Somasri 438 2508, 272ff, 281, 292, 2 Sivabheda Tantras 336 Somatantra 336 301ff, 305, 307f, 312, 3 Sivabhuti 424 Somayajsas 378 374, 456 Sivaditya 185 Somesvara I. 349, 442 Sivagapta 420 Septem Contra Thebas 105 Somesvara-pandita 349 Sivakoti 19, 295 Setnath 352n Sopa 141, 339 Sevai Jayasing 379 Sivapurana 206f, 208n, 210, Sophocles 104n Shakespeare 362n 213n, 214, 342, 458 Soul, the, 185, 210, 269, 271, Shivaji 359n Sivarya 48n, 293, 295, 303 Sibis 384 Sivasarman 318 Spandakarika 363 Sicilian court 91 Sivasiddhantas 184n, 337 spandana 200 Siddha 237, 269f, 307 Sivaskandavarman 378 Spandapradipika 363 Siddha 336 Sivasvamin 406 Sphotasiddhi 243 Siddhabhakti 308 Sivatattva 214f Sphotavada 243 Siddhantas 184n Sivayogins 345, 351 Sphulinga 103 Siddhantikas 184n Skanda 399 Spring carnival 97 Siddharama 351 Skandapurana 205, 355, 400, sraddha 188 Siddharsi 9, 17, 85f, 124, 223, Sraddha 319, 360f, 451 225, 230, 241, 244, 395 skandhas 187, 189 sravaka 284 slesa 182 Siddhartha 2 Sravakacara 294, 296 slokavartika 225, 243, 245, 458 Sravana Belgola epitaph on, Siddhas 53, 74, 158 Siddhasena 265n, 293, 309n Smaragdus 115 | 240, 346, 444 Siddhasena Suri 297 Smarta 377f, 390 Arauta 378, 382 Siddhasthana 339 Smarta rites 130 Srautasutras 382, 384 Siddhayika 332, 406 Smrti 13n, 18, 324, 362, 388, srepika 414 Siddhesvara 368, 397 445, 449, 451, 453ff Srt 329 siddhi 235, 237f, 357 Sodasin 378 Srt-Basamayya 366 Siha 372 Somadatta 415f, 433 Sribhasya 234 Sikhasiva 339f Somadeva iff, 428, 46ff, 52, Aribhuti 7, 77, 119f, 122, 263n, Siksavratas 263, 269, 2828 61f, 70, 74, 77ff, 83, 86ff, 91, 423, 430 Silappadikaram 334, 375 93, 96ff, 114ff, 123f, 126ff, sridatta 420ff 435

Page #556
GENERAL INDEX 585 Sridatta 423 Substances 218 Susump. 216 Sridevi 431 Sudaksi a 79, 436 Suta 383 Sridhara 185f, 219, 243, 390 Sudati 415 sa tacca-cinta 291 Sriharsa 12, 234, 363, 379, 435, Sadatta 22f, 39ff, 46, 54, 69, 71, Sulagita 206n 443, 451 84, 106, 123, 134, 137f, 166f, Sutasanihita 205, 207, 2087, Grikantha-carita 12t 184, 189, 194, 196ff, 208, 213n, 215n 328, 364, 428, 442 Srikantha-pandita 349 Sutlej 395 Srikumara 336n, 458 suddhatattvas 215 sutra 256 Srimati 421f Suddhavidya 335 Sutrakrlanga Sutra 134, 14on, Sriparvata 359 Sudra 202, 322, 331, 435 147n, 360 Sri-Teramva 396 Sugatakirti 39, 188f Suvira 414 Srf-Thakini etc. 396 Sugriva 51 Suvrata 454 srigarada 200 Sujanaji vita 153 Svabhavokti 181 Srngarasataka 441 Sukanasa 54, 116, 461 Svadhyaya 288, 291 Sankhalayamaka 85 sukhasana 281 Svamikartlikeyanupreksd 291, Srotriya 287 sukla 275 295 Srotriyakitava 58 Sukladhyana 275ff, 289 Svapnadhyaya 461 Srutabhakti 308n Sukra 120, 4448,449, 451, 454 Svarajya 383 Sukra 417 Svastika 270 Srutaderata 270, 281f, 314 Sukranitisdra 98, 445 Svastimati 424 Srutamuni 444 Suksma 336 Svayainbhu 7 Srutasagara 9, 18f, 52n, 580, si ", suksmakriya-pratipati 277 Svayambhu-chanda 7 77n, 8ln, 99, 110, 112, 119,s. 30. Suktimuktavali 442 Svayambhuva 336 126n, 136, 154n, 179, 205, Sukumara 435 Sveta 342 217, 289n, 290, 299, 305n, Sulasa 380f, 424 Svetambara (texts) 291 399, 407, 429, 434ff, 438, Sumitra 415 Svetasvataropanisad 456 440f, 448, 451, 454 Sunahaepa 383, 387 Syadvada 1, 282, 289, 308f, Ssu-fea 372 Sunasukta 157 326 stambh ada 406 Sunyata 1926 Syadvadacalasimha 1 sthapana 270 Sunya theory 193 Syadvadamanjari 289, 379 Sthapati 91, 383 Suparnas 433 Syadvadopanisad 5 Sthaviravalicarita 408n Suparsva 121 Syena 355 sthavirayaja 384 Suparsvanatha 432 sthiti 235f, 251 Suprabhedaka 336 sthitikara 257f, 260f Supreme Lord 244 Tadillata 4261 Stotracatustayatika 19 Supreme Soul 244 Tadit 431 stapas 253, 413, 416, 431ff supta-nirvana 233 Taila II. 341 Subandhu 7, 53ff, 124, 359n, sura 118 Taittiriya Brahmana 382ff, 387 391, 420 Surana 283 Taittiriyasamhita 51n, 443 Subhacandra 19, 175, 272, 292f, Surastra 21 Tamalipti 414 296, 304n Suratavilasa 104 Tamasa (dana) 285 Subhadhama-jinalaya 5 Surendradatta 43, 45 Tamil regiment 59 Suresvaracarya 224 Subhasitaratnasandoha Tamil Saiva saints 351 Suri 417 146n, 296 Tamrasvamin 118 suri 285 Tandula-Veyaliya 175 Subhasitarnava 453 Surya 414 Tandya Brahmana 383 Subhasitavali 440, 442 Suryadarsana 218 Tanma tras 335 Subhatasauharda 58 Susruta 460 Tantralchyayika 445, 450 Subhatavarman 354n Susrutasamhita 459f Tantras 203, 215, 216, 336

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536 Tantravartika 243 Threefold Lore 288 Tantric 22, 128, 204ff, 208, 214, Tiberius 133 354, 392, 396, 398, 406, 429 Tilakamanjari 10 Tantricism 334, 392n Tantrikas 204 Tapa 200n tapas 235, 288 tapovana 339 Tarangavati 124 Tarakelvara (temple) 316 Taricara-nara 97 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Tarkas 218 Tarkikacakravartin 1, 10 Tarkika-Vaisesikas 184ff, 217 Tarupi-la-vilasa 150f, 181 Tathagatah 217 Tatian 130, 132n Tatparyatika 228, 243 Tattvaprakaia 208n, 214n, 334, 335, 336, 458 Tattvarthadhigamasutra 251, 265, 2770, 309n Tattvartharaja vartikalamhara 459 225, 231, 241, 380 Tattvarthasutra 252, 255, 275, 291, 298, 304n, 444 Terambipala 340 Tertullian 99, 130, 132 The Dream, or the Cock Uddhatankusa 111 Uddistatyaga-pratima 290 Uddyotakara 226 Uddyotana 329, 391 Tilottama 249 Tirhut or Tairabhukta regi- Uddyotanasuri 42f, 86, 124, 403 ment 60, 96 Tirtha 451 Tirthakalpa 432 Tirthakara 212f Tirthankara 6, 121, 212, 248, 254, 236, 269, 270, 326, 317, 352, 410, 413 Tirthamkara Aranatha 432 Tirthikas 372 Tirthopisana 80 Tortoise, the 370 Trachiniae 104n Traikutaka 378 215, Trailokya 12 Tattvarthailokavartika 9, 221, Trikamata 2041, 217 Trailokyeivara 369 76n, Trajan 263n Trayi 288 Tribhuvana Svayambhu 7 Tridasa 31, 441 Trikandaieja 403n 257, Trikatesvara (temple) 405 306n, trimurti 360 tattvas 254, 335 Trimurti Temple 392 Tripitaka 462 Tattvasamgraha 2201, 223, 225, Tripurantaka 344 327, 362 Tautatitas 242 214, Unmadayanti 403 318n, upadesa 256 290 Upayasarvajaa 147 Urva 439f Urva 440 Usanas 445 Trisagisalakapurusacarita 142n, Utpala 192, 363 Trisula-bhairava 94 Trivikrama 85ff 58n, Trivikrama Bhatta 360, 371 trsna 222 Tadiga 3 Tutatita 12 135n Theophrastus 71 Theoderic the Great 114n The Questions of King Milinda 190, 191, 222n Theragatha 130, 137 Therapeutae 131n The Seven Books of Arnobius uccatana 406 Adversus Gentes 130n ucchedavada 232n Thousand Spires (Temple of) Udayagiri 27 39f Udayana 49, 185, 219, 226ff, Three Prose Versions of the 240ff, 245, 330, 373, 378, 458 Secreta Secretorum 114n Udayavira 399 U Uditacarya 343f Ugracanda 400 Ugrasena 123, 426ff Ukthya 378 Ubhaya-kavi-cakravartin 6 Upadhyaya 74, 269, 290, 307 Upadhyayika 429, 438 upaguha 260 apagahana 2571 Upakos 431, 437 Upamita 3438 Upamitesvara 3431 Upamitibhavaprapanca-katha 9, 16, 17, 85f, 124, 223, 225, 230, 241, 244, 395 Upanisad 448 Upanisads 456 Uparicara 430 upalama 290 Upasakadhyayans 246 upaya 201 Utpreksa 80, 288 Utpreksavallabha 181 Utsavva 440 Uttama Gunas 294 Uttama-ksama 294 Uttama-Mardava 294 Uttaradayayanasutra 256, 291, 434 Uttara-guna 75, 2621, 283, 285 Uttaramathura 433 Uttarapurana 9 Uvata 387 V Vacanasastras 350f Vacaspati 226ff, 234, 390

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Vacaspatimidra 457 Vacchagotta 191 Vaddhali 454 Vadhaka 48 Vadibha-panolnana 1, 10 Vadibhasimha 9ff, 296, 330 Vadideva 244 Vadideva Suri 221, 223, 229 Vadighanghals 8, 11 Vadigharatta 11 Vadikolahala 11 Vadiraja 9ff, 50, 330, 346, 348 Vadi-Rudragupa 9, 347, 349 Vadi-Rudraguna Lakulisvara Papdita 347 Vadyagaraja 4 Vidyaraja 4 Vagaraja 3f Vagbhata 14, 459 Vagviduddha 238 Vahali 454 Vaibhasika 241 Vaidyanatha 338f Vaidyavidyavilasa 112 Vaikunthamati 110 vairagya 138, 202, 292 Vaisalaksa 447 Vaisali 372 Vaisesika Sutras 127 Valdesika system 185f, 217ff, 241, 289, 337, 348, Vaidesika theory 216n Vaisesika thinkers 184, 187, 219, 233, 235 Vaisnava Darsana 218 Vaisnavas 241 Vaisnavavada 217 Vaisnavi 397 Vaisnavism 351f, 363f, 366ff, 371 Vaisvadeva 333, 377 Vaitana (Srautasutra) 382 Vaivasvata Manu 453 vaiyavrtya 262 Vajapeya 377ff Vajasaneyisathhica 382, 385, 387 Vajivinodamakaranda 27 Vajra 445 68 GENERAL INDEX Vajrakumara 78, 261, 4151, Vasistha 322, 362, 436 Valitha Yogatastra 456 431, 434 Vakataka 378 Vakkallola-payonidhi 1 Vakpati 391, 455 Vakrokti 181 Vakula 336 Vakvali 455 Valabbi 419 Valkalesvara Matha 337f Vallabhadeva 440 Vallabhanarendradeva 8 Vallabharaja 8 Valmikimuni 349 Valmikirasi 344 Vama Marga 206, 208, 334, 354, Vattakers 294 371, 392n Vamana 365, 367, 369f Vamanapurana 402, 437 Vamasakti Pandita 348, 350 vandana 283n Vangt 99 Varadamudra 404f Varaha-Perumal (temple) 370 212f, Varsha Temple 393 378, Varahi 397 Varahi Varadaraja 241, 242, 249 Varadattasuta Anartiya 385 Varaha 365, 367, 369f, 435 Varahamandapa 392f Varahamihira 327 463 Vararuci 431, 437, 441 Vardhamana 77n Vardhamanacarita 10 Varisena 169, 261, 414 Varisthaka 110 Varpa 178, 180 Vasisthiputra Cantamala I. 378 Vasu 104, 380, 408, 424f, 430 Vasubhaga 441 Vasudeva 239, 364n, 413, 432 Vasuderahindi 124, 135, 233, 380, 430 Vasumatitilaka 111 Vasupajya 410, 435 vasa 201n Vasantamati 104 Vasantika 28, 35 Vasavadatta 54f, 359, 391 Vasavasena 50 vadya 406 Vatula 336 vataalya 2571, 2601 Vatsaraja 50 Vedas 189, 226ff, 239, 253, 288, 318, 320, 327, 348, 355, 362, 371, 372n, 380ff, 388ff, 417f Vedavada 128, 217 Vardagacarita 331, 360f, 374, Veda-Velvi 333 Velvi 333 Venisahara 439 Vatayayana 226, 232, 403, 457, 459, 462 587 Vayaviyasamhita 207, 208, 210, 214, 342 Vayu 216 Vayupurana 218, 342, 457 Vedanta 224, 241f, 273 Vedanta doctrines 195, 456 Vedanta-Sutras 199, 231, 234, 239, 245, 345, 377, 390 Vedantavadins 217, 224 Vedantins 195, 217, 241, 379 Vedantists 242 Venugopalasvamin 368 vicikitsa 257 f Vidagdhamugdha 151 Vidhi 200, 201, 234 vidhi 388 Varnasrama 227, 390 Varupa (King of Mathura) 412, Vidura 451 434 vidhikriya 201 Vidhiviveka 226, 243 Viduraniti 451 Vidugaka 357 vidvesa 406 Vidya 215, 335 Vidyadhara 22, 38ff, 75, 77, 82, 157, 309, 358, 411ff, 416, 438n

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538 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Vidyamahodadhi 144f Virasaivism 346, 348, 350f Vsttavilasa 329 Vidyananda 9, 19, 218, 221, virasana 281 vyaktacara 201 2244, 225, 231, 241, 244 Virasena 9, 17, 330 Vyasa 104, 322, 362, 379f, 439, Vidyanandi 380 Vira-Somesvara 368 449 Vidyesvarasamhita 208n, 458 Viratesvara (temple) 346 Vyasabhasya 458 Vidyatprabha 409 Viravati 49 vyavahara (naya) 289f Viroca na 13n, 75, 412 Vyomasiva 219, 223, 228, 242, Vihara 118 Virodhabhasa 80 245, 310, 317 Vijaya 336 Virupaksa 368f Vyomavati 243 Vijaya Dasami 400n ViPage #560
GENERAL INDEX 539 396ff, 400ff, 404ff, 431ff, Yasodharacarita 5, 10, 42, 50 Yogasutra Bhasya 227 438f, 447ff, 456, 459, 463; Yasodhara-maharaja-carita 1, 5 Yogasutras 186, 193, 212, 226, prose extracts 58-64, 66-77; Yasodhvaja 414, 422 4571 popular maxims 76-77; use of Yasomati 23, 348, 37ff, 67, 328 Yoga system 187, 239 similes etc. 78-85; mixture of Yasorgha 26, 41, 71, 78ff, 140, Yoguvasistha 145, 147n prose and verse 85-88; court 168, 293 Yogesvari 400 life 89-98; duties and qualifi- Yasovardhana 46 Yogibhakti 308n cations of officials 137-110. Yasovarman 108, 352, 391 Yogin 273, 277, 293, 356 Yasodeva 1, 5 Yatyasrama 339 Yogindu 272, 274, 277 Yasodhara 1, 7, 12, 23, 26ff, Yandheya 395 Yogindudeva 18 32ff, 41ff, 45ff, 55, 57, 59, 61, Yanga dogtrine 213 Yoginis 396f 64, 678, 78f, 82, 85, 88, 92, Yaugas 216n Yogisvara 356 95, 97, 104ff, 116ff, 123, Yoga 13n, 223, 226, 234n, 237f, Yonimudra 204 125f, 130ff, 136, 138ff, 143, 247, 251, 275, 285, 296, 336 Yuan Chwang 373, 391, 395 149f, 156, 159, 164, 169, 182, Yogaoara 241 Yuddhamalla I, II and III. 4 241, 246, 298, 316ff, 328, 362, Yogacaryas 342 Yuklicirtamanistava 1 377, 380f, 398, 408, 436ff, Yogaja 336 Yuklicintamanisutra 1 440, 444f, 449, 454f, 457, Yogasastra 175, 240, 255, 266n, Yuvarajadeva I. 338f, 341, 460f 270n, 292, 297, 356, 361, 342n Yasod hara 43, 45 1373, 386, 452 Yuvarajadeya II. 337

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Errata Page Line 28 meant Yesomati text colour gold sun 130 133 Read meet Yasomati the text colour of gold the sun resume which attendants ornaments are person Ante-nicene detail Kidd Sarayu concepts succinct Sattvika form the tenets the ideal all works divests men's attempts the poets temples Aptamimasa Atmanusasana Adityamata 141 214 221 230 259 262 264 273 276 resume whith attendents ornments aer pereson Ante-nicen deatail Kid Sarayu ooncepts succint ......... from tenets ideal all good words diverts man's attempt poets temple Apta. Atma. Aditya.... 295 327 353

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JIVARAJA JAINA GRANTHAMALA General Editors: Dr. A. N. Upadhye & Dr. H. L. Jain 1. Tiloyapannatti of Yativrgabha (Part I, chapters 1-4): An Ancient Prakrit Text dealing with Jaina Cosmography, Dogmatics etc. Prakrit Text authentically edited for the first time with the Various Readings, Preface and Hindi Paraphrase of Pt. Balachandra by Drs. A.N. Upadhye and H. L. Jain. Published by Jaina Samskrti Samrakcaka Samhgha, Sholapur (India). Crown 8vo pp. 6-38-532. Sholapur 1943, Price Rs. 12.00. Second Edition, Sholapur 1956. Price Rs. 16-00. 1. Tiloyapannatti of Yativrsabha (Part II, Chapters 5-9): As above, with Introductions in English and Hindi, with an alphabetical index of Gathas, with other indices (of Names of works mentioned, of Geographical Terms, of Proper Names, of Technical Terms, of Differences in Tradition of Karanasatras and of Technical Terms compared) and Tables ( of Naraka-Jiva, Bhavana-vast Deva, Kulakaras, Bhavana Indras, Six Kulaparvatas, Seven Ksetras, Twenty-four Tirthakaras: Age of the Salakapurusas, Twelve Cakravartins, Nine Narayanas, Nine Pratisatrus, Nine Baladevas, Eleven Rudras, Twenty-eight Naksatras, Eleven Kalpatita, Twelve Indras, Twelve Kalpas and Twenty Prarupanas). Crown Octavo pp. 6-14-108-529 to 1032, Sholapur 1951. Price Rs. 16.00. 2. Yasastilaka and Indian Culture, or Somadeva's Yagastilaka and Aspects of Jainism and Indian Thought and Culture in the Tenth Century, by Professor K.K. Handiqui, Vice-Chancellor, Gauhati University, Assam, with Four Appendices, Index of Geographical Names and General Index. Published by J. S. S. Sangha, Sholapur. Crown Octavo pp. 8-540. Sholapur 1949. Price R. 16-00. Second Edition, Sholapur 1968, Price Rs. 25-00 3. Pandavapuranam of Subhacandra: A Sanskrit Text dealing with the Pandava. Tale. Authentically edited with Various Readings, Hindi Paraphrase, Introduction in Hindi etc. by Pt. Jinadas. Published by J. S. S. Sangha, Sholapur. Crown Octavo pp. 4-40-8-520. Sholapur 1954. Price Rs. 12-00. Praktta-sabdanusasanam of Trivikrama with his own commentary: Critically Edited with Various Readings, an Introduction and Seven Appendices (1. Trivikrama's Sutras; 2. Alphabetical index of the Sutras; 3. Metrical Version of the Satrapatha; 4. Index of Apabhrashsa Stanzas: 5. Index of Desya words; 6. Index of Dhatvadesas, Sanskrit to Prakrit and vice versa; 7. Bharata's Verses on Prakrit)

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE by Dr. P. L. Vaidya, Director, Mithila Institute, Darbhanga, Published by the J.S.S. Sangha, Sholapur. Demy 8vo. pp. 44-478. Sholapur 1957. Price Rs. 10.00. 542 5. Siddhanta-sarasamgraha of Narendrasena: A Sanskrit Text dealing with Seven Tattvas of Jainism. Authentically Edited for the first time with Various Readings and Hindi Translation by Pt. JINADAS P. PHADKULE. Published by the J.S.S. Sangha, Sholapur. Crown Octavo pp. about 300. Sholapur 1957. Price Rs. 10.00. 6. Jainism in South India and Hyderabad Epigraphs: A learned and well-documented Dissertation on the career of Jainism in the South, especially in the areas in which Kannada, Tamil and Telugu Languages are spoken, by P. B. DESAI, M.A. Assistant Superintendent for Epigraphy, Ootacamund. Some Kannada Inscriptions from the areas of the former Hyderabad State and round about are edited here for the first time both in Roman and Devanagari characters, along with their critical study in English and Saranuvada in Hindi. Equipped with a list of Inscriptions edited, a General Index and a number of illustrations. Published by the J.S.S. Sangha, Sholapur 1957. Crown Octavo pp. 16-456. Price Rs. 16.00. 7. Jambudivapannatti-Samgaha of Padmanandi: A Prakrit Text dealing with Jaina Geography. Authentically edited for the first time by Drs.A.N. UPADHYE and H. L. JAINA, with the Hindr Anuvada of Pt. BALACHANDRA. The introduction institutes a careful study of the Text and its allied works. There is an Essay in Hindi on the Mathematics of the Tiloyapannatti by Prof. LAKSHMICHANDA JAIN, Jabalpur. Equipped with an Index of Gathas, of Geographical Terms and of Technical Terms, and with additional Variants of Amera Ms. Published by the J.S.S. Sangha, Sholapur. Crown Octavo pp. about 500. Sholapur 1957. Price Rs.16.00 8. Bhattaraka-sampradaya: A History of the Bhattaraka Pithas especially of Western India, Gujarat, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, based on Epigraphical, Literary and Traditional sources, extensively reproduced and suitably interpreted, by Prof. V. JOHRAPURKAR, M.A., Nagpur. Published by the J. S. S. Sangh, Sholapur, Demy Octavo pp. 14-29-326, Sholapur 1960. Price Rs. 8.00. 9. Prabhrtadisamgraha: This is a presentation of topic-wise discussions compiled from the works of Kundakunda, the Samayasara being fully given. Edited with Introduction in Hindi by Pt. KAILASHCHANDRA SHASTRI, Varanasi. Published by the J. S. S. Sangha, Sholapur. Demy 8vo. pp. 10-106/0-288, Sholapur 1960. Price Rs. 6-00. 10. Pancavimsati of Padmanandi: (c. 1136 A. D. ). This is a collection of 26 Prakaranas (24 in Sanskrit and 2 in Prakrit) small and big, dealing with various religious topics; religious, spiritual, ethical, didactic, hymnal and ritualistic. The text along with an anonymous commentary critically edited by Dr. A. N. UPADHYE and

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JIVARAJA JAINA GRANTHAMALA 543 Dr. H. L., Jain with the Hindi Anuvada of Pt. BALACHANDA SHASTRI. The edition is equipped with a detailed introduction shedding light on the various aspects of the work and personality of the author both in English and Hindi. There are useful Indices. Printed in the N. S. Press, Bombay, Crown Octavo pp. 8-64-284. Sholapur 1962. Price Rs. 10/ 11. Atmanusasana of Gunabhadra ( middle of the 9th century A.D.): This is a religio-didactic anthology in elegant Sanskrit verses composed by Gunabhadra, the pupil of Jinasena, the teacher of Rastrakuta Amoghavarsa. The Text is critically edited along with the Sanskrit commentary of Prabhacandra and a new Hindi Anuvada by Dr. A. N. UPADHYE, Dr. H, L. JAIN and Pt. BALACHANDRA SHASTRI. The edition is equipped with introduction in English and Hindi and some useful Indices. Demy 8vo. pp. 8-112-260, Sholapur 1961. Price Rs. 5.00. 12. Ganitasarasamgraha of Mahaviracarya (c. 9th century A. D.): This is an important treatise in Sanskrit on early Indian mathematics composed in an elegant style with a practical approach. Edited with Hindi Translation by Prof. L. C. JAIN, M.Sc., Jabalpur. Crown Octavo pp. 16+34+282+86, Sholapur 1963. Price Rs. 12.00, 13. Lakavibhaga of Simhasuri : A Sanskrit digest of a missing ancient Prakrit text dealing with Jaina cosmography. Edited for the first time with Hindi Translation by Pt. BALACHANDRA SHASTRI. Crown Octavo pp. 8-52-256, Sholapur 1962. Price Rs. 10.00. 14. Punyasrava-kathakosa of Ramacandra: It is a collection of religious stories in simple and popular Sanskrit. The text authentically edited by Dr. A. N. UPADHYE and Dr. H. L. JAIN with the Hindi Anuvada of Pr. BALACHANDRA SHASTRI. Crown Octavo pp. 48 + 368. Sholapur 1964. Price Rs. 10.00. 15. Jainism in Rajasthan: This is a dissertation on Jainas and Jainism in Rajasthan and round about area from early times to the present day, based on epigraphical, literary and traditional sources by Dr. KAILASHCHANDRA JAIN, Ajmer. Crown Octavo pp. 8 + 284, Sholapur 1963. Price Rs. 11.00. 16. Visvatattva-Prakasa of Bhavasena (13th century A.D.): It is a treatise on Nyaya. Edited with a Hindi Summary and Introduction in which is given an authentic Review of Jaina Nyaya literature by Dr. V. P. Johrapurkar, Nagpur. Demy Octavo pp. 16+115+372, Sholapur 1964. Price Rs. 12.00. 17. Tirtha-vandana-samgraha: A compilation and study of Extracts in Sanskrit, Prakrit and Modern Indian Languages from Ancient and Medieval Works of Forty Authors about (Digambara) Jaina Holy Places, by Dr. V. P. JOHRAPURKAR, Jaora. Demy Octavo pp. 12+216, Sholapur 1965. Price Rs. 5.00.

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544 YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE 18. Pramaprameya: A Treatise on Logical Topics by Bhavasena Traividya. Authentically Edited with Hindi Translation, Notes etc. by Dr. V. P. JOHRAPURKAR, Mandla. Demy Octavo pp. 158. Sholapur 1966. Price Rs. 5.00. 19. Ethical Doctrines in Jainism : An Exhaustive Study of Jaina Ethics, that is, the Jaina Acara-dharma, as prescribed for the Monk and the Householder, with a good deal of light shed on its metaphysical basis and mystical implications by Dr. K. C. SOGANI, Crown Octavo pp. 16-302, Sholapur 1967. Price Rs. 12.00. WORKS IN PREPARATION Subhasita-samdoha. Dharma-parikna, Jnanarnava, Dharmaratnakara, Jaina View of Life, Candraprabhacarita, etc. For copies write to: Jaina Sansketi Samrakshaka Sangha, SANTOSH BHAVAN, Phaltan Galli, Sholapur (C. Rly.) India.

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Posunyanpursunymsunymsunformonymsil DaoN. AdinAtha upAdhye va DaoN. hirAlAla jaina Musiasis.sis.sim-sssssssssssssss- swim-star-s-ssss- swa dvArA sampAdita anya graMtha (DaoN. upAdhye dvArA saMpAdita) paMcasutta : DaoN. vaidya, pUnA. pravacanasAra : rAyacaMdra jaina zAstramAlA, bambaI. paramAtmaprakAza va yogasAra : rAyacaMdra jaina zAstramAlA, bambaI. vArAGgacarita : mA. di. jaina graMthamAlA, bambaI. kaMsavaho : hiM. graM. ra. kAryAlaya, bambaI. usANiruddhaM : bambaI yunivarsiTI jarnala, 1941. bRhatkathAkoza : siMghI jaina graMthamAlA, bambaI. candralekhA (saTTaka) : bhAratIya vidyA bhavana, bambaI. lIlAvaI (kAvya) : siMghI jaina graMthamAlA, bambaI. (DaoN. hirAlAla jaina dvArA saMpAdita) chakkhaMDAgamo (bhAga 1-16) : jai. sA. u. phaMDa, amarAvatI. NAyakumAracariu : deveMdrakIti jaina graMthamAlA, kAraMjA. karakaMDacariu : kAraMjA jaina sIrIja, kAraMjA. sAvayadhammadohA : kAraMjA jaina sIrIja, kAraMjA. pAhuDadohA : kAraMjA jaina sIrIja, kAraMjA. jaina zilAlekha saMgraha : mA. diH jai. graMthamAlA, bambaI. jaina itihAsako pUrvapIThikA : hiM. graMtha ra. kAryAlaya, bambaI. um-sax-sex-sines-so-s -su-smr-s-sssam-sar Ismssasur-show-si.sssssssssssssssssssmasmissiwsiml L Ja m al www.jainelibrary org