Sacred Literature of Jains

Author(s): Ganeshchandra Lalwani, Satyaranjan Banerjee
Publisher: Jain Bhawan
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/006969/1

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Albrecht Weber's
Sacred Literature of the Jains
[An account of the Jaina Āgamas)
Edited by Ganesh Chandra Lalwani • Former Editor, Jain Journal,
and Professor Satya Ranjan Banerjee Quondam Professor of Linguistics,
Calcutta University.
Il ta nag II Jain Bhawan P-25 Kalakar Street Calcutta-700 007

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Published The Secretary, Jain Bhawan, P-25- Kalakar Street Calcutta, 700 27
Edition : July 1999
Price : Rupees One hundred only.
Printed by Shri Bhagchandra Surana Surana Printing Works 205 Rabindra Sarani Calcutta-700 007

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PREFACE
The study of Jainism was started sometime in the early part of the 19th c. Though the study of Jainism was not as such started with the Jaina agama texts, the early part was more or less connected with the general studies of Jainism without any particular reference to any Jaina āgama texts. In fact, the word Prakrit was known to the European world from 1789 when Sir William Jones' translation of Sakuntalā appeared with a caption on the title page 'translated from the original Sanskrit and Prakrit'. Though the word Prakrit was used in the last decade of the 18th e., Europe did not know any facts about Prakrit before 1801 when Colebrooke's article on the Prakrit language came out. It was Colebrooke who, for the first time, as far as we know, focused some aspects of Prakrit. Though some of his statements, we may now find something queer, at that time it roused the feelings of scholars about Prakrit. His next article on Prakrit Poetry appeared in 1808, where his main focus was on Gathāsaptasati, Setubandha, Gaudavaha and some other similar Prakrit Poetry. In 1832 Colebrook's Sketch of the Religious sects of the Hindus (cf. his Eassys, Vol. I p. 280f) appeared, where the Jain sects were also discussed. However, after a long time, Rev. J. Stevenson's translation of the Kalpasūtra along with the Navatattva (nine principles of Jainism) appeared in 1848. After a few years, Weber's fragments of the Bhagavatīsūtra came out in 1865-66 and the text was so beautifully edited that it evoked inspiration of the scholarly world. It was at that time Weber was also working on the Jaina manuscripts preserved in the library of the Royal Academy. The Jaina agama texts were preserved there and Weber started thoroughly scrutinising the manuscripts and prepared a descriptive catalogue of the manuscripts of the Royal Academy. The outcome of his labour was the Sacred Literature of the Jains. Originally the Sacred Literature of the Jains was published in German under the title Über die heiligan Schriften der Jainas in his Indische Studien, Vol. 16 (1883) pp. 211-479 and Vol. 17 (1885), pp. 1-90 containing about 358 pages of double demise size. The whole book was translated into English by H.W. Smyth in the Indian Antiquary from Vols. XVII upto XXI, 1888-1892; i.e. XVII (279-292, 339-345), XVIII (181-184, 369-378), XIX (62-70), XX (18-29, 174-182, 365-376), XXI (14-23, 106113, 177-185, 210-215, 327-341, 369-373). The basis of Weber's writing the history of the Jains was Georg Bühler's collection of the Jaina manuscripts. Georg Bühler was the first man who opened up the rich treasures of the Jaina libraries. In the years 1873-1878 Bühler acquired

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a large collection of the Jaina manuscripts for the Royal Library at Berlin. This collection was the basis of the first comprehensive and epoch-making accounts of the literature of the Jains by Weber. Weber's book was also the basis of later writers like E. Windisch, A. Guérinot, Helmuth von Glasenapp and others. U.D. Barodia's book, History and Literature of Jainism, Bombay, 1909, has little value for the history of Jain literature.
As far as I know this English version of Weber's Jaina Literature did not see the light of the day in a book form, though Hermann Jacobi in his introduction to the translation of the Uttarādhyayanasūtra published in the Sacred Books of the East series Vol. XLV (1895) said that the reprint of this article was published separately in a book form from Bombay in 1893.. As I have not personally seen the book in any library, sometime in 1957 I gave a proposal to Sri Srichand Rampuriya to publish this Weber's Sacred Literature of the Jains in a book form for the benefit of the Jaina scholars. Sri Rampuriyaji readily agreed and accepted my proposal. He started typing Weber's Sacred Literature of the Jains from the Indian Antiquary and completed in 1958. For a long time, over thirty years, the typed copy of the Weber's book was lying unattended. In the mean time, Sri Rampuriyaji handed over this typed copy to Sri Ganesh Lalwani, the then editor of the Jain. Journal. Sometime in 1988 I again gave this proposal to Ganesh Lalwani for printing this book in his Jain Journal. It was he who then told me that the typed copy of this book was lying with him for a long time, and he didn't dare publish it, because of its difficulty in printing in a book form. I then gave him a proposal to reprint Weber's article on Jain literature in Jain Journal. The book was then published in several issues of the Jain Journal XXVI (1992) - XXVIII (1994) and subsequently some reprints were kept to publish it in a book form. It took 4 years to complete the book. In 1995 the printing of the book was completed. In the mean time, Ganesh Lalwani expired on the 4th of January 1994. Though we both were editing the text his death was a bolt from the blue and naturally it took 4 years to organise the reprint of the book before it saw the light of the day. This then is the background of how the reprint of this book came into existence.
As far as we know, Weber's Sacred Literature of the Jains was the first account of the Jaina āgama texts. Weber has critically assessed each of the agama texts and has valued the Jaina agama texts from the historical and social point of view. The critical acumen which Weber has shown in analysing the Jaina agama texts is unparalleled, particularly some 100 years ago, when there were no printed Jaina āgama texts. After a long time, Winternitz's English translation of the second volume of the History of Indian Literature was published in

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1933 (original German was in 1920). The second part of the second volume contains the history of Jain literature. Winternitz devoted nearly 175 pages to Jain literature. Between 1865 and 1920 lots of Jain texts were published. Though Winternitz did not do full justice to Jain literature, he, at least, systematised the chronology of Jain literature, apart from the Jaina agama texts. In 1941 H.R. Kapadia wrote his History of the Canonical Literature of the Jainas. Like Weber his book also contains critical assessment and the evaluation of the Jaina āgama texts. In fact, these three books were the pioneers in the field of the history of Jain literature. In the post-independence India we have some authors like Jagadish Chandra Jain, Nemichand Jain, Kailash Chandra Shastri and others who wrote the history of Jain literature in Hindi. However, many scholars think that the history of Jain literature is not yet properly written in a sense that it should maintain the chronology of the contributions of the Jains to the history of their culture. Though it is a huge task to write such a history, this Sacred Literature of the Jains will help the scholars write a book in future.
The purpose of reprinting Weber's Sacred Literature of the Jains is to get the scholars acquainted with his contribution and to understand the value and method of assessing the Jaina agama texts in a critical way. I believe that the students who are studying Jainism will be much benefited by reading this book.
In this edition some new innovations have been followed. The diacritical marks used by Weber was old-fashioned, e.g.s was written with sh, so also c, ch with ch, chh respectively. Similarly ș was written with ri and e, o with long ē and ō and so on. These were changed in accordance with the modern system of diacritical marks, otherwise all the other diacritical marks are kept as they are in the original book. A bibliography of the books referred to by Weber could not be prepared owing to the fact that in most of the cases they were in abbreviated form. To prepare a subject index is a difficult task and requires lots of time and energy, and therefore could not be done. If this book is wellreceived by the scholars, all the shortcomings would be rectified in the next edition. The contents of the book are a little elaborate and the main points are generally focused in the contents. I hope the contents will be helpful to the readers.
Finally, I should say that if this book proves useful to scholars, I shall consider my plan of reprinting Weber's book is well-executed, and this will be the reward of our labour, and the wish of the publisher will also be fulfilled. I can only say karmanevādhikāro me.
1st July 1999 Calcutta.
Satya Ranjan Banerjee

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The following abstract just published before the printing of the Sacred Literature of the Jains is quoted from the Jain Journal Vol-XXVI, No. 4, April, 1992, pp. 21112, for the benefit of the readers.
It is said that Johann Georg Bühler (1837-1898) was more or less the first to open up the rich treasures of the Jaina literature. Bühler acquired a large collection of the Jaina manuscripts for the Royal library at Berlin in the years 1873-1878. This collection of manuscripts by Bühler was the basis which had given Albrecht Friedrich Weber (1825-1901) an impetus in writing the first comprehensive and epoch-making accounts of the literature of the Jainas. More than one hundred years ago, Weber's book in German entitled Über die heiligan Schriften der Jaina included in his Indische Studien (Vol. XVI, 1883. pp. 211-479, and Vol. XVII, 1885, pp. 1-90) was published between 1883 and 1885 covering nearly 358 pages. As the book is so authoritative and at the same time so detailed in giving an account of the sacred writings of the Jainas till that time that it was translated into English by Herbert Wier Smyth in the name of Sacred Literature of the Jains and was published in 15 issues distributed in the five numbers of the Indian Antiquary beginning from Vols. XVII (1888) to XXI (1892). Besides the above, a general survey of the whole Jaina literature was also given by Weber in his Catalogue of the Berlin Manuscripts under the title Verzeichnis der Sanskrit-und-Prakrit Handschriften (Register of Sanskrit and Prakrit Manuscripts) part II, Berlin, 1888 (Jaina literature, MS 1773-1928) and part III, Berlin 1892 (Jaina literature, MS 1929-2027, and MS 2299-2304).
Before Weber, Henry Thomas Colebrooke (1765-1837) noted a few observations on the Jainas and their sects, and gave a little account of Prakrit literature. His two articles - The Sanskrit and Prakrit Language(1801) and The Sanskrit and Prakrit Poetry (1808) created a sensation among the scholars at that time. His Sketch of the Religious Sects of the Hindus (1832) (vide his Essays Vol. I, p. 2801) might be regarded as the starting point of the studies of the Jain sects. Even before Bühler and Weber, Col. James Tod in his Travels in Western India (1839) gave us information about the Jaina Temple Libraries. However, the account of Jaina literature was given first by Weber. . After Weber, some scholars have attempted to write the history of the sacred writings of the Jainas. Moriz Winternitz's (1863-1937) History of Jaina Literature forming the part II of the volume two of his History of Indian Literature translated into English and published by the University of Calcutta in 1933 was a systematic one. Jarl Charpentier's Introduction to his edition of the Uttarādhyayana-sutra (Upsala, 1922) contains an elaborate discussion on the problems of the Agama literature. Hiralal Rasiklal Kapadia's A History of the Canonical Literature of the Jainas (1941) is, in a sense, a monument of scholarship. There are many others in Hindi as well.
Despite the fact that there are books on the Jaina Canonical literature, not a single author has yet surpassed Weber in his treatment of the subject as well as in his analysis of the Agama texts. He is still unique and pioneer in this respect. Even the scholars who write books on Jaina literature do consult Weber every now and then, and always find new materials in it. It is still a treasure house of Jaina literature. As the Indian Antiquary is not easily available at present and at the same time nearly one hundred years have elapsed, there is enough scope to reprint the same for the benefit of the scholars. Hence Weber's Sacred Literature of the Jains is being reprinted here. But as the Romanization of Weber was antiquated, the latest method of Roman scripts with usual diacritical marks are only adopted for easy comprehension and pronunciation.

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Contents
Pages 1-27
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Introduction : Rşabha, the first Jina Existence of the eleven Angas Ditthivāya, a lost text Caturdaśa-pūrvi Dasa-pūrvi, nava-pūrvi Account of the loss of the pūrvas References to Cāņakya, Bindusāra and Asoka The collection of 11 angas Ditthivāa, a lost text regained Division of the Agamas Authors of the Agamas The Council of Pataliputra The interval of the composition of Āgamas from Mahāvīra Writings of the Āgamas (References to bambhi livi and 18 other livis as also mentioned in the Lalita-vistara] Jaina Āgama texts later than Pali. The Council of Pataliputra References to angavāhiriya texts Vihimaggapavā (-Vidhiprapā) Samdeha-vişausadhi (samvat 1363-A.D. 1307) Paksika-sūtra A passage quoted indicating the diurnal occupation necessary to learn the Siddhānta The names of the 45 āgama texts Introductory discussions about the agama texts Mention of the Non-Aryan people : Arab Description of the Siddhanta
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11 11-17 17-21 21-27
III. IV.
VI.
VI. VII.
21-112
27-35 35-39 39-46 46-58 58-65 68-72 72-75 75-78 78-80 80-86 86-91 91-112
Jnauan
1. The Eleven or Twelve Angas Ācārānga-sūtra :
Sūtrakrtānga-sūtra : . Sthānānga-sutra : Samavāyānga-sūtra : Bhagavati Vyākhyāprajñapti : Jñātrdharmakathā : Upāsakadašā-sūtra : Antakrd-daśā-sūtra : Anuttaraupapātika-daśa-sūtra :
Praśna-vyākarana : · Vipāka-śrutam : Destivāda
2. The Twelve Upāngas Introduction : Aupapātikadáśā-sūtra (18 desibhāṣās mentioned, but not the names cf. 18 lipis)
VIII. IX. X.
XII.
112-147
113-115 116-118
XIII.

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XIV. Rājapraśniya : XV. Jivābhigama-sūtra : XVI. Prajnapanā-sutra :
§ 1. Milikkhas :
§ 2. Ariyas : XVII. Sürya-prajñapti :
Jambūdvipa-prajñapti : XIX. Candra-prajñapti :
XX-XXIV. Nirayāvalikās Nirayāvalika : XXI. Kalpāvatamsikā : XXII. Puşpikā : XXIII. Puspacūlikā XXIV. Vrsnidasā
119-122 122-125 125-131
128 128-129 131-137 138-141 142-143
XVIII.
XX.
143-144 144-145 145-146
146
146 146-147
3. The Ten Prakirnas Introduction : XXV. Catuhsarana XXVI. Āturapratyākhyāna XXVII. Bhakta-parijñā XXVIII. Samstara XXIX. Tandula-vaitālika XXX. Camdāvijjhaya XXXI. Devendra-stava XXXII. Gani-vidyā XXXIII. Mahāpratyākhyāna XXXIV. Virastava
147-160
147-152 152-154 154-155
155
156 156-157 : 157-158
158 159 159 160
4. The Six Cheda-sūtras Introduction : XXXV. Niśitha XXXVI. Mahā-nisītha XXXVII. Vyavahāra XXXVII. Ācāradaśā XXXIX. Brhatkalpa
Panca-kalpa/Jita-kalpa
160-183
160-164 164-166 166-172 173-174 174-179 179-180 180-183
XL.
XLI. XLII.
5. The Two Individual texts Nandi-sütra Anuyogadvāra
183-207 183-194 194-207
6. The Four Mūla-sūtras Introduction : . XLIII. Uttaradhyayana-sutra XLIV. Avasyaka-sūtra XLV.
Daśavalkālika-sūtra (Ogha-niryukti) XLVI. Paksika-sūtra (Pinda-niryukti)
Conclusion:
207-241
207-208 209-214 214-232 232-237 237-241
241

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Sacred Literature of the Jains'
According [211] to the conception of the modern Jains, their collective sacred texts date back to the first Jina, Rşabha.3 The first trace of this view appears to be found in the concluding paragraph of the Nandi, in which the aņunnā (anujñā) is referred to Usabhaseña,5 the 12 angas having in the passage just before been enumerated as bhāvāņunnā and in an earlier passage, in which 8,400,000 painnas are attributed to Vaddhamāṇasami, the scholium substitutes Rşabhasvāmin.6
The statements (in four 436 in Nemicandra's Pravacanasāroddhāra $36, composed in Prakrit, on titthavucchea (in four verses inserted between 435 and 436) are, to a certain extent, in agreement with the above. These verses? are a detailed explanation of the statements in v. 434, which are rather general in character and obscure; and assert that during the eight jiņaṁtaras : Usahajiņiņdāu jā Suvihi, i.e. from Usaha 1 to Suvihi 9, there existed only eleven angas, without the ditthiväa, which stands in the twelfth place : multūņa ditthivāyam havaṁti ikkārase 'va aṁgāim. During [212] the following seven jiņaṁtaras : Suvihijiņā jā Saṁti from Suvihi 9 to Saṁti 16, all twelve angas were vucchinna. But during the last eight jiņaṁtaras : Saṁtijiņā jā Viraṁ, from Samti 16 to Vira 24, they were not vucchinna.
The ditthivāa was a second time lost : vucchinno ditřhivão tahim.
1 The Editors beg to acknowledge much valuable assistance kindly given by Professor
Leumann, of Strassburg, in taking this paper through the Press; and the translator adds his acknowledgments for assistance of the same scholar in respect of the translation from the German, also, for some additional notes distinguished by
asterisms with the initial L put after them. 2 The figures in brackets indicate the pages of the original German article. 3 Dharmasāgara in his Kupak sakausikāditya, in the proceedings of the Royal
Academy of Sciences, Berlin. of 1882, p. 813, 23 (1 cite this essay of mine under
the abbreviation Kup.) and Jacobi in this Journal ante, Vol. IX. p. 161 (1880). 4 Doubtless of secondary origin. 5 adikarapurimatāle (kale !) pavattia Usabhasenassa. 6 See Ind. Stud. 17, 15, note. Catalogue of the Berlin Sanskrit and Prakrit MS.
2, p. 679.. 7In the commentary of Siddhasenasüri, composed Samvat 1242 (A.D. 1186) these verses are not explained, but in the MS, which I have before me they are found in the text, page 212, in the middle of the page, and are counted in with the rest.
F-1

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SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS
These statements are, it is true, obscure, yet become clear by means of verse 434,8 which they are designed to explain. According to this verse, all three statements are valid merely for the interval between the Jinas. Their significance is as follows:
At the time of Usabba all twelve angas were extant; between Jinas. 1.9 only the first eleven; between Jinas 9-16 all twelve were lost; and under or between Jinas 16-24 they were all extant. The twelfth anga was however lost again after Jina 24.
Though these statements appear to establish the fact that the 12 angas are said to have existed as early as the time of Usabha, never-- theless it becomes perfectly plain, from a consideration of their nature, that this claim rests upon an insufficient foundation, The commentator characterizes the degree of the vucchea during the jinamtaras, which existed between Suvihi, to Saṁti, as follows: arhaddharmavārttā 'pi tatra naştā ; a peculiar testimony, we may remark in passing, to the result of the activity of each of the seven saints 9-15.
In reference [213] to the vucchea of the twelfth anga i.e. the diţthivaa) which happened again after Mahavira, we have additional information derived from tradition. .
The fourteen so-called pūrvāni, cf. Hem. 246-247, which, according to the statements handed down to us, formed a part of this anga and which Mahāvira is said to have transmitted to all his pupils (though only one of these, Sudharman by name, transmitted them to a pupil of his own, Jambū, the last Kevalin) are said to have existed for only six generations longer. In consequence of this the six patriarchs in question, namely : Prabhava 3, Sayyambhava 4, Yaśobhadra 5, Sambhūtivijaya 6, Bhadrabāhu 7, and Sthulabhadra 8, had the honorary title of Śrutakevalin, or cauddasa puvvi (in the Nandis.), caturdaśapārvadhārin, pūrvin.'
The following seven patriarchs : Mahāgiri, Suhastin. to Vajra (Hem, v. 35), knew only ten of the whole number, inasmuch as tradi
8 It runs : purinamt ima-atthaddha (atthattha !)-'mtaresu (caturvimśat es tirthakr
tam trayoviñsatir evāmtarāni bhavanti) titthassa na 'tthi voccheu/majjhillaesu sattasu ittiyakalam tu voccheu /4341/. Dr. Leumann informs me that the source of these statements is found in Bhagavati, 20.8; cf. also Avasy, 3, 16: padhamassa (jinassa) bārasangan, sesānikkāras aigasualambho. 9 Cf. Hem. 33-34 : Comm. p 293 in Böhtlingk-Rieu.

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SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS
w
tion asserts that with Sthalabhadra the knowledge of the 4 last pūrvas10 (11-14) ceased. In consequence of this they are called dasapuvvi (cf. Nandis.), daśapūrvin ; and from that point the knowledge of the pūrva decreased gradually. In Anuyogadvārasūtra there is still mention of the first gradation lower, navapuvvi, cf. Bhag.'1 2, p. 318 so that finally in the time of Devarddhigaņi, 980 years after Vira "only one pūrva remained", cf. Klatt, ante, Vol. XI, 247b, 1882.12 Also according to śānticandra on up. 6, the dițțhivāa was entirely vyavacchinna 1000 years after Vira.
ook (214) of the first loss of them 14 to 10. Un
In the 9th book (214) of the Paris iştaparvan v. 55 ff., Hemacandra gives us a detailed account of the first loss of the knowledge of the pūrvas, viz. of the ‘reduction of their number from 14 to 10. Unfortunately in the MS. Berlin MS. or fol. 773) which lies before me, and which is rather incorrect, a leaf is lacking with v. 69-98, cf. Jacobi, Kal pasūtra, p. 11. After Hemacandra has informed us in the preceding verses about Cāņakya and Bindusāra, about Asoka and Śri-Kuņāla, and also about Samprati, be passes to the synod of Pāțaliputra, held at the end of this “wicked" period. The principal duty of this council which was to collect the śruta, from all who were in possession of any portion; and it succeeded thus in collecting the 11 angas.13 As regards the drstivāda, Bhadrabahu was the only person to whom recourse could be had. He, however, was on his way (?) to Nepal (nepāladeśamārgastha) and refused the summons of the Samgha (which had sent two Munis, to fetch him), saying that he has begun a dhyānam of 12 years, and that he could not interrupt it. The Srisamgha, however threatening him, by means of two other Munis, with the punishment of exclusion (samghavāhaya), he begged that capable scholars should be sent to him, to whom, at appointed times, he would give 7 vācanās. The Samgha thereupon sent Sthulabhadra,
10 trayodaśapūrvin, dva lasa, ekā lasa never existed according to tradition. Cf.
commencement of the avacuri to the Oghanir yukti. 11 Ueber ein Fragment der Bhagavati, two papers of the author in the Transactions
of the Royal Academy of Sciences of Berlin 1866 (1) & (2). 12 1 cite this article as Klatt's. . 13 itaśca tasmin duskale karāle kalarātrivat/
nirvāhārtham sadhusamghas tiram niranidher yatha //55/ agunyamānam tu tada sādhūnām vismặtam śrutam anabhyasanatonaśyaty adhitam dhimatām api //56/1 samghaḥ pafaliputr (ak)e duşkalamte 'khilo milat/ yad angādhyayanoddeśādy asid yasya tad adade //5711 tataś cai 'kādaśāngāni śrisangho melayat tada/ dystivādani mittam ca tasthau kimcid vicimtayan 1/58||

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(v. 69) who, [215) however, after he had learned the first 10 pūrvas, so enraged Bhadrabahu, that the latter as a punishment gave him the remaining four for his own personal knowledge only, and forbade him to teach them to others (anyasya śesapūrvāņi pradėyāni tvayä na hi, v. 109).
In opposition to this information is the fact, that not only in anga 4 and in the Nandisūtra, do we find a detailed table of contents of the whole ditthivāa, including the 14 pūryas, but also that partly in the just-mentioned places, partly in several other texts (Mahāniśitha, Anuyogadv., Āvašy., nijj.) the duvālasaṁgaṁ gaạipidagam is repeatedly mentioned ; consequently the Ditthiyāa appears to have still existed at the date of those texts, and moreover to have been still intact, since there is no mention of any imperfection. The Bhadrabahu, to whom the above-mentioned legend has reference, died, so says tradition, 170 after Vira, whereas in two of the texts, which mention the duvālasamgam gaạipidagań, there are contained dates which refer to a period later by 400 years. The whole legend appears to me, after all, to be nothing more than an imitation of the Buddhist legend of the council of Asoka etc., and thus to have little claim to credence.
Be this as it may, the legened manifests a direct opposition between the 11 angas and the pūrvas. And in fact from the scholium on anga 4 we must conceive their inter-relation to be as follows: the Tirthakara, i. e., Mahăvira-here is no thought of Rşabha,-first recited to his Gañadharas the contents of the pūrvagata sūtras (whence the name pūrvāṇi) ; whereupon the Gañadharas on their part brought14 the contents of the pūrvagata sūtra into the form of the angas, ācāra, etc. According [216) to another view the Gañadharas first brought the pūrvagataśrutam after its recital by the Arhat, into a textual form, and afterwards directed their attention to the angas, ācāra etc.15 Later on we shall return to the explanation of the name pūrva and the difference between angas 1-11 and anga 12..
14 atha kim tan (tat !) purvagatam ? ucyate, yasmāt tirthakaras tirthapravartanakale
ganadharānām sarvasūtrādhārat vena purvagata sutrādhārat vena pur vaga (ta). sutrārtham in, the second sutrādhāg'ata is perhaps a repetition of the scribe) bhāşate tasmāt purvāni 'ti bhanitāni, ganadharah punah śrutaracanāṁ vidadhānā ācārādi kramena racayaħti sthāpayamti ca. Cf. also Wilson, Sel. W. 1 285 ed. Rost (from Mahāviracar. 3): sutritāni ganadharair angebhyah purvam eva yat/
purvāni 'ty abhidhiyante tenai tāni caturdaśa // 15 mat amtarena tu purvagat asut rartha(h) purva arhatā bhasito ganadhar air api
purvagat aśrutam eva purvaracitan, paścīd ācāra (here perhaps a lacuna) nir yuktyām abhihitah : savvesi āyāre padhamo it y-adi, tal katham ? ucyate, tatra sthāpanām āśritya tatho 'ktam iha ty akşararacanāṁ pratitya bhaşitam, purvāṇi kytāni 'ti.

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"In full agreement as we find here that the actual contents have been ascribed to the Arhat, i. e. Tirthakara (cf. Āv., 2, 13), but the external form to the Gañadharas, so likewise in the Anuyogadvārasūtra we find that the āgama is divided into attā', aņaṁtarão and paramparā°, i. e (1) original doctrine, (2) doctrine that has been received immediately from its author and (3) traditional doctrine. The first category belongs to the Titthagaras (plur.) alone unconditionally; to their pupils, the Gaņadharas, it belongs only as far as the suttam (text) is concerned, while the Gañadharas, as regards the attha (contents) possess the aṇamtarão alone. The pupils of the Ganadharas possess, as regards the suttam, the anamtarā", as regards the attha, they have only the paramparā°. And after them only the latter (paramparā°) exists; there is no longer attā" or anamtarão. According to the commencement of the avacūri of the Oghanir yukti, (217) the activity of daśapūrvin was already limited to the composition of Saṁgrahaņis16 to the upangas etc.
We must however not omit to remark that for some texts of the Āgama distinct authors are named, part of whom, at least, are even considerably later than the daśapūrvin, Upānga 4 mentions as its author Ajja Sāma, characterizing him as “the 23rd” (ie. "saint" after Viral?) and as one who possesses wisdom ripened through listening to the puvvas, as being therefore in unison with the dițțhivāa. The name of Jiņabhadda (Āvašy. 14) belongs perhaps to a much later date. We have however, no information of an exact nature in reference either to him or to Virabhadra, who was probably author of painna 1. Sijjambhava, presumably author of the third mülasūtra and Bhadrababu, to whom chedasūtra 3-5 and other texts are ascribed, belong to the caturdaśapūrvin, but not to the immediate pupils of the Gañadharas, and consequently can lay claim to the paramparāgama alone. Nevertheless their works, as those just mentioned, are included in the existing agama. We must therefore accept the conclusion, that we have to deal in it with constituent parts which differ widely from each other.
· The text-constitution of the āgama appears, after all, on nearer view, to be of a very multifarious character. And this is vouchsafed also by tradition itself. The council of Pāšaliputra, which the account of Hemacandra [218] places in the immediate neighbourhood of the
16 daśapurvadhara apy upakārakā, upāngādi (dināṁ C) sangrahanyuparacanena
(nena het unā C). 17 “He (Kālikācārya) is the 23rd personage from Vira, including the 11 Ganadharas.
In the Siddhānta he is called Syamārya"-Bhau Daji in Jour, Bombay Br. R. As S. 9..150 (1867).

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date of Asoka, had, as we have seen above, been able to collect the 11 angas only in a rather indifferent fashion by acquiring one portion from one quarter, another from another (yad angādhyayanoddeśādy āsid yasya); and of the twelfth anga had been able to acquire only a part from Bhadrabāhu. The existence of what had thus been collected, was, as time went on, endangered from the fact that its transmission was only oral ;18 for which, according to tradition, writing was not substituted till eight centuries later, in the year 980 Vira. This was effected by a council in Valabhi under the presidency of Devarddhigaội Kşamasamaņa; though others state that this ensued 13 years aíter (993 Vira) at the hands of a council in Mathura under Sri Skandilācārya. In connection with this the statement may be placed that in the year 980 the Valabhi king Dhruvasena commanded that the Kalpasūtram should be recited publicly. Herein a special participation of the king in the work is indicated, be it in that of Devarddhigaội or in that of Skandila, to whom by this act he gave decisive support.
If, then, as a matter of fact in the interval of 800 or 1000 (980) years after Vira, 'the doctrines whose contents were promulgated by him (though the form of the doctrines is ascribed to his pupils and not to the master himself) were handed down by oral tradition aloneand in unison with this assumption is the fact that just in the older portions of the text we find the introductory formula [219) suyaṁ me āusam, teņam bhagavayā evam akkhāyam as well as for the single sections the concluding formula ti bemi - then we may well be astonished that the existing Siddhānta contains so many traces of antiquity, as is the case. What knowledge would we possess of Christ if the New Testament had existed in an unwritten form till 980 A.D.,19 and if we were limited to a codification of traditions under Pope Sylvester II, which was based not on written, but on oral transmission !
Truly, in this interval the cultivation of the sacred text had not been entirely abandoned. So, for example, to the 19th patriarch, Vajra, is ascribed particular solicitude in its behalf20 cf. Kup. 811(21). According to the statement of the Digambaras, cf. Jacobi, Kalpas, p. 30, the written codification of their sacred texts had been effected
18 purvam sarvasiddhamanām pāthanam ca mukhapathenai 'va'sit. Jacobi, Kalpas,
p. 117, from the Kal padruma of Lakşmidhara. 19 Or 950, as we reckon from the birth of Christ, the Jainas from the death of Vira. 20 Cf. also the accounts which exist in reference to anga 1, 1, 9.

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by Puşpadanta A.V. 633-683,21 300 years before the date above mentioned. The sacred texts alluded to are not the same as those of the usual Siddhānta, which belongs to the Svetāmbaras, cf. Wilson, Sel. W. 1, 279 & 281 ed. Rost.
In the āgama which we possess, writing plays a very important role ; so that [220] it becomes clear that writing had, at the time of the written codification of the Siddhānta, long been extensively used for literary purposes. Indeed the very lateness of the above-mentioned date necessitates already this conclusion, A.V.980, corresponding to the middle of the fifth, or the beginning of the sixth, century A.D.22 A distinct proof for this extensive use of writing is the expression bambhi livi frequently used in angas 4, 5, upānga 4 etc., to denote the "sacred writing". Furthermore, the characterization of its most important part, the angas, as duvālasamgam gaṇipidagam makes for the same conclusion.23 Leham (writing) always stands at the head in the enumeratian of the 72 kalās, which we meet with in anga 4 and frequently elsewhere. The material of which the MSS. are made : pattaya, potthayalihiyam, is spoken of distinctly in the Anuyogadvāraśūtra. In anga 4 and up, 4, eighteen different kinds of writing are mentioned, bambhi and javaņāliyā (yavanāni) being placed first. Herein we may observe a close connection with the similar enumeration in Lalitavistara. Moreover all 18 are mentioned as used for the bambhi livi. The 46 māuyakkharāni in anga 4 ought to be mentioned here in this connection.
Jacobi (Kalpas. p. 16n) has called our attention to the peculiar synchronism of the activity of Devarddhigaội (or of Skandila), with the contemporaneous activity of Buddhaghoşa as regards the drawing up in writing of the Pāli canon. Since this latter is, furthermore, several decennia older (almost a century older than Jacobi's "adjusted date" of A.V. 980), we must conclude that in any case he must have been followed in the wake [221] by his Jaina colleagues and not vice versa. A great difference is manifest, it must be confessed, between both parties. While Buddhaghoșa did not change the linguistic make
21 Jacobi's statement the whole of the angas was lost after Puşpadanta: he reduced
the sacred law to writing" is so self-contradictory as to baffle explanation on my part. Also the double statement in reference to the year of Vikramaditya's birth, ibid, 470 A. V. and 683 A. V. remains a riddle. The Puspadanta mentioned anga 4,
75,86 is the 9th Jina. 22 A. V. 980 corresponds either to the year 543, if we establish as the date of Vikram
aditya 470 Vira, or, if we accept Jacobi's assumption (Kalpas. p. 15), to the
year 514 A. D. 23 Cf. Bhag. 1, 282n.

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up of the Pali texts, the redactor of the Jaina texts adapted to the requirements of his own age the Màgadhi language, in which, it is probable to suppose, they were originally composed (cf. in anga 5, 2, 1, ihe salutation Māgahā ! see Bhag. 2,250) and in which they had been in all likelihood allowed to remain by the council of Pataliputra. The character of the language of the redactor of the Jaina texts is incomparably younger than Pāli,'4 and consequently its official Dame addhaMāgahā bhāsā (in up. I, 4, and elsewhere) 25 or ardha-Māgadhi (with the Jain grammarians) bears traces of this late date. In fact, of the Māgadbi only a few remnants, especially the Nom. sing. Masc. of the 1 Decl. in e, have been retained, while even these disappear gradually in the course of time. In general the language may be characterized as a very much younger sister of Pāli. The reason for this fact must probably be sought in local influence, whether it be Valabhi or Mathurā, where the written codification was made; at least such is a safe assumption. To the dialect of either Valabhi or Mathurā these ancient texts, composed originally in Măgadhi, had to accommodate themselves.
The Council of Pāțaliputra, it is supposed, [222] limited its functions to the collection of the angas; the written codification of Devarddhigaņi, it is claimed, embraced the entite śrisiddhānta, āgama26 the sarvan granthān of this Āgama. See Jacobi, 1.c.p. 115-117. What position have we here to assume ? In anga 3, 4, 1 we find angabāhiriya texts expressly recognised as different from the angas, and as pannattiu of this kind the names of upāngas 5-7 are mentioned, together with a fourth name, which is that of a section in upanga 3. In anga 3, 10 ten dasā texts, each comprising 10 ajjhayaņas, are enumerated of which we possess only four, as angas 7-10, and a fifth, as chedasūtra 4. In anga 4 there are mentioned, besides the 11 (or 12) angas, the names of the 36 sections of the first mülasūtra, and three other texts, which are no longer extant; the last occur only in a statement in reference to the number of their ajjhayaņas. A real enumeration of those texts, which besides the angas belong to the suam (śrutam) is not found in the angas,
24 cf. Bhagav. 1, 392-7 Vorlesungen über Indische Lit., Gesch. 2. p. 316. 25 se kim tam bhāsāriva? je naħ addha-Māgahāe bhäsāe bhāsamti jatthayanan bambhi,
livī pavattai.-Also according to upanga 1, 56 (see Leumann, Aupapat, p. 6) Mahavira himself already preached in Ardha-Magadhi.-Accordingly we read in the quotation given by Hemacandra IV. 287 : porānam addhamāgahabhāsāni ayam havai suttam; cf. Pischel's note on this passage in his translation, p. 169. The
ordinary term for that idiom with Hemacandra is arşam. 26 Other synonyms are śruta, sutra, grantha, śāsana, ajña, vacana upadeśa, prajna
pana Such is the enumeration in the Anuyogady. (but in Prākệt).

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but in the Nandisutra, a work that is probably a production of Devarddhigani himself. See below. In this work the sacred texts are divided into two groups; (1) the angapavittha, i. e, the 12 angas, and (2) the anangapavittha texts. A further subdivision shows that under anangap, there are 60 single texts enumerated, 27 of which prove to be names of existing parts of the Siddhānta ; the other names appear either to be merely titles of sections of single texts of this number [223) or, and this is the majority of cases are not found in the Siddhānta, though anga 3, 10 is acquainted with some few of them. A repetition of this enumeration in the Pākṣikasūtra27- adds at the end to the latter category four28* additional texts, the former existence of which can be proved from another source. Inasmuch as this proof is as entirely free from suspicion as it is surprising I deem it fit to discuss this matter already here in some detail.
In the Vihimaggapavā, called briefly Vidhiprapā, that is to say, in a sāmāyāri of Jiņapahamuni (Jinaprabha in Kosalā ; likewise author of the Samdehavişauşadhi) composed Saṁvat 1363 (A.D. 1307) in Prakrt, the above mentioned enumeration of the anangapavittha texts is found with the addition of the same four names as in the Pākṣikasūtra. To these four there are added two more names. On this occasion we now find there, inserted between angas and upāngas, the following remarkable statements in reference to that state of advancement in which the student is to study the single texts. The statement occurs in a passage where the author describes in detail the diurnal occupation necessary to learn the single texts of Siddhānta. The passage is as follows:
itthà ca dakkha29 pariyāyeņa tivāso āyārapakappaṁ vaḥijjā vāijja ya, evaṁ cauvāso sūyagadań, pamcavāso dasākappavvavahāre, atthavā so thāṇasamavāe, dasavā so bhagavai (vaiṁ), ikkārasavāso khuddiyāvimāņāi ('nādini) pasca 'jjhayane, vārasavāso arunovavāyāi (ādini) [224] pamca
jjhayaņe, terasavāso utthāņasuya (yādini) caurajjhayaņe, cauddasāiatthārasamtavāso kameňa a siviśabhāvana-ditthivisabhāvaņā-cāra-ṇabhāvaņā-mahāsumiņabhāvaņā-teyanisagge, egūņavişavāso dițțhivā yam, sampunnavisavāso savvasuttajogo tti. The same statements recur in an older form (cf. the name vivāha for anga 5 and not bhagavai) in Śànticandra's
27 Where the texts in question are called angabahira. 28*Or 'five'? they seem to have been mentioned also by the original MS. commented
on by the bhāsā of the Calcutta edition of the Nandis ; see the explanation of the
five names in that edition p. 418 (after Vanhidasão).-L. 29 The MS has dakkhah. But visarga is of course here inappropriate. Is dikkha
(diksa') the correct reading ?

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Comm. on upānga 6 in 7 verses, the first two of which are found in Abhayadeva on anga 3 :
tivari sapariyagassa u āyārapakappanāmam ajjhayaņam / cauvari sassa ya sammaṁ sūagadań nāma amgam till 1 dasakappayvavahārāsamvaccharapaņagadi-kkhi yasse 'va/ thāņam samavāociya amg ete30 atthaväsassa // 2 dasavāsassa vivāho egārasavāsagassa ya ime u/ khuddiyavimāņa. m-ai ajjhayaņā pamca nāyavvā // 3. bārasavāsassa tahā aruņovāyāi pamca ajjhayaņā terasavāsassa tahā utthāņasuyāiyā cauro 1/4 caudasavā sassa tahā āsīvisabhāvaņas jiņā bimti / . pannarasavā sagassa ya ditthāvisabhāvanam taha 'ya // 5 solasavāsāisu ya eguttarayuddhiesu jahasamkham / cāranabhāvana-mahasuvinabhāvaņā-teaganisaggā31 // 6 egūņavāsagassa ditthivão duvālasamgam / sampunnavisavari so aņuvāi savvasuttassa tti // 7
This enumeration is exceedingly noteworthy, from the fact, that of the texts which now belong to the Siddhānta, only nine are mentioned (six angas and three chedasūtras), whereas the other eight names to which referance will be made later on when we examine the Nandi, are at present not found therein. The question [225] arises ; are we justified in placing the composition of these verses 32 at a period in which the remaining portions of the present Siddhānta were as yet not embraced therein, their place being occupied by the eight lost texts, which are mentioned in the enumeration ? In any case the enumeration cannot be otherwise than ancient, since at the date when it was composed, the dițțhivāa manifestly still existed, and in fact as the highest in the order of gradation.
If we now return to a consideration of the 60 anangapavittha texts
30 anga masculine or 'ete' neuter; see ime' ajjhayaņā in v. 3. 31 teyani sagga is, according to another passage of the Vidhiprapa, another name of
the Gośāla book in the Bhagavati, the latter in its turn being dasavāsassa. 32 Šanticandra maintains a different view, viz. - that since in v. 3 anga 5 is ascribed
to daśavarşapar yāyas ya sadhuḥ therefore eo ipso anga 6, and the connected upanga 6, took, their places accordingly. But how is the case with anga 7 etc?

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of the Nandi we shall find that we have to deal with a rich literature of which nearly half has probably been lost. On the other hand, among these 60 texts we miss not only at least six names which are now enumerated as portions of the Siddhanta ; but all the titles of those groups are lacking, in which the Siddhānta is at present divided. These 60 names are enumerated without any reference whatever to any definite order in 'groups, and in a succession entirely different from the present order. Does this state of things permit us to conclude that neither the texts which are not mentioned in the enumeration nor the present groupings or titles of group existed at the date of the Nandi ?
At present the entire Siddhanta embraces the following 45 texts33 divided into the following six groups : 1. eleven (or twelve) angas : [226) Ācāra, Sūtrak rtam ("krit), Sthānam, Samavāya, Bhagavati, Jñātādharmakathas, Upāsakadaśās, Antak rddaśās, Anuttaraupapātikadasās, Praś nayyākaraṇam, Vipaka (Drşțivāda, no longer extant), 2. twelve upangas : Aupapātikam, Räjaprasniyam, Jivābhigama, Prajñāpana, Jambūdvipaprajñapti, Candraprajñapti, Süryaprajñapti, Nirayāvali (or Kalpikā), Kalpāvatamsikā, Puspikā, Puspacālikā, Vrsnidaśas, 3. ten painnas; Catuhśaraņa, Samstāra, Āturapratyākhyānam, Bhaktaparijñā, Tandulavaiyāliā4 Candāvijā,34 Devendrastava, Ganivijā,34 Mahāpratyākhyānam, Virastava, 4. six chedaśutras : Niśitham, Mahāniśitham, Vyavahāra, Daśā srutaskandha, Brhatkalpa, Pañcakalpa, 5. two Sūtras without a common name, Nandi and Anuyogadvāram, 6. four mulasutras : Uttaradhyayanam, Āvas yakam, Daśavaikālikam, and Pindaniryukti. This division is that of Bühler (see Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 14), with an exception in the succession of up. 5-7, where I have deviated from his arrangement on the strength of the Vidhiprapa and the scholium on up. 6. The same division is found also in Ratnasāgara (Calc. 1880) except that there groups 3 and 4 have changed places with 5 and 6, not to mention some minor differences. It is a very remarkable fact that in Rajendra Lal Mitra's Notices of Sanskrit MSS. 3. p. 67 (Calc. 1874)—on the authority of a definite source of information, the Siddhānta dharmasāra, we find an enumeration35 varying materially from the above. First a very different grouping may be noticed ; [227) secondly, there
33 Those are probably the “45 āgamas," which the patron of the writer of a MS
(Samvat 1666, A.D. 1609) of the Vyavahārasutra (Berlin MS. or. fol. 1038) had
copied ; see v. 10 of the statements at its end. 34 These names, both as regards form and signification are either of doubtful ex
planation, or are involved in obscurity. 35 Repeated in the "Report on the Sanskrit MSS. examined during 1880-81"addressed
to the Govt. of the Punjab, by Pandit Kashinath Kunte. He has given the report twice with tolerable similarity-Jan. 24, 1881 (p. 4-7) and June 6, 1881 (p. 6-9).

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are a few additional names (50 instead of 45) and finally remarkable variations in the names themselves. The first two groups of angas and upāngas are identical, although anga 10 has changed place with anga 11, and the name of upanga 12 having fallen out, in it's stead another name (Kappiyāsūtra) has been introduced in the ninth place.36 The four Mülasutras appear as Group 3, and of these two have different names (2. Višeșāvaś yaka, 4. Pākṣika). Group 4 bears the title Kalpasūtras and consists of five texts, viz : mūlas, 1, chedas, 1 and 3, Kalpasūtra (part of chedas, 4) and Jitakal pasūtra Group 5 embraces 6 chedasūtras of which the first three alone are perhaps identical with chedas 1; the fourth corresponds to mülasūtra 4 of Bühler. The names are : 1, Mahānisithav shadvācanā, 2, Mahāniśithalaghuvācană, 3. Maharisitha (not in Rajendra Lal Mitra, but in Kashinath Kunte) Madhyamavācanā, 4. Pindaniryukti, 5. Aughaniryukti, 6. Paryușaņākalpa. Group 6: the ten painna or payanna texts, but in a different order. The Maranasamādhisūtram, which is in the eighth place, takes place of painna 10. Nandisütra and Anuyogadvārasūtra, counting separately as groups 7 and 8 respectively conclude the list. If, now, (228) after a consideration of the above, it is manifest that even the parts of the Siddhānta are at present uncertain, we have herein a sure proof of the unsettledness and uncertainty which attaches to the entire writings of the Jains. As a matter of fact it is apparent that the oldest portions of their literature are in reality nothing, but di specta membra, that they are very unequal and, as regards the date of their composition, separated from each other by extensive periods.
In the angas and upāngas we may observe groups, which are well defined, individual, and united through criteria which prove their interconnection. These groups were in a later age brought into connection with the other groups of like nature.
On the other hand, it cannot be denied that a hand, aiming at unification and order, has been brought to bear especially upon the angas and upāngas. This is clear from the many remarks in reference to the redaction (Bhagav. 1, 389) which consist partly of the parallel references of one text to another, partly of kārikās which are placed at the beginning to serve as a general introduction or inserted in the middle or subjoined at the end. The linguistic character of those re
36 Here Kashinath Kunte deviates from Rajendra Lal Mitra, adducing the common
name of up. 12 but in the ninth place. A further variation is that in the place of Candapannatti he adduces the Mahāpannavanā, which is found in the list of the anangapayiffha texts in the Nandi. The Mahāpannavana is characterised as "obsolete and extinct" by Kashinath Kunte.

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13
dactionary remarks can be readily distinguished from that of the text. Among those parallel references, there are doubtless many, which are to be ascribed, not to the redactor but (cf. below) to the copyists; and among the kārikās may be contained many additions of a decided secondary stamp. If now we do not discuss at length the problem as to whether we are to consider all the 45 āgamas of Bühler's list as collected by Devarddhigaņi, (229) as is the belief of Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 16, we must accept this as a fact ; that their present state cannot be that to which they were possibly brought by him. Despite the firm foundation erected by his activity, and despite the care which the Jains especially have, even from the earliest times, devoted to the restoration of their MSS., nevertheless both the constitution and condition of the Siddhanta text have been subject to most important modifications. Jacobi, p. 16, 17, has called attention to the numerous pāțhas (various readings) recognized in the Scholia, and has expressed it as his conviction that it is impossible to restore Devarddhigaại's recension or text. There exist however other differences between the original and the present Siddhānta text. Not only have there been lost passages or sections of the text, which were extant at the date of the older commentaries, but also there have been inserted large interpolations which are apparent; and furthermore 'the text, according to all probability, has even suffered complete transformations. I conjecture that the reason of these changes may be sought in the influence of the orthodoxy of the Svetāmbara sect, 37 which became more and more unbending to the various divisions of sectaries. The existing Siddhānta belongs exclusively to the Svetāmbaras. The loss of the entire drștivāda (cf. below), is doubtless principally due to the fact that it had direct reference to the doctrines of the schismatics. This point of view may afford us an explanation for the omissions, additions, and transformations in the constituation of the other angas, The (230) rigour of the polemic against the annautthiya, anyatirthika, parapāşanda and against the ninhaga, nihnava, is so sharp and cutting, that we are justified in drawing ulterior conclusions, which are of significance for the history of Jain literature,
Thus we have seen above, page 222f, that of works mentioned in angas 3 and 4 with special referance to their contents and extent, eight are no longer extant, as is also the case with some 30 of the 60 anangapavitha texts mentioned in the Nandisūtra, etc. Again, it is a definite and certain conclusion that the Mahāpainna chapter of the first
37 A patent example of this inflexibility is to be found in the Kupakşakaušikaditya,

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part of anga 1 long formed an integral part of that anga before it was lost, as is at present the case, the nisihajjhayaņam, which originally belongs to the second part of that anga, has been removed thence and given an independent position, that is to say, it exists, according to all probability, as chedasūtra 1. Some verses, which originally had their place at the end of the first chapters of upangas 5 and 7, and which the scholium ascribes to that place, are now not extant. On the other hand, there is no lack of insertions : At the date of the fourth anga ($84) the fiftth had not yet attained the half of its present extent (84,000 instead of 184.000 padas). The addition of certain portions called cūlās (protuberances), is expressly recognized by tradition as having taken place partly in anga 5.(vivāhacūlā) partly in. angas 1 and 12 as also in mūlasūtra 3. In the case of chedasūtra 4 we have a certain instance of a growth out of manifold constituent parts. Besides, these changes, be they omissions or additions, there are traces of evident textual transformations. The statements in anga 3, 10 in reference to the contents of angas 8-10, are drawn from a text quite different from our own. Furthermore [231] the statements in reference to the extent and division of all the 12 angas, to be found in a detailed discussion of the subject partly in anga 4, partly in the Nandi, are oftentimes in unison neither with each other nor with the actual constitution of the text. Even the modern representation of the Vidhiprapā, dating from the commencement of the fourteenth century, shows extensive variations in the case of an anga 6. It is furthermore to be noticed that chapter 16 of the first part of anga 2, has a title which does not comport with the character of its contents. The same may be affirmed of anga 10, the commentary to which refers to a textual division no longer in existence; nor does this anga contain the same dialect as the others. Finally, the name of the second upānga does not harmonize with its trditional explanation, which, in turn, stands in no genuine relation to the contents of the upānga. In this latter case there exists perhaps some connection with a Buddhistic text of similar denomination, to which we may, in the last instance, ascribe some influenee in bringing about the transformation of the text. We have seen that the constituent parts of the text in general have been exposed to modifications of the most varied character; and the same, we can confidently assume, has been the case with the state of the text itself, The peculiar style of these works in the first instance is to be held responsible for this result. The massiveness and ponderosity especially of the presentation by means of continual repetitions and constantly recurring stereotyped forms, has often sorely tried the patience of the Jain clergy. All the precautions which were taken by the division of the text into granthas,

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15
that is to say, groups of 32 syllables38 and by counting the latter by hundreds [232] or by thousands, which precautions according to Jacobi, Kalpas p.24 emanated from Devarddhigaại himself, have not been able to protect the text against the insertion of single words, or against abbreviations and omissions. The latter were then made good by reference to the parallel passages in other texts, cf.p. 228. All this, together with the dangers accruing from the constant copying of the MSS., has produced a state of confusion which is utterly irremediable. Often the catchwords alone, the skeletons of the page so to speak, are left, and that which must be supplied is to be found in the preceding, which was identical in tenor. The omitted portion was thus left to oral delivery or to oral instruction. The allusions to certain stereotyped descriptions, the epitheta ornantia, the so-called vannaa, varņaka, are doubtless to be referred to the period of the redaction,
So the text itself, as we see, has met with enormous losses in the course of time ; also the form of the words has suffered equally. I do not refer here to the frequent pāțhas, of which mention has already been made and which were intentionally changed from reasons of the most various character, but to the form of the words itself. The Prakrit of these texts was, as we have seen, page 221, afflicted in the very beginning with "a thorn in the flesh”. Its origin is to be sought in the East of India, in Magadha, and it was therefore proyided at the start with those peculiarities, or at least with a good part of them, which belonged to the Māgadhi dialect according to the testimony of the old inscriptions and of the tradition of the later grammarians. These texts were collected for the first time [233] by the Council of Pāțaliputra probably in that dialect, and after 800 years' transmission by word of mouth, if we trust the voice of tradition, were codified in writing in Western India. In this codification the attempt was doubtless made to preserve a part of the ancient grammatical form, particularly the termination of the Nom. sing. Masc. of the 1st decl., in e not in o. Such was the ancient colouring of the language of the "Scriptures", as the texts were now called. But, aside from this attempt at preserving an ancient flavouring, it may be stated as a general proposition that the texts were written down in that form, which the language assumed at the time and place where the written codification took place. In the case of those texts which were then not merely collected or compiled from ancient material, but newly created by the sole assistance of this ancient material, the desire to preserve the ancient
38 Also called Sloka or anusfubh. See Ind. Streifen, III. p. 212.

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form held good merely as regards the ancient citations. The remainder of the contents, including the notes of the redactor and his additions, was at the outset, composed in the new form (e.g. Nom. in o, not e.). This then remained for the future the only authoritative form which as far as can be discovered, was imperfect and contaminated by the most varied defects. No reference was paid to a substructure of grammar, and the flexibility of the rules as regards flexion or non-flexion recalls the latitude which the Prakrit grammarians of a later age [234] ascribed 39 to the Apabhramba in this particular. In compounds the single members are either entirely without samdhi, or the case termination is lacking in the latter member, so that it stands, like the other members, in its pure thematic form. The pure theme especially is frequently found instead of the inflected forms in the kārikās, which are inserted into the angas. The gender and number of the words which are associated, do not agree in a very large number of cases." The insertion of an inorganic m in the middle of compounds and at the end of a word, is a recognized practice. Corresponding occurrences or rather beginnings of such a use are found even in ancient times, and in fact in the Veda (cf. satamūti). The use of the particles to: (from ato) and o, tu and u as mere expletives, is exceedingly common. The indiscriminate variation of i and u with e and, o before double consonants makes many passages obscure and difficult. If to these considerations we add the so-called yaśruti it is apparent what a wide field is opened up for the disfigurement of words. There is, however, one circumstance more, and that of a very peculiar nature. By reason of the falling out at any time of a t in the frequently recurring forms of the 3rd pers. Singul. Pres., and of the Past, Perf. Pass., a misunderstanding arose in the minds of the copyists, which is only to be explained from the fact that there was no absolutely established grammatical use. This misunderstanding arose from the belief of the grammarians that t was a sound [235] that could be omitted or inserted at pleasure. The insertion of such an inorganic t in time gained ground so extensively, that the recognition of the original form becomes a matter of exceeding difficulty. As a matter of fact it can be proved that this situation of affairs led even at quite an early date to grotesque misunderstandings.41 As the result of all this many words of the
39 A perfect analogy is presented by the peculiar Sanskrit of the North Buddhistic
texts Lalitavistara, Mahāvastu, etc. 40 Just as in the texts of the Avesta, especially the Vendidad, which were collected at
about this period. 41 All sorts of false forms which had no clalm to existence came gradually into use
in this way. An interesting case of this, which, if my conception is correct, transplants us into a period before Varahamihira A. D. 504-587, will be found in the

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texts are exceedingly corrupt. We find therefore it almost beyond belief when we consider the nature of the licenses which modern Jain authors allow themselves when they write Prakrit. In the scholia all matter of this class is explained simply as chāndasa, or ārşa. If now, despite the above great transformation of the constitution and condition of the text of the Siddhānta since Devarddhigaņi, it is always difficult in a given case to demonstrate the posteriority of any definite text after him, there is nevertheless, [236] in the contents a sufficient number of dates which correspond exactly, or at least tally well, with the period in which he is placed by tradition, namely the fifth century A. D.
Of the evidence of this character we must first mention the astronomical and astrological conceptions, which are anterior to the authoritative influence of Greek astronomy, or at least in all essentials independent of it. There is as yet no knowledge of the Zodiac ; the planets are not arranged in the Greek order (as is the case in several of the Ath. Paris.), and play a very unimportant part. The nak satras and the Vedic yugam of five years still hold sway. The nakşatras are often found, arranged after the old order, starting with krttikā. At the same time we find in the upāngas the change of the vernal equinox from krttikā to bharaṇi indicated by the commencement with abhijit, which is such a favourite in the upangas.42 In this fact we have a sign that the influance of Greece had already become active. In general, however, the statements of the upāngas still represent the stage of the so-called Jyoti şam and of a part of the Atharvaparišişțas. The names of the karaņas that have a foreign sound : bava, bālava, etc. belong, it is true, to the upāngas ; horā is found however for the first time in painna 8. v. 60.
We must also mention the enumeration of the foreign, non-Aryan peoples, [237] which are frequently referred to in the angas and upāngas.
name of the metre vaitaliyam in anga 2. 1. 2. The title of the first upanga is incorrectly stated to be aupapātika instead of dika. The name Meayya (Metayya) became Metārya, the common form. In my treatise on the Satrunjaya Mah. p. 3. 4, when I had no knowledge of this inorganic t, I conjectured Metārya to have originated from Mevārya. The Schol, on anga 2. 2. 7 has, it must be confessed, Medarya. Furthermore the later Jains have been guilty of all sorts of wild misconceptions in reference to their own language, as for example, the completely erroneous explanation of the name nisiha by nišitha. In this category we may
perhaps place Licchaki for Licchavi. 42 So also in anga 3 ; in anga 4, 7 probably is an interpolation. The names of the
nakşatras appear, we may notice in passing, here only in their secondary form, thus : pusya, bhadrapada, etc.
F-2

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This enumeration transplants us with tolerable certainty to a period from the second to the fourth century A.D., which is the most ancient period in which the enumeration can have originated, though the present texts may be much later. The mention made of the Arabians among the list, in the form ārava, which has yet not been discovered as occuring elsewhere in India, might lead us to suppose that we had to deal with a period far posterior to that delimited above. This could, however, be the case only on the supposition that the Arabians of Islam are referred to. It is my opinion that a reference to an anteIslamic period (in which Arabia and India were closely connected by commercial ties), is as fully justified as a reference to the Islamic period. From the mention of this peculiar denomination of the Arabians, which as before said appears here for the first time in the history of Indian literature, I conclude that the first author of the enumeration in question lived in a part of India in which the commercial connections with Arabia were very close, that is to say, on the west coast. The mention made of the seven schisms in angas 3, the last of which occured in the year 584 Vira, compels us to regard the second century A.D. as the extreme limit a' qua for the composition of the texts of the Siddhānta. We have therefore to conclude that the period from the second to the fifth century is the period to which their composition must be relegated.
The other dates, which we can extract from thę texts, are in agreement with this delimitation of the period of their origin, of special importance are the references in the angas to the corpus of Brahmanical secular literatures [238] which existed at the time, see Bhagav. 1. 441 ; 2. 446 8. Then too the use of the word anga to denote the oldest portions or the chief group of the Siddhānta43 deserves attention, and makes probable the assumption that the period of their orgin is the same as that to which belong the Brahmanical angas and upāngas, often alluded to in their most ancient portions. The second of those two names (upāngas) has been adopted by the Jains as the title of the second chief group of their texts. I have already called attention to
43 The Buddhists in the case of the chief group of their own scriptures make use of
the word sutra to denote a class of literature of somewhat ancient date. The word sutra occurs also in the colophons of the Jaina Siddhanta and plays a very important role in the Scholia ; yet is never used in the texts themselves with the same significance as among the Buddhists, if we except the Anuyogadvāras and Avasy. nijjutti together with that section of anga 12 which has the specific title of suttaim. See Bhag. 1, 441, 2, 196, 247 and Vorles. über Ind. Lit. Gesch.2 316. The style of some of the oldest parts of the Siddhānta reminds us in a very slight degree of that of the later Brahmanical sutra. In reference to the connection, of somewhat problematic character, between sämāyika or sāmāyāri and sama yācārika, see later on under anga 1, or in Uttaradhy. 16.

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the close connection between the astronomical doctrines of the angas and those of the “Jyoti şa" vedānga. Fibally may be mentioned (see Bhagav, 1. 383) the solemn composition in the āryā measure 14 of verses which are cited in the Siddhānta or inserted therein. This measure must at the time of the redaction of the Siddhānta have enjoyed especial authoritativeness, otherwise it had never been made so exclusive a vehicle of composition. We must however call attention to the fact that the oldest material portions of the texts are not composed in gāthās but in ślokas ; thus anga 2, the metrical portions of the chedasūtras and those of mülasūtras 1 and 3 [239] are composed in ślokas, while the nijjutti and cūrņi belonging to those mūlas are in gāthas. In anga 2 we find also the vaitāliya measure. The name of this metre (cf. ad loc.) which exists even in the “Chandas" vedānga, appears to have been caused 45 by a misunderstanding of the name of a chapter of this anga, brought about by the insertion of an inorganic t. The existence of the name of this chapter of the anga would receive by this supposition a valuable attestation, inasmuch as it dates far back to a very remote period. In ślokas and vaitāliyas are composed the verses of the Dhammapada of the Buddhists, with which several portions of this anga, as well as of mūlasūtras 1 and 3, are very closely connected.
We come at this point to a question, which I will here merely mention. What is the relation of the Siddhānta of the Jains to the sacred writings of the Buddhists, both northern and southern ? A few sidelights of this character will be brought into use as the course of our investigation progresses. The solution of the question can only then be successfuly undertaken, when we are in a position to compare the texts themselves.
The following review of the contents of the Siddhānta endeavours, in the first place, to disclose to us the actual constitution of the texts which are at the present day reckoned as belonging to the Siddhāntu. In this review I follow the order adopted by Bühler (see above, page 226). Secondly, it purposes from the dates contained therein to cast light upon the most important points for the date of the composition of each single division, and for the life of the founder [240] of Jainism, as far as this is possible for me in this first assault upon its literature, remarkable not less for its immensity than for its monotony and intellectual poverty.
44 There is frequently a great lack of metrical correctness in these verses. 45 The metre in question existed earlier as may be seen from its use in the Dhamma
pada.

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The more exact details will be found in the second part of my catalogue of the Sanskrit and Prakrit MSS. of the Royal Library of Berlin, which is at present in the press.46* I have unfortunately been able to make use of the editions of anga 10 and upanga 2 alone out of the Calcutta and Bombay editions of the angas and upāngas, published 1876 ff.
At the conclusion of this introduction it may be permitted me to state that personally I still continue to regard the Jains as one of the oldest of the Buddhistic sects.47* The fact that the tradition in reference to the founder of Jainism deals partly with another personality than Buddha Säkyamuni himself - with the name of a man who in the Buddhistic legend is mentioned as one of the contemporary opponents of Sakyamuni - this fact, I say, does not, in my opinion, militate against the conclusion that Jainism is merely one of the oldest of the Buddhistic sects. It appears to me that the conception of the founder of Jainism as an opponent of Buddha can well be regarded as an intentional disavowal of religious opinion which took its rise in sectarian hate. The number and the significance of common features in both Buddhistic and Jain traditions in reference to the life and labours etc. of each of their founders outweight any arguments that make for the contrary opinion. If we reflect and I here repeat what I have said on page 219–that the Jain texts were, as the Jains themselves claim, codified in writing 1000 years after the death of the founder of Jainism, then it is really marvellous [241] that they appear to contain so much that is original. How large the number and how influential the character of the events which occurred in the interval, is for the present veiled in obscurity, although the information emanating from the Jains themselves (or more particularly from the Syetămbaras with whose literature we have specially to go) in reference to the seven schisms etc.48 affords us at least some slight base of operations. One fact, for example, is noteworthy : that the nakedness, which is adduced by the Brahmins (e.g. also by Varahas mih. 58,45,59,19) as a chief characteri
45* of this new catalogue Vol. I has since appeared under the title : Die Hand
schriften-Verzeichnisse der konigl. Bibliothek zu Berlin, Vol. V. Part II. Vol. I (352 pages ; see ante 1887. p. 316), Vol. II (p. 353-828) which is particularly
devoted to the sacred Jain Literature, is nearly ready.-L. 47* This view (which in Europe has apparently persuaded only M. Barth of Paris) will
scarcely be maintainable any longer, since Prof. Bühler has discovered inscriptional proofs for the authenticity of the Old Thera lists given by the Kalpasurra. see the two papers by Bühler in the Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes,
Vol. I. p. 165ff and Vol. II., (III), p. 1ff.-L. 48 According to v. 43 of Dhammaghosa's Kalasattari : terasasaehim (1300) Virā
hohimti anegahā mayavibheālbamdhasti jehim jivă bahuha kamkhai mohanian. //

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stic of the Jains, and which according to Buddhistic statements, was resolutely opposed by Buddha, assumes an unimportant position in the angas and at least is not regarded as a matter of necessity, see Bhag. 2,187,239,314. Later the necessity of appearing naked was introduced as a dogma by a sect of dissenters. If we take into considerations the hate which the Svetāmbaras, who played the role of the orthodox sect, manifested so vigorously against the Digambaras in particular49 (Kup. 797 7), it is no rash conjecture to assume that many prescriptions or traditions in regard to this point have been removed from the Siddhānta of the Svetämbaras. Even the orthodox do not deny that the Jinas themselves went naked;50 they assert merely that, what was permissible then is no longer permissible at the present day.
At the head of [242] the Siddhānta stand then :
a. The (11 or 12) angas.
We have seen above on page 211 ff. that, according to tradition, at the time of the first Jina all 12 angas were extant ; that then between Jinas 2-9 there existed only eleven, i. e., all except anga 12 ; that between, Jinas 9-16, those eleven also were lost, whereas in the time of, or between, Jinas 16-24, all twelve were extant, and that the 12th afterwards was again51 lost. If we exclude the mythical first Jina from our consideration, the essence of this tradition is perhaps this : the number of the angas was at first eleven, to these a twelfth was joined, which twelfth anga was again lost. This assumption corresponds to the conclusions to be derived from the Siddhānta itself. In the angas themselves and in the upāngas too,52 only eleven angas are as a rule mentioned. The principal exception to this assertion is the fourth anga where at the very outset we find a short enumeration (which can easily be shown to be of secondary addition) of the single parts of the duvālasamgaṁ gaṇi pidagaṁ ; alike in $$18,46,88, some declarations in referance to anga 12 ; and finally at the end a detailed exposition of this subject, in wbich the duvālasaṁgaṁ gaṇipidagam is glorified as hav
49 deśavisamvadino dravyalingenā 'bhedino nihna vāh, Borikäs tu sarvavisamvādino
dravyalingato 'pi bhinnäh, according to the Vicārāmyta-sangraha in Malayagiri's
Comm. to Avasy. ; cf. Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 15n. 50 See Wilson Sel. W.J, 294 ed. Rost in reference to the nakedness of Mahavira : cf.
also the characterization of his doctrine in anga 3, 9 fin. as acelae. 51 Accord. to Bhagav. 20, 8, anga 12 was lost savvat tha, i.e. in all 23 jinamtaras, as
Leumann informs me. 52 But see up, 1.26 (p. 36, Leumann).

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ing existed eternally in the past and as destined to exist forever in the future, This laudation of anga 12 is very surprising, and may well be explained as an intentional polemical assertion to satisfy all doubts that might arise. According to all probability the last section, which is found almost verbatim et litteratim in the Nandi, composed probably by Devarddhigaại himself, [243] is to be regarded as a later addition to anga 4, whether it was borrowed from the Nandi itself, or, if this cannot be the case on account of some few differences between them, from a common source. Besides this mention in anga 4 and some other references, which eventually may also be of secondary origin (e. g., anga 5,20,8) the duvālasamgam gani pidagaṁ is mentioned only in those portions of the Siddhānta which do not belong to the angas.
The later origin of the passages in question is manifest from form in which they are referred to.
the
When anything is said of the eleven angas, they are always characterized 63 as begining with the sāmāyika”, in case the statement is not merely limited to this number itself, but when the first one is specifically referred to by name. When, on the other hand, anything is said of twelve angas, in which case the titles of each and all are generally cited, the first anga is not called sämāiya, but ācāra (e. g. also anga 5,20,8); the latter name is found in the MSS. and elsewhere up to the present day. This direct variation between the two forms of denotation is peculiar and surprising, but may perhaps be explained as follows : The word sāmāyika was perhaps originally a synonym of acāra. I derive54 it form samaya and hold that it is equivalent to the Brahmanical sāmayācārika (see M. Müller, Hist. Anc, S. Lit. p. 206 fg.) which here appears probably [244] in the term sämāyāri (see Uttarajjh. 26). This may be regarded as a counterpart of sämayācārika. In upanga 1 at the end of the first part, the dharma of Mahāvira is designated in a general way as sāmāia or as agārasāmāie dhamme and anagarasão. The use of the word in this universal signification in a legend is attested for Mabăvira's predecessor Pärśva ; see Bhagav. 2, 184. Besides this wider signification there was developed a second more restricted use (see the
53 Sāmātiga-m adiyai i. e. sāmāyikadini. see Bhagav. 2, 281-3. 300. up. I, 31 remains
an exception (Leumann, p. 44) 54 Cf. Pān. 5, 4, 34 where in the gana, samaya and samayācāra are found, also
samāya (var. 1); the form sama', might be regarded as an intentional differentiation for sāmao; cf. the akştigana, anušatika as also saigrāhika, from samgraha, in Abhayadeva on anga 4, who even uses svasāmāyika as the adj. to svasamaya. The Jains themselves affect several etymologies, and generally regard sama as the first member of the compound. See also Bhag. 2, 186.

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reference just quoted) viz.—the first member of the six so-called āvas yakas55 i. e., necessary observances, the treatment of which forms the chief subject of the Anuyogadvāra-sūtra and of the sūtra text, on which the Āvas yakanijjutti is based. In both these works and in the Nandi, which in turn also makes special mention of the six āvas yakas with sāmāiya at the head, the duvālasamga ganipidaga with ācāra at the head is principally spoken of. Consequently it is easy to conjecture that the use of the word sāmāyika occurring here in its pregnant sense as the title of the first āvas yaka, has been the cause of the dropping of this denotation for the first anga (in order to avoid any misunderstanding56), and the reason of the choice of the title ācāra for this anga, [245] a title which is perfectly clear.57 Further more transitional stages may be found. Āvasy. nijj. 2,14 we read sāmāia-m-ăiam suanäņam jāva biṁdusārāo. Here the first anga is still entitled sāmāia although twelve angas are treated of; biṁdusāra is the title of the fourteenth pūrva or of the concluding section the third part58 of the twelfth anga. In chedas 2, 3 the same is said of the duvālasamgaṁ suyanāņaṁ : that it is sāmāiya-m-āi logabimdusāgara (sāra !) payyavasanaṁ,59*
If now the passages, in which eleven angus with sāmāyika at their head are spoken of, are older than those in which reference is made to twelve angas with ācāra at their head, it becomes self-evident that the twelfth angam has been united to the other eleven as a secondary addition. According to tradition and to the actual state of the case, the twelfth angam did probably not long assert this secondary position which it had acquired ; and at present at least is no longer extant. Doubtless it was lost long ago (cf. page 213). From this circumstance alone we may conjecture that there existed a species of oppositions, an actual incongruity between it and the other eleven angas, which led to its loss. For the confirmation of this assertion we still have proof. In both the works, which we have just found to be the two principal witnesses for the existence [246] of the duvālasaṁgaṁ ganipidagam, viz, in the Anuyogadv. and in the Āvasy. nijj., the twelfth angam under
55 These form the first of the ten groups of the sāmāyāri, see Uttarajjh. 26. 56 It is very peculiar that in Avašy. nijj. 2, 8 sämājā appears as the title of the first
ayaśyaka and only six verses later on in 2, 14 as title of the first anga. 57 The change may have been favoured by the union of both words in the Brahmanical
term samayācāra. 58 Both the following parts are herewith completely ignored. 59* On the authority of such passages the pravacanam is explained by sāmāyikādi
bimdusārapar yamtam in later works, e. g., in the commentary to Dharmaghoşa's Jitakalpa, also in the Nandi-tikā, see ed. of the Nandis., p. 390.-L.

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its title ditthivāa drstivāda, is placed in direct oposition to the other eleven angas, which are there included in the collective title of kaliyan suam kālikaṁ śrutam. This occurs in the Anuyogadv., in the section parimāṇasaṁkha, where the means are explained by which the sacred text is assured through counting its constituent parts. Common subdivisions are ascribed to both its above mentioned parts, but for the chief sections the titles uddesaga, ajjhayaņa, suakhaṁdha, asga are given to the kāliasua, the titles pähuda, pähudia, pāhudapāhudiā, vatthu however to the dițthivāa. According to this (and the other statements in reference to the division of the ditthivāa are in agreement herewith) there existed between both these groups of texts a fundamental difference in the designation of their chief divisions. This may probably be referred to a different origin or to a different treatment of the subject matter of both.60* In the Āvasy, nijj. 8,54 two other texts are mentioned (isibhāsiyāi and sūrapannatti) besides kāliasuam and ditthivaa. Of these the first is lost, the second has found lodgment among the existing upangas. Its agreement with the ditthiyāa in its division into pāhuda, leads us to conclude that it must have some connection with it. Finally of special importance is a notice, found but a short distance from this in the same text (8,40), according to which [247] up to the time of Ajja Vayara, that is, of Vajrasvāmin, apuhatte (aprthaktvam) kāliāņuoassa existed, and the puhattań (prthaktvam)"kāliasua ditthivāe a had found entrance later on : teņāreņa, tata ārataḥ.
For the present at least it is quite uncertain how we are to understand this peculiar notice, or how we are to bring it into harmony with the position, which Vajra holds elsewhere in tradition, that is, as the last daśapūrvin-knower of (merely) ten pūrvas. After him there were only navapūrvins, and the knowledge of the pūrvas gradually decreased until it finally ceased altogether (p. 213). We can determine at least this with certainty--that a thorough-going difference existed between anga twelve and the other eleven. The hostility of the great Bhadrabahu, who is held to be the real representative of the drstivāda, to the sacred Samgha is apparent from other sources and from the late notice in Hemacandra's Pariś iştaparvan (above, p. 214).61 The reason for
60* In the tradition referred to on page 215 the priority of the purvas over the angas
is claimed. Their position in the last anga, at the conclusion of the others, is however not in harmony with this claim. The title purvas has rather reference in the Jast instance to the contents. See below on anga 12-It must however be taken into consideration that the old accounts on the rise of the sain schisms mention only the purvas and not the angas ; see my paper "Die alten Beriehte von den
Schismen der Jaina," Ind. Stud. Vol. XVII. pp. 107 and 112.-L. 61 If Bhadrabāhu appears here, and elsewhere, in the tradition, as the last teacher of
the 14 pūrvas, which form an integral part of the drstivāda, and if with his pupil

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this enmity can be clearly discerned in the statements, which have been preserved in reference to the twelfth anga. It may be permitted here to refer to the discussion of the same later on. According to these statements, the first two of the five parts in which it was presumably divided, dealt with the views (drsti) of the heterodox sects, the ājiviya and the terāsia62 besides treating of other subjects. [248] The name drsțivāda may perhaps be explained by reference to this fact. The third part consisted of the so-colled 14 pūrvas, the contents of which was probably not in entire harmony with the sect of the Svetāmbaras, which had gradually arrogated to itself the position of being the representative of orthodoxy. This then is perhaps the reason for the loss of the twelfth angam. .
The remaining extant eleven angas by no means represent a unit since they fall into several groups, the single members of which are marked by certain formal peculiarities, which prove a connection closer in the case of some than in that of others.
The first of those groups is formed by angas 1-4, all the larger divisions of which close with the words ti bemi, iti bravimi ; and according to the Scholia, Sudharman, Mahāvira's pupil, is regareded as the one who gives utterance to this formula. The prose portions begin with the formula ; suyaṁ me ausaṁ! teņam bhagavayā evam akkhāyam. "I have heard, 0 long-lived one! Thus has that saint spoken." Sudharman is the speaker, according to the Scholia. In this formula,63 which characterizes the contents as the oral transmission of the utterances of Mahāvira, a scholar of Sudharman, i. e. Jambu, is the one addressed. This introductory formula is found also in other texts of the Siddhānta at the commencement of the prose sections; and with this the closing formula ti bemi is generally connected. From this it appears to me that an immediate connection of these portions with the first four angas is here eo ipso indicated, in so far as in all probability [249] all bear the traces of a unifying hand. In regard to the especial connection of angas 1-3 with one another, this fact deserves mention that in anga 4, 57 they apper as a group which belongs by itself or as the 'three
in the 14 pūrvas, Sthūlabhadra, the mere knowledge of the last four purvas is said to have vanished, this is in no greater agreement with the information derived from the Siddhānta itself (see above, p. 215) than with the above statements in reference
to Vajra's activity in the case of the ditthivaa. See above, page 215. 62 The traditional date for the foundation of this sect--544 after Vira is exactly 374
years later than the date which is set for Bhadrabāhu the supposed last teacher of
the 14 purva-(kalasatts. v. 37). 63 This is explained in very different ways.
of this sect above, patatements derived from

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26
.
SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS
ganipidagas" (ācāryasya sarvasvabhājanāni) KOT' e'Exon'». Anga 4 is nothing but a continuation of anga 3, and in the very beginning is styled to be “the fourth anga".
A second group is formed by angas 6-9 and 11, which in a common introductory formula refer on the one hand their contents directly to Suhamma or Jambu, and on the other are shown by other statements to have been united by one hand. See the remarks at the commencement of anga 6.
Angas 7-9 appear to be connected by an especially close bond.
The fifth anga and the existing redaction of anga 10 are not embraced in either of these groups. Anga 10 belonged originally to the second group. It exists in a form demonstrably later and is composed in another dialect (Nom. Şing. in o). The fifth anga takes a separate position, and begins in a very peculiar way. It possesses however one point of similarity with anga 6 ; kārikās, which state the contents of what is to follow, are found with each larger section. These sections do not have in the case of this anga the title ajjhayaņa, but are called saya, sata. The title of the anga itself has some connection with the titles of upāngas 5-7, and this fact makes plain that there is an inner connection between them.
That the reader may obtain a ready survey, I add the statements in reference to the extent of each of the angas which are found [250] in the MSS. of each at the end. As stated above, page 231, the texts are divided into hundreds and thousands of granthas, i. e., groups of 32 syllables, and these are marked at the proper place (either by thousands or by five hundreds) or the collective number of the granthas is stated at the end. As a matter of fact the statements of the MSS in reference to the number vary very frequently ; which is to be referred to the greater or smaller number of omissions which have been made therein. We shall refer further on, under anga 4, to this matter again. The following are the numbers in questions :
1,2554 gr., - 2,2300, - 3,3750,- 4,1667, - 5,15750, 6,5375,-7,812,-8,890, -9,192,-10,1300,-11,1316.
In the case of several angas at the close there are special statements in reference to the number of days necessary for the study or for the

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recitation of the anga-see Bhagav. 1,377-8, a subject which is treated of at great length in the Vidhi prapā.64 I now proceed to an examination of each of the anga texts.
I. The first anga has, in its existing form, the name āyāra, ācāra, or å yārapakappam65 and treats [251] in two suakkhaṁdhas, śrutaskandas of the manner of life of a bhikkhu.66 The first śrutask., baṁbhaceräis, brahmacaryāņi, contains at present eight ajjhayaņas with 44 uddesagas, the second : 16 ajjh. and 34 udd. It is however definitely stated that the first śrutask, contained previously not 8 but 9 ajjh. and the whole anga consequently not 24, but 25 ajjh. and not 78, but 8 udd. Cf. especially in arga 4 $ 25 and $ 85 and the detailed resume' of the 12 anga found both there and in the Nandi. In $ 25, where the titles of the 25 ajjh, are enumerated one by one, we find the name mahāparinnā, belonging to this ajjh, which is no longer extant placed in the ninth place between 1, 8 and 2, 187* ; and the same circumstance may be noticed as occurring in Āvašy. 16,112 fg. More exact information is found in the Vidhi prapā according to Avašy. 8, 46-49. Here we find that Vajrasvāmin (presumably 584 Vira) extracted68 from it the āgāsagāmiņi vijja; and from the fact that it contained exaggerations (? säisayattaņeņa ; according to Leumann, on account of the excellence of this extract) it was lost, or rather continued to exist only in the nijjuti. It was the opinion of Silaṁka (A.D. 876) that it occupied not the ninth but the eighth place.69 This latter statement is incorrect,70* for [252] in the existing commentary of Silamka?1 the
64 The names of the single ajjhayanas and the number of the uddesagas etc. are speci
fically enumerated in the Vidhi prapa : anga 1, 50 days; 2,30; 3,18; 4,18; 5,77 (a second statement, it seems, allots 6 months 6 days) 6,33; 7,14 ; 8,12; 9,7; 10,14; 11,24. In like manner the author examines and states the number of days necessary for certain work ; āvassaya (8 days), dasaveālia (15), uttar ajjhayana (39) nisīha (10), dasākappavavahāra (20 or 22), mahānisiha (45). A recapitulation in
68 ārvas concludes the discussion; jogavihānam nāma payaranang. 65 See above. p. 223, 224; this is to be studied in the third year after the dikşā. 66 Teaching sacred observances after the practice of Vasiştha (!) and other saints,
. Wilson. Sel. works 1,284 ed. Rost. 67* According to Malayagiri and the Prakrit authority quoted by him (Nandis. p. 425)
between 1,7 and 1,8 (ohānas.)-L. 68 From this it seems as if its contents touched upon the subject of magic. Was this
the cause of its removal ? Cf. the analogous case in anga 10. According to the Ganadhar asardhasata V. 29 (see p. 371) Vajrasv. borrowed the āyāsag. vijjā from
sumahāpainna puvvā u rather than from the ninth ajjh. of the first śrutask. of anga 1. 69 navamajjhayanam vocchinnam, tam ca mahāpaārinnā itto kira āyāsagāmini
vijja Vairasāmiņā uddhariyasi tti säisayattanena vocchinnañ nijjuttimātrañ citthai : Silańkāyari yamaeņa puna eyam, arthamam, vimukkhajjhayanan sattaman,
uvahānasuyam navamam ti. 70* It would suit if Malayagiri were concerned, see the last asterism note.-L. 71 In the opening of ajjhayana 7 we read: adhunā saptamadhyayanasya mahāparijna

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mahāparinnā, which at and probably long before his time had been lost, is placed, not between 1, 7 and 1, 8, but between 1, 6 and 1, 7- that is to say in the seventh place. In the Vidhiprapā there is probably a confusion with Abhayadeva, in whose commentary on arga 4-as also in the anonymous comm, on the Nandi -the mahāparinnā keeps, it is true the eighth place. The nijjutti then, which manifestly was still extant at the time of Jinaprabha, is probably identical with that nijj, of which the author of the Avašy. nijj. declares (2,5) that he is himself the composer; and which served specially as a basis to the comm. of Silamka. The scholia everywhere preserve a knowledge of the ninth chapter. Furthermore the common chedas. 1 in its opening still mentions nine bambhacerāņi.
The titles of the 8 extant ajjh. of the first śrutaskandha (V - Vidhiprapā) are :
1. satthaparinnā, sastrapraijñā, with 7 udd. ; in udd. 1 jivatvaṁ, jivāstitvaṁ sämānyena, in 2-7 višeşeņa prthivikāyādyastitvaṁ. There are many references of a polemical nature to the Sakyas, or Bauddhas, in 2.3, according to the scholiast.
2. logavijaya, lokasāravijaya, with 6 udd. ; mokşāvāptihetubhūtam cāritram.
3. siosaņijjam (siūsio), sitoşniyam, with 4 udd. ; pratilomānulomaparişahāḥ.
4. sammattaṁ, [253] samyaktvam, with 4 udd. ; samyagvādah, mithyāvādabhūtatirthika-matavicāraṇā.
5. logasāra; in anga. 4, 25, in Āvasy, nijj. and in the schol, on Nandis : āvasti, according to the words of the commencement,79 with 6 udd. ; samyamaḥ, mokşaśca, munibhāvaḥ.
6. dhūyā (dhūyam V), dhūtā, with 5 udd. ; nijakarmaśariropakarana... vidhūnanena niḥsaṁgatā.
7. vimoha, vimokṣa (?) with 8 udd. ; samyag niryāņań. .
8. ohānasuyam (uvaoV), upadhānaśrutam, with 4 udd. ; treats of Vira Vardhamānasvāmin who himself practised the course enjoined in ajjh, 1 to 7.
khyas ya'vasaras, tacca vyavacchinnam iti kyt và 'tilamghya 'stamas ya sambandho
vācyah. 72 avanti logasāram va, in the Vidhiprapa.

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This first śrutask, is exceedingly difficult to comprehend and belongs, as Jacobi, from whom we expect an edition,73* informs me in a letter of March 14th 1880, "without doubt to the oldest portions of Jaina literature". Even the commentaries “very often do not understand the text, since from pure force of explanation they fail at reaching any explanation of the sense. The restorations, which must frequently be made, are in fact prodigious."
This shows that we have to do with the method of explanation found in the later Brahmanical sūtras74 (treating of ritual, grammar, philosophy), the difficulty of which is here increased from the fact that Prakrit is the language used, and that the MSS. are uncertain. The second śrutaskandha 'is characterized by the epithet attached to it : agre śrutaskandha (agre having the meaning of "later” here) as a species of supplement to the first. This is in harmony (254) with the peculiar designation of the four sections of which it consists according to the scholia, viz. : Cūla, i. e., "pudding", "excrescence", used figuratively here : uktaśeșānuvādini cūdā. The first is formed by ajjh. 1-7, the second by ajjh. 8-14, the third by ajjh. 15, the fourth by ajjh. 16. The scholia state that a fifth cūlā belongs to these, which is called nisithādhya yanam,75 being no longer reckoned as a part of the ācāra but placed among the chedasūtras as the first of them.76 It belonged however to the acāra at the period of anga 4,25, where the nisihajjhayaņam is expressly designated as “25th ajjh", of the ācāra i. e, as the last of the 25 ajjh. enumerated there.77 The impression is made upon us as if this ajjh, alone was called cūliyā. The ācāra is there expressly designated as sacūliyāga, but in $ 57, where only 24 ajjh. are ascribed to it, the three angas (1-3) which are there treated of, are designated as āyāracūliyavajja ; a statement which as far as I can see, is to be explained with tolerable certainty only in the above way.78 Also [255] at the time of
73* This has appeared as one of the publications of the Pali Text Society, 1882;
Jacobi has also translated the text and prefaced it by a most valuable introduction
in Vol. XXI. Sacred Books of the East.-L. 74 The chief representatives being Katyāyana (Srautas.), Pāņini, Bādarāyaṇa, Jaimini. 75 Or nišithā; ācāravikal po nišithah sa pamcami cude 'ti fol. 209a. So also
pathcacula as designation of the ācāra in the beginning of the Nisithabhāsye. 76 The fourth chedasutram is closely connected as regards its contents with anga 1 ;
and in anga 3,10 it is cited under the title of āyāradasāu. 77 The first cula must be reckoned as having 6, not 7, ajjh., otherwise there would be
in all 26 and not 25 ajjh ; as a matter of fact 26 names are adduced, mahāparinnā
in the ninth place. Perhaps sajjeriya counted as but one ajjhayana. 78 Abhay., it must be confessed, understands by acăraculikā: sar vāṁt i mar adhya
yanam vimukt yadhyayanam, nišithā lhyayanasya prasthānāṁtararatvene 'ha nāšrayanat (!); the latter statement is however in too direct contrast to $ 25.

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the Āvasy. nijj. 16,114, the nisihajjh. was still regarded as a part of the ācāra, and in fact plays a greater role there than in anga 4,25. It is counted as having 3 ajjh. so that not 25 but 28 ajjh. enumerated there.79 Even the Vidhiprapā still designates the nisihajjhayaņam as the pańcami cülā of the second śrutaskandha.
It consists manifestly of different constituent parts, which originally existed independently of each other, but at a later period were brought into conjunction. They begin almost always with the same formula : se bhikkhū vā bhikkhuņi vā abhikamkhe ...
In the Nandi, the angacūliyā is expressly enumerated among the anangapavittha texts. This is not in harmony with the position of our cūlās either at $$ 25,57,85 of anga 4 nor with the detailed treatment of the 12 angas in anga 4 nor in the Nandi itself, since there the second śrutask. with its cūlās is invariably regarded as a part of anga 1. In anga 3, 10 the anga-cūliyā is mentioned as third ajjhayaņam of the samkheviya dasāu.. Consequently reference is made to a text entirely different from these cūlās.
The 7 adhyay, of the first cūla have the following titles:
1. piṁdesaņā; pindai saņā ; with 11 udd ; "collection of the necessities of life" (see Dasaveal. 5) or "rules for eating".
2. sejjā, syyā with 3 udd. ; "couch".
3. iriyā, [256) iryā, with 3 udd.; "conduct of the Sramaņa when he goes out pinda-vasaty-artham".
4. bhāsajjāyā, bhāṣājātam with 2 udd., "what he has to say and what not to say".
5. vatthesaņā, vastraişaņā, with 2 udd. ; vastragrahaņavidhih. 6. pādesaņā, pātraişaņā, with 2 udd., "vessel for the pinda".
7. uggahapadima, avagrahapratima with 2 udd. ; on possession in general.
The second cūlā likewise embraces seven adhyayanas, each of
79 ......bhāvana vimuttil/113// ugghāyam anugghāyam āruvanā tiviham o nisiham tu ia
atthāvisaviho āyārapakappanāmo al/11411. Here we find the correct number of adhyayanas for both śrutask; for śrut. 1, 9, for śrut. 2,16.

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31
which has only one udd., whence its peculiar name; sattikka, sattikkaya, explained by saptaikaka.80 They existed in conjunction with one another originally, and formed a whole before they were placed here.81 Their names are :
8. hāṇasattikkayam, sthānasaptaikaka.
9. nisihiya, niśithikā (also niśi'); begins : se bh. vā bh. vā abhikamkhe nisihi yaṁ gamaņāe. Very brief.
10. uccāra-pāsavaņa (oprasravaņa). 11. saddasattikkaa, śabdao. 12. daṁsaņa, darśana ; rūvasattikkayaṁ V.
13. Without any specific title, accord. to V. parakiriyāsattikkaya ; rāgadveşot pattinimittaprati ṣedhah.
14. Without any specific title (saptamaḥ saptaikakaḥ), according to V. annonnakiriyāsattikkayaṁ ; anyonyakriyā nișidhyate.
Since it appears that here in the second (ninth) ajjh. the same subject is briefly treated of as in the fifth chūdā, see page 254, [257] the latter must be regarded as an amplification. The constant explanation of the word is deserving of special mention : nisiha, nisihiyā explained by nišitha (niś), niśīthikā. From this one might readily be led to assume that by this explanation conduct at night, or couch for the night was intended ; and the introductory words (see above) are capable of being so explained. According to the scholiast, however, the contents appear to be of a different nature : tasyāṁ svădhyāyabhūmau (as it is described in ajjh 8) yad vidheyaṁ yacca na vidheyaṁ. The use of these two words in other passages, especially in the Āvašy. Nijj., and the contents of the first chedaśutra itself which bears this name (see later on), point rather to nişedha than to niśitha. In the traditional conception as niśitha we have to deal with a direct misunderstanding, which is without prejudice to the remaining points of identity between nisiha and niśitha.
The third cūlā, bhavaņajjhayaņam
v. with but one udd, has
80 saptai kakāni ekasarāni, uddesak arahitāni. 81 The following two cudas too, have only one udd. each and in this respect are exactly
like the sat tikkaya. They have, however, not been drawn into unison with the sattikkaya but remain independent.

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reference to the observance of each of the 5 bhāvanāḥ, as conditions of the five mahāvratas ; and, as an introduction, gives the legends of the birth etc. of their teacher Mabăvira.
The fourth cūlā, vimutti, also having but one udd., consists of only elever jagati-verses.
The table of contents of anga 1, found in anga 4, and in the Nandi is as follows : se82 kim tam āyāre ? āyāre naṁ samaņāņam niggathāṇaḥ āyāragoyare83 viņaya-veņaiyatthāņa84 gamaņacamkamaņa-pamāņa-jogajum. janabhāsāsamitigutti seyyo-'vahi 85-bhatta-pāņa-uggama-uppayaņaesaņāvisohi-suddhāsuddha-gahana86 vaya-niyama-tavo' vahāņa-suppasattham āhijjai [258] se samāsau pamcavihe pannatte : taṁ jahā : nāņāyāre daṁsaņāyāre carittāyāre tavāyāre viriyāyāre. From this we derive but little, information concerning details or for the grouping of the contents. Following upon the table of contents are statements in reference to the division into 2 suyakkh, 25 ajjh, etc ; this is also the case with the following angas.
for the exhis we derit
dlon into 2 table of
I have before me a commentary on anga 1, which was probably composed Saka 798,87 A. D 876, and which at the end of the first part is designated as Nirvṛtakulinaśri sālyaghāryeņa88* Tattvādityāparanämnā Vahari sådhusahāyena kļita ; at the end of the second part as ācāryā silamkaviracită. This commentary is also a commentary on Prakrit niryukti,89 composed in the arya measure. .
In the opening the author refers to other works and to a śastraparijñāvivaranam Gandhahastik rtam, the sära of which he claims to
A2 For this se, which corresponds to the sa of the Sat. Br., see Ind. Streifen,
3, 391. 83 Goara N. 84 Instead of thānao to āhijjai N. has merely : sikkhabhāsābhāsācarana-karanajāyā
māyāvitti (yatrā, mätra, vytti). 85 sayyā upadhi. 86 sayyādinām udgamādiviśüddhyā śuddhānām aśuddhānām ohagrahanam. 87 According to Z. D. M. G. 33,478, it was composed Samvat 550 ; but see Kl. 247b,
where it is noted that the verse, which contains the date is added after the colophon of the MS." and consequently of no great weight' in all probability. It is as follows: Sakavrsay kālāti (lat !) samvat sarasate su saptasu/astanavatit
(navaty adhikesu vaisakhaśuddhapañcamyāmācāraţika kyteti. 88* Misreading for śilācāryena.-L.' 89 Doubtless the same niryukti as that composed by the author of the Av. nijj.
(see ante, p. 252).

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33
have excerpted. He states furthermore 90 that the arhadvacananuyogao1 is divided into four groups: dharmakathanuyoga uttaradhyayanadikaḥ, gaṇitānuyogaḥ suryaprajñaptyādikaḥ, dravyānuyogaḥ pūrvāņi sammatyādikas ca caritrakaraṇānuyogaś ca carādikaḥ9; the last is pradhānatamaḥ, śeṣāṇām tadarthatvät. These statements are in all essentials a reproduction [259] of those in Av. nijj. 8,54 where uttaradhy. is represented by isibhāsiyāim, which the commentator however explains by uttară; see on anga 4,44.
II. The second angam, śuyagaḍa, sūtrakṛta destined for the fourth year of study, see p. 223f. likewise treats in two śrutaskandhas (of which the first is composed in slokas and other metres, 94 the second in prose with the exception of a small portion: ajjh. 5,6) of the sadhvācāra, the right course of action; and is at the same time chiefly polemical in character.95 According to anga 4 and Nandi,98 363 heterodox opinions annadiṭṭhiya (anga 4, pasamḍiya N) are here combated; viz. : those of 180 kiriyāvāi, kriyāvādin, 84 akiriyāvāi, akriyāvādin, 67 annāṇiyavāi, ajñānika, 32 veṇaiyavāi, vainayika.97* In consequence of this the commentary frequently cites the names of Carvaka, Śakya, Bauddha, Samkhya, Vaiseṣika, as those who are to be understood by the ege cited in the text as opponents. These are also referred to in the text as jāṇaya, explained in the comm. by paṇḍitammanya Bauddhāḥ. But as the root jñā is elsewhere used by the Jains chiefly in a good sense, ,98 I should at least give expression to the conjecture that by these jāṇaya the Vaideha king Janaka was meant,99* [260] concerning
90 The following passage is found also in Santicandra on up. 6, according to which Šilaṁkācārya commented also upon the second anga, cf. Kl. 247b..
91 sutrad anu paścad arthasya yogo anuyogaḥ, suträdhyayanāt paścal arthakathanam. 92 ? likewise Santica.; by this the rest of the contents of the dṛṣṭivada is perhaps referred to which treated partly of the different dṛstis or sammatis.
93 'ācārāmgādikaḥ Santica.
94 vaitaliya, tristubh, but not āryā.
95 iha hi pravacane cat varo 'nuyogah (see p. 258): caraṇakaraṇānuyogaḥ dravya° dharmakatha° ganita: tatra prathamam śrimadäcäräm gam carana, gapradhanyena vyakhyātam, athe dam śrisutrakṛtakhyam dvitiyamgam dra gapradhanyena vyakhyāyate; sutram svapara samayasucanam kṛtam yena tat sutrakṛtam.
96 Cited from this as well as from other sources in the introduction to Malayagiri's Comm. on the second upanga and in many other places.
97* It is a most curious fact that a Tibetan text quoted by Schiefner. Ind. Stud. Vol. 1V. p. 335 exhibits also an enumeration of 363 heterodox opinions. As in Buddhistic texts this number is not found anywhere (as far as I am aware) it might be that one day Tibetan translations of Jain texts should turn up.-L.
98 cf. also the designation of their founder under the name of Nayaputta, cf. p. 261. 99 Janaka from Janaka, as Bauddha from Buddha. Another explanation of the term

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whom and his guru Yajñavalkya all sorts of statements are preserved in the legends of the twelfth book of the Mahabharata, representing either the king or both the king and his guru as having affiliations with Buddhism. See Ind. Stud. 1,482.100 Jacobi, whom I consulted in the matter, proposed (April 6th, 1880) that yānaka (cf. hinayāna, mahīyāna) might be thought of in connection with jāņaya.
The titles of the 23 ajjhayanas of the sūtrakrta are onumerated in the fourth anga § 23 (=S) in their present order ; also in Āvašy. 16, where, however, the sixteen ajjh. of the first śrutaskandha are apparently placed after seven ajjh, of the second śrut. In v. 65, 66 in the first place the first sixteen are enumerated by themselves and in v. 102 the seven others by themselves ; but after nälamdam-the last one-- we read solasalṁ ca tevisaṁ. It is, to be sure, not impossible that these words solasaiṁ ca are a mere reference to the earlier enumeration in v. 65,66 ; but, at any rate, we should have expected that this reference would occur before the first of these seven names and not after the seventh. Also in the Vidhi prapå (=V), the names are singly enumerated ; they are :
a. First śrutaskandha.
1. samaya, with 4 udd., 89 vv. ; bhūtavādādimataṁ niräkriyate ; udd. 1 closes : Nayaputte Mahavire [261] evam äha Jiņottametti bemi 1/27// H. Jacobi (Kalpas. p. 6.) is the first scholar who identified the name of Mahāvira101 occurring here, with Nigaņţha Nataputra (or Nigantha
janaya applied to the Bauddhas may perhaps claim more attention than the one ventured in the text by Prof. Weber. We know that the founders of religious systems in India as well as elsewhere were as a rule called by epitheta ,or nantia (such as buddha jina mahāvira &c. &c.) Two of these epithets as applied to Säkyamuni or in fact to the Buddhas in general in Buddhistic texts are janaka and prcchaka i.e. "knower" and asker” (see for instance Divvāvadāna. ed, Cowell and Neil, pp. 184 & 290 ; by the editors rendered by “general interrogator" !!). Most probably those two epi. thets refer to the supposition pervading not only Buddhistic but also Jain texts that the founder of the religion knew everything, but nevertheless, when conversing with any one, asked as if he knew not. Now it might well be that the Jain author of the above metrical passage of anga 2 chose in metre-as he would perhaps not have done in prose-a term not very common but still perfectly clear to his contemporaries for referring to his adversaries of Buddha's party, the terms janaka and prcchaka being not found as others are e. g. buddha jina &c) with reference
to Mahāvira in either of the two literatures, of Bauddhas and Jainas.-L. 100 The legend of the six false teachers found in the Buddhistic texts, (see my Vorles.
über ind. L-G. 304 (249,1) Burnouf Lotus, p. 485, Weber's Ind. Streifen, 3,504), is told of Janaka and Yajñavalkya. For the peculiar use of the word Videha or vid eha among the Jains,(see page 261n) the reader is referred to Bhagav, 2,305, and to my
treatise on the Satr. Mah, p. 20. 101 According to the legend Vira first descended into the womb of the Brāhmani

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35
nåtha, "fils de Jñāti". Burnouf, Lotus, p. 450, 486) who is mentioned in the BudJhistic legends as a contemporary of Ajātaśatru or of Buddha. A reference similar to that given here is found in 3 (cf. 5 and 6). See my remarks on anga 10.
2. veyaliya,108 vetaliya liya V, vaidărika, with 3 udd., 76 vv. ; yathākarma vidaryate. It begins sambujjhaha : kim na bujjhaha ? sambohi puņa pecca dullaha. This ajjh. is not referred by the Scholiast to Vira, but is characterized as a teaching of Rşabhas vāmin to his sons ; with which statement the conclusion of the third udd, is however not in harmony. This chapter is composed in the metre called vaitaliya by Pingala (chandas 4,32) and by Varāhamihira (104,55). In my opinion great importance must be attached to this circumstance. It is very probable that the similarity of this name with that of the title of our chapter is to be explained by the assumption that the metre had taken its name from the text in that metre. This designation would not only be a direct testimony [262] to the existence of this text at the time of Pingala and of Varāhamihira, but also- inasmuch as it rests103 upon a representation of the Prakrit word veyalia in Sanskrit which was liable to be misunderstood, or upon an incorrect spelling with inorganic t--might be regarded as a proof that even at that early period the title of this chapter had been handed down in this incorrect form. Both of these probabilitis are of extreme interest. We must here notice that Varahamihira expressly cites Màgadhi as a "Prakrit” synonym of vaitāliyam - see Ind. Stud. 8,295 -- from which we may with probability infer that a direct reference is made to the language of our text or to the language of Buddha. 104 of interest, furthermore, is the fact that on 2, 1, instead of mahaņa (= brāhmaņa used in a good sense—which is a proof of the antiquity of the text -), the scholiast mentions the various reading je viū (vidus), yo vidvān. The latter is probably an intentional change of a secondary nature or per
Devānanda, wife of the Brāhmana Usabhadatta (Kodālasagotta), in Kundaggāma; thence into the womb of the khattiyāni Tisalā, wife of the khattiya Siddhattha (Kāsavagotta), of the race of the khattiya called Näya, in the same place, Vira is therefore called their son. Cf. also (see page 263) the statements of Abhayadeva : Visālā Mahavira-janani ! He is designated both as Nae Nāyaputte Nayakulacamde
and as Videhe Videhajacce (Kalpas $ 110). 102 With inorganic 1 : vetaliamaggam āgao at the conclusion of udd. 1 is explained
by karmanām vaidărikam vidaranasamarthan märgam. veyalia in the name of the
dasave® is explained quite differently. 103 The derivation from vetāla (Ind. Stud. 8,168,178) would then be overturned. 104 Buddha seems to have made use of this metre, since it is used in the Dhamma
pada, etc.

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haps a removal of the original. At the conclusion of udd. 3, which is composed in prose, we read : evam se udähu aņuttaramāņi aņuttaradasi annuttaranīņadaṁsaņadhare arahā Nāyaputte bhagavaṁ Vesālie viyāhie (vyākhyātavān) iti bemi. The scholiast illustrates Jñātaputra strangely enough by Vardhamanasvāmi Rşabhasvāmi vă and explains Vesālie in the first case (i.e. when Jñātaputra means Vardham) by Visala-nagaryām, in the second (i.e. when Jnātap. means Rşabha) by vaiśālikaḥ (višalakulodbhavatvāt). In any case this epithet, which is probably a nominative, is of extreme interest in this connection. Abhayadeva, too, [263] on Bhag. 2,1,12,2 explains Vaiśālika by Mabăvira and in fact as a metronymicum(!) : Višala Mahāvirajanani. The Vesäliya-savaga appear elsewhere in the Jaina legends, but-and herein is to be found a divergence from the Buddhist legend - in a favourable light see Bhagay, 2,197.249 ; 1,440.
3. uvasaggaparinnā, upasargaparijñā with 4 udd., 83 vv.; pratikūlāḥ and anukūlāḥ upasargāḥ, tais ca 'dhyātmaṁ vi sådaḥ. .
4. itthiparinnā, thipao V, striparijñā, with 2 udd., 53 vv. ; striparişaho jeyaḥ ; conclusion in prose : icc evam āhu se Vire dhuyarde .. tti bemi.
5. narayavibhatti, niraya V, narakavibhakti with 2 udd., 52 vv. ; strivasagasya narakapātaḥ tatra ca yadrśyo vedanāḥ. "I asked the kevalia mahesi”—thus the author, according to the scholiast : Sudharmasvamin begins his recital. “Thus questioned by me, Käsave asupanne (aśuprajñaḥ) i. e. Vira, spoke." i 6. Viratthao, Mahävirastava, with 29 vv. ; it begins : "The samaņas and mihaņas, the agārins and the paratitthi yas (Sakyadayah) asked about the doctrine and life (nīņam, damsaņaṁ, silam) of the Nata."
7. kusilaparibhāsiyaṁ obhāşa V, kuśilaparibhāşl, with 30 vv. ; sarve jivaḥ sukhai şiņaḥ.
8. viriyaṁ with 26 v. ; of bala and of pandiya ; in v. 25 buddhah in a good sense - jñātatattvās. .
9. dhammo with 36 vv. ; in v. 1 mähanena maimaya, brāhmaṇena matimatā referred by the Schol. to Vira. It concludes : goraväņi ya savvāņi nivväņaṁ saṁdhael05 muņi tti bemi [264].
10. sam ihi, samadhi, with 24 vv. ; it concludes : no jiviam no maraņā 'bhikarkhi carejjā bhikkhū valagā vimukko tti bemi ; in place of valagă we find in 12,22, 13,23, where the same conclusion recurs : valaya, and
105 Or, simply the learned'.

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in the schol. valayam is explained by bhāvavalayam, māyā saṁsāraḥ. If this reading is correct, perhaps Vedic valaga might be thought of. 106
11. Maggo, märga, with 36 vv., ; in v. 1 māhaņeņa matimatā as in 9,1.
12. samosaraṇam, samava', with 22 v. ; kumärgatyägaḥ; four samavasaraņāni paratirthikābhyupagamasamūharūpāņi, ie, the 180 kiriyāvāi etc. (see p. 259,266).
13. ahatahar, yathātatham (hence by the ampliative ika or ya also) āhattahie, āhittihie, āhattahijjam; avitaha (Āv), with 23 vv. ; samyakcaritram.
14. gamtha (gasdho V), grantha, with 27 vv.; gramtham dhanādikań tyaktvā.
15. jam-aiam, yam atitam (according to the opening words), or ādaniyam ; with 25 vv.
16. gåhā or gathāsodaśakaṁ ;107 despite this name, a prose explanation of the names māhaņa, samaņa, bhikkhu, niggastha and their identical signification (ekārtha).
• Second śrutaskandha.
1. purdarie, oriyar V, pundarika,108 Comparison of the bhikkhu with a lotus flower in the middle of a pond ; it begins (see above, p. 248) : suaṁ me ausam, tena bhagavayā [265] evam akkhāyam ; iha khalu pomdariya nāmam ajjhayaņe, tassa ņam ayam atthe pannatte. This introductory formula, the second part of which occurs again in anga 6 et seq.; is repeated with corresponding modification in ajjh. 2-4. All four ajjh, are in prose.
2. kiriyathānam, of the 12 or 13 kriyāsthāna.
3. āhāraparinna, oparijñā. In the schol. a variant of the scholars of Nāgārjuna is adduced with the words Nāgārjuni(ya)s tu pathaṁti. Nāgajjuņavāyaga, or oņāyaria, "narisi, is mentioned with great honour in the opening of the Nandi and of the Āv., in the list of teachers v. 39, 40, 45, and in fact as separated by three gradations merely
106 mokşam samdadhyāt. 107 cf. also the manner of death vala yamayakam, up. 1.70, "death by magic arts ?"
Little can be made out of the commentaries. See the excellent glossary of Leumann
which reaches me, May 1883, while these sheets are in the press. 108 gāthāşodasākhyam şodaśam adhyayanam. In V., gāhāsolas agonāmagao.

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Bhūadinna, Lohicca and Dūsagani - from the author himself, whom the scholiast calls Devavācaka - Devarddhigaội, Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 15n.
4. paccakkhāņakiriyā, pratyākhyānakriya.
5. in S. Āv. v. anagaraṁ (rasuya S.) ; here however correctly aņāyārasutam, anācāraśrutam, in 34 vv.; it opens as follows : adaya baṁbhaceraṁ ca asupanne (āśuprajñaḥ panditaḥ) imaṁ caram, assim (asmin) dhamme aņāyāraṁ n'āyareyyā kayā i vi //
6. Addai jjam Ārdrakiyam, in 55 vv. A sermon of Ardraka, the son of a merchant who, according to the scholiast, from the sight of a picture of Jina sent to him as a debt of gratitude by Abhayakumăra (the son of the king Sreņika of Rājagsha), obtained jātismaranam and turned to pravrajyå so as to receive the pratyekabuddha dignity, etc. The sermon appears to be addressed to Gośāla. In the last 'verse : buddhassa āņāe imaḥ samāhim (tattvajñasya śri Virasya ajñāyāṁ...), buddha is used directly as a name of Vira. [266]
7. Nālaṁdaijjam, odā V., Nālaṁdiyam, 109 in prose ; (śrāvakavidhih).110 Legend of Udaya (Udaka) Pedhālaputta Metajja, 111 a Pasāvaccijja, Pårsvāpatyiya, i.e. scholar, or follower of Parśva, whom the bhagavam Goyama (Indrabhūti) leads to Mahavira, after he has heard the same from the Kumāravuttiya (Kumāraputriya), nama samaņā niggarthā. Udaya thus 12 leaves the cāujjāma dhamma of Pārsva and accepts the parcamahavvai yaṁ sapadikkamaņa dhammam of Mahavira.
The table of contents in anga ' 4 (or Nandi) is as follows : kim tam sūyagade ?118 sūyagade naṁ sasamayā sūijjasti parasamayā s. sasamayaparasamayă s., jivi s. ajīvā s. jivājivā s., logo s. alogo s. logālogo s. ;114 sūyagade nam jivājīva115-punna-pāv-'äsava-samvara-nijjarabaṁdha-mokkhāvasāņā payatthā sūijjaħti; samaņāņam acirakālapayvajyāņa kusamayamohamatimohiyāņa sasdehajāya-sahajabuddhi-pariņāma
109 cf. anga 6,1,19.110 Named from Nalanda, a suburb (? bāhirika) of Rājagțha. 111 In the preceding 22 ajjh. sadhv-ācāraḥ prarūpitaḥ. 112 Medaryagotrena schol. ; I conjecture that this is a misunderstanding for Mevārya
see above, p. 235 Metārya is regarded as the tenth scholar of Mahā vira; see Hem.
v. 32. 113 S. Bhagavati 2,185 and Jacobi, ante, Vol. IX. p. 160. 114 sūcanāt sutran, sütrena kytam tat sūtrakytam. 115 In N. we first read loe, aloe, loyaloe, then jivă aj. j. lastly sasamae p. sasamaapara
samae ; so also in the following angas. The verb is in each of the nine instances in the plural ; suijjanti. The triads; jivājivājivan (jivā ajivā. jivājivā) loko'loko lokah (lokalokah), sat asat sad-asat are assigned specially to the Teräsi yas, Trairāśika, by Abh. on anga 12,1.

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39
saṁsaiyāņam116 pavakaramaliņamaiguņavisohaņattham, asiyassa kiriyāvāisayassa, caürāsie akiriyāvāiņam, sattatthie andāņiyavaiņam vattisäe veņaiyaväiņam, tinhaṁ tesatthäņaṁ annaditthiyal17 sayāņam būham118 [267] kiccă sasamae thāvijjai, 119 nāņāditthaasta120 vayaņā nissāram sutthu dari sayaṁtā vivihavittharāņugamaparamasabbhāva-guņavisitthā mokkhapahodaragalli udārā annāņatam 'amdhakaraduggesu divabhūya sopāņā ceva siddhisugaigharuttamassa122 nikkhobhanippakampasuttatthā.123
I have before me the commentary of Harsakula124 from the Tapägaccha. It was composed "var se 1583," but not after Vira, but after Vikrama, i.e. A.D. 1527.125 The origin of the Tapăgaccha dates from Vira 1755.
III. The third angaṁ, thâņam sthānam : an enumeration arranged in categories designed for the instruction of the more advanced and in fact for the eighth year of their instruction. 126 The categories comprise successively subjects or conceptions conceived as one, two, and so on up to ten.. Hence the whole text consists of 10 ajjhayaņa, which are called ekasthāna, dvisthāna, etc.; ajjh. 2-4 each contain 4 udd., ajjh. 5 three udd. the rest of the ajjh. have no such sub-division, and exist as egasarāņi (V) of one udd. each.
From the miscellaneous contents of this compendium I extract the following: the nakşatras : adda, citta, säti [268] are designated as egatāre, and then the number of the stars of the other naksatras is enumerated. 127 In an enumeration of the divisions of time in 2, 4
116 jīvājio to visohanattham is omitted by N. 117 samdehajātasca sahajabuddhipariņāmasamśayitāśca ye. 118 pasamdiya N. 119 pratiksepam. 120 °vijjanti N. 121 nānā° etc. omitted in N. . 122 mokşapat hāvat araka. 123 gphottamasya, 124.sutra carthaś ca nir yukti-bhāsya-sangrahani-vitti-curņi-pamjikādirupa iti
sutrārthah. 125 We have a commentary to the fourth pâinna by a certain Harşakušala. 120 The statements in reference to genealogy at the end are in agreement with Dharma
sägara's Gurvāvali of the Tapāgaccha, of the members of which patriarchs 44,52-57 are mentioned; so that between 53 and 54 a Jagaccandramuni is referred to.
See KI. p. 257ab. 127 tatra bhavyasya mok sābhilasinah sthitagurupadesas ya prāņi no'stavar sapra
māņapravrajyā-paryāyasyai 'va sutrato 'pi sthānāṁgar deyam, Abhayadeva ; see above, p. 223,224.

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beginning with avaliya and reaching to sisapahelia,128 pallovama sägarovama, osappiņi, ussappiņi—the yuga is inserted between the year and the century as intermediate gradation and the quinquennial yugam is thereby still used as a means of calculation. On the other hand, we have here the same enormous extension of periods of time, which we find in upanga 6 (Jambuddivapannatti) and in the Anuyogadvārasūtra; see Bhagav, 1, 427,129 though the latter works contain some modifications not present here. The existence of the above-mentioned upanga is furthermore recognised directly in 4, 1 : cattāri pannattiu argabāhiriyau paṁ (nattāu), tam (jahā): Caṁdapannatti, Surapannatti, Jambūddivapannatti, Divasāgarapannatti. The three pannattis, which are here mentioned in addition, occur again in 3,1 : tão pannattiu kalenam ahijjamti, taṁ : Camdapannatti, Surapannatti, Divasāgarapannatti. Here and in 4, 1, are found the titles of upānga 7, 5, 6, in 3, 1, those of up. 7,5; to which in both cases the divasā® is joined, which, though not an independent member of Siddhānta, appears however as a section of the third upanga. That we have here to deal with the upāngas respectively named so and not merely [269] with homonymous doctrines, is proved by one circumstance especially ; that besides the above-mentioned enumeration of the periods of time, the abhijit series of the naksatras, which belongs to these works, is here already known-see ajjh. 7 near the end.130 And even if the direct mention of upānga texts is in this case doubtful because such mention in the angas does not occur in the text, but in the insertions at the hand of the redactor, in this case the designation in 4, 1) of the four texts as angabāhiriya is so distinct and so points to their actual existence apart from the angas, that all doubts are put at rest. How far the existing texts of upānga 7, 5, 6, are meant by this, is, as we shall soon see, still an open question. One circumstance is worthy of note : the order of names here is different from that of the existing texts; and the fourth name is equivalent merely to a part of the third upanga and not to the upānga itself.
We find in chapter 10 a second and more important statement or mention of texts existing apart from the angas. In that chapter are specified not merely the names [270] of ten dasāu (i.e. texts containing ten ajjhayaņas), but also the names of each of the 10 ajjh. Among
128 See my treatise on the naksatras, 2,381. Ind. Stud. 9,448.10,293. According
to the schol. we have here to do with the kịttikā series cf. Bhag. 1,373.441. The names of the naksatras appear here invariably in their secondary form ; dhanittha, bhaddavayā, etc. The name of the ahibudhnya is (2,3) corrupted into vividdhi (see
Ind. Stud. 10,296). 129 A number of 194 places ! tasyam caturnavat yadhikam amkasthanasat am bhavati. 130 According to Leumann's communication this occurs also in anga 5,5,1. 6.7, 25,5.

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these are the names of four angas (7-10), references to a fifth (11), and the name of the fourth chedasūtra ; the other four names have in our Siddhānta no place whatever (asmākam apratitāḥ, Abh. fol. 285a).
At the head stand the kammavivāgadasāu ; by this name the eleventh anga is meant -- vivāgasue, vipākaśrutam ; it contains, however, not merely 10 but 20 ajjah. ; and the names adduced here as being those of the ten ajjh, are found only in part in anga 11. Two of them, at least, are exactly the same (1,4) and three partly so (6-8); so that we cannot gainsay that there is some connection 131 between these dasāu and anga 11. The names of the ten ajjah. here are : Miyāputte182, Guttase183, aṁde134, Sagade 'ti ā vare135 mahaņe, Naṁdisene136 ya, Sorie137 ya, Udurbare sahassuddae āmalae138 kumāre Lecai 'ti ya. It is well to be noted that in anga 4 ( $ 43) too a text entitled kammavivāya is mentioned, [271) though 43 ajjh. are ascribed to it ; and in the Kalpasūtra Jinacar. (8 147) 55 ajjh. are attribued to the pāvaphalavivāyāim alone : this was a subject which invited repeated working over !
: The titles of angas 7-9 appear as dasāu 2-4 ; and complete agreement exists in reference to the uvāsagadasāu (anga 7), even as regards the names of the ten ajjhayanas. The eighth and ninth anga, the amtagadadasāu and the aṇuttarovavatiyadasāu have here however only ten ajjh. alloted them, whereas in the Siddhānta they have 93 or 33. The names of the ten ajjh. are for amtagadad: Nami Mayaṁge Somile Rama
131 mahanak khatte sattatāre pam tam: abhitiaiyā ņam satta nakkhattă puvvadariya
pam tań : abhii, savane, dhanitthā, sattabhisayā, uttarabhaddavayā, revati : assiniyādi ya namn satta nakkhattā dahiņadariyā pan, tam : assini, bharani, kattiyā, rohini, magasira, adda, punavvasa ; pussāti vā nan satta nakkhattā avaradāriyā pam, tam, pusse, asilesā, mahā, puvvāphagguni, uttaraphagguni, hattho, citta; sātiyādiyā nam satta nakkhattā uttaradāriyā pam, tam : sāti, visāhā, anurāhā, jetthā, mula, puvvā āsādhā, uttarā āsādhā, cf. Naks. 2,377n, Ind. Stud. 10,304, and see
my comments on anga 4, 7. 132 Abh. identifies them directly with the first śrutaskandha of the eleventh anga and
represents the names and the contents of the single 10 adhy. as being all in harmony
with the contents of the 10 adhy. found there. 133 Mțgā, wife of Vijaya, king of the city Mļgagrāma. 134 gās trāsitavān iti Gotrāso...idam eva co'jjhitaka nämna Vipakaśrute ujjhitakam
ucyate. 135 cf. anga 6,1,3.... kukkuțādyanekavidhāṁdakabhaidavyavahārino...; Vipakaśrute că
'bhaggasena iti 'dam adhyayanam ucyate. 136 sakatam iti ca' parañ. 137 Vipākaśrute ca Nardivardhanaḥ śruyate. 138 Saurika.

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gutte139* Sudarsane ceva/Jamali ya Bhagāli ya Kimkamme Pillate ti ya, Phäle Aħbatthaputte 40* ya 'em (evam) ete dasa ihiya || Among these I can discover but one name, Bhagali, which shows any connection with anga 8,4,2 (Mayāli); or perhaps we may extend the number to two names connected with 9,3,4,5 Pellae, Rāmaputte. The names of the ten ajjh. of the anutro are, Isidase ya Dhanne ya Sunakkhatte kattite (kārttika) ti ya / Samdhāņe Sālibhadde ya Āņaṁde Teyal7141* 'ti ya / Dasannabhadde Aimutte em ete dasa ahiyā // Among these are. at least three names which recur in anga 9, 3, 1-3.
It is perfectly manifest that the author of anga 3 possessed entirely different texts of angas 8,9, than those in our possession. The same holds good in the case of anga 4, since it ascribe to these angas only ten ajjh, each. See below. The means made use of by Abhayadeva 'to reconcile this discrepancy are very simple. He says, on anga 8, after [272) recognizing the fact of the discrepancy : tato vacanāṁtarāpeksayāņi (kāni ?) "māni' ti sambhāvayāmo, navajanmāṁtaram apeksayai 'tini bhavisyanti 'ti vācyam, janmāṁtarāņam tatrā'nabhidhiy'mānatvād iti -and likewise on anga 9 : tad evam ihi'pi vacanāṁtarāpek sayā adhyayanavibhāga ukto, na punar upalabhyamānavácana-peksaye 'ti. His statements in reference to the stories themselves are given with tolerable detail on anga 9.
As the fifth member of the ten dasāu the dyaradasău are enumerated. The names cited for the ten ajjh. belonging to these are identical with those of chedasūtra 4. This therefore proves that the latter is to be understood by the āyāradasāu.
As the sixth of the dasāu texts the Panhāvāgaranadasău are named. This is to be sure the name of the tenth anga, which is also divided into 10 dāras but not into 10 ajjh. The names of the ten ajjh. quoted here show very plainly that here, as in the case of angas 8, 9, the author had quite a different, and in fact an older,
139* sahassuddãe A (with h fallen out), sahas uddahe B; sahasā akasmad uddahaḥ prakr
Stodahah sahasrānā vā lokasyo 'ddahaḥ sahasroddahah amalae tri raśruter
Taśrutir it y amarakah samast yena mārir.... 140* Ramaputra, with the Digambaras, see the Tat tvärthavārttika in Prof. Peterson's
Second Report, p. 157. Also the existent svetāmbara text presents Rāmaputte,
see below p. 324.-L. 141* Thus B. Avvaddha A. With the Digambaras we find (1.c) Yamali kavalika- nis
kambala-pal- Ambastaputra. In some better MS the first name might turn out to be Yamali and in the second some name corresponding to Bhagāli may be hidden.-L.

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text before him than the one we now possess. These names are in agreement with the name of the anga itself, whereas our text of this anga shows no connection with it. The names are : uvamā, sarkhā, i sibhāsiyāim,142* āyariyabhāsiyāim, Mahāvirabhāsiyāim, khomagapasiņāim komalapasiņāim, addāgapusiņāim, amgutthapasiņāim, bāhupasiņāim. The names of ajjh. 6, 8, 9, 10, recur in that table of contents of anga 10 which is found in anga 4 (and Nandi) so that there the text which existed at the period of anga 3 and not our present text, is meant. Abhayadeva says, in so many words : praśnavyākaranadaśā iho'ktarūpā na drśyamte, drśyamānās tu paṁcāśrayapamcasaṁvarātmikā iti, ihoktānāṁ tü' pamādinām adhyayanānām akşarārthaḥ [273] pratiyamāna eve ti. 149*
The names of the following four dasāu do not recur elsewhere. The names of the 10 ajjh. of dasă 10 are mentioned, not as parts of the Siddhānta but as belonging in or to it In the seventh place appear the bardhadasău,' the 10 ajjh. of which have the following names : baṁdhe 44 ya mokkhe ya deviddhi Dashramamdale ti ya ! ayariyavipadivatti' uvajjhāyavippaivatti"|bhīvaņā vimotti sāsate kamme. In the eighth place we find the dogiddhidasāu (dvigrddhi") with the following names.145 väte vivâte sukhette kasine ti ya bāyalisaṁ suviņã' tisam mahāsuviņā häre 48 Rāmagutte ya eyam ee dasa ahiya.147 In the ninth place the diha-dasāu with following names : caíde sure ya sukke ya, Siridevi, Pabhāvai divasamuddovavatti, Bahu-putti, Mardare ti ya / there 'Sambhuyavijae, there Pamha-ussäsanissasell. Abhayadeva points out here some connection with the narakāvalikā or nirayāvalikā-śrūtaskandha, i.e. upangas 8-12.148 Finally in the tenth place are the samkheviyadasaul49 with the foll, names khuddiyā vimāņapavibhatti, mahalliyā vimāņa [274] pavibhatti, amgacūliyā, vaggacūliya vivāhacūliya, Aruņovaväe, Varaņo
142* Taitalisuta iti yo jñatadhyayanesu (anga 6,1,14) sruyate sa na'yam tasya siddhi
gamanaśravanāt. We have here in all probability an intentional variation. 143* This text is treated in greater detail on anga 4 $ 44. It has been discovered by
Prof, Peterson, see his Third Report, p. 26 and 253.-L. 144 kşaumakādişu devatāvatāraḥ kriyata iti, tatra kşaumakam vastram, addāgo
adarśaḥ 145 bandhady-adh yanāni, frautenā'rtthena vyakhyātavyāni. 145 dvigthi (!) daśāś ca svarūpato 'py anavasitāḥ. 147 var.; hare, hāle. 48 These are but nine ; in a MS. belonging to Sir Mon. Williams, according to Leu
mann, būvattarim savvasumină are named in the tenth place. For the dreams cf. the mahāsuvinā above. p. 224. also cited among the anangapavittha texts in the
Paksikas, and in the Vidhipr. 149 dirghadasah svarūpato 'navagata eva, tad-adhyayanāni (kāni) cin narakāvalika
śrutaskandha upalabh yařte ; tatra caṁdravaktavyata-prati baddham candram adhyayanam, tathāhi : Rajag!he ....; se sani triny apratitani.

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SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS
vaväe (Varuo in the Schol, perhaps Dhara) Garulovaväe, Velamdharovavāe, Vesamaņovavāe. All these names recur in the anangapavitha list of the Nandi (Paksikas. Vidhipr.). We have seen above, p. 223, 224, that the five aijhayanaş beginning with khuddiyavimāņa are designed for the eleventh year of study, the five 50 ajjha which begin with aruņovavāa for the twelfth year of study. From this two facts are plain : first, that they still existed at the date of composition of the versus memoriales in question, secondly, that they were of great importance in so far as their study is made to occur after that designed for anga 5i, e. the tenth year. By vivāhacūliya (vyākhyā bhagavati, tasyās cūlikā) we may remark in passing, we are to understand one or more of those supplements to anga 5, all of which now appear to have boen incorporated in that anga.
We cannot doubt that all the texts mentioned above were thus constituted at the period of the existence of anga 3. Hence the extreme interest of this detailed presentation of the subject. It is only as regards anga 7 and chedasūtra 4 that this account is in entire agreement with the existing text of the Siddhānta ; in all other particulars this account is either widely different or has reference to texts, 151 which are not found in the Siddhānta at all. The proof here given of the fact that from the mention of a work in one place or another there does not [275] follow the identity of the then existing texts with the present (though in reality proof of a fact that is self-evident) is nevertheless not out of place in the present case, since it has become so customary in these days to draw from the titles of Chinese, etc., translation's of Buddhistic works conclusions in reference to the existence of the latter in their present form. The proof here carried out in reference to anga 8 to 10 is intended as a reminder that greater caution must be used in the future. (See Ind. Stud. III. 140).
Of great interest is furthermore the enumeration in ajjh. 7 of the names of the seven schisms152 together with those of their founder and of their localities : evaṁ ceva samanassa bhagavato Mahāvirassa titthammi satta pavayananinhagă paṁ tań : bahuraya, jivapadesiya, avvattiya,
150 samk sepika dasa apy anavagat as varupā eva, tad adhyayanānām punar arthah:
khuddie tyādi, ihāvalikā-pravistetaravimānapravibhajanam yatra 'dhyayane' tad vimānapravibhaktih, tac cai 'kam alpagramthärtham ; tatha' nyan maha
granthartham. 151 This first 5 of the preceding ten ajjh, are doubtless meant by this statement. At
least in the Nandi they preserve the same order of succession. 152 These texts may be concealed, i.e., absorbed by larger texts-a conjecture which
is very probable e. g. in the case of the vivahaculiya'. See above.

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45
samucchetiyā, dokiriya, terasiya, avaddhiya (!) ; eesi ņam sattanha pavayananinhagāņaṁ satta dhammāyariyā hotthā, tam : Jamāli, Tisagutte Āsādhe, Asamitte, Gamge, Calue, Gotthāmāhile ; eesi naṁ paoņam satta uppattinagará hottha, tam : Savatthi, Usabhapuram, Seyabiyā, Mihila, Ullagătiraṁ, puram Astaramji, Dasapura(í) ninhaga-uppattinagarāim. According to 'Avasy. nijj. 8, 61, 88, the last of these schisms occurred in the year Vira 584 ; from this we may derive some basis for chronological determination,158* See Jacobi, Kalpas, p. 15.
An exact examination of this important text is a great desideratum, since in it are contained a large number of significant [276) statements and data. It constitutes a perfect treasure-house for the correct understanding of innumerable groups of conceptions in distinguishing which from one another the pedantic formalism of the Jains was wont to run riot.
The table of contents in anga 4 and Nandi (N) reads : se kiṁ tam thāņe? thane naṁ sasamayā havijjaħti parasamayā sasamayaparasamayā ; jiva hävijjaħti ajivá jivājīvā ; logo alogo logālogo thāvijjaħti ;154 thane nur davva-guņa-khetta-kala-pajjavapayatthä naṁ selā salila ya samudda-sūra-bhavana-vimāņa-āgaraṇadio nidhayo purisajāyāl55 sarà 56 ya gotta ya joisamvāla 57 ekavihaṁ vattavvayam duvihaṁ jāva dasavihaṁ vattavvayam jivāņa poggalāņa ya logatthaiṁ ca ņam parūvaņayā āghavijjai. 158
The commentary is by Abhayadeva, who both here at the end and elsewhere is frequently called navāngivșttikāraḥ Commentaries to angas 3-11 are ascribed to him ; and we have one from his hand on upanga 1.
He calls himself a scholar of Jinesvarācārya159 and of Buddhisägara
153* cf. Kup. 794 (4) where the words in connection with Ayvarakkhia and Pusa
mitta" belong to the last line after gotthārāhila , see Av. N. 8,89. 154 The Jain records on the above seven schisms have been translated into German by
Leumann, Ind. Stud. XVI., p. 91-135.-L. 155 In N, we read jīvā ajīvā jīvāj. at the beginning; then follows loe aloe loyāloe ; and
sasamae p. sasamayaparasamae forms the conclusion, (as also in the case of angas
4 et. seq.); the verb is thāvijjanti in each one of the nine cases-i. e. in the plural. 156 Purisajāya iti puruşaprakāra unnatapranatādibhedaḥ; pāthamtareņa pussajoga
ti upalak sanat vāt pusya dinak satrāņām cam trena saha paścimāgrimobhaya
pramādadiko yogah. 157 svarāś ca şad jādayo. 158 cālā B C ; jyotişaḥ tārārupasamvälanāni (calo. ?). 159 N has instead of thāņe nam davvao the following: askā kādā sela sihariņo'
pabbhārā kumdaiṁ guhā) āgarā daha naio āghavijjamti ; thane nam egāiyāe eguttariyāe vuddhie dasatthāņavivaddhiyānam bhāvānam pasuvaņā āgha vijjanti.

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the younger [277] brother of the former. The present commentary was prepared by him Saṁyat 1120 (A.D. 1064) in Aņabilla pāțaka with the help of Yaśodevagaņi, a scholar of Ajitasińhācārya for a panditaparşad, conducted by Sri-Dronācārya. According to Dharmasāgara's Gurvavali, the "navāṁgavrttik rt", Abhayadeva died Samyt 1135, according to others 1139. See Kl. 248b, 253b. (12.30).
IV. The fourth angam, Samavāya, "association, group, rubric”, in one ajjhayaņa, that consists of very heterogeneous parts. The contents of the first two-thirds is in general the same as that of the third anga, both being designed for instruction in the eighth year. See above. There is however the difference that the categories here exceed 10,160 and continue by progression up to 100161, and then per saltus far exceed 100. Immediately following, but without any logical connection, with this, is a detailed table of contents and extent of all the twelve angas; then all sorts of statements which cannot be united into one class and which deal partly with doctrine, partly with hagiology and, if we may use the expression, history or legend. This third part is without doubt to be regarded as an appendix to the first part, and the whole as a supplement to the third anga; as in fact we learn from $ 57 that angas 1 to 3 were regarded as a connected unit. We have here a compendium of everything worth knowing, [278] a perfect treasurehouse of the most important information which is of the greatest value for our understanding of the Siddhanta. Of, especial significance are, in the first place, the statements of literary and historical content in $ 1-100, in reference to the extent and division of the separate angas, etc. (statements which were doubtless the principal cause of the addition of the full treatment of this subject); the mention of various celebrated Arhats of the past 162 together with the number of their scholars (this was the cause of the addition of the concluding part); and the frequent reference to the lunar and naksatra computation of time and to the quinquennial yugam. The references to the yugam are exactly in the manner of the jyotisa vedanga, krttikā, etc , being the beginning of the series of the nakșatras..
Anga 4 begins, after prefacing the customary introduction (suyam me ausam, teņaṁ bhagavaṁteņam evam akkhayaṁ) with a fresh statement
160 The founder of the Kharataragaccha , see the pattāvali at the end of the Sabda
prabhedaţikā v. 2 (ms. or. fol. 813), and KI, 248a (11). 161 In § 1-10 there are many statements which recur in the same form in anga 3. 162 They are counted up to 100 as first, second, third samavāya (or in the neuter
samavāyam up to the hundredth.

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in reference to the authorship of Mahavira : iha khalu samaņeņam bhagavayā Mahāvireņam (then follows the regular varņaka with about 40 attributes, among which are Jimeņam buddheņań bohaeņaṁ ......) ime duvālasaṁge gaṇipidage163 pannatte, tam jahā : (then follow the names of the 12 angas)164 [279] tattha ņam je se caütthe aṁge samaväe ti āhie,165 tassa, ņam ayam atthe... In angas 1-3 we do not find at the outset any such designation as first, second, third angam.
I extract the following from the remainder of the anga. In § 1 repetition of the statements of the third anga in reference to the asterisms addā, cittā, sāti being called egatāra; further on the same statements are made about the remaining nakşatras ; in § 7 the 28 nakṣatras are divided into four groups, viz. : kittiyaiya (ādika) in the East (puvvadāriyā), mahāiya in the South, aņurāhāiya in the West, dhanitthāiyā in the North. After166 the sentence kittiyāiyāiyā satta nakkhattā puvvadāriyā paṁ.(pannattā) the words pāțhāṁtareņa abhahi yādiyā (A, abhiyaiya BC) are inserted ;167 whereby, as the schol. explains, abhijit., aśvini, puşya, - svāti are indicated rather than the names in question. This insertion purposes to put the series of nakşatras, first invented by the Jains and taught especially in upāngas 5, 7 (see Ind. Stud. 10,220, 304) in the place of the old krittikā series, which still maintained its validity at the time the fourth anga was first composed.168 The new view had not yet received the authoritative stamp of orthodoxy. [280] We must however here notice that (cf. p. 269) in the third anga $ 7 we find statements completely identical with those in this insertion. In $ 18 enumeration of the 18 kinds of writing usual for the bambhi livi (but not so correct as in up. 4 on which account I cite them there); $18
163 e.g. Kurtha $ 27.81, Kurthu $ 95 Pāsa $ 38.70.350. Panami (Nami B. C.) 8 39.
Aritthanemi $ 40, Nami $41, Vimala $44,56, Munisuvvaa $50, Malli $55,57. Usabha
Kosalia $ 63.83.89. Moriyaputta $ 65. Suvihi Pupphadanta $ 75.86. Bharaha $ 77, . Seyyasa $ 80, Siyyamsa $ 84, Siyala $ 83,90. Mamdiyaputta $ 83, Supäsa & 86.95.200
Ajjiya $ 90, Iṁdabhūti $ 92, Camdappaha $ 93, Saṁti $ 93, Sumai $ 300, Sambhava
$ 400, Ajia $ 450, Sagara $ 450, Vasupujja $ 700. 164 This word, which in $ 57 is used especially for angas 1-3 belongs of course to the
tipitaka of the Pali texts, but has no reference to the number three. The designation of basket" inclines one to think of its having been committed to writing. On the first mention of the name tipitaka see Ind. Stud. 5,26; Vorles. Ind. Lit.-G2.
311, appendix, page 15. 165 All of the preceding from iha khalu on gives an impression of secondary origin
This is the first occasion that we meet with the varnaka of Mahā vira. 166 akhyāta. I assumed several years ago (see Bhag. 1.410.2,251) under the erroneous
belief that this form belonged especially to the Suryaprajñapti (see Ind. Stud.
10,254) that ahia ahijjai were derived from the root khyā weakend to khi, hi, I + should now prefer to regard them as a species of retrogressive formation from the
common ahamsu (root ah), 167 Thus in A; in BC before. 169 The same case is found § 72.

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atthinatthipavāyassa puvvassa (this is the fourth pūrvam) athārasa vatthū ; in § 19 enumeration of the 19 nāyajjhayaņas, i.e. of the 19 books of anga 6, in kārikā form ; in § 23 enumeration of the 23 suyagadajjhayaņas, i.e. of those of anga 2 ; in $ 25 enumeration of the 25 ajjh. of anga 1;. āyārassa bhagavao sacūlijāgassa, the mahāparinni being mentioned in the ninth place and the nisihajjhayaņa being designated outright as “25th ajjh.” The latter is probably the cūliyă (see § 57 and p. 254); the designation as bhagavant is found also in $ 85, cf. also $ 84; in § 36 enumeration of the 36 ajjh. of the uttarajjhayaņa, i.e. of the first mülasūtra, and in fact with a few insignificant variations of the names given here ; see below § 43 teyalisaṁ kammavivāgajjhayaņa pań (nattā); the names are however not enumerated ; accord. to the schol. the 20 ajjh, of the eleventh anga, called vivāgasuya are hereby referred to, as also the 23 of the second (!) anga. Cf. page 270 in reference to the kammavivāgadasāu in ten ajjh, mentioned in anga 3, 10; § 44 coyālisam ajjhayaņā isibhāsiya devalogacuyobhisiya pam (nattā); both of these texts, at least under these names, are no longer extant.169* I have found the devalogacuyabhāsiyă mentioned in this place alone; the isibhāsiyā however are often mentioned. We have already come across them (see p. 272) in anga 3, 10 as third ajjh. of anga 10 (!). [281] In the Nandi they appear among the anangapavitha texts; the author of the Āvašy. nijj. confesses that he (2, 6) is author of a nijj. to the isibhāsiai too, and (8, 54), placing them in' the second place, describes them together with käliasua, sūrapannatti and ditthivaa as the four kinds of aņuoa (see p. 258); Abhay. however here characterizes them as kalikaśrutaviśesabhūtāni. Haribhadra on Āv. identifies them, on one occasion (2, 6) with păinna 7, on another (8, 54), be calls them uttarādhyayanadini ! See above, p. 259. They appear also in connection with the painnas, embracing 50 (!) ajjh in the Vidhiprapa, where their connection with the Uttarajjhayaņa as matāṁtara is also referred to - $ 46 ditthivāyassa naṁ chāyālisaṁ măuyāpayā (mātskāpadāni) paṁ (natta) baṁbhie nam livie chayālisaṁ māuarakkhā (madurakară BC. perhaps māuakkhara ? māts + akş°) pam. In reference to the 46 māuyāpaya of anga 12 see below. By the "lekhyavidhau 46 måt skāk sarāņi" of the Scriptures are according to the schol., to be understood170 a to ha, with the addition of ksa, but with the omission of jha-da-tri (?)-ūṁ (?)la (?).171 These statements are of the most remarkable character. The
169* The schol. however regards the abhijit series as siddhāṁtamatam: he then adds: iha
(in the text) tu matāṁtaram afrit va křttikadini .....bhanitāni : camdraprajñaptau
iu bahutarāni matāni darsitāni) (Ind. Stud. 10,285). *70* See however the last but one asterism note. 171 The Paniniya siksă counts 63 or 64 varnas and (as is very remarkable) "both for
Sanskrit and for Prakrit (!)" See Ind. Stud. 4,348,349.

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number of 46 akşaras, whether written signs or sounds (which can have reference to Sanskrit alone and not to Prakrit, since ks is included in the list), I am as yet entirely unable to explain172* - $ 57 tinhaṁ ganipidagäņaṁ äyäracūliyavajjāņaṁ sattāvannam ajjhayaņā paṁ (natta) āyāre 24, süyagade 23, tủäne [282] 10; here the first 3 angas are taken together as a unit and called 'the three gaṇipidagas' par excellence. It is here worthy of note that only 24 ajjh. are ascribed to the dyara after the separation of the āyāracūliyā; and in fact (p. 254) only the nisihajjhayaņam, which in § 25 is called the 25th ajjh., can be meant by äyáracūliya;- in § 59 fifty-nine day-nights (rātiņdiya) are allotted to each season of the lunar year ; $ 61 pascasaṁ vaccharassa naṁ jugassa ridumasenaṁ miyyamānassa egasaţthi udumăsă paṁ (nattā); see on this Jyotişa v. 31 (my treatise, p. 93) ;- $ 62 the quinquennial yugam has 62 full moons, 62 new moons; $-67 67 nakkhattamāsā ; according to $ 71, the winter of the fourth lunar year in the yuga) has 71 vuxen' nepa
-caütthassa nam caídasaṁvaccharassa hemaṁtäņamekasattarie rātidiyehiṁ vitikkaṁtehim ;-in $ 72 enumeration of the 72 kalas which are essentially identical with those which recur in anga 6, 1, 119, upānga 1, 107 and elsewhere ;173 the repeated use of the word lakkhaņa probably forms a literary synchronism with the Mahābhāsya and the Atharvaparisistas. See Ind. Stud, 13, 460, Burnell, Tanjore Catalogue, p. 9 fg. ; the names are :
Lehaṁ 1, ganiyaṁ 2, rüvaṁ 3, națţaṁ 4, giyaṁ 5, väiyaṁ 6, saragayam 7, pukkharagayaṁ 8, samatālaṁ 9, jūya 10, juņavāyaṁ 11, porevaccam (A. kayvaṁ B.C.)174* 12, athavaya 13, dagamattiyaṁ 14, annavihim 15, pāņavihiņ 16, leņav175 17, sayaņay 18, ajjapaheliyaṁ (ajjaṁ pao B.C.) 19, māgahiya 20, gāhaṁ'76 21, silogam 22, gamdhajuttiṁ 23, [283], madhusittham177 24, abharaṇavihis 25, taruņipadikammaṁ 26, itthilakkhaṇaḥ 27, purisal. 28, hayal, 29, gayal. 30, gonal.178 31, kukkudal. 32, midhayal. 33,
ak saras, shows the 46 māuyakkhară ascribed in anga 4,46 to the bambhi livi. In reference to their use see page 462. It is however doubtful whether the use of the
latter (on page 462) represents an example of the māuyakkharā. 172 tāni ca 'käradini hakārāmdatāni (Prātāni) saksa kärāni jha-da-tri-um-lam (1).
(Leumann proposes to me to read ri, ri, ļi ; but what is the meaning of jha and da (!) ty eva (!) ity etadak şarapamcakavarjitāni sambhāvyante.-The letters meant
are indeed ri, ri, li, li, and ļ, see Weber's Cat. II, p. 408, n.-2-L. '173 See Paul Steinthal, Specimen of the Nāyādh. p. 29 and Leumann, Aupapāt. p. 77,
where especial notice is taken of the variant readings here. 174 Nay. has here päsa yam and reverses the position of 12 and 13.-*The right name
of the 12th kala is no doubt porekaccham-pauraşkit yam.-L. 175 Vilevana Nay, with the addition of vatthay. 176 Nay. adds gitiyan. 177 Instead of 23,24 Nay. has hirannajuttis, suvannaj, cunnaj. 178 Steinthal has ganalo.
F-4

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cakkal.179 34, chattal. 35, daídal. 36, asil. 37, maņil. 38, kāgaạil. 39, cammal.180 40, cardayal. 41, suracariyaṁ 42, rähucariyam 43, gahacariyaṁ181 44, sobhikaraṁ 45, dobhākaraḥ 46, vijjägayam 47, mamtag. 48, rahassag. 49, sambhāvaṁ 50, vāraí (? cāraṁ BC) 51, padivāraṁ (cāraḥ BC)182 52, būham 53, pa dibūhaṁ 54, khaṁdhīvāramāṇaḥ 35, nagaramāņa 56, vatthumāņaṁ 57, khamdhāvāranivesaṁ 58, nagaraṇivesaṁ 59, vatihunivesam 60, isattham 61, charuppavāyam (pagaya BC) 62, asasikkham 63, hatthisikkha 64, dhaņuvedań 65, hariņavādaṁ (hiraņņavāyam BC) 66, suvaņņayidam 67, manipāgaṁ 68, dhāupāgaṁ 69, bāhujuddhaṁ 70, daṁdaj. 71, mutthij. 72, atthij. 73, juddhaṁ 74, nijuddham 75, juddhātijuddhaṁ 76, suttakhe dam 77, ņāliyakheddam 78, vattakheddar 79, dhammakheddam188 80, camharevattaṁ (! pamhakheddań BC) 81, pattacheyyaṁ 82, kadaga (kannaga BC) cheyyam 83, pattagacheyyaṁ 84, sajīvam 85, nijīvaṁ 86, sa ümaruyam 87, iti. Of these 87 names, 15 are to be removed, whether they are păthamtaras (see on No. 80), or interpolations. For the v. r. from Nāy. see below ;-$ 81 Vivāhapannattie (in the fifth anga) ekkāsiṁ mahājummasayā [284], (mahāyugmaśatāni) paṁ (natta) ;-$ 84 vivāhapannattie naṁ bhagavaie caürāsiim payasahassă padaggeņaṁ pannatta. Later on in the course of our investigation we will recur to the fact that this statement in reference to the extent of the text is less by 100,000 padas than that of the present text. See § 85 and $ 25 on the designation as bhagavati, which has remained the exclusive property of this text.-- $ 85 āyārassa ņam bhagavato .sacūliyāgassa parcasiis uddesaņakālā ;-$ 88 diļļhivāyassa naṁ atthāsiiṁ suttaiṁ paṁ tam ; ujjusuyan, pariņayāpariņayaṁ, evaṁ althāsiiṁ suttani bha riyavvāņi, jahā 'Naṁdie.' This reference to the Nandi, by which any further enumeration has been spared, is very remarkable from the fact that the statements in it, a few pages further on, are found in exactly the same detail in the fourth anga itself at this very point, in the consideration of the contents and extent of all the angas. This being the case the reference ought to have followed the collective statement found several pages further on in the same anga. We are therefore compelled to believe that the Nandi is the original source of information for this presenta tion, common to anga 4 and the Nandi, and that this presentation was
179 Nāy. omits 33,34. 180 40-50 omitted in Nay. 181 Are they to be regarded as planets or are they to be understood according to the
fashion of the Ath. Paris. 53.54 ? 182 Instead of 51-57 there are in Nay. the following 31 names; varthuvijjam, khandhāra
mānañ 56, 53. 54, 51 (BC), 52 (BC) cakkavuham; garulavuham; sagadavuhan ;
74-76, 73 72, 70, layājuddhañ ; 61, 62, 65-67.77.79.78.81.82.85-87. 183 Omitted in BC, where we read instead pāvantare (pāțhāṁtare) camha, by which
camhao is manifestly designated as v. 1. to pamha.

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51
at a later period taken from the Nandi and inserted in anga 4 ; furthermore, this insertion must have occured at a period succeeding that to which the above reference of the redactor belongs. Or have we merely to do with a later act of the scribes ? Were this the case, this act of theirs is at least very remarkable, if not unfortunately executed. There is, however, one difficulty in the way of the assumption that the Nandi is the ultimate source, viz. : there are all manner of differences between the treatment in the Nandi and that here, differenees in which the Nandi does not always [285] contain the more ancient statements. See below. The fact that the table contents in N. is much shorter than that here makes, it is true, eo ipso, an impression of greater antiquity ; and N. offers in this table of contents many readings which are decidedly older and better.
We have now reached a point where we may discuss the collective presentation itself. It begins simply ; duvälasaṁge ganipidage pań (natte), taṁ : then follow the names of the 12 angas and then the details in reference to contents, division and extent of each of the twelve. I insert here what. I have collected from the statements in reference to division and extent, that the reader may obtain a general survey of the whole. I subjoin the v. r. from the Nandi (N) which, after what I have said above, may in the last instance claim priority over those of the anga.
1. Āyāre, 2 suyakhaṁdhā, 25 ajjhayaņā, 85 uddesaņakālā, 85 samuddesaņakālā, 18 payasahassăim payaggenaṁ.
2. Sūyagade, 2 suyakh. 23 ajjh , 33 udd., 33 samudd., 36 padasahassaiṁ (36,000) padaggeņaṁ.
3. Thane, 1 suyakh., 10 ajjh., 21 udd., 21 samudd., 72 payasahassais (72,000) payággeņam.
4. Samaväe, 1 ajjh., 1 suyakh., 1 udd., 1 samudd., ege coyale payasayasahasse (144,000); saya is omitted in the incorrect Berlin MS. of N., but accord. to Leumann is in the N. Ed.) pay.
5. Viyahe, 1 suy., 100 ajjh. with a residue (!) ege săirege ajjhayaņasaye), 10 uddesagasahassäis, 10 samuddesagasahassāim, 36 vägaranasahassäim, 84 (!) payasahassāim (84,000) payaggeņam :--the latter statement is found also in § 84 -see above page 284-N, however, has : do lakkhā atthāsii (288,000) payasahassāim, which corresponds to twice the former steady increase in 1-4,

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SACRED LITERATURE OF THE JAINS
6. [286] Näyādhammakahau, 2 suyakh, 19 (A N Edit., 29 BCN) ajjh.184 10 dhammakahāṇaṁ vagga (this omitted in N), 19 (A N Ed., 29 BCN) uddesaṇakālā, 19 (A N Ed., 29 BN), samuddesaṇakālā, samkhejjāim payasayasahassaim p. (saya omitted in N., also in Ed.; 576,000 Schol)Between, 10 dh. vagga and 19 (or 29) udd, we find inserted in each dhammakaha 500 akkhaiya, in each akkhaiya 500 uvakkhaiya, in each uvakkhaiya 500 akkhaiya-uvakkhaiya, in all 3 akkhaiyakoḍio.185 In N this statement from dasadhammakahāṇaṁ vaggā (inclusive) on, is at an earlier place in the description of the contents.
7. Uvāsagadasão, 1, suyakh., 10 ajjh., 10 udd. kälä, 10 samud lä, samkhejjäi payasayasahassaiṁ p. (saya omitted in N, also in Ed. 1,152,000 Schol.)
8. Amtagaḍadasão, 1 suyakh., 10 ajjh. (N omits), 7 (8 N) vaggā, 10 (8 N) udola, 10 (8 N) samud la, samkhejjāiṁ payasayasahassaiṁ p. (saya omitted in N, also in Ed. ; 2,304,000 Schol.).
9. Anuttarovavaiyadasão, 1 suyakh., 10 ajjh. (omitted in N Ed), 3 vaggā, 10 (3 N) udd la, 10 (3 N) sam la, samkhejjāiṁ payasayasahassaiṁ p. (saya omitted in N, also in Ed.; 4,608,000 Schol.).
10. Paṇhāvāgaraṇāņi, 1 suyakh., (45 ajjh. N), 45 udd la, 45 samuddolä, samkhejjāņi payasayasahassani p. (saya omitted in N, also in Ed.; 9,216,000 Schol.).186
11. Vivayasue, [2 suyakh. NJ, 20 ajjh., 20 udd la, 20 samula, samkhejjaim payasayasahassaiṁ p. (saya omitted in AN, also in Ed.; 18,432,000 Schol.).187
12. [287] Ditthivie, 1 suyakh, 14 puvväim, samkhijjā vatthu, samkhejji cula (culla N) vatthu, samkhejjā pāhuḍā, s. pahuḍapāhuḍā, samkhejjau pahuḍiyau, samkhejjau pāhuḍiyapāhuḍiyāu samkhejjāņi payasahassāņi.
The most remarkable feature fererence to the number of the
of the above is the statement in rewords of each anga. According to
184 egunavisam A. N. Ed, ekonavinśati, Schol. (also on N), eguṇattisaṁ BCN.
185 Cf. my remarks on anga 6 in reference to this remarkable number. We are led to expect a much higher figure. N. Ed. has kahanagako accord. to Leumann instead of akkhaiyakoḍio.
>
186 dvinavatir lakṣaḥ ṣoḍaśasahasrädhikāḥ.
187 ekā padakoțis caturasitir lakṣaḥ dvātrinśac ca sahasrāṇi.

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Abhayadeva in the scholia,188 the number of words in the case of angas 1-4, increases continually by half till the eleventh anga is reached ; and the Nandi and an anoymous writer thereupon asserts the same with the modification that, instead of angas 1-4, angas 1-5 are said to show this increase. This view is however in direct opposition to the actual facts of the case, for angas 7-11 are the least of all as regards their extent, which is so very small that there can be no thought of 100,000189 countable padas, 190 "countable" meaning here probably "those that need a special count", numerous" or "innumerable". If we reckon on the average for each padam three ak şaras191 and for each grantha (śloka i.e. 32 aksa.), twelve padas, the following is the result of a comparison of the number of these granthas, stated192 as in the MSS., with the above pada numbers [288].
1. anga 2,554 gr. i.e. 2. , 2,300 , , 3. „ 3,750 , „ 4. , 1,607 , , 5. „15,750 „:,
30,648 padas instead of 18,000 p.193* 27,600
36,000 45,000 ,
72,000 .19,284 , ,
144,000 189,000
84,000 2,88,000N
or
188 Likewise also Nemicandra in the Pravacanasāroddhāra $ 92 v. 726 : padhamam
āyārangam atthārasasahassapayaparimānam evan sesangāna vi dugunā dugunappama
naml] 189 N at least has only "thousands." 190 Accord, to Leumann samkhejja signifies merely an indefinite number that is still to
be counted, and not always a large number. 191 See Bhagav. 1,377. This is true in the case of the prose; in verse we must reduce
the number somewhat. The preliminary question is of course-What does the author understand by pada? (Malayagiri in the Nandi-fikā says p, 425 yatrarthopalabdhis tat padam. L.) In this approximation of three aksaras to a pada I have reckoned the single members of compounds as a single word, in so far as the
compounds can lay claim to be considered as such. 192 See above, p, 250, The grantha enumeration is of secondary origin in comparison
with the pada enumeration. 193* So also in nisithabhāsya pedh. 1 (taken from the Acara-niry). , It must, however,
be noted that the above number (18,000) is referred to the first Śrutaskandha only. Malayagiri says (Nandi-fikā p. 425 : atra para aha yath' Acāre dvau śrutaskandhau pancavinsatir adhyayanāni padāgreņa câştādaśa pada-sahasrani tarhi yad bharitam nava bambhaceramaio atthārasa paya-sahassao veo iti tad virudhyate; atra hi navabrahmacar yadhyayana-mātra evästādaśa-padasahasra-pramāņa Acara ukto, 'smins tv adhyayane dvau frutaskandhau pancavinsatir adhyayanāni etat samagras y Ācāras ya parimānam uktam, aştādaśa pada-sahasrāni punah prathama-śrutaskandhas ya navabrahmacar yadhyayanas ya, viciträrtho-nibaddhäni hi sutrani bhavanti, ata eva caisah samyagarthāvagamo gurupadeśato bhayati nanyathā, āha ca curnikut: do suyak handha panavisam ajjhayanāni, eyan āyāragäsahiyassa (?) Ayārassa pamānañ bhaniyah ; althārasa paya-sahassa puna padhama-suyak handhassa nava

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6. anga 5,375 gr.194 i.e. 64,500 padas instead of 576,000 7. „ 812
9,744
[1,152,000] 8. „ 890 „ ., 10,680
,, [2,304,000] 9. „ 192 „ 2,304 „ , (4,608,000) 10. „ 1,300
15,672 , , (9,216,000] 11. „ 1,316 , , 15,792 , „ [18,432,000]
In the case of angas 1 and 5, the numbers above given are less in the case of all the others, greater than the actual state of the case. In a majority of cases the difference is simply ridiculous. The statement in reference to anga 5 (84,000)195 is not in harmony with the increase in 1-4 i.e. twice the number of the previous. We should expect that anga 5 should have preserved the same ratio, as is the case in N. This statement is in direct contradiction to those statements which are found in the MSS. of anga 5; according to which its extent is not 84,000 (and not 288,000 as is stated in N) but 184,000 padas (Bhag. 1,377), which corresponds well enough to its actual extent : 15,750 gr. – 189,000 padas. The peculiar nature of our statement in reference [289) to 84,000 padas is, finally, rendered more apparent by the fact that it is found in $ 84 of the first part of our anga, on the strength of which it has again found a place here.196 In that ş it is so free from suspicion that I consider it correct for that period and find in this very circumstance a critical criterion or testimony that, at that time, the fifth anga had not yet reached its present extent.
As peculiar as the statements in reference to numbers of padas are those concerning the “34 koți”. i.e. 35 millions, in anga 6. That all this is perfect nonsense, is perfectly apparent. See below. Finally there are several differences of a very surprising nature in the other
bambhaceramayassa pamānam vicitta-attha-nibaddhāni ya sultāni, guruvaesao esim attho jäniyavyo tti. This view of the Curniket (translated by Malayagiri into Sanskrit) seems to be all the more right as the Digambaras ascribe also 18,000 padas to the Ācāra without acknowledging any second Śrutaskandha, see Prof.
Peterson's Second Report, p. 134.-L. 194 Another statement 5,500 gr., or 4,155 gr. 195 Or sarva-milanena 1841 (v. 1. 1894) granthas! 195 So also Abhayadeva, who shows that he is evidently embarrassed in his statement ;
caturasitipadasahasrani padāgrené 'ti samavāyāpek sayă (“in reference to $ 84") dvigunatayā (tāvā ?) iti () nāšrayanat (?), anyatha tad dvigunatve dve taksde 'astačitih sahasrāni ca bhavanti. In the following anga he states the number of padas to be 576000 i,e. twice that of those in anga 5, according to his computation.

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55
statements which are not so readily set aside as incorrect or impossible, differences which exist partly in these statements themselves, partly in their relation to the actual facts. First, the difference to the number of ajjhayaņas in anga 6, according to A and Abhayad, there are 19 and such is the actual state of the case—but according to BCN197* there are 29. Then as regards anga 8 the 10 ajjh. are wanting in N.198 The number of the vaggas (7), of the udd. (10) and of the samudd. (10) is in N everywhere 8 ; likewise as regards anga 9 N has the number 3 as in the case of the vaggas, and in that of the udd. and samudd. ; in the case of anga 10 N adds 45 ajjh, and in that of anga 11 likewise 2 suyakh. In reference then [290] to the actual facts, we must make the preliminary observation that the division into uddesagas in the case of angas 8-11, and that into samuddesagas in general in all the angas, is not denoted in the MS 5.199 The other differences refer chiefly to the fifth angam which has no division into ajjhayaņas ; in that anga they are called saya (śata), and their number is not 100 but 41 or, including the sub-sayas, 138 ; likewise the existing text has only 1925 (not 10,000) uddesagas. A special demarcation of vāgaraṇa sections is unknown.200 What can possibly be the meaning of 36,000 vāgaraṇas and only 84,000 padas ! (cf. Bhag. 1,376). The differences in reference to angas 8-11 are not less remarkable. As regards the vaggas (8), anga 8 agrees with N. but has, not 10 (cf. anga 3,10), but 93 ajjh ;-- anga 9 has likewise not 10 (cf. again anga 3,10), but 33 ajjh ; anga 10 has ten dāras cf. the ten ajjh. in anga 3,10 whereas we have here no information about dāras or ajjh., and N, on the other hand, speaks of 45 ajjh.—anga 11 has in agreement with N the 2 suyakh , which are not mentioned in the source of information before us. In the case of anga 12 there is no possibility of comparing the statements in question with the text, since there is no longer any such extant.--See below.201
191* According, to Leumann N Ed. has 19 and not 29-Here again, as with anga 1, only
the first Srutaskandha is intended by the assertion of there being 19 ajjhayanas and not 29. In the same way only Part I. of anga 11 has been known to the author of
anga 3, 10 as has been shown above on page. 270.-L. 198. According to Leumann this is not so in N Ed. 199. This statement requires some modification : see the closing words of angas 8-10 in · Weber's Cat. II., 502 (8). 507(9) 520(10: dasasu ceva divasesu uddisijjanti......);
anga 11 has in the place a reference to anga 1 (see ibid. 534) which, however, has
the same bearing.-L. 200 This demarcation, or the number 35,000 representing it, is also found in the table
of contents of anga 5 preceding the statements in reference to the extent. 201 I will note here merely the fact that in the section in reference to the twelfth anga,
Bhaddabāhu is mentioned by name, whom tradition proclaims to be the last teacher of this angam or of the fourteen purvas ; see above, p. 214. It is furthermore stated that therein was contained a section in reference to Bhaddabāhu and to his history.

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The question now arises how are these differences to find a fitting solution ? It is self-evident, that, so far as the extraordinary character [291] both of our information in regard to the number of padas, and of the akkhāias in anga 6 is concerned, they are a fabrication of the author ; nor is it improbable that a similar explanation may hold good in the case of the special differences of detail. The carefulness of statement which we notice here, renders it, on the other hand, possible that the author has based his statements on those of his authorities, and that we have to deal with genuine discrepancies between two different texts. Abhayadeva declares here that he is unable to explain the contradiction202 in the case of angas 8 and 9 and in the case of anga 10 all that he does is to admit the existence of the conflict.103 But in his commentary on anga 10 he adduces (1) a further case of divergence
-an introduction at variance with the general character of the introductions in that it allots to the anga two suyakkhardhas, and (2) refers especially to the conflict between the pūrvācāryāḥ and the aidamyuginah. See below. Of primal importance for angas 8 to 10 (11) is the fact that the statements in arga 3,10 too render it [292) probable that these angas had then a text different from our own. The irreconcilability of title and contents show that in the case of anga 10 something must have occurred to cause the present condition of affairs.
As we have seen that there are important differences between the statements made here or in N. and the actual state of things in the eleven angas, so far as extent and division are concerned, we now discover that the same holds good as regards the statements now under examination, concerning the contents. These statements, which in N are much more brief than those in anga 4, are, it must be said, of so general a character and so colourless that their real contents can only be discovered with difficulty. They appear in a form that is purely stereotyped (see the common introduction in angas 2-5,204 and in 6-9 and 11,205) whereas there is no such similarity of contents between
202 On 8: dasa ajjhayana iti prathamavargāpeksayai' va ghatate, Nandya tathai 'va
vyakhyāt atvāt (see below); yathe (yac ce) 'ha path yate satta vagga ti tat prathamavargad anyavar gāpekasaya yato' tra sarve 'py asta varga Nam dvām api tathā pathitah ;...sar väni (adhyayanāni) cai'kavargagatani yugapad uddi yamte, ato ('tra) bhanit am; attha uddolā ity adi, iha ca daśo 'ddesanakalā adhi yamta iti na sya 'bhiprāyam adhigacchāmah;-and on 9: ihā 'dhyayanasamuho vargo daśā 'dhyayanāni, vargaś ca yugapad evo 'padiśyate, ity atas traya evo 'ddesanakala bhavařty evam
eva ca Namdāv adhiyate, iha tu dịśyate : dase 'ty, atrā 'bhiprāyo na jñāyate. 203 Yady api 'ha adhyayanānāṁ daśat văd dasai 'vo 'ddeśanakala bhavanti, tatha'pi
vācanämtarāpek şayā (cf. N) pañcacat värinsad iti sambhavyamte iti panayālisam
it y adi aviruddham (!). 204 Samaya, loya, jiva. 205 Nayarāim etc. N limits herein its treatment of the subject entirely to this common
introduction and gives nothing else in addition,

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each of the single members of these two groups; and the statements in question are not in exact accordance with the contents of any single one. This latter remark holds good in the case of the special statements in reference to the contents of anga 10, to which we do not find any such stereotyped introduction. These special statements suit the name of the anga, but not its present contents. It is of great significance that the statements in anga 3, 10 (see above, p. 272) are essentially in accordance with these now under discussion. This agreement [293] makes it extremely probable that the contents of the tenth angam, as it then existed, was in harmony with these statements,
To the detailed consideration of the 12 angas there is appended here, as in the Nandi, a passage on the entire duvālasamgaṁ gaṇipidagam. This deals partly with the attacks, which it was subjected to in the past, 208 which it now experiences in the present and will experience in the future, partly with the devoted acquiescence which is its lot to meet with in these three periods and concludes with the declaration of its certain existence for ever : na kajāi na āsi, na kayai na'tthi, na kayāi na bhavissati.
The concluding portion of the fourth anga consists of frequent reference to the legendary hagiology and history of the Jains, genealogical enumerations (and others of different content) of parents, wives, etc. of the Kulakaras, 24 Titthakaras, 12 Cakkavațţis 9 Baladevas, 9 Dasåras, 9 Vāsudevas, partly in metrical form (śloka and āryā). Towards the end there is a transition to prophecy (construction in the future). Our information here varies in part very materially from that contained in Hem. 26 fg. 691 fg. and is not preserved in the MSS. with any great consistency. Hence it appears that our knowledge is not complete, but is derived from accounts of a partial nature which is in need of additional supplementary testimony. Some of the MSS. afford at one time generous information and at another limited data.
The survey of contents of anga 4, contained in the detailed account of the angas, runs as follows : se kim taṁ samaväe ? samaväe naṁ sasamayà sūijjaħti [294] parasamayā s, jāva logāloge sūijjasti207 ; samavāenam egādiyāṇam egatthāņaṁ eguttariyaparivaddhi ya208 (duvālasar
206 According to Abh., attacks at the hands of Jamali, Goșthāmāhila, etc., i.e. the
representatives of the seven schisms. 207 N. has instead of suijjaħti everywhere samāsijjanti and, as in the case of 3, the
order jiva., loe..., sasamae. 208 parivuddhiya A.

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gassa ya ganipidagassa pallavagge samaņugāijjai):09 thanagasayassa210 barasavihavittharassa211 suyanāņassa jagajivahi yassa212 bhagavato samāseņam samāyāre213 ähijjai ; tattha ya nāņāvihappagärä jiväjiva ya vanniya214 vittharenań, avare vi ya bahuviha visesa naraya-tiriya215 maņuyasuragaņānaṁ āhār'-ussāśa-lesa-äväsa-saḥkhā-āyaya-ppamāņa-uvavāya-cayaņa.ogahān'-ohi 2 16 veyaņāvināņa-uvaoga217 joga-iņdiya-kasāya218* vivihā ya jivajoni vikkhambh-ussehapari-rayappamāņaṁ vidhivisesā219 ya, Mardarādiņam mahidharāņań, kulagara-titthagara-ganaharāņam samatta Bharahāhivāņam230 cakkiņa ceva cakkahara-halaharāņa ya, visūņa221 ya niggama:23 sam ie, ete anne ya evam-ãi ettha223 vitthareņa atthā samāsejjaħti 224
The commentary is by Abhayadeva.
V. The fifth angam, viyäha or vivāha (or opannatti225) with the epithet bhagavati, and lastly also [295] merely bhagavati (Hem v. . 243) ; in 41 sayas, Sataa26, of which some are divided into sub-divisions of the same name227, and both into uddesagas. The number of the latter cannot be discovered from the MSS. themselves, because the latter books (33-41) contain for the most part nothing but stereotyped descriptions, in reproducing which the greatest freedom has been taken.
209 pallava avayavās, tatparimānam samanugiyate pratipadyate. 210 N is much better : samavāe nan egāi-egūt tariya thanasaya-vivaddhiyānam bhāvānam
puruvaņā, āghavijjati : duvalasamgassa ga' gassa pallavagge samasījjai, N omits all the following. As the words duvā gaijjai interrupt in anga 4 the connection,
I have enclosed them in brackets. 211 barassa A. 212 jiviyassa hi A. 213 yāri A. 214 viniyā A ; varnitāḥ. 215 naragatariya A. 216 uggāhinoyahi A ; avagāhanā, avadhi. 217 uvaüga A. B. C. 218*kasāyā A. B. C. ; prathamā...lopa”.- So upanga 1,163 presents Arana-Accuya
tinni ya (see p. 88, note 6 of my ed. of the text).-L. 219 viddhasesa A. 220 samasta Bharatadhipāņām. 221 varşāņāṁ Bharatādikşetränāń. 222 °gamā ya BC. 223 adi 'ttha A. 224 So A, samāhijjasti BC samāśriyante athava, samasyante. 225 Accord. to Abhayadeva and Malayagiri (Schol. on up. 4) vyakhyaprajnapti (cf.
Hem. Schol. p. 319): or vivāhao or vivādhao (cf. Wilson Sel. W. 1,281), s, Bhagav. 1, 371-72 See ibid. p. 368n, and below on upangas 5 foll., in reference to the name
prajñapti and the conclusions to be derived therefrom. 226 The reason for the name is as yet involved in obscurity. 227 avant arasaya in Vidhiprapa.

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general survey
128 sayas, including and especially those
Some uddesagas are indicated merely by catch-words. According to the usual general survey of extent and division of the work at the end of the MSS. there are in all 138 sayas, including all the sub-sayas, 1925 uddesagas, 184,000 padas; and these statements, especially those in reference to the number of words, are in exact agreement with the actual state of affairs, (see Bhag. 1,376), and agree so far as the number of the uddesagas is concerned, with the specific statements on this head in the Vidhiprapā (V), excepting in the case of an insignificant variation (there are only 1,923 udd. see p. 296n). In reference to the great difference especially as regards the extent 184,000 padas as opposed to the statements of anga 4 and of the Nandi the reader is referred to p. 288. Besides, in its general survey of the extent of the angas, the fourth anga has in $ 84, where there is no occasion for suspecting its truth, the same statement that the vivāhapannatti bhagavati had 84,000 padas. This statement was transferred from there to the later general survey (see page 289), although it does not belong there. I do not scruple, therefore, for this very reason to regard it as [296] correct. It would then have to be relegated to a period in which the fifth angam had not yet attained the half of its present extent. Cf. on this point the statements in anga 3,10 .in reference to the vivāhacūliya as ajjh. 5 of the last of the ten dasă texts there cited. See above, p. 274. The vivāhacū. is also mentioned in a previous passage in the Nandi among the anangapavittha texts (bhagavaticülikā, Schol.). On the other hand, it is noteworthy that anga 4 in $ 81, that is to say just before the mention of the 84,000 padas of the bhagavati, refers expressly to its 81 mahājummas (see above page 283); and consequently there is herein a direct reference to its latter books. But these very latter books give one at first glance the impression of containing secondary additions.
That anga 5 grew only gradually to its present extent of 15,750 graṁthāgra or 184,000 padas, is proved by a glance at the different proportions of the single books-(1-8, 12-14, 18-20 with 10. udd, each, 9,10 with 34 udd. each, 11 with 12 udd. ; 15 without udd. ;228 16 with 14, 17 with 17 udd., but 21 with 80,229 22 with 60,230 23 with 50,231 24 with 24, 26-30 with only 11 each, 25 with 12, but 31, 32 with 28 each, 33, 34282 with 124 each, 35-39 with [297] 132, 40 with 231, 41 with 196 udd.] Their contents too prove the gradual extension of anga 5.
228 Gosālasayam egasaram V. 229 With 8 vagga each with 10 udd. V. 230 With 6 vagga each with 10 udd. 231 With 5 vagga each with 10 udd. V. 232 33 and 39 with 12 avatarasayas (of which 8 with 11 each, 4 with 9 udd. each);

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The first 20 books, which are the substructure of all, are clothed in a legendary form, and contain in irregular order, and without any recognizable connecting thread, the most varied legends in reference to the activity and teachings of Mahavira ; his conversations283 with his first scholar Imdabhuti (Goyama) at the time of king Seņia of Rajagiha being made of special importance. In sayas 21 ff. there are no such legends, and each sayam has not only a harmonious contents, but many of the sayas are connected together as groups, 21-23 treat of plants, 24-30 of the different conditions of living creatures (jiva), 24 of their origin, 25 of their leśyādayo bhāvāḥ, 26234 of their karmabandha, 27 of their karmakaraņa [298] kriya, 28 of their pāpakarmadidandakanavaka, 29 of their · karmaprasthāpanādi, 30 of the 4 samavasaraņa (see above, p. 264); 31-41, finally, in a most peculiar fashion of their state during the four jummas (yugma-yuga): kada, teoga, dāvara; 'kaliyoga. The make-up of these latter books, is, as I have already said, purely formal, and is almost similar to a mere table of statistics.
Since this is the case it appears to me a matter of tolerable certainty that sayas 21 fg. were added at a later period to sayas 1-20. It is perfectly clear that we have here to deal with a chance co-ordination of elements. On the other hand, this fact serves to lend a kind of authenticity to the single constituent parts and especially to those of a legendary colouring. After the most naive fashion the discordant parts have been brought into conjunction without any attempt at change. That there was, however, a guiding hand in this conjunction is evident from two reasons : (1) Since an introductory verse in āryā precedes each saya (only up to No. 26 is this true); which verse briefly
35-39 with 12 avataras, with 11 udd. each, 40 with 21 av.,with 11 u. each ; evann mahājummasayāni (i. e. 35-40) 81, evan sayvaggenañ saya 138, savvaggenań uddesa 1923, V., to which a yantrakam i. é a tabular enumeration of the uddesas and
days belonging to each sayas, is appended. 233 The question 9,34, purise nam bhaite purisan haņamāne kim purisam hanati ? - . is an interesting parallel to Bhagavadg. 2,19; Kath. Up. 1,2 18, 19. 234 In V. and even in the MSS. of the Bhag. the foll, names are found for books
26-41 : 26 bamdhisae, 27 kariñsuga (or karisuga) sae, 28 kamma-samajjinanasae, 29 kammapatthavanasae, 30 samo saranasae, 31 uvavayasae, 32 uvvattanäsae, 33 egidi yaj ummasayāni, 34 sedhisayāni, 35 egindiyamahājummasayani, 36 beindiyamahājo, 37 teind', 38 caürind, 39 asanni pancindo, 40 sannipamcimd., 41 rasijummasae. The fact that "abhi hānāni'' are expressly mentioned for these 16 sayas alone (Jogavih v. 37), gives them at the very start a separate place. See the remarks on book 15 Note also that, from book 26 on, the introductory karikas no longer appear (book 26 has, it is true, one such) and that one of the MSS. of the text which I have before me, has before book 26 (but also before book 17) a special greeting, namo suyadevayāe bhagavatie. This refers to a new section. If Leumann is correct we are to attribute no importance to the absence of the kārikā in the case of books 27 and foll., since the kärika that precedes book 26 holds good in the case of the following books, which have the same arrangement as book 26.

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marks the contents of each of the udd. of the saya by means of catchwords (titles). This occurs here for the first time, since it is found in no former anga; but from this time on recurs with considerable frequency. The (2) second indication occurs for the first time especially in this anga, and remains henceforth regularly. It consists in the frequent reference to other texts as parts of the Siddhānta, which often completely interrupts and destroys the context. There are also frequent references to those texts, which belong to the upānga group, e.g. Rāyapaseņaijjaħ- [299] Pannavaná, Jambuddīvapannatti, see Bhag. 1, 382". It must however remain an open question whether in each single instance we have to deal with the work of a redactor or with the convenience of the scribe see supra, pp. 228-232. We must leave in doubt whether some of these citations are really to be found in the work from which it quotes, at least in its extant form. The passage cited from the Rājapraśniyam by Jacobi, Kalpasūtra, p. 107 is found, according to Leumann, in the Edit. p. 185 fg.
The introduction consists of three parts. The actual beginning consists in the so-called paṁcanamaskāra, a benediction which from this point on recurs frequently : 235 namo ari hamtāņań, namo siddhānam, namo āyariyāṇam, namo. uvajjhāyāṇam, namo loe savvasāhūņam or here with the addition namo bambhie livie (see supra, p. 220). Next follows the introductory kārikā of the first saya and then, after the insertion of namo sayassa, the customary beginning of legends : teņaṁ kāleņaṁ teņam samaeņaṁ Rāyagihe nāmaṁ nayare hotthā, Seņie. rāyā, Cillaņā devi, samaņe bhagavaṁ Mahavire ..
of the legends which are adduced here, those claim a special interest which deal with predecessors or contemporaries of Mahavira, with the opinions of his heterodox opponents, annaütthiyas236 or ājiviyas, and with their conversion. Apart from these are named the men, who have patronymic epithet [300] Pasāvacchijja (Pärśvāpatyiya) attached to their names.287 Herein the name of Pārsva, the immediate predecessor of Mahavira can be recognised ; so, for example, in 1, 9 Kalasa-Vesiyaputte (cf. Bhagav. 2,183 fg. Jacobi, ante, Vol. IX. p. 160), is styled a Păsăvacchijja, and in 2, 5 there are four of this name : Kaliyaputta, Mehila, Ānamdarakkhiya and Kāsava, in 5,9 Paojja thera
235 See up. 4, Kalpasūtra, p. 83. 235 Abh. explains this by anyayuthika ; Haribhadra gives, however, the preferable
explanation anyatirthika, cf. präkr. tuha-tirtha, Ind Stud. xvi. p. 46. See Leu.
mann's glossary to Aupapāt. s. v. annaütthiya. 237 See above, p. 266, from anga 2,2,7.

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bhagavaṁto, in 9, 32 Paojje Gamgee. Pasa bimself never appears here288 though the conversion of his adherents to the doctrines of Mabāvira is often alluded to.289 The Vesali-sāvayas too and their adherents appear as his older contemporaries; this is the case in 2,1 Pimgalae Vesāli-sävae (s. Bhagav. 1, 440.2, 184, 197, 249). 12, 2. See above, p. 262, 263 in reference to Vesālia as a designation of Mahavira himself. The following are additional names : Niyamțhiputta 5, 8, Saṁkha-ppă. mokkhă samanovāsa gă 12, 1, Pokkhali, ibid., Gaddabhāli 2, 1, Dhammaghosa 11, 11, Sumamgala 15, 5, etc.
Imdabhūti appears as the "oldest" scholar of Mahăvira, Aggibhati as the ''second", Vāyubhūti240 as the "third". Some of the usual names of the scholars of Mahā vira are not mentioned at all-especially that of Sudharman ; and of those that are referred to Moriyaputta appears in an unusual connextion, viz as a predecessor [301] of Mahavira (3, 1),241 while Maņdiyaputta is here too designated as his scholar (3,3.) Besides him there are other scholars whose names are not found in the later usual list of Vira's scholars; e. g. Roha 1, 6, Khamdaya, Kaccāyaṇa, 2, 1, Kurudattaputta and Tisaya 3, 1, Nārayaputta 5, 8, Samahatthi 10, 4, Anamda and Supakkhatta 15, Māgamdiyaputta 18, 3; see Bhagav, 2, 195. We find in 9, 33 the history of his opponet Jamali and in book 15242 that of his 'shade of a scholar' (sişyābhāşa) Gosāla Mamkbaliputta related in great detail. There are here and there a few statements of an historical colouring so e.g. the incidental mention (7, 9) of a victory of Vajji Videhaputta (cf. up 8) over nine MalaiMallai Mallaki) and nine Lecchai (Lecchaki - Licchavi) kings. of Kāśi-Kosala at the time of king Koņia, Kūņia of Campā, or of Mahā vira
238 In up. 10,11 he appears in person as a teacher, and even till the present day he has
received honours as such. The uvasaggaharastotram, assigned to Bhadrabāhu,
is dedicated to him, see Jacobi, 1. c. p. 12,13, and my remarks on upang. 2 below. 239 Conversion from the câujjāma dhamma to the pañca mahavvayāim see Bhagav.
2, 185 ; Jacobi, ante, Vol. IX. p. 160. 240 These three names in bhūti are probably naksatra names; see Ind. Stud. 4, 380,
81,3,130 : Nak sa. 2,320. 241 See Bhag. 1,440 in reference to chronological conclusions to be drawn from this
name. 242 Gosāla's anekadha janma maranam ca ; according to the Vidhi prapā this book had
another title Gosālayasaye reyanisaggāvaranāmaye anunnāe. This name, which appears in the MSS. of Bhag, at the very close of the book, occurs (see page 224) as that of a text designed for the eighteenth year of study whereas anga 5 is designed for the tenth year. Since this book, not like the others, is egasara, i. e not divided into uddesagas, it may be assumed that it is an independent text, which at a later period found a resting place here. Leumann thinks that he can discover in the Bhag. several other of the texts mentioned, p. 224; e. g. the āsīvisabhāvanā in 8,2,1 (cf. anga 3,4,4), the cāraṇabhāvana in 20,9, the mahasuminabhāvanā in 16,6.

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63
himself; the history (12, 2) of Jayanti (aunt of the Kośămbi king Udāyaṇa, son of Saya iya (Satanika) grandson of Sahassaniya) who was the patron of the Vesālisā vayas, and who, after hearing the sermon of Mahāvira, became a bhikkhuņi.
All these legends, [302] the number of which will be materially increased by a special investigation of the contents give us the impression of containing traditions which have been handed down in good faith. They offer, therefore, in all probability (especially as they frequently agree with the Buddhistic legends) most important evidence for the period of the life of Mahāvira himself.
Among those statements which may be adduced as witnesses for the first composition of the existing form of the text, an enumeration of foreign peoples asserts the chief place. The names of these peoples recur frequently in some customary form in the remaining texts of the Siddhanta, though accompanied by numerous variations of detail.248 In 9, 33, 12, 2 there are enumerated the foreign female slaves and waiting maids in the house of a rich māhaņa (brāhmaṇa) ; consequently the names are all feminine : bahūhim khujjāhiṁ Cilātiyahiņ244 vämaņiyahiņ245 vadahiyahi TM246 Babbariyāhiņ247 Isigaạiyahim Vasaganiyāhiņ248 Palhaviyahi Hlásiyahi Laüsi yähim Ārabihiṁ Damilahis Siṁhalihiń Pulimdihim Pukkalihim249 Bahalihim Muramdihiṁ (Maruído Abh.) Saṁvarihiṁ (Savo Abh.) Pārasihiṁ nānādesīvīdesa paripiņdiyahiń. Of these names Palhaviyā, [303] Ārabi, Bahali, Muradi, and Parasi are of special interest, since they deal with a period from the second till the fourth century A. D., the age of the Parthian Arsacids and the Persian Sassanids ; cf. on Pahlavas (Parthians), Noldeke's remarks in my History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 338 ; on Muramda, Ind. Stud. XV. 280, on Babli, Bactria, Monatsberichte der Konial. Akad, der Wiss. 1879, p. 462. The Maruņdas especially appear together with the Sakas
243 I do not propose here to enter into a detailed discussion of these variations ; see
anga 6.1,117 (Steinthal, p. 28) up. 1,55 (Leumann, p. 60) etc. Besides this enumeration, there is another which occurs only in those texts which are characterized as younger from the fact that they contain this second enumeration. I refer to that of the Mlecchas, in which some fifty (not sixteen) names are quoted; see
anga 10, up. 4. 244 Cilat adesot panna Abh. cf. Kirāta. 245 Hrasvasarirabhiḥ Abh. 246 Vadabhiyāhim madahakosthābhiḥ Abh. (vakradhaḥkosthabhiḥ Schol. on up. 1). 247 Abh. adds Vaüsiyahin. 248 Vārugani yahim Abh. who adds Joniyähim after this name. 249 Pakka Abh.

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and the Sahan Shāhi on the inscriptions of Samudragupta as tributary to him, the tribute consisting, among other things, of girls (Lassen, 2, 952). The mention of the Arabas 250 can be explained by reference (cf. p. 237) to the flourishing state of trade with Arabia at this period. The name of a grain ālisaṁdaga, in 21, 21, points to commercial intercourse at this date, since it may be explained, as I think, as signifying "coming from Alexandria" or "proceeding from A.”251 It is not explained by the commentary. Alexandria, or the Persian ports Apologos and Omana, carried on a brisk trade with India in napevol EVELSEIS as we learn from the Periplus (cf. Lassen, 2, 557, 957, 1159). Another point confirmative of this fact (see introduction to my translation of the Malav. p. 47) is that Yavani girls appear in Kalidasa in the immediate surrounding of the king. Here then we have direct evidence on the part of the Indian tradition. The great frequency of the appearance of foreign female slaves as waiting-maids and as nurses, which is regarded as customary [304] in the Jain texts, is very surprising, and may be regarded as a proof of national pride, called into existence by a few victories over some foreign people, which can be ascertained only with difficulty. This national pride permitted these foreigners to appear in these menial capacities alone. In the inscriptions of Samudragupta we find immediate confirmation of this conjecture, as has been remarked above. The origin of these customary lists takes us as back to the period of the Guptas,
Besides the above-mentioned list of foreign peoples there is in 15, 17 an enumeration of native races. It contains 16 names :-Anga, Vanga. Magaha, Malaya. Mālavaya, Accha, Vaccha, Koccha (ttha ?), Padha, Ladha, Vajji, Mali, Kosi, Kosala, Avå ha, Subhattara. This list has the stamp of considerable antiquity, especially if we compare it with the similar one, up. 4.
The mention of the planets, the absence of any allusion to the zodiac. (Bhag. 1, 44 ; 2, 228) and the statements in reference to the Brahmanical literature existing at the period252 (ibid. 2, 246, 7) are in harmony with the date which we have assumed above. See above pages 236, 238
250 In Brāhman texts they occur only in the list of peoples in Varahamibira 14,17. 251 I would mention incidentally that in 22. 11 pilu is mentioned among the names of
trees and in 23, 1 singavera cinnamon among the spices. 252 riuveda-jajuveda-samaveda-athavvaņaveda-itihāsa pañcamāņam nighamţucchartha.
naí cainhañ vedän an sagovařgāna sarahassānam sārae värae dharae pärae, sadamgavi, satthitamtavisārae, sankhāne, sikkha-kappe vāyarane chande nirutte jotisan-ayane, annesu ya vahusu vambhannaesu parivvāyaesu na yesu supari-nitthie.

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In anga 4 (or Nandi, N) there are contained the statements of contents : se kiṁ taṁ viyahe 2258 viy.ihe naṁ [305] sasamayā viahijjarti parasamaya sasamayaparasamaya, jivā viā° 3, loge 3 viāhijjai ;286 viyāhe naṁ255 näņāviha-sura-narimda-rāya-risi-vivihasaṁsaiya-pucchi yāṇam, jineņa vitthareņaṁ256 bhāsi yāṇam, davva-guna-khetta-kala-pajjava-paesapariņāma-jahatthiyabhāva-aņugamaņikkheva, naya-ppamāṇasuņiuņo-'vakkamavivihapagarapāgadapayamsiyāņań,257 logālogapagāsiyānam,258 saṁsāra-samuddarumda-uttaraṇasamatthāņam259 suravaisampūiyāṇam, bhaviyajaņaypaahiyayābhiņamdi yāņam tamaraya vidhamsaņāņam, suditthadivabhūya-ihāmaibuddhivaddhaņānam, cattīsahsahassa-m-aņūņayāņaṁ260 vāgaraņāņa dań. sanā u 201 suyafthabahuvihappagārā262 sisahiyatthāya263 gunahattha.264
We have for this anga the commentary of Abhayadeva. For a special table of contents for the first two books, two-thirds of the third book, for books 34-41, cf my treatise, of which mention has often been made here and which created a new course for Jaina investigations : "On a fragment of the Bhagavati" part first 1866 part second 1867.265 .
253 vyakhyāyant e...yasyām sa vyākhyā ; viyāhe iti pullinganirdeśaḥ prākştat vat; saftrin.
satsahasranam (vyākaraņānāṁ) darśanāt śr utărtho vyakhyāyate iti..vāk yasambandhaḥ. 254 N has here the order loe .., jīvā..., sasamae ..; the verb is here correct, viyāhijjai
with loe; samae, jjanti with jīvā. 255 vivāhe nan C; the following is omitted in N. . 266 vitthara A; nānāvidhaiḥ surair vividhasañíaya-vadbhiḥ pristānām; Mahāvirena. 257 dravya...parināmānā yathasthitabhāvānugama-nik sepanayapramānas unipunopa
kramo vividhaprakāraiḥ prakatan pradarsito yair vyākaranais tāni tesām... naya
naigamadayah. 259 lokalokau prakāsitau yeşu.. 259 samsāras amudras ya vistirņas ya uttarane samarthānām. 260 susthu dysfāni, dipabhūtāni .; anyunakāni şaftrinsat sahasrāni yesam tāni, iha
makāro' nyathāpadanipataś ca prākstat vāt anavadyan. 251 tesāıh darśanāt prakāšanād uparibandhad ity a., athavā teşāřn darśna upadarśakā
ity a. 262 śrutarthaḥ, te ca bahuvidhaprakārāś ce 'ti vigrahaḥ, śrutārthanaín và bahuvidhāh
prakārāh iti vigrahah. 253 și syahitārthāya. 264 gunamahattha (!) B. C. ; gunahasta gunapar yaptyādilaksano hasta iva hastaḥ pra
dhānāvayava(h) yesam te (cf. Pet. Dict. s. v. hasta 1 i). 263 In the enumeration of daily labours, 1, 378, the statement in lines 9 and foll. is to
be explained thụs : "at most a whole sayam on one day, a moderate measure in two days, at least a sayam in three days" - see above p. 250. ayamvila in 14 stands for āyāñaívila ācāmāmra and signifies a meal taken during a fast consisting of a "sour swallow', a portion of sour pap cf. Leumann Aupap. p. 101, and in a derived sense a division of time necessary for this meal-1, 18 read : "need a day each ;" 1.19 read sedhisayain (book 34)." Much must be now changed in the middle portion of the treatise.
F-5

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VI. The sixth angam, Nāyādhammakahau, [306] Jñata266* dharmakathās, in two suyakhamdhas (śrutaskandha), which are very different in extent. The first in 19 ajjhayanas contains the nāyāni, which word is explained by udaharaṇa, dṛṣṭāmta, i.e. edifying tales or parables, designed to serve as moral examples; the second which is much smaller, contains n 10 vaggas the dhammakahau, i.e. edifying legends. The specific difference in the contents of both parts is not rendered clear by this method of division,267 which itself is characterized in the legendary introduction to the text as a constituent part of the same.
In this introduction, which begins with the formula usually found in legends-tenam kaleram tenam samaenam-the work is referred to a dialogue between Mahavira's scholar Suhamma and the latter's scholar Jambu, 268 which took place at the period of king Konia of Campā. Suhamma represents the transmission of the [307] sacred texts as proceeding directly from Mahavira. He prefaces "the fifth angam is now ended (pamcamassa amgassa ayam atthe pannatte), what is the contents of the sixth angam ?" and then continues with a detailed presentation of its division as given above, citing the titles of each of the 10 ajjhayanas of the first suakkhamdha. Hereupon follows one of the usual ajjhayana introductions which from this point on is found at the beginning of each of the following ajjh.
This style of introduction and of tabulation of the contents recurs 269 in exactly the same form in the case af angas 7-11, and proves that these six angas especially are bound together and have perhaps been the subject of treatment at the hands of the same redactor. They are connected like links in a chain, inasmuch as in the beginning of each anga reference is made to, the angas preceding it. The first four angas have a mark of unity in their introductory formula suyam me and in their close ti bemi. The fifth anga occupies an isolated position.
266* See Schol. Hem. 243 p. 319 (Bgk.-Rieu) for the length of the a in Jñata.-The same length is observed in the Vedic compound idhma-barhis; see also the Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. III, p. 331, note 2-L.
267 Accord. to the Comm. this difference consists herein, that in the first part aptopalambhādijñātair dharmartha upanitaḥ, in the second part sākṣāt kathabhir abhidhiyate. The second part contains, it is true, no parables and similitudes, but the first, as well as the second contains kathas. As Leumann informs me the term naya is treated in great detail in anga 3, 4, 3.
268 The Prakrit text Jambudithamta, or Jambusyāmikathanakam, in 21 uddeśas, deals with him; the Prakrit in it is very like the apabhransa.
269 The tenth has now, it is true, another introductory formula. Abhayadeva however cites a different one which is exactly the same as that found before angas 7, 8, 9, and 11.

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The fact that this introductio solennis is found in all six angas, alike, is proof enough of its late origin and of its being the work of a hand which brought all six into close conjunction. If this be so, it is possible to conceive that the explanation of the name ndyadhammakahāu which occurs in anga 6 (näyāni ya (308) dhammakahão ya) is not in harmony with its original signification. I prefer the foll. explanation : first separate the word into ņāyādhamma and kahāu and understand by nāyādhamma the "dharma of the Jñata" i e. of Mahăvira 270* (see above, p. 261, on anga 2, 1, 1, 6), and understand the meaning to be "Recitals for the dharma of the Jñata.”
But we must not suppress an objection. In the anga section in anga 4 and Nandi, both parts of anga 6 are especially recognized, and in fact by the same titles: nāyāi, and dhammakahāu. This misunderstanding, if such here exist, must have been anterior to the date of anga 4 and N. I cannot however regard this as a cogent objection, since the Nandi is the work, according to all probability, of Devarddhigaại himself (980 Vira), and the section of anga 4 is perhaps, in the last instance, the production of a still later period (cf. above, p. 284.) 271
The statements in reference to the extent of the second part of anga 6 contained in anga 4 and identical with those of the Nandi, are full of the most fabulous exaggerations, cf. p. 286, 289. Each of the dhammakahās is said to contain 500 akkhāiyās, each of these 500 uvakkhäiyās; each uv. 500 akkhaiya-uvakkhāiyās with a total of "3} koti", i.e. 35 millions of akkhāiäs. This latter sum excites tbe hostility of surprise since, if we reckon each (309] of the ten vaggas of the second part as a dhammakahi, the result for all 10 is if we trust the above quoted statements, 125 koțis, namely 10 x 5003, i.e. 1250 millions ! According to the Schol, on the Nandi this riddle is solved by the assumption that of the 125 koțis, only 31 koți are "apunarukta", and the remaining 1214 koțis have occurred in the nine ajjh. 11-19 of part 1, each of which in turn contains 540 akkh. having each 500 uvakkh, and these 500 akkh, uvakkh each.
270* The length of the a of nāya (cf. Pān. 6, 3, 129, 130) is irregular according to both
explanations.-See however the first note on this anga. It certainly militates against the plausibility of the above conjecture, that the recitals of the first part are cited in the references of the redactor under the designation of nāya (jaha
aidanāe, jaha Mallināe)-L. 271 There is no reason whatever to suppose a misunderstanding in the above passages
only to please an etymology of the 19th century ; even in this very anga 6 the term nāya is applied to the first and twelfth ajjh, as will be seen from their titles given jater on. Remember also the term nāyajjhayaņāim spoken of above on anga 419.

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Dismissing such calculations as mere child's play, let us examine the actual state of things. In the first place the titles of the 19 ajjhayaņas of part 1 are enumerated at the outset (see page 307), and are found singly in Āvaśy, 16,82.83 (Āv.) and in the Vidhiprapā (V.3878 They are as follows:---
1. Ukkhittanäe, Utksiptam : the "raised” but not replaced foot of an elephant, the first birth of prince Megha, whose history is here related ab ovo (pregnancy of his mother, birth of the child, education, marriage, instruction at the hands of Mahavira). See Paul Steinthal : "Specimen der Näyädhammakaha,” Leipzig, 1881.278 The contents are said by Abh. to be anucitapravsttikasya śisyasyo-pålambhaḥ.
2. Samkhada (Av. samghada V), saṁghățakaḥ ; śresthicąurayor ekabarndhanabaddhatvam ; or anucitapravrttikocitaprav sittikayor anarthärthaprāpti parampară.
3. Anda, mayūrämdam (cf. p. 270 note 4); pravacanartheșu sarkitasaṁkitayoh präninor dosagunau (310).
4. Kumma, kūrma; asamlinedriyetarayor (i.e. asamlinedriyasamlinedriyayor) anarthärthau.
5. Selaa, Sailako räjarsih; pramādavdto' pramädavatas cā 'narthetarau (i.e, anarthärthau, evil and weal.)
6. Tumba (tumbaya V), alābū; prāņāti pätādimatāṁ karmagurutabhavene' tareșäm274 ca laghutabhdvena anarthapräptitare, 375
7. Rohiņi śreşthivadhūh; mahāvratānā viradhanaviradhanayor anarthärthau.
8. Malli, ekonavinśatitamajinasthinotpannā tirthakari ;276 mahávratanām eva 'lpenä' 'pi māyāśalyena dușitānām ayathāvatsvaphalasādhakatvaṁ, or mäyävato 'narthah.
9. Maiṁdi (Māyaṁdi V); Mākamdi nama vaņik, tatputro Makaṁdiśabdene 'ha grhitaḥ; bhogeșu aviratimato 'nartho, viratimataś carthaḥ.
272 I extract these explanations or, as the case may be, statements of contents, from the
introductions to each of the ajjh. in Abhayadeva's Comm. 273 On page 4 twenty-one ajjh, of part 1 are erroneously spoken of; there are but
nineteen. 274 viz. aprānātio. 275 i, e. anarthapraptyarthaprapti. 276 See Kup. 10 (800).

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10. Caṁdama (camdimā V) candramāḥ; gunavrddhihanilaksandy anartharthau pramådy-apramādinoh.
11. Dāvaddave (@ge Āv.), samudratate vrkşavišesäḥ; märgäradhanavirädhanābhyam anarthärthau, or caritradharmasya viradhakatvam ärādhakatvaṁ ca.
12. Udaga näe, udakaṁ nagaraparikhājalar ; caritrărădhakatvam prak rtimalimasānām api bhavyānāṁ sadguruparikarmaņā bhavati : or saṁsargaviseșåd guņotkarşaḥ.
13. Mardukke, Mamdūkaḥ naṁdimaņikära-śreşthijivaḥ ; sarnsargavišesābhāvād guṇāpakar şaḥ; or satāṁ guņānāṁ sāmagry-abhāve hānir.
14. Tevall 'i ya (Teuli Āv.), Tetali suta277 bhidhāno‘mātyaḥ; tathāvidhasamagrisadbhāve gunasampad upajāyate ; or apamanād vi şayatyāgah. See pp. 271 note 2. 317.
15. Naṁdi phala : [311) naṁdivrkṣābhidhānataruphalāni; Jinopadesát (visayatyägah), tatra ca satyarthaprāptis, tadabhāve tv anarthaprāptih ; or visayābhişvaṁgasyā 'narthaphalata.
16.278 Avarakarnkā, Dhātaķisarda Bharataksetrarājadhāni; tadvisayanidanasya sä (anarthaphalată); or nidānä (t) kutsitadănăd vä anarthah.
17. Āinne, äkirņā jätyaḥ samudramadhyavartino' śvāḥ; iṁdri yebho niyaṁtritebhyaḥ sa (anarthah) ucyate; or imdriyava avartinämitaresář ca 'narthetarau.278
18. Sursumă (Sursa Āv.), Sumsumăbhidhână śreşthiduhita; lobhavasavartinām itareşāṁ ca tãy eva (anarthärthau); or asamv stäśravasye' tarasya ca 'narthetarau..
19. Pumdarie, pur darikaṁ ;280 ciram saṁvsta'sravo bhūtvä'pi yaḥ paścăd anyathā syät tasya. alpakalaṁ saṁvstäśravasya ca tav (anarthetaräv) ucyete.
After the conclusion of ajjh. 19 there follows a special conclusion for the first suyakhaṁdhe, 281 then the usual beginning for the second suyakhardhe held in the same strain as the introduction to the anga itself, and giving in detail the contents of each of the ten vargas.
277 Teyaliputte in the text. 278 Here there is a detailed account of the Doval (Draupadi). 279 i. e., anartharthau. 280 See anga 2, 2, 1. 281 The statement that 19 days are necessary to finish the 19 ajjh. is found here.

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These treat of the aggamahisto, 1, Camarassa, 2, Balissa Vairoyaņaranno, 3, asuriṁdavajjiyāņaṁ dahi ņillāņam isdāņaṁ, 4, uttarillāņa asurimdavajjiyāņam bhavaņavāsi-iṁdāņa 5, dahiņillāņam vāṇamartarāņań, 6, uttarillāņaṁ väņam", 7, chaṁdassa, 8, sūrassa, 9, Sakkassa, 10, Isänassa [312).
The actual composition of the text of the second part is quite summary. To the first vagga five ajjhayaņas are ascribed, 282 their names being Kali, Rāti, Rayaņi, Vijju, Mehā, names of the five wives of Camara. The history of the first alone is really related, and that in quite brief fashion; that of the second is very much abbreviated and is identified with the first by the use of the customary marks of abbreviation (evam jahá Kali, tam ceva savvam jāva); that of the third is still shorter, and the fourth and fifth are settled with a word or two.
The text of the remaining vargas is despatched' in a like-summary fashion with but few words, although quite a number of ajjh, are allotted to several of them. Their contents is as follows : varga 2 five ajjh., vargas 3 and 4, 54 each, vargus 5 and 6 each 32, vargas 7 and 8 each 4, vargas 9 and 10 each 8.-In the Vidhiprapā however 10 ajjhayaņas each are allotted to varga 1 and 10 to varga 2.288
The extent of the second part in the MSS. is one-twenty-first of the first part. In one MS. the commentary on part 2 is despatched in four lines. Even if all due regard is paid to the second note on anga 7 given below on p. 315, how curious are the statements, p. 286, 289, 308, from anga 4 and Nandi.
The events take place in Rayagiha, Campā, Vārāṇasi, Bäravati, Viyasogā, Teyalipura, Ahicchatta, Hatthisisă, Puṁdaragiņi In the first account we find an [313] enumeration of non-Aryan peoples ; some are not found among those quoted, p. 302, from anga 5, others are found here which are wanting there. We read (see Steinthal, p. 28) : bahūhiṁ Cilāiyāhiṁ khujjahim vāvaņi(!)-vadabhi(!)-Babbari VažsiJoniya - Palhavi - Isini - Thārugini - Läsiya - Laüsiya - Damili : SinhaliĀravi-Pulimdi-Pakkaņi, Bahali-Mururdi-Sabari-Pärasthiṁ. There is, further-more, mention made here of 72 kalas (cf. p. 282 and Steinthal,
282 padhamassa vaggassa panca ajjhayaņā pantañ : Kali...Meha. 283 ...padhamavaggo, tammi dasa ajjhayanā...vie dasa ajjhayanā, (see above, p. 231).

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p. 29). The word javaniya (St. p. 14), yavanikā, "curtain", refers to a stage-curtain or to the theatrical plays of the Greeks. We must not fail to notice the mention of 18 desibhāsão (St. p. 29) in a list which does not go into detail (see below, p. 336 and on up. 1 Cf. Ind. Stud. XVI. 38 on the word talavara (St. p. 14).
There is a commentary by Abhayadeva.
The table of contents in anga. 4 or Nandi (N) is :-se kim tam nāyādhammakahāu284 ? nā hāsu ņam nāyāṇam285 nagaräim ujjāṇāiṁ ceiyāiṁ vanasaṁḍā (ḍāim N) rāyāṇo286 ammapiyaro samosaraṇāim dhammāyariyā dhammakahau ihaloiya paraloiya iddhivisesa bhogapariccāyā pavajjau suyapariggaha tavo'-vahāṇāim pariyāgā samlehaṇau bhattapaccakkhāṇāiṁ pāovagamaṇāim287 devalogagamaṇāim288 sukulapaccayaio289 puna-bohilão290 amtakiriyão [314] ya291 aghavijjamti jāva,292 ṇāyā hāsu293 ṇaṁ pavvaiyāṇaṁ vinayakaranajiņasāmisāsaṇavare294 samjamapainnāpālaṇadhiimaivavasayadulla-bhānam,295 tavaniyama-tavo' vahaṇa-raṇaduddharabharabhaggāṇisahāņisatṭhāṇam,296 ghoraparisahaparajiyāṇam, sahapăraddharuddha-siddhālaya
284 jnat any udaharaṇāni tatpradhānā dharmakatha jna° °tha, dirghat vam samjnātvāt; nayadh is taken here as karmadh...not as a dvandva.
285 nayaim BC, jäätänam udaharaṇabhutänam Meghakumarādīnam nagaradiny akhyāyante, nagarādīni dvai vinśatiḥ padani kaṇṭhyāni.
286 The foll. is inverted in N samo° ra° am° dh hão dh°riya ihalogaparalogia riddhivisesa bhogapariccāgā pavajjā pariaga suapa tavova samle bhattapaccakkhāṇā; in angas 7 fg. the case is similar.
287 pāuga A, pãovaga° N,
288 N ed. has according to Leumann the following just as in anga 7 (p. 307),
289 ? pavvaya BC, pavvayai A, paccato N.
290 labha N.
291 yau A, yão N. °yato ya BC.
292 jäva signifies that here anyāni pamca padani da(r) syāni, i.e., aftet agh., the usual five words pannavijjamti paruvi damsi nidamsi uvadamsi.
293 jāva naya to the end is omitted in N; in which there follows dasa dhammakahānam vagga and the remarks in reference to the number of the akkhaias.
294 sami omitted in BC. fasana-vare se sapravacanapekṣaya pradhanapravacane ity a., pathämtareṇa; samaṇāṇaṁ viņayakaraṇajiņasās anammi (perhaps an older reading) pavare.
295 paiņa, thiti, duvvalanam A: samyamapratijna samyamabhyupagamaḥ; sai 'va duradhigamyatvät kätaranara-kṣobhakatvac ca pātālam iva patalam (other reading), tatra dhytimativyavasaya durlabha yeṣam te tatha; pathämtarena samyamapratijnapalanaya dhṛtimativyavasayas te su durbala ye, teṣam.
296 dudhara bharabhagga A; taponiyama-tapaupadhāne, te eva ranaś ca kataranarakṣobhakatvāt samgramo......framakaraṇatvat durbharabharas ca, tabhyam bhagnah. paranmukhibhutah, tatha niḥsaha nitaram aśakta eva. niḥsahaka, nisɣstas ca niststāmga muktamga ye te; prākṛtatvena, kakaralopa-samdhikaraṇabhyam bhagna ity adau dirghatvam avase yam.

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magganiggayāṇam,297 visayasuhatucaästvasadosamuchiyāṇam, virähiyacarittanāņadassaņa-jaiguņavivihappagāranissarasunnayāņaṁ,298 saṁsāraapāradukkhaduggaibhavavivihaparamparāpavarca299 dhirāņa ya, jiyaparisahakasāyasennadhiidhaniya-samjamaü cchäha nicchiyāņaṁ 300 arahiyananadaṁsanacarittajoganissalla301 suddhasiddhālayamagga-m-abhimuhāņām, surabhavanavimāņasokkhāiṁ aạovamăim bhottūņa802 ciraṁ ca bhogabhogāni [315] tāņi divvāņi maharihāņi tato ya kälakkamacuyāņań, jaha ya puno. laddhasiddhi303 maggāṇam, artakiriyācaliyāņa ya, sadevamāņusadhirakaranakäraņāņi, bohaņa304 aņusāsaņāņi gunadosadarisaņāņi ditthaṁte paccae 305 ya souņa, logamuņiņo jaha ya thiya806 sasanammi jaramaraņaņāsanakare, ärähiyasamjama ya suralogapadiņiyatta uvesti$07 jaha sāsaya sivam savvadukkhamokkham808 ee anne ya evamai 'ttha vitthareņa ya 309
VII. The seventh angam uvāsagadasāu, upăsakadaśas, in'ten ajjhayaņas ; legends about ten upåsakas or pious fathers of families (gähävai), who, by means of asceticism, &c., attained the divine condition and thereby releasement.
Angas 7-9 belong to the second group of angas (see above p. 249, 307), from the general connection of the contents of each, from their common designation in anga 3,10 as dasāu, 310 "decads," from the special common denomination of their introduction (ukkheva, upaksepa) or conclusion (nikheva), and from their very limited extent,311 (316)
297 sahaprārabdharuddhaḥ, ata eva siddhorgaj jnänader. nirgataḥ.. 298 faireva yatiguņaih funyakāḥ; padatrayasya ca karmadhārayaḥ : viradhitacari
trajñanadarśana-yatiguna-vividhaprakāraniņsāra-sunyakānān. 299 pavanca BC. 300 jiya...seniddhittidhāņaya A; jitan parişahakaşa yasainyam yaiḥ, dhter dhanikah
svāminah (cf. Aupapăt. § 32 p. 126), samyame utsäho...avašyambhāvi yesām. 301 nisalla A; nihšalyo mithyädar sanādir ahitaḥ. 302 bhuttuna B.C. 303 siddha B. C. 304 bodhana B. C. 305 pavatte BC. prat yayāns ca, bodhakaranabhūtāni vāk yani. 306 jahatthiya B. C.; lokamunayaḥ...parivrājakādayo yathā ca yena prakārena sthita(h)
fasane. 307 uveti C, uveli A. 308 kkha A. 309 evam ahi 'ttha vichaena ya A. 310 daśadhyayanarupāh see Hem. abhidh. v. 244. We saw it is true, above (p. 270
seqq.) on anga 3, 10 that the designation dasaf suits only the texts cited there, but not our texts of angas 7-9 with the exception of anga 7; these must consequently
be regarded as secondary in comparison to the former. 311 The smallness of these angas is however to some extent only one of appearance. in
so far as each of the numerous tales, which, from being identical with previous

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angas 7-9 thus stand in immediate connection with each other and bear the stamp of an undeniable unity.
This conclusion is drawn from the method of treatment which prevails in them, and which explains their inconsiderable extent. The first account contains (as is the case in part 2 of anga 6) the pattern on which all the others are modelled. We need therefore refer merely to the points of contact, and make mention of what is new in the presentation of the subject. An especial characteristic of anga 7 is this: Though different localities are adduced for the single stories, which all belong to the period of Mahavira, the king is in every case (the name Seņia in the eighth story is the solitary exception) called 312 Jiyasattu, the origin of which name must be sought in the Ajātaśatru of the Buddhistic legends. The titles of the ten stories are found in anga 3,10 (S), and are in general the same as those given here ; see above, p. 271 :
1. Āņamda in Vaņiyagāma.. 2. Kamadeva in Campā. 3. Culaņi (ņi sv) piya (opitar) in Bāņārasi. 4. Surādeva, in Bāņārasi. 5. Cullasaiga (sae S, sayaga V) in Ālabhiya. 6. [317] Kumdakodila (kolia SV) in Kampilla pura ; opposition
between Mabăvira and Gosāla Mamkhaliputta. 7. Saddala putta in Polăsapura ; he was a potter and adherent of the
Ājivias (ājivikāḥ Gośālaśişyāḥ, Schol.). 8. Mahāsayaa (sayaga V) in Rayagiha. 9. Namdiņipiya (opitar), in Sävatthi. 10. Letiapia (°pitar), in Savatthi.
Vardhamānadeśana is the title of a metrical treatment in Prakrit gātkās of the contents of this anga, to which I have had access. The MS is cut short at v. 865 in the history of Ananda. An interlineal version in Sanskrit accompanies the Prakrit ; its first verse cites the
ones, are reduced to some phrases only, must be counted in full. At the end especial mention is made of the number of days necessary for the uddesanam i.e. recital or recitation of each of the ajjhayanas or vargas. The Vidhiprapa charac.
terizes the 10 ajjh. as egasara because they are not divided into uddesagas. 312 In each account there is a name beginning with Aruna : in the first the name Aruna
itself, in the others it forms the first member of a compound e. g, Arunabhe, Arunappahe, Aruņakate, Aruņasitthe, &c.

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title Vardho. The sixth name is the same (v. 8) as in SV; koliae (kolika), the eighth (v. 9) Mahåsayaņa (but sataka in the chaya), the tenth Tealipio (Tetalipriya, see p. 310).
There is an anonymous commentary, which refers to a vyakhyā on anga 6. by the same author. The word karthya (often erroneously kasvya), which is frequently used in the scholia when the meaning of a passage is plain and needs no further comment, implies that these passages are "in everybody's throat, intelligible by themselves". This I owe to the courtesy of a communication from Bühler,
The table of contents in anga 4 and Nandi is as follows:- se kiń taṁ uvāsagadasău ? uvā sasu nam uvāsagāņaṁ (samova N) nagarāiṁ ujja cei vaņa (N omits) rāy. 313 amma samo dhammāyariya dhammakahā ihalogaparaloga-iddhi314 visesa, uvā sagāņaṁ ca315 silavvaya veramaņa-guna316 pacca (318] kkhâņa-posahovavāsa-padivajjaņayāu 317 suyapariggah, tayo' vahāņāiṁ padimău 318 uvasaggă samlehaņāu bhattapaccakkhāņāu (°ņāim N) pāuvagama (pāovagamaņāim N) deva sukula punabohi319 amtakiriyāu ya (N omits) aghavijjaṁti ; uvāsagadasā su320 ņam uvāsagāņam riddhi visesa parisa321 vittharadhammasavanāni322 bohilābha-abhigama-sammattavisuddhatathirattam323 mūlaguņottaraguna aticără țhitivisesä 884 ya bahuvisesa padima325 bhiggahaņa326 pälaņā uvasaggāhiyasaņā327 niruyasaggayā ya$28 tava$29 ya caritta silavvayagunaveramaņapaccakkhānaposahovavāsā apacchim
313 N has again an inverted order (and the complete words). sa, ra. am. dhohão
dhoriya. 314 riddhi N. 315 uv, ca N omits. 316 Inverted in N : bhogapariccāyā pariyāgā suyapariggahā tavo'vahanäin silao padi
vajjanayā padimão. 317 gunaveramana N (inverted). 318 silavratanyaņuvratānī, viramanāni rāgādi(vi)rasta)yah (!), guna gunavartani,
pratyākhyānāni namaskārasahitani ; posadho 'stamyadipar vādini, tatro' 'pavasanam
ahārasarirasatkāradit yāgaḥ, pratipādinato... 319 devalogagamaņāim sukulapacchão punabohilābhā N. 320 What follows, omitted by N 321 matapitȚput radikābhyantara (!) parişat, dasidāsamitrādikā vā. 322 vistaradharmasravanāni mahāvīrādinām sannidhau. 323 samyaktva việuddhat a sthiratva. 324 ddhiti A; gunataraguņātiyara thitāvisesa B. thiti C. 325 samyagdarsanádipratimah. 326 bhiggahagahanapao C. 327 hitasaņā B C, upasargādhisahanāni, see Leumann, Aupap. p. 100. 328. sagga ya BC. 329 tava ya to namtiya ya omitted in A.

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amāraṇastiya 380 ya sarnlehaņa ya,331 appāņaṁ jaha ya bhavaitta, bahūņi bhattāņi aņasaņde ya cheitta, *39 uvavannā kappavaravimāņuttamesu338 jaha anubhavaṁti suravaravimā navarapoṁdariesu334 sokkhaiṁ anovamāim, kameņa-bhottūņa uttamā iņ335 tao äukkhaeņaṁ cuyā samānā jaha jinamayarmi bohi laddhūna336 ya sarjamuttama tamarayaoghavippa [319] mukkā387 uvesti338 jaha akkhayam339 savvadukkhavimokkham ete. anne ya evam-aiṁ.
VIII. The eighth angam, astagadadasău, artak stadaśās, or artakrddaśās, see Hem. abh. v. 244 ; in eight vaggas, embraces in all 93 ajjhayaņas, viz. (10, 8, 13, 10, 10, 16, 13, 10) :340 it deals with legends concerning the pious, who have "put an end" to their worldly life.341
The number of the vaggas, eight, is very remarkable, as it is not in harmony with the concluding part of the title 342 Our surprise is however increased when we reflect that in anga 3 and anga 4 (see above 271, 286) ten ajjhayaņas were allotted to our text ; in anga 4, besides, seven vaggas and ten úddesaņakālas. The Nandi agrees with our text in apportioning to it eight vaggas (and eight udd.), but makes no mention of aj jhayanas whatever. Furthermore the titles of the ten ajjhayaņas cited in anga 3, 10, have scarcely anything in common with those of our text (see p. 271, 322) ; some appear in anga 9. There is therefore here a violent opposition between [320] the tradition and the actual constitution of the text. We have seen above, p.
330 paścāt kālabhāvinyah, akaraś ca mañgalaparihārār thaḥ (!) maranarupe ante
bhavā māraṇāítik yah. 331 Thus A, saħlehanājjhosņāhim B. C. ; at manaḥ sarirasya jivasya ca samlekhanā
tapasā rāgādijayavasikaranāni tāsām jjhosana tti jošana sevanā. 332 cheiyatta A, chedayitya. 333 kalpavareșu yāni vimānāny uttamāni tesu. 334 varattapuñdariesu A. 335 k. bh. utt. omitted in A. 336 bohi B, laddhena A. 337 raja A. rayogha BC ; tamo-raja-oghavipramuktāḥ ajnanakarmapravāha-viprao. 338 uvemti omitted in A; upayanti. 339 aksayam apunarävyttikam. 343 Likewise in the Vidhi prapā. 341 añto vināšah, sa ca karmaņas tatphalasya ca saṁsārasya kyto yais te'mtakrtas
te ca trthakarādayah. 342 The scholiast seeks to reconcile the contradiction as follows:-prathamavarge daśa
'dhyayanāni 'ti tatsamkhyayā astakytadaśa. This is of course a mere make-shift. If Abh. appeals to the Nandi on this point (see p. 291n), he can mean nothing else (since the Nandi contains nothing of the kind) than that the Nandi cites for our anga eight "vaggas" instead of ten "ajjh. "This so-called "explanation" substitutes, without a word of warning "ajjh. for vagga".

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272, 291, that even Abhayadeva on angas 3 and 4 confessed that he was unable to explain the differences between the statements made there and the text constituting the anga..
In harmony with this is the fact that the existing text is in an exceedingly fragmentary condition, and is filled with references to sections in angas 5 and 6, upanga 2 and according to the scholia, to the Daśāśrutaskandha, the fourth chedasūtram. In many instances, the later ajjhayaņas of a vagga, just as was the case in part 2 of the sixth anga and in anga 7, present us with nothing more than a mere title. Each vagga is preceded by a statement in karika-form of the contents of the ajjhayaņas, which are therein contained. The scholiast on the Nandi thinks that by the vaggacūliya 8 43 (mentioned among the anangapavitha texts) the 8 vaggas of the Antak rddaśās are intended. The same statement is found in the scholium on anga 3, 10 ; though there appears to be no proper place for any cūliyā whatever.
The scene of the first story is in Bărăvati at the court of king Amdhayavaṇhi (Andhakavşşņi), or of Kanhe näma Vasudeve rāyā; the names Vasudeva, Baladeva, Ariţthanemi, Pajjunna, Samba, Aņiruddha, Jámbavati, Saccabhămā, Ruppiņi &c., which belong to this story, and also that of Bărăvati itself, are met with frequently as the recital proceeds. The ninth story of the first vagga treats of Paseņai, [321] Prasenajit. The third vagga begins with the history of Apiyasa, son of Nage nama gähävati, Sulasă nāma bhāriyā,844 under king Jiyasattu of Bhaddilapura. The sixth vagga begins with the history of Makayi under king Seņia of Rāyagiha. The other localities are essentially the same as those in anga 7, viz.-Vaộiyagāme, Savatthi, Polasapura, Vāņārasi, Campă, and also Sãee (Saketa). The last vagga treats especially of the ten wives of king Seņia, step-mothers (cullamàuya) of king Koņiya : Kali, Sukali, &c., who one and all zealously studied the sämāiya-m-aiyāim ekkārasa aṁgaiṁ and are instructed therein by the Ajja Camdaņā (about whom no further notice is given). This piety is probably connected with the death of the sons of each, cf. upānga 8 (Nirayāvali sutta); and their grandsons--sons of these sonsbecome ascetics if we may ascribe any probability to the legend, Cf. upānga 9.
343 The text has varga, but Päksikasutra and Vidhiprapa and also anga 3, 10 (above
p. 274) have likewise vaggao. 344 Cf Jacobi, ante Vol. IX. p. 28 (1880) and Abhay on anga 3, 8 and 9. Leumann,
Wiener Zeitschrift f. d. Kunde des Morgenl. Vol. III. p. 333.

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the titles of the ajjhayanas for the
single
The kårikås with vargas are :
1. Gotama345 Samudda Sāgara Gambhire ceva hoi Thimete yal Ayale Kampille khalu Akkhobhe Pasenai Vinhull.
2. Akkhobhe Sāgare khalu Samudde Himavaíta Acala nāme ya| Dharane ya Pūrane ya Ajjhicaṁde (Abhiņamde) ceva atthamaell.
3. Aniyase. Anamtasene Ajji yasene Aņihayariū Devasene Sattusene Särane Gae Sumuhe Dumuhe Kūvae Däsae Anähitthill. [322]4. Jali Mayāli Uvayali Purisaseni ya Vārisene yal Pajjunta Samba Auiruddha Saccanemi ya Dadhanemi// For the first 5 names see anga 9, 1.
5. Paümavati Gori Gamdhārl Lakkhană Susimā ya Jāṁbavati/Saccabhāmi Ruppiņi Mūlasiri Müladattā vi 1l.
6. Makāyi Kimkam(m)e846 ceva Moggarapāni ya Kasavel Khemate Dhitidhare ceva Kelase Haricaṁdanel/Vāratte Sudarsane Punnabhadde taha Sumanabhadde Supaitthel Mehätimutte Alakkhe ajjhayaņānam tu solasayaṁ||
7. Naņdā Nardavati ceva Naṁduttară Națdiseniya ceva/Maruta Sumarutā Mahāmarutā Marudeva ya athamā|| Bhadda Subbadda ya Sujaya Sumanii ya/Bhūyadinnâ ya bodhavvă Sehiyabhajjāna nāmātis
8. Kali Sukalı Mahākāli Kanhã Sukanha Mahakanha/Virakanhāya bodhavvā Rāmakanhä taheva Piusenakanhi navami dasami Mahasenakanhā yall
It is impossible to reconstruct any correct metre in these kārikas, since the lines are a confused mass of śloka and äyrä homistiches,
The table of contents in anga 4 or Nandi (N) is as follows:-se kim tam amtagada dasaū ? amtao sisu nam amtagadanaṁ nagarāim ujjánäiń ceiyai vana rāyā° ammāpiyaro samosaranaṁ dhammāyari ya dhammakahäu847 ihalogaparaloga"348bhogapariccäga pavajjāu suya349 tavo
345 Also in the Vidhiprapā : ittha ajjhayaņāņi Goyama m-aiņi. 346 Kinkamme is found in anga 3, 10, for anga 8; this should have been stated on
page 271. In reference to the question where Mayali is identical with Bhagāli, see the same page. Is Jāli equal to Jamali? The account here entitled Gae treats of
Somila, as Leumann informs me, See ibidem, 347 In N we find the same transposition as in the case of 6, 7, sao rão ao dhaohão dho
riya. 348 paralogiyā riddhivisesa N. 349 N inserts pariyāgå before sua°.

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padimuato (323) bahuviha tavo361 khamā ajjavaṁ maddavam ca soyaṁ ca saccasahiyam858 sattarasaviho ya (B. C., "ha yā ya A) saṁjamo (me A, mo ya B. C.) uttamaṁ ca bambham akimcanaya tavokiriyūu samitt guttiu ceva, taha353 appamāyajogo (oge A) sajjhāyajjhănăna354 ya uttam inam donhaṁ pi lakkhanāim, pattāna ya saṁjamuttamaṁ jiya (jiya A) parisahānaṁ ya caü vihakammakkhayaṁmi jaha kevalassa355 lambho, pariyāu (yāto B. C.)356 jattio ("ito B. C., jatiyāu A) ya jaha palito (palayato A) munihi, pāuvagai ya357 jo jahiņ358 jattiyāni bhattāni cheyaittà (cheitta A, chedaittà B. C.) aṁtakaro (gado B. C.) munivaro359 tama-rao'-gha360 mukko mokkhasuham anuttarar ca patto (A, pattă B. C.) ete anne ya evar-ai'ttha parūviya (parūve, B. C.) jāva.
IX. The ninth angam, aṇuttarovayāiyadasāu, anuttaraupātikadaśas ;361 in 3 vaggas with 33 ajjhayaņas (10, 13, 10); contains legends of saints each one of whom attained the highest (anuttara) heavenly world (vimāna)362
The name (dasāu) is here too at variance with the constitution of our text, but is in agreement with the statements of angas 3 and 4, where only 10 ajjhayanas are mentioned ; while anga 4 recognizes but ten (the Nandi but three) uddeśanakalas, see above p. 286,- (324). We have already seen that, of all the names given in anga 3, 10 as those of the 10 ajjh., but three recur in anga 9, This proves that we have here to do with a text that has suffered a transformation. Our text has been handed down to us in an exceedingly fragmentary state, consisting chiefly of references to Meha (6, 1, 1) and Khandava (5, 2, 1); the
350 14 padimāto BC; N has instead of padimāu merely samlehavão bhattapaccakkhă
nam pāovagamana sukulapaccāio punavohilabha amtakiriydo a aghavijjaħti :
dvādaśa bhiksupratimā māsik yadayah (cf. Leumann on Aup, $ 24). 351 sic. A, bahuvihāto BC. 352 saucam ca satyasahitam. 353 yāto samii guttito ceva BC, samitayo guptayaś ca. 354 svadhyāyadhyānayoh. 355 jnānāder labhah. 356 paryāyah pravraj yalak saņah, yāvāíś ca yāvadvarsādi pramāno yatha yena tapo
više şasrayanādina prakārena pålito munibhiḥ. 367 munihim ppätovagato ya BC. 358 präyopagamăbhidhānam anasanam pratipanno yo munir yatra. 359 antakyto munivaro. jāta iti seşaḥ. 360 raigha A, ratogha BC. 361 This should strictly be opädika ; cf. my remarks on upanga 1. 362 na śmåd uttaro vidyate ity anuttarah, upapăto (pado (!) janmärthah, anuttarah pra
dhānah anyasya tatha-vidhasya bhāvād upapāto (Opădo) yesā te, tadvaktavyätapratibaddha daśa dasadhyayanopalakṣita.

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first story alone of each varga is passably complete, the others are cited merely by their catch words.
The events of these recitals transpire in Rāyagiha, Sägeta Vapiyagama, Hatthiņapura. The names of the personages involved are to be extracted from the karikās, which cite the titles of the 33 ajjhayaņas ; viz :
1. Jāli363 Mayali Uvajāli Purisasene ya Vārisene ya/Dihadamte ya Laddhadarte Vehallo Vehāyase Abhaye ti kumārel/See page 521 for the first five names.
2. Dihasene Mahāseņe Laddhadaṁte (again (!) ya Gūdhadaṁte ya Suddhadaíte ya|Halle Dumme Dumasene Mahādumasene ya ahitell 1|| Sthe ya Sihasene ya Mahāsihasene ya ähite Pumasese ya bodhavve terasame hoi ajjhayane || 2 //
3. 964 Dhanne ya Sunakkhatte Isidā se ya ahitel Pellae Ramaputte Pacardimă Puţțimāi' ya||1|| Pedhālaputte (cf. anga 2, 2, 7) anagare Poțțileiya Vehalle/dasame vutte imeye dasa ahiya||2||.
Our information in reference to these persons is limited almost entirely to their names [325] alone. In the first history (of Jali), which is a prototype of the rest, it is at least related that he ekkārasa argais ahijjati.
It is surprising that the table of contents in anga 4, or Nandi (N), is particularly explicit. This is probably to be explained by the fact that it had as its subject an entirely different text from that which we possess. It is as follows:--se kim tam anuttarovavā iyadasão ? aņuosasu ņań anuttarovavā iyāņań nagarai ujjaceio vaņa 365 rāyao ammā samo dhamma yao dhammakahā366 ihaloga 367 payvajja suyao368 tavo padimão369 samlehana bhatta' pau anuttarovavatti (A, vāto BC. °rovavāyatti N) sukulapaccāyāi (yāti BC, ccäio N) punabohioartakiriya āghavijjarti ;
363 ittha ajjhayanāni Jāli-m-aini, Vidhi prapa. 364 Five of these names recur in anga 3, 10 for angas 8 and 9, cf. p. 271. 365 N omits (an error of the scribe). 365 N inverts saorao amo dho hão dho riyā. 367 Thalogapario A, ihalogapāraloga BC, ihaloiaparaloia riddhivisesa bhogapariccāga
pavajjão N. 368 pariyāgā° before sua in N. 369 padimātave, A, merely padio BC, padimão uvasagga N.

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aņu sasu370 ņam titthagarasamosaraņāim paramamagalajagahiyāni (hittaņam A) jiņātisesa ya bahuvisesa371 jiņasisäņam ceva samaņagaņa, (ganagaņa A) payaragaṁdhahatthina;372, thirajas īnaṁ, parisahasenna (seņa A) rivu (ripu A) balapamaddann iaṁ (balā pa' C) tavaditta373 carittanānasammattasara-vivihappagára vittharapasattha gunasaṁjuyānam374 anagaramaharisinaṁ anagaraguņānam vannao375 utlamavaratava visitthanāņajogajuttana, jaha ya jagahiyam bhagavaü,376 jārisă ya (omitted in BC) riddhi [326] visesā devāsuramåņusāņam, parisāņaṁ pāubbhāvā ya, jiansamīvaṁ jaha ya uvāsaṁti jinavaraṁ,377 jaha ya parikaheti (hasti A)378 dhammam loga (loka A) guru379 amara-narasuragaņāņaṁ, souņa ya tassa bhaniyar (bhasiyam A) avasesakammavisayavirattá narā jaha (jadhā BC) abbhuvesti (abbhāvarti A) dhammam urālaṁ samjamatavaṁ cā 'vi bahuvihappagarar, jaha bahūni väsäni anucarittă ärāhiyanānadamsanacarittajogā jinavayaņam-aņugayamahi yabhisiyā,380 jinavarāņa (jaņa A) hiyaeņa-m-aņunetta, 381 je ya jahim jattiyāņi bhattāại cheyaittā (titta BC, cheiyattā. A), laddhūņa ya samāhim uttamaṁ, jjhäņajogajuttă uvavanna (vattă B) munivaruttamä, jaha anuttaresu pavaṁti (pāveti A) jaha anuttaraṁ tattha visayasokkhaṁ, tato382 ya cuya kamena kahiṁti samjaya, jaha ya aṁtakiriyaṁ, ce (ete. BC) anne ya evamadi 'ttha jāva.
X. The tenth angam, panhāvägaraņāim, praśnavyäkaraņāni, in ten dāras, treats in a dogmatic and not in a legendary form, of the ten ethical duties, viz. ; first of the 5 adhammas or anhayas, aśrava, 383 which
370 N omits the foll., titthakara BC. 371 jagaddhitāni..., bahuvišeşā daham vimalasuyamdham" ity-ada yaś catustrinsud
adhikatarāḥ. 372 ganadharādināń śramaņottamānān. 373 davavad davāgnir iva (v. e.) diptāny ujjvalāni; päthämtarena (the foll. is the reading
of the text, tapodi pāni yāni caritrajanasamyak tvāni. 374 prasastaś ca kşamādayo gunās; taiḥ samyutana; kvacid; ruciraguna dhuajānam
iti pāthah. 375 vaņaü A, vattato B, vannato C, vanakaḥ ślāghā, ākhyāyata iti yogah. 376 bhagavoto jinahitam (v. e.), bhagavata iti jinaśāsanam iti gamyate. 377 jinasamipe yena prākārena pancavidhābhigamādinā sevamte rājadayo jinavarań. 378 parikathayati : i. e. plur. majest. 379 Iokagurur iti jinavaro ; perhaps guruo plural. 380 jinavacanam arāvi (?) anugatam sambaddham, mahitam pujitam, bhāșit am yair
adhyāpanādinā; pāthāṁtare jinavacanam anugat ya" nuku! vena susthi bhäşitam
yais te jinavacanānugatisubhāşitāḥ. 38! hiyatana B, hiyatena C; anumitta A; iha şaşthi dvitiyarthe, tena jinavaran hr.
dayena tamasă (tapasā ?) anuniya prapya dhyarva. 382 anut taravimānebhyah, 383 i.e. asrava, for which we should expect asnava. In the explanation à abhividhinā
śrauti śravati karma yebhyas te āśravāḥ", snauti sravati should probably be read for srauti śravati. In up 1, anhāti is actually explained by asnauti but also by asrayari badhnati (it corresponds in fact to Sanskrit aśnāti, L.).

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must be avoided. These are,-injury to life, [327] lying, robbery, unchastity, (love of) possession, and then of the 5 dhammas, or saṁvaras (i.e. the opposites of each of the above sins.884
The difference between the title and the actual text or contents, between the actual text and the statements of tradition on this point, is especially great. There is nothing said in reference to questions (praśna) which find their solution (vyakaranam). The whole anga appears to be a didactic dogmatic explanation addressed to Jambu, but not asked for by particular questions. The Nandi and anga 4 state that it contains 45 ajjhayanas, 45 uddesanas, etc. ; but no such conclusion is warranted from the facts of the case, cf. p. 286. One suyakkhamdha, which these authorities and the existing constituent parts ascribe to the text, is branded by the scholiast Abhayadeva. He asserts that the text "pustakaṁtare"385 consisted 386 rather of two suyakkhaṁdhas (each containing 5 ajjhayaņas). To prove this the scholiast adduces verbatim et litteratim a special introduction confirmatory of his assertion387 ; but this 'cannot be found in the MSS of our text. This introduction has the same usual form as the introductions to angas 6-9 and 11 ; and Abh. refers directly to anga 6 for the correctness of his explanation, whereupon he adds : yä сe ha dvi [328] śrutaskaņdhato 'ktā 'sya sā na rūdhā, ekaśrutaskṁdhatāyā eva rūdhatvät. 'In all probability the enumeration of this text in anga 3, 10, in the sixth place among the ten dasáu, shows that it stands in close connection with the present text or its 10 dāras. But we have seen, p. 272, that the names of the ten ajjhayaņas there have no connection whatever with our text, and that the author had before him quite a different text under this name. It is an important feature, that, as stated above, his statements or names are in essential harmony with those statements of contents in reference to our anga, which occur in anga 4, or in the Nandi ; see page 334. It is of interest in this connection to notice the character of the remarks of the commentator at the beginning of the passage, in reference to the name praśnavyäkaraṇadaśās. This name, he states, is found, kvacit -
384 tesin nämäni, jaha : hiṁsādaram 1, musavāyad. 2, teniyad. 3, mehunad 4,
pariggahad. 5. ahimsad 6, saccad. 7, ateniyad. 8, bambhacerad. 9, apari
ggahadaran 10 (Vidhiprapā). 385 Likewise in the Vidhiprapa : itt ha kei parcahim ajjhayanehir do suyakkhandhe
icchanti. 386 This is self-evident, since the contents are actually divided into two parts. 387 pustakämtare punar evam upodghātagrañtha upalabhyate.
F-6

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it is found in anga 3, 10 and in anga 4, (see p. 334) -and consequently points to 10 adhyayanas of praśnānām vyākaranāni. His words are :ayam ca vyutpattyartho 'sya pūrvakale 'bhūd, idānim tu aśravapaṁcakasaṁvarapamcakavyäkstir eve' ho 'palabhyate, atiśayānām.(cf. p. 334) pūrvacăryair aidańyuginăpuştā (napro?) lambanapratisevipuruşāpeksayo 'ttäritat vād iti. However, the corrupt conclusion is to be understood - cf. Ed. p. 499–one fact at least is patent ; that we have here traces of the manifest consciousness that the pūrvācāryas were acquainted with a different text of this anga than the aidaṁyugina. Everything shows that we are completely justified in asserting that we no longer possess anga 10 in its original, [329] or in its ancient form. The introductory words in the commentary of Abh, are a proof of this :-sriVardhamanam anamya vyakhyā kācid vidhiyate/praśnavyākaraņāṁgasya vrddhanyāyānusärataḥ|| ajñā vayam, śāstra idaṁ gabhiram, prayo 'sya kūtäni ca pustakāni/sūtraṁ vyavasthāpya tato vimrsya vyakhyānakalpad ita eva nai 'val/2/1.
It is perfectly plain from this that there is here a violent polemic against other text-forms.
That anga 10 originally, like angas 7-9 and 11, was of a legendary character (cf. anga 3, 10), is rendered probable by a comparison with upāngas 8-12, which are of the same character. Their position at the end of the upanga series allows us to draw conelusions in reference to the anga corresponding to them. If this be so, the transformation of our anga must be placed at a still later period than that to which we have to refer the harmonizing of the 12 angas and the 12 upangas.
There are various criteria contained in the anga itself which determine the late date of its composition. I premise that the introduction which we possess, consists, if the vocative Jambū be omitted, of three găthās, which state in brief the contents of the work :
nisamdam vocchāmi
iņam o anhayāsamvara-vinicchayam pavayaņassa nicchayatthar subhasitat thaṁ mahesihiml/1//
[330] pascavidho pannatto Jiņehiṁ iha anhaye aņātiye (aņādiu B)/ himsă mosam 388 adatta abambha is wanting ; perhaps ya) pariggahar ceval/21/
388 i. e. mitsavāda.

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83
järisao jar nāmā jaha ya kato jārisaphalam deṁti je vi ya karemti pāvā pāņavahaṁ tań nisāmehal/31/
Then follows in prose, first an explanation of the påņivaha; then 30 of its synonyms (nāmāņi imāņi gonnāņi); then the subject itself is treated of, at the conclusion of which the entire doctrine is referred immediately to Nāyakulanardana (Jñata);389 evam āharsu Näyakulanaṁdano mahappā Jiņo u Viravaranāmadhejjo, kahesi ya pāņivahassa phalavivāgam; eso so panivadho caído. (as in the introduction) vemaņaso.
The next four sections are similarly arranged, except that after the vocative Jambū the treatment of the aliyavayanam, adinnādāņań, abambhar, pariggaha, begins without the interposition of găthā strophies. The synonyms are invariably 30 in number and the conclusion is the same.
In the case of the five saṁvaradārāim, two gåthås are found in the introduction of the first (ahimśa) after Jambu 1.390
itto sarvaradārā-i parca vucchāmi āņupuvvie / jaha bhaniyāņi Bhagavayā savvadukkhavimukkhaṇatthāe/1/1
padhama hoi ahiṁsā, biiyam saccavayanaṁ ti pannattam/dattam aņuņņāya sarvaro ya bambhaceraṁ pariggahattam||2|1.
1331] The further details in dāras 6-10 are similar to those in dāras 1-5. The enumeration of the synonyms, which are here called pajjavanāmāni,-60 in the case of ahiṁsā-is carried on in a style somewhat different, and the concluding formula is not the same :-- evaṁ Nāyamuniņā bhagavayā pannaviyaṁ parūviyaṁ pasiddhar siddham siddhavarasāsaņam iņam āghaviyaṁ suvesiyam pasattham (padhamar) samvaradaraṁ samattam ti bemi. The last two concluding words form a bond of connection between the existing redaction of anga 10 and angas 1-4, to which these words belong. Furthermore, the appeal to the Nāya recalls anga 2. Perhaps we have to deal here with traces of ancient date; but, on the other hand, if we consider how many considerations make for the opposite conclusion a conservative point
389. See above, p. 261, on anga 2, 1, 27. 390 There are five gāthas more inserted between dāras 5 and 6.

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of view will not permit too great weight to be laid upon these particulars, which are rather the result of an effort to impart an ancient flavour to the anga.
The following arguments, drawn from anga 10 itself, reinforce our conclusion that this anga is of late origin. The character of the language is late. The nominative in o has assumed in almost every instance the place of the nomin. in e, except in quoted passages in the frequent compounds there is no deference paid to the laws of sardhi between the members of the compounds; also these are often not inflected at the end, (etāni prāyo luptaprathamabahuvacanāni padāni, are the words of the scholiast), but retain their pure thematic form. [332] In the other angas (e.g. in the tables of contents in anga 4) and especially inserted in them, we find phenomena 'not dissimilar in character, but not in such numbers. Their presence however invariably characterizes the passages in which they occur as being of secondary origin. Furthermore--and this is conclusive evidence- the enumeration of the names of the non-Aryan peoples is three times as great as that in angas 5, 6, (p. 302, 313). Here there are 53, there but 18 names. The list is as follows391 :- ime ye bahave Milukkha (mile' BC) jäti, ki te, Saga - Javaņa - Sabara Vavvara-Kāya - Muruído - dda - Bhadaga - Tiņņiya (Bhittiya)-Pakkaniya. Kulakkha - Goda (Goṁda) - Sihala - Parasa-Komca - Arndha - Davida-Villala (Chillo) - Pulimda - Ārosa392 - Domva-(Dova) - Pokkaņa-Gam-dhaharagal!). Vahalia - Jallāra - Mamāsa - Vaüsa393 - Mal iya ya Cuscuã ya Cūliya Kāṁkaņiga (Komkaņagă B) - Meyā894 - Palhava - Mālava - Maggara - Abhisiya Anakkha. Ciņa - Nhasiya (Lasiya BC) - Khasa-Khisiya-Nidura (Nettara) - Marahatpha395 - Mutthiya (Maustikah) - Ārava - Dorvilaga - Kuhuna-Kekaya-Hūņa-Romaga-Bharu-Maruga-Cilätavisa yavāsı ya. Some of these names are of evidently late occurrence. The peoples are all characterized as pāvamatiņo and kūrakammā.
[333] Especially interesting is the bitter polemic against erroneous
391 Of the very frequent variants in the MSS., I have chosen those which appear to
have the best authority ; cf. the similar enumeration in upanga 4. 392 Aroşāḥ, Aroșāḥ. 393 Jallarāḥ Māmāśaḥ Bakušāḥ Schol. 394 Mera BC, Medah ; see Elliot, Hist. of India, 1, 519 fg. Indische Streifen, Vol. II,
p. 403. 395 pāghamtare Madhāḥ (Mudhāh E) Schol. The Marahffahas have nothing to do
with the Mlecchas. Ramatha in upanga 4.

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teachers (natthikaväiņo vamalogavāi)$96 in dāra 2; under these are comprised the "Bauddhiḥ" (Schol.), and the adherents of Issara (Śiva) and Viņhu. Cinapatta appears in dāra 4, in the signification of "silk dress". 397 In dāra 5 are found the names of the planets; but not in the Greek order; thus Jupiter, Moon, Sun, Venus, Saturn, Rahu, Dhumaketu, Mercury, Mars. The first of the series of the 28 nakkhattas is unfortunately not stated; only the first and the last of the 72 kalas are given ; lehāiyâu saunaruyāvasāņāu ;- in the same passage and in the ninth dāra, 64 mahilāgunas are likewise mentioned: -- raijaņaņe si ppasevam etc.—The ahimsă is characterized in dāra 6 as bhagavai, truth saccam, in dāra 7, as bhagavaṁtaṁ titthagarasubhāsiyaṁ dasaviharn398 caüddasapuvvīhis pähudatthavidiyam,399 which is a reference to the prābhṛta division in the 14 pūrvas. Abhayadeva comments on this anga.
The table of contents in anga 4, or Nandi (N), is ;-- se kim tam panhāvägaraņāņi ?. paoņesu atthuttaraṁ pasinasayaṁ, a. apasiņasayas, a. pasiņāpasiņasayaṁ,400 vijjāti [334) sayā401 nägasuvannehiṁ saddhiņ402 divvā sasvāyā403 aghavijjasti ; paṇhāvāgaraņadasāsu naṁ sasamayaparasamayapannavaya (paņavaya A) patteyabuddhāvivihatthabhasă (bh. omitted in A) bhäsiyāṇam,404 atisayaguna-uvasama-nāņappagāra (rå A) āyariyabhāsiyāņa vitthar eņa thira (vira A) mahesihim405 vivihavitthārabhasi
396 lokāyatikah, vămam pratipam lokam vadaħti ye. 397 cf. cinapiffharăsi in up. 2 and 3. 398 janapadasañmatasat yādibhedena daśavaikālikādi prasiddhan. 399 caturdašapurvibhih prābhytārt haviditaṁ purvagatārsavisesabhi-dheyataya jnātam. 400 tatra 'igulabāhupraśnadikā mantravidyāḥ praśnāḥ: yah, vidyāḥ or praśnavidyāḥ :
later on prašna is treated outright as a fem. punar vidhinā japyamānā aprstā eva (subha) śubham kathayatri tā apraśnāh ; tathā angusthādipraśnabhāvan pratitya yā vidyāḥ śubhāśubham kathayamti tāḥ praśnăprašnāh: --Schol. in N ye prsta
aptstāś ca kathayaṁti te praśnāpraśnāḥ. 401 Instead of vijja N has merely añgut thapasinain vähupasiņāin addägapasiņāiñ anne
vi vicitta divvā vijjātisayā nāgasuvannehin siddhin divvā samvāyā āghavijjaimti. Compare the names of the panhão dasāu found in anga 3, 10. This title we find above in the text. The old text appears therefore to have dealt with chiromantic and other prophetic arts. The explanation in the commentary: anye vidyātiśayā stambhästambhavasikaranavidvesikaranaccätanādayah refers to magic in general, which was cultivated by the Jains especially ; cf. the statements in referenee to the contents of the mahäparinnā, p. 251 the books of magic of Nagarjuna, &c. The
orthodox belief could take umbrage at this part of the contents of anga 10. 402 savvim A ; upalaksanatvād yakşādibhis ca saha. 403 savādāḥ śubhāśubhagataḥ samāpāḥ. 404 prajñāpaka ye prat yekabuddhäs te (taiḥ !) karakady-adis adīšair vividharthabhaşa
bhäşitās rasām ddar sam gusthādi sambandhininath praśnänäm vividhagunamaharthāh prasnao dasāsv ākhyāyasta iti yogah. The expression pratyekabuddha, which recurs in the Nandi, is of interest; cf. p. 265 and Bhag. 25. 6, 8, according to
Leumann. 405 stkiramaharşibhiḥ; pathārntarena virama'.

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yaşam ca, jagahiyāņań,406 addaga407-mguttha-bähu-asi-mani-khomāăticca-m-ăiyāņaṁ vivihamahāpasiņavijja-maņapasiņavijjā (omitted in A) daivayapaūgappahāņaguņāpagāsiyāṇam,408 sambhūyaviguņappabhāva (ppa om. A) şaragana-m-ativimhayakarīņam,409 [335] atisayam-aiyakālasamae410 damasama (sama is omitted in A) titthakaruttamassa411 thii (thita A) karana-kāraṇāņaṁ,412 durabhigama duravagāhassa savvasavvannūsammayassa413 buddha (abuha A) jaņavi bohakarassa paccakkhayapaccayakariņam414 paṇhāņa vivihaguņamahatthā jiņavarappaniya aghavijjasti (ațțhāvijjo A).
XI. The eleventh angam, vivāgasuyam, vipākaśrutam ; in two śrutaskandhas, of 10 ajjhayanas each, contains legends on the reward of good and evil deeds.
Its division is in harmony with our information on this point in anga 4 and Nandi, with this exception, that in anga 4 nothing is said of the two śrutaskandhas. See above p. 270, 280 in reference to the kammavivāga texts, which are connected in name and contents, and which have 10, 43 and 55 ajjh., and are mentioned in angas 3, 10, 4, 43 and in the Kalpasūtra.
Imdabhūti beholds some horrible deed, and is told by Mahavira, whom he questions concerning it, the previous history, e.g. previous births of the individuals in question. The event itself is then explained415 and the fate of the persons in future births is made known
406 jagaddhitānām. 407 adāganduttha bāhu asa mani revāma aticca māyāṇami A; on addaga, adar sa
(magician's mirror) cf. Hāla v. 204 (p. 75). 408 vividhapraśna (fnān pra) ty uttaradayinyaḥ, manaḥpramitārthottaradāyinya
(s ca), tāsām devatāni tadadhisthälfdevatās, teşām prayogaprādhānyena pradhānataya guņam vividhartha-samvādakalaksanam prakāśayasti loke vyamjayati
yais te vividhao prakasikās tāsām (the masc. and fem of praśna together!). 409 dvigune na upalak sanat vāt laukikapraśnavidyāprabhāvāpek saya bahugunena patha.
mtare : vividhagunena. prabhāvena mahatmyena manujasamudayabuddher vismayaka
ryaś camatkārahetavo yāk prāśnah. 410 aita A; atisayam atitao. 411 dama(h) samas tatpradhanatirtharkarāņām darśanāṁtara sastrinām uttamo
bhagavān jinas tasya. 412 sthitika, anam sthapanar, tasya kāraṇāni hetavo yās tāḥ. 413 sarveşāṁ sarvajñānām sammatam iştam. 414 pratyaksakena jñānena pratyayaḥ sarvātiśayanidhānam...jinavacanam" ity
evañrupă pratipattih, atkaranasilānām. 415 This recalls the legend of the Satap. Br. about Bhrgu Väruņi (Ind. Streifen -1, 24),
with the exception that there is no reference here to the tortures of hell, but merely to a retribution on earth.

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to the inquirer. Mahavira's answer thus treats the question in a three-fold manner. There is here no mention of a ceie caitya, as is the case in other legends ; [336] but a jakkhāyatana of this and that jakkha is continually referred to. The part played by the yakşa here is at least as important as that in the Palisutta of the Buddhists, if not more so ;--- see Ind. Streifen, 3, 5072,- they being in fact exact representatives of the devas 416 of the Brāhmans.
Here, as in angas 7, &c., the first history only is related in detail, all the others being briefly told. The titles of the tales in the first suyakkhamdha are :
1. Miyāputta in Miyagama, son of king Vijaya and Miya, born blind and deaf and dumb, lame, and a cripple, without hands, feet, ears, eyes, nose, and with mere indications (ägii, akrti) of the existence of these parts of the body. The account is similar in anga 3, 10.
2. Ujjhiya (yae V), son of the merchant Vijayamitta and of Subbadda in Vaņiyagāma. A prostitute is here referred to, who was bāvattarikalāpamditā causatthigania-guņovaveta. athārasadesibhāsāvisāradā. The latter are unfortunately not enumerated. (In anga 3, 10 Guttāsa, instead of Ujjhitaka).
3. Abhagga (oggasene V), son of a robber417 Vijaya and of Khamdasiri in the robber-village (corapalli) Salādavi. (In anga 3, 10 ande instead of Abhaggasene.)
4. Sagada, son of the merchant Subhadda and of Bhadda in Sahamjaņi (Also in anga 3, 10).
5. Vahasatidatta, son of the purohita Somadatta and of Vasudatta in Kosambi. (In anga 3.10 mähana). . 6. (337) Namdivaddhaņa, son of king Siridama and of Bandhusiri in Mahura. (In anga 3.10 Namdisena).
7. Umbaradatta, son of the merchant Sagaradatta and of Gamgadatta in Padaliputta. (In anga 3, 10 Udumbara.)
8. Soriyadatta, daughter of the macchamdha (matsyabandha Abh., fisherman) Samuddadatta and of Samuddadatta in Soriyapura. (In anga 3, 10 Soria.)
416 A trace of this in the Sinhāsanadv. Ind. Stud. 15,357, in Hāla, v, 372 Bh. (Ind.
Stud, 16, P, 115). In the commentary on the Suryaprajn. and elsewhere, cerie is
explained by vyantarāyatanam. 417 asilatthipathamamadle....bardiggahanehim ya ; cf. Hala, preface, p. XVII.

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9. Devadatta, daughter of the house-owner Datta and of Kanbasiri in Rohiņaa (or Robidaa), (A different name in arga 3, 10).
10. Amju, daughter of the merchant Dhanadeva and of Piamgu in Vaddhamāņapura. (A different name in anga 3, 10).
The ten ajjhayanas of the second suyakkhandha are :
1. Subahu, son of king Addiņasatta and of Dhāriņi in Hatthisisa. 2. Bhaddanamdi, son of king Dhaņāvaha and of Sarassati in
Usabhapura. 3. Sujāta, son of king Mitta and of Siri in Virapura. 4. Suvāsava, son of king Vasavadatta and of Kanha in Vijayapura. 5. Jiņadāsa, son of prince (kumara) Mahācaṁựa and of Araba
dattă in Sogamdhitā. 6.418 Dhaộapati, son of the yuvarāja Vesamaņa and of Siri in
Kaņakapura. 7. Bhaddanaṁdi, son of the prince Mahabbala and of Rattavati
in Mahapura, 8. [338] Mahambala, son of the prince Bhaddanamdi, and of
Sughosa. 9. Çamda, son of the prince Mahacamda and of Juvasirikarta
in Campa. 10. Varadatta, son of king Mittanamdi and of Sirikamtă in Sägeya.
All these fine-sounding names, and those brought into connection with them, are in all probability pure fabrications; the names of the localities alone, e.g. Padaliputta, have some chronological value.
The table of contents in anga 4, or Nandi (N), is as follows :se kim tam vivāgasue o vivāgasue naṁ sukadadukkaļānam kammāna phalaviväge419 āghavijjarti, se420 samāsai duvihe, paṁ, tarn : duhaviväge ceva suhaviväge ceva, tattha nam dasa duhavivägäņi dasa suhavivagāņi; -se kim tarn duhaviväge (ogäņi B C)? duhavivägesu naṁ duhavivāgānań (N-omitted in ABC) nagarāi cei ujjā vaņa räyä ammāpiyaro samosaraņa
418 In Vidhiprapa are the following inversions :-Dhaṇavai 6, Mahavvala 7, Bhadda
nandi 8, Mabācamda 9. 419 °ga N. 429 se up to suhavivāge ceva omitted in N; samasuto BC..

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dhammāyariya dhammakahā431 nagaragamanāimn422 saṁsārapavamcaduhaparamparāu ya aghavijjaṁti, se tam duhavivāgāni;- se kim tam suhavivāgāni? suhavivagesu nam suhavivāgānam nagarāiņ421 java dhammakahå ihalogaparaloga423 bhogapario pavva424 suyapariggahá tavo pariyā425 samlehana bhattapacca pauva426 [339] devaloga sukulao puņabohio amtakiriyâu ya āghavijjaṁti ;-duhavivāgesu427 naṁ pāņātivāya aliyavayaņa (yayāņaya A) corikka (rakka A) karana paradaramehuņa sasargatāe maha (hä A) tivvakasāya imdiyappamāda pāvappaoga-asubhajjhavasāņa-samciyāņam428 kame māņam pāvagāņam pava-anubhagaphalavivāgā ņiraya (gāņi naraga A) gati tirikkhajoņi bahuviha (ha A) vasaņasaya-paramparabaddhāņam (rapava °A) maņuyatte ("tatte A) vi dgayāņam jahā429 pavakammaseseņa pävagā homti phalavivāgā bahuvasanavināsa430 nāsakannotthamgutthakaracarananahacheyaņa jįbbhachheyana (jibbhaveche' A) amjaņa431 kadaggidahana432 (dāh B C, dahāna - A) gayacalaņa malaņa phālana433 ullambana434 sūla-laya (sūlata A)--lauda-latthibhamjana 435 taü-sisaga tattatella kalakala-abhi simcana kumbhipăga 486 kampaņa"37 thirabardhana4d8. (bardha -A) veha (vehava A) vajjha (vabbha A) kattaņa489 pațibhayakara"40 karapalivanā iņ441 dāruņāni dukkhani anovamāņi
421 In N again transposed na. u. va. ce. sa. ra. am. dh hão dho riya. 422 nagarao to jāva dhammakahā omitted in N; nagaragamanāin ti, bhagavato Gauta
masya bhiksadyarthan. 423 ihaloijāpārāloiyā riddhivisesa N. 424 pavvai A. 425 tavo padi BC. 426 bhogapariccāgā pavvajjão pariyāgao suapariggahả tavo'-vahānāim samlehando
bhartapaccakkhānāṁ pāovagamanāiin suhaparamparão sukulapaccato punavo
hilābhā aitakiriyão a agho N. 427 N amits all the following. 423 pāpaprayogāśubhādhyavasänasamcitānām. 429 jāha to nahaceyana omitted in A. 130 vināsafety (!) adi yāvat pratibhayakara karapradipanaṁ ce 'ti dvadvan. 431 mraksanam vā dehas ya kşăratailadina. 432 kațānāṁ vidalavaňšādimayānāṁ agniḥ kațāgnis tena dahanan. 433 vidāranam. 434 vykşašakhaday udbamdhanam, cf. lambi yaga Aup. $ 70. 435 laüttha B ; sulena lataya lakutena yastyā bhamjanath gātrānā. 436 onam kumbhipăga A, pagam BC; kun (bhyam) bhājanavitese pākaḥ. 437 kampanam sit alajalachofanādinā sitakalena gātror kampanan. 438 nividaniyatraņābardhah. 439 kuihtādinā sastrena bhedanam varddha (nom) kartanam. 440 pattibhayakaran A, patibhayam karar BC, patibhayakaran C; bhayajananan. 441 pallto BC (without kara), karapallio A, karapradipanaṁ vasanaveşfitas ya taila
bhişasya (2) kavayor ami (agni?) prāvādhanam (?); täni adir yeşan duḥkhānar tāni, tāni tathā ca daruņāni ce 'ti karmadhārayaḥ. This appears to me quite unnecessary; there is no adi in palivanai, which is merely a neutr. pl.

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bahuvihaparamparāņubaddhā 42 na muccati, pävakammavallie (velte A) [340] aveyaittā443 hu444 na tthi mokkho, 445 taveņa446 dhitidhaniyabaddhakachena447 sohanaṁ°48 tassa vă 'vi hotthā, 449-etto ya450 suhavivāgesu nam (omitted in A) silasaṁjama niyama guņatavo-vahāṇesu sāhusu suvihiesu451 anukampasayapayoga (paiga A)*53 –tikalamati453-visuddhabhattapānāi payayamanasā454 hiyasuhanīsesativvapariņāmanicchiyamatto55 payachiūna456 payogasuddhāiņ457 jahā (jahi A) ya nivvatte(m)ti-68 u459 bohilabham, jaha ya (jahā A) parittikare(TM)ti (karoti A) 460 naranirayatiriya suragatigamaņavipula461 pariyațţa462 aratibhayavisāyasokamichattaselasaṁkadar463 annāna (anāna A) tamaṁdhakāracikkhallasuduttaraṁ jaramarana [341] joni-saṁ-kkhubhiyacakkavālam464 (vala A) solasakasayasāvayapayardaṁ (C, payaṁdacadam A)465 (anātiyaṁ aṇavaya
442 badha A ; jivā iti gamyate. 443 pāpakarmavallya phalasaṁpadikaya...yato'vedayitva (an)anubhuya karmaphalam
iti gamyate. 444 hur yasmād-arthe. 445 viyogah karmanah sakāśai, jivanām iti gamyate; ay, hu na 'tthi m. is a species of
formula solemnis. 446 kim sarvatha ? ne'ty aha : tapasā anašanādikavratena. 447 ddhiti A; dhytis cottasamadhanan. dhaniyam at yartha, baddha nipidita, kach
am bamdhaviše so yatra tat tathā tena, dhtiyuktene 'ty a. 448 sodhanam apanayanam. 449 hoyyā BC; tasya karmaviseşasya va 'vi'tti sambhāvanāyām, hotthả sampadyate ;
na'nyamok şoāyo' sti ti bhāvih. 450 itaś ca 'namtaram. 451 susthu vihitam anusthitam yeşāṁ te suvihitäs, teşu bhaktādidattva yatha
bodhilabhadi ni(r)vartayaṁti taihe 'hā "khyāyata iti sambandhah, iha ca san
pradāne' pi saptami. 452 anukampasayaprayogas tena. 453 trisu kaleşu ya matir buddhih yad uta das yämt 'ti paritoso, diyamane poso,
daite ca poşa iti să trikālamatis, faya. 454 pattaya A ; prayatamanasa ādarapūtacetaså. 455 hiyam I suhanisesan A; ..tiyraḥ prakistah, pariņamo 'dhyavasanań, niścita' sam
śayā matir buddhir yeşāṁ te hitasukhaniņśreyasatiyraparināmaniścitamatayaḥ. 456 pradaya. 457 pailga A; saṁsārādidoşarahitani. 458 jiva iti gamyate. 459 tuśabdo hhāsa (?) maträrthah. 460 paritti kurvamti, hrasvatam nayanti, sath särasāgaram iti yogah ; on the foll. see
Aupapät. § 32 (Leumann, p. 44). 461 gamana BC, gațigamana A; °gatișu vipulo vistirnah. 462 parivarto (vytto?). 463 visakha, sila, B; omithyātvāni eva sailah parvatāḥ taiḥ samkatah samkirno yah. 464 mahamat syamakarādyanekajalajantujatisammadena pravilodit am cakravalan jala
pārtmándal yam yatra. 455 payamdacanhdam B; sodaśa kasāya eva śvāpadäni makarādini prakaídaní at yar
tharaudrani yatra.

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ggam) 466 samsārasăgaram iņam, jaha ya nibaṁdhaṁti augaṁsuraganesu, jaha ya anubhavarti suraganavimāņasokkhāni ánovamāņi (omitted in A) tau ya kålaṁtaracuyāņam ihe 'va naralogam ägayānań, du-vaü (vapu BC)vanna-rūva- jāti-kula-jamma-ārogga-buddhi-meha (omitted in A) - visesa 467 mittajana. (jiņa A) sayaņa468 dhanna (dhamma A)-dhaņa (omitted in A) vibhava469 samiddh (ddha A) sārasamudayavisesa bahuvihakamabhogubbhavana (°gabbhavă BC) sokkhāna, suhavivāguttamesu470 aņuvaraya (anao A) paramparāņubaddha asubhāņaṁ subhāņu (BC, A omits) ceva kammaņa bhäsiya bahuviha (v. omitted in A) vivägā vivägasuyammi bhagavaya jiņavareņa sasvegakāraṇatthā,471 anne (annā A) vi ya evamaiyā (ādiyā BC) bahuviha vittharenam atthā (attha A) parūvaņaya āghavijjaħti (jjai BC).
XII. The twelfth angam, ditļhivāa, drstivada, presentation of the (different) views.472 This title (342] corresponds to our information in reference to the contents of this text now no longer extant; and we conjectured on page 248 that the character of its contents was the causa moyens of its loss. On page 242 we saw that in all probability the ditthivaa is not further mentioned, even in the angas with the exception of angas 4.478 This remark holds good merely of the name ditthiyāa and not of the so-called 14 puvvas, which, according to the presentation of the subject in anga 4, form a principal part of the ditth. Tradition indeed appears to regard the puvvas as identical with the ditth. The 14 puvvas are mentioned both in anga 10 (the redaction of which, as we have seen, p. 327 foll., is of secondary origin), where their division into pāhudas is alluded to (see p. 333), and frequently in angas 6 and 8; and in fact in a very peculiar way. The detailed discussion, according to name and contents, of the 14 puyvas in anga 4 and Nandi and in the later tradition, cites the
466 BC, anaiyaṁ anavadayam A ; anādikan, anavavargam anamtam. 467 medhävisesa ākhyāyata iti yogah. 468 svajanaḥ pit pitvyādi”. 469 dhannadhāna C ; ovibhavam B; dhanadhânyarūpo yo vibhavaḥ lakşmiḥ. 470, go 4° BC; subhavipaka uttamo yeşāṁ te subhavipākottamās teşu, jiveşu iti
gamyate, in ce 'yam şasthyarthe saptami; te subhavipakadhyayana vacyānārn sādhunāṁ ayuşkādiviseşah subhavipäk-adhyayanesu ākhyāyamta iti prakytań, atha pratyekam śrutaskandhayor abhidheye puno (guna ?) pāpavipäkarupe pratipădya tayor eva yaugapadyena te āha : anuparata acinnā ye paramparānuba (in)
dhāh, ke ? vipākā iti yogah. 471 samvegahetavo bhāvāh, cf. Leumann, Aup. Glossary under samvāyaṇa. 472 dıştayo darśanāni, vadanam vādaḥ, dysfināí vādo disfināṁ vā pāto yatra. 473 Leumann cites anga 5,20,8 for the duvālasamga ganipidaga, or āyāro jāva ditthivão.
likewise bārasamig in anga 8,4,1. The first passage is based in the last instance on anga 4.

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uppåyapuvva at their head. Twice in anga 6 and once in anga 8 (3, 1) are they characterized, just as are the eleven angas, or together with them, as sämäiya-m-ziyaim. Leumann says : "Of special interest are three of the many instances in anga 6, where it is related that a man who has just become a member of the order studied the 14 puvvas or 11 angas." These three instances are found in p. 591 of the Calcutta edition, compared with p. 597, p. 1354, compared (343] with p. 1355 and p. 1454, compared with p. 1455. The second passages quoted, in which the 11 angas are mentioned, have reference to a period later by five to twenty years than the first, in which the 14 puvvas are treated of."
How can this use of the attribute sämäiya-m-äiydim of the 14 puvvas be explained ? This use is found in no other place174 with the exception of angas 6 and 8, and here only in the parallel use of the epithet in reference to the 11 angas, and in no instance where there is an isolated mention of the 14 puvvas. Hence it is too bold an assumption if we assert that a sámāiya-puvvam, instead of the uppayapuvvam, once actually stood at the head of the 14 puvvas. On the other hand, it is probable that in anga 6 this epithet has been transferred from the angas to the purvas, and that the generic signification of the word sämāia, and the greater antiquity which the statements in anga 6 probably possess in contrast to those in angas 4, formed the means of transition. This assumption is however a mere, make-shift, since there is no further criterion for such a special inter- relation of both groups of texts.
The upangas, too, attest in several particulars the existence of anga 12. In up. 8-12, probably the oldest of the upānga texts, it is true, only 11 angas are mentioned. But in up. 1) 26 (Leumann, p. 36) we discover a reference to the coddasapuvvi together with the duvälasaṁgino; and in the introduction to up. 4, (344) in v. 5, the dithivaa, and in v. 3, the purvasuyam, are mentioned by name as the source of information of the author. It is furthermore worthy of note that up. 5 and 7 agree with the puvvas in the division into pāhulas. According to up. 6 they both appear to have been divided into vatthus at the time of this upānga. The tradition is desirous of establishing a close connection between the upånga and the anga in the present order of succession of each. Hence we may conclude that,
474 The cases cited above p. 244, 245, where was mention made of sämäiam-ai java
bimdusarão, do not belong in this connection, since the first angam and not the first pūrvam was there referred to.

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at the period in which the existing corpus of the twelve upangas was established, -that is, at the date of the redaction of the present Siddhānta,—there were in reality 12 angas, and that the dițțhivåa conse. quently still existed or was considered as extant.
The dițhivaa or, as the case may be, the duvälasaṁgaṁ ganipidagam is frequently mentioned in the other parts of the Siddhānta, which are united to the upånga. These portions of the Siddhanta are in reality the storehouse of information about the ditthivăa or duvälasaṁgań ganipidagam. See the citations on p: 246 from Āvasy. and Anuyogady. With these may be associated the corresponding statements in chedas. 2 and Nandi, in which we find several direct citations (see below) from the puvvas; and in fact the chedas 3-5 are repeatedly called as excerpt from puvvá 9, 3, 20, which is referred back even to Bhadrabahu !
On p. 223, 224 we have seen from several old versus memoriales, the source of which is unfortunately no longer extant, that the ditthivāa at the period of the existence of these verses was highly esteemed, inasmuch as it was designed for the highest gradation of intelligence, and was held to be the object of the study of the nineteenth year. Here we must not suppress the thought that the reason for this relegation of the ditth. to a late period of study, was because it may have been considered (345] dangerous for an earlier and less mature stage of advancement. Finally, appearing as too dangerous,475 it may have been dropped altogether.
It is exceedingly peculiar that the puvvas, which are a principal part of the dițhivaa and represent a preliminary stage of the anga both according to tradition and, in all probability, to their name itself, are said to have proceeded from the mouth of the Tirthakara and to have been collected by his gañadharas before the angas. The puvvas are mentioned in angas 6 and 8 as texts independent of, or even previous to, the 11 angas, but in angas 4, &c., are represented as forming but one of the five sections of the last anga. It was to be expected that they should be partly independent texts, and partly should stand at the beginning of the entire Siddhanta
The key furnished by tradition points to the fact (cf. p. 214) that the knowledge of the dițhivaa (or of that of the puvva here
475 The same probably holds good of the other texts above mentioned, which imme
diately preceded the dirthivăa, and which are no longer extant.

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identified with the ditthivaa) was limited to Bhadrabahu alone even at the time of the Council of Pataliputra, which instituted the first collection of the anga texts; and that recourse was had to Bhadrabahu when the collection of the 11 angas was perfected. To this circumstance then we must ascribe the fact that the "pūrvas" are placed at the end and not at the beginning of the whole collection. But, (346) according to this very tradition, at that time, on the one hand, there were no longer 14 but 10 pūrvas, the knowledge of which was further disseminated, and, on the other, the pūrvas do not appear as a part of the ditthiyāa but as the digthivāa itself. Both of these statements of tradition are contradicted by a locus classicus which, in default of the text itself, affords, together with the detailed table of contents in anga 4 and Nandi, information concerning the dirthivāa. Anga 6 and the Nandi, our sources of information, are here in complete agreement, but in the table of contents of the other angas the Nandi is much briefer than anga 4. The contradiction is this : (1) there is not even the slightest difference made between pūrvas 1-10 and 11-14; and (2) all the 14 pūrvas are cited as a mere section—the third partof the ditțhivaa. .
As regards the latter circumstance, it may be stated that in the Siddhānta itself, though in late texts, we find several times the peculiar fact, that, in case a collective enumeration of the angas is attempted, and the first member, whether it be sămâia or āyāra, and the last, are mentioned, this last member does not appear as ditthivaa but as viņdusära. See above, p. 244, 245. Vidusära is the title of the last of the fourteen pūrvas. It is certainly very remarkable that the title of a section (and viņdusära must be considered to be such in this connection as in others) is coordinated with that of an independent text. As regards these passages it is impossible, to assume [347) that the ditļhivāa at that time exceeded this section in extent. This constitutes an important divergence from the presentation of the subject in anga 4, or N., in which latter the Vimdusära, as the last section of the third part, is followed by two additional parts. Hemacandra, who in his treatment of the driştivāda (abhidh. v. 245, 246), cites the pūrva (gata) as its fourth, and not as its third part, affords us only such assistance as confirms the divergence in question. Since the fifth part of the driștivāda consists of so-called cūlikās, which are a secondary addition the dițțhivāa, according to Hemacandra's treatment478 too, actually concludes with the Virdusära section.
476 In Hemacandra's treatment of the subject there are other minute divergences from
the statements in anga 4, or Nandi; on which see below.

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So much is clear :-That that conception which limits the ditthivāa to the 14 puvvas alone is too narrow. We find a recognition of the other constituent parts of the digthivaa also in those statements of the scholia, in which (cf. p. 258) "pūrvāņi sammaty-adikāś ca” (anuyogaḥ) are mentioned instead of the ditthivaa referred to in the text. See Av. nijj. 8, 54. By saṁmatyädikaḥ (anuy ) we are probably to understand the first parts of anga 12, though the order has been inverted.477
[348] To the statements made, p. 212 foll., in reference to the gradual decline of the knowledge of the purvas, I add the following: - In the Kalasattarī of Dhammaghosa478 verse 38 foll., Thulabhadda is referred to the year Vira 215; and there still existed in the time of Vaira 584 (Vira) 10, in that of Dubbalia 616 (Vira), 94 puvvas. In the scholiast on the passage and in KL 247" the latter name is cited as Durbalika-Puspa ('$ya)mitra ; in the Berlin scholiast on the Nandi, introduct. v. 32, as Durvalikāpuspa (sya), he and his teacher Aryarakşita being called the two nayapūrvinau. In the year 1000 the entire puvvagayam was "gayam".
Let us now turn to the locus classicus itself. Its statements are unfortunately not clear and in fact were unintelligible to the scholiasts of both texts (Abhayadeva on anga 4, and Anon. on Nandi). They both assert with tolerable unanimity that, inasmuch as the text itself was no longer extant, they merely report the few utterances of tradition. Abhayadeva has the foll, at the beginning of his remarks : sarvam idam prāyo vyavachinnaṁ tathā' pi yathāpiştaṁ (! dựstaṁ ?) kimcit likhyate; and the anonymous scholiast on N. has : s. i. pr. vy. tatha 'pi leśato yathāgatasampradayam kiscid vyākhyāyate. In explaining the first part Abhayadeva says : etac ca sarvaṁ samülottarabhedaṁ sūtrārthato vyavachinna and the anon. schol. :-tāni ca samülottarabhedāni sakalāny api sūtrato'rthataś ca [319) vyavachinnāni yathāgatasampradiyataś ca darsitāni. Finally, Abhayadeva expresses himself in a similar manner concerning the second part : amūny api sūtrarthato vyavachinnäni tathā 'pi drțābusārataḥ kimcitlikhyate, and the anon.
477 Sammati 1) "opinion", "view", in the St. Petersb. Dict., i. e. synonymous with
drsti. Leumann tells me that Silānka, too, on anga 1, 1, 8, refers to sammat yādau a discussion on the 7 nayas (see below p 352), and was in possession of a text of
that name before him ; cf. also the sammativytti, below p. 371. 478 Dhammaghosasūri, scholar (v. 74) of Deviņda, died accord. to Kl. 255a Samvat
1357. This does not agree with Kālas. v. 41 foll. where in general the same prophetic statements are found as in Satrunj. Mah. 14, 290 foll. (See my Treatise. D. 47). These statements contain the dates 1912 and 1850 Vira (ie. Samyat 1442 and 1380).

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schol, says etany api samprati sūtrato'rthataś ca vyav., yathāgatasampradāyato vacyāni.
The ditļhivaa is stated to have consisted of five parts. The first part is the parikammam, by which, the scholiast says, we are to understand those preparations necessary to grasp the meaning of the sūtras correctly. These preparations are analogous to the 16 arithme. tical operations parikarmāni which must be understood in order to compute without assistance from others. 479. They are divided into 7 groups, each one of which is again divided into various subdivisions, the total number of which is 83. The first two groups have each 14, the next five but 11 of these subdivisions, which everywhere bear the same title. They begin, 480 in the case of groups 1 and 2 with the māyāpayāim, in the case of groups 3-7 with the pădho. Padha doubtless signifies "reading"; and the măuyāpadāņi, numbering 46 according to anga 4, 46,- see p. 281,-recall the 46 signs of the alphabet, and therefore deal with preliminary instruction in reading and writing. The statement bambhie naṁ livie chāyālisaṁ māuyakkharāņi, which follows immediately thereupon, tends however to invalidate (350) this assumption. Since this statement certainly, though strangely enough (see above, p. 281 note), refers to 46 sounds or signs of the alphabet, the 46 màuyāpadāņi which are mentioned immediately before must refer to something else.481 Furthermore since both scholia upon this occasion offer the second of the above-cited explanations of their ignorance, and consequently make no attempt to clear up the names of the 7 groups or of their 84 sub-divisions, it cannot be demanded of us that we do more than follow their example, 482
ធន៍
479 Schol. on N: parikarma yogyatäpädanam, taddhet uh fästram api parikarma; sutra.
purvagata-'nuyoga-sut rarthagrahaņayogyatāsampādanasamarthāni parikarmāni, yat ha ganitaśāstre samkalitādiny adyāni sodaśa parikarmāni, se saganitafut rartha
grahane samarthänipadana (doubtless orthata-sampā° ?) samarthäni. 480 The interesting fact becomes here apparent that the text of N is unconditionally
older. See below. 481 It is greatly to be lamented that the MS of Abhayadeva to which I have had
access, is here so corrupt, that nothing definite can be gained from it. The passage reads :-(dit hivāyassa naň chāyālisan masyapayā pañ, bambhie namn livie chāyā. lisan mauak kharā pam) : diffhivävassa iti dvā lasāṁgas ya, māyāpaya ti sakalatvahmayasya(?) ak vāśadi (akārādi ?) mātskāpadani' va distivādarthaprasart ha(?) nigamah dhovyal?) laksanāni tāni va (tanica) siddhaśreni-manusyaéreny-adina (i e. names of the first two groups of the parikamma) visayabhedeva (dena) kat ham api bhidyamanāni satohat värisnad gavati (bhavam i ti?) sambhadhvate (vyate): tathā bambhie nam livie tti lekhyavidhau 46 mātīkākşarāņi, tâni ca.
(see p. 281). 482 Some of these names are not certain since the MSS. vary. Agasapayáin, keubhuyan
răsibaddhan, keubhuyapadiggaho refer probably to the domain of astronomy.

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Following upon the enumeration of the seven groups in the significant statement483 that six of this number (according to the schol. the first six) belong to the system kat' e' Foxn'v (sasamaiyāni) and that the number seven belongs to the ājīviyas. The six are then characterized as caükkanaiyāni (catur nayikāni); the seven as terasiyāņi (yais nayāim N, trairāśikāni). The scholia explain one of these two names of schools by [351] Gośälapravartitājīvika "tä äjivikāḥ N) - päşandasiddhāṁta (pāşandinaḥ N), the second by trairāśikapāşandasthās. The mention of this second name leads us, so to speak, to the domain of history. The Terasiyas represent the six schism,484 which Āväsy. 8, 56, 72, refers to the year 544 after Vira ;485 and this name is perhaps attested by epigraphic testimony of the time of Gotamiputra Satakarņi. If we suppose that the reading Teräsikā, proposed by Bühler (Archaeolog, Survey of West India, 1882, p. 104) for the inscription Nasik No. 11a, is conclusive, it is not improbable that it refers to the Terāsiyas quoted above. Bühler, it must be confessed, has adopted another explanation of the name in his Survey.
The explanations of the scholiasts have as yet not assisted me in the endeavour to discover what is referred to by the four nayas, 486 &c [352]. It is a significant fact that the twelfth anga, according to the above statements, treated not merely of the proper but also of heterodox doctrines, or, as the case may be, of hermeneutic methods, and the title of this anga seems to refer to this peculiarity in its contents,
433 In the Berlin MS. of the Nandi this passage is omitted in the text, though it is
explained by the scholiast 484 See above p. 275.; accord to Abhayadeva however :-ta eva cā "jivikäs trairāśikā
bhanitäh, or, accord, to the schol on the Nandi wbich is identical :-ta eva Gosalapravartitā ajīvikâh pāşandinas trairāśika ucyamte - the trairāśikā are the same as the adherents of Gośāla. In § 6 of the Theravali of the Kalpasutra Chalua, the founder of the sixth schism, is stated to have been the scholar of Mahāgiri, who was the successor of Thūiabhadda (Vira 215, cf. p. 348), and is placed about 300 years earlier than Vira 544. These are discrepancies not easily overcome. The further explanation of the name trairāśika in the schol. on N. is te sarvan vastu trayatmakam icchaṁti, tad yatha ;jivo'jivo jivājīvas ca, loko 'loko lokā-lokas ca sat asat sad-asat, nayacimtāyāṁ dravyāstikam paryāyāstikam ubhayāstikam ca ; tatas tribhi(h) rašibhis caraṁti 'titrairāśikās, tanmatena sapta'pi parikarmani ucyante. It is worthy of note that the triad form ascribed to the Trairāśikas is made use of cf. p. 266 in anga 4, where the statement of the contents of angas 2-5 is given, and in fact with the citation of two of the examples quoted here. Accord, to the schol. on Kalpas., cf. Jacobi, p. 119, the
Vaiseșikadar sanañ took its rise from the Terāśiyas. 485 Cf. Avasy. 8,37 : eehim (ebhir naigamádibhir nayaih) ditthivāe paruvaņā suttaattha. · kahana ya. 486 nayah sapta naigamadayah, naigamo dvidhä, sämānyagrāhi višesagrāhi ca, tatrā
"dyah sangrahe dviti yas tu samvyavahāre pravistah, tato dvau sangrahavyavahārau, rijusutras cai' kah sabdadayaś ca trayo 'py eka eva nayah kalpate, tata evam
F-7

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which was probably of great moment in determining the fate of the last of the angus. See pp. 248,342.
The suttâi are cited as constituting the second part of the ditļhivaa. In all there are 88 suttāi, a number ascribed487 to the second part in anga 4, 88. In reality, however, there are but 22, beginning with ujjuya (ujjusua N; rijuka), but conceived as divided into four parts. The proper orthodox (sasamaya) doctrine and the heterodox views are represented as being equally authoritative. The former are divided into two different forms which are also represented by the äjiviya (Gośälakapravartitapāşanda Abh.), or terasiya. The 22 names are not explained by the scholia. They refer488 the name sūtra to the explanation of the meaning of the pūrvas, and consider this as well as the first part as an introduction to the third part of the ditthivāa which follows.
(353) The third part is composed of puvva gae, pūrvagatam, i. e.489 the 14 pūrvāni, which the Tirthankara - (Mahavira) himself is said to have imparted to his scholars, the gañadharas- see above p. 216,217
-who then composed the angas (ācārädikam). Besides this explana. tion which represents the pūrvas as older and earlier doctrines anticipating the angas, there is another which is possible. If our second con. jecture is correct, we should have to understand by the pūrvas that preliminary knowledge necessary to the comprehension of the doctrine. The titles of the 14 pūrvas490 quoted here in the text and enumerated before in § 14 are explained singly in the scholia, and the number of their padas, is stated. The enormous size of these figures greatly exceeds as a rule that which the scholiasts -- see above p. 288 - state to be the number of the padas of the angas, each one of which was said to contain twice the number of padas of the preceding
catvāra eva nayah, etaiś caturbhir, nayair adyāni sat parikar māni svasamayavakt av.
yataya ciṁt yařte, on this see Silanka on anga 1, 1, 8, above p. 347n. 487 The uijusuya and the parinayāparinayam are stated to be the first two in the series.
As regards other names reference is made to the Nandi and not to the independent
treatment of the subject further on in anga 4. See above p. 284. 488 Sarvasya pūrvagatasuträrthas ya sucanāt suträni, täni ca sarvadravyānāḥ sarvapar
yāyāna sarvanayānāṁ sarvabhangavikalpanāṁ prakāśakāni dvāvinsatih praj naptāni,
tatha rijusutram iti adi. 489 Cf. Schol. Hem. 245; purvanām gatam jñanam asmin purvagat am. The anonymous
author of the Vicārāmstasangraha which contains in 25 vicāras a grouping of siddhanta passages, a'āpakas, states that the purvagataśrut adharas were called vācakas, or, accord, to the Nandivytti cited by him, but which I have not seen, three other names vādiya khamāsamane divāyare vāyaga tti egasthā / puvvagayammi tu sutte ee sadda pauttanti. Can the Vicarasytasangraha be identical with
the Siddhāntālāpakoddhāra of Kulamamdana, Samv. i409-55 cited in KI. 255b ? 490 They agree in generai with those in Hem. 247,248. The explanation is likewise
identical ; see the schol. ibid. The number of padas is the same as that stated in

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The names of the pūrvas (354) are as follows:
1. uppāyapuvvam,491 utpädapūrvam; 10 vastu and 4 cūliya vastu; ekā padakoți, 10 millions.
2. aggeniyam (ABC), agge-aniyam N (aggānīyaṁ N ed., according to Leumann) ; agreniyam Abh.,492 and agrāyaniyam493 Schol. on N; 14 vastu (so also in § 14) and 12 cūliya vastu ; șannavatiḥ padalakṣaḥ (9,600,000). A direct citation from this is found in Āvasy. 10,42494 and in Malayagiri on upānga 4 (agrāyanīyākhye dvitiyapūrve karmaprakrti prabhrte bardhavidhäne sthitibaṁdhādhikāre catvāri anuyogadvārāņi...). An anonymous avacūri on Candra-mahattara's Saptatika (ms. or. fol. 690) calls this work an excerpt from the dițțhivàa, especially from the fourth prabhstam (karmaprakstināmam of the fifth vastu of the second pūrva ("agrāyaniya"). In the Vicārāmịtasargraha we find the following interesting statement taken from the "Nandivștti :
-Sivaśarma-Sūryādibhir agre 'niyādipūrvebhyaḥ samuddhștāḥ śatakādi karmagrarthiḥ. There actually [355) exists a siddhapāhudam in 120 gāthās, which is characterized as having taken its rise from the aggeniyapuvva ; see p. 361.
3. viriyam, viryapravādam ;495 8 vastu and 8 cūliya vastu; tasya 'pi(!) saptatih padasahasrāņi Abh., but in the schol. on N: 78 padalak şah 7,800,000.-Citation from this in Haribhadra on Āvasy. 10,42 (see p. 354, note 4).
4. ' 'atthinatthippavāyam, astinástipravādam ;496 18 vastu (also according
the introduction to the Kalpantarvacyāni. In this work the number of vasti c? yastu) of each purva is said to increase from 1 on by geometrieal progression (8192 in the case of purva 14). Here however in the text itself-see p. 366-we find entirely different figures which are quite credible. The figures in the case of 1.3.7.10 vary somewhat in the enumeration of the purvas in Nemicandra's pra
vacanasārodhāra $ 92, v. 719-25. 491 sarvadravyānāṁ paryavānāí (! paryāyānāṁ) co't pādabhāvam amgikttya prajñāpanā
Abh., sarvadravyānām ut padam adhikstya prarupanā N. 462 tatra pi sarvesam dravyānāṁ paryavānāñ (!) jivavišeşānāṁ ca 'gram parimāram
varnyate it y agreniyan, Abh. ; agran parimānam tasya 'yanam paricchedas tasmai
hitam agrāyaniyah sar vadravyādi-parimārakāri Schol. on N. 493 The Schol. on Hem. Kalpāntarvacyāni has the same. 494 aggeniammi jaha Divāyana jattha ega tattha saya jattha suyam tatthe 'go hammai
vå bhumjae vă vil/Haribhadra says : jahā agrianinie (!) virie atthinarthipavāyapuvve ya pādho : jarthe 'go Divāyano bhuthjai tattha Divāyanasayam bhuíjai, jatthā Divāyanasayam bhụñjai tartha ego Dīvāyaṇo bhuijai; evan hammai. According to this the similar passage should be found also in puvvas 3 and 4. See the remarks
on Ambada in Aup. $ 89; Ambada is mentioned ibid § 76 together with Divāyaṇa. 495 padaikadese padasamudāyopacārāt sakarmetarānā jīvānāñ ajīvānām ca viryam
pravadari 'ri viryapravādam Schol. on N. 496 yat loke dharmastikāyādi vastu asti yac ca na 'sti kharaśringadi tat pravadati
ty astino dam, Schol. on N. yal loke yathā vā na (del, ?) 'sti at havā syadvādābhi

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to $ 18) and 10 cūliya v. ; 60 padalak şah, 6 millions.-Citation as above.
5. nāņappavāyam, 497 jñānapravādam ; 12 vastus ; ekā padakoți ekapadona (Abh., padenai 'kena nyünă schol. on N), i. e., 9,999,999(!) Malayagiri on N has, according to Leumann, 10,000,006.
6. saccappavayam, satyapravādam :498 2 vastus, eka padakoți șadbhir adhika, 10,000,006(!) 060 Malay., according to Leumann.
7. āyappavāyam atmapravādam ;499 16 vastus (also according to $ 16) ; 26 padakotayah 260 millions. Leumann says that a passage, which caused the second schism, is found in the schol, on anga 3,7 (see above, p. 275). Uttarajjh. 3,9, Āvasy. 8,65.
[356] 8. kammappavāyam, karamapravādam500 ; 30 vastus ; eka padakoti 80 padasahasrani, 10,080,000(!). A passage from this, which caused the Abaddhià or Gotthāmāhila to inaugurate the seventh schism is found in the extract just quoted, and in Haribhadra on Āvasy., 8,89, where he remarks : atthame kammappavāyapuvve kammam parūvisti upon the following passage of the text : Gotthāmāhila navamatthamesu pucchā ya Vimjhassa.
9. paccakkhānappaväyam 501, pratyākhyānapravādam ; 20 vastus (also in $ 20) ; 84 padalaksāḥ, 8,400,000. For this pūrvam we have quite a number of references. The above cited passage of Āvasy. 8,89-91 and Haribhadra's scholion seem to prove that the Abaddhia stood in some relation to the ninth pūrva.502 The statement is frequently made that the kalpasūtram, which forms the eighth adhyayanam of the daśa
prāyatas tad eva nä 'sti 'ty evam pravadati 'ti, 'Abh. The syâdvada, which the Brahmins consider to be a distinguishing mark of the Jains, comes here for once
into prominence. 497 matijñānādibhedabhinnam saprapamcaí vadati 'ti Schol. on N; matijñānādipanca
kasya bhedas ya prar upanā Abh. 498 satyam samyamo vacanam ca, tat prakarsena vadati, Schol. on N; tad yatra
sabhedam apratipaksam ca varnyate Abh. 499 at mānam jivam anekadha nayamat abhedena yat pravadati, Schol. on N. 500 karma iñanavaraniyādikam astaprakāram, tatprakarsena prakytisthity-anu
bhāga-pradeśādi bhir bhedaih saprapańcan vadati. Schol. on N... ..bhedair anyais
co 'ttarottar abhedair yatra varnyate, Abh. 501 tatra sarvaprat yakhyānasvarūpam varnyate, Abh, in the Schol. on N merely; atrā
'pi padaikadese padasamudayopacärät. 502 The text reads puţtho jahā abaddho / kañcuinam kamcuo samunnei l'evañ putthanh
abaddhañ / jivo kamman samanneil/90/1 paccakkhānam seam/aparimanena hoi kāyavvař/jesin tu parimänam / tam dathum (dutthañ BH) asasă. hoi (1911) Haribh, has: pratyakhyānañ śreyah aparimănena kālāvadhin vihāya kartavvam-jam tassa avasesam navamapuvvassa taħ samimat tam ; tato so abhinivesena Pusamittasayāsam ceva gamt una bhanai - Pusamitta's name is elsewhere brought into connection with the fourth schism. See schol. on up 1, below p. 381. This name occurs frequently in the legends of the Brahmins and Buddhists.

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101
śrutaskandha, and the fourth chedasutra, was "uddhrta" by Sri Bhadrabahusvāmin from the ninth pūrva. Thus, for example, in the introduction (357] to the Kalpāntarvācyāni.503 This appears to me to rest upon a misunderstanding (as will be developed further on) of the statement that is frequently met with elsewhere, e. g. in Dharmaghoşa in the Rsimandalasutra v. 167 (see Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 11,12), to the effect that Bhadr. extracted dasa504 kappavvavahārā from the 9th puvva. By these are meant the chedasūtras 3-5, and by kappa, not the kalpasūtram, but the fifth chedasūtram is implied. Haribhadra, too, on Āvasy. 6, 88, characterizes the ninth pūrvam in general as chedasūtra lakṣaṇam and especially the twentieth prăbhrtaṁ (by name oghapr.), the third vastu (by name acara) as the source of the oghanir yukti treating of the ogha. samācāri. He says that the oghanir yukti is nirvyūdha therefrom. In an avacūri (composed 505 A. D. 1383) on Droņācārya's vrtti of the oghaniryukti, the chedaśutras, especially kalpa and vyavahāra, are referred to the same source. See also the scholiast on Uttarajjh. 26..
10. vijjánuppavāyam, vidyānupravādam ; 506 15 vastus (also in $. 15); ekā padakoțih daśa ca padasahasrāni (daśa ca p. omitted in N) 10,010,000. The cause of the formation of the fourth schism is a passage from this puvva, cited in the passages quoted on puvva 7, or Āv. 8,59. [358] neuniā 'nuppaväe, on which Haribhadra says : anupravädapūrve ņeuniya vacham (vatthu ?] padhati) Leumann compares the 9 ņeuņiyar vatthus in anga 3,9.
11. avamjham, avaṁdhyam ;507 kalyāṇam Hem, ; abandhyam iti vā Schol. : 12 vastus ; 26 padakoțayaḥ, 260 millions.
12. pāņāus, prāņāyus ;508 prāņāvāyam(!) Hem. ; 13 vastus (cf. § 13); 1 padakoți 56 padaśatasahasrani, 15,600,000.
503 This is the chief passage, which contains the statements in reference to the
purvas. 504 Dasa is not to be connected with kappa, as is assumed by Jacobi (The ten kalpas).
but denotes the dasão, the fourth chedas utram itself, a part of which exists
to-day under the title of the kalpasutram. 505 navamapurvāt ar varti tritiyar sāmācārivasty asti, tatrā 'pi vinsatitamāt pra
bhytåt sādhvanugrahārthañ Bhadrabāhusvāminā nirvyudhā. The following fact speaks decisively against Bh. as author of the oghan. In v. 1 not only are the
caüdda sapuvyins praised to which he himself belongs, but also the dasapuvvins · which reach to Vajra ; consequently the existing text must have been composed
at a period considerably posterior to Vajra. 506 tatra 'nekavidyātiśayā varnitah Abh., vidyā anekātiśayasampannā anukulyena
siddhi prakar sena, vadatiti, Schol, on N. On sātiśayatva in connection with vidyā,
cf. p. 2510. .507 vandhyam nāma nihphalań, avandhyam saphalam ity a., tatra hi sarve jñanata
pahsaṁyamayogāḥ śubhaphalena saphalā važnyante, aprašastāś ca pramādādikah
sarve aśubhaphalá varnyatte, Abh. 508 prnah paince 'ndriyāni 5, triņi mānasādini valani 3, uchvās a-ni (h) svāśo 1, ayusca,
Tani yatra varnyaṁte tad upacarat prānäyuh schol. on N.

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13. kiriyāvisālam, kriya (bhiḥ) viśälam ;509 30 vastus ; 9 padakoțayah, 90 millions.
14. logaviņdusāraṁ (without loga in § 14), viņdur iva sāram510 ; 25 vastus (also in § 25); ardhatrayodaśa (särdha N) padakoțayah 125 (135 N) millions. This pūrvam is often mentioned as the conclusion of the angas or of the suaņāna. See above p. 245,346.
It is now perfectly clear that the number of padas which has been handed down to us is purely a matter of fiction. The exact figures in the case of 5 and 6 are simply amusing. It is easy to revel in detail, when the fancy is the only controlling agent.
The enumeration of the names in the text is followed by detailed statements in reference to the number of each of the vatthus, (359] vastus and cūliyas or cūla-vatthus,511 i. e, sections into which each of the 14 puvvas are divided. These numbers, in all .225 vatthus (mūlav.) and 34 cūlav., are also mentioned in three kārikäs, which have been inserted ; and each of which has been quoted in its proper place.
The fourth part is called anuyoga ; Hem. calls it pūrvānuyoga512 and places it (cf. p. 347) in the third position, the pūrvagatam occupying, according to him, the fourth place. A contents of historical character is ascribed to this fourth part. The anuyoga518 is divided into two sections : (1) into the mūlaprathamānuyoga, treating of the root (of the tree of the sacred doctrine), or, according to the scholiasts, of the Tirthankaras, 514 i.e., the history of the beginning, of the preliminary birth, of the existence and of the final completion of the bhagavartānam arahaṁtänaṁ ; and (2) into the gandikānuyoga, i. e., the doctrine of the
509 kriyābhih samyamakriyadibhih visälan. schol. on N; tatra kāyik yadayaḥ kriyāḥ
sabhedah samyamakriya-chedāh (chanda ?) kri yāvidhanānica varnyařte,
Abh. (Malay. has according to Leumann : samyamakriyachamdakriyada yaś ca). 510 loke jagati śrutaloke vä'kşarasyo 'pari viduriva säram, sarvākşarasamni
pätalabdhihet ur vät, schol. on N. 511 N has cullavatthuri, which is explained by the schol. by kşullavastuni, whereas
cula is explained by fikharam ! Abh. understands here, as in anga 1, cudā to be
secondary additions. See p. 360n. 512 cf, Wilson Scl. W. 1, 285, purvānuyoga on the doctrines and practices of the
Tirthankaras before attaining perfection, purvagate on the same after perfec
tion(!) 513 anuyogaḥ, sūtrasya nijena 'bhidheyena sārdham anu (rupa) ?) sambamdhah ity
a. Abh. 514 ihu dharmapranaya(na) mulam tāvat tirthakarās, teşām prathaman santyaktva
vāptilak sapapurva(bha) vādi gocaro'nuyogo muo gah, Abh.

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"little knots," single knotted points, members, sprouts, 515 of the sacred doctrine, i.e., the history of the numerous figures of the Jaina hagiology which are stated to be-(360) kulakara, tirthakara, ganadhara, cakkadhara, Dasara, 516 Baladeva, Vasudeva. The history of Harivaṁsa is added to this group and, strangely enough, that of Bhadrabahu himself, whom tradition represents to be the last teacher of the dițțhivaa. Other "knots" are finally, added, viz. tavokammagandikā cittastara (citrāṁtara) gardikā, osappiņio and ussappiņi", and also all sorts of stories illustrating the way how beings become gods, men animals or hell-beings.
Abhayadeva is unfortunately very brief here, and to add to our difficulties the MS. is full of corruptions. Abh. refers especially to a Nanditikā517 composed probably in Prakrit, which is, however, not the same as the commentary on N, which I have before me. This too, is very brief and presumably contains a direct citation from one of the sections which belong here. See below p. 368 on cittaṁtarag.
: The fifth part is composed of the cūliyās-additions, which were referred to p. 358 in the discussion on part 3 to which they belong. They belong however to the first four puvvas alone. According to the schol. (and also to the schol. on. Hem. 246) by these culiyās we are to understand cūla-like (i. e., like excrescences) paddhatis, which embrace that which was not treated of in all the four preceding518 parts of the drstivāda. [361] The text, however, takes pains to limit them to the first four puvvas.
In the final remarks in reference to the complete extent of the ditthivāa, the following parts are ascribed to it,- 1 suyakkhandha, 14 puvvas, samkheyya "computable" (perhaps "innumerable," see above p. 281) vatthu and cūla (culla N) vatthu519 and pähuda (prabhịta), pähudapähuda, pahudiyā and pāhudiya pähudiyā, to which the same epithet is attached. The payasahassa, 520 akkhara, &c., are characterized by the same epithet, i. e., samkheyya.
515 ik şv-adinām purvāparaparvaparicinno madhyabhāgo gamdika gandike 'va gamdikā,
ekārthadhikārā, granthapaddhatis tasya anuyogah, schol. on N; ihai 'kavaktavyatārthādhikaranugatavākyā tavāk yah?) paddhatayo gaindikā ucyante tāsām anuyogo
'rthakathanavidhir gao gah, Abh. 516 See Pet. Dict, s. v. daśārha, attribute of every Buddha. 517 Doubtless that of Haribhadra is meant. See schol. on Ganadhara-särdhasata v.
55. This, too, is indicative of the fact (see p. 284, 352) that the Nandi is strictly the proper place for that entire treatment of the 12 angas. which later on found
a home within the fourth anga. See p. 349, 363. 518 iha drștivade parikarma-sutra-purvagatā 'nuyogoktänuktarthasangrahapaddha
tayah (samgrahaparā gramthapaddh. N. Schol,) culāh. 519 The number of vatthu and culav for the 14 puvva at least, was shortly before (cf.
p. 359) stated with exactness in the text itself. 520 See above for the fabulous accounts of the scholia.

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Though the scholia fail to explain further the words pähuda, &c., they manifestly signify the same as chapter, paragraph, &c., and are actually so used521 in upāngas 5, 7 ; and in anga 10 (see p. 333), the word pähuda is used in connection with the 14 puyvas. In the Anuyogadvārasūtra (end of the pamāņa section), the dițțhivaa is said to be computed according to påhuda, pähudiä, pähudapāhudia, and according to vatthu. This method of counting is said in the Anuyogadvārasūtra to be similar to the division of the kālia sua, i. e., into uddesaga, ajjhayana, suakkaṁdha, anga, which is there contrasted with the ditthivāa. Vatthu appears in up. 6 as the name of the sections of up. 5 and 7 in which it no longer occurs in the signification.
If we now cast a glance at the entire field of information which we possess in regard to [362] the twelfth anga, it is manifest that, though this anga had a genuine existence, nevertheless the information at our command produces an impression of less weight than that concerning the previous eleven angas. In the case of the latter we possess the texts themselves as a means of verification, but in the case of the twelfth anga there is no such help upon which we can rely.
These statements, and especially those in reference to the 14 pūrvas, are, however, not purely fictitious. This is clear from the citations adduced above in our consideration of each, and especially of 2-4, 7-10, and from traditions in reference either to the extracts from them or to their relations to the origin of some of the seven schisms. Another proof of the validity of these statements lies in the fact that the number of the vatthus, māuyāpadani and suttāni, contained in the ditthiv., which is mentioned in anga 4 $$ 13-16, 18.20.25.26 and 88 is in direct agreement with the later statement of contents. Finally the name pāhuda in anga 10 appears in direct connection with the 14 puvvas. At the period of the Āvaśyakasūtra, especially, and at that of the Anuyogadvarasūtra these texts must still have existed, and perhaps even at the time of the older commentaries (cf. e. g., p. 347n.), if the statements of the latter are not mere reproductions of old traditions. See p. 225.
The statement of the contents of anga 12 is found in anga 4, or Nandi (N), and is as follows:
Se kiṁ taṁ dițțhivāe ? dițțhivāe naṁ savvabhāvaparūvaņayā522 aghavijj
521 The name pāhuda is found in the Siddhapancašika of Devendrasuri in 50 gāthas.
The author, in v. 1, says that he has taken his material sirisiddhapähudão. See
above v. 354. 522 ABC, vana N.

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arti, 523 se samásao pañcavihe paṁ [363] (natte), taṁ : parikammam584 suttaiṁ puvvagayam525 anuyogo526 cūliya ş-se kim tam parikamme ? 2 sattavihe paṁ, tar : siddha527 seņiyåparikamme, 528 manussase, buddhase,529 uggahaņaáse®, 530 uvasampajjanase°,531 vippajahaņase, cuyācuyase”;-Se kií tam siddhaseo?532
2. coddasavihe pannatte, taṁ jahā : māuyāpayāni533 egatthiyapayāim paçho atthapayāņi534 agāsapayāņi535 keūbhūyam răsibaddham egaguņam duguņam tiguņam keubhūya536-padiggahe587 santharapadiggahe538 namdavattaṁ siddhāvattam, se 'ttam siddhase; - se kim taṁ manussaseo? 2 coddasavihe par, taṁ : tăim ceva màuyāpayāiņ539 jāva naṁdāvattañ manussāvattam, 540 se 'ttam manussase°,541 - avasesăim parikammaim pädhäiyāim ekkārasavihāņi542 paṁ ; - icc (364) eyaim543 satta parikammăim, cha544
523 ABC, ijai N. 524 ABC, omme N. 525 ABC, gae N: when 1 henceforth cite N alone, ABC agree.
526 BC, °ugo A, oge N. · 527 siddhi AN. 528 etāni siddhasrenikāparikarmādi (dini) mülabhedat ah saptavidhāni, mätykāpada
dyuttarabhedāpek sayā tryašitividhāni, 'schol. on N. 529 BC, putthaseo AN. 530 BC, ugadha A, ogādha N.. 531 na BC, na AN. 532 siddhi A. 633 A, odani BC, māugāpayāim N. 1:34 BC, affha AN; in N before pădho. 535 BC, aņāsa A, āmāsa N. 536 N, bhūye BC, bhūyan A, 537 ggaho AN. 538 BC, samsao ho AN. 539 mauyäim pao BC, māuyap, A, māugap N. 540 AN, ssabaddham BC, incorrectly. 541 In N this & is differently understood, since all the 14 names are again enumerated,
and, in fact, just as above with the same variations :-mäugā', padho after aftha
payaim, āmāsao (sic!), keubhuyappadiggaho, samsarapadiggaho. 542 It follows from this ekkāras avihāni that the reading of N. which gives pādho after
atthāpayāith, is correct; otherwise there would be twelve species, not eleven. N consequently has preserved the original form of the text. N is also more exact in another point : From the text we conjecture merely that the last member of each of the seven series (after nandāvattam) begins in each case with the first part of the name of the series. Jo N, however, where as in the case of manussase and in all the foll. series, the enumeration of the 14 members is in eaeh case complete, the readings being the same as heretofore, the last member of each always varying, or it is expressly called puffhāvattam, ogādhavattam, uvasañpajjanavattam .vippaja. harāvattañ, cuăcuavattam. Further on N has frequently, sometimes in agreement with A, the better reading. Some omissions are due to the incorrectenss
of the Berlin MS. 543 eyāt in BC, eiyain AN. 544 cha s. s. aj. omitted in N, the schol. however says : eteşām ca saptānām pari

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sasamaiyāņi satta äjiviyāņi, cha caükkaņaiyaņi,545 satta teräsiyäņi,546 evām eva547 sapuvvävarenaṁ satta parikammāim tesiim bhavati 'ti-m-akkhāyāim; se 'ttam' parikammāņi ;-se kiṁ tam suttaim ? suttäiņ548 atthästi bhavrtı 'ti-m-akkhāyātim,549 tam ;550 ujugar,551 parinayāpari nayam, bahubhamgiyam, vinayapavvatiyam,552 anamtaram,553 paramparaṁ, Sāmāņaṁ,554 samjūhaṁ,556 bhinnań, ahavvāyam,556 sovatthiyaṁ,557 ghamtam, naṁdāvattam, bahula, putthāputtham558 viyāvattam,559 evambhūyar, duyāvattam vattamanuppayar, 560 samabhirūdhaṁ,561 savvatobhaddar,562 paņäsar563 dupadiggaham, icc-eiyāiṁ bävisam suttăim chinnaceyanaiyāņi564 sasam [365] ayasuttaparivādle ; icc-eiyāim565 bāvisaṁ suttāiṁ achinnacheyaraiyāņi566
(karmană)m adyāni (Abh. has : sat ādi mani parikar māni) şaf svasamayavaktavyatānugatāni svasiddhantaprakāśakāni 'ty a.. ye tu Gośalapravartitā ajivikah pāşamdinas tanmatena saptā pi (cyutācyutašrenikāparikarmasahitāni Abh.)
prajnapyamte. 545 nayāim N ; ādyāni şat caturnayopet āni, schol. on N. 516 yaiṁ N; trairāśiukāni, trairāśikamatam avalambya sapta parikar māni trividhana.
yacimtaya cimt yamte, schol. on N. 547 Instead of evām eva to akkhāyāim N has merely nayāim parikamme. 548 Instead of suo to akkhāyatim N has suttäin vävisam pam. 549 BC akk hayam A. 550 A omits. 551 BC, ujjāyam A, ujjusuan N. 552 C, pacco B ; vijayavirayam A, vijayacariyam N. 553 ra BC. 554 BCN, sāmo A. 555 bú B, simply juhan A. 556 BC, cc A, āyaccāyam N. 557 sava N. 558 merely puttham A. 559 vaccam N. 560 payam A. 561 ruddhan N. 562 BC, savvão N, savvaü A. 563 AC, pannās am BN. 564 yaim N ; iha yo nama nayah sutram chedena chinnam eva'bhipraiti, na dvitiyena
sutrena saha sambandhayati; tatha hi : dhammo mangalam ukkitfam iti slokam chinnachedanayamatena purvasürayan tatha vyakhyarti sma yatha na dvittyädislokānām apeksa syöt, tatha dvitiyādin api tatha vyākhyāṁti sma yatha na teşām adyaslokāpekšā syāt ; tathā sutrany api yatrayabhih prayena (yan nayābhi) parasparam nirapeksäni vyākhyāṁti sma, sa chedachinnanayah tatah, svasamayavaktavyatām adhikt ya chinnachedanayat vam, tatha yah sutram sutraṁtarena saha 'chinnam arthatah sambandham abhipraiti, sa achinnachedana yah, yathā : dhammo mangalañ ukkiffham ity ayam sloko 'chinnachedanayamatena vyakhyayamano dvitiyādin apek sate, 'py et am slokam, evam anyonya(m) dvāvinsari (h) sutrāni aksararacanaṁ adhikytya parasparam vibhaktany apy dviti yādayo
arthasarvandham apeksya sāpekşāni, schol. on N. 565 A. N. etālm BC. 565 nayain BC.

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djiviyasuttaparivadle ; icc-eiyaim567 bavisaṁ suttaiṁ tika568 nayāņi569 terāsiya570 suttaparivudle ; icc-eiyāim bāvisaṁ caükkanaiyāņi571 sasamayasuttaparivādie572 eväm eva sapuvvävar enam573 atthās17574 suttăiņ575 bhayarti 'tti576 m-akkhayaṁ ;577 se 'ttaṁ suttaiṁ.
Se kim taṁ puvvagae 2578 puvvagae coddasavihe578 pam, tam : uppāyapuvvar, aggeniyam580 viriyam atthinatthippavāyan, nānappavvāyam, saccappvāyań, żyapp., kammapp., paccak-khanapp.581 vijjāņuppavāyam, avaṁjham, pāņāur, 582 kiriyāvisälar, logabirdusäraṁ ;-uppaya [366] puvvassa nam58% dasa vatthū cattāri cūliya 584 vatthū pamo, aggeniyassa5*5 ņam puvvasso coddasa v. barasa586 cūliyā v. par, viriyapuvvassa attha v. atpha cūliya v. p., atthinatthi payāyassa587 atthårasa v. dasa cūliyā v. p., nāņappavāyassa nam puvvassa bārasa v. p., saccappavayassa nam p. do688 v. p., āyapp. nam p. solasa v. p. kammapp, nam p. tisar v. p., pacchakkhānassa ņam p. visar v. p., vijjāņupp. naṁ p. pannarasu v. p. avamjhassa nam p. bārasa v. p. pāņāussa ņam p. terasa v. p. kiriyāvisālassa nam p. tisar v. p., logaviņdusārassa naň p. papavisam
narin p. solasuj.p., vijjaņupe. nam
p. jer
567 eyāim A; atha nayavibhāgāñtaram aŅhikļi ya bhedam aha : trairāśikanayamatena
sutraparipätyām vivakşit ayam trikanayikāni, svasamayavaktayyat am adhikttya suo vio sangrahavyavahararijusutraśabdar upanayacatus kayo (! omission) schol. on N (Malay. accord, to Leumann, continues cat ustayopetani sangrahādinaya
catustayena cit yait a ity a.) 568 tikka A. tiga N. 569 yāim N, 570 slim A. 571 yaim N. nayāini A. 572 N adds suttain. . 573 purvāparasamudāyarūpena sarvasamkhyaya, schol. on N. 574 Ositi B, osità C, osii A, osai N. 575 oni A. 576 titti A, titi N, bhavatiti BC. 577 "iyaim BC, 'iyāni A, "iyan N. 578 See Abhayadeva's scholion, above, p. 216. The anonym. schol. on Nandı has the
foll. iha tirthakaras tirthapravartanakale ganadharan adhiktya purvan purvagatasut rarthar bhāsate tatah purvāny ucyante ; ganadhara api tathai 'va racay
anti pascad acāradikan. 579 caüddo N. 580 ABC aggeaniyam N, aggānī. Ned. (accord. to Leumann). 581 BC, Onuppavāyam A, kkhanam N. 582 BC, pânău A, pânão N. 583 N adds puvvassa. 584 cullao N. 585 niassa N. 586 duvālasa N. 587 °yapuvvassa N. 588 donni N.

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v. par ; dasa coddas' attha atthāraseva ('sa N) bārasa duve ya vatthūņi589 solasa tisa visā pannarasa aņuppavāyarmillbārasa ekkārasame bārasame terase' va vatthüņi tisā puņa terasame coddasame 5 90 pannavisā u//cattări duvalasa attha ceva dasa ceva cūla591 vatthūnijāillana caunham sesāņaṁ cūliya na 'tthil/; se 'ttaṁ puvvagayaṁ.592
Se kim tam anuyoge 7593 a ge duvihe p., tam : mūla594 pad hamānuyoge ya gardiyanuyoge ya : Se kiṁ tam mūlapao ge ? ettha595 nam arahastāņam bhagavartānaṁ puvvabhuva596 devalogagamaņāiņ59 7 aur598 cavaņāim599 jamma (367] nāņi ya abhiseyā rāyavarasirio600 sīyāubol pavvajjā0602 tava ya bhattā603 kevalanāņāuppāyā604 titthappavattaņāni ya, sarghayaṇam,605 samthanaṁ uccattam auņ606 vannavibhāgo,607 sisā gaņā608. ganaharā ya, ajjā pavattiņio,809 saṁghassa cauvihassa jaṁ cā 'vi6to parimdņam, jina611 manapajjava612 ohināņi613 sammatta-suyaņāniņo ya vād7614 anutfaragati ya615
S.
589 mulavatthüņam N. 590 AN, caüdao BC. 591 cullao N. 592 gae A ; se 'ttam p. omitted in N. 593 BC, oge N, uge A, and so throughout. 594 N. omits. 595 ABC, mū° ge N. 596 arhatan bhagavatās samyaktvabhavād arabhya purvabhavāḥ, devalokagamanāni,
tesu purvabhayesu că'yuh, devalokebhyas cyavanam, tirthakarabhavat veno 'tpadas, tato janmāni, tatah sailaraje surāşurair vidhiyamānā abhiseka ity-adi pafhasiddhan yāvan nigamanam; iha sarvatra 'py apañarale vartibhyo vadvyah
(vaho ?) pratiniyataikārthadhikaras, tato vahuvacanam : schol. on N. 597 NA, onāņi BC. 598 N, dum A, au BC. 599 N, cayanāni BC, ciyāni A. 600 N, rito BC, riu A. (Ned. breaks off, Leumann says, at abhi seya and is merely
prāt hamabhāga,) 601 N, omits. 602 N, jjāto BC, jjāu A. 603 ABC, ugga N. 604 A, ppāyātā BC, ppäyão N. 605 samghao to vibhago omitted in N. 606 au A. 607 vanavibhāu A. 608 ABN, gani C. 609 N, niu ABC. 610 vāvi ABC, ca N. 611 jina BC. 612 va N. 613 nāņi N; hināņi to siddha omitted in'A. 614 BC, pavai N. 615 @gai a N.

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uttaravellvvino616 ya munino jattiya 2 siddha, siddhapaho 617 jaha desio jacciram kälaṁ, päovaga0618 ya jo jahiṁ jattiyaim619 bhattaiṁ cheyaittā620 aṁtagad e621 muņi varuttame622 tamaraoghavippamukke623 siddhipaham624 anuttaram ca patte,625 ee anne ya evam-ā7626 bhāvā mūla627 padhamāņuoge kahiyā āghavijjarti628 pannavio parūvio; se 'itar mūlapadhamäņuyoge ;se kim taṁ gamdiyānuyoge ? 2 anegavihe pannatte, tam jahā629 kulagaragardiyão080 titthayarag. gañadharag,631 cakkaharag.632 Dasärag. Baladevag. Vasudevag. Harivaṁsag, 633 Bhaddabāhug. (368] tavokammag. cittamtarag. 634 osappinig.635 ussappinīg836 amaranaratiriyaniraya637 gati638 gamaņa viviha pariyațţāņaņuyoge,639 evam-adiyão640 gatigamdiyā0641 aghavijjarti panna 649 parū ; se' ttaṁ gaṁdiyānuyoge.643
616 utt. ya m. in N alone. 617 siddhapaho to kalaṁ in N alone. 618 N, pātovagato BC, pāüvagaü A. 619 AN, jettio BC. 620 ABC, cheitta N. 621 N, do BC kado A.' 622 N, omo ABC. 623 N, kka ABC. 624 BC, sidha A, mukkhasuham N. 625 N, patta ABC. 626 adi A. 627 A omits. 628 agh. p. p. omitted in N. 629 jahā omitted in A; instead of 2 ane jaha N has gaoge nam jaha. 630 Thus N, oyato BC, oyau A; so also further on ; kulakar ānāṁ Vimalavahanadina
purvabhavajanmanāmādini saprapancam upavarnyamte evam tirthakar agamdikā
dist abhidhanavakato bhavaniyam Schol. on N. 631 In N after Väsudevag. 632 BC, cakkavatti AN. 633 In N after Bhaddao. 634 In N after osapp.; citrā anekārtha amtare Rşabhājitatirthakarāpāstarale
Rsabhavamsasamudbhutānām bhupatināṁ sesagativyudāsena sivagatigamananuttaropapataprat ipadikā gandikās, tāsām ca prar upanā Subuddhinämna Sagaracakravartino mahämät yenā 'stapade Sagaracakravartisur ebhya Adityayasahprabhytīnām Rsabha, vansarājānā narapatinām samkhyapradarśanena kytā
sācā" iccajasainath Usabhasse 'ty-ādina 'vaseyā, schol. on N. 635 N usao BC, ussa A ; ni BCN, ni A. 636 BN omit; usao A, ni C. 637 niraya omitted in A; amare 'ti vividhesu parivarttesu bhavabhramanesu jantu. nam iti gamyate 'maratiryagnirayagatigamanan, evam ädika gandikā vaháva (1)
akhyāyamte, schol. on N. 638 gai N. 639 BC, ouge A ffanesu N. 640 yāu A, atiyato BC, merely ai in N 641 A omits. 642 N omits. 643 AN, go BC.

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Se kiṁ taṁ cūliyāo 2644 jan nam645 āillanaṁ cauņhaṁ puvvānam cūliyão646 sesäin puvväiṁ acūliyaim647 se 'ttaṁ cūliyão.
At the conclusion of this review of the 12 angas, I present the apostrophe to eternity, which is given in anga 4 and in Nandi, in entire agreement with each other, at the close of their statement of the contents of the anga. With all the unwavering firmness of this apostrophe it looks like a protest against all who might either doubt or attempt to undermine its validity (see p.293) :
Icc eiyaṁ duvālasaṁgaṁ ganipidagam atite648 käle anamtā jīvā aņāe649 virähittä сāurartasaṁsārakamtaram anupariyattissu ; 650 icc eiyam du ga paduppanne (369] kale (bis) anupariyațțiņti851 icc eiyam.du gao aņāgae kale (bis) anupariyațțissaṁti ;-icc eiyaṁ du ga'atite käle a. j. āņāe ärāhittā ca vitivatinsu,852 viivaisti. viivaissanti ;-icc eiyaṁ duogao na kayai na åsi,658 na kayāi na tthi, na kayāi na bhavissal, bhuvim654 ca bhavarti ya855 bhavissaṁti ya656 dhuve niae657 sasae akkhae658 avvae659 avatthie660 nicce ; 681 se jahā nāmae parca atthikaya na kayai na āsi na kaydi na tthi na kayāi na bhavissaṁti, 662 bhuvim ca bhavarti ya bhavissarti ya dhuvā nitiya868 jāva niccă, evām eva duo ga na kayāi na åsi (bis) nicce"; --ettha664 ņam duo ge gage anamtā bhāvā a, abhāvā, a, heü a, aheu, a.
ita bhāvā ama, kayai na asiansi ya
644 N yato BC, yau A. 645 BC, AN omit. 646 BC, yain N, yau A. 647 N, has avasesā purvā aculiyā. 648 tie N. 649 ajnaya. 650 anuparivyttavamtaḥ Jamālivat. 651 bhramanti. 652 vyativrajitavantah 653 näst N (thus in every case). 654 bhuim N. (always) 655 bhavai a N (always). 656 bhavissai a N always). 657 niyatan. 658 N omits; ak sayam. 659 avyayam, 660 avasthitam. 661 Instead of av. nicce N has here supariffhie. In the following repetition, however,
it is the same as in the text. 662 ssai N. 663 niyayā N. 664 The following is omitted in N.

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kārană a, akāraņā, a. jivā a. ajivā, a. bhavasiddhiya a. abhavasiddhiyā, a, siddhā a. asiddha aghavijjaṁti parū panna daṁsio nidarsio uvadasi, eyam duo gaṁ gao gaṁ.
Before I proceed further I should like to state that beside the Vidhiprapā of Jinaprabha (A.D. 1307) (see above p.223) in the meantime two other samācāri texts, unfortunately anonymous, have come to my knowledge. They are both written in Prakrit with an occasional intermingling of Sanskrit, and are in agreement throughout with the statements in the Vidhip, which they antedate. The first of these texts, āyāravihi, in 21 dāra, contains in its tenth dāra, jogavihi, not merely the enumeration of the angabahira texts, as Nandi [370), Pāksikas, and Vidhiprapā, especially in the form of the two latter, but also the same detailed exposition and examination of the single portions of the angas, upangas, &c., according to the period of time requisite for their study (measured according to diņa and āyambila). The order of succession is the same as in the section of the Vidhiprapā which treats of this point. It is especially interesting that ten, and not five, ajjh, are here-see p. 322-ascribed to each of the first two vargas of the second part of the anga 6: dusu dusu vaggesu kama ajjhayana humti dasa ya cauppannalbattisă caüi attha ya dhammakahā bia suakkhardhe. The text which we possess does not agree with this allotment of ajjh. The same holds good of the second of these two texts, which bears the name sämāyārivihi. We read in it the following concerning the first vagga : tammi dasa ajjhayană and immediately thereupon vie dasa ajjhayani. Since this second text is twice--at the conclusion of the jogavihi section and at the conclusion of the whole-expressly ascribed665 to Abhayadeva, or to his oral instruction of the author Paramānanda, it is very surprising that we find such differences between it and the present text, Abhayadeva himself in his commentary commenting upon that text which allots to both vagga only five ajjh, each. If the sāmāyārīvihi appears to be more than two hundred years older than the Vidhiprapa on account of its pretended relation to Abhayadeva (A.D. 1064, above p. 277), [ 371 ] the āyāravihi must be regarded as of greater antiquity. Its author refers, at the conclusion of dara 21, "etāni guruk rtyāni, śrāvakak rtyam punaḥ śrimad Umāsvātivācaka-sri Haribhadrasūri pratişthakalpädibhyo, "vaseyaṁ" to two authors considerably before his time. In v. 50, 51 of the Ganadharasārdhaśatakaṁ composed by Jinadattasüri, the scholar of
665 Siri Abhayadeva suriguruvayaņā mayam mae eyam/Paramānandeņakayam......//
sri Abhayadevasurer asyasarar uhavihāriņi (?) patre/sămācāri rumari (?) Paramanandat padań cakrell.

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Jinavallabha who died A.D. 1112, (see Kl. 248 b), the former of the two authors is called the first teacher after the interval following upon Āryarakṣita and Durbalikāpuşpa (above p. 348)666 In Sarvara jagani's schol, on the Ganadharasrdhasatakam a śrāvakaprajñapti is cited among the 500 (or 105 ?) payaraņas (prakaraņa), composed by him in Sanskrit according to the statement in the text. The title śrāvakaprajñapti is in entire harmony with the statement of the āyāravihi just quoted. According to the Gurvāvali of Tapāgaccba Kl. 253a (28) there lived an Umāsvātikara in 1190 Vira (= Samvat 720), who is, however, distinguished from the author of the śrāvakaprajñapti (optyādi) - (yataḥ sammativrttau, of, above p 347, Sri Umāsvātivācaka ity uktam). The latter is probably, as Klatt kindly informs me, the person of this name who appears in the Bombay MS. of a pattāvali of the Vrhat-Kharataragaccha, in the continuation of the old Sthaviravali immediately after its last member. Daşagaại, the teacher of Devarddhigaội, and separated by one gradation alone from Haribhadra who is mentioned together with him in the dyāravihi. Since the date of Devarddhigani is 980 Vira, and the death of Haribhadra is placed in [372] 1055 Vira, see Kl. 253a (27), tradition seems to place Umäsvätikara, the author of the śrāvakāprajñapti, about 1000 Vira (= Samvat 530)! While it is true that the ayāravihi does not claim to stand in direct connection with Umäsv. and Haribh, merely citing them, yet this citation is of such a character that it is calculated to afford ancient testimony concerning a treatise which mentions, not sources of information of later date, but merely these two names which are manifestly of tolerable antiquity. The statements contained in this work gain consequently in authority and the same conclusion holds good of the information of a literary and other nature in harmony therewith, contained in both sämācārī texts (sa vihi and vihipavā). In continuing from this point on to adduce the testimony of the Vidhiprapā (V) especially, I do so, partly because it has a fixed date, and partly because it contains the most detailed statements. I shall, however, not fail to state where Āyāravihi (Avi) or Samiyörivihi (Svi), which takes an intermediate position between Avi. and V. as regards fullness, offer anything worthy of particular note.
The second part of the Siddhānta is formed by the 12 uvařgas, upāngas. This title is applied in the angus to the Brahmanical upangas alone. In anga 3, three of the existing uvargas are apparently mentioned, but under the title angabahira and not under that of
666 The very faulty MS. reproduces the Umāsāyi of the text by Umäsvämi in the
commentary ! This form of the name is found elsewhere, e. g., in the Vicărämrtasañgraha as that of the author of the frā°pti.

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uvamga. In the uvamgas themselves this appellation occurs at the beginning of the eighth alone, but there, according to all probability, it is a special designation of uv. 8-12 alone, and had consequently [373] not yet acquired its present signification. The Nandi, too, does not accept it in its present meaning. It enumerates all the texts in question, which now bear this name, but enumerates them among the anangapaviṭṭha (for which term the Pākṣikasūtram &c. present angabahira) and in an order different from the usual one at present in vogue. The solitary passage, in which I have been able to discover this title used in the Siddhanta in its general signification, is in the Mahānisiha, Book 3 (angovanga...).
At the present day there are 12 texts bearing this name, corresponding to the number of the angas. This arrangement is probably intentional and dates from a period (see p. 344), in which the twelfth anga either really existed or at least was counted in with the others. There is an alleged667 inter-relation between the 12 angas and the 12 uvangas, uvanga 1 being placed in connection with anga 1, uvanga 2 with anga 2, and so on. In the three sāmāyārī texts,668 uv. 8-12 are called nirayavaliyāsuakkhamdho utamgam (Avi., Svi.), in the Vidhipr. egamuvamgam; each of the five vaggas of which respectively corresponds669 to angas 8 to 12. It is not improbable that [374] the existing order of the 12 texts may have been the result of such considerations; and the similarity in extent of each of the different members of both series renders this assumption the more worthy of credence.670 There are, however, so far as I can see, no instances of real inner connection
667 cf. Abhayadeva on uv. 1, Malayagiri on uv. 2,4, Śanticandra on uv. 6.
668 The order of succession adopted there, and which I follow from this point on, varies so far as the position of uv. 5-7 is concerned from that of Bühler-see above p. 226 where these appear as Nos. 6,7,5.
669 In the Vidhiprapa we read; Some, however, regard both uv. 7 and uv. 5 as belonging to anga 5, and according to their view the uvamgam belonging to angas 7-11 is the frutaskandha formed by uv. 8-12: anne puna camdapannattim surapannatim ca bhagavai-uvamge bhanamti tesim maena uvasagadasaina pamcanham amganam uvamgam nirayavaliyasuyakkhamdho. This is manifestly an arrangement of those who no longer count the dihivaa as belonging to the angas and is in entire harmony with the actual facts of the case. The statement in V. that follows is a riddle: oraji annavana sujamcamcikakapupphavaḥhidasa ayarai-uvamga nayavvā āṇupuvvie (this is the close of the uvamgavihi). The same remarkable statements are repeated in the Jogavihana in v. 60: vaccai satta-dinehim nirayavaliyasuyakkhamdho 1/59/ oraji pannavana sujamcamnikakapupphavaṇhidasal ayarai-uvamga neyavva anupuvvie 1/60//. A solution of this riddle is, however, not far to seek, if we read 0° raji su jam cam ni ka ka°. By this means we have the beginning syllables of uvaigas 1-3, 5-10 in their present order; and here again there is reference to 12 uvamgas and to 12 angas.
670 The last members in both series have the least, those in the middle the greatest, extent..
8

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between the angas and the uvařgas having the same position in the series. I say this, despite the fact that the scholia are only too zealous in attempting to establish such an inter-relation.
Definite groups are recognizable here as in the case of the angas. Though all the uvangas with the exception of uv. 3 begin with the legendary introductory formula tenaṁ-kälenaṁ ... yet in the case of uv. 2.4 the paṁcanamukkāra, which we have met with already in anga 5, is placed before this introduction. In uy. 4 a verse, designed to glorify this pamcanamukkāra, follows upon it, and then come several other verses of an introductory character. In the case of uv. 5, there is a larger number of introductory verses or of verses descriptive of the contents of the whole, before the legendary beginning; in the case of uv. 7 these are placed after the legendary beginning. Both of these uv. (5 and 7) differ from the others in the following particular,-- [375) they make use of the title pähuda for their sections, a title which we have met with in the case of the 14 pūrvas. In the introduction of uv. 7 and in uy. 4 there is a direct reference to the purvas. These two uv, are peculiar in being identical or at least in representing two recensions of one and the same text. Uv. 5, 7 and 6 are mentioned together in anga 3, and share an introduction that is completely identical, mutual references in the text to each other, and above all in the concluding part of their titles, the common factor pannatti, prajñapti. A part of uvařga 3, the divasāgarapannatti, belongs to the same category with them, since it has on the one hand the same termination in its title, and on the other is mentioned in anga 3 with them. At the period of the Nandi and of that of anga 3 it appears to have enjoyed a separate existence. Finally the title of upānga 4, pannavanā, is to be brought into this connection, so that upangas 3-7 may be regarded as a group which is bound together by external criteria. The word pannatti which is here the link between them, was found in the title of anga 5. The words pannatta (prajñapta) and pannatti (prajñapti) and the finite verb prajñapay have such a special use in the Bhagavati and, as was discovered later, in the entire Jaina Siddhānta, that (Bhag. I, 368) I called attention to the [376] Pannattivāda, or Prajñaptivādins, who are mentioned by the northern and southern Buddhists671 among the 18 chief sects of Buddhism at the time of the second council of Asoka. According to Wassiljew, pp. 228, 244 (German transl. pp. 251, 268), this sect dates from the second century after Buddha's nirvāņa.
671 pannatti is found in Pali as the title of a work. See Childers s. v. pannatti (Abhi
dhammap). Works of the name were produced by the later Jains. See (above p. 371) my remarks on the frāvakaprajnapti of the Umāsvāti(mi) vacaka.

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Upangas 8-12 form a second group closely connected with each other (see above). They form, as tradition itself asserts, in reality but five chapters of a single śrutaskandha, and are counted as five special texts merely to complete the parallel with the twelve angas. The title of uv, 8 is later on, e. g. in the Vidhiprapā, regarded also as the collective title of all five; and a special name, kappiyao, kalpikās, is allotted to 'uv. 8. In the Nandi all the 6 titles are placed together.
According to the introduction of the avacūrni to the Oghaniryukti (see above, p. 217), the daśapūrvins gained especial honour in performing the meritorious service of composing saṁgrahani to the uvargas (or of composing the uv. and the saṁgr. ? ), and therefore had just claim to the salutation (namukkāra) in the first verse of that Niryukti. Tradition calls Ajja Sama the author of the fourth uvarga. the Pannavaņā ; see verse 4 of the introduction to that uvamga. There is, however, another, who in this passage characterizes himself as the real promulgator, and introduces himself with the word "I".
[377] In the case of the first uvařga, secondary additions are, according to Leumann, clearly demonstrable. The second uvamga appears however to have suffered more, and the present text may, in fact, be a different one from the original. The reader is further referred to my remarks made on angas 8-10 and especially on anga 10,
In the remarks of the redactor scattered here and there in the angas, there were many references to the upāngas, their titles being directly mentioned or the names of particular divisions cited, In the upangas vice versa there is no lack of reference both to the angas and to other upāngas. Apparently we must recognise in these remarks of the redactor a hand aiming at unity (see above, p. 228), -- a hand which has dealt uniformly with the angas and upāngas in that form of the text which both at present possess.
The varying statements in the MSS. in reference to the extent of each of the upangas are as follows : up, 1 has 1320 granthas872—2, 2079,-3.4750, -4,7785-5. (2000 ?)673—6,4454,-7.1600,674_8,12, 1109.
672 The statements vary here e. g. between 1167 (Kielhorn's Report, 1880-81, p. 50)
1200, 1267, 1320 and 1500. Leumann counts 1220. 673 The statement is here omitted ; cf uv, 7. 674 Other statements are : 1854, 2000.

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XIII, The first upangam, uvaväiyam, aupapātikam, of renewed births. The explanation of the name by aupapātika is (see above, p. 323, Leumann, p. 2) an incorrect Sanskrit rendering, since the formation is from Jpad+upa and not from pattupa. The work is divided into two parts, which are however, not separated by any recognized dividing line. The first, which is greater in extent than the second [378), treats in great detail of the appearance and sermon of Mahāvira in Campa under king Kūņiya Bambhasäraputta,675 and of the pilgrimage of the king to Mahāvira. The many varņakas, which, on such occasions as this, are found in the legendary introduction to the angas, uvařgas, occur in this intanee in their full form. They are consequently cited elsewhere merely by their introductory words; and for anything beyond this, reference is generally made to our text. The law proclaimed by Mahāvira is here (§ 57) designated partly as āgāraidhamme and partly as āgārasāmaie. See remarks on page 244 ad anga 1.' The second part, which contains the essence of the work, is in extent scarcely more than a third of the whole, and looks, as Leumann says, like a more detailed treatment of Bhag. 1,1,77 (see Bhag. 1,162). It is divided into divisions of tolerably small compass, which all possess a form equally solem. These small divisions are not equal in extent nor are they counted on to the end. At the end there are 22 kārikās. which describe the abode &c. of the Siddhas, viz. of those that have escaped migration of souls. We find the teaching of Imdabhati by Mahāvira treated of, partly in a general way, partly in reference to 15 definite categories of men as regads their uvaväyá among the neraiyas, &c., up to the heavenly worlds, and to the final perfection and residence of the blessed in the Isipabbhārå pudhavi, Dr. Ernst Leumann has given a detailed account of its contents in the introduction to his edition of the text ("the aupapātikasūtra," Leipzig., 1883), accompanied by an excellent glossary.
.
Among the interesting facts contained in the middle part of the work, the following is of especial importance. In 76 there is an enumeration of alien sects, [379) parivvāyā, viz., the Sarkhā Jogi Kävilā676 Bhiucca677 haṁsā678 paramaharsa bahuudagā kulivvaya679 Kanhapariyvāyā680. In immediate connection with this is an enumera
675 cf. chedasutra, 4.10. 676 Kapilo devatā yeşañ, Sākhyā eva nirīśvarāḥ. 677 Bhrigur loke prasiddha îșiviseșas, tasyai 'va fişyah Bhargavah (!). 678 In reference to the following names see Wilson Sel. works 1,231 (ed. Rost). 679 kuțīvratah ; kuțicara in Wilson, also in the Arunik op. Ind, Stud. 2,179. 680 Nārāyanabhaktika iti kecit.

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tion of the 8 representatives of each class 681 from the Brāhmaṇa caste; tattha khalu ime atha mähanaparivvāyā bhavanti Kanne882 ya Karakarțe ya Ambade ya Paräsare|Kanhe Dīvāyaṇe ceva Devagutte ya Nārahe6837], and from the warrior caste : tattha khalu ime atpha khattiyapariyvāyā bhavaṁti, taṁ Silai Masihäre684 Naggai Bhaggai Tiya (Tikā ?) Videhe rāyā Rāme Bale 'ti ya. After this follows an enumeration of the works of Brabmanical literature which is identical in every particular with that in the fifth anga685. See above p. 304.
The sage Ambada, 686 who is enumerated among the 8 mähaņaparivāyās, must have played no unimportant role in the opinion of his Jain colleagues or enemies, either at the time of the composition of this upārga or at that of those who interpolated the statements in reference to bim. There have been inserted two detailed legends concerning him, the first of which deals especially with his (380) scholars,687 the second with himself, with his second birth in the person of the boy Dadhapainna, and with his final perfection. Here occurs an enumeration of the ($107), 72 kalas, which are in fact essentially the same as those in anga 3, and ($ 105) of the foreign peoples from whom the female attendants of the boy (as in anga 6) came. These names are in general identical with those enumerated in angas 5 and 6, and are also mentioned in a previous passage ( 53) where the maid-servants of the queen are treated of. The list is as follows - bahūhim khujjahim Ciläihim vāmaņihiṁ vadabhīhiṁ Babbarihiṁ Paü siyahiṁ (baiio) Joniyāhiń Palhaviyahiṁ Isiniyāhis Cāruiniyāhim (Varu Thāru) Lāsiyāhim Laü siyahiṁ Damilihim Simhalihim Ārabihiń Pullmdihim Pakkanihiń Bahalihim Marurdihiṁ Sabarihim Pārasihim nānādesihir. For v. 1. see Leumạnn, p. 60.
The 18 desībhāşas688 unfortunately are merely mentioned here
681 Kamiță (Kamdv-a ?) Kanne refers, it is true, to kanva as Leumann affirms in his
glossary) dayah şodaśa parivrājakah lokato' vaseyāḥ. 682 Kanhe var. 1. 683 These Jains, possessed by the desire of changing everything, have not allowed even
the name of the old Nārada to remain unaltered. Some MSS. have even Närabhe. 684 var. Masino, Masam", Masaho, also "häre. The Maşņāra name of a country in
the Ait. Br. may perhaps be compared. 685 sadamgavi is here too explained by: şadamgavidaḥ and satthitamtavisäraā by :
Kapiliyatamtrapamạitāḥ. *686 Also Ammada, Ammattha,- This name must be derived from Amrata, short form
of Amrabhata.-L. 687 Who once wandered jefthämulamāsammi along the Gangā from Kampillapura to
Purimatälan nagaram. The name of the month is explained as follows: jyestha
mulam va (1) nak satram paurnamāsyam yatra syāt sa jyesthamulo mäsah, jyalsthah. 688 See below pp. 399,400 for the 18 different methods of writing.

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($ 109) and not enumerated by name. We might readily conjecture that the 18 foreign peoples, just mentioned, were here referred to, though the expression desi is not in harmony with such an assumption. For the expression desibhāsāvisärae, which we meet with here, we find a fuller form in anga 6 (cf. above, p. 313) atthārasavihipagāradesībhāsāvisārae. Dr. Leumann has had the kindness to inform me that the commentary has at least the appearance of referring this to the 18 modifications of one desībhāsā and not to 18 special languages; astādaśa vidhi prakārāḥ [381] pravrttiprakārāḥ uştādaśabhir vă vidhibhir bhedaiḥ pracāraḥ pravșttir yasyāḥ sä, tathā tasyāṁ desibhāṣāyām sabhedena varņāvalirūpāyās visāradaḥ panditaḥ. By the annaütthiya (S$ 26,99) of the text, i. e. according to the scholia anyayüthika (see p. 299), which are opposed to the niggantha pāvayaņa (§ 16) of the genuine doctrine of the Jains, we are to understand the sakyadayaḥ. By the ceiyas ($ 99) we must understand the arhaccaityāni jinapratimāḥ, and by the äjiviyas ($ 120) the adherents of Gośāla.689 The seven pavāyananinhagas ( 122) i, e, representatives of the seven schisms, which, to use the expression of Abhayadeva, Jināgamań nihnūyate (! nihnuvate ?) apalapaṁti ca, are enumerated one by one in the text. They are as follows:- bahuraya, jivapadesiyā, avvattiyā sāmuccheiya, dokiriya, teräsiya (see p. 351), abaddhiyā (avvatthiya var. 1.). Abhayadeva characterizes them according to their order as Jamālimatānusārinaḥ, Tisyaguptācāryamatāvisamvădinaḥ, Āsādhācāryaśisyamatāṁtapāhtinaḥ, Puspa ( sya ) mitramatanusarinah,690 Gargācāryamatānuvartinah; Rohagupta691 matanusariņah, Gostha-mähila-matāvalambinaḥ; on this see p. 275. on anga 3, p. 355-6 on pūrvas 7-9 and below my remarks on Āvasy. Nijj..8, Uttarajjh. 3,9.
(382] There is a commentary by Abhayadeva, a vārttikam or avacūri by Parśvacandra. In reference to the difference of the constituent parts which were united to form this uvargam, the reader is referred to Leumann, p. 20, who has made some pertinent remarks upon the subject.
*689 On this point cf. the interesting statements in Nemicandra's pravacanasäroddhara,
$ 94, v. 739-41. Leumann tells me that these statements are found earlier, viz., in Silänka on anga 1, 2.2 and in Abhayadeva on anga 3,2. They are as follows: niggantha-Sakka-tavasa-geruya (gairukāh)-ājiva pañcahā samanā Il tammiya niggathā te je Jinasasanabhavă muniños/Sakkā ya Sugayasissä, je jadila te u tavasā giya Ije dhāurattavatthā tidaṁdino geruyā te u II je Gosalaga-mayam anusaranti bhannamti te u ajivā / samanattena bhuvane pamca vi parta pasiddhim imell Here then all the five kinds of śramaņas are represented as possessing equal authority ; gerua is doubtless for gairikās ruddles,” according to their dhaurattavattha, cf. Bhag. 1,255,273, where, "metals and jewels,” is an error. The first line of the
above quotation (niggo......samanā is drawn from Nisithabhasya XIll163-L, 690 Or Asvamitra ; on Puşyamitra, see pp. 348,356. 691 Or Chalua.

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XIV. The second upāngam, rāyapaseņaiyyaṁ, which is always translated by rājapraśniyam. This is perhaps to be explained as a complete misunderstanding of the Prakrit title by which this text is always cited in those passages from the hand of the redactor which refer to our text in the angas, etc. For paseņaiyyam cannot properly be praśniya, since the latter words rather pre-supposes a Prakrit form panhiyam. Pasenaiyyam seems, according to the conclusion at which I arrived ad Bhag. 1,382, to refer to the name of king Prasenajit who is well-known in the legends of the Jains.692 There is, however, one important objection to this conclusion, - there is no mention of this king in our text, which mentions a king Paesi but no Pasenai. In as much as the authenticity of the form of the name paseņaiyyam cannot be gainsaid,693 there remains but one possibility open : that the original title of the text has been preserved and either the name of Paesi has been substituted for that of Paseņai694 (see p. 384) in the text, or there has been substituted an entirely different text for the whole of the old one. [383] Though the latter conjecture savours of boldness, we are not without analogous examples as we have seen in the case of angas 8-10. Our first means of explanation appeals much more to our sympathy, especially as we have a perfect parallel in a later legend. We possess two recensions of the Samyaktva-kaumūdikathā, in the first of which the scene is laid at the time of "Sreņika, son of Prasenajit", in whose place Uditodaya, son of Padmodbhava appears in the second. This is, however, brought about in such fashion that Śreņika is referred to in a two-fold introduction. The legend in question appears to be old and to antedate the two existing recensions of the Samyaktva-kaumudikathā.
The Sanskrit translation of the title Rāyapaseņaiyyam by rājapraśniyam is very far from being in harmony with the contents of the work. The burden of the very smallest portion of its extent is in our text the questions of a king. The questions play here no greater role than in any other of the legends similar to this in which a king requests instruction. The irreconcilability of this Sanskrit title with the content of the work itself makes co ipso for the conclusion that the title is nothing but a mere makeshift to conceal the original contents.
It is, therefore, of no little significance that a beautiful conjecture
692 See e. g. anga 8, p. 320. 693 In Nandi, Pāksikas, and Avi. the name is rayapa (ppa) seniya ; Svi, and V. have
senaiya; the passages in the texts showing the hand of the redactor always have
the form osenaiyya. 691 Leumann is of the opinion (Aupap. p. 2) that the name Rāyapasenaiyya arose by
“connection with Rājā Prasenajit by a popular etymology. It seems to me, however, that Rayapasenaiyya is the prius and rājapraśniyam the posterius.

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elaborated into an investigation by Dr. Leumann has shewn that one of the Pali texts of the Buddhistic Tipițaka viz, the Pāyasi-suttam (Dighanikāya 1,22),- is especially closely connected [384] with that part of our upanga which treats of king Paesi. It is apparent, then, that we must assume either a common foundation for both or the use of a special Buddhistic work as a ground-work. That the original text of the Rayapaseņaiyyam might easily have suffered a transformation, is indicated by the irreconcilability of this title with the Sanskrit translation and with the contents. Thus the old name Prasenajit gave place to that of our text Paesi (Payāsi in Pali).
It is noteworthy that at the conclusion of the work there is an exclamation of reverence addressed to the Jinas, to the suyadevayā (śruta) bhagavai, to the pannatti bhagavai, and to the bhagavat arahat Pāsa. Joined to this exclamation are some very corrupt words, which are perhaps to be restored as follows, 695 Passasuyassa vānie. It is at least certain that Påsa, and not Mabăvira, is glorified in this paragraph. Could this not be a residuum of the original text, which had a right to the title rāya paseņaiyya and which perhaps treated of the relations of King Prasenajit and Påsa ? Pasa, it should be noticed, appears as a teacher in up. 10, 11. The seer glorified in our present text is at least called Pasāvacciyya, i, e, scholar of Pāsa ; and appears in a recital put in the mouth of Mahāvira as the teacher of king Paesi. In the other legends, in which [385] any such Pasāvacciyyas occur, they are invariably characterized as converts to the teachers of Mahavira. See above p. 300. Malayagiri attempts to find this reference to the Påsavacciyyas a special proof of the connection of upānga 2 with anga 2, which, he maintains, treats of the views of the foreign pasaņdas.
We were for some time left in doubt whether the references in the angas to the Rayapaseņaiyyam were in reality all contained in the Rayapaseņaiyyam (cf. Jacobi Kalpas. p. 107); but Leumann has shown that this doubt is without foundation. See above, p. 299. But, granted the actual occurrence of all these citations, this fact only makes for the conclusion, that, at the period of these remarks by the redactor, the substitution, which I assume, was already a fait accompli. Nor does this exclude the assumption that our text originally possessed a content that was really in harmony with its title.
695 ( namo bhagavao) arahao, Pasassa. passe supasse, passavāni namo e A, arahanto
passe supasse passavante namo E, arahanto passe supassa vārie namo E, arahanto passe suyassa vänie namo G.

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The subject of the largest portion (almost two-thirds) of the exis. ting text, which after the paṁcanamukkāra begins with the customary legendary introduction tenam kāleņam, is as follows:- The god Sūriyabha, who has his throne in the Sohammakappa, makes a pilgrimage with a numerous retinue to Amalakappa, the city of king Sea (Sveta) in order to offer his reverence to Mahavira (who is abiding in that city), especially by means of music, dancing and singing.696 Furthermore, the information is treated of which, in long spun-out details, is imparted in reference to Suriyābha, his synonymous vimāna and all his splendour, by Mahavira to Goyama (Imdabhati) who questions him on these points. [386] The discussion of the subject consists in reality of a mere heaping together of compounds; and the sentences often extend over several pages. It is idle to talk of this as style, since it exceeds even the widely extended license which is customary in these sacred texts. We recall Bāņa's Kādambari in this connection, though the latter possess a wealth of poetic thoughts and images which elevates it above this dreary and insipid hodge-podge. We have, however, the right to propound the question whether there may not be a genetic connection between works like the Kādambari and this species of Jain literature, since at least the confused style of the Indian novel may have been influenced by Jain legends of this sort.697
On page 205 of the edition698 (of the text of 296 pages printed in India), Mahăvira finally comes to the point and informs us how Suriyabha reached this glory of his, and of his first birth as king Paesi (Pradesi) in Seyaviya. The latter sent his charioteer Citta [387] with presents to his vassal. Jiyasattu at Săvatthi in the land of Kuņāla.699. At that place Citta heard the sermon of the “Pāsāvaccijje Kesī nāmam kumare, 700 and was so much edified thereby that after his return home
696 32 nattavihi, 4 väitta, 4 geya, again 4 naffavihi and 4 natļābhinaya are given here
in great detail. The commentator, Malayagiri, however, offers scarcely any ex
planation on this point, 697 It is certain that Indian fables are greatly under the influence of the simple jātaka
tales of the Buddhists. Likewise, the modern stories as Sinhasanadyātrinsikä etc. are without doubt influenced by the kathānakas which were gradually cultivated more and more by the Jains. It is noteworthy, that in Bāpa as in the Dasakumara, the style of which is much better than that of Bana, the same persons are frequently born thrice. This three-fold birth is the special delight of the Jain legends. Our text, in this very place, affords an example of this fact. Cf. the verse quoted. Ind. Stud. 16. page 156 from the Anuvogadv. in reference to the abbhu
arasa. . 698 This quarto edition contains the commentary of Malayagiri and a gloss in Bhāsa.
The text gives the year Samvat 1732 (!) the gloss 2732 (!). Itāvägramma is men
tioned in the latter as being the scene of the events narrated. 699 Reference to this point is found in upānga 8. 700 See Uttarajih. Chap. 23. See the statements of Dharmaghoşa in his Kupaksaka

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he induced his master Paesi to let him drive him to the sanctuary, where Kesi happened to be preaching at that very time. Citta brought about that conversation between Paesi and Kesi to which the translation of the name Rayapasenaiyyam by Rajapraśniyam refers. This conversation, which starts with the question in reference to the relation of the jiva to the śartra, reaches in the printed text from page 242 to page 279 and contains, therefore, about an eighth part of the whole. In reality, however, there is more than an eighth, since the beginning contains a good deal of commentary.
With the relation of the former birth of Sariyābha as Paesi, Mahavira connects his prophecy in reference to his future birth as Dadhapainna. This prophecy is in all essentials completely identical (though somewhat more detailed) with that form of the history of this person, which we met with in up. I and in up. 8 (cf. also Bhag. 11,11)701. We have then discovered here a fact that is likely to cast a somewhat suspicious light upon the history of the text of up. 2. The enumeration of the 72 kalās (p. 290) varies here but inconsiderably; and Malayagiri does not help us by giving any explanation of the names. The enumeration of the foreign peoples is in essential agreement with Bhag. 9,33 (above p. 302), with the single exception [388] that here, too, the Caüsiyā (Vau, Paio) and the Joniya have been included in the list. There are, however, some few variations in the names and in the order of their succession. See Leumann, Aup. p. 60. On page 52 cinapitharäsi is adduced among the redstuffs, and likewise in up. 3 ; cf. cinapațţa in anga 10, p. 333.
The commentary of Malayagiri dates, according to Aufrecht, Catalogus, p. 396b, from the year (Vira ?) 1772 ; according to Leumann this is merely the date of the țabā based upon Malayagiri.
XV. The third upāngam, jivābhigamasūtram, - instruction, in dialogue form, of Goyama (Imdabhuti) in reference to the different forms and groups of animated nature. This instruction is not placed in the mouth of Mahavira, but in that of a person who is not designated. The introduction is composed without any legendary ballast, and reads as
usikāditya (1,7), in my treatise on this subject page 22, Journal of the Berlin Acad. of Sciences 1882, p. 812, in reference to modern descendants of this Kesikumāra,
who themselves claim this title until the end of the XVI century. 701 s. Leumann, Aup, p. 75 fg.

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follows :- Iha?02 khalu Jiņamayam Jiņāņumayaṁ Jiņānulomaṁ Jiņappaņītaṁ Jinaparūviyam Jiņakkhāyam Jiņānucinnaṁ Jiņapannattaṁ Jiņadesiyam Jiņapasatthaṁ aņuvītīyam (?) taṁ saddahamāna taṁ pattiyamānā taṁ roemāņā therā bhagavaṁto Jivājivābhigamaṁ nāma 'jjhayanaṁ pannavaimsu. In up. 10 these therā bhgavarto are adduced by Mahāvira himself. cf. chedasūtra 4. The introduction then proceeds to give, in response to the question se kim tam jivabhigame ? a species of division of the entire work. No smaller sections, except some, 703 are marked off in the text. [389] The various views of those704 are here enumerated?05 who characterize the jīva either as duviha (to 17a of the MS.-ms. or fol. 1081 --consisting of 212 leaves) or as follows, -as tivi ha (to 34a), as caüvviha (to 184a ; this is the chief part, almost 3 of the whole, 706) as paṁcaviha (to 186a), as chavviha (to 193a), sattaviha (to 193b), atthao (to 195a), navao (to 195b), and dasaviha (to 197b). Then the same padivatti, follow in the same order, but according to another guiding principle. Within this system there are innumerable groups, species and sub-species of each of the jīvas according to their properties and relations. The contents is remarkably dry and offers but little of genuine interest. Very frequent are the references to the fourth upanga, which is quite similar to it in contents and form. At present it is impossible to decide which text has the better claim to priority. Many single verses and sometimes whole series of gäthäs, or karika-like verses are inserted.
The section which treats of the divas (and samuddas) (i.e. 89b to 167a) appears at the date of anga 3 and of the Nandi707 to have had a separate existence under the name divāsāgarapannatti which is mentioned twice in anga 3. See p. 268. This section unfortunately contains almost nothing of real geographical value [390] and nothing but fan. tastic conceptions concerning mythology. This holds good in reference to the astronomical (if we may use the expression) remarks concerning the different numbers (!) of the suns, moons and stars in each of the dvipas, which appear to harmonize completely with the statements of the fifth (or seventh) upānga. See Ind. Stud. 10, 283. The 28 naksatras
702 This is preceded by a reverential exclamation namo Usabhadi yānañ cauvvisãe . titthagarānam, an unusual form, which appears to belong to the text itself and
not to emanate from the copyists. 703 In the MS. chiefly used by me the conclusion of an uddesa is given three times 704 ege evam āhansu. 705 In nine groups (padivatti, Vidhiprapā), introduced in a way that is quite identical
in each separate case. 706 We find treated here the division into neraiya to 52b , tirikkhajoniya to 596,
maņussa to 74b, deva to 183a. and then a few further remarks to 184a. 707 In the Vidhiprapa there is a saragrahari on it cited among the painnayas.
M

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consequently begin with Abhijit and not with Kfttika. There are no legends whatsoever. Dr. Leumann sends me the following detailed statement of the contents of this upāngam :
I. Introduction ; II. Two-fold division of creatures : 1-10 thāvarā, 1-5. pudhavikkäiya egiñdiyā, 6-7. aukkāiyā eg., 8-10. vaņassaikkāiya eg., 11-26 tasā, 11. teukkāiya eg, 12. vāukkāiyā eg., 13. beimdiyā, 14. teimdiyā, 15. caürimdiyā, 16-26, pamcimdiyā, 16. neraiya, 17-20. sammucchima tirikkhajoniyā, 21-24. gabbhavakkaṁti yatir, 25. maņussa, 26. devā, 27. tasa and thāvarā (in general); III. Three-fold division of creatures: 1-6. itthiyão, 7-12. purisa, 13-18. napusagā, 19-26. the three together and among themselves; IV. Four-fold division of creatures. A geographical text is inserted called the divasamudda. 1. padhamo neraiya-uddeso, 2. bitiyaneraiya uddesao, 3. tāio nāraya-uddesao, 4. tirikkhajoniya-padh. udd. 5. tirikkh. udd. bio., 6. maņussā, 7. 31-33. devā. 8-28. divasamuddā. 8-16 the Jambudiva, the inmost part of the world, of circular form. 8. Description of the above, in general the same as that of Sūriyabhavimāņa in Rajapr. 9. the gate of the east, Vijaya dāra. 10. The residence rāyahāņi of the god Vijaya who rules there. 11. [391] The walk of reverence of Vijaya within his vimana, 12. The duration of the existence of Vijaya, 13. The gates of the three remaining regions of the world : Vejayamta dāra, Jayamta dāra and Aparaiya dara, and the distance of the dāras from each other. 14. Jambuddīva as bounded by the Lavana sea which surrounds it on all sides like a ring, 15. Explanation of the name Jambuddiva, 16. Number of the constellations moving over Jamb., 17. The Lavaņa sea, the first ocean surrounding Jambuddiva like a ring ; the description here corresponds to that of Jamb, and from this point on is in the same strain, 18. The Canda-diva and Suradiva of the different parts of the earth and oceans 19. Appendix to 17 : Ebb and flow etc., 20. The second part of the globe, Dhāyaisaņda, that in circular form is contiguous to the Lavana sea ; then the second ocean Kaloda which, in the form of a ring, is adjacent to Dhāy.; and finally the third part of the globe. Pukkharavara, contiguous to Kaloda, 21. The Samaya or Maņussa Khetta, consisting of the above mentioned two first parts of the globe. and the first two oceans together with the inner half of the ring of the third part of the globe, which is separated from the outer half by the circular mountain, Maņussuttara. 22. The following parts of the globe and oceans which are connected with one another as rings : Pukkharoda, Värunavara diva, Våruņoda, Khiravara diva, Khiroda, Ghatavara diva, Ghatoda, Khodavara diva, Khododa. 23. The following world-ring, Nandisaravara diva. 24. The following oceans and world-rings ; Nandi

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saroda, Aruņa diva, etc., to Hāravarobbāsoda. 25. The remaining oceans and world-rings up to Sayambhüramaņa diva and Sayambhuramanoda. 26. The names of all these parts of the globe and oceans, 27. The (392) waters and aquatic animals of the different oceans. 28 In re. ference to the divasamudda in general (nāmadhejja, uddhārasamaya, parinäma and uvavāya). 29. 30. A brief insertion, perhaps an appendix to the divasamudda. 29. About pariņāma 30. Concerning the ability of gods to catch an object that has been thrown, to split a hair ? gadhittae), to lengthen or to shorten one, 31-33 devă continuation ; (see 7), 31. joisa-uddesao. 32. pad hamo Vemāņiya-udd. 33 bio Vemāniyaudd.708 34. Final collective statements (duration of existence, etc.) in reference to the four divisions of creatures. V.-X. Five-fold to the ten-fold division of creatures. XI, Introduction to the following analogous divisions of all creatures. XII.-XX Two-fold to ten-fold division of all creatures.
XVI. The fourth upāngaṁ, pannavana (prajñāpanā) bhagavai, likewise treats of the different forms, conditions of life, etc., of the jiva.709 It is divided into 36 payas, (padas), of which several (15,17,23,38) consist of from two to six uddeśakas. According to the fourth of the nine verses of the introduction, it is the work of Ayya Sama (Ārya Syāma, also Syämärya), who at the same time is called the "twenty-third dhirapurisa" i, e, after Vira (after Sudharmasvamin, according to Malayagiri. [393] This statement causes no little difficulty. According to Klatt, Ll. p. 247" and 251 (9,23) and in the Journal of the German Oriental Society 33,479 the modern Jain lists of teachers place, with some few difference, 710 Syāma in the fourth century after Vira ; but the "twentythird successor of Vira is placed by one list immediately before Devarddhigaņi, 980 after Vira., and is regarded by the other as contemporaneous with the destruction of Valabhi (Valabhibhanga), 845 after Vira. The Gurvāvali of the Tapāgaccha expressly enumerates Śyāmărya as a contemporary of the ninth patriarch ; and in both of the old Therāvalis of the Nandi (or Āvaś yaka) and of Merutunga he is enumerated as the
708 This concluding title, says Leumann, is incorrectly placed after Chapter 34 instead
of after 33 in the Berlin MSS and in those of Prof. Monier Williams. 709 Cf. in the Schol. on the Nandi : jīvādināṁ padarthânāṁ prajñāpanāṁ yatra sā
prajñāpanā, sai 'va vyhattarā mahāprajñāpanā. Two texts of this name are referred to there, a simple panno and a mahāpanno. The latter is adduced as the sixth upangam by Kashinath Kunte (p. 227) p. 5 and p. 7, who calls it, however, . "Obso
lete and extinct". He does not mention the candapannatti. 710 The Patt (āvali of Kharataragaccha) dates his birth 376 (or 386) after Vira ; in
the same year the Gurv (avali of Tapāgaccha) assumes his death to have occurred. He was also called Kalaka and was one of the three celebrated teachers of this name. See Jacobi, Journ. Germ. Orient, Soc. 34,251 ff.

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13th (not the 23rd) successor of Vira. This apparent contradiction is done away with by the explanation of Bhau Dāji, referred to p. 217", according to which the eleven gañadharas of Vīra are regarded as being included in the designation of Syāma as "23rd” successor. This method of including the gañadharas has however not been traced elsewhere.
The text begins with the parcanamukkāra, followed by the following glorification ; eso pascanamukkāro savvapāvapaņāsaņo/maṁgalānam ca savvesiṁ padhamaṁ hoi maṁngalams. This glorification is to be ascribed to the last daśapūrvin, śri Vajra (584 Vira) according to modern tradition. See Kup. 811 (21) on this point also the same passage in reference to the question whether in the last pada we must read hot or - havai,711 about which there is fierce contention among the Jain theologians.
(394] Then follows712 in nine verses the real introduction of which Jacobi (Journ. Germ. Orient. Soc. 34,231) says it is manifestly the production of Devarddhigaņin, the redactor of the Siddhānta." The first verse praises Mahāvira ; the second characterizes the pannavaņā savvabhāvānam as uvadaṁsiya by him (bhagavayā); the third and fourth pay reverence to that saint, Ajja Säma, the 23rd dhirapurisa," whose wisdom, perfected by listening to the pūrvas, gave to his scholars this śruta-jewel after he had brought it up from the. śruta-sea : vāyagavarayamsão tevisatimeņa dhirapuriseņa/duddharadhareņa718 muņinā puvva-suyasamiddhabuddhie 14/3// suyasāyarā vineūna jena suyarayanam uttama dinnaṁ sisaganassa, bhagavato tassa namo Ajja Sämassal/4/1.
In verse 5 an "I" promises to describe (or proclaim) the work in the same way as the 'bhagavant' has described it'; and the work is characterised as "dripping with drsțivada" : ajjhayaņam inam cittar suyarayanaṁn ditļhivāyanisaṁdam"15/jaha vanniyam bhagavayā aham avi taha vannaissāmi.15| It is, of course, clear716 that some one else than the previous speaker is to be understood by this "I"; and Jacobi's (395)
711 Thus in the beginning of the Kalpasūtra, see Jacobi, p. 33, and Avasy. 9,132. 712 The preceding is omitted by Malayagiri, whose commentary begins here. 713 Jacobi translates "undergoing a severe test". I propose "holding that (in his
head) which is difficult of retention"; cf. the use of dhārae p. 304n (Bhag. 2,245n). 7!4 buddhiņam var. 1., construed by Jacobi with vāyagavara, as if we had ovaranam. 715 dvādaśasya 'ngas ya nisyamdam iva. The expression di nisamdar recurs in the words
"aggeniya-puvvanissanda" at the end of the siddhapāhuda. See above, page 355. 716 Malayagiri refers bhagavaya" to Mahavira and not to Ayya Sama as the one who
in the text carries on the dialogue with Goyama. According to his conception then the work of Ayya Sāma begins with this verse; and this is probably correct.

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conjecture, mentioned above, must be referred and indeed limited to v. 1-4 alone in so far as these verses appear as a prelude of secondary origin. In the four verses which then follow are contained titles of the 36 sections :
1. Pannavanā, 2. thănăim, 3. bahuvattavvar, 4. țhii, 5. visesā yal 6. vukkaṁti, 7. ussāso, 8. sannā,717 9. joni ya, 10. carimaiṁ/61, 11. bhāsā, 12. sarira, 13 pariņāma, 14. kasae, 15. 'rdiya, 16. (- is wanting) ppaoge ya/ 17. lesā, 18. kāyatthil ya, 19 sammatte (samyaktva), 20. amtakiriyā ya[/71), 21. ugähaņāsamthāne, 718 22. kiriyā, 23. kamme i yāvare (?), 24. kammassa bardhae, 25. vedassa bardhae, 26. kammassa vedae,719 27. veyaveyael/8/7,720 28. ahäre, 29. uvaoge, 30. pasanayà (darśanatā), 31. sanni721 (samjnin), 32. samjame ceva/33. ohi (avadhi), 34. paviyāranā722 (read 'rana ya), 35. veyaņā (vedanā), 36. tatto samugghäe|19||.
Then comes the text kat' e'foxn'y which begins with the questions se kis tam ajivapannavaņā ? It consists furthermore of the questions of Go(yama) and the answers probably of Mahāvira, though it is uncertain whether Mahāvira be'meant or not, since there is absolutely no addition of a legendary colouring. These questions and answers are couched in the style and manner of the dialogues in the Bhagavati, and though there is here a connecting thread (which we do not find in the Bhagavati', every padam forming a connected whole, nevertheless, there is, as a rule, (396] no genetic succession of the padas, despite the fact that Malayagiri makes every effort at the beginning of every padam to restore's the connection with what has gone before. Many gāhās are found in the middle of the text, and many of the padas begin with a short statement of contents clothed in gāthā form- dāragāhā (dväragătha). There are no legends whatsoever. The "contents" is as dreary as that (cf. above p. 389) of the third uvařga which is closely connected with it, is dogmatic, speculative or even fantastic, and contains but little of general interest. There is much, however, that is important in the first book in the section on Man, who is divided into two classes : milikkha and äriya. First there is an enumeration of 53 Mleccha peoples, secondly an enumeration of 251) Aryan peoples with their
717 ahārāi dasasaññāpayam, Vidhiprapā (V). 718 agāhaņāpayan V. 719 25 and 26 are transposed in BCV ; in V we read kammaveyagapayam 25, veyaga.
bandhagapayan 26, veyagapayam 27. 720 The metre is faulty in v. 8. 721 manovinnānasannā payam 31 V. 722 paviyar anāpayan 34 V. 723 Malayagiri claims in the beginning of his discussion of the subject that there is a
special connection between this upanga and anga 4.

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chief cities, and lastly an enumeration of 18 manners of writing. All this possesses some chronological value which would be more apparent if the names had not been so corruptly handed down to us. Malaygiri offers us no assistance in the case of the first and third enumeration.
In the list of the Milikkhas (Milakkhas) the names are frequently the same as those cited, p. 332 from anga 10, and are arranged in the same order of succession. Various differences of detail are, however, not wanting, and in fact the names here make a less favourable impression upon us and seem to be of less antiquity724. They are :725 Saga [397] Javana. Cilāya Savara Pappara (Babbara BC) Kaya (only ya BC) Muruído 'dda (ddha C) Bhadaga. Ninnaga Pakkaniya Kulakkha Korda726 (Goṁda C) Sihara (Sihala) Pārasa Godhova (Gadhodařba B, Gadhai C) Damila Vilala (Villana B) (Cillala C) Pulimda Härosä Doṁva (Tova B, Doca C) Botthakāna (Vokkāna BC) Gardhahärava (Charaga B) Pahaliliya (Bahayaliya B, Pahaliya C) Ayyala Rāma Pāsa Paüsă Nalaya (Navaya C) ya Bardhuyā ya Suyali korkana gă Meya (Mopamya B) Palhava Mālava Maggari (ora BC) Abhāsiyā Nakvavīņā (Kaņavira B) Lhasiya (Lhā° B) Khagga (Kkhasa B) Ghasija (Khāsiya B) Noha (Nedū B, Naddu C) Ramadha2? ('tha B) Dombilaga (Do°C) Lausa (osa C) Paosa Kvokvatā (! Kakkveyā B, Kakveya C) Arakāga (Aravaga BC) Hūņa Romaga Bharu Maruya Visalāpavāsi (Cilāyavisavāsi ya B, Vilāyavisayavāsi ya C) evamādi, se 'ttar Milakkha.
The äriyas are divided into nine groups, the first of which is formed by the Khettāriya, and is in gătha form. It is as foHows :
Rāyagiha Magaha, Campā Asgā taha, Tāmalitti Vamga ya/Kāṁcanapuram Kalimgā, Bānārasi (!) ceva Kāsi ya //
724 The Cina have disappeared or their name is concealed under that of another people
The name of the Arava has received another form - Aravāya--and its position has
been changed. 125 Malayagiri has merely: sakadeśanivāsinah Sakāh, Yavandeśanivāsino Yavanāḥ
evam sarvatra, navaram ami nānādeśā lokato vijñeyāḥ. The names are found partly in the thematic form and partly in the Nom. Plur.-In Nemicandra's pravacanasāroddkāra $ 274 v. 1594-7 we find 38 names, among which only 20 agree with those given here, and there are important variations. His enumeration de cked out in a modern dress is as follows:--Saga Javana Savara Vavvara Kaya (Kāyāh) Marundo 'dda (Murumdaḥ Udrāh) Goda Pakkanaya | Aravāga (Aukhäga c. Aksägāh !) Huna Romaya. Parasa Khasa Khasiya ceva // 94 // Duñvilaya Lausa (Lakuśāh) Bhokkasa Bhillimdha (Bhillā Andhrah) Pulinda Kumca Bha. mararuya (!! Bhramararucah) I Kovāya (Korpakah) Cina Camcuya (Cināḥ Cancukah) Malaya Damila (Dravidān) Kulagghā (Kulärghāh !) ya 119511 Kokaya Kiraya Hayamuha Kharamuha Gaya-Turaya-Mindhayamuha (Mindhakamukhāh) ya / Hayakanna Gayakannä anne vi anāriya bahave / 96/). It is of interest that
the name Aravāga has been completely misunderstood. 126 B. omits. 127 An acceptable reading instead of Marahattha (1) in anga 10.

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(398) Sdeya Kasala, Gayapuram ca Kuru, Soriyar Kusatthā (dda B.fd) ya 788/Kampillar Pamcālā, Ahicchatta Jaṁgalā ceva //
Bāraval Soratthā, Mihila Videh, ya, Vattha (ccha B) Kosambil Nandipuram Sardibbha (lla BC),729 Bhaddilapur am eva Malaya yall
Valradarso Vattha (ccha B), Varanā Atthā (cchā BC), taha Mattiyāvat Dasannd/Sorti yamai (vai C) ya Cedi, Viibhayam (Viyao) Simdhu-soviral|
Mahura ya Sūrasenā, Pāvā Gambhi (! Bhaṁgi BC) ya Māsapuri Vaddha (Vaita BC)/Savatthi ya Kunālā,. Kodivarisaṁ va ('sim ca B) Lāțā (dha C) ya//
Seyaviya vi.ya nayarı Keai-addhaṁ ca āriya bhaniyam pacc' (pacch €, icc B, erth' D-atra) uppatti fināņaṁ cakkīnam Rāma-Kanhānaṁ|.
These names represent a later stage than the 16 names in anga 56.304), but date back in all probability to a remote period. Pataliputra is omitted here but found in anga 11 (p. 337, 338). [399] It appears to be an an old reminiscence (or perhaps is a trace of the influence of the Ramayana) that one half of Kekaya is called Aryan. The other half is concealed under the name of the Kakveya (C, where anga 10 has Kokaya), cited among the Milakkhas. Bāņārasi is modern--cf. Bhag. 2,222—but is found in this form also in anga 5.
The second group of the āriyas, the jāti-āriyā, deserves also to be noted here : se kir tam jātiāriyā ? chavvihā pannattā, tam, Ambatha ya
728 Kusarthesu Sauriyam, Malayagiri. In Nemicandra who, 1.1, § 275 v. 1598-1603
quotes the above verses directly, the name is Kusaffä, or Kusajja ; in the scholiast
Saurikanagaram Kuśārtho desah. 729 $amdibhyo śamờilyo va deśaḥ, Nem. Schol. 730 Vatsesu Vairāfapuram (the Vatsa were already , mentioned once in conjunction
with Kosambi), Varanesu Acchapuri, Cedişu Sok tikāvati ; Vitabhayam Simdhusu Sauvireşu (1 by this separation of the Sauvira from the Sindhu the next three cities are displaced) Mathura (1), Surasenesu Pāpa (!), Bhangesu Masapurivaita (I by means of this compound the copyist hopes to,extricate him. sok from his dilemma) Kuņālesu Srāvasti, Latasu Kotivarsam, Svetambika (!) magert Kekayajanapadas ya 'rdham, etāvad ardhasadvinsat ijanapadāt makan Inetnam aryam bhanitar, Malaygiri.-Instead of the second Vaccha Nemicandra the the correct reading Maccha, instead of Varana he reads Varuna and explains as follows:-Varano nagaram Accha desah, anye tu Varune, Acchāpurity ahuh; for No. 23 he has Masapuri Vafti (Vaddha C), and in the schol. : vartio desah anye tu...... Vad haii at the end ; jarrk' uppatri.
R-9

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Kalimdā Videhā Vedamāīyā (gāiyā BC). Hariya Varcuña (Cando o ceva cha eya ibbhā jātito, se jātiāriy. What is the meaning of the Tast three names ?
The sixth group of the ariyās is formed by the bhäsäriya iwe find here again the enumeration of the 18 manners of writing, which we met with (p. 280) in anga 4, is, where, however, the form in which they were cited is not so correct as here. The names in this very interesting passage are as follows (together with the variants from ABC)---se kim tam bhāsāriyā ? je nam addha-Magahāe bhāsāe bhāsesti, jatthaya nam bambhi livi ("the sacred writing'') pavattai; bambhie nam livie atthärasavihalikkhavihane731 pannatte, tam, bambhi, Javanaliya Dāsäpuriya732 Kharotthi Pukkharasāriya733 Bhogavaiyā Pahārāiyau (Paha B Eha C) ya amtarakariyā (artakkharo B) akkharaputthiya734 venaiya786 ninhaiya akalivī736 gani tali vī737 gamdhavvalivi788 ayāsaliv7739 mahesarī740 Dāmili141. Polimdā748 se ttam bhāsāriya: Malayagiri has on this merely [400] brāhmi-Yavanāni (!)'ty ādayo lipibhedās tu sampradāyād avaseyāḥ. It is evident that here too we have to deal with an ancient enumeration, since we find five of these names among the 65 names of writing mentioned in Lalitavistara, Chap. 10, p. 143 fg. (ed. Rajendra - Lal Mitra, see also Foucaux, Transl. p. 123) These names are as follows, brāhmi (at the head in the Lalavist.), Kharosti,143 Puskarasār1,744 Dravi dalipi, gardharvalipi, and a few other names as ganänăvartalipi, antariksadevalipi, madhyaksaravistaralipi are not far removed from the
731 vihe leha (A, kha BC) vio4. 732 dasāürijā (üri BC) 4. 733 kharofthiya / kharasāhiyā 4. 734 in 4 in another order, pahäräiya (raio BC) uvvattariya akkharaputhiya bhoga
vaittă (ovayata BC). 735 venaniya BC in 4. 736 ankilavi A in 4, 737 4 is omitted. 738 4 then adds bhuyalivi. 739 adarnsalivi 4. 740 mehasaralivi A, māhesarilivi BC in 4. 741 damilivi livi A, dāsilalivi B, damilalivi C in 4. 742 volimda A, limdimlivi B, lidimlivi C in 4. 743 Is Kharostha who, according to Wassiljew, is called by the Chinese Buddhists the
first astronomer, honoured here under this neme? Schiesner long ago referred to the Kharosthi lipi of the Lalitavistara in this connection. Wassilijew attempts to find in Kharosti the name of a Xarustr mentioned in an Armenian chronicles who together with Zoroaster is said to have invented astronomy in Chaldaea. See
Ind. Streifen 3, 8, 9 or another conjecture on this subject. 744 The grammarian Pauskarasādi may be recalled in this connection.

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names enumerated here. The antiquity of these names becomes at once apparent if we compare them with similar enumerations of kinds of writing which comprise quite different names (though they hold fast to the number 18). In the Kalpāntarvācyani we find (on Kalpas. $ 209) the following peculiar verse in reference to acquiring a knowledge of writing through the help of Jina :
Leha lihivihānam jimena bambhii dihinakareņaṁ gaņiam samkhāņań surndarii vāmeņa uvaitham||, then an enumeration of the 72 kalas, which is followed by the following statements in reference to writing, the first of the 72; lekhanaṁ lipayaḥ 18, tad yathā : haṁsalipi bhūtalipi yaksao rāk sasa Uddi Yavani Turaski Kari (?) Drāvidl Saiṁdhavi Mālavi nadi nāgari Lāțe Pärast animittalipi. (icchāsamketadirūpā gloss) Canakkt Mauladevi. A second and more modern enumeration ibid. reads :[401] deśādiviseșād anyatha và 18 : Lādi Codi Dahalı Kanhadı Güjart Sorațhi Marahashi Kaurkaņi Khurasani (!) Sasi (?) Simhalı Hädi Kiri Hammiri (!) Paratiri Māgadhi Malavi Mahāyodhi In this enumeration the introduction is of especial interest, since it calls the addha-Magahā bhāsā, the language of the bambhi livi. -See p. 221.- No weight is to be laid upon the statement, which the text evidently intends to make, that all the 18 methods of writing mentioned above were brought into use for the bambhi livi.. This passage and that of the Lalitavistara must be regarded as of paramount importance for the history of Indian writing, though these accounts contain much that can be recognized as purely fictitious.
XVII. The fifth upāngam, süriyapannatti (süryaprajñapti) bhagavati, in 20 pähudas (prābhyta) of which 1 has eight, 2 three, and 10 twentytwo subdivisions called pāhudapāhuda. This strange name pähuda is found beside here only in the puvva contained in the ditthivāa. By the use of this word a special connection between the ditthivāa and this upanga is co ipso rendered probable.745 Cf. also the direct statement in the introduction to up. 7. In discussing anga 3 I have remarked (p. 269) that its mention of a sūrapannatti designated as anga-bahira had reference to this upanga, though it could not be regarded as certain that the present form of this upānga was thereby attested for that period. If it is doubtful whether the present form of this up. existed even at the date of Nandı (402) in which the sūrapannatti also is enumerated among the anamngapavitha texts ; but there are two other texts enumera
145 In up, 6-see p. 414-a division into vatthus is ascribed, as seems probable, to our
text. The name vatrhu at least recalls the purvas.

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ted together with (or immediately after) the sūrap., treating in all probability of the same subject, which are at present discussed in books 1 and 9 (see note 1, pages 406, 407). Perhaps the double mention of the sürap. in Āvasy. Nijj. 2,6 and 8 54, is to be referred still farther back, though it is still in dubio whether this mention refers to the present text or not. In the first of these passages, the author says of himself that, besides other texts, he desired to provide both the sūriapannatti and the isibhāsiya with a nijjutti. If tradition is correct, Bhadrabahusvāmin is to be regarded as the speaker; and Malayagiri in the commencement of his comm, on uv, 5 makes especial mention of a lost niryukti of Bhadr, on the fifth uvařga. In the second passage both of the texts just mentioned746 are adduced747 together with the kāliasuam (the 11 angas according to the schol.) and the digthivaa as the four anuyogas, i, e. objects of study. In this passage the istbh. occupy the second place, the sūrap. the third, the ditļhivāа the fourth The sūrap. occupies here manifestly a very important position. The importance of the work is in fact very great, as is apparent from the thorough-going report I have made concerning it in Ind. Stud. X. 254 316. In it we find the most remarkable statements concerning the astronomy of the Jains arranged in a systematic form of presentation. (403] Apart from these most peculiar lucubrations, this account is of especial interest inasmuch as it displays remarkable close affiliations with the Vedic calendar-text called Jyoti sam, with the Naksatrakalpa and the parisistas of the Atharva-Veda. The quinquennial yugam, sun and moon, and especially the 28 nakşatras, are placed in the foreground. The planets are known (Jupiter and Saturn with their periodic times), though they assert a very unimportant position and are not cited in the Greek order. There is no mention whatsoever of the zodiac. The 28 naksatras begin with Abhijit, and the yugam consequently begins with the summer and not with the winter solstice. The libido novandi of the Jains, which has intentionally changed almost entirely everything which they enjoyed in common with the Buddhists or Brāhmaṇs, is here very apparent. In reality, the Jains are but tolerably fitted out with intellec. tual gifts. In order to conceal and compensate for this lack of originality they seek to possess something that is their individual property, and to attain this end they do not hesitate to indulge in the wildest dreams of fancy. In the province of astronomy they have given full teins to their imagination. The polemical spirit, manifested especially in the sūrap. against other opinions (padivatti), proves that they are
745 isibhāsiyāim is explained by the schol. here by, uttaradhyayanādini : on 2, 6 by
devendrastavādini. See pages 239, 281, 429, 432, 442. 747 An imitation of this passage is the one quoted from sitāňka on p. 258.

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perfectly aware of the opposition between their own views and those generally accepted. The beginning of the naksatras with Abhijit as the sign of the summer solstice, [404) which Malayagiri presumably refers back to Padaliptasūri748 (1,1,286), pre-supposes Aśvini as the sign of the vernal equinox (1. c. pp. 304, 305). It is based, therefore, upon the rectification of the old Kfttikā series, which had already taken place, and which upon occasion (see 20.17) appears as the old traditional series. It is an open question whether Greek influence made itself felt in this rectification ; at any rate we have to deal here with an indigenous stage of Indian astronomy antecedent to the authoritative and preponderating influence of the Hellenes. It is probable, therefore, that the period opened up to us by these astronomical conceptions, is the period embracing the first few centuries of our era.
G. Thibaut, in two treatises on the Süryaprajñapti in the Journal As. Soc. Beng. 1880 pp. 107-127, 181-206, has collected some facts of especial interest in this connection, facts which make for the connection of the contents of the Süryapr. with the corresponding statements in the Tcheou Pey,' see Ed. Biot in the Journal Asiatique, 1841, pp. 592-639, the second part of which Biot holds to be not later than the second century A. D. Thibaut does not attempt any answer to the question whether or not there is here any historical connection. If such a connection be proved, the Chinese must be regarded as the borrowers, through the medium of Buddhism, with which Jainism was frequently confused by the Chinese. The opposite opinion appears entirely removed from the domain of possibility by the actual facts of the case. [405] The text has been handed down to us contaminated by many corruptions. The numerous gathas contained in it often appear with entirely uninflected noun-forms (used in the nominative or accusa. tive) in apabhramba fashion. The nom. sing. of the first declension mostly ends in o and not in e. The numerals appear in a form that is excessively curtailed. If all these are peccata ab origine, they are besides secondary corruptions of the text which are easily traceable. Several gāthās79 stood originally at the end of several $8 in Book 1; the MSS containing the express statements : attha..... gathān bhānitavvău, but the words of the gāthās have disappeared. Even Malayagiri is unable to restore them, since they were no longer extant when he wrote samprati kvā 'pi pustake na drśyamte, 1, c. p. 266n.
748 In the year Vira 437 according to the therāvali of the Kharatarag. see Klatt, p. 23. 749 1,3 states their number to be 140.

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The text begins with the legend (and in fact in the customary formula : tenaṁ kālenam) that Iṁdabhūti, at the time of king Jiyasattu in Mihilā, requested that he should be instructed (by Mahav.) in ......, and then follows in 15 gāthas750 a complete statement of the contents of the 20 or the 33 sub-divisions in books 1, 2, 10. The redaction is, therefore, the result of the activity of one individual. Books 10 and 15 close with the formula tti bemi, which we met with in the case of angas 1-3. Is it possible from this fact to conjecture [406] that originally they existed separately, before the author incorporated them in his work ?751 In 1, 3 there is a reference in the text to the Jambuddivapannatti which here in turn cites our text. I here reproduce from my treatise cited above a short statement of the contents.
Book 1 in 8 chapters, mamdalāi, the circles traversed annually by the sun,752 viz. :
1. vaddhāvaddhi muhuttanam, increase and decrease of the number
of hours for day and night.
in the
2. addhamamdalasamthii, the position (of the two
semicircle traversed by each daily...
3. ke te cinnaṁ pariyarai ? how does one sun traverse the space
traversed by the other ? and how great is this space ? . . 4. amtaraṁ kim caraṁti ? in what intervening space do the two . suns course ? 5. ogāhai kevaiyam ? how great a surface does each dip into
(illuminate)?
;
6. kevaiyaṁ vikampai ? how large a tract does each pass over
every day? 7. mamdalāņam saṁthāņe, the figures of the orbits described by
them. 8. vikkhambho, compass and extension of the revolutions of the
sun.
750 Sec. 1. c. pp. 261, 275, 285. 751 See the next note and note 1, page 407. 752 mandalappaveso is enumerated in the Nandi as a separate text. 753 See Colebrooke, Miscell. 2,223-4 in reference to the two suns of the Jains, etc.

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, Book II. in three chapters, tiriccha kim gacchai, how does the sun e şideways?, viz. :
[407] 1. Bight different antagonistic opinions in reference to the rising
and setting of the sun. *** 2. Of the passing of the sun from one circle to another, etc.
3. Of the speed of the sun's motion through each of its 184 circles.
Book III. obhāsai kevaiyam ? how much (space) is illuminated (by sun or moon) ?
Book IV. Of the seyā, svetatā, the luminous body and field of illumination of the sun and moon.
en Book V. Of the resistance which is met with by the light of the gun (20 different pratipattis).
Book'vi. Of the nature of the sun's light, and of the continuance of the power of its beams.
A Book VH. Who draws to himself (absorbs) the light of the sun ?
Book VIII. of the rising of the sun, or of both the suns, in Jambudvipa, and of the 4, 12, 42, 72 suns in the other dvipa. .
Book IX. of the amount of shade in the different seasons.764 See Ind. Stud, 10, 284. *** Book X. in 22 chap. (about of the whole). Of the connection of the moon with the nakșatras, viz. :
1. avaliya, the order of succession of 28 naksatras beginning with
Abhijit.
oils 2: muhuttagge, the number of hours for the connection of each of
the naks. with the moon or with the sun.
(408) 3. bhāgā, the parts of the day or night (or of the heavens) which
belong to each of the nakşatras.
754 porisimandalan is cited in Nandi as a separate text.

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4. jogasă, more exact statements in reference to the time of day
in which the nakşatras come into conjunction with the moon and the length of this conjunction.
5. kulaim, the family connections of the naks, with the months.
6. punnamäsi, the days of the full moon; how and with which
naksatra these end during each of the five years of yuga. 7. sani vāe, the mutual harmonious concatenation of the days of the
new and full moon.
8. saņțhii, figures of the nakş.
9. tāraggar, number of stars of the naks.
10. netā, leader, i.e. which nakş. lead which month ?. 11, cardamaggam, relation of the nakşatras to the 15 day-circles
of the moon. 12. devatāna ya ajjhayane, the tutelary divinities of the mak satras. 13. muhuttānam nămayai, the names of the 30 muhürtas. 14. divasarāt, the names of the 15 days and the 15 nights of the
karmamāsa, calendar month. 15. tiki, tithayaḥ, ditto of the lunar month, 16. gotta, the families of the naks,
17. bhoyaņāņi, the foods which are good during each of the naks.
That the naks. begin hero with Kfttiká (!), is due to the influence of the well-known material that is here treated of.
18. äiccacāra, course (of the naks.) with the sun or with the moon
during the yuga.
(M09J19. mäsä, names of the months of the world and thasd above the
world (lokottara, chiefly of climatic contanta). 20, parca sarnvaccharãi, the five years, viz. -
1. the nakşatra year with 12 periodic months of 32757 xvxon repa 2. the yuga year, lunar year of 3547wxonomepa

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3. the pamāņa (pra) year, of which there are five kinds. In
addition to the two just mentioned, the stu year (sāvana) of 360 voxon' lepa, the solar year of 366 wuxon' uepa and the lunar leap-year of 38344 voxon'uepa.
4. the laksana year, divided into the same five groups as above;
there are, however, in addition certain requisites or characteristics.
5. the year of Saturn (30 years), during which Saturn completes
his circuit through the 28 naks. 21. joisassa sayadāräim, the gates of the naksatras (in what quarter
of the heavens they bring good fortune). 22. nakkhattavijae (vicayah), transit of the sun and moon through
the 28 naks: .. Book XI. Of the beginning of the five lunar years belonging to the yuga.
Book XII. Of the five kinds of year, which were discussed in 10, 20 on pamānasamvatsara ; they receive a much fuller treatment here.
Book XIII. Of the waxing and waning of the moon. Book XIV, When is moonlight the brightest ?
Book XV. Of the rapidity of the five classes of constellations-sun, moon, planets, naks and tārā -- According to Leumann cf. also Jiva,
4, 31, 12.
(410) Book XVI. of the properties of moonlight.
Book XVII. Of the fall (passing away) and uwavāya (resurrection) of the gopii of the moon, sun, etc.
Book XVIII. of the height of the constellations above, and their distance from, the earth - cf. Jir. 4, 31, 3 (L).
Book XIX. Of the number of the suns, etc., in Jambūdvipa, otc.; cf. Jiv. 4, 16, 17, 7. 20, 5, 10, 15, 21 (L).
• Book XX. Of the nature and substance of the five classes of constellations.

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There is a commentary by Malayagiri. sXVIII. The sixth upangam, the Jambuddivapannatti..
We have seen (above p. 268) that in the third anga 4,1755 a work of this name was cited, if not as upanga, at least as angabähira, In that anga we find the same minute division of time which we meet with here; hence the existence of this upānga is assured even if its present form is different from that then in vogue. In our text upon a definite occasion there is a special reference to up. 5 and up. 7, each of which in turn cites our upanga. It is, therefore, probable that these works are synchronistic, supposing that the citations in this instance are not, as usually the case, the work of the redactor.
The legendary introduction to this upānga is wholly identical with that which commences (411] upangas 5 and 7,- upangas which are connected by a very close tie. This introduction is inserted between upāngas 5 and 7 in a very remarkable manner. Our up. is, however, different from these, in that, like angas 1-3, it concludes with the formula ti bemi, which, it must, however, be confessed, is found at the end at least of books 10, 15; see p. 405. ... .
There are no sub-divisions in the text itself, whence the Vidhiprapa calls it egasarā. The commentary, however, recognizes seven sections which it calls by the strange title of vaksaskära.758
The mythical geography of Jambuddiva, interfused with mapy legends, forms the contents of this upanga. The chief part of the whole -- concerns the description of the seven Vāsas (varsa) and af the six väsaharas (var şadhara). The description of Bharaha vasa which is placed in the fore-front comprises at least of the entire account. The legends of king Bharata, from whom it takes its name, claim a good half of the entire section. The detailed account of Bharaha vasa in the different gradations of the past and present in all 4), and in the future (in all 8), is preceded by a minute description of the divisions of time and extent; of which we have already (in anga 3) met the first, from avaliya to sisapaheliya (or to usappiņi)-see above, p. 268.- One
755 In 3, 1, however, only the titles of upangas, 7,5 (and the title of a part of up.
3) are mentioned. The title of our up. finds there no mention whatsoever. 756 This recurs e. g. in Hemaharsa's nyāyamanjusa.

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difference is, however, noticeable :-Here757 the increase is by hundreds after the millennium, [412] after 100,000 years by 84's (cairāsitiväsasayasahassaiṁ se ege puvvarge), and from this point on by 8,400,000 (caürasītipuvvaṁgasaya... sahassāim se ege puvve); in anga 3, however, we find no more exact statement in reference to the manner of the progression 768 (vāsakoại 'ti vä, puvvamgă ti vä, puvvá ti vä).
As the result of the above we may observe one divergence as regards up. 5, where in book VI. (see Ind. Stud. 10, 282), the word puvva occurred in the signification of a million years, and the increase from that point on (without any special mention of the names in question) simply passing by paliovama and sāgarovama, up to osappini, merely by 10's. .
The enumeration of the 72 kalās in a legend of Usabha is not mentioned in detail ; its beginning and end alone being mentioned. The women of the foreign peoples known to us from the Bhagavatisee p. 302-are enumerated as servants of king Bharaha :-Tate nan tassa Bharahassa ranno bahuo khuyya759 Cilāti-vämani-vadabhio-BabbariVaü siyão Joņiya-Palhaviyão, Isiniya-Thăruņiyā (Tharukiņiā, Cărubhaniya) Lasiya Laüsiya Damili Sihali taha Āravi Pulimdi ya Pakvani Vahali Marudi [413] (Mura", Muro') Savario Pärasio ya appigatiyāo cardanakalasahatthayayão....
According to the commentary, the first four vakşaskāras treat of the following subjects - The first, of the Bharatakşetra-svarūpath; the second, of its special relations during the 14 temporal divisions, Bharatakşetrasvarūpavarnanaprastāvanāgatavasarpiny-utsarpinidvayarūpa-kalacakravarnano nama; the third, of the legends concerning king Bharata, Bharatakşetrapravrttinimittävirbhāva Bharatacakricaritray.nāmd; the fourth, of the remaining 6 vāsas, or 6 vāsaharas,760 kşudra Himavadadi
náma : 1 naprastaw during the
.. 757 So also in the Anuyogadvārasutra, see Bhag. 1.427. See Ind. Stud. 13,168. Ind.
Streifen, 3,3, pañcadandachattrapr. p. 17 in reference to the customary use of the
number 84. 758 According to the scholiast, we must assume that the relations of modality in anga
3 are identical with those here -purvāni purvāmgāny eva caturasitivarşalaksaguni
tani ; purvāni catur asitilaksagunitāni truţitāmgāni bhavanti...... 759 kubjah kubjika vakrajanghāh, Cilatyah cilātadesot pannäh, vămanikā atyait ahrasy
ornatahrdayakosthä vä, vadabhikā madahakosthä vadha (vakradhah ?) käyä vā: bakuSadeśajah; isinikah thārukinikah: lasakadeśajah, lakušadešajāh; tatra cilatyadayo 'stādaśa tattaddesodbhavat vena fattannāmikā jneyah, kubjadayas tu tisro visesana
bhütäh; see Leumann in the glossary to the Aup. **860 Then follows:2. The mountain (vasaharapavväe) culla Himavařte, 3. in Hemavae
vase, 4. mount maha-Himavañte, 5. in Harivase väse, 6. mount Nisaha, 7. in

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var sadharairāvatāṁtavarşavarnano näma. The fifth treats, in legendary form, of the birth and consecration of a tirthakrt, tirthakrijanmābhişekadhikāray. The sixth, unfortunately, gives but a very short review of the divisions, extent, mountains, temples, lakes, rivers, etc, of Jambūdvipa, Jambūdvīpagatapadārthasaṁgrahay.781 The seventh deals with astrological and chronological matters, jyotişkādhikärav., and especially with the number, etc., of the moons, suns and stars in Jambudvipa. Herein it is in very close agreement with the sūrapannatti and caídapannatti, both of which are cited at the end. The answer to the questions under consideration found at the end is based chiefly upon the discussion : paṁcamasue padhame uddesäe, by which [414] Bhagavati 5, 1 is doubtless meant. It closes in treating of the sun : icc esā Jambuddivapannatti surapannattivatthusamāsena samatta bhavati. Then, in close conjunction with the above, it, in like manner, treats of the moon, and concludes: icc esā Jaotti camdapannattīvatthusamasenam s. bh. The expression vatthu, which occurs here twice, belongs to the puvva sections ---see page 361. It does not occur in the existing texts of upāngas 5 and 7, which are divided into pāhudas, a term which, it must be confessed, is similar to the pūrvas. Next follows a discussion in reforence to the five different kinds of year (see above p. 409), viz. : 1. The nakkhatta year (and by this is meant the revolution of Jupiter through the 28 naksatras ;762 in up. 5. (see Ind. Stud. 10,299), this is cited merely as a pakşāmtaram. 2. The lunar yuga year. 3. The pamāņa year with its five groups as in up. 5. 4. The lakkhana yaar in five groups. The scholiast says that in the first of the five, the naksatra year, the commencement is made with Kfttika and not with Abhijit ! The scholiast on up. 5 at least makes mention of Uttarāsāļhas --cf. Ind. Stud. 10,301, note 7, 5. The year of Saturn or its revolution through the 28 naksatras. Then follow the months, days, hours and the karana, which last was omitted in up. 5. The fourth karanaṁ is here called thiviloana, strīvilocana, or thiloana (so also in the Ganiviyyā v. 42) and not taitila. The names are as usual : Bavar bālave kolavar thiviloanar [415] garāi vanijam vitthi (these 7 are cara) saüņi cauppaya nagar kistthuggham (these 4 are thira). The beginning with Bava is the one which usually occurs elsewhere; but in the quinquennial yugam, contrary to other statements, everything has been changed. Of the
Mahấvidehe vāse, 8 mount Nelavante, 9 in Rammãe, vase, 10 mount Ruppi
(Rukmin), 11 in Hirannavāe vase, 12 mount Sihari (Sikharin), 13 in Erāvāe vase: 761 21 leaves (75b to 77a) in a MS of the text embracing 95 leaves, of which the fifth
section embraces 66a to 75b. A gāhā, which summarizes the contents, forms the . introduction. This gaha is at the head of a samghayani in 29 arya composed in very
free Prakrit, by Haribhadrasūri. See above pp. 371, 372. 762 jam vā vahassai mahaggahe duvalasakit saravacharihin sayvanakkhattamandalam 1 saniucäri se tanie nakkhattasannyachare.

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two ayaņas the summer solstice is in the first place, the rainy season is first among the seasons, Savaņa (Srāvana) first among the months, the bahulap, among the pakkha, the day among the ahoratta, and Abhijit among the naksatras. Then follows a special discussion of the maksatras,-their position as regards the moon, their divinities, the number of their stars, their gotta, their form, etc., just as in the Nak satrakalpa or in upanga 5; and partly in the form of gāha. The names of the nakṣatras appear here in their secondary form as in up. 5, in anga 3 - see Ind. Stud. 10,286 and above p. 268 :- Savana (instead of Śronā), Dharithā (instead of Śravistha), Bhaddavayā (instead of Prosthapada), Pussa (instead of Tisya). The conclusion is formed by all sorts of remarkable statements in reference to sun, moon, stars, the extent of their vimāņa, etc.; Mars (imgälae viyalae lohitarke) and Saturn (saņichare) are regarded as belonging to the court of the moon; cf. Bhagavatı 1,401,2,225. Jupiter was referred to above; but there is no mention of Mercury, Venus, and the Zodiac.
The commentary is by Sänticandra, scholar of Sakalacandra, who lived at the time of the 58th patriarch of the Tapāgaccha Hiravijayasuri (Samyat 1652), recognized by Sri Akabbarasuratrāņa (Sultan). This commentary 768 is very verbose, but in the introduction it contains namerous matters of interest in reference to the relations of each of the (416) 12 upangas to that one of the angas which had a corresponding position among the series of twelve, and in reference to the commentaries thereupon-Silamkācārya (on angas 1.2), Abhayadeva (on angas 3-11 and up. 1), Malayagiri (on up. 2-7), Camdrasuri (on up. 8-12), and finally see above p. 224-in reference to the period of advancement suitable for the study of each of the angas. The full statement in reference to the mutual relation of the angas and upāngas is :-tatrā 'rgāni dvādaśa, upāṁgāny api aṁgaikadeśaprapascarūpāni pråyaḥ pratyargam ekaikabhāvāt tåvarty eva, tatrā 'rgāny åcårargādini pratitāni, tesām upāmgāni kramena 'muni ; acārāṁgasyau "papātikam 1, sütrakrdargasya rājapraśniyam 2, sthināṁgasya jivabhigamaḥ 3, samaväydigasya prajñapanā 4, bhagavatyāḥ sūryaprajñaptiḥ 5, jñātadharmakathingasya jaṁbūdvipaprajñaptiḥ 6, upăsakadaśārgasya candraprajñaptih 7, astak rddaśāṁgädikānāṁ drstivādaparyartänäń pańcānām apy amgānā ņirayāvalikāśrutaskaņdhagatakalpikā -dipaṁcavargåḥ parco 'pāṁgåni, tath hi ; aṁtakrddaśāṁgasya kalpika 8, anuttaropapātikadašāmgasya kalpāvataṁsikā 9, praśnavyákaraṇasya puspita 10, vipākafrutasya puspacülika 11, dịşțivādasya Vrsnidaśa 12, iti.
sya prajñapribūdvipaprainanāṁ dȚștivácalpiká -dipamcoropapātikadasama
763 The date of its composition is Samvat 1651 (A.D. 1595); the work was, however,
revised for Vijayasena nine years later.

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XIX
The seventh upäṁgam, camdapannatti.
. We have, before, frequently observed that a text of this name is twice cited in anga 3, and in conjunction with texts whose titles belong té upangas 5, 6, or to a portion of up. 3; that the order of succession of the titles in anga 3 (7, 5, 6) does not agree with the present position of these texts, viz. the title of the camdapannatti is there, and, in fact, in both the passages which concern this matter, placed before the others. The caídapannatti is cited in the text of up. 6, as before remarked. (417] Taking these facts into consideration, it is in the highest degree remarkable that the existing text is almost completely identical with that of up. 5, differing from it, for example, in about the same way as the two schools of the white Yajus differ from each other. The introduction is, however, quite different. The beginning consists of 4 āryā strophes, of which 1 and 2 sing the praises of Vira etc. ; v. 3 characterizes the work in the same words as are found in up. 4, introd. v. 3 and 5 i.e. as puvvasuyasăranisaṁdaṁ see p. 394- and v. 4 traces back the joi sarāyapannatti to the questions of Gotama Iṁdabhūti. Then follow upon these four strophes the same 15 verses in an interrogatory tone, which in up. 5, too, state the contents of the 20 separate divisions (pāhuda) and subdivisions pāhuda-pähuda. From this we can draw the conclusion that there is complete identity of subject and method of treatment. The legendary introduction, which refers the whole to a conversation between Mahavira and Indrabhuti, follows upon these 15 verses, and displays a few minor differences. From this point on, the text is similar to, and in fact, almost identical with, that of up. 5, with the exception of a few linguistic (e. g, rãi, night, för rayant, ratant, rajani) and stylistic differences. Our text is, here and there, somewhat briefer, which is compensated for by references to up. 3 and 6, which are lacking in up. 5. An exact comparison of the text of each will doubtless disclose many matters of difference between the two. Nevertheless, the inter-relation of the two is a fact, the remarkable character of which [418] is enhanced when we consider that Malayagiri composed a special commentary on this upānga also, which was essentially the same as that composed by him on up. 5, and that in neither of his commentaries does he say anything in reference to the mutual relation of both texts and commentaries. (The statement just made appears to be correct, though I have not made here an examination of Malayagiri's com, ad amussim).
Until new facts come to light that will solve this mystery, we must be content to accept the present situation. In the passage in up. 6 in which up. 5 and 7 are cited--see above p. 414- the text reads as if the

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first had reference solely to the sun, the second solely to the moon. Our texts of up. 3 and 7, however, treat both uniformly and in a completely similar manner.
* XX.-XXIV. The eighth to the twelfth upāṁgas nirayāvaliyão, nirayāvalikās.
Under this collective name are comprised five small texts of legendary contents (vaggas) in one "śrutaskandha". The first of these either has the special title of "śrutaskandha", or is called kappiyao, kalpikas. The titles of the others are kappavaçlarsiyão, pupphiyão, pupphacūliyão or cūlão, Vanhidasão. Each of the first four has 10, the fifth 12 ajjhayaņas.784 In the introduction to the first, all these five texts are characterized-see 372, 373-as uvamgånań pańca vagga. We have seen above that this epithet recurs in the interior of no other one of the texts held to be upangas. [419] It must, therefore, be deemed a probable supposition, if we assert that this epithet at the time of the composition of these five texts was restricted to them alone in their totality since they belonged together from the very beginning. Their present position at the end of the 12 upangas is to be explained by their legendary contents, which shows them to be perfectly adapted to serve as a pendant to the legendary texts of angas 7-11,765 and tradition has-see pp. 373, 416brought them into connection with these anga texts and especially with 8-12. They share with these not merely the common form of legendary introduction, they are referred back to Sudharman and Jambd; they have the names ukkheva and nikheva, usual in the customary introductory and concluding formulae; they shew the division of each into ten ajjhayanas, and lastly they have the same form of the citation of a text, i.e. the first ajjh, only is quoted entire and the catch-words suffice for those that follow. We may well call them an appendix bound to angas 7-11 by a very close tie. Their interconnection is, furthermore, attested by external evidence : Their names are placed together in the enumeration of the anangapavittha texts in the Nandi, though the order of succession varies somewhat, the series there being 20 22,21,23,24, while between 20 and 22, as a separate text, the kappiyão
serted, which in the Vidhi prapa, [420] as in Santicandra on up.
78. Āvi. and Svi. : amtagadadasādipascanham athgānam niray'āvaliya-suakkhandho uvan
garh, tammi pamca vagga : kappiyao kappavadainsiyão pupphiyão pupphaculiyão
vanhidasão, caüsu dása ajjhayanā, pancame-bārasa. 765 As regards anga 10 I have mentioned on page 329 my conjecture that from the
inter relation of up. 8-12 and angas 7-11 we have additional testimony for the view that anga 10 too originally possessed a legendary character. See, however, p. 334 n.

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6, seo p. 416, appear merely as the name of the first of thoso 5 upangas. In tho Scholiast on the Nandi, however, and in the Nandı itself they are regarded as an independent text existing by the side of the other five : narakāvāsas tadgaminas ca nará yatra varnyaṁte; kalpikah saudharmadikalpavaktavyatāgocarā graṁthapaddhatayaḥ; evar kalpāvatarisika jneyāḥ; yas tu grhavāsamukulana (!) tyāgena jivāḥ samyamabhdvapuspita bhūsitä bhūyas tattyägato duḥkhāvāptimukulena mukulitas tattyägataḥ puspitaḥ pratipădyarte tāḥ puspitāḥ; tadviśesapratipädikaḥ puspacūļāḥ; Arndhaka-Vrsņidaśanāṁ siddhigamanadila-ksanänāṁ pratipādakā graṁthapaddhatayaḥ.
In the account of Raj. Lal Mitra, 1.c (above, p. 227), there is no mention of the Vanhidasão, nirayāvali and kappiyå are enumerated as two separate upangas (8 and 9), and Kappavadimsaya, Pupphiya, Pupphacūliyd as Nos. 10-12. In Kashinath Kunte's report the order is nirayávalika, Vanhidasä, Kappavadirsiyā, Pupphiyā, Pupphacūliya.
It must, furthermore, be noticed that Abhayadeva on anga 3,10 is of the opinion that several of the 10 ajjh. of the dihadasă cited there are especially closely connected with the narakavali frutaskandha-SCO pp. 273,423". If this is the case, it supports the probability that the contents is of ancient date, which is indeed great on other grounds. The relation of the five extant texts is as.follows :
XX. up. 8, uvaringānam padhame vagge, the nirayāvaliydo, or kappiyão, treats of the ultimate fortunes of the ten princes Kala etc.,706 tons (421) of the Anga king Seņiya of Campa. These princes accompaniod their half-brother Kūņiya767 in his campaign against his grandfather, Cedaga of Vesali, the Videha king, who refused to deliver up the own brother of Kūņiya who had fled to his court. Kuņiya on this account had declared war against Cedaga, who, in order to meet the impending danger, summoned nine Mallati (Mallaki) and nine Lecchati (Licchavi) kings and all 48 Käsi-Kosalaya gaparāyāņo (cf. Bhagay. 7, 9. p. 301), and opposed 57,000 elephants, etc., to the 33,000 of the eleven princes (3.000 for each). The mothers 768 of the ten princes, Kali, etc. (see anga 8. above, p. 321), each ask in turn of Mahavira whether they are destined to behold their sons alive again. Mahāvira in reply not only informs Imdabhati into what hell each must descend after he has fallen
766 Käle, Sukāle, Mahakāle, Kaņhe, Sukaņhe, Mahākaņhe, Virakaṇhe, Rämakanhe, · Piuseņakanhe, Mahasenakaṇhe.
Son of Collana, wife of Seņiya. 76B Stepmothers, Cullamäue, of Kūņia,

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in the battle - hence the title of the upanga-and his future fate, but also relates the antecedent history of king Kūņiya himself, beginning at that point when his mother was three months pregnant. The expulsion of his father Seņiya from the throne at his hands is then related and his father's death in prison. We possess in its complete form the text of the first ajjh. alone, the second being finished off in six, the remaining eight in two lines.
The reader is referred to Jacobi's introduction to the Kalpas, p. 2 for Seņiya Bhimbhisāra,769 i.e. Śreņika Bimbisāra and his son Kuniya Bambhasäraputta,770 i.e. 'Ajātaśatru, [ 422 ] contemporaries of Buddha, and also in reference to the synchronistic conclusions which may be drawn in reference to Mahāvira. It is placed beyond the shadow of a doubt, that the Bauddhas and the Jainas possess herein a common heritage, and that genuine historical traditions form the foundation of the recital. Whether it is necessary to separate Mahăvira from Buddha is another question --- cf. Bhagav, 1,441. The traditional connection of Mahavira with Natiputta, Buddha's opponent, can also be regarded as the result - cf. p. 240 — of an intentional variation caused by sectarian hatred. The Nirayavalı has been edited by S. Warren, Antwerp, 1879, on which see H. Jacobi in Journ. Germ. Orient. Soc., 34,178 ff. There is a commentary by Candrasuri.
The enumeration of the women of non-Aryan peoples, 771 distinguished in the text merely by vahūhim khuyyahiṁ jāva, is quoted by Candrasuri in the same form which we meet with in Bhag. 9,33 (see p. 302), etc. The citation jahā Citto tti, points to up. (2), jahi Pabhävati to anga 5,11.
XXI. up. 9. varga 2, kappavadarsiāu, kalpävatarsikāḥ, treats of the ten sons772 of prince Kāla, etc., all of whom were converted to asceticism, as were their grandmothers Kali etc., and who [423] reached
769 See ajjh. 10 of the daśāśrutaskandha. 770 See introduction to up. 2 More exact information in reference to his history is
found in the scholiast on Avašy. 18, 144, cf. Bhag. 7,9 (Leumann). 771 kubjikabhih vakrajamghābhih, cilātībhir anāryadesotpannābhih, vămanabhir hras.
vasarirābhih vadabhabhir madahakosthābhih Varvaribhir Varvaradeśasambhavabhih, Vakufikābhih Yonakabhih Panhavikābhih Isinikabhih Carukinikabhih Lasi. kābhih Dravidibhiḥ Simhalibhiḥ Aravibhiḥ, Pakvaņibhiḥ Vahalibhth Murundibhiḥ
Savaribhiḥ Parasibhiḥ nānāde sabhir vahuvidhānār yaprayadešot pannabhih; cf. p. 412. 772 Paüme, Mahāpaime, Bhadde, Subhadde, Mahābhadde, Paümabhadde, Paümasene,
Paumagumme Nallinigumme, Anaide, Nandane (but this makes 11 names ! Ts one to be referred to a son of Kuni ya ?)
F-10

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their respective heavens.778 The account consists almost entirely of Emphasis is often laid upon the
mere catch-words or of references. sāmāia-m-ādīäiṁ ekkārasa aṁgāiṁ.
XXII. up. 10. varga 3, pupphiäu, puspikäḥ (or "täḥ), treats, with reference to up. 2, of the ten gods or goddesses 774 who came from their heavenly worlds775 to pay reverence to Mahavira, who thereupon tells to Goyama their previous history. They were in a former birth all turned or converted to the study of the samāia-m-adiäiṁ ekkārasa amgaim, either by the arhant Pasa or by the Ayya Suvvata or by the thera bhagavaṁto (see up. 3). These former births, as mahana, gähävati, satthavahe etc., occurred in Savatthi, Vaṇārasi (!), Manivaia, Vemdaṇaņā, Mihila, Hatthiṇapura, Kakaṁdi. The enumeration of the Brahmanical sciences here is similar to that in the Bhagavati (above, p. 303); and their names are similarly explained by the scholiast.
XXIII. up. 11. varga 4, pupphaculão, puspacuḍās 776 ten other histories of a similar nature. We possess the first alone, the Bhūtā nāmaṁ däriä, former birth of the Siridevi,777 is brought by Pasa to believe in the niggamtham pavayaṇam. The other histories have entirely disappeared with the exception of the names, [424] which are found778 in the gāhā in the introduction; the goddesses (not gods) who are here mentioned are for the most part mere personifications of ethical qualities.
XXIV. up. 12. varga 5, Vanhidasão, Vṛṣṇidasās, in 12 ajjhayaņas; 12 similar histories, of which we possess none but the first, the mere names by which the others were called having been preserved.779 The conversion of twelve princes of the race of Vrşņi is here treated of as having ensued through the influence of the arhan Ariṭṭhanemi. The first history deals with Nisaḍha, son of Baladeva, nephew of king Kanha
L
773 Seated in the Kalpavatansaka Vimana, Kashinath K.
774 Camdejoisimde, Sure, Sukke, mahāgahe (planet Venus), Bahuputtiä. Punnabhadde, Manibhadde, Datte, Sive, Bale, Anadhite; four of these names, see p. 273, among those of the dihadasău.
775 Seated in the celestial chariot (Puspaka), Kashinath.
776 Contains an account of the female disciple of Mahāvīra Svāmi, named Puspacuila, and of her female attendant, Kashinath.
777 See p. 273 n.
778 siri, hiri, dhiti, kitthi, vuddhi, lajja, ila devi, sura devi, sarassai devi, gamdhadevi; The Siridevi comes to honor Mahavira...jaha Bahuputtia
**
179 Nisadhe, Mahanisadhe, Anigahe. Vede, Pagati, Jutti, Dasarahe Dadharahe, Mahadhanu Sattadhanu, Dasadhanu, Sayadhanu.

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-
Vasudeva in Baravati.780 In his former birth he was converted or turned to the study of the sāmaia-m-adiāi ekkārasa argaiṁ by the Siddhatthänāma āyariyā. A prophecy in reference to his future birth is added to the above recital. At the end the five texts are again called the "uvaṁgāņi'' or the 5 vargas of one śrutaskandha : nirayāvalia sutakkhardho samatto, samattāņi a uvařgāņi, nirayāvalia-uvařge naṁ ego suakkham. dho parca vagga paṁcasu divasesu uddissarti.
This last statement in reference to the number of days which are necessary to teach or to recite them, is found (425] in exactly the same form in the corresponding angas —see p. 280. The three sāmāyāris, contain detailed statements in reference to each.
The historical value of these legends is, apart from the traditions contained in up. 8, without doubt very slight indeed. The largest por. tion of their contents is as purely fictitious as was the case in anga 6 fg. (see p. 338). Nevertheless, since they contain information (e.g. in respect to the activity of Pasa, which preceded that of Mahavira), we may claim for them a value as regards our estimation of the relations under which we have to consider the life and works of Mahavira.
We have seen above that the uniformity of the contents, and the "homogeneous method of treating it in all the five texts, make for the conclusion that they originally formed but one text. Tradition calls them merely the five parts of one śrutaskandha. Their enumeration as five separate texts was caused by the desire to have the number of the uvařgas correspond to that of the angas. The fact is that the special limitations of the number of the angas to eleven which is found in uv. 8-12 must be regarded as a strange contradiction of the desire to assimilate the number of the uvargas to that of the angas. The title vágga belongs also to angas 6 and 8, as an appendix or supplement to the latter' of which two, these five texts may have come into existence. The history of the first vagga here (uv. 8-12) is, to a certain extent, an elucidatory supplement to the last of the vaggas there, i.e. in anga -8...
[426] The third group of the texts of the Siddhanta is formed by the ten painnas prakirņas.
* 780At the head of 10 Dasāra : Samuddavijaya etc., 5 Mahavira : Baladeva etc., 16,000
kings; Uggasena etc., 3; koti of kumāra : Payyunna etc., 60.000 duddathta (?): Sambaya etc., 21.000 vira : Virasena etc., 16,000 devi : Ruppini, etc. and many thousand gania : Anamgaseņā etc. The same court is found according to Leumanp in anga 6, p. 526, 1231, and anga 8 1.

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It is as yet undetermined how old is the position of the painnas, prakirņas as the third part of the Siddhānta and what caused their location there. In Āvi, there follow upon the uvamgas first the cheaggamthas and then the painnas. In Svi. and V. the painnas come directly after the uvagas, but the cheda texts (with the exception of mahānistha which is reached after the painnas are done with) have been placed before (between angas 4 and 5), as if their position at that point belonged to them. Is the mere fact that the painnas are more numerous the reason that in the present arrangement of the parts of the Siddhānta (see p. 226) they have been placed before the cheasuttas ? They are certainly very much inferior to the cheasuttas both as regards inner worth and external extent.781 The joint name painna, by which they are united, does not occur in any other place in the Siddhanta, except in their own text, so far as I have been able to observe. The word painna is found, it is true, in the Nandi as sarjñā, but in another, far moro universal signification, viz., as a means of denoting all those texts not contained in the angas. In the passage of the Nandi 84,000 or even 8,400,000 painnagas are spoken of !
The texts now extant called painnas in the pregnant sense of the word, bear a name, which, denoting "scattered", "hastily sketched" pieces, well suits their real nature as a group of texts corresponding to the Vedic parisistas. Like the parisistas they are, with a few exceptions, composed in metre ; [427] and in fact in āryā, the metre which is usual in the kärikā insertions in the angas, etc. They are different from the texts, which we have considered upto this point, in that the nom. sing. masc, first decl. regularly ends in o and not in e (for exceptions see on 5 and 7). This is a proof of their later origin.
In the usual enumeration of the anangapavitha texts in Nandi, Päksikas, and in the three Sāmāyāri we meet with but six of the ten separate titles of the present painna group. In the works just mentioned, the titles of 1, 3, 4, 10 are lacking, texts which bear a decidedly secondary stamp. (The scholiast on the Nandi appears also in the case of No. 2 to have had before him quite a different text from the one we possess),
These ten texts did not originally enjoy the distinction of being the representatives of the painna group ; and that they arrived but gradually
781 Their collective extent is only about 1 900 granthas.

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at this honor is attested by manifold testimony going to prove that considerable dissent at present exists in regard to the representative position claimed by them.
In Avi. the enumeration on this point is in three very imperfect gāthā: sampai painnaga, namdi 1, aṇuogadāra 2, āurapaccakkhāņa (2)3, mahāpaccakkḥāņa (9)4, devimdatthaa (7)5, tamḍulaveyaliyam (5)6, samthara (4)7, || 1 || bhattaparinnā (3)8, rāhaṇapaḍāga 9, ganavijjā (8)10, amgavijjā 11, ya causarana (1)12, dīvasagarapannatti 13, joisakaramḍam 14 || 2 || maranasamāhi 15, titthogali 16, taha siddhapāhuḍa-painnaṁ 17 | narayavibhatti 18, camdāvijjhiya (! 6)19, pamcakappa 20 || 3 ||
Here then are twenty names, with but one exception (10 vīratthaa) all belonging to the present group. There are five names which recur elsewhere in the Siddhanta-(1, 2, 13, 17, 20-; [428] two names which at least were mentioned in connection with the Siddh. 14, 15,—; and finally there are four names found nowhere else except here -9, 11, 16, 18. It is of especial interest to observe the ascribing of Nandi and Anuoga to the painna group as being placed before them. This reference recurs in similar fashion in Svi.; where the enumeration is but fragmentary and limited to the mention of: nandi 1, aṇuogadārā 2, devimdatthau (7)3, tamḍulaveyaliyam (5)4, camdavivviyai (! 6)5, aurapaccakkhāņa (2)6, gaṇivijjäi (8)7, painnagānam. It then speaks of sesāņi but does not enumerate them. In V. the painna texts are treated of on two occasions. In the first case we find, for some reason inexplicable to me, in the discussion in reference to the 15th book of anga 5, an enumeration of ten texts, which are not stated to be painnas, though the titles of six are found among the titles of the 10 painnas. At the head (the action in question is called nandi-m-äiņam vaṁdanaya) we again find nandi and anuoga; then follow devimda (7)3 tamḍula (5)4, camdavejjha (6)5, gaṇivijjā (8)6, marana 7, jhāṇavibhatti 8, aura (2)9, mahāpaccakkhāna ()10. Of these No. 7 is doubtless identical782 with maraṇasamāhi in Avi. and No. 8 corresponds to a section in 2. See below. The second passage in V. is that in which the painnas are directly discussed; [429] and in this passage they appear in the forefront together with nandi and anuoga.783 Fifteen names are there men
782 The maranasamahi is also mentioned elsewhere. See pp. 429, 431. We might well recall the maranavibhatti in connection with the marana, or the maranavisohi in the enumeration of the anangapavittha, or angabahira texts in Nandi etc. All these texts refer without doubt to euthanasy; cf. painna 2.
783 The connection with both is, however, very slight, for in v, 61 of the jogavihāna we find the express statement; devimdatthaya-m-ai painnaga, the connection of nandi and anuoga being ignored.

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tioned, among which are all the ten members of the present list, though arranged differently, but at the end they are called only icc-ai : saṁpayaṁ painnagă: nandi 1, aņuogadārais 2..., deviņdatthaya (7)3, tamdulaveyaliya (5)4, maranasamähi 5, mahāpaccakkhāņa (9)6, aurapaccakkhäņa (2)7, sarthāraya (4)8, caṁdāvijjhaya (69, bhattaparinnā (3)10, caüsarana (1)11 viratthaya (10)12, ganivijja (8)13, divasagarapannattisaṁgahani 14, gacchāyāra 15, icc-āi painnagāņi. Of the three additional texts mentioned here No. 5 is mentioned in Āvi, and elsewhere-see p. 428 --as belonging to the painnas ; the case is similar with No. 15. No. 14 belongs to the text referred to as No. 13 in Āvi.,-a text which possesses a considerable antiquity-pp. 268, 389. Is the samgahani on it mentioned here indentical with the Jambudvipasaṁgrahani of Haribhadra mentioned p. 413 (on upānga 6)? In connection with the above discussion V. treats of the isibhāsiyaiṁ (see pp. 259, 281, 402), and allots to them 50784 ajjhayaņas. We have already observed that Haribhadra on Āv. 2, 6 identifies the isibh., quoted there, with the devendrastava etc.", but on another occasion identifies the isibh. with the uttarajjhayana. We read therefore in V. that the isibh, were regarded by some as belonging to the uttarajjh. [430] uttarajjhayaņesu eyåim amtabbhavarti, to which the mahānisihajogavihi is joined in V.
* In the Vicarāmstasargraha (see p. 355) as in the three sāmāyāri there is an enumeration of the painnagas, which begins with Nandı and Aņuoga. Nineteen and not 10 painnas are here enumerated, but of these only the first three are given a name. The passage, which is intersting for other reasons, reads in the very corrupt MSS : anga 11, upāṁga 12, chedasamgaha 5 (!) mūlagraṁtha 4 pramikhāh, pratiniyată eva graṁthāḥ kalpabhäsyädyuktasūtralakṣaṇopetāḥ,yataḥ kvā'pi yogavidhaudrśyamānesu nardy-anuyogadvārä"-turapratyakhyānādy-ekonavinsatiprakirņakeșu kesāṁ cid eva jitakalpa-pańcakalpādināṁ viracayitaro jnăyante nämagrāham, na sarvesāṁ, yeşāṁ kartāro na jnāyamte tāni gañadharakstāni. Here then, āturapratyākhyānam (2), and not devemdrastava (7), comes after nandı and anuy, at the head of the remaining painnas. Here as in Āvi the paṁcakalpa and, in connection with it, the jitakalpa seem to be counted among the painnas, whereas-see below -- they are generally held to belong to the chedasūtra,785
I have been able to discover no further information that would prove the connection of nandi and aņuoga with the painna group. The lists
784 In anga 4,44 only 44 ajjh. are allotted to them in conjuction with the devaloga
cuyabhāsiya. 785 Either the panc. or the jitak, appears as No. 6. The Vicārām, however, recog
nizes only five chedasamghas. See above.

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and MSS. of the painna group, which I possess, pay no attention to these two texts, [431] and limit the painnas to a smaller number, generally to ten..
The enumeration in the Ratnasagara (Cale. 1880) is as follows: Causarana (1)1, samthara (4)2, tamḍula (5)3, Camdāvijjiyā (6)4, gaṇavijjiya (8)5, devavijjiyā 6, Virathuva (10)7, gacchāyāra 8, jyotişkaraṁḍa 9, mahāpaccakkhāņa (9)10. Three names found in Bühler's list (2, 3,.7) do not occur here. To compensate for this omission there are 3 texts mentioned, of which one, No. 6, is quite unknown; the second, No. 8, is found in the V., and the third, No. 9, is referred to even in Avi. among the painnas.
1.
In the enumeration of Rajendra Lal Mitra and of Kashinath, see pp. 226, 227, we find the list of Bühler (arranged 1, 2, 3, 9, 5, 6, 8, 7, 4). No. 10 is omitted and replaced by maranasamahi, the acquaintance with which name we had already made in Avi, and V., and which here occupies the eighth position (between 8 and 7).
I possess a MS. of the dasapainnas which contains a recension varying from that given in Bühler's list. The first page having disappeared, a page which does not belong there has been inserted in its place. It is, therefore, doubtful whether the first part is causaranam (I) or not.786 The arrangement of the following parts is (2, 3, 4, 8, 6, 9,787.5). Instead of 7 we have the gachāyāra, [432] which we find in V. (see p. 429) and. Ratnasagara (p. 431); but there is nothing to compensate for the omission of 10.
The foregoing considerations prove conclusively that it is a matter involved in uncertainty what texts really belong to the painna group, a fact that must be held to render this secondary character a matter of great probability, All that can be drawn from the contents of the present 10 painnas makes for the same conclusion.
A considerable portion of the 10 painnas refers to the proper sort of euthanasy, the confession necessary for this end and the abjuration
786 Though the extent of the causarana with its 63 gathās, appears to be very large for one leaf, it is, nevertheless possible that the missing leaf may have contained this part, since this MS has upon each page 19 lines of 74 aksaras so that the 2800 aksaras of the front and reverse side would be entirely sufficient for these 63 gāthās.
787 No. 9 has here not 86 but 31 verses.

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of everything evil. Several portions, however, treat of different subjects, viz. :-5 physiology, 7 mythology, 8 astrology, 10 hymns. That portion which is of mythological content recalls the Atharvaparisista, though the Atharvaparisista must precede the painnas in order of time, since the latter contains the Greek terms hora and dikkāṇa.
It is difficult to give a review of the contents of most of these small texts, since we possess no commentary. The character of some portions (1, 5, 6-8) is very dissimilar from that of others; 6-8 are of a similar type, which marks them out as a separate inter-dependent group, A peculiar characteristic of this group is that the author speaks of himself in the first person, and addresses his listeners in the plural or singular. In No. 7 a woman is the object of his instruction; and this painna has a special claim to antiquity since it is said to be identical with the isibhāsiyāiṁ mentioned in angas 3 10 4,44! See p. 429. It is, however, possible that another text [433] of the same name is there referred to. In the summary which I now give I follow the extant usual list of the 10 painnas which is found in Bühler.
XXV. The first painnam, cai saranam, catuḥsaraṇam; in 63vv. The first seven verses 788 refer to the saḍāvasyakam, the six daily duties necessary for the purification of life. See above pp. 161", 244.
1. The samāiam, sāmāyikam, explained in the text itself by sävajjajogavirai, desistance from all evil.789 Cf. the use of this word to denote the first anga also in up. 1,57 (ib. 123, 125 sāvajjajogavahiya).
2. cauvisaithaa, caturvinśatistava, explained ibid. by: ukkittaṇā, praise of the virtues of the 24 Jinas.
3. vamdanaa, explained by guṇavao paḍivatti, honor of the guru.
4. paḍikkamaṇam, pratikramanam confession (to the guru), explained by khaliyassa nimḍanā, censure of past misdeeds, conjoined with the intention of not committing the offence again,790
788 The first verse reads: savajjajogavirat ukkittaṇā gunavao ya paḍivatti | khaliyassa nimdana vanat igiccha gunadharană ceva // 1 //. It recurs in similar form in the Anuyogadvaras, etc.
789 saha 'vadyena papena vartamta iti savadyāḥ, yoga manovākkāyavyāpārās, teṣām viratir nivɣttiḥ.
790 na punaḥ karişyämi 'ty abhyupagamanam; hence the name, the meeting, pratipam kramanam. The pratikramanam is (see Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 117) divided into five parts: 1. daivasikam (we must accept this and not devasikam as the reading in Jacobi's text) i. e. to be done daily; 2. rätrikam nightly; 3. pākṣikam semimonthly; 4, every four months; 5. annually.

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vanatigicha,
5. kaussagga, kāyotsarga, expiation, explained by healing of wounds, further purification of those who have been absolved by confession.
[434] 6. paccakkhāṇaṁ, pratyākhyānam, explained by: guṇadhāraṇā, the observance of all virtues, or really the casting off of all evil.
The following must be noticed as regards the six avasyakas, which we will discuss later on when treating of Nandi, Anuyogadv., Avasy. It was to be expected that the explanations given for 1 and 6 should have changed their respective positions, i. e. sāmaiya should have been explained by guṇadhāraṇā and paccakkhāṇa by savajjajogavirai. Had this been the case a better logical arrangement would have been effected, viz. -1. good action, 2. confession of the commission of misdeeds, 5. compensation for the misdeeds committed, 6. desistance from all further sins. Do not these very names seem to indicate that this was the original arrangement? The two avasyakas, cited in the second and third place, interrupt the connection between 1 and 4-6, and are consequently probably to be regarded as secondary additions.
In v. 8791 the fourteen dreams are enumerated which the mother of a tirthakrt dreams before his birth, an enumeration which is tantamount to a list of his fourteen excellencies or virtues.
With verse 9 the text per se begins (the preceding portion is doubtless a secondary addition) by the author announcing his purpose... vamdium Mahaviraṁ | kusalāṇubamdhibaṁdhuram ajjhayanam kittaissāmi 1/9/1. Here we have the older name of the text, since the causaraṇam, as will soon be shown, forms but a part of its contents. [435] In a MS, which contains all the 10 painnas and which is preceded by an introduction in reference to the sacred number four, the name of this painna is stated to be kusalāṇubamdhajjhayaṇaṁ and not causaraṇaṁ.
In v. 10 is described the three-fold contents of the following portions, and an explanation given for this division that refers to the name adduced in v. 9: esa gano anavarayam kayavvo kusalaheu tti || 10 || At the head stands 1. the causaranagamanam (from which the customary title of this painna has been borrowed), i.e. the prayers by means of which fourfold protection can be obtained: the arihamta (arhant, v.
791 Avasy. 2,276, see Jacobi on Kalpasūtra Jin. § 4.

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13-23), the siddha (v. 23-29), the sāhu (sādhi, v. 30-40) and the dhamma (v. 41-48). Then follows 2. dukkadagarihā, a penitential system (v. 49-54) of confession to the guru, and 3. sukadanumoaņa, the joy arising from a good deed (v. 55-57). Then come promises of reward and a verse (62) which has compassion on him, through whom caürago Jinadhammo na kao, cauraṁgaṁ saranam avi na kayaṁ The concluding verse contains the summons iya...vīra bhaddartam eam ajjhayaņam jhāesu (dhyāya). The commentary considers that this implies also a reference to the name of the author Virabhadra, presumably a sādhu, one of the 14,000 who joined Vira,792
(436) There is a commentary by Somasumdara from the Tapāgaccha; according to the Gurvävali of this gaccha (see Kl. 256) born samy, 1430, died 1499, A, D, 1374-1443,
In contradistinction to the triad of the Buddhists buddha, dharma and sargha we find here a quadripartite arrangement. The sangha is divided into two parts, the earlier and the present saints, the siddha and the sadhu. The Buddhistic sargha, as is expressly stated in that of the Avesta, has reference merely to the pious of the present, who, it may be remarked, are divided in the Avesta according to sex : yenhe hātām...yāonhām că täś ca tãoś ca yazamaide. The "Holy Ghost" of the Christian trinity, the origin of which we ascribed (Ind, Streifen 3, 534) to gnostic connection either with the trinity of the Parsees or with that of the Buddhists, embraces all time.
* XXVI. The second painnam, āurapaccakkhanam, āturapratyo, c. 70 vx. with an insertion in prose after v. 10 treats 6 of the renunciatio of the moribundus, the pandiyamaranań, the genuine euthanasy, cf. Bhagav, 2,1,48,76 my treatise, 2,266-7,299). The introduction consists of enumerations of the five aņuvvayas (pāņivahaveramana etc.), and of the gunavvayas and sikkhas.798 In v..8 there is a citation from the third painna : jo bhattaparinnäe (bhaktaprakirņake) uvakkamo vittharena nidditth0794 so ce 'va bālapaṁdiya maraṇe neo jahājuggam // 8 // In v. 10 the proclamation of the [437) real intention of the author : itto pardiya/ pamdiyamaranam795 vuccham samāseņań il 10 |
792 yo 'sau Virabhadrasādhuh śri Virasaktah catur daśa-sahasramadhyavarti tasye 'dam
et ad adhayanam, evan sastrakartuḥ samāsagarbham abhidhanam uktam, asya ca 'dhyayanas ya Virabhadrasādhukytatvajnäpanena yasya jinas ya yāvantah sādhavah prat yekabudha (see pp. 265,334) api rāvanta eva prakirnāny api tavanti bhavari
'ti jnäpitam bhavati (! see below on the Nandi). 793 In the Vicārāmţtasamgha -see p. 430 -the aurapo. is placed after nandi and anuyo
ga, at the head of the painnas. 794 See Windisch in Jour. Germ. Or. Soc. 28,226 (1874). 795 itah panditanām visesato' pi pa nam procyate sanksepatah.

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The prose paragraph which follows containts a general formula for confession and renunciation, beginning with the words : icchāmi bhaṁte uttamattham (! uttamartham papānāṁ prakāram, gloss) pratikramāmi, and closes with 63 jhāņa, dhyāna, formulas, beginning, annāņam jhane. 796 Joined to these are corresponding formulas composed in gathās. The methods of counting the verses vary greatly in the different MSS., since in some the prose part is counted in as 13 verses, so that the total sum is 84 verses ; and differences of another nature are also apparent. The scholiast on the Nandi, it may be remarked in passing, 797 in his enumeration of the ananga pavitha texts, held another text than the present one to be the āurapaccakkhānañ !
.. [438) XXVII. Third painnam, the bhattaparinnā, bhaktaparijñā, in 172 vv,, treats of the bālapamdiyamaraṇam. Cf. the citation just made from v. 8 of the second painna. This painna contains ethical precepts788 which refer constantly to the Jinasāsaņam, Jinavayaņam, the Tinapaniya (pranita) doctrines, while at the same time it cites its own title ; cf. (v, 9-11, 14, 18, 35, 169, 171). In the verse before the last, this painna is said like painna i to iefer back to the doctrines of) Virabhadda, though it is perhaps better to assume that Mahāvira himself is referred to in this verse :- ia jo isard-jina-vi-rabhaddabhaniyāņusärinim (!) iņam-ol bhattaparinnaṁ dhanno padhamti nisunaṁti bhāvaṁti || 171 // sattarisayar Jiņāna va gāhāņaṁ samayakhittapannattamlärähaṁto vihinā sasayasukkham lahai mukkham || 172 || According to this concluding verse the text should contain only 170 verses, but perhaps the two concluding verses are a secondary addition. The plural of the verbs in v. 171 in opposition to those in the singular jo...dhanno is at least very peculiar. Instead of the Sanskrit osāriņim sariņām B ! both times with m) sariņiń is doubtless the better reading.
796 jhâne is always construed here with the accus., i.e. probably as 1 p. sing. ātm. of
a denominative (dhyānay)? A collection of examples of these dhyānas is to be found in the introduction of Harşakusala's commentary on the fourth painna; dhyānabhedas tu likhyante ; annānajhāne, atra māsatusadystantah. Harsakusala recognizes the number of these formulas as 64, The words before jhāne appear in thematic form, as purvapadani, and not as accus. Cf. the Jhānavibhatti above.
p. 428. 797 The scholiast has here : caritrasya vidhih : gilānakiranatiyan giyattha paccakkhāvi.
mti dine 2 davvahāsath karetta amte à savvadā paņayãe bhattatheragam / jānatta nittinhassa bhavacarimapaccakkhānam kārave(i)ti tti it yādi yatra varnyate; mahatpratyakhyanath yatro 'ktam. Even if the name at urapratyakhyānañ is not directly mentioned, the meaning and the position of these words between the explanations of the titles: caranavihi and mahāpaccakkhānañ makes most decidedly for the conclusion that this very corrupt statement of contents, the metre of which cannot be restored, belongs to the title aura° which in the text is between these two titles.
On giyattha see below (pp. 450,464,478), on the chedasutta. 798 Directions as to how a man should abstain from food, Kash.

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XXVIII. Fourth painnam, samthära, saṁstāra, in 122 vv., treats of the bed upon straw. Cf. Bhagav. 2,1,70,74 (my treatise 2, 293, 297) as a preparation for the paṁdiyamaraṇam, the proper euthanasy. The title sarthara is frequently referred to throughout the text ; cf. v. 1, 3, 4,15,21,27,30 etc.), thus e.g. saṁthārammi nibardham gunapari vādim nisāmeha || 1 ||. This was the case with painna 3.
[439) In v. 32-44 the qualities of the man are described who intends to ascend the samthära, the second hemistich recurring throughout as a refrain ;...aruhai jo sartharam suvisuddho tassa sarthāro. In v. 56 fg. there are cited all manner of instances of those who died sartharam ärūdha. Thus, the flower-gatherer (? pupphacūlā) Ajja in Poyaņapura v. 56 Sukosalarisi v. 63, examples from Ujjeņi v. 65, Robidagań nayaram v. 68, Padaliputta vv, 70,73 Kosambi v. 78, Kunalanagara v. 80, the names Kurudatta v. 84, Gayasukumāla v. 85, Cilãiputta v. 86, Mamkhali v. 87. It concludes : eva(m) mae abhithuyå saṁthāragaimdakhamdham ärūdha / susamaņanarimdacaṁda suhasarkamaņaṁ sayā dimtu // 122 1/.
XXIX. Fifth painnam, tamdulave yaliyam,799 in verse, prose and again in verse. The contents are of an anthropoligical and physiological nature, and are briefly stated in the introduction :
voccharn painnagam iņam tamdulaveāliyar näma || 1 H sunaha ganie800 dasa dasā (disă A) väsasayāussa jahā vibhajjarti, sarkalie vogasie jaṁ că"yuṁ sesayaṁ hoi || 2 11. jattiyamitte divase jattiyā rāi muhuttam ussäso | gabbhammi vāsai jīvo āhāravihiṁ ya vecchāmi || 3 //
Then follows the statement that the jiva [440] remained in the womb 277 full ahorattas and one-half of an ahoratta (cf. Aup. $.104) - (26 verses + 3). The prose treats especially of the life and development of the embryo in the womb, striking parallels to which are found in the statements in Nirukti 14,6.7, and the Garbhopani şad (Ind. Stud.
799 It is uncertain how we are to translate or explain this. In angas 2,1,2 veyaliya is
yaidarika, in dasavealia=vaikalika. In ms. or fol. 1075 the title is translated by tamdulavairalikam; and also in Kashinath (the state of a child in the womb, its
birth, etc), 800 jyotiņšāstie, gloss.

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2, -65). The subject is treated in the form of a dialogue, in antique form, between Mahavira and Goyama The nominative often ends in e and not in o, so that we may suppose an older source is the base of this recital. Then follows an enumeration of the dasa dasão (disão A), ten "ages of man" (cf. Ath. 3,4,7) : bala, kittă (A, kidā B, vidda C), maída, balā, pannā, hāyani, pavarcā, pabbhārā, mummuhī (A, ma B, su C), māyaṇī, These are then treated separately in metre. The text then returns to prose and treats, in connection with the ayus, of the divisions of time : avaliya, khaņa up to the kodākodiu, i.e. millions of years, after which it discusses the multiplicity of bodily relations and of the nature of the body in general. Next come the dry measures based upon the māgahao pattho, cf. Ath. par. 35,3 (my treatise on the Jyot. p. 80 ; Aupap. $ 80,98) measures of length, of time, the number of the bones, sinews and other parts of the body, of all manner of diseases, of women, &c. Here and there we find verses inserted though they are not counted in continuously with the rest. At the conclusion we find 18 verses :
YOIS
.
.
.
.
eyar souṁ sarTrassa (metre !) vāsānaṁ ganiyapāgadamahattham mokkhapai massa ihat (metre !) samattaṁ sahassapattassa (metre !) // 17 // eyam sagadasariram jāi-jará (441) maraņaveyaņābaulam | taha pattaha801 kāum je802 jaha mucchaha savvadukkhāņam || 18 11.
xxx. Sixth painnam, cardavijjhayam,808 in 174 vv. In the intro. duction, a dāragāhā (v. 3), with a conspectus of the contents. Vv. 4-19 treat of vinaya in general, vv. 20-35 of the qualities of a teacher, dyari. yaguna, vv. 36-51 of the scholar, sīsaguņa, v. 52-65 of the impediments (?), niggahaguna,804 in the way of the vinaya, vv. 66-98 of perception, nāņaguņa, vv. 99-114 of the conduct of life caranaguna, v, 115 fg. of death, maranaguna. All these sections are clearly separated by a verse which marks the end of one and the beginning of another (20, 35, 52, 66, 98, 115). Thus, e.g. v. 20 : viņayassa guņavisesä ee mae vanniā samā senam / āyariyāņaṁ ca gune egamanā me nisāmeha ll 20 // In v. 173 the contents is repeated or recapitulated as in the dāragāh, and the concluding verse is closely connected with that of painna 6:
801 Cf. pattihi in Hāla. 802 See Hem. 2,217, Hāla 524 in Bhuv (p. 189). 803 The name is obscure: viyyaya in_A, but vijjhaya in B. Nandi, Pākşika and in
the three sām ācāri; once in Avi. vijjhāya, in Svi. Ovivvryai (a poor MS) and Ovejjha in V; Kashinath has ; candāvijaya, ao account of witchcraft, magic and mysticisn (!).- The right Sanskrit equivalent of the title is Candraka-vedhya
which, as Ogha-niryukti 1142 shows, is the same as radhāvedhya 'aim-striking'.-L. 804 niggayaguna vv. 3, niggahagune in vv. 52 and 173.

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tahapattaha kāuṁ je jaha muccaha gabbhavāsavasahinam | maraṇapų. nabbhavajammaņaduggaiviņivāyagamaņāņa || 174 1).
L
XXXI. Seventh painnam, deviņdatthaa, deveṁdrastava ; in 300 vv. A systematic enumeration of the 32 deviņdas, and of all the gods according to their [442) groups, dwelling places &c.805 The Nom. Sing. M. of Decl. I ends frequently in e, perhaps because the contents partially follows the statements in the angas and upāngas. The divisions. are here, as in the case of painna 6, distinctly separated ; and the author here, too, speaks of himself in the first person, and addresses not unfrequently (cf. p. 458) a surdari, suanu, as the one for whom his work is intended. 806
A patent contradiction to this secular method of treatment is found in Haribhadra on Āvasy. 2, 6, where the author proclaims himself to be the composer of a nijjutti : isibhāsiānań, and explains this word by deverdrastavādinām. We have seen above (pp. 259, 281, 429) that on 8,4 he referred it to the uttarajjhana. That our text should be so honoured as to be brought into connection with a work of such an important title as the isibhāsiya (cf. angas 3,10,4,44) and to have been thought worthy of a nijjutti at the hands of the author of the Āvasyaniryukti (whoever this may have been), seems utterly impossible if we take into consideration the secondary character of this small mytholo. gical mannual (see above pp. 280, 432). It is, however, worth our attention to note the fact that also in Svi. V. (see above, p. 428 fg.) the painnas are frequently said to begin with a text of this name.
[443]. The table of contents in v. 7. ff, reads : kayare te vattisam deviņdā ? ko va kattha parivasai ? kevaiyā kassa hii ? ko bhavanapariggaho kassa ? 1/ 8 // kevaiyā nu vimānā ? bhavaná nagarā ca huộti kevaiya ? pudhavīņa ca vāhuttam uyyattavimāna vinno (?) vā 1/9// karaṁti ca kalenå (!) ukkosam majjhimam jahannam ca / ussaso nissäso uddhi (?) visao va ko keşim ? || 10 || and closes : deviņdanikāyāņaṁ thao (iha) samatto apariseso // 300 11.
805 Panegyrics on the Tirthakara's by Deva and Indra (O), Kashipath. 806 The introduction states the situation in explicit terms: koi (kot ?) padhama
paisammi sävai samayanicci ya-viphahanu (? metre) vannei vayam uyaram jiyamāne Vaddhamanammi // 3 // tassa thunamtassa (Vstu, Cl. 9) jinan samaiyak ada piyasu hanisanna / pamj aliudā abhimuhi suņai vayam Vaddhamānassa //.3 11 Like
wise in v. 7: sā piyam bhanai, and in v. 11 : padipucchio piyāe bhanai : suanu ! ... tam nisānieha. Further on frequently : vannihimi or vannehim (! varnayisyāmi),
vucchan, vucchami, &c.
S

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XXXII. Eighth painnam, ganiviyyā, gaṇividya, in 86 vv. The contents is of an astrological character. 807 It begins: vuccham balabalavihim navabalaviḥisuttasamciu pasattham/jinavayanabhäsiyam inam pavayanasatthammi jahadiṭṭham //1//, and treats according to the daragahā (v. 2): 1, of the days, divasa, vv. 3-8,-2 of the lunar days, tihi, vv. 9, 10,-3 of the nakṣatra, vv. 11-41, 4 of the karaṇa, vv. 42-46-5 of the planets, gahadivasa, vv. 47, 48,-6 of the hours, muhutta, vv. 49-58,-7. of the omens, saunabalam vv. 59-63-8. of the horoscope, laggabalam, vv. 64-72, and 9 of the signs, nimitta, vv. 73-85-The context corresponds in character with the statements of the Atharvaparisiṣṭa. The names of the nakṣatras represent a secondary stage 808 as upangas 5-7. The karaṇas are, however, recognized here as in up. 6, though the fourth [444] is called, as in up. 6, not taitila but thiloana. In the discussion in reference to the lagna the word hora is found (v. 66) and, as it appears (the passage is corrupt), also the word dikkāṇa (vv. 67, 69), so that we have a patent instance of Greek influence.
The second collection of the dasapainna (see above p. 431) allots only 31 vv. to the ganiviyya. Of the verses here only the following recur there: 1-14, 21-32, 35, 37, 74, 82; §§ 4-8 are entirely wanting, § 3 has instead of 31 vv. only 14, and § 9 instead of 13 only 2.
XXXIII. Ninth painnam, mahāpaccakkhānam, in 143 vv. A general formula designed for confession and renunciation. It begins: esa karemi paṇāmam titthayarāṇaṁ aṇuttaragaīņam ... || 1 /.../ saddahe jinapannattam paccakkhaemi (a) pāvagaṁ || 2 || jam kim ci duccariyam tam aham nimdāmi savvabhāeņaṁ | sāmāiyam ca tivihim karemi savvam nirāgāram
3. The verses frequently close as groups with the same refrain e.g. pamḍiyamaranam marihāmi (future) vv. 41-48, pauvagao marihami v 50, rakkhāmi mahavvae pamca vv. 68-76, sahamti (or saheum) appano attham vv. 80-84, vosirāmi, tti pāvagam vv. 116-120. The formula uses the first person alone; nimdāmi garihāmi, vosirāmi, vosire, khāmemi, paccaikkhāmi (!). It concludes eyam paccakkhānam aṇupāleūna suvihio sammam/vemāniya vva devo haviyya ahavä visiyyiyya //143//. It, therefore, opens up as the prospect of the reward of correct performance of confession, entrance among the vemāniya gods or complete dissolution (vistryeta), De T
897 The avacuri on the Nandi explains as follows: ganividva jyotiskanimittädipartjnanarupā, sa hi samyak pariinayamānā pravrajanasāmāyikāropanopasthapanasrutoddesanujnäguṇāropanadiśānujnaviharadiprayojaneșu upayogini.
808 The name jitthamula (see Ind. Stud. 10,286) is found here (v. 11) see p. 380.
1

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XXXIV. The tenth painnaṁ, virathaa, virastava, in 43 vv. Enume. ration of the names of the siri Vaddhamāņa (445) (v. 4). It begins : namiūna jinaṁ jayajīvabardhavaṁ bhaviyakusumarayaniyaram | Viram giririndadhiram thunāmi (staumi) payatthanāmehiṁ || 1 |). It concludes : iya nāmävali sarthuyä siri Virajinimda mamdasunassa (°nnassa ?) viyara karunão Jinavara / sitapayamanahatthiraṁ (?) Vira || 43 11.
The gacchāyāram, which in V., in the Ratnasāgara, and in the second collection of all the painnas that I have before me, is cited as a part of the collection (see pp. 429, 431) contains in 138 vv. general rules of life, especially those for the bhikkhu and bhikkhuni, in the form of a lesson to Goyama, who is several times mentioned in it. It begins : namiūņa Mahāviram .. /gacchāyāraṁ kisci uddharimo suasamuddão / 1 // atth'ege Goyama ! pāņid / je ummaggapaitļhie/gacchammi sarvasittanam bhamai bhavaparamparam || 2 //. The metre is almost everywhere sloka, though two syllables are often counted as one, one short being cast away ; so for example in v, 15 : saṁgahovaggahaṁ vihina na karei a jogani / samaņa samanim tu dikkhitta / sāmāyārim na gāhae // 15 // vihiņā, samaņań, samanim are to be read as dissayllables.
At the end it is called (see verse 1) an extract from the mahānisiha. kappa and the vavahāra, sources which explain the use of the śloka here : mahani sihakappão/vavahārāo tahe 'vaga sāhu-sähuni-atthäegacchayaraṁ samuddhiam //136|| padharsuṁ sähuņo, eam asajjhayaṁ vivajjium utta. ma suanissamdam/gacchāyāraṁ suuttamaṁ || 137 || gacchāyāraṁ sunittäņam [446] paậhitta bhikkhu bhikkhuni / kunastu jam jahābhaniam , icchartā hiam appano !/ 138 //.
The fourth group of Siddhanta texts is composed of D. the six chedasūtras.
So at least according to Bubler's list (see above, p. 226). In the Āyāravihi and in the Ratnasāgara (Calc. 1880) these assert a prior place
between the upangas and the painnas. The name chedasūtra808 (cheda, cutting section ?) can be explained in many ways. There is no authentic explanation that I have been able to discover. This name recurs in the texts in question as infrequently as in the paragraphs in the MSS. The first time where it is mentioned, so far as I know,8lo is in the
809 An older form of the name is perhaps chasua, chedaśruta ; thus in a citation in
the Vicărāmytasamgraha : "nisiham.āi yassa cheasuassa"; chedasamgha, too, is
found in the same place (see p. 430), where it is said that they are five in number. 810 The name of the second group of the carittagunapramāņa in the Anuyogadvāra
sutra - chedavaddhavaniacar-may be recalled in this connection.

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Avasy. nijj. 8,55 jam ca mahakappaṁ11 jāņi a sesani chea suttani, from which passage it is clear that then, besides the mahākappam, there existed several other texts belonging to this group (kalpădini Schol.); and in another passage of the above cited work (16,100) there are enumerated three texts, which, at present, still bear this name and which state that they were divided812 just as we find them. They appear [447] to belong together after a fashion and to form a united group. In the enumeration of the anangapaviṭṭha texts in the Nandi, in the Pākṣikasūtra and in the three sāmācārts we find these texts arranged in the same order (dasānam, kappassa, vavahārassa). In the sāmācāris, in the passage in reference to the number of days necessary to learn them, we find that but one suyakkhamdha is allotted to them all : kappavavahāradasāṇaṁ (so Avi., Svi., dasāka rānam V.) ego suyakkhamdho. The Vidhipr., however, states that some (kei) "kappavavahārānam bhinnam suyakkhamdham
icchamti."
The title cheasutta. is not mentioned in this list of the anangapavitthas or angabahiras, which cites, in addition to the three texts held to be cheasuttas, two others immediately afterward, one name alone intervening. These additional cheasuttas are nisiha and mahänistha, which now stand at the head of the chedds. The mahākappasuam (see p. 478), too, is found in the list, but in a different place- about 24 places previous. From this we draw the conclusion that the author of the list did not regard the mahākappasuam (see p. 478) as belonging to these cheasuttas.
The mahakappa is mentioned in no other passage. In all other passages, where the chedasutras are enumerated, the nistham is invariably placed at the head of the list. Thus in Avi., where the number of days necessary for learning the chedasūtras is stated, [448] there are enumerated as the "cheaggamtha" (here placed between upangas and painnas; see p. 446) the seven names: nisiha, dasā, kappa, vavahāra, mahānisiha, pamcakappa and jiakappa. The paṁcakappa is mentioned also under the painnas. Cf. above, pp. 427,430. The case is similar in Svi., where, however, the name chea is omitted, and the discussion on this subject is inserted between that concerning angas 4 and 5. In Svi, only stha,
811 According to the Scholiast these texts are borrowed from the ditthivaa (anga 12), and, consequently, are to be regarded as rşibhäşita: mahakalpaśrutādinām api sibhaṣitatva(d) dṛṣtivadad uddhṛtya teṣām pratipaditat vat dharmakathanuyoga vva (gatvas ca)? prasamgah.
812 dasa uddesanakala dasana, kappassa humti chac ceva | dasa ceva vavaharassa humti savve vi chavvisam 11.
F-11

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dasā, kappa and vavahara are treated of together, parcakappa and jiakappa not being mentioned, mahānisiha is disposed of at another place, viz. :-at the end of the entire jogavihi after the painnas. V. agrees herein with Svi. completely, with the exception that, as Avi., it adds pascakappa and jiakappa to nistha, dasā, k. and vay. In the metrical portion at the close, the jogavihana-pagarana, however, the first four are treated of either as to be learned together in 30 days or as 'savvāni vi cheasuttani' v. 22. In the next verse (23) there are statements concerning jlyak. and parcak. (mahānistha is not discussed till vv. 63,64). In the Vicārāmstas. the cheasuam is called nisiha-m-diyam--on jitak., pamcak. see p. 430—; and in the commentary on the frāddhajitakalpa -see below -sri niśithadi chedagranthasūtra is spoken of. We find that this agrees with Bühler's list (above, p. 226).
Besides this arrangement which places nišitha at the head we meet with statements in modern sources in which the number composing the series varies in many ways. The series, as we have seen above, was never fixed, continually varying between 4 and 7 members.
(449] In the Ratnasagara (Calc. 1880) we find the following arrangement : vyavahāravshatkalpa, daśāśruta, niíitha, mahānisitha, jitakalpa. These names are the same with an exception in the case of jitakalpa (Bühler has pancakalpa ; Āvi. has both names). The arrangement of Raj. L. Mitra and after him that of Pandit Kashinath Kunte, taking its rise from the Siddhantadharmasara, is very remarkable. See my remarks on p: 227.
The uncertainty of modern tradition may, it is true, create an impression unfavourable to the age of the chedasūtra texts which we possess. On the other hand, there are sufficient arguments which permit us to ascribe a relatively ancient date to the chief group at least, i.e. the three texts : dasă-kappa-vavahārā. The order which I have here followed is, without doubt, the old arrangement, though, for convenience sake, I adopt that of Bühler from this point on : vavahāra, dasă, kappa. We must here consider the statements of tradition in reference to the origin and composition of these texts.
Haribhadra, on Āvasy. 6,88, explains the third of the three forms of the samăcarl which are mentioned in the text: ohe dasaha payavibhdge, the padavibhagasămåcårt by chedasūtrani, and, as we have seen above, p. 357, he states that this is chedasūtralak sanān navamapūrvåd eva nirvyūdha. On Avasy. 7,64 he limits the equalization of the padavi°cdri to

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kalpa and vyavahara (să ca ka hararūpd). The same statomon't exists in the avacūri composed A.D. 1383 by Jñanasagara on the Oghaniryukti [450) padavi cari kalpa-vyavaharau ; and pūrva 9 (vastu 3, prabhrta 20): is referred to as the source - see above, p. 357-whenco this Bhadra. båhusväminā nirvyūdha. The composition of these two texts, kalpa and vyavahāra, is frequently referred back818 to Bhadrababu, who is said to have made use of the same sources as they. But in the rsimandalasutra (Jacobi, Kalpas, p. 11), (p. 472) the same is asserted of the third member of this group of texts, the dasău. We have consequently here, as in the case of upanga 4, to deal with an author whose name is specially mentioned. Whether this claim is correct or not (we will refer to this question below), the connection with the pūrvas according to tradition, is significant.
The contents of the existing chedasūtras makes it probable that a large portion of them is of considerable antiquity. This content refers in general to the clergy and the rules of conduct prescribed 014 for them, though there is a large admixture of subsidiary matter of a legendary character (e. g, the entire Kalpasūtram). The first two rules, according to the existing order, refer to expiations and penances (prayascitta) ;815 while all the rest contain general matters referring to discipline
[451] There is other testimony of an external character which makes for the antiquity of the chedasütras. The first of these is, as is well known, closely connected with anga 1, and is, in fact, called a part of the latter (p. 254). Chedasūtras 2, 4 bear the stamp of antiquity because they resemble angas 1-4 as regards the introduction, and because chedas, 2-5 resemble the same angas as regards the conclusion 816 The ancient date of chedas 4 is co ipso attested by the thoroughgoing mention of it and its ten sections in anga 3,10.
813 The same is asserted of the nisiham ; see p. 453n. 814 It corresponds consequently to the vinaya of the Buddhists with which, despite all
differences, it is closely connected in contents and in style of treatment. 815 The expression giattha in the last verse of Dharmaghoşa's śråddhajitakalpa (see p.
478), treating of the prāyaścitta, is explained in the anonymous scholiast there.. upon by gitarthah_frinifithādichedagramthasutrarthadharah i.e gita is explained by chedagranthasutra, Dh, recommends to the giattha the correction of his work, which he conceives of as being closely connected with the chedasutras. This name gita does not agree particularly well with the form of the text of the existing chedasutras, since a large portion of the latter is composed in prose, and sloka not gåtha is the prevailing form of metre in the metrical portions. Cf., however, the name
of the sixth book of the second chedas.. 816 It must, however, be noticed that (p. 448) in Svi. and V, the cheda texts are treated
of between anga 4 and anga 5.

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The testimony is not so favourable in the case of chedasūtra 2. It must be ascribed to a somewhat later date from the fact that it contains a polemic against the ninhaga, a mention of the dasapuvvin etc. See below. We have exact chronological data for the Kalpasūtram, inserted in chedas. 4. See p. 472.
It is remarkable that there are old commentaries called bhäsya and cūrni,617 composed in Prakrit, the first kind of texts written in gathas, the second in prose, on three of our texts :- nisiha, vavahāra, kappa. The Nom, Sgl. M. of the 1. Decl. ends invariably in o and not in e; and extensive use is made of the insertion of an inorganic m. The Pra. krit shows many traces of a later age, e. g., we find the thematic instead of the declined form. Furthermore, the fact that these bhāsyas [452] are, for the most part, composed in gathas, whereas the verses in the chedasūtras are mostly slokas, deserves our attention. . .'
The extent of each of the texts is as follows: 1, nistham 812 (or 815) graṁthas,-2. mahānisihar 4504 gr., -3, vavahāra, 500 gr., - 4. daśāśrutaskamdham 800 gr., exclusive of the Kalpasūtra, that contains 1254 gr., -5. brhatkalpa 475 gr - 6. parncakalpa (is wanting).
XXXV. First Chedasūtram the Nisihajjhayaņam. This name is explained, strangely enough, by nisstha, though the character of the contents would lead us to expect nişedha. In the scholiast on Uttarajjh. 26,2 nisihiya is paraphrased by naisedhiki ; and so in the scholiast on Dasavealia 5,2,2 : asamamjasanisedhān naisedhikt ; in the scholiast on Āvasy. 7,1, and on Anuyogady, introduction (2 in A) where Hemacan. dra explains it by savaparisthāpanabhūmiḥ. The statements in the text in Āvašy. 7,33, fg. are decisive :- jamha tattha nisiddho tena nisthia hoi 1/ 33 / .jo hoi nisiddhappa | nisihiā tassa bhāvao hoi | avisuddhassa nisihia kevalamittam havai saddo || 135 || : in 10,40,41 we read baddham abaddhar tu suar, baddham tu duvālasarganiddittham / tavvivariam abaddhar, nisiham anisiha baddhar tu || 40 || bhūe pariņayavigae saddakaranam taheva anistham / pacchannaṁ tu nisiham nisiha nămaṁ jahajjhayanam ||41|| Scholiast here : 818 iha baddhaśrutam nisidham anisidhar anisedham ca, tatra rahasya [453] pāțhäd rahasyopadeśac ca pracchannañ nisidham ucyate prakā sapäthat prakāsopadeśác ca 'nisidha,... nisidham guptārtham ucyate. From this we may indubitably819 conclude that the explanation by
817 See Jacobi Kalpas. pp. 16, 25. 818 padyag adyabandhangd baddhan, sästropadeśavad: dvad. ācār ådiganipigakam ..
Pakostaram ; abaddhas laukikara 819 In the enumeration of the 10 samdyart (angas 3,10; 5,7. uttar ajjh. 26, Avasy 7) the
vassawa, commandments, are always found together with the nisthiya. prohibitions (Leumann).

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ništtha820 is simply an error, and is to be classed in the same category as the explanation of uvavaiyam by aupapatikam and of råyapaseņaiyyam by rajapraśniyam.
Whether we are to understand our text under the nisthajjhayo mentioned in anga 4 (see p. 280) as part of the first anga or under the nisiha náma ajjhayaņam in Avasy. 10,41 is a matter of doubt, since its title is perhaps not passive=pacchannaṁ (s. below), guptārtham, but active in sense. Nevertheless the statements, which (see p. 254 ff.) are found in anga 1 in relation to its fifth cūla called nistha (cf. also nisthiya as the name of ajjh 2 of the second cūla, ibid.) and in the introduction of the nisithacūrni in reference to the identity of the chedasūtra with this fifth cūlā,811 make at least for the conclusion that tradition regards the nistham ajjhayanam in our chedasūtra as originally forming a part of anga 1 and separated from it at a later period. This does not, of course, exclude the possibility that the text in question existed originally as it exists to-day in an independent condition, and that it was at a later period joined with anga 1, whence it was again separated,
In the Nandi - see below-(454] the nistham is mentioned after dasā kappo vavahāro and before mahani siham. It is, therefore, certain that our text is referred to. The statements, which are found 892 in Avašy. 16,114 (s. p. 255n) in reference to the three-fold division of nisiham into three ajjhayanas, by name ugghayam, aņugghayam and aruvână, are not in harmony with the constitution of our text, which contains no trace of such a three-fold division, but on the other hand is divided into 20 uddesakas, 823 containing hardly anything but prohibitions for the bhikṣu.824 The words ugghatiya and amuggho are, it is true, made use of, but this does not presuppose a direct division into 3 ajjh.885 All these prohibitions commence with the following words (cf. the formula in the Pratimokşasūtra of the Buddhists):- je bhikkhu...karei and end with karertari
820 Intermediate forms are nisidha-see just above--and niistha in the scholiast on
anga 1. 821 silãika, in the introduction to the second śrutask of anga 2 says that the “acara
· prakalpo nisithah" is nirvyudha from purva 9,3,20 (Leumann); see pages 357, 450n. 82Haribhadra makes no statements on this head, since he holds the verses to be
nigadasiddha. Cf. the fivefold division of the dyåra in anga 3,5,2 into: misie
ugghale, m. anugghaie, câummasle u., ca. anuggh., ca. anugghåle., arovana (Leumann). 823 1 with 48 paragraphs, 2 with 59, 3 with 74,4 with 62, 5 with 76, 6 with 22, 7 with . 37, 8 with 19,9 with 26 etc. 824 According to Kash. Kunte the nis. treats "of the duties of Sadhus, and the fines
and penalties to be imposed on them when they neglect them." 825 The 20 udd. are, however, divided into 3 groups (1–5, 6–19 and 20; Leumann).

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vd satijjai,896 We have here then a fixed canonical rule, which makes upon us the impression of being very old. At the conclusion of the udd. a penitence of one or, as the case may be, of four months is prescribed : tarn sevamane avayyati masiyaṁ pariharatthanam ugghātiyaṁ (or aņuggh", or cău”) nisahe.
The 20th udd, treats especially of this penitence and appeals thereby to the first udd, of the vavahara.
[455] At the end there are three dryås, in which Visābagaņi is stated to be the writer (!): tassa lihiyam nistham. These aryās are counted as
constituent parts of the text, since they are followed by the words iti " nisthajjhayane visamo uddesai sammatto.
There is a very detailed commentary (bhaşya) in Prakrit in aryas, akin to the prose commentary, which Jinaprabhamuni, author887 of the commentary on the paryusana-Kalpanir yukti, mentions as his source of information under the name nisithacūrni. The bhâsya offers but little assistance in regard to the explanation of the words of the text, but contains general remarks concerning the contents of each of the uddesakas. It starts with a very lengthy introduction 838 which at the end is called pedhaṁ, i.e. pigham, cf. pishika in Malayagiri. Each of the paragraphs of the text is called sūtram in every case. This commentary does not discuss the three concluding verses of the text. The writer of the Berlin MS. (Ahmedabad Saṁy. 1629) belonged to the stock of Abhayadeva.829
1. XXXVI. Second chedasūtram, the mahanistham. Instruction of Goyama in reference to transgressions (salla) and punishments (payacchitta, păchitta), in 8 ajjhayaņas, of which [456] ajjh. 1, 2 have a text composed partly in slokas or trisțubh, (Nom, in ) and partly in prose (Nom. in e); and in ajjh. 3 ff. many ślokas are inserted. The single copy which I have by me, and that a very incorrect one, reproduces the text so very imperfectly that even the writer overcome by the difficul
826 Who does this or that and who does not do it." See Leumann, Aup. Glossar,
p. 159s. V. sajj. (Pali sadiyati) "take", "receive", "accept", "permit". 827 A.D. 1307, see Jacobi, Kalpas p. 25; also author of the Vidhiprapa, above, p. 223. 828 Begins : navabambhaceramaio affharasapadasahassio veto (vedah, see p. 457) /
havati ya sapancaculo bahu bahutarao padaggenań // 1 // ayar apakappassa tu... 1/2 // dyaro aggamtiyapakappa taha culia nisihan th... // 3 // pakappammi culiyae nisthe ya...V. 1 is cited in the same form, by Silanka from Bhadr's acdranir yukri
according to Laumann... 829. Sanvar 1569 under Patasaha Mahamuda. ..

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ties in his way, at the conclusion of the first ajjh., begs,880 in Prakrit, that the fault be not laid at his door. He says that it is not a kulihiyam. but a text sui generis with its mixture of verses, half-verses, prose and even single aksaras. See my remarks on p. 472. If my explanation of his words be correct the writer speaks also of marginal glosses and of leaves that have fallen out from his original (puvväyarisa, pūrvadarśa). Since these words too are very corrupt, they are not to be ascribed to the writer of the present MS., which is well written to say the least, but to an earlier scribe, whose comments have always been copied together with the text.
A statement in Sanskrit, of not less peculiar nature, but handed down in a very corrupt state, is found at the end of the fourth ajjhayaņa, and is directed, not against the condition of the text, but against its contents. According to this statement Haribhadrasűri had declared that it was impossible for him to believe some of the wonderful accounts contained in the text. [457] The writer first asserts that this scepticism of Haribhadrasari has referrence solely to a few of these statements and not to the entire fourth ajjh, or to the other ajjh. This scepticism, he says, was caused by the fact that in angas 3, 4 and in upangas 3, 4 nothing was said of these matters, "na katharcid idam acakhye yathā". We must refer yathā to what follows, and regard the words as a kind of citation from ajjh. 4. The latter, however, does not suit the sense, which amounts to this :- cave dwellers are able to undergo hardships for a year. The meaning of the very obscure words at the end appears to be that since this sūtram according to ancient tradition is an arsam, and in this frutaskandha there are contained many excellent "ganadharoktáni vedavacanăni", it is the conclusion of the writer that there is no occasion for unbelief even as regards these remarkable statements.881 The great Haribhadrasari832 is undoubtedly
830 mahānisthasuyaskandhassa padhamam aljhayanan salluddharanan nama // 1 //
eyassa ya kulihiyadoso na dayayvo suaharehin / kin tu jo ceva eyussa puvvåyariso åsi, tattheva kattha ya silogo kat thai silogaddhan katthai payakkharah katthalih akkharapamtiya katthai pattayaputthiyan ("marginal notes" ?) kal be tinni pannani
eva ghai (?) bahu gańspa (gatha ?) parigaliyan ti. 831 atra caturthadhyayane bahavah siddhantikah kecid llyāpakānna(?) samyak sudadh
yety (?) evaṁtair asraddadhanair asinakam api na samyak sraddhanam ity aha Hari. bhadrasurih; na punaḥ sarvam eve 'dan caturthadhyayanam anyāni vă 'dhyayanāni asyai 'va kalipayai(h) parimitair alăpakair afraddhanam ity arthah ; yatah sthanasamavāya.jivābhigama-prajnapanādisu na kathañcid idam acakhye yathai preti(?) samtāpasthānam asti, tai (?) guhāvāsinas tu manujnås, teşuca paramadharmikanāín punah punah saptāstavaran yāvad upapattes, teşam ca tair darunair vajrasilāgharaftasampufair gilitānāṁ paripid yamānānām api samvat sarah yavat prānavyāpat tir na bhavati 'ti; vựddhavādas tu punar yathāvad idam arsam sutram, viktir na tavad atra pratista, prabhuraś ca 'tra Srutaskamdhe arthah susty apisayena (?) satisayani
ganadharoktáni veda (see p. 455n) vacanāni, tad evam sthite na kimcid asarnkantyam. 872 See pp. 371, 372. In JinadattasOri's ganadhar asardhasata, v. 55, 114 payaranas
are ascribed to him ; and Sarvarājagani cites in the scholiast the following works :

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referred to here, [458] who must have played an important role at the date of this remark of the copyist, to whom the polemic appeared as a bitter necessity.
The wretched condition of the text is perhaps to be ascribed to the fact that the authority of the mahānisithasūtra found many opponents even among the Jains themselves. That the text is corrupt is manifested externally first of all in the imperfect tradition as regards it division, According to a special statement838 in the commencement of the third ajjh., after v. 3, (a statement that perhaps did not belong to the text originally) the mahānis, consists of 8 ajjhayanas, each of which contains a certain number of uddesas, which is stated. But in our MS. there is no trace whatsoever of any uddesas. In the first ajjh, there are between the beginning and the end some $$ numbers (31,33 and 16,17 for which 36,37 are to be substituted), (459] and at the end the number 49. These numbers do not, however, refer to uddesa sections, since these are generally of greater extent, as is proved in the case of our text from the number of udd. ascribed to ajjh. 2-7. We have no statement of the kind in the case of ajjh. 1. These numbers are nine for 2, sixteen for 3, eight for 4, ten for 5, two for 6, three for 7, ten for 8. Of the eight ajjhayaņas only the first six are specially distinguised, four having special names, though only those ascribed to the first two ajjh. are in harmony with the contents. The sixth ajjh, closes on f. 70“; the remainder is characterized at the close (966) as : piiyā, perhaps biiya dvitlyā, cūliyā, so that two cūliyā chapters are here indicated, 884 which, if added to the 6 ajjh., gives the desired number 8. In this faulty con
pamcavastuka upadeśapadapamcāsaka 'safaka şodaśaka lokatatt) vanirnaya dharmavirdu lokabidu yogadtstisamuccaya darśanasaptatika nānacitraka vyhanmithyatvamarthana pañcasutraka saņskytatmānusasana saṁskytacait yavadanabhasya anekāṁt ajayapataka 'nek āthtapadapraveśaka paralokasiddhi dharmalobhasiddhi śästravārttasamuccayadi prakaranānim tatha avasyakavytti daśavaikalika vrhadvytii laghuvytti piñanir yuktivytti jivābhigama-prajñāpanopañgavytti pucavastukavętti anekāmtajayapatakävytti cait yavandanavytti anuyogadvär avytti nandivytti sangrahanivytti kşetrasamāsavytti śāstrāvārttasamuccayavytti ar hachricudāmaņi samarádityacarita kathakosadi sastränarh. Not so complete are the statements in the Vicärämrtasamgraha which contains, however, a large number of the names. In the Vic.
H's death is placed (§ 8 begin) in the year 1050 after Vira. 833 Probably in four āryās, though the metre or rather the text itself is very difficult
to make out. The last verse reads ;-nikhittavibhittapänenär sanghaffenam ime mahānisiha (in) / varasuyakkhandham vottavvaṁ ca auttagapanagenan (?) till In the preceding verses the word ambile is found three times : taie solasa uddese artha tatheva ambile / jam tam itam cailt the vipamcamanmi (!) 'chāmi yambile // dasa. chalthe do, sattame tinni, atthame 'bile dasa a /; this is probably a vocative to ambilă. "little mother and to be explained in the same way as sundari ! in
painna 7 (see p. 442). 834 The conclusion of the first cula is not directly marked off, but is to be placed on
80b, where a section closes with bemi.

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dition of the MS. it is worth while to note the statements of the three såmacaris in reference to the mahan. Āvi treats of this subject (see pp. 447,448) in discussing the cheaggantha, and states that there were 8 ajjh. with 83 uddesas. The first ajjhayanam had then no divisions of this kind and was egasraram ; the second had 9, the third and fourth 16 each, the fifth 12, the sixth 4, the seventh 6, the eighth 20. The difference between this account and the information to be drawn from the MS. is very great indeed. (See above) Svi. and V., on the other hand (see p. 448), separate the mahānisiham from the other cheda texts, and treat, at the conclusion, of the jogavihi of the sacred texts after the painnagavihi. [460] They too agree with Āvi, as regards the number of ajjh. and udd. The seventh and eighth ajjh. are expressly called by V. cūlárūva (donni cūlão, v. 64). Forty-three days are necessary to learn the mahān., teyālisäe dişehim ajjhayanasamatti, but as two days are requisite for suyakkhardhassa samuddesa and for anunņā, the total number is 45. The chedas 1,3-5 required together only 30 days. See page 448.
A statement in Wilson Sel. W. 1,341 (ed. Rost) is of particular interest :"Vajrasvāmi885 instituted the Mahānisitha-sect"; and of equal interest are the remarks of Rajendra Lal Mitra (p. 227) in reference to three different recensions (vācana) of the Mahāniśitha. The question which is proposed in the introduction of chapter 22 of the Vicărāmrta. samgraha substantiates the belief that the Mahānisitha is tolerably old. This question is :---how is it to be explained that the prayascitta prescribed in the Mahāniśitha is not practised ? The answer to this includes chedas 1,3,5 and reads :-adhună mandasattvaiḥ kalpavyavahāranistthamahānisithādinām · ekatarasyā 'pi gramthasya'bhiprayena pråyaścittăni yatha caddodhaṁ (? 'vasodhur) na śakyamte atas te sarvagacchesu jttavyavahāreņa prāyaścittam(y) anucharaṁto drśyrte.
The first mention of the mahānisiham, of which I am aware, is found in the enumeration of the anangapavittha texts in the Nandi etc., where the schol. on N. explains the word as follows :nisithāt paraṁ, yat graṁtharthābhyaṁ mahattarar tam mahāniśithaṁ. (461] We have already mentioned (p. 445) that the gacchāyāra states that it is based upon the mahān, as its source.
The introductory words are the same as in anga 1 etc. : suyam me āusaṁ, tenaṁ bhagavaya evam akkhāyam, and each of the ajjh, closes
835 Nominally 584 Vira: see pp. 219, 251, cf. Avasy 8, 41 fg. Ganadharasārdhas, v. 23
fg. In reference to the statement above, cf. pp. 463n and 464.

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correspondingly with ti bemi. Besides this, there is nothing which directly savours of antiquity with the single exception that the dialogue form between the bhagavant (who is addressed with (se) bhagavas and not with (se) nam bhamte) and Indrabhūti (Goyama !) is retained. This form, however, ill suits the introductory formula by which the whole is attributed to the bhagavant himself,
The name of the text occurs shortly after the introduction, and is accompanied by laudatory epithets. This fact, together with the epithet mahā° in the name, makes it probable that it is of later date, It had need of a special sanction because of its secondary character, The words are : pavara-vara-mahāniśithasuyakkhaṁdha(m) suyānusarena tivihar --but there follows no three-fold division,
The first book is entitled salluddharaṇaḥ and treats of the most various kinds of salla, salya. The repeated references to the savvaṁgovarga are worth our notice ; whence the existence of the uvamga at the time of its composition - see above, p. 373 is eo ipso clear. Then follows the figure of the useful co-partnership of the lame with the blind man which is specially emphasized :-hayam nāņam kiyāhiņam, hayá annāņao kiya / pasaṁto paṁgulo daddho dhāvamāņo a amdhao || ... asdho ya pangū ya vane samiccă te sampaiittä nagaraṁ pavithā 11. Furthermore [462] stress is laid upon reverence (vaṁde, vaṁdiyyä) for pictures (padima) and temples (ceia, ceiālaya). A special formula seems to have been made use of in this connection, an enigmatical treatment of the letters of which occurs836 after the fashion of the treatment of a um (om) in the Upanişads and in similar formulas in the tantra ritual. This entire subject was a riddle to the copyist-cf. p. 456 - and so it remains for us. After the real conclusion of the work, in an addition, a similar subject is treated of in like manner merely by means of single letters.
Book II, is entitled kammavivāyaṇam, perhaps karmavipăcaņa (cf. pp. 270,280,335), At the end is found an obscure statement which perhaps has reference to ajjh. 1,2, and which reads : eesim tu donham ajjhayaņāņaṁ vihi puvvageņaṁ savvasamannam vattehiņam ti (?). .
836 amana al mai/kauttha ava / addhaina / amaa um / n am up ay / an u s arat
na am/ a um n / amai / sa am bh in nas u /1/ n amait / khat re a / sabaddha inla u m/nam u etc.-In a similar manner (each of the single consonants having viräma) we find the mantra composed which the Vidhiprapă cites in mentioning the ayariyapayafthāvanavihi and uvajjhåyapayo. These, however, commence with a / / m /: cf, the Upani sade. Have we here an example of the mauyakkhara ? see page 281 (with note) and page 350.

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Books III and IV., without apecific titles, are composed almost entirely in prose, and treat especially of the kusila. It is noticeable that in Book III. frequent reference is paid to the duválasamgam suyanånaṁ and the samgovarga duvalasamgasamudda. The commencement with sämäiya is retained (cf. p, 243), and the suyanānam is then characterized as sämäiya-m-ai logabimdusågara (sära !) payyavasānam (p. 245). [463] We find in the text the following statements which are very characteristic as regards the origin and history of Book III : tattha tattha bahuehim suyaharéhis sammiliūnam sargovaṁgaduválasamgäu suyasamuddau anna-anna-uvaṁgăsuya (kkha ) mdha-ajjhayana-uddesagānarn samuccineūnaṁ kimcim kimciṁ saṁvayyamāņań etthamlihiyaṁ ti, na una sakavvakayaṁ (svakāvyakytar) ti. This is an example of the saying qui s' excuse s' accuse. It is more probable that the above is a production of the author himself than that it emanates from the hand of a copyist who is inclined to doubt,
Book IV. contains a legend of two brothers, Sumati and Naila,887 in which we may observe an occasional reference (in Sanskrit !) to an old elucidation (1) of anga 10 : sesam tu praśnavyákaranavddhavicăraņåd avaseyaṁ. Whoever, bhikṣu or bhikṣuņi, should praise the adherents of hostile systems or schismatics (parapåsaṁdiņaṁ pasaṁsaṁ kareyya, je yå vi nam niņhagānam p. k), whoever speaks in favour of the schismatics (niņhagānaṁ aņukūlam bhäseyya), visits their temples (niņh. dyayaram pavisiyya), studies their texts (niņh. gaṁthasattha payakkharar vā parūveyya), or follows their ordinances (ninh: saṁkalie käyakilesäie tavei vä sarjamei vă jāņei vă vinnavei vă suei vă padivvei vă avimuhasuddhapari. såmayyagãe salaheyya) his fate will be as disastrous as that of Sumati, sa vi naṁ paramā hammiesuṁ uvavayyeyya jaha Sumail. The hate against the heterodox. and schismatics is here so bitter, [464] that the conjecture is not too bold if we assume that the heterodox and schismatics had at that time got possession of the text of this book, see pp. 293, 368.
Book, V., duvālasaṁgasuyamånassa navattyasära(?), mentions the duālasamga, but merely in a general way. It treats especially of the relation between the teacher (guru) and scholar (stsa) of the dyara (gacchāyāra, see p. 445), and anāyára.
837 lp the theravali of Kalpas., one of the four scholars of Vajra (svamin), p, 460, or
of Vajrasena, is called by this name. He was the founder of a school which bore his name. Bhdadippa, the scholar of Någajjuna, was from the Näilakula; see v. 44 of the Theravalt in the Nandis.

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Book VI. giyatthavihāra (see p. 436, 450), treats of the pachitta prayascittà, and contains a legend of a teacher Bhadda and the ayyiya (aryikå) Rayya. The mention of the dasapuvvi in the introduction brings eo ipso the date of its composition down to a period subsequent to that of Bhadrabahu, the last caturdaśapūrvin, and to that of Vajra, the last daśapūrvin. See pp. 219, 460.
Books VII., VIII., which (see p. 459) are characterized as two cūliyās, a name which per se marks them as a secondary addition, treat likewise of the pacchitta, and, in fact, in such great detail, that the words kiṁ bahun,838 together with the formal frame-work enclosing them, are occasionally repeated several times in immediate succession. Shortly before the close these words occur again. A legend of the daughter of Suyyasivi in Avanti plays a very prominent part in these books.
The solemn adjuration (found also in another passage) to save this sūtraṁ from any damage, is another indication of its secondary origin : -jayā naṁ Goyama ! iņam-o pacchitta-suttar vocchiyyihii tayā nam cardäiccă-gaha (465): rikkha-taragā nar satta ahoratte ya no viphuriyyä, imassa par vocchede Goyamā ! kasiņasaṁjamassa abhāvo.
To the conclusion (samatta mahānisihasuyakkhardham) are joined the reverential invocations to the 24 titthaṁkaras, the tittha, the suyadevayā, the suyakevali, all the sähu, siddhai to the 'bhagavat arahart, Then follow the incomprehensible separate akşaras etc,, mentioned on page 462. The actual conclusion is formed by the statement concerning the extent of the whole book (4504 ślokas) ; cattari sahassäin parca sayāir taheva cattäri / cattāri (again ! ) silogā viya mahānisthammi på enam 11
The mahani stham is indisputably much younger than the nisiham, and is almost six times its size. It is noteworthy that this sūtram, just as the fourth chedas , according to its own statements (see above and pp. 456, 458,461) receives suyakkhardha, frutaskandha as an addition to its name. This is a title that is used in the case of the angas for larger divisions of the anga. But in the case of angas 3-5, 7-10, up. 8-12 the expression also holds good for the whole and not merely a part. There is no commentary, as in the case of the nisiha, with the exception of the curņi. See above, p 445, for the origin of the gachhayararn from the Mahānisiha.
838 The words, however, occur Aup. $ 48.

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XXXVII. Third chedasūtraň, the vavaḥära. We have already scon above, pp. 447, 449, that the three texts dasā, kappa and vavahara, according to the Avasy, 16,109, are connected as one group. In the arrangement found in the Āvasy and in that handed down in the Nandi, vavahāra is placed in the last place after dasă and kappå. This position after the kappa is also allotted to the vavahāra (466) in the penultimate verse of the bhäsya839 belonging to it, and consequently in Malayagiri's comm, where there are two statements to this effect --in the introduction840 and at the conclusion of the seventh udd.841 The same conclusion may be drawn from the compound kalpavyavahārau in schol, on Oghaniry. (see p. 449), though there may be here nothing more than a mere reference to the greater brevity of the word kalpa. In the Ratnasāgara (see p. 449), however, the vavahära stands at the head of the chedasūtra.
We have already seen (ibid.) that kalpa as vavahara is attributed especially to Bhadrababu and considered as an extract from pūrva 9,3,20. According to Āvas y 2,5, Bhadrabahu (supposing that he is here the speaker) composed at least a niyyutti on it. And we have also seen (p. 446) that the text is divided into ten uddesas84in agreement with the statements in Āvasy. 16, 109. The contents consists of general regulations in reference to the penances etc, of the clergy and of disciplinary statutes concerning right and wrong-kappati, no kappati.
Each of the uddesas closes, after the fashion of angas-1-3 with ti bemi. The text is in prose and well preserved. The Prakrit bhäsya in āryā, is found entire in Malayagiri's very detailed commentary, which is in reality rather a commentary on the bhāsya than on the text itself. (467] In the commencement of the very lengthy introduction848 we find the relation of the text to the kalpa stated as follows :- kalpadhyayane abhavat prāyaścittam uktam, na tu danaprayaścittaṁ danaṁ ; vyavahare tu dānaprāyaścittaṁ alocanăvidhiś cā bhidhisyate.
udd. 1 treats of pariharathanam lasting 1,2,3 or 4 months -2 of the relation of two sāhammiyas 3 of teacher and scholar,-4 of the mera (maryāda) sāhūnam,-5 of the mera sarjatiņam, -6 of mischances (also
839 kappavvavahārānam bhāsaṁ muttūna vitthai am savvam. 840 uktai kalpadhyayanań, idāniň vyavahāradhya yanam ucyate. 841 pärvam kalpädhyayane bhanita. 842 Or according to its own schol., also in 3 khandas (udd. 1, 2; 3.6; 7-10). 843 puthika (see p. 455), in 2355 gr, corresponding to 182 verses of the bhasya. The
entire commentary embraces 35122 gr. The MS, which I have before me. Is dated Sarhvat 1565 A.D. 1509.

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niggarthina), --7 of the rājādinim avagraha, -8 of the sddharmikavagraha, -9 of the chara,-- 10 of the abhigraha.
See above, p. 445, in reference to the vavahāra as source of the gacchåyåra.
XXXVIII. Fourth chedasūtram, the dasão or avaradascu, daśas, in fuller form daśāśrutaskandha, in 10 uddesas (uddesanakāla Āvasy. 16,109), of which I to 9 are called dasā, the eighth is called also ajjhayanaṁ and the tenth ajjhayaņaṁ only. In Āvas y 2,5 the speaker declares himself to be author of a dasānaṁ niyyutti whose author tradition (see Jacobi, 1. c. p. 12) calls Bhadrabahu. The great antiquity of the text is proved by the fact that not only is it cited in anga, 3,10 under the title Ayara.. dasáu, but also the names of its ten ajjh. cited there are the same as those given here. See p. 272.
Each of the first seven dasás begins after the fashion of anga 1 with the formula : suyaṁ me ausam ! tenaṁ (468) bhagavayā evaṁ akkhaya and closes with ti bemi. After akkhāyam there follows another formula, which briefly says that the contents of the following section is as "therehis bhagavamtehim pannatta," as in up. 3 (p. 388), see Abhayadeva on anga 3,10f 288. The doctrines in question it refers to the predecessors of the bhagavant (see also up. 10, p 423). In the first dasă 20 asamāhitphână are treated of, in the second 21 sabalā 44 (sabalāni), in the third 33 åsāyanāu, in the fourth 8 ganisaṁpada, in the fifth 10 cittasamdhithana, or, according to V. attasohi (here there is a legend of a sermon of Mahavira at the time of Jiyasattu, king of Våniyagama, closing with 17 ślokas , in the sixth 11 wasagapadimàu, in the seventh 12 bhikkhupadimāu. All this deals with regulations having reference to the department of the vinaya, and treats of the course of life and the discipline of the laity and clergy.845 The method of treatment is short and compact.
The eighth section is called ajjhayaņam, but in anga 3,10 as in V., pajjosāvanäkappo, exceeds the first 7 dasas in its contents and in its extent. Certainly its largest portion has been inserted here at a later period. It is formed of the work called Kalpasūtra and in fact of the entire work of this name in its three parts, according to the MSS. and
814 Cf. Av. 18, 94-99, and Prašnavyåk, conclusion (Leumann). 845 Cf. Avasy. 16,17 fg.

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the Kalpantaravacyāni. Jacobi (Kalpas. pp. 22,23) has alreaday called our attention to the fact, that in reality only the last (the third) section, [469] which is called "sămicări, rules for yatis," and also paryuṣaṇākalpa-cf. the title of this book in anga 3 and V.-belongs in this place, and that it alone could claim, together with the remaining parts of the daśāśr., to be ascribed to Bhadrabahu. The closing words tti bemi, payyosanākappadasă aṭṭhamam ajjhayanam are similar to those of the other dasău and substantiates this conclusion. The contents of this section refers to the varsavasa, and treats of that which thereby is kappai and no k. In the introduction commencing with the legendary formula -teṇam kaleṇam-it is stated how Mahavira acted in these cases. The following portions, each of whose sentences invariably begins with a stereotyped refrain, is at the end ascribed to Mahavira in special legendary form likewise introduced by teṇam kaleṇam. I will refer to the other parts of the Kalpasutra below.
The ninth dasă, also called mohaniyyaṭṭhānam, has the usual legendary beginning: tenam kälenam.., and tells of a sermon of Mahavira under king Koniya of Campa in reference to the 30 (so also anga 3) mohaṭṭhāndim. The portion dealing with this sermon consists of 39 slokas, for the most part with the reffain: mahamoham pakuvvai. The conclusion is ti bemi.
The tenth book, āyātiṭṭhāṇaṁ46 commences with the usual formula: tenam kaleṇam and tells in great detail847 how Senia [470] Bhimbhisāra, king of Rayagiha, together with his spouse Cellaņā, listened to a sermon of Mahavira. The sight of the princely splendour turned the thoughts of the followers of Mahavira to worldly things, to rebuke which Mahāvira preaches a lengthy sermon on the excellence of his doctrine, divided into 10 §§ and beginning with the same refrain.848 Nor does he forget to mention the rewards of those who follow his teachings. The result of this sermon was that his audience were delighted and Mahāvira continued to preach in Rajagṛha.
The legendary excursi of the last dasău (5,8,9 and 10) in reference to Mahavira are doubtless the cause of the introduction of the Kalpasutra, the first part of which treats especially of the life of Mahavira.
845 ajananam ajati (h) sammurcchanagar bhopapātato janma, tasyaḥ sthanam samsaraḥ Abhayadeva on anga 3,10 (289a) in the introduction.
847 It refers to up. 1.
848
mãe dhamme pannatte, inam eva niggamthe pavayane, sa ce anuttare padipunne kevale (cf. Aupapat, § 56 p. 62, ed. Leumann).

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The Kalpasūtram was the first Jain toxt which was made known, in 1848, in the very faulty translation of Rev. J. Stevenson. It is now carefully edited by H. Jacobi, 1879, to whose instructive introduction I have so often referred.
:
.
We have already observed, that of the three parts of which it is composed, the last alone can claim to belong to the dasdu. The two other parts were originally not connected. Each of them is divided into three portions, the first of which contains the history of Mahavira, the second that of his 23 predecessors, the third a list of his successors, (471) Theravli, to Deviddhi-khamāsamapa, the nominal redactor of the 45 agama.
TL
This Theravalt agrees as regards each of its first twelve parts with, those statements which are found in the therävali of the Nandi and of the Āvasyakasūtra, and in the later tradition of the Jains (rşimandalasutra, of the Dharmaghoşa etc.). But from this point on there is no such harmony. The list found here is the most complete, since it embraces a large number of the lateral branches proceeding from each of the patriarchs; and contains all sorts of divergences from the other lists. Jacobi distinguishes "four or five distinct treatises" (p. 23).
It is self-evident that any connection is impossible between this Theravali and Bhaddabahu, the nominal author of the Kalpasūtra - see below-who appears in the seventh place in the list of patriarchs. The Theravali contains eleven members more (ajja Vaira, Vajrasvāmin, as number 16) nor did it belong originally to the Kalpasūtra. This conclusion holds good also in the case of the account of the 23 predecessors of Vira which introduces it. In this account we find some few details in reference to two of Vira's immediate predecessors, Pasa and Arithanemo, and in reference to Usabha who is placed first in the series. The other predecessors are treated of in a very few words. The relation is retrogressive, beginning with the 23rd. We find no mention that Malli (Mali in the text of Jacobi) was a woman.
The intention of collecting everything that had reference to Jainism is manifest in the addition (472) (see Stevenson, p. 99) of these two sections, in reference to the successors and predecessors of Mahavira, to the main part of the Kalpasūtra which treated of his life.
This main portion contains towards the close (§ 148) statements mentioning the dates 280 and 993 after Vira. According to Jacobi

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(p. 23) it is self-evident that these dates do not "refer to the author, but to Devarddhigaộin, the editor of the Kalpasūtra." Tradition places Bhadrabahu, the nominal author of the Kalpasūtra, in the year 170 after Vira (see Jacobi, p. 114). But as far as I can see, an error or confu. sion has brought it about that the Kalpasūtra has been ascribed to Bhadrabahu, as tradition, e. g. the introduction to the Kalpantarvācyānt, states. In the well attested statement (see above, p. 449) that the Kalpavyavaharau was extracted from pūrva 9, 3, 20, by Bhadrabahu, we must not understand by "Kalpa" the Kalpasūtram, but the chedasūtra 5, a conclusion that may be drawn from the statements in reference to the division of the two texts kappa and vavahära, which is found in Avasy. 16, 109. The similar statement concerning the dasa-kappa-vyavaharà in the Rsimandalasūtra (Jacobi, p. 11) is, after a consideration of this passage of the Avasy., not to be referred, as Jacobi refers it, to “the ten kalpas and the Vyavahāra," but (see p. 357, 450) to the three chedasūtras 3-5 ; the daśau, the vavahāra and the kappa.849
Personally I am inclined on the strength of $ 148 to hold Devarddhigani as the editor, and even as the [473] "author" of the chief part of the Kalpasūtra. I will even go a step further and assert that in reality the Kalpasūtram, or its present essential part, has no claim to this title, which is at complete variance with its contents. It has received this name after its junction with the paryusanākalpa, the eighth chapter of the dasāu. This ancient title (see p. 468) is cited in the beginning of the sardehavi sausadhi as a collective title of the work. See Jacobi, p. 99.
The Parcanamaskāra, placed "keșucid ādarsesu" at the commencement of the text, is known to us from anga 3 and upanga 4. It is followed here as in up. 4 by the passage in its praise, which is supposed to date back to Vajra (see Kup. 811), and is designed to glorify this commencement. This passage of the pascanam. contains the form havaiand not hoi as in up. 4 which in more modern times is regarded as the only well attested form. See p. 393, $$ 1,2, which contain the recital so obnoxious to the Digambara (see Jacobi, p. 22)— see p. 261 -- that Mahavira first "entered the womb of (the mahani) Devānanda 850 before he was placed (§ 21) in that of the khattiyani) Trišala"861, are borrowed outright from anga 1. Jacobi, p. 23, considers the portion
119 We find, however, mention made of a ten-fold division of the kalpa, e.g. in the
introduction to the Kalpåntarvāyācyäni, See p. 475. 850 Wife of Usabhadatta, cf. Wilson Sel. W. I, 292 (See Bhagav. 9, 33, Leum.) 851 Wife of Siddhattha of the Naya race. P-17

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containing the 14 dreams (§§33-46), with their long complex compounds, as a secondary addition, since it is not in harmony with the prevailing archaic style" of the text. I should prefer to regard the solemnity of the subject as the cause of these stylistic differences. [474] Upon such occasions the angas contain numerous stylistic excrescences, which, it should be remarked, occur not infrequently in other parts of the Kalpasūtra. The differences of this kind in §§ 33-46 (or does J. extend the description of the dreams further than 46 ?) may therefore, I should think, be reduced to a minimum.
The historical kernel of the recital is exceedingly small. Upto § 96 (incl.) the events before the birth of Mahavira alone are treated of. The following §§ to 111 discuss the birth, naming, childhood of M. and his life as gihattha. It is noteworthy that there is no mention of foreign nurses, as is usual in the angas and upangas on such occasions, nor are the 72 kalās etc. referred to. The enumeration of the Brahminical sciences in § 10 is the usual one, which we have already met with in anga 5. The recital as to how Mahavira: anagariyam paivvae (§ 116), and of his further development up to the time of his death (§ 132) is devoid of every particle of life. There is no trace of the many legends concerning him which we find scattered here and there in the angas, etc. They have not been made use of at all; hence the whole makes a most unsavoury impression as regards any biographical information. In §147 the mention of the 55 ajjhayaṇas of the pāvaphalaviväyäiṁ (see p. 271) is of interest, as also that of the 36 apuṭṭhavayaraṇāim, which, according to Jacobi, p. 114, are to be referred to the uttarajjhayaṇaṁ.
We have in the work entitled Kalpäntarvācyāni, a production partly in Prakrit, partly in Sanskrit, and in a mixture of the two [475]. After a self-evident introduction in reference to the ten forms of the Kalpa: ăcelukka (acelatvam), uddesia (auddeśika pirḍa), sijjāyara (sijjātaro (sayya) vasatisvämi), rayapinḍa (presents from the king), kiikamme (kṛti°), vaya (vrata), jittha (jyeṣṭhatvam), paḍikkamane, māsam (māsakalpaḥ), pajjovasanakappe (var şäsu caturmāsāvasthānarupaḥ), in reference to the purvas, out of the ninth of which the śrikalpa of Bhadrabahu, "uddhṛta," etc., is the Kalpäntar., in loose connection with the text of the Kalpasūtra, makes the text of the latter the point of departure for the insertion of a large number of legends and other statements in prose and verse. The frequent mention of Hemacandrasuri and of Manatumgastri, Malayagiri, of the Vamanam, Sarasvatikaṇṭhābharanam (as vyakaranam !!) and Sarasvatam vyakaranam shows that it was composed at a tolerably recent date. In general it may be said that there is a large amount of citations collected here. Of especial interest is the
4

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peculiar attempt made in the introduction to prove the great age of the Jinasasanam from supposed Vedic passages, as the two "vaiśvadevarcau Yajurvede 853 Om ṛṣabham pavitram puruhutam adhvaram yajñeṣu nagnam paramam pavitram/śrutadharam yajñapati-pradhānam ṛturyajana (!) pasum indram āhave 'ti svāhā, and trātāram imdram rşabham vadamti anitāram imdram tam ariṣṭanemim bhave, subhavam supärśvam imdram | have tu sakra ajitam jinemdram tad vardhamanam puruhūtam imdram svähä, and also Vs. 31,18, Rk. 2,89,6 etc. all of which is cited [476] incorrectly853. The detailed enumeration of the Brahminical sciences in § 10 contains much of interest (18 puranas, 18 smṛtis, 18 vyākaraṇas). The foreign serving-women are enumerated in § 16, essentially in the regular way :-khujjão cilāio vāmanio vaḍabhio babbario pausião joṇião palhavião isiņião cãruiņião lãsião laüsião demalio simhalio abario(!) pulimdio pakkanto marumḍio bahalio sabario parasto jātiya dasyaḥ. On § 108: bhagavato lekhanaśālakaraṇaprārambho likhyate (in Prakrit),-on § 209 a double enumeration of the 72 kalās and of the 18 lipayas-see above p. 400-on § 211,.64 mahilāguņās.
The oldest of the commentaries to which I have had access is the Samdehaviṣauṣadhir of Jinaprabhamuni, composed in Ayodhya A.D. 1307; at the end there is added a commentary to a paryuşaṇakalpaniryukti. Both texts are composed in Prakrit, and the commentary is based especially on the nisithacurni. This fact recalls chap, 8 of chedasutra 4.
XXXIX. Fifth chedasūtram, the bṛhatkalpa, in 6 uddeśas, Ordinances for the clergy of both sexes (niggamtha and niggamthi) in reference to that. which is proper (kappati) and that which is not (no kappati).
The agreement in reference to the division into 6 uddesas shows that it is our text which (p. 446 ff.) is designated in the Avasy. 16,100 in connection with dasa and vavahara and under the name of kappa simply.
[477] We shall have to racognize it under the designation of kappa, or kalpädhyayana, in other passages (see pp. 449,472) where there is
852 I am unable to explain the first passage, the second is manifestly Ṛk. 6, 47, 11 (Ts. 1,6,12,5): trätäram indram avitaram indram have have suhavam furam indram hyayami sakram puruhutam indram svasti no maghava dhatv indraḥ || The words of the text which I have enclosed in brackets above do not occur here.
353 na ce 'dam Jinasasanam arvacinam, vedadişvapi tadvacanat, tatha hi: vedeșu jinapramanamgula (?) darvi, tatha Yajurvede vaisvadeva-ricau...

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mention made of the extraction of kalpavyavahārau from pūrva 9,3,20 by Bhadrabahu. Its designation as bịhatkalpa, or vrhatsādhukalpa is unsuitable if we regard the diminutive size of the text (only 475 gr.). The conclusion (ti bemi) of udd. 4 and 6 is worthy of note.
The old bhasya in Prakrit äryās, belonging to this text, is designated simply as kalpabháşya, and is an enlargement of the "kappassa nijjutti," which the author of the Avasy, declares that he composed (2,7). See Keilhorn (in the Report on the Search of Sanskrit MSS. 1880-81, pp. ix,x), in reference to an old MSS. of it (Samvat 1218) and to its very curious use of letters of the alphabet to denote numerical notation.864 The commencement differs considerably from that in a palm-leaf MS. similar to this, but much younger (Samvat 1334), of which the Berlin Library possess a copy made on transparent paper. The commencement of the Berlin MS.-after prefacing the first 6 $$ of the text-is namo arahartanar, kāūņa namokkāram titthayaránamn tiloyamahiyānoņ| kappavvavahārāņam vakkhānavihiṁ pavakkhdmi il.
XL. The sixth chedasūtram is called parcakalpa866 in Bühler's list :see p. 226. I have not had access to a text of this name, which is repeatedly mentioned (see pp. 448-449) both in Avi, and V., together with a jiakappa. According to the Vicārāmstasaṁgraha, the pañcakappa is a work of Samghadāsavācaka, while the jitakalpa belongs to the Jinabhadragaộikşama (478] śramapa.856 We find in-it citations from both texts. The jitakalpa is also enumerated in the Ratnasāgara, p. 507, as the sixth chedasūtram. Raj. L. Mitra, however (see p. 227 above), mentions it as the last of his "five Kalpasūtras".
In lieu of commenting upon a text of the name of pancakalpa I will at least remark on the jitakalpa, which is mentioned together with it, that a sråddhajitakalpa in 141 Prakrit gåthås actually exists. It treats of the prayascitta, which suits the character of the chedasūtras exactly, but is referred to a definite author, Dharmaghoşa, scholar of Devendramuniśvara. In the anonymous commentary on it, it is designated as composed upanisatkalpa (!)-kalpa-vyavahāra ni Sithayatijitakalpānusårena. In
854 On this see Bhagvanlal Indraji on the ancient Nagari Numerals in the Indian
Antiquary, 6,42fg. (1877) and Bühler, ibid. p. 47 fg. 855 In Kielhorn's report, p. 94, there is mention made of a pancakalpasūtracurni by
Amradevåcårya. 856 See above, pp. 427,430. where both texts are counted in with the painnas. There
are there several other texts ascribed to Jinabhadra. The passage reads : Jinabhao framanakyto jirakalpaḥ, kşetrasamasah, sangrahani visesanavati ca.

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the commontary reference is paid to the pravacanam as samdyikddibindusäraparyastaṁ, and in v. 58 erroneous doctrines and påşandin are treafed of in detail. Then the glatthås (see above pp. 437,450,464), to which the text refers in v. 141, are expressly explained as śrini sithädichedagratharthasūtradharāḥ.867 Form all this we may draw the conclusion that the text is closely, (479) if not directly connected with the chedasūtras.
We have already mentioned in reference to the mahākappa, Āvasy. 8,55 above pp. 446,447, that the Nandi in its anangapaviţtha list recognizes the existence of a mahakappasuam, a cullakappasuam, and a kappiyakappiam. In the scholiast ibid, wę find the following explanation :kalpākalpapratipadakam adhyayanaṁ kalpakalpam ; tathā kalpah sthavirakalpädiḥ, tat pratipadakam śrutar kalpaśrutam, tac ca dvidha : kşullakakalpo mahākalpo ca, tatrai 'kam alpagrarthaí alpártham, dvitlyaṁ mahāgraṁtham mahārthar ca. There is, therefore, no doubt but that texts of this class existed.858
(Vol. XVII. p. 1)
In Bühler's list there follow :
B. Nandisutram and F. Anuyogadvarasūtram, without any name to connect them. In Rajendra Lal Mitra, Notices of Ssk. MSS. 3,67 (Calc. 1874) and in the Ratnasagara, p. 508 (Calc. 1880) both texts are mentioned in conjunction, but at the close of the Siddhanta after the mula. sūtras. In the Ratnas, the Anuyogadv. precedes. On the other hand we have already seen (p. 427 fg.) that, at the time of the three Sāmāyāris, and indeed at that of the already seen (p. 427 fg.) that, at the time of the three Sāmāyāris, and indeed at that of the Vicārāmstasaṁgraha, both texts were placed in a much earlier place of the Siddh., at the head of the painna group; though in the Vidhiprapa at least, their connection with this group is represented as uncertain (see 429").
In bearing the stamp of individuality and having a systematic arrangement, both texts have a claim to a free and independent position.
457 In the scholiast on Vicărămytasangraha the following explanation for Jiyakappa
is found in citation from the Pańcakappa : jan jassa ca pacchittam ayariyaparamparāyai viruddham joga ya bahuvihi ya eso khalu jiyak appo ull :--and the word jiyam is ibid. explained as follows :- jan bahuhim giyalfhehim ainnan tam jiyam ucitam cittamity anarthamtaram vyavahāracurnipithe, jitam nama prabhu
tānekagitarthakşta maryada tatpratipadano grattho 'py upacarát. 368 Compare, also, the title of upanga 9.

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This shews that their author attempted to give an encyclopædic, but systematic, review of everything that appeared necessary to him as a means of information in reference to the sources and forms of a correct knowledge and understanding of the sacred texts. In this way [2] he could present his readers with a hermeneutical introduction.659 These two works are admirably adapted to the use of any one who, having completed a collection or redaction of them, then seeks for light concerning the nature of sacred knowledge itself. The statement of the scholiast on the Nandi has no little internal probability 860 in asserting that Devavācaka, i.e. Devarddhigaại himself, was their author. Further more, the list of teachers in the commencement of the Nandi and also in the commencement of mülas 2, as we shall soon see, breaks off861 with Dasagani, whom the scholiast states to be the teacher of Devavācaka, author of the Nandi. There is, however, no external support for this conclusion which is not borne out by any information to be derived from the contents. In fact, the contrary view seems to result from these sources of our knowledge ; see p. 17 ff. The anuyogady. contains all manner of statements, which would synchronize with the date of Devarddhigaņi, 980 Vira, i.e. fifth or sixth century A.D. But I possess no information which would lead me to connect the composition of the Anuyogady, especially with him ; and the difference in the terminology militates against the probability of both texts being the production of one and the same author ; see pp. 9,11,21; That the Nandi is anterior to the Anuyogady. is made probable by some passages of the latter work, which appear to have been extracted from the Nandı. But the fact that the Anuyogady, is mentioned in the anangapavittha list in the Nandi (sce p. 12), makes for the opposite conclusion.
We find references to the Nandi in the remarks of the redactor scattered here and there in the angas and upangas ; and especial attention is directed to the statement of the contents of the 12 angas found in the N. This statement is found in greater detail in part 2 of anga 4. Hence the fact that in these references of the redactor, the Nandi and not anga 4 is cited. We do not read jaha samavāye, but jahā Nandle ; see 284, 352 (accord, to Leumann, also Bhag. 25,3 Rajapr. p. 243) which must be regarded as a proof that the Nandi was the authority on which these references were based. The treatment of the subject in anga 4
859 "A glossary of the above-named sutras and a description of five Janas" is the
somewhat peculiar description of the contents of the Nandisutra by Käsináth (p.
227) 850 See also Bhāu Dāji in the Journal Bombay Branch R. As S. 9, 151. 861 See Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 15, note 2.

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is, then, merely an appropriation to itself and extension of the contents of this part of the Nandı. Other arguments, notably that many of the readings in the Nandi are older in special cases (see 349, 363) incline us to the same conclusion.
If now the nominal redactor of the entire Siddhanta or at least of the angas and upangas, Devarddhigani, was also author of the Nandi, it becomes at once apparent why he referred to his own work in reference to so special a subject as the statement of the contents of the 12 angas, and the account in anga-4 is to be regarded as an insertion made after D's time. See p. 19.
I find in the Siddhānta no remarks of a redactor in reference to the Anuyogadvāras, though Leumann thinks to have discovered one (Bhag. 5, 4). In the text of Āvasy 10, 1 the Anuyogadvāras is mentioned together with, or rather after, the Nandi as a preliminary stage of advancement for the study of the sutta. [Both texts are in fact thought to introduce the study of each sutta that has been treated by a Niryukti. LJ
-
-
-
Both sūtras are composed in prose, though occasionally [4] gātnās are inserted ; that is to say if we except the 50 verses in the commencement of the Nandı. These găthās, in which the Nom. Sgl. Masc. 1 Decl. always ends in o and not in e, are manifestly the genuine productions of their authors. In the prose part, the preservation of the nom. in e shews that there is an attempt to reproduce the language and form of the sacred texts. The Nandi embraces only 719 granthas, the Anuyogadv. about twice as many.
XLI. The Nandi, Nandı or the Nandisūtram. The three sāmāyārı texts understand by Nandi, or nandikad dhavania (Āvi), nandirayaņavihi (Vi), an introductory ceremony, in long or short form as the case may be, for the savayakaccāņi (śrävakakrtyäni), especially for the didactic exposition or the recitation of the angas, etc. It is almost probable that by this the recitation of our text is referred to. We read in Āvi : tao gurū namokkara-tigapuvvam namdiṁ kad dhai, să ce yar : nāņaṁ parcaviham . and then follows the real commencement of the Nandi. See below. This is, however, soon interrupted, and the citation passes to that variant textual form which is found in Anuyogadv. Another change then occurs, and finally that enumeration of the sacred texts is reached which is found later on in the Nandi. We have, therefore, here no immediate citation from the text of the Nandi but a relation based essentially on the same foundation but in its form independent, a relation whose designation by the same word is based upon the appellative signification

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of this expression. We may compare the [5] similar use of the word nandi in Skt. for these introductory strophies of a drama, which are designed to bring good fortune. Cf. also nandika as the name of a door-post, and nändipaa, a cover of a spring (P. W.). Haribhadra on Āvašy. 9,1 has the following: - adimaṁgalärthań nardi vyākhydta, and in the commencement of his commentary, ibid. ;- no-āgamato bhavamangalam nardi, tatra nadanam nardi, namdarty anayo 'ty và bhavyaḥ pranina iti naṁdi. The signification of the title of our text is really an introduction designed to bring good fortune. This title can refer either to the entire contents of the work such as I have above sketched, or, and this seems preferable, to the 50 verses which form the beginning. 862 In vv. 1-19 Vira is praised, in vv. 20, 21 there is an enumeration of the 24 Jinas, in vv. 22, 23 a list of his immediate scholars, the 11 so-called ganadharas, and finally, from v. 24 on, a theravali beginning with Sukamma (1) and Jambu (2), and embracing in all thirty members; it closes in the third generation after Någajjuņa (29) with Dasagapi (30), who, according to the anonymous scholiast (on v. 27) was the teacher of Devavācaka, the author. 888
. As we have already seen on page 471, this theravali varies, from the ninth member on, from the statements in the list contained in the Kalpasūtra. [6] The reason for this is apparent from a consideration of the remarks of the scholiast (avacūri), on v. 27 Suhastinaḥ śişyavalikāyāḥ śrikalpe uktatvāt na ta(s)ya iha 'dhikaraḥ, tasyāṁ Nardikard. Devavăcaka-gurvanutpatteh. From this it is elear that the author of the ayacūri considers Devavācaka to be the author of the Nandi, and that this account does not emanate, like that of the srikalpa, from Subastin (10). The evidence proves that it is rather to be referred to his immediate predecessor, or brother,864 Mahagiri (9), whose intellectual descent it makes known.
In reference to each of its members there exists great uncertainty, 686 according to the statements of the scholiast, who says of verses 31, 32 :
862 These recur, as has already been mentioned, in the commencement of the Avasy,
nijj, in identically the same form. 863 Cf. the name of the nandtmukhah pitaras or of the nandi fräddham. In the case of
the latter was there any recitation of a list of ancestors ? 8542 gurubhratarau in Klatt, Indian Antiqu, 11, 251a, or ubhāvapi bhratarau in Dhar
maghosa's Gurvāvali itself. Suhastin is characterized as the laghugurubhratar of Mahagiri, also in the pattāvali of the Kharataragaccha, Klatt, 246b. Klatt in accordance with other traditions (cf. Kalpasutra) refers both to different gotras : and Mabagiri to Eläpatyagotra (So here v. 27, Elávacasagotta), Suhastin to Väsittha.
Have they different mothers ? 865 On this cf. Jacobi in Journ, Germ. Or. Soc. 34, 252, 3, especially in refererree to
verses 27, 28, 36, 37, and Leumann's remarks, ibid. 37, 497 fg. In v. 27 we must

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ksepakatvad vịttau no 'ktam,866 and remarks on vv. 33, 34 : etadgathadvaydriha avasyakadtpikāto likhito 'sti avacūrnav api nå 'sti, vy, 41, 42 is vsttāv avyakhyātatvat praksiptam, and of Govindacarya he says, on v. 43 : Sisyakramūbhävad vytiau no 'ktah, avasyakatikāto likhitah.
[7] The list reads 867 1. Suhamma,-2. Jambu,---3. Pabhava, 4.Sijjambhava,- 5. Jasabhadda -6, Sambhua,-7. Bhaddavahu,-8. Tha. labhadda,-9. Mabagiri (and Suhatthi,--10. (Valissaha) the twin-brother of Vahula (see note on p. 6).-11. Sai,868 12. Samajja, Syamarya,869 13. Samdilla,- 14. Ajja870 Jiadhara, Jita,'-15, Samudda,-16. Margu871 v. 30,- 17. Dhamma v, 31,-18. Bhaddagutta v. 31-19. Vaara, 87 Vajra v.31.-20. Rakkhia v. 32,-21. Ajjanamdila, i e. perhaps Ajja Anandila (Ajja N° schol) v. 33,--22. Nāgahatthi v. 34,-23. Revaniakkbatta v. 35.-24 Khamdila vv. 36, 37873–25. Himavarta vv. 38. 39,-26. Nagajjuna 874 vv. 39, 40, 45,--27. Govimda v, 41,-28. Bhüadinna vv. 42-45, scholar of Nagajjuna-29. Lohiccha v. 46,- 30. Dasagaại vv. 47-49..
That this list actually reaches as far as the author or his teacher is rendered the more probable by the fact that in the last verse of the list (v. 50) the nänassa parūvanaṁ is stated to be the purpose of the account which is to follow-add this purpose reproduces correctly the contents of N. Next follow two secondary insertions, first a gatha, [8] which cites 14 examples or titles of stories in reference to capable and incapable scholars (the avacūri contains a more detailed account) and secondly a short polemical notice of the three kinds of parisa, parsad, viz :- jāņiä, ajánia and duvviad dhià each of which is illustrated by a gātha.
read in Jacobi : Bahulassa sarivvayan (vvayam for vayasam) vande instead of bahulassa Sirivayam vande (see Klatt. 1. c 251b); in the scholiast we read iha Mahāgirer dvau fisyau abhūtām: Vahulo Valissahaś (cf. Kalpas. Therav. $ 6) ca; tato Mahagirer anait aran Vahulasya yamalabhrātyvät sadyśavayasath, pravácani
katvena pradhanatvät, Valissaham eve 'ry arthah. 866 Āryanardila (21) v. 33 becomes then Arya-Mangu (16) fişya v. 30. But even
verse 33, in which Āryanamdila is mentioned is doubtful : see above. 867 See Merutuðga's Therāyalı in Bhâu Daji, Journ. Bombay Br. R As. S. 9, 151
(1867). Nos 17-20 are not found therein (see p. 6), No. 21 is called Mandilla odila), No, 23 Revaisinha, and the list gives one name more in mentioning Devar
id) dhi himself after Dusagani. 868 Valissahasisyam Haritagotram Svatim. 869 Nominally author of up. 4, see p. 392. 870 This epithet explained by Aryagotra is found also in Nos. 15-17, 19-22. 871 ke 'pi Mangor Aryadharme 'ti namañtaram ahuḥ, No. 17 then falls out. 872 According to the scholiast the daśapurvinah (see Hem. v. 34) Aryarak sitas tacchisyo
Durvalikapuspaś ca navapurvinau, reach from Mahāgiri to Vajra. See page 348. 873 Barbhadivagasihe, Vrahmadvipikasākhopalaksitan Simhan Sinhacaryan.. 874 Cf. the Nagarjuniyås in the Scholiast on anga 2, 2, 2, and see p. 265. ... ..

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At this point the investigation of the jñanam begins, in which a principal part is played by the enumeration of the different categories and sub-categories of both the principal classes into wbich the jñdnam is divided $75 - the paccakkhanāņam and the parokk hanāņam. The latter contains much that is interesting. It in turn is twofold, ābhinivohiya ("bodhika) and sua® (śruta).
In the account of one of the two groups into which the abhinivohi yaparokkhanāņam is divided, are inserted eight gāthas, which contain the titles of stories which belong in this connection, and which are intended to serve as examples. The avacūri goes into detail on this point.
The suanāņaparokkham is divided into 14 groups among which Nos. 5, 6, 13, 14 are of special importance :--The sammasuam 5, samyak śrutam, is explained as jam imam arihamtehi bhagavaṁtehim uppannanānadarsanadharehis paņiyaṁ duvalasaṁgaṁ ganipidagań, tam jaha : dyaro ditļhiváo876 icc-eyaṁ du gaṁ ga gam coddasapuvvissa sammasuar abhinna877 dasa [9] puvvissa sammasuaṁ. The posteriority of its composition to Vajra at least is clearly brought out in this passage.
In miccha suam 6 we find that enumeration of some 20 works, or classes of works, of Brahminical literature which I cited from the Anuyogadvarasūtra878 and discussed on Bhagav. 2, 248. This list is here more detailed and offers several variants :- Bhāraham Rāmāyaṇam Bhimăsurukkham 879 Kodillayam880 sagabhaddiyā0881 kappasiyames nagasu
875 nănai pamcavihan: abhinivohiyanānañ sua ohio manapajjavao kevalao. Or
duviham : paccakkham and parokkham, and the latter is then : abhinivohiyaparokk. handnam ca suanana parokkhan ca; the abhio is suanis siam ca asuanissiyam ca: both are fourfold, and the latter is divided into : uppatiya, venaid, kammia, pari
nāmia buddhi (see p. 14n). 876 In the scholiast sāmāyikādi vidusäraparyant am, see pages 244, 245, 343. 871 tato 'dhomukhaparihanya yāvat sampurnadaśapūrvadharasya ; sec p. 16n. 878 Where it is characterized as no-agamao bhāvasuyam and as annānihiris micchadithihin
sacchamdabuddhamaivigappiyam : cf. the 29 viham pavasuam Auasy., Ind. Stud. 16, pp. 115, 116. I denote the four MSS., to which I have had access as ABCR.
The citations from Ned. are by Laumann. 899 oktam A, oskam R. 880 Kodao An., where shodamuham (A, odayamu° C, dayasuhan B, dayas uyam R)
follows. Ned too has khodamuham, but after sayabhao. 881 sagadabhao BCR, set ambhao A. 882 kappakappiam A.

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humarn kanagasattar888 vaisesiyam884 Vuddhavayaņam885 vesiyar886 Logāyatam sațshitartam887 Mädharam888 purāna vägaranam Bhägavayam88,9 Paamjali Pussadevāyan lehaṁ (helaṁ MS) ganiam saunarūyar890 näda. yai891 ahavä [10] bävattari kalūo cattari ya veya saṁgovarga. The commentary offers nothing in explanation 892 te ca lokaprasiddhah, tato lokata eva teşām svarūpam avagartavyam
Under anangapavitham (No. 14 is, however, treated of before No. 13) are enumerated the titles of all the texts belonging to the Siddhanta at the time of the composition of the Nandi, but not included in the angas. This enumeration is extremely interesting. It must have been retained as a stereotyped list for a long period after the composition of the Nandı, since it is to be found verbatim et litteratim not only in the Päkşikasūtra (P),898 but also in the 3 sāmācārls (see pp. 369, 370) in a form that is but slightly different.894 The great interest which attaches to this list is caused by the fact that the largest portion of the texts similar to these and now belonging to the Siddhānta is mentioned here, and that a different arrangement is observed. They are not enumerated in the special groups into which they are now divided. The names of these groups are partly wanting, e.g., uvarga. painna cheasutta
883 sattari vesiyam BCR, vasiyań omitted in A. 884 so An. Ned. vasesiyam the Berlin MS. of N. (=MS). 885 vanayan MS., Vuddhasasanam BCR, ruftha (!) vayanan A; in An. we find also
Kavilam ; also in Ned. Kaviliyan comes before Logao 886 tesiyam Ned., BC R, omit. 887 Aiready mentioned in the angas, see Bhag. 2, 246 page 304 (cf. Kalpas. pp. 35,
101) and Max Müller : India, What can it teach us ? p. 362. 888 See Ind. Stud 13, 387, 88, 425, and Agnimathara Vişnupur 3, 4, 18 (pp. 44, 45
Wilson-Hall). 889 Bhagavayan to saünaruvam omitted in An. 890 saonaruvam MS.; perhaps ruyam, otherwise the last of the 72 kalas ; see above
p. 283. In the scholiast on Avasy, 12, 36 : sqüniparo vi garahio hoi we find the following peculiar statement :- sakunisabdena caturdaśa vidyasthānāni parigthyathte: angāni cat urovedä minārsā nyāyavistarah purānam, dharmaśās tram cu sthanany ahuś caturdaśastatra igāni saf, tad yathā : fik sa vyākaranan kalpaḥ chando niruktam jyotişam iti. The position of the angas in the front of the list is one of the
remarkable things in this statement. 891 Madhara purāna vāyarana B R ; nädagādi A. 892 Hemacandrasuri on the Anuyogady. has likewise only : etacca Bharatadikan
nafakadi-paryantam frutam lokaprasiddhigamyam. 993 In the Päkşikasūtra this is introduced by the words namo tesam khamasamanāram
jehim imam vaiyam amgabahiram ukkaliyan (or kaliyam) bhagavantam, tam jaha : dasaveyaliyan... The Paksikasutram is enumerated by Raj L. M. see above p. 227, as the fourth mulasutram after the Siddhāntadharmasara. It sings the praises of each part of the Siddhanta (angabahira and duvalasañga) and contains especially
an acknowledgment of belief in the five mahavvayas. 894 The enumeration of the names in S. contains a different grammatical construction,
i.e. the names are in the genitive.

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malasutta are not mentioned at all, and painna occurs, but in a differont meaning. A large number of titles or texts are mentioned which it present are either not found in the [11] Siddhānta, or, if found at all, are merely titles of sub-divisions and not of independent texts; and in some cases these titles appear to have arisen from their connection with the subject matter itself.
The anangapavittham is divided into two groups : āvassayam and avassayavairittam. The avassayam is called chavvihar and six names for it are enumerated : sämäiyam caüvisathao etc. Cf. my remarks on page 433 and on anuyogady, and mūlasutta 2. The avassayavairittam is double : kaliyaṁ caukkaliyar ca. Then follows the enumeration of the texts counted as belonging to the ukkāliyam8 95 1. dasaveyāliyaṁ 45896 2. kappiyakappiyam, 897 3. cullakappasuaṁ 4. mahākappasuaṁ,898 5. ovåiyar8 99 13, 6. råyapaseniyamo00; 14, 7. jīvābhigamo 15, 8. paņņavaņā 16, 9. mahäpannavana, 1 10. pamāyappamāyaḥ,902 [12] 11. naṁd1908 41, 12. deviņdatthao904 31, 13. anuogadārāiṁ 42, 14. taṁdulaveyaliyam 29, 15. camdävijjhayar905 30, 16. sūrapaņņatti908 17, 17. porisimamdalam,90? 18.
295 The avacuri gives explanations (occasionally in detail) of at least some of the
names. A large number of the names is, however, passed over in silence. (Explanations may however be found at the end of the Vyavahārabhasya, as the corres
ponding part of the sutra mentions most of the names.-L). 896 These numbers represent the arrangement which I have observed here in essential
agreement with Bübler's list in the enumeration of the part of the Siddhanta. 897 The texts which are no longer found as separate texts in the Siddhanta, are printed
in italics. On kappiyak, (cf. kappakappiam p. 9n. 24) cullak, and mahak., see the
scholiast's remarks, p. 479 above. 898 Name of the first chedasutra according to Avašyaka 8, 55 see pages 446, 479. 899 So V., uvavao P, uva N. Āvi. Svi.; in s before No. 5 we find : pamāyappamāyam :
pamay, here is No. 10. 900 So also P. Avi. a form which suits rajapraśniyam better than the usual pasenaiy.
yam ; Svi. V. have pasenaiyassa but with one y; see p. 382. 901 For explanation of the scholiast on Nos. 8, 9, see p. 392. 902 In S before No. 5, in P. after No. 15 ; pramadapramādasyarüpabhedaphalavipaka.
prat ipadakam adhyayanam (cf. Uitarajjh. Cap. 4), Avac. 903 The Nandi itself ! nandityadi sugamam. 904 'thui P; in Ned. P. S, transposed with No. 13 (odárão P). 905 vijjiyan P, vijjayan Ned. 006 Is omitted here in PS and comes after No. 37; suryacaryāprajnapanan yasyam
granthapaddhatau sa suryaprajnaptih. 907 porasam P; paurusimandalam iti, puruṣaḥ samkun, purusasariram va, tasmän nih
pannāpaurusi, sarvasya 'pi vastuno yathā svapramānā chāya jayate tada paurusi syar, etac ca paurusipramānam uttarāyanasya 'mte daksināyanas ya 'dau ca ekan dinań syāt, tatah param angulasya 'stay ekaşasfibhaga (8/31) daksinayane vardhamte, ut tarāyane ca hrasarhii, evan mandale-marhdale pauruşi yatra 'dhyayane varnyate rat pauruşi mandalam, Avac. Cf. book 9 in up. 5 [and Bhag. 11, 11, 2).

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marhdalappaveso, 908 19. vijjăcarana-vinicchao,"020. ganivijjaolo 32, 21. Jhānavibhatti, 011 22. maranavibhatti,913 23. āyavisoh1,918 24. viyarayasuar, 014 25. samlehanāsuam, 615 26. viharakappa, 916 27. caranavihi,917 28. aura [13] paccakkhānamo18 26, 29. mahāpaccakkhanamo19 33 evam-ai.930 To the kaliyam the following texts are ascribed : -30. uttarajjhayaņāimo31 43, 31. dasão 38, 32. kappo 39, 38. vavahāro 37, 34, nisihar922 35, 35. mahānistha 36, 36. isibhasiyāim, 923 37. jarvuddivapannatti 18, 38, divasagarapannatti,934 39. caídapannatti 19. 40. khud diyā vimanapavibhatti, 225
908 suryacamdr umasor yatra daksinesu 'ttareșu ca mandalesu saņcarator yarha manda
lan mandale pravese (oso) vyāvarnyate san (tan) mandalapraveśaḥ, Avac. ; cf. the
first book in up. 5. 909 vijjao P, S; in P S transposed with No. 20; vidyā samyagjnānai caranath caritram,
etesām phalaviniscaya pratipādako granthah, Avac. (=Bhag. 20, 9 Leumann). 910 See p. 443. 911 yatra 'rtadhyānādinām vibhajanan proktam tat, Avac.; appears in the Vidhiprapa . among the painnas in the eighth place. See p. 428. 912 Omitted in Avi. pr. m., maranāni prasastāprasastarupāni teşām pārthak yena yatra
vibhajanam uktam Avac. ; see p. 428n. 913 yatra (1) "mano jivas ya locana-prāya citta-pratipatti-prabhytikaranena vifuddhir
yatra vyāvarnyate tat, Avac. In Svi. V. maranavischi in addition follows here. 914 In P S after No. 25; sarāgayyapohena vit arāgasvaruparh vyávarnyate yatra tat,
Avac. 915 yatra dravyabhavasalekhanäsvarūpam pratipadyate, Avac, ; three verses are added
in attestation thereof: yatha, cattāri vicittain vigainijuhiyai cat täri samvacchare u dunni u egaitari yam ca ayāmam // 1 // nāivigittho atavo chammāse parimia ca āyāmañ / anne vi ya chammāse hoi vikittham tavok amman 11 2 // väse kodisahiyan āyāmai kattu ānupuvvie / girikandarmmi gathtun pāuvagamanan aha karei // 3 // bhāvasamlekhanā tu krodhādipratipaksabhyāsah (1). (The three verses are taken
from the Acara-niryukti (287-289).-L) 916 viharah sthavirakalpadirupo yatra varnyate, Avac. 911 visohi P, ovibhattie Svi; căritrasya vidhih, Avac. 918 The scholiast appears to have had before him another text than the usual one.
See p. 437. 9'9 mahat pratyakhyānain yatro 'ktam, Avac. 920 Instead of evamãi Phas: savvehin pi eyammi asgabāhire ukkālie bhagavante
sasutte sa-atthe saggañthe sanijjuttie sasañgahanie je guna va bhāvā va...te bhāve
saddahāmi. 921 etany adhyayanāni nigamanam sarvesam adhyayanānām pradhanatve 'pi rudhya
'muny evo 'taradhyayanaśabdavāc yatvena prasiddhāni, Avac. 922 Without any explanation. See p. 460 for No. 35. 923 In P S before No. 34 ; without explanation. See pages 259, 272, 280-81, 402, 429, . 432, 442. 924 In P S No, 16 is inserted here. The order in P is surap. camdap., divaság., in S;
candap., surap., divas.; or divasāgarap. See pp. 268, 389, 429. 925 khuddiya and mahalliyă also in S (ie. oyavio) not "yäe as we should expect; dvalika.
pravistānăm itar esām vă vimănănām prabhajanam yatro 'ktan, sa vimanapravibhaktir dvidha, 'paksarärtha" dyå, dvitiya nanágranthärtha. See the kärikas above pp. 223. 224 in reference to Nos. 40-44, 45-49 as the object of study for the eleventh and twelfth years. In anga 3 Nos. 40-49 appear together as forming the samkheviyadasău, or as the 10 ajjhayanas that belong in this connection. See pp. 273, 274.

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41. mahalliya vimanapavibhatt1935 42. aṁgaculia,926 43. vamgaculiya, 44. vivahaculiya,928 45 Arunovaväe,929 46. Garulovaväe,980 [14] 47. Dharanovaväe, 931 48. Vesamaṇovaväe, 932 49. Velamdharovavde, 50. deviṁdovaväe, 51. uṭṭhāṇasue, 933 52. samuṭṭhāṇasue,934 53. nagapariyavaliyão,935 54. nirayavaliyão,986 20, 55. kappaiyão, 986 20, 56. kappavaḍimsayão 937 22, 57. pupphiydo 21, 58. pupphaculiyão 23, 59. Vanhidasão 24, evam-aiyaims caurăsti painnagasayasahassaim bhagavao Valdhamanasamissa; ahavä jassa jattiya sisă uppattiyde venaiyae kammiyae pāriņāmiyae caüvvihae buddhie uvaveya tassa tattiyāim painnagasahassaim, pattegabudda vi tattiya ceva; se 'tam käliam suam. This is the conclusion in the Berlin MS. of N. Dr. Leumann, [15] however, says that this conclusion contains a large lacuna. We find in the edition of N940: evamäiyāim caürăsii painna
926 amgasya "carādes culikā uktānuktārthasaṁgrahat mikä gramthapaddhatiḥ; see pp. 255, 274.
927 so MS. P. Avi, but vagga° Ned, anga 3 (see p. 274) Svi., V. Avac.; vargo 'dhyayananam samuho yatha 'mtakyddaśasv aştau vargās (see p. 320), teşam kalika (culo?)
928 bhagavaticulika, see pp. 274, 296.
929 Aruno nama devas, tadvaktavyatayaḥ pratipadako gramthaḥ, paravartyamānas ca tadupapatahetuḥ so runopapatah; evam garudopapātadayo 'pi väcyah; see pp. 224, 274, 316; cf. Aruna as name of the dawn or as that of the charioteer of the sun. Up to this point the nominatives end in o, from this point on in e; so also in P. 930 Garudo P. In P after 47.
931 So also S, but Varu° in P and scholiast on anga 3, Vara° in the text there (see p 274). The king of the Nägas is probably referred to. 932 In N after No. 49, we find vesamanavaisravana.
953 utthanaśrutam, udvasanahetukam srutam, Avac. See page 224, where mention is made of four ajjh, which begin with utth., and which are the subject of the study of the thirteenth year. In this place, however, we find only Nos. 52-55 devoted to this year; but does No. 50, too, belong in this connection? In Sv. No. 50, stands between 52 and 53.
934 samupasthapanaśrutam, bhuyas tatrai 'va "vasana (?)hetukam śrutam; vakaralopaḥ, prakṛtatvät, Avac.
935 so P. yavaniyão MS.; yavaliyāṇam Svi. V., pariavelianam Avi.: nagakumārās, teşam parijna yatro 'ktā, Avac.
936 so MS. 2 P, lio MS. 1; liyanam S; No. 54 in the existing Siddhanta is the collective name of up 8 to 12 and at the same time the specific title of up. 8; No. 55 is there merely another name for No. 54. See p. 418; and p. 420 for the explanation of 54-59. On page 420 we must read gocara gram.
937 damsi P, dimsi V.
938 Instead of evām äiydim ..P has 60 astvisabhavanão, 61 diffhivisabhavanao, 62 caranasamanabhavanao, 63 mahāsuvinabhavanão, 64 teaginisaggă nam savve him pi eyammi amgabahire kälie bhagavamte... (as above, p. 13, note 3). These five names are cited in S. too with the following variations: caranabhāvanānam (omitted in Avi), mahasuminagabhav. (V., also omitted in Avi.), teyaga (teagga Avi.) nisaggănam. These five texts are found in the same order in the kärikäs mentioned in p. 224 as designed for the fourteenth to the eighteenth year of study. Teyanisagga is the special name of the fifteenth book in anga 5. See p. 301n.
939 See above p. 8, note 1; dutpattiki, vainayiki karmasamutthā pāriņamiki.
940 The Avac. agrees with the account in our MSS. :-evam adini caturafitis amkhyani prakirnakasahasrani Ṛṣabhasvaminas, tāvatpramāṇānāṁ framaṇasahasranam sambha

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gasahassăim bhagavao (Usahasāmissa dititthagarassa, taha sarkhi jjāim painnagasahassaiṁ majjhamaganam Jinayarāņam, caüddasa painnagasahassā iṁ bhagavao] Vad chamaņasāmissa, etc.
From this we may draw the conclusion that the 59 titles"41 according to the opinion of the author of the Nandi, represent merely a portion of tbe 84,000 painnas (our MS. has 184,000 in the text), which belonged to the first tirthakara Rşabhasvämin and to the 22 Jiņavaras following him ; but that at the time of Vardhamanasvāmin their number was reduced to 14,000. Or accordi.g to another view, each of the 24 tirthakaras had just so many thousand painnas or pratyekabuddhas (16] as he possessed scholars endowed with the correct fourfold knowledge. Estimating tþese exaggerated figures at their true value, let us consider the 59 titles.943 Of the texts now enumerated as parts of the Siddhanta the titles of the four painnas 25, 27, 28, 34, of the sixth chedasūtra 40 and of two of the mūlasūtras, 44 and 46 are omitted. Of these the four painnas are to be regarded as modern productions and later than the N; the titles of the sixth chedasūtra 40 and of the fourth mūlasūtra 46, are not certain ; and, finally, the title of the fourth mülasūtra 44, āvaśyaka, has been already mentioned. See on p. 11. The remaining 27 titles of texts of the present Siddhānta not belonging to the angas (13 fg.) are one and all contained in the above list, though in a different order of arrangement and without any statement in reference to the names of their groups. Some, however, belong together as groups, the first four and the last five upāngas (Nos. 5-8 and 55-59) and the five chedasūtras (Nos. 31-35). Besides these the list contains
vāt, prakirnakanānh ca tadracitat vät ; madhyamatirthaktam api samkhyeyani prakirnakasahasrani vācyäni, Vardhamānasvaminas caturdaśasahasrāni. - anye punar áhuk: idam Rşabhadiran caturasitisahasradikan framanamānam pradhānesutraracanãsam adhyani (or merely canam ?) adhiktyo 'ktan, anyatha sämänyaśramanaḥ prabhutatara api tada Rşabhädikāle ăsiran.-anye punar evam āhuḥ : Rsabhādinām jivatām idam caturasitisahasrädikan śramanamānam, pravähatah punar ekaikasmin tirthe bhuyarhso'py asiran, tatra ye pradhānasutraracanāśaktisamanvitaḥ suprasiddhatatvandhāva (?) tatkälika api tirtham pravartamānās tatrā dhikytä (h): etad eva dar sa
yann aha : ahave 'ty-adi sugaman. 911 Or 60 including mar anavi sohi (Svi, V. between 23 and 24) and 65 with the addi
tion of the five names in PS. 942 pratyekabuddha api tāvanta eva syuh ; - atrai 'ke vyācak sate : ekaikasya 'pi tirtha
kytas tirthe parimānāni prakirnakani, tatkārinām aparimănat vat; kevalarh pratyekabuddhar acitäny eva prakirnakāni, drastavyāni tatparimănena pratyekabuddhaparimānasya pratipadanāt This explanation of eke is designed to effect a perfectly comprehensible limitation, but cannot be brought in agreement with the context. The title pratyekabuddha is of great interest. It occurs also in the angas, see pp. 265, 334. Similar statements to the above are found in the scholiast on the first painna. See p. 435. In the Vicărămytasangraha is quoted the following interesting citation from the pitha of a kalpabhagya : suttam ganahararaiyan taheva patte
yabuddharaiyam ca suyakevalina rai yan abhiuna dasapuvvind raiyar || 943 Or 60 and 65, see p. 15, note2.

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32044 additional names which are not directly represented by texts in the existing Siddhānta. Among these there are five for which corresponding sections in the S. can be shown, thus :-10 pamayappamāyam, 17 porisimaṁdalam, 18 maídalappaveso, 38 divasāgarapannatti (64 teyagani sagga). [17). In the Siddhanta there are references to 12 others : thus for 4, 36 (and 38), 40-49 ; 8 others are mentioned elsewhere 9, 21, 51, (60-64); and finally there is a whole list of titles (12 or 13), which cannot be attested from any source whatsoever, thus 2, 3, 19, 22, 23, 24 (a, b, including maraṇavisoht -27, 50, 52, 53). It is of special interest that we find statements concerning a whole series of texts held to belong to the kāliam suam in old kårikå verses. The source of these statements is not further attested. These texts were a special objectof riper study at the time of the composition of these verses. Of Nos. 40-49, 51 (50-53 ?), 60-64 it is said that they were designed for the eleventh to the eighteenth year of study : 40-44 for the eleventh, 45-49 for the twelfth, 51 (50-53 ?) for the thirteenth, 60-64 for the fourteenth to the eighteenth year, the nineteenth year forming the conclusion with the study of the digthivada. Cf. my remarks on pp. 225, 344, 345.
This list at least opens up to us a wide perspective for the literature existing at the time of the composition of N. It is certainly very remarkable that N is itself cited in this list (as No. 11). Is this the only work of the author inserted by him in the list? Or did he avail himself of this capital opportunity to procure a resting place for other of his productions? If in reality Devarddhigaņi, the nominal redactor of the Siddhānta, is to be regarded as the author of N, then the discrepancy between this list and the existing Siddh., is especially remarkable. [18] Did all these differences arise after his time? And is the division into the groups uvařga, painna, etc., or, the names uvaga, painna themselves etc., to be ascribed to a period subsequent to his ? In the case of the painna this is evidently very probable.
Next follows the angapavitham 13, the thirteenth group of the suana naparokkham, which strictly belongs before the anangapavittham. It is called duvālasaviham and then the 12 angas, äydro to ditļhivão (anga 5 as vivahapannatti) are enumerated in order. This in turn is followed by the detailed statement of contents and extent of the 12 angas, which (see p, 284 ff.) recurs in identical form but in greater detail in anga 4.
44 Or 33 and 38.

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This entire statement has been given on p. 257. We have already seen (pp. 284 ff. 349, 352, 361, 363 and 3) that its appearance in anga 4 was secondary, and that here we frequently meet with the older readings. When in the insertions in the angas made by the redactor (even in anga 4) any reference is paid to his enumeration, the citation is from the Nandi and not from anga 4. The Nandi and not anga 4 is therefore indisputably the source whence these citations are drawn. But whether or no the account here is really to be regarded as the source whence came the account in anga 4, appears to me to be still in dubiis. This assumption is rendered improbable by the fact there are very great differences in these accounts, not to mention that that of anga 4 is much more detailed. If, however, we regard the account in the N. as the source, then that in anga 4 is secondary and enlarged after it had effected a lodgment in that angas. [19) But on the other hand it is a perfectly legitimate conclusion that the account in N. and in anga 4 were drawn from a common source now no longer extant. Finally, it must be stated that the entire section in N. almost gives me the impression of being a secondary insertion. The fact that it too contains the most wonderful statements, called into existence by the effort of pure fancy (cf. especially the statements concerning anga 6 and anga 12), cannot readily be reconciled with that tradition which regards the Nandı as the work of Devarddhigaại, the nominal redactor of the whole Siddhanta. Devarddhigami would have expressed himself in a more sober, definite way, and would not have given rein to such monstrous figments of the imagination. We must not, however, suppress the fact that the Päksikasūtram takes no notice of this detailed statement of contents and extent 45 of the 12 angas, but limits itself merely to the enumeration of the twelve names.946
Then, too, the general observations in reference to the duvālasaṁgar ganipidagar, which are joined on to the account of each of the twelve angas, are found here in just the same form as in anga 4; cf. pp. 368, 369. The five kärikas form the conclusion. They
945 I call attention here to the mention of the name Bhaddabāhu on anga 12, pp. 360,
367. It is noteworthy that he appears in the same gradation (though last in order) as the names Dasara, Baladeva, Vāsudeva, Harivansa, and consequently as a mythological personage.
946 This is introduced in just the same manner as the previous one. See pp 10.13 :
namo tesinh khamāsainananań jehin imam vāiya duvālasangan ganipidagam, tam jaha..., and concludes in the same way; savvehin pi eyammi duvalasange ganipidage bhagavathte sasutte...... F.-13

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contain statements in reference to the correct (20 ] attainment of the suanäņam; the last one reads : suttattho khalu padhamo, bio nijjutti (!)-misio bhanio | taiou niravaseso, esa vihi hoi aņuoe // 5 // According to Leumann, the reference in Bhag. 25, 3' cites this verse as the conclusion of this entire account (java suttatthoaņuoe). The nijjutti is also mentioned.
Next follow some statements which are not noticed by the author of the avacūri, from which we may conclude that they were inserted at a later period, though they may in reality be of great age. They comprise a section in prose in reference to the anunna, anujñd, and a renewed repetition of the titles of the 12 angas and a reference to Usabhasena, as the original source of the aņunnā. See p. 15.
The commentary, which I have before me (avacūri), the work of an anonymous author, is very short. The Calcutta edition contains the commentary of Malayagiri, according to Leumann. We have already seen that a Nandivstti is frequently cited-see pp. 353, 354 (Vicărämrtasargraha), 360 (Abhayadeva), - the citations from it being partly in Prakrit (gātha), partly in Sanskrit. In the scholium on the Ganadharasärdhasata (see pp. 371, 458 ) Sarvarājagapi ascribes a nandiyrtti to the old Haribhadra, who is said to have died 75 years after Devarddhigaại. The author of the Vicărāmrtasaṁgraha appears to ascribe such a nandivytti to Umasvāmivācaka who was about 50 years older (sce pp. 371, 372). He says (fol. 34 of the Berlin MS) tatha cd "ha bhagavān Umāsvāmivācakaḥ : samyagdarśanajñānacaritrāņi moksamärga iti Nardivsttau, vācakaśabdaś ca pūrvagataśrutadhare rūdho, yathā 1 pūrvagata sūtram anyac ca vineyān vācayaṁtiti vācakäh, Nardivsttau : [21] vādi ya .. (see p. 353"). Such statements as these in reference to commentaries of so great an age are of great importance as regards the age of the Nandi.
XLII. The Anuyogadvārasūtrarh is an encyclopaedic review of everything worth knowing, 947 composed in anuogas, questions and answers. It is composed in prose though there is a frequent admixture of gāthås. There are no subdivisions though a systemic arrangement prevails throughout.
As in the Nandi, the ninam is especially treated of here. The text commences forth with with an enumeration of the same five forms of
947 An account of the method of defining and explaining the sastras, Kash.

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the nana, which we find also in N. abhinibohiya, suya, ohi°. manapayyava, kevala. The second form, the suyanānam, śrutajñānam, is the one par excellence which is discussed further on in the Anuy. The subdivisions of the suyan, are indicated by means of the same names which we find in N, though the gradations are somewhat different; see p. 11. It is divided into amgapaviṭṭham and into amgabahiram,948 the latter into kaliyam and ukkaliyam; the latter of which again into avassayam and ävassayavairittam.
Here in the An., the avassayam alone is discussed. The author states that he desires to explain his work according to the following four points of view, though the real reason for this statement is not clear āvassayam nikkhivissami, suam (śrutam) ni°, khamdham ni ajjhayanam ni. After a kārikā inserted here the author proceeds to a discussion of the avassayam per se, [22] which is cauvviham, viz. :nāmā, thavaṇā°, davva°, bhāva, respectively, the latter two being distinguished from the others as agamao and no-āgamao. At the end the synonyms (egaṭṭhiyā nāṇāghosā nāṇāvaṁjaņā nāmadhiyya) are stated as follows: avassayam, avassakaraṇiyya, dhuvaniggaho, visoh! yal ajjhayaṇachakkavaggo não ārāhaṇā maggo || samaneņa savaena ya avassakayavvayam havai jamhalamto aho-nisassa ya tamha avassayam nāma ||949 This designation as ajjhayanachakkavagga points unequivocally to a definite text, divided into 6 adhyayanas. By the 6 adhyayanas we may understand the six kinds of avassayam enumerated in the Nandi, above p. 11, and occurring below (see pp. 23, 24). These names as well as all the other synonyms of avassaya belong to the domain of ethical, ritualistic or disciplinary matters. Our text, however, touches upon these subjects only occasionally.
Next to the enumeration of the synonyms of the avassayam come the suyam and the khamdha, two of the four sections. To these we find that the same groups and sub-groups are ascribed as to the āvassayam; and an enumeration of the synonyms of each forms the conclusion. The verse containing the synonyms of the suyam is as follows [23] sua-sutta-gamtha-siddhaṁta-sāsaṇe āṇāvayana uvaese | pannavana āgame a egaṭṭhā payyavā sutte950, that containing the
948 There is unfortunately no enumeration of the angabahira texts in An.
949
Vises, I, 871 f. I call attention to the following from the scholiast :samayikadi-saḍadhyayanakalapatmakatvad adhyayanasaḍvargah; tatha abhipretarthasiddhaḥ samyagupayatvan nyayo, mokṣärädhanähe tutvad äradhana, tathā mokṣapuraprapakatvad eva märgaḥ;- ahoratrasya madhye.
950 Between ana, ajna and vayana one MS. has utti which, however, throws the metre out of order; uktir vacanam vagyogaḥ scholiast; instead of sutte, sutraviṣaye, we expect sue, frute, which, however, does not suit the metre.

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synonyms of khaṁdha :- ganakäe a nikae khaṁdhe vagge taheva rasi a / purje pide niare saṁghie aula samūhe // The first names for "sacred text" refer then to the contents, the second to the exent. In one subdivision of khardha, the no-āgamao bhävakardhe, the following explanation is found (se kim tam no-a) :- eesimo51 ceva sāmäiya-maiyānaṁ chanham ajjhayanāņaṁ samudāya-samiti-samāgamenaṁ avassayasuabhāvakaṁdhe labbhate, se tas-no-ägamao bhāvakhaṁdhe. By this is meant in all probability the connection of the totality of all the above cited six adhyayanas of the avasyaka, sāmāyika, etc.
The last of these four sections designed to explain the avassayam, refers ex professo to the ajjhayaņam, and begins with an enumeration of these six ajjhayaņas. A karika is first introduced,862 which may have found its way from here to painna 1 (24)-(see p, 433"),-, though both places may have drawn this verse from a common source. This verse states in brief compass the contents of each of the six ajjh. Then follow again the six names as in the Nandi. Next the first one, the samāiam, is designated expressly as the one which is treated of in the An. To it are allotted four anuogadāras, sections for questions related to the subject matter. These sections are uvakkame, nikkheve, anugame, naye, and under this division the rest of the text is divided, the uvakkame taking the lion's share. In a MS, which I have before me, ms. or, fol. 762,= A, which contains 56 foll., the uvak. embraces foll. 59 to 53. That which preceded was on foil. 10 to 5a; nikkheva is on three leaves, to 56"; anugame is despatched in ten lines on 566 and nae in six.
On p. 22 I called attention to the lack of harmony between the names of the six avaśyaka groups and the actual contents of our text which purports to discuss them. This lack of harmony, which is increased by the table of contents adduced for each one in particular, is so great, that I have in vain attempted a solution of the mystery as to how our text can have the face to assert that it discusses the
951 samadiamadinań (!) A: esām eva prastutavasyakabhedanan sämāyikādināín
sannām adhyayanānām samudāyaḥ, samudayasya samiti(r) nairaitaryera, milanā, ... samăgamas, tena nişpanno ya avasyakaśrutask amdhaḥ sa bhāvaskamdha
iti labhyate. 952 avas sayassa na ime at thähigārå bhavathi, tam: sävajjajogavirati ukkittana
gunavato a padivatri/khaliassa nimdaná vana-tigicchā gunadharana ceva // avassayassa eso pidattho vannio samāseņań / etto ekkekkah puna ajjhayanan kittaissāmi // tam: sämäiath, cauvisathao, vandanayam, padikkamanath, kāussaggaṁ paccakkhānam; tattha padhamajjhayanan samaian, tassa naň ime cat täri anuogadara, tam : uvakkame, nikkheve, anugame, naye.

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first of these, the såmäiyam, or the sāvajjajogavirati, 953 A genuine discussion is hardly touched upon, the real subject-matter being special topics pertaining to [25) matters of dogma and speculation, or to general matters of cosmological, anthropological, linguistic or literary interest.
Aside from this lack of harmony, another fact is in itself likely to excite the hostility of surprise : the word sāmaiya is used as the title of the first avaśyaka, but in reference to the angas we had learned to employ it in quite a different signification, viz:- as the title of anga 1, whose contents it is true, might be characterized as sāvajjajogavirati. The double use of one and the same word to designate two different termini technici is truly a matter to be wondered at. See 243 fg., 342 fg.
The contents of the sections uvakkama, etc., is very varied and in part extremely interesting; and the form, in which it is encased so to speak, is highly remarkable. The statements are heterogeneously arranged, and the connecting thread being purely external, there is no logical consecution. Everything is divided according to the fashion prevailing in the Siddhanta, into groups, species, sub-species, etc. The uvakkama e.g. is divided into anupuvvi (in A on fol, 5% to 15), nāmam (to 27o), pamānam (to 51'), vattavvaya (to 52o), atthähigara (ib.), samavayāra (to 53'). And the anupuvvl is in turn divided into nāmāņupuvvi, tủavana, davváo, khettao, kālao, ukkittaņão, gaņaņā°, sarthanao, sāmāyāri-ao, bhāvānupuvvi.
Without paying any greater attention to the stereotyped expressions of the text [26] than is necessary to mark the different passages where the statement in question occurs, I give here, according to the arrangement of the text, some of the most important data contained in it and at the end, a resume of the results of interest for the history of literature. It may be prefaced that the nom. sing. masc. I decl. ends now in o, now in e, and that in the verses, the nominative and case forms in general are frequently represented by the theme. In the case of feminine nouns thematic à l ū are shortened,
A species of davvāvassayam (A2) is divided into loiyam, kuppävayaniyam and louttariyar. The first is referred to the usages of the proceres, who appear in the usual enumeration that we have met with
953 In the at thahigara section of the uvakkama in one MS. ! the contents of all
the six ajjhayanas is seemingly ascribed to the sämäiyam alone. The actual facts of the case are different, see p. 37n.

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in the angasi je ime räi-"sara-talavara-kodambiya954-mädarbiya-ibha. setthi-seņāvai-satthavāhapabhi io.955 The kuppāvayaniyaṁ describes in the following enumeration the character of those sects which do not share the Jaina belief :- je ime956 caraga-ciriya-cammakhardiyabhicchamdaga-parduraṁga Goyama-govvaiya-gihidhamma-dhammacim-[27] taga-aviruddha-viruddha-vuddhasāvagapabhiyao pāsaídatthā, and states that these : Imdassa vā Khandassa vă Ruddassa va Sivassa vā Vesamaņassa vā devassa và nāgassa vā jakkhassa vă bhūyassa và Muguṁdassa vă Ayyāe vā Kottakiriyāe vá°57 uvalevaņa-sammayyaņā-" vari sanadhūvapupphagardha. mallaiyaiṁ davvāvassayā iṁ karemti. The loguttariam finally is referred to the merely external Jaina-yogin: je ime samaņaguņamukka-jogi cakkāyaniranukaṁpi haya iva uddāmā gaya iva niraṁkusā ghatha matthā tuppoţthao58 paṁdurapadapāuran 1958 jiņānam anāņāe (anājñayā) sacchaṁdam vihariūnań ubhayo-kālam āvassagassa uvațshaṁti..
954 On talavara, see p. 38 fg. 313; kodambiya from kutamba, the older form of
kutumba, see Ind. Streifen I, 284. Pancadandacch. p. 41 : yasya pärśvata asannam aparam grāmanagarādikan na 'sti tat sarvataśchinnajanaśraya-vise sarupan
madambam ucyate tasya 'dhipatir madambikah. 955 ... muhadhoyana-datapakkhalana-tella-phaniha siddhatthaya-hariyaliya-addaga
dhuva-puppha-mallagandha-tambolavattha-m-aiyain dayvāvassayain karemti tao paccha rāyakula va devakulath vă sabham va pavan (prapām ?) vă aramam và
uyyānam và niggacchainti. 956 dhāți(?)vahakāḥ santo ye bhikṣāṁ caraṁti te carakah; rathyāpatitaciraparidh
anās cirikah; carmaparidhānas carmakhandikah; Je bhikṣām eva bhumjate na tu svaparigshiian godugdhädikar te bhikṣāțah, Sugataśāsanastha ity anye; panduraingă bhasmoddhulitagătrāh,vicitrapadapatanadisiksakalapayuktavarātakamulikadicarcitayyşabhakopāyatah (?) kanabhik sagrāhino Gautama(; cf. Kaṇabhuj, Kanada!) gocaryānukärino govratikāh, ie hi "vayam api kila tiryaksu vasāma" iti 'bhavana bhāvayanto gobhir nirgaccharibih saha nirgaccharti sthitabhis tisthamti asinäbhir upavisamti bhumjānäbhis tathai 'va tinapat trapaus paphaládi bhumjate, tad uktam; gavihi saman niggamapavesat hānasanai pakarimii bhumjamtl jahā gāvi tiricchavasam vibhāvasta ll; grhast hadharma eva śreyān iti ... 8thidharmas, tathā ca tadanusarinan vacah : grhasramasam: dharmo na bhuto na bhavisyati tam palayamti ye dhirah, klivah paşamdam áśrită iti // ); Yajna. valkyaprabhytitsipranitadharmasanhitas citht ayamti.. dharmacintakaḥ; devata. ksitiśamät äpitr-tiryagādinām avirodhena vinayakaritvăd 'aviruddha vainayika); punyapāpaparalokadyanabhyupagamapara akriyāvādino viruddha(h), sarvapāşandibhih saha viruddhacăritvät; prathamam eva "dyatirthakarakale samut pannatvat. pra yo vyddhakale dik sāpratipatteś ca vyddhas tapasäh; śrāvakah brāhmaṇaḥ ...; anye tu výddhaśravaka ity ekam eva padam vrähmanavācakat vena vyacak sate (Buddha is therefore not referred to here ! (see Bhag. 2,214); and AC2 R read vuddha, BCI alone having vuddha); pāşamdam vratań, tatra tişthamti ti pāsaņdasthäh; on Goyama fg. see Aupap. $ 73. See chap. 15 in Varahamihira's
Bihajjat aka® (pravrajyāyogādhyāya), or Laghuját. 9, 12)Ind. Stud. 2 287,
where also vyddhaśravaka. 957 Mukundo Baladevah; Ārya praśāntarupa Durgā; sai 'va mahişārudha tat
kuttanaparā Kotfakriya; atro 'pacārād ithdradi šabdena tad-ayat anam apy ucyate: the same arrangement of the gods, except Mukunda, occurs also in the
Bhagavati. 3, 1, 66; see my treatise 2, 113, 1,439. 958 See p. 161 on Håla 459 Bhuv. 959 According to all appearance this speaks against the connection of the text with
the Svetāmbaras and refers it to the Digambars (cf. Bhag. 2, 187n, 321, where I have partially misunderstood the passage).

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[28] In the bhāvāvassayar (intellectual exercise) we read in the passage attributing a similar division to the loiyam : puvvanhe Bhāraham, avaranhe Råmāyaṇam960 and as regards the kuppāvayaniyam, it is said of the same sects as above (caragaciriyao) i.e. that they ijja'mjalihoma-japa-urdurukka-namukkara-m-āiyaiṁ bhāvāvassayāim kareṁti.961 The davvasuyam is characterized 988 as pattaya-potthayalihiyam and as amdayam, vodayam, kidayaṁ, valayam, vakkayaṁ.
The works of the Brahminical literature cited by me ad Bhag. 2, 248 are quoted in the case of the loiyaṁ no-ägamao bhāvasuyam (sce above, p. 9), where the same list is adduced from the Nandi, though in somewhat greater detail.
(29) In the enumeration of the names from ayåra to dithivaa (anga 5 as vivāhapannatti) the duvālasargaṁ ganipidagar takes the place of the louttariyam, etc.
In the case of the khettäņupuvvi, the groups of the aholoe (Rayanappabhā to Tamatamappabhā), tiriyaloe (Jaṁbuddive to Sayambhuramane). uddhaloe (Sohamme to Isipabhard) are enumerated, and in the case of the kalanuo, the gradations of the divisions of time from samäe to savvaddha. As we learn from a second discussion of the subject in a passage later on (see pp. 34, 37), we have to deal here with a
960 See Bhag. 2, 248n, my treatise on the Rāmāy, p. 34; loke hi Bharata-Ramāyanayor
vācanań śravanan vā purvāparāhnayor eva rudha. 961 ijya yagah, athava desībhaşayan ijje ti (isfeti B) māta(!) tasyā namaskāravidhau...;
undurukka iti desivacanata uñdu mukhan, rukkam visabhädisabdakaranam, devatādipur ato vrşabhagarjitādikaranam.-B has also itthanjali in the text; this is manifestly caused by a misunderstanding of the ligatures st. sv. and ij See Vol. XVI. Ind. Stud. 2n; ijja, mäta is to be referred either to root yaj or
to arya. 362 pat(t)rakāni talat al yādi sambamdhini, tatsanghatanispannās tu pustakas, tatas
ca patrakani ca pustakās ca, teşu likhitam; athavă potan vastram (see I. S. Vol. 16, p. 155) pa(t)trakāni ça teşu likhitam : -andayarin hamsagabbhadi; hansah patangah, garbhas tu tanni vartitakośikāro .. tadut pannath sutrañ andajam ucyate ådisabdah svabhedaprakhyāpanaparah! - vodayam (boo R, pooA) karpåsa-m-adi, Ind. Stud. XVI. 111 : vodam vamianiphalath tasmāj jātam voïdajam; phalahi vamani, tasyah phala phalahan karpasāśrayak ośakar upañ,-kitaj jātam kitajam sutram; is fivefold : patte paffasutram (detailed citation from the vyddhavyakhya), Malae Malayavişayot pannan, añsue, Cinańsue Cinavi şaye, kimiräge,-lomabhyo jatam vālajan, is fivefold unnie aurnikań, utthie austrikam, miyalomae, kutave (koo) urdururomanis pannam, kittise urņādinām yad uddhari tam ;-yakkayan (vägayam A) sana-m-adi valkajam, taträ 'tasisutranh Mälavakadi prasiddham. There is no direct statement in reference to the relations of these stuffs, consisting of down, cotton, silk (from Malaya and China), hair (wool, skin), plants (hemp, flax) to the śrutam, Their use as paper, etc. for MSS. is doubtless here referred to as in the case of pattayao.

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progression by 84's and not by 10's. Cf. Bhagav. 1,427 above, pp. 268, 411, 412. In the case of the ukkittaṇāņu we find an enumeration of the 24 Jinas.
Under namam we find all manner of linguistic, grammatical and other statements, Immediate dependence upon Sanskrit literature is here very clear; thus e.g. as examples of monosyllables are cited the following four-hriḥ śriḥ dhiḥ stri (sic) in the Sanskrit form, manifestly because they (cf. Pingala's chandas 1,12 Ind. Stud. VIII, 217, 218) are used in Sanskrit grammar as customary (murdhābhiṣikta) examples. The same fondness for Sanskrit may be observed in the metrical rules concerning gender, statements in reference to the finals of nouns, (ā, 1, u, o and am, im, um), saṁdhi (agama, lova, pagadi i.e. prakṛti, and vikāra) and the five classes of words. For some of the names of these classes (e.g. nămikam, naipātikam, ākhyātikam aupasargikam, miśram) and the examples 963 of others, the Sanskrit is used. The sacred author makes, ludicrously enough, [30] a wilful error of a slight character. He cites, besides, other examples of samdhi; vadhu uhate vadhuhate, but Sanskrit has no nominative or rather no form vadhu. The nomin. is vadhūs.
In mentioning a subspecies of Chaname (san) the twelve amgas are again enumerated in detail (anga 5 again as vivahapannati), and the navapuvvadhara jāva coddasapuvvadhara mentioned (see Bhag. 2, 318). Under the head of all manner of aerial and heavenly phenomena the eclipses of the moon and sun are referred to.964
Under the head of Sattaname we find a very thorough-going account of the seven svara's965 interwoven with all sorts of gathās: under
963 Thus samdhi: āgameņam.. padmāni payamsi, loveṇam.. te atra te 'tra, pato atra pato 'tra payatie.. agni etau, patu imau, sale ete, male ime, vikarenaṁ.. damḍasya agram damḍagram, sa agatā sagata, dadhi idam, dadhidam, nadi thate nadihate, madhu udakam madhudakam, vadhu (!) uhate vadhuhate-then, after mentioning the five classes of words, the examples to illustrate them are given in Sanskrit :- aśva iti namikam, khaiv iti naip., dhavati 'ty akhy, pari 'ty aup., samyata iti miśram.
954 abbha ya abbharukkha samjha gamdhavvanagara ya ukkā vāyā disādāghā vijju gajiiam nigghaya_juva, jakkhalitta (yakṣadiptakani, nabhodṛśyamānāgnipiśācāḥ) dhumia mahia (dhumikaḥ mahikaḥ) raügghaya (raja-udghātāḥ, rajasvala disah) camdovaraga surovaraga camdaparivesa surapa padicamdaya padisuraya, imdadhanu, udagamachha (mat syah, indradhanuḥkhamdani) kavihasia (kapihasitany akasman nabhasi jvaladbhimasabdarupani) amoha (amoghaḥ suryabimbad adhaḥ kadacid upalabhyamanaśakatoddhisamsthitasyämadirekhah) vasa... The same enumeration is found also Bhagav, Ed.p. 224 and in anga 3,10 according to Leumann.
965 See my treatise on the Pratijnasutram, pp. 109, 110.

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atthaname a similar account of the eight cases (vibhatti), under navaname of the nine poetical (kavva ) rasas. Each of the latter is illustrated by a corresponding gātha. See Ind. Stud. XVI, 154-58.
The following countries are enumerated under the head of a subspecies of dasaname, the khettasamjoga :- Māgahae, Mälavae, Soratthae Marahatphae, Kurkanae, Kosalae. If the first two of these names recall (31) the pre-eminent position occupied by Magadha and Malava at one time in India - see Ind. Streifen 1, 309, 344,- the two following names 966 refer par excellence to Jainism. That the list is limited to these six names, whereas in anga 5 it embraced 16 and 251 in upånga 4, is a feature of significance which is probably based upon genuine knowledge of the facts. The list in anga 5 and in upanga 4 has no securer a foundation than that of a stereotyped literary tradition.
In another of these subdivisions, the țhavaņā pamāņe, which contains a discussion of the seven kinds of formation of names, we find an enumeration of the 28 nakkhattas, still beginning with krttikā, though with their secondary titles (pussa, jețhā, mūla, savana, dhanițsha, bhaddavaya). Cf. Ind. Stud. X. 285, 16, 268, 415. The patronymic formation of eight different pames, one for each born under a definite naksatra, is here specially treated of and also the names, in : dinna, dhamma, samma, (farman), deva, dása, sena, rakkhia,867 thus, e.g,, kattia, kattidinna (kitti°), kattidhamma, kattisamma etc. Furthermore the patronymics from the names of each of their 28 divinities; 668 thus aggie, aggidinne, aggidhamme etc. All this proves eo ipso that this kind of names was very popular at the date of the composition of the text itself, or rather at the date of its sources,
This is for the latter a [32] factor of synchronisticalim portance (see p. 40) since these nakşatra names appear to have beeexceedingly popular at the period of the grhyasūtra, and even of Pāṇini. See my treatise on the naksatra 2,317 fg. As examples of patronymic kulanames Ikkhage (Aikşvāka), Naye (the kulam of Mahāvira) and Korayve are cited. The following appear as påsanda in the same connection :samaņe parndarange, bhikkū kāvālie, tavase and parivvāyāe, s, Bhag. 2, 213". The scholiast explains bhikkhū by Buddhadarśanaśritaḥ and on
966 On Soraffhāe cf. Kalpas, Theräv. 9. 967 The names in bhuti cf. Indao, Aggi, Vāyu', are omitted strangely enough. 968 ahibudhnya appears here as vivaddhi (!), cf. vividdhi ip anga 3 (p. 268); both
are forms which are much more corrupted than the abhivaddhi (vuddhi) of the Suryaprajnapti, sec Ind. Stud, 10, 295.

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the other hand asserts that there is a five-fold division of samana 1 niggaṁtha-Sakka Śākya)-tāvasa-geruya ajivä with which Abhayadeva too is acquainted (see p. 281"). He connects the paṁduramga with the naiyayika. (But cf. above, p. 26).
Under the head of bhavapamana, as a species of pamāṇanāma, the composition of words is first treated of. There are seven forms of this, the examples of the first form being given (see pp. 29, 30) in Sanskrit, viz. - I. damda, examples: damtaś ca oṣṭham ca, damtoṣṭhau, stanau ca udaram ca stanodaram.. vastrapātraṁ.. aśvamahiṣau... ahinakulam. 2, bahuvvlhi, 3. kammadharaya, 4. digu, 5. tappurisa, 6. avvayibhava, and-7. ekasesa, the plural as a collection of several units (there is no dual). The eight-fold taddhitas follow the compounds: kammam 1 sippa 2 siloe 3 samjoya 4 samivao 5 a samjuhe 6 issaria 7 'vaccena 8 ya taddhitanāmam tu aṭṭhaviham.||
It is peculiar that among these examples there are almost as many of primary as of secondary formation and in fact [33] even compounds.969 The commentary explains this peculiarity, which is to be ascribed to actual ignorance (cf. the wilful blunder, p. 30) as follows iha taddhitaśabdena taddhitapraptihetubhūto 'rtho grhyate, tato yatra'pi tunnäe tamtuvãe ity-adau taddhitapratyayo na drsyate tatra 'pi taddhetubhūtārthasya vidyamānatvät taddhitajatvam (perhaps merely taddhitatvam) siddham bhavati,
It is especially interesting that here samjuha, samyutha are explained by the scholiast as gramtharacanã, so that the examples cited in the text are to be regarded as titles of literary compositions: Taraṁgavati, Malayavatt, Sattanusaṭṭhi (atta) and Bimdu are such names ! dhätue is said by the text to be the third group of bhavapamāņa. It is explained in Sanskrit in the following most singular fashion :- bhu sattāyām parasmaibhāṣā, edha vṛddhau, spardha samharse, gädhr pratisthalipsayor gramthe ca, bädhṛ loḍane, se'ttam dhatue. This is nothing more than the beginning of Panini's dhätupäṭha; see Westergaard Radices, p. 344. The fourth group, niruttie, enumerates in Sanskrit a large number of very peculiar etymologies; mahyam sete mahiṣaḥ,
samane,
969 On 1 taṇahārae etc., on 2 vatthie, tunnãe tamtuväe etc, on 3 mahane, -on 4 ranno sasurae salae, on 5 girissa samive nagaram girinagaram. Vidisãe s. n. Vedisam on Taramgavarkare (in BR invariably kärae), Malayavatti (vai BR) kāre, satta (atta BR)nusatthikare, bimdukare (cf. dharmabindu lokabimdu, p. 457) on 7 isare talavare maḍambie... on 8 arahamtamāyā, cakkavaṭṭimāyā, Baladevamāyā, Vasudevamāyā.

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bhramati ca rauti ca bhramarah, (34) muhur muhur lasati musalam. kapir iva larvate thac (v. 1. are ghatti, beti, seti) ca karoti (patati ca is added by BC) kapittham, cid iti karoti khallar ca bhavati cikkallar, ürdhvakarnao70 ulūkaḥ khasya māla mehkalā.
Under the head of pamāna, that is divided into davvao, khetia, kala", and bhāvao, the measures of space, length of liquids, time and dry measures are treated of in extenso. There are frequent citations of lengthy passages of antique colouring, which deal in the form of a dialogue with the instruction of Goyama (by Mabăvira) on this point. A very minute doctrine of atomos is also found here, see Bhagav. 2,256.071 The enumeration of the measures of time is similiar to that in the kālāņupuvvi, above page 29, the progression by 84's beginning three gradations after the quinquennial yuga. In the discussion on paliovame (palyopama) we find inserted a lengthy passage from the Pannavana (thiipaa) in reference to the duration of the continuance of creatures in their different gradations. This insertion is given in full in some MSS., in others the beginning and conclusion above are given, it being stated that it is a citation from the Pann. Not much farther on a question is introduced in the following fashion which does not seem original°78 :- tartha nam codae (codakah), prerakah, prcchakah) pannavayam (ācdr yam) evam vayast, and then follow questions and answers in the usual way introduced by atthi ņań , and haṁta ! atthi. Later on [35] comes the dialogue between Goyama (and Mahavira), clad in an old form which is probably caused by citations.
Under the head of Gunappamāna, the first group of the bhāvappam, the nanaguņap. is said to be four-fold : paccakkhe, aņumāne, uvamäņe, and ägame. The last is divided into loiye and louttarie. To the loiya is ascribed everything that is annāņihiṁ micchădiţthiehiṁ saccardabuddhimativigappiyam : tam jaha : Bhäraham Rāmāyaraṁ jāva (BCR, evarn A) cattāri a vedā saṁgoyaṁgā. Here we have a reference to an earlier enumeration. See above, pp. 9,28. We find that jam imam arahaṁtehiṁ bhagavaṁtehiṁ savvadarisihiṁ paņiaṁ duvālasangam ganipidagar, tam : āyāre jāva dițļhivãe is considered to be loguttarie. There are, however, other divisions of the agama ; thus, those into sutta",
970 ürdhvakarna ... omitted in R. 971 Where uddharenu is to be translated by urdhvarenu sanha.° ussanha, by slak.
snaślaksnika, ucсhlak sna'; sanha can be also for suksma; see Hem. 1, 118,
where, however, we have ārse suhumam. Cf. 2, 75 ? Hälá 732. 972 While correcting the proof Leumann informs me of its occurrence in the Nandi
NED. p. 335. It is also found in the ay. nijj. see p. 69.

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atthao and tadubhaya, or into attā anaṁtară", and paramparão original doctrine, doctrine that has been directly received, and traditional doctrine (see p. 216). The carittagunapamāṇe is said to be five-fold, sāmäiacar., chedovaţthāvaniacar. (AC, merely othāva BR) etc., and the sāmăiacar two-fold : ittarie and avakahie ; s. Aupap. pp. 38, 41, and Leumann in the Gloss. According to Leumann's communication this division goes back as far as Bhagav. 8,2,25,7. Is this the reason of the name of the chedasuttas ? Under nayapamäne three ditthaṁtas, examples, are discussed in detail ; in these an "avisuddho negamo" is carried on from the general to the particular, or to the visuddhataro etc., and finally an advance made to the visuddho. In this section Padaliputta appears as the residence of the person who is questioned (Devadatta, Skr., not odinna !), [36] and as situated in the dāhiņaddha of the Bharaha khetta973 Under the head of parimănasamkh(y)ā- the kāliasuaparim, i.e. manifestly the first 11 angas,974 is contrasted with the ditthivaa. The point treated of is their mutual division into, 975 and enumeration of payyava, akkhara, samghāya, pada, pada, gāhā, siloga, vedha, nijjutti, aņuogadāra, and from here on the enumeration of the uddesaga, ajjhayaņa, suakkhamdha, aṁga in the kāliasua, and of the pähuda pahudia, pahudapähudia, vatthu in the digthivaa.
According to the fourth anga and Nandi (see p. 354 fg. 631), the latter method of division does not belong to the entire dithivaa, but merely to the puvvas contained in it; [37] and the evidence of occasional citations made from the purvas (and found in other works) prove that they were actually so divided. See ibid.
973 I notice in passing that the example given on Hem. 2, 150, i.e. Mahura va
Pädaliutte pasāa is in agreement with the examples in question found in the Mahabhäşya. See Ind. 13, 380. Is this a case of direct borrowing ? See above p. 33. Mathurā does not play any great part among the Jains, but see the special statements in the beginning of the Vicārāmytasangraha in Teference to a Marhuri
vacană (Skandilācāryānām abhimata). 074 Likewise in Avasy. 8, 40 (below p. 64); i. e. quite another terminology than that
in N. (p. 11) and in the beginning of the An. itself (p. 21), where kaliya is a
subdivision of anangapavitha, or angabahira. 975 vedha, vesta, perhaps a group of verses? nijjutti an explanatory section? anuogadara
a paragraph tatru paryavah paryāyā dharma iti yavat, tadrupā samkhyā paryavasankhyā (the meaning of par yava here as a preliminary stage of akkhara is obscure; per se it doubtless denotes the different groups of alphabet, sa ca kalikasrute anantapar yāyāt mikā drastavyā, ekaikasyä 'py akāradyak sarasya tadabhidheyasya ca jīvādivastunah pratyekam anamtaparyayatvät, evam anyatra 'pi bhavanā karya ; navaran (!) samkhye yöny akarādyak şarāni, dvyädyak sarasañyogah sankhyeyah sanghātāh; suptiñantāni samaya (7) prasiddhāni va sankheyani padāni; gathādicaturthansarūpāh sankhyeyah padah; .. samkhyeya vestakah; nik sepanir yukty-upodghătanir yukti-sutrasparsikanir yukrilaksanā trividha niryuktir (see p. 38); vyakhyopāyabhutani tatpadaprarupanatădiny (?) upakramādini vā samkhye yäny anuyogadvāräni.-The division into granthas, or at least this name for the division is not mentioned here. It is really identical with siloga.

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• Vattavvaya is then divided into sasamayav. (sva') parasamayav, and sasamayaparasamayay. The scholiast cites as an example of the second a passage from anga 2; the source of the one for the third is not stated.976 Thus the negamavavahāro, but the ujjusua, explained by rjusūtra (śru a !) i.e. the orthodox believer, recognizes only the first two vatt., and of these two the first alone as entitled to authoritativeness.
The atth higāra section consists977 merely of the gathā : sävajjajoga, which states the contents (attha) of each of the 6 ajjhayanas of the āvassaya. See p. 24.
Under the head of samoyäre, samavatāra we find for the third time an enumeration of periods of time from avaliyā to savvaddha. Seo pp. 29, 84. In the second dara, nikkheva,978 the author returns to the samāiam and describes in several verses the nature of the samana [38] who possesses the sämäiam.979 Two of these verses recur in the samāiyajjhay, of the Āvasy nijj. 8, 109, 110. See pp. 67, 68. The last section of the nikkheva, the suttalavayanipphanna, is not given in full980 by the author "for brevity's sake," lāghavattham, since its contents is, he says, contained in the third dāra, the anugama, which follows thereupon..
This deals particularly with the suttānugama and the nijjutti-anug., which latter is divided into nikkhevanijj,' uvagghāyanijjo and suttaphasianijjo (sūtraspārśikao) - see p. 36, 36". Of the gathās cited in it one in part recursos1 in Āvasy, nijj. 9, 60,
976 The latter passage reads : ägäram avasamtā và arannā vā pavvaiya idar dari sanam
avannā savvadukkha vimucchamti 'tyādi; on this the scholiast says : grhasthah, aranyā vā tāpasādayah, pravrajitaś ca sak yadayah idam asmadiyan matam
ăpannā asritäh sarvaduhkhebhyo vimucyanta ity evain yadā Samkhyadayah - pratipadayanti tad evam parasamayavaktavyatā, yadā tu Jainās tada svasamay
ayaktayyatā, tataś că sau svasamaya-parasamayavaktavyato 'cyate. 277 It reads : se kim tam attho re ? jo jassa ajjhayanassa attho ro. In R, instead of
tañ we have samai yassa at thoro, and this is doubtless merely an example of how the verse is to be understood; sāvajjajoggavirai saoattho ukkittana cauvisatthassa attho etc.: i.e. according to the scholiast : "arthädhikaro 'dhyayane" adipadad
ārabhya sarvapadesvanuvartate. 978 Is threefold : ohanipphanne nāmanio suttalavayanio; ohanio is fourfold : ajjhaya
nar, ajjhine (aksina), ae (ayah), jha vaņā (ksapanā), names which are also :
sämāyikacaturvinsatistavādiśrutaviseşānām sāmänyāni. 979 See Bhagav. 2, 186. 980 He has probably lost his breath! The following sections are treated in a very
fragmentary fashion. 981 kim kaivihai kassa kahim kesu kaha keciram (kaccio) havai kalankai
samtarań avirahiañ bhava." garisa phâsana - nirutti // Sāmāiam is to be supplied according to the scholiast. The verse recalls the quis? quid? cur? contra, simile, paradigmata, testes applied in German schools to the analysis of proverbs, etc.

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Under the head of suttaphasia the correct pronunciation of the suttas is treated of. According to the scholiast there are 32 dosas and 8 (or 6) gunas, which he discusses at length. 98 The six different means983 of making oneself certain of the correct understanding of the text are also mentioned; they are:- samhita-form of the text, pada-form, sense of the words, division of the words into component parts, consideration (of objections) and determination (rejection of the objections): samhiya ya payam ceva payattho payaviggaho | cālaṇā ya pasiddhi ya chavvi ham viddhi lakkhaṇaṁ.
[39] The fourth dāram, näe, consists of 6 gathās, of which the first four treat of the seven different forms of naya i.e. method of conception, exegesis; they are - negame, samgahe, vavahāre, ujjusue; sadde, samabhiruḍhe, evambhue, The scholiast says that they are named thus in reference to their connection which the sāmāyikādhyayanam as the background of the entire work. Verse 5 gives a general definition of the word naya. Verse 6 makes known the fact that the sahu, sädhu, must hear all its forms with their manifold methods of representation, be purified by this means, and thus remain constant in his (correct) course of action. This concluding verse too thus refers directly to the sāmāyikam, even if it does not mention it by name. It was quite necessary that here at the close some regard be had for the sāmāiam; the remaining part of the work refers to it but little.
I have collected on Bhag. 1, 373, fg. some of the data regarding its age that can be extracted from the contests of the Anuyogadv. To the arguments that have been mentioned others may be added. In the forefront is the direct connection of the work with the grammatical Sanskrit literature, especially the citation of the beginning of Panini's Dhätupäṭha. Next the information of a definite nature concerning the other literatures, Brahminical, etc. of that period. The nine kavvarasas point to a highly developed system of rhetoric, and the gōhas cited therein demonstrate the existence of a rich Prakrit poetry after the fashion of the vesses in Hala's Saptasatakam. The names cited in the formation of taddhitas are perhaps to be regarded as titles of dramas (cf. näḍagādi at the end of the loiya works) or [40] of romances. See p. 386. Bharatam (but not Mahabh.") and Rāmāyaṇam
982 The scholiast is here very prolix, though the text is very compact and brief.
983 See on this .Haribh on Avasy. 10; 1 etc,; in an avacuri on the oghaniryukti
we read askhalitapadoccaranam samhita; padavibhāgah padani: padanam arthah padarhah; padavigrahastu samāsabhāmji padāni; calana purvapakṣāsamka; pratyavasthanam nirakaranena svapakṣasthapanam.

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are mentioned three times in conjunction and undoubtedly were held in high esteem at that period. See my treatise on the Ram. p. 34. The contrast instituted between kaliaṁ suam and ditļhivåa is of importance to Jaina literature. At the date of this work and at that of the Nandı, see above, p. 11, there existed a work, consisting of six ajjhayaņas, on the six āvaśyakas, the first of which is said to form the foundation of the Anuy., though no evidence can be drawn from the Anuy. itself to prove this assertion. Another fact that savours of antiquity is the special emphasis laid on the formation of the names of persons by means of the names of the nak satras or of their divinities.994 The first nak satra names appear in the old kritika series, though no longer in their ancient form; and the names of the divinities are very much corrupted. The significance of the names Cinä, Sorațţha and Marahattha, and those of the different påsandas, or of each of the divinities honoured by them, must not be overlooked.
There is a commentary by Hemacandrasori, scholar of Abhayadevasori.985
[41] The conclusion is formed by
G.–The four mūlasūtras.
I have as yet not been able to make out the significance of this title, 086 which has come to light only in quite modern times in connection with these texts. In the second mūlasūtra the expression mülasūtragătha (see p54) occurs (see scholiast on Āvasy, nijj. 11,61) though it is there probably used in contrast to the gathās of the nijjutti; so that mūlasūtra would mean nothing more than sūtra (sce ibid. on 11, 39), i.e. the original to which the nijjutti belongs.
- The three texts bearing the name mūlasūtra which I have before me (the fourth I do not possess) have in reality no sūtra form at
984 As a matter of fact such names are not often found in the sidhänta. The
following examples, however, belong here : Asadha, Aggidatta, Somadatta, Pusamitta, Tisagutta, Tisabhadda; cf. also Revai-riakkhatta (above p. 7). It is surprising that the form in bhuti is omitted, a form which is specially attested as occurring in Mahavira's time. Cf. also Pussabhūi, Siva'. See Mahabh. on
Pān. 8, 2, 107 (Ind: Stud. 4, 381) on the common name of Agnibhuti. 985 Other predecessors are Munisumdarasūri, Viradeva and Jayasinhasūri; the gaccha
is Śri. Harsapuriya, the kulam that of Sri Praśnavāhana. The well-known Hemacandra is, therefore, not referred to, and the above mentioned Abhayadeva
is doubtless not the navāngivsttikyt. Cf. pp. 276-7. 986 Does it perhaps refer to the 5 mulagunas (Āvasy. 20, 6-8)

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all, but are almost entirely in metre; mülas. 1 and 3 in the ancient style (see p. 238, 239), especially in ślokas; the nijj. on 2 is in gathas.
They make the impression of being analogous to parisisțas rather than sūtras. The mūlas., which is No. 2 in Bübler's list bas not been preserved in its sūtra form at all, only its nijjutti being extant. The title of the fourth mülas, expressly declares it to be a nijj.; and since both the others have essentially the same form, it is not an improbable conjecture to regard these too as nijjuttis to a sutram of like name. On the other hand, however, special nijjuttis on each are cited by the scholiast, and these nijj. appear to be still extant. Of this kind are probably the two texts which the author of the Āvasy. [42] nijj. 2,5 declares that he composed on dasakalia and uttarajjho. ...
The prose portions found here have in places the old introductory formula : suyam me ausam..; and the concluding formula of each of the ajjh. (and uddes) of mūlas. 1 and 3 ti bemi gives us an impression of their antiquity. Furthermore, the titles of all the 36 chapters of the first mūlas are enumerated in the fourth anga $ 36- hence this mūlas, with essentially the same contents must have existed at the date of anga 4. It appears to be cited also in the Kalpasūtra. In N. (above p. 11 fg.) we find only the three titles of the mūlasūtas I havo before me; the name of the fourth is omitted, and the title of the second plays there, as in the Anuyogadv. (above pp. 11, 22 fg.), a very prominent part.
A very ancient author is quoted for the third mūlasūtram; and a single chapter (14) of the An. nijj. is ascribed to a definite author, although the author of the Āv. nijj. himself says, in the beginning of chap. 2, that he is author of a large number of nijjuttis on the most different parts of the Siddhānta, especially on several chedasūtras, and, as already mentioned, on mūlas. 1 and 3. The Āvasy nijj. contains, therefore, a large amount of authoritative data in reference to the date of its composition.
The contents of all three texts belong to the sphere of the vinayapitaka. The Nom. sgl. Masc. of the I Decl. ends generally in o, but chiefly in e in the few prose sections; but both forms are found together occasionally, and in fact even in the same verse.
[43] The extent of mūlas. 1 is stated to be 2 095 gr. that of 2 or its nijj. 2550, that of 3,700 gr. The author of the commentary on 2 is said to have died Vira 1055.
2 is all: 2550, mtent of my

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XLIII, First mülasūtram, the uttarajjhayaņaṁ, in 36 ajjhayanas. The names of these ajjh., which are cited (sée page 280) in anga 4, § 36, are identical with those in the MSS. with but a few exceptions. By the chattisaṁ ca aputthavāyaraņāim, mentioned in the Kalpas. Jinac. $ 147, we must understand the Uttarajjh. according to the scholiast (Kalpalata). See Jacobi, p. 114. The correctness of this number (36) is corroborated by the concluding verse of the work itself. Haribhadra, on Avasay, 8, 54, explains the isibhäsiäim mentioned there by Uttarajjhayaņādini;987 and ibid 2, 5 both isibhāso and uttarajjho appear in conjunction in the text. The scholiast on Nandi explains (see p. 130) the name uttaro by the sarvesām àdhyayanānām pradhanatyam which belongs to this work. The author of the Āvaş yakanijj. states (2,5) that he is also author of a nijj. on the Uttarajjh.
With the exception of chap. 29 and the beginning of 2 and 16 which three chapters commence with the formula :- suyam me ausar teņaṁ bhagavaya evar akkhayaṁ (or t, bh. Mahāvireņaṁ Kasaveņaṁ e.a.), the text is composed in metre and principally ślokas, though there is an admixture of gåthas, triştubh, etc.888 The contents consist of direct ordinances in reference to a correct course of life, especially of the clergy, [44] and of recitals and parables illustrative of this life. Much of the contents makes upon us the impression of great antiquity and recalls similar Buddhistic texts and especially anga, 2.
On this mülas. we have a very detailed commentary, śisyahita, by Samtisori (Samtyācārya) in which frequent reference is paid to a nijjutti belonging to the text.989 See pp. 41, 43.
1. viņayasuyajjhayaņań, 48 vv. begins : samjogavippamukkassa anagārassa bhikkhuno / vinayam pāukkarissämi / vāņupuvviṁ suneha me 11. The word buddha appears to be here and frequently elsewhere in the work, an honorific title of the teacher's (vv. 7,8); cf. p. 263 (anga 2).
2. parisahajjh., 46 vv. with a prose beginning, which enumerates how the 22 parisahas : samaņeņam bhagavaya Mahavirena Kāsavenań
987 So also the anye in the Vidhiprapā; see pp. 429, 430, 988 The metre is often very much out of order, as in almost all metrical parts
of the Siddhanta. 939 In a palm-leaf MS., dating itself 1037 (A.D. 1251) the 3 appears to me to be
for an original 5; in which case the date would be 1507 (A,D. 1451). According to Jacobi p. 9, the commentary of Devendragaņi, which was composed Sanv. 1179 (A,D. 1123), is based upon that of Samtisūri, F.-14

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paveiya. In the metrical portion the first person is used: parisahāṇam pavibhatti Kasaveņam paveiya tam bhe udaharissami | anupuvvim suneha me ||1||
3, cauramgam, giyyam in S,990 cau(ram)gijjam V,20 vv.; of the mānuṣatvādi. In the commentary on v. 9 we find particular statements in reference to the seven schisms.
4. asamkhayam, asamskṛtam, pamayappamayam vā V, 13 vv. Of pramādāpramādau (cf. No. 10 in the anangapaviṭṭha list of N., above p. 11), and of the apramada, maraṇakale 'pi.
[45] 5. akāmamaraṇijjam, 19 vv.; of the pamḍitamaranam.
6. khuḍḍaga-niyamṭhijjam (cf. chap, 20), puri saviyyam S,18 vv. Of the vidyacaraṇavikalpas of the virata. Its appellation in S is very different though the name there suits the present contents very well,
7. elaijjam (so also V; of eḍaka); ura(b)bhiyam S and urabbhi also here in C, in an enumeration of the chapters which is added to the close of this MS. only 30 vv.; urabhrādi-driṣṭämtaḥ resp. rasagṛddhityägaḥ,
8. Käviliyam lijjam S.V.; 20 vv. Of the nirlobhatvam. It closes : ii esa dhammo akkhie | Kavilenam visuddhapannenam.. tti bemi //20//
9. Namipavvijjä, 62 vv. Of the caranam prati nihkampatvam; puttam thavijja rajje abhinikkhamai Nami rāyā.
10. dumapattayam drumapattrakam, 37 vv.; apramādārthaṁ upamādväreṇā 'nuşāsanam. Instruction addressed to Goyama. It closes thus :buddhassa nisamma bhasiyam | sukahiam atthapahopasohiyam | rāgām dosām ca chimdiya siddhigayam gãe Goama tti bemi ||37||.
11. bahussuyapujjam (puvvam V), bahuśrutapūjā, 32 vv.-In v. 1 the refrain of 1,1 2,1: paukarissämi, āņupuvvim suṇeha me.
990 S Samavaya (anga 4); V-Vidhiprapa, where the names are enumerated in detail.

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* 12. Harikesiajjm (Hariesi° V) 47 vy. Of the tapaḥsamrddhi of Hariesabala. The stories belonging here and also to the following chapters are related in detail in the commentary.
tyäjyam
13. Cittasambhūijjam, Citrasambhūtiyaṁ, 35 vv.; nidānam nidänadoșa | Kampillasambhữo Chitto.
14. Usuārijjam, Işukāriyam, 55 vv. : of the nirnidānatāguna; pure purāne Isugăra näme (i.e, not as Ind. St. 2,843).
[46] 15. Sabhikkhu, 'ugam S,16 vy. Of the bhikṣuguņās. Each verse closes with the refrain : sabhikkhu, cf. Dasaveälia 3,10. Begins : monar carissāmi samicca dhammaṁ.
16. bambhacerasamähitthānań, bambhagutti C, samāhitthānań S. First an enumeration of the ten bambhaceras of the bhikkhu in prose, thon 17 silogas. Of the brahmahacaryagupti.
17. pavasamaņijjar, papaśramaņiyar, 21 vv. Of the papaśramanasvarūpam, and of the papavarjanaṁ. Verses 3 to 19 close with the refrain : pavasamani tti vuccai.
18. Samjaijjań, Samjayiyam, 891 54 yv. Of the bhogarddhityāga. Karpille nayare' rāya / udinnabalayāhane / nāmenań / Samjao nāma / migavvaṁ (mrgavyāṁ) uvanijjae /.
19. Miyāputtiyaṁ, Maoijjaṁ V, Miyacaritta (or Miyācărită) S, 97 vv. Of the nihpratikarmatā, and of Miyāputta, son of King Balabbadda and of Miya; Suggive nayare.
20. mahāniyamthijjaṁ (cf. chap. 6), mahānirgraṁthiyām; anähapayvayya S; 60 vy. Of the anāthatvar; Senio Magahāhivo v. 2. The title found in S agrees with the contents (as was the case with 6 and 7).
21. samuddapālijjaṁ ('lejja V), samudrapältyam, 24 v. of the viviktacarya. Begins : Campāe Palie nama / sāväe asi vänie / Mahavirassa bhagavao siso so u mahappano ||
991 This might be per se for samyatiyam; since the pāpavarjanam is: samyatasyai'va,
sa ca bhogārddhityāgata eva.

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22. rahanemijjam, 49 vv. Of the anorathanemivac caranam; utpannaviśrotasikena 'pi dhịtiḥ kāryā. Begins : [47] Soriyapurammi nayare / asi råyå mahiddhie / Vasudeva' tti nāmenaṁ / rāyalakkhaṇasaṁjue 1/1// tassa bhajjā dūve asi Rohini Devai tahā tāsim dunham pi do putta | ittha Rama. Kesava //2/1 v. 1ab / Samuddavijae nama / v. 1a 1/3/| tassa bhajjā Sivā náma / tise putte mahiyase / bhagavaṁ Arithanesi tti | loganähe damisare 1/4/...
23, Kesi-Goyamijjam, Kesi Gautamiyam; Gotamakesiyyaṁ S; 89 vv.; cittaviplutiḥ pareşām api Keśi-Gautamavad apaneyā. Begins : jine Pasi tņi nāmenam araha logapūie /..// 1|| tassa logapaivassa | asi sise mahāyase / Kest Kumārasamane / vijjācaraṇapărage 112 | See p. 837 on upanga 2.
24. samitu samitlo S, pavayaņamāyaro (!) C; 27 vv. of the pravacanamātȚsvarūpaṁ, i.e. the 5 samiti and 3 gupti, which are together also called aspha samilo : iriya-bhāse- 'saņā dāņe uccare samii iya / mano gutti vayagutti kāyagutti ya athama 1/2/1. These are regarded as the mothers as regards the duvālasamgaṁ Jiņakkhayam pavayanam. See Ind. Streifen, 1,133, 209, 2,047, in reference to the ethical three-fold division into mano, vaya, kaya.
25. jannaijjam, yajñlyaṁ, 45 vv. Jayaghoşacaritavarṇanadvarena brahmaguņa iho'cyaṁte. Begins : mahaņakulasambhūo / asi vippo mahājaso / jäyál jamajannammi (yamayajñe) / Jayaghosu tti ndmão Il ||
26. sāmāyari, dasasá°C, 53 vv. Only he who is in possession of the brahmagunas (chap. 25) is a yati tena cā'raśyam 'sāmācāri vidheya: This is ten-fold 991 : [48) ävassiyā, nisihiyā,998 äpucchaņa, padipucchaņā, chaṁdanå, icchakaro, micchākāro, tahakkāro, abbhutthāņam, uvasarpayā. The similar enumeration in Āvasy, nijj. 7,12, where there is, however, a different arrangement (the same as in anga 3, 10, and Bhag. 25, 7 according to L.) :-icchakāro, miccha, tahakkāro (6-8), āva ... chardand (1-5), nimantană (instead of 9), uvasarpayă (10) — Haribhadra on Āvasy, nijj. 6,88, says 994 that there are three kinds of sdmācāri, 1. the
992 The word sāmāyāri recalls especially the samayacar ikasutra of the Brahmins,
with which the significance and contents of these texts is in agreement. From this I am led to conclude that sāmāyāri is an intentional deformation of
samayacari: see pp. 223, 238, 243 fg: 993 nai şedhiki, see pp. 452, 257. 934 See pp. 357, 449.

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oghasāmācāri, represented by the oghaniryukti, on the 20th prabhṛtam (oghapra) of the 3. vastu (ācārābhidhāna) pūrva 9,2. the daśavidhasāmācārt, for which our chapter and Av. nijj. 7 is authoritative, and 3, the padavibhāgasāmācārī, which too is represented by chedasutralakṣaṇān navamāt pūrvädeva nirvyūdha, or by kalpavyavaharau.995-Begins : sāmāyārim pavakkhāmi savvadukkhavimukkhaṇīm | jam carittāna niggamtha | tinnä samsärasāgaram || 1 ||
27. khalumkijjam, khulu V, 15 vv. Of the saṭhată; the asaṭhatā is the antecedent condition for the sāmācārī. It begins: there ganahare Gagge (Gargyaḥ) muņi āsī visāräe | ainne gaṇibhāvammi samāhim paḍisamdhae | The name comes from v. 3: khalumke jo u joei khalumkan galivṛşabhan (s. Hem. 1263) yo yojayati.
28. mukkhamaggagai, sivamagga C, 36 vv. Of the mokṣamarga. Begins: mukkhamaggagaiṁ taccam | suneha jinabhäsiyam.
29. sammattaparakkamam, samyaktva; appamão S. In prose; anamtaram (in chap. 28) jñānādini muktimärgatveno'ktāni, täni ca samvegadimulāni akarmatavasānāni; [49] yadva mokṣamargagater apramāda eva (on this then is based the title in S) pradhanam. Enumeration of the 73 samvegādini, means of deliverance (cf. Leumann, Gloss. Aup. p. 155, s. v. samvejana): samvege 1, nivvee 2, dhammasaddha 3, gurusähammiyasususanayā 4, aloaṇāya 5, nimdaṇaya 6, garihaṇaya 7, sämäie and the remaining 5 āvassaya 8-13, etc. to akammaya 73 (cf. the 48 samvegādini, Bhagav, 16, 3 and 27 samv, in anga 4, 27 Leum). As in the beginning (see p. 43) so in the end there is a direct reference to Mahavira: esa khalu sammattaparakkamassa ajjhayanassa atthe samanenam bhagavaya Mahavirenam agghavie pannavie parūvie daṁsie nidamsie uvadamsie tti bemi.
30. tavamaggijjam, ggo S, maijjam V, 37 vv., tapomargagati. Begins jaha u pāvagaṁ kammam ragadosasamajjiyam | khavei tavasã bhikkhu tam egagamano suna || 1 ||
31. caraṇavihi, 21 vv.; caranavidhi.
32. pamayaṭṭhāṇam, 111 vv.; pramādasthānāni Begins: accamtakalassa samulayassa savvassa dukkhassa u jo pamakkho / tam bhāsao me paḍipunnacitta | sunéha egamtaniyam hiyattham.
995 The three samayari texts which I have before me-see pp. 223, 369 fg. -contain another division than that stated above. Their contents is, however, connected, and they agree in the main with each other.

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33. kammapayadi, karmaprakṛtiḥ, 25 v. Begins : attha kammāiń (cf. Bhag. 2, 166) vucchami , āņupuvviṁ jahakkamar / jehim baddhe ayam jive, saṁsāre parivattāe | 1 || nānassa "varanijjaṁ | damsaņāyaranar taha / veyaņijjaħ taha mohaṁ | aukammam taheva ya 1l || namakayyar ca goyar ca artar āyam taheva ya. Closes : eesim samvare ceva khavane ya jāe (yateta) buhe tti bemi || // The nānam e. g. is (see N. Anūy. Āvasy. Aupap. p. 41) five-fold suyaṁ, ābhinibohiyarn, ohinäņam, maņaņāņań, kevalaṁ.
34. lesajjhayaņam, leśyā°, 62 vv.; anaṁtaram (in 33) prakrtaya uktās, tatsthitiś ca leśyāvasataḥ; apra [40] śastaleśyātyāgataḥ prasastā eva tā adhisthätatavyāḥ. Begins lesajjhayanaṁ pavakkhāmi āņupuvvi jahakkamar chanhaṁ pi kammalesänar | anubhāve suņeha me || 1 || Closes : appasatthâu vajjittà / pasatthāu ahitthae (adhitişthet) muni tti bemi || 62/ Bhag. 1, 160, Leum. Aup p, 149.
35. anagaramaggam, ogge S, oggo V; 21 vv.; hirsaparivarjanadayo bhikkhuguņāḥ. Begins : suneha me egamaņā maggam Savvannudesiyam / jam ayaramto bhikkhu | dukkhäņa 'mtakaro bhave |! 11). Closes : nimmamo nirahankäro viyarāgo anäsavo / sampatto kevala nanam sasaya parinivvuda tti bemi || 31 |1.
36. jivajivavibhatti, 268 vv. Begins : jivajivavibhatti / suneha me egamanā io 1 jam jāniūņa bhikkhū / sammaṁ jayai samjame 1/1/l. Closes : ii paukāre būddhe / ņāyāe parini yvue | chattisam uttarajjhäe | bhavasiddhia sammai (sarvude A) tti bemi / 268 //.
At the end in some MSS, of the text and in the scholiast there are added some variant verses of the niryuktikära in praise of the work : je kira bhavasiddhiä / parittasaṁsāria a je bhavvā ) te kira padhaṁti ee chattisar uttarajjhāe || 1 ||...
XLIV. Second mūlasūtram, āvaśyakasūtram. By dvaśyaka, as we have often seen in the case of painna 1, Nandi and Anuyogadv., are meant six observances which are obligatory upon the Jain, be he layman or clerical. That the regulations in reference to these observations had an established text as early as the date of N. and An., is clear from the fact that they appear in the Nandi as the first group of the anamgapavitha texts (see above p. 11); and in the Anuyogadv. the word ajjhayanachakkavagga is expressly given as its synonym. See p. 22, We have also seen [51] that the Anuyogadvarasūtram claims

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to contain a discussion of the first of these 6 avaśyakas (the samaiyam), but that this claim is antagonistic to that limitation of the samdiam to the sävajjajogaviratim which frequently secures the Anny. By this limitation an ethical character is ascribed to the work, the contents of which is, furthermore, at variance with the claim mode by the Anuy.
The avaśyakasūtram is a work which deals with all the six avaś yakas in the order996 which is followed in the Nandi and Anuyogadvāra, and discusses the samãiam actually, not merely nominally as the Anuyog, does. Unfortunately we possess, not the text of the avasy., but merely the commentary, called sisyahita, of an Haribhadra,997 which is as detailed as that on mulas,
1. Of this commentary, there is but one MS., which, though written regularly enough, is very incorrect and fails in every way to afford the reader any means of taking a survey of its contents by the computation of the verses, etc. It labours under the defect of such manuscript commentaries in citing 998 the text with the pratikas only and not in full, with the exception of foll.73 to 1536999 and some other special passages. The text is divided according to the commentary into [52] the six ajjhayanas, with which we are already acquainted :-1, the samālam, the sävajjojogavirai, which extends to fol. 1960, 2. the cauvisaithava or praise of the 24 Jinas, extending to 204, 3. vandanayam or honour paid to the teachers, reaching to 221, 4. paḍikkamanam, confession and renunciation (to 298°), 5. kaussaga, expiation to (315), and 6. paccakkhāņam, acceptation of the twelve vratas (to 342").
By' sāmāiam much more than the savajjajogavirati is meant. It is etymologically explained by samānāṁ Jñānadarśanacāritrānām āyaḥ (35). It treats not merely of the doctrine of Mahavira on this point, but also of the history of the doctrine itself, i.e. of the predecessors of Mahav., of himself, of his eleven gaṇaharas and of his opponents, the
996 See p. 434 on this arrangement.
997 At the close he is called a pupil of Jinadatta from the Vidyadharakula, or an adherent of Sitambaracārya Jinabhața samaptā ce yam sisyahitä nämä "vasyakatika kytiḥ Sitambaracarya Jinabhatanigadānusarino Vidyadharakulatilakacarya Jinadattasik syasya dharmato joini (yakini !) -mahattar ämnänäralpamanara(?) carya "Haribhadrasya. The Ganadharasardhasata is here referred to (cf. v. 52 fg) and the great Haribhadra (+ Vira 1055): see p. 371, 372 456 fg. In Peterson's Detailed Report (1883) we find cited (pp. 6-9) under No. 12 a vytti of a Śri-Tilakācārya, scholar of Sivaprabha, composed Samvat 1296.
993 342 foll. Each page has 17 lines of 58-62 aks, each. 993 Nijj 3, 315-9, 3.

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different schisms (ninhagas, nihnavas) which gradually gained a foothold in his teachings. The latter are chronologically fixed. Haribbadra quotes very detailed legends (kathānakas) in Prakrit prose (sometimes in metre) in this connection and also in connection with the dithamta and udāharana which are frequently mentioned in the text. These legends have doubtless been borrowed from one of his predecessors whose commentary was composed in Prakrit. The remarks of this predecessor, cited elsewhere either directly as those of the Bhāşyakara (see on Nijj. 10, 47), or without further comment or mention of his name, he has incorporated into his own commentary. This too was here and there composed in Prakrit. Occasional reference is made to a mülaţika (see on Nijj. 19,1,2), which in turn appears to have been the foundation of the Bhåşyakara.
(53) Even if we do not possess the text of the sadāvasyakasūtram with its six ajjhayanas which was commented upon by Haribhadra, our loss is to a great degree compensated by a metrical Nijjutti. This is even called avas yakasūtram at the close in the MSS., and is probably the only Āvasy. text which is extant.1000 At least Haribhadra regarded it as an integral portion of his text. He has incorporated it, with but a few omissions, into his commentary, and commented upon it verse for verse. He cites its author not merely as Niryuktikri, kara, (c.g. on chap. 16, 17) as Saṁgrahaņikāra, as Mūlabhāsyakrt (e.g. 2,135) or oven merely as Bhäşyakara (e.g. on 2,70,142, i.e. just as the author of the above-mentioned commentary in Prakrit prose) but also occasionally as graṁthakāra, okrt (see for example Nijj. 8,44,10,95) and even as sūtrakārā, okst (e g. Nijj. 1,76' 16, 80). The verses of the Nijj. are occasionally called1001 sūtras by him ! From a consideration of these facts we are led to the conclusion that the sole difference between the text commented on by Har, and the Nijj. lies in the different divisionthe text being divided into 6, the Nijj. into 20 ajjhayaņas. See below. The fact that Har. does not cite at all some sections of the Nijjutti (for example the Theravali at the very start) may, however, be held to militate against the above conclusion. His text too contains besides the Nijj. several other parts, chiefly in prose, (54) which he calls sūtras or words of the sūtrakara (see Nijj. 13, 53), e.g. especially a pratikramanasūtram given in extenso. He furthermore occasionally contrasts
1000 Cf., however, the avasyakaśrut askandha in Kielhorn's Report, 1881, p. 92, and
the sadāvasyakasūtram in Bühler's paper in the Journal of the Vienna Acad, 1881,
p. 574.
1001 e. g. tatha ce 'ho 'padesik am gāthasūtram aha Niryuktikarah: samsāra (2.18).

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the sutragatha or mulasūtragatha with the gathas of Niryuktikāra. See on Niry, 11,
1002
39 61
With this the following fact is in agreement: several times in the MSS. of the Nijj. there are inserted in the text short remarks in Sanskrit which refer to the proper sutram. This sutram has, however, not been admitted into the text, e.g. Nijj. 10,,,12,176. In one case, chap. 20, this sutra portion (in prose) has actually been incorporated into the Nijj.
It is, furthermore, noteworthy that in the Nijjutti, too, Haribhadra distinguishes different constituent parts and different authors (see p. 53). He refers its verses at one time to the niryukti(kāra), mulabhāsyakāra,1003 and at another to the samgrahanikāra, or even sūtrakṛt (!). He thus brings these verses into direct contrast with each other1004 and subjects them to different treatment, by citing some, perhaps those of more recent date, in full, [55] either word for word or without commentary; while the remainder he cites as a rule merely by their pratikas and then explains, first by a gamanikā, or akṣaragam., i.e. a translation of each word, and finally by expository remarks called out by the nature of the subject.1005
Haribhadra too appears to have found a special defect existing in his sutra text. Between chapters 8 and 9 of the Nijj. we ought to find sutrasparsini nijjutti according to his statement; but: no'cyate, yasmād asati sutre (!) kasya 'sav iti. Haribhadra devotes a long discussion to sūtras in general, which recurs Nijj. 10,2.89,11,7 (sutra and niryukti), 12,17:13,55
1002 In other passages, however, he says that the verses even of the Nijj. are sutras ! See p. 53, note 2.
1003 e.g. 4.3, iyam niryuktigāthā, etās tu mūlabhāṣyakāragāthā : bhimaffha° (4, 4-6). 1004 The sutrakit appears here as later than the samgrahanikara, fol. 260a:-tan abhidhit sur aha samgrahani kāraḥ ambe (Nijj. 16,48) gahā; asi (49) gāthā; idam gathādvayam sutrakin-niryuktigathabhir eva prakatar thabhir vyakhyāyate (sutrakṛtā.. vyakhyāyate or sutrakin niryu vyakhyati would be better); dhadamti padhādam ti; then follows the text of Nijj. 16, 50-64 in full but without commentary. Here it is to be noticed that one of the MSS. of the Nijj. in my possession omits these 15, verses from the text. See p. 59 in regard to the assumption that the Nijj. is the work of several authors.
1005 An occasional reference to other methods of treating the subject is found, e g. 2, 61, iti samasarthaḥ, vyasart has tu viseṣavivaranad avagamtavyah. Or on 10, 19, iti gathākṣararthaḥ, bhavarthas tu bhāṣyagāthābhyovaseyaḥ, tas ce mah (in Prakrit, but not from the Nijj.).

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Using due caution in reference to an explanation of the mutual relation which exists in our text between Sutta and Nijjutti, and in reference to the form of the text of the Avasyakam which existed in the time of Haribhadra, I subjoin a review of the 20 ajjhayanas of the existing Nijj. The two MSS. which I possess (the second I call B) show many divergences from one another, some of which are explainable on the score of inexact computation of the verses, Other MSS. contain much greater variations. The passages cited in Jacobi, Kalpas p. 100(104) as 2,97 and p. 101 as 2,332 are e. g. here 3, 281 (291), 332 (342). Very great divergences come to light in the two MSS. in Peterson's [56] Detailed Report (1883), pp. 124 and 127. These MSS. are numbered Nos. 273 (=P) and 306 (=7, with a break in the beginning; and chapters 1,2 and 6 are lost). The text is composed exclusively in gathās. One of its special peculiarities is formed by the frequent daragāthās, i.e. verses which state briefly the contents of what follows, principally by the enumeration of the catch-words or titles of paragraphs. Unfortunately the use or denotation of these verses is not regular; from which fact the benefit to be derived from this otherwise excellent method of division is materially reduced The Nom, Sgl. Masc. 1. Decl, ends, with but very few exceptions, in o.
It must be prefaced that Haribhadra treats chap. 1-10 under ajjhayana 1, 11-12 under ajjh. 2 and 3 respectively, 13-18 under ajjh. 4, and the last two chapters under ajjh. 5 and 6 respectively. This is done, however, without specially marking off the conclusions of the chapters of the Nijj.1006 Only the conclusions of the six ajjhayaņas are distinguished from the others.
1. Pedhia, piṭhikā, 131 vv. (in P the thiravali has nominally 125 and peḍhiya 81 ga!). It begins with the same Theravali (50 vv.) that occurs in the beginning of the Nandi, and treats, from v. 51 on, of the different kinds of nāņa (cf. Nandi and Anuyogadv.) Haribhadra does not explain the Theravali at all and begins his commentary (fol. 3) at v. 51 abhinibohianāṇaṁ/suanāṇaṁ ceva ohināṇam ca | taha maṇapajjavanāṇaṁ | kevalanāņaṁ ca pamcamayam ||51||.
[57] 2. paḍhamā varacariā, 173 (178 P, 179 B) vv., treats, from v. 69 on, of the circumstances of the lives, etc. of the 24 Jinas, especially of
10 Chapter 8 forms an exception, though at the end at least it says: samaptă ce' yam upodghataniryuktir iti, but in such a way that it is not mentioned as the "eighth chapter"; nor is the statement made that it is concluded.

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Usabha, the first of their number. In the introduction it is of extreme interest to notice the statements of the author in reference to his own literary activity. It is as follows :
titthayare bhagavaṁte / anuttaraparakkame amiaņāņi / tinne sugaigaigae / siddhi pahapā esae vaṁde 1/1/1 vardāmi mahābhāgaṁ | mahāmuṇiḥ mahāyasaṁ Mahäviraṁ amaranararāyamahiam | titthayaram imassa titthassa 1/2|| ikkarasa vi ganahare / pavāyāe parayanassa vamdami / savvar ganaharavaṁsam / vayagavaṁsaṁ pavayanar ca /31/ te vaṁdiūna sirasă | atthapuhuttassa 007 tehim kahiassa / suanäņassa bhagavao / niyyuttim1008 kittaissämi 1/4|| avassagassa dasakā | liassa taha uttarajjha-m-āyāre1009 / suagade niyyuttiñ / bucchāmi taha dasāņaṁ ca 1/5/1 kappassa ya niyyuttiṁ / vavaharasse 'va paramaniuņassa süriapannattie / bucchaṁ isibhäsiänam1010 ca 1/6|| eesiṁ niyyuttim. bucchāmi aham jiņoväeseņaṁ / äharanaheukārana- / payaņivaham iņaṁ samāseņaṁ 117|| sämäiani yyutti / bucchař uvāesiar gurujaņenam / āyariaparampareņa | agayaṁ åņupuvio 1/8/1 niyyutta to atthä / jam baddha teņa hoi niyyutti / taha vi ai cchavei / vibhāsiuṁ suttaparivādi /19/1
There is no doubt that we have here the beginning of a work, [58) and that chapter 1 (which is itself called pithikā, support, complement) did not yet precede these verses at the period of their origin.1011 From v. 5 and 8 we learn that the author does not intend to write an introduction merely for this second chapter, but that his work is designed for all the dvaśyaka matter and especially the sāmäiam. The separate statements of his account show that he intended to carry his investigations into the first two angas too, the fifth upāngam, three
1007 Arthaprthutvam. 1008 süträrthayoḥ parasparam niryojanam niryuktih; - kim aśeşasya śrutajñanas ya?
no, kim tarhi? Śrut aviseşānām āvaśyakādinām ity ata evā 'ha: avassao; : niryukti . is perhaps an intentional variation of nirukti. 1009 samudayasabdanām avaya ve vyttidarśanād, yatha Bhimasena Sena iti, uttarādhya
ity uttarādhyayanam avašeyam. 1010 deveṁdrastavādinām. 1011 They are placed thus in a palmleaf MS, No. 23, in Peterson's Det. Report
(1883) (only 1, 51 ābhinibohia... see p. 56, precedes) at the beginning of a text entitled "niryuktayah." which contains at least several, if not all, of the above 10 niry.

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chedasūtras, two more mülasūtras, 1012 and, if Haribhadra's explanation of isibhīsiāi is correct,1013 to painna 7 fgg.
If we compare these statements with those in the commentary of Rşimandalasūtra in Jacobi, Kalpas, p. 12, in reference to the ten niryuktis composed by Bhadrabāhu, it is manifest that they are identical
instead of kalakasya in the passage in Jacobi we must read kalpakasya), and that Bhadrabahu must be regarded as the one who in our passage speaks in the first person. This conclusion, however, is not supported by the Therävali in chap. 1, which, as we have seen, p. 7, is much later than Bhadrabāhu. Nevertheless, we have just above formed the opinion that this contradiction is immaterial, since this pițhikā is to be regarded as not extant at the time of the composition of chap. 2. (59). The greater is, however, the contradiction which is disclosed by other parts of the text, notably the first verse of the oghaniryukti cited as 6,89, and chapter 8, etc. The statements made there refer to a period much later than that of Bhadrabahu, the old bearer of this name, and who is assumed to be the last cauddasapuvvi (+ Vira 170). All these statements must either be regarded as alien to the original text, or the person in question may be one of the later bearers of the name of Bhadrabahu, to whom these ten Niryuktis might be referred. The further course of the account would then determine to what and to how late a period this Bhadr. belonged. All this is, however, on the supposition that we should have to assume that all the other chapters of the Nijjutti were the work of but one hand ! In this connection the distinction is of significance which Haribhadra-see above pp. 54, 55draws in reference to the separate constituent parts of the Nijj. The fourteenth chapter is expressly stated by him to have been composed by another author, viz. Jiņabhadda. See my remarks on pp. 61, 62 in reference to the incorporation of the oghanijjutti. The result is that chap. 14 and several other chapters (9, 11, 12, 20) exist in a detached form in the MSS., without any connection with äv, nijj. At any rate the statements made in the text remain of extreme interest since they show the interconnection of the ten niryuktis mentioned in the text, and their relation to one author. A good part of these niry. appears to be still extant. [60] As regards the MS. of the niryuktayah, mentioned above p. 58", we must confess that Peterson's account does not make it clear in which of the above ten texts it is contained. On the acăraniryukti see p. 258, Peterson, Palm-leaf 62, Kielhorn's
*012 dasaveāliam is undoubtedly referred to under dasakaliam. See the same
denotation in v. 1 of the four gåthas added there at the close. For the
abbreviation see note 3 on p. 57 in referenee to uttarajha. 1013 This is, however, extremely doubtful as regards the existing painnam called
devendrastava. See pp. 442, 259, 272, 280, 281, 402, 429, 431, 43.

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Report (1881) p. 10; on a suyagadanijj. see Pet. Palm-leaf, 59, a dasaveālianijj, ib. 167. We have also citations from the nijj. in up. 5 and mulas, 1.
What follows is very interesting :
attham bhāsai araha | suttaṁ gamthamti ganahara niuņam | sasanassa (pasa!) hi atthae | tao suttaṁ pavattal ||13||
sāmāia-m-āiam | suanāņam jāva biṁdusãrão | tassa vi sāro caranam | sāro caraṇassa nivvāṇaṁ ||14||.
Here the contents of the doctrine is referred back to Arahan, but the composition of its textual form is ascribed to the ganaharas See pp. 216, 345, above p. 35 and p. 80. The word sāmāiam, which we have found in v. 8 used as the title of the first avaśyaka, is now used in its other signification, i.e. as the title of anga 1: for bindusara is the title of the first purva book in the diṭṭhivaa, anga 12. See above pp. 243, 244.
3. bia varacaria, 349 (also P, 359 B) vv., of like contents.2014 It begins Viram Ariṭṭhanemim Pasam Mallim ca Vasupujjam ca / ee muttūņa Jine avasesā āsi rāyāņo ... Despite its seeming exactness, its statements give the impression of being apocryphal. Verses 287 (297) fg. treat of Siddhattha and Tisala, 1015 the fourteen dreams of Tis,, etc.
[61] 4. uvasagga, 69(70 Pπ) vv., treats especially of Vira.1916 The statements made here in chapter 4 take almost no notice at all of the facts in reference to the life of Vira that are found here and there in the angas: nor does the Kalpasūtram (see p. 474) devote a greater amount of attention to this subject.
5. samavasaranam, 69(64 P) vv., as above.
6. ganaharavão, 88(33 P, 90B) vv. (is wanting in ); the history of the 11 pupils of Vira: Imdabhūi 1, Aggibhui 2, Vaubhai 3, Viatta 4, Suhamma 5, Mamḍia 6, Moriaputta 7, Akampia 8, Ayalabhāyā 9,
1014 Jina 6 is called Paumābha (v. 23), Jina 8 Sasippaha (v. 24), Jina 19 Malli appears as a masc. (Mallissa v. 30)
1015 On Devanaṁda see v. 279 (289); but Usabhadatta is not mentioned. We read Somilabhidhāno in the scholiast.
1016 Gosala v. 15 fg.

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Meajja 10, Pabhāsa 11 (see Hemac, v. 31, 32); tittham ca Suhammão, niravaccă ganaharā sesā (v. 5). The contents is as above, and almost no reference is paid to the account in the angas. It concludes with the statement (above p. 48): sāmāyāri tiviha : ohe dasah, padavibhāge //88/7; in B there follows, as if belonging to this chapter, as v. 89 the beginning verse of the oghaniryukti, and thereupon the statement ittha'rtare ohanijjutti bhāniyavvā, In A v. 89 appears as v. 1 at the beginning of chap. 7 and then follows in partial Sanskrit : atthau1017 'ghanir yuktir vaktavyā ; after this verse 1 of chap. 7 according to the new computation. There is probably an interpolation here. Since chap 7 treats of the second of the three sämācārts enumerated in 6,88, and the first receives no mention, it was necessary to remedy this defect. The third sämácarı is, according to the statements of the scholiast here and elsewhere, pp. 357, 449, represented by the two chedasūtras : kalpa and vyavahara. It is very probable that the interpolation is not merely one of secondary origin, but an interpolation inserted by the author himself. (62) If this is so, he deemed the ohanijjutti which he had before him (perhaps his own production) to be the best expression of the first form of the 3 sāmācāris, and consequently, not taking the trouble to compose a new one, incorporated1018 brevi manu this ohanijj. (cf. above p. 59), or rather referred to it merely by the citation of its introductory verse., A complete incorporation brought with it no little difficulty, because of the extent of the text in question.1019 The economy of the whole work, would have lost considerably if the entire text had been inserted. The text which we possess under this name and of which the first verse alone is cited here, consists of 1160 Prakrit gāthas.1020 I shall refer to it later on, and call attention for the present to what I have said on p. 37: - that the first verse cited here from it, in that it mentions the dasapuvvi, excludes any possibility of that Bhadrabāhusvāmin, whom tradition calls the author of the oghaniryukti, having been the first bearer of this name, who is stated to have been the last caüddasapuvvi. The same, of course, holds good à fortiori of the author of our text, in which this verse is quoted,
1017 attha instead of atra. 1018 In the Vidhiprapă (in v. 7 des jogavihāna ) the ohanijjuti is said to be
"oinnā," avarirņā into the avassayam. 1019 Haribh, says : sampratam oghaniryuktir vācyā, sä сa prapancitatvat (perhaps on
account of its fulness) na vivtyate : and likewise at the end : idānim padavibhagasāmācāryāḥ prastāyaḥ sāca kalpavyavahārarupā bahuvistarās vasthānäd
avaseya ; ity uktah samācāryupakramakalah 1020 The oghaniryukti, which in PA is actually incorporated with the text, has but 58
(or 797) verses. See below. p. 82.

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- 7. dasavihasāmāyāri, 64(P7,65B) vv. ; cf. uttarajjh 26; the enumeration here in chapter 7 is as follows (see above p. 48): icchā, miccha, tahakkāro, āvassia nisihia | apucchaņā ya [63] padipuccha chaṁdaņā ya nimantana 1/1/) uvasaṁpaya ya kale sāmāyari bhave dasaviha u | eesi tu payäņam pattea paruvaņaṁ bucchaṁ //2/1
8. Uvagghāyanijjutti, 211(214 B,216 P,2107) vv. In vv. 40-50 glorification of Ajja Vayară (plur, maj.), °Vairā, Vajrasvāmin, who extracted1021 the āgasagamă vijja from the mahāpainnā (see p. 251) and made ample use of the latter. In his time there still existed (p. 247) apuhatte kāliāņuoassa, aprthaktvaṁ kālikānuyogasya, but after him (teņārena, tata äratah, Haribh.), i.e. perhaps through him there came into existence puhattaṁ kaliasua ditļhivāe1022 a, prthaktvaṁ kälikaśrute drsțivāde ca (v. 40). Tumbavana, Ujjeņi, Dasapura, nayaraṁ Kusumanāme (Pataliputra) appear in regular order as exercising an important influence upon his life. In vv. 50-53 glorification of his successor Rakkhiajjā (plur, maj.), Rakkhiakhamaņā, i.e. of Arya Raksitasvämin, son of Somadeva and Ruddasomā, (elder) brother of Phaggurakkhia and pupil of Tosaliputta. These two names : Vajrasvåmin and Aryarakşita (cf. Hemacandra's Parisistap. chaps 12, 13), especially as they are regarded here as persons deserving of great honour, bring us to a period much later than the old Bhadrabāhusvāmin. According to the statements of the modern Therāvalt (see Klatt, 1, c. pp. 246, 2470) 252°, his death is placed Vira 170, but that of Vajra, 400 years later, Vira.584 1023 We will find below that [64] there is mentioned here another date later by several years. Hem v. 34 too says that Vajra is the last "dasapūrvin," one who still has knowledge of 10 of the 14 pūrvas, and in general that he is regarded as deserving great honour as regards the transmission of the sacred texts. See the account of Dharmaghosa on the Kupaksakausik, Kup. p. 21(811). The two-fold division into kāliasua and dițțhivaa (also in the Anuyogadv. above, pp. 36, 40), dating back as far as Vajra according to v. 40, is in contrast to a no less peculiar division into four parts, referred back in v. 54 fg. to Arya Rakşita : käliasuaṁ ca isibhāsiyaiṁ taio a sūrapannatti / savvo a ditthivão caütthao hoi aņuogo 1/54|| jam ca mahākappasuam jāņi a sesāņi cheasuttāņi / caranakaranīnuoga tti kaliatthe uvagayāņi //55// Here then the isibhasi yāiń (which Har. explains here by uttarādhyayanādini ! see above pp, 43, 58)
1021 But according to the Ganadharasārdhasata, V. 29, it was taken from the
sumahāpainnapuvvāu ! see p. 479. 1022 In v. 36 there was mention of 700 (!) or 500 nayas, eehim (v. 37) ditthivāe
par uvanā sutta a:tha kahaņā ya; each of the 7 etc. nayas-see p. 350 ff. and p. 39
:-satavidhah. 1023 See also Kupakşak, p. 21 (811)n.

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and upanga 5 are enumerated as members holding equal rank 1024 with the kaliasuam i.e. angas 1-11, and the diṭṭhivua, i.e. anga 12. Although the "mahākappasuam" and "the other chedasūtras" (kalpādīni, scholiasts) are said to have been borrowed from anga 12, they are akin (or rişibhāṣita) to the kaliasua, i.e. angas 1 to 11. Such is apparently Haribh's conception of the passage,1025
[65] In this text we notice that the different sections are frequently joined together without any break; and such is the case here. In vv. 56 to 96 we find very detailed statements in reference to the seven ninhagas, nihnavas, schisms, 1026 After an enumeration (v. 56) of the names there follows a list of their founders, the place of their origin (v. 59), the date of their foundation (vv. 60, 61), and then a more exact list of all in regular order, though in a most brief and hence obscure fashion, the catch-words alone being cited. The kathanakas etc. adduced in the scholiast, help us but little to clear up this obscurity. The first two schisms occurred during the life of Vira, the first (vv. 62, 63), the Bahuraya, bahurata, under Jamali in Savatthi in the fourteenth year after he obtained knowledge (Jinena uppäḍiassa nāṇassa), --the second (vv. 64, 65), the Jivapaesiya, under Tisagutta (caudasapuvvi) in Usabhapura in the sixteenth year thereafter. The third schism (vv. 66, 67), the Avvattaga, avyaktaka under Asadha in Seabia (Śvetavikā), in the 214th year after the end of Vira's death (siddhim gayassa Virassa). They were "brought back to the right faith" (Jacobi, Kalpas p. 9) by the Muria (Maurya) Balabhadda in Rayagiha. The fourth schism (vv. 68, 69), the Samucchea or ccheia under Asamitta (Aśva) in Mihilapura (Mithila) is placed in the year 220 after Vira.1037 The fifth (vv. 70, 71), [66] the Dokiriya, under Gamga in Ullamatira (? A, Ullaga B, Ulluga scholiast, Ulluka in Skr.) in the year 228. The sixth, the Terasia, trairāśika, under Chaluga in Amtaramjia, in the year 544, is treated of at greater length (vv. 72-87), (To be continued)
1024 The terminology in the Nandi-see above p. 11 is quite different. There the kaliam suam, together with the ukkaliam, as a subdivision of the anangapavittha texts, is opposed to the duvalasamga ganip; the isibhasiaim together with the surap. are regarded as parts of the kaliyam. In reference to the use of the word Anuy, see above, p. 36n 2.
1025 upalakṣaṇāt kalikaśrutam caraṇakaraṇānuyogaḥ, rşibhāṣitāni dharmakathānuyoga ili gamyate; sarvaś ca dṛṣṭivadaś caturtho bhavaty anuyogaḥ, dravyanuyoga iti; tatra sibhasitani dharmakathanuyoga ity uktam, tataś ca mahakalpaśrutadini rṣibhāṣitam tva (tatvat?), distivädad uddhitya teṣam pratipaditatvat dharmakathanuyogavva(? tvac ca?) prasamga ity atas tadapohadvāracikirṣayā ha: jam ca... (v. 55). See p. 258.
1026 See above, pp. 275, 381 on anga 3 and upango 1. Further information is found in the second chedasutra (see p. 463) and in the scholiast on uttarajjh. 3, 9). 1027 Abhayadeva on up. 1 mentions Puşyamitra instead of Asamitta See p. 381. Is this merely a lapsus calami?

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though in a vory obscure fashion. We have already scen (p. 351) that anga 12, according to the account of anga 4 and Nandı, devoted considerable attention to these schisms. Finally, the therdvall of the Kalpasūtra (86) contains several statements in reference to the Terasiya säha and its founder Chalue Rohagutte Kosiyagotte. The latter it calls the scholar of Mahagiri, who, as in the therävalt of the Nandı, is called the ninth successor of Vira. But this is not in harmony with the above-mentioned date (544 after Vira), since it is equivalent to an allotment of 60 years to each patriarchate. There is then here, as in the case of the name of the founder of the fourth schism--see 351", 381-a considerable discrepancy in the accounts. The seventh schism, the Abaddhia (vv. 88-91), under Gotthämähila in Dasapura is referred to the year 584 and brought into connection with Ayya Rakkhia, Pasamitta and with the ninth puvva (p356). The first of these statements harmonizes with the other information concerning Rakkhia which we possCSS. See p. 63, Klatt p. 247'. The name Pasamitta is frequently met with. According to Merutunga's Vicärasrent (see Buhler, ante, 2, 362 and Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 7), there reigned a Pasamitta, -successor of the Maurya (the Puşyamitra of the Mahabhäsya, etc !) in the years 323–353 after Vira. Neither can he be the one referred to here, nor the Pasamitta who was the founder of the Pūsamittijjam kular of Carañagana in $ 7. of the therävali of the Kalpas., which emanated from Sirigutta, the pupil of the tenth [67] patriarch Suhatthi. The name Pasamitta occurs here too in chap. 17(16), 190 (sce p. 74",) as that of a contemporary of king Mudimbaga and of Ayya Pussabbai. Abbayadeva on up. I mentions him as the founder of the fourth schism. See p. 65'.
In addition to these seven schisms there was an eighth (vv. 92-95), that of the Bodia, Pauţika, according to Haribh, under Sivabhai in Rahavirapura (Rathao) in the year 609. According to the account in Dharmaghoşa's scholiast on his Kupak şakaus., the Digambaras are referred to; see Kup. p. 6 (796) where I have attempted to shew that the name Bodia has the same meaning (naked) at digambara. The animosity against the Boţikas is as keen as can possibly be imagined. In the 22nd chapter of the Vicărāmstasargraha, the remaining 7 nihnavas are said, according to Malayagiri's commentary on the Avasy., to be deśavisamuddino dravyalimgera 'bhedino, but the Boţika : sarvavis. amvadino dravyalimgato 'pi bhinnas. Similarly Haribh. on v. 92 (desavio and prabhatavio); seo also Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 15". In the kalasattarı,
F.-15

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37 71'
v. 40, they appear as khamana pasaṁḍiya; also in Kup. 1, ibid. 1,, or as khavanaya, i.e. kṣapanaka. See below, p. 75.
2, si
In contradistinction to these heterodox opinions (micchadiṭṭhi) we have the praises of the samāiam sung in v. 102 fg. We find it called.1023 (v. 108) an "ajjhayanam" as opposed to the "remaining (five) ajjhayanas;" and the two verses closing with the refrain ii kevalibhasiam [68] are cited in reference to it. These verses recur in the Anuyogadvarasutra (see above pp. 37, 38) as I have shewn on Bhagav. 2, 186. After the conclusion of the upodghataniryukti we find in the scholiast (see above p. 55) the following statement: atra sutrasparšikaniryukty (see p. 38) -avasaraḥ, să ca präptāvasarā 'pi no 'cyate, yasmäd asati sutre kasya 'sav iti; to which is joined an elaborate deduction in reference to sutta and niryukti.
9. namukkäranijjutti, 139 (PT, 144B) vv. Towards the end we find the verse eso pamca (132), glorifying the pancanamukkāra, a verse we have already met with in upanga 4; see p. 393. In the last päda we have here the reading havai mangalam; see Kup. p. 21 (811) fg., where this form of the verse is referred directly back to Sri Vajrasvamin. See p. 38.3 on v. 6. A detached copy is found in Peterson, Palm-leaf No. 776.
10. samaianijjutti, 100 (, 111 P, 112 B) vv. Begins: namdi-amuogadāram vihivad uvagghäiam ca kāūņaṁ/käūņa paṁcamaṁgala-m drambho hoi suttassa || 1 //. The knowledge of the namdi and of the anuogad 109 is here regarded as a preliminary condition for the understanding of the sutra. This citation is both per se of interest (see p. 3), and also because from it we can prove that the avasyaka texts, quoted in these two works are to be distinguished from our av. nijj.-though this was tolerably self-evident after the remarks on p. 53 ff. The text continues :
ahava (!) kayapamcanamukkāro karei sāmāiam ti so bhihio | sāmāiamgam eva ya jam so sesam ao buccham [69] //2/1 sūtram (atrå 'mtare sūtram vācyam B). On this Har. (see between 8 and 9): atră 'mtare sutrasparśaniryuktir ucyate svasthänatväd, aha ca niryuktikāraḥ:
sāna).
1029 namdiś ca anuyogadvarani ca Haribh.
1028 ajjhayanam pi a tiviham | sutte atthe tad-ubhae ceva | sesesu vi ajjhayaṇesu (caturviñśatistavadișu) hoi ese 'va nijjutti (uddeśanirdeśadika niruktiparyava

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akkhaliya (v. 3) tti,1930 gäha. We have here then a very incomplete quotation of the text, see above p. 55-In vv. 30-38 there are special statements in reference to the 11 karamas, the fourth of which is here called thiviloyaṇam. See p. 414. In v. 40 we find a division of the suam into baddham and abaddham. The former is explained by duvālasaṁgaṁ and called nisiham and anisiham (see pp. 452, 553); the nistham is explained as pacchannam, and the following added in illustration:- nistham nama jaha 'jjhayanam (v. 41). In verse 42 we find a citation from pūrva 2-see above p. 354-in immediate conjunction with the foregoing.
11. Cauvtsatthai, 62 (61 BP) vv., second ajjhayanam in Haribh. Stands alone in Peterson's Palm-leaf 77°.
12. Vandananijjutti, 191 (189π B, 190 P) vv., equivalent to the third ajjh. of Har. Stands alone in Peterson's Palm-leaf No. 77d. From v. 36 on there is a dialogue between guru and co° codaka, see above p. 34. After v 176 we read in the text atra sūtram, and Har. quotes a text which begins with the words icchāmi khamāsamaṇe vaṁdium.
13. paḍikkamaṇanijjutti, 54 (52 PB, 51m) vv. Chap. 13-18, which correspond to the fourth ajjh. of Haribh., presuppose a [70] pratikramanasütram101 given by him in full in sections. These chapters form a species of running commentary to each of the sections of the pratik. Chap. 14, 15 take up one section each, chap. 17 two, chap. 13, 16 contain the explanation of several sections. The sections explained in chap. 13 read :- paḍikkamāmi egavihe asaṁjame p. dohim bamdhanehim, p. tihim damḍehim, p. caühim jjhanehim. The entire following chapter is an explanation of the latter sentence. In a dhammajjhāṇaṁ of 69 vv. precedes these sections commented upon in chapter 13.
14. jhanasayam, dhyanasatakam, 106vv. The last verse (106) which is omitted by Haribhadra, mentions only 105 vv,, and states that
1030 akkhaliasambiai vakkhanacaükkae darisiammi suttapphäsianijjuttivittharattho imo hoi // schol. tatra 'skhalitapadoccaraṇam samhita, athava paraḥ samnikarṣaḥ samhita (a fine Brahminical reminiscence /).. padam, samhita padartha, padavigraha, calana, pratyavasthanam (see above p. 38) are here referred to.
1031 It begins icchāmi paḍikkamiuṁ..; it is in prose and different from the śraddha-or śrāvaka-pratikramanasutra, whose 50 gathas, divided into 5 adhikaras, were commented in Sarhvat 1496 (A.D. 1440) by Ratnasekhara from the Tapagaccha (No. 52 in Klatt). In Peterson's Palm-leaf MSS. there are two other similar texts, & pratikramaṇasutram 86e 83c (where it is called aticaraprat) and a pratikramanam 154a (see p. 125b), which is different from the first.

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Jinabhadda is the author of this centolon : parcuttarena, gaha-sāena jjhanasayagar samudditpham / Jiņabhaddakhamdsamaņehi kammasohikaram jaino // 106 1). It had originally, as at present (see Peterson's Palmleaf 77a 161"), a quite independent position and was later on inserted here. This is clear from the fact that the beginning contains a special salutation, which is usual only in the case of independent texts :Viraṁ sukkajjhānag-gidaddhakammimdhanaṁ paņamiuņamljotsaraṁ sara.. nnań, jhānajjhayaņam pavakkhāmi 1/1|| Haribh. cites this dhyānašatakar just as he usually cites his (71] kathåņaka ; ayam dhyānasamäsärthah, vyāsārthas tu dhyānaśatakad avaseyaḥ, tac cedam dhyanaśatakam asya maharthatvād vastunah sāstrāṁtaratvät (!) this is plain; we should have expected 'tvāc ca) prärambha eva vighnavināyakopaśāṁtaye maṁgalärtham istadevatänamaskāram äha : Viram .. The explanation concludes (omitting verse 106) with the words :- samāptaṁ dhyānašatakam, and the commentator proceeds with his explanation of the pratikramana. sūtram : padikkamāmi pańcahim kiriyähis, again having recourse thereby to the pārițshāvaņiyaniy yutti.
15. päritthāvania, 151 (152 P. 1537 B vv. Begins : parithavaniavihir/ bucchami dhirapurisapannattaṁ | jam näūņa suvihid pavayanasāram uvalahamti ||1|| This chapter, too, gives me the impression of having originally enjoyed a separate existence. Nevertheless it is closely connected with chapter 18, since they both share this form of introduction. It is also noticeable that the same. verse recurs with tolerable similarity in 20, 9; from which we may conclude that chapters 16, 18, 20 were composed by one author. Haribh, in this chapter omits or leaves a large number of verses upexplained; and begipping with v. 79. His commentary is partially composed in Prakrit, probably taken from the old bhăşya (sce p. 52). After the conclusion :paristhāpanika samăptă, he proceeds to cite and explain the sūtram : padikkamāmi chahim jivaņikäehim. In a there is an additional chaptor lesdo, with 13 vv., inserted between the conclusion and explanation.
16padikkamanasanghayani, pratikramanasangrahani, "133 (80 PB) vv. The verses, which are not found in [72]B, 1033 are cited in full by Haribh, as a part of his commentary10: The verses which A B have
1032 He appears in Ratnasekhara as the author of a visesavasyaka. See proceding note. 1033 PX also presumably do not contain the verses : A 18-30, 32-43, 50-64, 68-80. 1034 On one occasion he calls these verses (vv, 50-64) niryuktigathas of the sutraki(!),
by which the sutrakyt (!) is said to explain the two preceding verges (48, 49) of the sangrahanikara ! See above p 34n3.

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in common, are cited by him here, not as verses of the niryuktikst, but as a part of the saṁgrahaņikára. In these chapters we find explanations and enumerations of the contents of sections 6-31 of the pratikramanasūtram. Each group of verses is explained under its proper section. Chapters 14 and 15, however, belong to but one section. The following is treated of : 6 jlvanikaa, 7 bhayațshana (v, 14), 8 mayathāņa (v. 14), 9 baṁbhaceragutti (v, 15), the 10-fold samanadhamma (v. 16), 11 uvasagapadimă (v. 17), 12 bhikkhupadimd (v. 31), 13 kiriyatthana (v. 44), 14 bhūyagama (v.. 45), 15 paramahammia (vv. 48, 49), 16 gåhāsolasa (vv. 65, 66), the 17-fold samjama (v. 67), the 18-fold abambha (v. 81), 19 nayajjhayaņa (vv. 82. 83), 20 asamāhițţăna (vv. 84-86) 21 sabala (Sabala v. 87),1085 22 parisaha (v. 100), 23 suttagadajjhayana (v. 102). 24 deva (v. 103), 25 bhāvana (v. 104), 26 dasā-kappavavaharāna uddesanakala (v 109), the 27-fold anagaracaritta (v. 110), the 28-fold àyārapakappa (v. 112), 29 pavasutapasarga (v. 115), 30 mohaniyyațshana (v. 117) and 31. siddhaiguna (v. 132). We find herein enumerations of the 23 chapters of anga 2 (in two groups, one of 16, the other of 7; [73] see above p. 260), of the 19 chapters of the first part of anga 6, of the 26 chapters of the three chedasūtras 3-5, and of the 28 chapters of anga 1.
17. Jogasamgaha-asāyana, āśātana; 64 vv.: in A counted continuously in conjunction with chapter 16, i.e. as vv, 134-197. In PTB, however, it is divided into two chapters : jogasamgaha of 60, and äsayaņā of 5 (47) vv. It contains the vouchers for and examples (udaharanagāhā of the 32 jogasamgahas (to v. 193) and 33 ásāyaņas, 1936 ä' sätanās (v. 194-197), which are mentioned in the last two sections of the pratikramaņasūtram. The pratikramaņásaṁgrahaņi (proņi samāptā) ended here according to Haribh. But with the words samprataṁ sūtroktà eva trayastrinsad vyakhyāyaḥte ... Haribh, comes back to the explanation of v. 197. These verses contains principally matters of legendary and historical purport, and consist chiefly of proper names and of some catch-words. Haribhadra cites very detailed kathānakas on them composed in Prakrit, from which the meaning of the verses is to be extracted (svabuddhya 'vaseyah); but he does not enter upon the explanation of
1035 On vv. 87-96 we read here : asañ vyakhya ... ayam ca samasārthaḥ, vyāsārthas
tu dasakhyād.granthamtarad avaseya evam (eva), asammohar than daśānusarena sabalasvarupar abhihitan sangrahanikaras tu evam äha : varisan (v, 97). The fourth chedasutram (or its second book, see p. 468) is meant by the dasākhya
grantha mentioned here. 1036 Explained by ayaḥ(1) samyagdar sanddyayaptilaksanas, tasya satanah khandara
asatanas...; as if the word was dyasayana (or aya)

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the text of each of the verses, or even of the kathāngkas cited by him. It is very interesting that Thulabhadda is here brought into connection with the ninth, Haribb) Nanda, and with Sagadūla and Vararuci (v. 144, cf. the statements in Hemac's parisistaparvan 8, fg). The same may be said of the mention of Salavavahaņa in Paitthaga (v. 164; Vikramaditya is, however, not noticed), and of the identification, in all essentials, of all these and similar [74] names1087 with the names of king Dummuba of Pancala, of Nami of Videha, Naggai of Gamdbära (v. 172), and with the Pandavavaṁsa (v. 161) ! As far as the legends admit of being comprehended (which is no easy matter, if we take into consideration the enigmatical character of the text and the corrupt condition of the MS. of the commentary), they are in only partial agreement with our information in respect to these persons obtained from Brahminical sources. The information they, convey, is quite independent of any other source, and is probably the result of their arbitrary desire for change. It is of interest that the gatha (v. 188), cited pp. 158, 159, which is quite in keeping with the character of the verses of Hala, is here inserted in the legend of two prostitutes (Magabasumdari and Magabasiri).
18. asajjhāiyanijjutti, asvādhyayika,° 111 (PX, 110B) vv. Begins1038 : asajjhāianijjuttim bucchāmi dhirapurisapanhattam / jam näūna swihia pavayanasaran uvalabharti || || asaj jhaiar tu duviham ayasanuttham ca parasamuttham ca jani fattha parasamutthar tar parcavihar tu nayavvam 11 2 || Closes : asajjhāianijjutti kahia bhe dhirapurisapannatta/ samjama-tavad dhagāņam niggamthanam mahärisiņam i| 10 This chapter, too, appears to have originally existed by itself (sce above p. 71, on chapter 15). It refers to certain faults in the study and recitation of the śrutam, which are epumerated at the conclusion of the 33 asayaņas : but special reference is made to the cases in which akāle kao sajjhão, etc. The pratikramanasūtram consequently is joined on in Haribh, as follows : nama caüvisāe titthayarāņam Usabhai Māhavirapayyavasāņāņam, ... inam eva niggarthaṁ pavayanam savvam anuttaram ity ādi .. neāuam (naiyayikam) (75) ti samsuddhaṁ ti, sallakattanam ti, siddhimaggaṁ muttimaggaṁ nejjāmaggam nevvanamaggam ti, icchami padikkamium goyaracariyae ity-ādi,
19. kaussagganijj., 172 vv., fifth ajjh, in Har.
1037 As for example Vijaa in Bharuaccha v.189, Mudimbaga, Ajja Pussabhui, Pusami:ta
in Sambavaddhana v. 190, 1038 Verse 1 is omitted by Haribh.

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20. paccakkhāṇanijjutti corresponds to the sixth ajjah, in Haribh., and consist of three parts:-1, A metrical section in 22 (26 B) vv.. with an enumeration of the 5 mulaguņas, 1039 2. A prose portion treating of the 12 vratas (5 aṇuvr. 3 guṇavr,, 4 sikṣāpadvr.) Haribhadra calls its sections sūtram; this is doubtless to be regarded as a bit of the sutram, which is presupposed in the other chapters, but not directly admitted into the text of the Nijj. 3. A metrical conclusion of 74(70B) vv., which closes with the same two verses as chapter 10 There are 194 vv. verses in all given in P, but in only 90. It stands alone in Peterson's Palm-leaf 77° (without statement as to the number of verses) and 86g (94vv.), The prose part (nominative in e!) is directed with great vigour against the annautthiyas (anyatirthika) and against the parapasamḍapasaṁsās, or the parapāsaṁḍasaṁthavas. According to Haribhadra, the Brahminical sects1040 Bhautika and Votika (Digambara, see above p. 67) are treated of under annaü°. 363 doctrines attacked in anga 2 are referred to under parapāsaṁḍa. See p. 259.1041 According to H. there is no mention here of the seven schisms. [76] He mentions also a legend (in Prakrit) of Cāṇakka and Camdagutta in Padaliputta. Cf. Hemac. paris. chap. 8 and 9).
The
1039 panivaha musaväe adatta mehuna pariggahe ceva /8/ savayadhammassa vihim bucchami dhirapurisapannattam | jam cariuna suvihia ginino vi suhaim pavamti 1/9/1 On this vers see p. 71 on chap. 15.
1040 anyatirthikaparigthitani va caityani arhatpratimālakṣaṇāni, yatha Bhautaparigthitani Virabhadra-Mahā kālādīni, Votika, parigṛhitāni vā.
1041 Dr. Leumann called my attention to the fact that a letter of Schiefner to me dated Dec. 1857-se Ind. Stud. 4,335- contains the following statement extracted from the introduction of a Thibetan work edited by Wassiljew: "there are 363 different schisms in the religion of India," Since I found nothing of the kind in the introduction of Taranatha, which was doubtless referred to here, I had recourse to Wassiljew himself. On the 8th of October, 1883, I received from him the following kind reply: "I cannot inform you definitely in which of my works 353 Indian schools are mentioned, if at all; but it is certain that this number is frequently mentioned in Thibetan works. In Djandja Vatuktu's Siddhanta, which I have at present before me, I find the following; "In the sutras are mentioned 96 darśana papantika (?), 14 dijakṛta muluni(?) 62 injurious darśana, 28 which do not permit salvation, and 20 which are ruinous."' In Bhania's work Tarkadjvala all the darśanas are enumerated in 110 species, 'viz'... According to my hasty count there are more than 120 names, probably because the same school is mentioned twice, i.e. in Sanskrit and Thibetan. And at the end, after mention of all 110 (120) species, we read:- in all 363 darsanas. As regards the names of these darśanas, it is too difficult for me to translate them into Russian and a fortiori into German, though, should you desire it, I will attempt it as best I may be able". I did not consider it necessary to have recourse again to Wassiljew's kindness, since, for the purpose in view, his communication was amply sufficient. It is clear from the above compared with p. 259, that it will be difficult to expect complete agreement in detail; nevertheless the fact that the number of 363 dar sanas is common to the Jainas with the Thibetan Buddhists, is of great value.

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Besides the Nijjutti I possess a fragment of a second metrical treatment of the avasyaka, which is, however, confined to vardana and paccakkara. The former is divided into two sections, caityavardana and guru. The text is only partially based upon the Nisfutti. There is an avacūri (cūrni) to it from the commentary of a Somasundara (from the Candragaccha). This avacūri can be traced back to a.' Jñanasāgara,
[77] XLV. The third mūlasūtram, dasaveāliasuakkharndha, daśavatkdlika, or merely : dasaalia, 104 daśakälika. It consists of ten ajjhayapas, which are composed in ślokas, with the exception of a few prose sections. There are furthermore two chapters called cūlá (and hence secondary1043) of similar contents. These are in gåthås. After them follow four gåthås, in which Sijjambhava, according to the old theravali (Nandi, Kalpas) the fourth patriarch after Mahavira, is stated to be the author;1046 but his son Ajja-Mañaga and his pupil Jasabhadda1045 are mentioned in connection with him. This is indeed a claim of great antiquity for the author.
The contents refers to the vinaya, and is clothed in a very ancient dress. That this is the case is proved by the close of a chapter : it bemi (also in the case of the two cūlās !) and by the introduction : suam me ausam in the prose sections (with the exception of that in cūla 1), The dasaveāliam (see p. 11) is mentioned in the Nandi as being in the forefront of the ukkāliya group of the anaṁgapavittha texts; its position here, however, almost at the end, does not agree with the prominent place ascribed to it by N. It appears elsewhere as the last or smallest of the agama (if I understand the words correctly; the preceding leaf is wanting in the Berlin MS - see p. 214) in Hemac. [78] in the parišiştap 9, 99, and in the commentary on Nemicandra's pravacanasära, v. 1445, where Duhprasaha, the last of the 2004 sūris which Nemic. accepts, is designated as daśavaikälikamatrasūtradharo 'pi caturdaśapūrvadhara iva sakrapūjyaḥ. The author of the Āvasy, nijj. asserts (2,5) that he composed a nijjuti on it. A MS. of a nijjutti which recognizes the cūliyā is found in Peterson's Palm-leaf
1042 Thus in Av. nijj. 2, 5 and in the Vidhiprapa. 1043 This is evident from the title dasakalian itself. At the time that the four
gathās were added at the end, these two culas had not yet been affixed, since
the text in v. 1 is called, as one might expect from its title, merely dasajjhayanam. 1044 According to v. 37 of the kalasat tari it was composed in the year 98 Vira. 1045 These three names rocur in the same connection in the therav. of the Kalpas.
sBrabhadda is also in the Nandi the fifth successor of Vira.

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167. Is it the work roferred to ? The word vedliam is said here to meas about the same as vaikalikom, "belonging to the evening" (vikale 'parahne).1046
1, dumapupphia drumapuspika, 5 v. Comparison of the dhamma with a flowering tree. Cf. anga 2, 3, 1, uttarajih. chap. 10.
2. sāmanna puvva, śrāmaṇyapūrvikā, 11 vy. Of firmness, dhrti. 3. khuddidyårå, ksullikacára, 15 wv; să dhștir ácare vidheyā.
4. cajjivaniyajjh.,1047 saa jivanikhādhy., i.e. doubtless "nika yajjh., see above, pp. 71, 72. In two chapters, the first of which, in prose, begins suar me.. and treats of the 6 grades of the four elements (earth, water, light, air), plants (vaņasai) and insects (tasa); and of the 5 mahavvayas to be observed in reference to them. To these five a sixth, the raibhoaņāu veramanaṁ (command against eating at night), is added. Chapter 2, in 29 vv., treats of the six forms of activity (walking, standing, sitting, lying, eating, speaking) necessary for these 6 mahav.
5. pirdesanā, in 2 uddešakas, with 100 and 50 vv., bhiksåsodhih, of the collection of the necessities of life and of rules for eating; see anga 1, 1. To this is joined, (79) according to the Vidhi prapa, the pindanijjutti (mülas. 4); ittho piotti oyarai (oinnā v. 7 of the jogavihāna).
6. dharmärthakamajjhayaņam, also mahācārakathakhyar; in 69 vv. -This trivarga (tivaggo also in the Abhidhānappadipikā) which plays so important a role in epic literature (MBhär., Rāmāy. Manu) is not known to the Veda. Among the Jains and Buddhists, by whom dharma and artha are often brought into connection, though in quite a different signification (artha sense, explanation), the trivarga does not claim any place whatsoever. It is probable that we must connect it with the three gunas : sattva, rajas and tamas. But in that case artha would respond to rajas, kama to tamas, though käma suits rajas much better. Has the Platonic trinity kalov, CALMov, mv which is Cicero's honestum, utile, dulce, wandered to India ? .
7. vakkasuddhi, väkyasuddhi, 57 vv. 8. åyårapanihi, dcārapranidhi, 64 v.
1046 In aAga 2 the word means vaidarikam; in painaa 5 the meaning is not wear. 100 dhammapannatti va, in the Vidhiprapa.

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9. vinayasamahi, samadhi, in 4 uddesakas, of which the first three in metre, in 17, 23 and 15 vv., treat of the correct vinaya, especially in reference to the guru. The fourth is in prose with the introduction suar me ... and establishes four fixed categories of the correct vinaya.
.
10. sa bhikkhu-ajjhayanaṁ, in 21 vv. All the verses end, as in Uttarajjh, chap. 15, with the refrain sa bhikkhū, and consequently enumerate the requirements made of a correct bh., who desires to live in accordance with the regulations contained in the preceding 9 chapters.
11. raivakka cülā padhamă, rativakya, in two sections. The first in prose, without the introduction suam [80) me ... enumerates 18 thanas which the bhikkhu must take and fulfil in order gradually to acquire. mukkha. The second, in 18 vv., partly with the refrain : sa paccha paritappai, emphasizes especially the obstacles to this quest and serves stdateh sthirikaranaya.
12. cūla 2 without any special title (also in the Vidhi prapā merely cūliya) in 16 vv., describes the correct course of action of the man of firmness,
The conclusion is formed by the 4 gåthas in reference to Sijjambhava, which have already been referred to. These gåthās are probably of later date. The work is called in v. 1 dasakaliam (as in Āv. nijj. 2,5, and in the Vidhiprapa) and also dasajjhayanam; so that verse 1 at least dates from a period in which the two cūlas had not been added (800 p. 77").
The text is frequently doubtful in the two Berlin MSS. The commentary calls itself an aracūri of the vrhadvrtti of Haribhadrasori.1046 Another avacūri, in bhāsa, is the work of a Rajahansopadhyāya. A laghuvrtti too is ascribed to Haribhadra. See p. 458.
XLVI. Fourth mülasūtram, pindanir yukti. There is no text of this name in Berlin. We find MSS, of it meationed in Kielborn (Report 1881) pp. 9, 26-29, 95, and Peterson's Palm-leaf 1661018. According
1048 Ratnaśckhara (on Pratikramanasūtra) cites this vytti frequently; likewise the
Vicārāmstasangraha quotes c.g. the following verse from it (or from the nijj?): titthayaratthanath khalu at tho, suttan tu ganaharatthanam (sce p. 60) atthena
ya vamjijjai suttam tamha ya so balavam. // 1049 It begins according to Peterson as follows - pinda uggaman uppavane sana"
samjogapappamdneyar, and concludes nijjaraphalā ajjhattha visohijuttassa.
Sering kalandha ya solas Paphat

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to what I have cited on page 79 from the Vidhiprapa, [81] the pindan, is connected with the fifth chapter of the third mülasūtra. It is surprising that a niryukti text should appear as a part of the Siddh. (see above p. 41). It deserves to be noticed that the pindan, is not mentioned in the anangapavittha list of the Nandi (see p. 11. ff). In the list of Raj. L. Mitra and Kasinath Kunte pindanir yukti appears as the name of their fourth chedasūtra; Kasinath says that its contents is "on the cause of hunger and the nature and kind of food to be taken." A pindaniryuktivstti is ascribed to the old Haribhadra (see p. 458). Kielhorn, 1.c., cites a vrtti of Viragana. (see above pp. 44, 51). According to his account its extent is 61 leaves, four or five lines on a page, each line 50 aks and in all about 900 slokas.
It remains for us to give a brief account of those texts quoted as parts of the Siddhānta in the Ratnasagara, and by Rajendra Lala Mitra, and Kasinath Kunte-see pp. 226, 227 - which do not appear in Bühler's list.
In the first place in reference to the jitakalpa1050 cited in the Rataasågara as the sixth chedasūtra and in reference to the gacchāyāra called ibid, the eighth painnam. Cf. pages 478 and 445.1051
[82] The third variation in the Ratnasagara from Bühler's list which we find there has reference to the fourth mulasūtram wbose place is taken by the oghaniryukti1058 and in fact as No, 3.
1. We have already seen (p. 61) from Āv. Nijj, 6, 88, that a text of this name ought strictly to be cited there as a constituent part of the text of the Av. Nijj, in P. 9 it is actually cited as such and from the scholia on it and on Uttarajjh. 26, above p. 48, that tradition regards it as an excerpt made by Bhadrabahusvāmin from pūrva 9,8,90. This is confirmed by the introduction of the avacūri to the oghan. We have also
1050 Fifth "kalpasutra" in Raj. L. M. and Kas. 1051 I add that a Jitakalpasūtram is mentioned by Kielhorn, 1 c. p. 51 and a
jitakalpacurni on p. 17; also in Petersons Palm-leaf 101, where the beginning and the conclusion are given, the total contents being 202 (102?) gāthās. It begias siddhi sahayāramāyāvaņibhavadavamayanapadibhadāņa kamol kiran siram niram viram namium mahaviran || 1 || vocchan pancagaparihānipagara
nań --closes : ganesu // jitakalpasutram samāptam. 1052 Fifth chedasutra in the list of Raj, L. M. and Kāś, who says that the
contents is won the duties of Sadhus."
begias
siddhisaha vare siven, the total con-leaf 101, where the

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seen (p. 357) that this composition cannot be referred to the old Bhadrabahu (+170 Vira ), since in the introductory verse cited in the Av. 6,89 the dasapuvvi, daśapurvin are honoured besides the arihamta and the caüddasapuvvis. It is quite surprising that this verse also refers especially to the ikkarasaṁgasuttadhārāe; a fact diametrically opposed to the tradition just mentioned that regards a part of anga 12 as the source of the agh. Further on in our present ogh. we find a direct reference in v. 14 to anga 12: sāmāyārt ohe | nayajjhayandim (anga 6?) diṭṭhivão a | loiyakappāsāi aņukkamā karagā cauro || It is, however, sub judice whether or no this verse belonged to the original text. That this was quite a different text from that which the present ogh, as an independent work presents, is proved by the fact that the two Avasyaka-MSS. P, which [83] cite it as integral part of the Avasy. nijj, and allot to it but 58 (P) or 79() verses (cf. above p. 62). The oghanijj. which exists in detached form embraces, according to its last verse, 1,160 gāthās 1059 ikkärasehi säehi saṭṭhiahiehi samgahiya 1054 The contents is stated in vv. 4,5 to be as follows :
vaya(vrata) 5 samanadhamma 10 samjama 17 veydvaccam 10 ca bambhaguttlo 9nāṇāitiyaṁ 3 tava 12 kohaniggahải 4 caranam eyam ||4||.
pimḍavisohi1055 4 samil 5 bhāvana 12 paḍimā 12 ya imdiyaniroho 5/ paḍilehana 25 guttlo 3 abhiggaha 4 ceva karanam tu ||5||
The contents consequently refers to a right name of living; caraṇakaraṇātmika is the designation of the oghaniryukti in the introduction of the avacuri on it, and it calls itself at the end (vv. 1156-57) sāmāyāri (see above p. 48).
The beginning of the avacuril056 contains several accounts in reference to the connection of the text with the Avasyaka, and
1053 The MS. shews but 1, 158 and the text belonging to the avacuri has but 1, 132 vv.
1054 In the palm-leaf MS. 165 of Peterson these words run ekkarasahim sachim athahim (!) ahiehim samgahiya; the number of verses is stated to the 1,156(!), 055 A text of this name by Jinavallabhagani appears in the account of Kielhorn,
p. 30 (with commentary) 95 and in the list of Peterson's Palm-leaf 86m. 104c. 177d.
1056 Composed by Jñanasagara samvat 1439, and belonging to the vetti fo Droṇācārya.

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sāmāyikadhyayana, 1057 These accounts are very obscure because we do not possess any of the immediate sources whence they are taken. [84] A propos of v. 1 several interesting statements are made concerning the relations of the dasapurvin to the caturdasapurvin (trayodaśapūrvinaḥ are said to have never existed) The dasap. are said to be upakārakāḥ, upāngādi (dinām C) saṁgrahanyuparacaneņa ('nena hetunā C).
I have found no other trace of the devavijjiya, see p. 431 cited in the Ratnasagara as the sixth painnam. The Jyotişkaraṇḍam which is the ninth painnam in the Ratnasagara is at least mentioned in the painna list in Avi., see p. 427.
As regards the texts enumerated by Rajendra Lala Mitra and Kasinath Kunte, I refer to pages 392 and 11 for the mahapannavaṇā mentioned by K. K. as the sixth upangam.
In both the above authorities we find the second mulasūtram called visesavasyakasūtra; and a text of this name exists according to Kielhorn's Report, pp. 36 to 38. In the beginning of Ratnasekhara's commentary on the śraddhapratikramaṇasūtra it is cited as a work of a Jinabhadra (see above p. 70): yad āhuḥ śri Jinabhadraganikṣamāśramaṇapādāḥ śri višeṣdvaśyake (then two gathas in Prakrit). According to Klatt, 247 and Kielhorn p 37 Jinabhadra is merely author of a commentary on this work. A tika by Kotyacārya is cited by Kielhorn, the MS, dating samvat 1138 (A.D. 1082). According to Klatt Kotyacarya is another appellation of Silanka, whose commentary on anga 1, see p. 250 dates A.D. 876. Kielhorn mentions [85] an anonymous commentary on the text itself, which bears the much sought for name Sisyahita (see pp. 44, 51, 81). This MS., too, is very old samvat 119 -(?) i.e. dates at least from A.D. 1134. The viseṣāvasyakam is often cited in the Vicaramṛtasaṁgraha. According to Kasinath Kunte it contains "a detailed explanation of what is written in the Avasyakasūtra."
The fourth mulasūtram in the list of Rajendra Lala Mitra, by name, pākṣikasūtram, contains (with some independent additions) the same
1057 prakramto 'yam avasyakanuyogas, tatra sämayikädhyayanam anuvartate, tasya catvary anuyogadvarani (cf. p. 24); upakramo nikṣepo 'nugamo nayaḥ: adyau dväv uktau, anugamo dvidha niryuktyanugamo sutranugamas ca; adyas tridha: nikṣepo-podghata-sutraspar sinir yuktyanugamabhedat (see pp, 36, 38), sutrasparfiniryuktyanugamo 'nugato vakṣyamānas ca, upodghataniryuktyanugamas tv abhyam dvaragathābhyām anugaṁntavyaḥ: uddese niddeśe (see p. 67n1) ity-adi...

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enumeration of the angabahira texts, etc., which is found in the Nandi. See p. 10 ff. According to an introduction1058 consisting of 4 gathās it deals in prose especially with the 5 mahavvayas to which as the sixth the raibhoyana veramanam is joined. See p. 78. Then follows a metrical discussion of the same subject in 41 (13,7 and 23) äryä. Thereupon (esa khalu mahavvaya-uccāraṇā kayā, icchāmo suttakittaṇam1oss kāum) reverential salutations (nama) for the khamasamaņā by which partly imam vaiyam chavviham āvassayam bhagavaṁtam, partly imam vaiyam aṁgabahiraṁ kaliyaṁ, or ukkāliyam, bhagavamtam. and partly; imam vaiyam duvālasamgam gaṇipidḍagam According to Kasinath Kunte the work gives "an account of all what is to be done by the Sadhus in every fortnight." Perhaps the name is derived from the fact that it is to be recited every fortnight.
[86] The work stated to be the third member in the group of Kalpasūtras and which has the specific title Kalpasūtram is, according to the statements in Kaś, the text which claims this title kar' efoxnv. It appears as the dasão section of the fourth chedasūtra.
The first three members of the group of "Chedasutras" in Raj. L.M. cf. p. 227: the bṛhat, laghu and madhyama-vācana of the mahāniśitha, are stated by Kasinath to "treat of the penances to be performed by the Sadhus in a detailed, abridged and middling manner respectively." I have not found any other mention of this work.
The sixth member of the same group paryuşaṇakalpa, contains, according to Kasinäth: "directions as to the manner of observing fasts and hearing the Kalpasūtra from the twelfth day of Bhadon (Bhidrapada) Badi (dark fortnight) 1060 to the 4th or 5th day of Bhadon Sudi (lunar, i.e. light, fortnight)." Is this the par'yuṣaṇākalpanijjutti in 66 ārya belonging to the third part of "Kalpasūtra" (Jacobi, pp. 8695)? This paryuş. was commented on (see p. 476) by Jinaprabha at the end of his samdehaviṣauṣadhi.
See p. 82 on aughaniryukti and pp. 427, 429 on maraṇasamādhi.
1058 The first verse titthamkare atitthe atitthasiddhe ya titthasiddhe ya vamdāmi //1// glorifies strangely enough the atirtha, or atirthasiddha too... According to an avacuri on it this refers to the dharmavyavaccheda "Suvidhiprabhṛtinām tirthakytam saptasv amtareșu," see p. 211 fg. 242. 348,
1059 frutotkirtanam in the avacuri, perhaps sutaki.
1060 badi, bahuladina, as sudi, instead of sudi, suddhadina (or fukladina). See my treatise on the Kṛṣṇajanmastami p. 350n.

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I give in conclusion a list of the texts which are either found in the Siddhanta itself (1-29), or are mentioned elsewhere (30 fg.) as belonging to the Siddh, but which at present are no longer extant, at least as independent texts.
[87] 1. divasagarapannatti, anga 3, 3, 1, 4, 1, see pp. 268, 389, also in the painna list in Avt. see pp. 427, 429 (where there is but one samgahani on it).
2. kammavivāgadasäu, 1001 ten ajjhayanas, anga 3, 10106s, see p. 270; cf. Nos. 7, 10.
3. bamdhadasău, ten ajjh., anga 3, 10, see p. 273.
4. dogiddhidasau, ten ajjh., ibid.
5. dihadasău, ten ajjh., ibid. (cf. up. 8-12).
6. samkheviyadasău, ibid, ten ajjh, viz. :- 1. khuddiyā viṁāṇapavibhatti, 2. mahalliya vim, 3. aṁgaculiya, 4. vaggaculiya, 5. vivāhaculiya, 6. Arunovave, 7. Varanovaväe (Dha), 8 Garulovaväe, 9. Velamdharovaväe, 10, Vesamanovaväe. All these titles recur in essentially the same order in the Nand! among the anamgapaviṭṭha text, group kaliya; see pp. 13,14. In the kärikäs quoted on pp. 223, 224 we find the statement that 1-5 belong to the fifth, and 6-10 to the twelfth year of study,
7. kammavivägajjhayana, anga 4, 43, see p. 280; cf. Nos, 2,10.
8. isibhāsiya devalogacuyabhāsiya, 44 ajjh., anga 4, 44; the isibhasiyaim also in the Nandi in the list of anamgapaviṭṭha texts; see pp. 280, 259, 272, 402, 419. 432, 442, above pp. 13, 57, 58; on rṣibhāṣita see also p. 446" 3.
9. devalogacuyabhäsiya, see just above and also p. 280.
[88] 10. pāvaphalavivägāiṁ, 55 ajjh., Kalpas, Jinac. § 147,1063 see p. 474; cf. Nos. 2, 7.
1061 We possess several texts on kammavivaga; thus 167 Präkṛt-gathās by Jiņavallabha in Peterson's Palm-leaf 42f.; also 168 ditto by Garga ibid. Nos. 52, 81b,-and, without the name of the authors, Nos. 88h, 106, 161d. There is a balavabodha on it by Maticandra, see Kielhorn p. 93.
1062 The ayaradasau mentioned there are identical with chedasutra 4.
1063 The aputthavägaraṇaim in 36 ajjh, mentioned ibid. are doubtless identical with mulasutra 1, see p, 43.

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11. mahakappań, Āvasy. 8, 55, as first cheasuttam, see p. 446, 149;
in the Nandi among the anaṁgapaviţthe texts, see p. 11 ......(mahakappasuan). 12. kappiyākappiam, N among the anamgap., p. 11. 13. cullakappasuam, ib., p. 11. 14. mahāpannavanā, ib., pp. 11, 84; see p. 392.
15. pamāyappamayam, ib., p. 11. - 16. porisimamdalam, ib., p. 12.
17. maíðalappaveso, ib. 18. vijjacaranavi nicchao, ib. 19 jhāņavibhatti, ib. and in the Vidhiprapå among the painna,
see p. 428. 20. maranavibhatti, in N among the anaṁgap., p. 12. .. 21. āyavisohi, ib. 22. vIyarayasuam, ib . 23. samlehanasuam, ib. 24. viharakappo, ib. 25. caranavihi, ib. 26. devirdovaväe in N among the anangap., p. 14. 27 utphâņasuam, ib; upphänasuyäiyā caüro in the kārikas quoted . p. 224 as the subject of the study of the tbirteenth year. 28. samurthänasue, p, 14. 29. någapariyävaliyão, ib. 30. asivisabhāvaņšo in the Paksikasūtra and the three sämdcări toxts,
ib, in the kärikäs cited p. 214 as designed for the fourteenth year. [89] 31. ditthivisabhävaņão, ib.. for the 15th year.
32. caranabhävaņāo, (caranasamaņabho), ib., 16th year. 33, mahāsuviņa (sumina) bhävaņão, ib., 17th year. 34. teagani saggā, ib., 18th year. According to Vidhiprapa title of the
15th book in anga 5, see p. 301. 35. maranavisohi, in Vidhiprapā among the apaṁgap., see p. 12. 36. rähanapadāga, in the painna list in Avi., see p. 427. 37. angavijja. ib. 38. joisakaramdam; ib., and in the painna list of the Ratnasagara,
see p. 431; cf. p. 84.

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39. maraṇasamāhi, in the painna list in Avi., and in Raj. L. M., see
p. 427; p. 86.
40. titthogāli, in the painna list in Avi., see p. 4271064
41. narayavibhatti, ib.
42. devavijjiyā, in the painna list of the Ratnasagara, see p. 431, cf. p. 84.
Corresponding to the number of the 46 agamas which exist or are recognized as parts of the Siddhanta, we have 42 texts which are at present not extant. If we add pañcakalpa1065 and the two special vācanäs of the mahānisiha and if we count singly the ten titles comprised in No. 6 (as is always the case in anga 3 and elsewhere)then the number of the texts no longer extent [90] is eight greater than the number of those in existence. It must, however, be confessed that the ten pieces collected in No. 6 are very brief in compass, since they are each counted as one ajjhayanam; and the same may be the case as regards others of the texts now no longer extant. Nevertheless in the Siddhanta there are short texts and among the angas there is one and that is not small (anga 4) which has but a single ajjh.
If we take into consideration the conclusions which we were obliged to adopt in regard to the loss of the mahaparinna chapter in anga 1, in regard to the changes which angas 5. 7-11, up. 8-12 are proved to have undergone, and in regard to the total loss of anga 12 etc. etc.-it is at once evident that great uncertainty reigns in this department of Indian literature, despite its seemingly firm articulation. The beginning of our knowledge is here contemporary with the beginning of our doubts. One fact is of cardinal importance: Nos. 6, 27, 30-34 of the above list existed at the date of the kärikäs cited on p. 224, and formed an integral part of the sacred study. The portion of the extant Siddhanta that is mentioned in p. 224 besides these is but trifling in comparison. The ultimate significance of this last assertion cannot, however, be seen at the present day. Cf. p. 225.
In conclusion, I desire to extend my most hearty thanks to Dr. E. Leumann for the generous assistance he has rendered in reading the proof of this treatise. This assistance comprises very numerous corrections made on the basis of MSS. and printed matter which were not accessible to me. I have also used to great advantage Kielhorn's Report and especially Peterson's Detailed Report.
1064 The siddhapahuḍapainnam ib. belongs to anga 12. see pp. 355, 356.
1055 In Kielhorn's report p. 94 there is mention made of a pañcakalpasūtracurni by Amradevācārya. See p, 477.

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