Yasastilaka and Indian Culture

Author(s): Krishnakant Handiqui
Publisher: Jain Sanskruti Samrakshak Sangh Solapur
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/001609/1

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Jivaraja Jaina Granthamala
No. 2
YASASTILAKA INDIAN CULTURE
AND
BY
K. K. HANDIQUI
ooo 00
ब्र. जीवराज गौतमचंद्रजी
PUBLISHED BY
JAINA SANSKRTI SAMRAKSHAKA
SANGHA, SHOLAPUR

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Jivaraja Jaina Granthamala, No. 2
GENERAL EDITORS :
Dr. A. N. UPADHYE & Dr. H. L. JAIN
YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE
OR
Somadeva's Yaśastilaka and Aspects of Jainism and Indian Thought and Culture in the Tenth Century
BY
KRISHNA KANTA HANDIQUI M. A. (Cal. et Oxon.)
Ex-Vice-Chancellor, Gauhati University, Assam (India)
PUBLISHED BY
JAINA SAMSKRTI SAMRAKSHAKA SANGHA, SHOLAPUR
1968
All Rights Reserved
Price Rupees Twenty Five Only

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Second Edition: 2000 copies
Copies of this book can be had direct from Jaina Samskṛti Samrakṣaka Sangha, Santosha Bhavan, Phaltan Galli,
Sholapur (India)
Price Rs. 25/- per copy, exclusive of postage
जीवराज जैन ग्रंथमालाका परिचय
सोलापूर निवासी ब्रह्मचारी जीवराज गौतमचन्दजी दोशी कई वर्षोंसे संसार से उदासीन होकर धर्मकार्य में अपनी वृत्ति लगा रहे हैं । सन १९४० में उनकी यह प्रबल इच्छा हो उठी, कि अपनी न्यायोपार्जित सम्पत्तिका उपयोग विशेष रूपसे धर्म और समाज की उन्नति के कार्य में करें। तदनुसार उन्होंने समस्त देशका परिभ्रमण कर जैन विद्वानोंसे साक्षात् और लिखित सम्मतियां इस बातकी संग्रह की कि कौनसे कार्य में सम्पत्तिका उपयोग किया जाय । स्फुट मत संचय कर लेनेके पश्चात् सन १९४१ की गर्मियों में ब्रह्मचारीजीने तीर्थक्षेत्र गजपंथा (नासिक) के शीतल वातावरण में विद्वानों की समाज एकत्रित की, और ऊहापोहपूर्वक निर्णयके लिए उक्त विषय प्रस्तुत किया । विद्वत्सम्मेलनके फलस्वरूप ब्रह्मचारीजीने जैन संस्कृति और साहित्य के समस्त अंगों के संरक्षण, उद्धार और प्रचारके हेतु 'जैन संस्कृति संरक्षण संघ' की स्थापना की और उसके लिए ( ३०००० ) तीस हजारके दानकी घोषणा कर दी । उनकी परिग्रहनिवृत्ति बढती गई, और सन १९४४ सालमें लगभग ( २००००० ) दो लाख की अपनी संपूर्ण इस्टेट संघको ट्रस्टरूपमें अर्पण की । इसी संघ अन्तर्गत ' जीवराज जैन ग्रंथमाला' का संचालन हो रहा है। प्रस्तुत ग्रंथ इसी मालाका द्वितीय पुष्प है ।
प्रकाशक :
श्रीमान् लालचन्द हिराचन्द
जैन संस्कृति संरक्षक संघ
सोलापूर
मुद्रक :
मा. ह. पटवर्धन,
संगम प्रेस, प्रा. लि. ;
३८३, नारायण पेठ, पुना २

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ब्र. जीवराज गौतमचंद्रजी

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General Editors' Preface
General Editors' Preface (Second Edition)
Author's Preface
Author's Preface (Second Edition) Supplementary Notes (I-IV)
I Somadeva and his Age
II Synopsis of Yasastilaka
III The Story of Yasodhara and Its Sources
IV Yasastilaka as a Prose Romance
V Yasastilaka as a Socio-Political Record
VI. Yasastilaka as a Religious Romance
VII Yasastilaka as an Anthology of Sanskrit Verse
VIII Philosophical Doctrines
IX Schools of Thought
CONTENTS
X Jaina Dogmatics and Moral and Spiritual Discipline
XI The Anuprekṣas and Jaina Religious Poetry
XII A Controversial Dialogue
XIII Jainism and Other Faiths
XIV Jaina Criticism of Vedic Sacrifices
XV Non-Jaina Cults, Customs and Beliefs
XVI Jaina Religious and Moral Stories
XVII Myths and Legends
XVIII Quotations and References
Appendix
I Somadeva and the Pratihara Court of Kanauj
II The Verses on the Courtesan's Corpse and a Buddhist Legend III Saiva Temples and their Geographical Distribution IV The Kalamukha Sect
Index of Geographical Names mentioned in Yasastilaka
General Index

y-vi
vii-viii
ix-x
xi
xii-xv
1
21
42
53
89
124
139
184
217
246
291
316
326
377
391
408
432
439
464
466
467
509
511
518

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GENERAL EDITORS' PREFACE
Critical studies in Jaina religion and philosophy and researches in Jaina literature have conspicuouly lagged behind in the march of Oriental scholarship with the result that our picture and perspective of Indian cultural heritage are far from being perfect and complete. Very often eminent scholars both from abroad and at home have stressed the pressing need of speeding up the progress of Jaina studies by critically editing ancient texts in different languages and by researches in various branches of Jainology.
Brahmachāri Jivarāja Gautamachandaji, Sholapur, whose biography is already included in the First Volume of this Series ( Tiloyapannatti, part i, pp, 9-12), is well-known for his piety, love of learning and philanthropic zeal. It was with a view to advancing the cause of Jaina studies that the Jivarāja Jaina Granthamālā was started under the auspices of the Jaina Samskřti Samraksaka Samgha which was founded by him by creating a Trust for it of his entire property amounting to about two lakhs of rupees.
It is with great pleasure that the General Editors present to the world of scholars this learned work, Yaśastilaka and Indian Culture, by Professor K. K. Handiqui as the Second Volume of the Jivarāja Jaina Granthamala. Though the Yaśastilaka (A. D. 959) had attracted the attention of Sanskrit scholars like Peterson and others, the literary genius and the wealth of learning of Somadeva were not fully appreciated. This dissertation will enable us now to assess the value of Somadeva's achievements in Indian literature. Somadeva, as Professor Handiqui has observed, is one of the most versatile talents in the history of Indian literature, and his masterpiece Yaśastilaka reveals the manifold aspects of his genius. He is a master of prose and verse, a profound scholar with a well-stocked memory, an authority on Jaina dogma, and a critic of contemporary philosophical systems. He is a close student of the art of government, and in this respect his Yaśastilaka and Nitivākyāmita supplement each other. He is a redactor of ancient folktales and religious stories, and at times shows himself an adept in dramatic dialogue. Last but not least, he is a keen observer of men and manners. The position of Somadeva is, indeed, unique in Sanskrit literature.
Turning to Somadeva's Yaśastilaka, the salient feature of the story of Yasodhara is that it is a realistic tale based on a domestic tragedy, even an unpleasant incident of domestic life, around which is woven a story of moral and religious edification'. It is, as a matter of fact, the only considerable Sanskrit prose

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romance which deals with tragic incidents of conjugal life, eschewing romantic love in favour of grim realities and the working of fate'. Though the chief object of this tale is to propound the highest standard of human morals, namely, the principle of Ahimsa, Somadeva has made his religious romance an elegant specimen of artistic Sanskrit prose and poetry. Apart from its special characteristics as a prose narrative, Yajastilaka combines features which bring it into relation with diverse branches of Sanskrit literature. It is not only a Jaina romance in prose and verse but a learned compendium of Jaina and non-Jaina philosophical and religious doctrines, a manual of statecraft, and a great repository of Kavya poetry, ancient tales, citations and references, and numerous rare words of lexical interest. Somadeva's Yasastilaka is a work of massive scholarship enlivened by occasional flashes of literary genius and poetic feeling'.
YASATILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE
It is indeed very happy that such a masterpiece of literature as the Yasastilaka is thoroughly studied in its various aspects by an eminent and versatile Sanskritist of the status and standing of Professor Handiqui. His mastery over the niceties of the Sanskrit language and Kavya poetry are well-known to all by his English Translation Sriharṣa's Naiṣadhacarita with extracts from unpublished commentaries, appendices on philosophical allusions etc. ', Lahore 1934. Thus Somadeva for his literary rehabilitation has found a worthy scholar in Professor Handiqui who possesses rare qualities of sympathetic and judicious understanding, wide and rich information and deep and critical learning. He undertook and completed the study of Yasastilaka while he was the Principal and Senior Professor of History and Sanskrit at J. B. College, Jorhat (Assam). Very few Sanskrit works have been studied as thoroughly as the Yasastilaka in this work; and Professor Handiqui deserves every praise for his steady labours and painstaking researches. The Sanskrit studies have become richer by his present
contribution.
The Authorities of the Jivaraja Jaina Granthamala offer their sincere thanks to Professor K. K. Handiqui for his generosity in placing his learned dissertation at their disposal for publication in this Series.
It is a matter of pleasure for the General Editors to record their thanks to Br. Jivarajaji as well as to the members of the Trust Committee and Prabandhasamiti for their active interest in the Series, and also to Professor Handiqui for his willing cooperation. They trust that the present volume is a worthy contribution to Indian studies, and it would open in future many a new line of study in the fields of Jaina religion, philosophy and literature.
KOLHAPUR, May 1949

A. N. UPADHYE and H. L. JAIN General Editors.

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GENERAL EDITORS' PREFACE
(Second Edition)
It is with great satisfaction that we are presenting here the Second Edition (a photographic reprint of the First Edition with a few additions) of the Yaśastilaka and Indian Culture, by Professor KRISHNA KANTA HANDIQUI, M.A. (Cal. et Oxon.), which was first published in 1949 as No. 2 of the Jīvarāja Jaina Granthamālā. This publication was received with appreciation both at home and abroad, particularly from leading Sanskritists like the late lamented Professor L. RENOU of Paris. This exhaustive study of the Yašastilaka has been in a way, epoch-making and has inspired a number of other scholars to follow this model while studying other Indian classical texts.
Professor HANDIQUI's name has been well-known to Sanskritists through his standard English Translation (with learned Notes ) of the Naişadhacarita of Sriharşa (Lahore 1934, Poona 1956 and again Poona 1964). This work brought to the notice of Indologists Professor HANDIQUI'S consummate mastery over the intricacies of the Sanskrit language and his wide vista of Sanskritic learning. His dissertation on the Yasastilaka has been a pioneer and scholarly exploration in a more or less neglected religious romance based on domestic tragedy, of a medieval author of encyclopaedic learning. Somadeva was fortunate that his Campū came to be studied by a worthy scholar of great literary acumen and historical perspective. In fact, Sanskrit studies have become richer by Professor HANDIQUI'S contributions on the Naişadhacarita and Yaśastilaka.
Professor HANDIQUI has inherited in his veins the blue blood of an aristocratic family of administrators connected with the Ahom dynasty of Eastern India. Obviously his zest (even at the age of seventy) for Indian learning is a part of his personality; and his devoted self-training in Western Universities has equipped him with the knowledge of many European languages, catholic taste and critical outlook. His personal library could be a proud possession of any of our new Universities. He leads the life of a true vānaprastha scholar whose entire time is spent in fruitful study and quiet research. Professor HANDIQUI shuns publicity and is shy of positions: vidyā vinayena sobhate. He is an academic Rsi ; and his dedication to learning should be an inspiring example for the younger generation. His detached pursuit of knowledge is characterised by generous instincts, rare indeed, these days. He is wellknown for his munificent donations to literary and educational foundations in the

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YAŠASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE
State of Assam. The authorities of the Granthamala are highly grateful to him for his gift of this edition to the Sangha.
Professor HANDIQUI'S Translation of the Setubandha of Pravarasena is nearly complete, and would soon see the light of day. When published it will be another major contribution from his pen in the field of Indian classical studies. Jabalpur,
H. L. JAIN Kolhapur 1-2-1968
A. N. UPADHYE

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AUTHOR'S PREFACE
Somadeva's Yaśastilaka was composed in 959 A. D. somewhere in the area corresponding to modern Dharwar and the westernmost districts of Hyderabad State. It is a Jaina religious romance written in Sanskrit prose and verse, but more important as an encyclopedic record of literary, socio-political, religious and philosophical data, valuable for the study of the cultural history of India, and particularly of the Deccan, in the tenth century and thereabouts, when the Rāstrakūța empire still held sway in that part of the country. The object of the present volume is a critical study of the work; and if we have often gone far outside the limits of the text, it was only to give a more comprehensive picture of the life and thought of the times with reference to antecedent and subsequent factors in Indian cultural development.
The Sanskrit text was published long ago by the Nirnaya Sagar press in two volumes of a little over a thousand pages with the commentary of Śrutasāgara. The second volume of the work appeared in 1903, and the second edition of the first volume in 1916. A voluminous Jaina text composed in a difficult style could hardly be expected to be popular even with advanced students of Indian literature. To add to our difficulties, the commentary, which is our only guide to the work, breaks off at p. 244 of the second volume; and the printed text was found to be far too defective to admit of a critical study of the work.
To obviate these difficulties, I have utilized the following manuscripts of the text kindly lent by the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona : 1) Ms. A: No. 230 of 1902-07, folios 434; 2) Ms. B: No. 752 of 1886-92, folios 391; 3) Ms. C: No. 274 of A. 1883-84, folios 341; and 4) another incomplete manuscript of the work. Of these ms. A is the most important. It is not only correct but contains valuable marginal notes which have been of great use in studying the text, specially the portion dealing with Jaina doctrines, on which the commentary is not available. Notes from Ms. A have been incorporated in the present work; and, here and there, a line or a verse omitted in the printed text has been added from the manuscripts in the footnotes. In fact, nearly all the quotations from Somadeva's Yaśastilaka in the present volume have been collated with the manuscripts, especially A.
I am grateful to Dr. A. N. Upadhye, Kolhapur, for his generous and voluntary offer to publish this work on behalf of the Jaina Samskrti Samrakşaka Samgha of

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YAŠASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE
Sholapur. The munificence of the Samgha has made the publication possible in a comparatively short time, but the work would not have appeared in a presentable form without Dr Upadhye's tireless efforts.
Dr. V. Raghavan of Madras University was kind enough to send me an offprint of his interesting paper Gleanings from Somadevasūri's Yaśastilaka Campū published in Ganganatha Jha Research Institute Journal (February-August, 1944). Dr. Raghavan refers in his paper to the unpublished commentary of Srideva on the text. It is a fragment of 34 leaves preserved in the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, and its existence was not known to me at the time of borrowing the manuscripst mentioned above.
I am indebted to my friend Prof. P. K. Gode, Curator, Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, for help in connection with manuscripts, and especially for carefully made copies of articles and papers otherwise inaccessible to me. The photographs of the sculptures relating to the ancient Jaina Stūpa of Mathura were a gift from Dr. Vasudev Agrawala when he was Curator of the Provincial Museum, Lucknow. The Saiva sculpture preserved in the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, is reproduced in this book with the kind permission of the Archaeological Survey of India. My sincere thanks are due to Sj. Brajendra Kumar Acharya, Lecturer in Bengali, Cotton College, for compiling the General Index.
GAUHATI, 2 April, 1949.)
K
K. HANDIQUI

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AUTHOR'S PREFACE
(Second Edition)
The present edition is a reprint of the first edition published about twenty years ago. Circumstances have prevented me from undertaking a revision, but I have added supplementary notes incorporating the results of recent studies on the relations of the Lemulavādaor Vemulavada Cālukyas with Somadevasūri and the locality in which he wrote his masterpiece Yašastilaka and other works. A brief note on the Eastern Cālukyan temples, based on Dr. M. RAMA Rao's interesting monograph on the subject, has also been added to supplement the information brought together in Appendix III.
The early publication of this edition is entirely due to the enthusiasm and keen interest of my esteemed friend Dr. A.N. UPADHYE. I offer my sincere thanks to Dr. B. RAMA RAJU of Hyderabad for sending me information about some of the places dealt with in the supplementary notes and drawing my attention to Sri. S. GOPALAKRISHNA MURTHY's monograph Jain Vestiges in Andhra.
K. K. Handiqui Jorhat (Assam ),
8-1-68

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SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES
(I)
The Vemulavāda Cālukyas and Somadevasūri. Recent studies have conclusively shown that the Cālukya family during whose rule Somadeva lived and worked held the territory corresponding to Karimnagar district of former Hyderabad State, now included in Andhra. These chiefs were feudatories of the Rāştrakūtas; and Yuddhamalla I, the founder of the family, has been assigned to about the middle of the eighth century. We are concerned here with the last three rulers Arikesarin II, Vadyaga or Baddega and Arikesarin III.2
Arikesarin II ruled in the second quarter of the tenth century, and was the patron of Pampa who wrote his famous poems Adipurāna and Vikramārjunavijaya in Kannada in 941 A. D.3 According to the Parbhani plates, Arikesarin II was succeeded by his son Bhadradeva (II), also called Vadyaga, the father of Arikesarin III. Somadeva tells us in the colophon to his Yaśastilaka that he wrote the work in 959 A. D. during the reign of a prince who was the eldest son of Arikesarin (II), and who, as we have pointed out on p. 4, is variously called Vagarāja, Vadyaraja, and Vadyagaraja in the manuscripts. The name Vadyaga is considered to be a variant of Baddiga, which occurs as the name of an earlier chief in the genealogy given in the Parbhani plates, and appears also as Baddega in the Vemulavāda pillar inscription of Arikesarin II.
Baddega is said to have built a Jina temple for his teacher Somade vasūri in an inscription on the pedestal of an image of Pārsvanātha found at Vemulavāda in
1. See VENKATARAMANAYYA : The Chalukyas of L(V) emulavāda, Hyderabad, 1953;
and specially N. LAKSHMINARAYAN Rao's paper The Family of Arikesarin,
Patron of Pampa in the Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, Vol. XLV. 2. There is a confusion in the genealogy given on p. 4 of this book. The last two
names should be omitted. 3. RICE : A History of Kanarese Literature, p. 30. 4. Baddega is called Baddega III by Rao op. cit., obviously because among the earlier
chiefs there was another Baddega and another Bhadradeva ( same as Baddega, being a Sanskrit variant of the name ). But the first Bhadradeva is not mentioned in the Vemulavada Pillar inscription, and if he did not actually rule, as seems probable, our Baddega might be called Baddega II.

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SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES
xiii
Karimnagar district. This is confirmed by the Parbhani plates issued in 966 A. D. by his son Arikesarin III, which state that the village of Vanikațupulu was granted by him to Somadevasūri for the repairs and upkeep of a temple called Subhadhāmajinalaya built by his father Vadyaga in the capital city of Lembulapāțaka, identified with the village of Lemulavada or Vemulavāda mentioned above. Close to it was the prosperous town of Gangadhārā where Somadeva says he composed his romance. The manner in which he refers to this town in the colophon to the work would seem to indicate that it enjoyed the bountiful patronage of the reigning chief Vadyaga or Baddega.?
Lembulapāțakas figures also in the Vemulavāda pillar inscription of Arikesarin II, which records a grant of land in a corner of the city for the maintenance of a Sun temple built by Peddapārya, a high official (tantrapāla) in the service of the ruling chief. Three other temples dedicated to Śiva (Rājeśvara, Baddegeśvara and Nagareśvara) are mentioned in the record, which shows that the place was a stronghold of Saivism. Even today Vemulavāda is an important centre of pilgrimage in Telingana.
Arikesarin II seems to have been a follower of the orthodox religion, but he was catholic in his sympathies, as shown by the fact that his court poet Pampa was a Jaina and wrote on Jaina themes. His son and successor Baddega came under the influence of Somadevasūri, who is described in the Parbhani plates as being held in great esteem and veneration by kings and powerful feudatory chiefs. He not only built a temple in the capital for the great teacher but seems to have adopted the Jaina creed under his guidance. It is noteworthy that the Parbhani inscription issued by his son Arikesarin III opens with a verse which extols the glory and the beneficent mission of the Jaina faith.
5. Rao op. cit., p. 216; VENKATARAMANAYYA op. cit., p. 45. 6. This and some other villages are said to exist almost under the same names in
Sirsilla tāluk of Karimnagar district. Rao op. cit., p. 223. 7. Pt. Premi's manuscript gives this portion of the colophon in a more correct form
than the printed edition : श्रीमद्वद्यगराजस्य लक्ष्मीप्रवर्धमानवसुधारायां गंगधारायां. RAO (op cit., p. 223) says that Gangadhārà still exists under the same name near Vemulavada. I am informed by Dr. B. Rama Raju of Hyderabad that it is in Jagtiyal taluk of
Karimnagar district, ten miles from Vemulavada. 8. The Parbhani plates and the revised text of the Vemulavāda pillar inscription of
Arikesarin II in Rao op. cit. have -pataka. The text of the latter record repro
duced by VENKATARAMANAYYA (p. 91 ) has -vätaka. 9. Several Saiva temples are shown on the site plan of Lemulavāda village in VEN
KATARAMANAYYA'S monograph.

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The Jaina relics at Vemulavāda have been surveyed, 10 but no trace exists of any Jaina structure or temple. The image of Pārsvanātha with the inscription mentioned above may have once belonged to the Subhadhāma temple built by Baddega. There are as many as a dozen figures of Jaina Tirthamkaras scattered in the precincts of the Hindu temples in the area besides a few other interesting Jaina sculptures. Vemulavāda may have had more than one Jaina temple, and was in any case a notable centre of Jainism during the reigns of the last two Calukya chiefs in the third quarter of the tenth century. The rule of the Vemulavāda Cālukyas seems to have terminated with that of their overlords, the Raştrakūtas; and soon afterwards Telingana came under the sway of the Cālukyas of Kalyani. Jainism may have flourished for some time more, but it is probable that with the loss of royal patronage it declined and ultimately disappeared from the area. It is in the heyday of its glory at Vemulavāda that we see Somadevasūri as an honoured and influential exponent of the Jaina faith.
( II )
No attempt can be made here to fill the lacunae in Appendix III on the geographical distribution of the Śaiva temples, but a reference may be made to the Eastern Calukyan temples by way of illustrating the dominant position of saivism in Andhra.11 Most of these temples are dedicated to Śiva, and the more important ones are assigned to the ninth century, covering the reigns of Narendramsgaraja Vijayaditya ( 806-46), Gunaga Vijayaditya ( 848-891 ), and Cālukya Bhima I ( 892-922). The first king is said to have built one hundred eight Śiva temples; while several such temples in the village of Bikkavolu in East Godavary district are attributed to the reign of Gunaga Vijayaditya. The next king Cālukya Bhima I was a great builder. He built three important temples known as Bhīmesvara at Drakṣārāma, a township in Ramachandrapuram taluk of East Godavary district; at Cālukya-bhimavaram, a village near Samalkot in the same district; and at Chebrolu in Bāpatla taluk of Guntur district. Other Eastern Calukyan temples of the same period are the Ramalingeśvara at Palakollu in West Godavary district; the Someśvara at Somarāma (now Somavaram forming part of the village of Bhimavaram in the same district); and the Amareśvara at Amaravati on the southern bank of the Krishna in Guntur district. Most of these structures are two-storied and the shrine at Drākṣārāma with its elaborate sculptures is the most famous among the temples of
10. MURTHY : Jain Vestiges in Andhra (Andhra Pradesh Government Archaeological
Series No. 12). Hyderabad, 1963. 11. See M. RAMA RAO : Eastern Cālukyan Temples of Andhra Desa (Andhra Pradesh
Government Archaeological Series, No. 19). Hyderabad, 1964.

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Andhra. The development of Eastern Calukyan temple architecture in the second half of the ninth century was coeval with the transition from the Pallava to the Cola style of temple building in the Tamil country during the reigns of Vijayalaya and Aditya I.
It is noteworthy that the temples named above with the exception of the one at Chebrolu are located at the five traditional Saiva centres of Andhra, collectively known as Pañcārāma namely, Dakşārāma (modern Drākşārāma), Kumārārāma (Cālukya-bhimavaram), Kşīrārāma (Pālakollu ), Somārama (Somavaram) and Amarārāma (Amarāvati). Of these Amaravati and Palakollu are popular centres of Saiva pilgrimage.
(III) It may be noted that some of the verses cited by Somadeva in the Yašastilaka in illustration of Buddhist doctrines (see pp. 188-9 & 457 of this book) are taken from the Pramāna vārttika of Dharmakirti (circa 600 A. D.). The two verses yah paśyaty ātmānam and ätmani sati parasamjñā occur in the pramāņa-siddhi chapter of that work (see Pramāņavārttika with the commentary of Manorathanandin, pp. 86-7; and Pramanavarttikabhāsyam of Prajñākaragupta, pp. 146-7, Patna, 1953). The verse vedapramāṇyam kasyacit kartrvādah occurs at the end of Dharmakirti's own vrtti on the svarthanuma na chapter of the above work. Karnakagomin in his commentray on the vrtti, however, reads dhvastaprajñāne for oprajñanam, and says pramāṇāvalambijñānam prajñānam, tad dhvastam yasmin jad ye tattathoktam, nyāyānusärijñānarahita ityarthah. See Pramānavārttikam, p. 619, Allahabad edition.
(IV) (Addendum by the General Editor : A. N. U.) Lately an inscription is discovered on the hill Bommalagutta in the vicinity of the village Gangādharam (Gangadhāra ?) in the Karimnagar district of former Hyderabad State, now included in Andhra Pradesh. It was got carved by Jinavallabha, brother of Pampa. It is partly in prose and verses, and in three languages, Kannada, Sanskrit and Telugu. It gives good many details about Pampa, his parentage and provenance. Arikesari donated the village Dharmapura to Pampa when the latter completed his Kannada poem Vikramārjuna vijaya ( see p. 6 of this book and Note I abɔve ); and it is this event that is commemorated by Pampa's brother in this record. (See the Telugu Magazine Bhārati for March 1967; Journal of the Karnatak University, Humanities No., Vol. XI 1967, pp. 73 f., 107f., also Kannada Nudi March 1968, pp. 9f.)

Page #19

By the same Author
Pravarasena's Setubandha : Translated from Prākrit into English with extracts from unpublished commentaries and an Introduction
In the press.

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CHAPTER I SOMADEVA AND HIS AGE
Two works of Somadeva are extant: Yasastilakal and Nitivākydmrta. The former, called also Yasodhara-mahaīrāja-carita, deals with the pathetic story of Prince Yasodhara in prose and verse in eight Books called Asvāsas. The latter work is a treatise on polity, divided into thirty-two chapters consisting of aphorisms on the various topics dealt with.. Nitivakyānrta seems to have been written after Yasastilaka.
Somadeva gives a fair amount of information about himself at the end of his Yasastilaka. He belonged to an order of Jaina monks known as Devasamgha, and was the disciple of Nemideva who was the disciple of Yasodeva. The colophon to Nītivākyāmrta tells us that Somadeva was the younger brother of Mahendradeva, and had the following honorific titles: Syādvādâcalasimha 'A lion on the mountain of Syādvāda', Tārkika-cakravartin
The Lord of the logicians', Vadībha-pañcānana 'A lion to the elephants, to wit, the disputants', Vākkallola-payonidhi “An ocean of the waves of eloquence', and Kavikularāja "The king of the poets'. We are also told that Somadeva was the author of Yasodhara-mahārāja-carita, Sannavatiprakarana, Mahendra-mitali-sarjalpa and Yakticintā manisūtra. There is some doubt about the title of the last work, as a manuscript of Nitiväkyāmsta written in Samvat 1290, and preserved in one of the Jaina Bhandārs at Pattan, gives it as Yukticintāmaņistava*.
In one of the concluding verses of Yasastilaka Somadeva tells us that the work was copied by a celebrated scribe named Racchuka, who was called Lekhaka-sikhāmaņi, and whose calligraphy seems to have been utilized by the fair sex for their love-letters. All trace of this first copy of the original manuscript seems to have been lost.
| Kavyamālā 70, Parts I & II, Bombay 1901. 2 Māņikachandra D. Jaina Granthamālā 22, Bombay 1922. 3 श्रीमानस्ति स देवसंघतिलको देवो यश-पूर्वका, शिष्यस्तस्य बभूव सद्गुणनिधिः श्रीनेमिदेवाइयः। तस्याश्चर्यतपःस्थितेस्त्रि
radigital art, false Atha la UFTRITT F1674: 11 Yaśastilaka, part II, p. 418. 4 Descriptive Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Jain Bhandars at Pattan, Vol. I, p. 31. 5 विद्याविनोदवनवासितहृच्छुकेन, पुस्तं व्यलेखि विलसल्लिपि रच्छुकेन । श्रीसोमदेवरचितस्य यशोधरस्य, स लोकमान्य
गुणरत्नमहीधरस्य ।। अपि च । यस्याक्षरावलिरधीरविलोचनाभिराकायते मदनशासनलेखनेषु । तस्मै विवेकिषु न यच्छति रच्छुकाय, को नाम लेखकशिखामणिनामधेयम् ।।.

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN OULTURE
Somadeva goes on to say that the Kāvya, that is, Yasastilaka was composed in Saka 881 (959 A. D.), the cyclic year being Siddhartha, on the Madana-trayodasi day of the month of Caitra, when Krşņarājadeva was extending his sway at Melpātī, after having vanquished the Pāņdya, Cola, Cerama (i. e. Cera), Ceylonese and other kings. Somadeva's statement is remarkable for its historical accuracy, as it is corroborated by the Karhād plates of the great Rāştrakūța emperor Krşņa III, issued on the 9th March, 959 A, D., at Melpāți, a few weeks earlier than the completion of Somadeva's Yasastilaka. The subject of the inscription is the grant of a village in Karahāta (Karhād in Satara district) to a Saiva ascetic, but the record was issued at Melpāți (Melpāļi in North Arcot district), where the emperor was encamped with his victorious army for establishing his followers in the southern provinces, for taking possession of the estates of the provincial chiefs and for constructing certain temples '.3 The inscription, like Somadeya, refers to Krşņa III's victories over the Colas and the kings of the Ceranma (i. e. Cera), Pāņdya and other countries as well as Ceylon, and tells us, besides, that he erected a pillar of victory at Rāmeśvara. The emperor states in the record that he issues the order, having established his victorious camp at Melpāți' (melpāți-samāvāsita-srimadvijaya-kațakena mayā).
The victory over the Colas was the most important, as Krsna III is known to have occupied Tondaimaņdalam (to the north of the Kaveri), and appears to have annexed the northern part of the Cola dominions to his empire, sometime after the decisive battle of Takkolam in 949 A. D., when the Cola crown-prince Rājāditya, the son of Parāntaka I, was killed on the battlefield by Krşņa's tributary and ally, the Ganga ruler Būtuga II. The Karhād grant of 959 A. D. shows the Rāştrakūta emperor in his camp at Melpāți at the close of his victorious southern campaigns. As a recent authority on Cola history says, “there can be no question that the effect on the Cola empire was ruinous, and that as a consequence of the blow in
1 'शकनृपकालातीतसंवत्सरशतेष्वष्टस्वेकाशीत्यधिकेषु गतेषु (अतः ८८१) सिद्धार्थसंवत्सरान्तर्गतचैत्रमासमदनत्रयो
दश्यां...."मेल्पाटीप्रवर्धमानराज्यप्रभावे श्रीकृष्णराजदेवे सति ।. 2 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IV, parts VI and VII. "The date of the grant was
Wednesday, the thirteenth tithi of the dark fortnight of Phālguņa of the cyclic year
Kalayukta, the Śaka year being 880 past (1. 56 f.)." 3 Ibid., p. 281.
Somadeva says: पाण्ड्यसिंहलचोलचेरमप्रभृतीन महीपतीन् प्रसाध्य. The inseription says: कृत्वा दक्षिणदिग्जयोद्यतधिया चौलान्वयोन्मूलनं, तद्भूमिं निजभृत्यवर्गपरितश्चेरन्मपाण्ड्यादिकान् । येनोच्चैः सह सिंहलेन
करदान् सन्मण्डलाधीश्वरान् , न्यस्तः कीर्तिलतांकुरप्रति कृतिस्तम्भश्च रामेश्वरे ।। 5 Altekar:The Rāstrakūtas and their times, p. 117 ff., Poona 1934.

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1. SOMADEVA AND HIS AGE
the north, much of the south also slipped out of Parāntaka's hands. The Cola empire was no more; it had to be built up all over again”.?
It is interesting to note that the Melpāți camp of Krşņa III is mentioned also by Puşpadanta in his Mahāpurāna, a voluminous work in Apabhramśa verse on the lives of the sixty-three heroes (salākrā-puruşas ) of the Jaina faith, commenced in 959 A, D., that is, in the year of the completion of Somadeva's Yasastilaka, and finished in 965 A. D.' in his Mahāpurāna 1. 3
तं कहमि पुराणु पसिद्धणामु सिद्धत्यवरिसि भुवणाहिरामु । उब्बद्धजूड भूभंगमीसु तोडेप्पिणु चोडहो तणउ सीसु। भुवणेकरामु रायाहिरात जहिं अच्छइ तुढिगु महाणुभाउ ।
तं दीणदिण्णधणकणयपयरु महि परिभमंतु मेपाठिणयरु । Puşpadanta means to say that he commenced his Purāņa in the cyclic year Siddhārtha (the same as that mentioned by Somadeva) when the lord of kings', Tudiga, explained in the gloss as Krşņarāja, was in the city of Mepādi, identified in the gloss with Melapātiya-nagara, that is, Melpāți, after having severed the Cola prince's head with the hair tied up'. This is obviously a reference to Rājāditya's death in the battle of Takkolam, the memory of which was still fresh in 959, Puşpadanta describes the town of Melpäţi as 'rolling in festivities', and as a place where presents of money and gold had been given to the poor. It is natural to surmise that Kșşņa III was celebrating his southern victories at Melpātī that year, and the town was in a gay mood on account of the celebrations. The year 959 A. D. was indubitably a year of political and cultural importance in the history of the Dekkan, as it not only saw the consummation of Rāştrakūta hegemony in the south, but the commencement and completion respectively of two monumental works of Indian literature.
Although Somadeva was a contemporary of Kļşņa III, his work was not composed at Mãnyakheta, the Rāştrakūța capital, but at an obscure place called Gangadhārā, which seems to have been the capital of a prince named Vāgarāja, the eldest son of a Calukya chief named Arikesarin, a tributary of Krsnarāja. The Arikesarin mentioned by Somadeva belonged to an obscure
1 2 3
Nilakanta Sastri: The Colas, Vol. I, p. 162. Vaidya : Introduction to Jasaharacariu, p. 20, Poona 1931.
"श्रीकृष्णराजदेवे सति तत्पादपभोपजीविनः..."चालुक्यकुल जन्मनः सामन्तचूडामणेः श्रीमदरिफेसरिणः प्रथमपुत्रस्य भीमदागराजप्रवर्धमानवसुधारायां गङ्गधारायां विनिर्मापितमिदं काव्यमिति । Yatastilaka, Book VIII, part II, p. 419. Ms. A reads Tri. This is omitted altogether in M36. B and c. Mg. B, however, reads a rt, and in Ms. C agitat seems to be corrected into वसुपराया.

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE
branch of the Cālukya dynasty, which ruled over a province called Jola, a portion of which is said to have been included in the modern district of Dhārwār in Bombay Presidency. Nothing is known about Gangadhārā, but it seems to have been somewhere in or around Dharwar District. It may perhaps be identified with Gangawati in the south-western corner of Hyderabad State in Raichur District, quite near Dharwar. There is also a river named Gangawali in the North Kanara District south-west of Dharwar,
As regards the prince during whose reign Somadeva composed his romance, there is some doubt about the reading of the name Vāgarāja found in the printed text of Yasastilaka. Of the manuscripts of the work used by me, the well-written and correct A reads Vāgarāja as in the printed edition, but MSS. B and C read Vadyarāja, while a manuscript consulted by Pt. Nathuram Premi reads Vadyagarāja. The correct name, as we shall see, seems to be Baddiga of which Vādyarāja and Vadyagarāja are Sanskritized variations.
A copper plate inscription in Sanskrit recently found at Parbhani in Hyderabad Statet not only gives us a glimpse of Somadeva seven years after the composition of Yasastilaka but furnishes a genealogy of the feudatory Cālukya chiefs in whose territory he lived and worked. The genealogy of these tributaries of the Rāştrakūtas, hitherto known to us from the Kanarese Bharata composed by the Jaina roet Pampa in 941 A. D.,' is here carried to 966 A, D., the date of the inscription. The list of kings may be compiled as follows:
Yuddhamalla I, Arikesarin I, Narasimha I (+Bhadradeva), Yuddhamalla II, Baddiga I (defeated and captured Bhima), Yuddhamalla III, Narasimha II, Arikesarin II (married a Rāştrakūta princess named Lokāmbikā), Bhadradeva, Arikesarin III, Baddiga II (Vadyaga) and Arikegarin IV. Of the kings mentioned Arikesarin II was the patron of Panpa who wrote his masterpieces in 941 A. D.; while Baddiga II or Vadyaga was the king during whose reign Somadeva completed his romance in the year 959 A. D., as recorded in the colophon. The inscription under discussion
Bhārata composed bye hastrakūtas, hitherto kno worked. The genealogy
1 Bhandarkar: Early History of the Dekkan, third edition, p. 137. 2 The Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. XXVI, Atlas, Plates 39 and 42. 3 Pt. Premi: Jaina Sahitya aura Itihäsu p. 76, Bombay 1942. 4 Reproduced in the above work (p. 90 f.) from the Journal of the Bhārata Itihāsa
Samsodhana Mandala, Poona, Vol. XIII, No. 3, published in Marāthi. 6 Bhandarkar: Barly History of the Dekkan, p. 137 and Altekar: The Rästrakūtas
and their times, p. 129.

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1. SOMADEVA AND HIS AGE
records the grant of a village to Somadeva by Vadyaga's son Arikesarin IV in Saka 888 or 966 A. D. for the repairs and upkeep of a Jaina temple called śubhadhāma-jinālaya, built by Vady
dhāma-jinālaya, built by Vadyaga in the capital (Lem )bulapātaka. The name of the village granted to Somadeva was Vanikațupulu.?
It is clear from the above record that in 966 A, D. Somadeva was in charge of the Subhadhāma temple, and seems to have carried on his literary activities undisturbed, as a hitherto unknown work Syādvädopunisad is here attributed to him in addition to Yasodharacarita. He was held in the highest esteem by his contemporaries, and kings and feudatory chiefs are described as reverently bowing at his feet.3
It may be noted in this connection that there are at least two puzzling factors in the inscription we are considering. Firstly, the Samgha to which Somadeva belonged is here called Gaudasamgha: Yaśodeva, the guru of Somadeva's guru Nemideva, is assigned to this Samgha. But, as we have seen, Somadeva himself describes Yaśodeva as belonging to the Devasamgha. Secondly, the capital of Arikesarin IV is stated to be (Lem )bulapāțaka, about which nothing definite is known, although it might be somewhere in Hyderabad State. It is noteworthy that we have so far the names of three capitals of the Cālukya chiefs who ruled in the Jola territory. Arikesarin II, who was the patron of the famous Kannada poet Pampa, ruled at Puligere (mod. Lakshmesvar in Dharwar District); Vadyaga is described by Somadeva as ruling at Gangadhārā; and his son Arikesarin IV calls (Lem )bulapātaka his capital. It may also be noted that just as Arikesarin, the father of Vadyaga, is described by Somadeva as a humble tributary of Krsnarāja (Krşna III), similarly the present inscription describes Arike. sarin, the son of Vadgaga, as a tributary of the same overlord in exactly similar terms.
While Somadeva was a contemporary of Krşņa III and Vadyaga, it is not clear whether either of them was his patron; probably he had no
1 ( )बुलपादकनामधेय निजराजधान्यां निजपितुः श्रीमद्वद्यगस्य शुभधाम जिनालयाख्यवस(तेः) खण्डस्फुटितनवसुधा
#HERR Teie erste fauty ag... TATRATOTT *** sheath a
#STS THT OTH:** *** : Ii'. 2 'Arafaa hata martTha: (a)at a Taf THROAIE..... 3 'अखिलमहासाम(न्तसी)मन्तप्रान्तपर्यस्तोत्तंसस्रक्सुरभिचरणः सकलविद्वज्जनकर्णावतंसीभवद्यशःपुण्डरीकः सूर्य इव
सकलावनिमृतां शिरःश्रेणिपु शिखण्डमण्डनायमानपादपद्मोऽभूत् ।', 4 stitch hradia 112 a Te Pt. Premi (op. cit.) is inclined to identify
this Gauda with the Gola or Golla kingdom of the South, mentioned in the Sravaņa
Belgola Inscriptions. 5 Rico: Kanarese Literature, p. 30. 6 'स्वस्त्यकालवर्षदेवश्रीपृथिवीवल्लभमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरपरमभट्टारकश्रीमदमोघवर्षदेवपादानुभ्यातप्रवर्द्धमानविजयराज्य.
भीकृष्णराजदेवपादपभोपजीविना ।.

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6
YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE
atron properly so called. Somadeva was a Jaina Ācārya and respectfully mentions his gurt. He was, besides, a political thinker, and in his Nitiväkyāmrto pays homage to the state and not to any king. It is, Łowever, certain that he was intimately acquainted with court life, and may have passed some time in the Răstrakūta capital. The court life so minutely Cescribed by him in Book III of his Yasastilaka does not apply to a petty feudatory chief like that of Gangadhārā, and can be true only of a sovereign of imperial status, who receives embassies from foreign courts, declares war against i efractory kings, and has at his disposal regiments drawn from different parts of Hindustan Somadeva, the author of Nitiväkyāmrta, vas a patriotic citizen of the Rāştrakūta empire, and gave much thought to the principles of state-craft and the well-being of the state, and in his great romance he gives a picture of the imperial court, besides throwing sidelights on the problems of government affecting war and peace.
The tenth century, like its predecessor, was a flourishing period of Jaina literature in Sanskrit and Prākrit, and in Kanarese as well. Confining ourselves to the epoch of Somadeva, we may safely assume it to coincide with the reign of Krsna III from 939 to 968 A, D., and within these limits we come across several distinguished names in the annals of scholarship and literature. In 941 the famous Kavarese poet Pampa wrote his two poems, Ādipurând, which relates the history of the first Tīrthaṁkars, and Vikramarjuna-vijaya, which tells the story of the Mahābhārata, or rather that of Arjuna. About the year 950 Põnna, the second great Kanarese poet of the century, wrote his Säntipurāna, which relates the legendary history of the sixteenth Tirthamkara, under the patronage of Krşņa III who gave the poet the honorific title of Ubhaya-kavi-cakravartin for his proficiency in Kanarese and Sanskrit. Quite at the beginning of the reign of Krşņa III, Indranandin wrote in Sanskrit a work called Jvälāmalini-kalpa dealing with a mystic fire-cult associated with the goddess Jvālāmālini. The work was composed in 939 A. D. at Māngakheta and refers to Krşņarāja.
Among the immediate contemporaries of Somadeva we come across two distinguished names: Puşpadanta and Muñjārya Vādighanghala Bhatta. We have already referred to the former, who commenced his Mahapurāna in 59 A. D. under the patronage of Krşņa III's minister Bharata, and wrote twother works, Jasaharacariu, which, like Somadeva's Yakastilaka, relates
i Ty T4194074 76779 57: 2 Sor below Chapters IV and V. 3 Rice: Kanarese Literature, 4 Hiralal: Catalogue of Sanskrit and. Prakrit Manuscripts in C. P. and Berar,
p. XXX.

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1. SOMADEVA AND HIS AGE
the story of Yasodhara, and Nayakumāracariu or the story of Nāgakumāra, both under the patronage of Bharata's son and successor Nanna. Puspadanta wrote in Apabhramba verse, and is one of the most important Jaina poets in that language so far discovered; and his prodigious literary activity bears witness to the flourishing condition of Apabhramsa literature in the tenth century. Harişeņa? who wrote his Dharmapariksă in Apabhramsa in 988 A. D. mentions three distinguished Apabhramśa poets : Puşpadanta, Svayambhu and Caturmukha; and Puşpadanta himself refers to Svayambhu and Caturmukha in his Mahāpurāna 1.9. The works of SvayambhuPaümacarir and Ritthanemicariu-are available in manuscript, and his son Tribhuvana Svayambhu was also a poet and made substantial additions to his father's poems. Svayambhu may be assigned to the eighth or ninth century, as he mentions Ravişeņa, the author of Padmacarita (seventh century), in his Païmacariu, and is himself mentioned by Puspadanta. Caturmukha is earlier than Svayambhu, as the latter mentions him in his Ritthanemicariu, and other works. It is also noteworthy that a number of other Apabhramsa poets is cited by Svayambhu in another work of his, a treatise on Prosody called Svayambhu-chanda. There was thus a welldefined literary tradition in Apabhramsa in and before Somadeva's time; and there is no doubt that he was to some extent influenced by the prevailing current of Apabhramsa poetry, as he has used various Apabhramsa metres with considerable skill in a number of verses of his Yasastilaka. The use of Apabhramsa metres in Sanskrit verse is a novel experiment on the part of a writer who sets out to write classical Sanskrit in the style of Subandhu and Bāna, but it shows the wide range of Somadeva's literary equipment and his interest in the vernacular literature of the time. Further, in spite of the divergent character of the works of Somadeva and Puşpadanta, they seem to have occasionally drawn on common sources for some at least of the literary material handled by them. The story of Yasodhara itself is one such example; while the tale of Jamadagni and the two birds, and that of Sribhūti and Bhadramitra related by Somadeva as independent stories in Yasastilaka, Books VI and VII, occur in Puşpadanta's Mahāpurāna (LXV. 13 ff. and LVII. 7 ff.) as part of a larger scheme of Jaina religious and mythological stories,
1 For details see the Introductions to the critical editions of these works. The first
two are edited by Dr. Vaidya and the third by Prof. Jain. 2 Annals of the B. O, R.I., XXIII, 592-608; Pt. Premi's Jaina Sahitye aura Itihasa,
p. 326. 3 चउमुहु सयंभु सिरिहरिसु दोणु णालोइउ कइ ईसाणु बाणु । 4 See Pt. Premi's article on Svayambhu in his Jaina Sahitya aura Itihāsa. 5 See below Chapter VII. 6 See below Chapter XVI,

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Muñjāryya Vādighanghala Bhatta is known to us from the Kudlur plates of the Ganga king Mārasimha, dated 963 A. D.' Mārasimha was a tributary of Krşņa III, and the grant of a village to Vādighanghala Bhatta by the former forms the subject of the inscription, which eloquently describes the great Jaina teacher's attainments and influence. Vādighanghalε. Bhatta was a distinguished grammarian and seems to have propounded a system of grammar on a sure and sound basis. He was an expert in Lokāyata, Sāṁkhya and Buddhist philosophy as well as Vedic interpretation, a great master of Jaina doctrine, and an eminent poet. He was intimately connected with the Ganga king Būtuga II and Krşņa III and the Rāştrakūta capital. We are told that his faultless and eloquent elucidation of literature (sāhityavidyā) made Ganga-Gāngeya (Būtuga II), 'a cuckoo in the pleasure-garden of learning', his pupil. He was honoured by the learned men of Vallabharāja's capital, who were enlightened by his exposition of all branches of political science, and Vallabharāja seems to be no other than Krsna III who is called Vallabhanarendradeva in the Karhād grant, and Vallabhanarendra and Vallabharāya in Puşpadanta's works. Krşņa is, moreover, explicitly mentioned in the inscription, which declares that Krsnarājadeva, who with his tributaries honoured the master, conquered the regions by his counsel, which was 'sound in relation to the present as well as the future'. It would thus appear that while Somadeva was preoccupied with the theore. tical principles of state-craft, Vādighanghala Bhatta played the role of a practical statesman and acted as a political adviser to the Rāştrakūta emperor. The glory and achievements of the empire seem to have opened new vistas before the thinking men of the age, and persons like Somadeva and Vādighanghala Bhatta, who in other times would probably have confined themselves to literature or speculative thought, took a deep interest in
tters of vital importance to the state. The disruption of the Rāştrakūta empire after Krsna III must have been a rude shock to cultural possibilities in the Dekkan.
1 Text and translation in Annual Report of the Mysore Archeological Department
for 1921. 2 'Perfec
ioner:' lines 159, 160. 3 hari akatafaqur:' line 162. 4 'यस्य निरवद्यसाहित्यविद्याव्याख्याननिपुणधिषणानुगुणवाणीविशेषातिशयच्छात्रीभूतसकलविद्या विनोदारामकलकण्ठगङ्ग
गानेयभूपस्य, सकलराजविद्याप्रतिपादनप्रतिबुद्धबोधप्रबोधितवल्लभराजकटकानेकविद्वज्जनोपजनितपूजाप्रकटीकृतमहिमो.
alacrita cenfetuar', lines 165-169. b वलहणरिंदघरमहयरासु Jasaharacaries 1. 1.33 वल्लहरायमहंतएण Nayalbumāracarrie 1. 3. 2.
तदात्वायतिसुघटमबक्रमोपदेशानुष्ठानवशीकृताखिलदिगङ्गनासरभससंभोगसुखसंपन्नकृष्णराजदेवविहितवचनसंभावनाप्रHaT48HVERT FART ATRT', lines 169-171.

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1. SOMADEYA. AND HIS AGE
Two important Jaina poets Vadirāja and Vādībhasimha are said to be Somadeva's disciples. Srutasāgara in his commentary on Yasastilaka 2. 126 quotes a statement which represents Somadeva as saying that both Vădirāja and Vādibhasimha are his disciples. The statement cannot, however, be traced in the two extant works of Somadeva, and neither Vadirāja nor Vadibhasimha claims Somadeva as his guru in any of their works. Vādirāja says at the end of his Pārsvanāthacarita, a poem in 12 cantos, that his guru is Matisāgara; besides, he belonged to the Nandisamgha, while Somadeva belonged to the Devasamgha. Similarly, Vādibhasimha in his prose romance Gadyacintāmani 1.6 gives expression to his deep obligations to his guru Puşpasena. On the other hand, it is not chronologically impossible for Vădirāja and Vādibhasimha to be regarded as disciples of Somadeva, Vădirāja, according to his own statement, wrote his Pārsvanāthacarita in Saka 947 (1025 A. D.) during the reign of the Western Calukya king Jayasimha II who ruled from 1015 to 1042 A. D. As regards Vādībhasimha, he as well as Vādirāja is mentioned in the Belgāmve grant of Jayasimha II, dated 1036 A. D., which describes a Saiva savant named Vādi-Rudraguņa as having defeated in argument Vādībhasimha, Vādirāja and other scholars; and the great king Rājarāja mentioned at the end of Vādībhasiṁha's poem Ksatracūdāmani' might very well refer to the Cola king Rājarāja the Great who ruled from 985 to 1014 A. D. It will be thus seen that Vădirāja and Vādibhasimha flourished in the first quarter of the eleventh century; and assuming Srutasāgara's statement to be correct and genuine, they may be regarded as having been Somadeva's disciples during their boyhood. But, nevertheless, it is strange that they should be so completely silent about their early guru Somadeva.
The epoch of Somadeva was preceded and followed by a considerable output of Jaina literature in various parts of India. Among his predecessors, from the beginning of the ninth century to the early part of the tenth, we find such names as Vīrasena (author of the Dhavală commentary and part of the Jayadhavala), Jinasena (completed the Jayadhavalā and wrote Adipurāna and other works), Guņabhadra (author of Uttarapurānce and Atmānusāsana), the Jaina Sākatāyana, Vidyānanda (author of Aộtasahasri, Tattvārthaslokavārtika etc.), Siddharşi (author of Upamitibhavaprapañcā kathā), and Harişeņa (author of Kathākosa) and others; while among his immediate successors, from about the last quarter of the tenth centary to the first quarter of the eleventh, we find Kanarese writers like Cāmunda
1 स वादिराजोऽपि श्रीसोमदेवाचार्यस्य शिष्यः। 'वादीभसिंहोऽपि मदीयशिष्याश्रीवादिराजोऽपि-मदीय शिष्यः' इत्युक्तत्वाच। 2 See below Chapter XIII. 3 heri Tarcisisei TFF TFT HET: 1 SAATTE : YTT fOrG: Il.

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rāya (wrote in prose Cāmundarāya-purāņa), Ranna (wrote Ajitapurāna and Gadāyuddha), and Nāgavarma (author of the Kanarese version of Bāņa's Kādambari); philosophical writers like Nemicandra Siddhāntacakravartin ( wrote in Prākrit Gõmmatasära, Dravyasamgraha and other works) and Prabhācandra (author of Nyāyakumudacandra and Prameyakamalamārtanda'); and poets and scholars like Vādirāja (wrote Pārsvanāthacarita, Kakutsthacarita and Yasodharacarita), Vādibhasimha (wrote Gadyacintamani and Ksatracūdāmani), Dhanapāla (author of Tilakamañjari), Amitagati (author of Subhāşitaratnasarndoha, Dharmaparikşā and other works ), Asaga (author of Vardhamānacarita), Mahāsena (author of Pradyumnacarita), Viranandin (author of Candraprabhacarita), and perhaps Kanakāmara (wrote Karakandacariu in Apabhramsa); and other writers like the grammarian Dayāpāla (author of Rūpasiddhi and contemporary of Vädirāja ).
While Somadeva made substantial contributions to Jaina religious literature, his literary importance and achievement go beyond its narrow limits; and the value of his work can be assessed in relation to Sanskrit literature as a whole. He is one of the most versatile talents in the history of Indian literature, and his masterpiece Yasastilaka reveals the manifold. aspects of his genius. He is a master of prose and verse, a profound scholar with a well-stocked memory, an authority on Jaina dogma, and a critic of contemporary philosophical systems. He is a close student of the art of government, and in this respect his Yasastilaka and Nitiväkyārta supplement each other. He is a redactor of ancient folktales and religious stories, and at times shows himself an adept in dramatic dialogue. Last but not least, he is a keen observer of men and manners. The position of Somadeva is, indeed, unique in Sanskrit literature.
Despite the fact that Somadeva's reputation rests on a prose romance and a treatise on polity, he was primarily a Jaina theologian; and
rly half of Yasastilaka and presumably the lost works are devoted to the defence and exposition of the tenets of the Jaina faith. He acknowledges the fact himself and would have us believe that his poetry was a byproduct of his philosophical studies. He tells us in one of the opening verses of Yasastilaka that just as a cow yields milk by eating grass, similarly his intellect produced the beautiful utterances of his poetical composition by feeding on the dry logical studies, to which he had devoted himself since his childhood. Tarka or philosophical argumentation was Somadeva's true vocation, and his honorific titles Tärkikacakravartin and Vadībhapañcānana point to the fact that he, like many intellectuals of his age, spent a good
1 See Introduction (in Hindi) to Nyāyakumudacandra, p. 121, Bombay 1938. 2 आजन्मसमभ्यस्ताच्छष्कासर्कात्तृणादिव ममास्याः । मतिसरमेरभवदिदं सूक्तिपयः सुकृतिना पुण्यैः।।.

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1. SOMADEVA AND HIS AQE
11
deal of his energy in engaging in controversy influential disputants belonging to rival faiths. This was, in fact, a trait of the times, as can be seen from such peculiar but significant names as Vādirāja, Vadibhasimha, Vadigharatta, Vādighanghala, Paravādimalla, Vādikolāhala eto., found among the Jaina writers and scholars of the age. That this was a practice common to all the schools is evident from I-tsing's eloquent description of it in his account of education in India towards the end of the seventh century. “ When they are refuting heretio doctrines", says the Chinese traveller, “ all their opponents become tongue-tied and acknowledge themselves undone. Then the sound of their fame makes the five mountains (of India ) vibrate, and their renown flows, as it were, over the four borders." "They oppose the heretics as they would drive beasts (deer) in the middle of a plain, and explain away disputations as boiling water melts frost. In this manner they become famous throughout Jambudvīpa (India), receive respect above gods and men, and serving under the Buddha and promoting His doctrine, they lead all the people (to Nirvāņa)."
The Prasasti verses of Nitivākyāmsta emphasize Somadeva's activity as a controversialist, and proclaim his superiority to all prospective disputants. One of the verses, for instance, asks a disputant how he dares argu with Somadeva, not being an Akalanka in argumentation nor a Hamsasiddhāntadeva in the knowledge of traditional lore nor a Pūjyapāda in eloquence.
___ सकलसमयत नाकलकोऽसि वादी न भवसि समयोक्तौ हंससिद्धान्तदेवः ।
नच वचनविलासे पूज्यपादोऽसि तत्त्वं वदसि कथमिदानीं सोमदेवेन सार्धम् ॥ The final verse trumpets Somadeva's eloquence which strikes terror into the hearts of all disputants, and claims that even Brhaspati cannot hold his own in argument with him.
While these boasts and eulogies are of a conventional character, they reveal one aspect of Somadeva's intellectual equipment; and he was perhaps as assiduous in his polemical activity as any of his contemporaries. This, however, should not blind us to the fact that poetry and literature must have made heavy claims on his time and intellectual effort as the composition of an extensive work like Yasastilaka in prose and verse was bound to presuppose long and careful preparation, involving laborious study of the secular branches of study and fervent devotion to the art of poetry. His statement that he had studied Tarka since his childhood shows that he began his career as a student of logic, metaphysics and allied subjects,
1 A Record of the Buddhist Religion by I-Tsing. Trans. by Takakugu, pp. 178, 181. 2 दन्धिबोधबुधसिन्धुरसिंहनादे,वादिद्विपोद्दलनदुर्धरवाग्विवादे । श्रीसोमदेवमुनिपे वचनारसाले, वागीश्वरोऽपि पुरतोऽस्ति
TRAITS HI

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and seems to have taken to poetry late in his life. But his devotion to his second love was no less sincere, and apparently he came to realise that poetry was an exacting mistress. As he says at the beginning of his work,
निद्रा विदूरयसि शास्त्ररसं रुणरिस सर्वेन्द्रियार्थमसमर्थ विधि विधत्से ।
tax f ue afaa foratifa tyf oft aegu u 1. 41. Thou Muse, thou evil genius, thou dost dismiss sleep, hinder delight in the Šāstras, reduce all the senses to impotence, and bewilder the mind. Yet men are lucky if they obtain thy favour.'
The combination of Tarka and Poetry, so prominent in the case of Somadeva, is not an isolated phenomenon in Indian literary history. Sriharsa, the author of Naişadhacarita and Khandanakhandakhădya, is a classio example of this tendency, which is also observed occasionally in lesser known poets. We may refer, for example, to Trailokya who flourished in Kashmir in the first half of the twelfth century, and is mentioned by Mankhaka in Srikanthacarita 25. 65, 66. It is noteworthy that Mankhaka compares Trailokya to Tutātita or Kumārila, who is also supposed to have been a Tārkika as well as a Kavi, although no poem composed by him has come down to us.
It may be safely assumed that Yasastilaka was the product of that period of Somadeva's life when his poetic power had reached its full maturity. The author makes certain claims for his work which will bear the scrutiny of investigation.
First, he says that he composed his work without aid from any source and without any model before him, and therefore compares it to a gem produced by the ocean.
BETH Tá an tEET I AFT: Hout is a THUSETE 11. 14. The claim of originality, like all such claims, may be admitted only in a limited sense. Somadeva cannot claim any originality regarding the plot, but there are some novel features in regard to the form and contents of the romance, which distinguish it from other versions of the story of Yasodhara and, indeed, from other prose romances extant in Prakrit or Sanskrit. It may be added that the claim of originality is in conformity with Somadeva's idea that a poet should rely upon his own efforts and not imitate or borrow from others. He declares that the poet, who keeps before him the works of his predecessors and consults them again and again and expresses himself in the same manner or differently, is a plagiarist (poetry thief') and a sinner.
1 दृढोऽपि तर्ककार्कश्ये प्रगल्भः कविकर्मणि । यः श्रीतुतातितस्येव पुनर्जन्मान्तरग्रहः ।
तं श्रीत्रैलोक्यमालोक्य गण्यं सत्कर्मिर्णा धुरि । ययौ मुहुरधिज्यस्य कार्मुकस्य सधमैताम् ॥. Jonarāja remarks in his commentary; gafaa: ghi andi: fanera

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1. SOMADEVA AND HIS AGE
कृत्वा कृतीः पूर्वकृताः पुरस्तात् प्रत्यादरं ताः पुनरीक्षमाणः ।
तथैव जवपेदथ योऽन्यथा वा स काव्यचोरोऽस्तु स पातकी च ॥ 1. 13.
It is, however, conceded that occasional similarity with other writers in ideas or expression cannot detract from the merits of a poet who is not in the habit of looking into the works of others.
13
कृतीः परेषामविलोकमानस्तदुक्तिवक्तापि कविर्न हीनः । 1. 12. Somadeva's theory of poetical self-sufficiency is no doubt exaggerated and belied by literary history, but we may be certain that he relied mainly upon his own resources in the composition of his encyclopedic work.
Secondly, Somadeva says that he who has the curiosity to go through his work can avail himself of poetic utterances, appropriate dicta, and the tenets of all the S'astras.
उक्तयः कविताकान्ताः सूक्तयोऽवसरोचिताः । युक्तयः सर्वशास्त्रान्तास्तस्य यस्यात्र कौतुकम् ॥ 1. 15. This is not an empty boast or arrogant self-assertion. Poetic merits apart, Yasastilaka is, indeed, a storehouse of information concerning the tenets of various Sastras and schools of thought; and this aspect of the work conforms to the theory of Vyutpatti held by Somadeva himself and the writers on poetics. Somadeva tells us that there is one type of Kavya, 'sweet to the ears' and eloquent with descriptions, and another type which charms the heart, being replete with meaning: no wise man will find fault with either of these, but proper and fit is that kind of composition which contributes to the all-round vyutpatti or scholarly instruction of the author himself and others.
किंचित् काव्यं श्रवणसुभगं वर्णनोदीर्णवर्ण, किंचिद्वाच्योचितपरिचयं हृचमत्कारकारि ।
अनसूयेत् क इह सुकृती किंतु युक्तं तदुक्तं, यद्व्युत्पत्यै सकलविषये स्वस्य चान्यस्य च स्यात् ॥ 1. 16. The Vyutpatti mentioned by Somadeva has two aspects. The Vyutpatti of the poet is his scholarly training; and the idea of it appears in a systematic form in most writers on poetics, who lay stress on the importance of Vyutpatti as a supplementary discipline reinforcing Sakti or Pratibha, or natural genius; while, among poets, Mankhaka emphasizes the value of Vyutpatti or Panditya in his Srikanthacarita (2. 5, 27, 45-48). Certain writers, e. g., Mammata, and especially Rajasekhara' who is closely followed by Hemacan

1 Rajasekhara in Kāvyamīmāmsā, chap 8, envisages a wide range of intellectual equipment for a poet, and enumerates twelve recognised sources of poetry: Śruti; Smrti; Itihasa; Purana; Pramaṇavidya or the philosophical systems; Samayavidya or sectarian systems like those of the Saivas, the Pañcaratras, and the Buddhists, popularly called Agama; the three Rajasiddhantas consisting of Polity, Erotics, and Dramaturgy; Loka or a knowledge of the world, its geography and customs; Viracanã or fanciful stories and conceits; and Prakirņaka or miscellaneous subjects like the science of elephants, the Dhanurveda, the science of gems, treatises on Yoga etc.

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dra, and Vāgbhata, the author of Kāvyānusāsana, and Kşemendra, in his Kavikanthābharana, who employs the term Paricaya for Vyutpatti, clearly enumerate the various branches of learning, with all or some of which the poet is expected to show his acquaintance. Considered from this standpoint, Somadeva's statement that his Kāvya is a repertory of all the Šāstras is corroborated to a large extent by an examination of the contents of the work, and there are few works in Kāvya literature which fulfil the conditions of Vyutpatti so completely as Somedeva's Yasastilaka.
The Vyutpatti of others', that is, of the readers of a poem refers to their instruction in the topics of the Sāstras, so that a Kāvya is viewed as a kind of introduction to the learned branches of study. Somadeva's view of this aspect of Vyutpatti may be correlated with the opinion of Bhāmaha, who says in his Kāvyālankāra (chap. V) that the Sāstras are, as a rule, difficult to understand and shunned by the untalented, who, however, enjoy them when mixed with the sweet potion of poetry, just as people take an unpalatable dose of medicine after tasting honey. In oti the sāstric pill is to be sugared with poetry for the benefit of those who are unable to swallow it as it is. The difficult topics of the Sāstras should be made interesting and popular through poetry, and this the poet can do by expounding or referring to them in the course of his Kāvya. Bhāmaha, accordingly, goes on to say that there is no topic—no word, no meaning, no principle of logic, and no art or science-which does not serve element in poetical composition, and the poet's burden is undoubtedly great." It will be thus seen that the idea that a Kāvya should be a medium of instruction for its readers was prevalent long before the tenth century, and this idea no doubt greatly influenced the scope and composition of Somadega's Yasastilaka.
Somadeva speaks of the great transmuting power of poetry. The true poets are those whose words make familiar things unfamiliar and unfamiliar things familiar.
aga at m ai avata: gaisgear di raga: getaran 1. 25. This somehow reminds us of certain lines of Wordsworth on the contemplation of Nature:
Familiar things and awful, the minute And grand, are destined here to meet...... 3
1 प्रायेण दुर्बोधतया शास्त्राद् बिभ्यत्यमेधसः। तदुपच्छन्दनायैष हेतुन्यायलवोच्चयः ॥ स्वादुकाव्यरसोन्मिश्रं शास्त्रमप्युप
युञ्जते । प्रथमालीढमधवः पिबन्ति कटु भेषजम् ॥
न स शब्दो न तद्वाच्यं न स न्यायो न सा कला । जायते यन्न काव्याङ्गमहो भारो महान् कवेः॥. 3 Herbert Read: Wordsworth, p 193. The lines occur in the first draft of a passage
intended as an alternative for some lines in Book VIII of the Prelude.

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But it is obviously the genius of the poet, working on a broader canvas, that makes the familiar awful and the awful familiar.
Somadeva asserts that even the animals are. thrilled with joy when they hear the utterances of a good poet. This is an exaggeration, but he may have in mind the musical effect of lyric poetry.
The question of appreciation of poetry is considered by Somadeva from the standpoint of poets in several verses. The poets are said to be fond of people who may not be learned, but who can grasp the trend of the spoken word. In other words, learning is not necessary for the appreciation of poetry: the excellence of gold is, for instance, demonstrated by the touchstone which is of inferior value. The ability of laymen to judge the merits of poetry, although they are not poets themselves, is set forth by citing the example of the man who can discern the flavour of sweets while eating, although he is ignorant of the process of boiling sugar. As for princes, poetical efforts are useless when a king lacks in judgment; it is no use putting rich fare before an animal who feeds on grass. The populace also lacks in judgment and delights in a poem, simply because it is reputed to be good; it often happens that literary works are held in esteem solely on account of their being accepted as good by others, just as a woman acquires a reputation for beauty when she becomes someone's mistress. In matters affecting poetry, one should appeal to the judgment only of those who, like the ocean, 'keep within' (i. e. bear in mind) what is good, and throw out what is bad; that is, the true critic is one who appreciates the merits of a puem, ignoring the defects. Further, a thing
; to be judged on its own merits and not in relation to a type to which it does not belong; it is futile to look for the sheen of gold while testing silver. In other words, poetry must be judged as poetry, and the critic must not expect to find in it what does not properly fall within the province of poetry. Those who are blind to merits, being intent on fault-finding, and try to pass off blemishes as merits are unfit to study poetry: being the enemies of the goddess of learning, they have indeed no right to study it. Finally, it is useless to argue whether any one
mia tafar: 1: RTLETT 34 Tahoe grife!
1 va undatafretha at: 7:
1
5 4TH GETA : 11 1. 26. 2 gascyfthyfth attachat HETTI TUT: P a Tavirt474a Peta II 1. 28. 3 अवक्तापि स्वयं लोकः कामं काव्यपरीक्षकः। रसपाकानभिज्ञोऽपि भोक्ता वेत्ति न किं रसम् ॥ 1. 29. quag: 4: Hat Arart arti faf: : PUTETTA a
1. 30. 6 अङ्गनावद्रोि गण्याः प्रायेणान्यपरिग्रहात् । स्वयं विचारशून्यो हि प्रसिद्धया रज्यते जनः॥ 1. 32.
काव्यकथासु त एव हि कर्तव्याः साक्षिणः समुद्रसमाः । गुणगणमन्तनिंदधति दोषमलं ये बहिश्च कुर्वन्ति ।। 1.36. 7 आत्मस्थितेर्वस्तु विचारणीयं न जातु जात्यन्तरसंश्रयेण । दुर्वर्णनिर्वर्णविधौ बुधानां सुवर्णवर्णस्य मुधानुबन्धः॥ 1.37. 8 गुणेषु ये दोषमनीषयान्धा दोषान् गुणीकर्तुमयेशते वा । श्रोतुं कवीनां वचनं न तेऽर्हाः सरखतीद्रोहिषु कोऽधिकारः॥
1. 38.
1.37.

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is a poet or not, since in the ultimate resort the ears and minds of the readers are capable of discerning the true nature of the spoken word and its significance respectively.1
Somadeva exploited to the full the resources of the Sanskrit language, and has an undisputed claim to rank as a classical writer; but he could not altogether escape the influence of Jaina literary usage in handling Sanskrit prose and verse. A glaring instance is his use of imaiḥ for ebhiḥ, a Prakritism found also in some other Jaina Sanskrit writers. He writes also klesa-bhajanaḥ more than once (e. g., in 3. 388 and towards the end of Book VI), which is clearly against classical usage. A serious grammatical mistake occurs in 3. 480.
सुरपतिचधूहासोल्लासश्रियं श्रयदाकृतिः । प्रथमसमये चन्द्रोहयोतस्तवास्तु मुद्दे सदा ॥
Here srayat, although it forms part of a Bahuvrihi compound, is made to govern sriyam. The editors of the N. S. edition of Yasastilaka propose to read 'cchaviśraya', but not only the printed text but the three manuscripts used by me have the incorrect form. An instance of loose construction is kīnāsa-kelim anavapta-dhiyaḥ in 2. 130. The commentator explains the phrase by supposing prati to be understood between the two compounds: कीनाशकेलिं यमक्रीडां प्रति अनवाप्तधियः अप्राप्तबुद्धयः यावन्मरणं नायातीत्यर्थ: Such irregularities are, however, few and far-between, and perhaps negligible considering the bulk of the work.
One of the most conspicuous characteristics of Somadeva as a writer is his use of numerous rare and unfamiliar words, many of which are not found elsewhere in Sanskrit literature. The command of vocabulary makes Yasastilaka an exceptionally fruitful source of Sanskrit lexicography, but the use of far-fetched words sometimes gives a pedantic air to the work. Somadeva is not, indeed, the word-hunter ridiculed by Athenaeus*; he is rather the learned researcher who tries to bring into use obsolete words. As a matter of fact, he distinctly refers to this aspect of his literary effort, when he says at the end of Book V that he has resuscitated words that had been swallowed by the crooked monster of Time.
अलकालग्यालेन ये लीढाः सांप्रतं तु से । शब्दाः श्रीसोमदेवेन प्रोस्थाप्यन्ते किमद्भुतम् ॥
While Somadeva thus claims to have rescued long-forgotten words from oblivion, he also states that he has recovered words lying hidden at the bottom of the ocean of the Sastras, and that with these gems of words he has made an ornament for the Goddess of speech.
1 अयं कविनैष कविः किमत्र हेतुप्रयुक्तिः कृतिभिर्विधेया । श्रोत्रं मनश्चात्र यतः समर्थ वागर्थयो रूपनिरूपणाय ॥ 1. 39. 2 विहितानन्दमहोत्सवः कुलवधूगीतप्रसाद्यैरिमैः । 2. 229 ; किं वेदोक्तैरिमैः सूक्तैरेत षिङ्गानुपास्महे Book IV, p. 118. 3 See Jacobi's Preface to Upamitibhavaprapanca Katha, p. XX. 4 Deipnosophistae, III, 98.

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उद्धृत्य शास्त्रजलधेर्नितले निमनैः पर्यागतैरिव चिरादभिधानरः ।
या सोमदेवविदुषा विहिता विभूषा वाग्देवता वहतु संप्रति तामनर्धाम् ॥ In the latter verse Somadeva evidently refers to the unfamiliar words and the technical terms of the Sastras which he has used in his Kāvya. This was, in fact, a trait of Kāvya literature, especially of the later period, but Somadeva seems in this respect to have gone further than any other writer of the age.
Somadeva, like Bhavabhūti, sometimes gives expression to a sense of over-confidence in his own powers, and claims something like a monopoly of poetical talents (End of Book IV).
मया वागर्थसंभारे भुक्ते सारस्वते रसे । कवयोऽन्ये भविष्यन्ति नूनमुच्छिष्टभोजनाः ॥ In another place he says that if there are any honest people efficient in the art of poetry and the knowledge of the world, they should make it a point to study the utterances of the poet Somadeva.
#fara æface an af great: I HHT: T: ARTRIT 19: II 3. 513. That Somadeva himself was conversant with the art of poetry as well as the way of the world, that he was a kavi as well as a lokavid, a shrewd observer of contemporary society, is apparent from his works, and that is the highest compliment we can pay him. That this was considered high praise even in those times is shown by the fact that Jinasena in his Adipurāna I. 56 attributes these qualifications to his guru Virasena, the celebrated author of the Dhavală commentary.
Somadeva's self-assertion is in marked contrast to the modesty of an author like Siddharşi, who wrote his great allegorical romance about half a century before Yasastilaka was written.But it is noteworthy that in the opening verses of Yasastilaka Somadeva makes only modest claim behalf of his work. He begins by saying that there is nothing that has not been visualized by the all but omniscient poets of old; and it is a miracle when a present-day poet, however sharp in intellect he may be, happens to make any utterance comparable to theirs (1. 11). As regards his own Kāvya, he opines that it will create fun among the wicked, but will contribute towards the intellectual growth of the wise, while those who are impartial will not remain silent about the work. He hopes that the wise, whose sensibility has been made extremely dull by partaking of the excessive sweetness of
1 लोकवित्त्वं कवित्वं च स्थित भट्टारके द्वयम् । वाग्मिता वाग्मिनो यस्य वाचा वाचस्पतेरपि ।।. 2 In 908 A. D. See Jacobi's Preface to his ed. of Upamitibhavapropañcā katha, p. xxi. 3 सर्वज्ञकल्पैः कविभिः पुरातनैरवीक्षितं वस्तु किमस्ति संप्रति । ऐदंयुगीनस्तु कुशाग्रधीरपि प्रवक्ति यत्तत्सदृशं स विस्मयः ।।

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the works of the meritorious poets, might have a liking for the utterances of poets like himself, just as they would relish Neem leaves after excessive indulgence in sweets (1. 22-3).
दुर्जनानां विनोदाय बुधानां मतिजन्मने । मध्यस्थानां न मौनाय मन्ये काव्यमिदं भवेत् ॥ सुकविकथामाधुर्यप्रबन्धसेवातिवृद्धजाड्यानाम् । पिचुमन्दकन्दलीष्विव भवतु रुचिर्मद्विधोक्तिषु बुधानाम् ॥
Despite the all-round importance of Somadeva as a writer, he seems to have exercised very little influence in any department of thought outside the sphere of Jaina religious literature. He was completely ignored by the non-Jaina literati, and his literary rehabilitation is due to the interest taken in him by modern research. He seems to have found only one commentator for his Yaśastilaka, the Jaina Srutasāgara Sūri who wrote his works early in the 16th century. As regards Nitivākyāmrt anonymous commentary extant on the work, of unknown date: it is, however, full of quotations from ancient writers on Smrti and polity, and its author was a non-Jaina as he salutes Hari at the beginning of the work."
The literary fortunes of Somadeva are a sad commentary on how the achievement of a writer of genius can be neutralized by sectarian indifference and religious prejudices; but, as we shall see, Somadeva himself was imbued with such influences, and could hardly expect recognition outside the circle of his co-religionists. On matters relating to Jaina dogma he has always been recognised as an authoritative writer, and it is noteworthy that, in a number of verses quoted by Srutasāgara in his commentary on Kundakunda's Bhāvapähuda (V. 34), Somadeva is mentioned among the great teachers of Jainism:
अथ के ते आचार्या यैः कृतं शास्त्रं प्रमाणीक्रियते इत्याहश्रीभद्रबाहुः श्रीचन्द्रो जिनचन्द्रो महामतिः । गृध्रपिच्छगुरुः श्रीमान् लोहाचार्यो जितेन्द्रियः ॥ एलाचार्यः पूज्यपादः सिंहनन्दी महाकविः। वीरसेनो जिनसेनो गुणनन्दी महातपाः॥ समन्तभद्रः श्रीकुम्भः शिवकोटिः शिवंकरः। शिवायनो विष्णुसेनो गुणभद्रगो गुणाधिकः ॥ अकलको महाप्राज्ञः सोमदेवो विदांवरः । प्रभाचन्द्रो नेमिचन्द्र इत्यादिमुनिसत्तमैः ॥ यच्छास्त्रं रचितं नूनं तदेवादेयमन्यकैः । विसंधै रचितं नैव प्रमाणं साध्वपि स्फुटम् ॥
Citations from Yasastiloka are often found in later Jaina literature, e. g., in Padmaprabha's commentary on Niyamasāra (v. 101 ), Asādhara's commentary on his Anugāru-dharmāmrta (2. 75, 9. 81, 98), Brahmadeva's commentary on Yogindudeva's Paramātmaprakasa (2. 15), and frequently in
1 Pt. Premi: Jaina Sähitya aura Itihasa, p. 410. 2 On the quotations in the Commentary, sve O. Stein's paper in the Atmānanda
Centenary Commemoration Volume, Bhavangar 1936, pp. 150-67. A commentary on Nitivākyāmsta in Kannada by a Jaina author is known to exist. It was composed by Nominātha about the middle of the twelfth century A. D. See Pt. Premi (op. cit.), p. 80.

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Śrutasagara's commentary on the Prabhṛtas of Kundakunda.' The following verse of Yasastilaka (VIII. 34) is found with a slight variation in Śivakoti's Ratnamālā, this writer being different from the ancient author of that name. सर्व एव हि जैनानां प्रमाणं लौकिको विधिः । यत्र सम्यक्त्वहानिर्न यत्र न व्रतदूषणम् ॥ The following three verses are cited from Yasastilaka VI. 1 in Subhacandra's Jñānārṇava (under 4. 27).
ज्ञानहीने क्रिया पुंसि परं नारभते फलम् । तरोश्छायेव किं लभ्या फलश्रीर्नष्टदृष्टिभिः ॥ ज्ञानं पक्रिया चान्धे निःश्रद्धे नार्थकृद्द्वयम् । ततो ज्ञानं क्रिया श्रद्धा त्र्यं तत्पदकारणम् ॥ हतं ज्ञानं क्रियाशून्यं हता चाज्ञानिनः क्रिया । धावन्नप्यन्धको नष्टः पश्यन्नपि च पङ्गुकः ॥
19
It may be noted that the third verse does not belong to Somadeva, as it appears in his work as a quotation introduced by the phrase uktam ca. Another verse of Somadeva occurring in Yasastilaka VI. 21 is quoted in Jñānārṇava (under 6. 8): uktam ca granthantare:
sai मदाश्चाष्टौ तथानायतनानि षट् । अष्टौ शङ्कादयश्चेति दृग्दोषाः पञ्चविंशतिः ॥ 3 Somadeva's verse
कर्ता न तावदिह कोऽपि घियेच्छया वा दृष्टोऽन्यथा कटकृतावपि स प्रसंग: ।
कार्य किमत्र सदनादिषु तक्षकाद्यैराहत्य चेत् त्रिभुवनं पुरुषः करोति ॥ ( Yasastilaka 2. 139 ) is quoted anonymously in Sarvadarsanasamgraha in the chapter on Jaina philosophy. A verse occurring in Yasastilaka in the philosophical dialogue towards the end of Book V (p. 257) is quoted as follows in Anantavirya's commentary on Parikṣāmukhasutra (Viṣayasamuddeśa): tatha coktam
तदहर्जस्त नेहातो रक्षोदृष्टेर्भवस्मृतेः । भूतानन्वयनात् सिद्धः प्रकृतिज्ञः सनातनः ॥ इति ।
Hiralal says in his Catalogue of Sanskrit and Prakrit manuscripts in C. P. and Berar (P. XXXII) that in the Stotracatusṭayaṭikā Vidyananda makes frequent references to and quotations from Dhyana-paddhati of Somadeva Sūri. This may be another work by our author.' It is, however, possible that this Dhyana-paddhati is not an independent work; but may turn out to be the elaborate discourse on meditation (Dhyanavidhi) in Yasastilaka VIII. 39.
As a poet, Somadeva's contribution to Karya literature is substantial enough to justify his claim to be regarded as a worthy successor of Magha. The poetry of Yasastilaka has been analysed elsewhere', and it
1 Satprabhṛtādi-samgrahaḥ, Manikacandra Digambara Jaina Granthamala, 17. Included in Siddhāntaṣārādi-sangrahaḥ, Ibidem 22.
2
3
It is uncertain whether the verses are actually quoted by the author of Jñānārṇava or merely occur in the manuscripts of the work. The Janarnava is an original composition in fluent Sanskrit verse dealing with certain aspects of Jaina doctrine. A careful examination of the availablo manuscripts of the work will help to decide whether the quotations are genuine.

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will be seen that Somadeva not only deals with the usual themes of Kārya but adds to the rich fund of Sanskrit poetry by his treatment of topics not usually dealt with in Kāvya literature. He gives us vivid and intimate pictures of court life not found elsewhere, and their accuracy is apparently due to the fact that they are drawn from personal observation and experience. He depicts also other aspects of life, and among his most notable verses may be included those on child life, the cremation ground, and the goddess Candaprārī. He is a sympathetic observer of animals, and some of his verses on animal life are among the best of their kind in Sanskrit literature. He has introduced Jaina religious themes into Kávya poetry, and his verses on the Anuprekşās are an important contribution to the literature on the subject. The use of Prākrit metres in Sanskrit verse is also a noteworthy experiment; and Somadeva has in this connection made a lyrical effort which merits attention as being anterior to the composition of Jayadeva's Gitagovinda,
Perhaps the most interesting body of verse in Yaśastilaka is that dealing with the vices and foibles of the ministers of kings, and the verses in question, varied and extensive as they are, constitute the first systematic attempt at political satire in Sanskrit poetry, and remind us of the satirical verse of Kșemendra, who in his Narmamālā attacks the Kāyastha or the official caste of Kashmir. The later poet writes in a lighter vein, but his work is richer in concrete details, and covers a. wider ground than the corresponding verses of Somadeva. The object of the latter is edification rather than entertainment, but from a historical point of view the observations of both the writers are important as throwing light on some of the abuses of the times. Somadeva may be said to have introduced in this respect a new theme in Sanskrit poetry, which was later developed with ampler details by Kșemendra.
Somadeva is not a great inspired poet: he is sometimes artificial and suffers from verbosity and repetition of ideas. But his verse often throbs with the currents of contemporary life, and he ranks supreme among the Jaina Sanskrit poets who have adopted the kävya style as a vehicle of expression. He has, besides, given effective expression to some of the noble teachings of Jainism in Sanskrit verse. The subject has been treated in another chapter, but we may cite here a notable verse which enshrines the idea of returning good for evil.
अज्ञानभावादशुभाशयाद्वा कुर्वीत चेत् कोऽपि जनः खलस्वम् । तथापि सद्भिः प्रियमेव चिन्यं न मध्यमानेऽप्यमृते विषं हि ॥
1 See Chapter VII,

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21
Even if any one resorts to villainy from ignorance or evil motives, the good should think of doing only good. Nectar never becomes poison even when it is churned' (Yasastilaka, 1. 151).
This is, indeed, not a new idea in Indian literature, and we may cite, for instance, the ancient Buddhist dictum: Enmity is not calmed by enmity i na vairena vairāni samyante). Nevertheless it represents one of the cardinal teachings of Jainism, and the exhortation is in harmony with the love for all creatures inculcated elsewhere in Somadeva's Yasastilaka.
CHAPTER II SINOPSIS OF YAŠASTILAKA
Book I In the Yaudhega country there was a beautiful city named Rājapura, adorned with magnificent temples and lofty mansions belonging to the wealthy. Here reigned Māradatta, son of Candamahāsena, a powerful Prince who surpassed in valour such kings of old as Nrga, Nala, Nahuşa, Bharata, Bhagiratha and Bhagadatta. Ascending the throne while still quite young, he embarked on a wild career of reckless adventure along with companions who had passions and traits of character similar to his own. Sometimes, putting on his armour, he would play with rogue elephants, who had broken their chains like lotus fibres, flung away the pegs like sprouts of Viraņa grass, torn the ropes to pieces like branching creepers, and smashed the posts like reeds'. Sometimes he would pet vicious wild horses. Sometimes he would plunge into lakes and grapple crocodiles. Sometimes he would kill tigers with the force of his arms, and wander in the woods echoing with the uncanny screeching of owls in their mountain resort. Sometimes he would betake himself at night to cremation grounds, terrible with the sound of the loud drums in the hands of the female goblins', and engage in duels with powerful spirits and overthrow them in the encounter. But there was also a lighter side to his activities. Like a veritable god of love, he enjoyed the company of the women of different nationalities, to wit, Andhra, Cola, Kerala, Simhala, Karņāța, Surāștra, Kamboja, Pallava
1 Mahāvastu, Vol. I, p 132, etc. 2 aTag #t' Book VIII, section 36. For the verse in question See Chap. XI.
The idea of returning good for evil was advocated by Lao-tzu in ancient China: it was disapproved and modified by the more practical Confucius, Soothill : The Three Religions of China, pp. 33, 205.

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and Kalinga. Sometimes he dallied with young women in pleasure gardens, and, on other occasions, indulged in water-sports, surrounded by beautiful women, in artificial lakes, perfumed and abounding in flowers, with emerald floors, crystal embankments, golden steps and islets of pearls. Although reckless and self-willed, and addicted to wine, hunting, and courtesans, Maradatta was free from dangers and calamities, and considered himself akin to the gods.
22
One day a Tantric teacher named Virabhairava told him that he would obtain a miraculous sword with which he could conquer the realm of the Vidyadharas, if only creatures of all kinds were sacrificed in the temple of the goddess Candamari in his capital, and if at the same time he killed with his own hands a couple of human beings possessing all auspicious physical characteristics. Hearing this, Maradatta summoned the entire population to the temple of the dread goddess under the pretext of celebrating the Mahānavami festival, although it was not the proper season for it, and himself repaired to the shrine and ordered the guards to fetch the required couple of human beings for the purpose of sacrifice.
The temple of Candamari was a horrid place, frequented by the terrible female spirits known as the Mahayoginis, and a crowd of fanatical votaries, engaged in outrageous forms of self-torture. Certain devotees were burning Guggula incense on their heads; some, extremely ferocious, were burning their arteries, like lights; while others, exceedingly bold, were trying to please Śiva by drinking their own blood. In one corner, Kāpālikas were selling for a price pieces of flesh cut off from their own bodies, and at another place certain fanatics were worshipping the Mothers by swinging from their intestines, extracted with their own hands. Elsewhere certain grim men were offering their own flesh as an oblation in the sacred fire. Such was the temple of Caṇḍamārī, terrifying to Death himself. Meanwhile, the Jaina sage Sudatta, famous for his austerities, and unaffected by the rigours of the winter and the summer and the monsoon, was approaching Rajapura with a large number of disciples. Avoiding the city in view of the impending slaughter, and turning to the east, he saw a beautiful pleasure garden where young men were disporting themselves with beautiful damsels, adorned with floral ornaments. But he said to himself thus:
ब्रह्मस्तम्बनितम्बिनी रतिकथाप्रारम्भचन्द्रोदयाः, कामं कामरसावतारविषय व्यापारपुष्पाकराः । प्रायः प्राप्तसमाधिशुद्धमनसोऽप्येते प्रदेशाः क्षणात् स्वान्तध्वान्तकृतो भवन्ति तदिह स्थातुं न युक्तं यतेः ॥ 1. 71.
1 See Chap. XIII.

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"Such places, like the hours of moonrise, occasion gossip about the amours of the beantiful women of all the world. Like the spring, they provide free scope for mundane joys in which the sentiment of love prevails. Such places, as a rule, delude in a moment the heart even of one whose mind is purified by deep concentration. So it is not meant for an ascetic to remain here.'
Going a few steps further, the sage saw a cremation ground with the funeral pyres fiercely burning; and the gruesome scene of desolation awakened diverse thoughts in his mind. He moved further away, and came to a hill not far from Rajapura. Here he fixed his camp and ordered the monks to beg for alms in the neighbouring villages.
Among the disciples of Sudatta were two young ascetics, a boy and a girl, brother and sister, named Abhayaruci and Abhayamati respectively, who, unlike the others, were directed to beg in the city. They were the twin children of Kusumāvalī, sister of Māradatta, and chief queen of Yesomati, son of Yasodhara Maharāja, and had taken the monastic vow in early childhood and wandered with the sage Sudatta. On their way to the city they were encountered by the guards, who had been sent in quest of a couple of human victims for the impending sacrifice. Careful not to frighten the young persons, the guards told them in a friendly manner that a great teacher, who had been apprised of their arrival, was waiting to see them in the temple of Bhavānī. Their frightful appearance, however, betrayed their real purpose; and the boy and the girl, resigning themselves to their fate, followed them to the temple of the goddess.
The temple of Candamārī, which was known as Mahābhairava, presented a strange spectacle, being full of the victims of all kinds brought there for sacrifice, and held fast by armed guards resembling the attendants of Siva. There could be seen sheep, buffaloes, camels, elephants and horses frightened by the half-brandished swords of the keepers. There were aquatic animals like crocodiles, alligators, frogs, crabs, tortoises, and Pāțhina fish, all trembling with fear at the sight of the spirits waiting to drink their blood. The keepers were at pains to hold together the numerous birds, scared by the movements of the circular sacrificial blade, and the other victims such as antelopes, tigers, lions, wolves, boars and apes. The mass slaughter of the animals was to take place after the king had sacrificed the first victims.
The young ascetics saw before them the grim figure of Māradatta. Standing on the Hoor of the temple, with drawn sword, he looked like

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& mountain in the middle of a river, with a serpent with raised hood on its slope. The king'seemed to be aflame with his valour flaring up in his inner being, and burn everything with his angry look. He was extremely ferocious like a venomous serpent, and seemed to consume everything with the fury of his deportment. The aspect and charac ter of the goddess were still more terrible.
दंष्ट्राकोटिनिविष्टदृष्टिकुटिलम्यालोकषिस्फारितभ्रूभङ्गोटभावभीषणमुखत्रस्यत्रिलोकीपति । preteauaarfareswar1*2t@raigelecegini farà eT: 47s ag: 11 1. 186.
The young ascetics whose minds were bent on the highest beatitude re not in the least afraid of the danger before them, and never lost their balance and composure when ushered into the presence of the king in the grim setting of the temple of Caņdamāri. They encouraged each other to be firm and resolute, scorn death, and regard salvation as the highest object of human endeavour. Máradatta's heart softened at the
he tender boy and the girl; and although he could not recognise them to be his own nephew and niece, he felt the kindly influence of their presence, and said to himself (p. 156):
"MARATDETAIL चान्तामृतमिव नृशंसाशयबहलकालुष्यमपि मुहः प्रशान्तं मे चेतः, चक्षुः पुनः कुलिशकीलितमिव कथं न विषयान्तरमवगाहते, चिरप्रवसितप्रणयिजनावलोकनादिव कथमयमात्मा परमन्तर्मोदते, चित्तमपि चेदं चिरायाचरितपरिचयामेव कथमतीवानन्दथुमन्थरम् , किं नु खलु तदेतन्न स्यान्मम भागिनेययमलम्, आचकर्ण चापरेधुरेव रेवतकनामप्रसिद्धात् कुलवृद्धादेतस्य बालकाल एवाश्चर्यायं तपश्चर्यापर्यायम्, भवन्ति हीमानीन्द्रियाण्यदृष्टपूर्वेष्वपि प्रियजनेषु प्रायेण प्रातस्तपनतेजांसीव रागोल्बणवयांसि ।” ।
“How is it that, at the sight of these two, my heart, though rily tainted by cruel thoughts, has become absolutely calm, as if it had partaken of nectar; and my eyes turn to no other object, as if because riveted upon them with the force of thunder? Why is my soul in an ecstasy of joy, as if at the sight of beloved friends who have been long abroad? Why is my heart steeped in joy, as if it were long familiar with them? Are they not possibly my own nephew and niece? Only the other day I heard from one of the elders of my family, Revataka by name, the amazing story of their religious austerities even in childhood. At the sight of beloved persons, though never seen before, the senses become suffused with youth in an ecstasy of love, like the rays of the morning sun."
Observing the change in the attitude of the king, a bard recited two verses and appealed to him to lay aside his sword.
नासना रिपवो न चापि भवतः कश्चिनिदेशावशः श्रीरेषा तव देव या प्रणयिनी तस्यै न कोऽपीय॑ति । गाढं मुष्टिनिपीडनश्रमभरपोद्वान्तधाराजलां मुञ्चत्वाहवकेलिदो सहचरी तत्खनयष्टिं भवान् ॥ 1. 148.
No enemies are near at hand; none transgresses thy command. Sire, the goddess of prosperity is devoted to thee, and no one is jealous

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of her. Do thou therefore discard thy sword, the companion of thy arm in the sport of war: its blade doth emit its lustre under the pressure of thy powerful grip!”
Māradatta listened to the verses recited by the bard, and laid down his sword at the feet of the goddess. Then imposing silence on the noisy crowd of spectators with his raised hand, he offered a seat to the ascetic boy and the girl, who now recited, one after the other, a series of panegyrics in honour of the king in the conventional style of court poetry.
The purpose of the ascetic boy was to convert the king to the Jaina faith: but he thought it advisable to proceed slowly ar in the matter, and reflected within himself (p. 176):
____ "रजस्तमोबहुलेषु च प्राणिषु प्रथमतरमेव धर्मोपदेशः करोति महतीं शिरःशूलव्यथाम् , भवति चावधीरणाय वक्तुः, तदेनमभ्यस्तरसप्रसरैरेव वचोभिरुलासयामि, नयवेदिनो हि वनगज इव स्वादुकफलप्रलोभनमविदिततत्वे पुंसि छन्दानुवर्तनमपि भवत्यायत्यामभिमतावाप्तये।"
“Preaching of religion at the very outset to persons, dominated by passion and ignorance, only gives them a severe headache, and brings the speaker into contempt. So I will cheer him with words enlivened by such sentiments as are familiar to him. A sagacious person ultimately obtains the desired result with regard to one who is ignorant of the truth, even by humouring him, just as one subdues a wild elephant by alluring him with delicious fruits.” -
The ascetic boy, followed by his companion, again praised the king in & series of lyrical verses; and the latter now questioned them about their native place and origin. The boy promised to satisfy the king's curiosity and addressed to him a benedictory verse.
Book II The ascetic boy Abhayaruci, addressing Māradatta, now begins the story of his previous births, an autobiographical record, which incidentally throws interesting light on medieval court life in India.
There is a prosperous country named Avanti, hospitable with its fruit-trees, lotus-pools and vernal bowers.
मार्गोपान्तवनदुमावलिदलच्छायापनीतातपाः पूर्णाभ्यर्णसरोऽवतीर्णपवनव्याधूतदेहश्रमाः । पुष्पैर्मन्दमुदः फलैर्भूतधियस्तोयैः कृतक्रीडनाः पान्था यत्र वहन्ति केलिकमलव्यालोलहारश्रियः ॥2.12.
“There the travellers wear beautiful unsteady wreaths of toy-lotus blossoms, and are protected from the sun by the shade of the leaves of the woodland trees alongside the roads. Their fatigue is removed by the breezes coming from the neighbouring pools of water, full to the
4

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brim; and delighted with the flowers, and contented with the fruits, they indulge in sports in the waters."
In that country was the famous city of Ujjayini where reigned a great king named Yaśorgha. "The Mandara mountain gave him the quality of firmness, the ocean gave him depth, the god of love gave him beauty, Bphaspati gave him mastery of traditional lore, the Kalpa tree made him accessible to suppliants, the Earth gave him the virtue of forbearance, and the sky gave him dignity. The goddess of speech gave him eloquence, the goddess of wealth gave him success in the art of commanding, the Cintāmaņi gem gave him intellectual power, and the family goddess gave him physical fitness, while the god of death gave him the power of bringing all men under his control. In this way, other deities, too, such as Varuna and Kubera, gave him their essential qualities, like ancestral wealth (p. 218).”
Candramati was the consort of Yaśorgha, and is no other than the ascetic girl Abhayamati in her present birth. Yasodhara was t son of Yaśorgha and Candramati, and is no other than the ascetic boy himself in his present birth. One day king Yaśorgha happened to see a growth of grey hair on his head, and immediately his thoughts turned to renunciation of worldly ties; and he revolved in his mind the twelve topics of meditation prescribed by the Jaina faith, commonly known as the Anupreksās. Thereafter the king gave orders for the marriage and coronation of his son Yasodhara, and himself renounced the world and took the monastic vow under the direction of a learned sage named Samyamadhara. Pratāpavardhana, the chief of the army, with the help of an architect, made the requisite preparations for the coronation. A. branch city with spacious avenues was built on the bank of the Siprā as well as a bejewelled pavilion, protected from the sun by beautiful curtains, and equipped with numerous gates, towers, altars and apartments. Round about were the camps of the princes who had come to witness the festival
The selection of a suitable elephant and a horse for the new king was the next important item preliminary to the coronation. Under instructions from Pratāpavardhana, a committee of experts selected an elephant named Udayagiri from among those sent by the king of Kalinga as part of his annual tribute, and the chief keeper of the royal elephants communicated to Yasodhara the findings of the experts, an elaborate report
1 What follows may be termed the STORY OF YAŠODHARA. Throughout the narrative
Abhayaruci identifies himself with Yaśodhara and speaks in the first person, YASASTILAKA is another name of Abhayaruci,

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on the characteristics of the chosen animal, full of technical details. Meanwhile, a bard named Karikalabha recited a number of verses in praise of elephants. Similarly, a notable white charger of Kamboja was selected by another committee of experts, whose report was likewise communicated to the Prince by the keeper of the royal stable, Sālihotra, after which a bard named Vājivinodamakaranda recited some verses in praise of horses.
The astrologers then reported to Yasodhara that the coronation might follow the marriage rites, or the marriage rites the coronation, or if the time was favourable, both the functions might take place together; just as an idol could be installed after the building of a temple, or a temple built after the installation of an idol, or if one's resources permitted, the building and the installation could proceed together. The astrologers described in detail the time and hour technically favourable for both the coronation and the marriage rites.
Yasodhara proceeded to the coronation pavilion where gold and silver pitchers, various herbs and Kusa blades, and water from ocean-going rivers were kept ready. The royal throne, the white umbrella, and the fly-whisks added to the beauty of the structure, and the arms and the family treasures were carefully arranged near the idol of the tutelary
ss. Auspicious utterances were made by gay women, and crowds kept at a distance by trustworthy officers. Here, to the accompaniment of music, the sacred water was poured over Yasodhara by a bevy of courtesans, while a bard named Jalakelivilāsa recited verses celebrating the ceremonial bath.
The ceremonial bath was followed by the marriage rites. Attended by the family priest, Yasodhara worshipped the blazing Fire with butter mixed with curds, and curds mixed with boiled milk, while other priests offered oblations in the fire and uttered blessings with appropriate formulas. The marriage of Yasodhara and Amrtamati was celebrated in prose and verse by the bard Manojakuñjara.
Next came the ceremony of coronation, of which the principal feature was the presentation of the royal insignia to the prince, while relevant verses were uttered by the bards. The white umbrella was presented first, and Yasodhara was asked to ascend the throne. Then followed the presentation of the royal turban and the sword.
After the coronation, Yasodhara and his bride mounted the elephant Udayagiri, and the royal procession started from the bank of the Siprā on its way to the capital. Trustworthy followers, equipped with armour, and others armed with swords guarded the king, while

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attendants, wielding various weapons, cleared the road and removed inauspicious persons such as women in periods, eunuchs, men with deformities, Caṇḍālas and the like. The elders recited congratulatory verses, and women sang to the flute and the lyre. The neighing of horses and the trumpeting of elephants mingled with the sound of drums.
28
The procession passed through the streets of the decorated city, the terraces and windows of the buildings being crowded with women eager to have a look at the royal pair. Meanwhile, in the palace, the aged lady superintendents of the royal household were stirring up the maids and attendants with admonitions and directions preparatory to the reception of the king. The frivolous maid Vasantika was, for instance, asked to have done with the gamblers and make garlands of Bakula buds. Lavangi was ordered not to join her playmates, but to get busy in making 'ornamental designs on the floor' (rangavalli).1 Madana was asked if she was sleeping even at that hour, and told to make preparations for the ceremonial waving of lights. Kurangi was ordered to prepare cosmetics, and Malati to decorate the throne; while Kalahamsi was urged to get the betel-stand ready, and Madhukari the flywhisks. The eunuch was advised to step aside, the Kirāta to remain indoors, the hunchback to do auspicious acts, the dwarf to indulge in sports, and the chamberlain to set about his business in right earnest; and even the tame birds were asked to put forth joyous notes. On arrival at the palace, bedecked with white flags, the king was welcomed by the bard Kirtisähära with a poetical description of the noble edifice.
Book III
The narrative continues in the form of an autobiographical record and describes Yasodhara's life as a king; but it is by no means a continuous account, being rather a series of episodes incidental to the routine of a medieval court. They are here enumerated in the order in which they occur in text.
a) Yasodhara is awakened from sleep by bards reciting verses descriptive of the morning scenery, after which the king goes to his durbar to dispense justice with the help of learned and impartial judges, while erudite scholars expound the law-books.
1 Called also rangāvali and rangarekha, and made with coloured powder, also with camphor dust, and even with pulverized pearls and gems. Cf. feqaरङ्गावलिविधानम् Book III; रङ्ग (1) लिमणीन् Book IV ; मण्ड्यन्तां मसृणमुक्ताफलक्षोदरङ्गावलीभिः प्राङ्गणानि Natacampū Book VI; चूर्णितकर्पूररङ्ग रेखाभाजि ......विनोदमण्डपे Ibid. Book VIl; मुक्ताफलरचिततरङ्गरन्यरङ्गरेखाराजिराजिताजिरम् Ibid.

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29 b) The relative merits of fate and personal endeavour form the subject of an academical discussion in the council-chamber, in which the ministers maintain different points-of-view, and the deliberation ends with a discourse on the principles which ought to govern the relations of a king with other kings.
c) An arrogant message in verse summoning rival princes to accept the suzerainty of Yasodhara is read out to the envoy in charge of the mission by the royal clerk under the king's direction.
d) The chief of the secret police reports to Yasodhara that the spy Sankhanaka has returned after gathering information about various people in the country and abroad. Yasodhara summons the spy to his presence and speuds some time, jesting with him. Questioned by the king about the absence of his former corpulence, Sankhanaka replies that poor men like himself can hardly expect to have protuberant bellies. It is, of course, otherwise with men like Yasodhara and the idle rich, who daily gorge
emselves with luxurious food, such as rice white and clear like the glances of beautiful women; broths of the colour gold; butter fragrant as the mouth of a beloved woman; curries charming as the graceful movements of nautch girls; well-cooked dishes, savoury like a beloved woman's lips; curds wellshaped and hard like the breasts of a young woman; milk sweet as the glances of one's beloved; sugаred preparations of milk-rice, delicious as the first union with a newly-married bride; and water perfumed with camphor, refreshing as the mysteries of love!
Addressed by the king as the lord of the rams,' and asked whether he has had anything to eat, Sankhanaka replies that he has been in a way entertained by a miserly, penniless and greedy fellow named Kiliñjaka, the righthand man of the Chief of the Secret Agents, Viśvāvasu, a native of the Deccan. The meal consisted of boiled rice grown stale, and full of husk and gravel; some rotten beans; a few drops of rancid Atasi oil; slices of half-cooked gourds and certain badly cooked vegetables as well as some raw fruits and overburnt brinjals thrown in. The meal ended with sour gruel mixed with plenty of mustards, and the beverage was some alkaline fluid with a taste like that of the water of a salt-mine. Sankhanaka pitifully relates that he could eat nothing and remained hungry; and his only subsistence was a quantity of boiled Syāmāka rice mixed with whey, which the miser's wife had the goodness to serve, unseen by her husband.
Yasodhara once asked the spy for particulars about a minister named Pāmarodāra, entrusted with the administration of a province, and famous for his piety, wisdom and spotlegs character. This brings us to what may bo termed a detailed report of the spy on the doings of the minister.

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Sankhanaka promises to speak the truth, but warns the king that what he is going to relate will to some extent put a slur upon him as well. It is the master's fault if his servants do as they like through a sense of their own power and influence.
The spy goes on to quote a large number of verses on the vil ways of ministers, composed by various poets by way of criticizing the king's failure to investigate the misdeeds of Pāmarodāra. The verses are mostly general in character, but a few directly attack the offending minister.
Sankhanaka gives an idea of Pāmarodāra's administration by saying that the latter demands unpaid labour when the people are busy sowing, and collects taxes before the corn is ripe, while the harvest is spoilt by the unlicensed movements of the soldiery.
The revelation of the spy is a rude shock to Yasodhara who is unwilling to believe his allegations, but Sankhanaka replies that, in all matters beyond the range of direct perception, a king must depend upon spiag as well as his own judgment, as if they were his eyes. He quotes a verse to the effect that when a king does not employ spies nor exercise his own judgment, his kingdom is at the mercy of his ministers, just as the milk belonging to a blind man becomes the prey of cats.
The low origin of Pāmarodāra is described as the cause of his overweening pride. His father was an oilman and mother a low-born woman, while his wife has had five husbands! The respect shown to such a man on account of his rank was bound to make him proud and overbearing. The spy then illustrates by various examples the danger to kings from elevating low-born persons to high positions in the state.
Describing Pāmarodāra as a monster of corruption, to wit, bribery and extortion, the spy tells Yaśodhara that the minister, after cheating him, as he did the former kings, will one day go over to some other king, like a trumpeter who serves any one employing him:
afy calafaian Teratara hetatt alueert Jagathatut: 1 3. 185.
Pāmarodāra's valour' is next described. He is brave and valiant in the presence of merchants, physicians, the weak and the deformed, but, like an ape, maintains a discreet silence in the presence of warriors and desperadoes: वणिजि च भिषजि च शूरः शौण्डीरो दुर्बले च विकले च । कपिरिव निभृतस्तिष्ठति रणशौण्डे चण्डदण्डे च ॥ 3. 190.
Speaking of the origin of villains, Sankhanaka relates that, in days of yore, there came into being fourteen, or rather eighteen, groups of them. He declares that the king's minister combines in himself the vices of all the categories of villains enumerated by him.

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After quoting some verses attributed to different poets, and containing reflections on Pāmarodāra's character, the spy represents him as an enemy of religion. He misappropriates money donated for the worship of the gods, and breaks or melts down valuable idols and replaces them by others of lesser value. Sometimes he would sell an idol, and, with the proceeds, celebrate a religious festival. It is also his habit to rob people by employing the methods of thugs, and give the money to worthy Brāhmanas. Besides, he confiscates villages and property endowed for the purpose of maintainiag the worship of the gods":
देवदविणादाता देवद्रोहाच्च देवनिर्माता । अहह खरः खलु संप्रति धर्मपरः पामरोदारः ॥ 3. 227. विक्रीय देवं विदधाति यात्रां तदालनादेष परांश्च देवान् ।
You to tyfaccia gri gagnàyu: 1 3. 235. अग्रहारग्रहः साक्षाद्देवभोगभुजंगमः । शिष्टविष्टपसंहारप्रलयानलमानसः ॥ 3. 236.
Crime and irreligion play their part in a more serious charge brought against the minister. The latter had employed five Candālas, knowing them to be such, in his household for cooking and drawing water; but this violation of the caste-rules gave rise to a scandal, and one night he murdered them all while they were fast asleep. When it was suggested by some distinguished person that he should perform purificatary rites to expiate the crime, he ridiculed the idea by putting forward heterodox opinions, commonly associted with the Cārvākas:
रविरश्मिरत्नपावकमाहेयीवायवोऽन्त्यजैः स्पृष्टाः । न हि दुष्टास्तद्वदहं प्रकृतिशुचिर्मालमध्येऽपि ॥ आत्मा स्वभावशुद्धः कायः पुनरशुचिरेष च निसर्गात् । प्रायश्चित्तविधानं कस्येति विचिन्त्यतां जगति ॥ वर्णाश्रमजातिकुलस्थितिरेषा देव संवृतिनान्या। परमार्थतश्च नृपते को विप्रः कश्च चाण्डालः। 3.232-4
“The rays of sun, jewels, fire, cows and air are not polluted when touched by Cāņdālas. Similarly, being pure by nature, I could not be contaminated even in the midst of Cāņdālas. The soul is pure by nature, while the body is naturally impure. Think over the matter. To whom, in the world, does the process of purification apply? Sire, the regulation of castes and orders of society and birth and family is a matter of convention and nothing more. In reality, o king, there is neither Brāhmana nor Cāņņāla."
Further charges against Pāmarodāra are contained in a verse which describes the harm done by the minister to certain schola He destroyed the livelihood of a scholar named Tridasa, and caused financial loss to (the poet) Kohala. He insulted the poet Ganapati, and brought about the ruin of ( the scholar) Samkara. He outraged the religious
1 See Chap. V.

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susceptibilities of the scholar Kumuda, and compelled (the poet) Kekați to leave the country.
The spy concludes by saying that the religious merit of a king and the joy and happiness of his friends and servants depend upon the removal of wicked ministers; but we are left in the dark about what steps, if any, were taken against Pāmarodāra.
e) Yasodhara reviews his army on the eve of an expedition, and the different regiments recruited from various parts of India are described to him by the military commanders.
f) The Sandhivigrahins or Secretaries for peace and war announce in verse the arrival of the envoys of various monarchs at the court of Yasodhara. 9) Utterances of the court jester. h) Yasodhara discusses Arthaśāstra verses. i) Yasodhara says that he sometimes witnessed exhibitions of dances in dancing halls in the company of connoisseurs of the art. We have in this connection a hymn to Sarasvati forming part of the Pūrvaranga ceremony. ;) Yasodhara wounds the vanity of a tactless and self-conceited poet. k) Yasodhara takes part in philosophical discussions. 1) Stick in hand, Yasodhara trains elephants; and while in training, the animal is addressed in prose and verse, the elaborate prose invocations ending with the words he he hala divyasämaja mātrāśatam tistha tistha. The following is one of the verses containing the instructions of the trainer (3.282):
गात्रैस्तिष्ठ समैः पुरोनखसमं हस्तं निधेहि क्षितौ दृष्टिं देहि कराग्रतः स्थिरमनाः कौँ गजाश्लेषय । वालं धारय वत्स यावदचिरान्मौन्यामहं कल्पये मात्राणां शतमास्स्व तावदचलस्त्वं योगिकल्पाकृतिः॥
“Stand with thy limbs in equipoise. Place the trunk on the ground on a level with the claws. Fix thy look on the tip of the trunk. Tusker, hold thy ears motionless, with a steady mind. Move not the tail. Child, keep still, like a sage in meditation, for a space of time equal to a hundred mātrās, while I quickly devise (another) posture (for thee).”
m) Yasodhara reports that once during an inspection of different categories of elephants, a military commander enumerated to him the various states of intoxication in which rutting elephants are found. It was also his custom to witness the sports of elephants from a special pavilion in the race-course, accompanied by experts conversant with the different methods of treating elephants during their period of frenzy. On such occasions keepers used to delight him by reciting verses in praise of the animals. Sometimes, again, he supervised the process of armouring the tusks of his war-elephants with protective sheaths of iron. 2) Yasodhara listens to a lecture on health and dietetics.
1
See Chap. IV.

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o) Yasodhara says that he passed the hours of noon in the hot summer days in amorous sports in his garden called Madanamadavinoda "The Frenzied gaiety of love', and indulged in water-sports with his mistresses in the Hall of Mechanical Showers (yantradhärägṛha), 'cooler than the Himalayas'. We find here watery beds' on the raised floor of pavilions erected on islets on the surface of pools for water-sports; vessels of gold, gems and silver containing scented water; ground lotus-beds watered by showers from 'mechanical clouds'; streams of water gushing from the mouths of the statues of various wild animals; currents of water issuing from the holes of artificial lotus stalks made of moonstones; sprays emitted by the trunks of artificial elephants; fountains rising from the mouths of artificial alligators; and water let loose from the mouths of artificial monkeys placed in creepery recesses. What seems to be a statuary group represents water-deities quarrelling in the course of their water-sports, the sage Narada dancing in joy at the sight, and the Seven Sages hurrying to the scene, the figures of the latter spouting a copious flood of water. We see also handfuls of water thrown up by the statues of nymphs, seated on the trunks of artificially made Celestial Trees, while water for bath comes pouring from the bosoms of mechanical 'cloud-puppets'. Another mechanical device is the decorated figure of a woman, which discharges streams of liquid sandal when pressed on different parts of the body (3. 375):
हस्ते स्पृष्टा नखान्तैः कुचकलशतटे चूचुकप्रक्रमेण वक्रे नेत्रान्तराभ्यां शिरसि कुवलयेनावतंसार्पितेन । suai aieftgunìfsaßg a gazifuczko du grad za fi fafazia fafınızzzzerZTIRI: ||
p) Once in the rainy season, while Yasodhara was enjoying the beauty of the clouds from a palace on the slope of a pleasure hill, accompanied by his tributaries and warriors, the Sandhivigrahin ushered into his presence an envoy and a messenger from the court of Acala, the king of Pañcāla, with symbolic presents conveying a threat of war. This causes considerable excitement and commotion in the court of Yasodhara, and ultimately a letter is sent to the king of Pañcāla, demanding submission.' q) At the advent of autumn, war is declared against the king of Pañcala, and an expedition sent against him under the command of Vijayavardhana. Winter comes, and at the dead of night a spy arrives to announce to Yasodhara the victory of his commander-in-chief and the defeat of Acala.
r) Spring arrives, and Yasodhara participates in the festivities of the season. While the bards recite verses describing the glory of the spring and the vernal attire of the king and the gaily decorated swings in the royal household, Yasodhara worships the god of love and celebrates the festival in his honour.
1) See Chap. V.
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8) The spring festivities are followed by the Mahānavami in the course of which the goddess Aparājitā is worshipped. Then comes the Festival of Light (dipotsava). After this, Yasodhara practises archery, while a bard recites verses in praise of his skill in shooting with bow and arrows. t) Moonrise and the gaiety of love.
Book IV Yasodhara now turns to his domestic affairs, and relates an episode of his married life, which is the pivotal point of the story.
One evening Yasodhara visited his consort Amrtamati to pass the night with her in her apartments on tbe top floor of a seven-storied palace. About midnight the king, who was not quite asleep, noticed that the queen slipped away from his bed, and, furtively looking at him, discarded her ornaments, and, putting on the clothes of her maid, quickly went out of the chamber. The king's suspicion was aroused, and he at once followed her close on her heels, and saw her entering the hut of an elephant-driver named Aştavanka, an ugly cripple, who was fast asleep in a miserable bed, resting his head on a pile of ropes. Amộtamati sat down near him, and took hold of his bands, but he was furious at her delay in coming to him, and, dragging her by the hair with the left hand, gave her blows with the other. The queen was profuse in her apologies and confession of love, and swore by the goddess Kātyāyani that she was thinking only of him even when in the company of Yasodhara. The latter was observing the scene unseen, and was about to draw his sword to strike the guilty pair, but restrained himself, thinking of the resulting scandal and the grief the young prince Yaśomati would feel at the death of his mother. Yasodhara then returned to the palace; and Amộtamati, too, stealthily came and quietly lay down beside him as if nothing had happened.
Yasodhara could hardly sleep, and was filled with anguish and disgust, and felt abhorrence not only for Amrtamati but for women in general, He was puzzled at the queen's strange infatuation with a low-born elephantdriver, but remembered that the cripple was an expert singer, reputed to be able to make even withered trees put forth new shoots with the melody of his voice, and that songs had a ravishing effect upon women who were apt to be bewitched by a singer, however wretched or ugly he might be.
Yaśodhara continued to reflect on the conduct of Amrtamati, and the more he brooded over it, the greater became his disgust for women and worldly pleasures; and he made up his mind to renounce the world, leaving the throne to his son Yasomati. Next morning he appeared in court, and was there joined by his mother Candramati. A bard recited

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some verses which seemed to reflect the king's own thoughts at the moment (p. 84):
zá afgrzfanzrazzeràzqonaṁìfargafuftragfe: 1 क्लिश्नास्यहर्निशमिमं न तु चित्त वेत्सि दण्डं यमस्य निपतन्तमकाण्ड एव ॥
'Deluded by the ever-recurring darkness of desires such as those relating to home, wealth, wife and children, thou dost suffer day and night, o mind, but reckest not of the suddenly arriving scourge of Death!'
35
The bard recited another verse on the futility of trying to keep women under control; and it seemed to Yasodhara as if the bard had come to know of the events of the previous night. Candramati also noticed the change in her son's demeanour, and had misgivings about his relations with Amṛtamati, who, she thought, had been given much more freedom than was good for a woman. She remembered also that a maid-servant had reported to her that her daughter-in-law was in the habit of casting affectionate glances at the elephant-driver. Nevertheless she asked Yasodhara the reason of his dejection and restlessness, but he told her a concocted story about having seen a dream, in which he appeared to renounce the world and retire to the woods, after having put Prince Yaśomati on the throne. Candramati advised her son not to have any faith in dreams, and told him the story of the teacher, who had dreamt of his school as being full of sweetmeat balls, and, relying on his dream, invited the king to a luxurious repast! She further related that the maid-servant Vasantika had just reported to her that in a dream seen by her she had turned into rice gruel, and was being eaten up by the Brahmins invited to the sraddha of her deceased mother! After thus demonstrating the fantastic character of dreams, Candramati suggested that, if Yasodhara was really apprehensive of having seen an evil dream, he should seek a remedy by sacrificing all kinds of animals to the tutelary goddess, and perform the customary rites to counteract the evil.
Yasodhara was shocked at the idea of sacrificing animals, and his heart revolted against the use of animal flesh in the worship of the gods. As he made no attempt to conceal his feeling of revulsion at the course of action suggested by his mother, the latter attributed his heterodox leanings to the insidious influence of the Jainas, and accused the courtiers of disloyalty and corruption for allowing her simple-minded son to associate with the Digambares, who, like magicians, were so skilled in deluding the world! An animated discussion ensued between mother and son on such controversial topics as animal sacrifice and various other Brahmanical tenets and practices, which were subjected to adverse criticism by Yasodhara. While Candramati exhorted the latter to worship Siva or Visņu or the sun,

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he picked holes in the Brāhmanical religion, and sought to establish the antiquity and prestige of the Jaina faith by citing various texts in support of his thesis.
Candramati felt herself to be worsted in the argument, and ultimately persuaded Yasodbara in the name of filial piety to accept a compromise, whereby he would sacrifice to the tutelary goddess & cock made out of flour, and partake of the offering, imagining it to be flesh. While orders were given to make such a cock and decorate the temple of the goddess, Amộtamati came to know of the happenings at the court, and at once realised that the story of the dream was only a feint, and that she had been detected in her escapade of the previous night. She decided to act quickly, and made up her mind to strike Yasodhara before he could strike her. Accordingly, she sent to him the minister Gavişthira with a message, declaring her willingness to sacrifice herself before the goddess in order to counteract the evil effect of the king's dream and ensure his safety Furthermore, she begged that should the king decide to renounce the world, she might be permitted to accompany him to the woods, like the devoted wives of old, such as Sītā, Draupadi, Arundhati and others. Meanwhile, she invited Yasodhara and his mother to a banquet in her house after the worship of the goddess was over. Yasodhara accepted the invitation and sent back the queen's minister.
The treachery and hypocrisy of Amộtamati served only to deepen Yasodhara's hatred of her, but still he decided to abide by his promise to eat in her house. Meanwhile, the sound of music accompanying the dance of courtesans in the streets announced to the citizens that Candramati and her retinue were on their way to the temple of Caņdikā, and Yaśodhara also started for the same place on the back of an elephant amidst a host of evil omens. Arriving at the temple, he severed the head of the cock made out of dough with a knife, according to the instructions of the priests, praying to the goddess that the offering might produce for him the same results as the actual killing of animals in sacrifices. He then sent the dough, from which the cock was fashioned, to the kitchen, as if it were the flesh of a real cock,
Next day, Yasodhara, accompanied by his mother, son and daughterin-law, dined in Amstamati's house. But she had mixed the food served out to her husband and mother-in-law with poison, which at once took effect and imperilled their lives. Physicians were sent for, and the inmates went about looking for medicine. Meanwhile, Amrtamati cried aloud, and feigning to droop on Yasodhara's bosom, strangled him to death. The mother also died.

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Book V
The ascetic boy describes the rebirths of Yasodhara and his mother Candramati after their tragic death.
a) Yasodhara was reborn in a family of peacocks inhabiting a large tree in a well-watered valley to the north-east of the Suvela mountain. There he was caught by a hunter and presented to Yasomati, who had ascended the throne after Yasodhara's death. The peacock miraculously remembered the events of his former birth, and recognised the old scenes and associates as soon as he entered the city of Ujjayini and saw the royal palace:
सैवेयं नगरी तदेव भवनं ता एव केलीधराः संवैषा वनभूः स एव सरसीसारे विलासाचलः ।
सैवासौ वनिता स एव तनयस्ते चैव मे बान्धवाश्रित्रं केवलमेक एव हि कथं जातोऽहमन्याकृतिः ॥ Meanwhile, Candramati was reborn as a dog in a cowherd settlement in Karahața, a country lying to the south of the Vindhya mountain. It so happened that the dog was also presented by the owner to the king, who was glad to receive so fine an animal for his hunting excursions.
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One day the peacock wandered to the seventh floor of the royal palace, and discovered Amṛtamati dallying with her paramour, the cripple. The peacock became mad with rage and attacked the pair with his beak, wings and throat. The serving maids saw this, and raising a hue and cry, struck the bird with whatever they found ready to hand, caskets, canes, fans and shoes. The dog, too, came and rushed upon the bird and killed him. The king, who was playing a game of dice nearby, saw the dog attacking the peacock, and dealt a blow at the animal with the board, killing him outright.
b) In the next birth Yasodhara became a stag and Candramati a serpent. On the very day of his birth, the former developed a taste for snake's flesh, and discovered the serpent while digging up ant-hills with his horns. He at once started to devour the reptile, but the hoarse sound emanating from his throat, gorged with snake's flesh, awakened a hyena asleep in a neighbouring grove of Kadamba trees, and the stag in his turn became the hyena's prey.
c) Yasodhara was then reborn as a huge fish and Candramati as a crocodile in the Sipra. One day, during the water-sports of the women of Ujjayini in the river, a maid of the royal household was seized by the crocodile, and Yasomati, in anger, ordered the fishermen to destroy all dangerous animals in the river. They at once got into all kinds of fishing craft; and in the course of the operation, the crocodile was pierced in the throat by a spear, and the fish, too, caught in a net. Both of them

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were brought ashore, and ordered by the king to be made over to the cook of a hospice for Brāhming. Everyday slices from their bodies were cooked and served to the inmates until they both expired after prolonged sufferings.
d) After this, Yasodhara and Candramati were reborn as a pair of goats in a herd of sheep in the village of Kankāhi, near Ujjayinī. One day, while the male goat (Yaśodhara) was covering the female, the herd got scared, and the leader of the rams attacked the billy-goat with his horns. The goat died, but was reborn in the womb of the she-goat. One day Yasomati came there on a hunting expedition, accompanied by a large number of hunters; but unable to kill any game in the woods, he returned, angry and disgruntled, and while passing through the herd, hit the she-goat (Candramati) with an arrow, ripped open her belly, and found the kid in the womb.
The young goat was entrusted to the care of the chief cook, and passed a few months in the royal kitchen. There he saw Amstamati teaching the cooks how to roast meat, but she had been stricken with leprosy in consequence of her sins, and her loathsome body emitted so foul & smell that the attendants had to go about, covering their noses. Besides, the maids used to point at her mockingly, and tell passers-by how she had administered poison to her husband, the great and good Yaśodhara.
Meanwhile, the she-goat, after her death, was reborn as a buffalo in Kalinga. Purchased by the owner of a caravan, the ani course of time to Ujjayini, and used to swim in the Siprā. One day he happened to meet Yasomatis horse, and immediately made a murderous attack on the latter, owing to the innate mutual hostility of the two species of animals As à punishment, the buffalo was tortured to death under the orders of the king. The young goat, too, was killed for the table of Amrtamati who was inordinately fond of meat.
e) Yasodhara and his mother Candramati were next reborn as . a cock and a hen, but there is a prelude to the story.
A sage named Manmathamathana was engaged in deep meditation on the Vijayārdha mountain. A Vidyādhara named Kandala vilāsa, who was going over the mountain in his aerial car, was ashamed to find that the motion of the vehicle was checked by the mystic force of the sage. By way of retaliation, the Vidyādhara decided to exercise his own magical powers to interrupt the meditation of the sage, and conjured up a scene of terror, by producing torrential rain, hail-stones and hurricanes, and a crowd of goblins, decked with serpents. Ratnaśikhaņdin, the king of the Vidyadharas, who was coming to worship the sage, was enraged to

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39
see the evil action of Kandalavilāsa, and cursed him, saying that as a result of his offence he would become a hangman in the city of Ujjayini. Implored by the Vidyadhara for mercy, Ratnaśikhaņdin decreed that he would regain his former state and powers, if he ever had an opportunity of meeting the great sage Sudatta, and received religious instruction from him. Incidentally, the king of the Vidyādharas related that Sudatta was once the mighty king of Kalinga. One day a thief was produced before his court and accused of having murdered and robbed a barber in his sleep. The judges, consulted by the king, opined that the culprit should be subjected to various kinds of torture and maltreatment in such a way that he night expire in ten to twelve days. Hearing this verdict, Sudatta pondered over the dilemma of kings: if they served the cruel ends of justice, they were bound to incur sin; if they did not, there would be social disorder and imputation of cowardice. Failing to solve the problem of reconciling justice with mercy, Sudatta renounced his kingdom and became a Jaina monk.
In due course the Vidyadhara appeared in the role of a hangman in Ujjayini, and Yaśodhara and Candramati were reborn as a cock and a hen in a Cāņdāla settlement in the vicinity of the city. One day the hangman who was known as Caņďakarman, happened to see the birds in the hands of a Cāņdāla boy, acquired them from him, and took them to Yasomati. The latter was about to start for the garden of the Temple of the Thousand Spires, accompanied by a large retinue composed of boon companions and women of the harem, for the purpose of celebrating the worship of Makaradhvaja, the god of love. The king asked Caņdakarman to take the birds to the scene of the festival and give an exhibition of cock-fighting
The temple garden was full of orange-coloured tents and rows of pavilions erected for the festival. Caņdakarman went there with the birds in a cage, accompanied by the augur Āsuri, a Bhāgavata; the astrologer Dhūmadhvaja, a Brāhmaṇa; the Saiva Haraprabodha, an expert in divining underground treasure; and the Buddhist Sugatakīrti, a consummate cheat There they saw Sudatta under an Asoka tree, and severally expounded before the gave the philosophical tenets followed by each. Sudatta refuted all their doctrines, and explained that Ahimsā or non-injury to living creatures is the basis of Dharma, the sole means of attaining worldly happiness and final beatitude. In illustration of his point, he referred to the sufferings of the two birds in their various previous births as a result of obeying the law of violence, and briefly mentioned the circumstances of the death of Candrannati and Yasodhara and the succession of their karman and his companions, chastened by the teachings of the sage, took the

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vow of Jaina laymen; and Caņdakarman himself, having fulfilled the conditions of the curse inflicted upon him, regained his former status and departed for the world of the Vidyādharas.
Meanwhile, Yasomati was enjoying the company of his consort Kusumāvali in a tent in the garden. Wishing to show her his skill in hitting invisible objects with arrows simply by hearing the sound, he shot an arrow which pierced and killed the cock and the hen left behind by Caņdakarman. Soon after, Kusumāvali conceived, and the birds found their next birth in her womb. During the ante-natal period, the queen implored the king to proclaim protection from injury for all creatures and prohibit the sale of wine and the use of meat. Further, she expressed a keen desire to have teachings on kindness to living creatures expounded to her, and worship holy women noted for their self-control. The king was convinced that he was going to have a child with an innate leaning towards the Jaina religion, and tried his best to fulfil the wishes of the queen. In due course Kusumavalī gave birth to a pair of twins, a boy and a girl, who were respectively called YASASTILAKA and Madanamati, better known as Abhayaruci and Abhayamati, on account of the mother's solicitude for abhaya or protection from injury for all creatures during the period preceding their birth. The children grew up, and it was rumoured that Abhayaruci would soon be made crownprince, and Abhayamati married to the king of Ahicchatra.
One day Yaśomati went hunting, and happened to see the sage Sadatta in the garden of the Temple of the Thousand Spires. Ajamāra, a boon companion of the king, suggested that the inauspicious sight of the naked ascetic angured ill for the hunt, and this annoyed the king and made him feel disgust for the sage. A merchant named Kalyāņamitra, who had come to pay homage to Sudatta, entreated Yasomati not to be disrespectful towards the saint, who was once the king of Kalinga and renounced his throne to practise religious austerities. The merchant and Yaśomati then both paid their respects to the sage, who greeted the king with a benedictory verse, and uttered a panegyric (p. 262):
स्वं धीरवैरिवनितानयनेन्दुकान्तनिष्यन्दसंपदि मतोऽसि नरेश राजा ।
आदित्य एव च भवानहिताङ्गनाङ्गनिस्तोकशोकतपनोपलदीपनेषु ॥
The affable conduct of the sage touched the king to the heart; and repenting that he should have ever harboured ill-feeling for so good a man, he resolved within himself to cut off his own head and lay it at the feet of the sage as an expiatory offering. The latter at once read Yašomati's thoughts and forbade him to do such a thing. The miraculous power of the sage astonished the king, who now questioned him about the whereabouts of his departed parents and grand-parents after their death. The sage

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2. SYNOPSIS OF YAKASTILAKA related that Yaśorgha, the king's grand-father, after practising religious austerities according to Jaina tenets, became after his death a divine sage, while his mother Amrtamati went to the fifth hell in consequence of her sins. As for his father Yasodhara and grand-mother Candramati, they had to undergo countless sufferings in many a birth owing to the sin of having sacrificed a cock made out of flour-paste in lieu of living animals, and have now been reborn as Yasomati's own children, Abhayaruci and Abhayamati. The words of the sage made the king realise the enormity of his own sin on account of having killed numerous animals and partaken of their flesh since his early childhood. Disgusted with life, he made up his mind to follow the path of religion, but before renouncing the world, narrated to Abhayaruci and Abhayamati the story of their previous births.
The ascetic boy (Abhayaruci) now relates to Māradatta that he and his sister Abhayamati, on hearing their father's words, suddenly remembered their former births, and decided in their turn to renounce the world, although they were at that time only about eight years old. Owing to their tender age, they became religious apprentices under the sage Sudatta, and travelling in his company, had arrived at the outskirts of Ujjayini, when they were arrested by Māradatta's men and produced before him.
The narrative of the ascetic boy visibly moved Māradatta, and the latter, having realised that worldly happiness is like a dream or a magic show, expressed his desire to enter the order as a novice. Abhayaruci advised him to see the sage Sudatta, and both set out to meet the great teacher.
Book VI Sudatta, perceiving by his supernatural knowledge that Māradatta was coming to meet him, himself came to the king's court, and was received with honour. Abhayaruci introduced Māradatta to the sage as the son of king Caņdamahāsena of the Yadu dynasty and the younger brother of his mother Kusumāvali, and spoke about the prince's desire to be initiated into the religious life. Māradatta then questioned Sudatta about the nature of Dharma, the causes of salvation and the cycle of births, and the duties of householders and monks.
Sudatta now commences his great discourse on Jaina doctrines. starting with a brief resume and criticism of the theories of other schools, and an exposition of the doctrine of Samyaktvå or right faith, that is, faith in the tenets of the Jaina religion. He then describes the four obstacles to the growth of Samyaktva as well as the four factors conducive to its growth, illustrating each of them with appropriate stories which occupy most of the

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YABASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Chapter. This portion of the discourse ends with an enumeration of the different categories of Samyaktva and a brief difinition of Right knowledge and Right conduct, which with Samyaktva constitute the fundamental dogma of the Jaina faith.
Book VII Continuing his discourse, Sudatta deals with certain essential features of Jaina religious practice, e. g., the prohibition of wine and meat. The stories are again prominent, and illustrate the evil results of drinking and flesh-eating and the merit of abstaining therefrom. Another series of stories illustrates in detail the bitter consequences of malevolence, theft or breach of trust, falsehood, lust and greed, abstention from which forms the keynote of the five primary vows known as Aņuyratas.
Book VIII The Jaina system of worship and devotions (japa, dhyāna etc.) is outlined in the remaining portion of Sudatta's elaborate discourse. His teachings have the desired effect, and Māradatta and the citizens are initiated into the Jaina religion. Abhayaruci and his sister, Māradatta who became an ascetic, the sage Sudatta, and Yasomati, who had already renounced the world and taken the ascetic's vow, all became celestial beings after their death.
Somadeva sings the glory of the Jaina faith and acclaims the Goddess of Poetry at the end of the story (p. 418):
जयतु जगदानन्दस्पन्दी जिनोक्तिसुधारसस्तदनु जयतात् कामारामः सतां फलसंगमैः । जयतु कवितादेवी शश्वत्ततश्च यदानयात् कृतिमतिरियं सूते सूक्तिं जगरनयभूषणम् ॥
CHAPTER III THE STORY OF YASODHARA AND ITS SOURCES It is not possible to determine how old the story of Yasodhara is, but it is certain that it is much older than the 10th century. It is said that a Yasodharacarita by Prabhañjana is mentioned in the unpublished Prākrit romance Kuvalayamālā composed by Uddyotanaşūri in 777 A. D. at Jāvālipura, identified with Jhalor in Marwar. This shows that the story must have been current long before the eighth century, and we find it
1
The relevant verso of Kuvalayamála is cited by Pt. Nathuram Premi in his Jaina Sahitya aura Itihāsa, p. 539. The verse describes Prabhasjana as a Rājargi, and says that he became famous in the country by virtue of his Yaíodharacarita which was probably composed in Prākrit. See also Introduction to Apabhramśakävyatrayi (G. O. S.), p. 90, and Jinavijayaji Muni's articles on Kuvalayamālā in Bhāratīya Vidya, Vol. II, Parts I and II,

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incorporated also in Haribhadra's Prakrit romance Samaraiccakaha. Haribhadra was one of the gurus of Uddyotana, and his literary activity is assigned to the middle of the eighth century.
HARIBHADRA'S PRAKRIT VERSION
The story of Yasodhara occurs in the fourth Bhava of Samaraiccakaha in connection with the story Dhana and Dhanaśrī. Haribhadra's version is a detailed narrative, and important as recording the story as it was current two hundred years before it was handled by Somadeva. Its most notable feature is the absence of the episode of Maradatta and the projected human sacrifice in the temple of Canḍamārī. It may be surmised, although we cannot be sure on the point, that this was a later addition to the story of Yasodhara. Apart from this and certain other minor divergences, the Prakrit version does not materially differ from the story as we have it in Somadeva's Yasastilaka. Another noteworthy feature is that the names of the principal characters differ in the earlier version, and the name Yasodhara occurs only at the end. As in Somadeva's romance, the narrative is in the form of an autobiographical record, and related by the monk Yasodhara to Dhana, the hero of the fourth Bhava of Samaraiccakaha. The story as told by Haribhadra may be summarized as follows.
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suc
Surendradatta was the son of Amaradatta, the king of Visala. Yasodhara was his mother and Nayanavali his wife. Surendradatta ceeded his father on the throne, and on a certain occasion made up his mind to renounce the world on discovering a white hair on his head, saying that the messenger of Dharma had arrived. On the eve of his departure from worldly life, he passed a night with his consort Nayanavali in her mansion, and was surprised to see her slink away from his side at the dead of night. Fearing that she might have gone out to commit suicide in her grief at the impending separation from him, he followed her footsteps, sword in hand, and was amazed to see her in the embrace of a hunchback, who was employed as a watchman at the palace. The king, who observed them unseen, drew his sword and was about to kill the guilty pair, but restrained himself, thinking of his past affection for the queen, the follies of women, and the young prince Gunadhara, his son. He then returned to bed and feigned to be asleep, and was shortly afterwards joined by the queen, who quietly laid herself to rest by his side.
Next night the king saw in a dream that he was sitting on a throne on the top of the palace, but was thrown to the ground by his mother Yasodhara, speaking something that was contrary to his wishes. He went
1 Ed. by Jacobi, Bibliotheca Indica, No, 169, Calcutta 1926.

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rolling to the seventh floor below, followed by his mother who also rolled down after him, but he managed somehow to rise and climb up the Mandara mountain. The dream was unpleasant in the beginning, but pleasant towards the end, and the king could not guess its significance; yet he remained indifferent, bent as he was on the conquest of the life beyond.
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Next morning the king appeared in court, and his mother also joined him there, but he gave her a different version of the dream with a view to making her more readily consent to his idea of renouncing the world. He spoke of having dreamt that he had transferred the kingdom to prince Gunadhara and become a monk and fallen from the top of the palace. The mother, who was an adept in the science of dreams, at once suggested that, in order to counteract the evil effect of the vision, he should assume the garb of a monk for a few days, and sacrifice different kinds of animals at the altar of the tutelary goddess. The king was horrified at the idea of killing animals, as he held ahimsa to be the basis of Dharma. The mother, however, persisted in her demand; and the king, finding it impossible to reconcile his religious principles with obedience to his mother, drew his sword to kill himself and asked her to worship the tutelary goddess with his blood. This led to a commotion among those present at the court, and the mother got frightened and deterred her son from the attempt. At this moment a cock crowed, and the old lady suggested that he should sacrifice before the goddess not a live cock, but one made out of paste. The king agreed and 'killed' with his sword an artificial cock in the shrine of the goddess, while the mother prayed for his longevity and health. The paste model was then roasted as if it were a real cock, and despite the objection of the king to the eating of meat, he was induced by his mother to partake of the sacrificial offering, on the plea that it was not real meat that he had been asked to eat.
Next day the young prince Gunadhara was installed on the throne, and preparations were made for the king's departure as a religious mendicant, The queen Nayanavali now thought if she did not accompany the king and share in his ascetic life, it would cause a great scandal; on the other hand, if he died, it would be possible for her to abstain from suttee on the plea that she would have to act as regent during her son's minority. Accordingly she decided to murder her husband by poisoning.
The hour of dinner arrived, and Nayanavali took her meal with the king. She had, however, secretly mixed poison with a digestive pill, and gave it to her husband at the end of the meal after the withdrawal of the guards. The king, suspecting nothing, took the pill and retired to his chamber and at once showed symptoms of poisoning. A hue and cry

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was raised by the doorkeeper, and physicians were sent for; but Nayanāvali, thinking that medical consultation would not be to her advantage, cried aloud and rushed upon the king, and weeping without tears, strangled him to death. Yasodharā also died the same day as her son.
The births and rebirths which the king and his mother undergo after their death are practically same in both the versions of the story until we come to the birth of Abhayaruci and Abhayamati, these names being common to the two versions. In Haribhadra's version Abhayaruci and Adhayamati are not brought to the temple of Candamāri for sacrifice, but are reborn as gods in the Sahasrāra heaven. On the termination of their life in heaven, Abhayaruci is born as the son of Vinayandhara, the king of Ayodhyā, and named Yasodhara; while Abhayamati is born as the daughter of Īśānasena, the king of Pāțaliputra, and named Vinayamati. When they were grown up, Vinayamati was sent to Ayodhyā with a great retinue as svayaṁvarā bride for Yasodhara, and preparations were at once made by the latter's father for the wedding of the young couple. But, on the day fixed for the marriage, while Yasodhara was going in a procession on the back of a white elephant to the bride's quarters, he happened to see a monk begging at a merchant's house, which at once revived the memories of his previous births, and he fell into a swoon. The trouble was thought to be due to the toxic effect of betel, and sandal-water was sprinkled over the prince, who soon regained consciousness, opened his eyes, and felt a deep disgust for the world. Yaśodhara then asked his father to call the queens and the notables; and when they were all assembled in a road-side pavilion, he related the long story of his previous existences beginning with his birth as Surendradatta, king of Ujjain. He spoke about the terrible consequences of sin and his own indifference to the prison of the world, and finally declared his unwillingness to proceed with the marriage. The remonstrances of his father were of no avail; and a priest was at last sent to the bride to intimate to her the decision of the prince and his desire to renounce the world. The priest went on his mission and began to relate the story of Yaśodhara's previous birth, but as soon as the princess heard the names Surendradatta, Yasodharã and Nayanāvalī, she in her turn remembered her past lives and fell into a swoon. Regaining consciousness, Vinayamati bewailed the strange way of the world, and declared that she was no other than Yasodharā, the mother of Surendradatta. She, too, expressed her desire to renounce the world and asked for permission to do so.
Yasodhara's father was deeply moved by these happenings, and became convinced of the illusory nature of life; and the queens, too, realised the transient character of the world resembling a troop of actors. Yaśodhara's

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younger brother Yašovardhana was then installed on the throne; while Yasodhara, his father, Vinayamati, the queens, and the chief notables renounced the world and took the monastic vow under a celebrated teacher named Indrabhūti. Thus ends the story of the monk Yasodhara, as related by him to the merchant Dhana.
It will be seen that the sequel of Hraibhadra's version differs completely from that of the story as found in Somadeva's Yasastilaka, A comparison of the two versions reveals certain other points of difference in the treatment of the story.
Firstly, Somadeva does not pay much attention to Amrtamati after the murder of Yaśodhara beyond the fact that she appears occasionally in certain episodes, according to the requirements of the story; and we are told at the end that she went to hell. Haribhadra, on the other hand, gives a more detailed picture of the guilty woman after her crime. The prose description of Nayanāvali's affliction with leprosy is followed by several verses, in which her former beauty is contrasted with the physical havoc wrought by her dreadful disease. This reminds us of certain verses in Somadeva's description of the cremation ground in which he contrasts the decaying corpse of a courtesan with her former beauty and charms.' Haribhadra says, for instance (p. 262):
वयणेण थणहरेणं चरणेहि य जीए निजिया आसि । सम्वविलयाणमहियं सोहा ससिकलसकमलाणं॥ तीए चिय पेच्छ कहं अंगुलिविगमखयसंगमेहिं च । ते चेव हंदि देसा धणिय उव्वेवया जाया ॥
Haribhadra touches also the subject of Nayanāvali's redemption. Abhayaruci begs the sage Sudatta to give her religious instruction and initiate her into the Jaina religion. The sage replies that she is beyond the scope of religious instruction, that her disease of Karma has been aggravated by her misdeeds acting like prohibited food, and that she is doomed to hell and unfit to receive the blessings of Jainism on account of her great delusion.”
Secondly, the motive of the murder is not the same in the two versions. Somadeva represents Amộtamati as acting in self-defences, while in Haribhadra's version Nayanāvali murders her husband just to avoid taking the monastic vow. This is a weak point in Haribhadra's treatment of the story. The delineation of Amrtamati by Somadeva is far more complex, involving as it does a study of character and analysis of motives.
1 1.95ff. See Chapter VII. 2 'अविसओ खु एसा धम्मकहाए । संतप्पिओ इमीए अकज्जायरणापच्छासेवणाए, कम्मवाही, बुद्धं च तच्चपुढवीए
परभवाउयं, अओ पावियन्नमवस्सं तीए नारयत्तणं, न पवज्जइ य एसा महामोहओ जिणधम्मरयणं ति।' p. 278. 3 See below.

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Thirdly, there is hardly any theological bias in Haribhadra's version. Somadeva employs the dialogue between Yaśodhara and his mother in Book IV on the subject of animal sacrifice as a vehicle for launching a series of attacks on Hinduism; and the aim of the writer is also to establish the claim of Jainism to greater consideration than it seems to have received among his non-Jaina cantemporaries. In Haribhadra's version, the mother, indeed, asks her son to sacrifice animals 'according to the Vedic procedure', but the latter confines himself to pointing out that a propitiatory rite is not compatible with the killing of animals, and that he best performs à sāntikarma who regards all living beings with the same consideration as himself (p. 246):
इहलोए परलोए य संतियम्म भणुत्तरं तस्स । जह पेच्छह अप्पाणं तह जो सम्वे सया जीवे ॥ As regards the mother's contention that it is permissible to commit sin for the sake of health, the son asserts that it is rather on account of the protection given to living creatures that a man acquires longevity, beauty and health, besides winning universal admiration in the lif come (p. 247):
दीहाउभो सुरूवो नीरोगो होइ अभयदाणेणं । जम्मंतरे वि जीवो सयलजणसलाहणिजो य॥
The controversy between the king and his mother, in Haribhadra's version, comes to an end with a declaration by the former of the evils of flesh-eating and the benefits of abstention therefrom. Throughout the episode the Jaina standpoint is stressed, but attacks on the Brahmanical religion are entirely absent. It is obviously far from the intention of Haribhadra to make the mother and the son protagonists of two rival faiths, as is done by the author of Yasastilaka.
Thoughts on the treachery of women are common to both the versions, and that of Haribhadra contains besides a condemnation of marriage in the episode of Yasodhara and Vinayamati. Most of the birth stories generally agree in the two versions, but there are certain episodes which Haribhadra with his lucid and simple style treats in a more realistic fashion. The torture of the buffalo that killed the king's favourite horse, is, for example, repulsive enough in Somadeva, but it is more so in the detailed picture of refined cruelty whith Haribhadra presents before his readers. On the whole, the latter's version of the story of Yasodhara is a well-balanced narrative with qualities which we miss in the intricate prose of Somadeva's Yašastilaka.
1 See Chapter XIII. 2 Book V.

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ANALOGOUS STORIES Considered as a folk-tale, the story of Yasodhara is of considerable interest, although the motif of adultery is quite common in folklore and legend. The chief interest centres round the character of Amstamati, who represents a type recognised very early in Indian literature. An ancient Buddhist text, for example, speaking of the seven kinds of wives, refers to the first variety as vadhaka 'murderess' and describes her thus:
पदुद्दचित्ता अहितानुकंपिनी मम्नेसु रत्ता अतिमम्लते पति ।
धनेन कीतस्स वधाय उस्सुका या एवरूपा पुरिसस्स भारिया ॥
7091 Hitat fa a a gua Anguttaranikāya (Sattakanipāta LIX). The vadhaka wife, we are told, is corrupt in mind and addicted to evil; she despises her husband and reserves her affection for others; she is bent on murder, and may be purchased by wealth. Guilty of adultery and murder, Amstamati is vadhakā, but the characteristic thing about her is that she, a woman of high rank, has a lowborn paramour.
The closest parallel to the tale of Yasodhara and Amrtamati is found in another Jaina story, that of Devarati and Raktā. Devarati was the king of Ayodhyā and Raktā his queen. It is said that Raktā had & paramour in the person of a lame gardener, and got rid of the king by murdering him and throwing the corpse into a river. The story of Devarati and Raktā seems to be as old as the Yasodhara story, as it is referred to in Jasaharacariu (II. 10) of Puşpadanta', who, like Somadeva, belongs to the tenth century. The story is mentioned also in Anagāradharmāmrta (4. 77) of Asādhara who wrote about the middle of the thirteenth century,
Jaina narrative literature acquaints us with the existence of Amstamatis in middle-class society as well. In the story of the wealthy young merchant Dhana and his wife Dhanasri, occurring in the fourth Book of Haribhadra's Samarāiccakahā, Dhanasri has a paramour in the person of her servant Nandaka, administers poison to her husband, throws him overboard during a sea-voyage, and succeeds in killing him even after he has escaped and become a monk. In the similar story in the sixth Book of the same work, Lakşmi, the wife of the young and wealthy
1 णइसंममि दुइ वइरिणिए उवयारविमुक्कड सइरिणिए ।
उज्झाहिउ देवरइ ति मूदु पंगुलणिमित्तु रत्ताइ छूदु । 2 The story of Devarati is referred to in the Bhagavati Arădhană of Sivārya; and
it is given, in short or eleborately, in different Kathākošas. See Byhatkathākośa (ed. A. N. Upadhye, Bombay 1943). Intro, p. 76, Story No. 85, Notes p. 388.

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49
merchant Dharaṇa, is no better than Dhanasri: she first prefers a robber and then a merchant from China to her husband whom she attempts to murder. Two other women Gopavati and Viravati give evidence of similar propensities in stories which seem to be drawn from the life of the common people. Both the stories are mentioned in Jascharacarin of Puşpadanta (II. 9) and in Anagaradharmámrta of Asādhara (op. cit.), who alludes to Raktā, Gopavati and Viravati together, showing that the three women were notorious in Jaina tradition for their treachery and crimes. It may be mentioned that Dasakumāracarita (Book VI) and Kathasaritsāgara 10. 9 also contain a popular tale in which a woman attempts to murder her husband for the sake of a mutilated wretch, the two versions showing variations in details.
The placid complacence of Yasodhara after the discovery of his consort's orime is a noteworthy feature of our story and seems to go beyond the ordinary limits of forbearance. But the pardoning of the guilty wife is a trait that fits in with the religious character of the story; and the motif occurs also in the ancient Buddhist tale in which the Bodhisattva, while a king, once pardoned his chief queen, who had been found guilty of a serious offence and taken to the place of execution.' Kings are not, however, always lenient in regard to their guilty wives; and Jaina tradition records stories of how some of them dealt with their adulterous queens. The Vivagasuya, the eleventh Anga of the Jaina canon, records the story of the young priest Bahassaïdatta, who is surprised by king Udāyana of Kosambi in the inner apartments of his palace in the queen's company, and in consequence arrested and sentenced to death. Another story occurs in Hemacandra's Parisista paruan (2. 547 ti. ), in which one of the wives of a king pays a nocturnal visit to an elephant-driver, as in the story of Yasodhara, but is discovered; and a dreadful sentence is passed on the guilty pair.
POPULARITY OF THE STORY or YaśoduARA The popularity of the story of Yasodhara with Jaina writers seems to date from the tenth century. Puşpadanta who told the story in Apabhramsa verse in his Jasaharacaria in four Cantos was a contemporary of Somadeva, the author of Yasastilaka. The story was next narrated in
1 रक्ता देवरतिं सरित्यवनिपं रक्ताऽक्षिपत् पङ्गके, कान्तं गोपवती द्रवन्तमवधीच्छित्वा सपत्नीशिरः। शूलस्थेन मलिम्लुचेन
rag frETT afegn frada TASTE : IV. 77. See also Bhagavati
Arādhanā, 949–51, and Brhatkathā kośa, story Nos. 85-87. 2 'इमिना एव च भगवता राज्ञा सता अग्रमहिण्या: महापराधापराद्धाया वक्षस्थानप्राप्तायाःयाचिन्त्या अभयं दत्त
Mahāvastu, Vol. I, p. 132. 7

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Sanskrit verse by Vădirāja who wrote a Yasodharacarita in four Cantos. Vădirāja is said to have been a pupil of Somadeval and wrote his Pārsvanāthacarita, a Sanskrit Kavya, in twelve Cantos, according to his own statement, in Saka 947 or 1025 A. D. After Vädirāja may be mentioned Vāsavasena, who wrote a Yasodharacarita in Sanskrit in eight Cantos, and Vatsarāja who also composed a poem on the subject. Vāsavasena and Vatsarāja are earlier than the fourteenth century, as the poet Gandharva who made certain additions to the Jasaharacariu of Puşpadanta in 1308 A. D. refers to both of them as his sources for certain episodes in the story of Yasodhara. Vasavasena, too, mentions in his work two earlier poets who handled the story of Yasodhara, viz., Prabhañjana and Harişeņa. Prabhañjana, as we have seen, is earlier than the eighth century, and one of the earliest writers who narrated the tale of Yasodhara. We know nothing about Harişeņa's work, but he may perhaps be identified with Harişena who wrote his Kathākosa in Sanskrit verse in 931 A. D. at Wadhwan in Kathiawar. There is however more than one Harişeņa, and the identification must await further evidence.
The widespread popularity of the tragic story of Yasodhara is shown by the fact that numerous other poems dealing with the subject were composed in the succeeding centuries not only in Sanskrit but in Old Gujarati, Old Hindi, Tamil and Kannada; while a prose version of the story in Sanskrit was produced by Ksamākalyāna as late as the 18th century. A comprehensive list of these works has been compiled by Dr. Vaidya in the Introduction to his edition of Puspadanta's Jasaharacariu.
The CharacteR OF AMŔTAMATI Somadeva's Yasastilaka, composed in prose and verse, is entirely different from the other versions of the story of Yasodhara inasmuch as it is also a great socio-political study and a learned compendium of philosophy, theology and religion. Even in the treatment of the story proper, Somadeva is not without some originality, following as he does his own method in dealing with some of the principal episodes. But his most important contribution to the narrative is his portrayal of Amộtamati's character. He, of course, regards her as a sinner, but takes care to analyse her motives, explain her conduct, and exhibit her point of view. Thus Yasodhara,
1 See Chapter I. 9 Vaidya : Introduction to Jasaharacariu, p. 18. 3 Ibid., p. 25. 4 Now odited by Dr. A. N. Upadhye (Singhi Jaina Series, 17, Bombay 1943)
who kindly supplied these details, See Intre, pp. 117-18.

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in the course of his long and bitter tirade against women, tries to discover the cause of the queen's strange infatuation with the deformed elephantdriver, and attributes it to his melodious singing. He says: "The preceptors declare singing to be the greatest of the arts. A well-sung song makes even a man, wretched by nature, the resort of the eyes of young women as of their minds. A singer, though ugly in appearance, is more beautiful in the eyes of women than even the god of love. Even women, not easily visible, are deeply attracted by song, as if dragged by a halter. Singing done by expert singers does away with the obstinate pride of proud women, and produces in them an anguish that cannot be remedied by others." This at least partially explains the queen's undignified passion for a paramour of humble station.
Further, it is apparent from the words put in the mouth of Amṛtamati, after the discovery of her infidelity, that her married life was an unhappy one, and she had come to Yasodhara as an unwilling bride. This seems to be the meaning of her assertion that Yasodhara and others like him can only be the masters of the bodies of their wives, sold to them by their parents in the presence of the gods, the Brahmanas, and the Fire, but not of their hearts: the lord of one's heart is he who is the object of one's undivided love, 'the haven of confidence.' Less cogent is her appeal to the example of certain wives of legend, who, it is hinted, acted like her, the reference being to the relations of Ganga with Siva, of Radha with Kṛṣṇa, of Tara, wife of Bṛhaspati, with the Moon-god, and of Tara, wife of Sugrīva, with Vali. The appeal to antiquity reminds one of that in the nurse's speech in the Hippolytus of Euripides (vv. 451 sq.), and does not improve Amṛtamati's case; it is rather an admission of her moral weakness. It is, however, certain that Amṛtamati was thoroughly disgusted with her married life with Yasodhara. As she says, there is nothing in the world which men of fortitude cannot do except the reawakening of love in a heart filled with disgust: who can, indeed, unite two hearts that are like two iron balls, the one hot and the other
51
1 ' गृणन्ति च कलासु गीतस्यैव परं महिमानमुपाध्यायाः । सुप्रयुक्तं हि गीतं स्वभावदुर्भगमपि नरं करोति युवतीनां नयनमनोविश्रामस्थानम् । भवति कुरूपोऽपि गायनः कामदेवादपि कामिनीनां प्रियदर्शनः । गानेन हि दुर्दर्शा अपि योषितः पाशेनाकृष्टा इव सुतरां संगच्छन्ते । कुशलैः कृतप्रयोगं हि गेयमपनीय मानग्रहमपरमेव कंचिदनन्यजनसाध्यafaya nafastar Book IV, p. 55. The idea goes as far back as the Yajurveda. Cf. Taittiriyasamhita VI. 1. 6: .
:
2 'कुलवधूनां यमन्यश्च देवद्विजाग्निसमक्षं मातापितृविक्रीतस्य कायस्यैव भवतीश्वरः न मनसः । तस्य पुनः स एव स्वामी यत्रायमसाधारणः प्रवर्तते परं विश्रम्भविश्रमाश्रयः प्रणयः ।' Ibid, p. 141.
3 ' महासत्त्वेषु हि जगति न किंचिदुष्करमस्ति अन्यत्र विरक्ते चेतसि रागप्रत्यानयनात् । को हि नामायःपिण्ड इव तप्ततप्ते मनसी संधातुमर्हति ।' Ibid, p. 142.

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cold? Further, she accuses Yasodhara of jealousy when she says that only an intelligent person, free from jealousy, can be happy with women; one who behaves otherwise runs the risk of losing his life, like a worshipper of the evil spirit Krtya, or at least incurs a woman's hatred.' Amṛtamati's plea for reciprocity of love as an essential condition of conjugal harmony cannot, of course, absolve her from moral responsibility as wife and mother. But she says enough to convince us of the misery of her married life, and we may feel inclined to look upon her failure as a wife as a domestic tragedy rather than as an inveterate case of moral depravity.
The next episode, the murder of Yasodhara, can be regarded only as a premeditated crime without any redeeming feature; but even here, as already pointed out, Somadeva represents Amṛtamati as acting in self-defence. She regards the story of Yasodhara's dream and his plan to renounce the world as a feint', that is, as a device to take her unawares, and resolves to act quickly: 'Before he lets loose the poison of his wrath on me, I will let it loose on him!" She opines that a person who is honest in his dealings with cheats and villains, the wily and the selfish, and those who lack in self-respect, is a fool and becomes the dupe of all. So she decides to follow the policy of deceit for deceit' (sathapratisaṭhanyāya), and pay Yasodhara in his own coin. The plea of self-defence is, however, hardly convincing, as there is nothing in Yasodhara's attitude to justify any suspicion of revengeful action on his part. Somadeva is well aware of this, and does not, in fact, try to palliate Amṛtamati's crime. But he depicts her as a weakling who cannot help her instincts, and lacks the moral strength to resist their power over her life. He analyses her motives and examines her conduct from different points of view, and seeks to preserve to some extent our sympathy for the guilty woman. the succeeding portion of the story Somadeva does not add anything important to the traditional presentation of Amṛtamati's career, and seems rather to lose interest in her and lets her appear according to the exigencies of the story. But, on the whole, Amṛtamati in Somadeva's romance is a remarkable piece of characterization showing originality and skill, and reveals an aspect of the author's genius all but obscured by the wealth of scholarship and learning exhibited in the work.
In
1 ' किंच परमकुहन एव पुरंभीषु बुद्धिमानवाप्नोति स्वश्रेयमम् । अन्यथा कृत्याराधक इन ध्रुवं पञ्चजनः पञ्चतामश्चेत् । भवेद्वावश्यमक्षिगतः । p. 142. Srutasagara says परं केवलमकुहन एवं ईर्ष्यारहित एव । Ibid.
2
' न खलु मे यामिनीसमाचरितसाहसादस्य वसुमतीपतेर परमेवंविधकूटकपटानुष्ठानमस्ति । Ibid. p. 141.
3 ' तदेष यावन्न मयि रोषविषं वर्षते तावदहमेवास्य तद्वर्षामि ।' Ibid., p. 142.
4
धूर्तेषु मायाविषु दुर्जनेषु स्वार्थैकनिष्ठेषु विमानितेषु । वर्तेत यः साधुतया स लोके प्रतार्थते मुग्धमतिर्न केन ॥ Ibid., p. 145.

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CHAPTER IV
YAŠASTILAKA AS A PRose ROMANCE The history of Sanskrit prose romances shows a lamentable gap after the masterpieces of Bāņa and Subandhu; and when prose romances reappear two centuries later, they bear the impress of new influences and point to a somewhat different literary environment. In the first place, most of the Sanskrit prose romances of the tenth and eleventh centuries were composed by Jaina writers, who were eager to expound and glorify their religion, and may be said to have introduced a religious element into this branch of literary composition. In the second place, there is an increased tendency to mix prose with verse, and the two earliest extant Campūs were, in fact, composed in the tenth century.
Somadeva's Yasastilaka owes a good deal to Bāna and Subandhu in the matter of style and the treatment of conventional topics, but it differs from all other Sanskrit prose romances in so many respects that it may be said to stand in a class by itself. Apart from its special characteristics as a prose narrative, Yasastilaka combines features which bring it into relation with diverse branches of Sanskrit literature. It is not only a Jaina romance in prose and verse but a learned compendium of Jaina and non-Jaina philosophical and religious doctrines, a manual of statecraft, and a great repository of Kavya poetry, ancient tales, citations and references, and numerous rare words of lexical interest. Somadeva's Yasastilaka is a work
sive scholarship enlivened by occasional flashes of literary genius and poetic feeling.
Among his predecessors in the field of prose romances, Sonadeva mentions Bāņa in Yasastilaka, Book IV, and shows some acquaintance with his works, especially the Kādambari. He clearly refers to the deprecation of the life of the Sabara hunters uttered by the parrot in Bāņa's romance, and quotes a phrase from the passage in question. Somadeva's claim that the religion of the Arhat enjoys great renown in the works of Bāņa among others should, however, be taken with a grain of salt. Bāņa, indeed, refers to Jaina mendicants carrying peacock feathers in Kādambarī as well as Harşacarita', and in the former work describes Vilăsavati as respectfully offering food to naked Jaina mendicants called Siddhas and asking them questions about the future. The Jinadharma, compassionate to living
T
1 'आहारः साधुजननिन्दितो मधुमासादिरिति कथं चेदं मृगयोपयोगानन्दं शबरवृन्दं निन्दतावादि बाणेन ।' 2 ofera una corona:' Kādambarī; 'fatlaatu714 5 THA
frana: Harsacarita, Book II. 3 'स्वयमुपस्तपिण्डपात्रान् भक्तिप्रवणेन मनसा सिद्धादेशान् ननक्षपणकान् पप्रच्छ ।'.

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creatures, is mentioned in Kadanbari. But the sight of a naked and unwashed Jaina mendicant with his peacock feathers is mentioned among certain evil omens enumerated in Harşacarita, Book V.?
Somadeva is not only influenced by Bāna and Subandhu in the conventional descriptions such as those of the seasons, morning ard evening scenery, mountains, kings and countries etc., but also borrows an idea here and there from the earlier writers. The description of the different categories of villains and their origin in Yasastilaka, Book III, is obviously suggested by that of the fourteen families of nymphs and their origin in Kādambari. The famous advice of Sukanāsa to Candrāpīda has its counterpart in Yaśasatilaka, Book II. The conglomeration of picturesque names of women in brief sentences occurring towards the end of the same Book is a device already found in Kādambari, Harsacarita and Vasavadattā. The enumeration of evil omens in Yasastilaka, Book IV, may be compared with the similar lists in Harsacarita, Books V and VI. Dust in Kävya literature is not as trifling a thing as one might suppose, and the description of the battle scene and the resulting dust in Yasastilaka, Book III, is forestalled in Vāsavadattā; while Bāņa in Kādambari pays attention to the dust raised by Candrāpīda's expedition. A brief description of a cremation ground occurs in Subandhu's work; but the similar account in Yasastilaka, Book I, is in verse and far more elaborate and serves a different purpose.
These and other similarities between Yasastilaka and the romances of Bāna and Subandhu would appear to be superficial in face of the essential differences in style, outlook, and the character of the respective stories. The style of Bāņa and Subandhu, though by no means simple, is simpler than that of Somadeva's prose ; and the Jaina narrative shows, on the whole, a greater elaboration of details than is found in Kādambari and Väsavadattā. It is noteworthy that Somadeva has chosen to employ the involved style even in the moral and religious tales narrated in Yasastilaka, Books VI and VII; and one of the factors which makes his prose less attractive than that of Bāņa and Subandhu is the use of rare and obsolete words, which, though valuable from a philological point of view, makes Yasastilaka a far more difficult work than the earlier prose romances. Many of the descriptive passages are undoubtedly more complicated and artificial than those of Kādambarī. One may contrast, for example, the portrait of Jābāli with that of Sudatta in Yasastilaka, Book I; the picture of the Salmali tree in the Vindhya forest in Bāņa's
1 sayfuta argital'. 2 'कज्जलमय इस बहुदिवसमुपचितबहलमलपटलमलिनिततनुरभिमुखमाजगाम शिखिपिच्छलाञ्छनो नग्नाटकः।'

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romance with the unwieldy description of the huge tree in the valley of the Suvela mountain towards the beginning of Yasastilaka, Book V; and Bāņa's beautiful portrayal of the trees around the Siva temple where Mahāśvetā worshipped with the Jaina author's laboured description of the pleasure garden in Yasastilaka, Book I. Similarly, the enumeration of different varieties of plants illustrated in Subandhu's description of the seashore in Vasavadattă is overdone in Somadeva's picture of the great forest in Yasastilaka, Book V. It may be said, on the whole, that in natural descriptions Somadeva is far excelled by Bāņa and Subandhu; and there is nothing in Yasastilaka which will bear comparision with the serene picture of the rule of concord and harmony governing the life of animals and human beings in Jäbāli's hermitage, as described in Bāņa's Kādambari. Lengthy and detailed descriptions of female beauty, so wearisome to readers of Sanskrit prose romances, are practically absent in Yasastilaka owing to the very nature of the subject-matter.
More important than the question of style is the fundamental difference between the story of Yasodhara and the romantic tales of Kādambari and Vāsavadattā. The salient feature or the story of Yasodhara is that it is a realistic tale based on a domestic tragedy, even an unpleasant incident of domestic life, around which is woven a story of moral and religious edification. It was a daring experiment on the part of Somadeva to have co romance, of which adultery and murder were two prominent features, in the grand style of Bāņa and Subandhu; and Yasastilaka, is, as a matter of fact, the only considerable Sanskrit prose romance which deals with tragic incidents of conjugal life, eschewing romantic love in favour of grim realities and the workings of fate. From this standpoint Yasastilaka may be described as a realistic novel, and the note of realism is accentuated by the complete absence of the miraculous except in a few minor episodes independent of the main story. This appears to be a noteworthy characteristic of Somadeva's work when we remember the part played by the miraculous in all other Sanskrit prose romances from Kādambari to Gadyacintāmaņi.
Two other characteristic features of Yasastilaka may be emphasized : it is a vivid picture of certain aspects of contemporary life and society as well as a great religious romance; and in both respects it differs widely not only from Kādambari and Vasavadattā but from the remaining Sanskrit prose romances. These points have been dealt with in subsequent chapters, and we may here attempt a somewhat detailed treatment of Somadeva's prose as far as it is represented in his Yaśastilaka,
As is usual in Sanskrit prose romances, long-winding descriptions preponderate in Yasastilaka to the detriment of the narrative, and are

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often complicated by conglomerations of intricate and loosely constructed compounds of considerable length. There is, however, no doubt that Somadeva has at his command a rich variety of details, and shows an intimate knowledge of diverse phases of the life of his times. The conventional descriptions are mostly involved and artificial, but there are others simpler and more effective, mostly dealing with topics peculiar to the romance, and by no means frequent in Kāvya literature. We may start, for example, with the picture of the dread goddess Caņdamāri in Book I (p. 150):
यस्याः कपालमालाः शिखण्डमण्डनानि, शवशिशवः श्रवणावतंसाः, प्रमितप्रकोष्ठाः कर्णकुण्डलानि, परेतकीकस. मणयः कण्ठभूषणानि, परासुनलरसाः शरीरवर्णकानि, गतजीवितकरङ्काः करक्रीडाकमलानि, सीधुसिन्धवः संध्याचमनकुल्याः, पितृवनानि विहारभूमयः, चिताभसितानि चन्द्रकवलाः, चण्डातकमाईचर्माणि, सारसनं मृतकात्रच्छेदाः, प्रनर्तनप्रदेशः संस्थितोरःस्थलानि, कन्दुकविनोदः स्तभोत्तमाङ्गैः, जलकेलयः शोणितदीर्घिकाभिः, निशावलिप्रदीपाः श्मशानकृशानुकीलाभिः, प्रत्यवसानोपकरणानि नरशिरःकरोटिभिः, महान्ति दोहदानि च सर्वसत्त्वोपहारेण ।
“Garlands of human skulls are her head-ornament. Corpses of children are her ear-ornament. The elbows of dead men are her earrings, Balls made from the bones of dead bodies form her necklaces. The oozings from the leg-bones of corpses serve as her cosmetics. Skeletons play the part of toy-lotuses in her hands. Rivers of wine are the streams wherein she performs her evening ablutions. Charnel-fields are her pleasure grounds. The ashes of funeral pyres are her face-ornament. Raw hides constitute her robe. The intestines of dead bodies form her girdle. The bosoms of dead men are her dancing floor. She plays with the heads of goats as with balls. Her water-sports take place in lakes of blood. The blazing fires of cremation-grounds serve as her votive lamps at night. Human skulls are the vessels she eats from. Her greatest pleasure is when living creatures of all kinds are sacrificed at her altar.”
The description of the shrine of the goddess, the Mahābhairava temple, gives a good idea of a contemporary cult of savage character, and is perhaps the most elaborate picture of its kind in Sanskrit literature; and, although in this respect Somadeva is anticipated by Bāņa in his description of the temple of Candikā in Kādambari, and by Haribhadra in his verse description of the temple of Kādambarī or Candikā in Samarāiccakahā (Book VI), the corresponding account in Yasastilaka preserves interesting details not recorded elsewhere. The delineation of the surging crowd of the Mahāyoginis in the temple, for example, although fantastic to some extent, graphically presents the grim aspect of these monstrous deities, "extremely ferocious and long-limbed like the Nights of universal destruction”. “They were emerging with fury from the surface of the sky,
1 See Chap. II.

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from the earth, from the depths of the nether regions, and from all the corners of the sky, like darkness at night.” “ The banners of the Sun's aerial car were singed by the flames issuing from the eye on their foreheads, being fanned by the gaspings of the hapless serpents, ruthlessly pressed in the tangled masses of their hair; while the Sun's rays were obstructed by the huge vultures hovering about the gruesome skulls decorating their heads; and the ornamental designs of blood painted on their cheeks were being lapped up by the snakes adorning their ears."1
A notable picture is the dramatic appearance of the spy of Yasodhara in the streets of Ujjain with his grotesque dress and clamorous retinue (Chap. III, p. 397 ):
कृतकार्धचन्द्रचुम्बितचन्द्रकापीडविम्बितमुण्डमण्डलः, तूलिनीकुसुमकुमलाकृतिजातुषोत्कर्षितकर्णकुण्डलः, कार्मणानेकजटाजातिजटितकण्ठिकावगुण्ठनजठरकण्ठनालः, चिरचेलचीरीचर्चितविचित्राप्रपदीनप्रालम्बजालः, कुवलीफलस्थूलत्रापुषमणिविनिर्मिताङ्गदसंपादितप्रकाण्डमण्डनः, कूर्परपर्यन्तप्रकोष्ठप्रकल्पितगवलवलयावरुण्डनः, काकनन्तिकाफलमालोपरचितवैकक्षकवक्षःस्थलः, कठोरकमठपृष्ठाष्टीलस्थपुटपाणितलः, 'पटचरपर्याणगोणीगुह्यापिहितमेहनः, पुराणतरमन्दीरमेखलालंकृतनितम्बनिवेशनः, कसहंसकरसितवाचालचरणचारचातुरीक्षोभितवीथीजनमनस्कारः, कातरेक्षगविषाणकाणविनिवेदितनिशाबलिप्रचारः, किरातवेषस्य भगवतो विश्वमूर्तेरपरमेव कमप्याकल्पं बिभ्राणः पुत्रभाण्डं बन्दिवृन्दारकस्य कटकाधिपतेः, जामिभॊगावलीपाठिनः सुभटसौहार्दस्य, दौहित्रः श्रोत्रियकितवनानो नर्मसचिवस्य, समाश्रयस्थानमवकीर्णिलोकानाम् , अखिलपुन विवाहकृतकशिपुवेतनसंबन्धः, सकलगोकुलालिखिततूवरसुरभिसैरिनीदायनिबन्धः, प्रचुरप्रतिकविकृतगात्रैः सत्रिपुत्रैदण्डाजिनिश्च परिव्राजकैः 'एष खलु भगवान् संजातमहायोगिनीसंगति तीन्द्रियज्ञानोद्गतिः सिद्धः सामेथिकः संवननामगा करिणः केसरिणमाणे संगमयति विद्वेषभेषजेन जननीमप्यात्मजेषु वैरिणीं विदधाति इत्यावेद्यमानज्ञानमत्रतन्त्रप्रभावः ।
“His head was adorned with a crown of peacock feathers surmounted by a crescent, and he was wearing earrings made of red lac and shaped like the flowers and buds of the silk-cotton tree. The neck was stiffened by the fastening of a necklace made out of many varieties of magic roots, and he was wearing a garland made from shreds of old rags, multicoloured, and reaching to the feet. The upper arms were decorated with armlets made of tin balls large as plums, and the forearms enveloped with buffalo-horn bracelets up to the elbows; while a garland of Guñja berries served the purpose of a vaikakşaka wreath across the bosom. The hands were rugged like the bony frame of the carapace of a tortoise, and the privy parts were covered with the lower edge of an old saddle cloth. The waist was decorated with a girdle of worn out churning ropes and the attention of the passers-by was attracted by the nimble gait of his feet resounding with the brass anklets worn by him. He announced his nocturnal rites with the sound of his buffalo-horn; and he was, in fact,
1 'कपर्दनिर्दयसंमर्द निमोंदालगर्दगलगुहास्फुरत्फूत्कारस्फारितललाटलोचनानलज्वालाग्लपिनादितिसुतनिकेतनपताकाभोगा
भिः, शिखण्डमण्डनोडुमरनरशिर श्रेणिपर्यन्तभ्रान्तप्रवृद्धगृधनिरुद्धबन्नदीधितिप्रबन्धाभिः, श्रवणभूषणभुजङ्गजिहानिया मानकपोलतललिखितरक्तपत्राभिः' (p. 45),

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dressed in an attire exactly like that of Lord Siva disguised as the Kirāta hunter. He was the son of the chief panegyrist Katakädhipati (Campcommander), the son-in-law of the minstrel Subhata-sauhārda (Friend of Warriors ), the grandson of the jester Srutriyakitava (Brahmana Gambler). and the refuge of all who had transgressed their vows. His food and emoluments were marned by arranging the nuptials of all the harlots', and he had endowments of hornless cows and she-buffaloes registered in his favour in all the dairy farms. The glory of his wisdom and knowledge of mystic formulas and rites was proclaimed in the following manner by religious mendicants, carrying sticks and deerskins, and acting as informers, with bodies made ugly by excessive decorations: 'Here is the Exalted One who has communed with the Mahāyoginis and acquired supersensuous knowledge. He has attained spiritual perfection, and his utterances are unfailingly true. By his art of enchantment he can unite even a lion with an elephant, and by means of animosity-producing drugs he can make even & mother an enemy of her children!'
The picture of the elephant-driver in Book IV is a minute study in ugliness, which is emphasized in such a manner as to suggest the enormity of the queen's strange infatuation. He is described as sleeping on the floor of a thatched hut strewn with grass left over from the ration of elephants, resting his head on a heap of coiled up ropes serving as a pillow. His only clothing was a piece of rag used for rubbing elephants with oil. He had coarse thornlike hair; ears like old shoes; eyes like the mouth of a bucket; lips like the fringe of a leather oil-flask gnawed off by rats; cheeks like the hollow of an age-worn tree; teeth protruding like an irregular row of cowries; a chin hardly visible, as he had a regular goat's beard ;3 a throat with the veins visible, resembling the trunk of a castor-oil plant; arms like a couple of dead serpents suspended from on high ; a stomach bloated like inflated billows; and thighs like stakes damaged by fire. 'He was repulsive to sight like a mass of sins, and extremely disgusting like a charnel-field.
ed to be a compact mass of iron rust in human shape, and fashioned by the Creator by combining all kinds of deformities.' The original passage runs as follows (Chap. IV, p. 42):
___ कटङ्करकुटीरके करिकवलावशिष्टयवसम्रस्तरिणि* अवगुण्ठितरजुपुञ्जपरिकल्पितशिरस्पदे निद्रायन्तम्, इभाभ्यङ्गकर्पेटपिहितलज्जास्थानम् अतिकठिनकचकण्टकोइमरमुण्डमण्डलम्, अनवानुपदीनापटलसमश्रवसम्,......उदञ्चनशुषिरातिशायिलोचनम्,...... उन्दुरविकर्तरितसंघाटतटतुलितोभयदशनवसनम्, अतिपुराणकुजकोटरप्रतिमल्लगल्लन् , असमस्थापितवराटकविकटदन्तम् , अज GETFT 703 EG -4 itera ,...... tak TETTER T
1 Srutasāgara says पुनर्भूणां पुंश्चलीनां संग्रहस्त्रीविधवानाम्. 2 Obviouly employed by the court. 3 969 Cf, the Greek phrase pogon mala tragikos (Lucian, The Dream, 10). 4 This is the reading of Ms. A, The printed text reads...qerfarinfo.
(Lacian, The Dream, co

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निर्गमम, अनिलभृतभस्त्राध्मातजठरम् ,......अग्निलवितस्थाणुगणनोरुकम्,......अघसंघातमिव दुरीक्ष्यम्, अमङ्गलस्थानमिव नितरामुद्वेजनीयम् , अखण्डमण्डूरकुलमिव मनुष्यरूपेण परिणतम् , अखिलमिव वैरूप्यमवचित्य वेधसा निष्पादिनम्.......
The account of the regiments of Yasodhara's army has more than a literary interest, and is full of important details throwing light on the composition of old Indian armies. It is one of the most remarkable descriptions not only in Yasastilaka but in Sanskrit literature as a whole (chap. III, p. 461 etc.):
निटिलतटपट्टिकाप्रतानघटितोद्भटजूटम् , उत्कोशकिंशुकप्रसूनमजरीजालजटिलविषाणविकटमेकराणामृगमण्डलमिव, कर्तरीमुखचुम्बितामूलश्मश्रुबालम् , उद्भिद्यमानमदतिलकितकपोलं पीलुकुलमिव, किरिमणिविनिर्मितत्रिशरकण्ठिकं महामण्डलावगुण्ठितगलनालमान्यमीशानसेन्यमिव, आकुफणिकृतकालायसवलयकरालकराभोगं बालबिलेशयवेष्टितविटपभागं भद्रश्रियामोकह
देशोत्तम्भितासिधेनुकम् अहीश्वरानुबद्धमध्यमेखलं मन्थानकाचलमिव, आवडणोत्क्षिप्तनिबिडनिवसनं सकौपीनं वैखानसवृन्दमिव, अनेकाङ्कनामसंभावनोद्ग्रीवाननम्, आत्मस्तवाडम्बरोड्डमरमागधोत्कर्णितवदनम्, ऊर्ध्वनखरेखालिखितदेहप्रासादं देव इदं विहितविविधायुधवर्तनौचित्यं दाक्षिणात्यं बलम् ।
“Sire, this is the Deccan regiment practised in the use of diverse arms. The luxuriant tangle of the hair of the men is tied up with cloth bands around their foreheads. Conspicuous by the horns carried by them, entwined with sprays of fullblown Palāśa flowers, they look like a troop of rbinoceroses; and with the tips of their knives coming up to the roots of their beards, they resemble a troop of elephants with the cheeks dotted with flowing ichor. They are wearing triple necklaces made of many-coloured beads, and look like Siva's troops, awful on account of their necks being enwrapped with Mahāmandala serpents. They have the forearms enveloped with iron bracelets worn up to the elbows and resemble a thicket of sandal trees with the branches entwined by young snakes. With their daggers fixed about the centre of the waist, they resemble the mountain wherewith the gods churned the ocean, with its central slope encircled by the lord of serpents (Vāsuki). With their thick loin-cloths tucked up as far as the thigh-joints, they look like a crowd of religious mendicants wearing kaupina. They are looking up on hearing the many laudatory poems, and stand with upturned faces, as they listen to the minstrels loudly reciting exuberant panegyrics in their honour. Their bodies are scratched all over with upward lines of finger-nail marks."
___ इतश्च पर्यन्तखर्षितकुन्तलतयार्धमुष्टिमितमस्तकमध्यकेशम् , अतिप्रलम्बश्रवणदेशदोलायमानस्फारसुवर्णकर्णिकाकिरणकोटिकमनीयमुखमण्डलतया कपोलस्थलीपरिकल्पितप्रफुल्लकर्णिकारकाननमिव, समुत्कर्षितसुक्कचिबुकजङ्खाग्रभागरोमलोमशम् , अहरहःप्रमार्जितदशनप्रकाशपेशलवदनतया प्रदर्शितखकीययशःप्रसूतिक्षेत्रमिव, अनङ्गग्रहपरिवेषवर्तुलदन्तक्षतक्षपितभुजशिखरम् , अनवरतक्षरत्क्षपारसरागरक्तशितिशरीरतया कजकिंजल्ककलुषकालिन्दीकल्लोलकुलमिव, मायूरबहातपत्रप्रभाश्यामिकासंपादितगगनगारुडोपलकुट्टिमच्छायम्, दरदद्वापाटलफलकान्तिकुटिलकरितटोल्लासलालसकर संध्याघ्रगर्भविभ्रान्ताभ्रियसंदर्भनिर्भर नभ इव. देव, इदमने कदोलिकाविलं दामिलं बलम् ।
“This, Sire, is the Tamil regiment provided with numerous litters. The men have a mere handful of hair on the crown of their heads owing

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to the hair all around being cropped short. They seem to have clusters of full-blown Karnikára blossoms attached to their cheeks on account of their countenances being lovely with the shooting rays of the large gold earrings swinging from their elongated ears. They are shaggy on account of the profuse growth of hair on the borders of the lips, the chins, and the frontal part of the legs. They seem to be displaying the source of their fame',
eir visage being beautiful with the lustre of their daily cleaned teeth. Their upper arms are dented with the marks of bites (given by their mistresses), round as the halo of a planet, to wit, the god of love. They look like the waves of the Yamunā blended with the filaments of lotus blossoms, their dark bodies being painted with fluid turmeric ceaselessly dripping. With the blue sheen of their parasols made of peacock feathers they have caused the sky to look like an emerald floor; and wit hands playfully moving along their curved loins shining with the lustre of their shields painted with liquid red lead, they look like the sky full of flashes of lightning playing in the bosom of the evening clouds.”
इतश्चोत्तप्तकाञ्चनकान्तकायपरिकरम् , करोत्तम्भितकर्तरीकणयकृपाणप्रासपट्टिशबाणासनम् आसनविशेषवशातिविद्रुतमितद्रवखुरक्षोभितकुम्भिनीभागम्, भागभागापितानेकवर्णवसनवेष्टितोष्णीषम्, अनवधिप्रकारप्रसवस्तबकचुम्बितशिखं विजयश्रीनिवासवनमिवेदं, देव, तुरगवेगवर्णनोदीणं यथायथकथमौत्तरपथं बलम् ।
“Here, Sire, is the North Indian regiment of truthful speech, and elcquent in praise of the speed of horses. The men have bodies comely as heated gold; and held fast in their hands are knives, darts, daggers, spears, blades and bows. The surface of the earth is agitated by the hooves of their horses galloping at top speed on account of their particular mode of riding. They wear puggrees made up with multicoloured scarves arranged in layers; and with the crown of their heads adorned with clusters of flowers of endless varieties, they look like the sylvan abode of the goddess of victory."
572.............with ASEMT1904. Bataafse goretsretaria 91699faबदनवृत्तिभिः खभावादेवातिकोपनहृदयैराप्रपदीनचोलकस्खलितगतिवैलक्ष्योत्क्षिप्तपर्यन्तजनदुर्वाग्विधिभिः प्रकामायामलोमचूडैगौडैराकुलितसकलसैनिकम् , विचित्रसूत्रगुम्फितस्फारफरकोत्करकर्बुरितसर्वदाक्षायणीदेशम् , ..........
B egri, देव, इदं जलयुद्धबद्धक्रियाविशेषासक्तं तैरभुक्तं बलम् ।
"Here, Sire, is the Tirhut regiment, fond solely of war and devoted to manoeuvres incidental to naval combats: it'has darkened the entire horizon with its mighty elephants..................All the troops of this regiment are
1 2 3
Fame in Sanskrit poetry is always white. A marginal note in Ms. A says grofta: farle izat: 1377491 TETET This seems to be a reference to river operations. The Deopara stone inscription of Vijayasena of Bengal (about the end of the eleventh century speaks of the royal flest going up the entire course of the Ganges for the conquest of the western regions (PTT fog qe kane alferra)Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 309.

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disturbed by the Gauda soldiers with extremely long tufts of hair: the extremities of their teeth are worn out by constant chewing of flattened rice, and their mouths are tinged red with betel; they are by nature exceedingly irascible, and hurl abuse at the bystanders, being ashamed of stumbling on account of their cloaks reaching to the feet. The large shields of the regiment made from multicoloured cords have tinged the entire expanse of the sky with diverse hues.”
___इतश्चाजानुलम्बमाननिवसनम् , माहिषविषाणघटितमुष्टिकटारकोत्कटकटीभागम् , निरन्तरघनदीर्घदेहलोमकलापकल्पितसर्वाङ्गीणकङ्कटम् , अधस्तियप्रबन्धवृद्धकूर्चकेशतया क्रियानुमेयनाभिनासानयनश्रवणदेशम् , उभयांसोत्तम्भितभूरिभस्त्रतया त्रिशिरोनिशाचरानीकमिव, लघुदृढदुष्करदूरलक्ष्यादिपातादिपाटवापहसितकृपकृपधर्मकर्णार्जुनद्रोणद्रुपदभर्गभार्गवम् , धृताधि24191971, 29, a ne aeg II
“ This, Sire, is the Gujarat regiment armed with strung up bows. The men are wearing cloaks reaching to the knees, and their loins are girt with daygers with buffalo-horn hilts. The close, dense and long hair of their bodies constitutes an all-enveloping armour; and the existence of certain portions of their bodies, the navel, the eyes and the ears, can only be inferred from their actions, owing to their beards expanding thickly downwards and sidewise. They look like a throng of three-headed monsters on account of the large quivers attached to both the shoulders. They surpass even Krpa, Krpadharma, Karņa, Arjuna, Droņa, Drupada, Bharga and Bhārgava in efficiency, in swift aiming, vigorous shooting, and hitting of difficult and distant targets.”
The report of the spy against a minister of Yaśodhara and the account of the embassy sent by the king of Pañcāla to the latter's court, in Book III, are not only socio-political records of great value but interesting as good specimens of Somadeva's simpler style and businesslike prose. The account of the embassy has been reproduced elsewhere and we may here give a few illustrative extracts from the former document. It is necessary to point out that the spy's report, comprehensive as it is, contains, besides specific charges against the minister in question, a satire in prose and verse against ministers in general, quasi-historical traditions, and observations on human traits.
Speaking of villains, the spy gives a fanciful account of their origin, classifying them into eighteen different groups. The first group originated from the Kālakūta poison in Siva's throat; the second from serpents; the third from the ferocious beak of Garuda; the fourth from the moon of the fourth lunar day (believed to cause disputes); the fifth from the attendants
1 See Chap. V.

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of Death; the sixth from the dust of a libertine's feet; the seventh from fire; the eighth from hell; the ninth from the illusion created by Vişņu; the tenth from the jaws of the god of death; the eleventh from the evil ways taught by heretic schools; the twelfth from the sin of doubt and hesitation; the thirteenth from burning shame; and the fourteenth from the arts of deception. In addition to these, one group of villains originated from darkness, whence arose in the sky Rāhu, the enemy of the other planets. A second group originated from the quarrel of Brahma and Vişņu at the time of the glorification of the Phallic Siva', whence arose also the sage Nārada, the lover of disputes. A third group originated from the clash of thunder and lightning, whence arose also the submarine fiare. A fourth group of villains originated from Diti who gave birth to Tāraka, the demon who habitually cheated all pious people on the earth. This account of the origin of villains appears to be Somadeva's invention, and shows imagination and selective power, although in design he is indebted to the story of the fourteen families of nymphs and their origin in Bāna's Kādambari. An indirect reference to this occurs in the passage in Yasastilaka which runs as follows ( Chap. III, p. 441):
देव, अप्सरसामिवामरेषु नरेष्वपि किल खलानां चतुर्दश कुलानि पुरा प्रादुर्बभूवुः । तत्र तावत् प्रथमं प्रमथमाथकण्ठालंकारनिकटात् कालकूटात् प्रादुरासीत् , द्वितीयं द्विजिह्वेभ्यः, तृतीयं तृक्षात्मजतुण्डचण्डतायाः...
2. The irresistible and invariable character of the evil propensities of a man is illustrated with various examples. Addressing the king, the spy says: देव, मांसरसरतस्य पुंसः किमिव मांसव्रतम् । कपाले भुञानस्य हि नरस्य क इव केशदर्शनादाशप्रत्यादेशः । पुरे प्रमोषदक्षस्य हि पुरुषस्य केव कान्तारेऽपेक्षा । निरम्बरनितम्बायामात्माम्बायां दाहोद्योगस्य हि जनस्य क इव पराम्बायामम्बरपरित्यागः । यतः
स्थितासु ग्रसमानस्य गतासौ कीदृशी दया । परबाले कृपा कैव स्वबालेन बलिक्रिये ॥
“Sire, how can a man who is fond of the savour of meat undertake a vow of abstention from flesh eating? Does a man who eats from a skull stop eating on discovering the presence of hair in his food? Does a man who is expert in stealing in the city need a forest for his activities? How will a man whose passion is aroused at the sight of his naked mother react to the nudity of another's mother? Because, how can one who devours the living have pity on a corpse? How can one who sacrifices his own child be compassionate to that of another?" 3. 174.
1 2
g 97499TETITIE This seems to be a reference to the quarrel of the two gods about the extent of the Phallus. See Chap. XVII. Somadeva says: DOSTUURT fare for za Srutasāgara says: queqrantzitaiat fasuyga.

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देव, खभावजा हि दुस्त्यजा खलु प्रकृतिः। न खलु पोषितोऽप्यहिपोतो जहाति हिंसाध्यवसायम्, न खलु प्रतशीलोऽपि बिडालस्त्यजति क्रौर्यम् , न खलु प्रायोपवेशनवासिन्यपि कुट्टनी मुञ्चति परवञ्चनोचितां चिन्ताम् , न खलु कालकवलनिकटोऽपि किराटो रहति शाठ्यस्थितिम् । यतः
यः स्वभावो भवेद्यस्य स तेन खलु दुस्त्यजः । न हि शिक्षाशतेनापि कपिर्मुञ्चति चापलम् ॥
“Sire, verily it is diffioult to renounce one's natural propensities. A young snako, though nourished with food, does not renounce the effort to do harm. A cat, though he may practise religious observances, dose not give up his ferocity. A bawd, though she observes religious fasts, does not abandon the design of cheating others. A merchant' does not give up his art of deception even when he is on the verge of death. Because, verily, of whaterer nature a person may be, it is hard for him to discard it. A monkey never forsakes his fickle habits even if he is given a hundred kinds of training." 3. 175.
The tirade against the ministers of kings in verse, forming part of the spy's report, has been summarized elsewhere; and there is also a satirical description of them in prose (Chap. III, p. 439): ।
देव, सरलखभावस्य देवस्यामात्यदैत्यानामाकल्पोदञ्चः प्रतिक्रियाप्रपञ्चश्च साधुतायोगेऽनुरागे च कारणम् । तत्र चामीषामेतत्तात्पर्यम् । तथा हि सत्पुरुषपृषतवधाय व्याधस्याखिलाङ्गसंवरणं यत्रावरणमिवामात्यजनस्य लम्बाञ्चलकं चोलकम् . मुग्धमीनबन्धनानायमिव महाकायः कूर्चकेशनिकायः, कपटबकोटपेटकघटनाय सर इवोदारमुदरम्, परव्यसनान्वेषणाय मृगधूर्तस्येव मन्दमन्दाचारः पादप्रचारः, कथमेते खलु पातालस्थाः करस्था मम भविष्यन्ति शेषशिखामणय इति लुण्टाकतयेव मुहर्मुहुर्जलेषु निमज्जनम् , कदा ह्यमी गगनचराः कदनकन्दुकविनोदकरा मम भविष्यन्ति रविरथतुरङ्गा इत्यपजिहीर्षयेवादितिसुतोपासनम्, अरे हताश हुताश मयि सत्याश्रयाशे सवोशे च कथं नाम तन्नामवान् भवानितीर्ण्ययेवाहुतिमिलेग विषमरीचिताडनम, सुप्रयुक्तस्य दम्भस्य ब्रह्माप्यन्तं न गच्छतीति मनीषया साधुजनशकुनिहननाय द्वीपिद्विजोद्दीपनमिव देवतार्चनम्, कियन्तो मया महान्तः प्रतारिताः कियन्तो नाद्यापि इति संभालनायेव जपव्यवसायः, कुशलशकुलाशनाय बकस्येव ध्यानपरता, चतुरवञ्चनाय ठकस्यव धर्मागमपाठः, परलोकगतिभङ्गाय निगलजालस्येव गुरुचरणोपचारः, शाकिनीजनस्व सेवकेषु जीवित. विनाशाय प्रियंवदता, अविज्ञातान्तस्तत्त्वस्य शुष्कसरःसेतोरिव क्लेशाय प्रियालोकता।
“Sire, the pomp of dress and flurry of remedial measures of those devils, the ministers of Your Majesty, straightforward as you are to give an impression of honesty and loyalty. Their real purpose is as follows: The flowing robes of ministers are like a hunter's cloak enveloping all his limbs, and designed to kill honest people, like deer. The huge mass of their beard and hair seems to be a drag-net for capturing ignorant fools, like fish. Their big bellies are like a pool for amassing tricks, like a flock of cranes. They walk slowly and slowly like jackals to look for
weak points of others. A minister makes very frequent ceremonial dips into waters, as if with a thievish purpose : How will indeed the crest-jewels of the serpent Ananta abiding in the nether regions come into my possession ?' He worships the Sun, as if with motives of robbery: "When will those
1
Ms. A explains किराट as वणिक

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horses of the Sun's chariot, coursing in the sky, play the ball-gume of war for me?' He strikes the Fire by way of offering oblations, as if out of spite, saying: Since it is I who destroy my own refuge or benefactor, and destroy also all and sundry, why dost thou, o wretched Fire assume the names
srcayāsa (one who consumes one's own refuge) and sarvāsa (one who consumes all)?' The worship of the gods by a minister is comparable to
se a bird of prey for killing honest people, like birds, with the idea that not even Brahmā sees through a well-devised trick.' The muttering of prayers by a minister seems to be a device for recalling how many great men he has cheated and how many still remain uncheated. The meditation of a minister is like that of a crane for the purpose of devouring' able men, like fish. The study of the Law Books by him is like that of a thug for the purpose of cheating the wise. His obeisance at the guru's feet looks like the spreading of a network of chains for obstructing the way to heaven. His sweet words, like those of a witch, serve only to rnin his followers, His amiable looks, like the pleasant aspect of the embankment of a dried up pool, bring distress to those who are ignorant of the inner truth."
The more important of the charges against Yasodhara's minister bearing on contemporar conditions have been discussed in another chapter viz., Chap. V. Some of the observations of the spy on the ways of the minister provide interesting reading. The cultural pretensions of the man are severely criticized, his mean tricks exposed, and the secret his fame explained. A healthy feature is the insistence on learning being independent of wealth procured by royal favour:
देव, प्रसादनादनात्मभाविन्योऽपि विभृतयः पतिवरा इव खात् पतितस्यापि जनस्य भवन्ति, न पुनरायुःस्थितय इवानुपासितगुरुकुलस्य यत्नवत्योऽपि सरखत्यः। यतः
नृपकरुणायाः कामं द्रविणकणाः संचरन्ति शरणेषु । नास्वाभिजात्यमेतत् पाण्डित्यं वा नृणां भवति । देव, तच्छ्रन्येऽपि यत् क्वचित् पुंसि नभसि विद्युत इव विद्याविलसितम् , तद्धनस्य घनस्येव माहात्म्यानात्मनः । यतः
विद्यारसविहीनापि धीस्थली विभवातपात् । व्यटीकोक्कोत्तरङ्गेयं भवेन्मुग्धमृगप्रिया ।
। यदपि क्वचित क्वचित् कलासु पयसि पतितस्य तैलबिन्दोरिवान्ताप्तिशून्यस्याप्यस्योपन्याससाहसम, तदपि लक्ष्मीलवलाभाशापाशस्खलितमतिमृगीप्रचारस्य दुर्भरजठरकुठारविनिर्मिनमानसारस्य हताहंकारस्य सरखतीपण्यपातकावसरस्य जनस्याजर्यान पुनर्बोधौदार्यात् । यतो देव, घटदासीनां हि वदनसौरभं खामिताम्बूलोद्गालान सौभाग्यबलात्, पवनस्य हि परिमलपेशलता प्रसूनवनसंसर्गान्न निसर्गात् , दारुणो हि दाहृदारुणता बृहद्भानुभावान्न खभावात् , मण्ड तस्य हि भण्डनकण्डूलताधिपतिसंनिधानवशान शौयावेशात्, उपलशकलस्य हि नमस्यता देवाकारानुभावान्न प्रकृतिभावात् । .........."यत् पुनः सेवकलोकदौरात्म्यं प्रचिख्यापयिषुः किमप्यणकपदबन्धेन भगवती सरस्वती विधमति, तत्र यो हि स्वयमेवं निकायति स कथं नाम दुरात्मा स्यादिति परप्रतारणार्थम् । ... • .....वृत्तं पुनरस्य पिण्याकपण्याङ्गनाजनस्यवालोकान्तोत्सर्गरनेकशोऽनेकपाखण्डिलिङ्गिसंसर्गविसगैरेव राजपथीकृतम् । यतः
त्रैदण्डिकाहितुण्डिककापालिककौशिकव्रतकैः । कीर्तिर्जगति प्रसृता खरपटदीक्षाधिकरस्य ॥ 1 i. e., the worship of the gods by a minister is a carefully planned show of piety,
the real motive being to obtain their help in cheating and ruining honest people.

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"Sire, riches, although they do not crop up of their own accord, may, like brides seeking a husband, come into the possession even of a man fallen from the sky, as a result of (royal) favour; but learning, like the span of life, never comes to a man, even though accompanied by efforts, unless he attends the lecture-hall of a teacher. Because, 'wealth there may be in plenty in men's homes as a result of a king's favour, but not nobility of birth nor scholarship' (3. 179). When, my lord, there is a show of learning in a man, although he is devoid of these two qualities, it is due not to his own ability but to that of wealth, just as a flash of lightning in the sky is due not to any potency of the sky itself but to the presence of clouds.
The field of the intellect, although devoid of the water of learning, may on account of the power of wealth undulate with falsehood, and prove attractive to those deer, the dunces (3. 180). Indeed, this minister (of yours) has the hardihood to hold forth on certain branches of art, although lacking in depth, just as a drop of oil spreads on water without penetrating below the surface; but even that is due not to any great measure of intelligence on his part, but to his association with people who commit the sin of prostituting their learning, being without any self-respect, with all sense of pride destroyed by the axe of chill penury,' and the antelope of their intelligence trapped in the snare of the hope of gaining an infinitesimal quota of wealth. Sire, the fragrance of the mouths of slave girls is due not to any luck but to their taking the remnants of the betel chewed by their masters. The lovely redolence of a breeze is due not to its natural qualities but to its contact with flower gardens. The fierce burning of wood is due not to its natural properties but to the action of fire. A dog is eager to fight not on account of his courage but on account of the presence of his master, and a piece of stone becomes an object of veneration not on account of its natural state but because it is shaped into the likeness of a god............
Further, the minister annoys the Exalted Goddess of Speech with his wretched verses, his purpose being to proclaim the villainy of his subordinates. This is meant to put outsiders off the scent, who would be led to think, 'How can a man who speaks thus (about the vices of his subordinates) be a villain himself?".
65
Then it is the associates of the many heretics, wandering in the world to its farthest limits, who have oftentimes given wide publicity to his way of life, similar to that of a spendthrift whore.
1 Lit, the axe of a stomach difficult to replenish. 9

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His fame has been spread in the world by religious mendicants snake-charmers, Kāpālikas, jugglers and consummate thugs." 3 183.
The minister is then accused of various offences such as tyranny disloyalty, usurpation of power and financial maladministration, all kinds of motives being attributed to him.
यस्तु स्वास्थ्यावसरेष्वपि समृद्धदेशो हि महीशः कीनाश इवावश्यं करोति कामपि विकृतिमिति धूमकेतुरिवानपराधमपि जनपदं पीडयति, प्रभूतपक्षबलो हि भूपालः शैल इव कस्य भवति वश इत्यनुरक्तमतीरपि प्रकृतीरसमञ्जसयति, कृशकोशको हि धरेशः क्षपितपक्षः पक्षीव भवेत् सुखसाध्य इति धनं निधनयति, व्यसनव्याकुलितो हि राजसुतो व्याधित इव न जातु विकुरुते पुरश्चारिष्विति द्विषतः प्रोत्कर्षयति, एकारक्षो हि क्षितिपतिः करिपतिरिव न स्यात् परेषां विषय इति न कमप्यभिजातं सहते, स किल प्राणप्रतीकारेषु खापतेयोपकारेषु वा विधुरेषु भवितोपकर्तेति को नाम श्रद्दधीत । यतः
स्वस्थावस्थायामपि योऽनर्थपरम्परार्थमीहेत । स कथं विधुरेषु पुनः स्वामिहिते चेष्टतेऽमात्यः ॥
“Like an outbreak of fire, he oppresses the innocent population even in peaceful times, because a king whose realm is prosperous is sure to do some harm (to his ministers), like the god of death. He creates disaffection among the loyal citizens, because a king with a large following is like a mountain and comes under no one's influence. He squanders public funds, because a king with a depleted treasury can be tackled with ease, like a bird whose wings are cut off. He consolidates your enemies, because a prince overwhelmed by peril is like an invalid, and gives no offence to his counsellors. He never tolerates any highborn person, thinking that a king in the grip of any particular individual is, like an elephant, unlikely to come under the influence of others. Who would believe that such a man would be of any help in the preservation of life or the protection of property in times of danger? Because, how can a minister who strives to do continuous harm even in easy circumstances exert himslf for the good of his master in times of peril?" 3. 184.
The minister is also accused of having banished various distinguished men whose presence was vital to the welfare of the state (Book III, p. 453):
ततोऽसौ यदि देवस्य परमार्थतो न कुप्यति, सत्पुरुषपरिषदिव मनसि मनागपि नाभ्यसूयति, तत् किमिति मनीषापौरुषाभ्यामशेषशिष्टशौण्डीरशिखामणीयमानमतिसमीक्षं पुण्डरीकाक्षम् , सिन्धुरप्रधानो हि विजयो विशामीशानामिति तत् किमिति समस्तसामजैतिह्यगृह्यमनःप्रभावं बन्धुजीवम् , महाकविसंग्रहान्महीपतीनामाचन्द्रार्कावकाशं यश इति तत् किमिति स भवत्कीर्तिलताललनालापामृतसेवकसारं हारम् , 'यासु सन्तो न तिष्ठन्ति ता वृथैव विभूतयः' इति तत् क्रिमिति स्वभावादेव देवस्य प्रसेदुषोऽपरानपि विदुषः पुरुषानमिषन्नगारान्तरापतितः कपोत इव निर्वास्य खयमेकैश्वर्ये वर्तते।
“If then he really has no illwill towards Your Majesty, and if he, like an assembly of good men, bears not the slightest malice in his heart, why has he monopolized all power by banishing, like a dove flying into a house, such men as Pundarikaksa, whose intellect and insight were as
1 See Chap. XV for the superstition.

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the crest-jewel of all cultured and spirited men by virtue of his talents and courage? The triumph of kings depends upon elephants; yet (why did he banish) Bandhujiva whose mental faculties were devoted to the mastery of all branches of elephant-lore? The fame of kings lasts as long as the sun and the moon owing to their patronage of great poets; yet (why did he banish) the poet Hāra, an excellent votary of the nectar of sweet utterances on the creeper of your fame? Wealth that does not support the good is of no use : knowing this, why did he, being intolerant, banish yet other learned men, friendly by nature to Your Majesty ?"
Good examples of reflective prose are provided by the musings of Yasodhara after the discovery of the misconduct of his consort. Pausing after his momentary resolve to kill her, Yasodhara says (Chap IV, p. 48 ):
आः किमिदमहो कर्माहमनुष्टातुं व्यवसितः। न खलु नार्य इव शुभमशुभं वा कर्म सहसैवारभन्ते विनीतमतयः, नापि विपदि संपदि वा कृपणप्रकृतय इवाशु विक्रियां गच्छन्ति महानुभावाः, न चाल्पमेधसामिव महीयसामुपपन्ना भवन्ति कामचारेण प्रवृत्तयः, न चैतद्गहनं किंतु प्रातर्मयैव लज्जावनतमस्तकेन शिरः पिधाय स्थातव्यम् । शोचितव्यं च मयैव प्रणयिनां पुरः पश्चात्तापदुःप्रतिष्ठानमिदमनुष्ठानम् । श्रोतव्या भविष्यन्ति मयैव कर्णकटुताकाराः पुरजनस्य धिक्काराः । सुष्ठ मलिनीकृतं स्यान्मयैवात्मीयं मामीय च कुलम् । सोढव्या मयैव स्वदुष्कृतनिरुत्तरविधाश्चित्तशल्यस्पृशः कुलवृद्धानामभिधाः । अहमेवोदाहरणं भविष्यामि दुर्बुद्धीनां कुटुम्बविघटने । कलुषतामेष्यत्येषेवास्थाने विनियोजिता खगलता । स्त्रीवधादयमजनि तपखीति मृतस्यापि मे न दुर्यशः प्रशान्तिमर्हति । शोकातङ्के पतिष्यति च सापराधसवित्रीमृतिदुःखितो युवराजः । परं च बह्वपराधे हि देहिनि क्षणमात्रव्यथाशरणं मरणमनुग्रह इव । यदि पुनरनवेक्षणमुपस्थितस्य, असंभाषणमासन्नस्य, उपेक्षणं विज्ञपयतः, अवधीरणमस परिभूयमानस्य, आशाभङ्गकरणमर्थयतः, प्रीतिवितरणं तदनभिमतानाम् , अस्मरणं प्रियगोष्ठीषु, अनवेक्षणं तत्परिजनस्य, अपवार्य व्याहरणं खप्रकाशेष्वप्यालापेषु, अनवसरानुसरणमसंगभावेष्वपि प्रस्तावेषु क्रियेत, स्यात् प्रत्यानीतश्चिरमस्थाने कृतसमयः प्रणयः ।
___“Ah, what have I set myself to do? Certainly the wise never do anything good or bad, like women, on the spur of the moment, nor are the high-spirited quickly perturbed, like the weak-minded, in prosperity or danger, nor do arbitrary acts befit the great as they they do those who are poor in talents. This is by no means hard to comprehend. (If I kill her) it is I who will have to cover my head on the morrow, downcast with shame; it is I who will have to bewail my action, injudicious on account of repentance, in the presence of friends; it is I who will have to hear the reproaches of the citizens, harsh to the ear; it is I w] have tarnished my own family and that of my uncle ; it is I who will have to bear the cutting remarks of the elders, without any means of reply on account of my misdeed. I will be cited as an example of how the foolish disrupt their own families. And this sword will be polluted, if applied to an unworthy object. “He became a miserable wretch by murdering a woman' - this evil report concerning me will not subside even after my death. And the prince (Yasomati), miserable at the death of his guilty mother, will be sorely afflicted with grief. Besides, death with its momentary

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pain is as a favour to one who has committed a grievous offence. On the other hand, it is possible to repudiate long misdirected love if the person so loved is treated with contempt' even on isolated occasions; for example, if one does not take any notice of him when present; if one does not talk to him when near; if one ignores him when he makes a statement; if one neglects him when insulted by his inferiors; if one disappoints him when he asks for a favour; if one befriends those who are disliked by him; if one does not mention him in conversation with friends; if one does not look at his attendants; and if even in self-evident matters (requiring no deliberation) one dismisses him on the pretext of lack of leisure."
After recognising that the pageant of life loses its meaning without women, Yasodhara dilates on their villainy and faithless character (p. 61): इमा निशमनुनीयमाना गृहमर्कटमिव विडम्बयन्ति पुरुषम्, उपचारैर्गृह्यमाणा दानदुर्भराः स मेष इत्यधिक्षिपन्ति, अपेक्ष्यमाणाः पशुमिव मन्यन्ते, हठादुपभुज्यमानाः श्मशानकुटमिव परिहरन्ति, सेर्घ्यमनुयुज्यमाना भुजय इव दशन्ति, गुणवद्भघो निम्बादिवोद्विजन्ते, शुचिक्रियेषु मृत्पिण्ड इवाभिनिविशन्ते, अनुरज्यन्त्य एव भवन्ति कारणमनर्थपरंपरायाः, हसन्त्य एव शल्ययन्त्यङ्गानि पश्यन्त्य एव दहन्ति देहम्, आलपन्त्य एव स्खलन्ति मनसः स्थैर्यम्, आसजन्त्य एव कुर्वन्ति तृणादषि लघुतरं मनुष्यम्, आरक्ष्यमाणाः स्वच्छलेनैवारभन्ते दुष्कर्माणि । न चासामस्ति रक्षणोपायः । "Constantly pampered, they deride men as they would a tame monkey. They are never satisfied with presents, and when treated with marks of esteem, they mock at men as being sheep. When sought after, they look upon men as brutes. When enjoyed against their will, they forsake men like a water-pot used in a cremation ground. Jealously questioned, they bite like serpents. They shun those who are virtuous like the Neem tree (with the bitter leaves), and regard those who act from pure motives as clods of earth. Women become a source of perennial evil even while they profess love, pierce one's limbs even while they laugh, consume one's body even while they cast glances, undermine one's strength of mind even while they talk, and degrade a person even lower than a blade of grass by attaching themselves to him. When guarded, they commit misdeeds by resorting to their own devices, and there is in fact no means of effectively guarding them."
The disgruntled husband takes a pessimistic view of youth, wealth and the joys of life, all these being regarded as disturbing influences on the moral life. The observations are enlivened by a large number of illustrative similes (p. 66 ) :
यौवनाविर्भावः पुनः कादम्बरीयोग इव परं मुमुक्षूणामपि नाविकार्य मनांसि विश्राम्यति । श्रीमदः सर्वेन्द्रियाणां जनुषान्धत्वमिवाप्रतीकारमुपघात करणम् । अनङ्गसिद्धान्तः खलोपदेश इवानर्थभुजङ्गमानामुत्थापनदण्डः । कवयः पुनः पिशाचा इव विषयेषु विभ्रमयन्ति निसर्गादजिह्मान्यपि चित्तानि । डिण्डिमध्वनिरिव व्यसनव्यालप्रबोधनकरः कलानामभ्यासः । नियोगलाभ इवापातसुन्दरः प्रसह्योन्मादयति सुविदुषोऽपि पुरुषान् प्रणयिजनविलासो हृदयमुपनिपत्य दर्पयति च । याचितकमण्डनमिव
1 Ms. A remarks यदि अनवसरानुसरणं निरादरः क्रियेत तदा प्रणयः निराकृतः स्यात् । अनवसरानुसरणं किमिव अनवेक्षणमित्यादि क्रियेत.

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TL
छन्दानुवती परिजनः । तदेतेष्वेकमप्यलमुपहन्तुं प्राणिनः, किं पुनरमीषां न समवायः ।..... यस्यां पुनर्लक्ष्म्यामयं महानाग्रहो लोकस्य सा दैवात् करमुपागतापि सूतककणिकेव न भवति स्थिरा । खलमैत्रीव संगच्छमानापि जनयत्यवश्यं कांचिद्विपदम् । अपामार्गयवागूरिव लब्धापि न शक्यते परिणमयितुम् । प्रयत्नपरिपालितापि कुलटेव करोत्युपपतावभिलाषम् । अनुभूयमानापि मदिरेव मोहयत्यन्तःकरणम् । ग्रहोपरागलेखेव गताप्यसंतापयन्ती न व्यवतिष्ठते । साहसैरुपस्थितापि राक्षसीव छलयति केवलं महापुरुषेषु प्रतिष्ठां प्रत्यवसादयितुम् । दुर्जनेषु क्षणमात्रं सखीभावमुपयाति ।
"The advent of youth, like the drinking of wine, never fails to pervert the minds even of those who are bent on salvation. The pride of wealth, like birth-blindness, causes an incurable paralysis of all the senses. Erotic lore, like a villain's counsel, is a magic wand for raising serpents, the evils of life. The poets, like demons, bewilderingly divert the minds of men, although straightforward by nature, to mundane joys. The practice of the arts is like the sound of a drum, awakening the serpents of evil passions. The enjoyment of a beloved woman, charming only at the beginning, like an appointment newly obtained, forcibly intoxicates even very wise men, and taking possession of the heart, fills it with pride. The subservient attendents are like borrowed ornments. Not to speak of the combination of these evils, even one of them is sufficient to destroy sentient beings.
The Goddess of wealth, for whom the world has so great a longing, becomes fickle like a particle of mercury even when she comes into one's possession by chance. Like the friendship of villains, she is bound to cause some calamity even when she is one's associate. Like gruel made from the Apāmārga plant, she cannot be assimilated even when one has acquired her. Like a lewd woman, she longs for a paramour even when cherished with care. Like wine, she deludes the mind even while she is enjoyed. Like an eclipse, she never fails to cause distress even after she has vanished. Although she appears at the call of bravery, she practises deception, like a demoness, in order to destroy the eminence of the great. For a moment she befriends the villains."
The difficulty of controlling the mind is emphasized in Sudatta's reflections in Book I, similes being used as usual to give point to the remarks (p. 111):
तथा सकृच्चलितं च चेतः प्रासाद इव पुनः दुष्करमुद्धर्तुम् , दूरतरमुन्नतानि गिरिशिखराणीव शक्यन्ते शरीरिणां हृदयानि सुखेनैवाधस्तात् पातयितुमारोहयितुं न पुनर्दुःखेनापि । अस्ति च 'श्रेयांसि बहुविघ्नानि' इति विदुषां प्रवादः। श्रुताभ्यासश्च बिसतन्तुर्दन्तिनमिव प्रत्यवस्यन्तमात्मानमलं न भवति निवारयितुम्, तनुच्छद इवाधीरधीषुन जायते चलतश्चित्तस्य त्राणाय देहदाहकरागमः संयमः, बहिरुत्थावस्थितः पारदरस इव द्वन्द्वपरिगतः पुमान् क्षणमपि नास्ते प्रसंख्यानक्रियासु ।
"It is as difficult to steady the mind, once it has gone astray, as it is to restore a building shaken to its foundations. The hearts of men.
i. e, fickle, faithless. Borrowed ornaments denote the idea of instability as they are claimed back by their owners. The idea is fully explained in a Buddhist simile which compares the pleasures of sense to borrowed wealth. See Majjhima Nikāya, Potaliya Sutta (LIV): T he FifT.'

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b e mentioned
he spy gives a deto
al to which he was t
like extremely high mountain-peaks, can easily be flung to a lower level, but cannot be elevated even with difficulty. And there is a saying of the wise that the good is accoinpanied by many impediments. The study of the Scriptures cannot check the erring self, just as lotus fibres cannot hold back an elephant. Self-control, physically distressing as it s, cannot protect the unsteady minds of those who are fickle, just as an armour cannot fortify the wavering hearts of cowards. A man surrounded by distractions cannot concentrate even momentarily on meditative efforts, just as mercury placed over the fire does not last even for a moment."
A few homely pictures are provided by Somadeva's description of certain misers in Yasastilaka. In the humorous prelude to the spy's report, the latter speaks of a fellow named Kiliñjaka described as the foremost of misers. “He is to be counted first among the stingy. He is the exemplar of the penurious, and deserves to be called the chief of the untidy. He is the crest-jewel of the greedy, and his name can be mentioned only at the end of a meal." The spy gives a detailed account of the wretched meal to which he was treated by the miser (Book III, p. 404): ................... gl/T4541 91TH, e ferTARH, 3771 ARHFP#19219, अभृष्टचिर्भटिकाभक्षणभग्नभावक्रमम् , अपक्वार्काग्निदमनरिङ्गिणीफलाविरलविरचनम् , अगस्तिचूताम्रातकपिचुमन्दकन्दलसदनम् , अनेकदिवसवासार्थिताम्लखलकविस्तारम् , अतीवपाकोपहतबृहतीवार्ताकफलसोभाजनकन्दसालनकावतारम् , एरण्डफलपलाण्डुमुण्डिकाडम्बरम् , उच्छूनोद्वेल्लितवल्लकरालककोकुन्दोड्डमरम् , अनल्पराजिकावर्जितावन्तिसोमावसानम् ,............
The description is of interest not only on account of the names of a large variety of fruits and vegetables but as providing detail of domestic life, and is a contrast to the rather empty rhetoric which sometimes characterizes Kāvya prose, including Somadeva's own writing. It reminds one of a similar but less complex account of poor men's fare preserved in an extract from the Greek comedian Alexis, cited by Athenaeus in Deipnosophistae II. 55.
Somadeva in Yasastilaka, Book VII (section 32), gives another picture of a notorious miser, the wealthy merchant Sagaradatta, who has rather queer notions of economy and resorts to ingenious devices to put them into practice. He does not, for instance, buy oil for lighting his courtyard, but hangs a mirror from the edge of the roof of his house, and allows the light from his neighbour's house to be reflected in the mirror. He would advise the boys of the household not to waste oil in massaging their bodies before bath, but to have contact with the oil-smeared bodies of the boys of the neighbourhood in a close fight with them. He would instruct his servants to purchase oil and salt and then return both as being bad, the particles adhering to the receptacle being sufficient for subsistence! He avoids washing expenses by selling his dirty linen, and never accepts an

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invitation to dinner lest he should be required to return the invitation; and his servants see what other people ate in their homes. It will be conceded that we have here a portrait worthy of Theophrastus.
Descriptions of female beauty so frequent in Sanskrit literature are rare in Yasastilaka. A well-drawn picture is that of the beautiful daughtersin-law of Queen Celini, followed by the pathetic figure of the wife of Puspadanta, grown ugly and emaciated after twelve years of separation from her husband who had taken the monastic vow.1 The portrait of Maradatta in Book I is chiefly remarkable for the young king's love of dangerous exploits and strange rites; while the cumbrous description of king Yasorgha in Book II may be contrasted with the simple one of Sudatta as king of Kalinga in Book V. The seasonal descriptions in Book I form the background of Sudatta's religious austerities which are briefly outlined. Not much interest attaches to the artificial description of Avanti in Book II and the pleasure garden in Book I.
Most of the natural descriptions are of the conventional type and often characterized by artificial conceits and commonplace images. There are, however, others enlivened by striking details illustrating the author's powers of observation. Mention may be made of the animated description, in Book V, of the prosperous dairy-farm of Karahața, full of all kinds of cows, horses, mules, donkeys and sheep, a combination, as it were, of the oceans of curds, milk and clarified butter'. A variety of scenes common to life in a dairy-farm in medieval India is vividly described (p. 184):
क्वचिदुन्निगलमण्डलवालाकुलितबस्तवर्करकम् क्वचिगोपालपोत पारिप्लवोपद्यमान वृद्धवृष्णिकम्, क्वचिद्वत्सेक्षणक्षरत्स्तनधेनुदुग्धधाराधाव्यमानधरापीठम्, क्वचित् कालशेयकलशराशिविश्राणनप्रीयमाणातिथिपेटम्, क्वचिद् वनविनिरृत्तनिचिकी. निटिलनिकटनिक्षिप्यमाणदधिदर्भदूर्वाक्षतप्रसवम् क्वचिद्दलितदामदासेर कार्भ कभ्रान्तिशङ्कितशकृत्करिखुरक्षुद्यमानाद्मनिदेशपलवम्,क्वचित्तरुणतराभीरोद्द्भूर्णघन दुघण घोरघात घूर्ण्यमानरणरभ सक्षोभसंधुक्षितरक्ताक्षकक्षम्, क्वचिदुन्माथनाथहरियूथयुद्धबाध्यमानप्रष्टौहीपक्षम् क्वचिद्वष्कयणीक्षीर प्रतीक्ष्यमाणगृहगृहावग्रहणीगृहदेवताकुलम् क्वचिद्गोमिथुन परिणयोत्फुल्लपल्लवस्ववासिनीजनोच्चार्यमाणमङ्गलम्, क्वचिद्दधिमन्थमन्थानध्वनिविनर्त्यमानभवतबर्हिणम्, कचिन्माहेयी दोहव्या हाराहूयमानपयःपानपरपथिकगणम्, क्वचित् संदानदामनीच्युत चपलतस्तर्णकक्षोद रुदित दारकदीयमान जरतीरक्षाविधानम्
"Somewhere in the farm the kids are harassed by the unchained young dogs, and elsewhere an old ewe is tormented by the pranks of a cow-boy. At one place the ground is drenched with milk streaming from a cow's udders at the sight of her calf; at another place guests are entertained with gifts of pitchers of buttermilk; and elsewhere curds, blades of kusa and dūrvā grass, unbroken rice and flowers are placed on the forehead of a cow back from the woods. Here the tender leaves in the mangers are crushed by the hooves of
For the story see Chap. XVI.
1

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calves frightened by the scamper of the young camels who have broken their chains; there the buffaloes stagger under the merciless blows dealt by the young Abhīras with heavy sticks, and are infuriated by the violent commotion
t. At one place the resort of cows with young for the first time is disturbed by the combats of a herd of powerful bulls. At one place the tutelary deities presiding over the threshold of a house are worshipped with the milk of cows with grown up calves; and at another place women with husbands alive, carrying blossoming sprig3, sing auspicious songs at the nuptials of a bull and a cow; while else where the domestic peacocks are made to dance by the sound of the churn staff in the making of curds. Somewhere in the farm the sound of the milking of cows invites wayfarers eager to partake of milk; while elsewhere an old dame comes to the rescue of a boy weeping at being trampled on by a nimble calf that has broken away from the tether."
The elaborate description of the great forest chiefly for the vivid portrayal of a variety of wild animals in their natural surroundings (p. 198): ......... क्वचिदुपलम्बाप्रलम्बस्तम्बविलम्बमानजानकोत्त्रासितहरिणप्रयाणभरभीतभालूकनिकरम् , .... कचिदनवरतमृगमार्गमार्गणश्रमश्रान्तचिलातचेलिको चुलुञ्चितचुरीवारिवीक्षणातुरतरक्षुचक्षुर्दुर्लक्ष्यनगनिम्नगापुलिनम् , क्वचिड्डामरिकनिकायसायकविद्धवृद्धवराहविरसविरसितस्रवत्कुरङ्गाङ्गनागर्भनिर्भरम् , क्वचिदुन्मदमहिषमण्डलारब्धरणविषाणसंघट्टोच्छलत्स्फुलिङ्गसंगशीर्यमाणागमाप्रप69774, ....**facaizsgariaetcaracfarefarbe TomassisTaTuS ET TESTESAFET........ 99घोरघूत्कारघूर्ण्यमाणपुराणविटपिकोटरप्रसूतवायसीवर्गम् , क्वचिद्बलवदलालोन्मूलितद्रुमलाकुलकलभप्रचारम् ,....... क्वचिच्चित्रककुलाघ्रातपृषतखुरखण्ड्यमानकदलीप्रवालान्तरङ्गम् , क्वचिदनन्यसामान्योदन्यानुद्रुतद्रवद्रकुजिह्वावलिह्यमानमृगतृष्णिकातरङ्गम् कचित्प्रचण्डगण्डकवदनविदार्यमाणरुरुरुधिरदुरीक्षवृक्षानीकम् , क्वचिन्निःशल्यशल्लकशलाकाजालकील्यमानरल्लकलोकलोकम्.......
“Somewhere in the forest a pack of bears is scared by a herd of deer rushing past, being struck with terror at the sight of the wild oxen loitering among the clumps of spreading creepers........................At one place the islet of a mountain river looks terrible with the hyenas worried at the sight of the water of the sandy pools being drunk up by the Bhilla boys, exhausted by the constant search for the track of deer. A corner of the forest is covered with the embryos of hinds expelled by the shrill cries of the old boars pierced by the arrows of a band of robbers. At one place the extremities of the thick foliage of trees wither in contact with the sparks shooting up from the the clash of horns in the combats of frenzied buffaloes...... .......At one place the sky is covered with the feathers of birds flying away from their nests, being dispersed by a crowd of monkeys roaming at will........................ another place the female crows bring forth their young in the hollows of the old trees shaken by the horrible cries of the compact flocks of screech-owls. In one part of the forest, the movements of the elephant cubs are hampered by the clusters of trees uprooted by violent gales....... .......... Another
...At

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part of the forest is covered with the leaves of the banana plants cut up by the hooves of the bucks attacked by leopards. At one place antelopes, oppressed by an uncommon thirst, run and lap up the ripples of a mirage. At another place the trees are ghastly with the blood of stags pierced by the horn of some fierce rhinoceros, and all the Rallaka deer are transfixed by the spines of the porcupines moving about freely."
Similar delineation of the wild life of nature is found in the descripion of the Sipra river in Book V (p. 208):
अन्योन्यापघनघनाघट्टकुपितकुम्भीर भयभ्राम्यत्ककुभकुहूत्कारमुखरम्, अवाघाटब कोटचेष्टितश्च कितकमलमूलनिलीमानपोताधानम्, अम्बुरुह कुहरविहरदवहार विघ्नितवैखानस कुसुमोञ्छन विधानम्, उदीर्णदर्पदीवि तुमुलकलिकोलाहलावलोकमूकमूककलोकम्, उन्मत्तमकरकरास्फालनोत्ताललहरिको त्तालितारविन्दकन्दरद्रवन्मकरन्द बिन्दुचन्द्रकावचयचटुलचञ्चरीकमेचकवीचिकानीकम्, उद्दामोदकद्विपदशनदश्यमानमृणालिनीशकलसारप्रसरम्, अतुच्छकच्छपाच्छोटमूर्छत्पाठीन पृष्ठपीठीउठदुद्दण्डडिण्डीरपिण्डशिखण्डिताटनितटीनिकट कर्करम् ..
"The waters resound with the cries of the water-fowl hovering about in fear of the alligators enraged at the heavy clash of each other's bodies, and the young fish lie hidden under the lotus beds, scared by the movements of the silent cranes; while the gathering of flowers by anchorites is hampered by the water-snakes prowling inside the lotus beds. The frogs keep quiet on hearing the noise of the fierce fights of ferocious waterserpents; and the ripples are darkened by the bees briskly collecting the spreading honey drops oozing from the inner cavity of the lotus blossoms swayed by the surging waves caused by frenzied crocodiles splashing the water with their claws. The waters are overspread with fragments of lilies chewed by fierce hippopotami; and the contiguous rocks of the mountain slopes are fringed with heavy masses of foam floating on the broad backs of the Pathina fish, excited by the splash made by huge tortoises."
Among other descriptions of nature the oncoming darkness is described towards the end of Book III, and Book IV opens with an overwrought picture of sunset and the evening twilight. Elaborate descriptions of the seasons occur in Books I and III, and although the imagery is conventional, there are graphic touches; for example, in the portrayal of the flowers and plants of the rainy season when "the fields are uneven with dense masses of mushrooms; the horizon is pink with blossoms of water-pepper plants; the crevices of mountain rocks are delightfully fragrant with jasmine flowers; .the hill tops are adorned with Girimallika buds;..
the mountain bowers are gay with Sarja and Arjuna trees; and the leafy petals of the Ketaki flowers glisten, shaped like Cupid's darts." (Book III).
1 Ms. A reads दीवट for दीवि.
2 This is the reading of Ms. A. The printed text reads frenare. 10

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The prose hymns in Book VIII are an interesting experiment in Kavya prose, and illustrate a Jaina literary genre. They are in the form of elaborate prayers addressed to the Panca-Paramesthins, ti spiritual leaders of the Jaina church, and are in keeping with the character of Yasastilaka as a Jaina religious romance composed in Kāvya style. The place of these prose invocations in the devotional scheme outlined by Somadeva has been indicated in a subsequent chapter, and it may here be pointed out that each invocation ends with a verse in the con ustup metre. There are eight such groups, five addressed to the Parameşthins (Arhat, Siddha, Acārya, Upādhyāya and Sādhu), and three abstract ones addressed to the Jewels of Right Faith, Kight Knowledge and Right Conduct. For example,
ॐ निखिलभुवनपतिविहितनिरतिशयसपर्यापरम्परस्य .............................विरहितारिरजोरहःकुहकभावस्य समवसरणसरोऽवतीर्णजगत्त्रयपुण्डरीकखण्डमार्तण्डमण्डलस्य दुष्पाराजवञ्जवीभावजलनिमजजन्तुजातहस्तावलम्बपरमागमस्य भक्तिभरविमतविष्टपत्रयीपालमौलिमणिप्रभाभोगनभोविजृम्भमाणचरणनक्षत्रनिकुरुम्बस्य सरखतीवरप्रसादचिन्तामणेर्लक्ष्मीलतानिकेतकल्पानोकहस्य कीर्तिपोतिकाप्रवर्धनकामधेनोरवीचिपरिचयखलीकारकारणाभिधानमात्रमन्त्रप्रभावस्य सौभाग्यसौरभसंपादनपारिजातप्रसवस्तबकस्य सौरूप्योत्पत्तिमणिमकरिकाघटनविकटाकारस्य रत्नत्रयपुरःसरस्य भगवतोऽर्हत्परमेष्टिनोऽष्टतयीमिष्टिं करोमीति खाहा । अपि च
नरोरगसुराम्भोजविरोचनरुचिश्रियम् । भारोग्याय जिनाधीशं करोम्यर्चनगोचरम् ॥
"I perform the eightfold worship of the Exalted Arhat Paramesthin preceded by the Three Jewels. All hail! He is continuously worshipped with intense devotion by the lords of all the worlds......... ...............He is free from the deception of Deluding, Knowledge, and Conation-obscuring and Obstructive Karmas. He is a sun to the lotus-bed of the universe appearing in his great audience-hall as on a pool of water. He is the mighty support of the creatures submerged in the impassable waters of transmigration. His feet, like stars, shine in the firmament of the expansive radiance of the crown jewels of the lords of the three worlds, devoutly bowing
obeisance. He is as a wishing gem for obtaining the highest favours of the goddess of learning. He is a Kalpa tree, the support of the creeper of Prosperity. He is as the all-giving celestial cow in nourishing the nascent Fame (of his worshippers). The mere utterance of his name has the efficacy of a magic formula in destroying one's chance of going to hell. He is as a bunch of Pārijāta flowers radiating the fragrance of well-being. He is the imagemaker that creates the bejewelled figure of Beauty's rise. Further, I worship Lord Jina for health. His splendour doth produce
1 Ms. A explains faaet as gasto 2 See Chap. X. 3 Ms. A says ar HIE: I sit antaa T
HI TE: prara: 1

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on men, gods and serpents an effect like that of the rays of the sun on lotus blossoms.”
ॐ विदितवेदितव्यस्य बाह्याभ्यन्तराचरणकरणत्रयविशुद्धित्रिपथगापगाप्रवहनिर्मूलितमनोजकुजकुटुम्बाडम्बरस्य अमराम्बरचरनरनितम्बिनीकदम्बनदप्रादुर्भूतमदनमदमकरन्ददुर्दिनविनोदारविन्दचन्द्रायमाणोदितोदितव्रतत्रातापहसितार्वाचीनचरित्रच्युतविरिश्चविरोचनादिवैखानसरसस्य अनेकशस्त्रिभुवनक्षोभविधायिभिर्ध्यानधैयावधूतविष्वक्प्रत्यूहव्यूहैरनन्यजनसामान्यवृत्तिभिर्मनोगोचरातिचरैराश्चर्यप्रभावभूमिभिरनवधारितविधानैस्तैस्तैर्मूलोत्तरगुणग्रामणीभिस्तपःप्रारम्भैः सकलैहिकसुखसाम्राज्यवरप्रदानावहितायातावधीरितविस्मितोपनतवनदेवतालकालिकुलविलुप्यमानचरणसरसिजपरागस्य निर्वाणपथनिष्ठितात्मनो रत्नत्रयपुरःसरस्य भगवतः सर्वसाधुपरमेष्ठिनोऽष्टतयीमिष्टिं करोमीति स्वाहा । अपि च
बोधापगाप्रवाहेण विध्यातानङ्गवह्नयः । विध्याराध्याञ्जयः सन्तु साध्यबोध्याय साधवः ॥
"I perform the eightfold worship of the Exalted, All-holy Sadhu Parameşthin preceded by the Three Jewels, the Saint who has devoted himself to the path of salvation. All hail! He has comprehended all knowable things, and uprooted the luxuriant grove of passion with the Ganges flow of the purity of mind, body and speech in the external and internal spheres of activity. He has thrown into the shade the religious meditation of inferior and degenerate recluses such as Brahmā, Virocana and others, by dint of the multitude of his own ever-recurring vows, which, like the moon, wither up the honey-laden toy-lotus of frenzied passion, originating in the river of beautiful maids among the gods, men and the Vidyādharas. The dust of his lotus feet is wiped off by the bees in the shape of the hair of the sylvan deities, bowing to him in obeisance, who come to confer on hin the boon of worldly happiness in its entire range, but are amazed at being ignored by him on account of his diverse austerities, headed by the vows comprising the Müla - and the Uttara-gunas; (austerities) that perturb the three worlds in diverse ways, and remove all obstacles with the strength of meditation, and are extraordinary in character, and beyond the range of thought, and inscrutable in their working, and productive of miraculous power! Further, may the saints whose feet are to be worshipped, according to the prescribed rule, help us to acquire perfect knowledge! They have extinguished the tire of passion with the current of the river of knowledge."
ॐ यत् सकललोकालोकावलोकनप्रतिबन्धकान्धकारविध्वंसनम् , अनवद्यविद्यामन्दाकिनीनिदानमेदिनीधरम् , अशेषसत्त्वोत्सवानन्दचन्द्रोदयम् , अखिलवतगुप्तिसमितिलतारामपुष्पाकरसमयम, अनल्पफलप्रदायितपःकल्पद्रुमप्रसवभूमिमस्मयोपशमसौमनस्यवृत्तिधैर्यप्रधानरनुष्टीयमानमुशन्ति सद्धाधनाः परमपदप्राप्तः प्रथममिव सोपानम् , तस्य पञ्चतयात्मनः सर्वकियोपशमातिशयावसानस्य सकलमङ्गलविधायिनः पञ्चपरमेष्टिपुरःसरस्य भगवतः सम्यक्चारित्ररत्नस्याष्टतयीमिष्टिं करोमीति स्वाहा अपि च
धर्मयोगिनरेन्द्रस्य कर्मवैरिजयार्जने । शर्मकृत् सर्वसरवानां धर्मधीवृत्तमाश्रये ॥
1 MB.A says साध्यो बोध्य आत्मा यस्य तत साध्यबोध्यं केवलशानं तस्मै.

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YAŠASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE "I undertake the eightfold worship of the Exalted Jewel of Right Conduct, preceded by the five Parameşthins, and fivefold in character that produces all good, and culminates in the absolute cessation of all forms of activity. All hail! It destroys the darkness that obstructs the view of the entire universe. It is the Himālaya of unblemished knowledge ; the moonrise of festive joy to all living creatures; and the springtime of the creepery grove of all the vows and modes of self-restraint and vigilance. It is the nursery of the Kalpa trees of religious austerities that vouchsafe mighty results, and it is practised by those who possess humility, mental calm, a kindly disposition and fortitude. The wise call this Jewel of Right Conduct the first step to the attainment of the supreme goal. Further, intent on Dharma, and for the purpose of vanquishing my enemy, Karma, I resort to the way of life of the Dharmayogin, the best of men. It bring happiness to all living creatures.”
Somadeva's style is enlivened by the occasional use of popular maximg occurring chiefly in his prose and sometimes also in verses. For example,
Paret yostacat 77927' (Book IV): Enquiring as to an auspicious date for shaving one's head after one has already finished it. As pointed out by Jacob, Laukikanyāyāñjali, Part II, this proverb occurs in the Nyāyamañjari in the form मुण्डितशिरोनक्षत्रान्वेषणम् . The proverb 'श्रेयांसि बहुविघ्नानि' (Book I) occurs at the beginning of a popular verse cited, for example, by Haribhadra at the commencement of his own commentary on his Anekāntajayapatākā:
श्रेयांसि बहविघ्नानि भवन्ति महतामपि । अश्रेयसि प्रवृत्तानां वापि यान्ति विनायकाः॥ 'carinat 2121: TET TUOTT ofa:' (Book IV): On one side a precipice, on the other a tiger; how can a living creature pass? To be between the devil and the deep sea. This and two other similar sayings are cited in Nalacampū, Book V: Fat 0279 gadst, at Tallarat fra:, gat geerara çatstg777' Pat -91277 1.
Tua it A FOT777: big fagra, faqen e Hat' (Books VII & V): Sovereignty leads to hell, employment to captivity, trust in women to death, and friendship with villains to dlanger. Tact #: a Tar:' occurs in a verse of Book IV. aT ga a g ' Ibid.' TA A trategi yaoi ain' Ibid.
1 For the fivefold Cáritra (conduct) see Chap. XI ( section on Cáritrabhakti). 2 Effective control over mind, body, and speech (Fraufà, togfa and Faitge). Tattvärtha
dhigama-sütra 9.4. 3 saata (Proper care in walking), Tareqa (Proper care in speaking), quam
(Proper care in eating), sra E AR (Proper care in lifting and depositing), and
Schiffa (Proper care in excretion). Ibid.9.5. 4 See Chap. XII.

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What wise man will carry salt for presenting it to the saltsea ? Then guapAeterna: ' sta #f 794, Book VII, section 32. The sense, as far as can be judged from the context, seems to be that kings are as liberal as Indra in rewarding merit and as strict as Yama in punishing crime. 'राजपरिगृहीतं तृणमपि काञ्चनीभवति' Ibid. : Even a blade of grass belonging to the king becomes as valuable as gold.
ofya ' Book IV, 3778977' Book II, verse 153: The maxim of the blind man and the quail'. ' H SHREE : :' Book III. verse 73. is a variation of the wellknown maxim 3r A fare for ef 90 asta discussed by Jacob (op. cit.), Part I. The following maxims bearing on the character of women occur in Book IV: farzt: g Thua THERE Alley' spa, '31919 Tha Art' ga
HET I 27 galala Anarca:- detsfa gert fait la fet gaat FITT'. The last of these maxims is also cited by Somadeva in Nitivākyāmita : aituri si fara sa कुर्युस्तैरश्वोऽपि पुंयोगः ।.
Somadeva has an eye for the grotesque, as exemplified in his description of the elephant driver in Book IV and the king's spy in Book III, His power to depict the strange and the terrible is illustrated not only in his remarkable picture of Caņdamārī and the Mahābhairava temple in Book I but in the description of the scenes of horror conjured up by a Vidyādhara to disturb the meditation of the sage Manmathamathana, in Book V, and the similar scenes created by two gods to test the steadfastness of Jinadatta and Padmaratha in their austerities, in the first story of Book VI. Disease and disgusting conditions are delineated in the story of Auddāyana in Book VI section 9); while Amrtamati, stricken with leprosy after her crime, is introduced in a verse of Book V. Curious examples of abusive language are found in the story of the Vidyādhara mentioned above, who is discovered in the act of molesting the sage Manmathamathana by the king of the Vidyādharas, and addressed by the latter thus :
अरे कदाचाराचार पराकदुरात्मन् खलपुरोभागिन् विद्याधराधम खेचरखेट विहायोगमयाप्य वियचरखेल हेठ नरकनिवास पापाचार बहुकुमतिभृतचित्त गुणमटह निहीन गन्धर्वलोकापसद मातरिपुरुष.........
Similarly, in the story of Sribhūti in Book VII (section 27), the dishonest priest is rebuked by the king in opprobrious language. The incorporation of the religious and moral tales in Books VI and VII gives the author an opportunity esenting scenes not usually found in Sanskrit prose romances.
1 The translation of the verse in question in chapter XI follows Śrutasāgara's explanation
of the maxim. Vardhamana, on Ganaratnamahodadhi III. 195, explains it differently. See Jacob ( p. cit.), Part I.

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Frequent and sometimes felicitous use of similes is made by Somadeva in his narrative and descriptive prose, Vajrakumāra was, for instance, adorned by his youth, just as a desert path is adorned by a shady tree; just as a shady tree is adorned by a pool of water; just as a pool of water is adorned by a lotus-bed; just as a lotus-bed is adorned by a flock of swans; just as a flock of swans is adorned by the company of beautiful women; a id just as the company of beautiful women is adorned by the graceful play of love'.' After the discovery of Amrtamati's guilt, Yasodhara's heart burnt like a tree enveloped by fire; he was furious like the ocean overflowing its shores; he changed countenance like the moon attacked by Rāhu, and trembled like creatures at the approach of death; his lips quivered like a leaf that is being cut to pieces; he frowned like Siva intent on burning the Three Cities; aud his bosom was aglow like a heated cauldron. The guilty wonian, after her transgression, crept back to her husband's bed and slept, clinging to his bogom, like as a female rogue elephant enters a grove of trees, just as a sheet of lightning plunges into a rain-cloud, just as a serpent enters a mountain cave, just as the messenger of death enters the world, just as a crocodile enters the ocean, or a female goblin the dense woods. This may be contrasted with another series of similes, in which the conjugal harmony of Candramati and her consort Yaśorgha is likened to the relationship existing between wise policy and a kingdom, forbearance and religious austerities, modesty and learning, fame and life, the Flag of triumph and the god of love, mango blossoms and springtime, the Kalpa creeper and a tree of heaven, and a series of beneficial happenings and a sacred day of religious piety. A long series of similes occurs also in Yasodhar reflections on women as an indispensable factor in the joys of life. Without women, a kingdom is like a forest, ornaments are like the decoration of a dead body, beauty paint is like smearing of clay, adornment of the body is like shampooing a man who is asleep, the flurry of fly-whisks and parasols is like the worship of evil spirits, the practice of the arts is like a device for wasting time, the study of poetry is like an attempt to re irritation of the mouth, deliberations in the council chamber are like possession by evil spirits, public audience is like entering a prison, music is like a loud sermon on the futility of life, the sound of drums is like a trumpet proclaiming the banishment of worldly happiness, mansions are
1 SATI KA DIT91847, OPTYTETT TETT, TTT4 T530 TOT etc. Book VI, section 16. 2 gratuita: falane ticara , wahutag: 9 satiraranger:' etc. Book IV. 3 'auf 2710, TETTHFIAT alata, ficcitata Ya# eto. Ibid. 4 'नीतिरिव राज्यस्य, क्षान्तिरिव तपसः, अनुत्सेकस्थितिरिव श्रुतस्य, कीर्तिरिव जीवितव्यस्य, विजयवैजयन्तीव मनसिजस्य' etc
Book II.

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like mountain caves, pleasure gardens are like charnel-fields, protecting one's subjects is like wage-earning, conciliation of the citizens is like the rounds of a city barber, execution of the six-fold policy is like the crossing of a dried up river, and the effort to acquire wealth is like dancing in the dark.' Yasodhara's disgust for the world and decision to renounce the world is brought into harmony with the morning scenery in a series of appropriate similes. "The east cleared up like my own decision. The stars vanished like my desire for sovereignty. The lunar orb grew dim like my passion of love. The day lotus beds blossomed forth like the disgust of my heart. The darkness of the night disappeared like my desire for worldly happiness. The glow of the early dawn melted away like the snare of my delusion."
Rather bold and exaggerated similes are used to praise the Śipra river in Book V. Its waters are bright as a stream of nectar and beautiful as the oozings from moonstones, and delight the world like the Supreme Light. Abstract similes are sometimes used to describe concrete objects, e. g., in the description of the great forest in Book V: it is impenetrable like the heart of a wicked man, dreadful like the hour of universal destruction, deep like the science of numbers, intricate like the character of a woman, infested with mischievous thorns like a period of anarchy, harmful like a villain's counsel, and inaccessible like the heart of a princes. Some of the similes are marred by word-play, and a typical example is the comparison of the forest just mentioned to Raghu's family, simply because both happen to contain 'Magadhi', which, applied to the forest, means a pippali creeper; and applied to the family in question means Sudakṣiņa, the consort of Dilipa. Simpler and more tolerable is the comparison of king Yasorgha, also based on verbal similarity, to the autumn, the spring and the other seasons. Similes based on paronomasia are in fact a common feature of the Kavya style, and it is perhaps significant that Somadeva's romance opens with a long series of similes of this type (slistopama). They are used also in the description of the great tree in the valley of the Suvela mountain in Book V."
в
1 'विना हि विलासिनीजनेनारण्यमिवेदं राज्यम्, मृतकमण्डनमिवाभरणम्, पङ्कोपदेह इव विलेपनम् सुप्तसंवाहनमिव शरीरसंस्कारः, प्रकरणमिव चामरातपत्रा डम्बरः, कालहरणोपाय इव कलानामभ्यासः, तुण्डकण्डूविनयनमिव काव्याध्ययनम् '
Book IV.
etc.
2 ' मक्कार्यपरिच्छेदेनेव स्फुटितं पूर्वदिग्भागेन, मद्राज्याभिलाषेणेव विरलीभूतं तारकनिकरेण, मन्मनसिजविलासेनेव विच्छायितमिन्दुबिम्बेन, मद्वैराग्यमनसेव विकसितमरविन्दवृन्देन ' etc. Book IV.
वामेक्षणाचरितमिव
3 'दुर्जनहृदयमिव दुष्प्रवेशम्, प्रलयकालमिव भयानकम्, निगद्यागममिव गहनावसानम्, स्वभावविषमम्' eto.
4 'रघुवंशमिव मागधीप्रभवम्.
5 ' शरत्समय इव प्रतापवर्धितमित्रमण्डल : ' etc. Book II.
6 ' यत्र महानृपतय इव गोमण्डलवन्तः, चक्रवर्तिश्रिय इव महिषीसमाकुलाः, भरतप्रयोगा इव सगन्धर्वाः 7 ' काकुत्स्थकथावतार इव कपिकुलविलुप्यमान पलाशप्रसरः, सत्रमण्डप इव द्विजराजविराजितः पादप्रबन्धावरुद्धवसुधः' etc.

79

..........ग्रामाः ।' छन्दः प्रस्तार इव

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Other examples of word-play are not very numerous considering the bulk of the romance. The device is aptly used in the satirical description of the wicked minister in Book III. The spy says, for instance, that the minister is indeed the vardhana or 'promoter' of the prosperity of the kingdom, but the word means also cutter', 'destroyer'. Similarly, he is the cause of vibhūti glory', but the word means also 'ashes'; and he is also the maker of a series of mangalas, which means both 'happy events' and 'potsherds'. There is likewise a long series of compounds in Book II, which describes in identical language the condition of kings, both when they are favoured by Yaśorgha and when they incur his displeasure. When, for instance, the great king is displeased with them, their lot is tīrthopāsana, i. e. deprived of tbeir kingdoms, they pass their days in sacred places for the practice of religion; but when Yaśorgha is favourable to them, they have tirthopäsana of another kind, i. e, enjoy the loyalty of the various components of the state in full sovereignty of the realm”. Similarly, another series of compounds describes simultaneously a pleasure garden and a crowd of beautiful women in a description of the summer in Book III. Virodhābhāsas and Parisamkhyās, based on word-play, are also met with, but their number is not large. The description of the royal palace towards the end of Book II contains some highly artificial examples of Virodhābhāsa,
The most typical of the characteristics of the later Kāvya style is, however, exhibited by the use of Utprekşās which are frequently employed in our work. A series of Utprekşās is used, for example, in Book I, to describe a hill, which is fancied as the bosom of Dame Earth, as the play-ball of some sylvan deity, as a sweetmeat ball given to the boyish Regions of the sky by their mothers, as the hump of the Earth Bull, as a mound barring the entrance to the nether regions, and as the supporting roost of the Sky Bird! Utprekşās are generally used to give greater perspicuity to an image and make it more striking and graphic, but very often the effect produced is rather bizarre and grotesque, although there are numerous exceptions. Those employed, for instance, to describe Caņdamārī are quite in keeping with the dread character of the goddess, who is fancied as the younger sister of Yama, as the mother of Mahākāla.Siva, as the messenger of the god of death, as the companion of the Kālāgni form of Siva associated with the hour of universal
i a, aer 14 tastata: 129, dari TTT TETTCH: "...aq, daerah
Talerfahru 1. 2 Isfundaturaafiagif:.... Bertart: HATHATAT: 3 'खनाभोग इव महीमहिलायाः, क्रीडाकन्दुक व वनदेवतायाः, मातृमोदक इव दिग्बालकलोकस्य' etc.

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destruction, as the stewardess of the kitchen of the awful Mothers", as the nurse of the monsters, as the ground where the kinsmen of the god of death worship the Manes, and as the Night of destruction of all living creatures.' Not so successful is the attempt to reproduce the nasty spectacle of a serpent half buried in an anthill. The reptile is fancied as the intestines of the Earth Antelope, as the tail of the Earth Lioness, as the root of the Earth Creeper, as the stalk of the Earth Lily, and as the lock of hair of the Earth figured as a female monster.3
The constant desire to add new images tends to make Utprekşās farfetched and artificial, and sometimes a good image is spoilt by juxtaposition with others less effective. As is to be expected, Utprekşās occur mostly in descriptions; and some characteristic examples are provided by the natural descriptions in our romance. The Siprā river is, for example, fancied as a girdle of moonstones worn by the city of Ujjayini like a graceful lady, as the pleasure tank of the mistresses of the king of Mālava, as a festive banner flying over the nether regions, as a nuptial garland for the wayside mountains,
pearlstring worn by the Earth goddess, as a banner proclaiming the fame of the mountain from which the river rises, and as an irrigation canal for the gems in the ocean. Similarly, in the rainy season the sky seems to be a shower-bath for the earth long scorched by heat; the mountains with the waters of the cascades streaming down their sides appear to have white banners covering their slopes; and the lakes, full to the brim, seem to be ceremonial vessels of water, a parental offering to the Summer dead and gone!' Another series of Utprekşās occurs in the description of the temples of Rajapura in Book I. The tall, white edifices are fancied as clusters of flowers of the Sky tree, as white lights of the firmament, as masses of lotus blossoms adorning the crest of the Sky Goddess, as places for the acquisition of vast
1 The seven Mátrs are mentioned in the following verse quoted by Śrutaságara: Apoft a aaruft OrTet Arat i arguar mual Tİ: H Har: 11. For other definitions, and the number of the Mothers, which is sometimes given as nine, see the English trans.
of Naişadhacarita, Vocab. uuder afiada. 2 'या च लघीयसी भगिनीव यमस्य, जननीव महाकालस्य, दूतिकेव कृतान्तस्य, सहचरीव कालाग्निरुद्रस्य, महानसिकीव
#THESE etc. 3 'gitaaaaa olentzieferata, ha metferram' etc. Book V. 4 'इन्दुमणिमेखलेब पद्मावतीविलासिन्या:, जलकेलिदीषिकेव मालवावनीपालविलासिनीनाम् , नित्योत्सवपताकेव भुजङ्गमलोकस्य,
PROTEST HITHEACTIE' eto. Ibid. 5 'चिरतरातपसंतापदुःस्थितायाः क्षितेर्यन्त्रधारागारलीलामिव विभ्रति गगनमण्डले.............निदापनिवापजलसरावेष्विव
Paract*#yag Frig' Book III. 11

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religious merit by the pious of the three worlds, as expanses of the foam of the atmospheric ocean, as gleams of the loud laugh of Śiva incarnate as the sky, as crystal pleasure hills of the planetary world, and as elephant cubs of the Sky Forest belonging to the (white) Airāvata family."
Acoumulations of Rūpakas are occasionally met with, for example, in the description of Māradatta as the lover of women of different nationalities." The lengthy series of epithets, mostly Rūpakas, applied to Yasodbara in the letter despatched to a rival, illustrates a current practice in royal - correspondence and inscriptional records of grants and endowments. Some
of the epithets are as follows: “The Sunrise of prowess: Brahman hi in wisdom; an ocean of discernment; & swan participating in the joyful sports of the goddess of learning; the beloved consort of poetic speech; a Vidyadhara in the game of ball-throwing; an Indra in playing with rutting elephants; an Aruņa in chariot-driving; a Garuda in fighting on foot; a Gandharva king in singing; a Bịhaspati in the science of instru. mental music; & Bharata in the art of dancing;........ Paraśurāma in self-sacrifice; an axe in the jungle of hostilities; a lion to the 'fawn' of Kalinga*; a blaze to the bamboo clump' of Aśmaka; a fire to the 'moth' of the Saka country; & flame consuming the king of Krathakaisika ; the crest-jewel of the Kşatriyas of Ahicchatra; Deathknell to the insubordination of the king of Pancāla; a thunder-bolt to the royal dynasty of Kerala; lightning-fire to the Yavana Tree;' the subject of pleasant disputes among the beautiful women of Cedi; the luxury mirror of the women of Magadha; a tender leaf on the plump bosome of the ladies of Kāñci; & love-god to the youthful Ratis of Māhişmati; the beauty-paint of the ruddy lips of the fair women of Kaušāmbi; the ear-ornament of the women of Daśārņa; the passionate lover of the courtesans of Pătaliputra; a bee enjoying the graceful gestures of the beautiful women of Valabhi, the perfumed ornamental dot on the foreheads of the women of Ayodhyā." A reference to the original will show that most of these epithets are used with an eye to verbal effect, to which Kāvga poets paid considerable attention.
1 'guerharafthmar, defefafa tantere etc. 2 'आन्ध्रीणामलकवल्लरीविजुम्मणजलधरः, चोलीषु भूलतानर्तनमलयानिलः, केरलीनां नयनदीर्घिकालिकलहंसः, सिंहलीषु
मुखकमलमकरन्दपानमधुकरः, कर्णाटीना कुचकलशविलासपलवः, सौराष्ट्रीषु वलिवाहिनीविनोदकुअरः, कम्बोजीना
नाभिवलभिगर्भसंभोगभुजङ्गः, पलवीषु नितम्बस्थलीखेलनकुरङ्गः, कलिनीनां चलनकिसलयोत्सवपुष्पाकरः।'. 3 See chap. V. 4 'Fawn', Bamboo clamp' and Moth' are contemptuous references to the kings of the
respective countries. 3 i.e. the Yavana king.

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The Rupakas used are not, all of them, equally successful. The courtesan whose dead body forms the subject of the verse description in Book I was 'the pleasure resort of the apish minds of all who are henchmen of the god of love'. The nights of the rainy season are 'the female buffaloes who nourish the child minds of the women going out to meet their lovers'. A young man who took the help of a nurse in his love affairs is described as having made her a field for the growth of the woodland of his project. A certain sage is called 'an elephant engaged in water-sports in the river of learning. A particularly bad example is the description of another sage as 'an enclosure for the capture of the elephant herd of religious merit'."
Neglect of proportion is a common characteristic of later Kavya style, and overelaboration of details often leads to the use of artificial conceits and hyperboles. Somadeva, for instance, devotes no less than twenty elaborate and mostly far-fetched epithets to Maradatta's sword (Book I, p. 161), and an almost equal number is applied to the dust raised by Yasodhara's troops (Book II, p. 337). The particles of dust are incidentally likened in an elaborate fashion to lovers enjoying the company of their beloved, because they enshroud and cling to the various limbs of the women accompanying the procession. The height of the temples of Rajapura is conveyed by saying that 'the showers of water streaming from the conduits made of moonstones, emitting moisture in contact with the rays of the moon, drench the bodies of the nymphs of heaven, withered by the fire of separation from their lovers'. Sometimes a conceit employed is exaggerated to the extent of producing something like a comic effect. In the description of the great hospitable tree in Book V, for example, the tree is fancied as mockingly addressing other trees in the forest on the subject of their being barren and useless for wayfarers.
1
'चेतोभवानुचरमानवमनोमर्कटक्रीडावनविहारवसतिः '.
2 'अभिसारिकाजनमनोऽपत्यपोषणगर्वर्यः शर्वर्यः '.
3
'स्वकीयाकूतकान्तारप्रवर्धनधरित्रीमकरोत्' Book VII, section 31.
"
4 'सरस्वतीसरिज्जलकेलिकुअर: ' Book V.
5 'grafaqquit:' Book VI, section 19.
6 ततः सैन्यसीमन्तिनीच रणप्रणिपातप्रणयिमानसाप्रणीत प्रसृतासंवाहनविनोदकर्माणः कृत नितम्ब स्थलीखेलखेदा: संजनितना - भिदरकुहर विहरणाः ... ..." समाचरित सीमन्तप्रान्त चुम्बनाः सूत्रित सुरतसमागमाः प्रियतमा इव बलसंचरण रेणवः । '.
7
'अमृतकरांतपस्पर्शद्रव च्चन्द्रकान्तमयप्रणालोच्छलज्जलजालका सार सिच्यमानवियद्विहारिणीविरह वैश्वानरकर्ममर्मर शरीरयष्टिभिः". 8 यश्चानवरतमखिलजनोपसेव्यमानसर्वस्वः पवनवशविकाशधरेण पलवाधरेणोपहसतीव प्रतिवेशितरून् । ' अस्मिन् दुःसंचारे कान्तारे देवादवाप्यमानसमागमनस्यार्थिजनस्याविधाय कमप्युपकारमरे खदिर, किं तवान्तःसारतया । सरल, वृथेदं सरलत्वम् "पूतीक, अर्थिजनाशाभङ्गाय मार्गावस्थितिः ।"

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One of the topics which makes later Sanskrit writers throw off all restraint is fame, usually the fame of kings. Apart from poetical descriptions of royal fame, Somadeva gives an elaborate picture of the fame of the sage Sudatta (Book I), which illustrates how Kävya poets seek novelty in the treatment of conventional themes by introducing fanciful images and conceits. The description in question may be summarised thus. “The universe having been pervaded by Sudatta's fame, white as the foam of milk, Brahman is anxious lest the white things created by him should be inerged in the general whiteness and lost to view. So he devises signs of recognition, and puts the submarine fire in the Ocean of Milk, masses of matted hair on Siva's head, a dark spot in the form of a deer in the moon, protuberances on the heads of Airāvata and other divine elephants, mineral peaks on the Himālayas, Tamāla trees on the slopes of the Kailāsa mountain, the dark waters of the Yamunā in the course of the Ganges, and yellow filaments in white lotus blossoms; while he prescribes for the Pāñcajanya conch contact with the dark hands of Krşņa. Sudatta's fame is also represented as a maiden in her nuptial attire, wandering in the universe and rejecting various suitors for her hand on different grounds. She tells Brahman, for instance, that he is too old to accompany her in her travels; tells Agni, the god of fire, that he is hardly fit for marriage, suffering as he does from acute jaundice; and rejects Varuņa, the lord of the ocean, because he is disabled by dropsy and hence debarred from the gaieties of love. Vāyu, the wind-god, is too fickle for her, and she tells Kubera, the god of wealth, that a confirmed drunkard like him is not fit to converse with a maiden like her. Siva who lives near funeral pyres is, of course, ruled out; and she warns the Moon that his life is in danger on account of his incurable consumption, and tells Vişnu that, being a baldpate with a scalp resembling an iron cauldron turned upside down, he is not worthy of her kisses. Unable to accept any one of them, Maiden Fame continues to wander without abiding anywhere, like a doe deluded by a mirage, like the mind of a king who has lost his throne, like the intellect of a sage who has attained the inner vision." There is no doubt that this description of fame shows considerable ingenuity, but the reckless elaboration of a favourite theme all but makes it verge on the comic.3
27
1 'अनवरतमधुपानपरिच्युतमतिप्रकाश वित्तश, न गोचरश्चतुरोक्तिसुधारसास्वाद विस्फुरितश्रवणाञ्जलिपुटायाः सहालापगोष्ठी
नाम्' इति नकूलबरपितरम् । 2 'अवतानकालायसतलिकाकृतिखल तिमस्तकदेश हृषीकेश, न समीपमदयकचग्रहग्रहिलविग्रहायाः कुटिलकुन्तला विलविलोचन.
चुम्बनानाम्' इति मुकुन्दम् । 3 Certain other gods are also mentioned, including & vulgar reference to Indra.

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4. YASASTILAKA AS A PROSE ROMANCE
85
An interesting example of Kāku-Vakrokti is found in Amrtamati's fraudulent message to Yasodhara, in which she begs to be allowed to accompany the king into wilderness after his proposed renunciation of the world. Yasodhara, while listening to the message, interjects sarcastic remarks which appear to corroborate her statements, but really give them a different interpretation reflecting on her character. Portions of the message may be reproduced here, Yasodhara's remarks being put within brackets. Amrtamati says: I will accompany Your Majesty, just as the tide accompanies the ocean (That is why you are fiokle ); just as the image of the moon accompanies the sky (That is why you have a black spot'); just as the shade accompanies a tree (That is why you are enjoyed by others); just as the track accompanies a chariot (That is why you are “full of dust'?); just as the flame accompanies a lamp (That is why you emit 'smoke'); just as sylvan beauty accompanies the spring (That is why you are full of Cupid's lore); just as the Ganges is the companion of the Himālayas ( That is why you seek a lower level)':5
Instances of Yamakas are occasionally found. A device used more than once is the Sșnkhalayamaka which consists in the continuous repetition of the last syllables of a series of compounds at the beginning of each succeeding compound. For example,
यः खल्वनेकविकिरकुलकामिनीनिशितशिखोल्लेखनखमुखविलिख्यमानशाखाभुजशिखरः, शिखरशिखाडम्बरित... fra:,
.......ages: , agz925FPS... :423................ Hea23:, qaqa...*OPIEST , M As pointed out by Jacobi, the Sțnkhalayamaka is used by Siddharşi in Upumitibhavaprapañcā kathā, p. 752. Haribhadra too has used this device in verses in his Samarāiccakahā,
The mixture of prose and verse is a salient feature of Yasastilaka which is one of the two earliest extant Campūs, the first being Trivikrama's Nalacampū written during the reign of the Rāştrakūța Emperor Indra
1 i. e. a blot on her character. 2 a lewd woman'. 3 i. e. disgrace. 4 i. e. a paramour of lower rank. 5 'देवस्याहं सहचरी..........."जलनिधेवेलेव अत एव चपलासि, नभसः शशिप्रतिमेव अत एव सकलङ्कासि, विटपिनश्छायेव
अत एवान्योपभोग्यासि,"......"रथस्य मार्गभूमिरिव अत एव पांशुलासि । प्रदीपस्य शिखेव अत एव मलिनोद्वारासि,
HTRA 4764fna s a #747 TUI******** T 157 377 59 STATE ***...? 6 See B. I, ed., pp. 79, 423-4, 449, eto,

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III in the first quarter of the tenth century. It will be out of place to trace here the growth of Sanskrit narrative composition in mixed prose and verse, the origins of which go back to Vedic literature as well as Buddhist writings in Pāli and Sanskrit. There is, however, no doubt that this form of composition became popular in the Deccan in the tenth century in Sanskrit as well as Kanarese literature. Apart from the romances of Trivikrama and Somadeva, the Kudlur grant of the Ganga king Mārasimha, elaborately composed in Sanskrit prose and rerse, and containing a detailed account of the Ganga dynasty, was issued in 963 A. D. about five years after the composition of Somadeva's Yasastilaka, As regards Kanarese literature, Pampa wrote his famous works Adipurāna and Pampa Bhārata in mixed prose and verse in 941 A. D., and the campii style continued to be popular in that literature for a long period after, Among notable later examples of the mixed style may be mentioned Nāgacandra's Pampa Rāmāyana (circa 1105 A. D.) and Nemicandra's Lilāvati (circa 1170 A. D.), the earliest known specimen of the Novel, or genuine work of fiction, of the Kanarese language'.3 Somadeva wrote his Yašastilaka less than two decades after the composition of Pampa's works; and being a native of Karņāțaka, he may have been influenced by the prevailing Kanarese literary style of his time. As we have already pointed out, Pampa was court-poet of Arikesarin II who reigned at Puligere ( Lakshmesvar, Dharwar District ), while Somadeva wrote at Gangadhārā during the reign of one of his successors. Another noteworthy point is that most of the Kanarese writers of the tenth century and after were Jainas, and it is highly probable that they as well as Somadeva were influenced by the example of the great Jaina Prākrit romances in mixed prose and verse, e. g., the Samaräiccakahā of Haribhadra and the Kuvalayamālā of Uddyotana* composed in the eighth century. The extensive allegorical novel Upamitibhavaprapañoā kathā of Siddharşi composed in prose and verse in 906 A. D. is an early example of a Jaina romance written in Sanskrit under similar influences, though not in Kāvya style. Comprehensive Jaina narrative works in Präkrit using prose and verse indiscriminately continued to be written till long after the eighth century, e. g., Gunacandra's Mahāvīracarita (1082 A. D.), Somaprabha's Kumārapalapratibodha (1184
1 Seo Rico: Kongrese Literature. 2 Annual Report of the Mysore Archacological Departmont for 1921. 3 Rice (op. cit.), p. 43. & For Kuvalayamālā seo Bharatiya Vidyā, Vol. II, p. 77 6 Annals of the Bhandarkar 0. R. Institute, Vol. XVI, p.37.

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87
A. D.) etc. While Somadeva's Yasastilaka, like Trivikrama's Nalacampū, is essentially a work written in Sanskrit Kāvya style, its Jaina characterisitics and the probable influence exercised by the Jaina Prākrit romances on its style and composition cannot entirely be ignored.
Dialogues in prose and verse add to the interest of Somadeva's work. The controversial dialogue in Book IV has been dealt with elsewhere, and we may refer to the story of Padmā in Book VII, section 31, which is practically in the form of dialogues linked together by brief narrative passages. The story contains two main dialogues cast in a dramatic form which could be easily adapted to the stage. That between the bawd and Padma is reproduced below : एकदा मुदा ......तां पुष्यकान्तामुद्दिश्य श्लोकमुदाहाषीत् ।
स्त्रीषु धन्यान गरेव परभोगोपगापि या । मणिमालेव सोलासं ध्रियते मूर्ति शंभुना ॥ भट्टिनी (खगतम् )- इत्वरीजनाचरणहर्म्यनिर्माणाय प्रथमसूत्रपात इघायं वाक्योपोद्घातः ।...... .. (प्रकाशम् )
आर्ये, किमस्य सुभाषितस्य ऐदंपर्यम् । धात्री-परमसौभाग्यभागिनि भट्टिनि, जानासि एवास्य सुभाषितस्य कैंपर्यम् , यदि न वज्रघटितहृदयासि । भट्टिनी - (स्वगतम् ) सत्यं वज्रघटितहृदयाहम् , यदि भवत्प्रयुक्तोपघातधुणजर्जरितकाया न भविष्यामि । ( प्रकाशम् )
आये, हृदयेऽभिनिविष्टमर्थ श्रोतुमिच्छामि । धात्री- घस्से, कथयामि । किं तु
चित्तं द्वयोः पुरत एव निवेदनीयं ज्ञानाभिमानधनधन्यधिया नरेण ।
यः प्रार्थितं न रहयत्यभियुज्यमानो यो वा भवेन्ननु जनो मनसोऽनुकूलः ॥ भट्टिनी-(खगतम्) अहो नभःप्रकृतिमपीयं पङ्करुपलेप्तुमिच्छति । (प्रकाशम्) आर्ये, उभयत्रापि समर्थाहं न चैतन्मदुपर्श
भवदुपक्रम वा। धात्री- (खगतम् ) अनुगुणेयं खलु कार्यपरिणतिः ............ (प्रकाशम्) अत एव भद्रे, वदन्ति पुराणविदः
विधुर्गुरोः कलत्रेण गोतमस्यामरेश्वरः । संतनोश्चापि दुश्चर्मा समगस्त पुरा किल ॥ भट्टिनी- आर्ये, एवमेव । यतः
खीणां वपुर्वन्धुभिरग्निसाक्षिकं परत्र विक्रीतमिदं न मानसम् ।
स एव तस्याधिपतिर्मतः कृती विस्रम्भगर्भा ननु यत्र निर्वृतिः ॥ धात्री- पुत्रि, तर्हि श्रूयताम् । त्वं किलैकदा कस्यचित् कुसुमकिंसारुनिर्विशेषवपुषः.........
प्रासादपरिसरविहारिणी वीक्षणपथानुसारिणी सती कौमुदीव हृदयचन्द्रकान्तानन्दस्यन्दसंपादिनी अभूः । तत्प्रमृति ननु तस्य मदनसुन्दरस्य यूनः ..... प्रतिवासरं कार्यावतारः, स्मराराधनप्रणीतप्रणिधानस्येवेन्द्रियेषु सन्नता, प्राणेषु चायश्वीनपथा कथा । अपि च
अनवरतजलार्द्वान्दोलनस्यन्दमन्दैरतिसरसगृणालीकन्दलैश्चन्दनाः। अमृतरुधिमरीचिनौटितायां निशायां शियसखि सुहरते किंचिदात्मप्रवोधः ॥
....................................

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Heft 31, htcrema maana धात्री- (कर्णजाहमनुसृत्य) एवमेवम् । भट्टिनी-को दोषः। Eft-11 भहिनी-यदा तुभ्यं रोचते।
The above dialogue is of interest as presenting a lifelike picture of a procuress attempting to seduce a respectable married woman at the instance of a young man of high social standing. There is some resemblance between the Sanskrit dialogue and the first Mime of the Mimiambi of the Greek poet Herodas, a collection of Mimes or dramatic dialogues of a literary character, composed about the third century B. c. In the Mime in question the bawd Gyllis visits Metriche, a well-to-do young lady, whose husband Mandris" has been away in Egypt for nearly a year, and tries to persuade her to accept a wealthy young man who has vehemently fallen in love with her, and employed the old woman as a go-between. Metriche politely but firmly rejects her proposal and dismisses her with a cheering cup of wine. In both the versions the bawd is an old woman, the husband is or expected to be away, and the passion of the admirer is eloquently described, but the mission ends in failure owing to the loyalty of the young wife. There are, however, important points of difference. The Sanskrit dialogue forms part of a moral and religious tale illustrating the evil consequences of unlawful love, while the Mime is a faithful representation of the seamy side of contemporary life. Further, the sequel is different in the Indian tale, as Padmā, the chaste wife of the priest, instead of dismissing the bawd in a friendly spirit, like Metriche, pretends to accept her proposal, and hatches a plot to trap the young libertine. The Mime is no doubt by far the more realistic in tone and expression; but the treatment, as dramatic dialogue, is no less vivid in the Sanskrit story. Obscure allusions occur in both the Sanskrit dialogue and the Greek Mime. Somadeva employs the ornate style of the Sanskrit drama in prose and verse; while Herodas uses only verse, but in an artificial dialect. The dramatic qualities of the dialogues in the story of Padma are also present to a lesser extent in the dialogue between Yasodhara and his mother in Book IV, ti the importance of the latter is socio-religious rather than literary.
1 Text and Trans, in Otto Crusius: Die Mimiamben des Ierondus............ umgearbeiiet
von Rudolf Herzog, Leipzig, 1926; and Knox: Herodes etc. (Locb Classical Library). 2 Korte (Helloniscio Poetry, p.329) thinks Mandris is Metriche's lover,

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CHAPTER V
YASASTILAKA AS A SOCIO-POLITICAL RECORD
As we have already pointed out, Yasastilaka throws considerable light on contemporary life and society, especially court life and administration; and the available data may be classed under three heads: court life, problems of statecraft and social conditions.
COURT LIFE
A glance at the Synopsis and Chapter VII (the section on Court poetry) will show that Books II and III of Yasastilaka contain valuable information on medieval court life; and the conditions described therein are chiefly applicable to an Imperial court, which, as suggested in a previous chapter, could be no other than that of the Raṣṭraküṭa emperors about the middle of the tenth century. Somadeva describes the ceremonies connected with the birth, nuptials and the coronation of the prince, and draws a series of vivid pictures of the various activities of the court. On the intellectual side we have weighty discussions of an academic character: sometimes the king listens to an elaborate debate on the guiding principles of policy; sometimes he discusses important verses of the Arthaśāstra2; or participates in heated debates, winning the applause of the learned by his proficiency in the philosophical systems of Jina, Jaimini, Kapila, Kanāda, Carvāka and Buddha.3 Interludes in a lighter vein are not wanting. For example, on a certain occasion, while the king is discussing the poetical works of the Mahakavis, a poet named Pandita-vaitandika (Scholar Sophist) comes along and recites an untimely panegyric in his honour, e. g. (3. 271),
हरगिरयन्ति महीघ्राः क्षीरोदधयन्ति वार्धयः सर्वे । तव देव यशसि विसरति सौधन्ति जगन्ति च त्रीणि ॥ "Sire, by reason of the expansion of thy fame, mountains turn white like the Kailasa; the seas turn white as the Ocean of milk, all of them; and the three worlds resemble palaces in lustre !" Finding the king inattentive, he asks discourteously how it is that the sovereign does not recognise a world-renowned poet like him!* The king, however, wounds his vanity by asking him the purport of a difficult verse of Sanskrit poetics which proves to be beyond his comprehension."
1 See Chap. VII.
See Chap. XVIII.
2
3 ' कदाचित्
पण्डितप्रकाण्डमण्डली मण्डनाडम्बरगीर्गुम्फसंरम्भेषु जिनजैमिनिकपिलकणचरचार्वाक शाक्यप्रणीतप्रमाणसंवीणतया विदुष्विणीनां परिषदां वित्तभित्तिष्वात्मयशः प्रशस्ती रुद्धिलेख । ' Vol. I, p. 480.
4. सकलकविलोकचक्रप्रमर्दनः ख्यात एव भुवनेऽस्मिन् । कथमिह संप्रति भवता समागतो नावबुध्येऽहम् ॥ 3. 273.
5
For the verse in question see Chap. XVIII,
12

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Court poets or rather panegyrists are very much in evidence, and recite appropriate verses on diverse occasions, marriage, coronation etc. Certain of them describe the morning and evening scenery, the beauties of the seasons and the gaiety of court festivals; recount the merits of horses and elephants, and recite panegyrics while the king practises archery in the gymnasium. One of the bards who recites the verses in praise of the rising moon is described as having been a fellow student with the king; and there is no doubt that the presence of these educated versifiers adds to the refinement and cultural atmosphere of the court.
Reference is made in Book II to Committees of Experts (ācāryaparişad) for the examination of horses and elephants and th tives, the Mahāmātra and the Mahāsādhaka, the chief keepers of the royal elephants and horses respectively, who submit to the king detailed oral reports on the characteristics of the elephant and the horse selected for his use. The Mahāmātra appears to be a Brāhmaṇa, being introduced as belonging to the family of Parasurama; while the Mahāsādhaka is an experienced soldier, being described as having a body marked with the scars of wounds received in many a battle. Great attention seems to have been paid to elephants. The king himself takes part in the training and arming of elephants, and one of his favourite recreations is the witnessing of elephant-races in the race-courses (pradhāva-dharani').
The court jester (narma-saciva) does not appear in person in our work, but certain utterances attributed to him contain some home truths about the character of kings (3. 254-5):
समरभरः सुभटानां फलानि कणेजपैस्तु भोग्यानि । करिदशना इव नृपतेर्बासाः क्लेशाय खादनेऽन्तस्थाः॥
खपुष्पमिव निसर्गाद्गुणेषु नृपतिः पराबाखः प्रायः। कोश इवात्मविदारिणि निस्त्रिंशे संमुखो भवति ॥ “The warriors bear the brunt of the fighting, but it is the wirepullers who enjoy the results. Those serving a king from outside undergo all hardship, while those in the inner circle reap the benefits; just as the outer tusks of an elephant do the hard jobs, while the inner teeth are employed in eating. Kings, by nature, turn their backs at merits, just as the flowers of a wreath turn their backs at the string. They welcome the heartless who destroy them, even as a sheath receives the sword that cleaves it."
The minister, the physician, the chef and the priest are mentioned together in one of the morning verses (3. 11 ) recited by the bards, who announce their arrival at the court. The court physician seems to be well-read in medical literature, aud admonishes the king in a lengthy
1 Book III (प्रधावधरणिषु करिविनोदविलोकनदोहदं प्रासादमध्यास्य etc.).

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discourse on matters connected with physical exercise, food and drink.1 Astrologers are mentioned in Book II, and they are consulted on the eve of the coronation, and doubtless on many other occasions. The Sthapati or the architect appears in connection with the arrangements for the coronation and the construction of the magnificent pavilion on the bank of the Sipra."
The composition of the personnel of medieval courts seems to have been more or less similar in India and elsewhere. Nizami of Samarcand declared about 1155 that a properly constituted court should have four classes of educated men: secretaries of state, poets, astrologers and physicians, for "the business of kings cannot be conducted without competent secretaries; their triumphs and victories will not be immortalized without eloquent poets; their enterprises will not succeed unless undertaken at seasons adjudged propitious by sagacious astrologers; while health, the basis of all happiness and activity, can only be secured by the services of able and trustworthy physicians ".3 This is a fairly accurate description of the composition of medieval courts, whether oriental or occidental. We are told that "even in the West most courts had their astrologers by the thirteenth century-the earl of Chester even in the twelfth-and the other three might well be found still earlier, but in a less bureaucratic form. The description is particularly true of the Sicilian court of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries with "its astrologers and poets, its Arab physicians and many-tongued secretaries"; and the entourage of the Indian court was not, we presume, materially different, to judge from Somadeva's circumstantial account. As regards secretaries and state officials, we may here refer to the Sandhivigrahins, who appear in our work in the role of secretaries of state, and can be accurately described as 'many-tongued', as will be seen later.
utterances of the Sandhivigrahins are reproduced below (3. 247-46):
दूताः केरलचोलसिंहलशक श्रीमालपञ्चाल कैरन्यैश्चाङ्गकलिङ्गषङ्गपतिभिः प्रस्थापिताः प्राङ्गणे । तिष्ठन्त्यात्मकुलागताखिलमहीसारं गृहीत्वा करे देवस्यापि जगत्पतेरवसरः किं विद्यते वा न वा ॥
One of the functions of the Sandhivigrahins in our work is to announce the arrival at the imperial court of envoys from foreign courts with presents characteristic of their respective countries.5 The poetical
1
2
3
4
91
See below.
See Chap. II.
Haskins: The Renaissance of the twelfth century, p. 54.

""
'The court astrologer...became an indispensable adjunct of the Abbasid throne. Hitti: History of the Arabs, p. 318.
5 The hajib or chamberlain of the Baghdad court was attached to the person of the caliph, and his duty consisted in introducing accredited envoys and dignitaries into the caliphal presence. Hitti (op. cit.).

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अवलगति कलिकाधीश्वरस्स्वां करीन्द्रैस्तुरगनिवह एष प्रेषितः सैन्धवैस्ते ।
अयमपि च समास्ते पाण्ड्यदेशाधिनाथस्तरलगुलिकहारप्राभृतव्यग्रहस्तः ॥ कश्मीरैः कीरनाथः क्षितिप मृगमदैरेष नेपालपाल: कौशेयैः कोशलेन्द्रः शिशिरगिरिपतिग्रंन्थिपणेरुदीर्णैः ।
श्रीचन्द्रश्चन्द्रकान्तैर्विविधकुलधनैर्मागधः प्राभृतस्त्वां द्रष्टुं द्वारे समास्ते यदिह समुचितं देव तन्मां प्रशाधि ॥ “The envoys, despatched by the kings of Kerala, Cola, Ceylon, the Saka land, Śrīmāla and Pañcāla, and by the lords of Anga, Kalinga and Vanga as well as other kings, stand in the courtyard, holding in their hands the choicest products of all their dynastic possessions. (They may be told) whether Your Majesty, the lord of the earth, has the leisure to see them or not.” “ The lord of Kalinga comes to thee with mighty elephants, and the princes of the Indus region have sent thee yonder multitude of horses. Here, too, is the lord of the Pandya country, his hands full of wreaths of large pearls brought as presents.” “Ruler of the earth, to see thee the lord of Kāśmira is at the door with presents of saffron, the ruler of Nepāla with musk, the lord of Kosala with silks, the lord of the Himālayas with large Granthiparṇal roots, the lord of Kailäsa with moonstones, and the king of Magadha with diverse heirlooms. Sire, command me to do what befits the occasion.”
The challenge to various kings, demanding submission, intended to be delivered by Yasodhara's envoy, is no more than a rhetorical exercise ; but interesting data on the reception of envoys from hostile courts and the declaration of war can be gleaned from the episode of the king of Pañcāla described in Yasastilaka, Book III. The Sandhivigrahin enters and tells Yaśodhara: Sire, Dukūla, an envoy of Acala, king of Pañcāla, has arrived and is waiting at the gate.' Thus saying, he ushers in the envoy, and ordered by Yasodhara, offers him a seat at the proper place after he has paid his respects to the king. The Sandhivigrahin then says: 'Envoy, show to yonder Lord the presents sent by your master. Messenger, deliver the letter;' and both the envoy (dūta ) and the messenger (sāsanahara) carry out the instructions. The Sandhivigrahin had already been informed by a spy, living in Acala's capital in the guise of an ascetic under the name of Jābāla, that that king had a powerful force of elephants and planned to declare war against Yasodhara before long The information supplied by the spy is corroborated by certain indications provided by the articles sent - an iron ball, the letter marked with the emblem of a sword on the outside, and the presents wrapped in four pieces of cloth; or according to another interpretation, an iron ball and the presents and the letter,
1 A fragrant root called trga in Assamese, which is pounded by women to the accom.
paniment of sengs during the night on nuptial occasions among the Assamese people. 2 See Chap. VII.

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both marked with the figure of a sword and four encircling lines. In Nītivākyāmrta (Chap. 13) Somadeva refers to these emblems as being present on letters from enemies. Now, the iron ball symbolized the invulnerability of the sender; the fourfold wrappings or the four encircling lines the four-limbed' army consisting of cavalry, infantry, elephants, and chariots; and the sword, of course, the threat of war. It was apparently usual to despatch such symbolic gifts as a prelude to warlike measures ; and that it was a very ancient custom, and not confined to India, is shown by the account of the gifts (a bird, a mouse, a frog and five arrows) sent by the Scythian kings to Darius under similar circumstances, as related by Herodotus, Book IV. 131.
Be that as it may, the Sandhivigrahin is convinced of the war-like intentions of the king of Pañcāla, and considers it useless to examine the insincere presents and the contents of the letter, which was only too likely to proclaim the enemy's glory. Accordingly he puts aside the letter and asks the envoy to deliver his message orally, at the same time thre. atening him with dire punishment for his unfriendly mission: the nose would be chopped off, the head shaved at random, Bilva fruits tied to the forelock, and a garland of potsherds hung round the neck; besides, he would have to ride a donkey. Controlling himself, the Sandhivigrahin admits that no wise man should be angry with an envoy who is bound to report facts. Then addressing the envoy, à Brāhmaṇa, the royal official stresses the futility of further queries, and goes on to say: “The motives of your master are clear from your demeanour. The reason why His Majesty has so long connived at Acala, in spite of his having committed many an act of defiance, is that the kings of his line bad long paid homage in the past to His Majesty's forbears. But, now, if Acala seeks for himself the fate of a moth in the flames of His Majesty's might, it would be like desiring to play with the manes of a lion, or decorate oneself with the crest-gems of deadly serpents, or scratch with one's finger-nails the tusks of a rutting elephant, or extinguish with one's hands the fire of the epoch of universal destruction, or swim across the ocean, or traverse the sky with
1 The first interpretation is found in a marginal note in Ms. A. Somadeva says
प्राभृततन्त्रमेतत् पत्रं च प्राहिणोत् । तथाह्यनयोर्मण्डलानमुद्राङ्कितो वेष्टनचतुष्टयानेष्टङ्कितश्च बहि:प्रकाशः सनिवेशः। p. 550. Ms. A says anato erat: at: fela: TIRE SERT aer: Estacafea: The सूचयति । प्राभृतस्य संनिवेशः वेष्टनचतुष्टयमिष्टं वस्त्रचतुष्टयेन वेष्टितः सैन्यभयं दर्शयतीति भावः । 'चत्वारि वेष्टनानि
खड्गमुद्रा च प्रतिपक्षलेखानाम्। 2 The anonymous commentary says तेषामुपरि चत्वारि वेष्टनानि बन्धनानि भवन्ति. 3 नासोदासनमार्गमुण्डनशिखामालूरबन्धक्रमः कण्ठे शीर्णशरावदामकलनं कात्रेयकारोहणम् । दूतान्यश्च न ते निकारपरुषः
15 maaf aftTETT a am facuaserati Maga II 3. 402.

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a bound, or lift the Mandara mountain with one's hands, or use the axe of Siva as a mirror, or extract the pearl embedded in the jaw of the Primeval Boarfor using it as an ornament." Acala, in fact, proud of his own power in destroying the petty enemies of his kingdom, does not even now realise the great king's valour, praised by Indra himself in talks about Ksatriya heroes( 3. 403):
वैकुण्ठः कुलकीर्तनं कमलभूर्दर्भप्रगल्भाङ्गुलिन स्त्री नैव पुमानुमापतिरयं चन्द्रो निशासेवकः ।
हेलिः केलिसरोजबन्धुरनिलः क्रीडाश्रमे चाटुमान यस्येत्थं गणनामरेषु विजयी तस्याहवे कोऽपरः ॥ “ Who can conquer him in battle who is talked about among the gods thus: Visnu is his panegyrist, and Brahman his priest, busily taking up Kusa blades with the fingers; Siva is the eunuch of his harem, and yonder Moon serves him at night; and the Sun is the friend of his toy lotuses, and the wind caresses him in the fatigue of his sports "
The speech of the Sandhivigrahin arouses the martial ardour or the warriors present, each of whom, addressing himself to the envoy, utters a vehement challenge to the king of Pañcāla. Kodaņdamārtaņda, for example, catching hold of the envoy's hand, says (3. 405-6):
श्रीपदं मित्रपक्षाणां खरदण्डं च विद्विषाम् । देवस्थास्य पदाम्भोजद्वयं शिरसि धार्यताम् ॥
नो चेत् कोदण्डमार्तण्डकाण्डखण्डितमस्तकः । यास्यत्याजी स ते स्वामी रुण्डताण्डवडम्बरम् ॥ "Hold on thy head His Majesty's lotus feet, a source of prosperity to his allies, but grimly oppressive to his foes. Otherwise, thy master, decapitated by the arrows of Kodaņda-mārtanda (The Sun of the Bow), will vehemently dance on the battlefield, a headless trunk.” Karavālavīra declares, brandishing his sword (3. 409-10): 357, qaypialni
अखर्वगर्वदुरवीर्यपर्यस्तमानसः । मदीयस्वामिसेवासु यः कोऽपि हतसाहसः ॥ विपक्षपक्षक्षयदक्षदीक्षः कौक्षेयको मामक एष तस्य । रक्षांसि वक्षःक्षतजैः क्षरहिः प्रतीक्षतेऽक्षुण्णतया रणेषु ॥ “Wayfarer, know for certain, this my sword, consecrated to the task of destroying the foeman and his allies, amply gratifies the gobling on the battlefield with the blood gushing from the bosom of the man, who is slack in paying homage to my master, being perverted by a sense of overweening pride and irresistible might.”
Certain of the champions ask the envoy to deliver threatening messages to the king of Pañcāla, of which the following are specimens, being communicated by Triśūla-bhairava and Asama-sāhasa respectivly (3, 416 and 320): इदं त्रिशूलं तिसृभिः शिखाभिर्मार्गत्रयं वक्षसि ते विधाय। पातालमर्त्यत्रिदिवावतारा कर्ता रणे कीर्तिमिमां मदीयाम् ॥
1 2
The Boar Incarnation of Vişnu. i. e. the envoy.

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“ Three openings will this trident make in thy bosom with its three prongs, and spread my martial fame on earth, in heaven and in the nether regions !” तुलारणे द्वन्द्वरणे दिवारणे निशारणे कूटरणे परत्र वा । यदि प्रवीरस्स्वमिहैधि मे पुरे न गर्जितैः शौर्यकलेषु कीर्तयः॥ “If thou art strong in duels or in day-war or night-war or deceptive warfare or in other modes of fighting, do thou confront me in any of them. The fame of the valiant is not produced by empty roars.”
Throughout this unseemly scene, insulting language is freely used, the king of Pancāla being referred to as the meanest of all the villains', and the envoy variously addressed as Veda-vaivadhika ('one to whom the Vedas are a burden'), dvijāpasada, brahmabandhu, dvija-varsapārsana, or simply as Brāhmaṇa'. Happily the disorder is stopped by the intervention of the commander-in-chief who addresses the assembly: Ye wise men, useless are the shouts of men lacking in proper conduct. The brave and the timorous will be sorted out in war (3. 422). Therefore let every one of you control his wrath and desist from offensive language. You, too, Sandhivigrahin, eager to enhance the might of your master, should not give way to emotion. Examine the letter and draft a reply. Examine the presents and prepare counterpresents. Let due respect be shown to all the three (the envoy, the letter and the presents ), for the kings speak through their envoys
vhen they take up arms against each other. Not to speak of the envoys, even their servants should not be insulted. Further, neither one's own failure nor the success of others depends upon the loud declamations of envoys. They are non-combatant intermediaries and speak as they like.” (3. 423)
The letter is soon ready, and the Sandhivigrahin reads it out. It is extremely brief except for a lengthy conglomeration of epithets designed to glorify Yasodhara; and, after a polite and formal prelude, communicates an arrogant message from the commander-in-chief, Vijayavardhana, calling upon the king of Pañcāla to submit, since there is no safety for him whether on the battlefield or in flight. The letter is reproduced in part below:
स्वस्ति । समस्तमहासामन्तशिखण्डमण्डनीभवञ्चरणकमल: कमलाकरससेजसेव्यमानपादपल्लवः पल्लवपाण्ड्यचोलचेरमहर्म्यनिर्माणप्रकाश्यमानदिग्विजयवाहिनीप्रचारः चारचक्षुःसहस्रसाक्षात्कृतसकलभूपालमण्डलः मण्डलायधाराजलनिमग्ननिखिलारातिसंतानः .............. पाटलिपुत्रपण्याङ्गनाभुजङ्गः वलभिरम्भोरुविभ्रमभ्रमरः पौरवपुरंधीरोध्रतिलकः सततवसुवितरणप्रीणितद्विजसमाजः श्रीयशोधरमहाराजः सकलप्रशस्तिसहितमचलमहीपतिमादिशति । श्रेयोऽन्यत् । कार्य चैतदेव-यदुत विजयada: Marthara dhahamu......
The episode of the embassy, divested of rhetoric, throws interesting sidelights on court practices in the tenth century, but even the rhetoric
1 BETEG magti HaHaM
ersiner etc.

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cannot entirely be ignored, as it somehow always appears in the background of medieval court life. Diplomatic immunity seems to have been assured by time-honoured custom, but there was nothing to prevent an envoy being subjected to humiliation or open insult. Things were not far different in this respect in the contemporary Byzantine court, to judge from the Legatio of Liudprand, Bishop of Cremona, a Western contemporary of Somadeva, who gives an account of an embassy to Constantinople during the reign of the Emperor Nicephorus Phocas, undertaken on behalf of Otto the Great in 968 A. D. Not only was Liudprand compelled every now and then to swallow affront and offensive language at the Byzantine court, but he also describes how in the same year the envoys of the Pope were actually put in prison for bringing an improperly addressed letter to the emperor. The fulminations of the court officials against the Papal legates may be compared with the threats uttered by the Sandhivigrahin against the envoy of the king of Pañcāla: “............ Would that one of them were a bishop and the other a marquess! Then we would sew them in a sack, and after giving them a sound beating with rods and plucking out their beards and hair we would throw them into the sea. As for these fellows, their lives may be spared ;...................
The comprehensive report of the spy to the king in Book III is a unique document, to which we will return presently. The review of the army is an important incident of court life, and Somadeva's detailed account of it in the same Book gains in importance from the fact that he describes regiments of soldiers from different parts of India in the king's army, Somadeva's picture is so minute and lifelike that he must have personally observed the ways of these soldiers, and may be supposed to have witnessed them, if anywhere, in the capital of the Rāstrakūta emperors, who possibly included in their armies regiments composed of fighting men of different nationalities of India to meet the demands of their far-flung campaigas beyond the limits of the Deccan. Five regiments in all are described: the Deccan regiment; the Drāmila or South Indian regiment provided with litters; the North Indian regiment of cavalry; the Gurjara regiment of archery; and the Tirhut regiment, expert in naval warfare, and well-equipped with elephants, and containing an undisciplined Gauda element. The Tirhut, or the Tairabhukta regiment, as it is called, may be roughly described as the Behar and Bengal regiment, and it may
1 Liudprand :: Works. Trans. Wright, p. 264. 2 See Chap. IV. The King reviews the troops from a raised platform. Somadeva says
49ersthilg Thütfly TOGETH I p, 461.

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be noted in this connection that there is another reference to naval soldiers (taricaranara) elsewhere in the work.' It will be seen that most of the regiments described are those of foot-soldiers; and the description, on the whole, corresponds to Al Masudi's statement that the Balhara or the Raṣṭrakūta king's horses and elephants were innumerable, but his troops were mostly infantry'.2 It has, however, been rightly pointed out that the Raṣṭrakūṭa cavalry cannot be overlooked, and "the lightning all-India movements of Dhruva, Govinda III and Indra III presuppose a strong cavalry". Another noteworthy feature of Somadeva's description of the regiments is the absence of any reference to chariots, although he refers to their fighting qualities in his theoretical work Nitivākyāmṛta. This seems to corroborate the view that chariots as an instrument of war were no longer in use in the days of the Raṣṭrakūtas.*
The lighter side of court life is represented by dance exhibitions in the court theatre in connection with the Purvaranga ceremony accom. panied by hymns to Sarasvati. The king is described as witnessing these performances in company with expert dancers and well-trained exponents of the histrionic art.5 As is to be expected, certain court festivals are also mentioned: the Mahanavami, the Dipotsava, the Spring carnival and the worship of Makaradhvaja, the god of love."
97
It is hardly necessary to emphasize the documentary value of the second and third Books of Yasastilaka as presenting before us a detailed and vivid picture of Indian court life about the middle of the tenth century. Yasodhara, the hero of the story, is a legendary figure; but the setting of his court has a historical character and reflects the conditions prevailing in the writer's own time. It is a curious coincidence that not long before Somadeva composed his imaginative account of Indian court life, the Byzantine Emperor Constantine VII (912-59) wrote his De cerimoniis aulae, an account of the whole life of the Byzantine polity, with its hierarchy of lay and ecclesiastical officials,' and the traditional ceremonies and festivals, from the coronation and burial of an Emperor to the baptism of his son'." The Indian writer would presumably have
1 ' कदनमेदिनीषु नखरदविदारितार(तिकरितुरगरथ तरीचरनरनिकर ... Book III, p. 90.
2 Altekar: The Rastrakutas and their times, p. 248.
3 Ibid., p. 249.
4 Ibid., p. 248.
5
See Chap. XV.
6
See Chap. XV.
7
Hussey: Church and Learning in the Byzantine Empire, p. 28. 13

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shared the emperor's idea that 'it is through its glorious ceremonial that the imperial majesty is increased in splendour'; and Somadeva was doubtless sufficiently impressed by the grandeur of contemporay court life, which partly explains his treatment of the theme as a pendent to the traditional story of Yasodhara. But he does more: he deals with problems of administration, a subject in which he is deeply interested.
PROBLEMS OF STATECRAFT
as
Side by side with the portrayal of court life, Somadeva lays down precepts and principles for the guidance of a monarch, and illustrates them where necessary by means of concrete examples and quasi-historical traditions. From this point of view, Yasastilaka may be regarded a sort of illustrative commentary on some of the topics dealt with in the formal treatises on the nitisāästra including Somadeva's own Nītivākyāmṛta. The latter is a comprehensive work in the form of sutras in thirtytwo chapters; and topics briefly touched in Nitivākyāmṛta are often treated in greater detail in Yasastilaka, the two works supplementing each other, so far as problems of statecraft are concerned.
99
Somadeva lays great emphasis on the paramount influence of the monarch in moulding the character of his subjects, who implicitly follow his example whether it is good or bad. We are told that just as the day and the night cause light and darkness respectively, so is the example of the king the determining factor in the practice of virtue or sin by his subjects (Book IV, p. 95):
अहोरात्रं यथा हेतुः प्रकाशध्वान्तजन्मनि । तथा महीपतिर्हेतुः पुण्यपापप्रवर्तने ॥ Somadeva quotes in this connection a popular verse:
राशि धर्मिणि धर्मिष्ठाः पापे पापाः समे समाः । राजानमनुवर्तन्ते यथा राजा तथा प्रजाः ॥
A similar verse is found also in S'ukranitisāra 4. 1. 62:
सुपुण्यो यत्र नृपतिर्धर्मिष्ठास्तत्र हि प्रजाः । महापापी यत्र राजा तत्राधर्मपरो जनः ॥
The idea is indeed an old one, and occurs in Aryaśūra's Jātakamālā XIII. 39, wherein the subjects unhesitatingly following the king's example, good or bad, are compared to cows following the lead of an ox:
जिह्यं शुभं वा वृषभप्रचारं गावोऽनुगा यद्वदनुप्रयान्ति । उत्क्षिप्तशङ्काङ्कुशनिर्विघट्ट प्रजास्तथैव क्षितिपस्य वृत्तिम् ॥ It is interesting to note that the influence of the king's example on his subjects is likewise emphasized in St. John Damascene's Barlaam and loasaph (Chap. XXXIII) a religious romance of the eighth century to which we will
have occasion to revert.
"And soothly, the king was a good example to all; and he inflamed and kindled the hearts of many to be of the same mind with himself,

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For such is the nature of authority. Its subjects always conform to its likeness, and are wont to love the same objects, and to practise the pursuits which they perceive to be pleasing to their governor."
Somadeva goes on to say: “Verily the habits and customs of men are based on those of the king. And the customary regulations of the different castes and orders of society, leading to religious merit and demerit, are subject to the king's control. The citizens do exactly what the kings do, good or bad, under the influence of passion or anger, or through ignorance.” Somadeva reinforces his remarks by pointing out how the bad example set by kings is responsible for the existence of evil customs among their subjects. For instance, the kings are to blame for the fact that the Brāhmaṇas of the Vangi kingdom are in the habit of drinking wine, and the Persians commit incest with their mothers, and there is intermixture of castes in Ceylon. It is difficult to adjudge the historical value of these statements. The Vangi country is identified by Śrutasāgara in his commentary with Ratnapura, modern Ratanpur, which was the capital of Dakşiņa Kosala (Bilaspur District, C. P.), where reigned a branch of the Cedis of Tripuri.* The reference to the intermixture of castes in Ceylon may have something to do with the conversion of the island to Buddhism by Mahinda under the king Devānampiya Tissa, & contemporary of Asoka, as related in the Mahāvaṁsa. As regards the Persian custom, the Christian Apologist Tertullian (second century A. D.) says in his Apology IX. 16 that the Persians, according to Ctesias, consort with their mothers.
Be that as it may, Somadeva concludes his argument by declaring that just as a good king acquires the sixth part of the religious merit of those who practise virtue, so does a wicked one the sixth part of the sin of those who commit misdeeds : यथैव पुण्यस्य सुकर्मभाजां षष्ठांशभागी नृपतिः सुवृत्तः । तथैव पापस्य कुकर्मभाजां षष्ठांशभागी नृपतिः कुवृत्तः ॥
1 Text and Trans, in Loeb Classical Library, p. 515. 2 'नृपतिप्रतिष्ठानि च खलु देहिनां व्यवहारतत्राणि वर्तन्ते । नृपत्यायत्ताः पुण्यपापहेतवो वर्णाश्रमाचारव्यवस्थाश्च । ते च
1974: 114772ANa ar 29 THAT IT ufunda 517437 311 Book IV. 3 'श्रूयते हि-वङ्गीमण्डले नृपतिदोषाद्भूदेवेष्वासवोपयोगः, पारसीकेषु स्वसवित्रीसंयोगः, सिंहलेषु च विश्वामित्रसृष्टिप्रयोग
sfati' Ibid. p. 95. 4 Poussin: Dynasties et Histoire de l'Inde, p. 155. 5 Ctesias of Cnidus lived many years at the Persian court towards the end of the 5th
century B. C., and wrote in the Ionic dialect a comprehensive work on the history of
Persia. 6 Persas cum suis matribus misceri Ctesias refert.

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The idea is not new. Yajnavalkya 1. 335 says that the king acquires the sixth part of the religious merit of the subjects as a result of governing them with justice ; while the Agnipurāna 223. 10 goes further and says king acquires the sixth part of both the merit and the demerit of his subjects.'
that a
Somadeva lays great emphasis on the personal supervision of the affairs of the state by the king. He says: "A king inaccessible to his subjects is misled by those near him and baffled by his enemies. The employees, like faithless wives, have, as a rule, no other means of thriving than the troubles of their masters, nor has a master any other means of thriving than by checking the transgression of his employees, like that of his wives."3 Somadeva has in this connection the following verses in Yasastilaka, Book III (3. 23-26):
नियुक्तहस्तापित राज्यभारास्तिष्ठन्ति ये स्वैरविहारसाराः । बिडालवृन्दा हि तदुग्धमुद्राः स्वपन्ति ते मूढधियः क्षितीन्द्राः ॥ ज्ञायेत मार्गः सलिले तिमीनां पतत्रिणां व्योम्नि कदाचिदेषः । अध्यक्षसिद्धेऽपि कृतावलोपा न ज्ञायतेऽमात्यजनस्य वृत्तिः ॥ व्याधिवृद्धौ यथा वैद्यः श्रीमतामाहितोद्यमः । व्यसनेषु तथा राज्ञः कृतयत्ना नियोगिनः ॥ नियोगिभिर्विना नास्ति राज्यं भूपे हि केवले । तस्मादमी विधातव्या रक्षितव्याश्च यत्नतः ॥
"Kings who enjoy pleasures at will, leaving the charge of the kingdom in the hands of officials, are foolish indeed. They might as well sleep, leaving the cats in charge of the milk. The movement of fish in the water and of birds in the sky might sometimes be known, but the conduct of ministers, inscrutable even in palpable matters, can never be known. Just as a physician exerts himself to aggravate ailments of wealthy patients, so do the officials of a king attempt to create troubles for him. There cannot be a kingdom with the king alone, without any officials; so they have to be created as well as guarded with care.'
""
The necessity of strict control to be exercised by the king over his officials is emphasized also in Somadeva's Nītivākyāmṛta (Chaps. 17 and 18), and there is sometimes close verbal resemblance between the statements in the two works. For example, we read in Nitivakyamxta ( 17. 38-9, 44 ) :
• दुर्दर्शो हि राजा कार्याकार्यविपर्यासमासन्नैः कार्यतेऽतिसंधीयते च द्विषद्भिः । वैद्येषु श्रीमतां व्याधिवर्धनादिव नियोगिषु भर्तुर्व्यसनवर्धनादपरो नास्ति जीवनोपायः । मार्जीरेषु दुग्धरक्षणमित्र नियोगिषु विश्वासकरणम् ।
1
पुण्यात् षड्भागमादत्ते न्यायेन परिपालयन् । सर्वदानाधिकं यस्मात् प्रजानां परिपालनम् ॥
2 ' राजा षड्भागमादत्ते सुकृतादुष्कृतादपि .
3 'दुर्दशों हि राजा कार्याकार्यविपर्यासमा सन्नैः कार्यतेऽतिसंधीयते च द्विषद्भिः । न हि नियोगिनामसतीजनानामिव भर्तु र्व्यसनादपरः प्रायेणास्ति जीवनोपायः । स्वामिनो वा नियुक्तानां स्त्रीणामिवातिप्रसरणनिवारणात्।' Book III, P. 373.

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101
It may also be noted in this connection that the verse 3. 24 quoted above is reminiscent of the following verses of Kautilya'sArthasāstra II.9:
मत्स्या यथान्तःसलिले चरन्तो ज्ञातुं न शक्याः सलिलं पिबन्तः ।
युक्तास्तथा कार्यविधी नियुक्ता ज्ञातुं न शक्या धनमाददानाः ॥ अपि शक्या गतिआतुं पततां खे पतत्रिणाम् । न तु प्रच्छन्नभावानां युक्तानां चरतां गतिः ॥
Somadeva opines that the ministers of a king should be men of pure lives, loyal and well-versed in the science of government: they should be men of birth and natives of the country. A king should not depend upon a single minister, the prosperity of one doing so being compared to a creeper climbing a tree with a single branch. Somadeva says in Yasastilaka 3. 230 :
एकामात्ये महीपाले नालं लक्ष्मीर्विजम्भते । लतायास्तत्र का वृद्धिः शाखैका यत्र शाखिनि ॥
In Nitirākyūmrta 10. 82 he expresses the same idea by saying that a tree with a single branch does not cast a large shadow. In the same work (10. 71) he recommends that a king should have three, five or seven ministers. Yet the destiny of a king often depends upon the character of a single minister. Somadeva points out in Yasastilcakaa3. 242 that Duryodhana, though powerful, was ruined, because he had a wicked minister; while Candragupta, though without any resources, obtained a kingdom, because he had a good minister in Cāņakya.
The primary duty of a minister is described thus : he should protect those of the citizens lacking in fighting spirit and resolution with courage, and take care of those who are poor by charitable actions; and by avoiding all cause of disaffection, he should secure the loyalty of the subjects, infected with sedition, whether latent or manifest in ineffectual outbursts. The true minister of a king is one who is liked by the army and the allies, upright in matters relating to the country and the treasury, and above all devoted to the king (3.200):
तन्त्रमित्रार्पितप्रीतिर्देशकोशोचितस्थितिः । यश्चात्मनि भवेद्भक्तः सोऽमात्यः पृथिवीपतेः॥ The attitude of a minister towards the king should be governed by loyalty tempered with justice (3. 241 ):
यः कार्यार्थिनि भूपतावसमधीः कार्याय धत्ते धुरं यश्चाार्थिनि संनयोचितमतिश्चिन्तामणिजायते । भक्तौ भर्तरि मन्त्रिणामिदमहो दिव्यं द्वयं कीर्तितं न क्षोणीश महीयसां निरसनं राज्यस्य वा ध्वंसनम् ॥
1 शुचयः स्वामिनि निग्धा राजराद्वान्तवेदिनः । मन्त्राधिकारिणो राशामभिजाताः स्वदेशजाः। 3. 110. 2 'किमेकशाखस्य शाखिनो महती भवति च्छाया'. 3 'विग्रहावग्रहाभ्यां हीनानां दीनानां च प्रजानामवदानप्रदानाभ्यां रक्षणमवेक्षणं चान्तर्बहिरवान्तराटोपैः कोपैर्दुःस्थिताव
स्थितीनां प्रकृतीनां विरागकारणपरिहारेणैकमुखीकरणं च संक्षेपेण मत्रिणः कर्म ।' Book III, P, 445.

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"Unequalled in wisdom, he undertakes the responsibility of executing a task when the king demands action, and acts like the Wishing gem, in conformity with justice, when the king is in need of funds. These are said to be the two divine factors governing the loyalty of ministers to their master, and not, o king, the expulsion of the great nor the extinction of the realm."
102
Those who are in constant fear of their lives (that is, fear the king), and have no motives of sordid gain in deliberations, are alone fit to be ministers of kings, and not those who are like blood-sucking leeches (Book IV, p. 155):
प्रतिक्षणं संशयितायुषो ये न येष्वपेक्षास्ति च कार्यवादे । त एव मन्त्रेऽधिकृता नृपाणां न ये जलौकासमवृत्तयश्च ॥ Further, a minister should exercise independence of judgment in expressing his views, and his aim should not merely be to please the king. Somadeva remarks (Ibid.):
प्रशास्ति यः श्रोतृवशेन धर्मं नृपेच्छया यो निगृणाति कार्यम् । अकल्पकामोपचयेन वैद्यस्त्रयस्त एते कालिकालपादा || "He who preaches religion according to the inclinations of his hearers, he who sets forth a project in conformity with the wishes of the king, and the physician who lives by ministering to the desires of his patients: these three are the pillars of the Kali Age!"
Ministers are, however, faced with a dilemma. If they followed the wishes of the king, the people might be ruined; while if they acted according to the wishes of the people, they might ruin their own position. Yet it is incumbent on ministers to speak the truth: this might only inolve their own ruin, but false counsel might bring about the ruin of the state, the king, and themselves as well (Book IV, pp. 155-6):
प्रजाविलोपो नृपतीच्छया स्यात्प्रजेच्छया चाचरिते स्वनाशः । न मन्त्रिणां वेधविधायिनीवत्सुखं सदैवोभयतः समस्ति ॥ यतो यथार्थं वदतां नराणामात्मक्षयः स्यात्परमेक एव । राष्ट्रस्य राज्ञो ध्रुवमात्मनश्च मिथ्योपदेशस्तु करोति नाशम् ॥ Somadeva speaks a good deal about ministerial corruption. The report of the spy in Book III is designed to show to what length the corruption of a single minister, placed in charge of a province, can possibly go; and it also gives occasion to a large number of verses, attributed to diverse poets, on the supposed villainy of ministers in general.' The author of Yasastilaka seems to regard the proper control and supervision of the activities of the ministers by the king as the first and foremost requisite in the administration of a state. He opines that the evil ways of ministers cease only when the king is strict in determining issues of justice and
1 See Chap. VII.

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injustice; if he is lenient, indolent and bent on the pleasures of the moment, the ministers are bound to prove insolent and disloyal (3. 196):
सच्चिवचरितं तत्रैवैतत् प्रशाम्यति भूपतौ भवति इह य न्यायान्यायप्रतर्कणकर्कशः । सदयहृदये मन्दोयोगे तदात्वसुखोन्मुखे स्त्रिय इव नृपे हप्ता भृत्याः कथं न विकुर्वते ॥
The evil consequences of ministerial corruption and misrule aer summed up thus (3. 197):
प्रकृति विकृतिः कोशोत्क्रान्तिः प्रजाप्रलयागतिः स्वजनविरतिर्मित्राप्रीतिः कुलीनजना स्थितिः । कुसचिवरते राजन्येतद्ध्रुवं ननु जायते तदनु स परैर्दायादैवी बलादवलुप्यते ॥
"Sedition among the citizens, depletion of the treasury, decimation of the population, disaffection of kinsmen, hostility of friends, and the emigration of the high-born: verily, this is sure to happen when a king is attached to a wicked minister. Thereafter the former is ousted by force by his enemies or by his kinsmen.
103
"3
Magnanimity accompanied by pre-eminence is stated to be the sole cause of a king having honest persons to serve him. A king may be poor; but if he is magnanimous, he can have plenty of trustworthy servants: even when a pool of water is dried up, numerous trees grow under its bridge (3. 198):
अधनस्यापि महीशो महीयसो भवति भृत्यसंपत्तिः । शुष्कस्यापि हि सरसः पालितले पादपविभूतिः ॥
It is dangerous for kings to incur the displeasure of the people by favouring the unworthy and dishonouring the worthy. Several semilegendary examples are cited by Somadeva to illustrate the point. A king of Kalinga named Ananga, who had made a barber his commanderin-chief, was pelted to death with clods of earth by the enraged citizens. Similarly, a king named Karāla was killed in the Kerala country for making a gambler his priest; king Mangala was killed in the country of Vangala for making an outcaste his minister; while in the country of Krathakaisika a king named Kama met with a similar fate for making the son of a courtesan the Crown prince. On the other hand, in Vanga a king named Sphulinga was assassinated for humiliating his honest and sincere minister; in Magadha a king named Makaradhvaja was murdered for despising his pious priest; in Kaunga a king named Kuranga was killed for insulting his powerful commander-in-chief; and in Cedi king Nadiśa was similarly punished for removing his innocent eldest son from the position of heir-apparent.1

Danger to kings lurks also in presents sent by rival courts, which should be carefully scrutinized before acceptance. It is said that king
1 Book III, p. 431.

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Dhişaņa killed king Durdharsa by presenting him with a jewel casket containing a deadly artificial serpent. Another king, Kaņapa? by name, killed a rival named Krpana by sending him a perfumed cloth for covering idols which was coated with a deadly poison. These stories are also mentioned with slight variations in Nītivākyām?ta (Chap. 13) wherein we are told that a king of Karahāta named Kaitabha killed king Vasu by presenting him with a marvellous cloth perfumed with a deadly poison, and a king named Karavāla killed king Karāla by sending him a jewel casket containing a venomous serpent. Somadeva clearly says in the latter work that letters and presents sent by an enemy should not be accepted without being examined by trustworthy persons (13. 15).
A king should also be on his guard in his relations with women. This is, as a matter of fact, one of the lessons of the romance; and the subject is also treated in detail in Nitivākyāmsta (Chap. 24). given in the latter work (24, 32) that nothing coming from the ladies' apartments should be eaten by the king has a direct bearing on the story of Yasodhara. Free and careless association with the inmates of the harem is held to be a source of danger to the king (Book IV, p. 153): अन्तःपुरे भूमिपतिर्मदान्धः करोति यः संगतिमङ्गनाभिः । तस्य ध्रुवं स्यादचिरेण मृत्युर्बिलप्रवेशादिव दर्दुरस्य ॥ “Verily, the king who, blind with passion, associates with women in the inner apartments, soon loses his life, like a frog entering a serpent's hole.” The idea occurs also in Nītivākyāmsta- .
grer adeiast ga Tetaan 27T: 1 24. 31. Further, both works record a number of traditions, with slight variations, to illustrate how kings are sometimes assassinated by women with devices of their own. For instance, in the Yavana country a queen named Maņikuņdalā killed king Ajarāja (Angarāja) by giving him a mouthfiil of poisoned wine, in order to place her son on the throne. In the country of Sūrasena, Vasantamati killed king Suratavilāsa by kissing him with lips painted with poisoned red lac. In the Daśārņa country Vrkodari killed king Madanārņava with her girdle-jewel smeared with poison. In Magadha, Madirākşi killed king Manmathavinoda with a sharp-edged mirror, and
1 Ibid. p. 550; Ms. A reads up. 2
TER 7 q:facto! 3 #foretrug forargar foreftforurauto (Yaśastilaku); Bffarfau atahisarda
(Nitiväkyämrta). Envenomed gifts are familiar in Groek literature. In one version of the story of Modea she kills her rival Glauce by presenting hor with a poisoned robe and crown. Cf. Euripides, Modea, 1116 899. and Diodorus Siculus, IV. 54. 6. The death of Heracles caused by the deadly robo' unwittingly sent by his aggrieved wife is the theme of the Trachiniae of Sophocles.

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105 in the Pāņdya (Pāņdu) country Caņdarasā murdered king Mundira (Pundarika) with a dagger concealed in the lock of her hair.'
The danger from women is also illustrated by asserting that it is risky to educate them. Yasodhara says in Book IV (p. 152):
इन्छन् गृहस्यास्मन एव शान्ति स्त्रियं विदग्धी खलु कः करोति ।
दुग्धेन यः पोपपते भुजङ्गी पुंसः कुतस्तस सुमङ्गलानि ॥ “Who doth ever make a woman excel in wisdom, desiring his domestic peace ? How can a man, who nourishes a serpent with milk, profusely thrive ?” This is not merely the opinion of a disillusioned husband. Somadeva makes 1 similar observation in Nitivakyāmrta 24. 43: zraia ferait ayrurgettet: Tiraganito prelidat: antg granty outea sa farai sagad i; and the statement, in fact, occurs also in Yasastilaka, Book IV.:
Further, we are told that women may have as much freedom as they like in the discharge of their duties towards their husbands and children, but must not interfere in matters which properly belong to men's sphere, their minds being extremely fickle and superficial, like & drop of water on a lotus leaf. No one who accepts the participation of women in activities other than domestic duties can thrive for long, being like a tree fallen into the current of a river. And it is under a man's control that a woman can achieve her desired end, like a sword in the grip of a man. These statements are put in the mouth of Yasodhara, annoyed at the importunities of his mother in behalf of animal sacrifice, and remind one of the words of Eteocles, in Aeschylus' Septem Contra Thebas (200, 201 ), that outside affairs are men's business-let woman not advise thereon'. It may be added that the gist of what Yasodhara says oocurs also in Nitivākyāmrta (Chap. 24).
The narrow view of women's character and capacity to which Somadeva here gives expression should be considered in relation to what
1 Yasastilaka, Book IV (P. 153 ) and Nītivākyämsta (chapter on THT). The anony
mous commentary on the latter work remarks that the stories in question are found
in the Brhatkathā. 2
ts Tract: afy ralfs9 ruta: që targa safat I'P. 152. 3 स्त्रियो हि नाम भवन्तु भर्तृषु शय्याविषये पुत्रेषु च प्रतिपालनसमये प्रकामं निसृष्टार्था निरङ्कशाचरणसमर्थाश्च, न पुनः
पौरुषेयेषु कर्मसु । यस्मात् कमलिनीदलेषु जलकणस्येव नारीणां मनसश्चञ्चलतरत्वादतीव निःसारत्वाच । पुरुषोऽपि गृहकार्यादन्यत्र स्त्रियं प्रमाणयन् नदीप्रवाहपतितः पादप इव न चिरं नन्दति । स्त्री तु पुरुषमुष्टिस्थिता खगयष्टिरिव साधयत्यभि
HAI P. 135. 4 (
3990 forio fre n tant stori Erts 77899' (39), fra 79674 Terra 99 54 afat arefi' (+1); 'gragteur f lera olika ' ( 42).
14

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is called rajarakṣā or protection of kings, and is in keeping with the precaution against familiarity with women recommended as a measure of self-defence. There are no adequate grounds for holding that Somadeva is a misogynist. It is noteworthy that almost all the attacks on women in Yasastilaka are put in the mouth of Yasodhara and the Jaina ascetic Sudatta, appropriately enough, it would seem. Somadeva refers also to the Digambara Jaina doctrine that women are unfit for salvation', but he declares in emphatic terms that women are superior to men in the intellectual field (1. 146):
देहायते कर्मण्ययं नरः स्त्रीजनोऽयमिति भवति । चित्तायत्ते कर्मण्यधिका नारी तु मध्यमः पुरुषः ॥ "Discrimination between men and women is valid in respect of physical activity. But women are superior and men inferior in intellectual activity." It may also be noted that Somadeva as a practical thinker tells us in Nitivakyamṛta that women are neither good nor bad: they are, like the Ocean of Milk, the source of poison as well as nectar (24. 10), and have neither any innate merit nor blemish, but become just like their husbands, as rivers assume the character of the ocean when they are merged therein (24. 25). The Jaina author's position with regard to women is, in fact, similar to that of Kalhana as stated in a verse of his Rājatarangini (VII. 856),
व्रजति रजनी त्यक्त्वा वापि क्षये क्षणदाकरं पदमुपगतस्यास्तं संध्या रवेरनुगच्छति । zfa qŵnàì ànogamaà affarafa man Ĥqmıfarai afui a ar gfùai far: 11 The guiding principles of a king's policy in matters affecting peace and war, and, generally speaking, his relations with other kings are expounded in an academic discussion in verse in Book III. The framework of the discussion is provided by an examination of the relative claims of daiva and puruşakāra, a subject bearing on rajadharma, as already recognised in early texts like Yajnavalkya (1. 346 ). The king is also recommended to rule the kingdom, as a gardener looks after the garden (3.107):
वृक्षान् कण्टकिनो बहिर्नियमयन् विश्लेषयन् संहितानुस्खातान् प्रतिरोपयन् कुसुमितांश्चिन्वंलघून् वर्धयन् । उच्चान् संनमयन् पृथुंश्च कृशयन्नात्युच्छ्रितान् पातयन् मालाकार इव प्रयोगनिपुणो राजन् महीं पालय ॥
"Skilled in devising ways and means, rule the earth, like a gardener, oking expelling the petty enemies, like thorny plants; disuniting the united; replanting the uprooted; collecting dues from the well-to-do, as a gardener gathers flowers from the blossoming trees; elevating the lowly, as a gardener rears the smaller plants; humbling the high-born, as he bends the tall-growing ones; reducing the great, as he thins out the thick under
1
Yasastilaka 1. 145. 2 See Chap VII.

1

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107 growths; and levelling the mighty, as he fells the lofty trees." No enemy, however small, should be neglected (3. 108):
स्वल्पादपि रिपोर्बीजादश्वस्थस्येव शाखिनि । भयं जायेत कालेन तस्मात् कस्तमुपेक्षते ॥ "Even from the tiny germ of an enemy there might be cause of fear in the course of time, just as there might be danger to other trees even from a small seed of the Pippal. Who can therefore neglect an enemy?”.
The duties and qualifications of various officials of the king are dealt with by Somadeva in Yasastilaka as well as Nitivăkyāmrta. The Duta or envoy should be an aged Brāhmaṇa, learned, eloquent, forbearing in face of provocation and amiable: he should be efficient, courageous, pure, wise, bold and readywitted (3. 111). Even when an envoy is entrusted by his master with a provocative message, he should regulate his speech according to the temperament, character, or the resources of the king to whose court he is sent. To a proud enemy he should speak in conciliatory terms. To one well-versed in polity he should talk about principles. To one who is powerful he should speak about dissensions among his subjects; while to an enemy inferior in resources he should talk in terms of war. The responsibility of an envoy is shown by the fact that the prosperity of a king, however great, is endangered by the misconduct of envoys that are greedy and rough in the manner and content of their speech (3. 114-5): संकीर्तयेत् साम रिपो सदर्प नयं सनीतौ बलिनि प्रभेदम् । मन्त्रेण तन्त्रेण च हीनवृत्तौ दण्डाश्रयोपायविधि विधिज्ञः॥
अन्यथा-वागर्थरूक्षलुब्धानां दूतानां दुःप्रवृत्तिभिः । श्रीः स्वामिनः प्रवृद्धापि क्रियते संशयाश्रया ॥
The commander-in-chief should be brave, experienced in the practice of arms and well-versed in the Arthaśāstra. He should be a skilled fighter, and well-provided with elephants, cavalry, infantry and chariots; and loyal to his master, and popular with the army (3. 245):
शूरोऽर्थशास्त्रनिपुणः कृतशस्त्रकर्मा संग्रामकेलिचतुरश्चतुरङ्गयुक्तः ।
भर्तुनिदेशवशगोऽभिमतः स्वतने सेनापतिर्नरपतेर्विजयागमाय ॥
The Sandhivigrahin, officer in charge of peace and war', may be called the Secretary of state for foreign affairs. He is an important court official with varied functions. In Somadeva's romance, as we ha seen above, he receives the envoys of friendly courts and ushers them into the king's presence; and deals also with the envoy of a hostile court, addresses him, and drafts a threatening letter to the enemy. The Sandhi. vigrahin is thus in charge of matters affecting peace and war; and he seems to be in close attendance on the king, for we find Yasodhara in

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Book IV questioning the Sandhivigrahin about the sudden poals of music in the city. In Rājatarangini 4. 137-8 we have another glimpse of the functions of the Sandhivigrahin in the person of Mitraśarman, styled as the Sāndhivigrahika of Lalitāditya, king of Kashmir, who is present at the drafting of the treaty between Lalitāditya and Yasovarman of Kanauj, and objects to the latter's name being recorded prior to his master's in the document in question. In Bāņa's Harşacarita (Book VI) we find Harşa, after his decision to punish the king of Gauda for treachery, dictating to his Sandhivigrahin Avanti, called Mahā-sandhi-vigrahādhiksta, an arrogant proclamation calling upon all kings to accept his suzerainty or prepare for battle. It seems that there were sometimes more than one Sandhivigrahin in the same court: Somadeva, for instance, records what he calls the verses of the Sandhivigrahins' in the court of Yasodhara. The occasional addition of the epithet Mahit to the usual designation shows that there was sometimes a chief official of that class. Among the new offices created by Lalitāditya (first half of the eighth century), as related in Rājatarangini 4, 142, mention is made of a Mahā-sandhi-vigraha, which is also the appellation of Harşa's secretary for foreign affairs, as stated above. It may also be noted that one of the verses quoted from Vyāsa in Aparārka's commentary on Yājňavalkya 1. 319 refers to a Sandhi-vigrahalekhaka, obviously the same as Sandhivigrahin; but his function is to draft records of grants of land made by the king. It would appear that the Sandhivigrahin was a Secretary of State whose functions were not confined to the conduct of foreign affairs. Somadeva tells us that he should be able to read, write, narrate and interpret all scripts and languages: he should be ready-witted and capable of gauging the relative strength of his own master and other princes ( 3. 250): arafat ferafat Had Taufe Fat Peta 1919 i preparata: asfaa: sifafaragt #ret: it
The Akşapatalika or the keeper of the state records is mentioned in connection with the challenge to other kings (3. 112, 113) issued by Yasodhara,' similar to the one issued by Harsa in Bāņa's romance (see above). The Ākşapatalika is here commissioned to read out the message to the envoy who was expected to deliver it to the kings in question. The
1 'sa tu afaROTHIC=ESHT' P. 157. 2 श्रीयशोवर्मणः संधौ सांधिविग्रहिको न यत् । नयं नियमनालेखे मित्रशर्मास्य चक्षमे ॥ सोऽभूत् संधियशोवर्मललितादित्य.
योरिति । लिखितेनादिनिर्देशादनहत्वं विदन् प्रभोः ।।. 3 See above. fragraut afternut TATA' Book III. 4 See Chap. II. 6 'crareazkenetan era arrapater.

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109 Akşapatala, to judge from certain references in the Rājatarangini, was the royal archive containing the records of grants and deeds of gift, and the official who drafted the deeds of gift or made the necessary entries was called Pattopādhyāya.' The same work (5.301) mentions an Akşapatalādhisa, chief of the record office, obviously the same as Ākşapatalika.
Great importance is attached to the rôle of spies in the king's government; and they are regarded as a sort of second sight for him.” The report of the spy in Book III provides a concrete example of the kind of information available to kings from this source, and gives us an idea of
ate and comprehensive such information could be. The importance of spies is stressed in the following verses of Yasastilaka (3. 116–7):
सर्वचेतोगतानर्थान् द्रष्टुं येषां कुतूहलम् । ते भवन्तु पर चारैश्चक्षुष्मन्तः क्षितीश्वराः ॥
चारसंचारतो येषां नाध्यक्षा स्वपरस्थितिः । नियुक्तारातिसंपातात्तेषां नार्थो न चासवः ॥ "Let those kings, who have the curiosity to visualise what is in the mind of every one, have spies only for eyes. Those who are not aware of the situation of themselves and others, through the movements of spies, are deprived of both wealth and life by the action of their officials and foes.”
The institution of spies is treated in great detail in all ancient works on Indian polity. Manu (7. 223) and Yājňavalkya (1. 330), for instance, lay down that the king should listen to the reports of spies after the evening ablutions, and, as Manu says, indoors, and the king should be armed while doing so. Yājñavalkya (1. 338-9) suggests what action should be taken by the king in regard to his officers on the reports of spies: those who take bribes, for instance, should be dispossessed and exiled. Espionage is dealt with in several chapters of Kautilya's Arthasāstra, on which Somadeva's own treatment of the topic in Nitiväkyāmrta is based. In Yasastilaka, too, he is indebted to Kautilya (Chap. XI) in the description of Yaśodhara's spy, disguised as a religious mendicant, and surrounded by disciples who proclaim his mystic powers. The expression siddhaḥ sāmedhikah occurring in Yasastilaka, Book III, is taken from Kautilya (op. cit.); and the topic is, of course, elaborated in the romance. As regards the report of the spy on the corruption of one of the ministers of Yasodhara, analysed elsewhere (Chap. II), its prototype may be found
1 C. राशा प्रदत्त रङ्गाय हेलुयामेऽग्रहारवत् । लिलेख पट्टोपाध्यायो न यदा दानपट्टकम् ॥ तदाक्षपटलं गत्वा रङ्गः कोपात्
anafter I T Rota grega 7 Pena ! 5. 397–398. Kautilya deals with the organisation of the Akşapatala in Arthaśästra 2.7; it was the Records and Accounts
office combined. 3 Yaśastilaka 3. 173. 3 See Chap. IV.

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in the Mahabharata (S'antiparva, chap. 32) in the story of the sage Kālakavrkşiya, who, taking with him a crow credited with the power of soothsaying, goes round the capital of the king of Kosala and observes the evil ways of his ministers, and later reports to him all details of their corruption and conspiracies.
Reference is made in Book III to the Chief of the secret agents called Varişthaka', and it is he who reports to the king the arrival of the spy from his tour.2 Srutasāgara in his commentary seems to take Varişthaka as a proper name, but in Book IV we find a Varişthaka named Vaikunthamati, who brings, however, an ordinary message to the king. The spy in his report mentions also a chief of the emissaries or couriers (janghācūrikanāyaka). Śrutasāgara and Ms. A, however, explain the term janghācīrika as a cārapuruşa, herika, a spy. The forms janghārika and janghükarika occur in Arthasāstra II. I, but there the word is taken to mean messenger or courier'. It is difficult to determine the exact significance of these terms, but there is no doubt that the Criminal Intelligence Department had many ramifications, and was as important in the tenth century as it was in the days of Kautilya.
We have already referred to Somadeva's description of the regiments of Yasodhara's army in connection with the review of troops, which is included by Yājñavalkya (1. 329) in the daily routine of the king. In Nitivcīkyāmrta 22. 17 the king's neglect to review the troops personally is described as one of the causes of the disaffection of the army.
Elephants and horses were two principal components of old Indian armies; and a number of verses occurs on the importance of the military rôle of these animals (2. 176, 180):
भयेषु दुर्गाणि जलेषु सेतवो गृहाणि मार्गेपु रणेषु राक्षसाः।
मनःप्रसादेषु विनोदवेधसो गजा इवान्यत् किमिहास्ति वाहनम् ॥ Elephants serve as fortresses in danger, as causeways in traversing waters, as houses on the wayside, and as monsters in battle. They give
1 See Chap. II. 2 ETHICT-ta: 787%arat SOTRAG TE R TARDE ETÝ P. 400. 3 ........."तदर्थ चैव नगरे पौराणामुद्यावोधमः । तत्र देवः कालविलम्बनमकृत्वा सज्जीभवतु मज्जनादिषु क्रियासु' इत्यागत्य
ETUSHTT R8 ATÀ".... P. 158. 4
TRT 1: Printed text reads at which is incorrect. Ms. A reads नायकस्य. 5 Srutasagara says चारपुरुषप्रधानस्य. 6 See Shama Sastri's Translation and Word Index, and M. M. Ganapati Sastris ed.

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delight in momonts of joy: what other vehicle is there in the world, comparable to them?
पुरः प्रत्यक्पक्ष भ्रमिभिरभिहन्तुं व्यवसिते गतैः सर्वैर्गर्वात् समरसमये सिन्धुरपतौ । विदीर्ण मातङ्गैस्तुरगनिवहैश्चापि दलितं रथैः प्रास्तं पत्रैः पिशितकवलीभूतमचिरात् ॥
When, at the time of battle, a mighty elephant proudly begins to charge, stepping to and fro, and turning to the right and to the left, with all possible movements, the foeman's elephants are ere long pierced, the horses crushed, the chariots scattered, and the infantry reduced to pulp. The speed of elephants is praised in Yasastilaka 3. 309, and Somadeva, the writer on polity, goes as far as to offer salutation to elephants (2. 169): सामोद्भवाय शुभलक्षणलक्षिताय दिव्यात्मने सकलदेव निकेतनाय । कल्याणमङ्गलमहोत्सवकारणाय तुभ्यं नमः करिवराय वराय नित्यम् ॥
A large number of technical terms appertaining to elephant lore is used in Books II and III. In the latter Book Somadeva enumerates the different methods of treatment applied to rutting elephants,' and gives the names of certain kinds of elephants and the particular states of intoxication to which they are subject. For example,
Names of elephants
Vasumatitilaka Pattavardhana Uddhatankusa
Paracakra-pramardana Ahitakula-kālānala
Carcarivatamsa
Vijayasekhara
States of intoxication
Samjāta-tilakā Ārdra-kapolikā Adhonibandhini
Gandhacāriņi
Krodhini
Ativartini
Sambhinna-madamaryādā
The above details are in our work reported to the king by an army commander; and elephant-lore, like the science of horses, was regarded as an auxiliary branch of statecraft in view of the important part played by elephants in warfare.

Like elephants, horses are also praised for their utility in war, and mention is made of various characteristics of efficient chargers. Particularly good are the well-trained ones with well-proportioned, symmetrical and compact limbs (2. 206). Good horses have large foreheads, mouths depressed on the outside, smooth skins, stout shoulders, long
1 'सोसाळंहणसं त्रयन्यास्तार मुखवर्धनकटवर्धनकटशोधनप्रति भेदनपवर्धन वर्णकर गन्धकरोद्दीपनहासनाविनिवर्तनप्रभेद मदोपचा रोपदेश बिशारद
P. 495.
2 ergantner: angf@xmı qâft: *: car aftaqı: ageregean 11.

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legs, broad backs and lean bellies (2. 203).' Their colours are like those of pearls, or blue lotuses, or gold, or filaments of flowers, or collyrium, or bees, or the rising sun, or Asoka flowers, or parrots. The neighing of good horses is deep like the trumpeting of elephants, or the roar of lions, or the bellowing of oxen, or like the sound of trumpets, drums or clouds; and the smell of lotuses, blue lotuses, Mālati flowers, clarified butter, honey, milk, or the perspiration of rutting elephants is present in their perspiration, mouths and ears (2. 197–9).
Questions of food and drink are discussed in relation to health and physical well-being in a large number of verses (3. 321-74) attributed to the court physician Sajjana, alias Vaidyavidyāvilāsa, to whose words the king listens at meal-time. Sajjana is also described as one who gives instruction in the art of producing sixty-three varieties of flavours by primary and secondary combinations of the usual six, and Srutasägara in his commentary gives a formidable list of these combinations. Sound dietetics is a subject intimately connected with the welfare of the king, and accordingly given a place in Somadeva's discourse on the art of government.
Sajjana says many sensible things. Addressing the king, he remarks that just as food is not well cooked in a vessel that is neither covered nor stirred, so a man who has neither sleep nor exercise cannot digest what he eats (3.322). He who gorges himself with food gluttonously even when he is not hungry stirs up diseases, like dormant snakes, for his own ruin (3.329). All stale food with the exception of clarified butter and liquids, food containing hair or worms, and réchauffés should be avoided (3.344); and one should also abstain from overeating, undereating, eating of combinations of hygienic and unhygienic food, and eating immediately after eating (3.345).
Certain kinds of food are recommended for particular reasons. In the autumn one should take sweet, bitter and astringent things; in the rainy season and the winter sweet, salty and sour things; in the spring pungent. bitter and astringent things; and in the summer mild preparations (3.349). Again, in the winter one should take fresh food. preparations of milk, pulses, and sugarcane, curds, and things prepared with ghee; and oil, too, is beneficial (3.350). In the spring one should take food consisting chiefly of barley and wheat, and containing little ghee, and avoid
1 farena TRETTET: 27: TagaST: I gotat: TYTEATTEIGTET: PHOTFT: . 2 mai prestatuta frafegant TAS: wafi', 3 saad teata 47274275249 '.

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heavy, cold and sweet dishes (3.351). On hot days one should take Sali rice, Moog soup containing ghee, lotus stalks, fresh shoots and bulbs, fried barley flour, sherbets, curds mixed with sugar and spices, coconut milk, and water or milk with plenty of sugar (3.352). In the rainy season the food should be dry light, oily and warm; and preparations of old Śāli rice, wheat and barley should be taken (3.353). In the autumn the diet should consist of ghee, moog, Sāli rice, powdered wheat, preparations of milk, patolas grapes, Amalaki fruits, sugar, and sweet bulbs and leaves (3.354). A number of vegetables including slices of fresh ginger is praised in 3.356', and the properties of ghee, curds, butter and milk are described in verses 3.360-63. We are also told that the constant eating of over-sweet dishes leads to indigestion, too much of salty food causes weakening of vision, extremely sour and pungent dishes lead to physical decay, and any unhygienic food causes loss of strength as soon as it is taken (3.364). Certain remedies are suggested for indigestion (3.366), and emphasis is laid on the proper use of water. Water is called both amsta and vişa; properly used, it is amrta, nectar, and used without proper care, it is pisa, poison (3.368). Transparent water without any taste and smell, and swept by wind and sunshine, is beneficial by nature; in all other cases water should be boiled before drinking Water exposed to the rays of the sun and the moon should not be used longer than a day and a night; water boiled in daytime should not be taken at night, and water boiled at night should not be taken in daytime (3. 370-1).
Examination of food and detection of poison is dealt with in a number of verses; and the subject has, of course, an important bearing on the safety of the king, and is exhaustively dealt with in Kautilya's Arthasāstra I. XXI. Speaking of poison, the court physician mentions certain phenomena indicating its presence in food. He observes that, at the sight of poison, crows and cuckoos cry in an unwonted fashion, mungooses and peacocks are overjoyed, the Kraunca bird sleeps, the cock crows in a harsh tone, the parrot vomits, and the monkey evacuates bowels; while the eyes of the Cakora bird lose colour, and the goose limps. Besides, flies do not settle on food containing poison (3. 338-9). Addressing the king, Sajjana further remarks that fire crackles in contact with food mixed with poison, as it does when a quantity of salt is thrown into it (3. 340).
1 घृतं मुद्दा शालिः समिथविकृतिःक्षीरविषयः पटोलं मृदीकाः फलमिह च पाण्याः समुचितम् । सिता शीतच्छाया मधुरसवशं
कन्दकुपलं शरत्काले सेन्यं रजनिवदने चन्द्रकिरणाः ।।. १ वालं वृन्ताकं कोहलं कारवेलं चिल्ली जीवन्ती वास्तुलस्तण्डलीयः । सघः संभृष्टाः पर्पटाविर्भटान्ताः किं स्वलोकैम्वेद
1154 II. 15

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Certain kinds of food are forbidden under given circumstances, for example, germinating paddy, and ghee kept in a brass vessel for a period of ten days (3. 341). Further, bananas should not be taken with curds and butter-milk nor milk with salt...................nor broth of pulses with radishes; fried barley powder should not be taken when it becomes compact like curds, and all sesamum preparations are prohibited at night (3. 342-43).
The discourse on food and drink shows the importance attached by Somadeva to a proper understanding of dietetics for the safety and physical wellbeing of the king and the efficient discharge of his duties. It shows also the Jaina teacher's keen interest in the secular branches of study.
It is evident that Somadeva in Yasastilaka does not go over the entire range of topics dealt with in the nitiśāstras, but rather concentrates on problems affecting the king personally and the rôle played by him in the administration of the state. Considered from this point of view, the relevant portion of Yasastilaka reminds one of the Mirrors or manuals of instruction for the guidance of kings, which were widely prevalent in the Middle Ages in the West, such as the book of Agapetos, the tutor of the Emperor Justinian (sixth century A, D.), and specially the famous Secretum Secretorum attributed to Aristotle, many versions of which are known to exist in different languages. There are, for instance, Latin texts not earlier than the twelfth' century, which in their turn rest on Arabic originals'. We may here refer to two English versions, the first from a shortened French source, the second from a Latin source made soon after 1400 A. D.8 The Prologue to the first version tells us that the book was translated from Greok into Syriac, and thence into Arabic. It is interesting to find that although Somadeva's discourse is far more systematic and methodical, and more intimately connected with the actual problems of administration, there are certain noteworthy points of resemblance batween his work and the Secretum Secretorum. Firstly, as in Yasastilaka, the king is warned in the Secretum never to trust a woman, and it is also pointed out that many kings have beon poisoned, a woman's hate being the worst poison. Secondly, both works treat of questions of health and food and drink; and proportionately speaking, the Secretum seems to attach even greater importance to the subject
1 Cf. the treatise on diet composed by Anthimus, a Byzantine doctor, for the Frank
king Clovis ( 481-511 A, D.), to whom he had been sent by Theoderic the Great, 2 J. R. A. S. 1908, pp. 1065-1084. 3 See Three Prose Versions of the Secreta Secretorum, ed. Steele. Part I. Text an
Glossary. (Early English Text Society). 4 Pp. 20, 64.

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than our text.
Both works deal with the seasons and the kinds of food appropriate to each of them; and the Secretum, too, speaks of forbidden combinations of food, e. g., milk and flesh. Thirdly, the qualities of secretaries, messengers, and counsellors are dealt with in the Secretum as in Yasastilaka, although the subject is treated far more exhaustively by Somadeva with concrete details and illustrations. The opinion of the Secretum that the king should have five counsellors, or not less than three, if five are not available, may be compared with Somadeva's recommendation in Nitivākyāmṛta that the number of ministers should be three or five or seven. On the other hand, the author of Yasastilaka does not evince any interest in certain topics dealt with at length in the Secretum e. g., physiognomy, miraculous properties of plants, magic stones etc.
4
It is a noteworthy feature of Somadeva as a political thinker that he divests himself of his theological bias while treating of the problems of the state. For example, as an exponent of Jaina doctrines he severely condemns the Lokayaṭika or materialistic view of life, but in Nitivākyāmṛta 6. 33 he declares that a king conversant with the Lokayatika system is capable of exterminating the malefactors of the state. Similarly, while emphasizing the importance of Dharma, he declares in the same work that he who solely devotes himself to Dharma, overriding the claims of Artha and Kama, is like a man who tills a forest, abandoning a ripe cornfield (1.44). It is also noteworthy that at the beginning of Nitiväkyāmṛta Somadeva offers obeisance not to the Arhat but to the State (Rajya); and his method of approach to the problems of government is certainly not that of a Jaina theologian but that of an unbiassed thinker with considerable knowledge and experience of the affairs of the state. The non-theological attitude of the Jaina author in matters affecting the state may be contrasted with the outlook of certain Western political thinkers of the Carolingian age, who were Churchmen and 'approached the questions at issue through theology'. The aim of writers like Smaragdus, Jonas and Sedulius, who paid attention to the problem of government in the first half of the ninth century, and wrote hortatory treatises, contrasting the good and the bad ruler, is, generally speaking, to produce, as it were, manuals of Christian ethics for Christian rulers'. Admonitions such as
1 Pp. 27, 72.
2 P. 76.
5
3 Pp. 98, 101.
4
See Chap. VIII.
5 Laistner: Thought and Letters in Western Europe (A. D. 500 to 900), p. 261.

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that the Christian ruler must trust in divine aid rather than in his own courage and that of his troops' would have appeared highly incongruous to the Jaina thinker.
Somadeva's ideal of kingship is evident from his description of the life of Yasodhara as a ruler. In presenting before us a picture of his activities, the author of Yasastilaka does not attempt to make him a paragon of virtue or even a hero, but is content to depict him as a prince diligent in discharging the duties that devolve upon him as the ruler of the state. Yet he came to an untimely end, because of his failure to take precaution against a woman's perfidy; and his example is intended to be an object lesson for other kings to profit by. Yasodhara, as represented by Somadeva, is very different from the Syrian king, mentioned by Dio Chrysostom,' who spent his life indoors with eunuchs and concubines without even a glimpse of army or war or assembly at all. It may be noted that Dio insists on virile pursuits for the king, and considers hunting to be the best recreation for him." Yasodhara does not indeed indulge in hunting, but we see him training elephants and armouring their tusks and practising archery. More questionable is his participation in the summer sports and the gaieties of moonrise in the company of young women, as described in Yasastilaka, Book III; but this may be regarded as a concession to prevailing custom and the conventions of kavya poetry, and is certainly contrary to Somadeva's considered opinion against the association of the king with the women of the harem.
Somadeva's discourse on the problems of government in Yasastilaka is doubtless unparalleled in kavya literature, but it should be remembered that earlier poets like Bharavi, Magha, Bhatti, and Ratnakara also deal with aspects of Niti especially in relation to matters affecting peace and war; while Bana's interest in the duties and responsibilities of kingship is revealed in Sukanasa's advice to Candrāpīḍa. Further, Bana, like Somadeva, records in Harṣacarita, Book VI, a large number of semi-legendary traditions illustrating the mortal danger to kings from carelessness and risky adventures and from the machinations of women. Somadeva and Bana both seem to draw on earlier sources, as similar stories, for instance, those about women murdering kings, are also found in Kautilya's Arthasástra I. XX and Kamandaka's Nitisära 7. 11. 51 ff.
1
In the Fourth Discourse on Kingship. Dio was a Greek moralist of the first century
A. D.
2
In the Third Discourse on Kingship.

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Social DATA The interesting data concerning religious conditions in the tenth century, preserved in our text, constitute a large mass of information which has been analysed in subsequent chapters; and we may here confine ourselves to Somadeva's references to social conditions proper.
The charges brought by the spy against the king's minister, a provincial governor, in Book III, point to certain potential abuses of the times, and similar incidents are mentioned also in Rājatarangini. The spy, for instance, says (3. 172):
वापसमयेषु विष्टिः सिद्धायः क्षीरिकणिशकालेषु । लवनावसरेषु पुनः स्वच्छन्दः सैनिकाबाधः ॥ The minister is alleged to be responsible for three things : demanding
abour at the time of sowing, collection of dues while the ears of corn are still unripe, and the unbridled movement of troops at the harvesting season. In Nitivākyāmrta 19, 15, 16 Somadeva says that the collection of dues (siddhadaya) while the ears of corn are unripe depopulates a country, and the movement of troops at the time of harvest leads to famine. As regards unpaid or forced labour (visti), it goes back to early times; and Kautilya says in Arthasāstra II. I that the king should protect agriculture from the abuses of fines, forced labour, and taxation.? Forced labour seems to have been the poor mans terror as we learn from the parable of the foolish son in Saddharmapundarika, wherein the vagrant youth comes after years to beg at the mansion of his wealthy father, and taking the latter for a king or a grandee, fears lest he should be detained to do forced labour, and slinks away in a hurry.3 The grant of a village sometimes carried with it the right to unpaid labour within the area granted. A record of the Rāstrakūta king Indra III. dated 915 A. D., grants, for instance, a village called Tenna to a Brāhmaṇa with the accompanying right to forced labour as occasion presents itself. Somadeva, it should be noted, takes exception to forced labour only at the time of sowing.
It is also alleged by the spy that Yasodhara's minister misappropriates agrahāras and devabhogas. Agrahāras are villages granted to Brāhmaṇas, and devabhogas are temple endowments (villages, cornfields
1 'क्षीरिषु कणिशेषु सिद्धादायो जनपदमुद्रासयति', 'लवनकाले सेनाप्रचारो दुर्भिक्षमावहति ।' 2 'queffettate Tagat ! 3 TAHU for et ufora are to TTT'IV. 17. 4 H a lf ' . I. Vol. IX ( Two grants of Indrarāja III). 5 Yasastilaka 3. 236 quoted in Chap. II (q. v.)

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etc.); and the two terms are sometimes mentioned together, e. g., in the aforesaid grant of Indra III (verse 24). It was, of course, an abuse of power to rob the grantees of their legitimate rights, and similar instances are also recorded in the Rajatarangini. For example, during the reign of Avantivarman (855-883 A. D.) a powerful feudal baron was beheaded under the orders of the minister Sura for the crime of robbing the temple of Bhutesa of villages (5. 52 ff.). Some of the later kings of Kashmir were themselves notorious for such usurpations, notably Samkaravarman (883-902 A. D.), Kalasa (1063-89 A. D.), and Harṣa (1089-1101 A. D.). Kalhana deplores the fact that Gauraka, the aged and virtuous minister of Harşa, accepted the post of Arthanayaka (Prefect of Wealth) for the confiscation of the villages and the entire property of all the temples of the gods (7. 1103-4).
The next charge against the minister is that he melts down the images of the gods and replaces them by those of lesser value; he also sells an image, and with the proceeds institutes a religious festival.' The motives of the minister are evidently not only cupidity but a show of piety Be that as it may, the practice of melting down images by greedy monarchs is wellknown in history and found not only in India but also elsewhere; it was a form of sacrilege akin to the plunder of temples practised by many kings for the treasury. The Rajatarangini has a good deal to say about such prac.. tices being resorted to by the kings of Kashmir. Samkaravarman plundered sixty-four temples of the gods (5. 169). Kalasa removed the copper image of the Sun called Tamrasvamin, and carried away also the brass statues from the Vihāras (7.696). The climax came during the reign of Harșa, who, after plundering the treasures of the temples granted by former kings, turned his attention to the images, and appointed an officer called the Prefect for the uprooting of the gods (devotpāṭana-nayaka), with the result that images of gods made of gold, silver and other metals rolled in filth in the streets, like faggots of wood (7. 1089 ff.). Another king of Kashmir Kşemagupta (950-958 A. D.), a contemporary of Somadeva, used the brass from a statue of Buddha in building the shrine of Kṣema-Gauriśvara, a show of piety comparable to that of Yasodhara's minister (6. 172–3). Turning elsewhere, we find that towards the end of the twelfth century a prince of Gujarat, Prahladanadeva, the author of Parthaparakrama Vyayoga and founder of Palanpur, melted a brass statue of Jina for making a bull for the Acaleśvara temple; and there is a legend that he was stricken with leprosy as a result of the sin, but cured himself by building a monastery
1 Ibid. 3, 227, 235 quoted in Chap. II (q. v.)

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and setting up therein Jaina statues and shrines. The references in Yasastilaka would lead one to suppose that the melting down of images to meet financial needs was not unknown in the Deccan in the tenth century, and Somadeva's statements may be taken as a kind of protest against the practice being resorted to by provincial governors. It may be mentioned in this connection that, elsewhere, during the reign of the Byzantine Emperor Alexius I Comnenus (1081-1118 1. D.), Leo, Bishop of Chalcedon, came
protesting against the melting down of icons for purposes of filling the imperial treasury'.:
The spy in his report describes Yasodhara's minister as a monster of financial corruption (lañcā-luñcā-nisācaraḥ 3. 185). Lancā or lañca is bribery, while luñod is extortion; and the phrase is used in the sense of financial corruption in general. Somadeva deals with the subject in his Nitivákyāmrta and describes lañcaluñcă as the source of Financial malpractice represents the seamy side of government, and Somadeva exhorts the king not to allow persons wbo come on business to become the victims of rapacious officials.
Glimpses of economic prosperity are occasionally afforded by our work. The description of a prosperous dairy-farm of Karahāța occurring in Book V has been translated in the previous chapter. More interesting is the description of the mart owned and run by the trusted priest the story recounted in Yasastilaka, Book VII, section 27. We are told that
1 See Dalal's Introduction to the play in G. O. S. 2 Classical antiquity provides instances of rapacious princes laying sacrilogious hands on costly images. Clement of Alexandria (second century A. D.) reports in his
shortation to the Greeks (Chap. IV) that the tyrant Dionysius the younger stripped the statue of Zeus in Sicily of its golden cloak and ordered it to be clothed with 4 woolen one; while Antiochus of Cyzicus, a Greek city of Asia Minor, when he was in want of money, ordered the golden statue of Zeus, fifteen oubits high, to be melted down, and a similar statue of cheaper material covered with gold leaf to be set up in ito place.
Hussey: Church and Learning in the Byzantine Empire, p. 94. 4 Lañca, bribe', is used in Pali, being peculiar to the Jätaka literature. See Rhys
Davids: Pali-English Dictionary. Cf, Pali lañcakhādaka, bribe-eater. The Bengali expression ghuskhor means the same thing. Compare also lúca khane in Marathi and
lañca tinnu in Kannada. 5 'preffa gert a hazai ta l'; ' a TFTHATTHCTTI; 19:
Th afa alifan' etc. Srutasāgaro in his comm. on Yaśastilaka 3. 185 explains 399 : as ent( ?)
: The anonymous comm. on Nitiväkyämrta says yur i 334 (3 ) 3a: a orar: va va T TAT: Farther on it says लच्छेन मलाकारग्रहणेन, also लञ्चन कार्यकरणे बलात्कारेण हरणे. There is some confusion of meaning, but the expression as a whole signifies extortion or unlawful exactions by the king or his officials. Somadeva remarks in Nitivākydmrla (op. cit.): राहो लश्न कार्यकरणे कस्य नाम कल्याणम्

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the mart (penthästhāna) was furnished with tents containing many compartments and large stores of merchandise, with stalls for cattle nearby. Water, fodder and fire-wood were easily available, and the establishment covered an area of about four miles. It was closely guarded by troops, and protected by moats, gates, walls and ramparts, and had avenues with arrangements for water-supply, eating houses, assembly halls, and warehouses for different classes of commodities. Gamblers, whoremongers, jesters and dancing masters were excluded from the precincts of the mart. Here merchants from many countries were allowed to carry on their business, the rates of toll and rent being extremely moderate. The mart maintained by Śrībhūti seems to be entirely a private organisation, but in Nītivākyāmrta 19. 21 Somadeva speaks of pinthā (sic) as a state organisation, and observes that a mart * maintained with justice' is a source of endless profits to the king. The commentary on the latter work explains pintha as sulkasthāna, and quotes a verse from Sukra to the effect that toll should not be realised at excessive rates, and whatever is stolen by thieves from the mart should be restored to the merchants by the king from his own treasury. The pintha is described in Nītivākyämrta as panyaputabhedini, explained in the commentary as containing diverse places for storing commodities," and it seems to have had an elaborate organisation, to judge from the description in Yasastilaka. The granting of proper facilities and protection to merchants was the chief aim of these emporiums, which were also an important source of revenue to the state.
References to the fine arts are few and far between in our work. An interesting statuary group is presented in the description of the Pavilion of mechanical showers in Book III. The account of the Jaina temple in Book V is chiefly remarkable for its paintings, of which two categories are mentioned. Firstly, there are portraits of wellknown figures of Jaina legend and mythology, viz. Bāhubali the warrior saint, Pradyumna whose austerities
1 'स किल श्रीभूतिविश्वासरसनिर्विघ्नतया परोपकारनिघ्नतया च विभक्तानेकापवरकरचनाशालिनीभिर्महाभाण्डवाहिनीभिर्गो
शालोपशल्याभिः कुल्याभिः समन्वितम्, अतिसुलभजलयवसेन्धनप्रचारम्, भण्डनारम्भोद्भटभरीरपेटकपक्षरक्षासारम् , गोरुतप्रमाणं वप्रप्राकारप्रतोलिपरिखापरिसूत्रितत्राणं प्रपासत्रसभासनाथवीथिनिवेशनं पण्यपुटभेदनं विदूरित कितवविटविदूषकपीठमर्दावस्थानं पेण्ठास्थानं विनिर्माप्य नानादिग्देशोपसर्पणयुजां वणिजां प्रशान्तशुल्कभाटकभागहारव्यवहारमचीकरत् ।
p. 345. 2 Tant quagefrit fast trai rag'. 3 तथा च शुक्रः-ग्राह्यं नैवाधिकं शुल्कं चौरैर्यच्चाहृतं भवेत् । पिण्ठायां मूभुजा देयं वणिजां तत् स्वकोशतः॥ 4 'पण्यानि वणिगजनानां कुंकुमहिंगुवत्रादीनि क्रयाणकानि तेषां पुटाः स्थानानि भिद्यन्ते यस्यां सा पण्यपुटभेदिनी।' 5 See Chap. II. 6 galantata faragot' p. 246. 7 Parceria algaffeat.

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are celebrated in Jaina legend, the Tirthamkara Supārsva, and king A sokacandra and his consort Rohiņi, the woman who did not know how to weep. Secondly, there are representations of most of the dreams of Rşabha Jina's mother, e. g., the Airāvata elephant, a bull, a lion, the goddess Laksmi, the sun and the moon, a lotus-pool, the ocean, flames, a heap of jewels, and an aerial car. Further, the temple is described as being marked with two fish, like the Mudrā of the Pāņdyan kings. The figures of fish were apparently painted on the walls, a pair of fish being included among the eight auspicious objects of the Jainas. It may be noted in this connection that the fish appears also in early Christian art where it recalled the name of Jesus, as Christ, Son of God and Saviour'. As regards the Pandyan mudrā, it might mean seal or coin or perhaps both. We know that “gold coins bearing the emblem universally adopted by the Pāņdyas in later times, viz. the fish have been attributed to a period from the 7th to the 10th century A. D.” It is extremely probable that Somadeva actually saw Pāndyan coins with the double fish emblem.
In the course of the description of the Jaina temple Somadeva refers to two technical terms of painting: rūpagunanikā 'the study of figures' and pārsvāgata the side view proper', being one of the nine different positions in which the figures may appear.. Visnudharmottara 39. 1 (Part III) says, nava sthandni rūpāņām.
Writing in ink on ivory slabs is mentioned in Book I." In Book III Somadeva refers to a gold ring with the figure of Lakşmi stamped on
1 stor faraftfadan'. Ms. A remarks This!
H
e r fazlafen . 2 'gefia': 3 ariaticoftol!. For the story see the Rathā of Kanakakusala. 4
TOT...SEARCH ... 99,08 ftratt yal ' eto. Ms. A remarks चित्रलिखितस्वप्नावली. 5 qrugagaa gasteifgar'. 6 Foakes Jackson: History of Christianity A. D. 590-1314, p. 35. 7 Rapson: Indian Coins, p. 36. 8 Prof. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri writes to me that the Pandyan emblem was always a pair
of fish-both lañchana and dhvaja. Jayanagara of E. Java (1309-28 ) who called himself Sundarapāņdyadevădhiśvara-nama-rājābhişoka also had a pair of fish for his mark on his seal. Pandyan coins with fishes on them are noticed also by Hultzsch in Indian Antiquary, Vol. 21, p. 324 and by Codrington: Ceylon coins and currency,
pp. 86-89. 9 UUTART garrai', which refers also to the Tirthamkara Supārsva by *** 10 See also Kramrisch: Vishnudharmoltara, p. 13. 11 'Para f feaffequitfa' p. 79.
16

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it." Glass bangles are mentioned in Book IV. Shopfronts of garlandsellers, stalls of dealers in perfumes, and streets full of courtesans and women messengers: form part of the description of evening scenery at the beginning of Book IV. The gorgeous apartments of the queen are located on the top floor of a seven-storied palace, and a Jaina shrine is described as being on the top floor of a seven-storied palace belonging to a wealthy merchant in & story in Book VI, section 12. Palaces whence elephant-races were witnessed are mentioned in Books III and VII, section 32.7
The prevalence of early marriage is attested both in Yasastilaka and Nitiväkyāmsta. A speaker in a story in the former work (Book VI, section 19 ) identifies heaven with the mutual love of a maiden, twelve years of age, and a youth of sixteen ; while in Nītivākyāmrta 31, 1 it is clearly said that a maiden and a youth of the age specified above are fit for marital relations.
Certain details concerning crime and punishment are preserved in Yasastilaka. In a story in Book VII, section 27, the pr
Sribhūti who is found guilty of breach of trust is given three choices by the king: he must either swallow three bowls of cow-dung or receive thirty-three blows to be given by powerful wrestlers, or forfeit his entire property. When he chooses the latter alternative, all his wealth is confiscated; and he is smeared with clay teeming with worms, and made to wear garlands of potsherds and abandoned platters, and expelled from the city seated on the back of a donkey. Similar treatment is meted out to Parvata by the enraged citizens in a story in Book VII, section 30. He is pelted with clods of earth and severely whipped and turned out of the city on the back of a donkey, clothed in rags from the cremation ground, and wearing a garland
1 gigi ata' p. 394. 2 as faqtă #a:
n a vila HEA p. 77. 3 ota FTTHIURETTE' p. 18. 4 Amalari farofanty'p. 18. 5 quaffarnafafa***
7 hledyrsrettedy' p. 19. 6 CATERTETAP*** **a ta' Book IV, p. 29. A partially ruined palace,
known as the Kushk Mahal, at Chanderi, now in Gwalior state, has been identified as a seven-storied palace ordered to be built by Mahmud Shah of Malwa in 1445. Only the remains of four stories now exist, Percy Brown: Indian Architeature, Vol.
II, p. 65. 7 'TERYTYTTANTEITHNITH'; sutay forg sifaaitafT STIITTAR '. Vol. I,
p. 495; Vol. II, 369. 8 aui atata : : 1 aura HFT #ETETTHETAT : fift:""" : 1'p. 317.
9 7 41 1614: Art HTETT 98:'

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of platters, with the head shaven at random with the blade held in the reverse direction, and Bilva fruits suspended from the tuft of hair on the crest of the head. As we have already seen, the envoy of the king of Pancāla was threatened with humiliation of this nature on account of the hostility of his master to Yasodhara. In another story in Book VII, Section 31, the libertine Kadārapinga and his father, the minister Ugrasena, who connived at his adulterous adventure, are exiled by the king after indictment in the presence of all the people. Public humiliation of the kind noticed here seems to have been reserved for respectable offenders, and is heard of in the annals of other countries as well. In the eighth century at Rome, for example, the deposed Pope Constantine, after he was blinded, was led in derision through the streets seated on a horse with a woman's saddle and heavy weights attached to his feet.' Somadeva refers also to the torture of thieves and the indignities heaped upon them. In Yasastilaka, Book V, in the episode of king Sudatta, a thief accused of robbing and murdering a barber is condemned by the judges to 'picturesque imprisonment' (citro bandhaḥ) so that he might lose his life in ten or twelve days, the preliminary indignities to be inflicted on him being riding a donkey, and fastening round the neck a row of cast off earthen vessels."
Certain details about cruelty to animals are recorded in our work, In one of the birth-stories in Book V, a buffalo is tortured to death with revolting cruelty for killing the king's horse; and the incident is described also in Haribhadra's Samarāiccakahā. We are told that the feet of the animal were tied together, and burning coals heaped upon the body, while salt water was poured over the wounds, and he was allowed to drink water mixed with boiled extracts of peppers. On the other hand, the epitaphs on the dog and the peacock who were accidentally killed, as related in another story in the same Book, bear testimony to the love of animals, It is interesting to note that a contemporary record, the Atakūr inscription
the Ganga ruler Bütuga II, who took part in the battle of Takkolam in 949 A. D., tells us that Manālara who fought in front of him in the battle made a gift of land in memory of a hound, who had attacked and killed a boar, but was himself killed in the fight.
1 'Afers A ATETTcotiqa sana'p. 366. 2 'तदस्य पाटचरस्य चक्रीवदारोहणोच्छिष्टशालाजिरराजिबन्धविडम्बनपूर्वकश्चित्रो बन्धः कर्तव्यो यथाय नक्षत्रवाणिजो दश.
fraizafiat father fæla Ip. 245. 3 Soe Chap. III of this book. 4 See Chapters II and VII.
5 Sources of Karnataka History, Vol. I, p. 97.

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CHAPTER VI
YASASTILAKA AS A RELIGIOUS ROMANCE
As we have already remarked (Chap. IV), the Jaina writers of the tenth century and after, who composed prose romances in Sanskrit, introduced into them a religious element which was absent in the works of Dandin, Bāṇa and Subandhu. Siddharşi's Upamitibhavaprapañcā Kathā and Somadeva's Yasastilaka are two outstanding examples of Jaina religious romance in the tenth century, and it is evident that the development of the religious novel is a comparatively late phenomenon in Sanskrit literary history. In Prakrit, on the other hand, we have comprehensive Jaina religious romances like Uddyotana's Kuvalayamālā and Haribhadra's Samaraiccakaha in prose and verse composed in the eighth century, while the extensive Vasudevahindi in prose is ascribed to about the seventh century, and the lost Tarangavati of Padalipta is much earlier. Such religious romances are called dhammakahā (dharmakatha) in Prakrit; and Haribhadra, in fact, enumerates four varieties of katha in the prologue to his Samaraiccakaha: arthakatha, kamakatha, dharmakatha and the mixed samkirnakatha. Of these the dharmakatha is declared to be the highest type of narrative, illustrating as it does such qualities as forbearance, kindness, honesty, renunciation, austerities, self-restraint, truthfulness, purity, non-possession, and chastity, and the Anuvratas and the other vows; in fact, the entire code of Jaina ethics and religious discipline. Uddyotana in his Kuvalayamālā mentions four types of dharmakatha: ākṣepini or pleasant, vikṣepini or unpleasant, samvegajanani or leading to knowledge, and nirvedajanani or leading to detachment." The purpose of the dharmakatha is clear from these definitions, and we may in this connection refer to another division of katha into cariya and kappiya found in Vasudevahindi, Chap. X, which has a bearing on the character of the dharmakatha. The cariya deals with what is actually seen, heard or experienced in matters relating to dharma, artha and kama; while the kappiya is a story modified and altered for the purpose of instruction, and narrated in one's own way :3 it is obviously an imaginative tale with a didactic purpose, and may be correlated with a dharmakatha.
1 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Vol XVI, p. 31.
2 ' तत्राक्षेपिणी मनोनुकूला, विक्षेपिनी मनःप्रतिकूला, संवेगजननी ज्ञानोत्पत्तिकारणम्, निर्वेदजननी वैराग्यजनका ।" Ratnaprabhasuri's Sanskrit summary of Kuvalayamālā.
3 दुविहा कहा - चरिया य कप्पिया य । तत्थ चरिया दुविहा - इत्थीए पुरिसस्स वा । धम्मस्थकामकज्जेसु दिट्टं सुयमणुभूयं चरियं ति बुच्चति । जं पुण विवज्जासियं कुसलेहिं उवदेसियपुत्रं समतीए जुज्जमाणं कहिज्जइ तं कप्पियं ।'

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Judged by these standards, Yasastilaka is clearly a dharmakathā. Apart from the fact that it is a comprehensive manual of Jaina moral and religious doctrines, its purpose is to illustrate the great doctrine of ahimsa and its manifold implications. Yasodhara, it will be remembered, had to undergo grievous suffering in several births even for the sin of sacrificing the paste model of a cock with the idea of killing. This aspect of the story brings into relief certain moral and religious issues which throw interesting light on the Jaina view of ahimsa.
In the first place, the practice of sacrificing the effigy of an animal seems to have been an expedient favoured by those who were opposed to animal sacrifices as such, and instances of this are recorded not only in Indian but also Greek literature. It is stated, for example, in Rajatarangini 3. 7 that during the reign of Meghavahana, an ancient king of Kashmir, who prohibited animal slaughter in the kingdom, it was the custom to sacrifice butter models of animals in Vedic rites and those of paste in the Bhutayajfia offerings. In later times Madhvācārya is said to have introduced a reform consisting in the substitution of similar models of rice-flour for live animals in Vedic ritual. As regards Greek tradition, Philostratus likewise says in the Life of Apollonius of Tyana, the Greek saint and mystic of the first century A. D., that Empedocles of Acragas (in Sicily), made at Olympia a bull out of pastry (pemma poiïsamenos) and sacrificed it to the god, showing thereby that he approved of the sentiments of Pythagoras. Apollonius himself, who was opposed to animal sacrifices, is said to have condemned blood offerings in the temple at Alexandria, and sacrificed in the fire, by way of contrast, a plasma interpreted as a frankincense model of a bull (V. XXV). It is interesting to note that Apollonius refers in this connection to Indian sentiments, perhaps Buddhist or Jain. When the Egyptian priest sneered at his disapproval of animal sacrifices by saying that no one was so clever as to make corrections in the rites of the
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1 तस्य राज्ये जिनस्येव मारविद्वेषिणः प्रभोः । ऋतौ घृतपशुः पिष्टपशुर्भूतबला व भूत् ॥.
2 See Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XVI, p. 378.
3
Book I, chap. I (Loeb Classical Library). Philostratus wrote about 217 A. D. Diogenes Laertius VIII. 53 records a statement that Empedocles sacrificed a bull made out of honey and barley-meal in honour of the Sacred envoys. It may be noted that the early Egyptian king Amenhotep IV (fourteenth century B. C.) is said to have offered in his temple bloodless sacrifices, chiefly of incense. He suppressed the worship of Amen and of the old gods of Egypt, and led a short-lived religious revolu tion in favour of the god Aten, which represented a solar monotheism based on the worship of the disc of the sun. Budge: Egypt, p. 146. cf. Erman: Handbook of Egyption Religion, p. 63 ff. and Breasted: Development of Religion and Thought in ancient Egypt, p. 319 ff.

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Egyptians, Apollonius is reported to have answered: “Anyone with a little wisdom, if only he comes from India". Be that as it may, the story of Yasodhara makes it clear that so far as Jainism was concerned, it was opposed even to the sacrifice of lifeless models of animals; it rejected the very idea of animal sacrifices.
In the second place, the story of Yasodhara is designed also to show that the resulting consequences might be quite out of proportion to the sin committed by an individual. The latter point is emphasized by Haribhadra in his version of the story. He makes Yasodhara declare that even a slight error is fraught with peril, as can be seen from the dire results produced even by the sacrifice of a cock made out of paste.
Somadeva considers the problem of ahimsă in its relation to abhiniveća, the decisive character of which is stressed in a notable discourse in Book IV. It is put in the mouth of Yasodhara, who accepts a compromise on the subject of animal sacrifice, and agrees to sacrifice an artificial cock to Caņờikā with the object of attaining the results obtainable by sacrificing living creatures. The idea of killing is thus present, although a lifeless model is substituted for a real cock. Somadeva emphasizes in this connection the importance of abhinivesa, mental preoccupation or resolve', \purpose or motive', or intention', and declares that "the wise speak of abhinivesa as occupying the paramount place in all actions leading to virtue or sin. The external sense-organs, like the rays of the sun, are drawn equally to good as well as bad objects, but that alone does not make the agent liable to virtue or sin." This is another way of saying that it is the intention and not the outward act which determines the moral validity of an action. The idea is implied in another statement which Somadeva makes elsewhere, that if a pereson, pure in thought and action, inflicts injury on any one, he cannot be regarded as having done any injury at all." Somadeva illustrates the point further, using in this connection the term abhidhyāna in place of chinivesa. A fisherman, for example, although he does not actually kill the fish, is a sinner because his motive is himsă ;
1 See Chap. III. 2 'अहो दारुणविवागया अकज्जायरणाणं जमिह देवयानिमित्तं पिट्रमयकुक्कडवहो वि एवं परिणओ त्ति । 'दारुणो य विवाओ
थेवस्स वि पमायचेट्ठियस्स जेण पिट्ठमयकुकुडवहो वि पेच्छ कहं परिणओ त्ति. 3 nag ay gag # 4 afara m' Book IV, p. 163. 4 'अभिनिवेशं च पुनः पापपुण्यक्रियासु प्रधानं निधानमामनन्ति मनीषिणः । बाहानीन्द्रियाणि तपनतेजांसीव शुमेष्वशुभेषु
T U Å fafaqafer 1 daran hafa refugig: Fresat nielea sana: 1 Śrutaságara says her qroa. p. 136. 5 Kathalt: Taalaalag: 111acat fecumsta alem: 11 Book VI, section 21, p. 335.

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while a cultivator who happens to kill various creatures while tilling the ground incurs no sin, because he has no deleterious motive.?
Somadeva uses also the terms saņkalpa and abhisardhi in the same sense as abhinivesa. Abhisamdhi is often used in this sense elsewhere, for example, in the Prasastapada Bhāsya on the Vaisesika Sūtras. With regard to saṁkalpa, Somadeva says that the profanation of stones invested with divinity and set up with the samkalpa or intention of worshipping them is (in the Jaina view) a grievous sin. Similarly, it is the samkalpa which makes a householder an ascetic, and an ascetic a householder. The householder Arhaddāsa continued his religious meditation even on hearing of the death of his wife and children; while the sage Puruhūta, formerly a king, although engaged in austerities, formed a warlike resolution as soon as he heard that his son was being attacked by enemies. The respective sankalpas of Arhaddāsa and Puruhūta thus determined their moral outlook, regardless of their outward vocations. Somadeva lays emphasis also on the difficulty of purifying the mind once it is polluted by an evil intention, and says that the sum total of pious acts done over a long period is completely destroyed in a moment, like a house on fire, if marred by an evil intention even once through error. Further, the bearing and conduct of different persons towards the same object are bound to vary according to the diversity of their intentions or mental attitude. A sage, a libertine and a vulture do not, for example, have the same attitude towards the body of a young woman,'
Somadeva points out that mental activity is the main spring of virtue and sin: नरेषु संकल्पवशेन मन्मथो यथा प्रवर्तेत पयश्च धेनुषु । तथैव कर्माण्युभयानि मानसाहधाति बोधाधिपतिर्विजृम्भितात् ॥
Just as, under the stress of mental preoccupation, Love appears in men, and milk in cows (at the sight of the calf), similarly on account
1 सा क्रिया कापि नास्तीह यस्यां हिंसा न विद्यते । विशिष्येते परं भावावत्र मुख्यानुषङ्गिकौ ॥ अनन्नपि भवेत् पापी
AT HIT I femafaatan er efter pont a Book VII, section 26, p. 335. 2 .........gera PTURAM stafius:'. 3 'संकल्पोपपन्नप्रतिष्ठानि च देवसायुज्यमाजिशिलाशकलानि किमत्यासादयन् पुरुषो न भवति लोके पञ्चमहापातकी।' Book
IV, p. 136. There is a marginal note in Ms. A: Talatai at, which we have followed, 4 at 7 wafa Teofratsa gay: 1 .........gage IEET: 1' Ibid. 5 उत्तरमथुरायां निशाप्रतिमास्थित त्रिदिवसूत्रितकलत्रपुत्रमित्रोपद्रवोऽप्येकत्वभावनमानसोऽहंदासः।' 'कुसुमपुरे चरादाकर्णि
agtfe fataligātsfa gagacaft: 'Ibid., p. 137. 6 'चिरेणापि च कालेन कृतः कल्याणकर्मणां प्रचयः प्रमादवशेन सकृदपि संजातविधिर्दुरभिसंधिः पावकनिक्षेपात् प्रासाद इव
puta fattaa: 1' Ibid., p. 136 7 'अस्ति च जगत्प्रसिद्धमिदमुदाहरणम्-एकस्मिन्नेव किल कामिनीकलेवरे मुनिकामिकुणपाशिनामभिनिवेशनिमित्तो विचित्र
97: Fafanim a l' Ibid., p. 137.

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of mental activity the Self acquires karma, good and bad (Book IV, p. 137). Thus, according to Somadeva, mental activity represented by abhinivesa or saņkalpa involves a process which gives rise to the physical act and determines its moral validity. And ahimsā is not merely abstention from killing, but presupposes the absence of the very idea of killing, the complete absence of any sarkalpa that might have the remotest connection with injury to living creatures.
The insistence on ahimsā brought Jainism into conflict with diverse cults, and Yasastilaka preserves a faithful record of the religious conflict of the times. Somadeva's romance is a notable protest not only against the Vedic sacrificial system but against the debased form of contemporary Kaula or Tantric cults involving human sacrifice, and contains also important data on the historic conflict between Saivism and Jainism in the South. These topics have been dealt with in subsequent chapters, and we may here confine our remarks to the protest against Tantric and Vedic rites. It may be noted that such protests occur also in Jaina works outside Sanskrit literature, for example, in the poem Neelakesi, one of the early Tamil classics,' which describes how the Jaina ascetic Municandra puts a stop to blood offerings to Kāli, and foils the designs of the goddess and her chief Neelakesī, who is ultimately converted to Jainism, and preaches the doctrine of ahimsū. The Neelakesi is also a controversial work, like Somadeva's Yasastilaka, directed against Buddhism and other systems, one chapter being devoted to the criticism of Vedavāda involving animal sacrifices.
It will be remembered that Yasastilaka opens with the Māradatta episode which shows the Tantric cult in the darkest colours, and there is hardly any parallel to Somadeva's graphic description of the temple of Candamari and, its horrid atmosphere in the whole range of Sanskrit literature. The human victims are brought to the temple, but not actually sacrificed; and this gives the author an opportunity of demonstrating the salutary influence of Jainism, which undoubtedly did good work by raising its voice against blood-thirsty cults like those of Candamāri or Caņdikā.” A somewhat similar episode occurs in Haribhadra's Samarāiccakahā (Book VI) in the story of Dharana, who is brought by th
rana who is brought by the Sabaras to the temple of Kādambarī or Candikā as an offering, but is not actually immolated;
11.
1 See Jaina Antiquary, Vol. VI, No. 2 and Vol. VII, No. 1. 2 See Chap. II. 3 Compare the early Christian protest against human sacrifices, e. g. in Clement's
Exhortation to the Greeks (second century). In that work he records a number of Pagan cults involving human sacrifice, and remarks that such sacrifice is murder and human butchery.

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and the Sabara chief Kālasena partially at least accepts the principle of ahimsā, and agrees to worship the idol with flowers and perfumes instead of blocd offerings, In our work Máradatta and his subjects are, of course, converted to Jainism at the end; and the conversion motif is an appropriate feature of a religious romance, and found, for example, in early Christian novels like Xanthippe and Polyxena attributed to about the fourth century, and St. John Damascene's Barlaam and Ioasaph. etc. Perhaps more striking is the calm and fearless attitude of the two young votaries of Jainism, who are brought to the temple of Candamāri as sacrificial victims. Their courage, equanimity and dignified bearing do credit to the faith; and it is they who give utterance to the great idea of returning good for evil. As we have pointed out elsewhere (chap. I), the idea is common in Buddhist literature, and inherent in the doctrine of the Four Actions, but it no doubt represents one of the noblest teachings of Jainism as well. The utter resignation of the young ascetics and their readiness for suffering and disregard of death, as expressed in their own utterances, clearly illustrate some of the best moral influences of the doctrine of the Arhat. For example,
सोढस्त्वत्प्रणयादनेन मनसा तहःखदावानलः संसाराब्धिनिमजनादपि कृतं किंचित्त्वदानन्दनम् ।
स्वत्क्रीडागमकारणोचितमतेस्त्यक्तः श्रियः संगमो यद्यद्यापि विधे न तुष्यसि तदा तत्रापि सजा वयम् ॥ 'Thou Fate, thanks to thy favour, this heart hath endured the intense fire of all that suffering (in previous lives). Thou hast even been gratified a little by our plunging into the ocean of worldly existence. Prosperity, apt to be the cause of thy sports, hath been discarded by us. If thou art
ed even now, ready we are for suffering evermore.' (1. 132 ). The ascetic boy likewise says to his companion at the sight of the terrible goddess and the king and the crowd in her temple:
विशुद्धबोधं तप एव रक्षा ग्रामेष्वरण्येषु च संयतानाम् । अतः कृतान्तेऽपि समीपवृत्तौ मातर्मनो मा म कृथा निरीशम् ॥ जीवस्य सद्दर्शनरत्नभाजश्चारित्रयुक्तस्य समाहितस्य ।
आशंसितो मृत्युरुपप्रयातः परं प्रमोदस्य समागमाय ॥ "Austerities, based on pure knowledge, are the sole protection for those who have self-control, whether in human habitations or in the woods. Hence, o mother, never feel helpless even when Death is near. Death, ever expected, when it comes, causes only delight to the man who
1 Glover: Life and Letters in the fourth century, p. 376. 2 Yasastilaka 1. 151. 3 According to the Mülasar västivādai kasatakarman, they are (1) not returning
slander for slander; (2) not returning anger for anger; (3) not meeting insult with insult; (4) not returning blow for blow. See I-Tsing: A Record of the Buddhist Religion, translated by Takakusu, p. 56 (f. n. 2.).
17

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possesses the Jewel of Right Faith, and is endowed with Right Conduct, and devoted to holy meditation.' (1. 139-40).
Without disparaging Somadeva's picture of the fortitude and equanimity of the young Jaina munis, we may here refer to the remarkable story of the young Buddhist novice Adhimutta in the Theragātha (705 ff.), which depicts his dauntless courage and philosophic calm when he is seized by highwaymen as a suitable offering to their deity, apparently of the same type as the Caņdamāri figuring in our romance. Adhimutta declares, for example,
This body irketh me; no seeker I To live. This mortal frame will broken be, And ne'er another from it be reborn. Your business with my body, come, that do E'en as ye will; and not on that account
Will hatred or affection rise in me.
The attack on Vedic and Smārta rites involving animal sacrifices occurs chiefly in the controversial dialogue between Yasodhara and mother, analysed elsewhere.” The Jaina condemnation of animal sacrifices is similar to that of the Buddhists, and reminds one of the attacks on Pagan sacrifices found in the writings of the Christian apologists of the second century such as Justin, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, and Tatian, and Arnobius (end of the third century) and others. Arnobius, for example, says: "Lastly, what pleasure is it to take delight in the slaughter of harmless creatures, ............ to see rivers of blood, the life fleeing away with the blood ............? Will any one believe that the gods, who are kind, beneficent and gentle, are delighted and filled with joy by the slaughter of cattle, if ever they fall and expire pitiably before their altars ?”! Similar sentiments are found in Yasastilaka, Book IV and other anti-Brahmanical writings. Arnobius goes on to say:"..............is that foul smell, then, which is given forth and emitted by burning hides, by bones, by bristles, ...............(is that) a favour and an honour to the deity?" This sounds like Somadeva's line (Book IV, p. 109):
सुधान्धसः स्वर्गसुखोचिताङ्गाः खादन्ति किं वह्निगतं निलिम्पाः । 1 Psalms of the Early Buddhists 11. Trang. by Mrs. Rhys Davids, p. 293. 2 See Chap. XII. 3 Details in Lietzmann: Christliche Literatur : Croiset: Histoire de la Litterature
Grecque, Vol. V, p. 727 ff.; Schanz: Geschichte der Römischen Litteratur, Vol. III,
p. 245 ff.) 3rd ed.); and Puech: Histoire de la Littérature Grecque Chrétienne. 4 The Seven Books of Arnobius Adver 8448 Gontos VII. 4 ( Ante-nicon Library).
5 See Chapters XII and XIII.

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Similarly, the sarcastic verse, attributed in our work to an ox addressing a priest about to sacrifice him, in the story related by Yaśod in the dialogue with his mother,' has its counterpart in Arnobius VII. 9 in the elaborate speech imagined to be addressed to Jupiter by an ox on the iniquity of sacrificing him to appease the fury of the gods. But the Jaina view of ahińsā is far more comprehensive than the Christian objection to animal sacrifices, involving as it does complete abstinence from all kinds of flesh food. Arnobius, in fact, deeply regrets the necessity that compels men to kill animals for food, and we have what we may call his confession on the subject: "We half-savage men, nay rather ............, we Savages, whom unhappy necessity and bad habit have trained to take these as food, are sometimes moved with pity for them .............
The condemnation of animal food and blood-shedding sacrifices is an important adjunct of the Jaina doctrine of ahimsā, and Somadeva's Yasastilaka contains many interesting data on this aspect of Jainism. Buddhism was equally opposed to sacrifices, but the Jaina prohibition of animal food is far stricter than that of the Buddhists; and Somadeva, in fact, severely criticizes the latter for eating flesh®, and similar criticism occurs also in the Tamil Jaina poem Neelakesi. It is noteworthy that it is in certain early Greeks and Jewish and Jewish-Christiano sects
1 Quoted in Chap. XII. 2 Arnobius (op. cit.) VII. 4. 3 See Chap. XIII. 4 Jaina Antiquary, Vol. VII, p. 3. 5 The early Pythagoreang do not seem to have been strict in abstinence from animal
flesh. It is said that Pythagoras himself did not abstain from animal flesh in general, but only from that of the ploughing ox and the ram, although he is said to have refused to sacrifice on any but the oldest altar, that of Apollo the Father, where only bloodloss sacrifices were allowed. It was the later Pythagoreans (fourth century B. c.), called also Akousmatios, who practised vegetarianism and complete abstinence from meat, fish, wine eto., and did not participate in the usual sacrifices, Diogenes Laertius, Book VIII; Burnet: Barly Greek Philosophy, p. 93; Zeller: Outlines of the History of Greek Philosophy, p. 72. Still later, the Pythagorean rule of life embodying these principles was again preached by Apollonius of Tyana, as stated above, Empedoolog of Akragas (fifth century B. c. ), who as a religious teacher was guided by Pythagorean influence, also advocated abstinence from animal food and blood offerings, which, as we have seen, were replaced by sacrificial cakos in animal form. Burnet (op cit.), p. 250; Zeller, p. 58. The Essenes were a pre-Christian Jewish sect of Syria and Palestine, and followed, according to the historian Josephus, the Pythagorean mode of life, a significant phrase. Moore: Judaism, Vol. I, p. 457. They were communists, and the initiate, before he was allowed to share the common meal, was required to take an oath, among other things, "never to injure anyone, either of his own accord or under compulsion". The Essenog included the Therapeutae, who were to be found in Egypt,

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and schools that we find a close parallel to the Jaina prohibition of animal food and sacrifices; and special reference may be made in tnis connection to the Pythagorean rule of life preached by Apolloinus of Tyana in the first century A. D., as recorded in the biography of the saint by Philostratus (VI. XI; VIII. VII etc.).
The dialogue between Yasodhara and his mother in Yasastilaka, Book IV, is highly interesting from the standpoint of comparative religion. In the first place, the attack on the Brahmanical deities, found also elsewhere in the work as well as in other Jaina texts, is comparable to the attack on the pagan deities found even in a more systematic form in early Christian apologetic literature, e. g., in Clement's Eschortation to the Greeks, The Seven Books of Arnobius Adversus Gentes etc. In the second place, it is noteworthy that in the dialogue in question Yasodhara takes pains to prove the antiquity of Jainism in order to refute the charge that it is a modern creed, and cites in support of his thesis evidence thatis not altogether convincing and reliable.' The anxiety of a minority faith to establish its ancient origin by all kinds of literary evidence at its disposal for the purpose of enhancing its prestige is inevitable in its struggle for recognition, and instances of this are found also in the literature of Christianity in the early period of its conflict with the Pagan cults. For example, Tertullian, who admits that the Christian community is rather modern, points out that it rests on the very ancient books of the Jews, and asserts that Moses is earlier than Danaus, "Your most ancient of men”, about a thousand years ahead of the Trojan
and led the contemplative life of ascetics; their so-called feasts where no flesh was served were famous and formed a contrast to Greek revels.' Encylopedia Britannica, sub voce, fourteenth edition. Next in importance for our purpose is the JewishChristian sect of the Ebionites (second century), or, strictly speaking, that section of the Ebionites who derived their tenets from contact with the Essenes and the Gnostics, and professed what is known as Essene or Gnostic Ebionism. These Ebionites denied the divinity of Jesus, and their discipline inoluded abstinence from flesh and prohibition of blood-shedding sacrifices: the Pentateuch, specially where it requires sacrifice and the use of flesh, was to be rejected. Gnosticism has been described as a system of heathenish thought, adopting some Jewish and some Christian elements; and we are here concerned with the Syrian school whose inspiration was Oriental, and practice ascetic. Satornilus, or Saturninus, of Antioch and Tatian of Mesopotamia belong to the Syrian school (second century A. D.). Both of them condemned marriage and animal food, while the asceticism of Tatian was so thorough that his followers were called Encratites, or professors of an abstinence that was really total. Kidd: A History of the Church, vol. I, chapters IV and VIII. On the Essenes cf. Headlam: The Life and teaching of Jesus the Christ, pp. 110, 137, 162, fourth edition, 1940;
Peters: The Religion of the Hebrews, p. 423. 1 See Chap. XIII.

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war, and fifteen hundred years before Homer. As regards proofs, the task of setting them out in deatail is “not difficult so much as endless, not an arduous task, but for the moment too long”.! To the same category of presumptions belong Pontius Pilate's alleged report to Tiberius on the story of the resurrection of Christ, and spurious documents such as the letter of Marcus Aurelius to the Senate on the miraculous effect of the prayers of his Christian soldiers on the great dronght in Germany, Abgar's letter to Christ and his reply thereto etc. So far as Somadeva is concerned, he cannot indeed be accused of forgery, but only of misjudging the chronological value of some of the authorities cited by him.
It will also be seen that, in Yasodhara’s dialogue with his mother Candramati, he makes a serious attempt to refute the charges levelled against Jainism by her; and elsewhere in the work Somadeva justifies certain typical beliefs and practices of the Jaina faith. It is, as a matter of fact, one of the objects of Yasastilaka to remove misconceptions and prejudices concerning the religion of the Arhat, and establish its legitimate place among the recognised schools and systems of the land. In this respect also Somadeva's work reminds one of the literary efforts of the early apologists, and we may besides refer in this connection to a work like Against Apion of the Jewish historian Josephus (first century A. D.), who sets out not only to demonstrate the great antiquity of the Jewish people and explain and eulogize their law but to rebut certain calumnies of the Greek writers on the subject. The occasional similarities between Jaina and Christian polemical literature are not surprising, and may be attributed to a like cause, the religious conflicts of the Graeco-Roman world and of Ancient and Medieval India. Apologetic literature is, however, apt to lose part of its interest after the storm and stress of controversy is over, and what has been said of the work of Josephus may also be applied to Somadeva's apology for Jainism in his romance. No one today doubts the antiquity of Jainism or considers the Digambaras
1 Apology, Ch. XIX, Trang. by Glover. 2 Ibid. Ch. XXI. 3 Eusebius: Ecclesiastical History I. XIII. 4 See Chaps. X and XIII. 8 Croiset (op. cit), p. 443. 6 Candramati's strictures on the Digambaras for their part in the conversion of
Yaśodhara to Jainism reflect the feelings of a pious Hindu and indicate the spirit of the times. We are reminded of the attack of Celsus ( second century ) on converts from Judaism to Christianity, the main charge being that they have erred 'in consequence of their minds being led captive by Jesus, that they have been most ridiculously deceived' etc. Kid: A History of the Church, Vol. I, p. 413. For similarity of language see Candramati's remarks cited in Chap. XII.

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to be unworthy people, but the defence of Jainism in the dialogue in Yasastilaka, Book IV, although a record of past prejudices, is important as reflecting contemporary conditions, and preserving for us a number of citations from works no longer extant and certain important references to little known authors.
The controversial dialogue is indeed & conspicuous feature of Yasastilaka as a religious romance. In addition to the dialogue between Yaśodhara and his mother in Book IV, the episode of Caņdakarman in Book V contains & dialogue in which & follower of the Sāmkhya system, a Mimāṁsaka, a Cārvāka, a Saiva and a Buddhist expound their respective tenets before the Jaina teacher Sudatta, who makes a summary reply, reserving for special attack the doctrines of the Saivas. Very unlike is the dialogue between Yaśodhara and his mother, which is a lively debate on questions at issue between Jainism and the Brahmanical religion. It is an interesting fact that, whenever there is a conflict of religions, the controversial dialogue or religious debate tends to appear in contemporary literature. In Jaina literature itself there are examples which might have served as models for later writers like Somadeva. For instance, in the Sūtrakytānga Sūtra II. 6 there is an important dialogue, in which Ardraka, a follower of Mahāvīra, is the chief speaker, and refutes the views of the representatives of various schools: Gośāla, a Buddhist, a Vedāntin, a Vedic priest, and a Hastitāpasa. Turning to Western literature, we may refer to such examples as the famous Octavius of Minucius Felix (circa 180 A. D.), which records a debate in Latin between two friends on the relative merits of Pagan and Christian beliefs; Justin's Dialogue with the Jew Trypho (2nd century) in Greek; and Aristo's lost Dialogue between the Christian Jason and the Jew Papiscus, also in Greek, and composed about the same time. Amicable debates between exponents of Christianity and Islam are known to have been encouraged by certain Califs and Byzantine Emperors; while the Emperor Manuel Palaeologus (1391-1425 A, D.) wrote a large number of polemical dialogues directed against Islam.' More interesting from our point of view is the debate on the validity and merits of Pagan beliefs and the Christian religion occurring in St. John Damascene's Barlaam and Ioasaph, a Greek religious novel of about the eighth century
1 See Chap. VIIT. 2 Jacobi: Jaina Sütras, Part II, p. 409 ff. 3 Croiset (op. cit.), p. 736 ff. of. Glover : Conflict of Religions in the early Roman
Empire, p. 176. 4 Runolman: Byzantino Civilisation, p. 131. 5 Montolatioi: Letteratura Bizantina, p. 250.

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A. D.' The discussion here is not in the form of a dialogue, but we have the speech of Nachor against the Pagan deities and in praise of the Christians; and the contest, as recorded in the work, provides, on the whole, a good example of a religious debate incorporated in a prose romance ( Chap. XXVI ff.). Authorities are not cited as in Yasastilaka, but the speech of Nachor itself is nothing but the Apology of Aristides, a philosopher of Athens of the second century A. D., fitted, with some deftness into its new context.' In the Jaina romance mother and son disagree on religious issues, while in the Greek story the disagreement is between father and son; but while in Yasastilaka the disputants themselves carry on the debate, in Barlaam and Ioasaph orators are employed by both parties to plead their cause. Religion plays an important part in another medieval Greek romance of the tenth century, the Byzantine poem of Digenis Akritas, wherein Emir Mousour, a Muhammadan convert to Christianity, soon after his baptism enters into a discussion with his mother to make her renounce the religion of Islam, and argues like a veritable theologian.' Somadeva's Yasastilaka is likewise a religious romance composed in an age of conflict, and as such shares some of the characteristics of works written at similar epochs.
The stories of rebirth in Book V are a typically Jaina feature, and similar stories are found in earlier romances like Vasudevahindi, Samarãiocakahā etc.; they are not without interest from the standpoint of comparative literature. The sequence of Karma and rebirth, which
1 Text and Trans. in Loeb Classical Library. 2 Diehl: Figures Byzantines, Vol. II, p. 312. 3 As is well-known, Pythagoras and Empedocles taught the doctrine of Rebirth or
transmigration, which the former may have learnt from the contemporary Orphics, For possible Indian influence on Pythagoras see Gomperz: Greek Thinkers, vol. I, p. 127. Empedocles says that he has not only been a human being, a boy and a maid. and a plant, but even a fish. Diogenes Laertius, VIII. 77. The Greek writer Lucian of Samogata (second century A. D.), in his pleasant satire The Dream, or The Cock, describes the bird as declaring to his master Micyllus the cobbler that, before being a cock, he was first Euphorbus who fought at Troy, then Pythagoras, then the courtesan Aspasia, then the Cynic Crates; after that, a king, then a poor man, and soon a satrap; thon a horse, a jackdaw, a frog, and a thousand things besides: the cobbler admits that he can no longer call himself the master of such a bird. Traces of belief in motempsychosis are found in old Irish sagas (seventh century A. D. and earlier). For example, Tuan, son of Cairell, had been successively a man, a stag, a boar, a falcon, a salmon, and then again a man. Dottin: L'Épopee Irlandaise, p. 9. The peculiarity of the Jaina stories is that vach successive birth of an individual is narrated in detail so as to form a regular sequence designed to illustrate the vicissitudes brought about by the law of Karma. The period of development of these stories may be taken to be the same as

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these stories illustrate, is also emphasized elsewhere in the romance, being represented as the raison d'être of Dharma and the antidote against materialism.
सत्यं न धर्मः क्रियते यदि स्याद् गर्भावसानान्तर एव जीवः । a tapi
जातिस्मराणामथ रक्षसां च दृष्टिः परं किं न समस्ति लोके ॥ स्वयं कृतं जन्तुषु कर्म नो चेत् समः समस्तः खलु किं न लोकः ।
भूतात्मकं चित्तमिदं च मिथ्या स्वरूपभेदात् पवनावनीव ॥ एवं चेदमपि संगच्छते
यदुपचितमन्यजन्मनि शुभाशुभं तस्य कर्मणः प्राप्तिम् । व्यञ्जयति शास्त्रमेतत्तमसि द्रव्याणि दीप इव ।। “Dharma need not, of course, be practised if the existence of the Self were limited to the period between birth and death. But that is not the case. Because, do we not see in the world people who can remember their past lives as well as those who become ghosts after death? If self-done Karma had no effect on sentient beings, would all creatures not be equal in status? It is also false to say that the mind is composed of matter, because mind and matter essentially differ, like earth and air. On these grounds the following statement turns out to be true. The science of astrology' reveals the consequences of good and bad Karma accumulated in another birth, just as a lamp reveals things in darkness." (Book IV, p. 92).
The romance of Yasodhara has also a didactic purpose. It shows us the seamy side of a woman's character and warns against the grave consequences of conjugal infidelity. The idea that marriage entitles the husband to the body of a woman, 'sold by her parents in the presence of the gods, the Brāhmaṇas, and the Fire' but not necessarily to her heart, Occurs twice in our work, in Book IV, and in the story of Padmā in Book VII. We read in the latter context:
स्त्रीणां वपुर्बन्धुभिरग्निसाक्षिकं परत्र विक्रीतमिदं न मानसम् । स एव तस्याधिपतिर्मत: कृती विस्रम्भगर्भा ननु यत्र निर्वृतिः॥
that of the Jaina Kathānaka literature. See Chap. XVI. It may be added that the doctrine of metempsychosis appears also in the system of the Elkasaites, a JewishChristian sect of the second century: 'for, though Christ was regarded as born in the ordinary way, His birth of Mary was held to be but one of many such experiences. He had been incarnate before and would be incarnate again.' Kidd (op. cit.), vol. I, p. 103. The literary history of metempsychosis is a subject which requires detailed treatment on comparative lines. Śrutasāgara says in his commentary that the verse is written at the beginning of horoscopes. The evidence of astrrlogy is cited to prove the existence of Karma and
rebirth. 2 See Chap. ILI.

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The body of a woman and not her heart is sold to another by her relations with Fire for witness. But he alone is the lucky lord of her heart, in whom she verily finds joy and bliss born of confidence.' (p. 363).
These ideas favourable to free love seem to have been current in Somadeva's time, and it is his purpose in Yasastilaka to show that they cannot be put forward as an excuse for treachery much less for crime.
We have discussed elsewhere Somadeva's attitude towards women, and as is to be expected in a thinker like him, it takes into account diverse aspects of female character (Chap. V). There are, however, certain attacks on women, for example, those in Book I, attributed to the sage Sudatta, which may fittingly occur in a religious romance, particularly in one dealing with a Jaina theme. Similar attacks are also found, for example, in the Buddhist biographical romance Lalitavistara (Chap. 15). Disgust for women is only a form of that detachment and indifference to worldly pleasures which it is the purpose of a Jaina dharmakathā to inculcate. This is the moral and religious background of Sudatta's reflections on the decomposed body of a young woman in the cremation ground (1. 95–124), particular emphasis being laid on the contrast between the courtesan's once admired beauty and the miserable condition of her corpse. The musings of the Jaina monk belong to the same category as the Buddhist asubha-bhāvanā, the meditation on impurity, on the horrors of bodily disease, decay and corruption. The dead body of a young woman is a familiar object for such contemplation, and an early example of this is found in a psalm attributed to the Thera Rājadatta in the Theragātha (315 ff.), which describes the monk's effort to meditate on the partially intact corpse of a courtesan slain and cast into the charnel-field. It may also be noted that observation and contemplation of corpses in various stages of decompozition, and the realisation that one's own body is of like nature, form part of the discipline envisaged by the introspective process of satipatthāna, described in the Dighanikāya XXII. 7 ff. and other Buddhist texts. Medi. tation of this type is known as pratyūha or pratipakşa-bhāvanā, meditation counteracting attachment to worldly objects', in Brahmanical literature. Jayanta, discussing the subject in Nyāyamañjari (Chap. 9), explains how
1 See Chap. VII 2 Psalms of the Early Buddhists, II. p. 189. Cf. Majjhima-nikāya XIII, Maha-dukkha
kkhandha Sutta. Here the body of a young woman, lying dead in a charael-field, and being devoured by animals and birds of prey, is described to illustrate the perils that attend visible forms and the satisfaction they give,
18

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YAŠASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE the Vivekin contemplates objects likely to produce vairāgya, and gives the same example of meditating on the body of a beautiful maiden mangled by birds of prey :
असौ तरलताराक्षी पीनोत्तुङ्गधनस्तनी । विलुप्यमाना कान्तारे विहगैरद्य दृश्यते ॥ विभाति बहिरेवास्याः पनगन्धनिभं वपुः । अन्तर्मजास्थिविण्मूत्रमेदःक्रिमिकुलाकुलम् ॥ ग्यात्तानना विवृत्ताक्षी विवर्णा श्वासघुघुरा ।
कथमद्य न रागाय म्रियमाणा तपस्विनी ॥ Sudatta's verses on the corpse of the young woman in Yasastilaka, Book I, may be called a poetic elaboration of a similar idea, and constitute an eloquent sermon on the emptiness of life."
An idea of the place occupied by religious topics in Yasastilaka may be had from the fact that, of its eight Books, the last three exclusively deal with Jaina doctrines; the comprehensive controversial dialogue between Yasodhara and his mother occurs in Book IV, and Sudatta's dialogue with Caņdakarman and his companions containing the criticism of Saiva doctrines in Book V; while the cult of Caņdamārī and the Jaina reaction to it are delineated in Book I. Only Book II and the lengthy Book III may be said to be free from religious topics as such.
1 Scenes from the burning ground, the vultures and their mates in flocks' and
*the skulls of the dead', are used to illustrate the essential vileness of the human frame in the Maladiyār (Chap. V), one of the early Tamil classics, and believed to be of Jaina origin. Pope's translation, p. 29. Ho remarks that there is no chapter corresponding to this in the Kurral, but the same spirit is recognised in the Tamil Jaina epic Jivakacintāmani XIII. 162-201, very striking verses'. "Everything that cau be said in disparagement of the body of humiliation' is heaped up there. This is a characteristic of Jaina works. In Saiva books the standpoint is somewhat different.” A foundation is laid in this and the preceding chapters for the doctrine of Renunciation, which is definea as the relinquishment of all attachment to worldly wealth without, and to the body within (the lusts of the flesh) in view of their impermanency.' pp. 30, 35.

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CHAPTER VII
YASASTILAKA AS AN ANTHOLOGY OF SANSKRIT VERSE
The large number of verses interspersed in Yasastilaka makes it a veritable anthology of Kavya poetry in the tenth century. There are groups of verses on diverse topics as well as individual slokas, which can be detached from the context without causing any appreciable break in the narrative, and form, so to speak, an independent body of verse valuable for the study of the poetry of the period. These verses, as a rule, are composed in a comparatively easy style more attractive than the intricate prose, in which Somadeva chose to recount his story.
I. COURT POETRY
A number of verse-groups forming part of the autobiographical record of Yasodhara deals with aspects of medieval court life, with which the romance is so closely bound up, and often gives vivid pictures of scenes which Somadeva must have personally witnessed. The cultural value of these verses can hardly be overestimated, and the following specimens form a more or less consecutive scries.
a) BIRTH OF YASODHARA
The festivities and the atmosphere of gaiety at the royal palace at Ujjayini on the occasion of the birth of Yasodhara are described in a dozen verses (2. 68-79).
नृत्यद्वृद्धपुरन्ध्रिगेयसुभगाः सोल्लास हल्लाननाः खेळद्वामन कामिनीप्रियभुवः सानन्दधात्रीकुलाः । पिष्टापीडविडम्यमान जरतीसीमन्तकान्ताङ्गणास्तूरोद्यावरवैः समं किल बभुः शुद्धान्तमध्यास्तदा ॥
At that hour the inner apartments, delightful with the songs of the old matrons dancing therein, rang with the festive notes of musical instruments, and the countenance of the attendants beamed with joy. The floor presented an amusing scene, dwarfish women indulging in sports. Groups of delighted nurses were about, and the forecourts were charming with the presence of old dames, their hair heavily laden with heaps of coloured powder (2.68).
आनन्दवाद्यरवपूरितदिङ्मुखानि पौराङ्गनाजन विनोदमनोहराणि ।
आमुक्तकेतुरचितोत्सव तोरणानि कामं तदा शुशुभिरे नगरे गृहाणि ॥
At that time the mansions in the city brightly shone, with flags flying and decorative arches built for the occasion. Charming they were with

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the pleasantry of the women of the city, and filled the quarters with the gay notes of music (2. 75)..
आखण्डलप्रतिमपुत्रवतां धुरीणः स्त्रीलोचनोत्पलविलासरसप्रवीणः ।
त्रैलोक्यपावनयशःकिरणोदयेन त्वं नन्दतात्तनयजन्ममहोत्सवेन ॥ धर्मः पल्लवितः स्त्रियः कुसुमिताः कामः फलैः श्लाध्यते वंशस्त क्षितिनाथ संप्रति परां छायां श्रितः कामपि । भूदेवी सकृतार्थतामुपगता मूलान्वयानां पुनश्चित्ते माति न देव सान्द्रितरसस्त्वत्पुत्रजन्मोत्सवः ॥ सानन्दं बन्दिवृन्दैः क्वचिदवनिपतिः स्तूयते प्रार्थितार्थैर्बन्धूनां तुष्टिदानैः क्वचिदतनुमुदः सौविदल्लास्त्वरन्ते । आकल्पं भर्तृलक्ष्मीमियमनुभवतात् पुत्रपौत्रैश्च साधं देवीत्येवं पुरोधाः क्वचिदपि च पठत्याशिषः कामितश्रीः ॥ स्वर्गः कल्पद्रुमैर्भूः कुलधरणिधरैौरधाम्ना पयोधिद्यौः पूष्णा भोगिलोको भुजगपरिवृढेनाकरमेव रवैः ।
देवस्तावच्चिराय प्रथितपृथुयशाः कीर्तिपृथ्वी तथेयं देवी च स्तात् प्रमोदावह दिवसवती पुत्रजन्मोत्सवेन ॥ At one place the bards, asking for various gifts, praised the king (Yaśorgha) in joy: “Thou art chief among those who possess sons like Indra. Thou dost delight in the amorous play of women's lotus eyes. Mayst thou rejoice in the birth of thy son, a mighty festival, the source of a worldpurifying halo of fame! The tree of virtue has put forth leaves, riches have blossomed forth, and desire is crowned with success. Thy dynasty, o king, now attains a radiant glory beyond all words. The divine Earth has her crowning desire fulfilled. And, sire, the joy of thy ministers occasioned by the birth of thy child, knows no bounds, for it has deepened the affection of their hearts." At one place the chamberlains were hurrying to and fro, overjoyed at the gifts presented by their friends. Elsewhere the family priest, desiring wealth, recited blessings : “May the queen share for years the prosperity of her consort in company with her sons and grandsons! Just as heaven is delighted with the Kalpa trees, the ocean with the moon, and the nether regions with the lord of the serpents; similarly, may the king, with his fame spreading far and wide, long enjoy days of happiness on account of the joyous birth of this child! May the queen, too, be likewise happy, great in her renown; just as the earth is happy with the great mountainranges, the sky with the sun, and the bosom of the earth with its jewels!" (2.76-79).
b) WEDDING AND CORONATION OF YAGODHARA The wedding and coronation of Yasodhara give occasion to a series of verses recited by the court poets. A bard named Jalakelivilāsa announces the preliminary ceremonial bath (2. 202-13):
यत्राभूदमृतातपः सुरकरी कल्पद्रुमः कौस्तुभो लक्ष्मीरप्सरसां गणश्च सुधया साधं बुधानां मुदे। यद्भूयो भुवनोपकारिचरितैरासेव्यमानं घनैस्तद्रनाकरवारि मजनविधौ भूयात्तव श्रेयसे ।।
यन्नाकलोकमुनिमानसकल्मषाणां काश्यं करोति सकृदेव कृताभिषेकम् । प्रालेयशैलशिखराश्रमतापसानां सेव्यं च यत्तव तदम्बु मुदेऽस्तु गाङ्गम् ॥

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"In the ceremony of thy bath, may the waters of the ocean bring good to thee, the waters whence emerged the moon and the Airāvata elephant and the Kalpa tree and the Kaustubha gem and the goddess of wealth, and the nymphs along with nectar for the pleasure of the gods! The clouds, benefactors of the world, frequent those waters again and again (2. 210). May the waters of the Ganges bring thee joy! Even a single dip in them destroys the mental impurities of the sages living in the celestial world. Those are the waters resorted to by the anchorites living in the hermitages on the Himalayan peaks.” (2. 211).
यमुनानर्मदागोदाचन्द्रभागासरस्वती-। सरयूसिन्धुशोणोत्थैर्जेलैर्देवोऽभिषिच्यताम् । "Let the king be bathed with the water brought from the Yamunā, the Narmadā, the Godāvarī, the Candrabhāgā, the Sarasvati, the Sarayü, the Indus and the Soņa !” (2. 213).
The ceremonial bath is described in the following verse spoken by Yaśodhara:
उल्लोलालकवीचिभिर्विचलितापानोत्पलश्रेणिभिः प्रक्षुभ्यत्कुचचक्रवाकमिथुनैालोलनामीहदैः।
वारचीनिवहैः सत्यं निनदं जाताभिषेकोत्सवः कामं स्फारितकाञ्चिदेशपुलिनैः सिन्धुप्रवाहैरिव ॥ The gay ceremony of my bath was performed by bevies of court. esans resembling river-streams, to the sound of music. The curls of their hair waved like ripples; the corners of the eyes moved like blue lotus beds; the bosoms heaved like pairs of red geese; the navels were agitated like pools of water; and the hips expanded freely like a river's sandy bank.' (2. 214.).
The sacred bath is followed by the nuptial rites, and a bard named Manojakunjara addresses felicitations to Yasodhara and his bride Amộtamati (2. 215-220). There is almost an ironic touch in these verses in view of the tragic sequel to the marriage, which at the moment augured 80 well for the future.
लक्ष्मीरियं त्वमपि माधव एव साक्षादेषा शची सुरपतिस्त्वमपि प्रतीतः । आशास्यते तदिह किं भवतोरिदानी प्रीतिः परं रतिमनोभवयोरिवास्तु ॥ एषा हिमांशुमणिनिर्मितदेहयष्टिस्त्वं चन्द्रचूर्णरचितावयवश्व साक्षात् ।
एवं न चेत् कयमियं तव संगमेन प्रत्यानिर्गतजला सुतनुश्चकास्ति । “She is the goddess of wealth and thou art Vişņu himself; she is Saci and thou art the illustrious Indra. What blessings can now be given to you twain? Yet may mutual love be yours like that of Cupid and Rati! Her frame is verily made of moonstones, and thy limbs seem to be composed of particles of moonbeams. Otherwise how is it that the fair maiden shines in thy company, perspiring all over the body.” (2. 215-216)'.
1 Moonstones are supposed to emit moisture when exposed to the light of the moon.

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The bard then adopts an impersonal tone and describes the deportment of a newly married bride, an erotic picture often met with in Kavya literature.
उक्ता वक्ति न किंचिदुत्तरमियं नालोकितालोकते शय्यायां विहितागमा च विवशश्वासोल्बणं वेपते । नर्मालापविधी सकोपहृदया गन्तुं पुनर्वाग्छति प्रीति कस्य तथापि नो वितनुते बाला नवे संगमे । किंचित् केकरवीक्षितं किमपि च भ्रभङ्गलीलायितं किंचिन्मन्मनभाषितं किमपि च श्लेषाभिलाषेहितम् ।
इत्थं मुग्धतया बहिर्विलसितं वध्वा नवे संगमे चित्तस्थेन मनोभुवा बलवता नीवीखलत्वं कृतम् ॥ “When spoken to, she never replies; when looked at, she never glances. Coming to the bed, she trembles heavily, being out of breath. Offended by jesting, she desires to depart. Yet who is not charmed by a maiden in the first union with her? A slight side-glance, a gentle play of the eyebrows, a few indistinct words, and a faint desire and effort to embrace. Such is the deportment born of simplicity, manifested by a bride in her first union with her lover; while the powerful Cupid, abiding in her heart, plays the villain with the knot of her skirt !” (2. 218-219).
Then follow the coronation verses recited by the bards while the prince accepts the emblems of sovereignty: ____अपहसितपुष्पदन्तं कुवलयकमलावबोधनादेव । अधरितसकलमहीधरमाभाति तवातपत्रमिदमेकम् ॥ “Sire, here shines the unique parasol. It hath brought under its shade all kings, and surpasses in grandeur the sun and the moon, for it illumines the earth and calls into activity the goddess of wealth." (2. 222).
द्विषद्विपमदध्वंसाद्भूभृतां शिरसि स्थितः । आरोहतां क्षितीशानां सिंहः सिंहासनं नृपः॥ "Let the prince ascend the throne. A lion among kings, he is above all rulers of the earth, having destroyed the pride of his enemies, elephants as it were." (2. 223).
मृगमदतिलकेऽस्मिन्नर्धचन्द्रावदाते जलनिधिरसनोर्वीभाजनैश्वर्यवयें । जनितसकललोकानल्पकल्पप्रमोदः क्षितिरमण ललाटे पट्टबन्धस्तवास्तु ॥"
1 Kuvalaya 'the earth' means also 'night lotus' which cannot be opened by the sun;
and Kamalā 'the goddess of wealth' has to be construed also as Kamala 'day lotus'
which cannot be opened by the moon. 2 Helen Johnson points out in ABORI, Vol. XXVII, p. 187, that there is a reference
to pattabandha in Hemacandra's Trişaştisalākapuruşacarita 10. 11. In an account of the feud between Pradyota of Avanti and Udayana of Vitabhaya he describes the capture of Pradyota by Udayana who branded Pradyota's forehead with an insulting term. Subsequently they were reconciled and “Udayana made a pattabandha which concealed the brand on Pradyota's forehead. From that time a pattabandha indicated the majesty of kings. Formerly they wore & kirita and nothing else as a headornament.” Hemacandra thus meant by pattabandha a 'fillet', diadem', worn around the forehead in contrast with a head-dress worn higher on the head.

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+ Ulo
“Sire, let the diadem be placed round thy forehead, causing delight to all the world for countless ages. Adorned with an ornamental mark of musk-paint, thy brow is bright as the half-moon, shining with the glory of sovereignty over the sea-girt earth!” (2. 224). aku garn
लक्ष्मीविनोदकुमुदाकरचन्द्रहासः संग्रामकेलिनलिनीवनसूर्यहासः ।
विद्विष्टदैत्यमदमान्धहराट्टहासः कीर्तिस्त्रियात्रिभुवनोदयमोदहासः ॥ “ And, this thy sword is verily the light of the moon, causing the bloom of the night lotus-bed, to wit, the joyous advent of prosperity. It is verily the light of the sun, causing the bloom of the day lotus-bed, to wit, the sport of war. It is verily the loud laugh of the pride of the demons, namely, thy enemies. It is verily the smile of Lady Fame, caused by joy of her prosperous career through the world.” (2. 226).
After the coronation, Yasodhara is greeted by the elders of the family who recite a number of punyaslokas or verses conveying good wishes and blessings (2. 229-235):
ITETERNITZA: 1a za: stq: Tata: pet: aftaafarçat: gtaiat TAT: AT I
एतेषां द्विगुणीकृतोदयजयस्तत्साम्यभाजात्मना तावत्वं क्षितिपाल पालय महीं जातोत्सवः कामितः ॥ “Rule thou the earth, o king, rejoicing in the fulfilment of thy desires as long as exist heaven and earth, the great mountain ranges, the serpent Ananta, the oceans, the sun and the moon, the regions of the sky, Indra and Brahman, and the created worlds: with a soul as exalted as any of these, but crowned with a glory twice as great as theirs !”
ब्रह्मज्ञाहवजैत्रमत्रसुभगास्तूर्ण कुरु व्याहृतीर्दागिन्द्र प्रहिणु द्विषां विजितये दिव्यास्त्रतत्रं रथम् ।
दिक्पालाः पुनरेत सत्वरममी देवस्य सेवाविधावित्थं पार्थिवनाथ कथनपरः शङ्खध्वनिजृम्भताम् ॥ “King of kings, let the sound of conch proclaim this message: Recite quickly, o Brabman, Vedic verses charming with mystic formulas ensuring victory in battles! Send forth with, o Indra, a chariot equipped with divine arins for vanquishing all foes ! Come swiftly, ye guardians of the regions of the sky, to serve our king!” (2. 234).
The coronation over, Yasodhara and his bride leave the river side pavilion and return to the city on the back of an elephant. Yaśodhara briefly recounts what he said to himself at the sight of the gaily decorated city (2. 236-239).
__ सौधाप्रभागेषु पुराङ्गनानां नीलोत्पलस्पर्धिभिरीक्षणैर्मे ।
197 Harghiaraft: gsattete maleta il "The goddess embodying the beauty of yonder sky seems to be eager to shower flowers on me in her joy, using for the purpose the eyes,

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resembling blue lotus blossoms, of the women of the city, standing on the front terraces of the mansions.' (2. 237).
On arrival at the royal palace Yasodhara is welcomed by a bard named Kirtisāhāra.
लक्ष्मी बिभ्रद् ध्वजौघैः क्वचिदनिलबलोल्लोलवीचेवुनद्याश्छायां पुष्यत् सुमेरोः क्वचिदरुणतरैः स्वर्णकुम्भांशुजालैः । कान्ति कुर्वत् सुधाब्धेः क्वचिदतिसितिमद्योतिभिर्भित्तिभागैः
शोभां श्लिष्यद्धिमाद्रेः क्वचिदिव गगनाभोगभाग्भिश्च कूटैः ॥ स्त्रीलीलाकमलं तवावनिपते साम्राज्यचिह्नं महत् कीयुत्पत्तिनिकेतनं क्षितिवधूविश्रामधाम स्वयम् ।
लक्ष्मीविभ्रमदर्पणं कुलगृहं राज्याधिदेव्याः पुनः क्रीडास्थानमिदं विभाति भवनं वाग्देवताया इव ॥ “Thy palace, o king, sometimes looks beautiful as the Ganges with its wind-tossed ripples on account of the rows of flags flying over the top. Sometimes it looks beautiful as the mountain of the gods by virtue of the crimson lustre of its golden cupolas. Sometimes it reproduces the beauty of the ocean of nectar with its glistening white walls. Sometimes it resembles the Himālayas with its sky-touching domes. A mighty emblem of thy sovereignty, this palace is verily the toy-lotus of the goddess of wealth! It is the birth-place of Fame, and Dame Earth's own resting place! It is the luxury mirror of the goddess of wealth, and the family mansion of the presiding goddess of the realm! It appears to be the play-ground of the goddess of learning !" (2. 242-243).
C) MORNING SONGS Verses recited by bards in the morning to awaken the king form an important component of court poetry, and in our work there are two sets of Terses recited by the prabodha-mangala-pāthakas and the saukhasāyanikas respectively to arouse Yasodhara from sleep (3. 3-13, 14-22). The bright morning scenery is the theme of these verses, and there is also a personal touch in them, containing as they do occasional references to the king and his court.
d) A DISCUSSION AT THE COURT An interesting discussion takes place at the court of Yasodhara on the relative merits of fate and personal endeavour as governing principles of human conduct, followed by a diversion on topics relating to state-craft. Pronouncements on the respective claims of daiva and purusakāra are as old as the Mahābhārata, but they assume here the character of a forinal debate designed to give the king practical hints in shaping his policy.
The discussion is opened by a minister named Vidyāmahodadhi, who, after stressing the importance of maintaining the secrecy of

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deliberations in the council-chamber, proclaims the supremacy of fate', and recommends the policy of least resistance, free from warlike adventures, and aimed at the peaceful enjoyment of the fruits of prosperity and the cultivation of justice and virtue. The minister argues that man toils and suffers for nothing: what is written on the forehead will come about even if he remains inactive. Indra is the lord of heaven and the serpent Ananta the mainstay of the earth, not because of any personal exertion on their part, but because they are fated to be so:
एवमेव परं लोकः क्लिनात्यात्मानमात्मना । यदन लिखितं भाले तत् स्थितस्यापि जायते ॥
watafalcar tertegu ya: 1 ata Arora Artoi fala: 1 3. 37-8. As for warlike ventures, the very name of enemies is unpleasant, and their sight, too, hateful like that of serpents:
also f ui gazhat hatszyfa: 1 ** eleget safera: yrstaarata 3. 40. Fortifications and wise counsel are futile when fate decrees otherwise :
दुर्ग मन्दरकन्दराणि परिधिस्ते गोत्रधात्रीधराः खेयं सप्त पयोधयः स्वविषयः स्वर्गः सुराः सैनिकाः।
मन्त्री चास्य गुरुस्तथाप्ययमगात् प्रायः परेषां वशं दैवाइवपतिस्तदत्र नृप किं तत्रेण मन्त्रेण वा ॥ The Mandara caves are Indra's forts. The great mountain-ranges are his ramparts. The seven oceans are his moat. Heaven is his realm, the gods are his soldiers, and Bphaspati his minister. Yet, by the decree of fate, he was oftentimes subjugated by his foes. Sire, of what avail is then army or counsel on earth ? (3. 41).
The king should, therefore, enjoy his great fortune in peace without forgetting the claims of virtue. The speaker concludes by saying:
धनं धर्मविलोपेन परभोगाय भूपतेः । पापं त्वात्मनि जायेत हरेपिवधादिव ॥ The wealth earned by a king by violating the right is enjoyed by others; he acquires only the sin for himself: just as a lion acquires sin by killing an elephant, while the other beasts feed on the flesh (3. 44).
The views of Vidyāmahodadhi are attacked by another minister described as a materialist, who regards personal endeavour as the sole guarantee of success. As a follower of Cārvāka doctrines, he cannot, of course, accept any unseen agency like fate, but his views in this respect do not materially differ from those of the Yogavāsiştha, which, too, glorifies personal effort and denies the existence of fate, although a Cārvāka would certainly accept its theory that the so-called fate of popular imagination
1 The Sūtrakstānga 2. 1. 12 describes a heretical school which regards Fate as the
cause of everything. See also Jacobi: Jaina Sūtras II (S. B. E.), p. 35. 2 Very similar verses occur in Guņabhadra's Ātmānuśāsana and Bhartphari's Nitišataka. 3 Mumukṣuprakarana, chas, 6-9.
19

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is nothing more than the sumtotal of the actions and desires of previous births.1
Arguing that all actions depend upon effort and not on passivity, the speaker goes on to show the futility of depending upon fate. Fate, for instance, is powerless to feed even a man who has food before him, but whose hands are tied. He who relies upon fate is bound to lose even the wealth he has acquired: fate never guards a traveller who carries with him a bundle of jewels, but falls asleep on the way.
नरस्य बद्धहस्तस्य पुरो भने कृतेऽपि यत् । अशक्तं मुखनिक्षेपे तद्दैवं कः समाश्रयेत् ॥ 3. 47. दैवावलम्बनवतः पुरुषस्य हस्तादासादितान्यपि धनानि भवन्ति दूरे ।
आनीय रत्ननिचयं पथि जातनिद्रे जागर्ति तत्र पथिके हि न जातु दैवम् ॥ 3. 49.
The minister then applies his theory to the policy to be followed by the king: विहाय पौरुषं यो हि दैवमेवविलम्बते । प्रासादसिंहवत्तस्य मूर्ध्नि तिष्ठन्ति वायसाः ॥
Crows perch on the head of one who abandons effort and depends upon fate, just as they do on the head of a sculptured lion in a palace (3. 50). तेजोहीने महीपाले स्वाः परे च विकुर्वते । निःशङ्कं हि न को धत्ते पदं भस्मन्यनूष्मणि ॥
When a king is devoid of vigour, both friend and foe prove disloyal. Who does not fearlessly tread on ashes that are cold? (3. 51).
अहंकारविहीनस्य किं विवेकेन भूभुजः । नरे कातरचित्ते हि कः स्यादत्रपरिग्रहः ॥
Intellect is of no use to a king who lacks in pride. A coward has no use for arms (3. 52).
हर्षोऽमर्षश्च नो यस्य धनाय निधनाय च । को विशेषो भवेद्राज्ञस्तस्य चित्रगतस्य च ॥
What difference is there between a living king and a painted one, when his favour brings not riches nor his wrath destruction? (3.53).
येषां बाहुबलं नास्ति येषां नास्ति मनोबलम् । तेषां चन्द्रबलं देव किं कुर्यादम्बरस्थितम् ॥ What, o king, can the power of the moon in the sky do for those who have no strength in their arms nor any strength of mind? (3. 54).
The speaker, therefore, appeals to the king to exert his valour and triumph over his enemies. He urges valiant action and a resolute attempt to expand the existing prosperity, and concludes by saying:
लब्धाप्यनन्यसामान्यसाहसं नायकं विना । लक्ष्मीर्न निर्भराश्लेषा प्रमदेव जरत्पतौ ॥
woman does not closely embrace her decrepit husband, similarly
Just as a
1 Cf. Matsyapurana 221. 2: auf The Jain Amitagati also identifies fate with the Karma of previous births, representing it as an all-powerful agency which none can escape. Subhāṣitaratnasamdoha, verses 343-374.
2
Cf. Bharavi 2. 20.
3 i. e. planetary influence.

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the goddess of wealth, though possessed by someone, does not closely adhere to him unless he is a hero of uncommon courage (3. 59).
The next speaker is a minister named Kavikulasekhara who tries to effect a compromise between the views of the two previous speakers. He recognises both fate and effort as determining factors in the life of man, although he gives greater importance to effort, and his point of view is the same as that developed in the Mahābhārata (Anusasanaparva, chap. 6), which likewise admits the existence of fate, but lays by far the greater emphasis on personal endeavour.
Kavikulasekhara opines that when success comes without being deliberately aimed at, it is to be attributed to fate; in all personal exertion must be held to be the determining cause. When a serpent comes in contact with a man in his sleep and he remains unhurt, his safety is to be attributed to fate, but when the reptile is seen and avoided, the determining factor is one's personal effort. Fate and personal effort often help each other, and their mutual relation is like that of medici the vitality of a patient ( 3. 61-63):
अप्रेक्षापूर्विका यत्र कार्यसिद्धिः प्रजायते । तत्र दैवं नृपान्यत्र प्रधानं पौरुषं भवेत् ॥ सप्तस्य सर्पसंपर्के देवमायषि कारणम । दृष्टानवञ्चिते सपै पौरुषं तत्र कारणम् ॥
परस्परोपकारेण जीवितौषधयोरिव । दैवपौरुषयोवृत्तिः फलजन्मनि मन्यताम् ॥ Nerertheless the speaker recognises personal endeavour as the governing principle of human activity and dismisses fate as something outside the range of sense experience' (3. 64):
तथापि पौरुषायत्ताः सस्वानां सकलाः क्रियाः । अतस्तञ्चिन्त्यमन्यत्र का चिन्तातीन्द्रियात्मनि ॥ A youthful minister, Upāyasarvajña by name, protests against this theoretical discussion, declaring that the king's council-chamber is not a school nor is the time opportune for an academic controversy. He, therefore,
1 The Matsyapurīna (Chap. 221) admits a third factor, kāla, (tá gepare for yourHI
HHG fofugá RTIT 959E11) but gives the palm to puruşakaira. The Sütrakstānga 1. 1. 2. 4 givos equal importance to fate and human exertion. See alse Jacobi: Jaina Sūtras, II, p. 240. They are treated as mutually dependent in Haribhadra's Vinsa
tivirsikā, section 5. 2 Cf. Yogavāśistha, op. cit., 7. 6. The discussion of the ministers reminds one of the
tenets of the early Jewish sects about destiny and free will. The Essenes exempted nothing from the sway of destiny. The Sadducess denied destiny altogether. The Pharisees 'held the middle ground--some things, but not all, are the work of destiny; some are in man's own power to determine whether they shall come to pass or not. Moore: Julaism, Vol. I, p. 457. The Sadducees supposed that all our actions are in our own power.' The Pharisees ascribed everything to fate, and yet allowed that to do right or wrong is within the power of each individual, although fate does co-operate in his action, Poters: The Religion of the Hebrews, p. 421.

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calls attention to matters of political import, confining himself to questions of foreign policy, which can be narrowed down to the problem of dealing with hostile or rival kings. Although the speaker is convinced of the might of his king, he recommends the utmost caution in adopting war as an expedient. In the first place, if the desired object can be attained by diplomacy, it is useless to resort to war: who, for instance, climbs a mountain in search of honey if he can get it on the Mandara tree?
मन्त्रयुद्धाश्रितश्रीणां शस्त्रयुद्धेन किं फलम् । को नाम शैलमारोहेदर्के लब्धमधुः सुधीः ॥ 3. 73. In the second place, a king should take up arms only when all other means, conciliation, gifts and sowing dissension, have been tried and found wanting. It is useless to take up arms when the desired result can be obtained by conciliation: who, for instance, administers poison when death can be caused with molasses?
साम्ना दानेन भेदेन यत् कार्यं नैव सिध्यति । तत्र दण्डः प्रयोक्तव्यो नृपेण श्रियमिच्छता ॥
सामसाध्येषु कार्येषु को हि शस्त्रं प्रयोजयेत् । मृतिहेतुर्गुडो यत्र कस्तत्र विषदायकः ॥ 3. 91, 92.
The speaker pertinently asks, how much can be achieved by the sword? A man has, after all, one body and two hands: there are enemies at every step, and even an insignificant foe can be extremely troublesome (3.90):
एकं वपुरुभौ हस्तौ शत्रवश्च पदे पदे । दुःखकृत् कण्टकोऽपि स्यात् कियत् खङ्गेन साध्यते ॥ When war is decided upon, it is the duty of a king to adopt defensive measures for his own realm: a king who neglects to do so is like a man who takes off his underwear to cover his head with:
अकृत्वा निजदेशस्य रक्षां यो विजिगीषते । स नृपः परिधानेन वृत्तमौलिः पुमानिव ॥ 8. 74. There are three periods in the life of a king: that of superiority to an enemy, that of equality with an enemy, and that of inferiority to him. It is in the first of these that warlike operations should be undertaken. Fighting with a powerful enemy is like fighting with an elephant on foot; while a clash between two equals, like that of two raw vessels, leads to the destruction of both. A powerful enemy should be attacked, like a wild elephant, by a combination of forces; while an equal should be subdued by employing others against him, just as one captures an elephant with the help of other elephants (3. 81-3):
उदयः समता हानिस्त्रयः काला महीभुजाम् । तत्राद्य एव योद्धव्यं स्थातव्यमुभयोः पुनः ॥ पादयुद्धमिवेभेन भूयसा सह विग्रहः । तं संघातविघातेन साधयेद्वन हस्तिवत् ॥
आमभाजनबद्युद्धे समेनोभयतः क्षयः । एनं प्रबन्धयेदन्यैर्गजं प्रतिगजैरिव ॥
No enemy, however small, should be neglected; mighty elephants often meet with death at the hands of lion cubs. Sowing dissension among

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enemies is an important step: a king neglecting this is like a man who pulls at bamboos interlaced in tall clumps. A king without power is like a lame man, unable to use his intelligence; and a king without intelligence is like a blind man, unable to use his power:
1
अहं महानयं स्वल्पश्चिन्तेयं नृप मुच्यताम् । सिंहशावात् करीन्द्राणां मृत्युरत्र निदर्शनम् ॥ 385. अभित्त्वा शत्रुसंघातं यः पराक्रमते नृपः । स तुङ्गस्तम्बसंलग्नवीरणाकर्षकायते ॥ 3. 94. शक्तिहीने मतिः कैव का शक्तिर्मतिवर्जिते । नृपस्य न्याय्यदृष्टान्तः पङ्गुरन्धश्च कथ्यताम् ॥ 3. 95. Bravery and loyalty count more in an army than numbers. A brave, well-equipped and efficient army, though small, contributes to success, provided it is loyal; a mere conglomeration of heads serves no useful purpose. Loyalty is an important factor, and a king who causes disaffection among his loyal subjects is bound to come to grief like a man who awakens a sleeping cobra :
क्षत्रसारं भूतं शूरमस्त्रज्ञमनुरागि चेत् । अपि स्वल्पं श्रियै सैन्यं वृथेयं मुण्डमण्डली ॥ 3. 87. स्वानुवर्तिषु लोकेषु यस्तु क्षोभाय चेष्टते । श्रेयांसि न चिरं तस्य सुप्तव्यालप्रबोधिवत् ॥ 3. 103.
In spite of the caution recommended by the speaker himself in matters affecting war, he ends by asking the king to send an expeditionary force against those whom a false sense of power has made overbearing and proud.
The chief minister Nitibṛhaspati approves the foregoing speech, and, for his part, gives some advice to the king. He asks the king to look after the kingdom as a gardener does a garden, and reiterates the warning not to despise enemies, however small.
e) A CHALLENGE TO OTHER KINGS
We have next a specimen of a challenge to various kings and peoples, which the royal clerk, ordered by the king, reads out to the envoy, entrusted with the message:
गर्व बर्बर मुञ्च मा चरत रे पञ्चाकाश्चापलं केलिं केरल संहर प्रविश रे मद्रेश देशान्तरम् । मिथ्यैश्वर्यबलावलेपरभसभ्रश्यद्विवेकात्मनामित्थं वष्टिरिटिल्लितं न सहते देवः स देवाश्रयः ॥
शौण्डीर्यशालिनि जगत्त्रयलब्धवर्णे देवे न यः प्रणतिभावमुपैति भूपः ।
तस्याहवेषु वयसां शिरसि प्रबन्धो यद्वाश्रमेषु परलोकधिया जटानाम् ॥
"Thou Barbara, renounce thy pride. Ye men of Pañcala, be not wanton. Chief of Kerala, wind up thy amusements. King of Madra, take refuge in another land. The great king (Yasodhara), who believes in his destiny, will not tolerate your misdemeanour. You have forthwith lost all power of discernment through a false pride of wealth and power. The king who does not submit to His Majesty, magnanimous and renowned in all the three worlds, shall have birds of prey pouncing on his head fallen on the battlefield,

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or have a tangled mass of hair on the head, passing his days in holy resorts, with his mind fixed on the world beyond?!” (3. 112–3).
Luckily this arrogant message does not seem to have been delivered. for the author says that, in spite of the king's order to deliver a message like this, an envoy should regulate his speech and conduct according to the temperament and resources of the court he visits.
f) VERSES AGAINST MINISTERS The report of the spy against a wicked minister of Yasodhara gives occasion to a poetical outburst against ministers in general, which is all the more interesting as the relevant verses are attributed to various poets whose names are clearly mentioned. It is difficult to say whether these names are fictitious or refer to real personages. The former alternative seems to be the more probable, as in the foregoing sections also various verses have been attributed to bards or speakers whose names are obviously fictitious, and seem to have been introduced to lend a graphic character to the narrative. It may, however, be pointed out that the section on ministers belongs to a somewhat different category, as the verses here are given in the form of a regular anthology, and look like quotations from different poets. It is not impossible that some of the names refer to poets who were Somadeva's contemporaries or obscure writers, now forgotten, but we cannot be certain on the point. It is also noteworthy that certain names, e.g., Mugdhānganā-keli-kutūhala, Vilāsini-locana-kajjala, and Praudha-priyāpānganavotpala are too artificial to be real, although, as a matter of fact, fantastic names of poets are not quite rare in the Sanskrit Anthologies.
The chief value of this collection of verses lies in the fact that it is the nearest approach to political satire that we have in Sanskrit literature before Kşemendra. Treatment of questions relating to Nīti or public policy is constantly found in the Mahākāvyas, but we have here a body of satirical verse directed against the ministers of kings; and there is at the end a set of verses which have for target a particular minister, and constitute a personal attack on him.
Taruņi-lila-vilása is the author of a prelude to what he calls the drama of a minister's villainy.
चचापञ्चजनाकृतिः क्षितिपतियंत्राभवनायकः पौरो भाग्यपुराणपालितमतिर्मत्री धवित्रीसुतः।
स प्रौढोक्तिबृहस्पतिश्च तरुणीलीलाविलासः कविस्तदुर्मत्रिदुरीहितं विजयते सूक्तोत्कटं नाटकम् ॥ The drama of a wicked minister's villainy thrives indeed well. It is full of excellent precepts. A king resembling a figure of straw is its hero.
1 i. e, defeat will cause him to renounce the world,

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The citizens are nurtured on the myth of Fate, and the minister is the son of a blacksmith's wife. And there is a poet in the drama, Taruṇīlīlāvilāsa by name ; he is Brhaspati himself in forceful composition ( 3. 125 ). मृल्लोष्टचेष्टः क्षितिपः स्वभावात् सुदुष्टचेष्टः सचिवश्च यत्र । शुभाशयस्यापि सुमेधसोऽपि क्षेमः कुतस्तत्र भवेज्जनस्य ॥
'How can even a man, honest and intelligent, be happy in a realm where the king is, by nature, like a clod of earth, and the minister a perfect villain?' (3. 126 ).
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शिष्टावासः कुतस्तत्र दुर्मन्त्री यत्र भूपतौ । इयेनैश्वर्यं तरौ यत्र कुतस्तत्रापरे द्विजाः ॥
'How can the good live under a king with a wicked minister? How can small birds live on a tree where the mastery belongs to a hawk ? ' ( 3. 127 ).
दुर्मणि नृपसुतात् सुमहान् स लाभः प्राणैः समं भवति यन्न वियोगभावः ॥ सूनाकृतो गृहमुपेत्य ससारमेयं जीवन् मृगो यदि निरेति तदस्य पुण्यम् ॥
When a person is not deprived of his life by a prince with a wicked minister, it must be reckoned a mighty favour. When a stag comes out alive, after entering the dog-guarded house of a butcher, it must be due to his religious merit (3. 130).
Kavi-kaumudi-candra declares:
अहिवलयितमूलः पादपः केन सेव्यः श्रयति क इह शिष्टः शल्यसंग तडागम् । विषकलुषितमन्धः कस्य भोज्याय जातं कुसचिवहत भूतिर्भूपतिः कैरुपास्यः ॥
अविवेकमतिर्नृपतिर्मन्नी गुणवत्सु वक्रितग्रीवः । यत्र खलाश्च प्रबलास्तत्र कथं सज्जनावसरः ॥
Who can resort to a tree that has a serpent coiled round its trunk? What wise man enters a tank with thorns in it? Who ever partakes of poisoned food? Who can serve a king whose welfare is marred by a villain of a minister? How can the good have any scope in a realm where the king lacks in discernment, the minister turns his face away from those who have merit, and villians are in power? (3. 131-2).
Two verses are attributed to a poet named Vidagdhamugdha, but they depend for force upon double entendre, and can be appreciated only in the original.
पजवने लक्ष्मीर्विपिने विजयो हुताशने तेजः । तपने च परं मण्डलमवनिपतेर्भवति दुःसचिवात् ॥ खड्गेषु परं कोशः शेषायां तण्डुलाः करे पर्व । चतुरङ्गेषु च तत्रं दुर्मत्रिणि भवति भूपस्य ॥ Nitinetra mentions the characteristics of a wicked minister: राज्यवृद्धिस्ततोऽमात्याद्यो न कुक्षिंभरिः स्वयम् । अत्ति स्थाल्येव चेद्रतं भोक्तर्भुक्तिर्भवेत् कुतः ॥ यः स्याद्भुजगवद्भूयो बहिरीक्षित मोहितः । तं खादन्ति न किं नाम लञ्जिका इव सेवकाः ॥ The prosperity of a kingdom can be enhanced only by a minister who is not greedy. How can the owner eat if the cooking-vessel itself eats

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up the rice? Is not the king who is charmed by outward looks, like a libertine, ruined by his servants, like whores? (3. 135-6).
कोशोद्वासी प्रजाध्वंसी तम्रक्षोभविधायकः । यो विद्वेष्टा विशिष्टानां शत्रुर्मनिमिषादसौ ॥ An enemy he is in the guise of a minister, who empties the royal treasury, ruins the people, stirs up rebellion in the army, and does harn to the leading citizens (3. 138).
Mānadhanañjaya says:
नृपतिसुतः खलनिरतः सचिवजनो दुर्जनोऽधनः सुजनः । महतां मस्तकशूलं जातैश्वर्यः कदर्यश्च ॥ A prince devoted to villains and a wicked minister, and the virtuous poor, and the wealthy miser cause headache to the wise (3. 140).
Kavikovida dwells on the wiles of ministers:
यदीच्छसि वशीकर्तुं महीशं गुणय द्वयम् । बहुमायामयं वृत्तं चित्तं चाकरुणामयम् ॥ If you wish to bring a king under your control, cultivate two things, . an extremely deceitful character and a cruel heart (3. 142).
बहिरलधुरसप्रभवैरन्तःशून्यार्थपाटवैः सचिवैः । मुग्धमृगाः प्रतिदिवसं वज्यन्ते मरुमरीचिकाशकैः ॥ Like a mirage in a desert, the ministers daily deceive those (thirsty) deer, the simpletons. Outwardly they have charming manners, but inwardly they are good for nothing (3. 143).
___ कार्ये स्वस्याभिमते सचिवः सिद्धिं करोति हठवृत्त्या । नृपतिरयं बहुसचिवः के वयमत्रेति भाषतेऽन्यस्य ॥ A minister executes a task even by violent means when it serves his purpose. But when it serves the purpose of another, he simply says: The king has so many ministers; what authority have I ?' (3. 144).
Abhimāna-mahīdhara says: यद्यपि विधे न सुविधिः काम्येऽर्थे याच्यसे तथापीदम् । कुरु मरणं माकार्षीः सुजनानां दुर्जनः संगम् ॥ Albeit thou grantest not our desires, o Fate, we beg this favour of thee: inflict death upon us, but never cause the good to associate with villains (3. 148).
मन्त्रावसरे समरे विधुरे दारेषु वस्तुसारेषु । यो न व्यभिचरति नृपे स कथं तु न वल्लभस्तस्य ॥ He who is faithful to a king in deliberations, war and adversity, and in respect of his wife and treasures, is bound to be dear to him (3. 149).
Avyādhidurbala enumerates certain things that are not likely to happen:
क्षाराब्धौ सलिलस्य दुर्जनजने विद्याविनोदस्य च क्षुद्रे संभ्रमभाषितस्य कृपणे लक्ष्मीविलासस्य च ।
भूपे दुःसचिवागमस्य सुजने दारिद्यसंगस्य च ध्वंसः स्यादचिरेण यत्र दिवसे तं चिन्तयन् दुर्बलः ॥ I am tired of waiting for the day when the waters will forthwith cease to exist in the salt ocean, when villains will cease to profess love of learning, when mean fellows will cease to be addressed with respect, when misers

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will cease to have joy of wealth, when kings will cease to have wicked ministers, and when honest persons will cease to be poor ( 3. 150).
Kavikusumāyudha is rather emphatic in what he says: यदि तव हृदयं सनयं विद्वन् स्वमेऽपि मा स सेविष्ठाः । सचिवजितं युवतिजितं खङ्गिजितं खलजितं च राजामम् ॥ ____ उपलः सलिलेषु तरेजलधिर्गाधेत मन्दरः प्रचरेत् । इति संभवति कदाचिनाखलभावः पुनः सचिवः ।। If thou hast any sense of right, o wise man, never, even in a dream, resort to a king dominated by a minister or a young woman or a swordsman or a villain. A stone may float on water, the ocean may turn shallow, and the Mandara mountain may move, all this may one day happen, but never will there be a minister who is not a villain (3. 152–3).
Sujanajsvita is hard both on kings and ministers: विश्वस्तं महिमास्तं सुजनं विजनं कुलीनममुहीनम् । गुणिनं च दुःखकणिनं कुर्वादिति सचिवसिद्धान्तः ।
कुमुदाकर इव दिनकृति विरमति नृपतिर्नरे सरागे हि । स लधु विरक्त रज्यति रजनिरसचूर्णरजसीव ॥ "The faithful should be degraded, good men isolated, the highborn killed, and the virtuous made miserable': such is the doctrine of ministers. A king ceases to love a loyal person, just as a night lotus-bed ceases to bloom at the sight of the sun. He suddenly becomes attached to one who is disloyal, just as fluid turmeric sticks to pulverised lime (3. 156-7).
Mugdhānganā-kelikutûhala describes how ministers dissuade the king from helping good and pious men:
ज्वरात इव खियेत मत्री सत्सु धनन्यये । कृतार्थ इव मोदेत विट-वागजीवनांदिषु ॥ भमनि हुतमिव महते यहत्तं देव तदफलं सकलम् । उपयोगिने त देयं नटाय विटपेटकायापि ॥
पिण्डीशूराः केवलममी हि सर्वस्वभक्षणे दक्षाः । न हि यामार्थ सन्तः स्वामिन् भटपेटिकार्य वा ॥ A minister would be pained, like a man suffering from fever, if money were spent for the benefit of honest people. But he would rejoice like a man who has achieved success, if it were spent on libertines, panegyrists and the like. (He says to the king) Sire, what is given to the pious is all useless, like an oblation offered on ashes. Money should be given to those who serve an useful purpose, even to dancers and pimps. Those pious fellows are merely gluttons, expert in consuming their substance. Sire, they do not keep watch at night nor do they contribute to the maintenance of the warriors.' (3. 158–60).
Vilāsinilocanakajjala refers to the misappropriation of pablic money by ministers:
यदल्पं दयतेऽमात्यैः फलमाकाशजं क्वचित् । तत्सर्वस्वापहाराय मुग्धेषु पुरधूर्तवत् ।।
संभाववत्यमात्योऽवं यत् स्वमेव महीभुजि । तदन्यसाद्विवेकोऽस्य मा भून्मयि धनाशिनि । If ministers sometimes show to ignorant kings a slight transitory profit from some investment, it is with a view to misappropriating the
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entire amount; just as certain jackals, showing to the lion a small portion of the game, ate all of it themselves!? A minister creates an impression of his own honesty on the mind of the king lest the latter should find out the truth from another while he is misappropriatinga public money (3. 162-3).
Sarastani-kaitava-kautuka, after pointing out that the evil accompanies the good, depicts a minister as a kind of monster:
और्वोऽखर्वः सुधाम्भोधौ भूपाले प्रबलाः खलाः । सदश्चिन्दने सर्पा न रखमनुपद्रवम् ॥ The great submarine fire burns in the ocean of nectar; villains are in power in the court of a king; and fierce serpents are found on the sandal tree. No gem is there without some blemish (3. 165).
ग्रहो ग्रहाणामसुरोऽसुराणां यमो यमस्यापि नृपस्य मन्त्री ।
एवं न चेदेष कथं नु जीवेदकारणं कोविदकामकालः ॥ द्विजिह्वो जन्तूनां मृगपतिरिभानामिव कुले तडिद्दण्डोऽद्रीणामयमसमरोचिः क्षितिरुहाम् ।
हिमातानोऽज्ञानां तपतपनकालश्च सरसामभूत् क्रूरः कोऽपि प्रकृतिखलभावेन महताम् ॥ The minister of a king is a planet among the harmful planets, a demon among demons, and death of death. If it is not so, how does he manage to exist without any justifying cause, he who frustrates the desires of all wise men? A minister is born among the great, savagely cruel by reason of his vile nature, like a serpent among the creatures, like a lion among the elephants, like a thunder-bolt over the mountains, like a fire among the trees, like a screen of frost over the lotuses, and like the hot summer among the pools of water (3. 166-7).
Prauļha-priyāpānga-navotpala says: तत्र कथं मनु सन्तो यत्रास्ते तच्चतुष्टयं युगपत् । कलिकालः खलकालो नृपकालः सचिवकालश्च ।। How can the good live in a piace where these four live simultaneously : the Death-like Kali Age, Death-like villains, a Death-like king, and a Death-like minister! (3. 169).
The verses of the remaining poets are directed against the wicked minister Pāmarodara, and contain various charges against his character. The poet Asvattha says:
1 See Śrutasāgara's commentary, 2 fra means literally one who eats money.' 'Eating money' is the Assamese
expression for 'misappropriation. Compare also rokka tinnu in Kannada and paise khânē in Marāthi. "The emperor's councillors are swindlers," declares a obronicler speaking of the conditions in Germany on the eve of the Reformation; "they nearly all grow riob while the emperor grows poor." Quoted by Janssen : History of the German People at the close of the Middle Ages, ii. 84.

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परमहिलाः कुलमहिलाः परिजनवनिता विनोदवनिताश्च । रतिस्सभाण्डं रण्डास्तापस्यश्चास्य गृहदास्यः॥ The wives of others are, as it were, his married wives. The wives of his relatives are his companions of joy. Whores are the object of his love and affection. Nuns are his serying maids (3. 206).
The young poet Bharata (Bharata-bāla-kavi), after accusing the minister of dishonesty and corruption, exposes his hypocrisy:
परवित्तरतः परदाररतः परवञ्चनवृत्तिचरित्ररतः । अधमध्वजवंशभवः सचिवः समभूत्तव देव तमःप्रभवः ॥ Sire, thy minister, belonging to a degenerate oilman's family was born as the source of sin. He is addicted to the wealth of others, addicted to the wives of others, and addictod to the habit of cheating others (3. 201).
करितुरगरभनरोत्करविहारसंहारिताखिलप्राणी । संचरति राष्ट्रमध्ये नादत्ते पादुकायुगलम् ॥
दलफलफलानि तरोर्नोग्छति किल तत्र जीवपीडेति । यम इव सकलांश्च पुनदेवद्विजतापसान असते॥ He travels in the kingdom, destroying numerous creatures by the reckless march of his elephants, horses, chariots and camp-followers, but does not wear a pair of shoes (for fear of hurting animal life)! He plucks no leaves, flowers, and fruits of trees lest he should hurt any sentient being; but, like the god of death, he destroys all gods (i. e. idols ), Brähmaņas and hermits.' (3. 210-11).
Puruhūta gives the following estimate of Pāmarodāra's character: मानवति मानदलनो गुणवति गुणगोपनः स्वतः परतः। कुलशीलशौर्यशालिषु विशेषतो नृषु च कीनाशः॥ क्षारोदधिरिव सुधियां चण्डालजलाशयोपमः कृतिनाम् । मरुमालकूपकल्पः सतां च तव देव सांप्रतं सचिवः॥
नटा विटाः किराटाश्व पटुवाचाटतोत्कटाः। सचिवे तव चेष्टन्तां कटके प्रकटश्रियः॥ He wounds the pride of those who are proud, and conceals the merit of those who are meritorious, either himself or with the help of others. He is Death particularly to those who are high-born, good-natured and brave. Sire, thy minister is at the moment like the salt ocean in his dealings with persons of talent. For the virtuous he is like a Caņdāla's tank. For the good he is like a rocky well in a desert, So long as thy minister is in office, may dancers, libertines, swindlers and glib tattlers thrive in thy camp!' (3. 216, 218, 220).
Paņditavaitandika reports a conversation between Villainy and his mother Deceit bearing on the character of Pāmarodāra :
हे वत्स दौर्जन्य किमम्ब माये कः सांप्रतं नावुचितो निवासः ।
वदामि मातः शृणु सोऽस्ति नूनं यः पामरोदारगिराधराङ्कः ॥ (Deceit:) Child Villainy!' (Villainy:) What sayst thou, mother Deceit?' (Deceit:) What will now be our fitting abode ?' (Villainy :) "I say, mother, hear. There it is, a symbol of meanness, under the name Pāmarodāra !' (3. 224).

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Sarasvatituḍaga makes the final attack:
स्वयं कर्ता स्वयं हर्ता स्वयं वक्ता स्वयं कविः । स्वयं नटः स्वयं भण्डो मन्त्री विश्वाकृतिस्तव ॥ "Thy minister appears in an endless variety of rôles. He is himself creator and destroyer both. He is himself the speaker and the poet, the dancer and the clown!' (3. 225).
In addition to the verses attributed to various poets, a number of verses on the much hated ministers is interspersed in the report of the spy, the line of attack being very much the same.
बहिरविकृतवेषैर्मन्दमन्दप्रचारैर्निभृतनयनपातैः साधुताकारसारैः ।
निकृतिनय विनीतै श्रान्तरे तैरमात्यैस्तिमय इव बकोटैर्वचिताः के न लोकाः ॥
दूराद्दीर्धमवेक्षणं सरभसः प्रीतिक्रमः संभ्रमः प्रत्यासन्नमथासनं प्रियकथाचारे महानादरः । बाह्योऽयं सचिवेषु चेष्टितविधिः कामं न कं मोदयेच्चित्तहा तु न जातु मार्दवमयी मन्ये जनभ्यामपि ॥ None there is who is not deceived by these ministers, as the fishes are by the cranes. They are immaculate in outward appearance and dress, walk slowly, and cast steadfast glances. A pretence of honesty is their asset, and they are trained in their inmost hearts in the art of deception (3. 191). They look intently at a visitor even from a distance, receive him with effusive courtesy and respect, offer him a seat near themselves, and cordially indulge in pleasant talks. Who is not supremely delighted by their outward deportment? But, methinks, they have no pity in their hearts even for their mothers (3. 193).
9) MINOR THEMES OF COURT POETRY
Among other verses incidental to court life may be mentioned those attributed to the Sandhivigrahins, announcing the arrival of the envoys of different princes at Yasodhara's court (3. 246-9); the verses containing the challenge of his warriors to the king of Pañcala (3. 405ff); and the eulogistic verses recited by the bard Margaṇamalla during Yasodhara's archery practice (3. 466-72). There are also groups of verses which describe various court festivals. One such group is connected with the spring festival when the god of love is worshipped by the king. The latter is asked to put on vernal attire in a series of verses (3. 447-56), while the sport of swings which forms part of the festivities in honour of Cupid is described in the verses quoted below:

नवकिसलयपूगीपादपस्तम्भशोभाः सिततरुफलकान्ताशोकवल्लिप्रतानाः ।
मणिकुसुम दुकूलोलोचकेतुप्रकान्तास्तव नृपवर दोलाः कुर्वतां कामितानि ॥
वक्रं वक्रमुपैति यत्र नयने नेत्रप्रतिस्पर्धिनी वक्षः पीनपयोधराग्रकलनात् सोल्लासलीलान्तरम् । हस्तौ हस्तसमीपवृत्तिवलितौ ज च जङ्घाश्रिते दोलान्दोलनमङ्गनार्पितभरं तत् कस्य न प्रीतये ॥ 'May the swings, o best of kings, fulfil thy desires! They are trees with fresh young leaves, and fitted
beautiful with poles of areca

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with branching Aśoka creepers with camphor wood boards attached to the ends. Charming they are with canopies and banners of silk set with flower-shaped gems. Who is not delighted by the oscillation of the swings, the women adding their weight? During the sport, mouth comes near mouth; eyes meet eyes; the heart is enraptured at the contact of the partner's high projecting bosom; hands move close to hands; and legs are entwined with legs.' (3. 447, 458).
A bard named Śūnāsūkta recites a few verses (3. 462-464) describing to the king the Festival of Lights (dipotsava):
द्यूतोन्मादितकामिनी जितधृतप्राणेश चाटूत्कटः क्रीडद्वारविलासिनीजन भवद्भूषाविकल्पोन्नटः । आतोद्यध्वनिमङ्गलारवभरण्याजृम्भिताशामुखः प्रीतिं पूर्णमनोरथस्य भवतः पुष्यात् प्रदीपोत्सवः ॥ 'May the Festival of Lights bring delight to thee, whose desires are fulfilled! It is enlivened by the flattering words of lovers, defeated in gambling, and held fast by their mistresses, excited by the game. It is charming with the varied adornment of the courtesans, engaged in sports. The regions of the sky resound with the deep auspicious notes of instrumental music.' (3. 463).
The blessings of the goddess Aparajita are invoked on the occasion of the Mabanavami festival by a bard named Vijayajaitrayudha for the victory of the king on the battlefield (3. 459-61):
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ख खङ्गतनुस्थितिर्धनुषि च प्राप्ता धनुः संहतिं बाणे बाणवपुर्भुजे भुजमयी गात्रे तनुत्राकृतिः । संग्रामेऽप्रजयाय चिन्तितविधौ चिन्तामणिर्भूभुजां या सा स्यादपराजिता तव मुहुजैत्राय धान्रीपते ॥ 'May Aparajita contribute to thy victory oft and anon, o king! In the sword of kings she is incarnate as a Sword, and in their bow she assumes the shape of a Bow. She is incarnate as Arrow in their arrows and as Arm in their arms, and assumes the form of an armour round their bodies: she is as a Wishing Gem in fulfilling their desire for triumph in battles.' (3.459).
The blessings of Sarasvati are similarly invoked during the Purvaranga ceremony in the court theatre on the occasion of dance performances, and we have here a specimen hymn to Sarasvati recited on such occasions (3. 261-268):
स्वर्गेसदां वदनपद्मनिवास हंसी विद्याधरश्रवणमण्डनरत्त्ररेखा ।
भूवासमानसविभूषणहारयष्टिर्वाग्देवता नृप तवातनुतां हितानि ॥
संध्यासु प्रतिवासरं श्रुतिष्टतिर्बवा प्रणामाञ्जलिं योगस्वापमुपेत्य दुग्धजलधौ शेषाश्रितः श्रीपतिः । शंभुययति चाक्षसूत्रवलयं कृत्वा करेऽनन्यधीर्देवि स्वस्पदपङ्कजद्वयमिदं सर्वार्थकामप्रदम् ॥
May the Goddess of speech confer benefits on thee, o king! She is a swan abiding in the lotus mouths of the gods; a spray of jewels adorning the ears of the Vidyadharas; a pearlstring embellishing the minds of

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mortals! Everyday at morn, noon and eve, Brahmā, Vişņu and Siva intently contemplate thy lotus feet that grant all objects and desires, o goddess! Brahmā, by folding his hands in obeisance; Vişnu that lies on the serpent Ananta in the Ocean of Milk, by resorting to Yogic trance ; and Siva, by holding in his hand a rosary of Rudrāksa beads !'( 3. 264-5).
h) PANEGYRICS Panegyrics are an essential feature of court poetry, and there are several of them in Yasastilaka. The following specimens are from among the verses addressed to Māradatta by the ascetic boy and the ascetic girl :
कपुरद्रुमगर्भधूलिधवलं यत् केतकानां त्विषः श्वेतिन्ना परिभूय चन्द्रमहसा साधं प्रतिस्पर्धते ।
तत् पाकोन्मुखमालिकेरसलिलच्छायावदातं यशः प्रालेयाचलचूलिकासु भवतो गायन्ति सिद्धाङ्गनाः ॥ पुष्पश्रीर्यस्य ताराः फलममृतरुचिः पत्रलक्ष्मीर्युनद्याः कल्लोलाः स्कन्धबन्धो हरगिरिरमराम्भोधिरप्यालवालः । कन्दः शेषश्च शाखाः पुनरखिलदिगाभोग एवैष स स्तात्रैलोक्यप्रीतिहेतुः क्षितिप तव यशःपादपोऽनल्पकल्पम् ॥ रिपुकुलतिमिरनिकरदावानल जगति तनोषि मङ्गलं दिवि भुवि विदिशि दिशि च विबुधार्चित धाम दधासि संततम् । भुवनाम्भोजसरसि महतां मत दिशसि विबोधनश्रियं धर्मविनोद भूप तव भानुमतश्च न किंचिदन्त “The wives of the semi-divine Siddhas sing thy fame on the Himalayan peaks. White as the inner dust of camphor trees, and bright as the lustre of the milk in mature coconuts, thy fame vies with moonbeams, surpassing in whiteness the radiance of Ketakas in bloom!(1. 155). Sire, may the tree of thy fame delight the universe for endless ages! The stars are its flowers, the moon is its fruit, the ripples of the celestial Ganges are its leaves, the mount of Kailāsa is its trunk, the Ocean of Milk is its watering basin, the serpent Ananta is its root, and all the regions of the sky are its branches! (1. J65). No difference is there between thee and the sun,,o king, delighting in religious virtue. Thou who art a forestfire in destroying the expanse of darkness, to wit, thy foes, thou dost good to the world. Thou who art honoured by the wise, ever dost thou radiate thy brilliance in heaven, on earth, and in the regions and corners of the sky Thou who art esteemed by the great, thou dost create the beauty of bloom in the lotuspool of the world !' (1. 169).
Battle-scenes, a favourite theme of Kāvya poetry, are described in Yasastilaka ( 3. 437–441):
क्रोधावेशप्रधावोद्भटसुभटघटाविर्भवन्मूलबन्धस्तूर्णत्वङ्गत्तुरङ्गाननपवनवशावेशविस्तारसारः।
आसीदत्स्यन्दनाप्रध्वजनिभृतभरः पर्यटकुञ्जरेन्द्रस्फारव्यापारकर्णाहतिविततशिखः पांसुरूवं व्यधावीत् ॥ The dust of the battlefield sped high, originating from the multitudes of warriors vehemently rushing forward in a paroxysm of rage, and was spread far and wide by the pantings of the swiftly galloping chargers. Masses of it were held fast by the banners on the top of the advancing

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chariots, and its topmost layer was dispersed by the extensive flappings of the ears of the roving elephants ( 3. 437).
II. SCENES OF NATURE Nature poetry is adequately represented in Yasastilaka, some of the descriptions being put in the mouth of the bards of Yasodhara's court and addressed to the king. While Somadeva's portrayal of natural scenery will not bear comparison with the classic descriptions of the earlier poets, it is not wanting in genuine touches which reveal the poet's sympathy with Nature and his accurate powers of observation. There are elaborate pictures of the seasons and morning and evening scenery as well as glimpses of animal life; and it may be said, on the whole, that the poet's verses on the subject often have rapidity of movement and show a comprehensive grasp of details,
A large number of verses is devoted to the seasons (1. 53-68; 3. 376-387, 389-401, 425-435, 442-446).
भास्वद्भास्वति दाहवाहिमरुति ज्वालोल्बणाशाकृति शुष्यद्भूभृति दीप्यमानवियति प्रेङ्खन्मुखाम्भोद्युति ।
संशुष्यत्सरिति क्वथत्तनुमति स्वान्तोद्भवोर्जाहृति ग्रीष्मेऽस्मिन् महति क्षयामयचिति प्राञ्चन् मृतिं गच्छति ॥ In the summer the sun shines bright, the winds radiate heat, the regions of the sky are made fierce like flames, the mountains wither, the sky is ablaze, and perspiration gleams on the visage of men. The rivers dry up, the creatures are scorched, Love loses its force, and the disease of consumption prevails. A wanderer at the height of summer meets with death (3. 377). मार्तण्डचण्डतापस्तपति मरुभुवामग्निसावं दधानः कामं व्योमान्तराणि स्थगयति किमपि योति धावत् पुरस्तात् । उर्व निर्ध्यामवीचीचयमिव विसृजत्येतदाशान्तरालं मनाङ्गान निम्नगानां पयसि च करिणः क्वाथयन वाति वातः॥ Fierce with heat, the sun doth shine, setting the deserts on fire. A mysterious luminosity, moving before the eyes, intensely pervades the regions of the sky. Yonder horizon seems to belch forth waves of vapour. The wind blows, scorching the elephants, immersed in the waters of rivers (1. 60).
The king is asked to resort to the refreshing shade of the gardens in the summer:
कृतकिसलयशय्याः प्रान्तचूतप्रतानाः स्तबकरचितकुड्यास्तत्प्रसूमोपहाराः।
जलसरणिसमीरासारसाराः प्रियाणां कुचकलशविकासैनिर्विशोद्यानभूमीः॥ Enjoy the gardens, delightful with breezes from the rivulets, accompanied by the graceful movements of the plump bosoms of thy mistresses. Beds of leaves are made in them, and mango groves are on the borders. The garden walls are made of clusters of flowers, and blossoms are strewn on the ground.” (3. 378).

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The effect of the summer heat on certain familiar birds and animals is described in the following verse:
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मध्याह्नाय वाहाश्वटुलतरखुरास्तोत्रमार्ग त्यजन्ति स्थानायानेतुमीशाः पयसि कृतरतीन् हस्तिनी नैव मिष्ठाः । शोषण्डः शिखण्डी विमृशति शिशिरान् कन्दरद्रोणिदेशान् स्वेच्छं कच्छेषु चेमाः कमलदलतलं वारलाः संखयन्ति ॥ At noon the horses quickly leave the channels of water with ever swift hooves. The keepers fail to bring home the elephants playing in the waters. The peacock, raising his beak from heat, seeks cool caves and valleys, and yonder female swans rest as they like under lotus leaves on the borders of streams (1. 61).
The rainy season is brought into special connection with love and described with gusto and enthusiasm:
उन्मार्गाम्भसि मेघमन्दनभसि छन्नांशुमत्तेजसि क्षुभ्यत्स्रोतसि रुपान्तरसि स्फूर्जत्तडिद्भूयसि । कंदपकसि मत्तकेकिमनसि प्रेमोद्यते चेतसि काले यासि कथं च रूढवयसि प्रौढां प्रियां मुञ्चसि ॥ In the season when the waters overflow, the sky is overcast, the rays of the sun are obscured, the streams are in flood, the speed of wayfarers is checked, and flashes of lightning abound: in such a season, the resort of the god of love, when the peacocks' hearts are maddened, and thy own heart is eager for love, how canst thou leave thy youthful wife and go on thy travels, young as thou art ! ( 3. 389 ).
उत्कूजच्छिखिनं नटत्करटिनं प्रादुर्भवच्छाखिनं क्रीडनेककुलं पतद्वहुजलं क्षुभ्यद्धरित्रीतलम् ।
पुष्यकाममदं जयज्जनपदं सोत्सर्गसिन्धुस्यदं दृट्वेमं मिहिरं जगत्प्रियकरं काभ्येति न स्त्री नरम् ॥
What woman doth not approach her lover at the sight of the rainclouds, delightful to the world? Now the peacocks sing, the elephants dance, the trees flourish, the frogs make merry, heavy showers come, and the earth is astir; the frenzy of love grows apace, the countryside thrives in glory, and the current of rivers gains in force (3.390).
The monsoon breezes are described in several verses:
कुर्वाणाः प्रचलाकिनां कलरवैरुत्तालनृत्तक्रियां न्यस्यन्तो निचुलेषु कन्दलदलोला सावकाशश्रियः । एते चातकपोतपेयनिपतत्वाधः कणश्रेणयो नाता वाम्ति निदाघलङ्घनघनोल्लाघाः प्रदीर्घागमाः ॥
Breezes blow, pervasive in their approach, and skilled in overcoming the summer heat. They dance wildly to the sweet notes of peacocks, and exhibit in Kadamba trees the beauty born of the rich array of shoots and leaves, and produce the raindrops the young Cataka birds drink
(3.392).

स्फुटित कुटजराजिर्मल्लिकोल्लासहारी नवनिचुलविलासः कन्दलानन्दकारी । सरति घमसमीर: सीकरासारधारी कृतसमधिककान्तिः केतकी काननानाम् !!

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A strong wind sweeps along, conveying sprays of water, and enhancing the beauty of the Ketaki groves. It makes the rows of Kutaja trees burst into bloom, and destroys the gaiety of Mallika blossoms, and makes the young Kadamba trees gay, and brings joy to Kandala flowers (3. 393).
प्रोत्सालयन् करटिनां करपुष्कराणि रन्धोद्धुरध्वनितकीच ककाननान्तः । उद्गापयन् मधुकरीर्नवनीपलना वातः प्रवाति शिखिताण्डव पूर्व रङ्गः ॥
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The wind blows, a prelude to the dance of peacocks, making the bees, seated on the fresh Kadamba blossoms, sing. It quickens the movements of the fore-ends of elephants' trunks; and makes the interior of the bamboo groves echo with loud sounds coming through the holes ( 3.394 ) .
The pleasures of the rainy season are recounted again: शमाः कामप्रकामाः सुकविकृतिकथा दोहदा वाग्विवादाः सौधोत्सङ्गाः सभोगास्तरुणतरुदलोल्लासकान्ता दिगन्ताः । यस्मिंश्चासारधारिस्रवदनणुकणश्रेणिसाराः समीराः सोऽयं मोदाय राजन्न भवति समयः कस्य पर्जन्यजभ्यः ॥
Sire, who is not delighted by this season of rainclouds? Now the women burst with passion; literary quarrels take place centering round topics in the works of worthy poets; the palaces are equipped with the joys of life; the regions of the sky look charming with the gay beauty of the young leaves of trees; and the breezes are laden with thick sprays of water issuing from heavy showers ( 3.401 ).
The plight of the animals in the deepening gloom of the rainy season with its floods and storms is touchingly described:
मेघोद्रीर्ण पतत्कठोरकरकासारत्रसत्सिन्धुरे परप्लावित कूलपादप कुलक्षुभ्यत्सरित्पाथसि । अम्भश्चण्डसमीरणाश्रयशिवा फेत्कारताम्यन्मृगे काले सूचिमुखाप्रभेद्यतिमिरप्रायः क्षपासङ्गिनि ॥ भूयः पयःप्लवनिपातितःशैलशृङ्गे पर्जन्यगर्जितवितर्जितसिंह पोते । सौदामनीतिकलितसर्वदिक्के के देशमाश्रयतु डिम्भवती कुरङ्गी ॥
The elephants are frightened by showers of ever falling rough hailstones hurled by the clouds. The waters of the rivers heave with the trees on the banks swept away by the current. The deer languish as the jackals howl on account of violent rainstorms. In such a season when the nights are dark as pitch, where will the hind take shelter with her young? Now, the mountain peaks are hurled down by heavy floods; the lion cubs are frightened by the rumble of the rainclouds, and the regions of the sky made lurid by flashes of lightning (1.65-6 ).

Winter scenery and the joys of the season are described in the following verses: इथूलासिनि सस्यशालिनि खरं शेफालिकोत्फुल्लिनि क्रौञ्चोन्मादिनि कुन्दनन्दिनि घनाश्लेषाङ्गनापादिनि । भास्मन्दिनि वातवाहिनि हिमासारावसन्नाङ्गिन काले कामिनि दीर्घरात्रिघटिनि प्रादेत् कृती कोऽध्वनि ॥ तत् स्वयमेव कामिषु निशि स्त्रीणां घनालिङ्गनं यत्रायं स्मरकेलिकामितसमायामवियामागमः । यत्रार्द्रा कफालिभिः परिचितः सद्यःस्रुतोऽसौ रसः प्रीत्यै कस्य न स क्षितीश्वरपते प्रालेयकालोऽधुना ॥
21

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Beloved, what wise man would take the road in the season that prolongs the nights? It lessens the heat of the sun and lets loose winds, and the creatures are benumbed by snowstorms. This is the season that ripens the sugarcanes, and looks beautiful with the corn, and makes Sephalikā flowers abundantly bloom; maddens Krauñca birds, cheers up Kunda blossoms, and causes women to tighten their embrace (3.431). O lord of kings, who doth not delight in the winter now? In this season the women tightly embrace their lovers of their own accord at night; and the nights are long, like the cherished joys of the sports of love. Now is also served fresh sugarcane juice flavoured with slices of raw ginger (3. 435).
àefiaı: Àrancà aagyozensanık: 7616 azaragdagendafaafayàcidara1faq171: / विध्यातासन्नवह्निप्रसरितभसिता पाण्डवः पिण्डशेषास्ते हेमन्ते नयन्ते तव नृप रिपवः शर्वरीं पर्वतेषु ॥
162
Lean and emaciated, thy enemies, o king, pass the winter nights on the mountains, their bodies whitened by the spreading ashes of the fires dying out near them. Once did they pass the long nights in their palaces, their bodies profusely smeared with thick saffron paint, with the hands gaily placed in the bower of the bosoms of their beloved! (3. 433).
The poet is fond of dilating on the severity of the winter cold and its benumbing effect on men and animals, and sets before our eyes a series of vivid little frosty scenes:
सिंहः संनिहितेऽपि सीदति गजे शीर्यत्क्रमस्पन्दनो मध्याह्नेऽपि न जातशष्पकवलः प्रायः कुरङ्गीपतिः । वरसः कुण्ठितकण्ठनालवलन: पातुं न शक्तः स्तनं वक्त्रं नैति विभातकर्मकरणे पाणिर्द्विजानामपि ॥ हंसी चान्तरार्पितबिच्छेदात् खरं खिद्यते भूमिस्रस्तकरा करेणुरवशक्षीरस्तनी ताम्यति । प्रातडिम्भविचेष्टितुण्डकलनान्नीहारकालागमे हस्तन्यस्तफलद्भवा च शबरी बाष्पातुरं रोदिति ॥ अह्नोऽर्धेऽपि तरङ्गवारि करिणो गृह्णन्ति रोधः स्थिता जिह्वाग्राद्गलनालमेति न पयः सिंहे सतृष्णेऽपि च । gmnatantansgiðanfagfa q12:401: qäktarafàgesterona: dâ a gama: 1
The lion sits idle, unable to move his feet, albeit the elephant is just near him. The antelope, as a rule, doth not take his mouthful of tender grass even at noon. The calf, with its neck inert, is unable to suck its mother's teat. Even the Brahmanas are loth to apply the hands to the mouth while performing the morning rites (1. 54). The female swan feels great pain when a piece of lotus-stalk is put in her mouth (by her mate). The she-elephant languishes, resting the trunk on the ground, with her full breasts benumbed with cold. The Sabara woman, taking some fruit juice in her hands, piteously weeps when she sees in the winter morning the inert face of her child (1. 56). Even at noon the elephants drink only wave-splashed water from the banks of rivers. Even though the lion is athirst, water doth not come down his throat from the tip of the tongue. Drops of water remain rolling between the lips of antelopes. The boar resorts to the dry pond previously dug up, and feeds on Musta grass there (1.57).

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The love life of animals in the spring is described in the following verse; हंसो यत्र मृणालिनीकिसलयैर्गण्डूषतोयैर्गजः कोकश्चुम्बनचेष्टितः परिपतन् पारापतः कूजितः ।
एणः शृङ्गाविघर्षणैर्मुगपतिर्गाढं पुनः श्लेषणैः शृङ्गारप्रसरप्रसादिहृदयः स्वां स्वां प्रियां सेवते ॥ In springtime the animals, their hearts gladdened by the surge of love, caress their mates, each his own; the swan with offerings of tender leaves of water-lilies, and the elephant with mouthfuls of water; the red goose with strenuous kissings, and the flying dove with cooings; the antelope with gentle scratchings with the horns; and the lion with close embraces ever and anon ( 3. 442).
Geographical names are sometimes used to add a zest to natural descriptions: आमन्दं पल्लवीनां रतिरभसभरप्राप्तकेलीविनोदाः सामोद केरलीनां मुखकमलवनामोदपानप्रगल्भाः। आशैत्यं कुन्तलीनां कुचकलशरसावासकाराः समीराः काले वान्ति स तस्मिन् किल मलयलतानतिनो दाक्षिणात्याः ॥ The breezes of the south, which make the creepers on the Malaya mountain dance, blew at the time, soft, fragrant and cool. Verily these breezes delight in the vehement gaiety of love, in which the Pallava women indulge; avidly imbibe the fragrance of the lotus mouths of the women of Kerala; and linger on the perspiration on the high bosoms of the women of Kuntala (2. 69).
Morning scenery is described in 3. 3-22, and moonrise in 3. 479-489. उत्कल्लोलो जलधिरजडं नीलनीरेजमेतन्मारः स्फारः प्रमदहृदयोदारचाराश्चकोराः । सौधोत्सङ्गाः सपदि विहितक्षीरपूराभिषङ्गा यस्योल्लासे स जयति जनानन्दनश्चन्द्र एषः ।। घृद्धिर्वधैर्विजयसमयः पुष्पकोदण्डपाणेः क्रीडानीडं रतिरसविधेः प्राणितं पञ्चमस्य ।
स्त्रीणां लीलावगमनिगमः कामिनां केलिहेतुः स्रोतःसूतिर्निजमाणेभुवां देव चन्द्रोदयोऽयम् ॥ Yonder Moon thrives in glory, causing delight to men. When he joyously rises, the ocean surges with waves; the blue lotus comes to life, the god of love waxes strong; the Cakora hirds move freely about with delighted hearts; and the surface of palaces is forth with flooded with milk! (3. 481). Sire, this moonrise causes the ocean to swell. It is the hour of the flowerbowed Cupid's triumph. It is the pleasure resort of the sentiment of love and the life-breath of the fifth note of the gamut. It is the science that teaches women their graceful movements; the occasion for the sports of lovers; and the source of the oozing of moonstones (3. 484).
Descriptions of mountains and the Siprā river occur in Book. V. The following verse is addressed to an ancient tree:
पान्धैः पल्लवलुण्टनं करटिभिः स्कन्धस्य संघट्टनं संबाधो हरिभिः शकुन्तनिकरैः क्षोदस्तु किं वर्ण्यते ।
किं चान्यत्तव देवदेहसदृशस्त्रैलोक्यमान्यस्थितेरात्मीया इव यस्य याचकजनैः स्वच्छन्दसेव्याः श्रियः ॥ Travellers pluck thy leaves; elephants shake thy trunk; monkeys harass thee; and how can the pecking by bevies of birds be described ? What else

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Apart from the glimpses of animal life in the account of the seasons, a considerable number of verses is devoted to the description of animals in our work. Verses in praise of horses and elephants are recited by the bards on the occasion of the presentation of the royal horse and the royal elephant to Yasodhara on the eve of his coronation. Elephants receive the first tribute of praise (2. 167–190). For example,
भवेषु दुर्गाणि जलेषु सेतवो गृहाणि मार्गेषु रणेषु राक्षसाः।
#7: falcatuit To çarpaq Pfare anga I 2. 176.
Another series of verses is recited by the keepers on the occasion of the sports of elephants witnessed by Yasodhara (3. 291-318). The poet often succeeds in presenting a life-like picture of the animal.
उचम्भीकृतकर्णतालयुगलः प्रत्यस्तपांसुक्रियः प्रत्यादिष्टकरेणुकेलिरमण: प्रत्यर्पिताम्भोघटः ।
पातुः प्रार्थनया चिराय विस्तानिक्षून् गृहीत्वा करे तिष्ठत्यन्यकरीन्द्रसंचरमनाः कोपव्यथाकीलितः॥ The elephant stands, holding in his trunk the sugarcanes ere long seized at the instance of the keeper. He is rooted to the ground by the frenzy of wrath, his mind fixed on a rival; and the flat ears stand firm and erect. He hath given up playing with dust and renounced the joy of sports with his mate and repelled the pot of water set before him (3. 293). Horses receive their share of praise in 2. 191-208. For example,
कदनकन्दुककेलिविलासिनः परबलस्खलने परिधा हयाः।
सकलभूवलयेक्षणदृष्टयः समरकालमनोरथसिद्धयः ॥ Perhaps more interesting are certain individual verses on other animals. A simple yet faithful description of a dog occurs in Book V:
निर्मासाम्यः कपिलनयनः स्वल्पतीक्ष्णाप्रकर्णः कुक्षिक्षामः पृथुलजधनः पूर्णवक्षःप्रदेशः।
दुग्धस्निग्धप्रवनुदशनः सारमेयो महीशामाखेटाय प्रजवचरणः किंचिदाभुमवालः ॥ The same Book contains the following vivid picture of a huge buffalo:
रकमान्तविलोललोचनयुगः प्रोथप्रतिष्टाननः प्रोत्कूणामविषाणभीषणवपुर्नीलाअनादिप्रभः ।
उत्कर्णः पृथुकन्धरो गुरुखुरः स्थूलत्रिकोरःस्थलः सा मृत्वा कमनीयबालधिरभूच्छागी पुनः कासरः॥ The she-goat, after death, was reborn as a buffalo with a fine hairy
1. His eyes were nimble and fringed with red, and the mouth firmly based on the snout. He resembled a mountain of blue collyrium with a body inade fierce by the horns curved at the extremities. He had erect ears, broad shoulders, massive hooves, and fleshy breast and buttocks ( Book V, p. 224).
Epitaphs on animals do not seem to occur in Kāvga poetry, and the following mournful verses on a favourite peacock and a dog, uttered

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165 by the king on their death, belong to a type rare in Sanskrit literature,
प्रासादमण्डनमणी रमणीविनोदे क्रीडावनीधरशिलातलचित्रलेखे।
को नाम केलिकरतालविधि वधूनां नृत्तानुगं स्वयि करिष्यति कीर्तिशेषे ॥ (Addressed to the peacock): Thou wast the oramental gem of the palace and the joy of the ladies, and gleamed like a picture on the rocks of the pleasure hill. Who will dance to the joyous clapping of hands by the damsels, since thou art dead?'
सिंहः सुखं निवसतादचलोपकण्ठे सोत्कण्ठमेणनिचयश्चरतात् स्थलीषु ।
सत्वाः परेऽपि विपिने विकसन्त्वशकं नाकं गतोऽयमधुना ननु विश्वकदुः॥ Verily this dog is gone to heaven. Let the lion now live happily on the mountain slope. Let the deer graze on the fields with zest. Let other animals, too, move about freely in the woods without fear (Book V, p. 192).
The commotion of the animals in the Siprā river, caused by the inroad of an army of fishermen, equipped with boats, nets and spears, is graphically described in the following verse :
उडीनाण्डजडिम्भमाकुलभवशालीकिनीकाननं कुलोत्तालबिलान्तरालचलनग्लानालगर्भिकम् ।
प्रायःपतिलगर्तगर्वरमिलहौलेयबालं मुहुस्तस्रोतः कलुषीबभूव विवशमाहं विगाहत्ततः॥ Then the rolling waters of the river became turbid ever more, with the alligators lying helpless. The young birds flew about, and the waterlilies swayed to and fro. The young water-snakes, briskly moving about on the bank, languished after running into the holes. The young turtles mingled with the buffaloes in the muddy hollows (Book V, p. 217).
III. Tax CREMATION-GROUND One of the most elaborate and comprehensive descriptions in Yasastilaka is that of the cremation-ground in the opening chapter, in which the sterner aspects of Nature are brought into play, and the entire description is of a kind not fully met with in Kāvya literature. The reader is at once reminded of the picture of the cremation-ground in Mālatimădhava, but the aim of Bhavabhūti is to evoke horror, while that of Somadeva is to excite pity, and the verses are appropriately put in the
1 Cf. the commemorative inscription mentioned in Chapter V, p. 123. It has been
pointed out that the preface to the Histories of Orosius (417-18 A. D.) 'has a charm of its own, for it is one of the few places in ancient literature where dogs are mentioned with feeling.' In early Greek poetry we have the epitaph of Simonides on the hound Lycas whose white bones lying in the tomb are still a terror to the wild beasts. The poet refers to the mountain landscape in which the hound ran while alive, “Thy worth is well-known to tall Pelion and far-seen Ossa and the lonely peaks of Cithseron," Fragment 142, Diehl: Anthologia Lyrica V, p. 113.

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mouth of the Jaina sage Sudatta. The delineation of the horrid scene is followed by the thoughts provoked by the sight of the decomposing corpse of a young woman, and specially by the contrast between beauty and present condition. The decaying body is described limb by limb; and while the description of the scene of desolation shows graphic power, that of the dead woman is overdone, and lapses into wearisome details, although there are some beautiful verses which recount her former charms, Some of the verses in which the cremation-ground is described are cited below:
अर्धदग्धशवलेशलालसैर्भण्डनोद्भटरटद्गलान्तरैः । कालकेलिकरकौतुकोद्यतैर्विश्वकढुभिरुपद्रुतान्तरम् ॥
श्येनकुलं घूककुलं द्रोणकुलं श्वकुलभण्डनाद्रीतम् । शवपिशितप्राशवशादिवि भुवि च समाकुलं पुरतः॥ The place is overrun by dogs eager to devour the fragments of half-burnt bodies. They are busy fighting and loudly bark and indulge in a pastime delightful to the god of death. And in the foreground, flocks of hawks, owls and ravens, scared away by the fighting of the dogs, throng in disorder on the earth and in the sky in the hope of feeding on the flesh of the corpses (1. 13-4).
गृध्राघ्रातसमांसकीकसरसस्रावोत्पथाः पादपाः प्रेतोपान्तपतत्पतन्त्रिपरुषप्रायाः प्रदेशा दिशः।
ga Tautas*93ztufese: ta: daga frutat xafaat: 11 The trees are polluted by the oozings from the fleshy bones swallowed by the vultures, and tho topmost branches are blown away by violent gales. The environs are made repulsive by the birds flocking round the dead, and on every side spreads the smoke of funeral pyres, resembling in colour age-worn doves (1, 85).
___ कालाग्निरुद्रनिटिलेक्षणदुर्निरीक्षाः कीनाशहोमहुतवाहविरुक्षवीक्षाः ।
दाहगवच्छववपुःस्फुटदस्थिमध्यप्रारब्धशब्दकठिना दहनाश्चितानाम् ॥ The flames of the funeral pyres are hard to look at, like the eye on Siva's forehead at the time of the universal fire of destruction, and present a gruesome sight, like a ceremonial fire in which oblations are offered to the god of death. They are harshly loud with the sound produced within the cracking bones of the dead bodies dissolved by the fire (1. 86).
भ्रश्यच्छरीरशवशीर्णशिरोजसारः कुथ्यस्कलेवरकरङ्कहतप्रचारः।
दग्धार्धदेहमृतकाग्निमयप्रबन्धो वातः करोति ककुभोऽशुभगन्धबन्धाः ॥ The wind fills the regions of the sky with a noxious smell. It is laden with the falling hair of decomposing dead bodies, and checked in its onrush by the skeletons of putrid corpses, and fans the flames clinging to the halfburnt bodies of the dead (1. 88).
1
A brief description of a cremation-ground occurs in Kşemeśvara's Candakausika Act IV.

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यान्युत्सवेषु कृतिनां कृतमङ्गलानि वाद्यानि मोदिजनगेयनिरर्गलानि ।
तान्येव शोकवशबन्धुरवोद्धराणि नर्दन्ति संस्थितवतां विरसस्वराणि ॥ Those very musical instruments, which on festive occasions accompany, unimpeded, the songs of joyous crowds, and prove auspicious to the lucky, sound harsh when they mourn the dead, loud as they are with the wailings of kinsmen stricken with grief (1. 89).
दन्तोत्कीलिप्तशुष्ककीकसकलाकीलोद्दलत्तालुकाः कण्ठान्तःप्रविलग्नशस्यशकलोद्गालस्खलत्कुक्षयः।
प्रेतप्रान्तपुराणपादपपतरपत्रप्रदुष्यदृशः प्रभ्राम्यन्त्यविशङ्कफेस्कृतिक्षीबाः शिवाः सोद्धवाः ।। The jackals roam about, full of joy and maddened by their own fearless howls. Their palates are pierced by the nail-like fragments of the dry bones stuck fast in the jaws, and their bellies quiver as they spit out pieces of bones sticking in the throat; while their eyes are troubled by the leaves falling from the age-worn trees alongside of the corpses (1. 94).
Sudatta then gives vent to his feelings at the sight of the dead body of the woman, apparently a courtesan:
या पूर्व स्मरकेलिचामररुचिः कर्णावतंसोत्पलश्लिष्टेन्दिन्दिरसुन्दरद्युतिरभूद्गण्डस्थलीमण्डनम् ।
सेयं कुन्तलवल्लरी पितृवने वातेरिता सांप्रतं धूलीधूसरिता दधाति विसरत्संमार्जनीचेष्टितम् ॥ This lock of hair used to adorn her cheeks and looked like a fly-whisk during the sports of love and beautifully gleamed like bees clinging to lotus ear-ornaments. Driven along by the wind and grey with dust, it now does the work of a moving broom in the cremation-ground: (1.95).
___ कस्तूरिकातिलकपत्रविचित्रितश्रीर्योऽभून्मृगाङ्कसमकान्तिरयं कपोलः।
सोऽद्यच्छवि वहति वायसबालभुक्तः कोथप्रदीर्णतनुतुम्बफलोपमेयाम् ॥ The cheek that was gaily embellished with ornamental designs of musk paint, and gleamed like the moon, is now pecked by young crows, and looks like a gourd lacerated by disease! (1. 99).
या कौमुदीव सरसीव मृणालिनीव लक्ष्मीरिव प्रियसखीव विलासिनीव ।
तैस्तैर्गुणैरजनि सा सुतनुः प्रजाता प्रेतावनीवनवशा विवशा वराकी॥ By dint of manifold mérits, the fair maid was like the light of the moon, like a pool of water, like a water-lily, like the goddess of wealth,
loved friend, like an elegant lady. She is now wretched and forlorn, ]ying helpless in the wilderness of the cremation-ground (1.113).
यामन्तरेण जगतो विफलाः प्रयासा यामन्तरेण भवनानि वनोपमानि ।
यामन्तरेण हतसंगति जीवितं च तस्याः प्रपश्यत जनाः क्षणमेकमङ्गम् ॥ आश्लिष्टं परिचुम्बितं परमितं यदागरोमाञ्चितैस्तत्संसारसुखास्पदं वपुरभूदेवंदशागोचरम् ।
शीर्यचर्मचयं पतत्पलभर भ्रश्यच्छिरापञ्जरं व्यस्यत्संधिबलं गलनलकुलं कुथ्यरत्रसाजालकम् ॥ Without her, the toil of the world seems to be in vain. Without ler, the houses look like the woods. Without her, life loses its meaning.

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Ye folks, behold her body for a moment. The source of mundane joys, her body used to be clasped, kissed and enjoyed by men thrilled with passion. But it is now reduced to such a plight. The skin is torn to shreds, the flesh is falling off, and the network of veins is loosening. The strength of the joints is gone, the bones are crumbling to pieces, and the sinews are putrescent (1. 121-122).
With the above pictures may be compared that of Amrtamati, stricken with a fell disease after her crime. Somadeva depicts the gruesome to excite our pity.
भलिकुलमिदं लूतातन्तुप्रतानविधूसरं मनसिजधनुर्जातं जीर्यत्तनुस्थिति पिजनम् ।
कुवलयवनं धत्ते दैन्यं दवाग्निसमाश्रयं धुणदरभरभ्रस्यत्स्तम्भप्रभावमभूद्वपुः ॥ The hair, once dark as a swarm of bees, has turned grey as the threads of & cobweb. The eyebrows, once like Cupid's bow, resemble a dilapidated bow for cleansing cotton. The eyes, once blue lotus blossoms, look miserable, as if within grasp of a forest fire; and the body resembles a worm-eaten pillar, about to crumble' (Book V, p. 223).
IV. OTHER DESCRIPTIONS Somadeva's power of portraying the terrible is illustrated in the picture of Caņdamārī, which looms large in the opening chapter of the work. Sound echoes the sense in the powerful description of the goddess in 1. 137.
JOHITTATIFZ72182faxafectat sahi yasamaTUZITEGIFFITI
दैत्यध्वंसप्रमोदो रविधुतकराभोगखर्वगिरीणि स्फाराघातानिपातोच्छलदुदधिजलान्युद्धतोद्वेलितानि ॥ The impetuous movements of the goddess are such that the waters of the ocean are splashed by the heavy impact of her feet; and the moon ( on her forehead) is terrified by the horrid mass of her matted hair, entwined with madly excited serpents; while the bells of her club ring out as the human skulls, swaying at her side, move to and fro; and the mountains are laid low by her massive hands as she vehemently waves them in an outburst of joy at the destruction of the demons.
Among other descriptions may be mentioned those of the city of Ujjayini (2. 14-29) and of king Yaśorgha (2. 31-53). There is a good description of child life in 2. 82-90, which testifies to Somadeva's accurate observation and love of children, and is all the more interesting, as such descriptions are by no means common in Kāvga literature.
अम्बां तात इति ब्रवीति पितरं चाम्बेति संभाषते धात्रीपूर्वनिवेदितानि च पदान्योक्तितो जल्पति । शिक्षालापविधौ प्रकुप्यति तो नास्ते स्थिरोऽयं वचिद् व्याहूतो न शृणोति धावति पुनः प्रत्युत्थितः सत्वरम् ॥
1 Lit.: pillar crumbling owing to the accumulation of worn-holes,

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The child addresses the mother as 'daddy' and the father as 'mammy'. He half utters the words first taught by the nurse. He becomes angry when an effort is made to teach him, and nowhere keeps still when held. He never listens when summoned. He slips and rises quickly and runs again (2.90).
तद्नेहं वनमेव यत्र शिशवः खेलन्ति न प्राङ्गणे तेषां जन्म वृथैव लोचनपथं याता न येषां सुताः ।
तेषामङ्गविलेपनं च नृपते पङ्कोपदेहैः समं येषां धूलि विधूसरात्मजरजश्चर्चा न वक्षःस्थले ॥ Verily the house where no children play in the courtyard is a jungle. Futile is their birth who have seen no children of their own. Beauty-paint, oking, is like a smearing of mud for those whose bosoms are not bedaubed with the dust transmitted by their children, grey.with dust (2.88).
Descriptions of female beauty, so common in Kāvya poetry, are few and far between in Yasastilaka owing to the very nature of the plot. We may here cite two of the verses spoken by Vārişeņa, unable to forget his young wife even after he has renounced the world:
अलकवलयरम्यं भूलतानर्तकान्तं नवनयनविलासं चारुगण्डस्थलं च । मधुरवचनगर्भ रबिम्बाधरायाः पुरत इव समास्ते तन्मुखं मे प्रियायाः ॥ लीलाविलासविलसन्नयनोत्पलायाः स्फारस्सरोत्तरलिताधरपल्लवायाः ।
उत्तुङ्गपीवरपयोधरमण्डलायास्तस्या मया सह कदा ननु संगमः स्यात् ॥
The watersports of young women in the Siprā river are described in the following verse in Book V:
भ्रश्यत्कर्णवतंसकाः सरलितप्रान्तप्रलम्बालकाः शीर्यत्कजललोचनाः परिगलगण्डस्थलीचन्दनाः। उत्कम्पस्तनमण्डलाः प्रविलसल्लीलाजबाहाकुलाः कीडन्ति स्म पुराङ्गनाः प्रियतमैरासेव्यमाना इव ॥
A graceful picture of women adorned with floral decorations occurs in the description of the summer in Book III:
विकचविचकिलालीकीर्णलोलालकानां कुरबकमुकुलस्रक्तारहारस्तनीनाम् ।
दरजरठदलाप्रैः पल्लवैशृतजातेनुप किमपि कषायं योषितां चुम्ब वक्त्रम् ॥ Kiss, o king, the mouths of women redolent with mango shoots with slightly hardening tips. The agile curls of their hair are studded with fullblown Vicakila blossoms, and wreaths of Kurabaka buds and radiant pearlstrings adorn their bosoms (3. 379).
A number of playful verses occurs in connection with the description of moonrise on the subject of the conventional viraha of young women such as are frequently found in the Mabākāvyas, and it is interesting to find that the Jaina monk proves himself an adept in dealing with such topics. The following verses contain what is known as dūtīvākya, but are attributed in our work, as in so many other cases, to bards attached to Yasodhara's court.
ग्रीष्मस्थलालिल मितं श्वसितं नितान्तमुद्यानसारिणिसमस्रुतिरश्रुपूरः ।
आनर्तितस्तनतटास्तत्र कान्त कोपाकण्ठे च मारुतलवाः सरवाः प्रियायाः ॥
22

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The sighs of thy beloved, o lover, are utterly like desert winds; her tears flow like a garden rivulet; and owing to her wrath her sobs are loud and shake the bosom ( 3, 496).
भ्रातस्त्वद्विरहेण संज्वरभरादस्याः सरःसंगमे पाथःकाथविधेर्यदद्भुतमभूदेतत्तदाकर्ण्यताम् ।
उड्डीनं मुहुरण्डजैस्तिमि कुलस्तीरे स्थितं दूरतः शीण शैवलिमञ्जरीभिरभितः क्षीणं क्षणाचाम्बुजैः॥ Listen, o brother, to the miracle of how the waters boiled when she entered the waters of the pool, suffering from grievous heat owing to her separation from thee! The birds flew off again and again; the fish kept to the shore at a distance; the offshoots of the moss were torn to shreds all around; and the lotus blossoms withered in a moment! (3. 497).
तव सुभग वियोगात् पञ्चषैरप्यहोभिर्मनसिजशरदीर्घाः श्वासधाराः सुदत्याः ।
स्मरविजयपताकास्पर्धिनी वकान्तिस्तनुरतनुधनुातानवं चातनोति ॥ Beautiful lover, in less than a week, owing to her separation from thee, the fair maid's sighs lengthened like Cupid's arrows; the complexion turned white as Cupid's triumphal banner; and the body became lean as Cupid's bowstring ! (3. 498).
केदं काश्य क च मनसिजस्फारवाणप्रहारः कार्य तापः क्व च निरवधिर्बाष्पपूरप्रचारः ।
कैषा मूर्छा क च कुचपटप्रेशणश्वासकल्पः कासौ लज्जा क च मृगशश्चित्रमेष प्रजल्पः॥ What a great contrast between the emaciation of the fair maid's body and the continuous hitting by Cupid's arrows! Between her heat and the unceasing flood of her tears! Between her swoon and the sighs that shake her robe! Between her bashfulness and the words uttered at random ! Strange it is all! (3, 502)
बन्धुप्रार्थनतस्त्वयि स्मृति निशावेशात्तया मुग्धया दत्तश्चक्षुषि यावकः कृतमिदं बिम्बाधरे कजलम् ।
कण्ठे काञ्चिगुणोऽर्पितः परिहितो हारो नितम्बस्थले केयूरं चरणे धृतं विरचितं हस्ते च हिजीरकम् ॥ Begged by her friends ( to decorate herself ), the foolish girl, owing concentration of the night-like train of her thoughts on thee, applied red lac paint to the eyes and collyrium to the ruddy lips; wore the girdle round the neck and the neck-lace on the hips; and fastened the bracelets to the feet and the anklets to the hands! (3. 503).
कामस्यैतत्परमिह रहो यन्मनःप्रातिकूल्यं तस्मादेष ज्वलति नितरामङ्गमाधुर्य हेतुः ।
कामं कान्तास्तदनु रसिकाः प्रीतये कस्य न स्युस्तत्रास्वादः क इव हि सखे या न पक्का मृणाल्यः ॥ Love's great secret it is on earth: it blazes up on account of disappointment of hopes, lending grace to women's physical charms. Fair women then become subject to intense passion, and who would not delight in them? What is their flavour like, o friend?' They are just tender water-lilies!' (3. 506).
1
Red paint is applied to the lips and collyrium to the eyes.

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VI. DIDACTIC VERSES As in other Kavya works, didactic verses are interspersed in Yasastilaka, and occasionally contain balanced expression of the wisdom of life and bring into relief human traits with remarkable fidelity and insi The specimens cited here are classified according to the subject dealt with by them.
THE GODDESS OF WEALTH तातस्तावजडनिधिरभूत् सोदरः कालकूटः कृष्णे यस्याः प्रणयपरता पङ्कजाते रतिश्च । लक्ष्म्यास्तस्याः सकलनृपतिस्वैरिणीवृत्तिभाजः कः प्रेमान्धो भवतु कृतधीलॊकविप्लाविकायाः॥
What wise man will blindly fall in love with the subversive goddess of wealth, a harlot kept by all the kings? The Ocean (“the abode of waters', also the abode of folly') is her father, and the Kālakūta poison her brother. She loves Krşņa, the Black, and is fond of the mud-born lotus (2. 160)."
असल्लोकानुरोधेन सल्लोकोपेक्षणेन च । व्यालशैलान्तरालाङ्गी कुरङ्गीवाक्षमा रमा ॥ The goddess of wealth is helpless, like a hind placed between a wild elephant on one side and a mountain on the other, because she favours the wicked and neglects the good (3. 177).
TRANSIENT CHARACTER OF LIFE AND ITS JOYS मायासाम्राज्यवर्याः कविजनवचनस्पर्धिमाधुर्यधुर्याः स्वमाप्तैश्वर्यशोभाः कुहकनयमयारामरम्योत्तराभाः। पर्जन्यागारसारास्त्रिदिवपतिधनुबन्धुराश्च स्वभावादायुलावण्यलक्ष्म्यस्तदपि जगदिदं चित्रमत्रैव सक्तम् ॥
It is strange that the world is attached to life, beauty and wealth. They are but magnificent as a phantom empire, supremely sweet as the words of poets, beautiful as treasure obtained in dreams, charmingly resplendent like a magic garden, lovely as a mansion of clouds, and, by nature, delightful only as a rainbow (1. 124).
मायारामसमा रमा सुखमिदं दुःखावलेखोन्मुखं स्वमालोकनयः सुहृत्परिचयः कान्तः कृतान्ते हिता।
उत्साहोऽपि च देहगेहविषयो यः सोऽप्यनित्योदयस्तत्वालोकविलुप्तचित्ततमसा पुंसां भघेदुत्सवः ॥ Prosperity is like a magic garden, and pleasure is liable to be marred by pain, Friendship is like the vision of a dream, and a beloved woman is but an aid to Death. Even the zeal for the mansion of the body has merely transient results. Joy is for those who have destroyed the darkness of their minds with the light of the Truth (Book V).
PROPER USE OF WEALTH लब्धा अपि श्रियो यान्ति पुंसां भोक्तमजानताम् । अबद्धाः कुञ्जरेन्द्राणां पुलाका इव हस्तगाः॥
Riches, even though acquired by men who know not how to enjoy them, are lost for ever, like the loose grains of boiled rice seized by mighty elephants with their trunks (3.78 ).
1 The reference is to the legend of Lakşmi emerging during the churning of the ocean.
Jadanidhi is purposely used for jalanidhi. Kişņa stands for Vişnu, the consort of Lakşmi. Somadeva rarely uses such devices in his verse.

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of those kings, who evin
THE CURSE OF DEPENDENCE सत्यं दूरे विहरति समं साधुभावेन पुंसां धर्मश्चित्तात् सह करुणया याति देशान्तराणि । पापं शापादिव च तनुते नीचवृत्तेन साध सेवावृत्तेः परमिह परं पातकं नास्ति किंचित् ॥
सौजन्यमैत्रीकरुणामणीनां व्ययं न चेद्भत्यजनः करोति ।
फलं महीशादपि नैव तस्य यतोऽर्थमेवार्थ निमित्तमाहुः ॥ No greater sin is there on earth than earning one's livelihood by serving others. Truth with honesty wanders far away from such men, and piety with compassion departs elsewhere from their hearts; while their sin increases with meanness, as if under a curse. Unless the servants of a king barter away the gems of courtesy, good will and kindness, they are never rewarded by him, for, as is said, money alone begets money' (1. 130-131).
THE USE OF POETS राजन्नशेषविषयातिशयप्रसूतौ येषां महाकविकृतौ न मनीषितानि ।
तेषां श्रुती च रसनां च मनश्च मन्ये वाग्देवताविहितशापमिवेश्वराणाम् ॥ Sire, Sarasvati's curse, I ween, is on the ears, tongues and minds nose kings, who evince no desire for the works of great poets, which create supreme beauty in an infinite range of themes ( 3. 275).
ELOQUENCE यथावरहिते पंसि वथा शौर्यपरिग्रहः । तथोपन्यासहीनस्य तथा शास्त्रपरिग्रहः। स्फुरन्त्यपि मनःसिन्धौ शास्त्ररत्नान्यनेकशः । वचोगुणविहीनानि भूषयन्ति न सन्मनः ॥ विद्यानां स्फुरितं प्रीत्यै स्त्रीणां लावण्यवरहिः । अन्तर्भवतु वा मा वा किं विचारैरतीन्द्रियैः ॥
The bravery of a person without weapons is useless; just so the mastery of the Sastras is futile in the case of a person without eloquence. The gems of learning may flash in plenty in the ocean of one's mind, but, without eloquence, they can never edify the minds of the wise. Like the beauty of women, the outward manifestation of learning causes The inner existence of either matters little. What is the use of investigating things beyond the range of the senses? ( 3. 372-78).
FIVE GREAT SINS स्वामिद्रोहः स्त्रीवधो बालहिंसा विश्वस्तानां घातमं लिङ्गभेदः ।
प्रायेणैतत्पञ्चकं पातकानां कुर्यात् सद्यः प्राणिनः प्राप्तदुःखान् । Hostility to one's master, killing a woman, injury to children, killing those who have been assured of safety, and divulgation of secrets: these five sins nearly always bring swift misery to sentient beings (Book V).
THE RAISON D'ÊTRE OS AHIMSA यत्परत्र करोतीह सुखं वा दुःखमेव वा । वृद्धये धनवहत्तं स्वस्य तजायतेऽधिकम् ॥
1 Tho icoa sooms to be that unless the employees of a king bring him money by fair
means or foul, they are never rewarded by him.

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The pleasure or pain which a man causes to others in this life is like money lent on interest: it becomes his in a greater measure (Book VII, section 24).
VALUE OF DIRECTING POWER स्वयं विषमरूपोऽपि संघातः कार्यकृद्भवेत् । अधिष्ठातुः प्रयत्नेन यथा हस्तोऽसमाङ्गुलिः ॥
Like the hand which has unequal fingers, a combination of things, although composed of unequal elements, proves effective by dint of the master's effort (3. 120).
VALUE OF CO-OPERATION असहायः समर्थाऽपि न जातु हितसिद्धये । वह्निर्वातविहीनो हि बुसस्यापि न दीपकः ॥
Even an able man can never do any good without the help of others Fire, without air, cannot burn even chaff (3.228).
THE PROPER ATTITUDE TOWARDS ENEMIES अनुनयत वदत मधुरं यत्कार्य तदपि मानसे कुरुत । रौति कलं हि मयरः सविषं च भजङ्गमं दशति ॥ मूग वहति लोकोऽयं यथा दग्धुमिहेन्धनम् । अनुशील्य क्षयं नेयस्तथारातिर्महात्मना । प्रायः सरलचित्तानां जायते विपदागमः। ऋजुर्याति यथा छेदं न वक्रः पादपस्तथा ॥
Conciliate thy enemy and speak to him sweet words, but at the same time carry out what thou hast planned in thy mind. The peacock sings sweetly, but feeds on venomous serpents. Just as fire-wood is carried by. men on their heads in order to burn it, similarly, in the world, a highspirited person should first conciliate an enemy and then destroy him. It is. as a rule, straightforward people who fall into danger. It is not possible to cut a crooked tree with the same ease as a straight one (Book IV).
VALUE OF REPORT अबुधेऽपि बुधोद्गारे प्राज्ञानुज्ञा विजृम्भते । संस्कर्तुः कौशलादेति यतः काचोऽपि रत्नताम् ॥ आरमनि विवेकविकलः प्रसिद्धिमात्रेण रज्यते सकलः । कैरव इव कमलेऽपि हि न श्रीः पूज्यं तथाप्यखम् ॥
Even if a fool is called wise by all, the wise concur therein. Even glass becomes jewel owing to the craftsman's skill. All men, lacking in discernment, like a thing, simply because it is reported to be good. The goddess of wealth abides neither in the day-lotus nor in the night-lotus; yet the day-lotus is honoured (because it is said to be her abode ) (3. 181-82).
A SECRET OF SUCCESS कार्यार्थिनो हि लोकस्य किमन्याचारचिन्तया । दुग्धार्थी कः पुमानाम गवाचारं विचारयेत् ॥
It is useless for people who seek to gain their ends to study the ways of others. Who ever investigates the ways of cows in need of milk ? ( 3. 231).
WHAT IS NOT PROFITABLE TO PHYSICIANS AND MINISTERS यो स्वास्थ्याय समीहेते व्याधितस्य नृपस्य च । स्वार्थसिद्धि निरोद्धारौ धिगूधिकू तो वैद्यमत्रिणौ।

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Fie, fie on the physician and the minister who strive for the health and well-being of a patient and a king respectivly, since they thereby stand in the way of their own profit! (3. 187).
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THE RIGHT THING IN THE RIGHT PLACE
तेजस्तेजस्विनां स्थाने धृतं धृतिकरं भवेत् । कराः सूर्याश्मवद्भानोः किं स्फुरन्ति हताश्मनि ॥
The might of the mighty produces happy results when exerted in the proper place. The rays of the sun do not flash on gravel as they do on sunstones (3. 178).
THE USE OF OPPORTUNITIES
अज्ञानभावादथवा प्रमादादुपेक्षणाद्वात्ययभाजि कार्ये । पुंसः प्रयासो विफलः समस्तो गतोदके कः खलु सेतुबन्धः ॥ All one's efforts are useless, once an opportunity is lost owing to ignorance or error or negligence. What is the use of a bridge after a flood has subsided? (Book IV).
ENDURANCE
मार्दवाधिकतरं कलधौतं तापताडनसहं च निसर्गात् । एवमेव वपुरुत्तमपुंसां संपदां च विपदां च सहिष्णु ॥ Gold is extremely soft, and yet, by nature, capable of bearing heat and pounding. Likewise, the bodies of the ablest men are capable of enduring privation as well as ease (Book V).
CHARACTERISTICS OF YOUTH
यस्मिन् रजः प्रसरति स्खलितादिवोच्चैरान्ध्यादिव प्रबलता तमसश्चकास्ति । सत्वं तिरोभवति भीतमिवाङ्गजानेस्तद्यौवनं विनय सज्जनसंगमेन ॥
In youth ill-fame spreads far and wide as if from sin; deep-rooted ignorance reigns as if from blindness; and patience vanishes as if frightened by Cupid's fire. Control thy youth by association with the good (2. 161).
A THIEF SUSPECTS ALL
आत्मनीव परत्रापि प्रायः संभावना जने । यदस्तेनादपि स्तेनः स्वदोषात् परिशङ्कते ॥
People, as a rule, suppose others to be just like themselves. A thief, on account of his own wickedness, suspects another, even though he is not a thief (3. 121).
CONJUGAL FIDELITY IS RARE
सुरतरहस्यं पुंसां यदि भवति स्वासु देव योषासु । किमिति श्रीरतिमन्दो गोविन्दो बलवीलोलः ॥ Sire, if the inmost eortic desires of men were confined to their own wives, why should Kṛṣṇa, averse to Lakṣmi's love, run after cowherd maids? (3. 204).
ADVICE TO OTHERS
विचक्षणः किं तु परोपदेशे न स्वस्य कार्य सकलोsपि लोकः । नेत्रं हि दूरेऽपि निरीक्षमाणमात्मावलोके व समर्थमेव ॥

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All men are expert in giving advice to others, but not in doing their alloted work. The eye can see even distant objects, but not itself (Book IV).
FATAL TEMPTATION किं नास्ति पलं सलिले येन तिभिः सादरो गलाहारे । प्रायेण हि देहभृतां तत्रासक्तियतो मृत्युः ।।
Is there no other food in the waters that a fish eagerly swallows the bait? Creatures are, as a rule, attached to objects that cause their death (3. 231 ).
FORCE OF ASSOCIATION पूज्यमलं श्रियः सङ्गाज्येष्ठायाश्च न कैरवम् । प्रायो जनेऽन्यसंसर्गागुणिता दोषितापि च ॥ .
The day lotus is esteemed for its association with the goddess of wealth, but not the night lotus for its association with the goddess Jyeșthā'. Merit and blemish among men depend invariably upon the company they keep (3. 118).
संसर्गेण गुणा अपि भवन्ति दोषास्तदद्भुतं नैव । स्थितमधरे रमणीनाममृतं चेतांसि कलुषयति ॥ It is not strange that even merits turn into blemishes owing to the force of association. The nectar that is in women's lips corrupts the hearts of men (1. 79).
REASON ईर्ते युक्तिं यदेवात्र तदेव परमार्थसत् । यदानुदीप्तिवत्तस्याः पक्षपातोऽस्ति न क्वचित् ॥
Whatever in this world conforms to Reason is really true, for, like the rays of the sun, Reason is partial to none (Book VI, p. 270).
VII. ATTACKS ON WOMEN Numerous attacks on women occur in Yasastilaka in prose and verse, and this is explained partly by the very nature of the plot and partly by the fact that such attacks are frequent in Jaina literature owing to the stress laid on asceticisin and abstention from pleasures. Attacks in verse occur in works like Guņabhadra's Atmānusāsana, hacandra's Jñānārnava, Amitagati's Subhāṣitaratnasamdoha (both censure and praise), and in Hemacandra's commentary on his Yogaśāstra 2. 105. A. notable instance of such attacks in Jaina canonical literature is found in Tandula-Veyaliya, one of the Païņņas, wherein women are decried in prose and verse. It should, however, be noted that the character of women is sometimes painted in dark colours in non-Jaina works as well, for example, in the Mahabhārata (Anušāsanaparva, chap. 38).
Num
1 For Jyeșthā see Chap. XV.

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Specimens of Somadeva's deprecatory verses on women
स्त्रीषु साक्षाद्विषं दृष्टौ न सर्पेष्विति मे मनः । तद्दृष्ट एव लोको हि दृश्यते भस्मतां गतः ॥ Verily there is poison in the eyes of women, I ween, and not in the eyes of serpents. Men, indeed, are seen to be reduced to 'ashes' as soon as they are looked at by women (Book IV).
देवैर्मनुष्यैरथ राक्षसैवां निसर्गतो गूढतरप्रचारा । ईदृक्तया ज्ञातुमियत्तया वा न शक्यते स्त्रीजनचित्तवृत्तिः ॥ Neither gods nor men nor demons are able to ascertain or fathom the naturally inscrutable working of a woman's mind. Ibid.
यथोच्छिखण्डा मण्डूक्यो लोकविप्लवहेतवः । तथा स्त्रियः स्वभावेन भर्तृव्यसन तत्पराः ॥ Just as crested tadpoles bring calamity to men, similarly women, by nature, set themselves to cause disaster to their husbands. Ibid,
The irresistible temptation offered by women and the bewildering effect of their charms are emphasized in the following verses: क्षीणस्तपोभिः क्षपितः प्रवासैर्विध्यापितः साधु समाधितोयैः । तथापि चित्रं ज्वलति स्मराग्निः कान्ताजनापाङ्गविलोकनेन ॥
are cited
The fire of passion is weakened by austerities, attenuated by travelling, and effectively quenched by the waters of meditation. Yet, strange it is, it flares up at the sight of women's glances (1. 72).
तावत्तपो वपुषि चेतसि तत्वचिन्ता कामं हृषीकविषये परमः शमश्च । याच पश्यति मुखं मृगलोचनानां शृङ्गारवृत्तिभिरुदाहृतकामसूत्रम् ॥
The body undergoes austerities, and the mind meditates on the Truth, and perfect calm prevails over the senses, only so long as a man does not behold the visage of fair women, which, by its amorous play, illustrates the lessons of the science of love (1. 73).
श्रोत्रं श्रुतो हरति वीक्षणमीक्ष्यमाणश्चित्तं स्मृतः कृतसमागतिरङ्गकानि । प्राणान् पुनः प्रणयवान् वियुतो रतिं च लोके तथापि वनिताजन एव यत्रः ॥

faculty of hearing. Looked Remembered, they captivate
Women, when heard of, deprive one of the at, they deprive one of the power of seeing. the mind; and embraced, they disable the limbs. When in love, they take away one's life; and when separated, they take away one's joy. Yet women are the goal of all efforts in the world (1.74).
1 Somadeva's reasoned views on the subject present an entirely different picture. See Chap. V. Misogynistic traits appear also in other literatures of a bygone age, and have been inspired by different motives. In Italian Renaissance literature, for instance, the current abuse of women, in which Petrarch no less than Alberti and Boccaccio indulged, seems to have been a scholastic survival of the coarse and ignorant literature of the medieval clergy'. Symonds: Renaissance in Italy, Vol. IV, p. 184 (1937 ed.).

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तावद्रवो गण्यास्तावत् स्वाध्यायधीरतं चेतः । यावन्न मनसि वनितादृष्टिविषं विशति पुरुषाणाम् ॥ Teachers are obeyed, and the mind is prone to study, only so long as the poison of women's glances does not enter into the hearts of men (1. 76).
____ तावत् प्रवचनविषयस्तावत् परलोकचिन्तनोपायः । यावत्तरुणीविभ्रमहृतहृदयो न प्रजायेत ॥ The scriptures maintain their jurisdiction, and it is possible to ponder on the other world, only so long as a man's heart is not enthralled by a maiden's charms (1.7).
VIII. METRES No attempt is made here to analyse the metres used by Somadeva in his verses. He uses, as a rule, the ordinary metres employed in Kāvya poetry, and it will be sufficient to point out a few special features, the most notable of which is the adaptation of certain Präkrit metres to the require. ments of Sanskrit poetry.
Duvai or Dvipadi is a Prakrit metre, of which each foot consists of one gana of six mātrās, five ganas of four mātrās, and one long syllable at the end; the second and sixth ganas may be gurumadhya (~-~) or sarvalaghs (~~~~). The metre is frequently used in Apabhramsa poetry, and Somadeva employs it in several verses of Yasastilaka (1. 167, 169; 3. 9, 17, 18, 313, etc). For example,
पूर्व सरसकरजरेखाकृतिरधररुचिस्ततो रविस्त दनु च घुसणपिण्डखण्डद्युतिरबचयच्छविस्ततः । पुनरयमरुणरत्नमुकुरश्रीरुदयति रागनिर्भरैः कुर्वन् ककुभि ककुभि बन्धूकमयीमिव सृष्टिमंशुभिः ॥ 3. 17 शतमखधामहेमकुम्भातिरिन्द्रसमद्रविद्मस्तम्बस्तिमितकान्तिरहरुत्सवसमयसुवर्णदर्पणः। उदयति रविरुदारहरिरोहणरुचिरुचिरोस्करैः करैर्दिग्दयितामुखानि पिञ्जरयनरुणितजलधिमण्डलः ॥ 3. 18 सुरगिरिरमरसिन्धुरम्भोनिधिरवनिरनूरुसारथिः फणिपतिरमृतरोचिरमराश्च दिशो दश यावदम्बरम् । तावदशेषभुवनचिन्तामणिचरित परं महोत्सवैरुत्सवचरितचन्द्र जय जीव विराज चिराय नन्द च ॥ 1. 167 शतमख दहन काल गुह वरुण समीरण धनद चन्द्रमः प्रथितैकैककुम्भिविभवास्तदिभानवत प्रयत्नतः।
इत्युपदेष्टकाम इव हस्तमुदञ्चति वियति वारणो नो चेदिभविहीनरचना भवतां भविता फ्ताकिनी ॥ 3.313 It is certain that Somadeva is not the first writer to employ the Duvaī metre in Sanskrit verse. The following verse occurring in Dasabhakti, a collection of Jaina devotional compositions in Prākrit and Sanskrit, is, for instance, composed in the Duvai metre; and the Sanskrit Bhaktis, it should be noted, are attributed to Pujyapada.
जातिजरोरुरोगमरणातुरशोकसहस्रदीपिताः दुःसहनरकपतनसंखस्तधियः प्रतिबुद्धचेतसः ।
जीवितमम्बुविन्दुचपलं तडिदभ्रसमा विभूतयः सकलमिदं विचिन्त्य मुनयः प्रशमाय वनान्तमाश्रिताः॥ The Dripadi or Duvai, or Doai, as it is also called in the Prākrta Paingala, is, properly speaking, a metre with two pādas, and appears as such in 23

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Apabhramsa works; but the Prakrit example of Dvipadi given in Hemacandra's Chandonusasana contains four feet; and the combined definition and example of the metre in the Prakṛta Paingala, although apparently given in two verses of two feet each (1. 152, 153), is taken by some to represent one verse of four feet.1 Somadeva's Sanskrit verses in the Dvipadi metre consist of four feet.
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Mayaṇāvayara or Madanavatara is another Prakrit metre used by Somadeva in a group of lyrical verses, in Book V, which describe the Karahața country. Each foot of this metre consists of four ganas of five mātrās, as pointed out by Hemacandra in his Chandonusasana, Chap. 4. Nanditaḍhya in his Gathalakṣaṇa calls the metre Camdanana. The verses in question are cited below (p. 162 ) :
सस्य संपत्ति संक्षिप्तसीमाभुवः सवापीप्रपारामरम्योदयाः श्री विलासोत्सव स्खलितसुरसमितयः पिकवधूरुतमनोहारि सर्वर्तवः समरभर भागि भटभाववादोत्कटाः त्यागभोगप्रभावाद्भुतख्यातयः प्रवणशरणागतोद्धरण कुलकीर्तयः सुकृतफलभूमयो ग्रामविनिवेशिकाः
Prakrit metres are also used in the three lyrical panegyrics, two in honour of king Māradatta in Book I ( verses 175-212 ) and one in honour of the Arhat in Book VIII, section 37, consisting of 28 verses. Somadeva's scheme consists of an opening verse or verses in Arya metre which he calls Varna; one verse in Matra metre consisting of one line of 41 mātrās and
प्रचुरपथिकप्रियापणितपथिवस्तवः । पद्मिनीखण्डताण्डविततोयाशयाः । फुलफलपल्लवोल्ला सिवनवृत्तयः । सकल संसारसुख सेवितागन्तवः । खेलदुम्मद वृषोखात तटिनीतटाः । शुद्धवर्णाश्रमाचरितविगतेतयः सन्ति धर्मार्थकामेषु समनीतयः । कामिताचातिविजितामरोदेशकाः ॥
1 ' इदं च वृत्तं द्विपादमेव न चतुष्पाद, उदाहरणानुरोधादिति केचित् । अन्ये तु यदीदं द्विपादमेव तर्हि लक्षणं पादचतुष्टयेन कथं कृतमिति इदं चतुष्पादमेव, न चोदाहरण विरोधस्तस्य चरणद्वयेनापि संभवात्' । See Comm. on verse 154 in प्राकृतपैङ्गलम् (B.I.).
2 It will be seen that each verse has four feet and each foot twenty mätrās. Somadeva seems to follow Apabhramsa models. The metre is known also as Kaminimohana and occurs in the Apabhramśa poem Sardesarāsakca ( verses 82, 83, 85 ). For example, वयण णिसुणेवि मणमत्थसरवट्टिया, मयउसरमुक्क णं हरिणि उत्तट्ठिया । मुक्त दीउन्ह नीसास उससंतिया, पढिय इय गाह जिययणि वरसंतिया ॥ 83. The metre is discussed by Bhayani in his Introduction to the poem, p. 58, Singhi Jain Series, Bombay 1945. Samdesarāsaka has been attributed to the twelfth century A. D.
3 Edited by Prof. Velankar in ABORI, Vol. XIV, pp. 1-38.
4 There are five feet, and Somadeva's scheme is 15 +11+15+12 + 15. The Matr& is an Apabbramśa metre and employed in Samdesarāsaka ( verses 18, 19, 24, 25 etc ). In Apabhramsa poetry a Mātra verse is often followed by a Doha, and the whole is owlled Radda. The Prakṛta Paingala describes seven varieties of Radda, that is,

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another of 27; one or more verses with four feet of sixteen mātrās each, called by him Catuspadi; several verses in Paddhatikā or Pajjhatikā metre consisting of four feet of sixteen mātrās each, and each foot rhyming with the other and ending with a ja-gana(-u) or sometimes four laghus; and a concluding verse called Ghattā. It may be noted that the Pajjhatika is a popular metre in Apabhramsa poetry. It is, for instance, the prevailing metre of Karakandacariu of Kanakamara; while it has been pointed out that of the three hundred and fifty-four Kadavakas (verse-groups) in Dhanapăla's Bhavisayattakahā, almost all with the exception of about seventeen are either in Pajjhaţikā or in Alillaha metre, which is really a variety of Pajjhatikā.' As regards the Ghattā verse, in all narrative poems in Apabhramba
he concluding couplet of a Kadavaka is almost always called Ghattā. Pingala recognises a Ghattā metre of 62 matrās (31+31 ), and Srutasāgara saya in his commentary on 1. 212 that there are twentyseven varieties of Ghatta, and it may consist of 60 mdtrds and sometimes of 62 mātrās. Of the three Ghattās in our work, two (1. 187 and 8.37) consist of 60 mātrás, and in each balf the first two sections of 10 and 8 mātrās each have a caesura and rhyme with each other, so that each half of 30 mátrās corresponds to a pāda of the Caupaiā described and illustrated in Prāksta Paingala (1. 97 and 98). The remaining Ghattā (1. 212) is a two-foot Dvipadī with 28 mätrās (6+4+4+4 4+6) in each half.' A reference to Apabhramsa poetry shows that a variety of metres may be used for the Ghattā verse,
As regards Somadeva's scheme of arrangement, it seems to be based on Prākrit models. An arrangement, similar to his is, for instance,
of Mātrā; and the composition of some of these resembles that of Somadeva's verse. For instance, the scheme of the Cāruseni variety is 15+11+15+11+ 15; that of Bhadra is 15+ 12 + 15 + 12 +15; and that of Rājasenā is 15 + 12 + 15 + 11 + 15. Somadeva's scheme represents a slight variation of the Rājasenā variety in respect of the number of mātrās in the second and fourth pādas, the total number of mätrās (68) being the same. The following example of the metre is from Sandeśarāsaka (verse 25): 94% AUT STEGHETT, H Y HE, 34 SVT HTETI PRETSTRA H 31, a ak DHIK TET 11. This is followed by two lines of Dohā. The scheme followed here is 15 + 11 + 15 +11+ 15 corresponding to the Cāruseni of Prūksta Paingala. The Rājasenā scheme of 15 + 12 + 15 +11+ 15 is also found in Sandeśarāsaka, as pointed out by Bhayani (op. cit.), p. 67. The Mātrā is believed to be a very old Apabhramśa metre, as it was known to Virahāňka (Vrttajātisamuccaya, JBBRAS, 1929, p. 87 ) who describes four different varieties of it, Cărunetri, Rāhuseni etc. See Velankar: Apabhramsa Metres, Journal of the University of Bombay, November
1933, p. 50. 1 See Introduction to Gune's edition in G. O. S., p. 28. 2 See first definition of Dvipadi in Prākrta-Paingala.

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found at the beginning of Dhavala's Harivamsapurana composed in Apabhramsa verse, as can be seen from the extracts from that work given in Hiralal's Catalogue of Sanskrit and Prakrit Manuscripts in C. P. and Berar (pp. 716 and 763). We have here a group of eulogistic verses beginning with a Vanpi (i. e. Varna I. 188-90 ) followed by a Matra (I. 191) and other verses (Catuşpadi I. 192, Paddhatika I. 193, 210-11 ) ending with a Ghattā ( I. 212 ). One of the panegyrics addressed to Māradatta is reproduced below to illustrate the above scheme of arrangement followed by Somadeva. As we have already pointed out (see Chap. 1), there was a considerable output of Apabhramsa poetry in and before Somadeva's time; and he has clearly borrowed Apabhramsa metres and applied them to Sanskrit verse for the sake of novelty.
वर्णः ॥ लक्ष्मीरामानङ्गः सपत्नकुलकालविक्रमोत्तुङ्गः । कीर्तिविलासतमङ्गः प्रतापरङ्गश्चिरं जयतु ॥
उत्सारिता रिसर्पः शरणागतनृपतिचित्तसंतर्पः । लक्ष्मीललामकूर्पस्तपतु चिरं नृपतिकन्दर्पः ॥ भुवनाज सरस्तरणिर्धर्मामृतहरणिरुदयतरुधरणिः । श्रीरमणीर तिसरणिर्मण्डलिकशिखामणिर्जीयात् ॥ मात्रा ॥ कुवलयोत्सवचन्द्र नृपतीन्द्र लक्ष्मीवर कीर्तिसरदमृतवृष्टिपल्लवित बुधवन । आभुवनमभिमानधन धर्यसदन जय विहितसदवन ॥
चतुष्पदी ॥ नृप महति भवति किंचिद्विरापि वक्तुं गुणमखिलं नोत्तरामि । दीप्तिर्युमणेरवनीश यत्र का शक्तिः काचमणेर्हि तत्र ॥
पद्धतिका ॥ जय लक्ष्मीकरकमलातपत्र
धर्मार्थकामसमवृत्तचित्त
सारस्वतरसनिष्यन्दपात्र । तीर्थार्थमनोरथवर्तिवित्त ॥
वङ्गीवनिताश्रवणावतंस | पल्लव रमणीकृतविरहखेद ॥
केरलमहिलामुखकमलहंस चोलस्त्री कुचकुमल विनोद कुन्तलकान्तालकभङ्गनिरत मलयाङ्गनाङ्गनखदाननिरत । वनवासियोषिदीक्षणचिमुग्ध कर्णाटयुवतिकैतवविदग्ध | कुरुजाङ्गलललनाकुचतनुत्र कम्बोज पुरन्ध्रीतिलक पत्र ॥
घत्ता ॥ नृपनृपतीश्वर भूरमणीश्वर यदिदमखिलगुणसंश्रय । उक्तं किंचित्वरस्तुतिकृतिचिन्त्तच्चित्रं न महोदय ॥
Among comparatively rare Sanskrit metres employed by Somadeva may be mentioned the Mattebhavikriḍita used in 2.229. The metre of the following verse ( 1. 127 ) is uncertain.
न दैन्यात् प्राणानां न च हृदयहरिणस्य रतये न दर्पादङ्गानां न च करणकरिणोऽस्य मदनात् । विधावृत्तिः किं तु क्षतमदनचरितश्रुतविधेः परे हेतौ मुक्तेरिह मुनिषु न खलु स्थितिरियम् ॥
The verse is composed in a metre corresponding to the Krīda metre described by Hemacandra in his Chandonusāsana, chap. 2, but in that metre the 12th and 13th syllables are heavy, whereas they are light in Somadeva's verse.

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IX ARDHASAMASYĀ AND NANDĪ VERSES An interesting example of an Ardhasamasyā verse, of which the first half is spoken by a court poet and the other half by the king, occurs in the description of sunrise in Book III.
अर्धकाव्यकविः__ अरुणकिरणमध्ये विद्रुमस्तम्बबिम्बः क्षितिप किमिव शोभा भानुरुधन बिभर्ति । IT
___ बुध युधि मम शत्रोः शोणितापूरितायां प्रतरदुपरि कोपात् पाटलं यद्वदास्यम् ॥ 3. 19 (The poet): “Sire, the Sun with its coral orb rises amid crimson rays. What is its lustre like?” (The king): “ Wise one, it resembles my own face, red with fury, emerging above the battlefield overflowing with the foeman's blood." Other examples of Ardhasamasyä verses are found in later Kävya literature. There is, for instance, a series of them in Naişadhacarita 4. 102-9 and in Utprekşāvallabha's Bhikṣāšana Kāvya (Paddhati 9).
Nāndi verses are imitated in 3. 122-124, As explained in the Natyasāstra 5. 109 ff., Nāndi consists of one or more benedictory verses recited by the stage-manager before the commencement of a dramatic performance; and a Nāndi verse may contain eight or twelve padas or phrases (avāntara-vákyas, according to Abhinavagupta). In certain satirical verses on ministers of kings, attributed to a poet named Taruņililāvilāsa, the evil ways of a minister are represented as a drama, and three appropriate Nāndi verses are added as a prelude. तत्र तावत्तरुणीलीलाविलासस्य
Aht Taigo a 1911FTHETET I TESTING BALOITTAA: 11 अष्टपदा नान्दी।
यस्य शिष्टघटोच्छेदि मन्त्रसूत्रं विजृम्भते । सांपालपाचिने तस्मै नमो दुर्मनिचक्रिणे ॥
और्वायापूर्वरूपाय तस्म दुर्मत्रिणे नमः । अजडा अपि शोष्यन्ते येन पत्युः श्रियः पराः ॥ इयं च द्वादशपदा । ततश्चचञ्चापञ्चजनाकृतिः क्षितिपतिर्यवाभवनायकः... तदुर्मत्रिदुरीहितं विजयते सूक्तोत्कटं नाटकम् ॥
X, STYLE As we have already remarked, Somadeva employs in his verse a simpler and more lucid style than in his prose; and his poetry is, on the whole free from the intricate and involved ideas and expressions that characterise his prose. He tells us in one of the opening verses of his romance (1. 27) that neither Vakrokti (ornate speech ) nor Svabhāvokti (natural expression) alone pleases the wise who delight in a combination

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of both; and this may be taken as a fair description of the principle underlying his own poetical style. Yet it should be remembered that Somadeva liberally uses the resources of the Kāvya style, and his verses are sometimes marked by the complexities and conventionalism associated with that style.
A few examples will suffice to illustrate the artificial conceits occasionally employed by Somadeva. In 1. 168 a king is told that his Fame, although it is an old eunuch, goes up to enjoy the starry Heaven, after enjoying all the Regions of the sky ("fame' being neuter and heaven' and regions' feminine in Sanskrit)'. The description of battle scenes in 3. 438 ff. is full of far-fetched and exaggerated conceits, and the picture of
the violent battle' in 3. 436 is made unreal by the poet's anxiety to compare it to the rainy season. An instance of how an otherwise beautiful verse is spoilt by an artificial conceit is provided by the following description of a young woman, which ends by figuring her as an enclosure for capturing Cupid, the elephant ( Book VII, section 31):
एपेन्द्रियद्रुमसमुलसनाम्बुवृष्टिरेषा मनोमृगविनोदविहारभूमिः।
एषा स्मरद्विरदबन्धनवारिवृत्तिः किं खेचरी किममरी किमियं रतिर्वा ॥ Conceits like these are a common feature of the Kāvya style in its later phases, and it must be said to the credit of Somadeva that he often shows laudable restraint and discrimination in the use of the many artifices resorted to by the poets of his age.
Citrālamkāras are absent in our work, and even slesa or word-play, which adds to the intricacy of Somadeva's prose, is but rarely used in his verse ; and only a few examples of it can be recorded. There is a pun on kharadanda in 3. 430, and the expression sadāna has four meanings in 3. 312. The epithets in the verse quoted below (1. 174) are simultaneously applied to three different things : dancing, dalliance with women and the royal court.
चञ्चत्कुन्तलचामरं कलरणत्काञ्चीलयाडम्बरं भ्रूभङ्गार्पितभावमूरुचरणन्यासासनानन्दितम् । खेलत्पाणिपताकमीक्षणपथानीताङ्गहारोत्सवं नृत्यं च प्रमदारतं च नृपतिस्थानं च ते स्तान्मुदे॥
Elaborate Rūpakas are sometimes met with; for example, in 3. 380, 381, wherein the women companions of Yasodhara in his summer sports are successively figured as frows of woodland groves' and 'pools of water'.
अलककिसलयानां भ्रलतालाधिनीनां मयनमधुलिहानां चारगण्डस्थलीनाम् । कुचकुसुमचयानां स्त्रीवनश्रेणिकानामवनिषु कुरु केलीः किं नृपान्यैर्वनान्तः ॥
1 उपभुज्य यद्दिशस्ते नपुंसकं वृद्धमपि यशः सर्वाः। द्यामुपभोक्तुं यातं तरलिततारां तदाश्चर्यम् ।।

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लसदलकतरङ्गाः कान्तनेत्रारविन्दाः प्रचलभुजलतान्ताः पीनवक्षोजकोकाः ।
अतनुजघनकूलाश्चारुलावण्यवारस्तव नृप जलकेलिं कुर्वतां स्त्रीसरस्यः ॥ A typical Rūpaka is jarā-rajakī, Old Age fancied as a laundress whitening the hair', reminding one of rajani-rajaki in Naişadhacarita 22. 113.
A practical example of Samásokti occurs in connection with the satire on ministers. We are told that certain wise people, being unable to express their sentiments regarding the ministers of a king openly, do so with the help of a Samāsokti.
प्रतीक्षे जातास्थः सुकृतसुलभं तद्दिनमहं यतो यातारोऽमी प्रलयमहयश्चन्दनतरोः।
अमीषां पापानामिह हि वसतामेष महिमा कदाप्येतच्छायामभिलषति यन्नाध्वगजनः ॥ 3. 168 With confidence I await the auspicious day when the serpents on the sandal tree will go to ruin. Thanks to those wicked creatures living on the tree, no wayfarer ever seeks its shade.'
An important feature of Somadeva's style is the occasional but deliberate effort to attain lyrical effect and the occasional (2.220, 3.428 etc.). He may be regarded to some extent as a precursor of the lyrical style which reached its full development in Jayadeva's Gitagovinda; of this there is interesting evidence in the use of Apabhraṁsa metres in the three lyrical panegyrics considered in Section VIII (see above). Rhyme is also used in isolated verses for lyrical effect (2.75, 76 226 etc.). Repetition of the last letter in a series of epithets is sometimes practised to give a lyric tone to a verse.
भास्वद्भास्वति दाहवाहिमरुति ज्वालोल्बणाशाकृति etc. उन्मार्गाम्भसि मेघमन्दनभसि च्छन्नांशुमत्तेजसि etc.
इथूलासिनि सस्यशालिनि खरं शेफालिकोत्फुल्लिनि etc. Alliteration is freely used in many verses interspersed in the work, and the quick movement of such verses is invariably in keeping with their lyrical qualities. Good use of onomatopoeia is made in the following description of elephants (3. 304) :
तडत्तडिति बन्धनं त्रुटति कन्धरोल्लासने खणत्खणिति वल्लिका गलति विक्रमारम्भिणि । मडन्मडिति भज्यते तरुगणः कृताधट्टने खडत्खडिति वारणः पतति चात्र युद्धैषिणि ॥
1 'कृष्णच्छविः साद्य शिरोरुहश्रीर्जरारजक्या क्रियतेऽवदाता' 2. 102.
2 तदुक्तं कैश्चिद्विश्विद्भिरेतदेव हृदयस्थर्माप जिह्वास्थं कर्तुमतरीद्धः समासोक्तिमिषेण ।'

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CHAPTER VIII
PHILOSOPHICAL DOCTRINES
A considerable number of philosophical doctrines is mentioned and discussed by Somadeva in Yasastilaka. The first section (Kalpa) of Book VI is interesting as a summary of the theories of salvation propounded by different schools of thought, followed by critical remarks on the opinions recorded by the author. The section is called Samasta-samaya-siddhāntâvabodhana, 'Elucidation of the doctrines of all the schools', and important as a collection of philosophical tenets current in the tenth century. Another set of opinions is recorded in Book V in the episode of Candakarman and Sudatta, in which the former and his companions give an exposition of the doctrines followed by them, while the latter criticizes and tries to refute all of them. If we add to these the various Jaina doctrines explained and discussed in Yasastilaka, it will not be an exaggeration to describe the work as serving the purpose of a veritable compendium of the philosophical speculations of the age. The principal doctrines summarized in the romance are here grouped together according to the system to which they belong.
VAISESIKA DOCTRINES
Somadeva refers to two classes of Vaiseṣika thinkers: the Tarkika Vaiseṣikas and the Saiddhanta Vaiseṣikas. The main difference.between the two schools of Vaiseșika philosophy is that the Saiddhantas were Śaivas or worshippers of Siva' and laid stress on faith; while the Tarkikas were followers of the Vaiseṣika system proper and laid stress on knowledge. The Saiddhantas held that salvation is the outcome of faith as manifested in
initiation into the cult revealed by the omniscient Śiva in his two aspects, corporeal and incorporeal'. It may be mentioned in this connection that, according to Haribhadra's Saddarsanasamuccaya (vv. 13,59), both the Naiyayikas and Vaiseṣikas were worshippers of Siva. Gunaratna mentions in his commentary four sects among the followers of Siva: Saivas, Pasupatas and two others, and adds that the Naiyayikas were called Saivas, while the Vaiseşikas were called Pasupatas. There was, however, a distinct school of Pasupatas with doctrines of their own, and these do not seem to have been
1 The Siddhantas or the Śivasiddhantas are the Saiva scriptures, and the Saivas were often called Saiddhantikas, e. g. in the Gurgi inscription of Prabodhasiva ( ¶¤ fara). See Chap. XIII for this inscription.
2 ' सकल निष्कलाप्त प्राप्तमन्त्रतत्रापेक्षादीक्षा लक्षणाच्छ्रद्धा मात्रानुसरणान्मोक्षः इति सैद्धान्तवैशेषिकाः । Vol II, p. 269.

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directly connected with the Vaiseșika system. Somadeva himself, as we shall see, mentions their view of salvation separately.
The Tärkika Vaišeşikas, who do not seem to have been Saivas, held that salvation results solely from the knowledge of the categories based on an understanding of their similarities and dissimilarities; and the categories are Substance, Quality, Action, Generality, Particularity, Inherence and Non-existence. Strictly speaking, this is not an accurate presentation of the Vaiseșika view. According to that system, salvation is the result of Dharma and knowledge of the categories is only a means to that end inasmuch as such knowledge produces Dharma, of which the essence is nivịtti or renunciation; and this cannot be realised unless the nature of all objects, external and internal, is comprehended and the evils inherent in them grasped. Besides, Dharma cannot bring about salvation unless it is supported by the will of God. This is the interpretation of Sridhara in his Nyāyakandali," Udayana says in his Kiranävali that salvation results from the realisation of the ultimate truth, revealed by the continuous practice of Dharma or renunciation according to the principles laid down in the Veda and other sacred texts, the knowledge of the categories being a preliminary discipline.
It is interesting to note that Somadeva, like Sivāditya, the author of Saptapadārthi, definitely includes Abhāva or Negation among the categories. It is wellknown that Kaņāda recognised only six categories, but from about the tenth century onwards writers on the Vaiseșika system such as Sridhara and Udayana have emphasized the importance of Abhāva ;' and others have given it its legitimate place among the categories.
Somadeva attempts to define with precision the nature of salvation propounded by the Vaiseșika system. He says that the followers of Kaņāda hold salvation to be the absolute cessation of the nine attributes of the Soul, namely, knowledge, pleasure, pain, desire, aversion, effort, virtue, vice and
1 'द्रव्यगुणकर्मसामान्यसमवायान्त्यविशेषाभावाभिधानानां पदार्थानां साधर्म्यवैधावबोधतत्रात् ज्ञानमात्रात् इति तार्किक
darenr: 1' Ibid. 2 The Prasastapāda Bhäşya says 'faqitu: 957 4: Frünkiai gei wat madalat
ATTATT....(see below). Sridhara says 'afa: ia fa fanfara a fillorar निःश्रेयससाधनमित्यभिप्रायः। तत्त्वतो ज्ञातेषु बाह्याध्यात्मिकेषु विषयेषु दोषदर्शनाद्विरक्तस्य समीहानिवृत्तावात्मज्ञस्य तदर्थानि कर्माण्य कुर्वतः तत्परित्यागसाधनानि च श्रुतिस्मृत्युदितानि असंकल्पितफलान्युपाददानस्यात्मशानमभ्यस्यतः प्रकृष्टविनिवर्तकधर्मोपचये सति परिपकात्मज्ञानस्य आत्यन्तिकशरीरवियोगस्य भावात् । ......."धर्मोऽपि केवलं तावत् न निःश्रेयसं
करोति यावदीश्वरेच्छया नानुगृह्यते तेनेदमुक्तम्-ईश्वरचोदनाभिव्यक्तात् धर्मादेवेति ।' 3 'शास्त्रेण पदार्थान् विविच्य श्रुतिस्मृतीतिहासपुराणोपदिष्टयोगविधिना दीर्घकालादरनैरन्तर्यसेवितान्निवृत्तिलक्षणाद्धर्मादेव
ona qatstuga i... Ya T14177! 4 Udayana says 31+T retaraf 94131 alfee: 1 fautetta A697710 17 7 Tagar.'
Sridharu says ara er gertata:T: RAAT 17894141'. 24

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mental impressions. Somadeva illustrates this statement by quoting a verse which tells us that, according to the sage Kaņāda, the nature of an emancipated being is the same as that of the soul, as it may be supposed to exist outside the body. तदुक्तम्
बहिः शरीराद्यद्रूपमात्मनः संप्रतीयते । उक्तं तदेव मुक्तस्य मुनिना कणभोजिना ॥ This is in conformity with what we know of the Vaišeşika conception of salvation, which is also described as a quiescent condition comparable to a fire that has burnt up its fuel. The actual number of the attributes of the
iven by Somadeva is immaterial, since the Bhāsya of Prasastapāda enumerates as many as fourteen of them. The vital point is the complete loss of attributes in the state of emancipation. Sridhara says that salvation does not consist in eternal bliss but in the continued existence of the soul in its own pristine condition, divested of all specific attributes. He meets the objection of Maņdana that this kind of salvation is nothing but annihilation, by contending that the cessation of specific attributes does not amount to annihilation in the case of the eternal soul. Nevertheless, the view that salvation consists in the eradication of specific attributes is rejected in philosophical texts of diverse schools, e. g. in Sāṁkhyasūtras 5. 75, Bhojavrtti on Yogasūtras 4. 33 and Bhāsarvajña's Nyāyasära.
Somadeva makes some statements criticizing the Vaiseșika views on salvation. He criticizes the Saiddhānta Vaiseșikas by saying that faith alone cannot lead to salvation; the Udumbara fruit never becomes ripe on account of the faith of a hungry fellow. Further, if Mantras or mystic texts brought about the purification of the Self, no one would undergo the hardship imposed by self-discipline. Dikşā or initiation, too, cannot bring about salvation, as it is seen that the worldly blemishes which existed before
ist even after the completion of the rite? As regards the Tārkika Vaišeşikas, Somadeva criticizes their view that kuowledge leads to salvation. Knowledge, he says, helps one to comprehend things, but
1 ज्ञानसुखदुःखेच्छा द्वेषप्रयत्नधर्माधर्मसंस्काराणां नवसंख्यावसराणामात्मगुणानामत्यन्तोन्मुक्तिर्मुक्तिः इति काणादाः।' 2 ay faitei fatataBCHAT: 378Tiefgfg: ga: TATIETEYTil Totapanag9371 HTH 'Prašasta.
pāda Bhāsya. 3 'तस्य गुणाः बुद्धिसुखदुःखेच्छाद्वेषप्रयत्नधर्माधर्मसंस्कारसंख्यापरिमाणपृथक्त्वसंयोगविभागाः।' 4 'नास्त्यात्मनो नित्यं सुखं तदभावान्न तदनुभवो मोक्षावस्था किंतु समस्तात्मविशेषगुणोच्छेदोपलक्षिता स्वरूपस्थिति रेव ।'. 5 'यदुक्तं मण्डनेन विशेषगुणनिवृत्तिलक्षणा मुक्तिरुच्छेदपक्षान्न भिद्यते इति । विशेषगुणोच्छेदे हि सति आत्मनः स्वरूपेणाव.
स्थानं नोच्छेदो नित्यत्वात् ।' 6 See Naişadhacarita, trans., Appendix I, p. 497. 7 श्रद्धा श्रेयोऽर्थिनां श्रेयःसंश्रयाय न केवला । बुभुक्षितवशात् पाको जायेत किमुदुम्बरे ॥ पात्रवशादिवन्मत्रादात्मदोपपरिक्षयः ।
दृश्येत यदि को नाम कृती क्लिश्येत संयमैः॥ दीक्षाक्षणान्तरात् पूर्व ये दोषा भवसंभवाः। ते पश्चादपि दृश्यन्ते तन्न सा eftirme Pp. 270-271.

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not to acquire them; the mere perception of water, for example, does not slake one's thirst.1
Somadeva offers some further criticism on the kind of salvation set forth by the Vaiseṣikas. The purport of what he says is: it may be readily admitted that there is no knowledge or bliss of a worldly character in salvation, but if it is assumed to be a condition in which knowledge is totally absent, what would be the character of the emancipated soul? There cannot be a soul without knowledge, just as there cannot be fire without heat." The opinion of the Yoga system of Patanjali is cited to show that knowledge exists in the state of salvation. Somadeva argues that such beings as jadasiva or Isvara cannot be held to be worldly entities since they are omniscient, and if they are not worldly entities, they must be held to be emancipated beings. Now, Patanjali tells us that Iśvara, who is untouched by worldly ties such as the Klesas, Karman and its effects, and impressions, possesses omniscience in an unlimited degree. The example of Siva or Isvara, emancipated yet omniscient, thus shows that knowledge can co-exist simultaneously with salvation. Somadeva reinforces his argument by quoting a verse from Avadhuta, addressed to Śiva, in which universal knowledge is attributed to the Exalted One, besides irresistible power, aversion to pleasure, contentment, self-control, supreme bliss and unimpeded energy. On these grounds Somadeva, like many other thinkers, rejects the Vaiseşika view of salvation as a colourless condition devoid of attributes.
BUDDHIST DOCTRINES
a) As in the case of the Vaiseṣika doctrines, Somadeva makes three different statements defining Buddhist views on salvation. First, he seems to say that final release results from the practice of bhavana based on the realisation of nairatmya, both of which are well-known Buddhist concepts. Nairatmya is non-existence of the self; man, according to the Buddhists, is a compound of material and spiritual aggregates known as skandhas. "Just as the word 'chariot' is but a mode of expression for axle, wheels and other
1 ज्ञानादवगमोऽर्थानां न तत्कार्यसमागमः । तर्षापकर्षयोगि स्याद्दृष्टमेवान्यथा पयः ॥ P. 271.
2 बोधो वा यदि वानन्दो नास्ति मुक्तौ भवोद्भवः । सिद्धसाध्यतयास्माकं न काचित् क्षतिरीक्ष्यते ॥ न्यक्षवीक्षाविनिमोंक्षे मोक्षे किं मोक्षिलक्षणम् । न ह्यग्नावन्यदुष्णत्वालक्ष्म लक्ष्यं विचक्षणैः ॥ P. 272. Ms. A remarks: समस्तपदार्थावलोकनविनाशलक्षणे (मोक्षे ).
3 "किं च सदाशिवेश्वरादयः संसारिणो मुक्ता वा । संसारित्वे कथमाप्तता । मुक्तत्वे 'क्लेशकर्मविपाकाशयैरपरामृष्टः पुरुषविशेष ईश्वरस्तत्र निरतिशयं सर्वज्ञबीजम्' इति पतञ्जलिजल्पितम्, 'ऐश्वर्यमप्रतिहतं सहजो विरागस्तृप्तिनिसर्गजनिता वशितेन्द्रियेषु ।' इत्यवधूताभिधानं च न घटेत " P. 272.
4 For the verse from Avadhuta see Chap. XVIII.
5 ' नैरात्म्यादिनिवेदितसंभावना तो भावनातः इति दशबलशिष्याः' P. 269. details,

See next Chapter for further

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constituent members, placed in a certain relation to each other; but, when we come to examine the members one by one, we discover that, in an absoluto sense, there is no chariot ;** ...... ..in exactly the same way, the words 'living being' and 'ego' are only modes of expression for a complex of bodily and nonbodily constituents."! Bhāvanā is meditation or cultivation, the highest of the three stages of spiritual training recognised by the Buddhists, the other two being sraddha (faith) and darsana (sight, personal inquiry). As Poussin says, “That is Faith, adhesion to the word of the Master. To ascertain this statement by personal inquiry is what is called Sight. Finally, to ponder over it until it becomes not only familiar, but actually always present to the mind, that is Cultivation."
Somadeva ridicules the doctrine of bhāvanā as a means to salvation. Anything and everything may flash across the mind in the course of thāvana or meditation; if salvation were to result from meditation, any swindler would obtain it. Somadeva in this connection quotes a verse which describes an imprisoned thief as declaring that he can clearly see his beloved's face (by force of meditation), even though his eyes are closed and the prison locked up and it is pitchy dark inside.*
The doctrine of nairātmya is set forth also in the episode of Caņdakarman (Book V) by the Buddhist Sugatakirti, one of the interlocutors. He maintains that the belief in a Self is nothing but the certain blindness of a great delusion', and quotes two verses which declare the notion of the Self to be the source of all evils :
यः पश्यत्यात्मानं तस्यात्मनि भवति शाश्वतः स्नेहः । स्नेहात्सुखेषु तृष्यति तृष्णा दोषांस्तिरस्कुरुते ॥
आत्मनि सति परसंज्ञा स्वपरविभागात्परिग्रहद्वेषौ । अनयोः संप्रतिबद्धाः सर्वे दोषाः प्रजायन्ते ॥ “Whoso believes in a Self conceives lasting affection for it; from affection arises desire for pleasures, and desire hides all blemishes. Once there is the notion of the Self, there arises that of the not-Self, and from the distinction between one's own self and others arise attachment and hatred. All evils originate, dependent on these two." Vol. II, p. 252.
Sugatakīrti goes on to define the Buddhist view of salvation and calls it nirodha or cessation. He quotes a verse which says that, just as the flame of a lamp goes out without leaving any trace when the oil is used up,
i Visuddhimagja cited in Poussin: The Way to Nirvāṇa, p. 42. 2 Ibid. p. 159. 3 w gah HÀ TI #748791 1924 1 71ERTO Ich glttiRafaeftail P. 271. 4 fagtilfafea PITT TAPE 7 otc. See Chap XVIIJ.

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similarly a man becomes calm without attachment, when passion is destroyed. तदाह
189
यथा स्नेहक्षयाद्दीपः प्रशाम्यति निरन्वयः । तथा क्लेशक्षयाज्जन्तुः प्रशाम्यति निरन्वयः ॥ Ibid. Such being the ultimate end of man, Sugatakirti comes to the conclusion that all forms of religious austerities are nothing but self-torture.1 He goes on to quote a verse which enumerates the five emblems of folly: the authority of the Vedas, the theory of a Creator, bathing for religious purposes, the pride of caste, and self-mortification.
-
वेदप्रामाण्यं कस्यचित् कर्तृवादः स्नाने धर्मेच्छा जातिवादावलेपः ।
संतापारम्भः क्लेशनाशाय चेति ध्वस्तप्रज्ञानां पञ्च लिङ्गानि जाड्ये ॥ Ibid.
Certain other verses are cited by Sugatakīrti in support of sensual enjoyment; and the object of Somadeva is to show Buddhism in an unfavourable light, the theory of nairatmya being represented as leading to materialism. The doctrine comes in for further criticism in Sudatta's reply to Sugatakïrti. The Buddhist monk recognises his alms-bowl, the houses of the donors, and himself as recipient of the alms: how can he then believe in the non-existence of the Self? If a man becomes extinct without leaving any trace, there can be no continuity of life, and such a unique being cannot be compared to anything else, for example, a lamp. Further, if an individual is liable to destruction at each successive moment (for, in the Buddhist view, man is not the same for two consecutive moments), how does he hold together a compact group like that of the sense organs? How can impressions abide in something that is in a state of flux? Somadeva, therefore, declares that the Buddhist doctrine is devoid of all proof, and as such cannot provide a basis for the regulation of dharma and adharma." The Buddhist, after denying the existence of the visible Self, might vociferously maintain the existence of some unseen principle (for example, the skandhas), but his position would be no better than that of the potter who asserted that his donkey had two horns, but his neighbour's ox had none ! Sudatta then attacks the Buddhist doctrine that there is rebirth but no transmigration of a soul.
1 एवं च सति केशोलुञ्च न तप्त शिलारोहण केशदर्शनाशनविनाशब्रह्मचर्यादयः केवलमात्मोपघातायैव ।' 2 ' पयोधरभरालसाः 'स्त्रीमुद्रां झषकेतनस्य See Chap. XVIII.
Vol. II,
3 सोऽहं तदेव पात्रं तान्येतानि च गृहाणि दातृणाम् । इति नित्यं विदुषोऽपि च दुराग्रहः कोऽस्य नैरात्म्ये ॥ p. 256.
4 The Jaina critic misunderstands the significance of Nirodha, and wrongly interprets it as annihilation without any sequel (f). See next Chapter for the correct meaning of Nirodha.
5 संतानो न निरन्वये विसदृशे सादृश्यमेतन्नहि प्रत्यासत्तिहते कुतः समुदयः का वासना वास्थिरे । तत्त्वे वाचि समस्तमानरहिते ताथागते सांप्रतं धर्माधर्मनिबन्धनो विधिरयं कौतस्कुतो वर्तताम् ॥ P. 257.
6 दृष्टात्ययात्तत्त्वमदृष्टमेष प्रसाधयेच्चेद्वचनासरालः । तदा खरोक्ष्णोः श्रुतितो विषाणे विधन्निषेधंश्च जयी कुलाल: ॥ Ibid.

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कस्मादेष तपःसमुद्यतमनाश्चत्यादिकं वन्दते किं वा तत्र तपोऽस्ति केवलमयं धूतेजडो वञ्चितः॥ “The Buddhist maintains that neither I nor any one else exists nor does bondage, as a rule, result froin kar man in this life nor does a mar reap the consequences of his actions after death. If so, why does a monk, bent on austerities, worship shrines and the like? Or, perhaps, there is no scope for austerities here. The fool is simply deluded by cheats.” (Vol. II, p, 257)
6) The ancient Buddhist doctrine of Nirvāṇa is also mentioned by Somadeva. He states that, according to the Buddhists, emancipation consists in the emergence of a detached frame of mind,' and quotes two verses in illustration of the doctrine:
दिशं न कांचिद्विदिशं न कांचिन्नैवावनिं गच्छति नान्तरिक्षम् । दीपो यथा निर्वृतिमभ्युपेतः स्नेहक्षयात् केवलमेति शान्तिम् ॥ दिशं न कांचिद्विदिशं न कांचिन्नैवावनिं गच्छति नान्तरिक्षम् ।
जीवस्तथा निर्वृतिमभ्युपेतः क्लेशक्षयात् केपलमेति शान्तिम् ॥ “The flame of a lamp, when the oil is used up, goes not to any of the four quarters nor to any point between nor earthwards nor skywards. Ceasing to burn, it simply becomes extinct. Just so a sentient being, when his passion is destroyed, goes not to any of the four quarters inor to any point between nor earthwards nor skywards. Becoming calm, he simply attains peace.” (Vol. II, p. 270)
The end of passion (klesa ) is often represented as nirvāņa in early Buddhist texts. The klesas are moha 'delusion', rāga 'lust' and dosa 'hatred or malice'. We read, for instance, in the Samyutlanikāya XXXVIII. I: yo kho avuso rāgalkhayo dosakkhayo mohakkhayo idam vuccati nibbānam ti. The end of lust, hatred and delusion is here called Nirvāna. The nature of Nirvāna is discussed in the Milindapañhas which describes it as a condition in which no evil dispositions can grow. Nirvāṇa is supreme bliss, in which the burning heat of the threefold fire (lust, malice and delusion) is totally absent. As water allays the thirst of men and beasts, so does Nirvāņa
st of craving after lusts, craving after future life, and
1 'Farrerafatcafuu #ter: @ HATATTyrtar: P. 270. See next Chapter for another
reference to this definition by a Jaina writer and its interpretation. 2 See also Chap. XVIII. 3 See The Questions of King Milinda, trans, by Rhys Davids, Part II, pp. 190, 195,
197, 203. The extracts in Páli are from the Devanā gari edition of the text,
Bombay 1940. 4 hari aadari afaceri?
5 'व्यपगततिविधगिारन्तापं परमसुख निब्बान'

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craving after worldly prosperity. Nirvāṇa is thus "a state of mind to be realised and enjoyed by a man here, on this earth, in this life, and in this life only”.If grounded in virtue, and mentally alert, “the man who orders his life aright, wheresoever he may be, will realise Nirvāņa." It is peace beyond compare.
In the Buddhist view, it is immaterial to ask what becomes of the emancipated saint after he has passed away. In the Aggi-Vacchagotta-sutta of the Majjhimanikāya, Vacchagotta is asked by the Buddha whether he can tell in what direction an expiring fire goes, whether to east, west, north or south. The reply is na upeti, the question does not apply. The fire has simply gone out for lack of fuel to sustain it. Similarly, it is pointed out, everything by which the emancipated saint might be denoted, has passed away, has been completely extirpated; 'reborn does not apply to him nor not reborn nor any combination of such terms'.
Nirvāṇa is in a sense freedom from rebirth. The man who sees the peril in the cycle of births (pavatta ), says the Milindapañha, realises that it is all “burning, and blazing, full of pain and of despair”, and yearns for a state in which there is no becoming (appavatta), and concentrates his mind on it; and, after mighty endeavour, having gone far beyond the cycle of
ce, attains freedom from saṁsāra. “And when he has gained that, the man who has ordered his life aright has realised Nirvāņa."
The only criticism which Somadeva offers in respect of the Buddhist view of Nirvāṇa is that the soul which remains imperishable through a succession of births cannot become extinct in the state of salvation. Somadeva's criticism is, however, beside the mark, as Nirvāṇa is not salvation to be enjoyed by an imperishable soul after death. As Rhys Davids says, “the parts and powers of the perfect man will be dissolved, and no new being will be born to sorrow. The wise will pass away, will go out like the flame of a lamp, and their Karma will be individualized no longer....
1 'उदकं किलंततसितपिपासितधम्माभितत्तानं जनपसुपजानं पिपासाविनयनं; एवमेव निब्बानं कामतण्हाभवतहाविभव
तण्हापिपासाविनयनं ।' 2 Ibid. p. 181. f. n. 1. 3 'यथ कवचि पि ठितो सम्मापटिपन्नो निब्बानं सच्छिकरोति ।' 4 Cf. 'Brat Teh Hara' 317 acara qarat Ariya pariyesana Sutla,
Majjhima-Nikāga (26). 5 See Further Dialogues of the Buddha, Vol. I, pp. 343, 344. 6 751 I 37TTÀ HÀI See Rhys Davids: Pali-English Dictionary under
pavatta. 7 The Questions of King Milinda (op. cit.), p. 201.
8 345 diadata144: HTTI TETHETTET 17:19 || P. 272

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So the living, moving body of the perfect man is visible still, though its cause has ceased to act: but it will soon decay and die and pass away; and as no new body will be formed, where life was, will be nothing”.
Nirvana corresponds in fact to jivanmuktatā, and this interpretation seems to have been well-known in the tenth century. Utpala, a writer of the Kasmir school of Saivism, who lived about this time, defines Moksa as jivanmuktatā, and quotes in illustration a Buddhist verse, among others, which says that sarisara consists in a state of mind sullied by lust and other impurities; while freedom from such a condition constitutes Mokşa.”
c) The third important reference to Buddhist doctrine is that to the Madhyamika theory of Void ( sünyatā), which Somadeva attributes to "cer. tain Buddhists who are regular cheats, and have invented the pervasive darkness of sūnyatā”.3 The following definition of sünyata is quoted in Yasastilaka VI. I (p. 269 ):
नैवान्तस्तत्वमस्तीह न बहिस्तत्त्वमञ्जसा । विचारगोचरातीतेः शून्यता श्रेयसी ततः ॥
The purport of the verse is that there is no reality external or internal; hence the realisation of Void is the highest good, transcending as it does the range of the intellect. It is doubtful whether Somadeva faliy appreciates the significance of the theory of sūnyatā as interpreted by Nāgārjuna and Candrakīrti in the Madhyamakaitārikās and the Prasannapada commentary respectively. The sum and substance of the doctrine is that śūnyatā is nothing but the law of causation known as pratitya-samutpāda, that is, whatever is subject to cause and condition is really unborn, has no real origination, and is hence called sünya or void. All objects have only a relative existence like a mirage or a magic show or a dream; and the doctrine
called madhyamaka or the middle doctrine, because it avoids the two extremes of existence and non-existence. The doctrine is such that it
1 Buddhism, p. 114 (S. P. C. K, 1903). 2 'बौद्धे च-रागादिमलिनं चित्तं संसारस्तद्विविक्तता । संक्षेपात् कथितो मोक्षःप्रहीनावरणजिनैः।।' Spandapradipika
p. 7 (Vizianagram Sanskrit Series). 3 'पश्यतोहराः प्रकाशितशून्यतैकान्ततिमिराः शाक्यविशेषाः' 4 यः प्रतीत्यससमुत्पादः शून्यतां तां प्रचक्ष्महे । सा प्रशप्तिरुपादाय प्रतियत् सैव मध्यमा | Madhyamakatarika
24. 18. Candrakirti says : 'योऽयं प्रतीत्यसमुत्पादो हेतुप्रत्ययानपेक्ष्याङ्करविज्ञानादीनां प्रादुर्भावः स स्वभावेनामुत्पादः । यश्च स्वभावेनानुत्पादो भावानां सा शून्यता।'. Also 'यः प्रत्ययैर्जायते स ह्यजातो न तस्य उत्पाद स्वभावतोऽस्ति। यः प्रत्ययाधीनु स शून्यु उक्तो यः शून्यतां जानति सोऽप्रमत्त ।। इति भगवतो गाथावचनात् । एवं
प्रतीत्यसमुत्पादशब्दस्य योऽर्थः स एव शून्यताशब्दस्यार्थः न पुनरभावशब्दस्य योऽर्थः शून्यताशब्दस्यार्थः ।' 5 'मायास्वप्नगन्धर्वनगरादिवत्त लौकिकाः पदार्थाः निरुपपत्तिका एवं सन्तः सर्वलोकस्या विद्याति मिरोपहतमतिनयनस्य
प्रसिद्धिमुपगता इति परस्परापेक्षयैव केवलं प्रसिद्धिमुपगता बालरभ्युपगम्यन्ते' (Chap. 7). 'तदेवं मध्यमकदर्शन एवास्तित्वनास्तित्वद्वयदर्शनस्थाप्रसनो न विज्ञानवादिदर्शनादिग्धिति विज्ञेयम्' (Chap. 15). Cf. अस्तीति
शाश्वतग्राहो नास्तीत्युच्छेददर्शनम् । तस्मादस्तित्वनास्तित्वे नाश्रीयेत विचक्षणः। Madhyamakakārika 15. 10.

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must be realised in one's own heart, and hence described as unexplained by speech and beyond the range of mental comprehension.' Nirvana, according to the Madhyamika school, is nothing but the realisation of sunyata, which consists in the cessation of the complex of worldly notions known as prapanca.2
Somadeva has a fling at the doctrine of void, when he says that if a follower of the Sunya theory tries to establish it by means of independent proofs, he will be contradicting his own theory that everything is sunya 'void' 'non-existent.'3 The Madhyamikas are, however, careful to point out that what they maintain is not abhäva, non-existence, but the relative existence of tings: they recognise neither eternalism nor annihilationism.*
SAMKHYA DOCTRINES
There are two statements defining the Samkhya view of salvation in Yasastilaka VI. 1. The first is that salvation results from discrimination between Matter (Prakṛti) and the Self (Puruşa). The second is that salvation is the condition in which the Self subsides in the pristine state (of pure consciousness) after the cessation of intellect, mind and egoism, resulting in the destruction of the sense organs." The expression, tada draṣṭuḥ svarupe'vasthanam, is borrowed from the Yogasutras 1. 3. The idea of the soul abiding in itself after the cessation of all mental and intellectual processes occurs in Samkhyasūtras 2. 34.
In the episode of Candakarman (Book V), Samkhya doctrines are represented by Asuri who quotes the following verse on the Samkhya conception of the Self (p. 250):
अकर्ता निर्गुणः शुद्धो नित्यः सर्वगतोऽक्रियः । अमूर्तश्चेतनो भोक्ता पुमान् कपिलशासने ॥
5
1
Candrakirti (18 9 ) says: 'विकल्पश्चित्तप्रचारः तद्र‌हितत्वात् तत्तत्त्वं निर्विकल्पम् ।'
2 ' शून्यतैव सर्वप्रपञ्च निवृत्तिलक्षणत्वान्निर्वाणमित्युच्यते' Candrakīrti on Madhyamakakārikā 18. 5. Properly speaking, salvation results from the destruction of Karma and the Klesas, but the latter spring from Vikalpas or fanciful ideas, and these again from prapanca, which is eradicated only on the realisation of Sunyata. Nagarjuna says:: कर्मक्लेशा विकल्पतः । ते प्रपञ्चात् प्रपञ्चस्तु शून्यतायां निरुध्यते ॥ 18. 5. Candrakirti says: f अनादिमत्संसाराभ्यस्तात् ज्ञानज्ञेयवाच्यवाचककर्तृकर्मकरण क्रियाघटपटमुकुटरथरूप वेदनास्त्रीपुरुषलाभालाभसुखदुःखयशोऽयशोनिन्दाप्रशंसादिलक्षणाद्विचित्रात् प्रपञ्चादुपजायन्ते । स चायं लौकिकः प्रपञ्चः निरवशेषः शून्यतायां सर्वभावस्वभावशून्यतादर्शने सति निरुध्यते ।'
3 शून्यं तत्त्वमहं वादी साधयामि प्रमाणतः । इत्यास्थायां विरुध्येत सर्वशून्यत्ववादिता ॥ P. 272.
4 See above.
5 'प्रकृतिपुरुषयोः विवेकमतेः ख्यातेः इति सांख्या: ' P.269.
6 'बुद्धिमनोऽहंकार विरहाद खिलेन्द्रियोपशमा वहात्तदा द्रष्टुः स्वरूपेऽवस्थानं मुक्तिः इति कापिलाः । P. 270.
7 'तन्निवृत्तावुपशान्तोपरागः स्वस्थः '
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Asuri explains that Prakṛti contaminates the Self, even though composed of bliss, like a piece of crystal, with such manifestations as intellect, egoism and the like, which bring in their train pleasure, pain and illusion. When the Self comes to realise the nature of Prakṛti, its connection with the latter, comparable to that of fire with an iron ball, comes to an end; and the Self attains Kaivalya which means the cessation of all connection with knowledge and objects of knowledge.1 Asuri then declares that since salvation results simply from discrimination between Prakṛti and the Self, it is useless to perform religious austerities; and one should therefore eat, drink, and be merry, and follow ones' inclination:
194
अनुभवत पिबत खादत विलसत मानयत कामितं लोकाः । आत्मव्यक्तिविवेकान्मुक्तिर्ननु किं वृथा तपत ॥
This looks like a satire on the Samkhya theory of salvation, but similar views are expressed in an authoritative text like the Matharavṛtti on the Samkhyakarikās (37), where it is stated that, according to Kapila, a man has no prescribed duties; and final beatitude results solely from the knowledge of the twentyfive principles recognised by the Samkhya system. The Matharavṛtti then quotes a verse very similar to that put in the mouth of Asuri: हस पिब लल मोद नित्यं विषयानुपभुञ्ज कुरु च मा शङ्काम् । यदि विदितं ते कपिलमतं तत्प्राप्स्यसे मोक्षसौख्यं च ॥ Sudatta criticizes some of the Samkhya tenets in his reply to Asuri. If, as the Samkhyas hold, bondage and salvation, pleasure and pain, and activity and retirement belong to Prakṛti, what is the use of postulating the existence of a Self? Further, the Samkhya doctrine involves a number of self-contradictions. The Self never acts, yet it enjoys the fruits of action; it is devoid of action, yet adopts an attitude of indifference; it is eternal, yet comes into temporary association with Prakyti; it is bound up with Prakṛti, yet separates itself from the latter; it is pure, yet it is connected with the impure body; and it is called bliss, though it has no attributes. Besides, if the Self is eternal and without any form, it can have no connection with actions producing their results, just as the sky can have no connection with binding ropes.*
In VI. 1 also there is some criticism of Samkhya views. Somadeva asks how it is possible to discriminate between the Prakyti and the Self, both
1 ' स यदा
स्फाटिकाश्मानमिवानन्दात्मानमप्यात्मानं सुखदुःखमोहाव परिवर्तने हदहंकार दिविवतैः कलुषयन्त्याः...... प्रकृतेः स्वरूपमवगच्छति, तदायोमय गोलकानलतुल्यवर्गस्य बोधवद्बहुधानेकसंसर्गस्य सति विसर्गे सकलज्ञानज्ञेय संवन्धावैकल्यं कैवल्यमवलम्बते तदा द्रष्टुः स्वरूपेऽवस्थानमिति वचनात् ।' P. 250.
22 बन्धमोक्षौ सुखं दुःखं प्रवर्तननिवर्तने । यद्येष प्रकृतेर्धर्मः किं स्यात् पुंसः प्रकल्पनम् ॥ P. 253,
4 अकर्तापि पुमान् भोक्ता क्रियाशून्योऽप्युदासिता । नित्योऽपि जातसंसर्गः सवर्गोऽपि वियोगभाक् ॥ शुद्धोऽपि देहसंबद्धो निर्गुणोऽपि शमुच्यते । इत्यन्योन्यविरुद्धोक्तं न युक्तं कापिलं वचः ॥ P. 253.
4 नित्येऽमूर्ते सदा पुंसि कर्मभिः स्वफलेरिभिः । कुतो घटेत संबन्धो यथाकाशस्य रज्जभिः ॥ P. 254.

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eternal and pervasive. He seems also to criticize the Sāṁkhya theory that the self continues to exist without any knowledge or mental process after the cessation of its connection with the material world. He points out that the Self is bound to have unlimited knowledge even in its pristine state, once the impurity of Karma is removed, in the same way as the Self has knowledge of things in dreams that come true. The analogy of dream consciousness is continued; and Somadeva contends that even a blind man can see things in a dream, and it is therefore wrong to suppose that the emancipated Self can have no knowledge, being without any sense organs. It is but natural that tie intellect should reveal the entire range of objects, like the rays of the sun, nce the screen of Karma is destroyed,
VEDĀNTA DOCTRINES There are two references to Vedānta doctrines in Yasastilaka VI. 1. First, it is stated that, according to the Vedāntins, salvation takes place when Nescience, which brings about the cognition of endless divergences, is destroyed as the result of the realisation of the Absolute. Secondly, all living oreatures are merged in the Absolute after the final annihilation of the body, just as the space enclosed within a jar is merged in universal space after the breaking up of the jar."
Somadeva criticizes the above doctrines thus. First, if all divergence is dismissed as Nescience, how can the varied character of the world be explained, with its palpable manifestations of birth, death, pleasure and the like? Secondly, if the Absolute alone exists and nothing else, why is there no cessation of the waves of worldly phenomena? Why is the universe distinctly seen? Why is it not merged in the Absolute, just as the space enclosed within a jar is merged in universal space ?: The Vedāntins also say that the Supreme Soul is one, though it abides in each individual: it is seen both as one and many, like the moon and its reflections in water. The
1 3777CATERI PA H 14: 1 faaetat i ett hittymi: 9991 P. 271. 2 See above, 3 te HoTTRICT HEA ICHITET asfaa RIHATFORII P. 272. Ms. A says:
कर्मक्षयात् केवलेन ज्ञानेन बाह्ये पदार्थे ग्राह्ये अवलोकिते सति द्रष्टुरात्मनः स्वस्वरूपेऽवस्थानं स्थितिर्भवति । मानरहित
मनन्तं ज्ञानं स्यादित्यर्थः । + यत्र नेत्रादिकं नास्ति न तत्र मतिरात्मनि । तन्न युक्तमिदं यस्मात्स्वानमन्धोऽपि वीक्षते ॥ P. 272 5 racit Te Tea afa: 12 Syft
F arraha 970 47 11 P. 273. 6 TCHATRIATETIZATHUG alfanaaigra sa kaala: 1' P. 269. 7 Tut erzfàUZA aztear Tall fituara ne delate HeApoft qe ago 24 sa nallarla: l' P. 270. 8 ay qafar rift ita: : ISTER IN hagiaa: 11 P. 272. 9 A T THE FUTETT 724 TI 92T FTATII TEFTİ 71 P. 273.

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comparison is, however, fallacious, because the moon is seen as one in the sky and as many elsewhere in the form of reflections; but the undifferentiated Absolute is nowhere seen apart from the diversities of the visible world,
JAIMINĪYA DOCTRINES
Somadeva refers to the Jaiminīyas or the followers of Jaimini, who declare that the mind is by nature impure like charcoal and collyrium, and can never be purified. This opinion is expressed also by Dhūmadhvaja in the episode of Candakarian and Sudatta, and he deduces from it a sensualist conception of life. He maintains that just as charcoal, though rubbed, never becomes white, similarly the mind, impure by nature, never becomes pure.3 Further, there is no heaven in the guise of another world for which it is worth while to perform religious austerities; the real heaven is the ardent mutual love of a maiden of twelve and a youth of sixteen!* Dhūmadhvaja goes on to ridicule those who forsake the pleasures of the senses and strive for pain rather than pleasure.
The opinions of Dhūmadhvaja are controverted by Sudatta. If the mind or the inner faculty is impure, why does Kumārila in offering salutation to Siva describe him as being composed of pure knowledge ? Sudatta then cites a verse which declares the existence of the eternal soul: it is interwoven with all things, yet not in contact with anything, and its nature is ever pure as the sky. कथं चेदं वचनमजयम्
समस्तेषु वस्तुष्वनुस्यूतमेकं समस्तानि वस्तूनि यन्न स्पृशन्ति ।
वियद्वत् सदा शुद्धिमद्यस्वरूपं स सिद्धोपलब्धिः स नित्योऽहमात्मा ॥ P. 254 The sage concludes by saying that just as a gem tarnished by impurities can be cleansed with effort, and ore turned into gold by a process of manufacture, similarly the Self can be liberated from passion by those who are well-meaning and resort to the canon of the Arhats.
1 अथ मतम् -एक एव हि भूतात्मा देहे देहे व्यवस्थितः । एकधानेकधा चापि दृश्यते जलचन्द्रवत् ॥ तदयुक्तम् । एका . खेऽनेकधान्यत्र यथेन्दुर्वेयते जनैः । न तथा वेद्यते ब्रह्म भेदेभ्योऽन्यदभेदभाक् ॥ P. 273. 2 'अङ्गाराअनादिवत् स्वभावादेव कालुष्योत्कर्षप्रवृत्तस्य चित्तस्य न कुतश्चिद्विशुद्धचित्तवृत्तिः इति जैमिनीया। 3 घृष्यमाणो यथाङ्गारः शुकृतां नैति जातुचित् । विशुध्यति कुतश्चित्तं निसर्गमलिनं तथा ।। P. 250. 4 'न चापरमिषस्ताविषः समर्थोऽस्ति यदर्थोऽयं तपःप्रयासः सफलायासः स्यात् । यतः द्वादशवर्षा योषा षोडश
वर्षोंचित स्थितिः पुरुषः । प्रीतिः परस्परमनयोः स्वर्गः स्मृतः सद्भिः।।' P. 251. 5 'घृष्यमाणाङ्गारवदन्तरङ्गस्य विशुद्ध्यभावे कथमिदमुदाहारि कुमारिलेन-विशुद्धशानदेहाय...... । .....'नमः सोमार्ध.
धारिणे ॥' See Chapter XVIIL. 6 मलकलुषतायात रत्नं विशुध्यति यत्नतो भवति कनकं तत्पाषाणो यथा च कृत क्रियः । कुशलमतिभिः कैश्चिद्धन्यैस्तथाप्तन:
याश्रितैरयमपि गलत्केशाभोगः क्रियेत परः पुमान् ॥ P. 254.

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The Jaiminiya doctrine is criticised also in VI. 1. Somadeva says that removal of impurities involves transformation of character, and this can be brought about through the operation of the appropriate causes as in the case of gems and pearls.?
CĀRVĀKA DOCTRINES Somnadeva refers to the Bărhaspatyas or the followers of Brhaspati and calls them the leaders of all the Nāstikas or materialists, popularly known as the Cārvākas. According to them, dharmas or qualities may be said to exist only if we can be sure of the existence of a Dharmin, 'one who possesses dharmas', that is, the Self. Similarly, there is no other world than this, because no one lives after death. The question of salvation thus does not arise. The Bārhaspatyas then regard emancipation as a myth.
In the episode of Caņdakarman and Sudatta, the former sets forth Cārvāka doctrines. He declares that those who believe in the rebirth of a dead man, those who believe in a Dharma whose result is unseen, and those who believe in a soul apart from the body are people who see blues and yellows'.3 The four elements, constituting the body, and moved by the five breaths, produce consciousness, just as substances like flour-water, molasses, and the Dhātaki creeper possess intoxicating properties, and just as the combination of lime, betel and areca-nut produces a red colour. Consciousness lasting from birth to death never reemerges, once it has reached its term, like a leaf fallen from the tree. Since there is no life after death, and the living creatures are like bubbles of water, all painful efforts (such as religious austerities) are futile. "One should therefore live
1 Fara faza 2 : 1 77: Tout Aforinfaa || P. 271. 2 'सति धर्मिणि धर्माश्चिन्त्यन्ते ततः परलोकिनोऽभावात् परलोकाभावे कस्यासौ मोक्षः इति समवाप्तसमस्तनास्तिकाधिपत्या
ang : 1 P. 269. 3 पश्यन्ति ये जन्म मृतस्य जन्तोः पश्यन्ति ये धर्ममदृष्टसाध्यम् । पश्यन्ति येऽन्यं पुरुष शरीरात् पश्यन्ति ते नीलकपीत
FIP. 252. 4 Empedocles likewise taught that "it is by these (elements) men think and feel
pleasure and pain". Thought, like sense-perception, is only a function of the body, which is composed of the elements (fire, air, water and earth). Burnet: Barly Greek Philosophy, p. 247; Zeller: Outlines of the History of Greeh Philosophy, p. 57. In his religious teaching, however, Empedocles laid stress on the doctrine of transmigration
of souls. 5 The important Jewish sect of the Sadducees denied the survival of the soul
it perishes with the body-and the rewards and punishments in Hades.' Moore: Judaism, Vol. II, p. 317. 'प्राणापानसमानोदानव्यानव्यतिकीर्णेभ्यः कायाकारपरिणतिसंकीर्णेभ्यो वनपवनावनिपवनसखेभ्यः पिष्टोदकगुडधातकी. प्रमुखेभ्य इव मदशक्तिः, पर्णचूर्णक्रमुकेभ्य इव रागसंपत्तिस्तदात्मगुणकार्यस्वभावतया चैतन्यमुपजायते । तच्च गर्भादिमरणपर्यन्तपर्यायमतीतं सत् पादपात् पतितं पत्रमिव न पुनः प्ररोहति । तथा च परलोकाभावे जलबुद्दस्वभावेषु जीवेषु

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merrily as long as one lives: no one can escape death, and the body, burnt to ashes and extinct, never returns."
198
Sudatta while criticizing the above doctrines tries to establish the existence of the Self and continuity of births. He cites three factors in favour of his contention. First, a new-born child, just after his birth, sucks his mother's breast, which cannot be explained otherwise than by supposing the continuity of impressions acquired in a previous birth.' Secondly, it is seen that certain persons become evil spirits after death. Thirdly, there are people who can remember their previous lives. Fourthly, no sentient being ever originates from the elements. Hence the conclusion that the Self exists, eternal, and conscious of the manifestations of Matter. Further, it is seen that the body, the sense organs, and the intellect exist only so long as the Self exists, and decay as soon as the Self departs. The Self might be supposed to be non-exisent if the body and the sense-organs continued to exist even after death, but as this does not take place, the dependence of the body upon the Self must be accepted as true.* The fact is that the Self is not composed of the elements; it possesses qualities different from theirs. Besides, if the Self were composed of the elements, the latter would also cease to exist when the former ceased to exist." The Self has characteristic qualities such as knowledge, pleasure and pain; and the elements, too, for example, earth, air and fire have their own distinctive qualities: upholding, impelling and burning respectively."
Some are of opinion that a bilious constitution produces among other things intelligence and intellect, but the theory cannot be accepted as valid. Increase or decrease of intelligence may be due to a corresponding excess or
मदशक्तिप्रतिज्ञाने किमर्थोऽयं लोकस्यात्मसपत्नः प्रयत्नः । ' P. 253. It will be seen that the Carvāka here recognises only four elements: water, air, earth and fire. See also next Chapter (section on the Barhaspatyas).
1 Sallustius, a Greek writer of the fourth century A. D., employs a similar argument in support of transmigration of Souls. "The transmigration of souls can be proved from the congenital afflictions of persons. For why are some born blind, others paralytic, others with some sickness in the soul itself?" Sallustius: On the Gods and the world, Eng. trans. in Murray: Five Stages of Greek Religion, pp. 241-267.
2 Empedocles likewise speaks (fr. 129) of a man of rare knowledge, believed to refer to Pythagoras, who could remember what happened ten or twenty generations before, Burnet (op. cit.), p. 224.
•
3 तदर्हजस्त ने हातो रक्षोदृष्टेर्भवस्मृतेः । भूतानन्वयनाज्जीवः प्रकृतिज्ञः सनातनः ॥ P. 271.
4 पुंसि तिष्ठति तिष्ठन्ति शरीरेन्द्रियबुद्धयः । यान्ति यातेऽन्यथैतासां सत्त्वे सत्त्वं प्रसज्यताम् ॥ P. 257.
5 विरुद्ध गुणसंसर्गादात्मा भूतात्मको न हि । भूजलानलवातानामन्यथा न व्यवस्थितिः ॥ Ibid. 6 विज्ञान सुखदुःखादिगुणलिङ्गः पुमानयम् । धारणेरणदाह । दिधर्माधारा धरादयः ।। Ibid.

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199 deficiency of bile, just as fire waxes and wanes in proportion to the quantity of fuel consumed, but the sharpness of intellect is always seen to be due to study and learning at the feet of a teacher: to deny this is to contradict what is self-evident. In any case, there cannot be any causal relation between bile and intelligence, because there might be plenty of intelligence even when bile is totally absent.
It follows therefore that the mind cannot be a product or attribute of the body nor can it be identical in composition with the body.'
PĀŚUPATA DOCTRINES Somadeva tells us that, according to the Pāśupatas, ritual alone leads to salvation, meaning thereby the system of ritual prescribed in the religious texts of the Pāśupatas. The chief Pāśupata practices mentioned by him are smearing the body with ashes in the morning, at noon and in the evening, adoration (of the idol or the phallus of Siva or Pasupati), ceremonial offering of water-pots (probably before the idol), circumambulation from left to right, self-humiliation and other processes."
Somadeva does not explain any of the practices mentioned above, but we can understand most of them with the help of the commentary on the Ganakārikā of Bhāsarvajña, who flourished about the middle of the tenth century, and was probably a contemporary of Somadeva. It may be noted that the Ganakārikā is one of the very few works on the Pasupata system so far published, and both the text and the commentary thereon have been quoted in the brief account of the Pāśupata school in the Sarvudarsancsangraha. Passing references to Pāśupata doctrines are found also in the commentaries and sub-commentaries on the Vedāntasūtras 2. 2. 37 and specially in the Agamaprāmānya of Yamunamuni, the teacher of Rāmānuja; but perhaps the best extant account of the system is found in the commentary called Ratnaţikä on Bhāsarvajňa's Ganakārikā.*
As regards the religious practices of the Pāśupatas mentioned by Somadeva, the Ratna commentary refers not only to the smearing of the
अथ मतम्-पित्तप्रकृतिधीमान् मेधावी क्रोधनोऽल्पकामश्च । प्रवेद्यकालपलितो भवति नरो नात्र संदेहः ॥ तन्न प्रबहम् । वृद्धिहानी यथाग्नेः स्तामेधोत्कर्षापकर्षतः। पित्ताधिकोनभावाभ्यां बुद्धेः संप्राप्नतस्तथा ।। गुरूपासनमभ्यासो विशेषः शास्त्रनिश्चये। इति दृष्टस्य हानिः स्यात्तथा च तव दर्शने ॥ कुतश्चित् पित्तनाशेऽपि बुद्धरतिशयेक्षणात् । कुतः प्रभवभावोऽत्र स्याद्वीजाङ्करयोरिव ॥x x x x एवं च सतीदं न किंचित् । देहात्मिका देहकार्या देहस्य च गुणो मतिः । मतवयं
fa altra: P. 258. 2 'त्रिकालभस्मोद्धूलनेज्यागडुकप्रदानप्रदक्षिणीकरणात्मविडम्बनादिक्रियाकाण्डमात्राधिष्ठानादनुष्ठानात् इति पाशुपता' P.269. 3 See also next Chapter. 4 The Pasupata Sütras with the Bhäsya of Kaundinya has recently been published in
Trivandrum Sanskrit Series.

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body with ashes, three times a day, but to the habit of sleeping on such ashes in the shrine of the deity, and mentions also the custom of ceremonial circumambulation in the course of the devotions. Ijyā is 'worship’, 'adoration', the word being found in the Ratna commentary in connection with the worship of the phallus of Śiva. Ātmaviờambana or self-humiliation refers to a group of curious and ludicrous practices calculated to bring the devotee into contempt.
The Ratna commentary says that these practices are designed to create a feeling of disrespect ( apamāna) in the minds of the people in that the devotee may suffer humiliation, apamāna being compared to a forest-fire and regarded as something desirable, probably because it destroys one's pride and teaches one to be meek and mild. This is no doubt a very curious method of inculcating humility; and we are also told that the devotee should indulge in certain antics in full view of a crowd, like an actor on the stage. The practices in question are krāthana or pretending to be asleep while awake; spandana or shaking the limbs like one suffering from an epileptic fit; mandana or walking like a lame man; srngārana or indulging in amorous gestures as if at the sight of a beautiful young woman; apitatarana or acting in a disgraceful manner like one devoid of commonsense; and apitadbhāşana or uttering incoherent and meaningless words.
1 E. g., STRESITZai aforgu gala *..* ....... Tara 1974 atsipalat Tar
पादतलमस्तकं यावत् प्रभूतेन भस्मनाङ्गं प्रत्यक्षं च प्रयत्नातिशयेन निघृष्य निघृष्य लानमाचरेदित्येवं मध्याहापराह्नसन्ध्ययोरपीति'.........."अथायतनसन्धिनं भूप्रदेशं दिवा............... भस्मनैव शुचि कुर्यात् । तदनु तत्रोपविश्य विध्य भिनि विष्टस्तावत्तिष्ठेद्यावदतिनिद्राभिभूतः श्रान्तश्च भवति । ततः पुनरुत्थाय विवेचयेत् । तदनु मत्रैः संस्कृत्य भस्म प्रभूतं प्रस्तरेत् । ततस्तत्र पंच मत्रानावर्तयन्नेव स्वपेत् ।''..."निष्क्रम्येशं प्रणम्य प्रणामान्तं प्रदक्षिणत्रयं जपन्नेव शनैः gala' etc. This is mentioned prior to the nightly vigil in the shrine of the god
(p. 19). See under verse 7. 2 'Era GET Tea Garganta FIRE SAUT a' ete. Ijyä may also be equivalent
to Yaga, a technical term of the Pasupatas. The entire ritualistic process is called Carya which is the means to Dharma. Caryā is composed of Däna, Yaga and Täpa. Däna is self-surrender to the deity accompanied by salutations. Yåga is the proper execution of the prescribed ritualistic acts such as smearing the body with ashes. Täpa is patient endurance of suffering in the discharge of one's religious duties. See katnarikö under verse 7. Caryā is called also Vidhi and defined as
: TIF with whiclı may be compared the definition of Vidli cited in next Chapter ( section on Pasupatas). Caryā is described also as twofold: vrata and the dvaras. Smearing the body with ashes, sleeping over them, offerings, japa and pradaksina
constitute vrata. The dvüras are the practices known as kräthana, spandana etc. 3 'न चैषां क्रमो नियम्यते । किन्त्वपमानादिनिष्पादकत्वं येन परिभवं गच्छेदित्युपदेशाद्दवाग्मितुल्यत्वेनापमानादेरिष्टतमत्वा.
दिति। 4 'रङ्गवदवस्थितेषु जनेषु मध्ये नटवदवस्थितो विवेच्य विवेच्य क्राथनादीनि कुर्यात् ।"

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201
Salvation, according to the Pāśupatas, is not only cessation of pain but the acquisition of unlimited supernatural powers; but as far as can be judged from the scanty literature available on the doctrines of the Pāśupatas, salvation in their view does not solely depend upon ritual, as alleged by Somadeva. Caryā or ritual' is no doubt a very important factor in the Pāśupata system, but nevertheless it is only one among the five upayas or means of attaining perfeotion in the religious life. It is, however, possible that Somadeva may he referring to contemporary Pāśupatas, who, like all followers of ritualistic systems, may be supposed to have laid particular emphasis on Caryā or Vidhi as a means of emancipation.
Caryā, also called cari and vidhikriyā, is fully explained in Kauņdinya's commentary on the Pasupata Sūtras 2, 13; 3, 2; 4, 2 etc. It comprises the entire range of Pasupata practices which are of two kinds : public and private, Tho publio practices are the peculiar ones mentioned above, and the devotee who undertakes them in the presence of all is called vyaktācāra. The private observances are those which he carries out unseen by others and known as vrata; hence he is called gūdhavrata,
The practices of krāthana, mandanas and the rest are designed to hold up the devotee to ridicule and make him accustomed to humiliation, insults and censure. They are calculated to promote indifference to the world; and there is also the curious belief that the devotee thereby acquires the religious merit of the onlookers who insult him, and transfers his own sins to them. The Pāśupata devotee who is totally devoid of worldly ties is enjoined to go about like a man not in his senses, even like a mad man, whose true nature remains unrevealed to the people at large. The indignities which he willingly suffers appear to take the place of the austerities recognised by other schools. The Pasupata Sūtras 3, 18, 19 declare, for instance, that while undergoing humiliation, the devotee, conversant with the truths, achieves the full measure of austerities. The inculcation of humility is no doubt the main purpose of
1 Tatar: 741 2 arasaf T FFI PETAT I THE S TATUT: qa fafar: Il Ganakārikā (7). The
five recognised means of attainnig the labhas or ways of perfection are vāsa or intellectual discipline including the thorough comprehension and realisation of the tenets of the school and the effort to carry them into practice; caryā or ritual; religious meditation; concentration of the mind on Siva as a regular and constant
process; and the favour of the deity. See also next Chapter. 3 Kaundinya uses the form mantana. 4 3. 3-9. 5 4, 6, s.
26

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these practices; as we are told that lack of pride born of caste and social standing is superior to all the Yantras, by which are meant sacrificial rites and privations such as prolonged fastings. It may be noted that the Pasupatas, unlike the later Viraśaivas, recognise the caste-system. The devotee is invariably referred to as a Brahmana, and it is forbidden to talk to a Śūdra." But the devotee must discard pride of birth; and the Pasupata way of life, characterized by a complete disregard for personal and social decorum, is designed to result in eradication of caste rules and intensification of vairagya,3 The private practices known as vrata are resorted to in the aāyatana, that is, any place sacred to Siva where the devotee may choose to reside.* He must 'bathe' himself with ashes three times a day, sleep over a bed of ashes, and cleanse himself when necessary with the holy ashes (anusnāna). He may not wear a wreath of fresh flowers, but take up only such flowers as have been offered to the idol of Siva. As part of his devotions, he does mental obeisance to the deity (namaskāra), meditates on the sacred formulas, and resorts to certain practices which are again peculiar to the Pasupata sect. In the shrine of the deity, he breaks out into loud laughter, sings songs in Sanskrit or Prakrit in honour of Siva, and indulges in dancing. He makes also a sound called ḍumḍumkara (called also huḍukkāra in later texts) resembling the bellowing of a bull and produced by joining the tip of the tongue to the palate. Singing and dancing as a medium of religious fervour are well-known in the history of religion. We may refer, for instance, to the early Christian sect of the Euchites, or Massalians, who, like the Pasupatas, were quietists, lived on alms and had no possessions. They spent all their time in prayers, and indulged in frenzied dancing. Sects like the Massalians had no organisation, but appear to have led a loosely knit communal life. The Pasupata devotions, on the other hand, were individual and carried out in seclusion.
202
Ijya, as explained above, is adoration; and the worship of Śiva is no doubt the central feature of the Pasupata cult. But jya properly means yaga 'sacrifice'; and the Pasupatas have their own interpretation of what sacrifice is. Kaundinya says that Yaga is bhāvanā or mental concentration on
1 Kaundinya 4. 9.
2 1. 13.
3_Kaundinya 3. 11 saya : सर्वसंस्कारवर्जितेन भवितव्यम् । अतो वर्णाश्रमन्युच्छेदो वैराग्योत्साहश्च जायते.
4 'ग्रामे वा यदि वारण्ये पुण्यस्थानं हि शूलिनः । आवासो धर्मतृप्तानां सिद्धिक्षेत्रं हि तत् परम् ॥' quoted by Kaundinya 1. 7.
5 Details in Kaundinya 1. S.
6
The Massalians who have been called 'Christian fakirs' first appeard on the borders of Syria and Armenia in the latter half of the fourth century, and spread to Syria and Asia Minor. Kidd: A History of the Church, Vol. II, p. 373.

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203 Maheśvara to the exclusion of any other deity. Further, we have the doctrine of atiyajana or higher sacrifice in contrast to kuyajana or the inferior sacrificial rites of the Vedic religion, so called on account of hiṁsā and other defects inherent in them. The atiyajana is, however, nothing more than the Pāśupata scheme of diseipline comprising the religious practices collectively known as Carya.'
The Pasupatas had, as a matter of fact, no elaborate ritual like that of the Saivas, who had their Agamas, Tantras and Paddhatis dealing with the subject. They worshipped Siva, the lingam or any other image of the god, Vraadhvaja, Sulapāni, Nandi or Mahākāla. An important proviso laid down in the Pasupata Sūtras is that the worshipper should have in view the Dakşiņámūrti of Siva, that is, he should stand on the southern side of the
ng his face towards the north.3 Stress is also laid on the meditation of the Pranava; and the devotee repeats various holy mantras which invoke the different aspects of Maheśvara. The Sadhaka no doubt worships the image of Śiva, but his attention is directed to the incorporeal aspect of the deity. Pāśupata worship is really self-surrender( atidāna) to the Supreme Being, who is without any sense organ, beyond the senses, pervasive and self-existent; who sees without eyes and hears without ears; has no intellect, but has nothing outside the scope of His knowledge; and knows all, but has no knower.'
Somadeva criticiizes the Pāśupatas by pointing out that religious acts are useless without knowledge and faith. He opines that if a man is devoid of knowledge, his action is barren of result: the blind may enjoy the shade of a tree, but not the beauty of its fruits. Further, knowledge is useless in the case of one who is lame, that is, unable to act, and so is action in the case of a blind unbeliever; it is the combination of knowledge, action and faith that leads to the realisation of the summum bonum.“ Somadeva
1 Kaundinga 2. 9 says: meat strata HET: tri rast. C£. 775& gt at ar rada
Kari T raat Bica ATASHET: 11 quoted by Kauņdinya on Pasupata Sutras
2. 20: agaftita 7 2 Kaundinya 2. 15 says: 34fara a ar e all area efTet Freq
न्दनाद्या विधिक्रिया. 3 1. 9. 4 For example, aradara 47 99 H 14 :', 'er :','frutta FH:' '1074731
77','HASHTU 22:. The last mantra sums up the Pasupata conception of God. 5 2. 15, 27. 6 शामहीने क्रिया पुंसि परं नारभते फलम् । तरोग्छायेव किं लभ्या फलश्रीनष्टदृष्टिभिः॥शन पनौ क्रिया चान्धे निःश्रद्धे
arü 697 laat aaff414617ETO | P 271.

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concludes his remarks by quoting a verse, the purport of which is that knowledge without action is useless as is action without knowledge; a blind man, if he runs, comes to grief and so does a lame man, even though he has the power of seeing. उक्तं चi tri fari Taalafaa: fast I want y# 78: 999afo = 4F#: Vol.II, p. 271
THE KULĀCĀRYAS AND TRIKAMATA Somadeva tells us that, according to the Kulācāryas, that is, Tāntrikas, salvation results from unhesitating indulgence in all kinds of food and drink, forbidden or otherwise. It may be noted that another Jaina writer, Yasahpāla, the author of the allegorical drama Moharājaparājaya, written two centuries later, gives about the same definition of the views of the Kaulas or Kulācāryas. The Kaula in this play declares that one should daily take meat and drink heavily, that being the religion taught by him, allowing free scope to one's desires."
The views of the Kulācāryas are identified by Somadeva with Trikamata. According to this system, one should, after indulging in meat and drink, worship Siva with wine in company with a female partner sitting on one's left during the rites: the worshipper is to play the role of Siva united with Pārvati and exhibit the Yonimudrā.3 This is, generally speaking, a more or less accurate picture of Tântric ritual as elaborated in texts like Kulārnavatantra and Kulacüdāmanitantra, although many of the details are unintelligible and obscure. The use of wine and meat is a conspicuous feature of the cult. As regards relations with the other sex, the Kulacūdāmani. tantra, for instance, gives a colourful description of the worshipper setting about the mystic rites at night in company with his partner, perfumed and dressed in red and richly adorned with gold ornaments; she sits on a cushion to his left and he gracefully clasps her around with his arm. It should, however, be remembered that ceremonial worship of women of all castes without any distinction is an important feature of Tantric ritual;' but the use of meat and wine for religious purposes and freedom of association with women must have led to abuse
1 'Hang EZTETET TETE art fat 441:1 The term far is met with in
Tantrik texts, e. g. in Kulärnavatantra, chap. II. 2 T H Byfeu fost Teini 1 3 futanara CAT RESTLIV, 22 3 'तथा च त्रिकमतोक्तिः-मदिरामोदमेदुरवदनस्तरसरसप्रसन्नहृदयः सव्यपार्श्वविनिवेशितशक्तिः शक्तिमुद्रासनधरः स्वय
ATHEPATUHOT Frit Taloft ITHITVE e 'P. 269. 4 Chap. 3. See also Kulārnava, chap. 10 ( partit TIA FIFA19iaart etc.). 5 Ibid. 3, 16, 17. Cf. Kulárnava, chap. 11-a facrare IT C ar

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has no doubt based his definition of Kaula views on what he saw and heard in his own days. The Kulārṇavatantra (Chap. 9) says, like Somadeva, that the Kaulikas do not observe any restriction with regard to food and drink,' and goes on to declare that for them exists no injunction or prohibition, virtue or vice, heaven or hell. But the Kaula devotee is described also as a man free from desires, ever content, impartial and chaste, without any striving and desire for heaven, and conversant with the highest truths. The Kaula mystics go about the world in different guises, doing good to men, inscrutable and unperceived by others.* The Kaula ideal is, it is true, to eat, drink and be merry, but it is also one of concord and amity, for the Kaula is enjoined not to make any distinction between "You" and "I" Salvation, according to the Kaula system, seems to be union with Siva to be attained by knowledge, ignorance being destroyed by the performance of one's religious duties. Somadeva's definition of Kaula views does not take into consideration this aspect of the cult; and he criticizes the Kaula standpoint by asserting that if salvation was the outcome of reckless living, it would sooner come to the thugs and butchers than to the Kaulas."
205
Somadeva, as we have seen, treats the Kaula doctrine as identical with Trikamata, to which there is another reference in Book I. We are told that the young prince Maradatta considered his body to be divine like one initiated into the Trika doctrine.s The commentary of Śrutasagara takes Trikamata to mean Saiva doctrine; and the divine character of the body seems to be a tenet common to the Saiva and Tantrika systems. The Kularnavatantra (Chap. 9) says, for instance, that the body is the abode of the gods, while the Self is Lord Sadasiva himself. The doctrine is found in a more developed form in the Sutasamhita (belonging to the Skandapurana), a comprehensive work of the Advaita school of Saivism. The Sutasamhita says among other things that the various organs are presided

1 अपेयमपि पेयं स्यादभक्ष्यं भक्ष्यमेव च । अगम्यमपि गम्यं स्यात् कौलिकानां कुलेश्वरि ॥
2 न विधिर्न निषेधः स्यान्न पुण्यं न च पातकम् । न स्वर्गो नैव नरकः कौलिकानां कुलेश्वरि । Ibid.
3 निःस्पृहो निष्यसंतुष्टः समदर्शी जितेन्द्रियः । स्वर्गहीनोऽप्रयासी च योगी परमतत्त्ववित् ॥ Ibid.
4 योगिनो विविधैर्वेशैर्नराणां हितकारिणः । भ्रमन्ति पृथिवीमेतामविज्ञातस्वरूपिणः । Ibid. The expression कुलयोगी is frequently used.
5 पिबन् मद्यं वमन् खादन् स्वच्छाचारपरायणः । अहं त्वमनयोरैक्यं भावयेन्निव सेत् सुखम् ॥ Ibid. 6 कर्मणोन्मूलितेऽज्ञाने ज्ञानेन शिवतां व्रजेत् । शिवक्यस्यैव मुक्तिः स्वादतः कर्म समापयेत् ॥ Ibid. 7 निःशङ्कात्मप्रवृत्तेः ग्याद्यदि मोक्षसमीक्षणम् । उकसूनाकृतां पूर्व पश्चात् कौलेष्वसौ भवेत् ॥ P. 271 8 'सकलजनसाधारणेऽपि स्वदेहे त्रिकमत दीक्षितस्यैव देव भूयेनाभिनिविशमानस्य' Vol. I, p. 43. 9 'देहो देवालयो देवि जीवो देवः सदाशिवः

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over by various deities; for example, the sun is the deity of the eye, Varuna that of the tongue, Fire that of speech and so on. Moreover, five deities are said to abide in the body composed of the five elements; Brahman in the earthy portion, Isvara in the airy portion, Vişņu in the watery portion, Rudra in the fiery portion, and Sadas va himself in the portion of the body composed of ether. For this reason the body, whether one's own or that of another, should be honoured as having a divine character (devatāmaya); no one should de despised even by mistake, and even a fool or a villain should be respected as possessing a body that is divine. Similar views are expressed in the S'ivapurana (Sanatkumāra samhita, Chap. 39).2
A passing reference to Tantric doctrine as Mantravāda dealing with the mystic diagrams or Yantras occurs in Book I.3
SAIVA DOCTRINES
Saiva doctrines are prominently dealt with in the episode of Canḍakarman in Yasastilaka, Book V (pp. 251, 254 ff,); and the discussion is of particular interest in view of the struggle of Jainism against the rising tide of Saivism in certain parts of India in the age of Somadeva and after. Haraprabodha, one of the companions of Canḍakarman, is a Śaiva and declares that Lord Siva has two ways of doing good to the world: the Dakṣiņa Märga or the Righthand Path and the Vamamarga or the Lefthand Path.* Of these the Righthand Path is meant for general usage, and two verses are quoted to illustrate its principles (Vol. II, p. 251):
प्रपञ्चरहितं शास्त्रं प्रपञ्चरहितो गुरुः । प्रपञ्चरहितं ज्ञानं प्रपञ्चरहितः शिवः ॥
शिवं शक्तिविनाशेन ये वान्छन्ति नराधमाः । ते भूमिरहिता द्वीजात् सन्तु नृनं फलोसमाः ॥
To these may be added another verse quoted in VI. 19 (Vol. II, p. 317): अद्वैताच परं सध्वं न देवः शंकरात् परः । शैवशास्त्रात् परं नास्ति भुक्तिमुक्तिप्रदं वचः ॥ The first verse declares that the Sastra, the Teacher, the true knowledge, and Siva himself are without any connection with prapanca or worldly phenomena. The second verse emphasizes the organic connection between Šiva and Sakti, and declares that to accept Śiva without accepting Sakti is like expecting a harvest from seeds without the intermediary of earth.
1 Yajnavaibhavakhanḍoparibhāga, Sütagītā 4. 22 ff. and 7. 3ff. Cf. a देवतामयम् । स्वकीयं परकीयं च पूजयेत्तु विशेषतः ॥ Ibid. 7. 28 ets.
2 ' इदं शरीरं विप्रेन्द्र सर्वदेवमयं शृणु' etc.
3 'मत्रवादोक्तिष्विव विविधयन्त्रश्लाघिनीपु'. Vol. I, p. 39.
4 'भगवतो हि भर्गस्य सकलजगदनुग्रहसर्गो दक्षिणो वामश्च । P. 251. 5:

For the Dakṣina Marga see also Chap. XIII.

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The third verse declares that there is no truth higher than non-duality, no god higher than Šiva, and no science more capable of guaranteeing happiness as well as liberation than the Saiva doctrine.
The three verses quoted by Somadeva may be said to sum up the doctrines of the Advaita school of Saivism, as propounded in texts like the S'ivapurana, the Sūtasaṁhita, and the Távaragītā incorporated in the Kūrmapurāna. The doctrines represent a Saiva adaptation of the views of
aita Vedānta, whose doctrine of non-duality is mentioned with approval in the Sivapurāna (Jñānasaṁhita).' The latter text, in one place, uses the significant expression advaita-saivce-veda to denote the Saiva system and its antagonism to the conception of dvaita or duality. The Saiva doctrine, as developed in the aforesaid texts, postulates absolute non-duality and denies the reality of prapanca and saṁsāra, that is, worldly phenomena and the course of mundane life. Siva alone exists self-luminous; and the universe being an outcome of his own Power, nothing exists apart from the Supreme Deity. Sakti, the inherent and conscious Power of Siva, creates the universe according to his will; and this Power, without beginning and end, is called Māyā, the cause of the material world. No relationship is possible between the visible phenomena and the Supreme Soul, just as there cannot be any
a between darkness and light; but the universe is ultimately merged in Siva, just as foam and waves rise from the ocean and are merged in the ocean. “Knowledge free from worldly phenomena' (prapanca-rahitan
1 Published in three Volumes in Anandāśrama Series. 2 See Chapter 78 (qi aceaat T raian: etc.) 3 patati di 7 mg afart. Sivcpurūna ( Kailāsasaṁhita 10. 166). The expression
felqiga occurs in verse 96, 4 Cf. : afya na HITT 7 TE97: 1 Terharfe 5 gat hæfa: 11 Sūtasamhita (Jžānayogakhanda 20. 4). FETTU
TEAS: #4:17 TaHE THESIT: htfa 7 974 Hal Ibid. ( Yajňavaibhavakhanda 15. 30). 5 अतश्च संक्षेपमिमं शृणुध्वं जगत्समस्तं चिदचित्प्रभिन्नम् । स्वशक्तिक्लप्तं शिवमात्रमेव न देवदेवात् पृथगस्ति किंचित् ॥
Ibid. 12. 29. माया माहेश्वरी शक्तिः सत्त्वादिगुणभेदतः । जीवमाक्रम्य संसारे भ्रामयत्यनिशं द्विजाः॥'अतो मायामयः साक्षात् HEIT: Hafetih etc. Ibid. 2. 42 ff. ar 91 fhfaqet fast I T OTT fant शक्तिः प्रसवधर्मिणी । विभज्य बहुधा विश्व विदधाति शिवेच्छया । सा मूलप्रकृतिर्माया त्रिगुणा त्रिविधा स्मृता।
Sivpurăņa (Vāyavīyasamhita 5. 13 ff.) 7 यथा प्रकाशतमसोः संबन्धो नोपपद्यते । तद्वदेव न संबन्धः प्रपञ्चपरमात्मनोः ।। छायातपौ यथा लोके परस्परविलक्षणौ ।
167 Tag a fafaat Tha: 11 Isvara gitā 2. 10, 11 (kürmapurāņa, Uparibhāga). T azaif Furgi : 1 ya Taaza !! Sütasanihitä (Jžānayogakhanda 20. 20). It is stated in the same Chapter (verse 5) that just as the akasa is called ghatūkāša and mahākāśa, siinilarly the One Soul is called by the ignorant both Jiva and iśvara.

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jñānam ) seems to refer to the state of samadhi, in which the devotee no longer perceives the objects of the world and becomes united with the Supreme Soul. The Teacher free from worldly phenomena' (prapanca-rahito guruh) is the religious preceptor, who is identified with Śiva, and, in the ultimate resort, Siva himself. The indispensable and inseparable connection between Siva and Sakti, set forth by Haraprabodha, is frequently emphasized in Saiva texts and forms a fundamental dogma of the Saiva system,
The Vāmamārga or the Lefthand Path devised by Siva is described as leading to pleasure as well as salvation, and corresponds to the grosser aspect of the Tantric cult. The following verse is cited by Haraprabodha to illustrate the Vámamārga (Vol II, p. 251):
___ अग्निवत् सर्वभक्षोऽपि भवभक्तिपरायणः । भुक्तिं जीवनवामोति मुक्तिं तु लभते मृतः ॥ One who is devoted to Siva obtains pleasure in life and release on death, even though he is omnivorous like Fire.'
The verse quoted from the poet Bhāsa' as a further illustration of the Vāmamārga advocates the pleasures of love and wine, an the picture of the Path as one of gross sensualism combined with devotion to Siva. It goes without saying that the Advaita school of Saivism condemns the Vāmamārga as non-Vedic and hindering the rise of true knowledge. The former school glorifies bhakti, and asserts that it is Siva,
ed with Sakti, that vouchsafes joy as well as liberation, and shines in the hearts of those who are sincerely devoted to him.?
Sudatta's reply to Haraprabodha provides a good example of Jaina
c against Saivism, and enables us to have an idea of the chief points at issue between the two schools of thought. The following verse quoted by
1 q naifo TTIÊ Farfait a zte iftua: qtuet 791 HRT #7: || Ibid. (verse 25). Also
FET ETGE Encaifoga carta a la faf Ag af farfarerea Ibid. 2 FITTE TEHNIT TOTT FETTE I Tota: qfarat TFFİ FART: 11 Sivapurāņa (Vidye
śvarasanihitā 16. 84). The conception of Siva as Acă rya ogcurs in Bhoja's Tattvaprakāśa 1. 15 (ara atata taariare:). Cf. 7 faraa faar Titint tefta: fata: I SHTAT T: TTTT #qrta Sütasamhita Yajñavaibhavakhanda 13. 30). va TESTUA 37 fitffitat: fela: 1 fa faat Tiia 74 a fal fata: 11 Sivapurāna (Vāyaviyasanhitā 5. 12), TETASFÁTIT C
Ibid. (verse 37). 4 fifted 2HANT: CATT:'(Printed text reads haa:) P, 251, 5 Seo Chap. XVIII. 6 HITTTTTTTTH PLATITI TRIT: 3724 SETTCTTTTTE 11 Sūtasanhita (Muktikhanda
6.12). 7 भक्तियुक्तजनचित्तपङ्कजे मुक्तिमुक्तिफलदः पुरातनः । शक्तियुक्तपरविग्रहः शिवः सत्यमेव सततं प्रकाशते || Yajha.
vaibhavakhanda 26. 39. The chapter in question deals with Sivabhakti,

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Somadeva and put in the mouth of Sudatta (P. 254) records the Jaina objec. tions to the theory of Siva being the source of scriptural knowledge. aging
वक्ता नैव सदाशिवो विकरणस्तस्मात् परो रागवान् द्वैविध्यादपरं तृतीयमिति चेत्तत् कस्य हेतोरभूत् ।
शक्त्या चेत् परकीयया कथमसौ तद्वानसंबन्धतः संबन्धोऽपि न जाघटीति भवतां शासं निरालम्बनम् ॥ The idea of the verse is that Sadāśiva cannot be the expounder of a system, since he is incorporeal nor can this rôle be attributed to the deity in his corporeal aspect, for example, to Siva as the consort of Pārvatī, because as such he is subject to passion, which makes him unfit for the task. A third alternative is lacking; and it cannot be urged that he expounds the system by means of an extraneous Sakti or Power, because he cannot be supposed to possess any such Power owing to the absence of any integral celationship between the two. It follows therefore that the sāstra of the Saivas is without any authoritative foundation. This dismisses another claim of the Saivas that a very rare sāstra originated from Siva in the form of Nāda or Sound,
Sudatta then points out certain inconsistencies in the Saiva doctrine resulting from the two mutually conflicting conceptions of Siva, the corporeal Rudra and the incorporeal Sadāśiva. The Jaina sage argues that if Rudra is regarded as omniscient, even though he is subject to passion and similar affections, that will contradict Patañjali's definition of īśvara or the Supreme Being as one untouched by passions, acts, consequences and impressions, and hence possessing the highest degree of omniscience. It is a fallacy to associate omniscience and passion with the same person; and a conception of Rudra, worldly yet omniscient, contradicts also the assertion that Siva possesses the qualities of freedom from passion, self-control, and omniscience besides irresistible might, contentment, supreme bliss, and untrammelled energy.
Sudatta continues the argument and shows that the conception of the incorporeal Sadāśiva also involves similar contradictions. The poet Grahila,' for instance, in his hymn to Sadāśiva, speaks of the pballus of the god and the inability of Brahman and Vişņu to find out its limit, and refers also to the burning of the three cities of the demons by Siva when the earth became his chariot, Indra his charioteer, the sun and the moon the chariot-- wheels and so on. Further, there is another aspect of Sadāśiva which is not in keeping with the character of an incorporeal being. Sudatta quotes in this
1 For another attack on the Saiyaśāstra see Chap. X. 2 gå ata a tard-31€fateregr arrasala
T OTTI arki Türê 43 *Tip Vol. II, p. 250. 3 "रागादिभिरुपद्रुतस्यापि रुद्रस्याप्ततायो 'क्लेशकर्मविपाकाशयरपरामृष्टः पुरुषविशेष ईश्वर' इति, 'ऐश्वर्यमप्रतिहतं महजो
fata:" = fareza." For the verse in question see Chap. XVIII. 4 See Chap. XVIII. 5 For the verse in question see Chap. XVIII.
27

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connection a verse, which says that a living creature is steeped in ignorance and not a master of his own destinies, and goes to heaven or hell, as directed by īśvara or Siva (Vol. II, p. 255);
अज्ञो जन्तुरनीशोऽयमात्मनः सुखदुःखयोः। ईश्वरप्रेरितो गच्छेत् स्वर्ग वा श्वभ्रमेव वा ॥ It may be noted that the verse is cited in many texts' as an illustration of the supreme power of God, and incorporated in the S'ivapurāna to show that a sentient being is nothing but a plaything in the hand of Siva. What is important is that the Saiva system regards Siva as the preraka or prerayitā, the great moving or directing force of the universe.* Bhoktā or the Self, Bhogya or Matter and Preragitā or the Mover are, as a matter of fact, three fundamental concepts of the Saiva system; and the moving power is known also as the Kriyāśakti of Siva. The Jainas, however, regard this as inconsistent with the conception of Siva as the incorporeal Sadāśiva. Sudatta contends that it is impossible for the ethereal Sadāśiva to move others; and it is also doubtful whether one who is himself never moved by others should be able to move any one else."
The Jainas attack also the conception of Siva as the creator of the universe. Sudatta begins his argument by quoting a verse in which Śiva is addressed as the primeval architect of the universe (P. 255);
भोग्यामाहुः प्रकृतिमृषयश्चेतनाशक्तिशून्यां भोक्ता नैनां परिणमयितुं बन्धवर्ती समर्थः ।
भोग्येऽप्यस्मिन् भवति मिथुने पुष्कलस्तत्र हेतुर्नीलग्रीव स्वमसि भुवनस्थापनासूत्रधारः ॥ The sense of the verse is that the Bhoktā or the Soul in bondage cannot evolve any change in unconscious Matter, called Bhogyā or Prakrti; and the interaction of the two is entirely due to the initiative of Siva, who sets in motion the process of cosmic evolution. The Jainas, however, do not admit the existence of a personal creator of the universe; and Sudatta utters the following verse which sums up the Jaina objection (P. 256 ):
कर्ता न तावदिह कोऽपि धियेच्छया वा दृष्टोऽन्यथा कटकृतावपि स प्रसंगः ।
कार्य किमत्र सदनादिषु तक्षकाचैराहत्य चेत् त्रिभुवनं पुरुषः करोति ॥ The idea of the verse is that no one who creates the world by intellect or will
1 See Naisadhacarita, Trans., Appendix I, p. 509. 2 Vāyaviyasanhita, chap. t. 3 Sta atsafu 1959' Ibid. (verse 62). 4 Cf. Hitafaefer gut HTATET: 819- **** i fett: 47* 297:11 Sivapurana (Väyaviya
sanhitis, 1. 4. 18). FIAT 1917AATI 992 : 1 OTTI FT Frame 711fERE AU
Isvaragitā 6. 5. 6 il fat og fafar u771 ara: qi faarafgafaroj f A ll Sivapurīna (op. cit
verse 7:3). 6 Isvaragită (op. cit.). 7 आकाशकल्पस्य सदाशिवस्य परंप्रति प्रेरकता न युक्ता । स्वयं पराप्रेषित एष शंभुर्भवेत् परप्रेरयितेति चिन्त्यम् ।। P. 255. 8 Cf, Sirupuruna (Vāyaviyasınihil 1. 4. 65 ff.). 9 Cf. TAI ATZI quayeugu Išvaragītu 6. 8. fa: affatyti ghisatt azzal afaat
GTA 4 H 9: UTÅT: Sivapurana (op. cit, verse 16).

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has ever been seen; and if an invisible creator is postulated, even the making of a mat might be attributed to him. Further, if there is really some one who builds up the universe, there will be nothing left for carpenters and others to do!1
Further, Sudatta contends that the conception of Isvara is redundant, because what is called Isvara is only another name for Karma. He quotes a verse which records the synonyms of Purākṛta or Karma done in previous births, and among these Isvara is also included (p. 256):
विधिर्विधाता नियतिः स्वभावः कालो महश्वेश्वरदैवकर्म |
पुण्यानि भाग्यानि तथा कृतान्तः पर्यायनामानि पुराकृतस्य ॥
It cannot be urged that Karma, being insentient, is powerless to serve as an agent for the enjoyment or suffering of others." Insentient objects like jewels, magnet and wind are known to have the power of acting upon other objects, and the same is true of Karma,3 Sudatta in this connection quotes a verse from a work named Ratnapariksa in order to prove the miraculous efficacy of jewels in counteracting evils even from a distance. However that may be, the role of shaping the destinies of creatures is assigned exclusively to Karma; and the position of God, even if he exists, is reduced to that of a servant,5 The Jaina doctrine of Karma is calculated to exalt the Self and inculcate self-reliance, since each individual has to solve the problem of existence and liberation by his personal effort. The emphasis is always upon Karma; and Sudatta concludes his sermon by quoting a verse, which declares that the Self by itself acts and reaps the consequences of its deeds, by itself it passes through worldly existence, and by itself is liberated from its bonds (p. 256):
स्वयं कर्म करोत्यात्मा स्वयं तत्फलमञ्जते । स्वयं भ्रमति संसारे स्वयं तस्माद्विमुच्यते ॥
It should be noted that the universe in the Jaina view is uncreated, eternal and endless, hence the objection to the theory of a personal creator, God or Śiva. It will also be seen that the controversy between Jainism and Saivism centering round the problem of creation resolved itself into one between the theories of Karma and God; and the identifica
211
1
The verse occurs in Yasastilaka 2. 139. The theory of creation is also ridiculed in a verse in Book VIII, section 37, which says that Siva creates the mountains and the earth_as_well as pots and huts ! धरणीधरधरणिप्रभृति सृजति, ननु निपगृहादि गिरिशः करोति, Vol. II, p. 388.
2 'कथमचेतनं कर्म परोपभोगार्थं प्रवर्तत इति चेत्तन्न ।' P. 256.
3 रत्नायस्कान्तवातादेरचितोऽपि परं प्रति । यथा क्रियानिमित्तत्वं कर्मणोऽपि तथा भवेत् ॥ P. 256.
4
See Chap. XVIII.
5 विष्टिः कर्मकरादीनां चेतनानां सचेतनात् । दृष्टा चेष्टा विधेयेषु जगत्स्रष्टरि सास्तु वः ॥ P. 256. हरे चेष्टा भवतु वो युष्माकं स्रष्टा वृथा । सर्वेषां दास एवेति भावः ।
6 Soe Chap. X.

Ms. A remarks

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tion of Siva with God was facilitated by the fact that the word Isvara means both Śiva and God.
Another point at issue between Saivism and Jainism is the ques. tion of omniscience; and it must be said to the credit of Somadeva that ho fully reproduces the Saiva point of view in the course of his exposition of Jaina doctrines.' The Saivas point out, with reference to the Jaina conception of Tirthamkara or Supreme Teacher, that the Jainas regard a human being as apta or omniscient, despite the fact that it is extremely difficult for a human being to attain omniscience. Even supposing that a Tirthakara is omniscient, it will be necessary to find out his teacher, because no man can acquire knowledge by his own effort without the help of a teacher. If it is said that the teacher of a Tirthakara is another Tirthakara, one will have to discover the teacher of the latter as well and so on, until we are faced with the absurdity of an endless series of Tirthakaras and their teachers. The only way to avoid such a situation is to accept either Sadāśiva or Śiva, the consort of Pārvati, as the teacher of a Tirthakara; and the Saivas in this connection cite the authority of the Yogasūtras 1, 26, which declare Isvara to be the eternal teacher of all primeval teachers. The Saivas also assert that a very rare sästra arose from the incorporeal and quiescent Siva in the form of Sound, the implication being that such a Being is fit to be the guru of a Tīrthakara. Further, they contend that there should only be one Apta or Omniscient Being. There cannot be a multitude of āptas like that of other creatures; and there is no reason why there should be only twenty-four of them, that being the number of Tirthakaras recognised by the Jainas.
Somadeva replies that a Tirthakara who possesses three kinds of supernatural knowledge is not the person to require the help of a teacher, and tries to meet the Saiva objections by showing that the Tirthakaras are not the only persons who have attained knowledge of the highest truths by their own initiative. As an illustration of this, Somadera cites a legend concerning the rise of the Vaiseșika system of philosophy, according to which the knowledge of the six categories spontaneously dawned upon the
1 Yaśastilaka, Book VI, section 2. 2 'अथैवं प्रत्यवतिष्ठासवः-भवतां समये किल मनुजः सन्नातो भवति तस्य चाप्ततातीव दुर्घटा ।..."मनुष्यस्याभिलषित
तत्त्वावबोधो न स्वतस्तथादर्शनाभावात् । परश्चत् कोऽसौ परः। तीर्थकरोऽन्यो वा। तीर्थकर श्चेत्तत्राप्येवं पर्यनुयोगे प्रकृतमनुबन्धे तस्मादनवस्था । तदभावमाप्तसद्भावं च वाग्छद्भिः सदाशिवः शिवापतिर्वा तस्य तत्त्वोपदेशकः प्रतिश्रोतव्यः ।
aare 47:- defa yk: dastatasarai Vol. II, p. 276. 3 healografegar........ (see above). The verse is quoted twice, in Books V
and VI. 2, pp. 255, 276. 4 'तथाप्तेनैकेन भवितव्यम् । न ह्याप्तानामितरप्राणिवद्गणः समस्ति । संभवे वा चतुर्विशतिरिति नियमः कौतस्कुत इति""""" 5 तत्त्वभावनयोद्भूतं जन्मान्तरसमुत्थया । हिताहित विवेकाय यस्य ज्ञानत्रयं परम् ॥ दृष्टादृष्टमवैत्यर्थ रूपवन्तमथावधेः ।
ga: giá Hệ điềI THÀNH || P. 277.

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sage Kanāda in Benares; and Śiva, in the form of an owl, exhorted him to communicate the divine revelation to the Brahmanas.1 Somadeva does not mention the source of his story, but it seems to be a variation of the popular legend that Śiva, assuming the shape of an owl (uluka), communicated the Vaiseṣika philosophy to Kanada, whence the name Aulükya given to that system. The crucial point, however, is that even the highest truths can be known by one's own efforts without instruction by a teacher; it is therefore futile to foist an imaginary preceptor upon the Jaina Tirthakaras. As regards their number, there is nothing abnormal about it, since there are many things in the world of which a considerable number is known to exist, for instance, lunar days, stars, planets, oceans, mountains and the rest.
It may be noted that the controversy between the Saivas and the Jainas on the subject of omniscience is at the bottom a contest between two rival conceptions, the S'aivas reserving the term sarvajña omniscient' for Śiva and the Jainas doing the same for each one of their Tirthakaras. The Jaina standpoint will be clear from their definition of Apta.* As regards Śiva, he is consistently called sarvajña in Saiva texts, and omniscience is one of the five saktes attributed to him."
The Jainas attack also the doctrine of Śiva and Sakti, to which prominence is given in Saiva works. Somadeva attempts to prove that the relationship between Śiva and Sakti is a fiction, because the supposed connection can be described neither as samyoga 'conjunction' nor as samavāya 'inherence'. He points out that, according to the Yauga doctrine, that is, the Nyaya theory, samyoga or conjunction is possible only between two substances; but sakti or potency is not a substance, hence there can be no samyoga between Śiva and Sakti. Nor can samavaya or inherence be supposed to be the basis of relationship between Siva and Sakti. According to the Vaiseṣika theory, samavāya or inherence is the permanent relation between two things which are not known to exist separately, for example, a quality and the qualified. Sakti is, however, known to exist and operate
1 'कथमन्यथा स्वत एव संजातपट्पदार्थावसायप्रसरे कणचरे वाराणस्यां महेश्वरस्योलूक सायुज्यसरस्येदं वचः संगच्छेत - ब्रह्मतुला नामेदं दिवौकसां दिव्यमद्भुतं ज्ञानं प्रादुर्भूतमिह त्वयि तद्वत्स विधत्स्व विप्रेभ्य: ।' Vol. II, p. 277. 2 Cf. Naisadhacarita 22. 36 ( औलूकमाहुः खलु दर्शनं तत् ).
3 नियतं न बहुत्वं चेत् कथमेते तथाविधाः । तिथिताराग्रहाम्भोधिभूभृत्प्रभृतयो मताः ॥ P. 277.
4 See Chap. X.
5 Cf. Sutasamhitā: Yajñavaibhavakhaṇḍa 22.6; Śivamāhātmyakhaṇḍa 2.7; Muktikhanda
2.10.
6 सर्वकर्तृत्व रूपा च सर्वज्ञत्वस्वरूपिणी । पूर्णत्व रूपा नित्यत्वव्यापकत्वस्वरूपिणी ।। शिवस्य शक्तयः पञ्च संकुचद्रूपभास्कराः । Sivapurana (Kailasasamhita 10. 158).
7
On the use of the expression Yauga in this sense see G. N. Kaviraja in Sarasvati Bhavana Studies, Vol. III, p. 84.

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separately from Siva; so there can be no samavāya relationship between the two.'
There is no doubt that Somadeva gives a fairly comprehensive account of the philosophical controversies of the Saivas and the Jainas current in his own age. The Saivas attacked the Jaina theory of Arhat or the Perfect Saint and tried to establish the superiority of Siva to any such finite personality, whether called Arhat or Tirthamkara. Somadeva, as we have seen, sums up some of the Saiva objections; and we find a similar attack on the Jaina conception of the Arhat also in the Iśāna-sivagurudevapaddhati," a comprehensive work on Saiva doctrine and ritual, which records the teachings of a line of Saiva Yogins, who were influential in many parts of India during the ninth, tenth and eleventh centuries. The rivalry of these two important sects covering a considerable period lends more than an academio interest to their controversies in the field of speculative thought.
Somadeva condemns certain fundamental concepts of the Saiva and Tántrio systems in Yasastilaka VIII. 39. They are chiefly Jyotih, Bindu, Nāda, Kundalī, and Nirbījikarana. Jyotiḥ · Light' is one of the mystic names of Siva. In Sanskrit the word is neuter, and it is usual to designate the Siva-tattva as masculine and feminine and reuter to denote its comprehensive and transcendental character, The Praņava or Om syllable, which is the expression of Siva, is also called Jyotiḥ. Kalā is one of the thirty-six principles of the Saiva system, and denotes the agency which unfolds the power of human beings to act. In other words, Kalā is the source of the limited power of action possessed by the Paśus or creatures in bondage.
Nāda and Bindu are two concepts always mentioned together, but not specifically recognised by certain texts, as pointed out by Rāghavabhatta in his commentary on Sāradātilaka 1.7. The Sivapurana' says that, at the beginning of creation, Śakti, the latent energy of Siva, becomes manifest by the will of Śiva; and when Sakti is stirred up by the creative urge of Siva,
1 tarat FatRat 74 TE 7 farart #aTT: IT 1741 della fara: 1
समवायलक्षणोऽपि न संबन्धः शक्तेः पृथसिद्धत्वात् । अयुतसिद्धानां गुणगुण्यादीनां समवायसंबन्धः इति वैशेषिकमैतिह्यम् ।'
Vol. II, p. 277. 2 See Kriyāpāda 1. 39 ff. See also next Chapter and Chap. XIII, 3 See Introduction to Part II. (Trivandrum Sanskrit Series ). 4 Flarergon ang gustarra: 1...See below. 5 The comm. on Tattvaprakasa 1. 3 says: oma fani gangajar afea,
and remarks: तदुक्तं बृंहण्याम्-शिवो देव: शिवा देवी शिवं ज्योतिरिति त्रिधा । अलिङ्गमपि यत्तत्त्वं लिङ्गमेदेन कथ्यते ।। 6 Rāghavabhatta says in his comm. on Śāradätilaka 1. 11: trueifcurafa "Far fear
शानं गौरी ब्राह्मी तु वैष्णवी । त्रिधा शक्ति स्थिता यत्र तत् परं ज्योतिरोमिति ।।" 7 Tattvaprakāśa 3. 6. says 'sofa Mit PS a aa
. 8 ffaa praeg' Sivapurāna ( Kailāsasanhitā 10. 161). 9 Ibid. Pāyaviyasanhita 5. 18 ff.

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there arises Nāda whence emerges Bindu. From Bindu arises Sadāśiva, from the latter Maheśvara, and from the latter again Vidyā, the expressive energy of Siva consisting of the letters of the alphabet. The foregoing account adds Nāda and Bindu to the five usually accepted Suddhatattvas, viz. - Śiva, Sakti, Sadāśiva, īśvara or Maheśvara and Vidyā. The Tattvaprakasa of Bhoja, for instance, recognises only these five, and remarks that Nāda and Bindu are included in the Sivatattva.'
It is in some of the Tantras that we find an exhaustive treatment of Nāda and Bindu.2 Roughly speaking, Nāda represents the awakening and Bindu the active aspect of Sakti. According to Säradātilaka 1.7, from Siva emerges Śakti, from Sakti Nāda, and from Nāda Bindu. The Prapancasăratantra (1. 42, 43), explaining the next stage of evolution, says that the Bindu splits up into three portions: Bindu and Näda ( different from the first two) and Bija, of which Bindu represents Isvara or consciousness and Bija unconscious matter, while Nāda represents Puruşa or the Self,the blend of consciousness with unconscious Matter. While the original Bindu is in the process of disintegration, there arises an indistinct sound, and this is known as Sabdabrahma, the consciousness abiding in the creatures of the universe and the basic foundation of sounds and their meanings. According to Rāghavabhatta, Nāda and Bindu represent the indistinct, undifferentiated and pervasive sound emerging at the beginning of the process of cosmic evolution initiated by Siva, and it is this sound that is known as Sabdabrahma. There are also other interpretations, but there is no doubt that Nāda and Bindu were fundamental concepts of the Saiva system in Somadeva's time.
Although Sabdabrahma is universal and all-pervading, it abides in the form of Kundali, better known as Kundalini.? Kundalini is the stored up energy inherent in each individual and the force that produces all forms of sound from the primitive inarticulate murmur to organised literary speech.
1 77 fars: TOT Fat fra afThrerait aferat 2. 11 2 See, for example, săradātilaka, Chap. 1 and the citations in Raghavbhatta's com.
mentary thereon. 3 Rāghavabhatta (op. cit.) says (1.7)-ati gara-"argaar sya # actualeti
शिवोन्मुखी यदा शक्तिः पुंरूपा सा तदा स्मृता"......."अन्यत्रापि "अभिव्यक्ता परा शक्तिरविनाभावलक्षणा ।.........
प्रयाति बिन्दुभावं च क्रियाप्राधान्यलक्षणम्" इति । 4 "......HATIT i stratosfentant al arafagh9na: 11" 5 Cf. Far & Tavai FC À Afa: Śäradātilaka 1. 13. 6 fear arafaT4AETH BUSTsaa rfre ga area : Jaa :'(1.12).
Ibid. 25. 35. Madhavācārya in his comm, on Sūtasanihita (Sivamähätmyakhanda 5. 9) says 'va 3777& t ta igrani fa galima ratif tifojai tursfraza ra-HIFF Erat e Tur 9: 1 Batara aty STIROTTürilt (Prapañcasāra 1. 63) abroafa
.....

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The seat of Kundalini is the plexus known as Mūlādbāra, and it is described also as being enclosed within the Susumna artery." Kundalini is visualised as & coiled up (kundalibhūta) serpent; but Rāghavabhatta, commenting on Sāradātilaka, 1.51% points out that there is an artery shaped like a coiled up serpent in the mulādhāra, and this, propelled by nerve-force (Vāyu), travels to all parts of the body. This movement of Kundalini under the action of Vāyu is called gunana,' and this is what Somadeva means by kundali-väyu-saṁcara in Yasastılaka VIII.39. Lastly, Nir Yogic process aimed at complete inastery over the body.
In addition to the doctrines outlined above, stray allusions to philosophical topics are occasionally found in Yasastilaka in the course of descriptions, often in artificial comparisons based on word-play. They are of lesser importance and belong to a type common in Kāvya literature.?
1 HABITS TOUR: l' See Padmapāda's comm. on Prapoñcasărc: 2. 43. 2 Tour facra argit :' Ibid. 2. 51. 3 77 FSTATT FETThaci ada i ta argaze: paruia i säradatilaka 1. 57
says 'guar F-TITE FUE qart'. 4 For the significance of Vāyu see Introduction to Prapañcasăratantra in Tantrik
Texts, ed. Avalon. 6 A marginal note in Ms. A on a verse in Yaśastilaka, Book VI, section 10, p. 296.
explaining the expression arrafas Ti fa fa a xa), tells us that fag refers to Nirbijikaraña, which is a process of expelling the seminal fluid through the eyes, navel etc. A similar note on the relevant verse in Book VIII, section 32, says the same thing, and adds that the process in question helps one to conquer death by dint of constant practice. Somadeva says: zlatarg: orar: pucatarie: NETचोद्यानि निबौंजीकरणादिकम् ॥ नाभौ नेत्रे ललाटे च ब्रह्मग्रन्थौ च तालुनि । अग्निमध्ये रवौ चन्द्रे लूतातन्तौ हृदङ्करे ।। rreira noite fetes at 3751 fragt: 95977: 11 Yasastilaka Vol. II, p. 393. Ms. A says
a gent for the Profile I e FIRTITI AT Prata achi रवौ दक्षिणनाड्यां चन्द्रे वामनाच्याम् । लूतातन्तौ लिङ्गविषये। हृदये छिदं विनापि तदा काले मेदसदृशग्रन्थिः स्यात् . It will be seen that Somadeva uses symbolic terms of the Tantra, and the process of Nirbījikarana has in view various openings of the body. The Jaina author condemns such Yogic practices. For example, "FUTTAT Farfa 9471:'; 'HITECT * ferata:'; ifras: (i. e.as) इवानात्मनीनवृत्तिः' Book I, pp. 12, 13,41; 'समीक्षासिद्धान्तः (Samkhya dootrine) इव कपिलकुलकान्त'; 'मीमांसेव निरूप्यमाणनियोगभावनादिप्रपश्चा', 'पिटकत्रयपद्धतिरिव योगाचारगोचरा', 'अमरगुरुभारतीव marfactantziar'; 'stofa falta fafaquatiqam' Book V, pp. 170, 246. A marginal note in Ms A explains area as referring to the Yaugas or the followers of the Nyāya-Vaiseşika school, who were generally Saivas. The Vaiseşiku theory of salvation comes in for further criticism in a verse occurring in Book VIII, section 37, wherein it is stated that he who does not admit the existence of kuowledge and other attributes in the emancipated self cannot postulate the existence of the Self at all, because there cannot be a Self without attributes, just as there cannot be fire without heat fanger: afra fayfa 7 por: gerus aifa
en ghraf 89 T CITIEET: E ETTEISTI Yaśastilaka, Vol. II, p. 388. Ms. A explains विमुचि as मुक्तजीवे, and remarks: उष्णत्वं विना यथाग्निर्नास्ति तथा विज्ञानादिगुणान् विना आत्मापि नास्ति। 7 is taken as referring either to Saiva or Kanäda.

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CHAPTER IX SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT
In the preceding chapter we have summarized the doctrines of the various non-Jaina systems recorded or discussed by Somadeva in Yasastilaka; and we may here enumerate the different systems mentioned by the author and bring together some additional information bearing on the character and historical position of certain of these schools of thought. Towards the beginning of Book VI Somadeva mentions the following schools: Saiddhanta Vaiseṣikas, Tārkika Vaiśeşikas, Followers of Kanada; Pasupatas; Kulācāryas;1 Samkhyas, Kapilas; Buddhists mentioned separately as (1) the Disciples of Dasabala, (2) Tāthāgataḥ, and (3) those who preach the doctrine of the Void; Jaiminiyas; Bārhaspatyas or the followers of the Lokayata system; Followers of the Vedanta philosophy mentioned twice as Vedantavādins and Brahmadvaitavadins.
It will be seen that some of the schools of thought are mentioned more than once by way of demonstrating different aspects of the views held by them. In addition to these, Somadeva records Saiva doctrines and the views of those who believed in the efficacy of Vedic sacrifices. The followers of these schools of thought were obviously contemporaries of Somadeva and so prevailed in the tenth century. It is interesting to compare the non-Jaina systems described in Yasastilaka with the non-Buddhist systems recorded in the ancient Tamil Buddhist Kavya Manimekhalai. Chapter XXVII of that work considers ten such systems: (1) the Pramāṇavāda of the Vaidika systems, (2) Saivavada (3) Brahmavada (4) Nārāyaṇiya or Vaiṣṇavavāda (5) Vedavāda (6) Ajivaka (7) Nirgrantha i. e. Jaina (8) Samkhya (9) Vaiseṣika and (10) Bhutavada or the Lokayata system. If we compare the two lists, we shall find that Vaisnavavada is a notable omission in Somadeva's summary, while the latter makes only a passing reference to the Ajivikas without mentioning anything about their doctrines.
It may also be pointed out that Somadeva makes a general reference to the four systems (Samayas) in Yasastilaka, II. 32 and the four systems and the six schools of philosophy (Darśanas) in Book IV. Śrutasagara in his commentary on II. 32 explains the four Samayas as the Jaina, Śaiva, Vaidika,
1 It is not clear why Somadeva connects Trika-mata with the doctrines of the Kulācāryas. The Trika system usually refers to the Kashmir School of S'aivism.
2 Aiyangar: Manimekhalai in its historical setting, p. 189 ff.
3
चत्वार एते सहजाः समुद्रा यथैव लोके ऋतवोऽपि षट् च । चत्वार एते समयास्तथैव षड् दर्शनानीति वदन्ति सन्तः ॥ Vol. II, p. 114.
28

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and Bauddha systems; while in his commentary on Book IV he takes them to mean the Jaina, Jaiminiya, Buddhist and Saiva systems, and explains the six Darśanas as these four plus the Sāṁkhya and Lokāgata systems. It is difficult to say how far this interpretation is correct; but the six Darśanas referred to by Somadeva seem to be identical with the six Tarkas enumerated by Rājasekhara in Kävyamimāṁsā (Chap. 2), viz. the Jaina and Buddhist Darśanas and the Lokāyata forming one group, and the Samkhya, the Nyāya, and the Vaiseșika forming another group. It is probable that this classification of the Darśanas was popular it the tenth century, the age of Rājasekhara and Somadeva. It may be noted in this connection that the Darśanas seem to have been variously classified at different epochs: for example, in Vāyupurana 104. 16 the six Darśanas are stated to be Brāhma. Saiva. Va
iva, Vaisnava, Saura, Sākta, and Arhata i. e, Jaina. Similarly, in Jñānārnavatantra 16. 131-134 we find mentioned the Saivadarśana, Sāktadarśana, Brāhmadarśana, Vaişņavadarśana, Sūryadarśana, and Bauddhadarśana. Certain points relating to some of the systems criticized by Somadeva require further elucidation.
SAIDDHANTA VAIŠEŞİKAS The mention of two distinct schools of Vaiseșika philosophy, Saiddhānta and Tārkika, in Yasastilaka is a noteworthy feature; and, as we have seen, the former school laid stress on the worship of Siva and faith in him, while the latter represented the orthodox school with emphasis on Dharma and the knowledge of the categories. We do not know when the Saiddhānta school came into being, but the followers of this school seem to be the same as the VỊddha Vaiseşikas mentioned by Vidyānanda (9th century) in his Āptaparikṣā, wherein he remarks that they propound the existence of Maheśvara or Siva in reality, just as they believe in the reality of Substances. Qualities, Actions, Generality, Particularity, Inherence etc., that is, the categories recognised by the Vaiseșika system as such. The same work tells us that a certain section of the Vaiseşikas (unlike the orthodox school) postulates the existence of consciousness even in the liberated soul :* it is not the pure and infinite consciousness of the Self recognised by the Sámkhyas, but jñānasakti or intellectual power; and Maheśvara, like the liberated soul,
1 'द्विधा चान्वीक्षिकी पूर्वोत्तरपक्षाभ्याम् । अर्हद्भदन्तदर्शने लोकायतं च पूर्वः पक्षः। सांख्य न्यायवैशेषिको चोत्तरः
ar a: 1 2 ब्रामं शैवं वैष्णवं च सौर शाक्तं तथाईतम् । षड् दर्शनानि चोक्तानि स्वभावनियतानि च ॥ 3 'यथैव हि महेश्वरस्य स्वरूपतः सत्त्वं वृद्धवैशेषिकैरिष्यते तथा पृथिव्यादिद्रव्याणां रूपादिगुणानासुत्क्षेपणादिकर्मणां
ara h TAI THIQIT, ga' (under verses 59-76). 4 'शानशक्तिस्तु निःकर्मणोऽपि कस्यचिन्न विरुध्यते चेतनात्मवादिभिः कैश्चिदैशेषिकसिद्धान्तमभ्युपगच्छद्भिर्मुक्तात्मभ्यपि
#ar: q ara' (under verse 11). 5 The orthodox Vaiseșika view of salvation is of course far different. See preceding
Chapter,

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possesses this power, although he is incorporeal and untouched by Karmas. This school of Vaisesikas which holds that the soul is ever conscious and has the power of knowledge even in the state of liberation, and seems also to believe in Siva, might be allied to the Saiddhānta Vaiśeşikas mentioned by Somadeva.
Gunaratna tells us in his commentary on Saddarsanasamuccaya (Chap. 2) that the Naiyāyikas are Saivas and the Vaiseșikas are Pāśupatas. The Pāśupatas were a Saiva sect, but it is impossible to rely on Gunaratna's statement for the purpose of determining the religious affiliation of the Vaiseșika centuries earlier than his time. Somadeva's reference to the Tārkika Vaišeşikas shows that there were adherents of the system who were not worshippers of Siva or Pasupati. Among the medieval exponents of the Vaiseșika system Vyomaśiva and Udayana were Saivas; while Sridhara pays homage to Brahma, Vişņu and Siva separately or conjointly in the opening verses of the different sections of his Nyāyakandali. Apart from the personal beliefs of individual thinkers, Vyomasiva distinctly says in his commentary on the Prasastapāda Bhāşya in the section on Viparyaya (P. 543) that the Supreme Siva is different from the worldly souls, and His worship leads to beatitude: this, he says, is the salutary teaching of the Vaiseşikas.' It would thus appear that the views of Vyomasiva were closely allied to those of the Saiddhānta Vaisesikas, who held that faith in Siva was an essential means to final release. Further, while commenting upon the opening verse of the Prasastapāda Bhāsya, Vyomasiva, unlike Udayana and Sridhara, explains the term Isvara in the phrase pranamya hetumisvaram as Maheśvara, that is, Siva. Considering the devotion to Śiva evinced by Vyomaśiva in bis commentary, it will not be wrong to associate him with the Saiddhānta school of Vaiseşika philosophers. As regards the term Mahesvara, it occurs even in the Prasastapāda Bhāşya, but here it means the Supreme Lord or the great God who initiates the process of creation. Udayana, for example,
śvara as mahān isvarah in the relevant section of his commentary on the Bhāşya, and takes it to mean Parameśvara."
1 'चेतना च ज्ञानशक्तिरेव न पुनस्तद्वयतिरिक्तचिच्छक्तिरपरिणामिन्यप्रतिसंक्रमादर्शितविषया शुद्धा चानन्ता च यथा
कापिलैरुपवर्ण्यते तस्याः प्रमाणविरोधात् । तथा च महेश्वरस्य कर्मभिरस्पृष्टस्यापि झानशक्तिरशरीरस्यापि च मुक्तात्मन
इव प्रसिद्धा ।' 2 'यदि वा संसार्यात्मनां नानात्वं परमशिवश्चैतेभ्यो भिन्नस्तदाराधनाचापदादेः श्रेयो भवतीत्येवं हितमुपदिशत्सु वैशेषिकेषु
अहितमिति शानं विपर्ययः।। 3 "ईश्वरशब्दश्च अन्यत्र वर्तमानोऽपि ज्ञानप्रस्तावात् महेश्वर एव वर्तते । 'शंकरात् शानमन्विच्छेत्' इति वचनात् ।" 4 32 PT CAT SFF TOUTTARZY: 1 # 99: are a stat Herfst:" P. 91. qaraga
q orfafga: qfi fara afya' P. 97.

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BUDDHISTS The Buddhist doctrines of salvation mentioned by Somadeva have
explained in the preceding chapter with reference to ancient texts, but it is more likely that Somadeva derived his information from later works prevalent in his time. He says, for instance, 'nairātmyādi-nivedita-sambhāvanāto bhāvandtah' which seems to refer to what is called Nairātmya-bhāvanā in later Buddhist texts. Sāntarakṣita, for example, who belongs to the eighth century, deals fully with the doctrine of Nairātmya in Tattvasaņgraha (vv. 3488 ff). He tells us that the notions of 'I' and 'mine', known as sattvadrati, are the source of endless suffering, and the only antidote against sattvadrsti is the realisation of Nairātmya (non-existence of the Self); suffering ceases when the conception of I' and 'mine' ceases to exist, and when suffering ends there is no more birth. Final release is the outcome of absolute freedom from rebirth, and the realisation of Nairātmya is the peerless
eway to the supreme beatitude. Because, liberation takes place only when egoism comes to an end; and egoism never comes to an end so long as one believes in a Self.
śāntarakṣita declares that the Buddha is omniscient, because it is he who for the first time propounded the doctrine of Nairātmya, and that is also why he is supreme among the founders of religious systems. Mere realisation of Nairātmya. however, does not lead desired goal. What is essential is fervent and constant contemplation (Bhāvanā), ranging over a long period, in the course of which the knowledge of all objects flashes across the mind: it is all-comprehensive Nairātmyabhāvanā of this type that is cultivated by the kind-hearted devotee who desires to do good to the world. For we are told that there are two hindrances to the realisation of the truth, klešāvara and iñeyāvarana: the first is nothing but the klesas (lust, hatred and delusion) that obstruct the vision of the truth, and the second consists in the inability to recognise and comprehend the nature of the true and the false. Direct realisation of Nairātmya does away with klesāvarana, but jñeyāvarana cannot be got rid of without fervent, constant and prolonged cultivation of the principle of Nairātmya. The Bhāvanā is practised by some in anxiety for their own release from the sufferings of the world and
1 आत्मात्मीयदृगाकारसत्त्वदृष्टिः प्रवर्तते । अहं ममेति माने च केशोऽशेषः प्रवर्तते ॥ सत्त्वदृक् प्रत्यनीकं च तन्नराम्यनि
दर्शनम् । अभ्यासात् सात्म्यमायाते तस्मिन् सा विनिवर्तते ॥ तन्मूलक्लेशराशिश्च हेत्वभावात् प्रहीयते। तमिन्नसति तद्धेतुर्न पुनर्जायते भवः ॥ तदत्यन्तविनिमुक्तरपवर्गश्च कीर्त्यते । अद्वितीयशिवद्वारमतो नराम्यदर्शनम् ।। सर्वेषामपि तीर्थ्यानामह द्वारनिवर्तनात् । मुक्तिरिष्टात्मसत्त्वे च नाहकारो निवर्तते ॥ 2 1.1.1 gram
Haralegalimai ana ferat af AT: 11 V, 3340.

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the cycle of births; while others, philanthropic by nature, are moved to pity by the miseries of the world, and without taking thought of their own interest, consider all worldly beings as their own selves and strive for the salvation of all: kindness is the motive which prompts such men to betake themselves to Nairātmya-bhāvanā. All this will be clear from the following extracts from the commentary of Kamalasila on Tattvasaṁgraha :
या सादरनैरन्तर्यदीर्घकालविशेषणा भावना सा करतलायमानग्राह्यावभासमानशानफला तद्यथा कामातुरस्य कामिनीभावना... सर्वाकारसर्वमतनैरात्म्यभावना कारुणिकस्येति खभावहेतुः । (v. 3339) क्लेशज्ञेयावरणप्रहाणतो हि सर्वज्ञत्वम्, तत्र क्लेशा एव रागादयो भूतदशेनप्रतिबन्धभावात् क्लेशावरणमुच्यन्ते । दृष्टस्यापि हेयोपादेयतत्त्वस्य यत् साकारापरिज्ञानं प्रतिपादनासामर्थ्य च ज्ञेयावरणम् । तत्र क्लेशावरणस्य नैरात्म्यप्रत्यक्षीकरणात् प्रहाणिः। ज्ञेयावरणस्य तु तस्यैव नैरात्म्यदर्शनस्य सादरनिरन्तरदीर्घकालाभ्यासात् ।..........ये तावज्जात्याविदुःखोत्पीडितमानसाः संसारादुत्त्रस्तमनसस्तदुपशममात्मनः प्रार्थयन्ते, तेषां ...... संसाराद्भयमेव नैरात्म्यभावनार्थित्वनिमित्तम् । ये तु गोत्रविशेषात् प्रकृत्यैव परहितकरणैकाभिरामाः संस्कारादिदुःखत्रितयपरिपीडितं जगदवेक्ष्य कृपापरतबतया तदुःखदुःखिनः खात्मनि व्यपेक्षामपास्य सकलानेव संसारिण आत्मत्वेनाभ्युपगतास्तत्परित्राणाय प्रणिदधते तेषां करुणैव भावनाप्रवृत्तिनिमित्तम् । (v. 3339)
Among non-Buddhist writers earlier than Somadeva, Jayanta gives a clear and succint aocount of the theory of Nairātmya as part of the Buddhist argument in Nyāyamañjari (chap. 7), and his remarks may be compared with the statements of śāntarakṣita reproduced above and the views cited by Somadeva in Yasastilaka, Book V.' Jayanta says:
तस्मादुत्सृज्यतामेष मूर्धाभिषिक्तः प्रथमो मोह आत्मत्रहो नाम । तन्निवृत्त्या चात्मीयग्रहोऽपि विरंस्यति अहमेव न किं ममेति । तदिदमहंकारममकारप्रन्थिप्रहाणेन नैरात्म्यदर्शनमेव निर्वाणद्वारमालम्ब्यताम् । तस्य स मार्गः क्षणिकपदार्थनिश्चयः । क्षणिकेषु हि सर्वभावेषु निराश्रयेषु ज्ञानस्याप्याश्रय विरहात् कुतस्त्यमात्मकल्पनमिति ।
Somadeva, as we have seen, criticizes the Buddhist doctrine of Bhāvanā in Yaśastilaka VI. 1. An earlier criticism of the doctrine is that of Vidyānanda in Tattvārtha-sloka-vārtika 1.71:
भावनाप्रकर्षपर्यन्तस्तत्सियुपाय इति चेत् न, भावनाया विकल्पात्मक वेनातत्त्वविषयायाः प्रकर्षपर्यन्तप्राप्तायास्तत्त्वज्ञानवैतृष्ण्यखभावोदयविरोधात् । न हि सा श्रुतमयी तत्त्वविषया श्रुतस्य प्रमाणत्वानुषंगात् । ... सर्वथा भावनायास्तत्त्वविषयत्वायोगात् । तत्त्वप्रापकत्वाद्वस्तुविषयत्वमिति चेत् , कथमवस्त्वालंबना सा वस्तुनः प्रापिका।
Somadeva gives the following definition of the Buddhist view of salvation in Yasastilaka VI. 1: nirāśraya-cittotpatti-laksano mokṣaḥ and quotes the two verses ending with klesa-kṣayāt kevalam eti sāntim.? The medieval interpretation of this is found in Vādideva Sūri's Pramāna-nayam tattvalokālarnkāra 2. 26:
___ सौगतास्तु केचिन्निराश्रयचित्तसंतानोत्पत्तिर्मोक्ष इत्याचक्षते । तत्राविद्यातृष्णारहितं चित्तं निराश्रयमित्यभिधीयते । अविद्या रागद्वेषाभिलाषः । तृष्णा तु भाविभोगाभिलाषः ।
1 Soe preceding Chapter.

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It will be seen that niräsraya is explained as free from avidyā (lust and hatred) and trsna (craving); and the emergence of a stream of consciousness free from these impurities is described as Mokşa. This is similar to the ancient teaching that Nirvāṇa is nothing but the end of klesas (lust, hatred and delusion).
In Yasastilaka, Book V, Somadeva gives another definition of the Buddhist view of salvation. Mokşa is here described as Nirodha consisting in the emergence of a state of mind free from the āšravas following the destruction of the notion of the Self. Aśrava is an irregular Buddhist Ganskrit form of the Pāli Asava, there being four āsavas : kamāsava, bhavāsava, ditthāsava and avijjāsava (sensuality, lust for life, speculation and ignorance)." Freedom from the Aśravas, which are generally taken to mean the cravings that produce an intoxicating effect on the mind, constitutes the the Buddhist ideal of salvation, known also as Nirodha or cessation, Haribhadra says in Saddarsana-samuccaya (verse 7) that nirodha is mokșa ; and Gunaratna in his commentary thereon explains it as a men from the klesas, that is, lust, hatred and delusion. We thus come back to the old conception of the destruction of the kles'as; and it is obvious that the two definitions of the Buddhist view of salvation given by Somadeva do not materially differ from each other.
In Buddhist literature, Nirvāṇa is defined as Nirodha (cessation) in Milindapañha III. 6. It is said that inasmuch as the wise man neither takes pleasure in the senses and in the objects of sense nor continues cleaving to them. "in him craving ceases, and by the cessation of craving grasping ceases, and by the cessation of grasping becoming ceases, and when becoming has ceased birth ceases, and with its cessation old age and death, grief, lamentation, pain, sorrow and despair cease to exist." In this way the cessation of all that aggregation of pain is brought about. "Thus is it that cessation is Nirvāņa." The end of cravings, the absence of passion, Nirodha and Nirvāṇa are mentioned together,
1 'Padam KH Artsafastarf Gut Altereta 189: F OTOTAUT: /' Yaśastilaka,
Vol. II p. 252. This is followed by the verse Ta CHIETT: Tufa Artzaz:1 Ferrara
ज्जन्तुः प्रशाम्यति निरन्वयः॥ See preceding Chapter. 2 See Rhys Davids: Pali-English Dictionary under ăsava.. cf. fat: toiterary Divyāvadā
na, p. 542. 3 'तस्स तं अनभिनन्दतो अनभिवदतो अनज्झोसाय तितो.तण्हा निरुज्झति, तण्हानिरोधा उपादाननिरोधो, उपादाननिरोधा
भवनिरोधो, भवनिरोधा जातिनिरोधो, जातिनिरोधा जरामरणसोकपरिदेवदुक्खदोमनस्सुपायासा निरुज्शन्ति । एवमेतस्स 2777TEFTAM Chai gj ET HERE A Paritat i See also The Questions of
King Milinda, p. 106. Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXXV.
4 MIATT ATT A R I' Ibid. IV, 8, 90.

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There seem to have been at least two conceptions of Buddhist salvation current in the medieval period. The first is the emergence of a stream of consciousness free from all impurities, and corresponds to the view recorded by Somadeva. Kamalasila says in his commentary on Tattavasamgraha (verse 151) that the practice of Yoga brings about the disappearance of Avidya followed by the rise of an undefiled stream of consciousness leading to Apavarga or final release:
223
तस्याश्चाविद्याया योगाभ्यासादसमर्थतरतम क्षणोत्पादक्रमेण व्यपगमात् परिशुद्धज्ञानसन्तानोदयादपवर्गप्राप्तिरित्यतो बन्धमोक्षव्यवस्था युक्तिमती ।
This view is recorded also by Vyomasiva in the introduction to his commentary on the Prasastapāda Bhāṣya, wherein he says that, according to some, the supreme beatitude consists in consciousness, free from the passions, emerging as a result of meditation on Nairatmya and the momentary character of things:
अन्ये तु अस्थिरादिभावनावशात् रागादिवियुक्तज्ञानोत्पत्तिः निःश्रेयसमिति मन्यन्ते । तथाहि सर्व क्षणिकमिति भावयतो विषयेषु आसक्तिर्व्यावर्तते " ... । तथा सर्व निरात्मकमिति भावनायां नाहं परः न ममायमिति परिग्रहद्वेषाभावे भवत्येव विशुद्धचित्तसंतानोत्पत्तिरिति ।
The second view of Buddhist salvation prevalent in the medieval period, although not recorded by Somadeva, is that Mokşa is nothing but the complete annihilation of the stream of consciousness, comparable to the going out of a lamp. Vadideva Sūri (op. cit.) mentions this view as that of a certain section of Buddhists along with the former doctrine. He says: अपरे पुनः प्रदीप निर्वाणवत् सर्वथा चित्तसन्तानोच्छेदो मोक्ष इति संगिरन्ते ।
Vyomaśiva (op. cit. ) explains it along with the other view :
तथा च पार्थस्य प्रतिषेधात् सर्वं शून्यमिति च । एवं हि दुःखस्य समुदयनिरोधमार्गेषु विशिष्टज्ञानं निःश्रेयसकारणमिति । तथाहि दुःखं रूपादिस्कन्धपञ्चकं तस्य समुदयः कारणम् ।... तयोर्निरोधो विनाशः तस्योपायो मार्गः इत्येषु विशिष्टज्ञानवशात् शुद्धचित्तसंतानतदुच्छेदो वा निःश्रेयसमिति युक्तम् ।
The opinion is recorded also by Bhaskara in his Brahmasūtra Bhāsya 2. 2. 18 :
ग्राह्यग्राहकाकारविमुक्ता संवित्संततिर्निर्वातस्थप्रदीपवदासंस्कारक्षयात् क्षणपरंपरयावतिष्ठते । संस्कारक्षये सा प्रदीपवदेव निर्वाणमृच्छति । सेयमभावप्राप्तिरपवर्ग इति मन्यन्ते । अपरे तु सन्तत्यविच्छेदमिच्छन्ति ।
Siddharşi ( Upamiti-bhava-prapañcā kathā, Book IV) and Guņaratna (comm. on Saddarśana-samuccaya, v. 11 ) attribute the doctrine in question to the Sautrantika school of Buddhism:
सौत्रान्तिकमतं पुनरिदम् । रूपवेदनाविज्ञानसंज्ञासंस्काराः सर्वशरीरिणामेते पञ्च स्कन्धा विद्यन्ते । न पुनरात्मा । तएव हि परलोकगामिनः । तथा क्षणिकाः सर्वे संस्काराः सन्तानोच्छेदो मोक्ष इति ।
Both the views are mentioned together by Jayanta in Nyayamañjari (chap. 9):

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Aaioniqqeredznqadi z dina: 1 acacg-daftefta awi an amazafaz u
VEDANTISTS
The school of Vedanta prevalent in Somadeva's time was the Advaita school; and he records the views of the Vedantavadins or the Brahmadvaitavadins. He refers to Samkarācārya, asserting that the Buddha's doctrine was imitated by the latter'. The allegation that the great philosopher was a Buddhist in disguise seems to have been widely current by the middle of the tenth century. Somadeva appears to have been acquainted with the writings of the school of Samkara; and his statement of the ultimate goal according to the Brahmadvaitavadins runs thus : 'यथा घटविघटने घटाकाशमाकाशीभवति तथा देहोच्छेदात् सर्वः प्राणी परे ब्रह्मणि लीयते । This reminds one of the following verses of Samkara's Sarva-vedanta-siddhantasärasamgraha:
serer area महाकाशो यथा तथा । उपाध्यभावे स्वात्मैष स्वयं ब्रह्मैव केवलम् ॥ 695 यत्र यत्र मृतो ज्ञानी परमाक्षरवित् सदा । परे ब्रह्मणि लीयेत न तस्योत्क्रान्तिरिष्यते ॥ 1000. Sureśvarācārya says in his Naiskarmyasiddhi II. 68:
arr विशुद्ध आकाशे सहसैवाभ्रमण्डलम् । भूत्वा विलीयते तद्वदात्मनीहाखिलं जगत् ॥ The doctrine of the Vedanta recorded by Somadeva is summed up also in the following verse quoted in the Matharavṛtti on Sāṁkhyakārikā (39):
देहे मोहाश्रये भने युक्तः स परमात्मनि । कुम्भाकाश इवाकाशे लभते चैकरूपताम् ॥
SAIVAS
An interesting feature of Somadeva's treatment of Saiva doctrines is the light thrown by it on the controversy between the Saivas and the Jainas on the subject of omniscience and creation. The first is claimed by the Saivas for Śiva or Maheśvara, while it is reserved by the Jainas for their Arhat; and as for creation, attributed by the Saivas to Śiva, it is altogether denied by the other sect. The roots of this controversy go to earlier times, and that it is older than the middle of the tenth century is certain. Vidyananda who belongs to the ninth century tries to refute S'amkara-mata, Śaiva doctrine, in his Āptaparikṣā3, and rejects the claim of Mahesvara to be regarded as the creator of the universe and the omniscient author of a system teaching the way to salvation (mokṣa-marga). It will be out of place to analyse his argument; but in dealing with this topic Vidyānanda and Somadeva supplement each other and record valuble information on the
1 ' द्वैताद्वैताश्रयः शाक्यः शंकरानुकृतागमः' VI. 2. Vol, II, p. 276.
2 See preceding Chapter.
3 'सांप्रतं शंकरमतमाशंक्य दूषयन्नाह' etc.

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225 subject. Vidyānanda's views are partially referred to by Anantavirya in his commentary on Māņikyanandi's Parikşamukhasūtra (Pratyakşoadeśa); and it may be pointed out that most of our knowledge of the Saiva-Jaina controversy is derived from Jaina works.
The background of the controversy between the Saivas and the Jainas mentioned above is provided by Kumārila's well-known attack on the conception of an Omniscient Being; and the questions involved are part of a larger issue which brought several schools of thought into the arena of philosophical controversy. Kunlārila regarded omniscience as something impossible; and instead of positing an omniscient author of the Vedas, he maintained that they were eternal and not the composition of a personal author. Kumārila's views may be studied in Slokavārtika (Codanāsūtra) and specially in the verses quoted from him by śāntarakṣita in the last section of Tattvasargraha, many of them being not found in the extant S'lokavārtika, It is important to note that Kumārila in the course of his argument insisted on the absurdity of the Buddhist and Jaina notions that the Buddha and the Arhat respectively were Omniscient Beings. The Buddhist reply to this is elaborately given by Santaraksita in Tattvasaņgraha; and the earliest Jaina reply to Kumārila is probably that of Akalaṁka (8th century) in his Nyāyaviniscaya (chap. 3). Kumārila, for example, had written in S'lokavārtika (2. 141, 142):
एवं यः केवलं ज्ञानमिन्द्रियाद्यनपेक्षिणः। सूक्ष्मातीतादिविषयं जीवस्य परिकल्पितम् ॥
नर्ते तदागमात् सिध्येन च तेनागमो विना । दृष्टान्तोऽपि न तमान्यो नृषु कश्चित् प्रवर्तते ॥ Akalamka replied to this as follows in Nyāyaviniscaya (vv. 412, 413):
एवं यत् केवलज्ञानमनुमानविजृम्भितम् । नर्ते तदागमात् सिध्येन च तेन विनागमः ॥
सत्यमर्थबलादेव पुरुषातिशयो मतः । प्रभवः पौरुषेयोऽस्य प्रबन्धोऽनादिरिष्यते ॥ Not only Akalamka but other Jaina scholars have tried to refute Kumārila's views, and this explains the large number of quotations from Kumārila. found in later Jaina philosophical literature, e. g., in Vidyānanda's Aptapariksä, Aştasahasri and Tattvärtha-sloka-vārtika (under sūtra 1. 29). Abhavadeva's commentary on Sammatitarka, Nyāya-kumuda-candra and other works. The bitterness of the Jainas against the MimäTM attacking their fundamental doctrine of the Omniscient Being is shown in Siddharsi's Upamiti-bhava-prapañcă-katha (chap. 4), which declares that the Mimämsä is not a philosophical system at all; and after enumerating six non-Jaina systems including the Mimāṁsā, Siddharsi excludes the latter from the field of speculative thought, although he finds room for the materialistic
1 'यच महेश्वरस्य केशादिभिरपरामृष्टत्व निरतिशयत्वमैश्वर्याधुपेतत्वं तत् सर्वमपि गगनाब्जसौरभव्यावर्णनमिव निविषयवा
दुपेक्षामहति ।
29

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Lokāgata system. There is no trace of any such bitterness against the Mimāṁsā in Somadeva's Yas'astilaka, as we find here the Saivas replacing the Mimāṁsakas as adversaries of Jaina doctrines.
The controversy about omniscience was further complicated by the Naiyāyikas entering the lists in defence of the doctrine. Like the Buddhists and the Jainas, they upheld the theory of omniscience as against the Mimāṁsakas; and we find, for instance, Jayanta quoting and criticising Kumārila's views in his Nyāyamañjari (chap. 2) and establishing the theory that the adepts in Yoga possess the unhampered faculty of pure and universal knowledge. The Naiyāyikas, however, declare God to be the omniscient creator of the universe and the author of the Vedas. Vātsyāyana, indeed, attributes the authorship of the Vedas to trustworthy persons' (Aptāḥ) in his Bhāșya on Nyāyasūtras 2, 1. 68, and does not say that God is their author. Uddyotakara in his Nyāyavārtika calls the author of the Vedas a superior individual (Puruşa-višeşa), which might mean God, this being the designation applied to God in Yogasutras 1. 24. The later exponents of the Nyāya system, Jayanta, Vācaspati and Udayana, however, maintain that the omniscient God is the creator of the universe as well as the author of the Vedas. Jayanta, for example, says in his Nyāyamañjari (chap. 4):
mal aga parafernalinga formatars: 1
विश्वात्मना तदुपदेशपराः प्रणीतास्तेनैव वेदरचना इति युक्तमेतत् ॥
The Mimāṁsā objections to the Nyāya conception of an omniscient Creator are fully stated in Mandana's Vidhiviveka (P.210 ff.): A later writer Sālikānātha, an authoritative exponent of the Prābhākara school of Mimāṁsā, tries to refute the theory of the omniscience of God in Prakaranapañcikā (chap. 7). He argues that it is the cycle of tradition (vrddha-paramparā), without any beginning, that fixes the meaning of words and not the significance supposed to be attached to them by God at the beginning of creation. Further, the idea of personal authorship is not compatible with the authoritative character of the Veda which deals with supernormal things. Sālikānātha probably belongs to the tenth century, but in this century the position of the Nyāya-vaiseșika school was so strong that
1 अर्वाकालिकमेतद्धि मीमांसकपुर मतम् । तेन दर्शनसंख्यायामेतलोकैर्न गण्यते । 2 तदेवं क्षीणदोषाणां ध्यानावहितचेतसाम् । निर्मलं सर्वविषयं ज्ञानं भवति योगिनाम् ।। 3 Cf. Handiqui: Naişadhacarita, Appendix I, p. 505. 4 'न चेश्वरस्य सर्वज्ञानमपि सिध्यति शानहेत्वभावेन ज्ञानाभावनिश्चयात् । तेनानादिरेव वृद्धपरम्परा शब्दार्थावगमे हेतुर्म
सृष्टयादावीश्वरकृतः सङ्केतः। ........."एवं पुरुषस्य धर्मप्रतीति प्रति शब्दमन्तरेणोपायाभावान्न, पौरुषेयत्वे वेदस्यापूर्वात्मके
वेदार्थे प्रामाण्योपपत्तिरित्यपौरुषेयत्वाश्रयणम् ।' 5 G, N, Kaviraja: Introduction to Kusumāñjalibodhani (Sarasvati Bhavana Texle).

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Mimāînsã theories were not likely to wield any great influence. Be that as it may, having established the existence of an Omniscient Being, the Naiyāyikas turn against the Buddhists and the Jainas, and deny that the Buddha or the Arhat can ever be called omniscient; and their attitude, on the whole, is one of hostility towards the non-Brahmanical systems, Váoaspati says in his Nyāyavārtika-tātparya-tīkā that Buddha and Rşabha are known to be the authors of the Buddhist and Jaina scriptures respectively; but as they are not the creators of the universe, like God, how can they be regarded as omniscient?In his commentary on the Yogasūtra Bhāsya also (1. 24, 25) he rejects the claims of the founders of systems like the Buddha, the Arhat, Kapila and others to be regarded as omniscient beings. Further, the Naiyāyikas just mentioned give a new turn to the old Nyaya theory that the Vedas are authoritative, because they are the utterances of a trustworthy person (Apta); and argue therefrom that the Vedas are the utterances of a Trustworthy Being, because they are accepted by the majority of the people (mahājana), and what is not declared by a Trustworthy Being is not accepted by the majority of the people. This is exactly what Udayana says in the Kiranavali commentary on the Prasastapāda Bhāşya. Jayanta also says that it is possible to speak of anything as being declared by a Trustworthy Being (Apta) only when it is well-known among and accepted by the majority of the people. He explains Mabājana i. e. the great mass or the majority as those who follow the Varņāśrama order prevalent in the Aryan country, that is, the Vedic order of society founded on the division of castes and the stages of life, and makes a distinction between Mahājana and Vịnda, the group or the minority, such as the Buddhists. The latter might claim their vinda to be the mahājana in order to establish the authoritative character of their scriptures, but it is not possible to raise a minority (Vịnda) to the status of a majority (Mahājana), and the latter always avoids and never approves any scriptures that are opposed to the Vedas.* Jayanta therefore concludes that scriptures other than the Vedas cannot be regarded as being composed by a trustworthy individual, because they lack support among the large mass of the people,
1 'तत्र शाक्याद्यागमानां बुद्धर्षभादयः प्रणेतार इति स्फुटतरमस्ति स्मरणं न तूक्कलक्षण ईश्वरस्तेषां कर्जेति। न चैते
शौद्धोदनिप्रभृतयः तनुभुवनादीनां कर्तारो येन सर्वशा इति निश्चीयेरन् ।' 2 'आप्तोक्ता वेदाः महाजनपरिगृहीतत्वात् । यत् पुनर्नाप्तोत्तं न तत् महाजनपरिगृहीतम्। 3 HEI G T Rafa yaratiro wala 172 Nyāyamañjarī, Book IV. 4 'बौद्धादयो बुद्धादीनाप्तान् स्वागमप्रामाण्यसिद्धये वदन्ति ते महाजनमपि निजं तत्सिद्धये वृन्दादिकं वदेयुरेव कस्तत्र
प्रतीकारः, उच्यते, चातुर्वर्ण्य चातुराश्रम्यं च यदेतदार्यदेशप्रसिद्धं स महाजने उच्यते.........."चातुर्वर्ण्यचातुराश्रम्य. रूपश्चष महाजनो वेदप्रथमप्रवृत्तः.........."अत एव न निजो महाजन उत्थापयितुं शक्यते वृन्दकादिः किं त्वयमेव
चातुर्वर्ण्यादिमहाजन स चैष महाजनो वेदविरुद्धमागम परिहरत्येव नानुमोदते' Ibid. 5 'अत एवंविधाया महाजनप्रसिद्धरागमान्तरेवदर्शनान्न तेषामासप्रणीतत्वम् ।'

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Similarly, Vacaspati in his Tātparyaţika, makes a sharp distinction between the Vedas and the scriptures of the Buddhists, the Digambara Jainas and others, and observes that no scriptures other than the Vedas are accepted by the majority of the people and mentioned as being composed by God. The Vedas alone, composed by God as they are, maintain the entire social order and provide instruction in the means to attain the good and shun the evil. On the contrary, the teachings of the Buddha and others do not uphold the social order, nor are they accepted by the great mass of the people. Owing to this general reproach, they are followed only by a few barbarians, vilest among men and just like animals, and hence it is impossible to regard such teachings as being propounded by any trustworthy individual."
It will be seen that the arguments of the Naiyāyikas are not only directed against the non-Brahmanical systems as such but against the Jaina conception of the Arhat as the omniscient and trustworthy guide. They seem to put forward a rival Apta theory to discredit that of the Jainas, and thus reinforce the Saivas in their attack on the fundamental Jaina omniscient Arhat. It is difficult to determine the chronological relations of the Saivas and the Naiyāyikas, but they might represent a parallel Inovement: Vācaspati and Jayanta belong to the ninth century and Udayana to the tenth, and we have seen that the Saiva-Jaina controversy recorded by Vidyānanda and Somadera falls in the same period. Further, as Haribhadra tells us in Saddarsanasanuccaya, the Naiyãyikas were generally Saivas; and we know, in fact, that the leading Nyāya-Vaiseșika philosophers of the period of revival, Bhāsarvajña, Jayanta, Udayana, and Vyomasiva were all Saivas. It is also noteworthy that the Naiyāyikas often identify God (Isvara) with Siva or Maheśvara. Jayanta does so in Nyāyamañjari (chap. 3);? while Bhāsarvajña says in Nyāyasāra that salvation is the outcome of the vision of Siva. The verse sarvajñatā trptiranadibodhaḥ......sadāhurangāni Mahesvarasya cited by the Saivas to illustrate the greatness of Siva is quoted by Udayana in Nyāyakusumañjali (Book V) in support of the argument for the existence of God; and Udayana's own lines at the end of Book I
देवोऽसौ विरतप्रपञ्चरचनाकल्लोलकोलाहलः । साक्षात् साक्षितया मनस्यभिरतिं बधातु शान्तो मम ॥
'न चान्य आगमो लोकयात्रामुद्वहन् महाजनपरिगृहीत ईश्वरप्रणीततया स्मर्यमाणो दृश्यते ।.."वेदा एव सकललोकयात्रामुद्हन्तो हिताहितप्राप्तिपरिहारोपायमुपदिशन्त ईश्वरप्रणीता इत्यवगच्छामः ।............."बुद्धादिवाक्यानि तु न लोकयात्रामुदहन्ति । न च तत्र लौकिकानामविगानं......."तस्माद्विगानात् कैश्विदेव म्लेच्छादिभिर्मनुष्यापसदैः पशुप्रायः
RHETC #quattrica Fa:' 2. 1. 68. 2 'रागादयः कथं ते स्युनित्यानन्दात्मके शिवे'; 'यस्वेच्छयैव भुवनानि समुद्भवन्ति, तिष्ठन्ति यान्ति च पुनर्विलयं युगान्ते। 19THART, F
e 7: fara li' etc. 3 'fatearater Efa.

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may be compared with some of the doctrinal verses of the Saivu school quoted in the preceding chapter. The identity of Siva with īśvara seems to have been an accepted fact; and as late as the twelfth century Vādideva Sūri freely uses the term Siva and its equivalents in his detailed criticism of the Nyāya conception of God in Pramāna-naya-tattvälokālaṁkāra 2. 26. But in spite of the affinities between the Saivas and the Nyāya school, the former
an independent system with doctrines of their own; and while the Nyāya school maintained that God was the author of the Vedas, the Saivas attributed their Šāstras to the omniscient Siva, and claimed that the Vedas, too, were created by him. It is noteworthy that the iśānasivagurudevapaddhati (Kriyāpāda, chap. I) quotes various Saiva texts to prove that Siva is not only the author of the Saiva Agamas but of the Vedas. The claim was not probably repugnant to the Naiyāyikas who were, generally speaking, Saivas; and the interconnection of the two schools accounts for the fact that the išānasivagurudevapaddhati (op. cit.) quotes a well-known verse of Jayanta's Nyāyamañjari,' declaring Parameśvara (God) to be the author of the Vedas, in support of the Saiva claim that Siva was their author.
SĀÅKBYAS We have reproduced Somadeva's criticism of Sāmkhya doctrines in the preceding chapter, and may here cite another criticism of Sāṁkhya views by a Jaina writer, Devasena, a senior contemporary of Somadeva, who wrote his Darsanasura at Dhārā in 933 A. D.' He says in his Bhāvasañgraha that according to the Sāṁkhya system, Prakrti does everything and the Self is subject to neither virtue nor sin : this is a negation of moral responsibility and leads to vice and corruption. The Sāṁkhyas, according to Devasena, are addicted to worldly pleasures, consummate drunkards, and devoid of compassion for living creatures; they are given to stealing, reject virtue, and indulge in evil practices.
जीवो सया भकत्ता भुत्ता बहु होइ पुण्णपावस्स । इय पयडिऊण लोए गहिया वहिणी सधूया वि ॥ ७९ ॥ एए विसयासत्ता कग्गुम्मत्ता य जीवदयरहिया । परतियधणहरणरया अगहियधम्मा दुरायारा ॥ १८ ॥
With this view of Sāmkhya philosophy may be compared that of Asuri in the episode of Caņdakarman in Yasastilaka towards the end of Book
1 E.S., 37 PTU- JA TË I segrai ta: car fi afar 14 YT 11" X X X
स्वायम्भुवे-"पुनः खच्छावतारेषु तत्रं पाशुपतं तथा । वाकुलं सोमतत्रं च जगाद परमेश्वरः॥xx x तस्मादत्यन्तमाप्तेन शिवेन श्रुतयोऽखिलाः। प्रणीताः सर्वकडेति प्रमाणं जायते सताम् ॥" x x x तद्यथा-"ब्रह्मा भूत्वा जगत् सर्व
सदेवासुरमानुषम् । यत् सृजत्यम्बुमध्यस्थं तले ब्रह्मात्मने नमः" इति । एतस्मादपि वेदानां वक्ता ज्ञेयो महेश्वरः ॥६१॥ 2 747 3 ard-ach you al afet ATERIATE: Ifa ag for forfarge: Y TT: 1/" Nyāya.
mañjari, Chap. III,
3 See Introduction to 7495 : p. 12 Månikacandra Jaina Granthamālā).

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V. The evidence of Devasena and Somadeva points to the fact that there may have been some degeneration in the moral tone of the Samkhyas in their time, but the ethical ideal of the Samkhya school is manifest from the conception of the Sattvika from of Buddhi, as propounded in Samkhyakärikā (23). As regards the charge that the Samkhyas are devoid of compassion for living creatures, it is belied by their view that animal slaughter in Vedic sacrifices is productive of sin, a point elaborated in the Matharavṛtti. It is noteworthy that the Jaina Gunaratna Sūri tells us in his commentary on Haribhadra's Saddarsanasamuccaya (chap. 3) that the Samkhyas are spiritualists averse to the Vedic cult involving killing of animals, and he mentions in this connection certain devices adopted by them to avoid injury to living creatures, similar to those used by the Jaina monks. Somadeva, on the other hand, classes the Samkhyas with the Buddhists, the Cārvākas, and the adherents of the Vedic, Śaiva, and medical systems, and advises people to abstain from flesh-eating by rejecting the views of all these schools (Yasastilaka VII. 24. Vol. II, p. 331):
तच्छाक्यसांख्यचार्वाकवेदवैद्यकपर्दिनाम् । मतं विहाय हातव्यं मांसं श्रेयोऽर्थिभिः सदा ॥
Obviously the systems mentioned above permitted the eating of animal food; and the Samkhya attitude towards flesh-eating may have been similar to that of the Buddhists, in spite of the repugnance to the slaughter of animals, common to both schools. Somadeva, as we shall see, condemns the Buddhists for eating flesh, and this is probably the reason why Devasena likewise describes the Samkhyas as devoid of compassion for living
creatures.
BARHASPATYAS
The Barhaspatyas, as we have seen, are called Nästikas by Somadeva; and in Yasastilaka, Book V, Caṇḍakarman who expounds their views is described as an exponent of Lokayata doctrines.3 Siddharṣi says in his Upamiti-bhava-prapañcā katha that the Barhaspatyas are the inhabitants of the Lokayata City. That the Lokayata was a prominent system in the tenth century and thereabouts is certain. Siddharși includes it among the principal non-Jaina systems described by him in his allegorical romance (Book IV); and in the Kudlur Plates of the Ganga king Marasimha, dated 963 a. D., a famous Jaina teacher is described as Lokayata-loka-sammata-matiḥ, 'one whose talents are appreciated by the adherents of the Lokayata system.' The
1
See Chap. VIII.
2 See Chap. XIII. The Pasupata views on the subject are very similar. See below. 3 'प्रयुक्त लोकायतमतधर्मा' Vol. II, p. 259.
4 लोकायतमिति प्रोक्तं पुरमत्र तथापरम् । नाईस्पत्याश्च ते लोका ये वास्तव्याः पुरेऽत्र भोः ॥ Bool: TV.

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views of the Bārhaspatya school are discussed by Vimuktātman in Istasiddhi VII. 18,' a work composed between 850 and 1050 A. D."
In spite of frequent references to the Lokāyatikas or the Cārvākas, as they are popularly called, in Indian philosophical literature, no systematic work of this school has come down to us, which we can point out as the source of the statements of Somadeva and other scholars who have dealt with Lokāyata doctrines. That there was a work called the Bārhaspatya Sūtra seems certain and possibly it was quite brief. Bhāskara in his Brahmasītra Bhâsya 3. 3. 53 refers, like Samkara, to the Lokāyatikas, and quotes some aphorisms of the Bārhaspatya school. He says:
तथा बाईस्पत्यानि सूत्राणि-पृथिव्यप्तेजो वायुरिति तत्त्वानि, तत्समुदाये शरीरेन्द्रियविषयसंज्ञा, तेभ्यश्चैतन्यं, किण्वादिभ्यो मदशक्तिवद्विज्ञानमिति । The first three of the aphorisms cited above are reproduced also in Vidyānanda's Tattvārtha-sloka-vārtika 1. 104 with slight variations:
पृथिव्यापस्तेजो वायुरिति तत्त्वानि, तत्समुदायः शरीरेन्द्रियसंज्ञाविषयः, तेभ्यश्चैतन्यम् । Bhaskara and Vidyānanda are assigned to the ninth century, and it may be assumed that the Bārhaspatya Sūtras were current in their time. In addition to the Sūtras quoted by them, the following Lokāyata aphorisms and dicta are cited in Kamalasila's commentary on Sántarakṣita's Tattvasaṁgraha (vv. 1858, 1872):
तथाहि तस्यैतत् सूत्रम्-'परलोकिनोऽभावात् परलोकाभावः' इति । तथाहि-पृथिव्यापस्तेजो वायुरिति चत्वारि तत्त्वानि, तेभ्यश्चैतन्यम्' इति । तत्र केचिदृत्तिकारा व्याचक्षते-उत्पद्यते तेभ्यश्चैतन्यम् , अन्ये अभिव्यज्यत इत्याहुः । (Under v. 1858).
यथोक्तम्-'एतावानेव पुरुषो यावानिन्द्रियगोचरः' तथा 'पुनरुक्तदेशान्तरं कालान्तरमवस्थान्तरं वा परलोक' इति । ( Under v. 1872). Sāntarakṣita quotes a Lokäyata aphorism in verse 1864 and attributes it to Kambalāśvatara :
कायादेन ततो शानं प्राणापानाधिष्टितात् । युक्तं जायत इत्येतत् कम्बलाचतरोदितम् ॥ Kamalasila remarks : तथा च सूत्रम-कायादेवेति। कम्बलाश्वतरोदितमिति. As pointed out bvG.N. Kaviraj, Samkara Bhasya on the Vedāntasutras 3. 3. 53 cites the following Lokavataaphorisms: 'तेभ्यश्चैतन्यम्' 'मदशक्तिवद्विज्ञानम् ' 'चैतन्यविशिष्टः कायः पुरुषः', and Sadananda in Advaita-brahma-siddhi cites two more: 'काम एवैकः पुरुषार्थः' 'मरणमेवापवर्गः'. It will be seen that the followers of the Lokayata school recognise four elements only, but Gunaratna tells us in his commentary on the relevant
1 अत्राहुर्बार्हस्पत्याः-भेदेऽभेदेऽप्ययुक्तत्वान्मुक्तेः पुंसोऽप्यदर्शनात् । देहायेवास्ति दृष्टत्वान्नात्मा मुक्तिश्च नेति चेत् ।। 9 See Introduction to the work in Gackwad's Oriental Sorics. 3 Sarasvati Bhavania Studies, Vol. III, p. 68.

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section of Haribhadra's Saddarsana-sumuccaya that certain among them include Akāśa as the fifth element. In Yasastilaka VIII. 37' Somadeva mentions only four elements in connection with the system of Bphaspati, who is described as attributing consciousness to earth, air, water and fire, but not to the Self.
Apart from aphorisms, a collection of verses containing Lokäyata doctrines seems to have long existed, and such verses are occasionally met with in Indian philosophical literature. One such verse, namely,
एतावानेव पुरुषो यावानिन्द्रियगोचरः । भद्रे वृकपदं ह्येतद् यद्वदन्ति बहुश्रुताः ॥ is cited by Candrakirti (6th century) in his commentary on Nāgārjuna's Müla-madhyamaka-kārikās (Chap. 18); while this as well as an accompanying verse is quoted in Haribhadra's S'addarsanasamuccaya (vv. 81, 82). A Lokāyata verse is quoted also by Somadava in Yasastilaka, Book V, p. 253:
यावजीवेत् सुखं जीवेनास्ति मृत्योरगोचरः । भस्मीभूतस्य शान्तस्य पुनरागमनं कुतः॥ It is an oft-quoted verse and cited among earlier writers by Jayanta in Nyāyamañjart (Chap. 7).
Among early works the famous Mahāyāna text Saddharmapundarika, prior to the third century A. D., alludes to the Lokāyata system at least twice ;4 while the interesting summary of Lokayata views in Vātsyāyana's Kamasutra is reproduced by Somadeva in Yasastilaka, Book IV. P. 92.5 Bāna in his Kādambari refers to the teachings of the system as promoting sinful tendencies; while in Harşacarita, Book VIII, the Lokāyatikas are mentioned among the adherents of diverse schools of thought who studied and taught in the hermitage of Divakaramitra in the Vindhya forest.
Somadeva's discussion of Lokāyata views in Yaśastilaka, Books V and VI, is an important contribution to our knowledge of the subject.
1 भूपवनवनानलतत्त्वकेषु धिषणो निगृणाति विभागमेषु । न पुनर्विदि तद्विपरीतधर्मधानि ब्रवीति तत्तस्य कर्म ॥ Vol.
II, p. 388. Ms. A says ( fahri) fa 19 i fare HQ See also preceding Chapter
(section on Cárvāka doctrines). 2 Ajita Kesakambali, who was a contemporary of Buddha and professed the doctrine of
annihilation (ucchedavāda), held that a human being is composed of four elements (earth, water, air and fire). 'arg'ayrat ap that.' See the Samañña-phala Sutta it.
Dīghanikāya. 3 पिब खाद च चारुलोचने यदतीत वरगात्रि तत्र तेन हि भीरु गतं निवर्तते समुदयमात्रमिदं कलेवरम् ॥ 4 3731 T 4ft prar lateral :III, 148; '
H atut ostetud safatafa' Chap. XXVI. 5 See Chap. XVIII. 6 taraffertariaa:'.

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Among his literary predecessors Haribhadra gives an interesting exposition of the doctrines of the school in Samarāicca-kahä, Book III, in the dialogue between the Jaina teacher Vijayasimha and a Nästikavādin. Similarly, in a story in Vasudevahindi, Book IV, a king named Kurucandra is introduced as a Nàstikavādin, whose views are briefly described.' Jayanta says in Nyāyamañjari (chap. 4) that the Lokāyata is mere casuistry and not an authoritative system, as it does not inculcate any duty ;8 but he takes care to expound the tenets of the school at the beginning of Chap. 7, and towards the end of the same chapter calls the Cārvākas susikşita, well-trained, describing and refuting their views.
NAIYAYIKAS While enumerating the theories of salvation put forward by the different schools of thought, Somadeva does not refer to the Naiyāyikas, obviously because their view of mokṣa does not differ from that of the Vaiseșikas which is defined by him as the complete cessation of the specific attributes of the soul." Somadeva says: 'agagelegraag ayaHiF4/TTI aten CARTUCHTCAIUTEH Inftigfari' sfat FMCT: 1. With this may be compared the statement of Jayanta defining the Nyāya conception of salvation in Nyāyamañjari (Chap. 9): FATHTCHUATT glagagereglaga TAUHÉFAIRTOTI F a isqaraf i Hafati Jayanta goes on to say:
Eeltagerea atmeana Tani Roamnaatanlar defe ysadu
9 1 Terat aftermarsalarcade gastarfagra: aferents faecija: el Somadeva seems to refer to the Nyāya theory of salvation in a verse addressed to the Arhat in Yasastilako VIII. 39 (Vol. II, p. 396):
___खसुप्तदीपनिर्वाणे प्राकृते वा स्वयि स्फुटम् । खसुप्तदीपनिर्वाणं प्राकृतं स्थाजगत्रयम् ॥ The verse refers to three types of salvation: kha-nirvāna, sky-like salvation, supta-nirvana, sleep-like salvation, and dīpa-nirvana, salvation like the going out of a lamp. According to a marginal note in Ms. A, dipa-nirvāna refers to the Buddhist view; supta-nirvāņa to the Samkhya view (because, according to that system, the emancipated Self, although conscious, perceives nothing); and kha-nirvāna to the Nyāya view, because, as we have seen, the Naiyáyikas believe moksa to be a
1 P. 164 ff. ara .....care n fot .......* 2 'सो या राया णाहियवादी, 'इंदियसमागममेत्तं पुरिसकप्पणा, मज्जंगसमवार मयसंभव इव, न एत्तो परभवसंकमणससीलो
अस्थि, न सुकयदुकयफलं देवनेरइएसु कोह अणुभवईत्ति ववसिओ........" 3 न हि लोकायते किंचित् कर्तव्यमुपदिश्यते । वैतण्डिककथैवासौ न पुनः कश्चिदागमः।। 4 See proceding Chapter.
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colourless condition like that of the sky, in which the Self exists bereft of all attributes.1
It may be noted that there is another conception of salvation different from the usual Nyāya view, and associated with the Bhāsarvajña, an important writer of the Nyāya school, assigned to about the middle of the tenth century. It is probable that Somadeva, like Sriharşa, who also refers to the Nyāya doctrine of salvation in Naişadhacarita 17. 75, was either not acquainted with the views of Bhāsarvajña or perhaps ignored them in his treatment of the current theories of salvation.
PASUPATAS
Somadeva describes and criticises the procedure recommended by the Pāśupatas for the attainment of salvation, but he does not tell us anything about the kind of mokşa contemplated by them. The Pāśupata conception of salvation, according to certain writers, is not different from that of the Nyaya school. This requires some explanation.
Sarkara in his Bhāşya on the Vedāntasūtras 2. 2. 37 criticises the doctrines of the Pasupatas, but he refers to them simply as Māheśvaras, followers of the system propounded by Siva. The Pasupatas were a Saiva sect, and we know that there were four Saiva sects in the ninth century, as both Vācaspati and Bhāskara refer to them, the former in his Bhāmati and the latter in his Brahmasutra Bhäsya 2. 2. 37. The four sects are Saivas, Pāśupatas, Kāpālikas and Kärunika-siddhāntins, the latter being called Kathaka-siddhāntins by Bhāskara. The four-fold division of the Saiva sects is found also in Yāmunācārya's Āgamaprāmānya (latter half of the eleventh century), but here the names given are Saivas, Pāśupatas, Kāpālikas and Kälämukhas. This classification is followed in Rāmānuja's Sribhāsya.
1 Applied to the Arhat, the epithet is explained as रागद्वेषमोहर हितत्वात् आकाशवत् शून्यं योग
निद्रायां सुप्तं दीपवत् केवलज्ञानेन द्योतकम् . 2 See the English translation of Naisadhacarita of Sriharşa, Appendix I, P. 497 ff. 3 According to Saṁkara, the Māheśvaras believe in five categories: Kārya, Käraña, Yoga,
vidhi, and duḥkhānta, which are all Pāśupata tenets. Cf. Agamapråmānga: पाशुपतप्रक्रिया ।......"तत्र पञ्च पदार्थास्तु व्याख्याताः कारणादयः । कारणं कार्य विधिोंगो दुःखान्तः ॥ Vācaspati in Bhāmati explains Māheśvaras as referring to the four Saiva sects includ. ing the Päśupatas, but his interpretation of yoga and vidhi is based on Pāśupata texts. He says itse tarifarofa: 1 fafafanua allegagigha, with which may be compared the following Pasupata sutras : velat qui aitai 1.%; TTi sifagarfot: 4. 2. 3; ita afirearefta,
g ata ROTH 15, 24, 25.

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We learn from Bhaskara (op. cit.) that the Pasupatas and the Kāpālikas hold the same view of salvation as the Vaiseṣikas and the Naiyayikas, that is, suppose the emancipated Self to be divested of all specific attributes, resembling a block of stone.1 As for the Saivas, their conception of moksa is said to be identical with that of the Samkhyas, that is, according to them, the emancipated Self subsists in a pristine condition of pure consciousness. Bhāskara says: पाशुपतवैशेषिकनैयायिककापालिकानामविशिष्टाः मुक्त्यवस्थायां पाषाणकल्पा आत्मानो भवन्तीति । सांख्यशैवयोश्च विशिष्टा आत्मान श्चैतन्य स्वभावास्तिष्ठन्तीति । Yāmunācārya, who gives an account of the Saiva sects in his Āgamaprāmānya, offers the same interpretation of the Pasupata conception of salvation as Bhaskara. He explains duḥkhanta, one of the fundamental tenets of the Pasupata system, as absolute cessation of pain, and states that the Pasupatas regard this as mukti, a condition characterized by the annihilation of the entire range of the specific attributes of the Self : आत्यन्तिकी दुःखनिवृत्तिर्दुःखान्तशब्देनोक्ता तामेव निःशेषवैशेषिकात्मगुणोच्छेदलक्षणां मुक्तिं मन्यन्ते । Duhkhānta is in fact the apex of the Pāśupata system. As explained in the Ratna commentary on the Gaṇakārikā (p. 9), in a negative sense, duḥkhānta is absolute cessation of all pain; while, in a positive sense, it corresponds to siddhi or the possession of supernatural power like that of Siva. Siddhi is of two kinds: jñānasakti or the potency of knowledge and Kriyasakti or the potency of action, which has three aspects: extraordinary speed, the power to assume shapes at will, and boundless might with the body and the organs intact. The attainment of the twofold siddhi is followed by ten other siddhis or miraculous powers: for example, absolute freedom, irresistible knowledge, freedom from risk to life, complete fearlessness, freedom from the effects of old age and from the pangs of death, lack of all hindrances, overlordship etc. The Pasupata system thus lays great stress on the attainment of supernormal powers; but siddhi does not stand alone, as it belongs to a group of five labhas or ways of perfection recognised by the school, the others being jñāna, tapas, nityatva and sthiti. Jñana is knowledge of the truths. Tapas is dharma or discipline produced by the observance of practices such as bhasmasnana. The Ratna commentary declares that the devotee is misled from the right path by the thief Adharma and protected by Dharma acting
1 For a different view of the Kapalika ideal of salvation see Chap. XIII. For a discussion of the Nyaya view see Naiṣadhacarita 17. 75 and the English Translation, Appendix I (op. cit.).
2 'सर्वदुःखापोहो दुःखान्तः । स द्विविधोऽनात्मकः सात्मकश्चेति । तत्रानात्मकः सर्वदुःखानामत्यन्तोच्छेदः, सात्मकस्तु महेश्वरैश्वर्यलक्षणा सिद्धिः । सा द्विरूपा ज्ञानशक्तिः क्रियाशक्तिश्चेति । तत्र ज्ञानमेव शक्तिर्ज्ञानशक्तिः । क्रियाहेतुः शक्तिः क्रियाशक्तिः सा त्रिविधा मनोजवित्वादिभेदा । तत्र निरतिशयं शीघ्रकारित्वं मनोजवित्वं, संभृतकायेन्द्रि यस्यापि निरतिशयैश्वर्यसंबन्धित्वं विकरणधर्मित्वं चेति । यदा चेयं द्विरूपा सिद्धिः प्राप्यते तदा दश सिद्धिलक्षणान्यवश्यत्वादीनि पतित्वान्तानि भवन्ति ।'

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like a city magistrate (purapala). The power of Dharma (dharmasakti) is revealed in the devotee's strength of mind which is not perturbed even by the songs and music of a Rambha. Nityatva is constant devotion to the deity. Sthiti is firm concentration of the mind free from impurities on Rudra. The Pasupata seems to have been a system of religious discipline rather than a school of speculative thought.
Kaunḍinya's commentary on the Pasupata Sutras gives a fuller picture of the moral discipline of the Pasupata school at an early stage of its evolution. It is based on the yamas or modes of self-restraint, viz., ahimsa, brahmacarya, satya, asaṁvyavahāra, sauca, āhāralāghava and apramāda.
Ahimsa is non-injury which is almost as comprehensive as that of the Jainas. Even the lighting of fire is forbidden to avoid hurting sentient beings. Water should be filtered before use through a cloth or a strainer to keep out tiny creatures. Edible vegetable-stalks, growing bulbs and ripe seeds are to be shunned for similar reasons.' Ahimsa, in short, is avoidance of injury to all forms of life by any process, mental, vocal or physical. The Bhasya of Kaunḍinya quotes the following verse, which declares ahimsa to be superior to the gift of the golden mount of Meru or the entire earth or the ocean full of jewels:
यो दद्यात् काञ्चनं मेरुं कृत्स्नां चैव वसुंधराम् । समुद्रं रत्नपूर्ण वा न तुल्यं स्यादहिंसया ॥ It is interesting to note that Somadeva has a verse on the same subject in Yasastilaka, Book IV (p. 97), which appears to be a variation of the verse cited above:
यो दद्यात् काञ्चनं मेरुं कृत्स्नां चापि वसुंधराम् । एकस्य जीवितं दद्यात् फलेन न समं भवेत् ॥ Brahmacarya or chastity does not require any explanation. Satya is speaking the truth. Kaunḍinya quotes in this connection a verse which declares that even a falsehood uttered in mercy to all creatures leads to heaven, but not the truth, which being spoken results in the destruction of the good. Asamvyavahara is keeping aloof from commercial transactions and the royal court. Asteya is abstention from stealing which includes anadhikara-pratigraha (acquisition of property) and anupalambha (swindling money out of others). Akrodha is forbearance. Guruśuśruşa is serving one's teacher with devotion. Śauca is purity, physical, mental and spiritual. Physical impurities are removed by the use of holy ashes. More important is bhavasauca or purity of thoughts. Atmaśauca or spiritual purity is effected
1 Flesh food is permitted provided it does not involve killing, and is lawfully acquired. It is permissible to eat, for instance, the flesh of wild boars and buffaloes. See Kaunḍinya on Pasupata Sutras 5. 16.
2 स्वर्गमनृतेन गच्छति दयार्थमुक्तेन सर्वभूतानाम् । सत्येनापि न गच्छति सतां विनाशार्थमुक्तेन ॥

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by submission to humiliation, insult and opprobrium. Äharalaghava is temperance in eating which follows from the injunction to live on alms, Apramada is constant vigilance in the practice of self-restraint.
9. SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT
The early Pasupatas appear to have led an austere life without any fixed abode and worldly ties. According to the Pasupata Sutras, the devotee lives in a deserted house or a cave or even on a cremation ground (5. 9, 30). He wears a single piece of cloth and, if possible, dispenses with clothing altogether as a token of renunciation of all possessions (1. 10, 11). It is, however, doubtful if in later times such rules were strictly followed. The Pasupata mendicant is enjoined to live on alms; and according to Kaunḍinya, even the holy ashes should be obtained by begging. This appears to be conditioned by the rule of ahimsa which prohibits the kindling of a fire.' The Pasupata contempt for Vedic sacrifices was a natural consequence of the principle of ahimsā.2
Yoga is preliminary to emancipation. Kaunḍinya frequently defines yoga as connection of the individual soul with Isvara; and the Pasupata system, in fact, inculcates a process of Yogic discipline (yogavidhi), as mentioned in the opening Sutra. The devotee assiduously observes the essential religious practices, adores Mahadeva with wholehearted and constant devotion, and cultivates the yamas or the different kinds of self-restraint. He contemplates the sacred formulas and practises meditation: this is kriyayoga. With his mind diverted from the objects of sense, he is ripe for the real yoga, that feeling of the self as the self, directed towards Maheśvara as the ultimate goal. Supernatural powers of vision, hearing, thought-reading and knowledge come to the Siddha who has attained perfection in Yoga. The Siddha attains supernormal qualities like omniscience, speed like that of the mind etc.; and these are called gunadharma, the possession of supreme faculties like those of Maheśvara obtained through His favour. The Siddhis or supreme attainments, which are also gunas, are finally acquired by the devotee. All creatures come under his control, but he is not subject to the control of any; he dominates the minds of all, but he is not subject to similar domination; he has the power of life and death over others, but he is not subject to any such power;
1 Kaundinya 1. 2 says: भैक्ष्यवत् भस्मार्जनं कर्तव्यम्
अहिंसकत्वात्.
2 Kaupdinya 2. 15 says: संग्रहप्रतिग्रहहिंसादियुक्तेन श्रवेणाभिनिर्वृत्तिदर्शनात् अनित्य सातिशय संकीर्णफलत्वाच्च कुयजनान्यग्निष्टोमादीनि.
3 See Chapter VIII.
4 Kaundinya 1. 20 says: अध्ययनध्यानादिलक्षणः क्रियायोगश्चरतः प्रवर्तत इत्यर्थः । विषयेभ्यः प्रत्याहृतचित्तस्य.........योऽयमात्मन्यात्मभाव स महेश्वरे प्रवर्तत इत्यर्थः
5 Kaundinya 1, 21-26.

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he is free from fear, and his power suffers no diminution; he conquers old age and death. Endowed with the Siddhis, the aspirant becomes the Mahaganapati or the associate of Mahadeva.1
Fervent devotion to Rudra in this life and intimate association with Him in the life beyond is the goal set before the Pasupata devotee. The highest Yoga is absorbed concentration on the supreme Rudra, discarding shape and form. This aspect of the deity is called vägvisuddha 'one that transcends the range of speech'.' The devotee, in his turn, becomes dharmatman or the embodiment of dharma as revealed in the process of discipline starting with the yamas and culminating in māhātmya or that constancy of soul which enables him to devote himself to the religious life.3 Thus endowed, he attains rudra-sayujya or direct association with Rudra. It is clear that the devotee does not merge his identity in the godhead, as we are told that, 'having gone near Rudra' by the prescribed method, the Brāhmaṇa never returns; that is, he is released from the cycle of births." But, before such a consummation is reached, it is essential to destroy the root cause of the dosas or evils. The evils are the various forms of sense experience which lead to lust, wrath, greed, desire, hatred and the rest. Further, the objects of worldly endeavour are also evils on account of the misery caused by their acquisition, preservation and loss, the discontent produced by the insatiabale desire for more and more of them, and injury to others involved in their acquisition and enjoyment. The root cause of the evils is stated to be adharma, which causes mental distraction and makes the devotee incapable of living the full religious life.
Once the mind, free from the dosas, is established in its pristine purity and concentrated on Rudra, the devotee reaches the next higher stage. Dharma and Adharma have ceased to operate, and actions and the means thereof are practically non-existent; the Sadhaka stands alone (eka) above the physical plane with his mind fixed on Rudra. Adharma, the chief obstacle to Yoga, is no longer active, and the Sadhaka, free from
1 Kaundinya 1. 27-38.
2 5.27. Kaundinya quotes the following verse : आकृतिमपि परिहृत्य ध्यानं नित्यं परे रुद्रे । येन प्राप्तं योगे मुहूर्तमपि तत्परो योगः ॥ The commentary on Ganakārika says: नित्यानागन्तुकैश्वर्ययुक्ते परमकारणे । यत्र वाचो निवर्तन्ते वाग्विशुद्धः स कीर्तितः ॥
5. 31; 2. 14.
3
4 Kaundinya 5 33 says: साक्षादू रुद्रेण सह संयोगः सायुज्यम् ।......योगस्य सम्यक्त्वं सायुज्यमिति योगपर्यायोऽवगम्यते.
4. 19, 20.
See Kaundiuya on Pasupata Sutras 5. 35.
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the dosas, stands like a man who has traversed a forest; he is kşemin with his mind concentrated on Rudra. All actions have ceased, and he is devoid of activity; he is sat with his mind firmly devoted to Rudra. All thoughts relating to pursuits of good and evil have ceased; and the Sadhaka is now vitasoka, free from anxious thoughts.'
Having reached this stage, the unerring devotee comes to the end of all forms of pain and misery through the grace of Maheśvara. This is duḥkhānta, but it is not a negative condition, as pointed out by Kaundinya. For emancipation is not merely absolute cessation of all forms of misery but the attainment of gunas or excellences, that is, the supernormal powers which figure so prominently in the Pasupata system.3
It will be seen that the interpretation of the Pasupata view of salvation as a condition devoid of the specific attributes of the soul, put forward by later writers like Bhaskara and Yamuna Muni, finds no support in the Pasupata Sutras and Kaundinya's commentary. The latter clearly states that, while in the Samkhya-Yoga view the emancipated beings abide in a condition similar to a swoon without the knowledge of self and others, the Mukta in the Pasupata view is fully endowed with knowledge.* The Pasupatas were, however, a very widely spread sect; and it is possible that there were adherents of the school who held views similar to those recorded by Bhaskara and Yamuna Muni.
239
The Pasupata system is honourably mentioned along with the Vedas, Samkhya, Yoga, and Pañcaratra in the following verse cited by Aparaditya (12th century) in his commentary on Yajnavalkya Smrti 8. 7: aix : 0 वेदाः पाशुपतं तथा । अतिप्रमाणान्येतानि हेतुभिर्न विचारयेत् ॥ इति अनूष्यत्वेन हेत्वविचारणीयत्वेन च देवीपुराणयोगयाज्ञवल्क्ययोरदूष्यत्वेन तस्य स्मरणात्.
There is no doubt that the Pasupatas continued to be an influential sect till as late as the twelfth century. They as well as the Saivas regarded God (i. e. Śiva or Pasupati) as the efficient cause of the universe, unlike the Bhagavatas or Pañcaratras who regarded Vasudeva, the Supreme Soul, as both the efficient and the material cause of the universe, as pointed out by Samkara in his Bhasya on the Vedantasütras 2. 2. 37, 42. Aparaditya
1 Kaundinya 5. 39.
2 5. 40.
3_Kaundinya says : संहारं प्राप्तस्य निगळमुक्ताधिकारवन्मुक्तावतिशयितगुणप्राप्त्यर्थम् उच्यते गच्छेद् दुःखानामन्तम् ।
दुःखानामत्यन्तं परमापोहो गुणावाप्तिश्च परं भवतीति । तदुभयमपि इत एव भवतीति.
4 'अथ सांख्ययोगमुक्ताः किं न विशेषिताः । उच्यते - विशेषिताः । कथम् । तद्ज्ञानातिशयात् कथम् । सांख्ययोगमुक्ताः" कैवल्यगताः स्वात्मपरात्मज्ञानरहिताः संमूर्च्छितवत् स्थिताः । अस्य तु ज्ञानमस्ति ।' (5.39 ) ' एवं यत् सांख्यं योगश्च वर्षयति असगादियुक्ताः मुक्ताः शान्ति प्राप्ता इति, तदविशुद्धं तेषां दर्शनम् ।' ( 58 ).

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE (op. cit.) gives the following definition of the theistic conception of the Saivas and the Pāśupatas, and calls it bhedesvara-vāda : aer tat:--- quayanयोरधिष्ठाता केवलं निमित्तकारणमीश्वर इतरेतरविलक्षणाः प्रधानपुरुषेश्वरा इति भेदेश्वरवादिनः। .........पाशुपताः पुनः कार्यकारणयोगविधिदुःखान्ताः पञ्च पदार्थाः पशुपतिनेश्वरेण पशुपाशविमोचनार्थमुद्दिष्टा इति भेदेश्वरवादमेवाङ्गीकुर्वन्ति.
The Pāśupatas as a Saiva sect were in contlict with the Jainas. They are, for instance, mentioned along with Saivas, Käpälikas, Sāṁkhyas and Buddhists in the Sravana Belgola epitaph of Mallişeņa of 1129 A. D. or
outs, engraved on a pillar of the temple of Pārsvanātha on the Candragiri hill, which describes a Jaina teacher named Vimalacandra as having publicly challenged all of them to controversy (verse 26). Another Jaina reference to the Pasupatas is in Hemacandra's Yogūsāstra 4. 102 wherein he describes a number of Pasupata practices (vv. 26-22)," which can be better understood by referring to the account of the system in the Ratna commentary on Ganakūrikā. The Pāśupatas, it may be noted, indulged in ceremonial singing and dancing and made various kinds of what to them were auspicious sounds. Heinacandra, however, presents them in an unfavourable light, as liars and quacks and of loose morals. His remarks should be taken with a grain of salt as the relations between the Jainus and the Saiva sects were not very cordial.
It will be seen that we have an almost unbroken record of Pasupata tenets form about the eighth to the twelfth century. The Pāśupata school seems to have undergone a sort of revival in the tenth century. The brief but authoritative text Ganakārika was composed in this century; and not only Somadeva but Udayana, as stated below, refers to the system. A Mysore inscription, dated 943 A. D., states that Lakulisa, the traditional founder of the Pāśupata system, became incarnate as a sage named Cilluka to preserve the continuity of his name and doctrines, which points to a revival of Pāśupata teachings in the Mysore country in the latter half of the tenth century; and the sect, in fact, wielded considerable influence in that region for nearly two centuries after this. An inscription found in the temple of Harsanātha in the Sikar principality of Jaipur State mentions a scholar named Visvarūpa who was a teacher of the Pañcārtha-Lākulāmnāya, that is, the sacred book of Lakulin, called Pañcãrtha. The inscription is dated 957 A. D., and Visvarūpa was thus a contemporary of Somadeva.
1 More about this inscription in Chap. XIII. 2 Hemacandra says GT292SHIFT TOY OTTE ! Thicagefaaraanil graai facile
पुतौ वादयतां मुहुः। मुहुर्वदननादेनातोद्यनाद विधायिनाम् ॥ असत्यभाषापूर्व च मुनीन् देवान् जनान् प्रताम् । विधाय
व्रतभङ्गच दासीदासत्वमिच्छताम् ।। गृह्णतां मुञ्चता भूयो भूयः पाशुपतं व्रतम् । भेषजादिप्रयोगेण यूकालिकं प्रणितताम् ।। 3 See Chap. XIII 4 For references see Bhandarkar: Vaisnavism, Saivisna and Jiror religious systems, pp.
170-173. Poona edition, 1928. 5 For the early history of the Päśupata sect and its expansion see Chap. XIII.

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RÉSUMÉ Roughly speaking, Somadeva in his Yasastilaka considers certain doctrines of the Sāṁkhya, Buddhist, Vedānta, Nyāya-Vaišeşika, Lokāyata, Jaiminiya, Saiva, Pāśupata and Kaula systems. Early in the tenth century Siddharşi records the doctrines of the Nyāya, Vaiseșika, Sāmkhya, Lokāyata, Buddhist and Mimāṁsā systems in his Upamiti-bhava-prapancākatha (Chap. 4), and describes in this connection the views of the four schools of Buddhist thought: Vaibhāşika, Sautrāntika, Yogācāra and Madhyamaka. Late in the century Udayana mentions several schools of thought at the beginning of his Nyāyakusumāñjali: the Aupanişadas or the Vedāntins, th Sāṁkhyas, the Pātañjalas, the Mahāpāśupatas,' the Saivas, the Vaişņavas, the Paurāņikas, the Yājñikas, the Digambara Jainas, the Mimāṁsakas, the Naiyāyikas and the Carvakas. A comparison of this list with the systems described by Somadeva, who seems to have been an elder contemporary of Udayana, shows that the Jaina writer does not mention the opinions of the Paurānikas as such nor does he refer to Vaisnava doctrines or system. As regards the Yājñikas, Somadeva mentions the Yāgajñas, • Experts in sacrificial lore', along with the Buddhists and the Nāstikas in a verse occurring in Yasastilaka VIII. 43. That the opinions of the Yājñikas still prevailed in the tenth century is shown by Somadeva's attack on Vedic sacrifices in the dialogue between Yasodhara and his mother in Book IV. The Yājñikas are mentioned also by Vidyānanda in Tattvārthaśloka-vārtika 1. 20 (verse 38), but here they appear to be identified with the Mimāṁsakas.
1 According to Varadarāja and Saṁkara Miśra, the Mahāpåśupatas were those Pasupatas
who practised Mahāvrata, which usually means the Kāpålika cult. See G. N. Kaviraja in Sarasvati Bhavana Studies, Vol. II, p. 176. A Pasupata appears in the farce Mattavilāsaprahasana composed early in the seventh century, and in it occurs the expression Mahāpāśupata (p. 26) which seems to refer to the Kāpalika figuring in the play. As has already been stated, the Pāśupatas aimed at the acquisition of supernatural powers, and so dia the Kāpālikas (see Chap. XIII). It is probable that there was some affinity between the Mahāpāśupatas and the Käpälikas. It is, however, doubtful if the Malavrati mentioned in Prabodhacandrodaya 2,3 refers to the Pasupata system, as explained in the Prakāsa commentary which says महाव्रतं पाशुपतव्रतं तत्संबन्धिनी माहाव्रती 4131975THREAT: The verse in questiun refers to various exponents of the Mimārsā system; and it is noteworthy that the Candrikä сumnwentary takes the expression as referring to the work of a writer of the Bhatta school of Miwaruga, named Mahavrata. The verse in the play says: सूक्तं नापि महोदधेरधिगत महाव्रती नेक्षिता. The Candrika says
महाव्रतो नाम भट्टमतानुवती महोदधिप्रतिस्पर्धी. See below for more about the verse. 2 T14 FEAT Teftariqaft:' Vol. II, p. 406. 3 HOTEuifki atza' 31

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In the same work (1. 32 under verse 15) the Yājñika is said to reject Jaina notions such as those concerning Samvara, Nirjarā and Mokşa.
Statements such as those of Somadeva and Udayana help us to understand the character of the schools of thought current in their age. It may be added that Udayana refers also to the Tautātitas or the adherents of the Bhätta school of Mimāṁsā at the beginning of his commentary on the Prasastapāda Bhāsya and to the Prābhākaras in Nyāyakusumāñjali (Chap. 3), mentioning in this connection a Gauda Mimāṁsaka, who is identified with the Pañcikākāra in Varadarāja's commentary Kusumāñjalibodhani. The Pañcikākāra is Śälikānātha, the wellknown author of Prakaranapancikā, an important work of the Prabhākara school of Mimāṁsā; and to judge from Udayana's sarcastic remarks about him, he might be the former's contemporary and, if so, lived in the tenth century. Udayana refers also to Bhāskara's interpretation of the Vedānta in Nyāyakusumāñjali (chap. 2), showing that Bhāskara's Brahmasūtra Bhāsya, now almost forgotten, was current in his time. Going back a few years earlier than the tenth centur we come across Jayanta's Nyāyamañjari, which also reveals a world of thought full of variety and covering a comprehensive range of intellectual activity Jayanta refers to contemporary sects like Saivas, Pāśupatas, Kaulas, Pāñcarātras, and Saṁsāramocakas (chap. 4); and throughout his work he records and criticises the views of diverse schools of thought such as Bhāţtas, Prābhākaras, Vedāntists, Buddhists, Sámkhyas and Cārvākas, and noteworthy doctrines like Jñānakarma-samuccayavāda, Šabda-brahmavāda etc.
Apart from the schools of thought enumerated by Somadeva and Udayana, the tenth century saw also a revival of Nyāya and Vaiseşika studies, as witnessed by the works of Bhāsarvajña,* Vyomasiva, Udayana
1 'संवरे निर्जरायां मोक्षे च तदसत्त्ववचनं याशिकस्य विपर्ययः' 2 See Introduction to Kusumāñjalibodhani, ed. G. N. Kaviraja. Varadarāja remarks :
गौडो मीमांसकः पञ्चिकाकारः। गौडो हि वेदाध्ययनाभावाद् वेदत्वं न जानातीति गौडमीमांसकस्येत्युक्तमिति, p. 123. Varadaräja has been assigned to about the eleventh century. Salikānātha is referred to in a verse of the allegorical play Prabodhacandrodaya of Kršņamiśra composed towards the end of the eleventh century: * uetää.......799TEI 7 faizi......
IP HET Puti...... Act 2, verse 3. The author of the Candrikā commentary on the play states that Mahodadhi was a fellow student with Mālikānātha and a writer of the Prabhakara School: metafuara TRIFTIAI(1)#Tagar The Warnerat. See
N. S. edition. 3 'ब्रह्मपरिणतेरिति भास्करगोत्रे युज्यते' 4 See S. C. Vidyabhusan: History of Indian Logic, p. 358.
Vyomaśiva's date is circa 950 A.D. See Hindi Introduction to Pt, Mahendra Kumāra's edition of 4147275, P. 120.

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and Śrīdhara; and we may include in the list even Jayanta who wrote towards the end of the preceding century. Bhasarvajña wrote Nyayasara on which there are numerous commentaries. Vyomasiva wrote the Vyomavati commentary on the Prasastapāda Bhāṣya. Udayana, who tried to fuse together Nyaya and Vaiseṣika tenets, wrote Nyāyakusumāñjali, Atmatattva-viveka, Nyaya-vārtika-tātparya-parisuddhi (commentary on Vacaspati's Tātparyaṭikā), Kiraṇāvali (commentary on the Prasastapāda Bhāṣya), and Lakṣaṇāvalī (984 A. D.), a manual of Vaiseşika definitions.3 Śrīdhara wrote Nyayakandali (991 A. D.), a commentary on the Prasastapāda Bhāṣya. It should also be noted that the expansion of Nyaya and Vaiseṣika studies not only led to an intensive study of these systems but to the interpretation, criticism and refutation of the doctrines of the other schools, especially those of the Mimamsā, Buddhist and Samkhya systems. It is not rare to find in the writings of the period diverse doctrines of other schools fully and clearly stated before they are subjected to criticism or any attempt is made to refute them. This is particularly true of Jayanta's Nyāyamañjarī, and we have already referred in this connection to Udayana's Nyāyakusumāñjali. For other examples we need refer only to the accounts of the Buddhist theory of Ideas (with illustrative quotations), the Mimamsa theory of the self-validity of cognitions (with citations from Kumarila), and the Samkhya theory of cognition in Vyomavati (pp. 524 ff., 579 ff., 521 ff.); the summary of Samkhya doctrines in Nyāyakusumanjali (chap. 1); and the discussion of the Prabhakara theory of error, and the clear presentation of Sphoṭavada and other tenets in Śrīdhara's Nyayakandali (Pp. 180 ff,, 268 ff.). The latter work quotes, besides, various authors and works, e. g. Tantravārtika and Slokavārtika (P. 257),* Mandana's Sphotasiddhi (P. 270) and Vidhiviveka (P. 274), the Buddhist logician Dharmottara (P. 76) etc. The interrelation of the various schools is outside the scope of our discussion; but it is evident that there was considerable activity in the sphere of speculative thought, and the doctrines put forward by the different systems formed the basis of the intellectual movement of the century. It is perhaps the mutual conflict of so many schools of thought that led certain thinkers of the age to suggest the way to a synthesis, or proclaim the common ultimate goal of all systems and schools. In a remarkable passage of Atmatattvaviveka, Udayana "attempts to show that in its gradual ascent
1 See G. N. Kaviraja in Sarasvati Bhavana Studies, Vol. III, p. 104.
2 Ibid. p. 110.
3 Udayana wrote also a commentary on Gotama's Sūtras (Fe) and tuff, an original treatise on Nyaya. See G. N. Kaviraja in Sarasvati Bhavana Studies, Vol. III, p. 112 ff.
Cf. Jha's Translation, p. 549.
4

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along tbe path of Mokşa the soul is confronted with views which broaden out more and more. The different schools of philosophy representing the varied views thus obtained in passing are conceived to form a graduated series, arranged according to an ascending scale of spiritual realisation, and in such a scheme the lower is always supposed to be a stepping stone to the higher and is to be superseded by it.” Even more explicitly and with greater catholioity does the Jaina writer Siddharşi declare the essential unity underlying all faiths and systems of philosophy ih his Upamiti-bhava-prapañcă katha Book VIII (Pp. 1220-1227). The sum and substance of what he says is that the Supreme Soul is one. He is endowed with pure intelligence, and delivers the world with His infinite power. The true religion (Dharma ) is also one and consists of such qualities as forbearance, kindness, purity, self-control, truth, chastity, honesty, sacrifice etc. Further, the Ultimate Truth, which is the way to final deliverance, is in reality one, although it may be expressed in different ways; and it is for the realisation of this Truth concerning tho Supreme Lord that people undertake austerities, meditation and vows. Mokşa is the subsistence of the soul in its pristine condition characterized by infinite intelligence, conation, joy and power, and known by such names as Supreme Attainment, Bliss, Peace, the endless Good, the Deathless State, Brahma, Nirvāṇa etc. The Doctrine that reveals the One God, the One Dharma and the One Truth, and propounds such a state of final deliverance is alone authoritative and commands universal jurisdiction. It is the purport of this Doctrine that men learn with special care and enunciate in varieties of expression. Call it Vaisnava, Brāhmanical, Saiva, Buddhist or Jaina, it is all the same: the difference in name does not count so long as the meaning remains the same. Such assertions as I am right and you are wrong', 'my system is right and yours is wrong' are only a manifestation of jealousy and nothing more. Siddharsi's sublime conception of the spiritual unity of man is no doubt much in advance of his age.
Somadeva's review of the tenets of the different schools of thought is important as illustrating the Jaina standpoint, and much of what he says is no doubt cogent and valuable even as an independent effort in philosophioal criticism. As a matter of fact, he belongs in this respect to a line of Jaina scholars who have discussed, criticised and attempted to refute the doctrines of other schools of thought both before and after the tenth century; for example, Haribhadra, Akalanka, Vidyānanda, Anantavirya, Prabhācandra, Hemacandra, Vādideva, Mallişeņa and others. It should, however, be pointed out that, so far as the Brahmanical schools are concerned, the reaction to the impact of
1 G. N. Kaviraja in Sarasvati Bhavana Studies, Vol. III, p. 112.

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Jaina thought and criticism is surprisingly small; and except for isolated comments and criticism, the vast literature of the Brahmanical systems hardly takes any adequate notice of Jaina tenets and objections. Among noteworthy criticisms of Jaina doctrines may be mentioned those of Samkara in his Bhăşya on Vedānta Sūtras 2. 2. 33-36 and of Kumārila in Slokavārtika (Codanāsūtra, v. 141 ff; S'abdanityatādhikarana, v. 106 ff. etc.); but, generally speaking, it may be said that Brahmanical writers from Samkara to Udayana have directed their polemical energies against Buddhist rather than Jaina doctrines. To confine ourselves to the Jaina conception of Mokşa, which it is the intention of Somadeva to contrast with the non-Jaina theories on the subiect, it is recorded and criticized as follows by Vyomasiva in the introductory portion of his commentary on the Prasastapāda Bhāsya:
अन्ये त्वनेकान्तभावनातो विशिष्टप्रदेशेऽक्षयशरीरादिलाभो निःश्रेयसमिति मन्यन्ते। ......तथा घटादिः मृदादिरूपतया नित्यः सर्वावस्थासूपलम्भात् । घटादिरूपतया चानित्यस्तदपायात् । एवमात्माप्यात्मरूपतया नित्यः सर्वदा सद्भावात् । सुखदुःखादिपर्यायरूपतया चानित्यः तद्विनाशात् । ............तदेतदसांप्रतम् , मिथ्याज्ञानस्य निःश्रेयसकारणत्वेन प्रतिषेधात् । भनेकान्तज्ञानं च मिथ्यैव बाधकोपपत्तेः। तथाहि नित्यानित्ययोः विधिप्रतिषेधरूपत्वात् अभिन्ने धर्मिण्यभावः, एवं सदसत्त्वादेरपीति । यच्चेदं घटादिHदादिरूपतया नित्य इति, असदेतत् मृद्रूपतायास्ततोऽर्थान्तरत्वात् । तथाहि घटादर्थान्तरं मृदूपता मृत्त्वं सामान्यम। तस्य तु नित्यत्वेन घटस्य तथाभावः ततोऽन्यत्वात्। घटस्य तु कारणाद्विलक्षणतयोपलब्धेः अनित्यत्वमेव । ............न चानेकान्तभावनातो विशिष्टशरीरादिलाभेऽस्ति प्रतिबन्धः । न चोत्पत्तिधर्माणां शरीरादीनामक्षयत्वं न्याय्यम। तथा मक्तावप्यनेकान्तो न व्यावर्तते इति मुक्तो न मुक्तश्चेति स्यात् । एवं च सति स एव मुक्तः संसारी चेति प्रसक्तेः ॥ एवमनेकान्तेऽप्यनेकान्ताभ्युपगमे दूषणम् ।
Jayanta who devotes so much space to the doctrines of other systems, makes only a passing reference to the Jaina conception of the Self. and summarily rejects certain Jaina tenets as absurd in his Nyāyamañjarī ( Chap. 9); and it is noteworthy that although he discusses in that chapter the theories of salvation of diverse schools of thought, he has only a fling at certain practices of the Digambara Jaina monks and the absurdity of the notion that such practices lead to salvation. He declares that these monks expect to attain final release by plucking out their hair and going about naked: if they were right, bald persons would attain mokşa straightway, and so would the animals, because they, too, are unclad! Such criticism, of course, does not rise above the level of comic satire of the type found in plays like Mattavilāsaprahasana and Prabodhacandrodaya.
1 कचनिलुचनदिक्पटधारणक्षितिपराक्रमणक्रमपूर्वकम् । क्षपणकास्त्वपवर्गमुशन्त्यमी अतितरां परमार्थविदस्तु ते ॥ लोम्नां
नित्यमसंभवात् खलतयो मोक्षं क्षणात् प्राप्नुयुस्संसारोपरमो दिगम्बरतया सद्यस्तिरश्चां भवेत् । मुक्ताः स्युर्गिरिशृङ्गयायिन इमे शश्वत्तदारोहणाजन्तूनामपवर्गवमै निकटं केनेदृशं दर्शितम् ।।

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CHAPTER X
Jaina DOGMATICS AND MORAL AND SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE
Apart from the fact that one of the aims of Yasastilaka is to illustrate the doctrine of ahimsā, the work is designed to be a comprehensive manual of Jaina doctrines, and the object of Somadeva is to provide entertainment as well as religious instruction, and help forward the propagation of the Jaina faith. Books VI, VII and VIII of Yasastilaka, divided into fortysix kalpas or sections, are styled Upāsakādhyayana or Readings for laymen, and deal elaborately with samyaktva or right faith and its various aspects as well as the different vows, which are viewed as the mainstay (upalrṁhaka) of right faith. Somadeva's treatment of these topics is wider than that of many professed manuals on the subject, and what is more remarkable, illustrated in some cases by elaborate stories, which, although not original, are narrated in a manner peculiarly his own. In addition to the contents of Books VI-VIII, there are brief expositions of Jaina doctrines in Books IV and V, while the Anuprekşās are treated in an elaborate body of verse in Book II. It is true that the Jaina canon and its doctrines had been fixed long before the tenth century, but the age of Somadeva was an era of systematization and interpretation; and judged from this standpoint, his comprehensive review of the salient topics of Jaina dogmatics has a definite place in the literature of Jainism in Sanskrit.
I) Only a brief outline of Somadeva's exposition of Jaina dogma can be attempted in this chapter, and we may start with an interesting summary of the teachings of Jainism contained in a group of verses occurring in the dialogue between Yasodhara and his mother in Book IV. The summary is in the form of question and answer, and purports to report a conversation between Yaśodhara and a Digambara saint on the tenets of the Jaina religion. It is somewhat as follows: “What is Dharma? That which inculcates kindness to all creatures. Who is Apta? He who is free from worldly blemishes. What is the means to know him? A sāstra free from contradictory statements. What constitutes religious au Extermination of all desire for worldly objects. What is java ? That which possesses self-experienced attributes such as the intellectual faculty. How does the incorporeal jiva come into contact with the body? It is bound to the body by its own actions, just as the sky comes into contact with the dust raised by wind; and by its own actions it is subjected to birth in order that it may suffer their consequences, just as a learned Brahmin is made to tumble over an unclean substance by intoxicating drugs. How can Dharma be acquired? By observing the vows to the best of one's

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ability. What is a vow? The extermination of desire preceded by the acquisition of faith. What is faith ? Reasoned belief in the categories (recognised by Jainism ). What are the categories ? They are the agencies which uphold the universe". 1
The great discourse on Samyaktva or Right faith in Book VI opens with a further definition of Dharma, which is described as the factor causing human advancement resulting in supreme beatitude. It consists of pravṛtti and nivṛtti, and applies to householders as well as monks. Pravṛtti is endeavour to attain salvation, while Nivṛtti is abstention from all that leads to worldly bondage. Faith, knowledge and conduct are the causes of salvation; while worldly bondage is caused by false doctrine, non-abstention (from injury, theft etc.), passions (anger, pride, greed and deceit), and yoga or the activity of body, mind and speech. Samyaktva or faith is concentration on things that conform to reason; knowledge is that which is free from ignorance, doubt and error; and right conduct is complete cessation of all activity that leads to the acquisition of Karma.3 We are also told at the end of Book VI that Samyaktva is faith in the fundamental principles; knowledge is determining the nature of the fundamental principles; and conduct is complete detachment, devoid of all action whatsoever. Right faith, right knowledge and right conduct are the most important factors in the Jaina view of liberation. As Kundakunda says in Samayasara (verse 162), Samyaktva is faith in the soul and the other categories; the comprehension of their nature is (right) knowledge; and the renunciation of desire, passions etc. is (right) conduct, the three constituting the path to salvation." It may be noted that Somadeva does not discourse on knowledge and conduct, but expounds Samyaktva in detail.
1 को भगवन्निह धर्मों यल दया भूप सर्वसत्त्वानाम् । को नामाप्तो यत्र हि न सन्ति सांसारिका दोषाः ॥ तज्ज्ञाने क उपायः शास्त्रं यच्चैकवाक्यतायातम् । तर्हि तपः किं विषयव्यासंगविनिग्रहो यत्र ॥ जीवः को यत्रैते भवन्ति बुद्ध्यादयः स्वसंवेद्याः । तस्यामूर्तस्य सतः शरीरबन्धः कथं भवति ॥ स्वकृतैः कर्मभिरेष प्रयाति जीवः शरीरबन्धं वा । वातेरितैः परागैर्भवति यथा संगमो नभसः ॥ तैरेव गर्भवासे स नीयते निजफलोपभोगार्थम् । अशुचिनि मदनद्रव्यैर्निपात्यते श्रोत्रियो यद्वत् ॥ अस्मा दृशां स धर्मः कथं तु निजशक्तितो व्रतग्रहणात् । किं व्रतमिह वाञ्छाया यो दर्शनपूर्वको नियमः ॥ किं दर्शनमिदमाहुर्या श्रद्धा युक्तितः पदार्थेषु । के पुनरमी पदार्थों यैरेतद्वर्तते जगच्चक्रम् । P. 103.
2 यस्मादभ्युदयः पुंसां निःश्रेयसफलाश्रयः । वदन्ति विदिताम्नायास्तं धर्म धर्मसूरयः ॥ स प्रवृत्तिनिवृत्त्यात्मा गृहस्थेतर - गोचरः । प्रवृत्तिर्मुक्तिहेतौ स्यान्निवृत्तिर्भवकारणात् ॥ P. 268.
3 सम्यक्त्वज्ञानचरित्रत्रयं मोक्षस्य कारणम् । संसारस्य च मीमांस्यं मिथ्यात्वादिचतुष्टयम् ॥ वस्तुषु । मोहसंदेह विभ्रान्तिवजितं ज्ञानमुच्यते ॥ कर्मादाननिमित्तायाः क्रियायाः परमं रुचारित्रमूचिरे ॥
4 रुचिस्तत्त्वेषु सम्यक्त्वं ज्ञानं तत्वनिरूपणम् । औदासीन्यं परं प्राहुर्वृत्तं सर्वक्रियोज्झितम् ॥ P. 326. 5 जीवादी सद्दहणं सम्मत्तं तेसिमधिगमो णाणं । रागादीपरिहरणं चरणं एसो दु मोकूखपहो ||

सम्यक्त्वं भावना माहुर्यु क्तियुक्तेषु शमम् । नारित्रोचितचातुर्याचा

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II) The whole of Book VI, after a preliminary discourse on the doctrines of other schools of thought, is devoted to the interpretation of Samyaktva, the great tutelary deity of man' (narāṇāri mahati puruşadevatā). Samyaktva or Right Faith depends upon a certain attitude of mind produced by the realisation of the nature of the categories, just as gold is said to be produced by the mere contact of fire with specially treated mercury. It is not necessary to master the scriptures or subject the body to austerities or journey elsewhere or wait for the lapse of time for acquiring Samyaktva. It is the prime cause of salvation; just as the foundation is the mainstay of a palace, good luck that of beauty, life that of bodily enjoyment, royal power that of victory, culture that of nobility, and policy that of government.
Samyaktva is primarily faith in Apta, Āgama and the Padārthas or Categories. It may be produced in two ways, has eight components, and is characterised by prasama and other qualities, and free from erroneous beliefs (müờhatva). Before considering the various aspects of Samyaktva, Somadeva explains in detail the nature of Apta, Āgama and the Padārthas (VI. 2, 3.).
III) The Apta, as the Jaina Tirthaṁkaras are generically called, is defined as omniscient and free from all blemishes; he is the lord of the universe and the benefactor of all creatures, He extricates the world from the ocean of suffering by teaching the fundamental truths, and is therefore to be regarded as the lord of the universe, whom the three worlds obey. He is pure and free from the eighteen defects common to all living creatures such as hunger, thirst, fear, passion, birth, old age, disease, death, anger, sorrow, sleep etc., and is endowed with infinite knowledge, and is the only source of words of wisdom. Passion, hatred and ignorance are the cause of telling a lie, but as the Apta is free from these, he has no occasion for uttering a falsehood. He resembles in shape the heterogeneous creatures (i. e. men), is a mirror unto the universe, and the master of the worlds.
1 'तस्मादधिष्ठानमिव प्रासादस्य, सौभाग्यमिव रूपसंपदः, प्राणितमित भोगायतनोपचारस्य, मूलबलमिव विजय प्राप्तेः, विनीत.
त्वमेवाभिजात्यस्य, नयानुष्ठानमिव राज्यस्थितेरखिलस्यापि परलोकोदाहरणस्य सम्यक्त्वमेव ननु प्रथम कारणं गृणन्ति
T ip: I' P. 274. 2 सर्वशं सर्वलोकेशं सर्वदोषविवर्जितम् । सर्वसत्त्वहितं प्राहुराप्तमाप्तमतोचिताः ।। 3 patais Cardinateriali a T: 61YTTET: || P. 274. 4 क्षुत् पिपासा भयं द्वेषश्चिन्तनं मूढतागमः । रागो जरा रुजा मृत्युः क्रोधः खेदो मदो रतिः। विमयो जननं निद्रा
विषादोऽष्टादश ध्रुवाः। त्रिजगत्सर्वभूतानां दोषाः साधारणा इमे ॥ एभिर्दोषैविनिर्मुक्तः सोऽयमाप्तो निरअनः । स एव
हेतुः सूक्तीनां केवलशानलोचनः॥ 5 TTIGT AT&T HTEIT aga TIC atariahro aftli P. 274. 6 उच्चावचप्रसूतीनां सत्त्वानां सदृशाकृतिः । य आदर्श इवाभाति स एव जगतां पतिः।।

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For various reasons such as subjection to passion, Brahmā, Vişņu, Siva, the Sun-god, or the Buddha cannot claim to be the Apta. Brahma is attached to the nymph Tilottamā, and Vişnu devoted to Lakşmi, while Siva has Parvati forming half his body, and yet they are called Aptas! Vasudeva
er of Krsna, and Devaki was his mother, and he himself fulfilled the duties of a king; yet, strangely enough, he is called a god! Further, if the universe exists in his stomach, and he himself is omnipresent, how can he be subject to birth and death ?" As regards Siva, being subject to worldly blemishes like passion in his corporeal form, he lacks the authority to oropound a religious code; while, in his incorporeal form, Sadāśiva, he lacks the capacity to do so. Besides, with his five mouths, he teaches mutually contradictory doctrines, of which it would be impossible to ascertain the meaning. It is said that a portion of Sadāsiya becomes incarnate in Rudra in every age; but in that case there would be no difference between the two forms of the deity (the one incorporeal and the other endowed with physical form), just as there cannot be any difference between gold and a fragment of it. It is also strange that the deity should indulge in such freaks as begging, dancing, nudity, the destruction of the Three Cities, the killing of Brahmā and the carrying of a human skull in his hands." The Saiva system, its principles and the nature of its Omniscient deity constitute, a strange medley of contradictions in respect of the basic doctrine, methods of proof, poetical representation and actual practice.
With regard to Sun-worship, it is strange that the sun alone should be worshipped and not the moon, although the latter also is a planet: the cult surely represents the thoughtless activity of people who have neve examined the Truth.* As for the Buddhist, he favours indulgence and continence as well as unrestrained indulgence, and is addicted to wine and flesh: how can he be respected by the wise? It seems to be the object of
1 द्रुहिणाधोक्षजेशानशाक्यसूरपुर सराः । यदि रागाधधिष्ठानं कथं तत्राप्तता भवेत् ॥ अजस्तिलोत्तमाचित्तः श्रीरतः श्रीपतिः
स्मृतः। अधनारीश्वरः शम्भुस्तयाध्येषां किलाप्तता ।। वसुदेवः पिता यस्य सवित्री देवकी हरेः । स्वयं च राजधर्मस्थश्चित्रं
देवस्तथापि सः ।। त्रैलोक्यं जठरे यस्य यश्च सर्वत्र वियते । विमुत्पत्तिविपत्ती स्तो क्वचित्तस्येति चिन्त्यताम् ॥ 2 कपी दोषवानेष निःशरीरः सदाशिवः । अप्रामाण्यावशक्तेश्च कथं तत्रागमागमः॥ परस्परविरुद्धार्थमीश्वरः पञ्चभिर्मुखैः ।
शास्त्रं शास्ति भवेत्तत्र कतमाथेविनिश्चयः ॥ सदाशिवकला रुद्रे यद्यायाति युगे युगे। कथं स्वरूपभेदः स्यात् काञ्चनस्य
25tfela i nagara gratia 147 IETAUIRC Har: Aler: Petit at II P. 275. 3 सिद्धान्तेऽन्यत् प्रमाणेऽन्यदन्यत् काव्येऽन्यदीहिते । तत्वमाप्तस्वरूपं च विचित्रं शैवदर्शनम् ।। P. 276. + ACTA car czat a 7*80: @Raatant toate fantasti 5 arata: 27174: 17117mara: aki watafTECHET3ft: 11 P. 276. Ms. A says ati27f3f
24t: referente al FT after ICT 1 Cf. Nyayakusumañjali, chap. II: - 278791eaatio: Varadarāja says in his commentary- TR TR aT w 27 AT द्वैतं नास्ति किंतु सर्व भक्ष्यं व पेयं चैकत्वमेवेति कामयमाना इति. 32

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Somadeva to show that lack of passion or renunciation is an essential condition of Āpta-hood, and no faith which does not inculcate absolute renunciation can be said to have an Āpta or trustworthy spiritual overlord. It may also be noted that the question of Āpta was an important controversial issue between the Saivas and the Jainas, and their respective argu Somadeva here analyses, have been summarized in Chap. VIII.
IV) Agama or a religious code can be pure only if the Apta is pure, just as children are pure when their parents are of pure descent. An Agama, which does not conform to reason owing to contradictory statements, is like the raving of a mad man, and can have no authority? The true Agama is so called because it makes us comprehend (gamayan) things relating to the present, past and future by occupying itself with the problems of religious virtue, material prosperity, desires and liberation, and pointing out what is to be shunned and what accepted.
The Jaina Āgama deals with five categories: the self, the non-self, the constitution of the universe, and bondage and liberation with their causes.* The Self is the knower and the seer, great and subtle, and acts and suffers. It is coextensive with the body, and ascendant by nature. It is endowed with knowledge and discernment, without which it would be in no way different from a lifeless object. On the other hand, if it be regarded as pure knowledge, it would not have any definite idea, like the painted figure of a man that is neither friend nor foe. Karma is directed by the Self and the Self is directed by Karma; they are like the boat and the boatman and have no one else? to direct them. The Self is, by nature, endowed with unlimited power, although it is confined within the body, like a mystic formula circumscribed by the letters of which it is composed.
Ajíva or the non-self comprises Dharma, Adharma, Space, Time and Pudgala or Matter, Dharma is the underlying principle of motion, Adharma that of rest, Space that of non-resistance, and Time that of
1 Ast: et quae fagfare grydere fara atacat 11 P. 278. 2 qatqzfactia a 11 aanza IHH17:JET: TATO FATTA: 11 P. 279. 3 हेयोपादेयरूपेण चतुर्वर्गसमाश्रयात् । कालत्रयगतानर्थान् गमयन्नागमः स्मृतः॥ 4 आत्मानात्मस्थितिलोको बन्धमोक्षो सहेतुको । आगमस्य निगद्यन्ते पदार्थास्तत्त्ववेदिभिः॥ 5 ज्ञाता द्रष्टा महान् सूक्ष्मः कृतिभुत्त्योः स्वयं प्रभुः। भोगायतनमात्रोऽयं स्वभावादध्वंगः पुमान् ।। 6 1977 Teac: ercatata i att start ateriat-1971 7 प्रेर्यते कर्म जीवेन जीवः प्रेर्यंत कर्मणा । एतयोःप्रेरको नान्यो नौनाविकसमानयोः ।। 8 See also Chapter VIII. 9 मत्रवनियतोऽप्येषोऽचिन्त्यशक्तिः स्वभावतः।

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change; while Pudgala or Matter is endowed with form, touch, taste, smell and colour.'
Bandha or bondage is due to the mutual infiltration of Karma and the Self, and their relation is like that of gold and rust. Bondage has no beginning, but has an end. There are four different aspects of bondage according to prakrti or the nature of karma, of which there are eight varieties, sthiti or the duration of each kind of karma in contact with the soul; anubhāga or the consequences of karma; and pradesa or th number of karmic molecules that enter the soul. It may be noted that Somadeva merely enumerates the different aspects of Bandha which is treated in detail in the Tattvārthādhigamasutra, chap. VIII,
Moksa or liberation is the coming of the Self into its own after shedding all inner impurities. Liberation is not non-existence nor lack of consciousness. Somadeva gives two other definitions of the Jaina view of liberation. In VI, 1 he defines mokṣd as a state characterised by supreme joy, knowledge, power, potency and subtleness in the highest degree. In VIII. 39 mokṣa is defined as the state in which the Self acquires its own charac teristics.
The Three jewels (Right faith, Right knowledge and Right oonduct) are the causes of salvation, while bondage is caused by false views, lack of self-restraint and other factors such as passions and yoga or the vibrations produced in the soul by the activities of mind, body and speech. Lack of faith in Apta, Agama and the Padārthas, error and doubt constitute Mithyātva or false views. Taking only one aspect of a matter into consideration, doubt, lack of discrimination, erroneous notions, equal respect for all deities and faiths: these five also constitute Mithyātva, as they contribute towards worldly bondage." It way be noted that Somadeva seems here to
1 धर्माधमौं नभः कालः पुद्गलश्चेति पञ्चमः। अजीवशब्दवाच्याः स्युरेते विविधपर्ययाः ॥ गतिस्थित्यप्रतीपातपरिणाम
PRI FER: HELGI EYTETCHT 966: II P. 280. 2 अन्योन्यानुप्रवेशेन बन्धः कर्मात्मनोर्मतः । अनादिः सावसानश्च कालिकास्वर्णयोरिव ॥ 3 शानावरणीय Knowledge-obscuring, दर्शनावरणीय Conation-obsouring, मोहनीय Deluding,
अन्तराय Obstructive, नाम Body-forming, गोत्र Family-determining, वेदनीय Feeling, आयुः
Age. See Tattvārthādhigamasutra, chap. VIII. 4 प्रकृतिस्थित्यनुभागप्रदेशप्रविभागतः । चतुर्धा भिद्यते बन्धः सर्वेषामेव देहिनाम् ॥ 5 3 faghts startar i Fala gare a 4 P 280. 6 B a Tama atef TCHERTTI OTETARTÁTT #ter: Ofellaa: 11 P. 273. 7 See Section XII (d). 8 बन्धस्य कारणं प्रोक्तं मिथ्यात्वासंयमादिकम् । रत्नत्रयं तु मोक्षस्य कारणं संप्रकीर्तितम् ॥ 9 आप्तागमपदार्थानामश्रद्धानं विपर्ययः। संशयश्च त्रिधा प्रोक्तं मिथ्यात्वं मलिनात्मनाम् ।। 10 एकान्तसंशयाशानं व्यत्यासविनयाश्रयम् । भवपक्षाविपक्षत्वान्मिथ्यात्वं पञ्चधा स्मृतम् ।।

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follow Pujyapāda's commentary on Tattvārthasūtra VIII. 1. Absence of vows, carelessness, cruelty, lack of contentment, and subservience to the dictatos of
are collectively called Asamvama or lack of felf-restraint. The four passions, anger, pride, deceit and greed, with their four varieties, plunge the creatures into the sea of transmigration; and activities connected with the mind, speech and the body, according as they are good and bad, are the factors which attach virtues and vices to the Self,
The next Padārtha is the universe, which is, in the Jaina view, without foundation or support, uncreated and free from destruction: it is situated in the midst of space, and rests on air (that is, on the three atmospheres of dense liquid, gross air and thin air). Somadeva records the criticism of this theory by other schools of thought. The Jainas, they say, do not regard the universe with the earth, mountains and oceans as being fixed anywhere nor do they believe that it is upheld by a fish or a tortoise or a serpent or a boar (as in Brabmanical mythology): so they fancy air as upholding the unsupported universe, an absolutely foolhardy proposition. How can air that cannot uphold even clods of earth, wood and similar substances uphold the universe ? Somadeva tries to refute this objection by pointing out that the clouds which inundate the universe with rainwater are kept aloft in the sky solely by the force of
air.
V) Somadeva goes on to say that those who hold false opinions, not being able to find fault with the conception of Apta, Āgama and the Padárthas, censure Jaina (Digambara) ascetics for abstaining from bath and ablutions and going about naked and eating their food standing. He tries to defend each of these practices, and says with regard to bathing that it is useless for ascetics, who observe chastity, and are bent on a spiritual way of life. Besides, they do take a bath to avoid pollution caused by contact with Kāpālikas, women in their poriods, Cāņdālas and Sabaras. Similarly, wholesale ablutions are superfluous on the ground that it is necessary to wash only the limb which
1 अव्रतित्वं प्रमादित्वं निर्दयत्वमतृप्तता । इन्द्रियेच्छानुवतित्वं सन्तःप्रादुरसंयमम् ॥ 2 कषायाः क्रोधमानाचास्त चत्वारश्चतुर्विधाः। संसारसिन्धुसंपातहेतवः प्राणिनां मताः॥ मनोवाकायकर्गाणि शुभाशुभ
विभेदतः। भवन्ति पुण्यपापानां बन्धकारणमात्मनि ।। 3 निराधारो निरालम्बः पवमानसमाश्रयः । नभोमध्य स्थितो लोकः सृष्टिसंहारवर्जितः ।। 4 निराधारो निरालम्बः पवमानसमाश्रयः। नभोमध्य स्थितो लोकः सृष्टिसंहारवर्जितः ॥ अथ मतम्-नैव लग्नं जगत् कापि
भूभूधाम्भोधिनिर्भरम् । धातारश्च न युज्यन्ते मत्स्यकूर्माहिपोत्रिणः ।। एवमालोच्य लोकस्य निरालम्बस्य धारणे । कल्प्यते पवनो जैनैरित्येतत् साहसं महत् ॥ यो हि वायुर्न शक्तोऽत्र लोष्टकाष्ठादिधारणे । त्रैलोक्यस्य कथं स स्याद्धारणावसरक्षमः ॥
तदसत् । ये प्लावयन्ति पानीयैर्विष्टपं सचराचरम् । मेघास्ते वातसामर्थ्यात् किं न व्योम्नि समासते ॥ P. 281. 5 अमजनमनाचामो नग्नत्वं स्थितिभोजिता । मिथ्यादृशो वदन्त्येतन्मुनेर्दोषचतुष्टयम् ।। 6 ब्रह्मचर्योपपन्नानामध्यात्माचारचेतसाम् । मुनीनां स्नानमप्राप्त दोषे वस्य विधिर्मतः ॥ संगे कापालिकात्रेयीचाण्डाल
शबरादिभिः । आप्लुत्य दण्डवत् सम्यग्जपेन्मत्रमुपोषितः॥

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gets actually soiled; no one, for instance, cuts off the nose when a finger is bitten by a serpent."
As regards nakedness, it is urged that the wise hate what is artificial, but not the observance of what is natural. Nakedness is natural: where is the ground to hate it? Further, it would be impossible for the ascetics to observe the vows of non-possession and non-injury if they desired to wear robes made of barks or decr-skins. As for the custom of taking food standing, Somadeya says that its observance does not lead to heaven nor does the failure to observe it lead to hell. The custom merely marks a certain resolution of an ascetic: I will take food only so long as it comes to the hollow of my palm and I am able to take it standing; otherwise I will abstain from food altogether,"4
VI) After dealing with the essential Jaina doctrines and the custom of the Digambara munis, Somadeva enumerates a large number of religious practices, repugnant to Jainism, and collectively called Mūdha or Stupid customs and beliefs, from which Samyaktva or Right faith must be absolutely free. They are sun-worship; bath during eclipses; giving away money on samkrānti days; the morning and evening ablutions; fire-worship; the worship of edifices; ceremonial bathing in rivers and the ocean; adoration of trees, stūpas, and sacred offorings of boiled rice; religious suicide by falling from a precipice; bowing at the tail of a cow and taking cow's urine; and the worship of jewels, conveyances, weapons, the earth, Yakşas and mountains. Association with heretics of other faiths and the adherents of the Vedas also comes within the scope of Mūdha of which there are many varieties. To attribute divinity to what is not divine, to adopt as a VOW what is not really a vow,
1 यदेवाङ्गमशुद्धं स्यादद्भिः शोध्यं तदेव हि । अङ्गलौ सर्पदष्टायां न हि नासा निकृत्यते ॥ 2 विकारे विदुषां द्वेषो नाविकारानुवर्तने । तन्नग्नत्वे निसर्गोत्थे को नाम द्वेषकल्मषः ॥ 8 नैष्किचन्यमहिंसा च कुतः संयमिनां भवेत् । ते संगाय यदीहन्ते वल्कलाजिनवाससाम् ।। 4 न स्वर्गाय स्थिते क्तिनश्वभ्रायास्थितेः पुनः । किं तु संयमिलोकेऽस्मिन् सा प्रतिज्ञार्थमिष्यते ॥ पाणिपात्रं मिलत्यतच्छक्तिश्च
forfaitarai apiz y TaTITICHETA 11 P. 282. 5 सूर्याघों ग्रह्णनानं संक्रान्तौ दविणव्ययः । संध्यासेवाग्निसत्कारो गेहदेहार्चनो विधिः ॥ नदीनदसमुद्रेषु मज्जर्न
धर्मचेतसाम् । तरुस्तूपायभक्तानां वन्दनं भृगुसंश्रयः ॥ गोपृष्ठान्तनमस्कारस्तन्मूत्रस्य निषेवणम् । रलवाहनभूयक्षशस्त्रशैला• ANTII P. 282.
Ararauz HT992411 Carte AIICHI Chi Mūdha or Mūdhatā corres. ponds to what is called 'alien cultus' in Judaism, covering heathenism and all that it implies, the worship or acknowledgement of any deity except the true God, vene. ration of images, and all the customs ilssociated with heathen religions. Alien cultus' or hoathenism is one of the three deadly sins in Judaism, the others being uchastity in all its forms and homicide. Moore: Julaism, vol. I, p. 466; vol. II, p.267. Jainism, on the other hand, appears to treat heathonism as an error of judgment, and keeps it distinct from the cardinal sins envisaged by the Aņupratas,

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and to accept as the truth what is not a truth at all constitute Mithyātva or falsehood, which has to be renounced. Somadeva defines in this connection the attitude of Jainisin towards novices. If a convert to Jainism cannot altogether renounce all his false beliefs, he ought to be given a mixed reception, but it is not advisable to discard him altogether. On the other hand, persons who are wicked by nature should not be induced to accept the Jaina doctrine, but proper consideration should be shown to those who voluntarily adopt the faith ( VI. 4).
'VII) Somadeva next deals with the angas or auxiliaries of Samyaktva, but it will be convenient to summarize first the different aspects of the doctrine enumerated in the concluding section of Book VI.
First, Samyaktva or Right faith may be realised naturally i. e. by intuition with but little effort or acquired from external sources with great effort. Samyaktva is said to be naturally produced when faith in the fundamental principles of Jainism comes into being 'without the suffering attendant on mental wanderings in the wilderness of deliberation', as a result, for instance, of remembering previous births, or hearing religious discourses, or meditating on the image of a Jaina Tirthamkara, or witnessing great religious festivals, or any other similar cause. Samyaktva is said to be acquired when faith in the tattvas comes into being after a long time, as a result of great efforts made in thoroughly investigating all the scriptural texts," which can only be understood with the help of methodical instruction by a wise teacher.
Secondly, Samyaktva may be of two, three and ten kinds according to the standpoint from which it is viewed, but faith in the fundamental principles is the common feature of all its phases.
a) Samyaktva may be of two kinds, sarāga or accompanied by desire and vitarāga or free from desire. It is sarāga up to the eleventh gunasthāng or stage of spiritual development; it is vitarăgo in the last three stages. Sarāga Samyaktva has certain fundamental characteristics such as prasama etc., while Vītaräga Samyaktva is characterised by the absolute purity of the soul."
1 अदेवे देवताबुद्धिमत्रते व्रतभावनाम् । अतत्वे तत्वविज्ञानमतो मिथ्यात्वमुत्सृजेत् ॥ 2 तथापि यदि मूढत्वं न त्यजेत् कोऽपि सर्वथा । मिश्रत्वेनानुमान्योऽसौ सर्वनाशो न सुन्दरः ।। 3 न स्वतो जन्तवः प्रेया दुरीहाः स्युर्जिनागमे । स्वत एव प्रवृत्तानां तद्योग्यानुग्रहो मतः।। 4 Freits THT TRATTAT FIT&TT I FF7c715 CATT TETT77999767:11 P, 322. 5 Antig HSAsud'. 6 ' Thielfajafaryzya'. 7 471............ saraag aaraa fass4.........Pazo atag sa: 4 . 8 fafau fafau cyfaqiy: HTFAHRT: 1 atasarafafy: Tahf#:11 P. 322. 9 Ferratacitiffyg calg for HTH | TAY gå at archaykha ! Ms. A remarks,
गुणस्थानपर्यन्तं सराग द्वादशादि वीतरागम्.
ZT

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Somadeva observes that just as the virility of a man, which cannot be perceived with the senses, can be ascertained from his relations with women, or the generation of children, or his fortitude in danger, or the execution of his designs ; similarly, the existence of the Jewel of Right Faith, although extremely subtle owing to its being a condition of the soul, may be inferred from the qualities of Prasama, Samvega, Anukampā and Astikya.'
Prasama is restraining the mind from passions and other evil tendencies. Samvega is fear caused by worldly existence, the source of all kinds of sufferings, and fleeting like a dream or a magic show. As Hemacandra observes in his Yogašāstra 2. 15, Samvega is man's longing for liberation. Anukampā is kindness to all creatures; it is the fundamental basis of dharma. Astikya is a believing attitude of the mind towards the Apta, the scriptures, the vows and the fundamental principles. Somadeva concludes by saying that long is the worldly bondage of the man who is subject to the fury of the passions, devoid of vows, cruel and unbelieving. It may be added that some writers mention another characteristic of Samyaktva, nirveda or indifference to the world.
b) Samyaktva may be of three kinds according as it is accompanied by the destruction of the karmas or their abatement or the process of partial abatement and destruction. Somadeva does not treat the topic in detail, but it may be noted that Samyaktva, viewed from this standpoint, is classified into kşāyika, aupasamika and kşayopasamika, the characteristics of which are explained in detail in Pūjyapāda's commentary on Tattvārthasūtra II. 3-5. Briefly speaking, Kşãyika Samyaktva is caused by the destruction of seven particular kinds of karma; Aupaśamika Samyaktva is caused by the mitigation of the four passions and the three kinds of darsanamoha; and Kşayopasa
yaktva is caused by the mitigation of the existing four passions and mithyātva and samyaktvamithyātva and the destruction of their germs.
c) Samyaktva may also be of ten kinds according to the sources from
lerived. These sources are äjñā, the command of the scriptures
1 'यथा हि पुरुषस्य पुरुषशक्तिरियमतीन्द्रियाप्यङ्गनाजनाङ्गसंभोगेनापत्योत्पादनेन च विपदि धैर्यावलम्बनेन वा प्रारब्ध
वस्तुनिर्वहणेन वा निश्चेतुं शक्यते, तथात्मस्वभावतयातिसूक्ष्मयत्नमपि सम्यक्त्वरत्नं प्रशामसंवेगानुकम्पास्तिक्यैरेकवाक्यैरा
कलयितुं शक्यम् ।' 2 यद्रागादिषु दोषेषु चित्तवृत्तिनिबर्हणम् । तं प्राहुः प्रशमं प्राशाः समस्त व्रतभूषणम् ॥ 3 TECHTEREO TITIT 19 I ENFISÉheure afta: Trgoya il P. 323. 4 सत्वे सर्वत्र चित्तस्य दयावं दयालवः धर्मस्य परमं मूलमनुकम्प प्रचक्षते ॥ 5 आप्ते श्रुते व्रते तत्त्वे चित्तमस्तित्वसंस्तुतम् । आस्तिक्यमास्तिकैरुक्तं मुक्तियुक्तिधरे नरे।। 6 रागरोषधरे नित्यं निम्रते निर्दयात्मनि । संसारो दीर्घसारः स्यानरे नास्तिकनीतिके। 7 Hemacandra (op. cit.) says: fet apa27747. 8 hoti guar: zira: apiaraaaa r i fear alezi ait hit wag P. 323.

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composed by the exalted and omniscient Arhat or Tirthamkara; märga, the investigation of the Three Jewels of Right Faith, Right knowledge and Right conduct; upadeso, listening to the life-stories of the great men of old such as the Tirthamkaras, the Cakravartins etc.; sutra, the code regulating the conduct and behaviour of the ascetics; bija, a clue to the understanding of all sections of the doctrine; samkṣepa, summary knowledge of the main topics of the system, Āpta, sūtra or the sacred canon, the vows and the categories; vistara, comprehensive knowledge of the vast canonical literature consisting of the twelve Angas, the fourteen Purvas and the Prakīrņas; artha, personal conviction in matters connected with the sacred lore; avagaḍha, profound knowledge of some part of the threefold Canon; and paramavagāḍha, the conviction of a man possessing the three kinds of supernatural knowledge, viz., avadhi, manaḥparyaya and kerala.1 Samyaktva is thus tenfold according to the source from which it is derived, and we have therefore ten types of Samyaktva: margasamyaktva, sūtrasamyaktva, arthasamyaktva and so on.
256
In early literature the above ten aspects of Samyaktva are dealt with in Uttaradhyayanasūtra XXVIII. 16 ff., although some of the sources are differently given : ' Faith is produced by 1. nisarga, nature ; 2. upadeśa, instruction ; 3. ājña, command; 4. sūtra, study of the sūtras; 5. bija, suggestion; 6. abhigama, comprehension of the meaning of the sacred lore ; 7. vistara, complete course of study; 8. kriyā, religious exercise ; 9. samksepa, brief exposition; 10. dharma, the Law'. The Sutra defines each of these factors in detail, and later writers explain them in their own way. The following verse, quoted by Somadeva in Yasastilaka VI. 21, being enumeration of the ten kinds of Samyaktva, occurs in Guņabhadra's ātmānusāsana.
आज्ञामार्गसमुद्भवमुपदेशात्सूत्रबीज संक्षेपात् । विस्तारार्थाभ्यां भवमवपरमावादिगाढं च ॥
Gunabhadra clearly explains the ten kinds of Samyaktva in the following verses (ibid. 12-14) :
आज्ञासम्यक्त्वमुक्तं यदुत विरुचितं वीतरागाज्ञयैव त्यक्तप्रन्थप्रपञ्चं शिवममृतपथं श्रद्दधन्मोहशान्तेः । मार्गश्रद्धानमाहुः पुरुषवरपुराणोपदेशोपजाता या संज्ञानागमाब्धिप्रसृतिभिरुपदेश दिरादेशि दृष्टिः ॥ आकर्ण्याचारसूत्रं मुनिचरणविधेः सूचनं श्रद्दधानः सूक्तासैौ सूत्रदृष्टिर्दुरधिगमगतेरर्थसार्थस्य बीजैः । कैश्विजातोपलब्धेर समशमवशाद् बीजदृष्टिः पदार्थान् संक्षेपेणैव बुद्ध्वा रुचिमुपगतवान् साधु संक्षेपः ॥ यः श्रुत्वा द्वादशाङ्गीं कृतमुचिरथ तं विद्धि विस्तारदृष्टिं संजातार्थात् कुतश्चित् प्रवचनवचनान्यन्तरेणार्थदृष्टिः । दृष्टिः साङ्गाङ्गबाह्य प्रवचनमवगाह्योत्थिता यावगाढा कैवल्यालोकिवार्थे रुचिरिह परमावादिगाढेति रूढा ॥
Somadeva says: भगवदर्हत्सर्वज्ञ प्रणीतागमानुज्ञासंज्ञा आशा, रत्नत्रयविचारसग मार्गः, पुराणपुरुषचरितश्रवणा भिनिवेश उपदेशः, यतिजनाचरणनिरूपणपात्रं सूत्रम्, सकलसमयदलसूचनाव्याणं बीजम् आप्तश्रुतव्रतपदार्थसमासालापाक्षेपः संक्षेपः, द्वादशान चतुर्दश पूर्वप्रकीर्ण विस्तीर्णश्रुतार्थसमर्थन प्रस्तारो विस्तारः, प्रवचनविपये स्वप्रत्ययसमर्थोऽर्थः त्रिविधस्यागमस्य निःशेषतोऽन्यतमदेशावगाहाली ढमवगाढम् अवधिमनःपर्यय केवलाधिकपुरुषप्रत्यय प्ररूढं परमावगाढम् ।
P. 323.
2 Jacobi: Jaina Sutras, Part II, p. 154.
1

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VIII) Somadeva enumerates twentyfive hindrances to Samyaktva, known as drgdoṣaḥ: the three kinds of muḍha or mūḍhata, the eight madas, the six anayatanas, and the eight defects, samkā etc.1 He does not explain any of these except the group of eight defects. The three kinds of muḍha are lokamuḍha consisting of stupid popular customs such as dips in sacred water; devamuḍha or the worship of false deities, ghosts, spirits and the like; and samayamuḍha or following the lead of those who profess false doctrines such as astrology, magic lore etc. The eight kinds of mada or pride are pride of birth, family, beauty, wealth, intellect, knowledge of the scripture, honour and power respectively, as explained in the Bhasya on Tattvarthasutra IX. 6. What is not ayatana or abode (of right faith) is anayatana. The six anayatanas are a false deity subject to passion and hate; the followers of such a deity; false austerities; those who practise such austerities; false scriptures; and the followers of such scriptures. The group of eight defects consists of saṁkā, kāṁkṣā, vicikitsā, mūḍhadṛṣṭi, lack of upaguhana, lack of sthitikāra, lack of vātsalya and lack of prabhāvana. These will be explained later.
After enumerating the twentyfive hindrances to Samyaktva, Somadeva points out that a man of right conduct, who possesses right faith, and is conversant with the fundamental truths, attains salvation, even though he is devoid of vows; while a man without faith can never attain salvation, even though he observes the vows. External functions and external karma are mere agencies: when the three Jewels (Right Faith, Right Knowledge and Right Conduct) are mature, the soul becomes impregnated with them.* Right knowledge is not derived from the senses nor right faith from delusion nor right conduct from the body: when the soul attains the supreme bliss of liberation, it simply becomes one with those three. It will be seen that right faith, right knowledge and right conduct are regarded as conditions of the soul, which is, in the ultimate resort, identified with them. Nemicandra puts the idea clearly in his Dravyasamgraha (verse 39) when he says that, from the ordinary point of view, right faith, knowledge and conduct are the causes of salvation, but in reality one's own soul is the cause of liberation, consisting as it does of those three. Among early writers Kundakunda says in
1 मूढत्रयं मदाश्चाष्टौ तथानायतनानि षट् । अष्टौ शङ्कादयश्चेति दृग्दोषाः पञ्चविंशतिः । P. 324,
2
See Brahmadeva's commentary on Dravyasamgraha, verse 41.
3 निश्चयोचितचारित्रः सुदृष्टिस्तत्वकोविदः । अव्रतस्थोऽपि मुक्तिस्थो न व्रतस्थोऽप्यदर्शनः । P. 324.
4 बहिष्क्रिया बहिष्कर्म कारणं केवलं भवेत् । रलत्रयसमृद्धः स्यादात्मा रत्नत्रयात्मकः ॥
5 अक्षाज्ज्ञानं रुचिर्मोहाद्देहाद्वृत्तं च नास्ति यत् । आत्मन्यस्मिविशवीभूते तस्मादात्मैव तत् त्रयम् ॥ 6 सम्म सण णाणं चरणं मोक्खस्स कारणं जाणे । बवहारा णिच्चयदो तत्तियमइओ णिओ अप्पा ॥ 33
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Samayasära (verse 19 ) that a saint should always resort to (right) belief, knowledge and conduct; these three are in reality nothing but the soul itself. The same author says in Niyamasāra (verse 96 that the soul is to be meditated upon as consisting of pure knowledge, pure faith, joy and pure consciousness.
As has already been said, Somadeva deals only with Samyaktva or Samyagdarśana, Right faith, and regards it as the corner-stone of the entire system of Jaina religion and ethics. After dealing with the various aspects of Samyaktva, he sums them up in the following verse occurring in Yasastilaka VIII. 35.
तत्त्वेषु प्रणयः परोऽस्य मनसः श्रद्धानमुक्तं जिनैरेतद्वित्रिदशप्रभेदविषयं व्यक्तं चतुर्भिर्गुणैः । अष्टाङ्गं भुवनत्रयार्चितमिदं मूढरपोढं त्रिभिश्चित्ते देव दधामि संसृतिलतोल्लासावसानोत्सवम् ॥
The different kinds of Samyaktva, two, three and ten, as the case may be, and its four characteristics, referred to in the verse, have already been explained. Samyaktva should also be free from the three types of mūdha, that is lokamūdha, devamūdha, and samayanūdha (see above ). Besides, it has eight angas which are elaborately explained and illustrated by Somadeva in Yasastilaka VI. 5-20.
IX) The eight angas or auxiliaries of Samyaktva are freedom from samkā, freedom from kāṁkşā or ākāṁkşā, freedom from vicikitsā or vinindā, freedom from anyaslāghā or müdhată, upagūha, sthitikūra, prabhāvana and vātsalyu. Conversely, sankā, kāṁkşā, vicikitsā, mūdhatā and lack of upagūha, lack of sthitikāra, lack of prabhāvana and lack of vātsalya form a group of defects which hamper the growth of Samyaktva, and are included among the twentyfive drgdoşāḥ. Somadeva's account of the angas of Samyaktva are summarised below.
Samkā, ākāṁksä, vinindů and anyasläghū are the four obstacles to the growth of Samyaktva or Right Faith. Samkā is fear or hesitation, which causes lack of resolution and the consequent inability to follow in a steadfast manner the chosen doctrine or vow. The story of the fickle sage Jamadagni is meant to illustrate this failing, while Jinadatta and Padmaratha represent the type of devotees who do not flinch from their vows even in the face of death. Freedom from sarkā enabled even a criminal like Lalita to attain success in the difficult mystic rites, which the pious Dharasena had commenced but failed to accomplish owing to his fear and indecision.
1 दसणणाणचरित्ताणि सेविदन्वाणि साहुणा णिच्चं । ताणि गुण जाण तिण्णिवि अप्पाणं चेव णिच्छयदो। 2 केवलणाणसहावो केवलदसणसहावसुहमइओ । केवलसत्तिसहावो सोहं इदि चिंतए णाणी ।। 3 See Chap, XVI for the stories,

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Samkā is, properly speaking, the fear of a man that he is alone and has no protector in the three worlds; it is the fear born of the ill and death, Saṁkā is also lack of decision, that is, inability to choose between one doctrine and another, one vow and another, and one divinity and annther.'
Akārkķā is the desire for worldly happiness, which hampers constancy of faith and the practice of vows. To preserve the purity of one's faith
renounce the desires and aspirations born of this and the other world, and those encouraged by other faiths based on erroneous doctrines. One must not, for instance, aspire to become a god or a Yakṣa or a king as a result of one's devotion to Right Faith. To exchange Samyaktva or Right Faith for the joys of the world is like exchanging a ruby for butter-milk, and nothing but self-deception. Equanimity of mind (anākulā citinvrttih) in matters of religion is the sure basis of all prosperity and bliss. To develop right faith one must, therefore, be free from attachment to the world, and the chaste maiden Anantamati is praised for rejecting her chance of worldly happiness for the sake of her vow.
Vinindā or Vicikitsā is doubt or hesitation in the exercise of piety as inculcated by one's faith. One must, for instance, have no hesitation in succouring the poor and the sick, however loathsome the object of one's pity may bo, because one is required to do so by one's religion. King Auddāyana was praised by Indra, because he personally tended helpless, old and diseased ascetics without scruple or hesitation. It is one's own fault if one is unable to follow the course of conduct prescribed by one's religion or grasp its meaning. It is the fault of the eye if the clear and luminous sky appears to be dark, He who neglects the teachings of one's religion at the sight of physical defects is like a man who rejects gold at the sight of rust on iron. The good who view the teachings of the scriptures and the nature of the body in their proper perspective feel no scruples of any kind in carrying out tenets of their faith."
1 287
at fra fa fait for itael P. 283. 2 एतत्तत्त्वमिदं तत्त्वमेतद्तमिदं व्रतम् । एष देवश्च देवोऽयमिति शङ्का विदुः पराम् ।। 3 तत् कुदृष्टयन्तरोद्भूतामिहामुत्र च संभवाम् । सम्यग्दर्शनशुयर्थमाकाहां त्रिविधां त्यजेत् ॥ P. 291. 4 स्यां देवः स्यामहं यक्षः स्यां वा वसुमतीपतिः । यदि सम्यक्त्वमाहात्म्यमस्तीतीच्छां परित्यजेत् ॥ 5 उदश्वितेव माणिक्यं सम्यक्त्वं भवजैः सुखैः । विक्रीणानः पुमान् स्वस्य वञ्चकः केवलं भवेत् ।। 6 aleg IT gaftaleria: F9471HGTARTART giá ra gizo P. 296. 7 af at 7: yaran g TECKTÅ AT P. 294. 8 दर्शनाद्देहदोषस्य यस्तत्त्वाय जुगुप्सते । स लोहे कालिकालोकान्नूनं मुञ्चति काश्चनम् ।। 9 तदैतिह्ये च देहे च याथात्म्यं पश्यतां सताम् । उद्वेगाय कथं नाम चित्तवृत्तिः प्रवर्तताम् ।

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Anyasläghā or Müdhatā is attachment to the dogmas of other faiths, which a devout Jaina must avoid. The Vedic, Buddhist, and Saiva scriptures are dismissed by the author as favouring the use of honey, meat and wine, as also the Vedic religion which prescribes sacrifices as a means to salvation. Such practices as purification with earth etc., ceremonial bathing, sprinkling of water, ablutions, and the worship of the Manes and the Fire; the use of deceitful speech, holy ashes, cowdung plasters and Kuśa seats; the wearing of matted hair, ceremonial cloth and girdle; the carrying of clubs and bamboo baskets, and mystic poses of the fingers: all these are described as the stock-in-trade of those who are ignorant of the inner truth. The erroneous dogmas of other systems are attractive in outward appearance but dangerous in their inner significance; they are like the limpāka fruit, and should never be relied upon. A follower of the Jaina faith should neither praise nor become acquainted with such doctrines nor be misled by the knowledge and science of other schools of thought. The devout lady Revati is accordingly praised for the utter indifference to divinities not recognised by the Jaina scriptures.
Somadeva then describes the four attributes which contribute to the growth of Samyaktva. They are upagūha, sthitikāra, prabhāvana and vätsalya. Upagūha or Dharmopabrṁhana is guarding the reputation of one's religion by suppressing or concealing such faults of one's coreligionists as may lower it in the estimation of others. It is, of course, one's duty to enhance the prestige of one's faith by the cultivation of such virtues as forbearance, truthfulness, purity, mercy and honesty, and by the practice of austerities, self-control and charity. At the same time, if any of one's co-religionists commits an offence by chance or error,
one should conceal it with the wealth of one's own virtues' as does a mother that of her children. This seems to mean that one should establish the innocence of the culprit, even if the attempt should entail personal loss or damage. When, for instace, the bogus Jaina ascetic was arrested by the police for stealing the merchant's Jewel, the latter, being a good Jaina, declared that he had himself given it to the thief, because the conviction of a Jaina ascetic for theft would have lowered the prestige of Jainism among the populace
1 भर्मिभस्मजटावोटयोगपट्टकटासनम् । मेखलाप्रोक्षणं मुद्रा वृसीदण्डः करण्डकः ॥ शौच मज्जनमाचामः पितृपूजानलार्चनम् ।
grafita fatrai sfertei fatisd P. 296. 2 अन्तर्दुरन्तसंचार बहिराकारसुन्दरम् । न श्रद्दध्यात् कुदृष्टीनां मतं किंपाकसंनिभम् ।। 3 तत्संस्तवं प्रशंसां वा न कुर्वीत कुदृष्टिषु । ज्ञानविज्ञानयोस्तेषां विपश्चिन्न च विभ्रमेत् ।। 4 hora ilga H arian 1974: 449la: guia CHTÍCH 11 P. 302. 5 सवित्रीव तनूजानामपराधं सधर्मसु । दैवप्रमादसंपन्नं निगृहेद्गुणसंपदा ।।

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who were not acquainted with the real facts. Somadeva goes on to say that a religion cannot be sullied by the misdemeanour of a weakling among its adherents, just as the ocean does not become foul on account of a frog dying in its waters. This is, of course, true of all religions, but the Jainas seem to be prepared, under certain circumstances, to ignore occasional infractions of the moral code if they can thereby save their religion from any possible opprobium or disgrace.
Sthitikāra is the strengthening of the conviction of those among one's co-religionists who may be faltering in their loyalty to the faith, and show signs of breaking away from the fold. A person initiated into the Jaina religion may be wavering in his allegiance owing to the rigour of the vows and insufficient knowledge of the scriptures, and it is the duty of the faithful to hearten him and strengthen his loyalty to the faith.: A novice must not be discarded on account of a single lapse, and the aim of a good Jaina should be gananardhana, 'the advancement of the community', to be accomplished by constant efforts to win back waverers and sceptics and restore their allegiance. The ends of religion can be served only by the efforts of various types of men, and each one should be assigned the rôle for which he is fit. Any negligence of this principle deprives men of access to the truth, prolongs the cycle of births, and contributes to the decay of the faith. The story of Vārişeņa illustrates this aspect of one's obligations to one's religion,
Prabhāvana is propagation of the faith by the installation of images and the establishment of temples and the institution of worship and festivals as well as by the diffusion of knowledge and the practice of manifold austerities." We are also told that it is one's duty to enhance the prestige of the faith, without any motives of worldly gain, by means of charity and diverse forins of knowledge and science and the celebration of grand festivals and ceremonies.8 The story of Vajrakumāra shows that a good Jaina must be prepared to defend his religion against the encroachments of rival sects.
Vätsalya is helping one's co-religionists in distress, as illustrated in the story of the sage Vişņu. Connected with vātsalya are certain kindred virtues
1 See Chap. XVI. 2 अशक्तस्यापराधेन किं धमों मलिनो भवेत् । न हि भेके मृते याति पयोधिः पूतिगन्धताम् ॥ 3 ta A NTHITHI BITTE BEACHTET Whet hyfa 11 P. 304. 4 नवैः संदिग्धनिर्वाहैविदध्याद्गणवर्धनम् । एकदोषकृते त्याज्यः प्राप्ततत्त्वः कथं नरः॥ 5 q: whefeff are tal979: 1 344: Fann y Trei na aiseta 6 उपेक्षायां तु जायेत तत्त्वाइरतरो नरः । ततस्तस्य भवो दीर्घः समयोऽपि च हीयते ॥ 7 n a farfaus: 1 FIHETETUTTO STREHITHTFT II P. 309, 8 तद्दानशानविशानमहामहमहोत्सवैः। दर्शनद्योतनं कुर्यादैहिकापेक्षयोज्झितः ।।

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which a Jaina layman ought to cultivate. They are vinaya, vaiyāvrtya, and bhakti. Vinaya is respect for one's teacher, fellow-student, and the community, and for the study of the scriptures and ideal of self-control. Vaiyāvrtya is efficient service rendered to the miserable and the sick. Bhakti is pure and sincere devotion to Jina, the Jaina scriptures, and Jaina religious teachers distinguished for their austerities and learning.
X) Somadeva next deals with the salient features of Jaina religious and moral discipline in detail. In Book VII he defines Vrata as the mainstay of Samyaktva, and it is of two kinds according as it is based on the Malaguņas and Uttaruguņas. The Mūlaguņus are eight, consisting as they do of abstention from wine, meat, honey and five kinds of fruits such as Udumbara Asvattha, Plakṣa and Nyagrodha, which are the breeding ground of various living organisms, visible and invisible. A number of stories is told to illustrate some of the milagunas, and it is asserted that flesh-eaters have no kindness, drunkards never speak the truth, and people who take honey and the Udumbara fruit feel no pity.
Drinking is condemned by saying that it is the root of all evils, since it completely deludes the mind, and is therefore the greatest of all sins, Owing to the loss of the power of discrimination men commit all kinds of sins, which lead to their wandering in the wilderness of worldly existence. It is well-known that wine was the cause of the ruin of the Yādavas, just as gambling was the cause of that of the Pandavas?. Somadeva records also a curious belief that some persons, after a long succession of births and rebirths, are in the course of time transformed into wine to delude the minds of men. The number of sentient beings transformed into a single drop of wine is large enough to fill the universe !
With regard to the prohibition of meat-eating, Somadeva wonders how people who seek their own welfare hope to increase their own flesh
1 Eee #FTEIR fot i qetai BACHRAT face yTETIETTII P. 316. 2 आधिव्याधिनिरुद्धस्य निरवद्येन कर्मणा । सौचित्यकरणं प्रोक्तं वैयावृत्यं विमुक्तये ॥ 3 जिने जिनागमे सूरौ तपःश्रुतपरायणे । सद्भावशुद्धिसंपन्नोऽनुरागो भक्तिरुच्यते ।। 4 HUHHYRINTI: HETSF7929r: 1 gera TCFTATUT Toyo: al P. 327. * * * * * * Bruta
# Thaanaafa I STATEN: TOTA: For: TAT : 1! P. 330, 5 मांसादिषु दया नास्ति न सत्यं मद्यपायिषु । आनृशंस्यं न मत्र्येषु मधूदुम्बरसेविषु ॥ 6 सर्वदोषोदयो मद्यान्महामोहकृतेर्मतेः । सर्वेषां पातकानां च पुर-सरतया स्थितम् ॥ हिताहितविमोहेन देहिनः किं न
9179TI: PARTITOR HURTI P. 327.
भयेन यादवा नष्टा नष्टा छुतेन पाण्डवाः । इति सर्वत्र लोकेऽस्मिन् सुप्रसिद्ध कथानकम् ।। 8 समपद्य विपद्येह देहिनोऽनेकशः किल । मधीभवन्ति कालेन मनोमोहाय देहिनाम् ।। मथैकबिन्दुसंपन्ना-प्राणिनः प्रचरन्ति
चेत् । पूरयेयुन संदेहं समस्तमपि विष्टपम् ।।

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with the flesh of others. Just as one's own life is dear to one, similarly the life of another is dear to him; and one should therefore refrain from destroying animal life. The objection to honey is based on the ground that it is pressed out of the young eggs in the womb of bees', and resembles the embryo in the first stage of its growth. It is forbidden to eat or drink in the house of those who take wine, meat and honey, and even to use any utensils belonging to them. Further, one who observes the mülagunas should always avoid water brought in waterskins, oil kept in leather flasks, and women who are not in a fit state for vows.
In connection with the taboo on meat, we are told that some object even to the eating of beans and pulses, as these, too, according to them, are flesh, being endowed with life like the bodies of camels, sheep and other animals. Somadeva, however, rejects this view, and cites a verse to the effect that flesh may constitute the body of an animate object, but the body of any animate object is not necessarily composed of flesh; just as the Neem is a tree, but any tree is not Neem.
The Uttaraguņas are twelve in number, and comprise the five Aņuyratas, the three Guņavratas and the four Sikşāvratas. The An are treated in detail and fully illustrated with elaborate stories in VII.26–32. They consist of limited vows to renounce severally injury, stealing, falsehood, lust and greed.'
1 तत् स्वस्य हितमिच्छन्तो मुञ्चन्तश्चाहितं मुहुः । अन्यमांसैः स्वमांसस्य कथं वृद्धिविधायिनः ।। 2 ta sifat to her friota: faragaze at tegi RETSII P. 330. 3 मक्षिकागर्भसंभूतबालाण्डविनिपीडनात् । जातं मधु कथं सन्तः सेवन्ते कललाकृति ॥ 4 मद्यादिस्वादिगेहेषु पानमन्नं च नाचरेत् । तदमत्रादिसंपर्क न कुर्वीत कदाचन ॥ 5 दृतिप्रायेषु पानीयं स्नेहं च कुतपादिषु । व्रतस्थो वर्जयेन्नित्यं योषितश्चाव्रतोचिताः॥ 6 16-HiFi startetë paa at Hitafaat at ang nata: 11 P. 331. 7 Erdeaalnearicaragt: I gata a : 2 a a P. 333. The Aņuvratas or
lesser vows are intended for laymen and distinguished from the same vows in their more rigorous form, known as Mahâvratas or great vows, which are prescribed for unorks and ascetics. The vices against which these vows are directed cover a wido field, being classified into different categories. Theft, for example, includes misappropriation of deposits, as shown by the story of Sribhuti and Bhadramnitra (see Chap. XVI), It is noteworthy that the early Christians, tou, included this among the more serious violations of the moral law. Pliny who was sent as legate tu Bithynia in 111 A. 1), reports in his ninety-sixth letter to the Emperor Trajan that the Christians 'bound themselves with an oath, not fur any crime but not to commit theft or robbery or adultery, not to break their word, and not to deny a deposit when demanded'. Kidd: A History of the Church, Vol. I, p. 325; Bindley: l'he Apology of Tertullian, Appendix, p. 148 ff.

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Dealing with the question of injury, Somadeva enunciates a positive view of ahińsā and defines hirinsă as destruction of living creatures through error of judgement, and ahińsā as the protection afforded to them. It follows, therefore, that animals must not be killed for the purpose of worshipping the gods or the Manes, or entertaining one's guests, or in any mystic rites, or for medicinal purposes or out of fear: this constitutes the the vow of ahissa.?
All liquids should be strained through a cloth before use to avoid any possible injury to living creatures, and one should for the same reason give up also eating at night. Rice-gruel (or pickles), syrups, unhusked paddy, flowers, fruits, roots and leaves, being the breeding gr organisms, should not be acquired for use nor anything that is frequented by the latter. Hollow stalks and reeds should be avoided as well as creepers and bulbs resorted to by diverse creatures. Herbs or vegetables should be taken when no longer raw, after splitting them into two sections, and all kinds of pulses and beans which are cooked entire should also be avoided.
Somadeva then enumerates certain qualities which should be cultivated to realise the ideal of ahimsā. They are maitri, pramoda, kärunya and mādhyasthya. Maitri is the disposition not to cause suffering to any one by any physical act or thoughts or words. Pramoda is affection coupled with respect for men eminent for their virtues and religious austerities. Kārunya is the will to help the poor, while Mādhyasthya is an equitable attitude, free from pleasure and displeasure, towards those who are devoid of any merit. The supreme quality of kindness is emphasized by declaring that virtue is light and sin darkness, and sin cannot abide in a person crowned with the rays of kindness. 16 Ahiṁsā is thus a positive virtue, and resolves into jīvadayā or compassion for living creatures, which by itself is as efficacious as all good words combined. The effect of the latter is like the result of agricultural labour, while that of the former is like the miraculous results produced by the Cintamani yem."
1 यत् स्यात् प्रमादयोगेन प्राणिषु प्राणहापनम् । सा हिंसा रक्षणं तेषामहिसा तु सता मता ॥ P. 33 2 देवतातिथिपित्रर्थ मनौषधभयाय वा । न हिस्यात् प्राणिनां सर्वानहिंसा नाम तद्रतम् ।। 3 dagogifot aaffat qah UFTIx x x x x x x x Fastigi aut a azie * संधानं पानकं धान्यं पुष्पं मूलं फलं दलम् । जीवयोनि न संग्राह्यं यच्च जीवैरुपद्रुतम् ॥ 5 यदन्तःशुषिरप्रायं हेयं नालीनलादि तत् । अनन्तकायिकप्रायं वल्लीकन्दादिकं त्यजेत् ।। 6 द्विदलं द्विदलं प्राश्यं प्रायेणानवतां गतम् । सिद्धयः सकलास्त्याज्याः साधिता. सकलाश्च याः॥ 7 TT HTET E T a Eh 137.estat afat #itfaat Faril P. 335. 8 तपोगुणाधिके पुंसि प्रश्रयाश्रयनिर्भरः। जायमानो मनोरागः प्रमोदो विदुषां मतः॥ 9 दीनाभ्युद्धरणे बुद्धिः कारुण्यं करुणात्मनाम् । हषांम!ज्झिता वृत्तिमाध्यस्थ्य निर्गुणात्मनि ॥ 10 पुण्यं तेजोमयं प्राहुः प्राहुः पापं तमोमयम् । तत् पापं पुंसि कि तिष्ठेयादीधितिमालिनि ।। 11 gefal sifat407 453 4 : BTT: 10% a
T a rnuta II P. 337.

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Speaking of theft, Somadeva difines it as taking possession of another's property, not being given by the owner, with the exception of such things which may be used by all. It is permissible to take possession of ungiven property only at the death of one's kinsmen; in case of the living, specific permission for the purpose is necessary." Those who take the vow of non-stealing must not take anything that is the property of others 'whether in a house or in the street or on water or in the woods or on the hills'. With regard to objects of unknown ownership, the king alone has the right to acquire them so that the produce of mines, large and small, belongs to none but the king. Falsification of measures, abetment of theft, receiving of stolen property, and the accumulation of wealth in war time are obstacles to the vow of non-stealing."
Somadeva mentions various degrees of truth and falsehood. Firstly, that which is to some extent true, though on the whole false, as when we say in common parlance, 'he cooks food or weaves cloths'. Secondly, what is to some extent false, though on the whole true, as when a man, after promising to give something at the end of a fortnight, gives it after a month or a year. Thirdly, that which is in all respects true. Fourthly, that which is completely false, as when a man promises to give something which he does not possess." The fourth item should always be avoided, but the transactions of everyday life are founded on the other three, and sometimes even a false statement ceases to be false if it pleases one's preceptor and others. Divulging of secrets, slander, backbiting, forgery and perjury are obstacles to truth. One should not also talk about the wives of others nor speak against the king nor indulge in anti-social talks: one should take care
1 अस्य परस्वस्य ग्रहणं स्तेयमुच्यते । सर्वभोग्याचदन्यत्र भावात्तोयतृणादितः । P. 344.
2 ज्ञातीनामत्यये वित्तमदत्तमपि संगतम् । जीवतां तु निदेशेन व्रतक्षतिरतोऽन्यथा ॥
3 मन्दिरे पदिरे नीरे कान्तारे धरणीधरे । तन्नान्यदीयमादेयं स्वापतेयं व्रताश्रयैः ॥
4 रिक्थं निधिनिधामोत्थं न राशोऽन्यस्य युज्यते । यत् स्वस्यास्वामिकस्येह दायादो मेदिनीपतिः ।। Ms. A remarks यो व्ययीकृतः क्षयं न याति स निधिः । यद् व्ययीकृतं सत् क्षयं याति तन्निधानमल्पमित्यर्थः ॥
265
5 पौतवन्यूनताधिक्ये स्तेनकर्म ततो ग्रहः । विग्रहे संग्रहोऽर्थस्यास्तेयस्यैते निवर्तकाः ॥ The last item appears as fa in Tattvärthadhigamasutra VII. 27, which means 'Contraband trade with a hostile or prohibited country'. Siddhasena says in his commentary-Ink. राज्य निवासिन इतरस्य राज्यं प्रविशन्तीतरराज्यनिवासिनो वाऽन्यतरराज्यमभिगच्छन्तीति विरुद्धराज्यातिक्रमःPūjyapāda hints at profiteering from this source - विरुद्धराज्येऽतिक्रमः । तत्र हि अल्पमूल्यलभ्यानि महार्ष्याणि द्रव्याणीति प्रयत्नः ।
6 Properly speaking, one cooks rice etc. and weaves yarn.
7 असत्यं सत्यगं किंचित् सत्यमसत्यगम् । सत्यसत्यं पुनः किंचिदसत्यासत्यमेव च ॥ अस्येदमैदं पर्यमसत्यमपि किंचित् सत्यमेव यथान्धांसि रन्धयति व्यति वासांसीति etc. P. 349.
8 तुरीयं वर्जयेन्नित्यं लोकयात्रा त्रये स्थिता । सा मिथ्यापि न गीर्भिथ्या या गुर्वादिप्रसादिनी ॥
9 मत्रभेदः परीवादः पैशुन्यं कूटलेखनम् । मुधासाक्षिपदोक्तिश्च सत्यस्यैते विघातकाः ॥
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not to make any unfounded statement.1 Exaggeration, fault-finding and indecent speech must be avoided, and one should always speak words that are 'noble, beneficial and concise'.' One should not praise oneself nor calumniate others: one should not be jealous of the merits of others when they really exist and describe those of oneself which do not exist at all.
Somadeva appears in certain cirumstances to attach greater importance to self-preservation and philanthropic considerations than to speaking out the truth. He opines that the truth must not be spoken if it is likely to endanger others and bring inevitable ruin to oneself. This can only mean that the truth need not always by revealed, if by so doing one can stave off one's own ruin and that of others. Somadeva, however, points out that the effective power of truthful speech is based on the inherent validity of truth itself, and what a truthful man says is on all occasions valid."
It is evident that Somadeva lays as much emphasis on doing good to others as on speaking the truth, if not more. Doing good to others seems to him to be the most natural thing to do, and he fails to understand why people are bent on making others unhappy, since to make others happy is to make oneself happy." To harbour evil thoughts against others is to injure oneself, and Somadeva expresses the idea by saying that even while the mind spreads darkness over others, it injects streams of darkness into its veins'. One should accordingly be always merciful and always devoted to the good of others, be of pleasant nature and pleasant manners, do what is pleasant and speak what is pleasant. It is also a sin to withhold spiritual knowledge from any one who asks for it."
Somadeva then discusses the question of brahman or chastity, and defines it as regarding all women except one's wife or concubine as one's
1 परस्त्रीराज विद्विष्टलोकविद्विष्टसंश्रयाम् । अनायकसमारम्भां न कथां कथयेदुधः ॥
2 अत्युक्तिमन्यदोषोक्तिमसभ्योक्तिं च वर्जयेत् । भाषेत वचनं नित्यमभिजातं हितं मितम् ॥
3 न स्तूयादात्मनात्मानं न परं परिवादयेत् । न सतोऽन्यगुणान् हिंस्यान्नासतः स्वस्य वर्णयेत् ॥ P.350.
4 तत् सत्यमपि नो वाच्यं यत् स्यात् परविपत्तये । जायन्ते येन वा स्वस्य व्यापदश्च दुरास्पदाः ॥ P. 349 cf. Hemacandra: न सत्यमपि भाषेत परपीडाकरं वचः । लोकेऽपि श्रूयते यस्मात् कौशिको नरकं गतः ॥ Yogasästra 2. 61. The sage Kausika was famous for speaking the truth, but went to hell because accurate information given by him led to the capture and killing of a band of robbers, who had concealed themselves in a wood close to his hermitage.
5 सत्यवाक सत्यसामर्थ्याद्वचः सिद्धिं समश्रुते । वाणी चास्य भवेन्मान्या यत्र यत्रोपजायते ॥
P. 350.
6 यत् परस्य प्रियं कुर्यादात्मनस्तत् प्रियं हि तत् । अतः किमिति लोकोऽयं पराप्रियपरायणः ॥
7 यथा यथा परेष्वेतच्चेतो वितनुते तमः । तथा तथात्मनाडीषु तमोधारा निषिञ्चति ॥
8 प्रियशीलः प्रियाचारः प्रियकारी प्रियंवदः । स्वादानृशंसधीनित्यं नित्यं परहिते रतः ॥ P.349. 9 मोक्षमार्गे स्वयं जानन्नथिने यो न भाषते । मदापहवमात्सर्यैः स स्यादावरणद्वयी ॥

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mother, sister or daughter (according to their age). It is also defined as something, the maintenance of which leads to the growth of qualities like ahimsa or non-injury. In the Realm of Dharma' men are by nature temperate in their sexual desires, and one should therefore remain content with one's married wife, and leave alone the wives of others, female relations, and nuns.* Study, meditation and the practice of virtue are out of the question so long as the fire of sexual desire burns in the mind. Worldly pleasures should be enjoyed in moderation, like food, to satisfy only physical needs so as to avoid excessive longing for them. The vow of chastity is spoilt by illicit relation with women, unnatural methods of sexual enjoyment, arrangement of other people's marriages and preoccupation with the art of love. Wine, meat, gambling, music with song and dance, personal decoration, intoxication, libertines and aimless wandering: these ten are concomitants of sexual passion. One should be careful not to excite oneself by erotic acts, aphrodisiac potions and erotic literature. It should be remembered that men are never satiated with worldly pleasures, just as fire is never satiated with sacrificial oblations or the ocean with the influx of waters.10
Parigraha, the subject of the fifth Aņuvrata, is attachment to worldly objects, and it should always be curtailed. The attachment may be to both outer and inner objects, the former being ten and the latter fourteen. The outer objects are arable land, corn, money, habitation, clothing and the like, couch and seat, servants, cattle and household articles. The inner objects are false doctrines; the three kinds of inclinations (feminine inclinations, mesculine inclinations and inclinations common to both the sexes): the six kinds of feelings, viz., the sense of the laughable, pleasure, displeasure, sorrow, fear and disgust; and the four passions: anger, pride,
1 y rit yarar? Arar Euro a TCT 11 P. 359, 2 रक्ष्यमाणे हि हन्ति यत्राहिंसादयो गुणाः । उदाहरन्ति तद्ब्रह्म ब्रह्मविद्याविशारदाः॥ 3 Explained in Ms. A as grave. 4 Å TA Ha haut facer: a rafdryefffar I Ms. A remarks FEET
परिणीतया सह संभोगः कार्यः । परा चासौ अजातिः पराजातिः परकीयजातिः स्त्री। 5 FEYZer: fakia 970:1 Fre fervorady THTHT: 11 P. 360. 6 ऐदंपर्यमतो मुक्त्वा भोगानाहारवद्भजेत् । देहदाहोपशान्त्यर्थमभिध्यानविहानये ।। 7 परस्त्रीसंगमानङ्गक्रीडान्योपयमक्रियाः। तीव्रता रतिकैतव्ये हन्युरेतानि तद्तम्॥ 8 HI T561 alerfreiheit at fatt puca CFT971FT TOT | Ms. A explains thet as
यन्त्रलिङ्गलेपादिप्रयोगः 9 मदनोद्दीपनैर्वृत्तैर्मदनोद्दीपनै रसैः । मदनोद्दीपनैः शास्त्रैर्मदमात्मनि नाचरेत् ॥ 10 हव्यरिव हुतप्रीतिः पाथोभिरिव नीरधिः । तोषमेति पुमानेष न भोगैर्भवसंभवैः ।।

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deceit and greed.' The transient character of the body and the objects of the world, property, wife and children, ought to convince us of the vanity of our desires. Wretched and miserable is the man who uses his wealth for selfish enjoyment and not for the cultivation of virtue, and supremely wealthy are those who do not desire to acquire what they have not got nor rejoice when they have acquired it. Nothing but sin results from the concentration of the mind on wealth, and acquisition through greed of more than one's legitimate share of wealth or property destroys the vow to renounce parigraha. The man, who is free from desire for both the outer and inner objects of attachment, is fit to obtain the bliss of heaven and salvation.*
XI) The three Gunavratas are next described (VII. 33), but they are not illustrated with stories, like the five Anuvratas. The Gunavratas are Digvirati, Desavirati and Anarthadaṇḍavirati. The first two consist of vows to restrict one's movements to a fixed point in a particular direction or in a particular place, preparatory to restraining the mind from external objects by renouncing injury, greed, indulgence and similar propensities. These vows constitute a scheme of preliminary self-restraint designed to secure moral purity and establish mental equilibrium with regard to the objects
of the world.
The third Gunavrata is abstention from the Anarthadandas, which comprise all accessories of violence and all agencies and means of injury leading to slaughter, capture or confinemet, and are so called because they contribute to the prevalence of strife and discord. The Anartha-dandas include birds and animals like cocks, hawks, peacocks, cats, vicious elephants and ichneumons, and such means of injury as poison, spears, arms, fire whips, nooses and tethers. The person who takes a vow to observe this particular Gunavrata should not therefore keep noxious animals nor use any implement designed to cause injury or loss of life. The Anarthadaṇḍas cover a wide field and include also sinful gossip, evil thoughts, sports involving loss of life, futile occupations, doing harm to others, jealousy, and all acts that
1 क्षेत्रं धान्यं धनं वास्तु कुप्यं शयनमासनम् । द्विपदाः पशवो भाण्डं बाला दश परिग्रहाः ॥ समिथ्यात्वास्त्रयो वेदा हास्यप्रभृतयोऽपि षट् । चत्वारश्च कषायाः स्युरन्तर्ग्रन्थाश्चतुर्दश ॥ P. 36.
2 स श्रीमानपि निःश्रीकः स नरश्च नराधमः । यो न धर्माय भोगाय विनयेत धनागमम् ॥ प्राप्तेऽर्थे ये न मायन्ति नाप्राप्ते स्पृहयालवः । लोकद्वयश्रितां श्रीणां त एव परमेश्वराः ॥ P. 367.
3 कृतप्रमाणालोमेन धनादधिकसंग्रहः । पञ्चमाणुव्रतज्यानिं करोति गृहमेधिनाम् ॥
4 यस्य द्वन्द्वद्वयेऽप्यस्मिन् निःस्पृहं देहिनो मनः । स्वर्गापवर्गलक्ष्मीणां क्षणात् पक्षे स दक्षते ॥
5 दिक्षु सर्वास्वधः प्रोर्ध्वदेशेषु निखिलेषु च । एतस्यां दिशि देशेऽस्मिन्नियत्येवं गतिर्मम ॥ दिग्देश नियमादेवं ततो बाधेषु वस्तुषु । हिंसा लोभोपभोगादिनिवृत्तेश्चित्तयन्त्रणा ॥ P. 370.

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cause grief and mourning to one's fellow creatures. It will be seen that the third Guņavrata is designed to supplement the great vow of Ahimsa, and Somadeva goes on to say that, by renouncing the Anarthadandas, the
earns the friendship of all creatures and becomes their lord. Deception and violence practised at the instance of others, the overloading of beasts of burden, and causing excessive suffering to them amount to violation of this vow,
XII) The four Śikṣāvratas are treated in detail in Book VIII, which practically brings to an end Somadeva's masterly discourse on the Jaina religion. They are sāmāyika or customary worship, prosadhopäsana or religious fasting, niyama or limitation of worldly enjoyment, and dūna or charity.
We have in our work a comprehensive treatment of sāmāyika or the Jaina system of worship, which primarily resolves itself into the worship of Arhats, that is, the all-holy and omniscient Tirthamkaras or Patriarchs. The worship is of two kinds according as it is done with or without the use of idols.
a) The kind of worship in which idols are dispensed with is regulated by what is known as samayn-samīcāra-vidhi, which prescribes the adoration of certain entities, concrete and abstract, held sacred by Jainism. They are the Five Parameșthins or Exalted Beings and the Three Jewels (Right Belief, Right Knowledge and Right Conduct). All these should be visualized on a piece of birch bark or cloth or wooden board or a slab of stone or on sand or the earth or in the air or in one's heart. The salutations and hymns accompanying the votive offerings are composed by Somadeva himself in ornate prose and verse, and they rank high in Jaina devotional literature.
The Five Parameșthins are adored first. They are, according to Somadeva's interpretation, the Arhat, that is, one of the Tīrthaṁ karas or Patriarchs endowed with superhuman qualities; the Siddha or one who has realised within himself the luminous presence of the Infinite Soul; the Acārya or the teacher who regulates the social order according the principles of Jainism; the Upādhyāya or the learned preceptor who has mastered
1 शिखण्डिकुक्कुटश्येनबिडालव्यालबभ्रवः । विषकण्टक शस्त्राग्निकषापाशकरज्जवः ॥ पापाख्यानाशुभाध्यानहिंसाक्रीडावृथा
क्रियाः। परोपतापपैशुन्यशोकाक्रन्दनकारिता ।। वधबन्धनसंरोधहेतवोऽन्येऽपि चेदृशाः । भवन्त्यनर्थदण्डाख्याः संपराय'
प्रवर्धनात् ।। पोषणं क्रूरसत्त्वानां हिंसोपकरणक्रि याम् । देशव्रती न कुर्वीत स्वकीयाचारचारधीः॥ 2 अनर्थदण्टनिर्मोक्षादवश्यं देशतो यतिः । सुहृत्तां सर्वभूतेषु स्वामित्वं च प्रपद्यते ॥ 3 वञ्चनारम्भहिंसानामुपदेशात् प्रवर्तनम् । भाराधिक्याधिकक्लेशौ तृतीयगुणहानये ॥ 4 i fa feria and that we ar: HTFR
1 P. 373.

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the sacred lore; and the Sadhu or the devotee bent on salvation and engaged in rigorous austerities in the face of insuperable obstacles. It may be added that the doctrine of the Parameşthins is a cardinal feature of Jainism, which offers to some extent to be a cult of the superman in the sphere of religion, and reserves its highest honours for the best of men who uphold religion and society according to the tenets of the Jaina faith.
The Parameşthins as well as the Three Jelwes are invoked in our work in elaborate, long-winding prose salutations, each followed by a supple. mentary verse, some of which will be found reproduced in Chapter IV. Somadeva refers in this connection to the eightfold worship of the Parameşthins and the Three Jewels.
The prose invocations are followed by a considerable number of verses in praise of Right Faith, Right Knowledge, and Right Conduct, the Arhat, the Siddha, the Acărya, and Săntinātha, one of the the Jinas or Tirthamkaras. Most of these eulogies are couched in an elevated style and will be found in the chapter on Somadeva's verse.
b) The worshipper may also use an image of the Arhat, and such worship consists of six items, viz. bathing and adoration of the idol, hymns, silent prayer (japa), meditation, and the adoration of the presiding goddess of the scriptures (Śrutadevatā). The first two items, ceremonial bathing and adoration of the idol, are closely interconnected, and illustrated by Somadeva with a series of highflown verses in praise of Jina, designed to accompany each successive stage of the ritual. The various stages of the worship proper are prastāvanā (prelude ), purākarma (preliminary arrangements), sthāpanā (placing the idol on the altar), saṁnidhāpana installation of the idol), pūjā (obeisance and offerings ), and pūjāphala (declaration of the results accruing from the worship of Jina). The idol is bathed with fragrant water, clarified butter, and the juice of vines, dates, sugarcanes, old myrobalans, areca-nuts, and Piyala fruits as well as coconut-milk, and anointed with various pastes and compounds made from sandal, aloe wood, cardamoms, cloves and Kamkola berries. Four pitchers filled with water and decorated with flowers and leaves are kept ready for the bathing ceremony. The sacred Nandyävarta and Svastika emblems,
1 For example, 'maatsecarafgaise APT title rer. The eightfold worship is defi
ned as fiollows in Hemacandra's Yogaśāstra 3. 120: STE I T rafa fari f ra धूपदीपैः सानाय्यैः प्राज्यभेदैश्चरुभिरुपहृतैः पाकपूतैः फलैश्च । अम्भ-संपूर्णपात्रैरिति हि जिनपतेरर्चनामष्टभेदां कुर्वाणा
वेश्मभाजः परमपदसुखस्तोममारालभन्ते ॥ 2 arretratarea
area : aquifa forare: 11 P. 383. 3 एलालवङ्गकङ्कोलमलयागरुमिश्रितैः। पिष्टैः कल्कैः कषायैश्च जिनदेहमुपास्महे ।। 4 पाथःपूर्णान् कुम्भान् कोणेषु सुपलवप्रसूना न् । दुग्धाब्धीनिव विदधे प्रवालमुक्तोल्बणांश्चतुरः ।।

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fruits, flowers, unbroken rice, water, handfuls of Kusa grass, and earthen vessels are revolved in a circular fashion before the idol: this being the ceremony known as nīrājanā. After a final bath (avabhrthasnāna), the worshipper should present to the idol Kalama rice, havis, lights, incense, flowers and fruits. White parasols, fly-whisks and mirrors are among the articles used in the worship of the idol.
The following are some of the verses composed by Somadeva to mark the different stages in the worship of Jina.
पाथःपूर्णान् कुम्भान् कोणेषु सुपल्लवप्रसूनार्चान् । दुग्धान्धीनिव विदधे प्रवालमुक्तोल्बणांश्चतुरः ॥ (पुराकर्म ) p. 383. तीर्थोदकैर्मणिसुवर्णघटोपनीतैः पीठे पवित्रवपुषि प्रतिकल्पितार्थे । 'लक्ष्मीश्रुतागमनबीजविदर्भगर्भे संस्थापयामि भुवनाधिपति जिनेन्द्रम् ॥ (स्थापना) सोऽयं जिनः सुरगिरिननु पीटमेतदेतानि दुग्धजलधेः सलिलानि साक्षात् । इन्द्रस्त्वहं तव सवप्रतिकर्मयोगात् पूर्णा ततः कथमियं न महोत्सवश्रीः॥ (संनिधापनम् )
The following verses among others are meant to be recited while worshipping the idol with diverse offerings : योगेऽस्मिन् नाकनाथ ज्वलन पितृपते नैगमेय प्रचेतो वायो रैदेशशेषोडुपसपरिजना यूयमेत्य ग्रहानाः। मनःस्वःसधायैरधिगतवलयः स्वासु दिक्षुपविष्टाःक्षेपीयः क्षेमदक्षाः कुरुत जिनसवोत्साहिनां विघ्नशान्तिम् ॥P.383 ममृतकृतकर्णिकेऽस्मिन् निजाबीजे कलादले कमले। संस्थाप्य पूजयेयं त्रिभुवनवरदं जिनं विधिना ।
The glory of the bathing ceremony is proclaimed in another verse:
लक्ष्माकल्पलते समुलस जनानन्दैः परं पल्लवैर्धारामफलैः प्रकामसुभगस्त्वं भव्यसेव्यो भव ।
बोधाधीश विमुञ्च संप्रति मुहुर्दुष्कर्मधर्मक्लमं त्रैलोक्यप्रमदावहैर्जिनपतेर्गन्धोदकैः नापनात् ॥ P. 385 Owing to the bathing of Lord Jina with perfumed waters that delight the universe, thou Wishing Creeper of Prosperity, blossom forth with leaves, bringing joy to men; thou Garden of Religious Merit, ever beautiful with fruits, be thou the resort of the faithful; and, thou Soul, shake off now the langour caused by the seat of recurring sins ?'
The benign influence of the worship of Jina is expressed in the following benediction :
धर्मेषु धर्मनिरतात्मसु धर्महेतोर्धर्मादवातमहिमास्तु नृपोऽनुकूलः ।' नित्यं जिनेन्द्रचरणार्चनपुण्यधन्याः कामं प्रजाश्च परमां श्रियमामुवन्तु ॥ P. 386.
1 नन्द्यावर्त स्वस्तिकफलप्रसूनाक्षताम्बुकुशपूलैः । अवतारयामि देवं जिनेश्वरं वर्धमानैश्च ।। P. 384. 2 यज्ञैर्मुदावभृथभाग्भिरुपास्य देवं etc. As Ms. A says, यशैः means पूजाभिः. P. 386. 3 Refers to the mystic formula श्री. Ms. A says पीठस्यापि पूर्वम? दीयते । अक्षतैः श्रीकारो लिख्यते न
तु गन्धेन. 4 Ms. A explains अमृत as पवर्ण and says: पकारेण कर्णिका क्रियते तन्मध्ये स्वकीयं नाम निक्षिप्यते।
षोडशदलेषु अकारादयः स्वरा लिख्यन्ते । 5 Ms. A reads धर्महेतौ for धर्महेतो and explains it as चैत्यालयमुनिशास्त्रसंघेषु.

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"Let a king, having acquired glory by dint of virtue, be for the sake of Virtue, favourable to the practice of the virtues and those who are devoted to Virtue. Let the people, too, obtain at will the highest prosperity, ever blessed with the religious merit accruing from the worship of Lord Jina's feet.'
c) The ritual of worship is followed by the singing of hymns in praise of Jina. The next item is Japa or the repetition of the famous Pañcaparameşthi-mantra consisting of thirtyfive letters:
“णमो अरहताणं, णमो सिद्धाणं, णमो आयरियाणं, णमो उवज्झायाणं, णमो लोए सव्वसाहूर्ण ।" This is the sarvākşara-mantra. Somadeva refers also to the nāmākşara formula consisting only of the names of the five Parameşthins, the mukhyāksara formula consisting of the initial letters of the names of the Parameşthins, and formulas consisting of a single letter such as Oms or 31, but he prefers the one consisting of thirtyfive letters as the most authoritative. The counting of the letters is to be done with a rosary composed of lotus seeds or golden beads or sunstones or gems, and the counting may also be done with flowers or on the finger-joints. The formula is to be repeated in full, very clearly, with stress on the final anusvāras. The repetition of the mantra may be vocal or mental, the latter method being the more efficacious. Great mystic value is attached to this formula which is eloquently praised by our author.
d) Japa is followed by dhyāna or meditation. The thirtyninth section of Book VIII deals with this important subject, and belongs, in fact, to a type of Jaina mystic literature represented by such works as Kundakunda's Mokkhapähuda and Niyamasāra. Samādhisataka, Yogindu's Paramātmaprakāša, Subhacandra's Jñānārņava and Devasena's Ārādhanāsūra. There are different kinds of dhyāna, but the fundamental basis of the Jaina system of meditation is the contemplation and realisation of the true nature of the Self. It is necessary to remember at the outset that Jaina doctrine l'ecognises three kinds of Self: bahirātmá or the outer
1 "Tefingrettigiegitaargyi A: 1" Ms. A says 376 AG i. 3 3 3 3941" 3 See Section (d). 4 Hatacara HETER autfernal afirf 79 Baca T ita il P. 390. See also Dravya.
samgraha, verse 49 and Brahmadeva's comm. thereon. qorts at Etqu a gafa
जवह झाएह । परमेट्ठिवाचयाणं अण्णं च गुरूवएसेण ॥ 5 पुष्पैः पर्वभिरम्वुजबीजस्वर्णाकान्तरलैर्वा । निष्कम्पिताक्षवलयः पर्यस्थो जपं कुर्यात् ।। 6 T ETË AACHET 6997:!'

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Self, antarātmā or the inner Self, and paramātmā or the higher Self. Kundakunda says in his Mokkhapähuda that the external Self consists of the sense organs; the inner Self is the consciousness that the soul is distinct from the body; and the higher Self is the emancipated soul free from the impurities of Karma. The paramātmā or the higher Self is the sole object of meditation, and it is essential to note that it is not the universal Soul of Vedānta, but the pure and all-knowing soul in each individual, circumscribed and obscured for the time being by the hindrances of karma. Jaina meditation is not merely contemplation but realisation of the Self, which is the same thing as liberation or the
existence of the individual soul. As Kundakunda says, the Yogin by contemplating the paramātmā diverts himself of sin-producing greed and acquires no new karma : firm in right conduct and right faith, he contemplates the Self and reaches the supreme goal (ibid. verses 48, 49).
Somadeva begins by saying that the prescribed process of meditation should be sedulously practised by one who desires to contemplate the Supreme Light and attain that eternal abode', that is, the abode of the emancipated souls at the top of the universe, as conceived by Jainism. The Supreme Light (paramjyotih) is the higher Self or paramātmā, and the expression is often used in this sense in Jaina literature, e. g., in Jñānārņava 31. 8,8 41;4 32. 35% etc.
Somadeva mentions two broad divisions of meditation, sabijadhyāna and abījadhyāna. In sabijadhyāna the mind is like a lamp, unshaken by the gusts of external and internal delusion, and cheers up at the sight of the Truth. In abījadhyāna the mental current reaches a stage when it becomes devoid of conscious thought, and the Self sparkles within itself." In other words, the mind is at work in sabījadhyāna, but ceases to function in abijadhyāna, leaving the Self to discover itself. The latter is the higher kind of contemplation, of which Somadeva describes the main characteristics. He says that when the five senses sink into themselves and the mind is submerged, the Light dawns on the inner Self. Meditation consists in mental concentration; the Self meditates and reaps the consequences; the
1 अक्खाणि बाहिरप्पा अंतरअप्पा हु अप्पसंकप्पो । कम्मकलंकविमुक्को परमप्पा भण्णए देवो॥ 2 परमप्पय झायंतो जोई मुच्चेइ मलदलोहेण । णादियदि णवं कम्मं णिद्दिढ जिणवरिंदेहिं ॥ होऊण दिढचरित्तो दिढसम्मत्तेण
भावियमईओ। झायंतो अप्पाणं परमपयं पावए जोई ।। 3 CHICHT TEUTA: 4 qollar aysutsfartafia: 6 aya: qfACICHT q ila: 1: 6 af CFTTHVATAITETA arha: 1 YTToate ca aa PT Ezra Foto 1 P. 391. 7 निर्विचारावतारासु चेतस्रोतःप्रवृत्तिषु । आत्मन्येव स्फुरन्नात्मा भवेधानमबीजकम् ॥ 35

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YAŠASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Light of the Self is the object of meditation; and the subjugation of the senses is the means to accomplish it. Lack of strength does not remove obstacles nor does lack of stamina lead to eternal life : one should therefore contemplate the higher Self ( paraṁ brahma) without any sense of weakness." Two points may be noted in this connection. First, while there cannot be meditation without mental concentration, the destruction of the senses
ally the activity of the mind is the primary condition of self-realisation. Devasena's Ārādhanāsāra, which elaborates the point, remarks, for instance, that the Self ātmā becomes the higher Self (paramātmā) when the activity of the mind is destroyed. Yogindu in his Paramātmaprakāša (verse 31) describes the higher Self as mindless amanu), and the devotee is asked to meditate on the infinite and divine Self by suppressing the mind." Super-mental consciousness is the goal aimed at, and the vision of the Light is said to appear only when the senses are subdued and the mind is at a standstill. Pūjyapāda says in his Samadhigataka (verse 30 ) that what one visualizes for a moment after controlling all the senses, with the inner Self motionless and calm, is the reality underlying the higher Self. Somadeva says in a mystic verse, which, if we understand it correctly, seems to mean that when the swan of the mind (i. e. the inner Self) is bereft of mental activity and the swan of the soul (i, e. the higher Self) is steady in every respect, the swan of knowledge becomes the swan of the lake of visible pheno. mena in their entirety. There seems to be here a reference to what Yogindu calls haṁsācāra (2. 170), which is explained as the passionfree purity of the soul concomitant with infinite knowledge and other attributes.
Secondly, the use of the expression param brahma in the sense of the higher Self is another instance of Jaina adaptation of Vedantic terminology. Somadeva uses the expression several times, and other examples are frequently found in Yogindu's Paramātmaprakāśa.
Meditation is always difficult. Just as gems, though found in the earth, are not found everywhere; similarly, meditation, though it depends upon
1 चित्तस्यैकाग्रता ध्यानं ध्यातात्मा तत्फलप्रभुः।ध्येयमात्मागमज्योतिस्तद्विदिहयातना।। नाक्षमित्वमविघ्नाय न क्लीबत्वममृत्यवे ।
TATE PRETARISHT TË Rea fatada 11 P. 391. 2 foto forget 31 4547347 CAT 3 for foarfifa ilt að 370 g Bruia 2. 172. 4 सन्द्रियाणि संयम्य स्तिमितेनान्तरात्मना । यत् क्षणं पश्यतो भाति तत्तत्त्वं परमात्मनः॥ 5 ART HIEĦ ga ada: feriachtsfaltaTHÉA: wara li P. 392. 6 Brahmadeva says in his commentary: हंसाचार संशयविभ्रमविमोहरहितानन्तशानादि निर्मलगुणयोगेन
हंस इव हंसः परमात्मा तस्य आचारं रागादिरहितं शुद्धात्मपरिणाममिति । 7 See below. 8 ay gufag i. 109. Comm. says te falfoqchi RHT Frat; at af The
2. 171 etc.

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individual effort, is not possible for everybody.' The duration of dhyana is only an antarmuhurta; and it is difficult to attain a state of mind, steadfast in meditation and free from vibration.2 But dhyana, though it lasts only for such a short time, firm in the soul, totally destroys one's accumulated karma, just as a stroke of lightning rends asunder a hill in a moment. There are five factors which contribute towards Yoga or meditation: indifference to the world, maturity of knowledge, lack of attachment, a steadfast mind and ability to endure the privations of hunger, thirst, grief, swoon, old age and death.* The obstacles to Yoga are mental suffering, disease, error, carelessness, idleness, confusion, lack of success, attachment and fickleness." He who practises meditation should be free from anger and pleasure, and remain indifferent, like a clod of earth, both to one who pierces him with thorns and one who smears him with sandal-paste." He should maintain a uniform attitude towards gain and loss, home and woodland, friend and foe, the pleasant and the unpleasant, happiness and misery. He should be deeply learned in sacred lore regarding the higher Self, endowed with fortitude, goodwill, and maintain constant silence except for words pleasant and true.
8
Somadeva then refers to the four kinds of dhyana mentioned in Tattvarthasutra, ch. IX: arta, raudra, dharmya and sukla. Artadhyāna is of four kinds: contemplation of the presence of an unpleasant object and the anxiety to get rid of it; contemplation of the loss of a pleasant object and the anxiety to regain it; constant thought of pain or disease and the desire to remove it; and the anxiety to enjoy unattained objects of pleasure. Raudradhyana is also of four kinds according as it is preoccupied with thoughts of injury, falsehood, theft and the preservation of the means of enjoyment. Artadhyana and Raudradhyāna should be avoided by all means: they are, as it were, gates barring the entry of the Three Jewels and effective barriers in the path of liberation; steps leading to hell and wings obscuring the vision of the truth. The tree of rebirth prodigiously grows as long as even a vestige of these two dhyānas remains in the mind."
1 भूमौ जन्मेति रत्नानां यथा सर्वत्र नोद्भवः । तथात्मजमिति ध्यानं सर्वत्राङ्गिनि नोद्भवेत् ॥ P. 392.
2 तस्य कालं वदन्त्यन्तर्मुहूर्त मुनयः परम् । अपरिस्पन्दमानं हि तत् परं दुर्धरं मनः ॥
3 तत्कालमपि तद्ध्यानं स्फुरदेकाग्रमात्मनि । उच्चैः कर्मोच्चयं भिन्द्याद्वज्रं शैलमिव क्षणात् ॥
4 वैराग्यं ज्ञानसंपत्तिरसंग: स्थिरचित्तता । ऊर्मिस्मयसहत्वं च पञ्च योगस्य हेतवः ॥
5 आधिव्याधिविपर्यासप्रमादालस्यविभ्रमाः । अलाभः सङ्गिता स्थैर्यमेते तस्यान्तरायकाः ॥
6 यः कण्टकैस्तुदत्यनं यश्च लिम्पति चन्दनैः । रोषतोषा विषिक्तात्मा तयोरासीत लोष्टवत् ॥
7 लाभेलाभे वने वासे मित्रेऽमित्रे प्रियेऽप्रिये । सुखे दुःखे समानात्मा भवेत्तद्धयानधीः सदा ॥ P. 393.
8 परे ब्रह्मण्यनूचानो धृतिमैत्रीदयान्वितः । अन्यत्र सूनृताद्वाक्यान्नित्यं वाचंयमी भवेत् ॥
9 जन्तोरनन्तसंसारभ्रमनोरथवर्त्मनी । आर्तरौद्रे त्यजेद्धयाने दुरन्तफलदायिनी ॥ बोध्यागमकपाटे ते मुक्तिमार्गागंले परे । सोपाने श्वलोकस्य तत्त्वेक्षावृतिपक्ष्मणी ॥ लेशतोऽपि मनो यावदेते समधितिष्ठतः । एष जन्मतरुस्तावदुच्चैः समधिरोहति ॥
P. 393.

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Somadeva then deals with Dharmyadhyāna and Sukladhyāna. He who practises Dharmyadhyāna should ponder over the fundamental principles of Jainism, carefully considering the authoritative means of knowledge, and the various standpoints and aspects. Dharmyadhyāna is of four kinds: ājñāvicaya or discerning the truth on the basis of absolute faith in the scriptures composed by Jina; apāyavicaya or pondering on the means of making people abstain from wrong belief, knowledge and conduct; vipākavicaya or pondering over the consequences of the eight kinds of karma; and samsthānavicaya or pondering over the nature and constitution of the universe. Somadeva gives examples of all the varieties of Dharmyadhyāna. For instance, the devotee may reflect on ajñā in the following manner: 'Just as there is no mystery in the world about pure gold and its working, similarly it is the desire of the wise that there should be no mystery about authoritative scriptures. But the scriptures of other faiths) fail to convince even persons of scanty intelligence like myself. How can they help the creatures sinking in the ocean of worldly existence?' Apāya may be contemplated as follows: 'Alas, the darkness of false doctrines makes man's minds blind to the acceptance of the Three Jewels, even though such a step shines with the rays of reason. Let us hope for the day when, casting off sins, men will see the Truth that puts an end to misery.'After reflecting on the constitution of the universe, the devotee should ponder over the consequences of karma : "There in the universe, upwards, downwards, and athwart, the creatures incessantly wander, like dust, impelled by the gust of their own karma.'' It is asserted that he who thus practises Dharmyadhyāna, with his senses and mind subdued, has his darkness dispelled, as if at the rise of the sun
The next step is Sukladhyāna which is the highest form of meditation. The four stages of this dhyāna are briefly mentioned by Somadeva (P. 394.):
भेदं विवर्जिताभेदमभेदं भेदवर्जितम् । ध्यायन् सूक्ष्मक्रियाशुद्धो निष्क्रिय योगमाचरेत् ॥ The first stage, called by Somadeva diversity devoid of unity', is prthaktvavitarka-vīcāra, wherein the devotee is absorbed in the meditation of the Self, but unconsciously allows its different attributes to replace one another. The second stage, called by our author ‘unity devoid of diversity', is ekatva-vitarka
।
1 Alfa: Highfara: I failer arag
y
: 11 P. 394. 2 अरहस्ये यथा लोके सती काञ्चनकर्मणी । अरहस्यं तथेच्छन्ति सुधियः परमागमम् । यः स्खलत्यल्पबोधानां विचारेष्वपि
HIEFTET I Hartia Hurraga: 4 a 11 (CAT) P. 394. 3 अहो मिथ्यातमः पुंसां युक्तिद्योतैः स्फुरत्यपि । यदन्धयति चेतांसि रत्नत्रयपरिग्रहे ।। आशास्महे तदेतेषां दिन यत्रास्तकल्मषाः।
इदमेते प्रपश्यन्ति तत्त्वं दुःखनिबर्हणम् ।। (इत्यपायः) 4 अकृत्रिमो विचित्रात्मा मध्ये च त्रसराजिमान् । मरुत्त्रयीवृतो लोकः प्रान्ते तद्धामनिष्ठितः ।। (इति लोकः) रेणुवज्जा
न्तवस्तत्र तिर्यगूलमधोऽपि च । अनारतं भ्रमन्त्येते निजकर्मानिलेरिताः।। (इति विपाका) 5 farayat y TICHETTA: ITAIFA TH I ETITRIGA !

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vicāra, wherein the Yogin concentrates on a particular aspect of the Self without any change or variation. These two stages of Sukladhyāna are followed by the destruction of the destructive' karmas, and the third stage is known as sūkşma-kriyā-pratipāti, wherein the absorption of the soul in itself
s room for minute vibratory movements in the soul. The fourth stage is vyuparata-kriyā-nivarti, called by Somadeva nişkriya yoga, wherein vibration or activity of any kind is totally absent. Transcending the body, the Yogin now loses all connection with the mind, and his vital breaths come to an end, while he attains the supreme goal and perfect knowledge. This is the stage in which the Self becomes the higher this is moksa or liberation, characterized by the destruction of both 'destructive' and "undestructive' karmas, and free from the limitations of birth, a condition in which the Self attains its own qualities. As Kundakunda says in his Samayasāra (verse 196), one who is full of faith and knowledge, and meditates on the Self with undivided attention, soon attains the higher Self, free from karmas;and liberation is nothing but the attainment or realisation of the higher Self, as pointed out by Yogindu in Paramātmaprakāśa 2. 10.
One who practises meditation should also contemplate the path of the Three Jewels, the rules of conduct, the Anuprekşās, and the seven fundamental principles of Jainism, and the personality of Lord Jina." But the contemplation of the Self is the supreme object of dhyāna, and the devotee should reflect within himself that he knows the truth and devotedly believes in the scriptures, and will renounce all external activity and merge the Self in the (higher) Self. As explained in Jñānārnava 40.19, the person engaged in meditation should unite the Self with the higher Self, inspired solely by the nature thereof, and impregnating the Self with the qualities of the higher Self.
The realisation of the higher) Self by the Self by means of the (inner) Self, that is, knowledge, is a mode of expression frequently used in
1 See Tattvārthādhigamasūtra IX. 39 (ed. Jaini, p. 190). 2 STATISTICHET: ITIFAHTETHET: 1 Terda: qĖ ECH macar saert The verse is omitted in the
printed text of Yaśastilaka, p. 394. 3 The 'destructive' (घातिन) Karmas are शानावरणीय, दर्शनावरणीय, मोहनीय and अन्तराय. The ___ 'undestructive' (अघातिन् ) Karmas are वेदनीय, नाम, गोत्र and आयुः. See Section IV. 4 tafuta halofarm 154FHITHICHO HAIG#affout: 11 P. 394. 5 अप्पाणं झायंतो दंसणणाणमइओ अणण्णमणो । लहदि अचिरेण अप्पाणमेव सो कम्मणिम्मुक्कं ।। 6 जीवहँ सो पर मोक्खु मुणि जो परमप्पयलाहु । कम्मकलंकविमुक्काहँ णाणिय बोल्लहि साहू । 7 HUHÀHT: HTTÅ ATT I TEMATYCHT THE G ut: 11 P. 395. 8 जाने तत्त्वं यथैतिह्य श्रद्दधे तदनन्यधीः । मुञ्चेऽहं सर्वमारम्भमात्मन्यात्मानमादधे ॥ 9 तद्गुणग्रामसंपूर्ण तत्स्वभावैकभावितः । कृत्वात्मानं ततो ध्यानी योजयेत् परमात्मनि ।

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Jaina mystic literature with peculiar and almost redundant emphasis. Somadeva, for instance, says that when the Self realises the Self within itself by means of the Self as a result of the attainment of the Three Jewels, it attains itself (that is, its own true qualities) along with the higher Self (P. 395):
___ आत्मायं बोधिसंपत्तेरात्मन्यात्मानमात्मना । यदा सूते तदात्मानं लभते परमात्मना । The idea is expressed in similar language in several other texts, e. g., Samayasāra 196; Pūjyapāda's Istopadesa 22; Jñānārnava 32. 41; Paramātmaprakāsa 2. 174 :
अप्पाणं झायंतो दंसणणाणमइओ अणण्णमणो । लहदि अचिरेण अप्पाणमेव सो कम्मणिम्मक। संयम्य करणग्राममेकाग्रत्वेन चेतसः । आत्मानमात्मवान् ध्यायेदात्मनैवात्मनि स्थितम् ॥
मात्मन्येवात्मनात्मायं स्वयमेवानुभूयते । अतोऽन्यत्रैव मां ज्ञातुं प्रयासः कार्य निष्फलः ॥ एह जु अप्पा सो परमप्पा कम्मविसेसें जायउ जप्पा । जामइँ जाण अप्प अप्पा तामहूँ सो जि देउ परमप्पा ॥ Somadeva declares that the Self meditates, the Self is the object of meditation, the Self is meditation, and the Self composed of the Three Jewels is the result of meditation (P. 395):
ध्यातात्मा ध्येयमात्मैव ध्यानमात्मा फलं तथा । आत्मा रत्नत्रयात्मोक्को यथा युक्तिपरिग्रहः ॥ The absolute identity of the Self with the higher Self so that there remains no distinction between the subject and object of meditation and meditation itself is proclaimed also in other texts: Pujyapāda's Istopadesa 25; Devasena's Arādhanāsūra 11; Jñānārņava 31. 37–8:
कटस्य कर्ताहमिति संबन्धः स्याद् द्वयोर्द्वयोः । ध्यानं ध्येयं यदात्मैव संबन्धः कीदृशस्तदा ॥ भाराहणमाराहं भाराहय तह फलं च जे भणियं । तं सव्वं जाणिजो अप्पाणं चेव णिच्छयदो॥ अनन्यशरणीभूय स तस्मिन् लीयते तथा । ध्यातृध्यानोभयाभावे ध्येयेनैक्यं यथा व्रजेत् ॥ सोऽयं समरसीभावस्तदेकीकरणं स्मृतम् । अपृथकत्वेन यत्रात्मा लीयते परमात्मनि ॥
Somadeva has a number of verses which contain the reflections of the devotee engaged in meditation (P. 395):
सुखामृतसुधासूतिस्तद्भवेरुदयाचलः । परं ब्रह्माहमत्रासे तमःपाशवशीकृतः ॥ यदा चकास्ति मे चेतस्तद्ध्यानोदयगोचरम् । तदाहं जगतां चक्षुः स्यामादित्य इवातमाः॥ आदौ मध्वमधु प्रान्ते सर्वमिन्द्रियजं सुखम् । प्रातःस्रायिषु हेमन्ते तोयमुष्णमिवाङ्गिषु ॥ यो दुरामयदुर्देशे बद्धग्रासो यमोऽङ्गिनि । स्वभावसुभगे तस्य स्पृहा केन निवार्यते ॥ जन्मयौवनसंयोगसुखानि यदि देहिनाम् । निर्विपक्षाणि को नाम सुधीः संसारमुत्सृजेत् ॥ भनुयाचेत नायूंषि नापि मृत्युमुपाहरेत् । भृतो भृत्य इवासीत कालावधिमविस्मरन् । महाभोगोऽहमद्यास्मि यत्तत्त्वरुचितेजसा । सुविशुद्धान्तरात्मासे तमःपारे प्रतिष्ठितः ॥ तनास्ति यदहं लोके सुखं दुःखं च नाप्तवान् । स्वमेऽपि न मया प्राप्तो जैनागमसुधारसः ।।
सम्यगेतत् सुधाम्भोधेर्षिन्दुमप्यालिहन मुहुः । जन्तुर्न जातु जायेत जन्मज्वलनभाजनः। I am the higher Self, the moon of the nectar of bliss, and the mountain
1 एष यः आत्मा स परमात्मा कर्मविशेषेण जातः जाप्यः । यदा जानाति आत्मना आत्मानं तदा स एव देवः परमात्मा ।। 2 आराधनमाराध्यं आराधकस्तथा फलं च यद् भणितम् । तत् सर्व जानीहि आत्मानं चैव निश्चयतः ।।

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whence rises the sun of bliss. Overpowered by the fetters of ignorance, I am confined within the body. But when my mind shines under the influence of the contemplation of the higher Self, I will be the eye of the universe, like the sun free from darkness. All pleasures of the senses are sweet at the outset, but bitter at the end, like water in the winter, which at first proves warm to bathers at dawn. Death is ready to swallow even a creature afflicted with a fell disease: who can check his greed for one that is beautiful by nature ? If life, youth, association and the joys of creatures were permanent, what wise man would desire to avoid the cycle of births ? One should neither long for life nor invite death, but remain like a servant maintained with wages, not forgetting the limit of one's term. Paramount happiness is mine today, standing as I do on the farther shore of darkness, the in thoroughly purified by the light of faith in the fundamental truths. No pleasure or pain is there in the world which I have not experienced, but never have I tasted the nectar of Jaina lore even in a dream. No living creature ever becomes subject to the flames of rebirth if he takes, rightly and often, even a drop of that ocean of nectar !' .
The devotee should also contemplate the nature and glory of Jing, 'who appears to shine in person in the lights of meditation'. Somadeva describes in a series of verses the various aspects of the Exalted One's sacred majesty, as a guide to the devotee's own contemplation of the true character of Jina. Portions of the dhyāna are reproduced below (P. 397):
देव देवसभासीनं पञ्चकल्याणनायकम् । चतुस्त्रिंशद्गुणोपेतं प्रातिहार्योपशोभितम् ॥ निरञ्जनं जनाधीशं परमं रमयाश्रितम् । अच्युतं च्युतदोषौघमभवं भवभृद्गुरुम् ॥ प्रभवं सर्वविद्यानां सर्वलोकपितामहम् । सर्वसत्वहितारम्भं गतसर्वमसर्वगम् ॥' स्तूयमानमनूचानब्रह्मोथैर्ब्रह्मकामिभिः। अध्यात्मागमवेधोभियोगिमख्यैर्महर्द्धिभिः॥ निरूपं रूपिताशेषमशब्दं शब्दनिष्ठितम् । अस्पर्श योगसंस्पर्शमरसं सरसागमम् ॥ अतावकगुणं सर्व स्वं सर्वगुणभाजनः । त्वं सृष्टिः सर्वकामानां कामसृष्टिनिमीलनः॥ त्रयीमार्ग प्रयीरूपं त्रयीमुक्तं त्रयीपतिम् । त्रयीव्याप्तं त्रयीतत्त्वं त्रयीचूडामणिस्थितम् ॥ जगतां कौमुदीचन्द्रं कामकल्पावनीरुहम् । गुणचिन्तामणिक्षेनं कल्याणागमनाकरम् ॥ प्रणिधानप्रदीपेषु साक्षादिव चकासतम् । ध्यायेजगत्त्रयार्चाहमर्हन्तं सर्वतोमुखम् ॥
Somadeva then explains the Jaina view of gods. He tells us that the Jaina scriptures have imagined the existence of various deities for the protection of the faith, but whoever considers them equal in matters
1 न सर्व गच्छति इति शरीरप्रमाणमित्यर्थः-Ms. A. 2 यद् वस्तु तत् सर्वम् अतावकगुणं त्वत्स्वरूपं न-Ms. A. 3 According to Ms. A, त्रयी means successively (1) रत्नत्रय (2) सत्ता, सुख and चैतन्य (3) राग,
देष and मोह (4) the three forms of knowledge (मति श्रुत and अवधि) (5) अतीत, अनागत and वर्तमानकाल (6) उत्पाद, व्यय and ध्रौव्य (7) and the three worlds.

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of worship to Lord Jina, 'the eye of the three worlds', is bound to go to the lowest hell, although it is permissible to honour them as well by allotting to tham a portion of the ceremonial offerings. These deities including Indra show favour of their own accord to those who are solely devoted to the Jaina creed, possess right faith, and carefully observe the vows.?
The contemplation of Lord Jina mentioned above is an attempt to visualize the diverse aspects of the saviour's personality, and is generally known as rüpastha dhyāna. The worshipper may contemplate also the mystic formula signifying the five Parameşthins, namely the Arhaṁ mantra, 'the eternal foundation of all branches of knowledge'. While contemplating it the devotee should use the mandara-mudră and mentally locate the mantra on his forehead. We are told that sages contemplate this mantra after studying all the scriptures and performing the greatest austerities, and that any one who mentally repeats it attains all kinds of prosperity whether he is pure or impure, happy or miserable. It may be noted that this kind of meditation is known as padastha dhyāna, explained in Jñānārnava (chap. 38), which describes diverse mystic formulas including the Arhan mantra,
The above forms of meditation are called by Somadeva transcendental (lokottara), and he makes also certain observations which he calls popular or general (laukika). The devotee, for instance, should contemplate the Omkāra formula, mentally locating it on the tip of the nose and concentrating the mind on space between the eyebrows. He sho mystic lotus inside his navel and move the connected artery, and then direct the four winds' or subtle breaths relating to earth, water, fire and air towards the mind. It may be noted that the process referred to here
1 at: Ifta of 67: HOT' etc. 2 See Jñānārnava, chap. 39. 3 ध्यायेदा वाङ्मयं ज्योतिर्गुरुपञ्चकवाचकम् । एतद्धि सर्वविद्यानामधिष्ठानमनशरम् ॥ ध्यायन् विन्यस्य देहेऽस्मिन्निदं
HETI I parni quis auferri Hi ll P. 398. MS. A says macht tragea feteria17:
कुङ्मलः क्रियते स एव मन्दरः। 4 efter attenfot fair a 79: T etc. 5 3 7-3rf 696 TAHET afarga ada 9 ata a ara #rafaali Jñănärnava
(op. cit.) ar fi fa fafaraga mur a t PETETTHETETT 11 It may be noted that the Jaina Om is composed of the first letters of the name of the five Paramoşthins. 37 (376 ) + 34 (3737ft i. e. f ) + 371 (ar) +3 (
3 2 ) + (i. e. Hy ) = 31TH or šo See Brabmadeva's commentary on Dravyasamgraha, verse. 49. पभमुत्थापयेत् पूर्ण नाडी संचालयेत्ततः । मरुञ्चतुष्टयं पश्चात् प्रचारयतु चेतसि ॥ Ms. A says नाभौ स्वभावेन स्थितं कमलं चालयेत् पश्चात् नालाकारेण नाडी, नाड्या कृत्वा मरुतः हृदयं प्रति प्रापयेत् । (मरुश्चतुष्टयं )पृथ्वी-अपतेजोवायुमण्डलानि नासिकामध्ये सूक्ष्मानि स्थितानि तानि चेतसि आत्मविषये प्रचारयतु योजयतु ।

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is employed in prāṇāyāma, and the devotee has to master the control and regulation of each of the four kinds of vital air, believed to be located, each in its own centre, inside the nostrils. The topic is treated in detail in Jñānārnava 29. 15 ff,
Somadeva goes on to say that just as a person, holding a lamp in his hand, looks at something and then puts the lamp aside, similarly the devotee, after having seen the object of knowledge with the help of knowledge, should renounce knowledge (that is, mental action) altogether.1 Concentration in meditation takes place only when the inflow of all sinful karma ceases, and there can be no question of dhyana for those whose minds are corrupted by sin.' Milk turned into curds never becomes milk again: similarly, one whose soul has been purified by the knowledge of the truth is not contaminated by sins again.3
In conclusion, no real difference exists between the individual Self and the blissful higher Self: the former is so called when in bondage, and becomes the blissful higher Self again when it is released from bondage. There is, however, a great difference between the body and the Self, the former extremely impure and the latter extremely pure, and the Self should always be meditated upon after isolating it from the body.* Just as oil remains separate in water, similarly the Self remains apart within the body." Those who know the truth should by proper means isolate the Self from the body in spite of their long association, just as clarified butter is ingeniously separated from curds." The relation between the body and the Self, the one with form and the other without form, is like that of a flower and its fragrance, a tree and its shade, and a face and its reflection."
Somadeva's elaborate discourse on dhyana ends with a definition of asanas or Yogic postures viz. padmāsana, virāsana and sukhāsana, and a few hints on the method of acquiring concentration during meditation.
e) The next item of Samayika is the worship of Śrutadevata or the presiding goddess of the Jaina scriptures, also called Sarasvati, like her Brahmanical counterpart. Somadeva, following his usual method, gives a
1 दीपहस्तो यथा कश्चित् किंचिदालोक्य तं त्यजेत् । ज्ञानेन ज्ञेयमालोक्य पश्चात्तं ज्ञानमुत्सृजेत् ॥ P. 398,
2 सर्वपापास्त्र वे क्षीणे ध्याने भवति भावना । पापोपहतबुद्धीनां ध्यानवार्तापि दुर्लभा ॥
3 दधिभावगतं क्षीरं न पुनः क्षीरतां व्रजेत् । तत्त्वज्ञानविशुद्धात्मा पुनः पापैर्न लिप्यते ॥
4 जीवः शिवः शिवोर्जः किं भेदोऽस्त्यत्र कश्चन । पाशबद्धो भवेज्जीवः पाशमुक्तः शिवः पुनः ॥ अत्यन्त मलिनो देहः पुमानत्यन्त निर्मलः । देहादेनं पृथक्कृत्वा तस्मान्नित्यं विचिन्तयेत् ॥
5 तोयमध्ये यथा तैलं पृथग्भावेन तिष्ठति । तथा शरीर मध्येऽस्मिन् पुमानास्ते पृथक्तथा ॥
6 दक्षः सर्पिरिवात्मायमुपायेन शरीरतः । पृथक्कियेत तत्त्वज्ञैश्चिरं संसर्गवानपि ॥
7 पुष्पामोदौ तरुच्छाये यद्वत् सकलनिष्कले । तद्वत्तौ देहदेहस्थौ यद्वा लपनविम्वत् ॥ P. 399. 36

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series of verses, composed by himself, to accompany the various offerings made to the goddess. The following verses are addressed to the goddess at the time of offering water, lights and incense respectively (P. 401):
यस्याः पदद्वयमलंकृतियुग्मयोग्यं लोकत्रयाम्बुजसरःप्रविहारहार। तां वाग्विलासवसति सलिलेन देवीं सेवे कविद्युतरुमण्डनकल्पवल्लीम् ॥ एकं पदं बहुपदापि ददासि तुष्टा वर्णात्मिकापि च करोषि न वर्णभाजम् । सेवे तथापि भवतीमथवा जनोऽर्थी दोषं न पश्यति तदस्तु तवैष दीपः॥ चक्षुः परं करणकन्दरदूरितेऽर्थे मोहान्धकारविधुतौ परमः प्रकाशः ।
तद्धामगामिपथवीक्षणरत्नदीपस्त्वं सेव्यसे तदिह देवि जनेन धूमैः ॥
The following verses mark the conclusion of the worship of Śrutadevatā (P. 401);
कलधौतकमलमौक्तिकदुकूलमणिजालचामरप्रायः । आराधयामि देवी सरस्वतीं सकलमङ्गलर्भावैः ॥ स्याद्वादभूधरभवा मुनिमाननीया देवैरनन्यशरणैः समुपासनीया।
स्वान्ताश्रिताखिलकलङ्कहरप्रवाहा वागापगास्तु मम बोधगजावगाहा ॥ "I worship Goddess Sarasvati with all-auspicious objects comprising golden lotuses, silken scarves studded with pearls, bejewelled curtains and fly-whisks. Like an elephant entering the waters of a river, may my intellect plunge into the River of Speech, whose current cleanses the mind of all its impurities, (the River) that rises from the Mount of Syadvada doctrine, is worthy of the veneration of the sages, and fit to be adored by the gods, having no other refuge !' The adoration of Srutadevatā brings to a close the Sämāyika or customary worship, and Somadeva concludes this section with a devout prayer to Jina (P. 402):
दृष्टस्त्वं जिन सेवितोऽसि नितरां भावैरनन्याश्रयैः स्निग्धस्त्वं न तथापि यत्समविधिर्मक्ते विरक्तेऽपि च । मञ्चेतः पुनरेतदीश भवति प्रेमप्रकृष्टं ततः किं भाषे परमत्र यामि भवतो भूयात् पुनदर्शनम् ॥
XIII) The second Śikṣāvrata is Proşadba or religious fasting on four days of the month (the eighth and fourteenth lunar days in each fortnight). He who observes this vrata should refrain from all sinful actions and practise self-control; and abstaining from bath, perfumes, bodily decoration, ornaments and women, observe fast and devote himself to religious meditation in a temple or on a hill or at home or in the woods. The inner spirit cannot become pure without the mortification of the body: what else but fire can purify gold ? Failure to examine and sweep the ground before use, evil
1 स्नानगन्धाङ्गसंस्कारभूषायोषाविषक्तधीः । निवृत्तसर्वसावधक्रियः संयमतत्परः॥ देवागारे गिरी चापि गृहे वा गहनेऽपि
वा । उपोषितो भवेन्नित्यं धर्मध्यानपरायणः ॥ P. 402. 2 विशुध्येन्नान्तरात्मायं कायकेशविधि विना । किमग्नेरन्यदस्तीह काश्चनाश्मविशुद्धये ॥

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actions, evil thoughts and abstention from the Avasyakas or obligatory duties' destroy the efficacy of the Proșadha vow.'
XIV) The third Sikṣavrata is the limitation of worldly enjoyment. Enjoyment is of two kinds. Food and other objects which can be used only once are called bhoga, and objects such as ornaments which can be used again and again are known as paribhoga. Both kinds of enjoyment should be kept within bounds to prevent 'mental obsession', and one should voluntarily practise abnegation when everything needed comes into one's possession.* Abnegation may be of two kinds, yama and niyama, the former being for life and the latter for a limited period." Flowers and vegetables containing various living organisms, e. g., onions, Ketaki and Nimba flowers, and Surana roots should be forsaken for life." One should also avoid ill-cooked and prohibited food as well as food that has come in contact with or got mixed up with living organisms, and food that has not been prepared under one's own supervision.'
XV) The fourth Šikṣāvrata is dana or charity. That which contributes towards one's own welfare and promotes the cultivation of the Three Jewels in others and brings relief to one's kinsmen as well as others is called dana. Some practise charity with a view to attaining bliss in the next world, others to get it in this world, and there are also,those who practise charity because it is proper to do so.10
Dana or charity is of four kinds, namely, gift of abhaya or protection, gift of food, gift of medicine and gift of sacred lore." Of these abhaya is the highest gift, and the wise should always give the first place to affording protection to all living creatures." Next comes the gift of food, and it is the duty of a householder to feed Jaina sadhus or holy men
1 (1) Sāmāyika, avoidance of sin leading to equanimity; (2) praise of the twenty-four Arhats; (3) Vandana, homage to those having the mula and uttara-gunas; (4) Pratikramana, repentance; (5) kayotsarga, cure of spiritual faults by meditation; (6) pratyakhyāna, determination to avoid sin.
2 अनवेक्षाप्रतिलेखनदुष्कर्मारम्भदुर्मनस्काराः । आवश्यकविरतियुताश्चतुर्थमेते विनिघ्नन्ति ॥
3 यः सकृत् सेव्यते भावः स भोगो भोजनादिकः । भूषादि परिभोगः स्यात् पौनःपुन्येन सेवनात् ॥
4 परिमाणं तयोः कुर्याच्चित्तव्याप्तिनिवृत्तये । प्राप्ते योग्ये च सर्वस्मिन्निच्छया नियमं भजेत् ॥
5 यमश्च नियमश्चेति द्वौ त्याज्ये वस्तुनि स्मृतौ । यावज्जीवं यमो ज्ञेयः सावधिर्नियमः स्मृतः ॥
6 पलाण्डुकेतकी निम्बसुमनः सूरणादिकम् । त्यजेदाजन्म तद्रूपबहुप्राणिसमाश्रयम् ॥ P. 403 Compare Ratnakaranda-śrāvakācāra III. 39: अल्पफलबहुविघातान्मूलकमार्द्राणि शृङ्गवेराणि । नवनीतनिम्बकुसुमं कैतकमित्येवमवहेयम् ॥
7 दुष्पकस्य निषिद्धस्य जन्तुसंबन्धमिश्रयोः । अवीक्षितस्य च प्राशस्तत्संख्याक्षतिकारणम् ॥
8 यथाविधि यथादेशं यथाद्रव्यं यथागमम् । यथापात्रं यथाकालं दानं देयं गृहाश्रमैः ॥ P. 403.
9
आत्मनः श्रेयसेऽन्येषां रत्नत्रयसमृद्धये । स्वपरानुग्रहायेत्थं यत् स्यात्तद्दानमिष्यते ॥
283
10 परलोकधिया कश्चित् कश्चिदैहिकचेतसां । औचित्यमनसा कश्चित् सतां वित्तव्ययस्त्रिधा ॥
11 अभयाहार भैषज्यश्रुतभेदाच्चतुर्विधम् ।
12 अभयं सर्वसत्त्वानामादौ दद्यात् सुधीः सदा ।

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according to the nine-fold canon of hospitality consisting of reception, offering of a high seat, washing of the feet, adoration, salutation, affable speech, affable manners and affable temperament, and, lastely, purity of food. Particular attention should be paid to the quality and purity of the food, which should be seasonable and prepared at home and not brought from another locality nor purchased from the bazar, Food that has been touched by wicked people or consecrated to gods and Yakşas as well as offerings brought for mystic rites should not be given to the sādhus to eat.
He who observes the Three Jewels, that is, the cardinal principles of Jainism, is the most deserving of those who are entitled to charity, and anything given to one who is not a follower of the Three Jewels is like seeds sown on barren soil. In fact, charity practised in favour of those who are attached to false doctrines and wrong conduct leads to evil consequences, like
feeding of serpents with milk. If one wishes to be charitable towards such people out of pity or from a sense of propriety, one should give them a residual portion of food to be taken away and not feed them in one's house. Even the sight of them during the reception of Jaina holy men leads to pollution, just as even pure water is contaminated by a vessel containing poison. One must not live or talk with or accord hospitality to Buddhists, Nāstikas, Sacrificers, ascetics wearing matted hair (Saivas), Ājīvaka mendicants and others of similar persuasion. Conversation with people ignorant of the fundamental truths, and corrupted by evil propensities, leads only to a free fight in which the parties belabour each other with sticks and pull each other's hair.
There are five classes of people who are entitled to hospitality: the samayin, the srāvaka, the sadhu, the suri and the samayadipaka, The samayin is an adherent of the Jaina faith and may be a layman or a monk. The stăvaka is one who has an expert knowledge of astrology, incantations, omens and unseen things in general as well as the art of healing. The time for religious functions such as initiation, festivals and installation of idols cannot be fixed without his help, and Somadeva naively asks how the Jaina
1 taneteranratura :THCT: farfagfeet atq=tr: frei goftai TEHT I P. 404. 2 ग्रामान्तरात् समानीतं मत्रानीतमुपायनम् । न देयमापणक्रीत विरुद्ध वा यथर्तुकम् ॥ 3 Taare ETHERE IS ...............atagal 4 तदुत्तमं भवेत् पात्रं यत्र रत्नत्रयं नरे। ........."यत्र रजत्रयं नास्ति तदपात्रं विदुर्बुधाः । उप्तं तत्र वृथा सर्वमूषरायां
faarfra 11 P. 406. 5 मिथ्यात्वग्रस्तचित्तेषु चारित्राभासाभागिषु । दोषायैव भवेद्दानं पयःपानमिवाहिषु ॥
कारुण्यादथवौचित्यात्तेषां किञ्चिदिशन्नपि । दिशेदुद्धृतमेवान्नं गृहे भुक्तिं न कारयेत् ।। 7 सत्कारादिविधावेषां दर्शनं दूषितं भवेत् । यथा विशुद्धमप्यम्बु विषभाजनसंगमात् ॥
शाक्यनास्तिकयागशजटिलाजीवकादिभिः । सहावासं सहालापं तत्सेवां च विवर्जयेत् ॥ 9 maatfagtrahA24:17 818gi qosrafo 741

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faith will progress if one has to ask the followers of other religions for information about these matters.1 The sadhu is one who has accomplished religious austerities combined with the observation of the Mula and Uttaragunas, that is, the entire range of the Jaina religious vows. The suri is the leader of society in the sphere of knowledge as well as the practice of religion, and should be worshipped like a god, since he is like a boat for crossing the ocean of existence. The samayadipakas are men who advance the cause of the Jaina faith by their knowledge of the world, poetical faculties and other powers as well as eloquence and skill in disputation.*
It is useless to test the purity of monks for the purpose of giving them food: whether they are good or bad, the householder is purified by the mere act of giving. Besides, householders are in the habit of spending mony on so many things that it is not wise to consider the pros and cons of a gift too much. The greater the merits of a monk, the greater should be the respect shown to him; but those who are wealthy should use their money, acquired through luck, to help any follower of the Jaina faith, since a monk, conforming to the standard laid down by the scriptures, may or may not be available for the purpose of charity." The creed established by the great Jaina seers is professed by men of diverse faculties, and does not depend upon any single individual, just as a house does not rest on a single pillar.s
Dana is of three kinds: rajasa, tamasa and sattvika. Charity acco mpanied by self-glorification, momentary, casual and lacking in conviction is known as rajasa. Charity practised through the agency of servants and slaves without any respect for the recipient or familiarity with him, and without any consideration of merit, is tamasa.10 Charity is sattvika when hospitality is spontaneous and the recipient worthy, and when the giver has certain qualities, namely, faith, contentment, reverence, knowledge, liberality, forbearance and ability." The sattvika form of charity is the best, the rajasa comes next, and the tamasa is the worst. Somadeva says in this connection
1 ज्योतिर्मत्रनिमित्तज्ञः सुप्रज्ञः कायकर्मसु । दीक्षायात्राप्रतिष्ठाद्याः क्रियास्तद्विरहे कुतः । तदर्थं परपृच्छायां कथं च समयोन्नतिः । P. 407.
2 मूलोत्तरगुणश्लाघ्यैस्तपोभिर्निष्ठित स्थितिः । साधुः साधु भवेत् पूज्यः पुण्योपार्जितपण्डितैः ॥ 3 ज्ञानकाण्डे क्रियाकाण्डे चातुर्वर्ण्यपुरःसरः । सूरिर्देव इवाराध्यः संसाराब्धितरण्डकः ॥
4 लोकवित्वकवित्वाद्यैर्वादवाग्मित्व कौशलैः । मार्गप्रभावनोद्युक्ताः सन्तः पूज्या विशेषतः ॥ 5 भुक्तिमात्रप्रदाने हि का परीक्षा तपस्विनाम् । ते सन्तः सन्त्वसतो वा गृही दानेन शुध्यति ॥ 6 सर्वारम्भप्रवृत्तानां गृहस्थानां धनव्ययः । बहुधास्ति ततोऽत्यर्थं न कर्तव्या विचारणा ।। 7 दैवालब्धं धनं धन्यैर्वप्तव्यं समयाश्रिते । एको मुनिर्भवेल्लभ्यो न लभ्यो वा यथागमम् ॥ 8 उच्चावचजनप्रायः समयोऽयं जिनेशिनाम् । नैकस्मिन् पुरुषे तिष्ठेदेकस्तम्भ इवालयः ॥ 9 यदात्मवर्णनप्रायं क्षणिकाहार्यविभ्रमम् । परप्रत्ययसंभूतं दानं तद्राजसं मतम् ॥ P. 408. 10 पात्रापात्र समावेक्ष्यमसत्कारमसंस्तुतम् । दासभृत्यकृतोद्योगं दानं तामसमूचिरे ॥ 11 आतिथेयं स्वयं यत्र यत्र पात्रनिरीक्षणम् । गुणाः श्रद्धादयो यत्र दानं तत् सात्त्विकं विदुः ॥

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TAŠASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE that the statement (made by Brahmanical writers) that what is given in this life is recovered by the donor in the next life is entirely false. Cows, for instance, are in the habit of eating water and grass, but they produce milk, something quite different.
It is the duty of householders to remedy the ills of monks and saints, which may be of three kinds : physical ailments, mental worries and external troubles such as the rigours of cold and wind, 3 If the laity neglect the sufferings of the monks, the latter cannot maintain their spiritual concentration, and the former will render themselves guilty of impiety. While the monks are engaged in expounding and studying the sacred texts, they should be comforted with lodging, food, books and other amenities. The holy textsthe Angas, Pūrvas, Prakīrṇas, Sūktas and the utterances of the Kevalinswould entirely become extinct, if those who know the scriptures thoroughly were to perish on account of neglect. One should therefore help the monks to master the scriptures by sheltering and encouraging them and contributing to their joy, and by providing them with materials necessary for their study. 8 It should be remembered that men, capable of physical labour, for instance, the carrying of arms, are easily available, but those who are endowed with real knowledge are rare like heroes. Knowledge alone can control the mind, like a spear controlling an elephant: without knowledge, physical labour is nothing but labour that is lost. One who concentrates on knowledge succeeds in external austerities without any effort, but, as a matter of fact, external activities no longer take place when the soul is immersed in knowledge. It is doubtful if a man without knowledge can destroy his karma even after ages, but a man who is endowed with knowledge and yoga is sure to destroy his karma in a moment. The man whose speech is not refined by the science of words, and whose intellect is not purified by right principles, is like a blind person labouring according to the convictions of others."
1 Cf. Naişadhacarita 5. 92-1997AYHUT B feufuta Rafa afei Hyta SR dig
पारलौकिककुसीदमसीदत् ॥ 2 947 PIECETTE 27:1 19:42: 973fa fatia atqRIGT: 11 P. 408. 3 THTHTT-goarfeciaria I FITTATI : Tatar Terfi: 11 P. 409. 4 oftai afo r ra 1 Bruneta agi er 14 i (added from mss.) 5 ATHEI ara Ech 98641 (added from mss.) 31rar Terrariefah
अङ्गपूर्वप्रकीर्णोक्तं सूक्तं केवलिभाषितम् । नश्येन्निर्मूलतः सर्वं श्रुतस्कन्धधरात्यये ।। 6 प्रश्रयोत्साहनानन्दस्वाध्यायोचितवस्तुभिः । श्रुतवृद्धानू मुनीन् कुर्वजायते श्रुतपारगः॥
अस्त्रधारणवद्वाह्ये क्लेशे हि सुलभा नराः। यथार्थज्ञानसंपन्नाः सौडीरा इव दुर्लभाः॥ 8 सृणिवज्ञानमेवास्य वशायाशयदन्तिनः। तदृते च बहिःक्लेशः केश एव परं भवेत् ।। 9 बहिस्तपः स्वतोऽभ्येति शानं भावयतः सतः । क्षेत्रज्ञे यन्निमग्नेऽत्र कुतः स्युरपराः क्रियाः॥ 10 यदज्ञानी युगैः कर्म बहुभिः क्षपयेन्न वा । तज्ज्ञानी योगसंपन्नः क्षपयेत् क्षणतो ध्रुवम् ॥ 11 yad oft: I Te Tarefaa: 1979T THEY: THITHI

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Somadeva mentions at the end of this section the various factors which destroy the value of charity. They are instructions to others' to make a gift on one's behalf, that is, lack of personal attention; jealousy at the liberality of others; lack of punctuality (in serving a guest); the practice of depositing food on sentient objects such as lotus leaves or covering it with same.?
XVI) The custom of sallekhanā or fasting unto death is dealt with in VIII. 45. Somadeva says that the practice is to be followed wh is about to perish, like a dry leaf or a lamp without oil. The hour of this last act of life comes when everyday the body loses strength and power of enjoyment, and is beyond remedy. Self-restraint, study, austerities, worship, and charity all become useless if the mind, is not pure at the last hour of life. Just as the training of a king, who has learnt the use of weapons for twelve years, becomes useless if he faints on the battlefield ; similarly the past conduct of a saint is of no avail if his mind is impure at the end. One should renounce one's affection for friends, infatuation with riches and illwill towards enemies, and then take proper steps (that is, resort to sallekhana) after confessing all sins before the head of the congregation. Food should be gradually given up and then beverages, both sweet and pungent; and one should thereafter abstain from everything with one's mind fixed on the five Parameşthins. There are five factors that destroy the efficacy of sallekhana:
lesire to live longer, the desire to die to avoid suffering, longing for friends, recollection of past happiness and the desire for happiness in the next life.
XVII) In Yasastilaka VIII. 44 Somadeva interprets from the Jaina point of view a number of Brahmanical terms, which illustrates certain salient features of the Jaina outlook in religious matters. For instance, a Diksita is not one who kills goats and other animals in sacrifices, but one whose daily sacrifice consists in friendliness towards all creatures. A Srotriya is not one who has external purity, but one who has nothing to do with wicked deeds and wicked men, and is kindly disposed towards all creatures. 10 A Hotā is not one who kindles the external fire, but one who
1 Art afarafanaidi TTET I 37-4179am CET & fra gt: 11 P. 410. 2 To ate acfaetri satuma TEKI farsituahagE te faforme 11 P. 413. 3 प्रतिदिवसं विजहद्बलमुझडाक्तं त्यजत् प्रतीकारम् । वपुरेव नृणां निगिरति चरमचरित्रोदयं समयम् ॥ 4 यमनियमवाध्यायास्तपांसि देवार्चनाविधिनम् । एतत् सर्व निष्फलमवसाने चेन्मनो मलिनम् ॥ 5 द्वादश वर्षाणि नृपः शिक्षितशस्त्रो रणेषु यदि मुह्येत् । किं स्यात्तस्यास्त्रविधेर्यथा तथान्ते यतेः पुराचरितम् ।। 6 स्नेहं विहाय बन्धुषु मोहं विभवेषु कलुषतामहिते । गणिनि च निवेद्य निखिलं दुरीहितं तदनु भजतु विधिमुचितम् ।। 7 अशनं क्रमेण हेयं स्निग्धं पानं ततः खरं चैव । तदनु च सर्वनिवृत्तिं कुर्याद्गुरुपञ्चकस्मृतौ निरतः॥ 8 जीवितमरणाशंसे सुहृदनुरागः सुखानुबन्धविधिः । एते सनिदानाः स्युः सल्लेखनहानये पञ्च ।। 9 3516: PHI 11 qera Pati H HTC DICHT17 aufhTT: || P. 421. 10 दुष्कर्मदुर्जनास्पशी सर्वसत्वहिताशयः । स श्रोत्रियो भवेत् सत्यं न तु यो बाह्यशौचवानू ।।

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casts the fuel of good deeds in the spiritual fire with the formulas of kindness." A Sacrificer is defined as one who adores the deity with the flowers of pure thoughts, the mansion of the body with the flowers of vows, and the fire of the mind with the flowers of forbearance. The Veda that pleases the wise is not the one which causes the destruction of all creatures in sacrifices, but the one which clearly makes known the difference between the body and the soul. The Threefold Lore (i. e. the Veda) is called Trayi, because it destroys the triad of birth, old age and death, the cause of transmigration.* A Brāhmaṇa is not one who is blind with the pride of birth, but one who does not destroy life, observes salutary vows, has knowledge, and is without desires and acquisition. The true Pañcāgnisādhaka (one who performs austerities amid five fires ) is he who has controlled the five fires : lust, anger, pride, deceit and greed. Knowledge is Brahma, kindness is Brahma, and the destruction of lust is Brahma : when the soul rests securely on these, a man is called Brahmacārin.? A Paramahaṁsa is not an ascetic who eats anything and everything like fire, but one who can (like a hamsa, swan) distinguish between karma and the soul, intermingled like water and milk.8
XVIII) The 46th section of Book VIII. called Prakirņaka, which deals with certain miscellaneous topics, brings to a close Somadeva's elaborate discourse on the Jaina religion. It describes chiefly the six daily duties of a householder:' worship of the deva i. e. Jina, adoration of the teacher, svādhyāya or study of spiritual lore,io tapas or physical and mental activities leading to the purification of the soul by removing external and internal impurities," samyama or control of the passions and the senses, and the observance of the vows,n and dana or charity. Kasaya (passion) is derived thus (P. 416):
'कषन्ति संतापयन्ति दुर्गसंगतिसंपादनेनात्मानमिति कषायाः क्रोधादयः । अथवा यथा विशुद्धस्य वस्तुनो नैयग्रोधादयः कषायाः कालुष्यकारिणः, तथा निर्मलस्यात्मनो मलिनत्वहेतुत्वात् कषाया इव कषायाः।'
XIX) Stray allusions to Jaina tenets occur occasionally in the course of Utpreksas and similes. For example, मनुष्यरूपेण परिणतं धर्मद्वयमिव Book I,
1 अध्यात्मानौ दयामरैः सम्यकर्म समिच्चयम् । यो जुहोति स होता स्यान्न बाह्याग्निसमेधकः ।। 2 भावपुष्पैर्यजेद्देवं व्रतपुष्पैर्वपुगृहम् । क्षमापुष्पैर्मनोवति यः स यष्टा सतां मतः॥ 3 विवेकं वेदयेदुच्चैर्यः शरीरशरीरिणोः । स प्रीय विदुषां वेदो नाखिलक्षयकारणम् ।। 4 जातिर्जरा मृतिः पुंसां त्रयी संसृतिकारणम् । एषा त्रयी यतस्त्रय्याः क्षीयते सा त्रयी मता ॥ 5 अहिंसः सव्रतो दानी निरीहो निष्परिग्रहः। यः स्यात् स ब्राह्मणः सत्यं न तु जातिमदान्धलः ।। 6 कामः क्रोधो मदो माया लोभश्चेत्यग्निपञ्चकम् । येनेदं साधितं स स्यात् कृती पञ्चाग्निसाधकः ।। P. 411. 7 शानं ब्रह्म दया ब्रह्म ब्रह्म कामविनिग्रहः । सम्यगत्र वसन्नात्मा ब्रह्मचारी भवेन्नरः॥ 8 कर्मात्मनोविवेक्ता यःक्षीरनीरसमानयोः। भवेत् परमहंसोऽसौ नाग्निवत् सर्वभक्षकः ।। P. 412. 9 देवसेवा गुरूपास्तिः स्वाध्यायः संयमस्तपः । दानं चेति गृहस्थानां षट् कर्माणि दिने दिने ।। P. 414. 10 अनुयोगगुणस्थानमार्गणास्थानकर्मसु । अध्यात्मतत्त्वविद्यायाः पाठः स्वाध्याय उच्यते ।। 11 अन्तर्बहिर्मलप्लोषादात्मनः शुद्धिकारणम् । शारीरं मानसं कर्म तमः प्राहुस्तपोधनाः॥ 12 कषायेन्द्रियदण्डानां विजयो व्रतपालनम् । संयमा संयतैः प्रोक्तः श्रेयः श्रयितुमिच्छताम् ॥

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p. 136. This is a reference to the Sagaradharma, the Rule of life prescribed for the householders, and the Anagaradharma, the Rule of life prescribed for the monks. fi af Ibid. The two Pramaņas recognised by Jaina doctrine, Pratyakṣa and Paroksa, are referred to. AAIbid. The two pure Dhyanas, Dharmadhyāna and Sukladhyana (see above), are meant. नयनविषयतां गतं नययमलमिव Ibid. A reference to the two types of Naya, the method of comprehending things from a particular standpoint. While the Pramāņas convey the whole truth, the Nayas reveal only partial truths. Broadly speaking, they are of two kinds: dravyarthika, which has in view the substance in its permanent aspect, and paryāyārthika, which takes note of the modes of the fluctuating aspect of the substance and its qualities. af Book II, p. 223. Naya is also classified into five or rather seven kinds: naigama, the non-analytical; samgraha, the collective; vyavahāra, the practical; rjusutra, the straight or immediate; and sabda, the verbal or nominal. S'abda is subdivided into samabhiruḍha, the subtle, and evambhuta, the actual. According to Mallisena (Syadvādamañjarī under verse 28), the Nyaya and Vaiseṣika systems follow the Naigama-naya: the Advaita Vedanta and the Samkhya are guided by the Samgraha-naya; the Carvaka school comes under the Vyavahara-naya; the Buddhists accept the Rjusutra-naya; and the Grammarians and others take their stand on the Sabda-naya," The method of comprehending things from such diverse standpoints is what Somadeva calls nayapaddhati, and the doctrine of Syadvāda, known as saptabhanginaya, is represented as being based on the Naya method. The Syadvada doctrine itself is set forth as follows: (1) May be, it is; (2) may be, it is not; (3) may be, it is and it is not; (4) may be, it is indescribable; (5) may be, it is and yet indescribable; (6) may be, it is not and it is also indescribable; (7) may be, it is and it is not and it is also indescribable. The doctrine of Syadvada is claimed to be a great synthesis comprehending all the Nayas without any distinction. Mallişeņa says in his Syadvādamanjari (under verse 30) that, just as disputants cease from their quarrels after resorting to an impartial judge, similarly the other Nayas, though mutually hostile, are reconciled in the system of the Arhat, their differences being smoothed over by the use of the expression Syat, may be's नयनीतिरिव नवभूमिका Book V, p. 246. This is another refe
1 For an explanation of these terms see S. C. Vidyabhushana: A History of Indian Logic, p. 170, and specially Dhruva: Syadvadamañjari of Mallisena, Notes, p. 279 if. 2 ' नैगमनयदर्शनानुसारिणौ नैयायिकवैशेषिकौ । संग्रहाभिप्रायप्रवृत्ताः सर्वेऽप्यद्वैतवादाः सांख्यदर्शनं च । व्यवहारनयानुपाति प्रायश्चार्वाकदर्शनम् । ऋजुसूत्राकूत प्रवृत्तबुद्धयस्ताथागताः । शब्दादिनयावलम्बिनो वैयाकरणादयः ।' 3_Srutasāgara remarks : यथा नयपद्धतिः स्याद्वादस्य मूलं भवति. He explains नयपद्धतिः as नैगमादिनयाना मार्गः
289
4 Vidyabhushana (op. cit.), p. 167.
5 'यथा हि समीचीनं मध्यस्थं न्याय निर्णेतारमासाद्य परस्परं विवदमाना अपि वादिनो विवादाद्विरमन्ति एवं नया अन्योन्यं वैरायमाणा अपि सर्वशशासनमुपेत्य स्याच्छब्दप्रयोगोपशमित विप्रतिपत्तयः सन्तः परस्परमत्यन्तं सुहृद्भूयावतिष्ठन्ते ।" 37

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rence to the Nayas. A marginal note in Ms. A on navabhūmikā says Amarca, but the ninefold classification of Naya is rather unusual. Perhaps the two broad divisions of dravyārthika and paryāyārthika and the seven varieties of Naya are meant: of these naigama, samgraha and vyavahāra come under dravyārthika-naya, while rjusūtra, sabda, samabhirūdha, and evambhūta are subdivisions of paryāyārthika-naya. Somadeva may have in mind also the nine divisions of Naigamanaya mentioned in certain texts."
892 forfa 79:54amiaalfot: Book I, p. 133. The reference is to the "ladder' known as kşapakasreni mentioned in connection with the fourteen Gunasthānas or stages on the way to emancipation. There are, in fact, two ladders, upasama and kşapaka, for the suppression and destruction of Cäritramohanīya-karma or Right-Conduct-Deluding Karma, and they emerge in the eighth Guņasthāna. Briefly speaking, the Jiva ascends the kşapakasreņi and devotes himself to the destruction of Karma, the last vestige of Cáritramohanīya-karma being destroyed in the tenth Guņasthāna, whence he passes to the twelfth Guņasthāna. Interesting references to Kșapakaśreņi occur in Hemacandra's Trişastisalākāpuruşacaritra, e. g. “She mounted at once the kşapakaśreņi, and, the eight Karmas being destroyed, she attained omniscience at once from the eighth Guņasthāna.” “As he was reflecting rightly in this way, having ascended the kşapakasreni and having attained pure meditation, omniscience becomes manifest from the destruction of the destructive Karmas, like the light of the sun from the removal of a mass of clouds.”3 A reference of the final stage of religious apprenticeship occurs in the following statement in Book I, p. 135:
'जिनरूपग्रहणायोग्यत्वाच्चरमाचारवशामुपासकदशामाश्रितवदलं मुनिकुमारकयुगलम्' Srutasagara takes this to mean the eleventh Pratimā or stage in the life of a layman, known as uddistatyāga-pratimā, wherein he begs his food and refuses what is specially prepared for him. Abhayaruci and Abhayamati are described as being in this stage of religious apprenticeship, as they were too young to lead the rigorous life of Digambara monks.
References occur also to the twenty-two Parīşahus* and other miscellaneous topics. The three kinds of Karmandins or monks are mentioned in Book 1,' and Śrutasāgara explains the term as referring to Ācārya, Upadhyāya and Sarvasādhu.
tash, ayah, forgat etc. See Dhruva (op. cit., p. 298. 2 For a detailed exposition of the Guņasthānas see Johnson's English Trans. of
Hemacandra's Trişastišalākāpurusacaritra, Vol. I, Appendix IIl. See also Pravacanasāroddhāra I, p. 196 ff. for a discussion of for
Johnson's Trans. (op. cit.), pp. 197, 378. 4 trag: #ETTSTERT Book I. 5 fafara mirarafa:' Ibid.

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CHAPTER XI Tue ANUPREKŞĀS AND JAINA RELIGIOUS POETRY Jaina religious poetry, as far as it is represented in Yasastilaka, comprises verses on the Anuprekşās, hymns, and what may be loosely called religio-ethical verses. Of these the Anuprekşā verses are the most important not only from the standpoint of subject matter, but on account of the place they occupy in Jaina literature and relgious thought.
In order to appreciate Somadeva's treatment of the Anuprekşās, it will be convenient to explain their religious background, and enumerate the principal literary attempts to define and interpret them before and after his time. The Anuprekşas are, roughly speaking, topics of meditation, twelve in number, and cover a wide range of the cardinal teachings of Jainism. They are in the form of reflections on the transient character of things (anitydnuprekşa), helplessness (asaraṇānuprekşā), the cycle of rebirth isaṁsārānuprekşā), loneliness (ekatvānuprekşā), the distinction between the self and the not-self (anyatvānuprekşā), the impurity of the body (asucyanu preksā), the inflow of Karmas (ūsravānuprekşă ), stoppage of the inflow of Karmas (sarvarānuprekşā ), the shedding of Karma (nirjarānupreksā), the constitution of the universe (lokānuprekşā), the difficulty of attaining the Right Path consisting of the Three Jewels (bodhidurlabhānupreksā), and the Law expounded by the Arhat (dharmasvākhyātatvānuprekşā). It may be noted that the Anuprekşās are known also as Bhāvanās, specially in Svetāmbara texts.
Anuprekşā means anucintana "pondering', 'reflection'. Pūjyapāda in his commentary on Tattvärthasūtra 9. 2 explains Anuprekşā as pondering on the nature of the body and other substances'.' Svāmikārti (verse 97) defines it as 'pondering on the right principles' (sutacca-citā anuppeha). The word is used also in connection with Svadhyāya or study of sacred lore, of which anuprekşā, pondering on what one has learnt, is an important factor. Pūjyapāda says in his commentary on Tattvārthasūtra 9. 25: adhigatarthasya manasā abhyāsaḥ anuprekşă. The word is used in this sense also in Uttarādhyayanasūtra 29. 22, wherein anuppeha, explained as cintanikā in Nemicandra's commentary, is one of the factors of sammatta-parakkama, 'exertion in righteousness', mitigating the power and duration of practically all the Karmas.
The Anuprekşās are designed to serve as aids to spiritual progress, produce detachment, and lead the devotee from the realm of desire to
1 'शरीरादीनां स्वभावानुचिन्तनमनुप्रेक्षा'

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the path of renunciation. The Bhāșya on Tattvārthasūtra 9. 7 says that the devotee, after reflecting on the transient character of worldly objects and relationships, loses all attachment to them: this is the purpose of anityānupreksā. He reflects on the fact that there is no escape from death and misery, and the sense of helplessness makes him indifferent to the things of the world and inclines him towards the teachings of the Arhat; this is the purpose of asaranānupreksī and so on. Similarly, Pujyapāda, in his commentary on the same sutra, says in connection with asucitvīnupreksā that the body is impure, and its impurity cannot be removed by perfumes, incense and other means; whereas the contemplation of Right Faith and other principles leads to absolute purity: thinking like this in all earnestness amounts to asucitvānupreksā. Thus reflecting, the devotee becomes indifferent to the body and concentrates his mind on crossing the ocean of births'. In this way the object of each Anuprekşā is minutely explained, but the general purpose of the Anuprekşās is to make the aspirant averse to the world and concentrate his mind on the Self and its emancipation. The Maranasamahi, a Jaina canonical text, says that contemplation of the Bhāvanās, that is, the Anupreksās leads to vairāgya or disgu and seems to sum up the Bhāvanās as vairāgya-bhāvanā (verses 636 and 638), and describes them also as producing a strong desire for liberation (verse 571 ). The idea of the Anupreksās being the cause of vairāgya is stressed also in Mülācāra 8. 73;3 and we are told that he who always edifies himself with their help becomes free from Karmas, and being pure, 'attains the Abode of Purity. Subhacandra in his Jñānārnava 2, 5, 6 recommends the Bhāvanās for the attainment of the purity of thoughts (bhāvasuddhi) and the growth of samvega (desire for salvation), vairāgya, yama (selfcontrol) and prasama (extinction of the passions). Hemacandra says in Yogasāstra ( 4 40, 45, 49, 55) that one should vanquish love and hate for the attainment of mental purity which alone shows the way to nirvana; and love and hate can be conquered by means of samatva or equanimity, which again is produced by nirmamatva or lack of selfish desires; and one should resort to the Bhāvanās for the purpose of cultivating nirmamatva, Hemacandra concludes by saying that he who ceaselessly preoccupies the mind with the Bhāvanās becomes indifferent to all objects and maintains an even attitude free from love and hate.
1 जह जह दढप्पइण्णो समणो वेरग्गभावणं कुणइ । तह तह असुभं आयवहयं व सीयं खयमुवेइ ॥ बारस वि भावणाओ एवं
संखेवओ समत्ताओ। भावेमाणो जीवो जाओ समुवेइ वेरग्गं॥ 2 Gent 3 TEGOTIP =1' 4 अणुवेक्खाहिं एवं जो अत्ताणं सदा विभावेदि । सो विगदसव्वकम्मो विमलो विमलालयं लहदि । 5 '17771farzfas-affarahi: 1 An: Hag hans 2 11 4. 110.

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The Anuprekşās have other aspects as well. In Tattvārthasutra 9. 2 they are mentioned among the agencies that cause Saṁvara or stoppage of the influx of Karmas, the others being Gupti, Samiti, Dharma etc. The Anuprekşās are also brought into special connection with Dharmya-dhyāna, one of the two forms of spiritual contemplation prescribed by Jaina doctrine, In a number of verses quoted by Siddhasena in his commentary on Tattvārthasūtra 9. 38 the Anuprekşās are prominently, mentioned among the preliminaries to Dharmya-dhyāna. According to Subhacandra (Jñānārnava 41. 3) the Anuprekşās are the leading cause of Dharmya-dhyāna, and the devotee is asked to determine the nature of the Self by implanting them in his mind.' Sivārya in his Bhagavati Ārādhana (verse 1714) goes one step further, and definitely recommends the contemplation of the Anuprekşās as a sort supplementary discipline in the stage of Dharmya-dhyāna known as Samsthānavicaya, consisting in meditation on the constitution of the universe according to the Jaina conception. A similar yet different standpoint is met with in Cāmundarāya's Cäritrasāra. It mentions two kinds of Dharmyadhyāna,bāhya and ūdhyātmika, and classifies the latter into ten varieties including Samsthānavicaya, which is, however, explained as investigation of things as they are' (yathāvasthitamīmāṁsā) and completely identified with the twelve Anupreksäs.
The Anuprekşās are thus viewed from different standpoints, but their wider aspect can hardly be mistaken. They are in the nature of reflections on the fundamental facts of life, and remind the devotee of the teachings of the Master on the subject of rebirth, Karma and its destruction. equanimity and self-control, the glory of the Law and the final goal. They are no doubt designed to develop the contemplative faculty of the Yogin, and may be called the starting point of dhyānu. But they have also a great moral significance inasmuch as they are meant to develop purity of thoughts and sincerity in the practice of religion. Kundakunda, for instance, in his Bhävaprābhrta (verse 94 exhorts the devotee to contemplate the Anupreksās and the twenty five Bhāvanäs, and asks: what is the use of external symbols without inner conviction? The catholic character of the Anupreksās is shown by the fact that they are recommended to monks and laymen alike for contemplation (Maranasamähi, v. 571). In our work king Yaśorgha ponders on them on the eve of his abdication and retirement from the world, Somaprabha tells us in his Kumārapālapratibodha that Kumārapāla, after
1 Vol. II, P. 272. 2 अनुप्रेक्षाश्च धर्म्यस्य स्युः सदैव निबन्धनम् । चित्तभूमौ स्थिरीकृत्य स्वखरूपं निरूपय ॥ 3 अह तिरियउडलोए विचिणादि सपज्जए ससंठाणे । इच्चेव अणुगदाओ अणुपेहाओ वि विचिणादि । 4 भाव हि अणुवेक्खाओ अवरे पणवीसभावणा भावि । भावरहिएण किं पुण बाहिरलिंगेण कायव्वं ।।

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receiving instruction in the twelve Bhāvanās, experienced a feeling of indifference to the world and used to reflect on them while looking after the affairs of the kingdom. Amitagati in his Srūvakācāra 14. 82 says in conformity with earlier texts that he who meditates on the Anupreksās constantly with devotion comprehends all the fundamental facts and attains liberation, after getting rid of his Karma.
The human and spiritual appeal of the Anuprekşās accounts for their popularity, as evinced by the numerous attempts made to describe and interpret them in Prakrit and Sanskrit verse and occasionally also in prose. A more or less extensive literature may be said to have grown up on the subject, as will be seen from the short sketch given below.
The famous Digambara authority Kundakunda, who is assigned to the beginning of the Christian era, is perhaps the earliest writer to deal with the Anupreksäs as an independent subject, being the author of a treatise called Bārasa Anuvekkhā, The twelve Anuprekşās', containing 91 verses in Prākrit (Jaina Sauraseni). The treatment here is simple yet authoritative, and has influenced later writers on the subject. Connected with this work is the account of the Anuprekşās in Mülācāra (Chap. 8) in 76 verses in Prākrit. The work is attributed to Vaţtakera who is sometimes identified with Kundakunda himself. While these may be the earliest metrical efforts to offer a systematic exposition of the Anuprekşās, there is an exhaustive treatment of them in a canonical text called Maranasamāhi, one of the Païņņas, which devotes 70 verses (569-639) to the Bhāvanās. While enumerating the Bhāvanās, it mentions Uttama Guņas instead of Dharma (v. 573), obviously meaning thereby Uttama Kşamā, Uttama Mārdava etc., being the characteristics of Dharma.
The three ancient works mentioned above are composed in a more or less similar style, and there is also occasional similarity in thought, and the subject of their inter-relationship requires critical investigation (Mülācāra 8. 13; Maraṇasamābi, verse 590; Bārasa Aņuvekkhā, verse 22; Maraṇasamāhi, verse 588):
मिच्छत्तेणोच्छण्णो मगं जिणदेसिदं अपेक्खंतो। भमिहदि भीमकुडिल्ले जीवो संसारकतारे ॥ हा जह मोहियमइणा सुग्गइमगं भजाणमाणेणं । भीमे भवकतारे सुचिरं भमियं भयकरम्मि ॥ अण्णो भण्णं सोयदि मदो ति मम णाहगो त्ति मण्णंतो । अप्पाणं ण हु सोयदि संसारमहण्णवे बु९ ॥ सोभइ अण्णजणं भमभवंतरगयं तु बालजणो । नवि सोयह अप्पाणं कि लिस्समाणं भवसमुहे ॥
1 इय बारह भावण सुणिवि राउ, मणमज्झि वियंभियभवविराउ । रज्जु वि कुणंतु चिंतइ इमाउ, परिहरिवि कुगइकारणु
971311 2 A. N. Upadhye: Pravacanasāra, Intro., p. 26.

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The next important treatise to deal with the subject is Svāmikārttikeyānuprekşā of Kārttikeya, who devotes the entire work of 489 verses in Prākrit to the elucidation of the Anupreksās. It is a work of considerable merit, but the treatment of the subject is disproportionate inasmuch as more than 350 verses deal only with Lokānuprekşā (115-283) and Dharmānuprekşā (302-486). This is due to the fact that Kārttikeya includes in his work many heterogeneous details not usually incorporated in the discussion of the Anuprekşās. The date of the author is not certain, but he is assigned to the early centuries of the Christian era.
A comprehensive exposition of the Anuprekşās occurs also in Śivārya's Bhagavati Ārādhand,' a devotional work in Sauraseni Prākrit containing more than 2000 verses, of which (1715-1872) deal with the Anuprekşās. Sivārya is an important writer and said to be a disciple of Samantabhadra. He may be identified with Sivakoti who is mentioned in Jinasena's Adipurāna 1. 49. That he is considerably earlier than the tenth century is shown by the fact that his Arādhana was translated into Sanskrit verse by the wellknown writer Amitagati who flourished towards the end of the tenth century and the beginning of the eleventh. Sivārya's style is simple and lucid, and he uses a large number of interesting similes to illustrate his ideas. For example,
रत्तिं एकम्मि दुमे सउणाणं पिंडणं व संजोगो । परिवेसो व मणिच्चो इस्सरियाणाधणारोग्गं ॥ 1720 धावदि गिरिणदिसोदं व आउगं सव्वजीवलोगम्मि । सुकुमालदा वि हायदि लोगे पुवण्हछाही व ॥ 1723 जह आइच्चमुदितं कोई वारंतओ जगे णस्थि । तह कम्ममुदीरतं कोई वारंतओ णस्थि ॥ 1740 ससगो वाहपरद्धो बिलं ति णाऊण अजगरस्म मुहं । सरणं ति मण्णमाणो मचुस्स मुहं जह अदीदि ॥ 1781 तह अण्णाणी जीवा परिखमाणा छुधादिवाहे हिं । अदिगच्छंति महादुहहेतुं संसारसप्पमुहं ॥ 1782 सरिसीए चंदिगाए कालो वेस्सो पिओ जहा जुण्हो। सरिसे वि तहा चारे कोई वेस्सो पिओ कोई॥ 1808 छंडिय रयणाणि जहा रयणद्दीवा हरिज कट्टाणि । माणुसमवे वि छंडिय धम्म भोगे भिलसदि तहा ॥ 1829
पावपयोगासवदारणिरोधो अप्पमादफलिगेण। कीरइ फलिगेण जहा णावाए जलासवणिरोधो॥ 1837 Strings of Rūpakas are also used occasionally:
एवं पिणद्धसंवरवम्मो सम्मत्तवाहणारूढो । सुदणाणमहाधणुगो झाणादितवोमयसरेहिं ॥ 1853 संजमरणभूमीए कम्मारिचमू पराजिणिय सव्वं । पावदि संजयजोहो अणोवमं मोक्खरज्जसिरिं ॥ 1854
It is not known when Sanskrit verse was first employed to describe the Anuprekşās, but Somadeva's account of them in Yasastilaka, Book II in 53 verses composed in the Vasantatilakā metre may be regarded as one of the earliest attempt to expound them in Sanskrit instead of Prākrit verse. His treatment of the Anuprekşās is weighty and compact and full of spiritual fervour; and his verses on the subject are unique in th
1 For a detailed note on the Bhagavali Ārādhanā, see A. N. Upadhye: Brhad-kathākośa
Intro, pp. 50 ff.

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Far more comprehensive in treatment and simpler in style is the exposition of the Anuprekşās in Subhacandra's Jñānārnava, which calls them Bhāvanās and devotes more than 190 verses to the subject. Subhacandra may be assigned to about the eleventh century, and his Jñānārnava is an authoritative work on Yoga. Although the author discla pretensions (1. 19), he handles Sanskrit verse with remarkable felicity and sometimes employs elaborate metres. The following verses from the section on Anitya-bhāvanā will illustrate his style:
गीयते यत्र सानन्दं पूर्वाह्ने ललितं गृहे । तस्मिनोव हि मध्याहे सदुःखमिह रुद्यते॥ गगननगरकल्पं संगम वल्लभानां जलदपटलतुल्यं यौवनं वा धनं वा ।
सुजनसुतशरीरादीनि विद्युच्चलानि क्षणिकमिति समस्तं विद्धि संसारवृत्तम् ॥ Subhacandra concludes his exposition with an eloquent verse in praise of the Bhāvanās:
एता द्वादशभावनाः खलु सखे सख्योऽपवर्गश्रियस्तस्याः संगमलालसैर्घटयितुं मैत्री प्रयुक्ता बुधैः । एतासु प्रगुणीकृतासु नियतं मुक्त्यङ्गना जायते सानन्दा प्रणयप्रसन्नहृदया योगीश्वराणां मुदे ॥
Amitagati, whose Subhasitaratnasamdoha and Dharmaparikşā are wellknown works, wrote also a S'rāvakācāra Duties of laymen', of which the fourteenth chapter deals with the Anupreksās in 84 verses composed in a variety of metres (Rathoddhatā, Dodhaka, Upajāti, Puşpitāgrā. Vasantatilakā etc.). The following verses may serve as specimens :
यौवनं नगनदीस्यदोपमं शारदाम्बुदविलासजीवितम् । स्वपलब्धधनविभ्रमं धनं स्थावरं किमपि नास्ति तत्वतः ॥ 14. 1 पातकमाश्रवति स्थिररूपं संभृतिमात्मवतां न यतीनाम् । a n I TOTS Efa fwaff FACAS 14. 53
Vādībhasimha, who flourished in the early years of the eleventh century and wrote the poem Kşattracūļāmani and the prose romance Gadyacintāmani, devotes more than fifty verses to the Anuprekşās in the former work (11. 28-80). The verses are rather pedestrain in style and composed in the Sloka metre. In the last verse the Self is exhorted to have abiding faith in the exquisitely pure Jaina religion :
तवारमन्नारमनीनेऽस्मिन् जैनधर्मेऽतिनिर्मले । स्थवीयसी रुचिः स्थेयादा मुक्तेर्मुक्तिदायिनी ॥
After Vadibhasiṁha we may mention Hemacandra, who flourished in the twelfth century. He deals with the Anupreksās, called by him
1 Subhacandra wrote between 959 A. D., the date of composition of Yaśastilaka, which
is quoted by him in Jñānārnava, and 1227 A. D., the date of one of the manuscripts of his work. See Chap. I and Pt. Nathuram Premi's Jaina Sahitya aura Itihāsa p. 440.

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Bhāvanās, in his Yogasästra 4. 55-110, besides devoting a large number of supplementary verses (antaraslokāḥ) to the topic in his own commentary on the work. There are, for instance, only three main verses in the text on Samsara-bhāvanā, while there are 90 supplementary verses in the svopajña commentary, containing an imaginative description of the grief and despair of the gods at the prospect of their fall from heaven (vv. 69-89). The following striking verse also occurs in the commentary (Verse 53, op. cit.): स्याच्छैशवे मातृमुखतारुण्ये तरुणीमुखः । वृद्धभावे सुतमुखो मूर्खो नान्तर्मुखः क्वचित् ॥ Hemacandra eloquently describes the universal discipline and equilibrium maintained by the sustaining power of Dharma in the verses on Dharmasvākhyāta-bhāvanā (4. 96 ff.):
आप्लावयति नाम्भोधिराश्वासयति चाम्बुदः । यन्महीं स प्रभावोऽयं ध्रुवं धर्मस्य केवलः ॥ न ज्वलत्य लस्तिर्यग् यदूर्ध्वं वाति नानिलः । अचिन्त्यमहिमा तत्र धर्म एव निबन्धनम् ॥ etc.
After Hemacandra comes Siddhasena Süri who wrote his Sanskrit commentary on Nemicandra's Prakrit work Pravacanasaroddhāra in 1192 A. D. In this commentary Siddhasena devotes more than 130 verses to the Bhāvanās, some of them being composed in elaborate metres. Siddhasena's exposition is not without literary merit, as will be seen from the following specimens:
सुमतिरमतिः श्रीमानश्रीः सुखी सुखवर्जितः सुतनुरतनुः स्वाम्यस्वामी प्रियः स्फुटमप्रियः । नृपतिरनृपः स्वर्गी तिर्यङ् नरोऽपि च नारकस्तदिति बहुधा नृत्यत्यस्मिन् भवी भवनाटके ॥ यत् प्रोद्दाममदान्धसिन्धुरघटं साम्राज्यमासाद्यते यन्निः शेषजनप्रमोदजनकं संपद्यते वैभवम् । यत् पूर्णेन्दुसमद्युतिर्गुणगणः संप्राप्यते यत् परं सौभाग्यं व विजृम्भते तदखिलं धर्मस्य लीलायितम् ॥
Among later accounts of the Anuprekṣas one of the most noteworthy is that of Asadhara in his Anagāradharmāmṛta 6. 57-82. He wrote this work about the middle of the thirteenth century and added to it a svopajña commentary after the manner of Hemacandra. He employs elaborate metres, and a good specimen of his style is furnished by the following verse on the rarity of Bodhi or the attainment of the Right Path.
दुष्प्रापं प्राप्य रत्नत्रयमखिलजगत्सारमुत्सारयेयं नो चेत् प्रज्ञापराधं क्षणमपि तदरं विप्रलब्धोऽक्षधूतैः । तत् किंचित् कर्म कुर्यां यदनुभव भवत्क्लेशसंक्लेशसंविद्बोधेर्विन्देय वार्तामपि न पुनरनुप्राणनास्याः कुतस्त्याः ॥
A brief but interesting exposition of the Bhävanās in Apabhramsa verse is found in Somaprabha's Kumarapalapratibodha written in 1184 A. D.2 on the conversion of king Kumarapala of Gujarat to Jainism and his instruction in that religion by Hemacandra. The work is written in Prakrit, but certain
2
1 The date is mentioned at the end of the work: करिसागर विसंख्ये श्रीविक्रमनृपतिवत्सरे चैत्रे । पुष्यार्कदिने शुकाष्टम्यां वृत्तिः समाप्तासौ ॥ The Vikrama Samvat is 1248. Winternitz: History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, p. 571. 38

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portions are in Sanskrit and in Apabhramsa, among them the verses on the Bhāvanās towards the end of the third chapter. The following two verses are cited as specimens:
राया विरेकु सयणो वि सत्त जणओ वितणउ जणणि वि कलत्तु । इह होइनडु व कुकम्मवंतु संसाररंगि बहुरूवु जंतु ॥ एकल्लउ पावइ जीतु जम्मु एकल्लउ मरइ विढत्तकम्मु ।
एक्कल्लउ परभवि सहइ दुक्खु एकल्लउ धम्मिण लहइ मुक्खु ॥
We are not concerned with the various comments on the Anupreksās in prose, but it may be pointed out that they are elaborately expounded in the Bhāșya on Tattvārthasūtra 9. 7 and Pūjyapāda's commentary thereon. The Anuprekşās are dealt with in detail also in Cāmundarāya's Caritrasāra written in prose in the eleventh century. This account is based on that of Pūjyapāda who is sometimes copied verbatim, but the the Asravānuprekşā is interesting as containing a reference to the story of Yasodhara and Amstamati. A detailed interpretation of the Anuprekşās is found also in Brahmadeva's commentary on Nemicandra Siddhāntacakravartin's Dravyasangraha (verse 35). Brahmadeva has been assigned to the thirteenth century.
Despite the extent of the literature on the Anuprekşās, we do not find in it much originality of thought, as the prevailing characteristics of the various literary attempts to deal with them are rather elaboration and illustration designed to elucidate the cardinal teachings of the Jaina faith. Every writer on the subject seeks to express himself in as striking a manner as possible; and both in point of style and ideas Somadeva's exposition ranks high among the metrical compositions on the twelve Anupreksās, Most of his verses on them are translated below.
1. ANITYĀNUPREKŞA (Thoughts on the Transient Character of Things) उत्सृज्य जीवितजलं बहिरन्तरेते रिक्ता विशन्ति मरुतो जलयन्त्रकल्पाः।
एकोद्यमं जरति नि महत्यणौ च सर्वकषः पुनरयं यतते कृतान्तः ॥ These (five) life-breaths draw the water of life, like a water-wheel, and leaving it outside, enter the body empty. Death, the destroyer of all, acts with equal effort on old and young, great and small (2. 105).
1 Winternitz: History of Indian Literature, p. 587. 2 A. N. Upadhye: Paramātmaprakāśa, Introduction, p. 72. 3 The process of breathing is represented as a sort of gradual exhaustion of the vital
force, bringing death nearer and nearer,

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उच्चैः पदं नयति जन्तुमधः पुनस्तं वात्येव रेणुनिचयं चपला विभूतिः ।
श्राम्यत्यतीव जनता वनितासुखाय ताः सूतवत् करगता अपि विप्लवन्ते ॥ Unstable Prosperity raises a man high and brings him low again, as a whirlwind does a heap of dust. People strive hard for the pleasure afforded by lovely women, but the latter slip away, like mercury, even when securely possessed (2. 107).
शूरं विनीतमिव सजनवत् कुलीनं विद्यामहान्तमिव धार्मिकमुत्सृजन्ती।
चिन्ताज्वरप्रसवभूमिरियं हि लोकं लक्ष्मीः खलक्षणसखी कलुषीकरोति । The goddess of wealth forsakes the valiant and the humble, the good and the highborn, the learned and the pious. A moment's friend, like a villain, she is a source of the fever of anxiety and corrupts the world (2. 108).
वाचि भ्रुवार शि गतावलकावलीषु यासां मनः कुटिलतास्तटिनीतरङ्गाः।
अन्तर्न मान्त इव दृष्टिपथे प्रयाताः कस्ताः करोतु सरलास्तरलायताक्षीः ॥ Who can render women sincere, women with large and nimble eyes? The crookedness of their minds seems to overflow their hearts, like the waves of a river, and comes into view in their words, eyebrows and eyes, in their gait, and in the eurls of the hair (2. 109).
संहारबद्धकवलस्य यमस्य लोके कः पश्यतोहरविधेरवधि प्रयातः ।
यस्माजगत्त्रयपुरीपरमेश्वरोऽपि तत्राहितोचमगुणे विधुरावधानः ॥ Who in the world hath ever passed beyond the range of Death that acts like a robber, ready to clutch and destroy? Even Jina, the overlord of all the three worlds, is powerless against Death when the latter exerts himself (2. 110).
इत्थं क्षणक्षयहुताशमुखे पतन्ति वस्तूनि वीक्ष्य परितः सुकृती यतात्मा।
तत् कर्म किंचिदनुसतुमयं यतेत यस्मिन्नसौ नयनगोचरतां न याति ॥ Thus seeing on all sides the things falling into the destructive fire of Death, the virtuous self-restrained man should strive to pursue that line of conduct wherein Death appears nevermore ( 2. 111).
2. AśARAŅĀNUPREKŞĀ
(Thoughts on one's Helplessness) दत्तोदयेऽर्थनिचये हृदये स्वकार्ये सर्वः समाहितमतिः पुरतः समास्ते ।
जाते त्वपायसमयेऽम्बुपती पतत्रेः पोतादिव द्रुतवतः शरणं न तेऽस्ति ॥ When thy wealth is on the increase and thy heart bent on spending, everybody stands to attention before othee. But, like a bird flying from a ship on the sea, thou hast none to save thee at the hour of death (2. 112).
बन्धुवजैः सुभटकोटिभिराप्तवगैर्मत्रास्त्रतम्रविधिभिः परिरक्ष्यमाणः ।
जन्तुर्बलादधिवलोऽपि कृतान्तदूतैरानीयते यमवशाय वराक एकः॥ 1 rutasigara says 'स्वकार्ये धनकायें हृदये चित्ते वर्तमाने सति'.

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Even when a man is stronger than an army, being protected by multitudes of kinsmen, millions of warriors, and trusty followers with all the resources of counsel, arms and troops, he is brought under the sway of Death by the latter's messengers — miserable and all alone ( 2. 113 ).
संसीदतस्तव न जातु समस्ति शास्ता त्वत्तः परः परमवाप्तसमप्रबोधेः । तस्यां स्थिते त्वयि यतो दुरितोपतापसेनेयमेव सुविधे विधुराश्रया स्यात् ॥
Good-natured one, once thou hast attained the full measure of Bodhi (right knowledge, conduct and faith), thou hast verily no protector other than thyself in thy ills. The army of Sins and Sufferings is helpless so long as thou art devoted to Bodhi ( 2 114 ).
3. SAMSARANUPREKṢA
(Thoughts on the Cycle of Transmigration) कर्मार्पितं क्रमगतिः पुरुषः शरीरमेकं त्यजत्यपरमाभजते भवान्धौ । शैलूषयोषिदिव संसृतिरेनमेषा नाना विडम्बयति चित्रकरैः प्रपञ्चैः ॥
In the ocean of existence, the transmigrating soul leaves one body, the result of Karma, and resorts to another. The cycle of existence, like an actress, deludes the soul with many a marvellous show ( 2. 115 ).
दैवाधिगतेषु पटुर्न कायः काये पटौ न पुनरायुरवाप्तवित्तम् ।
इथं परस्परहतात्मभिरात्मधर्मैर्लोकं सुदुःखयति जन्मकरः प्रबन्धः ॥ When by chance wealth is acquired, health is absent. When there is health, longevity attended by wealth is lacking. Thus the process of birth and rebirth inflicts misery on the world with its mutually contradictory attributes (2. 116).
आस्तां भवान्तरविधौ सुविपर्ययोऽयमत्रैव जन्मनि नृणामधरोच्चभावः ।
अल्पः पृथुः पृथुरपि क्षणतोऽल्प एव स्वामी भवत्यनुचरः स च तत्पदार्हः ॥
Let alone the mighty ups and downs in the births to follow; even in this life men are subject to rise and fall. The small becomes great and in a moment the great becomes small. The master becomes servant and the latter attains the former's rank (2. 117 ).
वैचित्रयमित्थमनुभूय भवाम्बुराशेरातङ्कवाडवविडम्बितजन्तुवारेः ।
को नाम जन्मविषपादप पुष्पकल्पैः स्वं मोहयेन्मृगदृशां कृतधीः कटाक्षैः ॥
Thus realising the varied moods of the ocean of existence, whose waters, to wit, the creatures, are oppressed by the submarine fire of deadly disease, what wise man will let himself be bewitched by fair women's glances that seem to be the flowers of the poison tree of life ? ( 2.118 )
4. EKATVĀNUPREKSA
(Thoughts on one's Loneliness ) एकस्वमाविशसि जन्मनि संक्षये च भोक्तुं स्वयं स्वकृतकर्मफलानुबन्धम् । अन्यो न जातु सुखदुःखविधौ सहायः स्वाजीवनाय मिलितं विटपेटकं ते ॥

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Thyself thou undergoest birth and death, all alone, to suffer the consequences of thy own deeds. Thou hast no companion in happiness or misery. Only a crowd of parasites gathers round thee to make their living ( 2. 119 ).
बाह्यः परिग्रहविधिस्तव दूरमास्तां देहोऽयमेति न समं सहसंभवोऽपि ! किं ताम्यसि त्वमनिशं क्षणदृष्टनष्टैर्दारात्मजद्रविणमन्दिरमोहपाशैः ॥
Let alone thy external possessions, even the body, coeval with thee, will not accompany thee at death, Why dost thou suffer evermore from such fetters of delusion as wife and children and wealth and home, appearing and disappearing in a moment ? ( 2. 120 ).
संशोच्य शोकविवशो दिवसं तमेकमन्येद्युरादरपरः स्वजनस्तवार्थे ।
कायोsपि भस्म भवति प्रचयाच्चिताग्नेः संसारयन्त्रघटिकाघटने स्वमेकः ॥
Whelmed with grief, thy relatives will mourn thy death only a day, but on the morrow they will be eager only for thy wealth, and the body will be reduced to ashes by the flames of the funeral pyre. Alone thou pliest the water-wheel of life! (2. 121).
एष स्वयं तमचलैर्ननु कर्मजा लेतेव वेष्टयति नष्टमतिः स्वमेकः ।
301
पुण्यात् पुनः प्रशमतन्तुकृतावलम्बस्तद्धाम धावति विधूतसमस्त बाधम् ॥
Alone and erring, verily a sentient being is enmeshed, like a spider, in the rigid network of Karma, of his own free will. But by dint of religious merit he advances to that state of bliss, free from all pain, threading his way with the aid of spiritual calm ( 2. 122 ).
5. PṚTHAKTVANUPREKṢĀ
(Thoughts on the Distinction between the Body and the Self) tereasana चेतसि मा कृथास्वं त्वत्तो यतोऽस्य वपुषः परमो विवेकः । त्वं धर्मशर्मवसतिः परितोऽवसायः कायः पुनर्जडतया गतधीनिकायः ॥
Never imagine that thou art composed of the body, because the body is utterly different from thee. Thou art all consciousness, an abode of virtue and bliss; whereas the body, because it is inert, is an unconscious mass ( 2. 123 ).
आसीदति त्वयि सति प्रतनोति कायः क्रान्ते तिरोभवति भूपवनादिरूपैः । भूतात्मकस्य मृतवन्न सुखादिभावस्तस्मात् कृती करणतः पृथगेव जीवः ॥
When thou art Composed of
The body exists and grows so long as thou art in existence. dead, it disappears in the form of earth, air and the like. the elements, it is devoid of feelings such as joy, like a corpse. Hence the blissful self is surely different from the body ( 2. 124 ).
सानन्दमव्ययमनादिमनन्तशक्तिमुयोतिनं निरुपलेपगुणं प्रकृत्या |
कृत्वा जडाश्रयमिमं पुरुषं समृद्धाः संतापयन्ति रसवद्दुरिताग्नयोऽमी ॥
The Self is by nature deathless and without any beginning, endowed with bliss and infinite power, and luminous and pure. The powerful flames of sinful Karma heat it, like mercury, after lodging it in the body ( 2.125 ).

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कर्मासवानुभवनात् पुरुषः परोऽपि प्रामोति पातमशुभासु भवावनीषु । तस्मात्तयोः परमभेदविदो विदग्धाः श्रेयस्तदादधतु यत्र न जन्मयोगः॥
Under the intoxicating power of Karma, even a man of superior merit goes reeling down to unhappy births. Se let the wise, who know the cardinal difference between the body and the Self, strive for the bliss that is free from rebirth (2.226).
6. ASUCITVANUPREKSA
(Thoughts on the Impurity of the Body) भाधीयते यदिह वस्तु गुणाय कान्तं काये तदेव मुहुरेत्यपवित्रभावम् ॥
छायाप्रतारितमनिर्मलरन्ध्रबन्धं किं जीव लालयसि भगुरमेतदङ्गम् ॥ Whatever is beautiful becomes unclean in a moment, when applied to the body to lend it charm. Deluded by the complexion, why dost thou, o soul, cherish this perishable frame, beset with cavities of dirt ? (2. 127).
योषिद्भिराहतकरं कृतमण्डनश्रीर्यः कामचामररुचिस्तव केशपाशः।
सोऽयं त्वयि श्रवणगोचरतां प्रयाते प्रेतावनीषु वनवायसवासगोऽभूत् ॥ This thy lock of hair, beautiful as the fly-whisk of the god of love, and elegantly dressed by ladies with careful hands, will, on thy death, find itself in the haunt of wild ravens on cremation-grounds! (2. 128).
अन्तर्बहिर्यदि भवेद्वपुषः शरीरं दैवात्तदानुभवनं ननु दूरमास्ताम् ।
कौतूहलादपि यदीक्षितुमुत्सहेत कुर्यात्तदाभिरतिमन भवान्शरीरे ॥ If by any chance the interior of the body were visible outside, and thou couldst bring thyself to look at it even out of curiosity, contact being out of the question, then thou wouldst indeed delight in the body! (2, 123).
तस्मानिसर्गमलिनादपि लब्धतत्तवाः कीनाशकेलिमनवाप्तधियोऽचिराय ।
कायादतः किमपि तत् फलमर्जयन्तु यस्सादनन्तसुखसस्यविभूतिरेषा ।।। So let men, having learnt the truth even from the body, unclean by nature, and without taking thought of death, attain before long that inexpressible goal which yields a rich harvest of infinite joy ! (2. 130).
7. ASRAVAN UPREKSA
(Thoughts on the Influx of Karma) अन्तः कषायकलुषोऽशुभयोगसंगात् कर्माण्युपार्जयसि बन्धनिबन्धनानि ।
रजः करेणुवशगः करटी यथैतास्त्वं जीव मुञ्च तदिमानि दुरीहितानि ॥ With thy heart contaminated by passions, thou dost acquire Karma, the cause of bondage, owing to thy assiduity in evil activities; just as an elephant forgetting himself in the company of his mate, earns for himself the ropes that bind him. Renounce, therefore, o sentient being, all thy misdeeds (2.131).

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संकल्पकल्पतरुसंश्रयणात्त्वदीयं चेतो निमजति मनोरथसागरेऽस्मिन् ।
तत्रार्थतस्तव चकास्ति न किंचनापि पक्षे परं भवसि कल्मषसंश्रयस्य ॥ Thy heart is submerged in the ocean of desire, because it clings to the all-giving tree of imagination. Thou dost thereby gain really nothing, but oniy followest the path to sin (2. 132).
सेय विभूतिषु मनोषितसंश्रयाणां चक्षुर्भवत्तव निजार्तिषु मोघवान्छम् ।
पापागमाय परमेव भवेद्विमूढ कामात् कुतः सुकृतदूरवतां हितानि ।। Thy mind, o fool, absorbed in its hankerings and frustrated in its desires, jealously contemplates the splendour of the objects of desire, but only paves the way to sin. How can those who are remote from virtue acquire joys by merely yearning for them? (2. 133).
दौर्विध्यदग्धमनसोऽन्तरुपात्तभुक्तश्चित्तं यथोल्लसति ते स्फुरितोत्तरङ्गम् ।
धाम्नि स्फुरेद्यदि तथा परमात्मसंज्ञे कौतस्कुती तव भवेद्विफला प्रसूतिः ॥ Thy birth would never be futile, if thy heart delighted in the Light called the Supreme Self, in the same way as it cheers up, heaving with the waves of desire, when thou thinkest of imaginary pleasures, thy mind consumed by penury (2. 134).
8. SAÚFARÂNUPREKŠĀ (Thoughts on the Stoppage of the Influx of Karma) आगच्छतोऽभिनवकार्मणरेणुराशेर्जीवः करोति यदवस्खलनं वितन्द्रः।
सत्तत्त्वचामरधरैः प्रणिधानहस्तैः सन्तो विदुस्तमिह संवरमात्मनीनम् ॥ The watchful Soul stops the oncoming dust of ever-new Karmas, with the helping hand of meditation, upholding the banner of right doctrines. The good in the world call this samvaraa (stoppage) that benefits the soul (2.135).
नीरन्ध्रसंधिरवधीरितनीर पूरः पोतः सरित्पतिमपैति यथानपायः।
जीवस्तथा क्षपितपूर्वतमःप्रतानः क्षीणास्रवश्च परमं पदमाश्रयेत ॥ Like as a boat without holes and joints safely traverses the ocean, defying the surge of waters; similarly, the soul, with the expanse of earlier Karma destroyed, and the influx of new ones stopped, reaches the Supreme Goal (2.137).
9. LOKĀNUPREKŞA
(Thoughts on the Universe) मध्याधरोवरचनः पवनत्रयान्तस्तुल्यः स्थितेन जघनस्थकरेण पुंसा ।
एकस्थितिस्तव निकेतनमेष लोकत्रस्यन्त्रिकीर्णजठरोऽग्रनिषण्णमोक्षः ॥ Composed of the upper, the middle and the lower regions, and bounded by
1 For the Jaina idea of the paramātman see Chap. X

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the three atmospheres", and surmounted by the abode of liberated souls, the universe resembles a man in standing posture (with outstretched legs ), with the hands resting on the hips. Ever in the same position, it is thy abode, its womb filled with living creatures (2. 138).
स्वं कल्मषावृतमतिर्निरये तिरश्चि पुण्योचितो दिवि नृषु द्वयकर्मयोगात् ।
इत्थं निषीदसि जगत्त्रयमन्दिरेऽस्मिन् स्वैरं प्रचारविधये तव लोक एषः॥ When thy mind is beset with sin, thou art born in hell, or as some lower animal, Thou art born in heaven. when thou hast relicious merit, and among mankind as a result of virtue and sin. Thus thou livest in the three worlds. The universe exists for thy wanderings at will (2. 140).
अत्रास्ति जीव न च किंचिदभुक्तमुक्तं स्थानं त्वया निखिलतः परिशीलनेन ।
तत् केवलं विगलिताखिलकर्मजालं स्पृष्टं कुतूहलधियापि न जातु धाम ॥ No place is there in the entire universe, o soul, which thou hast not repeatedly enjoyed and left. But not even out of curiosity hast thou ever approached the place whence all Karma is banished (2. 141).
10. NIRJARĀNUPREKŞĀ (Thoughts on the Shedding of Karma) आपातरम्यरचनैर्विरसावसानैर्जन्मोद्भवैः सुखलवैः स्खलितान्तरङ्गः ।
दुःखानुषङ्गकरमर्जितवान् यदेनस्तत्त्वं सहस्व हतजीव नवप्रयातम् ॥ Suffer, o miserable being, the consequences of the pain-bringing, ever-new sins thou hast committed, led astray by the pleasures of life, charming in the beginning and unpleasant at the end (2. 142).
कालुष्यमेषि यदिह स्वयमात्मकामो जागति तत्र ननु कर्म पुरातनं ते।
योऽहिं विवर्धयति कोऽपि विमुग्धबुद्धिः स्वस्योदयाय स नरः प्रवरः कथं स्यात् ॥ Verily it is due to thy ancient Karma that thou, with desire inbred in thee, makest thyself impure in this life. How can the fool that nourishes a serpent achieve his own success? (2.143).
आतङ्कपावकशिखाः सरसावलेखाः स्वस्थे मनाङ्मनसि ते लघु विस्मरन्ति ।
तत्कालजातमतिविस्फुरितानि पश्चाजीवान्यथा यदि भवन्ति कुतोऽप्रियं ते ॥ Thou sentient being, when thy mind is a little at ease, the keenly felt fames of suffering are quickly forgotten. But if the resolve (to pract taken at the moment of suffering, is subsequently kept in inind, how can sorrow ever be thine ? ( 2. 144).
1 धनवात (gross air), अम्बुवात (vapour), and तनुवात (thin air). See Tattvārthasutra 3.1
and Pujyapäda's comm. thereon. Also Jaini's trans, and notes. Subhacandra gives another picture of the universe according to the Jain conception in his Jirānārnava (Lokabhavānā): वेष्टितः पवनैः प्रान्ते महावेगैर्महाबलेः । त्रिभित्रिभुवनाकीर्णो लोक
स्तालतरुस्थितिः ॥ x x अधो वेत्रासनाकारो मध्ये स्याज्झलरीनिमः ॥ मृदङ्गसदृशश्चामे स्यादित्थं स त्रयात्मकः॥ 3 i. e. in the course of transmigration.

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11. DHARMĀNUPREKŞA (Thoughts on Dharma or Religious Virtue ) श्रद्धाभिसंधिरवधूतबहिःसमीहस्तत्त्वावसायसलिलाहितमूलबन्धः ।
आत्मायमात्मनि तनोति फलद्वयार्थी धर्म तमाहुरमृतोपमसस्यमाप्ताः॥ Intent on faith, and discarding. external activities, the Self, desirous of the twin results, heaven and salvation, cultivates within itself Dharma (Religious Virtue), laying its foundation with the water of the knowledge of the fundamental principles. The wise call Dharma a plant with the properties of nectar (2. 145).
मैत्रीदयादमशमागमनिर्भूतानां बाह्येन्द्रियप्रसरवर्जितमानसानाम् ।
विद्याप्रभाप्रहतमोहमहाग्रहाणां धर्मः परापरफलः सुलभो नराणाम् ॥ Religious virtue, productive of salvation as well as worldly joys, can easily be attained by men who delight in the exercise of good will, kindness, selfcontrol and forbearance; whose minds are free from sensual cravings; and who have destroyed the spectre of ignorance with the light of knowledge (2.146).
इच्छाः फलैः कलयति प्ररुणद्धि बाधाः सृष्टेरसाम्यविभुरभ्युदयादिभिर्यः ।
ज्योतींषि दूतयति चारमसमीहितेषु धर्मः स शर्मनिधिरस्तु सतां हिताय ॥ A treasure-house of bliss, may Dharma confer benefit on the good ! It crowns one's desires with success and wards off all evils and wields unrivalled power over the creation by reason of its vouchsafing prosperity and other results. It sends forth the Lights of supersensuous knowledge as messengers to evoke the aspirations of the Self! (2. 147).
देहोपहारकुतपैः स्वपरोपतापैः कृत्वाध्वरेश्वरमिषं विदलन्मनीषाः ।
धमैषिणो य इह केचन मान्यभाजस्ते जातजी वितधियो विषमापिबन्ति ॥ Unintelligent men, who desire to attain Dharma, by worshipping Śiva with vociferous texts, recommending animal sacrifices and causing suffering to their own followers and others, are fools that take poison with the idea of preserving their lives (2. 248 ).
येऽन्यत्र मनमहिमेक्षणमुग्धबोधाः शवैषिणः पुनरतः शिवतां गृणन्ति ।
ते नावि तारणहशो हषदोऽवलम्ब्य दुष्पारमम्बुधिजलं परिलायन्ति ॥ Those of other faiths, who are befooled by the sight of the efficacy of mystic formulas, and adore Siva and declare salvation to be his gift, are men who seek to traverse the impassable waters of the ocean by support: ing themselves on blocks of stone, fancying that they are crossing by boats (2. 149).
1
rutasagara says in his commentary कुतपास्तुर्याणि वेदवचनानि इत्यर्थस्तैः.
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अज्ञस्य शक्तिरसमर्थविधेर्निबोधस्तौ चारुचेरियममू तुदती न किंचित् ।
अन्धाङ्ग्रिहीनहतवान्छितमानसानां दृष्टा न जातु हितवृत्तिरनन्तराया ॥ The strength of one who lacks knowledge and the knowledge of one who is unable to act as well as the strength and knowledge of one wlio has no faith accomplish nothing, because the lack of faith renders kn strength futile. The salutary endeavour of the blind or the lame or those who have lost all hope hath never been seen to be free from obstacles (2. 151.).
चा- रुचौ तदुचिताचरणे च नृणां दृष्टार्थसिद्धिरगदादिनिषेवणेषुः।
तस्मात् परापरफलप्रदधर्मकामाः सन्तस्त्रयावगमनीतिपरा भवन्तु ॥ Men are seen to attain their object in acts like the taking of medicir e for health, when they have right knowledge and faith and observe the right procedure. So let the good, who aspire after Dharma that gives worldly happiness and final release, devote themselves to the way of realising the triad of right knowledge, conduct and faith (2. 152).
12. BODHYANUPREKSA (Thoughts on Bodhi or the Acquisition of Three Jewels) संसारसागरमिमं भ्रमता नितान्तं जीवेन मानवभवः समवापि दैवात् ।
तत्रापि यद्भवनमान्यकुले प्रसूतिः सत्संगतिश्च तदिहान्धकवर्तकीयम् ॥ Unceasingly wandering on the ocean of transmigration, a sentient creature is born as a human being by chance. Even then birth in a family respected by the world and association with the good are as rare as the coming of a quail within a blind man's grasp ( 2. 153).
कृच्छ्राद्वनस्पतिगतेश्युत एष जीवः श्वश्रेषु कल्मषवशेन पुनः प्रयाति ।
तेभ्यः परस्परविरोधिमृगप्रसूतावस्याः पशुप्रतिनिभेषु कुमानवेषु ॥ Released from birth in the plant world, after much suffering, a sentient
gain born in the hells on account of his sins, then in the genus of animals, mutually hostile, and then again among uncouth men resembling animals (2. 154).
संसारयन्त्रमुदयास्तघटीपरीतं सातानतामसगुणं भृतमाधितोयैः ।
इत्थं चतुर्गतिसरित्परिवर्तमध्यमावाहयेत् स्वकृतकर्मफलानि भोक्तुम् ॥ Thus, in order to reap the consequences of one's deeds, one has to ply the water-wheel of transmigration, bounded by the vessels of prosperity and adversity, and overflowing with the waters of suffering, and furnished with the expansive cords of sin, with the hub of the wheel rotating in the river of the four conditions of existence' (2. 155).
1 Hellish, sub-human, human and celestial. See Tattvārthasūtra 2. 8.

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307 आतङ्कशोकभयभोगकलत्रपुत्रैर्यः खेदयेन्मनुजजन्म मनोरथाप्तम् ।
नूनं स भस्मकृतधीरिह रत्नराशिमुद्दीपयेदतनुमोहमलीमसास्मा ॥ He who wastes his human birth, obtained after cherished desire, with thoughts of disease, sorrows, fear, pleasures, wife and children, might as well consign a heap of jewels to the flames for the sake of the ashes. Verily his soul is blackened by mighty ignorance (2. 156).
बाह्यप्रपञ्चविमुखस्य शमोन्मुखस्य भूतानुकम्पनरुचः प्रियतस्ववाचः ।
प्रत्यप्रवृत्तहृदयस्य जितेन्द्रियस्य भब्यस्य बोधिरियमस्तु पदाय तस्मै ।। May Bodhi (the acquisition of the Three Jewels') lead the man with faith to that exalted state, namely, Liberation, the man that is averse to worldly phenomena and eager for spiritual calm, self-controlled, and kind to all crea. tures, and fond of the truth, his heart devoted to the Inner Self! (2. 157).
The HYMNS The next category of Jaina religious poetry, the hymns, as far as they are represented in Yasastilaka, consist mostly of verses in praise of
e Arhat, the five Parameşthins (Arhat, Siddha, Acārya, Upādhyāya and Sādhu), and the three Jewels (Right Faith, Right Knowledge and Right Conduct). Most of these verses occur in Book VIII, section 35, while another series of verses accompanying various items in the worship of Jina is found in Section 36. Section 37 of the same Book contains a long hymn in honour of Jina in the lyrical metres described in Chap. VII. Reference may also be made to the dhyāna (hymn for mental recitation in the course of meditation) in section 39, extracts from which will be found in Chap. X. Verses in honour of the Jaina Sarasvati, the presiding goddess of the Scriptures, occur in Section 40, which deals with her worship. While most of these eulogistic and devotional verses occur in connection with Sāmāyika or the customary worship of Jina described in Book VIII, isolated v in his honour are also found elsewhere in the work usually at the beginning and the end of a chapter.
The verses which we have called hymns are composed in elaborate metres in elevated style, as may be expected in a Kāvga poet like the author of Yasastilaka. They are in the nature of a tribute to moral. intellectual and spiritual grandeur, and glorify the sublime in the sphere of religion. asceticism and spiritual culture. The ideal of omniscient and imınaculate sainthood, the utter disregard of the body and worldly aspirations self-control, altruism and universal good-will, right knowledge and faith and conduct: these form the keynote of the eulogies, the abstract
1 i. e. Right Faith, Right Knowledge and Right Conduct. 2 See Chap. X.

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character of which may be contrasted with the concrete descriptions of many Brahmanical hymns. At the same time the sectarian character of some of the verses is all too apparent, as their purpose is to glorify Jaina dogmas and tenets, specially the Syādvāda doctrine. Nevertheless, these little hymns or prayers breathe an atmosphere of saintly purity, and proclaim the triumph of Light over Darkness, of the all-pure Self over the obstacles of matter.
The scheme of arrangement of the devotional verses in Book VIII, sections 35-37, is worthy of notice. Somadeva starts with elaborate and complicated prose invocations of the five Parameşthins and the three Jewels,' followed by groups of verses styled Bhaktis in the following order : Darśanabhakti (Addressed to Jina), Praise of Right Faith (three verses); Jñanabhakti, Praise of Right Knowledge (three verses); Cāritrabhakti, Praise of Right Conduct ( three verses); Arhadbhakti, Praise of the Arhat (seven verses); Siddhabhakti, Praise of the emancipated saints (three verses); Caityabhakti, Praise of the Shrine (one verse); Pañcagurubhakti, Praise of the five teachers, that is, the Parameşthins (one verse ); śāntibhakti, Praise of the Tirthamkara Sāntinātha (one verse); and Acāryabhakti, Praise of the Preceptor
ints (ten verses). It may be noted in this connection that the use of the term Bhakti in the sense of a devotional prayer or hymn' is much earlier than Somadova, who was no doubt influenced to some extent by the Bhaktis attributed to Pūjyapāda and Kundakunda. The Bhaktis in our work are followed by a description of the ceremonial worship of Jina, dealt with in Book VIII, Section 36. which contains the devotional verses (including a prose passage) recited in the various stages of the ritual. This is followed by the lyrical hymn in Section 37, which is meant to be sung after the formal worship is over. Somadeva's arrangement of the verses is designed to conform to ceremonial requirements, but their independent value as notable specimens of Jaina religious poetry can be easily recognised. The following specimens are mainly from the verses classified above.
DARŠANABHAKTI ते कुर्वन्तु तपांसि दुर्धरधियो ज्ञानानि संचिन्वर - वित्तं वा वितरन्तु देव तदपि प्रायो न जन्मच्छिदः ।
एषा येषु न विद्यते तव वचःश्रद्धावधानोद्धुरा दुष्कर्माकुरकुञ्जवज्रदहनद्योतावदाता रुचिः ॥ Those who possess no faith, ardent with devotion to thy teachings, O Lord,
1 See Chap. IV for specimens. 2 See suffi: edited by Pt. Jinadāsa Pārsvanātha with the commentary of Prabhācandra.
It contains Siddhabhakti, Śrutabhakti, Cāritrabhakti, Yogibhakti, Ācāryabhakti, Pañcagurubhakti etc. in Sanskrit and Prākrit. The work is anonymous, but Prabhācandra remarks at the end of the comm. on Siddhabhakti that the Sanskrit Bhaktis were composed by Pujya pada and the Prākrit ones by Kundakundu.

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(faith) blazing like lightning fire in consuming the grove of sprouting sins, cannot destroy the cycle of births, even if they, with mighty resolve, perform austerities or acquire knowledge or give away wealth in charity.
संसाराम्बुधिसेतुबन्धमसमप्रारभ्भलक्ष्मीवनप्रोल्लासामृतवारिवाहमखिलत्रैलोक्यचिन्तामणिम् ।
कल्याणाम्बुजखण्डसंभवसरः सम्यक्त्वरत्नं कृती यो धत्ते हृदि तस्य नाथ सुलभाः स्वर्गापवर्गश्रियः॥ The splendour of heaven and final release, O Lord, is easily attained by the meritorious man who possesses the Jewel of Right Faith in his heart. It serves as a causeway for traversing the ocean of worldly wanderings, and acts like a cloud, showering nectar for the lusty growth of the garden of prosperity, of incomparable extent. It is a wishing gem for the entire universe and a lotus pool of mundane bliss.
यद्देवैः शिरसा धृतं गणधरैः कर्णावतंसीकृतं न्यस्तं चेतसि योगिभिर्नृपवरैराघातसारं पुनः ।
हस्ते दृष्टिपथे मुखे च निहितं विद्याधराधीश्वरैस्तत् स्याद्वादसरोरुहं मम मनोहंसस्य भूयान्मुदे ॥ May the lotus of Syādvāda doctrine delight the swan of my mind! It is cherished by the ascetics in their hearts, and its rich perfume is inhaled by mighty kings. The Vidyādhara chiefs keep it in their hands and mouths and under their eyes.
मिथ्यातमःपटलभेदनकारणाय स्वर्गापवर्गपुरमार्गनिबोधनाय ।
तत्तत्त्वभावनमनाः प्रणमामि नित्यं त्रैलोक्यमङ्गलकराय जिनागमाय ॥ Ever do I bow to the Doctrine preached by J
the Doctrine preached by Jina, applying my mind to the contemplation of its fundamental principles: the Doctrine that dispels the enveloping gloom of false tenets, reveals the way to the cities of Heaven and Salvation, and does good to the universe.
CĀRITRABHAKTI ज्ञानं दुर्भगदेहमण्डनमिव स्यात् स्वस्य खेदावहं धत्ते साधु न तत्फलश्रियमयं सम्यक्त्वरत्नाङ्करः ।
कामं देव यदन्तरेण विफलास्तास्तास्तपोभूमयस्तस्सै त्वचरिताय संयमदमध्यानादिधाम्ने नमः ॥ Salutation to thy Rule of conduct, the abode of self-control, self-restraint, meditation and other attributes! Without it, O Lord, knowledge is a burden, like the decoration of an ugly body. Without it the Jewel of Right Faith, a germinating plant, doth not bear fruit in plenty, and the fields of austerities remain ever barren.
यञ्चिन्तामणिरीप्सितेषु वसतिः सौरूप्यसौभाग्ययोः श्रीपाणिग्रहकौतुकं कुलबलारोग्यागमे संगमः ।
यत् पूर्वैश्चरितं समाधिनिधिभिर्मोक्षाय पञ्चात्मकं तच्चारित्रमहं नमामि विविधं स्वर्गापवर्गाप्तये ॥ For the attainment of heaven and final release, I venerate that fivefold Rule of Conduct, varied in character, which was practised by
1 The five kinds of Right Conduct (सम्यक्चारित्र) are, roughly speaking, सामायिक (equani.
imity), छेदोपस्थापना (recovery of equanimity), परिहार विशुद्धि (absolute cessation from injury). मूक्ष्मसाम्पराय (all but complete freedom from passion), and यथाख्यात (passionless conduct). See Jaini: Tattvarthölligamatsūtra 9. 18. For details see the commentaries of Pujyapāda and Siddhasena on the sutra.

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the sages of old for the attainment of salvation. It is a wishing gem in granting one's desires, an abode of beauty and luck, a ceremonial wristlet for the wedding of the goddess of prosperity, and a meeting-place of family glory, might and health.
ARHADBHAKTI
ध्यानाव को कविगल त्तिमिरप्रताने तां देव केवलमयीं श्रियमादधाने । आसीत् त्वयि त्रिभुवनं मुहुरुत्सवाय व्यापारमन्थरमिवैकपुरं महाय ॥
When thou wast assuming the glory of infinite knowledge, O Lord, and the expanse of Darkness was receding before the Light of thy meditation, the entire world stood motionless, ready for continuous rejoicings, like a city preparing for a festival.
त्वं सर्वदोषरहितः सुनयं वचस्ते सत्वानुकम्पनपरः सकलो विधिश्व ।
लोकस्तथापि यदि तुष्यति न त्वयीश कर्मास्य तन्ननु रवाविव कौशिकस्य ॥
Thou art free from all blemishes, thy words are well-principled, and all thy acts are inspired by compassion for sentient beings. If the world still doth not delight in thee, O Lord, its action is verily like that of the owl in regard to the sun.
मिथ्यामहान्धतमसावृतमप्रबोधमेतत् पुरा जगदभूद्भव गर्तपाति ।
तदेव दृष्टिहृदयाविकासकान्तैः स्याद्वादरश्मिभिरथोद्धृतवांस्त्वमेव ॥
In times of yore the world, without enlightenment, was enveloped in the cimmerian darkness of false belief, and submerged in the ravine of worldly existence. It is thou who saved it, O Lord, with the rays of the Syadvada doctrine, delightful by reason of their opening the lotus blossoms of men's eyes and hearts.
SIDDHABHAKTI
सम्यग्ज्ञानत्रयेण प्रविदित निखिलज्ञेयतश्वप्रपञ्चाः प्रोडूय ध्यानवातैः सकलमघरजः प्राप्तकवल्यरूपाः । कृत्वा सवोपकारं त्रिभुवनपतिभिर्दत्तयात्रोत्सवा ये ते सिद्धाः सन्तु लोकत्रय शिखरपुरवासिनः सिद्धये वः ॥ May the emancipated saints inhabiting the crest of the three worlds grant ye success! With the three kinds of perfect knowledge,' they have comprehended the entire range of the knowable truths, and attained omniscience by sweeping away all dust of sins with the breeze of meditation. The lords of the universe celebrate festivals in their honour on the completion of their mission of doing good to all living creatures.
दानज्ञानचरित्र संयमनय प्रारम्भगर्भ मनः कृत्वान्तर्बहिरिन्द्रियाणि मरुतः संयम्य पञ्चापि च ।
पश्चाद्वीत विकल्पजालमखिलं भ्रश्यत्तमः संतति ध्यानं तत् प्रविधाय ये च मुमुचुस्तेभ्योऽपि बद्धोऽञ्जलिः ॥ I fold my hands in obeisance to those who attained final deliverance, after

1 अवधि ( direct knowledge of matter), मन:पर्यय ( direct knowledge of another's mental activity) and केवल (omniscience).

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they had completed the entire range of meditation, free from all doubts, all darkness gone, having controlled the internal and external sense organs and the five vital breaths, and concentrated their minds on the application of the law of charity, knowledge, conduct and control of the self.
इत्थं येऽत्र समुद्रकन्दरसरःस्रोतस्विनीभूनभोद्वीपाद्रिदुमकाननादिषु भूतध्यानावधानद्धयः।
कालेषु त्रिषु मुक्तिसंगमजुषः स्तुत्यास्त्रिभिर्विष्टपैस्ते रखत्रयमङ्गलानि दधतां भव्येषु रत्नाकराः ।। Thus did they attain the height of absorption in meditation, in places like the ocean, mountain caves, pools of water, rivers, the earth and the sky, islands, mountains, groves of trees and the woods. Emancipated in all the three categories of time, they are worthy of praise by all the three worlds. Oceans as it were, may they confer on the faithful the blessings of the Three Jewels!
PAÑOAGURUBHAKTI समवसरणवासान् मुक्तिलक्ष्मीविलासान् सकलसमयनाथान् वाक्यविद्यासनाथान् । भवनिगल विनोशोद्योगयोगप्रकाशान् निरुपमगुणभावान् संस्तुवेऽहं क्रियावान् ॥
ŚĀNTIBHAKTI भवदुःखानलशान्तिर्धर्मामृतवर्षजनितजनशान्तिः । शिवशर्मास्त्रवशान्तिः शान्तिकरः स्ताजिनः शान्तिः ।।
ACARYABHAKTI दूरारूढे प्रणिधितरणावन्तरात्माम्बरेऽस्मिन्नास्ते येषां हृदयकमलं मोदनिस्पन्दवृत्ति ।
तत्त्वालोकावगमगलितध्वान्तबन्धस्थितीनामिष्टिं तेषामहमुपनये पादयोश्चन्दनेन ॥ With sandal paste I adore their feet! The hold of Darkness on them Vanishes at the sight of the light of the Truth, and their lotus hearts are benumbed with joy, when the sun of meditation climbs high in the firmament of their inner souls.
येषामझे मलयजरसैः संगमः कर्दमैवा स्त्रीबिब्बोकैः पितृवनचिताभस्मभिर्वा समानः ।
मित्रे शत्रावपि च विषये निस्तरङ्गोऽनुषङ्गस्तेषां पूजाव्यतिकरविधावस्तु भूत्ये हविर्वः ॥ May the ceremonial offerings made in the course of their worship make ye thrive! It is all the same to them whether their bodies come into contact with liquid sandal or mud, or the amorous caresses of women or the ashes of funeral pyres on cremation grounds; and their mental attitude is calm in regard to friend and foe.
__ योगाभोगाचरणचतुरे दीर्णकन्दर्पद स्वान्ते ध्वान्तोद्धरणसविधे ज्योतिरुन्मेषभाजि ।
संमोदेतामृतभृत इव क्षेत्रनाथोऽन्तरुच्चर्येषां तेषु क्रमपरिचयात् स्वाच्छूिये वः प्रदीपः ॥ May the votive lamp bring ye prosperity on account of its being presented (before their images) in succession! Their inner souls intensely
1 The past, the present and the future, 2 Lit: abodes of jewels.

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rejoice, as if filled with nectar, when their hearts, skilled in the practice of expansive meditation, having destroyed the insolence of the god of love, approach the lifting of the Darkness and experience the dawning of the light.
येषां ध्येयाय कुवलयानन्द चन्द्रोदयानां बोधाम्भोधिः प्रमदसलिलैमति नास्मावकाशे । लब्ध्वाप्येतामखिलभुवनैश्वर्यलक्ष्मीं निरीहं चेतस्तेषामयमपचितौ श्रेयसे वोऽस्तु धूपः ॥
May this incense burnt in the course of their worship bring ye good! They are as moonrise in delighting the lotus hearts of the faithful. The ocean of their consciousness overflows with the waters of joy in the expanse of their souls, and their hearts are serene, even after acquiring the riches of the entire Wwworld.
देहाराsयुपरतधियः सर्वसंकल्पशान्तेर्येषामूर्तिस्मयविरहिता ब्रह्मधामामृतातेः । आत्मात्मीयानुगम विगमाद्वृत्तयः शुद्धबोधास्तेषां पुष्पैश्चरणकमलान्यर्चयेयं शिवाय ॥
Their actions pay no heed to the pleasures of the body owing to the extinction of all desire, and are free from physical cravings and pride owing to their having attained the deathless state in which the Self abides, and are inspired by pure thoughts owing to the absence of all sense of 'I' and 'mine'. May I worship their lotus feet with flowers for my good!
LYRICAL HYMN TO JINA
नमदमरमौलिमण्डलचिलझरनांशुकरगगनेऽस्मिन् । अरुणायतेऽङ्घ्रियुगलं यस्य जीयाजिनो देवः ॥
सुरपतियुवतिश्रवसाममरतरुस्मेरमञ्जरी रुचिरम् । चरणनखकिरणजालं यस्य स जयताजिनो जगति ॥ वर्णः ॥ दिविजकुञ्जरमौलि मन्दारमकरन्दस्यन्द कर विसर सारधूसरपदाम्बुजं । वैदग्धीपरमपद प्राप्तवादजय बिजितमनसिज ॥ मात्रा ॥ स्वामितगुणं जिन कश्चित् सावधिबोधः स्तौति विपश्चित् । नूनमसौ ननु काञ्चनशैलं तुलयति हस्तेनाचिरकालम् ॥
...

॥ चतुष्पदी ॥
सुरमतिविरचित संस्तव दलिताखिलभव परमधामलन्धोदय । कस्तव जन्तुर्गुणमघहरणचरण प्रवितनुतां हतनतभय ॥ जय निखिल निलिम्पालापकल्प जगतीस्तुतकीर्तिकलत्रतल्प | जय परमधर्म हर्म्यावतार लोकत्रितयोद्धरणैकसार ॥ जय लक्ष्मीकरकमलार्चिताङ्ग जय बोधमध्य सिद्धा खिलार्थ
...
...
सारस्वतरसनतनाद्यरङ्ग ।
मुक्तिश्री रमणीरतिकृतार्थ ॥
1 A marginal note in Ms. A explains ध्येय as भव्यजन.
॥ पद्धतिका ॥
इति तदमृतनाथ स्मरशरमाथ त्रिभुवनपतिमति केतन । मम दिश जगदीश प्रशमनिवेश त्वत्पदनुतिहृदयं जिन ॥ घत्ता ॥

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VERSES ADDRESSED TO JINA भक्तिर्नित्यं जिनचरणयोः सर्वसत्वेषु मैत्री सर्वातिथ्ये मम विभवधीबुंदिर यात्मतत्त्वे ।
सद्विधेषु प्रणयपरता चित्तवृत्तिः परार्थे भूयादेतद्भवति भगवन् धाम यावत्त्वदीयम् ॥ Constant devotion to Jina's feet, goodwill towards all living creatures, a sense of ability to accord hospitality to all, realisation of the truth of the Self, love of those who possess the true learning, and the application of the mind to the good of others : may all this be mine, O Exalted One, as long as thy splendour lasts!
अमरतरुणीनेत्रानन्दे महोत्सवचन्द्रमाः स्मरमदमयध्वान्तध्वंसे मत: परमोऽर्यमा ।
भदयहृदयः कर्मारातौ नते च कृपात्मवानिति विसदृशव्यापारस्त्वं तथापि भवान् महान् ॥ Thou art a carnival moon in delighting the eyes of celestial maidens, but
own to be a mighty sun in destroying the darkness of frenzied passion. Thou art pitiless in regard to Karma, thy enemy, but merciful to the humble. Thou dost thus indulge in opposites, yet art thou great in thy gloryi
जगन्नेत्रं पात्रं निखिलविषयज्ञानमहसां महान्तं स्वां सन्तं सकलनयनीतिस्मृतगुणम् ।
महोदारं सारं विनतहृदयानन्दविषये ततो याचे नोचेद्भवसि भगवर्थिविमुखः ॥ If thou art not averse to suppliants, O Exalted One, I beg of thee superabundant wealth of joy for my reverent heart. Thou art the eye of the world and the repository of the light of omniscience; thou art great and good, and thy virtues are declared by all schools and systems."
मनुजदिविजलक्ष्मीलोचनालोकलीलाश्चिरमिह चरितार्थास्त्वत्प्रसादात् प्रजाताः ।
___ हृदय मिदमिदानी स्वामिसेवोत्सुकत्वात् सहवसतिसनाथं छात्रमित्रे विधेहि ॥ Thanks to thy favour, my longing for the graceful glances of the goddess of human and celestial prosperity hath long been fulfilled. Make now this heart of mine, owing to its eagerness to serve its master, dwell with thee, the friend of disciples !
VERSES INVOKING THE BLESSINGS OF JINA. ध्यानज्योतिरपास्ततामसचयः स्फारस्फुरत्केवलज्ञानाम्भोधितटैकदेशविलसत्रैलोक्यवेलाचलः ।
आननेन्द्रशिखण्डमण्डनभवत्पादद्वयाम्भोरुहः श्रीनाथ प्रथितान्वयस्य भवतो भूयाजिनः श्रेयसे ।' O Lord of prosperity, may Jina bring good to thee, of renowned dynasty! He hath dispelled the expanse of darkness with the light of his meditation, The universe, like a coastal mountain, stands only on a part of the shore of the ocean of his perfect knowledge, extensive and refulgent! His lotus feet adorn the crown of Indra, bowing in salutation to him! (1.219).
Most of the benedictory verses occur at the beginning or end of chapters. For example (4.2, 2.245):
तयानविषि जातकल्मषमुषि प्रादुर्भवज्योतिषि त्रैलोक्यक्षुभि दत्तयात्र ककुभि स्वर्गिस्मृतानुष्टुभि । यस्मिन्नच्युति सर्वलोकमहति स्तोत्रोन्मुखश्रीकृति श्रेयोभाजनता जनः परमगात् स स्ताछिये वो जिनः ॥ वित्तेश स्वरतां पुरः सुरतरूद्यानैः समं मातले तूर्ण सजय सामजं कुरु गुरो यानोचितां वाहिनीम्।। आसीदिस्थमशेषकल्मषमुषि प्रादुर्भवत्केवले यस्मिन् स्वर्गपतेर्महोत्सवविधिः सोऽव्यात् त्रिलोकी जिनः ॥ 1 A marginal note in Ms. A explains the phrase नयनीति- समय सिद्धान्त. 2 The verse is addressed to Maradatta.
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The inferiority of the principal Brahminical deities to Jina, who is not, strictly speaking, a deity but a world teacher and saint of superhuman status and universal power, is declared in the following verse :
लक्ष्मीपतिप्रभृतिभिः कृतपादसेवः पायाजगन्ति स जयी जिनचन्द्रदेवः ।
साम्यं त्रिविष्टपतिस्थितविक्रमस्य दंष्ट्रातावनितलस्य हरेनं यस्य ॥ 3.2 Verses in honour of the Srutadevatā, the presiding goddess of sacred lore, the Jaina Sarasvati, occur in connection with her worship, which is described immediately after the discourse on meditation (dhyānavidhi).' One of these verses is cited below:
चक्षुः परं करणकन्दरदरितेऽर्थे मोहान्धकारविधती परमः प्रकाशः ।
तद्धामगामिपथवीक्षणरत्नदीपस्त्वं सेव्यसे तदिह देवि जनेन धूपैः ॥ Thou art our sole eye in the perception of objects made inaccessible by the abyss of the senses. Thou art the supreme light in destroying the darkness of ignorance. Thou art a jewel lamp showing the path to the abode of beatitude. Thou art, therefore, 0 goddess, worshipped by men on earth with offerings of incense (Vol. II, p. 401).
RELIGIO-ETHICAL VERSES
THE WAY OF SÅGES न दैन्यात् प्राणानां न च हृदयहरिणस्य रतये न ददङ्गानां न च करणकरिणोऽस्य मदनात् ।
विधावृत्तिः किं तु क्षतमदनचरितश्रुतविधेः परे हेतौ मुक्तरिह मुनिषु न खलु स्थिति रियम् ॥ The sages take nourishment not owing to the frailty of the nor for the gaiety of the antelope-like heart nor for the vigour of the limbs nor for the exhilaration of the elephant-like senses; but for the supreme object of salvation as propounded in the canon of Jina, who hath destroyed the sway of passion. Is this not the customary practice of sages on earth? (1. 127)
USELESS STRENGTH श्रुताय येषां न शरीरवृद्धिः श्रुतं चरित्राय च येषु नैव । तेषां बलित्वं ननु पूर्वकर्मव्यापारभारोद्वहनाय मन्ये ।। Verily the strength of those whose physical growth does not lead to the study of the Scriptures and whose study of the Scriptures does not lead to right conduct, is meant, I ween, for merely bearing the burden of the Karma done in previous births (1. 128).
___WHEN DEATH IS WELCOME जीवस्य सद्दर्शनरत्नभाजश्चारित्रयुक्तस्य समाहितस्य । आशंसितो मृत्युरुपप्रयातः परं प्रमोदस्य समागमाय ।। Death when it comes is welcome and certainly a cause of joy to a man who possesses the Jewel of Right Faith, is endowed with Right Conduct, and practises pure meditation (1. 140)
THE USE AND ABUSE OF HUMAN LIFE पर्याप्तं विरसावसानकटुकैरुच्चावचैर्नाकिनां सौख्यैमिसदुःखदावदहनव्यापारदग्धात्मभिः ।
इत्थं स्वर्गसुखावधीरणपरैराशास्यते तदिनं यत्रोत्पद्य मनुष्यजन्मनि मनो मोक्षाय धास्यामहे ।। 1 See Chap. X.

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यस्तु लब्ध्वापि जन्मेदं न धर्माय समीहते । तस्यात्मकर्मभूमीषु विज़म्भन्तां भवाङ्कराः ॥ No more of celestial joys, uneven and bitter on account of their unpleasant sequel, and spoilt by the conflagration of mental anguish!' Thus do the gods, despising celestial happiness, look forward to the day when, born as men, they will be able to say: 'We will concentrate our minds on final release!' Let the sprouts of future births shoot forth in the field of Karma of the man, who does not strive to cultivate piety, even after attaining this human existence (1. 142-3).
KARMA सुखदुःखानुभवार्थ निजकर्मगलग्रहात् सुदूरोऽपि । जालावलम्मतिमिवजन्तुर्यमसमयमायाति ॥ Like a fish caught in a net, a living being, owing to the stranglehold of ais own Karma, comes under the law of Death even froin afar, in order to experience pleasure and pain (in another birth'). Book V.
HOW MAN BECOMES LIABLE TO REBIRTH नवं वयश्चारुतरास्तरुण्यो रम्याणि हाणि शिवाः श्रियश्च । एतानि संसारतरोः फलानि स्वर्गः परोऽस्तीति मृषैव वार्ता । दोषस्त्वमीषां पुनरेक एव स्थैर्याय यत्नास्ति जगत्युपायः । तत्संभवे तत्वविदों परं स्यात खेदाय देहस्य तपःप्रयासः ॥ बालस्य मौरध्यास तपोऽधिकारो युवा तपस्येयदि तत्र दंण्डः । कुटम्बभाराधिकृतश्च मध्यो वृद्धः पुनर्वृद्धिसहाय एव । परोपरोधादयमेवमास्मा मिथ्याग्रहग्रस्तमनःप्रतानः।
स्वयं विजानमपि देवदूतैराकृष्य नीयेत भवभ्रमाय ॥ Early youth, charming young women, beautiful mansions and salutary wealth: these are the fruits of the tree of life. That there is heaven other than these is definitely untrue. But they have one defect. No means is there in the world to ensure their permanence. If that were possible, the assiduity in religious austerities of those who are conversant with the truth would merely amount to exhaustion of the body. A child is not fit for austerities owing to his ignorance, and a youth is liable to penalty if he should undertake them; while a middle-aged man is responsible for the support of his family, and an old nan just manages to subsist. Under the influence of others, a sentient being, although he knows the truth, has his mind in the grip of the demon of false belief, and is dragged along by the messengers of Fate for undergoing the cycle of births ( Book IV, P. 94).
DESIRE FOR RELIGIOUS MERIT महदपि पापं विलयति पुण्याप्तिमनोरथः सुतुच्छोऽपि । किं नाल्पो रविरेष त्रिभुवनमात्रं तमो हन्ति ॥ Even an insignificant desire for the acquisition of religious merit destroys an enormous quantity of sins. Does not the sun, though limited in extent, destroy the darkness reigning in all the three worlds? ( Book V).

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CHAPTER XII
A CONTROVERSIAL DIALOGUE One of the most interesting episodes of Yasastilaka is the animated dialogue in Book IV between Yasodhara and his mother Candramati on the subject of animal sacrifice, the former being a convert to Jainism, and the latter a champion of the Brahmanical faith, Certain tenets of the Vedio religion are attacked by Yaśodhara in the course of his argument, and he also attempts to establish the ancient and authoritative character of the Jaina faith by citing various texts from what are apparently non-Jaira sources. A dramatic character is given to the dialogue by the use of parenthetic indications resembling stage directions, and but for the numerous quotations, the dialogue is cast in a form that could easily be adapted to the stage. Another, and perhaps more striking, example of a dramatic dialogue occurs in our work in the story of Padmā in Book VII.
The controversy between Yasodhara and his mother starts from the point where the latter asks him to sacrifice all kinds of animals before the tutelary goddess, and then perform an appropriate rite to counteract the effect of his evil dream. While making the request, she asserts on the authority of Manu that animals may be legitimately killed in sacrifices and the worship of the gods and the Manes, and, as a matter of fact, a Brāhmana, killing animals on such occasions, ensures for himself as well as the victims a state of bliss after death. Further, the killing of animals in sacrifices is not killing at all, since animals have been created by Brahman himself for the purpose of sacrifices, and sacrifices are meant for the good of all.
Yasodhara, closing his ears and heaving a sigh, expresses surprise at the amount of evil that can be done by delusion and its cause ignorance, and entreats his mother to allow him to speak a few words. After a preliminary discussion on Cārvāka views, which mother and son agree in repudiating, Yaśodhara admits the desirability of a rite for counteracting the effect of an evil dream, but firmly objects to the expedient of sacrificing animals before the goddess, as suggested by his mother. The protection of living creatures, he argues, is the primary duty of Kşatriyas, and it would be a repudiation of that duty if he killed harmless animals. A. king, in fact, takes up arms only against an armed foe on the battlefield or å malefactor of his kingdom, but never against those who are wretched or lowly or well-meaning. ·How then, mother', asks Yaśodhara, can I strike living creatures with weapons, myself pure in my conduct in relation to this life and the life beyond?' Further,
1 See Chap. XVI.

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has she forgotten that only the previous day the minister's son Nitibṛhaspati had, at her instance, taught him certain significant verses on the subject?
न कुर्वीति स्वयं हिंसां प्रवृत्तां च निवारयेत् । जीवितं बलमारोग्यं शश्वद्वान्छन् महीपतिः ॥ यो दद्यात् काञ्चनं मेरुं कृत्स्नां चापि वसुंधराम् । एकस्य जीवितं दद्यात् फलेन न समं भवेत् ॥ यथात्मनि शरीरस्य दुःखं नेच्छन्ति जन्तवः । तथा यदि परस्यापि न दुःखं तेषु जायते ॥
'A king who constantly desires longevity, strength and health must do no injury to living creatures himself nor allow it to take place when planned by others. One may give away the Meru mountain of gold as well as the entire earth. The result will not be equal to that of saving the life of a single sentient being. Suffering will cease to exist among living creatures if they no longer wish to cause physical pain to others, just as they do not wish to cause it to themselves.'
Yasodhara points out that there are many commendable expedients other than the killing of animals for propitiating the Brāhmaṇas and the gods, and sustaining the body. Why do honest people then commit the sin of killing? Besides, animal flesh is full of impurities: if it pleased the gods, we would rather worship the tigers!
संतर्पणार्थं द्विजदेवतानां पुष्ट्यर्थमङ्गस्य च सन्त्युपायाः ।
अन्येऽपि लोके बहवः प्रशस्ताः सन्तः कुतः पापमिहाचरन्ति ॥
शुक्रशोणितसंभूतमशुचीनां निकेतनम् । मांसं चेत् प्रीणयेद्देवानेतद्व्याघ्रानुपास्महे ॥
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Yasodhara declares the current opinion that the gods are pleased with animal sacrifices to be false, and says
gar: gqùa aðsût araat ar¿ faurà noficma | अदन्ति चैतान् स्वयमेव देव्यो व्याघ्राः स्तवाहः परमन्त्र सन्तु ॥ कृत्वा मिषं दैवमयं हि लोको मद्ये च मांसे च रातें करोति ।
एवं न चेद्दुर्गतिसंगमिः स्याद्दुष्कर्मणां कोऽपर एव मार्गः ॥

'Animals surely perish in the woods, killed with swords, or strangled to death, and there are goddesses who of their own accord devour them. But the tigers alone are worthy of praise (for they themselves kill and eat unlike the gods who make others kill). People are addicted to wine and flesh on the pretext that these serve to please the gods. But if the wicked do not go to hell in this way, what other way thitherward is open to them?' Further, if Dharma is really based on the killing of animals, why is hunting called paparddhi, 'progress in sin'? Why is it customary to bring in flesh under cover? Why is flesh called Ravanasāka, 'Rāvaṇa's herb'? Why is it shunned on sacred days? Yasodhara terminates this part of his argument by quoting a number of authoritative texts in support of abstention from killing.

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Hearing these words, Yasodhara's mother says to herself:
माता - (स्वगतम्) अहो मदीये सुते सांप्रतं जैनजनवात इव लग्नः प्रतिभासते । विषमश्च खलु भवत्ययं जनः । यस्माच्चिरं समयान्तरोपरचितप्रतीकाराण्यप्यन्येषां मनांसि प्रायेण पश्यतोहर इव हरत्याईतो लोकः । तद्वासनावासितं हि चेतो न ब्रह्मणापि शक्यतेऽन्यथाकर्तुम् । दुश्चिकित्स्यश्च खलु करिणां कूटपाकल इव प्राणिनां क्षपणकोपनोतश्चित्तस्याभिनिवेशः ।
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"
Ah, now the Jaina wind seems to have taken possession of my son. These Jainas are difficult people to deal with, because like thieves, they beguile the minds of men, though long protected by the doctrines of other schools. Once the mind is imbued with their ideas, Brahman himself cannot divert it to other channels. The cast of mind produced in men by the Jainas is indeed beyond remedy, like the fever of elephants.' Candramati then recollects the priest's son Sivasarman having told her that the king had met a Digambara Jaina ascetic living under a tree, and for a long while discussed religious topics with him. She remarks that her son has since evinced a dislike for wine, meat, hunting and animal sacrifice, and demonstrated his hostility to the injunctions of the Vedas and the Law-books.
Then addressing herself to the councillors, and calling them monsters and destroyers of her son and the kingdom, and despoilers of the people, she gives vent to her wrath and censures them for allowing her immature son, despite her instructions to the contrary, to come into touch with the Digambara Jainas, who are, like magicians, habitually skilled. in bewitching the world. She addresses her son in a menacing tone, and calling him a raw Carvāka, tells him that she has understood him well, and can herself give him a suitable reply. She asks him how he can ever have any leaning towards the religion of the Digambaras, which makes no provision for the gratification of the gods, the Manes and the Brahmanas, and for dips in sacred waters as well as oblations in the fire; a religion outside the jurisdiction of the Vedas and the Law-books. None but him would care to talk with those heretics, who speak ill of the gods and the Brahmanas, eat standing like brutes, and are devoid of all sense of shame and personal hygiene. Besides, their system came into being only in the Kali Age, and not even their name was known in earlier times. They hold quite unreasonably that men become gods and the gods are many. To speak the truth, the Veda is the sole authority in the matter of religion, and there is no god other than the Veda. He who does not know the Veda well does not know the regulations of the four castes and the four stages of life. Then if Yasodhara has any devotion
1 The reference is to the twenty four Tirthankaras' or Apostles worshipped as divine beings.

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319 to the gods, let him worship Siva or Vişņu or the Sun. When they are pleased, they transport their worshippers in a moment to their respective cities, and when gratitied, vouchsafe even a kingdom.
न तर्पणं देवपितृद्विजानां स्नानस्य होमस्य न चास्ति वार्ता । श्रुतेः स्मृतेबाह्यतरे च धीस्त धर्म कथं पुत्र दिगम्बराणाम् ॥ उद्भाः पशूनां सदृशं ग्रसन्ते ये लज्जया शौचगुणेन हीनाः । स्वत्तः परस्तैः सह को हि गोष्ठी करोतु देवद्विजनिन्दकैश्च ॥ नामापि पूर्व न समस्त्यमीषामभूत् कलो दर्शनमेतदीयम् । देवो मनुष्यः किल सोऽप्यनेकस्त एवमिच्छन्ति च निर्विचारम् ॥ धर्मे प्रमाणं खलु वेद एव वेदात् परं दैवतमत्र नास्ति । यो वेद सम्यड़ न हि वेदमेनं वर्णाश्रमाचारमसौ न वेद ॥ अथास्ति भक्तिस्तव दैवतेषु हरं हारे वार्चय भास्करं वा।
नयन्ति हृष्टाः स्वपुरी क्षणेन तुष्टाः प्रयच्छन्ति च राज्यमेते ॥
Hearing these words, Yasodhara reflects within himself that even washing with nectar cannot cleanse a heart that is by nature black as charcoal. Yet he recognises that his opponent in the debate is his own mother, 'the presiding deity of the kingdom', and she is at liberty to speak as she likes to him. Then addressing his mother and entreating her to pardon him for what he is going to say, he replies to the charges brought by her against the Jaina religion, and in so doing severely criticizes certain aspects of the Brahmanical faith.
Speaking of Srāddha, Yasodhara argues that if it is true that the Pitrs have betaken themselves to earthly existences or celestial abodes as a result of their good deeds, they cannot have any need for annual offerings of rice-balls, which are actually taken by Brāhmaṇas and crows :
मर्त्यपु चेत् सद्मसु नाकिनां वा विधाय पुण्यं पितरः प्रयाताः।
तेषामपेक्षा द्विजकाकभुक्तैः पिण्डैर्भवेद्वर्षकृतैर्न कापि ॥ Further, the ancients prescribed Śrāddha and other rites by way of religious observances, because religion has to be practised by all decent people, desirous of their own good, in one form or another; and no one, as a rule, practises religion unless there is an occasion for it:
येनापि केनापि मिषेण मान्यैर्धर्मो विधेयः स्वहितैकतान्यैः ।
भनेन कामेन कृतः पुराणार्गोऽयमात्माभ्युदयप्रवीणः॥ निनिमित्तं न कोऽपीह जनः प्रायेण धर्मधीः । अतः श्राद्धादिकाः प्रोक्ताः क्रियाः कुशलबुद्धिभिः ॥ Similarly, the observance of Amāvāsyā, pilgrimage, reception of guests, Srāddha rites, and observances connected with particular days, occasions and stars have been declared by the ancients to be conducive to the religious merit of those who are unable to practise constant clarity:
पर्वतीर्थातिथिश्नाद्धवारवासरतारकाः । नित्यं दातुमशक्तानां पुण्यायोक्ताः पुरातनैः ।।

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It is not true to say that the Jainas do not gratify the Twice-born. They do worship the Munis (Jaina ascetics), who are “Twice-born', being once actually born, and born a second time at the time of initiation into the religious vows. Nor is it true to say that Jainism does not recognise ceremonial baths, because the Jaina householder is enjoined to take a bath before worshipping the Arhat or studying the Sacred Books or devoting himself to meditation. One must not, however, think that a mere dip in a river or a pool of water or a tank or the ocean leads to any religious merit, for in that case it is the aquatic animals that would go to heaven first. It has been rightly said that those who are maddened by passion, hate and pride, and addicted to women, are never purified even by bathing at hundreds of sacred sites:
जन्मैकमात्माधिगमो द्वितीयं भवेन्मुनीनां व्रतकर्मणा च । अमी द्विजाः साधु भवन्ति तेषां संतर्पणं जैनजनः करोति ॥ स्त्रात्वा यजेतासमथवागमं वा पठेद्यदि ध्यानमुपाचरेद्वा । स्त्रानं भवेदेव गृहाश्रितानां स्वर्गापवर्गागमसंगमाय ॥ सरित्सरोवारिधिवापिकासु निमजनोन्मजनमात्रमेव ।
पुण्याय चेत्तर्हि जलेचराणां स्वर्गः पुरा सादितरेषु पश्चात् ॥ तदाह-रागद्वेषमदोन्मत्ताः स्त्रीणां ये वशवर्तिनः। न ते कालेन शुच्छन्ति स्नानात्तीर्थशतैरपि ॥
As regards Homa, it is impossible that the gods who feed on nectar and live in luxury in heaven should ever partake of oblations made in the fire. The expression agnimukhāh, as applied to the gods, means those who have faces bright as fire', just as candramukhi kanya means a moon-faced girl'; but it does not mean, as is usually supposed, those who have Fire for mouth'.
Yasodhara then refutes the charge that Jainism is a modern creed unknown to the Vedas and the Law Books, by citing a number of texts supposed to contain references to Jaina ascetics, images and doctrines." It is, accordingly, concluded that just as there are four oceans and six seasons, similarly there are four schools of thought and six systems of philosophy including, of course, the system of the Jainas.?
चरवार एते सहजाः समुद्रा यथैव लोके तवोऽपि षट् च ।
चत्वार एते समयास्तथैव षड् दर्शनानीति वदन्ति सन्तः ॥
The speaker next defends the custom of Jaina ascetics who eat standing and that of the Digambara ascetics, who wear no clothing owing to their determination not to possess anything. As for personal hygiene,
1 See Chapters XIII and XVIII. 2 See Chapter IX.

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they carry a water-pot with them, and cleanse any particular limb that might be soiled. Surely, when a man is bitten by a snake on one of the fingers, he cuts off the finger and not the nose:
यावत् समर्थ वपुलतायां यावञ्च पाणिद्वयमेति बन्धम् । तावन्मुनीनामशने प्रवृत्तिरित्याशयेन स्थितभोजनास्ते ॥ बालापकोटावपि यत्र संगे निकिंचनस्वं परमं न तिष्ठेत् । मुमुक्षवस्तत्र कथं नु कुर्युर्मतिं दुकूलाजिनवल्कलेषु ॥ शौचं निकामं मुनिपुंगवानां कमण्डलोः संश्रयणात् समस्ति ।
न चाङ्गुलौ सर्पविदूषितायां छिनत्ति नासां खलु कश्चिदत्र ॥ Yasodhara emphasizes the purity of the Jaina religion :
वदन्ति जैनास्तमिहाप्तमेते रागादयो यत्र न सन्ति दोषाः।
मद्यादिशब्दोऽपि च यत्र दुष्टः शिष्टैः स निन्द्येत कथं नु धर्मः॥ The Jainas call him an Apta who is free from passion and such other blemishes. How can the cultured censure a religion wherein even terms like wine are condemned'? The Arhat, free from passion, is contrasted with a Brahmanical god. The latter is blind with rage in dealing with enemies, and loves his wives : if such an individual is a god, the universe is full of gods :
परेषु योगेषु मनीषयान्धः प्रीतिं दधात्यात्मपरिग्रहेषु ।
तथापि देवः स यदि प्रसक्तमेतजगद्देवमयं समस्तम् ॥
Yasodhara then condemns the use of wine, flesh and honey; and recounts the evil consequences of drinking.
लजा न सज्जा कुशलं न शीलं श्रुतं न पूतं न वरः प्रचारः।
मद्येन मन्दीकृतमानसानां विवेकनाशाच्च पिशाचभावः ॥ Those who are stupefied with drink have no sense of shame nor propriety of conduct nor knowledge of sacred lore nor commendable activities; they are as ghosts owing to the loss of the power of discernment.'
The authority of the Veda is next attacked. The speaker contends that the injunctions of the Veda are guided by the instincts of the crowd, and often self-contradictory. No sure clue is to be found in the Veda as to what is to be done and what avoided, and the Veda can in no sense be an authority for the world.
यथाजनाकृतमयं प्रवृत्तः परस्परार्थप्रतिकूलवृत्तः ।
विधौ निषेधे च न निश्चयोऽस्ति कथं स वेदो जगतः प्रमाणम् ॥ An instance of how the Veda follows the instincts of the crowd is found in the fact that the common people desire to take meat, and the Veda sanctions meat-eating by prescribing certain rules for it, e. g., meat is to be taken after ceremonially sprinkling it with water in accordance with the desire of the Brāhmaṇas, and it is also permissible to take it after worshipping the Manes and the gods. Similarly, the Veda legitimizes the lewd desires of certain people by sanctioning incest in the Gosava
1 तथा हि मांसं चेदाचरितुमिच्छसि आचर । किं तु विधिपूर्वकमाचरितव्यम् । तदाह-प्रोक्षितं भक्षयेन्मांस ब्राह्मणानां तु
काम्यया ।"अर्चयित्वा पितृन् देवान् खादन् मांस न दुष्यति । 41

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sacrifice, and there are also other instances in which the injunctions of the Veda follow the inclinations of the populace. This explains the universal popularity of the Veda, for no one who obeys the desires of the people is ever disliked. But men by nature lack the power of discrimination. and covet one another's wives and wealth, and what are we to think of a Scripture that sets itself to conform to their wishes ? प्रसिद्धिरत एवास्य सर्वसाधारणी मता। को हि नाम भवेद् द्वेष्यो लोकच्छन्दानुवर्तनः ॥
हिताहितावेदि जगनिसर्गतः परस्परस्त्रीधनलोलमानसम् । ..
तत्रापि यद्यागम एष तन्मनोवशेन वर्तेत तदा किमुच्यते ॥ Instances of self-contradiction are found in the Veda. There is a Vedic injunction against the drinking of wine and the killing of a Brāhmaṇa, but wine is nevertheless prescribed in the Sautrāmaņi sacrifice, and a Brahmana may be sacrificed to Brahman. Similarly, the Veda, after prohibiting a Brāhmaṇa from serving a Sūdra or accepting food or the means of livelihood from him, asks the former to accept for sacrificial purposes the flesh of animals killed by Cāņdālas, dogs, tigers and others. Even in worldly affairs a person who is consistent in what he says is alone trusted, and who can have any respect for a scripture containing such conflicting statements ?
प्रमाणं व्यवहारेऽपि जन्तुरेकस्थितिमतः । को नामेत्थं विरुद्धार्थे सादरो निगमे नरः॥
Yasodhara points out that independent discussion of the injunctions of the Veda, just as one discusses the scriptures composed by a known author, is held to be a great sin. But he asserts that it is absurd to say that a man is liable to sin as great as that of killing a Brāhmaṇa if he questions the authority of the statements of Manu, Vyāsa and Vasiştha, based on the Veda.
Yasodhara ridicules the suggestion that he should worship Siva or Visnu or the Sun.
उमापतिः स्कन्दपिता त्रिशूली संध्यासु यो नृत्यति चर्मवासाः ।
भिक्षाशनो होमजपोपपत्रः कथं स देवोऽन्यजनेन तुल्यः ॥ How can Siva be a god? He is just like other people. He is simply the husband of Pärvati and the father of Kārtikeya, carries a trident, and dances in the evening twilight. He is dressed in skins, and lives by begging and practises fire-oblation and mutters prayers.'
हरिः पुनः क्षत्रिय एव कश्चिज्योतिर्गणैस्तुल्यगुणो रविश्च ।
देवौ स्त एतौ यदि मुक्तिमागौं पृथुश्च सोमश्च कुतस्तथा न ॥ 1 मातरि स्वसरि वा चेत् प्रवर्तितुमिच्छसि प्रवर्तख । किं तु विधिपूर्वकं प्रवर्तितव्यम् । यदाह-गोसवे etc. For the
Gosava sacrifice see Chap.XIV. 2 एवमन्येऽपि सन्ति यथालोकाभिप्रायं प्रवृत्तास्ते ते विधयः । 3 See Ohap. XIV. 4 शूद्रानं शूद्रशुश्रूषा शूदप्रेषणकारिणः etc. See Chap. XVIII. 5 अथ पौरुषेयागमवच्चोदनायां विचारे महत् पातकम् ।। 6 तदाह-मानवं व्यासवासिष्ठं वचनं वेदसंयुतम् । अप्रमाणं तु यो ब्रूयात् स भवेद् ब्रह्मघातकः॥"इत्येतन्मुखभाषितम् ।

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Vişņu again is just a Kşatriya, and the Sun has characteristics similar to those of the other planets. If those two are gods leading men to salvation, why is it that the Ksatriya Prthu and the moon, too, are not called gods?'
अशेषमेतद्वपुषा बिभर्ति दशावतारेण स वर्तते वा।
शिलाप्लवादप्यतिविस्मयाह मातः कथं संगतिमझातीदम् ॥ Vişnu is said to sustain the entire universe within his body, and described also as existing in ten different Incarnations. This is far more astonishing than the floating of a stone on water. How can it, mother, be reconciled with facts ?'
स्वयं स कुष्ठी पदयोः किलार्कः परेषु रोगार्तिहरश्च चित्रम् ।
अजा परेषां विनिहन्ति वातं स्वयं तु वातेन हि सा म्रियेत ॥ * It is strange that the Sun should be able to exterminate the suffering of others caused by disease, himself stricken with leprosy in the feet! (On the same principle) a she-goat, who (with her flesh) cures the gout of others, would herself die of gout!
Speaking of the Arhats, the omniscient world-teachers worshipped by the Jainas as divine beings, Yasodhara explains that the virtues of the Arhat are known from the Scripture composed by himself. The chain
ed Arhats and Scriptures is without beginning or end, like the cycle of creation, existence and destruction, or that of the seasons: winter, summer and the rains. Further, it is not absurd to hold that just as there are past, present and future kings, conversant with the three worlds, similarly there are present and future Aptas or Arhats; and plurality of this sort is surely found also in other faiths.
सर्गस्थितिप्रत्यवहारवृत्तेहिमातपाम्भःसमयस्थितेर्वा । माद्यन्तभावोऽस्ति यथा न लोके तथैव मुक्तागममालिकायाः ॥ war facufaa wafa i 3147971: *AT: feratai: 1
यथा तथाप्ता यदि को विरुद्धो बहुस्वमन्यत्र च बाढमस्ति ॥ Yasodhara's mother, on hearing these words, says to herself that the time is gone when her son could be compelled to carry out her wishes by argument or threat or even a box in the ear. Addressing herself to her son, she extols his wisdom and learning, and appeals to him again to offer animal sacrifices to the tutelary goddess for counteracting the effect of the evil dream and preserving his own life. After citing some instances of sages and others who are known to have killed various living creatures for their own good,' she asserts that a king, pure in his motives, can never incur any sin, just as lotus leaves cannot be drenched with water or the sky bedaubed with mud. She then declares thus:
विषं विषस्यौषधमग्निरग्नेरियं प्रसिद्धिर्महती यथैव । पुण्याय हिंसापि भवेत्तथैव सर्वत्र हे पुत्र न षढलानि ॥
softare THT TI
1 TTI: Fakt Hafra #T:, Ta 2 See Chapter XVII.

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48.
It is very wellknown that poison is the remedy for poison, and fire for fire. On similar grounds, even destruction of life may lead to religious merit. The number of ploughs is not six on every plot, my child."
Further, a person in the habit of probing a matter too much with minute investigation gains thereby nothing, and it is advisable to do as the world does, since the path followed by the many is the true path.
न कापि पुंसः पुरुषार्थसिद्धिः सूक्ष्मेक्षयातीवपरीक्षकस्य ।
जगत्प्रवाहेण तु वर्तितव्यं महाजनो येन गतः स पन्थाः ॥ Candramati goes on to praise the joys of wine and flesh-eating,
विलासिनीविभ्रमदर्पणानि कन्दर्पसंतर्पणकारणानि । क्रियाश्रमच्छेदकराणि हातुं मधूनि को नाम सुधीर्यतेत ॥ मताः समा मन्मथतत्त्वविद्भिर्मृताः स्त्रियो मद्यविवर्जिताश्च ।
ये भुञ्जते मांसरसेन हीनं ते भुञ्जते किं नु न गोमयेन ॥ What wise man would attempt to give up wine, the mirror of the graceful gestures of fair women, wine that excites love and removes tigue? Women who abstain from wine are as good as dead in the opinion of adepts in erotic lore. And those who eat without the flavour of meat verily eat with that of dung.'
Yasodhara's mother concludes her appeal by citing a number of Smrti verses on the subject of meat-offerings to the Manes. But the son remains unconvinced, and after a brief soliloquy makes his final declaration on the points at issue.
रजस्तमोभ्यां बहलस्य पुंसः पापं सतां नैव निदर्शनाय । नाप्येनसामसजतामपेक्षा जातौ कुले वा रजसामिवास्ति । जातिर्जरा मृत्युरथामयाचा नृपेषु चान्येषु समं भवन्ति । पुण्यैर्जनेभ्योऽभ्यधिकाः क्षितीशा मनुष्यभावे त्वविशेष एव । यथा मम प्राणवधे भवत्या महान्ति दुःखानि भवन्ति मातः ।
तथा परेषामपि जीवहानौ भवन्ति दुःखानि तदम्बिकानाम् ॥
The sin committed by a man overpowered by evil propensities and delusion is no example for the good nor does supervening sin, like dust, make any distinction of family or caste. Birth, old age and death and disease and the like are common to kings and others. But kings are superior to other men in religious merit; no difference exists so far as the human aspect is concerned. Mother, just as thou wouldst feel profound sorrow if I were killed, similarly the mothers of others would be aggrieved if their sons were to lose their lives.'
1 The speaker means to say that there is no hard and fast rule that hiinsä in
every case will lead to sin. 2 The reference is to the sin of men like Gautama and Viśvāmitra who are said
to have killed living creatures for preserving their own lives. 3 Yaśod hara refers to the religious responsibility of kings, which makes them uphold
the principle of ahimsā.

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Further, if it had been possible to save one's own life by taking the life of another, the kings of old would never have died; and if the sāstric injunction sanctioning flesh-eating were to be applied universally, one would have to eat even the flesh of dogs and crows!
. परस्य जीवेम यदि स्वरक्षा पूर्वे क्षितीशाः कुत एव मम्रः ।
शास्त्रं तु सर्वत्र यदि प्रमाणं श्वकाकमांसेऽपि भवेत् प्रवृत्तिः ॥ Yasodhara then attacks the belief that the sacrifice of animals leads to heaven:
लोलेन्द्रियैर्लोकमनोऽनुकूलैः स्वाजीवनायागम एष सृष्टः। स्वर्गो यदि स्यात् पशुहिंसकानां सूनाकृतां तर्हि भवेत् स कामम् ॥ मत्रेण शस्त्रैर्गलपीउनाद्वा वेद्या बहिश्चापि वधः समानः ।
स्वों यदि स्यान्मखहिंसितानां स्वबान्धवैर्यज्ञविधिर्न किंतु॥ This Vedic lore was created by sensual persons, favourable to the inclina. tions of the populace, in order to make their own living; and it is the butchers who would mostly go to heaven if that was the destination of those who killed animals in sacrificial rites. Killing is the same whether it is done at the altar or outside, whether it is accompanied by Vedic formulas or brought about by strangulation or weapons. If the animals killed in sacrifices go to heaven, why is it that one's kinsfolk are not sacrificed?'
Yasodhara illustrates his point further by a story in which a goat, about to be sacrificed, is represented as saying to the priest:
नाहं स्वर्गफलोपभोगतृषितो नाभ्यर्थितस्त्वं मया संतुष्टस्तृणभक्षणेन सततं हन्तुं न युक्तं तव ।
स्वर्ग यान्ति यदि त्वया विनिहता यज्ञे ध्रवं प्राणिनी यज्ञं किं न करोषि मातृपितृभिः पुत्रैस्तथा बान्धवैः ॥ "I am not eager to enjoy the bliss of heaven nor have I asked thee for it. I am ever content with the eating of grass; it is not right for thee to kill me. Verily, if the animals slain by thee in sacrifices go to heaven, why dost thou not sacrifice thy parents, children and friends ?'
Yaíodhara's mother makes no further attempt to argue with her son, and falling at his feet, in spite of his remonstrances, entreats him to accept a compromise in the matter of sacrificing a cock at the altar of Candikā and partaking of its flesh. Yasodhara agrees most unwillingly. and the debate comes to an end.
The discussion between Yasodhara and his mother belongs to a long series of texts wherein Jaina writers have attacked various tenets and practices of the Brahmanical religion, especially those connected with the sacrifice of animals in Vedic rites. There is in fact a whole literature of such attacks interspersed in Jaina writings in Sanskrit and Prākrit, but there are few as systematic and comprehensive as that in our work, not to speak of the dramatic realism which characterizes the dialogue,

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CHAPTER XIII JAINISM AND Other Faiths
POPULAR JAINISM The period of Rāştrakūta hegemony in the Deccan was perhaps the most flourishing epoch of Jainism. Not only in the Rāştrakūta empire but in the feudatory Ganga kingdom (Mysore), the religion of the Arhat enjoyed royal patronage and esteem and the support of the people, especially of the commercial classes. The ninth and tenth centuries
an era of great expansion of Jaina culture in that part of India in the sphere of religion, philosophy and literature. Somadeva's Yasastilaka, a contemporary record of documentary value, throws considerable light on the position of Jainism and its relation to other religions during an important period of Indian history.
In the Deccan of the tenth century Jainism was, as it has always been, the religion of an influential and ambitious minority, and nowhere in Jaina literature is the propagandist note more clearly heard than in Somadeva's Yasastilaka. It would appear that, as late as the tenth century, the charge of being an upstart religion lacking in the prestige of antiquity was levelled against Jainism; and Somadeva tries to prove the ancient origin of the faith by citing the authority of a number of texts and authors, supposed to contain, according to him, appreciative references to the Jaina creed and Jaina monks. Unfortunately some of the authorities cited by him do not seem to be very old, while there are others of a dubious character, if not altogether spurious; and they do not, on the whole, carry him very far in defending his thesis. For example, Somadeva claims to find a reference to the expedient of worshipping a Jaina for the cure of illness caused by his wrath in a verse of the Jyotişa Vedānga, but the verse in question is not found in the latter work and seems to be a quotation from a later astrological text. Similarly, in another text. cited anonymously, Brhaspati is represented as expounding before Indra the Syädvāda doctrine. The quotations from Citrakarman and Adityamata relating to portraits and idols respectively of Jaina Tīrthamkaras* are no doubt authentic and genuine, but the two works cited by Somadeva cannot be very old, although earlier than the tenth century,
1 Yaśastilaka, Book IV. 2 कथं नाम ज्योतिषाने वचनमिदमुक्तम्-समग्रं शनिना दृष्टः क्षपणः कोपितः पुनः। तद्भक्तस्तस्य पीडायां तावेव परिपूजयेत् ॥
Ibid. 3 'सांख्यं योगो लोकायतं चान्वीक्षिकी । तस्यां च स्यादस्ति स्यान्नास्तीति नग्नश्रमणक इति बृहस्पतिराखण्डलस्य पुरस्त समयं
di TTATI Ibid. 4 See Chap. XVIII.
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while Varāhamihira, from whom Somadeva quotes a verse containing a reference to the cult of the Jinas practised by the naked ascetics, fourished only about four centuries earlier than the composition of Yasastilaka.' Somadeva then quotes a verse from a work called Nimittādhyāya, which describes the visit of 'ascetics free from worldly ties' as auguring prosperity to a place, and he obviously takes the expression nirgranthāśca tapodhanāḥ to mean Jaina monks. The date of this work is unknown, but it seems to be referred to by śāntarakṣita in Tattvasaṁgraha (vv. 3511 f.). He says that if Vedic authority is required as proof of the omniscience of the Buddha, reference should be made to the Nimitta Sakhā of the Veda wherein the Exalted Buddha, the Omniscient sage, is clearly mentioned by the learned Brāhmaṇas. The Nimitta Sakhā of the Veda seems to be a fiction and is probably the same as the Nimittādhyāya cited by Somadeva, which might be supposed to contain a reference to the Buddha. That the Nimitta Sākhā was not a Vedic school is shown by the statement of Santarakṣita that the hostility of the Brāhmaṇas to the Buddha was responsible for the fact that this particular Säkhā was not included among the Vedic schools, although the text concerned, obviously the same as the Nimittadhyāya, could be converted into a Vedic text at will by adding the necessary accents. However that might be, the citation from the Nimittadhyāya does not further to any great extent Somadeva's argument in support of the antiquity of the Jaina religion. Similarly, after citing the texts mentioned above, he goes on to enumerate a large number of poets including Bhāravi, Bhavabhūti, Kālidāsa and Māgha, and claims that the Jaina faith enjoys a great reputation in their works.
The anxiety of Somadeva to establish the antiquity of Jainism illustrates the desire of a member of a minority community to enhance the prestige of his faith, so essential for its propagation. The duty of a pious Jaina to his religion is clearly formulated in connection with the angas or components of Samyaktva ;8 and one of his sacred obligations seems to be ganavardhana, expansion of the community, to be carried out by appropriate methods explained by Somadeva in detail. The evidence of Somadeva
1 See Chap. XVIII. 3 निमित्ताध्याये च-पभिनी राजहंसाश्च निन्थाश्च तपोधनाः। यं देशमुपसर्पन्ति सुभिक्षं तत्र निर्दिशेत् ।। 3 किंतु वेदप्रमाणत्वं यदि युष्माभिरिष्यते । तत् किं भगवतो मूढैः सर्वशत्वं न गम्यते । निमित्तनानि सर्वशो भगवान्
मुनिसत्तमः । शाखान्तरे हि विस्पष्टं पठ्यते ब्राह्मणैर्बुधैः॥ अथ शाखान्तरं नेदं वेदान्तर्गतमिष्यते। तदत्र न निमित्तं वो द्वेषं मुक्त्वाऽवधार्यते ॥ स्वरादयश्च ते धर्माः प्रसिद्धाः
श्रुतिभाविनः । कर्तुमत्रापि शक्यास्ते नरेच्छामात्रसंभवात् ॥ 5 ...... 757 tertaherifloroetag *****ei afaqat Hell self' Book IV. For poets in question
see Chap. XVIII 6 Book VI. 7 See Chap. X.

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clearly shows that while the Jainas were eager to propagate their religion, they were definitely opposed to the admission of undesirable elements to the fold of Jainism, and preferred to welcome those who had voluntarily adopted the faith. At the same time there was a tendency to show considerable latitude to those converts who were unable to forgo completely their former customs and beliefs. As Somadeva says, a person of this category should be given a mixed reception, since the total loss of a new adherent is by no means desirable.
As we have already pointed out, Somadeva defends certain Jaina practices which seem to have provoked adverse comment in non-Jaina circles." The nudity of the Digambara monks was one such example, and there is an interesting episode in Yasastilaka Book V, wherein another attempt is made to justify it. Prince Yaśomati is disgusted at the sight of the Jaina monk Sudatta in the garden of the Sahasrakūța temple, and the companion of the prince explains to the merchant Kalyāṇamitra that the king's displeasure is due to his having seen the inauspicious nude fellow before him. Kalyanamitra who is a good Jaina makes a spirited reply, in the course of which he asserts that nudity is natural and it is clothing that is artificial: one is nude at birth and during childhood and at the time of enjoying physical comforts; Siva is nude and so is the recluse who cuts off the tuft of hair on his head. If nudity is objectionable, why is the cow honoured every day? It is sinful and harmful objects that are inauspicious; if sages, devoted to the good of all sentient beings, and purified by knowledge, meditation and austerities, are an inauspicious sight, what else can be auspicious in the world ?8 The frequency with which Somadeva defends the nudity and other practices of the Digambara monks seems to suggest that these were considered to be unattractive features of the Jaina creed in the eyes of non-Jainas, and it was accordingly deemed necessary to remove all misconceptions in regard to them in order that there might not be any obstacles in the path of the propagation of Jainism among the masses.
Jaina propaganda seems to have been subtle and effective. In Yasastilaka, Book IV, Yasodhara's mother describes the Jainas as weaning away the people from other systems, like thieves, and calls the Digambaras magicians expert in fascinating the world. It was also part of Jaina.
1 For the relevent verses see Chap. X, section VI. 2 See Chap. X. 3 सुखानुभवने नग्नो नग्नो जन्मसमागमे। बाल्यै नग्नः शिवो नमो नग्नश्छिन्नशिखो यतिः।। नग्नत्वं सहजं लोके विकारो
वस्त्रवेष्टनम् । नन्ना चेयं कथं वन्धा सौरभेयी दिने दिने ।...शानध्यानतपःपूताः सर्वसत्त्वहिते रताः। किमन्यन्मङ्गलं
लोके मुनयो यद्यमङ्गलम् ।। 4 See Chap. XII.

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propaganda to hold up the tenets of other faiths to ridicule and dilate on the excellence of Jainism. Somadeva, for instance, indulges in unbridled criticism of contemporary non-Jaina faiths and lays emphasis on the essential purity of the Jaina religion. He says among other things that the Omniscient and trustworthy Guide postulated by the Jainas is free from all blemishes such as the passions, and Jainism condemns even the use of words signifying wine and similar objects : how can the wise ever decry a religion like this?1 Further, it may be noted that Jaina writers often indulge in what is called ilharmapariksa or the examination of the relative merits of different jeligions with a view to demonstrating the superiority of Jainism to the others. Somadeva, for instance, examines in his romance various religions and systems, and enumerates the different theories of salvation held by the nonJaina schools of thought by way of contrasting them with the Jaina view of Mokşa, which by implication is claimed to be superior to the rest. Amitagati, who is somewhat later than Somadeva, wrote in 1014 A. D. a treatise called Dharmaparikşā to establish the superiority of Jainism to the Brahmanical religion by pointing out the fallacies and weak points of the Purāņic mythology. It is noteworthy that Dharmapariksās were composed also in Prākrit, Apabhramba and Kanarese. Vịttavilāsa (c. 1160 A. D.) produced a Kanarese version of Amitagati's Sanskrit work : "it tells how two Ksatriya princes went to Benares, and in successive meetings with the Brāhmans there, exposed the vices of the gods as related in the sacred books." Harişeņa wrote a Dharmaparikşā in Apabhraíba in 988 A. D., and this again is based on a Dharmaparikşă composed by Jayarāma in Prākrit. Lesser in scope but earlier than these is the episode of Dharmapariksa in Uddyotana's Prākrit romance Kuvalayamālā Book IV. Here we find that the tutelary goddess Sri presents king Drdhavarman with a mysterious document, inscribed on a gold plate in Brāhmi characters, and containing what turns out to be the fundamental tenets of the Jaina religion. The next day the king summons an assembly of learned men of different communities and asks them to expound their religious tenets to see whether they correspond to those recorded in the inscription. The Jaina Sādhus alone declare that the doctrines set forth in the document constitute the true faith. Jainism is
1 For the verse in question see Chap. XII. 2 Rice: Kanarese Literature, p. 37. Brahma Siva (c. 1125) is another Kanarese
writer, who in his controversial work Samaya-parikse "points out the defects of
rival creeds, and justifies the Jaina position.” 3 See Dr. Upadhye's article in The Jaina Antiquary, Vol. IX, p. 21. 4 See Ratnaprabha's Sanskrit version, p. 202: TTFU T #qara qare giocaat PARITHTH etc.
42

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accordingly declared to be the best of religions, and the king decides to adopt the Jaina faith and enter the monastic order. The shortcomings of other religions and the excellence of Jainism form the sum and substance of Jaina propaganda, reminding one of a certain type of Missionary literature of modern times. Dogmatic assertions declaring the supremacy of the Jaina religion are, as is to be expected, frequent in medieval Jaina literature. Vādībhasimha, for instance, invites the ambitious man, desirous of the supreme beatitude, to betake himself to the sacred Jaina faith, 'a lion in destroying the elephants, the wrong creeds:' (Ksatracüdūmani 11. 105 ):
एवं निर्मलधर्मनिर्मितमिदं शर्म स्वकर्मक्षयप्राप्त प्राप्तमतुच्छमिच्छतितरां यो वा महेच्छो जनः । सोऽयं दुर्मतकुञ्जरमहरणे पञ्चाननं पावनं जैन धर्ममुपाश्रयेत मतिमानिःश्रेयसः प्राप्तये॥
Nothing could be more incorrect than to assume that the success of medieval Jainism was due solely to subtle and successful propaganda. The latter was no doubt an important factor, but the progress made by the faith and the royal patronage enjoyed by it under the Cālukyas, the Rāstrakūtas, the Gangas, and the Hoysalas as well as under certain feudatory rulers should be attributed rather to the zeal of a succession of saintly Jaina teachers and the confidence inspired by the intellectual eminence of scholars and writers like Akalamka, Virasena, Jinasena, Guņabhadra, Pampa, Ponna, Puşpadanta, Vădirāja, Prabhācandra and others. Such men could be expected to hold their own and maintain the prestige of their faith in a world of thought dominated by the leaders of the Brahmanical revival from Samkara and Kumārila to Udayana and Rāmānuja.
The old philanthropic ideals of Jainism seem to have been upheld in the tenth century. In a remarkable verse of Yasastilaka Somadeva gives expression to the religious ideal of the true Jaina: devotion to Jina, good will
1 The recently published Dhürlākhyāna of Haribhadra throws further light on the
character and composition of the Dharmapariksa texts. Haribhadra's Dhürtükhyāna, composed in Präkrit verses in the eighth century, is a lively satire on the Puranic legends, and as such allied to the Dharmaparīksās of Amitagati and others, but it is free from the theological bias and the propagandist tone of the latter. Jayarāma's Dharmaparikšā is no longer extant, but that of Harişeņa is available in manuscripts. Harişeņa says that the Dharmapariksā which was formerly composed by Jayarāma in Gathā metre is now composed by him in Paddhadiyā metre. A comparison of the Dhurtākhyāna and the Dharmapariksā of Amitagati reveals considerable similarities; and it is probable that Jayarama, who is so far the earliest known among the Dharmapariksā writers, utilized Haribhadra's work for sectarian purposes. See Dr. A. N. Upadhye's Introduction to Haribhadra's Dhurtākhyāna edited by Ācārya Jinavijayaji in the Singhi Jain Series No. 19. See also Dr. Upadhye's paper 'Harişeņa's Dharmaparākā in Apabhramśa' in the Silver Jubilee Number of the Annals of the B. 0. R. I., vol. XXIII, pp. 592-608.

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towards all creatures, hospitality to all and an altruistic disposition. The four gifts of protection, food, medicine and religious instruction, which constitute the groundwork of Jaina charity, are duly emphasized by Somadeva in connection with the customary vows of a Jaina householder. It is, however, necessary to point out a certain parochial attitude noticeable in the matter of according hospitality and rendering charitable assistance to persons who were not adherents of the Jaina faith. Somadeva distinctly says that those who do not possess the Three Jewels, that is, do not believe in the fundamental Jaina dogmas of Right Faith, Right Knowledge and Right Conduct, are not eligible for gifts, and that charity practised in favour of those who hold wrong views and indulge in wrong conduct, that is, all who are outside the pale of Jainism, leads only to evil consequences, like the feeding of serpents with milk. Hospitality towards such people should be limited to a residual portion of food to be taken away, as a Jaina layman is forbidden to entertain them in his house. He is also asked to keep at arm's length members of other communities such as the Buddhists, the Saivas and the Brāhmaṇas who perform sacrifices lest familiarity with them should lead to friction and disputes ending in violence, Isolation rather than amity based on free social intercourse was the object aimed at in inter-communal relations.
Jaina writers often attack the Hindu caste system, and we need
to the strictures of Jaţāsimhanandi on the theory of castes in liis Varāngacarita 25. 2 ff. It is, however, well-known that the caste system is prevalent among the present-day Jainas almost to the same extent as among the Hindus; and it has been said that in practice the modern Jaina is as fast bound as his Hindu brother in the iron fetters of caste. " Evidence recorded by Somadeva in Yasastilaka goes to show that conditions were not far different in the tenth century. He says, for instance, that the three higher castes are alone eligible for religious initiation, while all the four including the Śūdras are fit to receive gifts of food. The status of
1 See Chap. XI. 2 See Chap. X, section XV. 3 For the relevant versés see Chap. X, section XV. 4 In Dharwar, for example, Jain Kshatriyas have disappeared, but Jain Brāhmans,
Vaisyas and Sūdras remain. Jain Sūdras are also called Jain Caturthas [ 27. There are various restrictions on interdining. If Karnatak Jains go to Gujarat they do not dine with Gujarat Jains, por, when thoy come to Dharwar, do Gujarat
Jains dine with local Jains'. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXII, p. 117. 5 erialaut arecare faalfaar:' Yaśastilaka, Book VIII, section 43. A marginal
note in Ms. A says: maaf PUT BIET gaat dudu:.

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the Jaina Sudras does not appear to have been more favourable than that of their brethern in Hindu society.
It was impossible for Jainism to remain unaffected by the influences of local customs, beliefs and cults. Ample testimony is borne to this by diverse religious customs such as the burning of the dead and the offering of rice-balls to the crows on the tenth day, the belief in ghosts and spirits, and the worship of various deities, like Padmavati. Cakreśvari, Padmavati, Ambika and Siddhäyikä are, in fact, well-known goddesses of popular Jainism." Of these Somadeva mentions Siddhayikä as 'a city goddess who has inspired. faith in many people' and refers to the pleasance dedicated to her as a refuge. for all creatures, in Yasastilaka, Book I.
Medieval Jaina religious Canon seems to have sanctioned, or at least not to have opposed, the observance of local customs and practices. Somadeva says, for instance, that the religion of Jaina householders is of two varieties, laukika and paralaukika: the former is based on popular usage and the latter on the scriptures. The castes, he continues, are without a beginning and so are their observances; it is immaterial whether the Jaina Scriptures or any other S'astras are accepted as an authoritative guide. with regard to them. Somadeva sums up by observing that it is legitimate for Jainas to follow any custom or practice sanctioned by popular usage so long as it does not come into conflict with the fundamental principles of the Jains faith or the moral and disciplinary vows." Such views no doubt
5
1 Sharma: Jainism and Karnataka Culture, p. 145 ff. The Dharwar Jains are said to have as their family gods Cakreśvara, Dharanendra and his wife Padmavati, Lakṣmi-Narayana [1], and Kṣetrapala, whom the head of the family daily worships. They go on pilgrimage to the shrine of Padmavati at Hombas in Mysore. Bombay Gazetteer (op. cit.), p. 118.
2 For Ambika see Journal of the University of Bombay, Vol. IX. Part 2, p. 147 . She is represented in sculpture, painting and religious texts with two children and a lion as her vehicle. The latter feature makes her akin to the Brahmanical goddess Ambika or Durga, although the mythological background is altogether different. Nevertheless she too has a grim aspect, and is invoked in Jaina Tantric texts as Siva, Caṇḍikā, Aghora etc. Ambika is still worshipped in Jaina temples in various parts of the country. There was a temple of Ambika famous as a place of Jaina pilgrimage at Kodinar in South Käthiäväḍa. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, part I, p. 182.
3 ' तदेवमनेक लोकोत्यादितप्रत्यवायाः पुरदेव्याः सिद्धायिकायाः सर्वसत्वाभयप्रदावासरसं सरसौमनसं नामोयानम्' P.107. 4 द्वौ हि धर्मों गृहस्थानां लौकिकः पारलौकिकः । लोकाश्रयो भवेदाद्यः परः स्यादागमाश्रयः ॥ Book VIII,
Section 34.
5 जातयोऽनादयः सर्वास्त कियापि तथाविधा बुतिः शास्त्रान्तरं वास्तु प्रमाणं कात्र नः क्षतिः ॥
6 सर्व एव हि जैनानां प्रमाणं लौकिको विधिः । यत्र सम्यक्त्वहानिने यत्र न तदूपणम् ॥ Ibid.

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imply a recognition of well-established facts and the unescapable influence of social environment rather than any liberalism in the Jaina religious outlook. Further, as we have already pointed out, Jaina religious opinion was lenient in regard to those adherents of the faith who could not wholly discard their former beliefs and practices, and this, too, seems to have facilitated the infiltration of non-Jaina elements into Jaina social and religious usage. Moreover, co-existence with Brahmanism for centuries appears to have influenced Jaina religious practice in various other directions. Somadeva describes, for instance, the five Yajñas for the Jaina householder, and these are clearly modelled on the five Brahmanical Mahayajñas, although by Yajua he seems to mean dana, as explained in a marginal note in Manuscript A.1 It has also been pointed out that certain Raṣṭrakūṭa documents, viz. the Konnur inscription of Amoghavarṣa I and the Surat plates of Karkka, which record grants made for Jaina establishments, make provision inter alia for such typically Hindu religious rites as balicarudana, vaisvadeva, and agnihotra. It is no doubt surprising to find provision made for these rites in grants allocated to Jaina temples and monasteries, but there seems to be no reason to suppose that the rites in question were introduced in these records by the oversight of the imperial secretariat'. Considered in the light of Somadeva's observations cited above, the rites mentioned in the two inscriptions could perhaps be legitimately performed by Jainas so long as they did not involve any animal sacrifice, and we seem to find here another instance of Jaina adaptation of non-Jaina practices. With regard to agnihotra, the Jainas were no doubt opposed to the Brahmanical rite, but evidence furnished by South Indian Jaina literature clearly shows that the Jainas were not opposed to fire ritual, as such. In a learned note published in the Jaina Antiquary Vol. VI, No. II, p. 64, we are told that in Tamil the term Velvi is always used to denote fire ritual, while the expression Veda-Velvi is used in ancient Tamil literature in the sense of Vedic sacrifice. "Whenever the term Velvi is used alone, it merely means fire ritual without involving animal sacrifice. Such a fire ritual has never been codemned by Jains, while they were staunchly opposed to Vedic sacrifice on the ground of Ahimsa. Even now among the Tamil Jainas fire ritual is a common thing. During their marriages they do have the characteristic marriage Homam with all its necessary details. Even in temple worship it is a common practice among the south Indian Jainas. Hence it is entirely erroneous to conclude that fire ritual is foreign to Jainas and that it could not be performed or attended by a Jaina". We are also told that the term in the Tamil
383
1 आवेशिका श्रितज्ञातिदीनात्मसु यथाक्रमम् । यथौचित्यं यथाकालं यशपञ्चकमाचरेत् ।। Book VIII, section 43, 2 Altekar: The Rästrakutas and their times, p. 314.

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epic S'ilappadikāram for such a rite is “ Arravelvi, fire sacrifice, according to the doctrine of Ahimsa".
The process of infiltration of non-Jaina elements in Jaina religious practice must have set in before the tenth century, and the gradual transformation of Jainism was already at work when Somadeva formally recognised it and tried to bring it into harmony with the orthodox position of the faith.
OTHER FAITHS Somadeva attacks various non-Jaina faiths in Yasastilaka which not only throws light on the religious conflict in the tenth century but on the different sects prevalent at the time. The main attacks are directed against Saivism and its different forms, popular Brahmanism, Vedic sacrifices, the Buddhists and the Ajivakas.
śAIVISMDAKŞIŅA MĀRGA The relations between Saivism and Jainism are of paramount importance in view of the prolonged conflict of the two religions particularly in the Tamil country and the Deccan. The main doctrinal points at issue between the two systems have been discussed in previous Chapters; and we may here deal with the place of Saivism in the religious life of the country in the tenth century and thereabouts. Somadeva, as we have seen, speaks of two broad divisions of Saivism, the Dakşiņa Mārga and Vāma Mārga. The latter mārga represents the grosser form of saivism or rather Tantricism; while the form :r may be said to constitute Saivism proper.
The Saiva system recognises three fundamental concepts: Pati, Pašu and Paśa. Pati is Śiva himself, the lord of the Paśus or creatures who are bound by the Pāśas or fetters. These are five or rather four: Mala (nescience or mental darkness), Karma, Māyā and the world produced by it, and the obscuring power of Siva. The latter has the power both to bind and release, but release cannot be had without undergoing the consequences of one's Karma. Siva, accordingly. creates the world to enable the creatures to serve out the full term of their Karma. Ever merciful, he assumes the role of a preceptor (ācārya), and accords initiation (diksā), preliminary to final release, to those who have destroyed their
1
** ATT artcafea sa facterapist aftiterat i quoted in comm. on Tattvaprakāśa 1. 5. TOISST Tafacer 14: 1 3fur alfaiat quare : 11 quoted from Kirana. Ibid. 1. 17.

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Karma.' Emancipation consists in union with or absorption in Siva (Slivasamānatā, sāyujya)".
The Dakşiņa Mārga, as interpreted by Somadeva, seems to represent a sort of monistic system under the influence of Vedāntic ideas. Siva is regarded as the sole ultimate reality, but the system postulates also thirty-six Tattvas or Principles which last till the dissolution of the creation. They are Siva, Sakti, Sadāśiva (the volitional aspect of Siva), Isvara (the active aspect of Siva) and Suddha-vidyā (the omniscient aspect of Siva); Māyā, Kāla, Niyati (the law regulating the nature of things ), Kalā (the urge to activity in creatures), Vidyā (intuition), Rāga (desire including the higher impulse) and Puruşa ; and Prakrti, Buddhi, Ahamkāra, Manas, the ten Indriyas, the five Tanmātras and the five elements. It is important to note that Māyā is the constituent material which Siva stirs into action with his Saktis in order to create the universe. The universe is accordingly compared to a magic show, and Siva is spoken of as identical with Māyā and its product, the universe. In the ultimate resort Siva is declared to be the sole Reality and the Supreme Principle, in which is reflected the universe composed of the thirty-six Principles, just as a town or a village is reflected in a large mirror.8 Siva is the supreme, deathless Absolute (Brahma), the one and the true, subject to no change or modification, self-luminous and beyond the range of mind and speech. He is accompanied by Māyā, and Māya is at the root of the creation; it is the indestructible germ of the universe, and inspired by Siva. The principle
i Tattvaprakāśa 1. 15; 6. 2. 2 Ibid, 2. 16. 3 311 faga HOT THEIR GET ITT TAR Titracie TTHC Tattvaprakāša
6. 3. In 5. 7 it is stated that Māyā, Puruşa and Siva continue to exist after the
dissolution of the Tattvas, and creation starts again. 4 असत् स्वतः सदाभासमिन्द्रजालं यथा तथा। तां मायां शक्तिभिः स्वाभिर्विक्षोभ्य परमेश्वरः।। स्वकर्मानुगुणं सृष्टिं करोति
Furafa: 1 Išānaśivagurudevapaddhati (Kriyāpāda )1. 87, 88. Cf. Tattvaprakāśa 3. 3. 5 e rifaqetafiet arafasadi: 1 31T ASW-FASTTH HOTII Isänaśivagurudeva
paildhati (Kriyāpāda), p. 15. 6 The comm. on Tattvaprakāśa 1. 18 says: H 414 fa: #12ta chal i
ततः स एव तदुभयमिति । ...तदुक्तमीश्वरगीतायाम् स एव मूलप्रकृतिः प्रधानः पुरुषोऽपि च । विकारा महदादीनि
data: :11 7 TO ator faraus fatifitisraefaat | Tattvaprakāśa 2. 13.
सर्वविकल्पविहीनं शुद्धं शान्तं व्ययोदयविहीनम् । यत् परतत्वं तस्मिन् विभाति षट्त्रिंशदात्म जगत् ॥ दर्पणबिम्बे TAYE faqafiri Hafa feria 9 7 993 yurafa all Quoted from a 77. in Śrikumāra's comm. on Tattvaprakasa 1. 18. Cl. कूटस्थममृतं ब्रह्म सत्यमेकप विक्रियम् ।...सदात्मकं स्वयंज्योतिरवासनसगोचरम् । मायासहायं तत् प्राहुः
staad #lifeo: II Quoted from fucrat in comm. on Tattvaprakāśa 2. 5. Also H ata Hotelarsi ferarse quoted from Friya in Iśānasiva (Kriyāpāda), chap. 2.

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of Advaita is, on the whole, consistently maintained; and when Siva is described as appearing in the form of Māyā and its product, the universe, it is to be understood that the transformation is apparent and not real, The Saiva system recognises vivarta and not parināma.'
The Saiva doctrines corresponding to the Daksina mārga mentioned by Somadeva are formulated in Bhoja's Tattvaprakāśa and the Isānaśivagurudevapaddhati, an encyclopedic treatise, which quotes Bhoja's work, Jayanta's Nyāyamasjari and numerous other Saiva works and authors, and may be assigned to the latter half of the eleventh century or thereabouts. It is noteworthy that the kind of Saivism represented in the latter compilation is of the ritualistic and mystic type, due importance being given to Mantradiksā and Kriyācaryā or ritual. The history of medieval Saivism is yet to be written, but it is this form of Saivisin that seems to have been prevalent in Somadeva's time. The quotations and references in the Īsānasivagurudevapaddhati show that there was a vast amount of Saiva religious literature extant in the tenth and eleventh centuries. The Svayambliuva Tantra quoted in the Paddhati enumerates twentyeight Tantras or Āgamas which expound the doctrines of the Saiva system, there being two groups of ten and eighteen. The first group consists of Kāmika, Yogaja, Acintya, Kārana, Ajita, Dipta, Sūkşma, Saharşa, Amsumat, and Suprabhedaka, collectively known as the Slivabheda Tantras. The second group of Āgamas or Tantras includes Vijaya, Niņsvāsa, Prodgita, Paramesvara, Agneya, Mukhabimba, Svāyambhuva, Raurava, Mākuţa, Kirana, Lambita, Candrajñāna, Virabhadra, Siddha, Sāntānika, Sarvodgita, Vimala and Vätüla, collectively known as the Rudrabheda Tantras. A further quotation from the Svāyambhuva mentions a four-fold division of the Saiva scriptures into Saiva Tantra, Pasupata, Vā (Lä) kula and Somatantra: and it is stated that Siva delivers the pure among the creatures from misery by means of these four varieties of Tantras with the help of proper ritual knowledge and Yoga. The element of Yoga was important in the Saiva system, and involved intense faith in and devotion to Siva, in other words, bhaktivoga, which was no doubt the mainspring of popular Saivism. The emotional appeal of bhakti is illustrated in the fervent hymn to Siva
1 Śrīkumira (op. cit.) says ... frakt forfcaffaari faadarte 2 The Saiva Tantra represents the Saiva system proper. The Pāśupata and Läkula,
if this is the correct reading, may be regarded as variations of the Pāsupata
system. Somatantra seerus to be same as Somasiddhānta or the Kāpălika system, 3 दीक्षा दिसत्क्रियाचर्याशानयोगैमहेश्वरः । दुःखपङ्काद् भवाम्भोधेस्तारयत्यमलानणून् ।।

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composed by the Cedi king Yuvarajadeva II, which is preserved for us in the Bilhari inscription of the rulers of Cedi.1
The Saiva system proclaimed the paramount character of the Dharma propounded by Siva. There was a notable revival of Nyaya-Vaiseşika studies in the ninth and tenth centuries, and the Vaiseṣika system laid great stress on the cultivation of Dharma. The idea appealed to the Śaiva teachers who admitted the necessity of Dharma for the attainment of salvation, but contended that the Saiva creed, and not the various other Dharmas propounded by the different scriptures, constituted the paramount Dharma. The Isānasivagurudevapaddhati (Kriyāpāda, 1. 4 ff.) quotes the first of the Vaiseșika sūtras and says:
अथातो धर्ममित्यादिसूत्राद् वैशेषिकादतः । धर्मप्रयोजनं मोक्षः प्रोक्तश्चाभ्युदयो महान् ॥ uni agitur: eunaazgınzsikar: 1 a fe à gouni: eyjevnt: Batikar: 11 मायाविकारहीनेन विशुद्धेनामलात्मना । सर्वकर्त्रा शिवेनोक्तं शास्त्रं मुख्यं हि सर्वथा ॥
SAIVA MATHAS AND TEACHERS
The Saiva system was expounded and taught in the Mathas or monasteries many of which were in existence in central and western India in the tenth century or thereabouts. The Karhad plates of Kṛṣṇa III issued in 959 A. D. record the grant of a village to a teacher named Gaganasiva, described as a great ascetic proficient in all the S'ivasiddhantas. He was the pupil of the Acarya Isanasiva, the head of the Valkaleśvara Matha in Karahața (modern Karhaḍ in the Satara district); and the purpose of the grant was the maintenance of the ascetics who lived at the place. It may be assumed that the Valkaleśvara Matha was large and important enough to have attracted the notice of the Raṣṭrakūta emperor.
A teacher named Gaganaśivacārya, described as an ornament to the spiritual lineage of the sage Durvāsas, is mentioned in a Kanarese inscription issued by Dattalpendra Srīmāra, a king of the Alupa family which ruled for many centuries in the Tuluva country corresponding to the modern district of South Kanara and part of North Kanara. The subject of the record is the grant of a plot of land in Karkala in favour of the Matha
1 समदकरिघटाभिः किं किमङ्गाङ्गनाभिर्मदनशयनलीलां भावयन्तीभिराभिः । कनकतुरगवासोरलजातैर्न कृत्यं न हि भवति हेतुर्भवतु भवति नित्यं भक्तियोगो Verse 76. Yuvarajadeva
भवानीवल्लभस्यार्चनं चेत् | Verse 74. ( किमिह ) बहुभिरुक्तैर्नाथ सर्वस्य ममैकः । सकलसुखविशेषाद् यत्र पीयूषवर्षः स्वयमनुभवगम्यो जायते त्वत्प्रसादात् ॥ II reigned about the last quarter of the tenth century A. D. See Chapters VIII and IX.
'करहाटीय वल्कलेश्वरस्थानपति.
43
2

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to which Gaganasiva belonged. If the Gaganaśiva mentioned in the inscription, which is not dated, is the same as the teacher named in the Karhad grant of Krşņa III, it may be presumed that the Valkaleśvara Matha had a branch in South Kanara, of which Gaganaśiva was the head. It is noteworthy that Gaganaśiva is called in the Karhad grant not the abbot of Valkaleśvara, but a disciple of the abbot Iśānasiva. It is possible that the latter was the head of the matha in Karahāta and the former of the branch in Tuluva. It may be added that the Alupa kings were Saivas, and Saivism was the predominant religion in Tuluva from about the seventh to the thirteenth century, when the Vaişņava movement initiated by Anandatirtha came to the fore,
A few years after the Karhad grant of Krşņa III we find an ascetio named Prabodhaśiva founding a Saiva Matha in central India, at Chandrehe in Rewa State, then within the dominions of the Cedi kings of Tripuri. The relevant inscription is dated in the Kalacuri year 724 corresponding to 972 A. D., and engraved on slabs built into a wall of the monastery, the remains of which still exist at Chandrehe.3 The edifice is of considerable size and partly two-storeyed, but the upper storey has for the most part collapsed. Still it is 'a very favourable specimen of Hindu civil or domestic architecture' with spacious rooms and smaller chambers.
Two other Saiva morrasteries built during the rule of the Cedi kings, those of Vaidyanātha and Nauhaleśvara or Nohaleśvara, are earlier than the one at Chandrehe. According to the Bilhari inscription of the rulers of Cedi,* the Vaidyanātha-matha was presented to a teacher named Hrdayasiva by Lakşmaņarāja who ruled about the middle of the tenth century, being the son and successor of Yuvarājadeva I, who has been assigned to the first half of the same century. The Nauhaleśvara Matha was also accepted by Hrdayasiva, but made over by him to his disciple Aghorasiva (vv. 57-8). As noted towards the end of the inscription, the prasasti seems to have been put up at the Nohaleśvara Matha by Aghoraśiva; and the monastery no doubt existed at Bilhari, in the Jubbalpore district, where the inscription is said to have been found. The Matha derived its name from Nohalā, the queen of Yuvarājadeva I, and was obviously attached to the Siva temple caused to be built by her, as stated in the inscription (v. 40).
1 Saletore : Ancient Karnataka, Vol. I, p. 388, 2 Saletore (op. cit.), Chapter V. 3 See R. D Banerji: The Haihayas of Tripuri and their monuments. 4 Dp. Ind. Vol. I, p. 251.

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The Bilhari inscription of Prabodhaśiva at Chandrehe and another record of his discovered at Gurgi, in Rewa State, throw light on an influential order of Saiva monks known as the Mattamayūra family, who propagated the faith in many parts of western and central India from about the ninth to the eleventh century. Prabodhaśiva who founded the Chandrehe monastery was a disciple of Praśāntasiva. The latter built a hermitage ( asrama, siddhasthāna), on the banks of the Soņa river at the foot of the Bhramara mountain, and a retreat for the practice of austerities (tapahsthāna) on the Ganges, which was held in high esteem by the people of Benares who were devout worshippers of Siva. Praśāntasiva is called the ornament of the Mattamayūra family in the Gurgi inscription, and was the disciple of Prabhāvasiva. The latter was induced to settle in the Cedi country by Yuvarājadeva I and was presented with a Matha built at an enormous cost (ananta-dhana-pratistham). Similarly, Lakşmaņarāja, who gave the Vaidyanātha monastery to Hrdayasiva, is described as having brought the sage .by manifesting his devotion to him by means of presents sent through honest messengers. The services of the Mattamayūra monks appear to have been freely requisitioned by the Cedi kings, who placed rich mathas at their disposal for the propagation of the Saiva faith.
Prabhāvasiva was the disciple of Sikhāśiva or Cūdāśiva, who, according to the Chandrehe inscription, was the disciple of Purandara of the holy Mattamayūra family, the preceptor of kings'. The latter may be said to have initiated the activities of the Mattamayūra organisation; and to judge from the succession of teachers and disciples, he must have lived not later than the end of the ninth century. An inscription found at Ranod or: Narod in Gwalior State, about half-way between Jhansi and
and assigned on palaeographic grounds to the end of the tenth or the beginning of the eleventh century, gives some information about this distinguished teacher. A king named Avantivarman, who visited Purandara at Upendrapura (Uņdor), and was initiated by him in the Saiva faith, persuaded the sage to migrate to his kingdom; and there in the city of Mattamayūra, Purandara founded a Matha and another establishment at Ranipadra identified with Ranod. Ranipadra seems to have been a religious centre as it is called a tapovana, also a Yatyāśrama in the Ranod inscription (vv. 15, 17 59.). There still exists an old building at Ranod, with an open cloister in front of it with rooms at each end, which most probably served the purpose of
Banerji (op. cit.),
1 The inscriptions of Prabodhaśiva are edited and translated in
App. C. 2 Ep. Ind. Vol. I, p. 351 ff.

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a Matha or residence for monks. It is noteworthy that there are two tanks close to each other outside the courtyard; and one of them might
ank elaborately described in the Ranod inscription, and said to have been excavated by a teacher named Vyomasiva. The latter seems to have lived about the middle of the tenth century, as there is a succession of three teachers between him and Purandara: Kavacasiva, Sadāsiva and Hrday eśa. Of them Sadāśiva is said to have practised austerities at Ranipadra (v. 17). The town and the Matha seem to have fallen on evil days at a later date; and it was Vyomaćiva who restored the town to its former prosperity, repaired and improved the dilapidated monastery, installed images of Saiva divinities, and founded the tank with temples and gardens attached to it (vv. 29, 30, 43, 44).
Madhumati, in Málara, was another important saiva religious centre in the tenth century. In the Gurgi inscription of Prabodhas Madhumati is described as the abode of the Saiddhāntikas or Saivas; and it was in fact one of the centres of the Mattamayūra monks. Cūdāśiva or Sikhāśiva, who was, as already mentioned, a disciple af Purandara, is called Madhumati-pati, Lord of Madhumatī', in the Chandrehe inscription Hrdayasiva, who accepted monasteries from Lakşmaņarāja, and one of whose predecessors is stated to be Mattamayūranātha in the Bilhari inscription, is described therein as having enhanced the reputation of the Mâdhumateyavam sa or the family of the Madhumati monks (v. 55). All this shows that the monks of Madhumati represent a younger branch of the Mattamayūra line of Saiva teachers.
The Ranod inscription gives the names of the predecessors of Purandara, the founder of the Mattamayūra lineage. They are Kadambaguhādhivāsin Resident of Kadambaguhā'; after him Sankhamathikādhipati Master of Sankhamathika'; then Terambipāla Protector of Terambi'; and lastly, Āmardakatirthanātha 'Lord of Amardakatirtha'. Terambi has been identified with Terahi, five miles to the south-east of Ranod, and Kadambaguhā with Kadwaia or Kadwāha, about six miles south of Terahi, and where there are even now some old temples and the ruins of many others. Kadambagubā seems to have been an early centre of Saivism where lived a long line of saints (Siddhasantati), according to the Bilhari inscription. The sage Rudraśambhu was their revered leader and his disciple was Mattamayüranātha 'The lord of Mattamayura', who brought spiritual enlightenment to king Avantivarman. This is a clear reference to Purandara,
1
The spiritual pedigree is given as Rudraśam bhu-Mattamayūranātha-DharmasambhuSadăśiva-Mädhumateya-Cüdāśiva-Hrdayaśiva-Aghoraśiva. Verse 49. See Kielhorn's re-interpretation of the verse in Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 353,
2

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but in the Ranod inscription his immediate predecessor is said to be Amardakatirthanāthu.
The town of Mattamayūra made so famous by the distinguished line of ascetics named after it has not been identified; but, as suggested by Kielhorn, it must have been somewhere in Central India. As already mentioned, most of the Mathas of the Mattamayūra sect were established in various parts of Central India, in the regions corresponding to Malwa, Gwalior State, Central Provinces and Rewa State. But the Mattamayūra monks appear to have gone further afield, and established a branch in Southern Konkan, as shown by the Kharepatan plates of Rattarāja, dated in Saka 930 = 1008 A. D.' Ratta was a prince of the Silāhāra family of Southern Konkan, a feudatory of the Cālukyan king Satyāśraya, the successor of Taila II. The inscription records the grant of certain villages to a learned teacher named Atreya for the upkeep of the shrine of Avveśvara, for providing food and raiment to the resident ascetics and for the benefit of pupils (Chātra ), learned men and guests. There was obviously a Matha attached to the shrine. Now, the donee Atreya was a disciple of an ascetic named Ambhojasambhu who belonged to the Karkaroņi branch of the Mattamayūra family; and it is also stated that the yield of the villages granted was for the use of the learned Brahmacārins and Acāryas of the said branch of the Mattamayūra line of ascetics.
Another important Matha of the tenth century was the Golaki Matha in the Cedi country, but it does not appear to have been connected with the Mattamayūra line. Golaki or Golagi is said to be a contraction of Golagiri, and the Matha seems to have been in the neighbourhood of Tripuri, the Cedi capital (modern Tewar within six miles of Jubbalpur). According to the Malakāpuram pillar inscription of the Kākatīya queen Rudra Mahādevi, dated 1261 A. D., the Matha was founded by a Saiva teacher named Sadbhava Sambhu who was patronized by Yuvarājadeva I of Tripurī, who, as mentioned above, ruled in the first half of the tenth century A. D.3 The inscription mentioned above speaks of another teacher of the same line, named Soma Sambhu, who composed a work called Sonasambhupaddhati, and had thousands of disciples, but his exact date cannot be determined, as it is not known how many generations separated him from the founder of the Matha. We are inclined to identify him with
1 Ep. Ind. Vol. III, p. 292 ff. 2 Mattamayūrän vaya-Karkaroņi-Samtati'; "Mattamayürünvayāntargata-Karkroni
santāna.' 3 CE. Mirashi: Yuvarājadeva I of Tripuri in A BORI, Vol. XI, p. 362.

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the Soma Śmbhu quoted several times in the īsānasivagurudevapaddhati (Kriyāpāda), specially as the verses cited from him deal with ritual ; and the Somasambhupaddhati, to judge from the title, must have been a work on ritual. If our identification of the two authors is correct, Soma Sambhu may be assigned to the latter half of the tenth or the first half of the eleventh century. It may be added that the succession of teachers at the Golaki Matha seems to have continued unbroken till 1261 A. D., the date of the Malakāpuram pillar inscription, which records the grant of a village to a celebrated Saiva teacher named Visvesvara Sambhu. The ramifications of the great Matha have, as a matter of fact, been traced, beyond the thirteenth century and the geographical limits of Tripuri, to the Tamil and Telugu lands.
A very old Saiva establishment, much earlier than the tenth century, and associated with the Pāśupata sect, appears to have existed at Kāyāvarohaņa, also called Kārohana and Kāravaņa, identified with Kārvān in Dabhoi tāluka in Baroda State. The place is known also as Kāyāvatarana or Kāyāvatāra. Kaundinya states in the introduction to his Bhāsya on the Pasupatasūtras that the Lord, assuming the form (kāya ) of a Brāhmaṇa, became incarnate at Kāyāvataraņa, went on foot to Ujjain, and taught his doctrine to Bhagavat Kusika. The reference here is to the tradition that the Pāśupata doctrine was revealed by Nakulīsa or Lakulīša, the last of the the twenty-eight incarnations of Siva.
The various incarnations of Siva are mentioned in Vāyupurāna (chap. 23), Lingapurāna (chap. 24), Sivapurāna (Vāyavīya-samhita II, chap. 10 ) and in Kuumapurāna, in the last chapter of the first part. The begin with Sveta and end with Lakulin; and they are called Yogācāryas in the Sivapurūna, The Vāyy and Linga-purānas, which give the more detailed account, mention Kāyārohana or Kāyāvatāra as the place where Lakulin manifested himself, along with such famous sites as the Kālañjara mountain and the Prabhāsa Tirtha where certain other Avatāras of Siva are said to have revealed themselves. The Lingapurāna makes in this connection particular mention of Pāśupata Vrata, and declares its superiority to Sāṁkhya or the Pancarātra discipline. Kärohaņa is glorified also in the Kāravanamāhātmya, a work of unknown date, which declares it to be a Tirtha as sacred as Benares and Prayāga; and tells us that Lakuin here merged
1
For the Golaki Matha see Saletore: Ancient Karnataka, Vol. I, p. 362 ff. In a record found in the Madras Presidency, the Kalacuri king Yuvarā jadeva is stated to have donated three lakhs of villages to Sadbhava Sambhu, the head of the Golaki Matha. See Amoda Plates of the Ilaihaya kiny Pộthvideva in Ep. Ind. VoI, XIX, p. 75 ff,

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himself in the Brahmeśvara Linga.' The characteristic emblems of Lakulin, a staff in the left hand and a citron in the right, are mentioned in this work."
343
An interesting link between Kärvän and the ancient founder of the Pasupata system is provided by two lingas with the figure of Lakulin sculptured in front: one of them is in the temple of Naklesvar, and the other in that of Rajrajeśvar, both at Karvan.3 Lingas with one or four faces of Siva carved against the linga pillar are quite common, and were installed in temples dedicated to Siva. It appears, however, that lingas with the figure of Lakulin carved on them were also installed, evidently by members of the Pasupata sect.
The Puranic texts mentioned above assign four disciples to each of the twenty-eight Avataras of Śiva. Those of Lakulin are stated to be Kusika, Garga, Mitra and Kaurusya. Important light on the date of Lakulin and Kusika is thrown by the Mathura Pillar Inscription of Candragupta II dated in Gupta era 61-380-81 A. D.* The inscription records the installation of two lingas called Kapileśvara and Upamitesvara by a Saiva teacher named Uditācārya whose pedigree is given. He is described as fourth in succession from Bhagavat Parāśara and tenth from Bhagavat Kusika. Upamita and Kapila are two other teachers mentioned in the record. Bhagavat Kusika is no doubt the same as the first disciple of Lakulin mentioned in Kaunḍinya's Bhasya on the Pasupatasūtras and the Puranic texts. If Uditācārya (380-81 A. D.) is tenth in succession from Kusika, the pupil of Lakulin, and we allot a certain number of years to each succeeding teacher, Lakulin and Kusika cannot possibly be later than the second century A. D. The Pasupata centre at Karvan was thus established sometime in the second century A. D., and Uditācārya's inscription shows that Pasupata teachers carried on their activities at Mathura in the fourth century A. D. The epigraph tells us that Uditācārya installed
1 The Karavana-māhātmya is printed as an appendix to Ganakārikā (G. O. S.). 'Kārvān seems to have suffered great desecration at the hands of the Musalmans. All round the village, chiefly under pipal trees, images and pieces of sculpture and large lingas lie scattered. To the north and east of the village on the banks of t large built pond called Kasikunda are numerous sculptures and lingas. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Pt. I, p. 83.
2 स्थितः स भगवान् तत्र कायरूपी महेश्वरः । येन कायावतारोऽसौ तेमेद कायरोहणम् || असिदण्डधरो वामे दक्षिणे बीजपूरकम् | ब्रह्मलिङ्गे महादेवि अहमपि लय गतः ॥
3 See D. R. Bhandarkar: Mathura Pillar Inscription of Candragupta II in Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXI.
I Ibid.

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the lingas, Upamiteśvara and Kapileśvara, obviously named after the teachers Upamita and Kapila, in a place called guru-ayatana, which seems to mean & • Teachers' shrine', where such memorial lingus appear to have been placed for worship. It is possible that such shrines belonging to the Pāśupata sect existed at other places besides Mathura.
Uditācārya, as stated above, traces his descent to Kuśika, the first disciple of Lakulin. Another line of teachers who trace their descent to Garga, the second disciple of Lakulin, is mentioned in the Cintra Prasasti of the reign of Sārangadeva of Gujarat, composed in 1287 A. D. at Somanāthapattana, or Prabhāsa, the famous Saiva Tirtha, in Kathiawar.? It is stated that Śiva became incarnate as Bhattāraka Lakulība, the reputed founder of the Pāśupata system, at Kārohaņa in the Lāța country. He had four pupils named Kusika, Gārgya, Kauruşa and Maitreya who set themselves to practise particular Pāśupata vows. From them originated four branches or families of ascetics, and to the line established by Gārgya (gārgyagotra) belonged the abbot (sthānādhipa) Karttikarāśi, his disciple Vālmīkirāśī and the latter's disciple Tripurāntaka. These teachers lived in the thirteenth century, but they belonged to an ancient line of Pāśupata ascetics, and were apparently abbots in succession of some Matha in Gujarat.
The tradition recorded above appears to be mentioned also in an inscription of the reign of Naraváhana, king of Mewar, the ancient Medapata, dated 972 A. D. The inscription is mutilated, but there are clear references to Kāyāvarohana and Siva with a lakula (staff) in his hand, that is Lakulin or Lakulića, and Kusika and other sages. The ol the inscription seems to be to record the building of a temple of Lakulisa somewhere in Mewar. It is engraved on a slab built into the wall of a temple called Nāthā's Mandir near Ekalingaji's temple, a few miles north of Udaipur. It is obvious that temples of Lakulība existed in the tenth century; and an old temple of Lakulisa is found also at Badāmi, as mentioned below.
The Pāśupata, as noted in Chapter IX, was an influential school of thought in the tenth century, and Pāśupata teachers played an important part in the religious life of Mysore in the eleventh and twelfth centuries.*
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 271. 2 A Collection of Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions published by the Bhavanagar
Archaeological Department, p. 70. 3 'लकुलीशवेश्म हिमवचनोपमं कारितम्' 4 See below.

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The influence of Pāśupata teachers and Mathas can also be traced elsewhere in the country. Kalhana tells us in Rajatarangini 5. 404 that the king of Kashmir Cakravarman (935 A. D.) constructed a lodge for the Pāśupatas called the Cakra-matha, which, being half built at the time of his murder, was completed afterwards by his widow. Turning to the south, we find that, a few years later, an inscription of the thirtysixth year of the reign of the Cola king Parāntaka I (907-953 a. D.) records a grant of land for the maintenance of certain attendants and offerings in a temple, and for feeding the Sivayogins and the Māheśvaras on the seven festival days beginning with the asterism of Müla. Here the Sivayogins obviously refer to the Saivas, and the Māheśvaras appear to be Pāśupatas, as Samkara in his Bhāșya on the Vedāntasūtras II. 2. 37 refers to the latter as Māheśvaras. . An inscription of the reign of Kumārupāla of Gujarat, dated 1169 A. D., throws interesting light on the career of a distinguished Pāśupata teacher named Bhāva-Bphaspati alias Gaņda. The inscription is engraved on a large stone in the side wall near the door of the temple of Bhadrakāli at Somanāthapattana, and tells us that he was a native of Benares and belonged to the Gārgeya-vamśa, that is, to the spiritual lineage of Gārgya, one of the original founders of the Pāśupata sect. Bhāva-Bșhaspati left Benares on a tour of pilgrimage and came to Dhārā, and the Paramāra kings are said to have become his disciples. He practised austerities in Mālava and Kanauj and efficiently managed Mathas. Subsequently he came to Gujarat where he cultivated the friendship of the reigning king Jayasimha Siddharāja. The great achievement of Bhāva-Brhaspati was the restoration of the famous temple of Somanātha under the patronage of the next kiny Kumārapālu, who richly rewarded him for rebuilding the dilapidated edifice.
A Pāśupata Matha, much earlier than the thirteenth century, existed on Mount Abu in Rajputani. An inscription, dated Samvat 1342 (1285 A. D.), which records the genealogy of the Sisodiu kings of Chitore, tells us that the Matha on the hill-top was repaired by Rājā Samarasimha who also equipped it with a golden flag-staff at the request of a Śaiva ascetic named Bhāvaćamkara. The latter was a disciple of Bhāvāgni, a Pāśupata ascetic who was formerly the abbot (sthānādhisa) of the Matha.
1 N, K, Sastri: The Colas, Vol. I, P. 434. | 2 ng645 : Ita:
3 A Collection of Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions (op. cit. ), p. 186.

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The establishment was considered very old at the time of the inscription which calls it anādi."
The active influence of a faith is best illustrated by the temples devoted to its cultus; and of no other faith is this so true as of S'aivism during several centuries in India. Some of the most important shrines may be casually enumerated here: Somanātha at Somanāthapattana in Kathiawar, Acaleśvara at Abu, Ekalingaji near Udaipur, Mahākāla at Ujjain, Nilakantheśvara at Udayapura near Bhilsa, Omkāreśvara in the Nimar Dt. of Central Province, Visvanātha etc. at Khajuraho, Virăţeśvara at Sohagpur, Parasurameśvara etc. at Bhuvanesvara in Orissa, Saingameśvara at Badami, Kailasa) īśvara at Ellore, Tārakeśvara at Hangal (Dharwar Dt. ), Madhukeśvara at Banavasi, Rājasimheśvara at Conjeevaram, etc. A study of the geographical distribution of these Saiva temples shows tbe influence and popularity of Saivism in vast areas of early medieval India until about the 12th century A. D.*
GAIVISM AND JAINISM: THE LAST PHASE The struggle of the Jaina faith with Virasaivism came in the latter half of twelfth century. In the tenth century Jainism still occupied a privileged position under the patronage of the ruling dynasties in Mysore and the Deccan; and it was about this time that it was in conflict with the prevailing Saivism of the age. Sectarian controversy was the order of the day; and Somadeva seems to echo contemporary Jaina theological opinion when he denounces Saivism as a strange medley of mutually contradictory doctrines. Others, besides him, appear to have entered the lists against Saivism. The Mallişeņa Prasasti tells us that the Jaina teacher Vimalacandra challenged the Saivas, Pāśupatas and Kāpālikas as well as Bauddhas and Kõpilas to argument; while another teacher Hemusena is declared to have vanquished Siva himself, like Arjuna (vv. 25, 36 )i The Prasasti was composed in honour of the Jaina saint Mallişeņa who died by fasting at Sravana-Belgola in 1129 A. D., and these two scholars are mentioned in a list of Digambara teachers who preceded Mallişeņa.* Hemasena is mentioned just before Dayāpāla and Vădirāja, both of whom lived in the first quarter of the eleventh century, and just after Matisāgara, the guru of Dayāpāla. Hemasena may possibly be assigned to the end of the tenth century. Then, there are six teachers between Matisāgara and
1 Ibid., p. 84. 2 See Appendix III. 3 See Chapters VIII and X. 4 Bp. Ind., Vol. III, p. 184.

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Vimalacandra, who may have lived in the first half of the tenth century, and was perhaps a contemporary of Somadeva.
Similar claims of Saiva teachers triumphing over their Jaina opponents are occasionally met with. The Ranod inscription states that a celebrated teacher named Vyomasiva silenced among others the Jainas who are contemptuously likened to jackals (v. 39). Vyomasiva was a native of Central India, and as already mentioned, he may be assigned to about the middle of the tenth century. Another distinguished opponent of Jaina teachers was Vādi-Rudraguna of whom we shall speak later.
347
One of the points at issue in the Saiva-Jaina controversy was the position of the Arhats as superhuman universal teachers. The Saivas contended that the Jaina conception of the Arhat was wholly inadequate : if he was an omniscient teacher, we must ask who his teacher was, and if he was a saint devoted to austerities, there must be some one to vouchsafe the result of his efforts. In either case, it was necessary to postulate a superior Being, self-existent and without a beginning, and He was no other than Maheśvara or Śiva. The Saiva contention that Siva was the guru of the Jaina Tirthamkaras is recorded by Somadeva in Yasastilaka; while the claim that He confers on the Arhat, who is conditioned in time, the reward of the Latter's religious austerities is put forward in Isanasivagurudevapaddhati (Kriyāpāda 1. 39 ff.).
Jainism began to lose ground from about the eleventh century following the subversion of the Raṣṭrakūta empire and the Ganga kingdom, which were its principal mainstay. Śaivism, on the other hand, continued to make fresh conquests under the Calukyas of Kalyani, while the Colas, who conquered Mysore early in the eleventh century, were its most ardent champions. Interesting light on the prestige and eminence of the Saiva teachers of the age is thrown by an inscription of the reign of the Calukya king Jayasimha II, dated 1036 A. D., which records certain grants of land made to a Saiva scholar named Vadi-Rudraguna Lakulisvara Pandita for the repairs of the temple of Pañca Linga, at Balligave, 'the royal city of Banavase 12000'. Vadi-Rudraguna, described in the inscription as a falling star to the Digambara speakers, defeated in argument a number of eminent
1 See Chap. VIII.
2 तत्कारणं सधीरस्तीत्येषणीयो महेश्वरः । देहप्रमाणमात्मानं नित्यानित्यविशेषणात् ॥ भवतां जैनसाधूनां महर्षिस्तादृगेव हि । अहिंसादितपोयोगादर्हत्त्वं तस्य तन्मते ॥ सिद्धमित्यादिमान् सोऽपि तपसा परवान् यतः । तत्तपःफलदातान्यस्तैरुत्सृज्येह मत्सरम् ॥ स्वतत्रोऽनादिमान् कर्ताध्येषणीयो महेश्वरः ।
3 Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. VII. Inscriptions in the Shimoga District. Part I (No. 126).

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Jaina teachers including the famous scholar and poet Vâdirāja. The Pañca Linga temple was an important educational centre of the Kālāmukha order of Saiva ascetics, being called the Kālāmukhi Brahmacäri-sthāna of Balligăve'; and the grants in question were made not only for the upkeep of the temple and the worship of the god but for the provision of food and clothing for the students and ascetics. The Kedăra Matha of Balligāve was even a more important Saiva religious and educational institution. An inscription of the reign of Bijjala, dated 1162 A. D., gives a remarkable picture of the great establishment, called in the record 'Kodiya Matha, the place of the Southern Kedāra', while the deity worshipped in the temple is referred to as · Dakşiņa Kedāreśvara of the Kodiya Matha'. The Matha was not only a place of worship but a great centre of learning and a well-organised charitable institution for the destitute and the sick. It is described in the inscription as “the place appointed for the performance of the rites of devotee Brahmacäri-Sivamunis; the place for the recital of the four Vedas with their Angas; the place for commentaries on the Kaumāra, Pāṇinīya, Śākatāyana, Sabdānuśāsana and other grammars; the place for commentaries on the Nyāya, Vaiseșika, Mimāṁsā, Sāṁkhya, Bauddha and (other systems); the place for commentaries on the Lākula-siddhānta, the Patañjala and other Yoa-śāstras; the place for the eighteen Purāņas, the Dharma-śāstra, all poems, dramas, comedies and every branch of learning; the place where food is freely distributed to the poor, the destitute, the lame, the blind, t deaf........
.........; the place for the treatment of the diseases of destitute sick persons; a place of security from fear for all living things". 'The Southern Kedāra' is described also as “the means of the absolution of sin, the very presence of Śiva manifested to all the citizens........." A celebrated Saiva teacher Vāmasakti Pandita, designated as Rājaguru, was the head of the Matha at the time; and Bijjala, washing the feet of the guru, made various grants of lands “for the decoration of the god Dakşiņa Kedāreśvara, for gifts of food to the ascetics, for gifts of learning, for repairs of the temple............". On the same occasion he made grants to two other siva temples, those of Sonianātha and Brabmeśvara at Abbalür. Bijjala may have had Jaina leanings, but there is no doubt that he was a patron of Saivism. It is hardly necessary to point out that it was during his reign that the aggressive Viraśaiva cult came into prominence and imposed serious handicaps on the further progress of the Jaina faith in South-Western India. Virasaivism weaned away the commercial classes
1 Ibid., Inscription No. 102. Balligāve or Balligame is in the Shimoga District of
Mysore State. 2 Ablur in Dharwar District.

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who were the chief supporters of Jainism; and whole clans, like the Cangālvas were converted from Jainism to the Viraśaiva faith. The influence of the new sect is illustrated by the fact that an important Jaina centre like Bankapur, in the Dharwar district, which had five religious colleges of the Jainas in 1055 A. D., came to have a Hindu population, the greater part of whom were Lingāyats. It is also said that Lingāyats appropriated a large number of Jaina temples in the Kanarese districts and installed in them the linga as the object of worship. Prior to this, Jaina temples appear to have suffered considerable damage during the Cola invasions of the Cālukyan dominions in the eleventh century. The base Cola' (Rājā. dbirāja I who was killed in the battle of Koppam in 1054 A, D.) is said to have burned down many temples and defiled and damaged Jaina sanctuaries in the Belvola province during the reign of Someśvara I. The damage seems to have been repaired to some extent by Lakshma, the governor of
a, who, in 1071 A. D., restored the Jaina temple at Annigeri, in the Dharwar district, which had been burned down by the Cola
Among the saiva sects the Pāśupatas appear to have been very influential in the Mysore country in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The name of Lakulisa, the founder of the system, occurs very often in the Mysore inscriptions, and the creed is referred to as the Lākulāgama, Lākulāmnāya and Lākula-samaya. An inscription of 943 A. D. says that Lakulisa, fearing lest his name and works of merit should be forgotten, became incarnate as the muninātha Chilluka. As mentioned above, a grant was made in 1036 A. D. in favour of Vadi-Rudraguna, styled as Lakulisvara Pandita. An inscription of about 1078 and two others of 1094 and 1103 mention respectively Vālmiki-muni, Srikantha-pandita and his son Someśvara-paņdita, all of them distinguished exponents of the Lākula creed.
1 Rice: Coorg Inscriptions, Vol. I, p. 13. 1914. The Cangāļvas ruled in West Mysore
and Coorg. 2 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXII, p. 653. 3 Cousens (op. cit.). 4. See Two Inscriptions from Gawarwad and Annigeri, Ep. Ind., vol. XV, p. 337 ff.
Also Sastri: The Colas, Vol. I, p. 311. Belvola is an old Kanarese word meaning a field of standing corn. The name was given to the fertile district near the centre of which are Dambal, Gadag and Lakkundi, in the Dharwar district. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXII, pp. 392, 718. There still exist a number of old Jaina temples in this area, at Aminbhāvi (near Dharwar town), Apnigeri (between Dharwar and Gadag), Chabbi (about eight miles south of Hubli), Lakkundi (about seven miles south-east of Gadag), Mulgund (about twelve miles south-west of Gadag), and Soratur (about ten miles south of Gadag). Bombay Gazetteer (op. cit.), chap. XIV.

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The latter is said to have caused the Lākula-siddhānta to blossom. Further, two inscriptions of 1168 and 1179 compare the rājaguru Vāmasakti with Lakulīśvara or Nakuliśvara. Another record mentions a succession of gurus of the Agastyeśvara Matha at Srīparvata, all whose names end in sakti. T'he Lākula or Pāśupata system is generally mentioned in the Mysore inscriptions in connection with the Kālāmukha sect;' and there is no doubt that the Pasupatas were known as Kälāmukhas in the Kannada country. The technical expression Kalam Karcci (laving the feet) used in Kannada inscriptions on the occasion of making a gift to the teachers of this sect is an indication of the high respect shown to them?. These Kālāmukha Pāśupatas were not certainly identical with the Kālāmukhas mentioned by Yāmuna Muni and Rāmānuja in their enumeration of Saiva sects, as the latter were no better than Kāpālikas.
The mantle of the Pāśupatas appears to have fallen on the Virasaivas to a very great extent in the Kannada country. Many of the great Kālāmukha Mathas seem to have been transformed into Viraśaiva Mathas. The Kālāmukha Matha at Pūvalli, the modern Hüli in the Belgaum District of Bombay Province, which had many branches and a succession of influential abbots, as recorded in a number of inscriptions, is now a Virasaiva Matha, and provides a striking illustration of the process of transformation.
Virasaivism represented a mass movement, and was a more serious rival of Jainism. It was also a movement of social reform, and at variance with orthodox Hinduism in several respects. The rapid expansion of this powerful, hostile sect had an adverse effect on the subsequent history of Jainism in the South. Virasaivism gathered momentum under the inspiring leadership of Basava, the minister of Bijjala (1162–67 A, D.) who had taken possession of the Călukyan throne. Kalyāņa (now in Bidar District, Hyderabad State), the capital of the later Cālukyas, became the centre of direction of the new religious movement. The devotional literature of the Virasaivas known as the Vacanaśāstras composed in Kanarese prose goes back to the eleventh century A.D., about a century earlier than the age of Basava; but the literary and religious movement reached its climax about the middle of the twelfth century during the
1 See Rice: Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, p. 205. Also Bhandarkar:
Vaisnarism, Saivism and minor religious systems, p. 171. Poona ed. In an inscription of 1177 A. D., for example, certain ascetics are called upholders of the
Lākulāgama-samaya and adherents of the Kālāmukhas. 2 Nandimath: A Handbook of Virsaivism, p. 9. 3 Nandimath (op. cit.), p. 10.

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period of the activities of Basava and his contemporaries. Jedara Dāsimayya, one of the early Vacana writers, is believed to have been a contemporary of the Cālukya king Jayasimha I whose reign covers the greater portion of the first half of the eleventh century A. D. The principal writers and leaders of the movement, however, belong to the latter half of the next century. Among the contemporaries of Basava may be mentioned Ekāntada Rāmayya, a vigorous propagandist who is said to have destroyed Jaina temples; Prabhudeva who was the head of the Virakta-matha at Kalyāņa, the pontifical seat known as Sünya-simhāsana The throne of the void '; Cennabasava who seems to have led the movement after Basava; Siddharāma who is known as Sivayogin, and several others.
The doctrines and social practices of the Virasaivas are beyond the scope of our discussion. It may, however, be noted that the apostles of Virasaivism laid great stress on intense devotion (bhakti) to Siva, and owed a good deal to the teachings of the great Saiva saints of the Tamil land. Indeed the Virasaiva saints claimed the Tamilians as their own; and the Kannada Virasaiva literature teems with accounts of the
va saints.' More important for us is the fact that Virasaivism spread like wild fire over a considerable portion of the Deccan and southern India. It enjoyed extensive patronage and privileges under the Vijayanagura kings. It was the religion of the Keļadi or Ikkeri chiefs who ruled a considerable portion of the Vijayanagara empire. The ancestors of the present rulers of Mysore were Lingāyats till the 18th century. Of all the rivals of Jainism Virasaivism seems to have been the most potent, and still continues to play an important role in the social and religious life of South-western India.
Apart from the rise of Virasaivism, the loss of royal patronage following the overthrow of the Rāştrakūtas and the Gangas placed Jainism at a disadvantage in its encounter with rival creeds. The reorganisation of Vaianavism by Rāmānuja and the conversion of the Hoysala king Bittideva (Vişnuvardhana) by the latter at the end of the eleventh century was another blow to the prospects of Jainism in the south. Most of the Jaina centres in Karņāțaka (Paudanapura, Hanasoge, Humcca, Balligāme etc.) ceased to be strongholds of Jainism, and “in the centres which fell into the hands of the non-Jainas, only mutilated Jaina images and broken slabs bear silent testimony to the once prosperous condition of Jainism in the country”. It has been said of Balligāme that, like many a great
1 For a brief but authoritative account of Virasaivism see Dr. Nandimath's book
cited above. % Saletore: Medicvul Jainism, p. 184.

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Jaina centre, it today possesses no traces of Jaina worship except broken Jaina images.1 Still when we speak of the decline of Jainism in Karnataka we should think in terms of a setback rather than any progressive decay or deterioration. It has been rightly pointed out that Jainism did its best work in the best days of the Raṣṭrakūtas in the Southern Maharatta country and Mysore. "These are the portions of South India that happen to be great Jaina centres even now, and in that region Jainism flourished even in the age of the great Colas............Jainism continued to flourish under the Calukyas and under the Hoysalas at a later time and even in the age of Vijayanagar." It has indeed been said of the Hoysalas that, though they were Jainas first, and later changed over to Vaisnavism, they still built temples dedicated to Tirthankaras, Siva and Visņu, and were patrons of all sects alike."
Any talk about the conflict of Saivism and Jainism during the period under consideration might be misleading if we failed to point out that the two faiths existed side by side, generally speaking, in an atmosphere of toleration and amity in various parts of the country. This is proved by the existence of imposing Jaina temples in such important centres of Saiva worship as Khajuraho in Bundelkhand or Un in southern Indore. At Khajuraho where the temples were mostly built during the reigns of Yasovarman and Dhanga (c. 930-1000 A. D. ), we have the large and fine temple of Jinanatha, which has an inscription of 954 A. D., and was built in the beginning of Dhanga's reign. The Ghantai Jaina temple, so called from the bells carved on the pillars, has been partially rebuilt from older materials. The original temple is believed to have been erected in the tenth century A. D.
1 Saletore: Medieval Jainism, p. 204.
2 Aiyangar: Some contributions of South India to Indian Culture, p. 291.
3 Mysore Archaeological Report for 1924, p. 7.
4
Vincent Smith (op. cit.) in IA, 1908, P. 133. There are several other Jaina temples at Khajuraho. No. 26 in Cunningham's list is an ancient temple 'restored with plaster and old stones and called Setnath, which is most probably the original name, as the principal statue enshrined is a colossal standing figure of Adinatha, 14 feet in height with the title of Setnäth, 'On the pedestal of this statue Cunningham found on his first visit an inscription dated in Samvat 1085, or A. D. 1028. No. 27 in his list is a small ancient Jaina temple now dedicated to Adinatha. There are many Jaina statues, both whole and broken, collected about these temples, with dated inscriptions. One of them is inscribed on a pedestal of a colossal seated statue, and records that the image was dedicated in Samvat 1215 (A. D. 1158) during the reign of Madanavarman. Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. Il, p. 412 ff.

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The Un group of temple has been assigned to the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Here we have a large Jaina temple, Chaubara Dera No. 2, 'which in spite of the loss of its sikhara still remains one of the most beautiful monuments at Un.' The building has a very large porch in front of the manḍapa. The second Jaina temple at Un is very well-preserved and popularly known as Goaleśvara. The floor of the garbhagṛha is about ten feet lower than that of the manḍapa, and one has to descend a series of steps. Inside the sanctum stand three huge Digambara Jaina images, one of which measures twelve and a half feet in height. The images bear short inscriptions which give 1206 A. D. as the date of their dedication. Several other large Jaina images have been found at Un, one of which bears the date 1125 or 1135 A. D.1
Jaina religious edifices are also found in close proximity to the island of Mandhātā in the Narmada, in the Nimar District of Central Provinces. 'On the island itself, every temple is dedicated to Siva or his associate deities; but the north bank of the river opposite, in addition to Śivaite ruins, contains several old structures devoted to Visņu, and a whole group of Jaina temples.' The Jaina temples stand on an elevation overlooking, but a little retired from the river. The largest building raised on a plinth of basalt blocks five feet high was perhaps a monastery. It consisted of a quadrangle 53 feet by 43 feet, surrounded by four rows of pillars about 10 feet high. The eastern wall is still complete, decorated with geometrical figures rudely carved in yellow sandstone. On each side of the doorway is a figure carved on slabs about 2 feet high, with Sivaite and Jaina emblems curiously intermixed. To the north stood the temple proper, built in a pyramidal shape, with numerous smaller spires. The porch is still erect, but the shrine has been buried beneath the ruins of the dome. The third building was a smaller temple raised on a pyramid of basalt blocks about 25 feet high.'
Interesting sidelight on Śaiva-Jaina relations is provided by the religious history of Mount Abu, which was an early and famous seat of Saiva worship. The Abu region was subjected by Bhima I of Gujarat early in the second quarter of the eleventh century A. D.; and the Jaina Vimala Saha, the first great exponent of marble architecture in India, was sent out as the governor of Abu. It appears that Jaina religious edifices had not existed on the sacred mountain before his time. The magnificent marble temple of Adinatha was built at Delwara (Devalwada) on Mount Abu by Vimala Saha in
1 Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, 1919, pp. 62-61.
2
Imperial Gazelleer of India, Vol. IX, p. 296,
45
2

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1031 A.D.; and there is a significant tradition associated with the building of the shrine. It is said that the site on which the edifice now stands was formerly occupied by Brahmanical temples, but this devout Jaina offered to cover with silver coins as much ground as was required for his temple in return for the permission to erect it. This munificent offer was accepted.'
It is not necessary to mention the existence of Jaina cave temples at Ellora, the home of stupendous rock-cut temples dedicated to Siva, as the caves here have been assigned to the Rästrakūta period, which coincided with the heyday of Jainism in the Deccan and Mysore. Apart from occasion. al acts of vandalism, Saiva-Jaina relations do not appear to have been marred by anything more serious than theological disputes or religious controversies.
śAIVISM-VAMÅ MĀRGA The Vama Mārga, as defined by Somadeva, may be said to represent the grosser form of the Saiva and Tântric cults and includes sects like the Kaulas and the Kāpālikas. We have already discussed Somadeva's account of the practices of the Kaulas who are represented as avowed sensualists
i Commissariat: History of Gujarat, Vol. I, p. 1xii. 2 Jaina temples are said to have been demolished during the invasion of Gujarat
by the Paramāra king Subhatavarman early in the thirteenth century A. D. Ganguly : History of the Paranära Dynasty, p. 197. As against this, we may point to the flourishing condition of Jaiua culture and religion in Malwa from the latter part of the tenth centary onwards, which will bear comparison in its own way with the efflorescence of Jainism during Rästrakūta hegemony in the Deccin, or under the Solankis in Gujarat. The harmonious relation of the various faiths in medieval Mālava is shown also by the co-existence of Jaina and Vaişņava temples it several places in Northern Indore. At Kohala, six miles from Bhanpura, to the east of the temple of Lakşmi-Nārāyaṇa, there are two Jaina temples side by side and known by the popular name of sar-bahu-ki mandir or the temples of the mother-in-law and the daughter-in-law, one of which is used for worship even now. At the village of Sandhärā, not far from Bhanpura, the remains include an old temple of Vişnu and a Jaina temple called Tamboli-ka-mandir or the temple of the betel-seller as well as two other Jaina temples, which have been partly rebuilt at a later date. These two temples are dedicated to Adinātha and belong to the Digambart community, and regular worship is carried on in both. Twould temples, one dedicated to Visņu and the other to Pārsvanátha, stand in the centre of the village of Kukdesvar, ten miles to the west of Rampura in the northern part of Indore State. It is rioteworthy that the Jain teinple contains a large bus-relief representing scenes from the life of Kršņa, which has been built into the south wall of the mandapa. For details see Progress Report of the Archaculogical Survey of Initiet, Western Circles for the year enebing 31si March, 1920.
temples, which air or the temple old temple

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and worshippers of Siva. It is related in Skandapurana, Prabhāsakhanda (Chap. 119 of Prabhāsaksetrc-māhātmya) that when the great goddess of the Prabhāsakşetra killed the demons Bala and A tibala and their army, some of the demons who escaped became Kaulas, addicted to meat, wine and women. This seems to be in accord with current description of the Kaulas, but it is an irony that the Purāņa should have stated also that certain of the demons became Jainas, who were bitterly hostile critics of the former sect. Jayanta in Nyāyamañjari (chap. 4) hints at the objectionable practices of the Kaulas aimed at the attailiment of superhuman powers; but as, in this context, he records the views of certain thinkers that all religious systems are authoritative in their own way, he is inclined to put Kaula ritual on a par with such malevolent Vedic rites as the Syena performed for the purpose of destroying one's enemies.
That the Kaula cult was prevalent in the tenth century is shown not only by the evidence furnished by Somadeva but by that of Rājasekhara and Devasena, both of whom belong to the first half of the century. In Rājasekhara's play Karpūramañjari 1. 22 ff. the master magician Bhairavānanda declares that he is an adherent of the Kaula way, drinks wine and enjoys women and so goes forward to salvation. He describes the Kaula religion as charming to all, as its only requirements are a hot strumpet for wife, plenty of meat and wine, alms and a pelt to serve as bed; and opines that while gods like Hari and Brahmā prescribe meditation, the study of the Vedas, and sacrifices as leading to final release, Siva has the sole credit of having devised a way to salvation consistent with the pleasures of love and wine. The Jaina Devasena gives a similar picture of the Kaula cult in his Bhāvasaņgraha (verses 182-3). Rājasekhara's verse ( Karpūramañjarī 1. 23):
. रण्डा चण्डा दिक्खिमा धम्मदारा मज मंसं पिजए खजए ।
मिक्खा भोज चम्मखण्डं च सेजा कोलो धम्मो कस्स णो भाइ रम्मो ॥ may be compared with Devasena's description of the Kaula religion in Bhāvasaṁgraha:
रंडा मुंडा थंडी सुंडी दिक्खिदा धम्मदारा सीसे कंता कामासत्ता कामिया सा वियारा।
मज मंसं मिहं भक्खं भक्खियं जीवसोक्खं च कउले धम्मे विसये रम्मे तं जि हो सग्गमोर्ख ॥ It is also noteworthy that Devasena, while describing Carvaka doctrines in the above work (verses 172–76), attributes them to Kaulācārya or the teacher of Kaula doctrines. The Cārvākas or Lokayatikas were no doubt distinct from the Kaulas, but the insistence of the latter on rank sensualism seems to have led Devasena to identify them with the Carvakas,
1 Chap. VIII.

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Hemacandra says in his commentary on his Yogašāstra. 4. 102 that the disciples of the Kaulācāryas are known as Yogins. It may be noted that in Karpūramañjari the Kaula Bhairavānanda is often referred to as joīsara (Yogīśvara), the great Yogin or adept in mystic rites. Kaula dikşā is likewise referred to in a double entendre in Nalucampū (chap. 2).*
The Kaulas were akin to the Kāpālikas, and both the Kaula and the Kāpālika cults were anathema to the Jainas. In Yašastilaka VI. 3 Somadeva prescribes a bath for Jaina monks when they happen to come in contact with a Kāpālika. We learn from Yamunācārya's Agamaprāmanya (about 1050 A. D.) that the characteristics of the Kāpālikas were the sacred thread, the smearing of the body with ashes, a crest jewel, various ornaments for the ears and the neck, a human skull and a club. According to them, be who realises the true significance of the six symbols ( sacred thread, ashes, crest-jewels, karnikā, kundala and rucaka), and meditates on the Self, mentally locating it on the female organ, attains the supreme beatitude. Additional information about the Kāpālika sect is furnished by Krşņamiśra's allegorical play Prabodhacandrodaya, Act III, which introduces a Kāpālika who recounts his beliefs and practices. He wears a garland of human bones, lives on cremation grounds and uses a skull as a dish. Describing his religion, he declares that it consists of the worship of the Mahābhairava form of Śiva with human sacrifices: human flesh is offered as an oblation in the fire, and the worshipper drinks wine from a skull. Not only Mahābhairava but his consort (Mahābhairavi) is worshipped with blood along with a host of goblins called up to the beating of drums. As regards his beliefs, the Kāpālika declares that the world, full of diversities, is not different from Siva. The Kāpālika ideal of salvation is to become incarnate in a form like that of Siva and enjoy the pleasures of love with a consort beautiful as Pārvatī. This doctrine is said to have been revealed by Siva himself, as there can be no happiness without mundane joys; and a state of salvation in which the Self subsists in its pristine condition, like a block of stone, without any consciousness of joy, cannot be a desired goal. This is the sum and
4
ay
1 THT dan 173CTITRITTHCAT i afirmar afhai hierailar TH 11 Verse 33. 2 "acante interfata gestastarfar: .......*** aft:'. The comm, remarks ***
दीक्षामु कुत्सितेन चरुणा मांसादिनोपलोभितलोका.. 3 संगे कापालिकाग्रेयीचाण्डालशबरादिभिः । आप्लत्य दण्डवत् सम्यग्जपेन्मत्रमुपोषितः ।।
तथाहुः। मुद्रिकाषट्कतत्त्वशः परमुद्राविशारदः । भगासनस्थमात्मानं ध्यात्वा निर्वाणमृच्छति ॥ तथा । कर्णिकारुचकं चैव कुण्डलं च शिखामणिम् । भस्म यज्ञोपवीतं च मुद्राषट्क प्रचक्षते । कपालमथ खदाङ्गमुपमुद्रे प्रकीर्तिते । आभिर्मुद्रितदेहस्तु
न भूय इह जायते ।। 5 alfa 1474 Flatforwafa tret 11 3. 12. 6 दृष्टं कापि सुखं विना न विपथरानन्दबोधोज्झिता, जीवस्य स्थितिरेव मुक्तिरुपलावस्था कथं प्राय॑ते । पार्वत्याः प्रतिरूपया
दयितया सानन्दमालिहितो, मुक्तः क्रीडति चन्द्रचडवपुरित्यूचे मृडानीपतिः। 3. 16.

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substance of the Kāpālika doctrine, called also Mahabhairavānu sāsana, Paramesvare-siddhānta, and Somasiddhānta in Krşņamisra's play. Like Bhairavānanda in Rājasekhara's Karpūramañjarī, the Kāpālika in Prabodhacandrodaya puts forward exaggerated claims of miraculous powers, and one of the avowed objects of the Kāpālika cult is the attainment of the supernatural Yogic powers known as the Siddhis. It is noteworthy that the Kāpālika is once addressed in the play as Kulācārya", which shows that, although the Kaula and the Kāpālika cults were distinct from each other, Kāpālikas were sometimes confused with Kaulas owing to certain resemblances in their practices. The Kaulas are not, as a rule, associated with human sacrifices; yet it is at the instance of a Kulācārya that Māradatta orders preparations for a human sacrifice in the Mahābhairava temple in Yasastilaka, Book I. Members of both sects would seem to have indulged in objectionable practices, but it was the Kāpālikas who were more prominently connected with rites involving the sacrifice of human beings.
In the fourth Act of Ksemisvara's Candakausika, composed in the first half of the tenth century, Dharma appears in the guise of a Kāpālika, armed with a club, and carrying a skull in his hand; and decorated with ashes and human bones. He declares that he is about to attain certain magical powers: control over a goblin who has entered into a corpse, possession of a thunderbolt and magic pills and paints, union with a demoness, and the knowledge of alchemy (dhātuvāda) and the elixir of life ( rasāyana ). There no doubt that the Kāpālikas were charlatans and adepts in black inagic, but those who sought to discover the elixir of life and practised alchemy were not necessarily Kāpālikas.
That the Kāpālika cult is much earlier than the tenth century is shown by the wellknown episode in Bhavabhūti's Malatimadhara, Act V,
he Kāpālika Aghoraghanta attempts to sacrifice Mālati before the goddess Karālā or Cāmundā. This episode is based on the story of Vidūşaka in Kathasaritsagara 3. 4. 158 ff., or rather on Guņādhya's Brhatkathā, of which the former work is a summary. Although the fanatic, who attempts to sacrifice king Adityasena's daughter before the idol of
1 30gara laitsta a
Agrar: qogel HERACY: I eto. 3. 32. 2 7074-77 for are 3**...
! 3 A drunken but otherwise innocent Kápālika appears in the lattavilāsaprahasana of
the Palláva King Mahendravikramavarman (first quarter of the 7th century A. D.). About the same time Hsuan-tsang met the first Hindu ascetics of his journey at Kāpisi, north of Kabul: they had their bodies smeared with ashes and wore a chaplet made of skulls. They were no doubt Saiva ascetics, but probably not Ka palikas. Grousset: In the footsteps of the Buddha, p. 93.
Palláva King line Hsüan-tsang mas hodies smeared

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Katyayani in the story of Vidūşaka, is called a Pravrajaka or Parivrajaka, there is no doubt that he is a Kapalika. In another story in Kathasaritsagara 18. 2 a Kāpālika draws a married woman named Madanamañjarī to a cremation ground for an evil purpose by force of magic formulas and oblations in the fire, but is foiled in his attempt by the intervention of the great king Vikramaditya. In Haribhadra's Samaraiccakaha, Book IV, the gambler Maheśvaradatta becomes a Kāpālika and an expert in garuḍa-mantra, mystic formulas for curing snake-bites. The machinations of a Kapalika and his grim ritual are vividly portrayed in the eighth Act of Ramacandra's Kaumudimitrānanda. Makaranda in the play allows Kaumudi and Sumitra to take shelter in a subterranean chamber as a protec tion against the alleged designs of a Vidyadhara. Meanwhile the Kapalika offers oblations of human intestines in the fire and attempts to revive what is apparently a corpse which rises and strikes him. The Kapalika and his accomplices manage to disappear, but Makaranda finds no trace of the chamber or the ladies concealed therein. The episode throws light on certain nefarious tactics of the Kapalikas seen by a writer of the
as
twelfth century.
358
Kāpālikas were known also as Mahāvratins. Jagaddhara in his commentary on Mālatīmādhava, Act I, explains the term Kāpālikavrata as Mahavrata, and Candapala in his commentary on Nalacampu (Chap. 6) explains Mahāvratikas as Kāpālikas. In Kathāsaritsāgara 5. 2. 81 a Mahāvratin is described as Kapalin ('furnished with a human skull'), wearing matted hair, and white with ashes. In Yasastilaka 1. 115 Death is pictured as a Mahavratin or a Kapalika, and the skeleton of a beautiful woman as his club.1 In the description of the shrine of Candamari in Yasastilaka, Book I, Somadeva mentions Mahavratin heroes selling for a price flesh cut from their own bodies." The uncanny practice of selling human flesh, one's own or that of a corpse, to goblins for the purpose of gaining a desired object is often referred to in Sanskrit literature, and seems to have been resorted to not only by Kapalikas but by others in desperate circumstances. The love-sick Madhava appears on the cremation ground in Malatimādhava, Act V, with a lump of human flesh for sale to the goblins. The practice is referred to in at least two stories of Kathasaritsagara (5. 2. 180 ff. and 18. 2. 53 ff.). In the first story the brave Aśokadatta goes to a cremation ground on the fourteenth night of the dark half of the month, and offers to the goblins a corpse for sale, the price being a marvellous anklet required
1 'सा कालमहाव्रतिना खदाङ्गकरङ्कृतां नीना'
2 'क्वचिन्महाव्रतिकवीय विकी यमाणस्व व पुलून वरम्'

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by the king of Benares. In the second story a gambler, who has promised to supply human victims to two Brahmaraksasas, is at a loss to find them, and repairing to a cremation ground at night, offers to sell human flesh to a goblin in return for a temporary loan of the latter's form and powers wherewith to procure the required victims from among his enemies. In Bāņa's Harşacarita (Chap. 5) the sale of human flesh (to goblins) by princes
among the various rites performed for the recovery of Prabhākaravardhana in the latter's capital. The same work (chap. 6) records the story of a prince, apparently of Ujjayini, who was killed by a goblin, being over-zealous in the matter of selling human flesh on the occasion of the festival of the Mahākāla Siva," . Another reference to the sale of flesh occurs in the third chapter of Harsacarit
As pointed out by R. G. Bhandarkar, a copper-plate charter of Nāgavardhana, nephew of Pulakesin II, records a grant of a village near Igatpuri in the Nasik District for the worship of the god Kapāleśvara and the maintenance of the Mahāvratins residing in the temple. This shows that the Kāpälika sect existed in Mahārāştra about the middle of the seventh century.* The practice of carrying a skull and a club is mentioned among the religious customs of non-Buddhist sects enumerated in Lalitavistara, chap. 17. This is a clear reference to the Kāpālika sect in an important work of Buddhist Sanskrit literature composed before, probably long before, the ninth century. It is evident from Bhavabhūti's statements in Vālutinādhava, Act I, that in his time (eighth century) Śrīparvata, a holy mountain in Kurnool District (Madras Presidency on the Kistna river, was a centre of the Kāpālika cult. There is a reference to a Matha of the Mabāvratins in an inscription from Ramnad District (Madras Presidency) of the reign of Vira Pandva. that the Kāpālikas were well-established in that part of South India in the second half of the tenth century. It is stated in another record issued by a chieftain named Vikramakesari, a contemporary of Vira Pāņdya, that the former presented it big Matha to a certain Mallikārjuna of Madura,
1 'अपरत्र प्रकाशनरपतिकुमारकक्रियमाणमहामांसविक्रयप्रक्रम ३ 'महाकालमहे च महामांसविक्रयवादवातूल वेतालस्तालजडो जवान जघन्यज प्रद्योतस्य पौणकि कुमार कुमारसेनम् । 3 'गहामांसविक्रयक्रीतेन मन:शिलापटनेव' 4 Bhandarkar: Vaisnavism, Saivism etc. (Poona ed.), p. 168. 5 "...
aguTÙ2) fa Tarragfa er: 6 An earlier roference to Sriparvata is in Subandhu's Väsavadatta: sfoga za Gear
afshiga: Mallikarjuna is the Sivalinga worhipped on the hill. The Padmapurāņa (Uttarakhanda, chap. 19) describes Śriparvata as the abode of Mallikarjuna, Shivaji visited the sacred site in 1677. For a later description of the temple of Mallikarjuna and its enclosure see Sarkar: Shivaji, p. 297.

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who was the chief ascetic of the Kalamukha sect. The latter community was akin to the Käpālikas and both sects indulged in similar practices. The Kālamukhas are in fact included among the Mahāvratikas or Käpälikas in Trivikrama Bhatta's Nalacampü composed early in the tenth century (Chap. 6). The Kāpālikas are accused of cannibalism in Yasahpāla's Moharājaparājaya 4. 23, an allegorical drama composed during the reign of Ajayapäla of Gujarat (1172-1176 A. D.)3
BRAHMANISM Somadeva's strictures on the beliefs and practices of popular Hinduism have been summarized in Chapters X and XII. The chief attacks are directed against the Puranic traits of the principal Brahmanical deities, the funeral rites (Śrāddha), bathing at sacred sites, and diverse religious practices collectively designated as mūờhu or müdhatā, 'stupid customs.' These attacks while throwing light on the religious conflict in the tenth century are not peculiar to Somadeva, and should rather be regarded as forming part of the customary Jaina polemics against the Brahmanical faith. Such polemics are scattered throughout Jaina literature of all periods, and we may cite here only a few examples bearing on the topics criticized by Somadeva. Jatā-simhanandi's Varängacarital circa 7th century A. D.) has a Canto called Mithyāšruti-vighataka (XXV), which criticises among other things the caste system, the Brahmans dependent upon the patronage of kings, and the Srāddha rites, and explains, like Somadeva, why Brahma, Vişņu and Siva cannot be regarded as trustworthy beings (apta). The author asks in this connection: what are the dacoits like, if the great gods be armed with weapons, trident, thunder, discus, bow, mace, lance, sword and club (25. 80)? Similarly, Devasenu in Bhāvasangraha (op. cit.) criticizes bathing in sacred waters, Śrāddha, and adoration of cows, and scoffs at the exploits of Brahma, Vişņu and Siva, who are ridiculed also in Pätrakesaristotra. The Sütrakrtanga, a canonical work, ridicules ceremonial bathing thus: “..........if perfection could be obtained by contact with water, many beings living in water must have reached perfection : fishes, tortoises, aquatic snakes, cormorants, otters, and demons living in water....... ....... If water did wash off the impure Karman, it must take off merit too.” Similarly, the morning and evening oblations in the sacred fire are declared to be meaningless: “Those who, lighting fire in the morning and evening, contend that perfection is obtained through fire (are easily
1 Nilakanta Sastri: The Pandyan Kingdom, p. 116. 2 'कलियुगशिवशासनस्थितिमिव महाबतिकान्तम्पातिभिःकालमुखैा नरैः संकुलाम् 3 Poussin (op. cit.), p. 145. 4 See Chap. X.

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refuted). For if thereby perfection could be obtained, mechanics also, who use fire, would be liberated (1. 7. 14-18).”l. The same work condemns also the feeding of Brāhmaṇas (2. 6. 43, 44).
In regard to the Jaina attacks on Śrāddha, it is said that the present-day Jainas burn the dead, throw the ashes on the third day into a river, and even offer rice-balls to the crows on the tenth day, and feed relatives and caste-fellows on the twelfth and thirteenth days." These customs seem to have grown up in later times under Hindu influence, Somadeva, on the other hand, states in Yasastilaka, Book IV, that if the Pitrs have gone to earthly or celestial abodes, they can have no need of annual offerings of rice balls, which are actually eaten by Brāhmaṇas and crows, His statement may be compared with that of Jațā-Simhanandi in Varāngacarita 25. 64:
द्विजैश्च काकैयदि भुक्तमन्नं मृतान् पितृस्तर्पयते परत्र ।
पुरार्जितं तत् पितृभिर्विनष्टं शुभाशुभं तेन हि कारणेन ॥ The Jaina attack on Śrāddha reminds one of the satire of the Greek writer Lucian (second century A. D.) on the custom of making offerings to the dead. In his Charon, or the Inspectors, Charon the ferryman conveying souls to Hades exclaims What, they eat and drink, when their skulls are dry as tinder?.........I should be in a fine predicament, Hermes, and should have no end of trouble if I were obliged not only to bring them down but to bring them up to drink 1" 8
The group of stupid customs' mentioned by Somadeva in Yasastilaka VI. 4 and 10 reminds one of those enumerated in Lalitavistara, chap. 17, and described as being followed by the misguided adherents of the non-Buddhist sects. Somadeva's list has been reproduced elsewhere ;* that recorded in the Buddhist text is more comprehensive, and where there are resemblances provides additional details. Among later Jaina writers Hemacandra enumerates a large number of stupid customs' followed by diverse non-Jaina communities in his commentary on his Yogaśāstra 4, 102, and some of them are undoubtedly mentioned with reference to popular Brahmanism."
1 Jacobi : Jaina Sūtras, Part II, p. 294. 2 Sharma: Jainism and Karnataka Culture, p. 161. 3 Trans. in Loeb Classical Library. 4 See Chap. x. 5E.g., गूथाशिनीनां च गवां स्पर्शतः पूतमानिनाम् । जलादिखानमात्रेण पापशुद्धयभिधायिनाम् ।। वटाश्वत्थामलक्यादि
द्रुमपूजाविधायिनाम् । वह्रौ हुतेन हव्येन देवप्रीणनमानिनाम् ॥ भुवि गोदोहकरणाद् रिष्टशान्तिकमानिनाम् । योषिद्विड
FTATATATATATE! Verses 23-25, 46

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YAŠASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE Somadeva cites the Smrti injunction that the Veda and the Dharmaśāstras, composed by sages like Manu, Vyāsa and Vasiştha, should be regarded as mandatory and authoritative in all matters, and on no account should their authority be called in question by means of argumentation : in fact, the Brāhmaṇa, who censures the Veda and despises the S'ruti and the Smrti, should be ostracized as a năstika. These views are summarily rejected by Somadeva. In Yasastilaka, Book IV, he quotes the relevant verses :
मानवं व्यासवासिष्ठं वचनं वेदसंयुतम् । अप्रमाणं तु यो ब्रूयात् स भवेद्रह्मघातकः ॥
पुराणं मानवो धर्मः साङ्गो वेदश्चिकित्सितम् । आज्ञासिद्धानि चत्वारि न हन्तव्यानि हेतुभिः॥, and calls them fanciful or absurd utterances (mukhabhāşītam). It may be
i that the Buddhist S'āntarakṣita also quotes the second verse and makes a similar remark in Tattvasaṁgraha (verses 3584-5). In Yasastilaka VI. 2 Somadeva quotes the following verses :
श्रुति वेदमिह प्राहुर्धर्मशास्त्रं स्मृतिर्मता । ते सर्वार्थेष्वमीमांस्ये ताभ्यां धर्मो हि निर्बभौ ।
ते तु यस्त्ववमन्येत हेतुशास्त्राश्रयाद् द्विजः । स साधुभिर्वहिः कार्यों नास्तिको वेदनिन्दकः॥ and remarks that the opinion expressed therein is unsound. He points out that a disputant, who depends entirely upon the Scriptures and never resorts to reasoning, while seeking the truth, is not likely to triumph; as the good appreciate merit, but not a thing whose character has not been ascertained: a jewel is placed on the head, but a stone (unobserved while walking ) is kicked away with the foot."
समस्तयुक्तिनिर्मुक्तः केवलागमलोचनः । तत्वमिच्छन्न कस्येह भवेद्वादी जयावहः ॥ सन्तो गुणेषु तुष्यन्ति नाविचारेषु वस्तुषु । पादेन क्षिप्यते पावा रत्नं मौलौ निधीयते ॥
The infallibility of the Veda and the Dharniaśāstras was the cornerstone of Hindu orthodoxy, and it was natural for non-Brahmanical writers to challenge the theory that the authority of the Śruti and the Smrti must be unquestioningly accepted. We have already seen that in the controversial dialogue between Yasodhara and his mother in Yasastilaka, Book IV, the latter represents the orthodox view and the former the standpoint of the heretics. Yasodhara's mother declares to her son: Discard Śruti, Smặti, Itihāsa, and Purāņic lore if thou hast no use for
1 पुराणं मानवो धर्मः साङ्गो वेदश्चिकित्सितम् । आशासिद्धानि चत्वारि न हन्तन्यानि हेतुभिः॥ मन्ये तेनैव दत्तेयं
जडेभ्यस्तैर्विभीषिका । आशासिद्धत्वमन्यत्र वाङ्मात्रात्क नु वा भवेत् ॥ 2 Cf. Shakespeare, Measure for Measure, II. I:
The jewel that we find, we stoop and take it Because we see it; but what we do not see We tread upon, and never think of it.

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363 thy soul!! This is a noteworthy assertion of the Hindu orthodox ideal as it appeared to a Jaina writer of the tenth century.
Somadeva's criticism of Hindu beliefs and practices is not without some historical importance, as it shows that the popular Hinduism of the tenth century was not far different from the religion as it exists today. Somadeva justifies his own attitude towards the Brahmanical religion by asserting that no one who speaks out the truth in regard to the Brahmanical deities and other concepts, exercising his own judgment, can be called a slanderer; otherwise the sun, and even the lamp, which reveal things as they are, would be slanderers, too (Book IV):
देवेषु चान्येषु विचारचक्षुर्यथार्थवक्ता किमु निन्दकः स्यात् ।
एवं न चेत्तर्हि यथार्थदर्शी भानुः प्रदीपोऽपि च निन्दकः स्यात् ॥ It will be however fair to suppose that the real motive underlying Jaina criticism of Brahmanical tenets and practices was propaganda aimed at showing the latter religion in an unfavourable light, and bringing into relief the relative merits of the Jaina faith. Brahmanical writers do not appear to have taken any serious notice of attacks on their religion by hostile critics, but in Sriharsa's Naişadhacarita (Canto XVII) we find a systematic attempt not only to bring together the different charges levelled against the Brahmanical faith by the Jainas and the Buddhists but to formulate an elaborate reply to them from the orthodox standpoint. The aim of the author of Naişadhacarita is to demonstrate the triumph of Hindu orthodoxy over the heretics, while that of Somadeva is to portray its discomfiture in a religious controversy between a tenacious Jaina and a zealous champion of orthodox Brahmanism.
VAIŞŅAVISM It is a noteworthy feature of Yasastilaka that, although it discusses or mentions so many philosophical and religious tenets of different schools, it is practically silent upon the Pancarātra system and Vaişpava doctrine. This is all the more strange, because about the time when Somadeva wrote there was a large mass of Pañcarātra literature extant in Kashmir, as sh by the citations in Utpala's Spandapradipika, a commentary on Kallata's Spandakārikā. Utpala wrote in the tenth century, and quotes in his work Pañcarătrasruti, Pañcarātropanişad, and the three wellknown Samhitās Jaya, Sātvatā and Pauskarū. He quotes also the Visnuyamala and two
1 'श्रुतिस्मृतीहासपुराणवाचस्त्यजात्मना चेन्न तवास्ति कार्यम् ।। 2 Utpala quotes Anandavardhana and is vory probably earlier than Abhinavagupta,
Chatterji: Kashmir Shaivism, part I, p. 13 ff.

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texts called Sankarşaņasūtras and Jābālisūtras, which, to judge from the citations, are clearly works dealing with Vaişņava doctrine. It would seem that while works dealing with Pañcarātra or Vaisnava doctrines were widely prevalent in Kashmir in the tenth century, they had not so far become current in the Deccan; otherwise it would be difficult to explain the absence of any reference to Pañcarātra tenets in so encyclopaedic a writer as the author of Yasastilaka.
The Bhagavatas are casually mentioned by Somadeva in a simile in Yasastilaka, Book I, and spoken of as resorting to Krşņabhūmi, explained in the commentary as referring to Dvărakā. Another reference occurs towards the end of Book V, wherein Asuri, one of the interlocutors of the sage Sudatta, in the episode of Candakarman, is described as a Bhāgavata; but in the discussion that follows he figures as an exponent of Sāṁkhya views. The silence of Somadeva on Vaişnava doctrine seems to be an indication that Vaisnavism was not a force to reckon with in the Deccan in the tenth century; and, in any case, it does not evoke any criticism in his work.
Certain characteristics of Vişnu are, it is true, criticized in Yasastilaka. Somadeva, for instance, criticizes the belief in the Incarnations of Vişņu, of which he gives the number as ten. He refers also to Rādhā's relations with Nārāyana.* and Krşna's love for the cowherd maids. But, on the whole, the deity appears in his work rather as a mythological character than as the central figure of a religious system. A passing reference to the idea that the universe is pervaded by Vişņu occurs in a description of evening scenery, in Book IV.
The paucity of references to the cult of Vişņu, as contrasted with the prominence given to that of Siva, in Somadeva's work, seems to suggest that, while Vaisnavism existed during the period of the Rāştrakūtas, it wag Saivism that wielded the greater influence, and formed the principal target of Jaina attacks. It is, however, necessary to go back much earlier to obtain a correct perspective of the relative position of the Vaisnava and Saiva faiths in the Deccan. The early Cālukyas were mostly, if not all, followers of the Vaisnava cult. The Vaisnava cave at Badami was excavated
1 A definition of Vişnu is quoted from the Sarkarsanasütras; while the oitation from
the Jābālisūtras declares Vāsudeva to be the supreme Soul. 2 H ai 39 af Fr[HT:' p. 13. 3 See Chap. XII. 4 See Chap. XVII. 5 at Tots: 13. 204. 6 fare faruhý s a hai da' p. 10.

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in 578 A. D. under Kirtivarman I. In it was installed the image of Viṣṇu and provision made for nārāyaṇabali or offering to Nārāyaṇa.1 Still more significant is the fact that most of the early and archaic-looking temples at Aihole, in the south-eastern portion of the Bijapur district, were originally dedicated to Visņu, the usual cognizance being the figure of Garuda upon the dedicatory block over the shrine door." The earliest of these temples are that of Laḍ Khan and the Kontguḍi group, ascribed to the beginning of the sixth century A. D. The temple of Lad Khan is square in plan and remarkable for its cave-like characteristics: the flat roof, and its want of elevation, the great massiveness of the pillars unusual in structural temples and the total absence of anything like a sikhara or tower, except for a small square shrine over the central portion of the roof. The temple has great lattice windows, beautifully finished, in the north and south sides; but the most decorated part of the temple is the front porch, the pillars of which have life-sized images upon them in bold relief'. The Kont-guḍi temple is of the same type as the last, and, like it, square in plan. It is smaller in size, but, except for the pillars, it is hardly less massive in construction'. The roof in them idle, above the four pillars, is flat, and it slopes away from this square space, all around, to the four walls.' Upon the flat central portion of the roof is the first storey of an unfinished tower, with an image niche on each of its four sides. That on the west contains an image of the Varāha avatara of Visņu; while, on the east, is the Vamana avatāra. By the side of Kont-guḍi is another early temple, of an unusual type. The edifice is, in plan, more like an early Muhammadan mosque than a Hindu temple, being in the from of a long open verandah, with three rows of columns in its depth. The shrine is just where the Mihrab would have been, being formed by enclosing the space between the central pair of back pillars and the back walls, the doorway being between the pillars'. The pillars are of the same type as those at Lad Khan's and upon the front of one of the pillars is an image of Narasimha. Close to this temple is another of the same class, built upon the same open verandah plan', somewhat smaller in size.
One of the most remarkable buildings at Aihole is that known as the Durga temple, which, in plan, closely resembles the Buddhist Caitya aves. As in these cathedral caves, the end of the temple is round or apsidal,
1
Bhandarkar: Vaisnavism, Saivism etc., Poona edition, p. 61.
2
See Cousens: Chalukyan Architecture of the Kanarese Districts, p. 32 ff.
3 So called, because a Muhammadan of that name, not long ago, lived in the deserted building.

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and it has a central nave and two side aisles separated by two rows of columns. The central roof is flat and lofty, and that of the side aisles low and sloping. Perhaps the most conspicuous feature is the pillared verandah, outside, surrounding the temple, and projecting in front to form an open pillared hall, or porch. Garuda presiding above the shrine door shows that the temple was dedicated to Vişnu.
A characteristic common to the temples mentioned above is that the shrine is not a separate compartment from the hall, as is usual in Brahmanical temples, but is formed within the hall itself by enclosing the required space between one of the walls and the nearest pillars. In the caitya-like Durga temple, the shrine is in the place where the dagoba would be. Even apart from the peculiar shrine, these early temples have many unusual character. istics and stand in a class by themselves, both as regards age and style. In addition to them, there are certain other temples at Aihole, also dedicated to Vişnu, which are considered to be earlier than the seventh century A, D., judging by the general style and more cyclopean-looking masonry.'
It will be thus seen that Vaişaņavism came to be associated with a very early type of architecture at Aihole, which must have been an important centre of the Vişņu cult during the sixth and seventh centuries a. D. But towards the beginning of the eighth century, the centre of gravity shifts to Pattadakal, where we find massive temples being erected in honour of Siva, and what looks like a change over to Saivism takes place. Certain old shrines, for example, the Mālegitti-Sivālaya, which were originally dedicated to Vişnu, seem to have been converted to Saiva worship at a later date. On a pillar in the Durga temple at Aihole is a short inscription in letters of the 8th or 9th century, which reads “Srī-Basa-mayya, the bhatta of Kisuvolal." Pattada Kisuvolal is the ancient name of Pattadakal, and the presence of the bhatta from that centre of Saivism may be connected with the time when these temples were restored for Saiva worship.'? There is another factor pointing to such conversion of Visnu temples to Saiva worship. A circular panel of carving representing the tāndava dance of Siva is found, for example, on the front of most of the old temples at Aihole. But the slab often lies loosely against the tower instead of being built in with it; and in the earliest temples the sculpture is of inferior quality compared with that on the other parts. It is probable that the slab bearing representation of the tändava is a later addition made when the temples were first converted to Saiva worship.3
1 See above. 2 Cousens (op. cit.), p. 39. 3 Cousens (op. cit.), p. 40.

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Vaişņavism appears to have been a secondary cult under the Rāştrakūțas. The great cave temples at Ellora were, with a few exceptions, excavated for the worship of Siva, if we exclude the Buddhist and Jaina caves. The two-storied Daśāvatāra cave is no doubt an exception, and contains sculptures representing Visnu resting on Sesa; Visnu, sixholding up the Govardhana hill; and the Varāha, Vāmana and Narasimha incarnations. The shrine was excavated about the middle of the eighth century A. D. in the reign of the Răştrakūta king Dantidurga, whose triumphs are recorded in an inscription upon the cave. But Saiva sculpture preponderates even in the Daśāvatāra cave. Some of them illustrate the Bhairava aspect of Siva? ; and there is another of particular interest, designed to prove the superiority of Śiva to Brahmā and Vişņu who fail to discover the top and the base respectively of the great linga. There is another
şņava cave at Ellora (No. XXVII), known as the Milkmaid's cave, but the style of it says but little for the wealth or influence of the sect in the days when it was executed.?
As already stated, if temple architecture is any index to the influence and popularity of a religion, Saivism was the more important faith during the rule of the Cālukyas of Kalyāni. There exist a comparatively few examples of later Cālukyan temples dedicated to Visņu, Vikramaditya VI constructed a large temple of Vişņu, and had a tank dug in front of it." An inscription slab, in the court-yard of the temple of Dakşiņa-Kedāreśvara, records a grant, in 1075 A. D., of a village to the Vaişnava temple of Narasimha at Baligāve, or Balagāmve, now a small village in Mysore territory, fourteen miles south-west of Hira-Kerür in the Dharwar district. The Basti or Kalla-Gudi at Degāmve, about twenty-five miles south-east from Belgaum, is a decorated medieval temple consisting of 'a long pillared hall in front of three shrines on the west side, the middle one projecting forward into the hall in advance of the other two'. The central shrine contains an image of Lakşmi-Nārāyana. An inscription in the temple records the building of the shrines of Kamalānārāyana and Mahālaksmi; while another records a grant by Kamalādevi, queen of the Kādamba chief of Goa, to Brāhmaṇas of the village of Degāmve, in 1175 A. D. Standing at right
1 Cousens (op. cit), p. 9. 2 Burgess: A Guide to Blura Cave Temples, p. 27. 3 See Chap. XVII. 4 Burgess (op. cit.), p. 46. 5 Vikramānkade vacarita XVII. 15 ff. 6 Cousens (op. cit. ), p. 106. 7 Ibid, p. 119.

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angles to the temple of Siddheśvara at Haveri, in the Dharwar district, is a smaller Vaişņava temple dedicated to Narasimha, a large image of the deity being found in the shrine. Mahādeva, the general of Vikramăditya VI, who built the great Siva temple at Ittagi towards the end of the eleventh century, built also the temple of Nārāyaṇa, which might be identified with the smaller temple, built in granite, upon the south side of the main temple. It occupies very much the same position with regard to the main temple as the Vaişņava shrine of Narasimha does to the temple of Siddheśvara at Hāveri.'
Of the later Cālukyan temples in the Bellary district of Madras Presidency, there appear to be few that are dedicated to Vişņu. Notable exceptions are the temple of Venugopālasvāmin at Māgalā and that of Keśavasvämin at Huvinahadgalli.
It is apparent, on the whole, that more elaborate provision seems to have been made for the organised worship of Siva than for the cult of Vişņu under the ruling dynasties of the Deccan. There is also the important fact that, in the history of the Deccan, during seven centuries, Vaişņavism has nothing so imposing and grand to show as the temple of Virūpākṣa at Pattadakal or Kailāsa at Ellora or Mahādeva at Ittagi.
The situation is not far different in the northern part of the Deccan where, architecturally, the most important templeis the great shrine of Siva at Ambaranātha, built in the eleventh century A. D. The temple of Lakşmi-Nårāyana at Pedgaon, near Srigunda in the Ahmadnagar district, is 'a perfect little gem', but its date is not known. Far more important for the religious history of the Deccan is the celebrated Vaişņava temple of Vithobā, or Vitthala, at Pandharpur in the Sholapur district, on the banks of the Bhimā. The present temple is of little interest from an architectural point of view; but there is no doubt that it succeeded an older one to the same deity, as an inscription upon a pilaster of a former temple, now used as an overhead beam in the present, informs us that the Hoysala king Vira-Someśvara presented a gift of gold to the god Vitthala in Samvat 1159 (1237 A. D.): Vithobā is perhaps the most popular deity in the Deccan, but the temple dedicated to him is not known to have existed before the thirteenth century. The
1 See Rea: Chalukyan Architecture, 1896. 2 Cousens: Mediaeval Temples of the Dakhan, p. 56. 3 Ibid. p. 64. For another reference see Bhandarkar: Vaisnavism, Saivism etc.,
Poona edition, p. 124.

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ueration.
cult itself must have existed before this, and probably goes back to a much earlier date, but it is difficult to determine its extent and influence during the period under consideration.
While speaking of the relative position of Vaişņavism and Saivism in the Deccan, it is necessary to point out that there appears to have been no sharp division between the two cults in those early days. On the other hand, a certain amount of syncretism is apparent in the religious thought of the time. The popularity of the conception of trimūrti is an illustration of this. An inscription of the reign of the Cālukya king Vijayāditya says that images of Brahmā, Vişnu and Maheśvara were installed in Vâtāpipura (Badami) in the third year of his reign, that is, in 699 A. D. The images of these three deities occur also in the panels of the ceilings of several of the oldest temples at Aihole. For example, in the temple beside that of Kont-gudi, there are finely carved images of Brahmā, Vişņu and Siva in each of the three central bays of the ceiling, Śiva being placed in the centre. There was a temple at Salotgi in the Bijapur district, in the 10th century, for the joint worship of Brahmā, Vişņu and Siva? No less significant is the impartial mixture of Saiva and Vaişņara sculptures in the early temples of the Deccan. For example, on the exterior walls of the temple of Pāpanātha at Pattadakal, there are images of Siva in various attitudes, Vişnu, Mahişāsura-mardinī, Ganapati, Narasimha, Varāha, the Vāmana avatāra, and Krşņa, upholding the Govardhana hill. Among the sculptures on the walls of the temple of Virūpākşa, are found Ardhanārī, the Vāmana avatāra and Vişņu upon the east face of the edifice; Siva and Parvati, the tändava of Siva, Harihara, Bhairava and Varāba on the north side; Siva and Vişnu in various forms on the west wall; and Lakulisa, Siva in different forms, Vişņu and Narasimha among those on the south wall. Similarly, there is ‘an impartial mixture of Saiva and Vaisnava subjects in the image groups, representing Narasimha, Mahisāsura-mardini. Varāha, Visnu, Ardhanāri and Siva, in the niches around the walls in the outer verandah of the Durga temple at Aihole. Among the sculptures on the pillars in the Saiva temple of Mallikārjuna or Trailokyeśvara at Pattadakal are depicted scenes from the life of Krşņa. He is seen, for example,killing Kamsa's great elephant, then the demon Kesin who is in the shape of a horse, and, at the end, Arişta who attacked him in the shape of a savage bull,
1 Cousens: Chalukyan Architecture of the Kanarese Districts, p. 37, Fig. 3. 2 Altekar: The Rästrakūtas and their times, pp. 275, 403. 3 Cousens (op. cit.), pp. 38, 64, 66, 70. 47

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It will be seen that, among the incarnations of Vişnu, Varāha, Vāmana and Narasimha are the most frequent in the sculptural representations of that deity in the early temples of the Deccan. At Ellora, as in the Daśāvatāra cave, they are found also in the Kailasa temple, in the corridor surrounding the back half of the court. The ten incarnations of Vişņu are found sculptured on a huge rock at Badami, close behind the Bhutanātha group of temples. Upon the south side of this rock is a sculpture of Nārāyaṇa reclining upon Seșa, with the ten avatāras in a row above him, some on one side and some on the other side of Brahmā.” The sculpture in question is no doubt much earlier than the reference to the ten avatāras in Somadeva's Yasastilaka. The number of the avatāras came, as a matter of fact, to be fixed at ten long before the tenth century A. D. A verse inscription in Pallava-Grantha characters of about the eighth century A. D., found in the rock-cut temple of Varāha-Perumäl at Mahābalipuram, enumerates the ten incarnations as follows: the Fish, the Tortoise, the Boar, the Man-Lion, the Dwarf, Rāma, Rāma (Parasurāma), Rāma (Balarāma), Buddha and Kalkin.: The reference to the ten avatāras in Somadeva's work is, however, of some importance as showing that they were well-known, and probably worshipped, in the Deccan in the tenth century. The image of Nārāyaṇa with the ten avatāras, on the rock at Badami, is still worshipped, and a small shrine has been built for the purpose in front of the rock.*
The close contiguity of Saiva and Vaişņava shrines at Haveri, and probably also at Ittagi, is an indication of the harmonious co-existence of the two cults. Interesting examples of Saiva and Vaişņava shrines standing in close juxtaposition to one another have been found in Mysore State, at Marale in the Chikmangalur Taluk, and at Mosale, a village about eight miles to the south of Hassan. The twin temples at Mosale are ornate structures standing side by side, a few feet apart, and belong to the Hoysala style of architecture. They are identical in size and workmanship, and have been assigned, on architectural grounds, to the twelfth century A. D., when most of the ornate temples in Mysore State oame into being. One of the shrines is dedicated to Siva styled as Nāgesvara. while the other contains a Vişņu image called Channakeśava."
1 Burgess (op. cit.), p. 32. 2 Cousens (op. cit. ), p. 57. 3 Sastri: Two statues of Pallava Kings and Five Pallava Inecriptions. (Memoirs of
the Archaeological Survey of India ). p. 5. 4 Cousens (op. cit.), p. 57. 5 Annual Report of the Mysore Archaeological Department for 1924, p. 6.

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As Purāņic deities, Śiva and Vişnu were equally reverenced in the Deccan, as elsewhere, a trend reflected in sculpture as well as literature. Among the few non-Jaina writers of the Rāştrakūta period, Trivikrama Bhatta, the author of Nalacampū, who lived in the early years of the tenth century, under Indra III, was a staunch adherent of the Saiva faith. The work is described in the colophons as 'imprinted with the lotus feet of Siva', and the concluding verse of each chapter contains a phrase expressive of devotion to Siva. The sixth chapter of Nalacampū contains. however, a fervent hymn to Vişņu; and this also reminds us of the fact that the opening verse of Rāştraküța grants offers salutation to Vişņu as well as Siva. Devotion to both the deities was part of the religious syncretism of the time, and shows the popularity and ascendancy of the Purāņic religion as a whole. But the evidence furnished by architecture and literary sources shows that, as an organised cult, Vaişņavism occupied a subsidiary position in the Deccan, and seems to have prevailed there in the shadow of Saivism for several centuries, say, from the eighth to the twelfth. The Vaişņava cult was hardly a rival of Jainism in the Deccan; and we find, accordingly, Jaina attacks levelled chiefly against Saivism, which was its greatest rival even before the rise of the Lingayats.
BUDDHISTS AND OTHER SECTS The Jainas had nothing but contempt for those communities who had no objection to taking flesh and wine. In Yasastilaka VI. 10 the Veda and the Buddhist and the Saiva scriptures are described as favouring the use of honey, flesh and wine. The Buddhists are particularly decried for not observing any restrictions in regard to food and drink. In Yasastilaka VI. 2 Somadeva asks: How can the wise respect the Buddhist who is addicted to flesh and wine?!
In another verse the Buddhist appears to be described as a votary of what is called advaita pure and simple. Somadeva seems to say that, excepting the Jaina doctrine, all other systems favour either the path of duality' (dvaita ) or that of non-duality' (advaita); and he illustrates his remarks by saying that the Mantrin or the Saiva mystic follows the Vāmamärga and the Daksinamärga, and the Brahmanical Scriptures lay stress on Karma and Jñāna, while those of the Buddhists merely prescribe
1 'sfatul 1: UCHIHIH17:' p. 296. 2 haftafanica
:' p. 276.

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flesh-eating. In Yasastilaka VII. 24 the Buddhists are mentioned first among certain communities who recommend the eating of flesh.
The quarrel of the Jainas and the Buddhists over the question of using flesh as an article of food goes back to very early times. "IQ the time of Buddha there was in Vaiśāli a wealthy general named Sīha who was a convert to Buddhism. He became a liberal supporter of the Brethren and kept them constantly supplied with good flesh food. When it was noised abroad that the bhikshus were in the habit of eating such food specially provided for them the Tirthikas made the practice a matter of angry reproach." The Master thereupon announced to the Brethren “the law that they were not to eat the flesh of any animal which they had seen put to death for them, or about which they had been told that it had been killed for them, or about which they had reason to suspeot that it had been slain for them. But he permitted to the Brethren as "pure' (that is, lawful) food the flesh of animals the slaughter of which had not been seen by the bhikshus, not heard of by them, and not suspected by them to have been on their account. In the Pali and Ssu-fen Vinaya it was after a breakfast given by Siha to the Buddha and some of the Brethren, for which the carcase of a large ox was procured, that the Nirgranthas reviled the bhikshus and Buddha instituted this new rule declaring fish and flesh pure in the three conditions. The animal food now permitted to the bhikshus ......... was tersely described as "unseen, unheard, unsuspected' .........” Two more kinds of animal food were later “declared lawful for the Brethren, viz. the flesh of animals which had died a natural death, and that of animals which had been killed by a bird of prey or other savage creature."3 This was the Hinayānist position
1 जैनमेकं मतं मुक्त्वा द्वैताद्वैतसमाश्रयो । मागौं समाश्रिताः सर्वे सर्वाभ्युपगमागमाः ॥ वामदक्षिणमार्गस्थो मत्री
T:
I rmat: İyTETEENTH: | The Ms. A remarks H Haicafta 17:1 मांसमाशयति बौद्धः । जीवहोमादिक्रियाज्ञानप्राप्तो विप्रः। 2 931#THIET rata eto. A little further on, Somadeva says that a king named
Saurasena, although he had taken a vow to abstain from flesh-eating, became addicted to it, being misled by the doctrines of the Veda, medical lore and the Advaita doctrine (zania Hahlenha:). The Advaitamata obviously refers to the Buddbist view of flesh-eating. Watters: On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India 629-645 A. D., Vol. I, p. 55. Manichaeism, which prohibited the slaughter of animals, permitted the Hearers, as distinguished from the Elect, to eat flesh food when it had been slain by others. Cf. Wand: A History of the Early Church, p. 141. The Manichaean Elect and Hearers corresponded pretty well to monks and seculars. Babylon was the birth-place of Manichaeism, and Manes, the founder of the new religion about the middle of the third century, was brought up in the sect of the Mugthasila, who laid special stress on abstinence from flesh, wine and women, Kidd: A History of the Church, Vol. I, p. 50€.

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in regard to the use of flesh as an article of food. The Mahayanist rule, on the other hand, prohibited "the use of flesh of any kind as food by the sons of Buddha"", and "some Mahāyānists were strict in abstaining, not only from all kinds of flesh food, but also from milk and its products." In Yuan Chwang's time, for instance, there were three Buddhist monasteries in Karṇasuvarna (in Bengal) "in which in accordance with the teaching of Devadatta milk products were not taken as food." " So far as Jaina criticism is concerned, the writers do not make any distinction between Hinayānists and Mahāyānists and condemn the Buddhists as a class for partaking of animal food. That there was considerable laxity in matters of food and drink among the Buddhists in the tenth century and thereabouts seems extremely probable, and charges of soft living were in fact occasionally levelled against them. Devasena, who wrote about twentyfive years earlier than Somadeva, severely criticizes Buddhist doctrine, in his Bhāvasaṁgraha, and remarks that the Buddhist regards whatever falls into his begging bowl as pure, eats flesh and shamelessly drinks wine, but if it were possible to go to heaven by eating flesh and drinking wine, it is the drunkards and the huntsmen that would go thither. Similarly, Udayana, who wrote a few decades after Somadeva, says that the absence of any restrictions in the matter of food and drink, eating at all hours of the day, and lightness of religious duties are among the causes that induce men to become Buddhists." Hemacandra says in his commentary on his Yogasastra 4. 102 that the practice of austerities is impossible for the Buddhists who eat day and night, and make no distinction between lawful and forbidden food. Further, he remarks in an interesting verse that the religion of the Buddha is excellent indeed, its essentials being a soft bed, rice-gruel in the morning, boiled rice at noon, drinking bouts in the evening, and sugarcandy at night." The Buddhists, on the whole, gave offence to the Jainas by their indulgence in food and drink which the latter abhorred.
373
In Yasastilaka VIII. 43 Somadeva advises his co-religionists to have nothing to do with the Buddhists, the Nastikas, the Adepts in sacrifices, the Jatilas (that is, the Saivas) and the Ajivakas. There is no doubt that a
1 Watters (op. cit.), p. 57.
2 Watters, Vol. II, p. 191.
3 पत्तपडियं ण दूसइ खाइ पलं पियइ मज्जु णिलज्जो । इच्छर सग्गग्गमनं मोक्खग्गमणं च पावेण ॥ असिऊण मंसगासं मज्जं पिविऊण गम्म सग्गं । जइ एवं तो सुंडय पारद्धिय चेव गच्छंति || Verses 68-9
4 'संभवन्ति चैते हेतवो बौद्धाद्यागमपरिग्रहे । तथाहि भूयस्तत्र कर्मलाघवमित्यलताः ।भक्षाद्यनियम इति रागिणः ।....... Nyayakusumāñjali, chap. 2.
5 दिवसे च रजन्यां च मुखमापृच्छथ भक्षताम् । भक्ष्याभक्ष्याविवेकानां सौगतानां कुतस्तपः ॥ मृद्वी शय्या प्रातः पेया मध्ये
भक्तं सायं पानम् । द्राक्षाखण्डं रात्रेर्मध्ये शाक्योपज्ञः साधुर्धर्मः || Verses 9 and 10.
I
6 शाक्यनास्तिकयागशजटिला जीवकादिभिः । सहावासं सहालाभं तत्सेवां च विवर्जयेत् ॥

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certain amount of communal hatred existed between the Jainas and the Buddhists, and mutual recriminations are occasionally found in the religious literature of both the communities. The Jainas contended that since the Buddhists denied the existence of the Self, all their talk of compassion and philanthrophy was meaningless. The Buddha is accordingly called 'ferocious and merciless' (!) in Jatāsimhanandi's Varāngacarita 25. 84. On similar grounds Akalanka accuses the Buddha of criminal propensities such as injury to others, falsehood, theft and unchastity !
The Buddhists are likewise in the habit of giving expression to their contempt for the Jainas and their habits and customs. The celebrated Mahāyāna work Saddharma-pundarika (earlier than the third century says, for instance, that the Bodhisattvamust avoid such monks as follow the precepts of the Arhat, and immoral men (chap. XIII)'S
The practice of nudity (nagnabhāva ) mentioned in the Lalitavistara (chap. XVII) among the stupid customs followed by the adherents of the non-Buddhist systems obviously refers to the Digambara monks. In the first half of the seventh century, the great Chinese traveller Hsüan-tsang (the name is variously spelt), a philosopher of Mahāyāna Buddhism, ridicules Jainism as a sort of caricature of the Buddhist religion. “These sectarians”, writes Hsüan-tsang, "give themselves up to extreme austerities. Day and night they display the most ardent zeal without a moment's respite. The law expounded by their founder (Mahāvīra) has been largely stolen from the books of Buddha, and on this he guided himself when laying down his precepts and rules. In their religious observances and exercises, they follow almost entirely the rule of the Buddhist monks............. The statue of their teacher, by a kind of impertinent imitation, resembles that of Buddha.” Here is a picture of the Digambara monks drawn by the Chinese pilgrim: " The Jainas think they gain distinction by leaving their bodies entirely naked, and they make a virtue of tearing out their hair. Their skin is all broken, and their feet are horny and cracked; they are like those rotten trees that are found close to a river. ”4 In similar but less dignified language, certain Digambara practices are held up to ridicule in the Dohākosa of Sarojavajra (Saraha) written in an Apabhramsa dialect sometime between the eighth and twelfth ceuturies, Saraha, who was a Buddhist Tantric writer, says that if it were possible to attain salvation by going about naked, the dogs and the jackals would surely attain it. As
Nyāya viniscaya, verse 390.
1 'Tata ATEI 2 BESTETIT atiqafera: 1 Klatoztat a altera Il 3 Trans, Kern, p. 265 (S. D. E.) 4 Grousset: In the footsteps of the Buddha, pp. 197-8. 5 Ed H. P. Sastri in ala TG 311 ater, Introduction, p. 6.

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regards the practice of plucking out the hair, he says something positively indecent. Then he says that if the carrying of peacock's feathers led to salvation, the horses and the elephants who are decorated with them were bound to obtain it!! Recriminations of this type point to theological hatred, but there is no reason to suppose that there was any deep-seated hostility between the Jainas and the Buddhists. As pointed out by S. C. Vidyabhusan, there was no bitter rivalry between the two communities. According to the same scholar, the Jaina writers Rabhasa Nandi (circa 850 A. D.) and Kalyāṇacandra (about 1000 A. D.) appear to have written commentaries on the Buddhist logician Dharmakirti's Sambandha-pariksa and Pramāna-vārtika, respectively; while the Jaina Mallavādin (about 962 A. D.) wrote a commentary on Nyāya-bindu-tikii of Dharmottara.
The Ajivakas whom Somadeva mentions among the communities to be shunned by the Jainas were an ancient sect founded by Mankhaliputra Gośālaka, a contemporary of Mahāvīra, and the present refere shows that members of this sect were still to be found in the tenth century. The Jainas disliked the Ajivakas, as their founder Gośālaka was a bitter: rival and opponent of Mahāvīra, and the former is, as a matter of fact, represented as something of an impostor in early Jaina literature. Nor were the Ājivakas liked by the Buddhists. Just as Somadeva asks the Jainas to keep aloof from Ajivakas, Buddhists, Nāstikas and others, similarly the Saddharma-pundarika (Chap. XIII) declares that the Bodhisattva never associates with Carakas, Parivrājakas, Ajivakas and Nirgranthas (Jainas ). The Ajivakas had certain peculiar doctrines, e. g. the Niyativāda, an extreme form of fatalism propounded by Gośālaka, and seem to have flourished in South India for centuries after the age of Mahāvīra, as their doctrines are included among the contemporary philosophical systems described in detail in the Tamil epic Manimekhalai, assigned to the early centuries of the Christian era. In another Tamil epic of the same age, the S'ilappadikāram, the father of the heroine Kaņņaki is said to have distributed his wealth among the Ajīvaka friars. “This is a very important
1 hotar laat klagfer af, at Jae fake, macarent Hez left:37, ar gat folettae, feetreut Pere
भोक्ख, ता करिह तुरङ्गह । 2 A History of Indian Logic, pp. 194, 198. 3 See Gupani: Ajivika sect--A new interpretation in Bhāraliya Vidyo, Vol II,
part II. Trans. Kern, p. 263 (S. B. E.). In ancient Buddhist texts the Ajivakas are regarded as the worst of the sophists. 'As the sect is thrice mentioned in the Asoka Edicts as receiving royal gifts, it is certain that it retained un important position for several centuries at least.' Rhys Davids: Dialogues of the Buddha, Part I, p. 71.

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co
reference inasmuch as the religion of the Ajivakas, if it could be so described, was undoubtedly practised in South India at the time. It should be noted in this connection that Somadeva, contrary to his usual practice, does not mention any doctrines of the sect so that we cannot tell how far any welldefined Ajīvaka system prevailed in his time. All that the reference to the Ajīvaks in Yasastilaka proves is the existence of the sect in the tenth century.
In Yasastilaka VII. 24 Somadeva seems to refer to another sect, although it is not explicitly mentioned. He says that such is the peculiarity of things that the cow's milk is pure but not the flesh, just as the gem supposed to be on the hood of a snake counteracts poison, while snake-poison itself causes death. Again, milk may be taken, but not the cow's flesh; just as the leaves of a poisonous plant may be taken for the cure of disease, while its roots are sure to cause death. Somadeva seems here to reply to an argument that if it was permissible to take milk there was no reason why one should not take beef. Exactly this opinion is put in the mouth of the leader of the Rahamāņa sect in the Jaina allegorical play Moharāja-Parājaya written about two centuries later, wherein he declares that just as one takes cow's milk, similarly one may take also cow's flesh without incurring sin. Rahamāņa says further that according to Dhanika, Dharma consists in the killing of Brāhmaṇa ascetics. We do not know anything about this Rahamāṇa who appears in the play along with the Kaula and the Kāpālika, but the views attributed to him might very well represent those of the Muslims, It is not clear whether Somadeva had in mind the views of any particular sect or community while making the statements cited above, but it was not impossible for him to have been acquainted with Muslim customs, since the contact between Indian and Muslim cultures goes back to a date at least two centuries earlier than the composition of his Yasastilaka.
The conflict of religions in the Deccan in the tenth century should not blind us to the general spirit of toleration prevailing in the age. Much important evidence has been adduced by scholars to prove the existence of concord and harmony in the sphere of religion, and we have referred elsewhere* to isolated attempts at a synthesis of divergent philosophical and religious views in the century.
1 Aiyangar: Manimekhalai in its historical setting, pp. 57, 193. 2 Jágr antalet agafazęt i Faqa TTHET a and 47:11 37491, EU 5 99: 44 hafa
कारणे । विषद्रोरायुषे पर्व मूलं तु मृतये मतम् ॥ 3 रहमाणः-(साटोपम् ) जह पिज्जइ गोच्छीरं पलासणे तह य नत्थि सो दोसो। इत्य य लिगिथवणे धम्मो दिद
for fogor 11 4. 24. 4 See Chap. IX.

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JAINA CRITICISM OF VEDIC SACRIFICES
Apart from the criticism of popular Hinduism, Somadeva denounces the Vedic sacrificial system for sanctioning animal slaughter in the controversial dialogue between Yasodhara and his mother in Yasastilaka, Book IV. As examples of Vedic rites involving the killing of animals he mentions Rājasūya, Vajapeya, Gosava, Asvamedha, Kārīrī and Pundarika (in which an elephant is said to have been sacrificed),' and condemns also the Sautrāmaņi sacrifice in which it was customary to drink wine. Vedic sacrifices are represented as sinful also in Buddhist texts, for example, in the Mahavastu (Vol. II, p. 237) wherein Māra instigates the Bodhisattva to perform certain sacrifices for the attainment of heaven and religious merit, viz. Aśvamedha, Puruşamedha, Somaprasa, Nirargaḍa (?), Paduma and Pundarika. References like these are of a literary character and do not always point to contemporary conditions. In any case Somadeva's criticism of Vedic sacrifices and citations from sacrificial texts do not prove that Vedic rites were common in his time, as Vedic sacrifices seem to have gone out of vogue and become obsolete by the tenth century. The Smarta religion reigned supreme; and it has been pointed out, for instance, that there are only two Rāṣṭrakūta inscriptions which record grants made to enable Brāhmaṇas to perform Vedic sacrifices like Rājasūya, Vājapeya and Agniṣṭoma. "In all other cases the grants were made for discharging purely Smarta duties connected with bali, caru, vaisvadeva." Further, "Alberuni was informed that the Vedic sacrifices were rarely performed and practically abandoned because they presupposed a long life....... It may be added that the decline of Vedic sacrifices must have set in long before the tenth century or even the Rāṣṭrakūta period. Śamkara in his Bhāṣya on the Vedanta Sutras 3. 1. 25, indeed, speaks of Vedic rites as if they were still being performed by cultured people in his time. But it is important to note that the Prasastapada Bhāṣya, which belongs to the early centuries of the Christian era, while laying down the religious duties of a householder in connection with
27 4
1 ' तथा वेदेऽप्यात्मश्रेयोर्थमशेषविघ्नोपशमनार्थं च राजसूयपुण्डरीकाश्वमेधगोसववाजपेयादिषु वर्षिकामेष्टिकारीरीत्यादिषु च यज्ञेषु प्रवृत्तोऽयं प्राणिवधः स च वधो न भवति ।' The object of the Kāriri sacrifice was to bring rain. For references see Handiqui: Naishadhacarita, Vocabulary (sub voce).
2 See, for example, the first story of Book VII, summarized in Chap. XVI.
3 ' महायज्ञानि च यजाहि अश्वमेधं पुरुषमेधं सोमप्रासं निरर्गडं पदुमं पुण्डरीकं च । एतानि यानि यजित्वा प्रेत्य स्वर्गेषु मोदिष्यसि बहु च पुण्यं प्रसविष्यसि ' ।
4 Altekar: The Raṣṭrakuṭas and their times, p. 279.
5 ' तस्माद्विशुद्धं कर्म वैदिकं शिष्टैरनुष्ठीयमानत्वादनिन्द्यमानत्वाच्च ।'
48

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the Vaiseșika scheme of spiritual discipline, prescribes in the first instance Smārta rites such as the five Mahāyajñas and the Pākayajñas, and then mentions the Srauta sacrifices: the Haviryajñas (Agnyādheya, Darśapaurņamāsa etc.) and the Somayajñas (Agnistoma, Ukthya etc.), to be undertaken if one has the capacity to do so. Udayana who wrote in the last quarter of the tenth century says in his Nyāyakusumāñjali, chap. 2, that Vedic rites such as Rājasūya and Aśvamedha were dying out in his time, as they were no longer performed, and that in his age Dharma rested only on one foot, charity, owing to the decline of the Vedic sacrifices. The Nyāya theory of sākhoccheda, the dying out of the Vedic schools, was, in fact, more in conformity with the process of history than the Mimāṁsā view which refused to believe in any such decay.
It may, however, be readily admitted that Vedic sacrifices continued to be sporadically perfomed till quite recent times; and contemporary evidence of the performance of such rites is not rare. The Aśvamedha, in particular, attracted many kings of the ruling dynasties. For example, the Ikşvāku king Vāsişthiputra Cāṁtamūla I, who reigned in the Andhra country about the second quarter of the third century A. D., is said to have performed the Aśvamedha and Vājapeya sacrifices. Several inscriptions of the Vākāțaka kings, who ruled in Central Provinces and Berar, state that Pravarasena I who reigned about the end of the third century A. D. performed four Aśvamedhas besides several other Vedic sacrifices such as Agnistoma, Aptoryāma, Ukthya, Sodasin, Atirātra, Vājapeya, Brhaspatisava and Sādyaskra. The inscriptions of the Vākāțakas frequently mention their kinsmen, the Bhārasivas, who seem to have established themselves on the banks of the Ganges, and are said to have celebrated as many as ten Aśvamedhas.* In Gupta records Samudragupta (circa 330-375 A. D.) is stated to have revived the Aśvamedha which had long been in abeyance, evidently in North India; for it seems to have been quite popular in the South. The Pallava king Sivaskandavarman, who has been assigned to about the beginning of the fourth century A. D., is reported to have performed the Agniştoma, Vājapeya and Aśvamedha sacrifices. Dahrasena, the Traikūtaka king of Northern Deccan, who ruled in the second half of the
1 'पञ्चानां महायज्ञानां सायंप्रातरनुष्ठानम् एकाग्निविधानेन पाकयशसंस्थानां च नित्यानां, शक्तौ विद्यमानायामध्याधेयादीनां
च हविर्यसंस्थानामग्निष्टोमादीनां सोमयशसंस्थानां च ।' 2 'वैदिका अप्याचारा राजसूयाश्वमेधादयः समुच्छिधमाना दृश्यन्ते । यत इदानीं नानुष्ठीयन्ते । 'पूर्व चतुष्पाद्धर्म आसीत्
*********** fa fa alaTI 3 Sarkar: The Early Pallavas, p. 17. 4 'पराक्रमाधिगतभागीरथ्यमलजलमूर्धाभिषिक्तानां दशाश्वमेधावभृथस्नातानाम्' 5 Sarkar (op. cit.), p. 38.

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fifth century, and the Kadamba king Kṛṣṇavarman I, who ruled in West Mysore and Kanara about the end of the fifth century A. D., are also credited with the performance of the Aśvamedha. In the sixth century A. D. the Calukya Pulakesi I is mentioned as having performed a great many sacrifices including the Aśvamedha," A much later instance is that of the Cola king Rājādhirāja I, who is known to have performed the Asvamedha about the middle of the eleventh century.3 The Yadava king Kṛṣṇa (1247-1260 A. D.) is said to have performed a great many sacrifices and brought fresh strength to the Vedic ceremonial religion which in the course of time had lost its hold over the people.'* Candupandita, the author of a learned commentary on Śrīharṣa's Naisadhacarita, performed a large number of important sacrifices, showing that Vedic ritual was not extinct in Gujarat in the last quarter of the thirteenth century." The Vajapeya was performed in the sixteenth century for the Vijayanagara kings Nrsimha and Kṛṣṇa-Raya. The Asvamedha was performed by Sevai Jayasing of Amber as late as the first half of the eighteenth century.'
Somadeva while condemning animal slaughter for religious purposes combats the theory that killing in Vedic sacrifices is not, properly speaking, killing, as it ensures to the victim life in heaven. The subject is more systematically dealt with by Mallişena (1292 A. D.) in his Syādvādamañjari (under verse 11). He tries to show that the killing of animals even for the purpose of Vedic sacrifices is a grievous sin, and quotes in support of his thesis the views of certain Brahmanical thinkers, Samkhyas and Vedantins and Vyasa, who abhorred the practice of animal slaughter in Vedic ritual.
तथा च पठन्ति पारमर्षाः । यूपं हित्वा पशून् हत्वा कृत्वा रुधिरकर्दमम् । यद्येवं गम्यते स्वर्गे नरके केन गम्यते ॥ वेदान्तिका अप्याहुः । अन्धे तमसि मज्जामः पशुभिर्ये यजामहे । हिंसा नाम भवेद्धर्मो न भूतो न भविष्यति ॥ व्यासेनाप्युक्तम् । ज्ञानपालिपरिक्षिप्ते ब्रह्मचर्यदयाम्भसि । स्नात्वातिविमले तीर्थे पापपङ्कापहारिणि ॥ ध्यानाग्नौ जीवकुण्डस्थे दममारुतदीपिते । असत्कर्म समित्क्षेपैरग्निहोत्रं कुरूत्तमम् ॥ कषायपशुभिर्दुष्टैर्धर्मकामार्थनाशकैः । शममन्त्रहतैर्यज्ञं विधेहि विहितं बुधैः ॥
प्राणिघातात यो धर्ममीहते मूढमानसः । स वान्छति सुधावृष्टिं कृष्णा हि मुखकोररात् ॥
1 ABORI, Vol. XXVI, p. 28 and Sarkar (op. cit.), p. 20. Bhandarkar: Early History of the Dekkan, 3rd ed., p. 103,
2
Sastri: The Colas, Vol. I, pp. 293, 312.
Bhandarkar (op. cit.), p. 197.
See the English trans. of Naishadhacarita, Introduction, p. III.
3
4
5
6
7
Rice: Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, p. 210.
See P. K. Gode's papers in Poona Orientalist, Vol. II, pp. 166-180 and Mimansa Prakash, Vol. II, pp. 43-46.
8
See Book IV and Chapter XII of this book.
9 Cited in the Matharavṛtti,

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The views of Vyāsa are quoted also by Somadeva, and it is interesting to find Jaina writers drawing on Brahmanical sources to reinforce the doctrine of ahimsā (Yasastilaka, Book IV): होमनानतपोजायब्रह्मचर्यादयो गुणाः । पुंसि हिसारते पार्थ चाण्डालसरसीसमाः ॥ इति...व्यासोक्तिः। यावन्ति पशुरोमाणि पशुगात्रेषु भारत । तावद्वर्षसहस्राणि पच्यन्ते पशुधात काः ॥ इति पौराणिकी श्रुतिः । Ibid. Somadeva's views on the killing of animals in Vedic sacrifices are recorded in the aforesaid dialogue between Yasodhara and his mother. Mallişeņa sums up by saying that just as a cruel man may try to obtain a kingdom by killing his own son, but cannot escape the ignominy and sin resulting therefrom, even if he attains his object, similarly, even though the gods may be gratified by the slaughter of animals sanctioned by the Veda, the sin caused by such killing can never be averted."
The attacks on the authority of the Veda and its religion which we come across in Yasastilaka belong to a class of recriminatory literature directed against Vedic rites by Jaina writers since long before the tenth century. Although the Vedic religion had been obsolete for centuries, it was considered worth while to attack the Veda, since it was the bed-rock on which the superstructure of Brahmanism was claimed to have been built up beyond the ravages of time. Among the many stories invented for the purpose of discrediting the Vedic religion, there are at least three which deserve notice as illustrating the Jaina attitude and mentality in regard to the Brahmanical Scriptures. The earlier version of the story of Sagara, Sulasā, Nārada, Parvata and Vasu related in Jinasena I's Harivar sapurana (cantos 17 and 23) and Somade va's Yasastilaka, Book VII, occurs in the comprehensive Jaina Prākrit romance Vasudevahindi, Chap. V (circa sixth century A. D.). This story is interesting as recording the Jaina allegation that the Veda and its religion were the work of a demon named Kālāsura. The latter is also called Mahākāla, e. g. in Vasudevahindi wherein he is described as a most reprobate god, the minister of Yama. Even a sober philosophical writer like Vidyānandi declares in his Tattvārthaslokavārtika 1. 20. 36 that the followers of Kaņāda attribute the authorship of the Veda to Brahman, while the Jainas attribute it to Kālāsura, Similarly, in an outrageous story preserved in Vasudevahindi (Chap. III), Pippalāda, the reputed author of the Atharvaveda, is described as
1 'यथा किल कश्चिद्विपश्चित् पुरुषः परुषाशयतया निजमङ्गजं व्यापाद्य राज्यश्रियं प्राप्ठनीहते न च तस्य तत्प्राप्तावपि पुत्र__घातपातककलङ्कपक्कः क्वचिदपयाति एवं वेदविहित हिंसया देवतादिप्रीतिसिद्धावपि हिंसासमुत्थं दुष्कृतं न खलु पराहन्यते।' 2 'जमस्स लोगपालस्स अमच्चो परमाहम्मिओ महाकालो नाम देवो जाओ।'

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being born of the illicit union of the nun Sulasā "and the ascetic Jannavakka. He is deserted by his parents as soon as he is born, but grows up to be an eminent Vedic scholar. In the course of time he comes to know the circumstances of his birth, and invents the Atharvaveda and its black magic in order to take revenge upon his parents. He severs the tongue of his father with a knife, and after reminding him of the crime of desertion of his own child, hacks him to pieces and offers the limbs as oblations in the sacrificial fire. A similar treatment is meted out to his mother. This is the Jaina version of the origin of the magic rites of the Atharvaveda. Another interesting but far from disgusting story about Vedic rites occurs in the eleventh canto of Ravişeņa's Padmacarita (seventh century A. D.), which contains also a slightly different version of the Parvata story. The story in question describes the destruction of Marutta's sacrifice by Rāvaņa, represented as a patron of Jainism in Ravişeņa's work, which contains a Jaina version of the story of the Rāmāyana. The Jaina sage Nārada argues with the officiating priest about the authority of the Veda and the advisability of performing sacrifices, and tries to convince him of the sinful character of animal slaughter. Some of his sentiments are not unlike those expressed by Yaśodhara in Yasastilaka; the following two verses, the first from Yasastilaka, Book IV and the second from Padmacarita 247, may be compared:
शुक्रशोणितसंभूतमशुचीनां निकेतनम् । मांसं चेत् प्रीणयेद्देवानेत व्याघ्रानुपास्महे ॥
शुक्रशोणितसंभूतममेध्यकृमिसंभवम् । दुर्गन्धदर्शनं मांसं भक्षयन्ति कथं सुराः॥ The assembled Brāhmaṇas are enraged at the interference of Narada, and attack him with kicks and blows. The news is brought to Rāvaņa who hastens to the sacrificial site with his soldiers, and there follows a tumultous scene in which the animals kept for the sacrifice are set free and sacrificial posts broken, and the Brāhmaṇas receive a good hammering. The description of the Brāhmaṇas as "huntsmen with the sacred thread round their necks” sums up the Jaina attitude towards the Vedic religion,
Considering the theological hatred of earlier times, it is not surprising to find Jaina writers inventing or giving currency to stories calculated to discredit the Vedic religion and culture. The Jainas had. however, no direct knowledge of Vedic literature, and their criticism of Vedic rites is often disfigured by gross exaggerations, misunderstanding and misstatements. A few examples may be given to show that even a deeply learned scholar like Somadeva is not wholly free from this charge.

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In Yasastilaka, Book IV, Somadeva quotes a Vedic phrase en aguhi , and opines that the Veda sanctions the killing of a Brāhmana in spite of the general injunction that a Brāhmaṇa should not be killed. We are not here concerned with the question of whether traces of human sacrifice are found in the Vedic age, but the phrase cited by Somadeva belongs to the ritual of the Puruşamedha which is wrongly supposed by him to be a human sacrifice. The Puruşamedha was a symbolic rite, and the human victims, men as well as women, who were actually tied to the sacrificial posts, were set free, one and all, after the paryagnikarana or carrying of a firebrand round the victims. These are enumerated in the Vājasaneyisamhitā XXX. 5-22 and the Taittiriya Brāhmana III. 4, while the Satapatha Brāhmang (XIII. 6. 2. 12, 13) says: ".........Now, the victims had the fire carried round them, but they were not yet slaughtered. Then a voice said to him, (Purusha, do not consummate (these human victims): if thou wert to consummate them, man (purusha) would eat man! Accordingly, as soon as fire had been carried round them, he set them free, and offered oblations to the same divinities..................," The Kātyāyana Srauta Sūtra XXI. 1. 12 clearly says that the Brāhmaṇas and the other victims are released, just as the Kapiñjala birds and the other wild animals are set free in the Aśvamedha after the paryagnikarana (XX. 6. 9). It is true that there are two Śrauta Sūtras, Vaitāna (XXXVII. 10 ff.) and Sankhāyana (XVI.10 ff.), which set forth a form of Puruşamedha in which a man is to be sacrificed, but these Sūtras lack Brāhmaņa authority for what they prescribe; and as Eggeling points out, the Puruşamedha described therein “is nothing more than what Sāńkhāyana appears to claim for it, viz. an adaptation, and that a comparatively modern adaptation, of the existing Aśvamedha ritual.” Further, " the very fact that, in both Sūtra works, this sacrifice is represented as being undertaken, not for the great object of winning immortal life, but for the healing of the Sacrificer's bodily infirmities, might seem sufficient to stamp the ceremony as one partaking more of the nature of the superstitious rites of the Atharvan priests than of that of the great sacrifices of the traditional Srauta ritual." 3 According to Keith, the ritual prescribed in the versions of Sāňkhāyana and the Vaitāna “is a mere priestly invention to fill up the apparent gap in the sacrificial system which provided no place for man."' + Hillebrandt gives too much importance to the version of Sāńkhāyana and remarks that the
1 See Chap. XII. 2 Eggeling's Translation, Part V, p. 410. 3 Eggeling : Satapatha Brāhmaṇa, Trans., Part V, Introduction, p. xliv. 4 Taittiriya Saihita, Trans., Introduction, p. cxxxviii.

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Puruşamedha is a relic of a barbaric age, but the statement is vague, and there are no reliable data which might enable us to determine the limits of
'barbaric age'. The evidence of the Satapatha Brahmana, a far more ancient text, is of greater value than that of the two Sūtra texts, and the fact remains that as early as the age of the Satapatha Brāhmaņa no human victims were sacrificed in the Puruşamedha. More generally speaking, the legend of Sunaḥsepa "is enough to show that human sacrifice was for the Brāhmana period a horror beyond words”. It is also noteworthy that the Puruşamedha is not mentioned at all in the Samhitās of the Black Yajurveda: the Taittiriya, the Maitrāyani and the Kāthaka nor in the comprehensive Baudhāyana Srauta Sutra.
Another misleading statement made by Somadeva in Yasastilaka, Book IV, concerns the Gosava sacrifice. He opines that this rite was devised to sanction incest with one's mother and sister. The Gosava was an ekāha or one-day sacrifice and usually performed by a man of position of the Vaisya caste, who might be honoured by the king and the pe who performed the Gosava was therafter called Sthapati, an honorific term. According to some, this rite was exclusively meant for the Vaiśya caste, and one of its important features was that fresh milk was poured over the Sacrificer while seated on the bare ground to the south of the Ahavaniya fire. This is roughly the account of the Gosava given in the Kātyāyana Srauta Sūtra XXII. u. 6-11. The prescribed sacrificial fee of a myriad oxen shows that the rite was performed by a wealthy man, and according to the Sāńkhāyana Srauta Sūtra XVI. 15. 1 it should be undertaken by one who desires cattle. The Taittiriya Brāhmana II. 7. 6 and Tāndya Brāhmaņa XIX. 13. 1 connect the Gosava with Svārājya or supremacy as the promised goal, and in any case the rite was meant for a leading man of the community as marking the culminating point in his social rank and position. As pointed out by Hillebrandt, there were certain special sacrifices for particular classes of men, e. g. the Rājasūya for the Kșatriyas, the Bșhaspatisava for the Brāhmaṇas and the Sūta., Sthapati-, Grāmaņi-, and Go-sava for the other orders of society. Now, the Gosava had a particular connection with the bovine species. The Taittiriya Brāhmana (op. cit.) observes that the ox is Supremacy, and the Sacrificer acts like an ox. Sāyaṇa's interpretation
1 Ritual-Litteratur, p. 153. 2 Keith: Taittiriya Sanhita (op. cit.), p. cxl., 3 Ibid., p. cxxxviii. 4 'acie-te ac a dagi TATT HITTA forgalta Sur HraTHIR FARAR 1 Books IV
and VII, and section 30. 5 Ritwal-Litteratur, p. 143. 6 'स्वाराज्यं गौरेव गौरिव भवति । य एतेन यजते।'

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“Just as an ox roams freely in the woods, so does the Sacrificer in the Brahmaloka” does not appear to be accurate in view of the detailed explanation of the rite given in the Jaiminiya Brāhmana II. 113. The latter text describes the vrata of the Gosava and it consists in imitating the ways of an ox. The Sacrificer is to lie with his mother, his sister, and a woman of his own gotra, drink water and eat grass with face downwards, and ease himself wherever he feels the necessity. It is said that Janaka of Videba wanted to perform the Gosava, but when he was told about the procedure, he declared that he was willing to pay the prescribed sacrificial fee, but not to undertake the vrata, and did not after all venture to set about the rite. Punyakeśa, the king of the Sibis, once undertook the Gosava. He felt like easing himself in the royal assembly, and while uncovering himself for the purpose then and there, exclaimed that the rite was suitable only for old men, and only an old man should undertake it, for all this' is permissible to the old. The Brāhmana therefore concludes that the Gosava was a sthavirayajña, and should be undertaken only at an advanced age. It was thus an apparently innocent sacrifice primarily designed for old people, free from the repulsive significance attributed to it by Jaina writers. It may be noted that the urata described in the Jaiminiya Brāhmana is omitted in most of the texts dealing with the Gogava, e. g., in the Srauta Sūtras of Kātyāyana (op. cit.), śāňkhāyana 14. 15, Baudhāyana 18. 7 and Asvalāyana 9. 8, and the Tāndya Brāhmana 19. 13; while the Taittiriya Brāhmana (op. cit.) seems to make only a passing reference to it: gauriva bhavati. Caland shows that there is good reason to believe that the Jaimintya Brāhmana is older than the Tāndya or Pañcaviņa Brāhmana, and he thinks that the latter text omitted certain details, e. g, the of vrata the Gosava, perhaps because it found them too "barbaric'. It is quite probable that the childish procedure of behaving like an ox became soon obsolete, and was excluded from the customary ritual of the Gosava.
Somadeva is not the only Jaina author to make misleading statements regarding Vedic sacrifices, Ravisena asserts in Padmacarita 11. 85 that intercourse with forbidden women is required in the Gosava sacrifice. Devasena who wrote Darsanasāra in 933 A. D.S says in his Prakrit Bhāvasaṁgraha (verses 52-3) that the cow is declared to be
1 Das Jaiminiya Brāhmana in Auswahl, p. 157. 2 34 PARTIST THITHU ' 3 aa atacate eta i 4 Pañcavimśa-Brāhmaṇa. Trans. Caland, Introduction, p. xxi. 5 See Introduction to : (Māņikacandra Jaina Granthamālā ), p. 12.

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a goddess (by the Brahmanas) and all the gods are believed to reside in her body; yet they kill her in the Gosava sacrifice and eat the flesh; do they not kill those gods by killing the Cow ? 1 The Jainas had a tendency to believe that all sacrifices whose names began with the name of a living creature involved its slaughter in the accompanying ritual. Another example of erroneous statements made by Jaina writers about Vedic rites is found in Raviṣeņa's Padmacarita 11. 87-89:
आशुशुक्षणिमादाय पृष्ठे कूर्मस्य तर्पयेत् । हविष्यजुह्वकाख्याय स्वाहेत्युक्त्वा प्रयत्नतः ॥ यदा न प्राप्नुयात् कुमं तदा शुद्ध द्विजन्मनः । खलतेः पिङ्गलाभस्य विक्लवस्य शुचौ जले ॥ आस्यदघ्नेऽवतीर्णस्य मस्तके कूर्मसंनिभे । प्रज्वालय ज्वलनं दीप्तमाहुतिं निक्षिपेद् द्विजः ॥
385
These verses containing details, corresponding more or less to particulars found in Vedic texts, might very well deceive an unwary reader not familiar with the Vedic sacrificial system. Among the terms used juhvaka is a misreading for jumbaka, and viklava for viklidha. Ravişeņa means to say that oblations are offered in the fire on the back of a tortoise, but if one is not available, the offerings are made in a fire kindled on the head of a Brahmana with certain characteristics, immersed in the water up to the mouth. This is an atrocious misrepresentation of a Vedic rite which took place on the third day of the Aśvamedha towards the end of the sacrifice at the end of the purificatory bath (avabhṛtha). What really happened was that an oblation of clarified butter was made on the head of a man of hideous appearance, standing in the water, with the mantra To Jumbaka hail !' The mantra occurs in the Vajasaneyisamhita 25. 9, Jumbaka being a name of Varuna as explained, for instance, in the Taittiriya Brahmana III. 9. 15. Among the epithets applied to the man the most frequent are pingala tawny-eyed', khalati bald-headed', viklidha, and sukla 'white' or rather 'pale'. As regards viklidha, it is variously explained as dantura with protruding teeth' by Karka on the Katyayana Srauta Sūtra XX. 8. 16, Mahidhara on the Vajasaneyisamhitā 25. 9, and Harisvamin on the S'atapatha Brahmana XIII. 3. 6. 5; as svedanasilasarira and viklinnadeha perspiring' 'clammy' by Sāyaṇa on the Taittiriya Brahmana (op. cit.); and as 'leprous' by Varadattasuta Anartiya in his commentary on the S'ankhayana Srauta Sutra 16. 18. The latter text as well as the Baudhayana S'rauta Sutra 15. 37 uses some other epithets to make the man still more repulsive, and Sankhāyana
1 सुरही लोयस्सग्गे वक्खाणइ एस देवि पच्चक्खा । सव्वे देवा अंगे इमिए णिवसंति नियमेण ॥ पुणरवि गोसवजण्णे मर्स भक्खति सा विमारित्ता । तस्सेव वहेण फुडं ण मारिया होंति ते देवा ॥ 49

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adds that he should be led to a river and immersed therein, and when the waters flow into his mouth the Adhvaryu priest should make an oblation of horse's blood on the man's head with the mantra bhrūnahatyāyai svāhā'. After the oblation the man is brought out of the water ( nihședhanti explained in the commentary as nirgamayanti), and possibly driven away as a scapegoat. Just as there are no traces of remnants of human sacrifice in this rite, as Weber thought, similarly it did not involve any inhuman practice like lighting a fire on a man's head, as alleged by Ravişeņa.
It is hardly necessary to cite other examples of Jaina misstatements regarding Vedic rites. Ravişeņa tells us also that in a sacrifice called Mātsmedha one's mother was killed, while in the Pitrmedha one's father suffered the same fate (11. 86 ). Jinasena I states that kings were sacrificed by hundreds and thousands in the Rājasüya, which, according to him, was devised by the wicked god Mahākāla, an enemy of kings. This amazing statement occurs in his Harivaṁsapurāna written in 783 A. D. Hemacandra mentions a Gomedha and a Naramedha along with the Asvamedha in a sweeping condemnation of Vedic sacrifices in a verse of his commentary on his Yogasāstra 4. 102. In another amusing verse in the same work (2. 38 ) he declares that the poor Cārvāka is rather preferable to Jaimini, because the former openly professes atheism, while the latter is a monster disguised as an ascetic citing Vedic texts.8
It is evident that much of the information of Jaina writers in regard to Vedic rites was based on hearsay, and the only thing they definitely knew about them was that they involved the sacrifice of living beings, men as well as animals. Their statements are no doubt mala fide, misleading and erroneous, but similar inaccuracies are found also in the Matharavrtti on the Sankhyakärikā.* It may be noted in this connection that the following sacrificial verse is quoted, perhaps inaccurately, in both the Mātharavrtti and Somadeva's Yasastilaka VII. 30:
षट्शतानि नियुज्यन्ते पशूनां मध्यमेऽहनि । अश्वमेधस्य वचनादूनामि पशुभित्रिभिः ।।
1 9 99 Tia: TTTTSAA FFETT: 1 79THAT atstat trafo 11 23. 142. 2 गोमेधनरमेधाश्वमेधायध्वरकारिणाम् । याशिकानां कुतो धर्मः प्रणिघातविधायिनाम् ॥ 3 वरं वराकश्चार्वाको योऽसौ प्रकटनास्तिकः । वेदोक्तितापसच्छमच्छन्नं रक्षो न जैमिनिः ।। 4 The Mātharavrtti misunderstands the significance of the Puruşamedha and the
Gogava. It says qyqusfueto Hiu 4: 496 TIRUZİ TTTT7*** ***FTSF459 Hazi भूरिकर्तव्यतयोपदिश्यते 'ब्रह्मणे माह्मणमालभेत क्षत्राय राजन्यं मरुद्भ्यो वैश्यं तस्कर नारकाय बोरहणम्' इत्यादि 219117!

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The verse occurs in a different form in the commentaries of Uvata and Mahidhara on the Vājasaneyisaṁhita 24. 40;
षदशतानि नियुज्यन्ते पशूनां मध्यमेऽहनि । अश्वमेधस्य यज्ञस्य नवभिश्चाधिकानि च ॥
Among other sacrificial citations, all of which are anonymous, we have already reproduced the dubious statement on the Gosava sacrifice quoted in Yasastilaka, Books IV and VII. 30. The dictum Hinnot a gafauri मुरां पिबति न तेन सुरा पीता भवति quoted in the same context cannot be genuine, because although the reference to wine is correct, the name of the rite (sautrāmuni) is incorrectly spelt. The word is, in fact, consistently misspelt by Somadeva who writes sautrāmani for sautrāmani. The following sacrificial verse is cited in VII. 30:
गोसवे सुरभि हन्याद्राजसूये तु भूभुजम् । अश्वमेधे हयं हन्यात् पौण्डरीके च दन्तिनम् ॥ The verse is clearly spurious, and might even be an invention, as it contains the absurd statement that the king is sacrificed at the Rājasūya, The only reference to human sacrifice in the ritual of the Rājasūya is in the legend of Sunaḥśepa, which is recited by the Hotr priest after the anointing of the king, but the story in question is nothing less than a condemnation of the offering of a human victim. Hillebrandt's view that the reoitation of the legend is a reminiscence of a possible early connection of the Rājasūya with human sacrifice is clearly far-fetched, and has been rejected by Keith.
The following citation hearing on the Puruşamedha in Yasastilaka VII. 30 is an example of haphazard quotation or misquotation from sacrificial texts. It reads as follows in Somadeva's work:
___ ब्रह्मणे ब्राह्मणमालमेत इन्द्राय क्षत्रिय मरुद्भ्यो वैश्यं तमसे शद्गमुत्तमसे तस्करम् आत्मने क्लीबं कामाय पुंश्चलमतिकुष्टाय मागधं गीताय सुतमादित्याय स्त्रियं गर्भिणीम् । The passage in question forms part of a longer one found with variations in the Vājasaneyisamhită XXX. 5ff., the Taittiriya Brāhmana III. 4, and the S'atapatha Brāhmana XIII. 6. 2. The ancient text, e. g, that of the Taittiriya Brāhmana, reads as follows:
ब्रह्मणे ब्राह्मणमालभते । क्षत्राय राजन्यम् । मरुभ्यो वैश्यम् । तपसे शुदम् । तमसे तस्करम् । नारकाय वीरहणम् । पाप्मने क्लीबम् । आक्रयायायोगूम् । कामाय पुरश्चलूम् । अतिक्रुष्टाय मागधम् । गीताय मूतम् । नृत्ताय शैलूषम् ।
The principles underlying Vedic injunctions are criticized by Somadeva in the aforesaid controversial dialogue in Yasastilaka, Book
i e. g. Afeche Tetit HTHU in VII. 22. 2 Hillebrandt: Ritual-litteratur, p. 145, and Keith: Rigveda Brāhmanas, p. 62.

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IV. Similar objections to the authority of the Veda as a whole are recorded in various Jaina works, e. g. Akalanka's Nyāyaviniscaya (chap. 8), Anantavirya's commentary on the Pariksămukha Sūtra (chap. 3) etc. Akalanka attacks the apauruşeya theory of the origin of the Veda, and says that if the Veda revealed its own truth, it would be unnecessary to study texts like the Ayurveda, which are an integral part of the Veda. Further, if the Veda was eternal, the generations of students who have been studying and explaining it would be like an endless succession of blind men following one another; and if the Veda had really no author, its statements would be like the utteranoes and customs of barbarians which could not be attributed to any competent authority.' Anantavīrya goes further and opines that the Veda cannot be regarded as an authoritative source of knowledge, whether it is supposed to be apauruseya or pauruseya. In the former case, supposing there exists an endless sequence of Vedic interpretation current from times without a beginning, this interpretation is bound to go astray in the course of time owing to defects of memory, ineptitude of expression, and dishonest motives, thus destroying the authoritative character of the Veda. Even at the present time those who profess astrology, for instance, are seen to make misleading statements: there are some who know the hidden truth but explain it otherwise for some evil purpose; there are some who know the subject but misinterpret it for lack of the faculty of expression; while there are others who make incorrect statements, having missed a vital link in the sequence of facts, The same is the case with the Veda; hence the divergence of opinions regarding bhāvanā, vidhi, niyoga etc., and disagreement among Manu, Yājñavalkya and others in laying down Smrti rules in harmony with the true import of the Vedas. Thus the Veda would fail to conform to the truth even if it were based on a tradition without any beginning. The apauruşeya theory therefore does not help to establish th as a reliable and infallible guide, nor is the pauruşeya theory more helpful. There are indeed good reasons for supposing the Veda to be the composition of a certain individual or individuals, e. g. the mention of the names of the sages, gotras and schools, subject to birth and decay, the arrangement of the sentences according to a hard and fast rule, and the dictum
1 See Chap. XII, 2 वेदस्यापौरुषेयस्य स्वतस्तत्त्वं विवृण्वतः। आयुर्वेदादि यद्यङ्गं यत्नस्तत्र निरर्थकः ॥ शास्त्रज्ञानं तथैव स्यात् सामग्रीगुणदोपतः।
अविरोधेऽपि नित्यस्य भवेदन्धपरम्परा । तदर्थदर्शिनोऽभावात्म्लेच्छादिव्यवहारवत् । अनादिसम्प्रदायश्चेदायुर्वेदादिरागमः॥ Nyāyaviniscaya, verses, 416-418.

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that “The Veda is the work of a certain person like the Sūtras of Manu' etc. The fact of the Veda having an author does not, however, give it an authoritative character. Anantavirya declares: “We do not deny authority to the Veda on the ground that it has no author. The Veda lacks authority because it can never be free from defects owing to its expounders having no knowledge of supersensuous things”. The Jainas thus close the door, to their own satisfaction, upon all claims that may be put forward in behalf of the Veda being an authoritative source of human knowledge.
It is extremely doubtful if Jaina attacks on the Veda and the Vedic religion made any impression upon Brahmanical circles if they were at all acquainted with them. The regeneration of the Vedic sacrificial system was out of the question, but renewed and vigorous attempts cotninued to be made to eastablish the authority of the Veda on a firmer and sounder basis. The first great effort towards this end in medieval times was made by Kumārila (seventh century A. D.) and the school of Mīmāṁsā founded by him and thereafter by the distinguished writers of the Nyāya-Vaišeşika school who flourished in the ninth and tenth centuries. It was the leaders of the latter school that exercised paramount influence in the intellectual sphere in Somadeva's age. The Naiyāyikas rejected the Mimāṁsā view that the Veda was eternal, and not composed by any individual, and sought to replace the apauruşeya theory by a more plausible doctrine. Jayanta says in his Nyāyamañjari that the Mimāṁsakas are incapable of devising an adequate method for maintaining the authority of the Veda: words aided by convention can only have the power to signify; the determination of the shades of meaning must inevitably depend upon the judgment of some one; hence words can have any authoritative character only when they are uttered by a trustworthy person and not otherwise. The Naiyāyikas thus usher in the pauruşeya theory and glorify the Veda as the handiwork of God Himself. Jayanta, for instance, says that He who created the universe composed also the Vedas containing His teachings; and the people believe in the Vedas because they believe in Him, the Trustworthy Guide and the Supreme Lord without a beginning: no wise
1 'नास्माभिर्वक्तुरभावे वेदस्य प्रामाण्याभावः समुद्भाव्यते किन्तु तव्याख्यावृणाम् अतीन्द्रियार्थदर्शनादिगुणाभावे ततो
दोषाणामनपोहितत्वात् न प्रामाण्यनिश्चय इति ।' 2 a thica: 474T FIVETTATHI APOTHES FTST:' ete. Nyāyamañjari, Book I.

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man would have thus believed in the Vedas. had they been without an author (as the Mimamsakas hold).1
While emphasizing the fact the Veda is composed by God and accepted by the vast majority of the people, the leaders of the Nyaya. Vaiseşika school adopt a rather contemptuous attitude towards the Scriptures of the minorities like the Buddhists and Jainas. Vacaspati in Nyaya-vārtika-tātparya-ṭīkā 2. 1. 68 contrasts the Vedas with the Buddhist and Jaina Scriptures composed by mere mortals who are neither Creators nor Omniscient Beings. Śrīdhara says in Nyayakandali (p. 217) that the Veda is known to be the work of a Superior Being (purusa-viseṣa), because its message is unquestioningly accepted by all who belong to the varnasrama order of society. If it were the work of an ordinary person, like the Scriptures composed by Buddha and others, not all discerning persons would unquestioningly act upon its teachings. That with regard to which there is a universal consensus of opinion (on the subject of its reliability) is bound to be an authoritative source of knowledge, like direct perception and similar means of cognition.3 Thus while the Vedic sacrificial religion was fast becoming a relic of the past, the authority of the Veda was constantly reaffirmed by Mimamsakas, Smärtas, and Nyaya-Vaiseṣikas alike. It is noteworthy Samkara in his Bhasya on even the Vedanta Sutras 3. 1. 25 supports in principle the slaughter of animals in Vedic sacrifices, and proclaims the purity of all rites prescribed by the Veda. The voice of Jaina criticism was not likely to be heard in an age characterized by a large-scale revival of Brahmanical thought, say, from about the seventh to the end of the tenth century.
that
1 कर्त्ता य एव जगतामखिलात्मवृत्तिकर्मप्रपञ्च परिपाकविचित्रताशः । विश्वात्मना तदुपदेशपराः प्रणीतास्तेनैव वेदरचना इति युक्तमेतत् ॥ आप्तं तमेव भगवन्तमनादिमीशमाश्रित्य विश्वसिति वेदवचःसु लोकः । तेषामकर्तृकतया न हि कश्विदेवं विस्रम्भमेति मतिमानिति वर्णितं प्राकू | Ibid., Book IV.
2 ' न चैते शौद्धोदनिप्रभृतयः तनुभुवनादीनां कर्तारो येन सर्वशा इति निश्चीयेरन् ।' See also Chap. IX.
3 'पुरुषविशेषप्रणीतः सर्वैर्वर्णाश्रमिभिः अविगानेन तदर्थपरिग्रहात् यत्किञ्चनपुरुषप्रणीतत्वे तु वेदस्य बुद्धादिवाक्यवत् न सर्वेषां परीक्षकाणामविगानेन तदर्थानुष्ठानं स्यात् यत्र च सर्वेषां संवादनियमः तत् प्रमाणमेव यथा प्रत्यक्षादिकम् । प्रमाणं वेदः सर्वेषामविसंवादिज्ञान हेतुत्वात् प्रत्यक्षवत् ।"

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Among the non-Jaina cults mentioned in Somadeva's Yasastilaka the most prominent is, of course, that of Candamārī, which forms the starting point of the story. As we have already seen, human sacrifice was an essential feature of the worship of that goddess, and a detailed, though to some extent fantastic, description of her appallingly gruesome shrine occurs in Book I. Candamari is only another form of Candika, whose cult is much earlier than the tenth century, as is evident from the descriptions of the goddess and her blood-stained temple in works like Bāņa's Kadambari and Haribhadra's Samaraiccakaha, Book VI. In the latter work the deity is called also Katyayani and Kādambari. Subandhu in his Vasavadatta likewise refers to the shrine of Kātyāyani alias Canda while describing the city of Kusumapura or Pataliputra.' In Bhavabhūti's Malatimādhava, Act V, the goddess appears as Karālā or Camuṇḍa to whom a human victim is about to be offered by a Kāpālika. In Vakpati's Gauḍavaho she appears as Vindhyavasinī, to whom a lengthy hymn is addressed by Yasovarman (vv. 285-338), the goddess being called also Candi, Sabari and Nārāyaṇī. The hymn in question refers among other things to the human victim and the custom of selling human flesh, as in our work." The self-torture described by Somadeva as being practised by certain fanatics in the temple of Candamari3 is mentioned in another context in Bana's Harṣacarita (Book V), which refers, for instance, to the burning of Guggulu resin on the head while supplicating the Mahakala Siva, and the offering of flesh cut out of one's own body as an oblation in the fire. The offering of slices of one's own flesh to Camunda is mentioned in Uddyotana's Kuvalayamala composed in the eighth century. The Chinese traveller Yuan Chwang, in the first half of the seventh century, describes a temple, at Prayaga (Allahabad), where certain devotees committed suicide in the hope of gaining 'the paradise of the gods."
1 'यत्र भगवती कात्यायनी चण्डाभिधाना स्वयं निवसति '
2 'विससिज्जन्तमहापसुदंसण ( v. 319 ) ; 'सूरन्ति वीरविक्कयविक्कममिह जामिणी मसाणेसु' ( v. 327 ). The comm. remarks देवीश्मशाने वीरा सिद्धये महामांसविक्रयं कुर्वन्तीति कौलागमादिषु प्रसिद्धम्.
See Chap.
XIII for further details.
3 See Chap. II.
4 'अन्यत्र शिरोविधृतविलीय मानगुग्गुलुविकलन व सेवकानुनीयमानमहाकालम्, अपरत्र निशितशस्त्रोनिकृत्तात्ममांसहोमप्रसताप्तवर्गम्'
5 ' किंवा चामुण्डायाः पुरस्तीक्ष्णक्षुरिकाविदारितोरुयुगलसमुच्छललोहितपङ्किलभूतलं मांसखण्डैर्बलिं ददामि' Ratnapra
bha's Sanskrit version.
6
Watters: On Yuan Chwang, Vol. I. p. 362. A similar practice has been traced on the island of Mandhata in the Narmada, in the Nimar District of Central Provinces. Here, until recent times, devotees were in the habit of dashing themselves over

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The cult of the Devi, who is known under different names, Candikā, Kātyāyani, Bhavāni, Durgā etc., seems to have been widely prevalent from about the seventh century onwards. The cult, as ordinarily practised, represents what is known as Sakti worship, and must be distinguished from the abnormal ritual mentioned by Somadeva in Yasastilaka. There are, for instance, two rock-cut temples dedicated to Durgā at Mamallapuram, now the village of Mahābalipuram, known also as the Seven Pagodas, on the sea-coast, about forty miles south of Madras. The excavations at this place date from the second quarter of the seventh century A. D.' The temples are locally known, the one as Kotikal Mandapa, and the other as Draupadi's Ratha. The former is a primitive-looking shrine consisting of a hall, about 22 feet long and eight feet wide. The latter is a beautifully carved little shrine with a domical roof, and contains a bas-relief figure of Durgā. In front of the temple is a huge rock-cut figure of Durga's vehicle. the li are, besides, various sculptural representations of the goddess on some of the other temples and rocks at Mamallapuram. A number of crudely fashioned figures of the goddess and her lion are also carved on some of the isolated rocks near the Shore Temple facing the sea. In the so-called Draupadi's Ratha the bas-relief figure of Durgā is four-armed and portrayed standing on a lotus pedestal with two worshippers kneeling at her feet. These features are also seen in the bas-relief representation of the goddess in one of the large panels on the walls of the temple known as the Varāhamaņdapa. Other panels, which represent the goddess with eight arms, and trampling on the head of a buffalo, occur on the facade of the Trimurti Temple and in the
the Birkhala cliffs, at the eastern end of the island, on to the rocks by the river brink, where the terrible god Kala Bhairava resided. The last such offering to Kala Bhairava was witnessed in 1824. It is significant that the shrine of Candamári is called Mahabhairava in Somadeva's Yaśastilaka. It is said that about the time when a Chauhan Rajput named Bhārat Singh took Mandhātā from Nathu Bhil in 1165 A. D., a priest named Daryão Näth used to worship Omkära Siva on the island. There is a legend that Daryão Nath by his austerities shut up Kāli Devi, the consort of Kala Bhairava, who fed on human flesh, in a cave, for the protection of the pilgrims. The mouth of this cave is still shown. It was also arranged that Kāla Bhairāva should in future receive human sacrifices at regular intervals. The disciples of Daryão Náth still enjoy lands on account of the worship of Omkāra Siva. Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. IX, p. 293 ff. It is difficult to separate fact from fiction in these traditions, but an abnormal variety of Tāntric cult seems to have grown up, evidently at a later time, on the island of Mândhātā, and no doubt represented a debased type of Saivism or Tántricism resembling the Vāmamarga
described in Somadeva's Yaśastilaka. 1 See Appendix III. 2 See Longhurst: Pallava Architecture, Part II.

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interior of the Varāha Temple. The story of Durgā slaying the Buffalo Demon was popular not only in India but in Java; and a remarkable bas-relief showing the fight of the goddess with the demon, regarded as one of the finest specimens of Indian art, is found in the so-called Mahişăsuramandapa. The eight-armed goddess, astride on her lion, is represented as shooting arrows at the demon whose colossal figure is seen slightly receding before her, with one of his followers slain and another apparently wounded. It is also noteworthy that, in the bas-reliefs in the Draupadi's Ratha and the Varāhamandapa, one of the worshippers is shown as cutting off the tresses of his hair with a sword as a votive offering to the goddess. Such practices are, of course, far different from the various forms of self-torture practised in connection with the cult of Candamārī, or Candikā, as described by Somadeva and others. The practices described by Somadeva in Yasastilaka evidently belong to an abnormal variety of the cult, which appealed to the fanaticism of a limited class of worshippers. But the cult of the Devī, in the ordinary sense of the term, had a much wider appeal; and old temples dedicated to the Goddess are found in various parts of India. The cult was, as stated below, popular
1 The scene is represented on a much smaller scale in a beautiful panel discovered
near the Šiva temple at Bhumara of the early Gupta period (see Appendix III). The goddess is four-armed with a sword in one hand and a trident in another. She stands with her left foot on the head of the buffalo and grasps his tail with one of her
hands. See plate xiv (b) in R. D. Banerji's monograph on the temple. 2 Some of the old temples dedicated to Devi may here be mentioned, many of which
have been rebuilt in later times. The temple of Ambi Bhaväni on the summit of the hills of Arasur at the south-western extremity of the Aravalli range is an important centre of pilgrimage, and lays claim to a remote antiquity. The ancient town of Darbhavati or Dabhoi, about twenty miles to the south-east of the city of Baroda, contains a temple dedicated to Bhadra Kālikā Mātā (Bhadrakāli). It is situated to the right of the famous Hira'Gate at Dabhoi on the east side of the old fort, and stands on the site of an older shrine in honour of the same goddess. It was probably built by Vishaldev Vaghela about 1255 A. D. "Its dimensions are small, but the whole outer face has been so broken by mouldings, and ornamented by sculptures, large and small, as to render it typical of the rich thirteenta century style in Gujarat.' The temple is, in fuct, one of the most important architectural monuments of the pre-Muslim period in Gujarat. Another Devi temple known as Kälkā Mātå or Kalkā Bhawani stands on the lofty summit of the hill of Pavagadh situated about twenty-five miles north-east of Baroda. The goddess has been worshipped on the rocky peak for many centuries as the guardian deity of the hill. The shrine, which is visible from a distance of many miles in the plains below, is no doubt very ancient, being mentioned as a place of pilgrimage under the rulers of Anhilvad Patan,' But the present building is probably of a much later date. Commissariat: History of Gujarat, Vol. I, pp. lxi, lxxxvii, 191. An ancient temple of Devi or Candikā, venerated by Rajputs throughout Malwa and Mewar, exists at the small village of Antri in the Garoth District of Indore State. The present temple is, however, a modern structure built with the materials collecte! from the ruins of an older shrine,
50

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at royal courts, as it was believed to promote success in warfare. The temples and sculptures at Māmallapuram, which was essentially a royal foundation, prove the popularity of the cult of Durgā, probably for similar reasons, during the rule of the Pallavas in the south from the seventh century onwards. The Pallavas were supplanted by the Colas, and it is noteworthy that Vijayālaya, the founder of the line of the imperial Colas, built a Durgā temple at Tanjore after his conquest of the city about the middle of the ninth century A. D. It may be noted that about this time, in Northern
A small temple dedicated to the god Sambā (Śambhu) and Devi stands outside the village of Dighi, six miles dus east of Kajgaon Station in the East Khandesh District, a couple of miles from the frontier of Hyderabad (Deccan). "The temple consists of a porch in front, & mandapa on pillars with a bigh dome, an antaräla or passage leading to the sanctum or garbhagha and the sanctum or shirne itself.' The sanctum contains a small linga and 4 large standing image of Devi. A niche on the north wall of the mandapa contains a dancing figure of Cămundā. She has four hands and an emaciated body, but the scorpion usually to be found in her stomach is absent. She holds a trident, a skull-mace (khatvānga ) and a skull-cup (nara-kapāla). Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, 1920, pp. 75, 99. Close to the island of māndhātă in the Narmada, a small ravine on the north bank of the river, popularly known as the Rāwana nalâ, contains a prostrate figure 18feet in length, rudely carved in bold relief on four basalt slabs laid end to end. It has ten arms, all hoiding clubs and pendent skalls, but only one head. On its chest is a scorpion, and at its right side & rat, while one foot rests on a smaller prostrate human figure. The huge image no doubt represents Cámundā or Mahākāli, and was evidently intended to be placed in a colossal temple which was never completed. The bed of the ravine is covered with huge basult rocks, slightly carved in some places, which doubtless had the same destination.' Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. IX, p. 296. Sastri: The Colas, Vol. I, p. 140. Temples of Durgā appear to have been built in different parts of medieval India. An inscription discovered in the village of Dirghāsi, four miles to the north of Kalingapatam in the Ganjam District, records the erection of a mandapa in front of a temple of Durgā at Dirgharăsi or Dirghäsi in the Saka year 997 (1075 A. D.), by a Brāhmaṇa chieftain named Ganapati in the service of the Eastern Ganga king Rājarāja I of Orissa (1068-1078 A, D.). R. D. Banerji: Histury of Orissa, Vol. I, p. 246. There is a ruined temple of Durgă of about the twelfth century, near the village of Balsana in the West Khandesh District of Bombay Presidency. Inside the shrine stands the mutilated image of the goddess. The temples at Balsana suffered badly at the hands of the Muslim invaders. An inscription on the stone lintel of a ruined temple bears a date corresponding to 1148 A. D. See Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, 1919, pp. 46, 56. There is an old temple called the temple of Devi Hinglaj in the village of Baridelchi near Mehidpur Town in Indore State. The editice has been partially rebuilt, as the sikhara and the garbhagsha are modern, but the porch in front has four well-carved medieval pillars. Inside the shrine is an old image which is a very good representation of the killing of the buffalo demon by Durgā (Mahigamardini). Progress Report of ASI Western Circle, 1920, p. 102,

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395 India, Durgā or Bhagavati was fervently worshipped by some of the Gurjara. Pratihāra emperors of Kanauj."
Somadeva is not the only Jaina writer of the tenth century who refers to the cult of Candikā. A few decades earlier, Devasena in his Bhavasaṁgraha (verse 76) mentions the killing of goats at the altar of Candikā and the worship of the Kula' with wine : while Siddharşi in his Upamitibhavaprapañcă Kathā (Book IV) refers to the worship of Candikā with wine and describes drinking bouts and merrymaking in the forecourt of the shrine of the goddess with their evil consequences. So far as Somadeva is concerned, the cult of Caņdikā is located by him in the city of Rajapura in the Yaudheya country, which has been variously identified as the region between the Sutlej and the Jumna, or Bahawalpur State in the Punjab, south of Multan. If the Yaudheya country is supposed to be the region between the Sutlej and the Jumna, Rājapura may perhaps be identified with Rajpura in Patiala state, now an important junction on the North Western Railway. Somadeva describes Rājapura as full of magnificent temples, and it is obviously the capital of the Yaudheya country, but we cannot be certain about its identification. It may be noted in this connection that a Rajapura is mentioned by Yuan Chwang, and it has been identified with the Rajapuri frequently mentioned in the Rājatarangini, the modern Rajauri in the province of Jammu in Kashmir. We have no evidence to connect Rājapuri with the Candikā cult, but the Chinese traveller describes the inhabitants from Lampa to Rājapura as of rude violent dispositions' and as inferior peoples of frontier (i. e. barbarian) stocks', reminding one of the Sabaras who were in the babit of worshipping the goddess under different names. But few ancient remains have been discovered at Rajauri, and a recent survey revealed nothing except a few architectural fragments belonging to temples similar to those of Kashmir proper. The site of Rajapura is, as a matter of fact, of
1 The Partabgarh inscription of Mahendrapala II (946 A. D.) has, for instance,
two verses in praise of Durgā almost at the beginning. Năgabhata II (first half of 9th century), Bhoja I (second half of 9th century) and Mahendrapala I (end of 9th and early 10th century) are described as ardent devotees of
Bhagavati. or Durgā (pararıbhagavati-bhakta). DI, Vol. XIV, p. 176 ff. 3 Kyla Weans Sakti. l'or details see Introductiou to Kulacúdánani Tantri
(Tantrik Texts). 3 Poussin: Dynasties et Histoire de l'Inde depuis Kanishka, p. 41. 4 Watters: On Yuan Chwang, vol. I, p. 284. 6 Kak: Antiquities of Blimbar and Rajauri (Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey
of India, No. 14).

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little importance with regard to the cult of Candamāri. Somadeva's account is in some respects so graphic and detailed that he seems to write from first-hand knowledge of the cult, as it was practised by certain zealots in his time somewhere in the Deccan.
The Mahāyoginis are described by Somadeva in Yasastilaka, Book I, in connection with the temple of Candamārī. The description is rather fantastic, but the author's purpose is to depict the terrific aspect of these deities and represent them as fit companions of Candamāri. In Book III the spy is declared to have communed with the Mahāyoginis and acquired supersensuous knowledge. These references are interesting as illustrating the fact that the cult of the Yoginis was prevalent in the tenth century. It is noteworthy that the circular temple of the sixty-four Yoginīs at Bheraghat, thirteen miles from Jubbulpore, has also been assigned to the tenth century. This peculiar shrine consists of a huge thick wall along the outer edge of a circular platform, inside which there is a circular row of pillars and pilasters arranged in two concentric circles'. There is a flat roof supported on the pillars and pilasters. According to Cunningham, the temple of the Sixty-four Yoginīs was originally a simple circular enclosure, containing the images of the Yoginis, the wall being of the same height as the statues. He concluded that the circular cloister, as it at present stands, is the work of two different periods: the old circular wall, with its inscribed statues, belonging to the tenth century; and the cloister, with its roof, being the work of queen Alhaņādevi in the twelfth century. The actual number of images in the shrine including various other figures is more than eighty. Most of them are seated, with the names of the deities inscribed on the pedestals in letters of the tenth century. For example, Sri-Thakiņi, Sri-Virendrī, Śri-Phaņendri, Śri-Rşatradharmiņi, Śri-Bhişaņi, Śrī-Ghamtāli, Śri-Jahā, Śri-Dākini, SriLampaţă, śri-Indrajāli, Śrī-īśvari, Śri-Aingiņi, Śri-Caņņikā, Śri-Ajitā, ŚriPimgalā, Śri-Vārāhi, Sri-Erūļi, Śri-Vibhatsā, Sri-Kāmadā, Sri-Raņājiră etc. A beautiful figure of Mabişamardini is called Sri-Teramvā. The existence of a separate temple for the worship of the sixty-four Yoginis shows the popularity of Tântric cults in the tenth century. It is interesting to note that, under the lotus on which Śri-Sarvatomukhi is seated is another fullblown lotus, the calyx of which bears the Tāntric emblem of crossed triangles (Satkona), with the mystic formula Hrii in the centre.
1 See Chap. IV. 2 R. D. Banerji: The Haihayas of Tripuri and their monuments,p. 69, 3 See the detailed description of the images in Banerji (op. cit.)

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Another temple dedicated to the sixty-four Yoginis exists at Khajuraho in Chhatarpur State in Central India. The script of the brief inscriptions on its walls does not indicate a period much, if at all, anterior to 900 A, D.'; and the temple has accordingly been assigned to the first half of the tenth century. Three other temples dedicated to the 64 Yoginis are known to exist, viz., 1) at Surādā in the Pātan or Pattana State, one of the Tributary States of Orissa; 2) at Rāṇīpur-Jural in the same State; and 3) in Coimbatore District, Madras. It is a remarkable fact that all the known temples dedicated to the 64 Yoginīs are circular, except the one at Khajuraho, which is 'peculiar in being oblong??
Somadeva refers to the Mothers in connection with the cult of Candamāri. In his description of the temple of the goddess, in Book I, he speaks of the Matrmaņdala or the group of the Mothers as being worshipped there by certain fanatics, who had torn out their intestines to please those deities. The Seven Mothers are here brought into relation with a horrid and ferocious cult, but they had also a benign aspect, and are well-known as the guardian deities of the early Cālukyas, as stated in their copper-plate grants. Sculptural representations of these deities have been found at Aihole and other places in the Deccan. The Seven Mothers, four-armed, each with a child, figure among the sculptures on the south wall of Cave XIV at Ellora, popularly known as Ravana-ka-kai: each has her cognizance on the base below. There is a very well-executed sculpture representing the Seven Mothers on a stone slab. built into the wall of a step-well, out in front of the temple of Siddheśvara at Haveri in the Dharwar district. On most of these slabs each goddess holds a child on her lap to denote motherhood, but they are absent on this; and they are generally flanked by Siva on one side and Gaņapati on the other, Next to Siva, in this case, is Brāhmi or Brahmāni, the female counterpart of Brahmā, below her being Brahma's vehicle, the goose. Next is Māheśvari, Śiva's counterpart, with his bull Nandi, beside whom is Vaişņavi seated over Garuda. After her come Kaumári, counterpart of Kārtikeya, with his peacock ; Värähi with a buffalo instead of the boar; Indrāni or Aindri with the elephant, and, lastly, Cāmuṇļā with a dog, but sometimes a dead body. This last Mother is shown as a skeleton with long pendent breasts.
1 For detailed references see Indian Antiquary, 1908, p. 132.
faiteorgear hereftergato AIATEHUESH. There is another reference to the
Mätsmandala in Book I. See Chap. IV. 3 Bhandarkar: Early History the Dekkan, p. 83. Third edition. 4 Courens: Chalukyan Architecture of the Kanaresc Districts, p. 45. 5 Burgess: A Guide to Elnora Cave Tempics, p. 24.

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Each goddess has four arms, and in their hands they carry symbols belonging to the gods they represent. The arrangement is not always the same." Various sculptures representing Siva and the Seven Mothers are found in the temples at Un in the southern part of Indore State.
The worship of the goddess Aparājitā is mentioned by Somadeva in Book III as part of the general description of the court life of Yasodhara. In three verses recited by a bard the blessings of the goddess are invoked for the success of the king in warfare. We are told that Aparajitā, called also Ambikā, grants victory to kings on the battlefield, and is herself incarnate in their arms and weapons. The stars are the pearls on her hair, and the sun and the moon are her eyes: the celestial river is her robe, and the oceans are her girdle, and the Meru mountain is her body. She is worshipped by Indra, Siva, Brahmā and Vişņu. It is clear from the Devimāhātmya section of Mārlandeyapurāna (chap. 88 ff.) that Aparājitā, Ambikā, Durgā, Kātyāyani, Gauri, Bhadrakāli etc. are different names of Candikā; they are to be regarded rather as different forms of Candikā, and worshipped on different occasions for special purposes. The meditation of Aparajita is recommended in the medieval Tantric work Īsānasivagurudevapaddhati in the course of the ritual prescribed for the worship of Gauri:4 and it is interesting to note that one of the rites is meant for the king and prescribed to ensure his victory in war. The same work treats in detail of the worship of Durgā, who is significantly described as capable of destroying hostile armies. Aparājitā is thus one of those deities whose worship was favoured at the royal court as a means to vanquishing the enemies of the king.
We learn further from Yasastilaka that the worship of Aparajitã took place on the Mahānavami day, and the occasion is, in fact, more important than the name of the goddess. The Mahānavami festival is mentioned
1 Cousens (op cit.), p. 87. For some other details see the Vooabulary apponded to
the English Translation of the Naişadhacarita, under Ambikā. 2 See Appendix III. In the Chaubara Dera temple the sculpture occurs twice on doors.
An elaborately carved door bears the Seven Mothers with Śiva in the centre, all dancing. Over a door in the small Śiva temple to the north of the Chaubara Dera we have representations of the Seven Mothers with Śiva piaying on a lyre. One of the lintels in the temple of Nilakantheśvara represents Stva as dancing with the
Seven Mothers. 3 Yaśastilaka 3. 459-461. 4 ....*37749tait yargftoft, facilisi mtariorare il' (Mantrapada) 23. 51. 5 Ibid. 23. 57 6 3749r Tester Titan Ibid. 25, 19

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by Somadeva also in Book I, wherein we are told that Māradatta invited the populace to the temple of Candikā on the pretext of celebrating the festival, although it was not the proper season for it. Srutasāgara in bis commentary defines Mahānavami as the ninth day of the bright fortnight of the month of Caitra. Another Jaina writer, Udayavira, in his Pārsvanāthacarita (chap. IV) includes the Mahānavami rites among non-Jaina cults and practices and assigns them to the bright fortnight of Caitra and Asvina. It was usual to celebrate the festival in the latter month, and Mahānavami was the ninth day of the bright half of Āśvina, marking the culmination of the Navarātra rites commencing from the pratipad of that month. Strictly speaking, the term mahānavami was applied to the eighth lunar day of the bright half of Asvina when in conjunction with the Mūla constellation, and the eighth as well as the ninth day was appointed for the worship of the goddess Cāmundā or Durgā.8 The Garudapurāna (chap. 134) gives a similar definition of Mahānavamī, but mentions a different constellation.*
The Devipurūna (Chap. XXII) gives a detailed account of the Mahānavami rites which had a special significance for the king. On the eighth or astami day nine wooden pavilions were erected, or even one, wherein was installed an image of Durgā made of gold or silver or earth or wood. The goddess could also be worshipped in a symbolic way in a consecrated sword or a spear. The king repeated in silence mystic formulas be. fore the goddess and sacrificed an animal after midnight for obtaining victory, the flesh and blood of the victim being offered to the goblins by repeating the Mahākusika formula. The king then took a ceremonial bath and hit a paste model of his enemy with a sword and presented it to Skanda and Viśākha. This is a remarkable feature of the Mahānavami cult and illustrates all the more clearly its connection with the king and his security and military plans.
The corresponding account in Garudapurāna (chapters 134 and 135) gives some additional details. The Durgā image is provided with diverse weapons, and appears to have eighteen hands; the left ones holding
1 'अकालमहानवमीमहमिषसमाहूतसमस्तसामन्तामात्यजानपद:' 2 af 18T ETT*zi tarafasta ! 3 Cf. gafaremfor p. 59: CHI Hautat-TIT$878 qef tesugar TheTaa# # त्रैलोक्येऽपि सुदुर्लभा ॥ कन्यागते सवितरि शुक्लपक्षेऽष्टमी तु या । मूलनक्षत्रसंयुक्ता सा महानवमी स्मृता ॥ अष्टम्यां च Rai
T angani eto, 4 'शुक्लाष्टम्यामाश्वयुजे उत्तराषाढया युता । सा महानवमीत्युक्ता लानदानादि चाक्षयम् ॥ नवमी केवला चापि दुर्गा चैव तु
पूजयेत् । महाव्रतं महापुण्यं शङ्कराचैरनुष्ठितम् ।।

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various objects, a skull, a shield, a mirror, a bell, a flag, a noose, a drum etc., and the right ones the weapons, spear, lance, club, dart, bolt, arrows etc. Nine other attendant deities with sixteen hands, Ugracaņdā, Caņdanāyikā, Caņdā, Aticaņņikā etc., are also worshipped and a five year old buffalo is sacrificed in the latter part of the night. It is probable that of the two accounts that in the Devipurāna records an older version of the Mahānavami cult.
The ninth day of the bright fortnight of Aśvina was, generally speaking, saored to the Devī, and nearly always the navami cult is brought
lation with the king and his surroundings. We may refer, for instance, to Vişnudharmottarapurāņa (Khaņda II, chap. 158), which prescribes the worship of Bhadrakāli and that of the royal insignia and arms and weapons on that day: the goddess is worshipped by the king in a decorated pavilion near the barracks (sibira), and he has to keep awake the whole night. Similarly, the worship of the goddess Cāmundā on the aforesaid tithi is prescribed in Skandapurāna, Prabhāsakhanda (chap. 242 of Prabhāsaksetramāhātmya). The same text describes a great festival in honour of Yogeśvari, a form of Durgā, commencing from the fifth night of the bright half of Āśvina, the main feature being the mystic presentation of a sword to the goddess; while on the ninth day, after the sacrifice of animals, the king at the head of his army leads a procession with the image of the goddess in a chariot (Ibid. chap. 83). These and similar references help us to understand the nature of the Mahānavami festival, which may be regarded as a magic rite for the success of the king in warfare, or perhaps as a quasi-military festival celebrated under the patronage of the king, and in which he actively participates. A statement in Devipurāna (chap. XXII) seems even to suggest that the Mahānavami rites were put forward as a kind of substitute for the ancient horse-sacrifice. The allusion to Mahānavami in Somadeva's Yasastilaka. corroborated by similar references in the Purāņas, shows its popularity as a
i The Mahānavami cult survives to some extent in the great Durgā Pūjā festival of
Bengal and Assam, celebrated in the bright half of Asvina on the same tithis as those prescribed in the Purăộic texts cited above. The mytholgical background is different, and the image of the ten-armed Durgā, standing on a lion and piercing the Buffalo demon with a lance, is accompanied on either side by the subsidiary images of Lakşmi, Sarasvati, Kārttikeya and Gaņeśa. The eighth and the ninth are the great days of worship, and animal sacrifices are not entirely absent. Prominence is given to the tenth or the Vijaya Daśami day when the images are
immersed in rivers and streams. 2 374721haft TUTI 77 4 Erg 1991 i 22, 28,

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court festival; and it is mentioned also in Bāna's Harsacarita, Book VIII, which refers to the sacrifice of buffaloes on the occasion. Somadeva does not indeed speak of animal sacrifices in connection with Mahānavami; and it is quite possible that they were sometimes omitted, specially when the festival was celebrated under the auspices of a court like that of the Răstrakūtas, susceptible to the influence of Jaina ideas.
Mahānavami is followed by Dipotsava or the Festival of Lights, corresponding to the modern Diwali. The short description of it addressed to the king by a bard in Yasastilaka 3. 462-4 refers to the whitewashed palaces and the white flags and the rows of lights on the lofty terraces of the edifices of the city; and speaks of the women excited by gambling', the gaiety of courtesans, and the sweet notes of music. According to Padmapurāna (Uttarakhanda), the Dipotsava commences on the fourteenth day of the dark half of Kārttika, and importance is given to a ceremonial bath on that day followed by a salutation to Yama. The illuminations take place in the evening; temples, buildings, shrines, assembly-halls, stables and fortifications are decorated with lights as are also river-banks, tanks, gardens and gateways. Next day the king entertains the citizens in a large-scale reception; and the Dipotasva seems to have provided a suitable occasion for promoting cordial relations between the ruler and the ruled. The king is expected to gratify the various classes of people on the joyous occasion, the good men with courtesy and others with food and drink and the learned with conversation and the inmates of the inner apartments with presents of cloth, betel, flowers, camphor and saffron and various delicacies. The village headmen are rewarded with gifts, and money presents are made to the tributaries; while ornaments are distributed among troops, ministers and kinsmen. Seated on a raised platform, the king witnesses bull-fights reviews the assembled clansmen and the troops and the actors, dancers and minstrels. An interesting item is the ceremonial fastening of the Mārgapāli, a wreath of Kuśa and Kāśa grass with numerous streamers, to a pillar of the fort or a tree, under which are assembled the horses, elephants and the cattle to ensure protection against disease. During the night the people indulge in gambling, and at midnight the women of the city cast out Alakşaıī, the goddess of poverty, from their homes to the sound of drums and music, The most important item of the nocturnal festivities is the worship of the
1 'महानवमीमहं महिषमण्डलानाम्'. The citation in पुरुषार्थचिन्तामणि (op. cit.) goes on to say सा
पुण्या सा पवित्रा च सुधर्मसुखदायिनी । तस्यां सदा पूजनीया चामुण्डा मुण्डमालिनी ॥ तस्यां ये छुपहन्यन्ते प्राणिनो
महिषादयः। सर्वे ते स्वर्गतिं यान्ति नतां पापं न विद्यते ।। 9 See also Chap. VII.
51

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demon king Bali. He is painted in gay colours, with the Vindhya range in the background (?), within a circle on the floor, and worshipped with all kinds of lotus blossoms and with wine, flesh and varieties of food.
e, flesh and varieties of food. The king, too, with his ministers and priests, worships Bali for a happy new year, and passes the night without sleep in company with actors, dancers and singers (Chap. 122).
The Dipotsava depicted by Somadeva in Yasastilaka is & secular festival; and the Padmapurāna, too, emphasizes the prominent role played by the court and its entourage in the festivities. But the details given in the Purāņa indicate also its religious aspect which it has not entirely lost even today. In Bengal, for example, the goddess Kālī is worshipped on the Diwāli or Dipānvitā night; while the Jainas celebrate the festival of lights on the new moon of Kārttika as a commemoration of the nirvāna of Mahāvira, The Dipotsava or Diwāli, like the ancient Jewish festival of 'Light', called also Hanukkah Rededication,'? may be described as a secular festival with a distinctly religious background.'
The Padmapurīna (op. cit.), which calds the festival of lights Dīpāvali or Dipotsava, designates it also as Kaumudi and gives the derivation of the name. The festival is also called Kaumudi in Vamanapurāna 92.58, which describes how it was instituted in honour of Bali after his imprisonment by Vişnu. But the Kaumudi, properly so called, was a festival of the moonlight, and so different from the Dipotsava or Diwali, Somadeva refers to the Kaumudi festival in Yasastilaka VII, 27, and it is also mentioned in
1 It was an annual eight-day festival instituted in 165 B. o. to celebrate the
T8-establishment of worship in the temple after the interruption caused by the persecution under Antiochus IV. The illumination of houses on every one of the eight evenings was a characteristic feature of the celebration, "The illumination was originally solely domestic; later, lamps were lighted in the synagogaes also.'
Moore: Judaism, Vol. II, p. 50. 2 The earliest festival of lights seems to have been celebrated in Egypt in connection
with the cult of the goddess Neith of Sais, the capital of the Kings of the XXVIth dynasty, as recorded by Herodotus, II. 62. He says that, on the night of the sacri. fice, lamps were kept burning in the open air round about the houses. These lamps were saucers full of salt and oil, the wick burning all night. The illumination took place not only at Sais but throughout all Egypt. Herodotus travelled in Egypt
about 450 B. O, 3 'कुशन्देन मही या मुद हर्षे ततो यम् । धातुत्वे निगमैश्चैव तेनैषा कौमुदी स्मृता । कौ मोदन्ते जना यसामानाभावैः
परस्परम् । इष्टतुष्टाः सुखापन्नास्तेनैषा कौमुदी स्मृता । कुमुदानि बलेर्यस्यां दीयन्ते तेन षण्मुख ।। अार्थ पार्थिवैः पुत्र
तेनैषा कौमुदी स्मृता। 4 The queen Rāmadatta is described as witnessing the celebration of the Kaumudi
festival by the women of the city from a high pavilion ( UFATE**** HOT
समयमालोकमानया तमलोत्सासमासीनया).

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403 Uddyotanasūri's Kuvalayamālā which assigns it to the full moon of the autumn. An earlier reference to the Kaumudi festival occurs in Aryaśūra's Jätakamālā (XIII) in the story of Unmādayanti: the city is decorated with flags and the ground bestrewn with flowers; songs, dance and mus full swing; luxury goods are exposed for sale and the streets thronged by gaily dressed crowds. It is noteworthy that there is no reference to artificial illumination which is a characteristic of the Dipotsava. The Kaumudi was, in fact, a glorification of the autumnal full moon. It was a popular festival, being also mentioned in Mudrārākşasa, Act III and Malatīmādhava, Aot VII, and seems to be identical with the Kaumudījāgara noticed in Vātsyayana's Kāmasütra 1. 4. 42. According to the Jayamangalā commentary thereon, the latter festival took place on the full moon night of Asvina, the chief amusements being swings and gambling. The festival is mentioned simply as Kaumudi in Kamasutra 5. 5. 11, and the cornmentary here explains it as Kojāgara, which is the same as the full moon of Asvina, It is probable, however, that it was also customary to celebrate the Kaumudi festival ou the full moon night of Kārttika.
A hymn to Sarasvati which is also a benediction addressed to the king occurs in Book III (vv. 261-8), and is described as accompanying the dance that takes place in connection with the preliminary worship of the deities before the commencement of a play. One of the verses runs thus:
मानससरोविनिर्गतसितसरसिरुहस्थितेः सरस्वत्याः । वरवर्णकीर्णकान्तिः पुष्पाञ्जलिरस्तु रगपूजायै ॥ “Let this handful of flowers, radiant with beautiful colours, offered to Sarasvati, abiding on the white lotus beds emerging on the Mānasa lake, serve the purpose of rangapūjā or the ceremonial worship preceding a dramatic performance,”
1 Ratnaprabhasūri's Sanskrit version, p. 133. 2 It is probable that Kojāgara is a contraction of Kaumudijāgara in spite of the
usual derivation ko jāgartti. In Bengal and Assam the Kojāgara or the Kojāgari Pūrņima is definitely associated with the worship of Lakşmi on the full moon after the Durga Pujā celebrations usually in Asvina. An all-night vigil is recommended in honour of Lakşmi, and the goddess is believed to ask at midnight: Ko jāgartti, 'Who is awake?' See the citations in Sabdakalpadruma under Kojāgara. For example, आश्विने पौर्णमास्यां तु चरेज्जागरणं निशि । कौमुदी सा समाख्याता कार्या लोकविभूतये ॥ कौमुद्यां पूजयेलक्ष्मीमिन्द्रमैरावतं स्थिरम् | "निशीथे वरदा लक्ष्मी को जागतीति भाषिणी । तसै वित्तं प्रयच्छामि अक्षैः क्रीडा mit 7: !It will be seen that the full moon of Asvina is referred to as Kaumudi. See Dhruva's edition of Mudrārāksasa, Act III, Notes. In Mudrārāksasa, 3. 10 the Kaumudi is described as a pārvana vidhi, which is explained by the commentator Dhundhiraja as taking place on pārvana or the full moon of Kärttika, See Telang's edition, Kaumudi is explained as a festival in Kärttika in Trikā. našeşa 2. 3, 19.

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The custom of rangapūjā, as described in Bharata's Natyaśāstrat (chap. 3), is a very old one and illustrates the interconnection of art and religion in ancient India. In the Natyasāstra, however, rangapūja is an elaborate process involving the worship of a large number of deities in the playhouse with various offerings, and Sarasvati is merely one among them; but it is probable that in later times Sarasvati alone was worshipped, and in any case Somadeva does not mention the worship of any other deity in the natyasala. Further, according to Bharata, the item of Purvaranga, an elaborate musical prelude consisting of songs and dances before the performance of a play, takes place after the rangapūjā proper is over. Somadeva seems to make a combined reference to both the items when he speaks of pūrvarangapūjā, but the distinct mention of rangapūja in the verse quoted above shows that he has in mind the customary worship preceding a dramatic performance in the Hindu theatre. In regard to the position of Sarasvati in rangapūjā, Somadeva's verses in praise of the goddess in Yasastilaka are mainly in the nature of a benediction addressed to the king; and in the Natyasästra also, after the formal worship of the deities in which Sarasvati has her due share,' the preceptor of the dramatic art (nātyācārya) praises and greets the king and the dancing girls, and then utters a benedictory verse for the prosperity of the king, in which the blessings of Sarasvati and certain allied deities are prominently invoked.
Sarasvati is represented by Somadera as white and seated on a white lotus: she is three-eyed (i. e. has an eye on the forehead), and has matted hair on the head, and the crescent for ear-ornament. She has four hands bearing different emblems: the dhyāna-mudrā (also called cinta or jñānamudrā); a rosary of Rudrāksa beads; a book; and the earada-mudrā. Somadeva's description of Sarasvati roughly corresponds to that found in authoritative texts like Sāradātilaka, īsānasivagurudevapaddhati and Praparicasāratantra, except for minor variations in the distribution and character of the emblems. According to Sāradātilaka 6. 44 and Prapascasāra 7. 3, for instance, the emblems are jñāna-mudrā, a rosary of Rudrākşa beads, a jar of nectar and a book; while Prapancasăra 8. 41 substitutes
1 ETV Tant grą rei frauerat: Thu Higher il Natyaśāstra 3. 37 ? Ibid. 3. 88 8. 3 Yaśastilaka 3. 261, 262. 4 ***STATUUT TN fagi argomi Tai ratai area Răghavabhatta
says in his commentary: BET ET 1 3580 ta arraiget Paert ger . The "book" is explained as referring to the UET, which is described as the closed left fist facing oneself (Tagfe: fet act y arana).

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& lyre for the jñana-mudra. According to īśānaśiva (Mantrapada 18. 6), the emblems are varada-mudrā, a rosary, a lyre and a book.
The cult of Sarasvati seems to have been prevalent in the Kanarese districts in the age of Somadeva. There is an old temple of Sarasvati at Gadag, in the Dharwar district, which, though small in size, contains some of the most elaborately carved pillars throughout the whole extent of Cālukyan architecture. It stands close to the eleventh century temple of Trikūteśvara, and might possibly be of the same date. Within the shrine is an image of Sarasvati, seated cross-legged upon a high pedestal, which has a peacock depicted in the central panel below. Unfortunately, the image is mutilated, the four arms being lopped off at the elbows. Otherwise, it is a very finely carved example representing the graceful figure of the goddess, with the pearlstrings around the neck and the jewelled band about the waist. The elaborate pile of curly tresses on the head is surmounted by a six-tiered coronet of jewels. Another image of Sarasvati, of inferior workmanship, was found in the old Jaina temple at Lakkundi in the Dharwar district. It is a more complete
kample representing the goddess with four arms. "In her right upper hand is an elephant goad or ankuśa. The right lower rests open, palm upwards, upon her knee, with a small petalled flower upon it. In the left upper hand she holds a folded book, while the left lower holds a citron." While the iconography shows divergence in details, the cult appears to remain the same.
Traces of a temple of Sarasvati, older than that at Gadag. have been found at Aihole, the home of early temples in the Deccan. Close to the temple (No. 9) in the field to the south of the village, there stood another temple, but all that remains of it now is the shrine doorway and the seat or throne of the image. As in the temple at Gadag, a peacock, with its crest and long tail, is sculptured on the front of the pedestal, which seems to be an indication that the temple was dedicated to Sarasvati. "It thus occupies exactly the same position with regard to the temple as the later temple of Sarasvati does to the temple of Triküteśvara at Gadag. In northern India, there is a famous temple of the goddess Sarasvati, or Sāradā Devi' at Maihar, now a station on the railway between Allahabad and Jabalpur.
Pilgrimage to the shrine of the goddess Nandā on the Himalayas, evidently on the peak now known as Nandadevi, is mentioned in Yasastilaka
1 Cousens: Chalukyan Architecture of the Kanarese districts, pp. 25, 79, 110, 2 Ibid., p. 44. 3 Vincent Smith: History and Coinage of the Chandel Dynasty in Indian Anti
quary, 1908, p. 136.

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VII. 31. The cult of this goddess is described in detail in Devipurāna (chap. 92-93), and extraordinary merit is said to accrue from the difficult journey to the almost inaccessible shrine. The goddess is clad in white raiment, and has four hands; she is surrounded by numerous beautiful maidens who are eager to marry her devotees. A noteworthy feature of the cult is that respect for women is particularly enjoined on the worshippers of the goddess (ibid. 93. 165 ff.). Nanda-tirtha is described in Devipurāna as a Saiva tirtha, and, as in Yasastilaka, the goddess is called Bhagavati Nandā (93. 22-24).'
A city-goddess named Siddhāyikā, “who inspired the confidence of many people', is mentioned in Book 1.3 In Book IV there is a reference to the evil spirit Kịtyā who kills her own worshippers. It may be noted that, according to Kathāsaritsăgara 5. 121-2, Cāņakya worshipped Krtyā with magic rites in order to bring about the death of king Nanda. Krityä is mentioned also in Sivasvāmin's Kapphiņābhyudaya Mahākāvya 3. 24, 28, composed in Kashmir in the ninth century. A reference to the six magic rites of the Tantrio cult occurs in a verse in Yasastilaka, Book IV.' According to S'āradātilaka 23. 122 ff., they are sānti or cure of disease and the expulsion of evil spirits such as Kętyă; vasya or bringing others under one's control; stambhana or paralysing the activity of others; vidvesa or causing enmity between friends ; uccāțana or compelling one to abandon hearth and home; and mārana or killing. Each of these rites has a presiding goddess who is worshipped at the beginning, and the goddess Jyeșthà seems to be connected with the process of vidveşa. A reference to Jyesthā occurs also in Yasastilaka 3. 118 wherein she is said to be worshipped with white lotus blossoms,: Jyesthā is diametrically opposite to Lakşmi, being the goddess of adversity (Alakşmi), and so called, because she is believed to have emerged prior to Lakşmi during the churning of the ocean. Her legend is related in Lingapurāna (Uttarabhāga, chap. 6), and she is particularly associated with sinners and evil-doers and all those who are outside the pale of the Brahmanical religion,
1 Tatarina Salg 2 यथा गङ्गा नदीनां तु उत्तमत्वे व्यवस्थिता । तद्भगवती नन्दा उत्तमत्वेन संस्थिता । 3 caratterega grca: falfitat:*** ..**CÂTAFET FETARET?. Siddhāyikā
appears to be a Jaina goddess. See Chap. XIII. 4 ruta Bra ya Tana: O BTI' 5 'अत्युग्रां जपत इव प्रकोपकृत्यां निर्मातुं द्विषदभिचारमत्रतत्रम'; 'कृत्येव भ्रकुटिरतिस्फुटा'. 6 tarafta eto. 7 शान्तिवश्यस्तम्भनानि विद्वेषोच्चाटने ततः। मारणान्तानि शंसन्ति षट् कर्माणि मनीषिणः ॥ रोगकृत्याग्रहादीनां निरासः
शान्तिरीरिता ।"रतिर्वाणी रमा ज्येष्ठा दुर्गा काली यथा क्रमात् ॥ षट्कर्मदेवताः प्रोक्ताः कर्मादौ ताः प्रपूजयेत् । 8 'पूज्यमजं श्रियः सङ्गाज्येष्ठायाश्च न कैरवम् ।'

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407 The worship of Cupid was celebrated as a court festival in the spring amidst vernal sports, of which we have a lively picture in Yasastilaka, Book III. A further reference to the festivities in connection with the worship of of Cupid, in which the king participates, occurs in Book V.
Certain beliefs and customs belonging to the sphere of popular religion are recorded in Yasastilakc. The moon of the fourth lunar day was believed to cause disputes. A dove alighting inside a house was supposed to forebode its destruction. A number of evil omens describe with Yaśodhara's journey to the temple of Caņņikā in Book IV, e.g. the trumpeting of a female elephant at the commencement of a journey, the braying of a donkey from behind etc. A shower of crested tadpoles on a house was an evil portent indicating destruction of wealth and prosperity. Elephants were supposed to be possessed by a spirit named Madapuruşa, of terrible aspect, like lightning fire. Śrutasāgara in his commentary quotes a verse which enumerates the characteristics of Madapuruşa: he has sixteen hands, four jaws, red eyes and flaming hair."
Among popular customs referred to by Somadeva may be mentioned that of äjyāvekşana or looking into clarified butter in the morning to counteract the effects of evil dreams and obtain other salutary results. It was a practice observed by kings while Brāhmaṇas uttered blessings. The wellknown custom of nirajana or ceremonial waving of lights was observed as part of the evening rites to ensure the well-being of the king. A quantity of salt, thrown into the fire, after whirling it over the king's head, was supposed to counteract the evil eye, and this was also accompanied by the ceremony of offering boiled rice to the goblins on the roadside. This seems to have been followed by the act of nīrājana proper, which consisted in revolving lights beside the king. It was also customary to perform the nīrājana ceremony in honour of the royal horses and elephants on special occasions like the coronation of the king. 10
1 ' TU TEGETARIAATH'. 2 See Chap. II. 3 See Book III ( TTÅ Tiara') and Śrutasāgara's comm, thereon. 4 377TRTTTag: 91 T Mark Book III. 5 farefisnogohgfest sitrofag: 2. 72. 6 sowat 11Sa #goufafgaar fagotaHACHAY' Book III. 7 "मयूरग्रीवाभं चपलरसनं रक्तनयनं, चतुर्दष्ट्राहिंस्रं पृथुकरशिरोमेजठरम् । चलन्मुक्तं शङ्कुश्रणमदभयं षोडशभुजं
Saecotiara #2959927411". Tot seems to be a mistake for yzsta. 8 Yasastilaka 2. 96, 9 Ibid. 3. 476, 477 10 aprak analfsta: Book II.

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JAINA RELIGIOUS AND MORAL STORIES A considerable number of independent stories occurs in Yasastilaka, Books VI and VII, their purpose being to illustrate diverse tenets of Jaina religion and ethics. The first series in Book VI is meant to illustrate the different aspects of Samyaktva or Right faith, while the second series in Book VII illustrates two of the Malagunas and the five Anupratas. The stories, on the whole, belong to the sphere of religion and folklore, and form part of the body of Jaina narrative tradition, generally known as Kathānaka literature. Jacobi says: The rise of the Kathānaka literature............may be placed about the end of the first century A. D. Its end is indicated by the time of Haribhadra who lived about 750 A.D. For Haribhadra wrote Tikas on the Avasyaka and other Sūtras and Niryuktis: and the Tikās form the fourth and last layer of the Kathānaka literature.' Generally speaking, the stories incorporated by Somadeva in his work must be considered much earlier than the tenth century, and, as we shall see, several of them are actually found or referred to in earlier texts. Somudeva has thus no originality in respect of these stories, and his turgid prose is hardly suited to the treatment of such simple tales. His great merit is in bringing together so many ancient stories and elaborately narrating them by way of illustrating various teachings of the Jaina religion. He has, in fact, preserved for us a highly interesting collection of stories, which, from the standpoint of religion and folklore, is hardly less important than the story of Yasodhara. Their literary interest is enhanced by the fact that they form & sort of independent story-book within the framework of the romance.
Some of the stories recorded by Somadeva are based on Brahmanical mythology, and may be called Jaina versions of Hindu tales. The story of the sage Vişņu is nothing but a Jaina adaptation of the story of the Dwarf Incarnation of Vişņu. Jamadagni and Reņukā are well-known in Brahmanical mythology; the story of Vasu, as we shall see, is originally a Brahmanical legend. Perhaps the most notable of the stories preserved in Yasastilaka iş an early legend, probably the earliest known, concerning the foundation of the once famous Jaina Stupa of Mathurā. Most of the stories illustrating the Anuyratas may be described as folktales. All the stories recorded in Books VI and VII are summarized below in the order in which they occur in Somadeva's work.
1 Jacobi: Introduction to Sthavirávalācarita ur Parisistaparvan, p, vii. 2 See below (VII) and Chap. XVII.

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I) The first story, in three sections, shows that without will-power, it is impossible to attain success in the practice of religion, and hints that ascetics of the Brahmanical faith lack in this essential quality. Two friends Dhanvantari, the son of a merchant, and Viśvānuloma, the son of a priest, were banished by the king of the city of Bhūmitilaka on account of various offences, and in the course of their wanderings they came to Hastināgapura. There Dhanvantari was initiated into the Jaina religion, and devoted himself to meditation under the Jaina discipline; while Viśvānuloma followed the Brahmanical faith and became an ascetic wearing a mass of matted hair. After their death they were reborn as gods under the names of Amitaprabha and Vidyutprabha respectively. One day the latter happened to boast about the superior status of Brāhmaṇa sages like Jamadagni, Mātanga and Kapiñjala, and both decided to descend to the earth to ascertain the truth. There in the Badarikā hermitage they saw the sage Jamadagni engrossed in rigorous austerities, his hair and beard white with age, and his body enveloped in a tangled mass of creepers, shrubs and ant-hills. Seeing him, the two gods assumed the form of a pair of birds, and having settled inside his beard, began to talk with each other. One of the birds said to his mate that he would have to go to attend the marriage of the bird-king Garuda, but wonld return without the least delay; if he spoke falsely, his sin would be as great as that of 'this' sinner of a sage. Jamadagni was angry to hear these words, squeezed his beard with a view to punishing the birds, but they flew away and perched on the top of an adjoining tree. The sage recognised the birds to be a couplc of gods in disguise, and asked them respectfully what sin he had committed. The birds cited two verses to the effect that one should renounce the world only after bringing children to the world. The sage was accordingly guilty of infringing the rule laid down in the Law-books, and should, therefore, marry and beget children. Jamadagni, on hearing this, exclaimed,
That is quite easy', and went off to marry Reņukā, the daughter of the king lof Benares, his uncle, and in the course of time became the father of Parasurāma.
With the fickle nature of Jamadagni is contrasted the steadfast purpose and resolution of two Jaina devotees. The two gods passed on to Magadha, and there saw Jinadatta, absorbed in meditation in a cremation ground on a dark Caturdaśī night. They commanded him to give up his meditation, and tried to intimidate him by conjuring up terrible scenes of a weritable war of the elements, with bursting rain-clouds, thunder and storm; and at the same time tried to cajole him out of his resolution by offering
o grant various boons. Jinadatta, however, remained unmoved, and the Bwo gods showed their appreciation of his courage and determination, by
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presenting him with a magic formula enabling one to travel through the air. Jinadatta, in his turn, gave the formula to his pupil Dharasena, after having utilized it for the purpose of visiting the Jaina shrines on the Mountain of the gods.
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Turning from the veteran Jinadatta, the two gods decided to try their tactics on a novice, recently initiated into the Jaina faith. They happened to see Padmaratha, the king of Mithila, going to worship the Tīrthamkara Vasupujya on the very day of his initiation; and immediately began to disturb him by conjuring up various scenes of horror including certain tiger-shaped monstrosities. Unable to strike terror into his heart, they plunged him into a huge expanse of mud, but the drowning prince only said Salutation to Lord Vasupujya!' The two gods then extolled Padmaratha's courage and fortitude, and took their departure.
The value of intrepid courage and resolution in the practice of religion is further illustrated in a sequel to the main story. Dharasena, who had received the magic formula for aerial travel from Jinadatta, began the perilous mystic rites necessary for its practical application amidst the nocturnal horrors of a cremation ground. The details of the rites are obscure, but the main item seems to have been the suspension of a swing from the branch of a banyan tree over a consecrated ground, bristling with numerous sharp arrows fixed in the earth with upturned points: the devotee was to mount on the swing and cut the arrows to pieces. while uttering the magic formula. Meanwhile, Lalita, the misguided son of a king, who had turned thief, having been robbed of his patrimony by relatives, came out in the darkness, on the mission of stealing for his mistress a famous necklace belonging to the chief queen of the lord of Kuśāgrapura. He succeeded in his venture, but could not evade the police owing to the lustre of the necklace being visible in the darkness. So he threw away the ornament, and walking about in the outskirts of the city, came upon the scene of Dharasena's mystic rites. Seeing that Dharasena was hesitating to mount the swing, the thief questioned him about the procedure; and having acquainted himself with the sacred formula, boldly seated himself on the swing and cut off at one stroke the entire mass of arrows. As a result of his bravery, the thief acquired the magic powers longed for by Dharasena, and later became a Jaina ascetic and attained salvation on the mount of Kailasa.
II) The sacrifice of personal ambition and self-interest for the sake of one's vow is illustrated in the story of Anantamati, the beautiful daughter of the merchant Priyadatta, an inhabitant of Campā. On the eve

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of his departure for the Sahasrakūta shrine for the celebration of the Eight-day rites, the merchant sent for his daughter, and was told that she was playing the bride with her doll, while her maiden friends were singing nuptial songs. When Anantamati appeared before the old man, he asked her in jest to take the vow of chastity rather than barbour thoughts of marriage. The maiden, however, took the vow very seriously. Onoe in springtime she came out to indulge in the pastime of singing in company with her maiden friends on the day of Cupid's festival, when she was seen by a Vidyadhara, travelling through the air, accompanied by his wife. Wishing to abduct her, the demi-god went back to his home, left his wife there, and then returned and flew away with Anantamati. But his wife was quick to follow, and seeing her in a rage, he hastily dropped the maiden in a forest near Sankhapura. There she was seen by a Kirāta hunter named Bhima who took her away to his village. Failing to seduce her by persuasion, he decided on violence; but meanwhile, through the intervention of the sylvan deities, who admired the firmness of the girl, the house of the hunter caught fire, and the miscreant, seeing the danger, begged her to forgive him, and then left her on the slope of a mountain on the border of Sarkhapura. There she was found by a young merchant who had encamped with his caravan near by; but unable to seduce her with money, he made her over to a bawd in the city of Ayodhyā. The latter, failing to mislead the girl, presented her to the king of that region, who in his turn discarded her, being baffled by her constancy and the opposition of the presiding goddess of the city, who had marked her displeasure by doing harm to many of the king's subjects. Anantamati then came to live in a shrine near the house of Jinendradatta, the husband of her father's sister. After some time her father, while on a visit to his brother-in-law, happened to see her engaged in austerities in the shrine, and proposed to marry her to her cousin Arhaddatta, the son of Jinendradatta. But she firmly rejected the proposal on account of her vow of chastity.
III) Lack of hesitation in the practice of one's religion, for example, in the exercise of piety, is illustrated in the story of king Auddāyana, famous for his philanthropic actions. In order to test his piety, a certain god assumed the form of a religious mendicant, a loathsome leper with stinking and decaying limbs, and came to the king's house and asked for food. The king received him with open arms, and personally waited upon and treated him to a sumptuous meal. Unfortunately the leper felt sick, and as he lay in a mass of vomitted food, the king raised and washed him with his own hands, wiped his body with a silken scarf, and solaced him

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with soft and kind words. The god then threw off his disguise, and took his departure after praising and honouring the king with divine presents.
IV) Unswerving allegiance to the tenets of the Jaina faith and the lack thereof are illustrated in the stories of Revati and Bhavasena respectively. A Vidyadhara prince, indifferent to worldly happiness, abdicated in favour of his son, and desiring to visit the Jaina temple at Mathura, took leave of his guru Munigupta at Madura, the Mathura of the south', and departed for the north with a congratulatory message from Munigupta to Revati, the consort of Varuna, king of Mathura. Arriving at the city by air, the Vidyadhara decided to test the religious conviction of Bhavyasena, a learned Jaina teacher, and of the faithful Revati. Assuming the form of a young student, he first appeared before Bhavyasena and expressed his desire to study grammar with him. One day while walking with his teacher in the outskirts of the city, the Vidyadhara, by his supernatural powers, covered the ground with young sprouts of corn; and, on Bhavyasena hesitating to walk over them, because in the Jaina scriptures the sprouts of corn were regarded as stationary creatures, the so-called student argued that they had no characteristic of life such as breath, and were merely transformations of earth, very like gems. Bhavyesena believed his words and walked over the sprouts, without questioning the validity of his assertion. Similarly, the Vidyadhara persuaded Bhavyasena to use a clod of earth for cleansing purposes by arguing that it did not contain any living creatures, as maintained by Jaina doctrine. Then he persuaded him to take water without first straining it through a cloth, as required by Jaina practice (in order to eliminate living creatures), his argument being that no such creatures were visible in the transparent water. In this way the Vidyadhara satisfied himself that Bhavyasena lacked inner conviction and tenacity of faith in the religion professed by him; he now realised why the sage Munigupta had neglected to address any message to Bhavyasena.
The Vidyadhara then proceeded with elaborate preparations to test the faith of Revati, well-known for her whole-hearted devotion to the Jains faith. He betook himself to the eastern quarter of the city, and there creat ed a sensation by assuming the form of Brahman, seated on a swan, with all his characteristics and paraphernalia. The Vedic verses uttered by the latter were being eagerly listened to by a multitude of sages such as Matanga, Bhrgu, Bharata, Gautama, Garga, Pingala, Pulaha, Puloman, Pulasti, Parāśara, Marici and Virocana. The Arts incarnate in the form of beautiful maidens were standing by, plying their fly-whisks, and the deep-voiced Narada was acting as doorkeeper. Revati heard of this extraordinary phenomenon,

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but remained indifferent for she knew that Brahman did not figure among the sixty-three Famous Persons recognised by the Jaina scriptures.
The Vidyadhara then appeared in the southern quarter of the city and attracted great attention by assuming the form of Vişņu, lying on the coils of the lord of serpents, and wearing a ruby crown surmounted by a large spray of Pārijāta blossoins. Brahman, seated on a lotus emerging from Vişnu's navel, was reciting the latter's thousand names; Indra and the goddess of wealth were caressing his feet; the captive wives of demons were waving fly-whisks; and Garuda was maintaining order among the assembled gods. The apparition displayed the usual emblems of Vişņu: the quoit, the conch, the lotus and the Nandaka sword. Reports of this strange phenomenon were brought to Revati, but she evinced no curiosity, and said, “There are, indeed, nine Vişnus or Vāsudevas known as Ardhacakravartins in Jaina lore, but they are no longer in existence; the one must, therefore, be a magician come to delude the people.
The Vidyādhara appeared next in the western quarter of the city and assumed the guise of Siva, mounted on a gigantic bull, and accompanied by Pārvati. The apparition was furnished with the usual equipment of Śiva: the drum, the bow, the sword, the axe, the trident and the club; and attendants such as Analodbhava, Nikumbha, Kumbhodara, Heramba and Bhingiriţi were paying homage to the deity. News of this strange incarnation of Siva or Rudra came in due course to Revatī, but she took no notice of it and said, “There are, indeed, some Rudras mentioned in the scriptures as creating obstacles in the path of religious austerities, but they are dead and gone as a result of their actions ; so this must be some one else who is disturbing the peace by his magical tricks”.
The demi-god then resorted to the northern quarter, and appeared in the form of a Jaina Tirthamkara, seated on his throne in a marvellous audience-hall, furnished with perfumed chambers, pillars, tanks, gates, Stūpas, flags, incense, water-jars, and various other receptacles. There gods and mortals participated in magnificent festivities, and false Jainas like Bhavyasena were also celebrating religious festivals. The show, however, produced no impression on Revati, who knew that the Jaina scriptures recognised only twenty-four Tirthamkaras, and the latter having attained salvation, the new impersonation must be the work of some adept in magic.
Unable to shake the faith of Revati by any of these devices, the Vidyadhara at last revealed himself before her, and respectfully delivered Munigupta's message which she received with the utmost veneration and joy.

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YAŠASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE V) The necessity of guarding the reputation of one's religion is emphasized in the story of the thief disguised as a religious mendicant. Yaśodbvaja, the king of Pāķaliputra, had a son named Suvira, who, being without education and moral training, fell into evil company and became addicted to theft and adultery. One day, while on a visit to a pleasure garden, he came across a gang of thieves and gamblers, and announced a rich prize for any one of them who could steal a certain marvellous jewel from a Jaina shrine, located on the top floor of a seven-storied building belonging to the merchant Jinendrabhakta, an inhabitant of the city of Tāmalipti. One of the company, a notorious thief named Sürya, declaring that it was an easy task for him, immediately started for the kingdom of Gauda to carry out his boast. On his arrival there he disguised himself as a religious mendicant, and attracted the attention of all and sundry by the rigour of his fastings and austerities. Gradually he succeeded in winning the love and confidence of Jinendrabhakta; and once when the latter was about to start on a sea-voyage, he invited the so-called ascetic to come and stay in his temple during his absence. After making some pretence of unwillingness, the dissembler accepted the offer, and soon after the departure of the merchant, he stole the jewel and slipped away at the dead of night. But the lustre of the jewel in the darkness attracted the notice of the watchmen; and, pursued by them, the thief entered the camp of the merchant in the outskirts of the city where he was halting for the night. The merchant was awakened from sleep by the shouts of the watchmen, and at once recognised his old acquaintance; but quickly realising that the accusation of theft against a Jaina ascetic would discredit the religion, he solemnly declared before the officials that he had himself given the jewel to the ascetic, a noble soul, who deserved their highest veneration and respect.
VI) The duty of strengthening the loyalty of one's fellowmen to the Jaina faith is illustrated in the story of Vārişeņa, the other-worldly son of Śreņika, the king of Magadha. Once on a dark night Vārişeņa was absorbed in deep meditation in a desolate cremation ground. Meanwhile, at midnight, a rogue named Mțgavega stole a costly necklace belonging to a merchant's wife at the instance of his mistress, a courtesan named Magadhasundarí. Pursued by the police, he flung the necklace in front of Vārişeņa and disappeared under cover of darkness. The police, finding the necklace lying near by, suspected Vārişeņa of the theft and reported the matter to the king, who was inexorable in the dispensation of justice, and immediately ordered his son to be punished and tortured as a thief. Vārişeņa calmly suffered the indignities inflicted upon him, eliciting by his fortitude the praise and admiration of the gods, and soon

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after renounced the world and became an ascetic. Puşpadanta, the minister's son, was his intimate friend from childhood, and Vārişeņa prevailed upon him to become an ascetic like himself, Puşpadanta, however, found it difficult to forget his beautiful newly married wife Sudati in spite of his vow. Twelve years rolled by, and still her memory haunted him day and night. Vārişe fearing that he would one day renounce his vow and return to his wife, hit upon a stratagem, and paid a visit to his mother, the queen Celini, accompanied by his friend. . The queen received both of them cordially, and Värişeņa asked her to send for her daughters-in law. They were soon ushered to their presence, resplendent in their dress and adornment, and lovely with the fresh beauty of vouth. Vārisena then requested his mother to send for the wife of his friend Puşpadanta; but during the long period of her separation from her husband, she had lost her beauty and youth, and when she appeared before them, her ugly, emaciated and worn out figure made a sad contrast to the charming ladies who were standing beside her. The sight was too much for Puşpadanta to bear, and he asked for leave to depart. In this way Vārişeņa confirmed his friend in the resolution to maintain his vow, and both thereafter continued their austerities together,
VII) The king of Ahicchatra in the Pañcāla country had a learned priest named Somadatta. Once the latter's wife who was expecting the birth of a child expressed a great desire to partake of ripe mangoes at a time when their season had already passed. Somadatta accordingly went in search of mangoes, accompanied by his pupils, and entered the Kālidāsa forest where they saw a large mango tree overloaded with the ripe fruit, as a result of the mystic power of the sage Sumitra who lived under the tree.
Somadatta sent some mangoes to his wife with one of his pupils, but himself remained there spellbound by the teachings of the sage, renounced all worldly aspirations, and became an ascetic. He started austerities on the Nābhigiri mountain in Magadha, and his wife in due course gave birth to a male child and came to her husband with the baby ; but finding him utterly indifferent and insensible to family ties, she left the child before him on the rocks and returned home. Meanwhile, a Vidyādhara prince named Bhāskaradeva, who had been ousted from his heritage by his younger brother Purandara, fixed his camp at Balavāhanapura and came with his wife to pay homage to Somadatta, while the latter was engaged in austerities. Taking pity on the child, they adopted him as their own and named him Vajrakumāra, Bhāskaradeva then worshipped the sage and left with the child for Bhāvapura.
Vajrakumāra grew up to be a youth possessing valour and courage, attained the rank of a Vidyadhara and married his uncle's daughter Indumati.

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Once on the Himālayas he rescued Pavanavegā, the wife of a Vidyādhara prince, who was engaged in certain magic rites for attaining the power of assuming a multitude of forms, but was about to be devoured by the Mystic Force in the shape of a huge serpent. Vajrakumära ultimately married Pavanavegā, and succeeded in restoring his adoptive father to the throne by overthrowing the usurper Purandara. Later on, he visited Somadatta, his real father, who was then practising austerities at Mathurā, renounced the world, and became an ascetic.
About this time at Mathurā there was an orphan girl who, according to a prophecy, was destined to be the chief queen of Pūtikavāhana, the lord of that city. A Buddhist monk, who was acquainted with the prophecy, carefully brought up the girl in a monastery, and she was called in jest Buddhadāsi, Buddha's maidservant'. She grew up to be a beautiful young lady, and soon attracted the notice of the king of Mathurā, who won her hand by agreeing to make her his chief queen.
Aurvilā, the first queen of Pütikavāhana, was in the habit of sending out a ceremonial chariot in honour of the Jaina Saviour on the occasion of the Eight Day's Festival at Mathurā, but the new queen, owing to her Buddhist affinities, used her influence with the king and sought to stop the practice and establish a new festival in honour of the Buddha. Alarmed at the machinations of her co-wife, Aurvilā approached the sage Somadatta and appealed to him to ensure the continuity of the festival of the chariot. Somadatta instructed his son and disciple Vajrakumāra to do the needful,
Vajrakumāra who had attained the supernatural powers of a Vidyādhara went up to the city of the Vidyadharas, and began to descend from the sky with a huge concourse of Vidyādharas, carrying flags and banners, gates, pillars and canopies, mirrors, white parasols and gold jars, and diverse materials of worship. Ladies were singing to the accompaniment of various musical instruments; there was merry-making by dwarfs, hunchbacks, dancers, bards and panegyrists; and charming maidens were carrying lights, censers, perfume and flowers. Decorated cars, chariots, horses and elephants formed part of the company. While the citizens of Mathurā thought that a multitude of gods was coming to take part in the worship of the Buddha, organised by the Buddhist woman, Vajrakumāra with the Vidvādharas took up h residence in the house of Aurvilă, and for eight days caused her chariot to go round the city. Then he erected there a Stüpa marked with the image of the Arhat, and the shrine has ever since been known as “Built by the gods". In this way the designs of the Buddhist woman were foiled and the glorification of the Jaina faith assured through the timely intervention of Vajrakumāra.

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VIII) The next story is designed to illustrate the value of sympathy for one's co-religionists, and interesting as a Jaina version of the story of Bali and the Dwarf Incarnation of Viṣṇu. Jayavarman, the king of the city of Viśālā in Avanti, had four ministers headed by Bali, all of whom were heretics. They were Sukra, a Buddhist; Bṛhaspati, a materialist; Prahladaka, a Śaiva; and their elder brother Bali who was an expert in Vedic lore. Once the Jaina ascetic Akampana, while on a visit to the city, encamped in the public park, and the streets were crowded with citizens going to pay homage to the sage. Seeing this, the king, too, expressed his desire to visit and pay his respects to the sage, but the ministers sought to dissuade him by glorifying their respective faiths. Bali, for instance, extolled the Veda and the Vedic religion, while Prahladaka emphasized the glory of Śiva and the Saiva scriptures. Disgusted with the attitude of the ministers, the king mounted on an elephant and betook himself to the camp of the sage. Thereafter offering his salutations, he entered into conversation with the Suri on religious topics such as the nature of heaven and salvation. Bali who had accompanied the king intervened with the remark that heaven was nothing but the mutual love of a maiden of twelve and a youth of sixteen, and there was no other heaven invisible to the human eye. The sage asked Bali if direct perception was the only proof admitted by him. On his replying in the affirmative, the sage asked him how in that case he would prove the occurrence of the marriage of his own parents or the existence of his forefathers. Bali was very much annoyed at this, and unable to hit upon a plausible reply, he abused the sage in indecent and insulting terms. The king did not say anything then and there for the sake of decency; but returning home, he banished Bali and his brothers from his kingdom on the pretext of some other offence.
Bali with his brothers took refuge in the country of Kurujāngala, and he became the chief minister of king Padma of Hastinagapura. There he won the gratitude of the king by vanquishing the latter's enemy Simhakirti who had invaded the city. Bali then obtained the king's permission to set out on an expedition of conquest. Meanwhile, the sage Akampana, accompanied by a huge concourse of monks, had in the course of his wanderings arrived in the vicinity of Hastinagapura, and taken up residence for the rainy season in a large cave of the Hemagiri mountain. Bali, on his return from the expedition, came to know of the whereabouts of his old opponent and decided on revenge. By virtue of a boon conferred upon him by king Padma as a mark of gratitude for the overthrow of Simhakirti, Bali obtained from the prince the entire sovereignty of the kingdom for
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a certain number of days, during which the king's authority was to be limited to his inner apartments. Bali then began the performance of an Agnihotra sacrifice with intoxicating substances near the camp of Akampana Sūri, with a view to causing annoyance and disturbance to the sage and his followers.
Meanwhile, in the city of Mithila, a Jaina monk named Bhrājişņu, going out at night, inferred from an observation of the stars that somewhere ascetics were being subjected to maltreatment and oppression. Thereupon the head of the monastery with his supernatural knowledge ascertained the mischief being done by Bali, and asked a devotee named Puşpakadeva, capable of travelling through the air, to go and request on his behalf the powerful sage Vişņu to counteract the evil. The latter, on receipt of the message, immediately proceeded to Hastināpura and appealed to king Padma to give the necessary protection to the oppressed monks, but the king pointed out that Bali, and not he, was reigning at the moment.
The sage Vişnu then decided on a crafty manoeuvre. Assuming the form of a dwarf, he went to the place where Bali was performing his sacrifice, and began to recite verses of the Veda in a melodious tone. Attracted by his sonorous voice, Bali came out of the sacrificial pavilion and asked him what he desired. The dwarf replied that, having been robbed of his home by his relatives, he wanted only a slice of land measuring three steps, and on hearing this, Bali at once granted his desire. The sage then discarded the guise of a dwarf and began to extend his frame upwards and downwards and athwart, without any limit. He fixed one step on the foundation of the ocean and another in the sky; and not finding room for a third, placed it on Bali and sent him down to the nether regions.
IX) The evil consequences of drinking are illustrated in the following story. A wandering religious mendicant named Ekapād, arriving at the Vindhya forest from the town of Ekacakra on his way to the Ganges, fell in with a crowd of Cāņdālas, who were indulging in bouts of drinking and partaking of meat in the company of youthful intoxicated women. The Cândālas detained the mendicant, and declared that he must, on the pain of death, either drink wine or take meat or become intimate with a woman. The mendicant reflected that the eating of flesh was strictly prohibited in the Law-books, and so was union with a Cāņdāla woman, but wine was drunk in the Vedic sacrifice Sautrāmaņi, and the ingredients of wine such as flour, water and molasses were quite pure. Thus thinking, he preferred to take wine, but under the influence of drink he joined in the merrymaking of the women; and feeling hungry, partook of meat, and soon passion compelled him to desire the company of one of the Cāņdāla women.

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X) The next story illustrates the advantage of abstention from wine. In the city of Valabhi, a gang of five notorious thieves went out one night during heavy rain, and stole a large quantity of treasure. They, however, fell out while dividing the booty, but soon ceased to quarrel and indulged in drinking bouts. But drink made them quarrel again, and a free fight ensued, resulting in the death of all of them except Dhūrtila. The latter was in the habit of taking a vow of abstention for one day whenever he happened to meet a pious ascetic, and that day he had taken a vow to abstain from wine. Dhurtila then felt disgusted with the world and shaved his head and became a monk.
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XI) The following story is meant to show that even the desire to eat flesh is a sin. Saurasena, the king of the city of Kakandi, had taken a Vow of abstention from flesh-eating, but gradually under the influence of the Brahminical faith he became greedy of meat, and secretly employed his cook Karmapriya to procure the flesh of all kinds of animals for his table. Preoccupation with his public duties did not, however, leave him sufficient leisure to satisfy his desire fully.
One day the cook Karmapriya, while in quest of game, died from snake-bite, and after death he became a huge whale in the ocean. The king, on his death, was reborn as a small fish living in the cavity of the whale's ear. The fish noticed that while the whale slept, opening his mouth, large numbers of aquatic animals used to enter the cavity of his throat and go out again. The fish pitied the whale for not being able to devour any of these animals, and said to himself that had he been as big as the whale he would have emptied the ocean of its animals. In the course of time the fish and the whale both died, and were reborn as denizens of hell with the power of remembering their past lives. While in hell the former whale said to the fish: "It was but natural that I should have come here as a result of my sins. But how came you who merely lived upon the filth of my ear?" The fish replied: "On account of my evil thought, more harmful than even the depredations of a whale!"
XII) The next story illustrates the merit of abstention from flesh. There was a Caṇḍāla named Canda in the town of Ekanasi in Avanti. One day in the outskirts of the town he put a jar of wine on one side and a plate of meat on the other, and standing in the middle, partook of both in quick succession, while he whirled round a leather thong and struck down birds flying over him. As a result, snake-poison attaching to the beaks of the birds dripped on to the wine, and contaminated the beverage.

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Meanwhile two sages possessing the power of travelling through the air descended from the sky to give religious instruction to the people, and the Cāņdāla approached and entreated them to assign a suitable vow to him. Thereupon one of the sages asked him to fix a rope in the intervening space between the plate of meat and the jar of wine, and said that the momentary abstention from either that would be caused in going from one extremity to the other would constitute a sufficient vow of abstention for him. The Cāņņāla acted accordingly, and after helping himself to the meat, said that he would abstain from it until his return from the other end. He then went towards the wine-jar, drank the wine and died from the effects of poisoning. As a result of the merit accruing even from the momentary abstention from meat, the Cāņdāla was reborn as the chief of the Yakşas in the world of these spirits.
XIII) The following story illustrates the consequences of malevolence : There was a fisherman named Mrgasena in Sirīşagrāma in Avanti. One day he entreated a famous sage to assign a religious vow to him, and he was accordingly advised to refrain from killing his first catch on that particular day. The fisherman cast his net and soon caught a huge fish, but remembering the vow assigned to him, let the fish go after attaching to it a strip of cloth for the purpose of recognition. It so happened that he caught the same fish five times in the course of the day, but on each occasion let it go without any harm. His wife Ghaņķā was furious to see him return home empty-handed in the evening, and as she shut the door against him, he had to pass the night outside, resting his head on the trunk of a tree. Mrgasena was bitten by a snake during the night and found dead in the morning. The wife who was now overwhelmed with grief committed suicide by entering the flames on the funeral pyre.
The story now goes on to narrate the rebirth of Mrgasena. Visvambhara was the reigning king of Viśālā where lived the merchant Guņa pāla, his wife Dhanaśrī and daughter Subandhu. As ill-luck would have it, the king asked the merchant to give his beautiful and accomplished daughter in marriage to the son of the court jester. Afraid of the disgrace resulting from such a marriage as well as the wrath of the king
efusal, Guņapāla fled with his daughter to Kaušāmbi, leaving his wife, who was with child, in the house of his friend Śridatta, a wealthy merchant. The sages Sivagupta and Munigupta happened to see Dhanaśrī in the house of Śrīdatta; and Munigupta having pitied the condition of Dhanaśrī, who was pale and weak and dejected, the other declared that in spite of her present troubles, she would become the mother of a son destined to be a

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merchant prince and the son-in-law of king Viśvambhara. The merchant Śrīdatta overheard the conversation of the two sages, and, burning with envy, he devised a nefarious plan. No sooner had the child been burn than he spread a report that Dhanaśrī had given birth to a dead child. At the same time he secretly summoned a Cāņdāla and handed the child to him to be put to death.
The Cāņdāla was moved to pity by the beauty of the child, and instead of killing, he left him in a secluded place and went home. The merchant Indradatta, who was the brother-in-law of Sridatta, came to know about the child from some cow-boys; and as he was childless, he came to the spot and gave the child to his wife Rādhā to be adopted as their son. Then he celebrated great festivities as if a child had been born unto them.
Sridatta heard of the turn things had taken, and devised another plan to kill the child. He went to Indradatta and persuade him the custody of the child, his blessed nephew', whom he would bring up in his own house. Śrīdatta then made over the child to another Cāņdāla to be put to death.
The Cāņdāla, instead of killing the child, left him in a wood on the bank of a river, and there he was guarded by the cows grazing on the spot. In the evening the cowherds came, and, finding the child, reported the fact to the head of the settlement Govinda, who gave him to his wife and adopted him as his own son. The child grew up to be a handsome youth and was named Dhanakirti.
One day Śrīdatta happened to come to the place in the course of his commercial transactions, and saw Dhanakīrti in the house of Govinda. He understood everything when he heard the story of the youth, and told Govinda that he had an urgent message to send to his son at home, and requested that Dhanakirti might be sent as a messenger, Govinda agreed, and Dhanakirti set out on his journey with Sridatta's letter, in which the merchant asked his son Mahābala to kill the youth immediately on his arrival. Dhanakīrti took rest on his way under a mango tree and fell fast asleep. A courtesan named Anangasenā, who was gathering flowers nearby, happened to see the youth and approached him while he was asleep, and seeing a letter suspended from his neck, took it and read it through. Cursing the merchant she substituted for it another letter addressed to his wife and son, in which he was represented as enjoining them to give his daughter Srimati in marriage to Dhanakirti The latter woke up after the courtesan's departure; and on arrival at the merchant's house, he delivered the letter to Mahābala and his mother, and was duly married to Śrimati.

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The strange news reached Srīdatta who at once returned home and hatched another plot. He posted a hired assassin and a wicked priestess in a desolate shrine of the goddess Durgā in the outskirts of the city, and asked Dhanakirti to go there at nightfall with some offerings for the idol. Dhanakirti consented, but Śrīdatta's son Mahābala, seeing him going out alone in the dark, dissuaded him from the visit, as he was a stranger to the place, and offered to go to the shrine himself with the offerings. Dhanakirti accordingly stayed at home, and Mahābala went and met with death at the assassin's hands in the shrine of Durgā.
Overwhelmed with grief at the death of his son, Śrīdatta communi. cated the whole story of his conspiracy to his wife, and asked for help to get rid of the unwelcome guest. She promised co-operation, and, taking a number of sweetmeat balls, black and white, mixed the latter with poison, and asked her daugh Srīmatī to give them to her husband to eat, while the black ones were to be given to her father. She then went away to the river for a bath. Srimati served the sweetmeat balls in her mother's absence, but by mistake gave the poisoned ones to her father, whose death was instantaneous, and followed by that of her mother, who in her grief committed suicide by swallow. ing some of the poisoned sweets.
Sometime after the death of Srīdatta and his wife, Dhanakirti who continued to prosper was one day seen by king Viśvambhara. The latter was struck with the beauty of the young merchant, and decided to give his daughter in marriage to him, thus fulfilling the prophecy made about Dhanakirti even before his birth. His father Guņapāla, hearing reports of his continued luck and prosperity, now came from Kaušāmbi and met his wonderful son. The courtesan Anangasenā also came to see him.
One day the merchant Guņapāla, accompanied by Dhanakirti and his family and Anangasenā and Srimatī, paid a visit to the sage Yasodhvaja, and, after obeisance, entreated him to explain the mystery of Dhanakirti's providential escapes from death and the continued success of his glorious career. The sage pointed out that Dhanakirti was in his previous birth the fisherman Mrgasena, and he was now enjoying the fruits of the vow of non-violence which the latter had taken for a day. The courtesan Anangasenā was the fish whose life had been spared by Mrgasena on the day of his vow, while Srimati was no other than Ghantā, the wife of Mrgasena, who had entered the flames after her husband's death. Having heard the story of their previous birihs, Dhanakīrti, Anangasenā and Srimati, all three, took the vow of renunciation and became ascetics under the Jaina system of discipline, and attained a blessed state after death.

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XIV, The following story illustrates the consequences of theft or rather breach of trust. Simhasena was the king of Simhapura in the land of Prayaga, and Rāmadatta was his chief queen. The learned Sribhūti who had a great reputation for speaking the truth was his priest, and Sridattā was the latter's devoted wife. A young merchant named Bhadramitra, on the eve of a voyage to Suvarnadvipa with other merchants, had left seven priceless jewels in the custody of Sribhūti. Unfortunately, on the return voyage, Bhadramitra suffered shipwreck, but succeeded in reaching the shore by clinging to a floating plank. Having lost his friends and wealth, he was reduced to sore straits, and, arriving destitute at Simhapura, went to Srībhūti and asked for the jewels entrusted to him. But the latter pretended not to recognise him and denied having received any jewels at all. When Bhadramitra persisted in demanding the jewels, Srībhūti had him dragged to the king's presence, and, accusing him of calumny and defamation, had him repudiated by the king.
Not discouraged in the least, Bhadramitra climbed every night a tamarind tree which stood near the queen's palace, and regularly at dusk and dawn he kept shouting from the top of the tree that Śribhūti refused to return his jewels, and if the accusation turned out to be false, he (Bhadramitra) might be tortured to death. One evening the queen Rāmadattā, while she was watching the celebration of the Kaumudi festival by the women of the city, heard the plaint of Bhadramitra and devised a plan to test the truth of the charge against Śrībhūti. She invited the latter to a game of dice with her; and, under her instructions, a maidservant went to his wife, and won her confdence by producing certain articles belonging to her husband, which he had lost in the game, and obtained from her the jewels on the pretext that he had sent for them. The ruge succeeded perfectly well and the jewels were immediately taken to the king.
The king mixed up the jewels with those in his treasury and sent for Bhadramitra, and when the latter arrived, he was asked to single out th belonging to him. Bhadramitra had no difficulty in finding them, and the king was at once convinced of the guilt of Sribhuti, and lavishly praised and rewarded the young man for speaking the truth. The king then sent for Śrībhūti, and, after severely reprimanding him for his treachery, ordered that, by way of punishment, he must either swallow a certain quantity of cow-dung or submit to be roughly handled by a number of stalwart wrestlers; otherwise he would have all his property confiscated. Sribhūti calmly accepted the latter alternative, and was turned out of the city, mounted on an old donkey and wearing a garland of potsherds. As a result of his sins, he was attacked

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with leprosy, and put an end to his life by entering the flames. He was reborn as a serpent, and after causing the death of many creatures, expired and became a denizen of hell.
XV) The following story illustrates the disastrous consequences of falsehood: Ayodhana was the king of Hastināgapura and his queen was Atithi. Sulasā was their daughter, and she had been betrothed by her mother to Prince Madhupingala of Paudanapura even before her birth. king, however, decided to hold a Svayamvara for her to choose a husband, and issued invitations to a number of princes including Madhupingala and Sagara. The latter was the lord of Ayodhyā and sent a highly cultured nurse named Mandodarī and the priest Visvabhūti to win over Sulasā before the Svayam. vara took place. They came to Hastināgapura, and Mandodarī managed to become a teacher of the harem, and influenced Sulasā in favour of Sagara. The priest, on the other hand, ingratiated himself with the king and the queen, and created in their minds a dislike for Madhupingala. When the Svayamvara took place and the suitors came, Sulasă under the influence of Mandodarī chose Sagara and not Madbupingala as her husband.
Madhupingala in his grief became an ascetic, and arriving at Ayodhya in the course of his wanderings, happened to take rest at the gateway of Sagara's palace. The priest Visvabhūti was at the time giving lessons in prognostics to his disciple Śivabhūti, who observed the mendicant and expressed surprise at the contrast between his physical characteristics and his wretched condition, and spoke disparagingly of the science they were studying. Viśvabhūti, however, explained to his pupil the story pingala and how he had become an ascetic owing to his failure to win the hand of Sulasā who had preferred Sagara. Madhupingala felt grievously insulted at these remarks of his old enemy, and when, after death, he was reborn as the demon Kālāsura, he vowed vengeance against Visvabhūti as well as Sagara, and waited for a suitable opportunity to carry out his designs.
Viśvāvasu was the king of the city of Svastimati and Vasu was his son. The learned Kşīrakadamba was the priest of the king and Parvata was his son. One day the priest was expounding the ethical principles of the scriptures to his disciples Vasu, Parvata, and Nārada, who was the son of the priest of another king. Two sages Anantagati and Amitagati happened to see them, and while the former expressed his admiration for the teacher and his disciples, the latter remarked that two of them were likely to reverse in practice the teachings of the sacred texts. The priest heard these remarks and interpreted them to mean that two of the group

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would go to hell and the two others to heaven. He thought it most unlikely that he, a pious man, would go to hell, while he was certain that Vasu would, for that was where princely power led to. He was not sure about the fate of Nārada and Parvata; so with a view to testing their virtue and intelligence, he created by magic two lambs and gave one to each of them, with instructions to kill the animals and eat the flesh at a place where no one could see him. Parvata took his lamb to a secluded enclosure behind the house of his father, killed it and roasted and partook of the flesh. Nārada, on the other hand, pondered over the injunction about a place where no one could see him; and concluding that there could be no place, whether in a town or in a forest, where one could be beyond the range of one's own eyes or the eyes of the gods or the omniscient minds of the great sages, he refrained from killing his lamb and returned it to his teacher.
After this incident, the priest Kşirakadamba renounced the world and became an ascetic, and died by fasting. After his death Nārada came on a visit to Parvata, his old friend and companion. One day Parvata was expounding the text ajair yastavyam to some pupils, and interpreted the word aja' as goat,' so that the text would mean 'Sacrifices should be made with the flesh of goats'. Nārada intervened and pointed out that their departed teacher had interpreted the word to mean 'grains three years old', and that was the correct explanation. Parvata disputed the truth and accuracy of this statement, and both agreed that they should request prince Vasu to act as umpire, and accept his ruling as final.
Nārada and Parvata then went to Vasu who received them cordially and undertook to give his decision on the morrow. Meanwhile, the widow of the priest Kșīrakadamba, who was aware that he had interpreted the word in the sense mentioned by Nārada, betook herself to Vasu; and in her anxiety to save her son from disgrace, reminded the prince of a certain boon that he had promised to her, and demanded that he should now fulfil his promise, by bearing testimony to the truth of the interpretation put forward by Parvata, Vasu knew that Parvata's statement was wrong, and that he would go to hell if he supported him, but he was bound by his promise to Parvata's mother and decided to abide by his pledged word. Next morning Vasu came to his court and occupied his famous crystal throne; and on an appeal by Nārada to speak the truth, declared that Parvata's interpretation was the right one. Disaster followed this false declaration, for amid the lamentation of the citizens Vasu, as he was seated on his throne, went down to hell. Even now, at the time of the first oblation of the day, people say “Rise up, Vasu; ascend to heaven.”
Nārada was deeply aggrieved at the turn events had taken, and, feeling disgusted with the world, became an ascetic and devoted himself to meditation. The citizens in their fury rushed upon Parvata, to whom they
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attributed the downfall of their king, and, after pelting him with stones, and mercilessly whipping him, drove him out of the city, half-dead, mounted on a donkey, and compelled to wear a wreath of potsherds round his neck. Parvata took refuge in a dense forest, and there on the bank of a stream he was seen by Kālāsura, who approached him and won his confidence by representing himself to be his father's friend Sāņdilya. Parvata told him his story, how after the death of his father he had been addicted to drink, meat and courtesans, and gave a wrong interpretation of the text ajair yaştavyam knowing it to be false, down to his dispute with Nārada and its unhappy sequel.
Kālāsura consoled Parvata and asked him to take heart and join him in a new venture. He persuaded Parvata to insert in the Vedic texts injunctions sanctioning various sacrifices involving slaughter of animals, use of wine, and moral laxity and perversion. He then came to Ayodhyā, and in the outskirts of the city assumed the form of the god Brahman, and commenced a vast sacrifice at which Parvata acted as the Adhvaryu or officiating priest. Magic forms of sages like Pingala, Manu, Matanga, Marici and Gautama recited Vedic mantras, while Parvata propounded the doctrine that the animals were created for sacrifices, and killing at sacrifices was not tantamount to killing, since sacrifices contributed to the good of all. Goats, birds, elephants, horses and other animals were accordingly killed at the sacrifice and their flesh offered as oblations in the fire. Kālāsura by his magic showed the slain animals as going about in heaven in aerial cars, and the phantom sages proclaimed the glory of the phenomenon.
The exploits of Kālāsura created a sensation among the people and attracted the notice of Sagara and Visvabhūti, who were also induced by him to sacrifice animals and partake of their flesh. Kālāsura then reminded them of the wrong they had done him during his previous birth, and murdered both by throwing them into the sacrificial fire amidst the oblations. Parvata continued to kill numerous animals for sacrificial purposes, but Kālāsura disappeared soon after. Helpless and miserable without his friend, Parvata suffered and died and went to hell.
XVI) The story of Kaļārapinga and Padrā is meant to illustrate the consequences of illicit passion. Dharsana was the king of Benares and Ugrasena was his minister. Puşya was the king's priest, and he had a beautiful young wife named Padmā. Kadārapinga, the son of the minister, was a misguided and dissolute youth, who one day saw Padmã, while walking in the streets with his boon-companions, and was at once enamoured of her. There was an old nurse named Tadillatá, and she was persistently implored by the young man to help him to fulfil his heart's desire. The nurse thought it advisable to consult Ugrasena about his son's request, but the minister who was in his dotage openly encouraged her in the evil project,
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The nurse visited Padma's house, delighted her with her conversation, and became very intimate with the young woman. One day after some preliminary remarks on free love, she described to her the young man's ardent love for her and the suffering caused by his passion. Padma pretended to agree to the bawd's proposal, and the chances of the minister's son looked bright indeed.
Meanwhile, the minister Ugrasena who favoured the criminal intentions of his son devised a scheme to ensure the absence of Padma's husband from the city, on a prolonged mission. He told the king that, in a cave near the Ratnasikhanda peak of the Himalayas, there was a marvellous bird called Kimjalpa, variegated in colour, and capable of talking like a man, the possession of which had a magic effect on the fortunes of the lucky owner. He further suggested that he and the priest Puşya who knew the place might be sent in quest of the bird. The king dissuaded the minister from going owing to his great age, and ordered that the priest should undertake the journey alone.
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While Puşya was preparing to start, Padma explained to him the real motive behind the proposed expedition, and asked him to make a show of departure and return secretly at night and remain concealed at home. He followed the instructions of his wife; and one night, according to a pre-arranged plan, the bawd brought over the minister's son to Padma's house and introduced the young man to her. She asked both of them to seat themselves on a sofa, cunningly placed over a deep pit; and as soon as they sat down, they fell headlong to the bottom of the pit, and there they remained imprisoned, living on the remains of boiled rice left over by the household.
After some time, Padma made it known that her husband would arrive in a few days with the Kimjalpa bird and the female spirit, its mother. She then caused the young man and the bawd to be put in a cage, after their bodies had been painted with various colours and decked with the feathers of diverse kinds of birds. The cage was then removed to a wood near the city and left in charge of Puşya, who was dressed in travelling attire, as if he had returned from a journey. Padma, meanwhile, dressed herself in a manner becoming a woman whose husband was abroad, and set out to receive Puşya in company with her girl friends, who were all talking about the 'exploit' of her husband. On the following day Puşya accompanied by his wife, proceeded to the royal palace with the precious load and asked the king to behold the Kimjalpa and the mother bird. The king scrutinized the pair, and saying that he could see only Kaḍarapinga and the bawd Taḍillata in the cage, demanded an explanation of the mystery. Padma then recounted the whole story, and the king praised and honoured her with rich presents, and sent her home in a chariot drawn by Brahmaņas, expert in Vedic lore. As for Kaḍarapinga and

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his father Ugrasena, their shameful intrigue was proclaimed before the people, and they were banished from the city. The young profligate, after long suffering the consequences of his sin, died and went to hell.
XVII) The following story is meant to illustrate the sin of unlawful possession. In the oity of Kampilya in the Pañcala country there was a merchant named Sagaradatta who was, in spite of his wealth, a notorious miser, and went to ridiculous lengths in effecting economies and avoiding expenditure. The king of the place, whose name was Ratnaprabha, desiring to build a pavilion for witnessing elephant-races, selected for the purpose the site of a ruined palace belonging to a former king, and ordered the debris to be cleared. The bricks of the delapidated palace were of gold, but as they had lost their lustre, the king took them for ordinary bricks and employed workmen to heap them together in another place for erecting a temple. The workmen while carrying the bricks happened to drop one of them on the roadside, and the miser, finding it there, took it home and put it at the place where he used to wash his feet. The dirt having been removed by the daily friction of his feet, the brick regained its original colour, and the miser, seeing that the bricks were of gold, bribed the workmen and acquired as many of the bricks as he could.
One day the miser had to go to the city of Kakandi where his sister's son had died, but at the time of his departure he gave instructions to his son Sudatta to collect the bricks in his absence in the same fashion as he had done. Sudatta was, however, above such meanness; and when his father, on his return, asked him how many of the bricks he had managed to acquire, he replied that he had done nothing of the kind.
The miser was shocked to hear this, and condemning his own feet which had taken him to the hated town of Kakandi, he mercilessly pounded them with a slab of stone. The king, who had come to know about these happenings, had the bricks scraped by artisans; and convinced that they were of gold, he ordered the confiscation of the miser's property and banished him from the city. Sudatta was, on the other hand, provided with capital to carry on his business, and his ancestral home was returned to him as a reward for his honesty. The miser, who was known as Pinyakagandha, 'one who smells of oil-cakes,' suffered on account of his sins and went to hell after his death.
Apart from the stories outlined above, there are allusions to certain popular tales in Book IV. The story of Kañcanika is cited to illustrate the inscrutable nature of women: she is said to have killed her husband, son and paramour, and then immolated herself on the funeral pyre of her husband'. The story of the merchant's wife and Müladeva, and that of
1 इहैव वात्स्यायनगोत्रजस्य पुत्री भृगोः कालनिकेतिनाम्नी । पतिं च पुत्रं च विटं च हत्वा भर्त्रा तु साथै दहनं विवेश ॥

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Upādhyāyikā, although they are folktales, are mentioned by Somadeva along with wallknown mythological stories, and will be found in Chap. XVII. The following ancient tradition' cited in Book IV forms part of a popular tale related in the commentary:
पदर्थे च मही त्यक्ता जीविताधं च हारितम् । सा मां त्यजति निःनेहा कः स्त्रीणां वल्लमो नरः ॥ The story, as given by Śrutasāgara, is as follows. The daughter of the king of Pāțaliputra was married by the son of another king, but soon after the marriage the father of the girl fell ill, and the sacrifice of the daughter was recommended by & Tantric teacher as the only means of the king's recovery. Hearing this, the husband of the girl fled with her to a forest where she was bitten by a serpent. The prince was about to commit suicide from grief, but the sylvan deities interfered and told him that his bride would revive if he gave her half of his life-span. He agreed and the bride at once came to life, and they both continued their journey and reached a town. There the prince fell asleep in a hospice, and meanwhile a fellow named Devakesin enticed the girl away. When the husband woke up, he saw her entering the town with the man, and a quarrel ensued over the possession of the girl, who, however, claimed the stranger as her husband. Thereupon the prince demanded back the portion of the life-span which he had given her, and the wicked woman at once dropped dead. The bystanders having asked for an explanation of these strange happenings, the prince uttered the verse quoted above: "She for whom I had renounced the earth and given away half my life left me without pity. Who can ever be dear to women?'!
As we have already stated, several of the stories summarized above are met with in earlier works. The eight stories in Book VI meant to illustrate the different aspects of Samyaktva are, for instance, stock illustrations, and briefly referred to in Samantabhadra's Ratnakarandakaśrāvakācāra 1. 19, 20, the stories being summarized in Prabhācandra's commentary on the work. They were thus wellknown in Samantabhadra's time, and that they are much earlier than Samantabhadra seems also certain. Kundakunda, who lived about the first century A. D., mentions, for instance, Bhavyasena, one of the principal characters of the fourth story of our collection, in Bhāvaprūbhrta (verse 52), the typical instance of a man who failed to become a true monk despite his knowledge of all branches of the Scriptures."
1 For another version of the story see Pañcatantra, Book IV. 2 तावदानचौरोडौं ततोऽनन्तमतिः स्मृता । उहायनस्तृतीयेऽपि तुरीये रेवती मता ॥ ततो जिनेन्द्रभक्तोऽन्यो वारिषेणस्ततः
परः । विष्णुश्च वजनामा च शेषयोलेक्ष्यतां गताः।। 3 Samantabhadra is believed to be earlier than the fifth century A. D. See Pt. Yugal
kisore's Introduction (in Hindi) to Ratna-karandaka-śrāvakācāra, p. 142. 4 अंगाई दस य दुण्णि य चउदसपुव्वाइं सयलसुयणाणं । पढिओ अ भव्बसेणो ण भावसवणत्तणं पत्तो॥

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As regards the other stories, there is no doubt that the story of Sagara and Madhupingala with the intermediate one of Vasu, Parvata and Nārada is a very old one. The case of Madhupingala is referred to by Kundakunda in Bhāvaprābhrta (verse 45). The entire story including the episode of Vasu is narrated in detail in Vasudevahindi, à comprehensive Prākrit prose romance earlier than the seventh century, to illustrate the origin of what is politely called the 'non-Aryan' Vedas.* The episode of Vasu is as old as the Mahābhārata and appears to be the oldest portion of the legend. It seems to have been incorporated in the Jaina story owing to the lesson of ahiṁsā conveyed by it, and provides another instance of Jaina adaptation of Brahmanical stories. The original story as related in the Mahābhārata (śāntiparva, chap. 335 ff.) is as follows.
“Vasu was a great king of the Satya Age, also known as Uparioara, a disciple of Brhaspati and an ardent devotee of Vişņu, who worshipped the deity according to the tenets of the Sātvata or Pañcarātra system. An asvamedha performed by him was remarkable for the fact that no animals were killed in the sacrifice, the oblations being made with the produce of the forest. Once while travelling through the sky, he was asked to aot as umpire in a debate, which took place between the gods and the sages about the interpretation of the word aja in the statement that sacrifices should be performed with ajas. The gods maintained that the word meant goats', while according to the sages, it meant 'grains of corn'. Vasu out of partiality for the gods, gave the decision in favour of the latter, whereupon the sages cursed and condemned him to a life in the nether regions. While living under the earth, Vasu was nourished by a stream of clarified butter poured for him by the priests as an oblation in sacrifices, which gave it the name of vasordhārā 'the stream of Vasu'. Advised by the gods, Vasu continued to worship Vişņu even in the nether regions, and favoured by him, he regained his freedom and ascended to Brahmaloka." The story of Vasu is also referred to in the Anusāsanaparva 6. 34, where it is stated that he went to hell for speaking even a single falsehood. A variation of the story occurs in Matsyapuräna, chap. 143, where the lesson drawn is not so much the danger of falsehood as that of rash judgment in religious matters.
Jinasena I narrates in his Harivamsapurāna written in 783 A. D. several stories mentioned above; the story of Vasu, Narada and Parvata in 17. 38 ff. and that of Sagara and Madhupingala in 23. 45 ff, the story of the sage Vişnu and Bali in 20. 1 ff. and that of the priest Sribhūti and and his punishment in 27. 20 it. Some of these stories are found in the Brhat-Kathākośa of Harişena written in 931-32 A, D.
1 महापंगो णाम मुणी देहाहारादिचत्तवावारो । सबणत्तणं ण पत्तो णियाणमित्तेण भवियणुय । 2 Annals of the B. 0. R. I., Vol. XVI, p. 32. 3 Book V (
H RT).

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A variation of the story of Vajrakumara occurs in Hemacandra's Parisistaparva (Canto XII), which, though later than Somadeva's Yasastilaka, used old materials. Here, too, Vajra appears in the role of defender of the Jaina faith against the Buddhist community, although the place and circumstances are different. Somadeva's account is doubtless of greater importance as being connected with a wellknown historical monument, the Jaina Stupa of Mathura. It will be interesting to compare it with the version recorded by Hemacandra.
"The king (of Puri) was a Buddhist, and so were part of the inhabitants, while the majority of them were Jainas. As the two rival sects were continually competing with each other, the Jainas, being richer than their rivals, bought up all flowers so that the Buddhists could get none to offer in their temples. But the Buddhists induced the king to issue a strict order that no flowers should be sold to the Jainas. In this calamity the latter entreated Vajra to help them; for the Paryusanaparvan was drawing near, when the laity used to worship the images of the Arhats with flowers.
Promising his aid, Vajra went through the air to the town of Maheśvara, and entering the park of Hutasana he met the gardener Taḍit who was a friend of his. Feeling greatly honoured by Vajra's visit, the gardener inquired with what he could serve him, and being told that flowers were wanted, he promised twenty lakhs of flowers. Vajra ordered him to have them ready against his return, and then flew through the air to the Himalaya, and thence to the Padmahrada, the residence of Sridevi. There he met the goddess who held in her hand a lotus to worship the gods with, but she gladly gave it to Vajra when he asked for it.
431
Returning to Hutāśana's park he produced by magic a divine car, in which he placed the lotus given by Sri and round it the twenty lakhs of flowers brought together by his friend Tadit. Accompanied by the Jṛmbhaka gods in their cars, whom he had called up to attend him on his journey through the air, he travelled towards Puri. When he and his train were just above the town, the Buddhists believed that the gods descended from heaven to worship the Buddha images. But great was their disappointment when the celestial train landed in a Jaina temple. Never has Paryusanaparvan been celebrated with such splendour as then at Puri. The miracles just related induced the king and his subjects to embrace the Jaina faith."
The last but one story of the series, that of Padma, is a tale of the trapping of a libertine by a chaste woman, and resembles the story of Vararuci's wife Upakosa and the plight of her lovers, recorded in Kathasaritsagara, Canto IV. As we have seen, the story, as related by Somadeva, is in the form of dramatic dialogues linked by narrative passages, and might easily be converted into a little play."
Jacobi: Parisistaparvan, p. xcvi.
1
2 See chap. IV.

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MYTHS AND LEGENDS
JAINA LEGENDS OF MATHURA
Of the several legends recorded by Somadeva, that of the famous Jaina Stupa of Mathura is of outstanding interest, and narrated in detail in Yasastilaka Book VI; sections 17, 18.' It is wellknown that the ruins of the ancient Stupa were discovered in the course of excavations at the Kankāli Tila standing in the angle between the Agra and Govardhan roads during the season 1889-90.2 Somadeva gives an entirely different version of the story of foundation of the Stupa from that recorded in Jinaprabhasūri's Tirthakalpa, a work of the fourteenth century, and made known by Bühler many years ago. Somadeva is nearly four hundred years earlier than Jinaprabha, and probably records the earliest known version of the legend of the Stupa, which was regarded as of divine origin as early as the second century A. D. An inscription of the year 79, engraved on the left hand portion of the base of a large standing figure of a Jina found in the Kankali mound in the season 1890-91, records the fact that an image of the Tirthamkara Aranatha was set up at the Stupa, "built by the gods" (thupe devanirmite). "The sculpture belongs to the Kushan period, and the mode in which the date is expressed shows that the year 79 must be referred to the era used by the great Kushan kings. This year 79 falls within the reign of Vasudeva, one of whose inscriptions is expressly dated in the year 80." The important thing to note is that when the inscript ion in question was executed, "not later than A. D. 157 (79+78)", the Jaina Stupa of Mathura was already so old that it was regarded as the work of the gods. "It was probably, therefore, erected several centuries before the Christian era, and may have been at least as ancient as the oldest Buddhist Stūpa."3 According to Jinaprabha, the Stupa was built by the goddess Kubera for two Jaina saints named Dharmaruci and Dharmaghosa, and among the idols installed in its precincts the chief was that of Supärśvanatha. The Stupa was originally of gold, but later encased in brick as a safeguard against pillage. In the eighth century it was repaired by Bappabhaṭṭi Sūri, and at his request provided with a stone dome by King Ama. According to Somadeva, on the other hand, the Stupa was founded by the saint. Vajrakumāra,
1 See Chapter XVI.
2 See Vincent Smith: The Jaina Stupa and other Antiquities of Mathura, Allahabad,
1901.
3 Smith (op. cit.), pp. 12, 13.
4 Introduction to Pandit's edition of Gaüdavaho, p, cliii

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OV
Worship of the Stupa by Kinnaras and Suparnas, see p. 433.
60000
Procession on its way to the Stupa, see p. 433.

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Exploring the Siva Linga, see p. 433.
(Rajaputana Musuem, Ajmer )

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433
son of Somadatta, during the reign of Patikavāhana, and there is no reference to its ever being made of gold.
The Jaina Stūpa of Mathurā seems to have existed in Somadeva's time, as is apparent from his statement that “the shrine is still known by the name of Devanirmita, "Built by the Gods". It may also be noted in this connection that the colossal image of Pārsvanátha, seated in meditation, found in the Kankāli mound at Mathură in 1889, and bearing an inscription dated Samvat 1036 or 980 A. D., was possibly built and installed within Somadeva's 'lifetime. The discovery of another colossal image of a Jina, also seated in meditation, at the same site, and bearing an inscription dated Samvat 1134 or 1078 A. D.,' gives evidence of the continuity of Jaina religious life at Mathurā sixty years after the sack of the city by Mahmud of Ghazni in 1018 A, D. As Dr. Führer says, “these ancient temples were used by the Jainas during the greater part of the eleventh century, and their destruction happened in very late times". As regards the great Stūpa, its site is at present a bare flat mound without any semblance of an ancient edifice on its surface. But a sculpture on a Torana lintel from the Kankāli Tilā, now preserved in the Luoknow Museum (J 535), shows the Stūpa as being worshipped by Kinnaras and Suparņas (half birds and half men), and gives us an idea of the general appearance of the monument as it originally stood. The reverse side of the lintel represents a procession probably on its way to the Stūpa (see illustrations). Vincent Smith describes the piece of masonry as the central portion of the lowest beam of a Toraņa archway in the railing round a Stūpa, and says that it may have belonged to the ancient Stūpa, and is certainly an early work, probably to be dated about 100 or 50 B. C.
. The existence of Jaina temples at Mathurā, called Uttaramathurā to distinguish it from Dakşiņamathurā or Madura in the Pandya country, is attested by another reference in Yaśastilaka VI. 10.8 Two temples were, in fact, discovered under the Kankāli Tilă. In the Museum Report for 1890-91 Dr. Führer writes that an inscription, incised on an oblong slab, gives the name
1 far varafoite GHIETI S I' Vol. II, p. 315. 2 Now in the Provincial Museum, Lucknow, J 143. The date is variously read as
1038 and 1036. Smith (op. cit., p. 4 and Agrawala: Guide-Book to the Archaeological Section of the Provincial Museum, p. 13. In the text of the inscription sent to
me by Dr. Agrawala the date is given as 1036. 3 J 145, Provincial Museum, Lucknow. 4 Smith (op. cit.), p. 4. 5 Smith (op. cit.), p. 22. 6 'उत्तरमथुरायां जिनेन्द्रमन्दिरवन्दारुहृदयदोहदवर्ती वर्तेऽहम् । 55

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of the founder of one of the temples; and as its characters do not differ much from those used in the earliest dated inscriptions of the Indo-Scythic period, he infers that one of the edifices was built before 150 B. c.1
The legend of the Jaina Stupa of Mathura, as recorded by Somadeva, is also important as throwing light on the rivalry between the Jaina and Buddhist communities at the epoch of the foundation of the Stupa. It is obvious from the legend that the Buddhist wife of Pūtikavahana sought to abolish the Jaina Eight-day festival at Mathura and replace it by a celebration in honour of the Buddha. Her attempt was foiled by Vajrakumāra, and the foundation of the Stupa bears testimony to the unhindered celebration of the great Jaina festival at Mathura.
Legends relating to certain pious Jainas of Mathura occur in Yasastilaka. That of Revati, wife of king Varuna, famous for her unflinching devotion to the Jaina faith, is given in detail in VI. 11. In Book IV Somadeva refers to the story of Arhaddasa, who, though a householder, showed the resolution of an ascetic, when he continued his meditation unperturbed even at the sight of the sufferings caused to his family by some hostile deities.* Aurvila, the pious Jaina wife of king Pūtikavahana of Mathura, who had to contend against the machinations of her young Buddhist co-wife, figures prominently in the legend of the great Stupa.
OTHER JAINA LEGENDS
In Book IV occurs a reference to the story of the sage Puruhūta of Pataliputra, who was once a king, but had abdicated in favour of his son and become an ascetic: even during his austerities he could not repress his martial spirit when he heard that his son was waging war against his enemies.*
In Book I Somadeva refers to the temptation of the monk Rathanemi who gave up his austerities on witnessing the performance of a nautch-girl. Rathanemi was the brother of the great ascetic Aristanemi, and his story occurs in Uttaradhyayanasutra, chap. XXII; but, in the latter text, he feels tempted at the sight of his brother's discarded bride Rājīmati at a lonely spot. Śrutasagara, on the other hand, in his commentary on Yasastilaka, says that Rathanemi was a teacher of the Digambara sect, and married a nautch-girl, a girl of the potter caste, and a princess in succession,
1
Smith (op. cit.), p. 3.
2 See Bṛhat-Katha-kośa of Harişena, Story No. 12.
3
See Chap. XVI.
4 ' यथा उत्तरमथुरायां निशाप्रतिमास्थित स्त्रिदिव सूत्रितकलत्रपुत्रमित्रोपद्रवोऽप्येकत्व भावनमानसोऽर्हदासः 12 p. 137.
5 'कुसुमपुरे चरादाकर्णितसुतसमर स्थितिरातापनयोगयुतोऽपि पुरुहूतदेवर्षिः । Ibid.
6 'रथनेमेव नटीनर्तनदर्शनात् ।' Vol, I, p. 109.

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435 and took also the religious vow as often. The story, according to Śrutasāgara, is found in a Kathākosa.
In Book IV Somadeva refers to the early Jaina legend of the burning of Dvārakā by the sage Draipāyana. The episode is clearly in the Antagadadasão, Book V; and the Harivarsapurāna of Jinasena I, composed in 783 A. D., narrates in detail how the city was burnt to ashes hy the sage, as a revenge for being assaulted by the Yādava young men under the influence of drink (canto 61). The name of the sage is Dīvāyaṇa in the Ardhamāgadbi text and Dvīpāyana in the Hariyamsapurāna. Two other Jaina legends are cited in Book IV to illustrate the view that the doing of something different from what one resolves or promises to do does not cause any harm, provided it is harmless to others. There is a scriptural tradition (pravacana) that a king of Mithilā named Padmaratha once set out on a journey apparently to worship the pontiff Vāsupūjya, but his real object was to become a leader of the Jaina church. Similarly, a young merchant named Sukumāra, who wished to renounce the world, had promised to his mother that he would do so after passing a day with each of his five hundred wives, but carried out his resolution sooner on hearing from a sage that he was not destined to live long,
NON-JAINA LEGENDS
a) Brahmä, Vişņu and the Sivalinga The dispute of Brahma and Vişņu about the extent of the Sivalinga is mentioned in a verse, quoted by Somadeva from an earlier text in Book V.* The story is also referred to iu Śrībarşa's Naişadhacarita 10. 51 and narrated in detail in Skandapurāna. It is noteworthy that there are important sculptural representations of the legend. In one of the cave-temples of Ellora, Siva is depicted inside a linga with flames issuing from the side of it. Vişņu is represented below on the right as Varāha the boar-avatāra, digging down to see if he can reach the base of the great linga; having failed to do so, he is also represented as worshipping it. On the other side is Brahmā ascending to discover the top of it, which he also failed to do, and stands as a
1 of Jantareata a arget i TFI Vol. II, p. 139. See Byhat-katha-kośa of
Harişeņa, Story No. 118. 2. See Bțbat-katha-kośa, No. 51. 3 'तथा च प्रवचनम् वासुपूज्यभगवतो धन्दनामिषेण गतो मिथिलानगरीनाथः पारथो बभूव गणधरदेवः । मातुः
aitafarla TISU Tarafa farc: HATTENTAT TE I See also Sratasågara's
comm, thereon, p. 72. 4 See Chap. XVIII for the verse in question. 5 See Handiqui: Naishadhacarita, Notes, p. 410. 6 Cave XV.

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worshipper." Similarly, in a beautiful sculpture preserved in the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, and assigned to the tenth or eleventh century, Brahma with a long beard is represented as soaring upwards, and Visņu as diving below, to explore the top and the base of the linga respectively. After their failure, Brahma is shown as standing on one side of it and Visņu on the other."
436
b) Necessity knows no law'
In Book IV Yasodhara's mother, in her plea for animal sacrifices for one's wellbeing, says that the great sage' Gautama killed even his benefactor Nadijangha to save his own life, and Visvamitra killed a dog for the same purpose. Somadeva here tampers with two stories found in the Mahabharata, Santiparva (section on apaddharma). Gautama was really a degenerate Brahman who killed the divine crane Nadījangha, perceiving no other means of sustenance, despite the great favours conferred on him by the bird. He is severely condemned in the Mahabharata for ingratitude. Viśvāmitra, on the other hand, partook of dog's flesh in the house of a Caṇḍāla, and yet incurred no sin, because he did so for the purpose of self-preservation during a famine. The story of Visvamitra feeding on dog's flesh is also referred to in Manusmrti 10. 108. It may be noted that Śrutasagara in his commentary invents fanciful stories to explain these
allusions.
Women and the practice of religion
A group of traditional stories (sruti) is referred to in the message of Amṛtamati to Yasodhara in Book IV, bearing on the duty of women to accompany their husbands in the practice of religion. She cites the wellknown instances of Rama and Sita, Draupadi and Arjuna, Sudakṣina and Dilipa, Lopamudra and Agastya, Arundhati and Vasistha, Renuka and Jamadagni. On the other hand, the danger of women engaging in religious austerities, however rigorous, unaccompanied by their husbands, is illustrated by the little known story of a Brahmin woman named Brahmabandhu, who, although she was fasting unto death, at Prayaga, was associated by scandal with a monk named Govinda.*
1 Burgess: A Guide to Elura Cave Temples (Reprint), p. 28.
2 The sculpture was examined by me during my visit to Ajmer in October, 1941. No catalogue was then available. See the illustration.
3 ' किमङ्ग महामुनि गौतमः प्राणत्राणार्थमात्मोपकारिणमपि नाडीजङ्घ न जघान । विश्वामित्रः सारमेयम् ।' p. 124.
4 ' तथाच श्रुतिः - किल वानप्रस्थभावेऽपि रामस्य सीता सधर्मचारिण्यासीत् । द्रौपदी धनंजयस्य रेणुका च जमदग्नेरिति । "यथा प्रयागे प्रायोपवेशन स्थितापि ब्रह्मबन्धूब्राह्मणी गोविन्देन परिव्राजा सह किल परीवादभागिनी बभूवेति ।
P. 149

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d) Effect of calumny
The evil that can be done by popular report, however false, is illustrated by another group of traditional stories (laukiki śrutiḥ) in Book IV. It is said that the sage Bṛhaspati was once refused admission to Indra's council-chamber owing to a false accusation brought against him by a gambler in the city of Cunkára. A monk named Cakrapani was debarred from entering Benares, because a minstrel named Sajaka, having failed to obtain a share in his earnings, spread a report that the monk was in the habit of devouring children. An ascetic named Markanda was excluded from the hermitages of anchorites, because he lived among drunkards, even though he used to drink only water.1
e) Wisdom no bar to moral transgression
The above group of legends is followed by another, designed to show that even the wise at times commit offences, regardless of consequences. The crime of the sage Dvaipayana is mentioned first. We are then told that Ravana abducted Sita, even though he was presumably acquainted with the story of Dandakya in the Nitisastras.2 The latter story occurs in the Rāmāyaṇa, Uttarakanda, Chap. 80, 81, where it is related how king Danda and his kingdom were destroyed by the sage Bhargava as a punishment for violating the latter's daughter Araja. The legend of Danda is also treated in detail in Vamanapuraṇa, Chap. 63 ff. and mentioned in Kamasutra 1. 2. 44.
The wellknown stories of Nahusa's insult to the sages and Brahma's passion for his own daughter are next referred to. Then comes the story of how Vararuci carried a pitcher of wine for the sake of a courtesan. The source of the story is obscure, but it seems to be a variation of a legend recorded in Hemacandra's Parisiṣṭaparva 8. 87 ff., which relates that the poet took to drinking under the influence of a courtesan named Upakośā with fatal results for himself.*
f) Legends of female character
A group of legends is cited in Yasodhara's soliloquy in Book IV to illustrate the fickle character of women, and how they defy all restrictions on their movements. After referring to the mythological stories of Ahalya
437
1 'तथाच लौकिकी श्रुतिः - किल बृहस्पतिः सद्वृत्तोऽपि चुङ्कारनगरे लोचनाअनहरेण कितवेन मिथ्याप्रवाददूषितः शतक्रतुसभायां प्रवेशं न लेभे । अलब्धारांना शेन तु षजकनाम्ना वाग्जीवनेन अयं भिक्षाभ्रमणव्याजेनार्भकान् भक्षयति इत्युपहतश्चक्रपाणिः परिव्राट् वाराणस्याम् । मधुपेषु मध्ये पीतपयाश्च मार्कण्डतापसस्तापसाश्रमेषु ।' p. 138.
2 'पौलस्त्यो नीतिशास्त्रेषु नाश्रौषीदाण्डक्योपाख्यानम्' etc. p. 139.
3 ' वररुचिश्च वृषलीनिमित्तमासव निपोद्वहनम्' etc.
4 Summarized by Jacobi in his edition of the work, p. lxix.

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and Indra; Parvati and the Elephant Demon; and Chaya and the Fire god (the former had been placed by her father in the custody of Yama who vainly put her in his stomach for safety), Yasodhara cites two little known tales. The first relates to the wife of a merchant, who resorted to the expedient of putting on a single cloth with her, but could not thereby prevent her from committing adultery with Müladeva. The second story is about a clever adulteress named Upadhyāyikā, the wife of a Brāhmaṇa teacher.1 According to Śrutasagara, the name of the husband was Garga and that of the woman Somaśrī.
The temptations offered by women are illustrated in Book I by the legend of how the austerities of Siva were interrupted by the sight of the water-sports of the daughters of Daksa, those of Brahman by the musical performance of the nymph Tilottama, those of Parasara by the meeting of the fisherman's daughter, and those of Rathanemi (see above) by the dancing of a nautch-girl."
g) Miscellaneous Stories
The legend of Jimutavahana is referred to in a simile in Book I. The allusion to Radha and Nārāyaṇa in Book IV is of particular interest in view of the paucity of early references to the former, and shows that the Radha legend must be much earlier than the 10th century. It is noteworthy that both Kṛṣṇa and Radha are mentioned in Hala's Gāthāsaptasati 1. 89.5 A woman named Radha appears in the story of Dhanakirti in Yasastilaka VII. 26. The antiquity of the name is shown by the fact that a woman called Radha is also mentioned in Lalitavistara, chap. 18, the famous Mahāyāna work, earlier than the ninth century." The ten Incarnations of Viṣṇu are referred to in Yasastilaka, Book IV."
1 ' तथाहि अनुश्रवः - कृतरक्षाशल्याप्यहल्या किलाखण्डलेन सह संविवेश, हरदेहार्धाश्रितापि गिरिसुता गजासुरेण, यमजठरालयापि छाया पावकेन, एकवसन वैदेहकवधूर्मूलदेवेन, एवमन्याश्चोपाध्यायिकाप्रभृतयो निजपतिसमक्षमुपपतिभिः acitfat #granean p. 62. A story very similar to that of Chaya and the fire god occurs in Milindapanha iv. 2. 18. A Danava, to guard his wife, put her into a box, and swallowing it, carried her about in his stomach. That did not prevent a Vidyadhara entering his mouth and enjoying the company of his wife. Rhys Davids: The Questions of King Milinda, Vol. I, p. 217.
2 ' श्रूयते हि किला लक्ष्यजन्मनो दक्षसुतानां जलकेलिविलोकनात् तपः प्रत्यवायः, पितामहस्य तिलोत्तमासंगीतकात् कैवत. संगमात् पराशरस्य, रथनेमेश्च नटीनर्तनदर्शनात् ।' Vol. I, p. 109.
3 ' जीमूतवाहनचरितावतारमिव नागवल्लीविभव सुन्दरम् ।' p. 95
4 'किं न रेमे राधा नारायणेन' Vol. II, p. 142.
5 मुहमारुण तं कल गोरअं राहिआए अवणेन्तो । एता वलवीणं अण्णाण वि गोरअं हरसि ॥ N. S. Press, third
edition.
6 'तेन खलु पुनर्भिक्षवः समयेन सुजाताया ग्रामिकदुहितुर्दासी राधा नाम कालगताभूत् ।'
7'
a '. For the verse in question see Chapter XII.

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CHAPTER XVIII
QUOTATIONS AND REFERENCES A remarkable feature of Somadeva's Yasastilaka is that it quates or refers to a large number of earlier authors and works, many of them otherwise unknown or but insufficiently known. These references have thus a great chronological value, forming as they do a definite landmark in Indian literary history. There are indeed few writers who have enriched Kāvya literature with so great a variety of well-stocked scholarship as the author of our romance.
PORTS In Book IV Somadeva refers to the following poets as Mahakavis, and claims that their kāvyas testify to the great reputation of the Jaina religion: Urva, Bhāravi, Bhavabhūti, Bhartrhari, Bhartrmentha, Kantha, Gaņādhya, Vyāsa, Bhāsa, Vosa, Kālidāsa, Bāņa, Mayūra, Nārāyaṇa, Kumāra, Māgha and Rājasekhara. These names are followed by a reference to what Somadeva calls 'the Kávyādhyāya composed by Bharata', probably the 17th chapter of Bharata's Nāțyaśāstra which deals with the adornments of poetry' (kāvyavibhūşaņāni), figures of speech and similar topics,
While some of the above names are well-known, we know praotically nothing about the others. Nārāyaṇa may be Bhattanārāyaṇa, the author of: Venisaṁhāra, but we cannot be sure about this. Kumāra is very probably Kumāradāsa, the author of Jānakiharana. The reference to Guņādhya seems to suggest that the lost Brhatkathā was extant in the Deccan in the 10th century. The reference to Bhāsa is not clear, and may not have anything to do with the dramatist of that name. In any case, Bhāsa is again mentioned as a Mabākavi in a subsequent chapter (Vol. II, p. 251), and the following verse quoted therein shows that he was a follower of the sensual aspect of the Saiva cult." gaita 7 ARTHPORETH H T HETlaar
पेया सुरा प्रियतमामुखमीक्षणीयं ग्रामः स्वभावललितोऽविकृतश्च वेषः।
येनेदमीशमदृश्यत मोक्षवर्म दीर्घायुरस्तु भगवान् स पिनाकपाणिः॥ "One should drink wine and gaze at a beloved woman's face and assume a garb that is beautiful by nature and unspoilt.Long live Siva, the Exalted One, who discovered such a way to salvation.” It may be noted that the verse occurs in the Pallava king Mahendravarman's Mattaviläsaprahasana where it is declaimed by a drunken Kāpālika, after salutation to Siva.
1 See Chap. VIII.
Ms. A remarks Parfer: 2 99.

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With regard to the other poets mentioned in Somadeva's list no early poet of the name of Kantha is known, but a writer named Kantha is oited several times as an authority on Sanskrit roots in Ksïrasvămin's Koiratarungini.' Combination of grammar and poetry is not rare in Sanskrit literature, but we do not know whether this Kantha was also a Mahākavi. As to Urva, two of our Manuscripts (B and C) give the name as Utsavva, but the reading of the printed text is supported by the other two Manuscripts (A and D) which seem to read Urva. There seems no doubt that Urva is the correct reading which has also the merit of being adopted in Śrutasāgara's commentary. Urva is probably the same as the poet Aurva cited in Vallabhadeva's Subhāṣitāvali which attributes the following verses to him:
भ्रश्ययनान्धकारेऽथ प्राप्ते वर्षानिशाक्षये। शरत् प्राभातवेलेव प्रकाशमनयहिशः॥
रिक्ता विपाण्डुरात्मानो निःशब्दाः प्राप्तलाघवाः। त्वरसपना इव घना न्यस्तचापा दिशो ययुः॥ The second verse is evidently addressed to a king, and Aurva seems to have been a court-poet.
of the remaining poets, Bāņa is mentioned in another place, the reference being to his Kādambari, Māgha, too, is mentioned twice, Yasodhara being addressed as a Māgha in poetio appreciation. As regards Bhavabhūti, a reference to the plot of his Mălatimădhava occurs in Somadeva's Nitivākyāmrta ( Yuddhasamuddesa).* In Book V Somadeva quotes verses from two other poets about whom we know nothing. They are Grahila, who sings the glory of Siva, and Nilapata, who heaps scorn on those who deny themselves the charms of women to seek the bliss of salvation. The following two verses are by Grahila :
भास्तां तवान्यदपि तावदतुल्यकक्षमैश्वर्यमीश्वरपदस्य निमित्तभूतम् । स्वच्छेफसोऽपि भगवन्न गतोऽवसानं विष्णुः पितामहयुतः किमुतापरस्य ॥ इति, रथः क्षोणी यन्ता शततिरगेन्द्रो धनुरथो रथाङ्गे चन्द्राकौं रथचरणपाणिः शर इति ।
दिधक्षोस्ते कोऽयं त्रिपुरतृणमाडम्बरविधिर्विधेयैः क्रीडन्यो न खलु परतन्याः प्रभुधियः॥ sfat a gan (Vol. II, p. 55)."
The following verse is attributed by Somadeva to Nilapata (Vol. II, p. 252). Ha a ara99apisala iraya
1 Ed. Liebich, Breslau, 1930. 2 See Chap. IV. 3 'affairfaitatag ' Book II. 4 'श्रयते हि किल दूरस्थोऽपि माधवपिता कामन्दकीयप्रयोगेण माधवाय मालतीं साधयामास ।'
The second vorse occurs in Puşpadanta's Mahimnastotra. It is possible that Somadeva's remark erfarw might simply mean "an obstinate utterance,' as the verses in question are cited to illustrate certain alleged contradictiong in the concepe tion of Siva. See Chap. VIII.

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पयोधरभरालसाः स्मरविघूर्णितार्वेक्षणाः क्वचित् सलयपञ्चमोच्चरितगीतझङ्कारिणीः । विहाय रमणीरमूरपरमोक्षसौरव्यार्थिनामहो जडिम डिण्डिमो विफलभण्डपाखण्डिनाम् ॥
Nilapata seems to be the same as the poet Nilapatta cited in Saduktikarnamṛta which quotes from him the following playful verse on the irony of Siva's burning the god of love. It would seem that Nilapata or Nilapaṭṭa was a poet who laid stress on the pleasures of love.
भयं स भुवनत्रयप्रथितसंयमी शङ्करो बिभर्ति वपुषाधुना विरहकातरः कामिनीम् । अनेन किल निर्जिता वयमिति प्रियायाः करं करेण परिलालयन् जयति जातहासः स्मरः ॥
The following verse is attributed in Book IV to Vararuci (p. 99): प्राणाघातानिवृत्तिः परधनहरणे संयमः सत्यवाक्यं काले शक्त्या प्रदेयं युवतिजनकथामूकभावः परेषाम् । तृष्णास्त्रोतोविबन्धो गुरुषु च विनतिः सर्वभूतानुकम्पा सामान्यं सर्वशास्त्रेष्वनुपहतविधिः श्रेयसामेष मार्गः ॥ The verse is found in the Nirnaya Sagara edition of Bhartṛhari's Nitisataka, but seems to be an interpolation. It is not included in Jivananda's edition of the work in Kavyasaṁgraha, vol. II. Somadeva refers to Bhartṛhari in the above list, and must have been acquainted with his work. It is hardly possible that he would have missed the verse in Nitisataka if it had formed part of the text. The verse in question is put in the mouth of Vararuci in a story in Durgasimha's Kanarese rendering of the Pañcatantra, based on Vasubhāga's Sanskrit version of the work; but as the latter recension is no longer extant, it is difficult to say whether Somadeva borrowed the verse from Vasubhaga.1
Two verses of Bhartṛhari are quoted by Somadeva in Book V without mentioning their author, one from S'ṛngārasataka and the other from Nitisataka, the printed text of the S'atakas showing slight variations:
स्त्रीमुद्रां झषकेतनस्य महतीं सर्वार्थसंपत्करीं ये मोहादवधीरयन्ति कुधियो मिथ्याफलान्वेषिणः । ते तेनैव निहत्य निर्दयतरं मुण्डीकृता लुञ्चिताः केचित् पञ्चशिखीकृताश्च जटिनः कापालिकाश्चापरे ॥ नमस्यामो देवान्ननु हतविधेस्तेऽपि वशगा विधिर्निन्द्यः सोऽपि प्रतिनियतकर्मान्तफलदः । फलं कर्मायत्तं यदि किमपरैः किंच विधिना नमः सत्कर्मभ्यः प्रभवति न येभ्यो विधिरपि ॥
441
As pointed out elsewhere, Somadeva quotes a large number of verses on the ministers of kings from various poets, but it is doubtful whether they are historical names. There is a similar reference to a poet named Ganapati in the verse quoted below:
वृत्तिच्छेद स्त्रिदश विदुषः कोहलस्यार्थहा निर्मान ग्लानिर्गणपतिकवेः शंकरस्याशु नाशः । धर्मध्वंसः कुमुदकृतिनः केकटेश्च प्रवासः पापादस्मादिति समभवद्देव देशे प्रसिद्धिः ॥
It is stated in the verse that the wicked minister Pamarodara insulted the poet Ganapati. Śrutasägara in his commentary takes Tridaśa, Kohala
1
The Poona Orientalist, Vol. II, p. 181.
22 See Chap. VII.
56

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and Kekati also as referring to poets, but the verse mentions only Ganapati as a poet. We cannot but regard these names as fictitious, but it is noteworthy that there was actually a poet named Ganapati earlier than the tenth century. Rājasekhara praises him in a verse cited in Jalhana's Sūktimuktūvali, which also quotes another verse wherein he is mentioned along with several well-known poets. Verses from Ganapati are cited in Saduktikarnāmrta and Subhāsitävali, and he seems to have composed a work named Mahāmoda.
The following verse is quoted by Somadeva from an unnamed work on poetics. (3. 274): ___ त्रिमूलकं द्विधोत्थानं पञ्चशाखं चतुश्छदम् । योऽगं वेत्ति नवच्छायं दशभूमि स काव्यकृत् ॥
GRAMMARIANS
Somadeva says in Book I that the monks accompanying Sudatta expounded to their disciples the tenets of the Aindra, Jainendra, Candra, Āpisala, Pāṇiniya and many other grammars'. The grammar of Pāṇini needs no comment, but the others are less familiar, and it is interesting to find that they were in vogue in the tenth century. About a
, the Mulgund Inscription of the reign of Someśvara I, dated 1053 A. D., refers to the erudition of the Jaina Muni Narendrasena in the Candra, Kātantra, Jainendra, Sabdānusāsana and Aindra grammars, and that of Pāņini; and these were no doubt the standard grammars of the day. As late as the thirteenth century Bopadeva mentions at the beginning of his Kavikalpadruma eight ancient grammarians including Indra, Candra, Apisali, Pāṇini and Jainendra, and says that he has composed his work after examining their opinions'. Samayasundara in his commentary on the Jaina Kalpasūtra 2. 9 includes the Aindravyākarana and the Āpisalivyäkarana among the eighteen grammars mentioned by him; but while it may be assumed that the grammars enumerated by Somadeva were current in the Deccan for a few centuries after his time, it would be rash to draw any conclusion about the popularity of these ancient texts from late references occurring in a writer of the seventeenth century.
No work called the Aindra grammar has come down to us, but the Kātantra system is believed to be derived from the Aindra school, of which the traditional founder is the god Indra, who first appears in the rôle
1 अथो गणपतिं वन्दे महामोदविधायिनम् । विद्याधरगणैर्यस्य पूज्यते कण्ठगर्जितम् ।। 4.72%; दण्डी बाणदिवाकरी गणपतिः
File tarat: 4. 111 2 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XVI, Part II.

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443
of a grammarian in the Taittiriyasamhita. In later times Indra is mentioned as the author of a grammar in Sriharşa's Naişadhacarita 10. 135; and Cāņdūpandita, who wrote a remarkable commentary on the poem towards the end of the thirteenth century, takes the reference to mean the Aindra grammar,
Tibetan tradition, however, speaks of an Indravyäkarana by a grammarian named Indragomin, and it is said to have been prevalent among the the Buddhists of Nepal. The question requires further investigation.
The Āpisala referred to by Somadeva is the ancient grammar of Apisali earlier than Panini who refers to him in the rule vă supyāpisaleh. Apisali's opinion is cited in connection with another rule in the Mahābhāsya on Pāṇini 4. 2. 45,4 and we learn from the same work (4. 1. 14) that a Brāhmaṇa woman who studies Apisala, that is, the grammar of Apisali, is called Apisalā. Occasional references to the tenets of the Apisala school are found in the Kāśika and Jinendrabuddhi's Nyäsa thereon. For example, we read in Käsikā 6. 2. 36: 19TORITATISTI: 1...a IHI0313 I...teffa as-WEIFAHTSCHICHT: 1 ...... Strlar total 3171 39a Pa......
B e ifarafia Street 1. Kāśikā 7. 3. 95 while explaining the rule तुरुस्तुशम्यगःसार्वधातुके says-आपिशलास्तुरुस्तुशम्यमः arang#15 goceila gola. Jinendrabuddhi remarks—ATâUTTEifeft alferdačat: alleet
TO UTTET TOCRITERSAL caa fuftateatr I. Jinendrabuddhi on Käsikä 1. 3. 22 mentions another peculiarity of Apisali: 97TH THE THIRSTø: hrana i ate a TRWARE अस भुवीति गणपाठः । किं तर्हि । स भुवीति स पठति ।...स त्वागमौ गुणवृद्धी आतिष्ठते । एवं हि स प्रतिजानीत इत्यर्थः । References to Apisali's grammar are found also in writers of the Kätantra school, e. g. in Durgasimha's comm. on the rule faa-3119 tout retai कर्मप्रवचनीयत्वं दृष्टमिति मतम् ।.
The Candra grammar referred to by Somadeva is the work of the Buddhist Candragomin, and has been edited and assigned to the 5th century A. D. The Jainendra is the work of the famous Jaina philosopher and grammarian Pūjyapäda, also known as Devanandin. He is said to have been the tutor of the Ganga king Durvinīta who ruled about the end of the fifth century. But a Jaina scholar named Niravadyapandita who was a spiritual adviser of the Calukya king Vinayaditya (680-696 A. D.) is described in an inscription as the house-pupil of Pūjyapāda; and R. G. Bhandarkar has on
1 Belvalkar: Systems of Sanskrit Grammar, p. 10. 2 Explaining the phrase तादृककृतव्याकरणः, C. P. says तादृक् कृतम् ऐन्द्र व्याकरणं येन सः. 3 Winternitz: Geschichte der indischen Litteratur, Vol. III, p. 398. 4 Tyrafastafe:' etc. 5 f3fa37chea rapoft 3927 Argoiti 6 See Candra-Vștti, Ed. Liebicb, Leipzig, 1918. 7 Belvalkar (op. cit.), p. 58.

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this ground suggested about 678 A. D. as the date of the grammarian.' It is possible, however, that there was more than one Pujyapāda, and it is usual to assign the grammarian to the latter half of the fifth century. It may be noted that of the two recensions of the Jainendra grammar that preserved in Somadeva's commentary S'abdārṇavacandrikā composed in 1205 A. D. is the earlier and more complete."
Somadeva refers to Pujyapada again in Book II. The young prince Yasodhara is described as being proficient in grammar like Pujyapāda and in the science of logic like Akalamka.3 We shall speak about Akalamka a bit later. As regards Pujyapāda, although he was no less distinguished for his philosophical and other writings, he was regarded as a grammarian par excellence, a founder of an independent grammatical system. 'Like Pujyapāda in grammar, like Akalamka in logic' became a sort of proverbial expression among later Jaina writers. The comparison occurs, for instance, in some of the Śravana Belgola inscriptions. An inscription dated Śaka 1037 describes (verse 30) a teacher named Meghacandra as:
षट्तर्केण्वक लङ्कदेव विबुधः साक्षादयं भूतले । सर्वव्याकरणे विपश्चिदधिपः श्रीपूज्यपादः स्वयं ॥ Another teacher, Jinacandra by name, is called जैनेन्द्रे पूज्य ( पादः ) सकलसमयतर्के (verse 23) in an inscription of about Saka 1022. Similarly, in an inscription dated Saka 1320 a teacher named Śrutamuni is called श्रीपूज्यपादः सकलविमत जित्तर्कतन्त्रेषु देवः ( verse 40 ) . 4 The grammatical learning of Pujyapada is further attested by the citations from the Mahabhāṣya occurring in his Sarvarthasiddhi, one of the earliest commentaries on the Tattvärthasutra.s
A casual reference to the grammarian Patañjali, the author of the Mahābhāṣya, occurs in a metaphor based on word-play in Book VI, section 20: 'शस्त्रशास्त्र विद्याधिकरणव्याकरणपतञ्जले बले'.
NĪTISASTRAS
In Book III Somadeva describes Yasodhara as having studied the Nitisastras of Brhaspati, Sukra, Visālākṣa, Parīkṣit, Parāśara, Bhima, Bhisma, Bharadvaja and others, None of these ancient works is now extant, but there is no doubt that they were available in the 10th century.
1 Early History of the Deccan, Third edition, p. 102.
2
See introduction to Benares edition, and Winternitz (op. cit.), p. 400.
3 'पूज्यपाद इव शब्दैतिह्येषु', 'अकलङ्कदेव इव प्रमाणशास्त्रेषु'
4 जैनशिलालेखसंग्रहः, pp. 62, 119, 202 (मणिकचन्द्रदिगम्बर जैन ग्रन्थमाला ).
5 See Pathak in Annals of the B. O. R. I, Vol XIII, p. 32.
6 गुरुशुक्रविशालाक्ष"

'भारद्वाजादिप्रणीत नीतिशास्त्रश्रवणसनाथं श्रुतिपथम् P. 471

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The opinions of the followers of the schools of Bṛhaspati (Barhaspatyaḥ) and Sukra (Ausanasaḥ) are cited several times in Kautilya's Arthasāstra, and these two ancient writers on statecraft are often quoted in the Mahabharata and other texts.1 A large number of quotations from Bṛhaspati in verse occurs in Lakṣmidhara's Krtyakalpataru (Rājadharmakanda ) composed in the twelfth century; and as late as the fourteenth century, Candesvara quotes Bṛhaspati, Barhaspatya, and the Niti or Rajaniti of Sukra in his Rajanitiratnākara, but the work of Sukra quoted therein is not the same as the extant Sukranitisara, which is believed to be a later compilation.
Another reference to Sukra occurs in Book II. The young prince Yasodhara is described as proficient as Sukra in political science and the disposition of troops on the battlefield. The Nitisastra of Sukra seems to have paid special attention to the latter topic, as the Mahabharata (Asramaväsikaparva 7. 15) refers to the Vyuhas known as Sakata, Padma, Vajra
and mentions in this connection the sastra of Uśanas.
अथोपपत्त्या शकटं पद्मवज्रं च भारत । उशना वेद यच्छास्त्रं तत्रैतद्विहितं विभो ॥
The subject is treated in detail in Kautilya's Arthasastra 10. 6, wherein the discussion opens with a reference to the classification of vyühas according to Usanas and Brhaspati..
We know very little about the Nitisastras of Parikṣit, Bhima and Bhisma. With regard to the latter, the opinions of an old writer on politics named Kaunapadanta are cited several times in Kautilya's Arthaśāstra (1. 8. etc.), and as Kaunapadanta is an epithet of Bhisma, the two names might refer to the same author. The Nitisastra of Parāśara seems to be different from the Dharmasamhita of the same author. The opinions of Parasara and the school of Parasara are quoted several times in Kautilya's Arthasastra (1. 8, 15 etc.). An opinion of Parasara is cited also in Kamandaka's Nitisara 8. 39.5 An early reference to the Nitisastra of Parāśara occurs in the Tantrākhyāyikā, the oldest recension of the Pañcatantra, which mentions the Nitiśästra of Manu, Bṛhaspati, Bhrgu, Parāśara, Sālankayana and Caṇakya (Book III).
445
We know a bit more about Bharadvaja. The Nitisastra of Bhāradvaja has to be distinguished from the Smrti work attributed to the same
1 See Kane: History of Dharmasastra, Vol. I, sections 17 and 16.
2 Ed. J. Sastri. Lahore.
3 ' कविरिव राजराद्धान्तेषु', 'काव्य इव व्यूहरचनासु'.
4 'पक्षावरस्यं प्रतिग्रह इत्यौशनसो व्यूहविभागः । पक्षौ कक्षावुरस्यं प्रतिग्रह इति बार्हस्पत्यः । ' 5 द्वे एव प्रकृती न्याय्ये इत्युवाच पराशरः। अभियोक्तृप्रधानत्वात् तथान्यो योऽभियुज्यते ॥

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author or possibly some other author of the same name. Most of the available data about Bhāradvāja have been collected by Kane,' who points out that he is mentioned as one of the writers on Rājaśāstra in the Mahābhārata (Santiparva. 58. 3) and that his opinions are cited several times in Kautilya's Arthaśāstra. It may be added that the opinion of a Bharadvāja is cited in Kāmandaka's Nitisāra 9. 57.
The following verses are quoted by Somadeva in Book IV from a work of Bhāradvāja, called Sadgunyaprastāva.
अवक्षेपेण हि सतामसतां प्रग्रहेण च । तथा सत्त्वेष्वभिदोहादधर्मस्य च कारणात् ॥
विमाननाच मान्यानां विश्वस्तानां च घातनात् । प्रजानां जायते लोपो नृपतेश्वायुषः क्षयः ॥ कथमिदमभाषत षाडण्यप्रस्तावे भारद्वाजः । (p. 100). The purport of these lines is that the king and the citizens of a state go to ruin if the good are dishonoured and the wicked held in esteem, if living beings are injured and injustice prevails, if those worthy of respect are insulted and the faithful killed. The influence of these ideas can be seen from the fact that they are amplified in the following verses of Kautilya's Arthaśāstra (7.5):
अवक्षेपेण हि सतामसतां प्रग्रहेण च । अभूतानां च हिंसानामधाणां प्रवर्तनैः ॥...... अदण्डनैश्च दण्ड्यानां दण्ड्यानां चण्डदण्डनैः । अग्राहाणामुपग्राहैह्याणां चानभिग्रहः ॥...... उपघातः प्रधानानां मान्यानां चावमाननैः ......। प्रकृतीनां क्षयो लोभो वैराग्यं चोपजायते ॥ क्षीणाः प्रकृतयो लोभं लुब्धा यान्ति विरागताम् । विरक्ता यान्त्यमित्रं वा भर्तारं नन्ति वा स्वयम् ॥
Bhāradvāja seems to have advocated the rule of concord and harmony in the relations of a king and his subjects, and the verses in question are cited by Somadeva in support of the doctrine of ahimsā. The principle of non-violence is in fact enunciated in another verse of Bhāradvāja quoted in the anonymous commentary on Somadeva's Nitivākyāmrta (Vyasana-samuddesa). तथा च भारद्वाजःतृणच्छेदोऽपि नो कार्यों विना कार्येण साधुभिः । येन नो सिध्यते किंचित् किं पुनर्मानुषं सहम् (?)॥
We know nothing about the contents of Bhāradvāja's Sadgunyaprastāva, but the name suggests that it dealt with the six gunas or principles of foreign policy. It is possible that this was the name of Bhāradvāja's work on politics or dandaniti, of which şādgunya, according to the Mahā. bharata, formed the quintessence (Santiparva. 59.78,79).३
1 Journal of the University of Bombay, September, 1942, p. 81. 2 स्वशक्त्युत्साहमुदीक्ष्य विगृह्णीयान्महत्तरम् । केसरीव द्विपमिति भरद्वाजः प्रभाषते ।। 3 पाइगुण्यगुणसारैषा स्थास्यत्यग्रे महात्मसु ।

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Somadeva seems to have utilized another verse of Bhāradvāja. Both in Nitivãkyāmrta and Yasastilaka (3, 23) he tells us that to confide the care of a kingdom to officials is to entrust cats with the guarding of milk. नियुक्तहस्तापितराज्यभारास्तिष्ठन्ति ये स्वैरविहारसाराः। बिडालवृन्दाहितदुग्धमुद्राः स्वपन्ति ते मूढधियः क्षितीन्द्राः॥ In Nitivākyamrta we have : मार्जारेषु दुग्धरक्षणमिव नियोगिषु विश्वासकरणम् ।. There is no doubt that the idea is based on the following verse of Bhāradvāja quoted in the anoymous commentary on Nitivákyāmộta (Amātyasamuddeśa). HRT:__ मार्जारेष्विव विश्वासो यथा नो दुग्धरक्षणे । नियोगिनां नियोगेषु तथा कार्यों न भूभुजा ॥
We shall now speak a few words about Viśālākṣa. He and Bhāradvāja are mentioned among the writers on Räjaśāstra in the Mahābhārata (Santiparva 58.2, 3). The Mahābhārata (ibid. 59. 80-82) relates a legend, according to which Siva, otherwise known as Viśālākşa, abridged a lengthy Nītiśāstra composed by Brahman, and this shorter version containing ten thousand chapters was known as Vaisālākṣa after Siva. What is certain is that Viśālākṣa was an ancient writer on state-craft whose opinions are quoted several times in Kautilya's Arthaśāstra (1.8, 17 etc.), Kāmandaka's Nitisāra 8. 281, and Visvarūpa's commentary on Yājāavalkya 1. 328. He is also mentioned in Candesvara's Rājanitiratnākara.
The following quotation from Viśālākṣa occurs in Yasastilaka, Book III. Frakt fremefecteaza fatica: (p. 453). The maxim is incorporated by Somnadeva in his Nitivakyāmrta, chap. 18, without acknowledgment. It is quoted also in Kautilya's Arthaśāstra 1. 15 with a slight variation: opet मन्त्रसिद्धिरस्ति' इति विशालाक्षः ।. A similar idea occurs in a quotation from Yama found in Lakşmīdhara's Krtyakalpataru (Rājadharmakāņda 15. 70): 42: Frifor यः कुर्यात् सोऽत्यन्तं पाति मेदिनीम् ॥
The opinions of Viśālākṣa sometimes run counter to those of Bhāradvāja, to judge from the statements preserved in Kautilya. Bhāradvāja, for example, contrary to the above maxim, opines that the king should deliberate alone on secret matters of policy: Ta p a' HREST: I. Further, while Bhāradvāja recommends submission in the face of a superior enemy, Viśālāksa recommends fighting with the combined strength of all one's forces, regardless of victory or defeat.
___'बलीयसाभियुक्तो दुर्बलः सर्वत्रानुप्रणतो वेतसधर्मा तिष्ठेत् । इन्द्रस्य हि स प्रणमति यो बलीयसो नमति' इति भारद्वाजः। 'सर्वसंदोहेन बलानां युध्येत । पराक्रमो हि व्यसनमपहन्ति । खधर्मश्चैष क्षत्रियस्य युद्धे जयः पराजयो वा' इति विशालाक्षः । Kautilya 12.1.
1 एतेऽष्टादश चैतेषां शत्रुमित्रे पृथक् पृथकू । चतुष्पञ्चाशत्कमिति विशालाक्षः प्रभाषते ॥ 2 एवं च विशालाक्षः-वन्यान् वनगतैर्नित्यं मण्डलस्थास्तथाविधैः । चारैरालोच्य सातत्कुर्याज्जिगीषुदीर्घदूरदृक् ।। 3 See also Kane's paper in Journal of the University of Bombay (op. cit.)

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There is another quotation from Viśālāksa in Book IV: "rahetarसिकम्, दर्शपौर्णमासयोश्चातूरात्रिकम् , राजनक्षत्रे गुरुपर्वणि च त्रैरात्रिकम्, एवमन्यासु चोपहतासु तिथिषु द्विरात्रमेकरात्रं ar Hand PRA H ' fa #gaferafes ala # 1972: . The purport of these lines is that non-injury to all creatures should be proclaimed (by the king) during the four months of rains for a fortnight, during the New and the Full Moon for four nights, on days related to the constellation under which the king was born and on Samkrānti days for three nights, and similarly on certain inauspicious lunar days for one or two nights. Viśālākṣa is reported as making this statement in an Upanisad. The word seems to be used in its wider sense of 'secret doctrine' and Upanişad might simply refer to Viśālākşa's Nītiśāstra. We know, for example, that the Mahābhārata (Santiparva 103. 40) uses the e dandopanisad in the sense of 'secret application of force';' and Somadeva himself uses the word upanisad in the sense of 'secret' or 'mystery' in relation to the teachings of the Arthaśāstra. He says, for instance, 37TTEविचारपल्लवकलोकप्रकाशितोपनिषत्सु परिषत्सु' (Book III) 'in assemblies where scholars expert in the discussion of the Arthaśāstra revealed the mysteries (of that science )'.
The passage from Viśālākşa's Upanişad cited above occurs in Kautilya's Arthaśāstra 13. 5 with slight modifications and omissions in connection with the restoration of peace in a conquered country : चातुर्मास्येष्वर्धमासिकHi guatatu za Tatacaf#1 It is possible that the passage is adapted from the work of Viśālākşa, just as certain verses of Bhäradvāja have also been amplified and incorporated in the text of the Arthaśāstra.? In face of this, it is impossible to accept Srutasagara's identification of Visālākṣa with the sage Prabhākara and explanation of Upanişad as Vedāntasāstra.
Somadeva seems to borrow an idea from another old writer whom he does not mention, but who is cited in the anonymous commentary on his Nitivākyämrta. Both in Yasastilaka (3. 25 ) and Nitivākyümrta he expresses the opinion that the troubles of the master are the opportunity of the servants, and says that just as physicians try to aggravate the illness of wealthy patients, similarly the officials of a king try to add to his troubles.
__ व्याधिवृद्धौ यथा वैद्यः श्रीमतामाहितोद्यमः । व्यसनेषु तथा राज्ञः कृतयत्ना नियोगिनः ॥ He says in Nitivākyūmrta: tag thai sagaida afiry H aigeRT ATT staatury:. There is no doubt that the above idea is based on the following verse quoted
1 Nilakantha says रहस्यदण्डः . 2 See above,

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from an ancient writer named Raibhya in the commentary on Nitivākyāmrta (Svāmisamuddeśa), TT 22:ईश्वराणां यथा व्याधियानां निधिरुतमः । नियोगिनां तथा ज्ञेयः स्वामिव्यसन संभवः ।
Similarly, Somadeva seems to have adapted another idea from the ancient writer Atri, well-known as an author of Smrti works. Somadeva says in Yasastilaka 3. 230:
galart #etne tre xatama Tiga *1 gla: 1991 stofaat u In Nitivakyāmsta ( 10. 82) he says: ARANTERT staat het tafat 191 I. The idea
on the following verse quoted from Atri in the commentary on the above work. If
यथैकशाखवृक्षस्य नैव प्रछाया प्रजायते । तथैकमंत्रिणा राज्ञः सिद्धिः कृत्येषु नो भवेत् ॥ The following verse is cited by Somadeva in Book IV without mentioning the source. # -
राज्ञि धर्मिणि धर्मिष्ठाः पापे पापाः समे समा। राजानमनुवर्तन्ते यथा राजा तथा प्रजाः ॥ The verse is quoted in the commentary on Nitivākyāmrta (Svāmisamuddeśa) and attributed to Vyāsa. It is cited from Vğddha Cāņakya in Böhtlingk's Indische Sprüche.
The following two verses are also cited in Yasastilaka (3.258-9) without mentioning the source.
नेमिमेकान्तरान् राज्ञः कृत्वा चानन्तरारान् । नाभिमास्मानमायच्छेनेता प्रकृतिमण्डले॥
अष्टशाखं चतुर्मूलं षष्टिपत्रं द्वये स्थितम् । षट्पुष्पं त्रिफलं वृक्षं यो जानाति स नीतिवित् ॥ The purport of the first verse is that a king desirous of supremacy should make himself the centre of the Circle of States, making the neighbouring kings and those living beyond his immediate neighbours the circumference of the Circle. Yaśodhara says that while considering the verse in an assembly of learned men, he discussed also the second verse which has a bearing on the composition of the Circle of States, and dealt with the entire system of arrangement and distribution of alien states. The second verse is a sort of synopsis of the various topics of the Nitiśāstras, and from the nature of the reference we should expect to find both the verses in the same text, but actually we find the first verse in Kautilya's Arthasästra and the second in Kámandaka's Nitisāra. The Arthaśāstra 6. 2 cites the first verse with an important variant, reading arān for narān. The reading (spokes) completes the metaphor of the wheel, but does not materially alter the sense of the verse. As regards the second verse, it occurs in Kāmandaka 8.42, but we cannot be certain that Somadeva took the verse from the latter work, as Samkarārya in his commentary on Kāmandaka cites the verse independently from Aušanas, that is, the Nītiśästra of Sukra.
57

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The following verses quoted anonymously in Yasastilaka 3.77 and Book VI, section 13, are found in Kautilya's Arthaśāstra 10.6 and 3.1 respectively. तदाह
एकं हन्यास वा हन्यादिषुः क्षिप्तो धनुष्मता । प्राशेन तु मतिः क्षिप्ता हन्याङ्गर्भगतानपि ॥ दण्डो हि केवलो लोकं परं चेमं च रक्षति । राज्ञा शत्रौ च पुत्रे च यथादोषं समं धृतः ॥
The first verse occurs also in the Pañcatantra (Tantrākhyāyikā) 3.123. It occurs in a somewhat different form in the Mahabharata (Udyogaparva 33.47).
एकं हन्यास या हन्यादिषुर्मुक्तो धनुष्मता । बुद्धिर्बुद्धिमतोत्सृष्टा हन्याद्राष्ट्रं सराजकम् ॥
The following verse occurring in Yasastilaka (towards the end of Book IV) is found in Kautilya 5.6 :
कालश्च सकृदभ्येति यं नरं कालकाङ्क्षिणम् । दुर्लभः स पुनः कालस्तस्य कर्म चिकीर्षतः ॥ The verse is found also in the Pañcatantra ( Tantrākhyāyikā) 3.74, the latter text reading tena for tasya and cikirṣata for cikirṣataḥ. The Pañcatantra seems to have borrowed the verse from Kautilya, as the preceding sentence स्वयमुपगता श्रीस्त्यज्यमानाभिशपतीति लोकप्रवादः is a variation of Kautilya's स्वयमारूढा हि स्त्री त्यज्यमानाभिशपतीति लोकप्रवादः. The real author of the verse seems to be Bhāradvāja, as both the verse and the sentence preceding it form part of certain opinions of Bharadvaja which Kautilya here cites and subjects to criticism,
There are also a few verses in our romance which are clearly based on Kautilya's Arthaśāstra. The following verse is one of three (3.106-108) which Somadeva represents as containing the essence of all the Arthasastras. He says:
स्वस्मानिजः परोऽन्यस्मात् स्वः परस्मात् परो निजात् । रक्ष्यः स्वस्मात् परस्माच्च नित्यमामा जिगीषुणा ॥ The verse is obviously based on the following verse found in Kautilya 9. 3:
परे परेभ्यः स्वे स्वेभ्यः स्त्रे परेभ्यः स्वतः परे । रक्ष्याः स्वेभ्यः परेभ्यश्च नित्यमात्मा विपश्चिता ॥ The following Niti verse on the risks of hunting is cited in Book V:
स्तेन द्विषद्विषन्यालश्वापदप्रभवं भयम् । शर्मधर्मविरामश्च मृगयायां महीपतेः ॥
The verse seems to be based on Kautilya 8.3: ' स्तेनामित्र व्यालदावप्रस्खलन भयदि मोहाः क्षुत्पिपासे च प्राणाबाधस्तस्याम् ।'. The references of Somadeva to the Arthaśästra are of a general character, and he does not seem to refer to any particular Arthasästra. Two such references have been mentioned above. Another occurs in the following Niti verse cited in Book IV, which sums up a leading idea of the Arthaśastra: to outwit one's enemies and not to be outwitted by them (p. 152):

एतदेवार्थशास्त्रस्य नित्यमध्ययने फलम् । यत् परानभिसंधत्ते नाभिसंधीयते परैः ॥ A similar summing up occurs also in Manu 7. 180 :
यथैनं नाभिसंदध्युर्मित्रोदासीनशत्रवः । तथा सर्व संविदध्यादेष सामासिको नमः ॥

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451 The rise of Candragupta to power, though resourceless, through the efforts of a good minister is mentioned in a traditional verse (śruti) cited by Somadeva (3.242). तथाच श्रुतिः
दुर्योधनः समर्थोऽपि दुर्मत्री प्रलयं गतः । राज्यमेकशरोऽप्याप सन्मत्री चन्द्रगुप्तकः ॥ The tradition is also mentioned by Somadeva in his Nitivākyāmặta 10. 4, wherein Visnugupta or Canakya is referred to by name : तथा चानुश्रूयते विष्णुगुप्तानुग्रहादनधिकृतोऽपि किल चन्द्रगुप्तः साम्राज्यपदमवापेति ।. The anonymous commentary on the above work quotes a verse from Sukra which contains the same allusion, urhala (orsala?) apparently referring to Candragupta. तथा च शुक्रः
___महामात्यं वरो राजा निर्विकल्पं करोति यः । एकशोऽपि महीं लेभे हीनोऽपि वृहलो यथा ॥ Somadeva says in the course of a discussion in Yasastilaka 3. 86:
पुष्पैरपि न योद्धयं किं पुनर्निशितैः शरैः । तामवस्थां गतानां तु न विद्यः किं भविष्यति । He says also in Nitivāryāmrta 32. 30 : पुष्पयुद्धमपि नीतिवेदिनो नेच्छन्ति किं पुनः शस्त्रयुद्धम् । The anonymous commentary cites here the following verse from Vidura. तथा च विदुरः
पुष्पैरपि न योद्धष्यं किं पुनर्निशितैः शरैः। उपाय......पूर्व तस्माद्युद्धं समाचरेत् ॥ The verse is not found in the Viduraniti incorporated in Viramitrodaya ( Rūjanitiprakäsa). There is, however, no doubt that the verse adapted by Somadeva is an old one. Sriharsa's Naisadhacarita 4.81 refers to the idea thus :
अहह नीतिरवाप्तभया ततो न कुसुमैरपि विग्रह मिच्छति । Narayana in his commentary quotes the line पुष्पैरपि न योद्धव्यं etc. and adds : इति
नीतिः.
The following verse is quoted in Yasastilaka, Book III, without mentioning the source. तथा चोक्तं शास्त्रान्तरे
चारो यस्य विचारश्च राज्ञो नास्तीक्षणद्वयम् । तस्यान्धदुग्धवद्राज्य मनिमार्जारगोचरम् ॥
A reference to the Nitisāstras in general occurs in Book I : नीतिशास्त्ररिव प्रकाशितशमयोगतीर्थोद्योगैः. The Tirthas are the eighteen agencies with whose help a king governs the state. Srutasāgara says-उक्कं च-'सेनापतिर्गणको राजश्रेष्ठी दण्डाधिपो मन्त्री महत्तरो बलवत्तारश्चत्वारो वर्णाश्चतुराबल पुरोहितोऽमात्यो महामात्यश्चेत्यष्टादश राज्ञा तीर्था भवन्ति।'.
SMRTI WORKS
A considerable number of Smrti citations occurs in Yasastilaka, but most of them are from Manu as shown below. Manu 3. 267-271 on the offer. ing of various kinds of meat in the Śrāddha rites is quoted in Book IV.
तिलैची हियवैर्मारैरद्भिर्मूलफलेन च । दत्तेन मासं प्रीयन्ते विधिवत् पितरो नृणाम् ॥ द्वौ मासौ मत्स्यमांसेन त्रीन् मासान् हारिणेन च । औरभ्रेगाथ चतुरः शाकुनेनैव पश्च वै॥ षण्मासाश्यागमांसेन पार्षवेन हि सप्त वै । अष्टावेणस्य मांसेन रौरवेण नवैव तु॥

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE दश मासांस्तु तृप्यन्ति वराहमहिषामिषैः । शशकूर्मस्य मांसेन मासानेकादशैव तु ॥
संवत्सरं तु गव्येन पयसा पायसेन वा। वाणसस्य मांसेन तृप्तिद्वादशवार्षिकी॥ All the five verses are quoted also by Henacandra in his Yogasāstra, Chap. II. Several verses of Manu (5.39,41-2) on the eating of meat and the killing of animals in sacrifices and other rites are quoted in Book IV.
यज्ञार्थ पशवः सृष्टाः स्वयमेव स्वयंभुवा । यज्ञो हि भूत्यै सर्वेषां तस्माद्यज्ञे वधोऽवभः ॥ मधुपर्के च यज्ञे च पितृदेवतकर्मणि । अत्रैव पशवो हिंस्या नान्यत्रेत्यब्रवीन्मनुः ॥
एष्वर्थेषु पशून हिंसन् वेदवेदार्थविद्विजः । आत्मानं च पशृंश्चैव गमयत्युत्तमा गतिम् ।। The above three verses are quoted also by Hemacandra in Yogaśāstra (op. cit.) Manu 5. 27, 32 and 56 are also quoted.
प्रोक्षितं भक्षयेन्मांसं ब्राह्मणानां तु काम्यया । यथाविधि नियुक्तस्तु प्राणानामेव चात्यये ।। क्रीत्वा स्वयं वा ह्युत्पाद्य परोपहृतमेव च । भर्चयित्वा पितॄन् देवान् खादन् मांस न दुष्यति ॥
न मांसभक्षणे दोषो न मयेन च मैथुने । प्रवृत्तिरेव भूतानां निवृत्तेश्च महत् फलम् ॥ The following verse is cited in Yasastilaka Book VII, section 30.
ओषध्यः पशवो वृक्षास्तिर्यञ्चः पक्षिणो नराः। यज्ञार्थं निधनं प्राप्ताः प्रामवन्त्युच्छ्रितां गतिम् ॥ The verse corresponds to Manu 5. 40, but Manu reads tathā for narāḥ. Somadeva seems to have purposely substituted narāḥ for tathā to exaggerate the repulsive character of Vedic sacrifices. Certain verses on the duties and character of women are quoted from Manu (5. 155, 154 and 9. 14) in Book IV.
नास्ति स्त्रीणां पृथग्यज्ञो न व्रतं नाप्युपोषितम् । पतिं शुश्रूषयेद्यन्नु तेन स्वर्गे महीयते ॥ विशीलः कामवृत्तो वा गुणैर्वा परिवर्जितः । उपचर्यः स्त्रिया साध्व्या सततं देववत् पतिः ॥
नेता रूपं प्रतीक्षन्ते नासां वयसि संस्थितिः। विरूपं रूपवन्तं वा पुमानित्येव भुते ॥ The following two verses are cited by Somadeva in Book IV as 'old traditions' (पुरातन्यौ श्रुती):
पौश्चल्याचलचित्तवान्नैःनेह्याच स्वभावतः । रक्षिता यत्नतोऽपीह भर्तृष्वेता चिकुर्वते ॥
यदर्थे च मही त्यक्ता जीविताधं च हारितम् । सा मां त्यजति निःनेहा का स्त्रीणां वल्लभो नरः ॥ Of these the first is Manu 9. 15. The second is cited also in Parlicatantra 4. 47 which reads it somewhat differently:
यदर्थे स्वकुलं त्यक्तं जीविताधं च हारितम् । सा मां त्यजति निःस्नेहा कः स्त्रीणां विश्वसेन्नरः॥
The following two verses on renouncing the world and taking to an ascetic's life are cited from Manu (6.3.6.36). the first in Book IV and the second in Book VI, section 5.
संत्यज्य ग्राम्यमाहारं सर्व चैव परिच्छदम् । पुत्रेषु दारानिक्षिप्य वनं गच्छेत् सहैव वा ॥
अधीत्य विधिषद्वेदान् पुत्रांश्चोत्पाय युक्तितः । इष्वा यज्ञे यथाकालं ततः प्रमजितो भवेत् ॥ The Manu text reads dhar-matah for yuktitah and the second line as इष्ट्रा च शक्तितो यज्ञैर्मनो मोक्षे निवेशयेत्. The accompanying verse cited in Book VI, section 5:
अपुत्रस्य गतिर्नास्ति स्वर्गो नैव च नैव च । तस्मात् पुत्रमुखं दृष्ट्वा पश्चानवति भिक्षुकः ॥ 1 Here the Many text reads the second line as पति शषते येन तेन खर्गे महीयते.

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is not found in Manu, and seems to be a subhāṣita. It is cited in Böhtlingk's Indische Sprüche from a Vikramacarita and a Subhāṣitārnava.
_The precept cited in Yasastilcka, Book IV (आत्मानं सततं रक्षेद्दारैरपि धनैरपि) is the second line of Manu 7. 213. The verse in question occurs also in Garuda. purāna (Purvakhanda 109. 1). The above citations are all anonymous, but a verse quoted in Book IV (p. 100) is definitely attributed to Vaivasvata Manu and found in the Manusmrti (6.66):
भूषितोऽपि चरेद्धर्म यत्र तत्राश्रमे रतः । समः सर्वेषु भूतेषु न लिङ्गं धर्मकारणम् ॥ It may be noted here that Kullūka reads dūşitaḥ for bhūşitaḥ, but the latter reading is found in Medhātithi and adopted by Jolly in his edition of Manu, The verse in question is found also in Agnipurāna 161, 11, which however reads शुद्धभावः for भूषितोऽपि.
The following verse on the sufferings in hell of those who kill animals is cited in Book IV as a Puranic tradition (इति कथमियं पौराणिकी श्रुतिः ):
__यावन्ति पशुरोमाणि पशुगात्रेषु भारत । तावद्वर्षसहस्राणि पच्यन्ते पशुघातकाः ॥ A. similar verse occurs in Manu 5.38:
यावन्ति पशुरोमाणि तावत्कृत्वो ह मारणम् । वृथापशुघ्नः प्रामोति प्रेत्य जन्मनि जन्मनि ॥ Somadeva cites the following verse in Book VII, section 30.
महोक्षो वा महाजो वा श्रोत्रियाय विशस्यते । निवेद्यते तु दिव्याय सक्सुगन्धनिधिर्विधिः ॥ There is a similar verse in Yājñavalkya 1. 109 (Ānandāśrama ed.), but the second line in it is entirely different.
महोक्षं वा महाजं वा श्रोत्रियायोपकल्पयेत् । सत्क्रियाऽन्वासनं स्वादुभोजनं सूनृतं वचः ।। The following verses are cited anonymously in Book IV. तदुक्तम्
विमत्सरः कुचेलाङ्गः सर्वद्वन्द्वविवर्जितः । समः सर्वेषु भूतेषु स पतिः परिकीर्तितः॥
आपस्नानं व्रतस्त्रानं मन्त्रस्नानं तथैव च । आपस्त्रानं गृहस्थस्य व्रतमन्वैस्तपस्विनः॥ न स्त्रीभिः संगमो यस्य यः परे ब्रह्मणि स्थितः । तं शुचिं सर्वदा प्राहुर्मारुतं च हुताशनम् ॥ इति. P.110 उक्तं च
तिलसर्षपमात्रं यो मांसमश्नाति मानवः । स श्वभ्रान निवर्तेत यावञ्चन्द्रदिवाकरौ ॥
संदिग्धेऽपि परलोके त्याज्यमेवाशुभं बुधैः। यदि न स्यात्ततः किं स्यादस्ति चेत्रासिको हवःP. 115 तथा च स्मृतिः
सप्तग्रामेषु यत् पापममिना भससास्कृते । तस्य चैतद्भवेत् पापं मधुबिन्दुनिषेवणात् ॥ P. 116
The following verses are cited in Book IV as an illustration of alleged contradictory statements found in Smrti texts. The first verse, for example, condemns the acceptance by Brāhmaṇas of food or livelihood from Sūdras, whereas the second verse permits Brāhmaṇas to accept even the flesh of animals killed by Cāņdālas, dogs and tigers for use in religious rites.

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शुद्धाशुद्धशुश्रूषा शूद्रप्रेषणकारिणः । शूद्रदत्ता च या वृत्तिः पर्याप्तं नरकाय ते ॥
तथा मांसं श्वचाण्डालकन्यादादिनिपातितम् । ब्राह्मणेन प्रहीतव्यं हव्यकव्याय कर्मणे ॥ P. 118 With regard to the first verse, the Smrtis of Angiras and Āpastamba (Chap. 8) contain a statement very similar in tone.
In : zara HUTET I TERHAITA: #fxwazanfar crada di As regards the second verse, the Prajāpatismrti recommends the acquisition of meat for religious purposes from hunters, who, as a rule, belong to the lower strata of society: AT #TRA autor on: (verse 143). Further, the Brhat-Parāśarasamhitā 6. 328" holds that the flesh of animals killed by dogs and tigers is pure, and may be used in religious functions. कन्यादैः सारमेयाधैर्हतं मृगादिमाहरेत् । एतच्छाकवादिच्छन्ति पवित्रं द्विजसत्तमाः॥
Somadeva refers in Book III to several ancient writers on Smrti. The envoy of Yaśodhara is described as surpassing in intellect Pulaba, Puloma, Pālakāpya and Kātyāyana.Of these writers Palaha and Pulastya are among the ten teachers of Dharma mentioned in a verse of VrddhaYajñavalkya quoted in Viśvarūpa's commentary on Yaiñavalkuasmrti 1. 5. and mentioned also in a similar verse in Vrddha-Haritasmrti 8. 3. Puloma was a writer on politics, and his opinion is cited in Kāmandaka's Nitisāra 8. 21. Kātyāyaną was a great jurist. The reading Pālakāpya in the
It is not clear why a writer on elephants should be mentioned along with celebrated writers on Dharma. Besides, the four Manuscripts used by me read Palakāvya, and even Srutasagara who reads Pālakāpya says that there may be a reference to two different names, so that we have to suppose the mention of two writers, Pāla and Kāvya. The latter is no other than Sukra, the great authority on rājanīti, but we know nothing about Pāla as a writer on Dharma or state-craft. It may, however, be mentioned that a writer named Pālaki is quoted in the anonymous commentary on Nitiväkyāmsta 22. 2, but the quotation is about the eight weapons of a war elephant, and this Pālaki may turn out to be the same as Pālakāpya. On the other hand, there was an old writer on Dharma named Gopāla, who is mentioned in the Brhat-parāsarasamhită of Suvrata (1. 14) and the Rājanitiratnākara of Caņdeśvara.
EL
ELEPHANT-LORE In Book II Somadeva refers to the treatises on elephant-lore composed by Ibhacarin, Yājšavalkya, Vāddhali (v. r. Vāhali), Nara, Nārada,
1 See Parāśaradharmasanhita, Vol. III, Part 1 (Bombay Sanskrit Series'). 2 'निजप्रशातिशयावहेलितपुलहपुलोमपुलस्तिपालकाप्यकात्यायनमतिजातम्' 3 Kane: The History of Dharmaśāstra, Vol. I, p. 213ff. 4 पालकाप्यस्य काव्यस्य वा इयं भिन्नम् ।

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Rajaputra, Gautama and other sages. The committee of experts appointed to examine and select an elephant for Yasodhara's coronation is described as having mastered the treatises of these writers. None of their works is now extant, but it is remarkable that so many texts on elephants were available in the tenth century. Some of the names occur in a long list of sages are represented as attending the court of Romapāda, the king of the Angas, in Pālakāpya's Hastyāyurveda (Chap. I), an ancient work of which we have only an imperfect text in the printed edition. These sages are described in Pålakāpya as conversant with the ways of elephants, and we find mentioned among them Gautama, Rājaputra, Băşkali (v. r. Vākvali, Vākpati), Yājniavalkya, Nārada and Mātanga. The latter name might be our Ibhacārin, as the Mātangalila of Nilakantha, which summarizes this portion of Pālakāpya in the first Patala, calls one of the sages Mātangacarin, which is same as Ibhacărin.
The nature of Somadeva's reference leaves no doubt that there were actual treatises on elephants attributed to Gautama, Yājõavalkya and Nārada, but it is not known whether these authors had anything to do with their namesakes in the field of Smrti literature. As regards Rājaputra, he seems to be the same as the Rājaputra whom we know as a writer on politics from citations in the anonymous commentary on Nitivākyāmrta. According to Kane, Rajaputra is cited also in Ballālasena's Adbhutasagara, but Somadeva's reference to him is about two oenturies earlier, and probably the earliest known, if we leave aside the occurrence of the name in Pālakāpya, Among later writers Mallinātha cites Rājaputra's treatise on elephant-lore in his commentary on Raghuvansa 4. 39.
In Book II Somadeva describes the young prince Yasodhara as being proficient in elephant lore like Romapāda, to whom we have already referred. In Pälakāpya's Hastyāyurveda (Chap. I) he is stated to be the king of the Angas, and we see him at his court at Campā, attended by a large number of sages, and worried by the problem of catching wild elephants. Then appears the semi-legendary figure of Pālakāpya, the great authority on the diseases of elephants and their cure; and throughout the rest of the work Romapada is represented as the pupil of the famous teacher. According to the Hastyāyurveda, Palakäpya was the son of a sage named Samagāyana and a female elephant who was no other than a nymph metamorphosed by &
staturewe k
nit
1 quer 1991 : 1. 67. 2 See verse 5. 3 Op. oit., p. 341. * त्वगभेदाच्छोणितनाबान्मांसस ऋथनादपि । आत्मानं यो न जानाति तस्य गम्भीरवेदिता॥ इति राजपुत्रीये 5 476 TOTES

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curse. The home of the sage was on the side of the Himalayas on the banks of the Lauhitya or the Brahmaputra, which points to north-eastern Assam where the river is still called Luit. From here Palakäpya wandered to Campā in search of a favourite herd of elephants, which had been driven away by Romapāda and his troops in the absence of the sage. We are further told that, at the request of Romapāda, Pālakāpya decided to settle at Campā, and the king caused a hermitage to be laid out for the sage in the outskirts of the city. The tradition of Pālakāpya and Romapāda as teacher and pupil is recorded also in Agnipurana, chapters 286 and 387. Nilakantha says in his Mātangalīlā 12. 29 that roman, according to the old teachers, means a lotus, and Romapäda was so called because his feet were marked with figures of lotuses.
PHILOSOPHICAL CITATIONS
Most of the philosophical citations are anonymous, and occur towards the end of Book V and in Book VI, sections 1 and 2. They have been considered in Chap. VIII and IX, and some of them are reproduced below. There are at least two quotations from the Upanişads." TATRA Pensrautcmefarfa i aparati ang pria fazifa fyric: 1" Book V, p. 254.
एक एव हि भूतात्मा देहे देहे व्यवस्थितः । एकधानेकधा चापि दृश्यते जलचन्द्रवत् ॥ VI. 1 The first is from the Chandogya Upanişad VIII. 12. 1. The second occurs in
pus texts, e. g., Brahmabindūpanişad, Amrtabindūpanişad etc. with slight variations. Samkara in his Bhāșya on the S'vetāsvataropanişad 1. 8 quotes the verse from Väsiştha Yogasāstra.
The following definition of the fundamental doctrine of the Vedānte in Yasastilaka VI. 1, namely, "Te gafaza 4377TTHIEFifthala a ESETL ná: Stroft pateforstad" reminds one of Avadhūtagītā 2. 25:
घटे मिन्ने घटाकाश आकाशे लीयते यथा। देहाभावे तथा योगी स्वरूपे परमात्मनि ॥ Somadeva remarks in Book V (P. 254): * THE
समस्तेषु वस्तुष्वनुस्यूतमेकं समस्तानि वस्तूनि यं न स्पृशन्ति ।
विपद्वत् सदा शुद्धिमद् यत्स्वरूपं स सिद्धोपलब्धिः स निस्योऽहमात्मा ॥ The verse occurs in the well-known Vedāntic text Hastāmalaka, commented upon by Samkara, which declares the Self to be identical with intelligence, Printed editions usually read the second line as follows:
...Y HEYETET facit alueetSEAT I
The following verses are cited in Book V (p. 252) in illustration of Buddhist doctrines,

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यः पश्यत्यास्मानं तस्यात्मनि भवति शाश्वतः नेहः । स्रहात् सुखेषु तृष्यति तृष्णा दोषांस्तिरस्कुरुते ॥
आत्मनि सति परसंज्ञा स्वपरविभागात् परिग्रहद्वेषौ । अनयोः संप्रतिबद्धाः सर्व दोषाः प्रजायन्ते ॥ The first verse is quoted also in Haribhadra's Anekāntajayap.tūkā (p. 33) and the second in Nyāyakandali (p. 279). Other Buddhist verses quoted by Somadeva are : सदाह--
यथा नेहक्षयाहीपः प्रशाम्यति निरन्वयः । तथा क्लेशक्षयाजन्तुः प्रशाम्यति निरन्वयः ॥ Book V तदुक्तम्
वेदप्रामाण्यं कस्यचित् कर्तृवादः नाने धर्मेच्छा जातिवादावलेपः ।
संतापारम्भः क्लेशनाशाय चेति ध्वस्तप्रज्ञानां पञ्च लिङ्गानि जाव्ये ॥ . The following verses seem to be quoted from Asvaghoşa's Saundarananda XVI. 28, 29 wherein the lines appear in a somewhat different order. तदुक्तम्--
दिशं न कांचिद्विदिशं न कांचिवावनिं गच्छति नान्तरिक्षम् । दीपो यथा निवृतिमभ्युपेतः नेहक्षयात् केवलमेति शान्तिम् ।। दिशं न कांचिद्विदिशं न कांचि वावनि गच्छति नान्तरिक्षम् । जीवस्तथा निर्वृतिमभ्युपेतः क्लेशक्षयात् केवलमेति शान्तिम् ॥'
The statement of the doctrines of the Laukayatikas put in the mouth of Yasodhara's mother in Book IV is taken almost verbatim from the Kamasutra I.2.25-30. Somadeva says “न धर्माचरेत् एण्यत्फलत्वात संशयितत्वाच। को ह्यबालिशो हस्तगतं पादगतं कुर्यात् । वरमद्य कपोतः श्वो मयूरात् । वरं सांशयिकान्निष्कादसांशयिकः कार्षापणः" इति महान् खलु लोके लौकायतिकलोककोलाहलः । (p. 12). It may be pointed out that Vātsyāyana reads paragatam for pādagatam and simply says इति लोकायतिकाः.
The following verse cited by Somadeva in VI. i to illustrate the power of Bhāvanā to represent all things clearly is cited also by Anantavirya in his commentary on Parikşāmukhasūtra (Pratyakşoddesa). ag -
पिहिते कारागारे तमसि च सूचिमुखाग्रनिर्भये । मयि च निमीलितनयने तथापि कान्ताननं व्यक्तम् ॥ Patañjali's Yogasūtras 1. 24-26 are quoted in VI. 1, 2.
'क्लेशकर्मविपाकाशयरपरामृष्टः पुरुषविशेष ईश्वरस्तत्र निरतिशयं सर्वज्ञवीजम्' इति पतञ्जलिजाल्पतम् । तदाह पतञ्जलि:-'स पूर्वेषामापि गुरुः कालेनानवच्छेदात् ।'
The following verse is quoted in Book V and VI. 1 where it is attributed to Avadhūta.
ऐश्वर्यमप्रतिहतं सहजो विरागस्तृप्तिर्निसर्गजनिता वशितेन्द्रियेषु ।
आत्यन्तिकं सुखमनावरणा च शक्तिज्ञानं च सर्व विषयं भगवंस्तवैव ॥ इत्यवधूताभिधान...... The verse is not found in the Avadhûtagitā. It is quoted and attributed to Avadhūta also in Anantavirya's commentary on Parikşāmukhasūtra (op. cit.). A very similar verse is quoted from Väyupurūna in Vācaspatimiśra's
1 Asvaghosa reads दीपो यथा निर्वृतिमभ्युपेतो नैवावनि गच्छति नान्तरिक्षम् । दिर्श न कांचिदिदिश न कांचित
स्नेहक्षयात् केवल मेति शान्तिम् ।। etc.; further, he roads एवं कृती for जीवस्तथा. 58

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4
.
commentary on the Vyāsabhäsya on Yogasūtras 1. 25. It is cited also in Udayana's Nyāyakusumāñjali (Chap. 5), and occurs in Isvaragită ( Kūrmapurāņa, Uparibhāga, 8. 12)..
सर्वज्ञता तृप्तिरनादिबोधः स्वतन्त्रता नित्यमलुप्तशक्तिः । अनन्तशक्तिश्च विभोर्विधिज्ञाः षडाहरङ्गानि महेश्वरस्य ॥ The verse occurs also in Sivapurāna ( Vidyesvarasamhitā) 16. 13 which reads the last two lines thus :
___ अनन्तशक्तिश्च महेश्वरस्य यन्मानसैश्वर्यमवति वेदः॥ Avadhūta seems to have been a Saiva philosopher. The following verse is attributed to him in Śrīkumāra's commentary on Bhoja's Tattvaprakāša 1. 15. शक्तिद्वयं च भगवतावधूतपादेनोक्तम्
बध्नाति काचिदपि शक्तिरलुप्तशक्तेः क्षेत्रज्ञमप्रतिहता तव पाशजालैः ।
ज्ञानासिना च विनिकृत्य गुणानशेषानन्या करोत्यभिमुखं पुरुषं विमुक्तौ ॥
Somadeva quotes a number of verses from little known Saiva texts in Book V (pp. 251,255). तदाह
प्रपञ्चरहितं शास्त्रं प्रपञ्चरहितो गुरुः । प्रपञ्चरहितं ज्ञानं प्रपञ्चरहितः शिवः ॥ तदाहशिवं शक्तिविनाशेन ये वाञ्छन्ति नराधमाः । ते भूमिरहिताद्वीजात् सन्तु नूनं फलोत्तमाः ॥ अग्निवत् सर्वभक्षोऽपि भवभक्तिपरायणः । भुक्तिं जीवनवाप्नोति मुक्तिं तु लभते मृतः ॥ अदृष्टविग्रहाच्छान्ताच्छिवात् परमकारणात् । नादरूपं समुत्पन्नं शास्त्रं परमदुर्लभम् ॥Quoted also in VI.2 भोग्यामाहुः प्रकृतिमृषयश्चेतनाशक्तिशून्यां भोक्ता नैनां परिणमयितुं बन्धवर्ती समर्थः।।
भोग्येऽप्यस्मिन् भवति मिथुने पुष्कलस्तत्र हेतुर्नीलग्रीव त्वमसि भुवनस्थापनासूत्रधारः ॥ The following controversial verse directed against the central Saivism is cited twice in Book V and in VI. 2. तदुक्तम्
वक्ता नैव सदाशिवो विकरणस्तस्मात् परो रागवान् द्वैविध्यादपरं तृतीयमिति चेत्तत्कस्य हेतोरभूत् । शत्तया चेत् परकीयया कथमसौ तद्वानसंबन्धतः संबन्धोऽपि न जाघटीति भवतां शास्त्रं निरालम्बनम् ॥
The following verse quoted by Somadeva in Book V is cited from Laksmidhara's Krtyakalpataru ( Rajadharmakānda) XIV. 160. तदाह
विधिविधाता नियतिः स्वभावः कालो ग्रहश्चेश्वरदेवकर्म।
पुण्यानि भाग्यानि तथा कृतान्तः पर्यायनामानि पुराकृतस्य ॥ A reference to Kumarila occurs in Book V. कथमिदमुदाहारि कुमारिलेन
विशुद्धज्ञानदेहाय त्रिवेदीदिव्यचक्षुषे । श्रेयःप्राप्तिनिमित्ताय नमः सोमार्धधारिणे ॥ It is the initial verse of Kumārila's S'lokavārtika.
The following verses are quoted from Jaina texts in Book VI, section 21. उक्तं च
आसनभव्यताकर्महानिसंझिरवशुद्धपरिणामाः । सम्यक्त्वहेतुरन्तबायोऽप्युपदेशकादिश्च ॥ उक्तंच
भबुद्धिपूर्वापेक्षायामिष्टानिष्टं स्वदैवतः । बुद्धि पूर्वव्यपेक्षायामिष्टानिष्टं स्वपौरुषात् ॥ दशविधं तदाह
भाहामार्गसमुद्भवमुपदेशात् सूत्रबीजसंक्षेपात् । विस्तारार्थाभ्यां भवमवपरमावादिगाउं च ॥

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The second verse occurs in Samantabhadra's Aptamimämsä. The third verse is from Gunabhadra's Ātmānusāsana, and explained by Somadeva in detail. Another verse from Gunabhadra's Atmānusāsana is cited in Book VII, section 26. ag
परिणाममेव कारणमाहुः खलु पुण्यपापयोः कुशलाः । तस्मात् पुण्योपचयः पापापचयश्च सुविधेयः ॥ Gunabhadra wrote towards the end of the ninth century, and it is remark able that he counted as an authoritative writer by the middle of the tenth century. A reference to the great Jaina logician and philosophical writer Akalamka occurs in Book II.1 He flourished about the eighth century A. D.3 and wrote Tattvärtharājavārtikālaṁkāra, Nyāyaviniscaya and other works.
MEDICAL AUTHORITIES
459
In Yasastilaka 3. 328 Somadeva refers to the opinions of several ancient medical writers about the right time for taking the principal meal of the day. They are Carayana, Nimi, Dhiṣana and Caraka. चारायणो निशि निमिः पुनरस्तकाले मध्ये दिनस्य धिषणश्वरकः प्रभाते ।
किं जगाद नृपते मम चैष सर्गस्वत्याः स एव समयः क्षुधितो यदैव ॥
A casual reference to Caraka occurs also in Book VI, section 10:
A
TEANGSUÌJEREMIER. Nimi is a very ancient authority, being quoted in Carakasamhita (Sutrasthana, Chap. 26). He is described as the king of Videha: ' रसा इति निमिर्वैदेहः, मधुराम्ललवणकटुतिक्तकषायक्षाराः । Nimi is quoted also in Astāngahrdaya of Vagbhata II, Kṣirasvamin's commentary on the Amarakosa 2.5 28, Dalhana's commentary on Susrutasamhita* and other works. Cārāyaṇa can hardly be called a medical writer. In Vatsyāyana's Kamasutra 1. 1. 12 Carayana is said to have treated the general section of the Kamasutra of Babhravya Pañcala in a separate treatise. It is noteworthy that the opinion of Carayana referred to by Somadeva is actually found in Vatsyayana's Kamasutra 1. 4. 20. As explained in the Jayamangala commentary, Carayana recommends eating in the forenoon and the evening and not in the forenoon and the afternoon, as advised by Vatsyayana. A number of verses from Carayana is quoted in the anonymous commentary on Somadeva's Nitivakyamṛta, but as they are on Niti, it is difficult to say whether the two Cārāyaṇas are identical.

1 ' अकलङ्कदेव इव प्रमाणशास्त्रेषु'
2 Hiralal: Catalogue of Sanskrit and Prakrit Manuscripts in C. P. and Berar, p. XXVIII.
3 See list of authors cited in N. S. Edition.
4
See list of authors cited in N. 8. edition.

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In Book II the young prince Yasodhara is declared to be wellversed in the art of healing, like Kāśirāja. Kāśirāja is explained by the commentator as Dhanvantari. According to a tradition preserved in the Harivansa (Parva I, Chap. 23), in the dynasty of Kāśa king Dhanva had & son named Dhanvantari, said to be an incarnation of the divine physician of that name on account of his knowledge of medical lore. In the same line of kings Divodāsa came two generations after Dhanvantari, and it is remarkable that at the beginning of the Susruta-sanihită Susruta and other sages are described as being instructed in medical lore by Divodāsa Dhanvantari, the king of Benares: अथ खलु भगवन्तममरवरमृषिगणपरिवृतमाश्रमस्थं काशिराज Patay n a...quarta 57: Dhanvantari' is here explained by Dalhaņa as an expert in surgery,'' and it is clear that Divo:lāsa, like his ancestor, was an expert in the art of healing and had the epithet Dhanvantari attached to his name. Divodāsa is described in the Harivamsa (op. cit., verse 29) as the king of Benares, and in the Mahābhārata (Anusāsanaparva 30. 16 Cal. ed.) he is said to have founded the city. It appears that an ancient line of kings ruled in the country round about Benares, and both Dhanvantari and Divodāsa belonging to this dynasty were famous as medical authorities and known as Kāśirāja. The Harivamsa (op. cit., verses 26-7) tells us that Kāśirāja Dhanvantari learnt the Ayurveda from Bhāradvāja, and dividing it into eight sections taught them to his disciples.
तस्य गेहे समुत्पन्नो देवो धन्वन्तरिस्तदा । काशिराजो महाराज सर्वरोगप्रणाशनः ॥
आयुर्वेदं भरद्वाजात् प्राप्येह भिषजां क्रियाम् । तमष्टधा पुनर्व्यस्य शिष्येभ्यः प्रत्यपादयत् ॥ Dhanvantari is cited as an authority in the Carakasanhitā (S'ārirasthiina 6. 21 ), Astāngahrdayas and other works. For a fuller discussion of the problem of Dhanvantari the reader may refer to the learned Sanskrit Introduction to the Nirnayasagar edition of the Susrutasamhita.
ari and Divodāsa bel the country round it. It appears that
WRITERS AND TREATISES UN PAINTING, SCULPTURE, GEMS ETC.
A work on painting called Citrakarma ascribed to Prajāpati is quoted in Book IV. yatafaatti a la form
श्रमणं तैललिप्ताङ्गं नवमिर्मितिभिर्युतम् । यो लिखेत् स लिखेत् सर्वा पृथ्वीमपि ससागराम् ॥ A work on sculpture called Adityamata is quoted in the same Book. fcand 7
भवबीजाङ्कुरमथना अष्टमहाप्रातिहार्यविभवसमेताः । ते देवा दशतालाः शेषा देवा भवन्ति नवतालाः ॥ A work on gems called Ratnaparikṣā is quoted in Book V.
1 FENTIT 9 oreletaenda 2 'धनुः शस्यशास्त्रं तस्य अन्तं पारम् श्यति गच्छतीति धन्वन्तरिः तम् ।' 3 See list of authors cited in N. S. edition.

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461
तदुक्तं रत्नपरीक्षायाम्
न केवलं तच्छुभकृपस्य मम्ये प्रजानामपि तद्विभूत्यै । यद्योजनानां परतः शताद्धि सर्वाननर्थान् विमुखीकरोति ॥ The work cited by Somadeva is Buddhabhatta's Ratnaparikṣā, and the verso is found in the text edited by Finot in Les Lapidaires Indiens (Paris, 1896). The work is incorporated in Garudapurāna (Purvakhanda, chapters 68-80) without acknowledgement. The verse cited by Somadeva is also found among the verses quoted from Garudapurāna in Bhoja's Yuktikalpataru in the section on gems. It may be noted that Garudapurina as well as the other two texts (with slight variations) read भाग्यैः प्रजानामपि तस्य जन्म for मन्ये प्रजानामपि तद्विभूत्यै recorded by Somadeva. In Book II the young Yasodhara is described as an expert in the examination of gems, like Sukanāsa, who seems to be an ancient authority on gems.
Reference to writers on elephants has been made in & preceding section. In Book II Yasodhara is compared to Raivata in the mastery of the science of horses. That there were works on the subject in the tenth century is shown by the reference to the ācāryaparişad committee of experts' appointed to select a horse on the occasion of Yasodhara's coronation
nd the use of technical terms. But Raivata is explained in the commentary as the son of the Sun, and appears to be a inythological figure. He is the same as the god Revanta mentioned in Brhatsaṁhită 58. 56, according to which his image should be represented as riding a horse, surrounded by a hunting party.
A quotation from Brhatsamhita, Chap. 60, occurs in Book IV. PUTEमिहरव्याहृते प्रतिष्ठाकाण्डे च
विष्णोर्भागवता मयाश्च सवितुर्विप्रा विदुब्राह्मगां मातृगामिति मातृमण्डलविदः शंभोः सभस्मा द्विजाः ।
शाक्याः सर्वहिताय शान्तमनसो नग्ना जिनानां विदुर्ये यं देवमुपाश्रिताः स्वविधिना ते तस्य कुथुः क्रियाम् ॥ A verse from Nimittādhyāya occurs in the same Book. FETT -
। पद्मिनी राजहंसाश्च निर्ग्रन्थाश्च तपोधनाः । यं देशमुपसर्पन्ति सुभिक्षं तत्र निर्दिशेत् ॥ A verse from Svapnūdhyāya is quoted in Book VI, section 1: 7 ari errents ser: खनाध्यायेऽतीव सुप्रसिद्धत्वात् । तथा हि
यस्तु पश्यति राज्यन्ते राजानं कुञ्जरं हयम् । सुवर्ण वृषभं गां च कुटुम्बं तस्य वर्धते ॥ There is a Svapnādhyāya in thirtyfive verses in Matsyapurana ( Chap. 242), but it does not contain the above verse which, however, occurs in the Svapnādhyāya included in Agnipurāna (Chap. 229). Two interesting references to Svapnūdhyāya or the science of dreams occur in Lalitavistara. In
ta
'
1 2
' I an art

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Chap. 12 it is mentioned among the branches of study in which the Bodhisattva distinguished himself. In chap. 6 we find mentioned a class of people whose vocation seems to have been the interpretation of dreams, being styled as स्वप्नाध्यायी पाठक.
462
A reference to the science of arms occurs in Book III, the Dhanurveda being described as occupying the highest place among treatises on the āyudhasiddhānta. It is, however, doubtful whether the verse 3. 465 is a citation from the Dhanurveda. Somadeva says
यावन्ति भुवि शस्त्राणि तेषां श्रेष्ठतरं धनुः । धनुषां गोचरे तानि न तेषां गोचरो धनुः ॥ इत्यायुधसिद्धान्तमध्यासादितसिंहनादाद्धनुर्वेदादुपश्रुत्य .......
A Pañcatantra is mentioned in Book VII, section 31, but it is doubtful whether it has anything to do with the wellknown book of tales: 'पञ्चतन्त्रादिशास्त्रविस्तृतवचन उग्रसेनो नाम सचिवः।' It is noteworthy that a marginal note in Ms. A explains pañcatantra as tarkavyākaraṇādi.
In the same section of Book VII the following verse is attributed to — those who are well versed in the Purānas'. वदन्ति पुराणविदः -
विधुर्गुरोः कलत्रेण गोतमस्यामरेश्वरः । संवनोश्चापि दुवर्मा समस्त पुरा किल ॥
1
Casual references to the Tripitaka and the treatise of Bharata occur in the description of the Jaina temple in Book V. 'पिटकत्रय पद्धतिरिव योगाचारगोचरा', 'भरतपदवीव विधिलयनाट्याडम्बरा'.
Dattaka, an ancient authority on erotic lore, is mentioned in Book II. ' In Vātsyāyana's Kāmasūtra 1. 1. 11 Dattaka is said to have treated the section on courtesans of the Kamasutra of Bābhravya Pañcala in a separate treatise, being employed for the purpose by the courtesans of Paṭaliputra. It may also be mentioned that a Kamasutra is mentioned at least twice by Somadeva, but without any reference to Vatsyāyana or any other author. ' क्षमश्चिरपरिचितकामसूत्रायाः काकिलादिकरणोदाहरणानाम्' Book I, 'शृङ्गारवृत्तिभिरुदाहृतकामसूत्रम् ' 1. 73.
A number of popular or moral verses is quoted by Somadeva without mentioning the source ( Book VII, sections 27, 28, 29; Books IV & VII ; Book VI, sections 5, 6, 10, 13, 15, 16, 17 and 19 ) :
पादमायान्निविं कुर्यात् पादं वित्ताय कल्पयेत् । धर्मोपभोगयोः पादं पादं भर्तव्यपोषणे ॥ इति पुण्यश्लोकः भवति चात्र श्लोकः — अहपैरपि समयैः स्यात् सहायविजयी नृपः । कार्यायान्तो हि कुन्तस्य दण्डस्स्वस्य परिच्छदः ॥ भवति चात्र श्लोकः—भस्थाने बद्धकक्षाणां नराणां सुलभं द्वयम् । परत्र दुर्गति दीर्घा दुष्कीर्तिश्चात्र शाश्वती ॥ न व्रतमस्थिग्रहणं शाकपयोमूलभैक्षचर्यां वा । व्रतमेतदुनतधियामङ्गीकृतवस्तुनिर्वहणम् ॥ भवति चात्र श्लोकः—अतस्तस्वविहीनस्य वृथा व्रतसमुद्यमः । पुंसः स्वभावभीरोः स्यान्न शौर्यायायुधग्रहः ॥
1 'दत्तक व कन्तुसिद्धान्तेषु'
2
Cf. चतुवा विभजे भोगे, सवे मित्तानि गन्थति, एकेन भोगे भुञ्जेय्य, द्वीहि कम्मं पयोजये, तुत्थञ्च निधापेय्य, आपदासु भविस्सतीति । Digha Nikāya XXXI. 26.

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भवति चात्र कः-उररीकृतनिर्वाहसाहसोचितचेतसाम् । उभौ कामदुधौ लोको कीर्तिश्वाल्पं जगत्त्रयम् ॥ भवति चात्र श्लोकः-जले तैलमिवैतिचं वृथा तत्र बहितिः। रसवत् स्थान यत्रान्तर्बोधो वेधाय धातुषु॥ भवति चात्र श्लोकः-विशुद्धमनसां पुंसा परिच्छेदपरात्मनाम् । किं कुर्वन्ति कृता विघ्नाः सदाचारखिहः खलः॥ भवति चात्र श्लोकः-अन्तःसारशरीरेषु हितायैवाहितेहितम् । किं न स्यादग्निसंयोगः स्वर्णस्वाय तदश्मनि ॥ भवति चात्रार्या-तृणकरूपः श्रीकल्पः कान्तालोकश्चितोचितालोकः । पुण्यजनश्च स्वजनः काम विदुरे नरे भवति ॥ भवति चात्रार्या-पुण्यं वा पापं वा यस्काले जन्तुना पुराचरितम् । तत्समये तस्व हि सुखं च दुःखं च योजयति ॥ भक्तश्चात्र श्लोको-सबसंघ समावेव यदि चित्तं मलीमसम् । यात्यक्षान्तेः क्षयं पूर्वः परवाशुभचेष्टितात् ॥
स्वमेव हन्तुमीहेत दुर्जनः सज्जनं द्विषन् । योऽधितिष्ठेत्तुलामेकः किमसौ न बजेदधः ॥
All the verses cited above occur in the two Books of Yasastilaka containing the moral and religious stories. Besides, at the end of each story is quoted a verse containing a summing up of the story in question, and these verses seem to belong to Jaina Kathānaka literature, and are probably quoted from earlier texts. One such verse (Book VII, section 24)
क्षुद्रमत्स्यः किलैकस्तु स्वयंभूरमणोदधौ । महामत्स्यस्य कर्णस्थः स्मृतिदोषादधोगतः ॥ is, for example, found in Jatasimhanandi's Vardigacarita 5. 103. Specimens of summary verses of this type are quoted below (from Books VI & VII): भवति चात्र श्लोकः-कादम्बतायगोसिंहपीठाधिपतिषु स्वयम् । आगतेष्वप्यभूषा रेवती मूढतावती ॥ भवति चात्र श्लोकः-सुदतीसंगमासक्तं पुष्पन्दतं तपस्विनम् । वारिषेणः कृतत्राणः स्थापयामास संयमे ॥ भवति चात्र श्लोकः-चण्डोऽवन्तिषु मातः पिशितस्य निवृत्तितः । अत्यल्पकालभाविन्याः प्रपेदे यक्षमुख्यताम् ॥ भवति चात्र श्लोकः सर्वार्थः
पञ्चकृरवः किलैकस्य मत्स्यस्याहिंसनात् पुरा । अभूत् पञ्चापदोऽतीत्य धमकीर्तिः पतिः श्रियः ।

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APPENDIX I
SOMADEVA AND THE PRATIHARA COURT OF KANAUJ
A statement in the anonymous commentary on Somadeva's Nitivakyamṛta appears to show that the work was written at the instance of a king of Kanauj named Mahendradeva or Mahendrapaladeva. The commentator, whose date is unknown, mentions, however, a Jaina monk named Municandra as the author of Nitivakyamṛta, and describes Somadeva as his guru.1 This is, of course, contrary to all that we know about Somadeva who gives a lot of information about himself in the colophons to his Yasastilaka and Nitiväkyämṛta.
It has recently been suggested by some scholars' that Somadeva may have passed some time at Kanauj: and, during his sojourn there, he was encouraged to compose his Nitiväkyāmṛta by Mahendrapala I (circa 893-907 A. D.), or more probably, by Mahendrapala II who is known to have reigned about the middle of the tenth century A. D. The Partabgarh Inscription of the time of Mahendrapala II of Kanauj is, for instance, dated Samvat 1003946 A. D. Ep. Ind. Vol. XIV, pp. 176-188). But the supposed connection of Somadeva with the Pratihara court of Kanauj can hardly be accepted as a historical fact; as, unlike his association with the Deccan, it is mentioned neither in the colophons to his works nor in the Parbhani inscription.
It has been suggested that the following acrostic verse found at the end of the first Book of Yasastilaka contains a veiled reference to Mahendrapala.
सोऽयमाशार्पितयशा महेन्द्रामरमान्यधीः । देयात्ते संततानन्दं वस्त्वभीष्टं जिनाधिपः ॥
The first letter of each foot of the verse gives, when combined, he name Somadeva, as pointed out in Śrutasagara's commentary; but it is extremely doubtful if there is any word-play in the expression mahendramarananya-dhiḥ leading to the surmise that Mahendramara stands for Mahendraleva or Mahendrapala. Apart from the fact that the commentator is not ware of any such word-play, Mahendramara might very well refer to MahenIradeva, the elder brother of Somadeva, mentioned in the colophon to his Vitiväkyämṛta.
As pointed out elsewhere, Yaśodeva, the spiritual ancestor of Somaleva, belonged to the Devasamgha, according to the latter's own statement in Yasastilaka; but, according to the Parbhani inscription, Yasodeva belonged to he Gaudasamgha. It is possible that the Gaudasamgha was connected with he Gauda country, and Yasodeva may have lived there. It is also possible hat the Gauḍasamgha, after its migration from Bengal, came to be known as
1 'तथा स्वगुरोः सोमदेवस्य च प्रणामपूर्वकं शास्त्रस्य तत्कर्तृत्वं ख्यापयितुं ......मुनिचन्द्राभिधानः क्षपणकव्रतधर्त्ता नीतिवाक्यामृतकर्त्ता '
2
See Raghavan in New Indian Antiquary, Vol. VI, p. 67 and Pt. Premi in Jaina Siddhanta Bhaskara, vol. XI, p. 90.

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Devasamgha, the name used by Somadeva. The latter was, however, the disciple not of Yaśodeva, but of Nemideva; and except for one solitary reference, he alone is mentioned in all the colophons occurring in Yasastiláka and Nitivākyāmrta. In the present state of our knowledge, there is no reason to suppose that Somadeva or his teacher Nemideva ever migrated from the Ganda country to Kanauj and thence to the Deccan.
The term Gauda in Gaudasamgha is not without some ambiguity. In south Kanara there is a class of people called Gaudas who are farmers and labourers and speak the Tulu or the Kannada language. They are generally Hindus, but some are Jainas. They have a regular system of village govern. ment: in every village, for instance, there are two head-men, the Grāma Gauda and the Vattu or Gottu Gauda. It will not be surprising if the Gaudasamgha has something to do with the Gaudas. In the latter sense the word is derived from gāvunda (farmer changing into gaunda or gauda; and it also means the village headman.
The Mysore inscriptions throw further light on the Gaudas. Some of the petty rulers of Mysore belonged to the Gauda caste or community. The Āvati-nād Prabhus were Gaudas or farmers of the Morasu-wokkal tribe, who came from the east in the fifteenth century and settled in the Avati village'; and
their immediate descendants became founders of the modern States in eastern Mysore which were subordinate to Vijayanagar. The leader of the Avati Prabhus was named Baire-Gauda, and the inscriptions of the family date from 1428 to 1792.' The Yelahanka-nad Prabhu is mentioned even in 1367, but the inscriptions of this Āvati branch run from 1599 to 1713. They generally had the name Kempe-Gauda, after the most celebrated of the line. He founded Bangalore in 1537.' The Sugatūr-nad Prabhus had the name Tamme-Gauda, and their territory included a great part of the Kolar District. Other references to the Gaudas are also found in the Mysore inscriptions. In 1417, when & Gauda, who had gone to visit the local governor, fell down dead in his presence, a sort of inquest was held on the body and it was sent back to his home. This was under Vijayanagar rule. Under Mughal rule we find in 1720 a regular magisterial process in the case of a Gauda whose village had been taken possession of by some one else during his absence abroad. It is also noteworthy that an inscription of 1027 A. D. refers to an agrahāra named Gauda with its 32,000 Brāhmaṇa residents, believed to be an exaggeration.
All this shows that the name Gauda was quite familiar in the Kanarese country both in the territorial and vocational sense as indicated above; and it is therefore difficult to rule out the possibility of the Gaudasamgha being originally connected with a village settlement of the Gaudas. We cannot, of course, be certain on the point, but the fact that Somadeva lived and worked in the Deccan inclines us to look for the home of his Samgha in
1 Sturrock : South Canara quoted in Sharma: Jainism and Karnataka Culture,
p. 158. See also Mahalingain: Administration and Social Life under Vijayanagar,
pp. 80, 236. 2 Rice: Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions. pp. 165, 176, 177. 3 Saletore: Ancient Karnataka, Vol. I, 332.
59

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Karnātaka rather than in Bengal. It is true that we hear of Jaina Samghas in Bengal even at a later date, though the term Samgha has a slightly different sense here. The Jaina writer Bālacandra Sūri, for example, tells us, in his Vasantavilāsa-mahākārya (10. 25), that Samghapatis from Lāta, Gauda, Vanga and other places came to join Vastupala, the famous minister of Gujarat, in his grandiose pilgrimage to Satruñjaya and Girnar in 1220 A. D. But, so far as Somadeva is concerned, his supposed migration from Bengal does not appear to be supported by any reliable evidence so far discovered.
APPENDIX II THE VERSES ON THE COURTEZAN'S CORPSE AND A BUDDHIST LEGEND
The Buddhist antecedents of Sudatta's reflections on the corpse of a courtezan lying in the charnel-field ( Yasastilaka 1. 95ff.) have been discussed in Chapter VI. That there was an underlying story going back to ancient times seems certain; and the framework of the original narrative can be seen in the story of Sirimā, as related in the Dhammapada commentary composed about the middle of the fifth century A. D. The story occurs in Book XI in connection with Dhammapada 147, and is here summarized from Burlingame: Buddhist Legends, Part 2, p. 330 (Harvard Oriental Series, Vol. 29). Certain verses of Somadeva on the dead courtezan recall the concluding words of the Teacher in the Buddhist legend.
Sirimā was a beautiful courtezan of Rājagaha, who used to give food to eight monks regularly in her house. A certain monk, hearing of her beauty, went to receive food in her house. She was ill at the time, but the monk was so enamoured of her that he became indifferent to all about him, and was unable to take any food.
“On that very day in the evening Sirimā died. Thereupon the king sent word to the Teacher, Reverend Sir, Jivaka's youngest sister Sirimā is dead.' When the Teacher received that message, he sent back the following message to the king, Sirimā's body should not be burned. Have her body laid in the burning-ground, and set a watch, that crows and dogs may not devour it.' The king did so. Three days passed, one after another. On the fourth day the body began to bloat, and from the nine openings of her body, which were like to sores, there oozed forth maggots."
The king then issued a proclamation ordering all to approach to behold Sirimā. He sent a message to the Teacher, asking that the Congre gation of Monks presided over by the Buddha might approach to behold Sirimā.
“Now that young monk had lain for four days without touching food, paying no attention to anything anyone said to him; the rice in his bowl had rotted, and his bowl was covered with mildew. The rest of the monks who were his fellows approached him and said to him, Brother, the Teacher is
1 Introduction to Pasantaviläsa Mahākāvya (G. O. 8.), p. xii.

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going forth to behold Sirima.' When the young monk, lying thus, heard the name Sirima, he leaped quickly to his feet. Someone said to him, 'The Teacher is going forth to behold Sirima; will you also go?' 'Indeed I will go', he replied. And tossing the rice out of his bowl, he washed it and put it in his net and then set out with the company of monks.
APPENDIX II
The Teacher surrounded by the Congregation of Monks stood on one side of the corpse; the Congregation of Nuns and the king's retinue and the company of lay disciples, both male and female, stood on the other side of the corpse, each company in its proper place. The Teacher then asked the king, "Great king, who is this woman?" Reverend Sir, it is Jivaka's sister Sirima.' 'Is this Sirima?' 'Yes, Reverend Sir.' "Well! send a drum through the town and make proclamation, Those who will pay a thousand pieces of money for Sirima may have her." Not a man said 'hem' or 'hum'. The king informed the Teacher, They will not take her, Reverend Sir.' 'Well then, great king, put the price down.' So the king had a drum beaten and the following procla mation made, 'If they will give five hundred pieces of money, they may have her.' But nobody would take her at that price. The king then proclaimed to the beating of a drum that anyone might have her who would give two hundred and fifty pieces of money, or two hundred, or hundred, or fifty, or twentyfive, or ten, or five. Finally he reduced the price to a penny, then to a halfpenny, then to a quarter of a penny, then to an eighth of a penny. At last he proclaimed to the beating of a drum, 'They may have her for nothing. Not a man said 'hem' or 'hum'. Then said the king to the Teacher, 'Reverend Sir, no one will take her, even as a gift.' The Teacher replied, 'Monks, you see the value of a woman in the eyes of the multitude. In this very city men used to pay a thousand pieces of money for the privilege of spending one night with this woman. Now there is no one who will take her as a gift. Such was her beauty who now has perished and gone. Behold, monks, this body diseased and corrupt.' So saying he pronounced the following stanza:

147. See this painted image, this mass of sores, huddled together, Corrupt, once possessed of many thoughts, but now possessing neither strength nor stability."
APPENDIX III
SAIVA TEMPLES AND THEIR GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION
GUJARAT
The power and influence of Saivism is reflected in the numerous old temples dedicated to Siva, which exist in various parts of India, and in many cases, go back far beyond the limits of the tenth century A. D. We may commence our survey with the celebrated temple of Somanatha on the seashore, in south-western Kathiawar, at Somanathapattana, close to the modern port of Veraval. Somanatha was no doubt earlier than the tenth century, and

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may have been as early as the Maitrakas of Valabhi ( the modern Vala, néar Bhavnagar), who held sway over Gujarat and Kathiawar during the sixth, seventh and eighth centuries of the Christian era, and call themselves parama-maheśvara or devout worshippers of Siva in their inscriptions. The great Saiva temple was built upon fifty-six pillars of teak wood covered with lead, and the glory of its wealth and splendour lives in the pages of Muslim historians. It was sacked and desecrated by Mahmud of Ghazni in 1026 A. D., and subsequently destroyed by a lieutenant of Mahmud; but soon after, it was rebuilt of stone by Bhimadeva I, the Solanki king of Gujarat (1022-64 A. D.). It was again restored and rebuilt by Kumārapāla in the third quarter of the twelfth century, evidently in consequence of its being again attacked, or of having fallen into ruin. The present ruin represents the rebuilding by Kumārapāla.
Saivism was paramount in Gujarat during the rule of the Solanki kings who were great builders of temples dedicated to Siva. Their capital was at Anahillapura (Anahilavāda or Patan), and other important places during their reign were Siddhapur and Vadnagar, now included in Baroda State, to the north of Ahmedabad. The first king Mülarāja (942-96 A. D.) was a fervent devotee of Siva in the form of Somanātha or Someśvara; and the temple of Muleśvara and the Tripuruşaprāsāda appear to have been built by him in honour of Somanātha, Siddharāja (1094-1143), whose name is still familiar everywhere in Gujarat, built the great Sahasralinga tank which derived its name from the numerous linga shrines on its banks. In the centre of the tank was an island on which stood the temple of Rudreśvara."
1 Exceptions are Dhruvasena I (526 A. p.) who is called parama-bhāgavata, and
his brother and successor Dharapatta who is styled paramaditya-bhakta or a great devotee of the Sun. Guhasena, who was a worshipper of Siva (558-564), calls himself paramopasaka or a great devotee of Buddha in his grant of 566 A. D. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, pt. 1, p. 83; Poussin: Dynasties et Histoire de L'Inde,
pp. 133--139. 2 See Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, pt. I, p. 165. The ancient temple is stated to have
been thirteen storeys high, with its top surmounted by fourteen cupolas of gold which glittered in the sun and were visible from a long distance. The original edifice was built of brick and its floor was made of planks of teak wood with the interstices filled with lead. See Commissariat: History of Gujarat, Vol. I, Ix, and Nazim : The Life and Times of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna, p. 212. Cousens: Architectural Antiquities of Western India, p. 40. Kumārapāla's temple suffered in every subsequent Muhammadan invasion of the place, though it was repaired and restored from time to time. In 1395 it was destroyed by Muzaffar Khan, and again by Ahmad 1, after his war with the Rav of Junagadh in 1414.
Commissariat (op. cit.), p. lxxiv. 4 'तथा नित्यं नित्यं...श्रीसोमेश्वरपत्तने यात्रायां शिवभक्तितया वस्तद्भक्तिपरितुष्टः सोमनाथ उपदेशदानपूर्व
मण्डलीनगरमागतः। तेन राशा तत्र मूलेश्वर इति प्रासादः कारितः। तत्र नमश्चिकी हर्षेण प्रतिदिनमागच्छतस्तस्य नृपतेस्तद्भक्तिपरितुष्टः श्रीसोमेश्वरः अहं ससागर एव भवन्नगरे समेष्यामीत्यभिधाय श्रीमदणहिल्लपुरेऽवतारमकरोत् ।'
See Prabandhacintamani, p. 17 (Singhi ed.). 5 Hardly a vestige now remains of the Sahasralinga tank, the theme of so much
legend and song. Its site is still pointed out to the north-west of modern Patan.' Commissariat (op. cit), p. lxvi.

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APPENDIX III
Siddharaja restored and rebuilt also the great temple of Rudramahalaya, which had been founded by Mularāja at Siddhapur on the north bank of the Sarasvati, seventeen miles to the east of Patan. In or around the court were eleven other shrines in honour of the Rudras. This magnificent temple was destroyed by the Muslim conquerors of Gujarat; but the stupendous fragments that still exist give an adequate idea of the grandiose design of the original structure.'
469
Vadnagar (the ancient Anandapura), situated 19 miles southeast from Siddhapur, was a great religious centre in Gujarat, and noted as the home of the Nagara Brāhmaṇas who worshipped Siva. An inscription engraved on a stone slab records the building of the walls of the town by Kumarapala, the equally famous successor of Siddharaja, in Samvat 1208 or 1151 A. D. The town had at one time an unusually large number of temples, but the number 3000 mentioned by Abul Fazl at the end of the sixteenth century is no doubt an exaggeration. The chief temple, that of Haṭakeśvara Mahadeva, is a lofty structure to the west of the town.
It is sad to think that few temples in Gujarat have survived intact; and the only remains now of the Solankis and the Vaghelas are but fragments. Fortunately, the great temples of the Deccan, Bundelkhand, Orissa and South India are still in existence; and we shall in the course of our study enumerate the more important examples as far as they illustrate the progress and influence of the Saiva faith in those regions.
From Gujarat we may turn to Mount Abu which was a flourishing centre of Saivism at an early age. The Prabhasakhanda of the Skandapurāna has a section on Arbuda or mount Abu, which gives an account of its sacred sites and the legends associated with them. In medieval times the Abu region was ruled by a branch of the Paramara dynasty of Malava from the end of the tenth century to the end of the thirteenth under the suzerainty of the Caulukyas of Gujarat. It may be noted that Bhima I of Gujarat (1022-64 A. D.) brought for a time the Abu territory under his direct control in the second quarter of the eleventh century; and the Jaina Vimala Saha was deputed as the governor of Abu, who built the famous marble temple of Adinatha in 1031 A. D.
Among the lingas worshipped at Abu, Acaleśvara was the most famous. An inscription of Yasodhavala, one of the Paramāra kings of Abu, dated 1150 A. D., was found in the temple of Acaleśvara. Early in the thirteenth century we hear of the prince Prahladana, the founder of Palanpur, melting down a Jaina brass image for making a metal bull for Acaleśvara Mahadeva.R

1 Commissariat, p. lxvii.
2 Ibid. lxxii. It may be noted that, while the main temples in Gujarat were dedicated to Siva, there were ancient temples devoted to the cult of Krsna or Viṣņu at Dvaraka and the adjoining island of Bet or Sankhoddhara, They were destroyed by Mahmud Shah I in his expedition of 1473. The existing temples are later structures. Ibid. p. 174.
3 Ganguly: History of the Paramāra Dynasty, pp. 304, 319.

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The sacred sites of Mount Abu mentioned in the Arbudakhanda of the Skandapuräna include Kanakhala (chap. 26 ) and Candikāśrama (chap. 36), or the hermitage of Candikā, which appears to have been a shrine of the goddess with an attached monastery. Both Kanakhala and Candikāśrama are mentioned in the Abu inscription of the Saiva ascetic Kedārarāśi, which gives a detailed account of his building activities at Kanakhala. The inscription was incised in 1208 A. D. during the reign of Dhārāvarşa at Abu under the suzerainty of Bhīma II of Gujarat. The record opens with verses in praise of Śiva and Ujjain, and enumerates the succession of teachers of the Capala or Capalīya sect which seems to have been an order of Saiva monks in Mālava. Altogether eight teachers are mentioned; and the first teacher Tāpasa, a great devotee of Candisa or Siva, came from the New Monastery (Nūtanamatha) at Ujjain, and became the head of the Candikāśrama which was, as we have seen, located at Mount Abu, Kedārarāśi, the last teacher to be mentioned must have lived in the last quarter of the twelfth century; and to judge from the succession of teachers and disciples, Tāpasa may have become the head of the Candikāśrama about the middle of the eleventh century. As regards Kedārarāsi, he carried out an extensive building programme, according to his inscription. He renovated the entire site of Kanakhala with stoneslabs (uttāna-patta), and provided it with an enclosure with lofty walls. He repaired also the temple of Atulanātha, built two new massive temples of Siva in front of the shrine of Kanakhalanātha, and erected a row of pillars of black stone, in the mandapa of the temple of Kanakhalasambhu. His sister Mokseśvarī also built a beautiful temple of Siva at the place."
The capital of the Paramāra Chiefs of Abu until about the beginning of the 14th century was at Candrāvatī, now a small village at the junction of the Sivālan with the Banās river near the south end of Mount Abu and in the Sirohi State. Here the numerous temples were constructed of white marble, a rare phenomenon in the history of Hindu architecture; and many of them must have been dedicated to Siva, as Saivism was the prevailing religion in this area. The evidence of sculptures, scanty though it is, points to the same conclusion. In one of the marble edifices, for instance, the principal figures were a three-headed statue with a female seated on his knee, sitting on a car, with a large goose in front (i. e. Brahmã); Siva with twenty arms; Bhairava with twenty arms, one holding a human head by the hair, a victim lying beneath, and a female on each side; one drinking the blood falling from the head. Unfortunately Candrāvati is in ruins, and no idea can be formed of the cults practised in its beautiful temples.
1 An Abu inscription of the reign of Bhimadeva II, Indian Antiquary, Vol.
XI, p. 220. 2 Candrāyati is one of the tragedies of Indian archaeology. Twenty marble edifices
of different sizes were still in existence when the spot was first visited by Sir Charles Colville and his party in 1824. Nevertheless, about this time, the petty Chief of Girwar, a few miles to the northwest of Candrăvati, who regularly sold the marble materials, was called by Colonel Tod 'the depredator and salesman

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MEWAR Saivism was the prevailing religion in neighbouring Mewar where the worship of Ekalinga Siva was the symbol of a national cult and has survived till today. The worship of Ekalinga is mentioned in an inscription of Naravāhana, dated 972 A. D., but the cult is earlier than the tenth century as two inscriptions, dated Samvat 1331 and 1342 (1274 and 1285 A. D.) respectively, which give the genealogy of the ruling dynasty, place the cult of Ekalinga at the beginning of the political history of Mewar. We are told that an ascetic named Hārītarāśi who was a devotee of Ekalinga gave a miraculous gold anklet to Bappa, the Brāhmaṇa founder of the dynasty, and helped him to acquire the throne. The cult of Ekalinga was thus prevalent at least as early as the ninth century, and the deity is still worshipped at the place now called Ekalingaji, about twelve miles north of Udaipur on the way to Nāthadvāra. The present temple is not later than 1213 A. D., as a date, Samvat 1270, is inscribed on a pillar together with the name of Rājā Jaitrasimha.
The evidence to be considered further will show that saivism represented a vigorous religious movement in a large part of western and central India from Gujarat to Rewa in the tenth century and thereabouts. The expansion of Saivism in western India goes back, however, to a much earlier date, as it was the prevailing religion under the Valabhi kings as early as the sixth century A. D.
MĀLAVA An early and celebrated focus of Saivism was in Mālava whose capital Ujjayini or Avanti was famous through the ages as the seat of the worship of
of what time and the ruthless Turk had spared of its relics'. Gustav le Bon, a French archaeologist, writing in 1884, said that he had made a long journey to Candrăvati to visit a temple among other remains, but was informed that the temple had been recently reduced to fragments by an engineer to pave a road! Cousens who visited the place at a later date reported : "Save portions of the basement of one temple and a few blocks of the back wall of another, nothing now remains of the beautiful shrines discovered in 1822 excepting one solitary column, which by its loneliness accentuates the desolation around it'. The fact is that the temples of Candrivati were literally carried off to build railway bridges and culverts and to break up for metalling the permanent way. The site of the old city and its extent are still indicated by the mounds of bricks that formed the foundations of these old temples-of which there are great numbers; and on the south side are portions of the ancient city walls which faced the river Sivālan.' Judging from such images as still lie about, it would appear that the majority of the temples were Brahmanical, and that they were built of white marble.' See Burgess and Cousens: Archaeological Survey of Western India (Northern Gujarat), Vol IX pp. 96-102. A Collection of Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions (opcit.) pp. 75, 85. In the introductory note the date of the inscription is given as 1339, but 1331 appears as the date in the last line, P. 77. Ibid. p. 93.
1
2

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Mahākāla Siva. The legends connected with the numerous sacred sites and lingas of Avantiksetra, known also as Mahākāla-vana, are narrated in detail in the Avantyakhanda of the Skandapurāna. Mahākālavana is described here as a yojana in extent, and mentioned as one of the most important Saiva Tirthas along with Prabhāsa, Puşkara, Kedāra and Kāyāvarohaņa. It is possible that the famous temple of Mahākāla existed as early as the fifth century A. D. Kalidāsa, in his Meghadüta (vv. 30-7), in the course of the description of Ujjayini, refers to the sacred abode (dhāma) of Candiśvara, styled also as Mahākāla, on the Gandhavati river, which is in fact one of the sacred streams of Avantikşetra mentioned in the Skandapurana.
The temple of Mahākāla at Ujjain was as famous as that of Somanātha in Kathiawar. About the middle of the tenth century, Dhanika, a Paramāra chief of Vāgada (the modern Banswara and Dungarpur States in Southern Rajputana, not far from Ujjain), is known to have erected the Siva temple of Dhaneśvara near Mahākāla.' Early in the tenth century, the Rāştrakūța emperor Indra III, while leading an expedition to conquer Kanauj, is believed to have stopped with his war elephants at the courtyard of the temple of Mahākāla to pay homage to the deity. The great temple continued to exist for more than two hundred years after the destruction of the temple of Somanātha; but the tragedy was re-enacted in 1233 A. D. when Sultan Iltutmish invaded Ujjain and demolished the ancient shrine during the reign of the Paramāra king Devapāla. According to Firishta, the magnificent temple was built on the same plan as that of Somanātha, and is said to have occupied three hundred years in building: it contained the image of Vikramāditya as well as that of Mahākāla, which the invader caused to be conveyed to Delhi and broken at the door of the great mosque.
The Paramāras of Mālava, who ruled as independent monarchs from about the middle of the tenth century to the end of the thirteenth, and whose dominions, in their widest limits, extended from Gujarat to Central Provinces and from Khandesh to Northern Indore, were devout worshippers of Siva and great builders of Siva temples. The Paramāra king Bhoja, the most famous Indian monarch of the eleventh century A. D., built a number of temples dedicated to Kedāreśvara, Rāmeśvara, Somanātha, Sumira (?) and Kālā nalaRudra. These temples no longer exist, as most of the religious edifices of Mālava were destroyed by the Muhammadans.
1 Avantyakhanda, Chap. I of Caturaśītilinga-mähätmya. 2 See Two Paramāra Inscriptions in Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXI, p. 41; Ganguli:
History of the Paramāra Dynasty, p. 337. See Cambay Plates of Govinda IV (v. 19.) in Ep. Ind., Vol VII. The Kālapriya
mentioned in the verse is believed to be identical with Mahākāla. 4 Briggs: Firishta, Vol. I, p. 211; Prasad : History of Medieval India, p. 159. 5 See Verse 20 of the Udepur Prasasti of the kings of Malvā in Epigraphia Indica, Vol.
I, pp. 222-38. Bühler takes Kāla, Anala and Rudra separately. But the referenos seems to be to Kālāgni-Rudra, one of the terrible forms of Siva, mentioned by Somadeva in Yaśastilaka, Book I, p. 151.

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Of the existing temples of Mālava the Nilakaạtheśvara at Udayapur and the Siddhanātha or Siddheśvara at Nemawar, both dedicated to Siva, are the most important. The temple of Nilakantheśvara at Udayapur, now a village thirty miles to the north of Bhilsa, in Gwalior State, was built by the Paramāra king Udayāditya in 1059 A. D. Built of red sandstone, it is one of the best preserved temples in India, as it somehow eacaped to a very large extent the devastating hand of Muslim vandalism, although there is still a Muhammadan masjid at the back of the temple. A legend says that Aurangzeb, on his return from the Deccan, passed through this place and ordered the demolition of the temple; but Mahādeva appeared to him in a dream, and commanded him on pain of death to desist from his act of sacrilege. The next morning Aurangzeb found himself ill, and stopped the destruction of the temple; but a masjid was ordered to be built at the back of the temple. It is noteworthy that until recent times the temple was frequented by both Hindus and Muhammadans and the lingam within equally reverenced by both.' The linga is now inclosed in a shell of highly polished yellow metal said to be gold.'
The temple is singularly beautiful both in plan and in elevation; and although large, the parts are so well-proportioned, that it does not look large, and it is only on measurement that its real size is realized.'. But it is in excellence of execution of the floral sculptured ornamentation that this temple surpasses all others. They are executed with remarkable fineness and freedom and are not overcrowded so as to destroy effect, but by a judicious interposition of broad plain surfaces worked with exquisite care, the ornamental value both of the flowered bands and of the plain are mutually enhanced. Doubtless a great deal of the beauty of the carvings is due to the superior quality of the stone here used; and the Khajurāho temples, if built of similar materials, would, some of them, have been more beautiful.' The great dome is formed of overlapping courses of stones, ranged in successive diminishing circles over each other. Twelve ribs, each rib composed of exquisitely scu lptured females, at once adorn and strengthen this beautiful roof; and this roof, thus adorned, and as it were vivified by the sculptures, rests on the massive pillars below, forming a whole of unsurpassed beauty and harmony."
The richly sculptured temple of Siddhanātha stands right on the bank of the Narmadā at Nemawar in Indore State, twelve miles from Harda station on the G. I, P. Railway. It cannot be later than the 10th century, and consists of a garbhagyha and a mandapa, which is open on three sides with an open porch on each side. The mandapu appears to be a later addition, and is built of bluish sandstone; while the garbhagyha with its sikhara is built of beautiful yellowish grey sandstone. Except for a modern structure which has been added on the top of the maņdapa providing access
1 Ganguly: History of the Paramāra Dynasty, p. 258. The temple of Mandaleśvara
Mahadeve at Päņāhera in Bangwara State in Southern Rajputana was also built in 1059 A. D. by Mandalika, à Paramāra chief of the Vågada branch of the family,
See Two Paramāra Inscriptions (op. cit.). 2 Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. VII, pp. 85-88. 60

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to the chamber immediately above the garbhagrha, the edifice has not suffered any damage or structural alteration during the nine hundred years that have elapsed since it was built. The temple is in use, and worship is still carried on there on an elaborate scale. Io the north of the temple of Siddhanātha is an unfinished temple of Vişnu, of which only the garbhagyha stands.
The large temple of Bhojeśvara is situated at Bhojpur twenty miles to the south of the city of Bhopal. It appears to be named after the great Paramāra king Bhoja, and has been assigned to the eleventh or twelfth century A. D. In plan the building is a simple square; and an incomplete but richly carved dome is supported by four massive pillars, each of which is 40 feet in height. Inside the building stands a colossal linga, seven and a half feet high and more than seventeen feet in circumference, on a platform made of three superimposed blocks of sand-stone.'
An important group of Saiva temples, fairly well-preserved, exists in the large township of Un in the Nimar District of Indore State. It has been said that with the exception of Khajurāho in central India, there is no other place in Northern India where so many ancient temples are still to be found intact. The carvings on the temples at Un are slightly less elaborate than those on the celebrated temples of Khajurāho, but in all other respects they would compare very favourably with the Khajuraho group. There are at least seven temples of Siva of which the largest is called Chaubara Dera. It has an elaborately carved magnificent mandapa with a large porch in the front and two small ones on the sides. The mandapa is supported by four round carved pillars, and the dome over it is richly carved in the style of the domes of the marble temple of Vastupāla Tejahpāla on Mount Abu. The group of buildings includes a large temple of Siva called Mahākāleśvara and another of the same name. The Siva temple of Vallaleśvara appears to have been rebuilt at a later date when a round dome like that of a mosque was built in place of the sikhara. A beautifully carved temple of Siva called Nilakantheśvara stands inside the modern village, and close to it is a small underground temple of Siva called Gupteśvara. The shrine, of which only a small underground chamber remains, must have been originally below the ground level, as the level of the floor of the garbhagrha is about thirty feet below the level of the floor of the sanctum in the temple of Nilakantheśvara.'
ater date whe, Siva templava called Mahount Abu.
1 Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, for the year
ending 318t March, 1921, pp. 98-106. 2 Ganguly: History of the Paramāra Dynasty, p. 270. 3 Progress Report of the Archacological Survey of India, Western Circle, for the year
ending 31st March, 1919, pp. 61-64. Plates. XVIII-XXI. A temple dedicated to Siva under the name of Mäkäleśvara (Mahakülosivara) also exists in the village of Makla in the Mehidpur District of Indore State. This district lies in the centre of Mālava and is very close to Ujjain. The mandapa of the temple has been rebuilt, but the garbhagyha is intact, and provides a good example of Hindu temple architecture of the 11th and 12th centuries in Mälva. Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, 1920. p. 101.

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A typically Saiva sculpture representing Siva and the Seven Mothers is found engraved on doors and fintels in some of the temples including the Chaubara Dera. An inscription in the latter temple mentions Udayaditya of Malava who is known to have reigned in the latter part of the eleventh century. This is no doubt an important clue to the age of the temples at Un. Another inscription in the Chaubara Dera temple engraved on the figure of a serpent exhibits the Sanskrit alphabet and some of the conjugational terminations; and this had apparently an educational purpose. Two similar inscriptions, on a larger scale, are engraved on two pillars in the Bhojasala or School of King Bhoja, now the Masjid of Kamal Maula, at Dhar.'
The island of Mändhätä in the Narmada, in the Nimar District of Central Provinces, south-east of Indore, was a seat of Saiva worship at an early age, probably long before the tenth century. To judge from
1 Ibid. p. 46. Remains of old Siva temples are fairly numerous in Indore State, many of which have been rebuilt in later times. Two or three of these temples may be mentioned. The village of Modi, seven miles to the west of Bhanpura in the north of Indore State, contains the ruins of a number of temples, one of which is still in position. The temple was dedicated to Siva, but only the garbhagṛha is intact. The lintel of the door leading to the interior of the sanctum bears the figure of Siva as Lakulisa, and some of the large stones of the basement bear inscriptions in characters of the 12th century A. D.' The village of Kukdesvar, ten miles to the west of Rampura in the north of Indore State, contains the temple of Sahasra-mukheśvara. The old temple having collapsed, the present structure was built in its place. But the linga in the sanctum is very old and a real sahasralinga. It consists of a huge linga about three feet in height and twelve to sixteen inches in diameter. The body of the linga is covered with rows of miniature lingas of uniform shape and size measuring about an inch and a half in height.'
The tableland or plateau at the foot of which Bhanpura lies is thickly studded with ancient remains, and shows ample signs of having been at one time a thickly populated locality of ancient Mälava.' The remains on this plateau include those of two old temples at Navali or Naoli. One of these is the temple of Nandikesvara which stands at the southern end of the village. The temple was partly rebuilt at a later date with the old materials. The mandapa has disappeared, but the sanctum still stands. The linga of Nandikesvara is octagonal at the bottom and round at the top.
Old Vaisnava temples are found here and there in Indore State. The old village of Kohala, for instance, in the Garoth District in northern Indore, six miles from Bhanpura, contains three temples dedicated to Vispu. The largest is the temple of Varaha which contains one of the finest images of the Boar Incarnation. Of the other two temples that of Laksmi-Narayapa is one of the best preserved monuments in Malava. The sikhara is tall and slender, and resembles that of the temple of Mahakaleśvara at Un.' The temple of Caturbhuja is exactly similar in plan, but the sikhara is far inferior to that of Lakṣmi-Narayana. The temple of Seṣasayin exists at the village of Kethuli which lies at the foot of the plateau on which Navali (see above) is situated. An old temple of Visou, partly rebuilt, exists at Kukdesvar. With the exception of the roof, the porch in front and the Mandapa are of the same date as the old garbhagṛha on the west, i. e. 12th or 13th century A. D. The existing Vaisnava temples in Malava are of uncertain date; and there is apparently no Vaispava temple which can compare in grandeur and magnitude with any of the outstanding major temples dedicated to Siva. See Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, for 1920.

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the evidence of the Revükhanda included in the Skandapurāna, the banks of the river were studded with holy places beginning from the sacred Amarkantak on the Maikal Range in Central India. All the temples on the island are devoted to the worship of Siva or his associate deities; but Muslim vandalism has done its work so thoroughly (from about 1400 A, D.) that 'every dome has been overthrown, every figure mutilated.' There are numerous temples ancient and modern; but the age of the older shrines does not appear to have been accurately determined.
The celebrated shrine of Omkāra, a form of Siva, is situated on the island, and that of Amareśvara on the southern bank of the river, These are among the most famous of the ancient Lingas in India, and pilgrims who have vowed to visit the twelve Jyotirlingas offer their adorations to both Omkāra and Amareśvara. References to Omkāra and Amareśvara are occasionally found in the inscriptions of the Paramāra kings of Mālava. The Māndhātā plates of Jayasimha issued in 1055 A. D. record the grant of a village for the maintenance of the Brāhmaṇas of the patjaśālā at the holy site of Amareśvara. An inscription of Arjunavarman issued in 1215 A, D, during his sojourn at Amareśvara says that he granted certain lands to a Brāhmaṇa after having worshipped Omkāra, the lord of Bhavani. Three plates recording a grant of Devapāla in 1225 A. D. were found near the temple of Siddheśvara at Māndhātā. Evidently the Nimar District was included in the dominions of the Paramāras of Mālava in the early part of the thirteenth century A. D. Earlier than this, the famous Paramāra king Vākpati Muñja, who reigned towards the end of the tenth century A. P., is said to have built many temples and embankments at places like Ujjain, Maheśvara and Mändbätä.
The oldest of the Sivaite temples is probably that on the Birkhala rocks. Unlike the other temples, which present the ordinary shrine and porch, it consists of a courtyard, with a verandah and colonnades supported on massive pillars, boldly carved in rectilineal figures.' On the hill stand the ruins of a very fine temple, now called Siddheśvara Mahādeva. To each of the four sides of the shrine was added a projection containing a doorway; and before every doorway was a porch resting on fourteen pillars, elaborately carved and about 14 feet high.' The temple of Gauri Somanātha appears to be an old shrine rebuilt with lime. Somanātha himself is a gigantic linga, now black, but once white, as his name denotes.' It may be noted that traces of Vaisnavism are not wholly absent in the Māndhātā region. The north bank of the river opposite contains some old structures devoted to Vişnu. Where the Narmadā bifurcates are the remains of some gateways and a large shapeless building containing twenty-four figures of Vişņu and his avatāras, carved in good style in a close-grained green stone. Among them is a large Varāha or Boar Avatāra covered with the same panoply of sitting figures as that at Khandwā.'
1 Ganguli: History of the Paramāra Dynasty, pp. 63, 124, 202, 210. 2 Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. IX, p. 293 ff.

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BUNDELKHAND AND BAGHELKHAND From Mālava we may pass on to Bundelkhand which was an important centre of Saivism during the rule of the Chandel kings in the tenth, eleventh and twelfth centuries. The Chandel Kingdom included Khajurāho (now a village in Chhatarpur State, Central India ), Kālañjar in Bandā Dt., U.P. and Mahoba (in Hamirpur Dt., U.P.). Khajurāho is famous for its group of magnificent temples second in importance only to the Bhuvanesvar group in Northern India. The splendour of Khajurāho reached its climax in the tenth century during the reign of Dhanga (c. 950-1000 A.D.), who was a devout Saiva, and died, according to an inscription, at Prayāga, 'fixing his thoughts on Rudra, and muttering holy prayers. The northern style of temple architecture found its most perfect expression in the edifices at Khajurāho, which were designed on a grand scale, executed in a fine sandstone, and richly adorned with sculpture. Dhanga's father Yasovarman (c. 930-50 A, D.) built the magnificent Caturbhuj temple completed in 954 A, D.'; but the largest building of the Khajurāho group is the great Siva temple called Kandariyā Mahādeo, believed to have been erected during the tenth century. It is 109 feet in length and 591 feet in width with a height of 116 feet above the ground. The temple known as Visvanātha is no less grand, the steeple being about 100 feet high, and was, according to an inscription, built during Dhanga's reign. The temple of Mộtanga
1 A temple of Nārāyaṇa was built by queen Citralekhă in 955 A. D. at Bayana in
Bharatpur State The relevant inscription recording the fact is incised on a slah in the pavement of the Ukhä mosque at Bayana, now transformed into the Ukhā mandir. A portion of an old Hindu temple found inside the Ukhă mandir might represent the remains of the temple of Nārāyana erected by queen Citralekhā. Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, 1919, p. 43; 1920,
p. 109.
The temple contains a marble linga 47 feet in girth. Cunningham counted no less than 226 statues inside the temple, and 646 outside, or 872 statues altogether, of which the greater number are from 2 to nearly 3 feet in height. The richness of the carvings is rivalled by the profusion of the sculptures. The general effect of this gorgeous luxury of embellishment is extremely pleasing, although the eye is often distracted by the multiplicity of the details. The Visvanātha temple is 87] feet long by 46 feet broad. Its plan is similar to that of the Kandariyā temple, but it is altogether in better preservation itself, and its five subordinate temples are still standing or traceable at the four corners of its terrace, and in front of the entrance. Cunningham counted 602 statues of from 2 to 2 feet in height in the different ranges of sculpture of this gorgeous temple.' Inside the shrine there is a linga. 'Inside the entrance portico of this temple, there are two large inscribed slabs which are dated respectively, in the Samvat years 1056 and 1058 or A. D. 999 and 1001. The earlier inscription records the building of the temple to Siva and the dedication of a linga made of emerald marakatamayam) by Raja Dhanga. The temple itself is said to have been called Pramathanátha, but the emerald linga no longer exists. Facing the entrance of the Viśvanātha temple is a small open temple which contains a colossal recumbent figure of the bull Nandi. In plan it is a square of 16 feet with 12 pillars and a small open porch of two pillars on each of the four sides, thus forming an open temple of 20 pillars'. It evidently forms part of the Visvanātha temple, and must be of the same date.'

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Mahādeo is remarkable for its large dome of overlapping stones, with a diameter of 22 feet, without extraneous support'. The temples are in more or less satisfactory preservation, which is largely due to the fact that Khajurāho luckily escaped the fury of Muslim vandalism.
There are two more temples on the Kurar Nala to the south of the village, called Nilkanth Mahādeo and Kunwār Math. The former is a mass of ruins; but inside the sanctum there still exists the argha or pedestal of a linga. A pilgrim's inscription carved on the wall of the sanctum bears the date Samvat 1174 (A. D. 1117), and refers to the deity as Gaura or the White God. The temple seems to have been erected in the tenth or eleventh century. The Kunwār Math is also dedicated to Śiva, whose figure occupies the central position over the doorway of the sanctum, between Brahma and Vişņu. It is one of the finest temples at Khajurāho, and 66 feet long and 33 feet broad outside. There is no inscription to fix the date of the temple ; but as the word Vasala, a ma son's mark, is repeated several times on the stones of both of the Kurar Nala temples, Cunningham infers that they are of the same age, that is, the tenth or eleventh century. At Jatkari, 14 miles to the south of Khajurāho, there are two dilapidated temples, one of which is dedicated to Śiva whose linga of marble is enshrined within.
Kālañjar, with its strong fortress, was the military stronghold of the Chandel kings; and from early times the hill was famous as a favourite resort of Saiva ascetics. The buildings at Kālañjar are not, however, important as architecture. The upper gate, leading to the outwork in the middle of the west face, where the great lingam of Nilakantha stands, is attributed by local tradition to king Parmāl or Paramardi ( 1165-1203 A. D.).' A hymn of praise to Siva composed by Paramardi is inscribed on a slab at Kālañjar bearing the date 1201 A. D.
At Mahoba there is the Madan Sāgar lake associated with the Chandel king Madanavarman (1128-1165 A. D.). A fairly well-preserved granite temple, equal in size to the largest of the sandstone temples at Khajuraho, stands on a rocky island in the north west corner of the lake. The shrine is known as Kakrā Marh and was dedicated to Siva. The ruins of a second temple dedicated to Vişnu, called Madári, exist on another islet in the lake, Both the temples are ascribed to the reign of Madanavarman.
The Devī cult is almost everywhere associated with Saivism ; and it is noteworthy that a tribal goddess called Maniya Deo (Devi) was the tutelary deity of the Chandels. Maniya Devi appears to be akin to the Gond deities, and reminds one of Vindhyavāsini, who was worshipped by the hill tribes of the Vindhya region, as described by Vākpati in his Gaidavaho. There are
1 Called also Mrtyužjaya Mahadeva. It is a large square temple enshrining a colossal
linga, 8 feet in height and 3 feet 8 inches in diameter. 'It is 24 feet square inside and 35 feet square outside, with a projecting porch 18 feet long and 9 feet broad on each side.' 'It is situated 30 feet to the south of the Caturbhuj temple, and is most probably of the same age' (i. e. the middle of the tenth century A. D.).

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three known shrines of the goddess, at Mahoba, at Maniyagarh, a large ruined fort, situated on a hill overlooking the town of Rajgarh in Chhatarpur State, and at the village of Barel in Hamirpur District. The Devi Jagadāmbi temple at Khajuraho is among the best, and like the others, has been assigned to the tenth century.
There is no doubt that Saivism was the prevailing religion in Bundelkhand, and the architectural grandeur of Khajurāho rests on the great temples dedicated to Siva: but the cult of Vişnu had also a recognised place, as shown by some of the temples dedicated to that deity. The Baghārī inscription found near Mahoba commemorates the building of temples to both Vişņu and Siva by the ministers of Parmāl or Paramardi in 1195 A. D. We may refer in this connection to the allegorical play Prabodhacandrodaya, which was produced during the reign of the Chandel king Kirtivarman, about the year 1065 A. D.: it refers to shrines of Vişnu ( v. 5) and glorifies Visņubhakti (Faith in Vişņu), one of the prominent characters in the play. It may, however, be noted that Siva is glorified in the second verse of the prologue; and we are told in v. 9 that the Absolute is variously designated as Brahmā, Vişņu or Siva."
Saivism was prevalent not only in Bundelkhand but in other areas of Central India. Jaso, the chief town of the tiny state of that name in Baghelkhand, seems to have been an important place in the middle ages. It contains an old temple of Siva and a large tank called the Rekra Talav. Two colossal images of Siva as Tripurări and Natesa were found close to the Rekra Talav. The temple of Kumhra Mahādeva is a building in the Khajurāho style of about the eleventh or twelfth century,
The most important is the Caturbhuj completed in 954 A. D. (see above). The temple is 85 feet 4 inches in length and 44 feet in breadth, or almost exactly the same size as Visvanātha.' Immediately to the east of the Caturbhuj temple is a small open temple containing a colossal statue of the Varāha Avatāra of Vişnu No. 17 in Cunningham's list is a large temple situated close to the north end of the village. The temple is called Vamana or the Dwarf Incarnation of Vişnu, a name which is certainly not correct; for, although there is a large statue of the dwarf god, 4 feet 8 inches high, enshrined inside, yet there is a small figure of Śiva himself over the centre of the entrance to the sanctum, with Brahmä and Vişnu to the
right and left.' One or two more temples of Vişnu are mentioned by Cunningham. 2 For the Chandel kings and their monuments see Vincent Smith: History and
Coinage of the Chandel dynasty in Indian Antiquary, 1908. “The remains, more or less complete, of more than thirty temples are traceable at Khajuraho and the neighbouring village of Jatkari.' See also Cunningham: Archaeological Survey og India, Vol. II, pp. 412-39. Cunningham writing in 1865 says that Khajurāho is still frequented by pilgrims who assemble in thousands for the celebration of the Sivaratri in the month of Phölgun, at which time an annual fair is held. It may be noted that a similar fair is held at Elephanta on the occasion of the Sivaratri festival every year in February when pilgrims visit the island in large numbers to worship the linga enshrined in the great cave temple in the western hill. Sastri: A Guide to
Elephanta, p. 32. 3 Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, for the year
ending 31 st March, 1919, p. 60.

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It may be noted that the history of Saivism in this region goes back to much earlier times. Seven miles to the south-east of Jaso are the ruins of the ancient city of Nachna Kuthara in Ajaygadh State in Bundelkhand. Some of the oldest known Hindu temples in India have been discovered at this place. The earliest of these is a flat-roofed temple surrounded by a narrow covered veranda on three sides. There was a very small mandapa or porch in front of the only door of the shrine, which has collapsed entirely.' Over the shrine is a small upper chamber instead of a sikhara, with a flat roof slightly raised at the centre. The temple is well-preserved, but without any idol, and has been assigned to the early Gupta period, i. e., 4th - 5th century A. D. To the south-west of this temple there is a large stone-built temple of Śiva with a tall spire, which has been assigned to the later Gupta age. The mandapa in front has collapsed, and inside the temple there is a huge four-faced linga (Caturmukha Mahādeva) which is certainly earlier in date than the temple itself.' To the east of the Gupta temple are the remains of another temple of Mahadeva of which only the foundations and the linga remain. The ground around is strewn with carved blocks of stone from which it appears that this temple was of the same date as the temple of the four-faced Mahādeva.''
The Nāgod State area, now included in the Baghelkhand Agency of Central India, appears to have been an early focus of Saivism, and continued as such till medieval times. An ancient temple of Siva exists at Bhumara, a village twelve miles to the west of the town of Unchehra in Nāgod State. It is flat-roofed and similar in all respects to the early Gupta temple at Nachna except that there is no upper chamber over the shrine. The similarity in size and plan and the nature of the carvings indicates that both the temples belong to the same age, probably the middle of the fifth century A. D. As in the case of the temple at Nachna, the mandapa has collapsed, but inside the shrine was found a huge ekamukha linga measuring a little more than six feet in height.'
In the small hamlet of Sankargadh, in Nāgod State, there is, at the oot of a small conical hill, an ancient tank, now almost silted up, on the banks of which exist a very large collection of Saiva sculptures and a very small stone temple of the later Gupta period. Two paved foot-paths lead to the door of the temple which stands on a mound, and on both sides of the foot-paths an unusually large number of lingas have been arranged. The temple consists of a single chamber with one door; and the interior of the shrine is perfectly plain, and contains a very large linga. The sikhara of the temple was added at a later date, perhaps in the 10th or 11th century, sculptures of which period are found scattered around the edifice. "No inscriptions were discovered at the place, but from the technique the lower part of the temple can be assigned to the sixth century A. D.'. The images gathered around the shrine
1 Ibid., pp. 53, 61. 2 R. D. Banerji: The temple of Śiva at Bhumara (Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey
of India. No. 16).

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include a very fine image of Siva and Pārvati; and it is apparent from the carving that the sculpture belongs to the later Gupta period, i. e. 6th or 7th century A. D. There is besides a very large collection of images of Siva and Pārvati at this place, most of which belong to the 11th and 12th centuries A. D. Close by are the ruins of a large medieval temple of Siva of the 11th or 12th century A. D. There must have been other temples also at this place, as in all some 15 or 20 lingas were discovered within a short area, some of which belong to the earlier periods, as they are natural Phallic symbols of the God of Destruction.'
The villages of Khoh and Majhgawan, in Nägod State, contain ruins extending over three miles in length, in which the remains of a large and once populous city lie buried. The biggest mound is the Ataria Khera where the remains of a Vaişņava temple were partly excavated by Cunningham, who discovered at the same place a fine image of the Boar Incarnation of Vişņu. This area, too, seems to have been a centre of the Saiva cult. A number of ekamukha lingas was found in the village and in the mounds surrounding it, and broken images of Mahişamardini were found both at Khoh and Majhgawan. More important is the neighbouring site known as Nakti-ka-Talai, which contains the remains of two tine stone-built temples of the early Gupta period. They are Siva temples and stand side by side, hidden from view by thick bamboo groves. Here was also found one of the finest known ekamukha lingas. well-preserved and bearing the bust of Siva on its western face. Siva is represented with three eyes, and his crescent is carved in relief on the fore part of the mass of matted hair on the head. The face of this bust is a masterpiece of the plastic art of the early Gupta period.'
The evidence of temples and sculptures shows that Saivism was firmly established in certain areas of Central India in the Gupta period. In the tenth century and after, Saivism was the prevailing religion in the area corresponding to Rewa State during the rule of the Cedi or Haihaya kings of Tripuri. Here are some important Saiva monuments which claim our attention.
The territory of the Haihayas of Tripuri in the 10th-12th centuries was the Dāhala country or the modern district of Jubbulpur; but under the more powerful princes the Cedi kingdom included that portion of Central India which lies to the south of the river Tons, consisting of the modern States of Nagod, Maihar, the eastern part of Panna and the western part of the northern division of Rewa State.' The existing monuments of the Cedi country consist chiefly of Saiva monasteries and temples, and are found for the most part in Rewa State and the district of Jubbulpur. We have already referred to
1 For Sankargadh, Khoh eto, see Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India,
Western Circle, for the year ending 318t March, 1920. 2 For details see R. D. Banerji: The Haihayas of Tripuri and their monuments
(Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, No. 23). All the monuments have
not been fully explored, and many of them are not in a good state of preservation. 61

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the influence of the Saiva monks of the Mattamayūra line and their monasteries in the Cedi country. As regards temples, the remains are found chiefly in Rewa State: at Chandrehe and Gurgi, not far from Rewa town, and at Bhirpur, Amarkantak and Sohagpur. The Siva temple at Chandrehe was built about the middle of the tenth century A. D. It is the earliest specimen of the circular type of temples which came into vogue in this part of the country during the tenth century. The ruins of another temple of the same type were found near the village of Masaun in the neighbourhood of Gurgi, twelve miles due east of Rewa Town. Temples of this kind, with circular garbhagrhas, are extremely rare; and it has been suggested that this type of temple architecture was designed by the builders employed by the Saiva monks of the Mattamayūra sect in the Cedi country. The Gurgi temple appears to belong to the same period as the one at Chandrehe which it closely resembles; and it is probable that it might be the Śiva temple which, according to the Gurgi inscription of Prabodhasiva, was built by the abbot Praśāntasiva, close to the very high temple of Siva built by Yuvarājadeva I, who ruled in the first half of the tenth century. The latter temple seems to have been built on the Gurgaj mound, at Gurgi, where the sites of two large temples are now marked by deep pits and the overturned colossal figures which were once enshrined inside'. The figures in question refer to a four-armed Durgā nine feet high, seated on a lion, and a still larger sculpture of Siva aad Pārvati lying on its face, the slab being more than twelve feet long by more than five feet broad. If the temples which occupied this mound bore any proportion to the size of the colossal figures which they enshrined, they must have been of considerable size, certainly not less than 100 feet in height.'
Among other temples of the Cedi region may be mentioned that of Virāțeśvara Siva at Sohagpur, the Karan Mandir at the sacred site of Amarkantak, and the temple of Vaidyanātha Mahādeva at Baijnath, all in Rewa State. The Karan Mandir is a Siva temple ascribed by local tradition to Karņa Rāja, the powerful Haihaya king who ruled in the third quarter of the eleventh century A. D. It is a temple of rare design having three separate shrines; but it never was completed. The superb magnificence of such a temple with its three tall and profusely sculptured lofty towers of graceful outline can only be realised by actual sight. Lastly, the Bheraghat inscription of Albaņādevī, the widow of king Gayākarņa, issued in 1155 A. D. records the foundation of a temple of Siva with a matha or monastery and a ball of study and gardens around them. This temple, or rather the lower part of its garbhagyha, still exists and is known by the name of the temple of Gaurīšań. kara.' It stands on the summit of a hillock at Bheraghat, better known as the Marble Rocks, thirteen miles from Jubbulpur. The temple is located within the circular enclosure of the shrine of the Sixty-four Yoginis of which we have spoken.
It will be thus seen that the early monuments of the Cedi country are almost exclusively devoted to the cult of Siva. It is evident that at the time
Gayākarņa, issued in chat inscrip
Or 2001 he lo
of study and gardiation of a temple of Siva
Gaur
1 See Chap. XV.

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when Somadeva wrote, Saivism was predominant in central India as in the south. We may now turn to Orissa.
ORISSA Early medieval Orissa was an important centre of Saivism. Bhuvaneśvara in the Puri District is the home of early temples dedicated to Siva, the oldest being the Paraśurāmesvara assigned to the eighth century A. D. The temple of Mukteśvara, famous for its sculptures representing scenes of religious life, for example, ascetics and disciples and the worship of Siva, is somewhat later. The temple of Lingarāja, regarded as the most stupendous edifice of its kind in Orissa, is placed about the middle of the tenth century. Close to it is situated the small but exquisitely beautiful temple of Parvati, which is probably of the same date as its great neighbour. Other important Saiva temples at Bhuvaneśvara include the Brahmeśvara (eleventh century), which stands on a platform with four smaller temples at the corners, and thus occupies a position similar to that of the temple of Goņdeśvara at Sinar, twenty miles from Nasik. The beautiful temple of Megheśvara situated close to the Brahmeśvara was built towards the end of the twelfth century; while the Siva temple of Căteśvara was built about the year 1220 A. D. in the village of Krishnapur in the Cuttack District. It may be noted that the only architecturally important Vaişņava temple at Bhuvaneśvara is the Ananta-Vāsudeva said to have been built by Bhavadeva, a minister of king Harivarman of Eastern Bengal. It cannot be much later than the great temple of Lingarāja.
Interesting early temples dedicated to Siva exist also at Khiching. the old capital of the rulers of Mayurbhanj, and in Baudh State on the right bank of the Mahānadi. The twin temples at the village of Gandharādi, a few miles from Baudh Town, belong to the same style of architecture as the Parasurãmeśvara at Bhuvanesvara. If the Parasurameśvara is assigned to the middle of the eighth century, the Gandharādi temples may be placed towards the close of that century. The two temples are exactly similar to each other: the one is dedicated to Siddheśvara Siva with its sikhara surmounted by a Sivalinga, and the other is a Vaisnava shrine dedicated to Nilamādhava, with a wheel of blue chlorite on the top of the sikhara. A wheel on the top of the sikhara is a common feature of Vaişņava temples, but the location of an entire Sivalinga on the top of a temple is something unknown in Orissan architecture.
Next in importance are the three Siva temples, situated close to the modern temple of Rāmeśvara, in Baudh Town. They have been assigned to the ainth century. Beglar, who saw them in the last quarter of the 19th century,
1
2 3 4
This section is based on R. D. Banerjea: History of Orissa, Vols. I and II. Chapters 29 and 30 deal with Architecture and Plastic Art respectively. See also R. D. Banerjea: Antiquities of the Baudh State in Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Vol. XV. See below. R. D. Banerjea (op. cit.), Vol. I, p. 262. This view is no longer accepted. See The History of Bengal, Vol. I, p. 203, published by the University of Dacca.

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says: 'though small they are gems of art in their own humble way. RD. Banerjea says: The decorative motifs and the plastic art of the three temples at Baudh are certainly superior to and older than the great Lingarāja-AnantaVasudeva group at Bhuvanesvara.' A peculiarity of the three temples in Baudh Town is that they have no Mandapa or Jagamohana, as it is called in Orissa, its place being taken by a porch over the entrance. Unfortunately the porch still exists only in one of the temples. Another peculiarity is that in plan the three temples are eight-rayed stars, and the arghapattas of the Lingas are also similar. The Baudh temples are no doubt older than the Lingarāja group at Bhuvanesvara, specially because the large Jagamohana had not yet come into vogue.
Khiching likewise was a prominent centre of Saiva worship. It is about ninety miles from Bāripada, the present capital of Mayurbhanj, and the site represents the ruins of a large ancient city, which was the home of a people much more civilized than the present aboriginal inhabitants with a sprinkling of Oriya nationals. The principal shrine was that of Cāmuşdā known as Kiñcakeśvari; and the Siva temples that have survived are the Kutaitundi or Nilakantheśvara and the Candrasekhara which is still intact. The Saiva sculptures discovered at Khiching (Umā-Maheśvara, the bust of Siva etc.) bear testimony to the influence of the Saiva cult in the area dominated by the culture of Khiching. The architecture of the three Siva temples in Baudh Town and those at Khiching is believed to represent an intermediate stage between such early specimens as the Parasurameśvara and the Mukteśvara at Bhuvaneśvara and the twin temples at Gandharādi and the next phase of Orissan art as we find it in the temples of Lingarāja, Brahmesvara and Anantavāsudeva at Bhuvanesvara. The Candrasekhara temple at Khiching has accordingly been assigned to about 900 A. D. A peculiarity of the temples at Khiching, as in the case of the three temples at Baudh, is that they are without any Mandapa or Jagamohana. As a matter of fact, there are certain temples at Bhuvaneśvara also, for instance, the Bhāskareśvara, which have no Jagamohana. Some of them are believed to be older than the great temple of Lingarāja.
Most of the early Hindu temples in Orissa are thus dedicated to Siva. The Parasurāmeśvara at Bhuvaneśvara is the earliest. The Gandharādi temples, although one of them is dedicated to Vişnu, come next; and the Mukteśvara at Bhuvaneśvara is placed at the end of the early period. All these edifices are characterized by spires or sikharas of which the curvature is much less pronounced than that of the sikharas of later temples; and in this respect they belong to the same category as such early temples in other parts of India as the later Gupta temple at Nachna Kuthara, the Daśāvatāra temple at Deogarh in Jhansi District and certain other temples at Aihole."
i JBORS, Vol. XV, p. 80. 2 See the plates in R. D. Banerjea: History of Orissa, Vol. II. 3 See above. 4 "The Parasurämeśvara cannot be very far removed in date from the post-Gupta
temple of the Daśāvatāra at Deogadh in the Jhansi District. The low regularly curving outlines of the temples at Gandharádi and the Parasuram eśvara belong

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The predominance of the great saiva centre at Bhuvanesvara, or Amratirtha, continued for centuries until it was eclipsed by the final establishment of the cult of Jagannātha at Puruşottama or Puri. The great temple of Jagannātha at Puri ( the Vimāna or the sanctum and the Jagamohana) was erected by Anantavarman Codaganga (1078-1148 A. D.) towards the close of the eleventh century, but the architectural style is considered to be degenerate in comparison with the classic examples of Orissan art at Bhuvanesvara. The Eastern Gangas of Kalinga extended their rule over the whole of Orissa in the second half of the eleventh century. But their tutelary deity was Gokarnasvāmin, or Gokarnesvara Siva, who is so often mentioned in their inscriptions, and whose shrine was located on the top of the Mahendra mountain in Ganjam District. Vajrahasta (1038-68 A.D.), the grandfather of Anantavarman Codaganga, is called parama-māhesvara or & devout worshipper of Siva in one of his inscriptions. Nevertheless the establishment of the temple of Jagannātha at Puri was a turning-point in the religious history of Orissa. A famous Vaisnava scholar, Naraharitirtha, a disciple of Anandatirtha, the founder of the Madhva'school, was the regent of Orissa for twelve years during the minority of Narasimha II (1278-1306 A.D.), and built the temple of Yogānanda-Nrsimha at Sri-Kurmam in Chikakole Tāluku of the Ganjam District in 1281 A. D. Other inscriptions recording gifts by Naraharitīrtha have been found in the temple of Kūrmeśvara at Sri-kurmam and that of Lakşmi-Narasimhasvāmin at Simhācalam near Waltair. The final triumph of Vaisnavism, or rather Neo-Vaişpavism, in Orissa was not, however, achieved until long after the fall of the Eastern Gangas. The new empire of Orissa extending from Medinipur to Trichinopoly was built up by Kapilendra (1435-70), who liberally patronized the great temple at Puri. His successor Puruşottama (1470-97) added the Bhogamaņdapa to the temple of Jagannātha. It was during the reign of his successor Pratāparudra (14971541) that Neo-Vaisnavism became paramount in the religious life of Orissa owing to the long residence of the Bengali saint Caitanyadeva in the country and his powerful influence on the king and the people. Unfortunately, as ably demonstrated by R. D. Banerjea, the supremacy of the new Vaisnavism in Orissa coincided with the political downfall of the country; and “the acceptance of Vaişnavism or rather Neo-Vaişnavism was the real cause of the Musalman conquest of Orissa twenty-eight years after the death of Pratāparudra." So far as the equilibrium of faiths was concerned, the predominance of
ea, the dd the pecanyadeva, te of 6
to the same type as the Sikharas of the Deogadh temple and the later temple at Nachna Kuthara. Sometime during the course of the 9th century A. D., temple types in Orissa began to change and the Sikhara grew taller. It was at this time that the curve of the spire became abrupt near the Amalaka. The only known examples of this type are the three small temples in Baudh town." J BORS, Vol XV, p. 80. The Daśávatāra temple at Devagarh on the Vetravati river is believed to be a monument of the Gupta age (early fifth century A. D.). It was dedicated to Vişnu whose image must have been installed in the sanctum. A short inscription in Gupta Brāhmi characters on a big square pillar refers to the gift (dāna) of Bhagavata Govinda, obviously the founder of the temple. See Dr. V. S. Agrawala's paper on the temple in Art and Thought (Luzac, 1947), p. 51.

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the cult of Jagannātha inevitably led to the decay of the older cults of Śiva at Bhuvanesvara and elsewhere.
In the tenth century or thereabouts the Saiva centre at Bhuvaneśvara appears to have been as important as any other centre of Saiva worship in Central or Western or South India. About this time Bhuvanesvara was included in the dominions of the Somavamsi kings, who at first ruled in the Eastern part of Mahākosala corresponding to the Chattisgarh Division of Central Provinces, and later extended their control over portions of northern and central Orissa. These kings appear to have been Saivas. Mahābhavagupta Janamejaya who appears to have reigned at the beginning of the tenth century is described in one of his charters as a devout worshipper of Siva. His successor Mahāśivagupta Yayāti is probably the same as the king Yayāti-Kesari who, according to Orissan tradition, built the massive temple of Lingarāja at Bhuvaneśvara. As we have seen, even on architectural grounds, this edifice has been assigned to the tenth century. Similarly, the temple of Brahmeśvara at Bhuvanesvara is said to have been built by the mother of Udyotakeśarī, described as seventh in descent from Janamejaya, probably the same as Mahābhavagupta Janamejaya. The temple thus appears to have been erected in the early part of the eleventh centui
Among the kings of earlier dynasties who ruled in different parts of Orissa, Sagguyayyana of the Māna dynasty, who reigned in Southern Tosali or Tosala (the area to the south of the Chilka lake), is described as paramamāhesvara or devout worshipper of Siva in an inscription issued by his feudatory Sivarāja in the Gupta year 283 = 603 A. D. The early Karas who ruled over Central Orissa in the eighth century A. D. were Buddhists. Among the later Karas, the queen Tribhuvana Mahādevī is described as a devout worshipper of Vişnu; while the Hindol plate of Subhakara II records the grant of a village in Northern Tosali or Tosala ( the area around Bhuvanesvara and Puri) for the benefit of the temple of Pulindeśvara and the maintenance of Saiva ascetics. Among the Bhañja chiefs of Khiñjali' who ruled in the eighth and ninth centuries, Satrubhañja, one of whose grants was issued in 744 A. D., and his successor Raņabhañja I are described in their inscriptions as worshippers of Vişnu; but Netrbh añja, the son of Raṇabhañja I, is called a devout worshipper of Siva. The tutelary deity of these Bhañjas was Stambheśvarī who appears to have been a tribal goddess like Maniyādevi of Bundelkhand (see above), or the more famous Vindhyavāsini Devi worshipped by the Sabaras. The cult of these goddesses was, as a rule, affiliated to the Tantric aspect of medieval
1. Orissa in the eight 283.= 603 A. D." Tiption issued by his fama
1 R. D. Banerjea (op. cit.), Vol. I, Chap. XIV; Vol. II, pp. 356, 366, 373.
Ibid. Vol. I, p. 118. 3 R. D. Banerjea (op. cit.), Vol. I, p. 158. 4 The territory corresponding to the States of Gangpur, Bonai, Bamra, Rairakho,
Wortion of labor. mostly inhabited by Sonpur, Patna and Karond with a portion of Sambalpur, mostly inhabited by aboriginal tribes, was known as Khiñjali. It was divided into two parts by the
river Mahanadi. R. D. Banerjea (op. cit., Vol. I, p. 6. 5 Ibid. Chap. XII.

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Śaivism. It may be added that the existence of prominent centres like Bhuvanesvara and Khiching provides more conclusive evidence of the prevalence of the Saiva cult in early medieval Orissa than the religious predilections of individual rulers.
DECCAN
From Orissa we may pass on to the Deccan which was one of the earliest centres of Saivism in India. Most of the Vakaṭaka kings, who ruled in the area corresponding to Central Provinces and Berar in the fourth and fifth centuries A. D., are described in their inscriptions as paramamahesvara or fervent devotees of Siva. One of them, Rudrasena I, who reigned in the first half of the fourth century A. D., is described as a devotee of Mahabhairava, which shows that Siva was worshipped in both his benign and terrible forms.
The Vakaṭakas were related by marriage to the Bhārasivas who are invariably mentioned in the initial portion of the inscriptions of the former. Gautami-putra, the son of Pravarasena I, married the daughter of the Bharasiva king Bhavanaga; and the issue of this marriage was Rudrasena I. The Bharasivas seem to have carved out a principality for themselves on the banks of the Ganges, as they are described as having had their coronation bath with the pure waters of the Ganges acquired by their valour. Bhārasivas were staunch Saivas, as they are described as having pleased Siva by carrying the sivalinga on their shoulders, resembling in this respect the Virasaivas or Lingayats of later times. It is possible that they originally belonged to the Deccan and later established themselves in North India.
These
The Vākāṭakas must have built shrines dedicated to Śiva, but none of them is known to have survived. Rudrasena I is said to have built
a dharmasthana, probably in honour of Mahabhairava. It is also possible that the ancient flat-roofed temple at Tigowa near Bahuribandh in the Jubbalpur District was dedicated to Siva, like the flat-roofed temple at Bhumara in Nagod State.*
It may be noted that the cult of Visnu was patronized by two of the Vakataka kings. Unlike his predecessors, Rudrasena II worshipped Cakrapāņi (Vişņu), probably under the influence of his wife Prabhavatigupta, the daughter of the Gupta emperor Candragupta II (380-414 A. D.); while Prthivisena II, the last known king of the elder branch of the Vakaṭaka dynasty, who reigned in the second half of the fifth century A. D., is described
1 See, for instance, Mirashi: Paṭṭan plates of Pravarasena II, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXIII, pp. 81-88; Kielhorn: Balaghat Plates of Prithivisena II, Ibid. Vol. IX, pp. 267-71; and Mirashi: The Vakataka Dynasty of the Central Provinces and Berar in Annual Bulletin of the Nagpur University Historical Society, October, 1946.
2 'अंसभार संनिवेशित शिव लिङ्गोद्वहन शिवसुपरितुष्टसमुत्पादितराजवंशानाम्'
3
See Mirashi: Pauni Stone Inscription of the Bhara King Bhagadatta, EI, Vol. XXIV pp. 11-15.
4 See above.

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as a parama-bhagavata or fervent worshipper of Vişņu in the Bālāghāt plates. The sacred hill of Rāmagiri with the footprints of Rāma on its slopes, made famous by Kālidāsa in his Moghadüta, was a holy spot in the Vakataka age, and is mentioned as such in the Riddhapur plates of Prabhāvatigupta which were issued from Rāmagiri.' Similarly, the Pattan plates of Pravarasena II (first half of the 5th ceutury A. D.) record the grant of a village called Asvatthakhetaka for the maintenance of a charity hall in honour of the foot-prints of Mahāpuruşa, evidently Vişņu or Rāma.It should, however, be noted that Pravaraşena II himself is described as a parama-mahesvara or a fervent devotee of Siva in Vākāțaka inscriptions.
Further light on the prominent position of Saivism in ancient Deccan is thrown by an inscription of the early Rāştrakūta king Abhimanyu issued at Mānapura. It records the grant of a village called Uņdikavāţikā to a recluse named Jațābhāra in honour of the god Dakşiņa-Siva of Pethapangaraka. It was formerly thought that Dakşiņa-Śiva might be the deity of the great Saiva shrine in the Māhadeva Hills in the Hoshangabad District of Central Provinces; and Pethapangaraka might be Pagāra, the headquarters of the Zamindari of that name. Mānapura could be Mānapura in Malwa, about twelve miles south-west of Mhow, or Mānapura near Bandhogarh in Rewa State. But, as suggested by Prof. Mirashi, it is much more probable that the Manapura mentioned in the inscription of Abhimanyu is identical with Mān, the chief sub-division of the Sātārā District of Bombay Province, through which flows the Māngangā, a tributary of the Bhīmā. It is noteworthy that an inscription of Avidheya, another king of the same family, records the grant of a
1 Thanh: IT'. Rāmagiri is now Ramtek, a wellknown place of pilgrimaga near
Nagpur. At present the centre of interest is the group of temples on the hill overlooking the town. The temple of Ramacandra, about 500 feet above the town, is the most prominent. The others are dedicated to Lakşmaņa, Kausalya, Satya Nārāyana, Lakşmi Nārāyaṇa, Hanuman etc. The temple of Harihara is popularly known as the Dasaratha temple. There are also two temples with huge idols of Narasimha and the remains of a very old temple of the Dwarf incarnation called Trivikrama. One of the temple courts contains a huge image of the Boar Incarnation under a small flat-roofed shrine, An inscription on a wall of the temple of Lakşmaņa contains the names of two kings of the Haihaya family who reigned in Mahākosala (modern Chattisgarh) in the latter part of the fourteenth century A.D., and so gives a clue to the age of the building. It is noteworthy that the aforesaid inscription refers to several Saiva temples, such a Ghapteśvara, Sudheśvara, Kedāra, Ambikānātha, Dharmeśvara, Muktiśvara etc. Besides, there is a Sivalinga called Dhūmreśvara Mahādeva, to whom offerings are made by pilgrims before worshipping Rāma. The linga is believed to represent Sambuka, the Śūdra ascetic killed by Rāma. The presence of the Sivalinga in front uf the temple of Rāma and the enumeration of Siva temples in the inscription mentioned above would seem to indicate the existence of a Saiva cult prior to the foundation of the existing Vaisnava temples. It may also be noted that the group of temples on the hill includes two temples dedicated to Mahisäsura-mardini; and down the hill is a temple of Candikā built of massive blocks of hown stone. For details see
Indian Antiquary, 1908. p. 202 ff. 2 'महापुरुषपादमूलसत्रोपयोज्यं'.

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village called Pāņdarangapalli situated on the bank of the Ane river, which is most probably identical with the Yennā, or the Veņā, which rises on the Mahābaleśvara plateau and falls into a valley to the east of the Mahābaleśvara hill in the Sātārā District. As regards the shrine of Dakşiņa-Siva mentioned in the records of Abhimanyu, there are several Saiva temples on the summit of hills in the Sātārā District, the best known being that of Mahābaleśvara not far from the source of the Krşņā. Mānapura was no doubt founded by Mănāňka, the first king of the family, who is mentioned in both the inscriptions; and Abhimanyu and Avidheya were apparently ruling over the territory corresponding to the Sātārā District of Bombay Province. The inscriptions in question have been assigned to the fifth century A. 1). on paleographic grounds; and genealogical considerations have led to Mānānka being placed in the last quarter of the fourth century and Abhimanyu towards the end of the fifth century A. D. The rulers of Mānapura, or the Rāştrakūtas of Mānapura, as they have been called, were thus contemporaries of the Vakātakas, and appear to have been, like them, worshippers of Siva. As for the cult of Vişnu, it no doubt existed in the Vākātaka age, but seems to have occupied a secondary place; and similar conditions appear to be reflected in the subsequent history of the Deccan.
Saivism played a decisive rôle in the temple architecture of the Deccan and the adjoining countries. The early Calukyas were mostly followers of the Vaişņava cult. The Vaisnava cave at Badami in the Bijapur district was excavated in 578 A. D. under Kirtivarman I; while his brother Mangaliśa who succeeded him upon the throne is described as a parama-bhāgavata. There is also no doubt that some of the ancient temples at Aihole, now a village, about twelve miles due east of Badami, were dedicated to Vişnu. But, towards the beginning of the eighth century a. D., the Cālukyas show a decided leaning to Saivism, and seem to have become worshippers of Siva. It is about this time that Pattadakal, now a small village, about ten miles east of Badami, emerges as an important religious centre with Saivism playing a dominant rôle. Three Saiva temples of considerable size were built here, the oldest being the massive temple of Vijayeśvara, now called that of Sangameśvara built by Vijayāditya (696-733 A. D.). Of the other two, the temple of Virūpākṣa (Lokeśvara ) is the largest and the most important of the old temples in the Kanarese districts. It was built by Lokamahādevi, the queen consort of Vikramāditya II (733-746 A.D.), in commemoration of his having thrice conquered Kāñci or Conjeveram. Including the eastern and western gateways, the building measures 250 feet over all, of which the main building occupies a length of 120 feet. Within the great hall are eighteen heavy square pillars, decorated with sculptures representing scenes from the Rāmāyana and the Mahābhārata. Close to the temple of Virūpākṣa is that of Mallikārjuna, which has been identified with the temple of Trailokyeśvara
1 Mirashi: The Rästrakūtas of Mānapura in ABORI, Vol. XXV, p. 36. 2 For details gee Cousen's: Chalukyan Architecture of the Kanarese Districts.
Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. XLII, 1926. 3 See below (section on Vaişpavism).
62

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erected by the younger queen of Vikramāditya II, named Trailokyamahādevi, a sister or Lokamahādevi. The general plan and design are the same as in Virüpākşa, but many parts of this temple have been left unfinished. The temples of Vijayeśvara, Virūpăksa and Trailokyeśvara form an imposing group; and an inscription which gives us information about these three temples is engraved upon a great column which stands upon the north side of Virūpākşa. It was erected by a sculptor, named Subhadeva, for a Saiva teacher named Jñānasiva who had come from a place on the north bank of the Ganges, in 754 A. D., during the reign of Kirtivarman II. There are certain other old Saiva temples at Pattadakal, such as those of Kāśivisvanātha, Galaganātha and Kādasiddheśvara, but they are smaller in size, and of uncertain date; and there exist also the remains of two other temples of the same class, namely, Jambhulinga and Candrasekhara. Far more important is the large ornate temple of Pāpanātha, which cannot be later than that of Virūpākşa, but seems to have been dedicated to Vişnu, as shown by the Garuda emblem over the shrine door. There are, however, indications that it was, at a later date, converted to Saiva worship.
Śiva temples are found also at Badami, in the south-east corner of the Bijapur district, the former Vātāpi, a capital of the early, Calukyas. The oldest and the best preserved is the Mālegitti-sivālaya, 'the Saiva shrine of the female Garland-maker,' 56 feet in length, and of the same style as the older temples at Aihole. It is a complete Dravidian temple.... All its parts are heavy and massive and well proportioned to one another.' It seems to have been originally dedicated to Vişnu, with that deity in the ceiling, and Garuda on the lintel of the shrine doorway. Another interesting temple at Badami is the smaller one of Lakulīša, an incarnation of Siva, whose image is seated upon the altar in the shrine, and represented nude as usual. Badami possesses yet another old Saiva temple, that of Virūpākşa, which is still in use.
In a secluded glen between Pattadakal and Badami is the temple of Mahākūteśvara, which may be ascribed to the early part of the sixth century A. D., as an inscription of 601 A. D., engraved on a column found near the temple, records an additional grant made in continuation of a previous endowment of the god Siva under the name of Makuteśvaranātha. Another temple, which, on the grounds of style and more cyclopean-looking masonry', is regarded as older than the seventh century A. D., is that of Huchchimalli-Gudi at Aihole. Unfortunately the interior of the shrine has been totally wrecked, portions of the linga and the paving of the floor lying about in great confusion'. An inscription of 708 A. D., upon the front of
There is a dvārapala, four-armed, on either side of the shrine door......... In the upper left hand of the south figure is a triśüla, but it has been made of plaster, evidently after the temple was converted to Saiva worship.' There is also the tändava sculpture on the face of the tower. On the other hand, the astadikpāla ceiling, in the centre of the hall, has Vişņu reclining upon Seșa as its central panel instead of the tāndava of Śiva which is usual in such ceilings found in Saiva temples.' Consens (op. cit., p. 69.

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the temple, records a grant of oil to the priest of the temple by the Calukya king Vijayaditya, the builder of the Vijayeśvara temple.
The Calukyas were supplanted by the Raṣṭrakūtas about the middle of the eighth century A. D. The latter achieved little in the way of building structural temples, but they had their own works in hand in the north, notably the great excavations at Elura, which extended from the Dasa Avatara cave to the extensive group of Jaina caves around the Indra and Jagannath Sabhās.' These included the great monolithic temple of Kailasa, dedicated to Siva, which appears to have been excavated at Elūrā or Ellora, about fourteen miles northwest of Aurangabad, during the reign of Kṛṣṇa I who ruled between 756 and 775 A. D. He is described as having built many temples of Siva, resembling the Kailasa mountain; and, it was under the orders of this monarch that a most marvellous Siva temple, evidently the great Kailasa temple, is said to have been constructed on the hill at Elapura (Elūrā). The Kailasa resembles the temple of Virupaksa (Lokeśvara) at Paṭṭadakal in plan and details, although the former is hewn out of the solid rock, and the latter is built in the ordinary way on level ground. There is similarity even in the sculptures on the two temples, representing scenes from the Rāmāyaṇa and the Mahabharata. •In Lokeśvara they occur upon the broad bands round the shafts of the great columns of the hall, while on Kailasa they are sculptured in narrow bands on the wall of the basement below the porch. Another unusual representation is that of the Siva-linga with Brahma and Visņu beside it, which is found, in both cases, on the front of the temple.' The Kailasa, in spite of its marvellous technique, and the more graceful treatment of its details, thus appears to be modelled on Virupakṣa; and it is probable that the Raṣṭrakūtas copied the Calukyan building art when they had overthrown the dynasty, just as the Calukyas themselves had copied the Dravidian architecture of the south when they had carried their victorious arms to Kāñcī or Conjeveram.* Unlike other cave-temples, the Kailasa, once gorgeously painted, stands, isolated from the surrounding rock, in a great court averaging 154 feet wide by 276 long at the level of the base, entirely cut out of the solid rock, and with a scarp 107 feet high at the back.' The bewildering amount of labour and technical skill expended on the celebrated temple bears eloquent testimony to the importance which the Saiva cult had attained in the Deccan in the Răşṭrakūta age.
1
2
3
491
The Ellora group of cave temples includes, besides the Kailasa, other shrines dedicated to Siva such as the large cave north of Kailasa (XVII), and Caves XXII (Nilakantha), XXIII and XXVI. Far more important is Cave XXI, a lofty Saiva temple, locally known as Ramesvara. The hall is 15 feet high and measures 69 feet by 251 with a chapel at each end, cut off by two cushion-capital pillars.' Cave XXIX is known as Sita's

Bhandarkar: Early History of the Dekkan. Third edition, p. 109 ff.
For an elaborate comparison between the two temples see Cousens (op. cit.), p. 62. Burgess: A Guide to Elura cave temples, p. 31. (Reprinted by the Hyderabad Archaeological Department).

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Nahani, or Dumar Lena. 'The great hall, including the shrine, is 148 feet wide by 149 deep, and 17 feet 8 inches high, but the excavation extends to about 240 feet from north to south. This cave is remarkably similar to the great Saiva cave temple at Elephanta, but it is larger and in some respects finer; it is also, perhaps, later in age.' The shrine is a small square room containing a linga, with four doors, each guarded by a pair of gigantic dvarapālas.
492
Elephanta is a small island near Bombay, about seven miles to the north-east of Apollo Bandar; and the great cave temple of Siva hewn out of the living rock is on the north face of the western hill. The cave consists of a central hall and four vestibules, and measures about 130 feet in length, the breadth being approximately the same. The roof is supported by massive columns varying in height from 15 to 17 feet. These originally numbered twenty-six, of which eight have collapsed. The cave is remarkable for its colossal sculptures representing Siva in his various forms including Nataraja, Gangadhara and Ardhanarisvara. But the most striking sculpture in the cave is the huge panel consisting of a tripie-headed bust of Siva, which rises to a height of 17 feet 10 inches above a moulded base, nearly 3 feet high. The image stands in a recess 10 feet deep, within which the heads emerge clifflike from the native rock.'
6
The triple head represents three aspects of Siva: Tatpurusa (the supreme Mahadeva) in the middle, and Vamadeva (the Beautiful) and Aghora (the Terrible) on the sides. The image of Mahadeva 'dominates the whole assemblage. It is the concrete form of Siva whose linga is worshipp ed in the adjacent shrine. The plan of the rock-cut temple was thus adjusted to the image; the entire hall is laid out in front of it in its deep recess. The stage is set for that form (rupa) of His who is beyond form, and who pervades the universe, which thus is His visible body.''
The cave-temple at Elephanta has generally been assigned to the latter part of the eighth century A. D., and is probably of the same age as the excavations at Ellora, which fall in the Raṣṭrakūta period. The close resemblance between the Dumar Lena at Ellora and the Elephanta cave has attracted the attention of observers; while pillars with compressed cushion capitals' have been found both in Elephanta and some of the cave temples at Ellora. But the simple grandeur of the Elephanta sculptures in striking contrast to the complex and grotesque multiplicity of those at Ellora suggests a somewhat earlier date for the former, possible the seventh century A. D.3 the tenth century A. D., Ellora and Elephanta must have been great centres
In
1
Ibid. p. 47.
2 Stella Kramrisch in Ancient India, Number 2, p. 7.
3
See Hirananda Sastri: A Guide to Elephanta (published by the Government of India) and Burgess: The Rock temples of Elephanta or Ghäräpuri. When the Portuguese occupied the island in 1534, the cave temple must have been in excellent preserThe Portuguese captain Joao de Castro, who visited the island in 1538, thought that the cave could not be the work of human hands. Even Apelles', ho says, 'might have learned from the proportion and symmetry of the figures.' "The
vation.

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of Saiva worship, like Somanāthapattana, Ujjain, Khajuräho, and Tanjore.
Apart from the Ellora and the Elephanta cave-temples, there were no doubt other temples dedicated to Siva in existence during the Rāştrakūta period. It was in a Siva temple that Govinda III (794-814 A. D.) deposited the two statues sent by the king of Ceylon as a token of submission." The custom of founding a Siva temple in commemoration of a dead ancestor, and of naming the deity after the person to be commemorated, had already become prevalent in our period. Hebbal inscription, dated 975 A. D., refers to a temple of Bhujjabbeśvara built to commemorate Bhubbarasi, the grand-mother of the Ganga ruler Mārasimha II.' It may be noted that Siva temples existed in Mysore during the Rāştraküţa period. The religion of the Gangas was Jainism, but they were liberal in their outlook; and some of the early kings favoured the worship of Siva, for example, Tadangāla Madhava and Avinīta (circa 5th-6th century A. D.). A considerable number of Siva temples seems to have been built during the rule of the later Gangas who were contemporaries of the Rāştrakūtas. Notable among these are the shrine of Bhoganandīśvara at the foot of the Nandi hills, Someśvara at Gangavaripalli, Kapileśvara at Manne etc. The construction of so many temples for the worship of Śiva proves the prevalence of Saivism side by side with Jainism in Mysore, although under the Gangas the latter was the more influential and favoured religion.
Saiva temples were constructed or maintained, on a wide scale, during the reign of the Cālukyas of Kalyani, as shown by the various grants and endowments recorded in their inscriptions. For example, an inscription of 980 A. D. belonging to the reign of Taila II is the subject of an endowment made for the benefit of the temple of Suvarṇākşi, a form of Siva, styled as Samkara-Svayambhū-Suvarnamabākşi, at Soval (Sogal in the Belgaum district). An inscription of 1064 A. D. records the grant of an endowment to the temple of Keśaveśvara at Pottiyur (Hottūr); another of 1074 A. D. deals with the grant of a town for the maintenance of the sanctuary of Rāmeśvara at Pomballi (Hombli); while the temple of Mahā-Svayambhū
Portuguese annalist Diogo de Couto writing in the opening years of the 17th century says that the interior of the temple had formerly been covered with a coat of lime mixed with bitumen and other compositions that made the temple bright and very beautiful and worth seeing; and the features and workmanship were such that 'neither in silver or wax could such figures be engraved with greater nicety, fineness or perfection. Unfortunately it was during Portuguese occupation that the temple was damaged and the figures sadly mutilated. For detailed references see CommissariatHistory of Gujarat, Vol. I, Appendix, pp. 541-9.
Altekar: The Răstrakūtas and their times, p. 69. 2 Ibid. p. 287. 3 Rao: The Gangas of Talkad, p. 232. A systematic study of the early temples of
Mysore is a desideratum. 4 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XVI, pp. 2, 6. 5 Ibid. Vol. XVI, p. 82. 6 Ibid. p. 69 ff.

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Somanātha, the Somanātha of the South', at Purikara (Puligere, the modern Lakshmeshwar), (all in the Dharwar district), is referred to in several inscriptions belonging to the first half of the twelfth century A. D.' Further, an inscription of the reign of Soyi Deva, the son of Bijjala, records endowments made in 1172 A. D. for the temples of Siva-Somanātha (RāyaMuräri-Somanātha) and Bijjeśvara at Mālige (Mādagihāl in Jat State, near Bijapur).
Apart from inscriptional evidence, there exists a large number of surviving specimens of later Cālukyan Saiva temples, ranging from the tenth century to the end of the twelfth, mostly in the Dharwar district and the immediate neighbourhood. In fact, it will be no exaggeration to say that later Cālukyan architecture was almost entirely devoted to the glorification of the Saiva faith. The advent of the later Cālukyas under Taila II, towards the end of the tenth century, gave a fresh impetus to temple building; and it is from this time that we notice a gradual transformation of the earlier Dravidian style, till what is known as the Cālukyan style came into existence. In the first place, the earlier building material, the rougher grained sandstone, was abandoned in favour of the more compact, tractable, and finer grained black stone known as chloritic schist, which dresses down to a much finer surface, and has enabled the sculptors to produce so much of that beautiful, delicate, lacelike tracery which characterises the låter work. In the second place, there was a diminution in the size of the masonry, the heavy cyclopean blocks of the early temples being discarded in favour of much smaller ones. Finally, the storied or horizontal arrangement of the towers, a prominent characteristic of the Dravidian style found in the early temples, became obliterated by a great profusion of ornamental detail, and underwent a process of approximation to the vertical bands up the centre of each face of the Northern tower. The transition from the earlier to this later style, evolved about the tenth and eleventh centuries, is seen in the Saiva temple of Kalleśvara at Kukkanūr* and the Jaina temple at Lakkundi'; while that of Kāśivisvešvara at the latter place shows a further marked development of the Cālukyan tower. On a beam in the hall of the latter building is an inscription, dated in the thirteenth year of the reign of the later Cālukya king Vikramāditya VI, which corresponds to 1087 A. D.® One of the finest of existing Cālukyan temples probably the finest temple in the Kanarese districts, after Halebid, is that of Mahadeva in the small village of Ittagi, in the Nizam's territory, about twenty-two miles due east of Gadag in the Dharwar district. It measures, over all, 120 feet by 66 feet,' and consists of a shrine, with its antechamber, a closed and a great open hall at the east end, which was originally supported upon sixtyeight pillars. The temple is mentioned in
sed in the tbhich correspos the finest tion, Jaaditya Vhi temples PMahadev
1 Ibid. Three Inscriptions of Lakshmeshwar by L. D. Barnett. 2 Ibid. Vol. XV, p. 317. 3 See Cousens (op. cit., p. 74 ff. 4 A village in the Nizam's territory, at a short distance across the border from Gading
in the Dharwar district. 5 Now a small village near Gadag. 6 Cousens (op. cit.), p. 79.

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an inscription of 1112 A. D., which tells us that it was founded, as a temple of Siva, under the name Mahādeveśvara, by Mahādeva, the danda-nayaka, or general, of Vikramāditya VI (1075-1125 A. D.). He founded also a temple of Nārāyaṇa, and other Saiva shrines such as those of Candālesvara and Bhairava,
One of the largest Saiva temples of the Cālukyan period, in the Dharwar district, is that of Tārakeśvara, in the town of Hangal, chiefly remarkable for the magnificent dome which covers the central portion of the great hall,' the roof of which is supported upon fifty-two pillars. The temple of Kaithabheśvara at Ānavatti, in Maisur, just across the border from the Dharwar district, is distinguished by its unusually lofty hall, the pillars being massive in proportion. The temple of Dakşiņa-Kedāreśvara at Balagāmve is now shorn of its infportance, but it was a great educational centre, of which we have already spoken. Saiva temples of the Cālukyan period are found also at Chaudadāmpur ( Muktesvara ), Haveri (Siddhesvara ), Haralhalli (Somervara), and Rattehalli ( Kadambesvara ), all in the Dharwar district.
The temple of Kadambeśvara contains an inscription which records a grant to it in 1174 A, D, for repairing the building. Inscriptions dating from 899 to 1262 A. D. are engraved on several slabs standing beside the temple at Chaudadāmpur, the later ones recording grants and gifts to the god of the temple under the names of Mukteśvara and Muktinātha.
The temple of Madhukeśvara at Banavāsi, a very ancient place, now & village, eighteen miles south by west from Hāngal, belongs to the eleventh century, as one of the inscribed slabs in and around the temple records & grant in the year 1068 A. D. The so-called Temple of the Sixty Columns, now in a ruined state, at Bankapur, and that of Triküteśvara at Gadag, both in the Dharwar district, may also be ascribed to the eleventh century. The former temple contains inscriptions upon either side of the shrine door, recording grants made to the god Nāgaresvara in 1138 and 1091 A. D. Similarly, one of the inscriptions collected together at the temple of Trikūteśvara records & grant made in 1062 A. D. in the time of Ahavamalla II. Cālukyan temples are found also in the Bellary district of the Madras Presidency, and most of them are dedicated to Siva (Kalleśvara, Katteśvara, Bhimeśvara etc.) There is no doubt that the inspiration derived from Saivism helped the building art of the Cälukyas and the technical competence of their craftsmen to give a distinctive stamp to Indian culture in the Deccan.
Even in the northern part of the Deccan, outside the sphere of the Cālukyas, we find a preponderance of temples dedicated to Siva. The most ornate of the temples in the Deccan style is that at the village of Ambarnātha, about four miles south-east of Kalyan, in the Thana district. This chef-d'oeuvre of the builder's art' was built for the worship of Siva
1 Poussin: Dynasties et Histoire de l'Inde, p. 211; Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XIII, p. 36 ff. 2 Cousens (op. cit.), pp. 84, 96, 104, 112, 128. 3 Seo Rea: Chalukyan Architecture. Archaeological Survey of India, New Imperial
Series, Vol. XXI. 4 Seo Cousens: Mediaeval Temples of the Dakhan. Archaeologioal Survey of
India, Vol. XLVIII.

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in 1060 A, D., during the reign of the Silāhāra chief Mummuņi or Māmvāņi. The temple measures 89 feet by 731 feet, and is made up of the sanctum and mandapa or hall, the latter being provided with three entrances, each with its own porch. The temples in the Deccan style are not remarkable for their size, that of Gondesvara or Govindeśvara at Sinnar, twenty miles south of Nasik, being about the largest now standing. It is a pañcāyatana temple forming a group of five shrines, the central main temple being dedicated to Siva, and the four small surrounding shrines to Vişnu, Ganapati and others. It is supposed to have been built by Rãv Govinda; and it is possible it may be named after Govinda räja, one of the Yādava princes, who ruled about the beginning of the 12th century'. Another temple, that of Maheśvara, at Pātnā, ten miles to the south-west of Chalisgaon in Khandesh, was completed by a chief Govana, of the Nikumbha family, who was ruling in that locality under the Yādavas in 1153 A.D.
To sum up, the temple architecture of the Deccan bears testimony to the paramount character of Saivism in that region from about the eighth century to the end of the twelfth. No other faith, whether Vaişnavism or Jainism, during this period, found so elaborate an expression in the building art of the time.
SOUTH INDIA From Deccan we may turn to South India properly so called. The classic land of Saivism was the Tamil country which witnessed one of the greatest epochs of the faith. Saivism is prevalent in South India even today; and it is said that the Saivas form the bulk of the population in the districts of Tinnevelly, Madura, Trichinopoly, Tanjore, South Arcot, Chingleput, Madras, North Arcot, Salem and Coimbatore, and are also found in large numbers in certain parts of Ceylon, Malabar and Travancore; in short, wherever Tamil is the prevailing tongue. Going back to early times, we find sixty-three cononized saints known as Nayanmars or Adiyārs, who are the real founders of Saivism in South India. Included among them is Koccenganān, one of the Cola kings mentioned in early Tamil literature. He must have flourished long before the seventh century when he had already become a legendary figure. The importance of Koccenganan Jies in the fact that he appears to have been one of the earliest builders of Siva temples in the Tamil country. The Vaişņava Alvār Tirumangai, who lived about the middle of the eighth century, says in one of his hymns that the king built seventy beautiful shrines dedicated to Siva, besides offering worship to Vişņu at Tirunaraiyūr. He is also described as having founded other temples to Siva in the hymns of Sambandar and Sundaramürti.
An old temple of Siva called Mallikarjuna exists at Nagansur in Akalkot State, near Sholapur in Bombay Province. It is built in the Cālukyan style, popularly known as Hemädpanti; and, like all temples built in this style, it has an open porch in front of the manda pa which is supported by four elaborately carved pillars. A temple of Siva, apparently of the later Calukyan period, was discovered and excavated under the inner wall of the old fort at Sholapur. Progress Roport of
the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circte, 1919, p. 59; 1920, p. 74. 2 Tamilian Antiquary, No. 3, p. 1. 1909. 3 Sastri: T'he Colas, Vol. I, p. 67.

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The chronology of the Adiyārs has not been settled in all its details, but the saint Appar and his younger and more influential contemporary Sambandar are known to have lived in the first half of the seventh century A, D. Sambandar was a contemporary of another Saiva devotee, Siruttoņdar, who was the general of the Pallava king Narasimhavarman I, and conquered with him Vātāpi, the Chālukyan capital, about 642 A. D.' The next important saint, Sundaramurti, has been assigned to the early part of the ninth century A, D. The saint Seramān Perumal was a contemporary of Sundaramūrti.
The hymns composed by Appar, Sambandar and Sundaramūrti form the first seven sections of the Saiva canonical literature in Tamil. Of the eleven sections of this literature, the first three contain the hymns of Sambandar, and the next three those of Appar; while the seventh is composed of the hymns of Sundaramūrti. These seven sections, or rather collections, constitute the group known as the Tevāram,3 The eighth section contains the famous Tiruvāśakam of the great saint and poet Māņikkavāśagar. He has been assigned to various dates, but it is almost certain that he is considerably earlier than the seventh century, as Appar refers to a well-known miracle associated with his life, and mentions a Vācaka who seems to be identical with the saint. The hymns of the Adiyars give fervid expression to intense, self-effacing devotion to Siva, and proclaim absolute faith in His abounding grace and beneficent mission. Their religious fervour and spiritual depth represent an early phase of Saivism of which the keynote is bhakti.
Tamil Saivisnı has an important bearing on the religious conflict, to which we have referred in this work. Here, Saivism was in open conflict with Jainism, and the antagonism was far more deep-rooted than in the Deccan, where the Jaina faith continued to be in a favoured position until long after its discomfiture at Kāñci and Madura. In the Tamil country Jainism lost effective royal patronage as early as the seventh century A. D. when it had only commenced to obtain royal favour in the Deccan, for example, under Pulakesi II. The great Pallava king Mahendravarman I was converted from Jainism to the Saiva faith by Appar in the first quarter of the seventh century A. D. The Saiva saint had been persecuted by Mahendra; but, after his conversion, the king became an ardent champion of the new faith, and is said to have demolished the Jaina monastery at Pătaliputtiram, a seat of Jaina learning in the South Arcot district, and built a Siva temple on the spot. Appar himself was born a Saiva, became a Jaina and leader of the Jaina settlement at Pätali now the modern town of Cuddalore), and later reverted to his former religion. Further to the south, Kün Pāņd ya of
1 Jouveau-Dubreuil : The Pallavas, p. 68. 2 Aiyangar: Some Contributions of South India to Indian Culture, p. 217. 3 Tamilian Antiquary (op. cit.), p. 2. 4 Ibid. No. 4, pp. 1-55. See also Sastri: The Pandyan Kingdom, p. 67. 5 Jouveau-Dubreuil: Pallava Antiquities, Vol. I, p. 40; Longhurst: Pallava
Architecture, Part I, p. 7. 6 Aiyangar (op. cit.), p. 237. 63

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which recounts, for instour against the
nan elephant to
Madura was similarly converted from Jainism to the Saiva faith by the saint Sambandar; and this king has been identified with Arikesari Māravarman who commenced his reign about the middle of the seventh century A. D.' The conversion of Kün Pandya and Mahendravarman I may be regarded as a turning point in the history of Saivism in South India, as it meant practically the elimination of Jainism as a serious rival. But the story of the persecution of the Jainas, eight thousand of whom are said to have been cruelly put to death at Madura at the instigation of Sambandar, is probably an exaggeration for which the Tamil Purānas are responsible, Sambandar was, however, noted for his anti-Jaina zeal, as he has given vent to his implacable hatred of the Jainas in all his hymns. The rancour against the Jainas lurked in various legends, one of which recounts, for instance, that these heretics once sent an elephant to destroy the city of Madura, but Siva petrified the beast in the form of the neighbouring Anamalai hill."
The Saiva Adiyārs as well as the Vaisnava Ālvārs were assiduous in combating heresy in the Tamil land. Māņikkavāśagar turned against the Buddhists, whom he defeated in argument at Chidambaram and thereafter converted to the Saiva faith. He was a high officer of the Pandya king of the time until he renounced the world at the call of Siva; and it is possible that Pandyan rule included Chidambaram in his day. The dialectical triumph of Māņikkavāśagar was repeated by Sambandar at Madura, but his opponents were the Jainas, who refused to adopt the Saiva faith despite their humiliation. Thus, while the earlier saint was an antagonist of the Buddhists, the efforts of Sambandar were directed against Jainism; and, it may be assumed that the hostility of so influential a leader of religious opinion contributed towards the retrogression of the Jaina faith in the South. The role of Appar in this conflict of religions was no less important, as the conversion of Mahendravarman I gave to Saivism one of its greatest patrons and protagonists. The decline of Jainism in the Tamil country was thus largely due to the loss of royal patronage and popular support brought about by the influence and missionary zeal of the leading Saiva saints. The process of decay, far-reaching as it was, must have been gradual, as references to Jaina temples and images are occasionally found in the records of the succeeding centuries. It is noteworthy that, as late as the first quarter of the tenth century, the Pāņd ya king Rājasimha II is said to have endowed, among others, several Jaina temples. It is clear from such facts that Jainism was not overwhelmed so completely as Buddhism by the rising tide of Saivism and Vaişņavism in the land.'"
The paramount influence of Saivism in the Tamil country is also attested by the temple architecture of the time, as in the case of the Deccan.
1 Jouveau-Dubreuil: The Pallavas, p. 68. 2 Sastri : The Pandyan Kingdom, p. 97. 3 Tamilian Antiquary, No. 3, p. 7. 4 Sastri (op. cit.), p. 4. 5 Sastri (op. cit.), p. 96. 6 Sastri (op. cit.), p. 95.

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As stated above, the early Cola king Koccenganān is said to have built many Siva temples; while the Tevăram saints celebrate a very large number of them in their hymns. But, so far as existing examples are concerned, South Indian architecture may be said to begin with the Pallavas, or more precisely, with the reign of Mahendravarman I in the first quarter of the seventh century A. D. The shrines, before his time, appear to have been built of perishable materials, but he introduced the art of excavating temples in the natural rock in the Tamil country. Almost the first cave temple, 'caused to be built by King Curious-minded, without bricks, without timber and without mortar,' is the one at Māņdagappattu in the South Arcot district; and it was dedicated to Brahmā, Vişnu and Siva.' Most of the remaining caves, with one exception, were excavated for the worship of Siva under the form of the linga; and they are found in the North Arcot, Chingleput, and South Arcot districts of the Madras Presidency. The name Mahendra occurs in inscriptions on the caves at Trichinopoly, Pallāvaram, Mahendravādi and Vallam ; while one or other of his birudas is mentioned in those on the caves at Dalavānūr and Siyamangalam. Mahendravarman's comic play Mattavilāsaprahasana is mentioned in a mutilated inscription on one of the caves at Māmaņdūr* in the North Arcot district.
One of the inscriptions on the upper cave cut in the rock at Trichinopoly contains a verse, which has been taken to refer to Mahendravarman's former hostility to the Saiva religion. The verse in question seems to express the hope that, while king Guņabhara (one of the birudas of Mahendravarman I) is a worshipper of the linga emblem, the linga enshrined in the temple will proclaim the fact that he has desisted from 'hostile action', that is, his former persecution of the Saiva faith.
Mahendravarman's conversion gave a new impetus to Saivism in the Tamil land. Only one of his caves, that at Mahendravādi, is dedicated to Vişnu. The rock-cut temple at Singavaram in the South Arcot district contains a very large image of Vişnu sleeping on the serpent Ananta, and is thought to belong to the epoch of Mahendravarman on architectural grounds. Of the three caves at Vallam (near Chingleput) two are dedicated to Śiva, one of which contains an inscription of Mahendravarman: the third cave is dedicated to Vişņu. Reference may be made in this connection to the great rock-cut temple at Undavalli in the Guntur district, situated on the
1 Tamilian Antiquary, No 4, p. 30. 2 'gara FESTEHT FRA and Thaa fasofala' See Jouveau-Dubreuil :
Conjesvaram Inscription of Mahendravarman I. Trichinopoly, 1919, 3 Jouveau-Dubreuil: Pallava Antiquities, Vol. 1, p. 39.
Ibid.: The Pallavas, p. 39. South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I, 1890, p. 29. The temple is excavated half way up the Triohinopoly rock, and consists of a rock-cut hall measuring 30 feet in length and 15 feet in width. A remarkable soulptural panel, carved in the west wall of the hall, and measuring about seven feet square, represents Śiva with four arms, the right
upper arm holding the Ganges issuing from his hair. 6 Jouveau-Dabrouil: Pallava Antiquities, Vol. I, pp. 49 83.

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south bank of the Krshņā opposite to Bezwada. The temple consists of a ground floor and three upper storeys hewn out of the natural rock. It has a frontage of about 90 feet in length and rises to a height of 50 feet from the ground level.' The ground floor and especially the third or top storey are unfinished. The temple may be said in fact to be four-storeyed, but its different storeys are supposed to represent 'three temples of the Mahendra period excavated one above the other in the same rock. The principal image in the temple is a huge decayed image of Vişņu lying on the serpent Ananta found in the second storey. A similar figure exists in the shrine attached to the big Siva temple at Mahabalipuram known as the Shore temple, and it also occurs in a large bas-relief panel in a Siva temple close to the Lighthouse at the same place. The colossal image of Anantasayana and certain Vaisnava sculptures have led to the belief that the rock-cut temple at Undavalli was originally dedicated to Vişņu. But, as we have seen, it is not rare to find an image of Vişnu, particularly in the form of Anantasayana, located in a Siva temple. The style of the doorkeepers, panels and niches containing Saiva figures, and the group of rockcut miniature Siva temples containing lingas on the hill close by all indicate that Undavalli was a stronghold of the linga cult in the seventh century in spite of the presence of Vaişnava figures in the big temple. The origin of the temples at Undavalli and Bezwada is obscure; and there is no actual proof that they are the works of the Pallavas, but their architectural style seems to denote that they were excavated by the latter and that they represent their earliest attempts in this direction before the Pallavas were driven south by the Chālukyas and executed similar but better works in the Tamil Country."
There is an ancient Pallava cave-temple known as the Orukal Mandapa on the east side of the Vedagirīśvara hill bordering the town of Tirukkalukkunram not far from Chingleput. The temple was dedicated to Siva as the shrine contains a large cylindrical granite linga. The style of its architecture clearly denotes that it was excavated in the reign of Mahendra. The Vedagirīśvara temple on the summit of the hill is likewise an ancient structure, but later than the Orukal Mandapa. Carved on the back wall of the main shrine of this temple is the Somaskanda panel representing Siva and Pārvati in the centre with the child Skanda seated between them. It may be noted that the Somaskanda panel is not found in any
1 Longhurst: Pallava Architecture, Part I, pp. 5, 22, 27, 29. Jouveau-Dubreuil
first pointed out that the Undavalli caves closely resemble those of Mahendravarman, but he thought that they were the work of the Vişņuku ding who seem to have reigned on the banks of the Godavari and the Krisbņā towards the end of the sixth century A. D., before that country was conquered by the Chalukyas. Further, as the caves of Trichinopoly and Pallăvaram contain certain surnames of Mahendra varman, which are all of Telugu origin, Jouveau-Dubreuil supposed thut Mahendravarman I reigned over the Telugu country and imported into the Tamil country the art that existed on the banks of the Krishņā. The Pallavas, pp. 32, 33. Longhurst assumes, on purely architectural grounds, that the Bezwada and Undavalli cavetemples are Pallava monuments of the early part of the seventh century,

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shrine of the temples of the Mahendra period. It appears in the reign of Narasimhavarman I, e. g. on the back wall of the shrine cell in the Dharmarāja Ratha, and occurs in all the Pallava temples of the Rājasimha period.
Mahendravarman I was succeeded by Narasimhavarman I in the second quarter of the seventh century A. D. He was the founder of the sea-coast town of Māmallapuram, now the village of Mahabalipuram, on a strip of sand, about 40 miles south of Madras. All his monuments as well as those of his grandson Parameśvarvarman I (about 655-690 A. D.) are mainly found at this place, and consist of cave-temples and the so-called rathas. The cave-temples are rock-cut excavations of the same style as those of the Mahendra period, but there is a distinct improvement in design and workmanship. The clumsy pillars with cubical capitals of the Mahendra period are replaced by elegant pillars with bulbous capitals, and the interiors are often decorated with sculptural figures in high-relief of great beauty and executed with remarkable skill.' The rathas are monolithic free-standing temples, delicately carved, and look like rock-cut models of structural temples.
A few were dedicated to Vishnu, but most of them were devoted to the worship of Siva and his consort Pārvati, the latter sometimes in the form of Durgā. In a few cases, a combined worship of Siva and Vişņu seems to have occurred in the same temple.'
The most remarkable monument at Mahābalipuram is the so-called Dharmarāja Ratha, 'a lofty pyramidal-roofed temple with three storeys of cell-terraces above the ground floor, rising to a small octagonal dome.' The ground floor consists of a hall, about 28 feet square, with a projecting portico facing the west. As an example of marvellous stone-cutting and carving, it is quite the most wonderful monument in Southern India. It is also veryi nteresting as the prototype of the lofty structural pyramidal temples of later times.'
It may be definitely stated that the Dharmarāja Ratha and the Gaņeśa Temple, quite the most finished and ornate' of all the rathas,
For example, the so-called Arjuna's Ratha (these local names have no historical significance) represents a stone model of a small two-storeyed building crowned with an octagonal bell-shaped dome mainly of timber construction. The Sahadeva's Ratha consists of a ground fioor and two upper storeys, with a waggon-headed roof. All three floors are apsidal-ended like Buddhist caityas or churches. Like all the other so-called rathas, it is obviously a stone model of a building mainly of wooden construction. The Bhima's Ratha is waggon-roofed : 'it is a stone model of a large barn-like building mainly of timber construction. On plan it measures 42 feet in length, 25 feet in width and is about 25 feet high. The roof of this so-called Bhima's Ratha 'would seem to be the prototype of the ordinary waggon roof of all the great gopurams or gate-ways of the South Indian temples. The ratha known as the Gaņeśa temple is an oblong monolithic edifice with two upper storeys and a waggon-roof, having two gable end facades with horseshoe bargeboards like Bhima's Ratha which it closely resembles, although much smaller, being only 20 feet in length from north to south, 114 feet in width, and 28 feet in height.' See
Longhurst: Pallava Architecture, Part II. 2 So called, because an image of Ganesa was installed in the temple by the villagers in
recent times.

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and the cave-temples known as the Dharmarāja Mandapa and the Rāmānuja Mandapa were originally dedicated to Siva. The name atyanta-kama-pallavesvara-grha, the Siva temple of Atyantakāma Pallava', is inscribed on the east and west sides of the third storey of the Dharmarāja Ratha, and occurs also in a duplicate inscription on the Ganesa temple and the Dharmarāja Mandapa. Further, a verse condemning those who do not worship Siva occurs in the same inscription, and is found also inscribed on the Rāmānuja Mandapa?. As regards atyanta-kāma, it seems to have been a biruda of both Narasimhavarman I and Parameśvaravarman I. The name Sri-Narasimha and the epithet atyanto-kāma occur, the former twice, in a string of inscription (Nos. 1-16 ) engraved in an archaic alphabet on the Dharmarāja Ratha, showing that it was founded by Narasimhavarman I. The name Parameśvara and the title Atyantakāma occur in the duplicate inscription on the Ganesa temple and the Dharmarāja Mandapa; and it is probable that the reference is to Parameśvaravarman 1. As both these temples are called atyanta-kāmapallavesvara-grha, the title Atyantakāma is here thought to refer to Parameśvaravarman 1. But the name atyanta-kāma-pallavesvara-grha is inscribed also on the east side of the third storey of the Dharmarāja Ratha (Inscription No. 17), not in the archaic alphabet of Inscriptions 1-16, but in the florid alphabet used in the inscriptions on the Dharmarāja Maņdapa and the Ganesa temple. It is therefore supposed that the Dharmarāja Ratha was built by Narasimhavarman I, but it was consecrated by Parameśvaravarman I, surnamed Atyantakāma, who gave it the name of
Atyantakāmanallah,, surnamed Atsarman I, but it w
Most of the other temples at Mahābalipuram were devoted to the worship of Siva. The rock-cut temple near the Durgā shrine is a large five-celled Saiva temple similar, on plan and in dimensions, to the temple of Mahendravarman at Pallāvaram.* The central shrine of the Trimurti temple was dedicated to Siva, and contains a basrelief carved on the back wall representing a four-armed standing image of Siva.' The so-called Arjuna's Ratba was also dedicated to Siva, and contained a head of the deity surmounted by the trident. It is believed that these trident heads were set up in the shrine cells in place of the usual Siva lingas. The custom appears to have been peculiar to the Pallavas as such images do not seem to have been discovered elsewhere. The Mahişāsura Maņdapa is a large triple-celled Saiva cave-temple : 'a socket hole, cut in the centre of the floor of the cell, points to the fact that it had, or was designed for a Siva linga. A large square panel on the back wall of the shrine chamber contains a bas-relief representing the Sukhāsa.na group (Siva, Pärvati, the child Skanda and the bull Nandi).
1 "धिक् तेषां धिक् तेषां पुनरपि थिग्धिग्धिगस्तु धिक तेषां । येषां न वसति हृदये कुपथगतिविमोक्षको रुद्रः॥' 2 अमायश्चित्रमायोऽसावगुणो गुणभाजनः । स्वस्थो निरुत्तरो जीयादनीशः परमेश्वरः॥ v. 2. अत्यन्तकामो नृपतिनिजि
arches: llat 97814: T ag az all v. 5. Parameśvara in v. 2 primarily
refers to Siva, but seems to refer also to the king of that name. 3 See South Indian Inscriptions, vol. I, 1890, pp. 1-6; Jouveau-Dubreuil : Pallava
Antiquities, Vol. I, pp. 60-64. 4 Longhurst (op. cit.), p. 13.

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high, of the Burgā. The Vårahae Warāha Avatāra. the former are remain.
The two cave-temples known as the Varāha Maņdapa and the Varāha Temple appear to be the only ancient Vaişņava shrines at Mahabalipuram. Carved in bas-relief in four large panels on the walls of the former are remarkable sculptures representing the Varäha Avatara, the Vāmana Avatara, Lakşmi and Durga. The Varaha Temple contains a large bas-relief, 8 feet high, of the Boar Incarnation, carved on the back wall of the shrine chamber. Vaisnavism seems to have ousted the Saiva faith from its dominant position at Māmallapuram at a much later date when the lingas were cast out of the shrines, and some of the Siva temples damaged and subjected to what has been called Vaisnava vandalism. But there is no doubt that during the Pallava period Mamallapuram was a stronghold of Saiva worship.
There must have been Saiva temples at other places besides Māmallapuram during the reigns of Narasimhavarman I and Parameśvaravarman I. The Kuram plates issued by the latter, sometime after his victory over the Chalukya Vikramaditya I in 674 A, D., record a grant to the Siva temple of Vidyāvinīta Pallaveśvara, which has been identified with the dilapidated Siva temple at Kūram, a village near Conjeeveram. At Melacheri in the South Arcot district there is a cave-temple dedicated to Siva, which contains an inscription recording the fact that it was built by the emperor Candraditya. It has been surmised by Jouveau-Dubreuil on paleographic grounds that Candrāditya was a name of Narasimhavarman I or Parameśvaravarman I."
The Pallava cave-temples are small in comparison with the stupendous excavations at Ellora, and appear to have gone out of vogue by the end of the seventh century. Parameśvaravarman I was succeeded by his son Narasimhavarman II, or Rājasimha, who distinguished himself by his piety and devotion to Siva. About the first decade of the eighth century A. D., he built the central shrine of the Kailāsanātha temple at Conjeeveram, the Shore Temple at Mahābalipuram, and the old Śiva temple at Panamalai in the South Arcot district. The temples of Rājasimha possess fluted black stone lingas,
1
Longhurst (op. cit.), Part II, pp. 5, 34, 37. "The comparatively ruined and desecrated state of the Saiva shrines, and the dispersion, overthrow and destruction of lingas, together with the unmolested state of the Vaishnava temples and symbols, suggest strongly the violent overthrow of the Saiva by the Vaishnava faith' at Mamallapuram. The interior of the so-called Rāmānuja Maņdapa was completely wrecked, and one of the pillars of the Mahişăsura Maņdapa was cut out and removed to the Varaha Temple, presumably, to be used in the construction of the modern mandapa erected in front of the old rookout shrine. The few Tamil inscriptions dating from 1073 to 1235 A. D. that have been found at Mamallapuram, indicate that the Vaişnav& sect was dominant during that period, and its followers seem to have remained in the ascendant down to the present day. They still occupy the Varäha Temple and the large modern-looking Sthalasayana Temple in the village and keep up the services of their sect therein.' Jouveau-Dubreuil: The Palladas, p. 45. Ibid.: Pallava Antiquities, Vol. I, p. 66. One of the largest, the so-called Mahişāsura Mandapa, is '32 feet long from north to gouth, 15 feet wide and 121 feet high.' See Longhurst: Pallava Architecture, Part III.
3 4

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and on the back wall of the shrine is carved the Somaskanda panel representing Siva and Parvati, seated, with the child Skanda on the latter's knee. The temple of Airavatesvara at Conjeeveram is also dedicated to Siva, and bears all the characteristics of the style of Rajasimha, but it is not definitively known whether it was built in his reign.1
The Shore Temple is built on the shore within a few feet of the sea at Mahabalipuram. From an architectural point of view, it appears to be earlier than the central shrine of the Kailasanatha temple, as the latter seems to be mainly a development of the former. The Shore Temple faces the sea on the east side, and at the back facing the west is another Siva temple, smaller in size, but built in the same style as the main building. The stepped tower over the central shrine is divided into three main storeys, like Dharmaraja's ratha, and is crowned with the usual umbrella-shaped ornament surmounted by a lofty black stone Kalasam or urn-finial.'
The central shrine of the Kailasanath temple at Conjeeveram is called Rajasimheśvara in old inscriptions, as it was built by Rajasimha; while his son Mahendravarman III seems to have completed the edifice. Mahendravarman III built also a smaller Siva temple with a waggon-headed roof, now called Naradeśvara, in front of the Kailasanatha Temple, and named it Mahendreśvara, or Mahendravarmeśvara, after himself." At a distance of 26 feet to the east, in front of the central shrine of the Kailasanatha or Rajasimheśvara temple, is an old Mandapa or pillared hall which seems to have been built about the same time as the temple. It is now connected with the latter by an unsightly modern apartment with an entrance on the south side.' The pyramidal tower over the central shrine is divided into three main storeys rising to a total height of about 50 feet and is crowned with the usual umbrella ornament surmounted by an urn-finial.'
The provision of procession paths and big enclosures around the temples of the Rajasimha period is an entirely new feature, as in the earlier Pallava temples it was not customary to surround the shrine witha circumambulatory passage or procession path, nor was any attempt made to provide walled enclosures or temple-yards around the shrines prior to this period. 'It would appear that, originally, the procession path, or passage around the shrine was open to the sky as in the Shore Temple. In the Panamalai and Conjeeveram temples, we find the passage closed with a flat roof and the interior in total darkness.' The style of the temples of the earlier period shows that the Hinduism of those early days was a simple, straight-forward form of worship conducted openly, and free from that secrecy and mysticism which forms such a striking feature of that religion in later times, necessitat- " ing the provision of secret passages around the shrine, gloomy interiors and high-walled enclosures, features quite unknown in the earlier examples.' The elaboration of structural details and appendages shows that the cults of the temples and Saiva ritual in particular tended to become more and more elaborate and complex, say from the eighth century onwards.
1 Jouveau-Dubreuil: The Pallavas, p. 46.
2 Longhurst (op. cit.), Part III, p. 10.

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Kailāsnāth the ancient Mandmiditya Satyāśraya entioned above, the of
The temple of Kailāsanātha at Conjeeveram is of considerable historical importance, as it serves as one of the connecting links between the architecture of Southern India and that of the Deccan. The Chalukya Vikramaditya II (733-746 A. D.), who invaded the Pallava dominions (Tundāka-visaya or Tondai-mandalam ), defeated the Pallava king Nandivarman and entered Kāñci or Conjeeveram. But he spared the Pallava capital and seems to have respected and admired its monuments, the Rājasiṁheśvara or the Kailāsanātha temple in particular. It is stated in the Vakkaleri grant that he acquired great religious merit by restoring to the stone temple of Rājasimheśvara, caused to be built by Narasimha-pota-varman, and to other temples, the gold, which had probably been confiscated by his subordinates without his permission. That Vikramāditya II visited the Kailāsnātha temple seems to be proved by a Kanarese inscription engraved on a pillar of the ancient Mandapa in front of the central shrine, which begins with the name of "Vikramāditya Satyāśraya Sri-Prthivi-vallabha", and mentions the temple of Rājasimheśvara. As mentioned above, the great temple of Virūpākṣa at Pattadakal was built by the queen consort of Vikramāditya II in commemoration of his conquest of Kāñci; and the superior technique of that temple, as compared with the shrine of Vijayeśvara built by his predecessor Vijayāditya, has been explained by supposing that Vikramaditya II must have brought with him skilled artisans from the southern capital. That this is not a mere guess is shown by an inscription on the eastern gateway of Virūpākşa, which speaks of the builder of the Lokesvara (Virūpākşa) temple as the most eminent sūtradhāri of the southern country. Further, “high up on the front or east face of the temple of Pāpanātha at Pattadakal is an inscription in praise of a certain ChattaraRevadi-Ovajja who is said to have made the southern country', i. e. was the builder of the temples of the southern country. He belonged to the same guild, the Sarvasiddhi-ācāryas, as the builder of Virūpākşa in the last inscription." It is therefore probable that the old temple of Vijayeśvara at Pattadakal was constructed by local builders, and that of Virūpāksa by more capable architects from the Pallava capital. It may be assumed that Vikramaditya's conquest of Kāñci indirectly gave a stimulus to the building art and the Saiva faith in the Deccan, and the temples of Conjeeveram and the shrine of Rājasimheśvara in particular seem to have been the main source of inspiration.
Narasimhavarman II or Rājasimha was succeeded by Mahendravarman III, and the latter by Parameśvaravarman II. Parameśvaravarman II built an important Vişņu temple, that of Vaikuntha Perumal at Conjee
1 afhetaHaHARETRAITE ariage qui lutaralištagoz:' South Indian Ins
criptions, Vol. I, p. 146. 2 Ibid. p. 147. The insoription records that the king, having captured Kāfici and
inspected the riches of the temple, gave them again to the god i. e, did not confiscate
the property of the temple. Ep. Ind., Vol. III, p. 359. 3 Cousens: Chalukyan Architecture of the Kanarege Districts, p. 61. 64

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YAŠASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE
veram, of which we shall speak later. The Siva temple of Virattaneśvara at Tiruvadi in the South Arcot district contains an inscription belonging to the reign of Parameśvara-Pottaraiyar, and might perhaps be attributed to Parameśvaravarman II.
There was a change in the line of succession after Parameśvaravarman II, and Nandivarman Pallavamalla came to the throne about 720 A. D. The Pallavas reigned for a further period of more than a century and a half, and continued the tradition of building temples in honour of Śiva. These shrines are smaller in size, of which the best examples are the temples of Mukteśvara and Matangesvara at Conjeeveram. The first may be assigned to about the middle of the eighth century and the second to its end. The temple of Kailasanatha at Alambākkam founded by Dantivarman, who succeeded Nandivarman Pallavamalla towards the end of the eighth century A. D., was probably rebuilt during the Cola period. To the later Pallava period also belong the temple of Parasurameśvara at Gudimallam near Renigunta and that of Vādāmallīśvara at Oragadam near Chingleput. It is said that Siva temples with the name Parasurameśvara are not rare in the South, and they are believed to owe their existence to Paraśurāma. The temple at Oragadam is apsidal-ended, and modelled on the style of the rock-cut temple known as Sahadeva's Ratha at Mahābalipuram. Apsidal-ended temples of this type are not uncommon in Southern India, and as a rule are dedicated to Siva. Perhaps in adopting this style of building from the Buddhists, the Brāhmaṇas saw in its apsidal-ended plan the sacred form of the linga or phallic emblem of Siva, and thus considered it an appropriate design for Saivite temples.
One of the latest Pallava temples dedicated to Siva is that of Virattaneśvara at Tiruttani, which belongs to the reign of Aparăjita, the last of the Pallavas, and was therefore built in the last quarter of the ninth century. It is square on plan with a small porch or hall facing the east giving access to a shrine chamber 6 feet square.' The tower or Vimāna over the shrine chamber is designed like a small model of a Buddhist caitya and bears a striking resemblance to Sahadeva's Ratha.'
That Saivism was the prevailing religion during the Pallava period is shown by the Pallava monuments, most of which are dedicated to Siva. It has been said of the Pallava capital that in the south the honour belongs to one city only and that is Kāñci, It seems that this position was attained by Kāñci under the orthodox rule of the Pallavas and mainly by the religion of Saivism which they propagated and favoured together with the greatness of the Saiva saints who flourished there. Buddhism and Jainism both found followers in the Pallava empire, but the religion of the ruling family and the people generally was Saivism. They built a few Vişņu temples, but 'Siva was their family deity, and Kāñči is still
1 Jouveau-Dubreuil: The Pallavas, p. 46. 2 For the later Pallava temples see Longhurst (op. cit.), Part III and Jouveau.
Dubreuil; Pallava Antiquities, Vol. II,

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the greatest stronghold of Saivism in the south, and the most devout Saiva poets and saints belong to that city. The simultaneous existence of Vaisnavism cannot indeed be ruled out, but it seems to have played a subsidiary rôle during the Pallava period and probably long after. The earliest of the Alvārs were associated with Kāñci, but it is not easy to assign dates or the extent of their influence on contemporary society. Tirumangai, the last of the Alvārs, has been assigned to the eighth century, and he was probably a contemporary of Nandivarman Pallavamalla.? Among the great Pallavas, Parameśvaravarman II appears to have been a devout Vaisnava, and the Vaikuntha Perumal temple built by him at Kāñci is one of the few large Pallava temples dedicated to Vişnu.3 The Keśava Perumal temple at Kūram near Conjeeveram is another Pallava shrine dedicated to Vişnu. It contains an inscription of the reign of Dantivarman, and there is no doubt that the temple belongs to the latter half of the eighth century. Similar traces of Vaişņavism are found in the Pāņdya country where, as we have seen, some of the early triumphs of Saivism had been achieved. In 770 A, D. Mārangāri or Madhurakavi, a minister of the Pāņdya king Varaguņa Nedunjaďayan built a stone temple for Vişņu in the Anamalai hill near Madura, and gave a village to some Brahmins apparently on the occasion of the installation of the image of Narasimha in the temple. The king, too, built a large temple for Vişņu, but though he is called parama-vaisnavan in inscriptions, he was liberal in his benefactions to Saiva temples.
The Pallavas were supplanted by the Colas about the end of the ninth century A. D. when Aditya I defeated Aparăjita, the last independent king of the Pallava dynasty. The Colas were ardent Saivas, and their rule prolonged the domination of the Saiva faith. They were also great builders of temples, and from an architectural point of view, the later Pallava style merges into the early Cola. According to the Anbil plates. Aditya I (circa 871-907 A, D.) built on both banks of the Kāverī tall stone temples in honour of Siva. After his death, a Sive temple called by the names Adityeśvara and Kodaņdarāmeśvara was founded in his memory by his son and successor Parāntaka I (907-953 A. D.). As already mentioned,
1 Longhurst (op. cit.), Part III, p. 9. 2 Aiyangar (op. cit.), p. 275. 3 Like the Kailasanatha temple, the pyramidal tower consists of a central shrine on
the ground floor and three upper storeys. The one on the ground floor contains a large four-armed image of Visnu in a sitting posture. The shrine of the first floor contains a fairly large image of Vişnu in the form of Anantaśayana. The cell on the second floor contains a smaller image of Vişņu. The third story of the tower is hollow. The Anantaśayana form of Visnu seems to have been popular in the South, Between the Shore Temple and the small attendant Siva temple at Mahabalipuram,
is a third shrine containing a large decayed stone image of Vişnu in a recumbent position and representing that deity in the form of Anantaśayapa. It is an oblong cell built up against the back wall of the smaller Siva temple, and appears to be &
later addition. Lunghurst (op. cit.), pp. 3, 16. 4 Jouveau-Dubreuil: Pallava Antiguities, Vol. II, p. 14. 5 Sastri: The Pandyan Kingdom, p. 63.

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the custom of founding such memorial temples dedicated to Śiva was also prevalent in the Deccan in the tenth century. Parantaka I is known to have covered with gold the Siva temple at Cidambaram. In fact Parantaka's reign was a great epoch in the history of South Indian temple architecture, and the work of temple-building begun by Aditya was continued vigorously during the best part of his reign.'1
South Indian Saivism may be said to have reached its apogee during the reign of Rajaraja I (985-1014 A. D.). The great literary reorganisation of Tamil Saivism took place in his time. The hymns and devotional poems of the Saiva saints were collected and arranged in eleven sections, or Tirumurai, by Nambi Andar Nambi, a Brahmin priest of Tirunaraiyur in the Tanjore district, under the patronage of Rajaraja Abhaya Kulasekhara Cola, identified with Rajaraja I.' The encouragement of Nambi Andar Nambi in his great undertaking was not the only service rendered by Rajaraja I to the cause of Saivism. It was he who built the celebrated Siva temple at Tanjore, the Rajarajesvara, perhaps the most magnificent creation of the South Indian building art, with the vimāna, or tower, rising over the sanctum to a height of nearly 200 feet on a square base of about a hundred feet.' Rajaraja who invaded and conquered Ceylon seems to have built a stone temple to Siva at Polonnaruwa, the new capital of the island, founded after the destruction of the ancient capital Anuradhapura by the invading armies. It is a small but beautiful structure, and one of the few Hindu monuments in Ceylon, which are still in a good state of preservation.' The Siva temple at Dadapuram in the South Arcot district bears an inscription of Rajaraja, and is another well-preserved example of the early Cola style of the tenth century A. D.3 It may also be noted that an inscription of the twenty-fourth year of the reign of Rajaraja I records a sale of land, tax-free, for the pavitrarohana ceremony in honour of Mahadeva of the Candramaulisvara temple by certain residents of Merpadi alias Rajasrayapuram. Pavitrarohana or Pavitraropana is an important Saiva rite described in detail in Isanasivagurudevapaddhati (Kriyapada, chap. XXI).
Rajaraja I was succeeded by his son Rajendra I who reigned till 1044 A. D. The latter is said to have imported Saivas from the banks of the Ganges and settled them in Kañcipura and in the Cola country. The great Siva temple built by him in his new capital Gangaikondacolapuram still stands amidst the ruins of the city in the Trichinopoly district. emphasis on vimanas of stupendous height is the outstanding feature of the early Cola style at Tanjore and Gangaikonda-colapuram.
The
It is not necessary for our purpose to pursue further the course of Saivism in South India. The finishing touch to the devotional literature
1 Sastri: The Colas, Vol. I, Chap. VII.
2
Tamilian Antiquary No. 3, 1909, p. 2.
3 Jouveau-Dubreuil: Dravidian Architecture, p. 37.
4 Sastri (op. cit), p. 512.

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of Tamil Saivism may be said to have been given by Sekkilar in the twelfth century, by recounting the lives of the Saiva saints in his Periyapurānam, based on the earlier work of Nambi Andār Nambi. The organisation of Vaisnavism initiated by Nathamuni in the tenth century and continued by Yamunācārya was completed about this time by Rāmānuja, who seems to have been an elder contemporary of Sekkilār. The activity of the Vaişpava Acāryas thus falls within the period of the Saivite Colas. Rājarāja the Great was liberal in his outlook, and though a devout Saiva, built Vişņu temples in Mysore and richly endowed others. But it is significant that Rāmānuja and his followers were persecuted by a Cola king usually supposed to be Kulottunga I who commenced bis reign in 1070 A. D. There are other instances of the Cola persecution of the Vişņu cult ; and, in any case, the initial triumph of Rāmānuja was achieved not in the Cola country, but in Mysore under Bittideva or Vişnuvardhana Hoysala who reigned in the first halt of the twelfth century,
APPENDIX IV
THE KĀLĀMUKAA SEOT In Chapter XIII, p. 350, we have referred to the important Kālāmukha sect and its influence in the Mysore country in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The Kālāmukhas were influential also in the Cola country from about the tenth century A. D.; and the relevant evidence is summarized by Prof. Nilakanta Sastri in his Colas, Vol. II (part I), P. 494. A matha of the Kālāmukhas existed at Melpāļi (North Arcot), where Krşņa III established his camp during his invasion of the Cola kingdom, as recorded in Somadeva's Yasastilaka. Kālāmukha teachers bearing the names Sailarāśi and Jñānarāsi are mentioned in connection with endowments in the temple of Tiruvānaikkoyil (Chingleput) in the years 1127, 1205 and 1231. A. Kālāmukha teacher sold some land to the temple at Koyil Tevarāyanpettai (Tanjore district) in 1123 A. D.
As we have seen, the Kālāmukhas of the Mysore region were Pāśupatas, and are often described as exponents of the Lākula creed; and sometimes a teacher is compared to Lakuliśvara, the founder of the system, or styled as Lakulīśvara-Pandita. Similar evidence is furnished by the Cola inscriptions. The head of the matha of the Kālāmukhas at Melpādi was, for instance, called Lakulīśvara-Pandita. Some of these Kālāmukha teachers are called also mahāoratin, possessed of the great vow'. An inscription from Jambai (South Arcot) of the reign of the Cola king Virarājendra (1063-69 A. D.) mentions a Mahāvratin Lakulīśvara-Pandita in connection with the local temple. An inscription of the twentieth year of the reign of Krşņa III, i. e. about 959 A. D., describes how a certain man of a noble family,
1 Sastri (op. cit.), p. 224.

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YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE
his Nyahe tenth ceminent in the
a devoted friend of the Cola prince Rājāditya, turned ascetic after the death of the latter on the battlefield (see p. 2), and became a mahāvratin, under the name of Caturānana Pandita, and the head of the matha at Tiruvorriyūr (Chingleput district). It is difficult to explain why the Kālāmukha ascetics are styled here as mahāvratin, which is the usual name for Kāpālikas (see p. 358). It is true that the Kālāmukhas are sometimes described as a sect very much akin to the Kāpālikas who were notorious for their evil practices. But the Kālāmukhas of the Mysore and Cola inscriptions were followers of the Pāśupata system, and could hardly have been affiliated to the degenerate Kālāmukha sect mentioned by Yamuna Muni and Rāmānuja. It is, of course, not impossible that among the members of the Kālāmukha Pāśupata sect there were a few who might have adopted the Kāpālika way of life and figured as the Kālāmukhas stigmatized by the Vaisnava teachers.
The Kālāmukha teachers described in the Cola inscriptions as Mahāvratins might be same as the Mahāpāśupatas mentioned by Udayana in his Nyāya-kusumāñjali, which was composed in north India towards the end of the tenth century, about the time when the Kālāmukha Pāśupatas were becoming prominent in the south. We have noted (p. 241 ) that the commentators on Nyāyakusumāñjali explain Mahāpāśupatas as those Pāśupatas who observe mahāvrata or the great vow. "A certain amount of doctrinal affinity seems to have existed as between the Pāśupatas and the Kāpālikas (see p. 241 ); but it seems certain that mahāvrata did not exclusively mean the Kāpālika cult, and the term mahāvratin was applied also to the Kālāmukha Pasupata teachers of the south.
We learn from Sastri: Colas (op. cit.) that a chieftain named Vikramakesari presented a big matha to a Kālāmukha teacher named Mallikārjuna who was his guru, and gave him also eleven villages attached to the matha for the maintenance of fifty Asita-vaktra, that is, Kālāmukha ascetics. Vikramakesari belonged to Kodumbālür (Pudukkottah) and was an ally of the Cola king Parāntaka II who ruled after 953 A. D. On p. 359 we have connected Mallikarjuna with the disreputable Kālāmukha sect; but in the light of the evidence furnished by the Cola inscriptions, it will be more appropriate to suppose that he was one of the Kālāmukha Pāśupata teachers who figure so prominently in the religious life of the south from about the tenth century onwards. These teachers, respected and patronized by kings, and in charge of monastic establishments, could hardly be supposed to have belonged to a sect akin to the Kāpālikas merely on account of the similarity of names.

Page #532

Index of Geographical Names mentioned in Yas'astilaka.
Comm. refers to Śrutasāgara's commentary on Yasastilaka.
Page numbers refer to the N. S. edition of Yasastilaka. Ahicchatra in Pancāla, Book VI, section 15. The Asmaka country thus corresponds to
Identified with Ramnagar in Bareilly the Nizamabad District of Hyderabad District, U. P. Sacred to the Jaina Savi. State and the adjoining territory, and our Pārsvanātha. Somadeva says that possibly covered in ancient times the पार्श्वनाथपरमेश्वरयश प्रकाशनामत्रे अहिच्छत्रे.
southernmost area of Berar as well as the Anga 3. 247 etc. Corresponds roughly to the
northern part of Hyderabad, See also modern districts of Bhagalpur, Mongbyr
Sarkar: The Vākāțakas and the Aśmaka etc.
country in IHQ, Vol. XXII, p. 233 and As'maka, Book III, p. 567: 3577aa97t:. Same
Mirashi: Historical Data in Dandin's as Ašmantaka mentioned in 1. 207: 31rak
Dasakumāracarita in A BORI, Vol. XXVI, a fare difeComm. explains Aśman
p. 20. taka as the Sapädalaksa mountain. The
Ayodhyā, Book VI, section 8 (Ed.THETTABarbara mentioned in 3. 112 is also
GerutgR). Košala is mentioned in 3.249 explained by the comm, as the ruler of
(sa: Tart:). Comm. explains 11 as the hill tract of Sapädalakşa,
Vinitāpura. Under 1.210 it says fa fare:
Asmaka, Asmantaka, the Barbara country, and
अयोध्याया. Sapädalaksa are thus identical. The Balavahanapura, Book VI, section 15. capital of Asmaka was Podana or Pauda- Barbara, see under Aśmaka. napura, identified with modern Bodhan, Bhāvapura, Book VI, section 15. situated on an affluent of the Godavari in
Bhoja country (Fra) 1. 207. Same as the Nizamabad District of Hyderabad
Vidarbha or Berar. Bhandarkar: Barly State. See Saletore: The Southern
History of the Dekkan, section III, Asmaka in Jaina Antiguary, Vol. VI, p. 60. Paudanapura is mentioned in Yasasti
Bhūmitilaka, see under Janapada. laka, Book VII, section 28. where it is Campa, Book VI, section 8 (37% vedy...... i located in Ramyakadesa (रम्यकदेशनिवेशोपेत
f). Near Bhagalpur. The ancient orgarafta:). According to the Parbhani
capital of the kingdom of Anga. inscription (see Chap. I of this book), Cedi, Book III (7: etc.). The capital the Cālukya chief Yuddhamalla I ruled of Codi was Tripuri (Tewar, near Jubbalover the Sapädalakṣa country, and caused pur). Under 1.207 comm. explains Cedi his elephants to be bathed in a tank filled as Kundinapura. with oil at Podana. That GTETT Cerama, Book III. Yasodhara is described इति विश्रुतः । तत्राभूद् युद्धमलाख्यो नृपतिर्विक्रमार्णवः॥ as पल्लवपाण्ड्यचोलचेरमहर्म्यनिर्माणप्रकाश्यमानदिगविजयसपादलक्षभूभर्ता तैलवाप्यां स पोदने। अवगाहोत्सवं चक्रे alfagar: Cerama = Cera=Kerala (MaR itierf aarall. Asmaka is oalled Assaka labar). In 1. 208 the Cera king is in Pāli literature, and Podana is the addressed thus: चेरम पर्यट मलयोपकण्ठम्. The same as the ancient Potana, the capital reading of the printed text, a , is a of Assaka, which is one of the seven mistake, as the mss. read #H. Kerala Kingdoms of India mentioned in a verse is mentioned several times : केरलीनां नयनcited in the Mahāgovinda Suttanta of the Au E H: Book I; 3. 247; 3. 112: Dighanikāya. In the Suttanipāta (verse fres deT; 1. 210: FATH ER: and 977), Assaka is located on the banks of oray Firs: etc. Book III, p. 431, the Godavari. The name appears as As- Cola, see under Cerama. Also 3. 247. CEmaka in the Mahävastu, Vol. 3, p. 208. are alwafael, 186; amag word.

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YAŠASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE
nh: Book I. The traditional Cola located in the Indrakaccha country. The country is represented by the modern name Raurukapura is omitted in the printdistricts of Trichinopoly and Tanjore and ed text, and supplied here from the manu. part of Pudukkottah State. Comm. on scripts. Raurukapura seems to be the 3,247 calls the Cola country Mañjişthädeśa, Roruka of the Buddhist texts, the capital
The land of madder', also Samangadesa of Sovira, an important centre of the (under 1. 86), samanga being same as coasting trade, apparently on the Gulf of mañ iştha. Under 1. 208 ( Gofruota Cutch. Rhys Davids: Buddhist India, fag) comm. identifies the Cola country p. 38. Cf. Mahāvastu, Vol. 3, p. 208: with Gangapura, which seems to be an सौवीराणां च रोरुकं. abbreviated Sanskritized form of Gangai
Janapada, Book VI, section 5. The capital koņda-colapuram, the Cola capital during
of Janapada was Bhūmitilakapura. The the eleventh and twelfth centuries, 'at the
place is not identified, but for early coins meeting point of the modern districts of
of Janapada see Rapson: Indian Coins, Trichinopoly, S, Arcot and Tanjore.'
p. 12. Janapada was perhaps near the Cunkāra, Book IV, p. 138. A city associated Kuru country, as in the story in question in a legend with the sage Bphaspati.
(See Chap. XVI) two friends, banished Dahāla, Book VII, section 29. Same as Dāhala
from Bhūmitilakapura, come to Hastina. or Dāhāla identified with the kingdom
gapura in Kurujāngala. of Cedi (q. v.). Somadeva describes it Kakandi, see under Kämpilya. as full of sugarcane groves, and says that
Kālidāsa, name of a forest, near Ahiochatra, the city of Svastimati is in Dahālä (374
on the Jalavihini river (जलवाहिनीनामनदीतटकामकोदण्डकारणकान्तारैरिवेक्षुवणावतारैर्विराजितमण्डलायां
Afacetaz HER FIRTHarga Book VI, डहालायामस्ति स्वस्तिमती नाम पुरी).
section 15). Das'ārna, Book IV, p. 153. Also q uiaforaft-1
Kalinga, Book V. Sudatta is described as Huiger: Book III, p. 568. The capital of!
the lord of the Mahendra mountain, the Dasarna was Vidiśā, the remains of which are between the rock of Bhilsa and the
home of elephants, in Kalinga (
द्विरदमदामोदमन्दकन्दरोदरपरिसरत्पवनपानपरमधुकरालीhill of Udayagiri. In the midst of this
नीलमणिमेखलाङ्कितनितम्बवसुंधरस्य महेन्द्रमहीधरस्याधिburied city is the hamlet of Besnagar, in
fa:). The Kaliiga forest, famous for its Gwalior State. Comm, says a TIO FTTH ATT
elephants, is thus defined in a verse 97WT Tataariffar ada. Dasarņa is
quoted in the comm. on Book II: 37 - identified with East Malwa and the ad
'उत्कलानां च देशस्य दक्षिणस्यार्णवस्य च । सह्यस्य चैव joining region with its capital at Vidiśā and the rivers Daśārņā (modern Dhagan)
विन्ध्यस्य मध्ये कालिङ्गजं वनम् ॥' The elephants of and Vetravati (modern Betwa) running
Kalinga are referred to also in Yasastilaka through it. IHQ, Vol. XXI, p. 61,
3. 248. Ekacakrapura, Book VII, section 22.
Kamboja -1. 211 (ayraftf9 ); Friti Ekānasi, Book V (explained in comm. as
faqefirretys: Book I. Comm. on Ujjayini), p. 226. Mentioned also in
Book II (देवमिव कुलेन काम्बोनम्) identifies
Kamboja with Bählikadeśa (modern Balkh Book VII, section 25, and located in
in Northern Afghanistan). Under 1.211 Avanti.
comm. identifies Kamboja with Kashmir Girikūta, Book VII, section 29.
and the neighbouring countries, and calls Hastināgapura, see under Kurujāngala.
the Kamboja women large-headed : giftHemapura, Book VI, section 15.
रादिदेशस्त्रीणां बृहन्मुण्डानाम्. It explains also Indrakaccha, Book VI, section 9. The city a toitaiwas er after aftalu. Kamboja
of Raurukapura, also called Māyāpuri, is was near Gandhāra 'in the extreme north

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GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX
513
west, with Dvăraka as its capital'. Rhys Karnãtaka History, Vol. I, p. VII. Under Davids (op. cit.), p. 28.
1.211 (Aoizga fama afac7) comm. explains Kämpilya, Book VII, section 32 (210g
Karņāța as comprising Vidara and other FETTIFT974 Ff927). Identified places : कर्णाट्युवतीनां विदरादिस्त्रीणाम. Vidara with Kampil in Farrukhabad District, U.
is modern Bidar (District and Town) in P. The city of Kākandi, described as a great
Hyderabad State. Comm. on Book I
identifies Karṇāta with Vanavāsa (or commercial centre (oriaagraarai
Vanavāsi): ištai apargatatoare. rehart Ibid.), seems to have been in the neighbourhood of Kāmpilya, as the miser Kaunga, Book III: g Hik: etc., p. 431. Sågaradatta goes from the latter city to Same as Kongudeśa, "the western part of Kākandi on hearing of the death of his Maisur as far as Nandidrug, together with nephew, and returns not long after. Ka- Coimbatore and Salem." Rapson: Indian kandi is mentioned also in Book VII, Coins, p. 36. section 24. It was the birth place of the Kaus'ambi, Book III (Tagafiaaffaa Jaina Tirtham kara Puşpadanta. Soma
Huga:). Identified with Kosam on the deva says sitas959654TH Figarra atufafaa
Jumpa, about 30 miles west of Allahabad. पतिसंपादितोद्यावेन्दिरासन्या काकन्यां पुरि.
Kaušāmbi was the capital of the Vatsa Kanakagiri, Book III, p. 566. A mountain country. Comm. says tief ar 79 near Ujjayini. Yasodhara, the king of
वत्सदेशे गोपाचलात् गव्यूतिचतुश्चत्वारिंशति वर्तते. If Ujjayini, is described as the lord of
Gavyüti, as a measure of distance, is taken Kanakagiri. Comm. says that Kanakagiri to mean two Krosas or four miles, Kausis the name of a city on the Suvarnagiri ämbi, according to the commentary, is mountain, four Krośas from Ujjayini about 176 miles from Gopäcala or Gwalior. (सुवर्णगिरिनामपर्वतोपरि वसति यत् नगरं तत् कनकगिरि- Kausambi is mentioned also in Book VII, रित्युच्यते । उज्जयिन्याः समीपे गव्यूतिद्वयं गत्वा कनकगिरिः section 26. In an early Buddhist text al).
(the Mahā-Sudassana-Syttanta of the Kankāhi, Book V. A village near Ujjayini.
Dighanikäya) Kosambi is mentioned The inhabitants of the village manufactur- as one of the great cities, the others being ed woolen shawls or carpets and leather
Campễ, Rajagaha, Bonares etc. saddles. Somadeva says gofaff Parafin
Kira 3,249 (18+ a
cara:). Kashmir. Comm. तमताजिनजेणाजीवनोट जाकुले..."ककाहिनामके ग्राम
says धामके. Comm. says तमतम् ऊमयमास्तरणम्,
4: Thaterat fraften ferq:. अजिनजेणं चर्मपल्याणम्
Krathakais'ika, Book III: Farfarang F#: etc., Karahāta, Book V. Karhäd on the confluence
P. 431 and of this, p. 567. Comm. of the Krishna and the Koina in Sätärä
explains the term as Virātadeśa, corresDistrict, Bombay Province. Somadeva
ponding roughly to the present territory describes Karahāta as a prosperous coun
of Jaipur and Alwar States. Kalidasa try and gives an interesting picture of a
identifies Krathakaisika with Vidarbha large duiry farm of the locality. He
(Berar and the adjoining territory) in refers also to the tall gold-crested edifices
Raghuvamsa 5. 60, 61. of Karabāta: 777,
a
TETI9451 Kuntala 1. 211 ( 3 [ETTE). "In TEHETHU 7: salut : 1......
the inscriptions of the later Kadambas, Karnata 1. 185 (कर्णाटयुवतिसुरतावतंस) and कर्णाटीनां the progenitor of the Kadamba family
Tahfaro: Book I. Roughly the (sometimes called Mayuravarman, but country between the Godāvari and the in some cases Makkana or Trilocana Kåverf, bordering on the Arabian Sea in Kadamba) is represented as the ruler of the West, and extending approximately to the Kuntala country which is described 78* longitude in the East. Sources of As the land round the capital city of
65

Page #535

514
YAŠASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE
Vanavāsi in the North Kanara District." (Huastg mga traat). KuśägraThe territories of the Kadambas of Vana- pura is mentioned by Yuan Chwang, vāsi comprised the North Kanara District being called the centre of Magadha and and parts of Mysore, Belgaum and Dhar- its old capital. "The city derived its war. Somadeva seems to have this area name from the excellent fragrant reedin his mind. See Sarkar in IHQ, Vol. grass which abounded there." Watters : XXII, p. 233. Kuntala seems, however, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, to refer to a wider area. "The follow- Vol. II, p. 148. According to a tradition ing verse which occurs in the Nilgund preserved in Hemacandra's Trişastiếalāplate describes the Later Cālukya emperor kāpuruşacarita, Prasenajit was king of Jayasimha II alias Mallikāmoda as ruling Kuśāgrapura. Because of frequent fires over the Kuntala country where flows the in Kuśägrapura Prasenajit ordered that famous river Krşņavarņā (i. e. the Krşpå any one in whose house a fire occurred which gets this name after its confluence should be exiled from the city. As a fire with the Veņā near Mahuli, 3 miles east subsequently oocurred in the palace, Praof Sätārā): fetara or à sa ta ocal senajit felt bound by his own edict, left grasfat mati fariad Afsarata: 11" The the city, and founded Rājagrha. See Rāştrakūtas and the Later Cālukyas are Johnson in 1HQ, Vol. XXII, p. 228. described in contemporary records and Rajagrha, the new capital, is modern Sanskrit works as rulers of Kuntala. The Rajgir, south of Patna, near Bihar (town). capital of the Rāştrakūtas was Mânyakhe- Rājagrha, called also Paicaśailapura, the ta, modern Mālkhed in the Gulbarga city surrounded by the five hills, is District of Hyderabad State; while that mentioned by Somadeva in Book VI, sectof the Later Cälukyas was Kalyāna, about ion 13 ( Hirua tg TIFTETTAmat a yt). 50 miles almost due north of Malkhed, near
Kusumapura, Book IV (Fungt atera etc). Bidar in the Bidar District in the same
Same as Pātaliputra. State. "Mālkhed is about 250 miles, as
Lampāka, Book III (594grytfaran TATYTKthe crow flies, north by east of Banavāsi and more than 50 miles north of the
7...... ha). Identified with the Krsņā.” The Udayasundarikatha says
modern Laghman. It is the Lan-po of
Yuan-chuang, and supposed to represent that Pratişthāna, modern Paithan on the
the Lambatai of Ptolemy. Watters: On Godāvari, was the capital of the Kuntala country. Kuntala thus did not comprise
Yuan Chwang, Vol. I, p. 181. only the North Kanara District of Bombay | Lata 1. 185 (atra HTA). Oomm. Says Province and parts of Mysore, Belgaum and
aratai 75mgasitarai oftT17. BhrgukaDharwar Districts, but extended much
ccha, or Bharukaccha, as it is called in further to the north so as to include
Päli, is modern Broach (District and what we now call the Southern Maratha
Town) at the mouth of the Narmada. country. See Mirashi in THQ, Vol.
Läța corresponds roughly to Eastern
Gujarat. XXII, p. 310.
Madra 3. 112 (fast HT trata). IdentiKurujāngala 1. 211 (FFFFSasaT47). A
fied with the country about Sakala (Sialportion of the Kuru country, which con
kot) in the Punjab between the Ravi and tained the city of Hastinapura, called by
the Chenab. Somadeva Hastināgapura or Hastinapura
Māhismatī, Book III (
P HT4787in Book VI, section 20. Jangaladesa
माहिष्मतीपतिप्रभृतीनामवनीपतीनां बलानि and माहिand Hastināgapura are mentioned also in
chatyafara Book VII, section 28.
19:). Comm. says niet
7 Forst Tyagraft a. Supposed to be Kus'āgrapura in Magadha, Book VI, section 6 Maheshwar on the Narmadä in Indore, or

Page #536

GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX
515
Mandhata, also on the Narmadā, in Nimar rather vague, but there is no doubt that District, C. P. Māhişmati was the capital the Drämila or Drāvida or the Tamil of the early Kalacuris (Kataceüris) who country is meant. In Book III Somadeva ruled over Mahārāştra between the extinc- describes a Drāmila or Tamil or Dravidi. tion of the Andhrabhrtyas and the rise of an Regiment (ars ). Apart from the Cālukyas. Bhandarkar: Early History the Pallavas, the Kāñci territory is mentof the Dekkan, 3rd, ed., Notes, p. 251. ioned in Book III (faransa Krsnarāja, the founder of the early Kala- T:). Comm. says if an afeggazin. cũri dynasty, established himself at Māhis-Fañcala A king of Pañcāla / modern Rohil. mati about the middle of the 6th century
khand, U. P.) figures prominently in A. D. The capital was later transferred Book III. The Pancălakas are mentioned to Tripuri near Jubbulpur. Cf. IHQ, in 3.112, 247. Vol. XXI, p. 84.
Pāndu, Book IV (ET ESITE). Same as the Mathurā. For references to Mathuri see Chap. Pandya country. The king of the Pandya.
XVII of this book. In Book VI, section deśa is mentioned in 3.248. 10, Uttara-Mathurā, Mathurā of the Pătaliputra. The courtesans of Pataliputra North', is distinguished from Dakşiņa
are incidentally referred to in Book III Mathuri, Mathurā of the South,' in
(RETTYF:). Another PāļaliPandyamandala, i. e. Madura.
putra, located in Surāṣtradeśa (KathiaMithilāpura, Book VI, section 20.
war), is mentioned in Book VI, section
12. Nābhigiri, Book VI, section 15. A mountain
Paudanapura. See under Asmaka. in Magadha on the border of the city of Sopārapura (rafat alagrairauf air
Paurava, Book III (tragittalasa:). Comm. fihafa hetTT).
says that Pauravapura is Ayodhyā. Nepāla 3. 249 (Tata 45915:).
Räjapura, capital of the Yaudheya country,
described in Book I. "The Yaudheyag Padmāvatī, Book III (qaradtri*:). Comm.
have been identified with the modern explains it as Ujjayini, Mentioned also
Johiyas of Bhāwalpur, but in ancient in Book VII, section 26. A marginal
times their territory was more extended." note in Ms. A gives the same explanation,
Rapson: Indian Coins, p. 14. Rajapura Padminikheta, Book VII, section 27. Name may perhaps be identified with modern of a city.
Rajanpur in Bahawalpur State, south of Pallava 1. 207 (999 Tahut); 1. 210 Multan. See also Chap. XV of this Book, (9597 ottaacad); and at Para Sankhapura, Book VI, section 8. Seems
#: Book I. The Pallava country to be not far from Ayodhyā. In the was the region of Kāñci (Conjeeveram ), story in question Anantamati is abandonthe ancient Tondaimaņdalam, ruled over ed in the neighbourhood of a mountain by the Pallavas until they were over- bordering on Sankhapura, whence she is thrown by the Colas towards the end of taken to Ayodhyā by a merchant who had the ninth century. The Pallava territory pitched his camp near by (789Tradatwas annexed by the Colas, but the memories पकण्ठे परिहृता तत्समीपसमावासितसार्थानीकेन...वणिकof Pallava rule must have been still fresh
qfarqqargolia feat ...... chat when Somadeva wrote a little more than HEUTTHETTI gf... Hafar). half a century later. Further, Pallava
Simhala 1.186, 3.247 etc. chieftains continued to rule here and there
Simhapura, Book VII, section 27. Located under Cola suzerainty. Poussin : Dynasties
in the Prayāga country. Not the Simhaet Histoire de l'Inde, p. 271. Comm. ex
pura mentioned by Yuan Chwang. See plains Pallava as Pañoa-Dramila, which is Watters (op. cit.), Vol. I, p. 248.

Page #537

516
YAŠASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE
Sindhu 3.248 (acak ve gea: #9:). The Also वलभिरम्भोरुविभ्रमभ्रमरः Book III. Va.
Saindhavas mentioned are the princes labhi was the capital of the Maitrakas of ruling over the Indus territory.
Surăstra (Kathiawar), and is now repreS'irīşagrāma, Book VII, section 26. Located sented by the ruins at Wala, about 20 miles in Avanti.
N. W. of Bhavnagar. Sopāra pura. See under Nābhigiri.
Vanavàsi 1.211 (aagiftratusufgru) and 1.
189. "Situated in the corner between the S'ricandra 3.249 (7459 rafa augsyany:
Ghāts, the Tungabhadrã and the Varadā." 51 Tartai, og at HHR...). The reference
Bühler's Introduction to Vikramārkadevais obscure. Comm. explains Sricandra as
carita. Comm. on 1. 211 says fittacartethe lord of the Kailāsa mountain.
Bazar, that is, the Vanavāsi area contS'rimāla 3. 247. Bhinmal in Jodhpur State.
ained Girisopā (modern Gersoppa in It is the Bhillamāla mentioned in the
North Kanara District, Bombay Province) Prasasti of the Jaina Prākrit romance
and other cities. It may be noted that Kuvalayamälä сomposed in the eighth
under 1. 211 comm. reads fafatar and century. Srimāla was the original home
not faltaria, as stated in a footnote on of the Jains now inhabiting Rajputana,
p. 181 of the printed edition. Vanavāsa Western India, the Punjab and the U.P.
is mentioned in the Mahāvansa XII. 31, See Jinavijayaji Muni in Bharatiya Vidya,
and, as pointed out by Geiger, there is a Vol. II, Parts I and II.
modern town Banavāsi in North Kanara. Sūrasena, Book IV ( Tafah). The Imp. Gaz. of India, s. V. See under Mathură country.
Kuntala, Surāstra, Book VI, section 12. Kathiawar. Vanga 3. 247 (F FTRFarafat:) and all
Cf. trety a f tfaatamist : Book 1. 1912: etc. Book III. Comm. says fifahitifefore. The first
Vangāla, Book III: qidq #3: etc., p. 131. name refers to Girnar Hill near Junagarh
Perhaps the earliest reference to the in Kathiawar.
country of Vangäla in classical Sanskrit Suvarnadvipa, Book VII, section 27. Sumatra,
literature. For other references see D. C. In the story in question the young merch- Ganguly: Vangāladeša in IHQ, December, ant Bhadramitra along with his compan- 1943. "In the eleventh century Dacca ions goes on a voyage to Suvarnadvipa,
District was in the country of Vangala.... and returns after acquiring choice and
In the fourteenth century Sonargaon is rare local products in exchange for a huge
definitely known to have been the capital quantity of merchandise (पुनरगण्यपण्यविनि
of Vangāla, which extended from Dacca to मयेन तत्रत्यमचिन्त्यमात्माभिमतवस्तुस्कन्धमादाय प्रत्या- Chittagong." Others think that the southdan ). See Chap. XVI of this book.
ern part of old Vanga came to be known Suvela, Book V. A mountain to the south of as Vangăla, and identify it with Candra
the Himālaya, "EHISTEROTR : : dvipa, i. e. parts of the Buckergunge सुवेलोऽस्ति लताविलोला।'
District and the adjoining region. See D. Svastimati, see under Dahālā.
Sarkar: The City of Bengals in Bharatiya Tāmalipti, Book VI, section 12. Described
Vidya, Vol. V, p. 36. Vangāla is mentioned
in the Tirumalai inscription (1024 A. D.) as being in Pūrvadesa and Gaudamandala. Modern Tamluk in Midnapore Distriot,
of Rajendra Cola, while the Ablur inscrip
tion of Kalacurya Vijjala (1157-67 A. D.) Bengal.
mentions Vanga and Vangäla separately. Ujjayini. Described with Avanti in Book II.
Ibid. Vangāla has also been identified Valabhī, Book VII, section 23. (atefuld re- with south-east Bengal including Chitta
मदमत्तमनीषिमत्तालिकुलकेलिकमलनाभ्यां वलभ्यां पुरि). । gong. IHQ, Vol. XXII, p. 280.

Page #538

GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX
517
Vangi 1. 210 Tatraorrade; and Book 1 Košala, where reigned a branch of the
IV: at noge facta etc., p. 95. Vangi Cedis of Tripuri. seans to be the Vengi oountry, being the Vārāṇasī in the Kāśi country (Fifa). districts between the Godāvari and the
Book VII, section 31. Krsņā, where ruled the Eastern Călukyas.
Vijayapura in Madhyadeśa, Book VI, section But the comm. in both places identifies Vangi with Ratnapura. On 1.210 it says वजीवनितानां विनीतायाः अयोध्यायाः पूर्वदिकुस्त्रीणां रत्न
Vis'ālā, same as Ujjayini. sarafang : graft. Ratnapura (modern Ratanpur सौधस्पर्द्धिशालायां विशालायां पुरि, Book VI, seotion in Bilaspur District, C. P., to the north of
19. Mentioned also in Book V. Bilaspur Town) was the capital of Dakşiņa Yaudheya, ses under Rājapura.

Page #539

General Index
290
Āgamaprāmānya 199, 234, 356| Akşapatala 109 Abgar 133 Agapetos 114
Aksapatalăd hiša 109 Abhäva 185 193 Agastya 436
Akşapatalika 1084 abhaya 40, 283
Agastyeśvara Matha 350 Aksepint 124 Abhayadeva 225
Aggi-Vacchagotta-sutta 191 Alakşmi 401, 406 Abhayamati 23, 36, 40f, 45, Aghoră 332n
Alberti 176n Aghoraghanta 357
Alberuni 377 Abhayaruci 23, 25, 26n, 408, Aghoraśiva 338, 340n
Alexis 70 45£, 290 Agneya 336
Alexius I 119 Abhidhyāna 126f agnihotra 333, 418
Alhaņādevi 396 Abbimāna-mahīdhara 152 Agnipurāņa 100, 453, 456, 461 Alillaha 179 Abhinavagupta 181, 363n Agniştoma 377f
Al Masudi 97 abhiniveśa 126, 128 Agnyādheya 378
Alupa 3378 Abhiras 72 Agranāra 117
Ama 432 abhisamdhi 127 Ahalyā 437
amaņu 274 Acala 33, 92ff Ahamkāra 335
Amaradatta 43 Acaleśvara 118, 346 ăhăralāghava 236f
Amarakosa 459 Acāryabhakti 308, 311 Ahavaniya 383
Amardakatirthanātha 340f Ācārya-parişad 90, 461 Ahicchatra 415
Ambā Bhaväni 393n Acintya 336
Ahimsā 39, 44, 125f, 128f, 131, Ambikā 332, 398 Actions 218
269, 333
Ambhojaśambhu 341 Adbhutasāgara 455
236f, 246, 267, 324n, 380, Amen 125n Adharma 189, thief 235, 238 430, 446
Amenhetep IV 125n 250
Ahitakula-kālānala 111 Amitagati 10, 146n, 175, 294ff, Adhimutta 130 Aihole 397, 405
329, 330n, 424 Adhonibandhini 111 Aindra 442f.
Amitaprabha 409 Adhvarya 386, 426 Aindri 397
Amoghavarşa I 133 ādhyatmika 293 Ajamāra 40
Amrtabindūpanisad 456 Adinātha 362n, 353, 354n Ajarāja 104
Amrtamati 27, 34ff, 41, 46, 48, Adipuräna by Pampa 6, 86;| Ajayapäla 360
50ff, 77f, 85, 141, 168, 198, by Jinasena 9, 17, 295 Ajita 336 Adityamata 326, 460
Ajita Kesakam bali 232n Arißumat 336 Adityasena 357 Ajitapurāna 10
anadhikara-pratigraha 236 Advaita school of Saivism 205, Ajiva 250
Anagăradharma 289 207f, school of Vedānta 224; Ajivaka 217
Anagăradharmämsta 18, 48f, principle of 336; doctrine Ajivakas 284, 334, 373, 375f 297 372n ājñā 255, 258, 276
Analodbhava 413 advaita 371 . ājñāvicaya 276
Anandatirtha 338 Advaita-brahmasiddhi 231 ajyāvekşana 407
Anandavardhana 363n Advaitamata 372n
Akalanka 11, 225, 244, 330, Ananga 103 advaita-saiva-veda 207
374, 388, 444, 459
Anangasenă 421f Advaita-Vedānta 207, 289 ākāmkşā 258f
Anantagati 424 Aeschylus 105 Akampana 4176
Anantamati 259, 410f Against Apion 133 Akāśa 232
Anantavirya 19, 225, 244, 388f, Agama 13n, 203, 229, 248, Akousmatics 131n
457 250ff, 336 Akrodha 236
Anarthadaņdas 268€
436

Page #540

Anarthadandavirati 268 anayatanas 257
Andhra 21
Anekantajayapatākā 76, 457 Angaraja 104
Angas 455; vedängas 348 angas 254, 285, 327 Angiras 454
Anhilvad Patan 393n Anitya-bhavana 296 anityAnuprekṣa 291f, 298 Antagadadasão 435
antarātmǎ 273
antarmuhurta 275
Anthimus 114n
Anthologia Lyrica 165n
Antiochus 119; IV 402n anubhaga 251
anucintana 291
Anukampa 255
anupalambha 236
anyaságha 258, 260 anyatvanuprekṣa 291
Apabhraisa 7, 178; dialect 7,
apauruşeya 388f
Apavarga 223
Apaya 276
apayavicaya 276
Apisala 442f
Apisala 443 Apisali 442f
apitad bhāṣaṇa 200 apitatkarana 200 Apollo, the father 131n
GENERAL INDEX
Apollonius 125f, 131, 132 Apology 133n
Apology of Tertullian 263n appavatta 191 apramáda 236f

apta 212f
Aptah 2261, 246, 248, 321, 323, 360
Āptamīmāmsā 459 Aptapariksa 218, 224f Apta theory 228 Aptoryama 378 Aradhana 295
Aradhanāsāra 272, 274, 278
Araja 437
Ardhacakravartins 413 Ardhamägadht 435 Ardhanari 369
Ardhasamasya 181 Ardraka 134
Asravanuprekṣa 291, 298, 302 Agangahṛdaya 4591
Ardrakapolika 111 Arhadbhakti 308, 310
anuppehä 291
Anuprekęs 20, 26, 246, 277, Arhaddasa 127, 434
Agasahasri 9, 225 Astavaňka 34 Asteya 236 Astikya 255 asubha-bhavana 137
291ff
Arhaddatta 411 Arham mantra 280
anusnāna 202
Apuvratas 42, 124, 253n, 263, Arhat 53, 74, 115, 129, 133, asucitvanuprekęa 292, 302 267, 268, 408 178, 196, 214, 224f, 227f, adueyanupreksa 291
283n, Asuri 39, 193f, 229, 364 323, Advaghosa 457
233, 234, 256, 269, 289, 2911, 3071, 320f, 326, 347, 374, 416, 431 179, 298, 329, 330m, 374; Arhata (Dariana) 218 verse 7, 180, 297; metre 7, Arikesarin 3ff, 86
179, 180, 183; peetry 7, Arista 369
177, 178, 179f; poets 7
apamana 200
Aparaditya 239
Aparajita 34, 157, 398 Aparirka 108
Apastamva 454
Arundhat! 36, 436 Arya 178 Aryasūra 98, 403 Asadhara 18, 486, 297 Asaga 10
Asama-sahasa 94
2551, asavyavahara 236 Asamyama 252
Aristanemi 434
Aristides 135
Aristo 134
Aristotle 114
Ariyapariesana Sutta 191n Arjuna 6, 61, 82, 346, 436
Arnobius 131
Arravelvi 334
arta 275
Artadhyana 275 Artha 115, 124, 256 Arthakatha 124
asanas 281
asarapanuprekṣā 291f, 299 Asava 222
āsavas 222
Aśoka 99
Aśokacandra 121
Aśokadatta 358

Aspasia 135n Aśrava 222
asravas 222
519
Arthanayaka 118
Arthasästra 32, 445ff
Arthasdetra 89, 101, 109, 113, Atmatativa-viveka 243 116f, 445
Atmaviḍambana 200
Aivalayana Srauta Sutra 384 Advamedha 377, 382, 3851, 430
Asvattha 154 Aten 125n Atharvan 382
Atharvaveda 380f Athenaeus 16, 70 Atibala 355
Aticapdika 400
atidāna 203
Atiratra 378 Atithi 424 Ativartini 111 atiyajana 203
Atmanusasana 9, 145, 175,
256, 459 Atmaśauca 236

Page #541

520
YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN OULTURE
Atreya 341 Bandhujiva 67
Bhāskaradeva 415 Atri 449 Bappabhatti Sūri 432
bhasmasnāna 235 Auddāyana 77, 259, 411 Bārasa Anuvekkhā 294
Bhāşya 1990, 342f; of Samkara Aulukya 213 Bārhaspatya 445
239, 245, 377, 390, 456 Aupanişadas 241
Bårhaspatyas 197, 1980, 217, Bhattanārāyaṇa 439 Aupaśamika 255
230f
Bhattāraka Lakulića 344 Aurva 440 Bårhaspatya Sutra 231
Bhättas 242 Aurvilā 416, 434 Barlaam and Ioasaph 98, 129,
Bhatta school 2410, 242 Aušanas 449
134f
Bhatti 116 avabhrtha 385 Basava 350f
Bhavabhūti 17, 165, 327, 357, Başkali 455 avabhịthasnāna 271 avadbi 256.
359, 391, 439 Bauddha 228, 346, 348 Avadhūta 187, 4576
Baudhayana Srauta Sutra 383f Bhāva-Brhaspati 345
Bhadra 179n Avadhūtagitā 456
Bhāvāgni 315 avagādha 256 Bhadradeva 4
bhāvanā 187, 188, 202, 220, Avanti 108 Bhadrakāli 345, 398, 400
291ff, 296ff, 388, 457 Avantivarman 118, 339f
Bhadrakālikā Mātā 393n Bhavāni 23, 392 Avaśyaka 408
Bhadramitra 7, 263n, 423 Bhāvapāhuda 18 Avasyakas 283 Bhagadatta 21
Bhävaprābhrta 293, 429f Avatāras 342f, 370
Bhagavata 39, 239, 364 Bhāvapura 415 avidyā 222 Bhagavati 395
Bhāvasamgraha 229, 355, 360, avijadhyāna 273
Bhagavati Aradhanā 48, 49n, 373, 384, 395 avijjāsava 222
293, 295
Bhāvasaṁkara 345 Avveśvara 341 Bhagavati Nandā 406
bhavāsava 222 Avyādhidurbala 152 Bhagavatkusika 342
bhāvasuddhi 292 Āyatana 202 Bhagiratha 21
Bhavisayattakahā 179 Ayodhana 424 Bhairava 367, 369
Bhavyasena 4121 Bhairavānanda 355ff Ayodhyā 426
bhedeśvara-vāda 240 bhakti 208, 262, 308, 336, 351 Bhiksātana kävya 181 ayudhasiddhānta 462
Bhaktis 177 Ayurveda 388, 460
Bhima 411, 444€ bhaktiyoga 336
Bhima I 353 Bhāmaha 14
Bhimā 368 Babhravya Pāñcāla 459, 462 Bhāmati 234
Bhişma 444f Badarikā 409
Bharadvāja 444ff, 450, 460 bhoga 283 Baddiga (I and II) 4 Bhāraśivas 378
Bhogya 210 Bahassaidatta 49
Bharata, minister, 6, 7; king, Bhoja 208n, 215, 336, 458, 461
21; poet 155; 82, 404, 439, bahirātmā 272
462; sage 412
Bhoja I 3951 Bahuvali 120 Bhārata (Kanarese) 4
Bhojavrtti 186 bahya 293 Bhārat Sing 392
Bhoktá 210 Bala 355 Bhāravi 116, 146n, 327, 439
Bhrājişņu 418 Balavāhanapura 415 Bharga 61
Bhramara 339 Balhara 97 Bhārgava 61, 437
Bhrgu 412, 445 Beli 402, 417; minister 4178, Bhartrhari 145n. 439,441
Bhumara 393n 430 Bhartmentha 439
Bhūmitilaka 409 balicarudana 333 Bhāsa 208, 439
Bhutanātha 370 Ballālasena 455 Bhäsarvajia 186, 199, 228, 234,
Bhūtavāda 217 Bāņa 7, 10, 53ff, 62, 108, 116, 2426
Bhūtayajña 125 124, 232, 359, 391, 401, 439€ Bhāskara 223, 231, 234f, 239, Bhūteśa 118 Bandha 251 1 242
Bija 215, 255

Page #542

Bijjala 348, 350 Bilhari inscription 337# Bindu 214f
Birkhala 392n
Bittideva 351
521
Buddhabhatta 461 Capḍamar! 20, 22, 43, 45f, 77, Buddhadasi 416 80, 128, 138, 164, 358, 391, Buddhi 230, 335 392n, 393, 396f Buddhism 99, 128, 189, 223, Capḍanayika 400 372, 374 Candapala 358 Buddhist 8, 21, 69n, 130, 187ff, Capdarasa 105
217f, 220, 233, 241, 243, Capdeśvara 445, 447, 454
Black Yajurveda 383 Boccaccio 176n
Bodhi 297, 300, 307 bodhidurlabhanuprekṣā 291 Bodhisattva 49, 374f, 377, 462 Bodhyanuprekṣā 306
Boar Incarnation 94n Bopadeva 442
Brahma 244, 288, 335 Brahma (Dardana) 218 Brahmabandhu 95, 436 Brahmabindapanisad 456 Brahmacarin 288, 341 Brahmacari-Śivamunis 348 brahmacarya 236
Caitya 365
Caityabhakti 308
Brahmadeva 18, 257n, 272n, Cakramatha 345
Brahmaloka 384, 430, Brahman 82, 84, 94, 143, 206, 209, 266, 316, 318, 322, 380, 426, 438, 447
Brahmani 397
Brahmanism 333f, 361, 363,
380
GENERAL INDEX
260, 359, 361, 365, 367, 371, Candi 391
373, 377, 390, 416, 431f, Candika 36, 56, 126, 128, 325, 434, 456f 332n, 391ff, 395, 398, 407, cult 395
Buddhists 13n, 39, 130f, 134, 188, 223, 226ff, 230, 240ff, Capḍüpandita 379, 443 249, 284, 289, 331, 334, 3621, Candra 442
Candra 442f
274n, 280, 298 Cakrapani 437 Brahmadvaitavadins 217, 224 Cakravarman 345

371, 390, 417, 431, 443 Batuga II 2, 8, 123 Byzantine 961, 119, 134
C
Cakravartins 256 Cakreśvara 332n Cakresvart 332
Califs 134
Calukya 3ff, 9, 330, 341, 350ff, 364, 367, 369, 397, 443
Brahmaputra 456
Brahmasiva 329n
Brahmaritra Bhagya 231, 234, Camdāņaņa 178
242
Campa 410, 455f
Campa 53, 85f
Calukyan 3491, 3671, 405
Brahmavada 217
Brahmesvara Linga 343, 348 Brahmi 397 Bṛhaspati 11, 26, 51, 82, 197, 232, 326, 430, 444f; minister 417 Brhaspatisava 378, 383 Bṛhatkatha 105n, 357, 439 Brhathathakola 48, 49, 430, 434, 435n Brhat-Parasarasamhita 454 Bṛhatsamhita 461
Candakautika 166, 357
Buddha 11, 89, 191, 220, 2241, Capḍala 28, 31, 252, 322, 418,
227f, 249, 327, 370, 372, 436, 453
390, 416, 431, 434
66
Camupda 357, 391, 394n,
399f
151, Camupḍaraya 91, 293, 298 437, Camundaraya-purana 10 Capakya 101, 406, 445, 451 Canda 419
Canda 391, 400
295, Capjakarman 39f, 134, 184, 188, 193, 196f, 2291, 364
Capdamahäsena 21, 41
347, Carakas 375 379, Carakasamhitä 459f Carayana 459. Carcarivatamsa 111
Cari 201 Caritra 76n Caritrabhakti 308
397,
138,
206,
Candrabhaga 141 Candragomin 443
Candragupta 101, 451; II 343 Candrajana 336
Candrakirti 192, 193, 232
Candramati 26, 34ff, 41, 78, 133, 316,318, 324 Candrapida 54, 116 Candraprabhacarita 10 Candra-Vrtti 44 3n Candrika 241, 242; Cangalvas 349 Caraka 459

Caritra-mohanlya-karma 290 Caritrasara 293, 298
Cariya 124 Carunetri 179n
Căruseni 179n
Carvaka 89, 145, 197, 232n, 289,
Carväkas 31, 134, 198, 230f, 316, 355, 386
233, 241f, 318, 355
Carya 200, 201, 203
Categories 248 Caturmukha 7
Catuspadi 1798 Caupala 179

Page #543

522
YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE
Cedi 99, 337ff
daņdopanişad 448 Celini 71, 415
Dantidurga 367 Celsus 133n
dantura 385 Cennabasava 351
Darbhavati 393n Cerama 2
Darhasena 378 Chandogya Upanisad 456 Darius 93 Chndonušāsana 178, 180 darśana 188 Channakesava 370
Darśanas 218 Chandrehe inscription 339f Daršanabhakti 308 Charon 361
darśanamoha 255 Chaubara Dera 353, 398n Darsanasāra 229, 384 Chāyā 438
Darśapaurņamāsa 378 Christian 121, 128n, 129, 131n, Daryão Näth 392n
132ff, 202, 263n, 294f, 377, Daśabala 217 432
Daśabhakti 177 Christianity 132, 133n, 134f Daśakumāracarita 49 Cilluka 240
Daśāvatāra 367, 370 Cinta (mudra) 404
Dattaka 462 Cintanikā 291
Dattālpendra Srimāra 337 Cintra Prasasti 344
Dayāpāla 10, 346 Citrakarman 326, 460
Deccan regiment 59, 96 Citrālankāras 182
De Cerimoniis aulae 97 Clement 119n, 128n, 130, 132 Deipnosophislae 70 Cola 2f, 9, 21, 345, 347, 349, Deopara stone inscription 60n 352, 379, 394
Deśavirati 268 Confucius 21n
devabhoga 117 Constantine (Pope) 123; VII Devadatta 373 97
Devakesin 429 Ctesias 99
devamüdha 257f Cūdāśiva 339
Devānampiya Tissa 99 Cunkāra 437
Devanandin 443 D
Devanirmita 433
Devarati 48 Dabhoi 393n
Devasamgha 1, 5, 9 daiva 106, 144
Devasena 229f, 272, 274, 278, Daksa 438
355, 360, 373 384, 395 Dakşiņa Kedāreśvara 348 Devi 394, 400, cult 392f Dakşiņa märga 206, 334ff, 371 Devi Hinglaj 394n Dakşiņa Mathură 433
Devimāhātmya 398 Dakşiņāmūrti 203
Devipurāņa 3999, 406 Dalhana 459f
devotpátana-nāyaka 118 Damascene, St. John, 98, 129, dhammakahá 124 134
Dhana 43, 46, 48 Däna 200n, 269, 283, 285 288, Dhanakirti 421f, 438 333
Dhanapāla 10, 179 Da da 437
Dhanasri 43, 48f, 420f Dandakya 437
Dhanga 352 danlaniti 446
Dhanika 376 Dandin 134
Dhanurveda 462
Dhanva 460 Dhanvantari 409, 460 Dharana 49, 128 Dharanendra 332n Dharasena 258, 410 Dharma 39, 44, 76, 115, 124,
136, 185, 189, 197, 200n, 218, 2358, 238, 244, 246f, 250, 250, 267, 293f, 297, 305f, 317, 337,
357, 376, 378, 454 Dharmaghosa 432 Dharmakathā 124f, 137 Dharmakirti 375 Dharmănuprekşā 295, 305 Dharmaparīksā 7, 10, 296, 329,
330n dharmapariksā 329, 330n Dharmaraci 432 dharmas 197 Dharmasambhu 340n Dharmasambită (of Parāśara )
445 Dharmaśāstra 348, 362 Dharma-svākhyāta-bbävanā 297 dharma-svākhyătatvānapreksā
291 dharmātman 238 Dharmayogin 76 dharmin 197 Dharmopabrṁhana 260 Dharmottara 243, 375 dharmya 275 Dharmyadhyana 276, 289, 293 Dharsana 426 dhātuvāda 357 Dhavala 180 Dhavalā 9, 17 Dhişana 104, 459 Dhruva 97 Dhūmadhvaja 39, 196 Dhuşdhirāja 403n Dhurtākhyāna 330n Dhurtila 419 dłyāna 272, 275, 277, 279, 281,
289, 293, 307 dhyanamudrā 404 Dhyānapaddhati 19 Dialogue bet. the Christian Jason
and the Jew Papiscus 134

Page #544

Dialogue with the Jew Trypho| Darvinita 448 Duryodhana 101
134
Digambara 106, 246, 2528, 290, dutivakya 169 294, 318, 320, 354n, 434 Digambaras 35, 133, 228, 328,
3468, 374
Digambara Jains 241, 245, 353 Digenis Akritas 135 Dighanikaya 137, 2320, 462n Dwarf, the, 370, 408, 417 Digvirati 268
dvāras 200n
E
Diksa 186, 334, 356 Diksita 287
Dilipa 79, 436
Dio 116n
Dionysius 119n
dipanirvana 233
Dipavali 402
Dipotsava 97, 157, 401
Diti 62
diṭṭhāsava 222
Divakaramitra 232
Divayans 435
Divodāsa 460
Dio Chrysostom 116 Diodorus Siculus 104n
Diogenes Laertius 1250, 131n, ekāha 383
135n
Divyavadana 222n Doha 1780, 179n Dohakosa 374
Dosa 190, 238f
Dramila (regiment) 59, 96 Draupadi's Raths 392 dravyarthika 289f
GENERAL INDEX
dumdumkara 202
Durdharsa 104
Duvai or Dvipadi 177ff Dvaipayana 435, 437 dvaita 207, 371 Dvaraki 364, 435
Durgasimha 441, 443 Durga temple 3651, 369 Durvasas 337
Ebionism 132n Ebionites 132n

Eight-day festival 434 Eight-day rites 411, 416 Ekacakra 418
Ekalingaji 344, 346 Ekānasi 419
Ekäntada Ramayya 351 Ekapad 418
Fire-cult 6 Fish, the, 370
Four Actions 129
G
Gadayuddha 10
Durga 332, 392ff, 398ff, 403a, Gadyacintamani 9f, 55, 296
422
Gaganadivicārya 3371 Ganakarika 199
238n, 240, 343n Ganapati 31, 441f, 394n
Essenes 131n, 132, 147n Eteocles 105
Euchites 202
Gitagorinda 20, 183 Gnosticism 132n
Gnostics 132n
Goaleśvara 353
Godavari 141
Euphorbus 135 Euripides 51, 104.
Golagi 341
Dravyasanigraha 10, 257, 2720, Exhortation to the Greeks 119n, Golagiri 341
280, 298
128n, 132
Golaki Matha 341f
Gomedha 386
Drdhavarman 329 drgdoṣaḥ 257f
Gommaṭasära 10
Dropa 61
Gopala 454
Drupada 61
Gopavati 49
Daḥkhänta 234n, 235, 239
Gosala 134
Duküla 92
Gośalaka 375
Gosava 321, 322n, 377, 383,
386n, 387
F
ekatvanuprekṣā 291, 300 ekatvavitarka-vicära 276 Elephant Demon 438
Gavişthira 36
Elkasaites 136n
Generality 218 Ghanta 420, 422
Ellora 435
Empedocles 125, 131a, 135, Ghantai 352
197n, 198n
Encratites 132n
201n,
Ganarainamahodadhi 77n Gapavardhana 261, 327 Gandhacaript 111 Gandharva 60
Ganga (dynasty) 2, 86, 123, 230, 326, 330, 347, 351 394, 443
Gangadhara 3f
Gangawati 4 Garga 412
Gargeya-vamia 345 Gargya 344f Garuda-mantra 358
Garuḍapuraya 399, 453, 461
Gāthālakṣana 178
Gathasaptalati 438 Gauda-Mimamsaka 242
Gaudasamgha 5
Gaidavaho 391, 432n Gauraka 118

Gautama 324n, 412, 426, 436,
455
523
Ghatta 179f, 330
Govinda 421, 436 Govinda III. 97
235, Grahila 209, 440 Granthiparna 92 güdhavrata 201

Page #545

524
YAŠASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE
Gupabhadra 9, 145n, 175, 257, Hemacandra 13, 49, 142, 175, Islam 134f 330
178, 180, 240, 244, 255, 270n, Istasiddhi 231 Guņacandra 86
290, 292, 296f, 355, 361, 373, Istopadeśa 278 Guņadhara 435
386, 431, 437, 452
iśvara 187, 206, 207n, 209ff, gunadharma 237 Hemagiri 417
215, 219, 229, 237, 335; Guņādhya 357, 439 Hemasena 346
temple 346 guņana 216 Heramba 413
Išvaragitā 207, 210n, 458 Guņapāla 420, 422 Hermes 361
Itihăsa 13n, 362 Gunaratna 184, 219, 222f, 231 Heracles 104n
I-tsing 11, 129n Gunaratna Sūri 230
Herodas 88 guņas 237, 239, 446 Herodotus 93, 402n
Jābāla 92 guṇasthāna 254, 290
himsā 126, 203, 264, 324n Guņavrata. 263, 268f
Jābāli 54f Hinayānist 372f Gupti 293
Jābālisūtras 364 Hindu 133n, 331ff, 338, 349, Gargi inscription 184n, 339 357n, 361fi, 365, 404, 408
Jagaddhara 358 Gurjara (regimeat) 61, 96 Hinduism 350, 360, 363
Jaimini 89, 196 Gurjara-Pratibāra 395 Hippolytus 51
Jaiminiya Brāhmaṇa 384 Gyllis 88 Histories 165n
Jaiminfya doctrines 196f, 218,
241 Homer 133 Hoysalas 330, 351, 368, 370
Jaiminiyas 196, 217 Þajib 91n
Jainendra 142ff. Hrdayaśiva 338ff Hāla 438 Hrdayeśa 340
Jainism 18, 20f, 126, 1288, baṁsācāra 274 Hsüan-tsang 357n, 374
131ff, 206, 211, 246f, 253, Hamsasiddhāntadova 11 Hutāśana 431
260, 269f, 273, 276f, 284, 291, Hanukkah 'Rededication' 402
297, 316, 320, 326ff, 334, Hāra 67
I
346, 34Sf, 354, 371, 374, 381 Haraprabodha 39, 206, 208 Ibhacărin 454f
Jalakelivilāsa 27, 140 Haribhadra 43, 45ff, 55, 76, Ijyä 200, 202
Jalhapa 442 85f, 123, 126, 128, 147n, 184, Ikkeri chiefs 351
Jamadagni 7, 258, 408f, 436 222, 228, 230, 232, 244, 330, Ikşvāku 378
Janaka 384 358, 391, 408, 457
Indra 82, 84n, 141, 143, 145, Jānakiharana 439 Harihara 369
209, 259, 280, 313, 326, 398, janghācarikanāyaka 110 Harişeņa 7, 9, 50, 329, 430, 413, 437f; grammarian 442f Jannavakka 381 434n, 435n
Indra III, 85, 97, 117f, 371 japa 270, 272 Harisvămin 385 Indrabhūti 46
Jasaharacariü 3n, 6, 8n, 48ff Harivamsa 460 Indradatta 420
Jätakamälā 98, 403 Harivañíapurūna 180, 380, Indragomin 443
Jatāsimhanandi 331, 360p, 374, 386, 430, 435 Indranandin 6
463 Harşa 108, 118 Indrāpi 397
Jatilas 373 Harsacarita 53f, 108, 116, 232, Indravyākarana 443
Jayā 363 359, 391, 401 Indriyas 335
Jayadeva 20, 183 Harsanātha 240 Indumati 415
Jayadhavala 9 Hastāmalaka 456 Inherence 218
Jayamangala 403, 459 Hastināgapura 409, 424 Inspectors, The, 361
Jayanagara 121n Hastināpura 417f iśänasena 45
Jayanta 137, 221, 223, 226ff, Hastitāpasa 134 īsānansiva, Ācārya 337f
232, 242, 245, 336, 355, 389 Hastyāyurveda 455
Isänaśivagurudevapaddhati Jayarāma 329, 330n Haviryajñias 378
214, 229, 335n, 336, 342, Jayasimha I. 351 Hearers, the 372n
347, 398, 404f
Jayasimha II. 9, 347

Page #546

GENERAL INDEX
525
K
Jayasimha Siddharāja 345
kāmāsava 222 Jayavarman 417
Kāmasūtra 232, 403, 437, 457, Kadamba (dynasty) 379 Jedara Däsimayya 351
459, 462 Kādamba 367 Jesas 121, 132n, 133n,
Kambalāśvatara 231 Kādam baguhādhiväsin 340 Jewels (Three) 74ff, 251, 265ff, Kadambari 10, 53ff, 62, 232,
Kamboja 21 269f, 275ff, 283, 291, 307ff, 391, 440
Kämika 336 311, 314, 331 Kādambari 128, 391
Käminimohana 178n Jimūtavāhana 438 Kadārapinga 123, 4268
kāṁkşā 257f Jina 74, 89, 118, 262, 270ff. Kadavaka 179
Kämpilya 428 277, 279, 282, 288, 307ff, Kailasa 368, 370
Kaņāda 89, 185f, 213, 216n, 313, 330, 432 Kailāsasanihita 207n, 213n
217, 380 Jinacanda 444 Kaitabha 104
Kanakakušala 121n Jinadatta 77, 258, 4096 Kaivalya 194
Kanakamara 10, 179 Jinadharma 53 Kākandı 419, 428
Kanapa 104 Jinaprabhasūri 432 Kākutsthacarita 10
Kāñcanikā 428 Jinasena 9, 17, 295, 330 Kāku Vakrokti 85
Kandalavilāsa 38f Jinasena I. 380, 386, 430, 435 Kala 214, 235 Jinendrabhakta 414
Kankalt Tilā 432 kāla 147n, 335 Jinendrabuddhi 443 Kāla Bhairava 392n
Kannada 18n, 119n, 154n, 350 Jinendradatta 411 Kālāgni Śiva 80
Kaņñaki 375 Jiva 207, 246 Kālakavšksiya 110
Kantha 4392 Jivadayā 264
Kālāmukhas 234, 348, 350, 360 Kapäleśvara 359 Jivakacintamani 138n
Kälämukhi-Brahmacāri-sthana Kāpälika 22, 66, 23 4f, 240, 241, Jivānanda 441 348
252, 346, 350, 356ff, 376, 391, jivanmuktata 192 Kalasa 118
439 jfānabhakti 308 Kālasena 129
Kāpālikavrata 358 Jäänakarma-sam ucoayavāda Kālăsara 380, 424, 426
Kapălin 358 242 Kālayukta 2n
Kapila 89, 194, 227, 343f jfanamudrā 404f
Kalhaņa 106, 118, 345 Kāpilas 217, 241, 346 Jñānārnava 19, 175, 272, 277f, Kāli 128, 402
Kapileśvara 343f 280f, 292, 296, 304n Kali Age 154, 318
Kapiñjala 400 Jñanarnavatantra 218
Kālidāsa 327, 439; forest 415 Kapphinābhyudaya Mahākāvya jfānasakti 218, 235 Kāli Devi 3921
406 Jñānsamhita 207 Kalinga 21
Kappiya 124 jieyāvaraņa 220 Kalkā Bhawăni 393n
Karakandacariü 10, 179 Jonarāja 12 Kālkā Mātā 393n
Karäla 103 Jonas 118 Kalkin 370
Karālā 357, 391 Josephus 133 Kalla-Guļi 367
Kāraņa 234n Jşmbh aka 431 Kallața 363
Kārana 336 juhvaka 385 Kalpasūtra 442
Karavāla 104 jumbaka 385 Kalyanacandra 375
Karavālavira 94 Justin 130, 134 Kalyāṇamitra 40, 328
Kāravaṇamāhātmya 342, 343n Justinian 114 Kāma 103
Karhād plates 2, 8, 337f Jvālāmālint 6 Kamakatha 124
Karikalabha 27 Jvālāmālini-kalpa 6 Kamalādevi 367
Kāriri 377 Jyeşthă 175, 406 Kamalānārāyana 367
Karka 385 Jyotiḥ 214
Kamalasila 221, 223, 231 Karkaroni 341 Jyotiga Vedānga 326
Kamandaka 116, 445ff, 449, 454) Karkka 333

Page #547

526
YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE
Karma 46, 74, 76, 135, 146n,| Kautilya 101, 109f, 113, 116, Kojāgari Pūrņimā 403n 187, 190f, 193n, 195, 211, 445ff
Konnur inscription 333 219, 247, 250f, 255, 257, 273, Kavacaśiva 340
Kontgaļi temple 365, 369 275ff, 281, 285, 288, 290ff, Kavikalpadruma 442
Kotikal Mandapa 392 300ff, 313ff, 3341, 371 Kavikanthābharana 14
Krāthana 2006 Karman 187, 190, 360 Kavikovida 152
Krida 180 Karmandins 290 Kavikularāja 1
Kriyăcarya 336 Karmapriya 419 Kavikulasekhara 147
Kriyāśakti 210, 235 Karpa 61
Kavikusumāyudha 153 kriyāyoga 237 Karpāta 21
Kävya 82, 84;-lit. 4, 17, 198, Krodhini 111 Karpūramanjarī 355ff
54, 142, 165, 168, 171, 181, Krpa 61 Kārttikarāśi 344.
216, 439, 454; poetry 53, 139, Kępadharma 61 Karttikeya 295, 322
158, 164, 169, 177; prose 70; Kịpaņa 104 Kārupika-siddhāntins 234 style 20, 74, 79, 83, 86f, 182 Krşna 84, 171, 174, 249, 354n, kārugya 264 Kāvyādhyāya 439
364, 369, 438 Kārvān 343 Kävyālankāra 14
Krsna III 2, 5, 8, 337f Kirya 234n
Kävyamimamsā 13n, 218 Krşpabhūmi 364 Kāśa 46 Kävyānuśāsana 14
Krşņamiśra 242n, 356f Kāṣāya 288 Kāyārohaņa 342
Krşəarăjadeva 2, 6 Kāśikā 443 Kāyāvarohana 344
Krşņa-Rāya 379 Kāśīkunda 343n Käyāvatāra 342
Krşpavarman 1. 379 Kāśirāja 460 kāyotsarga 283n
Kętyā 52, 406 Katakādhipati 58 Kedära Matha 348
Krtyakalpataru 445, 447f Kātantra 442f Kekați 32, 442
Kşamākalyāna 50 Kāthaka 383 Keladi chiefs 351
kşapakaśreņi 290 Kāthaka-siddhāntins 234 Kerala 21
Ksatracūdāmaņi 9f, 296, 330 Kathākośa 9, 48n, 435 Keśavasvāmin 368
Ksatriya 316, 323, 329, 383 Kathānaka literature 136n, kerala 256
kṣāyika 255 408, 463 Kevalins 285
kşayopaśamika 255 Kathāsarilsāgara 49, 357f, 406, Khandanakhandakhādua 12 K şemaga urīśvara 118
431 Katyāyana 454
Ksemagupta 118 kha-nirvāṇa 233 Kātyāyana Srautasūtra 382ff Kharepatan plates 341
Kşemondra 14, 20, 150 Katyayani 34, 358, 391f, 398
kşemin 239 Khatvānga 394n Kaula 128, 241, 376 Kiliñjaka 29, 70
Ksetrapāla 332n Kaulācārya 355f Kimjalpa 427,
Kşirakadamba 424f Kaulas 204f, 242, 354ff Kirana 334n, 336
Kşirasvainin 440, 459
K'sirataranginī 440 Kiraņāvali 183, 227, 243 Kaulika 205 Kaumāri 397 Kirāta 28, 411
Kubera 26, 84 Kaumudi 402f, 423 kirita 142n
Kuberā 432 Kaumudījāgara 403 Kirtisähāra 28, 144
Kudlur plates 8, 86, 230 Kaumudīmitrānanda 358 Kirtivarman I. 366
Kula 395 Kauņapadanta 445 Kisuvolal 366
Kulācārya 204, 217, 357 Kauņdinya 199n, 2018, 203n, klesa 187, 190, 193, 222
Kulacüdāmaņilantra 204, 385n 236f, 238n, 239, 342 kleśāvarana 220
Kulärnavatantra 304f Kauruşa 344 Kodaņdamūrtanda 94
Kullūka 453 Kauruşya 343 Kodiya Matha 348
Kumāra 348, 439 Kausambi 420, 422 Kohala 31, 441
Kumāradāsa 439 Kausika 266n Kojāgara 403
Kumārapāla 293, 297, 346

Page #548

GENERAL INDEX
527 Kumărapălapratibodha 86,293, Lauhitya 456
Mahābhārata 6, 110, 144, 147, 297 Laukāyatikas 457
175, 430, 436, 445ff, 450, 460 Kumärila 12, 196, 225f, 243, la ukika 280, 332
Mahābhāsya 4438 245, 330, 389, 458 Legatio 96
Mahādeva 237f, 368 Kumbhodara 413 Leo 119
Mahādukkha-kkhandha Sutta Kumuda 32 Lilāvati 86
137n Kundakunda 18f, 247, 257, 272, linga 343, 349, 367, 394n. 435f Mahāganapati 238 277, 293, 308, 429f lingam 203
Mahājana 227 Kundali or Kundalini 214ff
Lingapurāna 342, 406 Mahākāla 203, 346, 380, 386, kuņdali-väyu-samcara 216 Lingāyats 349, 351, 371
391 Kuranga 103 Liud prand 96
Mahākāla Siva 80, 357 Kurral 138n Lokabhāvanā 304n
Mahākāli 394n Kurucandra 233 Lokām bikā 4
Mahākavis 439f Kurajāngala 417 lokamüdha 257f
Mahäkuśika 399 Kuśāgrapura 410 lokānupreksā 291, 295, 303
Mahālakṣmt 367 Kusika 343f Lokāyata 8, 115, 217f, 226,
Mahāmātra 90 Kushk Mahal 222n
230ff, 241
Mahāmoda 442 Kusumāñjalibodhani 226n, 242 Kusumapura 391 Lokāyatikas 2311, 355
Mahā navami 22, 97, 157, 3986 lokottara 280
Mahápäsu patas 241 Kusumävalt 23, 40f Kuvalayamālā 42, 86, 124, 329,1 Lopamudră 436
Mahāpurāņa 3, 6f Lucian 58n, 135n, 361
Mahāṣādhaka 90 391, 403
Mahā-sandhi-vigrahādhikrta Luit 456 kuyajana 203
106 M
Mahasena 10 labhas 201n, 235 Madanamañjari 358
Mahāśveta 55 Lad Khăn (temple) 365 Madanamati 40
māhātmya 238 Laksanavali 243 Madanārņava 104
Mahāvansa 99 Lakşma 349 Madanavarman 352
Mahāvastu 21n, 49n, 377 Lakşmaparāja 338ff Madapuruşa 407
Mahāvīra 134, 374f, 402 madas 257
Mahāviracarita 86 Lakşmidhara 445, 447, 458 Lakşmi-Näräyapa (temple) 354n Madhava 358
Mahávrata 241n, 358, Lākula 349f Madhukeśvara 346
Mahāvratas 263n Lākulāgama 349 Madhumategavamsa 340
Mahāvratikas 358, 360 Läkulāmnāya 349 Madhumati-pati 340
Mahayajñas 378 Läkula-samaya 349 Madhupingala 424, 430
Mahāyāna 232, 374, 438 Lākula-Siddhanta 348, 350 Madhvācārya 125, 215n
Mahāyānist 373 Läkulatantra 336 Madhyamaka 192, 241
Mahāyoginis 22, 56, 58, 396 Lakulin 240, 342ff Madhyamakakārikās 192
Mahendradeva 1
Mahendra-mātali-sumjalpa 1 Lakulića 240, 342, 349, 369 Mädhyamika 1921
Mahendrapala I and II 395n Lakuliśvara Pandita 349f madhyasthya 264
Mahendravarman 439 Lalita 258, 410 Madirākşi 104
Mahendravikramavarman 357n Lalitäditya 108 Magadhasundari 414
Maheśvara 203, 215, 218, 224, Lalitavistara 137, 359, 361, 374. Māgha 19, 116, 327, 439f
228, 237, 239, 347, 359, 431 438, 461 Mahābala 421f
Maheśvaradatta 358 Lambita 336
Mahābhairava 23, 56, 77, 356f, Maheśvaras 234, 345 Lampa 395
392n
Māheśvarī 397 lagoakhādaks 119n
Mahabhairavānuśāsana 357 Mahidhara 385, 387 Lao-tza 21n Mahābhairavi 356
Mahimnustotra 440n
ain Education International

Page #549

528
YAŠASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE
Mahinda 99 Manmathavinoda 104
Mayūra 439 Mahişamardinr 3940, 396 Manojakuõjara 27, 141 Measure for Measure 362n Mahişāsuramapdapa 393 maņķana 2017
Medapāta 344 Mahişāsura-mardini 369 Mantradiksā 336
Medea 104n Mahmud of Ghazni 433 mantras 203
Medhātithi 453 Mahmud Shah 122n Mantraväda 206
Meghacandra 444 Mahodadhi 242n Mantrin 371
Meghavāhana 125 Maitrāyani Sanhita 383 Mapu 109, 316, 322, 362, 338f, Metriche 88 maitri 264 7 426, 445, 450ff
Micyllus 135n Maitreya 344
Manuel Palaeologus 134 Mibrāb 365 Majjhimanikāya 69n, 137n, 1911 Manusmrti 436, 453
Milindapañha 1908, 222, 438n Makaradh vaja 39, 97; king 103 Māra 377
Milkmaid's Cave 367 Makaranda 358
Māradatta 21ff, 41ff, 71, 82, Mimāṁsā 225, 241, 243, 348, Mākuța 336
128f, 158, 178, 180, 205, 313n, 378, 389 Mala 334
357, 399
Mimārsā (theories) 227 Malakäpuram pillar inscription māraņa 406
Mimāsaka 134, 226, 241, 3895 341f Maranasamadhi 292ff
Mimiambi 88 Mālati 357 Mārasimha 8, 86, 230
Minucius Felix 134 Mālatimädhava 165, 357ff, 391, Marcus Aurelius 133
Mithyāśruti-vighātaka 360 403, 440 märga 256, 334
Mithyātva 251, 254f Malegitti-Sivālaya 366 Mārgaṇamalla 156
Mitraśarman 108 Mallavādin 375 Märgapāli 401
moha 190 Mallikārjuna 359, 369 Marici 412, 426
Moharājaparājaya 204, 360, 376 Mallinātha 455 Mārkaņda 437
Mokkhapāhuda 272 Mallişeņa 240, 244, 289, 346, Markandeyapurāna 398 Mokşa 192, 222f, 233ff, 242 379f Marutta 381
244f, 251, 277 Mallişena Prasasti 346 Massalians 202
mokşamārga 224 Mammața 13 Mātanga 409, 412, 426, 455
Moses 132 Mānadhanañjaya 152 Mätangacärin 455
Mothers, the, 22, 81, 397f manahparyaya 256 Matangalilā 455f
Mrgasena 420, 422 Manālara 123 Matha 337ff, 344f, 348, 359
Mrgavega 414 Manas 335 Mātharavrtti 194, 224, 230,
Mūdha 253, 257€ Mandana 186, 226, 243
379n, 386
mūdhadıști 257 mandana 200f Mathurā 416, 431ff
Mūdhatā 253, 257f, 260 mandaramudrā 280 Matisāgara 9, 346
mūdhatva 248 Māndhātā 353, 392n mātrā 32, 177ff
Mudrārākşasa 403 Mandodari 424
Mātrmaņdala 397 Mandris 88
Mugdhāngana-keli-kutūhala Mātrmedha 386 Manes 81, 260, 364, 316, 318, Matsyapurāna 146n, 147n, 430,
30, 150, 153, 321, 324, 372n
461
Mugthasila 372n Mangala 103 Mattamayūra 339ff
Mukhabimba 336 Manich aeism 372n Mattamayūranātha 340
mukhyaksara 272 Manikuņdalā 104
Mattavilāsaprahasana 241n, Mukta 239 Måņikyanandi 225
245, 3570, 439
mukti 235 Manimekhalai 217, 375 Mattebha vikridita 180
Mülācāra 292, 294 Mankhaka 12
Matter 193, 198, 210, 215, 250 Mūladeva 428, 438 Markhaliputra Gośälaka 375 Māyā 207, 334ff
Mūlādhāra 216 Man-Lion, the, 370
Mayaņāvayāra (Madanāvatära) Mülaguna 75, 262f, 283n, 285, Manmathamathana 38, 77 178
408
J

Page #550

GENERAL INDEX
529
Mülamadhyamaka-kärikäs 232 Nandi 203, 397
Nilakaộtheśvara temple 346, Mülasarvāstivādaikaśatakarm- Nändi 181
398n an 129n Nandisangha 9
Nilapata 440f Mulgund Inscription 442 Nanditādhya 178
Nilapatta 441 Mumuksuprakarana 145n Nandyävarta 270
Nimi 459 Muņdira 105 Nanna 7
Nimittādhyāya 327, 461 Municandra 128 Nars 454
Nimittaśäkhā 327 Munigupta 412f, 420
Närada 33, 62, 412, 434f, 380, nfrājana 407 Muninātha Chilluka 349
424ff, 430
nfrājană 271 Muñjārya Vādigha ghala Naramedha 386
Nirargada 377 Bbatta 6, 8, 11
Narasimha (I and II) 4 nirāśraya 222 Muslims 376 Narasimha 365, 367ff
Niravadyapaudita 443 Naraváhana 344
Nirbijikaraņa 214, 216 N
Nārāyana 364f, 368, 370, 438 Nirgrantha 217, 372, 375 Nábhigiri 415
Nārāyaṇa (poet) 439, 451 Nirjară 242 Nachor 135 nārāyaṇavali 365
Nirjarānuprekşā 291, 304 Nāda 209, 2146 Nārāyaṇi 391
nirmamatva 292 Nädijangha 436 Nārāyaṇiya 217
nirodha 188, 189n, 222 Nadića 103 Narendrasena 442
Nirukti 408 Nāgabhata II. 395n
Narmada 141, 353, 394n Nirvăņa 11, 190ff, 222, 244, 292, Nägacandra 86 Narmamāla 20
402 Nagarjuna 192, 1930, 232 narma-saciva 90
nirveda 255 Nägavardhana 359 pāstika 362
Nirvedajanani (dharmakathā) Nāgavarman 10
Nästikas 197, 230, 284, 373, 124 Nägeśvara 370
375
niskriya yoga 277 nagnabhāva 374 Nästikavādin 233
Niti 150, 445, 450 Nahuşa 21, 437 Nātha 344
Nitibphaspati 149, 317 naigama (naya ) 289 Näthu Bhil 392n
Nitinetra 151 nairātmya 1878, 220, 223 nātyaśālā 404
Nitisāra 116, 445ff, 449, 454 Nairatmya-bhāvanā 220f Natyaśāstra 181, 404, 439 Nitiśāstras 437, 44f, 4447ff, 451 Naisadhacarita L2, 81n, 181, Nauhaleśvara 338
Nitiśataka 145n, 441 183, 186n, 210n, 213n, 234f. navabhumikā 290
Nilivākyāmsta 1, 6, 104, 18,76, 2850, 363, 379, 398n, 435, Navarātra 399
93, 97f, 100f, 104ff, 109f, 115, 443, 451 Naya 289f
117, 119, 122, 440, 446ff, Naiskarmyasidelhi 224 Nāyakumāracariu 7, 8n
451, 454f, 459 Naiyāyikas 184, 218, 226ff, Nayanávali 43ff
nityatva 235f 233, 235, 241, 389 nayapaddhati 289
nivạtti 185, 247 Nakleśvara 343 Neelakesi 128, 131
niyama 269, 283 Nakulīša 342 Neith 402n
Niyamasāra 18, 258, 272 Nakuliśvara 350
Nemicandra 257, 291, 297 Niyati 335 Nala 21
Nemicandra Siddhāntacakra- Niyativada 375 Nalacampi 28n, 76, 85, 87, vartin 10, 86, 298
niyoga 388 358, 358, 360, 371 Nemideya 1,5
Nizami 91 Nāladiyar 138n Neminātha 18n
Nohalā 338 nämaksara 272 Nesoience 195
Nohaleśvara 338 Nanda 405, 406 Nicephorus Phocas 96
North Indian regiment 60, 96 Nandadevi 405 Nihívása 336
Nrga 21 Nandaka 48, 413 Nikumbha 413
Nrsimha 379 Nanda-tirtha 406
Nilakantha 4480, 4556 Nyäsa 443 67

Page #551

580
Nyaya-bindu-fika 375 Nyayakandal 185, 219, 243, padmasana 281 390, 457
Padmavati 332 Paduma 377
Parasara 343, 412, 444f, 438 Parāśaradharmasamhita 454n
Pagan cults 128n, 130, 132, 134; Parasurameśvara (temple) 346 deities 135 paravadimalla 11 paribhoga 283 Paricaya 14 Parigraha 267f
Nyayakumudacandra 10, 225 Nyayakusumanjali 228, 241ff, 249n, 373n, 378, 458 Nyayamañjarī 76, 137, 221, 223, 226, 227, 228f, 232f, 242f, 245, 336, 355, 389 Nyayasara 186, 228, 243 Nyayasatras 226 Nyaya system 218, 226, 289, 348 Nyaya theory 213, 227, 233f, 235n, 378 Pampa Bharata 86 Nyaya-Vaisesiks school 216n, Pampa-Ramayana 86 Pañcignisādhaka 288
241ff,
229, Pampa 4ff, 86, 330
226, 228, 241, 337, 389f
Palicagurubhakti 308, 311
YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE
Padmaratha 77, 258, 410, 435 paramjyotih 273 Paräntaka I. 2f, 345
Octavius 134
Omkara 280
Omkära Siva 392n
Païppa 175, 294 Pakayajñas 378
Pala 454
Nyayavārtika 226 Nyayavārtika tätparya-paritud Pañela 415, 428
Pañca Linga 347f
dhi 243 Nyayavartik tätparya-țikā 227 Nyayaviniscaya 225, 374n, 388, 363f, 430
459
Palakäpya 454 Palaki 454
Pallava 21, 357, 378, 394, 439 Pamarodara 29, 154, 441
Padmapada 216n
Padmaprabha 18 Padmapurana 359, 401f

Omkaresvara temple 346
On the Gods and the World 198 Pañcikäkara 242
Orosius 165n
Orphies 280
Otto the Great 96
P
437
Parivrajaka 358, 375 Parokya 289 Parsvagata 121
Pañcaratra 13n, 239, 241f, 342, Parsvanatha 240, 354, 433
Pārsvanathacarita 9f, 50, 399 Pärthaparakrama Vyayoga 118 Particularity 218
Parvata 122, 380f, 424ff, 430 paryagnikarana 382 paryayarthika 289f Paryusaniparvan 431 Pasa 334
Pasu 334
Pañcaratraśruti 363
Pañcaratropanijad 363 Pañcartha 240
Pañcartha-Lakulamnaya 240 Palicatantra 429n, 441, 445, 450, 452, 462
Pañcavimsa Brahmana 384
Pandita vaitandika 89, 155 Pandya 2, 121, 433 Panini 442f
Padalipta 124
Padartha 248, 251f
padastha dhyana 280
Paddhaḍiya 3300,
Paramāra 345, 354n
Paddhatika or Pajjhaṭika 179f paramātmā 273f
Paddhatis 203
Papiniya 348, 442
Papanatha 369
Paracakrapramardana 111 paralaukika 339
Paramahamsa 288
Padma 417f
Padma (vyaha) 445
paramavagadha 256.
Padma 87f, 136, 316, 426f, 431 parah-brahma 274 Padmacarita 7, 381, 384f
Padmahrada 431
Parikṣāmukhasutra 19 225
388, 457
Pariksit 444f
parinama 336
Partsahas 290
277
Parisamkhya 80
Parisigaparean 49, 408D, 431,

Pasupata 199, 201ff, 230n, 239, 241ff, 350
Päinpatas 184, 199, 200n, 201ff, 217, 219, 234, 242, 245f, 349f
Parmatmaprakäia 18, 272, 274, Patañjalas 241
Palupala Sutras 199n, 201, 203, 234n, 236f, 238n, 239, 342f
Pasupati 199, 219, 239 Pataliputra 391, 429, 434, 462
Patanjala (Yogafastra) 348 Patanjali 187, 209, 444, 457 Pati 334
Parameşthins 74ff, 269f, 272, Pätrakesaristotra 360 280, 287, 307f Parameśvara 219, 229 Paramesvara 336 Paramesvara-siddhanta 357
Patṭabandha 142n Pattadakal 366, 369 Pattada Kisuvolal 366 Paṭṭavardhana 111

Page #552

GENERAL INDEX
531
Pattopădhyaya 109
Prakaranapañcikā 226, 242 proşadhopasana 269 Paudanapura 424 Prakirņaka 13n, 288
Pșthaktvānupreksā 301 Paümacariu 7 Prakirņas 256, 285
prthaktvavitarka vicăra 276 Paurāņikas 241
Präkrit 6, 12, 20, 42n, 177ff, Pitbu 323 pauruşeya 388f
294f, 297, 308n, 325, 329, Pudgala 250f Pauskarā 363
330n, 430
pūjā 270 Pavanavegā 416 Prākrta Pingala 177ff
pūjāphala 270 pavatta 191
Prakrti 193f, 229, 251, 335 Pūjyapăda 11, 177, 252, 255, Pelion 165n
Pramāna-nayatattvālokālanka-! 265n, 274, 278, 291, 298, peşthästhāna 120 ra 221, 229
304n, 308, 309n, 4438 Persians 99 Pramāṇas 289
Pulaba 412, 454 Petrarch 176n
Pulakesin l. 379 Pramāņavāda 217 Pharisees 147n Pramāna-Vārtika 375
Pulakesin II. 359 Philostratus 125, 132 Pramāņavidyā 13n
Pulasti 412 Pingala 179, 412, 426 Prameyakamalamārtanda 10
Pulastya 454 Pinyakagandha 428
Puloman 412, 454 pramoda 264 Pippalada 380 Pranava.203, 214
Pundarika 105, 377 Pitrmedha 386 prāņāyāma 281
Pundarikākṣa 66 Pliny 263n prapañca 193, 206f
Punyakośa 384 Ponda 330
punyaślokas 143 Prapañcasāra 215n, 216n Pontius Pilate 133 Prapancasāratantra 215, 216n,
purākarma 270 Prabhācandra 10, 244, 308n,
404
purākrta 211 330, 429 praśama 248, 254, 292
Purandara 339, 415€ Prabhākara 448 Prasannapada 192
Puruhūta 127, 155, 434 Prābhākaras 242 Praśāntaśiva 339
Puruşa 193, 214, 335 Prābhākara school 226, 242
puruşakāra 106, 144, 147n Prasastapāda Bhāsya 127, 1850, Prabhākaravardhana 359 186, 219, 223, 227, 242f, 245,
Puruşamedha 377, 382, 386n, Prabhañjana 42, 50
377 Prabhāsakhanda 400
Pūrvarange 32, 97, 404 prastāvanā 270 Prabhāsaksetra 355
pūrvarangapūjä 404 Pratāpavardhana 26 prabhāvana 2577, 260
Purvas 256, 285 Pratikramaņa 283n
Paşpadanta 3, 6ff, 48ff, 71, 330 Prabhāvasiva 339
Pratimă 290 Prābhytas 18
Paspakadeva 418 pratipakşabhāvanā 137
Puspasena 9 Prabhudeva 351 pratityasamutpäda 192
Puşya 426f Prabodhacandrodaya 241 n, 242n pratyākhyāna 283n
Pūtika vāhana 416, 433f 245, 356f Pratyaksa 289
Pythagoras 125, 131n, 135n, prabodha-mangala-pāțhaka 144 pratyūha 137
198n Prabodhaśiva 184n, 339
Praudha.priyāpānganavot pala Pythagorians 131n pradaksiņa 200n
150, 154 pradeśa 251
Pravacanasāroddhāra 290n, pradhāva-dharani 90
297
Qualities 218 Pradyota 142n
Pravarasena I. 378 Pradyumna 120
Pravrājaka 358 Pradyumnacarita 10 pravrtti 247
Rabhasa Nandi 375 Prabladaka 417 preraka 210
Racobuka 1 Prahladanadeva 118 Priyadatta 410
Raddā 178n Prajāpati 460 Prodgüta 336
Rādhā 51, 364, 421, 438 Prajāpatismrti 454 Proşadha 2826
Rāga 190, 335
387

Page #553

532
Raghavabhatta 214ff, 404 Raghuvanisa 455
Rahamana 376
Rāhuseni 179n
Raibhya 449
Raivata 461
Rajadatta Thera 137 Rajadharma 106 Rajadhiraja I. 379
Rajaditya 2f Rajaguru 348 Rajaniti 445
454
Rajapura 395 Rajapurt 395
Rajaputra 455
Rajaraja 9, 394n
Rajarakṣā 106
rājasa (dāra) 285 Rajadastra 4461
Rajasekhara 13, 218, 355, 357,
439, 442
Rajasena 179n
YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE
rasayana 357 rūpagunanika 121 Rastrakita 2, 6, 8, 85, 89, 96f, Rapaka 182f, 295 117, 326, 330, 333, 337, 347, Rupasiddhi 10 351f, 354, 364, 367, 371, 377, ripastha-dhyāna 280
401
Rajanitiprakala 451
Rajanitiratnakara 445, 447, Ratnaprabha Süri 124, 329n, sabijadhyana 273
Sadananda 231
391n, 403n. Ratnafikhanda 427 Ratnadikhandin 38f
Sadasiva 187, 205f, 209, 212,
215, 249, 335, teacher; 340 Sadbhava Sambhu 341, 342 Saddharmapundarika 117, 232,
Rajasiddhantas 13
Rajasimhesvara temple 346 Rajasuya 377f, 383, 386f
Rajatarangini 106, 108, 117f,
125, 345, 395
Rajimat 434
Rajraje var (temple) 343 Raktā 48
Hama 370, 436
Rama (Parasurama) 370 Rama (Balarama) 370 Ramacandra 358
rangavali 28n
rangavalli 28 Ranna 10
Ranod inscription 339, 347
Rathanemi 434, 438
Raina 199f, 235, 240 Ratnakara 116
Ratnakarandakatrāvakācāra

429
Ratnamālā 19
Ratnapariksa 211, 460f Ratnaprabha 428
Ratnaṭikā 199 Raṭṭaraja 341 raudra 275
Raudradhyana 275 Raurava 336
Ravana 381, 437 Ravana-ka-kai 397
ravapasaka 317
Ravisena 7, 381, 384 Rebirth 135n
Repuka 4081, 436 Renunciation 138n
Revataka 24
Revati 260, 412f, 434 Revanta 461
Rāmadatta 402n, 423
Ramanuja 199, 234, 330, 350f Romapada 455f
Ramayana 381, 437 Rambha 236
Rallaka 73
rangapūjā 403f
rangarekha 28n
Righanemicaris 7 rjusūtra (naya) 289f Rohipi 121
Right Faith, Right Knowledge,
Right Conduct 256f, 259, Sahasrakūta (temple) 328, 411 269f, 408
Sahasrara 45
Saiddhanta Vaisegikas 184, 186, 217f
Rsabha Jina 121, 227 rucaka 356
Rudra 206, 209, 236, 238f, 249,
413
S
Sabaras 128f, 162, 252, 395 Sabari 391
sabda 289f Sabdabrahma 215 Sabdabrahmavada 242 Sabdanniasana 348, 442 Sabdargavacandrikā 444
Rudrabheda Tantras 336 Rudraksa 404 Rudra-Mahadevi 341 Rudrasambhu 340 rudra-sayujya 238

374f
Saddarianasamuccaya 184, 219, 2221, 228, 230, 232 Sadducees 147n, 197n sdgunya 446 Sadgunyaprastāva 446 Sadhaka 203, 238f
Sadhu 74f, 270, 283, 307, 329 Saduktikarnamṛta 441f. Sadyaskra 378
Sagara 380, 424, 426, 430 Sagaradatta 70, 428 Sagaradharma 289 Saharsa 336
Saiddhantikas 340
Sais 402n
Saiva 2, 9, 13n, 39, 134, 138, 184f, 203, 205ff, 213f, 216n, 217ff, 224ff, 228ff, 234f, 239ff, 244, 249f, 260, 284, 331, 336, 357n, 364, 366f, 369, 373, 406, 417, 439, 458 Saiva Tantra 336 Saivavāda 217 Saiva Yogins 214

Page #554

GENERAL INDEX
Saivism 128, 192, 205ff, 211f, Samgamesvara (temple) 346 217, 334, 336, 338, 340, 346f, sahgraha 2891 352, 364, 366, 369, 371, 392n, Samiti 293 458 Sajaka 437
Samjatatilaka 111
Sajjana 112f Sakata 445
Sakatayana (Jaina) 9 Sākaṭāyana 348
sakhoccheda 378
Sakta (Darlana) 218
Sakti 206ff, 213, 335, 392
224
Samkara Miśra 241n Samkararya 449 Samkaravarman 118 Samkarṣaṇasütras 364
Samkhya 8, 134, 1931, 217f, 220, 233, 235, 239ff, 289, 342, 348, 364
Sallustius 198n
Salvation 186ff, 194, 197, 201,
Samkhya doctrines 193, 229 204f, 216, 220, 233, 239, Samkhyakarikas 194, 224, 230,
247, 268, 309, 314, 323, 337, 355f, 374, 410, 417
samabhiradha 289f
samadhi 208
Salakapurugas 3
Silankayann 445
Śǎlihotra 27
Silikanatha 226, 242
sallekhana 287
samka 257ff sankalpa 127f Samkara 31, 231, 234, 239, 245, 330, 345, 377, 390, 456, Samkara Bhasya 231 Sakaracarya 224 Samkaramata (Saiva doctrine)
Sankhyasutras 186, 193 Samkhya-Yoga 239
Samkirpakatha 124 samksera 256 Sammatitarka 225 simmattaparakkama 291 samnidhapana 270 samsara 191f, 207 sanhsāra-bhāvanā 297
samastasamaya-siddhantavabo- Samsaramooak as 242
samadhisataka 272, 274 Samagayana 455
Samantabhadra 295, 429, 459
Samaraiccakaha 43, 48, 56, 85f, 123f, 128, 135, 233, 358, 391
Samarasimha 345 Samāsokti 183
dhana 184
samatva 292
samavaya 2131 samayadtpaka 2841
samayamüḍha 257f
Samaya-parikse 329n Samayas 217
samaya-samācāra-vidhi 269
Samayasara 247, 258, 2771 Samayasundara 442
samayika 269, 281f, 283, 307 samayin 284
Samba 394n
Sambandhaparik 375 Sambhinna-madamaryada 111 Samdeśarāsaka 178, 179n

386
Samkhyas 379
samsaranuprekṣā 291, 300 samsthanavicaya 276, 293 Samudragupta 378
Samvara 242, 293, 303 samhvaranuprekṣā 291, 303 Sathvega 255, 292 Sahvegajanani
tha) 124
Samyagdarlana 258 Samyaktva 41f, 246, 262, 327, 408, 429 samyaktvamithyatva 255 sanyama 288 Samyamadhara 26 sayoga 213 Samyuttanikaya 190
253ff,

Sanatkumarasamhita 206 Sandhivigraha lekhaka 108 Sandhivigrahin 32, 91ff, 107, 156
Sandilya 426 Sankhamathikadhipati 340 Sankhanaka 29f Sankhapura 411
Sankhayana Srautarstra 382ff Savnavati-prakarana 1 Santanika 336
Santarakṣita 2201, 225, 231, 327, 362
Santibhakti 308, 311 Santinatha 270 Santipurana 6 Saptapadarthi 185 Saradā 405
Saradatilaka 214ff, 404, 406
saraga 254
Saraha 374
Sarangadeva 344
mgraha 224 Sarvodgita 336 (Dharmaka-sasanahara 92
Sarastani-kaitava-kautuka 154 Sarasvati 32, 97, 157, 172, 2811, 307, 314, 400, 403ff; river 141
Sarasvatitudaga 156 Saraya 141
533
Sarojavajra 374
Sarvadarianasamgraha 19, 199
sarvajña 213
sarvåkṇaramantra 272 sarvalaghu 177 Sarvarthasiddhi 444 Sarvasadhu 290 Sarvavedanta-siddhantasärasa
sat 239
Satapatha Brahmana 382f, 385,
387
sathapratisathanyāya 52 satipatthana 137
Satornilus 132n
sattvadrati 220 Sättvika 230
sättvika (dāna) 255

Page #555

584
YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE
45
Saturninus 132n Simhakirtti 417
130f, 133ff, 137, 139, 160, Sātvata 363, 430 Simhala 21
159, 165, 168, 1761, 184ft, satya 236 Simhapura 423
192, 194ff, 199, 201, 203, Satyāśraya 341 Siinhasena 423
209, 212ff, 226, 228ff, 236, sauca 236 Simonides 165n
240f, 244ff, 280ff, 260ff, 369ff, saukhaśāyanika 144
Sipră 26f, 378, 73, 79, 81, 91, 276ff, 284f, 287ff, 295, 298, Saundarananda 457
163, 165, 169
308, 326ff, 346f, 354ff, 358, Saura (Darśana) 218 Sirisagrāma 420
360ff, 370f, 372n, 373, 375ff, Saurasena 419 Sitā 36, 436f
379ff, 386f, 389, 391ff, 395ff, Sautrāmaḥl 322, 377, 387, 418, Śiva 22f, 51, 58, 61f, 78, 80, 404f, 4078, 429, 431ff, 439ff, Sautrāntika 223, 241
82, 84, 93, 143, 158, 166, 184, 446ff, 461f Sāyaṇa 383, 385
187, 196, 199f, 2017, 202ff, Somanātha 345, 348 Scythian Kings 93
218, 224, 228f, 234, 239, Somaprabha 86, 293, 297 Secretum Secretorum 114f
249, 305, 319, 322, 328, 334ff, Somaprāsa 377 Sedulius 115
342ff, 346ff, 351ff, 360, 364, Somasambhu 341f Self 128, 136, 186, 188f, 193ff,
366ff, 393n, 397f, 413, 417, Somasambhupaddhati 341f 205, 2105, 215, 216n, 218,
435, 43£ff, 447
Somasiddhānta 336n, 357 220, 222, 229, 232ff, 2 Siva bhakti 208n.
Somasri 438 2508, 272ff, 281, 292, 2 Sivabheda Tantras 336
Somatantra 336 301ff, 305, 307f, 312, 3 Śivabhūti 424
Somayajsas 378 374, 456 Sivāditya 185
Someśvara I. 349, 442 Sivagapta 420 Septem Contra Thebas 105
Someśvara-pandita 349 Śivakoti 19, 295 Setnäth 352n
Sopa 141, 339 Sevai Jayasing 379
Sivapurāņa 206f, 208n, 210, Sophocles 104n Shakespeare 362n
213n, 214, 342, 458
Soul, the, 185, 210, 269, 271, Shivaji 359n Sivārya 48n, 293, 295,
303 Sibis 384 Śivaśarman 318
Spandakārikā 363 Sicilian court 91 Śivasiddhāntas 184n, 337
spandana 200 Siddha 237, 269f, 307
Śivaskandavarman 378 Spandapradipikā 363 Siddha 336 Sivasvāmin 406
Sphotasiddhi 243 Siddhabhakti 308 Śivatattva 214f
Sphotavada 243 Siddhāntas 184n Sivayogins 345, 351
Sphulinga 103 Siddhantikas 184n Skanda 399
Spring carnival 97 Siddharāma 351
Skandapurāņa 205, 355, 400, sraddhā 188 Siddharşi 9, 17, 85f, 124, 223,
Śrāddha 319, 360f, 451 225, 230, 241, 244, 395 skandhas 187, 189
śrávaka 284 śleşa 182 Siddhartha 2
Śråvakācāra 294, 296 ślokavārtika 225, 243, 245, 458 Śravaņa Belgola epitaph on, Siddhas 53, 74, 158 Siddhasena 265n, 293, 309n
Smaragdus 115
| 240, 346, 444 Siddhasena Süri 297 Smärta 377f, 390
Árauta 378, 382 Siddhasthana 339 Smārta rites 130
Srautasütras 382, 384 Siddhāyikä 332, 406
Smrti 13n, 18, 324, 362, 388, śrepika 414 Siddheśvara 368, 397
445, 449, 451, 453ff
Srt 329 siddhi 235, 237f, 357 Sodasin 378
Śrt-Basamayya 366 Siha 372 Somadatta 415f, 433
Śrībhāsya 234 Sikhāśiva 339f
Somadeva iff, 428, 46ff, 52, Áribhūti 7, 77, 119f, 122, 263n, Śikṣāvratas 263, 269, 2828 61f, 70, 74, 77ff, 83, 86ff, 91, 423, 430 Silappadikāram 334, 375 93, 96ff, 114ff, 123f, 126ff, śridatta 420ff
435

Page #556

GENERAL INDEX
585
Sridattă 423 Substances 218
Suşump. 216 Sridevi 431 Sudakşi á 79, 436
Sūta 383 Sridhara 185f, 219, 243, 390 Sudati 415
sa tacca-cintă 291 Śriharsa 12, 234, 363, 379, 435, Sadatta 22f, 39ff, 46, 54, 69, 71, Sūlagita 206n 443, 451
84, 106, 123, 134, 137f, 166f, Sūtasanihitā 205, 207, 2087, Grikantha-carita 12t
184, 189, 194, 196ff, 208, 213n, 215n
328, 364, 428, 442 Srikantha-paņdita 349
Sutlej 395 Śrīkumāra 336n, 458 suddhatattvas 215
sutra 256 Śrimati 421f Suddhavidyā 335
Sutrakrlãnga Sutra 134, 14õn, Sriparvata 359 Sūdra 202, 322, 331, 435
147n, 360 Sri-Teramvā 396 Sugatakirti 39, 188f
Suvira 414 Srf-Thakiņi etc. 396 Sugriva 51
Suvrata 454 śrigärada 200 Sujanaji vita 153
Svabhāvokti 181 Srngarasataka 441 Sukanāsa 54, 116, 461
Svådhyāya 288, 291 Sạnkhalayamaka 85 sukhāsana 281
Svāmikärtlikeyānuprekşd 291, Srotriya 287 śukla 275
295 Śrotriyakitava 58 Sukladhyāna 275ff, 289
Svapnādhyāya 461 Srutabhakti 308n
Sukra 120, 4448,449, 451, 454 Svăräjya 383 Sukra 417
Svastika 270 Śrutaderată 270, 281f, 314 Sukranitisdra 98, 445
Svastimatı 424 Srutamuni 444 Sūksma 336
Svayainbhu 7 Śrutaságara 9, 18f, 52n, 580, si
", sūkşmakriya-pratipāti 277 Svayambhu-chanda 7 77n, 8ln, 99, 110, 112, 119,s. 30. Sūktimuktavali 442
Svāyambhuva 336 126n, 136, 154n, 179, 205, Sukumara 435
Sveta 342 217, 289n, 290, 299, 305n, Sulasă 380f, 424
Svetāmbara (texts) 291 399, 407, 429, 434ff, 438, Sumitra 415
Svetāśvataropanişad 456 440f, 448, 451, 454 Śunahấepa 383, 387
Syadvāda 1, 282, 289, 308f, Ssu-fea 372 Śūnāsūkta 157
326 stambh ada 406 Sūnyatā 1926
Syädvādācalasimha 1 sthāpanā 270 Sünya theory 193
Syädvādamañjarī 289, 379 Sthapati 91, 383 Suparņas 433
Syadvádopanişad 5 Sthavirāvalicarita 408n Suparsva 121
Syena 355 sthavirayaja 384
Supārsvanātha 432 sthiti 235f, 251
Suprabhedaka 336 sthitikāra 257f, 260f Supreme Lord 244
Tadillatā 4261 Stotracatustayaţikā 19 Supreme Soul 244
Tadit 431 stāpas 253, 413, 416, 431ff supta-nirvāņa 233
Taila II. 341 Subandhu 7, 53ff, 124, 359n, śūra 118
Taittiriya Brāhmaṇa 382ff, 387 391, 420 Sūraña 283
Taittiriyasamhita 51n, 443 Subhacandra 19, 175, 272, 292f, Surästra 21
Tāmalipti 414 296, 304n Suratavilāsa 104
Tāmasa (dana) 285 Subhadhāma-jinālaya 5 Surendradatta 43, 45
Tamil regiment 59 Sureśvarācārya 224 Subhāşitaratnasandoha
Tamil Saiva saints 351 Sūri 417 146n, 296
Tāmrasvămin 118 sūri 285
Tandula-Veyaliya 175 Subhāṣitārņava 453 Sürya 414
Tāndya Brāhmana 383 Subhāşitävali 440, 442 Suryadarśana 218
Tanmā tras 335 Subhatasauhärda 58 Susruta 460
Tantrālchyāyikā 445, 450 Subhatavarman 354n Suśrutasamhitā 459f
Tantras 203, 215, 216, 336

Page #557

536
Tantravārtika 243 Threefold Lore 288 Tantric 22, 128, 204ff, 208, 214, Tiberius 133
354, 392, 396, 398, 406, 429 Tilakamañjarī 10
Tantricism 334, 392n
Tantrikas 204 Tāpa 200n tapas 235, 288
tapovana 339
Tarangavati 124
Tarakelvara (temple) 316 Taricara-nara 97
YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE
Tarkas 218
Tarkikacakravartin 1, 10 Tarkika-Vaiseṣikas 184ff, 217 Tarupi-la-vilása 150f, 181 Tathāgatah 217
Tatian 130, 132n Tatparyatika 228, 243 Tattvaprakäia 208n, 214n, 334, 335, 336, 458 Tattvärthadhigamasutra 251, 265, 2770, 309n Tattvärtharaja vārtikālamhära
459
225, 231, 241, 380 Tattvärthasutra 252, 255, 275, 291, 298, 304n, 444
Terambipala 340
Tertullian 99, 130, 132 The Dream, or the Cock
Uddhatankusa 111 Uddiştatyaga-pratimă 290 Uddyotakara 226 Uddyotana 329, 391
Tilottama 249
Tirhut or Tairabhukta regi- Uddyotanasüri 42f, 86, 124, 403
ment 60, 96 Tirtha 451 Tirthakalpa 432
Tirthakara 212f
Tirthankara 6, 121, 212, 248, 254, 236, 269, 270, 326, 317, 352, 410, 413 Tirthamkara Aranatha 432 Tirthikas 372 Tirthopisana 80 Tortoise, the 370 Trachiniae 104n Traikuṭaka 378 215, Trailokya 12
Tattvarthailokavārtika 9, 221, Trikamata 2041, 217

Trailokyeivara 369 76n, Trajan 263n Trayi 288
Tribhuvana Svayambhu 7 Tridasa 31, 441
Trikändaieja 403n
257, Trikātesvara (temple) 405 306n, trimurti 360
tattvas 254, 335
Trimurti Temple 392 Tripitaka 462
Tattvasamgraha 2201, 223, 225, Tripurantaka 344
327, 362
Tautātitas 242
214, Unmadayanti 403 318n, upadesa 256
290
Upayasarvajaa 147 Urva 439f
Urva 440
Uśanas 445
Trisagisalakäpurusacarita 142n, Utpala 192, 363
Trisula-bhairava 94
Trivikrama 85ff
58n, Trivikrama Bhatta 360, 371 tṛṣṇă 222
Tadiga 3 Tutatita 12
135n
Theophrastus 71
Theoderic the Great 114n The Questions of King Milinda 190, 191, 222n
Theragatha 130, 137 Therapeutae 131n
The Seven Books of Arnobius uccaṭana 406 Adversus Gentes 130n ucchedavada 232n
Thousand Spires (Temple of) Udayagiri 27
39f
Udayana 49, 185, 219, 226ff, Three Prose Versions of the 240ff, 245, 330, 373, 378, 458 Secreta Secretorum 114n Udayavira 399
U
Uditacārya 343f Ugracanda 400
Ugrasena 123, 426ff Ukthya 378
Ubhaya-kavi-cakravartin 6

Upadhyaya 74, 269, 290, 307 Upadhyayika 429, 438 upagüha 260
apagahana 2571
Upakoś 431, 437 Upamita 3438 Upamitesvara 3431 Upamitibhavaprapañcā-kathā
9, 16, 17, 85f, 124, 223, 225, 230, 241, 244, 395 Upanisad 448 Upanisads 456 Uparicara 430 upalama 290
Upasakadhyayans 246 upaya 201
Utpreksa 80, 288 Utpreksavallabha 181 Utsavva 440
Uttama Gunas 294 Uttama-kşama 294 Uttama-Mardava 294
Uttaradayayanasutra 256, 291,
434
Uttara-guna 75, 2621, 283, 285 Uttaramathura 433
Uttarapurana 9 Uvata 387
V
Vacanasastras 350f Vacaspati 226ff, 234, 390

Page #558

Vacaspatimidra 457 Vacchagotta 191
Vaddhali 454
Vadhaka 48
Vadibha-pañolnana 1, 10 Vadibhasimha 9ff, 296, 330 Vadideva 244
Vadideva Süri 221, 223, 229 Vadighanghals 8, 11 Vadigharatta 11
Vadikolahala 11
Vadiräja 9ff, 50, 330, 346, 348 Vadi-Rudragupa 9, 347, 349 Vadi-Rudraguna Lakulisvara
Papdita 347
Vadyagaraja 4
Vidyaraja 4
Vägaraja 3f Vägbhata 14, 459
Vägviduddha 238
Vahali 454
Vaibhasika 241 Vaidyanatha 338f Vaidyavidyavilāsa 112 Vaikunthamati 110 vairagya 138, 202, 292 Vaiśālākṣa 447
Vaisali 372
Vaiseṣika Sutras 127
Valdesika system 185f, 217ff, 241, 289, 337, 348, Vaidesika theory 216n Vaisesika thinkers 184, 187,
219, 233, 235
Vaisnava Darśana 218 Vaisnavas 241
Vaisnavavada 217
Vaisnavi 397
Vaisnavism 351f, 363f, 366ff,
371
Vaisvadeva 333, 377
Vaitana (Śrautasutra) 382 Vaivasvata Manu 453
vaiyavṛtya 262 Vajapeya 377ff
Vajasaneyisathhica 382, 385,
387
Vajivinodamakaranda 27 Vajra 445
68

GENERAL INDEX
Vajrakumara 78, 261, 4151, Vasistha 322, 362, 436 Valitha Yogatästra 456
431, 434 Vakataka 378
Vakkallola-payonidhi 1 Vakpati 391, 455 Vakrokti 181
Vākula 336
Vākvali 455
Valabbi 419
Valkaleśvara Matha 337f Vallabhadeva 440 Vallabhanarendradeva 8 Vallabharaja 8
Valmikimuni 349 Valmikirasi 344
Vama Marga 206, 208, 334, 354, Vattakers 294
371, 392n
Vamana 365, 367, 369f
Vamanapurana 402, 437 Vamasakti Pandita 348, 350 vandana 283n
Vangt 99
Varadamudra 404f
Varaha-Perumal (temple) 370 212f, Varsha Temple 393 378,
Varahi 397
Vārāhi
Varadaraja 241, 242, 249 Varadattasuta Anartiya 385 Varaha 365, 367, 369f, 435 Varahamandapa 392f Varahamihira 327
463
Vararuci 431, 437, 441 Vardhamana 77n Vardhamanacarita 10
Varisena 169, 261, 414 Varisthaka 110
Varpa 178, 180
Vasisthiputra Cantamala I. 378 Vasu 104, 380, 408, 424f, 430 Vasubhaga 441
Vasudeva 239, 364n, 413, 432 Vasuderahindi 124, 135, 233, 380, 430 Vasumatitilaka 111
Vasupajya 410, 435
vāsa 201n
Vasantamati 104
Vasantika 28, 35
Vasavadatta 54f, 359, 391 Vasavasena 50
vadya 406
Vātūla 336
vätaalya 2571, 2601 Vatsaraja 50
Vedas 189, 226ff, 239, 253, 288, 318, 320, 327, 348, 355, 362, 371, 372n, 380ff, 388ff, 417f Vedavada 128, 217 Vardagacarita 331, 360f, 374, Veda-Velvi 333
Velvi 333
Venisahara 439

Vatayayana 226, 232, 403, 457, 459, 462
587
Vayaviyasamhita 207, 208, 210, 214, 342 Vayu 216
Vayupurana 218, 342, 457 Vedanta 224, 241f, 273 Vedanta doctrines 195, 456 Vedanta-Sutras 199, 231, 234,
239, 245, 345, 377, 390 Vedantavadins 217, 224 Vedantins 195, 217, 241, 379 Vedantists 242
Venugopalasvamin 368 vicikitsa 257 f Vidagdhamugdha 151 Vidhi 200, 201, 234 vidhi 388
Varnasrama 227, 390
Varupa (King of Mathura) 412, Vidura 451
434
vidhikriya 201 Vidhiviveka 226, 243
Viduraniti 451
Vidügaka 357
vidvesa 406 Vidya 215, 335 Vidyadhara 22, 38ff, 75, 77, 82, 157, 309, 358, 411ff, 416, 438n

Page #559

538
YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE
Vidyāmahodadhi 144f
Virasaivism 346, 348, 350f Vșttavilāsa 329 Vidyananda 9, 19, 218, 221, viräsana 281
vyaktācāra 201 2244, 225, 231, 241, 244 Virasena 9, 17, 330
Vyāsa 104, 322, 362, 379f, 439, Vidyānandi 380 Vira-Someśvara 368
449 Vidyeśvarasamhita 208n, 458
Virāțeśvara (temple) 346 Vyasabhāsya 458 Vidyatprabha 409 Viravati 49
vyavahāra (naya) 289f Viroca na 13n, 75, 412
Vyomaśiva 219, 223, 228, 242, Vihāra 118 Virodhābhāsa 80
245, 310, 317 Vijaya 336 Virūpākşa 368f
Vyomavati 243 Vijayă Daśami 400n ViPage #560

GENERAL INDEX
539
396ff, 400ff, 404ff, 431ff, Yasodharacarita 5, 10, 42, 50 Yogasūtra Bhāsya 227 438f, 447ff, 456, 459, 463; Yaśodhara-mahārāja-carita 1, 5 Yogasūtras 186, 193, 212, 226, prose extracts 58-64, 66-77; Yasodhvaja 414, 422
4571 popular maxims 76-77; use of Yasomati 23, 348, 37ff, 67, 328 Yoga system 187, 239 similes etc. 78-85; mixture of Yasorgha 26, 41, 71, 78ff, 140, Yoguvāśistha 145, 147n prose and verse 85-88; court 168, 293
Yogeśvari 400 life 89-98; duties and qualifi- Yasovardhana 46
Yogibhakti 308n cations of officials 137-110. Yasovarman 108, 352, 391 Yogin 273, 277, 293, 356 Yasodeva 1, 5 Yatyåśrama 339
Yogindu 272, 274, 277 Yasodhara 1, 7, 12, 23, 26ff, Yandheya 395
Yogindudeva 18 32ff, 41ff, 45ff, 55, 57, 59, 61, Yanga dogtrine 213
Yoginis 396f 64, 678, 78f, 82, 85, 88, 92, Yaugas 216n
Yogiśvara 356 95, 97, 104ff, 116ff, 123, Yoga 13n, 223, 226, 234n, 237f, Yonimudrā 204 125f, 130ff, 136, 138ff, 143, 247, 251, 275, 285, 296, 336 Yuan Chwang 373, 391, 395 149f, 156, 159, 164, 169, 182, Yogãoära 241
Yuddhamalla I, II and III. 4 241, 246, 298, 316ff, 328, 362, Yogācāryas 342
Yuklicirtāmaņistava 1 377, 380f, 398, 408, 436ff, Yogaja 336
Yuklicintamanisūtra 1 440, 444f, 449, 454f, 457, Yogaśästra 175, 240, 255, 266n, Yuvarăjadeva I. 338f, 341, 460f
270n, 292, 297, 356, 361, 342n Yasod hară 43, 45 1373, 386, 452
Yuvarăjadeya II. 337

Page #561

Errata
Page
Line
28
meant Yesomati text colour gold
sun
130
133
Read meet Yasomati the text colour of gold the sun résume which attendants ornaments are person Ante-nicene detail Kidd Sarayū concepts succinct Sättvika form the tenets the ideal all works divests men's attempts the poets temples Aptamīmāsā Atmānusāsana Adityamata
141 214 221 230 259 262 264 273 276
résumé whith attendents ornments aer pereson Ante-nicen deatail Kid Sarayū ooncepts succint ......... from tenets ideal all good words diverts man's attempt poets temple Apta. Atmā. Aditya....
295
327 353

Page #562

JĪVARĀJA JAINA GRANTHAMĀLĀ
General Editors:
Dr. A. N. Upadhye & Dr. H. L. Jain
1. Tiloyapanṇatti of Yativṛgabha (Part I, chapters 1-4): An Ancient Prakrit Text dealing with Jaina Cosmography, Dogmatics etc. Prakrit Text authentically edited for the first time with the Various Readings, Preface and Hindi Paraphrase of Pt. Balachandra by Drs. A.N. Upadhye and H. L. Jain. Published by Jaina Samskrti Samrakçaka Samhgha, Sholapur (India). Crown 8vo pp. 6-38-532. Sholapur 1943, Price Rs. 12.00. Second Edition, Sholapur 1956. Price Rs. 16-00.
1. Tiloyapannatti of Yativṛsabha (Part II, Chapters 5-9): As above, with Introductions in English and Hindi, with an alphabetical index of Gathas, with other indices (of Names of works mentioned, of Geographical Terms, of Proper Names, of Technical Terms, of Differences in Tradition of Karanasatras and of Technical Terms compared) and Tables ( of Naraka-Jiva, Bhavana-väst Deva, Kulakaras, Bhavana Indras, Six Kulaparvatas, Seven Kṣetras, Twenty-four Tirthakaras: Age of the Šalakapurusas, Twelve Cakravartins, Nine Narayaņas, Nine Pratiŝatrus, Nine Baladevas, Eleven Rudras, Twenty-eight Nakṣatras, Eleven Kalpatita, Twelve Indras, Twelve Kalpas and Twenty Prarūpaņas). Crown Octavo pp. 6-14-108-529 to 1032, Sholapur 1951. Price Rs. 16.00.
2. Yasastilaka and Indian Culture, or Somadeva's Yagastilaka and Aspects of Jainism and Indian Thought and Culture in the Tenth Century, by Professor K.K. Handiqui, Vice-Chancellor, Gauhati University, Assam, with Four Appendices, Index of Geographical Names and General Index. Published by J. S. S. Sangha, Sholapur. Crown Octavo pp. 8-540. Sholapur 1949. Price R. 16-00. Second Edition, Sholapur 1968, Price Rs. 25-00
3. Pandavapuraṇam of Subhacandra: A Sanskrit Text dealing with the Pandava. Tale. Authentically edited with Various Readings, Hindi Paraphrase, Introduction in Hindi etc. by Pt. Jinadas. Published by J. S. S. Sangha, Sholapur. Crown Octavo pp. 4-40-8-520. Sholapur 1954. Price Rs. 12-00.
Praktta-sabdanusasanam of Trivikrama with his own commentary: Critically Edited with Various Readings, an Introduction and Seven Appendices (1. Trivikrama's Sūtras; 2. Alphabetical index of the Sutras; 3. Metrical Version of the Satrapatha; 4. Index of Apabhrashsa Stanzas: 5. Index of Desya words; 6. Index of Dhatvadesas, Sanskrit to Prakrit and vice versa; 7. Bharata's Verses on Prakrit)

Page #563

YASASTILAKA AND INDIAN CULTURE
by Dr. P. L. Vaidya, Director, Mithila Institute, Darbhanga, Published by the J.S.S. Sangha, Sholapur. Demy 8vo. pp. 44-478. Sholapur 1957. Price Rs. 10.00.
542
5. Siddhanta-sarasamgraha of Narendrasena: A Sanskrit Text dealing with Seven Tattvas of Jainism. Authentically Edited for the first time with Various Readings and Hindi Translation by Pt. JINADAS P. PHADKULE. Published by the J.S.S. Sangha, Sholapur. Crown Octavo pp. about 300. Sholapur 1957. Price Rs. 10.00.
6. Jainism in South India and Hyderabad Epigraphs: A learned and well-documented Dissertation on the career of Jainism in the South, especially in the areas in which Kannada, Tamil and Telugu Languages are spoken, by P. B. DESAI, M.A. Assistant Superintendent for Epigraphy, Ootacamund. Some Kannada Inscriptions from the areas of the former Hyderabad State and round about are edited here for the first time both in Roman and Devanagari characters, along with their critical study in English and Saranuvada in Hindi. Equipped with a list of Inscriptions edited, a General Index and a number of illustrations. Published by the J.S.S. Sangha, Sholapur 1957. Crown Octavo pp. 16-456. Price Rs. 16.00.
7. Jambudivapannatti-Samgaha of Padmanandi: A Prakrit Text dealing with Jaina Geography. Authentically edited for the first time by Drs.A.N. UPADHYE and H. L. JAINA, with the Hindr Anuvada of Pt. BALACHANDRA. The introduction institutes a careful study of the Text and its allied works. There is an Essay in Hindi on the Mathematics of the Tiloyapannatti by Prof. LAKSHMICHANDA JAIN, Jabalpur. Equipped with an Index of Gathas, of Geographical Terms and of Technical Terms, and with additional Variants of Amera Ms. Published by the J.S.S. Sangha, Sholapur. Crown Octavo pp. about 500. Sholapur 1957. Price Rs.16.00
8. Bhattaraka-sampradaya: A History of the Bhattaraka Pithas especially of Western India, Gujarat, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, based on Epigraphical, Literary and Traditional sources, extensively reproduced and suitably interpreted, by Prof. V. JOHRAPURKAR, M.A., Nagpur. Published by the J. S. S. Sangh, Sholapur, Demy Octavo pp. 14-29-326, Sholapur 1960. Price Rs. 8.00.
9. Prabhṛtādisamgraha: This is a presentation of topic-wise discussions compiled from the works of Kundakunda, the Samayasara being fully given. Edited with Introduction in Hindi by Pt. KAILASHCHANDRA SHASTRI, Varanasi. Published by the J. S. S. Sangha, Sholapur. Demy 8vo. pp. 10-106/0-288, Sholapur 1960. Price Rs. 6-00.
10.
Pañcavimsati of Padmanandi: (c. 1136 A. D. ). This is a collection of 26 Prakaranas (24 in Sanskrit and 2 in Prakrit) small and big, dealing with various religious topics; religious, spiritual, ethical, didactic, hymnal and ritualistic. The text along with an anonymous commentary critically edited by Dr. A. N. UPADHYE and

Page #564

JIVARAJA JAINA GRANTHAMALA
543
Dr. H. L., Jain with the Hindi Anuvada of Pt. BALACHANDA SHASTRI. The edition is equipped with a detailed introduction shedding light on the various aspects of the work and personality of the author both in English and Hindi. There are useful Indices. Printed in the N. S. Press, Bombay, Crown Octavo pp. 8-64-284. Sholapur 1962. Price Rs. 10/
11. Atmānušāsana of Guņabhadra ( middle of the 9th century A.D.): This is a religio-didactic anthology in elegant Sanskrit verses composed by Guņabhadra, the pupil of Jinasena, the teacher of Rāştrakūța Amoghavarşa. The Text is critically edited along with the Sanskrit commentary of Prabhācandra and a new Hindi Anuvada by Dr. A. N. UPADHYE, Dr. H, L. JAIN and Pt. BALACHANDRA SHASTRI. The edition is equipped with introduction in English and Hindi and some useful Indices. Demy 8vo. pp. 8-112-260, Sholapur 1961. Price Rs. 5.00.
12. Ganitasārasamgraha of Mahavīrācārya (c. 9th century A. D.): This is an important treatise in Sanskrit on early Indian mathematics composed in an elegant style with a practical approach. Edited with Hindi Translation by Prof. L. C. JAIN, M.Sc., Jabalpur. Crown Octavo pp. 16+34+282+86, Sholapur 1963. Price Rs. 12.00,
13. Lakavibhaga of Simhasūri : A Sanskrit digest of a missing ancient Prakrit text dealing with Jaina cosmography. Edited for the first time with Hindi Translation by Pt. BALACHANDRA SHASTRI. Crown Octavo pp. 8-52-256, Sholapur 1962. Price Rs. 10.00.
14. Punyásrava-kathākośa of Ramacandra: It is a collection of religious stories in simple and popular Sanskrit. The text authentically edited by Dr. A. N. UPADHYE and Dr. H. L. JAIN with the Hindi Anuvada of Pr. BALACHANDRA SHASTRI. Crown Octavo pp. 48 + 368. Sholapur 1964. Price Rs. 10.00.
15. Jainism in Rajasthan: This is a dissertation on Jainas and Jainism in Rajasthan and round about area from early times to the present day, based on epigraphical, literary and traditional sources by Dr. KAILASHCHANDRA JAIN, Ajmer. Crown Octavo pp. 8 + 284, Sholapur 1963. Price Rs. 11.00.
16. Visvatattva-Prakāśa of Bhāvasena (13th century A.D.): It is a treatise on Nyaya. Edited with a Hindi Summary and Introduction in which is given an authentic Review of Jaina Nyaya literature by Dr. V. P. Johrapurkar, Nagpur. Demy Octavo pp. 16+115+372, Sholapur 1964. Price Rs. 12.00.
17. Tirtha-vandana-samgraha: A compilation and study of Extracts in Sanskrit, Prakrit and Modern Indian Languages from Ancient and Medieval Works of Forty Authors about (Digambara) Jaina Holy Places, by Dr. V. P. JOHRAPURKAR, Jaora. Demy Octavo pp. 12+216, Sholapur 1965. Price Rs. 5.00.

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18. Pramāprameya: A Treatise on Logical Topics by Bhāvasena Traividya. Authentically Edited with Hindi Translation, Notes etc. by Dr. V. P. JOHRAPURKAR, Mandla. Demy Octavo pp. 158. Sholapur 1966. Price Rs. 5.00.
19. Ethical Doctrines in Jainism : An Exhaustive Study of Jaina Ethics, that is, the Jaina Ācāra-dharma, as prescribed for the Monk and the Householder, with a good deal of light shed on its metaphysical basis and mystical implications by Dr. K. C. SOGANI, Crown Octavo pp. 16-302, Sholapur 1967. Price Rs. 12.00.
WORKS IN PREPARATION Subhāşita-samdoha. Dharma-parīkņā, Jñānārņava, Dharmaratnakara, Jaina View of Life, Candraprabhacarita, etc. For copies write to:
Jaina Sanskệti Samrakshaka Sangha, SANTOSH BHAVAN, Phaltan Galli,
Sholapur (C. Rly.) India.

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Posunyanpursunymsunymsunformonymsil डॉ. आदिनाथ उपाध्ये व डॉ. हिरालाल जैन Musiasis.sis.sim-sssssssssssssss- swim-star-s-ssss- swa द्वारा सम्पादित अन्य ग्रंथ (डॉ. उपाध्ये द्वारा संपादित) पंचसुत्त : डॉ. वैद्य, पूना. प्रवचनसार : रायचंद्र जैन शास्त्रमाला, बम्बई. परमात्मप्रकाश व योगसार : रायचंद्र जैन शास्त्रमाला, बम्बई. वाराङ्गचरित : मा. दि. जैन ग्रंथमाला, बम्बई. कंसवहो : हिं. ग्रं. र. कार्यालय, बम्बई. उसाणिरुद्धं : बम्बई युनिवर्सिटी जर्नल, 1941. बृहत्कथाकोश : सिंघी जैन ग्रंथमाला, बम्बई. चन्द्रलेखा (सट्टक) : भारतीय विद्या भवन, बम्बई. लीलावई (काव्य) : सिंघी जैन ग्रंथमाला, बम्बई. (डॉ. हिरालाल जैन द्वारा संपादित) छक्खंडागमो (भाग 1-16) : जै. सा. उ. फंड, अमरावती. णायकुमारचरिउ : देवेंद्रकीति जैन ग्रंथमाला, कारंजा. करकंडचरिउ : कारंजा जैन सीरीज, कारंजा. सावयधम्मदोहा : कारंजा जैन सीरीज, कारंजा. पाहुडदोहा : कारंजा जैन सीरीज, कारंजा. जैन शिलालेख संग्रह : मा. दिः जै. ग्रंथमाला, बम्बई. जैन इतिहासको पूर्वपीठिका : हिं. ग्रंथ र. कार्यालय, बम्बई. um-sax-sex-sines-so-s -su-smr-s-sssam-sar Ismssasur-show-si.sssssssssssssssssssmasmissiwsiml L Ja m al www.jainelibrary org