Indian Antiquary Vol 36

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032528/1

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THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHÆOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES,
LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c., &c.
EDITED BY
SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.I.E.,
FORMERLY LIEUT.-COLONEL, INDIAN ARMY.
VOL. XXXVI. - 1907.
Swati Publications
Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS.
The Names of Contributors are arranged alphabetically. PAGE
PAGE A. BARTH:
| T. 8. KUPPUSWAMI SASTRI :THE INSCRIPTION ON THE PIPRAHWA VASE Tax AOR OF THE TAMIL JIVAKACHINTAMANI ... 386
(translated from the French) .. .. ... 117 THE LATE PROF. G. BÜHLER, C.I.E., LL.D. -
P. W. SCHMIDT, S.V.D.ON TE NAVABAHABANKACHARITA OF PADMA
Buch des Rayawan, der Königageschichte. Die GCPTA OR PARIMALA (translated from the
Geschichte der Mon-Könige in Hinterindien German) .
nach einem Palmblatt-Manuskript aus dem Mon MAY S. BURGESS :
übernetzt, mit einer Einführung und Noten
Versehen, Vienna 1909 ... ... ... ... 180 ON THE NAVASAHARAN KACRARITA OY PADMA
Dio Mon-Khmer-Völker ein Bindeglied zwischen QUPTA OR PARIMALA (translated from the
Völkern Zentralasiens und Austronesiens. German of Dr. Th. Zacharino ) .. ... ... 149
Brunswiok : 1906 ... ... ... ... ... 216 Rev. A. H. FRANCKE: ARCHEOLOGY IN WESTERN TIBET
MIAN DURGA SINGH:GEORGE A. GRIERSON :
A EXPORT ON THE PANJAB HILL TRIBAS, from Buch den Rägawan, der Königsgeschichte. Die
the Native point of view (communicated by
E. A. Roex) ... . ... ... 264, 289, 870 Geschichte der Mon-Könige in Hinterindien nach einem Palmblatt-Manuskript aus dem
VINCENT A. SMITH, M.A., 1.0.9. (Rus.) :Mon übersetzt, mit einer Einführung und Noten versehen. Vienna : 1906 ... ... .. . 180
Tu COPPIE Aax AND PREHISTORIC BRONZE Professor Bartholomae's Zum altiranischen
..
IMPLEMENTS OF INDIA-Supplement ... 53 Wörterbuch-Naobarbeiten und Vorarbeiten ... 180
G. TAMSON, M.A., Pr. D. Die Mon-Khmer-Völker ein Bindeglied zwischen Völkern Zentralasions and Austronesiens.
TAX INRCRIPTION ON THE PIPRAHWA VADE Brunswick : 1906 ... ... ... ... ... 2181 (translated from the French of M. A. Barth )... "117 WILLIAM ILVINE:
SIB R. C. TEMPLE, BART., OJ.E. - AHMAD SRAR, ABDALI, AND TIR INDIAN WAXIB, 'IMAD-UL-MULK (1756-7) ... 10, 49, 55
TH TRAVELS OF RICKARD BELL (AND JOHN G. E. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU:
CAMPBELL ) IN THE EAST INDIRB, PBeLA, AND
PALESTIN, 1654-1670 .... ... 98, 125, 173 RUXXINI KALTANAX ... ..
- 378 A PLAN FOR A UNIFORX STIENTIFIC RECORD OF W. H. R. RIVERS :
THE LANGUAGES OF SATAGRS, applied to the The Todas
Languages of the Andamanone and Nicobarese
.
181, 217, 317, 859 A. 1. ROBE:
Survival of Old Anglo-Indian Commercial Torme, 252 TH, KHOKARB AND THE GAKKHARS IX PANJAB HISTORY ... ... . ..
Rxv. G. WHITEHEAD:HINDUIBX IN THE HIMALATAS ... .. 83, 859
NOTE ON TIR CHINS OF BURMA - ... 304 A REPORT ON THX PANJAB HILL TBIBER, from the Native point of view, by YIAX DURGA
Ery. J. W. YOUNGSON, D. D. - SIX@u (communicated) ... .. 234, 289, 370 NOTE ON ANCIENT ADMINISTRATIVA THRMS Tax CHUKRAR ... .
19, 71, 106, 135 AND TITLES IN THI PANJAB . ..
** 948 Lachohhan Rajaon Ke; or, The Sigos of Royalty
DR. TE. ZACHARIAE in Raja ...
ON THE NAVABA BABANKACHARITA OF PADMAIs the Onlt of Mian Bibi Phallio P ...
GUPTA OR PARIMALA translated from the Further Traces of Totemism in the Panjab ... 51 ) German ) ... ... ...
. 19
MISCELLANEA AND CORRESPONDENCE. Lachohhan Rajaon Ke; or, The Signs of Royalty in Survival of Old Anglo-Indian Commercial Terms, by
Rajas, by H. A. Rose ... ... * * * 82 Bir E. O. Temple . .. ... . Is the Cult of Mian Bibi Phallio ? by H. A. Rose ... 29
The French Archæological Société d'Angkor Farther races of Totemiam in the Panjab, by H. A. Rose . . . . . 61 )
The Seasons of Girdhar Sadhu .: ... ... ...

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iyi
CONTENTS.
BOOK-NOTICES. PAGE
PAGR The Todas, by W. H. R. Rivers, Fellow of St. Professor Bartholomae's Zum altiranischen Wör
John's College, Cambridge. With illustrations. torbuch Nacharbeiten und Vorarbeiten, by London: Macmillan & Co., 1906, pp. xviii,
G. A. G. ...
... ... ... ... ... 180 755, 40 Tables and Map ...
. ... 83 Die Mon-Khmer-Volker ein Bindeglied zwischen Buch des Rakūwan, der Königsgeschichte. Die
Völkern Zentralasiens und Austronesiens, von Geschichte der Mon-Könige in Hinterindien nach P. W. Schmidt, 8. V. D. Brangwiok: 1906 (reeinem Palmblatt-Manuskript sus dem Mon printed from the Archiv für Anthropologie, Neue überstetzt, mit einer Einfirhrung und Noten
Folge, Band V, Heft 1 u.2),by George A. Grierson. 916 versehen, von P. W. Schmidt, S. V. D. Vienne : Achyutaryabhyudayam of Sri Rajanátha, with 1906 (reprinted from the Sitzungeberichte der Kais. commentary by Pandit R. V. Krishnamachariar Akademie der Wissenschaften ), by George A.
(Abhinava Bhatta Bana). Part I, Cantos 1-6. Srirangam: Sri Vani Vilas Press, 1907, 156 pages, 352
ILLUSTRATIONS. Cult of Mian Bibi ... ...
... ... 32 Angient Figures in Western Tibet .. .. The Copper Age and Prehistorio Bronze Implements Archæology in Western Tibet, Plates I and II
of India-Plates VI and VII ... ... 53 Map of the Andaman Islands ... ... Remains at Alchi and Basgo ... . .. ... 89 Map of the Nicobar Islands .. ... ..
APPENDIX, INDEX OF PRAKRIT WORDS, BT Don M. DE ZILVA WICXREMABINGHE ..
. Pp. 121-132

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
VOLUME XXXVI. — 1907.
THE KHOKHARS AND THE GAKKHARS IN PANJAB HISTORY.
BY H. A. ROSE, I.C.S.
Introduction. TN an article entitled A History of the Gakk'hars, contributed to the Journal of the Asiatic
1 Society of Bengal in 1871, by Mr. J. G. Delmerick, the Khokhars of the Muhammadan historians were taken to be the Gakkhars, a tribe which is settled in the Rawalpindi District of the Pañjab. The late Major Raverty, however, expressed a strong opinion that the writer of the article had confused the Gakkhars with the Khokhars, a totally distinct tribe, and a full examination of all the evidence at present readily accessible has convinced the present writer of the correctness of Major Raverty's position. The Khôkhars were settled in the Pañjab centuries before the Gakkhars, and were early spread all over the central districts of the Province before the Gakkhars acquired their seats in the Salt Range, to which they are and always have been confined. If this thesis be correct, it follows that Farishta's description of the customs of polyandry and female infanticide, as practised by the tribe, apply not to the Gakkbars at all, but to the essentially Pañjâb tribe, the Khokhars.
I.-THE HISTORY OF THE KHOKHARS.
A. -An Account of the Traditional History of the Khokhars, by a Khokhar
of Khokharain, in the Hoshiarpur District, Panjab. Beorâsîhsî, who succeeded Jamshid, King of Persia, was called Dahák or the Ten Calamities.' On his shoulders were two snake-like tumours, whence he was nick-named Mârân or Aydaha by the Persians, and called Dahak (or Zubảk)a Mârân, while his descendants were designated Tak-bansi, Nag-bansi or Takshak. About 1500 B. O. Kama, the ironsmith, aided Faridůn, a descendant of Jamshid, to subdue Dahák, who was cast into the well of Koh Damavind, and Faridůn became King of Persia. One of Dahâk's descendants, named Bustam Râjâ, surnamed Kokra, was governor of the Pañjab and had his capital at Kokrânâ, on a hill in the Chinhath Doab, but it is now called Koh Kirânâ. At the same time Mihrab, also a descendant of Zubak, held Kabal as a fendatory of Faridan.
After acquiring the Persian throne, Faridûn marched against Dahâk's descendants. Bustâm fled and sought refuge in the Hill of Ghor, west of Qandahår, where his people ruled for generations, being called Ghort or Ghoriâ and all being pagans. 1 AfrAsiab. ? ZuhAk is merely the Arabicised form of Dahak.
Tak for DahAk. • A singularly to Buccessful attempt to identify the isolated Kiránd Hill, that in the Jhang District. with Kokrana by assuming that the syllablo ko. was mistaken for the Persian koh, mountain, and dropped in the Qourse of time an utterly is possible suggestion.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1907.
Some years later Bustam was murdered and some powerful Râjâ took possession of the Sindh-Sagar Doab, where Alexander found Takshail (Taxiles), founder of Takshala (Taxila), now Dheri Shahin in the Attock District. But before the Macedonian invasion Kaid Raj, King of Mârwâr, overran the Pañjab in the reign of Darius Hystaspes, soon after Bastâm's murder. His capital was Bher on the Jhelam District and he also founded a fort at Jamma, which he entrusted to Virk Khokhar, one of his kingmen. Virk, with his own tribesmen, conquered the northern hills, and then, in league with the hill-men of Kchat and the Sulaiman Hills, drove Kaid Raj out of the Pañjab. The Khokhars, under such chiefs as Jot, Salbêhan, TAI, Bal, Sirkap, Sirguk, Vikram, Hodi Sándâ, Askap, Khokhar (sic), Badal and Kob, thenceforward held the Pañjab.
A long period after this, Bahram, Raja of Ghor, left Shoráb, which lay 100 miles from Qandahar, and, regaining the Kokrânâ territory, his hereditary province, he founded Sharab to the east of the Kokrâna Hill. Another Raja of Ghor, named Zamia Da war, founded yet another city 3 kos to the east of Shorâb and called it Dawar, and this was laid waste by the Tartars, but the mound still exists. To the west of it lies the new town of Dâ war, which is still in possession of the tribe. Shoråb was destroyed by Sultan Mahmûd, and its ruins stand at tho foot of the present Shorábwâli Pahâri Hill.
Gloria, the Kokrana Raja of Sharab, was sooceeded by his two sons Badal' and Bharth and 11 others who were sons of handmaids. Badal succeeded to the upland tracts of Chiniot and Kokrâná," while Bharth took those east of the Chenab. The latter, who dwelt in Bharth, A city named after himself, which lay 6 kos west of Nankina village, came, stone in hand, to aid his brother Badal Khan in battle; but learning that he had already fallen, he placed the stono on the ground and marched to avenge his loss. He was, however, worsted in the conflict, and Bharth, his city, destroyed. But the stone still lies on the hill. South of Obiniot Bâdal founded Märt Tappa, on a hill still so called. In the middle of the Chenab he commenced a stone fort and a masonry bridge which he never completed, but a wall of the fort, called the Badalgarh, still remains. With Dårå, his beloved kinsman, Raja Badal Khân (sic) was assassinated on his way to Mari Tappå, some 3 kos from Chiniot, and here his tomb, called Badal Dârî, still stands to the west of the village of Amirpur.
Bharth's territory bad extended as far as Gajrât, and he left 8 sons of whom 4 left issue. These were sanda, Hassan, Hassain, and Mahmûd. SandA built a city, sandar, between the Ravi and the Dek streams, the ruins of which are still called Sandar-ka-tibba in the (Piadi) Bhattiân tract. He ruled so justly that his dominion is still called the Sândar or Sandal Bar. 10 He left 4 sons, Mandar, Ratn Pál, Bålê, and Jal. From Ratn Pal sprang the Rihiên," & sept
This is to account for the existence of the Virk, a powerful Jat tribe, still numerous in Gujranwall. It also sooms to conneot them with the Khokhars.
Eight or ton miles west of Qandahar kes the village of Khokharan. The kabits of the bards record a RAJA named Kokra, of Gash Kokrina, now called Kadyana.
BAdal would appear to be a Hindu name ; cf. Rai Badal of Chittor : but lower down we find him oalled Badal Khan, the latter a Muhammadan titlo. It is curious to end Hindu and Muhammadan names mixed up in this history without apparent sonse of incongruity. Thas below we have Ratn Pål, undoubtedly a Hindu,
all bore Mohammadan names, even if Sanda was himself a Hindu. Among the Meos of Gurgaon the position at the present time is precisely the same, and the present bead of the Muhammadan Kharrals in the Lyallpur District is called Jagdeo.
The name Bharth occurs elsewhere.
It is unsafe to identify places like Kokrana with the Khokhara. Near Rohtak are the mounds called Khokra Kót, ander which lio ancient oition, but the word Khokrá has no connection with the Khokhar tribe. (See Rohtak Diatrict Gazetteer, 1883-4, p. 16.)
1. But a local legend, redorded by Mr. E. D. Maclagan, says this Bar is so named after one Sandal, a Chuha, who used to commit great depredatione. Another Choh used to live in the, Gus rook, 1. e., the rook with the onvern,' and eat men. The people sometimes called the Bar, Tattar, ...,' the Desert.'
Probably the Elhana, # tribe still found in Jhang District : see the Jhang Gaxetleer, 1883-4, p. 61, where they are desoribed m rulers in old days of the KalowAl tract, which once formed a part of the 911 kingdom; (but they are not said to be a branch of the Khok barn).

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THE KHOKHARS AND THE GAKKHARS.
JANUARY, 1907.j
which has two branches, the Nissowanas1 and the Bhikhas,13 found in Shahpur and Jhang. Kalowal was the headquarters of this sept. Sultan Mandar's descendants are now found in Bannu, where they trace their origin to Kais Abdur-Rashid, and are thus called Mandar Afghans. Mandâr himself prospered, kept in with the ruler of Kâbul and conquered the Kohistan-i-Namak and the Koh-i-Nandanâ. Of his twelve sons, three were legitimate, and of these three, Rai Singin remained in the Kohistan-i-Namak and married his daughter to Sultan Jalal'n'd-Din Khwarizmi, who made his son general of his own forces, with the title of Qutlugh-Khâni. The second son Ichhar founded Ichhra near Lahore, and the third was Machht Khân, who became Raja of Chiniot, which was named from Chandan, bis sister, who built a palace on the hill as a hunting lodge for her father. Mâri Tappâ was not then populated, but Andheri was flourishing, and north of it lay the dhaular, or abode of Râni Chandan, which was called Chandniot, now Chiniot. When Andheri was deserted, Mâchhi Khân15 shifted his residence to the eastern bank of the river. Rai Singin had four sons: Sarpal, Hast,16 Vir and Dâdan. Some of Sarpâl's sons went to Afghanistan and now trace their descent to Shâh Husain Ghori. Chuchak or Achu was sixth and Malik Shaikh seventh in descent, from Sarpâl, and the latter founded Shaikha, a fort, and Dhankar, a village in the hill of Bhawân, north of Manglân, he and his father holding the hill-country and the tracts west of Gujrat. Malik Shaikhâ was appointed governor of Lahore by the king of Delhi, and Nusrat, his younger brother, opposed Timûr's invasion, with only 2,000 men, on the Biâs.
3
Malik Jasrat, son of Shaikhâ, is a historical personage. In 1442 A. D. he was murdered by his queen, a daughter of Bhim Dep, Raja of Jammu, because her father had been put to death by the Malik. His descendants are found in Mâri and Shakarpur in Gujrât, at Malikwal in Shahpur, at Jasrat near Chiniot, and in Dhankar near Khângâh Dogrân.
The Tartars spared the territories of Sarpâl's descendants. After 1200 A. D.17 they had burnt all the Khokhar settlements on the Biâs and Sutlej. Râja Vir Khân fled towards Multân, but returned and founded Kangra, 9 kos from Chiniot, east of the Chenâb, but soon moved towards the Biâs with Kálu, his kinsman, who founded Kaluwâhan, now Kahnuwan, 18 in Gurdaspur, on the right bank of the river. For himself Vir chose a tract 32 kos south of Kâhnuwân, and there he founded Vairowal in Tarn Târan, naming it after his son Vairo. Bhâro, another tribesman, founded Bharowal in the same tahsil. Kulchandar, another Khokhar, founded Mirowâl, Mardânâ, Auliapur, &c., in Sialkot. Râjâ Vir Khân also founded a new Kangra midway between Kâhnuwân and Vairowâl. His territory was 40 kos in length, and the town extended 5 miles along the bank of the Bins. At its north and south gates stood two forts or maris,10 now occupied by Bhatti Rajputs20 and Panuân Jats. On the ruins of this town now stands the small village of Kangra,21 just opposite to Tahli or Khokharain on the west
12 The Nissowanas are also still to be found in Jhang in the northern corner of Chiniot Tahsil: Jhang Gazetteer, p. 66.
13 The Bhikhas I cannot trace.
14 Dhaular, in Panjabi = palace (lit., 'white house?)
15 This Machchhe Khan appears to be alluded to in the following ballad, which records the deeds of the Chaddrâ tribe of the Sandal Bar:
Modà de Chiniot leû ne..
(After their victory over the Kharrals the Chadra) with a push of the shoulder (i. e., with a certain amount of trouble)" took Chiniot. They used more force.
They killed Malik Machchhe Khan. They harried and destroyed him.
Zor changêrà lâcâ ne.
Malik Machehhe Khan kutthô ne, Ragran rok rulê ne.
16 Hast a Malik Hast is mentioned in Babar's Memoirs no particulars regarding him appear to be given. Janjulas and Júds. - Notes on Afghanistan, p. 865.
17 c. 600 A. H.
18 Which place the Khokhars are said to have held in Akbar's time. 19 Mari in Panjabi means a lofty house of masonry, or a small room erected on the roof of a house.
20 Of the Bucha got, whence the present village is called Mart Buchiân. 21 Kangra is close to Sri Hargobindpur.
(Elliott's History of India, Vol. IV. pp. 236-237,) but Raverty mentions him and Sangar Khan as chiefs of the

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1907.
bank of the Bias, in Hoshiarpur. In the village is the tomb of Ladaba Khan, Khokhar, called the pir ghazi, at which offerings are still made. This ghdzi's head is said to be buried at Mandi Rohr, a village in Kapurthala, 3 miles south of Tahli, to which place it was carried by the stream when he was killed. Ladahá Khûn left seven sons, (i) Jago, whose descendants founded Dinamál, AkÁlgadha and Kotli Sara Khan in Amritsar, close to Bhårowal and Vairowal ; (ii) Rap Rai, whose sons founded Dând in Raya tahsil, Sialkot; (iii) Bego, who founded Begowal and 16 villages, now in Kapurthala; (iv) Dasihan, the author's ancestor, who founded Khokharaina2 as his residence and 12 other villages : Jhân, who founded Balo Chak, naming it after his son Balo, with 9 more villages. As these three brothers owned in all 40 villages the tract was called the Chalia Khokharan. Bhogrâ migrated to Muradabad.
B.-Tho Khokhare of the Muhammadan Historians of India.23 In 399 A. H.(1009 A, D.) the Gakkhars, by whom in all probability are meant the Khokhars, then infidels, joined the Hindus who had collected under the leadership of Anandpal to resist the sixth invasion of India by Mahmud. Their number is said to have amounted to 80,000 men, who, with heads and feet bare, and armed with spears and other weapons, penetrated the Muhammadan lines on two sides, and in a few minutes cut down three or four hundred Muhammadans.24
The earliest distinct mention of the Kökars occurs in the T dju'l-Ma'asir, a history written in A. H. 602 (1205 A.D.),25 which describes the revolt of the tribe or confederacy under the chiefs Bakan and Sarki, which occurred upon a false report of the death of the Sultan Muhammad of Ghor having been put about by Aibak Bâk, who seized Multân.26 The Kókars raised the country between the Sodra (Chenab) and the Jbilam and defeated the Muhammadan governor of Sangwan, who held a fief within the borders of Multân, but they were defeated by Qutbu'd-Din Ibak, and one of the sons of Kokar Rai escaped to a fort in the hill of Jad, which was captured on the following day by the Sultâu.27
The next mention of the Khokars occurs in the Tabaqd1-4-Nasiri, written about 658 A. H. (1259 A. D.).28 It relates that Muizzu'd-Din in 581 A. H. (1185 A. D.) ravaged the territory of Lahore, and on his return homeward restored Sialkot, in which fortress he left a garrison, but as soon as his back was turned, Malik Khusran, the last of the Ghaznivides, assembled the forces of Hindustan and a levy of the Khôkbar tribes and laid siege to Sialkot. This account is confirmed and amplified by A History of the Rūjas of Jammun, which says : - "The tribe of Khokhar, who dwelt round about Manglan at the foot of the hills and were subject to the Jammû dynasty, having received encouragement from the Lahore ruler (Malik Khusran), and sure of his support, refused any longer to pay tax and tribute to Jammû and threw off its yoke." In return the Khôkhars then assisted Malik Khusrau in his attempt on Sialkot, whose garrison was befriended by the Jaromů forces.20
The next notice of the Khokhars in the Tabaq dt-i-Nasiri is an important one, and confirms the account of the Tdju'l-Ma'lsir. It describes the confusion which arose in the Sultan's dominions on account of the rumour of his death, and states that the Khokhars (and other tribes of the hills of Lahore and Jud) broke out in rebellion in 602 H. and were defeated with great slaughter 30 In this rebellion the Khokhars appear to bave been in alliance with the Rae Sal, the ruler of the Salt Range, or Koh-i-Jûd, but it is not certain that Rae Sal himself was a Khôkhar.
» Also called TANT, boonuso one of its quarters was so called from a táhli or shisham troo.
2 The following account is extracted from Elliot's History of India, oited as E. H. I.from the Tahaqat-iNoirt, Ravorty'. Translation, cited as T. N.; and from the latter writer's Notes on Afghanistan. * E. H. I., II. p. 447.
26 Ib. p. 209.
Ib. p. 233.
1 Ib. p. 235. * 16. p. 264. Tabaqdt-i-Noirt, p. 455;. p. 453, note 4 (Raverty suggests that Manglan is Makhila). # T. N. p. 481 ; f. 604.

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JANUARY, 1907.]
THE KHOKHARS AND THE GAKKHARS.
5
In 620 H. (1223 A. D.) the Sultan Jalalu'd-Din, driven from Ghaznt by the Chingiz Khan, who pursued him to the Indus, sought & refage in the Pañjab. He occupied Balala and Nikalal near Lahore, and, being too weak to advance on Delhi, sent a part of his army against the hills of Jûd. This force defeated the Khôkhar chief, and the Sultan obtained his daughter in marriage, whereapon the Khokhar Rai' joined him with a considerable body of his tribe.
The Khokhars had a longstanding foud with Kubicha, governor of Sind (which then included the whole valley of the Indus below the Salt Range), and the Sultan's troops, under the guidance of the son of the Khôkhar chief, by a forced march, fell suddenly upon Kabâcha's camp near Uch and totally defeated him.
The Khok hars, however, do not appear to have been confined to the country between the Jhilam and the Chenab, but to have also held a considerable tract East of the Biâs and the good horses to be obtained in their talwandis or settlements are often mentioned), forin 638 A. H. (1240 A. D.) we find them enlisted in the forces of the Sultana (Queen) Bastyyat and her consort Malik Ikhtiyâru'd-Din, Altania, but they abandcrued her after her defoat at Kaithal.33
After the sack of Lahore by the Mughals in 1241-49 A. D.," the Khokhars and other Hindu Gabrs" seized it.34 And in 1246-47 A. D. the fatire Sultân Ghiyasu'd-Din Balban was sent against the Khôkhars into the Jud Hills and Jhflam.36 The Khôkhars were apparently subjects of Jaspal, Sihra.
About this time Sher Khan reduced the Jats, Khokhars, Bhattis, Minis (Minas), and Mandahars under his sway,97 apparently in or near his fief of Sunam,
In 647 A, H. (1250 A. D.) the upper part of the Pañjab appears to have been in the hands of the Mughals and Khôkhars, but nothing more appears to be heard of them until the reign of Muhammad Tughlaq Shah, when they again began to be troublesome, and in 1842-43 A. D. they revolted under their chief, Chandar. The governor of the Pañjâb, Malik Tâtâr Khan, had to march against them, and though he was able to subdue then for a time, they caused great disorders ander the last Tughlaq kings of Dehli.30
We now come to the Tarikh-i-Mubdrak-Shahi, an imperfect manuscript, the history in which has had to be completed from the Tabaqdt-i-Akbars, which copied from it. According to this history, the Khôkhar chief Shaikhảo seized Lahore in 796 A, H. (1894 A. D.), and Prince Humâyûn, afterwards Sikandar Shah I., was to have been sent against him, but his father, Mohammad Shah III., dying suddenly, he was too occupied in securing the throne to set out on the expedition. Sikandar Shah, however, only reigned some six weeks, and on his death Sultan Mahmad Shah II. succeeded him, but it was not for some months that Sarang Khân could be nominated by him to the fief of Dibâlpur and entrusted with the war against Shaikhâ. Sârang Khân took possession of Dibâlpur in Jane, and in Beptember he advanced on Lahore with the forces of Multân, and, accompanied by the Bbatti and Main (Mina) chiefs, crossed the Sutlej at Tihara and the Bills at Dubâli. On hearing of Sârang Khân's advance, Shaikhâ Khokhar invaded the territory of Dibalpur and laid siege to Ajůdhan, but hearing that Sarang Khân had passed Hindupat and was investing Lahore, he returned hastily to that city and encountered Sarang Khên at Simuthalla, 12 kos from it. There he was defeated by Sârang
BankAla or Mankala - E. H. I., II. p. 558; d. 563. * Called Kokar Sanka, who had embraced Islam in the time of Muhammad Ghort - ib. p. 563 ; T. N. p. 294. # T, N., PP. 647-8, notes.
4 10. p. 656 n.
10 lb. p. 678; E. A. I., II. 347. 36 T. N. p. 815.
ST I. p. 795.
88 Ib. p. 822. * Raverty's Notas, p. 367. Farishta turns Chandar into Haidar. - Brigg's Trans. I. p. 425.
4. Shaikh was the general name by which the chiefs of the tribes styled themselves, because "being Hindus by descent, they had become converts to Zalám." Hence Jagrath is often styled Jasrath Shaikha. -- Bayerty's Notes, p. 367.
« R. H. I., IV. p. 272. ** Ib. p. 99. Dibalpur is the ancient Deobalpur and the modern Dipdlpur. Ajtänan is the modern Pakpattan.

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[JANUARY, 1907.
Khan and fled to the hills of Júd, while the victor took possession of Lahore. Four years later vocarred the grim interlude of Timar's invasion. Shaikhâ, says the historian, ont of enmity to Sarang Khân, early joined Timûr and acted as his guide, in return for which he received meroy and honour, but before Timûr left India he made Shaikhâ prisoner, and with him all his wives and children.
According to the histories of Timûr, however, the Khôkhars played a much more important part in the resistance offered to the invading armies of Timêr than the Tarikh-i-Mubarak-Shahi is inclined to admit. In October 1398 A. D., Timur halted at Jal on the Biâs, opposite Shahpur. Here he learnt that Nusrat of the tribe of Khokhar was established in a fortress on the bank of a lake. He attacked Nasrat, and completely routed him, taking immense booty in cattle and burning Nusrat's residence. Nusrat himself was slain. Some of his followers escaped across the Biâs, which Timur crossed, marching from Shah Nawaz to Janjân, a few days later. We next read of Malik Shaikhs or Shaikh Kûkar, commander of the infidels,' who was defeated and slain by Timur in the valley of Kúpila or Hardwâr.46 The Zafarndma, however, differs from this account. It mentions Alau'd-Din as a deputy of Shaikh Kůkarî, who was sent as an envoy to Kúpila, 6 and describes the advance of a Malik Shaikhê as being misreported as the advance of Shaikh Kükari, one of Timûr's faithful adherents, a mistake which enabled Malik Shaikhå to attack Timûr unawares, though he was promptly repulsed and killed. Then we hear of Timur's arrival at Jammû on his homeward march. In its neighbourhood he captured seven strongholds, belonging to the infidels, whose people had formerly paid the jizya or poll-tax to the Snltân of Hindústân, but had for a long time past cast off their allegiance. One of these forts belonged to Malik Shaikh Kúkar, but, according to the Zafarndma, the owner of this stronghold was Shaikhâ, a relation of Malik Shaikh Kakar? (or Shaikha Kukar), which possibly makes the matter clear:- Nasrat, the Khokhar, had been killed on the Biâs, after which his brother, Shaikha, submitted to Timûr, and was employed by him during his advance on Delhi. The Malik Shaikhâ killed at Kupila was not a Khokhar at all, but in Timûr's Autobiography he has become confused with Malik Shaikha the Khôkbar, Lastly, Malik Shaikhâ had a relative, probably a Khokhar, who held a little fort near Jamm0.69
After his arrest by Timur, Shaiktá disappears from history; but in 823 A. H. (1420 A. D.), or some twenty-two years later, Jasrath (the son of) Shaikha makes his entrance on the scene. In that year the king of Kashmir marched into Sindh, and was attacked by Jasrath, who defeated him, took him prisoner, and captured all his matériel. Elated by this success, Jasrath, an independent rustic, began to have visions about Delhi. Hearing that Khizr Khân (whom Timûr had left in charge of Multân as his feudatory, and who had become Sultan of Delhi in all but name) was dead, he crossed the Bias and Sutlej, defeated the Mina leaders, and ravaged the country from Ludhiana to Arubar (Rupar).50 Thence he proceeded to Jalandhar, and encamped on the Biâs, while Zirak Khân, the amir of Sâmâna, retired into the fort. After
* E. . I., IV. p. 35. "E. H. I., III. pp. 415-5. 5 lb. pp. 455-8; cf. p. 510. 46 Ib. p. 505.
17 Acoording to the Malfaedt-i-Timort, Malik Shaikh Khokhar was the brother of Nusrat Khokhar, formerly governor of Lahore on the part of Sultan Mahmud of Dehli. After Nusrat's defeat Shaikh Khokhar had submitted to Timur, and had accompanied him on his march to the Jamna, his influence being sufficient for him to obtain protection for his subjects from pillage by Timur's army. Shaikh, however, obtained Timûr's leave to retorn to Lahore, where be soon incurred the suspicion of being lukewarm in TimOr's cause, and Timor sont orders to arrest Shaikhs and levy a ransom from Labore, E. H. I., III. p. 473. This acoount is confirmed by the Zafarnama, which oalle Nugrat Kakari brother of Shaikha Kukari - ib. p. 485. Raverty states that some authorities say that Shaikh& died a natural death, while others alloge that he was put to death, Jasrath being imprisoned in Samarqand. Some years later Jasrath was released and returned home. There he put to death Shahi, his brother, and, reising JAlandhar and Kalinaur, began to aspire the sovereignty of Hind.-Notes, p. 368. . . I. III. p. 520.
" Ib. p. 467. MR. H. I., IV. p. 54. Raverty adds that he attacked Sirhind, but it was defended by Sultan Shah Lodi and he failed to take it in 1421. - Notes, p. 868.

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THE KHOKHARS AND THE GAKKHARS.
some negotiations it was agreed that the fort was to be evacuated and given up to Tūghân, the Turk-baoba (Jasrath's ally, who had taken refage in his territories), while Jasrath was to pay tribute and return home. But as soon as Jasrath got Zirak Khân into his camp, he detained him as a prisoner and carried him, securely guarded, to Ludhiana, whence he marched to Sirhind. That fortress, however, defied all his attempts, and the Sultan Mubarak Shah, advancing, compelled him to raise the siege and retreat on Ludhiana, whence, having released Zirak Khân, he crossed the Sutlej. The Sultân's forces then advaneed as far as Ludhiâna, bat were unable to cross the Sutlej, as Jagrath had secured all the boats. When the rains ceased, the Sultan withdrew to Kabúlpur, 51 and Jasrath made a similar movement, whereupon the Sultân sent a force to effect a crossing at Rûpar. Jasrath marched on a line parallel to this force, but it effected a crossing, and the Sultân then passed the river without opposition. Jasrath's followers then abandoned the opposition he had chosen without striking a blow, and their leader fled hastily to Ludhiana, whence he crossed the Biâs, the Ravi, and finally, after the Sultân bad crossed the latter river near Bhowa,62 the Jânhiva (Chinâb). Jagrath now took refuge in his strongest place, Tekharks in the hills, bat Rai Bhim of Jammu guided the Sultan's forces to the stronghold, and it' was captured and destroyed. Jasrath's power was, however, undiminished, for, as soon as the Sultân had returned to Delhi after restoring Lahore, he recrossed Chinâb and Ravi with a large force of horse and foot, and attacked Lahore and was only driven off after nearly five weeks' fighting round the fort. He then retreated on Kalânaar to attack that stronghold, into which Rai Bhim had thrown himself in order to relieve Lahore. After protracted fighting round Kalanaur, Jasrath patched up truce with Rai Bhim and then went towards the Ravi, where he collected all the people of the territory of the Khokhars, who were in alliance with him, but on the advance of an imperial army from Lahore, supported by one which advanced on the ford of Bubi, he again fled to Tekhar. The united forces of the Sultan now marched along the river Ravi and crossed it between Kâlânaur and Bhoh,62 afterwards effecting a junction with Rai Bhim on the confines of Jammů. These forces defeated some Khokhars who had separated from Jasrath on the Chinâb.
In the following year (826 A. H. or 1423 A. D.) Jagrath defeated Rai Bhim and captured most of his horses and matériel. The Rai himself was killed, and Jasrath now united himself to s small army of Mughals and invaded the territories of Dibalpur and Lahore, but on the advance of the imperial leader he retired across the Chinab.
After this the Khokhars appear to have remained inactive for four or five years, but in 831 A.H. (1428 A. D.) Jasrath laid siege to Kalânaur, and on advancing from Lahore to relieve the place, bis old opponent, Sikandar Tuhfa, was defeated and had to retreat on Lahore. Jasrath then besieged Jalandhar, but he was unable to reduce it, and so he retreated to Kâlânaur, carrying off the people of the neighbourhood as captives. Reinforcements were sent to Sikandar, but before they arrived, he had again advanced to Kálênaur and united his forces with those of Rai Ghalib of that town. These leaders then marched after Jasrath and completely defeated him at Kângra on the Biâs, recovering the spoils which he had gained at Jalandar. Jasrath again took refuge in Tekhar.
In 835 A. H.(1431-2 A. D.), however, Jasrath descended from Telbar (Tekhar) and marched on JÄlandhar. Sikandar drew out of Lahore to intercept him, but incautiously allowed his small force to be attacked by Jasrath's superior numbers and was defeated and taken prisoner, some of his followers escaping to JÄlandhar. Jasrath in triumph marched on Lahore and laid siege to it, but it was vigorously defended by Sikandar's lieutenants, and on the Sultan's advancing to Samâna to its relief, he abandoned the siege, but kept Sikandar in captivity.56 61 Kabulpar (Raverty).
52 Not identified; possibly Bhowa and Bhoh are the mme. Thankar or Talhar in other historians. Farishta has Bisal, but that is on the R&vt. Ravorty calle it Thankir. - E. H. L, IV. pp. 55-6.
Ravorty calls this Hindu RAJA of Jammu Rai Bhaltn, but adds that he was son-in-law of Ali Shah of Klehmir, against whom Zainu'l-Abidin, his brother, onlisted Jasrath's aid. The Khokhars and their ally marched Trom Sialkot against the Sultan, Ali Shah, and defeated him prior to 1428 A. D. About this time the Gakkbars, under Malik Kad, wrested their conquests from Zsinu'l-Abidin.
66 E. H. I., IV. p. 74.

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In 885 A. H. (1432 A. D.) Malik Allâh-dâd was appointed feudatory of Lahore, but he was promptly attacked on his arrival at Jalandhar by Jasrath, defeated and compelled to seek a refuge in the hills of Kothi.56
In 840 A, H. (1436 A. D.) the Sultan Muhammad Shah sent an expedition against Shaikh (sic) Khokhar, which ravaged his territories.67
In 845 A. H. (1441 A. D.) the Sultân conferred Dibalpur and Lahore on Bablol Khan and sent him against Jasrath, but Jasrath made peace with him and flattered him with hopes of the throne of Delhi.58 After this the Khokhar power declined, owing to causes of which we know nothing.
In the time of Akbar the Khôkbars held 5 out of 52 mahalls in the Lahore sarkar in the Bart Doab, and 7 out of 21 parganas in the Chinhath Doab, with one mahall each in the Bist-Jalandhar and Rachna Doâbs. In the Dibâlpar sarkár of Multân they held 3 out of 10 mahalls in the Bigt-Jalandhar Doab, and one in the Beran-i-Panjnad, west of the Indus. Raverty puts their population then at more than 200,000 souls.
It must be confessed that the above notes leave the question of the origin of the Khokhars precisely where it stood. In an account of the Kâtil Rajputs from Gurdaspur it is said that some of the earliest) converts to Islâm became known as Khokhars, but further on it says: “One of our ancestors settled in the fort of Mangla Devi in the Jammu State and then took possession of Kharipur. Hence his descendants became known as Khokhars," after being converted to Islám in the time of Mahmúd of Ghaznf. And further on it says that Kâtils do not intermarry with Khokhars, because the latter are of their blood, and are descendants of Kâtils by Muhammadan wives.
II. - A HISTORY OF THE GAKKHARS.
The Gakkhars do not appear, eo nomine, in history until the time of the emperor Babar. Their country, says the Tabaqdt-i-Akbarí, lies on the Indus, well known as the Nilâb, and the territory from the Siwâlik hills to the borders of Kashmir has been from all times in their possession, though other tribes, such as the Khari,60 Januba, Jatriya, Bhükyal (Bhügiâ) and Jat, dwell in those parts in subordination to the Gakkhers. In the Tdsak-i-Bdbari, Babar describes the bill-country between the Nilab and Bahra (Bhera), as inhabited by the Jate, Gojars, and many other similar tribes under
Gakkhar hakim or ruler, their government much resembling that of the Jud and Janjüha and the lands adjoining the hill-country of Kashmir. The government in this time was held by Tâtâr and Háti, Gakkhars, who were cousins. Tátâr's stronghold was Parhâlah, Hått's country was close adjoining the hills. Hâti was in alliance with Bâbân Khân, who held Kálinjar,62 Tâtâr was in a certain way subject to Daulat Khân (the governor of the Pañjab), while Hati remained independent. Tátâr, at the instance of the amirs of Hindustan (the Delhi kingdom) and in conjunction with them, was keeping Hati in a state of blockade in some sort, when Hatt, by a stratagem, made a sudden advance, surprised Tâtâr, slew him and took his country. He then sent on Parbat, his relation, to Babur with a contribution by way of tribute, but the envoy went to Babar's main camp and thus missed the expedition which had already set out for Parbâla.
4 E. . I., IV. p. 75. 67 Ib. p. 85: Jasrath must be meant. .
# Ib. pp. 85-6. 50 Notes, pp. 366-67. The Khokhars of the Jalandhar District do not mention Jagrath, but only date their settlement there from the time of the Sayyid kings. Mr. Parser (Jullundur Settlement Report, p. 16) says this is negative evidence that Jagrath was a Gakkbar, but he refers to Major Waterfield's Gujrat Settlement Report, in which the Khokhars are quito correctly put down as descended from Jasrath, "who, with Bharat, took Jamma, when in Timur's servioe," and afterwards settled in the Gujrat District. - See Panjab Notos and Queries, I. p. 141.
Possibly the Khattars. 61 Aba'l. Fazl says that in the time of Zainu'l-Abidin of Kashmir, Malik Kad, one of the nobles of Ghasnt, dispossessed the Kashmiris of the traot between the Jhelum and the Indus. He was succeeded by: (1) Malik Kalán, his son ; Bir, his grandson; Tatar, the opponent of Sher Khan and Salim Khan, who had two sons, Sultans Sarang and Adam. Raverty'. Notes, p. 386. Sarang's sons were Kamal and Said.
6 K Alinjat lies west of the Indus near Swabl. - Raverty's Notes, p. 274.

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JANUARY, 1907.] THE KHOKHARS AND THE GAKKHARS.
Bâbar, at this stage, arrived from Bahra on his way to Kâbul, and, instigated by the Janjûhas, old enemies of the Gakkhars, attacked Parhâla, which he took, Hât! seeking safety in flight. Babar's guide to Barbala was Sûrpa, Sarpa or Saropa, Gujar, a servant of the Malik Hast,63 whose father had been slain by Hati. Hâti now submitted to Bâbar,
After the Afghans, headed by Sher Shah, had recovered their power in India and expelled Humâyân after Bâbar's death, the Sultan Sher Shah made over the Ninduna pargana to Ismâ'll Khân Balôch in return for the Sarwâni territory, which had been usurped by the Baloches and which he restored to Shaikh Bayazid Kalkapûr Sarwânt, its rightful owner.es Sher Shah also marched through all the hills of Padman and Garjakes (or Girjhâk Ninduna07), and selected a site for the great fortress of Rohtâs, which was designed both to hold in check the Gakkhars and restrain the Mughal invasions. The Gakkhars, however, prevented Tôdar Khatri, who was in charge of the work, from obtaining labour, and it was only by offering exorbitant pay that the Gakkhars were tempted to flock to the work.68 Sher Shah, moreover, sent a force against Rai Sârang, the Gakkhar, and subdued his country, plundering also the hill of Balnão. Rai Sârang's daughter was captured and given to Khawas Khân, one of Sher Khân's nobles, while the Rai himself, having surrendered or being taken prisoner, was flayed alive.to His son Kamal Khan was sent as a prisoner to Gwalior,71 in the Siwâliks. Rohtâs was then committed to the care of Habib Khân Niazi and other leaders, 30,000 horse being kept in its neighbourhood to hold in check Kashmir and the Gakkhar country.72 Rohtas appear to have been thus partially built in 1540 A. D., but it was not completed till eight or ten years later.
In 955 A. H. (1548 A. D.) the Niâzis, defeated by the troops of Sultan Islam or Salim Shah Sur, fled for refuge to the Gakkhars' territory. Upon this, Islâm Shah advanced on Rohtas, the completion of which he urged forward with much earnestness, and which work was carried out in not less than two years, amidst incessant and desperate fighting with the tribe. Sultan Adam eventually sued for peace and agreed to compel the Niâzis to quit his territories.74 Saltm Shah also released Kamal Khân, son of Rai Sarang, and appointed him to act, in concert with the governor of the Panjab, in the subjugation of the Gakkhar territory.76
In 1552 A. D. Kâmrân, driven from Kabul by Humayan, sought a refuge in the territories of Sultan Adam, who had succeeded his brother Sarang, but that chief sent word to the emperor Humayun that he was willing to acknowledge his authority and deliver Kamran into his hands. Kamran, however, took refuge with the Sultan Salim Shah, on Humayun's advancing to Dinkot on the Indus,76 but, failing to obtain any assistance in the Pañjâb, he returned in disguise to the Gakkhar territory on his way to Kabul, and rashly disclosed his identity to Sultan Adam, who surrendered him to Humâyân, and he was blinded (September 1553 A. D.)." Humâyân now marched against Pirâna, a chief of the Janjûha tribe, who held a strong fort in the Bhira (Bhera) country and secured his surrender, handing his territory over to Sultan Adam.78
After the restoration of Humâyân, Kamal Khân, son of Rai Sarang, was given half the territories held by his uncle (Sultan) Adam Khân.70 Adam Khân resisted this mandate and a royal army had to be sent to enforce it. Adam Khâu was defeated and captured and his son fled into Kashmir, but was subsequently taken also. Kamal Khan then became sole chief of the Gakkhars and he detained Adam Khan in captivity till his death,80
In Akbar's reign the Gakkhars held 7 out of 42 mahalls in the Sindh-Sagar Doâb of the Lahore sarkar 81
43 Who the Malik Hast was does not appear. See note 16, supra.
64 E. H. L, IV. pp. 234-8. 68 Ib. V. p. 115.
65 Ib. p. 389. 66 Ib. p. 390. 67 Ib. V. p. 114. Ib. V. p. 114, and IV. p. 390. A Song of Khwas Khan is under publication in this Journal, and the present writer hopes to publish shortly a very curious legend connecting him with the shrine of Shah Daula in Gujrat. Ib. V. p. 114. The Tartkh-i-Daddi says that Salim Shah captured Sarang Sultan and had him flayed alive.
-Ib. IV. 498.
11 Probably Kahlûr of the hills, i. e., the old capital of the State of Kahlûr or Bilaspur in the Simla hills. 1 B. H. L, IV. pp. 390 and 415. 13 Erskine, II. p. 462; cf. p. 419. 74 Erskine, II. pp. 465-6. E. H. I., V. p. 279. Te Ib. V., pp. 278-9. Erskine, Baber and Humayoon, II. 407. " Elphinstone, p. 470. T8 Erskine, II. p. 419> TE. H. I., V. p. 279. Ib. p. 260. $1 Raverty's Notes, p. 307.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1907.
AHMAD SHAH, ABDALI, AND THE INDIAN WAZIR, IMAD-UL-MULK (1756-7). (Contributed by William Irvine, late of the Bengal Civil Service.)
THE following narrative is taken from a Persian manuscript, being the third of four works bound together in a small quarto volume which I bought at Quaritch's some ten or twelve years ago. The other tracts are:- -(1) Inshae Miram, copied Safar 1198 H. (Dec. 1783); (2) Inshäe 'Abdullah, copied at Lakhnau, Rafi' I., 1198 H. (Feb. 1784); (3) the present narrative; (4) a fragment of Mhd. Ahsan, Matani Yab Khan (Ijad), Samanawi's Farrukh-namah. This fragment carries on this rare work to some date in 1128 H. (1716), that is, much farther than either B. Museum MS. Oriental, No. 25 (Rieu, 273), or the twenty-five folios of it in the Münich MS., No. 265 (Joseph Aumer, 'Catalogue,' 1866, p. 97).
The volume has on the flyleaf a list of contents in English, in an 18th century handwriting which I have seen elsewhere; I think it is that of Jonathan Scott, Polier, or W. Francklin. Some one has noted that the initials "W. O." on the same flyleaf are those of Sir Williamh Ouseley, presumably a former owner. The book was No. 387 in the bookseller, W. Straker's Catalogue of 1836, and in 1839 it belonged to Dr. John Lee of 5 Doctors' Commons, by whom it was lent to B. Dorn, when his History of the Afghans' was in preparation for the Oriental Translation Fund.
The account of Ahmad Shah Abdali's incursion into India in 1757, as here presented, is one of three notable contributions to Indian history of the 18th century, for which we are indebted to the initiative of Captain Jonathan Scott; and so far as I recollect, not one of them is referred to in the article devoted to him in the "Dictionary of National Biography." The other two works are:(1) Hadiqat-ul-aqälim, by Shekh Murtaza Husain, Bilgrami, surnamed Allahyar Säni, H. M. Elliot's "accurate Moortuza Hosain"; (2) Shahadat-i-Farrukhsiyar wa Julus-i-Muḥammad Shah, by Mirza Muhammad Bakhsh, Ashob.
Samin is the author of Sharaif-i-ugmani, a history of Bilgram Shekh families written as a counterblast to Ghulam 'Ali, Azad's Ma,ägir-ul-kiräm fi tarikh-i Bilgram, a panegyric of the Saiyid families there. He pours fine scorn on Azad, who was a Samdhant, tho' gh he calls himself a Bilgrami; that is, his mother was of Bilgram, but his father Muhammad Nuh was of Samdhan, an obscure village on the other side of the Ganges, between Farrukhabad and Qannauj. In the Shara,if (my copy, page 255) we find that Ghulam Hasan, poetically Samin, Sadiqi, Farshūri, Bilgrami, was the son of Shekh Ghulam Husain, son of Qasi Faizullah of Bilgram (now in the Hardoi district). He was born about 1129 H. (1716-17) and had a brother called Muhammad Sadiq (poetically Sukhanwar). He traces his descent in the 37th degree from Abi Bakr, Sadiq; and for 25 generations his ancestors had been gāzis of Bilgram. Up to 1179 H. (1765-6) Samin had three sons and two daughters. The present narrative shows that he was alive in 1197 H. (1782-3). I have found no record of his death.
I think the story here given is of great historical value, as it furnishes us with a first-hand account of actual events. The doings of Ahmad Shah in India, except those leading up to the crowning victory of Panipat in January 1761, are elsewhere recorded for the most part in a vague, confused manner. Many points are cleared up by Samin's story, and it helps to do for Ahmad Shah's Indian record, what Dr. Oskar Mann has done so brilliantly for his non-Indian conquests, in a series of articles in the Z. D. M. G. for 1898. The intercalated narrative of 'Imad-ul-mulk's marriage troubles is new and curious; and it throws further light on the character of Mu'in-ul-mulk's widow, the disagreeable traits in which are largely depicted in Ghulam 'Ali Khan's Muqaddamah and the autobiography of her husband's house-slave, Mirza Tahmasp, Miskin.

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JANUARY, 1907.]
AHMAD SHAH AND TMAD-UL-MULK,
God the Helper,
In the Name of God, the Compassionate,
the Merciful.
and may the
end be favorablo.
After praises and prayer, this humble slave (May God impress truth on him) Ghulam Hasan. Şamin, (God pardon him and his connections) states that in the year 1197 after the Holy Flight of the Prophet (the Protection of God be upon him, and Peace), at the instigation of a friend, Shelch Allahyar, Bahadur (May God on High save him), son of Shekh Allahyār, the martyr ;' I arrived in the town of Allahabad, and was introduced to the extremely improving audience of the Lord of Benefits, Captain Jonathan Scott, Bahadur, (May his Good Fortune endure). The beauty of his condescension is more than can be brought forth by the strength of this wounded pen. (Verse.) Kih därad ham chalutt wa sakha wa shaf kat " Who like him has grace, liberality, affection, wa ahsan,
kindness, Dil-i-khürram, rukhu-kibā, lab-e-shirin, jabin-i- "A jogous heart, a handsome face, sweet speech, anwar ;
an ample brow; 21 shukr-i-madh wa akhlaq-z-karlm-- fara "I fail in recounting his praise and his gracious mand,
manners, Zabān 'àjis, khirad hairan, sukhan qāşir, qalam “My tongue stammers, my wits wander, my muztarr;
words suffice not, my pen stumbles ; Sasad gar man wara da, im ba tabar khush si “ If for ever I could do what my heart and soul jan-o-dil,
desire Kunam khidmat, buram farmān, niham gardan, "I should servo him, obey him, bow before him, shanvam kihtar.
be his humble servant." In the said year 1197 H. (1782-88) by order of the said Captain Sahib, I wrote something of the doings of Ahmad Shāh, the Abdali king, when long ago, in the year 1169 H. (1755-6), he (Ahmad Shab) entered the capital, Shabjahānābād. It was then the reign of 'Azis-ud-din, emperor of Hind, entitled 'Alamgir Sāni. All these events the writer beheld with his own eyes; and I ROW reduce them to writing. Owing to the haste in which I write, I have paid no heed to elegance or style or the employment of metaphor. In spite of scantiness of acquisition and absence of ability, I have not been afraid to become the submissive carrier-out of that Sahib's orders.
Be it known then, wherever the tongue of the pen mentions " Shāhan Shah,' it means Ahmad Shāh, king of the Abdāli, and the words “Emperor of Hind " indicatu 'Aziz-ad-din, Alamgir II. ; and where the phrase "Great Wazir" occurs, Shāh Wali Khăn, the minister of the Abdáli, is intended. By "'Imád-ul-mulk” is meant Nawab Ghiyas-ud-din, minister of the emperor of Hind and grandson of Nawāb Nigām-ul-mulk. By “ Nawab Ghazanfar Jang" is meant Ahmad Khān, Bangash, ruler of Farrukhābād; and "Nawāb Shuja -ud-daulah " means the son of Nawab Abal Manşūr Khān, Bahādur, şafdar Jang, nāsim of the çmbah of Akhtarnagar Audh.
ACCOUNT OF SAIYID SHER ANDĀZ KHĀN. Be it remembered that the writer, in order to gain his livelihood, was for several years with that Protector of Saiyids, one Muhammad sālih (poetically, Sayyah), bearing the title of Sher AndĀz Khan Babădur, an employé of the late Nawab Safdar Jang already mentioned. He was on duty in attendance upon Nawāb Zafar Jang, Khin Zaman Khan Bahadur, 'Ali Quli Khan, Daghistani (poetically, Wālih), and nicknamed the "Six-fingered."
1 "The martyr," he was killed in battle on Oct. 20, 1780, outaido Ahmadabad in Gujarat. He was chief commander under Surbuland Khan, the governor, who fought his saoconsor in the government, Rajah Abhai Single of Jodhpur.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1907.
The deceased Saiyid (Sher Andaz Khan) was a native of the town Shāhi, which lies between the towns of Bareli and Pilibhit. He was exceptionally well-instructed in all sciences, unequalled in valoar, generosity and enterprise, At the age of twelve the Saiyid left his country of origin to obtain instruction, and was for nearly two and a half years in the house of this poor one's respected grandfather, with whom he read Arabic as far as the Sharh of the Mulla. After that time he went to the town of Saifipur, the honoured burial-place of the venerable Shah şaifi, and there the then occupier of the seat of authority, Miyan 'Abdullah Şahib, adopted him as his son.
After the lapse of some time the Baiyid became anxious to make the journey to the Hajäz and other places of pilgrimage. Accordingly with this intent he quitted Şaifipur, and binding the skirt of enterprise round the middle of his heart, he made for the regions of Arabistan, and by the special grace of the Lord was honoured by a visit to the Holy Ka'bah, Luminous Madinah, Holy Najaf, Exalted Karbala, Mashhad the Pure, and other places.
When he came back to Hindustan Nawab Safdar Jang urged him to take service and dealt with him honorably. In this space of time the Saiyid was a noted man of the age, honoured and valued by mighty sovereigns, famed wasirs, and high nobles. After Safdar Jang came Nawab Shuja'-ud-daulah, and he, too, omitted no detail of honour and respect.
Then in the year 1173 H. (1759-60) for the second CP third time the Abdāli king came from Wilāyat to Hindustan, and rooted out the Infidel, that is to say, Räjah Bhão and others of the Mahrattah armies. At this period the deceased Saiyid was in the service of Nawāb Gbazaufar Jang, Ahmad Khan Bangash, ruler of Farrukhåbäd. At the invitation of the Abdäli king, Ahmad Khan, Bangash, sent the deceased (Sher Andaz Khan) to see Rājah Bhão, leader of the Mah rattahs to conduct certain negotiations.
The Saiyid, having to some extent settled the business with the Mahrattab leaders, was returning to the Abdāli king's oamp. On his way he was passing through the parganahs of the Jāț. There the control on behalf of Najib Khan was in the hands of Sa'adat Khan, Afridi Afghan. On hearing [of the. Saiyid's arrival] this man sent a message. “In God's name come and stay, even for an hour or so, with me. I have something of importance to tell you."
The Saiyid tarned off his road and with a limited retinue went to visit the said Khan (Sa'adat Khan, Afridi). The Khan then asked the Saiyid to tell the Abdali Shāh that the army of the accursed Jāt was very numerous, while he (Sa'adat Khăn) bad a very small force. He hoped that troops would be sent by His Majesty to reinforce him. The conversation was still going on, when & spy came to say that a force of Jāts, nearly 7,000 horsemen, was within a distance of two kos, and would be soon close to them. The Khan (Sa'adat Khan) ordered his troops, one thousand horse and foot all told, to prepare for a fight. To the Mir Sahib he said: "Let the gentleman withdraw "to his own camp." The Mir Sahib replied: "I am a Saiyid, I do not turn my face from a battle"field. Above all, when it is for Musulman, as you are. For God's cause you had called me "bero; and, by God, to yield up my breath for you will be accounted martyrdom."
So saying he urged his horse on to the field, and began a stout contest with the infidels and defeated them. The infidels, who were advancing boldly, were beaten back. At this point another body came out of the same force and discharged their arrows and fired their matchlocks; the Saiyid was wounded in the right shigh. To this he paid no heed, but pressed like another Rustam on the accursed foe, broke their ranks, and cut off four men's heads. He also sustained three or four sword wounds himself on his right arm and shoulder. He continued the contest and cut down several other men. Accordingly, the accursed ones could not resist and took to flight, and he was the winner of great victory. The Saiyid, followed by two of his horsemen, started in pursuit of the infidels. Then about one hundred horsemen of the infidel's force appeared on his right flank, surrounding him and his two men. The Saiyid was wounded several times with lance and arrow
* The Bafipar of the "Oudh Gazetteer," III, 281, it is in the Unao district.

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and sabre. At length a sword-cut took him on the right side and cut through him to the opposite side; he fell from his horse to the ground. Immediately after this the enemy's force disappeared. God also willed that the two troopers, too, should become martyrs. At that time heavy rain came on and both sides retreated to their own quarters.
When the news reached the other followers of that Saiyid received into Mercy, who were encamped at a distance of three kos, they returned the next morning and carried the Ssiyid back from the place where he fell to the previous camping ground. They say his body had on it fourteen sword and lance wounds between his waist and head, besides two matchlock wounds, one on the right thigh, and the other on the left foot. Ana,llah wa ana ilaiht rājóun.
In that year [1173 H. 1759-60] the writer was in the service of Nawab Sa'dullah Khān, son of Ali Muhammad Khin, Rohelah. At that period Nawab Sa'dullah Khan, on the advice of Hafiz Rahmat Khan and others, had, at the request of the Abdali Shāh, left the town of Sambbal in his dominions, and was encamped five kos off at the town of Hasanpur. On hearing of the martyrdom of the Saiyid, the writer composed a chronogram, of which the line containing the date is as follows (Misra) -
Ba räh--haqq shahid-i-albar shudah, ah! (Year 1173 H.). THE NARRATIVE RETURNS TO THE EVENTS IN 1169 1. (1755-56). I return to my narrative. When the said deceased Saiyid in the year 1169 (1755-6) left Shuji-ud-daulah, and had to search for a livelihood, he was summoned to Farrukhābād by Nawab Ghzanfar Jang. The Saiyid took the writer with him.
In that same year the Abdāli Shah came from Wilayat vid Käbal and entered Shahjahanâbâd, causing throughout Hindustan & great convulsion. In all directions the zamindārs raised their heads in rebellion and blocked the traffic on all the roads. At that time the rescripts of the Abdali Shah, which in their official language are called raqam, arrived one after another, calling for the attendance of Nawab Ghazanfar Jang with the greatest insistence. Quick-riding horsemen of the Shah's, they are called chapar, broaght these despatches to Farrukhābād. Their tenour was as follows. As soon as the Shah's order (ragam) had been perused, he (Ghazanfar Jang) must start for the Shāh's Presence, where he would be the recipient of kingly favours. In case of any delay, he might rely on the arrival of an avenging army," which will seize thee in whatever condition thou mayest be found, and drag "thee to the Exalted Camp, and deliver thee there : and I shall issue an order for thy territory "to be ravaged and plundered. It is necessary that in person thou come hastily sod at once " with thy army and thy treasure to Our Presence."
As is usual in Hindūstān, Ghaxanfar Jang erected a farmán-bāri tent of scarlet cloth outside Farrukhibåd at the distance of one kos, while he himself advanced two kos beyond the tent to receive the farmān. He conducted the despatch-riders with all due ceremony to the reception tent. There he first placed the Shāh's letter (raqam) upon his head, and then read it and ascertained the contents. In this manner for four days in succession, and without any interval, did letters from the Shāh arrive at Farrukhābād. Every day Ghazanfar Jang mounted and went out to receive them and bring them to the Tent of Honour, where he inspected them and read them,
From this cause the Nawab fell into somewhat of a perturbation and perplexity, forcing him to reflect on many things. He had "neither legs to run away nor strength to go forward" (Nah pãe garekhtan wa nah yāräe rastan). He therefore called together all the heads of his army and demanded their advice. He asked what their opinion wag, what plan should be resorted to, and what should be devised. For he had no treasure, nor was his army such that he could lift his head in opposition to any one, nor had be any strong fortress in the vicinity of Farrukhābād where he could place his family in security. In addition, the Mahrattah armies

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were present in great numbers, moving to and fro in his territories. Over and above all this, Shaja'-ud-daulah's heart was turned against him, because he haul procured the betrothal of 'Ali Quli Khan's daughter to 'Imād-al-mulk. “While I myself [i, e., Ghafan ar Jang] am lame "and thus useless. If perchance the Shāh's army arrives here and carries me off to his "head-quarters, my copntry will be devastated and destroyed. After that calamity, what " possibility is there of again restoring it to prosperity. For on eyery side are powerful enemies,
lords of treasure and of armies, who dwell on the confines of my territories. In this state of "things, what remedy is there?”
Previously, during the invasion of Nadir Shāh, the inhabitants of Hindustan had seen and heard of the general slaughter and the plundering and destruction of Shahjahapabad. Moreover, these Afghans round about Farrukhabad had, subsequent to Nādir Shah's time, been badly handled by Nawāb Şafdar Jang, being rained and reduced to poverty, and forced to flee to the hill regions. Thus they were at a loss what answer to give, each one of them lost hand and foot (became helpless) and brought to their lips silly words, But some of them who were famed for judgment and wise planning, represented as follows.
The advisable thing is that Your Excellency march two or three stages in the direction of Shābjabánābād, and fix on some place for several halte. When these days of halting have passed, you should again march two or three kos and once more halt. In this manner the Shah [Abdili) will become aware that you are coming to join him and will send no army. Should a force arrive, it will come to join itself to yours. You should leave troops in Farrukhābād to protect your women and family; then, if anything happens, these men can carry off your family to the hills,
To sum up nothing was decided on, which could allay Ghazanfar Jang's anxieties; fear and dread fell upon every one's heart, both gentle and simple. Great and little men, they all engaged in making plans for flight. Ghazanfar Jang neither ate npr slept.
In the end Mir Sher Andaz Khan, who has already been spoken of, represented that to his imperfect understanding the following scheme had presented itself. Let a trusty persou from the Nawab's entourage be sent to interview the Shah ; let him be provided with letters and petitions to the Shāh and the chief Wazir, setting forth in detail his (4hmad Khan's) position, the power of the Mahrattahe, his enemies, and their pocupation of his lands. If this faithful one [Sher Aridaz Khan) were thought worthy of this task, Please God Most High! he would retorn having arranged all these points favourably, or obtain even a little more.
After much discussion and considerable reflection, the above proposal was accepted as wise and prudent. The Mir Şahlb was to be despatched with some presents and rarities. Accordingly, they collected 101 gold coins, one thousand rupees strack at Farrukhābād, twenty lengtos of gold brocade (kamkhwab), seven pairs of shawls, twenty lengths of figured cloth (mashru), and forty silk, scarves with drawn-thread work (ka shidah) designs on them. These last are in length and breadth the size of a shawl; they are the product of Map town. All these things were sent as an offering to the Shab. There were alsp five lengths of kamkhwäb brocade, two pairs of shawls, ten lengths of figured cloth (mashru), forty yards (dira) of green and scarlet broad-cloth and ten Mau scarves ; all for the chief minister, namely, Shah Wali Khan. Four lengths of kamkhwab, two pairs of shawls, seven scarves from Mau; these were to be given to Jangbar Khan, Bangash, one of the famed nobles and a commander over 5,000 horsemen. This man was of Ghazanfar Jang's own tribe ; and, owing to his excessive valour, the Shāh had been pleased to proclaim him as his own son,
When all these things had been collected, the Mir Sahib was sent off with bags containing the petitions and papers, stating the objects songht. One Ahmad Khåp, s petty officer, was sent with him, because he knew the Afghan and Turki languages. The said Khăn joined singly
• Mau is 18 miles W. of Farrokhabad.

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and marched with the Mir, leaving his regiment at Farrukhābād. The first day's halt was made in the Sarãe at A taipur. Through fear of the villagers and of thieves, every one had run away and our whole night was passed in watching.
Next day we were at Qadirganj," which is situated on the edge of the Ganges and was founded by Shujā'at Khān. We rested there. Next morning we crossed the river (Ganges) and reached the town of Bisanli, founded by Donde Khān, Robelah. The Mir şāhib went to interview Donde Khān. As it happened, on that day Mullā Sardär Khan, Bakhshi, was present. He said that Ahmad Khan (Bangash) was their sovereign, but when he had taken opiam he invented silly ideas. "Your prey is not caught every time. He does not render thanks to God "sufficiently; the Most High having protected him from the hands of the Irānis? and brought *him back from the hills and set him up again at Farrukhābād."
The Mir Sahib said: "It is for that reason that I have appeared here, so that what you " advise can be put into execution." Sardar Khăn replied: "There is no harm in your going, "for Najib Kbān bas written to me that the Shah has mentioned repeatedly that he had come "to uphold Islām, above all, to support the Afghān clans, whose territories have been occupied " by the unbelieving Mahrattahs.. Since Aḥmad Khân, too, is an Afghān, he (the Shāh) will "andoubtedly bestow attention on bis circumstances. But where has Ahmad Khăn the troops "and the treasure, that he can cope successfully with the difficult undertakings that are ahead
of him. Without a large and powerful force it will be impossible to expel the Mahrattahs. * The Shāh has come to Hindustan on this occasion, but he will not remain here."
Donde Khan entertained the Mir Sahib as his guest for one day, and gave him an attendant (jilwadar) by way of escort, to accompany him to his boundary and then return.
Thus after three days we reached parganah Baran, which is known as Unchah-ganw. There, one Karam Khan was faujdär on behalf of Donde Khân. He, too, kept us as his guests for one day. He gave us ten Rohelahs to go with us as escort to Sikandrah, and thence to return. From Baran in three days we reached Sikandrah, whicb was full everywhere of fugitives from round about Shābjahânābād.
The Mir Sahib left his retinue behind at Sikandrah, and taking only the limited number of thirty servants, six cavalry men, and three baggage camels, decided to push on farther. On the fourth day we were at the town of Anūpshahr, which lies on the river (Ganges) bank, On these marches, in every village we passed, not a sign of an inhabitant was to be seen, and along the route unnumbered dead bodies were lying. Anūpshahr, too, was crowded with fugitives from Shāhjabänäbäd, to such an extent that it was difficult to force a way through its lanes. The Rājah of Anūpshahr came to yisit the Mir Şahib, and made known to us that from of old time parganah Anūpshahr had continued in the jagir of the Bakhshi-ul-mamalik, and at that time was in the jäger of Amir-ul-umara, Nawāb Najib-ud-daulah, that is, Najib Khān. Under the oppressive hand of bis Rohelabs its lands had fallen out of cultivation, and every year the amount of waste land was increasing. If the gentleman (i. ., the Mir Şahib, Sher Andaz Khan, would exert himself to get it (parg. Anūpshahr) transferred to the jāgir of Ghaganfar Jang, and if the said Şahib were sent there in charge of it on behalf of that noble, they would reach the spmmit of their desires and their prosperity would return. The Mir Sahib agreed to try.
As it chanced, the anthor had gone to water bis horse at the river (Ganges). I saw two horsemen, residents of Bilgrām, giving water to their horses. I recognized them and enquired • Now spelt 'Atãipur ; it is close to Man-Qaimganj.
In the Etah district. He died 5th Muharram, 1185 H., 19th April 1771 ; he was the father-in-law of Najib Khan, Najib-ud-daulah (Tarikhs.Muhammadi). Sardar Khan, Bakhshi, died on the 22nd Shawwal, 1185 H., 30th January 1772 (Chahar Gulshan-s-Bhojā'i of Har Charan Das, B. M. Or., 1732, fol. 187").
An allagion to Safdar Jang's attacks in 1750, 1751. . "High Village," now known as Buland-Shahr, "High Town"; it is in the Düäbah. In other words, Najib Khan held at the time the office of Bakhshi-ul-Mamalik.

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from them what they were doing. They told me that for three years past they had been living in the service of Rue Bahadur Singh, master of Däsnah. At the moment, the Shah having come to Shāhjahāzābād and ordered a general slaughter in parganah Däsnah, Rajah Mushtāq Räe, brother's son of Rãe Bahadur Singh, had fled from that place with his family, and had come to Anūpshahr, bringing a few of his armed men with him. The writer had a former friendship with Mushtaq Rāe, when the said Ráe in the time of Mahārājah Naval Rãelo had come from Däsnah in search of employment, and for about a month stayed in my humble home; from that time I had a great intimacy with him.
In the afternoon I went to pay the Rãe a visit. Owing to the general slaughter at Daanah and the plundering of his goods, he was in low spirits. I said: "As your House (i. e., harem) " has escaped, lots more property can be acquired. Praise be to God! Your family and “connections have been protected from slaughter and dishonour." Owing to these words he assumed to a certain extent a more cheerful exterior, and occupied his mind with other talk. After three quarters of an hour, I asked for leave and returned to my tent. From among those armed men of Bilgrim, I selected four men who were of tested valour, the Mir şahib took them into his service, and they accompanied us.
The Mir Sahib made one day's halt in Anūpshabr. Thence in three days' marching we reached the camp of Nawab Najib Khan, whose tents were near a town called Dankaupll on the bank of the Jamnah river. We paid a visit to the Nawāb and he gave us the information that he was sending back some nasaqchis (armed messengers) of the Shah, and that on the following day he would send off the Mir Şahib in charge of some of these nasaqchis, who would not only be a protection, but could act as guides until our arrival at the Shāh's camp. This plan was put into execution, and the Mir Sāhib made a present to the two horsemen of twenty rapees. Then, crossing the Jamnah we made our way to the Shah's camp.
As it turned out, the Shāh had on this very day began his march from Shahjahänäbd 1 and pitched his tents at Faridabad, a distance of ten kos from the camp of Najib Khăn. When we had travelled two kos of the distance, we saw eight kos away the dust raised by the Shāb's army, the cloud appearing as if it were a mountain stretching its head to heaven. When five kos only intervened, we struck on a body of five thousand horsemen, forming the qurāral or skirmishers, who had pitched their tents. They were galloping about in all directions, and whomsoever they caught was slain and plundered. Accordingly, a body of one hundred horsemen turned their faces in our direction, with the intention of laging hands upon us. The nasaqchis advanced to our front and spoke in the Turkish language some words to them, by which they forbore their attack.
You must understand that twenty thousand horsemen are attached to the Shāh's train as skirmishers, five thousand .men being sent from the army in four different directions to a distance of five kos, where they encamp. There they remain on duty as skirmishers.
To return to my narrative. At one watch before sunset the Mir şahib said to the naraqchis: "Will you take us to the place where are the tents of Jangbāz Khan, Bangash ?" The nasaqchis pointed out that the force of Jang bāz Khān was camped in the rear of the Shah's army, he being on duty as rear-guard. The distance from where we were might be seven kos. Therefore, we must put our horses to the gallop in order to be able to reach that spot before nightfall. Thus, following the nasaqchis, we reached the place by dark. There
10 The Deputy Governor of Audh on behalf of Şafdar Jang: he was killed at Ebadäganj (Farrukhabad District) on the 1st August 1750.
11 In the Bulandshahr distriot on the left bank of the Jamnah, 28 m. 8.-E. of Delhi.
13 This page shows that the author's date for his narrative, 1169 H., 1. Dot quite exact. Ahmad Shab, Abdali, Jatt the Dibli, fort-palace for Khiträbäd on the 2nd Jamada II, 1170 H., 2nd Feb. 1757 ; " B. Xuseum, Oriental MS., No. 1749, fol 102".

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we learnt that two days before Jangbaz Khan had been sent off by the Shah to slay and plunder in parganah Mirath.
AHMAD SHAH AND IMAD-UL-MULK.
17
The masaqchis said to the Mir Şahib: "Your best plan now is to go to the division of the "chief minister, and put up there. Outside his camp you will find a place where you will be "safe. We have now to present ourselves for duty at the Darikhanah,13 and the Khargahls "of the Shah, and this duty is imperative." The Mir Sahib gave them a second present of twenty rupees. For the time the nasaqchis wore satisfied and agreed to continue as our guides. When one and a half hours of the night had passed, we came to the standard of the chief minister. This standard stood all by itself in the open plain, while the tents were scattered round it at a distance of two musket-shot. We made the camels sit down close to the flag-staff, and were about to unload them, when, all of a sudden, two nasaqchi-troopers came out of a tent, rushed their horses at us, and began to beat the camel-men, saying in the Turks tongue: "Get "away from here, this is no place for camping upon."
Aḥmad Khan, Afghan, who had come with the Mir Sahib from Farrukhābād, and knew Turki, began to argue with them. Then one of the two drew his sword and came at him, saying: "Thou dost not listen to my orders, I will decapitate thee." While this talk was going on, a horseman rode up from the left hand, and said to the Mir Sahib: "My commander, "one 'Ugman Khan of Qasur parganah, is serving with the Shah; he saw you from his tents "and noticed that you were Hindustanis and he has kindly sent for you to come and pitch "your tents close to his. You should not argue with nasagohis, for a lot more will swarm round, and, without any hesitation, will have recourse to their swords."
Thus the Mir Sahib went to Usman Khan. The said Khin was most hospitable, and forthwith had another tent put up for himself, and gave his own up to the Mir Sahib. He also treated us as his guests and had a quantity of food sent to the Mir Sahib, such as Peshawar rice, the mutton of a fat-tailed sheep (dumbah), and thin bread (nän-i-tanak), prepared in the Hindustani mode by the slave-girls who accompaned that Khin Sahib. We passed the night there in great comfort.
Usman Khan was in command of 7,000 horsemen, and was a noble of position, with the rank of a Haft Hazari, and the Shah had given him a jewelled aigrette with a plume of feathers. The Shah's practice is that, except famed commanders, no one is allowed to place on his cap (taj) any jewelled aigrette or a plume. This is the sign by which the nobles can be distinguished.
To resume. There was one Maulvi Mahmud, a Kashmiri, who formerly acted as wakil (agent) for Ali Quli Khan, the Six-Fingered, in the camp of Nawab Safdar Jang. At this time, Ali Quli Khan being dead, this man was in attendance on the Mir Sahib. When threequarters of an hour remained of the night, he was sent to visit 'Imad-ul-mulk and lay our case before him.
Imad-ul-mulk said: "Let the Mir Sahib come to me, I am quite anxious to see him. "Arise and in all haste bring him, saying, that after I have seen him I will attend to the "carrying out of whatever it is wisest to do." That very moment the Maulvi came back and said: "I have been to 'Imid-al-mulk, and he sits waiting for a visit from the Mir Sahib, and has "said thus and thus" The Mir Sahib replied: "On no account shall I go first to visit "the Indian Wazir, seeing that Ghazanfar Jang will imagine that his affairs have been arranged "through his intervention. First of all I shall visit the chief minister [of the Abdali], and do
18 These are kinds of tents, but, as we are told further on, the first name was applied to the office-tents and the second to the Shah's own quarters.
Qastr is to the 8.-E. of Labor, and the head-quarters of a colony of Khweshgi Afghans. 18 He had died on the 1st Rajab 1100 H., 31st March 1753, Tarih-i-Muḥammadi, year 1169.

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" whatever he directs." Upon this the Maulvi returned to Imād-ol-mulk and communicated to hit the Mir şāḥib's intentions.
Imād-ul-mulk said: "I too, am coming to the chief minister, let the Mir şāḥib make " haste, for this is the very hour for seeing that noble." Near sunset the Mir Sahib mounted, and, taking the sealed bag with the petition and the statements and letters about the present and the requests to be made, arrived at the tent of the chief minister. It was a small tent and the Wasir sat in it with a small and light wrapper (pirähan) thrown over his body, brocade drawers, and a white fillet (taqlyah) round his head. At the door was no door-keeper (hājib) or other hindrance. Before him lay a large white bolster (gão-takiyah) in the fashion of Hindūstān. "Imád-ul-mulk was sitting there too, on one side of the Wasir, and had on a full-skirted coat (jāmah) of blue-coloured brocade, and a parti-coloured tarbia (chirah) of figured cloth of the same colour; he sat crouched on his two knoes, on the left side of, but even with, the Wasir.
Before the Mir Sahib had arrived, Imād-ul-mulk had made a representation to the chief minister. When the Mir Şahib entered the tent, he said at once,“ Peace be upon thee" and then brought out an offering of four gold coins and five rupees of Farrukhābād mintage. This gift was accepted. Following this, the Mir, in imitation of the Abdāli nobles, placed his head on the knees of the chief minister, and the minister placed his hand upon the Mir şābib's back, raised up his head, and said: "Let your heart be at rest. In the matters for which you "have come you will obtain all you desire and be given leave to depart." Then the Mir was told to sit down alongside of Imād-ul-mulk. The author was then presented, and I sat down at the side of the Mir Şahib.
The chief minister asked about the state of Ghaxanfar Jang, the Mahrattah armies, and the fort of Farrukhābād. The talk fnished, he sent for one Mirzā Mustafa the Shah's Secretary, (munsht) and read aloud the letter which was addressed to himself. When he had mastered the contents, he said: "I am now going to an audience with the Shāh ; yon sit where you are and “I will state your case. If you should be sent for, you must come ; or, if the petition of "Gbaxanfar Jang only is asked for, you must send it."
At this moment a runner (shatire) arrived in haste from the Shāh's tent, which had been set up a quarter of a kos away, with ar open plain between. The messenger shouted out "Sardara ! Sardārā!" that is, "O Chief." On the sound reaching the ear of the chief minister he at onco put on his attire as a kizzilbäsh, on his head a hat (kalah), and on it a jewelled aigrette, with a plume of feathers. He mounted his . Irāqi horse and hastened to the audience, followed by one man only, who is called a yatim (servant ?) The Mir şāhib and 'Imád-ul-mulk were left sitting at the chief minister's tent.
Imūd-ul-mulk said to the Mr Sahib: "There is a question that I have long been desirous "of putting to you, give me an answer to it. It is a matter of astonishment to me that a man "like you, a man of purpose and valour, should be on the spot; and yet allow Nawāb Ahmad "Khān, in opposition to your advice, to betroth the daughter of Ali Qali Khān, the Six" Fingered, to me and make her over to me."
The Mir Sahib replied: "I had gone away to Lakhnau and I had told the Nawab "Shuja-ud-daulah to place five hundred horsemen under my orders, and I would bring away the "whole family of 'Ali Quli Khan from Farrakhābād to Lakhnan. But the Nawab was inspired " by his mother with fright at Ghazanfar Jang, and he was also in dread of Your Excellency "(i. e., 'Imād-ul-mulk). Thus, he put off a decision from one day to another. Since I " had no special interest in the subject I, too, withdrew from the project."
(To be continued.)

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THE CHUHRAS.
THE OHUHRAS. BY THE REV. J. W. YOUNG SON, D.D., CHURCH OF SCOTLAND MISSION; SIALKOT.
(Continued from Vol. XXXV. p. 356.)
V. - SUPERSTITIONS.
Omens and Names. Is a Chuhra goes on a journey and meets & mirási, he goes back. If some one calls after him he goes back. The braying of a donkey meeting him is a good omen. If washerman meets a man beginning a journey, it is sufficient to send him back, certain of failure if he goes on. Some men aro known to carry good fortune, and are sent out to meet travellers.
A Chahra never stops over a broom. The broom that is used to sweep corn is hung ng on a nail in the house. That for ordinary nge is placed on a grave, but never upright.
Children are frequently given names arising out of superstitious: thus KakA is used as a first name. Ghasita means dragged, that is, dragged over a dust heap, rür. Bara has the same meaning. As the name is one of dishonour, the evil eye will not fall on tho children that bear it. Likar means having half of the head shaved, and the other not; this is to keep the child alive. Natha means having a ring in the nose, to hold him and keep him from going away, i.e., dying.
Oaths, magic and witohcraft.
The oath by Bala Shah is used.
The practice of magio arts is confined to faqirs and pers. It is the sauhrifar that bring evil spirits. A person possessed is cured in the following manner :- The faqir takes a drum, . thalt or platter and a ghard or earthen jar. The platter is placed over the jar, and the whole is called gharidl.88 The faqir beats the drum, another person beats the gharid], and others sing. The sick person shakes his head, and when the music (?) ceases they ask him questions: “Who are you?" "I am so and so," he replies. "How did you come into this state P" "Such and soch a one put me into this state." "Who bewitched youp":"8o and so." "What did he get for doing it?" "So many rapees." "For how long are you sick P" "I have to be sick so many days, and then die." They play and sing again. After & time the sick man perspires and recovers. The evil spirit goes with the perspiration.
A curious and 'repulsive ouro is used among Hindus and probably others. It is called jart or masán. An unmarried person dies, and his or her body is burnt at the burning ghat. A faqer takes some of the ashes from the burning pile, goes to the hills for a certain plant, and makes bread of these two ingredients on a grave. The bread is made into pills, one of which is given to a naked childless woman. She gives the pill in a drink to her enemies, and herself has a child. Her barren condition was caused by an evil spirit. Mardi moans demon, and burning-place among Hindus.
Thunda is an iron whip, which a fagir beats himself with for the sake of another, so that the evil spirit in him may be troubled and flee. They also burn oil in a tard, iron dish. The fagir puts his hand in the hot oil and poars it on his person. The evil spirit feels it, but the faqir does not. The faqir also boats his body with a millstone. After the sick man recovers, the faqir takes a fowl, kills it, dips a string in its blood, knots the string, blows on it, and finally binds it round the sick man's neck, assuring him that the evil spirit will not come again. If the man goes where there is impurity, sútak, the virtue in the string disappears.
1 Bauhrd, -, lit. (1) parente-in-law; (2) simpleton, wretoh.
Gharidi, lit. gong.

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Dreams are from evil spirits, and the Chabras fear them. To dream that a person who is dead is cutting flesh, is an intimation that there will be a death in the house. Muhammadan saiyids give the tu'wis, a charm, to keep away dreams.
The evil eya is universally believed in. Some men are very injurious in this way. If a man with the evil eye looks at any one taking food, sickness follows. To oure this, the sick person asks a bit from the evil-eyed man when he is at a meal. The morsel given acts as a care. Wuen a cow is sick, and gives no milk, they give her a bit of the evil-eyed (bad naar) man's food.
Soroerers and witches act on their victim by making a figure of him and torturing the figure by inserting a needle into it. The torture reaches the person who is personated. Nails and hairs are carried away to be subjected to pain that the original owners may be tormented. They are carefully thrown away when cut off, lest any enemy should get poseession of them. Women are especially careful in this particular. Bickness is caused by evil spirits.
Ceremonial prohibition or taboo. The Chuhas never tough a Gegra, or a Sinsi, gipsy. Women and children do not go wear graves. The daaghter-in-law never mentions the father-in-law's name. Ohuhsas do not eat monkeys, or snakes, or jackals, or rats.
Agrioultural superstitions. Crops are cat on a Sunday, Monday, or Friday, and sown on a Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday.
It the Ohubras barn a odp, winnowing sieve or fan, in a village, the farmer is injared. It is a curse - the curse of the poor,
Bocial customs. The whole household ont together, but the women eat after the men. If men eat after women they are injared, because women are weak of intellect.
YA játh yd jhdin, donda mugadn pahuchande.' Food tonched by others and falsehood are both injurious.' They ase whardb (strong drink), opium (afim, post, bhang) and charas. Drunkards are despised.
Customs of social intercourse. In salutation, they say pairie pan to the great, the answer being térd Bhald kare Khuda. Also math teknd, saldm.
Oustoms bearing on social status. They oat paklif among themselves, and kachchi with Gagre and Sansis. They smoke only among themselves. No caste above them eats with them.
VI. - OOCUPATION.
The original work of the Chuhfas. They were the tanners of the village communities, and used to live in huts at a distance from the village, the walls of which were made of bones, and the roof of skins. When an animal died, the Hindas bent a dram to let them know that they must come and carry off the dead body. Five rupees was the fee given and also a shroud. The Chuhras took off the animal's hide and ate its flesh. Sweeping was also their work,
Formerly, when a Hinda died, the Ohahras received a sheet or hafan (shroud), and they still receive clothes. In the old days they got five rapoes at the Hindu burning-place, and

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THE CHURRAS.
21
.
eracted it with clubs. If a cow dies on a Hindu's land they call it dashnd, and the Hindu who takes the cow's tail to the Ganges to be purified is beaten there by a Chuhra with a shoe.
VII. - RELATIONS TO LAND. Nowadays their work is farm service. They are landless day-labourers on the farm. They are divided into -
(1) The athri, who gets a maund of wheat for every mini at the harvest; also odds and ends. He has ghundian, pir dé dane, the barley that is sown in a strip round the wheat field; wheat sown by the water course ; bread twice a day; clothes and shoes twice a year; tobacco; vegetables and wood.
(2) The sếp khulli, who receives three-quarters of a maund for every manf, and bread daily if he goes to a distance to work.
(3) The wife, who takes away dung from the farmyard, receives half a maund of corn.
It was cow-burying that led to their isolation. They say the Machhf, the Jhiwar, the Chuhra, the Changar, and the Mirâsi are all of the same caste, but have different occupations.
There is a story told of the Ohuhņas by Mahammadans and others that does not reflect to their credit. They are believed to be inclined to be uppish and to forget past favours, being ungrateful, and are supposed to work best when they are well beaten, otherwise they take advantage of the kindness of their masters. I give this only as the opinion of their neighbours.
The story is that once on a time the king of the Chahras met Moses, who was on his way to talk with God.29 The king of the Chuhras asked Moses to carry a petition to God from him, that he might be enabled to take the usual tax from people passing through his territory. Moses accordingly presented the king's petition, but God said, "Moses you do not know what you are doing, you do not know this people. They will turn on you, and dishonour you in the end." But Moses persevered, and obtained for the Chuhra king what he desired, vis. that he should levy taxes on travellers. The next time Moses passed that way he was accosted in a most humiliating manner. “Oh Mûsri, are you the mun that carried a petition for me? You must pay the dues." "Did I not tell you, Moses," said God, that you would bring dishonour on your head. They have no gratitude."
VIII. - LEGENDARY LORE.
1. Legend of Ramsar. Rám lavdyd Rámsar.
Ram built Ramsar. Panj Panda laththe a.
The five Pandavs came there and rested, Chamba, marvd, kéord,
Jasmine, marpd and kéord Ras chô chá bharé tald.
Filled that tank with their essence. Chugdi chagdi gókhari
A cow grazing Sar uttê khaló li d.
Came to that pond. Bàn tagutt6 Pandoải
The Påndavs killed with arrows Phatkdi kaist gdn.
The spotted cow. Chug chag lande dhandarida,
They gathered sticks, Té bkunde sikhdi la.
And began to roast it. Andrdi miliydn Bhim nú.
Bhim got the intestines, Léhnda janjú band.
And made a sacred thread of them for himself. Dil miliyd Judishtrê
Jadishtar got the heart, · Un léyd sankh band.
He made a trumpet with it. A They and others call Moser Mihtar MORA; mihtar being a title of distinotion, althongh used mostly for the Chuha.

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Push miliya si Nukaliye Us léya chaur band. Té khardôré léyd Sukhdev né, Un léyé pane band. Té sir lêyd Arjun né, Un léyd mukat band. Té pôsht léya Mai Kunti né, Un léya pichhard bands Té limia karke mas dá, Darðpti chulle ditta chasha. Hath khundi té mondhé kamb!l, Krishn gayd tad d,
Oh bhdi santo, baithéo. Méri ditthi je kaili gân.'
Asin nahin múton jándé Téri kaisí si oh gán.'
Aggd hire hirn dd, Onda pichha kapli gan.' Chijan sdrián Krishn né, Tad léyan khud utha, Té sarap ditta sú Påndván.
Tusin Chúhre hôvô jú. Kal jug vich mildnga. Jad búlô sach suna.'
Nukal got the tail, He made a fan with it. Sukhdev got the hoofs, He made sandals of them. Arjan took the head And made a crown for his head. Mother Kuntî got the hide, And made herself a shawl. And hashing the beef, Daroptî began to cook it on the fire. In hand a stick, and on shoulder a blanket, Krishn came up suddenly.
O faithful brethren, sitting there, Have you seen my spotted cow?'
We do not at all know What your cow was like.
Its head was like a deer's, The hinder part like a red cow.' All the things Krishn seized And took away, And he cursed the Pandavs.
Go, become Chuhras. In the Kaljug I will associate with you When you speak the truth.'
Another Version.
Ram lódya Rdmsar. Panj Pånd 8 laththe d. Påndő baithe mihr kar, Utthé & gaya kaili gán. Jazba kitd Påndvan, Unhdn phar léiye kaill gan. Jabah kardké gán nin, Unhán chhandé le& baná Andrán léiydi Bhim né, Un léyd janéu band. Te kharaure léyé Shahdev ne, Un pauvé léyé baná. Té sir léyd Arjun nê, Un léya mukat band Té pôsht léyd Mdi Kunti ne, Un pichhaurà léyd ranga. Pando othé baith gayé, Sri Kishan gaye né a
6 thái baithe hóé, 8 sådigo, Méri ditthi je kailf gan?' Asih nahin málon jandé Térf kaisi si ch gan.' Us munhộn bôliya : • Jis ditthá sáf sund. Aggd hire hirn da,
Rám built Råmsar. The five Pandavs came there and rested. The Påndavs were enjoying their rest, When a spotted cow came thither. High-handed were the Pandavs, And they seized the spotted cow. When they had sacrificed the cow, They divided her. Bhim got the intestines, And wore them like the Hindus' sacred thread, Shahdev got the hoofs, And wore them as sandals. Arjan got the head, And put it on his head for a crown. Mother Kunti got the hide, And had it dyed for a shaw). While the Pândays were sitting there, Sri Krishn came up, *O brothers sitting there, O holy men, Have you seen my spotted cow?' . We do not know at all What your cow was like, He spake with his mouth:
Let him who saw her speak plainly. Her foreparts were those of a deer,

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23
Ohdá pichhd kap!i gan. Aisi aisí hai sf, Méri kap!i kaili gan.' Khauf je kita Pandodi, Kyúi déiye jhuth suna. Chunké pôsh karð haddián, Asin déiyê rds kard. Utté pósh fakúké Té laygé mangn dúd: · Hé Bhagwan, tú rahm kar. Is gdi nin tú utá.' Gdn bhí hájir hô gái. Unhan ditti turt vikha. Us jagah Brdhman Chdhra ho gaya Aur ditti oh sazd.
And her hinder parts were those of a red cow. She was like this, My spotted red cow. The Påņdays were frightened, Because they had lied. They covered the bones with the hide, Placing the bones in their order. They spread the hide on them, And began to pray:
Oh God, have mercy. Raise this cow.' The cow became alive. They showed her to him at once. In this place the Brâhman became a Chuhľa By way of punishment.
2. Legend of the Marriage of Balmik's Daughter. Chal, sakhi, ham nahdön niháte.
Come, friend, let us go bathe, Ghar abydgat sádh áe.
The man of God has come to our house. Jhab mil, Ram jf.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. Brahme di deki nún kusht dhdya.
A Brahman's body became leprous. Jéhra Kumbkn nahaun jáé.
He had to go to bathe at the Kumb festival. Jhab mil, Ram ji.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. Agg& Jastri kendi chdrds.
On his way Jastri fed a herd of swine. Jitthon Brahmd ráh puchhde.
The Brahman asked the way. Jhab mil, Rám jí.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. Kikar dyá Brahmana ?
Why have you come, Brahman? Téré kikar auné hôé ?
What brought you ?' Jhab mil, Rám j.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. Dék méri ni kusht hai dhayá,
My body is leprous, Ham Kumbán nahón de.
I have come for a bath at the Kumb festival.' Jhab mil, Rám ji.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. • Tieri ghari nahdin tara.
•The right hour for bathing is the third. Téthôn kikar pahunched jde 7
How will you reach the Ganges in time?' Jhab mil, Ramji.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. Tiori ghari nahdún méré.
• The third hour was the time. Main nii kéhȚd mard pahunchdé ?
Can any man take me there in time? Jhdb mil, Rám jt.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord.. • Ek jê taini main chappari dasadi,
I will show you a pond, Térá ji karê tê naháé ja.'
Yon can bathe there if you like.' Jhab mil, Ramji.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. Kenan di bhanni hóf chappari
The pond where the swine wallowed Uhnún Jastri chd vikhde.
Was shown him by Jastri. Jhab mil, Ramji.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. Pahili fubbi gayd Brahmd,
The Brahman dived once. Rétú di mujh lá dé.
He brought up a handful of sand. Jhab mil, Ramji.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. Duift fubbi gaya Brahmd.
The Brahman dived twice. Bhar ghuggan di muth lé dé.
He brought up a handful of shells. That mil, Rám ji,
Meet me quickly, O my Lord.

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Tiari tubli gaya Brahmd, Lalan di muth l& dé.
Jhab mil, Rám ji. Lálán di muth jab let Brahmd, Har ji kd darshan páé.
Jhab mil, Ram ji. Hur ji kd darshan pdyd, Oh di käyd de pap jhásê dé.
Jhab mil, Rám ji. • Banné á já, Brahmand, Tếề nghđàn bộ tartaệ:
Jhab mil, Ram ji. Ise chappari Pando naha gaé, Jíkré nau khand prithvi dhde.
Jhab mil, Rám ji. Ise chappari Guru Nanak niháta, Jird Sikhan dá guru sadde.
Jhab mil, Rám jí. Ise chappari Gorakh nihata, Jihyd Tillé tá ásan pde.
Jhab mil, Ram ji. Kihre bhagat di ta beti hai ? Térd ki ôh ndm dharde ?'
Jhab mil, Ramji. Balá Balmik di main b&!t hai, Mérd Jastri ndm dharde.'
Jhab mil, Rám ji. Baba Balmik diye bé[iye, Man nú óhdé ko! pahunchaén.
Jhab mil, Ram ji. Aggé Jastri té prohh Brahma. Dhén Balmik käl 48.
Jhab mil, Ramji. Agga Balmil di kakkhan di Rulli, Baithi ásan 148.
Jhab mil, Ramji. Baitha asan utté jaké, Har kd nim japde.
Jhab mil, Rám jt.
The Brahman dived thrice. He brought a handful of precious stones.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. When the Brâhman found the stones, He saw God face to face.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. He saw God face to face, And his sins forgiven, he was clean.
Meet mo quickly, O my Lord. Come out, Brahman, Your bath is finished.'
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. In this pond the Pândavs will bathe, Who will subdue nine parts of the earth.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. In this pond Gurû Nanak w 12 bathe, Who will become leader of the Sikhs.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. In this pond Gorakh will bathe, Who will make his temple on Tillah.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. What holy person is your father? What name has he given you P'
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. *I am daughter of Bâlâ Balmik. He calls me Jastri.'
Meet me quickly, O my Lord, .O daughter of Bâlâ Balmik, Take me to him.'.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. Jastri went on, and the Brahman followed ; They both came to Bålmik,
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. They came to Bålmik's hut. He was seated in contemplation.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. When he sat down He took the name of God.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. Chorus.
Har has a thousand names. Kishan has a lakh. Kêshð has a crore. Bishan has & padam.
Har ji ka hasar nam, Lakh nam Kishan ka. Késhô kd karór nam. Padam nam Bishan ka.
Aggé Balmik bhagat baitha Jáké Brahmd vir nawdé.
Jhab mil, Rám j. * Tun kikar dyd, Brahmand? Téré kikar auns h86 ?'
Jhab mil, R&m ji.
Where the Saint Balmik sat There the Brahman went and bowed to him.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. Why have you come, O Brahman ! What is your business?'
Meet me quickly, O my Lord.

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*Nam Rabb dé ih béři dé chhad. Térd suf dan hô jde.'
Jhab mil, Ramji. • Kahnún bhulmd, Brahmand ?' Ta kahnú janam gawdé ?
Jhab mil, Ram ji. * Twin Brahmé chaunke bahôgé, Mért béli nun pichhê hat dé.'
Jhab mil, Ran ji. Térí bêti raso pakdégt; sånnd sufl karké khurodé.
Jhab mil, Ram ji. Kangni, chínd, té sốánk anula. Balmik jag rachdé.
Jhab mil, Ram ji. Té ohavdi kútán de dévté d gdé. Othé paridi manga! gáé.
Jhab mil, Rám ji Hurai, paridi, mangal gdoan, Oths táréda mandal chhde.
Jhab mil, Ramji. Jad tárédi mandar chha kar ditti, Tab chdré Bed mangdé.
Jhab mil, Ram ji. Pahili lai jab léi Brahmé, Dujj& qadam akde.
Jhab mil, Rám ji. Triji lan jad lei Brahme, Chauthi phård pde.
Jhab mil, Ram ji. Panjwín idi jad lei Brakmé, Chévin phér á pde.
Jhab mil, Ram ji. Satvin idi jad lei Brakmé.
• In the name of God give me your daughter. She will be a great gift.'
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. Why do you take a wrong step, Brahmana? Why do you lose your caste ?!
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. • You will eat your food in sacred places. You will set my danghter aside.'
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. Your daughter will cook our food, We will not object to eat it.'
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. They brought kangni and chind and #dank. Balmik made a feast.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. The gods of the four quarters came. Fairies sang songs of joy there.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. Hárs and fairies sang. The stars made a canopy there.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. When the stars made a canopy, Then they brought the four Vedas.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. The Brahman went round the bride once. And a second time.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. The Brahmar went round a third time. And a fourth time.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. The Brâhman went round a fifth time. And a sixth time.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. The Brâhman went round the bride the seventh
time. Praise the name of God.
Moet me quickly, O my Lord. He finished the seven rounds. Balmik gave his daughter.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. I take alms from all. In future I give this right to you.'
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. When the Brahman put her in a palanquin, He took her to home among the Paundrâs.
Meet me quickly, O my Lord. From her the Vedva, the Purabâ, the Bharta, The Siddrâ, and the Dharasta took their name; Meet me quickly, O my Lord.
Har kd nam dhédé.
Jhab mil, Ram ji. Satén lavdi púridi. Oh bépi dan kardé.
Jhab mil, Ramji. * Sab jidx da main dan khana. Aggôn ti mérd lé jde.
Jhab mil, Ram ji. Jastri dálé jab påé Brahmé, Utthôn Pondér ghar léjde.
Jhab mil, Rám jí. Ouhon Védvé, Puraba, Bharta, Siddrd, Dharastd nám dhardé.
Jhab mil, Ram jl.

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IX. - THE TRADITIONS OF THE CHURRAS. The Chahrås have oral traditions which they recite at their gatherings. If Chuhra wishes to learn them, he becomes the disciple of some one who is in possession of them, i.e. who can repeat them from memory. I heard, however, that there was a book of the Chubrâs in Gujranwala District, but I was unable to obtain it, as the owners had the idea that I would use it to their disadvantage. In the village of Kharðlian, in Sialkot, I found a man with a book, which runs as follows:
1. Bala, the Priest of God. Bald pir dya, duniya té pahild autár
The first to come incarnate to the world30 Putr sdn Brahmé dé pûrê chår.
Was priestly Bâlâ. Brahma's sons were four. Mathétike dharm de wd janéú nd!
With painted mark upon their 'brows and Chugdi chugdi gokhari ho pôi murdar.
twined Kó! gdô de ánké kardé né aridi
About their breasts the sacrificial thread. Asin Brahman janam de gal janeu tanida The cow while grazing in the meadow green Utte chd rakhnédi dôre té laridn
Fell dead : thereafter round about the cow Rabba, sdddé bhddidi ih kihidi banidn They stood and wrangled. Brâhmans born Rabb chithi likhké ghallid sab khól bayán
are we, Itthon gayd edén manké hum karnd habman Wo wear the sacred thread, the Hindu garb. Tudde ihnú suind tainu parwdn.
With cords and fringes. Lord, unhappy we, Main shard challái apni is niin hardm arkua Bewail this mishap. The Lord despatched jdn.
A writing bearing fall and accurate Jhaumprá aggé Rabb db kiti arjoi
Directions. You a compact made when hence Sanéhê ghalnd entor de há khdi muih dardi You went, but now grown proud you seek Rabba ghar Brahmanán mérd jarm dita To shun your duty. You it is that must Main paliyd sdi khdké t'ksé thal rasoi
Prepare to cast the cow away. 'Twas I Kolgdi di dké Allah Ta'ala masland lagd That killed the cow by lawful rite, it is Chitthi likhi Bald pir de phir hath phardi Not therefore now unclean." Then Jhaumpra Tudde ihni suund tainú ih di
prayed. Ihnú kaun hardm akhdd main takbir challdi. Oh thou that sendat thy word reveal thyself,
That I may see thee face to face. "Twas thou That causedst me to be by birth A Brahman. From the self-same dish with
them I ate and drank." Then God Almighty called Beside the cowa great assembly. Then Within the hand of Báll, Priest of God, Was placed a writing. Thou must cast away The cow - the work is thine. Who dares to
call
That thing unelean which I have daly
eleansed P The prophets feed on sheep, that feed on
filth,
Bhed khani paikambardi jis chugnd khat Róz qiyamat nún is di tainú milégi vadiydi Main núi Hindd nêre na dun déngé, Mussalman
na pashenga jandra Mérd lükar nistard kar&ngd mere Rabbi rdxd Ummat meri bakhshni udmin de Pir Khodja Allah akhéd Balad, tert pdk kamdi
Bat on the day of resurrection thou Shalt sure have praise.' . Said Bala, Hindus
then Will shun me, Mussalmans refuse to read The burial service over me. How then
* The translation is not literal, but in rotse

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Apé kalm pakur lá, tê kdga! té sidhi
Wilt thou me purify, my Lord ? Forgive Allah dkhed Baléd, tu hô siydna
My people give me Khwaja Pir as pledge Rôz qiyamat nú jdké inhan pachhótand, Of certain covenant. God said, 'Thy works, Hindu Mussalman dé nem da main daryd 0 Balâ, righteous are and pure. Thyself bandid
Must write with paper, ink and pen.' God Par bihisht bandké sdmné dikhland
said, Savd nézé té súraj aspégé magrói ho dôzakh "O Bâlâ, understand: be wise and know dé dahnd
That on the resurrection day their deeds Ram té Rahim keln utthé chhap chhap ké bahnd Will bring to these despairing grief, I'll Ummat t&ri langhké var bihishti jana
make Akhé méré lag jd, mérá man farmdnd
Of Hindu and of Muslim faiths & sea, Jhaumpre agge Rabb dé ék gal sundi
Beyond it I will make a heaven that they Rôz qiyamat akhna jihri bhaigal pur sulat Shall see but enter not. The burning sun (pul şirdt) bandi
Will come within a spear and quarter's length, Os vélt ummat méri baschshnin gao sufnd tdin
The dread alarms of hell will compass them. Chélé siftán jörián, parh nám sundin.
The worshippers of Rám, and of Rahim. Rabb Khwdja ķhiar sadda phir apni sabani. Will hide themselves in fear and dark despair.
But thine will cross secure, in safety they Will enter heaven at last. Believe, obey My plain command.' Then Jhaumpra quickly
said, All in the audience of Almighty God, A covenant sure make now with me, that in The day of resurrection, when my people cross The narrow bridge that spans the mouth
of hell, Thou wilt have mercy on them : only thus Will I consent to cast away the cow.' Disciples write his prayers and his fame, Sing forth his glory, loud proclaim his name. The Lord called Khwaja Khizr to appear,
He summoned him Himself, and then the Lord Tad Maulé pakar lei hath kdgas të kdni, Took paper, ink and pen to write, and these Kágas sidhi likhi di us vélé di nishani,
Are of that time distinct memorials. Jhaumpré ummat bakhshd 16 kam hoyd dedni Great Jhaumpra had his people saved, a work Khwaja Khier akhe Jhaumpréd, mêra man for him both quick and easy. Khwaja cried, farman,
Oh Jhaumpra mine, give ear to me. With me Téré Shahi dan déngé main nún pds bahan, Beside them seated all your Shâhîs must Jhalak lagg@gd chandos dd munh pani lan. Give alms. And as they drink the sparkling Shahidi de bihishti jdi da ih pakked nishan water Na roza na ashļami na tur Makké jan
On every face from out the cup there gleams Chélé dassén khólké sdré baydn.
The light from immersed silver, this a sign Pir gdô de val turke Chuhra banké jáhird, Shall constant be that Shabis enter heaven. Pir gdo dé kó! jd khard janéu filkéwaļa, For them there is no fasting ; not for them Us téron dhoti id lei asbab bhi sdra.
Are eighth day moons, or pilgrimages long Utthi baniya Chuhrédn da asli rdh niyara To Mecca. Let disciples clearly tell Jhaumprd puchohé bhdidn nún méré na karo The great prerogatives and freedom they takrar,
Enjoy. The priest approached the cow; before Radon maina radnd jé sachcha déb igrár The universal world be stood confessed Bhdián phir Jhaumpré nd! kita takrar
A Chaha ; yes, a priest beside the cow, Móhlat lammi kdi nahan diharé né char Adorned with saored cord, and on his brow

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28
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1907.
Tdis gáð sug lei chaunkaði bahir bahir Jharmpre gđó sufi&di diharé his char Baddhi rasôi jeundé chaunké andar vdr.
Bhaidn nú puchhda main nun kadón ra!ând je
nal, Jug chauthé nú raldodige sddpd sachchd qaul
qardr Us gôsha ghat kamdidd paggdi léidi utdr. Phir Jhaumpre gab sutké ho baitha pachhvdy Aggôi rat guari jhagardédi sakké bhatije
Kalak Das Alhé na us gđô khá léi na kitá gđô grdo. Kikar tusadi nakher chaddi phir ihdi jdt J8 na idyd hath bi gosh ghat kamen de sutt
afdt. On b6lê tu jdké kha, terá nahan paindd sdnna
san vasd Gussa Kaçak Das nun chashiya angah Kaļak Das gdø af kol pahutdé ja Ko gdo dé jdké karda tadbir Os par chaidyd gás de phir vich sarir Jitthé takbir Chuhredi di puhílu denda né char Likhi vékhô Rabb di parti taqdir. Pichha Kaçak Das di Silavanti ndr, Ondé mdhá punna diké gharon ummédvár Jeun jeun din otêré langhdi kardi gubar Karé bichard dil ndl duniya ajab si bahar Ddidi aggé jaké nit karé bichárd
The consecrating mark, he stood and doffed His waist cloth, and his crate marks all, Hence roso the Chuhța sect and worship, one And separate. For Jhaumpså thus addressed His brethren, When will you, now tell me
true, Restore me to my place and dignity ? Now promise me.' They promised him that
they Would in four days, and only four, restore Him to his place among them. So he threw The cow beyond the sacred precincta far. The cow was cast away, four days had flown, When Jhaumpra's brethren dined within the
bound That marked the sacred hearth. Your promise
now.' Cried Jhaumpra, "true fulfil. Admit me.'
No Said they, "Four ages must elapse before We can admit tbee. Then, our sacred word We pledge, thou mayest return. In sudden
wrath With stroke of bow he knocked their turbans
off. Thon Jhaumpra, all because he threw the cow Away, sat excommunicate, the house Debarred. Night passed in wrangling. Kalak
Dâs, His nephew, said, 'He did not eat the cow, Not even a morsel : why thas have ye cast Your brother out P He did not touch the cow, 'Twas with his bow he threw the cow away.' They said, 'Go thou and eat the cow thyself, We trust not thee nor him--we scorn you
both. Then Kalak Dâs grew angry ; in his rage Ho stalked towards the cow, and stood to
pierce The carcase of the brute, and so sinoo then The Chubộas keep the appointed way, to make A certain ont upon the dead, and use The formula by God appointed. Then Wont Kålsk Das and found his gentle wife, His Silavanti wondering. Her time Was near with child. She wondered why the
days Went by and still no nearer came to her Deliverance. In wondering thought she said, *The world is strange as spring time. So
she went

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JANUARY, 1907.)
THE OAUHRAS.
M&r8 mdha kulle langh gaé nahrné hoe ne barani To seek the midwives. Thus she used to say, Tuhannú sári khabar hai kull pot bhandardi My time is fully come, the twelfth month Mainų dassố khólké saridh anwaran
Dow81 Didi ralké us nú gallin si idyd
Is past. These things you understand : the Kikrá chand nihatin tainu patd nahin ayá ? womb P& téré vich dard nahin tainu dukh nahin dyd ? With all its states you know : come tell me them Rani hok& bahéngi jad balak jayd,
The truth. The midwives just to please her Jai oh bahindi palang té jad rain vihdoi
told Rabb, méré pét vich ki khel rabbani.
Her stories. Tell as now,' they said, 'what Maina kdi khabar nahin main dql aniyání month Tainá khabardi, Qadird, phir tuen jdnin Yon bathed. You have forgotten quite. Well Karé vakhdidi dil nal, duniya dbaj si méla, then Tad bhand drón kú péya phir Alif Chela. Have you no pains: no pangs have you? No? Din manné mdta méré gwú dd tdi hath nahi Then dund véla.
Be comforted, you will be bappy when Tdi mdi putr dd howegå phir jald ki mélá.
You bear a son.' She sat in thought all night Kehr & térdgurd hai, bachchd mainús dlh sundis Upon her cot. She said, O Lord, within Main palla kharch pdké 'ur pardi sabhaia my womb Kitthe Shdd pind hai, rahnda kehri thdia What wonder is ? All ignorant am I, Mais bhulké tur pavdigi paiké lamni rdhin A woman knowing nothing. Only Thou Akhó Thaumprd mérd gurú hai, mata koi ndl Almighty God knowest all. I trust in Thee iman
All in her heart she said, "The world is
strange.' Then Alif Chela spake within the womb.
Oh mother mine, be follower of my guide. Disciple of my teacher be, lose not This bappy time, for if 'tis lost to you, In vain is consequent repentance. See, On your belief depends our meeting.' Son She said, who is your teacher P I'll prepare And baste me at the dawn to seek him. His village name. Where dwells he ? At tbe
dawn I'll go, and find him though the way be long. My guide and teacher Jhaumprâ is,' said he,
Believe this, mother. Ten times told he will Das anidr w kind duniyd te shan,
Become incarnate, bringing glory to the world Dassé autdr wasé dé uggé, main japndi nam In all the ten. His name I will proclaim. Chuhr Kalak Das dd majab hai tamdm. The faith of Kalak Dâs, the Chuhra, is Jihra Shehe kalma parhegd Mohammad da ok A perfect faith. If any Shalf read bendn.
Muhammad's creed, an unbeliever he Jihsé parangê Baba Nanak da dh bhi nahin Is branded; and if Bibà Nanak's, be partran.
Shall be rejected; all that do profess Jihré parhengé Balé pir da dargdhe pawan. The creed of Balê straight to heaven shall go. Chélé siftdi joridi sab Ichol bayan.
Disciples have compiled his praises.' Still Mds chels ndl jhagardí, Bachcha kéhra gura The mother reasons with the Chela, Child, hai sangf.
What guide will be our helper, how will be Kfkar duniyd te uss dúid ôs kéhri rangi? Become incarnate? In what form appear? Sach hod tdi man levda qaul karar kardngt. If this be true, I will believe, and make Chelt sildi jóridi bah rang ba rangi.
A firm profession.' So disciples wrote Chald dassé mda nún, phir das antar
His divers praises. Chels now recounts Cf. the note at p. 852, Yol XIXY., 1905, supra.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Kam vékhin Rabb dé, máid, Allah dế bể shumar The incarnations ten. O mother mine, Pahila autár dvéga phir nál ri na! Rabb Baba Adam sajjiyd Amma Havva bi nál Na zamin dsman si, hai si jal pani
Behold God's works innumerable are. The first incarnate comes, and with him God Makes father Adam, and our mother Eve. There was no earth, no sky, but only then A pool of water. Angels were there none, Nor heaven's court, nor father Adam, nor A lady Eve. This is the story true Of the Original. Disciple read.
30
Na ós vélé firishté san na dargah rabbani Na tadón Baba Adam si, na Hawwa sódni. Té sifat hai Awwalin, di chélé sunání
Ih traé dévté Rabb é ap bandé.
2. The One True God.
Trédn dévtédn nun Rabb shabd sikhdé Apô apné din dé kalmé parháé. Faktú parhé Allah ilá, Ishar wah guru Pandhé, Kalma ôhi ék dd Bald pir sundé, Siftán chêlé jôrián parh nam sunde. Déôtédi kalma parhdeán jug gujré chhatti, Na tadón san majlisda Khuda di sathin Na os vélé lô si, na divá batti. Té sahdsan bandyd bailhké Rabb é apné
hathin
Ishar Faqtú dévté nú Allah Ta'ala gal ih akhs Ik triyd dévta banaya tuhaḍda sathi Dharti déô banaké gal iho je bagi Othé howé shoala vékhán chalak Fagtů té Ishar hié Allah de ani
Oh kéhṛa triyú dévtá hî bandyd saḍda hani. Chhatti jug heiti si bhagati téré namit parhké
báni
Tainan khabardi, Qadira, tuen hain júní Allah léké dévtéán nûn Bald pir kol jään Bald pir vlhké chhai sada buldi Allah midi di; Khair Bálé pir sundt
Traé dévté Rabb né kité ikatthé, Dharti des bandké kull álam vassé, Ambar khub tikduna na sanga! rassé Táré nag vich launé nûr ilahi vassé. Chutki chutki khak di Rabb hath pharaî Mohammad té Baba Nanak dôdn héthan vaga P&hi gahrd hô gayd nishân ra l Na ós vélé Granth si na Quran kitab bandi. Kam dekh Rabb dé, vári Bálé pir di di Gallán karda jal dé ná! Balé pír dá nûr. Chhatti jug kiti bhagat, tú gavah hai jarur. Óhô mainûn das dé khan jo bhagat vich péyd gusûr.
[JANUARY, 1907.
Repeat. The Lord Himself these three saints made.
He taught them songs, He gave thus each a creed.
So Faktû said, 'Allah Ila,' and Ishwar said, 'Wah Guru save'! only Bâlâ priest believed In one true God, and worshipped him. These
songs
Disciples have compiled. They sing his name. For six and thirty ages long the creeds These three divinities repeated. Then There were no great assemblages with God. There was no light, no lamp, no wick; God sat And made with His own hands His throne. He said
To Fagta, Ishwa, holy ones, 'I've made A third divinity, associate
With you. The earth a god I make; that done My work is done. Let there be light in it.' He said, 'The wonder I would see.' But up Spake Fagta, Ishwar, Who is this whom thou A third divinity associate
With us hast made? Has he, repeating hymns For ages six and thirty worshipped thee? All things are known to thee, Almighty One.' God brought the gods, the three, to Bâlâ priest, Who rose, and six times worshipped. 'Peace to thee,
O man of God.' This said the Lord. 'Peace be' Said Bâlâ priest, 'to all the world.' So brought The Lord these three together. So a god The earth He made, a habitation fit
For all His creatures. Lo, the sky He hung Without ropes and chains; the stars were placed
Like jewels in the sky, that God's bright light Might dwell within them. Then a pinch of dust
The Lord put in Muhammad's hand, and then In Bâbâ Nanak's, but they threw it down, And muddy made the water: thus no sign Appeared. There was no Granth nor yet Qords.

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JANUARY, 1907.1
THE CHUHRAS.
31
Madad méri lund ķhudja hajúr.
Bat, see, comes Bâlâ's turn. 'Twas Bâla's soul Tad pani të jam gaya phir shnd bir
Addressed the water. Ages thirty-six Balê pir hak chhinkiya dhard bhar púr I worshipped God. You are my witness. Speak, Tad Bald pir gayd dargah gabúr.
Was there a time when I lacked faithfulness o Chélé ainda jorida nahin koi gusúr.
Come help me now, O Khwaja. Sudden then K dlak Das gdo kháké, ha baitha dilgir
The pinch of dust all in the water clear Iksé mdi dd chungiyd si bah gốdi nir,
Took shape - the water surface clothed itself Duniya té kće ne basé óasé amir te faqir. in green.
Yes, Bâlâ, priest, cast forth the pinch of dust. And lo! the earth appeared. So Bala, priest, Was high exalted in the court of heaven. Disciples wrote these storier true. Now turn To Kalak Das, who ate the cow. He sat A part in sadness. I have sucked the breast Of her who was their mother dear and mine. Her bosom was my rest as theirs. Many rich
And many poor have been, but never ono Kisi nahin ral Dandiyd karmda dd shar Has borne the consequences of the deeds Allah Kalak Dás aún phir de dileri,
That others wrought.' Bat God thus comforts Duniyd avd gaur hai, rára! di phéri.
him, Aggé paindú konthin hai chaliá rdt hanéri, The world is fleeting : like a fortune told Ummat téri bakhshdigd gal man leti té mérí. It comes and goes. The way to heaven Kalak Das akh& Rabb nun, mérd ki sarband. rough, Vasdedi ghardi vichon nikaldi phér khair tê And in the darkling night you travel. Still Rhirand,
Thy followers I will save - my word is sure. Mérá kaun dan liga, main ko baithe ar band. Then Kälak Das addressed the Lord, Alas! Adlak Das galida kilidi Rabb nd! ldké mas Provision now for me there's none. A man land,
Cast ont am I. From me none alms will take, Ti karfn Allah da nam, têra sir mukh laggé. For only they give alms who houses own.' Aides vekh na bhulid koi rauad baggé
Such speech had Kalak Das with God. ConTérd buk milli då maniyé, dargah de aggé. fess Tehrd manne sido ndl, har shakhe pha! laggé. The Lord, e'en to the sacrifice of life. Kalak Dás ráji hôké, laggá jag richái,
Be not deceived ---the white-wasbed tomb is Sard man sốend kale da dan.
vain Hird, ial, jawhir bhi kóf na ant bayán. While thy hands fall of dust adored will be Chabbé lagge chandhê nû kînari té shán Within the court of heaven. The righteous Kalak Das látd dan té laggd shnd thda
man Alije Chélé ndi phír idm bandi
Is like a tree whose every branch bears fruit.' Alife du'd dkki jó Rabb dd farmán,
So Kalak Das in gladness offered gifts, Of gold be gave a mauad and one-fourth more To top the flag, and diamonds rare so bright With rabies red, and jewels rich in tale Innumerable. Tassels hung in state Adown the flag, embroidered rich with gold. So rich a gift gave Kalak Das, wherewith He beatified the place of prayer. The priest Was Alif Chels. Alif prayed the prayer
Appointed thus by God. Disciples sang Chalé diftdi joridi sad khol bayan
These songs, compiling them in full. The Alifa la dil ndi du'd & kahdnf.
prayer,
The story, Alif heartily recites. (To be continued.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1907.
MISCELLANEA. LACHCHEAN EAJAON KE; OR, THE SIGNS OF BOYALTY IN RAJAS.
Hukm agiyaon ko bat méi Ikhê;
Jamibandt stjb farq se rakkhe. Kigab-doet daurah kare, bar bar,
Siff&t ad bole, ná ho gal ba khar.
A Raj& should issue his instructions in writing,
and must exercise full control over bis finances. He should carefully inspect his kingdom
throughout never treat his subordinates harshly, and try to live on amicable terms with them.
Hans, wardp, bugh, mfs, mör att gidh bbanljt. Jugal käg. Gan dharê ten gon båne lije.
Giré paré ho podwake, têk dijé boh bistår
sincharl.
A king should learn from the sean, heron,
paddy-bird, fish, peacock and valtare. He should also learn love and unity from pain of crows. Those who have fallen into misfortune must be comforted, while the oppressors should be
punished, Only when these qualities are attained by the
king, should be ascend tube throne.
Itno lachchhan raj kê, tab pag gaddi pah dbart.
H. A. ROBE.
18 THX COLT OP MIAN BIBI PHALLIC? Charm No. 9 is of a more recent type-or is The article (ante, Vol. XXXIV. p. 125) on the at least newer and stamped from a better die. cult of Mian Bibl, which flourishes in the The Mian is standing up, smoking a hugga, and Hoshiarpur District of the Pañjab, is not easily wearing apparently a cap. Both his wives are explained. In his Settlement Report on the fanning him. District Mr. Coldstream says that the image of That the cult is in its origin a phallic one the Mia is nude, but in the only two charms which I have myself no doubt, but a perasal of the songs I have been able to secure from Hoshiarpur the published in the article above referred to may not Man and his two wives are all represented as leave that impression on every reader's mind, and fully clothed. In charm No. 1 the Mian certainly it is impossible to be certain as the songs cannot wears a turban and appears to be fully clothed. be said to really prove anything. I have failed to He is squatting on & couch and smoking his trace any precise parallel to the cult in d'Alriella's hugga. The wife on the right seems to be holding | Migration of Symbols, in Mr. Rendell Harris'
fan. This charm is rudely stamped on a thin Cult of the Heavenly Twins, or in Dulaure's Dee piece of silver and is considerably worn, so that Dipinités Génératrices. it is difficult to conjecture what the objects above and near the heads of the figures are intended to be. Below and on the left is conventional
H. A. Roge. ornamentation.
| 15th August, 1906.
1 "Among the lower class of MumImane, anch w Gdjars, and perhaps among the women of the village generally, the worship or propitiation of Mihi Btbt is common. The MIA Btbt, the old man and his two) wives, is represented on wilver charms worn on the person, Ass nude male figure attended by two females, one waring #fan (chaurt) over him, the other Alling bin tobacco pipe (hugga)." Bee extraot in North Indian Nolor and Queries § 3 of Vol. IV.

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Indian Antiquary.
CULT OF MIAN BIBI.
Charms showing Mian Bibi with attendants,
worn by devotees.
H. A. ROSE, C.S.
W. GRIGGS

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FEBRUARY, 1907.]
HINDUISM IN THE HIMALAYAS.
HINDUISM IN THE HIMALAYAS. BY H. A. BOSE.
(Continued from Vol. XXXV. p. 252.)
III.
The Twenty-two Tikas of Junga (Keonthal), near Simla. HE State of Keonthal is one of the Simla Hill States in the Pañjâb, and its capital, Jungâ,
name, lies only a few
88
nain territory of the State, Keônṭhal is over-lord of five feudatory States, viz., Koti, Theog, Madhan, Gund and Ratesh. Excluding these States, it comprises six detached tracts, which are divided into eighteen pargands, thus:
I.
Southern tract, comprising ten pargands:- (1) Fâgû, (2) Khâlâshi, (3) Tir. Mabâsû, (4) Dharêch, in Fâgû tahsil; (5) Ratêsh, (6) Karôli, (7) Jai, (8) Parâli, (9) Jhajot, (10) Kalânj in Junga tahsil.
-
II. Northern tract, which includes four pargands (11) Shill, (12) Matiâna, (13) Rajâna, (14) 7 Matiâna, in Fâga tahsil.
III. Pargand Râwin, and IV. - Pargand Pûnnar, forming Råwin tahsil.
V.
Pargand Rampur, and VI.
Pargand Wâknâ, in Jungâ tahsil.
The three tahsils are modern Revenue divisions, but the 22 parganas are ancient and correspond in number to the 22 tikas, which are described below. It does not appear, however, that each pargand has its tkd and the number may be a mere coincidence. The fondness for the Nos. 12, 22, 32, 42, 52, &c., in the Pañjâb, and, indeed, throughout India, is well-known, and goes back at least to Buddhist times.
The Simla Hill States form a network of feudal states with dependent feudatories subordinate to them and the jurisdictions of the local godlings afford a striking reflection of the political conditions, forming a complex network of cults, some superior, some subordinate. To complete the political analogy, the godlings often have their wasirs or chief ministers and other officials. Perhaps the best illustration of this quasi-political organisation of the hill cults is afforded by the following account of the 22 tikas of Junga. At its head stands Junga's new cult. Jangs, it should be observed, is not the family god of the Raja of Keônṭhal. That function is fulfilled by the Devi Tara.
The Cult of Junga.25
Legend. The Raja of Kotlêhr had two sons, who dwelt in Nâdaun. On the accession of the elder to the throne, they quarrelled, and the younger was expelled the State. With a few companions he set out for the hills and soon reached Jakho, near Simla. Thence they sought a suitable site for a residence, and found a level place at Thagwa in the Kôti State. Next morning the Mtân, or prince,' set out in a palanquin, but when they reached Sanjaulf, his companions found he had disappeared, and conjecturing that he had become a déotd, returned to Thagwa, where they sought him in vain. They then took service with the people of that part. One night a man went out to watch his crop and, resting beneath a kémú tree, heard a terrible voice from it say, "lest I fall down!" Panic-stricken he fled home, but another man volunteered to investigate the business and next night placed a piece of silk on the platform under the tree and took up his position in a corner. When he heard the voice, he rejoined "come down," whereupon the tree split in half and out of it a beautiful image fell on to the silk cloth. This the man took to his home and placed it in the upper
24 An account of this will be found in Appendix I., attached to this paper.
25 [The family likeness of the legends connected with these hill deities of the extreme North of India to those connected with the "devils" of the Tuluvas on the West Coast, very far to the South, is worthy of comparison by the student. See Devil Worship of the Tuluvas, ante, Vols. XXIII.-XXVI., 1894-1897.- ED.]

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUABY, 1907.
storey, but it always came down to the lower one, so he sent for the astrologers, who told him the image was that of a dotd who required a temple to live in. Then the people began to worship the image and appointed a chala, through whom the god said he would select a place for his tomple. So he was taken round the country, and when the news reached the companions of the Nadaun prince they joined the party. The god ordered temples to be built at Nain, Bojári, Thond, and Kôti in succession, and indeed in every village he visited, until he reached Nâdaun, where the Raja, bis brother, refused to allow any temple to be built, as he already bad a family god of his own named Jipar. Junga, the new god, said he would settle matters with Jipůr, and while the discussion wag going on, he destroyed Jipur's temple and all its images by lightning, whereupon the Râjâ made Jungå his own deity and placed him in a house in his darbdr.
Jipûr is not now worshipped in Keðnthal, all his old temples being used as temples of Junga who is worshipped in them. Nothing is known of Jipar, except that he came in with the ruling family of Keônthal.26 He appears to have been only a jathếrd or ancestor. Jungê has another temple at Pojarli, near Junga, to which he is taken when jag is to be celebrated; or when an heir-apparent, 'fild,' is born to the Raja, on which occasion jdgyd is performed. On other Occasions the images made subsequently are alone worshipped in this temple. The ritual is that observed in
Shiwald and no sacrifice is offered. There are 32 tikas or "sons" of Jung. None of those can celebrate a jdg or observe a festival without permission from the Junga temple, and such permission is not given anless all the dues of Jung&'s temple are paid. Thus Junga is regarded as the real god and the others are his children, The following are the 22 tikas of Jung& 1. Kalaur.
12. Kultht. 2. Manuni,
13. Dhanan, 3. Kanai.
14. Dam. 4. Déo Chand.
15. Raita. 5. Shanett.
16. Ohanana. 6. Mehânphi.
17. Gaun. 7. Tiru.
18. Biju. 8. Khatêshwar.
19. Kasheli Deo. 9. Chadei.
20. Bal Deo. 10. Shanêî and Jáu.
91. Rawal Deo. 11. Dhûrů.
22. Kawali Deo.
1. The Cult of Kalaur. Legend. - A Brahman onee fled from Kullo and settled in Dawân, a village in pargand Ratesh. There he incurred the enmity of Kanêt woman, W.1) put poison in his food. The Brahman detected the poison, but went to a spot called Banga Pâni, where there is water, in Dopan jangal, and there ate the food, arguing that if the woman meant to kill him she would do it sooner or later, and so died, invoking curses on the murderess. His body disappeared. In the Gaphal-ki-Dhår plain was a bakhal plant. One day a Brabman of Garâwag observed that all the cows used to go to the plant and water it with their milk, so he got a spade and dug up the bush. He found under it a beautiful image (which still bears the mark of his spade) and took it home. When he told the people what had happened, they built a temple for the idol, and made the Brahman its pujdrí. Bat the image, which bore a strong resemblance to the Brâhman, who had died of the poisoned food, began to inflict disease upon the Kanêts of the place, so that several families perished. Thereupon, the people determined to bring in a stronger god or goddess to protect them from the image. Two Kanets of the pargand, Dhéli and Chandi, were famed for their courage and strength, and so they were sent to Liwi and Palwi, two villages in Sirmûr State, disguised as faqirs, and thence they
Nevertheless Jungs is.not the family god of the Bajas of Koonthal. A somewhat similar legend will be topnd in Appendix II. of this peper.

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FEBRUARY, 1907.)
HINDUISM IN THE HIMALAYAS.
35
stole an dih-bhojdwdle, eight-handed,' image of Devi, which they bronght to Dhawar in Ratêsh, The people met them with music and made offerings to the stolen image, which they took to Walân, and there built a temple for it, ceasing to worship Kalaur. The plague also ceased. The people of one village, Gbarêj, however, still affect Kalaur.
2. The Cult of Manani, Mantni is Mahadeo, and is so called because his first temple was on the bill of Manûn.
Legend. - A Brahman of Parali, in the Jamrôt pargand of the Patiala hill territory, a pujari of Devi Dhår, and others, went to buy salt in Mandi, and on their way back, halted for the night in Mahûn Nag's temple at MAhún in the Suket State. The Brahman and the pujari, with some of the company who were of good caste, slept in the temple, the rest sleeping outside. The pajari was a chéla of the god Dhafto, at that time a famous déota, revered throughout the northern part of the Keônthal State. On starting in the morning, a swarm of bees settled on the baggage of the Brâhman and the pujari, and could not be driven off. When the party reached Munda, where the temple of Hanûmân now stands, the swarm left the baggage and settled on a ben tree. Here, too, the pujdri fainted and was with difficulty taken home. The astrologers of the pargand decided that a god bad come from Suket and wished to settle in that part, and that unless he were accommodated with a residence the pujari would not recover. Meanwhile the pujdrí became possessed by the god and began to nod his head and declare that those present must revere him (the god), or he would cause trouble. They replied that if he could overcome the god Dharto, they would not hesitate to abandon that god, though they had revered him for generations. Upon this 'a bolt from the blue' fell upon Dharto's temple and destroyed it, breaking all the idols, except one which was cast into a tank in a cave. The pujdri then led the people to Munda, where the bees had settled and directed them to build a temple at the place where they found ants. Ants were duly found in a square place on Manûn hill, and a temple built in due course ; but when only the roof remained to be built, a plank flew off and settled in Paráli. Upon this the pujdri said the temple must be built there, as the god had come with a Brahman of that place, and so a second temple was built and the image placed in it. That at Manûn was also subsequently completed, and a third was erected at Koti Dhår. The cult also spread to Nala, in Patiala territory, and to Bhajjt State, and temples were erected there. The Brâhmans of Parali were appointed Bhojkis and the pujdris of Kôți Dhâr pujdris of the god. Meanwhile the image of Dhafto remained in the tank into which it had fallen. It is said that a man used to cook a rôt (a large loal) and throw it into the water as an offering, requesting the god to lend him utensils, which he needed to entertain his guests. This Dbasto tised to do, on the condition that the utensils were restored to the pool when done with. But one day the man borrowed 40 and only returned 85 plates, and since then the god has ceased to lend his crockery. Beside the god's image is another, that of a bir or spirit, called Tonds. Tonda used to live at Paralf in a cava which was a water-mill, and if anyone visited the mill alone at night he used to become possessed by the bir, and, unless promptly attended to, lose his life. But once the pujari of Manûnî went to the mill, and by the help of his god resisted the attempts of the bir to possess hipi. In fact, he captured the bir, and having laid him flat on the grind-stone sat on bim. Upon this, the bir promised to obey him in all matters if he spared his life, and so the pujdri asked him to come to the temple, promising to worship him there if he ceased to molest people. The bir agreed and has now A separate place in the temple of Manûni, whose waxír he has become.
8. The Cult of Kanoti. Legend. After the war of the Mahabharata, when the Pandavas had retired to the Badet Nath hills to worship, they erected several temples and placed images in them. Amongst others they established Kanêţi in a temple at Kwara, on the borders of Gaphwal and Bashahr, and there are around this temple five villages, which are still known after the Påndavas. Dodra and Kwâra are two of theser The people of the former wanted to have a temple of their own, but those of Kwâra objected

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and so enmity arose between them. The Dodra people then stole an image from the Kwara temple, but it disappeared and was found again in a pool in a cave. It then spoke by the mouth of its chela and declared that it would not live at Dödra and that the people must quit that place and accompany it elsewhere. So a body of men, Kanêts, Kolis and Türis, left Dödra and reached Dagôn, in Keônthal State, where was the temple of Jipûr, the god of the Raja's family. This temple the new god destroyed by lightning, and took possession of his residence. The men who had accompanied the god settled in this region and the cult of Kaneti prospered. Aicbå, a Brahman, was then wazfr of Ke3ntbal, and he made & vow that if his progeny increased, he would cease to worship Jipůr and affect Kanêți. His descendants soon numbered 1,500 houses. Similarly, the Bhalêr tribe made a vow to Kaneti, that if their repute for courage increased, they would desert Ji pûr.
4. The Cult of Deo Chand. Legend. - Deo Chand, the ancestor of the Kbanôgê sept of the Kanets, was wazir of Keônthal and once wished to celebrate a jag, so he fixed on an auspicious day and asked for the loan of Jungâ's image. This the pujdris refused bim, although they accepted his first invitation, and asked him to fix another day. Deo Chand could not do this or induce the pujarís to lend him the image, so he got a blacksmith to make a new one, and celebrated the jag, placing the image, which he named Deo Chand after himself, in & new temple. He proclaimed Deo Chand subordinate to Jangå, but in all other respects the temple is under separate management.
5. The Cult of Shaneti. There are two groups of Kanots, the Painoi or Paindi and the Shainti. Owing to some dispute with the pujdríe, the Shaintis made a separate god for themselves and called him Shandti.
6. The Cult of Mahanpha. The Chibhar Kanêts of Jatil pargand borrowed an image of Jung& and established a separate temple,
7. The Cult of Tira. Legend. - Tira is the god of the Jatik people, who are a sept of the Brahmans. A Tirů Brahman went to petition the Râjâ and was harshly treated, so he cut off his own head, whereupon his headless body danced for a time. The Brâhmans then made an image of Tîrû and he is now worshipped as the jathéra of the Jâtiks.
8. The Cult of Khateshwar. The Brahmans of Bhakar borrowed an image of JungA and built a seperate temple for it at a place called Kôti, whence the god's name.
9. The Cult of Chadei. The Nawawan sept of the Kanêts brought this god from pargand Ratësh and built his temple at Charol, whence the god's neme.
10. The Cult of Shanes and Jaa. Jungå on his birth made a tour through the Keônthal territory, and, having visited Shaint and Jall villages, ordered temples to be built in each of them. Shanei is subordinate to Jung, and Jad to Shandi. Both these temples are in the village of Koti.
11. The Cult of Dhora. A very ancient god of the Jai pargand of Keonthal. All the samindars, who affected Dharu, died childless. The temple is financed by the Rájás and the god is subordinate to Junga.
12. The Cult of Kalthi. The Chibbar sept of the Kanets affect this god. His temple is at a place called Kawalath.

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13. The Cult of Dhanan. Legend, -The image of this god came, borne on the wind, from Nadaun after Junga's arrival in the country. It first alighted on Jhako and thence flew to Néog, where it hid under a rice-plant in a paddy-field. When the people cut the crop they spared this plant, and then turned their cattle into the fields. But all the cattle collected round the plant, from under which a serpent emerged and sucked all their milk. When the people found their cows had ran dry, they suspected the cowherdess of having milked them, and set a man to watch her. He saw what occurred, and the woman then, enraged with the plant, endeavoured to dig it op, but found two beautiful images, (they both still bear the marks of her sickle). The larger of these two is considered the Rają and is called Dhânúi (P from Dhånd, rice), and the smaller is deemed the wasir and is called Wano (meaning " tyrant" in the Pahârî dialect). This was the image which assumed a serpent's shape and drained the cows. Two temples were erected to these images, but they began to oppress the people and compelled them to sacrifice a man every day, so the people of the pargand arranged for each family to snpply ite victim in turn. At last, weary of this tyranny, they called in a learned Bråhman of the Bharobo sept, who induced the god to content himself with a human sacrifice once a month, then twice and then once & year, then with a he-goat sacrificed monthly, and finally once every six months, on the ikddshis of Hâr and Khâtik sudi. The Brahman's descendants are still pujdris of the temple and paröhits of the village, and they held Bhiyâr free of revenue until Raja Chundr Sain resumed the grant. They now hold Sigar in lieu of service to the god.
14. The Cult of Dum. Dům has a temple in Katian, a village of Phâgu tahsil, and goes on tour every five or ten years through Keônthal, Kuthâr, Mahløg, Bashahir, Kót Khai, Jubbal, Khanar, Baghal, Kött and other States. In Sambat 1150 he visited Delhi, then under the rule of the Tunwars, many of whom, after their defeat by the Chauhậns, fled to these hills, where they still affect the calt of Dum. He is believed to possess miraculous powers and owns much gold and silver. He became subordinate to Jungå, as the god of the State.
15. Raiha. This god has a temple in pargana Parali.
16. Chananna. de is the deity of the Doli Brâhmans.
17. Gaun. The image is that of Janga, who was established by the Rawal people.
18. Bija. Bijů was originally subordinate to the god Bijat, but as he was in the Keônthal State, he became subordinate to Junga. His real name is Bijleshwar Mabadeo, or Mahadeo the Lightning God, and his temple stande h: Tri Obandni in the Jubbal State.
Nos, 19, 20, 21 and 22. Regarding No. 19, Kusheti Deo; 20, Bal Deo; 21, Rawal Deo ; and 22, Kawalt Deo, no particulars have been discovered.
The Fairs. It must be understood that the above are not the only cults which prevail in the Keðnthal State. For instance, fairs called jdt or udt are observed at Garên and Bhalawag in this state, and, as will appear from the following accounts, other godlings are popular within its borders.

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I. -- The Zat Fair at Gapen in Pargana Ratesh, This fair is held on the 29th of Jeth. The images of the Devt Ratesh and Kalwa dotd are brought in procession from the temple, where they are kept, to Gaţên, 400 or 500 persons accompanying them; and of these some 50 remain at Garên for the night, the rest returning home. By mid-day next day a great crowd of people collects, the men coming in bodies from opposite directions, each man armed with a bow and arrow and flourishing a ddngrd (axe), with a band of musicians preceding them. A man in one of these bodies shouts :. - Thadairi rd bhilcha, awau ji jhamal lagi thi.27 hô hô, I hunger for a shooting-match : come, the fair has started; hó, hó. The others call out hô hô in reply. The tune called a thadairt is then sung, and matches are arranged between pairs of players. One champion advances with his arrow on the string of his bow, while the other places himself in front of him, keeping his legs moving, so as to avoid being hit. The archer's object is to hit his opponent below the knee, and if he succeeds in doing so he takes a dangrd in his hand and dances, declaring that a lion's whelp was born in the house of his father at his home. The man who has been hit is allowed to sit down for a time to recover from the pain of the wound, and then he in turn takes a bow, and placing his hand on his opponent's shoulder says 'bravo, now it is my turn, beware of my arrow. If he hit his opponent he, too, dances in the same way, but if he fail his victor dances again crying, how could the arrow of such a jackal hit a tiger's cub?' This goes on until one or the other is beaten. The matches are usually arranged between men who are at enmity with one another. The play lasts for two days. Sometimes disturbances break out. Tbese used to be serious, even resulting in men being killed on either side, but nowadays a stop is put to the play, if a disturbance is feared, by pulling down the déotd's flag, when the players desist of their own accord.
On the third day a goat and two buffaloes, all males, are sacrificed to Dévf. The latter are killed in the same way as those at the Târab Fair, 29 but the shambles are at a distance from the temple, and two picked men take their stand, one on the road to Fågủ, the other on that to Ratêsh, to prevent the wounded animals going towards their respective villages, as it is believed that it is unlucky for one of them to reach either village, and bloodshed often results from the attempts of the different parties to keep the animals away from their village. Efforts have been made to induce the people to allow the buffaloes to be killed by a single blow, but the pujdris will not allow this, as being the offsprings of Devi's enemies, they must be slaughtered with as much cruelty as possible. After this rite the people make offerings to Dêvî, the money going to the temple fund, while the other things, such as grain, goats, &c., are divided among the pujárís. The chéid of the Devi then begins to nod his head (khelnd, lit. to play), and taking some grains of rice in his band, distributes them among the people, saying, 'you have celebrated my fair without disturbances, and I will protect you against all misfortunes throughout the year.' If, however, any disturbance has occurred during the fair, the offenders are made to pay a fine on the spot to obtain the Devt's pardon, otherwise it is believed that some dire catastrophe will befall them, necessitating the payment of a still heavier fine. The Devi passes the night at the fair, returning to her temple on the morning of the fourth day.
II. - The Jat Fair, Bhaldwag. This fair is held at Bhalkwag on the first Sunday in Hâr. There is a legend that a sddhů once lived on the Chabal bill. He was famous for bis miraculous feats, and was said to be a sidh. He built a small temple to Mabadeo on the bill, and established a fair, which was held continuously for some years. The offerings made at the temple were utilized to meet the expenses of the institution. After the Gurkha conquest this tract was ceded to the Maharaja of Patiala in the time of Raja Raghunath Sain. Once Rânâ Sansar Sain visited the fair, but a dispute arose, and the Patiala officials having used unbecoming words against the Rânå, he removed the ling of Mahâdêo to his
11 Lit., 'you hunger after srohery, come on, since you itob for it. Thadairi, fr. thoda, an arrow, means chery and one of the tanee or modes of the hill musio is so called, boose it is played at arobery meetings.
* [800 Appendix I., below.]

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own territory and established it at Bhalwag, and since then the fair has been held there. It only lasts one day. The Râjâ, with his Rânis, &c., sets out with great pomp to the scene of the fair, the procession being headed by a band, and reaches the place about mid-day. People pour in from all parts, and by two in the afternoon the fair is in full swing. The Rajá takes his seat on the side of a tank, into which people dive and swim. A wild leo is also thrown into it as a scapegoat (thé!) and some people throw money into it as an offering. In the temple of Mahadbo, ghi, grain, and money are offered by the people according to their means. The pujarls of the temple, who are Brâhmans, divide the offerings among themselves. Worship is performed there daily, and on the sankrant days Brahmans of other villages come there to worship. On the fair day worship is performed all day long. People also give the offerings they have vowed.
There is a legend about this tank, which is as follows:- Once a Brahman committed suicide in a Raja's darbdr. In consequence of this hatiyd (a profane act, especially the killing of a Brahman), the Râjâ became accursed. He tried by all the means in his power to remove the curse, but in vain, for if he had a child born to him, it soon died, and though he performed worship and tried many charms and amulets, it was all of no avail. An astrologer then told him that as a Brahman-hatiyd had been committed in his darbår, he would never be blessed with a son, unless he sank eighty-four tanks at different places in his realm for watering of kine. The Rájá accordingly constracted eighty-four tanks at different places in the hills from Tajaur to Mattiâda. Of these tanks some were very fine, and one of them is the tank in question. After making all the tanks, the Rajá sent for the builder, and, being much pleased with his work, gave him as a reward al that he asked for. But people then became envious of the kindness shown to him by the Râjâ, fearing that he would be elevated to the rank of mudhib (courtier), and so they told the Raja that if the builder did the same kind of work anywhere else, the Raja's memory would not be perpetuated and that steps should be taken to prevent this. The Rajâ said that this was good advice, and that, of course, he had already thought of it, 80 the builder was sent for, and although he tried to satisfy the Rajâ that he would never make the same kind of tank at any other place, the Raja paid no heed to his entreaties and had his right hand amputated. Thus disabled, the man remained helpless for some time, but having recovered, it struck him that with his skill he could do some work with his left band, and ho, accordingly, built two temples, one at Jâghiên Dêvf and the other at Sâdû, both now places in Patiala territory. When the Râjâ heard of this, be at once went to see the temples, and was so delighted with their work that he gave a reward to the builder, but at the same time had his other hand cut off, and the man died a few days after. It is said that after the making of the tanks, the Raja celebrated a jag on a very large scale, and four years after was blessed with a ted (son).
APPENDIX I.
Devt Tank of Tarab. This Dêvt is the family deity of the Raja of Keồnthal, and her arrival dates from the advent of the Raja's family in this part of the hills. Her legend is as follows - Tara Nath, a joge, who had renounced the world and was possessed of miraculous power, came to Târab to practise austerities. He kindled his fire, dhund, in the jungle. When rain come, not a drop fell on his sitting place (asan), and it remained dry. Hearing of the supernatural deeds of the faqir, the Raja went to visit him. The jogi told the Rajá to erect a temple to his goddess, Tara MAI, on the hill, and to place her idol in it, predicting tbat this act would bring him much good, and that it was only with this object that he had taken up his abode on the hill. In compliance with these directions, the Râjâ ordered a temple to be built, in which the jogi Tara Nath placed the Devt's idol according to the rules set forth in the Hindu Shastras for asthdpan, establishing an idol.' The Pato Brâhmans, who attended the jõgi, were appointed pujdris of the temple. This Devi has eighteen hands, in each of which she holds a weapon, such as a sword, spear, &o., and she is mounted on a tiger. The hill on which the jogi resided had, before his arrival, another name, but it was re-named Tarab after him.

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As the Devi is the family deity of the Râjâ, she is revered by all his subjects, and it is well known that whosoever worships the Devi will prosper in this world in all respects. It is also believed that she protects people against epidemics, such as cholera and small-pox. It is likewise believed that if the Dêví be angry with anybody, she causes his cattle to be devoured by hyenas. The ramindars of pargands Kalânj and Khushâlâ have the sincerest belief in the Dêvf. Whenever sickness breaks out, the people celebrate jags in her honour, and it is believed that pestilence is thus stayed. Some nine or ten years ago, when cholera appeared in the Simla District, some members of the Junga Darb&r fell victims to the disease, but the Rajâ made a vow to the Dévf, and all the people also prayed for health, whereupon the cholera disappeared. The people ascribe the death of those who died of it to the Devi's displeasure. Some four years ago, and again last year, small-pox visited pargand Kalânj, but there was no loss of life. Some two or three years ago hyenas killed numbers of goats and sheep grazing in the jungles round Tarab, and the Devi revealed the cause of her displeasure to the people, who promised to celebrate a jag in her honour. Since then no loss has occurred.
Close to the temple of Dévf is another, dedicated to Siva, which was erected at the instance of the jõgi Tara Nath. The first temple of the Devi was at Ganpari village in pargand Khushålá. This still existe, and the usual worship is performed in it. The Devi's original seat is considered to be Tarab. Her oldest image is a small one.
There is a legend that Raja Balbir Sain placed in the temple at Tarab an idol made by a blacksmith named Gosâûn, under the following circumstances : - One Bhawâni Dat, a pandit, told Raja Balehr Sain that as Tarab was a sacred place he ought to present an idol to it, which he (the pandit) would place in the temple according to the Hindu ritual, and he added that the idol would display miracles. Accordingly the Raja ordered Goswan to make the idol required. The blacksmith made an earthen image of the shape suggested to him by the pandit, who told the Raja that while the idol was being moulded, he must offer five sacrifices. This the RajA did not do, and moreover he had a braxen imago prepared. Impoediately after the blacksmith had completed his idol, be was attacked by a band of dacoits, who killed him with two of his companions, as well as a dog and a cat. Thus the five necessary sacrifices were fulfilled. The Râjâ was then convinced of the veracity of the pandit's statement and acted thenceforward according to his directions. He performed all the requisite charities and sacrifices, and, having seated the idol, took it to Tarab. He performed several hawans in the temple and placed (asthapan) the idol in it. This Devi is the one who is mentioned in the Chandiki-Pothí by Markandâ Rishi, who killed Maht Kabashor 29
The Fair of Devi Tara is held at Tarab in October on the Dargâ ashtami, and lasts for a day. On the first naurdtrd, the Brahmans worship Durgå in the temple, and a he-goat is sacrificed daily, the Râjâ bearing all expenses. On the morning of the ashtami, the Raja, with his Rani and all his family, sets out from his court so as to reach the plain below the temple at ten in the morning, and there takes a meal; after which the whole Court goes in procession, preceded by a band of musicians, to the temple, which the Raja, with the Rânt, enters at about one in the afternoon. The Râjâ first offers a gold mohar and sacrifices a he-gout, and each member of his family does the same. Everyone presents from one to eight annas to the bhojki and the pujdrí. After the ruling family has made its offerings, other people may make theirs, and money, fruit, flowers, ghi and grain are given by everyone according to his means. The bhojki and the pujdrí divide the heads of the slaughtered goats, returning the rest of the flesh to the persons who offered them. This worship lasts till four, and then the sacrifice of boll-bnffaloes begins. These are presented by the Raja as sankalp or alms, and taken to a place not far from the temple, where a crowd of people surround them with sticks and hatchets in their hands. The pujdrí first worships the anitials, making & tilak with rice and saffron on their foreheads. Boiling water is then poured on them to make them shiver, and if that fails, cinders are placed on their backs. This is done to each animal in turn, and unless each one trembles from head to foot it is not sacrificed. The people
This reference is clearly meant to be classical, and for Mabi KuhAshor read Mabiskedra. -Ed.]

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stand round entreating the Dêvi with clasped hands to accept the offerings, and when a buffalo shivers it is believed that the Dêvi has accepted his sacrifice. The people then shout Dévi-ji ki jai, jai, victory to the Dêvi.' When all the buffaloes have been accepted by the Dêvi, the first is taken to the shambles and a man there wounds him with a sword. Then all the low-caste people, such as the Chamârs, Kôlis, Bharos, and Ahirs, pursue the animal, striking him with their clubs and hatchets and making a great outcry. Each buffalo is brutally and cruelly killed in this way, and it is considered a meritorious act to kill them as mercilessly as possible, and if the head of any buffalo is severed at the first stroke of the sword, it is regarded as an omen that some evil is impending, and that both the person who inflicts the blow and the one who makes the sacrifice will come to harm in the course of the ensuing year, the belief being, that as the buffaloes are the children of the Devi's enemies, it is fitting to kill them in this way, 30 After this sacrifice, food is offered to the Dêvi, and arti is performed at six in the evening.
The fair is the occasion of much merriment and even debauchery. Women of all classes attend, unless they are secluded (parda nishin), and those of loose character openly exact sweetmeats and money for the expenses of the fair, from their paramours, and put them publicly to shame if they do not pay. The plain is a sanctuary, and no one can be arrested on it for any offence, even by the Rajâ, but offenders may be arrested as soon as they quit its boundaries and fined, the fines being credited to the temple funds. Offences are, however, mostly connived at. There is much drinking and a good deal of immorality, with a great many petty thefts. The Râjâ, with his family, spends the night on the site of the fair. The bhojki and the pujdri, who, with the bhandari, receive the offerings received at the fair, are Sarsût Brâhmans of the Rai-Bhât group, while the bhandart is a Kanêt. Brahman girls are also brought to this temple, where they worship and are fed, and also receive money and dachhná (dakhna),31
On the third day of the Dasahrâ, the goddess is worshipped at 2 P.M., in the darbar, all the weapons being first taken out of the arsenal and worshipped, and then all the musical instruments. The essential worship is that of the sword and flag. After this the Râjâ holds a darbar with full ceremonial and then visits the temple of Thakurji Lachhmi Narayan, whence the image is brought in a palanquin, while the Raja walks just behind it, attended by all his officials, in order of precedence, to the plain set apart for this festival. On this plain a heap of fuel 32 is piled at a short distance from a green tree, which is adorned with small flags and round which is tied a wreath containing a rupee. The Raja with unsheathed sword goes round the heap, followed by the rest of the people, and the heap is then worshipped and set fire to. It is essential that the wazîr of the State should be present at this ceremony, and if he is unavoidably absent, a representative, who wears an iron sanjud, is appointed, and the heap is then fired. The man who cuts the wreath on the tree in the midst of the burning fire and takes the rupee is considered a hero, and his prosperity during the ensuing year is assured. Before the heap is fired, a pitcher of water with a mark on it is placed close by, and whoever hits the mark is deemed lucky, besides receiving a prize from the Râja. If no one is able to bit it, the man who represents Hanûmân, and who accompanied the idol, smashes the pitcher with his mace. The image is then carried back to its temple with the same pomp as before, and a turban is given to the Raja on behalf of the Thakurdwara, while his attendants are given bhog and charnamrit.33 Wreaths of flowers are then distributed. The festival is believed to commemorate the conquest of Ceylon by Râm Chandar, the ancestor of the Rajputs, which was accomplished after worshipping Dêvî.
A somewhat similar festival is the Saêr Fair held at Khad Ashni: On the morning of the first of Asanj, a barber, having lighted a lamp in a thál (plate) and made an idol of Ganêsh in cow-dung, comes to the Raja and his officials and makes them worship the idol. The Raja and
Mahi Khashwa, Mahisâsûra, who tormented the Devi, was a bull-buffalo, and, when he was killed, bis descendants were metamorphosed into ball-buffaloes.
31 A fee for spiritual service.
82 The stack is called lanka.
ss The water with which the feet of the idol have been washed.

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officials then give him presents according to their means. In the afternoon, the Raja gives alms, and, accompanied by a procession with a band and his Rânis, sets out for Khad Ashni. The inhabitants of the neighbouring villages assemble there in thousands to enjoy the sight. Some fighting bull-baffaloes, which have been reared for the purpose, are brought to the fair the day before and fed up with ghí, &c. The Râjâ himself rears six or eight buffaloes for this fair, and they are similarly prepared for the fight. The fair begins at one in the afternoon, when the he-buffaloes are set to fight in pairs, and the person whose buffalo wins is given a rupee as a reward by the Rája. So long as the fight lasts, music is played.
The people at the fair distribute sweetmeats, &c., among their friends and relatives. Swings too are set up and the people revel in drink. They can commit disturbances with impunity, as no offenders are arrested on this occasion. Many people from Simla bring baberdashery for sale, and the articles are largely purcbased by women. At five the people begin to disperse, and the Rajá returns to bis darbdr. About 6,000 or 7,000 persons assemble at this fair, and the Raja distributes rewards among his servants on its termination. Its introduction is due to the Raja, and it is not held in honour of any particular god. The place where the fight takes place is dedicated to the god Badman. Formerly rams were also made to fight, but now only ball-buffaloes are used. Before the commencement of the fight, a rôt is given to the god. This rôt is made of 54 sérs of flour, 54 of gur, and 5 of ghi. The four is first kneaded in sharbat of gur and then made into a thick loaf, which is then fried in ghf. When it is cooked, it is taken with dhép, tilak, flowers and rice to the place of the god, and after worship has been performed, it is divided in two, one piece being left at the temple and the other distributed among the people.
According to one legend, this fair was instituted by the forefathers of the Raja, who originally came from Gaur in Bengal and were an offshoot of the Sain dynasty. This festival is also observed in that country. It is said that the Râjâs of the Sain dynasty were the devotees (updsak) of the Devi, who rejoices in fighting and the sacrifice of ball-buffaloes. Although this fiction is not generally accepted, the story is told by men of advanced age, and the late Råjå Malêr Sain also ascribed the fair to this origin. It is said that that Biru ddota is the wasir of the Devi, and therefore the fair is held at the place where there is a temple of the Devi or Biru. It is also said that the day of the fair is the anniversary of that on wbich Rája Râm Chandar constructed the bridge to Ceylon, and that the fair is held in commemoration of that event. In the everyday speech of the hill people Bira deota is oalled Bağman deota.
APPENDIX II.
The Goddess Ath-bhoją of Dharéch. Legend.- A RAJA of Kotlêhr in the Kangra District, named Jaspal, had two sons. The elder succeeded to the throne, and the younger, in consequence of some dispate, quitted the dominions of his brother, went to the bills, and took the name of Gajindar Pål. On leaving Kôtlehr, he brought with him an eight-handed image from the fort of Kangrs, and came to Bhajjt, where he begot four sons, Chirů, Chånd, Logů, and Bhögu. On his death, these four partitioned his dominions thas: Chiru took the ildqa of Bhajji, and Chånd that of Koti, while Loga and Bhögû received pargand Phậga in jagir. The descendants of Chird and Chand are to this day the Ranks of Bhajjt and Kot respectively. Bhögů married, and three families of his descendants, Marchiţak, Phaçik, and Halttak, still exist in pargand Phágú. Logu did not marry, but became a dacoit. In those days the country round Phagû was under the Rank of Ratesh. Harassed by Lôgu's raids, the people complained to the Râpâ, but Lögû was strong and brave and the Rânâ could not capture him. At last he commissioned a Chang134 to kill Logo, promising him a reward if he succeeded, but though the Chanel pursued Logu for some time, he failed to seize him. Lögu had a liaison with a Brahman girl, and one day she was sitting with him under a tree, when the Chanál chanced to pass by, and, taking Logů off his
# Chanal is a low caste in the hills.

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guard, smote off his head and carried it to the Ranâ, leaving his body at Hohận Village, but the corpse of its own accord went to Dhar, a village surrounded by a rampart and with only one entrance, which was closed at the time. The headless body pushed open the gate, and entered the village. When the people saw it all besmeared with blood, they were terrified and gathered together, unt the body disappeared, and though they searched for it, they could not find it. At last they discovered & stone pindli (an idol having no special shape). On consulting the astrologers, they were told, that Logú had been transformed into a déotd and that they should place (asthapan) the pindli in a temple and worship it as a god. Then Bhögû and other zamínddrs established the eight-handed Dêvi, which Lögu's father had brought from Kolehr, at Kiliya in Dhiraj village and placed Lögû's pindli in the jungle of Dawân. The Brahmans who had come with the Raja of Kotlehr's sons were appointed pujárís of both deities, and it was then decided that Devi was the superior and that Lògû was her subordinate. Shortly afterwards several brazen images of Lögû were made and a handsome temple built to him in Bakhög village, where he is daily worshipped. In Dawân hamlet he is worshipped once every three years.
A fair is held at Devi's temple on the Durga ashtami day and at that of Lögû on the Salono, 1. e., the püranmdshi of SÂwan sudi, and at the Diwalt in the month of Katak.
(To be continued.)
AHMAD SHAH, ABDĀLI, AND THE INDIAN WAZĪR, IMĀD-UL-MULK (1756-7). (Contributed by William Irvine, late of the Bengal Civil Service.)
(Continued from p. 18.) NEIT Imid-al-mulk began to talk about the invasion of the Shah and his own calamities at the coming of the Shah to Shahjahadābād, telling the story with all its details. His account was as follows:
IMĀD-UL-MULK'S STORY. The daughter of Mir Manūņ, son of Nawāb Qamar-ud-din Khān, Muhammad Shāh's Wasir, was betrotbed to me. Then Mir Manūņ met his death at Lāhor.16 His widow, by the medium of a woman in the Shah's (the Abdāli's) family, with whom she had some sort of relationship or connection, wrote a letter to the Shāh, setting forth her unprotected condition. The Shah was touched and said he would adopt Mir Manūņ's widow as his daughter. He ordered certain jagirs to be left in her possession and added some tracts of land as a gift from himself.
As Mir Manūņ's daughter had already been betrothed to me ('Imád-ul-mulk), her mother wrote to me: “The feast for the marriage of my daughter remains to be performed. You " can either come here (Lühor], or send for us (to Dihli], so that this business may be carried "through." But the Begam added that she could not come to Dihli without the permission of the Shāh. In reply I wrote to her : "Get permission from the Shāh and come yourself to Shāhjahanabad." The Begam submitted this proposal to the Shāh, and permission to leave Lūhor having been granted, she reached Sbābjabānābād two years ago.
In the interval mention began to be made [to me, 'Imid-ul-mulk] of the daughter of Ali Quli Khān; and the other matter [of the marriage to Mulin-ul-mulk's daughter] was
18 Mu'in-ul-mulk (Manu) met his death at Lähor by a fall or by poison on the 9th ur 10th Muharram, 1167 H., Sed or 6th Nov. 1753. Imid-ul-mulk is telling the story in 1169 H., according to our author. The real date of this interview must have been, however, Jamida II., 1170, ond of February, or first week in March 1757 i Bee B. M. Oriental MS. No 1740, ff., 102-105b.

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postponed for one year, and I was married to the daughter of 'Ali Qali.Kbān.? After a year the Begam Şahibah was sent for by the Shāh; and repeatedly his letters arrived summoning her. The answer she wrote was : "I came to Shahjahānābād to see about the marriage of my “ daughter. Two years have elapsed while I have been sitting and waiting here and Gbiyāz-ud"din Khan (s. e., the person speaking, ris, Imád-ul-mulk] has never carried oat the ceremony. "Nay, he is on the point of making his first marriage with the daughter of Ali Quli Khan, "the Six-fingered, the Daghistāni; and her mother was a singing woman."
In reply to this letter the Sbāh sent me an angry letter, and over and over again forwarded preremptory orders for the Begam to return to his Court. While this was going on, I had married 'Ali Quli Khan's daughter, and on this account the Begam şāḥibah was to some extent ill-disposed towards me. More than once she wrote to the Shāh that she had been involved in all these complications, yet up to that date her daughter had never been married, but was still "seated solitary at home."
The Shāh, upon the representations of the Begam Şahibah, was greatly incensed against me in his heart. When the Shāh drew near to Dihli and was encamped at Shāhdarrah,18 I sent for Nawāb Najib Khān, and said: “We must deliver one battle against the Shāh." His answer was: "Pay me this day two krors of rupees, cash down, and I will fight." I replied : "Nothing is due to you by the State for your arrears and pay, seeing that in liquidation of your " claims I have handed over to you more than one half of the territories. At a day's notice " whence can I produce such a sum of money? This claim that you have announced is inconsistent with your loyalty as a subject."
Najib Khan and his followers raised a tumult and for a whole day barred exit from and ingress to my house, and pressed for payment of the above sum. Then, keeping the fact a secret from me, Najib Khan appointed one Rasul Khan, Afghān, as his agent, and sent him to the Shah's camp, where he was to act under the auspices of Jabān Khan, the Shāh's general-in-chief. That very same day a letter in the most cordial terms came from the Shāh, inviting Najib Khan to his camp.
At midnight Najib Khan came out of Dihli and marched off with his troops to the Shäh's camp, where he was presented through Jahan Khan and obtained a regal kchila't (set of robes). I saw that in the realm of Hind there was no defender, I was left alone, "driven off from " that side, and on this side, left forlorn,"29 exposed to dishonour and to death. Thus it seemed best to let come what come might, and go off in person to the Shāh. When it was one watch (three hours) before dawn, without informing any of my people, but taking my life in my band, I got on to my borse, and, followed by four attendants, an hour and a half after sunrise I reached the tent of the chief minister, where I dismounted. The chief minister was most kind and took me to his arms. Then he called for breakfast for me. In every way he tried to comfort and reassure me. One of the family of the chief minister was related to my mother, and this lady, who was then travelling with him, heard of my arrival, and, following custom, sent out some one to ask how I was.
This conversation ended, the chief minister went away to see the Shih and reported that 'Imád-ul-mulk Ghiyaz-ud-din Khan, the Wazir of Hindustan, had left the capital and had reached his (the chief minister's) tent all alone, and was stopping there. He was waiting for permission to kiss the threshold of the Heaven-exalted Court.
11 Her name was Ganda Begam and her mother was a dancing-girl. A translation of one of her poems is to be found in Vol. I. of Sir William Jones' works. Her tomb is at Nüräbäd, sixty-three milee south of Agrah, and it barre the short ineoription, äh, gham-i-Ganna Begam' (1189 , 1775-6). "Alas! weep for Ganni Begam." H On the left bank of the Jamoah, just opposite to Dihli.
As an tū rāndah, waarin zü mandah.

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An order issued : "Let him be brought." I went, and I saw that Najib Khan, and Jahān Khān, and five other commanders were standing there with folded hands. As my offering I produced five gold coins, end & jewelled amulet, having mounted on it a diamond of great price.
The Shāh said: “Art thou Ghiyāz-ud-din Khān?" I replied: "I am he; a sinner and "a transgressor." He said: “Thou wert Wasir of Hindūstān, wherefore foughtest thou not with “ me?" I replied: "The Amir-ul-umară of Hindūstān was Najib Khan. Behold, here he " is present before the Shāh's throne. I said to him : "We ought to fight one battle. He paid “no heed and, without reporting to me, left Dibli and was honoured by admission to this Exalted
Court. Except this noble there was within the realm no other renowned commander having an "army. Thus, where was the army I could lead into battle ?"
The Shāh said: "It is two years since I sent to you the daughter of Mir Manūņ, under " her mother's charge, so that she might be married to you. Up to this day you have not been
tuarried to her. Repeatedly have I sent for the Begam of Mir Manūņ, she being my adopted “ daughter, and yet you never sent her to me. Over and above this neglect, you made your first “ marriage with the daughter of Ali Qali Khān, whose mother was a dancing-woman, and yet "you failed to carry out my orders."
I replied: "The Begam of Mir Manūņ caused me to record a written oath, sworn to upon - the back of the Quran, and took it away with her. It was to the effect that after I had “married her daughter I would never marry another wife. Now, the daughter of 'Ali Quli "Khān had equally become betrothed to me, but when 'Ali Qali Khān died, Shujā-ud-daulah
had endeavoured to get the girl for himself. Thas I was forced to consider my reputation "and dignity and name, which were at stake; so I entered into my first marriage with her and "thus avoided the breaking of the oath that the Begam şāhibah had forced me to write out."
Upon this the Shāh said: “Intizām-ud-danlah (son of Qamar-ud-din Khān) has filed before "me, through my 'arxbegi, Barkhürdar Khān, an agreement under his own seal, offering two "krors of rupees on condition that charge of the office of Wazir in Hindustan is made over to “him. The rescript conferring the office of Wazır in India has been written out, and only "awaits the seal of my Wazir. If thou agreest to one kror of rapees, thou shalt be maintained "as before in that office."
I said: “This slave could not lay his hands even upon one lakh of rupees. Whence can I produce a kror P" He (the Shāh) answered: "Thou canst bring it from Sbāhjabānābād." I represented: “I could not collect & kror of broken pebble-stones there. What chance, "then, of getting rupees P" He replied: "How much treasure hast thou stored in thy house ?." I said: "Fourteen thousand rapees in cash, two thousand seven handred gold coins, and. " four lakhs worth of jewels; silver Vessels, and so forth. If it be so directed, I will send for "them this day, and deliver them over to His Majesty's officials."
On this occasion a slight smile passed over the Shāh's face, and he said to Shāh Wali Khān, his chief minister :. “This is the Warts of Hindustan and you, too, are a Wartí. Take him to "your quarters and persuade him. If he agrees to a kror of rapoes, then make out the rescript "for the Wastr's office in his name, and maintain him in his old position." He presented me with robes of honour of the Qizzilbāsh style, six pieces in number, and a jewelled aigrette-- holder, with a plume of feathers; then dismissing me, sent me away with his Wasir.
Upon this we came back to the chief minister's tent. He pressed me to the atmost; and said the rescript appointing Intizam-ud-daulah to be Wasir of Hind was already made out ;onl his (the chief minister's) signature and geal remained to be attached. Any sam that

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I chose to promise he would get agreed to, and then would have the order made out in my name. "As the Shāh and I too" (he added), "on account of Mir Manūņ, are inclined in "heart towards you, we have made some delay in impressing the seal on the rescript for "Intizām-ud-danlah."
I replied that absolutely I could not think of taking or attempting the Wastr-ship in & State where there was no army and no treasure. Nor had I any power of laying hands opon a lakh of rupees. True kindness and condescension would, in my case, consist at this juncture in excusing me from such an undertaking. Under no conditions could I accept the office.
The chief minister once more went to the Shāh and made a representation of the case. Then and there the rescript for the office of Waxlr was completed in the name of Intigām-uddaulah; and it was sent off to bim at Shāhjahānābād by the hands of a nasaqchi. Intizām-addaulah reeled with excitement, and ordered the kettle-drums to be beaten in honour of his appointment as Wasir.
Two days afterwards the Shāh entered Sbābjahānābād. Five hundred horsemen were set apart to look after me and bring me with them. That same day, that on which the Shah entered Dihli, he gave an order that the daughter of Ali Quli Khan should be marched away from Shāhjahānäbūd and taken to Balkh. Accordingly, that very day their march began and their camp was pitched at the town of Bädli.
At the time of afternoon prayer tha Shāh said to me: “This might the marriage cere"monies of Mir Manūņ's daughter will be celebrated in my presence. Go away now, and when "one watch of the night has passed, be ready for this business in accordance with your own "customs, and appear then in my audience-hall." At the same moment he sent notioe to the widow of Mir Manūņ.
When one watch of the night had gone by, I appeared at the appointed place. Then, with his own auspicious band, the Shāh applied henna to my palms, and caused the ritual of marriage to be carried out in his own presence. He said: "From this time I have taken you as "my son ; in every way let your heart be at rest." He conferred on me a gift of 5,000 rupees and two shawls he had worn himself. For this I made him my acknowledgments. Then I sent to the Begam 6,000 rupees on account of the Unveiling of the Bride. The Shāh said: "To-night remain where you are, you are a bridegroom." Then he was pleasud to honour his own sleeping apartment.
The same day there came to the Shāh a petition from Rajah Suraj Mall Jät, to this effect. “This faithful one is a slave and servant of your government, I entertain no ideas but those "of submission and obedience. My hope from your mercy and grace is, that should an order " of the Shäh secure the honour of issuing, I will place grass in my mouth and an axe upon my "neck, and attend to kiss the Threshold, whereby my head will be raised from among my peers " as high as the Seventh Heaven."
The order of the Shāh was: "Let it be written - Why delay for the issue of an order, if "he is a true subject of the Empire, let him appear and attend our audienco." Considering the offer of Suraj Mall to be bond fide, the Shāh went off to his sleeping quarters and retired to rest.
When one watch of the night was left before daybreak, the Shah arose and entered his oratory, and until the time came to say the morning prayers busied himself in reading portions of the Scripture (wagāt) and recitation (aurād), and perasal of the Qurán. After

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completion of the morning prayers, he entered the Hall of Public Audience and took his seat upon the throne. At one and a half hours after sunrise the emperor of India appeared, and they gave formal andience together, seated upon one throne.
The Shab ordered Intizām-ud-daulah to be sent for, so that they might that day collect from him the first instalment of one kror of rupees. A general order was given to the nasaqchis (a sort of military police) to visit the houses of the other nobles, -above all, that of Mir Jumlah, Sadr-ng-sudur, who had a treasure-honse containing trays upon trays full of gold, and bring in them and their gold.
In fine, from that moment a strange uproar arose within the oity, and cries reached the ear everywhere of “Bring gold! Bring gold.!” An exceeding fear fell apon the dwellers in Shahjahānābād.
The widow of Mir Manūn sent a message to me: "At this time the nasaqchis have not "given one moment's grace to Intiqam-ad-daulah but have carried him off to the andience. "A wooden trianglo (chobhãe gainichi) has been erected with a view to pa nishment; and the "Shāh has said that this day one kror of ropees, acoording to agreement, being one instalment, "must be collected. If this is not done, he will issue an order for a beating with sticks."
On hearing these words I hastered off to the Hall of Public Audience, and, making my obeisance to the Shah and to my own Sovereign, I remained standing in my due place. I saw that what the Begam şabibah had said was quite true. Intizām-ud-daulah, his face white as a sheet, was standing close to the triangle. In a short time the Shāh would have lost his temper and flown into a rage.
Going close up to Intizam-ad-daulah, I said softly: "What is the source whence you .** thonght of getting the money?" He said: "By asking for time and forming plans; at "this moment, beyond this one ring that I have on my finger, I have not control over even one "rupee.V Hearing this appalling reply, my heart sank within me; and I concluded that "of a truth, this man has not the power of paying in even a few thousands of rupees. This "day sees the end of the honour of the house of us Taranis! Whatever force and torture may "be used to this man, will, all of it, in the judgment of the common people, be attributed to "me Ghiyaz-ud-din Khān, because he has claimed the Wasir-ship and displaced me. They * will say I had planned that he should be either disgraced or slain."
Therefore, in the most abject manner, I laid my head at the foot of the Shah's throne, and said: “May I be thy sacrifice! May I be the averter of thy misfortunes! This dignity and "honour of the Turinis, of so many years' standing, - alas ! that in the days of a Shāh equal in "dignity to Sulaiman, they should be redaced to entire nothingness! and should become "a laughing-stock to the Irānis ! I rely upon the graciousness of the Shaban Shāh, that as an “alms-offering upon his blessed head, they may be preserved from dishonour and granted " pardon."
The Shāh said: "This day will I bave the money; I have heard that in the house of “Qamar-ud-din Khan there lie stored twenty krors of ropees; and out of this accumulation this "son of his has covenanted to pay two kerors. I relinquished part, but this day I mean to
realize one koror, be it by gentle means or by torture. Let the position of the treasure-store * be pointed out; or, if not, I will order a bastonading." .

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Intizam-ud-daulah spoke: "Whatever treasure there was, my father caused to be buried. "within his mansion. The widow, Shu'lahpuri Begam knows about it." Forthwith the Shah ordered the Begam to be produced. Unable to resist, the poor Begam came to the Hall: of Public Audience in a woman's libter with a dirty cloth thrown over it. There the Shah screened off an enclosed space, and called the Begam to his own presence. He said to her : "Thou art as a sister to me; nor do I wish to shew any disrespect to the family of the "sovereigns of Taimur's line, or to that of their chief minister; you should give up their treasure."
The Begam was shaking and trembling all over, and quite unable to return any answer.. An order was given that if the woman did not tell where the money was, iron nails were to be driven in underneath the nails of her hand. On hearing these words the poor creature lost her senses and fell down in a fit. Then Intizam-ud-daulah and I were called to the presence. The Shah said: "Carry this woman away and place ber on one side. Find out exactly where the-"store of money is."
To make a long story short. After a short time the Begam recovered her senses and said "I am not able to specify the place where the treasure is.. Only this much I know, that what"ever there is of it is buried within a certain mansion." This statement I reported to the Shah.. He directed that the Begam be carried to that spot. One hundred axe-men and twenty nasaqchis were placed on the duty of seeing the ground explored and recovering the treasures. from it.
Thus, for six hours the earth was excavated, and at the end of that time the treasure was hit upon. When it had been counted, it was found to amount to sixteen lakhs in coin.. A report was made to the Shah that this amount of buried treasure had been disinterred.. Since, according to Persian reckoning, one lakh is 30,000 rupees, while by Indian rules 100,000 rupees are called one lakh, the Shah,. following mentally the Persian mode of account, understood that something about one kror of rupees, more or less, had been seized.20
After the recovery of this money, the Shah pardoned all the transgressions of Intizam-uddaulah and conferred on him robes of honour as Wasir, and uttered many apologies in connection with Shu'lahpuri (Begam), Out of the money found he presented ten thousand rupees to the Begam. A general order was given that not a soul should slay, plunder, or oppress. within the city of Shahjahanabad. The Shah rose and retired. to his sleeping apartments.
On that day the slaves-and camp-followers of the Shah had gone out, by way of foraging,. towards Faridabad to bring in water and grass." It so chanced that Kunwar Jawahir Singh, son of Suraj Mall, Jaf, and Shamsher Bahadur, Marhattah, and Anta Mänkher, Marhaṭṭah,. were about that time at fort Ballamgadh with five to six thousand men. They issued from the Ballamgadh fort and, coming upon the foragers, took them unawares, attacked them, and drove away one hundred and fifty horses, while some fifty to sixty of the men were killed. This event was reported to the Shah the same evening..
That very moment the Shah sent for 'Abd-us-gamad Khan, who was the commander of thirty thousand horsemen, and whispered to him: "Without delay take out your men and. "go against the infidels. During the coming night select a hiding-place and go into ambush
The sum was really 53 (Persian) lakhs, and thus not much more than half a kror: 31. Shamsher Bahadur, son of Baji. Bão, Peshwa, by a Muhammadan dancing-girl..

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“ Send on one hundred of your men in advance into the open country and induce the infidels to “ fall upon them. Your horsemen must engage them and, by alternately fighting and "retreating, bring them gradually close to you. At that point come out of your ambush and "offer them up as food to the relentless sword."
Abd-ag-samad Khan did as he was told. Jawāhir Singh and the two Marhattah chiefs already mentioned, escaped alive with nine other men, and sought shelter within the fort of Ballamgadh, among the nine being one Hidayat 'Ali Khān, faujdar of chaklah Shukobābād Manipuri, Bhongam et cetera.42 When half a watch bad passed after sunrise 'Abd--şamad Khan presented himself before the Shāh to make his obeisance, accompanied by about five hundred infidel heads carried on spears, and captured horses, with other goods and chattels. A jewelled aigrette and robes of honour were conferred on him.
The Shāh ordered his advance tents to be sent out and pat up in the direction of Faridābād, stating that on the following day he would enter that place. To the emperor of India he said : "You should march along with me, so that wherever there are any rebellious or tarbulent men, " or any of your enemies, you may issue your credentials, and they shall receive thorough "repression and be forced to give proper tribute. My purpose is this that in order to reduce "your kingdom to order, so far as by my hands it can be done, ample exertion of the most "effective sort be brought into play."
The emperor brought forward unworthy objections, and declared then to the Shah: "We desire " that between us the ties of brotherbood shonld be set ap, by the marriage of one of the royal "ladies to His Majesty the Shāh." The Shah replied: "I desire no disrespect to the House of " Amir Taimur." The emperor of Hindūstān became still more pressing in his request - nay, he said to the Shāh: “The longing of the whole body of Begams in the royal family is in secret that this " should be done. What harm is there if the daughters of sovereigns are delivered to sovereigns. "My pleasure will be consulted by this being carried out."
Therefore, that very night one of the daughters of Zinat Mahal was married to him. The Shah treated this sponse with such honour and respect that he made her the head over all his other wives. After this ceremony the Shāh said to me: "Thou hast only lately been married. Stay where thon art." I answered: “This faithful one will remain in attendance on the felicitous Stirrup. Ti "you allow, I will bring my family with me. Then, the connections of 'Ali Quli Khān, who form "part of the good fame of this slave, have, by the Royal orders, marched off to the town of Badli. " which lies five kos from Shāhjahānābād, on their journey to Balkh. On this subject I await, for " the present, whatever you may be pleased to order."
The Shāh said: "Let them be brought back to Dihli. Let them be under the control of "Umdah Begam. When I return to Wilayat, whatever the widow of Mir Manūņ desires shall "be done with them." I made my obeisance of thanks, and, in spite of the Shāh declining to take me with him, I managed somehow or other to march along with him, wanting to see what would happen.
[Imid-ul-mulk's narrative to Sher Andaz Khan ends.]
After this narrative was done, Ghiyaz-ud-din Khān asked the Mir Sahib, saying: "I should " like to inspect the memoranda and requests of the Nawāb, my brother (that is to say, Ahmad
32 This Hidayat 'Ali Khad may possibly bare been the father of Ghulam Husain Khān, aathor of the Siyar. ul-nuta akhkirin.

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Khan), to find out what matters he has prayed the Shah to grant him." The writer at a sigu from the Mir Sahib fetched the memoranda, which were with a servant in a bag, and handed them to him ('Imad-ul-mulk). After he had gone through them, he made alterations in several places. Thus, for "Subah Bangalah six krors is offered" he wrote "four krors"; and for the Marhaṭṭah country he altered "fifty lakhs" of rupees into "twenty lakhs," and in regard to the Audh Subah be replaced "two krors" by "seventy lakhs." Other memoranda were prepared and made over to the Mir Sahib.
44
Let us return to our narrative. Imad-ul-mulk and the Mir Sahib were engaged in this conversation, when a messenger from the Shah's audience ran up and said: The chief minister "has stated the business of Aḥmad Bangash to the Shah and his petition has been sent for, you "must give it to me." Thus he carried off the petition in its bag. The Shah himself read it, and reassured the chief minister; and two mounted nasaqchts were sent off at once to fetch Jangbaz Khan, who had gone to the town of Mirath. Their orders were to bring him back at once with all haste.
When the chief minister returned to his tent, he said to the Mir Sahib: "The Shah has "interested himself in the highest degree in the affairs of Aḥmad Khan, and has announced that "whatever Ahmad Bangash has asked for should be granted." He would send Jangbaz Khan back with his (Aḥmad Khan's) envoy. Accordingly, nasaqchts had been despatched at once to Jangbāz Khan. In four days' time Jangbaz Khan will arrive. With regard to you (the Mir Sahib) he said that the next day being a halt, you are to be presented to him. The chief minister having thus reassured the Mir Sahib in the most perfect manner, sent him away. At noon he forwarded to the Mir Sahib one tray of fruit and four trays of food, when the Mir Sahib presented a gift of ten rupees to the minister's servants.
The next morning we attended at the quarters of the chief minister. The chief minister conducted the Mir Sahib to the Shah's presence. The Shah enquired: "You are a Sayyid?" He replied: "They call me so." The Shah went on: "Sayyid, let your mind be easy; I have "sent for Jangbaz Khan. In four days he will be here, and I will depute him to Farrukhābād in "your company. Write to Aḥmad Khan to begin making his plans, and he should be in every way "without anxiety. I have entered these realms as an upholder of the Faith and a succourer of the Afghan tribes. My purpose is that the accursed group, the Marhaṭṭahs, who have occupied the "territories of that tribe (the Afghans), shall, through the fear and power of the Lord, be uprooted "and expelled by me."
The Mir Sahib made an obeisance of thanks and produced the list of presents and rarities. The things were all in the author's charge, he having attended in the Mir Şahib's train and being seated in the Shah's audience-hall. An order was given to lay the things out for inspection. Mirzā Mustafa, the Shah's Secretary, came up to the author and placed the gold coins, et cetera, and the rest of the things in large and small trays, then laid them before the Shah. The whole gift was accepted. He remarked: "The rupee of Farrukhabad is better looking and better 'made than "that from any other place in India. I have heard that Ahmad, Bangash, is a man of valour, "though, nowadays, the Marhaṭṭahs have got hold of his territories. He ought to eject them, and, "please the Lord! it shall so come to pass, and I will make over the country as far as the borders "of Bangal to Aḥmad Khan."
After this speech, he conferred on the Mir Sahib a robe of honour of seven pieces, together with a jewelled aigrette, a turban of a flowered pattern, a tight-fitting coat of shawl stuff, in addition to

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FEBRUARY, 1907.)
MISCELLANEA.
31
& pleated over-gown and a yabae *), with a flowered edging, a waistband of shawl-stuff, and a pair of shawls from Tūs.
At this point four nasaqchis appeared and made some statement in the Tarki language. The Shāh's face fushed red, and he said in Persian : * Send for Jabãn Khān." To Jahản Khān be said: “Take Najib Khān with you and march this very instant. Move into the boundaries of the * accursed Jāt, and in every town and district held by him slay and plunder. The city of Mathură is "a holy place of the Hindus, and I have heard that Suraj Mall is tbere ; let it be put entirely to the "edge of the sword. To the best of your power leave nothing in that kingdom and country. Up "to Akbarābād leave not a single place standing."
Jabản Khān made his obeisance and marched off the same day. Then he (the Shah) directed the nasaqchis to convey a general order to the army to plunder and slay at every place they reached. Any booty they acquired was made a free grant to them. Any person cutting off and bringing in heads of infidels should throw them down before the tent of the chief minister, wherewith to build a high tower. An account would be drawn up and five rupees per head would be paid them from the government fonds. The next day the march for the territories of the Jät began.
To the Mir Sahib the Shāh said: “Sayyid, I have come as an upholder of Islām. The "accursed generation of Marhattahs, how can they withstand me? I will sweep their very " name out of this country. In my heart is a firm resolve to pursue them into the Dakhin regions. "So long as you are with the army, come daily to make your bow without fail." Out of those gold coins he picked up ten and presented them to the Mir şāḥib, saying: "I present you with these by way of ulash (table money ?)," and then in the kindliest way gave him leave to go.
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA. FUBTHEB TRACES OF TOT EMISM IN THE religious observances. Their origin is said to be PANJAB
that a child was born near the Indus, close to Tes following instances of clans or sections,
a kahi weed. They are quite distinct from the both among Hindus and Muhammadans, which polygamous Kahals, who live on crocodiles, &c. bear totemistic names supplement those already
Labana or Lobank. - It is tempting to derive published ante, Vol. XXXII. p. 201, 812 ff. this name from Ian (salt), and I think it means Personally I am by no means convinced that trader in grain, but labana is also an earth totemiam can be said to exist in the Panjab
cricket, with arieket. with formidable
formidable jaws, and, in the
inwe' or North-West Frontier Province, since there South-West of the Pañjab, people whose children is clearly no organised tribal system based on
have pimples, pâni-watra, tied a labana (or panf. totemiam and most of the instances collected areatrd. As the insect also seems to be called ) explicable as tabus based on verbal resemblances,
round their necks, believing that a cure will or as nicknames.
result. It is said of the Labånds that a son Khagga. - From khagga, a kind of fish, 80 was born to a Ráthor Rajput with moustaches, called because their ancestor Jalalu'd-Din and so he was nicknamed Labånå, after the Khaggl saved a boat-load of people from
insect. drowning. Like the Bodlås, the Khaggas can Sunars. - Among the Mair Bunars, four cure bydrophobia by blowing.
sections merit notice:Kahal. - From kahi or kahil, a weed. This Bagga. - The Baggå section claims descent tribe is found in Bahawalpur, and is an offshoot from R&ô Ohhabitâ of Delhi, whose complexion of the religious tribe of the Chishtis, with whom was baggd, which means 'white' in Pañjābi, they still intermarry. They are fervent in and hence their name.

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The Plaud section claims descent from the (vi) Ladharia, from ladhár, a kind of tree. saint Pallava, whose name is derived from (vii) Ghurl, a wild goat ; 80-called because ita
sallava, or leaf, because be used to worship progenitor cried like one. under the leaves of a lanyau tree.
(viii) Khajara, date-palm (cf. the Brahman The Masun claims descent from a child born section of this name ); 80-called because its when his mother because sati, at the chhatá or founder was born under a date-palm. masán, "burning-place."
(ix) Khatta; from khattá, a kind of tree: for The Jaur& section deriven its origin from the a similar reason. simultaneous birth of a boy and a serpent called Brahmans. In Ambala the Brahmans have a jaurá. The serpent died, but the boy two almost certainly totemistic sections : survived, and bis descendants, who are of this gót, (i) Pile Bheddt, or vellow wolver ao called still reverence the serpent.
because one of the ancestors was saved by Brahmans. Among the NagarkotiA Briha she-wolf, and so they now worship a wolf at mans of the Kangra District certain snake weddings. sections have already been noted. In addition to (i) Sarinhe. - They are said to have once these, the Batehru (Pakka and Kachchha) taken refuge under a sarin tree, and they now have the following sections :
show reverence to it. (i) Chappal, an insect; no explanation is Bajputs. - The Rajputs in this District have forthcoming.
a gốt whose names (sic) end in palás (now (ii) Sugga, a parrot; no explanation is forth- corrupted into Prakash), because their ancestors coming.
once in time of trouble took refuge under a dhák (iii) Bhángwarin, fr. bhängar, a kind of tree.
tree. Their women still veil their faces before (iv) Khajure Dogre: Date-palm Dogar, .
a dhák, and it is also worshipped at marriages,
&c., by them. section founded by a man who planted a garden of date palme, and which originated in the Dogra
Jats - In Mianwali, a district on the Indus, country on the borders of Jammu.
the Jats have a sept, which is thus deseribed :(v) Ghabra, a rascal; one who earns his living The Thinds, who are owners in several by fair means or foul.
villages near Leiah, say they were originally Mahajang. - Among the Mahajans of Kangsa Chugbattas, but a boy of that family was found the following sections have been noted :
by the Pir, greased or buttered all over, with
insects clinging to him. The Pir said: “They (i) Bherd, said to be derived from bedhi, 'ewe'.
bave buttered you well," and he was called (ii) Makkersu, said to be from makki, a bee.
Thind thereafter." (iii) Koháru, an axe or chopper.
Chhimbas. - The Chhimbas of Maler Kotla Ghirths. - Among the Ghirths of Kångra have the four following gôts, regarding which no the following may also be noted :
traditions are fortheoming :(i) Pathrala, founded by a leaf-seller (pattu, Dadda, frog or toad. Khurpa, trowel. leaf):
Thuan, seorpion. Laura, penis. (ii) Khóra, founded by a woman whose child
Wasirs. - In Kob&t the custom among the was born under a thér tree.
Wazirs is that after the birth of the first-born (iii) Banyana, founded by a woman whose child, the mother walks out of the house, and child was born under a ban or oak.
names the child after the object, such as a tree, (iv) Dadda, founded by a woman whose child animal, insect, &c., that first catches her sight. was born near a bamboo, and laid on the tree. For instance, one tribe, the Gidar Khel, is so (v) Khunla, an animal of some kind. The
called after the jackal. name was given to a cbild as a token of affection.
H. A. Rose. Hence his descendants are still called by the name.
May 31st, 1906.
1 Lit., 'twin.'
? Not in the Punjabi Dictionary of Bhai Maya Singh. * Thindi = greasy or buttored.cf. p. 66 of O'Brion'. Mullani Glonary.

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Indian Antiquary. PREHISTORIC BRONZE IMPLEMENTS FROM INDIA
Plate VI. Bronze, (?) copper implements from Bithur or Brahmavarta in Cwnpore District.
lele.
alle
SCALESUNDE BAIN. PROBABLY ABOUTONSARTER, PHOTO, BY PANDIT HIRANANDA NOS. 108, 109, 110.
W. GRIGGS

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Indian Antiquary.
PREHISTORIC BRONZE IMPLEMENTS FROM INDIA.
Plate VII.
Bronze, (?) copper harpoon-head, from India, presented in 1880 by Sir A. Cunningham to the
National Museum, Dublin.
Bronze, (?) copper implements from Pariar in Unão District.
SCALE : ABOUT ONE-QUARTER 81 by 61"
SCALE: ONE-HALF.
DRAWING BY MISS A.; NAT. MUS, DUBLIN. PHOTO BY PANDIT HIRANANDA, NO. 114.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

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MARCH, 1907.) THE COPPER AGE AND BRONZE IMPLEMENTS IN INDIA.
58
THE COPPER AGE AND PREHISTORIC BRONZE IMPLEMENTS OF INDIA -
SUPPLEMENT. BY VINCENT A, SMITH, M.A., L.C.B. (Red.)
(Continued from Vol. XXXIV. p. 244.) T PROPOSE in this short article to complete my review of the present state of knowledge
concerning the copper age and prehistoric bronze implements of India by utilizing somo materials which were not at my command last year.
In December 1904 Dr. Vogel, acting under instructions from the Director-General of Archæology, deputed his Assistant, Pandit Hirananda, to examine the site at Rajpur in the Bijnaur District, U. P., and to obtain photographs of copper or bronze implements reputed to exist at Bithor or Brahmavartta in the Cawnpore District, and at Pariar on the opposite bank of the Ganges in the Unâo District of Oadh. The Rajpur implements are fully illustrated in Plate I. of my former article. The photographs of the site, which Dr. Vogel has kindly sent me, show that it is a piece of waste ground adjoining a grove, and marked by & mound or tumalus, apparently of earth, a few feet in height. There is nothing eafficiently characteristic in the appearance of the spot to justify the expense of reproducing the photographs.
The town of Bithor is situated on the Ganges, twelve miles to the north-west of Cawapore. Local legend affirms that the god Brahmâ celebrated his completion of the work of creation by a horse-sacrifice at the Brahmâvartta Ghât. Dr. Führer states that numbers of anoient metal arrow-points are found in the soil around Bithur, said to be relics of the time of Ramachandra' (Monum. Antiq., N.-W. P. and Oudh, p. 168). By 'arrow-points' Dr. Führer meant the large objects which are more properly described as "harpoon-beads. Two specimens of this class and two "flat celts' of primitive lithic type in the Lucknow Museum have been illustrated in Plate IV. of my former paper. The photographs supplied by Dr. Vogel (Plate VI.) now illustrate fourteen more objects from the same site. One of these is a barpoon or spear-head, with three points on each side below the blade, and the rest may be called varying forms of celts. Four of these with broad rounded edges are slightly shouldered, and nearly related to the Midnâpar speciinen previously figured in my Plate II., fig. 6. The narrow celts are obviously copies of common forms of stone implements. The bent implement, figured at the end of the top row of Plate VI., is a new form, bat a daplicate of it occurs at Pariâr (Plate VII.). Presumably all these Bithûr specimens are made of copper, not bronze, but without analysis it is impossible to be certain what their composition is. Dr. Vogel's Assistant has failed to report where the fourteen objects now photographed are preserved, but probably thoy are kept in a temple or temples.
Pari&r is a village in the Unão District of Oudh, on the Ganges, opposite Bithûr, fourteen miles to the north-west of Unão, as indicated in the Map to my former article. Like Bithur, it is sanctified by Brahmanical legends of the usual kind, and is frequented as a bathing-place. The great jhil or swamp, which almost surrounds the village, is called Mahni, and probably represents an old river-bed. In the temple of Sõmêsvara Mahadeva on the banks of the jhil are collected a large number of metal arrow-heads said to have been used by the contending armies (of Lava and Kusa, sons of Ramachandra]; they are also occasionally picked up in the bed of the jhil and of the Ganges' (Führer, op. cit. p. 272, erroneously printed as 172 in my former paper, p. 237). The photographs now published evidently are those of implements preserved in the Pariậr temple ( Plate VII. ). One implement, as already observed, is a shouldered celt like four specimens from Bithûr and one from Midnâpar, and another is a peculiar bent tool resembling a Bithûr specimen, and, I think, new to science. The pandit unluckily omitted

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to note the scale of his photographs, but in the Progress Report of Panjab and U. P. Circle for 1903-4, p. 21, the dimensions of a Pariâr implement in photograph No. 114, now reproduced, are stated to be 6 by 8 inches. This object must be the round-headed shouldered celt shown in the Plate, and the scale of the photograph, consequently, is approximately one-fourth of the originals.
In my previous paper (p. 243; 15 of reprint) I described a fine harpoon-head, presented by Sir Alexander Cunningham to the collections now in the National Museum, Dublin, and said to have been found somewhere in India. This weapon has four teeth, not recurved barbs, on each side below the blade, and the loop on one side of the tang, through which the thong attaching the head to the shaft was passed, is formed by the legs and body of a rudelyexecuted standing animal. The general appearance of this object, which is apparently made of bronze, not copper, is more modern than that of the copper implements from Northern India. By the kindness of Mr. George Coffey, Curator of Antiquities in the Dublin Museum, I am now able to present a drawing of this unique implement, prepared by a member of his staff (Plate VII.). The implement may be, as I supposed in my previous paper, less ancient than the copper articles from Northern India and Gungeria, but, even if that be the case, it certainly dates from a period of very remote antiquity, and is characteristically Indian in
form.
I conclude by quoting miscellaneous observations with which I have been favoured by correspondents interested in my previous paper. Canon Greenwell, the veteran archaeologist, writes: I did not know that so many [copper implements ] had been found in India. It is evident that there never was a bronze cultivation there. Indeed it cannot be said that there was ever any real development of a bronze cultivation, except in Western Europe. Assyria and Egypt certainly did not possess one; nor can Greece, the Islands, or Asia Minor be said to have brought it to any high pitch, though there are splendid specimens, such as the Mykenae blades. Still there is nothing like the fine swords, spear-heads, etc., so abundant in the United Kingdom, Denmark, France, Switzerland, and Italy. Hungary developed it certainly; but further east and south it never reached to any height, nor have many bronze weapons, etc., been found in those countries. Spain, too, is very poorly represented, which, as it had much traffic with the Eastern Mediterranean, seems to point to the bronze culture not having come through that channel. The Eastern origin of bronze and its development must be given up; and, so far as we have evidence at present, somewhere about the head waters of the Danube seems to be the most probable place of birth. But we want many more facts before any safe conclusion can be come to.' These weighty observatious raise a big question which I am not prepared to discuss at present, but I may be permitted to feel some satisfaction at having had the opportunity of communicating to the scientific world a considerable body of facts to help in the final solution of the problems of the origin and extent of the so-called Bronze Age. Canon Greenwell is of opinion that the Dowie dagger or sword! is certainly prehistoric, and observes that the handle has something in common with the ordinary bronze sword.' He also thinks, and rightly, that the Norham harpoon was brought to England in modern times, probably by some sailor. He knows of several similar finds; Carib stone-axes and North American arrow-points have occurred in England,' and the way in which they came has been traced.
L
Professor Ridgeway of Cambridge alludes to Major Sikes' 'copper (for they can hardly be called bronze) axes, vessels, and curious rods with a carved end' from Southern Persia, which have been described by Canon Greenwell in the Archeologia, and were discussed at the York meeting of the British Association. Professor Ridgeway is inclined to think that these objects are of comparatively late date, the first century B, C., or even the first century A. D.
1 Ante, Vol. XXXIV., p. 248, and reprint of the paper, p. 15, with figure.

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This opinion is based on the very advanced character of the grooved work on the bottom of one of the vessels, and a similarly late description of the bottom, as well as shape, of the other'; supported by the fact that the owners of Major Sikes' objects buried their dead. I have not followed up these references. The Professor is anxious to get more data from Persia itself.' Perhaps some reader of the Indian Antiquary may be able to supply them. Professor Ridgeway possesses a copper arrow-head found in a grave near Koban in the Caucasus, associated with a bracelet and beads of glass, which seems to date from the second century A. D.
Mr. Gatty tells me that a copper celt, quite plain, and roughly made, was found some years ago by a keeper, under a heap of stones on the moors above Sheffield, in the parish of Bradfield. Mr. Gatty lived in that parish for twenty years, and collected flint implements, but never heard of any other copper or bronze article being found. The shape, so far as he remembers, was like this:-
These sapplementary notes exhanst for the present all the information which I possess concerning the ancient copper and bronze antiquities of India. Perhaps the publication of them, like that of my previous paper, may attract the attention of observers and scholars interested in prehistoric archwology, and help in the elucidation of problems now very obscăre.
AHMAD SHAH, ABDĀLI, AND THE INDIAN WAZIR, IMÄD-UL-MULK (1756-7). ( Contributed by William Irvine, late of the Bengal Civil Service.)
(Continued from p. 51.) Rubrio. - The Sbāb marches from Faridābād towards the territory of Suraj Mall, Jāt; he pitches
bis camp close to Sherkot; on the same day at the request of Imūd-ul-mulk he seizes by force the fort of Ballamgadh, which lay three kos from the camp, towards the left; Bight of Juwābir Singh, son of Suraj Mall, Jāt, Shamsher Bahādur, Marbattab, and Antā Mānkher, Marhatfah, who were within that fort; slaughter of the rest of the garrison.
Be it known that the following was the order of the Shāh's march and encamping. One march was never more than five kos. When there remained one watch of the night be started ; and performed his morning prayers upon his arrival at his advanced tents. He had not a single kettle-drum sounded, nor music at fixed hours, nor trumpets (karrah-näe) and such like,
Before the Shāh mounted, twelve thousand special slaves assembled, three thousand on each side of the Sbāh's tent. The title of these men was Durrant (the pearl wearers), and from their ears hung gold rings, mounted with very large pearls. They remained drawn up in ranks at a distance of one hundred paces, seated on their horses. When the Shāh placed his foot in his stirrup, the twelve thousand slaves, at one and at the same moment, with a single voice, shouted aloud : " Blessed be the Names, in the Name of God, peace be uuto His Majesty the Sbäh !" This sound rose to heaven and reached the ears of the army, thus enabling them to know that the Shāh had started. Then the rest of the army from that time got ready, and at the moment of dawn began its march, and reached its new quarters at one watch after daybreak. The general rule was to march one day and halt the next; but on some occasions there was a halt of even two days.
The mode of the Shāh's progress was as follows: The Shāh advanced alone amidst the ranks of his slaves, riding a horse, his sword slung from his shoulder, and his quiver on. There were four bodies of slaves, each of three thousand men, one division in front, one behind, and one on each side. Each division of them wore a hat of a different style. It was prohibited for a slave belonging to one division to ride with another division; he must keep with his own set. It by chance any one disobeyed the rule and the Shāh noticed bim, the man received a beating so severe that ho was left half-dead, or with perhaps only a gasp of life left in him.

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All these slaves were well-made and good-looking, of white and red complexion, with gold-lace waistbelts and hats of flowered gold lace. On each side of the hat hung flowered-pattern tufts (turrah-hãe ), towards the ears, near the cheeks. Their long sidelocks were in curls. Many of the slaves, those who were officers, had jewelled aigrette-holders with feathered plumes fixed on the top of the hat. They rode fast horges of Kabuli breed, and guided them, each in his own station, with a grave demeanour. They moved at the distance of a musket-shot from the Shah's person, all their faces turned towards him. The Shāh rode alone in the middle, with an open space around him.
In whatever direction he chanced to glance, one slave holding a pipe and another bearing a porous bottle of water rushed up to him. Then the Shah would take the pipe-stem into his hand, rein in his horse, and proceed slowly. When done with his pipe, he would rinse his mouth three times with water from the bottle.
The treasure and the food sapplies, the stores of clothes, and so forth were carried in the following manner. On the left flank, outside the ranks of the slaves, there were one bundred camels loaded with bread, baked and then dried, two hundred camels loaded with grain, this was called sur sát,83 This grain was given out daily in allotted portions to the nobles and the servants of the Begams. On the right flank were two hundred camels loaded with clothes and vessels, silver pots, and so forth. Such treasure as there was came in the rear of the guard of slaves, which followed the Shāh ; it was carried on mules and two-humped dromedaries.
Shāh Pasand Khan and Jangbāz Khan, with the quwāhi-bishi, were told off to the rearguard and held command over its movements. The three thousand slaves, who rode in front as advance guard, fully armed and ready, bore each a lance whose head was either gilt or silver-plated, having a decorated (muqaiyash) and fringed (musalsal) pennant. To the onlooker, owing to the multitude of lanoes, it seemed like the glittering of rain. In the rays of the sun the spear heads and pennants so shone, that you might imagine the stars were sparkling in the sky. It was wondrous as a garden in springtime, and a sight worth beholding.
On the day that the Shāh after the afternoon (Euhr) prayer set out to conquer the fort of Ballamgadh, the author in company of the Mir şāḥib (Sher Andaz Khān] was in attendance on His Majesty. By a lucky chance the ranks of those slaves formed up close to me. In whatever direction I looked, my eyes rested on countenances lovely as youthful Joseph, as if the slaver from Paradise, throng upon throng, had descended upon earth, and with their fairy-like dispositions were Beated firmly in the saddle, thirsting for the blood of the children of Adam. By the Lord ! I was 80 overcome that my head drooped to the pommel of my saddle.
A horseman named Mir Muhammad 'Atā, by race & Barakki Sayyid, belonging to the troops of the 'Usman Khan already mentioned, who, to a certain extent, was proficient in Arabic and Persian, and used to pay a daily visit to the Mir şāḥib, had set up a friendship with the author. At the time I have been speaking of, he was at my side. He exclaimed: "O 80-and-bo! What " is the matter with thee? Thy complexion has turned saffron-colour and thy eyes red as the planet “ Mars. The hot rays of the sun have affected thee!" He offered me water from the chagal or leather-bottle that he carried, and I re-opened my eyes. I answered: "I have no need of water"; and I repeated the following quatrain :
Quatrain. An roz kih atask-i-muhabbat afrokht,
“The day when the fire of affection was kindled, Ashiq roshan--'ishq zi ma'shuq amokht;
"The lover learnt from the loved one the bright
ness of love, As janib-i-dost sar-zad in tox wa gudar,
"Through a friend arose this burning and
melting, 1ā dar na girift-1-shama parwanati na sokht. "So that the butterfly should not fall into the
lamp and burn." 1 Turkish, "requisitions in kind levied from the enemy."

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67
me."
He said : "Say it over again! What is it?" I replied: "O brother ! seest thou not that this “crowd of lovely faces with white cheeks and rosy lips has brought affliction on my life and faith,
and robbed me of my heart; and these dusky eyes with sword-wielding eyebrows and arrow-like "eyelashes, how they stab me as with daggers by their amorous and languishing glances, and spill *the blood from many hearts."
He gave a loud guffaw, and glancing towards them he brought forth a heavy sigh, and exclaimed: "Thou speakest truth, come oh so that we may be closer to them. I am acquainted "and friendly with a number of them." I recited the couplet: - Harzah-gard-:-bagh chun bulbul nayam; parwa- "A butterfly am I, no vagrant songster of the naham,
grove, Mitawānam kard parwazi, kih bas bäshad "I can wing my flight, and that is enough for mara.
Two days afterwards the said Mir, on some pretext or other, brought four of these slaves 'on a visit to the Mir Şahib; and to some extent an intimacy arose, and they came frequently. The Mir Şahib (God give him rest) treated them with great kindness, and feasted them and received them with civility. He even gave them money, as much perhaps as fifty rupees.
One of them sang Persian odes (ghazal) excellently, to the accompaniment of music, and possessed a heart-alluring singing voice. Every time he came there was a wonderful crowd. He got me to write him several ghazals and took them away with bim. One of them is the following: -
Ghazal. Tura,et qadd chu sarv, wa turā,8t rūe chů mah, "Thou hast the cypress' waist, thou hast a moon
like face, Yake miyan-s-qabi, wa yake ba xer-i-kalāh, "The one girt in thy coat, the other showing
below thy cap. Rabudi as man jān, wa burdi az man dil,
"Thou hast robbed me of life, hast carried off my
heart, Yake ba qadd chủ sarv, wa yale ba rue chú mäh; "One by this cypress-like waist, the other by this
moon-like face : Khabar dahad lab-i-tü, wa nishan dahad rukh-i- " Thy lips tell a tale, and my face reveals it,
man, Yake zi surkhi-i-la'l, wa yake ni sardi-i-gāh. “ Those by their ruby redness, this by its hay-like
pallor. Búd chu bakht wa qadam, chashm wa zulf-i-ti "Be thy eyes and locks lasting like Fate and the da, im,
Ages, Yake şi khwab-i-nazhand, wa yake zi tāb-j- "These by venerated sleep, those by their twodu-täh.
fold brightness. Zi dard wa hasrat-s-tu didah wa dil-am har "From pain and grief of thee my eyes and heart daur
for ever Yake mi-bärad khun, wa yake bar-arad ah: "The first rain blood, the other heaves & heavy
sigh : Shudā,8t mue man'as ranj 'arax, wa zulf-at, “By grief my hair is changed, while my locks Yake chú skir-s-sufed, wa yake chú gir-i-siyah. "Are grown white as milk, thine still black as
pitch." Praise be to God! Whither are my words wandering!
Hemistich. pusn-i-En qissah_ 'ishq ast, dar daftar na mi- "The beauty of this tale is love, no volumes can ganjad.
contain it."

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To return to the narrative. The retinue of the servants of the Begams, which was called the retinue of the Param of the sbah, marched in the following order. After the morning prayers tboy started. Closed litters ('imārt) were placed on camels; these had curtains of red broadcloth, some decorated, but most of them plain. On several of the camels were large closed litters, but on most of them two panniers (kajāwah), the furniture of which was also of scarlet broadcloth. There were about two hundred camels. In the midst of them, which was styled the kalb, or "beart," went fifteen to twenty persons, carried on takhts, or platforms, in the Hindūstāni manner, borne on the shoulders of kahārs (a caste of litter.carriers).
This procession, from the number of covered red litters, formed a sight worth seeing. In advance, at the distance of an arrow's flight, went five hundred mounted archers, and as an armed retinue (qür) there followed one thousand horsemen. At five to six gharis (14 to 2 hours) after sunrise they reached their encampment. The horsemen who came first gave a shout, using the words Yurha! Yurha! that is, “Withdraw on one side." In every lane and passage in the camp through which the retinue of the Baran took its way, every one, great and small, remained with his face covered by his skirt, until the last of the procession had gone by. If by chance any one ever glanced towards the retinue, one, two, or three horsemen would ride at him and without a pause most relentlessly thrasb him. The retinue would take four or five ghart (90 to 112 minutes) to pass any given spot. All the people on their road, through the camp, were in a most extraordinary condition of apprehension, and you might say each of them was a man afflicted by God.
The camp of the Shah was pitched in two portions. The first was the male and the other the female quarters. Between the two was left an open space of about the width of two or three arrows' flight. The female camp was called the param; the men's camp haq two names; where the Shah Bat was styled Khargāh, and where the scribes of the office were placed was called the Dartkhanah. In the screens of the Khargāh, facing the Darikhanah, there was one large entrance, constructed of wood, painted of an azure colour, and partly gilt, on which were beautiful flowers of many sorts depicted by the brush. On the top of the gateway was placed a large dome made of copper, two sides of which were gilt. This was called the Qubbah--Shāh (the Shāh's cupola). It was so high that it could be seen at a distance of three to four leagues (9 to 12 miles ?). If the light of the sun were over against it, it shone from afar, and the men in charge of the baggage train were guided by it to their destination. It was there that the Shah's own tents would be found.
At each of the two wings of this entrance stood a large standard in a gold-embroidered scarlet broadcloth cover. From the top of each standard hung a bow upside down, and a flower-pattern cloth, viz., a waist-cloth, hung down from each end of it. To each bow notch a naked sword was attached to the bow-string (chillah). If a halt were ordered, the two swords were placed upright. If there was to be a march, then at nightfall, one sword was let down and placed upon the ground. These were the signals of a halt, or a march.
To go on with the story. When the Shāh marched from Faridābād and reached his camp, the fort of Ballamgadh was three kos to the north. 'Imād-ul-mulk represented to him that the fort of Ballamgadh was close by, and the infidel Juwāhir Singh, son of Suraj Mall, Jät, with Shamsber Bahadur and Antä Mänkher, two Marbattah chiefs, were within the fort. His Majesty's wisest course was to detach a strong force to drive the fames of overweeningness out of their heads.
The Shāh said: "My scheme is to uproot the forts of Dig and Kumber. What is there for me "to attack in little forts like this?" He ('Imăd-ul-mulk) represented : " If these rebellious "fellows did not happen to be in this fort alive, it would be of no importance. At this moment, wher "the infidels have taken refuge go near to us, to leave them unmolested and continue our march, " will raise many suspicions."
The Shah replied: "Take with you Afgal Khân, the Ghilzah, who is at the head of forty " thousand men, and invest the fort." "Imád-ul-mulk and the said Khan arranged for the

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investment of the fort. The garrison went on fighting with swivel-pieces and muskets until the hour of afternoon. The Shah from moment to moment sent off express riders to ascertain progress. After the afternoon prayer the Shah started himself and soon reached the spot. The Mir Sahib followed, and the author with him, as related above.
59
Then the Shah in his own pure person inspected the fort from all four sides. He fixed on one direction and caused the ground to be measured with a rod up to the foot of the wall, and caused the cannon called Kullah-i-khunbārah to be brought, and ordered it to be fired into the air. Kullah-i-khunbarah sent its charge up to heaven and it returned to earth within the fort, By concussion its two pieces, which were of iron in the shape of a large casket (durj), split asunder, and, wherever they went, reduced everything to splinters. What chance had a human being of standing against them! The firing continued for four or five ghari (1 to 2 hours), the aim being constantly altered. Changing from one position to another, the balls were sent in one after another. In short, after the same fashion, four other mortars (kullah) were brought into action. A number of the infidels within the fort were killed, and great confusion arose there,
At this time the Shah was engaged in the evening prayers, and continued to sit on his prayer-carpet till the time of sunset prayers (namaa-i-maghrib), then night came on. All three chiefs of the infidels came out of the fort and slunk into the ravines adjoining the river Jaman (Jamnah). It was not known in what direction they had gone.
After the lapse of twenty to forty-five minutes, sounds not issuing any longer from the fort, the Shah ordered it to be stormed. Strong bodies from all directions moved conjointly upon the gates in close formation and effected an entrance. The gates were broken open with axes, and all persons found within the fort were put to the sword. But of Juwahir Singh and the others not a trace could be found. 'Imad-ul-mulk himself came into the fort and inspected the corpses one by one; but as he reported to the Shah, the accursed one was not among them.
The skirmishers were ordered to keep a watch over the neighbourhood in all directions and take care that he (Juwahir Singh) should not get away in safety. In spite of all their activity, no trace could be discovered. Some days afterwards, Hidayat Ali Khan, faujdar of Shukohābād, was introduced to Imäd-ul-mulk by the Mir Sahib. This faujdär told us he was in the fort with Juwahir Singh. The Jat chief, Shamsher Bahadur, Antă Mankher, and he (Hidayat 'Ali Khan) dressed themselves in Qizzilbash clothes, and, going through an underground chamber into the ditch of the fort, they threaded their way through the Shah's troops, and hid in some ravines near the Jamnah river.
For two days and two nights they remained concealed in that spot, and got not a mouthful to eat. Such terror had overcome them that they would not emerge even to drink water from the river. When the Shah had marched away, they came at night time by a route they knew before to a village, and there mounting a ballock-carriage reached a small fort in another village. There he (Hidayat 'Ali Khan) went to sleep; where the other three vanished to he knew not. All he could find out from the guide was that ten matchlock-men and one horseman had come with three horses, and carried them in some direction or other.
To make a long story short, after the taking of Ballamgaḍh, the Shah told 'Imad-ul-mulk to make out a list of all the cash and goods found in the fort, and produce it before him. Accordingly, there were found in the fort, twelve thousand rupees in coin, with pots and vessels of silver and copper, and gilt idols, 14 horses, 11 camels, clothing, grain, and much other goods. All this was confiscated. The grain was delivered to the sursat (the food-supply department, ses ante). Of the cash total five thousand rupees were given to Afzal Khan and two thousand to 'Imad-al-mulk. Two camels were presented to the Mir Şâhib. The Shah made a two days' halt at this place and issued an order for slaughter and plundering.
"The blood-shedding Heel," probably a mortar, and so named from its shortness or shape.

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It was midnight when the camp followers went out to the attack. It was thus managed; one horseman mounted a horse and took ten to twenty others, each attached to the tail of the horse preceding it, and drove them just like a string of camels. When it was one watch after sunrise I saw them come back. Every horseman had loaded up all his horses with the plundered property, and atop of it rode the girl-captives and the slaves. The severed heads were tied up in rugs like bundles of grain and placed on the heals of the captives, who by the Abdalis are called Kannah, and thus did they return to camp.
After afternoon prayer (zuhr) an order was given to carry the severed heads to the entrance gate of the chief minister's quarters, where they were to be entered in registers, and then built up into heaps and pillars. Each man, in accordance with the number of heads he had brought in, received, after they had been counted, five rupees a head from the State.
Then the heads were stuck upon lances and were taken to the gate of the chief minister. It was an extraordinary display! Wherever your glance fell nothing else was to be perceived but severed heads stuck upon lances, and the number could not be less than the stars in the heavens.
Daily did this manner of slaughter and plundering proceed: Wa shab rā uz faryad-i-zanān kih bah asiri awardah, ba änha suhbat mi-kardand, goshhas mardum kar mi-shudand, It was a marvellous state of things, this slaying and capturing, and no whit inferior to the day of Last Judgment.
All those heads that had been cut off were built into pillars, and the men upon whose heads those bloody bundles had been brought in, were made to grind corn, and then, when the reckoning was made up, their heads, too, were cut off. These things went on all the way to the city of Akbarābād, nor was any part of the country spared.
In addition to all this, five thousand Rohelah foot soldiers had joined the army. Each man procured some thirty to forty buffaloes. The plundered goods, such as jewels and clothes, they loaded upon these buffaloes, and established a market of their own within the camp, where they sold all these things at low prices. Cloth goods worth ten rupees they sold at one rupee, and those worth one rupee for eighty tankah. Copper and other vessels that had been broken up were strewed along the route of the army and no one stooped to pick them up. Excepting gold and silver nothing was carried away.
In this manner Jahan Khan and Najib Khan went on ahead of us, as far as Mathura. The towns of Mathura and Bindraban were subjected to a general slaughter, and completely plundered. The latter is a principal holy place of the Hindus, situated upon the bank of the Jamnah; it is in the territory of the Jät.
On the day that the Shah marched from Shergadh, after the reduction of Ballamgadh, he pitched his camp near Hasanpur and Nadinah. The same day Jangbaz Khan arrived from Mirath, bringing with him much booty. Among other things were four elephants, loaded up with silver only, seventy-six horses, and a quantity of other property. The whole was produced for the Shah's inspection.
As to the plundered elephants and palanquins it was remarked that these two modes of travelling were specially used by the emperors and nobles of Hindustan. The Shah said, elephants were admirable means of baggage transport. But a mount, the control of which is not in the hands of the rider, and it can carry him whither it wills, should not be resorted to; while a litter is only suitable for a sick man.
Afterwards Jangbaz Khan was given robes of honour and a jewelled plume-holder. He was told that an envoy sent by Ghazanfar Jang, Aḥmad Bangash, had arrived at Court; and he agrees to such and such an amount of tribute, and prays that some commander, with some properly qualified claimant (tural), be sent by the Shah to reinforce him, so that out of dread of the Abdali might, his

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61
enemies may withdraw from his territories. Patents for the provinces of Audh and Bangälah were in preparation in his (Ahmad Khan's) name. "Thou, who art of his tribe, hast been asked for, and "as I look on you as my son, I wish to send you for the execution of this project in the place " of any princely heir. I follow after you stage by stage."
Jang bāz Khan assented, made his obeisance, and straightway sought the chief minister at his tent. Mir Sher Andaz Khan was sent for. The papers stating the demands of Ahmad Khan were read. Then he (Jangbāz Khān) said to the chief minister: "I command no more than five " thousand horsemen, while Ahmad Khan has not much of an army, nor any funds. How can "I eject the Marhattahs or occupy şübah Audh? Shujās-ud-daulah possesses a treasury and an army, "and is the governor of that province. The same thing applies to the territory of Bengal. Thus, "the undertaking of these enterprises is opposed to reason and wisdom. I decline to go."
The chief minister said: "When you were in front of the Shāh you accepted and then left his "audience without a protest. Now you are raising difficulties. What does this mean " Jangbaz Khan answered: "I was unable to say these words to the Shāh himself." Then 'Imád-ul-mulk intervened, saying: "The army is part of the provincial government. Whenever the province has " been made over to Ahmad Khan, he can collect as many troops as ever he likes. The whole race " of the Afghans form his army, there must be two hundred thousand fighting men of bis tribe. "You are only nominally required to impress people with dread of the Shāh. Knowing you to be "* brother of the same race as himself, Ahmad Khān applied for you."
Jangbaz Khūn would not agree but continued to give a flat refusal. The chief Waztr carried his words to the Shāh. His order upon this report was to send Abu-19-samad Khan instead. The chief minister told the Mir Şahib what order the Shāh had given, and asked him to write about it to Ahmad Khan, and call upon him to state his views The Mir Şahib pointed out that what Ghazanfar Jang (Ahmad Khan) wanted was the nomination of some prince of the imperial family as for the rest, he would see to it himself. 'Abd-uş-gamad Khan commanded thirty thousand horse, and for the time being the daily expenses of such a force could not be provided. For this reason he indicated Jangbaz Khan, whose force is only five thousand men.
Then the Mir şābib proceeded to the tent of Jangbaz Khan and presented the shawls, et cetera, the gifts intended for him, as previously detailed. Out of the whole present he accepted only a pair of shawls and returned the rest, saying: "Nawāb Ghazanfar Jang is the chief man of my tribe, out " of politeness I accept a pair of shawls. I am no king or minister that I should extend my foot "beyond my due station." The Mir Sahib insisted much, but not another article did lie accept. As to marching himself, he absolutely declined to do so.
Two days passed in this fruitless discussion. On the third day, when the Shāh happened to make a halt at one of the camps, 'Imád-ul-mulk and the Mir Şahib laid before him the proposal that he (the Shah) in person should march as far as the town of Mathură, and there make some stay. Then whatever Ahmad Khan proposed, if it seemed advisable, could be carried out. The Sbāh said: "It is well."
Rubric. - March of the Shāh towards Mathurā on the representation of Mir Sher Andaz Khān, and
after reaching it and making a seven days' halt, he starts on his return to his own country.
On the day that the Shih entered the neighbourhood of Mathură, he crossed the Jamnah ad en camped near Mahmān (Mahāban ?), where there is a sarãe, built by one Sayyid 'Abd-un-nabi,25 and it goes also by the name of Sarãe Nabi ; it lies two kos to the east of Mathuri.
* He was made faudār of Mathurä on the 16th Rabi II., 1079 H. (26th September 1668), and was killed in an attaok on a Jat fort upon the 21st Za,l Hijjah of the same year (24th May, 1609), Ma,āsir jālamgiri, 74,93.

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En route the Mir Sahib paid a visit to Najīb Khan, who was at Bindraban with Jabān Khān. These two nobles had marched foarteen days earlier, and had carried out a general slaughter in the country round Mathura and Bindrāban, and bad halted there. The author went with him (Sher Andaz Khān). Wherever you gazed you beheld heaps of slain; you could only pick your way with difficulty, owing to the quantity of bodies lying about and the amount of blood spilt. At one place we reached, we saw about two hundred dead children lying in a heap. Not one of the dead bodies had a head. In short, we reached the quarters of Najib Khan and sat there some three quarters of an hour. The stencb and fetor and effluvium in the air were such that it was painful to open your mouth or even draw a breath. Every one held his nose and stopped his mouth with his handkerchief while he spoke, The Mir şāhib said to Najib Khān: “How can you relish your "food or a drink of water ?" He replied: "What can I do, I am under the Shāh's ordere; in "default of his order I can move nowhere."
When I got to the town of Mathara I saw exactly the same state of things. Everywhere in lane and bazar lay the headless trunks of the slain; and the whole city was burning.. Many buildings had been kuocked down. A naked man emerged from the ruing and asked me for a little food. I gave him some money and asked: "Who art thou?" He said: "I am a Musulman, I was a "dealer in jewellery, my shop was a large one. In addition to precious stones and engraved and "mounted goods, I had 4,000 rupees in cash in the shop. On the day of the slaughter the Shah's "army suddenly appeared, when nobody had the least expectation of them; it was at dawn. "A horsenian, drawn sword in hand, came at me and tried to kill me. I said I was a Musulman. He
said : Disclose your privities. I undid my cloth. He continued : Whatever cash you have, "give to me that I may spare your life.' I gave him my 4,000 rapees. Another came and cut me " on the stomach with his sabre. I fled and hid in a corner. My shop was emptied. For several "days past I have had nothing to eat, but a few uncooked grains of corn. Camp followers come "in day after day and knock down the houses. In many places buried treasure is discovered and "carried off. But still there are hoards left in other places not yet found by any one. If you can "take me to the camp with you and place men at my disposal, I will point out the hoards."
In brief, I made over to him a sheet to cover him, and brought him with me. When I reached the bank of the Jamnah, I found it was fordable. The water flowing past was of a yellowish colour, as if polluted by blood. The man said : "For seven days following the general slaughter, the water "flowed of a blood-red colour. Now fourteen days have elapsed, and the colour of the water has "turned yellow." At the edge of the stream I saw a number of Bairagi and Suniyasi huts, huddled close together. These men are asceties of the Hindu faith. In each hat lay a severed head with the head of a dead cow applied to its mooth and tied to it with a rope ound its neck.
To continue my story. I brought the man above referred to with me and produced him before the Mir Şahib, The next morning, with the permission of the chief minister and 'Imād-ul-mulk, ten horseman of 'Ugmāu Khan's regiment were sent with him and several axe-men. He took them to a house. After they had applied their axes once or twice, a box was uncovered. It held two hundred gold coins, several pieces of diamond, half a sér's weight of jewelled ornaments, and the same quantity of plain gold ornaments. After that, several other places were broken open, but nothing was discovered,
We came back and displayed the property before the chief minister, The Wasir made a sign to the Mir Sahib saying: "Half I give to you and Imad-ul-mulk, half is mine." The Mir Sahib represented that he had never accepted plandered property. "All belongs to Your Lordship, for "you have come from your own country with the intent of upholding the Faith and expelling the "infidel. You are engaged in a Holy War, and this is a special holy place of the infidel." The minister rejoined: "Well, I give it you from myself.” But the Mir şahib still refuse 1.
On the next day the Mir Sabib attended the Shah's audience. The Shah was inspecting the lists of booty from Mathura that had been drawn up by Jahān Khan. After he had done this, he

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conferred robes on Jaban Khan and Najib Khān, and told them to move on to Akbarabad, where there were many wealthy men, who are subjects of the Jāt. These must be either slain or made captives, and all their property seized and delivered over to the officials of his government. That same day they made their first march towards Akbarabad.
At the game audience the Shāh said: "Is there any one who can compose a rhyme on this * victory; the meaning must be that I have given Islam peace from the oppression of the infidel, the " words durr-i-durrāni to be included in the date-giving line." You must understand that the Shāh styled himself Durr-i-Durrāni 26 At the head of his missives instead of his own name, he wrote these words in gold ink with his own hand.
In the Shāh's army was an Afghan poet, & native of Kabul, whom he knew by sight. His name was Khawāş Khān, and his pen-name was Bezhan, The teaching of Prince Taimur Shāh was confided to him. The Shāh sent for this man and instructed him as to what he wanted, telling him to reflect on it and bring him the result. The Mir şāḥib told this story to me.
Next day the Mir Sahib was at the quarters of Imád-ul-mulk. There Khawi, Khin said that two days bad gone by and he was still puzzling over that chronogram and the expressions required in it by the Sbäh. He could not get it into shape. The Mir Şahib began to speak of me and then Sent for me. I went to the place. Imād-ul-mulk said to me: "You, too, must try to think this "out." I gavo no reply. He went on : "Certainly - you must bave a try." I answered : "I have no choice left; but I must have till to-morrow to prepare it, and I will then produce it.”
That same day I set to work and got the hemistich for the date, and then componed a strophe of two couplets, which I made over to the Mir şāḥib. The hemistich for the date is :
Ba Hind aiman namud Istām Shah-i-durr-i-durrāni
1189 H. "The King of Islām, the pearl of pearls, brought peace to India." The morning afterwards, the Mir Şahib stated to 'Imād-al-mulk that 80-and-go (i. e., the author), after reflecting two or three hours, had written this chronogram in a rhymed stropbe. • Imād-ul-mulk inspected it and approved it highly; then he said it was very excellently written and quite perfect. Ho sent for the writer and said to me: "Your Mir Şahib wishes to place this « chronogram before the Shāh, while I say it is not wise to do so ; for this reason that the Shah " will summon you to his presence, and will doubtless present you with a robe (hullah), but he is "gure to say also, Remain in attendance on me.' He will appoint a monthly salary and rations, " and carry you off with him. What are your ideas about this ?" I repeated this hemistich
Ai rosinā,l-i-taba'! tu bar man bala shudi “O sharpness of wit I thou art my damnation,"
and held my tongue. After a moment or two 'Imad-ul-mulk made a sign again to me, and said: "What is your wish, speak." I replied: "This loyal servant obeying your exalted order brought " forth moist and dry' (rath yābis ?). So long as the Mir Sahib does not turn me away, men "may offer me lakhs of rupees, and I would not leave him." He answered: "The men of towns, in "particular of those round Lakbnau, who are famed throughont the realm for their noble descent and "valour, are extraordinary creatures, full of airs and graces (bå än o bān)."
15 "Pearl of Poarlo." No doubt he, like the rest, had worn in his eara gold ring, mounted with a pearl, when one of the household slaves of Nadir Shah. Before he rose to power a fagir had prophesied his succoss, and styled him Durr-i-durran, Pearl of Pearls." Hence his epithet of the Durrant, "the man of the Pearlo."

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After the writer had returned to his quarters, 'Imád-ul-mulk, in my absence, said to the Mir Sahib: "Let me have Muhammad Hasan, and he will live with me as your representative. I will "appoint you to the office of Branding and Verification (of troopers' horses) and the inspection " of the personal rolls of my soldiers ; it will be your office and he will be your deputy." The Mir Sahib answered : " Muhammad Ḥasan is my right hand ; if your Lordship designs to amputate my "hand, wbat objection bave I?" These speeches were reported to me by the Mir Şahib that night, and he added: "Now let us wait and see what happens. Whatever country or whatever office it "be, you will not go away from me."
To return to our story. As Jangbáz Khān persisted in bis refusal, the chief minister and 'Imád-ul-mulk and the Mir Şahib sat from early morning to midday in consultation upon what should be done with regard to Ahmad Khān's business. After much argument "Imád-ul-mulk advised that one of the princes of Hindustan should be appointed to the Rūbahs of Audh and Bengal, and despatched in charge of him (Imád-ul-mulk). Jangbaz Khan should also be sent. If be agrees, well and good; if not - it is the emperor's country, and in the non-presence of the emperor, the prince affords a perfect claim and title. Wherever he directs his step3, crowds of helpers will join him. The kingdom is his kingdom. Not one of the nobles and rajahs of Hindustan, except they be disloyal, will act in opposition.
Thus they reported to the Shāh that if His Majesty bad planted in his heart the desire to assist the emperor of Hindustan, then one of the princes, sons of the emperor of Hind, ought to be sent for; a patent for the eastern provinces should be granted to him, and he should then be sent off in company with Jangbaz Khan. In this manner the said Khan's (Jangbäz's) scraples would be removed, and all others concerned would be re-assured.
In accordance with the chief minister's proposals, the Sbāh considered the plan and held it to be a good one. At once he wrote and sent off a letter to the emperor of Hindustan, Aziz-ud-din, *Alamgir Sāni, calling upon him to send a prince at once, without any delay. The emperor of Hindustan selected two princes; the first was named Hidayat Bakhsh, holding the title of Wala Jāh, Bahadur. He was a son of this same emperor of India. The second was Mirza Bābā by name and A'la Jāh by title, the emperor's son-in-law. They were despatched under the care of Nawab Saif-ud-daulah, the Chief Almoner (padr-18. adar). A patent for the Audh province was made out in the name of Mirzā Bābå, and for Bangalah in that of Wālā Jāh, aforesaid. The emperor affixed his own seal to these, and handed them to the princes. At the time of leave-taking he said to Nawāb Saif-ud-danlah : "I make over these two princes to you in trust. If something in the shape "my heart desires can be accomplished, my purpose is fulfilled; otherwise, these pledges, entrusted "to you, I shall demand again. See to it that they fall into no one else's bands."
The said Nawab, taking the two princes with two elephants, one riding horse for each, and a mere soldier's tent, reached our camp by forced marches. The Shāh also isaned to them patents for the provinces in accordance with those given by the emperor of Hind. The chief minister persuaded Jangbaz Khan, and the Shah added : "My son, I will not leave you to be destroyed, my band is at
"your back."
Imid-ul-mulk received an aigrette and a plame. A handsome set of robes, along with a jewelled aigrette and a feathered plame for Nawāb Ghazanfar Jang, Ahmad Khan, were made over to the Mir Şahib. At the time of leave-taking the Shāh said to the Mir şāhib: "Sayyid, wherever "I may be, if a letter from thee reaches me, whatever request you make, it shall be attended to. Set "your mind at rest."
As the weather was hot and it was the season of the spring harvest, a great deal of sickness appeared in the Shāh's army and it took one hundred ropees to purchase one sêr of tamarind,

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AHMAD SHAH AND IMAD-UL-MULK.
a drink made of tamarinds being prescribed with benefit. Daily one hundrad and fifty men died. Finding that the climato was adverse, the Shāh arrived at a fixed decision in his mind to return to Wilayat. He despatched the princes and "Imád-ul-mulk and Jangbås Khan to Farrokhābād ; while he wrote to Jahan Khan and Najib Khan that as soon as they had read his letter, and wherever they might boy thøy must start for his camp. Giving over this letter to "Imád-ul-mulk, he instructed him, and two days before his own departure started him and his party off for Farrukhābād. The Shāh himself two days afterwards marched from Mathuri, And, taking the route vid Kabul, made his way to Qandahär.
Let us go on with the story. The Mir Sahib went stage by stage with that oxpedition as far as Akbarābād. Jahăn Khin had carried out a general slaughter in that city as far as Nilah-gumbaz ; then he invested the fort. Rajah Nagar Mall and others were shut up in it. They finally agreed to pay Jahan Khan four lakha of rupees, promising to produce the money on the following morning. Three hours after sunriso had passed, when 'Imād-ul-mulk and the others made their entry into Akbarabad. Owing to the general slaughter and the investment, the city was in confusion as if Judgment Day had come. The inhabitants of the city had disappeared.
Imád-ul-mulk went straight to Jahan Khan and made over to him the Shah's letter. After reading it he said: "I have a promise to be paid four lakhs of rupees to-morrow morning. I stop "here to-day and up to midday to-morrow. On receiving the sum named from Nägar Mall, I will
begin my march." "Imid-ul-mulk retorted: “That is impossible. This is imperial territory. "What damage has been done cannot be helped. But now the Shāh is on the march and you have "got this order. Relinquish the hope of collecting the rupees, for after the receipt of them there " will be delay."
Jahân Khãn said: “One lakh has been promised for this evening, get that paid over to me. # Then what harm is there if I march." Thug 'Imād-ul-mulk sent word to Rājah Nagar Mall. The latter thought it a lucky escape and sent the lakh of rupees to Jahan Khan the same day, and that Khân began his march at the time of evening (maghrib) prayer, and went away.
The day after this we made a halt in Akbarābād. The princes and Jangbaz Khân crossed the Jampah and pitched their camp in a line with Katrah Wazir Khan,27 Then quitting Akbarabad they moved stage by stage as far as parganah Msinpuri. During these marches two or three things happened, the record of which is worthy of being dwelt upon.
From Akbarābād, Najib Khan sent his full brother, Sultan Khan, with four hundred horsemen in attendance on 'Imad-ul-mulk. When the princes, 'Imád-ul-mulk, Jangbaz Khan, and Sultan Khin reached Mainpuri, they consulted and decided to halt there. The Mir Sabib was to go on to Farrukhabad, and bring back Ahmad Khan with him. On his arrival, whatever was decided on, could be carried out. The Mir Sahib left the author with the tent and baggage at Mainpuri and departed for Farrukhābād. Nawāb Ahmad Khan sent to tents with screens for the princes, and one tent with soreens for 'Imüd-ul-malk. They wrote to the author that he was to deliver these tents at their respective destinations and obtain and forward with all speed answers to the letters, The Nawāb himself would join the camp in four days. The author carried out the instructions sent him by the Mir Sahib.
On the fourth day, in the morning, a messenger arrived with a letter from the Mir şāḥib, saying, that on that day at one watoh after sunrise the heir-apparent, Mahmud Khan, would reach the camp in advance, and the Nawāb himself would reach it in the afternoon. I carried off this letter to
* On the lett bank, opposite Raj Ghat, between Nawabganj and the river plate 48.
100 Oopstable's "Hand Atlas,"

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I mād-ul-mulk. When he had looked at it, he said: “Go to Nawāb Yahya Khân" (who had also come with 928) "and on my behalf say to him that I am mounting to go out and escort into "camp Ahmad Khān. He, too, should mount." I went, gave my message, and returned.
At this point another messenger came in to say that Nawāb Ahmad Khān must have reached a place five kos distant, and his son, Mahmud Khān, was in his company. 'Imăd-ul-mulk sent the author to Jang bāz Khän requesting him to mount and come out to act as escort. I went and said the Nawāb Wazir had sent this message. He jumped up and said: "Fulan-s-man has mounted and
is coming to me, what care I, and why should I go out to greet and escort him in." I came back and repeated his words to 'Imād-ul-mulk. He was putting on his clothes, ready to mount. He gent the author back again, telling me to say that the Mir Şahib had handed me over to him when he left, and what could he write to the Mir. I then left him. At length the said Khān also mounted. He and 'Imād-ul-mulk and Yahya Khān went out four kos to meet the new arrival, and together with him they returned to the camp.
Early next morning I mād-ul-mulk went to the tent of Ghazanfar Jang Ahmad Kbản. The two of them then mounted in one litter, and in another litter was Mahmud Khān. In this mode they went to see the princes. When they reached the entrance there was a long stoppage and both palkis were struck by men with their maces of office, so that a great uproar ensued at the entrance and it lasted for some hour and a quarter. Everybody exclaimed that this was a part of the ceremonial of sovereigns, and nobles look on it as a part of their grandeur. In fine, after an audience, robes of honour were conferred on both, that is, father and son, with a sword and horse for Mahmud Kbān.
In the afternoon Nawab Sultan Khan came to visit Gbaganfar Jang. Upon his reaching the entrance he attempted to enter, One Mushrif Khăn, the chamberlain ('ara-begt) of Ghaganfar Jang, said: "Be pleased, sir, to wait a moment until I have announced you." He went in and reported. The Nawāb remarked : “Say to Sultan Khan that he must wait twenty minutes while I put on my clothes." On hearing these words Sultan Khān was offended, and made off to his own tent.
Ghazanfar Jang remarked : " What idea had he got into his head ? Is he not aware that he " was once in my service, and to this day the descriptive roll of Najib Khan is preserved in my record-room?" The words were carried to Sultan Khān, and he ordered his advance tents to be sent out in the direction of Dihli, as next morning he meant to start for Shahjahanábūd. 'Imād-ul-mulk interviewed Ahmad Khan that evening, and said whatever the occasion called for, and gave him advice. An outward reconciliation then took place between the two nobles and they had an interview. After that Ghazanfar Jang went to Sultan Khan's quarters, and one day entertained him at a banquet.
After one week we marched from Mainpari, and all the chiefs on reaching Farrukhabad pitched their tents on the Ganges bank close to Fathgadb. Two days afterwards news was received that Nawāb Sa'dullah Khan, Rohelah, ruler of Aqwalah and Bareli, had come to an agreement with the Nawāb Shaja'-ud-daulah, and they had exchanged tarbang. Then I mad-ul-mulk proceeded to Anwalsh and prevailed on Sa'dullah Khan, Hafiz Rahmat Khān, Mulla Sardär Khan, Donde Khan, Fath Khan,sāmān, and the other leaders to march for the prince's camp.
At this time news came that 'Imād-ul-mulk had been made a prisoner by the Rohelahs of Katebr. It so chanced that on the same day 'Imad-ul-mulk reached Farrukhābād in safety. The same day at noon another report reached us that the Marbattab army had arrived within two marches of us, and on that night or next morning would be at Farrukhābād. Ghazanfar Jang brought away from Farrukhābād all the inhabitants, and conveyed them to our camp on the bank of the river. So complete was the evacuation that there was not a soul left in the city.
* The oldest son of Khan Babūdur, Zakariya Khan, a former governor of Lahor; his mother and 'Imid-ulmulk's mother wore sisters, daughters of I'timad-ud-daulah, Qamar-ud-din Khan, the Warir who was killed in 1746.

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At the end of five days Sa'dullah Khan, with the chiefs named above, arrived on the further bank of the river and encamped there. They were written to and asked to cross over the Ganges and join our force. This they did, and the whole army was united near parganahs Mihrabad and Jalalabad.20 The tent of Sa'dullah Khan himself was pitched three miles (one farsakh) from us.
Nawab Shuja-ud-daulah began a march out of his own territory and arrived at parganah Sandi and there halted. Between the two armies there was a distance of nine kos. When a week had passed, he (Shuja-ud-daullah) sent his wife's brother, Nawab Salar Jang, to Nawab Sa'dullah Khan, with a message that if at this time he would espouse his cause in this great and difficult business, it would be the height of favour.
Then Nawab Shuja'-ud-dau lah one day left his camp and drew up outside of it, and gave an order that commanders should report the mustering of their troops. On that day the regiment Mim Bashi of Sadiq Beg, Mughal, was ordered to parade for inspection. Sardar Khan, the leader of five thousand Mughals, attended, but of his whole command only twenty-five horsemen put in an appearance at the muster. All the rest out of fear of the Afghans- they having of aforetime received a terrible handling from Aḥmad Khan had fled with their families from Lakhnau, and Banglah, [. e., Faizabad], some going to Benares, some to 'Azimabad, some to Allahābād and other towns. No man of the Mughal race was left. From that day the said Nawab discharged all of the Mughals. He was in a high degree anxious and perplexed.
The only course open to him seemed that Nawab Sa'dullah Khan should, in whatever way was possible, put an end to the war and invasion. Nawab Sälär Jang remained several days at Nawab Sa'dullah Khan's tent, while some settlement of the dispute was being arrived at. One day there was a general report in Shuja'-ud-daulah's army that Sälär Jang had been made a prisoner. At that time great consternation arose, especially among the men from Shahjahānābād, and the whole group of Begams was in a great state of mind. Next day they learnt that it was all a mistake.
To continue the story. With Ahmad Khan were about fifty thousand horse, old troops and recruits, as entered in the lists. The Rohelah force was even larger. Every day the princes' audience was attended by all the leaders, including Jangbaz Khan, Hafiz Rahmat Khan, Mulla Sardar Khan, Bakhshi, and Nawab Aḥmad Khan. They remained until noon and held consultations; but Sa'dullah Khan would not agree to appear.
In the end 'Imad-ul-mulk said that Sa'dullah Khan must come to the princes' audience. That Nawab paid no attention to this. Still, one day he came and was honoured by presentation to the two princes. A title was conferred upon him, viz., Shams-ud-daulah, Mubariz-al-mulk, with the grant of robes of honour and a sword. The other chiefs admitted that they were willing to obey the orders of the emperor and of the Shah; in whatever direction the princes might advance, they were ready to follow in their train and take part in the contest and battle-fray. Accordingly these assertions they supported by an oath. Sardar Khan, Bakhshi, Hafiz Rahmat Khan, and Donde Khan, went off to see Nawab Sa'dullah Khan and informed him. He said: "You may fight, I do not "forbid you; but not in the very slightest will I become ally or supporter of any man on either side."
They said he ought to remain with the army until the province of Bengal was recovered; no such opportunity would ever fall to their lot again. The said Nawab, however, refused absolutely, and repeated his former answer. Then one day a report came to Jangbaz Khan that horsemen from the army of Shuja-ud-daulah had driven off his camels while grazing. It was noon-time. As soon as he heard this, the said Khan lept from his place like a coal from a flaming fire and instantly went to see the princes, flung his turban on the ground and said: "At once 'I ride out to fight;
29 These are to the north of the Ganges, on the Audh border.

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"With you I have no concern." The prince took his own turban and placed it on Jangbaz Khan's head and said a few words. Jangbaz Khan came out and rode off, followed by his troops. The rest of the divisions, one after the other, mounted and took the field.
When they had come out two koe from the camp, a fierce storm arose, a cloud of yellow dust robe & high into the air that neither sky nor earth was visible. An hour and a half afterwards heavy rain came on, which lasted one and a half to one and three-quarter hours. All this wind and rain blew in their faces. So violent was the torrent of rain that the small streams could only be crossed by swimming. Jangbaz Kbān halted where he was, in the expectation that when the wind lulled and the rain abated they would be able to move again, and begin the fight.
The wind and rain were so severe that all the tents in the army were blown over, the horses, pulling tap their tothering pegs, dispersed in all directions, and the men were involved in difficulties and discomfort. The disturbance continued for full three hours, and the wind remained as high as ever and the rain as heavy.
Seeing no help for it, Jangbaz Khan ordered a return march from that place at three-quarters 7, of an hour or one hour before sunset, and re-entered his camp. He remarked : "O friends ! it
"seems as if we were acting against God's good pleasure. I am convinced now that for further "space of time the stay in this region of the Marhattahs and others, our enem as, has been decreed."
After two days he sent a message to the princes through Nawab Sa'dullah Khan that Nawab Shuja-ud-daulah bad agreed to pay five lakhs of rupees to the Shāh's army as a tribute. As Jangbaz Khan bad heard that the Shāh bad started for his own kingdom, he bad accepted this proposal. Next morning a lakh of rupees arrived in cash; and a cessation of hostilities was arranged. Nawāb Ahmad Khân lost heart, and was displeased; taking with him the princes and *Imüd-ul-mulk he returned to Farrukhibid.
Two days previously the author had started with a note from princes Hidayat Bakhsh and Walā Jāh Bahädar, in consultation with Nawab Saif-ud-daullah, who to some extent had become estranged from Imād-ul-mulk; and Nawāb Ahmad Kbān had made several speeches to the Mir Sahib, through which his displeasure betrayed itself. Thus he, too, (the Mir Sahib) was a sharer in this consultation. He sent the author with the said not to see Nawab Shujās-ud-daulah.
This was the substance of the note. If a force were sent to a distance of two or three kos from us, we will leave this camp on the pretext of a hunting expedition, and come to join that force and then come on to you. You must also send twelve thousand rupees in cash.
When I (the author) got to Shaja-ad-daulah's camp, I obtained an interview through Aghā Mirza Muhammad Şādiq and Mir Gbalām Rasul (alias Mir Manjble), grandson of Nawab Sipähdär Khăn, deceased, whose grove is at Allahābād. Shaja-ad-daulah said: "To-morrow I shall bu "employed in getting together the lakh of rupees that I have agreed to pay. The day after that I will give you an answer and send you back with Mir Ghalam Rasul Khan." After this I went to visit Shekh şahib Shekh Allahyårs1 and Sayyid Nür-al-hasan Khan,31 both being then in the service of Nawāb Shajās-ad-daulah and commanders of cavalry regiments. With them I spent the day.
On that same date Nawāb Ghaganfar Jang Ahmad Khan and Imad-ul-mulk, taking the two princes, reorossed the Ganges and returned to Farrukhābād. The Mir Şahib (Sher Andās Khan)
This man Ww the son of Khan Jahan, Kokaltaah, 'Alamgirls foster brother. He was governor of Allahabad towards the end of Alamgir's reign, and died in 1180 H, (1718). The name of the grove has been now corrupted into " Bagh Sabahdir."
n Both Datives of Bilgrim. The former, H. M. Klot'. "Aourate Murtaz Husin," is the author of the valuable Hadiqat-ul-agalim, also written at the instigation of Captain Jonathan Soott. Nir-ul-bana Khan Anally moved his home to Patnah 'Agimabad and died there.

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also went back to Farrukhabad. The next morning, when I reached the site of the camp, I found nobody but Nawab Sa'dullah Khan there; thus I stopped in his camp along with Mir Ghulam Rasul Khan. As the zamindars were out on the roads plundering, it was impossible to proceed to Farrukhabad. It was with the greatest difficulty that I got a note sent there for the Mir Sahib.
His answer was that I must stop where I was and begin a negociation to get him (Sher Andās Khan) into Nawab Sa'dullah Khan's employment. I (the author) obtained an interview with the Nawab through Mir Ghulam Rasul Khan. The Nawab said: "From this day I take you into my service, and as soon as I reach Anwalah, I will send a parwanah summoning Mir Sher Andaz Khan."
That same day Nawab Sa'dullah Khan ordered his army to march in the direction of Anwalah, while he himself, unattended, went into parganah Pali to meet Shuja -ud-daulah. After they had passed a night in the same place, Sa'dullah Khan returned to Anwalah. When he had arrived he sent a parwanah, inviting the Mir Sahib to come with one hundred horsemen. The letter was made over to one Shaham Khan, whose home was at Man,33 with orders to forward it by the hand of his own servant to Mir Sher Andaz Khan.
Ten days afterwards the said Khan's brother sent back the letter unopened and wrote that Mir Andaz Khan had been appointed faujdär of the parganahs near Anupshahr, which had been granted by the Abdali Shah to Nawab Ahmad Khan. He had received robes of honour and had departed for his charge. The two princes and 'Imad-ul-mulk had started for Shahjahanabad. Jangbāz Khan had remained on at Farrukhabad, awaiting the money payment promised by Shuja'-ud-daulah.33
The author took the returned letter to Nawab Sa'dullah Khan, or, rather, after I had opened and read it, I made it over to him. The Nawab signed an order fixing the author's pay at forty rupees a month, and appointed me one of the gentlemen troopers (yakkah). Jangbaz Khan wrote from Farrukhabad for the money agreed on, as to which the Nawab (Sa'dullah Khan) had made himself responsible. Nawab Shuja'-ud-daulah paid one lakh of rupees, and in regard to the remaining four Lakhs he made a promise to pay in fifteen days, and went back to Lakhnau,
When one month had passed and the money had not arrived, Jangbaz Khan came to Anwalah in person and demanded payment. Nawab Sa'dullah Khan said that Rajah Män Rãe, his diwan, was at Bareli; when he came back a correspondence would be opened with Nawab Shuja-ud-daulah, and in a week the money should be handed over to him (Jangbaz Khan). A week went by, but the diwan, from several causes, was still detained in Bareli and had not returned to Anwalah.
Jangbaz Khan crossed the Ramganga river which flows between Anwalah and Bareli, and went as far as Bareli, where he surrounded the house of the said diwan, and there was a great disturbance. That very day he obtained the four lakhs in cash from the diwan, and then made a start for his own country. Thus the sum fell to be paid by Nawab Sa'dullah Khan, and not a copper of it was recovered from Nawab Shuja-ud-daulah.
The author for twelve years remained in the service of Nawab Sa'dullah Khan. Upon his death34 (May God give him rest and admit him to Paradise), I was two years in the employ of Nawab 'Abdullah Khan, the former Nawab's brother and holder of parganahs Sahswan and Ujhyānī, et cetera. Having taken a few months' leave and gone home, I heard there that Nawab Abdullah Khan, while engaged in playing with a large snake, was bitten by it and expired. I therefore decided not to return.36
sa Man Rashidābād to the west of Farrukhabad.
The "Ser Mutaqherin," III. 148, says 'Imad-al-mulk had reached Farrukhabad on the 7th Shawwal, 1170 H(24th June 1757).
a Sa'dullah Khan died on the 5th Sha'ban 1176 H. (18th February 1788), aged 27 years-Tarikh-i-Muhammad Thus the period of service under him could not have exceeded six years.
Both how in the Budaun district, United Provinces.
Abdullah Khan died on the 7th Safar 1180 H. (14th July 1766)Tarikh-i-Huḥammadi.

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Nawab 'Abdullah Khan was an able poet; his pen name was "Āşi. He was also a capable musician and painter; and he knew a lot of secrets about suakes, and spent much time in playing with them. At length his fate came from a snake's poison and by God's decree he passed from this transitory world. May God give him rost.
Couplet. Dunyāgst där.i-be-baqa, "uqbā,st maskrüt-i-fana "The world is a passing show, eternity conditioned
by decay: Bas khub shud kin yad-i-ma in ham guzasht, an "Enough that in memory of me this and that ham gunasht.
happened." [The End.]
Additional Notes. The chronology of this invasion may be here farther elucidated from the Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shaht, B. M. Oriental MS., No. 196, ff., 625. to 98., and Tarikh-- Aangir Şant, B. M. Oriental MS., No. 1749, ff., 841_1281.
Ahmad Shah sent out his tents from Qandabār on the 22nd Sha'ban 1169 H. (21st May 1756) and marched on the 27th (26th May). About three weeks later Traj Khán arrived as an envoy from India. Kabul was reached on the 9th Shawwal (6th July 1756). About the end of August, Qalandar Khan was sent to India with Iraj Klan. On the 22nd zal Hijjah (16th September) the march from Kabul began ; the camp was at Jalālābād on the 8th Muharram 1170 H. (3rd October 1756), and his advance troops entered Lāhor on the 4th October. The Shah reached Peshāwar early in Safar 1170 H. (end of October). Qalandar Khan received his first audience at Dihli on the 6th Safar (80th October 1756). The march from Peshawar was resumed on the 22nd Safar (15th November). On the 27th Rabi I (19th December 1756) Aghā Riça Khan was sent by the Indian Emperor to Ahmad Shāh. Some time in Rabi. II. (23rd December 1756 to 20th January 1757) Ahmad Shäh moved from Sonpat to Narelah. On the 4tk (26th December), after a consultation, the emperor's tents were sent out to Kaţrah Mahaldar Khān (close to Bādli), awd Ya'qub 'Ali Khan, Afghän, undertook to obtain favorable settlement from the Durrani. On the 28th (19th January 1757) Imid-ul-mulk appeared in the Shāh's camp at Narelah. Ahmad Shah entered the Fort at Dihli, sat on the throne, and coined money, 8th Jamida I. (28th January 1757). Khan Khanan (Intizim-ud-daulah) had been made Wazir on the 26th January; and the marriage of 'Imād-ul-malk to Mu'in-ui-mulk's (Mannū's) daughter took place on the 20th of February.
Ahmad Shah marched eastwards on the 21st February and Jahan Khin carried out the slaughter at Mathuri on the 28th February 1757. The two princes, who had been sent for, left Dihli on the 14th and reached tho Shāh's camp on the 18th March. The Shah's return march began on the 27th March; he reached Faridābād on the 29th, and on the 2nd April moved to a place between Bädli and Narelah. From that point his movements do not concern ts.
The dates of the ineffective campaign against Shujä -ud-daulah may also be given. On the Srd April 1757 the princes were at Mainpuri, and Ahmad Khan, Bangash, joined them. They moved on to the Ganges on the 4th and Hidayat Bakhsh proceeded to Itāwah, while Mirzi Baba remained at Qadirganj till the 19th. When Shuja'-ad-daulah came out, the prince retreated to Farrukhābād. The princes recrossed the Ganges on the 30th May and Sālär Jang arrived from Shaja -ud-daulah on the 10th June. Terms were arranged, and on the 24th June the princes crossed back and returned to Farrukhābād. They moved on to Dihli and 'Imad-ul-mulk followed with Ahmad Khan, Bangash. They were at Kol ("Aligarh) on the 14th July, and four kos from Dihli on the 23rd, 'Imád-ul-mulk on the 13th September 1757 introduced Ahmad Khan at Court, he having been newly appointed Amir-ul-umara (vice Najib Kbin).

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THE CHUHRAS.
THE CHUHRAS. BY THE REV. J. W. YOUNGSON, D.D., CHURCH OF SCOTLAND MISSION ;) SIALKOT.
(Continued from p. 81.)
3. The Creation. Awwal Mauld sdjiyd sab thin pdni
First God created water everywhere. Pani witoi gøriyd, phir sab bayan.
From this beginning all the story then Allah Maulé sdniya lau, kalam, mamin tá He gave of the creation. God the Lord domdn.
Made tableta, pens, the earth, the heaven. Chand te súraj sajiya tdrédi nd bhariya He made demdn.
The sun, the moon, and filled the sky with stars. Bare baré ho gayé né aglan dé pardhan Full many wise men lived and died, but none Tarê gins na jdige, kurd hai jahan.
Could count the stars. The world is 'vain. Chélé siftdi jöridi sab khol bayan.
All this Róz qiyamat ndi odraj akhi kadhégd abidh, Disciples have in full recorded. Lo, Kale if chando& didn tadón Shahidi núi lördis Upon the Resurrection Day the sun Otthé Bald pir karégd Shahida diár gaudis Will ope bis sixteen eyes; the canopy Sayd howegd chand 86 da, baddal didi lords With golden poles will shade the Shahis then. Du'd suno hdi mômino, phír sat jugwdļi, Great priestly Bâlâ then will help the Shihs. Khwdja Kaļal Dds hd kcharé mipali.
The shadow of the flag will refuge be El paun vagg@gdjalin, duyd chand Shah dégd Like shadow of a cloud. Believers, hear, dikhali
The true-age prayer, when Kalak Das will Allah raadi jieun 1di bah ikad thak
stand Jag sapúran hô gaya, Kayak Dda di vdri, With Khwaja. Both will be our helpers. Then Chels mifidn jorian lar bari tiyari.
Tempestuous storm of wind will sweep the Otthé Bala akhiyd Rabb núi, mérd man saudi earth.
The Shâh will come, in form a second moon, And God will sit and eat with him. What time The offering was made by Kalak Das It was accepted. Hymns disciples sing, So carefully preparing. Bald spoke
To God, and said, My supplication hear. Allah dd nam karégi méri kaļi adt
My kindred black thy name adore ; do thou Trussdi jag då vich dúnd, dend didár,
For ever in the sacrifice preside. Tain jag sapúran hówegd, dargdh-s-darbar Appear to us, and prove our sacrifice Allah 6th Jhaumpre nd!, kild takrdr,
Acceptable to thee within thy court.' Téré Shahi jag karngó var afhð vár,
A promise true God made to Jhaumpra. See, Allah dassé khólké sdré narudr.
Thy Shâhis all must sacrifice - the day, Thai ralchii pôchké phullan de har
The eighth, a sacred day must be. And so Chhandd sdddd rakhnd awwal viokkar,
God gave him knowledge of the mystery, Dilôn ghundi khólange tdi dédigé didar Command to keep the altar swept, and see Tdin jag saparan hówegd, dargah darbdr That garlands of sweet flowers encirole it. Chelé siftai järtan, pash ndm chatdr.
The sacrificial portion due to me Jhaumpre aggé Rabb dé drj gujdri
The inmost be - it is the first and best. Jag sapúran na howaga vdr Atho vdri,
If they their hearts unlock I will appear Main nun 6th& ghat dé jitthé dónakh di avdri, And will accept their sacrifice.' Now read Shahi mêrê rakhié, je chand sitdré.
And ponder well the record of His praise. Allah alched Baléd, téri pdls kamdi
So Jhaumprâ made petition to his Lord. Apê kalam pakar lé, kágas té siyahi,
To sacrifice on every eighth is hard; Chauddi tabal balchshd 18 sdri tôkdi,
For me impossible ; like moon and stars

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72
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MARCH, 1907.
Téri gal nahin phérní jó kar lét sdi.
Preserve my Shahis, even if thou must Bdié pir pakar léi, kdgan té kání,
For ransom mo cast into hell.' God said, "O BAIA, thou deservest well : take pen, And ink and paper, for I grant thy prayer. Throughout the world thy followers shall be
saved.' So priestly Bale to reed and wrote,
We make yearly sacrifice,' and thus Varhé di jag laroge fik muddatimi,
Great Bâld had his followers' sins forgiven. Balé pir umat balchshd l&i kam høyd dadni 'Twas easy. His disciples sang his praise, Chélé siyan jóridi, var Durga Bhowini. Bhowani siding, goddess eloquent. Oni s sach paua dhani.
The Lord of wind and sky alone is true. Awwal sift Khudd di chéld bandé,
The first of God's commands disciples sing. Ndi te pita ndi sértés jai sansdr vikhdé. To father and to mother honour give, Déi máta séviên, jain shabd sikhas.
Who showed the world to as the goddess too Pir, paskambar, auliye, Rabb dp banda Who taught us truth. The priests and Bhunne dáné bijwen jauni khét jandé,
propketa al Jihra láwé ajmatda sôhí ôh pîr kahde Were made by God. If perfect seeds are sown Aggé pahré sach dé, kuchh ho gaye né hôr, Straight barley grows from out the earth, Sach duniyd then tur gayd, jhuth paydé jor, and so, Lalach lagga sach núi, Rabb bandydatór When fruits are good the priest is proved Thusha painoh hi manniyê, phiren bara lilor. & true Is pahr& dé ad mi hóé basé atatt,
And perfect priest. The former ages all Oțak sifat suiátní koléne nahin rakh Were times of truth, but truth has left the Svidadiwdle sunangé bésid di nahis pak,
world: Jinhdi suniy sidg nd!, bihishtia varn késhege . Untruth prevails : Desire attacked the trath
With onslaught fierce. God made this thief
desire. False teachers are received, and proudly walk Amid an evil age, where wicked men Do wickedly. All this I must reveal. The true will hear, the false reject, but those
That hear with faith at last will enter heaven. Auganhard chélt høyd Langar Shah då odre A sinful man am I, disciple born Oh sannhdi bahut mdridi jhugge bahut wird, Within the time of Langar Shah. "Twas he Orak dhathd like shabdná duára
Broke into many a house, and many a hut Jitné aib sawdb adi bakhshd léyé tr6
He burned. At last he came, repentant he, Os nishdi dharidi nam didi dhar adlar shara To seek the gates of Bala's sbrine, where he Chélé Apar ninhdi dé chad kôt wedre
Had all his sine forgiven. The name of God N am baniya itna jos ambar tare
He made foundation sars, and, with plamb Barakat Balá për di leo hankár ma mire And compass, straight be built a hiding place, Cheld sift bandidi kt kuti tadbir
The base firm resting on the name of God, Agga Balé pir da høyd ddmangir
The top far reaching to the stars of heaven. Duniya tôi bé hirs hda nahin jag m vir The blessing BA gave accomplished this. Aqibat válé baurrid taas sachchd pîr
There is no room for boeat To write a song Sifat churd karn man karê bicht
Assayed the priest's digoiple. Thus he caught Sab haqiqat pit di sudsnás odkar
The hom of BAX's garment as he prayed, Bald pir dyd dunayd té das auldr
And said, O thoa true priest, the world is Chald danishaand biabé lakik harde
vain, Ushda nám bandyd itsad korbésbunda No sacrifice have I, no merit, none : Orak nahin dyd nam dd sab challa mihar Be thou my helper in the end. How shall

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MAROE, 1907.)
THE CHUHRAS.
78
saddi jandi tiyaridi man laré vichar Hukam Balé pîr da kaddhan namôi gahar
I praise thee in a song? My heart would sing My theme shall be the virtues of the priest. Ten times did Bâlâ come a priest indeed Into this world—ten millions had he wise Disciples-men that thought upon the Name, But never get could measure it. They left The world and went in wonderment. I too Will leave it, and my heart exclaims.' The
priest, Great Balá thus commands, Adorers of The Name escape God's wrath : the righteous
hears, The rest are ignorant. But those that hear, And trust, shall be set free from fear of pain,
$idqdiwaļé aunangé hôr lok gawdr Jinndi suniyd sidag nd! oh payé azdbón par
4. Story of Dhagana. Andar Narwarlo dé Shák pir Dhagdnd In Narwarkôt there lived a great high priest.. Chưa bao para hồa ap rể hóa amiyama Dhagana. When his father died he was Chhe mahiné gwar gayê pir muridí júnd A child, but, six months passed, the time Variya Dilli dnké kar súhd band.
drew near Aggé Chuhrd nambardar si ohda nam Sadhana. When his followers must be visited. He came Os palang dahyd pir dd siré té rakh sirhand. To Debli clad in red. The lambardar T'urt ba turli pir da chad kita khdid
A Chuhra was, his name Sadhânî, he Pir vékché palang té vékh larm rabbana ) A bed prepared all for his priest, and placed Vagar p&i sarkar di kotwal bhajdyd.
A pillow on it. Then in haste he cooked Thatti varé láka nambarddr bulaya
His food for him. The priest regards the bed. Chúhre sabbho cha de badshah farmdy a How wondrous are God's works. A messen. Ai asdddd jdi nahin ghar pîr é dya
ger It dahựa kata mang hai badahae amaya In haste came running to the Chuhfas' homes, Is d& bdp Akbar Shah da manja gagan And to the headman orders gave to send bhoudya
The Chuhsas all-the king commanded. But' Ted Nand didi kotlidi bakhshian shnd thán He said, we cannot go to-day-our priest banwdya.
Has come-beware, he is as dangerous NA!é cháļi manjedi da hdd bakhshdyd. As any serpent. All this knows the king: Sard pahr din chashiyd manja dhart laháyd He tried him once, for this child's father sent Ih bi kad ndng hai use pir da jdyd
King Akbar's cot straight to the sky, for
which, He gifted him the fertile village lands Of Isa Nand, a golden temple too, And freed him forty villages from tax. That priest all in the morning caused the bed. Suspended in the sky to seek the earth.
This young priest too a cobra is, the son, Asdddé ghar sahkdédn mi dj për é dyd
Of him we spake of. This we longed for, Sir, Chélé sfida joridi, park ndm sundyd,
He visits us. This song all in his praise Káwdl utthôi palteyd Chahre nahin jandé. His true disciple made. The-messenger Hazir amir puchhdá tu kylli nahi dide Brought word, The Chuhras will not come.' Puchhan Khair Din nú litté tur gaye wand The king
* BALA LAL KAdn

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[MARCH, 1907.
Kofwdldn 16 Chukṛéan muddhon vair jinnándé Demanded, 'O Khair Din, why brought you Chaukidar khalské palila laya
not
Chûhré nahin dunde ghar pîr né dyd,
Them forcibly? Where are the idle folk?'
Os de bap Akbar Shah da manja gagan bhu- Police and Chuhras are old enemies,
74
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
ayd
Gused khádá Jahangir munh muṛká dyá Uhô pir pakar léauná na jáná payd Óhu phást dénd lédké. Iho hukam sundyd Lashkar badshah dé cha kiti dha Aggé baitha pir of Shah deh valdé Bal aiydnd ban gayd dyd Jag di Khát Huliyé phéré badshah déssdn rich såré Uhô pir pakar ledund Rabb méré bap dé sirón mihna utáré
Chúhra Chhappari Band & nám Mang sadde Os pir andar lukaya, aulád vikhdé Bardh baras di larki lar pîr dé lái
Vidh mata jurt val ohhaddi, kaun haldé Chélé siftdi joridi, parh nam sundîn. Jan kandré naddi dé pir child 3 kamaé, Barah baras guzarké phir vihde. Rôza barah barsan da anaj na kháé Munk thin Rabb dhéaun péyd tap kamás Shah namâna nám si tadón pir phir akhđé Pir karé tapassiyd chélé akh sundé Mái! Nur Diváni ódari uth jangal jáé Jangal sutta pir si. Ja khali powándi Oh da más gayá súkké bak kol bulandi Talian jhas jagaundi munh thin shirmandi Jekar honda bál, pira, main pe khaḍandi Angan disda sohnd kyûn ôdar jandi Par main lay laggi tuddé méri umar vihandi Main ghar baithi tuddé bin damman band Pir Dhagand uthké dalil gurdri Baré baré balwant né rannán né maré, Rawan Lank lufâyi Sita de máré Kahn churdé mundri Guari pair khiláré
A watchman standing by adds fuel to fire. 'The Chuhras will not come because their priest,
Whose father sent great Akbar's bed sky high, Is come.' So Jahangir was angry. Drops Of sweat stood on his brow. 'Go,' cried he, 'Catch
This priest, and see he flee not. Bring him here,
And hang him!' So the king's command. The king
His army marched against him, but he found No force opposing, for tle priest there sat Transformed into an infant who was brought To Jagdi Khât, while every province round Was taught to seek and him identify.
The king commands that he in chains be brought,
If haply from his father's name God wipe The old disgrace away. A Chhappari-band, A Chuhra, Mang by name, concealed the priest.
He hid him in his house and showed, instead, His children. Then in marriage to the priest He gave his daughter, girl of summers twelve. 'Twas Vidh, the mother, that united them, And none may separate the pair. Now far The praises publish that the true disciple Bang.
The priest upon the river bank engaged In contemplation. Twelve long years he passed, Twelve years of fasting, solid food he'd none. He worshipped God, and lived an anchorite. Then God alone he knew, and so he came To be a worthy priest. Alone he lived, Until his own disciples came to say
His wife, his Nur Divani, missed him much, And grieved for him. She ran towards the wild,
Even where her priest was sleeping. There she stood
And bowed beside his feet. His flesh was dried
Upon his bones. She called him, standing near She clasped his feet to wake him modestly.
Period of abstraction and meditation.

Page #83

MABOR, 1907.)
THE CHUHRAS.
Raja Bhaj ghord ban gayd, rani chabuk mdré, Aidi jadd paskambardi lar mod vichdré Nam 166 ummal dd sab ranndi né mdre Jahangir Chugatta badshah, Dille dé lase Uhnú gah gayi damit, assin laun vichdré Pir Dhagdná uthké an ndrd rdhyd Arsha, azina kambiya, bhuchal si dyd. Haibat dhar Dhaul nund dóóih lali gyd Khabar hdi dargah vich, Rabb véhi puchdyd Hukam sórdvardi då véhi bhdund dyd Puch hiyd dké pir na, Tussdi ki farmdyd ? Mdin divd dhariyd adké vich tél bi páyd Bata dé ohhad bálké sack bar ķhuddya Dé nú apné nur thii na rahdi trehdyd Ma maujda Bald pir hái main ih jarmdyd, Lé sanéhê pir de véhi mur janda Jitnd hal harodl si sab dich sundnda, Oh mauj da Bala për hai, tdn rdzi honda. Jhal yiydré nûr dd Rabb dast phardndd Dan dodi ni vandké ikko jend chhanda
She said, "My priest, had you been still a
child, I would have fondled you as once I did. Ah mel had my dear home resounded sweet With children's voices, then I had not thus Been here. You wed me but my youth, alas, Is passing swift away. Oh let me stay, And serve you like a slave.' Dhagânâ roge. And mused, A many valiant men have been Undone by women. Rawan lost Ceylon For Stta. Gujrt fascinated Kahn What time he stole the ring, and Ranja Bhoj A -orse became; his wife applied the whip. And thus the song of prophets fongui and
died. They said they died for men - for women
'twas They died. Great Jahangir Chagatta, once The king of Dilli, gay bridegroom became, And lost his honour to & dancing girl, What will become of me?' Dhagânê cried. He rose, he shouted, till the heavens shook, The earth did quake; the wbite ox Dhaul for
fear Did tremble, and the light of day grew red Like blood. The voice straight penetrates
Heaven's court. Forthwith God sends His angel Gabriel. A message brings he from the Lord; he comes So speedily all to the priest and asks, What seekest thou P' The priest replied,
A lamp Have I prepared, and placed within it oil, And eke a wick : light thou the wick. True
God Who art. Light from thine own light give
to me, Quench thou my thirst, for Bâlâ priest am I,
A wanderer free. My one request vouchsafe.' So Gabriel, back bearing his request Presented it, with explanation, Lo, - 'Tis BÂlî, wandering priest, that makes request, And will not be content till it be given A cup of sparkling light.' God gave it free, And placed it in the angel's hands. He said, Give them, the husband and the wife, give
both An equal share, and say that Balá comes Into the world again. Let none refuse To hear him, for he is a mighty man ! Of God. He may be angry, in his rage
Ik bi duh daské Shah Bala anndd Mat kai théld is di ahd gal bhowdndd Il bard aráwar pir hai mat asmat lákida. sdré duis daské ihti ainda Ihdd adab learne kot nd! dhiydi Th ehdd súrd ho sid, nahii ant baydn. Th chhatk jug jal bimb sich bild ohndio. Par sppdi andar rakhiyd Ichud nah dhiydi
.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1907.
Aggé gaya duniya té nau veri jawan Hui das wir vdri tudh ghar dyd parwan Par sadké ih da ndm 18i hônd qurban. Vehi nur ditta vandké dassé pir dé aiwdi. Jehre ih da murid né, bihisha jan. Nahin gadr firishtédi, ihnú ar buldi. Júk agg& Dharm Rdé dé khar jd puchdi. Shah Bale do murid núi na pawé dhemodn Jimé aib sawdb ne sab bakhshé ján JA Shah Ball de murid hain, ndj nek nigdh Khulle darwajjá varegd, hô bépard. Massalli j&hye ban gayé unhdi di kdi nahin ja
Ol Naraka dakhil hôngé, dôzaķh di bhd Munkir té Nakir bi, phir lékhd mangan, Nekian badili puchhnge, ndļe haddidi bhanan JS Shah Bale de murid hai, na puchhan na
jamman. Ohda adar karnd itd ndld pakché jhulan Pir piydla nûr dd pi ghar val dya Divd baléd jót dd Shind Rabb vadhdyd Nau mahiné gujar gayê pir kukhé dya Ayá rdt sôhåg di mdi shagan manáé Arehải thân trightê giyara vúi đe Divéái dê báļké shamddan jagde Húrák paridi baithké sab mangal gde Ziydrat karó pir di Rabb púri pde Rat sanichar udr di pir Bald jamme Baldé divé mát hóé uth dui bhanne. Gurhli ahi nur di vich aôné chhanne. Pahild darshan már láta jis pdya thannín. Pir dastoen autar je suió akhín 7€ kannin. Navin sadi gujar gayf aggé das win punni Pir pandit Akhdé, Pir bhôré pdo.
He may dishonour some. Go, Gabriel, go, Declare to them the signs, and see that they Give him due honour. He is great, so great, His greatness none will measure. On the deep He floated six and thirty ages; then He gave oblations; in the shell I kept And shielded him from harm. Nine times
before He has incarnate been, now in thy house A tenth time he will come. Let all regard, And sacrifice themselves to him.' An equal
share The angel gave them, and the signs he showed • Who follow him will go to heaven at last, The angels dare not summon them, nor dare To bring them to the presence of the king That rules in Heli. No forco unlawful will Compel the followers of Bala Shah. Their sins will be forgiven who look with faith To Baix Shali. Al fearlessly they soma And enter free the doors of Heaven, but those That are Masallis straight will enter Hell, Where flames await them. Mankir and Nakir Will strict examine them, a record true Of deeds, both bad and good, they will demand, And then they'll break their bones, but Bala's
men Will be nor asked, nor born again. All grace Will them be shown, and fans be waved on
high To cool them.' Bals drank the cup of light And homewards sped - a lamp with heavenly
light Was given him. Nine months passod, a child
was born. One happy night the mother omens sought, And lo! from heaven high care angels down To soe the child. Bright lamps were lit, and
placed On stands; bright fays and fairies came to sing, • Behold the priest, and God be with you all.' On Saturday, by night, the priest was born, The lamps that burned grew dim, the midwife
ran In fear. The child's first draught was one of
light All in a golden cup. His mother looked And saw him first. She gave him milk and so The priest was now the tenth time incarnate. Hear yo with eyes and ears, the ninth is passed, The tenth great age begun. The Pandits said,

Page #85

MARCH, 1907.]
Barah varhé is nûn na vá lódó Sakht sitára is dá jé sach puchhdo. Ih dévtédh richchon bard hai; na gal vadhaó.
THE CHUHRAS.
Tali dé héth anké sab nazran kardé.
Traé daré bañangé sóhné karigar sdf kardé. Phull laggangé takhtin buhé sohne bandé, Söhnîán banîdi chaunkadh, ghar búrán dhdidn. Saiyid apô vich bahské saláh kaftan di karde. Pir Dhagana jaké mur arzan kardá Nalé pír kahndá péya, Rabb thin dardd Par chacha jis nun akhiyé pand cha, nahin khaṛdá.
Sayil, zôrdwar né, Rabb kikar ih kardá Pir Dhagand Saiyidán dé nal na hoyd káhlá
Hujré Shah Mugim de koi gaddi bhári. Pir sahib dé pôtré saiyid balkari. Kisi dúti jaké ôthê chugli mari.
Tak Chûhréan dé jir di kôi béshumari. Sunké saiyid pîr né gaddin jordián
The Chubras dared them cut their shisham tree.
Kuhdré unhân utha léyé môndhé dhar par The shisham tree the priest of Chuhṛas loved ndian. Is great. The Saiyid priest, this hearing, yoked
The oxen to the wagons. Saiyids took Their axes, shouldered saws, and stood beneath The shisham tree. Regarding it they said, Yes, three good doors the tree will make, the wright
The boards shall plane; we'll carve them fine with flowers.
So beautiful they'll be We'll make our wives them.' So The Saiyids talked with purpose fixed and firm,
To fell the tree, but Pir Dhagana came. He begged them to have patience, not to cut The tree. A priest he was and spoke them fair As fearing God. A man may make request And humbly say Friend, help me with my load.'
Hôr andar pir hai is taliwala
Tali hath nahin launa, mat karó uchala. Saiyid ahnlé, Léd, Khán, táli dakkanwild!' Pir Dhagana partké mur ghar val áya. Qufal utar bhoré da ziyarat páé. Jitná hál hawal si sabb ákh sunúé, Pir Sahib dé pôtré tali vadhan né để Phir khali us né nahin jaund bajh dekh dikhdé Tali babat kuchh nahin jag méhná lá Bôlê nuôi bắp nên phim are sun để
Saddé dáhḍé sahib di tali kaun vaḍhâé Bakhsh zabáni rahm kar sir khak raldé Jekar saya sahibda tur api jáé Pir Dhagand dkhed, 'Tussin bal aniyané,
The child must hide twelve years in darkness drear;
No light must see-his star is powerful. He, If you the truth would know, among the gods Is strongest. This keep secret."
77
Shah Mugim Had his last resting place where Saiyids brave, His grandsons, lived. An enemy brought them word
and lovely chairs will ran to own
The friend thus meekly asked no aid affords. Just so the Saiyids harsh comply not. What Will God do now? Dhagâna, priest, was calm. He to the Saiyids said, 'The Master is Within; touch not the tree; you'll rue it else.' The Saiyids angerly cried, Who's the man That will prevent us?' Priest Dhagâna came, Unlocked the door that led to chambers dark Beneath the ground, and looking on his son The rightful priest, the story told him thus:The grandsons of the Muslim priest have dared To come with purpose ill to fell the tree, The shisham tree. But learn they must to feel,
Mugim for Muktm: cf. mugat, which is probably for mukat.
"
And recognise, our power. The tree itself Is little worth; the insult offered us
Is great. The world will scoff.' But Bala said

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1907.
Andar is bhøré dé barah sdl rihane
In answer to his father, Who will dare Aốn utthốn naské kai dukh rihané.
To cut the tali tree, which is the Lord's. Nal dagé de márdé Nathôn bdj chhaddné Forbid me not and I will lay in dust Bé par witian usdián 6h ápé jane
Their heads; if on me rests God's power, Bálé Núri dichiya, kylli hál gôvoda .
behold, Main nun apné dukh dá khólyalá sunkó. Like chaff they go.' Bat priest Dhagana said,
You're still a child-within this cell you've
lived For twelve long years : defeat means dire
disgrace, And if you're killed, a bawk escaped, alas, Is not more swiftly lost to sight than you.' • The Lord is all resourceful,' Balá said, Why weep you ? Tell me all your grief, and
seat Kháré upar chårhké mainúk chá nuhdo Me on a basket, bathe me, glorify Chhatli edl di bandagi lékhe 6hdé lád.
The Lord who gave me grace to worship Him Jé manjúri Sahib di, fateh úpar paô.
For six and thirty years. If He appears, Faqr namúné us nun ik gal sundi,
My adoration paid, then victory Huné dána bijudi jauí khét jamdin
Undoubted will be yours. The father then, Jihkar dvé jitké fath upar pdin.
Like hermit true, made this request. Essay Nahin to dhéri apni dádé lal jamdin.
Your power : a grain of corn sow, which bow Léké izan báp dd për Idré taiyari,
Shall in an instant grow if victory Dhaná nézé váng hai undaron kölé bari Is ours. If not, then insult and a grave Andur on is dargah dé pir idé tari
Beside your fathers will your portion be. Duniyd utte ghaliya, main núi ban gayi bhari The boy, his sire assenting, now prepared Tuhé pardé kajné kar madadgari..
To go. Like burning coal he went in wrath, Kéhd Rabb pir núi kyúi sôch guzdri,
With speed as of a spear. His heart was Takabbar hath talvir hai nahin chaldi karf. fixed Qabza-khol talvár dd tu banh lá dhári. In prayer all close within God's presence. Saiyid al rasul di panjé shếr dé mdría
'Thou, Chélé indir jórtán nah nam chatári.
O Lord, didst send me to the world; behold, Pir Chóréôi nikliyá má léndi vari
Thy servant now is troubled. Succour me.' Onda mathd Balé chand dá jieun asmdné táré The Lord addressed the priest, Why art thou Chand jivan domán té jivén chamkán mare
sad ? Pride grasps a sword in vain; no wound it
makes : Grasp thou thy sword's hilt, sharpen it and
cut Clean off the lion's paws, Muhammad's race.' These songs are sung, compiled by followers
true. . Oh read and sing God's name. The priest
emerged From out his dark seclusion. Giving alms His mother kissed her son - his forehead
high Was like the moon. It shone 88 do the stars
That shine in heaven, or like the moon aloft Ndr matthé de chamakdá léndd lishkáre That beams and glows. The beauty of his Pir poshákán pahindi nahdké Apar khdré. face

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MARCH 1907.]
Atar té amir né utté kam vioháré Pir bhôréôn nikliyd salám má nûn karda. Awwal séván tudh nûn mérd pir hai khardd Putr ján dén té má dá ji nahin karda. Nain howen gindháôlé, rag kaleja bhardd, Bibi dlhé Shah nûn kiven ih na jáé Man putr ral baithké chá héth vadháé Naini nir na thiliyd dukh kaléjá kháé Per kahlá hô péyd mat tali wadh lé jáé Vidid hoyd pir ji, mah khair pukáré. Khalqat di hamaké, log pind de sûré, 'Arzan karn hath banhké sab dar dé máré Shér té bhagiar dé, kaun ugdhi dháré Táliwald pir hai, har kisi nûn jappé Chhinj tamasha vékhné log agayé ápé Lôg tamdshagir né, kôl jhurdé máppé Pir Dhagana akhda Allah karé sujappé Dôvén ikutthé ho paé jut paé ne sání
THE CHUHRAS.
Pir ih akhé, Saiyidá, kôi dé nishání, Táli vadhdhané á gaéôn tainú hot giranî. Aithé hi mar javenga ho jáéngá fání. Gussa dya Saiyid nûn, aggán aya Pir nûn jhirakké és kóháṛá cháya Pir panja ugharia magar Saiyid dé lâya Jitná lahû sarir da sab bahir aya Zamin té ja péyá na bôlé bulaya Manjé utté páké sir nafrán cháya Khudiwálé nûn márdá Rabb é áp farmaya Jadon oheld ravánná kar réhá jadôn vadḍhan nún si áyá
phariyá
Bah ja jhanda lake, kiha hariya bhariya.
799
Shot dazzling rays. The priest on basket bathed
Now fully dressed and scented, issued forth. He made obeisance to his mother, who In reverence said, "Tis I shall worship thee, O priest of all the house.' She grieved and wept
At parting from her son. Her eyes were full Of tears, her heart was breaking. Husband mine,
Prevent him.' So she spake and sat her down Beside her son, and fondly him embraced. Her eyes dropped tears, her heart was wrung with pain.
The priest must leave her, for the tali tree Was in dire danger; so he went and she Cried God speed' after him. A crowd of friends,
The village folk, with folded hands, implored The priest to stay- they feared for him. 'A wolf,'
They cried, or lion who can face?' But he Was Tâlîwâlâ priest his name and fame Brought all the country round to watch the sport,
And view the wrestlers, for they love to see A worthy match. The parents of the priest Were sad. Dhagana said, God succour thee.' So face to face they came, an equal match. So thought the people. Saiyid!' cried the priest,
why came you, tyrant,
Show me a sign here
To cut the tali tree? Now die you shall, And perish quite.' The Saiyid angry grew; He cursed the priest in surly tones, and he But laid his hand upon the Saiyid's back, When out there grashed a stream of blood,
and prone
Shah Dhigand akhdá pir lakh hajári Ik miyán nahin meôndian hun do talwarîn. Pe putr nahin jeundé ra! ikse tha Ján Nishaurá mall baho jidé nurd Khiyali. Lék izan bap da pir gharé charhiya Majjalôh majjaliayú á Nishauré variya Aggé choudhri Ram Chand si, jis vággán té Naushera by Khiyali is thy home.'
The Saiyid fell. They laid him then, bereft Of sense and speech upon a bed, and brought Him from the arena home. God kills the proud; It is his Law. And so it was that day The brave disciple faced the Saiyid when He came to fell the tree: Dhagâna said,
A mighty priest art thou. O never shall Two swords one scabbard occupy: we may No more as son and father eat one food.
The priest obedient mounted then his horse, And reached by stages sure Naushera. There

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Balá núri pir ni, rahida muih suchché. Ram Chand, the Chowdri,seized his horse's reins, Chhattré, bulcre, lsh léyé mullái núi na puchché. And cried, Dismount ! Unfurl your flag,
and dwell O blessed man, with us.' Enlightened priest Was Bala, pure and holy. Food unclean He ate not, for he killed his own, both sheep
And goats. No Muslim priest he asked.
5. Story of Dana. Até Immindbad bi dar nahin kõi lammí mukhé, Naushera town is near by Imminâbâd, Orak khabaran hôngidi Dand vi puchché, And Dâná heard of Muslim law profaned, Ráj si Chregatteán Dilli rich pherd
Chagattâs reigned in Dilli. Jáhangir, Jahangir Chugattá Badshah niyán karé chan- The king, did justice. Dâná was his friend, gérá.
He said, and teacher. So the king decreed Dâné núi mít khda, Ustad hai méra, Him honour great, and said, 'I come not here Mainti karnā aundd térd adab bahutérd. Again - man lives but once - make thy Duniyá té nahin dund mur dujjá phếró,
request, Lai lai múnh mangké kôi mulk changéra. And I will give thee province good. He Dand qdei dil vich dalil quadri
thought, De chhadd Immindbad di badshahí sári
And said, this Dana Qazi, "Give me all Ralf mérf na mura phir Dilli tari
Imminâbâd, without appeal to thee Halal haram nakhér san chaupdyan tori In Dilli: I will cleanse the land of all Imninábád likh dittá Jahangir Shahrádé Unlawful things. Great Jahangir bestowed Kita kam ķhudd dé phir nahin duradde ImminAbåd on him. The Lord's great works Shard kull Panjab di vas térê tê sdddé Are wonderful. Said Dana, Panjab law Chug li jehrd ja karê chuk dédi duradue Is ours to make or change: who disobeys Dáná rázi hôké Immindbádá á varda
Shall exiled be.' In gladness entered he Shahr dyd homáks 18k naarai dharde
Imminkbad. All men brought gifts. ThroughKhabar ho gayi Panjab vich 4 Daná vardd out
The Panjab it was noised that Dana made l'his entrance to the town. The Brahmans
feared. Shahrin Brahman kambdó Rabb kikar ih karda They knew not what the Lord would do. J8 leff Immindodd dich viáh racháé
Whene'er Pichhôn mél dundd awwal Daná jde
There was a wedding. Dank first of all Uhndi khandi koi na mordd jo kháé só khde,
In Imminabad was called, the best of food Tambból lenda likh, áp neð drá na pde, He chose, and, though no gift he gave, yet he Mara dar chaugattédi koi gal na hiláé
Kept count of others' gifts. Nono dared Aukhe 18g Dand this luchh pish na jde
complain, Dand Immindbád vich růj ni baitha karda
As fearing the Chugattås. Dan was Darda Imminábdd vich koi & gada na karla,
A king among them. Beggars feared to beg, Kof musáfr & vase hugod pîye nd! darda
And strangers ceased to smoke; faqirs indeed Faqirán nd dar itna jo ardb qabr dd
Shrank from him as a man shrinks from Chelé siftda jóidi péyd nam hi parhdd.
grave. Shah Dauld fagir si, hai si dariyái
This song of praise the true disciple made Lagájándé Gujrat ndri kar lammi dhái To glorify the name. Råh vich Immindbád dé uhnúj kaun halás
Variyd shahrá jaké já sada buldi Sakhti vékh faqir di mil Dand jdi Kalmé paw band bi, mainda dkh sundind.'
Shah Doulah was A famous saint who loved the streams. Be made

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MARCH, 1907.)
THE CHUHRAS.
Main Allah da nam jáindi, hôr pathiye His way to Gujrât by stages long nahin.'
And entering Imminabad he begged an alma, But all unhappy met with Dânâ, who To try him asked the Kalmas five. I only know,' said the faqir 'the same
Of God. Nought else I know.' Dank was Dand høyd qahrwan sir bhar chukai,
wroth. Lokdi dkh dekhké faqir chhuddyd,
He laid a load upon the poor man's head, Us munde magar ldké aggê bhajaya,
Despite the people's prayers to let him go. Itfái mdran vávehidi agge bhannd áya He set the city boys upon the saint, Khairá tai ki chaddiya j& shahrói búhar si dyd. Who stoned him from the town.
Bavd Nanal Gurú si sab dd sánhja, Oh para karámát dá tán guru sadanda Uhndi Hindi mathá tékadé oh jit val janda Sail karé sansár dá duniyá ajmán lá. Råh vich Imminábád si ôh var gayá vánda Thakur duäré jáké Babá dérá ldé, Shahr aya humáks lô7 narrdi le 41 Findd matha çekdé, sáddá sat gur & dyd Khabar ho gayi Dáns ni oh apé de Dand gází baithké unii gal surđi, Jo tairida matha tek dé sab jhuth lokái, Hindudi dá tu guru hain zahiri kald dikehdin • Msin sat Gur da nån janida, kuchh pashiyd
nahin.' Aggé Babá båliya, “Suit, nulla Qazi, Pir prik imbar anbye sab vaddé gázi, Sání nahin kôi Rabb då sab jhithi bázi. Fagr Allah di zát hai, sun ahmaq gází. Dånd hôya qahr wan charh gussá júi Baba andar déké cha chalcki chóhde. Oh půrd karámát dá utta chádar pai Jitnd ddná shahr dá hó átá pihjái Az mat púri tán gaya phir naské jái. Che le siftan joriai parh nan surdin,
Then came & saint Whom all men owned to be a teacher true, The Garů Nának. Hindås bowed to him, As hero and there he wandered trying the
world. In Imminâbâd he stayed: the people brought Their gifts to him and said, 'Sat Gur 'has
come. But Dâng came to see him, questioning
Men honour you without a cause : what sign Show you that I should honour you who teach The Hindus ?' Nânak said, 'I know but
this, The name of my Sat Gar. Oh Maslim judge, All priests and prophets, makers of the law, Called men of God, are nought 'fore God. A
play It all is God alone is the true saint, Oh foolish Qazt.' Dâná angry grew. He locked the saint up - made him turn the
mill To grind their corn. So Nânak spread his
sheet And ground the corn of all the town without An effort. Fleeing then the town he showed His power so. This song of praise was made By true disciple. Read and glorify The Name.
Mirafiroáļs dá mulvard bahut kitában parhdd, A& gayé núnchérdá dhigáné si larda Afå lchoke fagirán da Dané kôl kharda Che la diché gavien Rabb kilar ih karda. Janda jihr gaļi val, rannán péya daráé, Mauli maihndi dhart súrmán koi na páé, Rannái núi áyá dar itná koi phul na handas Kdi mard kisi ndl gal karê ôh kafarat lagde Mulla aisá phiftiyá vaddi chira kháé Ché lá aggôn gáônda sári gal sunké,
Mirâliwala Mulls read So many books, he met all men in strife Of argument. He sent the poor saints' alms To Dana. Let us see, the Chelê sang What the Lord does. The mulla's wont was to Insult the ladies, who left off to use Their lace and henna, ceased to dye their eyes And wear their jewels; even wreaths of flowers They dared not wear, and, if a man should
hold

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-Gallái ôhdidi kardé Bavê tê Sadi Mullái Mirdų sodle dá koi pakka hock Muehchối 6 điải kakkiải đ&rhỉ số khôài.
Converse with any maid, a blasphemer He straight was judged. The mulla grew
full rich With bribes, and fat - the story I will tell. The Babas and the Sodhis talked about The mulla. "Rogue and rascal he,' said they, Mustaches brown and beard but scanty his. He has no principles, his ways are bad. The fasts and prayers are nought to him ; he
would Be called a teacher-takes bis Thursday bread From all the houses.'
Mulla befarmán hai uhdi bhairí vádi, Namda roa nahi janda chaur ustad banan di. Gulli lénda jumerdt di ghar ékói jeni
Mirdlfwdyedi tur péyá Gahná mulvard
Mulla Gahņâ, marched Agg& garh Nishaurê 4 gayd viht jag To Garh Naushera : there he saw the rites shahina,
That Chůhțâs practised in be sacrifice. Vékh sirishtá pír da Gahid ghabrána,
Their priest killed rams and goats himself, Chattro bakre kbh 16 saddah nahin mulodid.
nor once Sarba! kļa ho gaya Gahnd mulvdad,
Called in a Muslim priest. And seeing this Chela dkhé, Gahnéa, ih jag Mi shahana Gahņgrew angry like a glowing coal. Kl pir de diks Gahid karê bayán,
Oh Gabna,' the disciple said, observe Chchhattré bakre köhnde a learndén tú gyán, The way the Shâhis sacrifice. But Gahņa said, Shardwaļa mulváné, téri kaddh léngé ján. You kill both rams and goats, how dare you Shamas Tabré: pir si vich Multár,
have Shariwdle mulváre 88 di ula khall lahan Such rites? We that do know the Law of God Oh dá bhanda kitá adrd nål den na khan. Will kill you. Know you not that Shams Uo suraj fikk bhunsyd tdi muih lagd of pai. Tabrêz, Itthon kikar bachéngá sánnun das baydn Priest of Multân, was by the masters of Chhattré bakré sádạé apnd shard hai tuhaddi The law hang up by the feet and flayed, because Shard nahin mangas asin gaye taina lan di He broke the law. They cast him out. They har sadi
would Bhaji tainti nahía ghalliya vich pá rikábí, Not let him eat. The son approached, and he
Did roast his fish and ate his scanty meal. They spared not him, then how will you
escape?' The priest replied, The rams and goats are
ours, The law is yours. We do not want your law,
Nor have we called you. Yours it is to seek sanndi téri khabar nahih ti kéhr than de A quarrel. Go. We know not you, nor where gdzi
You dwell and execute your law. But he O Gujranwali na gaya, 6h Immindbádé Went not to Gujranwal, but took his way dhand
To Imminabad, to see the Qazi. So Råh vich rôdd jdonddi Gahnd mulvdid He went in tears. Gâhņ the priest appeared Aggé majlis Dane gaz di 8the ja kurudi. Before Dânâ the Qizi. There he wept Pag Idhké pilfedi ja Gahnd mulvárd
Such bitter tears, and threw his turban down Dåne gdzi dkhiya Thrún pakar baháo. So vehemently, and beat his breast so sad Ján kis ihndi wdriya main ndi puchh sunds That Dana Qazi cried. Take hold of him. Ji ihmún kuchh lur gaya koi mantar pad Here seat him and see he has been beaten, or Chhil Kaisar dá chauf hai ihndi andar påd, A serpent poisonous has stung him, 80 Lékai uhna pakariya Gaknd tad bf fappo Use charms. Or mayhap he has some disease.

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MARO, 1907.]
THE OHUHRAS.
Chuli Bálé pir di aggá Dané dé dissé, Control him-and shut him up indoors.' Chashreái dá pîr hai vich Nishauré de vassé, They tried Chhattré bakre koh lai, mullái nú na puchhe. To hold him, but he cast them off and railed Dana kahe sipahidi nii Uth karð laiyari, Against priest Bâlâ, saying to Dâna, He, đauần hô sảô gôrêái khoe lộ tutearin.
The Chuhras' priest, lives in Naughera. Ho Pể di ga aru na đếa ni phi d •jit tarỉ. Kills rams and goats himself, and disregards Aithé pakar léd und, piri vélhdiga sari,
The Muslim priests. Thus spake he. Dina Chhattré kőhid vékh idi, vaddå bilkári.
gave Chele siftán jöridi, Rabb paij savári.
His soldiers orders to prepare to mount Sau asvár tur péya ghorián té charhké.
Their horses, ride away, and draw their swords, Nor let the priest resist by even a word. He must not have their leave to atter word.
Ge bring him here in chains, his priesthood I Will provo. I'll see if he kills rams himself, The headstrong man.' His own disciple wrote This song of praise. May God vouchsafe us
peace. (To be continued.)
BOOK-NOTICE. THE TODAD. BY W. 1. R. RIVER, Fellow of about 800 people. With the help of two St. John's College, Cambridge. With Illustrations, interpreters -
interpreters-a catechist and a forest ranger -
osate London: Macmillan & Co., 1903, pp. xviii, 755, 40he extracted from them a vast mass of valuable Tables and Map
items of information, which he checked and EVERY visitor of Ootacamund has met the
verified by cross-examination and independent sturdy, shock-headed aborigines of the soil, who
statements. He found these uncultured savages first greet him with a merry salam' and then
extremely intelligent, veracious, and far from naively and confidently ask him for his tribute
reticent except on certain tabooed watters. in the shape of an 'illam' (as the Arabic word in'am is pronounced by them). Their little colonies The Todas are a purely pastoral race and do of barrel-shaped huts are scattered all over the not possess any wealth or means of subsistence Nilgiri plateau. Two of them are on the very except their fine, fierce-looking buffalo-cows, to ontakirts of the summer capital: one near Sylk's the care of which their daily life is devoted. No Hotel and another close to the Government wonder that in their belief milk has become Gardens. Othere occupy some of the most a sacred substance and the dairy & place of picturesque spots in the environs : near the worship. The milking and churning operations Marlimund Reservoir, near the Umbrella Tree, at
of the dairy form the basis of the greater part of the top of the Sigur Ghat, in Governor's Shola, the religious ritual of the Todas' (p. 38). Besides &c. From the time when the hills were first the ordinary buffaloes' attached to avy village, visited by Europeans ( which is less than a century there are herds of sacred buffaloes which are ago), the Todas hare excited much interest, and tended by dairymen-priests. The holiest kind of a pretty extensive literature has grown up dairy is the t, and ita priest the pala! ( i. e., regarding them. No observer, however, has made milkman). Dr. Rivers gives a full description of 80 deep a study of them as Dr. Rivers, whose the complicated dairy ritual, plans of the dairies, special accomplishments as an anthropologist, and and photographs of the dairy-vessels, the prieste, whose previous experience of similar work in the and their attendants. The most sacred object of Torres Straits,enabled him to gather very accurate the dairies are certain buffalo-bells (mani), which and detailed information about their customs and are kept in the innermost room of the dairy. beliefs. The result of his stay among them is the temples, and to which a miraculous origin is delightful volume to which I seek to draw the imputed. The picture on p. 51 will interest Sansattention of all friends of India.
krit scholars, as it shows the native method of Dr. Rivers gradually examined nearly every churning, which is frequently alluded to in Hindu individual of the whole tribe, which numbers literature. Most of the dairies resemble in form

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the ordinary dwelling-huts; but a few, such as the blant side of an axe. The racing of the the so-called .Toda Cathedral' (pp. 44, 46), are infuriated and frightened animals by muscular circular, with a conical roof. To keep off cattle youths, the dignified bearing of the more aged and wild beasts, both huts and dairies are spectators who remind us of Roman senators), surrounded by walls and have a very small the lamenting of the mourning women, the opening, which can be passed only by croeping, musical (P) strains of the band of Kotas (who and is closed by a sliding door on its inner side. receive as their fee the flesh of the slaughtered The interior has two raised portions on which the buffaloes),- all this combines with the grand people sleep.
contour of those lovely hills in producing a weird
soene which no visitor will ever forget. The Todas One of the most striking customs of the Todas call the abode of the dead the world of Am,' i. e., is polyandry combined with polygyny. Wives of the Hindu god Yama. It is believed to be are constantly transferred from one husband, or
situated to the west of the Nilgiris, and to group of husbands, to another, the new husband reach it a river near Sispara has to be crossed or husbands paying a certain number of buffaloes by a thread bridge. Wicked Todas cannot to the old' (p. 523), and a woman may have cross it, but fall into the river, where they are one or more recognised lovers as well as several bitten by leeches. When they get out on the husbands' (p. 529). The catechist who translated further bank of the river, they have to stay in the Commandments was met by the serious a sort of purgatory before reaching their final difficulty that there is no word for adultery in the destination
Toda language. Dr. Rivers has taken the trouble to work out, and has published, as an Appendix, I conclude these hasty notes on Dr. Rivers the genealogies, as far as they were remembered, important work by reprinting from p. 386 the of nearly the whole of the Toda community.
translation of a funeral dirge, which alludes to These pedigrees are valuable in various respects. Ootacamund and its lake and the boats on it, They illustrate the complicated system of Toda and betrays the influence of the Zenana Mission, kinship and provide statistical material for the under whose protection the author of the poem study of the marriage regulations. The older had lived for some time:census records slow a considerable excess of "O woman of wonderful birth, renowned were men over women. Dr. Rivets attributes this fact you born, O flower of the lime tree! Having to the practice of femule' infanticide which, as found a proper husband, you married; having his new tables prove, has now almost entirely found a proper wife, I married. I gave my best ceased.
buffalo to Piedr for you. I took you as a beauty
to Kuudr. A house we built, bracelets and As may be expected, Dr. Rivers' voume
buffalo-horns we made in sport. 'I thought we contains a full account of the funeral ceremonies
should have had many children and many buffaloes of tbe Todas. I have witnessed cases of both
should we have enjoyed. Liberal you were and varieties: the so-called 'green funeral' at which
refreshing like the shade of the umbrella tree. tue corpse is burned, and the dry funeral' at
We thought that we should live long. We went which certain relics a lock of hair and a piece
together as we willed. We bought strong of the skull - are finally cremated. On these
buffaloes and we prevailed over injustice. occasions the fire is produced by friction, as
Peacefully we paid our fine. We lent to those I am able to confirm from personal knowledge.
that had not. We went to see the bungalows and Before the cremation various articles, which the
the reservoir. Many courts we visited and abips deceased person is expected to require in the
also. We laid complaints before the native other world, are placed near the body. As a
magistrate; we made bets and we won. We said conditio sine qua non some buffaloes have to be
that we would not be shaken and would fear the killed, which will supply him or her with milk
eye of no one. We thought to live together, but and ghi in the future life. "Formerly it was the
you have left me alone, you have forsaken me. custom to slaughter many buffaloes at every
My right eye sheds tears, my right nostril smarts funeral. This impoverished the people and was
with sorrow. I bewailed but could not find you. prohibited by the Government about forty years
I called out for you and could not find you. 120, and since that time the number of buffaloes
There is one God for me." killed at each ceremony has been limited to two for each person' (p. 338). The two victims are
E. HULTZSCH. caught and dragged to the appointed spot, where they are dispatched by striking the head with Halle, 9th March 1907.

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APRIL, 1907.]
AROHÆOLOGY IN WESTERN TIBET.
85
ARCHÆOLOGY IN WESTERN TIBET.
BY THE REV. A. H. FRANOKE,
(Continued from Vol. xxxy. p. 333.)
III. - INSCRIPTIONS AT BASGO AND NYEMO. THE villages of Bango and Nyomo are situated on the right bank of the Indus, at the two
1 ends of a long plain which is the site of the important Battle of Basgo, when the invading armies of the Mongols and Tibetans were defeated with the assistance of the army of the Mughal Emperor of India. The strong fortress of Baago, the ruins of which come into sight, when the end of the large plain between Saspola and Basgo is reached, was not destroyed during the Mongol war, but by Dogra troops between 1884 and 1841 A. D.
(8) The Fortress of Basgo. This fortress is mentioned twice in the Laddkhí Chronicles before the great siege of 0. 1646-47.6 We first hear of it as one of the possessions of Dragspa’abum, the rival king to 'aBumlde, c. 1400—1440. Dragspa'abum may have found some fortifications in the place, but he seems to be the man who made a really valuable stronghold of it, and it is probable that all the thick ancient walls and round towers were built in his time. The supply of water in the fortress must have been continuous, as is shown by the length of the Mongol siege, and the existing brook was probably included in the fortifications. Also, there could have been during the war no lack of food, as the grain-stores of all the LadAkht castles were almost inexhaustible, owing to the custom of adding some grain at every harvest. The castle store-houses sometimes look like very deep round wells, and at Wanla I was told that the grain stored there of old was not even yet emptied ont.
The most conspicuous building in the fort, and the one which alone is still entire, is the Chamba ('a Byamspa) Monastery, built by King Sengge-rnam-rgyal, c. 1590—1820. It contains an image of Maitreya, made of copper (clay and wood ?), gilt, in size "such as be will be in his eightieth year" (as the Chronicles say), i. e., about three stories high! The face cannot be seen in the lower story, as is often the case with these statues, because the head reaches through the ceiling and must be inspected from a higher place.
Of the once famous Royal Palace here, called Rabstan-1ha-rtse, there is not much left. A small building, which is locally known as the Seljang (probably yer-loang) Monastery, is to be found inside the ruins. There is a court on the roof with covered galleries all round it, in fair preservation. There are here some very rude Lamaist paintings, with explanatory inscriptions in modern dBu-med Characters. One portion of the wall is covered with a very long inscription in black ink in dBu-can Characters, which probably tells of the construction of the galleries and the decoration of the palace. It is certainly of some historical value, but in such bad preservation that I could not make much of it. The middle and lower portions are quite gone. I tried to find a king's name in it, and the Lama who assisted me in the task, occasionally pointed to certain words in the inscription. When he took his finger off the wall, away went the word which he had pointed out, and I believe that it is in this way that the most important parts of the inscription havo been destroyed. There is, however, some hope left that it will be possible to fix its date approximately. The inscription contains a great number of names of state-officials and similar wellknown persons, whose dates will, no doubt, eventually become known by a collation of the various inscriptions in these parts. I copied one of the many names, that of a Lama, Stag-thsangba-ngagdbang-rgya-mthso. The term Stag-thsangba plainly indicates that he must have been a disciple or
I find that the date of the siege of Bango has been preserved by Bernier, the friend of the Moguls (aco Pinkerton's Travels). He speaks of this battle as having taken place 17 or 18 years before 1664, 1.e. 1648-47. I am convinced that a dato preserved by a European is more deserving of our acceptance than one preserved by the Tibetans, on whose authority 1386-88 has been accepted up to the present as the date of the siege.

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successor of the great Lama Stag-thaang-ras-chen, who flourished during the reign of Senggernam-rgyal, mentioned above, and thus the date of the inscription has to be fixed at any rate about 1600 A. D. or a little later. The Laina Ngag-dbang-rgya-mthso is mentioned as a contemporary of Sengge-rnam-rgyal on an inscription from Saspola.
(b) Hymn in Honor of Sengge-rnam-rgyal,
(On Stone.)
This hymn (in dBu-can Characters) is found on one of the numerous mani-walls which are built along the trade-road, below the Fortress of Basgo. Close by is a tablet on stone, containing a hymn in honor of Nyima-rnam-rgyal, but the stone has become so much weathered that hardly any part of the inscription, besides the name of the king, can be made out. I also noticed in the neighbourhood a tablet containing a hymn in honor of bDe-skyong-rnam-rgyal, but it has not yet
been read.
Tibetan Text. skye dgu phan bdei sbrang char silili
mang bde dgabai lotog sosor smin
anyanpai rnga chen nam mkhai Itongsnas rdungs. The great and melodious drum of heaven is beaten in the zenith,
gragspai dpal Idan riboi rtsenas yyo. dpung thsogs dragpoi dar skad 'ururu dge beu 'adzompai smon bya thiriri dar rgyas skyidpai glu len gyururu yulla yyang chags sala 'adurdu mtho chos rgyal pho brang rab brtan la rtse dang de sogs 'adzam gling yongala dbang begyurpai 'ajigsmed sengges btegspai khri stengdu Nya khri btsanpo zhes byai sa bdag byung
Originated a lord of the earth, called Nya-khribtsanpo.
mkhyenpa rab rdzogs 'ajampai dbyangs dang He is like the perfectly wise 'aTam-dbyangs. mthsungs (Malinghosha).
mkha mnyam sa skyong thugs rje chenpo 'adra
He is like the protector of heaven and earth, the great Merciful (aPyan-ras-yzigs; Avalokitesvara).
He is like the protector of the doctrine of Buddha, the Lord of mysticism (Phyag-rdor, Vajrapi).
May the life-time of the great king of faith, Sengge-rnam-rgyal,
thub batan skyongba ysangbai bdagpo bzhin
chos rgyal chenpo sengge rnam rgyalgyi
Translation.
The rain which is of great advantage to all beings, makes silili
And the different kinds of fruit (harvest) ripen, pleasing in their own beauty,
And shakes [the air] from the zenith of the famous and glorious mountain.
The strong voice of the noble company [of gods] makes 'ururu,
The prayers in which the ten virtues are gathered, sound thiriri.
The song of the spreading happiness sounds
gyururu.
In the land pleasure grows, and high joy on the earth.
The palaces of the kings of faith, Rab-brtan lhartse,
And the others, were raised by the fearless lion who
Really is the wielder of might in Jambudvipa. On the throne

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sku thso brtancing dbu rmog mthoba dang Remain firm, and his belmet remain high! chab srid beansu rtagtu rgyas gyur cig
And may also his political power spread 1 sgrolmai rnam sprul bskal bzang rgyalmo bzhngs There resides also queen bSkal-bzang, the incar
nation of the (white) Tūrā. sras dang longs spyod chab srid rgyaspar shog May her children and abundance increase ! yzugs mdzes spyan lega lhai sras po nono royal Praise to the princes of beautiful shape and Bras
good faces, bDe ldan rnam rgyal sras Indra Boti ram rgyalbDe-ldan-rnam-rgyal, and Indra Botistod
rnam-rgyal! lbayi srasmo ycesma Nor 'adzin rgyalmo bzhugs There resides also the daughter of the gods, the
beloved princess Nor-'adsin. yab yum drungdu chosla dgabar shog
May (she] rejoice in the religion before father
and mother! chos blon chen pos dga dgi mangpo dgå.
The great ministers of faith are enjoying I ninefold happiness.
Notes. 8 mon bya; the word bya is probably related to byedpa, and the meaning of the construction would be doing prayer,' pray.
'adurdu, the exact meaning of this word I find it impossible to ascertain. In my translation I have considered it parallel to yyange-chags.
Rab-brtan-tha-rtso is the vernacular name of the castle at Basgo.
Indra-Boti-rnam-rgyal; according to the Gyal-rabs, the name of the second son is IndraBhodhi-rnam-rgyal. The name testifies to Sengge-rnam-rgyal's inclinations to Hinduism, which are also mentioned in the Cyal-rabs. The last lines are somewhat injured and cannot be read with absolute certainty.
(c) The Ancient Ruined Monastery of Basgo. Outside the present village of Basgo, a little to the east of it, on the plain between Basgo and Nyemo, there are the ruins of an ancient monastery which is generally known as Bogpoi mGonpa, the Mongol Monastery. It is locally believed to have been erected by the Mongols during the siege, c. 1646-47, but at Basgo and Nyemo almost everything ancient, of which there is no certain record, is nowadays thought to be connected with the Mongols, who are also believed to be the erectors of many & ruined mchod-rten. In most cases, however, it is quite improbable that the Mongols had anything to do with them.
As regards the Monastery, it is quite probable that it existed as such at the date of the Mongol War and was destroyed during that war. This supposition is strongly supported by the fact that there are mani-walls along the two paths which branch off from the main road and lead to the quin, because mani-walls were hardly built before 1600 in Ladakh, as a study of the votive tablets on them proves; and it is not likely that mani-walls would be constructed on a road to a ruined building which had lost its significance. These considerations go to show that these two particular mani-walls were constructed between 1800 and 1646.
The Monastery consists of a large ball, twelve paces square. On the right and left of the East side are two smaller rooms which project out from the east wall, and probably formed the ends of a gallery that once connected them. The walls are still in existence, but as the roof has long fallen, rain has destroyed the paintings with which they were once decorated. The only traces of paintings now existing are the raised medallions, the forms of which are still quite distinct. In the plate attached the arrangement of those on the West (fig. 1) and of the North and South walls (fig. 2) are shown. The East wall had none, but contains the door. Their existence creates the presumption that the Monastery was built by Kashmiri monks.

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Monasteries with raised medallions on the walls are very rare, and, as far as I know, only in a single instance, that of the Chigtan Monastery, are the original paintings on the medallions, or at least traces of them, still preserved, a fact which makes the Chigtan Monastery to be of the greatest importance with regard to the ancient Kashmiri form of Buddhism in Ladakh. A Muhammadan mullah is said to have covered the paintings there with mortar, and when I visited the place, the mortar was still on them. But possibly the mortar may prove to have been the means of their preservation, for I can quite imagine that, by working carefully over them with a brush, these ancient pictures, overlaid and hidden probably in the eighteenth century A. D., can be brought to light again.
There are some ancient ruined mchod-rten at Bango, which probably go back to the first days of this monastery, say, between 900 and 1000 A. D. Most of these are to be found in or near the gorge, West of the village, on the road to Saspola. Several of them take the form of a staircase-pyramid, with a ground-plan of star-shape. They thos remind one of the ancient ruined mchod-rien at Alohi.
(d) The Ruined Nunnery at Nyemo. On & rock above the Eastern part of the village of Nyomo, near the gorge leading up to the plain between Nyemo and Phyang, are the ruins of ancient buildings, which are popularly known as Jomoi-mgonpa, the Nunnery. There is but little beyond the foundations to be seen of it now, and, besides potsherds of the ordinary sort, there is nothing on the spot to remind one of its ancient oocupante.
South of Nyemo, on the right bank of the river, there are ruins of a huge castle built in oyclopean style, of the origin of which even local tradition knows nothing; and not very far from this castle, which is called Chung-mkhar, in a little enclosure of rough walls, is A stone image of rather rude make and very ancient appearance. This is generally known as the Aphyi-Tomo-rDorje (Grandmother Nan Dorge), and is apparently believed to represent one of the ancient abbesses of Nyemo. The figure wears a crown of five points on her head, and carries a crozier in her right hand (see fig. 7). Such croziers are not used nowadays, 80 I am told. On her face is a black spot which is due to the hot butter which is smeared over it at times; for the cult of this old image has not yet ceased, and on certain occasions, especially on New Year's Day, the whole village assembles, and drams and clarionets are played before the image for several hours. For the rest of the year, the image is in the care of a peasant, called the Chung-mkharpa, who is the owner of the ground near the castle.
By the name of the ancient abbess, said to be thus represented, one is reminded of the famous rDorj-ephagmo, Vajravardhani, who is nowadays. continuously incarnated in the abbesses of the Samding Monastery on the Yamdok Lake. But it is practically impossible to decide now, whether in the name of the image at Nyemo the ancient name of the abbesses of Nyemo has been preserved for us through popular tradition, or whether the name merely represents the fame of the abbesses of Samding.
Between the ruins of the Monastery and the Castle are several ancient mchod-rten and traces of rows of mchod-rten, which seem to bave contained 108 mchod-rten each. These rows are the predecessors of mani-walls. Popular tradition assigns these relics of a former age to the Mongols, and says that the Mongols constructed all of them during their siege of Basgo. This is, however, quite improbable, because after and during the reign of Sengge. rnam-rgyal (0.1600--1620 ), the building of mani-walls became a popular custom, and entirely superseded the former rows of 108 small mchod-r ten. Tbis obliges us to date all rows of mchod-rten before 1600, and especially those rows at Nyemo, which are in a particularly dilapidated condition and probably several centuries older than the mani-walls. Historical information about the Nunnery is hardly likely to ever become available, but the stone-image of the abbess appears to belong to 10th or 11th century A. D.

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| 0000000
Fig. 1
Fig. 2
afieuwe
F19.3
A. H. Franke, Del.
4, C.S.Anes, iMe.

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Description of the Plate. Fig. 1. Western wall of the ruined monastery at Basgo, showing arrangement of medallions.
Fig. 2. Southern wall of the ruined monastery at Basgo, showing arrangement of medallions.
Fig. 3. Dress from the historical pictures in the ruined monastery at Alchi. Dress white, the spotted parts red.
Fig. 4. Flag from the historical pictures in the ruinod monastery at Alchi ; black, white, and red.
Figs. 5 and 6. Hats from the historical pictares in the ruined monastery at Alchi. Fig. 7. Rough sketch of the sculpture of the abbess at Nyomo.
Fig. 8. Ground plan of the ruined monastery at Basgo; , central hall; o, e, side halls; d, door; between a and I was probably a wooden gallery.
IV.- INSCRIPTIONS AT DARU. The village of Daru is situated a little above the trade road on the large plain, which extends between the villages of Nyemo and Phyang. It is of little importance and hardly ever visited by travellers. It has, however, a ruined castle, which is said to have been built by the ministers (bka-blon) of Daru, who were servants of the kings of Leh.
(a) Insoription of King Lhachen-kun-dgā-rnam-rgyal. Not very far from the trade road, South-West of the village, there is a boulder, about nine or ten feet high, which has two walls abutting on its Eastern face, and having the appearance of being the remains of a hall. The face of the boulder, which formed one side of the hall, has on it five or six sculptures, among which the figure of Vajrapani is the most prominent. Besides the sculptures, there are several inscriptions on the boulder in various stages of legibility and possibly of different times; those on the right side being carelessly executed and having the most modern appearance. One of the clearest of all the words is the name of the king, which has still the traces of its original red colour.
The present writer also found a number of inscribed fragments of stone-tablets lying about the boulder, which he took to Leh and deposited at the Moravian Mission. But in spite of much time spent over them, it was found impossible to fit any two together, and they seem to belong to several different tablets. There may be more fragments under ground, which might be brought to light by the spado. On one of the fragments the syllables Gyalmo-- Tan.... Queen TTan...could be read. Had the historiographers of Western Tibet thought it worth while to mention the names of the various queens of the country, such fragments would have a great historical value.
Of the inscription on the rock, which is mostly in dBu-oan Characters, I was able to make out the following portion :
Tibetan Text.
On the left side. ..... cam, cam palun
lha chen gan dgā rnam rgyal. lag ygo (or mgo) 'ajam yangs skyab khomd (P) shi()
Under central figure." blon chen phyag rdor jo, log bas (?)

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To the right of central figuro.
phyagna rdorje blo bzang don 'agrubo dkon mchog bkris dang.... To the right of the preceding.
... e zhen ....grubps
beris.
Notes on the Tibetan Text. It is almost impossible to give a translation on the inscription; because those parts which can be read with some amount of certainty, consist only of names, and it is in several cases doubtful whether they belong to human beings or to mythological conceptions.
cam is probably a defective writing of the word lcam, spouse. The first name would be that of a queen: spouse (or queen), Palun (perhaps Paluna). She is not mentioned in the Gyal-rabs, bat, as already stated, the names of only a few queens are given in that work.
Lha chen gun (kun) dgå rnam rgyal is doubtless the name of a real king (see below); gun, instead of keun, corresponds to the actual dialectical pronunciation of the word.
'ajam yange, is doubtless the word 'ajam dbyangs (Mañughosha); but, as the other words in the line are not clear, we do not know, whether it is meant as a name of the mythological or a real person.
skyab [], help, in the same line, may be part of a personal name; but it may also be part of a prayer to 'Jam dbyange.
About the other words in this line, there is not much certainty. Lag means hand,' but the connection is not clear.
blon chen phyag rdor j'o ; blon chen means 'great minister'; phyag rdor is Vajrapâņi; jo means lord.' If the inscription refers to the mythological being, the title 'great minister' remains strange. There may have been a real minister of such pame.
phyagna rdorje is once more the Tibetan name of Vajrapâņi. This name in its Sanskrit and Tibetan forms is carved also on the west side of the rock several times.
Lo buang don grub is either the name of an ordinary person, or that of the third disciple of Tsong-khapa, who lived about the year 1500 A. D. One of the sculptures may thus refer to him. If that could be proved, we should have to date this part of the sculptures and inscriptions at any rate after 1500 A. D. .
Kon mchog bkrashis (kris) may be the name of a locally famous lama or a state-official. e shen is too incomplete to suggest any translation. grubpa, fulfiller, is probably the second part of the name of a lama.
bris (Okrashis), happiness, may also be the second part of the name of a lama or other person.
Identitification of king Lhachen-kun-dgā-rnam-rgyal. This name, which can be read with the greatest certainty on the boulder at Daru, cannot be found in the rGyal-rabs of Ladakh. Does this mean that he was a Tibetan king of a line different to that of the kings of Leh, although bearing their dynastic name?
If the ministers (bka blon) of Darn are the descendants of some old line of local kings or chiefs, that line cannot bave remained independent long after the arrival of Central Tibetan Dynasty, about 1000 A. D. Also it is not likely that any chiefs of Daru could be in possession of the same dynastic name as the kings of Leh. So Lha-chen-kun-dgā-rnam-rgyal is not

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likely to have been a local Daru chief, and he cannot have been one of the Purig chiefs, because their dynastic names were quite different. Nor can he have been a Balti chief, because the Baltis were Musalmans at the time that they overran Ladakh. And, lastly, there is no history of the arrival of any Central Tibetan kinge after 1000 A. D.
These considerations preclude any identification of this king outside the line of Leh, and there is, moreover, much to show that Lha-chen-kun-dgā-rnam-rgyal must belong to that line. The names of the Tibetan kings generally consist of two parts: the dynastic name, and the proper name. The dynastic name of the ancient line of the kings of Lhasa was bТsan or b Tsanpo, and is found in many of their names, e. 9., Nya-kbri-btsanpo, Srong-btsan-sgampo. The dynastic name of the first dynasty of the kings of Leh was Lha-chen, and is found in most of their names, e. g., Lha-chen-dpalgyi-mgon, Lha-chen-naglug. Whenever it does not occur, as in the name bKrashis-mgon, it may be presumed that the king was not the eldest but a younger son of his predecessor. As the second dynasty of the kings of Leh was descended directly from the first, the name Lha-chen was added to many of their names at their pleasure. The dynastic name of this second dynasty was rnam-rgyal, and it is found at the end of every one of their known names. This dynasty is particularly well known, not only from the chronicle Gyal-rabs, but also from its many inscriptions. Such a name, therefore, as Lha-chen-kan-dgå-rnam-rgyal would be that of a king of the second dynasty, but it is carious that the name kun-dgā-rdam-rgyal does not occur in the chronicle, although even after the second dynaty had been robbed of its power by the Dogras, the syllables kundga occar as part of a very long royal name in 'aJigsmed-(etc)-rnam-rgyal.
If, then, Kun-dgā-rnam-rgyal is to be held to, bave been one of the kings of Leh, and cannot be found among the list of kings of the second dynasty, it remains to be seen if he can be placed among the kings of the first dynasty. There is a passage in the rGgyalrabs, hitherto held to be doubtful, which may enable us to so place him. Karl Marx's MS. A. of the rGyal-rabs pats king Lha-chen-jo-dpal directly after king bKrashis-mgon, but Marx notes that Schlagintweit's text of the rGyal-rabs (which is quite in accordance with his own MS. A., at any rate in those early parts) places a king, Lha-rgyal, between them. .
Lha-rgyal, taken by itself, is & strange form, and suggests the omission of something between tha and rgyal. My explanation of the circumstances is as follows:- The ancient MS. from which both Karl Marx's M8. A. and Schlagintweit's original MS. were copied had some fault in the place where some such name as Lha-chen-kun-dgā-rnam-rgyal originally stood. Several things may have happened to create the omission; e. g., the right bottom corner of a page may have been torn off in such a way that only Lha remained of the first part of the name, the last syllable royal being preserved on the left top corner of the next page. If a European scholar were to find a MS. in such a condition, he would feel it to be an obligation to inform his readers of the fact. It is different with a Tibetan. He believes he has done wonders if he copies all he can make out. Usually he simply leaves out a doubtful passage altogether, and goes on as if nothing were missing. These habits will account for the difference between Schlagintweit's and Marx's MSS.
The presence of the dynastic name of the second dynasty in the names of this king creates a difficulty ; but it may be pointed out here that the name mam-rgyal was not new when it was made a dynastical name in c. 1500 A. D., but can be found in central Tibetan Dames about the year 1000 and perhaps earlier.
If, therefore, this theory of the identity of Lha-chen-kun-dga-rnam-rgyal with the Lha-rgyal of Schlagintweit's MS. of the Gyal-rabo be correct, we have to date this king o. 1250-1276 A. D., which date would very well account for the ancient character of this part of the inscription.

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(b) A Passage from a Votive Tablet of King bDeldan and Prince
(or Kirg) bDe-legs.
On one of the mani-walls, a little below Daru, towards Phyang is to be found a votive tablet containing the name of Prince bDe-lege, beside that of his father bDe-ldan, in the form which was usual, while bDe-lega was the heir-apparent. I have not yet found any votive tablets containing the name of bDe-legs as king, but on a tablet at Domkhar can be read the name of bDe-legs alone, with the title rgyal-sras, prince. This is remarkable because votive tablets of bDe-leg's father and son Nyitna-rnam-rgyal) are not at all rare. The easiest explanation of the omission of the reign of bDe-legs from votive tablets is that the Lamas forbade the people to mention this king on them, and destroyed all those bearing his name which were in existence, because after the battle of Basgo he was obliged to become a Masalınân. That mani-walls were constructed dnring his reign, we know from a votive tablet at Nyurla (Nyungla). On this tablet instead of the name of a king, that of a high Lama, Mi-pham-mgon, is given who is styled rGyal-thsabs or Viceroy. After the battle of Basgo, the great Lama Mi-pham-mgon, for whose name Gyal-rabs wrongly inserts that of Mi-pham-dbangpo, was sent to Ladakh by the supreme government of Lhasa, to conduct the peace negotiations, and the authority of bDe-legs was so much shaken that the great Lama took the place of the king in the minds of the people.
Text.
Translation. (In d Ducan Characters.) ... lha chen bde ldan ram rgyal bde. ... the great gods, bDe-ldan-rnamlegs rnam rgyal, dbu rmog mtho zhing chab r gyal [and] bDo-legs-rnam-rgyal, their srid rgyaspar shog . . . . . .
helmets being high, may their reign (or progeny) spread! ....
Note.
The reason why the inscription was not copied in full was want of time and the fact that some parts of it were in such bad condition that the reading proceeded very slowly. I may bere mention that another tablet containing the names of both these kings was discovered at Phe, on the Indas, below Daru.
(0) Sanskrit Tibetan Votive Inscription by the Minister Thse-dbang-dongrab, c. 1800 A. D.
(On Stone.)
Along the wall of the present government garden at Daru there is a mani-wall, wbich is furnished with two large votive tablets. Although both the wall and the tablets are only about 100 years old, the latter are not in particularly good preservation. The state of preservation of an inscription depends entirely on the kind of stone selected, and the softer the stone the shorter the time the inscription lasts. The Tibetan, part of the inscription was originally copied in full, but the paper containing the latter portion of the inscription has unfortunately been lost, and I can now offer only the first part of the Tibetan text.
Mgon and dbangpo are almost gynonyms, which explains the fact that the name ooours in two forms. . Together with the copy of the Alohi Bridge Inscription and others.

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Text.
Translation. (In dBucan Characters, )
(Of the Sanskrit by R. C. Dutt, C.I.E.) Sanskrit.
Om, adoration to the Lord, the immeasurable, Om namo(m?) B[h]agavate aparimita ayur
the life of contemplation, the soul fixed on dznyāna subhanitsitastana tsoradzāya ; tathā
holiness, the Tathāgata, the Arhat, the gatāya; arhate samyaksambuddhaya; tadya
awakened, the self-existent ! thā; om (punye punye] mabāpanye aparimita Om, to him of perfect holiness, of great holiness, punyer dznyāna sambharopatsite om sarvasam of immeasurable holiness, of unmeasured samskäriparishudhe dharmate gagana samu- righteous knowledge, of radiant soul! nagate subhava bishudhe (vishudhe 2) mabā- Om, to him who has done all sacraments, to him naye parivariye svaha !
of pure religion whose way is high as the heavens, to the well purified, to the great teacher and traveller in the righteous path,
Glory! Tibetan.
(Of the Tibetan.) Mi dbang choskyi rgyalpoi phrinlas ysergyi When the great minister, Thse.dbang-dongrub,
shing rta gyendu la drenpai 'akhorlopa bkā the upwards driving coachman of the golden mdzod thse dbang dongrubkyi sku thae carriage of the works of the king of faith, the mdzadpa stobs ........
powerful over men died, power .......
Notos. La drenpa, an idiom meaning about driving upwards.'
oka mdrod, literally treasure-house of words.' properly mean wise man.'
I translated it by minister,' but it may more
sku thee mdzadpa, making his lifetime,' used in the sense of completing his lifetime.'
V.
THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS AT SHEH.
There are three inscriptions at Sheh, one accompanied by various sculptures on the rock on which the castle is built, and the two others on the Maitreya Rook, a little below the village on the Indas, which is now popularly known as Sman-bla.
There are traces of several other inscriptions on the Maitreya Rock, in both Persian and Tibetan characters, which have been effaced, probably during some war. It is probable that when either the Balti or the Dogra armies marched up the Indus Valley, they destroyed the Tibetan inscriptions, and carved others in Urdu or Persian on their place. If this happened, the Ladakhis would in torn destroy the new inscriptions, as soon as the hostile army had left the country. The two very ancient Tibetan inscriptions that have escaped destruction owe their escape to their positions on the rock. One is carved so high up that it cannot be reached unless special arrangements are made, and the other was hidden behind a masonry-wall so that it could not be read, until the wall was broken down by the missionaries in January, 1906. Indeed, I am told that some lines have not even yet come to light.
Nos, I. and III. of the legible inscriptions have been copied by bLo-baang-thar-rnyed, meteorological observer at Leh ; No. II. by b Dechen-bZodpa.

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INSCRIPTION No. I. Position: High up on the Maitreya Rock. Text.
Translation. idkon mchog yumla phyag 'athsal dang, nga 1 greet the three highest beings (Buddhist Trinity)
(da 1) skyabs su yolte, rgyalpo chenpo, tsan po and ask them to come to my help. Making lha sraskyi sku yondu mngārisikyi' abangsla it as an offering of the great king, the Tsanpo, rigste, phyogs bcui semscan thamscadkyi the son of the gods, and for the benefit of] the bsoddamseu boodsnas, 'aphagspa byams dpal, subjects of m Ngaris, and for the benefit of all khor tang bcaspai ska yzugs......
the beings of the ten regions, the images of the ... pa mtbar brtan.... august Byams dpal (Maitreya) with his bgyis.
attendants ...... stúpa ...... made.
Notes on the Tibetan Text. ysolte; the style of the writing nsed for this word reminds us of the Endere Inscriptions in Tarkestan, where we find the final consonant of a syllable written not after, but below, the preceding one. In this case the l is written not after, but below the 8.
mngārisi, instead of later mNgūris. This is the ancient name of Western Tibet, as is proved by the rGyal-rabs, though in more modern times it has been restricted to the most Eastern part of that country.
rigs is the classical sgrigspa, arrange, &o. See Ladakhi Grammar, Law of Sound, No. 3.
bsodsnas ; I take this word to be another instance of placing the second consonant under the first. Otherwise the word would have to be read bangosnas, which would give it the sense of resolve to go the way of Nirvana,' according to Sarat Ch. Das' Dictionary.
byams-dpal, the glorious Maitreys. This shows that the inscription refers to the figure of Maitreya with his attendants carved along with it on the rock, giving the same date both for the inscription and its attendant sculptures. mthar- ten. I am told that this refers to a particular kind of stúpa.
INSCRIPTION No. II. Position: Behind the masonry-wall at the same n'te. Text.
Translation. dkon mehog yum dang, 'ajigrtengyi mgonpo Asking the three highest beings (Buddhist
kunla skyabssa yolnas, khyaba phagspa Trinity) and all the lords of the world to byamspa 'akbor dang bcaspaisku yugs khra come to my] help, the image of the august svalpa mthai bardu choskyi 'akhorlo dampa Maitreya with (bis) attendants (was made]. myurdu bslobpar skulla ysoldoing, dus mchod- Praying that the glorious (bright shining) one kyi rkyen sbyardpala sogspai bsodnams dang, may quickly teach and admonish the holy 'aphagspa mnamskyi byin rlabs kyis, btsanpo wheel of religion until the ends of the earth), Iba sras ydung rabs dang pbyoga beui semscan and that there may be the merit of the phalpo che .... thamscad, bdeskyid phon- confirmed effect and such like of the periodical sum thsogs shing, blanamedpai sangergyassa sacrifices; and through the blessing of the myurdu grubper stonte 'aphagspai aku ysugs exalted ones, may the btsanpo, the son of the rdo 'aburda bgyispao, yyaskyi dgebai bshes gods and (his) family, and the ordinary as nyen ramskyis kyang thsonyaal bur bgyibs well as the great beings of the ten quarters dang brtanpar bgpio.
remain in perfect blessing, and be taught to attain soon to the very highest Buddhahood. [For all this] the image of the exalted one was made of stone. All the friends of the virtue of the right hand will [from time to to timo) renew the colour (make clear colour) [of the image] and protect it (make it safe).

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Philological Notes. khyaba-'aphagopa, I am told that this is a locally well-known title of Maitreya; bat what khyaba means I have been unable to discovor.
khra sval pa (or yalpa), I am told that this expression means very bright, shining. abyardpa, perfect stem of the infinitive abyor[d]pa. rdo 'aburdu, used in the sense of according to stone,' of stone,'
Spigraphical Notes. Though the characters of this inscription are of the ordinary dBu-oan type, there are a few pecularities in them, which point to its antiquity, + (a) The letter ng has a stroke attached to the right end of its lower line, which makes it look almost like a dBu-oan p. This peculiarity has not yet been observed at Endore (Stein Collection), nor anywhere else.
(6) The i sign has not always the position of the Devanagari short i, but often that of the longi, as is also the case in the Endere Mss., and many other ancient inscriptions.
(6) The second or final consonant of the syllable is written below the first consonant. Of this we have one certain and one probable case in the previous inscription. This peculiarity is also found at Endere and in the ancient Balti Inscriptions.
A Comparison of the Ladakhi and the Endere Inscriptions.
It will be usefal here to review the peculiarities of the Endere relics, as they are the oldest datable specimens of Tibetan orthography, and to compare the most ancient West Tibetan Inscriptions with them. The question is a very important one, because on it the possibility of dating the Tibetan Inscriptions depends.
The peculiarities of the Endete M88, and Bgrafitti (8th centary) are the following: (a) The i sign takes the sbape of the Devanagart long and short i interchangeable. (6) In several cases the final consonant of the syllable is written below the first consonant, (c) The masculine definite article is in most cases phd and pho, instead of modern pa and po.
d) In many cases the ordinary c and ts are replaced by ch and the ; and both ch and the have y, d, or b prefixes attached to them, whilst in the classical orthography they are furnished only with a and m prefixes.
(e) When m comes before i ore, 4 y intervenes. ( Words ending in , 1, or are furnished with a d suffix, called drag.
A comparison of the ancient Ladakhi inscriptions with those of Endere discloses the fact, that Beveral of them exhibit some of the peculiarities of the Endere epigraphy, but not all. This leads to the supposition that the six characteristics of Endere orthography were not dropped all at once, but one by one, and Dr. L. D. Barnett has observed that, according to the Endere relics, the drag was even then on the point of disappearing (8th century A. D.).
In Ladakh, the peculiarities of the Endere epigraphy are exibited in the following inscriptious
(a) Interchange of long and short í is found in Inscriptions at Sheh; at Alchi-mkhar-gog (but only in the oldest); and at Sadpor (Baltistān).

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(6) Subscription of the final consonant is found in the inscriptions at Sheh ; in one at Khalatse (at the bridge); and at Sadpor.
© The masculine article pha, pho has so far only been discovered at an ancient gold-mine near Nyurla, where a personal name is spelt danarnapha (or perhaps tanarnapha).
(d) ch and the fore and ts are found in the Balu-mkbar Inscriptions,
(e) y intervening between i ore and initial m is found in the Sheh Inscriptions (see Inscription No. III., below); in the Alchi-mkbar-gog Inscriptions (the oldest); in those at Sadpor; at Khalatae (at the bridge); and at Balu-mkbar.
( The suffix drag is found in the Sheh Inscriptions,
The latest peculiarity of the ancient orthogragphy to disappear would appear to be the intervention of y between an initial m and i ore, as this is exbibited in all the ancient inscriptions ; and the latest of them which can be dated with some amount of probability, is the Khalatse Bridge Inscription (probable date 1150 A. D.). Peculiarities which disappeared much earlier are certainly the masculine articles pha, pho and the suffix drag.
The Sheh Inscriptions exhibit the interchange of long and short i, the subscription of the final consonant, the intervening y, and the suffix drag.
This last point is of great importance, as the use of the drag was supposed to be on the decline at Eņdere. I propose, therefore, to put their date between 900 and 1000 A, D.
The King of the Insoriptions. Both the Maitreya Rock Inscriptions are plainly by the same king, and both refer to the same subject, the carving of the image of Maitreya. The personal name of the king is not given, but this omission seems to have been customary at that time, as the Khalatse Inscription also speaks simply of the great king." We find, however, two dynastio names, in the Maitreya Rock Inscription, the name bТsanpo and Lhayi-eras. The former is the dynastic name of the Central Tibetan Dynasty, from which the Western Tibetan kings descended, and the latter, which means son of the gods,' not only reminds us of Lha-chen, great god,' the dynastic name of the earliest Western Tibetan kings, but is also used interchangeably with Lha-chen by the later kings. We may thus, with some confidence, attribute these inscriptions to one of the kings of the bТsan-po-Lha-chen line of Central Tibet and not to local chiefs. The first of this line of kinga was Skyid-ide-nyima-mgon, the conqueror of Western Tibet, who reigned, according to Grünwodel's Chronology, e. 975--1000 A. D., or, according to Sarat Cb. Das' Chronology, 20–30 years earlier, and I believe that it was under him that both sculptures and inscription were set up. Votive offerings of this nature were mostly made by the kings, not so much for their own spiritual benefit as for that of their parents, as we learn from the rGyal-rabs, and my belief is that the king caused the figures and inscription on the Maitreya Rock to be set up for the spiritaal welfare of his father, who may have died when he was in Western Tibet. This supposition at once explains the use of the word Tranpo, as Nyima-mgon's father was the last of the Tsanpus in the family, and the word btsan was actually part of his name, Lde-dpal-akhor-btsan. It is of some interest that, in the Inscription, the wish is expressed that the sculpture may be a means of blessing to the people of Western Tibet. Apparently, the king wished to please his new subjects with it.
The result of this examination of the Inscriptions is that they must be most probably dated .960-1000 A. D. and must be assomed to be by Skyid-ide-nyima-mgon, the conqueror of Western Tibet, for the spiritual benefit, in the first place, of his father Lde-dpal-'akhor-btsan, and secondly, for that of his new subjects. In any case, the probability is that they are earlier, and not later, than 1000 A. D., and refer to some Central Tibetan king. At the same time it is difficolt to see why any king earlier than Skyid-Ide-nyima-mgon should have taken an interest in the village of Sheh, as it af parently became the first capital of Western Tibet after its conquest by him.

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ANCIENT FIGURES IN WESTERN TIBET.
Indian Antiquary.
Ancient stone figure at Changspa, Leh.
Photo: Dr. F. E. Shate.
Image of Maitreya in the garden of the Moravian Knitting School, Leh.
Photo: P. Bernard, Lieutenant, French Army.
Ancient stone figures on the Yarkandi Road, Leh.
Photo: Dr. F. E. Shawe.
Ancient stone figure by the brook, Changspa. Leh
Dr. F. E. Shawe.
A H FRANCKE
W. GRIGGS

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INSCRIPTION No. III. This inscription is carved high up on the rock below the castle of Sheh, above an image of Maitreya, and can only be read with the greatest difficulty, even with the help of a field glass. It is impossible nowa lays to get close to it. The following is bLo-bzang-Thar-rnyed's reading of it :
Tibetan Text. dkon mchog yumla bataste, phyog cu gyal khangs myo zanggi bter ..... chos khal ga phulbai byang lha byamsbai nyu kurdo 'abar ('abur?) gi mchodpa dang ku sdob; kho cbengyi zhir myig tsang cing byorbar byas ... ... skyong dang tsangyis (or: skyongba tsangyis ) en skarba .....
Notes. A translation of this is impossible, as it is evident that it has not only become more weathered than the others, bat is also written with a more careless orthography. From the few words, which can be made out, it looks very much as if it dated from about the same time and referred to a similar object.
dkon mchog, &c. The first line means looking at the three highest beings' (Buddhist Trinity) phyog (6 b]cu, the ten regions. byamsbai (or pai), of Maitreya. rdo 'aburgyi mchodpa, offering of a stone statue, image.'
myig tsarcing, probably the eye getting clear'; myig instead of mig is a case of the ancient orthography.
ekyongba isangyis, by the protector, by the Tsanpo.' Thus, the king at Sheh would appear to call himself Tsanpo, as a descendant of the fanious Tsannos of Tibet. The term may perhaps, howerer, signify a name of Phyag-rdor, similar to the form Thub-bstan-skyongba.
APPENDIX. The Age of the Buddhist Stone Images of Ladakh. All the stone images of Ladakh are in relief. They are found on the living rock as well as on raised slabs of stone, and are in varying states of preservation. The following have come to my knowledge
(a) Outside Leh. - The images at Dras; the famous Chamba (Byamspa) at Mulbe; the medallion at Sadpor in Baltistān; the rGyalba-rigs-Inga at Spadum in Zangskar; the images at Kartse in Parig; a stone with sculptures at Tingmogang; a similar stone at Saspola ; several reliefs on the living rock at Spitug; the stone abbess at Nyemo ; the Vajrapāņi at Daru; the Sman-bla and figures near the castle at Sheh; the Maitreyas at Igu, with ancient frescoes close to them.
(6) I am told by Dr. F. E. Shawe, who made a collection of photographs, that in Leh and its enyirons there are a great number of them. Of these the best known are: - four stones with images on the Yarkandi road; one stone with several sculptures at Changsps; three stones with single figures about the brook near Changspa, and another in the village ; one figare at Gonpa, above Leh; an inscribed figure in the garden of the present Moravian Knitting School ; one, painted red, near the palace of Leh, close to one of the former city gates; one on the plain, south of Leh, in a mani-wall among a large number of mchod-rten; one at Skara, below Leh; and one below king bDe-ldan-ram-rgyal's mans-wall on the Sheh road. This last has figures on all four sides.
With regard to the date of these figures we can safely say that they are never made nowadays, and, according to local tradition, it is a long time since they were made, a fact which does not hinder the people from still worshipping soine of them. As a few of them have inscriptions, it is possible to assiga approximate datos to them. The figures thus made dateable are the following: The Maitreyas at Sheh, c. 950—1000 A. D., &s shown above; the Sadper reliefs (pictures and inscriptions, vide Miss Jane E. Duncan's A Suimer Ride through Western Tibet), c. 1000 A. D.

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from the orthography omployed; the Dras figures, with inscriptions in Kashmir härada characters, moet probably of the Kashmir Buddhist emigration to Ladakh, which was at its height 900-1100 A. D.; the Vajrapäņi at Dara, c. 1250 A. D. (or 20-30 years earlier according to Sarat Ch. Das' Chronology); the figures at Spadum in Zangskar of the time of the Mons, before the Tibetan conquest, which took place o. 950 - 1000 A.D.; the figure in the garden of the Mission Knitting School at Leh, o. 1000 A. D., from the accompanying inscription. On the whole, although one of the dates is as far forward as far as the thirteenth century, I feel much inclined to believe that the year 1000 A. D. should be taken as roughly the date of these images.
I would draw attention to the striking similarity which many of these sculptures have to the ancient Budhhist images at Gilgit, one of which is reproduced in Biddulph's The Tribes af the Hindoo Kwah. And although the art was continued for some time under the rule of the Tibetan kings of Leh, I feel much inclined to believe that it is Pre-Tibetan, and probably Dard in origin. At any rate it is Indian. The inscription on the Maitreya at the Knitting School, Leh, runs thus: - Text.
Translation. nga zbarba
I, a blind one, ma shii bardu rje
Until death sam chodcbing rkyan
May offer high thoughts and bai bsodnamskyis
Through the adorning (religious) merit grol bya sem.....
May (or will be delivered, the soul ....
Notes. rkyan is probably for rgyan.
Signs of age in the Inscription are: three inverted í signs; ching instead of cing; and the form of the sh, which reminds us of sh.
THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL) IN THE EAST INDIES, PERSIA, AND PALESTINE.
1654–1670.
BY SIB R. O. TEMPLE.
(Continued from Vol. XXXV. p. 210.) PARTING from them, my boy & I tooke Connoell woh way to steere, My boy advised back way, for that yo people of that Contrey weere verry bad, and theires a Towne 12 Corse [kös], wob is 6 English mile of; Theire we will goe & buy přitions, weh we did, And after Travelled 17 days wthout touchinge at either towne or howse till we caime to yo great Citty Guzzurratt. These Contreys [Rajputana) are not as others, bat bane mapy Kings. Some haue not abouo 600 people foighting men vnder them, some 5000. I got safe to Guzzeratt, tho very weary of all my Travells. This was yo first iunct money [chungam, custom, poll-tax] I paid, otherwise cald bead money, so much for a Man & doble as much for a horsse.
I lived in that Citty 17 days privatt in a brammonists [brahman's) howse, by reason my sary! told me I must live as his sarv! if I intended to travell safe in that contrey, woh I did, for in those parts they are great Enemies to a Xpian.
They Mervelled to see a whiteman, never being one before in that Controy, Caused my Man, then My Maister, to say he bought me in the Bloches Contrey, & I was his slane. Next morning, I ridoing out to water with my horsse, y people stareing on me, A Naagg (näid}, ye.

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is a greatman, mett me, And askt me in his Lingua who I served, & followed me home to y howse I lodged at, being I had not the Lingua. My man, then Master, discorsing wth him, y* Naage demanded wti Lingaa I could speake. He told him I was but a new barv! & could speake noe Lingua. Then, 4 yo Naag, how doe y vnderstand him. He replied, by Sigos. He was verry ernest to buy me, but nay Man pat him of, telling him I was his Brothers saryo. The cause of my staying soe longe amonge them was, Wee could not Travell, They being in warrs one wth an other.
I had not scaped Sellinge bat yt my boy was trusty, we is rare of a Cannarry [Kanarese), for y Contrey he was.
From Guzzeratt to Brampoore (Barbânpar) is 400 Leagues. I was 4 Months in goeinge it. When we caime to Junkann [costom-house], I lighted of my horsse & gote on yo 01, oh carried yo boy & things, & the boy mounted On my horse as Maister Att seuerall villages, for theire was noe Cittys on the way; forts theire weere, but we went out of the way to misse them. In every 40 Leagues theire was Jankanns (custom house officers), who tooke head money. Wh much troble wee past, My man he einge yo Lingua, bat I not. And the people weere verry inguissitive what I was, being a white man, weh was rare in y* Contrey. When we caime wthin 60 Leagues of Brampoore, my Man told me, this is ye great Junkinn Towne called Halloe (Halabas, Allahabad).
When we caime wthin sight of the towne, beinge on the edge of a hill, sd my sary, Maister stay here, I will observe if we can miss the towne. I told him he knew it was daingeros to goe out of ye roade way, but left it to his discretion. MT, Sd he, I beleive yor money is almost gon. I sd, by tow such Cotte (Bhãi, tu sach kahta), Brother, thon speakest trewth. Sa he, after we had Consulted together (but I had y about me my sarvknew not of), we have a way we may passe, but if not, yo haue freinds at Brampoore, & yu shall pawne me heere till ye send releife. After we had refresht of selfs, my boy said, Haw'dow'ca'noun challa (Khuda ke nam, chalő], Lets goe in the naime of god. Am'ar'ra ser'op'ra boat'bog'hey [Hamarā sir par bahut bhoj hai], I haue, gd my man, for he was gray w age, A great Oharge vppon my heade. Am'ar'ra', Jou'row char, be'te Amorra Zam man hey (Hamarā jori, chår bele, hamara så min hai], My wife & Children lie at stake for me to yot freinds if yu get anie hort. Hodah io'bey Khuda ile hai), gd he. Theirs bat One god, So'de'ra decking'ga' Sidha rå dikhåčigal, wch shall direct vs go right way. When we had past yo towne Holloe Allahabad] towards Brampoore [Burbānpar), we mett wth & Company of horssmen, woh had taken 24 Marchants, woh had past & not paid theire Junkin money. So my man, these are Rogues ; They haue laid wait both wayes, because they knew yo Marchants would pass by yo vpper way to save theire Junkin money. Ou'ta' amora' bail away [thi, hamara bail aswar], Alight piently (at once] & get vppon yo Or. He mounted pently on y horsse & rid towards them, And said to me, Ton asta asta pecha hey (Tum ahistë akistē pichhe 20], com you Softly behinde. Comeinge to them, he knew one of the horssmen, who askt him from whence he caime. He sa, I caime from Gusaratt, And I and my man are goeinge for Bram poore to bay some swords and knives for such a Naag (näsk) in Guzuratt whoge sary! I am. Whon I caime neare, 8d my Man, then Maister, to me, Get yll a heade, this boy is a foole, & cald me naimes, Telling his accquaintance of me was but small. So yo Man, Kiss was ny marrs (kis sastē nahisi mara), Why doe you not beat yo Rogue. Sa my MT, Ka'poyn'ge' as ham da'han'na o'mar'ra'ga [kyä pāånga is ham divānā mārēgā], What shall I get by beating a foole. My man puld of his girdle & gaue it ye horssman, we pleased him well. Tam'oou a 'marra'sad ca'poss [tum kaho hamara sahib ke pås] woh is, When y se my Maister, (sa he to y Marchants, who weere for Gazzerat), ham is voc'cat dalgeer (ham is waq! dilgir), I am at this tyme sad & Mellencolly, because he sent a saryl wth me I am forst to be a nurse to. The Marchants replied, & y. Soldiers, Tom bar'ra sa'fect' adam me' hey'tom better ny gente Kiss wast to mor'ra pass Chocke'ra leta

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[tram barā safod admi hai, tum behtiar nahi jante; kis waste tramhärā pas chok på lētā), ya are an Antient gray man; methinks y should vnderstand better then bring a Child in yor Company, He tooke his leano, I beinge got a full English mile before them. When my man caime vp full speed a head, he asked me laughinge, ham ho'pe' sad ne Cham khab sähib në?], Am not I a good Maister. I told him, yes. Sd he, now ite yo tyme to be Maister ; I did this for yor saife deliverance vader god. In 3 days afterwards we arrived at Brampoore (Barbānpar), Where I was in saifty out of all trobles. The Governer theire is cald Dowd Caune [Däūd Khin)," wth whome I had formerly beene In armes, This beinge in the Magalls Contrey. He treated me verry well, but was Jealous (suspicious that] I had rann away from yo Magall, yet gd nothing to me, for he knew I could not pass wthout his leade, questioned me many things but I resolved him nothinge. Beinge theire 6 days, weary when I caime but now well refresht, in that tyme caime the french Embassados, who had beene att John a Badd [Jabānabad), yo Magalls Court, But wth litle honor 85
These 2 Embassadors, One from yo ffrench Kinge for his pticuler to greet y Magull, One from him for yo East India Company, in an 1668, when they Caime neare ye Court, ye Emperor had notis & Wee the English. They caime not in ye state vsually ye Engl or Dutch come in, Soe yo Emperror thought himselfe vndervallewed, And sleighted them, Commanding them stay 2 Leagues from Court when they expected to come to rights. Besides the Embassador for the K[ing of] ffrance had Express order from his King to deliver his Letters to ye Emperrors owne hand, wch was refused. However, the English bad leave to vizitt the fr [French) Embassado & did send them theire tents & other nessarys they wanted. The Embassado, Concluding yo Emperror affronted them, they přide to goe back, wch the Emperror bad notis of, & Commanded them to be brought back wth all theire goods and attendance, Saying, did they thinke to goe out of his Controy wthout Leave. The next night The Embassador weer assalted in theire tente, robby of all, 3 or 4 Sarvts kild & they sadly affrighted. In this Condition They staid a day or two. But afterwards) Theire Money & Goods weere found & restored & they ordered to come to Court, The English accomping. When they caime at ye Court gate, theire armes weere taken from them & theire pocketts sercbt, Bat ye Eogi went in ppt word & Target & pistolle by theire sides, wch greived ye Ebassados.
Md. This affront was ptly ocationed by yo Contrivance of ye Eng?, for that, in yo tyme of ye last Dutch warr, ye french caused ye English letters to be given ye Dutch, wcb was delivered into theire hand to be Conveyed for ye est India Company.
They would (have) psented theire letters to ye Emperror, but they weere not pmitted. They then desired yo fr (French) father night interprett them, but ye Emperror Askt ye Engl if they could not doe it, they being in Lattin. Mr White sd yes, Soe they were delivered to him. The
* This is probably Daud Khan Qarēsli, governor of Allababad in 1670. Mr. Irvine tells me he is mentioned by Manuesi.
# The author is incorrect. Only one of the French ambassadors (Beber) came to Burhanpur from Agra (not Delhi) in the company of Tavernier, at the end of 1657. I am indebted for this, and the two following notes, to Mr. Irvine.
* De la Bouillayo Le Gons was the King's man. He went eastwards to Patna, and was never after heard of again. He was probably murdered by his bired guard, who mistook his box of books for treasure.
Béber was the representative of the French East India Company. The story of the embassy is given at length in Tavernier's "Receuil."
1..., the French Ambassadors " Mr. Irvine suggests that the "French father"may possibly be Father Busée, S. J., Fleming, who was in India about this time.

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APRIL, 1907.] THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL).
Embassador for ye Company had his desire granted, his deport humble, Soe they weer dismist,100 And from Brampoore I travelld wth them as followes. But to returne to ye Gouerner who stopt me, haueing sent to ye Court to know If I had come wthout license.. But they redy, ye Embassadors, I showed the Gouernor my pass from ye Empr, wch gaue me my liberty, And in 28 Days we arrived at Surratt, woh is but 60 Leagues from Brampoore. Att Surrat I staid 14 Days, Sr George Oxenall [Oxinden] Psident their for The East India Company, with whome I had seuerall affairs, And haueing dispatcht, I left it, But he was verry importun[ate] wth me to know how I succeeded in my Jurney into Prester John; but I knew well what I should tell him would be in England before me. But some things I told Mr Robt Smith, the Minister.
From Surratt I went to Madderaslepotan [Madras] in Bengall, in wch is the Kingdome of, Gulcandar [Golconda], Wher are all the Dymond Mines, weh is A Months Jurney or about 600 English Miles; from thence to Mas Lepotan [Masulipatam], woh is 60 Leagues; Thence to Checacull [Chicacol, Ganjam district], a great Citty, weh hath a Kinge of it selfe, a verry stronge place; Thence to Muscatt, woh belongs to the Arrabbs, the King of it called Wyley; Its a place was taken from the Portugalls.3
In that time I was theire, they sent an Armadoe to retake it, but in Vaine, beinge wth loss & shame beaten away. After this, King Wyley [the walt] sent out 11, Elleaven, vessels wth about 800 Men to y Portugalls Contrey, to a Citty cald Dew [Diu], A stronge fort & Garrison. They Landed, stormed & Plundered the Towne & brought 800 Boners away, Men, Weomen & Children, 8 Chests of Silver, 4 Caests of Gold. This I, John Cambell, se brought into Maskatt in the Month of August 1668, All don in 14 Days.*
This was great dishonor to ye Portugall affaires, they cominge to looke out for the Arrabbs & had gon on y Pertian Coast and tooke A litle money Dew to them for custome out of Conge [Kung] and returned, On weh, Sd ye kinge of ye Arrabbs in my heareinge, They haue com out to Beek me; I will now goe to seeke them, And offerd me great rewards to goe wth him, but my answer was, they weere Christians And I was one, Soe could not gratify his desire.
Att my beinge in Goa, in Anno 1668, was a Portugall ship; the Capt. of hir had not only ye Command of the ship but all ye Ladeinge. And beinge One day at a Gameinge howse (for play at Dice is much vsed theire), And theire beinge many ffydalgoes [fidalgo], verry rich, this Capt fell in to play wth them, And lost not Only ship, but all his Ladeinge, woh don, in great troble he went to a Surgion, And caused him cut of his left hand close at ye wrest; ye Surgion haueinge don his Dewtie, he, ye Capt, bought a box iust fitt to hold ye hand Cut of, & it being put in & y Key in his pockett, he tooke it vnder his Cloke & went to y Gameing howe, wheere was at play y felalgoe who had won his ship & goods wth a great heape of money & gold
100 In a letter from Surat to the Court of Directors of the East India Company, dated 26th March 1667. there is the following account of the French embassy:-"The Transactions of the French have bin much wondered att by all, one of the Two that came hither and went upp to Court, he that was sent from the King of France with Jetters Recommendatorye hath bin much slighted and att last is gone away alone, some say to Bengalla, Leaving his consort, who after a tedious attendance, finding none that would prefer his cause to the Kinge, in regard he came Empty handed, was Returning hither, but was robd of all he had, one dayes Journey out of Agra, and Received three or Foure wounds, which comming to the Kinga eare, tooke pitty on him, sent for him backe, gave particuler order for his care, and afterwards admitted him into his presence, Received his petition, Gave order he should be paid out of his Treasury what was pretended to be taken from him."-India Office Records, Factory Records, Miscellaneous, Vol. 2.
1 Sir George Oxinden was President of Surat from 1662 till his death, on the 14th July, 1069. The author mistakes the Arabie title wall, a governor, for a proper name.
In 1650.
In a letter to Surat, dated from Ispahan, 5th Sept. 1669, Stephen Flower refers to "wt. had past at sea between the Portugalls and Arabs in this Gulfe" and to "the Arabs proceedings at Dio," but there is no record of the occurrence, as given by Campbell, in 1868. Hiatus in the M8.

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before him, & he haueing ye Dice, ye Capt puts downe his box & sd, para esta. At it, sd yo fydalgoe. Theire gr play is passage, & its yo play theire, if ye Caster throw awmes, ace & a tray, he paya doble ye stake he throwes at. The fydalgoe or K threw awmes, ace & a tray, & seing it, said, open yor box & tell yor money, pushing his heape to him. Hold, said y Capt., & tooke ont ye Key of his box & opend it & showed his hand & ye arme it was Cut of, & 84, yu hape lost both yor bands. They caime to Composition & y Cape had his shipp & goods and doble hir vallew. The Cap is now in Lisbon, And knowne to me Jn Cambell & many others, who se his hand & Arme it was Сatt of.
Att the same tyme in Goa, I was carried to see a father, counted a holly man of ye Order of yo Pollistians, borne in Dunkirk, who had beene desde almost 12 Monts before, but lay aboue ground to be seen by all ye caime; & of seuerall Nations round abont theire caime, viz! And see him lie as at ye tyme of his death vnbowelled, or thout anie art don to him saue ye shaueing his face every weke & paireing or Cutting his nailes, wyth a Naturall fresh Culler. The faime of it caime to ye Pope, as nothing don almost in Anie pt of ye world, but theire are padreys to give advice. The Pope sent for the boddie of this Padre ; ye Pollistiaus who are ye richest Scotietie of fathers in ye world, denied it. Bat the Pope demanding his right hand, it was granted & Cutt of, Jo. Cambell then peont, and it bled as fresh as if it had been Catt from ye Boddie of a liveinge man. They indeavord after topserve him from Corruption but could not, soe 3 days after he was buried.
One day, I sittinge wth King Wyley (the wali], 3 brave Weomen paoners weere brought before him ; 2 Weere Brammonists [Brahmans] wifes, theire husbands being kild. The 3d was a Portugall, weh I freed. She told me sbe had to pay me what I laid out, & Did 8 doble, when I delivered her in Conge (Kung). Sa yo Kinge to me, will you free thother two. I gd this is a Christian & I an other, They Gentues.
Two of King Wyleys Saryts being by, wth Katārs [daggers] by theire sides. These 2 Brammonist weomen drew each a Katar from them & before ye Kinge rip vp their Bellys & Dyed.
The next day, about 8 Clock in the morninge, theire Arrived A ship of ours from Bambay, 220 Leagues by Ses from this place. Wyley y* King of yo Arrabbs sont for me & sd, wtt doe ya make this ship to be. I 94, English. Welcome, sd be, yts of Brother. Comeinge into y rode, his Ladeing was rice & Batter & Coquer Natts, web was great Reliefe to ye Contrey, for, Except ye great Ones, they eate only Tammer (fa'ama], vizt., Dates & fish. The contrey is very barren, & have great respect to yo English ye furnish them wth pritions, for they are often vexed wth fammin.
Cap! William Hill was commander of the vessell & was verry glad to meete wan Englishman theire, ye king Wyley esteemed, & could Speak ye Lingus, for yo Cap! could not. I delt wth the Kinge for him, for his Rice Batter & ye rest of his Ladeinge, & truckt wth ye Kinge for 850 psoners, Both well pleased, And for my Cartesey Kinge Wyley pented me wth Black boy & Cap! Hill a Dymond Ring, woh I accepted.
From Moskatt I went to Conge, in y* Pertion Dominyon, wth my Lady psoner, for soe she was, & hir husband slaine at Due Dio). I was much made of & gratified.
Thence I went for Commerroone (Gombroon), wch the English hade A factory at, & Receive halie Custome of it for theire good Service in helping y Pertian to take ye famous Ormous, Once
• Mr. Donald Ferguson suggestа the following reading of this passage :- "The Captain put down his box and said, 'Paro esta'C' I wager this - caixa = box). Atido L' Done!'), said the fidalgo." Ti, e., ambs-ace, double ace, the lowest possible throw at dioe.
1. &, a Paulinist, the local name for the Jesuits. John Campbell seems to be alluding to the shrine of S. Francis Xavior, whose body was removed to Goa in 1554. According to his wont, Campbell alters dates to suit his purpose so that he may appear to have personally witnessed the events he describes. The right arm of the Saint was sent to the Pope in 1614. See The Voyage of François Pyrard of Laval (Hakluyt ed.), YOL VI. p. 61, f. ,
• The English factory at Gombroon was established after the taking of Ormus, in 1622. In a letter to the Court from Surat, dated 2nd Nov. 1636 (Factory Records, Miscellanaow, Vol. 2) the Council remark that they have # "Right to the Gulph of Persia and port of Gombroon, by firmo League and Covenant made and Concluded att tho Expulseing the Portugall, which cost our nation both men and money to purchase."

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soe ominent in yo portagalls tyme, from whome It was taken by yo Pertian, 10 That its said of it, If ye world weere & Ringe, Ormous was yo Dymond in it.11 But now in the Dust, And Bossara [Basra], wol is 15 days Jurney from Commoronne, y great port.
Wee had not beene at Commoroon 2 days, bat advice caime Capt. Hill was arrived at Due, haueinge soe good e voyage by my means. Mr Gayrey, 13 ye Marché, not knowinge me, writt to M: flowergli that if such an English man caime, discribinge me, where he bad Cognizance or interest y he would serve me, though, Sd he, meaninge me, he did nne a disoortesy once, yet hath be now served me beyond my Expectation & made me trebble mends (amends).
The discortsey I did him was in Conveyinge S Humphry Cooke out of India, 15 for Mr Garey would [have] sent him to y Company because he traded in India in ye Companys goods,
My Lord Cooke 16 his father being sent by ye King of England to be Gouerner of Bumbay, * Towne Given by yo Portagalls as part of yo Dowrey of of Royall Queene Katheran,17 lyeinge 24 howers Saile from Surrat & is an Isleland and the best port in India The Christians haue,
My Ld was sent wth 600 English Soldiers, & yo vice Roy of Portugall had order to deliver it to ye sd L4 Cooke, but tooke snuff [offence) y he was not treated or respected aboard yo Engl vessell as he expected, set them a shore in a part of yo Isleland wheere they had noe fresh water & would not da [deliver the Towne Bumbay till most of yo gd 600 soldiers wee[re] kild wie flux by drinking brackish water, 18
Mo John Flowers facter for yo India Company at Spabawne [Ispaban] & Commaroon, My Kinsman, I left him att Commaroon & went for Spawbowne & by Mr flowers order bad ye vse of y. Companys howse theire for my entertainm!
1. Ormus was taken by Shah Abbās, with the help of the English, in 1622. 11 Thomas Herbert gives the proverb in this form
"If all the world were made into ring,
Ormus the gem ani grace thereof should bring." - Some Years Travels, ed. 1638, p. 105. 11 The Company established an ageney at Basra, in 1640.
18 Henry Gary was Aoting Deputy Governor at Bombay in 1887, and named the title of Governor after the death of Sir Gorvade Luoas, in 1668. He was never confirmed in the office, and was condurod by the Court for his arrogance in 1671.
14 Stephen Flower, with whom Campbell Olaimed kinship, was a factor in the E. I. Co.'s Berrioo. He was * second " at Gombroon in 1383 and "Chief" from 1635 to 1869.
10 I can find no foundation for this story. 16 Sir Humphry Cooke was Governor of Bombay for the King, from
of Bombay for the King, from April 1665 to the end of 1866, during which time there was constant friotion between him and Sir George Oxinden, the Company's representative at Surat
11 In 1631 Bombay was ceded to the British Orown as part of the dowry of Katherine of Bragaosa, wife of Charles II. It was transferred to the E. I. Co. in 1868.
11 This statement is incorrect.
15 Stephen Flower was the Company's servant at Lepahan and Gombroon. It is strange that it Campbell really were his kingman, that he should mistake his Christian name. A paragraph in a letter from Flo Gombroon, 21st January 1369, showa Campbell in a very different position from what he leads us to infer, at this time :-"On Junko yt (in Company eight more from Sainda) lately arrived att Congo laden with goode, eto. provitions, oame passenger one M John Cambell who had served ye King of India as a Gunner seven or eight yearou and having obteined licence to depart for his Country (to wth his freinds had often sollicited him) his resolutions was to travell overland for England, (wth w moneys eto..hee had gained in ye time of his service to y vallge of 7 or 8000 taps.) towards with bae was advanced as far as Sognda, when in Company of about 40 persona more in y Caphila, they were unfortanately mett wth by
y w ho robbed them all of their money and goods stripped him to his shirt and hardly escaped with his life, in wch miserable oondition at his arrivall Ecynda finding noo remedy, hee chose rather to proceed on his Intended Journey though with nothing than return againe to the service of his old Master, and about six dayos since repaired hither for my assistance, upon y relation of which sad story, I havo uken his present oondition into consideration, and furnish'a him with w! necessary to carry him to England, where God sending him safely to arrive, I have hope of receiving from himsello or friends satisfaction, in two or three days more he departs in Compara Portugall Padre to Busan where I shall Commend him to ye fathers courtesy there for his safe prooeeding to Alleppo, and there noe doubt but y consull to whom I shall alsoo write will bofriend him in what further needfall, It would be a shame not to commiserate and assist in such cases as this our owne oountry run from whohe misfortune God defend us." - Factory Records, Swrat, Vol. 106.

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But from Commoroon I tooke in the way to Spawhawne [PLar] webis 70 Leagues from Commeroon, haueing a note from Mr JnO flowers & y Commendore of y. Dutch, we English haueinge noe howse theire but the Dutch had, yI might have entetain theire; 3 days I lodged theire woh was in the tyme of Gouerners fast, 800 could not speake wth him. But at night, After I had spooke wth him, that night caime a letter from Mr flower to me,20 Telling me of Monsier Demingoes invitation of all yo English, ffrench & Dutch, wth servants, to a ffeast he had made, being yo ffrench Agent at Commoroon,
The french Agent at Dinner Dranke to ye Dutch Commendore ; ye Dutch Commendore had noe sooner pledged, but gd to Monseiur Demingo, I am poysoned. 8T, Monsier Demingo, theirs noe poyson in my howse, & tooke vp the same Glass & drank of it. He had noe sooner dranke but he fell alsoe to vomitt, & $4, I think its poyson indeede. This broke vp y• Mirth, they both sick. Thanks be to god, noe other tasted of it, But bad it beene given when we had after Dinner begun to drinke as vsuall, all y Company had beene lost.?!
We Exammoned yo Attendants & found it to be Contrived by yo great Banion [Banyan] who ought [owed] y Company of yo Datch 30000 Tomaine [tomān], every tomai € 30 Ropees, weh is Engl money 3! 7: 64. And Thretinge y: Boy who fild ye wyne, He Confest ye Bannyon did hyer him for 20 Tomaine, & gave him the poyson to poyxon his Maister & all the Company. This Loy or slaue went away puently wth yo Banyan & his sonn. They herd they went towards Larr. Mr flower writt to me at Larr & desired me for his honom sake to lay hold on them, for we have laid hold of all yo rest heere, telling me y Cause as aboue. They comeing to Larr, herd of a strainger there, tooke me for Dutchman Soe tooke ye Goaerners howse Vockeele (vakil] I had my spies abrode, weh told me they had giveu & pmist [the] Vockeell money & pmist to turne Moores (Muhammadans). On woh I tooke horsse & went to y"Gouerner howse, A mile from my Lodgeinge. When I caime, I sent word into y Gogerner I desired to speak wth him. He gaue mo leave to com in to him; his naime is Augugee (Agháji].
When I caime in & wth my armes, not vsuall for a Strange [1] to doe in yt Contrey, One of his men tooke my Armes, y Goat bidinge me sitt downe. I showed my letter. Sd he, I cannot vnderstand it. I told him my grevance. Is theire, 8d he, such persons heere. I told him, yes, in [the] Vockeels howse. He sent for [the] Vockeel & the $ persons wth a gard to bring them Before he questioned them, he s4, poyntinge to me, Doo yu know this man. They said noe. But theire songe was they would be mad. Moores, The Gon" askt theire reason, saying, we never knew a Gentue or Banyan tarne Moore, but for some great falt. The Casa (qārt] being by, 84, can ya deny to make a heathen a trew Beleiver. I, hearing this, gd to ye Gouerner, shomma me danney che gusta [skumā mi dani chah guta), doe ya know what yu say. Sa he, be'ne'she'en [ba ntshin), sit downe, be not soe ferce. I gd these are yo men, & I charged him with Shaw Sollyman
* From Flower's own Acoount, given in the next rote, the 'feast' seems to have taken place at Gombroon and not at Lapsban.
" In a letter to Surat, dated at Gombroon, 10th Apell 1660, Stephen Flower gives the following account of the poisoning affair :-"The heats being ontred many begin daily to fall sioke of Poavours & others dead, among whom yo Kinga Vizeere Sonne to his Exceeding graifo, bat dayes sinoe & it were well if this were the onely bacard yt. poore Europeans are subject to in these parts, where many come to untimely enda by poison, both of English & Datoh, by theire owne Servants and yo brokers ne too apparent appeares and hath bin proved by a late accident and Example of that natan, hepned in y house of Deputy Marriage, where himselfe and y Commadore by drinking and tasting soupp of beuro had all most lost their lives as might the rest of y Company (among whom I was present) had itt not plowed God by a timely discovery to prevent so greate an ovill, for wh and all his mergie and deliverance this or at any other time I hope I shall remaine truely thankfull, for a particular relation and more satisfactory 1000 of this sad story I donire you will be referred to the vorball repetition of 8 Nicolo Vidall and others." - Factory Records, Surat, Vol. 106.
11.6., took refuge in the vaki'r house .

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de Roy [Shāh Salaiman's duhai). When he herd ye word, be rose vp & made 3 Sallams towards his kinge. I told him, these are yo men haue, Or would [have] beene y death of 25 Marchts besides theire Sarvants; yu haue them in yor Custody ; leoke to them; I am going for Spawhawne. ga ye Gouerner, two of these men looke like gr! men. Pray, ed I, question them, He then questioned them & said, tell me trewth, Ile make yu Moores, & then yu are fre from all harme. He found they Weere gilty of w! I accused them of, And Committed thom to a Roome ; Soe I left them. The Gouerner att ptinge (parting] Sd, yo Engl, Dutch & french are of good freinds, Shall we loose 3 places for 3 men, in wch aro Thowsands.
Next morning he sent ter me betimes & askt me wheere I was bound. I gd for spawbaun. He askt what service I would command him. I told him noe service, but desired Good iustice. He is Gouerner of Conge, Commoroon & Larr. While I was thus talking, caime in 3 wth chaines & Locks on theire hands. Said y Gou', how like you this; I Sd well, & yt ye Engi Datch f& portugalls would Commend his good iustice.
sa yo Goa", I have don this on yor word & caused a letter to be written & I to set my hand to it & my seale alsoe, yt if I had abused them wthout cause, the ffranks must give acct of it, and that before I left Spawhawne.
Next morning they weere sent away wth 20 horse as a gard to Coiroon, wth & post before, woh would goe yt in 3 days (I was 7 in comeinge), & demanded of me to stay till answer was retarned. The 5th day after came answer from ye Gour [of] Comroon that they had hanged the Commendores slane, And 2000 Tomaine was gathered by ye Banyans, 1000 for ye Gouerner of Comroon, ye other 1000 for y. Gouerner at Larr & 80000 for to be devided amonge ye Marchants (who] weere theire, ffranks, To saue the Banyans lives; & never anie Banyan to Broak or serve in business to yo Christians On that Coast, wch is 100ds of tbowsands to theire losse, for they did all business for ye factories.
From Larr I tooke my Jurney for Serash (Shiraz], 140 Leagaes from Larr. First I came to yo padreys theire. Next day caime yo English Broker to me & told me It was not fit I should be here & Carried me to yo English howee.
The Gouerner of Serash bsing a great Caune (Khan), yt is Lord, & for some reason then not kuowne, forsake his meanes And betook him to a Mountaine privat, & for 2 mo had a day noe more then ye quantity of a penny white loafe. His desire after some tyme theire was to know how all did wth his fammily. A spirritt appearinge to him told him he could not goe to see his family wthout he would doe one of y' 3 thing when he caime theire he would ppound to him, vizt lie wth his Mother And Daughter or be Drunke. He answerred ye last he would Doe. He went to his howse & great pritious was made, And being Over come wth drinke he lay wth Mother & wth Doughter. Nex morning, Remembering what he had don, tooke his Doughter, it being in the tyme of ye raines, and Threw hir into a grest Tanke. She was taken vp by others & knowne to be such a Lds doughter. The Ld, after he had throwne in his doughter, went to y Justices & told him what had past, & yt he iudged himselfe not worthy to live.
The iastice & Governer past it by, but sent for the Mother & Doughter & askt if it was as the La had told. They both denie it. In caime ye Men yo took up ye Doughter out of ye tanke, & herd what they sa & Quest how she caime theire; ye La bir father made answer I carried hir theire. Sd ye Dougbtor, father now I must speake, begg yor pdon, I confess you forst me to it. A counsell was held & y L4 was put in Irons. His Brothers sonn, then Gouerner, 8d, my vnkle since he left yo Gouerm, hath drank bangg & post, 24 woh makes him talk Idley.
(To be continued.)
* Fryer gives the same spelling Deroy, an interdict.' It is an appeal to the King for justice, * Phang and post, preparation of opium.

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THE CHUHRAS. BY THE REV. J. W. YOUNGSON, D.D., CHURCH OF SCOTLAND MISSION ; SIALKOT.
(Continued from p. 83.)
Dáná pakki bahut karé, vágái tôn pharké, Agge dhar leduri, nál léáo pharke Ethé paliar lêduná vékhôge na kharké. Unhán ghôré laé thajá Atard langhé, Kite kam ķhudá de phir hônge change. Söhne rang dh ne jihre Maulá rangé. Péya dya gaj dá kikar lámbé laggé, Oh varê Nishauré enké, milé ohnán Jámu nái, Jitná hál hawál si sab akh suñái. Pir pahile pahr bál je phir jawán hô jde, Digar nálr 'aff hai buddhrá sadae. Diháre langhé ék, traé umar handáé. Kuni ndlr halim dé kôi bari dándi. Apmê đọ sambhấted, maii kanda jb này. Il sipdhi partkl, já aru sundi Asin tán térê gulam hán, Dáná péyd kohde, Chillé charhiyd tir hai pasittd na jdi Aggé bhavên na pôhé, holdhmbé jui. Chélt si/tán jörian parh nám sunáin. Pir sipahidi núi puchhdd ; Dand ki farmdi.
A hundred horsemen marched-they rode in
force, And Dânå gave them orders strict to seize And chain him; thus to bring him quickly, nor Take time to look again towards him, but To hasten back. They spurred their horses--
passed Atâwâ, all the Lord's great works are good. Those lines above are beautiful that he Has painted - Loa thunderstorm is here. How will it pass? They to Naushera came. And first a barber Jâma met them. Straight He told them all about the priest, the man Who had been boy till just that morning, since The boy had in a trice grown man, assumed The form of age in the afternoon, and so Was called old man - all in a single day He reached the third stage - youth and mid
dle age He passed, and entered white old age. To talk With calmness is the property of age And wisdom : therefore said he calmly, 'Sirs, Beware of harm. I do not seek to vex Or injure you.' A soldier then approached And said, Your servants we--Judge Dana calls You. Fixed upon the bow the arrow lies: It cannot miss you. If it does, 'tis ours To throw again, to make it sure. Disciple I Have made this song. Repeat it. Asked the
priest, • What wants your judge with me P I have not
bought His property; I have not stolen his goods; He gave for me no pledge that I might have Sufficiency of corn. What reason is That ye have come from him ?' The soldier's
face Grew pale ; he nerveless grow, just like
shrew That while she stays makes neighbours trem
ble, but A day comes when rebellious she denies To do her husband's will, and he grows fierce, Rough seizes her, and casts her out disgraced. 80 stood the soldier, (Praise the priest),
abashed;
Na kuchh bhdá chukiyd na churá lé dé, Na us admin hoké sannd dané dalde. Tuhannú sdri khabar hai tussin utthôi de Rang sipdhi dd udded, kuchh chard na challs. Jichar ki vasdi ghar vich hówan tharthalle Il din na lagdi khdvand di gallé Gal thón pakapké kaddhd na kuchh banhdi
palle. Uded rang sipdhi da, kuchh chard na challe, Ihô vas sipahi da (pir ji !) kuchh man nahi
palle. Baile pir dil vich dalel guzari Pir paikambar chal gay& gayi saddi vdri. Dhainsar hata chal gayd tarlóké dé váli

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Músd natha maut thiir odré kúsdn bhalis All shamed and helpless, of authority Otak gabrể 30 pềuá khổ gird gồ-đề
Divested. Bâlâ priest thus thought in heart Aidé aidé chal gaye maut kisi nahin d. Both priests and prophets, all have run their Balé pir dil vich phir pai jalli
race; Akbar haga chal gayd, chhad gayé né Dille Mine may be ended. Men like Dhainsar died, Edi jad paikambardi jinhan dharti malk And those that ruled three realms are gone.
One ran From death, oven Moses - Bought he hard to
hide From death in all the quarters of the earth, But no, he fell at last in weariness Into a grave. Such men have died and failed To conquer death.' Then Bala thought of
God. Great kings like Akbar died and left their
state
And Dilli all behind. A great prophetic host Rann pichha las môé né, koi mat na challs. Have graves that fill the world. They Bdlé pir di sunt gayi dargdh-i-farydd,
fought once here, Likh chiththi Rabb ghalliyd phir kita ydd. Espoused a woman's cause, but perished; all Baitha tú kyun Baléd, phir hó ndráz,
Their plans were frustrated, but God did hear Jó téré (chd88 murid né vich bihishtdi vds, Oar Bala's prayer. The Lord a letter wrote Phir chhattré khán nün milango khangé nd? To him. He summoned him, and thus he mizdsch
said, Chélé siftán jórián kar jij niyas.
• Why sitst thou there, O Bâlâ, why shouldst
thou Be so disconsolate and sad ? Be sure
Thy followers will enter heaven: for food Ik Chihredn vichon nika?ké ban masalli bahindé. They shall have rams, yes, more than need Béimán muft de dujjd dôzaķh jandé,
demands. Pichhon pachhôtánge judôn aggé na jandé, They shall be fed to all satiety. Chéla akhe Musallid, kyun dôzakh núi jandé. 'Twas his disciple made this song with all
Humility. Some traitors are that false Desert the Chuhļas, and become great knaves, Musallis. Vainly thus they go, for nought
It boots, and then, besides, to hell they go. Kol Pir dé balikd Multáni Shdh déyé hunlard Grieved will they be some day when from Shah Balé då báliká lagge bahut piyára, God's face Ashán köhdi vich shahr hai kull sabbhô sárd They are excluded. Why, Musallis, why Jhanda tali ta dhar lawan, na lagge bhara. Go straight to hell?' the true disciple asks. Páni vagga Raví dá, Pirji, kôi beshumdrd Multânî Shah, disciple, stood beside, Har Rdvi vich örh edi, ruth jáé sdrá
A follower true of Balá, much beloved, Vichhé Daná rurh jde shard puchhanwala. Who said, "The length and breadth of this
good towa Is eight full miles- I will take up the flag,It is not great beyond my strength to raise, And then the Râyf will o'erflow its banks And food the town and judge. In it I'll
drown
The town, and Danâ, too, will perish with Chélék siftán jöridi kar aql niydrá.
The rest, because he dared insult our law.'

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Pir kéhá Multani Shah, Phir Rabb thin dariye, Sai manán dé jôr nan ik sa'at jariyé, Rabb páé né muámalé sir utté dhariyé Shahr vassé ammi jammi chal gallan kariyé. Bálé pír naháké póshák hai páî Bók band amari badald narma safédí. Zarí dôshálá pahinké pag sôhní baddht. Bahar ayd pir jî, log dekhan séijî Bálé pir charhn nú ghord mangáy6. Utté ghatttán urdkan zin dóshálé pôwdé, Munh kandiyalé déké hath vágin páé. Charhé rikábi lat dé, hath hanné páé. Charhtal Bálé pir,di phir lakhi na jáé. Hundi sávin akh na, suraj lachkáé. Jón rát déváll Hindúán chardg jagdé. Chélé surat ditthía, tan sifat banáé. Báld pir charh péyá, jhagré té țuriya. Budhwar dá rôz si mah Bhadrón, charhiya, Dhuppé turdé ôh vé jinhán aukhîán banîyan
Sabbhô hath bannhké, phir 'arz sunáî Asin té téri madad han, Pir ji, tú kyan nahin jáné.
Chêlé siftán jórtán, parh nám dhihúné. Pir kahe phir Bálakéô, tusin sabbho hô munde. Chir dvé kisi nan kaun parán vandé ? Saddê thần pakarké Dánh kinền mange? Rang sốhné 6h né, jihrá Mauld rangé. Painda dhé itná jeûn khiyalé langhe, Kité kam Khudé dé jihṛé hôngé changé, Pir Nishauréôn tur péyd chaudhri si Gujran
[APRIL, 1907.
With prudent judgment the disciple made This song. The priest said, 'O Multân! Shah. Let us fear God. Even though our strength could lift
A hundred maunds, we must show patience. God
Has sent this grief. Let us bear up like men, And let the town live prosperously in peace. We go to talk with Dânâ.' So he bathed, And dressed himself to suit the interview. A silken girdle donned he on a coat
Of velvet; vest of white, a silken shawl, A turban beautiful. Thus from his house He came. They flocked about him. Then he called
A journey in the sun must needs have care.
Ohnan saya baddal ho gaya phir pani dián A cloud o'ershaded him; small drops of rain
kanian
Thandé jhôlé va dé nalé sukhmantan.
-
Traé pir dé bálké Roshan Shah té Multání, Trija Hajrat Kailanwala, Mihrôn bhar jawání. Chhinwen karor charh s nál Dada Bhagt giyání.
Began to fall, a gentle cool breeze blew Refreshing. Happy was he; with him were Multani, Roshan Shâb, and Hazrat of Kailêânwâlâ doughty wight was he By grace of God, for ninety-nine crores Of soldier angels, Dadu Bhagu too, The bards, did follow him. With folded hands They made petition to him thus, 'O priest, We are your helpers, be assured.' This song A true disciple made. O read and seek With reverent heart the Name. The priest but said:
walé
Uhnan jaké dassiya Shám barwálé, Oh pir kitthé hai jih dé nál baihnda saîn dáré.
For's horse, caparisoned in gold-rich shawls Were placed for saddle bridled was the steed,
And Bâlâ caught the reins. He lightly placed His foot in stirrup, laid his hand upon The pommel but in writing who can show The grace of Bâlâ Pîr? Eyes could not stand His glory even the sun could not endure. To look. "Twas like (the) Dêvâlli with its light Of many lamps, which this disciple saw - He therefore wrote this song. So Bâlâ rode To this great controversy. Wednesday it was Of the week, the month of August. They who make
O children mine, all young you are, untried; If one receive a wound who then shall share His pain? My capture and not yours Will please this Dânâ. Only hues that are God made
Are beautiful.' The journey, though 'twas long, Was quickly made. Whate'er the Lord does must

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APRIL, 1907.]
Uhnun péi sipahi shara dé, le gayé sirkéré. Chaudhri uthon uthiya hath hathán té márể. Chélé siftán jórtán parh nám chitáré.
THE CHUHRAS.
Jitná tappa Sainsarián didn ghôrián sab mangwaîán,
Munh kandhéalian déké utté kathidh pôrdian, Charhé rikabi lat dé hath vågan chaiyan. Ghorián ját valaiyati bhar lén kaldîán. Alavé de mundh jaké wárhán mil aiyan. Chaudhri otté jaké mur dé duháidn Chaudhri puchché pír nú Téri ki si salah, Léon to anpuchchiya jáñá sai khwah ma kḥwah.
A88in tấn jat gốuấn hán tội bé na Dhain pande gunnhé até dá gáh.
Ihô sádḍd karm hai, pir ji, dhakké dá rah. Main té baddha janda tor Dilli di rah. Sipahi akhan choudhri kyûn paindén saura Othé aida kam nahin ko lammá chauṛá. Ajbi mur ávéga, nahin dûr Nishaura. Othé maslé di bát hai ki matlab térd? Pir dkhé chaudhri tu kachchi khi layi Dáná kháté pawégá terá pind uján, Kahna bhanndé lún nûn vich dharké thali, Allah da kam vékh khan na kar tû kahf.
Chaudhri akhé pír nú varh nalé challé, Panj sai meri ghori hai kar pavégi halle. Farh pichhán nú mor sai mérá vas na challé. Te khali je main mur giya ki karánga palle
109
Be good. The priest had left Naushera when The headman came from distant Gujranwâl. Shâm, village watchman, went and told him.
all.
Where is,' he cried, the priest that used to sit
And talk with you within the rest-house here?' The minions of the law have seized him, Sir, And taken him away to judge him.' Up The headman sprang and struck one palm in grief
Against the other. The disciple made This song, and thinks upon the Name. Forthwith
From all the land the Sainsârîs' mares were brought,
And bridled all and saddled, so forth rode The Sainsâris, firm grasping with their hands The reins. The mares were good, of Afghan breed
And swift. So near Atâwâ met the bands. With threats the headman faced the captors
of
The priest, and to the priest, he said, 'Why did
You go and leave us? Say, what were your plans?
And why, if forced to go, you told me not? All rough and ignorant are we, but fear We know not, No. We braize our flour when
you
Do knead it, and we knead our rice when you Do thrash it. This our way. O priest; our
law
Is force. The priest replied, 'A prisoner I Bound hence for Dilli.' Quoth the soldiers, 'Sir,
Be patient. No great business calls him there; To-day he will return-it is not far From your Nanshera. Only here we have A slight dispute about religion. For you There is no business there.' The priest said, 'Take,
My friend, no foolish step, for Dana will Become your enemy, and rain your home. Why break a lump of salt in earthen plate? Wait on the Lord, nor e'er impatient be.' To whom the headman, 'We our band retain. Five hundred horsemen have I, fighting men, Without them what can I? And if I go Without you to my village, what will then

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1907.
Ik sipahi daurke mur Dané kol jde, Jitná hál hawal si sabh akh sunde, Pir pahilé pahar bál hai, mur jawan ho jde. Digar nál zaif hai, buddhá sadháe. Dihdrá langhdá ik si traé umar handae Nálé sdya baddalán, phir kanián páin. Aggé tért marsi jo izan farmdin. Shirkon báj a já, ih bhali hai, bhái, Rah Mohammad yar d& Rabb áp bandyd. Zamin tê domán kahnd& Rabbe dp bandya Na phir adya baddaldi? Na kanidi paể ? Jdi garbebanda báliká ? Baddal char dikhai ? Jai Ledya ilm Bangalor, péya umar vatáé. Lok áhndé auliya hai, Dåná armáé. Karigar sab shahr dé, Dáns mangude, Shahr de vich bábli othé lé jáé.
My people say?' A soldier ran to tell The tidings of the day to Dâná, how That coming this same priest was but a boy, And, strange, at noon he was full grown, and
then When evening fell an old old man was he. And people called him Old Man -jast a day Had seen the changes three. And on the way A clond o'ershadowed him, and rain came
down Refreshing. Do your will; you may;
command. But do not spiteful be. It will not serve. Muhammad's soul, God's friend, was made by
God Himself. This heaven and earth proclaim.
But how Did never cloud o'ershadow him, nor rain From heaven refresh him P' Nay,' said
Dânê, Nay. A babe is he who's newly born. The clouds, How could he summon clouds ? As for his
form,
Bharidn ohdidi paurian bandra bhanwas, Kdi ambar kúgatán Dáné rangwodé, Utté saté van de bhar kakh na chde, Rakh q&bê nun samhnd, mirab bandé. Kandhái labban pakkan, páni phircas. Jitna ashig Rabb de Dand chi likhudé.. Hulem Dané qdzi dá phir k& na more, Masit dualle hunjiye, ittán te röre. Kểi phap bastartải Dânó cha rồrhế. Jihr langhé koldi oh daurd jde. . Báliks Ahndé pfr nun, sun murshid méra, Imminábad dis pêyd, hun & ágayd nåré. Do gharidi ndn machangé sab jhagr8 td jhéré, Paind vas mulodnéai, hd jan chauphere. Parhê hoe Quran de, riddiyatan na jeha, Qurán té kitában do, pir ji, masle hain ukhere. sádda lahd-khushk ho gaya, add8 adds bars. Sánnd khol sund khaa, ki palla ter&. Ikkó sachché nám hai, sahainn náin. Rabb dittà si fôr Har Ndshak tdin, Uab apna dp japá lyd, nikke, padda tafa, Ohnun thammdi vichoi baurid, Rabb járd tata.
He may havo learnt in Bengal arts for this. The people say he is a man of God. I'll try him.' So he summoned artisans And led them to a well within the town, And gave them orders to fill up the steps. To raze the higher part, and even it Close with the ground; to dye great spreading
sheets Of paper, which he laid on the well mouth. So thin it would not bear a straw's weight.
Then A paper mosque he made around it, with Its mihrab towards the Qaba, and its walls 80 brick-like painted, and white-washed, with
names Of God's most faithful written upon it. For The will of Dinli must be done, and none Dared disobey. He caused his men to sweep The court, remove all dust, and handfuls sweet Of fresh kasturi3 throw, that passers by Might tompted be to enter. To the priest A follower said, 'O hear us, teacher mine. In sight is Imminabad, quite near; soon will Disputes arise. The mullas will with zeal Surround ns. The Qorân they know. They
know
* Maak.

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THE CHURRAS.
Báliké anhdé per nån, tá Bálá pir sadána, Atthin pahrin rosz tu dargahé jáná, Kalma parhén Oh Ik dá, kam karén kamana. Gallan karen Janab nal, sannú asmáná? Loi bhagat Kabir de ghar sådhû áé, Ghar ann na sujjé paníán, bhukhé triháé, Loi ne déh gahné ghatké chha sádh rajáé, Orak garza déúnd, baniyé kôl jáé, Aggé baitha bányá phullán chhéj vichháé. Lôi dhil na rakhiya charh chhéjé jáé. Ihdi kahli Rabb né shitábí jáé.
Sainat kar gaya Dhaul nûn, dharti hiláé. Baniyé de man vassiyá munh mammá páé. Té Lôi vángan bauré Rabb dhil na láé, Imminabád shahr dé dis péyé munáré, A6 16k hamáké ziyárat dé maré, Bhannián ján kovárián var manganháré Var déô pírá bandé laggan bahut piyáré. Pir murádán dittidn har arz nataré.
Traditions also Their doctrines are fear
Chôlê siftan jôriển, panh nắm chit rê. Jitné qasi mu'tbar Dáné léyé sadás, Sabbho jaké bah gayé masit dé dualls, Héth bichhdiyah shutranjián galiché né dále, Samhné hoké bah gayê pir dekhan dé máré. Qúzi kôl masit dé baithe mall maidan, Mata pakaya gázán Shah Sandalwali makẩn.
--
intricate and deep
111
our blood is dried for
From red hot pillars God released him. God Was then believed in, and even now He will
Ohô aukhá vélá aseán té, Rabb bauré sahaj In this great trouble aid us in His own
subháin,
We tremble. Tell us plainly if you have The gift of superhuman power.' Said he,
I have the One True Name - which has in the world
A thousand different forms. God gave great power
To great Har Nâshak, him who caused all men To worship him in place of God. Polâd Obeyed him not. He bound him fast in chains;
Good time.' Then the disciple, Bâlâ priest Art thou. Thou goest to the house of God Once every third hour of the day. One God Alone thou worshippest and wonders dost. The Most High is thy friend: thou triest us To prove us trae. Once on a time the Sâdhs To Lôi came, the wife of Saint Kabir. She had no food or water in the house And they were hungry, thirsty all, so she To feed them sold herself, and then at last, As debtors must, she went to pay, and he, The Bâniyâ creditor already had With flowers prepared his bed, but Lôi quick Ascending straight the couch, God heard her prayer,
And made a sign to Dhaul to shake the earth. He touched the Bâniyâ's heart, who like a child
Began to suck her breasts. As God helped her, He will not then delay to succour me.' The towers of Imminâbâd were now in sight, The people came in crowds to see the priest. The maids to get good husbands made request,
O priest, a blessing seek we-husbands good Whom we may love.' He granted their requests
As they preferred them one by one. These songs
Of praise the true disciple made; he reads, And still he glorifies the Name. Resume We Dâna's story. Priests and lawyers all Sat round the mosque on rugs and carpets spread
All in the open field, a great concourse, Desiring they to see the priest. The saint

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1907.
Slah Sandal they addressed, Thou knowest
all, In earth and heaven. Try this man's right to
be
Tainán sári khabar hai, némen td ásmda. Pirt ihdi békh dé phir karke dhiyán, Sandalváļi pir da ja karê didár, Rabb téridn qudratdi tu apar apár, Ih miyangi bdhar hai sán charhi talwar, Té Dáné dé karm híné ho gaye karmán ditt 4
hár. Qazi Sandalrali non léké, bahi durddds. Ki kuchh iya vékhké, das aggé sadde, Jhuthá makr pir da ki divå jage, Banh hathiy dr lariga ki aggé bhdge, Sandalwaļi dkhda phir nd! imán, Jhuth main nahin akhndi, jand chhad jahdn, Ih khambanw did sap je, udd charhiya damdn.
Kaun banega mandri, kaun patár pan. Athé méré lag jdo, na band aiy dn. Saldm kar d&6 air opd, td kar då ddn. Qazi gusné hô péyd, vat mathé ghatté,
iehe darinda ghaliivé phir chôr uchakké, Ta bf Immindbad de fukre hain chaththa. Sach nalán tú akhdd, phir hal hai adhir, Main garib faqir je tukeré mang khanda hdi
chår, Bhavki kaddh chhad khan shahri bahar vær, Vang bater& taraph déð hun jal taiyar, Mate laggé anke na jhagra jute, Qazi karn akdhar, per nd oh puthế, Shard tudh nahin samajhiya kyun chhattre
kufhé ? Shard uttón sir varde, pêd puttr nú puchche. Murdár khaiwálédi chhattre nahin partoán, Hardm áthe murdár non phir kull jahan. Shamas Tabres pîr xi phir vich Multán. Sharwala uadi ulți khall 18hán, Per jd dkhed Danea, chiran chår haram. Khándé di mar jdiyé, mauhrá it haram.
A priest by insight spiritual.' He went, And seeing the priest he cried, O Lord
bow strange And wonderful Thy works! This is a
sword Outside its scabbard, whetted, ready drawn; The fate of Dânâ now is sealed ; 'tis clear That fortone is against him.' Leading then Aside Saint Sandal all the lawyers wise Interrogated him, "What hast thou seen ? How can the lamp of falsehood of this priest Keep on to burn ? Bay, will he fight or flee?' But Sandalwâli said, 'No lie speak I. As sure as death is sure, he is in trath A winged serpent. He can fly aloft And touch the sky. There's none can charm
him And damp him in a basket. My counsel hear, Be not like children - yield obeisance meet, And give him gifts.' The Qazi straight
grew wroth. He said, Away with such as you, you thief, You rogue! For nonght you eat your share
of food In Imminabad: You lio. You seek to save This priest from shame. Bat Sandalwall
said, • 'Tis plain. I am a poor faqir; I beg My four poor bits of bread from door to door. Expel me if you will, but know that like A quail you're flattering - the net is spread, And ready for you.' So the Q&zt did Not dare to meet the priest in argument, But trifled with him, saying, 'You have no law. Why did you slaughter sheep P Men give
their lives To aphold the law; a father for it will Bebead his son. And those that eat the dead Must not kill rams. The dead, as all men
know, Are food ancloan. Even Sbams Tabres the
priest In far Molten was banged and flayed, because The law abiding willed it. Dånd,' said the
priest, "Pour things unlawful are; poison that kills,

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APRIL, 1907.)
THE CHUHRAS.
113
Dujjá paisd dhi da, tryd gussa haram, Tmurdar khake mukarnd chartha ta hardm, Panjwaqt nam ds gusdrdd bah andar pashda, T'alash karên Qur'an di kitabdi parhdd Murd dr akhti nasr jo dwe us wal qadam nahia
dharda, Wd: karda Rabb da mush then kalma parhda. Daned, kalma pasand munh thôi tuddh Rabb
nahi ydd, Murdar atthe pahar khaks lbindd rahán modd. Sira khden die dd vadda bhar rikdb, Murda dabban tdi denndén je le lend askdt. Ih farmáda Rabb da murde di nan kadon kadi
lagi zakdt. Kéri galiði Dansa, murdar then hond td pak? Dåné ng pata lag gayd murdar dd toļå lish-
kdnd. Chihre da dd pir hai, koi bard saiydná. Galldi karl Jandb didi, vé kh8 Rabb dd bhånd. Pashiyd kisi masit na, na vaid sujdnd. Pir dlehed, Dané, hath Rabb de bizi, zatia Rabb nahin rijhid, bhagatdi té ria. Aide aida maulari, kittha khang dh tusdddi, Pichhon dass di khalké, girafat tusdddi.
A price paid for a daughter when she weds, An angry ontbarst, and the use of food. Unlawfal. Carrion you eat and straight Deny, for five times in a day you pray, You read; you search your old Qorân; you
read Your books, and will not even look towards A creature dead. You preach; the kalma too You oft repeat, but only from the lips; Heart of godliness you know not. Carrion Is sweet to you the whole day long. You love The taste of food that's given the seventh day
past A burial - & fall dish you devour, nay Interment you forbid unless the fee Is paid, Is this God's will p Who forced a
tar Upon the dead P Is this not proved to be To eat the dead? Speak Dana. Dana
learned What real carrion is - he saw the priest Was wise, and in his heart he said, 'He speaks of godly things - how wonderful the ways Of God are. See this man has never
learned In mosque, or been to school to any wise Philosopher.' Dana,' the priest said,
• Learn That he whom God gives victory will win, He hates our castes, and worship true he
loves. Great teachers ye, but where are seen your
shrines. I tell your errors, those that lived before Your prophet, made them idols false just like Your carpenters. That's where your pro
phetship
Tarkhåndis do gharði kadhks tundi ik pai-
kambari sdzi. Chelt sif di jôpidi kar himmat bdzi. Dane akhy & per nún, " Pardidúr ho jati Gussa bard haram hai, mat kuchh qahr kardis Mikré dovan sirê de, paikambardi nýr
tarkhan banden. Taindi tdi chhad adi, pata idks dikhdéi Adar Hindi tók sí, nit ndin dhihdwé, Qarab kar tarkhdn dd, thakur nit bardwa, Bhahr vich khas déchdd, nit ráaf p&ws, Ohad putr Ibrahim xi, ile din béchan jdwé. Tangih rasad ghattka dhur bdsdr 18 jawa, Qimat 1&dws dsodhi, 14h khat l&&ro& Thdd aggé pai kambart kbf parh sundue. Chelt siftdi joridi pash nam sundwd. Chauddi tabaq ydohké Rabbé ap bande.
Arose. The true disciple without fear Composed this song. Said Dans to the priest, · Begone! Excite me not to sin, for rage Is sin. Yon taunt me with the gift of food, My right to the interment of the dead. You call the prophets carpenters. You must Full satisfaction give. The priest replied, •Adar, a Hindu, once addressed the Name.
A carpenter was he, his work was sale Of idols, which he made and hawked about The streets. His son was Ibrahim, who went One day to sell his idols. He tied a rope To the idol's leg, which dangled from his
Arm,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(APRIL, 1907.
Khwahish nabi paikambar di munh thin
farmde Oh dd rührehd vich kutab dé, duniyd té
pichchón de Paikambar Daddé tussda thin koi parh sunds, Dåned, na zamin dsmdn si na qalam siyahi Adam paida karn di Rabb khwahish pdi.
Ag to the market place be carried it. The price rose twofold and the boy mado
more Of profit than his father. Tell me now Was ever greater saint than Ibrahim?' The true disciple has compiled this song To praise the Name. The fourteen spberas
God made, One half the earth, one half the heavens. He
made . . Them all in wisdom - 80 the prophet wished God said and it was done. The prophet's
soul
Høyd kukam firishte di, milli anvdi. Aql challi phir Rabb di unhdi gô bandi, Sohnd but ban gayd, chihra banda nahin, Agge påk Jandb dé, unhdi ara sundi. Allah Ta'ala akhiyd phir apni zabani Pani pallon vékhô khan kar shisht nishani. Pani firisht&dn ditthiyd Bald pir di péshání Rdzi firishté ho gayé, kam hô6 asni. Chúhrd aggón milan di ih pakki nishani. Paikambar vadd a péyd akhnd en, phir apni
zabání. Nindiyd karén paikambardi hain ummat
nishani, Jinhdi ditt aggé Rabb dé putr qurbani. Kar kuthé giblé ; sdmhné kadh kard miydnín. Allah dumba bhêjiya kiti mihrbani." Pir jó akhe," Danéd, hai bard imanwaļa. Với túi maeda Akhm đến, tich ra khi đua Trakkas dharkê tôļiya Rabb ne sidq paikam
bari dd sand, Paikambar akhin badhian, putr lago ad piy drd. Kahdd rah gayd Rabb dd oh bhagat piydra? Chélé siftán jiridi kar 'aqi niyârd.
Was then in Polar star so bigh. It came To the world, A greater prophet let is name Than yours.O Dâna, neither earth nor
heaven Existed then - Dor pen por ink was there When God made Adam. Angels at his word Brought earth, and fashioned it : the face
they could Not make. Therefore to God bimself they
went With a petition. Then the Most High God Spake thus himself, Look into water pure And steady look. They saw great Bala's face. With joy she work was all completed. This 18 why, when anything that's great must needs Be done, a Chuhra's face is omen good. You call your prophet great, but only great Because you say it. Said Dânâ, 'You speak
111
About the prophets who have children still Among us. Gave they not their sons to God In sacrifice P Unsheathing knives they gave Their sons to God with faces Mecca-wards, But God in meroy sent a ram instead.' The priest said, Dana, good and faithful,
you
In such discussion keep a window in The wall. You err. God has with perfect
scales Weighed propheta' faithfulness; a bandage On his eyes did Ibråhim the prophet place, Because his son was dear to bim. Was this Done like God's lover true ? Ah, no.'
'Twixt right And wrong the true disciple makes, with care, A difference. He sings God's praises. Priest Of light was BAIA, who became Lal Beg Incarnate.. Lived he in Kashmir, among
Bald nuri per * Lal Beg da autar. Rahnda taraf Kashmir di koi vick ujdy.

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THE CHURRAS.
115
Dove usde bal sdn, rahin mdta nd!, Nau danú panj dérté Rabb lai laye ndį. Matthétikke laké vés unhdi dhalé, Jinêu mdidi pahinké dhôti parnd las, Ders Balé per dá, ja karn sawal. 7Bald pir bhagat hai, sdddd vurt updr Jo ghar di jdedat si, per sabbhe lai vagge. Shahr vará jdké rakhá bdniye dê aggé. Véche nd! lifdde hath ddné lagge, Pir partiya kah! nd!, ghar jag suraggé. Bals nuri për né chhe chakki chuhdi Pir áhnda kafli nû mêre addh rajdin Loh Mdi mdla dhar ditti, parsád pakdi. Ann pakka par dhér sí, rahi kama na kdi A8 rasôi jiêu lô, méré Thakur sdir. Cheld aftdi jöridi, parh nam sundin sadh khan nun d gayê karke Rabb di do, ROK khdid vekhle nd! riddhd nghin mds.
The ruins there. Two sons be had, Mahin Their mother lived with them. Nine genii And angels five God took with Him. They
had The sacred marks upon their foreheads
Threads And rosaries they had, and garments used By holy men. All in this guise they came To Bâlmik's house. They said, 'A priest of
God Art thoa, O Bâlâ, give us food our fast To break. The priest took all his house
hold goods And sold them in the town to purchase corn Enough to satisfy them. Home he came, And set six mills agoing. Kafļi, soe,' Said he, the men of God be satisfied.' Then Mother Mabin cooked their food upon The fire. Enough there was and more. Now
come,
Said Bala, dine, ye men of God, my friends.' This song the true disciple made-toll forth The glory of the Name. Those godly mon Sat soon to dine, with hope in God. It is Bat bread, they cried, "There is no flesh,
We thought Audit Bald pir samajhsa odhi koi Rabb That BAIA was a servant of the Lord.' dd dda.
(Without a fear the true disciple sings.) (Chéid siftan jordd ho bé visas)
We heard thou wert a mighty man of God. Ass di td suniyd sath bhagat ta koi Rabb dd And hast thou entertained us with such food bhard.
As this is? What is this that thou hast Aiven val bahdor ki ketôi kdrd.
done ? Hui tdi jaké mangda, kbird divard
At some king's door we might have begged Mas pakaks khud kdi, jag kar khdi odrd.
for alms. sddh challé ruské kaun mandurihard.
Oook flesh and feed us, make a sacrifice Cheld siftdi jöridi kar 'aqi niyard.
Complete. They rose dissatisfied. Who Bala ndri per si manduan jdin
could Miliya jdké sadhadi lammé qadam chaldi, Restrain them? Reason's eyes had then the Miliye ja ujdr vich w aru sundi,
true Bhukhi duniya dhér hai, phir vich lukde.
Disciple when he made this song. A priest Mérd kunka chalés chhadké ki dil vich di.
Of light was Bâlâ, therefore ran he quick Chele siftdi joridi, parh ndm sundin
To plead with them. He met them in the sadh aggði partke phir sukhan sundi,
wilds D8 têre ghar bal no chîr déghé pdin
And made request. There are a many men J6 sat vdri Ishrodhinh hai tdi môr le jdii.
That wander in the world. Why did you not J& Rabb piydrd tudh nun idi bal khôvdin.
Taste my poor offering : what thought kept Pir mandké sduhuda mur ghar sal dya,
back Bdlak dôvé kháddá bdhiron mangwde.
Your favour P.' The disciple franied this
song. They answered him, Thou hast two sons at .. home,

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Them dress and boil if thon in truth dost wish To take us with thee. Prove thy love to
God, And feed us with thy sons. The priest
consents And leads them back. The boys were sent
for from Their play: hot water straight was brought ;
the boys Pani garm kardke phir jhal nuhde,
Were bathed: in sight of God the Shah Kar kutha Allah samhna Shdh kard challde.' himself Mahin mdia kol vékhdi, jis god khidde, Did kill them; Mother Mahin, who had held Nainin nîr na phuliyd na gairat khde, Thet sporting in her lap, was standing by, Bdlak hain Rabb dé, ohdé lékhé idé.
Nor ever shed a tear, nor sorrow felt, Chélé sirdi joridi path nam sunde.
Her sons were God's, His gift. This song Larké char chårke deg da an dharaidi
The true disciple made and of the Name Lún visar d&dhidi tích marchdi paiydi He sings. The boys were out in pieces, and, Jdi degan sdk riddhidi cha héthai ldiydi The pans being set on the hearth, they were Ao rasói jibun 18, méré Thakur sdidn.'
with salt Gurzda saddidi chuk lé, chal lehdiye ohhanda And yellow dye, and liquid spices, red Rahddri da thdi has, mat kổi chuk lejandd. Hot pepper too, well-cooked, and set before Chor hów6 agg di pichhdi man pachhotanda. The strangers. "Come, my friends, yo men Ghar apnd sambhdliye kaur chór sad anda. of God, Pir sadde nu Dánéd, Rabb dp azmånda And eat,' said BalA. Lift,' said they, our Chélé effidi joridi parh nam sunanda.
clubs Gurz ik main pakarké lé chaindň déré, Of iron. We will go to dine. We need Jdi mala itthe laithnd tuhadde pds vaļéré, To careful be, for if some one should steal Kis khôde Rabb nú puttardi dé béré,
Them, we should grieve, and some one would Chélé sifida joridi path ném radhére.
be called A thief. Give heed, O Dånd, thus opr
priest Was tested by the Lord himself. To sing The Name the true disciple made this song.
I can,' said Båla, lift an iron club, And home convey it, or to guard your clubs I'll sit beside them. Who has given to God The flesh of his own song to eat? This
song
The true disciple, thinking of the Name, Guradi saddi dn chaudah chuk ék si vari,
Has made. We have,' said they, clubs Chukka jando nán vékhai phir parjd sdrí, fourteen told, Jag sapúran hômégå gal kôrégi niydri
Uplift them all, the world will see thy might, Sohbd téri hôwégi khalaq Allah sdri.
Thy sacrifice will be complete ; thy griefs Pir guradi karké ikatthidi karé narr dhiyan Will end. All men will praise thee.' So he Main nun peyda nên chukni da ih Rabb dd. made farman.
A bandle of the iron clubs, and said, Ghat idin bal chukian chhak gaya trdi • Lift them I must. 'Tis God commands.' Nau d dnů panj dérté vékh hôé hair an
He pat Is chukkida no chauddi, adnnün ik nahin ndi His hands about them, then with effort strong
(To be continued.)

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THE INSCRIPTION ON THE PIPRAHWA VASE.
117
THE INSCRIPTION ON THE PIPRAHWA VASE.
BY A. BARTH, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT. ( Translated from the French by G. Tamson, M.A., Ph.D.; Göttingen. ) [The original article, of which a translation with the author's permission is given here, appeared in the Journal des Savants for October, 1906, p. 541 ff. M. Barth, who some eight years ago, almost simultaneously with the late Professor Bühler, first translated the Piprahwa Vase inscription, has examined in it the interpretations which were afterwards given of that interesting document by other eminent scholars; and a translation of his paper will be sure to be welcome to all to whom the French Journal is not readily accessible. Those who are interested in the matter must be aware that the discussion on the meaning of the inscription has been carried on by my friend Dr. Fleet, in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1907, p. 105 ff. - F. K.) THE Academy of Inscriptions was the first to be made aoquainted with this short but interesting
1 document. I had the honour of laying it before that body more than eight years ago, when the steatite vase on which it is engraved had jast been discovered. The vase was found under a large Stūpa, near the hamlet of Piprahwa, at the north-eastern extremity of the district of Basti, still in (542) British territory, but only about half a mile from the Nepal frontier. The following is the text, which I reproduce as I then received it from Dr. Führer through M. Foucher, and as it was accepted till quite recently. I add the translation that Bühler and myself gave of it immediately, almost at the same time and independently of each other :
yanam iyar salilanidhane badhasa bhagavate saki sukitibhatinam sabhaginikanan saputer dalanan..
"This receptacle of relics of the blessed Buddha (is the pious gift) of the Sakyas, the brothers of Sukirti (or Sukirti and his brothers , jointly with their sisters, their sons and their wives."
This short inscription, of which more careful fac-similes that came in soon after had left not a single letter doubtful, and the sense of which also seems at first sight sufficiently clear, has since that time continually occupied the specialists and even been brought before a larger public; for, the daily press deigned to be interested in the tomb of Buddha," and all that has been written on the subject would fill volume. Yet, as all these controversies presented only solutions that, in my opinion, could not be accepted, and did not bring forward & single new fact, I for my part did not wish to re-open the discussion. But now a new fact has been disclosed, against all expectation. One of the scholars that have rendered the greatest services to Indian epigraphy, Dr. Fleet, has rectified the order in which the inscription should be read; and from the result thus obtained -& result which, in my opinion, strengthens rather than weakens the position taken up by Bühler and myself from the beginning - he has drawn a different interpretation and far-reaching considerations which his great authority, as well as the minute learning and the confident tone with which he has produced them, ( 348 ) might cause to be accepted as established facts. I have, therefore, thought it my duty to take up the whole question again and in some detail. I do not, however, intend to
1 This article reproduces a leoture delivered before the Académie des Inscriptions at its meeting of 18th June 1906. • Comptes rendus de l'Académie, 1898, pp. 146 and 231.
Journ. Roy. At. 8oo. 1898, p. 887 #.. • The two syllable yanamh are engraved above the line. Of course, the words are not separated in the original, which forms a single continuous line.
• Three interpretations are posible: the two given above and "the Sukirti brothers." In support of the second one I bow of no other example in epigraphy. For the third we have the case of 'the three Vasubandhu brothers, but it is only given in doouments derived from China, in which misunderstandings may always be rupeeted. Thus, the first one remains, of which alo there is no exactly similar inatanoe, but whioh is rapported by the analogous use of the matronymio replacing the name. It is at the same time the most natural one, and, upon the whole, the one I deem preferable. It must be mumed that the donors thought themselves wufciently indicated by what was probably their common murnamo.-[Compare now aloo Prot. Haltasch in Wp. Ind. VoL VILL. P. 317, note 1.-9. K.)

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draw ap the bibliography of it, which would be too great a trial of the reader's patience. Of the numerous opinions expressed I shall examine only the principal ones, those that are the most characteristic and really original.
The first objection - first, if not in order of time, at least by the authority of him who raised it - came from Professor Rhys Davids. The word sukiti, which corresponds to the Sansksit wirts and means "glorious, illustrious, instead of being the name of some unknown person, would in his opinion here denoto the Buddha himself, and the Stups of Piprahws would be the identical one that, according to the ancient account preserved in the Mahāparinibbana-Sutta, the Bakyas of Kapilavastu, - here " the brethren of the Illustrious Ono," that is to say, the men of his clan, -had raised immediately after the Master's death over their share of his ashes. The Stāpa of Piprahwa, which is only about eight miles south-west of Rammindēi, the site of the ancient park of Lambini, the birth-place of the Buddha, was certainly, if not at Kapilavastu itself, in close proximity to that ancient city, the exact position of which has still to be determined. On the other hand, Professor Rhys Davids has learnedly demonstrated and on this point I entirely agree with him that we must not take too literally the legends that show us king Aboka breaking opon (with the exception of single one, that of Rāmagrams, which is not that of Piprahwa) the eight 8tūpus among which the relies were said to have originally been divided, and distributing their contents among 84,000 new Stūpas, miraculously constructed by himself in one day at the four corners of his empire. The explanation, therefore, is a very attractive one; it is, at the same time, BO natural that it must have presented itself to the minds of all who have dealt with the inscription. And, in fact, Professor Rhys Davids is not the first to whom this ides ocourred: from varioga quarters and immediately after the discovery, it was brought forward in Indian newspapers. Nor have I any doubt that it was considered by Bühler, and at any rato I myself thought of it. IP, nevertheless, we both of us set it aside, it may be supposed that we had our reasons for doing so.
Among those reasons I will not reckon the objection raised by Professor Rhys Davids himself, namely, that nukirti is not a corrent epithet of the Buddha. The fact is that hitherto it bas not been noted as such either in Pāli, or in Sanskrit, or in the Pråkpit of the inscriptions; nor is it found Among the 81 appellations collected from the Mahāryutpatti, nor among the 58 in the shorter list published by [644 ) Minayev. But we might readily admit that, after having expressly mentioned the Buddha, the author of the inscription should afterwards have referred to him by a simple laudatory epithet. Nor do I attach any importance to the fact that neither to Fa-hian, nor to Hinen-tsiang, WAS kay Stüpa shown containing relics of the Buddha, efther at Kapilavasta itself or in its neighbourhood. But the two following considerations appear less easy to be set aside.
In the first place there is the writing, which is so perfectly identical with that of the inspriptions of Acôka engraved in the same characters that it seems impossible to separate the two by an interval of more than two centuries. Bähler, who with good reason was ever on the look-out for any facts that might prove an early use of writing in India, simply declared that he considered the inscription to be anterior to Asöka ; but he died, without telling us by how much or why. I suppose that his sole reason was the absence of any notation of the long vowel. But, in addition to the fact that this notation is practised with a certain amount of laxity in the authentic inscriptions of the kingi-(it is well known that in the other system of writing which reads from right to left it has never been in use) - it is entirely absent from one of the inscriptions of Bāmgarh-Hill, which no one has yet desired to date before Asoka, and it is equally absent from the copper-plato inscription of sõbgaura, with one single exception. And it is this very exception that, as it would
• Jorunn Roy. As, Sec. 1901, p. 897 ff.
For example in that of Bummindai. Comptes rendus de l'Académie des Inscription, 1897, p. 258
Corpu Iner. Ind. L. PL. XV, Inc. Ant. II. p. 345. Cf. A. Boyer, Jours. Asiatique, III. (1904), p. 485, and L. Pinchal, Strungaberichte of the Berlin Academy, May 1906, p. 494.
• Proceedinge A. Boc. Bengal, 1894, p. 84. - (Now see slao Journ Roy. Ar. Soc. 1907, p. 509 4.-ED.)

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seem, ought to give us a hint as to what was the real state of matters. The simplest explanation clearly is to see in the general absence of the long vowel the result of an intentional simplification, and to regard the exceptional occurrence of it in the plate as a mere slip of the writer or engraver who at the very end and in this one case only reverted to a practice that came familiar to him, not, as Dr. Fleet wishes, as a sign of the still uncertain use of a newly introduced notation. In our inscription, on the other hand, there is no similar inadvertency; here the simplication is a consistent one, and is moreover justified in this kind of graffito, where the characters, slender and somewhat cursive, are traced distinctly but very slightly, as if cut with a knife, but yet without presenting either in detail or in their general aspect any trace of those modifications that usually reveal a difference in time. It is certainly rash to judge of the age of a document [545] from simple paleographic analogies. But when, as is the case here, there is a complete identity, not only as to the component parts, but also as to the style, with memorials of the same origin, hesitation is no longer permissible. It would require an incontrovertible proof to make us separate our inscription from the neighbouring ones of Nigliva and Rumminder by two centuries or more.
THE INSCRIPTION ON THE PIPRAHWA VASE.
119
This argument concerns only the age assigned by Professor Rhys Davids to the inscription. The following one touches the very core of his interpretation, namely, the description of the Sakyas as "brethren of the Buddha." In Sanskrit, as well as in Pali, the word that here occurs in the Prakrit form of bhati properly signifies "brother," and in the present case, where it is immediately followed by the words for "sister, son, wife," there is, a priori, every probability that it has been employed, like these, in its proper sense. In certain cases it can also be used, by extension, for a very near relative, such as a cousin. Now we do not know of any " brothers" of the Buddha,10 and the cousins whom we know he had have nothing to do with the matter in hand. For more distant degrees of relationship we have jñāti, vamiya, bandhu, sagōtra, and others, but never bhrātṛi; at most, this word might be employed in such a sense in direct address, but in that case with a shade of familiarity which would be absolutely out of place here. Even spiritual brotherhood does not admit the use of this term; we find Buddhaputras, Sakyaputras, " sons of the Buddha, of the Sakya," but the religious language knows of no " brethren of the Buddha." When ascetics meet, they address each other as "venerable one," or with ayushmat (equivalent to "may you live long"), never as "brother" and when a monk accosts a nun and calls her bhagini, "sister," it is in a very different sense, so as distinctly to mark the purity of their relations. All the more would pious laymen have scrupled to use, in an authentic document, the familiar term of "brother" in connection with Buddha Bhagavat, "the Saint, the Blessed Buddha," the exalted being who in the oldest books of the sect is called "the Master of gods and men." Even for the period contemporaneous with that of the Buddha the supposition appears to me improbable, and I may add at once that it would be still more so if the inscription were of a later date. Professor Rhys Davids asks himself if the sole reason of the sceptics, who feel doubts as to his demonstration, might perhaps be that "it is too good to be true." And, indeed, there is something in this, but there is something else besides.
Professor Pischel has arrived at the same conclusion as Professor Rhys Davids, [540] but by another way. He objects to the word expressing the idea of gift or of pious act being understood, although the case frequently occurs, perhaps in one out of every three similar documents, and even though in the present case the word need not really be understood at all. It is so, in fact, only for us, in consequence of the requirements of our languages; in the original it is sufficiently expressed by nidhana, "receptacle, repository," this nidhana
10 Tradition ascribes to him a half-brother, Nanda, who became a monk.
11 Allgemeine Zeitung, Beilage, 7 Jan. 1902; Zeitschrift der deutschen morg. Gesellschaft, LVI. (1902), p. 1571.; Bitungsberichte of the Berlin Academy, July 1908, p. 710, and May 1905, p. 526.
A quite similar ellipsis is the rule in inscriptions on coins and seals, where the name of the king or of the owner is simply put in the genitive, without a governing word.

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being that of the Buddha whose relics it contains, as well as that of the Sakyas, whose work it is. Professor Pischel, nevertheless, seeks for this superfluous word, and finds it in sutiti, which, according to him, stands for the Sanskrit sukriti, "pious foundation." No one will deny either the sense of the Sanskrit word or the possibility of the Prakrit equivalent, although according to the analogies of the Pali and of the Magadhi of the inscriptions one would rather have expected sukati or sukați. But all the same the expression is found now here in the numerous inscriptions of that period, which are nearly all deeds of gift or of consecration and in which stylistic formulas abound; so we find in them dana, danamukha, deyadhamma, dhammadeya, dhamma, but nothing resembling sukriti. However, passing by these objections, which certainly make one suspicions, we have the translation: "This receptacle of the relics of the blessed Buddha is the pious foundation of the Sakyas, of the brothers with their sisters, with their children and their wives." In this translation we at once feel the halting character in the original of the construction proposed by Professor Pischel, The genitive bhatinam stands in the air. We are not "the Sakya brothers," any more than we are "the French brothers" or "the German brothers;" we are "the brothers of somebody." It is necessary that this genitive, striding not only over sukiti but also over sakiyanam, should go on to attach itself to budhasa bhagavate, where it has not even a grammatical connection, a kind of verbal gymnastics perhaps admissible in the artificial style of the poets, but one which would be surprising in this language of the inscriptions which, though often elliptical and involved, is always direct. For surely this is how Prof. Pischel takes the matter: these Sakyas are the brothers, that is to say the distant relatives of the Buddha; and as he is accustomed to speak out plainly, he asserts as an established fact that the Stupa is "the very tomb of the Buddha," and that the inscription, the most ancient hitherto found [547] in India, was engraved immediately, or shortly, after his death, exactly in the year 480 B. C. After what has been stated above, namely, that there is little suitability in this fraternal relationship and that it is practically impossible to date the writing so far back, I hardly need add that Professor Pischel's interpretation appears inadmissible to me.
Professor Sylvain Lévi, too, has turned his attention to this patient, so obstinate in not allowing himself to be cured.13 Pursuing the course of investigation started by Professor Pischel, he also sets upon the word sukiti, but he makes it an adjective corresponding to the Sanskrit sukritin, "meritorious, pious," and qualifying "the brothers." From the point of view of the dictionary, nothing could be more legitimate; what is much less so is the joining together, in a compound, of this adjective with bhatinam. For, in this language of the oldest inscriptions, an adjective which is simply used as an epithet does not ordinarily compound with the substantive it qualifies, unless the two together constitute a standing expression. These "Sakyas, pious brothers," then, are naturally the brothers of the Buddha, which produces another difficulty to which I need not return again. I shall only remark that Professor Lévi, who points out the "awkwardness" of Professor Pischel's construction, proposes another which also is not very good, for with him, too, bhatinam is separated in a most untoward fashion from the word by which it is really or logically governed. Professor Lévi gives us the choice of two interpretations. According to one we should have the relies of the Buddha consecrated by the Sakyas, his pious brothers, together with their families. This, on the whole, is the conclusion of Professor Rhys Davids, with a less easy construction, and I think I have explained why I cannot accept it. In one point, however, a single one, Professor Lévi has improved it: he has clearly seen the difficulty of dating back this writing to the time of the Buddha, and he has not failed to warn us against the robust faith that allowed Professor Pischel to set it aside. He therefore supposes that the inscription merely recalls a more ancient consecration, and that it was probably cut on the occasion of
13 Journal des Savants, 1905, p. 640 f.

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THE INSCRIPTION ON THE PIPRAHWA VASE.
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a reconstruction of the Stupa, such as tradition ascribes to Asöka, and, who can tell P, perhaps by order of the king himself. Out of discretion, in which I have little faith, the promoter of the new consecration would have withheld his name. The improvement is a welcome one ; but all the other difficulties continue to exist : one of them, the epithet of brothers bestowed on the Sākyas, happens to be even increased, as this qualification was no longer conceivable at a time when the Buddha, in the eyes of his followers, was invested with all his superhuman dignity.
According to the second interpretation, which Professor Lévi prefers, [548) we should no longer have to deal with the rolios of the Buddha, but with those of the Bakyan, his pious brothers, who, in the well-known legend, are massacred by Virudhaka, together with their wives and little children. The monument, no doubt erected afterwards, as the writing seems clearly to indicate, would perhaps be the Stupa mentioned by Fa-bian, or one of the numerous Stūpas soon by Hinen-taiang on the field of the massacre. The explanation is certainly ingenious; yet I doubt if it will bear examination, on account of the many difficulties it raises. There is, first, the construction, wbich, this time, is decidedly defective : with the meaning proposed, sukitibhatinah would have to come before sakiyanasi and immediately after budhasa bhagavate. Then there is the absence of all mention of the promoter or promoters of the consecration. The researches in the Stūpa have brought to light no trace of it; it ought therefore to be found here. On reliquaries this absence only occurs where the inscription, a very short one, is a mere kind of label.14 For the moment, at least, I know of no other example of it in a formula so fully developed as this one. And the fact is easily explained. The recording of such names was certainly not a case of mere ostentation, on objects destined to be baried deep underground and never again to see the light of day. When we see how on the reliquary of Bhatriprola, for instance, 16 which presents so striking an analogy with ours, there is a long enumeration of names not only of the promoters of the foundation but of all those who took even the least part in it, — and, I will add, when we see how in our own case also, if the inscription is understood as it ought to be, the brothers of Sukirti associate in their work their whole house, -- we are bound to reflect that there was in this something more than a gratification of vanity, and that a mystic efficacy was attributed to the recording of such names, The invention of the pious brothers” does not compensate us for this deficiency.
There still remains the erection of the stūpa in honour of those Sakyas and the consecration of their relics. Professor Lévi calls it a canonisation, and so it would be, but a strange one. These Sākyas of the legend are by no meals the innocent victims that Professor Lévi presents to us. On three occasions, we are told, the Buddha averted from them the vengeance that they had brought upon themselves by their arrogance and bad faith ; on the fourth time, he calmly allowed their fate to overtake them. In general, and in spite of forced ealogistic amplifications, tradition does not deal tenderly with the Sakyas : it represents them as proud, obstinate, and quarrelsome; it by no means hides the fact that the Buddha bad no reason, exactly, (549) to be satisfied with his people, and that, in his case too, the proverb was verified that a prophet hath no honour in his own country. That afterwards people should have been moved to pity by this catastrophe, real or not so, of Kapilavasta, and that Stūpas should have been erected in honour of the victims 80 as to indicate the traditional locality of the massacre, is most natural. The Chinese pilgrims saw these Stūpas, and the fact that in recent times Dr. Führer took upon himself to invent them anew and to manufacture for each of them a nice epitaph in Pali, is not a reason for doubting their naif testimony. But this is a long way from the existence of a worship of relics. For, what we find at Piprahwa is neither a tomb nor a simple commemorative monument; it is a veritable repository of relics. Even without any inscription, the objects discovered there would prove this, 16 namely, some pieces of bone mixed with mangalas, ornaments in gold, gold beads, pearls, small trinkets and images, &o., all that is usually found in similar cases. And these relics must have been
14 As on those of Sõnari; Oanningham, Bhilas Topes, p. 317.
1 Arrhaological Surv. of India, Imp. Berish, xy. For the inscriptions, Bühler, Wiener Zeltachr., VL. p. 149, and Epigr. Ind. II. p. 826.
16 Soo the Boport of Mr. Peppé, Journ. Roy. As. Soc. 1898, p. 573 ft. of. Archaol. Burv. of India, Imp. Series, XXVI. 1; Pl. XIII, XXVII, XXVIII.

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of the very first order, for the Stūpa is one of large dimensions ; even now, washed as it has been for so many centuries by the diluvial rains of that region, it presents a structure of considerable bulk, and excavations to a depth of 28 feet were necessary to reach the sacred repository consisting of steatite vases, two of which were large urns of the finest finish, and of a precious crystal casket of admirable workmanship. That this should have been done for laymen - to the number of 9,990 myriads according to the statement of Hiuen-tsiang - who never passed for sainto, who, still for Fa-hian, were only Srotaäpannas, simple candidates for sanctity and such only in articulo mortis, appears to me, of all suppositions, the most improbable.
Such was the state of matters when, by a simple remark, Dr. Fleet put things in their proper light 18 Hu informed us that, hitherto, we had all of us misread the inscription : that it does not begin with iyan salilanidhane. To prove this, he had only to draw our attention to the fact that it must necessarily end with sakiyana, the last two syllables of which are engraved above the line. The inscription is written in a circle round the neck of the vase, and, as the circle was completed before the inscription, the engraver was forced to add the end by placing it above the line. This is clearness itselt. That it was not (660) perceived sooner, is owing in the first place to the apparent exactness of the first copies, and next to the fact that the faulty arrangement they gave raised no important difficulties. The copies which Bühler and myself had at first received, indeed, presented the inscription expanded into one or two lines; we did know, it is true, that it was written in a circle, like most epigraphs on reliquariae ; bat it was not till later that we learned that this circle was quite complete, and then the matter had taken its bent. For my own part, I might even plead an additional lame excuse: in my first copy the text began not with you, but with the puzzling rending yash; the i had been taken for a flourish and represented as such in the copy, and in my tarn I was naturally bound to see in it one of those symbols often placed at the head of this kind of documents.
However this may be, Dr. Fleet's correction, though lato in the day, is none the less certain; and what definitely proves it is that it removes the last anomalies and difficulties that might still have remained in the inscription. We have in fact now the following translation in telegraphic style :
“Of the brothers of Sakirti, with sisters, with sons and wives, this receptacle of relics of the blessed Buddha of the Säkyas."
Here, everything is in order : the string of genitives, which might have given rise to objections in the first arrangement, is distributed in an irreproachable manner; first, the donors or founders ; then, the nature and object of the foundation, which is the normal construction ; equally normal, 18 M. Senart reminds us by referring to numerous instances, ao is the genitive plural at the end, Saliyanan, to indicate the tribe or sect; applied to the Buddha, it is a development of expressions like Sakyamuni, Säkyasinha, "the hermit, the lion of the Sākyas." So the first interpretation, which Bühler and myself gave, has been confirmed, with the exception that the promoters of the consecration are no longer described as Sikyas. In their own time they were no doubt great personages ; but, as in the case of so many others, we know nothing of them but their name. The detail, however, is not without importance; for it is not very probable that, at the period indicated by the writing, Säkya should still have existed as an ethnical designation.
And, at the same time, there is an end of the other interpretations that I have just examined. The one least'affected is still that of Professor Rhys Davids; bat [661] it, too, is affected, and deeply; for sukiti, having again become decidedly a proper name, but now coming at the beginning, and being no longer an opithet used as a reminder, can no longer indicate the Buddha. Still more impossible are Professor Pischel's "pious foundation of the brothers," and Professor Levi's "pious brothers," who would no longer be connected with anything. Except as a previously adopted 11 Translation by Legge, p. 67.
- Joum. Rey. A.. Boc., 1906, 680 ff. 19 See the reproduction I gave of it, after copy by the hand of Dr. Führer, Comptes rendus de l'Académie der Ingeriptions, 1898, p. 232. In this reproduotion the outlines of the letters are accurate, but the stroke aro too thick.
* Journal Asiatique, VII. (1908), p. 185.

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MAY, 1907.]
THE INSCRIPTION ON THE PIPRAHWA VASE.
123
conclusion, there can be no longer any question either of the tomb of Buddha," erected shortly after his death, or of relics of the Sākyas massacred during his life-time. These interpretations fall to the ground so completely that I might even have been dispensed from discussing them, if Dr. Fleet himself bad not forood me to do so by his attempt to re-establish them, at least partly, by a new interpretation, in my opinion as untenable as the others. As it wonld have been necessary, in any case, to combat them, it was as well to do so in the order in which they were brought forward.
Dr. Fleet accepts, in effect, Professor Rhys Davide' now so improbable interpretation of subits as a designation of the Baddha; from Professor Léri he takes over the latter's general conclusion that we have to deal with the relics of the victims of the massacro. Bat then the sakiyanah at the end can no longer be an ethnical name, as "the Sākyas of the Buddha" would have no sense in any language. So he makes it an adjeotive, representing it as from the Sanskrit madya, “suus, proprius," with the meaning of "relations, kinsmen," which the word really has ; and he thus obtains the following translational which I reproduce while preserving as much as possiblo the order of words of the original :
"Of the brethren of the Well-famed One, with (their) sisters, with (their) children and wives, this deposit of (their) relics of the kinsmen of Buddha, the Blessed One."
I shall not return to the weak points, already sufficiently discussed, which this interpretation has in common with the previous ones; I shall examine only those that are peculiar to it, the construction by which it has been obtained, and the manner in which it disposes of the ethnical sakiya.
And first as to the oonstruotion. By merely casting a glance at the above literal version, we notice at once that it is a strange one; that the first part of the inscription and the last one, which are in apposition to each other, are awkwardly separated by the medial clause, the mention of the reliquary. Neither in the Indian dialect nor in English is this clause in its place; in English this place would be at the beginning; in Indian it would be at the end. [553] And what shall we say of the tantology of the whole wording? After having indicated “the brethren of the Well-famed One," was it necessary to add that these brethren were kinsmen ? And is it not as if the authors of the inscription had themselves felt the want of precision of the first designation ? But then why should they have chosen it? This ancient epigraphic language, anxious to say what is necessary, and nothing but what is necessary, does not usually express itself in this redundant manner.
It will be seen that to bring to trial Dr. Fleet's construction is at the same time to bring to trial bis interpretation of sakiya. I really do not know what he has against this ethnical term. In Sanskrit we find it under the form of Säkya ; in Pāli we have Sakka, Sakya, Säkiya ; the Präkpits of the inscriptions show us Saka, Sakya, and here Sakiya which probably is not to be corrected into Sakiya. Of these forms, of which Dr. Fleet has drawn up a very useful list, * none is suspicious; they are all in confirmity with what we are taught by innumerable analogies of the phonetic or simply orthographic variations of these idioms; moreover, they all enter into phrases which correspond withont the least discrepancy. Why, then, should we expel this term here, where it fits so well, for the benefit of a substitute which the lexioon undoubtedly farnishes, but which fits so badly? Is it, perhaps, because the tradition gives various and fantastic etymologies of it? We should be carried a long way in following this track. If I correctly understand Dr. Fleet, - for his theory is somewhat complicated and is not easily summed up in a few words, - he does not deny the existence of s nearly similar ethnical term, but he will have it that all the forms in which the name occurs in epigraphy, and; with a single exception, in Pali literature, arise from a misunderstanding, and should be referred back to the possessive adjective walya. By dint of calling the members of the community or of the clan of the founder Buddhasya wakiyah," the kingmen of Buddha," they would finally have been called simply the avallyah. The hypothesis is ingenious, but I doubt if it will find many supporters. At least instances of the use of this prolific phrase ought to be prodnced, and hitherto, as far as I know, none has been cited, except the one in this very inscription understood as Dr. Fleet understands it.
#1 Journ, Roy. As Boo, 1906, P. 1991. Dr. Flest did not all at ono arrive at this translation; another one will be found (ibid. 1906, p. 680), with the same interpretation of makiya, which is still more improbable. I shall may nothing of it, as Dr. Floot appears to have abandoned it himself,
* Journ. Roy. As. Soc. 1906, p. 646 ff.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1907.
Yet on this frail basis Dr. Fleet would build an entire chronological edifice. In our inscription, which, moreover, does not mark the long vowel - (I have already stated what should be thought of this omission),-sakiya would still be taken in its original sense ; (569) the inscription must, therefore, be anterior, by at least a full century, to that on the pillar of Asöka at Rummindēi (the middle of the 3rd century B. C.), in wbich the notation of the long vowel is established and in which the designation of the Buddha as Sakyamuns," the hermit of the Säkyas," shows that the possessive adjective bas had time to change into an ethnical term. The inscription would, therefore, be far more ancient than any yet found in India. Dr. Fleet does not venture, positively, any further than about half way between the reign of Asöka and the date generally accepted for the death of the Buddha : for he is too experienced an epigraphist to carry back this writing, without more ado, to the very time of the nirvana. Yet he allows us to perform the rest of the journey at our own risk. On the other hand, he does not disguise bis hope that, thanks to the light the document has now thrown on the true history of the name of the Sākyas, a methodical investigation into the use of the various forms of this name may lead to important results in connection with the chronology of the books of the Pali canon. We may wish that such an investigation may be made ; but we mast give a warning against too hasty conclusions being drawn from it.
One word still as to the construction proposed by Dr. Fleet. I have already referred to the strangeness of it; I must add that this, but not the other anomalies of the redaction, would be more or less attenuated if the inscription were in verse. Now, quite recentlyas Mr. Thomas thought he actually recognised in it a very irregular Arya stanga, which Dr. Fleet afterwards proposed to scan as an Upagiti (or Udgīti] almost as irregular. It is always difficult to recognise an isolated Argå, especially when it presents anomalies as great as would be the case here. But the fact is that in Pāli and mixed Sanskřit some are found which are hardly better, and that, if such a one were met with among the verses of the Thërigathās, for example, to which Mr. Thomas refers, it would really have to be accepted as an Arya. It is true that, in that case, there would remain the expedient, which we have not here, of suspecting the manuscript tradition. Without believing it very probable, I will, therefore, not absolutely reject the suggestion ; but I wish to point out that it would in no way prejudice the meaning to be given to the word sakiyanan. Whether the latter really corresponds to a Sanskpit Sakya or to a Sanskrit svakiya, it would still have its first syllable short; for, long ago Professor Jacobi bas shown that, if Pāli and Präksit necessarily shorten the vowel in position, Pali often and Prākļit still oftener do not restoro the long quantity when position has been removed.
(664) In conclusion, I therefore believe, with M. Senart, with whom I am happy to be in entire agreement, that we may admit the following as a definitive translation of our inscription :
"This receptacle of relics of the blessed Baddha of the Säkyas (is the pious gift) of the brothers of Sukirti, jointly with their sisters, with their sons and their wives."
In short, we must be resigned: the inscription teaches us none of the sensational novelties that some interpreters have thought they found in it; it does not afford us any testimony contemporary with the Buddha, whom it leaves in his vague and legendary twilight, and whose "tomb" it will not allow us to visit ; it in no way tends, even indirectly, either to strengthen or to weaken the accounts of the distribution of the ashes, or of their removal by Asoka, or of the destruction of Kapilavastu and the Sākyas ; nor does it supply us with materials for constructing a chronological system; it simply makes us acquainted, together with the name of an unknown personage, no doubt some local rūja, with the existence (after so many others, teeth, frontal bone, alms-bowl, hair, even the very shadow) of new relics of the great reformer, relios probably more ancient, and which we may, if so inclined, suppose more authentic, than any others. This is little; but a negative result is better than illusory data.
The relics are now at Bangkok, whore, after so many centuries of oblivion, they once more serve for the edification of the faithful.
* Journ, Roy. A. 800, 1906, p. 452. Zeitschr. 1. vergleich, Sprach., XXIII. p. 504, and XXV. p. 292. 16 Journ. Aratique, VIL (1906), p. 186.

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MAY, 1907.) TIE TARVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOBN CAMPBELL).
125
THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL AND JOHN CAMPBELL)
IN THE EAST INDIES, PERSIA, AND PALESTINE..
1864-1870.
BY SIR B. C. TEMPLE.
(Continued from p. 105.) The iudge angwerd (ye Id brought'on tryall before him), we must iudg according to Law wol condems this fact. I tooke my inrney after this to Spawbawne (Ispahan), woh is 50 Leags. This Ld was sent to Spawhawne & Confest all before Shaw Sollymon (Shah Sulaiman] Kinge & his iustices, & I saw him beheaded. He might (have) beene saued but was willinge to die. This was end Aug 1668.25
Att Spawhawne, y court of King Sollymon, Em of Pertia,26 I did lodge at y Companys howse; 8 dutohmen, 4 frenchmen, Kinge Sollymons Saryts, wth ye padreye caime to see me, I baueing lettrs out of India. We weere verry merry at ye English howse. The first 2 days I was in ye citty we kept wtbin doores, the Kinge baneinge made a Crooke (quruq] 27 wth his Weomen & if any mankinde abone Elleaven yeares old be abroad dureing the tyme of the Crook he is kild, (whether in the] Citty or Contrey for 2 leagues, for Notis is given ye day before he make ye Crooke. Its only to be merry wth his weomen, wch ride in all manner of habbits as they best fancy for Mirth. This was told me by ye Wife of a Engl surgion, One of them before she married.
The 34 day, about 3 clock in ye afternoone, ye Crook broke vp, y Kings 24 or adviser, Sheth Alley Cowley Cawne? [Sayyid Ali Qali Khān], sent for me & demanded if I belonged to ye Company. I gd I was a poore Subiect of my King. What, gd he, is not y Capt of ye company oome, meaning Mr fflowers. I told him he would come in 4 or 5 days. Newes caime ye King satt out. He rose in hast to goe to Court. I took my leeue. He said, you must goe before ye Kinge. I went & made my Obeasience after ye Industan Manner & phraise, being in that habbitt, Sollam Alley [As-salam alatkum). He Sd, Allegan Solam [alaikum as-salām), yts yo'l are welcom. Wheere, so yo King, haue you lernt yt phraise being an Eugl man, & laught. I said, I had served ye Magall Oram Zebb. Sd ye K., he is my enemy, soe you are welcom from him: ye Kinge out of his gate showed me some of his great Gunns woh lay disorderly, And two Mortars woh none in his Court knew how to vse. I told him I would charge them & show him yo vse of them. Sa he, are they to be discharge[d] wth stone shot. I S4, wth asbell. Sa he, pray show me this, woh I did, yo King giveing ordr to ye Nasa [nāzir),20 woh is Mr of all his Artillary, I should have what desired. I cast 2 shells. In 4 dayes tyme I had them redy Coted
25 ? 1669. See note 19 on p. 103, ante.
26 Sbāh Sulaiman reigned from 1666-1694. 1 Kourouk signifies & Prohibition to all Men and Boys above seven years of age, upon forfoiture of Life, to be seen in any place where the Kings Wives were to pass, if he were in their company. All the ways are hung on both sides with such stuff of which they make their Tents, to prevent the Women from being seen. And notice is given to all the Mon to retire home at such an Hour: besides that, the Guards at two Leagues distance round about, were ready to prevent any one from coming near the Places so canvast in ... It is said that during the five Months from the Coronation of the King till the year 1078 of the Hogira, which answers the Spring of our 1667, the King commanded no less than sixty-two Kourouke, going abroad with his Wives every time, and visiting the Places round about Ispahan."- Chardin, The Coronation of Solyman III, p. 77, ed. 1691.
* For an account of "Hali-Kouli-Kaan's" restoration to favour on the accession of Shah Sulaiman and of the various offices conferred on him, Hoe Chardin, The Coronation of Solyman III, p. 79 f., ed. 1691. See also Tavernier, Persian Travels, Book V. oh. VIII. p. 218, od. 1681,
" Tho Nazir or Seeer ; Superintendant General of all the Royal Demesnes; and who also takes particular care of the Treasuries, Furniture, Buildings, Manufactures, Magazines, Stores and Servante.." - Chardin, The Coronation of Solyman III., p. 13, ed. 1691,

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[MAY, 1907.
over all wth ye Carridges. The Kinge plact himself On a Hill wheere seats weere mad for yt purposs, And his Ladyes wthin a Roome wheere they might see. The King caime after nearer & demanded what should be don with them, if A marke was to be set to shote at. I 8a, bringe men or sheepe, & ye Execution would show how to reveng himselfe On his enemis. Sheepe weere brought, And one of ye Shells fitted y way we call hen & Chickens, woh shell does ye greatest Execution & made the kinge Amazed seinge it flie, & sd, it flies in the aire; it will doe noe Execution.
I returned answer by yo Ld that brought yt word from ye Kinge, you shall psently se wit Execution it will doe. It flew at yo hight 244 Minutes & fell amonge y sheepe & kild 250 besides wt lamd. Immediatly yo King sent me a horss & rich furniture (the same horse & furniture was that day led before him), & said, Bircala [baraku'llah], Well don.
The other shell fell amonge An other flock 230 paces of. The height it assended was 43 Minuts & fell & kild 132 sheepe. The kinge was verry Joyfull of this, for the Mortars his Grandfather had taken from yo turks, he driveing them out of Pertia, 30
He cald me to him & bid me sit downe. I begd his pdon, being hote, weary & black, & desired leaue to refresh my selfe. I tooke leaue, yo ff [French] & Dutch accompaning me to y English howse. He Sent for me againe & I had the honor to eate & drinke wth him & weere verry merry wh Musique & Danceing weomen (one of these weomen toss vp 7: 8: or 12 balls & keepe them all in play aboue ground), & had wtt elce desireable. The Kinge desired me Serve him. I sd I could not, my King had Comanded me home. Sd he, yor kinge is my Brother & what service you doe me, he wilbe well pleased wth it. He vrged it noe more, but sd, lets be merry, & drank 3 small Gobletts One after an other, standing vp to ye King of England his Brother. I was to pledg out of a Golden ladell31 qt [containing] a pinte &, and was to drinke 3 of them, woh I did, & all ye xpians theire, Abondance of Lds & other Courteers by; & his weomen see vs, but we not them, from aboue. The Kinge danct amonge vs & some of y Danceing weomen.33 Ye King would set his hands a side & laugh heartily, saying, spare me not, when tugg was or Cushings flyinge, I am at this tyme as one of you; oure wyne mad vs equall. But none of his Los drank a drop. This was in Supper tyme, dishes standing & tost downe. But they & the Carpetts then spred weere taken away & fresh Carpetts brought. After yt, he Commanded one of his ffrench sarvants to play on yo violin, And drinke in that tyme was plentifull wth yo ffranks; ye Kinge did not drinke as we weere obliged as to ye Quantity.33 Verry merry we weere, & ye King verry pleasant & iocouse. This french man yt plaid comes vp to ye Kinge 3 seuall tymes & tells him such a Nobleman was fitt to be his Gen". The king bid him sit downe, Sayeinge, I know how to make Geñnalls. This french man, Drunke, vrged it againe; Soe ye Kinge Commanded him be ript vp & given to ye Doggs, wch is yo Death for offend in that Contrey, & others out of Christendome. But ye King gaue some privat notis yt be should Only be carried into an other Roome & stript, & soe stood naked for 3 howers, woh tyme we past in Merth, & mist not ye french man. The Kinge, seing vs farr enough in Drinke & Nodinge, caime and shoke me by ye Shoulder, & S4, rise vp, its tyme to goe home. Wheeres yor Brother, & brought me his Clothes, & sd, carrie them to him. This was about 2 Clock in ye Morninge.
30 Sulaiman's grandfather was Shah Safi, 1029-1642. He did not drive the Turks out of Persia. On the contrary, Murad IV. recaptured Bagdad from the Persians, and its possession was confirmed to the Turks by a peace made between the two nations in 1639.
31 See Tavernier, Persian Travels, Book IV. oh. XVII. p. 181, for a description of the Golden ladle in which he pledged Shah Abbas.
32 For the way in which Sulaiman gave himself up to drinking and dissipation, see Chardin, The Coronation of Solyman III., pp. 77, 78, 87, 88, 128, 129, ed. 1691.
53 Chardin, writing of events in 1668, says, "the young Prince had forborn wine all the last year, by reason of an Inflammation in his Throat occasion'd by his hard drinking."- The Coronation of Bolyman III. p. 130, ed. 1691.

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MAT, 1907.3 THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL).
127
Two days after, we weere sent for, & My flower being come home from Cammertoon [Gombroon], [who] had a peent for the Kinge from the Company, 4 went wth me. Ye Kinge askt me what I had brought from India rare, & gd, theirs few travellers by land but bring rarities wth them. I Sa, Only my person. Sd ye King, we have seene many french, bat few Engl travell home by land, & ye french bring not only theire persons. I then told him I had a Stone [Bezoar] would Expell poyson. Yo Kinge desired to see it. I showed it; he sleighted it, sayinge this is but a stone, what vertge can theire be in it. I s, gine me w poyeon you can, & then yo vertae will be showne.
One of his Capons [eanuchs] brought a Glasse of poyson. M+ flowers then left me wth a looke as if he would [have] kild me.
One of yo Kings Cheife Docters gane it to me. I dranke it, ye Kinge first desireing me sit at a distance & sd, freinde, if ya kill yor selfe I have noe hand in it; haue a care.
I cald for a Basin. A Jarr of gold was brought. I then tooke my poyson stone & put it into a glasse of wyne q [containing] I of a pinte & kept y stone in yo wyne a quarter of an hower or more. ga the Kinge, his Nobles & Docter by, when I had dranke, He stumbles not at it. Sa the Docter, he hath as much as would kill Ten Ollyfants; he cannot live; Its the wyne makes him soe Curagious. With that I drank of my wyne & pat ye stone into a little warme water (y quantity I had dranke of wyne), & drank it. Immeadiatly I fell vommittinge. gd the Kingo, now hes deade. I vommitted
of an hower ; y don, I tooke water & washt my mouth and face & cald for a glass wyne. Now gd ye Kinge, I se ye stone hath vertue. Not, sa the Docter, for a Kingdome would I doe soe much. I must, sa yo Kinge, hane yo Stone, & what it Cost or yu will have for it, I will give yo; But first purged me on my Oath wtt it cost me. I, on my Oath, told him it cost me 3000 Bopees, woh is 8371 10s Engl money.36 He then said, ask a Gift. (Mdd. This was but a peece of A Stone.) In then comes my Cozen flowers.36 gd the Kinge, yor freind is not deade. Sd Mifflowers to me, now y have a good occation if ya vallew my honor or the Company, Ask yo Arreeres at Commerroon woh weere for 4 yeares. I was silent. Sa he Kinge, aske. I askt y arreares. Yo Kinge granted it, & caused thee Acoompts to be stated, woh caime to Two lack of Abasse, wth is about 50000 fifty Thowsand pounds Engl money.37
When yo Lds gane ye Kinge this aoc!, The Kinge Sd to me, had yo not better (have) asked for yor selfe. A smaller thinge would have contented yo, But my word is past, & yors granted.38 But will not y, yoword beinge granted, be willinge to serve me. I replied, wth all my heart, but I must obey my Kinge. Give, sa he, it vnder yo' & Mifflowers hand, if you come not, yu will furnish me wth 3 as good men. Mifflower past it vnder his hand.
The King gave me a Serpaw [saropā], that is Sash, cote & Girdle worth 300 Dollars.
* This was Flower's second visit to Ispahan.' In 1666, at the time of the Coronation of Shah Sulaiman, he W sont by the President of Surat to the Persian Court. He had orders to keep an eye on the Dutoh deputation and their great present, to attend their motion and observe att Court, and learne what their business is, as also by his personalo appearance ohooke the liberty which they would otherwise take in abusing you our Masters and the nation."- General Letter from Surat to the Court, Factory Records, Miscellaneous, Vol. 2. On the occasion spoken of in the text, Flower arrived at Ispahan on the 9th Aug. 1669. Writing to Surat on the 5th Sept. (Factory Records, Surat, VoL 105), Flower remarks that " The King with his Court lately retired to one of his Gardens with purpose after 8 or 10 days stay to proceed towards Gundeman (not fare from Bussers) being Jealous for the Turks who are masters of it." Flower gives an account of his ibterview with the “ Ettamon Dowlett" on the 3rd Sept. and of the minister's promise to " Aoquaint the King with our Complaints, but does not say that he had any personal interview with the King, nor does he allude to Campbell, For Flower's first embassy to the Persian Court, see Chardin, The Coronation of Solyman III., p. 66, ed. 1991.
15 4, ., at 20. Sd. the rupee. .
I have not been able to trace the relationship between Campbell and Flower. See note 19 on p. 103, ante, where Flower writes of Campbell as of a stranger.
31 The author's caloulation cannot be right. Sir Thon, Herbert in 1077 rates the Abai at Ls. 1d. This would make the two lao amount to £13,383 68. 8d.
The records of the time make no allusion to any sugh concession by Shah Sulaimio.

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[MAY, 1907.
The Snowes beingo then in pertia, in yo end of y Month Angust, & soe Extreame y, in of way to Spawhawne, my Sart! lost his toes, we wth extremity of cold rotted of. Soe left him wth M flowers, he being my Slaue (my other Hamstring in my voyage to Prester John30 [and] haueing wife & Children at Bagganogare (Bhägnagar, Hyderabad, Deccan], I gaue yo vallew of 60th to carrie him home. He would not (have) left me but I Considered his wife & Children, soe pted (parted).
Leaveinge Spawhawne yo first day September 1668,40 I wth my slane, a black, A french Padre & 2 Dymond Marchants of Paris, One Monsier Jordan a protestant, & Monsier Rasino Roman Catholic, tooke of Jurney homewards, Beinge Accompanied out of yo Citty wth all yo Engi french & Dutch, 2 Leagues, & after returned.
My Kinsman, Mi Mower," knoweinge in part what Charge I had wth me, 84 to me, Woe is me ye I cannot Pwaid yu against this iarney; yu vndertake it against my will. Doe not yu know St Humphrey Cooke, who ya Conveyed ont of India,*' how he was served. He, imbraceinge me, told me, tho I caime not saife home to England, my service don to y Company & for his hono?, wch ya knot Cozen yohane ynder my band, shall be made good to yofather, Or vnkle Whitty ; Soe we parted. The 2 dymond March, I, My Sarv, & y Padrey I brought from Surratt in India, whose naime is Farre Capusena [Capuchin Brother). The next towne from Spawhawne was 60 Leagues cald Pannuloe; in 5 days wee Arrived theire, all in helth.
Theire we consulted whether we should goe by ye way of Bagdatt Or Towreys [Tauris, Tabriz). Sd ye Dymond Marchts, we desire for Bagdatt but have a great Charge; Towreys is the surer way. We agreed to goe by Towreys, and all went wth yo Coff}la or Carravan, weh consisted of 40000 feightinge men, ye whole (horsses, Cammells, & asses), 100 000.
The next great Towne from Pannuloe to Towreys was 80 Leagues of, cald 66 We, 8 horsemen, wth saryts, left y Coffeloe & caime to Radie [P Rai close to Teherān], & verrie great Citty, in 9 days tyme; Thence for Towreys. In the way was noe Citty, only villages & Sernys. Ye distance was 172 Leagues, weh we went in 28 days, all comeing to Towreys in helth. Four days before we got to Towreys, theire was a french Docter y had cut 3 Blanes for ye Gouerner to make Coides (Khwaja, Coja, Eunuch) or Efnukes [in modern Greek] them to psent to y Emperror of Pertia his Maister, Shaw Sollyman Kinge.
But y Condition of yo Padreys or fryers in those parts, as elce where out Chrissen-dome, if not in, is y noe Man, how good an artist roerer, should live wheere they are, they ptending to all arts, & by that meanes get into places & make prosolites.
A french Padrey in ye citty went to ye Gouerner & told him he could cut Cheaper & safer then yo Docter. The Gou! had ginen yo Docter 40 Tomaines, 6 wch y padrey knew. Yo padrey was fuced, whye Docter knoweing, Left y® Citty, takeing 2 Saryts & 2 Mules, & tooke his way towards Smyrna, woh is cald in ye pertian tongue, Cashmeer [Ismir), & weere in the way buried in yo Sands.
» See Vol. XXXV. p. 177. - Campbell must surely mean 1669. See the note on his departare from Gombroon, ante, p. 108.
• Monsieur Raisin was known both to Tavernier and Chardin, "Monsieur Raisin of Lyons, a Person of Vory gond Repate, and my Companion in my former Travels, embarkt himself once more in this sort of Trade ; and though wo differ'd in our Religion, Yet for all that we liv'a Peaceably and in Unity together."-Chardin, Travels into Persia, p. 2, ed. 1601. See also Tavernier, Ball's edition, Vol. II. p. 804.
2 See ante, p. 127, noto 85. On Flower's return to Gombroon be fell under the displeasure of the authorities at Surat on account of the involved condition of his affairs. He eventually antinfled the Company's demands on him, and, though he lost his appointment at Gombroon, he was, in July, 1671, ordered to succeed in the Custom house of Nay him if Mr. Barton dyes."-Pactory Records, Surat, Vol. 104, and Miscellaneous, Vol. 2.
^ I can find no verification of this story. See the note on Sir Humphrey Cooke, ante, p. 103, note 16. ^ Pannuloe may be the modern Kashan, but it is difficult to trace the route followed by Campbell. .Hiatus in the MS, here. The town meant may be Kum or Kaavin, 46 Fryer, in 1677, gives the value of a tomauu as £8 6. Bd. See Hobson Jobson, I. v. Tomann.

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The Padre Cutt 4; all Dyed. Nowes beinge carried of it, y padrey Kild himselfe, weh thing brought a fiudice [prejudice] to all frenchmen in yt Citty.
129
Next day caime a Coffeloe from Cashmeer [Smyrna], yt said they mett a Xpian, 2 Sarvants, 2 Mules, wth a horsse (woh was starved) by them, and all deade. The Gouerner, when Monsier Jordan & Rasin7 went before him, told vs the aboue relation, demanding wtt we 3 weere. They Sa, they weere fr [French] men. I S4, I was an Engl man. Sa he, all french men are Haram Zadds [haramzada], Deceivers. For Engl men I haue not to say of them, never haueing anie tryall of them.
Must not, Sa he to ye fr. men, yor Padrey be cald to Acc. for ye men hes kild & himselfe, besides he, being to yu as our Casa [qact] is to vs, cannot answer it to God.
I am, Sa ye Gon", not soe sorrie for him and ye Slaues As for the Docter, y Goodman, who by his meanes I slighted, and is now lost,
Wee tooke our leaves & went to ye Seraie, But ye Padreys of that place invited vs to theire Convent, woh Monsier Jordan & Rasin did refuse by reason of ye Gours language.
4 Dayes wee staid in the Seraie; every day the Gour sent vs 6 dishes of Meate. Our Coffelo [kafila, caravan] beinge gatherd to a heade, & redy to goe, we went to ye Gour to take leave & psented him wth some small gifts; but he refused them, & Sd, when y" come this way againe, bringe me some Europe token. Soe we parted; & went thance wth y Coffiloe 23 Leagues before wee caime into y sands. 17 Days we travalled in y Sands with great losse of Men & Cattle, vist Cammells, horsses, and Asses. In all ye 17 days, wee weere not hable to see of horss lenth before vs, or One an other, Or to open or mouths or eies; but when we would eate or Drinke, ye Sand got in like to Choake vs; yet we had Muffellers Over our faces.
They Stringe 100 Cammells together to follow One after an other, And every 100 haue a man On ye formost Cammell wth a howse in woh he sits In, ye howse Coverd both day and night, And in it Is a light & a Compass to guid y Cammell ye way, for ye sands drive soe wth ye wind, its not possible to see.
Wee haueinge 1 monts Jurney more to goe ere we should be Cleere of ye Sands, and or Cattell died soe as wee weere forst to put two loads on One Back, I said, letts turne back, And, Consultinge with ye eminentest Marchant, an Arminyon, & ye 2 frehmen, Judged it best to hyer a guide to pilote vs or way an other way Towards Neneveigh [Nineveh], wch was a nearer way; & Leaueinge ye Coffeloe, we could goe in One day 8 times as farr as wth it. 15 Armynion Marchants (horssemen), ye 2 fr:men, my selfe, and or sarvants went, giveinge 11 Dollers a heade for Pilot money.
Wee had 140 Leagues to Neneveigh, neither pile gras, water or Ought elce in or way for refreshment but what we carried with us. Our Guyde brought vs to Neneveigh in 23 days all verry weary: We staid theire 7 Days, and in that tyme refresht o'selues verry well.
From Nenevey we went to Cornway in 12 Days, woh, at 20 Mile a day, I gess to be about 75 Leagues.
From Corneway we went to Kirkway [Kirkuk], yo fr: men & I then only in Company; we went it in 7 Days, woh is about 60 Leagues.
From Kirkeway to Bagdatt, 120 Leagues, in 13 Days. We arrived in Bagdatt in helth, but left or Boyes in Kirkway & tooke fresh horsses there, or Boys to follow to Bagdatt.
We had but beene 4 days theire, when y° 2 ffrench Marchants feel sick, it being soe hote, yt with ye Brees of ye Sunn, it kild the Natives; & Many I saw, as white as Engl men, kild immediatly & turnd as black as a Coale.
47 See ante, note 42 on p. 128.

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I my selfe beinge at noone in the Sunn, a hote breese hath taken me & skind my face. Those yt weere scoreth wth ye Sann, was of ye Bashaws [Pasha's] Soldiers, web lay without ye Citty, for ye Bashaws of Bagdatt, Kirkway & Neneve weere goeing wth theire Armies in ye Grand Senior service agst Bassora, now in ye hands of ye Arrabs. This was in ffebruary thus hott, & in Spawhawne in August soe Cold as my Sarvt in Pertia had his toes rotted of.
180
[MAY, 1907.
Mad I went to old Babbylon wel is 12 Leagues from Bagdatt, and assended the Tower, & plumd it with a line I carried for yt purposse, & its inst 60 fathom from ye top to ye earth; but theires a great depth of earth aboue y foundation, weh depth is not knowne; its foote broade at top. They are every day loading a way from it stones to Bagdat or new Babylon.
48
In Bagdatt I staid 28 Days, And On ye 4th Day of ffebruary I tooke my Jurney for Alleppo, And in the way, the first great Citty was Hanna [Anal], A Citty wthin a ffort in yo Middle of a River [the Euphrates] woh goes to Bossara, The River Tygrisse & it joyneing theire to gether, And on each side of the River a Citty, And is distant from Babylon 130 Leagues. This Hanna is in y° Wildernesse of Arrabia.
The ffrench Padrey hyred a guide in Bagdatt, & had security by his wife & 4 Children & an Arrabian Marchant that this guide should bring vs saife to Alleppo & bringe vs every 2 days wheere we should haue water. All was On my charge, And I would not haue patience to tarrie till ye Coffelo went. We tooke wth vs noe more then One days water, My Company beinge with my selfe, The padre & his sarvant, My Slaue, the padreys horss & sarvte Mule, My horsse & slaues Mule. All of vs beinge wthout water 2 days, I questioned ye Guide, & he gaue me Crosse language; Soe I shott a pistoll at him to scare him, but after drabd him wth my stick. Ye Padre desired me, for Gods sake, to let him alone, Now we are in ye wildernesse & know not whether to turn o'selves. I was vexed, being redy to Choak, Bound ye Gayds hands behind him, thretned him & cald him naimes, and said, if wee die, we will all die together. This was about 7 Leagues short of Hanna. Wthin 2 Leagues of y place yt I bound him he Cried, Aga [Agha, my Lord], water. Give me, Sa he, my life & I will show ya water. We had not rid a league & halfe, but he lights & S4, heeres water, y Well impossible to be found but by yo guide, for it was not a yard over, and Turft as if It had beene firme ground. These Guides Conseale ye water, they geting theite liveinge for Conducting travellers & releiveinge them with water in y Jurney throw the Wildernesse of Arrabia. The Guide drew out a line he brought for that purpose, and a sheeps skin, [and] tyd ye 4 Corners to gether [for] ye Buckett. The line was 60 fathom Longe & would but iust reach ye Water. I, Jealous [afraid] ye Rogue would ran away, I bound him againe. The Padrey & my slaue neere, both sick for want [of] water. But, refrest a little, we mounted, & psently I spied 7 horsemen, wah caime vp boldly within 500 paces of vs, On weh I fyred a pistoll. They then retreated back. The guide then addrest him to ye Padrey to make his peace with me for his liberty, Sweareing by his beard, his god & Mahommett, he would not run away. On yt I unbound him, & we weere 5 days in gettinge to Hanna [Anah]; y Padre & my Slane sick, wel was y cause.
By perswation of ye Guide we past abone Hanna a league and a halfe On purposs to saue or head money. We past the Towne and caime to a river 5 Engl miles beyond it, & theire sat downe & refresht or selves. Sa the Guide, heere are Rogues. S4 I, all Arrabs are Rogues. Before we could mount, caime 28 horsse and carried vs back to Hanna on foote, for that we had past ye Citty indeaving to sane of head money. It Cost me 144 Dollers & all ye excuses I could make to ye Gouerner. We staid at Hanna **days.
We had not left ye towne 2 Leagues but 7 horsemen caime ridinge after me. I 84 to y guide, who are these. He S, Haram [haramsada], Rogues & Robbers. Sd I, will y" stand to
48 49 Hiatus in the MS, here.

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MAY, 1907.] THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL).
me. Yes, Sd he, if yu will let me haue One of yor pistolls. Sa I, noe, ya haue bow & arrowes, & if I see yu stand not to it, thou shalt be ye first Ile kill, tho I die afterwards.
The guide answered (We seinge them Exercize theire lances), I was 4 yeares agoe Guide to Six Xpians, 4 dymond Marchts and two Padrees who went this way, & by fyering a pistoll, wch wounded an Arrabb in the thigh, was ye cause they all lost theire lives by haueing theire heads cut of. This is a great trewth & told me by yo padreys at Babylon, who advized me by noe meanes resist if we mett anie [bandits]. And would [have] had me left my Armes & other things of Concernem. I sa I had not anie. Said ye two ffrench Dymond Marchants I left theire Sick, espetailly monseir Jordan, Wee know he hath a Charge50 & One Dymond wch we haue beene all about & [? for] or Kinge, & could never attaine to it. Except he left it at Spawhawne, we are sure he had it.51 The padreys did vrge me againe, & Sa, what ever I left wth them should be safe Conveyed to me to what place I pleased; but by noe meanes doe ya travell without ye Coffeloe with a Charge. I denied yt I had onght. Sa they, if ya haue, it wilbe y cause of ye loss of yor owne life & Company.
The 7 horsemen Caime vp againe. They had only lances; I wthstood them, haveing a cace of pistolls, bow & arrowes & a Cutlace. Yo Padre cried, for godsake haue a care wit yu doe; if we resist not they will not kill vs. I was angry, & Sd, if he would not feight, I would kill him. He Sd it was not his Religion to feight. The Guide & he then ran into yo enemy. The enemy Cried, surrender yor selfe & you shall haue noe harme. I would not. Ye Padre cald to me, yu had better Surrender; if y" doe not, y" will loose yo life; I have saved mine. I told him, in ye Portugall tonge, I had some Consernmts about me.
131
I left him wth ye Rogues & past forwards, faceing about everie Minute for y lenth of an Engl Mile. They followed me, & when they se they could not praile, they returned y padre & Guide. My horss beinge weary wth faceing them too & againe, I went a League further, & by a river side refresht or selves; on thother side of vs was a Bogg, and but One way to come to vs, soe as One Man was as good as 20 in an other place.
My Guide Sa, these weere noe rogues but only tried wit rgians weere; they had noe Sadles On theire horsses.
After 8 howers stay, yo Padrey haueing got a napp, Sa to me, those weere Rogues, & my heart [mis]gives me they will follow vs; what yu haue, berry heere or give me. I had sent ye Guide to get grasse for or horsses, for, in ye Wilderness of Arrabia, is grass in most places vp to ye Belly, but noe rode but wit Deere make or Wyld Beasts.
While ye Guide was gon, I tooke out my things out of ye Padd of my Sadle & gaue y padrey some, & some I kept my selfe. When ye Padre see them, he Cried & S4, these wilbe y Death of
vs both.
He had :
3 Dymond stringes wth Crosses
2 Stones yt Expell poyson [bezoar]
2 Great Dymonds
a Blood Stone
a greene stone
120 Saphers
4 Dymond Ringes
3 spetiall Rubies
Kept by my selfe, vizt a great dymond wth Kings arms on it, 8 other great Dymonds.
In ye meane tyme comes y Guide wth grasse, &, packing vp ye things those I had in a litle purss, [I] ty'd them about my members. About an hower after, we see 14 horsse men, 7 of them
50 This does not agree with Campbell's condition of destitution as described by Flower. See note 19 on p. 103, ante.
51 For the diamond with the King of England's arms engraved on it, see ante, Vol. XXXV. p. 138.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1907.
yt had beene wth me in ye Morninge. This was 3 Clock in ye afternoone. We see them before He Sd, men they could see vs. Sd ye padre, we are betraid. I askt ye gide who these weere. goeinge to ye next great towne, soldiers. Yu lie, ya Roogne, så ye padre; ya haue betraid vs.
I was at a stand, consideringe what to Doe best. Ye Guide S4, lets goo. Noe, Sa ye padre, lets stay heere till night. Did not y", Sd ye Guide, agree with me in Babylon, weh I hane given security to performe, & yu are to march when I say goe & to stay when I say stay. I replied, will ya beare vs harmless. He sd, yes I will. Wth yt he went out, ptending to see if ye way was Cleere & staid from vs of an hower, & returninge, he bridled or horsses & Sa, vp, ye way is cleere. We had not rid a League, but we spied yo 14 horsmen in ambush in a valley. They let vs pass till we caime to ye top of ye hill, & then spred them selves. 4 caime One way, 4 An other, 4 the 3 & 2 more, all weh Compassed vs about. I had made my bridle fast to my horse legg & made my bow & arrowes redy, but they caime poothering soe fast, yt all theire lances was about me in a trice, & S4, we haue now got Gunns, fyer if ya darr, for if ya either fyer or shoot arrow, yu are a deadman, & ye rest.
The Padre cried, do not shoote. In ye meane tyme, they struck in wth me & stript me Naked, all saue my boots, woh saued me some thinge. They weere all muffeld vp; I could only see theire eies. Some few Dollers I had about my Midle, wch they psently eased me of, And, starke Naked, made me lead my horse to a valley. I went not fast enough, Soe One gaue me a push wth ye butt end of his lance, weh put me on my Nose. In that fall he spied ye pursse & Snatcht it away; I was affraid all had gon together. Beinge in ye Valley, made me sit a side till they parted my things, vizt. My wearinge Clothes & Lynnen, 3 Serpaws [saropā, dress of honour], One Prester John gaue me, One Oram Zebb ye Magull from his owne boddie, & One Shaw Sollymon King of Pertia, 52 wth other things of Vallew. The Rogue Guide, after Devided, Cast lotts who should haue this & who that Share. Besides these, there was 3 of his Maites Great seales ye Magull gaue me, being had On ye occation before Exprest.
They caused likewise ye Padrey to be stript, & set downe likewise, & set us both downe to cut of or heads. Sa yo Guide, my wife & Children is pawne for yo padre; 53 Cut of yo head of ye other. They gane ye Padrey his Coate againe, Settinge me by my selfe wth a lance at my back & 2 swords Over my heade, sayinge, take yor leave of ye world. I desired them suffer me to say a few prayers, weh they did, & in that tyme they tooke Councell, And mutined amonge themselues, 3 went one way, & sd they would goe & complaine; 3 followed them to bring them back. He woh tooke my Jewells from my members, said, Is it not enough we haue taken his goods, but we must take his life; Theires a God. They made me come to them, & fall downe & Kiss every One of theire feete, & say they had don well in takeing away wtt I had, & to say God blesse them for it, And houe me a Cammeel Coate, showeing vs the way. I would [have] gon ffor Babylon but they would not let vs goe that way.
Wee had not gon an Engl Myle, but two of them caime after vs, & comeinge vp to v. demanded my slave (woh was a Black as Those Arrabs are), & tooke him and My Mule, sayinge he was not to travell that way,
Wee travelled all that night, & next day, weary, haueing neither mans meate nor horasmeate, And haueinge lost our way, we caime to a den at whose mouth lay about 20 dead sheepe. It was about 3 Clock in yo afternoone. Sd ye Guide, wee are all vndon, iudgeinge it a Denn of Lyons Or Tygers; But we see noethinge to hurt vs. Att 12 Clock at night, we, redy to die and our horsses quite tyred, we caime to a River cald Olson, weh runs into Tygris. Then weere wee from anie inhabbitant 9 (Nine) days iurney & had noe pritions. By Gods providence caime downe the River Men vppon Rafts of Wood wth tents vppon them, Goeinge for Bossera. Wee weere affraid, but of nessessity sent ye Guide, who spooke Arrabb, to hails them, The whilst y
53 See ante, p. 127.
53 Seo ante, p. 130.

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MAY, 1907.] THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL).
Padre & I sculkt. The Guide got of them 40 Cakes of bread, Cost 2 Dollers, weh served vs to an old Citty cald Tyabe [Taiyibeh, Taiba]. We travelled 14 days, day and Night, ere we could reach it, and iudge it from Hanna 130 Leagues, for ye Certan Leagues in that Contrey is not knowne, but they recken days iurney accordinge as they & horsses are hable.
133
When wee caime to Tyabe, theire weere we heart broken, haueing neither meate, money, nor freinds, And must pay head money, 10 Dollers a heade. ffor want of it, we weere put in preson & wecre 3 Days theire, but they sent vs meate, & cared for or horsses. The 4th day caime A merchant from Alleppo, And caime to vs, & askt me wt I was. Is a Christian. Sd he, theire are of That Cast seuerall, As Ittall [Italians], Spanyards, fir: [French] and others, of wch are yu. I Sd, An English man. She, give me a note vnder yor hand & I will give yu ye Money yu desire, weh was 24 Dollers, & take it Att Alleppo. I tooke ye Money & gaue ye Note as he desired. Wee pd or (paid our) heade money And tooke Our Jurney ffrom Tyab towards Alleppo, esteemed 40 Leagues or 4 days Jurney. Its all a hard sand. In the Midest of or way Mett vs a partie of Arrabs, wch fyred at vs before we caime wthin shot of them. Wee sent a yong man, woh caime from Tyab wth vs (ye Marchants sarvt yt lent me ye money). He returning, Sa, they are Rogues, yu haus nothing to loose but yor horsses, & if yu will give me 2 Dolls a man, I will secure them. We did, by parroll.
These Arrabbs had taken a Caffeloe of 16 or 17 Cammells and some 20 small assenegers of theire owne Contrey mens. Wee askt the reason why they robbd theire neighbors. He Sd, theire was an Arrabb Kinge in the Hills yt the Marchants had agreed to give him soe much pr Cammell for fre passage, but had not ptormed; Soe he made bold with ye first he mett. Its common to agree thus in those parts for every carrier, wth ye Arrabbs that lie in his way, ffor they say, when Jacob had gott all the blessings, Esau caime & askt; soe his father told him he had given. Jacob all & he must take what he could get. They owne them selues of that race, and Soe soone as vp in yo morninge, doe pray a good prize may come in theire way, as we doe for our dayly breade, & take it with as much fredome as if really it had beene sent them.
The first towne we caime at from Tyab was Sallammity, Two Leagues from Alleppo.55 We rested theire a night. 84 I to ye Padre, now we are out of all Dainger. But ye people where we lay had sent to ye Kinge of the Arrabbs, not far from them, and told him for 58 Dollers they would Deliver two Xpians into his hands. We had not gon a league but we Overtook a drove of Laded Oxen. Sd ye Guide, come lets put on; Now wee are out of Dainger. We put a head of these Carriers or markett people, Arrabbs too, and psently I espied twenty (20) horssmen comeinge easily downe a hill. When they see vs get a head, beinge 4 horssmen, They caime poweringe downe vppon vs. Sd I to ye Guide, who are these. Sa he, Rogues. We made all speede back we could, to gett amongst the Oxen, But they weere vppon vs. I left my horsse and [rar] into the thronge of ye Carriers, & gott behinde an Old Arrabb weomen for shelter. She Cald them Rogues, and railed at them for hindering travellers, but Carried I was to theire Kinge, but did not part wth my Old Arrabb weoman. Comeinge before him, ye Kinge askt what I was. I said, a pooreman, Robd comeinga from Babilon. Well, Sd he, thou lookest like noe richman. He caused ye weoman, by whome I held by, to serch me. Fyndeinge noethinge, Sd he, my luck is nought, yt I mett not with yu before yu weere Rob1, And askt me wheere I had yt horsse. The weoman S4, he is mine. I haue lett him ride, he beinge foot sore. He Sd in Arrabb, Gome Gidde [qumi jiddah]57 web is get ya gon, yu Cuckold. Att last we pted, & I gaue ye poore weoman a Doller, woh made ye teares start out of hir eies for joy of it.
Att 12 Clock the 58 day of August 1669 I caime into ye Consulls In Alleppo, Rich. Bells then at Dinner with him, & saw in wit a Ragged & weather beaten Condition I caime thether in ; And of or [? after] Examition of or Guide, whose life I had offerd me by ye Caddie [gāzt] in
5 This place does not appear in the modern maps.
54 Asinego (Fort.), a young ass. 56 Hiatus here in the MS.
et Qumi jiddah, vulgarly pronounced gumi giddah get up grandmother, and was addressed to the old
woman.
Hiatus in the MS. here.
59 This is the first mention of him, although he figures as the author of the MS.
=

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[MAY, 1907.
Alleppo, but reserved him to bring out yo things I was told of, I depossited him into the bands of Consull Delakoy [De Lannoy]eo & parson Frampton, 61 with whome I left full power to ackt on my behalfe, [they] ptending great kindenesse, not only for my sake, bat theire Deere frend, Mr. John [? Stephen] Mowers at Spawhawne.
The Padrey I had brought out of India wth me, 3 dayes after I had beene in Alleppo, caime to see me, & askt me when he might write On the Consull & Minister. I askt, & gaue him a tyme, but was in bopes, when I see him, he had saved some thinge & Was come to bring me them; for, from the tyme I was Robd, he never told me he had Saved ought, nor did I aske him ; But he see me weepe frequently & tooke notis of my heavy & disquieted spirrit, but gane me not yo lest hopes to expect ought I had given him ; Soe y! w: I had, I was to thanke my Bootes for.
But the next day comes The Padrey, wth ye Padrey Gouernedore of yo Scotiety of ye fathers ffrench in Alleppo, And askt me if it were seasonable to vizitt yo Consall and Minister. I carried them In, & left them all together. Sd the Padre Gouernedore. One of yot nation, now in yor bowse, hath beene at Greate Charges wth this father of ors, And to show to ya of honesty And thanks for his charge & Loue, We come to give him what is his, he trusting of padrey (& he hath saved them for him), & tooke theire leaue, leaveing the jewells on the table.
I was cald in, & noe sooner in the roome, I se. what I knew well, & laid at first dash my hands on them. Sa ye Consull & minister, yu said yu weere Robd. Heeres more than anie K in England hath. Besides we haue advice M flowers hath returned to yor father for yo 2700 pounds, wob if yu had noe more, is enough for anie honestman to live well on. Yes gd I, I was robbd,wch the padre witnessed & swore to, As before related.
I began to put vp my Jowells. Sa yo Consall & Min, Il ya please, we will lay them by for yu, ech I refused. Then, sd the Minister, theires a stone ye Consull thinks wilbe a fitt psent to his wife in England, & would by it. I said it was at his service; but, said he, he will not hane its gift, but will buy it; make yor price. 54 I, it cost me in India 2000 Ropees, besides ye hazard you know & loss I have had in getinge it bether; But he shall haue it as it cost me first penny. They told me out 100 Lyon Dollers, weh is 2016 English money. I looked coldly on it. Come, sd ye Consull, I will put him to it 50 Dollers more. I was ill pleased. Sa then the parson, can y denie the Consull; he is yr freinde & canbe serviceable to yo, & yu have enough and more. Yes, Sd the Consull, besides what Mr flowers bath writt. (Harry, bring my papers) Sd the Consull, be bath 2016 p' an [per annum) his father gave him, & 5016 p' an left him by his vokle Whitty; And soe bated me, yt I was whedled out of my Jewells.
They gave me 60 lb for what was worth 2001, & gave me a Bill payable by Ono Mr Chillingworth at Legorne, wch he could not pay; Bat I baue both theire hands & seales for it. And this theire vnkindness to me in ye ty me of my Anguish tor my loss hath disobliged me, & I hane revoked yo trust I gave them, & put it into the hands of MP John Sheppers, Marcbt in Alleppo, by writeing, the 24 Jany 1669,64 Dated from Roome (Rome), & witnessed by
Rich. Bell & Joseph Kent
in Roome.
(End of Part I.)
40 Benjamin De Lannoy was Consul for the Levant Co, at Aleppo at this time.
61 Robert Frampton was appointed as Chaplain at Aleppo on the 30th August 1655. He held the post till 1970. He was the seventh to fill the cffice, and was chosen for his "extraordinary merit." He paid a visit to England in 1663, when he gave an account of the abuses suffered by the English at Aleppo. After his final roturn from the East, he became Bishop of Gloucester. In 1991 he resigned his see as DODjuror, and died in retirement in 1705. For a fuller account, soe 4 Biographical Sketch of the Chaplains of the Lerant Company, by J. B. Pearson.
13 If Campbell wure really a destituto a Flower describes him to be (see note 19 on p. 103, anto), it is dificult to understand how he could have acquired so much property in a few months. 1.., £225, reckoning the rupee at 2. 31.
" ..., 1689-70.

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MAT, 1907.]
THE COUHRAS.
195
THE CHUHRAS.
BY THE REV. J. W. YOUNGSON, D.D., CHURCH OF SCOTLAND MISSIONSLALKOT.
(Concluded from p. 116.)
Ih sattán simidi da bhdhai, satte hain He lifted them. The genii and gods domdr,
Did wonder. Fourteen clubs,' they cried, Pichhe chukian Hajrat Shah sdn, oh bard amazed, jawan.
He's lifted; one's enough for us. They weigh Us gode di tikar andi di sab fut gayd saman. Seven earths and seven heavens. Once Kumb karn Dainsar ajéhé jinhan di chóli Hazrat Shah, dhur dom dn,
The strong, did lift them, but even he could Ih dhan Bald pir bhagat hai darg dh-e-parwan lift Pir jo guradi chukkó lag aggé painda
Them only to his knees; then his great Tai us svodmi morké mur ghar nur ande, strength Sudmi mangédachhnd, bhojan nahin khándé, Did fail him. Dhainsar, tall as heaven, could Na unhdi lage bhukh hai, na andar jdidé, show Khand kíkar khdiye tuddh hatted kite
Such power, and only he. But BAIA, priest Sakk d nahi auldd dd, gal buri dh kití. Of God beloved, is great. The priest
marched on In front, and so he brought the saints back
Assdi te kbhd si hasdédi, gall 6h8 kiti Balak ti javdi lai jih bhagti dh kiti. Na mai kiti bhagti na kôi kamdi Mörd adhé tral hath vit hai, Rabb dhandé ldi, T4 bard bhagat mahdn bali hai, pur azmat lai. T4 Machh agasối ld laid de dh mak kaldi. Tú Ndme bhagat nün bauréôn mde gad jardi, Sip saldmdn dhariydn, biptd katwdi. Dhanakh dhar sér sehre Sita Rám maldi, Tuddhi Rani Drøpti dikdidi kajwdin Ta jag géon Baldev då, tain de vadiydi, Dainisar kd sir katiya Ram n& Laink lutdi, Tá rdt Bhavisar kafiya hokoh sant sahdi,
His house. They ask for dachnd, sadhu's
tee. They seek not food, they are not hungry,
nay, They even refuse the bouse to enter, saying, • How can we eat thy food P Thou'st murder
done. Thy song thou lovedst not; we but jested;
wrong Thou'st done. Raise now thy sons to life, if
thou Hast worshipped God. The priest made
answer, I have earned no inerit. But three cubits
and A half my body is; and even so It full of trouble is, God given.' They said, Thon art & mighty saint, with honours
crowned.' The priest replied, "God, thou once didet
send The fish, and from the heavens the bow:
Thou didat

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAT, 1907.
Teri char jugan vadidi hai chår Vedd gawdi. Ndiak, Angad, Amar Das, ral bhagat kamdi, Teg Bahadur, Guru Govind Singh daswi
badshdhi, Itnédn bhagat di baureun vari méri di, Ihde yardé kajné phir hô sahdi. Baua, na zamin demán si na lalan siydhi Térd rüh réha rich sip dé, téri umar vihdni,
Help Nâmå once, thy servant, and didst
raise The cow to life again. And Balmik's shell Salaamed thee - Balmik thon didat take
from out It. Janak once adorned fair Sita's head With flowers. Thou once didst send her
Røm to be Her husband. Drôpti too thou veildst, all To hide her nakedness. Then wentest once A guest when sacrifice Baldéo made. The glory thine. The head of Dhaineur
thou Didst lop, and helpedst Ram to plunder once Ceylon. Bha visar too thon stayedst a night With. Helper always thou art to thine
own. In every age thy glory is. The Veds Give witness. Nának, Angad, Amar Dås, United all to worship thee, and Tégh Bahadar, Garů Govind Singh, the tenth Great leader of the Sikhs, were all by thee Assisted. My turn comes: 'tis thou that
can, Save me from all disgrace: now help thou
me.'
Na túa khadhd ann si, na pitd pdní. Tàn ndm mérá jap léyd kar amrit bdní. Tdi qarsdi høyd mai vadda ani, Balak ta jagd id, phir sutte jdni. Dachchnd main lé lézd tan roti khari. Chelé siftdi jêridn parh amrit bani. Dóan jida nun pakar lé chal réch bázdr, Jải kể gaak Badlê đô của da88ê kar, Dachid para earn 7 uni barobat mat, Na dlhdn xékh liya sab hal hawdl, Raji' luôke kha lê và bah tart 3 Par. Chelt siftan jöridi parh nam chatár. sadh růzi holé oh buithé an. Balak dôvé duke kol khalôté dn. Sådh bdlak vékhké hô réhé hairan. Ih bard bhagat mahdn bali hai phir vich jahan. Khala Ullah siri vékhké, ho gayi qurban, Qurbani hundi istarah, kar samajh baydn. Chéld akhé, Dánea, ih jag hi parwan.
God said, OBâlâ, when there was no
earth, Nor heaven, nor pen, nor ink, thy soul then
lived In pearly shell for many ages. Food Thou atest not, nor didst drink of water cold A draaght, but with sweet words thou oft
didst take My Name. I owe a debt to thee which I Will pay. Now raise thy sons believing
them Asleep. My fee I'll take, and then I'll dine.! In language sweet the true disciple made This song. The priest caught up his song,
and straight To the market place to sell them, or to hire Them out to work, that he might have a fee To give the holy ones in fall. They saw, They undertsood ; they broke their fast and
dined. The true disciple has compiled the songs

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MAY, 1907.)
THE CRUHRAS.
187
Kahó, Dánéd, paikalur Rabbé dy ba idé?
La nazdik bandké Rabb pda bahde, Ihndi paskambarda nd! Rabi bhdi chdré pdó, Músd rõļi varjiyd Ralb sad khôwdé. Aide aidé darsh me paskambardi lde. Kaun rís di karangé, ammdi de jde. Pir dkhea, Danéd, hain Mussalmán, . W &: karên Rabb da tére vich sahii inan, Maihmdni Músd Darjiyd Ralb ng kita hai
parwan. Chhe making an pakkdké phir hôr paldi. Núri jhubbd pahinke, Rabb mangan jan, Suriya manda dékt paikambar, magrôi dhakkó
idi. Magron muggari Rabb nún, phir saddai jai. Sarid mand d vikha dittd, sab tut gaya mdo. Gaddi ann laddké, phir naddi lé jan... Khd.ind ann jé machchhida gayd samajh
jahdn. Hoy jay sa púran ne, vich dargdhi parw do Chélé sifidi jóridi sub lihól baydn.
Of praise. Now read adore the Name.
Were pleased Those holy ones. They sat, they ate, and near Them close the brothers stood to their sur
prise. A mighty devotee is this,' they said, And full of power in the world. The
people saw, And loved. This Dânâ was, confome, a good And proper sort of sacrifice. This sort, The Chela says, is acceptable. Say, O Dánů, did not God the prophets make ? God made them his own friends, and seated
them Beside Him. Moses once invited God To dine. He went to call him. Such great
things The prophets did. Who are their equals ?
None. There is no mother now to bear such sons As they were. Dinî,' said the priest, thou
callst Thyself Muslim, prenohet God, but faith In theo theme is not. Monos called the Lord To dine. In vain he oalled. Moses soaked For full six months, when God, enrabad in
light, A pauper came to beg, but Moses thrnat Him from the door bestowing on him one Burnt cake. Soon after Moses went to call His guest, but there, when showed the cake
which he Had given the pauper, greatly shaped was he And carted all his freah made cakos to feed The fishes in the river. This the whole World understood. The sacrifico was not Acoepted.' Thus the true disciple gave In song a full account.
There lived one time A Hindu teacher in Dhanesar town Who read wise books, and had great love.
He was A great astrologer, received no alma, And loved great Ram. One day from thought
he said, "My liver eat when death comes; do not let It burn upon the funeral pile - who ents
Shahr Dhanisar vich sí, ik panda bhdril. Pustak jad õh váchda, diskt arsh mundra Shahri lóg umun akhdé jótashi bhara.
Dan nahin 6h chuld d whnin Raw piyara, Jai ghar é dwé pándha dalildi karda. Kalēja mérd kha 166, jadi man mardd. Aivén vich chikhan de phéid aur mardd

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1907.
Jihrd khdégd kalēja pandhd hai ghar da. Jdi ghar dwé pándhd th saldh pak dé, Pandha bhdra horégd, jo kalija khde. Surile gallda Jastri nit hannin pde. Té veļd hath Bhagwan dé jina Ram duwde, Gané na kute jósiyé, & pannd kal, Vehi ne jind kadah lei, das niklé að nd!. Pet chak kar léo né kalejd bhal, Chhikke utté rakhiye vich kaj rumal, Mühhane sushché 6h fur payé Ehdd barn
shishkar, Cheld siftdi joridi path nam chitar. Jastri us gal nun wit pei prkdre. Us kalēja chhikléôn lah léyé muih rakh d8
bdre, Behar shahri furgayf wedih rakh ujdre. Cheta kof ghar & anke, mal mainan mars. Jistof furké pahandjaks bandas.
Ik lakh tapiya tap kardd á kitd niwds. Tapidi käl. Jastri gas ver o ddr Chhe mahind labbhiyd Balé pir de darbdr. Jastr Bdle ptr do jd sdmhné basthi, Té mérd hai bapt, mais tart Adi bek. Pir jo akhe Jastriyé, phir sun to beti Bahnd ashrid dharm hai, phir barmdri sets Chúhredi dd main pir h&i, td Brahmas bek
My liver will succeed me. This he told To all. Whoever will be teacher great Must eat my liver.' Jastri often heard And well remembered it. She thought, In
God's Good time some one will have it. Death
approached The old astrologer, his breath grew short, The angel of grim death took out his life, He ceased to breathe, they opened him,
they took His liver out -- they hung it in a bag Suspended from the roof and hidden in A handkerchief. Then fasting, at the dawn Of day thoy barned him. The disciple sang These praises. Read and think about the
Name. Bat Jastre well remembering his last Bequest, took down the liver, swallowed quick Two parts, and went towards the desert, for She feared the people of the house. A lad Of holy men were in the wild, 'mong whom She lived. She went among them till at last When full six months had passed, she found
herself With BAIA face to face. Thy daughter I, My father thon,' she said. The priest replied,
My daughter, bear. It is not right that thou Shoaldst sit with me a Chahrspriest, and thou A Brahman's daughter. Go seek thoa, my
child, Another. But she said, "That caste, O priest, Is good that God loves. I have seen them all, Hindu and Muslim priests that lead to heaven And go to hell themselves - yes there there
re Both pandda and mulvánda; I have found And will not leave thee.' Jastri,' said the
priest, My gentle queen, what God decrees, be sure, Is living water ; eat what He provides. Here live, and tend our herds within this
Jarm piyard, pir ji, jihrá Rabb nuri bhdro, Maij tapiyé de vélhké kull sabbho adre. Dumiyd do nich tapt né, pdndhé mulwind, Lokás nun das tarde dp dôkakh jáné. Narak dé pick tapi haki, pándhá mulvdné, Mais labbhiyd hai bhalke phir chhad sahen
jdnd. Por jo dithe Jastriye, sua bibi rdni, Ja kuchh Bhagwan lithiyd amrit kar jdnis, Dittd Bhagrodn die Ehdké, bak umar langhdnf Mal sdddd char khdi vich jah babdni, Jastri kastidi chårdi, kai bayi aydní, Kailidi jd ké chugdidi pich jah niwdnt. Sard din dh chardi piydndi si páni, Dere duo pir de, jád rain vihdni. Sunks gallda pir didi rda bah bdní,
wild.'
A child sho wm. She tended bis black kine In pastures low. All day sbe berded, and, At even sbe lod them to the water. Then At night she heard the words of BAIA with

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MAY, 1907.)
THE CLUEIRAS
139
Déré bahndé rát nün karê ndi kahani. Jastri sddhni lole hai, Pir Bale tari, Duniyd uhnün yad nahin, main vihdi hai ki
kovdri, Yad nahin uhnün vérvé, na jan piyári. Jastri ho gayi sadhni, koi Bhagwan né tårí. Ik din kailidi chardi, péi rdh déndl, Bham mê janđô lôk nế, tối bởahumar, Na lentadthi ik dd na kai dujja ndl, Khaléti Jastri vékhdi, aj ki hawal ? Phir Jastri aggé par de, darj gujari, Bhanni jandi, bdp ji, aj duniyd sdri, Rdh nahin koi vekhdd, pas jan ujdri. Aggôn nahin main puchhed, sharmdi di mari, Phir Jastri nun pir dasdd, sabh lil baydn, Bhalké méld kumb dd vaddd askndn. Vich jiddé phir nahatédit pdp sarirón jdn, Erô mé!a kumb dd, lóg bhanni jdn.
Great roverence. She sat within his hut And heard strange stories of the Name. A
saint 18 Jastri. Bald blessed her. She the world Forgot, nor cared to be a wedded wife, Nor cared for life itself - a non she was. God blessed her. Caring for her cows one day She saw great crowds of people run, and
wondering She asked the priest, O father, all the world Is basting to the jungle, shanning quite The road. No questions dared I ask. The
priest Explained, We have to-morrow morn the
great Kumb-mela, when they bathe in Ganges
stream. At season opportune a bath one takes In Ganges water washes all one's sins Away. This is Kumb-mêla. People ran To it.' Said Jastri, Let us also go And bathe, or else send me, my father, I. Will straight return to-night.'. He gave her
leave, And Jastrt in the twinkling of an eye Will bathe before the world. All such 19
bathe At such an hour are moet for hesyen. The
gods
Jastri dhndi pir nun chals chaliyé asin, Ajihk nahdún sich dd chaló nahaviyé asis Ráji hoké fôr bdp jí, dodi rdt ajjo li Sunké gallai Jastrí, ho taiyar khalóti, humb nahdund Jastriyé, phir ék palkara, Us vélé koi naha lavé, oh dharm dôvdri, Utté bahina thakurda phir ik palkdra Us réle kõi naha Lawé, phir karmdi sodỊA. Jo veld ydd hai mdr paindd sdra. Chélé sifdi jöridi, kar'aq! Rihard. Justri dhnd! pir nún, kar mandi vichar, Thakardi do bahn di nahi waind adr, Ajehd nahdin sach dd, chal maintai tdr. Chélé siftán jöridi, path ndm chitar.
Will sit moment at the river's month And happy be who bathes at such a time. If you such fortune have, go all the way. With wisdom has the true disciple made These songs.Said Jastr to the priost, Thou
kaowest The time when goda sit; if indeed to bathe Ensaros suoh blessing, help me to obtain It. The disciple made these songs to sing And praise the Name. The priest said, .When one
.
. And one full quarter of the morning watch That sees the sun has passed the gods sit. Stay At home. A basin full I'll give thoo. Bathe. It is enough to wash your sins away. Then herd your cows again.' A Brahman
Savâ pahr din charhiya, Thákardi de bahi di
vdri, Niain päni bhar léardigd Ek gadva khari TV gharê Mi bahké miha léin, paf pap utdrin Ja tú mich ujar dé, péi kailidi chdrini, Ik Bdhmun bdl umar si, dahi kushth satdid, Likdi ulman Akhiyd, Bdmand hô siydnd,
Who once became s leper. People said, "O Brahman, wisdom learn, to-morrow is The bathing day. So he prepared his four, And grain, and when they asked him whither he Was going, To the Ganges,' said he, 'I

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MAY, 1907.
Bhulké m&ld kumb dd; tú 6thé jdnd,
Must go. The true disciple has composed Pallé kharch pd láyd ad té dana,
These songs he seeks God's grace. The Puchhan uhndi låg jad, Andd main Gangd jdnd,
His way, but fate marked on his forehead Chélé siftdi jindi, mange fart rabbdná,
helped Bdhmar rdhôn ghuské pai g' ya udri,
Him - fortune him befriended. Jastri fed Ohdo lékh matche de khul guyé, kiti mastak Her cows in the jungle. Why,' she asked, ydri,
look you Angé Jastri nich ujar de, pei kailidi chdre. So swollen P' He said, My parents gave me Puchchiyd Jastri, Bdhmand, téri dehf haf birth, bhart,
But God has smitten me. My bread, and fate's Jarm dittà si mdpédi, dukh Rahb cha ide, Gift, water, bronght me here to you. I have Dané pání parllabhat, tainan an mildyd, Both elder brothers and some younger too. Nikk& vadde bhurd nê, phir sabbhd vihkdb, But I an outcast am. My sisters have Bhdhidi sôvdní dn jinhdi odlal jas,
Fair children. Now I go to bathe on this Maii chaliya nahdún lumb dé, Rabb köth Great Kumb day, that my leprosy my God gardé.
May cure.' O Brahman, now there is no Kumb wahdurid Bhmand, phir hai nahin wld, time Tainan 6thé jándéda hajad kes veļa,
To bathe in Kumb. Go home, and twelvo Pichchdi ndri mur jd khai, ghar ja sapóra, short years Bardh barof Ab of, phir ihd véļa.
Will bring the blessed time again.' 'A poor Bahman wait andikodi, dulk Rabb cha Idyd, And hapless Brahman 1! God sent this ill, Dana parif pardlabhal, taringni di mildyd. A water and my fate have brought Bahman Nath cheha jórdd, phir
Me here. The Brühman stood with folded Hath jorké khard hogaryd, or qadamdi te
hands lyd,
Before her ; placed his head upon her feet. Mihr & gay men Jastre, da tarsón dyd, Sho pitied him. Come to the but,' sbo Dérê addde shal Ichdi, jikar pîr & dyd.
cried. Janda Bahmari rdhi nan Jastri pd liyd bdadhd, The priest may now have come from Ganges Jeun Hir pattal tok márké, ghar Ranjha anda. stream.' Jewi Jawe pattan mulliya, ghar Punnd didd. She captured him as Hir did Ranja when Jéssi sohir dubbi ni vich, mit 'asho satdida. She made him leave the boat-bridge on the Joun Rodd mdr dr bhadhidi khare lourlanda Jeuw magar Balock di bhaned of janda. As Sassi sat on the bridge and brought Jastri dhridi për nd, Taindi karm rabband, again
IN Bahmari hai andth, dahi kushth satånd. Her Punna ; just as Sohnî for her love Mar&#haya körk dd, dindd marr Gungdjana Was drowned, being sick of love; us Roda Ihdit layd nudk-18 jat, sh jag has shahdad. Pir de dil taro dgayd, man i dgayd wihr, Being beaten. He ran after the Baloch. Ileko gadod paní dd, adnnun tréhdyda nün dhér And Jastri said, O priest, God blessed art Gangl jal te suflet, hath pinde pher,
thou. Pir Bald bardd wala land& dér.
This Brahman, leprous, goes to wash himself Pi 38 dlehe Jastrfya, chauphene vakr In Ganges stream. If he is cured indeed chatsphéré,
A Shahi sacrifice we see. The priest Gongd jal td sa ddis, sk hath pinde phare,
Was moved basinfal of water was Dukh hdd phir kațiye, ghar jde saréré, A stream for thirsty souls. "The Ganges Bakman dl haqq Jastrt jów pdndo mole, stream
Pour on thy body; rub thyself.' The priest Groat Bald helpe, and lingers not. He said
0 Jastu, find a pond and straightway throw The Ganges water in, and in it let
cried,

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MAY, 1907.)
TRECHUHRAE.
141
priest
Jastri utthé pôdyd hathdi té pení,
Him bathe, and whole return.' So Jastri, Ih bi shag un tadón dd, phir jug kahdní,
just Ring mshardi chukidi, phir ddné páni.
As Hinda priests on Ganges' banks are used Chola akhe Jastri, Bahman li jdni.
To do, poured water on his hands. From Chappri vêkhi Jastri, bhanní té gahri,
thence Ganga jal w safiy, tubkhê Bahman mdri, The custom rose in the world. "Twas then her Ondi kaydi suddh hôgayt, jéuni lal angiydri. bread Drujji fubhí mérké, phir dalil guadri,
And water took their rise. The chela says, Méré lékh mathé té khul gaé, phir mastak Jastri, theo the Brâhman will take clean sdri.
Away! The pond that Jastri found was full Ih méra Bhagwan hai, koi kishan qutari, Of mud and stagnant water, so he poured Muh utte hath phérké, Bahman ļwbhi triyi The Ganges water in, and forthwith dived. mdri,
His body grew like burning coal, quite whole. Jastri mang lain di dil vich dalil guzdrí, A second time he dived and in his heart Us ôchhalleội pani sathiya, Idí sú tår, Conceived a thought. Fate's impress on my Bahman puchché Jastriyé, Vidhi hai, kövdri? brow Bahman dlhé Jastriye ndl mêrê jdin
Has helped me now my fortune's clear-the Pairin kısidi paks hamél handdin, Nath, dandidi, drsi, sir chunk che pdin. Is like a tod to me--he is for me Na! méréft pao, Bahmani saddin
Krishn incarnate. Once again be rubbed Janga! vich bai thké, aithe ki banden?
His face in his hands, and dived a third timo.
Now He arm resolved to ask fair Jastrl. Then He splashed and swam, and said, O Jastri, say Are you a virgin or a wedded wife ? Come, Jastrt, come with me - I'll give you
gifta, Feet ornaments and necklace you shall have, A nose ring, ear-rings, thumb ring, golden
crown, All these, and you will be a Brahman's wife. What have you here in this wild jungle? Pat
You off your plaid, and you sball have a gown Travar las lai pat dd thüri cha lain,
Of silk.' Bat Jastrt said, 0 Brahman Jastri akhé, Bahmand, ih gal hai kuri,
this Moin charnin lagi hdi pir di, meri pai gayi can never be, for I have humbly sat puri.
At this priest's feet, and he has blessed me. I Na trêvar lend pat da, mais nun changi hai cere nonghi for silken clothes. I love my bhúri.
plaid. Na doli chashnd shagan db, na khani chúri. I care not for a palangain, how good Ta jdkar k6i Bahmani, main hunni hdi So e'er the omens be. Rich food is not chúhri.
My choice. Go wed & Brâhman girl. I am Chélo siftai joidi, karké manjúri.
A Chûbți.' With great pains these songs Blhman aygé pir dó, kiti arz6.
were made. Tesi jangal andar ho rahe, naha labbar kói. The Brahman humbly made request before Ghar tuhaddi Jastri, kaithon paidd hoi. The priest. The jungle is your home; you
have

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(MAY, 1907.
Chélé siftdi joridi kardd arzői. Maia phir jaddi Bahman hai, na pap na
Ndi, Téré bahé té anké, main sevd hai ldi, Jastri mainan chd dé, gast mandi sahí, Jé phir Jastri na dé ér, mardi katari khai. Pir jd akhi, Jastriye, vékh Bahman benard, Hun jhuldd dukh nún, han mangda vidh, Nat dê phin tur paỗ, sơ khân a chara, Vas méré phir kuchh nahin, magar andối ild Jastri aggê pir dé, la baithí chard,
No wife; how could fair Jastrl be to you A daughter P' This the true disciple makes These songs with lowly heart. 'A Brahman I, No bard or barber, I sit at your doors A suppliant - give her to me, & boon, Or else I will with knife relentless take My life. The priest said, "Jastri, look at
this
Kyús rdh bhuland haqq dd, ki karnd kdrd. Magar méré pai géớn, Bahmand gaward, Ranndi phirnd bhdļdd, ajé huisdén dul
hiydra. Bdle pir Jastrf nún, ik gal sundi, Súd of sat panti, ghar Ram vidhi di, Harichand Idrdi 16 leida, pari arahối toi di. Loi bhagat babir de ghar vidhi ki, Kubjan då ghar kden höyd, Bashden vidht Jis Baba Nanak jammiya, dhan hai oh mdi, Kithôn vadhé pirmathi, gal baridi nahisi, Chelé siftdn joridi, pash nam sundi. Chup kar gayi Jastri, dyd sharmdi dd vald, Bahman d& ndl ja Lhdi, dán deui changerd. Jad nau nézd pdní raggiya si, armdní ghord Téri kuttiya sukki rihi si, pdhi nahin ghafiya
pherd. Tu bi sukhi rêhd sdhér, karm kit changerd. Deatedo kếtới mang lẽa, chand, duraj, zamon
hai târd. Ôi đàn để khai, mang khai changira. Chéld siftdn jöridi, kar 'aql vadherd. Balé par us poļi siklaump kardi,
Weak Brahman-bat a moment gone he was A sorry leper, now he wants to wed, Go with him - let him not for your sake do Himself an injury. And blame me not, For you yourself did bring him.' Jastri then Began to make excuse in presence of The priest.. Why send me hence away
ont of God's way? Why should I take this step? Oh
why, O Brahman, have you followed me? But now A leper, you come women to pursue.' A The priest to Jastri' said, 'A virgin pure Was Site Haricband did marry her To Ram, the fairies in attendance. Once Too Lof fair became the wife of saint Kabir. Kubjan gave birth to Kahn, the wife Of Bashdev was she. Blessed was the one Who bore great Baba Nanak. Thus the world Was peopled.' The disciple made these songs, Then ging and glorify the Name. So still . Was Jostri, bashful grown. "Go,' said the
priest, This Brahman wed. I'll give you dowry
large.' She said, When once a flood full nine spears
deep O'erspread the earth, the sky was dark with
clonde, Then thy house only stood as dry as dust When all the world was flooded. Thou did'st
get A blessing from the gods - the moon and
sun Are witnesses. That blessing give to me. The privilege of begging, which is good.' The true disciple has compiled these songs With wisdom. Bâlâ gave to Jastri right To alms and gifts at every eclipse
Chand graha kd dan ditud phir Jastrf idea.

Page #155

MAY, 1907.)
THE CHUHRAS.
143
B&jd 18r8 vishối nowegd, ndm Védvd dhardin Chand grahn ming khange, ros qóyamat tdin Sadda dan ditu, Dansa, aj dedi aiyanidn
tdra, Jhoths, maale karlet, kisf Mussalman nun
sundis. Dans Ilhé per nún, Mussalman hô jdin, Musalli karln palk vich, shartdi karvdin, Kalma pashé Muhammad da, in min hó jdin. Mazhab 'Adam da saddiyê, bihishti jdini, Pir jo dlhé, Dåned, suri sdddi bat, Na kadi rôna rakhiyd, na pashi namdı, Na Adam dá mashab do vich haua, na kalmé
de seth, Pichchda dasadi khalke, sdri qurd dt. Bavé Adam léd sí, vich bihishtdi vds, Us ddna khadha kanak da, pét bharvda. Osak maila dund, ih bhairi bish, Hullem kitd Rabb bhad nún, w led sa bhash. Us té shard challdi paskambardi, maile té lata
na visvds. Kikar khadki, Dåned, bhed, paikam barda
påk,
Das, kado tú réha sdéi vich bihishtda rdt ?
Of the moon, and said, "My child, from thee
will spring A people called Vedas, who till the day Of Resurrection will take alms, the moon Eclipsed. O DANA, know Chat Vadvas take Due gifts, this blessing being the cause.
Repeat False teaching to some Massalman.' 'Be
come, Retorted Dâna, Mugsalmân yourself. Masalli I can make you in a trico. The way I know - repeat the kalima Of our Muhammad ; be among the true The faithful. This is Adam's faith, that will Bring you to heaven. The priest replied,
Fasts we Have never kept, por offered Muslim prayer, We know not Adam, nor the kalima Shall I to you your history tell P Know then Your father Adam lived in Paradise. Where once of greed he ate a grain of wheat. That in him caused corruption, which the
sheep At God's command did eat. All refuse is, Therefore, forbidden. But the sheep you
eat, And it is all unclean, When did you spend A night in Paradise ? What caste was there? His kalina I'll speak with all my heart Who came from thence. The true disciple
made These songs, being free from care. Dana
replied, * The aw allows us : we will eat such things As history approves. The prophets gave A perfect law - we follow them. Then
said The priest, Dânâ, false are all the tales That are of prophets told: the sheep did not Abstain from food forbidden. For your wives You gamble, saying, God bade you. Fourteen
parts You say the world contains, with nine great
poles And all Muhammad's. Why then sadly died Bis daughter's children without water ?
See
Kthrf 8th ditthi adhi, ik Rabb di dt? Us då kalma parhdingo, larks ikld's. Clệ tái jorsai lỗ bể papan. JS 16 shard chaldt paikambardi, oh chiz nakin
makrihet, walman khdaní phir ndl ravdit, Paikambar jihri kar gab, phir bull hikdit, Aasda furnd usdé, phir na! hiddit.. Pir jó Akhóa, Dansa, paikam bardn di sabh
jhath kahdní, Bhed nahin of maila chaddiya, tdi nahin si
khdit. Sharta iná, d88 istri didi, Ahnde Rabb di
farmdní, Chaudah tabak kahnded, nau qutb rabbdni, Phir bikar dohtré mar gayê, phir bdjon páni Chata wifida jorida parha amrit bani. Na rosa na ashimi, na haj id quadri.

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144
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1907.
Na 'Adam dê mashab di lôr hai na kaml&
di vari, Ta bi khólké das khan, apil gur parndli, Chéle si/tdn jorida Rubt paij Rawdri. Pir jo akhed, Daned, sun odddian bdtdin Bdvd 'Adam this hoidi ni, phir sabbho zatda Magrôi uttpatf hot hai Brahma thin jour
shdkhdi,
The true disciple made in language sweet These songs, and sings them. Fasts we
keep not, por Do we keep Hinda days, nor go pilgrims To Mecca, nor keep festival like yon, Nor Adam's faith we follow, por repeat The kalima. Speak of your own quite plain., The true disciple has composed these songs, God victory gives. The priest said, Dana,
hear
Main jug chhatti rohd adi vich jal bhimb de
rdidi, Othé kalma pathiyaw ek dd, dujjd kéks&
akhda, Chels siftda joridi, khól sashchidä båtdi. Chaudhri Ram Chand tad Akhiyd, sun Dance
qdzi, Gallda kar lá muih nal, na karli dardzi. Pichché Dilli da takht hai, chugatté Gdaí, Othôn tíkar jdngd, chash ghôridi idzi, Dåná akhé, Chaudhrí, phir to kijanen, Ath Nikkidn khake, pai rahén parchhduća, Sanghní lassi piké, hal tú péyd vdhen, Il paskambar di shard noi, anf jannada
muludna, Dépf Dds Khatri kot mlyd dhari, Us parvarish kiti për di, ki béchamári, Paisd 6hdd vartdé, Khatri hath pasdrí. Parhé di vich khalke w ars gudri, Sun tú, Dana gdziyd, mat tårí mdrí Assda te indi pékh ist, auliydi sdrí Assi jó Hindú loks hdi, patthar núi séu or, Réfi dnda ndi khán rün, led patthró, jóvón, Tíka mathé ldké straj nun sévői,
My true defence. From Adam sprang the
castes, And after him like branches people grew Of Brahma. None else has there been. For
six And thirty ages floated I in deer Dark water, where I the creed did say Of him who is the Only One. Whom then Can I call equal to him P' None. These
songs The true disciple made, and vindicates The truth. Then outspake Chandri Råm
Chand, Hear, Thon, Dana, teacher of the law, speak as Thou pleasest. Use no force: in Delhi
rules A brave Chugatta. I will swiftly ride To him.' Said Dân, What knowest thou,
my friend, To eat eight loaves, and sleep in the shade, or
drink Curd water, or go plough the fields. The law We doctors only know.' A Khatri was Rich Devi Das, who showed much kindness
to
The priest. So rich he was that other men Did borrow from him. This man standing
up
Amidst the crowd said, Dânå, doctor of The law, you have become a fool. We saw The priest's strange powers, although I am
Hinda And worship stones, and offer bread and
say To idols, Eat ;' the sun we worship, see The marks upon our brows. We doff our
clothes

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MAY, 1907.)
THE CHUHRAS.
145
Ae
Liye duallón lahké nahávôn te dhôvón, Devi Das Akhiyd, Hindd mera ndi, Mais kadi nahin gal chhapdi, hur chhapändå
ndhan. Diod bhariyd paní da, vich batti ih pdi, Divd dé chhadd balké, gal sachchi ih tdia, Divd je kar na bdliyd ehard jhuthi hai tdin, Déné ikatthé kar léyé sdré mulodné. Vadda dp qdzidn, dd tafsirdis jáné.
Alim fazil maulvi ravaiyatdi wdlé, Sabbho jaké bah gayé, phir divê de duwdila, Oh de h&th dharn Quran bi, kitabár váru. Iand tuninnd kullôhu,' parhn, munh this
parhké pukdran. Fazl Ilahi mangdé, parh sahifan maran, Divd pdni da balad nahin, hath kanndi na
máran, Jhúthé gází ho gayé, phir hath na háran, Bhawene jháthé ho ján, paé raula é maran, Dáné gází ákhiya, Divá Pir Shah bale Khalóti hái khalgat hai, phir sabh dudiis, Sabbhô math te kangé, ral gází sdré,
And washing don them. Hindu I, I speak The truth and fear not. Here a lamp filled full Of water stands - a wick I place in it. O doctor, light it by a miracle. We then shall know you true: unless you can Your boasted law is proved a lie.' He called The teachers all, did Dânâ, and he sat With all the learned men around the lamp. The book Qoran they placed beneath it, then Thoy ranged their books about it, while they
said, Innd tuainnd loullóha,' and breathed Upon the lamp. They asked God's grace, they
threw Their verses at the lamp, but all in vain ; It would not barn, and they were ashamed
indeed, But still they kept their spite, and made a
noise In anger. Dâna wid, Let the Pir Shah light The lamp. The whole assemblage will bow
down Their heads before him, and & robe we'll
give of honour, which he'll wear and go. The
priest Great BAIA, priest of light, sent for those that Revero the Name, and Dada, Phaggy, who Proclaim the truth, stood up with folded hands. They warmed their wooden drum and sat
before Great Bala, priest. O sing,' cried Bala, 'sing: Sing hymns in praise of that great Name. The
lamp Shall lighted be.' So Bala, priest of light, Did shout, and lo, the lamp with water filled Barst into flame, and Bali's fame was saved, By God who helped him. This was grandson to Lal ķhân, the son of Pir Dhagana. Thou,' Oried Dana Qazt, are a doughty weight. Sit in the mosque. Thou art no Chuhra, thou ! A wonder thou hast done - disciples we Are henceforth. Thou art & saint. When the
priest' But heard the name of mosque be went into God's presence, where he standing made
request, This Qazi here has made mosque that
coet A lakh of silver, and a ourtain he Has curiously contrived to kill me. Come,
Phir sir 6 pd déange, id jde dudlid, Bdie nur për në Nam Dharí saddé, Dada Bhaggû gidní, agge hath ne baddha, Cốp rabbana sẽ kkê, PỀ Bale agge, Nam jappo ķhdi Dhadhio, phir divd jdgé. Balé nüri për nó phîr ndrd vdhya, Divd bhariyd pdni dd Pir Shah jagdya Ohdidi Allith lajjdi rakhidi dp madad si dyd. Lal khan da potrd Pir Dhagåné jaya. Dane qdsi Akhiyd, Ta súrd púrd. Vich masiti chal bahô khan kaun tainun ahnda
Chúkra, 74 dívá pdni dd baliya kam kito purd, Asin tán téré chélé hdi, ta pir hai púrd. Sunké pir masit di dargdhe jab, Ja khard dargáh vich, já arz sundi, Lakh rupiyê läks gází masit bantái, Oh de ôtte parda páké, méri maut sú bandi, Tuddhé pardé kajne mur hô sahái Chéle siftan jorila oar Durga mát. Allah akhé, Baleá, tú pîr hai bhold.

Page #158

146
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1907.
Bhangard & l& gaib dé 16 uddan Whagold, Sail karin masit dá na rakhin raula, Rabb kisf nahas vé khiya, mássd ki told, Balá ákhe Rabb nur, dé pak pahan, Nál mére for paô, phir hóké sach nás. Jados musit varenga léis aggôn vekh, Main sámné hô khalôvángá faqirán de thékh, Rabb bandye, Baléa, téré wokché lékh, Térí sání nahin koi, hô dê han anek, Bálá pir partké masít val jáén, Aggé schalota Rabb sí, While sámné jain. Matha têké Rabb ndri Shah sis Marai, Chélé siftáis jórida parh nám ráin. Bálá pir masit vich, báh artás kardá, Nále për kaháðndá nálé Rabb this darda Panj wagt namda guadrda bah andar parāda, Mang dud Rabb thôn pir par bahar si dharda. Ptr masfton nikliyd, hô aggé nálói changa Kandida diggidi gürraké, khús ho gdyá nanga. Shahr sdrá si vêkhdd, Id dil di sangá.
And help me, save me from dishonour.'
The Disciple has composed these songs, by help Of Durgå, goddess eloquent. God said,
O BAIA, thou art simple, take for me Strange vehicles unseen, and flying beds, And move about the mosque unbarmed. Let
not This thing remain disputed. None has seen God, nor does any know what weight or
size He is.' So Bâlâ said to God, Give bread, Even boly bread to me, and with me be A true Name. When I enter look on me : I in the garb of holy man will stand Before thee. God made for thee, Balâ, fate, Good fortune. Second hast thou none, al.
though Pirs there are a many.' BAIA Plr returned And straight advanced towards the mosque.
God there Was standing. Bâlâ went to Him, and bowed His head. The true disciple has composed These hymns, and reads them to proclaim the
Name. Within the mosque our BAIA sat and prayed To God. A priest was he and reverent. Five times he prayed, and then appeared an
hurt Without the door, when orash the masjid
walls Fell flat; the well lay there exposed to view Of all the world. The whole town saw and
stared. They cursed the Qazt Dana, saying, Thou Hast meanly done.' But Bala stood before Them in the open. Dânâ planned again. We'll feed the priest," he said, and sent for
him A robe of honour. "We'll not let him go. We'll say he never came.' And so be called The cooks most skilful of the town and loads Of ghi and four prepared, and said, 'I will Kill rams and goats when Bâlâ comes to be My guest.' So cakes and rice and all things
good He had the flavour spread afar. These
songs The true disciple made, and sings them for The Name. 8o Dinâ thought, This priest
shall not
La'nat dándé Dáné qúef nún, kan litá nahli
changa. Pir masítós mika!ké, phir bhar dyd, Dáne qdsi dil vich, hôr shuugal jagáyd, Pirro jád khake sir ô på mangrayá, Ihndi jár na détrá, pir kadhi nahin dyan Karigar sab shahr de Dand mangrode, Gold da khong da nha ghét ago, Kuati dumbá bakro Shah jab ghar dd, Andranod kachaurlai kasdh bansode, Ghed maids moke, palewdri hadde, Baabattf 16 mushkand», chdwal mangrodd, Tarkt laggan pulad ndi khushbos jas, Chald siftdi jordi park nim sunde,

Page #159

MAY, 1907.)
THE OHUHRAS.
147
Dana qdxf dil vich dalfl daurdi,
Without good trial go.' He killed and hashed Pir aivén fur na jaén, phir bds azmdén, His cat and dog, and gave them to be cooked Ghar dĩ luttt billi óh tabh kardé,
By the village barber, saying, Fry it well, Kimiyd khub bandyé, phir sömpi nđi,
And pat no water in. The lid do not Ihnún ghéð vich bhunnd, pdn mul na pdin Lift off, and Bâlâ will partake. The true Rinnhin khub bandké, murhôi parda na hatdin Disciple made these songs. Proclaim them Ih khdaf Balé per ne, sdnnd dujii pain.
for Chélé siftan jôrian pash nam sundin.
The Name. The priest in due course beard Kutk billi sunka per dargáhé jáé
about Ja khará dargah vich, ja ars sundi,
The dog and cat, and going into God's Kuttf billi vêkh léi charh riddhi hôi,
Most holy presence said, 'I saw the dog Pir paikambar auliyd nahin khanda kai, And cat which they have cooked. Priests, Munh bismillah parhke, hath chuk pdia thal, prophets, saints, Kuttt billi uthêgi, hukam méré de na!
Have never eaten food like this.' God said, Paihlón kutti uthégi, phir billi nál,
Whenever thou shalt pat thy hand within Kahl karkê chuk léin that uttôn rumál, The dish, say 'In God's Name,' and cat and dog Balé pir Rabb nún, ik gal sundi,
Will rise at my command, the dog and then Ik sandní utrf us ydrvia chahi
The cat. Bat quick the dish uncover.' So Uhndi Rabb murddan dittidi, us bêtd jdi. He told to God a story. Once there was Ohdd putt j quodn hó péyd, buddhi kd; rachdi, A woman, who to God gave one-eleventh Mél mandal us saddiyd, dhólki bajwdi. Of all her income. Gifted he her with Janj vidiyd hô pét, nal turiyd ndi,
A son, who in due time was married. Then Agg& rdh vich jándéan ik nadi si di,
The drums were beat, and the party with Janj par langh gayi, mdllah lei millahi. The barber took their way. A stream they Janj pahuti jdké, nenhan ddré bahdi,
crossed. Té paisd dhéld vartiya, rah changi di,
The boatmen got their fee, the journey full Doli vidiya hó péi, nal tur pei ddi.
Was made, and all and sundry dues being paid
Homewards they came, the barber's wife Aggb rất tích jamđềan, ôtô mada đi,
herself Sané janj doli dub gay, phir dhar na ái, Being with them, but midway across the stream Báráh varhé rôndi rahi phir Rabb ds The bride with palanquin, and all the rest pahunchdi.
Were drowned and lost. The mother wept for Jan Bald pir nú saddd karló, aggé farsh twelve bichdönd.
Long years, and God restored them.' Danâ Nafrán jdké Shah nun kiha, roti khá nurbánd called Aggé Shah dé sdvd tota, zikr karé subhdna, For Bâlâ, spread a carpet for him, sent Hukam kita Shah Roshan tdin, Samajhé His servants with a message, Come, my lord.' kaisd khand ?
A parrot white did shout loud praise to God, Amar Ilahi véhi dyd, môyd tuddh jdwdia . But Bålå Shah said to Shah Roshan, Dost Dane khudi dharo kamdyd, Rabb né mul na Thou know what sort of food this is ?' then bhdna.
came Jad khdně uttón parda lahiya, hôyd khel rab- A heavenly message, Thou shalt raise the bána.
dead, Kutti billi zinda ho gayi, chummé gadam For Dânâ has deceived thee. God doth like shahdna.
Him not. The dog and cat were presently Manje utte gayd baitha udde ud asanán, About the feet of Bala, licking them, Héthan Dand karê salaman dur hôyd habodna. And Bala on his cot rose to mid heaven.

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148
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1907.
Dharti upar manja dyd, néon néon kari salamdi Then Dana bowed, his pride was broken; and Dånd sûrd půrd kalmdd, ditthô, san nazránd, Asúrd' said he, giving gifts. He said, Sai süré mdin aggi ditthé, karké gaye saldman 'I many holy men have seen, who me Guru Nanak núi phar andar dittd, chakki Much honoured; Baba Nanak made I grind pakur shamhána.
My corn ; Shah Daulâ fled; the boys I made Shah Dauld chhap lang hdd main thin, munda Eject him ; thee alone has God made great. magar bhajdnd.
Oh spare my life. The Shah accepted all Taindi súrma Rabb bandyd, bakhahê mári jandis His gifts, and homewards went ; his followers
thanked Rdzi no Shah nagrań leidn, dyd, vich makánd Great God, who saved him from dishonour. Samidi Shah di shukar bajdyd, sharm rakhi Raised Rahmana,
He his fair flag, and made his grave where all Vich nishani jhanda layd, ndlé gór zanánd, The people go to pray for help in pain. Randé vdi pakaru pird, mushkil karn asuna. Such wonders BAIA did - the whole world Aid akhdré Bale kita, dittha jumul jabdia. saw. Main auganhard nam ju panda, khair Jandbón A sinner I repeat the Name. From heaven pdnd.
Give gifts. There is one Name, Eternal, Oh ih ik sach N&m dhani.
True.
ARCHÆOLOGY IN WESTERN TIBET.
BY THE REV. A. H. FRANCKE.
Supplementary Note.
In the Plates attached I exhibit three photographs by Dr. E. Neve of Srinagar, Kashmir, which are of special interest, as the objects represented have never before been depicted for the information of scholars. Two are from Alchi Monastery near Saspola (ante, Vol. XXXV. p. 325 ) and the third from Khalatse.
Alchi Monastery.
Plate I. shows a portion of the gallery with its trefoiled arch and wood-carvings, Plate IL, fig. 1, shows a portion of the interior. The fresco of the monk behind the statue of Buddha is said to be a portrait of Lotsava Rinchen bZangpo.
Dogra Fort near Khalatse.
Plate II., fig. 2, represents the most ancient inscription on stone (whitened before photographing for clearness) in Ladakh according to Dr. J. P. Vogel. It is situated a few yards below the Dogra Fort at Khalatse. The characters are Indian Brahmi of the Maurya period. Dr. Vogel reads them to represent the word Bharad[v]ayasa. (See Annual Progress Report, Archæological Survey, pp. 31-32.)

Page #161


Page #162

ARCHEOLOGY IN WESTERN TIBET. Plate II.
Fig. 1. Interior of the Monastery at Alchi-mkhar near Saspola.
Her ex
Fig. 2. Ancient Inscription at Khalatse, Ladakh.
Indian Antiquary.
PHOTOS BY DR. E. NEVE, F.R.C.S., O.M.S.
W GRIGGS

Page #163

JONE, 1907.)
NAVASAHASANKACHARITA OF PADMAGUPTA.
149
ON THE NAVASAHASANKACHARITA OF PADMAGUPTA OR PARIMALA. BY THE LATE PROFESSOR G. BÜBLER, C.I.E., LL.D., AND DR. TH. ZACHARIAS.
(Translated from the German by May S. Burge88.)
I. - The Manuscript.1 THE following short account of a hitherto unknown Mahkkávya is based on one manuscript only.
1 This manuscript belongs to the little-known collection of James Tod, preserved in the Lábrary of the Royal Asiatic Society in London, and is numbered 113. It consists of 185 ( written, and a number of blank) palm-leaves, with two to four lines on the page, in old Nagari writing. The two first, with the two last leaves, have been completed by a later hand, apparently because the M$. had been injured at the beginning and end. The date of the MS., if it ever was given, has not been copied by the writer of the 185 pages. It may be presumed, however, that the MS. is of great age, from the fact that the numbering of the single leaves is carried ont on the right side by means of the usual figures, and on the left by letters: compare Kielhorn, Report on the Search for Sanskrit MSS. (Bombay, 1881 ), p. viii, ff. Besides, manuscripts, such as the one under consideration, have been so often described, e. g., by Kielhorn in the report just quoted - that further description would be superfluons.
The manuscript is, on the whole, very well preserved. Only on a few pages is the writing blurred and indistinct. Leaf 82 is broken and part lost. Corrections on the margins of the leaves, As also completions of verses or parts of verses, are often carried out in Sârada writing.
If the manuscript shows errors and defects - the text is not as a whole quite so correct as one pould wish, - it is at least complete, and in this respect, in the meantime, unique. It is, indeed, still possible, that in India complete manuscripts of the Narasa hasánkacharita may be found. Still, with cach year that becomes less probable. Manuscripts which have become known up till now are incomplete. This is also true of the two manuscripts, whicb, according to Burnell (4 Classified Index to the Sanskrit MSS. in the palace at Tanjore, p. 163 a), are found in Tanjor. While the work of Padmagapta (Parimala) consists of 18 sargas, these manuscripts only contain 17 sargas. Besides, as one of them is notivked, and the other written about 1650 ), imperfect and much injured, it may be taken for granted that the manuscript material at Tanjor would not be sufficient for an
alysis or even for an edition of the work ; - for the rest, the title of the Kavya is, according to Burnell, Sahasdakacharita, and the name of the author, Parimala Kalidasa (!).
Also the manuscript, which the publishers of the Subdshitdeali, Messrs. Peterson and Durgaprasada, have brought out, was imperfect. The "fragment" includes " several sargas" and extends at least to the sixth sarga, as may be gathered from the account of the scholars just mentioned. The beginning of the work, however, is assuredly not preserved in this fragment, otherwise Peterson and Durgaprasada would doubtless have drawn up a more exact chronology of Padamagupta than that given in the words: "In his Narasd hasánkacharita Parimala or Padmagupta refers to Kalidasa, somewhere between whom and Kshemendra he is therefore to be put. His Kávya is in praise of a king of Avanti" (Subhashitdvali, Introd. p. 53). Further, it is shown below that the date of Padmagupta may be fixed as precisely as possible in the literary history of India,
1 This paper appeared in the Bitrageberichte of the Wien. Imp. Akademie of Sciences for 1888, in the Phil.-hist. Class (Bd. CXVI, Hft.i, S. 583--630). The first 20 pages of the German are by Dr. Zachariae, and the last 27 by Dr. Bühler.
Cont. Subhashitovali of Vallabhadeva (Bombay, 1886 ), Introd., p. 57 ff. Hore also in Peterson's small pamphlet, the Auchityölankdra of Kshemendra (Bombay, 1885), p. 25 1., is found oollected all that is known ponoerning the poet Padmagupta and his works,

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II. - The Author, his time, and his work. The name of the author is Padmagupta : 80 he is called in the colophon to the first sarga of the Navasdhasdnkacharita in the manuscript before us, in the first of the four tail verses which are attached to the poem :
Etad Dinitrakumudadyuti Padmaguptah
árí Sindhurdjanri pates charitasi babandha 11 in the Daéarúpa (ed. Hall, p. 96); and in the Subhashitávali under No. 168, another Dame and as it appears the more usual name of Padmagupta, is Parimala. He is almost always called so in the sarga signatures of the manuscript before us; also, for example, in the Ganaratnamahodadhi, p. 117.
Padmagupta's father was called Mrigankagupta, as given in the colophon to the first sarga.
The period of Padmagupta is easily fixed. Padmayapta composed the Mahâkávya Navasthard akacharita, which treats of the winning of the snake-king's daughter Sasiprabha (Sasiprabhdldbhaḥ), for the glorification of his patron-king Sindhuraja alias Navas&hasanka, This is clearly and distinctly expressed in the concluding versus of the poem - compare the passage quoted. Who was this king Sindbarája, however? Where did he rule? This point is explained for us in the first sarga, especially in these two verse -
Sarasati kalpalatai kakandan vanddmahe Vakpatirdjadevam yasya prasddddvayamapyamutra kavindrachar ņe pathi sanchardmah 1 611 divai yiydsurmam odchi mudrdmadatta ydin Vdk patirjadevah tasy dnujan má kavibandharasya
bhinatti tái samprati Sindhur dja* 117 11 Padmagupta was therefore court-poet to Vakpatirajadeva, a friend of poets (kavibandhava ), and after his death, court-poet to Sindhurâja, who is called a younger brother (anujanman ) of Vakpatirája. Now we proceed to find Sindhura ja described as Avantipati, Malavaminaketana, Paramaravanabaketu, &c., thus it appears quite certain that, in Vákpatirâja and Sindhuraja, we have two well-known kings of MAlava, belonging to the dynasty of the Paramaras, The time of the rule of these kings is ascertained pretty closely from inscriptions, and from that the date of Padmagupts may be fixed. The period of the literary activity of Padmagupta falls in the last quarter of the tenth and the beginning of the eleventh century A. D.
This story of the colobrated king Sindhuraja, which is beautiful as a full-blown white lotus, Padmagupta bu composed.
. We praise the one (incomparable) root of the wishing tree of the Sarasvatl, king VA patirkja, by whose gree we also wander in the path trodden by the poet princes.
The seal, which Vikpatirsja pat upon my song, when he entered heaven (by his death), the place and allowance of a court poet I lost, and ceased to compose poetry: Now Sindhurja, brother of that friend of poeta, freos me.
Conf. Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 48 ff., erpecially p. 51 ff.; and Vol. XIV. p. 159 ff. Beszenberger's Beiträge rur Kunde der indogerman, Sprachen, IV. 71 ff. Sindhurija ww the son of slyaka (As mentioned in the Navasdhasánkacharita, 8, 77; 11, 85; 13, 69 ) and father of the renowned Bhoja of Dhari.
• The period of Padmagupta is first correotly fixed by Zacharias in the artiole: Sanskrit vichchhitti, Cosmetic, * supplement to the science in Bezsenberger's Beitragen XIII., 99; Anm. 2. It points out also that Padmagupta Was contemporary (it is added : and an intimate fellow-countryman) of Dhanapals, the author of the Paiyalachchhi. On Dhanspls, conf. Bühler, ut opra, IV. 70 ff., and in the Siteungeberichten der Phil..hist. Cl. der K. Akad. der Wissenschaften nu Wien, 1882, p. 568 4.

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This is almost all we can extract from the Navasahaslikacharita respecting Pad magupta. It may be mentioned that, according to his own statement in the fourth concluding verse, he composed his poem at the command of king Sindhuraja, not from poetio pride ( djraira hefur ... na leavitvad ar pah). In the colophon to the whole work, the author is called a kritikari, a clever poet - a title which was held as specially honourable.?
As regards the title of the Kavya Navasáhasankacharita it must be remembered that there is another work of this name not yet discovered: Sriharsha is also known to have composed a Navasdhasánkacharita.'
It may be accepted without dispute that Padmagapta wrote other works besides the Navas dhasankacharita. There has even been expressed a conjecture as to the contents of a loat poem by Padmagupta. Kshmendra, in the Auchitydlankdra namely, quotes a number of verses under the name of Parimala, wbich, it may be remarked, do not appear in the Navas dhasankacharita. From these verses Peterson has concluded that " the theme of the (lost ) poem was that expedition into Gujarât despatched by Tailapa under a general of the name of Barapa," against Múlaraja, the founder of the Chanlukya dynasty of Anabilapattana, who for some time was hard pressed, though, according to the Gajarât chroniclers, the general was eventually defeated with slaughter. "The striking verse in the Kavyaprakasao: Rajan rajasutá na pathayati mdin (. 450, Calc. Ed. 1876) wears every appearance of being from the same work, for which we should be on the outlook" (The Auchityalam of Kshemendra, p. 26). Peterson's conjectare may be looked upon as a good one, in so far at least as there is nothing against it from a chronological point of view. Tailapa, king of Kalyans and Parimala, were contemporaries. One only wishes that Parimala's lost poem could be found.
• III. - Quotation from the Navashasankacharita. As the time of Padmagupta can be pretty exactly fixed, it will be of interest to find out, on the one hand, which poets he names in his Kâyya; on the other hand, by which authors verses from the Navas dhasdňkacharita are qnoted.
Unfortunately Padmagupta very seldom mentions earlier poets, and only those whom we know were earlier than the end of the tenth century. They are the following :- Kalidasa, 1, 5, 2, 92; Gunadhya, the author of the Brihatlatha. 7, 64, in a play on words (Gruta gunddhyasya brihatkatha tava); finally Bana and Mayara in a verse, which, in some degree, recalls the well-known verse of Rajasekhara – aho prabhavo v dgdevydh.10
sa chitravarşavichchhittihārinoravanterarah
Sri Harsha eva sainghatari chakre būņamayurayoh 11 The place has been described in detail by Zachariae in a sketch on Sanskrit vichchhittill in Bezzenberger's Supplements, XIII, 100.
1 Conf. Vikramdakadevacharita, 18, 101, and also Jacobi in the Literaturblatt für Orientalische Philologie, III., 06.
Cont. Naishadh acharita 22, 151 ; Vikramd Akadevacharita, ed. Bühler., Introd.. D. 2.
• In the Caloutta edition of 1866, p. 292, the verse ia quoted with variations also in the Sarasvattkanthabharana, ed. Borooah, p. 255, in which is added : atranayoktibhangya fanyiksitarinagarasya narapałek kaschit praldhan varnayati (p. 256 ). -Incidentally attention is directed to the verse Vaishthail Sarasvatik, p. 349, 17, upon which Aufrecht has already remarked in the Catalogue, p. 497 n.
1. Quoted for example in the Subhashitdvali, Introd., p. 86.
11 Horo a correction and addition is aoknowledged. The expression varpavichchhitti means with regard to the arrow of king Sindhurja "putting together of letters," arrangement of syllables. The arrows of the king were marked with his name - The rare Sanskrit word vichchhitti is also used in Narasdhankacharita, 17, 19.
Lånd saw dan subhatsipattrai sahasratal sonitasika[rd]rdrah uttalavaivasvatatalavrintavichchhittim ahul kurikarnalaiah 11

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We must give greater attention to the quotations which are to be found in grammatical, rhetorical, and other writings of India under the name of Padmagupta or Parimala. A number of sach quotations have been already collected by Peterson and Durgaprarada in the introduction to the Subhdshitavali, p. 51 ff. These quotations will now bave to be gone through with the greatest possible avoidance of unnecessary repetitions,
The phrase namo namah kavyarasdya tarmal in Subhashitdvali, No. 168, is taken from the introduction to the Narasdhasánkacharita, Sarga I., v. 13. The verse chitravartiny api mripe, which Dhanika quotes in the commentary to the Dasarúpa, II. 37 (compare Hall's publication, Preface, p. 86 n.; Petersburg Dictionary, Supplement under Padmagupta ), occurs Navasdh. 6, 42. This is the only verse which Peterson and Durgaprasada have found in the fragments accessible to them. All other verses, which have been quoted by these scholars chiefly from the Auchityavicharacharchd of Kshemendra, as belonging to the Parimala, do not appear in the Navasdhasdnkacharita, and must therefore, in so far as we do not accept another Parimala beside our Parimalâparanama Padmaguptaly, be derived from lost poems of Padmagapta's. One thing is still to be remarked that the stropbo adhakshin no Lankam can hardly belong to Parimala. In the work or works where it is ascribed to Parimala there is probably an error. It is to be remembered that the fourth Pads of the strophe (Hanumantam, fc.) is quoted by Ujjvaladatta (at Un I, 11, p. 6, 10, ed. Aafrecht) under the designation brihatprayoga. This expression means something like renowned example," "classical example." Is it to be accepted that Ujjvaladatta — or his authority - has honoured a passage from a work of Parimala's with this designation ?
In a systematic examination of certain classes of literature quite a number of quotations might perbaps be pointed out, either given under the name of Padmagupta (Parimala) or anonymous. There are indeed often verses quoted without daming the author, We can here fornish only a small supplement to the groups in the Subhashitavali (above referred to). Parimala is quoted (which Peterson and Durgaprasada bave overlooked ) also in Vardhamana's Ganaratnamahodadhi (p. 117. 7, ed. Eggeling): chápo dhanuḥ 1 yatha Parimalasya.
Vipakshahridbhangakrita mitantas bhrúlekhaya kunchitayollasantyd ndk dramdtrena parasitapasya
yasydnvakari Wriyaydpi ch&pah 11 =Navasdh. I. 74 ; yasya, i.e., Sindhurajasya, The Navas dhasankacharita is quoted anonymously four times in the tenth Ullåsa of the K doyaprakdóa, p. 828, 2 (in the publication by Mabesa Chandra Nyâyaratna, Calcutta, 1866).
Bhimbawshtha eva rägaste tanni púrtam-adriyata
adkund hridayepy-esha mrigasdvdkshi lakshyale Il = Natash, 6, 60; Bohtlingk, Indische Sprüche, No. 4461. The verse serves as an example for the figure parydya. Kavyapr., p. 385, 7, 11, are given as examples for the figure vishama -
kirishddapi mridrangi kveyam-dyatalochand
ayah kua cha kukálágnskarkaso madandnala) 1 = Navasth. 16, 28, where the third Päda begins with esha kva cha; and
13 On the meaning of prayoga accepted above, conf. the commentary to Ganaratnamshodadhi, I. 8; Zacbariae, Beiträge sur. ind. Lexicographie, p. 75, note I. The lexioographers explain prayoga by widarland. - Böhtlingk takea brihatprayoga for the title of work. Aufrecht seoma to look upon brihat M AD abbreviation of Brihat katha (conf. the Pet. Diotionary under Brihatprayoga).
11 Pointed out by Zachariao, Göttinger Golehrte Anzeigen, 1880, p. 022

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sadyah karasparsam-avdpya chitran rane rane yasya kripdnarekha tamdlanild saradindupându
yasas-trilokydbharanan prasáte II = Navasah. I. 60 (with immaterial variations). The first of these verses is found besides in the Alamkaravimarsini of Jayaratha (Deccan Coll. MS. No. 28, fol. 166 ) according to Pischel, Gott. Gel. Anzeigen, 1884, p. 511 ; the second in the Sahityadarpana, 14 under No. 720. Both verses are, to all appearance, copied from Jayadeva 15 in his Chandr dloka, V. 85, 86 :
leveyan birishamsidvangi kva tavan-madanajvaraḥ 11
kirtin prasute dhavatāri éyāmā tava kripānikā 11 (in Jibinanda's publication (Calcutta, 1874). Finally the Kávyaprakása, p. 389, 9, is quoted as an example for the figure ekávali).
purans yasyai savardngandni vardiganā rūpapuras kritángyah ! rupan samunmilitasadvildsa
m-astram vildsdh kusumdyudhasya 11 from the description of the town Ujjayini, Navasdh. I. 21 (puráni yasyāḥ savardnganāni, Ms.).
No single passage from the Navas dhasankacharita is quoted in the Sarasvatikanthabharana. This is rather remarkable, for Bhojadeva, the recognised author of the Sarasvatikanthábharana, 16 must have known the court-poet of his uncle (Vâkpati) and of his father (Sindhurâja ). The possibility that the verse Vasishthaih Sarasvatik, P. 349, belongs to a lost work by Parimala has already been pointed out, p. 151, note 9.
If, on the other hand, verses by Parimala are seldom quoted in Anthologies, it may be understood from this, that his poem is poor in fine phrases and maxims (subhdshita).
IV. - The Navasahasankacharita. The Mahâkávya of Padmagupta contains 18 Sargas, which, as in other poems of this class, bear special names. In the manuscript under notice all these names are not given completely. So far as they are preserved they will be given below.
The total number of the strophes is roughly 1525. With reference to the investigations by Jacobi7 as to the use of the metres in the Mahakavyas we ought, at least, to give the measures Padmagupta has used. The chief metres are : in 1, 9, 14, 17 sarga, Upajati ; in 2, 6, 11, 16, Anushtubh ; in 8, Pushpitdgra; in 4, 7, 13, Vasastha ; in 5, Aupachchhandasika; in 8, Rathoddhatd; in 10, Masjubhashini; in 12, Vaitaliya; in 15, Udgatd; in 18, Vasantatilakd. Besides this, in the closing verses of single sargas, the following are used as side metres :Praharsbini Mandaker ûnta, Malini, Vanamdia, Sardúlavikridita Salini, Sikharini, Sragdhard, Harinfo.Thus 19 metres are used in the Navas dhasdikacharita, that is, exactly as many as in the epics of Kalidasa. It is also to be noticed that Padmagupta is free from all metrical tricks.
16 In the English translation, p. 416 f., His (1. e., Sindhurdja's ) sword, wonderful to say, dark as it is like the Tamala tree, in every battle having obtained contact with his hand, engenders at the very moment a fame, whito 24 the autumnat moon glorifying the triple world.
16 Pinchel's assertion (Rudrata's Sringaratilaka, p. 8, 17) that Jayadeva, with one exception only, uses his own examples, must be somewhat qualified.
16 Bhojah Saramatikanthabharanakarta, Gaparatnamahodadhi, p. 2, 11.
17 Conf. Die Epen Kalidasa's, p. 1858. Vorhandl, des 5ten Int. Orient. Congress, IL 2. and Zeitschrift des deut. morgenl. Gepellachaft, 38, 615.

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Three or more verses, which, according to the meaning, form a unity, are expressed as such by the expressions kaldpaka, 18 kulaka, tilaka, and sumdanitaka. The last two of these expressions have been till now used but sparingly; besides, their use does not always agree with the rules of the Indian theorists. Thus samdanitaka as a rule is used in order to combine to verses, through which one and the samo sentence runs, while this expression, for example, according to the Sahityadarpana, No. 558, serves to join three verses.19 If in sarga 14, 79-85, seven verses, is called a tilaka, 20 this is apparently merely a slip of the pen for kulaka.
Padmagupta's language is, on the whole, pure, simple, and easily understood. In individual cases the want of a commentary is pressingly felt.
The story which Padmagupta relates in his Navasd hasánkacharita with the peculiar breadth of the Mahakavyag, has, without doubt, a historical background. Not only the hero of the poem, king Sindhuraja, did really exist; the other people too, who appear in the poem as Nagas, Vidyâdbaras, A suras, &c., have played a part as comrades or erremies of the king. Meanwhile it will he difficult to fix the true names and positions of the historical characters which appear in Padmagupta and must be left to others (conf. below, p. 171).
The following analysis of the poem is given in brief. It will merely be a sketoh. The endless speeches and long-winded descriptions, which fill up a great part of the poem, without essentially affecting the narrative, will not, as a rule, be taken account of.
First is an index of the characters ( speaking or acting) which appear in the Navas dhasinkacharita :
Sindhuraja alias Navas&hasanka, king of Malaya, Yabobhata alias Ramangada, his minister. Sankhapala, a king of the Nagas. Sasiprabha, his daughter. Anangavati, Kalavati, MAlyavati, Friends of Sasiprabha. Patala, Narmada (Revå ), the goddess of the river of the same name. Vanku, a Muni (Maharshi). Ratnachada, a young snake-demon. Sabikanda, a king of the Vidyadharas. Malatt, his wife. Vajrankuba, a king of the Asuras. Visvánkuba, his son.
V.-Analysis of the Poem. The first sarga bears the title nagarinarendraparnanam. The town, that is. Uijavint, is described, vv. 16-55. The rest of the sarga is dedicated to the narendravarnanam. The king *# called Sindhuraja. Other names of the king are, Navashasanka and Kumaranarayana. Of these
1s Without doubt those names of Sloka-connections are referred to in the Tri kandafesha III, 2, 23, under kalapakavišeshakau, &c., which, like so so many other statements in this Lexioon, has been misunderstood (800 Zachariae in Bezzen berger's Besträgen, X. 122 ff.). In the Petersburg Dictionary under Kaldpaka we meet with the meaning "sect marks on the forehead."
16 Yet the younger Vaghbata tonohes in his Alarkdratilaka: kena chhandaad muktakam dyabhyash yugmash Sulainitakan cha tribhir viseshakam chaturbhih kalapakam dyadasantaih kulakam. India Office MSS. No. 2548.
20 Tilaka, really "brow ornament, cast mark," is like the word of the same meaning viseshaka according to the Markhakosa, s.v. triflokt (triślokyam krishnalavans tilakan klomni chastriydm). Conf. Zachariae, Beiträge sur indischen Lexicographie, p. 72.

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names Padmagupta uses the first pretty often (also Navinasâhasanka, 6, 11, 11, 102); the second The usual designations of Sindhurâja are, besides, Avantisvara (1, 15) Paramaramahibhrit (2, 51) Malavaraja (3, 19). The minister and constant companion of the king is called Yasobhata, or aparena namna, Ramangada. At the close of the Sarga Dhârâ is mentioned as "the other town" (apard puri) of the king, as the "capital of his race."21
The real narrative begins with the second sarga (chitramṛigavalokanam). The king is engaged in hunting on the Vindhya mountains (vv. 1-82). Here he catches sight of a spotted antelope, which bears a golden chain round its neck, and excites the king's highest curiosity. It withdraws into the thicket, but is wounded by an arrow shot by the pursuing king. The arrow, which the king has shot, is inscribed with his name (svandmadheyachihna, as the arrow of Ayus in the Vikramorvasiya). The king is dissuaded from the further pursuit of the fleeing antelope by the advice of his minister. King and minister spend the night at a lotus-pond, and start next morning to seek for the wounded antelope.
Third sarga (haralabha): the king vainly endeavours to find the spotted antelope. On the other hand he discovers a swan (sitachchhada), which bears a string of pearls (tarahara) in its beak. The king is successful in obtaining possession of this string of pearls, as the swan alights at a lotus-pond and lets fall the heavy pearls. The king in this way receives the first news of his future wife. Characters (akshardnám tattḥ), found on the pearls, disclose to him the name of the owner; it is the ornament of Sasiprabha, which has fallen into his hands. The king is seized by a longing for the unknown.
In the fourth sarga (Patalavalokanam) a new vision is granted to the king. He observes a young maiden, who wanders in the wood, apparently trying to find something which is lost.
We find out who this maiden is in the fifth sarga, 22 in which she gives a detailed account of herself and also of Sasiprabha in a long speech (vv. 2-57). The speaker is a snake-maiden called Patala, a daughter of the snake-demon Hema. She belongs to Sasiprabhâ's retinue and holds the office of fan-holder (sitachámaradhárane niyukta).- Basiprabha, who, on account of her adroitness at the game of ball, also bears the name of Asuga, is a daughter of the demon-prince Sankhapala. She loves to wander around on the mountains- on the Harasaila (Kailasa), on the Malaya mountains, on the Himachala. One day as she was wandering on a spur of the Vindhya, named Kusumavachula, her pet animal, her kelimriga (antelope, kept for her amusement), ran away. This is the "spotted antelope," which the king, while hunting on the Vindhyas, pursued and wounded with an arrow.. While the king spends the night at the lotus-pond, Basiprabha rests on a sand-bank of the river Sasankasûti (i. e., the Narmadâ, or Revâ). The wounded antelope, which she and her friends seek for in vain, is seen by the snake-king's daughter next morning standing beside her couch. On the arrow, which is sticking in the wound, she reads the name of the marksman, "Navasahasanka." Immediately the love-god enters her heart. Meanwhile a swan-1 the same, whose acquaintance we have just made in the third sarga-steals the string of pearls, which has slipped from the couch of Sasiprabhâ. He takes the pearls for a lotus-root (mrinalasanki). The snake-maidens in the retinue of Sasiprabha, among whom is Pâțalâ herself, are sent out to seek for the robber of the ornament.
How the king has come into possession of this ornament and thus discovered the name of Sasiprabha is now told.
In a second speech (vv. 69-78) Pâțalâ advises the king to go himself to the river Revâ and there to meet Sasiprabha. So the king sets out led by the snake-maiden Pâțalâ.
21 kularâgadhani Dhårå is also thus expressed, 18, 59.
12 Possibly the name of the fifth sarga is: Patalasashbhashanam. The title is wanting in the colophon of the manuscript.

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In the sixth sarga narendradarśanam) we are introduced to the love-sick Sasiprabha surrounded by her friends. She is deep in contemplation of the royal arrow, which bears the inscription:
Navinasähasänkasya kāmadevākriter-ayam
Māla aikampigahkasya Sindhurājnsya siyakah 11 Saśiprabha asks her friends, who this Sindhurâja may be, who is designated in such a manner as a (new or second) Sahasanka. She is answered by Malyavati, the daughter of a Siddha, whom the king had onco soon at Ujjayini at the feast of Mahakala (Maháldlaparvani). She gives information about the king, and sketches a picture of him on a stone. This likeness is not such as to lessen the love-sickness of Sasiprabhâ.23 The words also of Anangavati, another friend, are prompted too much by timidity and hesitation, for the snake-king's daughter to hope for a union with her beloved. On the other hand, Kalâvati, the daughter of a king of the Kinnaras, gives her encouragement. King Sindhurája is certainly somewhere in the neighbourhood. The friends, who have been sent into the wood to seek the swan, would meet the king. Kalâvati closes (v. 94):
sthira bhava nripena tvam-iha saryogam-apsyasi
yathā kanvāárame pūrvañ duhshyantena sakuntala 11 Scarcely has Kalâvati finished, when Pâtalà appears, and with her king Sindhuraja.
The seventh sarga (phanirdgasutdeanbhdshanam) describes the meeting of the king with the snake-king's daughter. Besides the king, his minister Ramångada and Mályavatî are represented also as speaking. Sasiprabba, who sits silent while the king is speaking, betrays, by & sign, her partiality for him.
Eighth sarga (nagalokavatdra). Saśiprabhâ disappears, together with her friends. She is carried away by invisible snakes to the snake-town Bhogavati in the anderworld. The way, which Sasiprabba has taken, is pointed out to the king, by Revå, by the mouth of the Sarasa bird. In accordance with this direction, the king flings himself into the stream of the river, with the intention of following Sasiprabba. He says nothing of his intention to his minister, as he is afraid he might hinder him from his rash deed (esha vighnam iva sdhasoteave kalpayishyati mama). The minister, however, follows, when he sees what danger bis master is about to put himself into. The king passes over the river, in spite of all hindrances which meet him. On the other side he reaches a golden palace. In the court-yard of this palace he is about to lay himself down on a golden Madhaviranke to rest, when a beautifully attired woman steps out of the palace. A parrot calls to the astonished king: the Narmada is actually standing before him and wishes to extend hospitality to him.
The ninth sargai contains the Narmaddsanbhashanam, the conversation between the king and the Narmada. The river the goddess gives the king news about Sasiprabha, completing what Patala has told him, and discloses to him under what conditions he may gain possession of his beloved (v. 35-65): When Sasiprabha was born, the house gods declared that the daughter of the snake-king, who has been given signs of good omen, will at one time become the wife of a ruler of the middle world, and accomplish the death of Asura Vajrankuba, a mighty enemy of the snakcs (upágateyani nidhandgradütt Vajránkusasya). Whereupon there was great joy in the snake-world. After Saśiprabha was grown up, her father, pressed by the gods Siddhas and Mahoragas, fixed at a gathering the conditions (the price, sulkasashstha 16, 88) under which he would give the band of his daughter to a suitor; "In the pond, beside the well-watched pleasure-bouse of Vajra okusa grows a lotus with golden flowers. He who makes these golden flowers into ear ornaments for my daughter,
* In this connection, Padmagupta's verso quoted by Dhanika appears. Dasardpa II. 37, on the king (Sindhuraja) ropresented in the picture.
# The first seven vertos of this sarga, beginning on page 82, are, according to the remarks abovo, on pago 149, ouly partially preserved.

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she shall be his wife. Up till now no one had fulfilled this condition. Narmadê affirms, however, that king Sindhurâja bas been set apart by fate to kill the Asara, to obtain the golden lotus flowers and thus to win the hand of Sasiprabha. Narmada further narrates that at a distance of 50 gavyúti lies the town Ratnávati built by the skilled Maya. This is the chief town of the Asura prince Vajrånkusa. There the king is to go. Finally Narmada prophesies to him that the Muni Vanku will appear to him on the way to Ratnavati. After this announcement the river goddess placed her own bracelet on the king's arm, spoke a blessing and disappeared.
The tenth sarga (Ratnachudasampreshanam) begins with a conversation between the king and minister, who is of no further importance in the narrative.25 The minister wishes to undertake the expedition against Asura Vajránkuśa alone; the king, however, will not consent to this. Then the parrot, which we have already met with at the end of the eighth sarga, appears again and relates : he is a snake-youth (ndgaddraka) called Ratnachůda from the race of the Savkachůda. A disciple of the Mnni Kantha had cursed him once and changed him into a parrot. Softened by his petitions, the Muni had declared to him, that he should resume his form again if king Navasahasan ka should entrust him with a message to Sasiprabha. - The king acceded willingly to the desire of Batnachada and sent him with a love message to the snake-town (Bhogavati).
Eleventh sarga (Vankumaharshidarsanam), the king and minister proceed on the way pointed out by Narmada. In this way they reach the grove of the Muni Vanku. He greets them, treats them hospitably and asks the race and name of the king (that one such stood before him he had recognised at once), and the object of the journey into the nether world. Upon this Ramangada takes np the conversation (vv. 49—112) and gives Vanku the desired information. In this he goes far back; he relates the origin of the Paramâra dynasty - beginning with a description of the holy mountain Arbuda (vv. 49--63) and gives the line of kings from Paramara to Sindhuraja. The Mani declares himself satisfied and prophesies a successful ending to the undertaking of the king. Upon the request of the Muni to stay a little in the ascetic grove the king takes bis place on & seat ornamented with precious stones,
Twelfth sarga (phanerdjasutdsrapnasamagama). The king, overcome by sleep, sees Sasiprabha in a dream as she wanders in his pleasure grove at his side wearing the golden lotus flowers. The poet puts into the king's mouth a long address to Sasiprabbá (vv. 16-65).
In the thirteenth sarga (Vidyadharadhipasamdgama) the story is continued. After the king awakes he converses with the Muni Vanku about the affairs of the upper and under world. Just as he is about to break off and take farewell of the Muni, he sees a monkey standing before him, who is carrying a pomegranate, of a pale red colour like the cheek of an intoxicated Kerala woman.26 The monkey offers the fruit to the king; the king is about to take it, but lets it fall to the ground, out of it falls a multitude of sparkling gems. The king, as much astonished as rejoiced, makes the monkey a present of the bracelet, which he himself had received from the river goddess Reva. Immediately the monkey takes the form of a man and bows before the Muni, the king, and his minister, and to the question of the Muni, who he was ? and how he became a monkey ? relates the following: I am called Sabikhanda :my father is Sikhandaketu, a prince of the Vidyadharas. My dwelling is in the mountain Sabikanta. Once a rumour was spread, that a representation of Vishng made of sapphire had risen out of the sea. The curious women of the town streamed out to see the wonder.' My wife also, called Malati, overcome by curiosity, persuaded me to accompany her. So I leapt up with her into the air. Immediately the sea presented itself to our gaze. While I hovered over the sea on the blue cloudway my wife lost her head-parting jewel (simantamani).
Verses 1420 enumerate the princes and peoples, who (ostensibly) were conquered by Sindhurja. The tollising are mentioned: the Prince of the Hanan and Kosalas : the inhabitants of Vågada and Lita : the Murales.
madhumattakeralkapolavat: of, Kadambart, ed. Peterson (1st ed.), p. 195; Malattmadhava, ed. Bhandarkar, p. 115, 8.

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The jewel fell into the sca; I endeavoured to get it up, and the sea shut me off by a great wave (tarangahastenakarira) from return to the air and drew me with a great roaring into the depths of the nether world. As I wandered about in astonishment here, I saw a maiden, who carried the jewel in her hand, and was aboat to enter an ascetic grove. As the maiden, in spite of my repeated entreaties, would not give up my wife's diadem, I wrenched from her neck little jewel ornaments27 in the form of foot-prints of the lore-god upon which the Makara was carved." At the maiden's cries a Muni appeared, cursed me, and, as a punishment for my monkey-like trick, changed me into a monkey. Later the Muni was softened and decreed that I should again receive my former shape on the day when the son of Sojaka (i. e., Sindhuraja) should lay the bracelet of Narmad& in my hand before the eyes of the Mini Vanku. - Thas to-day, in thy grove, after I bave spent a thousand years as a monkey in the nether world, the curse has fallen from me by the king's act.
The grateful Vidyadhara prince Sasikaņda caused his troops to appear in order that they might help the king in his progress against the Asura Vajrahkusa.
Fourteenth sarga (Patalagang doaydhanım). The king departs from Vanka's grove with his comrade's army. The king's war chariot is lifted into the air by Sasikanda's magic. In a long speech addressed to the king (vv. 7-76) the minister Ramangada describes the progress of the army. First a wood is reached, then the Trimârgaga (the Ganga). On the shore of the Ganga Sasikanda Causes a halt to be made and camp pitched, and the king enters a pleasure-house, whicb bad been built for him of crystal.
In the fifteenth harga 30 love 'plays - especially the jalakrida -are described as in the eighth sarga of the Sisupalavadha.
Sixteenth sarga (kan aktravindaprarthanam). Påtalâ appears and hands to the king (who enguires after the health of Sasiprabha and her friends) a love letter (anangalolcha) from Sasiprabhá, written by Milyavati. After Romangada has read out this letter, the king sends Patalà into the snake-town with the message that he will soon come himself and hand over the lotus flowers. The king proceeds now with the army of the Vidyadharas. On the way he meets the snake army under the len lership of RatnnchQua, who in the meanwhile after he had delivered the message to Sabiprabba, had taken his own form again. Both armies make a halt in a wood before Ratnavati. The minister Ramangnula is now sent to Asura Vajránkusa in order to effect the delivery of the gollen lotus flower in an amicable manner (samnd). Ramang ada has to return without having effected his object. The allioil armies surround the town Ratnavati.
The seventeenth sarga30 contains the description of the battle between the Asuras, who break ont of Ratnavati, the Nägas and Vidyadhara3. The allied armies win the battle. Visvankusa, son of Vajrajkusa, kills the minister Ramangada; king Sindburája himself kills Vairavkusa. The town Ratnavati is overcome; the snake-youth Ratnachůda is made governor over the kingdom of the Asura princes. The king takes possession of the golden lotus flower and proceeds toward Bhogavati.
Eighteenth sarga (Sasiprabháidbha) Sankhapâla comes to meet the king and hands him A gift of honour. Sindhurâja makes his entry into Bhogavati amid expressions of astonishment and joy on the part of the inhabitants. His glance first falls upon a holy place (tungana manimandiram) of Siva31 under the name of Sri-Hatakekvara. He enters, offers gifts of flowers, and gives
97 makaronkite manmatharatnapaluko. The translation is according to proposal of Bühlur's. * The entertainments in the wood are desoribed, vv. 27-76. Conf. Maghakdoya, Serga VII.
» The title of this sarga is in the manuscript: Patalagangdvagakanam, us also that of the 14th. The true titie might be jalakridauargana.
50 The title - something like yuddhavamanan - is wanting in the manuscript.
1 The devo Hatakevarakbyab is also mentioned in the description of the snake-town Bhogavati, sarga 5, v. 12 ff.

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praise to Siva. In the same place, is also the spotted antelope, which the king has once seen in the Vindhya mountain. Brought by Ratnachůda, at the command of her father, Sasiprabhå appears, in wedding dress, accompanied by Påtalâ and her other friends. The king, at MAlyavatt's request, hands the golden lotus-flower to Sabiprabha. He has hardly done this when the spotted antelope is changed into a man, who bears a golden staff in his band ( sahemavetrah). The king asks, who he is, and why he bas been changed into an animal ? The staff-bearer relates the following: 1, the doorkeeper of your father Sri-Harsbadeva (i. e., Siyaka ) was once cursed by the Muni Mriganda because I refused admittance to him at the door. On the day on which king Navasábasköka should give the golden lotus flower to the daughter of the snake-prince I should regain my former shape,
The marriage of Sindhuraja and Sabiprabhê takes place in the orthodox manner. Sankhapala makes the king a present of a crystal Sivalings nade by Tvashtri. This linga - 50 Sauk hapala relates - Vyåss once received from the purdnomuni (i. e., Siva); then it came into the possession of Adikavi ;33 Adikavi presented it to the exalted Maharshi Kapila ; and Kapila finally gave it to the snake-prince.
At the end of the marriage festivities king Sindburâ ja, accompanied by Sasikanda and Ratnachůda, proceeds first to Ujjayini, then to Dhårâ, "the chief town of his race." He entertained his guests according to rank, and dismissed them to their homes ; Sasikanda returned to the mountain Susikinta, Ratnachůda went to Ratnavati, the chief town of his newly-won kingdom.
VI. - The Historioal Events from the Navashasankacharita. For no period of Malva's history are there so many different sources, as for that of the Paramara kings of the tenth or eleventh century. Besides & not unimportant number of inscriptions, which fix the succession of the kinga completely and determine approximately the length of the reigns of most of them, niany isolated clironological notes are found in the works of Brahman And Jaina authors, as well as detailed biographical descriptions of individual governors, especially Maija's and Bhoja's. The fifteenth and last extract of the first Prakasa in Moratunga's Prabandhachintamani (completed on full-moon day of the month Vaibakha, Vikrama-samvat 1362, or in April 1306 ) is dedicated to the former. The life of the latter follows immodiately and fills the greater part of the second Prakasa. The same prince has been described in two later works, the Bhojaprabandha and the Bhojacharita, which have been long kaown and quoted in Europe, as well as edited in India. Under these circumstances, it might well be believed, that Padmagupta-Parimala's Navasdhasánkacharita cannot add mach that is new or important to the history of the Paramaras. In spite of this the contrary is the case. Padmagupta's narrative completes and extends the information about the inscriptions, and shows more plainly than these, that the historian cannot trast to the Prabandhas and Charitas, and can only make use of them with great caution. The Praband has are founded exclusively on the traditions of the bards and the Jains monasteries, in which Mañja and also bis nephew very soon became mythical personalities. Whoever seeks to combine the statements of the inscriptions, with the narratives of the Prabandhas will find a mixture of truth and fiction, in which the contradictions are apparent.
The extract of the Narasáhaadikacharita, which is of the greatest importance to the history of the Paramâras, is to be found in sarga XI., 64—102, and, according to a photograph of sheet 106-109a of the London manuscript, is transliterated thus :
Atisvädhinani vāraphalamúlasamitkusam munis-tapovanan chakre tatrekshvákupurohitah 11 64 11
* * taemat kilákavipanitalamh jagama MS.; Adikavi (Valmiki) is a supposition of Buhler's.
- Communicated by Zaobariae along with an imperfect inscription found by himself. It was known to him for several years, but ciroumstances delayed the publication.

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33
Verse 65-yarjaneneva-MS.
66-athildar-MS.
70-nandleru-MS. The syllables niparyankde&dhupájadap are added on the margin in SaradA characters; dhu and ja are indistinot: the correction given above is not certain. 74-nasuchitvishi - MS.
"
"
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30
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hṛitva tasyaikada dhenuh kamasürgādhisūnunā | Kārtaviryarjuneneva Jamadagner-aniyata || 65 || sthüläsrudhārāsaṁ tänasuapitastanavalkala amarshapävakasyābhüd-bhartuḥ samidarundhati || 66 || athatharvavidām adyaḥ samantram ahutim dadau vikasadvikaṭajvālājațile jatavedasi || 67 || tataḥ kshanat-sakodaṇḍah kiriti käñchanāngadaḥ | ujjagāmāgnitaḥ kopi sa-hemakavachaḥ puman || 68 || duram samtamaseneva viávamitreņa sa brita I tenaninye muner-dhenur-dinaéririva bhanuna | 69 || tatas-tāpasakanyābhirānandāśrulavānkitaḥ | kapolaḥ pāṇiparyaukāt-sādhupūjyād-apasyata || 70 || Paramāra iti prapat-sa muner-nama charthavat | militänyanṛipachchhattram-adhipatyam cha bhutale | 71 || pravartitativistirṇasaptatantuparamparaḥ I purāṇakurmasesham yas-chakarambhonidheḥ payah | 72 || sthäpitair-manipitheshu mukta-pralambamālibhiḥ | bbür-iyam yajvana yena hemayüpair-apuryata || 73 || prasantachitta samtâne chirena na-suchitvishi | amōchyatāstadaityena yenershyakalahaṁ Sachi || 74 || vamsah pravavrite tasmäd-ādirājān-manōrīva| nitaḥ suvṛittair-gurutām nṛipair-muktaphalair-iva || 75 || tasminpṛithuprata popi nirvapita[karāna]laḥ | Upendra iti samjajne raja suryendusamnibhah | 76 || sada-gatipravṛittena Sitochchhvâsitahetună | Hanumateva yasasa yasyalanghyata sugaraḥ || 77 || Bankitendrena dadhatā pūtām-avabhrithais-tanum akari yajvana yens hemayupankatā mahi | 78 || atyachchhadasanōdgachchhadamsulekhataraṁgibhiḥ | dirghair-yasyārināriņām nibśvāsais-chamarayitam || 79 || tasmin-gate narendreshu tadanyeshu gateshu cha | tatra Vāk patiräjäkhyaḥ parthivendur-ajāyata || 80 || dirdhena chakshusha lakshmim bheje kuvalayasya yah nāriņām disatanandaṁ doshņā satarakena cha 11 81 11 bithilik ṛitajiväsa yasmin-koponnamadbhuvi |
ninyuh sirämsi stabdhani na dhanumshi natim nṛipāḥ || 82 || Vairisimba iti prapaj-janma tasmaj-janādhipal'
kirtibhir-yasya kundenduvisadabhiḥ satayitam || 88 ||
"
75-vania, and gurund- MS
76-The syllables in brackets are wanting in the MS. and are conjectural.
78
The last syllable of sankitendraga is indistinct.
[JUNE, 1907.
80-rajakhya-MS.
81-disatananda-MS.
88-dhandahi ratish-MS. 83-visadabhi-MS.

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paulomiramaṇasyeva yasya chåpe vilõkite 1 chakitaih sarasiva kshmā rajahansair-muchyata 11 84 11 Sri-Siyaka iti kshetram yasasam-udabhüt-tataḥ Dilipapratimah prithviếuktimuktāphalań npipah 1 85 Lakshmir-Adhokshayasyeva sasimauler-ivāmbikā " Vadajetyabhavadderi kalatran yasya bhūr-iva 11 86 11 akhandamam salenāpya prajāpuqyan-mahodayam kalisamtamasam yena vyaniyata nipendunā u 87 11 vašīk ritā kshamalo yah kabamāmatyāyatām dadbati rājāsramam-alamchakre rajarshiknsachivarab 11 88 11 smitajyotenādaridreņa vāsbpādhyena makhenduna basarsur-vijayam yasys Radūpātīpatistriyah 11 89 11 akankanamakeyuramanūpuramamek halam Hünāvarādha vaidhavyadikshadbănum vyadhatta yah II 90 ayai netrūtsavas-tasmāj-jajze devapitsipriyah jagattamāpaho netrād-streriva nišākarah 11 91 11 Srimadatpalarājābhūd-agrajāsyàgranih satām Sagarāpatyadattābdhiparikhāyāḥ patir-bhuvah | 92 | atīte Vikramaditye gatestam Sātavāhane kavimitre visnéri ma yasmin-devi Sarasvati 11 93 11 cbakrire ved hasā nūnan nirvyājaudāryasálinah te chintamanayo yasya nirmāņe paramāņavah | 94 11 yasobhir-induấuchibhir-yasyāchchhataravārijaih apūryateyan brahmāndasuktir-muktāphalair iva 11 95 HI sriyam nilābjakāntyā yah praņayibhyo dadau dris arätibhyas-cha sahasa jahre nistrimsalekhaya 11 96 11 amsah savalkalagranthih sajaţāpallavam sirah ! chakre yen-āhitastriņām-akshasūtrāðkitab karaḥ # 97 11 puram kalakramāt-tens prasthitenāmbikapateh 1 maarvikiņānkavatyasya prithvi dõsbņi nivesitā 11 98 11 praśāsti parito visvam-Ujjayinyām pari sthitaḥ ayam Yayati-Mandhātri-Duhsbyanta-Bharatopamah II 99 11 anenastaḥ kapõleshu pāņdimă ripayōshitām Ramáhrityaiva tadbhartriyasaso bāhusālină 11 100 11 sadā samakarasyāsya Lakshmikulagrihasya cha 1 Sindhurāja iti vyaktam nāma dugdhödadher-iva 1 101 11 anena vihitänyatra yatsāhasasatänyatah
Navinasähasülköya viragoshthishu giyate 11 102 11 Verse 84 - chakitai - Ms. , 88 - dadhan - MS. The manuscript has prima manu, -rajabhramalathchakre. A BAradd fra stands
over the deleted bhra, and a BArada ma under laila. . 90 - The first syllable of dhanam is aneertain, before it stands plainly dikshyao. 92 - tpalabhavo ; gmajandgrant --MS. The correction (as Zachariae proposes) is proved to be corroot
by Kshemendra's and Dinila's accounts. See below, pp. 168-169, parikhdyd - MS. . 94 - nirmana - MS.
96 - ya pranayi' - MS. . 98 - puthi or páchchi choahti nivenita - M8.
99 - muijayanyam - MS. Ujjayant is perhaps the correct form of the name. 100 - The MS. seems to require namáhrityevetao yafasi -M8. 101 -mabakerydaya-MS. The ya of the second aya is written below in Bhrada oharacter. 102 - Behind this verse staads vign which looks atly like the numeral 80 of the Akuharapalli, and is
probably mount to indionto that the portion on the Paramra kings is oonoludod.

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Translation.
64. There (on Mount Arbuda) the wise house-priest of the Ikshvaku made a sage's grove rich in wild rice, fruits, roots, firewood and Kusa-grass,34
66.
67.
65. His wish-granting cow was once stolen and carried away by the son of Gâdhi, as was that of Jamadagni, Arjuna, of Kritavirya's offspring.
Arundhati, upon whose bosom the silk garment was bathed with streams of tears, became a log, on account of her husband's wrath.
Thereupon the first of the judges of the Atharvana songs,36 with holy sayings, threw an offering into the fire, which, kindling up with broad flames, seemed to bear an ascetic's hair braid.
68. Quickly a man sprang out of the fire, with bow and crown and golden armour.37
69. By him, the cow of the wise man, led away by Visvamitra, is brought back, as the sun brings back the light of day, which has been led away by the thick darkness.
70. Then the grove-maidens took the cheek, wet with tears of joy, from the supporting hand which is worshipped by the devout.
71. He received from the prophet the fitting name of Paramara- killer of the enemy - and a ruler's power over the globe, before whom all the parasola of all other kings were shut.
72. (From him), who, bringing a multitude of great offerings, only left the ancient tortoise, 3973. (From him) the sacrificer, by whom this earth was filled with golden altar staves, which, resting on foundations of precious stones, were ornamented with wreaths of pearlstrings,0
74. (From him), by whom, when he conquered the Daityas, Sacht was freed at last, with a heart at rest from jealous wrangling with the race of impure splendour,"
75. From him, who resembled the ancient King Manu, sprang a race, who obtained high esteem by virtuous kings, like beautifully rounded pearls.41
34 A temple of Vasishtha, which, through local tradion, is closely connected with the holy mountain, is still found on the south side of Abû or Arbuds. The inscriptions in its vicinity prove that it was kept up by the princes of Chandravati. To the right of the temple stands the statue of a warrior, which, according to a tradition, represents the mythical Paraméra. See J. Tod, Travels in Western India, p. 116 ff.
55 The story of the theft of the Kamadhenn and its recovery differs widely here and in the tarratives of the bards of Rajputând and Gujarat, from the classical, and is, of course, merely a local representation.
28 Vasishtha is naturally a better judge of the Atharavaveda, the great collection of charms and incantations than the Purohita.
ST On the origin of the Paramaras, who, according to the various modern bardie traditions in the Agnikunda, sprang from Mount Abû, and belonged to the Agnikulas. See also J. Tod, Annals of Rajasthan, Vol. I. p. SS ff., and specially p. E6 ( Madras ed.). The account in the Nagpur Prasast!, verse 13 (Zeitsch f. d. Kunde des Morgenländes. Bd. VII, 194) and that in Someévara's Prasasti, verse 39 (Kirtikaumudi, App. I., p. 4) agrees exactly with Padmagupta's.
I. ., he killed all other inhabitants of the ocean by his horse sacrifices and other Sattras, which required an incredible amount of slaughter. Only the tortoise upon which the earth rests, was left.
On the golden, i. e., gold-plated stakes for the sacrifice, see J, Tod, Annals of Rajasthan, Vol. I. pp 71-72, and specially note 1 on the latter page.
40 Probably this merely means that the Paramara exterminated the Daityas, "the race of impure lustre," and so pacified Bach!, troubled about Indra's lordship.
41 The poet, as often happens in other works, plays on the word suoritta, "virtuous" and "beautifully rounded." Possibly a second play of words is intended with vamhéa race and "bamboo rod." Thus the end of the verse might be translated: a race....(and that, therefore) resembles a bamboo rod, which is made valuable by beautifully rounded pearls. Referring to the Indian belief, that pearls grow in the bamboo rod.

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79.
70. Into this race a king was born named Upendra, who, although of great power, still
lightened the burden of taxes and therefore was like the sun and the moon, of which the
former is endowed with great heat and the latter cools the fire of his beams. 77. His fame, which always spread further, and which was the subject of the song of Sita,
reached over the ocean and therefore ) resembled the monkey) Hanuman, who always
moves about restlessly, who sprang over the ocean in order to comfort Sita." 78. This sacrificer, before whom Indra was afraid," whose body was made holy by sacrificial
baths, decked the earth with golden altar staves. The sighs of bis enemies' wives, the rays of light from whose glistening teeth broke into
Waves, cooled him like fans. 80. When he and other rulers of men besides him were departed, there was born into this
race a moon among the princes called Vakpatiraja. 81. His almond-shaped eyes shared with the water-lily her beauty, and his ornamented arm,
which afforded ecstasy to women, caressed the Fortuna of the globe.6 82. When the earth trembled before his anger, the princes, whose hope of life sank, bowed
their proud heads, they drew not their stiff bows. 83. From him sprang a king, Vsirisimha by name, a lion to his enemies ; his fame, bright
as jasioine and like the moon, was as a mane to him.
4. The frequent play of words with pratapa, 'heat' and 'power,' also with kara, 'ray' and 'tar,' naturally do not escape Padmagupta.
# The words and gatipravritta and tochchhuasitahetu have double meanings. The first has no difficulty. A rally fitting explanation for the second as an adjective to yasas, is found, it seems, only when, on the other hand, SitA is regarded as a proper name and uchchhuanita as synonym of udina, "a song of the pouring out of the heart." Uchchavai, literally "to breathe out," appears elsewhere or Bit appears in the Bhoja legend. For traces of her, and especially the words ssoribed to her in the Bhojaprabandha, see Pisahel, "the postosa BITA," in the Festgras un Böhtlingk., p. 92, 94. In the Prabandhachintamani, completed in 1806 A. D., is mentioned a Sitapandit prabandha, the contents of which are shortly as follows: "In the time of Bhoja there lived in his capital the mistress of a cookshop (randhant ) SitA by name. A pilgrim, for whom she cooked, died from taking Kangupt oil. She determined to kill herself by drinking the same. Instead of dying, however, she became very olever. She then studied the selenoes a little and went with her young and beautiful daughter VijayA to court. SitA greated the king with the verso :
kaur yari satrukalakshayāvadhi yaso brahmanabhandavadhi tyāgastarkakavābohhitāvadhiriti kshopi samudrāvadhiḥ 1 Sraddhā parvataputrikä-patipadadvardvaprapamävadbi
frimanbhojamahhipate niravadhih Kesho gupādām ganah 11 The merry (vinodapriya ) king then challenged the beautiful Vijay to the kuchavarpana. She answered with a corresponding couplet to the above :
Unnähaichibukivadhirbhujalatāmulivadhih sambhavo vistāro hridayaradhih kamalinisüträvadhiḥ sarbatih varpah everpakathāvadhih katinatā vajrakarakshmävadhi
stanvangyäb kuchamandale yadi parar lavapyamastavadi 11 Then the king gave Vijay& an ardhakavita on niratdya, &c., apon which, without hesitation, she composed the second half anushangi, do. The king was then ashamed of himself (w he had come to be ). Merutunga adds : atra balu vaktavaya pararlvparaya jayam 11 Neither the Bhojaprabandha, nor the Prabandhachintamani, nor the verses attributed to it can be quoted as proof that the posters lived at Bhoja's conrt. The Prabandhachintamani is also parely legendary in this part. On the other hand, it may certainly be expected, that there was a poetess Sita as all the characters appearing in Merutunga are historical.
Indra feared the king, because he offered so many moriflone and on the 100th would have driven him from the throne.
40 According to Indian custom (nee, for example, Gandaraha, 698-897) the wives of the conquered princes must render slave service to the conqueror and fan him with Yak's tails. While such prisoners stood behind Upendra they performed their task not with the Obaurlu, but with their deep sighs. Moanwhile they opened and shut their life continually and thus caused waves in the beams, which emanated from their flashing teeth.
"Kwalaya is used twise, and is to be translated the first time by "waterlily," the second by "globe" (ku-bne ) ( Zacharino ). The star on the king's arm is on the bangle.

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84. When the kingly swans saw the bow of this prince, who was like Paulomt's husband, they
forsook the land, as the regal swans forsook the pond, when they saw Indra's rainbow ! 7 85. From him sprang aking, Sri-Siyaka by name, a field of fame, a pearl from the mussel
of earth, who was like Dilipa. 86. As Adhokebaya's Lakshni, as the moon crowned god's Ambika, so was the queen
Vadają - this ruler's wife - like the earth.49 87. This strong man, a moon among the princes, who, on account of the piety of his subjects,
attained to perfect happiness, banished the thick darkness of the Kali age.co 88. This king set up a retreat, subdued bis thoughts, practising great patience, was clothed in
the grass robe of a royal Bage. 89. With countenance like the moon, covered with tears, from which the sparkle of laughter is
missing, the wives of the Lord of Radapati proclaimed bis victory. 90. He made the barem of the Hepa princes, from wbom the bracelet, the sprangle, the foot
ring, and the girdle were taken, into the dwelling-place for the consecration of
widowhood. 91. As the moon from the eye of Atri, so sprang from him this delight of the eyes, a favourite
of the gods and his parents, who banished darkness from the world.50 92. His elder brother was the illnatrious Utpalaraja, a leader of the band of nobles, the
lord of the earth, who surrounded Sagara's sons with the ocean as with a grave. 61 98. After Vikramaditya was departed, after Satavahans had gone home, the goddess
Sarasvati reposed beside this poet-friend,62 94. In the creation of this truly generous (prince) the creator actually used desire granting
jewels as particles. 95. The shell of the universe was filled with his fame, which, of splendour pare as the moon,
sprang from his flashing sword and therefore ) resembled pearls, which, pare as the
moon, spring from the clearest water. 96. With the glance (of his eye) which sparkled like the blue water-lily, he gave his friends
happiness and suddenly he robbed his enemies with the flash of bis sword, which glanced
like the water-lily. 97. He instened the knots of the grass robe upon the shoulder of his enemies' wives, wound
ascetic plaits round the head, and wreathed the band with roses.56
* When the rainy season comes the RAjaham go north.
& The first two comparisons are complimente to the king and his wife, who are compared with Vishnu and Biva, as also with Lakshmi and Parvati. When it is also said, that Vadaja "in like the earth," Slyaka's wife, it is to be remembered that, according to the Indian style of expression, the earth is invariably the first wife of each king.
. Åpya is divided into a + Apya (1) * This delight of the eyes," is the ruling prinoo Bindhurja (Zachariao). n On Utpalarkja. See below, P. 168.
By Vikramaditya is meant the author of the era of 57-58 B. O., who is also mentioned ruler of Uituin ( Zacharine ). The stavAhana, who is meant here, is Hala, the compler of the Gathakosha.
6 The composito, achchhataravarijas, is to be divided the first time into achchha-lara-varf-jail, .., sphuratkhargona janitaib, the second time into achchhatara-vdrvail, 6. &, alyantabuddhajalena janitdi. According to the Indian legond, the pearl mussols come to the surface of the sea and open on the day of the Manik-Therl. If it is raining, then each raindrop becomes a pearl
" Nijabjakanty belongs to dribl u wel w to nistribalekhay and must therefore be twice troulated.
The meaning is that the king panused his enemies into the wood and forord them to live a bette. Pallara has here the meaning given in the Korbas (vistara).

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98. Through him, who, in course of time, departed to the town of the husband of Ambika,
was the earth laid in the arm of this our present lord ) who is represented by the striped
bow.36 99. Residing in the town of Ujjayint, he rules all around, he who was descended from the
ancient rulers) Yayati, Mindhátri, Duhshyanta and Bharata. 100. Through this hero) was the white colour laid with a strong arm upon the cheeks of the
wives of his enemies after he robbed their husbands of their fame.57 101. It is easy to be understood (that) the name of this prince) who always possesses Makaras,
and is the ancestral dwelling of Lakshmi, is like that of the milk-ocean Sindhuraje
sea king.'58 102. Becanse here on earth ) he accomplished hundreds of brave deeds, he will therefore be
Bung at the festivals of heroes as the new Sahasanka. The preceding extract and the previous single notices quoted from other parts of the Navasáhasd nkacharita result in the following genealogical tree of the Paramâra kings of Dhârâ and Ujjain, who might at once, on account of the notices contained in the published inscriptions, be compared : 1. Natasábaskiskacbarita t i. Nagpur Prasasti.021 III. Våkpati's and Bhoja's
Land-grants.es Paramira
Paramâra Upendra
Kșishnaraja
Vakpatirâja
Vairisimha
Vairisimhs
Vairisimha
Siyaks or Sriharshadeva 50
Siyaka
Siyaka Vâkpatirâja or Amoghavarsha or
Prithvivallabha or Srivallabba 974 and 979 A, D.
Utpalaraja of Sindhu raja or Vákpati raja 11.60 Navas&hasinka or
Kumâranârâyaņası
Munjaraja Sindhurája
Bhojaraja
Sindhorâja Bhoja, 1021 and 1042-43 A. D.
061.., after UtpalarAja died, the now ruling king Sindhardja became his successor.
BT According to Indian expression fame is " white." The king takes his enemies' fame and so win a white colour, which he puts on the cheeks of the wives of his enemies which become white with sorrow and anxiety.
The king Toosesses always Makaras, ..., armies formed in the Makara Order (Manu, VII. 187; Kamandakt Netiedra) just as the ocean is full of sea-monstern oalled Makars, 6. e., sharks. Fortune is always on bia sido WAS the one with his fathers; he is thus the heir of Lakahmt. As the goddess of forttine, Lakshml, rose out of the Milk-ocean at the stirring of the Neotar, this is therefore also bis inheritance. - See above, p. 139.
See aboro, p. 164.
See above, p. 154. 01 The insoription was at first badly published, with a very imperfoot frosimile by BAL Gangadhar Shletrl in the Jour. Bombay B. R. As. Soc. I. p. 850. The second publication of it by Lassen in the Zeitach. . d. Kunde des Morgenl. VII. p. 194 f., is much better it is made from transcript of the copy found in SATArk on oopperplate. This is now no longer sufhoient for prosent requirements and new copy is much to be desired. Lassen onlla Blyaka's Younger son Bimbaders and he remarks (loc, ait. p. 312 19111. note 93 ) that this is distinctly the reading in his Oopy, while that of the facsimile in the Bombay Journal can no longer be read with any certainty. It is quito correct that the letters in the latter are defneed. The name lanks like.(p. 274. No. 15) griltidrarajo. Mr. J. F. Fleet, who POHREBBes paper impression of the insoription, kindly informa me that the original hwn ir-Sindkurdjo. The form Sitharje is no doubt owing to the copyists of Lassen's transcription baving made an unlucky conjecture as pandits often do.
# The oldest 8Asans of king VAkpatirkja is published by Dr. F. E. Hall, Jour. Beng. 4.. Soc., XXX. p. 195 ff, and with a frosimilo by N. J. Kirtano in Ind. Ant. VI. p. 488. The later of the same king by Dr. Rajendral T.Mitra in Jour. Bong. As. Soc. XIX. p. 478 f., and by Dr. Kiolhorn, Ind. Ant. XIV. 159 ff. Bhoja's gift is published by Kirtane, loc. cit. p. 53, with a facsimilo.

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The origin of the Paramaras, placed by the tradition of the bards, which reflects the above quoted verses xi. 64, 72, in the holy mountain Abu-Arbuda, the most southern arm of the Årávali chain, which rises on the boundary of Rajputânâ and Gujarat and in the grey far-off time when the great feud between the head Brahman Vasishtha and the Kshatriya intruder Vigvamitra was fought out. The bards also relate much of the early developed power of the Paramaras, of their manifold ramifications, and their great kingdom in Western and Southorn India. There is, bowever, no sure trace of them in Indian history,65 before the appearance of the dynasty of Malva. The ParamAras first come into power in the town of Dhârâ, which lies in the western part of the province, and from there they conquered the east of Málvå with the capital Ujjain. This proves with more certainty than the tradition of the bards that Padmagupta repeatedly (p. 159, above) calls Dhârá the family residence of the Paramaras. The period of the first development of their power cannot be fixed with certainty. It must, however, have been about 800 A.D. as will be shown further on.
As the Paramaras of Malva believe in the legend of the birth of their eponymous hero on Abų, this may lead to the supposition that they came from the north-west. The old Fort of Achalgedh on Abů, and the town of Chandravati sonth of Abû, have been for centuries in the possession of a Paramars family, who rendered homage to the Chaulukyas of Anbilvâd from the eleventh century. Somesvara's Prasasti of Vikrama Savat 1287, recounts an older line, Dhamaraja, Dhandhuka, Druvabhata, and others, also a later and entirely historical one which consists of Ramadeva, Yahodhavala, Dhårdvarsha, Prahladana, Somasimha and Krishnaraja. The last six kings may be recognised from other works and ruled between 1150 and 1231 A. D. This connection between the Paraméras and Monnt Abû makes clear that it and nothing else had been the foundation of the legend of the rise of Paramara from the Agaikunda there. Now, as the Paramaras of Dhara possess the same legend, it is easy to suppose that they are a branch of the ruling race of Achalgadh and Chandravati,
Upendre. The first king Upendra sung by Padmagupta was not the immediate predecessor of the next named Vakpatiraja I. Between them reigned other princes. The plural shows that there must have been three. On no consideration may the reign of Upendra be placed later than about the year 800 A. D. As the first king, for whose reign we possess several fixed dates, Vakpatirája II., died, as will be shown further on, between 994 and 997, the date of his first land-grant is the year 974. As his brother Sindhurâja reigned sometime after him, then the beginning of his own
J. Tod, Annals of Rajasthan, Vol. I. pp. 83-84. es Llegen, Ind. Alterthumsk. III. p. 822, thiuks that Ptolemæus mentions the ParamAras under the name Power and adds "Their name in this form comes nearer to the oldest (PramArn) than to that of the present time Panwar or Powar of which we get the socond in Puwargarh, i. e., Powargada, Fort of Powar; the name of Champanir, the old capital of distriot in north Gujarat." The identification of Porvarai with Paramára is, however, doubtful, as the first word means a people, the seconda Kshatriya family, which, so far as is known, has given its name to no district in India. Thus it is to be remarked that the prosent Powers or Paare certainly give themselves out as Paramarne, since a member of their family rulos Dhara, the modern Dher. They are, however, Marthes and not Rajpute. Their genealogical claims are oertainly officially recognired, but native scholars in Mály never speak of the story of the relationship of His Highness the Mahardja Avandrio with the Maharaja Bhoja without a meaning smile and do not believe in it. The grounds against the derivation are - 1st, that Powar or Paar do not agree well in sound with Paramårs ; 2nd, that in RajpntAnd and Malvå the real successors of the Paraméras call themselves Permirs, not Paars. The Puara sottled in Malvå and Bundelkhand might all be successors or relations of the Marktha Jouvant Rao Paar, who recived the title of king of Dhér in 1749 (conf. Mullcson, Native Sales of India, p. 207). Finally, as regards the naine of Powergarh, this is a reult of the Gilchristic method of transcription. The mountain fort which is not, as Lassen thinks, ideutical with Champknir, au, lies, not in northern, but in middle Gujarat, is called in Gujarati, Pavagadh, and in Sanskrit, according to an inscription of Saivat 1585 (Ind. Ant., Vol VI. p. 1 ff.) Påvakadurga, the Fort of the Påvaka, perbapa " the fire." The name has nothing to do with the Paramaras, who have never, so far as is kuowa, possessed Pavagadh.
66 Kirtikaumudi, App. pp. 4-6, 14-15, and K. Forbes, Ras Maia, pp. 210-211.

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reign must have fallen about the year 970. Between Vakpatirâja II. and Våkpatiraja I. are two generations, and between the latter and Upendra at least three reigns. If one reckons 25 years to « generation, then there are 150 years between the beginning of the reign of Ví kpatirija II. and the end of Upendra's. Of course it is not to be supposed that there is any degree of certainty in this statement, as the number of the kings omitted may be much greater. But it is the latest that is possible. Padmagupta's verses concerning Upendra assert merely that he diligently attended to the Srauta sacrifices and was a great warrior. If the translation of verse 77 is correct, a poetess Sita, who perhaps lived at his court, sang of him (see note 43, p. 163).
Dr. F. E. Hallo and Sir A. Cunningham identify Upendra with Krishnaraja, the first king in the inscriptions of yAkpatiraja II. The supposition is nataral, as Krishna and Upendra are synonymous. It may also be correct, though Krishnardja stands immediately before Vairisinha, the third king in Padmagupta's list. The text of the inscription merely says that each of the kings mentioned thought respectfully of the feet" (of the before-mentioned). Usgally this phrase is used in connection with an immediate predecessor. There are, however, cases in which it is used in connection with a king further removed. Those who reject Hall's identification must agree that the next king in Padmagupta's list tikewise bore the name of Krishnarkia, which also is not impossible,
VAkpatirja I. Padmagupta's description of this king is purely conventional. According to what has been already said, the beginning of his reign falls about 895 A. D. His name seems also to appear in an Udayapur inscription. Dr. F. E. Hall does not recognise the existence of two V&kpatirajas. He says, however, loc. cit.: " Vâkpati had issue in Vairisimhs, and Yairisimha had a son Harsha." This only applies to Vákpatirâja ł.
Vairisimha, of this king we only hear that he was his predecessor's son. His reign may have begun about 920.
Biyaka. Matters improve somewhat with Vairisitha's son, who, according to Navas. XI. 85 and the inscriptions, also called Siyaka, according to Navas. XVIII. 40 (p. 155) Brf Harshadeva. A9 regards the first name till now unmentioned, it may be remarked that Styaka stands for Simhaka. In the tertiary Prøkrits of Western India, in place of the Sanskrit sinha in a proper name, either singh or gi is used. Thus, for Amarasimha both Amarsingh and Amarsi are found; for Padmasimha, Padamasingh or more often Padams; for Narasiha, very often Narsi. In the present case, this explanation is proved by the fact that Merutanga in the Munjaprabandha calls the father of Muõja and' Simdhala, Simhabhata.70 This was doubtless the original' Sanskrit name of the king. Siyaka is a half Prakrit pet-name. The second name Harshs or Harshadeva appears in the unedited Udayspar Inscription and also in other Sanskrit works.71
Jour. Beng. A. Boc. Vol. XXXI. p. 114, note. Dr. Hall seems to have found the names in the inscriptions from Udayapur mentioned there. He incorrectly calla him " the grandfather of Bhoja's grandfather."
Archwol. Rep. Vol. X. p. 84, note 1. . See Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. pp. 184 and 194, where it says, that Durlabhs of Anhilyad thonght of the feet of Ob&mund, while his immediate predecessor was his brother Vallabha,
* Soo also K. Vorbes, Rar Mala, 2nd ed. p. 64.
T1 Conf, below, p. 168. What is said here about the identity of Slynka and Harshadeva, as also that of Utpalarija and Vakpatirkja, resta chiefly on Zacharias's communicatiuns. He has made these discoveries and Fathered the notices belonging to them.

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Padmagupta describes Siyaka-Harsbadeva first as a royal philosopher doing homage to quietism and asceticism and then as a warlike ruler. It will be necessary to reverse the order, and take for granted that Siyaka, like so many Indian kings, after an aetive life, turned his attention to the acbievement of Moksha, without, at the same time, perhaps, retiring from his position as ruler. His warlike achievements were the conquering of the Lord of Radapati,"72 and the killing of a Hona prince. Who these kings or chiefs were, and where they ruled, has not as yet been ascertained. As to the Hûna, who is mentioned very often in the inscriptions, it may be remarked that the earlier favourite identification of them with the white Huns is not tenable. It is quite correct, as Dr. F. E. Hall remarks,73 that the Hûnas, or more usually Hûņas, mentioned in the inscriptions of the middle period were an Indian Kshatriya family. In bardic lists they are counted among the Rajput races, and the accounts of their alliance with the Kulachuris show that they are counted as such. These facts natarally do not preclude the possibility that the Hûna Kshatriyas sprang originally from Hans. As the Kshatriyas have adopted foreign elements in a remarkable manuer. Siyaka's wife was called Vadają.
Vakpatirsja IL Like many other Indian princes,74 Siyaka's eldest son75 bore many names and was called Vakpatirtja, Utpalaraja, Munja, Amoghavarsha, Prithvivallabha and Brivallabhs. The first two names are found in Padmagnpta (p. 150, above), and, according to the suggested alteration in XI. 92, they are also to be found in Kabemendra and Vallabha. The former quotes the well-known verse, ahau vd hdre, in his Archityavichdracharchd, and ascribes it to the esteemed Utpalaraja (Srimalutpalardjarya), while the Subhdshitdrali of the latter names Vak patiraja, son of the esteemed Harshadeve, as author.76 Padmagupta's account leaves no doubt that Vakpatirája is the son of the esteemed Harshadeva, VÅkpatiraja IL, of Malva, nor that Kshemendra means the same prince. Because the person mentioned by Kshemendra bears the title frimat ant deva, only a king can be meant, and, as according to the Navardhandikacharita, XI. 92, VAkpatiraja, the son of Harshadeva-Siyake, had another beginning with Utpala, thus, in view of Vallabha's remark, the above conclusion is unavoidable. Another case in which VAk patirája II. is called Utpalaraja is mentioned farther on. That Vakpatiraja II. is identical with Munja, Dr. F. E. Hall recognised and repeatedly expressed in the Bengal Journal A. Soc., XXX. p. 114, note, and Dasarúpa, p. 2, note. The proofs for it are: (1) the genealogical tree given above, whero Muñja appears in the place of Vâkpatiraja; (2) the fact that Dhanika, in the commentary to the Dasardpa, p. 184 and 186 (ed. Hall), ascribes one and the same verse "to the esteemed King Våkpatirâja" and "to the esteemed Moñja." However strange such a method of quotation may seem to us, it is quite asual among the Indians, who thought nothing of mentioning á many-titled man under two or more of his names. Finally, the identity of VAkpatiraja-Amoghavarshs of the land-grants with Padmagupta's Vakpatirája II. is made quite clear by the list of reigns.
All that Padmagupta says of Vak patirsja II., apart from conventional phrases, is, that he had a liking for poetry and poets, was extraordinarily generous and warlike, Twice, 1.7(p. 150, above) aud XI. 93-94, he calls him omphatically a friend of poets, and says, I. 6, that he was led by him to
11 This may be town or country (conf. Apabilapitaka and Medapta or MeyAd). 11 Jour. Beng. As. Soc. XXX. p. 117, note 11, and Jour. Am. Or. Soc. VI. p. 526
T Seo, for example, the genealogical tree of the Rialtraktas of Minyakhet, Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 72, and the table in Floet's Dynasties of the Kanaress District, pp. 92-93.
• The statement of the legenda in Merutunga and others that he was a foundling seem to me untonable.
Peterson, Jour. Bomb, B. R. A.. Soc. XVI. p. 189. Peterson's views there expressed are probably more correct than those in the Subhdakitduali, p. 115, socording to which only the one verse, No. 8414, should belong to Vekpatirkja,
17 This view was accepted without hesitation by A. Cunningham, Archeol. Rep. Vol. X. p. 84, note 1.. .

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tread the poets' path. From accounts gathered from other sources we may complete his statements. Vâkpatiraja II helped other writers besides Padmagupta. Among these are the two sons of Vishnu, Dhanamjaya and Dhanika, the first of whom composed the Dasarúpa, while the latter commented upon it. Dr. F. E. Hall does well to express himself carefully and say: "it may be suggested, that Dhanika - one of his ( Dhanamjaya's) commentators and possibly his own brother - was living about the middle of the tenth century."78 Now, however, since it is clear that Vakpatiraja, Munja, and Utapalaraja are names for one and the same person, all doubt as to the age of the two authors disappears, the one of whom, according to his own words, was famous for his wit at the court of king Moñja, and the other describes himself as mahdsádhyapdla of the great and esteemed king Utpalaraja.70 In the time of Våkpatirâja II, also falls the activity of the lexioographer and poet Dhanapala, whom the Prabandbas erroneously make a contemporary and favourite of Bhoja.so The date of his Prakrit Kosha, Vikrama Samvat 1029, i. 6., 972-3 A. D., makes this very apparent. Likewise Halayudha, the commentator of Pingala, according to his own statement (Subhdshitdvali, p. 115), lived under the rule of this prince. Våkpatirêja's own activity in poetry is shown, not only by the numerous verses ascribed to him in the Prabandhas but more certainly by the quotations in the anthologies, among which the one mentioned above in Kshemendra deserves special consideration, as Kshemendra writes about 50 years after his time.
If Padmagapta speaks merely in ordinary terms of the warlike undertakings of his first patron, doubtless the reason is that the sad death of Vakpatirâja made it seem unfitting to describe the latter in detail. His words, “The seal which VÅkpatiraje put upon my song as he mounted to heaven, is now broken by Sindhuraja, the younger brother of that friend of poets," shewed distinctly that the fate of his first master had affected him deeply. It is therefore not to be wondered at that he does not allow himself to go into details. From the inscriptions and the Prabandhas one gathers that Vakpatiraja was at war with his eastern and southern neighbours. The unedited inscription mentioned by Dr. F. E. Hall tells of a successful war against one Yuvaraja of Chedi, the father of Kokalla II, during which he is supposed to have taken the capital of the Haibayas, Tripura,82 Dhan pala's account probably refers to him, that he wrote his work when the king of Dhara had plundered Manyakheta. As in the introduction to the edition of the Pâiyalashchhi is shewn the capital of the Bathora of Manekir or Malkhed must be Manyakheta, and the conquered enemy was the last prince of that race, Karka III, called Kakkala or Amoghavarsha. Våkpatiraja II doubtless helped to accomplisb the fall of the Southern Ráthor kingdom. He remained also the enemy of the real destroyer of it, Chalukya Tailapa II of Kalyana, who entered upon the possession of the inheritance of the Rathors. Sixteen times, says Merutunga,83 did Muñja conquer Tailapa before he un lertook his final march against him, and therefore scorned him. Although the number may be an exaggeration, and the Paramara's fortune in war not always favourable, still so much is certain that Vakpatiraja Muñja waged war with Tailapa II for a considerable time. At last he was unsuccessful, suffered a decided defeat, and lost his life in the sonth. The Prabandhas give Muõja Vâkpatirâja's last march in detail. They Asgert that he undertook it against the advice of his minister Budraditya, was taken prisoner by
15 Dasarupa, p. 2.
** Dasarúpa, End, and H. H. Wilson, Hindu Theatre, p. II. (ed. Rost). That given by H. H. Wilson, and in # notice appearing in one of Dr. Hall's MSS. is wanting in the publication; notwithstanding its at first Apparently inexplicable character, it is, however, entirely credible. Suoh historical notices are often left out in the MSS. The extract from the Brihatkathamanjart of Ksbemendra, inserted at the end of the first Prakasa, is, of course, an interpolation. It does not appear in all manuscripts. * See above, p. 150, note 6.
1 See above, p. 150. Jour. Bong. A. Boc. Vol. XXX. p. 114, note, and Cunningham, Archeol. Rop. Vol. X. p. 85.
* Sapathudānapürakam nishidhya Jamh purā shodkā nirjitamityavajñatayā palyannatirekarafāttām saritam uttirya skandhävarade nivesayāmāsa Il (from the Mwijaprabandha).

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Tailapa, and sometime afterwards, when he made an attempt to escape, was first treated shamefully, and at length hanged on a tree. The narrative is adorned with so many touching scenes, and so many verses, which the imprisoned king is said to have composed, under different circumstances, that its legendary character is unmistakable. The details are therefore not to be depended on. But that Tailapa II killed Vakpatiraja-Muñja is correct, as two Chalukya inscriptions mention this famous deed.86 Also Rodraditya was, as Lassen bas remarked, really Våkpatirâja's minister, as he is mentioned in his Sasana of 979 A. D. The fact that Vákpatirâja was killed by Tailapa II makes it possible, with the assistance of a note in a Jaina work, to fix the time at which his march took place and his reign concluded, within a limited period. Amitagati completed his Subhashitaratnasaidoha, Vikrama Samvat 1050 or 993-94 A. D., during the reign of king Muja, and Tailapa II died shortly before or in the Saka year 919, i. e., 997-98 A.D., which is the first year of his successor. Muñja's death, therefore, occurred in one of the three years 994 to 996. The beginning of his reign lies before Vikrama Samvat 1081 or 974 A.D. : the date of his oldest land-grant must not, as has been remarked, be far removed from the same.
Sindhuraja.
According to the accounts of the Prabandhas, bitter enmity existed between VakpatirdjaMunja and his brother Sindhuraja, to whom they apply the pet-name Sindh uls or simdhala. Sindhurâja had to flee trom Mâlva, and lived long as a fugitive" in the town of Kasabrada" in Gujarât. Later he returned to his home, and was at first received kindly by his brother, but was afterwards blinded by him and confined in a wooden cage. During his imprisonment his son Bhoja was born to him, whom Muñja, alarmed by the prophecy that he would be his successor, endeavoured to kill. Bhoja, however, was enabled to obtain a reprieve from his executioner and, by a letter, 80 to change the king's opinion that he chose him as his successor to the throne. After Muñja's decease, Bhoja was anointed as king.87 Padmagupta's poem completely discredits this narrative, which excludes Sindhardja from the throne and proves what must also be concluded from Bhoja's land-grant of 1021-22 A. D. that he ruled over Målva for sometime. The only grain of truth which the Prabandhas may contain is perhaps that for a time the brothers quarrelled. The condition of things cannot have been serious. As otherwise, Padmagupta, who had served under Våkpatiraja, would not have been a favourite of Sindhiraja's. In support of this there is the poet's utterance in verse 98, that Vâkpatiraja " when he departed to the town of the Lord of the Ambika, laid the earth on Sindhuraja's arm." Taken literally this means, that VÅkpatirâja on his death-bed appointed his brother as his successor. It may perhaps be accepted, therefore, that Sindhuraja, whether immediately before Vâkpatiraja's fateful expedition or still earlier, had attained to the dignity of yuvardja,
# See K. Forbes, Rua Maia, pp. 65,58, and Lassen, Ind. Alterthumak. III. p. 840. The above accounts are found in Merutunga. Respecting his death it sayo:
Tadanu Musljena prishtail kayā māranavidambanayā māti mārayishyatha vikahasākhāralambandi.... tadans tan Murjan ni hatya tachchhiro rājāngane fülikāprotan kritrā dadhiviliptam karayan-nijam-amar sham puposha 11
# J. Fleet, Dynasties of the Kanares Districts, p. 40.
• Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar, Report on the Beanch for Sanskrit M88., 1662-8, p. 45, ha acoepted this chronology. Ho places the beginning of the Vikrama on, however, in the year 56 B. O., whioh does not suit for Malva, mis clearly shown from the dates in yAkpatirAja's second land-grant. There, it is said, the gift was made V. 8. 1096. Karttika-pärpima, at the time of an eolipne of the moon, which took place on Nov. 8, 979 A.D., while the BAD WM composed, V. 8. 1086, Chaitra badi 9. The Vikrama year in MAIVA began, according to this, not in Karttiks Audi L., but in Chaitra sudi I., and the calculation went by the northern Purimanta system ; see aluo Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 159, and especially note 2.
$7 See 410 K. Forbes, Bas Mula, p. 84. Forbes identifies Asahnada with Kleindra-Paladi at Ahmedabad.

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JUNE, 1907.]
NAVASAHASANKACHARITA OF PADMAGUPTA.
171
According to the poem, Sindhuraja bore the surnames of Kumaranarayana 9 am Navas&hasanka, “because he undertook hundreds of hazardous enterprises ( sahasa )." Several o these bold deeds are enumerated. A number of princes and peoples, whom Sindhurája is said to have conquered, are presented in X. 14–20.49 Among the names mentioned are found a prince of the Honas of the same race as he, with whom Siyaka waged war, and a prince of the Kosalas. Farther is mentioned the subjection of the inhabitants of Vagada, of the eastern part of the province of Kachchh, 90 of Lata, middle and southern Gujarât, and the Muralas, of a people in Southern India, that is perhaps identical with the Keralas, the inhabitants of Malabar. The word of an Indian court-poet, when he speaks of his lord's victories, must not be put in gold scales. Every Indian hero must have made his digvijayaydtra, “his march to the conquest of the world," and must have been successful. When the actual facts did not give material enough, poetic fancy was ready to fill up the gaps: though expeditions against the Hûna, against Vagad, which belonged to the kingdom of the Chaulukya of Anhilvâd, and against Lata where ruled the dynasty of Barapa, also conquered by the Chaulakyas, were not at all unlikely. So far as the relation between the Chaulukyes and the Paraméras is concerned, it was always bad. The Jaina Prabandhas relate that the cause of the strife was an insult offered to the second Chaulukya King Chamunda. When the latter had retired from the throne in favour of his son, 1010-11 A. D., he made a pilgrimage to Benares. On his entrance into the country of Malva, the king caused his paragol and the other signs of his rank to be taken away. He was forced to let the insult pass : on his return, however, he commanded his son to take revenge. Thus began the enmity between Malva and Gujarat, which lasted till the destruction of both kingdoms by the Muhammadans.91 This narrative sounds rather incredible. Still the long feud between the two states, which brought first one and then the other to the brink of destruction, is an indisputable fact. Its ground probably lay not in a chance occurrence, but in the old race-hatred between the Paramâras and the Chaulukyns or Chalukyas and the necessity of expansion of both neighbouring kingdoms. Thus Padmagupta's report of a certain temporary conquest of Vågad is quite credible. Also it is quite possible that Sindhurâja waged a successful war against his neighbour in the south-west, the king of Laţa. Bârapa and his family also belonged to the Chaulukyas and in nearer relationship to Tailapa II. On the other hand, it is difficult to understand how Sindhurâja could overcome the Murales, if by these the Keralas are to be understood. If it may be understood, however, that Padmagupta - as often occurs with Sanskrit poets - uses the expression inexactly and means some inhabitants of Dravidian India, nothing can be said against his statement. For, from the Vikramankadevacharita it is certain that the struggle of the Paramaras of Malva with the Châlukyas of Kalyana continued after Muñja's death.02 It is therefore not at all improbable that Sindhuraja undertook an expedition to the south. Of the war with Kosala nothing trustworthy can be said. It may only be remarked that the kingdom of Kosala spoken of embraced parts of the Central Provinces of to-day and Berar.98
The story from the personal history of Sindhuraja, which represents the true object of Padmagupta's work, is unfortunately surrounded with so thick a mythological.covering that it is impossible, without the help of accounts containing only sober facts, to give particular details with certainty. Those who are familiar with the court poet's method of description and the Indian inclination to change historical events of the most recent past, for purely poetical reasons, into myths will not doubt for a moment that Padmagupta's seemingly fanciful legend rests throughout upon a historical basis. Analogies in other poems are not rare. Take, for example, Dilhann's
# See above, p. 155.
* Seo above, p. 157, note 25. do Conf. Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. 9, 184.
K. Forbes, Rds Mala, p. 52. Merutunga saserts that the king of Malvd referred to was Mulja Hemachandra is not guilty of this anachronism in the Duyasrayakosha; he gives, however, no names. n Vikrama tikaileracharila, p. 27.
Soe Sir A. Cunningham, Anc. Geog. p. 519 ff.

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172
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[JUNE, 1907.
Vikraman kadevacharita, the god Siva appears regularly when the poet's hero and patron Vikramaditya-Tribhuvanamalla comes into combat with the moral law. The latter's birth also is a gift promised by Siva personally and it is celebrated by showers of blossoms and sound of trumpets. Finally, in the description of Vikramaditya's courtship, his chosen Chandaladevi is never mentioned by her true family name as a Silahara princess, but always called Vidyadhart in conformity with the mythological tradition. Very similar mythological representations are to be found in the parts of the Dvyasraya kosha, which Hemachandra dedicates to his lord and patron Jayasimha Siddharaja, as also in Somebyara's report of the events which caused his yajamana, Viradhavala of Dholka, to found an independent kingdom. To these examples from works of the 11th, 12th and 13th centuries, we may add one from an inscription which belongs at latest to the second contury of our ora. Thu Andhra king, Puļumayt, asserts in perfect earnest in his great deod of gift, in Nasik cave-inscription No. 15, that his father, Gotamipata Satakamni I., won a battle in which the wind-god, the bird-inan Garuda, the Siddhas, Yakshas, Rakshasas, Vidyadharas, Bhutas and Gandharvas, as also sun, moon, and stars, took part.87 Besides these analogies, we may add to the above-expressed opinion that here and there perfectly prosaic details appear in Padmagupta's pooms. For example, when one bears that the town of the demon-prince Vajrân kuga lay 50 gavydtis, i.e., about 100 kos or 150-200 English miles distant from the Narmada, one gets the impression that the poet speaks of an actually known town, not of an imaginary picture of one. As regards the explanation of the story, only one point can be held as certain, namely, that the Någa-princess Saśiprabha was not a snake-goddess but the daughter of a king or chief from the far-spread race of the Naga-Kshatriyas. The existence of Naga-kings in Rajputâng and Central India is accredited by inscriptions, and their successors must certainly have remained long in these regions. To venture further on this point is not advisable, while we have no assistance from inscriptions. It may, however, still be mentioned that the Maharshi Vanku appearing in the narrative corresponds with the geographical name Vanku in the Nagpur-Prasasti, verse 54. Lassen erroneously reads Vankshu, and believes that the river Oxus is meant. The minister Yabobhata-Ramangada is also of course a historical personality.
Although so much in Padmagapta's accounts of the history of Sindhurája is dark and indistinct, still it gives us the fact that the latter reigned for some time. Years must have passed after he mounted the throne, before the Navas&hasankacharita was written, and the composition of it cannot be placed earlier than the first decade of the 11th century. Hence it is necessary to place the beginning of Bhoja's reign further down than is nsually done. Various synchronisms demand this, and lead to the supposition that Bhoja was not a grown man in the lifetime of Muñija, as he only mounted the throne towards the end of the second decade of the eleventh century. Unfortunately we have only two dates of the time of his reign, that of his land-grant, Vikrama Samvat 1078, Chaitra sudi 14, which probably corresponds to 30th March 1021, and that of his Karana of the Rajamrigárika, Saka Samvat 964 or 1042-43,200 At any rate, the legends of the wicked uncle Muñja, which disfigure Forbes' and Lassen's work, and which, until quite recently, always reappeared, may now be considered as abolished.
of the carlier history of Malva, Padmagupta merely mentions that the friend of poeta, Vikramaditya of Ujjayini, formerly ruled there. This notice shows at least that the Vikrama legend was developed in Málva in the same way as it was narrated in the Jains Prabandhas of the 18th and 14th centuries. See Vikramarkadetacharita, pp. 28-29, 37-39, note 1.
# Ind. Ant. Vol. IV. 235, 265. Kirtikaumudi, II. 76—107, and Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 169.
Burgess, Archæol. Rep. West. India, Vol. IV. Pp. 109-110. Siri Palumbyi is mentioned by Ptolemsons under the namo of Siri-Palu.
Seo Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 75, and Sir A. Cunningham, Arch. Rep. II. 310.
It is indeed improbablo that Bhoja, at the time when Padmagupta wrote, had reached manhood. Had he been a Yavar ja tbore would not havo been wanting a compliment for him.
1. The date in a copy of the Josalmir MS.is Eako relarando..... .

Page #187

JUNE, 1907.] THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL).
THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL) IN THE EAST INDIES, PERSIA, AND PALESTINE.
1654-1670.
BY SIR R. C. TEMPLE.
(Continued from p. 134.)
Appendix to John Campbell's Narrative.
Additional Note on Thomas Pratt,65
THOMAS PRATT was not actually in the Company's service, but was employed by the Agent at Hugli as a representative of the English at Dacca. In the Hugli Consultation Book, under date 9th November, 1663, there is the following entry with regard to Pratt and the expenses he incurred at Dacca :
...
A Noate of wt demanded by Thomas Pratt Pr. Month for his expences in servants wages diett & his owne sallary. For 10 peones Pr Mo For 20 pikes [paik] & a mange [mänji] For 4 pikes more A Cooke Buttler flagman To my diett
...
To a writer
.w
...
To 6 Caharrs [kahar]
a washerman mussallye (masulchi).
Hollencore [halalkhor]
...
To my owne Mo sallary
For extraordinary expences at ye Durbar...
...
See page 135.
Factory Records, Surat, No. 104,
...
173
21 34. 15. 6
10. 20. 1.
30
5 12. 15.
4
2
40
10
This is y Calculation weh I present to yr vewe, how you will accept of it knowe not, but this much I desire you would take notice of, yt I will freely give any man 50 Rup pr mo more to beare my monthly expences. In wt nature ye Dutch live here is not unknown to some Englishmen theare, yet theire businesse hath not gone better forward in ye Durbarr nor they betur respected hitherto, although theire expences hath beene 4 times as much; and likewise pray Consider when any great more [Moor], ye Dutch, or any Peon of quallity come, whether it is a small expence to give them entertaynement, for I have here no investmemts yt I can eace an Acco: by Charging it upon another but every expence must appeare in its owne shape. Yr servant, Thomas Pratt.
Early in 1664, Pratt became embroiled in a quarrel at Dacca. The account of the occurrence was evidently written to Surat, but the reply only is extant, dated 19 May 166467: Wee are Sorry to read ye Vnhappy accident yt befell Thomas Prat, hee did very rashly to give the occasion, but when hee was besett round wee know not w! a man may bee provokt to doe, especially w his life is engagd, wee are pswadd to thinke yo Nabob may bee reconciled when hee shall take into Consideration the Cruell attempt made upon him by fyreing the house about his Eares." In July of the same year Pratt was still in disgrace, for, in a Consultation at Hugli on the 11th of the Month, we reades that the determination of the 9th. June to stop Thomas Pratt's wages of 180 rs. a month was confirmed "until he shall give satisfaction for wt laid to his charge or that we find thereby that we may lose the Nabobs favour by woh our Masters business may receive a greater prejudice."
es Factory Records, Hugli, No. 1.
es Factory Records, Hugli, No. 1.

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174
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(June, 1907.
A year later, Pratt was still at Dacca. In July, he wrote to the Agent, Mr Blake, at Hugli,69 with regard to the mental state of Mr Marsh, the Company's servant at Dacca. Pratt declared himself unable to restraia Marsh and desired that someone might be sent to look after him. In September of the same year, the Council at Hagli wrote to the Directors in England, 70 " Thomas Pratt remains at Dacca to prefer our complaints and to endeavour redresses."
The later career and end of Thomas Pratt is given by Manucci and the details have been supplied me by Mr. Irvine. Pratt had been employed by Mir Jumla to build and eqnip boats for him, but he was suspected by Daud Khin Qureshi, the Governor of Dacca, who sent to seize him. Pratt fired on his would be captors, and then escaped by his back door to his ship in the river and embarked for Arakan,
Here he intrigued with the King of Arakan and planned an attack on Bengal. Dāüd Khan sent a letter to Pratt, couched in friendly terms, and arranged that it should fall into the hands of the Arakan King. Suspecting treachery, the King removed Pratt's goods from his ship, bound his crew, and then sont him and his ship to the bottom.
[II. - Narrative of Richard Bell.]
An accof of ye Voyage & Travells of Rich: Dell from Lisbon to Jerusalem & other places
in año 1669. May 2311 1669. I tooke boate from Lixn [Lisbon] to goe aboard yo Ship Mary and Martha, Capt Dyer Batesil Commander, bis strenth 30 Guns, 50 Saylers, then Rideing in the bay Wagers [Oeiros ?] agot Passe Darkas[ Paco d'Arcos 1.72
We Weighed ankor of Tewesday at 4 Clock a!ter none, yo winde faire & a fresh gaile, soe as we arrived at Tangeere78 yo 31 day, & caime to anker before ye towne at 4 Clock in the morninge.
In Tangere7 litle remarkable saue yo Mould [Mole), wch is not in litle tyme like to be finished for what wth some years laber & great Cost was built, is a great part washt downe, & more like [ to be ] every day,75 wthout better artists be imployed. Many good howses are whin ye walls. It lies on ye side of a hill; wthout ye walls theires a howse and Garden built and planted by Coll Alsun,76 who then had a tein [tenant] in it, who sold beere, wyne & Sallets. It [is] Cald White Hall in Affrica. We drank ye King of Englands helth in it, & at 4 Clock in yo afternoone went aboard, & yo winde faire, we weighed, Capt, Cod of Yarmoth and a ship of Bristoll in of Company both bound for Genoa.
In or way to Messena, yt being ye first port we weere to touch at, we past yo Islelands of Maj & Mingorke [Majorca and Minorca), & by yo Isleland Sardna (Sardinia], of woh lay becalmd 47 sailo french Men warr & vittellers bound for the releife of Candia. In Sardenia is
69 0. C. 3060.
T0 0. C. 3069. 11 Capt. Dyer Bates is mentioned in the Calendar of State Papers, Domentic Series, 1 Sept. 1970, as commander of the Mary and Martha. Covel, Early Voyages in the Levant. p. 101, calls him Capt. Dier Rolos."
13 Paco d'Arcos, town on the north bank of the Tagun, near the mouth, 94 miles from Lisbon. Mr. Ferguson suggests that "bay Wagors" may represent the Bay of Deiros, this town being 14 milos beyond Paco d'Arcos.
78 Then a British possession.
14 Iu 1532, Tangier was made part of the dowry of Catherine of Braganza, wife of Charlos II. A fine molo was constructed, at a vast expenso, to improve the harbour. The works vero destroyed in 1681 and the place was abundoued to the Moors.
* Cumpare Pepye Diary, Wheatley'a ed., Vol. VIII. p. 235, " Sir H. Cholmley talking ... of Tangier matters. . . troubled from some reports. ..of some decay to the Mole, and a breach made therein by the sea to a great value."
TIAM. "Alsopp, the King's brower" and contractor " for viotualling of Tangier" died 27 July 1664. See Pepy Diary, Wheatley's ed., Vol IV., PP. 174, 176, 178, 189, 195, 198. Perhaps the "Coll Alsup" mentioned by Bell was a son of "the King's brewer,"

Page #189

JONE, 1907.1 THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL).
175
y herbe weh if a man eate he dies laffinge.77 On y day June, we weere becalmd amonge yo burninge [Lipari] Islelaads for 2 dayes. They are callod, I Strambelo (Stromboli] 2 Vulcan [Valcano], 3rd Valoanello. We, yo 80r1] day, had a fresh gailo, weh past vs botwixt yo poynts of Silla and Charibd[is], the one On y Isleland of Scicillia, thother On y Callabria, yo Popes Controy. And, in two howers after, Moored of ships before Mossens, & had prattick7 in 9 howers after.
This Messena is yo 24 Citty in yo greate Isleland of Scicillis. At y tyme of of being theire, came 16 Gallies of yo popes & Maltezes, & 8 days after caime 14 Gallys of yo ffrench; all weighed, & weere for the releife of Candia.70
Messena hath yo farest mould [Mole] of anie place in X.piandome, and its most of it naturall, The Key, cald y. Marreene (Marina), is a very faire one, & On it, for neare a mile, stately howses, all vniforme, faceing ye Sea, weh it bounds, soe as yo may step of ye key into a ship of 300 Tung, theire being water to make bir swim wth hir full Ladeing. Seuerall faire Castles, Convents, Monasterries & Churches are in it. As also faire Conduits & beautifull streets.
The Mannfacter is silke, y greatest quantity made wth in 4 or 5 Miles about y Towne woh I se drawne from yo Cod [Oucoon] into skeynes, woh is an art verry Curious to ynderstand ye well doeing of it.
From Messens wth Mr John Morgan, Me James Stannier & Capt. Bates, we imbarked in affelukeso wo wo hyred to Carrio vs to y Citty of Cattania Catania], 25 Leagues by Sea from Messena.
In or way we see Regium [Reggio, in Italy] yo plat St Paull preched at, on y Callabr[ija side, & si Paulls piller errected in memory of him. We past 3 leagues furthur on y Callabra cost, weh is yo popes Contrey, well peopled, & good buildings & fruitfull, tho verry Mountanous. We after boarded to yo Scicillian coat, on woh are seuerall small Castles fronting yo Sea, & soe are theire on yo Callabria, all to pvent ye landing of ye Turke, woh vex often those pts & stealo away yo xpians, Tho Hilly, yet vecry fru.tfall for Ollives & corne.
In yo morninge & Erenings we see troopes of Weomen, Girls & boyes decend the hills, woh are vervy steepe, to fetch water, wob they beare on theire heads in earthen pitchers from ye springs at y foote of yo steepe hills; theire habbit verry meate.
Arriveinge at Cattanis, yo 34 Cheife Citty of Scicillia, we vewed the towne, left almost empty of inhabbitants by reason of yo Eruption of Mount Etna als Mongebell [alias Monte Bella ),81 wch Sharrie or Mettell [Scoria or liva] ch it rommitts as a streame from a river in many Channells, hath run downe yo wall of ye Citty in Seuerall places, & run downo about 30 dwelling howses in yt Citty, 4 or 5 churches, 2 or 3 Monasterries and Nanaries; & surrounded the Citty on 3 parts & a largo Castlo wth out y' walls, raiseinge it selfe in some places abouy. Surface of yo earth 10, 20 and 30 yis hight ; yo breith in some places 7 Engl miles at Cattania (woh lies on yo Sea 2 Miles), & its Channells when I (was) theira led into yo sea 2 Miles
TT The author is apparently referring to the Cannabis sativa, hemp plant, which Campbell would know in India as Bhaag.
18 Pratiqne - Permission granted to a ship to enter a port.
1 Candia was besiego 1 by the Turks in 1567, and, after a most herofo defonce by the Venetians, who lost 30,000 killed and wounded, was forced to surrender in 1339.
Palarca.. wall vessel, used chiefly in the Mediterranean for coasting voyagen. 81 Compare Lithgow, Painefull Peregrinations, p. 390,"Ætna, called now Monte Bello or Gibollo, signifying faire Mountayne." The eruption of Etun in 1639 is the most violent on record. Twenty-thousand persons aro aaid to have perished.

Page #190

176
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI.
[JUNE, 1907.
bredth & then had fild vp yo cha [channel] in 6 & 7 fathom water, & raised it selfe in some places 5 & 6 fathom aboue yo surface y water; Makinge ye Sea soe hott in yt depth as I could not suffer my hand in it.
We hyred horises & 6 soldiers to gard vs, for its a dangerous Contrey for anie to travell in, to Conduct vs to ye foote of Mongebell, wheere this erruption was, it being 14 Miles from Cattania, and we went all the way alonge the Mettle (lava) it had throwne out. Att yo foote of this Hill, & litle aboue yo vent, is 2 hills & quarter of a Mile in hight, all Ashes throwne vp by Mongabell since ye Erruption. It was soe terrable to looke in at y vent or hole wch first this metle past out at, as I trembled to see it & darst not stay. Its 20 yds longe and 10 yds brod, all of such
flaime as cannot be greater Imagined. Its 10 or 15 yds lower then yo surface of ye earth formerly it had ran over.
In or way to it we rid over topps howses & trees & townes & ways not formerly pagsable, but now levelled wth yo abondance of Ashes woh Mongebell vommitts Oat ; for 15 & 20 Miles it hath don this.
The people, in neuerall townes Woh waere Coverd, weere getinge out theire howshold stuff, & in seall vineyds bareing theire vines, woh they told vs woad yo next yeare beare yo better for it, for it inriches theire land much & makes y barren ground fruitfull.
In Cattania & seuerall other towns weere written Over theire Doores Santa Agothia (Agatha] et Sants Marea (Maria) ffogo [faoco] noli me tangere ;99 yo people had left theire howses. The Metle it runs is of 2 Borts, both woh I haue, & alsoe a paper full of the Asbes.
After 3 days we imbarqued for Messena, in woh Citty I lodged at the howse of Mr. Parker Marchant & by him Mr. Wilkinson, Mr. Morgan & Mr. Hill, Mr Stannier & Mr. Mende (all Engs), was kindly treated.
The Day of June we weighed Anchor for Scanderroones in Turkey, yo winde faire, and sailed by ye west end of Candia, vnder wch land lay 10 saile of Turke men warr belonging to Argier Algiers), we had beene in y. Service of ye grand Senior ag . Candia, And gade vs chace from 10 in y. Morninge till 7 at night, at wch hower we could not avoid speakeing with them. They Commanded vs hoyce out of boate. Of Capt possetively told them he woud not. We weere all in redinesse, or yards. slange, and everyman to his quarters, resolved to die or sinke by them. They Chased vs wth french Cullers [colours), but when they haled vs, put ont theire Swalloe tailes.
When they gee we wond not hoyce out of boate, theire Admirall hoyced out his & sent his Leavetennant aboard to Comd of Capt [command our captain) aboard him, but Cap! Bates would not, nor anio other in ye ship. At last we iudged it fit to send [some one] & all refrising. 184 went. Many questions he asket by ye rannagado English, 85 but I answered as I thought good. At last it bapned soe well that instele of beinge in ye bottom of ye sea, or Carring water in Arger,30 the one of woh we se noe way to avoyd, all ye 10 sayle being Come vp, we got Cleere, & arrived saife at Silena87 in Cyprisse.
* The author has mixed up Latin and Italian in his quotation. * Scanderoon, or Alexandretta, the port of Aleppo. * Apparently, Richard Bell 45 The writer ovidently moans that the Turkish ships had on board renegade Englishmen in their service. W{. e., made to work as slaves in Algiers. * Silonia,.on the east of Cyprus. - . Dr. Poopoke's Travels in the East in Pinkerton's Voyages, Vol. X.
D. 560.

Page #191

JUNE, 1907.) THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL).
177
Being becalmed, lay theire a day, in woh tyme caime vp to vs Capt Morrisse Commandr of ye Prewdence from Scanderroone bound for St John De Acra, wth 3 passengers One My ffra : [Francis) Hemsworth, One M... Blunt, M Sa: Godscall, all 3 intending for Jerusalem. I then left Capt. Bates and imbarqued in Capt. Morrisse, it beinge ye 26 day of June 1669.
We arrived at St Jno de Acra y 29 June, & weere received at the Chamber of Senor Antonia De Antonia Consull of y place in yo Cane [Khān, Sarit), & mett theire M. Hunt & Senior ffrancisco Consull, formerly at Trippiloe [Tripoli] & Jennerous generous) pson. Theire was alsoe Captain Midleton Comdr. of yo Margerett, who had a banderettas given him by yo Padre Guardian of Jerusalem, who entertained vs respectfully aboard.
30th of June, wee hyrod horsses & a Jannasary & 2 Arrabbs to gido vs for Nazereth. We got to it that night at 12 Clock And weere received at yo Convent, woh Consists of 6 ffranciskians, 1 The padre guardia, 2 Joseph, 3 Petro, 4 Nicolo, 5 Marteene.S9 Padre Nicolo accompaned vs in all or Juruey to tyberious [Tiberias] & Mount Taber wth yo Janaserry & 3 Arrabbs.
At Nazareth, we se yo howse of yo Virgin Mary on web seems to haue beene built a spatious Church, sd by Quene Hellens y® Mother of Constantine ye Emperror.90 2d the place wheere yo Angell appeared to hir at prayer; in the same place now is a Chappell under ground, 8, the fountaine of S! Peeter; 4, the Senagog of yo Jewes; 5 the stone on woh of Savior and his Appostles vsed to eate; 6 yo howse of Joseph.02 Noe thinge elce in Nazereth observable, Saue they make in it about Two pounds and a halfe of Silk in it in Twelve months.
Betwixt Oana & The Blessed mount is a vallay about 5 Engł miles in lenth & 2 in bredth, in weh valley it was yo desiples pluckt the ears of Corne. Its verry rich earth, but for want [of] tilling only thistles grow, woh are as hight as a man on horseback.
July 1* 1669. Wee parted from Nazereth for the sea of Tyberious. On the way, about 3 Miles from Nazereth, stands ye ruins of ye Metropilis of Gallile, formerly cald Cana, Wheere we drinke out of y* same fountaine out of wch Caime yo water was made wyno at y Wedding by o Savio!. Alsoe yo ruins of ye bowse was showne ys in web the Merrackle was don.93
Seaven Miles from Cana is yo Mount of blessings, On ye top of woli seemes to hane beene a chappell bailt in Remembrance of o* Savio sermon & ye Merrackle of yo 5 loaves & 2 fishes, web fed yo Multitude at yo bottom of yt hill 2 miles from ye top. 3 niles further is the sea of Gallile, & in yo way my horss fell & brused my knee. This sea beares 3 seuerall naimes from the 3 seuerall Contreys border on it, viz! 1, ye Sea of Gallile; 2, ye Lake of Genazareth; 3, yo Sea of Tyberious. The Sea of Gallile, for yt it borders on it; the Lake of Genazereth, for yt Genazeroth borders On yo east of it, downe wch bill ran ye herd of Swine; The Sea of Tyberious, from the Oitty Tyberious, weh stands on yo west side of it. On y east is yo Desert of Arrabia.
Hi..., a Bannerette, a small silk banner.
* Compare Maundrol!, A Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem at Easter, 1607, ed. 1810, p. 151, " Nazareth .... At this place arom it were immured, seven or eight Latin fathers, who live a life truly mortified, being perpetually in foar of the Arabs, who are absolute lords of the country." Compare also Chiswell, Journey to Jorwalam, in 1597. Ada. M8, 10623,"18th April ... Nazzareth... The Convent here is a small and very mean Building, and the Poor Fathers who are six or seven in Number, lead a Life truely mortifyed being frequently Molested and Constantly in fear of the Arabs who take from them what they please, and abuse them besides - also their Lodgings were so nasty and full of Virmin, their Viotualls so Ordinary, aud Wine Bower, that Our stay here was very uneasy."
Seo Mauadrell, Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, p. 151. 1 800 Pooooke, Travels in the East, p. 455.
Seo Maundrell, Journey from Aloppo to Jerusalem, p. 152. * See Pooooke, Travels in the East, p. 457 ..

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The Citty Safhet Saphet is seene from Tyberious, it being On a hill shewes it selfe verry pls (plain] tho 20 Miles of the Hill vnder weh is Damaskus is also plainly seene from thence, tho it be ostecmed 50 Engl miles or 2 days iurney.
In ye Citty Tyberious, woh is 3 parts incompost [encompassed] wth a wall sleight but shows new,95 ye 4th w tl ye sea, in all its compass about an Engl Mile And hath Only One litle gate in wch ya enter. In this Citty is a Church cald ye Church of St Peeter, some part standing as of Oldes, But ysed Only for Catle to shelter themselues from yo Sann in the heate of the day.. In this Citty is of all Ages & Sexes about yo nomber of 50 psons but not & howse wthin yo walls of ye Citty, Only rains in yo walls of ch they live & dwell. The people speak Arrabb, theire habbit wild & poore like yo Contrey about them, web affords noething worth mentioninge, not gt the soyle is not good, but the people Idle. We had for of food while we staid a night & a day, Milk, Cake & Honney.
In former tymo, 25 years sinco, was a boate on yo Sea of Tyberious, woh belonged to some Jewes ith previlidge to fish, paying 50 Dollers yearly to y Bashaw of Safhett, wth boate tooke fish & furnished all yo Contrey round about; but the Bashaw raised it to 200 Dollss, yo boate was taken away & it never fished in since to this day. We see abondance of fish play neare yo sbore, for some part of yo ruins of a great howse runs into yo water 20 yds.
A quarter of a Mile wthout ye now wall of Tyberious is a natural hot bath, 80e hot I could not goe into it till modderated wth Cold water ; ® its wthin a stones cast of ye Sea of Tyberious, vnder a great hill, & It seemes as if the Old Citty wall had Compast it, by yo ruins of many buildings & an old wall rang beyond it.
24 July 1669. Wee parted from the Citty Tyberious to Nazereth. In ye way wee vewed two Caines [Khāns) or Castles, places in that rude contrey for Marchts, to lodge themselfs, Goods & Cammells in safe from Robbers. The farer is cald Inocth Nu tow Jar [Al-lukandatu't-tujjar), this is wthin a day3 Jurney of the place wheere Josephs Bretheron sold him to ye Ishmalites. This Caine hath its naime from a fountaine was wheere it stands.
A mile beyond this, at y foote of Mount Taber, we kild a yong boar, & rosted it and & eat it On y top of Mount Taber. On y verry top of this Mount is yo ruins of 3 Churches, in One of wch are seene yo 8 tabernackles Queene Hellen built in memory of or saviors transfiguration. Ffrom the top of this Moant woli is two miles high, in of assent we se, Ist Ender, wheere K. Saull wont to'y witch; 2nd, the plaines of Jezraell; 3rd, Mount hermon ; 4, the place wheere yo wid dowes son was carried to buriall [Nain) & raised to life; 51y Mount Gilboa ; 6, the sea of Jordan; 7, the sea of Gallile ; Anil at y bottom of this hill is ye plaine whoere Cisnera was discomfeted [the plain of Esdraelon) & yo place wheere ye blood of yo slaine ran into yo sea of Gallile; 9, y Middeterranian sen. Att y west end of this Mountaine is yo village of Deborn. And a Church, in weh ye 9 Appostles rested when or savior went vp the mount wth se other 3.06
34 July. Wee departed from Nszereth at 11 Clock at night, & ye 4 July we, at 5 in y morninge arrived at 8 Jno de Acra. The Charge of this Jorney Cost each man 13 Lyon Dollergoe besides his gifts.
Seo Pococko, Travels in the East, p. 459.
N Bou Maundrell, Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, p. 155. # The inn of the merchants: the Commercial Inn. " See Maundrell, A Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, p. 156. * See Pocooke, Travels in the East, P. 456.
WA Dutch coin bearing the figure of a lion.

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JUNE, 1907.) THE TRAVELS OF RICHARD BELL (AND JOHN CAMPBELL).
179
5th July 1669. Att 7 Clock at night we imbarqued in a felu ke we hyred for Joppa, wheere we arrived the 6 day at 3 Clock in ye afternoone. In yo way, we see Cesaris Phillippi, but durst not goe ashore for yo Arrabbs we are theire & take Copher100 3 Dollers pr man.
In Joppa is a ruined castle & Symon the tanners how39, now a place w beere wyne is sold. Theires a great trade theire, it beinge the port for Jerusalem. Much Cake sope, ffallaloes & Cotten Lynnen we & blew is sold theire Cheap.3
7th July 1669. We departed from Joppa to Ramah in yo Phillistines Contrey, wch is 10 Miles from Joppa, & all ye way throw a greate plaine & fertile Contrey. In ye way was 100 tents of Arrabbs together wth theire fammilies, Cattle & Cammells. When they haue eaten that part bare, they remoue further in to fresh pasture.
We arrived at Ramah at 9 in ye morninge, & at 10 Clock at night we mounted horss for Jorusalem. In Ramah is much tobacco planted, '& its a great towne, & hath faire Moskeys in it. Theirs a Convent wol does receive all ffranks weh belongs to Jerusalem, wheere we arrived the gth July 1669 at 7 Clock in the Morninge, spending that day in the Ceremoneys of the Convent, Cald Lyon Convent, The Padrey Guardian washinge of feete.& nfter wth Candles in of hands, went in pension (procession) about yo howse and church in it, wheere we ended ye day with devotion. Our entrance was at y gate cald ye gate of Damaskus. We weere reced by yo Drugga. man [Dragoman) & yo Caddies (cadi, qadi) officer ; the former conducted vs to yo Convent, woh is wheere was yo howse of St John yo Evangelist,
9. Beinge fryday, in the morninge we weere accompaned out Towne wth fratre Thomas throw yo gate of Bethlem. On y west side with yo towne is a small castle built by yo Pesans? in woh is guarde of Turks solliers. Passing southward, neare yo Citty wall, is yo Valley of Goehennon, & in yo Midle theire of, theire seemes to have beene s pooll, woh is gd to be that wheere Barsheba (Bathsheba] was seene by David bathing bir selfe, & dwelt by it, beinge vnder & neare Mount Zyon, wbeere was ye pallas of king David & Over looks y Pooll. A little further is the potters feild bought wth ye 30 på silver Judas returned. On wch small peece ground is a building levells it wth adioyneing rock. At ye top of wh rouk are 3 holes, throw wch are let downe the bodies of y deade into a valt about 20 yds deepe, wh earth is of such nature, it consumes the flesh in 24 howers after put in.
(To be continued.)
1 Khasarah, a premium for defence, a tax for safe passage. Compare Maundrell, A Journey from Aloppo to Jerusalem, p. 4, "Caphars are certain duties which travellers are obliged to pay at several passes upon the rond, to officers who attend in their appointed stations to receive them."
1 Seo Pococke, Travels in the East, p. 407.
* Mr. Ferguson suggests that this word may be the Spanish follados, an ancient kind of trousers, very bagay, and that possibly the kind worn by Arabs is intended. On the other hand, "Falladoes," may be the Turkish ferāje, a cloak worn out of doors by women. See Pooocke, Travels in the East, p. 407.
• See Pococke, Travels in the East, p. 415. * See Pocooke, Travels in the East, pp. 411, 413, 415.
Compare Pooooke, Travels in the Rast, p. 414," it is the office of one of the lay-brothers to take care of them European pilgrims) ... the lay-brother. Roos always out with them."
1 Compare Pooooke, Travels in the East, P. 412, "The castle, which is now onlled the tower of David ... is said to have been built by the Pisans in the time of the holy war." See also Maundrell, A Journey from Aloppo to Jerusalem, p. 35.
See Maundrell, A Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, p. 136.
• Compare Maundrell, A Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, p. 139,"One moiety of it (the Potters Field] is taken up by square fabrio twelve yards high, built for a charnel house. The corpses are lot down into it from tho bop, there being five holes left open for that purpose. Looking down through these holes, we could see many bodies onder wweral degrees of doony from which it may be conjectured, that this grave does not make that quick diopatoh with the corpos committed to it which is commonly reported. See also Pooooke, Travels in the East, p. 124

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180
- THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
JUNE, 1907.
BOOK-NOTICE. BUCH DAS RÄGÄWAN, DER KÖNIGSGESCHOOXTI. DIN In the Introduction, besides the necessary GRECHICHTS Da Mon-KÖNIGN IN HINTISINDIEN particulars concerning the manuscript, Pater NACK BINEM PALYBLATT MANUSKRIPT AUB DEX
Schmidt gives an abstract of its contents and a MON ÜBERRETET, MIT EINER EINFÜHRUNG UND, NOTA VERSEHEN, VON P. W. SCHMIDT, S.Y.D.. Vienna,
Bummary of the information available about 1903. (Reprintod from the Bileungsberichte der Kass.
other Mon MSS. at present known to exist. Akademie der Wissenschaften.)
Forchhammer in 1880 made a list of 53 Mon MSS.
which are said to be now in the Bernard Free PATER W. SCHMIDT's researches into the Mon- Library in Rangoon, and besides these there are Khmer dialects are well known. In 1904 a few catalogued in European collections. Owing appeared his Grundsüge einer Lautlehre der to the Mon character being practically the same as Khasi-Sprache, and in the following year his the Burmese, these last have usually been classed Grundzüge einer Lautlehre der Mon-Khmer as belonging to that language, -scholars in Mon Sprachen.' In these works he so carried on the being so rare in the West, that apparently no one enquiries begun by Logan and Forbes and placed has yet been found capable of reading them. Now on & scientifio footing by Kuhn, that we have that attention has been drawn to the fact, it is now a definite knowledge as to the mutual possible that other works in the same language relationship of the various members of the may be found in Europe un libraries, similarly group.
hidden under a Burmese classification."
While we can most heartily congratulate It will be observed that the works to which Pater Schmidt on being privileged to introduce reference has just been made deal only with one | Mon literature so successfully to British studenta, aspect of the subject, - the Lautlehre, Phunetics,
it is not easy to repress a feeling of patriotic Pater Schmidt was quite aware that even more
envy that the first serious attempt at dealing important from a philological point of view would
with an important Oriental language, spoken by be a comparative study of the laws of the word
nearly 175,000 British subjeuts, should have formation, in its widest sense, of these languages.
appeared in Vienna, and not in London or But for this purpose trustworthy texts of two or
Rangoon. One resouroe there is, and I hope it three of the principal forms of speech were an
will be soon adopted. This is to translate Pater absolute neceesity, and while such were forth
Schmidt's excellent work as quickly as possible coming for Khmer, for the other leading tongue
80 that it may become accessible to scholars in Mon, nothing was available beyond three short
India who are not aoquainted with the German fables in the Haswell-Stevens Grammar and a few language.
GEORGE A. GRIERBON. translations from English of doubtfal value. Pater Schmidt was therefore compelled to refrain from carrying his researches further till, through RRADERS of the Indian Antiquary, who interest the kindness of that accomplished authority on themselves in Iranian studies, will bo glad to Malacca languages, Mr. C. O. Blagden, he came learn that Professor Bartholomae has issued into possession of the manuscript of the work,
a supplement to his monumental Alliranisches the name of which heads this notice. It is partly Wörterbuch which appeared in 1904. It appears a life of the Buddha and partly a history of the
under the title of Zum altiraniachen Wörterbuch Mon Kingdom from the middle of the 12th to the
Nacharbeiten und Vorarbeiton, and is published middle of the 18th century, A.D., mostly written at Strasburg by Karl J. Trübner. in the Mon language. He lost no time in editing The book, which contains about three hundred it, both in the native and in the Roman character, pages, includes not only additions and corrections and has supplied in addition & valuable 1 to the main work, but also replies to criticisms Introduction, Translation, and notes. In and a special exoursue of 68 pages devoted to a Appendixes, he gives lists of words which do not consideration of the vowels and vowel signs in the appear in any. Mon vocabularies hitherto Iranian manuscripts lately discovered in Turfan. published. These words amount to a consider- It is hardly necessary to say that the importance able number, and as he has succeeded in of the subjects dealt with, and the eminence of ascertaining the meanings of most of them, the the writer, 'render the book indispensable to all Appendixes form a substantial addition to Moustadunts of Old Iranian literature, lexicography
G, A. G.

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JULY, 1907.)
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
181
A PLAN FOR A UNIFORM SCIENTIFIC RECORD OF THE
LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
Applied to the Languages of the Andamanese and Nicobarose. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE.
Prefaee. COME years ago, I published ante, Vol. XXVIII. (1900), pp. 197 fi., 225 ff., a Theory of
Universal Grammar as applied to a Group of Savage Languages, and in Vol. XXXI. (1902), pp. 165 ff., this theory was successfully applied by Mr. Sydney Ray for the elacidation of a short statement in sixteen unrelated and morphologically distinct languages. While compiling Vol. III, of the Report on the Census of Indis, 1901, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, I had an opportunity of applying it in detail to the languages of the inhabitants of those islands. In 1904 I had another opportunity of revising the Theory in a lecture to the British Association at Cambridge. I now publish the Theory as revised on that occasion, and its application to systematic grammars of the languages of the Andamanose and the Nicobarese. In this matter I have had the advantage of the Resistance of Mr. K. H. Man, the greatest expert on the subject.
The following abstract of the ideas elaborated in the succeeding pages may be of use to the reader.
During the last 30 years the careful record of " savage " languages has been frequently undertaken, and a serious difficulty has arisen, owing to the accepted European system of grammar, which is based on a system originally evolved for the explanation of highly inflected languages only, whereas in many, if not in most," savage" languages, inflexion is absent or present only in
radimentary form. The European system has therefore been found to be unsuited for that purpose. During attempts to provide a suitable system a Theory of Universal Grammar tras evolved.
The root idea is that, as speech is a convention devised by the human brain for intercommunication between human beings, there must be fundamental natural laws by which it is governed, however various the phenomena of those laws may be.
The Theory starts with a consideration of the sentence, i. e., the expression of a complete meaning, as the unit of all speech, and then seeks to discover the natural laws of speech by a consideration of the internal and external development of the sentence.
In explaining internal development, the sentence is ultimately divided into words. considered as components of its natural main divisions, in the light of their respective functions. This leads logically to a clear definition of grammatical terms,
From the consideration of the fanctions of words the Theory passes to that of the methods by which they are made to fulfil their functions. It shows how words can be divided into classes • according to function and explains their transfer from class to class. This leads to an explanation
of connected words and shows how the forms of words grow out of their functions. The growth of the forms is next considered, involving an explanation of roots, stems, and radical and functional affixes. This explanation shows that the sffixes determine the forms of words. This is followed by a consideration of the methods by which the affixes affect the forms.
The sentence, is e., the unit of speech, is then considered as being itself a component of something greater, i. e., of a Inngange. This consideration of its external development leads to the

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[JULY, 1907.
explanation of syntactical and formative languages, the two great divisions into which all languages naturally fall, i. e., those which depend on the position of the words, and those which depend on the forms of the words in a sentence, to express complete meaning.
Syntactical languages are then shown to divide themselves into analytical, or those which depend for comprehension mainly on the position of the words, and into tonic, or those which combine tone with position for the same purpose. So also formative languages are shown to divide themselves into agglutinative and synthetic, according as the affixes are attached without or with 'alteration. Formative languages are further divided into premutative, intromutative or postmutative, according to the position of the affixes.
The Theory farther explains that, owing to a fundamental Law of Nature, no language can have ever been left to develop itself alone, and how this leads to the phenomenon of connected languages and thus to groups and families of languages. It also explains how, again according to a Law of Nature, no language has ever developed in one direction only or without subjection to outside influences, leading to the natural explanations of the genius, or peculiar constitution, that each language possesses.
It is believed that every language must conform to some part or other of the Theory and it can be shown that children and untutored adults in learning a language act on the instinctive assumption of the existence of such a Theory. Assuming the Theory to exist and to be correctly stated, it is of great practical importance as leading to the quick, accurate and thorough, because natural, acquirement of a new language.
In brief, the Theory is based on the one phenomenon which must of necessity be constant in every variety of speech, viz., the expression of a complete meaning or technically the sentence. Words are then described as components of the sentence, firstly as to the functions performed by them and next as to the means whereby they fulfil their functions. Lastly, languages are considered according to their methods of composing sentences and words.
Phonology and orthography, i. e., pronunciation, spelling, and alphabets, are not considered, as these belong to other branches of the development of the human mind.
The Theory of Universal Grammar.
(a) The Theory. The existing European system of Grammar is an old growth based on ancient Greek and Latin Grammars, which embodied the results of a system originally evolved for recording the observed laws of highly synthetic or inflected languages. It is naturally ongrained in all European scholars. The objection to it for general use and to my mind the overwhelming objection, is that it is in essentials unsuited to a very large number of languages, which are not synthetic or inflected, or at any rate have synthesis or inflection present only in a rudimentary form. It is entirely unsuited, for instance, for recording English, and in order to use it for that purpose, terms suitable for describing Greek and Latin have to be forced to new and unsuitable uses.
As regards the civilised and deeply studied languages, scholars and students have naturally become so imbued with the ancient system, that it is hardly to be expected that they can be induced to adopt any new or radically different system, and it is not now proposed to appeal to them to change that which is so well established. It is rather sought to find a way of reoording on a uniform system the languages of savages nowadays so frequently reported, and, owing to the lack of a suitable and settled method, much too often on a haphazard plan, to the detriment of their successful handling.

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JULE, 1907.]
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
183
Thirty years ago this subject was forcibly brought to the present author's notice when trying to represent, with Mr. E. H, Man, the purely "savage" language of the Andaman Islanders, in which work the active and very competent assistance of the late Mr. A. J. Ellis, F.R.S., President of the Philological Society, was secured. Some years later Mr. Ellis, finding the accepted grammatical terms so little suited to the adequate representation of savage speech for scientific readers, stated in his Annual Presidential Address to that Society for 1882, that: "we require new terms and an entirely new set of grammatical conceptions, which shall not bend an agglutinative language to our inflexional translation." In 1883 he started the author on the present enquiry, and asked if it were not possible " to throw over the inflexional treatment of an uninflected language." Ever since then, as opportunity offered, the enquiry has been taken up and has resulted in the evolution of a Theory of Universal Grammar, which is of necessity a plan for the uniform scientific record of all languages, though, for the reason already stated, it is now sought to limit its application to “savage” languages only.
The Theory was applied in part in Portman's Comparative Grammar of the South Andaman Languages in 1898 and again in an article on the same languages by the present. author in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1899, and elaborately and fully in his Census Report of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands for 1901, in which the languages of both groups of islands were discussed and explained in full Grammars. The Andamanese Languages are agglutinative and represent the speech of savages of very limited mental development: the Nioobarese Languages are a highly developed analytical form of spoooh, like English. In both, inflection is only present in a secondary and rudimentary form, as in English. The Theory was also applied in outline by Mr. Sydney Ray in the Indian Antiquary for 1902 to sixteen selected languages of every type--synthetic, agglutinative, analytical, syntactical (monosyllabic) - from the most highly civilised and developed to those of the most primitive savages. In the opinion of these writers, the theory succeeds in describing on a uniform plan every language to which it has been applied, as indeed it must succeed in doing, if it be a correct theory.
The very great importance to anthropologists and observers of Savage tribes and peoples unknown to Earopeans of a uniform scientific system in this matter is so obvious, that no excuse is made for bringing it once more before the readers of this Journal.
The root ides of the Theory is, that as speech is a convention devised by the human brain for intercommunication between human beings, there must be some fundamental natural laws by which it is governed, however various the phenomena of those laws may be. The basiness of the Grammarian is to discover and report the laws. These considerations form the basis of the Theory of Universal Grammar, the practical application of which at the present day must, on account of long formed habits, be limited to a Plan for Uniformly Recording the Languages of Savages.
In bailding up a Theory of Universal Grammar, it is necessary, in order to work out the argument logically, to commence where the accepted Grammars end, viz., at the sentence, defining the sentence as the expression of a complete meaning, and making that the unit of language. This is the fundamental argument. Nothing is an intelligiblo communication, unless it is complete enough to be understood. It is by observation of the internal and external development of the sentence or complete meaning that the natural laws of speech will be discovered.
A sentence may, clearly, consist of one or more expressions of a meaning or "words," defined as single expressions of a meaning. The difference between a word and a sentence may be shown thus: - "go" is a sentence, as it says all that is necessary; bat "Cor" is merely a word, because something must be said about the cow before the communication is complete.
A sentence can also consist of two separate parts - the subject, i. e., the matter to be discussed or communicated, and the predicate, i. e., the discussion or communication. Thus,

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“the badly hurt cow" would be the subject and died suddenly yesterday" would be the predicate of a sentence.
And when the subject or predicate consists'. many words, it must contain principal and additional words. In the sentence already quoted, the words "Cow" and "died" are the principal words, and the rest are additional.
This leads to the argament that the components of a sentence are words, placed either in the subjective or predicative parts of it, having a relation to each other in that part of principal and subordinate. Therefore, because of such relation, words fulfil fanctions. The functions then of the principal words must be to indicate the subjeot or predicate, and of the subordinate words in the predicative part of the sentence to illustrate the predicate, and in the subjective part to explain the subject or to illustrate that explanation. Thus, in the sentence already discussed, the functions of each word are quite clear. “Cow" indicates the subject and "died" the predicate. "The" and "hurt" explain the sort and condition of the cow, i. e., of the subject. “Badly" illustrates the explanation of the subject by stating how much the cow was hurt. "Suddenly" and "yesterday" illustrate the predicate by stating how and when the cow died.
Again, as the predicate is the discussion of communication on the sabject, it is capable of extension or completion by complementary words, which form that part of a sentence recognised in the Grammars as "the object. Thus, in " the policeman found the dead man," the communication made in the predicate “found ". is completed by the complementary words the dead man," which form the complement or object.
These observations complete the first stage of the argument leading to a direct and simple definition of grammatical terms.But speech obviously does not stop here, because mankind speaks with a purposo, and the funotion of his sentences is to indicate that purpose, which must be one of the five following in any specified sentence: -(1) affirmation, (2) denial, (3) interrogation, (4) exhortation, (5) information. Now, purpose can only be indicated in a sentence by the position, as in English, or by the tones, as in Chinese, of its componente; or by variation of their forms, as in Latin ; or by the addition of special introductory words, as in most languages. Also it is obvious that when purposes are connected, they can be indicated by connected sentences, and that these sentences must be in the relation of principal and subordinate. This relation can only be expressed by the position of the sentences themselves, as in English; by tariation of the forms of their components, as in Tamil, Turkish, and many other languages, or by the addition of special words of reference. In English, subordinate sentences usually follow the principal. When they do not, this rule is recognised by saying that the statement is inverted. The use of special words of reference is shown in such a statement as "I am certain John died on Sunday, because Mary told me so," where "because" is specially added to the subordinate sentence to connect it with the principal sentence.
A word of reference 'must act in one of two ways, either by merely joining sentences, or by nabstituting itself in the subordinate sentence for the word in the principal sentence to which it refers. In "I caught the man who ran away, the word of reference “wbo" connects the subordinate with the principal sentence. * John ran away. He had killed his mother." Here are two connected sentences, the subordinate following the principal and connected with it by the words" he." And his" substituted for John" in the principal sentence to which they refer.
. Further, as there is a necessary interrelation between the words in a sentence, this can only be expressed by the addition of special connecting words, or by variation or correlated variation of form. In the story about John was told me yesterday," the intimate relation between "story" and "John" is expressed by the connecting word "abont." In "descensus Averni," inflexion of one of two intimately related words is used for the same purpose, just as in English the special

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connecting word "into" would be used in such a corresponding expression as "descent into Hell." Agreement or concord between adjective and noun, or verb and noun, in the inflected languages has exactly the same object. In the Persian "ism-i-sharif" (noble name), the relation between noun and adjective is expressed by the connecting word "i.
These considerations complete what may be called the second stage of the argument leading to clear definitions of grammatical terms. The argument thereafter becomes more complicated, taking us into the explanation of elliptical, i. e., incompletely expressed, forms of speech, and into those expansions of sentences known as phrases, clauses and periods. But, to keep our minds fixed only on that part of it which leads to plain grammatical definitions, it may be stated now that functionally a word must be, inventing new terms for the purpose, one of the following
(1) An integer, or & sentence in itself (imperatives, interjections, pronouns,
numerals). (2) An indicator, or indicative of the subject or complement (object) of a sentence
(nouns). (3) An explicator, or explanatory of its subject or complement (adjective). (4) A predicator, or indicative of its predicate (verbs). (5) An illustrator, or illustrative of its predicate or complement, or of the explanation
of its subject or complement (adverb, adjective). (6) A connector, or explanatory of the interrelation of its components (or words,
conjunctions, prepositions). (7) An introducer, or explanatory of its purpose (conjunctions, adverbs). (8) A referent conjunctor, or explanatory of the interrelation of connected sentences
by joining them (pronouns, conjunctions). (9) A reforent substituto, or explanatory of the interrelation of connected sentences
by substitution of itself in the subordinate sentence for the word in the principal sentence to which it refers (relative pronouns, conjunctions).
These then are the terms it is proposed to use in the explanation of the functions of words, and the arguments out of which they grow. Of course, grammarians will know that all this is syntax, and it must now be explained why the Theory makes it necessary to consider it far more important to study function than form or tone, as essential to the correct apprehension of the nature of words, and that accidence arises properly out of syntax and not the other way round, as so many of us have been taught.
It is obvious that any given woni may full one or more or all the functions of words, and that therefore words may be collected into as many classes as there are functions, any individual word being transferable from one class to another and belonging to as many classes as there are functions which it can fulfil. This is to say, that words are divisible into classes according to function as just explained, and that the same word can belong to more than one class, as it does constantly in English. Thus," the tiger returns to his kill," "Shall we kill the horse P," "Shall we cross at the bridge higher op, or shall we bridge the river here at once ?" And so on ad infinitum. In the above examples the same word has been transferred from the indicator (noun) class to the predicator (verb) class. And the same words in English and many other tongues are constantly nouns, adjectives, verbs or adverbs, simply according to the function they happen to perform for the time being.
The function a word fulfils in any particular sentence can be indicated by its position therein, without and with variation of form, as in English and Latin respectively; or by its

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tone, as in Chinese. And because of this, the form or tone which a word can be made to assume is capable of indicating the class to which it belongs for the nonce. In Chinese the same word can become a noun or verb and so on merely by the tone used in attering it : tone being to Chinese what inflexion is to Latin. So the Latin stem domin by changing its form does all sorts of things and belongs to all sorts of classes. As domin-1 it is an indicator (noan): as domin-or it is a predicator (verb): as domin-ans it is an explicator (adjective): as domin-i it may be a subordinate noun showing its intimate relation to some other word or it may be simply a noon according to context : as domin-o it is, again according to context, an illustrator (adverb) of a verb or a complementary indicator, i.e., & noun governed by a verb, as we have all been taught to say: as dominum it is always a complementary indicator: and so on.
It is further obvious that words transferable from class to class belong primarily to a certain class and secondarily to the others, that a transfer involves the fulfilment of a new function, and that a word in its transferred condition becomes a new word connected with the form fulfilling the primary function, the relation between the forms or tones, i. e., the words so connected, being that of parent and offshoot. Form and tone therefore can indicate the class to which a parent word and its offshoots respectively belong. In English it is not usually difficult to detect primary and secondary function, or parent and offshoot words. Thus, in the case of "bridge" the noun and bridge" the verb: of " kill the verb and kill” the noun, or in the caso of " kill" and " killer.” In the inflected languages it is never easy, as all the observable forms are probably connected secondary forms of some older lost word. It is not easy to say offhand what should be affixed to domin as the form of its primary function. But the principle of the application of every existing inflected form is precisely that above explained.
It is by the above induction that one is led to the argument that form grows out of function, or, to put it in a familiar way, accidence grows out of syntax, because when connected words differ in form they must consist of & principal part or stem, and an additional part or functional affix. The function of the stem is to indicate the meaning of the word, and the function of the fanctional affix to modify that meaning with reference to the function of the word. This modification can be expressed by indicating the class to which the word belongs, or by indicating its relation or correlation to the other words in the sentence. All this is illustrated in the words just quoted. The meaning of those connected words lies in the stem domin, and this meaning is modified, and the function in the sentence and relation to its other words of each individual is determined, by affixing us, or, ans, i, o, um and so on.
But the stem itself may consist of an original meaning and thus be a simple stem, or it may contain a modification of an original meaning and so be a compound stem. A compound stem must consist of a principal part or root and additional parts or radical affixes, the function of the root being to indicate the original meaning of the stem, and of the radical affixes to indicate the modifications by which the meaning of the root has been changed into the meaning of the stem. As simple examples may be instanced, the modern English words "form" and "information," of which the former is a simple stem and the latter & compound stem, built up of the root "form" and the radical affixes "in" and " at " and the functional affix " ion." So too the stem domin already mentioned is a compound stem with root dom, having the sense of "(to be ) set," modified into the sense of " mastery" by a radical affix, which has there the form of in.
Further, since words fulfil functions and belong to classes, they must possess inherent qualities, which can be indicated by qualitative affixes and by tones. There are many English words, whose modern forms are however chiefly old decayed inflexional forms, which can illustrate

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this point. Thus, "bury" is always a verb: so too are "believe," "give," and so on. So also by form dominari would always be a verb, and dominus a noun.
Thus it is that affixes determine the forms of words, bringing into existence what is usually called etymology or derivation. They are attachable, separably or inseparably, to roots and stems and words by the well-recognised methods of prefixing, infixing and suffixing, either in their full or in a varied form. It is the method of attaching them by variation of form that brings about inflexion in all its variety of kind. This is an important point. Affixes are additions to roots or stems. Those to roots are both prefixed and suffixed in most languages and are sometimes fixed into the roots, dividing them into parts, as in Arabic with much inflexion, and more plainly in Nicobarese: e. g., in the latter case pa-hoa, to fear; pa-ma-hoa, a coward; d-ak, to come; d-am-āk, a guest. Prefixed affixes to show function are the rule in the South African Languages, infixed affixes in Arabic, suffixed affixes in the European inflected languages.
Such is the line inductive argument naturally takes in order to work out the grammar of any given language or group of languages logically, starting from the base argument that speech is a mode of communication between man and man through the ear by talking, through the eyes by signs, or through the skin by touch, and taking a language to be a variety or special mode of speech. The grammar, i. e., the exposition of the laws, of any single language stops at this point and to carry the argument further, as one of course must, is to enter the region of Comparative Grammar. In doing so one must start at the same point as before, viz., the sentence, but progress on a different line, because hitherto the effort has been to resolve the unit of language into its components, and now it has to be considered as being itself a component of something greater, i. e., of a language.
To continue the argument. Since a sentence is composed of words placed in a particular order without or with variation of form, its meaning is clearly rendered complete by the combination of the meaning of its components with their position and tones or form or both. Also, since sentences are the units of languages, and words are the components of sentences and languages are varieties of speech, languages can vary in the forms and tones of their words, or in the position in which their words are placed in the sentence, or in both. And thus are created classes of languages. Again, since the meaning of a sentence may be rendered complete either by the position of its words or by their tones and forms, languages are primarily divisible into syntactical languages, or those that express complete meaning by the position of their words; and into formative languages, or those that express complete meaning by the forms of their words. These are the two great divisions into which all languages fall. The order of the words and the forms of the words in the sentence determine the particular natural laws to which a language chiefly conforms.
Now, since syntactical languages depend on position, or on position combined with 'tone, to express complete meaning, they are divisible into analytical and tonic languages. Of such English and Chinese are respectively typical examples.
Further, since words are varied in form by the addition of affixes, and since affixes may be attached to words in an altered or unaltered form, formative languages are divisible into agglutinative languages, or those that add affixes without alteration, of which Turkish is a good example; and into synthetic languages, or those that add affixes with alteration, of which any inflected language serves as an example. And lastly, since affixes may be prefixes, infixes or suffixes, agglutinative and synthetic languages are each divisible into (1) premutative, or those that prefix their affixes, like the South African Languages; (2) intromutative, or those that infix them, like Arabio; and (3) postmutative, or those that suffix them, like Latin, Greek, or Sanskrit.
Thus inductive argument can be carried onwards to a clear and definite apprehension of the birth and growth of the phenomena presented by the varieties of human speech, i. e., by languages,

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But, as is the case with every other natural growth, in obedience to a fundamental Law of Nature, no language can ever have been left to develop itself alone, and thus do we get the phenomenon of connected languages, which may be defined as those that differ from each other by varying the respective tones, forms and position, but not the meanings, of their words. And since variation of form is affected by the addition of altered or unaltered affixes, connected languages can vary the forms of the affixes without materially varying those of the roots and stems of their words. In this way they become divisible into groups, or those whose stems are common, and into families, or those whose roots are common. On this definition it is possible to gather French, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese and the Latin " Languages into a Group. Hindi, Hindostani, Bengali, Uriya, Bihari, Panjabi, Marathi and the “ Prakritic” Languages could be formed into a Group. Latin, Greek, Persian, Zend, Sanskrit, Pâli, and the Prakrits would belong to a Family.
It is also against natural conditions for any language to develop only in one direction, or without subjection to outside influences, and so it is that we find languages developing on more than one line and belonging strictly to more than one class, but in every such case the language has what is commonly called its genius or populiar constitution, s. e., it belongs primarily to one class and secondarily to the others. This point cannot be too strongly insisted on. No language has ever developed entirely on one line of development, hence the “irregalarities " that vex the souls of learners. English is fundamentally analytical, but there are many highly inflected forms and fanctional inflexion occars in many instances. There is also intromutation present in such forms as "man, men," "broad, breadth," "know, knew." Such highly inflected languages, too, as Greek and Latin have points in common with analytical languages.
I have long thought and I believe it can be proved that every language must conform to some part or other of the Theory just outlined, and in that case the Theory would be truly, as I have ventured to call it, a Theory of Universal Grammar. That the facts for such a Theory exist in Nature and only await unearthing I have no doubt whatever. Mankind, when untrammelled by teaching, acts on an instinctive assumption of their existence, for children and adults alike always learn a language in the same way, if left to themselves. They copy the enunciation of complete sentences from experts in it to start with, learning to divide up and vary the sentences so acquired afterwards, and this is not only the surest but also the quickest way of mastering a foreign tongue correctly. Its natural laws, i, e., its grammar, as stated in books about it, are mastered later on, and in every case where they only are studied there comes about that book-knowledge of the language which is everywhere by instinct acknowledged to be a matter apart from, and in one sense inferior to the practical or true knowledge. I use the term "true" here, because, unless this is possessed, whatever knowledge may be acquired fails to fulfil its object of finding a new mode of communicating with one's fellow man.
Book-knowledge of a language is only useful for 'scientific and educational purposes, but if the laws laid down in the set Grammars were to follow closely on the laws instinctively obeyed by untatored man, and to do no violence to what instinct teaches him to be the logical sequence of ideas, the divorce between practical and linguistic knowledge between knowledge by the car and knowledge by the eye - would not be so complete as it is nowadays. And not only that, if the laws could be stated in the manner above suggested, they could be more readily grasped and better retained in the memory, and languages could consequently be more quickly, more thoroughly and more easily learned by both children and adults than is now practicable to the ordinary learner. Looked at thus, the matter becomes of the greatest practical importance.

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This is what the Theory attempts to achieve : but assuming it to be fundamentally right and correctly worked out, it should explain the workings of the untutored mind of the savage as exhibited in his speech, although it reverses the accepted order of teaching, alters many long accepted definitions, and while admitting much that is usually taught, it both adds. and omits many details, and taken all round is a wide departure from orthodox teaching. How wide the following observations will show. The familiar terminology has been changed in this wise. The old noun, adjective, verb, adverb, preposition and conjunction have become indicator, explicator, predicator, illustrator, connector and referent conjunctor, while interfections and pronouns have become integers and referent substitutes. Certain classes also of the adverbs have become introducers. Gender, number, person, tense, conjunction and declension all disappear in the general description of kinds of inflexion the object becomes the complement of the predicate and concord becomes correlated variation.
The Theory is based on the one phenomenon, which must of necessity be constant in every variety of speech, viz., 'the expression of a complete meaning or technically the sentence. Words are then described as components of the sentence, firstly as to the functions performed by them and next as to the means 'whereby they can fulfil their functions. Lastly, languages are considered according to their methods of composing sentences and words. Assuming this course of reasoning to be logically correct, it mast, when properly worked ont, explain every phenomenon of speech; and when its dry bones have been clothed with the necessary flesh for every possible language by the process of the direct natural development of every detail, a clear and fair explanation of all the phenomena of speech must be logically deducible from the general principles enunciated therein.
The Theory takes no count of two subjects introduced into all formal Grammars for obvious reasons of convenience - phonology and orthography. It has no concern with pronunciation, spelling, and alphabets. These are subjects which do not affect it and belong to other branches of the development of the human mind.
(b) The Course of Grammatical Development.
The Sentence is the Unit of all Speech,
I. - The Sentence and its Components. (a) A Sentence is composed of words. (6) A Word is the expression of a meaning. 6) A Sentence is the expression of a complete meaning. (d) Words required to express the meaning of a sentence are (1) integers, (2) indicators,
(8) predicators, (4) explicators, (5) illustrators.
II.-The Interrelation and Intimate Relation of the Components. (a) Interrelation of components can be expressed by variation in form. (6) Intimate relation of components can be expressed by correlated variation in form
(agreement). (.) Words required to express the interrelation of components are (6) connectors.
III. - The Sentence and its Function. (a) The function of a sentence is to express its purpose. (6) Words required to express the function of a sentence are (7) introducers. 6 The function of a sentence can be expressed by variation of the tones of its components. (D) A Tone is a point on & conventional scale of the voice in speaking.

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IV. Expansion of the sentence into the Period by the substitution of Phrases,
Olauses and Connected Sentences for Wordą. (a) A Phrase is the substitate for a Word by the collective expression of a meaning by two
or more words. (6) A Clause is the substitute for a Word by the collective expression of a complete meaning
by two or more words. A Period is a sentence expanded by Clauses or Words.
V.-Interrelation of the Components of the Expanded Sentence or Period. (a) Connected Sentences express connected purposes. (6) Words required to express the interrelation of connected sentences are (8) referent
conjonctors, (9) referent substitutes.
VI. -The Functions of the Components of the sentence. (a) The Essential Components of the Sentence are (1) indicators, () explicators,
(3) predioators, (4) illustrators, (5) complements. (6) Complements are indicators or explicators. (6) The Optional Components of a Sentence are (1) introducers, (2) referents, (3) connectors. (d) Referents are referent conjunctors or referent substitutes. (©) An Integer is a sentence in itself.
An Indicator indicates the subject or complement of the sentence. (g) An Explicator explains the subject or complement. (1) A Predicator indicates the predicato.
An Illustrator illustrates the predicate or compler.ent or the explanation of the subject
or complement. (1) A Connector explains the interrelation of the components. (b) An Introductor explains the purpose of the sentence. (1) A Referent Conjunctor explains the interrelation of connected sentences by joining them, (m) A Referent Substitute explains the interrelation of connected sentences by the substitu
tion of itself in the subordinate sentence for the word in the principal sentence to
which it refers. (w) The Sabjoct of the sentence is the matter communicated (6) The Predicate of the sentence is the communication made about the subject." (p) The Complement of the sentence is the completion of the predicate.
VII. - The Classes of the Components of the Sentence. (a) Class indicates the nature of word. (6) Form, tone and position can indicate the class of a word
..
VIII. -The Interrelation of the classes of the Components. (a) Connected words indicate their transfer from one class to another. . .

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IX. - The Interrelation of the Functions of the Components. (a) The Root indicates the original meaning of a word. (6) Affixes comprise prefixes, infixes and suffixes. () Affixes modify the meaning of a word. (d). A Radical Alix modifies the meaning of a root. (6) A Simple Stem is the principal part of a word indicating its meaning. (1) A Functional Affix modifies the meaning of stem in relation to its function. (9) A Compound Stem comprises a root and its radical affix. (6) A Qualifying Affix modifies a word by indicating its nature (inherent qualities) in
relation to function or class. Connected Words comprise stems and their affixes. 6) Inflexion is caused by alteration of the form of inseparable affixes. (6) Inflected words conform to particular kinds of inflexion. (0) Tone is & substitute for inflexion. . X. - The Position, Form and Tone of the Components. (a) The meanings of the components combined with their positions or with their forms
or combined with the positions and the forms or tones complete the meaning of the sentence.
XI. - General Development of Languages from the fontorice. (a) No Language has ever developed along one line of development only. (6) The sentence by the forms or positions of its components or by their forms or tones
combined with their positions causes the development of all languages. XII. - Development of Languages from the sentence into Classes. (a) The positions of the components of the sentence cause the development of
Syntactical Languages. (6) In Analytical Languages position governs the class. (6) In Tonic Languages position combined with tone governs the class. @ The forms of the components of the sentence causes, the development of Formative
Languages. (2) In Agglutinative Languages the affixes developing the forms are attached analtered. In Synthetic Languages the affixes developing the forms are attached altered by
inflexion. . (9) In Premutative Languages the affixes developing the forms are prefixed. (1) In Intromutative Languages the affixes developing the forms are infixed.
In Postmutative Languages the affixes developing the forms are suffixed. XIII.- Development of the Interrelated Classes of Languages from the sentence.
(a) Afires to stems develop Groups of Languages. (6) Affices to roots develop Families of Languages. (6) Variation of tone, form or position in Families develops Connected Languages.
(0) Skeleton of the Theory. Speech is & mode of communioation between man and man by expression. Speech may be communicated orally through the ear by talking, optically through the eye by signs, tangibly through the skin by the touch. Languages are varieties of speseb.

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A sentence is the expression of a complete
The units of languages are sentences. meaning
A sentence may consist of a single expression of a meaning. A single expression of a meaning is a word. A sentence may also consist of many words. When it consists of more than one word, it has two parts. These parts are the subject and the predicate. The subject of a sentence is the matter oommunicated or discussed in the sentence. The predioste of a sentence is the communication or disoussion of that matter in the sentence.
The subject may consist of one word. It may also consist of many words. When it Consists of more than one word, there is a principal word and additional words. The predicate may consist of one word. It may also consist of many words. When it consists of more than one word, there is a principal word and additional words. Therefore the components of 8 sentence are words placed either in the subjective or predicative part of it, having a relation to each other in that part. This relation is that of principal and subordinate.
Since the words composing the parts of a sentence are placed in a position of relation to each other, they fulfil functions. The function of the principal word of the subject is to indicate the matter communicated or discussed by expressing it. The fanction of the subordinate words of the subject may be to explain that indication, or to illustrate the explanation of it. The 'onction of the principal word of the predicate is to indicate the communication or discussion of the subject by expressing it. The function of the subordinate words of the predicate may be to illustrate that indication, or to complete it. The predicate may be completed by a word explanatory of the subject, or indicative of the complement. Therefore, primarily, the words composing sentence are either -
(1) Indicators, or indicative of the subject, (2) Explicators, or explanatory of the subject. (3) Predicators, or indicative of the predicate. (4) Illustrators, or illustrative of the predicate, or of the explanation of the subject.
(5) Complements, or complementary of the predicator, And complements are either indicators or explicators. Therefore also complementary indicators may be explained by explicators, and this explanation may be illustrated by illustrators. And oomplementary explicators may be illustrated by illustrators.
But, since speech is a mode of communication between man and man, mankind speaks with * purpose. The function of sentences is to indicate the purpose of speech. The purpose of speech is either (1) affirmation, (2) denial, (3) interrogation, (1) exhortation, or (5) information. Purpose may be indicated in a sentence by the position of its componente, by the tones of its components, by variation of the forms of its components, and by the addition of introductory words to express it or introducers.
Also, since the fanction of sentences is to indicate the purpose of speech, connected purposes may be indicated by connected sentences. The relation of connected sentences to each other is that of principal and subordinate. This relation may be expressed by the position of the connected sentences, by variation of the tones or forms of their components, or by the addition of referent words expressing it or referente. A referent word may express the interrelation of connected sentences by conjoining them, or by substitating itself in the subordinate sentence for the word in the principal sentence to which it isfers. Referents are therefore conjunctors or substitutee,

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Also, since the words composing the parts of a sentence are placed in a position of relation to each other, this relation may be expressed in the sentence by the addition of connecting words expressing it or connectors, or by variation of the forms of the words themselves.
Also, since predicators are specially connected with indidators, explicators with indicators, illustrators and complements with predicators, and referent substitutes with their principals, there is an intimate relation between predicator and indicator, indicator and explicator, illustrator and predicator, predicator and complement, referent substitute and principal. This intimate relation may be expressed by the addition of connecting words to express it, or by correlated variation in the forms of the specially connected words or by their relative position or by their relative tones.
Since speech is a mode of communication between man and man by expression, that communication may be made complete without complete expression. Speech may, therefore, be partly expressed, or be partly left unexpressed. And since speech may be partly left unexpressed, referent words may refer to the unexpressed portions, and words may be related to unexpressed words or correlated to them. Referent substitutes may, therefore, indicate the subject of a sentence.
Again, many words may be used collectively to express the meaning of one word. The collective expression of a single meaning by two or more words is a phrase. The relation of a phrase to the word it represents is that of original and substitute. A phrase, therefore, fulfils the function of its original.
Since & phrase is composed of words 28d collectively to represent a single expression of a meaning, that meaning may be complete in itself. Therefore & phrase may be a sentence. A sentence substituted for & word is a clause. A clause, therefore, fulfils the function of its original.
Since clauses represent words, a sentence may be composed of clauses, or partly of clauses and partly of words. A sentence composed of clauses, or partly of clauses and partly of words, is a period.
Therefore a word is functionally either
(1) A sentence in itself or an integer, (9) An essential component of a sentence, or
(3) An optional component of a sentence.
The essential components of a sentence are (1) indicators, (2) explicators, (3) predicators, (4) illustrators, (5) complements. And complements are either indicators or explicators.
The optional components of a sentence are (1) introducers, (2) referents, (3) connectors. And referents are either referent conjunctors or referent substitutes. To recapitulate : Functionally a word is either
(1) An integer, or a sentence in itself. (2) An indicator, or indicative of the sabject or complement of a sentence. (3) An explioator, or explanatory of its subject or complement. (4) A predioator, or indicative of its predicato. (5) An illustrator, or illustrative of its predicate or complement, or of the explanation
of its subject or complement. (6) A connootor, or explanatory of the interrelation of its components. (7) An introducer, or explanatory of its purpose. (8) A referent oonjunotor, or explanatory of the interrelation of connected sentences
by joining them. (9) A referont substituto, or explanatory of the interrelation of connected sentences
by substitution of itself in the subordinate sentence for the word in the principal sentence to which it refers.

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An individual word may fulfil all the functions of words, or it may fulfil only one function, or it may full many functions. When a word can fulfl more than one function, the function it fulfils in A particular sentence is indicated by its position in the sentence, either without variation of form, or with variation of form or by its tone. There are, therefore, olasses of words.
Since a word may fulfil only one fanction, there are as many classes as there are functions. Also since a word may fulfil more than one function, it may belong to as many classes as there are functions which it can full. A word may, therefore, be transferable from one class to another; and this transfer may be effected by its position in the sentence without variation of form, or with variation of form or by its tone. The class to which a word belonge may, therefore, be indicated by its form or tone.
When a word is transferable from one class to another, it belongs primarily to a certain class and secondarily to other classes. But, since by transfer to another class from the class to which it primarily belongs (with or without variation of form) the word falls a new function, it becomes
new word connected with the original word. The relation between connected words is that of parent and offshoot. Since the form of a word may indicate its class, both parent and offshoot may assume the forms of the classes to which they respectively belong.
When connected words differ in form, they consist of a principal part or stem, and an additional part or fanctional affix. The function of the stem is to indicate the meaning of the word. The function of the fanctional affix is to modify that meaning with reference to the function of the word. This modification may be effected by indicating the class to which the word belongs, or by indicating its relation or correlation to the other words in the sentence.
A stem may be an original meaning or simple stem, or it may be a modification of an original meaning or compound stem. A compound stem consists of a principal part or root, and additional parte or radioal affixes. The function of the root is to indicate the original meaning of the stem. The function of the radical affixes is to indicate the modification by which the meaning of the root had been changed into the meaning of the stem.
Since words full functions and belong to classes, they possess inherent qualities. The inherent.qualities of words may be indicated by qualitative affixos or by tonos,
Affixes are, therefore, funotional, or indicative of the fanction of the word to which they are affixed, or of its relation or correlation to the other words in the sentence ; radical, or indicative of the modifications of meaning which its root has undergone; qualitativo, or indicative of its inherent qualities.
Affixes may be
(1) Prefixos, or prefixed to the root, stem, or word; (2) Infixes, or fixed into the root, stem, or word; (3) Suxes, or suffixed to the root, stem, or word,
Affixes may be attached to roots, "stems, or words in their full form, or in a varied form. When there is variation of form, there is inflexion or inseparability of the affix from the root, stem, or word. All the functions of affixes can, therefore, be fulfilled by inflexion; and inflected words may conform to particular kinds of inflexion.
Since a sentence is composed of words placed in a particular order, with or without variation of form, the meaning of a sentence is rendered complete by the combination of the meaning of its components with their position, with their tones, or with their forms, or partly with their position and partly with their forms or tones.

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Since sentences are the units of languages, and words are the components of sentences, and since languages are varieties of speech, languages may vary in the forms of their words, in the tones of their words, in the position in which their words are placed in the sentence, or partly in the forms and tones and partly in the position of their words. There are, therefore, classes of languages.
195
Since the meaning of a sentence may be rendered complete by the position of its words, by their tones, or by their form, languages are primarily divisible into syntactical languages, or those that express complete meaning by the position and tones of their words; and into formative languages, or those that express complete meaning by the position and forms of their words.
Since syntactical languages use either position or position and tone, they are divisible into analytical languages and tonic languages.
Since words are varied in form by the addition of affixes, and since affixes may be attached to words in an unaltered or altered form, formative languages are divisible into agglutinative languages, or those that add affixes without alteration; and into synthetic languages, or those that add affixes with alteration.
Since affixes may be prefixes, infixes, or suffixes, agglutinative and synthetic languages are each divisible into (1) premutative languages, or those that prefix their affixes; (2) intromutative languages, or those that infix their affixes; (3) postmutative languages, or those that suffix their affixes.
Languages are, therefore, by class either syntactical or formative. And syntactical languages are either analytical or tonie, and formative languages are either agglutinative or synthetic. And agglutinative and synthetic languages are either premutative, intromutative, or postmutative.
A language may belong entirely to one class, or it may belong to more than one class. When a language belongs to more than one class, it belongs primarily to a particular class, and secondarily to other classes.
Since the meaning of a sentence is rendered complete by the meaning of its words in combination with their forms or position, languages may be connected languages, or those that vary the forms, the tones, or the position, without varying the meanings, of their words.
Since variation of form is effected by the addition of affixes in an unaltered form, connected languages may vary the affixes without variation of the roots or stems of their words. Connected languages whose stems are common belong to a group. Connected languages whose roots are common belong to a family; and, therefore, all connected languages belonging to a group belong to the same family.
(d) A Brief Exposition of the Theory.
All speech expresses a communication between man and man by talking or by signs. Languages are varieties of speech. The unit of every language is the expression of a complete communication, i. e., the sentence. All sentences are divided into incomplete expressions of communication, i. e., words, and are as naturally multiplied into languages. Thus there is a development both ways from the sentence.
The necessary primary division of every sentence made up of words is into the matter communieated (subject) and the communication made about it (predicate). The words in each of these divisions are of necessity in the relation of principal and subordinate, which involves the fulfilment of a function by every word.
The function of the principal word of the subject is obviously to indicate the matter communicated and of the subordinate words to explain the indication and illustrate that explanation. Similarly, the principal word of the predicate indicates the communication made and the subordinate words illustrate the indication or complete it.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1907.
Therefore, in every language the essential words in a sentence are :
(1) indicator, indicating the subject or the complement.
(2) explicator, explaining that indication.
(8) predicator, indicating the predicate.
(4) illustrators, illustrating the predicator or the explicator.
As all speech expresses a communication, it has a purpose, and the functions of the sentences is to express one of the five following purposes: (1) affirmation, (2) denial, (3) interrogation, (4) exhortation, (5) information. The methods adopted for indicating the purpose of a sentence are (1) placing the components in a particular order, or (2) varying their forms or the tones in which they are spoken, or (3) adding special introductory words. When the purposes of speech are by their nature connected together, this connection is naturally indicated by connected sentences in the relation of principal and subordinate, which is expressed by methods similar to those above noted, viz., placing them in a particular order, or varying the forms or tones of their components, or adding special referent words of two kinds, (1) simple conjoining words, (2) words substituting themselves in the subordinate sentence for the words in the principal sentence to which they refer.
The relation of the words composing the parts of a sentence is also expressed by the similar methods of adding special connecting words, or of varying the forms or tones of the words; and so, too, the intimate relation between indicator and predicator, indicator and explicator, illustrator and predicator, predicator and complement, referent substitute and principal, is similarly expressed by special connecting words, by correlated variation of the words in intimate relation, by their relative position, or by the tones used in severally expressing them.
Complete communication can be, and is habitually, in every language, made without a complete expression of it in speech, and so referent words are made to refer to words unexpressed and to be related or correlated to them, and referent substitutes are made to indicate the unexpressed subject or complement of a sentence.
The function of the sentence and the interrelation of the words composing it are therefore in all speech expressed by three methods: position, variation, or addition or special words. Every language adopts one or more or all of these methods.
Therefore, in every language the optional words in a sentence are:
(5) connector, explaining the interrelation of the components,
(6) introducer, explaining its purpose,
(7) referent conjunctor, joining connected sentences,
(8) referent substitutes, indicating the interrelation of connected sentences or unexpressed communications.
To the essential and optional components of the sentence must be added (9) the integer, or word that of necessity in every language expresses in itself a complete communication, i, e., is
a sentence.
Thus is explainable the natural resolution of the sentence into its component words, but any one word can be, and habitually is, extended to many words, used collectively to express its meaning. Words thus used collectively form a phrase, which is substituted for its original. When a phrase contains in itself a complete meaning, and thus is a sentence substituted for a word, it becomes a clause. Therefore, clauses and phrases are merely expanded words, fulfilling the functions and bearing the relations of the words for which they are substituted in an expanded sentence or period, Therefore also, the period is a true sentence in the sense of being the expression of a complete meaning, and so the unit of every language adopting it.
In all speech, words are made to indicate the functions they fulfil in a sentence by their position in it, with or without using tones, and with or without variation in form, and this habit gives rise of necessity to clauses of words according to function. And as any given word can naturally fulfii more than one function, it becomes as naturally transferable from its own class to another, the transfer

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NGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
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being indicated by position in the sentence with or without variation in form or tone. The class of a word thus indicates its function; and its position, alone or combined with its form or tone, indicates its class.
So when a word is transferred from its original class, it necessarily fulfils a new function and becomes a new word, connected with the original word in the relation of parent and offshoot, each equally of necossity assuming the form or tone of its own class.
The functions of words in a sentence, and consequently their classes, are therefore in all speech expressed by two methods : position or position combined with variation or tone. Every language adopts one or other or both.
When in any language connected words differ in form, they are made to consist of a principal part or stem and an additional part or functional affix. The stem is used for indicating the meaning of the word, and the functional affix for modifying that meaning according to function, by indicating the class to which the word belongs, or its relation or correlation to the other words in the sentence.
A simple stem necessarily indicates an original meaning, but a stem can be, and habitually is, used for indicating a modification of an original meaning. It then naturally becomes a compound stem, i.o., made up, by the same method as that above noted, of a principal part or root and of additional parts or radical affixes, each with its own function, the root to indicate the original meaning, and the affix its modification into meaning of the stem.
As all words differing in form or tone of necessity fulfil functions and belong to classes, they must possess a nature, i. e., qualities inherent in themselves, and these, in all languages using such words, are indicated by the addition of qualitative affixes or by the tones in which they are spoken.
Every affix is of necessity fixed in the midst of, or prefixed or suffixed to, a root, stem, or word, the affixing being naturally effected in full or in a varied form. Whenever there is variation of form amounting to material change, there is necessarily inflexion, or inseparability of the affixes, Inflexion can therefore be made to fulfil all the functions of affixes, and inflected words to conform to particular kinds of inflexion, in order to indicate function and class : and as tone can be equally made to indicate the functions and classes of words, it takes the place of inflexion.
Words are therefore made to fulfil their functions merely by the tone in which they are spoken or by an external development effected by affixes, and to express modifications of their original meaning by a similar use of tones or of internal development. In the case of both internal and external development the affixes are prefixes, in fixes, or suffixes affixed in full or varied form or by inflexion. All languages, using variation of form for causing the components of sentences, i. e., words, to falfil their functions, adopt one or other, or all the above methods of effecting the variation.
Therefore in all speech, communication expressed in a sentence is rendered complete by the combination of the meaning of its components with their position, tones or forms, or with position combined with form or tone.
The methods adopted in developing the sentence, i. e., the unit of speech itself, are found to entirely govern those adopted in its forther development into a language or variety of speech.
Languages differ naturally in the position of their words in the sentence, or in their forms or tones, or in the combination of position with form or tone. Thus are set up naturally two primary classes of languages :- Syntactical Languages, which express complete communication by the position, and Formative Languages, which express it by the forms of their words.
As position alone or combined with tone can fall all the functions of speech, the Syntactical Languages employ one or both of those methods, and thus are created respectively Analytical Languages and Tonic Languages.
Again, in all speech, variety of form is secured by affixes attached to words in an analtered or an altered form. Formative Languages necessarily therefore divide themselves

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY..
(JULY, 1907.
into Agglutinative Languages, attaching affixes in an unaltered form, and Synthetic Languages, attaching them in an altered form. These two classes are both fartber naturally divisible into (1) Premutative, (2) Intromutative, (3) Postmutative Languages, acoording as they attach affixes as prefixos, infixes or suffixes.
In obedience to a fundamental Law of Nature, no language has ever developed along a single line, and therefore every language belongs of necessity primarily to one of the above classes, and secondarily to others, by partial adoption of their methods.
Languages, varying the form, tones or position, without varying the meanings, of their words, form naturally Connected Languages in the relation of parent and offshoot. Connected Languages, whose stems, i.e., the meanings of whose words, are common to all, form a natural Group of Languages, and those Connected Languages, whose roots, i.e., the original meanings of whose words, are common to all, form a natural Family of Languages. Therefore also of necessity all Connected Languages belonging to a Group belong to the same Family.
As the above method of expounding the Theory involves the use of unfamiliar terms, it is as well to state that the new and the old terms of Grammar roughly, though not exactly, correspond as follows; it being remembered that the old terms are themselves the outcome of another tacit Theory, based upon other observations of natural laws or phenomena.
Tablo of Comparative Grammatical Terms. ola.
Nere. Noun.
Indicator. Adjective.
Explicator. Verb.
Predicator.
Illustrator, Adverbs of different classes.
1 Introducer. Preposition. Postposition.
Connector. Conjunction, Interjection.
Integer. Pronoun. Relative Adverb.
Referent Substitute. Relative Particle. Gender, Number, Case. Declension.
Inflexion of different kinds. Person, Mood, Tengo. Conjugation. Concord, Agreement.
Correlated Variation. Government.
Intimate Relation.
DIAGRAM I. Explaining the Lines upon which the Theory is worked out. Prisciple of the Development of the Sentence out of its Components.
In all speech the meaning of words (incomplete meanings )
combined
S
nment.
with their position
with their
forms
with their
tones
with their
forms or tones and position
completes the
sentence (complete meaning ).

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199
DIAGRAX II. Development of the Sentence or complete meaning, upwards into languages, downwarde into its components; Langnego
PREMUTATIVE INTBOMUTATIVI POSTMUTATIVI LANGUAGES LANGUAGES LANGUAGES Predzes Infixos Bufrizes
GROUPB OF
LANGUAGES 'by flos
by common
(roots plus effixos) TONIC ANALYTICAL AGGLUTINATIV: SYNTACTICAL
stems LANGUAGES LANGUAGES LANGUAGES
LANGUAGES
FAXILIB
OT without . inaltered
LANGUAGES
altered inflected Branches tones tones
a fizes
by common
roots SIXTACTICAL
FORMATIVE
CONNECTED LANQUAGES
LANGUAGE
LANGUAGES
L
with
os
affles
position
form
form
and position
words
words
ODO Glass
several Olasses
BTRPLJ DELOPMENT
MULTIPLE DELOPMENT
FAESARCH (
rta complete meaning
Stom
SENTENCE (expression of a complete moaning ).
Expression
Expression
of
of
erpanded components
Expression component
(words: incomplete meaning )
Expression fanotion
of sentence
funotions components
Expression development componente
of
of
by
position
of
PERARS. CLAUSES Fosential Optional
(Words (Sentences substituted substituted collectively for one for one word) word)
by addition of special
words
by
by position variation modification tone
of forms of words of words form
words
Boots
by tones
of words
internal
by tones by variation
of of form words of words
INTHEB INDI-
CATOR
EIPDATOR
of
external
of STIK
BOOT
PREDICATOR COXPLMUNT OON BOTORS BUTILANTE INTRODUCIRA
qualitativo fenotional radical
afiz Comple Comple- Comple- CONJUNC. SUBSTITUTES L mentary montarymentary TORS indicator explioator illustrator
by AITES
REIX
Inix
Sunrix
mode of fixing
Separably
Inseparably
in altered changed form form
- (TLXION)

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(6) Methods of Analysing the sentence according to the Theory of Universal Grammar.
I. - By its Components.
Definitions and Notes. 1. A sentence is composed of Words. 2. A Word is the expression of a meaning. 3. A Sentence is the expression of a complete meaning.
4. Words required to express the meaning of a sentence are (1) integers, (2) indicators, (3) predicators, (4) explicators, (5) illustrators.
Analyses. 1. An Integer completes the Sentence. 2. The Subject and the Predicate make up the Sentence, 8. An Indicator completes the Substct. 4. The principal word (Indicator ) and subordinate words make up the Sentence. 5. Illustrators and Expħicators make up the subordinate words. 6. The Predicator completes the Predicate. 7. The principal word (Predicator ) and subordinate words make up the Predicate. 8, Illustrators and the Complement Object) make up the Predicate, 9. An Indicator or an Explicator completes the Complement. 10. The principal word (Indicator or Explicator ) and subordinate words make up the Complement, 11. Pastrators and Explicators make up the subordinate words. II. - By the Interrelation and Intimate Relation of its Components.
Definitions and Notes 1. Interrelation of component words is expressed by variation in form, 2. Intimate relation of component words is expressed by correlated variation in form
(agreement and government). 3. Words required to express the interrelation of component words are (6) connector.
Analyses, 1. Connected Words complete the Sentence. 2. Component words with variation in form and connectors make up the Sentence.
3. Indicator and Predicator, Indicator and Explicator, Illustrators and Predicator, Predicator and Complement for the Component Words.
4. Correlated Variation in form expresses the intinuato relation between Indicator and Predicator, Indicator and Explicator, Illustrators and Predicator, Predicator and Complement.
III. - By its Function.
Definitions and Notes. 1. The function of a sentence is to express its purpose. 2. Words required to express the fanction of a sentence are (7) Introducers.
Analyses. 1. Affirmation, Denial, Interrogation, Exhortation, or Information, completes the Sentence.
2. The function of the Sentence is either Affirmation, Denial, Interrogation, Exhortation, Information.
8. Words varied in tone or form indicate the function. 4. The position of the words indicates the function. 5, An Introducer indicates the function.

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IV.-By its Expanded Components.
Definitions and Notes, 1. The Components are expanded by the substitution of Phrases, Clauses and Sentenoes for Words.
2. A Phrase is the substitute for a word by the collective expression of a meaning by two or more words.
3. A Clause is the substitute for a word by the collective expression of a complete meaning by two or more words. 4. A Period is a sentence expanded by Clauses or Words.
Analyses. 1. Clauses substituted for Words complete the Expanded Sentence or Period.
2. Phrases or Clauses substituted for Words and Words make up the Expanded Sentence or Puriod... V. - By the Interrelation of its Expanded Components,
Definitions and Notes. 1. Connected Sentences express connected purposes.
2. Words required to express the interrelation of Comected Sentences are (8) Referent Conjunctors, (9) Referent Substitutes. 3. A Tone is a point on a conventional scale of the voice in speaking
Analyses. 1. Connected Sentences complete the Expanded Sentences or Period. 2. The Principal Sentence and Subordinate Sentences make up the Connected Sentences. 3. Referent Conjunctors indicate the Principal Sentence. 4. Variation of the tone, form and position of the words indicates the Principal Sentence. 5. Variation of the tone, form and position of the words indicates a Subordinate Sentence.
6. In Bubordinate Sentences the Subjective part is indicated by referent substitutes with correlated variation in form, with or without variation in form, and with or without tone.
7. In Subordinate Sentences unexpressed communication is indicated by referent conjunctors with correlated variation in form, with or without variation in form, and with or without tone.
VI. - By the Functions of its Components.
Analyses, 1. Essential and Optional Components make up the sentence. 2. An Integer completes the sentence.
3. Indicator, Explicators, Predicator, Illustrators and Complement form the Essential Components.
4. Indicator and Explicators complete the Complement, 5. Indicator, Explicators and Illustrators make up the Complement.
6. Connectors, Introducer, Referent Conjanctor, and Referent Substitutes form the Optional Components. .
VII - By the Classes of its Components.
Definitions anil Notes. 1. The Claes indicates the Nature of a Word. 2. The Form indicates the Class of a Word.

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Analyses.
1. Fulfilment of function by component words combined with position completes the Sentence.
2. Fulfilment of one, many, or all functions produces the transfer of component words from class to class.
[JULY, 1907.
3. Fulfilment of one, many, or all functions indicates the class of a component word.
4. A Component Word, without and with variation of form and with and without tone, by position fulfil one, many, or all functions.
VIII. By the Interrelation of the Classes of its Components.
Note.
1. Connected Words indicate their transfer from one class to another.
Analyses.
1. Connected Words in the form of their Primary Class or of their Secondary Classes together with other Component Words make up the Sentence.
2. The Parent Word and Offshoot Words form the Connected Words.
3. Classes of words consist of the Primary Class which forms the Parent Word and of Secondary Classes which form the Offshoot Words.
4. Secondary Classes by fulfillng new functions and by transfer from the Primary Class, with or without variation of form and without or with tone, form the Offshoot Words.
IX. By the Interrelation of the Functions of its Components. Definitions and Notes.
1. The root indicates the original meaning of a word.
2 Affixes comprise prefixes, infixes, suffixes.
8. Affixes modify the meaning of a word.
4. A radical affix modifies the meaning of a root.
5. A simple stem is the principal part of a Word indicating its meaning.
6. A functional affix modifies the meaning of a stem in relation to its function.
7.
A compound stern comprises a root and its radical affix.
8. A qualitative affix modifies a word by indicating its nature (inherent qualities) in relation
to function or class.
9. Connected words comprise stems and their functional affixes,
10. Inflexion is caused by an alteration in the form of inseparable affixes.
11. Inflected words conform to particular kinds of inflexion.
12. Tone is a substitute for inflexion.
Analyses.
1. Connected words and other component words make up the Sentence.
2. Qualitative Affixes indicate the inherent qualities of classes of connected words.
3. Simple stems and compound stems make up connected words.
4. Functional Affixes, by indicating class, interrelation and correlation, modify simple stems and compound stems.
5. Radical Affixes modify roots into compound stems.
6. Prefixes, Infixes and Suffixes attached separably in full or varied form to root, stem or word form Affixes.
7. Prefixes, Infixes and Suffixes attached inseparably by inflexion (altered form) of one or kinds to root, stem or word form Affixes.
many

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X. - By the Position, Tone and Form of its Components.
Analyses. 1. The meaning of the components with position or form completes the Sentence. 2. The meaning of the components with position and form or tone completes the Sentence, XI. - By: General Development into Languages.
Note. 1. No Language has ever developed along one line of development only.
Analyses. 1. The Sentence by the forms or position of its components creates all Languages.
2. The Sentence by the forms or tones combined with the position of its components creates all Languages. XII. - By Development into Classes of Languages.
Analyses. 1. The Sentence by variation of the forms or position of its components creates Classes of Languages.
2. The Sentence by combining variation of the forms and position or of the tones and position of its components creates Classes of Languages.
3. The Classes of Languages comprise the Syntactical and Formative Languages. 4. The position of the components of the sentences create the Syntactical Languages. 5. The forms of the components of the sentences create the Formative Languages. 6. The Syntactical Languages without tones form the Analytical Languages. 7. The Syntactical Languages with tones form the Tonic Languages.
8. Formative Languages by varying the forms of the components of the sentences by means of unaltered affixes form the Agglutinative Languages.
9. Formative Languages by varying the forms of the components of the sentences by means of altered affixes ( inflexion ) form the Synthetic Languages.
10. Agglutinative and Synthetic Languages by means of prefixed, infixed and suffixed affixes form respectively the Premutative, Intromutative and Postmutative Languages.
11. Syntactical and Formative Languages which are by nature of one Primary Class are Parent Languages.
12. Syntactical and Formative Langaages which partially adopt the nature of Secondary Classes are Offshoot Laoguages. 13. Parent and Offshoot Languages comprise all Languages.
XIII. By Development with Interrelated Classes of Languages,
Analy888.
1. The Sentence with or without varied affixes to the stems of its components creates Groaps of Languages.
2. The Sentence with or without varied affixes to the roots of the stems creates Families of Languages.
3. The Sentence by variation of the tones, forms or position of its components in Families of Languages but without variation in the meaning of the components creates Connected Languages.
4. Connected Languages by conforming to one Primary Olasses or by conforming partially to Secondary Classes comprise all Languages.
(To be continued.) .

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(JULY, 1907.
NOTES ON THE CHINS OF BURMA.
BY THE BEV, G. WHITEHEAD. (Formerly Missionary to the Chins, 8. P. G.)
Religion. The religion of all the Turanian races has been Animism or Shamanism. The gefferal lines of the religion of all the hill-tribes of Barms may be given in brief in the words in which Prof. A. H. Sayce in the Encyclopædia Britannical describes the religion of the Sumerians of Babylonis of three thousand years B. C. “According to the Sumerian idea every object and force in nature had its zi or spirit,' which manifested itself in life and motion. The zi was sometimes beneficent, sometimes maligoant, but it could be controlled by the incantations and spells which were known to the sorcerer-priests."
The chief objects of worship among the Chins may be divided into three groups : - (i) the Great Parent of all; (ii) the spirits who live in earth and sky, who send rain or withhold it, who watch over the village, the rice-fields, the jungle, or some one tree or mountain, &c.; and (iii) the penates, i, e., deceased forefathers, whom they fear rather than love, for while they dread their anger they expect little in the way of blessing from them. The Chins do not worship any images ; nor do they make any carved representations of any of these objects of worship.
The Great Parent of all is regarded as a female, Mother 'Li, and they do not think that she has or had any male counterpart. Perhaps one may rather say that they believe that sex does not enter into Li's essence. Mother 'Li reigns" on her throne in the heavens," " never growing old and never dying." She created, of her spittle, the earth and the sea and the sky, and brought forth by her power all life, animal and vegetable. She created man and imparted to him all the material and mental and spiritual blessings that he enjoys. All mankind are her children, and she loves them all. She bas given to each nation its bounds and language and letters. She is wholly good.
Reasoning, as I imagine, from the analogy of daily life, the teachers or priests have told the Chins that Mother 'Li herself has not existed from all times, but bad, as parents and ancestors, Yin, Aw, 'Keu and 'Kyën, who are now dead, and, like other departed spirits, much more apt to trouble the living than to assist them; -80 much so that the names Yin-Aw are sometimes used to denote in brief all the spirits Mother 'Li alone excepted), and that in a very unfavourable sense. It was too much, however, for the Chin mind to go back one step further, and to ask whence Yin and Aw came. They bave never really faced the question of the First Cause.
The genesis of the human race in general, and of the Chins in particular, is thus told by the Ohin teachers. In the beginning, after Mother 'Li had made the world, she laid a hundred eggs, which she hatched in cotton wool, and from which sprang a hundred pairs of human beings, the progenitors of the different races of mankind. She laid yet another ogg, a little one, which was most beautiful to see, and which she specially cared for. In her affection she did not put this one in cotton-Fool, bat kept it in an earthen pot, and so it did not hatch. After a while, thinking that the egg was addled, she threw it on to the roof of the house. It fell from the roof into some rubbish under the eaves, and was not broken. Afterwards when the rains came, it was borne down by the water with the rabbish into a stream, and finally lodged in a yang-lai (or gyin-ye) bush. Here the ashun, or king-crow, spied the egg, and carrying it off, hatched it ; and from this egg came a boy and a girl, the progenitors of the Ohin race. It was only small hamlot of nine or ten houses where the Chin race was hatched; but as to the race of the people who lived in
Tonth Editiral. XXVI. p. 16.

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that hamlet, tradition naturally says nothing. To this day, out of gratitude to the benefactor of their ancestors, the Ohins will not kill or eat the king-orow (or the long-tailed edolius) which they will still speak of as their father and mother.
After the boy and girl were born they were separated. When the boy grew up, as he had no mate, he made a bitoh his wife. The Ohin girl also grew up by herself, and was carried off by a bear, who placed her in a tree and kept her there. From this captivity she was delivered by a bee, which came to her and directed her to tie a piece of cotton to his tail, by means of which he guided her to where the male Chin was living in the valley of the river called by the Burmese, the Chindwin. In commemoration of this, when children are born a piece of cotton is tied to their hands. The man wished to make this woman his wife, but the woman objected, because the bee had told ber that they were brother and sister. To settle this dispute they went to their Mother 'Li. Her order was that as the man had married a bitch, the bitch should be sa oriflood, and the man should then marry the woman ; that their sons and daughters should also intermarry, but after that the brother's daughters should marry the sister's sons. Hence aroge the Chin customs of offering up a dog to the household spirits and of giving the daughters of brothers in marriage to those brothers' sisters' sons.
"Mother 'Li loved her youngest born son, but before she found him she had already partitioned off the world among her other children, and there was nothing but in hospitable mountain ranges left for the Obin. These she assigned to him, and she gave him also elephants and horses and cattle, and directed his Burman brother to look after his education. This Burman brother, however, turned out to be a very wicked and unscrupulous guardian. He pretended to educate the ignorant wild Chin,' but he showed him nothing but the blank side of his slate; so that he never learned a single letter. Before he put him on an elephant, he rubbed the elephant's back with cowhage, which so tickled the poor Chin's bare skin that he refused to have anything to do with such animals in future, and gave them all to his elder brother the Burman. The buffalo, too, the Burman managed to deprive him of. When the Chin tried to ride it, the Barman's wife put herself in the way and got knocked down. The Burman complained to Mother 'Li, who decided that the buffalo should be given over to the Burman in compensation for the injury done. Ultimately of all the animals which had been given to him, goats and fowls and pigs were the only ones which remained in his possession.
· The grasping Burman did not even permit his brother to remain in andisturbed possession of his mountain home. When the boundaries of the different countries were marked out, the Burman took care to mark his with permanent objects, but the Ohin set up no marks save some twisted knots of grass. These were burnt up by the jungle fires, and then as the Chin had no marks to show, he was ordered to live wherever the Barman allowed him. Thus his race has never had a country of its own, and wanders still over the mountain ranges of Burma.
“ The origin of every Chin law and oustom is religiously assigned by the Ohins to the orders of Mother 'Li, the great mother of the human race, who is said to have laid down a complete code of laws for the guidance of her Chin progeny."
As Mother 'Li gove letters to other nations, so she did to the Chins also. The Barman paid not very much attention to the gift, but wrote the letters on leaves and stones; the Chin ir his veneration towards the Giver wrote his language on parchment (deer's skin); but when no one was in the house, the dog came along and ate the skin. The Chin submitted as patiently as he could to the loss, but he still hopes, when be eats the flesh of his young dogs as he
• Col. Horage Browne, Casetter of Thayatmyo (1874), pp. 48, 40.

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frequently does, to imbibe some of the wisdom which that progenitor of the race of dogs then swallowed.3
Like the other hill-tribes, the Chins are much addicted to drinking "kaung, or rice-beer, and this gift is also attributed to Mother 'Li, and the Chins say that when it is prepared in the orthdox fashion it has the same consistency as Mother 'Li's milk. It was given them, they say, to maintain their strength after the lake of milk with which Mother 'Li had first endowed them was dried up. 'Kaung, however, is not offered to Mother 'Li, though it is always offered to the spirits (penates, or otherwise), and forms an essential part of every Chin marriage or funeral. Among the wild Chins, I believe, at the end of a big wedding, often not a single man, woman, or child is sober; and charges made before the village elders of adultery committed on such occasions have been summarily put aside on the ground that there was no person present at the time who was sober enough to know and to remember what took place. The Burmans, as Buddhists, are all, at any rate in theory, total abstainers from alcoholic liquors; and the Southern Chins, who have come very much in contact with them, have, at least, learnt to believe that it is not meritorious to get drunk, and many of them are free from the vice of intemperance. It should be added that it is not the Chin custom to drink kaung regularly, but they are addicted to very heavy drinking on the occasion of a feast or of making sacrifices (to the spirits).
Tribal System.
The Chins are divided into forty or more of clans, called a'so, each clan having its common ancestry, called 'kun. The 'kuns are often spoken of as male. There is also the (n)zö-yai ancestry worshipped only by the women, with an offering of dog's flesh; but of this, and of another tribal distinction called 'ko, little information can be got. The (n)zö-yai does not seem to be a female ancestry, but it is reckoned to be in the female line of natural birth. One may be adopted into a different 'kun, for the name is used of the clan, as well as of the original ancestor and of his deceased descendants, male and female; but one's (n)sö-yai can never be changed.
The Chin olans are all exogamous, i. e., a man may not marry a woman of his own clan; but, as we shall see later on, after the marriage ceremonies are over, the wife is initiated into her husband's clan, and has her wrists wrapped round with cotton-yarn as a witness to all evil spirits that she is under the guardianship of the 'kun of her husband. So, too, all children, four or five days after birth, are admitted in like manner into the 'kun; and at the same time children have their ears bored. As to the origin of this last custom, the Chins have a strangely childish tradition. They say that if Pói 'Kleuk, the Lord of the Underworld, spies a man who has not his ears bored, he will think that this is not a man but a rabbit, and will give chase. So to avoid this mistake, and the disaster that might attend it, all Chin infants have their ears bored.
If a Chin dies leaving a widow with young children, some months after his death she will return to her parents or elder brother, and she will be readmitted, with the children also, into her ancestral 'kun. Afterwards when the children are grown up, they may be readmitted into their father's 'kun. The widow, too, may marry again; and in that case will, of course, be
Of recent years the American Baptist Missionaries have, with somewhat modified success, adapted, for the Chin language, the Pwo-Karen alphabet, which is again a modification of the Burmese one. They have also published in that form a Chin spelling-book, an elementary catechism, a hymn-book, and a translation of St. John, i-vi. They are, however, I understand, doubtful as to the advisability of continuing to use these characters. In 1892, Mr. Bernard Houghton, I.C.S., issued his "Essay on the Language of the Southern China" (with grammar, vocabularies, and sentences), in which he used the Roman characters, and this has been found far more suitable for the purpose, although as there is as yet no reading public very little has been produced in that
form.

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admitted into the sun of her second husband. If the string were not tied round their wrists on their admission into the fun, they would probably soon come to an untimely end, and on their death they would not be permitted to arrive at the land of Pói Kleuk.
When two China who are strangers meet and enter into conversation, the first question is ordinarily, “What is your clan ?" All of the same clan are regarded as brothers. Like all the hill-tribes and the people of the plains, too, of Barma, the Chins are hospitable according to their means, and more especially so towards their brethren of the same clan.
The explanation which the Chins themselves give of their origin of the olans is that long, long ago each tribe, or clan, lived by itself on one mountain side, 6.9., that the Mendet tribe originally lived in Mendet village. Nowadays even a small village may have members of an indefinite number of tribes.
Some of the clans, as the Mendet and Talaa, are to be held in more honour than others; but as their daughters must marry into other clans than their own, and their own wives also must have come from other clans, there is a complete absence of caste feeling.
Certain sacrifices to the guardian nat (the Burmese name for "spirit") are performed by the Mendet and Talaa clans alone. When they make these sacrifices, one person from each house, partaking in the sacrifice, brings a small measure (sald) of uncooked rice with a little cotton yarn on the top of it. A pig is sacrificed, and the rice is cooked. A stand for the offering to the nat is erected bofore the house where the worshippers assemble, and all the persons taking part in the sacrifice have their wrists wrapped round with the yarn. Then, after the pa'san saya (their teacher or priest) bas uttered the incantations, and the nat is satisfied and gives permission, they all fall to and feast.
Every year each clan will have a special sacrifice to their deceased forefathers, and will offer them pork and rice and 'kaung. The pa'san 'saya invites the spirits to the feast, calling over their names, and if there have been auy comparatively recent deaths say within two or three years ) in the clan, the spirits of these their relatives are enrolled in the 'kun.
Propitiatory Ceremonies. The Ohins have a custom of offering first-fruits to Mother Ceres, whom they call Pok Klai. They say that if she gives them but one look they will have plenty of rice, and they tell a somewhat gruesome story to explain the origin of the custom of offering first-fraite. "Once apon a time a woman had a daughter. Before her death, as she lay adying, she said to her daughter, After I am dead and cremated, I shall return, wearing my intestines as & necklace. You must remain on the stairs. I shall come up by the back stairs and verandah. When I come you must throw some of the kadu-water (with which the corpse had been washed) over me. If you throw it I shall become a human being again. Now when her mother came wearing her intestines as a necklace, the daughter was afraid, and durst not throw the kadu-water apon her mother; so, because she dared not, this woman could not become & human being again. Yet afterwards, her mother showed her where the cucumber needs and the sweet cucumber and pumpkin seeds were, and, giving her & command, said:
My daughter, eat the first-frait of the corn in its season.' So to this day the Chins eat the first-fruits of their corn, as a religious fonction. Before the men eat they make offerings in their yas (corn, or vegetable patches) for their deceased ancestry to eat."
• Perhaps "cousins" would be the better rendering; for the Chins, like the Burmese, call their cousins of the first, and even of the second or third remove, by the same words as are used for “brother" or "sister."
#1..., taught her how to grow the vegetables roqatred for their ourry.

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The Chins also propitiate the rain fairy, Plaung 'Baw, with offerings of cattle, pigs, and chickens, and, of course, with rice and 'kaung too. When this sacrifice is being held all the women must remain standing from 9 a.m. to 8 p.m.
When the Chins have sown their corn, they gather together in their fields and pray the Earth to lend herself (i. e., her increase) to them once again. If they do not thus petition the Earth to lend herself to them, but thanklessly and gracelessly clutch at what they can get without even so much as By your leave,' they may expect poor crops, and their children too will fall sick of fever through possession by the spirit. So they make an offering of a pig, a fowl, and a pot of kaung, and also of three large and one small wicker-basketfuls of rice. They also wrap cotton-yarn on a piece of bamboo about three-quarters of a yard long, and pour some water from the bamboo on the baskets of offerings and on the worshippers. Again, as has been already stated, after the harvest is reaped, they assemble in the fields to make to the ancestor and others an offering of the first-fruits, and then they can eat the new corn.
In their houses, too, some Chins will, before they take a meal, call upon their ancestral 'kun, or some other spirit, and then throw away a little ball of rice for the summoned spirit to eat; but of late the custom has not been performed with much devotion, even where it is still kept up.
Chins will also offer on sundry occasions to their ancestors the flower of the thabyé or eugenia, stones, cooked glutinous rice, and cotton.
The Chins have no images of Mother 'Li, of their penates, or of the other spirits whom they fear; and the figures of the king-crow and of the elephant, which are often carved on the top of the memorial posts placed in their ancestral cemetery, are not worshipped by them. Neither have they any chapels, temples, or other set places for assembly and for worship. Possession by an evil spirit does not connote with them either madness or meral turpitude, but merely sickness or some untoward accident.
Sickness or other trouble is supposed to be due to the animosity of some spirit-being, who has been provoked by something some one has done, probably unintentionally and in ignorance; but the consequence is the same, the spirit holds the man in his grip. The spirits are considered as capricious rather than wicked; though the people do not shrink from saying that they worship them because they (the spirits) are bad and therefore dangerous to them.
If a man strikes his naked toe against the ground, for they wear no boots or shoes, and his foot grows more and more painful after two or three days, he must propitiate the spirit of the ground, (n)Dek'san'put, by an offering of cooked rice, which is placed in a small bamboo basket, and buried at the place where the man hurt his foot. So, it is hoped, the spirit may be appeased by the food given him.
Immediately after the birth of a child, nats have to be appeased by the offering of two chickens made underneath the house; otherwise they would cause the child to be for ever crying, and to be in bad health.
The Spirits.
The names and number of these spirits is legion, and the duty of the teacher is to show the people how to perform the sacrifices duly, and to utter the right incantations; otherwise the offerings would be ineffective. The common name for the teacher is yai-shën, (called by the Burmans pa'san 'saya), or ok-mi if skilled and respected. All these teachers recite rhythmically the customs relating to Mother 'Li, which they have received orally from their own teachers, and all of them are much given to the drinking of 'kaung. The lai-lö, who holds forth at marriages, is a less esteemed teacher, and is especially fond of liquor. The office of teacher is not hereditary; neither are they intent on keeping the knowledge of their sacred

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lore to themselves. They are, at least among the Southern Chins, agriculturists like their neighbours, and a villager who is not skilled enough in the traditions to be a yai-thän may yet be a mong 'tën (i, e., of skilled lip") and able occasionally to make certain offerings in the absence of one more skilled than himself,
Some spirits may be satisfied if a chicken is offered in sacrifice, and a little of the flesh and some cooked rice thrown on the ground for them to eat; but generally & miniature house has to be constructed for the spirit (or nat, as the Burmese would call him), and offerings made of dogs, or pigs, or bullocks, or buffaloes. Sometimes whatever offerings may be made, the mind of the nat cannot be appeased ; and in such cases, of course, the man dies. The pa'san 'saya would not find the peoplo so ready to listen to him, I imagine, were it not that the occasion of a sacrifice is almost the only time that the Chins eat any other than vegetable curry with their rice.
Cosmology. The Chins conceive of the world as a flat surface, which is supported by two giants (n)8ong and (n)Hói. Sometimes to ease their shoulders they change the position of the load somewhat, and this is the cause of tbe earthquakes. The weight of the earth has caused awful sores on their shoulders, and as, after the manner of Chins, they do not wash the sores freely, much less use antiseptics, maggots have bred on their wounds, and these maggots are as big as elephants, so I have heard them say.
Forked lightning is considered to be the work of a spirit called (n)Glet; and meteorites sometimes found are called (n) Glet's teeth. Of the sheet lightning, so common in mild evenings, sundry accounts are given; but there seems to be common to these varying traditions the attributing of the lightning to two spirits (one or both female), the one placed in the east and the other in the west, who wink at one another out of mutual effection.
The rainbow is called the yawning of the dragon, and when they speak of an eolipse of the sun or moon they say that "the dog bites" or "catches" them; bat I have not heard from any Chins the explanation of these sayings.
Witches.The Chins are afraid of witches; bat, as has been the case with other peoples, they find great difficulty in learning for certain whether a given woman is a witch or not. If they knew it they would certainly drive the woman out of the village, and perhaps resort to further violence. Like the Barmore, they believe that witches have the power by their incantations to introdace foreign matter into the bodies of those whom they hate, and so to cause them to sicken and die. It is the cuatom of the Chins to, cremate the dead, and they think that when a witch is cremated, her bowels, which they conceive to be anything but human in their formation, will explode with a loud noise ; and so the relatives of one who is snspected of being a witch will, when she is cremated, take care to pat some big bamboos on the pyre, along with the cutch wood which is always used on such occasions, so that when the explosion takes place they may be able to affirm confidently that it was not her body that exploded, but the bamboos. "
Law In the former days the Chini elders would decide all manner of questions and disputes that might crop ap in a village, in accordance with Chin oustomary lew; and the expenses of litigation were but pots of 'kaung, and sometimes also a pig for sacrifice and consumption. Nowadays, the powers of the elders are limited to their religious customs, including, of course, questions of marriage and divoroe. Other matters come before the Government representative, the thugyi (i. e., head man), to whom they must give the cost of sqaid of batol" (commuted in these jungle villages at one rupoo), on referring any matter for his decision. The Chin

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national custom of taking an oath was to hold a sprig of the Eugenia (thabye) in his hand whilst giving his evidence. It may be noted that the Burmese when victorious in war would crown themselves with chaplets made of the leaves of the same tree. Disputes are not frequent in Chin villages, and even under the British rule, which in practioe unfortunately seems to foster litigation, it is very rare that the Ching ever appear in any case in the courts.
Manner of Life. The Chin manner of life is of the simplest, and before the days of the British occupation they were very chary of leaving their homes. The Chin requires very little, excepting salt and a da (or chopper), which he cannot get for himself; though he frequently nowadays has all kinds of luxuries unknown to his forefathers, c. 9., ngapi (i..., pickled fish, generally more or less putrid), earthenware jars, matches and lamps. The bamboo alone gives him material for the walls, floor, and roof of his house, for his mats, cups, and waterjags, for handles to his tools, for his weaving implements, for his baskets of all sizes, and for his substitute for twine. By rubbing two little pieces of bamboo together he can at once make a fire ; and he can also make musical instruments of sorts from the bamboo. He grows his own oorn (rice), and thresbes and pounds it himself. In his ya he also grows all the vegetables he requires for his curry, beyond what can be found growing wild in the jungle, and cotton too, which his wife spins into yarn and weaves into garments and blankets. The dyes which he requires, and he has a considerable number of them, including indigo, he manufactures himself mainly from plants, either wild or cultivated. He grows his own tobacoo, though, like the Burman, he spoils it in the drying, and he manufactures his pipe from a little bamboo. Formerly the Chins were only able to take up the laborious and wasteful taung-yd method of cultivation, whereby fresh patches of jungle must be cleared each year for that year's crop, as they had no paddy-fields (là) and often neither ballocks nor buffaloes; but of recent years they have slowly been improving their condition. In all bis work, excepting the catting of the jungle for ya, or the cutting down of bamboos and timber generally, and in plonghing, in the few CASES where he has paddy-belds, the wife and daughter of the Chin take their full share.
The Chins are a very simple-minded people, and have not that facility in lying which most Orientals seem to possess; that is to say, the Chins may lie freely, but they cannot ordinarily lie boldly and consistently. I have been told by & magistrate who had lived among the Northern Chine, a savage people whose greatest delight, until the British occupied the country a few years ago, was to go head-hunting along the neighbouring mountains, that a bold liar was considered a great acquisition in any of these village, and that whenever a Government enquiry was to be made on any point "the liar" was brought forward to answer all questions. The Chins have been, and are, perpetually being defrauded by their more wily Burmese neighbours, who keep up the character ascribed to their ancestor in Chin folklore. The Chins have & saying that "the Burman language is the most simple and straightforward of languages, but the Burmese man is the most crooked and deceitful of men."
" Tattooing. Until a few years ago every girl on reaching the age of puberty had her face tattooed. In the Northern Chin Hills this tattooing is done chiefly in rings and dotted lines; but among the Southern Chips, who were hemmed in by the Burmans, the wbole face from the roots of the hair on the forebead, round by the ear to the neek, including even the eye-lids, was tattooed, and that so thickly and darkly that at a distance the whole face looked indigo, and only a close inspection would disclose the patterns worked on the face. It is not the Chin bereditary custom for boys or men to be tattooed ; but now they mostly have their body and thighs tattooed As the Barmcee do, whose manner of dress they also generally follow. The reason geperally given by the Chines themselves, and by others, of this strange custom of tattooing their women's faces is that they wished to make them ugly, so that there would be less danger of their

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being forcibly carried off by the Burmese ; though some Chins attribute this custom also to Mother Li's injunctions. I should imagine that the custom of tattooing the faces of the women goes back far beyond the time when the Burmaus grew strong enough to harass the Chips.
Burmose Influence. In the days before the British occupation of Lower Burma, the Southern Chips who had been driven down southwards along the mountains by pressure from their fellow countrymen in the north, had found for their abode a land naturally more fertile than their old home; bat they were perpetually harassed by the Burmans. Whenever a Burman was seen near a Chin village, the whole population would flee, if there was opportunity; for the Burmese, and more especially the officials, seem to have regarded the Ching as their legitimate prey. In those days the Ohins were desperately poor: sometimes a man would be sold into slavery, or would sell his children, on account of a debt amounting to no more than a shilling, and few Chins bad any cattle. Occasionally a band of Barmans, villagers who lived perhaps a day's march away, would surromd a Chin village and carry off forcibly as slaves all the youths and maidens; on such occasions they would sometimes give Rs. 5 or Rs. 10 to the parents, as a proof, I suppose, should the matter ever possibly come to the ears of the Government, that these were slaves lawfully purchased. Sometimes the women were set free after a number of years when they had ceased to be attractive to their captors or purchasers, and when they could no longer get throngh as much work as when they were young. At other times the Chins fared still worse. The village would be surrounded by armed men, generally headed by a Government official, and the men who were not able to make good their escape into the surrounding woods were slaughtered. The Ohin women, too, were first ravished and then slaughtered ; and sometimes even the babes would be thrown up in the air and caught on the points of spears. The village, and all that conld not be carried away, was burnt or destroyed; and many even of those who had escaped into the woods died of starvation and exposure. As the Chin who told me said, "those were terrible times."
Latterly, the Chins have largely copied the language and dress of the Burmans, and to some extent their religion and other customs, - though without throwing over their own hereditary practices altogether. "If you do not know the fashion in dressing your hair, follow the mode in your village," says a Burmese proverb; and certainly, if we may judge from their aots, the Ohins seem largely to approve of that motto. In some few villages not only have the Chins given op most of their national customs, but the children do not even know the Chin language. In the Censos Reports, decade by decade, a larger percentage of the Chins and other hill-tribes is retumed as Buddhist; thus in the Prome District in 1872 there were 15,200 persons returned as animists, in 1901 the number was 8,632. "Nor is Buddhism yet & moribund faith, for it is still attracting to it Shamanist or nat-worshipping Karens that have not yet fallen within the influence of the Christian missionaries . . The fact that no attempt at proselytising is attempted by the Buddhist clergy is probably an inducement to the uncultured to join them. The savage looks upon the missionary with suspicion. He cannot readily understand that the missionary's motives are disinterested, whereas be sees the advantage of joining such a religion as Buddhism, as it raises him in the social scale. Moreover, he need not abandon his tutelary gods. It is this easy tolerance that has facilitated the spread of Buddhism. It may be taken as an axiom that, the more thorough the conversion from one religion to another is, the more difficult it becomes to obtain converts. But this easy tolerance of Buddhism has led to its becoming adulterated in the process of absorption of the wilder creeds.? As a matter of fact, however, the Chins are at present between two stools and there is much room for Christianity as a means of raising them. As a rule they will more or less
He thereby practically becomes a Burman, much as the Tarooman becomes a Russian by joining the Orthodox faith.
+ Comus Report (Burma), 1891, pp. 59-60.

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frequently kneel before the Buddha's image and join with the Burmese in their festivals, and yet they follow the customs of their forefathers, They dread the evil spirits and revere the name of the Great Parent of all good, but hardly worship that power. Their worship is mainly & propitiation ; and what need, think they, is there to propitiate their Parent who loves them dearly, and ever does them good? Very few Chins have any real affection for Buddhism, though they can see the beanty of the moral law laid down as binding on the Bnddhist householders' or laity. Since the British occupation the Chins have been less attentive, as I have been informed by the people themselves, to the religious ordinances incumbent on Buddhists than they were before ; for now they do not need the material protection which the profession of Buddhism used to give them, by raising them from the state of 'savages,' the lawful prey of any one, to that of civilized men.
Marriage Customs. When a little girl is born she is placed under the guardianship of an elder brother, or cousin or uncle, on her father's side, and when she grows up she may not marry without his consent, – though this is rarely denied when there is persistence on the part of the sweethearts. Of course, the parties to Chin marriage must be of different clans, and the ancient customs must be followed. Pre-nuptial chastity does not seem to be very highly esteemed among the Chins, and the parties often, if not generally, live together openly before marriage. Infidelity after marriage is not very common in the remote villages. Girls are generally married at fifteen years of age onwards; boys when two or three years older. If a girl reaches twenty or twenty-five years of age and is yet unmarried, she is counted an old maid and avoided by the young men ; indeed, it is not considered creditable, and hardly reputable. A marriage should take place only in the hot weather, on or just before the fall moon of the months of Tabodwè and Katsóng. If the parties elope together, the youth may then, or afterwards, be fined Rs. 60; but this is rather a following of Burmese customary law.
Some time previous to the marriage the youth will have gone with some comrades to the house of his prospective brother-in-law, taking some "kaung with him. This time nothing is said about marriage; but, I suppose, if the "kaung is tacitly accepted it implies consent on the part of the guardians of the girl. After that the parents of the youth will go with him to her brother or parents, and formally ask for her in marriage for their son. The girl's parents or brother will then settlo what kind of wedding feast the youth's parents must provide, that is to say, what pigs have to be sacrificed for the feast. On the day fixed for the wedding the friends and relatives of the bridegroom will assemble very early at the bride's house, the men bringing the pigs required, and the girls carrying 'la ung in gourds. Sometimes there will be as many as twenty or thirty girls thus carrying "kaung. These will all sit on or by the steps of the house where the bride lives, and none of the bridegroom's party may go in without contributing a pot of "kaung. The friends and relatives of the bride also bring 'kaung in pots, and in addition chickens and rice for the feast. The "kaung is put into a hage jar into which two bamboo tubos are inserted, and through these they all suck the beer.
In the meanwhile a little porker has been killed, and the village elders examine its liver. It certain marks are seen on the liver, it is declared to be inauspicious, and a second porker is killed. When the bridegroom is in real earnest, if this second liver, too, is pronounced to be inauspicious, a third little pig is offered; but if now, too, the fatos declare against it, the marringe may not take place. The brother or parents of the girl would not allow the marriage, for there would be no children born of it, or, if there should be, they would 'die early, or some other dread misfortune would befall them. So the wedding is stopped, and they give the youth a present on account of the expense and inconvenience he has been put to, and this present is called a "wiper away of tears." But if, as is ordinarily the case, the fates have been more propitions, the tangö pig, of medium size, which has been presented by the youth to his father-in-law, is slaughtered and cooked to serve as food for the bride's company,

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the "superior" company as it is generally called. The bridegroom's or "inferior" company on the other hand eat of the chickens provided and cooked for them by the "superior" company. This rule about eating is strictly kept, or at least any breach of the rule brings about a fine of a pot of kaung. The two companies sit and eat separately, but drink from the same jar, though through different tubes.
The two pigs mentioned above are always killed at a Chin wedding, and sometimes the bride's brother or parents insist also on the offering of a huge tusker, and occasionally even of a fourth pig as a special offering to the spirits. Under certain special circumstances yet other pigs may have to be offered, over and above what may be demanded to satisfy the appetites of the guests. The "inferior" company cook the pigs which they have brought, and wait on the bride's relatives and friends at the wedding breakfast; then these in their turn serve those with the chickens and rice they have brought. After that, all young and old men and women drink freely. The marriage is considered as settled and confirmed when the bride's brother eats of the pork which the groom's party have prepared.
After that one of the bride's party, or some other of their friends who may be skilled in the precepts of Mother 'Li, will recite these to the bridegroom. Presents are also interchanged, and her parents give the bride her share of their property. Before and during the marriage the bridegroom has to pay very great deference to his elder brother-in-law. The bridegroom is also exhorted to treat his wife kindly and with due respect. "Do not beat our sister," say they, "so as to make blood flow, or to raise a festering sore. If she is stupid and will not obey you, correct her by word of mouth, or at least with moderation. If you beat her so as to break a bamboo over her, or to break her bones, she will run away back to her brother." After this the drunken lai-lö"teacher" also recites rhythmically the precepts of Mother 'Li amidst his liberal potations of 'kaung. Soon after mid-day the function is over, and the bridegroom's friends are summarily dismissed; the "superior" party will pour water over them, or beat them with the tubes through which the 'kaung has been drunk. The bride is then conducted to her fatherin-law's house, where she is admitted into her husband's clan, the bridegroom's mother and sisters wrapping cotton-yarn round her wrists. She afterwards gives them a chicken or a pig, yarn or money for this service. After a woman has been married, and the young people have been established in a new home, she has by Chin law no more inheritance in her parents' house.
Should the young husband be violent in his treatment of his wife, she can demand to be separated from him, receiving a full share of their united property and also in addition a bullock as compensation. More frequently, however, matters are settled peaceably by apologies and offerings of pigs and of 'kaung for a feast. Husband and wife may mutually agree to part, and then, as is the Burmese custom, they divide equally their acquired property between them. If the husband alone wishes to separate, he must give his wife Rs. 60 over and above her half of the property; and very few Chins have so much money. If the wife wishes to leave her husband without any offence on his part, she must leave behind everything she possesses. Still there are among the Chins but few cases of separation, i. e., of divorce, and the husband and wife generally get on fairly well together. In these days it is more customary for the young people to continue to live, until perhaps a second child may be born, with the parents of one of them; and if with the bride's parents, they would only receive the dowry when they set up house for themselves. A few days' labour, or a few weeks' labour, would make all the difference between a mean house and one above the average, and this built at no other cost than their own labour at a time when they might otherwise have been doing nothing.
Sometimes, on account of the expense, a man is unable to marry the woman with whom he lives, and who may have borne him two or three children. Should she die without ever having been lawfully married, the husband is bound to go through the marriage ceremony with the corpse; and the wife at last will be admitted into the 'kun of her husband..

Page #228

214
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1907.
Burial Customs.
All sickness or accident is, as has been already stated, supposed to be directly due to the action of some supernatural being, and when this spirit refuses to be appeased by the offerings made to him, the man must die. The body is then washed with water, in which the leaves of the kadu plant have been steeped, and the hair is combed. A small chicken is killed, and tied by a string to the big toe of the deceased. This chicken will accompany the deceased to the other world, and will peck at the caterpillars lying in the way, which might otherwise incommode the traveller to that far-off land. Other chickens are sacrificed, and pigs also; and if the man was fairly well-to-do, buffaloes and bullocks too, for the welfare of the deceased and to provide a feast for the visitors. Whenever bullocks or buffaloes are sacrificed, the blood is mixed with rice or "bread" and then put into the large intestines and roasted. A portion of this, too, is thrown away for the spirits to eat, and the rest is eaten by the guests.
Rice-beer (kaung) is prepared before a man dies, for it takes four or five days to brew; and were all left to the last, there might not be found time to make it before the body would have to be disposed of. Should this happen, or should there be no yai-shen present to utter the incantations, the corpse is buried; and then after a year it is unearthed, and the burial customs are duly performed. Chicken and rice and 'kaung are from time to time given to the corpse to eat; and the yai-shën, sitting between the liquor and the corpse, chants the customs of Mother 'Li. All the village, and many visitors from a distance, flock to a big funeral; but if the body is to be buried there will only be a very few present. Often the women, and formerly the men too, would dance in front of the dead man's house.
A piece of wood, nearly four feet in length, is carved with a figure of the bird (the king crow) or an elephant on the top of it; or in the case of a poor man a piece of bamboo is cut, and the end of it is made into a fringe. This is called the (n)'klo-'seung, and is put into the dead man's hand. The yai-shën utters his charms, and the spirit of the deceased is bidden to take up his abode in this stick. Before the corpse is removed from the house, the (n) klo- seung is taken away and set up in the ground somewhere outside the village.
Frequently, too, a wooden spear and a wooden gun were put into the hands of the dead man; or in the case of a woman the lath of her loom. There is also put into the dead man's hand money to pay as ferry-charge over the stream of death. Sometimes a pice or two, or two annas it may be, or sometimes as much as Rs. 10, or even more, is given. This money, as well as the little chicken tied to the big toe of the deceased, and the pawn-zëng thread is burut at the cremation of the body. Five small pieces of bamboo, wound round with thread (red, white, black, green, and yellow) called pawn-zëng, are also put into the hands of the deceased for him to take with him to the land "over there." The neighbours make an offering of a pig for sacrifice, also called pawn-reng; and the master of the house gives a big pig (called lawn-gá) for the guests to eat. A wake is kept up the whole night before a funeral; "There can be no sleeping." The whole village attend the corpse to the burning-ground, which is not far away; but all, excepting a few men, return before the cremation actually takes place. The funeral pyre is of no great height, and is made of eutch-wood, as this is found to be the best for burning. The few who remain by the fire imbibe still more 'koung, and keep the fire up until the body is consumed. Then they gather the charred bones and prt them in a new earthen pot of the ordinary kind, such as are in daily use. The pot is for a time, at least in the rains, or when the people are otherwise busy, placed on a small stand made for it under a tree outside the village fence. Afterwards, at a convenient season, the bones are conveyed away

Page #229

JULY, 1907.1
NOTES ON THE CHINS OF BURMA.
215
to the ancestral burial-place, which is generally situated in some remote jungle. It is usual for a person to be cremated about three days after his death. A burial would normally take place within twenty-four hours of the death.
The spirit of the dead man should take apits abode in the (~)*klo-seung; but the living are much afraid that it may not do so. They do not believe that the life "over there" is a very joyous one ; being rather of the view of Achilles, whose shade told Ulysses that it was better to be a slave on earth than a prince in Hades. The dead man is told that he may not linger more than seven days in his old house; for they believe that the spirits of the dead look with envy on the living, and that they will harm them. The night before they take away the charred bones to the cemetery (ayódaung) they interrogate the pot of bones. They ask him what disease he died of, and will say "Let it be that he died of fever if the pot feels light; of some other disease if it feels heavy"; and then they test it. Again they ask him if he is still lingering about here, or does he now inhabit that country," and the answer is given in the same way as before.
Next morning they start off early, and if the deceased was a person of any means at all, they will carry with them an elaborately carved memorial post of cutch-wood to erect in the cemetery. On the top of the post will be carved the figure of an elephant or of a bird ; and beneath that six-parallel circles will be cut round the post in the case of a male, and five in the case of a female. In the case of an unmarried girl all her private belongings are taken and deposited by the pot of bones, and in every case rice, chicken, ngapi, chillies, betel, and tobacco will be left for the soul of the departed to enjoy.
I do not find it possible to reconcile all the traditions and ideas held by the same individual Chin; and perhaps it would be too much to expect that they should admit of being harmonized, and more especially so with regard to matters concerning the future life. Certainly the Chins generally do not seem to believe in the doctrine of the transmigration of souls; yet my chief informant gave me the following information in Chin writing :-“We, Chin people, must die when the rice given to our spirits on their departure from their former existence is finished. We can only remain in this existence as long as that rice lasts. The people who bad much given them [lit. "broaght much with them"] live long. This rice is pat in small baskets outside the village fence before the corpse is removed from the house for cremation.” The writer went on to add, what is indeed more in accord with the general traditions, but scarcely consonant with the above. “When a woman dies her hasband will cry out by the corpse, 'when you come to Pói "Kleok tell him that I am left behind here; and ask him to call me before long. Now when she adds] people with some little property die, bullocks and buffaloes are offered in sacrifice that they may find favour when they present themselves before Pói 'Kleuk; but if the people are poor they make offerings of pigs and fowls."
But to return to the funeral. When the people convey the pot of bones to the cemetery, they take with them some cotton yarn, and whenever they come to any stream or other water, they stretch a thread across, wbereby the spirit of the deceased, who accompanies them, may get across it, too. When they have duly deposited the bones and food for the spirit in the cemetery they return home, after bidding the spirit to remain there, and not to follow them back to the village. At the same time they block the way by which they return by putting a bamboo across the path.
The spirit, however, has not finished his travels yet. It must go on antil it comes to the stream of white water, on the other side of which dwells the Lord of Hades, Pói Kleuk. He will cry out to Pói.Kleuk, and after he appears will let the breeze waft, streamer-like

Page #230

210
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[SOLY, 1907.
across the water, the thread which is let loose from the pawn-sëng bamboos that were burnt along with the corpse at the cremation; for the shades of the little chicken and of this thread have accompanied the deceased on his journey to his comfort and assistance. Then, after the thread has been duly fastened, the spirit goes across to receive lis judgment for the deeds done in the body, Sometimes a spirit is terrified on account of his past misdeeds, and will endeavour to escape. But thongh the spirit may ron, there is no remedy; for Pói Kleuk has dog, who will bite the runaways, and they dare not face him. In his terror the spirit will climb the tree of hell; but the mighty Pói Kleuk will shake the branches, and the poor wretch will fall into the cauldron of hell, which is full of boiling water. Or, if he climb to the top of the tree, the dreadful vulture, hak-kyl, will devour his vitals. There is no escape. He must come down and receive his just punishment. There is no need to utter the sentence of condemnation. Pói. Kleuk merely points to them with his fourth, called the nameless," finger, aud they go away to be roasted in hell.
The Clins have some belief in a happier land, but their ideas on this subject are not very tangible; and it is difficult to know how far the hope, which they sometimes express, that they may be enabled to go by the straight and narrow way into the presence of the Great Parent of all good, and there for ever abide, is derived, directly or indirectly, from Christian teaching,
BOOK-NOTICE. Die Mon-KHMER-VÖLKYR EIN BIN DEGLIED ZWISCHEN those who employed them. To this group of
VÖLKERN ZENTRALASIENE UND AUSTRONESTEN Mon-Kbmer- Malacca-Mund-Nicobar-Kbasi lang. Vos P. W. SCHMIDT, S.V. D. Brunswick, 1903.
uages Pater Schmidt has given the Dame of (Reprinted from the Archiv für Anthropologie, Neue
"Austroasiatic," and he shows that not only are all Folge, Band v, Heft 1 u. 2.)
the different forms of speech mutually related, but This work, also from the pen of Pater Schmidt,
that their speakers have the same physical type. appeared originally in the Archiv für Anthropologie, and has been reprinted in another
(6) In former works the learned author showed form at Brunswick in the same year. In it, we
the existence of another group of languages, the
"Austronesic," which included three related have the summing up of the author's researches
sub-groups, the "Indonesic," the "Melanesi," into the Mon-Khmer languages and his final
and the "Polynesic," conclusions as to their relationship, whether
covering the areas mutual or to other forms of speech. A detailed
indicated by their respective names. In a second account of its contents would occupy too much
part of the work under notice, he undertakes the
task of comparing, by rigorously scientific space, and moreover can be found in the pages of
methods, the Austroasiatic and the Austronesie the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for
languages, and of proving that these two groupe January 1907 by those who are interested in the
of speeches are ultimately related to each other, subject. I confine myself here to stating the
and form together one great united whole which results to which bis enquiries have led Pater
he calls the "Austrio" family. Schmidt, and which, in my opinion, he has
This speech
family is the most widely spread of those whose conclusively proved. Briefly, they are these :
existence has been established since the birth of (a) There is a group of languages called Mon
comparative philology. The tract over which it Khmer, which is closely connected not only with
extends reaches from the Panjab in the West to several tongues spoken on the Burma-Chinese
Easter Island, of the coast of South America, in frontier, such as Palaung, Wa, and others, but
the East; and from the Himalaya in the North to also with the speeches of certain aboriginal
New Zealand in the South. Such a result, - and tribes of Malacca, with Nicobarese, with the
I do not think that any one can seriously impugn Khasi of Central Assam, and with the Munda
the argumenta on which it is founded, - amply languages of Central India. It is further to be
justify us in maintaining that Pater Schmidt's remembered that under the last head must be
work is one of the most important contributions included a number of extinct sub-Himalayan dialects, reaching as far west as Kanwar, traces
to comparative philology which has issued from of which still plainly survive in the Tibeto
the press in recent years. Burman languages spoken by the descendants of
GEORGE A. GRIERSON.

Page #231


Page #232

Soutinel
Part
E.H. MAR. dal
Interview I.
SOUTH ANDAMAN
Port d
Nf1
Cometic
Flat L
Mikael
Andaman Strait
Thigh L Labyrinth Islanda
Camarina i
Part Mount
1
Ford's Rutland L
Page
More Stre
Landfall I
Kolob 1806
Harriet 13
hyp
Cinque Islands
DUNGAN PASSAGE
Sisters!
LITTLE ANDAMAN
TEX DEGREES CHANNEL
The colored portion of Andaman is the Site of
the Indian Pal Sadamane.
Cleus Page
de Coco L Daphnen".
COCO CHANNEL
93
Table Islande
Fort Cor
NORTH
ANDAMAN
MIDDLE
ANDAMAN
Str
Out 1.
Henry Lawrence I.
Ingli
THE John Large I. ARCHIPELAGO Havelock I
Neill 1. Sir Bagh Rear L
Table I..
Get Coon 1.
ANDAMAN ISLANDS
illustrating the TRIBAL DISTRIBUTION.
English Miles. Geographical Me EXPLANATION. Situation
Mind (da) Hipag (da)
Bibi Hill (day Mike Biggy felf
INDIAN ANTIQUARY
me of Tribe
Ohrid (d) and on-trider (da)) kiri (da) Cancy of the northere ha (d).
•Bár dog is reened a portion
Longitude East from Ovenwich
94"
Ben (da)
Mille Andaman.
Barkondam L.,
Collectively.
Abbie (da) And-Mode (day Oo-Nera (da))
Aki (da) Andygyás (dai B
All W (da)
25....s

Page #233

kuus 1907,]
BECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
217
A PLAN FOR A UNIFORM SCIENTIFIC RECORD OF THE
LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES. Applied to the Languages of the Andamanese and Nicobarese.
BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE.. (Continued from p. 203.)
II. The Theory of Universal Grammar applied to the Andamanese Languages.
Prefatory Remarks
The Andamanese are divided into twelve Tribes belonging to three Groups or Divisions, a under, from North to South (vide Map attached): –
1. The Yērewa or Northern Division, consisting of the Chariar, Kora, Tabo, Yēre and
Kede Tribes. 2. The Bojigngiji or Southern Division, consisting of the Jūwai, Kol, Bojigyab, Balawa
and Bēs Tribes. 3. The Onge-Järawa or Outer Division, consisting of the Önge and Järawa Tribes. Port Blair is situated in the Bēs Territory, and that Tribe and its language are consequently by far the best known and the Bojigngiji is the best known Group or Division.
Every Tribe bas its own set of names for itself and all the others, and these names have constant conventional prefixes and suffixes attached to them, making the names long and anwieldy. In this Grammar the Bēs net of names has been adopted, and for convenience of presentation they have been stripped of the habitual prefixes and saffixes attached to them (vide Appendix C).
Algo, except where otherwise specially stated, all examples and all vernacular words quoted are taken from the Bēs (aka-Bēa-da) speech. Diacritical marks are not used except where unavoidable.
Lastly, it is necessary to note that Colebrooke's Järawa Vocabulary made in the XVIIIth Century was gathered from one individual of the Tribe and not from several persons, as has been hitherto supposed.
I. - GENERAL DESCRIPTION
8. - Philological Value The Andaman Languages are extremely interesting from the philological standpoint, on account alone of their isolated development, due to the very recent contact with the outer world on the part of the speakers. Of the speech of the only peoples, who may be looked upon as the physical congeners of the Andamanege, - the Samangs of the Malay Peninsula and the Aetas of the Philippine Archipelago - RO Vocabulary or Grammar is available to me of the latter, and the only specimens of the Samang tongae I have seen bear no resemblance or roots common to any Andamanese Language.
The Andamanese Languages exhibit the expression only of the most direct and simplest thought, show few signs of syntactical, though every indication of a very long etymological, growth, are purely colloquial and wanting in the modifications always necessary for communication by writing. The Andamanese show, however, by the very frequent use of ellipsis and of clipped and curtailed words, a long familiarity with their speech.
1 Largely reprinted with addition, and many corrections from Chapter IV. of Part I. of the Consus Report, India, 1901, Vol. III. Bine this artiolo was written, Skeat and Blagden's Pagan Race of the Malay Peninsula has appeared, but I have not been able to collate it for the present purpose.

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218
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1907.
The sense of even Proper Names is usually immediately apparent and the speakers invariably exhibit difficulty in getting out of the region of concrete into that of abstract ideas, though none in expanding or in mentally differentiating or classifying ideas, or in connecting several closely together, Generic terms are usually wanting, and specific terms are numerous and extremely detailed. Narration almost always concerns themselves and the case. Only the absolutely necessary is usually employed and the speech is jerky, incomplete, elliptical and disjointed. Introductory words are not much used and no forward references are made. Back references by means of words for that purpose are not common, nor are conjunctions, adjectives, adverbs and even prononne. An Andamanese will manage to convey his meaning without employing any of the subsidiary and connecting parts of speech. He ekes out with a clever mimicry great deal by manner, tone and action; and this habit he abundantly exhibits in the form of his speech. His narration is, nevertheless, clear, in proper consecutive order and not confused, showing that he possesses powers of co-ordination.
b. Savag. Nature, The general indications that the Languages give of representing the speech of andeveloped savages are confirmed by the intense anthropomorphism exhibited therein. As will be seen later on, the Andamanese regard not only a!l objects, but also every idea associated with them, as connected with themselves and their necessities, or with the parts of their bodies and their attributes. They have no means of expressing the majority of objects and ideas without such reference ; e. g., they cannot say "head" or "heads," but must say "my, your, his, or — 's, this one's, or that one's head" or "our, your, their, or — -'s, or these ones', those ones' heads."
But though they are "savage" languages, limited in range to the requirements of 8 people capable of but few mental processes, the Andamanese Languages are far from being "primitive." In the evolution of a system of pre-flexion in order to intimately connect words together; to build up compounds and to indicate back references, and in a limited exhibition of the idea of concord by means of post-inflexion of pronouns, they indicate a development as complete and complicated as that of an advanced tongue, representing the speech of a highly intellectual people. These lowest of savages show themselves to be, indeed, human beings immeasurably superior in mental capacity to the highest of the brute beasts.
0.- Agglutinative Form. The Andamanese Languages all belong to one Family, divided into three Groups, plainly elosely connected generally to the eye on paper, but mutually unintelligible to the ear. They are agglutinative in nature, synthesis being present in rudiments only. They follow the general grammar of agglutinative languages. All the affixes to roots are readily separable, and all analysis of words shows a very simple mental mechanism and a low limit in range and richness of thoaght and in the development of ideas. Suffixes and prefixes are largely used, and infixes also to build up compound. words. As with every other language, foreiga words have lately been fitted into the grammar with Nach ebanges of form as are necessary for absorption into the general structure of Andamanese speech.
d. - Bamples of Minuteness in Detallod. Terms The following are examples of the extent to which the use of specific terms to describe details af importance to the Andamanese is carried by them,
Stages in the growth of fruit:- Otdereka, small : chimstí, sour: pülungaij, unripe : cheba, hard : telebioh, seed not formed : gad, seed forming : gama, seed formed : fola, balf-ripe : munukeh ripe : ròicha, fully ripe: otyob, soft: chrore, rotten.
Stages of the day :- Waingala, first dawn: elawainga, before sunrise : bõdola doatinga, Bunrise: wainga, oarly morning : bödola kdgalnga, morning : bodola kdgnga, full morning :: bodo
Lit., black skin.
• Litt, early to-morrow morning : dilma, tili, early morning that is post : dilmaya, dilnaio, Aliya, Winga, this morning, wainga diltiatek, early every momming.

Page #235

AVQUST, 1907.)
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
219
che nag, forenoon : bodo chàu, noon : bõdola lórínga, afternoon: bõdo l'ardiyanga, full afternoon : elardiyanga, evening : la, before sunset: bétola lotinga, sunset: olákálduya, twilight: claritnga, dark : gürug chàs, midnight.
0.- Sperimen of Andamanese Method of Speech. The following acconnt of a story, abstracted with corrections from Portman, of an imaginary pig-bant as told by a Bēs ēremidga (forest-man) for the amusement of his friends, will go far to explain the Andamanese mode of speech, and the form that its Grammar takes.
The Darrator sits on the ground, facing a half circle of lounging Andamanese: After a short silence, he-loans forward with his bead bent down. Baddenly be sits erect with brightening eyes and speaks in * quick, excited way, acting as if carrying on a conversation with another persen. "In how many days will you retora ?." And then answering as if for himself: "I will come back early in the morning, I am off pig-hunting now." A pause. "I am going:" Very suddenly. "You stay here in my place," Moving as if going away. "I am going away." Squeaking like a young pig with pantomime of shooting it. It is only a little pig. I will bring it to the hat." Moving his shoulders as if carrying. "They can roast it here." Wave of the hands signifying that the pig was of no account. Pause. "I will start early to-morrow morning after a big one, - a big pig." Motions of hands to show length and breadth of pig. To an imaginary friend. "I will sharpen pig arrow-to take with me. Come after me and we will hunt together." Imitation with the hands of pig ranning, shooting arrows, slap on the left breast, squeals of several wounded pigs; and so on. A pause. "You bring them in readiaess to cook for me." Directions by pantomime to other persons as to the pigs. "They were cooking them for me in the hut, cooking them well." Brightens up and begins again. "I will bring several more." Pretends to listen. "We bave got them here. The dogs have barked." And so on for hours.
The actual expressions for such a story are : Kichik an---lün? drla-'-edtengo on . Wainga - len do òn .
Na do rege How many ? day- past you come. Morning-in I come. Then I pig dele. Kamw ai dol. Kam sai do ôn . D'-Arlög-len hant. Here indeed 1. Here indeed I come (go). Me-place-in ka. Wai do jāla ke. Reg-ba. Kam tai do tle on . here. Indeed go-away -do. Pig-little. Here indeed I take come: Wai kā eda otjoi . DO
dõga
l at. Reg Indeed here they roast. I (in-the-early-morning big pig) --for. Pig döga. Doela
l'igjtt - ke. D-olcanumu-kam 5 Kaich d arõlo. big. I pig-arrow sharpen-do. I-go do. Come meafter. Do-ng' igdole. D'-kotēlima ik on Wai d -at o tjoi - ka I -you-hunt. Me-before take come. Indeed me--ake cooking - were büchlen. Ten richa-bēringa—ke. Na do skpägi -ke. Ik - Ha. hut-in. More ripe good do. Then I several-do. Get did here. Wai eda ikkinawa-re. Indeed they bark did.
Nothing could show more clearly how "Savage" the speech is in reality, how purely colloquial, how entirely it depends on coneurrent action for comprehension. When the party, who wore out with Mr. Vaux when he was killed by the Jerawas in February, 1902, returned, they explained the occurrence to their friends at the Andamanese Home in Port Blair by much action and pantomime and few words. The maaner of his death was explained by the narrator lying down and following his movements on the ground.
• *.., of tomorrow.
• This is not Bas form; probably borrowed from Bojigyb.

Page #236

220
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1907.
f. - Bibliography.
2.- Books 1877. Man and Temple. Lord's Prayer in the Bojignguida (South Andaman) Language:
Calcutta. 1883.. Ma. Aboriginal inhabitants of the Andaman Islands : London. (Many neferences
to older writers.) 1887. Portman. Andamanese Manual. 1898. Portman. Notes on the Languages of the South Andaman Group y Tribes: Calcutta (Government). (Many references to older writers.)
b.- Journals 1794. Colebrooke, in Asiatic Researcher. 1882. A. J. Ellis, in Journal, Philological Society. J. R. A. S., Temple, Man, Portman.
0.- Pamphlets. 1899. Temple. Theory of Universal Grammar, as applied to the Seuth Andaman Language: London.
II. - GRAMMAR.
a. - History of the Study. I have taken 60 largo a share in the development of tbe knowledge of the Andamaneso tongue that a brief personal explanation is here necessary to make clear the mode of presenting it that now follows.
The first person to seriously study the Andamanese Languages and reduce them to writing was Mr. E. H. Man, and in this work I joined him for time soon after it was commenced, and in 1877 we jointly produced a small book with an account of the speech of the Bojigugiji Group, or more strictly, of the Bea Tribe. We then worked together on it, making ench comparisons with the speech of the other Andaman Tribes as were then possible and compiling voluminous notes for a Grammar and Vocabulary, which are still in manuscript. In 1882 the late Mr. A. J. Ellis used these notes for an account of the Bea Language in his Presidential Address to the Philological Society.
In compiling our manuscript, Mr. Man And myself had used the accepted grammatical terms, and these Mr. Ellis found to be so little suited for the adequate representation for scientific readers of such a form of speech as the Andamanese, that be stated in his Address that: -" We require new terms and an entirely new set of grammatical conceptions, which shall not bend an agglutinative language to our inflectional translation." And in 1883 he asked me, in a letter, if it were not possible " to throw over the inflectional treatment of an uninflected language."
b. - History of the Theory of Universal Grammar. Pondering, for the purpose of an adequate presentation of Andamanese, on what was then a novel, though not an unknown, idea, never put into practice, I gradually framed a Theory of Universal Grammar, privately printed and circulated in that year. This Theory remained unused, until Mr. M. V. Portman compiled his notes for a comparatite Grammar of the Bojigngiji (South Andaman) Languages in 1898, based avowedly, but not fully, on my theory. These notes I examined in a second article on the Theory of Universal Grammar in the Journal
• In addition to the article mentioned in the Preface to this article.

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AUGUST, 1907.]
1. English.
2. Hungarian.
3. Latin.
of the Royal Asiatic Society in 1899, which again was subjected to the favourable criticism of Mr. Sidney Ray, who has since successfully applied it in outline to sixteen languages,7 selected because unrelated and morphologically distinct, riz.,
4. Khasi, Hills of N.-E. Bengal.
5. Anam, French Cochin China.
6. Ashanti, West Africa.
7.
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
Kafir, South Africa.
8. Malagasy, Madagascar.
9. Olo Ngadju or Dayak, South East
Borneo.
ENGLISH. Hurrah
I don't know
Very well go7 (with a lift of
the chin)
Humbug
Oh: I say (ironical)
It's broken Back me up
Say 'yes'
Not exactly Nonsense Yes (ironical) What a stink How sweet (smell, with a puffing out of the lips)
BEA. We
Uchin
0.- - Position of the Andamanese Languages in the General
Scheme of the Theory.
The next point for consideration is: Where do the Andamanese Languages come into the general scheme? This will be shown in the following general account of them, and as the grammatical terms used will be novel to the reader, the corresponding familiar terms will be inserted beside them in br ackets, wherever necessary to make the statements clear in a familiar manner. Diacritical marks will only be used when necessary to the elucidation of the text.
d.
Examples of Sentences of One Word.
The Andamanese Languages are rich in integer words, which are sentences in themselves, because they express a complete meaning. The following examples are called from Portman's lists:
Uchik
Akandiyadake
}Potek
Tarushno
Jeg
Kak
Cho
Wai (drawled) Chunge
Pue
10. 11.
Kobale
13.
14.
15.
16.
TABLE OF INTEGER WORDS. BOJIGYIB. Yui Konkete
BALAWA. Yui
Maka
Ya
Taruit
Jegl
12. Mortlock Ids, Caroline Group, Micro
nesia.
Nafor, Dutch New Guinea. Motu, British New Guinea.
Akanoiyadake
Pue
Kak
Ya
Wai (drawled) Chunye
Mota, Banks' Islands, Melanesia.
Samoan, Polynesia.
Awabakal, Lake Macquarie, Australia. Dakota, North America.
Και
1 Kalat Turush
Και
Omkotichwake {Okamkoti
chwachin.
}
Yokokene
Jeklangi
Kaka.
Aikut
Köle Chunyeno
221
JUWAI. Yui
Koien
Pue
T'ruish
Atokwe
Alō
Kene
K'le Chunye
Pue
See ante, Vol. XXVIII. pp. 197 ff., 225 ff.: Vol. XXXI. p. 165 ff.
Portman is so frequently inaccurate that it must be understood that throughout this article, wherever he is quoted it is with corrections.
• This is doubtful.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[August, 1907.
ENGLISH, DEA. BALAWA. BOJIGYĀB.
JŪWAL. It harts Iyi Yi
Yi (drawled) Eyð (indignantly) Oh (shock) Yite (with a gasp) Yite
Yite
Jite Don't worry Ijiyomaingata Idiyomaingata Iramyolano Remjolokne What? Where? Tän?
Tan? Ilekot?
Alech P Is it so? An wai? An yatya ? En köle ?
An k'le? Lor Kakatek Kakate
Keleba
Alobai e. Elliptical Speech. Portman's Vorabulary shows that the habit of speaking by integers, 6. e., single words, or by extremely elliptical phrases, is carried very far in Andamanese, and the Fire Legends to themselves give the clearest instances of it, in so far as these legends have been recorded by Portman.
The Bēs version winds up with the enigmatic single word "Tômolols," which has to be translated by they, the ancestors, were the Tômolola." In the Kol version occurs the single-word sentence “Kolotatke," lit. "Kolotat-be," which has to be translated : -"Now there was one Külotat." In the first instance, one word in the indicator (noun) form completes the whole sense ; in the second, one word in the predicator (verb) form does so, Such elliptical expressions as the above and as the term of abuse," Ngabgôrob" (ng + ab + gôrob, you + special-radical--prefix + spine), would be accompanied by tone, manner, or gesture to explain its meaning to the listener. Thus, the latter would be made to convey “Yon humpback," or "Break your spine," by the accompanying manner. f. - Portman's Fire Legend in the Bās Version dissected
to illustrate Grammar. The Andamanese sentence, when it gets beyond an exclamation or one word, is capable of clear division into subject and predionte, as can be seen by an analysis of the sentence in a genuine specimen of the speech, Portman's "Fire Legend " in the five languages of the South Andaman (Bojigoglji) Group. In the Bēs Langango it runs thus :
BEA VERSION OF THE FIRE LEGEND. Tal-l'oko-tima-len Paluga-la mdmi ---La Laratat-o!1 chapa táp-nga omo-ro , (a Place) in God asleep-was. (Bird) firewood steal-ing bring-did. chapa-la Puluga-la pagat -ka. Paluga-la' boi ka. Puluga-la chápa firewood God burning-was. God Awake-wan. God firewood eni ka. a ile chapa - lik Leratút t'of-pægurin.13 jek Láratot-la seizing-was h e taking firewood-by (Bird) chrow-ut did. at-once (Bird ) eni - ka. Tärcheker18 Pot-puguri-re. Wota-Emibaraijlen Charga-tábanga taking-was. he (a Bird) throw-at-did. Wòta-Emi-village-in The --Ancestors oko-dal-re.14 Tomolola. made-fires. Tomolola.
g. - Portman's Rendering (amended). God was sleeping at T61-l'okotima. Lürstüt came, stealing firewood. The firewood burnt God. God woke up. God seized the firewood; took the firewood and threw it at Lūratūt. Then Lūratūt took the firewood); he threw it at Târcheker in Wòta-Emi village, (where then ) the Ancestors lit fires. (The Ancestors referred to were ) the Tômolola.
10 C8. Man'. Andaman Islanders, p. 99. 11 One of the (P) dis kind of the Andamanexe Kingfisher.
19 This expression means "threw a burning brand st," common praction among the Andamanon. It has been extended to meet modern requirements to denote "shooting with a gun," the flash from which is likened to that from a burning brand when thrown.
. Probably an error for Chalteker, the generio torm for the kingfishers.
14 This expression is elliptical Chapa, firewood: chapa-lidal, the eye of the firewood, fire: chapa-l'okodelke, firewood-eye-do (make), make a fire.

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RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
223
h.- Subject and Predicate.
Taking this Legend sentence by sentence, the subject and predicate come out clearly thus:-(P. =predicate: S. = subject).
(1) Tollokotimalen (P.) Palugala (8.) mamika (P.). (2) Loratatla (8.) chapatapnga (8.) omore (P.). (3) Chapala (S.) Pulagala (P.) pagatka (P.). (4) Palugala (S.) boika (P.). (5) Palagala (B.) chapa (P.) enika (P.). (6) A (S.) ik (S.) chapalik (P.) Luratat (P.) lotpugurire (P.). (7) Jek (P.) Luratatla (S.) enike (P.). (8) A (S.) Tarcheker (P.) lot pagarire (P.). (9) Wota-Emi-baraíjlen (P.) Changa-tabnga ( 8.) okodalre (P.). (10) Tomolola (S.) (P. anexpressed ).
i. - Principal and Subordinate words. That the words in the above sentences are in the relation of principal and subordinate is eggally clear thus:
(1) In the Predicate, Tollokotimalen is subordinate to the principal namika. (2) In the Subject, Luratutla is the principal with its subordinate chapatapnga. (5) In the Predicate,,ohapa is subordinate to the principal onika. And so on, without presentation of any difficulties.
j. Functions of Words, The next stage in analysis is to examine the functions of the words used in the above sentences, and for this purpose the following abbreviations will be used : -
Abbreviations wed. int, ... integer.
intd. ... introducer. indicator.
... referent conjunctor. explicator.
... referent substitute. ... predicator.
c. in. ... complementary indicator. ... illustrator.
complementary explicator. connector.
o. ill.. complementary illustrator, In this view the son tences can be analysed thus:
(1) Toll'okotimalen (ill. of P.) Palagala (in.) mamika (P.).' (2) Laratutla (in.) chapa-(. in. )-tapnga (P., the whole an e. phrase) omore (p.). (8) Chapala (in.) Palagala (c. in.) pagatka (p.). (4) Polagala (in.) boika (p.). (6) Palugala (in.) chapa (c. in.) enika (p.). (6) A (r..., in.) ik (e.) chapalik (ill.) Luratat (c. in.) l'otpugurire (p.). (7) Jek (r. c.) Laratatla (in.) enika (p.). (8) A (r. s., in.) Tarcheke (o. in.) l'otpagurire (p.). (9) Wota-Emi-baraijlen (ili. phrase of P.). chaugatabanga (in. phrase ) okodalre (p.). (10) Tomolola (in. P. unexpressed).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
k. Order of Sentence.
By this analysis we arrive at the following facts. The purposes of all the sentences is information, and the Andamanese indicate that purpose, which is perhaps the commonest of speech, by the order of the words in the sentence thus: -
(1)
Subject before Predicate:
Pulagala (S.) boika (P.).
(2) Subject, Complement (object), Predicate: Pulugala (S.) chapa (c. in.) enika (P.). (3) Indicator (noun) before explicator (adjective) :
Laratatla (in.) chapa-tapnga (e. phrase) omore (p.). (4) Illustrator of Predicate (adverb) before Subject:
Toll'okotimalen (ill. of P.) Pulugala (in.) mamika (p.). But illustrators can be placed elsewhere,15 thus:
[AUGUST, 1907.
A (r. s. used as in.) ik. (p. of elliptic e. phrase, c. in. unexpressed) chapa lik (ill.) Luratat (c. in.) l'otpugurire (p.).
(5) Referent conjunctor (conjunction) commences sentence :
Jek (r. c.) Luratatla (in.) enika (p.).
(6)
Referent substitutes (pronouns) follow position of the originals: A (r. s. in.) Tarcheke (c. in.) l'otpugurire (p.).
From these examples, which cover the whole of the kinds of words used in the sentence, except the introducers and connectors, the absence of which is remarkable, we get the following as the order of Andamanese speech :
A. (1) Subject, (2) Predicate.
B. (1) Subject, (2) Complement (object), (8) Predicate.
C. (1) Indicator (noun) before its explicator (adjective).
D. Illustrator (adverb) where convenient.
E. Referent conjunctors (conjunctions) before everything in connected sentences.
We have also a fine example of an extremely elliptical form of speech in the wind up of the story by the one word "Tomolola" as its last sentence, in the sense" (the ancestors who did this were the) Tomolola." Jek Luratutla enika is also elliptic, as the complement is unexpressed.
1. Order of Connected Sentences,
Connected sentences are used in the order of principal and then subordinate:
Pulugala chapa enika (principal sentence) and then a ik okapalik Luratut l'otpugurire (subordinate sentence), after which jek Luratutla enika ( connected sentence joined by "jek, at once"), and then a Tarcheker l'otpugurire (subordinate to the previous sentence).
The sentences quoted show that the Andamanese mind works in its speech steadily from point to point in a natural order of precedence in the development of an information (story, tale), and not in an inverted order, as does that of the speakers of many languages.
m.-Interrogative Sentences.
It may also be noted here, though no interrogative phrases occur in the Fire Legend, that the Andamanese convey interrogation by introducers (adverbs) always placed at the commencement of a sentence or connected sentences.
16 We have this in English :-" suddenly John died; John suddenly died; John died suddenly."

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August, 1907.)
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
225
The introducers of interrogation in Bēa are Ba' and An? And so, too, " Is. -?" are introduced by "An_
--?" Either these introducers are used, or an interrogative sentence begins with a special introducer, like " Ten ? Where Michiba P What? Mijola (honorific form ), or Mija? Who?" and so on.
n. - The Mode of expressing the Functions and the Interrelation of Words.
But the Andamanese do not rely entirely on position to express the function of the sentence and the functions and interrelation of its words. By varying the ends of their words, they express the functions of such sentences as convey information, and at the same time the functions of the words composing them.
Thus, the final form of Pulugrla, Luratutla, chapala, Tomolola proclaim them to be indicators (nouns): of mamila, boika, prugatka, umore, okodalre, l'otpugurire, to be predicators (verbs): of chapa-tapnga (phrase) to be an explicator (adjective): of Toll'ukotimalen (phrase), chapelik, Wota-Emi-baruijlen (phrase) to be illustrators (adverbs).
0.- Expression of Intimate Relation. The intimate relation between words is expressed by change of form at the commencement of the latter of them.
Thus in Luratut (c. in.) l'otpugurire (p.), where Luratut is the complement (object) and l'otpupurire is the predicator ( verb ), the intimate relation between them is expressed by the r of l'otyugurire. So again in Tarcheker l'otpugurire.
In phrases, or words that are fundamentally phrases, the same method of intimately joining them is adopted.
Thus Tol-L'olco-tina-len means in practice "in Tóll'okotima," a place so named, but fundamentally
Tol -
I
okotima - len Tol (tree) — (its) — corner-in means "in (the encampment at, unexpressed the corner of the Tol (trees, unexpressed )." Here the intimate relation between tol and okotima is expressed by the intervening I'. The actual use of the phrases is precisely that of the words they represent. Thus,
Wota-Emi-baraij- len
Wota-Emi-village--in Here a phrase, consisting of three indicators (nouns) placed in juxtaposition, is used as one illustrator word (adverb).
D.-Use of the Affixes, Prefixes, Infixes, Suffixes. It follows from what has been above said that the Andamanese partly make words ful91 their functions by varying their forms by means of affixes.
Thus they use suffixes to indicate the class of a word. E. g., ka, re, to indicate predicators ( verb ) : la, da, for indicators (noun ) : nga for explicators (adj.): len, lik for illustrators (adverbs). They use prefixes, e.g., l', to indicate intimate relation, and infixes for joining up phrases into compound words, based on the prefix l'.
It also follows that their functional affixes are prefixes, infixes, and suffixes.
It is further clear that they effect the transfer of a word from class to class by means of suffixes.
Thus, the compound indicator (noun ) Toll'okotima is transferred to illustrator (adverb) by saffixing lon : indicator (noun) chapa to illustrator (adverb) by suffixing lik: indicator (noan) phrase Wota-Emi-barai to illustrator (adverb) by suffixing lon: predicator (verb) tap (-ke, -ka, -re) to explicator (adj.) by sufiling nga.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1907.
A very strong instance of the power of & suffix to transfer a word from one class to another occurs in the Kol version of the Fire Legend, where Kolotat-ke occurs. Kôlotat, being a man's name and therefore an indicator (noun), is transferred to the predicator ( verb ) class by merely affixing the suffix of that class. The word Kolotatke in the Kol version of the Fire Legend occurs as a sentence by itself in the sense of " now, there was one Kolotat."
q.- Differentiation of the Meanings of Connected Words by Radical Prefizes.
Fortunately in the sentences under examination, two words occur, which exhibit the next point of analysis for elucidation. These are:
chapala Palugala pugatka
firewood God burning-was and then
& Tarchekerl'otpaguri - re he (a Bird) throw-at-did a ik
chapa-lik Luratat l'otpuguri-re
he taking firewood-by (Bird) throw-at-did Here is an instance of connected words, one of which is differentiated in meaning from the other by the affix ot, prefixod to that part which denotes the original meaning or root (pūgat, yuguri ) of both. Therefore in Andamanese the use of radical prefixes (prefixes to root) is to differentiate connected words.
The simple stem in the above instances is pūgat and the connected compound stem otpuguri. Similarly olcotima, o kodalre, occurring in the Fire Legend, are compound stems, where the roots are lima and dal.
r.-Indication of the Classes of Words - Qualitative Suffixes. The last point in this analysis is that the words are made to indicate their class, i. e., their nature (original idea conveyed by a word) by the Andamanese by affixing qualitative suffixes, thus :
ka, re to indicate the predicator class (verbs): nga, to indicate the explicator (adj.) class : la, da to indicate the indicator (noun) class : lik, len to indicate the illustrator (adverb) class.
8.- Composition of the Words. The words in the sentences under consideration can thus be broken up into their constituents as follows:
Using the abbreviations R. = Root: S. = Stem : P. F. = Prefix, functional: P. R. = Prefix, radical: I. = Infix: S. F. = Suffix, fanctional: S. Q. = Saffix, qualitative. (1) Mami (S.) -ka (S. Q.).
(7) Ik (S.). Sleeping was.
tak - (ing). So also pugat-ka, boi-ka, eni ka. (8) Chapa (S.) - lik (S. F.). Chapa (S.).
firewood- by. firewood.
(9) l'(P. F.)-ot (P. R.)-paguri (R.) -re (3) Tap (S.)-nga (S. Q.).
(S. Q.). stealing
(referent prefixes)— throw-at- did (4) Omo (S.) - re (S. Q.).
(10) Jek (8.). bring --- did
At-once. (5) Chapa (s.) – la (S. Q.).
Baraij (S.) - len (8. F.). firewood- (honorific suff.).
village —-in. (6) A (8.).
Oko (P. R.) - dal (R.) - re (S. Q.). He.
-eye-make--did (lighted).

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RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
227
t. - The Agglutinative Principle. Words are therefore made to fulfil their functions in the Andamanese Languages by an external development effected by affixes and to express modifications of their original meanings by a similar internal development. Also, the meaning of the sentences is rendered complete by a combination of the meanings of their component words with their position and form.
The sentences analysed further show that the Languages express a complete communication chiefly by the forms of their words, and so these languages are Formative Languages; and • because their affixes, as will have been seen above, are attached to roots, stems and words mainly in an unaltered form, the languages are Agglutinative Languages. It will be seen later on, too, as a matter of great philological interest, that the Languages possess premutation (principle of affizing prefixes) and postmutation (principle of affixing suffixes ) in almost equal development: intromutation (principle of affizing infixes) being merely rudimentary.
1.- Identity of the Five Languages of the Southern Group of Tribes. The above observations, being the outcome of the examination of the ten sentences ander analysis, are based only on the Bēs speech, but a similar analysis of the sentences conveying the Fire Legend in the five South Andaman Languages (Bojigogiji Group ), as given in Appendix A, would fully bear oat all that has been above said. With the aid of this Appendix is here attached a series of Tables, showing roughly how these languages agree and differ in the essentials of word-building, premising that they all agree in Syntax, or sentence-bnilding, exactly. An examination of the Tables goes far to show that the Andamanese Languages must belong to one family. . Comparative Tables of Boots and stems of the same meaning occurring
in the Fire Legend. ENGLISE. BEA. BALAWA. BOJIGYİB. JŪWAI. KÔL.
Indicators (nouns). camp baraij baroij
Đôroich chapa
choupa
Predicators (verbs). seize eni ena
di, li take ik ik
ik light-&-fire dal
dal kadak kôdak
kodak sleep mani
ema steal tap
top omo omo
lechi pugat, pagari pugura wake
boi
Reforont Substitutes (pronouns). he
i, ong
ong (they)
ongot
nong Comparative Table of Affixes occurring in the Firo Legend. ENGLISH. BEA.
BALAWA. BOJIGYB. JŪWAI.
Prefixos, functional, of intimate relation. (hi-, it-)(hi-, it-)-8 (their )-s
fire
at
pat
bring burn
konyi

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228
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[August, 1907.
ENGLI8H.
BEA.
JŪWAL.
KOL.
Balawa. BOJIGYB.
Prefixes, radical. oto
otoatakoko
oko
otam-, oto
atakÖko-, öko
oko
ar
ir, iram
-lik
-lak
was
did
KÔL.
ong
onSuffixes, functional. -te
-ke -len -in, -&n, -en in
-en -len -lin
-kete Suffixes, qualitative, -ka -kate, -ia
-chike
-ke -ing -nga -nga
-nga -re -t, -te -ye, -an
-an, -chine (hon, of in.) -la, ola -le
-la
-la Many further proofs of the existence of the Andamanese Languages as & Family, sub-divided into three main Groups, will be found later on when considering that great difficulty of the Languages, the use of the prefixes, and it will be sufficient here to further illustrate the differences and agreements between those of the South Andaman Group. by a comparison of the roots of the words for the parts of the human body, a set of words which looms preponderatingly before the Andamanese mental vision.
Comparative Table of Boots and Stems denoting Parts of the Human Body. ENGLISH. BEA.
BALAWA. BOJIGYAB. JŪWAI. bead chēta chekta
tô
toi brains mun man mine mine
mine neck longota longato longe
longe
longe heart kūktâbana kuktabana kapöne
poktoi hand kôro kôro kôre korð
kôre wrist, shoulder tôgo
tôgo
to knuckle kütar
godla kutar kutar
kutar nail bodoh bodo pute
pute foot pâg pog
tok
tok ankle tögur tôgar togar
togar togar mouth
boang pong pong
pong chin adal koada teri t'reye
t'reye tongue ētel atal tatal tatal
tätal jaw ēkib toa ta tô
teip lip pai
paka
pake shoulder-blade pôdikma pôdiatoa
bes . bea
bein thigh
paiche poaicho baichato boichatokan baichatokan knce
lo
lu shin chalta chalanta chalta
cholto
chaltô belly. jõdo
jôdo chute chute
chute navel
akar tar takar
takar
poktó
to
to
pute
ta
bang
ра
pai
la
èr

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AUGUST, 1907.)
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
229
kôte kap
kap
kap
gud
ENGLISH BĒa. BALAWA. BOJIGYÂB. JŪWAI.
KÓL. armpit awa ökar korting
körteng kürteng eye dal dal kodak kôdag
kodak eyebrow punyür punu bein beakain
beakin forehead mügu
mugu mike miko
mike ear pūku puku bo bôko
boko nose chôronga chôronga kôte
kôte cheek ab
koab arm
gud kit kit
kit breast kâm koam kôme kôme
kôme spine gorob kategórob kinab
kurup
kurup leg chåg chag chok chok
chok buttocks dama doamo tome tome
tome anas tomur bang tomur
kôlang Pulled to picces, Andamanese words of any Group of the Languages seem to be practically the same, but this fact is not apparent in actual speech, when they are given in full with their appropriate affixes, thus :ENGLI8H. BEA. BALAWA. BOJIqYÂB.
JUWAI.
KÔL. head
otchētada ôtchekta otetada ôtotôlekile ôtetoiche knee ablõda ablo abluda
alulekile oluche forehead igmūguda idmugu irmikeda remikelekile ermikeche
Any one who has had practice in listening to a foreign and partially understood tongue knows how a small difference in pronunciation, or even in accentuation, will render unintelligible words philologically immediately recognisable on paper.
kôlang
III. - ETYMOLOGY.
8.- The Use of the Boots. As the Andamanese usually build up the full words of their sentences by the simple agglutination of affixes on to roots and stems, the word construction of their language would present no difficulties, were it not for one peculiarity, most interesting in itself and easy of general explanation, though difficult in the extreme to discover: experto crede.
The Andamanese suffixes perform the ordinary functions of their kind in all agglutinative languages, and the peculiarity of the infixed l' occurring in compound words depends on the prefixes, It is the prefixes and their use that demand an extended examination.
b. - Anthropomorphism colours the whole Linguistio System. To Andamanese instinct or feeling, words as original meanings, c.e., roots, divide themselves, roughly into Five Groups, denoting
(1) mankind and parts of his body (nouns): (2) other natural objects (nouns): (3) ideas relating to objects (adjectives, verbs): (4) reference to objects (pronouns):
(5) ideas relating to the ideas about objects (adverbs, connecting words, Proper Names). The instinct of the Andamanege next exhibits an intense anthropomorphism, as it leads them to differentiate the words in the First Group, i.e., those relating directly to themselves, from all others, by adding special prefixes through mere agglutination to their roots.

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I.
The Use of the Prefixes to the Boots.
These special radical prefixes, by some process of reasoning forgotten by the people and now obscure, but not at all in every case irrecoverable, divide the parts of the human body into Seven Classes; thus, without giving a full list of the words in each class
Radical Prefixes in Words denoting Parts of the Human Body by Classes. CLASS. ENGLISH, BALAWA. BOJIGYɅB.
BEA.
JUWAI.
Head Brains
Neck
Heart
II.
III.
IV.
V.
.VI.
VII.
Hand
Wrist
Knuckle
Nail
Foot
Ankle
Mouth
Chin
Tongue Jawbone
Lip
(Shoulder
Thigh
Knee
Shin
Belly Navel Armpit
(Eye
Eyebrow Forehead
Ear
Nose Cheek
Arm
Breast
Spine
Leg Buttock
Hip
Waist
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
0.
ot
ong
âka
ab
i-, ig
ig-, ik
i
ar
-040
ôt
my your his
ǝng
aka
ab
id
ar
ote
(80 & 80)-'8 (that one)'s (this one)-'s
ong.
ab
ir
ST
ôto
head, hand, heart.
ôn
Öko
те
[AUGUST, 1907.
ra
KÔL.
ôto
d. Prefixes to Words referring to the Human Body.
Next, in obedience to their strong anthropomorphic instinct, the Andamanese extend their prefixes to all words in the other Groups, when in relation to the human body, its parts, attributes and necessities, and thus in practice, refer all words, capable of such reference, to themselves by means of prefixes added to their roots. In an Andamanese Language one cannot, as a matter of fact, say "head," "hand," "heart," one can only say
ôn
er.

Page #247

AUGUST, 1907.]
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
231
0.- The Prefixes of Intimate Relation, It is thus that the otherwise extremely difficult secondary functional prefix (always prefixed to the radical prefix, which is usually in Bojigngiji le- or la- (but practically always used in its curtailed form l's, or k', n's, t- in certain circumstances) is clearly explainable. It is used to denote intimate relation between two words; and when between two indicators (nouns) it corresponds to the English connector (of), the Persian izdfat (-:-), and so on, and to the suffix denoting the
genitive case" in the inflected languages. The Andamanese also use it to indicate intimate relation between predicator (verb) and complement (object), when it corresponds to the suffix of the “accusative case" in the inflected languages, and indeed to "cases " generally.
1.- The Prefix System. Starting with these general principles, the Andamanese have developed a complicated system of prefixes, making their language an intricate and difficult one for a foreigner to clearly apprehend when spoken to, or to speak so as to be readily understood.
As examples of this, let us take the stem bēri-nga good : then 4-beri-nga, good (human being); uen-bëri-nga (good hand, ong pref, of hand), clever ; ig-böri-nga [good eye, ig pref, of eyo) sharpsighted; dka-Leri-nga (good mouth or tongue, áka pref. of month and tongue), clever at (other Andamanese) languages; ot-beri-nga (good head and beart, ot pref. of both head and heart), virtuous; un-l'ig-beri-nga (good hand and eye, ong pref. of hand, ig pref. of eye, joined by t'pref. of intimate relation), good all round.
So, too, with jālag, bad : ab-jābag, bad (human being); un-jābag, clumsy; ig-jābag, dollsighted; aka-jābag, stupid at other Andamanese) languages, also nasty, unpalatable ; ot-jābag, vicious ; un-t'-ig-jābag, a dnffer.
So again with lama, failing : un-uma (failing hand or foot), missing to strike ; ig-lama (failing eye), failing to find; ot-ldma (failing head), wanting in sense ; dka-láma (failing tongue).
Lastly, in the elliptic speech of the Andamanese, the root, when evident, can be left anexpressed, if the prefix is sufficient to express the sense, thus :
-beri-nga-da / may mean, his face, pref. :-)-good-(is)." That is, he is good-looking!" d'-akà-chan-ke! may mean "my-(mouth, pref, aka-)-sore-is." That is, "my mouth is sore!"
8.- Prefixes to Words relating to Objects. The system of using radical pretixes to express the relation of ideas to mankind and its body is extended to express the relation of ideas to objects in general. Thus:
ad-bēringa, well (of the body): ad-jäbag, ill (of the body): 8ko-lama (applied to a weapon), failing to penetrate the object strack throngh the fault of the striker. So ig-bēringa means pretty (of things) : dkd-böringa, nice (to taste): all in addition to the senses above given.
This is carried, with more or less obvious reference to origin, throughout the language. Thus -
In Boa: yob, pliable, soft. Then a cushion, wax or sponge is ot-yob, soft: a cane is 6to-yob, pliable: a stick or pencil is dka-yob, or Øko-yob, pointed: the human body is ab-yõb, soft ; Class I of its parts (hand, wrist, &c.) are ong-yob, soft; fallen trees are ar-yob, rotten; an adze is ig-yob, blunt.
So again, in Bệa : chôrognga, tying up (whence also that which is usually tied up in a bundle, viz., a bundle of plantains, faggots). Then Ol-chôrognga is tying up a pig's carcase : dkd-chorognga, tying up jack-fruit: ar-chôrognga, tying up birds : ong-chôrognga, tying up the feet of sucking pigs.
h. - General sense of Prefixes to Roots. Possibly the feeling or instinct, which prompts the use of the prefixes correctly, could be caught ap by foreigner, just as the Andamanese roots might be traced by a sufficiently patient etymologist, but it would be very difficult and would require deep study. The Andamanese themselves, however,

Page #248

232
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1907.
unerringly apply them without hesitation, even in the case of such novel objects to them as cushions, sponges and pencils; using of in the two former cases, because they are round and globular, and aka in the latter, because they are rounded off to an end. In both these cases one can detect an echo of the application of the prefixes to the body of of head, neck, heart, &c.; ákà of tongue chin, &c.
Portman gives somewhat doubtfully the following as the concrete modifying references of such prefixes to the names of things:
ot
ôto
âkà-, ôko
ar
ig
ad
ot-, oto-, ôtoig, ik-, i
ijieb-, epâkan
With this habit may be compared the use of numeral coefficients in Burmese and many other languages.
From Portman also may be abstracted, doubtfully again, the following modifying abstract references of some of the radical prefixes:
ar-, ara
ar-, ara...
ad
ab
oiyo
...
***
***
ENGLISH. I
Thou He, she, it
. We
...
... speech (noises) of animals
You
They
round things
long, thin, pointed, or wooden things hard things upright things
weapons, utensils, things manufactured
special relation
... reference in singular to another person
reference in plural to another person
reference to ideas
...
BEA.
d'ol-la
ng'ol-la
ol-la
...
The following preliminary statement of the function of the radical prefixes can, therefore, be made out: viz., to modify the meanings of roots by denoting
(1) the phenomena of man and parts of his body:
104
...
(2) the phenomena of objects:
(3) the relation of ideas to the human body and objects:
(4) reference to self:
(5) reference to other persons :
(6) ideas; i. e., (a) actions of self, (b) actions transferred to others, (c) actions of others (agency):
(7) reference to ideas.
i.The Use of the "Personal Pronouns."
The habit of the Andamanese of referring everything directly to themselves makes the use of the referent substitutes for their own names (personal pronouns) a prominent feature in their speech. These are in full in the Bojigngiji Group as follow:
The "Personal Pronouns." BALAWA. BOJIGYAB. t'u-le
ng'u-le
u-le
reference to self
plural reference to persons generally
(also) agency
action of self
action or condition transferred to another in singular action transferred to others in plural
m'òldi-chik ng'òldi-chik dlòi-chik
d'ol ng'ol ol m’blochit ng'olo-chit olo-chit
m-u-le
ng'uwe'l n'u-le
JUWAL. t'u-le
ng'a-kile
a-kile
m'e-kile
ng'e'l-kile n'e-kile
KOL.
la-t'u-le
la-ng'a-le
laka-u-le
la-m'u-le
la-ng'uwe'l kuchla-n'u-le

Page #249

AUGUST, 1907.]
j.-Limited Pre-inflexion.
In combination with and before the radical prefixes the "personal pronouns thus in all the languages of the Bojigagiji Group :
Abbreviated "Pronominal" Forms.
(d'- in Bea, Balawa t-in Bojigyâb, Juwai, Kôl ng'- in all the Group
not expressed in the Group m'- in all the Group (ng'-in Bea, Balawa, Bojigyâb ng''1 in Juwai, Kôl Snot expressed in Bea, Balawa n'-in Bojigyâb, Jūwai, Kôl k'-in Bea, Balawa, Kôl
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES
ENGLISH.
my, mine thy, thine his, her, its
I, my
thon, thy he, hie, &c.
we, our...
you, your
they, their
this, that one that one
In this way it can be shown that there are no real "singular possessives" in Andamanese, as the so-called "possessive pronouns" are merely the abbreviated forms of the "personal pronouns " plus ia (-da), &c. = belonging to, (property): thus
...
***
BEA
d'ia-da
ng'ia-da
Ia-da
mâmi-ke sleeping-is
...
www
www
not expressed in Bojigyâb, Juwai t' in all the Group
"Possessive Pronouns."
BALAWA.
d'ege ng'ege
ege
BOJIGYAB.
t'iya-da
ng'iya-da
iya-da
d'un-t'ig-jäbag
I-hand-eye-bad
JUWAI.
t'iyea-kile ng'iyea-kile eyea-kile
The "plural possessives" have been brought into line with the expression of plurality by radical prefixes, as will be seen later on.
Now, it is easy enough to express on paper the true nature of the above abbreviations by the use of the apostrophe, but in speech there is no distinction made. Thus, one can write "d'un-lama-re, I missed (my) blow," but one must say "dunlamare." So one can write ng'ot-jubag-da, "you. (are a) vicieus (brute )," but one must say ngotjabagda. So also one can write:
l'eda-re exist-did.
đi làm formerly achitik
d'un-t'ig-beri-nga
now
I-hand-eye-good
(once I was a duffer, now I am good all round).
233
are abbreviated
-mâmik-ka sleeping-was
But one must say "artám duntigjabag ledare, achitik duntigberinga." It would, therefore, be correct to assert that, though Andamanese is an agglutinative tongue, it possesses a very limited pre-inflexion, i. e., inflexion at the commencement of its words.
mâmi-re
aloeg-did
KOL.
t'iye-che ng'iye-dele
iye-dele
Limited Correlated Variation (Concord)
The Andamanese also express the intimate relation of the "personal pronouns" with their predicators (verbs) by a rudimentary correlated variation (post-inflexion in the form of concord) of forms thus :
mâmi-nga sleep-ing

Page #250

284
I
Thou
He, she, it
We
You
They
I Thou
He, she, it
We
You
They
I Thou
He, she, it
We
You
They
Then,
. . . . .. . ទទ
Öko
This peculiarity is shown in all the Bojigngiji Group, except Kôl; thus:
ENGLISH.
BEA.
BOJIGYAR.
BALAWA. "In the Present Tense" (ke).
do
tuk
ngo
ong
môt
ngak uk môt nuk net
otot
atôtotôkot
et
do mâmi-ke ..
da mâmi-ka...
otot
at
Stotökot
et
da mâmire. dona mâminga
do
ngo
8, 0
moicho
ngòi cho
eda
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
da
nga
B
meda
ngeda
eda
moda ngoda
oda
do
ngongot
ôngọt
"In the Past Tense" (ka and re).
tong
ngong ong
môt
ngo
ong
mongot
ngongot
ongot
...
⠀⠀⠀⠀
***
"In the Present Participle" (nga),
dona
tong ngong
ngona oda
In Bea.
ongs, onar-, ara
eb
ad
...
07
ông
ar, ara
eb
ad
In Balawa.
1.
Expression of Plurality by Radical Prefixes.
The examination of the "pronouns" shows that the Andamanese can express things taken together (plural) as well as things taken by themselves (singular). This in their language generally is expressed by changing the forms of the radical prefixes, in Bea and Balawa habitually and in Kôl and Juwai occasionally. Thus:
SING.
PLU.
SING.
PLU.
SING.
oiot
arat
ebet
ad
I am sleeping
I was sleeping
I slept
I (me) sleeping
Ôngot
arat
ebet
ad
ngonget net
ong
môt
ngowel
nong
ig-, ik-, iaka
iji
akan
[AUGUST, 1907.
idaka
idi
akan
JUWAI.
*་རྞྞཨཿཋཱ་ཚིཎྜཐུ་ ཚུན ཟླ ཝཱ ॰ བྷཱཝ
PLU.
itigakat
ijit, ijet
akan
idit
akat
idit
akan

Page #251

AUGUST, 1907.]
SING.
iriram
Sing. my
Pla. our
Sing. thy
Plu.
your
his
their
Sing.
Pla.
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
BEA.
-da
-la, -ola
-la, -lo
-ba
PLU.
ENGLISH.
-da -la
ir
iram
ENGLISH.
(kill )s
was (kill)ing
BEA.
diada
mētat
ngiada
ētat
iada
ôntat
re
ri
0
rem
rim
en
in
...
As has been already noted, the plural of the "personal pronouns" in the "possessive" orm has been made to fall into line with the plan of expressing plurality by means of the radical prefixes. Thus :
SING.
ab
in
Sir
Table of Singular and Plural "Possessives." BALAWA.
BEL. -ke, -kan -ka
(kill)ed
-re
may-not (kill 16 -kok (kill)ing
In Juwai.
at
in
-nga -ba
In Kol.
(kill)s not
was (kill)ing not -ta will (kill)
-bo
PLU.
dege
matat
ngege
ngatat
ege
atat
For Indicators (Nouns). BALAWA. BOJIGYÂB. -da, -nga, -ke da -le
-le -0, -8
BOJIGTAB. sipeda
miyeda
ngiyeda
ngiyida
SING.
iche
eche
iyeda
niyeda m.-Qualitative Suffixes.
The suffixes of Andamanese are (radical) qualitative (expressing the class of a word)' or functional (expressing its function in the sentence). The radical qualitative suffixes usually employed are:
-nga
-na
16 Precative.
JUWAI. tiyeakile
miye
ngiyeakile
ngiyel
eyeskile
niye
The first of these is usually dropped in Balawa, and in all the languages also unless the word is used as an integer, or sentence in itself. The second is an honorific, and is always added in full. The third is "vocative" and is suffixed to the name called out. The fourth is a negative: thus, abliga-da, a child; abliga-ba, not a child, a boy or girl.
For Explicators (Adjectives).
JUWAL -lekile, -kile
-re
-et, -ot, -t
The second is honorific: the third applies to attributes, &c., of human beings. Generally these affixes follow the rule for those of the indicators (nouns).
For Predicators (Verbs) BALAWA. BOJIGYɅB. -ke, -ken -ke, -kan -ka, -te, -kate -ya, -ye -t, -et -nga, -nen
-k
-ton -t,-et, -ña ba
PLU.
iche
JUWAI.
-che, -chine -chike -chikan -chik
iche
...
***
235
KOL.
tiyiche miyedele
ngiyedele
ngiyil
iyedele
niyiche
KOL. -che, la -le
KOL.
-ye
-ye, -k -an, -wan, -nen -k -in
...

Page #252

236
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1907.
BEA.
-lik
-le
le
The last three suffixes are added to the suffix - nga in Boa, thus :do
mâmi-nga-ba
sleep-ing-not (I am not asleep) doma
mâmi-nga-bo
sleep-ing-will (I shall sleep) karama dol-la
kop-nga-ta bow me-by
outt-ing-(was)-not (I was not making a bow)
n. - The Functional Sumises. The usual function al suffixes in Andamanese are :
Table of Suffixes. ENGLISH. BALAWA. BOJITIB. Jiwa.
KOL. In, to, at -len -len, -Lan, -
-An From -tek -te, -le -e, -te, -le
-e, -lak
-2, -lake, -kate To, towards -lat -lat
-lat
-late -late Of
lia -lege
-liye
-leye -liye For -leb -leb
-leb
-lebe -lebe After
-lo 0.- The Functional Suffixes are Lost Boots..
Attempt at Beoovery. It may be taken as certain that the functional suffixes are roots, now lost to Andaman esa recognition, agglutinated to the ends of words by the usual means in their languages, as exhibited in the prefixes; vit., by prefixing to them ', t' k'- in the manner already explained. The roots of some of the suffizes can be fairly made out thus, from the Vocabularies :(1) Len, kan, a, an, “in, to, at," seem to be clearly i'-, l' + the root en, e, sk,
"take, hold, carry, seize." (2) Tek, te, le, e, lak, lake, kate," from " seem to be 1'-, t'-, K. + the root ik, i,
eak," take away." (3) Lat, late, "to, towards," seem to be l'- + the root at, ate," approach." (4) Lia, lege, liye, leye, "of" seem to be t- + the root ia, ege, eye, " belonging to." (5) Leb, lebe," for " seem to be I'- + A root not traced. (6) Lik; le, "with, after" seem to be l'- + the root ik, e, ak," to go with, follow on."
IV. - PHONOLOGY.
4.- The Voice of the Andamanese. The voice of the Andamanese, though occasionally deep and hoarse, fa usually pleasant and musical. The mode of speech is gentle and slow, and among the women a shrill voice is used in speaking; but though the tendency is towards drawled pronunciation, they can express their meaning quickly enough on occasion, too quickly, indeed, for a foreigner to clearly follow the minntiæ of pronunciation without very close attention. The general tone of the voice in speaking is low.
On an examination of the prevalentvowels and vowel interchanges and tendencies in the languages of the South Andaman (Bojigngīji) Group of Tribes, as described by Portman, it may be said that they relatively speak thus from a close to an open mouth :
Jūwai ... ... ... with closed lips Bojigyab and Kôl ... with flattened lips Balawa ... ... ... with open lips
Bēs ... ... ... with lips tending to open wide. It is interesting to note that the above rouls carry one straight from North to South

Page #253

August, 1907.)
REOORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
237
b. - History of the Reduction of the Language to Writing. The Andamanege speech, as it is now studied, was first committed to writing on a system devised by myself, which was an adaptation of the system, invented by Sir William Jones in 1794 for the Indian Languages, and afterwards adopted, with some practical modifications introduced by Sir W. W. Hunter, by the Government of India as the "Hunterian System.” My method of writing Andamanese was subsequently modified for scientific purposes by Mr. A. J. Ellis in 1882, and having 80 highly trained and competent a guide, one cannot do better than use here a modification of his system, adapted to the needs of a general publication, Portman, unfortunately, bas, in his publications, gone his own way to the great puzzle of stadents.
In this view, there is no necessity to say anything of the conšonants used, and as to the vowels, the following table will sufficiently exhibit them in the Bēs Language :
The Vowels in Bas. ENGLI8H. BEA.
ENGLISH, BEA. idea, cut alaba
indolent
boigoli ... CUT bā, yabal ō ... pole
job casa
elka i ... könig (Ger.) dázet
pot
pòlike fathom järawa
awful
tôgo bed ēmej
influence
būkura Akaboada
pool
pudre pair
ai ... båte
daike lid igbadigre
house
chopaua : ... police
yadi
àu ... haus (Ger.) chào òi ... beil
bòigoli 0.- Peouliarities of Speech. Stress in Andamanose is placed on every long vowel, or on the first syllable of the root or stem. Peculiarities of pronunciation in the South Andaman Languages are as follow:
Bēs. Sibilants tend to become palatals, s to ch: 7 and 8 are interchangeable: final open d and a tend to a and e: t is an indistinct palato-dental.
...
father
fade
er
Balawa.
& is palato-dental and lisped, of. Irish pronunciation of English t and d. The a vowels tend to be drawn out: 4 to become o, and a to become od. There is also an incipient sandhi in words ending in gutturals: e. 9., rak, pig; rág-doamo, pig's flesh.
Bojigyab ch is palato-dental and tends to t, and the ch of Bža tends in Bojigyáb to become s; i. e., palatals tend to became sibilants.
Jūwai. Short vowels are not clearly marked : & and a are interchangeable : finale and ê tend to i. Vanishing short vowels are common and are shown thus, j'rongap: o is often drawled to o: penultimato e is lengthened to é, and stressed 6 is drawled to ea. There is sandhi of final and initial Vowels in connected consecutive words. Dental, palatal and cerebral t all exist : palatals tend to dentale, ch to t: p tends to soften to ph and almost to f.
KOL. a interchanges with 0: & tends to ea, of. Old English Pronunciation gyarden for garden : e tends to 6: final open vowels are uncertain.
11 Found in Onge only.

Page #254

288
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1907.
re
V. --THE NORTHBRK AND OUTER GROUPS. 8.- Proofs of the identity of the Northern and Southern Groups of Languages.
Of the Five Languages of the Northern (Yērewa) Group, two, Körâ and Tabó, are still quite unstudied, the knowledge of the existence of the Tribes speaking them being of less than two years? standing, and the Language of the Yēre Tribe is very little known. Portman has, however,.preserved long lists, unfortunately to be treated with much caution, of Kade and Chêriêr words, together with many sentences, and it will be sufficient here to give a series of roots and stems, showing where the Northern and Southern Languages meet and how closely related they are by roots : premising that the syntax and word-structure of the Northern Group is identical with that of the Southern Group, and that affixes, notably the radical prefixes, are used precisely in the same way in both Groups. It is in the naties for common objects and things that languages show their relationship, and the Bojigngiji and Yērewa Groups form.no exception to this rule.
Table of some Bajigngiji and Yērewa Roots, showing a common origin. ENGLISU.
BEA. Волахів. KEDE.
CHÅRIÂR. pig
reg turtle (hawkbill) tàu
tare tor
tôrô clam chowai chowai
chowai: chos grab
būtu peti pata
pata fish
yât taige tajeu
tajeu bow (N.)
chokio chokio
chokie chokwi bow (S.)
karama ko ku
ka wooden arrow tirlech tolo
tirleich tirleit wooden pig a. påligma paligma paligma. paligne wooden a. head châm
cham ohôm
chom harpoon string
betms kôri betmô,
luremo bamboo bucket
bire
kup shell-dish
chidi kar
kar shell-cap (nautilus) ôdo
kor kar
kor adze
wolo wole WO
olo baby-sling
chepe chipa
chibs oord-ornament
ika leaf-wrapper
kaba
kobo red-ochre
kòiob keyep keip
keip stone hammer tailibana me
mio
með stone anvil
rârap rarap rorop
rôrop canoe
DO го
rua c. outrigged
chârigma charikma chorok chorok The same community of roots is to be seen in the names of the trees on the islands, establishing beyond doubt the close common origin of the Andaman Tribes of the Yērewa and Bojigngiji Groups, though it will, of course, be understood that in full form, with prefixes and suffixes, very nearly related words are in practice unintelligible to the ear. There are, equally of course, a great number of words, the roots of which, while common to each other in the Yērewa Group, differ entirely from those common to the Bojigogiji Group: thur
Table of varying Bojigagiji and Yērewa Boots ENGLISH
BEA.
BOJIGYİB. KEDE. CHẤRLÂM. ornamental net r&b
rap
chirebale chirbale jungle-cat
baian beyen
chau belt, round
bod bel toto
tôtô b. flat, broad
rögun rogan
kudu.
gb|
kup
kar
chip
kậpa
kobu
rūko
chau

Page #255

RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
joto
ola
ENGLISH,
BEA. BOJIGYAB. KEDE.
CHRIÂR. iron fish-arrow tôlbod
pôt rautal
rautal larvæ in comb tô
to
jota honey
aja koi tumel
tumel black honey tõbulo tipal
maro
maro cockles
tale bun
bun It is to be observed that in the above list, the compound stem in Bēn for iron fish-arrow, tolbod, is made up apparently of the roots pót and ful in the other languages quoted: while rautul seems to have become transferred from the pig, na, to the fish, tajer. A similar transfer has taken place between tumel, timel, the black honey" of the North, and tobul, tipal, the "honey" of the South. All the above observations tend to confirm the close connection between the Tribes and the Languages of both Groups.
b. - The Outer Group (Öngo-Järawa ) examined. In turning to the Önge-Járawa Group, one finds that the hostility of the Järawas, and the only recent friendliness of the Unges, combined with the inaccessibility of the island they inhabit, has caused the knowledge of their language to be but slight. However, we have the careful Vocabulary of Colebrooke made in 1790, and those made by Portman and M. Bonigle just a century later. An examination of these affords sufficient results for the present purpose: vie., proof of the fundamental identity of the language of these people with that of the rest of the Andaman Tribes, and what is, perhaps, quite as interesting, proof that Colebrooke's informant really was a Järawa.
0.- The limited knowledge of it. A comparison of such of Portman's words as can be compared with Colebrooke's, when shown with roots and affixes separated, and reduced to one system of transcription, produces the following results; noting that in their actual lists, both enquirers fell into the nataral error of taking the prefixed inflected personal pronouns" to be essential parts of the words to which they were attached :
A List of Önge-Járawa Words.10 ENGLISH
COLEBROOKE'S JÄRAWA. PORTMAN'S ÖNCES. BONIG'S-ONGES. arm pi-li öni-bi-le
öni-bi-la arrowbatoi batoi
bato bamboo 0-ta-li 0-da-le
0-da-le basket tero-nge td-le
tô-le bead tahi taiyö (stone)
kwoi beat ingo-latya b. a person) yölscö-be
on-yökrő-be belt oto-go-le
are-kwa-ge bite
m-o-paka-be (b. me) öni-baga-be (b. a person), ni-baga-be black chigit-go
i-kiu blood koncho-nge ga-che-nge
che-nge bone
ng-i-to-ngo (your b.) öni-da-ge bow ta-nge (P wood), ta-hi dai
ae (as shown in. ng-i-tahi)
(your bow). breast ka ga-la-ge
ga-ga-ge Canoe lak-ke du-nge
da-nge chin
pi-to-nge (c. bone) ibi-ta-nge (c. bone) cold choma
ön-gita-be (to be c.) cough ingo-ta-lie (?la-be) (to c) udr-be
udu-be drink m-inggo-be (I d.)
injo-be ear kwa-ge
ik-kwa-ge earthtotanga-ge
tutano-nge * See Appendix C.
1. Roots shown in italice.
be

Page #256

240
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1907.
ENGLISH eat elbow eye finger
fire
fish
hair
otti
hand
.
.
head honey house iron (adze-head) jump knee laugh
nail
neck net nose paddle path pig
pinch
COLEBROOKE'S JÄRAWA. PORTMAN'S ONGES. Bonia's ÖNGES. ingo-lo-lia (1 imp. lo-ba) öni-lokwale-be
öni-kwawo-be m-ahā-lajebe (my e.) abs-lagebòi jebe öni-jebời
ỡni-ebòi m-ome (my f.) ome
öno-boda-nge m-ona (my f.) tu-ke
tu-ke ga-bohi cho-ngo
chau-nge ode
ode ng-oni (your b.) ome
ön-ome m-ons (my h.). tebe
öni-tolagibòi (man's head) ön-ota-be lo-ke tanjai
tanja20 bede
bedas
dòü i-to-le (a j.)
akwa-tokwa-be (to j.) ingo-lo.ke (man's k.)
ola-ge onke-me-be
önge-ma-be m-o-bejeda-nga (my n.) m-o-bedu-nge (my n.) tohi
öni-ngito bato-li chi-kwe
chi-kwe m--li (my n)
öni-nyai-boi m-ekal (my p.) taai
tae echo-li
iche-le stwi.
ku ingi-gini -ohs öni-gins-be
gi-gine-be body-pinch-don't (don't pinch me). chole-li yold-le
chago-la, yaulo-la buohuhi bugh
buchu toto-be (+ tigikwa) tötő-be (80) oye gujö-nge
beja . ng-ahs-bela-be (you r.) aha-bela-be ing-bea-be
8-kwea-be goko-be
gögaba-be ng-ongtaki (8. yon) on-antokö-be
mamtoloi-be ng-omoka ( you) omoka-be Nadamo
be-nge-nge (flattened out) o-che-ke a )
c-chi-be (to s.) ingawa-nge chilo-be (I shines) chilome-be (moon:P shines) koia-lòia wu-le taiyi
kudi ehe
eke kwa-be
kwane-be ng-a-toka (you t. u.) gonge-be
i-do-be (t. away) m-ahoi (my t.)
m-akwe (my t.) ta-li
alan-da-nge bunijos.be bujiö-be
bujo-be m-igwe (my w.) i-nge
i-nge wana-be wana-be
wana-be tomjams tototo
totote ta-nge do-nge
tada-nge Bonig ha la for honeycomb.
plantain-tree pot pall rain
scratch sing sit sleep
ons-kwa-nge
sneeze spitting star stone
sun swim
take up teeth tongue walk water weep wind wood (treet

Page #257

August, 1907.) RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
241 =
In addition to this list of words offering comparisons, the following from Colebrooke can more or less clearly be made out on the same lines:
Colebrooke's Järawa Words. ENGLISE. JARAWA.
ENGLISH.
JÄRAWA. (white) ant do-nge
friend
padu bat witwi-le
leg
chi.ge ng-e-poi (your b.) man
ng-amo-lan (you are a man?) bind to-be, toto-be
month
m-ona (my m.) bird lohe
seed
kita-nge bracelet a-le
smoke
bali-ngi charcoal wahi
swallow
bi-be crow nahe
thigh flesh wuhi
wash (self) igna-doba-be
belly
poi
Portman is unfortunately always difficult to follow in his linguistic statements, as they are so uncertain. His vocabularies are apt to differ frequently from the statements in his lists of sentences, and where his vocabularies can be compared they are inconstant: bat at, p. 731, Vol. II., of his Aistory of our Relations with the Andamanese, he gives a comparative list of Järawa and Onge words from his own observations :
ENGLISH arrow ΑΣΘ bamboo bow bucket crab drink eye fire foot hair hand iron leaf nautilas navel net nogo road run ses sit down sky
Portman's Onge-Järawa Words. JÄRAWA.
ÖNGE. bartoi
bartoi doii
doii otale
8dale
aai ahu
ukui kagai
kagais injowa
injobe injamma
unijeboi tuhawe
tuke monge
muge enoide
mode mome
mome tanhi
doii (iron adze) bebe
bebe gasi
gaai inkwa
onikwale bortai
chikwe idama
uningaiboi ischele
ichele ahabelabe
akwebelabe etale
detale (Passage Id, an islet in the sea) aton
unantokobe baingala
bengonge omohan
omokabe etai
ebe uli
taigi anwai
makwe engle
inge
sleep string.
stone tooth water

Page #258

242
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(August, 1907:
In some of the above words, where Colebrooke differs from Portman, it will be found that Colebrooke's forms, when reduced to a common transcription, are nearest the Onge.
d. - Beoovery of Colebrooke's Järawa Vooabulary of 1700. By pulling the words in the first list to pieces, the identity in raos of Colebrooke's native (Järawa) with Portman's natives (Onges) will be at once evident. Many roots and affixes are common, and the words are clearly built up precisely as are all other Andamanese words by radical prefixes to roots relating fundamentally to the body and its parts and by qualitative suffixes. In addition to this, the prefixes are joined to the "personal pronouns" by pre-inflexion in the manner peculiar to the Andamanese languages. And although we have nothing more on record of the Järawa tongue than Colebrooke's list, supplemented by Portman's, of any value, we have thus enough to establish the relation of Järawa and Onge as languages of the same Group, and the relation of both as languages of the same Family as the other Andamanese tongues.
In Järawa the k of Onge tends to interchange with h, and by inference the Jära was appear to use ngg for the Onge ng and to say i-nggo in place of onge.
Leaving the roots to explain themselves, the inflected forms of the "pronouns" show themselves, thus :
Önge-Järawa "Pronouns." ENGLIBA. . JÄRAWA.
ONGE. I, my You, your
ng'
The qualitative suffizos appear to be as follow -
Önge-Järawa Qualitative Suffixes. for "nouns" -li, -le
-le for "verbal nouns" -nge, -nga, -ge, -ke -nge, -ng, -ge, ke for "verbs" -be
-be, me The radical prefixes are given in a great variety of forms, which will probably disappear on closer knowledge of the languages.
Önge-Järawa Radical Prefixes : JÄRAWA.
ONGE.
Soni-, öner, öna-, öno-, önan-, ina-, ine, engingo-, ingi-, ipge-, onke-, ổng,
t eni-, önge. uni
0, i, oth
pi
eje, ichin-, - ibi-, ebeakw&-, akwe-, ako-, ik-, ig-, - aha-, #omo
.
aha-, - omooto
alan

Page #259

AUGUST, 1907.]
Of these, as prefixes relating to mankind and its body, the following occur:
öni-, a general prefix of the body, and then, öni
ik-, ig-, iibi
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
Class I. Class II. Class III.
Class IV. ... 0
Class V. alan
...
ode, hair.
ön-ode, animal hair. miga m'ode, thy hair. ngi m'ode, your hair.
That the relation between concrete words for the parts of the body and those for ideas belonging to them is shown by the prefixes; comes out neatly in ik-kwa-ge, ear: ik-aibene, deaf. So, too, the words ichin-da-nge and i-to-nge given for "bone" probably refer to a bone of Class II.
head, lip, neck, nose, navel, hip; testicles, stomach cheek, ear
chin
fist, knee, nail, throat
teeth
e.
Grammar of Önge.
Mr. Bonig made a slight attempt at this by providing a few sentences and phrases. It is only an attempt, but it shows that the principles of the Önge are those of Andamanese generally. Thus we have :
yetadakwe g'ode, some one's21 hair. otiedaka g'ode, their hair.
bis
otangka g'ode, {or} hair. jelöto g'ode, our hair.
götalöto g'ode, the hair of all of us.
ENGLISH. bat
cold
oduleda, sick,
wanawe ötang, where is he? ön-akuchōbe ötang, call him. ötangka akuchwa, you are called. g'oangkinko-be, you go away.
le chune, there it is.
m'injaiche nene, I don't understand.
******
miga-m'oduleda, I am sick. ngi m'oduleda, you are sick. he is
otangka g'oduleda, you are sick.
jelöto g'oduleda, we are sick. götalöta g'oduleda, we are all sick.
yetadak wel g'oduleda, some one is sick. otiedaka g'oduleda, they are sick.
This would seem to give m' as to the prefix of 'my' and 'your,' g' as the prefix of all persons not the 'self."
The few sentences are very obscure.
ön-ibiti dode, what have you ?
ön-ibiti dali ile kwale-be, what are you saying?
g'ati bina, what do you call this?
243
f. Proof of the Identity of Önge-Jarawa with the other Groups.
Among an untutored people, so long isolated even from the other Andamanese, one would hardly look for many roots now in common with them, but the following, which occur in such short lists as those available, sufficiently establish a common origin for the Family:
Some Roots common to the Andaman Languages.
ÖNGE-JÄRAWA. witwi choma
21 The sense is that the person referred is absent.
REMAINING LANGUAGES.
wôt, wat, wot chauki (Bea)

Page #260

244
ENGLISH.
red ochre
net
sneeze
"God"
turtle
water
bone
wood
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
ÖNGE-JÄBAWA.
gyalap
chi
che, chi
chiba (Bea, Balawa)
Uluga: (öluge, thunder) Puluga, Bilak (Bea, wul-nga,
storm)
chokbe (Kede, Châriar)
ina (Bea, Balawa)
ta, toa (Bea, Balawa) ta, toa, to
chöbe
i, ig to
ta, da
JÄRAWA.
pa nge- -be flat become is
[AUGUST, 1907.
Colebrooke showed all sorts of impossible things to his Järaws to name, and one interesting result is the following:
ENGLISH.
ÖNGE.
cotton-cloth
bengebe flat-become-is
paper
Of course, no Jarawa had ever seen before anything approaching to either object, and this man's one expression for both means "it is (has been) flattened," which is what the savage meant to convey, when asked anything so impossible as to name them.
REMAINING LANGUAGES.
bilap, upla
chi
In Appendix B will be found a further list of Önge words to aid in the study of this interesting language.
M-önge-be I-man-kind-am
(I am am an Önge)
g.
Dérivation of Mincopie.
We are now in a position to solve a great puzzle of ethnographists for a century and more: why were the Andamanese called Mincopie by Europeans? What word does this transcription represent? It can now be split up thus :
Or, as the Jarawas perhaps pronounce the expression, "M-inggo-be," or even "M-injo-be," I am an Inggo (Injo). The name given by the Önges to themselves is a "verbal noun," ö-nge, man-being. So that when questioned as to himself by Colebrooke, his Järawa replied M'inggobe," or something like it, which compound expression by mistranscription and misapprehension has become the well-known Mincopie of the general ethnological books in many languages for an Andamanese. The Önges call their own home, the Little Andaman, Gwabe-l'Önge. Järawa is a modern Bea term, possibly radically identical with Yerews, the Bea name for the Northern Group of Tribes,
It is just possible that Colebrooke's Järawa misunderstood what was wanted altogether and simply said, "I am (will be, would be) drinking: m-inggo-be, I-drink-do."
I have now to record a great disappointment. The proof that the method herein adopted for recovering the Järawa Language was correct lay in the fact that the word i-nge for "water" was ascertained from a little Järawa boy captured during an expedition in February, 1902, and the identical word was quite independently unearthed from Colebrooke's and Portman's Vocabularies as Önge-Järawa for "water." The only other word clearly ascertained from the boy, walu-ng for "pig," has not been gathered independently as yet. This little boy was the last of the prisoners left, who were captured on that occasion, as the women and small children and girls were all returned and only two boys kept back for a while, in order to get their language, &c., from them. Of these, the elder died of fever, and on the very day that their language was fairly recovered, and we were in a position to set to work to learn quickly from him, the younger died very suddenly of pneumonia, without any warning illness.

Page #261

August, 1907.)
EBOORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
245
APPENDIX A.
The Fire Legend in the Bojigogiji Group. ( The Bëa Version has been already given.)
Balawa Version.
Dim-Dôra - le rita Kori-l'ong-towar - te Puluga l'i toago choapa l'-omo (a Man) long ago (a Place) - by God his platform fire bringing - kate ong ik a kat-pôra puguru -Il-a-re Bolub ka Tarlór. - was he taking all-men burn -t di-di (a Man) and (a Man) ka Bilichau ongot oto - jurugnu -i-ial ongot at yokat mo. and (a Man) they in-the-sea-wen-t-did they
fish becom- wa ongot oaro tiohal-ena - to Rokna-l'ar-tonga-baroij - oloo - dal - ing they carry-taking - by (a Place) -village-in
fire-mak- nga 1'-a -ro' - ing did
Portman's Bendoring. -Dim-Dôra, a very long time ago, at Keri-l'ong-tower, was bringing fire from God's platform. He, taking the fire, burnt everybody with it. Bolub and Tarkôr and Bilichau fell into the sea and became fish. They took the fire to Rokwa-l'ar-tonga village and made fires there.
Bojigyab Version.
TỐl-l'oko-tim-an Bilik l'ong-pat -ye | Luratut | l'ong at ab - lechi - nga | (a Place) - in God sleep-did ( Bird) | he fire bring-ing | Luratut l'ong-di -ye kota ong Bilil l'ab-biki ya kota Bilik l'ong-konyi (& Bird) seized then he God burnt then God
awaken - ye Bilik | l'ong af * - yelong Luratut l'oto -toi-chu - nga
ed God he fire seized he then (a Bird) (with) fire hitting bota kolong
Tarchal l'ote-toi-chu ye Chalter l'ong - di - ye then again he then (a Man) (with) fire-hit - did a Bird) - seized ong Law-Oham - len da - nga Wola-Emi - on ota Lau-Cham n'ony O-kadak-nga. he ancestors - to giving 1 Wota-Emi - in then ancestors they fire-mak-ing.
Portman's Bendorlog.-God was sleeping in T61-l'oko-tima. Luratut went to bring fire. Luretat caught hold of the fire, then he burnt God. Then God woke up. God seized the fire. He hit Laratat with the fire. Then again he hit Tarchal with the fire. Chalter caught hold of it. He gave it to the ancestors. Then the ancestors made fire at W8ta-Emi.
Jūwat Version.
la
Kuro-t'on-mik (Place) -
a Mom Mirit in Mr. Pigeon
Buik l'oko - eng -t God
lept
peakar at-lo top wood fire - with stealing

Page #262

246
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Avgust, 1907.
- chike at laiche Lech - lin a 1 kotak a 8ko - kodak - chine at - lo - was fire the-lato (a Man) - to he then he fire-make - did fire-with Karat-tatak - emi - in
(s Place) - at
Portman's Rendering.-Mr. Pigeon stole a firebrand at Kuro-t'on-mika, while God was sleeping. He gave the brand to the late Lech, who then made fires at Karat-tatak-emi.
r
Kol Version. TOL-Loko-tim - en Bilik - la pat - ke Luratut - la Oko-Emi -t at kek - an
(& Place) - in God asleep - Was 1 (a Bird) (a Place) - in fire took Kolotat - ke l in '-a-chol - an Min-tong-ta-kete | Min-tong-ta-kete- lak (a Man) - Was | by (he) - went (& Place) - to 1 (a Place) - to -- by
ir --bil -an Kolotat l'ir - pin l'ir - dok -an | k'irim-kodak -an! (it)-out-wen-t l (a Man) charcoal break-did
fire-make-did | n'a n'otam - tepur - an a t - ke note - tepur - an | Min-tong tôk-pôroich - they
alive - became fire - by (tbey) - alive - became | (& Place) village - in Jangil m'a l'oko - kodak - an in ancestors they fire-make - did
Portman's Bendering. - God was sleeping at T61-l'oko-tima. Luratat took away fire to Oko-Emi. Kolotat went to Min-tong-ta, (taking fire with him from Oko-Emi). At Min-tong-ta the fire went out. Kolotat broke up the charred firewood... nade fire again, ( by blowing up the embers). They (the people there ) became alive. Owing to the fire they became alive. The ancestors thus got fire in Min-tong-tók village.
APPENDIX B.
Önge Vooabularies.
The Oater Group" of the Andamanese (Önges and Jirawas) bears the closest resemblance in customs, &c., s..., assuming them to bear any at all, to the Semangs and Aetas, of all the Andamanese Tribes, and hence there is mnch interest exhibited in their languages. In this Appendix, therefore, is gathered together as much of the Onge Vocabulary as can be with any degree of safety extracted from Portman's Andamaneso Manual, the information in which is not, however, unfortunately as clear as is desirable.
Sabsequently to the compilation of this article, Mr. M. Bonig, Assistant Harbour Master at Port Blair, made, at the present writer's request, several tripe, in January 1903, to the Little Andaman, the home of the Onges. He brought back with him three Onges from Kwatinyabdi Creek on the East Coast of that island, named Tåkõâte, Antiokane, and Antidēkâne, with the object of learning their langnage. When these men were taken home again, four others, named Idabdi, Gogamin, Agodēle and Nyabdi, of the Palankwe Sept were induced to go to Port Blair. Mr. Bonig found that they understood the words he learnt from the East Coast, bat altered a good many, showing that Portman's words were collected in Ekita Bay, which belongs to the Palankwe Sept, and that differentiating dialects exist on the island.
In the first of the accompanying Vocabularies, wherever Portman's words have been verified by Mr. Bonig, the fact is shown in square brackets []. In the second are recorded the words us to which Mr. Bonig either entirely differed from Portman or which he collected in addition. I both the roota bare been separated from the prefixes and suffixes.

Page #263

AUGUST, 1907.] RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
abundant abuse (to)
ache (to)
acid
adze [chisel] ant [small black) apron (women's)
armlet [fibre]
arrow (iron) [reed]
arrow (wood)
arrow (fish)
arrow (pig) arrow-shaft
ashes
awake (to) bag (of netting) bale out (to)
bamboo
banana
bark
barb (arrow) basket
beard
beat (to) beetle [dung]
belt (round) belt (broad, flat) binder
bite (to) black
blood
blow (to) [out fire]
boil (to)
bone
bone (human)
bow
break (to)
breast
breathe (to)
broom
bucket (wood) bucket (bamboo) butterfly
call (to)
cane
I. Portman's Vocabulary.. Bonig's variants in square brackets.
cane-necklace
gene önu-kweba-be öni-dang-wale-be (? bones a.) a-ñòii
dòii [dan]
chantibo-de [yan°] ga-kwinyoga-le
iibi-kwe
batoi [bato]
teta-le
tome
taköi
takete-le
tongku-te [tong"] löga-be
kumumwi, tanga-le
gaiye-bike-be &-da-le [o-da-le]
yell-le
gangwi
tome
tô-le [to-le] ön-ga-bo-de
[ön-Jyökwo-be [yökwo®]
todanchu [ran) m-are-kwa-ge (my b.) m-ino-kwe (my b.) tu-kwe
ön-i-baga-be [ditto]
be
ga-che-nge [che-nge] a-kwöbö-be [ta-kuwö°] tamboi-(be)
ichin-da-nge
ön-i-da-nge a-ai [a-e]
gi-kwa-be [gi-kwa"] ga-ka-ge [gage] kwaiö-be
da-ge
ukwi [aku] kubuda-nge bebe-le [ditto] ön-gyö-be, ön-ai-waba-be tati [ditto]
canoe
cast away (to) cheek
chin
clam
clap (to)
clay (white [yellow] for smearing [the body])
cloud
cocoanut
cold (to fee) come (to)
copulate (to) cough
crab [large edible] creek
cyrena-shell (scraper) dance
dead (to be) deaf
dish (wooden)
drink (to) dugong
ear
earth
eat (to)
ebb tide embrace
eye fall (to) fastening (a) feather
fern (sp.) fever (to have) fight (to)
finger
fire
fish
fist
flip (to) flood tide
fly (a)
i-deda-le
da-nge [die] yöbbise-be gig-boi (your o.) ibi-da-nge taga-le
ako-bana-bekwe-be
we [öā]
baije
da-ge (? wood, tree) öngi-te-be
inai-öba-be, önu-kwange
me [ön-aiya"]
gö-tôlô-be udu-ge [ditto] kagala [kaga]
kuai
totu-le
ön-ola-ge
bechame-me
ik-aibene
da-nge-, (wood)
töba-nge
injo-be
twowe
ik-kwa-ge
tutano
ön-i-lokwale-be
ga-de
ku-ge
247
da-i-jaboi [ditto] i-teka-be [gi-]
gwi-kwe
go-de
tomojai, lakakai ungi-te-be
ön-ukwe-be
ome
tuke [ditto] cho-ge [chan"] o-beke [ön-°] ön-i-tôtôge-be kobakwe-le
ngonoi [ngöno]
st This reads like a corruption of the Indian and Barman dd, a universal instrument used as a knife, aze, adse, sword, &c., as the result of recent intercourse with strangers.

Page #264

248
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(AUGUST, 1907.
ôlðlaji-be m-obeds-nga (my n.)
food (to take) foot forbid (to) glad (to be) go (to) God
gasi
Deck
good grass
ön-i-kwa-le [on-o°] ön-a-ngito m-8-ngitoke (my n.) chi-kwe [ditto] ön-i-nyaiboi köyö kwibo-le
gi-da-be
marder (to) m-u-ge (my f.) [on-to] nail go-bokwe-be
nautilus-shell (cup) R-kiokö-be
navel ön-i-töto-be (come) Ulu-ge
necklace i-wado
net tokwongöye
DOBE totanda-nge
orchid (ep.) ön-ini-nye
ornament (of sharm-ode (my b.) [ode] ings) m-ome (my h.) [on-ome] outrigger ng-i-deda-le (your h. d.) paddle ga-tukw-be
pandanus fruit on-i-boi ng-ik-iki (you h.) gai-be
pig tanjai (oja] tome
prick ichin-kwóle-be
pot (cooking) jonjome-be chi5?
quick, be!
rain • ön-gi-ai-me
red ochre bedai [ditto]
red wax mi
resin i-nene
ringworm giti
rope lea
rab (to) ang-bo-de
run (to)
Path peel
pinch
green gun hair hand head-dress (cane) heavy (to be) bip hiss hit (with arrow) honey hook (for fish) hop (to) hot (to be) how much ? hum (to) hungry (to be) hut I, my Indian (an) iguana iron (knife) jawbone (human)
ornament. jamp (to) kick (to) kiss (to) (? smell) knee kneel laugh (to) leaf lick (to) lie down (to)
gojai
maline saliva
i-beda-ge taai (tai] bale iche-le gangwi kwi ön-i-gini-be [gi-gine] ön-i-takwa-be bûchu (tó-le, its case)
[ditto] ing-kö! gujö-nge alame kwengane mone [ditto] jwichwi kwôls-ge eb-ele-be [on] skwo-bele-be
(akwa-beta ] ngie ina-kwe-nge inje belai ön-i-bare . akwe-ö.be i-nge (water) ön-i-ö-be kada gi-echare totðkwe-be ön-o-tale-be todandwi gai-be (ditto]. gö-gaba-ba (nyo°] ön-baptöko-be
(nantokeo] gangwi (peel) bengo-nge (what is flat) omo-ka-be
salt Band
hip
akwa-tokwa-be ön-i-tekwome-be nyonyô-be m-ola-ge (my k.) ön-o-lakwöchö-be önge-ma-be bo-be (to be flat) gi-tome-be ng-aingi-be (you l. d.) ön-game kô-ge [koichai ön-i-agi-le (married m.) tun-da-nge (tun-tree) knes ön-ya-be emal ö-chölö-be chile-me [chilo-me] ala-nge liwa-nga
lizard [sp. ] man mangrove mangrove fruit marry (to) mat (sleeping) micturate moon mouse much
scar scratch (to) Bes shainpoo (to) shark sharp sharpen (to) shave shell shoot (arrow) sing (to) sit (to)
skin sky sleep (to)

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August, 1907.)
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
249
smail baiai
thorn smoke ön-o-taboi
throat snake tomogwi
throw snake (sea) tebu-le
thunder sneeze e-chi-be
tiptoe (to be on) sore (a) un-i-bai (ditto]
tongue spill (to) gi-bu-be
tooth spine ön-o-noda-kwoi
torch spitting
ön-a-kwa-nge (on-akwio] tray (for food) sprinkle (to) Ön--nadi-be
tumble (to) squeak (to) gi-lako-be
turtle squeeze (to)
ön-egc-be stand doka-be
turtle eggs stomach ön-8-nga-nge
tusk (pig) stone taiyi
umbrella (leaf) stool (to) ön-i-yu-be
untie (to) stretch (to)
on-a-kwombwoke-ba vomit (to) stretch (to s. oneself) gi-götö-be
walk strike (to) kwöke-be
water string (to) e-be
was (white bees") stroke (to) ÖD-8-öe-be
weep (to) suin eke [ditto]
whetstone balame
whisk (for flies) swallow (a) tugede, le
whistling sweep (to) tote-be
white swim (to) kwane-be
wife take away (to) ge-aking kö-be
wind take hold (to) ge-nge-be tattoo (to)
ng-ulukwone-be (you t.) yawn (to) tear (to)
i-dokwo-be testicle
in-i-kwö-ge [ditto]
II. - Bonig's Vocabulary.
Portman's variants in square brackets. adze (small, for canoes) gan-kwe
burn ant (large, red-tree) lalu-lalu
burn (oneself) arm ön-ibi-le
buttock arise dobinkate-be
call (to) arrive
gi-gu-be awake (to)
gi-tanji-be [löga-be] bad i-bi-te
carry bath ön-a-kwantamule
catch (to) bee gu-ki
chew bird no-kai
child black i-kiu [be]
climb (to) nebobene
close to be) bottle bota-le
cloth breast, to support the on-wetaka-be
cohabit (to) (women)
collect, heap up (to) bring back
ga-tiko-be : che-be cook (to) brow ejala
coral bundle (palm-leaf) na-nge
crab (large, edible)
tundankie
-ugito waikw-be ölu-ge("God") ön-u-jagaid-be alan-da-ngo m-a-kwe (my t.) to-kwe [ti-kwe] toba-ge i-teka-be nadela-nge (ditto),
takwatoai kwagane a-kwe 0-modu i-lebu-be ö-bulo-be bajio-be [bujo-be] i-nge [ditto] chileme wana-be tijio-be tomo-ge ön-i-anga-le tonkute ön-i-au-le totote (ditto] ỡn-i-ba-le [i-bãi]. ön-a-langötö-be ön-a-laije
surf
wound
yes
duleji-be ön-o-mama-me õn-nena-boi ön-a-kucho-be [on-győ-be :
ön-ai-waba-be] yegote.be gi-bogulä-be ön-i-lokwale-be ö-chile Ö-twake-be gai-chebene-be kwelabô ga-ele-be [gö-tôlô-be1 gi-mba-be gi-wolai-be taie kaga

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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creep (to) cry (to) cat (oneself) cut (iron) cut (with a knife) cat (with an adze) dance (a) day deep dirty dog (generic term) dog (female) dog (male) dress (to) drift (to) [dry
duli
eat (to)
pain
egg empty out (to) fern (sp.) ? fetch (to) fill few
balstudiadhali na mailan.
fin
ön-a-lakachyö-be burt (to)
ön-ega-be wapa-be
iron (or any metal) take akite-be
knife
chule [lea] agatike-be
knife-handle
chule-yan-kwe gi-ji-be
leaf
tomoji gö-ete-be
lift (to)
ga-ntakwa-be Wanda-nge
light (lamp)
mone ekuje
limp (to be)
ga-ji-be öma
little
ö-kiwea ga-bitima
liver
gide i-kita : wome
lizard (flycatcher)
ketekete-le chinge-ge
lost (to be)
logukonji-be takwado
man
gae-le (ön-agi-le, toikute-be
married m.] gi-buko-be
month
ön-8-ngame unkata ?] mosquito
kwins-nge Dgi-kuno
mushroom
kwatikwa-ge ön-i-kwawo-be
night
o-tebebelan [on-i-lokwale-be] orchid (sp.)
tomotui sie
pack (a bundle, to) gi-kwe-be gi-ba-be
ön-a-ngitowe tikwanchute-le
perspiration
ön-o-tage-le alemaji-be
pigeon (imperial) amu-ge wötangle-be
pigeon (Nicobar) tutatu giwe
plantain
chagola; yaulols gi-bole
present (to)
gi-bone-be ön-o-boda-nge Come)
beja (gujö-nge] ön-e-ngele
recover (lost article, to gi-tekwabeche-be
recovery (from ülness) gi-gangula gi-dakwe
red
i-jedo name
return (come back, to) ön-i-katako-be boloji-be
rab (to)
ön-kweta-be
run away (to) alemake-be totibuli
row (paddle, to) ö-gladji-bescar
ge-ki-nge [on-i-bare] ekeome
screwpine
mane gi-ga-be
see (to)
ga-teaba-be i-bo-dia
shallow
i-kata ebồieka-be
ngi-gi-lekuta [gi-echare] gö-angkinko-be
shave (to)
kwedale-be [on-o-tale-be] [on-i-töte-be]
shell
tenje (todandwi] kaula-le
sick
o-daleda ön-ota-be
silent (to be)
kwemetamòi-be o-duleda
skate (fish)
dugadode ön-a-kwe-be
skin
gati [gangwi, peel] ge-age-be
small
mintainene: giwe [baiai] adu
smear (the body, to) ön-e-kwawe-be lai
smoke (to)
nanto-be 0-bentelenene-be speak (10)
gi-lekwalinka-be [jonjome-be] | spear
gi-takwatewe But de "collect, heap up."
rain
finger finished ! (I hate ne
more! fire-brand firewood flame (to flame up of
fire) flower forehead forenoon fry (to) fall (of the belly) give (to) go (to)
ejala
sharp
hammer head headache hide (to) bold (to) hook (large, iron) honeycomb hot (to be)

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251
yam
kala
1 yes
star kóiakois
tickle (to)
ön-8-ngedegede-be stear gi-ngulü-be
to-morrow
ekajetu sting of a mosquito, to) ön-i-bulukö-be
tongs (bamboo, to use) wako-be sting of a bee, to) ön-e-e-be
tortoise-shell
o-dati stone kwồi [taiyi]
turn over (to)
jule-be stop (to) kwalakaji-be
understand!
ön-ilokalems! stout ön-i-denme
wash (to)
gi-kwantai-be sunrise (to)
(eke) 24 gi-bete-be wax (black bees') tibii sunset (to) (eke)gi-otukitibioji-be white
dikala sweep (to) gatie-be (tote-be]
whistle
gwana [on-i-anga-le] take away (to) i-do-be (ge-akingkö-be] wood
tada-ngo tall
midokwalenene throw toko-be (waikwö-be]
yellow
gi-kits tick nana-ge
niai (ön-a-laije] APPENDIX C. The Andamanose Tribal Names according to the Aka-Bon Language. Full Abbreviated.
Full.
Abbreviated. Àkà-Chá riar-(da) ... Chariar
Aka-Bojigyib-(da)
Bojigyab Àkà-Kôrå-(da)
Aki-Balawa-(da)
Balawa Àkà-TAbo-da)
Tabo Åka-Bēn-(da)
Bea Aka-Yēre-(da) (also Âka-Järo-da) Yere
Oage Óko-Juwai-(da) ... Juwai Järawa-(da)
Järaws Aka-Kol-(da)
Kol Below is given a table of the names given to themselves and onch other by the five South Andaman Tribes or Bojigngiji Group, traditionally sprung from one tribe. It brings out the following facts :- in each language of the Group the prefixes and suffixes differ much and the oots remain practically the same throngbout for the same sense. These facts strongly indicate one fundamental tongue for this group of languages. Table of the names for themselves and each other used by the flve South
Andaman tribes or Bojigagiji group.
.
Кога
Önge
Sense.
Tribe.
Bea
Balawa.
Bojigyab.
Jawai.
Kol.
lekile.
Fresh-water ... Opposite-side... Our language ...
.... Bea ... Åka-Bēn-da Akat-Bea 0-Bea-da (Oko-Beyo- 10-Bea-che Balawa Akà-Bala- Akat-Bale O-Pole da Oko-Pole- O-Pole-che wa-da.
lekile. Bojigyab Åka-Bojig-Akat-Bo- O-Pachik- Oko-Puchik-O-Pachikyâb-da. jigyuab- war-da. 1 yar
war-che. Inga.
lekile. ...Juwai... Åka-Jūwai-Akat-Jawai 0-Juwai-da Oko-Juwai-(0-Juwai
lekile. che, ... Kol ... Aka-K01-da Akat-Kolo-Kol-da Oko-Kol- JO-Kol-che
lekile.
Patterns cut on bows Bitter or salt taste
.de
So too Yēre, Jern or Järo for the Aki-Yēre Tribe means a (sort of) "canoe' in all the languages and Onge means "g man" on its own language.
► oko means the sun. (To be continued.)

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MISCELLANEA.
SURVIVAL OF OLD ANGLO-INDIAN Myrabolam. Oldest quotation in Yule, c. B. C. COMMERCIAL TERMS.
840. BY SIR R. C. TEMPLE.
"Myrabollams... There has been no
life in the trade :....for export to the Any one who has had occasion to struggle
Australian Colonies for some Biminuts." with such a book as Stevens' New and Complete
Shellac. Oldest quotation in Yule (s. v. Lac), Guide to the East India Trade, 1775, or with
c. 1343. Anglo-Indian terms occurring in the old Com pany's Factory Records and similar documents "There is a fair enquiry for ready parcels will appreciate the value of settling precisely .... Button lac, a small business is pass. what is meant by Anglo-Indian commercial ing: garnet .... there is nothing to terms. There is a chance of doing this in certain report ....There is very little movement instances by an examination of the Indian .... 300 cases button arrived this week in conimercial newspapers of to-day, as many more free condition for the American market." of the old terms have survived in commerce than
Tincal. Oldest quotation in Yule, 1525. would at first appear possible to the outside
"The article is selling .... superior public.
Cossipore is reaching." Here are a few taken from a Supplement to Capital, published in Calcutta in 1902.
Weights, Surviving Anglo-Indian Terms.
Maund. Oldest quotation in Yule, 1610.
[This very old word and its variants at the Coir. Oldest quotation in Yule, 1510.
present day are well worth comparing with the "Coir fibro. Demand has somewhat improved." || old books.] Doll; dal. Oldest quotation in Yule, 1673.
"The Indian Maund is 82: lbs.: the Factory "Dal or split peas. Demand for all kinds is Maund is 74 lbs. 10 oz. 11 dut.: the Bazar slack.... Masuri dal and Khari Masuri
Maund is 82 lbs. 2 oz. 3 dut.: 1 cut, i. e. .... Oridh or kolye dal .... gram 112 lbs., equals Bazar 1 md. 14 seers 874 dal.... greenpeas dal...arhar
chittacks." dal, ... khasri dal.....khasari
Modern Terms. or mutta."
Korosine 011. "Indian named brands .... Gingerly. Oldest quotation in Yule, 1726, Mango, Ram, Sumatra, Rangoon." * Jinjeli, sesamum or tilseed oil. Prices con
Rico. "Commercial terms for Bengal Rice : tinue very high owing to light supply."
table, white Patna, Brushed Seeta, Seeta, gross Gunny. Oldest quotation in Yule, c. 1590. Seeta, chunichalla, khud or B. T., cleaned " Australian Gunny Market, bags and bag
gross, prime Patna, gross Patna." ging."
Names for Boiled or Brown Rice: "Boiled Gram. Oldest quotation in Yule, 1702.
Patna, ballam, nagra, moongby, zaree, kazla,
kuttuck." "Gram supplies have overtaken deliveries."
Sugar. Names for Indian sugar: "Cane, Golah. Oldest quotation in Yulo, 1785.
Benares, Shomsara, Dammah, Vally Gour, "Salt. The market continues steady and the Bobarah, Akharah, Gobardanga and Jadurhat sales during the week are as follows; ex ships Dollo, Akrab." . ... ex golahs ......
Names for refined sugar.: "Cossipore, Madapollam (piece-goods). Oldest quotation | Cossipore Grossery, Madras and Arcot granu
in Yule, 1673: see Bowrey's Countries round the 'lated, China granulated, Penang, Mauritius." Bay of Bengal (1669–1679), p. 100, n. 1.
Tea. Names for Indian tea: "Assam, "Grey Madapollam."
| Cachar, Sylhet, Darjeeling, Dooars, Terai."

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HINDUISM IN THW HIMALAYAS.
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HINDUISM IN THE HIMALAYAS.
BY H. A. ROSE, I.C.S. (Concluded from Vol. XXXVI. p. 43.)
IV. - The Legend of Mahast Deota. Mahasa, doubtless a corruption of Maha-Siva, is the god who gives his name to the Mahasů Hill near Simla and other places in the Simla hills. In the legend that follows he appears in qnadruplu form as four brothers, just as Bana Sur had four sons.36
When Krishna disappeared at the end of the Dwapar Yug, the Pandavas followed him. On their road to Ba tri-kasharam they crossed the Tons, and Raja Yudhishthir, struck with the beauty of the place, ordered Biswa Karma to build a temple there. Here the Pandavas, with Draupadi, halted 9 days. They named the place Hanol, and thence journeyed by the Gangotri and Jamnotri ravines, through Kedâr, to Badri Näth, where they disappeared, and the Kali Yng began.
At its commencement demons wandered over the Uttara Khanda, devouring the people and plundering towns and villages. The greatest of the demons was Kirmar, who had Beshi, Sengi, and a host of minor demons under him at Maindarth, on the Tons, whence they ravaged towns and villages, until the people sought refuge in cliffs, caves, and ravines. The demons devoured every one who came in their way. Once the seven sons of Hûna Brahman, who practised penance in the Deoban forest, went to bathe in the Tons river and encountered Kirmar, who devoured them all.
As they did not return for some time, their mother set out in search for them, but when she reached the river without getting any clue to her sons, she sat down on its bank and began to weep bitterly. Meanwhile, Kirmar, passing by, was struck with her beauty and asked why she wept, Kirtaka turned to him and said her seven sons had gone to bathe in the river and had not returned home. Hearing this, Kirmar said, "I am fascinated by thy beanty. If thou wilt accede to my heart's desire, I will extinguish the fire of my heart and will be grateful to thee and try to help thee in this difficulty. I am a bravo man, descended from Rawan. I have won the kingdom of these hills through the strength of my own arm."
The chaste wife was terrified at these words and they increased her grief. In her distress she began to pray, saying, " O Lord, the giver of all boons, everything rests with thee."
Doha (couplet). Puttar dukh dukhid bhai.
Par-bal abald dj, . Satti ko sat ját hai:
Rakho, Ishwar, "laj. I was distressed at the loss of my song. To-day I am a wonan in another's power, A chaste woman whose chastity is like to be lost:
O God, keep my chastity! After this she took her way home, and by the power of God the demon's sight was affected, so that Kirtaka became invisible to him as she passed. She then told the story to her husband, saying with clasped hands that Durg& Devi would be pleased with her devotion and destroy the demons, for she alone was endowed with the power of averting such evil. The demons had corrupted religion, outraged chastity, and taken men's lives.
On hearing this, her husband said they would go and worship Hat-kott Ishwart Mata. So Hûna went to the goddess with his wife. He first offered her flowers, and then prayed to Hateshwari Durga with the eight hands. While he prayed he unsheathed a dagger
38 Temple's Legends of the Panjab, III, pp. 864 et seqq.

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and was about to cut off his own head with it, when the goddess revealed her spirit to him, caught his hand and said, "I am greatly pleased with thy devotion. Go to the mountains of Kashmir, pray to God, and all thy desires will be fulfilled. Shiv-ji will be pleased and will fulfil thy desires. Go there cheerfully and there will be no obstacle in thy way."
Obeying the order of the goddess, Hùnå went at once, and in a few days reached his destination. After his departure, he gave up eating grain and lived on vegetables. He also gave up clothes, using the bark of trees for his dress. He spent most of his time in worship, sometimes standing on one 'toe. When Shiv-ji was pleased with him, the spirit of the four-armed image addressed him, saying, "I am greatly pleased with thee : ask me any boon, which thou desirest."
On hearing these words from the god Siva, Hûna clasped his hands and said, "O Siva thou hast power to kill the demons. Thou hast power to repel all enemies and to remove all difficulties. I pray and worship the Ganges, the saviour of the creatures of the three worlds, which looks most beautiful as it rests on thy head. There are no words to describe thy glory. The beauty of thy face, which is so brilliant with the serpents hanging round thy Deck, beggars all description. I am highly indebted to the goddess of Hât-koji, at whose feet I bow my head, and by whose favour I and my wife are so fortunate as to see thee in the Kali Yug."
Uttar Khand men rakshas basé, manukhna kd karté dhar; Kul mulul barbad leiya, abadí hogdi ujár. Tum Rudar, tum hi Dishnu Nand Gopdi. Dukh hud sur sd/huon ko; mdro rdkshas tat-kal. sat puttar mujh das ke nahane gaye jab parbhat :
Jab ghd gayé nudi Tuis ke jinko Kirmar khåyo ek sath. The demons who dwelt in the Northern Region are preying upon the people. They have laid waste the country and the people have Aed. Thou only art Rudar (Siva); thoa alone art Bishnu Nand Gopk1.56 The sages and devotees are in distress; kill the demons at once. Early in the morning the seven sons of me thy slave went to bathe.
When they reached the banks of the River Tons, Birmar ate them at once, The god Siva was pleased at these words and said, "O Rikhi, the people of the Kali Yug being devoid of religion have lost all strength. I admire thy sincere love and true faith, especially as thon didat not lose heart in worshipping me. Hence all thy desires shall be fulfilled and I have granted thee the boon asked for. Be not anxious, for all the devils will be killed in a few days."
Doba (couplets). Bidd kiyo jab Bipra ko, diyé akshat, phai, chirdg. Saktf rup pahle pargat gas, Mainddrath ke bdg. Ghar jdo Bipra apne, rdkho mujh par iek. Shakti rúp ke ang se, ho-gayé deb anek. Pargate ang sé debté, róm rôm sé bir,
Istri sahit bida kiyo; rdkho man men dhir.' When the god) bade the Brahman farewell he gave him rice, flowers, and a lamp, A Sakti (goddess) first appeared in the garden at Maindarath, Go home, Brâhman, and place reliance on me. Countless divinities arose from the body of the Sakti. Gods appeared from her body, and heroes from her every hair. She dismissed him with his wife saying: keep patience in thy heart.'
2 Explained to mean the son of Nand, i..., Krishna.

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HINDUISM IN THE HIMALAYAS.
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When the god gave Hûnê Rikhf leave to go, he gave him rice, a vessel containing flower and a lamp, and said, " O Rishi, go home and keep thy confidence in me. A Sakti (goddess) will first appear in the garden at Maindârath. Numerous demons will come out of her thimble, And every hair of her body will send forth a hero. Do not lose courage, but go home with thy wife. Keep the garland of flowers, the rice, and the lamp wbich I have given thee concealeil beneath the pipal tree which stands in the garden behind thy house, and perform the customary daily worship of all these. Light this lamp and offer mo flowers and incense on the amavas of Bhâdon and thereafter worship me with a sincere heart. Also perform a jagaran on that date for one day and night. By so doing, thou wilt, on the third day, observe a Shakti emerge from the ground with a fountain. Flames will then be visible all around. From her forehead and other limbs will spring gods, who will be named after the member from which they were born. The four gods, called the Nag Chauth or Mahasu, will appear on the 4th of the light half of Bhadon. Those who appear on the following day, i. e., the 5th, will be called Kiyald and Baner. Moreover, many distingaished above the rest by their courage will spring from the Shakti's hair. They will kill the demons and give great happiness to the people. They will fix their capital at Hanol, which was founded by the Pândavas."
When this boon was granted to Hûnå Rikhí, ho walked round the god and paid him obeisance. After this he went his way homewards and the god disappeared.
After many days the Rikht reached home with his wife, and acting on the god's directions carefully placed the lamp, flowers, and rice on the prescribed spot. On the amdras of Bhadon he worshipped and lighted the lamp. On the third day a fountain sprung up, wherein the Shakti appeared.
Chaupei. Bhumi & upní Mata Deo Lárf.
Than Deo Maid ko Kongo re Bdrf. Mother Deo Lâți appeared from the earth. The temple of Deo Mata (was named) the Bâți of Kongo.33
Tú hf yog, yugti, tú ki yog mai.
Dé, Matá, bachan de painds mei idi. Thou only art devotion and the law, thou art the mother of the age. O Mother, give us thy promise to lead as on the (right) path.
Mathe ball Matto agni ré gethe.
Botha raji Mahású hof etiraj re bhekhé. On the Mother's head burnt a fire of faggots. Mshasa was born with lustre like the rays of the sun.
Chhatí sê mdrté Chakkar chdi,
Janamd Chalda, Mata re idi. Placing her hand round ber breast. The Mother brought forth her son, Châlda.
Mata Deo Lái xế lát kiể khayề.
L'dshak Pabisi dono hdth 18 jhare. Mother Deo Liri raised both her hands. Bishuke and Pabâsi sprang from her two hands.
OT JA ran (from Sanskrit idyarana) means keeping awake the whole night in devotion, # By Mashsa, because it was close to his owe temple. » Butak is also called Chalda, 6. o., 'the goor,' the serpent.

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Chauth men upné Mahású char.
Panchmi hui tithi di Deo Kydia Dandr. The four Mabásns were born on the fourth.40 On the fifth were created the gods Kiyalú and Banár. 1
Sher Kalia Kyálú hoe Rothere wazir.
Romô hoe romó de nau ldkh bir. Sher Kaliâ and Kiyala became the ministers of Botha. Nine lakhs of heroes sprang from every hair.
path jord Huná gayd pairê pê jdi :
Sab manukh lié, Malka, rakshasé kháf.' Huna fell at her feet with clasped hands . All mankind has been devoured by the demons, O Mistress.'
Hath bando pair shir idya jani:
Mainddrath Talo da Kirmar ddno.' With clasped hands and foet he placed his head on her knees :.Kirmar, the demon, (dwells) in the Maindhrath Lake.
Kaththi hoi saind Mainddrath ke bag.
Char bhai Mahasa karại rẻ đg. The armies were arrayed in the garden of Maindârath. The four Mahâsú brothers were like the fire.63
Huns jaise rishie ati binti idi:
Isi ke kdran chdr Mahdsu di. Hûnk the Rishi made a great prayer:The four Mahasûs for this purpose have come.'
Sabhi jabf debté né binti lái :
Kyd dewo agyd Deo Lyf Mai?' All the gods made a prayer (saying :-) What are the orders of the goddess Deo Lari Mai P'
Jab di agya Sri Devi Mai:
• Kirmar Keshi rakshas ko tum dó ghdi.' Then Sri Devi Mâi gave orders :You must kill the demons Kirmar and Kêshi.'
Chambola. Raja Rikh-choliya idyo tero naw. Rajan ko ráj ndw tero ndw. Thy name is King of Rikh-cholya.. Thy name is king of kings. Kung kasturi, Raja, gla ko đháp, Char Bhai Mahdai Narain ko rúp.
Rajan ko raj ndu tero ndu. With saffron, musk and fragrant resin and incense, Raja, The four Mahásd brothers are Narain incarnate. Thy name is king of kings.
40 of the light half of Bhadon.
41 That is to say, two of the four Mahls were created on the 4th and two on the 5th of the light half of Bhadon. 19 Mnasa.
Of a cow-dung cake.

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Hath shankh chakkar gal sdnp ke har, Char bhai Mahasú Duddar avatar;
'Bhekh-dhari rajan ko raj now tero ndu. With conch and quoit in their hands and serpents round their necks, The four brothers Mahású are Buddar14 incarnate, In spite of all disguise, thy name is king of kings.
Hath shaikh, chaklar, gajja, tirshúl, Nach layo pari ro, barkcha hos phúl, Lhekh-dhari rajia layo tero ndw.
Rajan ko rdj ndu tero ndwa Conch, quoit, mace and trident in hand, Dance of fairies and rain of flowers, In spite of all disguise kingly is thy name. Thy name is king of kings.
Uliya ko nati Raja Bhimla ko jdyo. Kashmire chhori Raja Maindarath dyo.
Rajan ko rij ndo tero ndr. Uliya's grandson and Raja Bhimla's son has been born. The Rajd left Kashmir and came to Maindôrath. Thy name is king of kings.
Doha (couplet). Tharo ant koi nahin jane, lila param apdr.
Bhagat hit karne tum kas bidh sete ho avtar. None knoweth thy infinity, thy glory is infinite. Thou dost take many shapes in order to do good.
Binti sun rikh ki, parsan hué atyant.
Hukam diy saindpation ko mdro asur turant.' Hearing the prayer, great was the joy of the saints. They gave the order to the leaders slay the demons forthwith.'
Agyd pai, Mahasú kí mungar tiyo hath.
Mahan rath par Chaidd baithé nau lakh saind sath. Receiving the orders, the Mahâsüs took bludgeons in their hands. Chalda sat in his great war chariot at the head of nine ldlche of men.
Pirtham yudh hud Mainddrath men, saind marf apar.
disé Shib Shankar bhad jo santan pran adhar. Battle was first joined at Maindarath and armies were slain.
It was Shiv Shankar who thus came to save his disciples. When the whole army of the richshasas had been killed, Kirmar beat a retreat and came to Majhog, the abode of Singi the demon. There they collected their scattered forces, intending to give battle afresh.
DOHA (couplet). Jab Majhôg men devat pahdachá an,
Singi mdro jab dait, hud yudh ghamsdn. When the deoids reached Majhog, They killed Sing the demon and a desperate battle was fought.
#
I. e., Siva.

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On hearing of the slaying of Singt Rakhshas by Sher Kult, and that most of his men were slain, Kirmar fled to Kinart Khandát, a village on the river bank, but was pursued by the dootds. When he was about to hide in & ravine of Mount Khaņdû, he was overtaken by Chålda Mabasů, who rode on a throne of flowers borne by two soldiers.
Doha (couplet in Pahart). Khand de jane khé páwa tha thdo,
Bir bhái 646 thé kdjil khadé ré ldo. He took refuge under & rock in the village of Khandai,
Intending to smite with his sword his opponent. When Sri Cheld 46 killed the demon, a large-force of other gods reached him.
Doha (couplet in Pahari). Sath larau deoté kharies? khándé,
Ghdi lornets rákshas Idi idi bándé. All the gods attacked with their swords
And cut the demons to pieces. After killing the demon Kirmar, all the gods threw flowers over S. i ChaldA and paid homage to him.
Doha (couplet). Adi Kali Yug méi Kirmar kiyo ráj...
Sant mahdımd ko dukh diyê dait samdj. Kirmar ruled the world in the beginning of the Kali Yng. The demon brotherhood caused great trouble to the saints and the men of God.
Sab deran ké deb hai Mahdsú kartar.
Kirmar adi mdrké, dúr kiyo mahi-thdr. The lord Mahasů is the god of all gods, Killing the great Kirmar, he has lightened the burden of the World.
Yah charitr Mahadev k& chit de suné jo koi,
Sadd rahai snich sampadd aur mukti phal hoi, He who listens to this story of Mahadev with a sincere heart
Will always remain happy and attain the fruit of salvation. After killing Kirmar, all the gods encamped in a field near Khandai, and the place came to be called Dev-ka-khatal. It still forms the jdgir of Dev Banâr. The place in Khandai, where Kirmar met his death, still retains the marks of his sword on a rock. Travellers and passers-by worship this stone by offering flowers, and also express gratitude to Mahâsů.
Next morning at day break Húnå Rikhi came to Mahasů with clasped hands and expressed joy at Kirmar's death. He further begged that the demon, Kesht, who had made Hanol his abode and was destroying its people should be killed, adding that the place was & delightful one, as it had a fine temple, that the rippling waves of the river by which it lay added beauty to its soenery, that it was a place of sanctity and would be better under his rule than under the demon's, and that it was therefore right that the demon should be killed.
Hearing this the god marched his army in that direction, and on the march they passed Salna Patti, a village in RÂwingaph, near-which lived another demon in a tank, receiving its water from the Pabar. When the flower-throne of Mahasî reached this spot he saw a demon dancing in the tank and making a noise. Sri Națâri Ji said to Mahasů:- This is a fearsome sight." When Mabású heard the Umâ Shankari's words he knew by the might of his knowledge that this was the demon spoken of by the rikhf. He stopped his throne and 45 From bhan-d, to break, in Pahårt.
46 I. e., Mabaeu. 11 Lit., 'raising high.'
+5 Ghar hund,' are killing.'

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destroyed the demon on the spot by muttering some charms, which had such power that even to this day the river does not make any sound as it fows. Hence the place is called Nashadi.
Doha. Bájá jari-bharthi deoté ré bdja,
Dotha Raja Mahasů Hanola khe birdja. Jari-bharth, the music of the gods, was played, When Botha, Raja and Mahású left for Hacol.'
Maharaj Muhású Chaldd Pabási,
Hanol deklaro bahuté mano de hásé. Maharaj Mahasů, Chalda and Pabasi, The gods laughed greatly in their hearts on seeing Hanol. Chhote chhote bahuté deo;
Sri Botha Bahasú deote rå deo. There are many minor gods;
But Sri.Botha Mahasů is the god of gods. When Sri Mahású reached Hanol with his army, he asked Haná Rikht if it was the resort of Keshi the demon. The latter humbly replied that it was, but he added that the demon sometimes haunted the Masmor mountains, and had perhaps gone in that direction and that preparations for his destruction should be made at once. Upon this all the gods held a council and sent Sri Chalda with Sher Kalia, Kold, and others to the mountains of Masmor to kill Keshi. Under these orders Sri Chalda seated himself on a throne studded with pearls, and with the other warrior-gods set out in search of the demon. This song of praise was sung :
Teri Hanolé, Rajed, philon ki lari, Char bhdi Mahdsú Mata Deo Lari. Rajan ko ráj ndu tero niro. Bhesh-dhari Rajd ji. Rani, Raja ndwé parja nawe.'
Raja, thou hast a garden of flowers in thy Hanol, The abode of the four Mahasûs and their mother. Thy name is king of kings. In spite of all disguise thou art Lord, The queen, the king and his subjects bow down to thee.!
Potgi. Khandlid daki ndmi chor, Lá chalo palgi martubli Masmôr. Rajan lo ráj ndw tero naw.
Kashmiri Raja dewd ketha ? Bhimld ki őr. Thieves and famed robbers of Khandai, Bear ye my palanquin up to Masmor. Thy name is king of kings. Whither is the king of Kashmir gone? He is gone towards Bhimla.
Kailas Kashmir chhorô rajasthan Mainddrath dyd.
Rajan ko rdj ndw terô ndu. Thou hast left Kailis and Kashmir and came to Mainda rath.
Thy name is king of kings! When Sri Châlda's throne reached the hill with his bandsmen playing music, the demon Keshi witnessed his arrival, and thoaght him to be the same who had killed his lord Kirmar, and had come there for the same purpose. So he made ready for battle and said, "It is not

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right to fly." Thinking thus, he took a huge mace and spear to attack the god. When about to shatter the god in pieces with his mace, the god's glory was manifested and the demon's hand hung motionless. Sri Chalda ordered Sher Kaliya to kill the demon at once. This order was instantly obeyed. The people of the place were exceedingly glad at this good news, and there was much throwing of flowers over Mahasů.
Verse. Khushi hové adami pahdrô ré sdré :
• Kare fek Ichaumpaní kútó rê méré.' All the hill people rejoiced :. Accept as thy revenue the offerings made out of our (share of the produce.'
Kar, leo Ichaumpaní pdr Hanole 186,
Said barwi de barshé deo Bhardnst 16 bulde.' We will work and send tribute in our turn to Hanol, And will bring the god for worship to Bharańst every twelve years.'
Sada kahén, Mahasuwd, mulak tihara,
sal deo samató rá kúto rd kara.' . Mabasů, we say this land is thine for ever, And we will give thee each year every kind of grain in due season.'
• Bhút, kar, rikshas, parét, chhal, kar deo kchaumpaní sada rahat parja rumhárí.
Achhiddar di aur karo rakshd hamdri. Protect is from the evil spirits, demons, ogres and goblins, And we will give theo tribute and ever remain thy subjects. Give us prosperity and grant us protection.'
After killing the demon, Sri Chiloa Mahúsû seated himself on his throne and came with his forces to Hanol in great state. He brought with him all the offerings in gold and silver, as well as a gold kaddú taken from the demons.
On reaching the place he recounted the death of Keshi to Botha Mahâsů, saying: -"All the demons have been killed by thy favour, and all the troubles removed. Accept these offerings which I have brought and send them to thy treasury."
Hearing this, Botha Mohasů said: "O Sri Châlda, go with all these heroes to the places which I name and divide the country among them, so that they may rulo there, and guard the people against all calamities. The people of these lands will worship thee as thy subjects and be dependent on thee. Every person will offer thee silver, gold, brass or coprer on the attainment of his desires. Wherever thou mayst go, the inhabitants will worship thee, performing a jágra on the Någ-cheuth and Nagpanchami days, which fall each year in Bhadon. They will be amply rewarded for these annual fairs." And he added : " Thou shalt be worshipped like myself, and be highly esteemed throughout my kingdom, but thou wilt have to pay the malikánd dues for each place to the other gods. When a grand jdyrd is performed, thou wilt be invited to present offerings to me."
Laje tal marda ng shankh bájé ghditë,
Sabhi Sri Mahasi ji ne lebton ko rdj dino banté. The cymbal, the mardlang and the conch were sounded and bells were rung. When Sri Mahîsa divided bis kingdom among his minor gods.
Raj sabé dleoton ki is tarah banta,
Rajdhani Pubásí dend Deban raqlanda.
He divided his State to the gods thus, . Giving the territory of Mount Deban to Pabûst. .

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Bdshuk ko Bawar dino pori, Bilo boli sathé,
Pabdsi Bel dino punodső jó Bel Pashé. To Båshu k he gave the whole of the Bå war territory with the part of Bilo on this side of Sathi. To Pabisi be also gave the country of Shathi which is on the bank of the Patwal.49
Kala Kotla hú dino Kydlas Bandr.
Bothé Chalds Mahdsi ro rd howd sarab pahdr. To Kiálů and Banâr he gave Kalû and Kotlâ also. And Botha and Childa Mahasû became rulers of the whole of the hill tract.
Bothd Chalda Mahisi sab deban re deo.
Pájané rd Mahdet re jdnadó nd asau. Bôtba and Chalda Mahasů are the gods of all the gods. The people do not know how to worship Mahasů.
Sab richd deni Hund Rikhi khe Vedo ri batdi.
• Isi bidhi kar mere debte ri pújan kardi.' The hymns of the Vedds were dictated to Hana Rikhi: • Perform my worship according to them.'
Sab guwé debte apne satháng khe jai. Vedo ri richd deni pújane idi. All the gods went to their own capitals. The Vedic hymns should be used in worship.
Shri Mahasa ke adth sab debte gae di, Is Khand Uttar men dete mantd kurdi. All the gods who had come with Mahâsů. Are worshipped in this Northern Region.
Notare Pokho chhord jo mareshwar Mahadeo.
Hanol mer Bohd Mahdet jo sab deban ke dleo. Notáre 51 and Pokhů remain, Mabadev the god of the burning places. Botha Mahâsú is the god of gods in Hanol.
Chúri men Chúráshwar wahi Mahest hai deo.
Desh chhoré deshoré piim adi Bhindrd deo. That same Mahâsû as Chấrishwar is the god of the Chớp Peak. Dům, Bhindra and others are in charge of the other parts of the plain country.
Narain, Ruddar, Dhauld. Ghorda debte gaye Bashahrori nali.
Hálkoti meni Mata Hateshwari aur pahar pahar meh kali. The gods Narain, Ruddar, Dhaulû and Ghorąû were sent towards the valley of Bashahr. Mother Hateshwari was in Hâ¢koți and on every hill was Kält.
Sabhün ki prújan Bhal hui jai jai' kar.
Kirmar ddi mar ke anand bhuyo sansar. All worship the Brothers and give them the cry of] victory.' The world became very happy at the death of Kirmar and the other demons.
Désh huwd muls, Shri Chalded, tumhard. Hanolo khe bhejnd kúto rd kdrd. Srt Châlda, all this country is thine.
Thy servants give thee tribute in Hanol. Thus was a separate traet assigned to each, and they were sent each to his own territory. Hûpå Rikht was loaded with blessings in money. After this, Mahasú disappeared and an image of him with four arms appeared of its own accord. It is worshipped to this day.
w This is the meaning as explained by the descendant of Kavert. Lit., the translation appears to be-to Pablol he gave Bel on the day of the full moon, and so it is (now) called Bel Plahe. # That is, in regard to the worship of this god.
61 In Garhwal.

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Sab gaye debte dpn dpné asthan, Jab Bohd hué Shri Mahású ji antar-lhydn. All the gods went to their own places, And then B, Sri Mahásû disappeared. Kydlá Bana, dind urdo, Kviri sert dd pdkrd thdo. Kyalú and Banar flew away,
And took possession of the fields of Kûf.63 The following story is connected with these two places. The capital of the two gods is Pujarit, * village at the foot of the Burgå Hill, beyond the Pabar stream.
When all the gods had gone to their own places, all the land was regarded as the kingdom of Machâs, and his capital was Hanol. It is now believed that if any irregularity occurs in this territory, the gods in charge of it and the people are called upon to explain the reason. The people of this country believe Mahá Bů to have ench power that if a person who has lost anything Forships the god with sincere heart, he will undoubtedly achieve his desire.
Doha (couplet). Liid iskt barnan sakke ko. kaun?
Adi deban ke dev hai, Mahasi kahdwé jaun. Who'can praise him? He is the chief god of all gods, and is called Mahasa.
Jo jan din-ho-kar unko dhydwé,
Wah 'ant samay man-bdnchhit phal pdwé. He who remembers him with bumble mind, Sball at last have all his desires fulfilled.
Aise bhal yah Ruddar avatar,
Jin edrd sakal sansdr. So (great) is the incarnation of Rudar, 68 That all the world is delivered from transmigration,
Wahi Shib Shankar avaidt,
Jinki máyd me bandha sansár. He is Shiv Shankar incarnate, And the whole world is enthralled by his illusion.
Aisi hain wah Shib Shankar ananda.
Jin-ke simran 86 kde har phaidd. Such is Shiv Shankar ever pleased. Who remembers hima pagses safely through the whole maze.si
Jis-né is-men shankd uthat,
Wah narak hi mei hai Shambhd no pdi. He who has doubts as to these things Is doomed to hell by Shambhu.
Wah Shib Shankar antarjam,
Jin-kô dhydwat sur nar gydni. He is Shiv Shankar, the heart-searcher, On whom moditate the heroes and the sages.
* Katis aploon in Rawlingarh, near the Barg& Mountains,
- Birt Or we may road Har phandA and translate "By remombranoe of him (mankind) may be delivered from the mise of Har (Skit).' .

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Yah Shambhu jagat sukh adi, Jin-ká pár kôú nahin pdi.
He is Shambhu and gives blessings to the world And no one can fathom his doings.
Bhava, Sharva, Rudra, Pashu-pati, Girisha, Mhesha, mahan, Jin ke gundnu-vád-ko gawai Veda Puran. He is Bhava, Sharva, Rudra, Pashu-pati, Girisha, Mahesha, the great one,
Whose virtue is sung in the Vedde and Purane.
Aisé bhaé wah Muhású sukh-dayî, Jal thal men jo rahé samdyt.
Mahâsû comforts every man And his glory pervades both sea and land.
Kôú barnan na saké unki prabhutdî, Brahma, Vishnu Sdradd ant nakin pdi.
We lack words to tell his greatness.
Brahmâ, Vishnu, and even Sâradâ could not know his reality. Tin lok ké náth hain ant nahin kachhu pai, Brahmd, Vishnu, Sarada, hár-gayé man-mahi. He is the king of the three worlds and is infinite.
Even the gods Brahmâ, Vishnu and Sâradâ could not stand before him. Hdth jor-ké Brahmd, Vishnu, khart Saradd mdi:Tin lok men jate bhaé par kine nuhin pdi.' Brahmâ, Vishad, and Mother Sâradâ stood with clasped hands before him:We have been round the three worlds, but could find no end (to his glory)."
Hár mán-kar thakat bhaé par nahin jab pdî, Hath jor-kar thadé bhaé náth-pad shis ndi.
When they could find no end to his glory, They came before him with clasped hands and bowed heads.
Sis nawai ke ndth pad ké kini bahut pukár :Tum deban ke deb ho lild param apar.'
They bowed their heads to the god and praised him aloud :-- Thou art the god of all gods and wonderous is thy glory.'
Hai chandra-chúra madandkeh-shul pánt kar jaisa. Tin lok ke harta karta deban deb Maheshd.'
Thy light is like that of the moon and thou art full of water like the ocean.
Thou art Mahasû, the creator and destroyer of the three worlds.'
Jahan tahan bhaé Mahdan antar-dhyan, Tab se unki astuti karat Hanôla Sthan. From the time that Mahâsû disappeared, He began to be praised in the Hanol Temple.
Wah sathan hai Uttar Khand mahi. Nadi kindré Tons ké mandir band tahin.
263
His place is in the Northern Region.
His temple is built on the bank of the river Tons.
When all the gods went to their own places, the other gods agreed to pay tribute to Hanol according to the directions of Mahâsú. They also agreed to pay malikand dues on the birthday of Mahanadâtâ to the inhabitants.

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A REPORT ON THE PANJAB HILL TRIBES.
From the Native point of view.
BY MIAN DURGA SINGH. ( Communicated by H. A. Rose.)
I.
Tribes.
1. A detailed account of the present tribes is given under paragraph 86 below. The original division was as follows:
(1) sub-divisions into onstos according to the Hindu or Muhammadan Scriptures.
(2) Minor sub-divisions named after some great ancestor: e. g., there are two principal sections of the Brahmans, vie., Shukal and Krishan, Similarly, the Rajpûts are divided into the Saraj and Chandar Bansi (Solar and Lunar) Dynasties.
The Brahmans are divided according to their occupations, while Rajputs are divided &ccording to their descent.
2. Formerly there were four main tribes among the Hindus, and the same number among the Mubammadans, but they have been multiplied by difference of occupation. Hindus were originally divided into Brahmane, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and Sudras, and Muhammadans into Sbaikha, Sayyida, Mughals and Pathans, Nowadays these main sections are divided into many other sub-sections.
II. - Tribal Designations.
3.
The fixed designations of the tribes are known among themselves as well as to outsiders.
4. (a) Modern researches have brought to light many facts which were unknown before or were misunderstood. Not only the fact that all the tribes came from the same stock has been proved, but also that they had a common language'; Central Asia and the neighbourhood of Kailas (Himalayas) being the common home of the Aryas. According to the belief of the Hindus, the Aryas were the followers of the Vedas, and each and every action of theirs was guided by the Vedas, as they believed them to be sacred and of divine origin. The Puranas, the Vedas, and other historical books show that the Himalayan region was populated from ancient times, but the religion and race of the inhabitants of those days cannot be ascertained. However, an observation of ancient ruins proves that these people were idolaters and believers in the Vedas. In support of this the following facts may be mentioned : -(1) Broken images are found in the mountain caves and old buildings, (2) The worshippers of the mountain gods follow the ritual of the Vedas. They recite the Vedic hymns, and teach them to their children orally, as they have no sacred books. As the hill. language was not that of the Vedas, these hymns have undergone changes, and have never been corrected by a literate man, yet on close examination they are found to be real Vedic hymns.
(6) The Brahmans in winter go to the high peaks to worship the goddess Kalt and recite hymns from the Atharva Veda. This shows that this country was populated at the time when
1 (Evidently consisting of answers to a series of ethnological questions set us guide. -Ed.]

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the Védas ruled supreme in India. The people learnt them by heart, and the same practice is continued to this day. There is also mention of these treatises in the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. It seems that there was not much caste distinction in those days. The only distinction among the Brahmans, the Râjpûts, and the Kanaits was that they did not intermarry. Their food and customs were much the same. The few Kshatriyas and Brahmans had come from the plains and settled here. The Kanaits are said to be the aborigines of the hill-tracts, and were independent, brave, and given to marauding. They raided one another's villages. Small huts and caves served as their habitations. They slept much during the day and held agriculture in light esteem, while at night they committed dacoities. Every party in a village had its own head, known as the movanna (leader), who used to get his share of the plunder and a small tribute as his haq-i-sarddri. The whole mountainous country was divided in this way; the first quality of land being given to the gods as rulers, and the next to the movannds. The ruins of the houses of the movannds are to be found still, They are big castle-like buildings.
265
(c) As regards the agriculture of that time, the kharif and rubi crops were cut at one time. The produce was scanty on account of excess of rain and snow. The people of the villages went armed for seed-sowing, owing to the fear of enemies. People, when going on business from one place to another, went armed in bodies of fifteen to twenty men. The women took part in agriculture and had much liberty. The Kshatriyas, who came up from the plains, were respected by the people on account of their skill in the arts of civilisation, and lands were granted to the Brahmans, who accompanied the Kshatriyas as priests. The Kshatriyas, by their tact and skill, got the upperhand and, driving away or destroying the movannas, took possession of their property. Thus the Kshatriyas became the masters of the whole country.
(d) There is no reliable source of information as to the time when and the place whence the Kshatriyas first came. But the tradition is that, at the time of the wholesale massacre of the Kshatriyas by Balrâmjî Balarâms, they left their country and settled in the hills. Many of them changed their caste and became Brahmans, Banias, etc. Some of their women were kept by the Brahmans and their children became known as the Khatris. The men who had saved their lives by changing their caste were named Rajputs or Chhatris. This is proved by the fact that the get (sub-division of a caste) of the Chhatris of the hills is similar to that of the Brahmans, and Brahmans of the same brotherhood are found up to the present time and have social relations with them. In short, the Brahmans came with the Kshatriyas as priests from various places in the south.
The Rajputs came from different localities, such as Bengal, Rajputânâ, Central India, etc., etc. The Vaisyas, consisting of Sûds, Baniâs, etc., came from the plains, and are very few in number.
The Sudras, such as the Kanaits, who, as above said, are considered to be the aborigines of this part of the country, are said to have obtained their name by the following legend. When the Brahmans and Rajpûts came from different parts of India and settled in the hills and took possession of the movannds, they saw that the rites and customs of the villagers were not in accordance with the Scriptures; that there was only one caste; that religious ceremonies were not performed; that neither marriage nor funeral ceremonies were observed; and that all the ancient Hindu customs had been forgotten. So they called the high castes among the indigenous tribes by the name of Kanait, which really represents Kunit, i.e., those who violate the law. Gradually they were acknowledged as high castes, and spread over all the hilly tracts. The castes inferior to them are considered low castes.
5.
All the tribes, except the Brahmans, the Kshatriyas, and the Vaisyas consider themselves to be the aborigines of the hills, and call themselves Kain (ancient inhabitants).

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III. - History of Migrations. 8. The following table will show when a tribe or its sub-division migrated to the hills and the history of such migration :
Table of the sections of the Hiu Brahmans.
No.
Original Caste.
Present Name of the Caste.
Real Home.
Brâhman ...
Gaur ...
Gan(Bengal). The Deccan.
SArgut...
Do.
...
Bhardwaj Kanoj... Kên Kobj Balramt Bhat ...
Do.
Do.
Bengal.
The Brahmans are generally divided into Shukal and Krisban. The Shukal Brahmans are considered the superior. They do not cultivate land with their own hands, and devote most of their time to worship and prayer, performing the rites of marriage or death according to the Hindu Scriptures. They take alms only when offered at marriages, but not those given at deaths. They do not take any alms given for the sake of the dead. The Krishan Brahmans are those who accept the alms offered at the time of death, and those offered to propitiate evil stars, such as Raha and Sani. The Shukal and Krishan Brahmans do not intermarry, and the rest of their rites are not alike. A Krishan Brâhman can eat the food prepared by a Shukal Brahman, but the Shukal Brâbman does not even drink water which has been touched by a Krishan Brahman.
It is said that the Balrami Brahmans were the first to come and settle in the hills. In reality the Balrami and Bargut Brâhmans are one and the same. The Balramis are so called, because those living near the temples founded by Balramji state that they were set there by Balrâmjf himself, They also worship Balramji as their god, and are quite a distinct tribe nowadays. They consider themselves to be of the highest caste. They mix with the Särsut and the Gaur Brahmans.
The Gaurs, Bhardwajis, the Kan Kobjas and the Bhats have social relations with one another. But they do not take into their brotherhood any man who has been excommunicated on religious grounds. They came to the hills in company with the Rajputs who migrated from Bengal. It is said that a part of Bengal was called Gaur, therefore the Brahmans of that place were known by the name of Gaur, and to-day they are to be found in every part of India. The Gaur family of the Brahmans came after the fall of the Rajas of Bengal,
The Sarsuts lived, in the baglaning, on the banks of the Indus and the Saraswati. They migrated from there and settled in the hills. The name Sursut is derived from the Saraswati.
Coming to the hills the Rajpats became the Thakurs, while the Ranas, the Rajas and Brahmang became their priests. History tells us that Shababa'd-din Ghori conquered Delhi and appointed his slave Kutbud-din as Viceroy there. One of his officers, named Bakhtiar Khilji, attacked Bengal and usurped the country from the Rajpûts. At that time many Brahmans and Râjas fled to Prag, now called Allahabad, and thence went to different places.
* [l'his probably representa
division into Bailas and Vaishnavn.- ED.)

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A REPORT ON THE PANJAB HILL TRIBES.
267
Table of the sections of the Hill Rajpats.
No.
Original Custo.
Present Name of the Caste.
Real Home
Time of Coming.
Kshatriyas or Rajputs.
Do.
Ujjain
...
...
Do.
......
Pramar or Pawar... Chohân Solânghi Prahar Gaur Gyaru... Katal... Vishal Bhardwaj
... 1267, Bikanir:
Bengal Gya ...
NÂhân
Ujjain ... Kauchanana
(Deccan).
Mabbali
Lohákri
Pangliâni Trôndi Ghiậni
Marwår, etc. Differ? ent districts.
Niral
Thakur
Mârwar ... ... Râna... Pathânia
Delhi...
.. 300 years ago. Padwal
Malw Kshatriya ... Descended from Paras
1 Râm. • The name Kshatriya was applied to the crowned rulers of a country or territory. They were quarrelsome, given to robbery and well versed in the art of war. They were brave, courageous and kind. Their sons, other than the heir-apparent, were known as Rajputs, or the song of rulers. Nowadays this word is applied to all the Kshatriyas. In fact, the Rajpâts are next in rank to the Kshatriyas, but these words are used interchangeably. The Kshatriyas are divided into two main sections: (1) the Suraj Bansf ; (2) the Chandar Bansi. Brahma had two sons, Dachha and Uttar, and these were the ancestors of those two tribes. Dachhê was the father of the Sun, front whom came the Saraj Bansis; and Uttar was the father of the Moon, from whom the Chandar Bansis descended. The capital of the Solar dynasty was Allahabad. Every Rajput, of whatever tribe, cagte or segt, is ultimately descended from either the Solar or the Lunar dynasty, and the above table clearly shows the manner of their immigration.

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It is said that the thakurs or movannas, who were previously settled in the hills, were also Rajpûte, but their customs are quite different from those of the Rajpûts. It is further said that when Raja Saki Singh, who flourished some 2352 years ago (= 450 B. C.), introduced Buddhism, it began to spread from this direction, so that this religion is still found in Kanwar, Tibet, Labaul, etc. Much confusion has taken place among the Rajpûts for this very reason. The history of no tribe is trustworthy, nor can its genealogy be correctly traced. It is said that at the time of the great war of the Mahabharata the Rajputs were the rulers of the hill territories. There is mention of the ancestors of the Rajas of this region in the Bhagavat Gitd and the Mahabharata.
The Rawats and Rathis also come under the heading Rajpats. These people plough and cultivate land with their own hands. Their rites at marriage or death are not according to the Scriptures,
Sartiras are persons born of a Rajput father and Kanait or some other low caste mother. The Rajputs do not intermarry with them, nor eat food prepared by them,
Table of the sections of the Hill Vaibyas.
Original Caste.
Present Name of the Caste.
Real Home.
Time of Coming.
Bêbra...
Poona, Satâr a
(Deccan).
Bania
Plains
Sad
Bhabra
They are not the original inhabitants of the hill region, but came from the plains and settled there. Therefore nothing certain can be known of their history or genealogy. But the history of the Kangra District shows that the Bohrás came, in the beginning, with the Raja of Kângrå from Poona and Satâra in the Deccan, and gradually spread to other places. In the Hill States they were put in charge of the store houses and godowns.
It is said that Raja Nirapdar Chaudar died and left behind him a widow, who was with child. The widow, fearing lest she might soffer at the hande of her husband's heirs, went to her parents in the Deccan. While on the way she gave birth to Raja Shêr Chand, and taking him with her reached her paternal home at Poona. When the boy, who was brought up by his grandfather, became of age and learnt that Kângrâ was his inheritance, he determined to conquer his kingdom. He took an army of his grandfather's subjects with him, attacked Kangrâ, subdued those who occupied the throne, and succeeded to his paternal kingdom. Diwan Rûp LAI Bôhra, who was sent with the Râja by bis grandfather, was made the Minister. Then gradually some persons of the family of the Minister came and settled in Kangrå. Some of them went to Rápar. Then they went to other parts of the country for trade. These people knew Urdu, Hindi, and Nagari, and so they were respected everywhere and were honourably entertained.
The following is stated to be the origin of the Sads: - A man of low caste owed some money to a Bania. They settled their account after some years. The principal amount was paid by the debtor, but he would not consent to pay the interest, and the Baniê would not forego the interest. The debtor, instead of paying the interest, agreed to give his wife to the creditor. The children of this woman and the Baniâ became known as Sad (interest). In the course of time the Süds began to intermarry with the high castes. Now they are considered of high caste like the Baniâs, etc.
The Banias are generally divided into (1) the Aggarwals and (2) the Sardogis. The Sariogis are Jains. The Aggarwals are considered of high caste. They totally abstain from meat.
: [A rooollection of Sakyamuni = Buddha. -Ed.]

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No.
1
2
8
4
5
6
7
4
5
6
7
8
1 Low Sûdras
2
8
9
10
11
12
Original Caste.
18
High Sûdras
Do.
Do.
Do..
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
A REPORT ON THE PANJAB HILL TRIBES.
Table of the Sections of the Hill Badras,
Present Name of the Caste.
Kanait
Goldsmith
Jat
Barber
Gardener
Milkman
Potter
Mason
...
Washerman
Die Sinker
Bâdi (carpenter)
...
..
Rawâr
Weaver
..
Ironsmith
Thithara or Harêra ...
Turi, Dhagi or Dhâdi..
Chanál
Kôli (minstrel)
Shepherd or herdsman.
Sweeper
Shoemaker or cobbler.
Real Home.
Aborigines
***900
****
269
Time of Coming.
*p*..*
Something has already been mentioned about these tribes. The first eight sub-divisions were Rajputs or Brahmans, but they settled in such turbulent territories that they could not peaceably perform their religions ceremonies. Kanaits get their name from this cause, for, as already stated, the word Kanait means violator of the law. When the Brahmans came and saw the ceremonies of Kanaits, they gave the tribe the nickname, which has led to the formation of a distinct sect of Kanaits. The other castes took their names from the profession they adopted.
We learn from old histories that the aborigines of India were Bhils, Gonde, Minâs, Kôls and Joars, who were found near Nagpûr. They did not know Sanskrit, and their language was quite different from it. Their religion, too, differed from that of the Hindus. When the people of other conntries occupied, their territory, they fled to the forests and hills. Enquiry shows that they had no caste distinctions. They did not believe in contamination by touch. They used meat and wine, while
1

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superior Hindus abhor these things. They kept in their houses the dead body of a person for several days after death. They offered alms two or three days after death, and these constituted all their funeral ceremonies. They never cleaned their houses and were impure. Some of them worshipped * god, while others worshipped a goddess. Every village had temples. They were ignorant and unclean. They were idolaters, and none of their customs were in accordance with the Hinda Scriptures. On examination of old books, and on taking photographs of the inscriptions on stones and examining them, it is found that the characters used therein are neither like those of the Sanskrit nor of any other language ; for example, the letters of the inscriptions on the image of a goddess at Hát, on the big stone at Datta Nagar, on the big stone at Sohanpur near HÂt, and at Jhonjan Deora in Shamgin. These facts show that these people belonged to the pre-Sanskrit period. They became civilised gradually with the spread of Sanskrit.
Table of the sections of the Hill Mendioante.
No.
Original Caste.
Present Name of the Caste.
Real Home
Time of Coming.
1
Hindu Faqirs
... Bairagt
...... Plains
.....
2
Mendicants
..
Sanyast
Jogi ...
...
Udási ...
...
..
These people came up from the plains and established themselves in the hills as monks of the temples. They seem to have come specially from Kurukshetra and Hardwar. Some of the mendicants adopted family life, and others remained as they were and lived by begging their bread.
As for Muhammadans only Shekhe came up from Basi, Rupar, and Kharar. The reason of their migration is said to be this, that originally they were Hindus, but the king who ruled at that time converted them to Muhammadanism by force. Some members of a family remained Hindus, while others turned Muhammadans. The converts gave up their share of the property in favour of their brothers, and they themselves came and settled in the hill country. They lived by trade. Their settlement in the hills does not seem to be older than twenty-two or twenty-four generations.
IV. - Tribal Head-quarters. 7. The tribes have no common head-quarters. Every tribe has its own head-quarters in its own village, which is called by the name thdrf or chauri.
8. Some tribes declare themselves to be the aborigines. Some say that they came from the Deocan, Bengal, Ujjain, Gya, Nahan, Sirmûr, Poona, Satüra, Marwar, Delhi and Malwâ, as has been fully shown in the above tables. = 0. Because it is very long since the tribes came to the hills, they do not go on pilgrimage to their original homes. Every tribe or sect has appointed a place of pilgrimage in some village situated close to its own.
10. All tribes have in their respective villages cremation grounds, where they burn their dead. If a man of one tribe dies in the village of another, or near his own village, his corpse is brought to the village to which he belonged and is cremated at the place where his forefathers were cremated. In this way corpses are brought even from a distance of two or four days' journey. The crobiatoria of some tribes are near the banks of the Sutlej, Khud Giri or Payar.

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A REPORT ON THE PANJAB HILL TRIBES.
V. - Genealogioal Tables. 11. The genealogical tables of the Brahmans and the Kshatriyas remain with the family priests, and generally they trace only so many generations as are necessary to be known for the performance of ceremonies on occasions of death or marriage. The genealogical tables of the great Rajas and Rênas are kept in the State offices. When the Purôbits (priests) of Ganges (Hardwar), Kurukshetra, Bhồa and Godwarî come into the hills, they prepare the genealogical tables of their disciples, and having written these tables down in their books, take them away. Table showing the Names of the Conventional Ancestors of some
of the Hill Tribes.
Name of Tribe.
Names of Ancestors.
po
Brahman or Bhat ... ... Bhardwaj, Gautam, Atri, Balraun, eto., famous rishis
(saint). Chhatri or Rajput ... Ram Chandar, Krishna, Para, Birat Raja, Bhimchand Raja,
Man Dhata, Bikrama Jit and Bhoj, Raja Jagdeva, Salba
han and Raja Karan. 3 Khatrt
...) Sukh Datta, etc., famous Rajas. 4 Kayastha ...
Bhoj and Koris, etc., famous Rajas. The people of this section are not found in the hills, therefore no mention of
them has been made above. 5 Bania, Sud, Bəhra, etc. No tradition about these worthy of mention. 6 Kanait
Born of the intermarriage of the Brahmans and the Rajputs. Jat ... ...
Unknown. 8 Goldsmith
Barber ... ... ... Do. Gardener, milkman, potter, Do.
and mason. Badi or carpenter ... ... Bawa Ram Singh Kúka, who was a carpenter by caste. Other low castes, i e. Koli, Kabir and Ram Das, noted saints, are considered to be the Rabir (shepherd),shoemaker forefathers of these. and cobbler. Türi, Dhaki, Dhadi... Baja Båvra and Tân Sên, famous musicians. Bairagi
Ramanand and Nimanand, well-known saints. 15 Sanyasi
Uuknown. 16 Jõgi ... ... ... Gorakh Nath, Machandar Nath, Jalandhar Nath, noted
Jõgis. 17 Udasi...
Nának, Râm Dâs, Amar Dås, Gobind Singh.
Nothing is known about the other tribes, nor is any story or tradition concerning them available.
13. No tribe has got any genealogioal table to enable one to trace the descent from the ancestors. The Rajas and Rånas bave their genealogical tables, which I have not been able to get, and hence no account of them can be given.
. [The answer to Question 12 seems to have beeu omitted. -ED.]

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14. The Brahmans, the Râjpûts and the Baniâs consider the Kanaits to be an offshoot of the higher castes. All the tribes, as explained above, except the Sûdras, consisting of Kanaits, came from the plains and settled in this part of the country.
15. Neither marriage nor death ceremonies among the Kanaits are performed according to the rules laid down by the Hindu Scriptures, but are according to the customs formerly prevailing in the country. Saints, Brahmans, Rajpûts and Baniâs do not eat the food prepared by the Kanaits, who are not privileged to worship after the methods of the Hindu Scriptures.
VI.-Monuments.
16. Neither tomb nor monument belonging to any tribe is to be found. Each tribe has its own crematorium. A person belonging to one tribe cannot burn his dead in the crematorium of another, Likewise the high and low castes have separate bdolts and springs of water. The men of low castes cannot take water from the bdolis or springs belonging to those of high castes. The habitations of the population are also arranged according to the divisons of castes, i.e., Rajpûts live in one part of the village, while Brahmans occupy another part. The low castes live at some distance from the village, for the reason that the high castes may not come in contact with the smell and smoke of the kitchens of the low castes.
17. Something about the migration of these tribes can be ascertained from the names of some towns. No history of their migration can be traced by means of the inscriptions on stones.
VII. Caste Marriages.
18-20. As regards marriage, there is, nowadays, no distinction of caste. However, people of the same caste can marry among themselves, but the high castes do not marry with the low castes. A detailed account of the marriages of all tribes is given below under paragraph 36.
VIII.-Totemism.
21. It is not the prevailing custom among the people not to eat the flesh of an animal, whose name is like that of any person. However, some persons do not eat fish and pork, for the reason that incarnations of the deity had taken the form of a fish and a pig. But this is held only by some people, and is not accepted by any tribe or sect as a whole.
22. No tribe of the hills has given up the use of any arm or instrument merely for the reason of its name being after the name of some ancestor of theirs, nor for any other reason.
23. The high castes-such as the Brahmans, the Râjpûts, and the Baniâs-worship the pipal and the banyan trees, and do not burn their wood. All these tribes have two forms of religion: (1) Vaishanavas or Dekshmårag; (2) Saivas or Baktis or Vammarag. Those professing the first form of religion do not eat any of these articles: meat, onions, garlic, turnips, radishes, cones and mushrooms; or drink wine. Those of the second section eat all these things, but not eggs, domestic fowls, crows, peacocks and other animals forbidden by the Scriptures.
IX. Peculiarities of Tribal Names.
24. Different tribes have different names, and no two sections have like names. However, the names of sub-sections of Kanaits are like those of the Brahmans or Kshatriyas, and the reason of this is that they are held to be an offshoot of the Brahmans and the Kshatriyas,
25. Some of the low castes have named some of their sub-sections after the name of the high caste which they have been serving.
26. The first four sections of the Dashals-i.e., Gônds, Thêôgs, Madhans, Darkôlis, etc.—were considered, for a long time after their migration to the hills, to be low castes, like the Kanaits. They did not put on the sacred thread, nor did they perform death ceremonies. Gradually they mixed with the Rajputs, and began to give their daughters in marriage to wealthy Rajpûts, Afterwards the Rajpûts also consented to marry their daughters to them.

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273
The history of the migration of Jar Giarus and Jør Katals is very much the same. In reality they were Brahmans, and Brahmans of their brotherhood are still to be found. But they gave up the Brahmanical functions and, adopting the marriage and death ceremonies of the Rajpûts, have mixed with them. For example: - Kot Khải, Kumhårsain, Karangla, Delta, Kanthi, Jûbal, Ranvin Sairi, Trôch and Khâsh were full of the low castes of Kansits, but now they have adopted the ceremonies of the superior Kanaits.
The sarsut and the Gaur Brahmans formerly did not intermarry, but now they do so.
X. - Public Assemblies. 27. There is no assembly of lawyers or rulers appointed by the people. Whenever any religious or secular dispute arises, all the people concerned come to the temple of their god and bold a meeting there. The members of the panchayat (council) are the custodians and the worshippers of the deity's temple, and they summon, through the priest, all the followers of the god. Respectable and rich folk of every village come and give their decision in the matter under dispute. If the parties are satisfied with the decision of the panchdyat, the matter ends there and then. Otherwise a party not agreeing with the decision is asked to refer the matter to a law court, and the panchayat serve as witnesses. This panchayat deals only with religious points and has no concern with legal matters.
28. The same assembly is called by the name of Dam or Khumali.
29. The priests and custodians of the temple of the deity are generally the members of the council. The office of these members is hereditary. They belong to the priest and Kanait class and are inferior to the Brahmans.
XI. -- Deities. 80. Generally the hill people worship separate deities and are their disciples. In every pargand (group of villages ) the people of some villages have a god of their own, and have his temple made in & village situated at convenient distances from the habitations of the followers of the god. Some five to seven families of priests live in this village. They enjoy a free lease of land, as remuneration for their services in the temple. Every one of the disciples of the god, at the time of harvest, gives 10 to 12 seers of grain to the priests. The priests, in addition to the service of the god, also perform, in accordance with the requirements of the time, other religious or secular business.
31. Overseers are appointed to look after the temple and the priests. This office is also hereditary. They are called kardars, méhtas or wastrs. A portion of the income of the temple is given to them as their remuneration.
XII. - Constitution and Duties of Assemblies. 32. If any social, religious or secular quarrel arises, the complainant informs the priest about this. The priest, with the consent of the overseer, imparts verbal orders to all the people. He goes from village to village, and tells the people that in such and such a temple on such and such a day a panchayat (committee) will be held to decide such and such matters, that all the people should attend it, and that those who do not do so will be punished by the deity. If the business be a very urgent one, the words dAdhi, tok and dal are pronounced, on hearing which the people leave their engagements, however urgent they may be, and go to attend the council at once. Otherwise every one is fined one rupee. This fine, in a territory under British Government, is given in the temple fund, but in a Native State to the Râja or Râna of that place. The priest's method of proclamation is to call aloud to the men of the village, and ask them to present themselves at a certain place on a certain day. People necessarily obey this call, and present themselves at the place and on the date required.
33. The office of the chairman is a permanent one. Men of certain families are selected for this office, and the selection rests with the council.

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34. The members, as mentionod above, are called kardars, wazirs or montas.
35. If the hereditary chairman be a minor, he is represented by a grown-up man belonging to his brotherhood. If a fit person is not to be found in the brotherhood, then the council appoints a guardian.
XIII. - Trade, 33. The chief articles of commerce are opium, potatoes, wool, borax, fur, woollon cloth, stone, goats, and horses. A detailed account is given below.
Kot Kbii is the greatest centre of the opium trade. People buy this article from the surrounding territories, and sell it, according to the laws, at Köt Khai. All the license-holding Kannits go to the neighbourhool to buy opium. Any action against the law is discussed and decided among themselves. The buyers of opium are of two sorts: (1) The license-holders who, like grent merchants, buy opium from their agents. These merchants send to their agents, in the month of Kartik or Maghar, as much money as the agents ask for. The agents in return supply their masters, in the month of Har, with opium at four ropees per seer, no matter what the market rate of opium may be : (2) License-holders who buy opium directly. They buy it at the rate agreed upon by the parties. The same is the case with potatoes. The rest of the trade is with Tibet, and this trade cannot be carried on by a single person. There are three passes into Tibet : the first through Basahir, the second through Garhwal, and a third throngh Sultânpûr in Kúlu. People go for trade in caravans of hundreds of armed men, for the passage is infested with robbers, and for this reason a small number of men cannot safely travel. The traders going by these three paths have, each, a distinct part of the country set apart for trade. One cannot trade in the territory belonging to the other. Any one doing so is arrested. Some men of each of these three territories are appointed as the members of the council in Tibet. Some four or five Tibetans, too, take part in it. All the cases of theft and civil and criminal suits are decided by it. Half the punishment is borne by the Tibetans and balf by the members of the council belonging to the country of the culprit. Besides this, the parties to a caso are required to feed the council. This food is named charrd. The members have fall authority, and they can decide eren murder cases. The money realized from faes is appropriated by themselves. A nominal sum of one or two rupees is paid to the Raja. All commercial contracts are made by the merchants among themselves, and there is no particular rule abont this. Different measures suited to different opportunities are adopted.
The merchants of Busabir are divided into four groups: Takpais, Gavós, Shawls and Rajgrânvis. They are named after the names of their pargando (districts). If a person belonging to one group joins or trades with another group, then the members of his group punish him as well as the group who admitted him without the consent of his party.
The rates of all commodities are fixed by an assembly of all the merchants, and tables of rates are prepared by them. Any one who charges 'a rate higher or lower than the common rate is considered guilty of disloyalty to the assembly. Commodities cannot be sold before a fixed time. The rate of every article is determined by the merchants and the producers of that article after some days' consideration.
XIV. - Artizans, Badts or Carpenters. They build houses and make ploughs and other implements of cultivation. The wages for building houses are pot fixed, but depend upon the labourers and their employers. They make implements of cultivation and give them, every season, to the land owners, free of charge. They get food from the land owners. They also get some grain at the barvest time. This grain is named shikóta.
Ironsmiths. They also, like the carpenters, sorve the land owners.
Shoe-makers and Cobblers - The hides of the dead kine, oxen or buffaloes are given to the cobblers, who make shoes for the land owners of half the hide; the other balf being kept by the shoemaker as his remuneration. They also get some graiu at harvest time.

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Shepherds. One or two of them live in every village. They graze the cattle of the villagers. They get from every house in the village one or two cakes daily, either in the morning or in the evening. They also make agricultural utensils of bamboo, which they give to the land-owners free of charge. They get some land rent-free from the common land of the village, and also some grain at harvest time.
They shave the land-owners for nothing. They get grain at the time of harvest. This also is termed shikótá.
Barbers.
Goldsmiths. They also serve the land-owners without charging any wages, and get as their remuneration some grain at harvest time.
Taris. They mostly beat a drum when a corpse is carried out to the cremation ground. They get some wages in proportion to the wealth of the dead. They are also given some grain at the time of harvest.
No.
Jogis. They were originally mendicants, but now they have become householders. They burn their dead, and for every corpse get four annas in money, together with a plate of brass or kansi (spelter) and a woollen or cotton cloth. They also get some grain at the time of harvest.
XV. Marriage Customs. Table of Intermarriage Rules. Sub-divisions that can intermarry. Gôt (sub-section)
A REPORT ON THE PANJAB HILL TRIBES.
2
---
3
Caste.
1 Chhatri or Suraj Bansi Rajpût. and Chan
dar Bansi.
Principal Sub-divisions.
Kanait
275
Khatris, Kayasthas, Bhardwaj, Gautam, Solanghis, Puwârs, Cholân, Atri, Cholans, Parmaras, Kashap, Kashayap, Gyárûs, Katwals, Samdeva. Dishals, Gaurs, Râvats, Thakurs, Rathis, Sartores, Jamwals, Sonlis.
Brahman. Shukal and Gaur, Sarsut... Krishan.
Atri, Bashist, Bhardwaj, Kashayap.
Khâsh, Rahu, Karun, Badohi, Chohân, Khanâri, Ch a n del, Kashayap. Chohân, Dogri, Mehta,
Dadarwal, Behrwal, Pabarwal, Jâd, Lama.
Sub-divisions that cannot intermarry.
Mahbali, Pangliani, Nirondi,Ghiani, Naryal, Sarâti, Ravâti, Johalti, Kotguru, Kenu,Krânglu, Deltu, Kumbarsenu, Balsni, Thagoi, Ghondi, Sangri, Badsâl, Takrâl, Atoel, Darkoto, Rihani.
Kan
Kanauji, Bhat, Kobj, Methul, Darâwar, Agni Hotri, Balrami, Mahta Brahman, Achârj, Bhât, Dakaut, Shalauri, Chauti, Papuch or Papuj, Nâmti, Pande, Pujari.
The whole of the hilly tracts are full of Kanaits, who have many sub-divisions. Every village has two or three minor divisions of them, therefore a detail cannot be given.
37. All tribes and sects can marry among themselves. But the high castes-such as Kshatriyas, Brahmans, Râjpûts, Sûds, Bôhrâs, Baniâs, Kanaits, Goldsmiths, Barbers, Khâsh, Kârun, Râhus, Khanâra, Jâds, Lâmas-cannot marry with persons belonging to their sub-section. This is called here khel. The khel does not extend over more than twelve generations. Sútak patak is also taken into consideration only up to seven generations. No sûtak patak exists among those families who have no connection with one another within seven generations. Families which are connected even by the twelfth generation do not intermarry, but those who have no such connection can do so.

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The low castes, such as KClis, shepherds, etc., have different rules. They do not intermarry in families which are connected even in the fourth generation. They marry with their maternal uncles' daughters.
The high castes hold to the following rules :(1) They do not intermarry with families connected with theirs even by the seventh generation.
(2) They do not intermarry with families connected with that of their maternal grandfather even by the third or fourth generation.
(3) They do not marry with girls of lower families than their own. (4) They do not marry daughters of the father's or grandfather's sisters. 38. A detail of the relations with whom intermarriage is prohibited has been given above.
39. In addition to the facts already mentioned, the following circumstances are considered unfavourable for marriage. The society is not bound to obey any fixed rules, but the following things about the girls are considered as defects at the time of the marriage : small neck, blue eyes, white or black spots on body, leprosy, syphilis, consumption, etc., which are chronic diseases; evil names, such as Nagan, Jögni, Kânt, eto. ; being born of diseased parents ; not having either known parents or own brothers.
XVI. - Marriage Rites and Rules. 40. Marriage must be celebrated according to the rules laid down by some religion, A man belonging to one form of religion cannot marry, either according to the Scriptures, or according to the customs of the country, a woman belonging to another,
41. Some tribes of different castes do indeed intermarry, but the high castes do not do so. As for example, goldsmiths and barbers marry the daughters of Kanaits, but they do not give their danghters in marriage to Kanaits. Kanaits marry the daughters of Khash and Karun, and also give their daughters in marriage to the latter. This custom does not prevail among other tribes.
42. Such marriages are not conducted according to the Hindu Scriptures, but they are customary marriages known as the kardwa.
43. The Rajpats marry the daughters of people of castes lower than theirs. In the same way the men of high castes marry the danghters of men of low castes. The children born of such marriages are considered inferior to those born of religiously lawful marriages.
44. The high and low tribes are distinguished by caste. The men of high castes marry the daughters of men of low castes. The chillren thus born are considered inferior to others and are called sartore. The men of low castes cannot marry the daughters of men belonging to high castes.
45. When the bride comes to the house of the bridegroom, then, if the marriage is being celebrated in accordance with the Scriptures, the husband and wife play & gambling match. Afterwards cooked food is brought and laid before the pair. The husband feeds the wife, and ont of the same plato the wife feeds the husband. The bride also pays some money to the Brahmang and to the sister of the bridegroom. If the husband already has another wife, then the new wife interviews the old one with great pomp and show. This interview is named 'shaking hands. It is said that the old wife, together with some other women who are singing songs, comes from one side, and the new wife and her husband, together with some other women, come from the other side. The women of both parties sit at the place appointed for interview. At this place also a ceremony called mukh dikdi (slowing the face) is performed by the women of both parties.
46. Every man marries, according to his capacity, as many wives as he pleases, as there is no limit of number in this respect.

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47. If a man marries more than one wife, then, as long as no son is born, the first wife is considered the chief or head Rani, but when a son is born the wife giving birth to the son is considered the chief Rânt. She rules supreme in all the household business. The servants consider her their only inaster, and the husband as well as other members of the family respect her.
48. Poor men keep all their wives in the same house, while rich men set apart separate rooms for every wife.
46. Licentious people keep girls, too. Among the high families it is necessary to employ maid-servants; for no man can enter the houses where the pard& system is observed, and therefore maid-servants have to perform all the household daties.
XVII. - Divoroe and Bomarriage. 50. Except the Brâhmans and the Rajpûts, among whom the karard (irregular marriage) not prevails, the women of all other tribes, such as Süds, Banias and Bêbras, can marry more than one man. The parents of the woman pay to her husband the expenses of the marriage and get her divorced. After this the woman can marry whomsoever she likes.
51. Men set up illegal connections with women, and thus directly choose wives. Generally women of loose character marry more than one husband. The well-conducted women stick to one only.
XVIII. - Polyandry. 52. It is a custom among the Sudras, such as Kanaits, that the eldest of four or five brothers marries a wife according to the customs of the country. The wife thus married is told that all the brothers shall treat her as their common wife, and the wife also agrees to this and takes every one of them as her husband. Thus the woman is considered the common wife of all, provided the husbands are own brothers.
XIX. - Prostitution. 53. The women of high families have no freedom before marriage, and their parents look after them. It is a common saying that women have three guardians, i.e., parents in early age, husband in youth, and sons in old age. The women of low castes remain free before marriage.
54. Only Taris, and no other tribe, offer their daughters for prostitution,
55. If any girl turns out of loose character before marriage, her parents do not accept any feast in return for their daughter. In the first place, girls cannot become immodest, and even if any one becomes so, she is checked from doing so as far as possible. The matter is kept quite secret, for it leads to the disrepute of the husband as well of the parents.
XX. - General Marriage Customs. 56. The girls are married only when they are above nine years of age.
57. Early marriage cannot be cancelled, whether either of the parties be of age or not. When the religious ceremony is once performed, it becomes, without any regard for sexual intercourse, irrevocable.
58. In high castes, husbands are chosen entirely by the parents of the girls. In low castes, like the Sadras, the mother of the girl asks her opinion also in the matter of the choice of her husband. The parents of a girl send their barber or Brahman in search of a husband for the girl, and these men propose betrothals. In other tribes, either the parents of the girl themselves or their relatives choose the husband for the girl.
59. Among the Brahmans and the Rajpûts generally, the barbers and the priests serve as mediums in marriages, for that is their profession. These men generally deceive the people. They take bribes from one party as their brokerage. But nowadays people do not invest them with full powers of betrothal, and make enquiries to satisfy themselves.
60. If the girl bo & minor, then consent of the guardian and own brothers of the girl is necessary to make the contract valid and to ensure marriage. But if the parties be of age, then their consent alone is sufficient. Under either of the circumstances, the calling together of the

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brotherhood and making them witnessca, as it were, is very essential. The object of the distribution of red thread and sweetmeat at the time of the confirmation of the marriage contract is only to make witnesses of those persons who get the red thread and the sweetmeat.
61. Neither the bride nor the bridegroom is allowed to make a choice of the other. They cannot even see each other before their marriage. However, among the Sudras, liko Kanaits, etc., there is no such restriction, and they can make a choice before marriage.
62. (a) If the bridegroom be of a caste higher than that of the bride's parents, then they pay to him bhatta (money to make up the deficiency of the caste), and the sum of this money is determined by the parties. Also money must be paid in cases when an inferior man wants to marry his daughter to a superior man, e.g., if a Râna wants to marry his daughter to the son of the Raja.
(6) The bridegroom buys the bride in the way indicated above; but it has now become a custom that, if the girl's father be a poor man, he sells his daughter. Generally this custom prevails among the Kanaits, but now it is gaining ground among the Rajputs and Brahmans also.
63. There are no rules to fix this price. If the bridegroom likes to take bhattd, it will be fixed according to the capacity of the bride's parents. If the parents of the girls want to pay the bhattií, it will be in proportion to the rank of the bridegroom's parents. Among the Kanaits, Kolis and shepherds, the girls of Kanaits are valued at Rs. 60, and those of Kolis or shepherds at Rs. 40. This price is termed dhori.
64. The price of neitter sort can be appropriated by the bride or the bridegroom, but their parents spend this money in marriage expenses,
65. If a formal marriage is once performed it cannot be cancelled. However, Among the Muhammadans, marriages can be set asido.
88. The marriage cannot be set aside if either party lose any organ. But customary marriages can be cancelled at the option of the parties. Muhammadans can cancel their marriages.
67. No women can be set at liberty to re-marry only on account of any of her omissions or commissions. The inan does not cohabit with his regularly married wife if she proves to be of loose character, but has to maintain her throughout her life. She can either remain in her husband's house or go to ber parents. The Muhammadans divorce a woman of bad character.
88. The system of divorce does not prevail among the Hindus, Muhammalang can divorce their wives on certain conditions, such as impotency of the husband or suspicious character of the wife.
89. The Muhammadans use the talaka-i-bajn (irreversible divorce). The husband can divorce the wife without any fault on her pert. This divorce becomes valid, when it is proved that the parties qnarrelled at least thrice. It is necessary that the divorce be repeated after every month. The husband has the power, either directly, or indirectly, to revoke the divorce. Jf talk-i-bdin be pronoannced thrice, the parties so separated cannot re-marry without the woman going through the formality of marrying suother man and being divorced from him. But if the divorce be pronounced only once or twice, this condition is not necessary for re-marriage. If the husband at the time of his death divorces his wife and dies before the expiration of his iddat (period of probation of 4 months and 10 days, to see if the woman is enceinte), the wife is entitled to her husband's inheritance. It is natural for a woman to wait so long before her second marriage. Also, if the husband abstains froru sexual intercourse for 4 months with the wife, this fact is also considered as an irrevocable divorce.
70. There are two kinds of marriages among the Hindus - the legal and the illegal. A formally married wife cannot he divorced, nor can she re-marry. The customary wife is free. She can leave one husband and marry another. It is a popular saying that the women of the bills never become widows-i.e., if one hasband dies they marry another. Among Muhammadans, all women re-marry.
XXI.- Inheritance. 71. In the hills the right of children is considered per stirpos and not per capita. The rights of children born of a formal marriage are superior to those of the children born of a customary marriage. The children whose father and mother are of different castes are called sartori

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Their rights are inferior to those of the children born of customary marriages. They are given money and immoveable property, juet sufficient to support them. The children born of criminal connection between a man and a woman are called jhate or jhatu, and they live as servants of the family, or are given one or two fields and moveable property worth twenty or thirty rupees.
72. If a man has got two sons by a formal wife, two sons by a customary wife, two sons by a castomary wife belonging to a low family, and two sons by & wife of another caste or religion, then the song of the formal wife have the main right to their paternal inheritance, but they give some portion of it to other sons of their father -ie., one-balf of the property left by the father will be retained by the legitimate sons, while the other half will be given to the rest of his sons. The shares of the latter are determined by the members of the brotherhood. The greater portion of the father's property is given to the legitimate sons, and the others are given maintenance as the village council directa, for there is no special law about this. At some places the legitimate children get two-thirds of the whole property of their father, while the natural sons get only one-third.
73. The legitimate song follow their father's religion or faith. The natural sons are termed sartori, and now they have become a separate caste. But gradually this caste is being torned into the caste of its forefathers, for it organises relations with the pure caste.
74. There is a great difference between legitimate and illegitimate sons (i.e., sons by wives formally and customarily married). They cannot intermarry, nor do the former eat food prepared by the latter. Among the Kanaits there is no restriction as to eating and drinking. Such restrictions are observod only among the Rajpûts, the Brahmans, the S&ds, the Bêbras and Banias.
75. After seven or, at the most, twelve generations, one family loses sight of the fact of being descended from the same forefathers as another family.
78. The paternal caste can be lowered only by contracting some irreligious or illegal connections. By no other means can this be effected.
XXII. - Tribal Details. 77. It has been already stated that the Brahmans are divided into two main snb-divisions, i.e.. Gaur and Särsut, and frora these the minor sub-divisions - such as Kanauji, Bhat, Kan Kobja, Méthol, Dîrâwâr, Agnt Hotri, Balrami Mahâbrahman, Acharaj, Dakaut, Shalâvari, Chauti, Papaj or Papuch, Namti, Pândê and Pujâri (priests) - bave descended,
The following sub-divisions claim their descent from Rajpâts, the Brihnians and tho Banills:Kanait, Rahu. Karun, Khash, Kbânåri, Chandel, Chohân, Dögre, Mehta, Dadarwal, Pabarwal, Jad, Lama, Goldsmith, Barber, Potter, Bairagi, Sanyasi, Udást and Jõgi.
The following state that their ancestors were Rajputs and Brahmans :- Kolis, Shepherds, Washermen, Dye-sinkers, Túris, Carpenters, Ironsmiths, Bharêrâs, Cobblers, Shoemakers, Sweepers.
78. The ancient Brahmans lived near the Indus and the Saraswati and the surrounding territories. The Gauss and the Sârsuts were their descendants who first came to the hills. As this happened in very remote and ancient times, so they forgot their origin and became known by the name of the place where they went and settled. Those who took their abode in Kång became known as the Kananjis, and those at Cawnpore were called Kan Kobja. Hence it is that those Brâbmans who are now found in the hills are held to be descendants of the two main Brâhman divisions.
The Rajpûts, Brahmans and Süds gay that the Kanaits are the most numerous of all the tribes. All men belonging to any religion, who adopted the karéwd (customary marriage) and gave up the religious and national customs, were known as Kanaits. They were sub-divided according to the professions which they adopted. For instance, one who undertook to make gold ornaments was called goldsmith, and so on.
The tradition about the Kolts is that a Kanait father had two song by two wives. The song quarrelled as to who had the superior right. At last it was decided that the one who should plough the field earliest in the morning should get the superior right. So, next morning, one of the brothers

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went to plough the field, while the other began to plough the lowest floor of his house, but the place was too narrow to be ploughed. At last, being annoyed, he cut off otte of the feet of his bullock. His brother, seeing this, turned him ont of his home, for acting against religion. The Kôlis, the shepherds, the shoemakers, the weavers and the boatmen are his descendants.
XXIII. - Widow Marriage. 80. The widows of all tribes, except those of the Brahmans, Rajputs, Süds, Banias and Bohras, can re-marry. This custom prevails even among Rajpûts, who do not follow the rules which are observed by the high castes.
81. Widow marriage is not allowed by the Scriptures, for the marriage ceremonies can be performed but once. As the proverb goes: the lion produces a whelp by a single intercourse with the lioness, so the true man acts upon what he says. The banana tree, if once planted, always yields fruit; a woman, once married, cannot be re-married : and rich meu do not give up their prejudices.
82. The younger brother can marry the widow of the elder brother, but not vice versd, except among Kanaite.
83. The widows of low costes can re-warry either a man of their own caste or one of another caste.
XXIV. - Inheritance after re-marriage of widows. 84. If a widow re-marries, her children by the first husband are to be supported by the husband's brother, whether the children be male or female.
88. If the widow marries a man of caste different from hers, her husband's properiy is inherited in the following way :
(a) The widow is entitled to no share of her hasband's property if she re-marries.
(b) The children by the first basband are entitled to inherit the property of their father and their shares are determined by custom.
(c) The husband's brother cannot inherit any portion of the property of the deceased. He is entitled only to his father's property.
86. If the widow marries her husband's brother, then the following rules about inheritance are observed :
(a) The widow cannot claim the property of her first husband. (6) A person by marrying his brother's widow becomes disentitled to his brother's property.
(c) The children by the first husband inherit the property of their father, and their shares are determined by custom.
(d) The children by the second husband have no right to claim the property of the first husband. They inherit their father's property.
87. The sons of # widow by her husband's brother are not called the song of her first husband, but those of the second. The children born in the lifetime of the first husband, or within ten months of his death, are considered his sons.
XXV. - Household Customs,
Pregnancy and Childbirth. 88. No ceremonies are performed during pregnancy. 89. The woman assumes one of two postures at child-birth :
(a) She kneels on the ground. The midwife remains behind ber, and, fixing her knees in the back of the lying-in woman, holds both of her shoulders by her hands.
(6) The woman prostrates herself on the ground. The midwife keeps to her left side. Other women take hold of the head, hands and legs of the lying-in woman.
90. The midwife serves in the room of the lying-in woman. After child-birth, persons who are rich, or belong to high families, employ nurses. The wife of a poor man is attended by his parents only.
(No answer was apparently given to Question 79. -ED.]

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91. Different ceremonies are performed at the birth of a child. Poor men prepare good food and distribute it among the Brahmans and people of their own brotherhool. On the third day after the birth of the child the farvily celebrate the first feast. The priest comes and prepares the horoscope of the child. Sugar and sweetmeat is distributed among friunds. Singing and dancing parties are given and guns are fired. The second feast comes after seven days, the third after nine, and the fourth after eleven days. The lying-in woman is kept, at the time of child birth, in the lowest story of the house. After the fourth feast the woman takes the child ia her lap. Music is played and songs are sung, and thus the mother, together with some other women, in the first place, worships the sun, and then the gate of the house. Afterwards the household god is worshipped, and some alms are paid to the Brahmans. Among all the women present, presents and sweet meats are distributed. Peoplo of the surrounding territories come with their guns and fire them. They are given soine money or sugar. They present some green grass to the father of the chill as a good omen. They call this grass diib turf). The four feasts are celebrated only at the birth of a son, and this ceremony is named gauntrala. After eleven days, when the last gruntrala has been performad, the mother can go and live in the upper flats of the house. Haran (sacrifice ) is also performed. At the birth of a girl no cereinony, except that of good fool, is perforinel, nor is there any special rule a'out this. As long as the last gauntrala is not performed, nobody either eats food or drinks water from the house of the person where the child was born, except his relatives and people of low castes. This period is termel súčak (impure state). The Brâ'imais are parificl after te days; th: Kshatriyas after twelve days; Banias, Böhrâ an l Süds after fi.teen days, and other castes after one month.
92. If the father be a poor man, th:n he stops his business for three days, becanse his relatives, frien ls anl men of the brotherhood come to congratulat: him. He luas to present to them, ascorlin; to his capacity, some money, sugar or cloth. In wealthy families, feasts and distribution of alms extend over all the eleven days. All the poor men, Brihrans, mendicants, priests and barbers get alms and rewaris. Green turf is presinted and presunts ar given. Dances and other entertain. ments take place. At the birth of a girl the father stops his business for one day, or at the most three day3. Generally on such occasions only food is distributod, and alms and rewards are not given.
93. There is no reasoa, except the on, mentionell above, for stopping business. 94. No special rule or ceremony is necessary to be observed at the birth of twins.
XXVI. - Adoption. 95. There is no particular role for a loption. Generally the custom in the hills is that the adopter calls to his bouse the buy whom he wants to adopt and paints his forchen with san lal paste. A coatract is malo according to the conditions agreed upon. Then they go to the toplo of thy god and break the lingi (a pi-ce of wood, to signify truth of parpose) there, and make a solemn vow before the god that if they do not carry out the contract, then the god may punish them. Soue remuneration is given to the priest an l oversver of the templ, and this is callo lishti. Then the buy bucot he's bound to surve his adopter as his father. The adopter gives every authority to the boy as his son. One rupee is offered to the god.
90. Until the contract has been reluced to writing, or the clingi bas been broken at the Leinpla of thgod, the adoption is consilerel invalid.
97. The validity of the adoption depends upon the performance of this ceremony alone.
93. No custoin, other than thos. given above, prvails in the hill taxts. There is no restriction of age for a loption. However, it is necessary that this lopte le of the sanie blood as the adopter.
XXVII. — Puberty. 99. A ceremony is performed to mark the biginning of pub:rty, which is tormd dasitan Alins are listributed and Brahmans ar feil. In the hills this custom is observel by very few people, except the high castu Kshatriy s.
100. The period of puberty is marked among tbe Ilindus by wearing the sacred thread, and along the Muhammadans by circumcision. Both these ceremoni.'s are performed at a tim: when the boy has gained enough wisdom and sensu to distinguish between right and wrong, and good and b..d.

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XXVIII. -Betrothal. 101. Butrothals are of two kinds :
(a) Barni is that which is according to the Hindu Scriptures. The parents of the boy and those of the girl propose thu betrutbal, and the priest appoints a day for carrying it out. On this date the boy's father sunds the priest and barber with somo ornaments and clothes, which the girl puts on. Some money is given to the barber, the priest, the nurse and the Brahman as their reward. A feast like the one vivon at the time of marriage is given, and a music band attends. The servants of both parties gut rewards. Then the giri's parents sund clothes and ornaments for the buy.
(6) Sagai or bota. In this casu a few oragments or, if these be not available, ole or more rupees are sent by the father of the boy to the girl through the priest or some elation. In order that the betrothal be considered permanent, the man carrying the opusments takes his food in the house of the girl's parents. No other ceremony is celebrated, nor any rewards are given. Nothing is sent by the girl for the boy,
102. In the Baoni Ceremony, in order to ensure betrothal, the wearing of ornaments and clothes and painting the forehead with sandal paste and distribution of rewards are necessary. In the Sagai Ceremony, the taking of food by the messenger and handing over of money or ornaments to the girl's parents is essential.
103. However, the continua ice of betrothal depen is upon the option of parties. 104. Betrothal can bu made after or before the parties are five years of age.
105. The consent of parents is essuntial for b trothal. If the woman be of age, then her parents also are consulted. If the father be dead, the perinission of the elder brother or the guardian is taken. It there be no guardian, then the own brothers and near relatives are the persons whose cunsunt is necessary.
103. If the betrothal is cancelled, one party pays the expenses incurred by the other, A list is prepared of all the articles exchangud at betrothal.
XXIX. - Marriage. 107. Marriages are of the kinds:--
(a) Bed-lagan. - The brid groom, wearing a bridal chaplut or wreath on his head, goes to the house of the bride with music and attendants. The girl's parents give two or four feasts aeosrding to their capacity. The bhanuver (marriage survice) is recited. After the bed-lagan (matrimonial ceremony) the party is dismissed. The bridegroom comes back to his house and gives a feast, and the marriage festivities continue for some days. Prizes are given to his own menials, as well as to those of the bride. The bride pays some monuy to the inen who accompanied the bridegroom to the house of the former and rice rered. The rewards and prizes are given according to the capacity of the parties, and there is no fixed rule for this. The recital of the bhánwar is essential in such marriages:
(6) Jhajra or Gader. - One or two men representing the bridegroom go to the house of the bride, where one person from every family in the village is present. They are given either dinner or a supper by the bridegroom. The priest, the barbes, the musician and other menials of the village are given four anuas cach, or at the most one rupee each, as their remuneration. The bride is brought to the bridegroom's housu. Ganesh is worshipped, and this is essential.
(c) Bardani. - The bridegroom sends a woman to fetch the bride. One or two women come wish the bride also. Ganesh is not worshipped nor any prizes given.
108. In the case of the Bed-lagan the recital of thánwar is necessary, in the case of the Jhajrá the worship of Ganesh, and in the casu of the Gâdar nothing. I
109. There is no custom of seizing the bride forcibly. Two or three days after the carriage, is the wire by of age, the ceremony of union known as the posman sammit karam (the union of man and woman) is performed. The priest appoints an auspicious date for this purpose. On that date une common bedding is laid for the pair. The husband, according to his capacity, gives some

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money or ornaments to the wife on this first intercourse, which is called the ndrue khuldi (remuneration for ontying the girdle). The women distribute some sweets among themselves.
If a man forcibly seizes a woman and brings her to bis houss, this is called Mar (abduction) and is considered an illegal marriage. 110, No such custom as the marriage of the bride with a god provails.
xxx. - Death. 111. The dead of all the tribes are cremated, except those of the Muhammadans, the Bairagis, the UdAsis, the Sanyasis and the Jôgis, whose dead are buried.
112. The Muhammadans place their dead, at the time of burial, in a lying position; the Bairagt, etc., in a sitting posture.
113. The Hindu corpse is kept in a coffin, having its upper side open, and fine cloths are put upon it. A funeral pile of wood is prepared, and the coffin containing the corpse is placed upon it, and then it is sot on fire. When all the corpse is reduced to ashes, these ashes are either thrown into the khayl (a doep valley), or are sent over to Hardwâr to be washed away by the Ganges.
14. Different tribes have different ways of disposing of their dead :
(a) The Muhammalans wash the corpse before it is buried. Then it is taken to the burial ground on a charpdi (couch) or in a box. Then a grave is dug. Their priest chants some words according to their faith, and the corpse is laid into the grave and the pit is filled with earth. Somu mun put in some salt also, in order to basten the dissolution of the corpsc. A stone is placed on the mouth of the grave, and it is covered by a sheet of white cloth. A fakir (mendicant) lives there to taku care of the grave, and after s ime days the shect, the charpdi and some money are given to him.
(6) The corpse of a Brahman, Rajput, Bania, Süd or Bôhrá is well washed. Then it is enveloped in a shroud of gauzo or muslin and is placed in a painted coffin opon at one end. Shawls and other silkin cloths cover the dead body. The coffin is then placed in the court of the house and music is played. Thousands of people gather together, as if to a fair. They come in white robes tu moara for the deal. Musicians walk before the coffin, and all the relatives and other men, who come together for mourning, follow the coffin to the cremation ground, where the Jogi prapares a pil, of wool two or three cubits wile and four or five cubits long. There, a cow with a cali is given to the Jogi or to the Mahabrahman. Then the corpse is placed upon the pile, and funeral cakes, together with some alms, ars offered in the name of the deal. Then one of the relatives strikes the head of the corpse with a stick, and this is called kapal kirya.
The Achâraj (man officiating at the funeral ceremonies) is paid some money. Then the pile is lighted. All the musicians and Achåris present are paid some money. Grain, fruits and pieces of money are thrown over the corpse throughout the passage from the home to the crematory. All these expen9o8 ars fixed according to the capacity of the dead.
(6) Among other tribes, the corpse is washed. The masicians are sent for, who play on instruments for one or two days. In some places the corpse is kept at home for two to three days. Then the coffin is taken out with the band playing before it. All the men who have come for mourning accompany the coffin to the cremation ground. They throw as much grain, fruits and pieces of money as they can afford over the corpse on their way from home to the cremation ground. Then having placed the corpse on the faneral pile, they take off all the costly coverings and burn, with the corps, the ordiсary ones. The musicians are paid their wages The kupil kirya is not performed. Funeral cakes are not offered as in the case (6). The ashes are thrown into the valloy. The well-to-do people carry the bones to Hardwâr.
115. There are three different methods of propitiating the dead :
(a) If the deceased died a natural death, the Brahmans, Rajputs, Banias, sade and Bohras put a lamp in the room wbre the deceased brunth d his last, and keep it burning throughout day and night for ten days, taking care for it to burn continually. An earthen pitchur full of water is plisced at the door with a hole in the botton, from which water trickles. Every evening the sun, or other

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(SEPTEMBER, 1907.
rclative of the deceased, offers the funeral cake. The priest sits Dear the lamp and reads a katha (a text) from the Market and Garur Puráras. After ten days the lamp and the pitcher are thrown into the valley, and the reading of a kathd is also stopped. Then wpindi karam (a ceremony to unite the dead with his ancestors) is performed, and after that the vikhal shardill is performed, The Acbâraj is given ornaments, clothes and food. All the Drahmans present are given some alms and cows, and horses are also given to them. After a fortnight or more a goat is killed, and all the relations are called together and feel with meat and rice. The father of the wife of deceased person's son supplies all the requisite Diaterial at this time, and gives clothing to his daughter and son-in-law. All prosent are fed for two or three days by the family of the deceased. After this a shrd.th (offering of funeral cakes to the dead) is performed every month. After six months great sacrifice is performed, and cows, ornaments and clothes are given to the Brahmans in the name of the dead. In the same way annual and quadrennial sacrifices are performed, after which only an annual shra Ik is observed. The bones of the dead are sent to Hardwâr. Rice balls are offered at Bhos and Kurakshetra, too.
(6) There is no particular custom to be observed at the death of a childless man. All the ceremonies of shráith and the sacrifices mentioned above are performed in this case, too, with the ordinary expenses.
(c) In the case of a violent death, it is necessary to offer funeral cakes in the name of the dead at Hardwar, Bboa and Kurukshếtra. Some persons perform the Náraini Bali Shradh - i.e., funeral cakes are offered for forty days instead of ten.
(d) Among the other tribes, having or not baving of children by the deceased is of no importance. Much stress is laid upon music. I'oor men call in a small band, while rich men employ a large band of musicians. Funeral cakes are offered on the third day after death. The ten karmas ceremonies) are not performed. The goat is either not killed, or the heir of the deceased kills the goat any time after three days, and the mourning ceremonies then come to an end. Funeral cakes are offered at Hardwar, but this has been introduced only very lately. Monthly shradhs are not performed, bat shrádlhs are performed after six morths, one year and four years. Ornaments and clothing are given to the Brahmans. The son of the sister of the deceased is given some alms and ornaments, instead of the charaj (the man officiating in funeral ceremonies).
(e) Among Muhammadans, after forty days a feast is given to all the brother bood. No other ceremony is performed.
(To be emtinuel.)
MISCELLANEA. THE FRENCH ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIÉTÉ preserving them, and, indeed, after existing for D'ANGKOR.
a millennium exposed to the ravages of time, By the Franco-Siamese treaty of 23rd March a tropical climate and its vegetation, they are in 1907, we learn that France has acquired the need of careful conservation. French archaeoloprovinces of Battambang, Siemreap and Sisophon gists will avoid the evils of restorations but. These new provinces include the most though local revenues cannot assume the full magnificent group of architectural monuments burden of the expenditure required for so large in Asia, which are now added to those previously an undertaking, they are resolved that it shall possessed by France in Cambodia and Annam, not be said that Angkur long suffered from Among the numerotis edifces that bear witness French national indifference. They bave thereto the splendour of the ancient Indo-Chinese fore formed the Société d'Angkor' for the civilization are the wonderful temples of Angkor, preservation of the remains. It consists of over - rivalling the greatest architectoral marvels of fifty founders - French arcbæologists, professors, the world.
scbolars and others interested in Indo-China and As repository of these treasures France has not the preservation from destruction of the relics of been slow is recognising the duty of carefully its glorious past.

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OCTOBER, 1907.)
THE AGE OF THE TAMIL JIVAKACHINTAMANI.
285
THE AGE OF THE TAMIL JIVAKACHINTAMANI.
BY T. S. KUPPUSWAMI SASTRI (TANJORE).
THE religious works of the Jainas made their appearance first in Sanskrit, and then,
I assuming the garb of the Indian vernaculars, spread through the country. The Tamil Jivakachintamani is probably one of such. Having been adapted into Tamil, it is looked upon even during the present day as a standard Tamil classic. The works that deal with the story of Jivaks are four in number, vin. - (1) the Gadyachintamani by Vådibhasimha, (2) the Kshattrachúddmaņi by the same author, (3) the Jivanilharachample by Harichandra. These three are in Sanskpit. Another work is said to have been composed by Harichandra and called the Jivanidharandļaka, which is believed to treat of the life of Jivaka. No manuscript of it has been traced so far, and I therefore doubt if it ever existed. Consequently, it may at present be assumed that the fourth extant work dealing with the life of Jivaka is (4) the Tamil Jivakachintamani. We shall now proceed to examine if this poem is an original work, or if it is merely an adaptation of some earlier epic.
Mahậmahðpadhyâya Pandit Saminatha Aiyar, in his edition of a portion of the Jivakachintamani, published in 1899, observes : “The Sanskrit works Kshattrachůdamani and Gadyachintamani by Vadtbhasimha, and Jivandharachampú and Jivandharandtaka by Harichandra deal with the story of Jivaka. This story is related in the Mahapurdna, which contains the stories of the sixty-three Salakd purushas. The bilingual Sripurna, which gives an account of the twenty-four tirthakaras, also refers to the life of Jivaka in the story of Sri-Vardhamana. On comparing the first three poems with the Jivakachintamani, I was struck with the resemblances etween the two, and thought that in each of the former could be found several passages containing the sentiments and ideas expressed in some of the verses of the latter. I naturally began to suspect if the Sanskpit poems had been composed on the model of the Jivakachintamani. But on closer examination it was found that this supposition was untenable, because all the Sanskļit names introduced into the Gadyachintamani Kahattrachudamani, and Harichandrachampa are found in the Tamil work. Many corrupt Sanskrit and Prakrit words and many coincidences of thought and sentiment were at the same time traceable. I, accordingly, concluded that tho Jivakachintamani was not an original work like the Tamil Silappadigdram. The former bears a closer resemblance to the Gadyachintamani than to the other two Sanskrit poems, while the story as found in the Jirakachintamani is differont from the account given in the Srí purdna ....." It is thus clear that Mabamahopadhyâya Pandit Saminatha Aiyar is of opinion that the Tamil Jivakachintamani is not an original work, bat that it is, greatly indebted to the Sanskřit Gadyachintamani. A fow of the parallel passages are extracted below and serve to illustrate my remark.
(1) "Uņd-eņav-uraiyir=ketpâr-uyir-uru pêvam-ellán
gand-ini-tteļigav=enru käytuva! polav-agi viņ-doda nivanda kôyil vinnavar-magalir-chenra! ven-dalai payipra katrul vilang-ilai tamiyal-apa!."
Jivakachintamani, Nimagal-ilambagam.
"start hereft yatari ya Tagge arr
TI .
" Kshattrachád&mani, 1st lambak88.

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The idea in the above two quotations is the same: "That lady who might be compared to the goddess Lakshmi became lonely and helpless as if she meant to show to the world which had only heard it explained from books that sin cannot be exhausted but by the inevitable working out of its evil results."
(2) "Solliya nagmaiy-illa-ohchunangan-i-vvuḍambu ningiy-ell-oli-ttê van-âgi-ppirakkumov-enna vêṇḍâ koll-ulaiy-agatt-itt-ûdi-kkûr-irum piradan-gutta Vellaiyil sem-bonn-âgiy-eri-niram perrad-anrê."
Jivakachintamani, Gupama laiyâr-ilambagam.
" यक्षेन्द्रोऽजनि यतोऽथमहो मन्नस्य शक्तितः । कालायसं हि कल्याणं कल्पते रसयोगतः || ”
Kshattrachadamani, 4th lambaka, élô. 4.
Here again the idea is the same :-"By the power of mantra, this dog became the king of Yakshas. Is not iron changed into gold by amalgam in the process of alchemy? This is even so."
(3) Ven-pira-ttugil-inangan vilnndu mâ-âgi ninra Top-nirav-udiran-dannaiy-udiratt-âl-olikkal âme pan-pira-kkilaviyâr tam-baáaiyinar-piranda pâvangan-pira-mulaiyinår tai-galviyår-kalikkal âme,"
06
Jivakachintamani, Kêmasariyar-ilambagam,
'मन्धानुबन्धी संसारस्तेनैव न परिक्षयी । रक्तेन दूषितं वस्त्रं न हि रक्तेन शुध्यति ॥ "
Kshattrashúḍamani, lamba 6, élô. 10.
Once again the same idea is given: "The misery of this worldly life which grows up by attachment can never be cut off by attachment again. A cloth stained with blood can never be cleansed by blood."
It will be seen from the above extracts that the expressions vary only as much as might be expected from the difference of idiom between Sanskrit and Tamil. The ideas are exactly the same. What is compressed in two lines of verse in Sanskrit is expanded into four lines of Tamil. There is no other difference. Similar passages may also be quoted from the Gadyachintamani.
The Sanskrit poems which treat of the story of Jivaka are based on the Jaina puranas. And this fact is attested to by the authors of the former. For instance, Vidibhasimha says in the preamble to his Gadyachintamani:
निबन्धना qutwit weef E
जीवंधरमभवपुण्यपुराणयोगा
grad magamnaftawafa ||
"The string by its association with flowers is accepted by the head. Even so then shall my humble words showing the joys of this world and the world hereafter be acceptable by their association with the holy purdina which recites the life of Jivaka."

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OCTOBER, 1907.]
THE AGE OF THE TAMIL JIVAKACHINTAMANI.
As the subject-matter is the same in the Kshattrachudamani, there was no need for the author, Vâdibhasimha, to refer pointedly to the fact of the poem being based on the purdnas. In the Tamil Jfvakachintamani the author, Tiruttakkadêvar, says :
Munnirappiranda pavalattóḍu bangumuttum-annir-uvarkkummenin ydr-avdi nikkugirpar-annirav-en sor-paludayinun-golbavanré poynniravalla-pporuldl vin pugudum-enbár.
287
The commentator Nachchinârkkiniyar explains the words poynniravalld-pporul, ideas that do not partake of falsehood,' as follows: "The majority of those that think they can obtain liberation. through the true words of the purana will certainly never despise the poet's words, however distasteful and insipid they may be, as they are only the medium by which the ideas of the purana are conveyed. This the poet was convinced of and hence his boldness in writing thus." It is then clear that, at the time of the commentator Nachchinârkkiniyar, Tiruttakkadêvar was believed to have based his Jivakashintamani on the Jaina puranas. As Tiruttakkadêvar does not refer either to the Gadyachintamani or to the Kehattrachûddmani, it remains doubtful if they were really anterior to the Jivakschintamani. At any rate there seems to be no doubt that the latter was written after the puranas. And according to Jaina tradition, the original story of Jivaka is found in the Mahapurana, while the bilingual Sripurana is admittedly of later date.
We have now to ascertain the date of the Mahapurana. The author who began the composition of the work is Jinasênâchârys, disciple of Virasênacharya. The former wrote the Harivashia-Purana in Saka-Samvat 705 (= A. D. 788) and became the preceptor, it is said, of the Rashtrakuta king Amôghavarsha I., whose accession took place in A. D. 813. The Párivdbhyudaya was written during the same reign by the same author at the request of a co-disciple, named Vinayasênâchârya, for a poetical work celebrating Pârávanâtha-Tirthamkara. In composing this work Jinasênâchârya chose to honour the Sanskrit poet and dramatist Kâlidâsa in an ingenious way. He wove each line of verse of the poem Méghasadésa into his own slokas. The last line of each of the latter is identical with that of one of the verses of the former. Not even a line of the Meghasadééa has been omitted. Neither has he at the same time sacrificed his own thoughts or his subject in thus trying to honour the lines of Kalidasa's poem. Jinasênâchârya, who began the Mahapurana, did not live to complete it. The work was taken up by his disciple Gunabhadracharya and finished. The portion of the Mahapurana which was composed by the former is called the Purvapurdna, while the composition of the latter is known as the Uttarapurana, and contains the story of Jivaka. It may therefore be supposed that the Sanskrit poems mentioned above, as well as the Tamil Jivakachintamani, are based on the Mahapurana, composed by Jinasênâcharya and his disciple Gunabhadracharya. The date of the Mahapurdna would then be the upper limit of that of the Jivakachintamani. Luckily, we have no difficulty in fixing the former, because the subjoined prasasti of the Uttarapurana tells us that it was written during the time of the Rashtrakuta king Akalavarsha and in the Saka year 820, corresponding to A. D. 897. The very day on which the work was finished may be fixed with the help of the astronomical details furnished in the following passage:
** wwwwgui aff! तस्मिन्विध्वस्तनिःशेषदिषि वीभ्रयशोजुषि ।। पद्मालयमुलकुलप्रविकासकसत्प्रतापततमहसि । श्रीमति लोकादित्ये प्रध्वस्तमथितशचुसंतमसे ॥ Argü Ürkway*
lyffemfft Prefer wwwtenfant gut Nevevičs qui ofret | तत्पिमा निजनामकृते कमाते वङ्गापुरे पुरेष्यधिके ॥

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काकनृपकालाभ्यन्तरविंशत्यधिकाष्टशसमितादान्ते । मजलमहार्थकारिणि पिङ्गलनामनि समस्तजनसुखदे। श्रीपञ्चम्या बुधा युजि दिवसकरे मन्त्रिबारे बुधांशे पूर्वायां सिंहलग्ने धनुषि धरणि वृश्चिकाको मुलायाम् । सर्प शुके कुलीरें गविच सुरगुरौ निष्ठितं भष्यवः प्राज्यं सर्वसारं जगति विजयते पुण्यमेतत्पुराणम् ॥"
Before proceeding to fix the lower limit of the date of the Tamil Jivakachintamani, I take advantage of this opportunity to refer to another Tamil work composed by a Jaina preceptor. This is the versified Tamil lexicon Bajamaninigandu, compiled by Mandalapurusha, the disciple of Guņabhadra. In the body of the lexicon, Mandalapurusha gives a clue as to his date when he mentions Kiruttinaraya (Krishộarîya) as having made unbounded gifts (kodai madam). By Kiruttinaraya the Vijayanagara king Krishnariya cannot be meant, because Mandalapurusha claims Guņabhadra for his preceptor. By the Tamil expression kodai-madam the author evidently refers to the biruda Aka lavarsha of the Rashtrakůta king, Krishna II. It thus appears that both Gunabhadra and his disciple Mandalap urushs were protégés of the Rashtraküta king, Akalavarsha-Kộishņa II. whose dates range from A. D. 888 to 911-12. The Tamil lexicon Saldmaninigandu was therefore compiled roughly in the third quarter of the 9th century A. D.
Returning to the lower limit of the date of the Jivakachintamani we find that the Saiva teacher Umâpatiśivacharya, who flourished at the beginning of the 14th century, refers to the work in his l'iruttondarpurânavaraläru. In describing the circumstances which led to the composition of the Tamil Periyapardņam by the Chola minister Sekkilar, Umâpati tells us that the Chola king Anapaya, the patron of Sekkilar, was devoting his time to the study of the Jirakachintamani. Sekkilar exhorted his patron to study the lives of the Saiva devotees and not waste his time over the Jivakachintamani, which was based on fiction, and by the study of which no merit would accrue to him. Subsequently, Sekkilar composed the Tamil Periyapuranam at the instance of the Chola king. This Anapaya-Chola is otherwise known as Rajendra-Chadeva alias Kulottunga-Chola I. or Sumgandavirtta-Chola. Archæological experts say that his time was between 1070 to 1118 A.D. here is no mention of Jirakachintámani in any work prior to the time of the Periyapurdnam. An as I have already pointed out, that the former must have come into existence only after the 9th cento , it may be concluded that Tiruttakkadôver's Jivakachintamani was composed during the riod ranging from the boginning of the 10th to the second half of the 11th century A..
1 It is not clear on what grounds Mr. Kuppuswami Sastri identifies Anapays with Kulottunga I. But as he is not the first to make this identification, it is necessary to state the 06.30 as it actually stands. So far as it is known at present there is only one inscription which mentions the Chola king Anapaya. It is engraved on one of the walls of the Tyagarkja temple at Tiruvarur in the Tanjore district, and is dated during the reign of a Kuldttunga, who, t. judge from the alphabet employed in the inscription, cannot be Kulottunga I. Even on purely literary gronds the idantification of Anapays with Kulottunga I. seems to be untenable. The author of the Tamil Periya puranam, who was a protege of the Chola king Anapkya, must have lived s pretty long time after Nambi-Åndár Nambi, who arranged the Saiva Tamil scriptures (Tirumurai). The Tiruvitaippa, which forms a part of theue scriptures, has a hymn on the Gangaikopdachôļefvara templo, built ovidently by the Chola king GangaikondaChola or Rajendra-Chola I., the wonternal grandfather of Kalóttunga I. It is thus apparent that Nambi-And Ar Nambi must have lived some time after Kájéndra-Chola I. If Anapaya had been the grandson of Rajendra-Chőļa I., it is not easy to believe that the work accomplished by Nambi could have been forgotten so soon, especially as the circumstances under which he discovered the shored scriptures were almost miraculous. King Anspêya was altogether ignorant of Nambi and his work, and had practically lapsed into the Jains creed. The interval between RAjndra-Chola I. and Kulottunga I. is hardly 50 years, and the meritorious work of Nambi, accomplished during the earlier portion of this interval under such exceptional conditions, could not have been completely forgotten towards the close of the interval. It seems to me therefore that the identification of Anapaya with Kulôttunga I, is untepable on epigraphical as well as literary grounds.-Y. .

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OCTOBER, 1907.)
A REPORT ON THE PANJAB HILL TRIBES.
289
A REPORT ON THE PANJAB HILL TRIBES.
From the Native point of view.
BY MIAN DURGA SINGH. (Communicated by H. A. Rose.)
( Continued from p. 284.)
XXXI. - Puriflostion Coromontes,
The Brahmans are purified in ten days, the Kshatriyas in twelve days, the Vaisyas, i. e., Banias, Suds and Bôhras, in fifteen days, and all other tribes in one month. People neither eat nor drink in the house in which some one has died, during the period of impurity. Bat when the heirs of the deceased eat either meat or asafoetida, they are considered purified, even if it be done within the period of impurity and then people do not object to eating food prepared by them.
The Kshatriyas and Banias, etc., get their heads shaved at the death of a relation. But this is not a general custom: for to share the head it is necessary that the written permission of the Raja or the Râpå be obtained beforeband.
116. The shradhs are of two kinds :
(a) Thoso performed in the name of the deceased. A detailed account of such shradhe has been already given.
(6) Those which are performed in the pitri paksh (the dark half of the lanar month) in the month of Bhddon (about September). In this month all tribes, except the menials, perform shrúdhe. Some persons perform shradhs during the whole of the fortnight. Others perform only one shradh, in the name of all their dead, on the amdvas day (the last day of the lunar month). Every kind of food is cooked for the shradhs; fruits are put upon the table. The Brahmans are called on the eve of the shradh to feast at a certain person's house, all arriving in the morning. The owner of the house calls the family priest and offers funeral cakes. Sacrifice is also performed. After this he washes the feet of all the Brahmans, offers them sandal and flowers, and feeds them. In the end, money is given to the Brâhmang and they are dismissed. The family priest gets more than all the others.
17. The Brahman works as the priest in funeral ceremonies and also chants the hymns.
118. All the tribes in the hills have Brahmans to officiate in their faneral ceremonies. The nephew also receives some gifts.
119. The method of parification has been stated above. It is done by killing a goat and eating asafoetida.
120-121. Either in the case of death or birth, it is after the prescribed periods that purification is regained. During that period, provided the heirs of the deceased do not us meat or asafoetida, the impurity continues.
123. On the day appointed for eating asafoetida or killing the goat, all the relations and the Brahmans are called together, and all of them are required to eat asafoetida, while Brahmans are also led, The Brahman chants some hymns over a mixture of milk, Ganges water, and cow's urine (called the panoh gdoyd) and makes the heirs of the deceasod take some of this mixture, and thus parification is effected.

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XXXII. - Religion.
Sects. 123. The Hindus are divided into three sects, Saivas, Vaishṇavas, and Saktaks, worshippers of Sakti, the Female Principle.
The Saiva worship Siva. They are the disciples of the Sanyasi or Udasi mendicants. Some of them use meat and wine, while others do not.
The Vaisbiņavas are the followers of the Bairagis. Gencrally they do not use neat and winc. The majority of the Brahmans belong to this sect.
The Säktaks have ns their teachers the Jõgis, tbe Sanyasis, and the Udasis. They worship all sorts of deities. The use of ineat and wine at the time of worship is considered good. They saer.fice goats to the goddess Kall. There is a separate god to every village or every four or five villages Some of this sect go to Jawåla Mukbi to worship in the temple there.
Only Shekhs are found among the Muhammadan sucts. They believe in the Lakh Data Saint (the giver of millions). They do not follow any of the rules of the Hindu religion, but act according to their own laws.
124. The existing religion has been the religion of the pvople of this country from ancient times, and the three sects have always observed the rules of their own order.
125. It has been already stated that in ancient times the people followed the Vedic religion, until it was supplanted by Buddhism. After the decline of Buddhism the former roligion revived and is still flourishing.
126. Ordinarily, Hindus follow one of the three forms of belief above mentioned. Some people here and there follow the dictates of their conscience and believe in other gods and teachers. But these are very few.
. 127. Some persons worship toiles and pirs (saints) also.
The Gods of the Hill Tracts..
The Name of the No. The Name of God. village or seat of
God.
Territory.
Norts.
Do.
Devi or Durga.. Kiyâri....... Kột Khai and Lêrî is worshippol throughout the hills.
Kôtguru. 2 Chatur Mukh... Mailôn .. Kôtgurâ
All the people believe in the god of Kötgurů.
He is also worshipped in Kanehti and
Rêk and in all the small villages. 3 | Dum ... ... Danthlà .. Do. ... Worshipped only by the natives of Dantbla.
Dun.... .... Pumlâhi Do. ... The god of this one village only. Dum ... ... Shamåtblå
Do.
do. 6 Dam ....... Dalân ... ... Do.
do. Marichh ... Kepu ... ...
.. Worshipped in Kepu, Gharal, and Nanja. 8 Deva Kirti ... Kirti ... ..
... Worshipped in Kirti, BhanAnil, and Shawat. 9 Bhôtésher ... Bhộthí
.. Worshipped in Bhótbi, Baghhar, and by
the agriculturists of Mahori. Baindra ... Dèvri ...... Kot Kbåt • ... The god of the Majhghor and Thakarikghor
1 territories.
.
Do.

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A REPORT ON THE PANJAB HILL TRIBES.
291
The Name of the No. The Name of God. Villago or Seat of
God.
Territory.
Noras.
.
.
..
Chambf Brêôi .... ... Đột Khải Dam .. .. Nehra.... ... Do. Mah Dêva ... Půrag... .. Do. Någ ... ... Chathlâ ... Kali Tûnê ...) Rakh Chambi ...
Kuper. Sharavan Nag. Shoshan ... Kôt Kbdi
The god of the agriculturists of Byêôi and
Auri. The god of this one village only. The god of half Chhê Bist. The god of Chathlâ and Pungrish. Worshipped throughout Kot Khái.
... Worshipped in Gajdhar in the Kôt Khải
Tahsil and in Shelâ in Darkoti.
17 | Baindra Tân ...| Khân. And Pe| Do. Worshipped only in these two villages.
dara. Nandharâri ... Pujárli
The patron of Chêwar, Gajdhar, Chehr, Shalêwar, Darkoti State and half Ohhê
Bisi. Maha Deva ...
Do. ... The god of Dalsár only. Nandan ... Devri... ... Kanehti State.. God of all Kanchti, except Sadoch. 21 Devi Ad Shakti Kachêr Kumhârsên The goddess of the whole territory, but
State.
there are other minor village gods. Maha Deva ... Koti Madhâti... Do. ... Worshipped in all Kumhârsên, but there
are other minor gods of villages. Magneshar ... Kot ... :
The god of the del territory. Dum ... ... Sarmalê ...
The god of the Obûdêsh territory. . Nag ... .. Ghunda
The god of Ghündâ and Chadyânâ in the
Đột Khải Tshsil. Baindra ... Dim ... ...
Do. ... The god of one village only. Dam ... ... Himri
Do. ... The god of the Chagaon territory. . Någ ... ... Bagi ... ...
The god of the Chajôli territory. Bhima Kali ... Sarahan ... Basabir State... The goddess of the territory of Busâbir.
There are other minor gods under her. Mahasů Shekal
... The god of agriculturists of Shikal only. Pabasi ... Chapâri . .. Do. ... The god of the agriculturists of Balår in the
Râwin State, Chapâri and Lohárkoti. 82 Pabast ... Gavis ... ...
The god of the rest of the State. 33 Panch Nag ... Jangléka, Derdt, Do. ...Has a temple in each of these five villages.
Tangnů, Pekhí, and G6-| sakvari
.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1907.
The Name of the No. The Name of God. Village or sent of
God.
Territory.
Notas.
84 Obasrald ..Gosakvári ... Baskbir State ... The god of two or three villages only. 35 Godard or Daswani ...! Do. ... The god of the Daswani territory.
Pabâsi. 36 Godêra or Khaniára ...
... The god of Khaniûrû territory. Púbäsi. 37 Deva Sheldésh. Sheldêsh
The god of the Larðt and Shêladesh. Nag ... ... Khábal
... The god of the Khâbal territory. Pabasi ....Rohal...
The god of Rôbal. Narain ... Jabal ...
The god of the Jógahî territory. Maha Dêva ... Pojali
The rural god of Pôjálf and Betiâni. Déva ... ... Jakhrôti ...
The god of Jakhnoti. Khanta Devi Dhar and
.... The god of the Sâri of Rajgașh territory. | Rapôl. Bakrala Dalgaon and
... The god of the Spel territory. - Rô hô. 45 Baindra Bachhốneht ..
The god of half the Mandalgash territory. M&shar Pôjâril
.... The god of the other half of Mandalgash. Någ ... Pôjarki...
Do.. Lodar Pôjârli...
.. I The gods of the Návar territory. Náraina Narsin
Do.
Do.
Dhôla Karasa Shala
Yalthi Nâgêshar ... harag 58 Devi Durga ... Shil... 54 Mahke ... Mandhol 85 Devi Durga Hat Hât Kotf
Do.
The god of Ghôri Karâsh in the Navar
territory. Do. The god of the Navar territory. Do. The god of the Pandra Sau territory.
... Worshipped by the agriculturists of Shil. Do. Worshipped by the natives of Mandol. ... Busâhir, Júbal Worshipped in the Pandra Sau, Navar
and Rawin Júbal and Rawin territories.
States. ... Buskhir State... The god of the Rék and Samat territories. Do. ... The god of the Mastgarh and Alat terri
tories. Do. ... The rural god of the Barkal territories.
... The god of the Sed territory.
36 Khasana 67 | Palthân
Khanini
... Khasahan
Sholi...
Barkal ... Mahbali
Khandel
.. Barkal
59 Khanist

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OCTOBER, 1907.)
A REPORT ON THE PANJAB HILL TRIBES.
295
The Name of the No. The Name of God. Village or Seat of
God.
Territory.
NOTES.
Buskhir State... The god of the villages of Kaleda and
Phõla.
The gods of the Kanchhîn territory.
Do.
...
... The gods of the Shalâtë territory.
The gods of the Barsból territory.
The gods of Bart Ghoriwâlâ and Kasha.
Ralada .. Kaleda 61 Chatar Khand. Brändli 62 Manglêshar ... Dwârâ... 63 Lachhmi Narain Kumsû 64 Khantů ... Majhali
Dêva Kôkhi ... Darkäli Lachhmi Narain Pât ... Devijiji .. Munush
Kanglêshar ... Déôtht 69 Nag ... ... Kim ...
Chhari Gudri... Karêrî 71 Jakh ... .. Racholt
GABỔ Dây ...| Gabố... 78 Bashôrů Bashera
Nåráin Kînû ... 75 Lachmi Narain Manjhæðli 76 Jhangrů ... Manjgaon
Nag ... ... Navira Någ ... Bari...
Dêvi ... ... Taranda 80 Maheshwar ... Sôngra 81 | okhả ... ... Nachâr Durga
Kamba 88 Maha Rudr ... Nag
Baranda .. .. Sarpara Nâg... ... Barua ...
Maheshwar ... Bhabba 88 Maheshwar ... Chagaon
.. .. ...
The god of the Hôchhi territory, and
Majhall and Chaksa villages.
The god of Kim village. ... The god of one village only.
The god of four or five villages.
The god of one village only. ...The god of Tin Köthi, but aniversally
worshipped. The god of the Chhê Bîsi territory. The god of the Nau Bisi territory. The god of the Panjgion territory. The god of the Pat Sô territory. The god of the Dari territory. The god of the farmers of the Taranda
territory. The gods of the farmers of the Sôngrå
territory.
The goddess of the Nachár territory. ...The goddess of the Rôpi Kamba territory.
The god of the Khidniteha territory. The god of the Jagðri territory. The god of the Kảo Bil territory. The god of the Kilbi territory.
The god of the Bhabbâ territory. ... The god of the Chagion territory.
Kião ...
Jal
... ...

Page #310

294
The Name of the
No. The Name of God. Village or Seat of God.
89 Badri Nath
Kâmrû
90 Chandika
Kôthi...
91 Thakur Dwara.. Naising
Sarahan
Rampur
Larsa, Dansa, Shingla, Sha
92 Raghu Nathji
93 Narsinghji
94 Balramji
95 Balramji
96 Bâlrâmji
Nandla Torsa.
97 The tombs of Ghôrnâ
Mansågir and Dhânîgir.
98 Devi Mansa
Ghôrni
99 Kadhasan
Deôthi
100 Rai Re Mole... Kadharan
101 Chêôlt
102 Chitra
108 Nâg
104
105 Kadasan
106 Bagêshar
Maheshwar
neri. Nirat
107 Någ
108 | Gôn
109 | Nainon
110 Banâr
111 Mahasû
112 Nigahú
118 Banêshar
114 Paddoi
115 Nag
"
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Shela
Chandni
Pal
Mahasû
Tali
Bagtshar
Kathori
Bakrâri
Dêrti
Sharâchli
Handl
Jaili
Chôhông
Parol
Shêdri
and
...
Territory.
Busâhir State... The god of the Tukpâ terrritory.
Do. The god of the farmers of Shôs.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Balsan State..
Do.
Do. Do.
...
Do. Do.
...
Do.
...
[OCTOBER, 1907.
NOTES.
...
The god of the farmers of Naising village only.
Worshipped throughout the country.
Worshipped in four villages only.
Worshipped in Niratnagar only.
Worshipped in Nandlâ, Tôrsâ, Cheôni, Gömân, Dagoli.
Worshipped in Shakh, Katar, and Bagêshar of Balsan, and in the adjacent Nâhan villages.
The god of Kathôri village only.
The god of the Kalâsî territory.
The god of the Parali territory. Kêônthal State.. The god of all Râwin territory. Do. do. The rural god of Agla Pônár.
Ponar, Kêônthal The rural god of Pichhlâ Pônâr. State.
Sangiri State... The god of the Sângri, Kumhârsen and Bhajji States.
The god of the Bhajjt, Sangri, Busahir, and Kula.
Worshipped by the people of all the territory; there are separate rural gods. in every village also.
The god of the farmers of the Dharti, Duel and Nôti pargand.
The god of the Kadharan, Shilgri and Dhar territories.
The gods of the Shêltâ territory.
The gods of the Shalgaon territory.
Worshipped in Majhêti and Draunk pargands. The god of the Parli Phâti territory.

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A REPORT ON THE PANJAB HILL TRIBES.
295
Tho Name of the No. The Name of God. Village or seat of
God.
Territory.
Νοτκε.
Do.
121
Do.
124
12R
...
116 | Bánh
Banar 117 Marichh ... Sawan
Gréhan Déôti 119 Shilgur ... Ghund 120 Thakur Dwara.. Ghund
Bînthia Chikhur 122 Banthia Janôg
Jîmprú Padróg Mahasů .. Gajyâri Banår ... Sharâchli Mahású ... Hanol Shrigal or Bijat Sarkban Rathi ka Banar. Başhal Santopia ... Dhậr Shâți Sbâri Devi
Jabal Devi
Hatkoti Ribatua Thalóg 184 Göna
Bodbna 185 Dévi Jogrâsan.. Pôjarli
Kanera Pôjarli Devi Danadi ... Dhabâs Dum
Bhôt 139 Mahasa Popiya 140 Maheshwar... Mashran 141 Mahasů ..Hanol 142 |Thạn ... Sawan 148 Tawânst ... Bapligkon
Worshipped in the Banar territory only.
Worshipped in the Sawan territory only. Ghônd State ... The god of the Shila territory. Do. ... The god of the Prala territory.
The god of farmers. Thếông ...
Do. do. Do. ... Do.
do. Do....
do. Do. ... .. Do. do. Jūbal State ... The god of the Barir territory in the
Jubal State, and of the Rând of Jaba). The god of all the Júbal State. The god of the Bis S8 territory.
The god of the Baphal viilage only.
... The god of Dhár village only. Do. ... The god of four villages. Do.
The goddess of the Barar territory, and of
the Rana. ... Rawin, Jábal, and The guddess of the territories round Jûbal.
Busâbir States. ... Jabal State ... The god of the Jak holi territory. Do. ... Do.
do. ...The rural god of the Penthrâ territory.
The rural god of the Shak territory.
The rural god of the Hamal territory. Do. ... The rural god of the Jakhóli territory. Tharôch State... The gods of all the territories of Tarôch
and Sangiri, Do. .. Do.
Do.
137
188
Do.
Do.
Do.
do.
.. Sangiri State... ..
Worshipped in Maghidhậr territory.

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XXXIII. - Origins of the Gods. 128. (1) A Sanyâsî mendicant, named Il&chigir, came to Balsan and Theog States. The Chiefs of both the States became his disciples, for he knew jog (spiritual science) very well. After his death, a tomb was raised over his ashes, and this tomb is now worshipped. The real seat of the saint is Thộr in Sirmûr State, and the Chiefs and subjects of both the States pay visits to this place also.
(2) The gods of the hills are of two kinds : - Female, i. e., Devis (goddessus); male, i. e., Devatas (gods). The image of a goddess is always complete. In the case of a god, his head or bust only is represented.
(8) The accounts of their origin and attributes vary. The gods are generally of one type, though they bear different names. The modes of worship are the same, and their images alike. Some goddesses are represented with four arms, some with two, some with eight, twelve, or even sixteen. Some are made to sit upon a dead body; some are shown as riding a lion. There are many other images in a temple, besides those of the god and the goddess, bearing different names, such as Shibji, Shambhújt, Gan'sh, Indar, Rajan, etc.
XXXIV. - Forms of Worship. (4) The priests worship the gods twice a day. In the morning the priest provides some sandal, rice, purified butter for the lamp, flowers, dhüp (scent), and some sweets or fruits for the god. First of all, the god is wasbed with fresh water, and then bis image is wiped with a clean cloth ; sandal is pasted upon the forehead and some rice albo. A garland of flowers is thrown round his neck. A lamp is lighted, drums are beaten, and bells are rung. The priest offers incense and chants hymns. Then sweets or fruits are placed before the image. After this all the worshippers offer their presents. The priest paints their foreheade with sandal, and prays to the god to fulfil their desires. Then the chels (disciple) of the god goes into a trance and foretells success or failure to the pilgrim, offers him rice, and gives him directions in answer to his questions. In the evening only the lamp is lighted, incense and food being offered ; after which the god or goddess retires. This is called arti.
(5) All kinds of presents are offered. Some men present gold and silver ornaments, clothes, money, grain, fruits, and purified butter, eto. A goat is killed. One loin of the goat is given to the person offering it; the remainder is distributed among the priests. Two or four annas in cash are given to the priest for each goat. In the temple of the goddess, presents are offered in the months of Chet and Asbj. In addition to this, one can offer presents, if one likes, on a Tuesday, the day of the full moon, and the fourteenth, eighth or ninth day of the moon. Presents can be offered to a god at any time; but to do so on the first day of the month, or in Baisakh, Bhadon or Magh, is considered best.
(6) The presents uffered to a god or goddess are collected in the treasury and are spent in charity. The men in charge of the temple, such as the priest, the monk and the musician, are paid small sums by the pilgrims, the least sum being six pies. The pilgrims can pay them as much as they like.
Xxxy. - Ghosts and Spirits. 129. Bhats (ghosts), paris (fairies), chadrds and manhrds are believed in by children and women,
130. Stonos are not worshipped in any way, except that people make images of stone and bang them round their necks.
131-132. No. 188. Nil. 194. The Vam Margis, who worship the genital organs, are not to be found in this territory.
. [Obviously answer to questions - Ep.)

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XXXVI. - Initiation Coremonies. 135. (a) To admit a person to any religious order, the brotherhood of the village assembles in the temple of its god. After discussing the question, they send for the man who is to be admitted. A Brâhman is called to that place by permission of the Chief. He chants some hymns on the panch gápyd (a mixiure of milk, honey, cow's urine, water of the Ganges, and clarified butter ) and makes the candidate for admission drink it. A feast is given to all the brotherhood, and the excommunicated can join in the feast. Then he goes to the god and presents offerings. This is allowed to reclaim those who have been excommunicated by the brotherhood owing to some mistake. Apostates who voluntarily give up the Hindu religion and become converts to any other religion cannot be reclaimed.
(6) Generally it is necessary to wear the sacred thread in order to join the Hindu religion. But the Sudras, as already mentioned, do not wear it. They are considered members of the religion if they obey the ordinary rules, even if they do not wear the sacred thread.
XXXVII. - High Class Hindu Seots. 138. High class Hindas are divided into two sections -(1) Saivas, who worship the god Siva; (2) Saktaks, who worship Siva, the goddess, and other gods. Those belonging to the first sect regard the sacrifice of goats and drinking of wine as sins. Those belonging to the second consider both to be virtuous. Enquiry shows that the latter abound in the hills, while the former are very few, not more than two per thousand.
XXXVIII. - Brahman Seots. 1887. Brâhmans are divided into two kinds :-(a) Pandits or Pådbas, s. e., Shukal; and (6) Achâraj, Bhâț or Dakaut, i.e., Kishan.
The Shukal Brahmans accept the alms offered on happy occasions - such as the birth of a child, a marriage, or some other festival. They also chant hymns, or officiate in the worship of gods at such times. Every tribe has a separate Brahman of this kind.
The Achâraj receives alms offered at funeral ceremonies. On these occasions the reading of the kathd and the chanting of hymns is done by the Shukal Brahmaq, i, e., the priest. The alms are given to the Achåraj.
The Bhâts are given alms only at marriages. They are inferior to the Brahmans, but superior to the Achâraj.
Alms offered to propitiate evil stars, such as Rahu, Kêtu, Sani, are given to the Pandas or Dakaats. They also receive tuld dán (alms in the form of grain, metals, etc., equal in weight to the weight of the man offering them). The hymns are recited by the Shukal Brahman. Only the alms are given to the Dakauts.
The Brahmans of all the tribes, except those of the Cobblers, Költs, Shepherds, Musicians and Sweepers, do all the work mentioned above and take alms. The Shukal Bråhmans do not eat food prepared by the Kishan Brabmang.
XXXIX. - Prieste, 199. Only Brahmans act as priests. 140. No priest is to be found who performs ceremonies not pertaining to any particular god. 141. Every tribe has its own priests. None bat Brahmans can serve as priests.. 142. Each family has a priest.
148. The priest knows all the business that he has to perform in the house of his disciple. He is not bound to keep brahmoharj (celibacy) to the prescribed age, nor is he under any restrictions 24 regards profession. It is necessary for him to know the rules for giving or receiving alms at the times of death, marriage, birth, or any other festival.
[No answer was apparently given to Question 187. - ED.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(OCTOBER, 1907,
XL - Places of Worship. 144. In some places there are separate buildings set apart for worship, while in others there are not.
145. The temples have their doors either to the north or east or on all sides. 146. A temple is either a shiváld or a thakur-dward or a dévi-dwdia.
147. A shivala contains the images of Shibji, Rama, Ganesh, Hanuman and Bhairon. A thakur-dward those of Shivaji, Rama, Lakshman, Krishna, Balram, Gopalji, and Hanuman. A dévi-dwald the images of Devi, Kali, Lônkra, and a lion.
148. The god of the temple is worshipped thrice every day, in the morning, noon and evening, but in some places this worsbip is performed only twice. Offerings are made. The Brabman is fed at particular festivals and hawan (sacrifice) is performed.
149. Some ceremonies are performed openly, and some secretly. The latter are called narol paja, and are performed on the occasion of particular festivals only and not every day.
XLI. - Sacrifices. 150. (1) Goats and sheep are sacrificed to all the gods.
(2) Goats are sacrificed in the name of the Devi or Kalt. (3) Sheep are sacrificed in the name of Bhairôn, Lônkså, and Narsingh. (4) Buffaloes are sacrificed to the younger Lônkså.
(5) Fowls, pigs, fish, and lizards are offered to the lesser Kali. 151. Generally the family priest officiates at the time of the sacrifice, but one can sacrifice without the aid of the priest as well. The sacrifice is offered to the god who is the patron of the offerer.
152. The sacrifice is performed at the temple.
163. If the sacrifice be of a goat or sheep, one loin is given to the person who offered it, and the remainder is distributed among the monks, gods, and the priests. Sometimes the sacrificial animal is buried. In some places the head and liver of the sacrificed goat are kept by the priests and monks, and the remainder is given back to the offerer.
The sacrifice of the other animals are offered by the Kolis, Cobblers or Shepherds.
164. Sometimes, instead of a living creature, an imitation of it in flour or silver are offered, or the living beast, without being sacrificed, is let loose in the temple of the god. The animal remains in the forest, and the custodians of the temple look after it. When fat it is sold, and the money thus realised is added to the god's treasure. If the image offered be of silver, it is stored in the treasury. If of flour, it is cooked in oil or clarified butter, and is eaten by the priests.
155. The worshippers do not offer any part of their body as sacrifice.
XLII. - Human Sacrifice. 156. It is said that in ancient times men, women, and children were offered as sacrifice to the Dôvi or Kall. Men were sacrificed to Lonks also.
157. It is said that men bad their heads cut off as offerings to Jawala Mukhf, KA11, Bhima Káli and Bhairon Bir, etc., and put into the sacrificial fire. Many men cut out their tongues and offered them to the goddess.
A sacrifice of the nature of human sa orifloe is, however, still performed in the hills every forty or fifty years, and is called Bhanda. A man of the BedA Tribe of Kolů and Garhwal is sent for. From ancient times such men have been kept as priests in the places where this sacrifice is performed. They are treated like the ordinary priests, and are given an

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299
annual pension out of the temple fund. When the time of the sacrifice has been fixed, the Bedå is sent for three months before the date. He comes with his family and gathers hemp, with which a big rope, four or five hundred yards long, is prepared. All the men accompanying the Bedå are sumptuously fed, and one of them who willingly offers himself is chosen for the sacrifice. He is given plenty of wine, meat, milk, etc. The sacrificial fire is kept burning for three months in the temple of the god. On the appointed day, saints, Brâhmans, and gods of the neighbourhood are sent for, and all are provided with food.
The Beda is brought to the temple in the morning and placed near the sacrificial fire. He is then worshipped and sacrificed, like a goat, in the name of the god. A rope that is prepared by tbe man himself is tied to two poles, and then the man is thrown over this rope. Some die, while others escape alive. In the latter case he is given eighty-four rupees in cash, garments and ornaments from the god's treasury. He has authority to ask for anything he likes from the pilgrims, who are bound to give it to him. This is a very critical time, and much care is taken in British territories. It is however held that the man's death or otherwise is under divine control. Some places where the rope is bound to poles are flat, while others are valleys between two rocks.
158. The men to be sacrificed, like the priests, are certain men fixed upon and are sacrificed in turn. A quarrel, as among the priests, arises if one offers himself in the place of another. '150. Open hunian sacrifice is now quite obsolete.
List of Bhunda Sacrificial Spots.
No.
Name of God.
The Place of Sacrifice.
Territory.
NOTES.
... Busâhir State. A good place, but very distant.
An ordinary place.
Do.
Do.
...
Bashera ... Bashêrâ 2 Kanglêshwar. Dêvthi 8 Lachmi Narain. Manjhêôlt 4 Dévfand Balram Shingla Do. ... Shandri
Larsâ... Do. ... Danså... Datâtra a na Nagar
Balram. Sûraj and Nirat...
Balram. Kharánů ... Khaså han Palthân ... Sholt ...
Bakrála ... Dalgåôn 18 Bhima Kali ... Sarahan
Thårt... ...Brahl... 15 Devi ........ Nirmand
.. ...
... A difficult place, steep on both sides. .
Do. do.
Do. do. do. ...
Do do do. ... Jabal State ... Do. do. do. ... Kald ... . Do do do.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1907.
XLIII. - Table of Festivals.
N
Month (English).
Month (Indian).
NOTES.
Lohri
Middle of Jan-Pôh and the 1st Food prepared and alms given to the uary
day of Magh. Brahmans. 2 KhattalA Ek-End of January Magh ... ... Fasts are observed and sesame is offered dashi.
as alma. 8 Basant Panch-Early in Feb- Phaguu .. Dances are performed. The New-year ami. ruary
is celebrated. 4 Shiv Râtri ... February or Phagan A fast is observed in the name of Siva : March.
food is prepared, and a goat sacrificed. 5 New-year's Day March ... 1st of Ob&t ... The Brâhmang foretell the events of
the year to the Kshatriyas, and receive
some money as a gift. 6 H811 ... ... March... ...
People throw coloured water on one another. Dances are performed, shows
are held, and feasts given. 7 Chêtar Chan-' April ... ... Chêt .. ... A proper day for making offerings to
gods. The thakur dødrds are the
scenes of great festivities. 8 Nôrâtre ..March or April Chêt ... .. Fasts are observed in honour of the
Devi (goddess ), and goats and wine
are offered to her. 9 Baiskkht ... April ... ... 1st of Baisakh. Gift are given to Brahmans. Fairs are
held for a fortnight.
das.
10 Nirjala Eka- May ... ... Jêt ....... People observe a fast. Sherbet is given dashi.
gratis to the people to drink. 11 Déb Sani Eka Jane or July ... Hår
Alms are given and fasts observed. dashi. Biâs Paja ... Jone or Jaly... Har ....
Do. do.ado. 18 Narsingh Chau- March Chet ... Presents are offered in the thakur dwards. das.
Image of Narsing is displayed. Râm Nam ...| Mooh ..| Chết ... ... Do. and the Râm LAIA is performed. 15 Siont ... ... 15th July ... 1st Sêwan ... People eat food. Garlands of flowers
are pat round the necks of the cattle. 16 Rakhri ... August .. Sawan or Bha- The Brahmans make arm-rings of
don.
thread and tie them to peoples' wrists,
and get money as a reward.. 17 Janam Ashtamil August ..End of Siwan People faat, and feed the Brahman
or beginning next day. of Bhidon.

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301
Nisme.
Month (English).
Month (Indian).
Хотев.
Kishun Ghari August .. End of Sawan Farmers worship their land on the Mûvas.
or beginning second day after amáras (last day of
of Bhadôn. the lunar month) and sacrifice a gout. 19 Nag Panchami. August or Sep- Do. ... People worship their gods and offer tember.
sacrifices to them. 20 Anant Chaudas September ... Beginning of Anant is worshipped, and gifts are given
Asôj.
to the Brábnting. 21 Pitra Pak h September ... Asôj ... ... Brâhmans are given gifts in the name Amavas.
of the dead forefathers. 22 Norâtre ... October ... Asôj ... The goddess is worshipped, sacrifices
are offered, and masquerade show's are
held. 23 Das hrá ... October ...Asôj ... ... The end of the Norátás. At the
Dasehri festival gifts are awarded to
the poor. 24 Chrêwal ... August ... 1st of Bhâdi... God- of clay are made and worshipped.
Lights are shown to the gods every
evening Skêr ... ... September ... 1st of Asôj ... The barbers show mirrors to rich men,
who give them rewards. Diwall... ... October ... Katik... ..Every village and every house is
illuminated. Rich food is cooked and
distributed alongst relatives. 27 Karnvali ... October Katik...
Celebrated in thakur dwárás only. 28 Gôpå Ashtami. Octobre Katik...
Panch Bhishmi November ... Maghar | Ekadashi.
Fasts are observed, and gifts are given
to the Brâhmans. 30 Panch Bhishmi November ... Maghar
Puranmashi. 31 Sankrant ... December ... 1st Poh Goats are sacrificed throughout the
country. Goats reared during the summer are sacrificed at this time.
32
Sataya Nârâin. December
... Poh
...
38 Somâvati Ama December
.. Poh ...
..... The people fast on every puranmashi (full
moon) and give alms to the Brahmans. ... This festival returns after long in
tervals. Fasts are observed, and cbarity bestowed on the Brahmans.
VAS.
84 Pandrů
... December
... Poh
...
Fasts are observed in the name of
Siva, and there is also feasting.
85 Kharãin
... January
... Mâgh ...

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XLIV. - Some Details of the Festivals. 101. A brief account of every festival has been given in the table above. Some details are now given.
(1) Lohff khicht (a kind of food) is prepared and is distributed among relatives. The people play with balls in every village or in the temple of the god. The saints and Brahmans are given rice, pulse, and money. Some people perform oblations in their homes. The priests worship the doors of their customers.
(2) Basant Panchami. This festival is celebrated in the court of the Chief only. The túris (musicians) sing and play apon instruments and get rewards. The people sprinkle coloured water over one another. Some men and women wear yellow scarves, but it is not & general custom.
(3) Shiv Betri. - Fasting is observed during the day. In the night an image of Siva is made of clay. A coloured square is prepared, and the god is placed in the middle of it. Cakes are placed on all sides round the square. The god is worshipped throughout the night. Songs are sung, and masic played. A goat is sacrificed. In the morning the god is thrown into water. The cakes are given to a Brihman, and distributed amongst the brotherhood.
(4) New-year's Day. - On the first of Chết, túris (musicians) sing songs and play on instruments, and receive gifts. The Brahmans foretell the events of the year and get rewards. The túris go from village to village and entertain people throughout the month of Chet.
(5) Holt is celebrated in the Chief's court only. Coloured water is sprinkled and songs are sung. All the men taking part in the Holi are entertained with a feast.
(6) Nor&tre. --The goddess is worshipped and sacrifices are offered to her.
(7) Baisakhi. On the 1st day of the month the priest worships the gates of his customers, who give him, according to their capacity, grain and money. During the whole of the month sacrifices are offered to the god on different dates. The people practise archery at a fair.
(8) Sankrant Bawani (first day of the month SÅwan). - Wreaths of flowers are thrown round the necks of quadrapeds. Rich foods are prepared and distributed among the family and relations and guests. Fairs are held throughout the month in the temples of gods. All the people of the neighbourhood gather at the fairs, and dance and sing during the day. In the evening they go to feast at home or at their relatives' houses.
(9) Nag Panchami. In some places fairs are held at the temples of gods. The people keep awake the whole night, and hill songs are sung and instruments are played upon. In the morning all the people present are fed. The fair at this time is called Jágra or Bhadronjú.
(10) Nor&tr 8. -The goddess is worshipped. Masquerades are held in the night. Music is played, and in some places is called batri or karill. The next day is the Das@hra. A man impersonating Ramchandar drives in a chariot and conquers Lanka.
(11) Short or sadr. - Each man makes an image of clay, puts flowers on it, and places it before his honse. Rich food is prepared on the first day of the month. In the evening illuminations are made all around the image, and it is worshipped.
(12) Diwali.-Every person illominates his house. Food is prepared and distributed among relatives. The people amuse themselves with gambling. A heap of wood is kept burning all night, and all the villagers gather round it and abuse the natives of adjoining villages, who in return abuse them. I he people remain awake during the night and sing the songs of Diwala, like the katha (recitation). A song is fixed for this festival
(No answer was apparently given to Question 160

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Men and women of every tribe attend the fairs at this time, except women who observe the pard& system. Persons of all ages are among the spectators.
162. The dates for all the festivals are fixed, except the Somâvati Amavas and Satya Nêrôin.
163. No festival is celebrated to commemorate any season.
184. Food is given to the Brahmans in the name of the dead on the date corresponding to the death of the deceased, and this is termed tithi shrddh. This is done by a few persons and is not a general custom.
186 All the Hindu festivals are celebrated by the people generally. However, some of the festivals pertaining to thakur dwdrds, as mentioned in the above table, are celebrated by some persons, while others do not observe them.
188. The Hindus do not observe the festivals of the Saraogis.
187. There is no festival where boys and girls desirous of marriage meet and select their consorts.
188. Among certain classes the festival of Karva Chauth is considered to be for the wife and husband only. 189, Wine is used in the fairs held on Baisakhi, Skönt, and Holi festivals.
XLV.- Objects of Worship. 170. There are no ghosts or spirits who are considered to have any connection with sticks. However, the sticks, lances, and bagles of a god are honoured like the god himself.
171. The silver sticks, lances, bagles, and bells of a god are thought sacred. It is also believed that these things possess supernatural powers.
172. Wood and stone are worshipped, for they are considered to be the abodes of gyde.
XLVI. - Animism, Spirit Worship. 178. The people believe in spirits living in rivers, hills, trees, ruins, and in clean and unclean places.
(a) Yama (god of death ) is supposed to live in rivers.
(6). Bdolis, brooks and springs are supposed to be the abodes of jal paris (water nymphs ) and matris.
(6) Kali is supposed to live in hills. (d) Spirits of all kinds are supposed to live on trees. (.) Banshir spirits live in ruins of old buildings, or valleys or mountains,
V) Vicious spirits live in dirty places, and virtuous spirits or gods in clean and pure localities.
174. A detailed account of the worship of ghosts is given below. If a person is laid up with some disease and does not improve with medicine, a Brâhman is called and is asked to exorcise the disease. He indicates the kind of ghost, if any, with which the man is possessed. The following are the signs of possession by ghosts :
(1) The patient seems comparatively comfortable during the day, but as the night advancos, his restlessness increases. He gains composure with the passing of night and coming
of day.

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(2) The pulse of the patient beats like that of a healthy person. Now he becomes faint and again comes to his senses. Sometimes he speaks, while at others weeps and cries.
(3) The more medicine is administered, the more the disease increnses. Sometimes he is cured without the use of medicine. The patient feels nausea, depression, and palpitation of the heart.
When these signs and the opinion of the Brahman concur, the guardians of the patient make the following arrangements for the propitiation of the ghost:
(a) The water nymphs or Matris are supposed to have female forms. They are of two kinds :- Virtuous or superior, and vicious or inferior. Means for propitiating virtuous nymphs are these : Fruits and flowers are offered to them, A small palanquin is made of bamboo and covered with cloths of five colours, the Brahman makes a cake, recites some hymns, and places the palanquin before the patient, and puts the fruits and flowers in it. The patient is made to worship a lamp and the palanquin, after which it is placed at & crossing. To propitiate an evil or vicions nymph, a goat, or a sheep, or a pig or * ben is offered as sacrifice. The remaining methods of adoration are like those mentioned above.
(6) Propitiation of the god of death is performed thos:- Bome beasts, as hens, pigs, or sheep are brought. A cake of seven kinds of grain is cooked. Five or six lamps are lighted and placed upon this cake, together with some preces of stone. All this is placed before the patient. The Brâhman chants a hymn on every stone and puts it upon the cake. The stones are either 5, or 7 or 11 in number, always representing odd numbers. When this is done all these things, together with the beasts, are taken to the cremation-grounds, where the Brahman sacrifices the animals and takes them away.
(©) Kali is worshipped with the sacrifice of a gost, flowers, fruits, wheaten bread, and lamps, in the same way as a Mátri.
(d) Ghosts and nahshiras are propitiated by sacrifices of goats in some places, and by dast or gravel in others. In the same manner evil ghosts are propitiated by the sacrifice of #boar, or hen, or dust coly.
176. Dags or demons are the ghosts connected with fields. It is a well-known fact that an estimate is made of the produce of the fields. If the crops of a certain season yield produce less than the estimated one, the difference is thought to be appropriated by the ddg.
176. Most men perform the Kunjh&in poja instead of sacrifices.
177. Kunjhdin is ordinarily offered to Kali, a part (fairy), or a matrí. A certain portion of the forest or hill is set aside for this purpose. Even if the forest is cut down, yet the portion consecrated to the god is preserved for his worship. None of the trees in this portion is cut, nor are any leaves or boughs broken.
178. Monkeys, elephants, cows, oxen, and snakes are worshipped as gods.
(1) A monkey or sn ape is considered as a representation of Hanuman. Large cakes, grain, and gram are offered to them.
(2) An elephant is taken as a representation of the god Ganesh, and is worshipped on such festivals as Ganesh Chanth, etc.
(8) Cows are of two kinds, vit., kam dhoni and kapild, and both of them are adored as gods. Cows having a tongue or a hoof on their backs are also worshipped.
(4) An óx or nad is worshipped instead of Siva 6) Snakos are worshipped as the ndg dôvt& (snake-god).

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XLVII.-Ancestor Worship. 179. Prayers and sacrifices are offered to the spirits in the name of the dead. 180. No ceremony deserves mention.
181. No sacred animal, nor any plant, nor any other thing, is worshipped in the name of Any ancestor.
182. The heirs of the deceased offer alms in the name of the dead while performing kirya karm or shradh (funeral ceremonies) under the impression that all this goes to the spirit of the dead.
183. The things placed with a corpse are disposed of in the following manner :(1) All that is put in the mouth of the dead, as panch ratan (five gems), is burnt with it.
(2) The ornaments are, in the case of poor men, taken back, and in the case of rich men, sent to Hardwar, or given to the Achkraj (man officiating at funeral ceremonies).
(8) Clothes of small value are burnt with the corpse or buried with it. Costly clothes are takon back by poor people, but sent to Hardwar or given to the Acharaj by rich men.
(4) Edible things are generally given to the Achâraj. 184. Living persons fear the spirits of the dead.
185. If the soul of a dead person is seen in a dream by any one, and it troubles him, the deceased is considered to be the cause of this. A Brahman is asked to offer prayers for the salvation of the dead. A charm is written and tied to the neck or arm of the person dreaming about the dead.
186. The spirit of the deceased is considered to haunt his house for eleven days after deuth. The following matters are taken into consideration as regards other haunts :
(1) The spirit that has become united to the universal spirit does not return.
(2) The spirit which, on account of his sins, has not obtained salvation, always haunts here and there, finds rest nowhere, and is not pleased with any place. So spirits of the second sort haunt all places, like graveyards and cemeteries. Their forms are very fearful and they have no flesh on their hodies. They are said to be of fabulous sizes.
187. The forms of ghosts lead us to the conclusion that they were great sinners in their lives, or died a sudden death - such as by poison, or by falling down, or by suicide - and have not obtained salvation. There are different interpretations of these facts; but it is of no use to give their details, for it is impoesible to find out the truth in this way.
188. The Brâhmang expel ghosts by charms and magic. The person possessed by a ghost is made to inhale the smoke prodnced by burning wheat, chillies, the flesh of a tiger, and pork. If the ghost is not dispelled by these means, then the method mentioned in para. 174 is applied.
189. The kinds of ghosts have been given in para. 174.
180. Fifteen days are consecrated to the deceased ancestors in Bhadoi or Asoj. This period is called pitri paksh (ancestor's fortnight), and at this time Brahmans are fed and given alms in the name of ancestors. This is called shradh.
191. It is necessary to perform the shradh of man at Gya, and that of a woman at Gôdåvari. For inetance, if the parents of a person die, then he will perform the shradh of his father at Gya and that of his mother at Godavari.
[Or, at some place recognised as a substitute. - ED.)

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XLVIII. Animal Worship.
192. No tribe nor any subdivision of a tribe is named after the name of an animal, a tree, or an arm or instrument.
[OCTOBER, 1907.
193. The Hindus honour sach objects, for they take them to be sacred according to their Scriptures. They abstain from killing, cutting, burning, or cating any male or female cattle, elephant, monkey, snakes, crows, garur (a large heron), peacocks, cat, or dog, or any pipal tree,
or banian tree.
194. Hanuman is represented as a monkey; Ganesh is represented as an elephant. The images of the animals mentioned above are kept by the people for worship. Besides these the people make images of all gods and adore them.
195. Every custom is handed down from ancient times. There is no special tradition about this. Idol worshippers have a strong faith in images.
XLIX. Troe Worship.
196. Women particularly worship the pipal and banian trees. They also worship the tulsi (a shrub); and the sensitive plant.
197. The pipal is worshipped on the occasion of a marriage or any other like happy occasion. Also the tulet plant is worshipped. Girls can be named after the tulat, but there is no such rule for the names of boys.
Superstitions.
Omens from Animals,
L. 198. A detail of ill-omens is given below:
(1) If a cow, buffalo, goat, or sheep give birth to a young one during the period extending from the 26th of Baisakh to 8th Jêth, this young one, with its mother, is given away to the Brahman, or it is sold. To keep it is considered unlucky.
(2) The same rule applies to cattle bringing forth their young in Bhâdôn or Migh.
(8) Cattle producing young in Jêth under the influence of the star Mûl are subject to the same rule.
(4) The animal that howls at night, or seems grumbling like an unhealthy individual, is either given away in charity or is sold.
(5) If small spots appear on the skin of a buffalo, it is sold. (6) Cows or goats yielding blood instead of milk are sold. (7) Cows or goats that drink their own milk are sold.
(8) An animal that kills or devours its own young is sold.
LI. Omens from Domestic Utensils. (1) It is forbibden to eat out of a broken vessel of white brass.
(2) The vessels of clay or white brass are used by the members of one class only. They become polluted if used by members of another caste.
(3) A vessel is considered unclean unless it is cleaned with dust and water.
(4) The cooking vessels are liable to impurity more quickly than the utensils for water.
(5) The people do not allow the members of a caste, different from theirs, to use their copper and white brass metals. Other vessels are free from such restrictions.

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LII. - Omens from Houses.
(1) The pince where a crow caws at night and a jackal howls at day, becomes unfit for habitation. This is considered to be the forecast of somebody dying there.
(2) The sitting of an owl, a pheasant, or a vulture on the roof of a house is considered ominous. If this happens, & goat is sacrificed at once.
(3) The crawling of a snake in the upper floor of the house is considered to portend evil. If one appears, it is expelled by pulling down the roof and not through the door. Something is also given in charity.
(4) Cracking sounds in the roof or furniture of a hone are unlucky.
(5) If in a house the sound of a stranger, or of a member of the family, is heard, and after enquiry it is found that there was no such man there, but the sound was only an unnatural one, the house is thought to be unfortunate:
(6) The appearance of moisture in the walls of a honge without any rain, is thonght ominous.
(7) The following are ill-omens for a house : The subjection of the inmates to constant. whimsical thonghts, excessive sleep, poverty, constant.dreams, expenses greater than income, perpetual illness.
(8) The going out of a fire suddenly at the time of cooking food. (9) Decrease in charity, prayers and worship, and increase in sin, portend misfortune.
LIII. - Omons from the Ronde. To lay a road along one's habitation is prohibited.
LIV. - Omons from Movements of the Body. (1) The trembling of any limb, in a healthy state of the person, is of evil import.
1 Ungenal silence or too much talk, sickly heart and whimsical thoughts, foreshadow ooming evil. Also evil dreams; sneezing of a person in front or on the left; & Buccession of calamities; spitting; a snake, a lizard, a jackal or an Ass touching the body; the perching of crow on the hond or the fall of a crow's droppings on the body; the appearance of drops of blood on a cloth when the cause cannot be found out; biting by a dog or cat; burning by fire; cloth being damaged by mioe.
LV.-Lucky and Unluoky Stars, 109. Everyone has two rdshis (stars of fate), s. e., birth rdshi and name rishi. If an avil star como near this rdshi at a distance of 4, 8 or 12 stages, the man under its influence has to propitiato it, and considers himself unluoky, The images or likenesses of stars are not buried.
LVI. - Omons from the Rivers. 900. If the following omens occur to a man crossing a river, he will stop for an hour and then cross it : Sneezing, tombling, confronting an ass or a snake going to the right, confronting a bareheaded man or a man bringing wood, a bridegroom going to a marriage, one being asked as to where he is going, appearing to the left or in front of a partridge, crow, a pheasant, a deer, a jackal or a heron, a widow.
If one comes across some of these omens successively in crossing a river or a road, he returns and does not proceed.

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OCTOBER, 1907.
LVII.
Sumptuary Customs.
201. Kolis, cobblers, weavers, washermen, barbers, tars (musicians), ironsmiths, bharérás, and shepherds do not wear gold and gems, nor do they wear shawls, chugds, sarbandú (dresses), gulbadan and kimkhdb (silken cloth). In addition to these tribes, the Kanaits do not wear gold arm-rings, bardgar, sarshôbhá, amirash and diamonds (ornaments), and cloths of kimkhab. But nowadays this custom is being disregarded.
No tribes, except Brahmans, Râjpûts and Baniâs can take their food in silver vessels.
There is no custom as regards planting and eating of herbs or plants.
LVIII. Naming Customs.
202. Some plants have names like those of some of the tribes, but there is no tradition about them worth mentioning.
203. Children ordinarily have two names: birth name and ordinary name. The former is used in performing religious ceremonies, and no one except the priest knows this name. The latter is used in ordinary business and is known to all. An opprobrious name is given to a boy whose elder brother died before his birth, e. g., Gandû, Badû, etc., in order that he may live. Holes are made in his nose and ears like the women.
204. The above applies both to boys and girls.
205. In ordinary matters, parents swear by their children and vice versa. They touch their bodies. In legal matters, a man is made to swear by the god that he believes in. The man who takes an oath in the temple of a god, touches the image of the god, or throws a stone towards the temple, or picks up the money or disputed objects before the god. Some caths are performed by touching a cow or lifting upon one's head the water of the Ganges.
that
206. The truth or falsity of a man who takes an ordeal is determined in this way if he suffers any loss or injury, then he is considered false; and if he prospers, then he is true. In ancient times cases were tried by making the culprit dive in water, by putting the hand in hot oil, or by giving poison to a goat.
The party who was willing to take an oath was taken to a tank or a khad (valley) full of water and was made to dive. If he was true, then he came back to the surface and won the case; otherwise he was considered false and, being pronounced guilty, suffered punishment.
Ten or fifteen seers of oil were boiled in an iron cauldron, and when it was foaming a copper piece was dropped in it. The man ready to take oath was then asked to pick up this piece. If his hand was burnt, he was considered false, and lost the case. If, on the other hand, he received no injury, he won the suit.
A flat piece of iron was made red hot, and the tongue of the swearing person was branded with it. The burning of the tongue showed the falsity of the swearer, while its safety proved him true in his cause.
The parties to a dispute used to bring two goats alike in all respects. The goats were given equal quantities of poison. The party whose goat was affected with poison before the other's was considered to be in the right and won the case.
All these three customs are now out of use in British territories. 207. All quarrels are decided by the oaths stated above.

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IX. Magic and Charms.
208. Magic is practised by magicians only, and there are no witches.
209. This practice is no concern of the priest, nor has he any enmity with the magicians. In some places even the priests act as magicians; and in others, other men do so. In short, any one who learns this science can become a magician.
309
210. The magician's business is to foretell by means of figures. He always remains at home. He goes to the house of a person who calls him, and there he either makes a charm or dispels one. Generally, the people look upon him with respect.
211. The man who remains dirty and unclean, and does not worship gods, but devotes his whole attention to the worship of evil spirits, and does not take a bath, is taken to be as a magician.
212. The people generally believe that the attendance of a magician means either the calling of ghosts to disclose some secret or to make a person receive some gain or injury.
LXI.Possession and Exorcism.
218. It is believed that people become possessed of ghosts. In order to cure a possessed person, he is made to inhale the smoke of chillies. If the ghost does not leave him, a Brahman or a magician is called in, who, according to his own science, makes charms as mentioned
above.
214. Possession by a ghost is considered evil. Spirits are generally under the control of low persons, such as Kôlis, cobblers, shepherds, ironsmiths, etc., as well as under that of Brahmans. A ghost imposed by a low person is thought to be unholy, while that by a person of high caste is holy.
LXII. Dreams.
215. Dreams dreamt in good health and on a clear night can portend good or evil, can tell about the past, and foretell the future.
216. A learned Brahman is called to interpret a dream, and is told all about it. If the dream seems, according to the rules of the books, evil, the Brahman makes the man who dreamt it give some charity, but there is no need of charity in the case of a good dream.
217. If a dead person is seen in a dream, and conversation is held with him, then the dream is considered to be one relating to the communication with spirits. Other dreams are good or bad omens.
LXIII.
Spirit Propitiation.
Brahmans are made to recite panchak shanti hymns (hymns to Brahmans or magicians make charms and tie them to the
218. To propitiate spirits, propitiate), and alms are given. necks of the possessed persons.
—
LXIV. The Evil Eye.
210. People believe in the effects of the evil eye and are much afraid of it. They consider it worse than magic.
220. Some men have so much power in their eyes, that if anything be eaten in their sight, it is soon vomited. No particular reason given for this is worth mentioning.

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221. The effects of the evil eye are done away with by charms, or by performing the business out of the sight of the man suspected to possess it. A portion of something brought from without is put in the house fire. The effect of the evil eye upon an animal is neutralized by throwing some dust over it.
LXV. - Charms.
222. Magicians perform charms upon & person by means of things belonging to that person, or by things that were & portion of his body: -
(1) Nails or hair cut from his body, or the dust over which he has trodden.
(2) Driving a nail in a tree bearing the same name as the person intended to be injured, will wound that person.
(3) Warming the water of a spring of the same name as the victim on a fire, will make him to suffer from heat.
(4) Making an image of a person and wounding it with a nail in his name. (6) Making an image of a person and either barying or burning it.
(6) Putting the flesh of a corpse, or some pepper or mustard, in the name of the victim, on a sacrificial fire.
All these things are done in order that their effect may fall upon the victim.
228. Special care is taken to destroy nails or hair when cat. Every man has two dames, and the reason of this is that the magicians may not know the birth name.
LXVI. - Fortune-telling. 224. A magician or a jolishi (astrologer) foretells and foresees future events, 226. The following are the methods of prophesying and foreseeing: -
(1) The astrologer has three dice. He throws them and, making estimates by means of the letters of the alphabet; interprets good' or evil results.
(2) The disciple or dad, who is well known as & magician, concentrates his attention for a few minutes, and answers any questions pnt to him as to the good or bad end of the enquirer.
(8) Some oil is poured on a plate of white brage, and a lighted lamp is placed on this plate at night. The medium fixes his eyes, for a few minutes, upon this lamp, after which he goes into a trance, and in this state he foretells fature events.
(4) Questions are put to the medium in the evening, and he answers them the next morning. It is supposed that he receives information at night from some god.
(5) Sometimes the medium takes some oil or ghi (patified butter) in his hands and rubs them for a few minutes, and then answers questions. Some interpretanowers by making the questioner name any fruit or flower.
Answers to most of the questions about the past or present are correct, but to those about future are very seldom correct. Magiciana aad charmers belong to the Brahman, Jogi, shoemaker, K611, minstrel, smith, and Badi classes.
LXVII. - Illness is, Spirit-cationd. 226. Illness is generally attributed to ghosts.
227. If a man is suffering from a disease, which cannot be diagnosed by physicians, or if it increases with the use of medicine, or if it abates in the day and increases in the night, then it is thought to be a case of possession, and is referred to a Brâhman or disciple (dad). He throws dice or goes into a trance, and thus tells what sort of spirit is possessing the patient. The patient is treated in the manner suggested by the medium. Generally the medium gunes him by adoration and other such means.

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Social Restrictions.
811
LXVIII. Abstention from Foods.
228. The Hindus abstain from taking the meat of a cow, an ox, a buffalo (male and female), a dog, a cat, an ass, a horse, a mule, a camel, a crow, a jackal, a heron, a peacock, a mouse, a serpent, a lizard, a tortoise, and a sheep. They do not use garlic, onion, turnip, raddish, carrot, and mushroom among the vegetables. But these customs are observed by some of the people and not by all.
229. All persons do not abstain from the use of things already mentioned, but only high caste men and Brahmans, such as Râjpûts, Baniâs, Sûds, and Bohrâs, do so. Others, such as Kanaits, smiths, minstrels, Bârîs, barbers, and goldsmiths, do not care for the above restrictions. All the tribes, except shoemakers, Kilis, shepherds, and Nigalus, abstain from the abovementioned meats, but not necessarily from the vegetables.
230. It is a religious restriction not to take these things.
231. People abstain from these only on account of religious restrictions. Otherwise there is no reason for giving them nр.
LXIX.
Tribal Descent.
232. No tribe is considered to have been descended from any plant or animal. However the pipal tree, the banian tree, and the túlast plant are thought to have divine powers.
283. No reasonable explanation can be given of the tribal fables.
LXX. - Customs on Eating, etc.
234. The customs of the people as regards eating, touching, speaking, seeing, and pronouncing names are given below:
Brahmans, Rajpats, Bohras, Banias, Sads, and Kshatriyas. There are some sections who do not take unfried food prepared by any person not belonging to their own section. There is no restriction regarding touching, seeing, speaking, and pronouncing names. They do not drink even water touched by a low Brahman, such as the Krishan.
Kanaits and other sects neither eat food prepared by a person not belonging to their own sect, nor do they drink water touched by such a man. There is no restriction as regards touch.
235. The restriction of touch is according to caste. For instance, men of high castes do not touch those of low castes. The restrictions of eating and drinking are according to the sabdivisions even of the same sect.
236. High-caste people look down upon low-casto men. They hate the men who eat flesh of cows or buffaloes. However, this custom prevails among the low castes only.
LXXI. Restrictions as to Women.
287. Infants and women cannot enter into temples unless they are purified by means of baths, etc. A woman whose husband is alive is not allowed to worship the god Siva, nor can she worship Bir Bhairon or Hanuman nor Kalt. Widows worship Siva.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[OCTOBER, 1907.
298. The father of the husband of a woman has no scruples against using the things of her father, but her father cannot take anything from his son-in-law. He will not even drink water from the village where his daughter is married. But this custom prevails only among those tribes whose marriages nre performed according to religious tenets. There is no such restriction for those whoso marriages are not thus performed.
239. The reason of the above restrictions seems to be this that as the father makes a vow to forsake everything that he gives as dower to his daughter, and it is not permissible to appropriate anything that has been once given up, so he does not even take meals at his son-in-law's house ; for everything in the house of the latter is affected by the things given by the former. For the same reasons, a jijman (disciple) of a Brahman cannot take food in the house of that Brâhman.
LXXII. - Pronouncing Names and Words.
240. The names of older relatives are not pronounced out of respect for them. The younger relative does not pronounce the name of the elder, but the elder can call the younger by name. For instance, son does not pronounce the name of his father, mother-in-law, or older brother, out of regard for them, and considers them more sacred than others.
241.
There is no fear of magic or charm.
The name is not pronounced only out of respect.
242. Many men do not pronounce, in the course of a conversation, the name of the chief or of * deceased person. The chief is mentioned by his title, and the deceased by his relationship.
243. Words or subjects denoting contempt, licentiousness, drinking, etc., are not spoken in the presence of a chief, or elder, or respectable person.
LIIIII. - Courtesy Titles.
244. The following are the titles used by different castes. An inferior person will call a superior one by his customary title. Men of equal rank can call each other by name :
Titles of Brahmans: - Pandit, Jôtishi, Pâdha, Parðhit, Acharya, Panda, RAI, Bhat. Titles of Bajpats : - RAja, Maharaja, Raņa, Maharana, Thikur, Kanwar, Mian, Rathi,
Rangar, Ravat, Dad, Sartora. Titles of Banids :- Shah, Seth. Titles of Kanaits : - Mukhia, Wazir, Mehta, Mehr, Negi, Palsrå.
Other tribes have ordinary titles according to their professions, and they need not be dwelt upon.
An inferior person will address a superior one with the following words: - Panditji, Jóshiji. Maharaj, Raja, Sahib, Rana Sahib, Shahji, Mukhiyaji, and so on.
LXXIV. - Agricultural Superstitions.
245. (1) It is prohibited to plough land on the amdvas (last day of moon), ekadashi (eleventh day of moon), or any other important festival. If nt the time of ploughing, # spake be killed by the ploughshare, it is forbidden to go on ploughing without purifying it.
At the time of seed sowing the following matters are regarded as necessary : - (a) That the sower be under the good influence of the moon; (6) That there be no evil nakalatar (star), tithi (date) or jög (combination of stars) ; (c) That the day be neither Tuesday nor Saturday.

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OCTOBER, 1907.)
A REPORT ON THE PANJAB HILL TRIBES.
313
(2). The following things are regarded as necessary, both at the time of sowing and of harvest :
The people generally are very careful of panchak jog, Tuesday, Saturday; amavas puranmishi (full moon) and shankránt at the time of seed sowing and harvesting, but they do not care for evil stars and jogs. If it rains a day or two after seed sowing it is considered ominous. The same is thought of rain at harvest, or of excessive rain at the time of planting a corn-field or one or two days after it, or of rain on the night of janamashtami or puranmashi in Hâr or amdvas in Bhadon.
Ordinarily, land is ploughed twice, but good farmers plough it thrice, i.e., first in lines parallel to the length of the field ; secondly, crosswise from one corner to the other; and thirdly, also crosswise from the third corner to the fourth. The advantage of this is that the soil which remains unturned by the first ploughing is turned by the second, and thus the whole of the field is uniformly made fit for the crops to grow.
A long post is fixed in the field and a bone, or the skin of some animal, is hoisted on this post as a scare crow. Beasts being afraid of it, do not come near and injure the crops. It is also believed to be a safeguard against ghosts or the evil eye.
248. Feasts are given to the Brahmans at the time of digging a well, or a water-channel, or harvest. When a well or a water-channel is ready, the Brabman is made to offer prayers, and after this they are used for watering purposes. When the harvest has cominenced a big wheaton loaf is brought to the field and distributed among all the men present, or a goat is sacrificed and taken home. When corn is separated from the chaff it is collected in a large heap and worshipped, and a portion of it is set aside for the gol. The scrapings are stored in bags or boxes. The people do not use fresh corn without feeding a Brahman with it. Also some grain is devoted to the deceased ancestors, with which Brahmans are fed: At the end of the year -. e., at the end of the kharif season, when all the crops have been garnered - the people of the village bring their god from his temple with great éclat and worship him and sacrifice to him a goat. All the persons accompanying the god and saints and mendicants are fed. Generally this entertainment is given by several villages from the month of Bh idon to Magla, and is called bhadrânja, halan, jágra, panila pehrd or mághoji.
247. Sowing for the rabi crops begins in Asôj and ends in Poh, and that for the kharif continues from Chêt to Hâr. The reaping of crops begins in Baisakh and ends in Hûr for the rabi, and that for the kharif begins in Asôj and ends in Maghar. Sowing and reaping not done at the proper time is defective, and excess or want of rain on both these occasions is harmful.
248. There are no special gods for special seasons.
249. No tribe has any particular god, nor is caste of any importance in becoming a disciple. People can worship any god they choose.
LXXV. - Food and Drink.
250. A detail is given below of the use, or otherwise, of wine, beef, the flesh of a monkey, pork, eloven-Hooled or vacloven-hoofed animals' flash, fowls, fish with or without scales, shark, snake, mice, and other insects, and food of which another person has been eating.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1907.
Ved Pathi Brahmans or those living in plains, Bhabrás, Baniís, Khshatriyas, and Bairagi mendicants neither eat nor touch any of these articles.
Brahmans of the hills, Rajputs, Süds, Dobras, Kanaits, goldsmiths, Jats, barbers, gardeners, milkmen, potters, masons, washermen, dyesinkers, carpenters, smiths, Thathêrô or Bharépás, minstrels or Tûris, or Dakis, and Dhadis, if Saivas or Saktaks, eat the flesh of animals and use wine; if Vaishnavas, they do not.
The Saivas use the following: - Wine of all sorts; flesh of goats, either male or female ; Hesh of male sheep; pork; flesh of wild fowl ; fish of every kind. There is no rule for the use or otherwise, of the flesh of animals with cloven or uncloven hoofs. Some men eat the flesh of cloven hoofed animals, and otbers do not. The same is the case with animals with uncloven hoofs and wild birds. The flesh of the peacock, crow, kanshardi, heron, and kite, etc., is not used.
The Chanâls, Kolis, ministrels, shepherds, sweepers, cobblers, sailors or boatmen, and weavers use beef, the flesh of buffaloes, pork, flesh of cloven-hoofed and uncloven-hoofed animals, except those mentioned above and the flesh of a snake, a jackal, or a mouse.
No tribe eats anything of which a person of another tribe has been eating. Also men of the same tribe do not use food left after eating by another person. If a person of low caste be in the service of a person of high caste, then he can eat the food left by his master. A wife can use the inod left by her husband, and children can use food left by their parents or elder brothers.
251. Some men do not take meat in the rains. They do not use cold things in winter, and varm things in summer.
252. It is forbidden by religion to take meat in the rains. In other seasons some things are not used in order to preserve health.
253. Widows and small children do not ase meat. There is no difference between men and women, micors and adults, poor and rich, in taking or rejecting other foods
254, None but the Chanâls and low castes use the flesh of monkeys, elephants, cows, oxen, herons, etc., for they are regarded as belonging to the gods.
LXXVI. -- Dining Customs.
255. Among the Hindus none but Kayasthas eat together. Every adult person eats on A separate table. Minor boys and girls can take food with their parents, but only as long as they are six or seven years old.
266. Men and women do not eat together among the Hindus.
267. After the food is ready, a little of everything cooked is set apart for the god, and some of it is consigned to the fire of the hearth. Then it is laid before all the men. Every man puts aside, from his own plate, some portion for a cow, and a little is given to the crows and dogs. Some is put in the fire, and the rest is eaten.
268. There is no peculiarity concerning eating and drinking, except that it is an ancient eastom.

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OCTOBER, 1907.]
A REPORT ON THE PANJAB HILL TRIBES.
315
LXXVII. - Stimulants and Medicines, 259. Stimulants and medicines are indifferently used. Some men do not use medicines prepared by a doctor who is of a low caste. Medicines, containing anything the use of which is prohibited by religion, are not used. No particular custom deserves mention.
280. People use wine at the time of the Holi or on any other happy occasion. 261, Wine is often used as a preventive of epidemios, like cholera, etc.
262. Drinking and use of other stimulants is regarded in the following manner by people :
(1) Excessive drinking is badly thonght of, if it produces lowness of spirits and brain fever. If it is used in small quantities, so as not to bring on excitement, or not to retard the ordinary course of business, then it is considered no barm to drink.
(2) The use of charas and ganja (intoxicating homp drugs ) is considered wicked.
(8) Use of opium to prevent some bodily disease or infirmity is not thought badly of, but otherwise it is looked down upon.
(4) To smoke chandu (a hemp drug) is considered wrong. (5) The use of bhang (a light hemp drag) in summer as a cooling draught is thought good.
( To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA. THE SEASONS OF GIRDHAR SADHU.
By the Poeless Sanvri Sakhi. Text.
Translation Girdhar, banst baji; Shâm, teri Awaz sunkar Girdhar, thy lute sounded; Sham, hearing main dauri.
the sound I hastened to thee. Rimjhim rimjhim meh& barseh tat: Jamna
Heavily, heavily fell the rain : I hastened to par lagt jhafi.
the Jamna.
Pahla mahina Asâșh lagiya; mera dil ho raba
bborangi. Pandit, joshi, sabhi bajh liye ; bajh liya ramta jogt.
Girdhar, bansf baji, &c.
II.
Dasra mabina Sawan lagiya; haryali ho raht
jangal men. Dam dam par yad karon; thi jhurwat apne mablån men. Girdhar, banal baji, &c.
III. Bbadoo mahina it ghan garje, dhamak tarin,
chhatyån larzeń. WA, Man Mohan, kathori mere dil ka, dard kof nabin bajhe.
Girdhar, badsl baji, &c.
The first month June has come; my heart is in
a turmoil. Priesta, astrologers, all have I consulted; I have consulted the wandering jogi. Girdhar, thy lute sounded, &c.
II. The second month July has come; the grass is
green in the woodlands. Every moment I recall them; there was suffering in my palace. Girdhar, thy lute sounded, &c.
III. In the third month August the clouds thunder,
and the lightning falls and the heart grieves. Alas, Man Mohan, fascinator of my heart, no one considers my pain. .
Girdhar, thy lute sounded, &c.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
IV.
Asoj sa lagi rahi, Sakhi ri; &jhú nâ âye Har Khrishna.
Tulsi ki mâlâ leke hâth men, Râm Râm ratna ratnâ.
Girdhar, bansi baji, &c.
V.
Katik karm-bhag mere chûke nahin mile Nand ke lala.
Girdhar, bansi baji, &c. VIII. Moh mahinâ man merâ aṭkâ: Har darshan ki hon piyasi.
Afrût apnå sir mort; ajhun na âe Birj-basi. Girdhar, bansi baji, &c.
Mukat ki latak mere man bas gai; ri Mohan- The brilliancy of his crown has filled my heart; oh the Mohan necklace!
mâlâ !
Girdhar, thy lute sounded, &c.
IX. Phagan phâg khel Man Mohan: 'abîr, gull, ude roli;
Kesar rang ki kich bahi hai; lipat jhapat khelen
Holi.
Girdhar, bansi baji, &c. VI. Manghur mång bhari naksak se, sab ze war mera sone ka.
Ajhan na âe. Kin barmãe? Barâ andêsha hai pl ka.
Girdhar, bansi baji, &c.
VII.
Poh piya mad mâti dolen, jûn Sawan ki hai In December my love is filled with pride, like the bijli. lightning of July.
Palpal bars para; pal bite; jan bite, jan jan sahâye.
The separation of a year has passed; I suffer the separation; as I suffer, so my life passes. Girdhar, thy lute sounded, &c.
Girdhar, bansi baji, &c.
X. Chet mahina at mohe chinta lagi; bhâl ghar nå sajhe.
Prân pati piyâre, Man Mohan, bila darshan kof na puchhe.
Girdhar, bansi baji, &c. XI.
Baisakh mahina sab sakhi milkar, Dewal pajan men jâti.
Shâm mile to sab dukh bichhen, sital ho meri
chhâti
[OCTOBER, 1907.
IV.
September has commenced, O Sakhi; Har Khrishna has not yet come.
I take my tulsi garland in my hand to repeat the name of R&m again and again. Girdhar, thy lute sounded, &c.
Girdhar, bansi bajt, &c. XII. Jeth mahinâ tapei deotâ bich Puhâr Kushâvarti. Sanvri Sakhi par kirpå kijio; An milen Mathrâ
bâsi.
V.
In October my heart grieves that I have not met the son of Nand.
VI.
In November I have braided my hair, and put on all my golden jewels.
Yet he comes not. Who has deceived him? Great is the anxiety in my heart. Girdhar, thy lute sounded, &c. VII.
VIII.
In January my heart is in love: I am athirst for a sight of Har.
The spring is set; yet the dweller in Brij comes
not.
Girdhar, thy lute sounded, &c.
IX.
In February Man Mohan has come to play: abir,1 gulâl and rolí3 are used;
Saffron has fallen lavishly; leaping and dancing they play at the Holi.
Girdhar, thy lute sounded, &c.
X.
In March my heart is grieved; pleasure comes not to my house.
The master of my life, Man Mohan, has not asked to see me.
Girdhar, thy lute sounded, &c.
XI.
In April all my companions go together to the Diwali festival.
If I meet Shâm, all my trouble is eased and peace enters my breast.
Girdhar, thy lute sounded, &c.
XII.
In May the gods do penance on Kushâvarti Hill. Do Sanvri Sakht a favour that she may meet the dweller in Mathrâ.
Girdhar, thy lute sounded, &c.
Girdhar, bansi baji, &c.
1 The red powder thrown by the people on one another at the Holt.
2 A mixture of rice, turmeric and alum with aoid used to paint the forehead.
Saffron ambergris.

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Page #334

Indian Antiquary
94"
Car Nicobar
NICOBAR ISLANDS
DIALECT MAP Geog Miles . _ 10 10_ yo English Miles www. 10 20 30 40
Batti Malv.
Tillangchong
Chowra
mpoka
Teressa
Camorta
CENTRAL Trinkat
Kalchal
Nancowry
sombrero Channel
Meroe
0
o Treis Pulo Milo Little
Nicobar SOUTHERN Condul
Menchal.
• Cabra
Great Nicobar
S HOMPEN
NUMBER OF DIALECTS - 6.
Population I Car Nicobar Blue 3451 2 Chowra Purple 522 3 Terressa Blue 702 4 Central Red 1.095 5 Southern Blue 192 6 Shom Pen Purple 222

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NOVEMBER, 1907.)
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
.
317
A PLAN FOR A UNIFORM SCIENTIFIC RECORD OF THE
LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES. Applied to the Languages of the Andamonese and Nicobarese.
BY SIR RICHARD O. TEMPLE. (Continued from p. 251.)
III.25 THE THEORY OF UNIVERSAL GRAMMAR APPLIED TO THE NICOBARESE LANGUAGE.
Prefatory Remarks, THE Nicobarese speak one Language in six Dialects so different as to be mutually unintelligible to the ear. These six Dialects are, from North to South, Car Nicobar, Chowra, Teressa, Ceutral, Southern, and Shom Pen (vide Map attached ).
The chief place of European residence has always been Nancowry Harbour, where the Central Dialect is spoken and hence that Dialect is by very far the best known. Therefore, except where otherwise specially stated, all examples and all vernacular words quoted are taken from that Dialect. Diacritical marks have not been used, except where unavoidable.
The works of Prof. Kuhn, Grünwedel, Vaughan Stevens, and Pater W. Schmidt were not available to me while writing this Grammar.
I. - GENERAL DESCRIPTION
&. -- History of the Study. The Nicobarese Language in the Central Dialect has been long since studied. Vocabularies, collections of sentences, and partial Grammars of this Dialect, have been made at intervals by various missionaries and others from 1711 onwards — the two Jesait Fathers Faure and Bonnet in 1711; Surgeon Fontana of the Austrian vessel Josef und Theresia in 1778 (published 1795); G. Hamilton in 1801; the Danish missionary Rosen in 1831-4 ; Fathers Chabord and Plaisant (in Teresga) in 1845 ; Fathers Barbe and Lacrampe in 1846 ; Dr. Rink in the Danish vessel Galathea in 1846 ; the Austrian Novara Expedition in 1857 (published in 1862), with additions by de Roepstorff and others under Colonel H. Man; Maurer in 1867 ; Mr. A. C. Man in 1869 ; comparative statement by V. Ball of all information np to 1869 ; Mr. E. H. Man in 1871 onwards ; F. A. de Roepstorff in 1876 onwards; Dr. Svoboda of the Austrian Aurora Expedition, 1886 (published 1892).
Ten Vocabularies and a translation into the Central Dialect of 27 Chapters of the Gospel of St. Matthew were made by the Danish Moravian missionaries (Herrnhuter) in 1768–87. These are still preserved in manuscript at Herrnhut, and were partially embodied in de Roepstorff's posthumous Dictionary of the Nancowory (Central) Dialect, 1884 ; a capital book with valuable appendices, requiring, however, retransliteration for English readers.
b.- Man's Enquiries into the Central Dialect. But the latest and best attempt to reproduce this Dialect is Mr. E. H. Man's Dictionary of the Central Nicobarese Language, 1889. This contains also a brief and valuable attempt at the Grammar and a Comparative Vocabulary of all the Dialects. The system of transcription adopted is the rery competent one of the late Mr. A. J. Ellis. Mr. Man had the advantage of all the labours of his predecessors, together with a much longer residence in the islands than any of them and better means of locomotion. To these he has added the accuracy and care which distinguish all his work. In this Article, therefore, his book lias been followed for the facts of the language and the forms of its words, and all the examples given in it are called from the great number of sentences he has recorded. For the mode of presentation I am, however, responsible, as Mr. Man attempted in his Grammar to explain the language exclusively from the current English view of Grammar, rather than to present its character as a scientific study.
The other Dialects only find a place in Mr. Man's studies and are still but little known, no one with sufficient scholarly equipment or inclination having ever resided on any of the islands for the time necessary to study them to the extent that has been possible at Nancowry.
95 Largely roprinted with additions and many corrections from Chapter IV, Part II, of the Conue Reinet India, 1901, Vol. III.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1907.
C.-Philological Value. The Nicobarese speak one language, whose affinities are with the Indo-Chinese Languages, as represented nowadays by the Mon Language of Pegu and Annam and the Khmer Language of Cambodia amongst civilised peoples and by a number of ancivilised tribes in the Malay Peninsula and Indo-China. It has affinities also with the speech of the tribes in the Peninsula, who are generally classed as "wild Malays" (Orang-utan and Orang-bukit), so far as that speech has come under the old influence of the Indo-Chinese Languages. The Nicobarese language is thus of considerable value philologically, as preserving, on account of isolation and small admixture with foreign tongues for many centuries, the probable true basis for the philology of the Languages of the Indo-Chinese Family.
d. - Dialects. The langnnge is spoken by 6,300 penple in six Dialects, which have now become so differentiated in details as to be mutually unintelligible, and to be practically, so far as actual colloquial speech is concerned, six different languages. These dialects are limited in range by the islands in which they are spoken --
1. Car Nicobar (population 3,451). 2. Chowra (population 522 ). 3. Teressa with Bompoka (population 702). 4. Central - Camorta, Nancowry, Trinkut, Katchal (population 1,095). 5. Southern -Great Nicobar Coasts and Kondal, Little Nicobar and Pulo Milo (population
192). 6. Shom Pen--inland tribe of Great Nicobar (population 348).
e.- Mutual Unintelligibility. Altbouch it can be proved that the Nicobarese Language is fondamentally one tongue, yet the hopeless unintelligibility of the dialect of one Island to the ear of the people of another may be shown by the following example:
Car Nicobar. om paiakūa dra. chian ka tarik dou't afraid not I eat man
Central, wòt mei pahóa chit okngok ten paiyah - don't you afraid I not eat.. to man
- Sense of Both. . Don't be afraid ! I don't eat men ! (I am not a cannibal).
1- Foreign Influence. In spite of the aptitude of the people for picking up such foreign tongues as they hear spoken, quite a few foreign words have been adopted into their speech. Examples are
From Portuguese. ENGLISH. NICOBARESE.
ENGLISH
NICOBARESE. boot shapata
cask
pīpa hook, paper lēbare
elephant
lifants bat shapeo
rupee
rupia copper money Santa Maria
shaman, sorcerer pater God
Dēnse, Rēos
From Hindustani, sbal, sal
From Malay. mongko
an evil spirit i wipot26 buffalo kapo
haiyam cat
kocbing 24 The iwi are spirits of the doparted ghosts, one of which is iwi.pot, pot being the Sanskrit bhata through some Indo-Chinese form,
salt
cup
fowl

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November, 1907.)
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
319
Only a century ago Portuguese was the trade language of the islands, with a sprinkling of Danish, German, and English. Malay and Chinese were both so before the Portuguese day, and now English, Burmese, and Hindustani are well understood. Indeed, the nature of the trade at any given island can be tested by the foreign languages best understood there. . 9., on Car Nicobar, Burmese is best understood, and then English and Hindustani : Malay and the other Nicobarese dialects not much. On Chowra, Hindustani, Tamil, Malay, and English are spoken to a limited extent, and there is a trading kuowledge of the other Nicobarese dialects, except Shom Pen. On Teresga, Malay, Burmese, and English are the languages, with the dialects of Chowra and the Central Group. In the Central Group they talk Hindustani, Malay, English, Chinese, and a little Burmese, with the dialects of the South and Teressa. In the Southern Group they talk Malay, Hindustani, Chinese, and English, with the Central Dialect.
The women know only their own dialect, and are dumb before all strangers. And here, as elsewhere among polyglot peoples, natives of different islands sometimes have to converse in a mutually known foreign tongue (e. g., Hindustaui, Burinese, Malay, or English), when unable to comprchend each other's dialects.
5.- Effect of Tabu on the Language. There is a custom of tabu, which in the Nicobars, as elsewhere when it is in vogue, has seriously affected the language at different places, at least temporarily. Any person may adopt any word, however essential and common, in the language as his or her personal name, and when he or she dies it is tabued for a generation, for fear of summoning the ghost. In the interval a synonym has to be adopted and sometimes sticks, bat that this is not very often the case is shown by a comparison of the Vocabularies published or made in 1711, 1787, 1876, and 1889, which prove that the language possesses a stability that is remarkable in the circumstances of its being unwritten and therefore purely colloquial, spoken by communities with few opportunities of meeting, and subject to the changing action of tabu.
h. - Method of Speech. The Nicobarese speech is slurred and indistinct, but there is no abnormal dependence on tone accent, or gesture to make the meaning clear. The dialects are, as might be expected, rich in specialised words for actions and concrete ideas, but poor in generic and abstract terms.
i. - A Highly Developed Analytical Language. Nicobarese is a very highly developed Analytical Language, with a strong resemblance in grammatical structure to English. It bears every sign of a very long continuous growth, both of syntax and ctymology, and is clearly the outcome of a strong intelligence constantly applied to its development. Considering that it is unwritten and but little affected by foreign tongues, and so has not had extraneous assistance in its growth, it is a remarkable product of the human mind. There is no difference in the development of the different dialects. That of the wild Shom Pen is as "advanced " in its structure as the speech of the trading Car Nicobarese.
j. - Nature of Growth. The growth of the language has been so complicated, and so many principles of speech kave been partially adopted in building it up, that nothing is readily discoverable regarding it. The subject and predicate are not at once perceptible to the grammarian, nor are principal and subordinate sentences. The sentences, too, cannot at once be analysed correctly, por can the roots of the words without great care be separated from the overgrowth. Neither syntax nor etymology are easy, and correct speech is very far from being easily attained.
k. - Order of the Words. Grammatically the point to bear in mind is the order of the words, which is practically the English order, especially as functional inflexion is absent to help the speaker to intelligibility, and there is nothing in the form of the words to show their class, whether nouns, verbs, adjectives, and so on. Prepositions, conjunctions, auxiliaries, adverbs, and the particles" of speech are freely used, and so are elliptical sentences. Compound words and phrases, consisting of two or more words just thrown together and used as one word are unusually common, and the languages show their Far Eastern proclivities by an extended use of "numeral co-efficients."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1907.
1.- Difficult Etymology. The great difficulty in the language lies in the etymology. Words are built up of roots and stems, to which are added prefixes, infixes, and suffixes, both to mark the classes of connected words and to differentiate connected words when of the same class, i, e., to show which of two connected words is a verb and which a noun, and to mark the difference in the sense of two connected nouns, and so on. But this differentiation is always bazily defined by the forms thus arrived at, and the presence of a particular classifying affix does not necessarily define the class to which the word belongs. So also the special differentiating affixes do not always mark differentiation.
Again the affixes are attached by mere agglutination, in forms which have undergone phonic change, and by actual inflexion. Their presence, too, not unfrequently causes phonic change in, and inflexion of the roots or stems themselves.
The chief peculiarity of the language lies in a series of "suffixes of direction," indicating the direction (North, South, East, West, above, down, below, or at the landing-place) in which action, condition, or movement takes place. But even suffixes so highly specialised as these are not by any means only attached to words, the sense of wbich they can and do affect in this way.
It is just possible that "North = up there: South = down there : West = below : East = in towards” have reference to the original migrations of the people, because the general direction of a migration, still in steady progress, of half-civilised tribes of considerable mental development on the Northern Burmese frontiers is North to South regularly. But this point would require proof.
It is thus that only by a deep and prolonged study of the language, one can learn to recognise a root, or to perceive the sense or use of an affix, and only by a prolonged practice could one hope to speak or understand it correctly in all its phases. Nicobarese is, in this sense, indeed a difficult language.
m. - Specimens of the Speech. The following sample sentences in the Central Dialect will sufficiently exhibit the manner of Nicobarese speech.
The abbreviation c. i. 1. = connector of intimate relation, a point to be explained later on. By translating it in respect of the sense of the Nicobarese sentences in which it occurs becomes clear.
Sample sentences in the Central Dialeot.
ane ingat lamang ten shua that knife belong to I (that knife belongs to me). inoat ta shong 8t knife c. i. 1. sharp is (the knife is sharp).
dire ane nõang shanes kwòmhata ten chua both that thing speargive to I (give me both those spears ). iteak poatôre kamhengen an sleep always noon c. i. 1. he (he is always asleep at noon: the Nicobarese idiom is however really "noon (is) always asleep for him").
6. an chuh harra halau de kan de he go see buy cloth wife own (he has gone to see about baying cloth for his wife).
8. ledt etchai-chaka-lebare
chia oal kait de did greet--face-paper (read aloud) I in road own (I read it aloud while I was travelling).

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321
7.
etchai-chakelbare chia tanang ta read-aloud
Arrived c. i. r. he (he arrived while I was reading aloud ). harra ta chdrs de ta r ona tai BBD c. I. r. elder brother own c. i. t. beat by chla as kenyüm leät chim father his child did cry (his child cried on seeing ita elder brother beaten by its lather).
9.
Olhakt
chüs Strowa tai an ta o ng I beat by he c. i. r. past-of-today morning (I was beaten by him this morning).
10. paitshe sht 186 86 ta ofa some old cloth has 0.i, . they (more than two ) (they have some old cloth ).
katom?" gruang kamatoka kakaf to wake how-many persons dancers present c.i.r. last-night (how many dancers were there last night ?)
12. hat
едaл he not child
you (he is not your child).
18. oal koptap men t a
ngong in box
you o.i. . nothing (there is nothing in your box).
14. an. kanyat halau Men lòngto-ten cht? that coat boy you from
who? (from whom did you bay that coat ?)
16. chữa otlakgatô 4 batõ ta
chữa I permit he live c. i. r. hut (I let him live in my hut ). chua
leap kichal I can
swim (I can swim).
17. linhen ohit leap okngók to-day 1-not can
because sick (I cannot eat to-day because I am sick ).
n. - Bibliography.
Books. 1810. Lettres Edifiantes, Vol. XI, Toulouse. 1867. Maurer, Die Nikobaren ( valuable Bibliography: English, Danish, and German,
1799-1763). 1870. Selections from the Records of the Government of India, No. LXXVII, Nicobar Islands
(valuable Bibliography). 1875. De Roepstorff, Nicobar Vocabulary : Calcatta Government (valuable references
French, Danish, and German). 1884. De Roepstorff, Dictionary of the Nancobry Dialect : Calcutta (valuable references to
Danish works).
16.

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322
1888. Man, Nicobar Vocabulary: London.
1889. Man, Dictionary of the Central Nicobar Language: London.
Journals.
Anthropological Institute. Man (many) Skeat,
Asiatic Researches. Colebrooke (1794): Hamilton, Vol. II (1801). Asiatic of Bengal. De Roepstorff (1870).
Indian Antiquary. Man (many): Temple (many).
Journal of the Indian Archipelago. Chopard (Vol. III, 1844). Philological Society. A. J. Ellis (1889). Straits Branch R. A. S. Blagden.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
1812. Latrobe, Letters from the Nicobars. 1846. Barbe, Notice of the Nicobars.
oh (astonishment). alas
II. GRAMMAR.
8.- The Theory of Universal Grammar.
I will now proceed to discuss the Nicobarese Language on the lines of the Theory of Universal Grammar already explained, using the Central Dialect for the purpose, and avoiding diacritical marks, except where necessary to the context. The familiar grammatical terms will be inserted in brackets beside the novel ones used, whenever necessary, in order to make statements clear in a familiar manner.
oh (pain)
dear me (compassion)
ah (dislike)
ugh (disgust) hush
b.-Example of Sentences of One Word.
The Nicobarese, like all other peoples, can express a complete meaning or sentence by an integer or single word, or by a phrase representing a single word: but they do not use this form of speech to excess. Thus: ENGLISH.
tut (rebuke) Fooh
hurrah, bravo
Pamphlets.
CENTRAL DIALECT.
wee, oyakarē aiyakare
arê
oh
shesh
hunh-hanh-hunh
äb-äh-äh en-en-en-en
hash
hâ-ha-a-a
[NOVEMBER, 1907.
ENGLISH. lor
there (annoyance) what a pity
thingummy (doubt) thingembob (doubt)
CENTRAL DIALECT.
tochangto
hah-a-a
höh
go on (encouragement) shial there's no saying
who knows
what's that ?
anyapa anyachü
kashi?
chinda
chuanda
c. Subject and Predicate.
Nicobarese sentences, when of more than one word, are usually, but not always, clearly divided into subject and predicate, as can be seen from an examination of the sample sentences above given. Thus : P= predicate: S=subject. The numbers below refer to the sample sentences. lamang (P) ten (P) chua (P). shong (S) ot (P). noang (P) shanen (P) (5) an (S) chuh (P) harra (P) halau (P) (6) leat (P) etchai-chaka-lebare (P phrase) chua (8) (7) etchai-chaka-lebare (P phrase) (8) harra-ta-chau-de-ta-finowa-tai-chis (S phrase) an (8) kenyum (S) leat (P)
(1) ane (S) inoat (S) (2) inoat (S) ta (S) (3) anre (P) ane (P) (S not expressed).
kwomhata (P) ten (P) chua (P)
loe (P) kan (P) de (P).
oal (P) kaiyi (P) de (P). chua (S) tanang (P) ta (P) an (P).
chim (P). (Here "harra etc. chia" is a phrase, "see (ing) elder-brother beaten by father," in the subject part of the sentence).
(9) chua (S) finowa (P) tai (P) an (P) ta (P) ong (P) olhaki (P).

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823
(10) paitsbe (S) shi (8) loe (8) ot (P) ta (P) Ofe (P). (11) katom (S) yuang (8) kamatoka (8) kakat (P) ta (P) wabe (P). (12) an (S) hat (P) koan (P) men (P). (14) ane (P) kanyut (P) halau (P) men (8) longtoten (P) chi (P). (15) chua (8) oklakngato (P) an (P) kato (P) ta (P) ñi (P) chua (P). ( 16 ) chua (8) leap (P) kichal (P). (17) livhen (P) chit (8) leap (P) okngok (P) taina (8) tu (P). Two of the sample sentences present a peculiarity in expressing Subject and Predicate. (4) iteak poatôre kamheng en
an asleep
always noon c.i.r. he This can be properly and directly translated," he is always asleep at noon"; but the Nicobarese idiom runs in English, "noon is always asleep for him," the predicator (verb)" is" being nnexpressed. So that the sentence is properly divided thus-iteak (P) poatore (P) kamheng (8) en (P) an (P). (13) oal hoptep mei t a
ngong box
you c. i. r nothing Here we have both Subject and Predicate in an elliptical form, and in English, though translateable at once as there is nothing in your box," the sentence really runs "(the contents, not expressed in your box (are, not expressed ) as nothing." So that neither the subject nor the Predicator (verb) are expressed, but we have instead merely & phrase explaining the subject placed in apposition to another phrase illustrating the predicate. The sentence, in fact, as it stands, consists of an explicator (adjective ) phrase, pilaced in apposition to an illustrator (adverb) phrase, and is divided elliptically thus - oal-hoptep-men (S) ta-ngong (P).
d. - Principal and Subordinate Words. The words in the sample sentences are also clearly, but not readily, divisible into principal and subordinate. Thus :
(1) ane (sub.) inoat (prin.) in the subject : lamang (prin.) ten-chua (sab.) in the predicate. (2) inoat (prin.) ta-shong (sub.) in the subject. (3) all the words are sub. to kwomhata in the predicnte. (4) steal poatore en-an are all sub. to a predicator (verb) unexpressed. (5) loe kan de are all sub, to chuh-harra-hiluu (prin.) in the predicate. (6) lent (sub.) etcha-chala-lebare (prin.) oal-kaiyi (sab.) (7) here are two separate sentonces the first has one word in each part, and in the second
ta and an are sab. to tanang in the predicate. In full analysis the first sentence
is an illustrator (adverb) phrase illustrating the predicator (verb) in the second. (8) in the subjective part harra-ta-chau-de-la-finowa-lai-chia and an are sub. to kenyum
and so is leat to chim in the predicato. (9) all the words in the predicate are sub. to a predicator (verb) unexpressed. (10) paitshe and shi are sub. to loe in the subject and ta-ofe to ot in the predicate. (11) katom-yuang are sub. to kamatoka in the subject and ta-wahe to kakat in the predicate. (12) all the words in the predicate are sub, to a predicator (verb) unexpressed. (13) in this sentence oal-hoptep-men are sub. to an indicator (noun) unexpressed in the
subject and ta-ngong to a predicator ( verb ) unexpressed in the predicate. The
whole of the words actually expressed are thus subordinate. (14) all the words in the predicate are sub, to halau. (15) all the words in the predicate are sub. to oklak ngato. (16) leap is sub. to kichal in the prodicate, (17) here again are two sentences joined by taina, because. In the first linhen and leap
are sub. to okngok in the predicate. In the second taina is sub. to chua (I) unexpressed in the subject, and tu to a predicator verb unexpressed in the predicate.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1907.
.-Functions of Words. The next stage in analysis is to examine the functions of the words used in the sample sentences, and for this purpose the following abbreviations will be used:
Abbreviations Used. integer.
inta introducer. indicator.
referent conjunctor. explicator.
referent substitate. predicator.
complementary indicator. illustrator,
complementary explicator. connector.
c. ill complementary illustrator, The sample sentences can then be further analysed thus -
(1) and () inoat (in) lamang (p) ten (c) chua (r. 3. as c.in). (2) inoat (in) ta (c)- shong (e., the whole an e. phrase) of (p). (8) anre (c. e.) ane (c. e.) noang (c. e.) shanen (c. in ) kwomhata (P) ten (c)
chua (r. . as in., the whole an ill. phrase). (4) i teak () poatore (ill) kamheng (in) en (o) an (r. 8. as in): iteal-poatore
m-an- from an ill. phrase). (5) an (r. s. as in ) ohuh (P)-harra (p) - halau (P., the whole a p. phrase)
loc (c.in) kan (in) - de (e., the whole an e. phrase). (6) leat (P)-etchai (p)-chaka (c. in ) - lebare (c. in., the whole a p. phrase )
chua (r. 8. as in) oal (c)-kaiyi (in) - de (., the whole an e. phrase). (7) etchai (p)-chaka (o. in ) - lebare (c. in ) --- chua (1. s. as in., the whole an ill.
pbrage) tanang (P) ta (ill) an (1. 8. As in ). harra ()-ta (0)-chau (o. in ) -de (c. e.)-ta ()-finowa (e)- tai (0)
chia (in., the whole an o. clause) an (e) kenyum (in) leat (P)-chim (P.,
the whole a p. phrase). (9) chua (1. 8. as in ) finowa (e)-tai()-an (r. 8. as io., the whole an e. phrase)
ta (c)- ong (o)- olhaki (in., the whole an ill. phrase). (10) paitshe (e) shi (o) loe (in) of (P) ta ()-ofe (1. s. as in., the whole an ill.
phrase). (11) katom (e)- yuang (e., the whole an e. phrase) kamatoka (in) kakat (P) af
(c)- wahe (in., the whole an ill. phrase). (12) an (1. 8. as in) hat (e) koan (c. in ) men (o). (13) oal (c)-hopter (in) - men (r. 6. as e., the whole an e. phrase of subject
unexpressed) ta (0)-ngong (in., the whole an ill. phrase of predicate
anexpressed ). (14) ane (c. in ) kanyut (c. in ) halau (P) men (r. s. as in') long toten (0) --chi (r. 8.,
the whole an ill. phrase). (15) chua (r. S. as in ) Oklakngato (P) an (r. 6. as in ) - kato (p., the whole c. in
phrase) ta (c)- i (in) - chua (T. B. As o., the whole an ill. phrase). (16) chua (I. s. as in ) leap (p)- lichal (p., the whole a p. phrase ). (17) linhen (ill.) chit (r. 3. As in ) leap (P)-Olongok (P., the whole a p. phrase) laina
(r. c.) tu (e). 1.-Purpose of Sentence Indicated by the Position of the Components. It will be seen that the purposes of the sentences thus analysed are as under(1) Affirmation Nos. 1, 2, 15, 16, 17.
(4) Exhortation - No. 3. (2) Denial - Nos. 12, 18.
(5) Information - Nos. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, (8) Interrogation - Nos. 11, 14.
9, 10. The sample sentences cover, therefore, the whole range of all speech as regards purpose, and analysis shows that the Nicobareso rely on the position of the words in the sentence to indicato its parpose, that no- special order is observed for differentiating any particular purpose, and that the position of the words is in their language of the greatest importance for the intelligibility of the sentences. That is, Nicobarese is a language that indicates parpose mainly by the position of the components of the sentences.

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RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
8.
Order of the Words in the Sentences.
Another analysis of the sample sentences will, therefore, now be made to show what the order of the words in Nicobarese sentences is.
I.
Subject precedes predicate, but for emphasis can follow it:
Preceding: (1) ane-inoat (S) lamang-ten-chua (P)` and so always, except
(6) leat-etchai-chaka-lebare (P) chua-oal-kaiyi-de (8). (7) etchai-chaka-lebare (P) chua (8) tanang-ta-an (P) II.
Subject, predicate, complement (object).
(1) ane-inoat (S) lamang (P) ten-chua (C).
But the order is reversed for emphasis.
(3) anre-ane-noang-shanen (C) kwomhata-ten-chua (P., 8. unexpressed). (14) ane-kanyut (C) halau (P) men (8) longtoten-chi? (P).
III.
Explicator (adjective) precedes indicator (noun); or follows it, usually with a connector (preposition), but also without a connector. Thus:
(a) Preceding indicator (noun): lamang ten chua.
ane (e) noang (e) shanen (in) kwomhata ten chua. poatore (ill.) kamheng (in) en an. shi (e) loe (in) ot ta ofe.
(1) ane (e) inoat (in) (3) anre (e) (4) iteak (e) (5) pailshe (e)
(b) Following indicator (noun) with connector: (2) inoat (in) ta (c) shong (e) ot.
(c) Following indicator without connector:
(5) an chuh harra halau loe han (in) de (e). (9) chua (in) finowa (e) tai an ta ong olhaki. (12) an (in) hat (e) koan (in) men (e). (13) oal hoptep (in) men (e) ta ngong.
(d) Following indicator (noun) with and without connector:
325
(8) harra ta chau (in) de (e. without c.) ta (c) finowa (e) tai chia an kenyum leat chim.
IV.
Illustrators (adverbs) usually follow, but sometimes precede, predicators (verbs). (a) Follow:
(3) anre ane noang shanen kwomhata (p) ten-chua (ill. phrase). (5) an chuh-harra-halau (p) loe kan-de (ill. phrase).
(7) etchai-chaka-lebare-chua (ill. phrase) tanang-ta-an (p. pharse). (10) paitshe shi loe ot (p) ta-ofe (ill. phrase). (11) katom yuang kamatoka kakat (p) ta-wahe (ill. phrase). (14) ane kanyut halau (p) men longtoten-chi (ill. phrase). (b) Precede: (17) linhen (ill.) ohit leap-okngok (p.)
But illustrators (adverbs) follow explicators (adjectives). (4) steak (e) poatore (ill.) kamheng en an.
(9) chua-finowa-tai-an (e. phrase) ta-ong-olhaki (ill. phrase). (13) oal-hoptep-men (e. phrase) ta-ngong (ill. phrase).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1907.
=
y. Connectors (prepositions) precede the words they connect with preceding words.
(a) Connecting predicator (verb) with complement (object): (1) ane inoat lamang (p) ten (c) chua (C). (3) anre ane noang shanen kuomhaia (p) ten (c) chua (C). (8) harra (p) ta (c) chau (C) de ta finowa tai chia an kenyum leat chim.
(b) Connecting predicator (verb) with illustrator (adverb ) : (4) iteak poatore kamheng en (c) an (r. e. for ill. phrase). (p. anexpressed). (9) chua finowa tai an ta (c) org-olhaki (ill. phrase). (10) paitshe hi loe ot (p) ta (c) ofe (r. e. for ill. phrase). (11) katom yuang kamatoka kakat (p) ta (c) wahe (ill). (13) oal hoptep-men ta (c) ngong (in, as an ill. phrase): (here ill, is connected with
p. unexpressed). (14) an hanyut halau (p) men longtoten (c) thi (r. s. for ill. phrase ). (15) chua oklakngato an kato (p) ta (c) fli-chua (ill. phrase).
(0) Connecting indicator (noun) with explicator (adjective): (2) inoat (in) ta (c) shong (e). ot. (6) leat-etohai-chaka-lebare chua (in) oal (c) kaiyi-de (e. phrase). (8) harra ta chau-do (in) ta (c) finowa (e) tai chia an kenyum leat ohim. (15) oal (0) hoptep-men (e. phrase connected with in, unexpressed) la ngong.
(d) Connecting explicator (adjective) with illustrator (adverb): (8) harra ta chau do ta finowa (o) tai (0) chia (in) an kenyum leat chim. (9) chua finowa (6) tai (0) an (in) ta ong olhaki.
VI. Referent conjunctors (conjunctions) commence a sentence connected with a previous one. (17) linhen chit leap okngok (first sentence) taina (r. c.) tu (second sentence). paiyuh20 hat dóh k atoka
hen (r, c.) mikasha man not can dance (first sentence) when sing kõi-haki. solomn-chaunt (second sentence). (one may not dance when singing the solemn channt).
VII.
Interrogatory Speech. Introducers (adverbs ) commence sentences. kaha ha itd? when he here? (p. anexpressed). (when will he be here ?) chty
haiyuan? who wish pig-hunt? (who is going to hunt pigs P) chun onthan o ngfwang
chúa which tree cut-down 0. i.
I? (which tree shall I cut down P) chin learg an? what name he ? (what is his name?) chữag loang what
name it ? (what is its name?)
** This is an additional illustrating sentence.
an
.
.

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NOVEMBRE, 1907.] RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
Questions are, however, usually asked by means of an interrogatory prefix, ka, kd, kan meaning "what?" attached to the subject of the sentence. In every such case the usual place of the subject is not changed. E. g.
tàu
men
younger-brother you
(is he your younger-brother ?) shwatare ka-men? you ?
return
(will you return this morning?) makngayan ka-en-kōan?
quite-well
c. i. r. child?
(is your child quite well?) ka-met ? you-not?
mah
heang
shua
ever
one
time
(have you never once been to Great Nicobar ?)
ka-an ? he?
ta
linhen
c. i. r. morning
na
an? yes ?
he
younger-brother (isn't he your younger brother ?) an ? men iteakla yes ? you drowsy (aren't you drowsy this morning?) an ? heang yes?
men
you
one
(surely you got something ?)
ka-an? yes?
men
you
As in many languages, there is an interrogative introducer (adverb) an, which expects an affirmative answer. E. g.
tàu
ka-an?
yes ?
ta c. i. r.
men you
men
itua visit
Loong
you
Great Nicobar
(will you visit Great Nicobar or not?) men ka-an? see yes P
heu
you
chüa
(you saw it, didn't you ?) an? ka-men? yiang en yes? you? with c. i. r. I (are you coming with me? say, "yes or no "). ka-shiri? ka-an? 27 fool P yes?
na he (what a fool he is!) ka-shiri?
me fool? you (what a fool you are!) ka-shtri ? fool ?
cha I
(what a fool I am !)
men
you
linhen morning
The following uses of ka, when prefixed to a word, show the system of the Nicobarese language well:
ka-hanan? no ?
ka-hanan? no ?
Loong
Great Nicobar
olyōl Bay
απ yes
827
ka-hanan ? no ?
37 These three sentences express impatience at anything carelessly done.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(NOVEMBER, 1907.
VIII.
Referent substitutes (Pronouns). Referent substitutes (pronouns) follow the place of their originals
(1) ane inoat lamang ten chua (r. B. as in). (4) steak poatore kamheng en an (r. 8. 88 ill. phrase ). (5) an (r, 8. as in ) chuh harra halau loe kan de. (8) an (r. S. as e) kenyum leat chim. (9) chua finowa tai an (r. 6. as ill. phrase) ta ong olhaki. (10) paitshe shi loe ot ta ofe (r. 8. As ill. phrase ). (12) an (r. B. as in ) hat koan men. (13) oal hoptep men (r. 8. as e.). (15) chuu oklalongato an (r. . a8. in ) kalo ta ñi chua (r. 8. as e.). ( 16 ) chua (r. s, as in ) leap kichal.
(17) linhen chit (r. s. as in ) leap okngok taina tu. The ordinary referent substitutes (pronouns) are :
Table of "Personal Pronouns." chüa
ina
you-two mei thou you)
ifē
you an, na he, she, it
onå
they-two hen, chaai we-two
ofē
they hē, chiöi
we Chüa, men, an are ordinarily inflected also to cha, me, el. E. g. hendün ta eh awake c.i.r. he (awake him).
There is further inflexion of all the personal pronouns" with hal, not, in negative sentences. Thus:
Table of Negative "Personal Pronouns." chit
I-not met
thou-not net (and hat)
he-not hen-hat
we-two-not (in full, to distinguish from the next) het
we-not inat
you-two-not (in full, to distinguish from the next) ifêt
you-not onât
they-two-not (in full, to distinguish from the next) ofēt
they-not Inflexion of some of these words appears again in the questions used when startled.
Thus:
chùa ? kane ? whatthat? (what was that?) (kane P=ka ? + ane) chūn P kina? what? you-two? (what was that P) (kina P=ka ? + ina)
chua ? kifē ? what? you ? (what was that?) (kife ?=ka ? + ifē) Eo, too, in greetings : et-chai-chaka (greet-face), greet; then (et) chai-chacha-ka
(greet-face-indeed), or (et-) chai-cha-rakat (greet-face-now). Then furthermet-chaio? how d'you do? (met=men +'et ) inat-chaio how d'you do, you two? (inat= a + et )
ifēt-chaio? how d'you do, all of yon ? (ifēt=ifē + et)
Another common infexion of the same type may be noticed here, though it does not belong to this place : wot, don't, for wt-hat (do-not).

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RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
329
go
h. - Order of Connected sentences. Connected sentences are usually joined by referent conjunctors (conjunctions) and in such cases the principal sentence is followed by the subordinate.
(17) linhen chit leap okngók (principal sentence) taina (r. c.) tu (subordinate sentence.). ata mer milah laok
taina chia yo you play outside (prin, sentence) because I wish iteak sleep (sub. sentence ) (go and play outside, because I want to sleep). paiyuh hat dôh katoka
hen mikasha man
not can dance (prin sentence) when sing kõi-haki solemn-chaunt (sub. sentence).
(one cannot dance, when singing the solemn chaunt).
Referent substitutes (pronouns) are often, though not always, used in both of two consecutive sentences. Thus:
ka, who, which, chichi, ya, whoever in the prin, sentence with shina, the same, in the sub. sentence. kae, whatever
Except when thus used shina should therefore be regarded as a referent conjunctor . (conjunction).
i. - Expression of Conneoted Purposes. But the tendency of the Nicobarese in indicating connected purposes by speech is to treat the subordinate sontence as an integral part of the principal, and to avoid breaking up speech into separate sentences connected by referent conjunctors (conjunctions). E. g.
(6) ledt etchai-chaka-lebars chua oal kaiyi de
did read-aload I in road own There are two connected purposes in the sentences of this statement: (1) "I read aloud," (2) "while I was travelling." But the Nicobarese treats them as one by turning the subordinate sentence oal-kaiyi-de into an explicator (adjective) phrase attached to the subject "chua, I." (7) etchai-shaka-lebare chua tanang 1 ta
an read-aloud
arrive c. i. r. he Here the two connected purposes of the statement are more apparent. The information is (1) "I was reading aloud," (2) "he arrived." 'But the Nicobarese has treated the subordinate sentence et chas-chaka-lebare chua as an illustrator (adverb) phrase of the principal sentence tanang ta an. (8) harrata chua
de ta finowa tai chia see c. i. r. elder brother own c. 1. r. beat by father an kenyum leat chim. his child
did cry . Here we have (1) “his child cried," (2) "on seeing its elder brother beaten by its father.” But the subordinate sentence harra ta chau de ta finowa tai chia is treated by the.. Nicobarose as an explicator (adjective) phrase of the subject an kenyum.

Page #348

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
NOVEMBER, 1907.
OL
sharp
to
an
ta
buy
j. - Expression of the Functions and Interrelation of Words. It will have been observed that the Nicobarese express the interrelation of the components of their sentences by functional connectors (in their case prepositions ), which form, therefore, an important part of their speech. Thus:
(1) lamang ten chua
belong to (2) inoat
shong knife c. i.r. kwomhata ten chua give
I iteak kamhengen asleep noon
c. i. r. he (is) leat etchai-chaka-lebare chua oal kaiyi de did read-aloud
I in road own harra ta
chau
de ta finowa tai chia see c. i. r. elder brother own c . i. r. beat by father chua finowa tas
taong
olhaki beat by he c. i. r. past-of-to-day morning paitshe shi
loeot ta ofe Bome old
cloth possess. c. i. r. they (10) katom yuang kamatoka kakat
• wahe how-many? persons dancers present c. i. r. last-night (13) oal hoptep men
ta
ngong box
you c. i. r. nothing (14) ane kanyut halau men
longtoten chi that coat
you from
who chua oklakngato an kato ta ni chua
permithe live c. i. r. hut I
k. - Connectors (Prepositions ). The functional connectors (prepositions and connector-phrases are necessarily numerous and their use quite simply expressed. The commonest are :
Table of "Prepositions." CENTRAL DIALECT. ENGLIBE.
CENTRAL DIALECT. ENGLISH ten, an, ta, tatai to, at, on (object) yo
to (place) tai
en, at, kat oal, òl
in enyah
after yol, yiang, hokaio with
pat, taihit, hatyôl hatyiang
} without longto, lòngtoten, ngatai, yang,
from
kâe longtota, chaka,
concerning lamongtotai ngashi
about, in relation yôna-ta-kae S for, account of, to
1 sake of henshât-kae for, place of hēangechuk
among mongyuangñe between
talashiak
along-side tanúak
beneath
harôh-tomtare except ogūhta
till, until tamang
88-far-as ta-tangtatai,
tamat 818-well-as
during hēangetai; okalhare
across yöhne
through (& solid) õakne
through a fluid A good example of their use is the following: an okaihanga
powah lòngto t a oal düe chila he took-away-south paddle from 0.i.r. in canoe I (he took away to the South the paddle ont of (from inside of) my canoe ).

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NOVEMBER, 1907.)
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
881
he
en
1. - Connectors of Intimate Relation. The only class of connectors (prepositions that presents any difficulties is that of the connectors of intimate relation. These are ta, en, pan and may be translated " in respect of, as, as for, as to, regarding, as regards, with reference to, concerning, for' according to the context. They are used for connecting :
(1) indicator (noun) with its explicator (adjective). (2) subject and its predicate. (3) explicator (adjective) with its illustrator (adverb). (4) predicator (verb) and its complement (object)..
(1) indicator (noun) with its explicator (adjective).
inôat ta shong ộ t knife
sharpis (the knife is sharp). paiyuh ta urihatshe dak man
many
come (many men came). kenyam t ai
finowa child by
beat (the child was beaten by him). subject and its predicate. yuchuh pan chia go-home
I (I am going home). paitshe homkwòm
men ten
chüa some give
thon to (give me some ). oal hoptēp m en
ngong in box
you
nothing (there is nothing in your box). explicator (adjective) with its illustrator (adverb). iteak kamheng en an asleep noon (noon is asleep for him, i. e., he sleeps at noon). chüa finowa tai ant ta ong
ölhakt beat by he
past-of-to-day morning (I was beaten by him this morning). hat 68 loe ta oal
hoptëp
an not is cloth
in box he (there is no cloth in his box ). predicator (verb) and its complement (object). harra
chào вее
elder brother (seeing the elder brother). paitshe shi loet some old cloth have (they have some old cloth ). wian en ta linhen make it to (make it to-day). chit leap wf an en I-not can make it to (I cannot make it).
de
מאס
they
to-day

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332
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(NOVEMBER, 1907.
kan
The Nicobarese, however, have no idea of using connectors (conjunctions) merely for joining two words together. They cannot express " and " or "or" without a paraphrase. Thus :
ane ning an-diatou an homkuom that this it-another he give (he gives this and that).
dāk olhaki haran en chua he
come morning no (he will come in the morning : no: (then) I, 1. e., he or I will come in the morning).
m. - Order of the Words is the Essence of the Grammar. But the great point of the speech is the position of the words and that comes out clearly in the following instances from the sample sentences, where the words are simply thrown together. an chūh harra halau ide
de he go
Bee buy cloth wife
own (he has gone to see about buying cloth for his wife). an hatkoan mei he not child you (che is not your child ). ane kanyut halau mer longtotens cht? that coat buy you from
who? (from whom did you buy that coat?)
It would be impossible to make such sentences intelligible, except by the order of the words. The same principlo of simple collocation in a certain order is adopted in elliptical connected sentences. oal hoptēpm en
ngong in b ox
you c.i.r. nothing ( there is nothing in your box).
Simple collocation of words, in a fixed order, determining the functions and classes of each is very common in the language. chia tan chüa
} = my wife's father father wife kan chia mei
} = your father's wife wife father you due
chua
} = my own canoe canoe own hopter chang chia kan chua box own father
wife I (my wife's father's own box).
р, — тргөввion in Phrases. The habit just explained comes out strongly in the simple collocation of appropriate worde to express the various phases of action or condition necessarily connected with predicators ( verbs). Thas:
Table of "Auxiliaries" to " Verbs.” orihats
beat wòt ori ((wòt for ni hat, do not) don't beat chiia ori
I beat (I am beating) chüa yuangshitô ori
I busy beat (I was beating) chùa leät yũangshitô yanga ori I finish busy just-now beat (I had been beating) chüs yanga ori
I just-now beat (I have just beaten) chữa leặt ori
I finish beat (I have beaten, I did beat ) chüs ori leätngare
I beat entirely (I had beaten) chüa yo ori
I wish beat (I will beat )
chang

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November, 1907.)
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
333
chüa enyah ori
I afterwards beat (I shall beat) chüa alde ori
I just-now beat (I am about to beat ) lâk (and shok) chiia ori
let I beat ( let me beat ) chüa leap ori
I can beat chüa dôh ori
I able beat (I may perhape ) beat ) dohta chüa ori
duty I beat (I must ought to ) beat) chüa kaiyahtashe ori
I permit-from-some-one beat (I may, 6. o., have
the power to, beat ) barôh-ta-yande-chüa ori
expect-continue I beat (I might beat) So with the really ellipsed form oria, beaten, where the predicator (verb) is anexpressed.
E. g.
chüa leät oria
I finish beaten (I was beaten) chüa yô oria
I wish beaten (I shall be beaten) chüs dôh oria
I can beaten (I may be beaten) and so on. All this shows that the Nicobarese have no idea of "active" and "passive voices," the expression of the various natural phases of action and condition being merely with them a question of the collocation of certain conventional appropriate words.
0.- Numeral Coefficients. The habit of collocating conventional words in phrases comes out in another important point in the Nicobarese language. There is, in common with all Far Eastern languages, but carried to a far greater extent than usual, a kind of explicator (adjective) employed in Nicobarese, known to grammarians as the "pomeral coefficiente," attached with numerals to indicators (nouns), when the numerals themselves are nsed as explicators (adjective). Thus, one cannot say in Nicobarese "one man," but one must say "one fruit man": 1. e., one mast not say heang enkdiña, but heang yuang enkciña. The numeral coefficient is always collocated with the words to which it is attached between the numeral and the thing enumerated.
Table of Numeral Coeficients. CENTRAL
CAR NICOBAR. (1) for human beings and spirit-scaring figures (karcau ). yūang (fruit)
taka koi (head)
tat, tat-yuang, tat-kõi (2) for animate moving objects, eggs, parts of the body, domestic and other objects
that are round.
nõang'( cylinder) (8) for fruit. nõang-yuang
taka (4) for flat objects, cooking-pots and fishing-nete. tak (wide)
tdk (5) for dwellings and buildings. hen
momti (6) for trees and long things. chanang
md (7) for ships and boats. danji
nong (8) for bamboos used for keeping shell-lime. hinle
kdha (9) for bunches of fruit, but for single pine-apples or papaya, tom (bunch) :
lamndha, tum (10) for bundles of pandanus-paste.
manoal, mokonha
wòng

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884
(11) for bundles of split-cane and wood-chips. pomak
chumvi
(12) for bundle of cane.
meküya
(13) for bundles of firewood. mindl
(14) for bundles of tobacco. lamem (15) for books.
amoka
(16) for ladders.
chamink da
(17) for pieces of cloth.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
shamanap
(18) for cord and fishing lines.
tafual
tak
kamilang
Another set of numeral coefficients for "pair" is used in the same way.
pair
pair
pair
milima
tanai kotatai dn kochat foan kongaláh loe koñenge Joan koshtohaka issat koshianha
amok
of cooking pots.
This principle is carried rather far in the following instances:amok is also used for two pairs of bamboos for shell-lime.
[NOVEMBER, 1907.
of cocoanuts, rupees, edible birds' nest. of bamboos for shell-lime.
kamintap is a set (4 to 5) of cooking pots.
noang is a set of ten pieces of tortoise-shell.
EXAMPLE-loe noang okkáp, three sets of tortoise-shell, i. e., 30 pieces. Numeral coefficients appear again in yet another way in the following instances: - tanai shud, five times, but
five times (for hammering and hand work) two times (for jumping) four times (for going)
three times (for talking, singing)
four times (for eating, drinking, feeding)
seven times (for washing, bathing)
p.-Elliptical Sentences.
Elliptical sentences are very common: the obvious predicate being usually unexpressed. iteak poatôre kamheng en an, noon (is) always asleep for him.
an hat hoan men, he (is) not your child.
q. Analytical Nature of the Language,
We can now perceive generally how the Nicobarese mind regards speech. A Nicobarese has no idea of using variation in the external form of words to indicate the functions of the sentences and the interrelation of the component words, but uses position and special additional words (connectors) for those purposes: nor does he use anything but position to indicate the functions of his words. He must consequently, to make himself intelligible, rely mainly on the order of his words, in the sentence, which thus becomes of the greatest importance to him. His language is, therefore, essentially a Syntactical Language of the analytical variety. Briefly it may be described as an Analytical Language.
r. Order of Speech.
To the Nicobarese instinct the logical order of speech for all purposes is as follows:(1) subject before predicate.
(2) subject, predicate, complement (object).
(3) explicator (adjective) before indicator (noun): or with connector (preposition) after indicator,

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NOVEMBER, 1907.)
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
335
(4) illustrator (adverb) after predicator ( verb ) or explicator (adjective). (5) connector (preposition ) before the word it connects with another. (6) referent conjunctor (conjunction between connected sentences) and introducers
(interrogative adverb ) before everything. (7) referent substitutes (pronouns) follow the position of their originals.
(8) the principal sentence precedes the subordinate. The Nicobarese has to adhere strictly to this order, and can only vary it when the inherent qualities of the words used allows him to do so for emphasis or convenience; as when he makes the subject follow the predicate, explicator (adjective) follow indicator (noun) without connector (preposition), illo trator (adverb.) precedes predicator (verb) or explicator (adjeotive). He has very complicated methods, without using fanctional variation of form, of indicating the nature and class of his words, and these necessarily form the chief point for study in the language as regards the stracture of its words.
B. - Classifloation of Words Dopends Primarily on Position in tho Sontence.
Primarily there is nothing in external form, which necessarily denotes the function or functions of a word in a sentence and, therefore, its class or its inherent qualities, i, e., its nature. Nor is there primarily anything in external form to show that a word has been transferred from one class to another. That is, properly the class of a word is known by its nature or by its position, and its transfer from one class to another is shown by its position.
I have said above“ primarily" and "properly," because, like all speakers of highly developed languages, as analytical languages must necessarily be, the Nicobarese follow one principle of language chiefly and others in a minor degree. So, as will be seen later on, it is possible in many, though not in by any means all, cases to classify Nicobarese words by their form
Examples of the effect of position on the class of a word, loa, "quick," explicator (adjective) is transferred to illustrator (adverb)
"quickly" by position. mittòi "false, "to "falsehood." chang, "own," predicator (verb) to "own," explicator (adjective). hen, "time" to referent conjunctor" when." kapngato," remeraber" to "mindful." paitngato, "forget" to "forgetful." kedöhnga, "another" to "otherwise (differently)." loatayan," punctual" to "early" illustrator (adverb ).
hoi, " far" explicator (adjective) to "far" illustrator (adverb). Words of the same form with totally different meanings according to class are known by position. Thus
kato as explicator (adjective) means "silent": as a predicator (verb) it means
"dwell." tafval as an indicator (noun) means "pair": as a numeral explicator (adjective)
or indicator (noun) it means "six." tä as an indicator (noun) means "touch" : as an explicator (adjective) it
means "flat." kdhë as an indicator (noun) means "moon": as an referent conjunctor it means
when." yô means "if," "wish” (verb), " to,” “thither" according to its position in the
sentence. E. g. yo men yo yố På if you wish to Car Nicobar. (if you wish to go to Car Nicobar).

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336
hen-hatòm paiyūh-olchua
kōi-henyuan
t.- Phrases (Compound Words) Classed as Words.
Phrases (compound words) formed of several words thrown together without connectors are very common. They are treated in the sentence precisely as simple words. Indicator Phrases (Compound Nouns).
karl-fip
yo-buybie
alde-shiang
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
time-night, night-time. man-jungle, jungle
man.
head-hill, hill-top.
(1) tumtie
anh-chaki-fòin
ânha-oal-hindel
Explicator Phrases (Compound Adjectives). yo-hny e-tai
big-side, corpulent.
dōh-eingabe
moah-toah
wish-drunk, intem.
perate.
Predicator Phrases (Compound Verbs). just-now-sweet, be
come sweet.
a
--lah
suff. + leg (2) om-tum-lah pref. tie leg
inform-ear, send word. make-road-water, drain.
The use of such phrases (compound words) as single words is proved by the following examples: - I. Roots: rü, shade; kôi, head. Then (1) ha-ru- -ngare go into the shade pref. shade suff.
(2) ha-ru-kōî
take shelter
pref. shade head
shade the head
(8) ha-ru-ya-koi-re pref. shade suff. head suff.
In this case we have:
ingāhñe-nâng
wi-kaiyi-dak
(1) tum-a--koal tie suff. arm (2) om-tum-kodl pref. tie + arm
(1) root pref. + suff. (simple word)..
(2) root 1 root 2+ pref. (compound word).
(3) root 1+ pref. + suff. first word (+) root 2+ suff.
[NOVEMBER, 1907.
life-face-crossbow, bolt of c. contents-gun, cartridge.
nose-breast, teat.
second word, the whole being a compound word. The third case shows clearly that the whole compound is looked upon as one word grammatically constructed.
II. Roots: tum28 (lost r.), tie; lah, leg. Then
wish-drunk-make, intoxicating. can-recover, able.
JII. Roots: tum (lost r.), tie; koal, arm.
tied by the leg (simple word)
tie the legs (compound word)
tied by the arms, pinioned (simple word) tie by the arms, pinion (compound word)
III. ETYMOLOGY.
a.-Classification of Words Depends Primarily on Their Order in the Sentence.
It has been already noted that the Nicobarese relies mainly on the position and inherent qualities of his words, i. e., on their nature, for a complete expression of his meaning, and that there is nothing in the external form of the words which necessarily indicates their class, or 38 This root is seen again in such words as tom-8, tom-mol, collect, gather: ha-töm, assemble.

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NOVEMBER, 1907.)
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
337
whether a word, as used in a sentence, belongs to its original class or has been transferred to another. That is, there is nothing to show that lēap, can, and wi, do, are predicators (verbs), or that oyühta, till, is a connector (preposition ), or that düe, canoe, and koi, head, are indicators (nouns), except their actual meaning.
Again, there is nothing to show when the indicator (nonn) chia, I, is transferred to explicator (adjective) "my," or when loa, quick, explicator (adjective) is transferred to illustrator (adverb)" quickly," or when leät, did, predicator ( verb ) is transferred to illustrator (adverb)" already," except their position in the sentence.
b.- Classifloation of Words Depends Secondarily on Form. But, nevertheless, the Nicobarese have means of indicating the class to which a word has been transferred, or to which of two or more classes connected words in different classes belong, and of differentiating connected words belonging to the same class. They can thus make their speech clearer than would be possible, if they entirely trusted to the mere collocation of their words.
C. - Form Created by Radical Prefixes, Infixes, and Suffixes. The Nicobarese manage to differentiate connected words by adding, in various complicated ways, aflixes of all the three sorts, - prefixes, infixes, and suffixes,-to simple stems or roots. The affixes are, therefore, none of them functional, but are all radical, and the words consist of simple stems, or of compound stems (stems made up of a root or a simple stem plus radical affixes). The Nicobarese carry this principle through a great part, but not through all of their language, and have by its means built up a complicated but uncertain system of radical and derivative words, and have rendered their language a very difficult one to analyse and to speak, or to understand, correctly.
d.-Use of Radical Affl.xos: Agglutinatod, Changed, and Inflected. The radical affixes usually employed to indicate transfer of stems from one class to another, s.e., to create words of different classes connected with each other, those to which the affixes are added being necessarily "derivatives of the others, are as follow. It will be seen, from what follows later, that they are added
(1) by mere agglutination, i..., unchanged form: (2) by changed form: (3) by clipped form, i. c., by inflexion.
Table of Radical Amixes of Transfer. (Mr. Man gires many more.)
Prefixes. ka ha na ma men en hen op o la lan lok fuk
Infizes. ma am an e
Sufizes. ao yo yan la nga bat
0.- Use of the Radical Anxos of Transfer. The following examples will exhibit the ase of the radical affixes of transfer :
Abbreviations used in the following tables : in. class for nouns (indicators )
ill. class for adverbs (illustrators) e. class for adjectives (explica
c. class for prepositions (connectors)
tors) for verbs (predicators)
p. class

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338
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1907.
na
lan
p. class
Radical Affixes of Transfer added by Agglutination.
Prefizes. ha
men c. clase to p. class
in. class
to e. class yol (with) ha-yol (mix fluid) koan (child)
men-koan (having
many children ) in. class to p. class
ls wa (blood)
na-ud (bleed) in. class
to e. class ma
ok (back)
la-ok (behind, fole. class to in, class
lowing ) huydie (drunk) ma-huyòie (drunk
ard) ill. class
to in class
yol (together) ka-yol (friend) p. class
,to in. class pöya ( sit)
en-pöya (seat) op
in. class
to p. class to in class dakmat (tear)
lan-dakmat (water, of Top (cover the should op-top (shawl)
the eyes) ers)
lòk in. class
in. class to p. class
to p. class shamoa (sprout)
o-foah (to open) fodng ( window)
tok-shamoa (to sprout)
hodng (sweat) löl-hodng (to sweat ) hen
fuk p. class
to in. class tainya (to plait) hen-tain (baskot) in. class
to p. class lain (revolve ) hen-lain ( wheel) ddk (water)
ful-ddk (draw. water) Infixes. ma.
p. class
to e, class to in class. l-zap (can)
l-am-iap (expert ) pa-hôa (to fear) pa-ma-hôa (coward)
in. class
to e. class po-moan (to fight) pa-ma-moan (war- koan (child)
k-am-oano (having
children) poin-stop die )
pa-ma-nap (corpse) ch-uaha (property) ch-am-woahdi (rich) e. clase.
to in. class ka-ma-ti (adult)
an ka-ri (large) in. class to e, class.
p. class
to in. class pu-yol (hair) pa-ma-yol (hairy) t-dk (to measure) l-an-dk-ram (night
measurer, sandp. class to in class
glass) d-am-āk (guest )
w-i-fit dāk (come)
(make-hut, w-an-e-nt (framet-am-dka (fathom)
build) t-dk (to measure)
work of hut-roof) ch-wanga (visit a ch-am-wanga (a visi
ch-io (to whistle ) ch-an-eo (& whistle)
ch-Fal tor of a jungle)
(lift by a ch-an-öla jungle)
(strap, handle )
handle ) e. class
to in. class
. k-odng (strong) k-am-odng (strong e. class
to in class man) - o sh-t-tashe (old) oh-an-i-tashe (age)
p. class
rior)

Page #357

NOVEMBER, 1907.]
p. class
ngeang (employ) p. class
top (drink)
e. class
orěh (first) p. class ori (beat)
in. class fúp (side)
p. class iteak (sheep) p. class leät (finish)
P. class hữu (see)
in. class wan (net)
p. class p-em (drink) vi (make)
e. class phòngkoi ( tall )
in. class sh-ayo (sack)
p. class halau (buy)
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
8
to e. class
ngeang-a (employed)
to in. class
top-a (beverage)
to p. class
orëh-a (begin) to e. class
ori-a (beaten)
to e. class
fap-o (fat)
la
to e. class
iteak-la (sleepy)
change of ma to mo
to e. class mo-hiwa sighted)
change of ha to ha to p. class ha-wan (net fish)
change of am to om
to in. class
Suffixes.
to in. class ch-om-ongkoś man)
to p. class
p-om-em (drunkard) w-om-i (maker)
(long
change of a to ya
sh-om-yo (fill a sack)
to e. class
(tall
p. class doh (can)
change of a to wa
to in. class
halau-wa (a purchaser)
in. class kaiyi (road) (ol) chua (jungle)
in, class
oydu (cocoanut-tree)
e, class paich (small)
in. class düe (canoe)
Infixes.
to in. class
l-an-eät-la (final memorial feast) Radical Affixes of Transfer added in Changed Form. Prefixes.
p. class (oal-)ōla (in))
p. class (ol) yola (speak)
p. class t-op (drink)
p. class d-ian (run)
Suffixes.
p. class h-et (to chisel)
p. class dian (run)
nga
to e. class
to p. class
yan
dôh-nga (suitable)
hat
in. class chatai (weapon) in. class düe (canoe)
to e. class
kaiyi-nga (go away) ch-ua-nga (go into (visit)29 a jungle)
oyau-yan (lonely)
to in, class
339
paich-hat (a little)
yo
to p. class
change of en to an to in. class an-üla (grave)
(bury
change of on to in to in, class in-ôla (tale)
düe-yo (travel in a canoe)
change of am to anm to in, class t-anm-op (drunkard) change of an to en to in. class
h-en-et (a chisel)
change of an to in to in. class. d-in-nónha (winner in a foot race)
change of a to ha to in. class dinnéh-ha (winner in a foot race)
change of o to yo
to e. class chatai-yo (armed) to p. class
in. class
miyai (value)
miyai-ya (costly)
düe-yo (travel in a canoe ).
We have here a very interesting set of words to exhibit word-building: (ol)-chua, jungle: chua-nga, visit a jungle: ch-am-a-nga, visitor of a jungle.

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340
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[ NOVEMBER, 1907.
Radical A xes of Transfer added by Inflexion.
Prefixes. ha inflected to h
enluana ( exorcise) m-enlūana (exorcist) p. class to in. class itua ( visit)
m-itua ( visitor) okngók (eat) h-olergók (food) e. class
to in class in. class to p. class orēh (first)
m-orēh (first person omkuòm (gift) h-omkwom give)
or living thing) ma inflected to m
omtom (all, the whole) m-omtoma (flock, P. class to in. class
crowd ) 1.-Correlated Radical Affixes of Transfor. The Nicoba rese also indicate the classes, to which connected words derived from lost or obscure roots belong, by a system of correlated radical affixes of transfer.
Prefixos. lost or obscure root p. class
to in. class hoat ha-hēat (to hook up)
hen-hoat (hooked pole) het han-het (to strain)
hen-het (strainer) òi hu-yòie (drunk)
hen-yòiya (drunkard) shin ka-shin (to prop)
ken-shin (a prop ) tök ka-toka (to dance)
keu-töka (a dance) tháng ka-sháng (to fish in 1
kan-shang (a weir)
slack water) kak tom-kák (pierce)
ten-kak (lancet) fal tom-fūalbata (tie &
ta-fūal (a pair)
pair of cocoanuts) hôn
kom-hồi ( to trap ish) ken-hội (4 trap) A good instance of the use and foree of correlated radical affixes of transfer is the following: -Obscure or lost root, tain: then tain-ya, plaiting : en-tain-ya, plaited: hen-tain, basket: ha-tain-ya-paiydh, crosswise.
Instructive examples of the effect of correlated affixes of transfer on the forms of connected words are the following, where a prefix has been added to the lost root of one of two connected words and an infix to the other. Thus: lost or obscure root p. class (pref. used)
to in. class (inf. used) di o-di (beat with stick)
dan-i (cudgel) kash i-kâsha (sing)
k-an-dishe (song) That the lost root in the latter case is really ikash in the last case is shown by momi-kdsha (maker-song ), a singer.
8. - Inflexion of Ames. It is probablo that there is more inflexion than at first appears in the existing forms of the radical prefixes.80 Thus in the case of the correlated radical prefixes -
hen may be taken to be ha + en tom may be taken to be ta + om (for am ) ken ka + en
pa + an ten ta + en
pa + en (for an ) h. - Duplication of Affixes. The existence of such inflexion would make one suspect the common existence of duplicated radical affixes, and that this is the case the following instances go to show:(1) en-luana exorcise ) : m-en-luana (exorcist). Here the root is luan and the prefix
men is certainly an inflected form of ma + en, two separato prefixes. (2) kõan (child): k-am-an-vana (a generation). Here the root is k.õan, and the infix
aman is certainly am +an, two separate infixes. (3) h-en-tain (basket ): m-en-tainya (basketfal). Here the root is tain and the prefixes
hen and men are certainly inflected forms of ha + en and maten, respectively. There is also a prefix of transfer, kala, which seems certainly to be made up of ka+la. Thus, höi (far): kala-hoiya (sky). 80 Here seems to be a strong instance of the inflection to whioh affizes can be subject
which affizos oan be subjected : wi, maico : w-om-, maker, which also takes the form of mom- for (P) m-[w]-om-i (ma + v + am + i).
pen I pen

Page #359

NOVEMBER, 1907.) RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
841 -
Duplication of suffixes is very common: e..,
Lapa-yan (well): lapa-yantó (glad ), Di (bulk): di-ngareshe (all absent from anything, entirely wanting in ): here the suffix is double (ngare + she) or more probably $1 treble (nga +re+she).
The proof will be seen in the following examples :wf-hala (to take owi-la ch take it ont) | out-hahat (to screw out-ha eh (screw it in ) out)
in)
tuak-haiñe (to drag) tuak-ne eh (drag it) kaichuat-hala (to dig kaichuat-la eh (dig it
tapaih-haine (to spit tapaih-ne eh (spit it ap) up)
ont)
out) lenkáh-hanga (to lenkdh-nga eh ( bend it) ép-hashe (to trans- ép-she eh (transplant it) bend)
plant) i. - Connectors of Intimate Relation as Prefixes. There must of course be a strong tendency in the connectors of intimate relation (prepositions ), ta, en, pan, pen, to become radical prefixes of transfer, and we accordingly find that in some cases they do so : e. g., Connectors of Intimate Relation as Radical Prefixes of Transfer,
ta p. Class
to in class kápah (die)
ta-kdpah (carcase)
pen
e, class
to in. class teyer (white )
pen-leyeh-oalmdt (white of the eye) al (black)
pen-ül-oalmát (pupil of the eye), j. - Nature of Nicobarese Predicators (Verbs). There is also a use of the duplicated prefix hen as an affix of transfer with predicators (verbs), which is of grammatical interest, as showing that the Nicobarese do not separate in their minds predicators (verbs ), when they merely assert a fact regarding a subject, from indicators ( nouns). They look upon them both as indicating, the first the idea about a thing, and the second the thing itself; and instinctively put the words for both in the same class, indicators (nouns). That is, the Nicobarese look upon "intransitive verbs" as " nouns" and in order to transfer them to the class of real, i, e., "transitive verbs,” they add sometimes, but ( in obedience to their instinct in such matters ) not always, an affix of transfer, the prefix hen. Thus : ENGLISH. INTRANSITIVE FORM.
TRANSITIVE FORM. break tôknga
hen-toknga smash dähnga
hen-dähnga sink pangshe
hen-panghashe k. - Expression of " Active" and "Passive." An important set of correlated suffixes of transfer in daily use are worth noting apart. They are used to transfer explicators (adjective) to predicators (verbs ) and have, naturally though erroneously, been taken to indicate the "passive and active voice."
The common oxplicator (adjective) suffix of transfer is a : then very commonly stem e. class
to p. class haròk (burn) harők-a (burnt)
haròk-hata (burn) haril shoot with gan ) harfll-a (sbot)
haril-hata (shoot) That this is the correct way to view this point in Nicobarese Grammat can be shown thus : (1) idk hi harok ten an
lak he ori ten an let wo burn to it
let we beat to it (2) Idkan haroka
ilk an oria let it burnt
let it beaten (8) haròk(hata) ta eh
orl(hata)sa ta en burn 0. i. 1. it
beat c.i.r. it 11 See below, , "Groape of Word. Round an Idos," II. * Hata ia omitted in the "imperative."

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942
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1907.
Here we have in (1) the mere stems haròk, burn; ort, beat. In ( 2 ) we have the predicator (be) unexpressed. In ( 3 we have the subject (thou, you) unexpressed. There is no instinct whatever of an "active" or " passive voice." Of the suffixes, a is merely a suffix of transfer indicating the class (e.) to which the stems have been transferred from their original class (p.): and hata is really a suffix of differentiation, giving a definite turn to the original sense of the stem.
1.- Use of Radical Affxes of Differentiation, The Nicobarese differentiate connected words of the same class and derived from the same root (original meaning) by radical affixes, precisely as they indicate transfer of words from class to class. There is no difference in method or form in the affixes thus sed. E g., Radical Affixes of Differentiation for Connected Indicators (Nouns).
Prefixes. hen-tain (basket ) maben-tainya (basketful) en-kòiña (a male) men-kòiña (a male of wētare (goblet) ta wētare (gobletful)
a given race ) yai (price)
mi-yai (value) móngko (cup) mo-mòngkoa (cupful)
Infixes. sh-ayo (sack) sh-am-ayowa (sackful) | k-ahē (moon) k-am-abenwa (lunation)
Combined Prefix and Infis, p-omlē (bottle)
ta-p-ah-āmlē (bottleful) For Connected Explicators (Adjootives).
Sufixes. kēh (violent)
kēn-tó (ill-tempered) kah-ngayan (difficult) lapā (good)
lapā-yan (well)
lapa-yanto (glad ) s bēang-asbe (alike) hēang-ayan (equal) heang (one)
hēange (same)
hēang-she (first) karů (large)
karü.ngashe (extensive ) karū-she ( abundant)
S yol-hashe (same kind) yol-shi ( beside ) yol (together)
yol-ten (accompanying) m. - Working of Correlated Radioal Axes. In the following instances one can see side by side the working of the correlated radical suffixes both of transfer and differentiation,38 (1) Lost or obscure root; tang (P) arrive. (2) Lost or obscure root; ydk () attract. CLA8B. WORD. Sense. CLABB. WORD.
SENSE tang-ngashe complete.
yâh-ngamat pretty tang-taghe accurate,
yâh-ngató bappy tang-bat arrive eastwarda,
yah-ngayan tang-ngato approve.
yâh-ngashi
fond of (to be ) tang-ngayan satisfy (hunger,
ha-yâh-ngashi love (family) (to) thirst).
p.) hen-yâh-ngashe family love In the last two instances it will be noticed that correlated prefixes of differentiation have been called in to make the sense clear in the usual way,
n. - In the “Comparative Degrees." In working out his comparative degrees " the Nicobarese exhibits the uses of the radical affixes in most of the ways above explained. He adds the suffix a and then sometimes the infix en or the prefix on and ong, and sometimes he uses correlated prefixes. This addition he effects by agglutination, change of form, or inflexion.
# The mental process observable in these casos becomes quite clear from a reference to the Languages of the Torres Straits, as pointed out to me by Mo. Sydney Ray. Thus: Palai (intransitive form pali) expresses the idea of separation, division into two parts, motion apart. Then
dan-pali (dan eye), to opon eye, be awake. gud-pali (gud=month ), to open (flower, mouth). poi.pali (poi sdust), to shake off. galu-pali (galu =cold), to tremble. gagai-palai (gagai =bow), to shoot, ia dai-palai (ladat, plural of i'a, word), to ono one to chatter.
kerket.palai (kerket =smarting sensation), to cause to smart. The connection with the root idow in those cases is not always may for a Luropean to follow.
kind
p.

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NOVEMBER, 1907.)
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
343
Table of the "Comparative Degrees,"
(Suffs always a.) Unchanged Form of Sufis.
Infix en. changed form ch-òng (high).
ch-in-onga (higher) inflected l-apā (good)
l-en-paa (better) inflected ch-aling (long)
ch-in-linga (longer ) inflected sh-iang (sweet)
sh-inn-eanga (sweeter) inflected p-oap (poor )
p-enn-mapa ( poorer ) infected la-ngan (heavy )
l-en-ngdna (heavier) Changed Form of Sufiz. inflected f-uòi (thick)
f-enn-ółyo (thicker) . inflected pa-chau (cold)
p-en-chauwa (colder) Unchanged Form of Sufis.
Prefixes en, ong. inflected enh (near)
enn-erha (nearer) agglutinated kodng (strong )
ong-konga (stronger ) Changed Form of Suffix.
Correlated Prefizes. mi-taito (short)
en-tanta (shorter ) The "gu perlative" does not come into the argument, as there is, strictly, no such" degree," the illustrator (adverb ), kn, indeed,' following the "comparative" for the purpose. Thus : ching ( high ) chinònga (higher)
chinònga ka (highest) 0.-In Expression of "Continuing Action." So also in working out a plan for expressing "continuing action," the Nicobarese employs the same method. He adds a suffix yande to the suffix a, and then proceeds as in the former case.
Continuing Action. (Sufix always a + yande.)
Infix en. inflected
t-op
(drink) tenn-opayande (c. drinking) inflected
(ok)-ng-ók (eat) ng-enn-ókayande (C. eating ) inflected
(i)-k-asha (sing ) k-enn-osshayande (c. singing) inflected
(ong)-sh-òngha (walk ) sh-inn-ôngayande (c. walking )
Correlated Prefixes. i-teal (sleep)
en-teakayande (c. sleeping ) ka-töka (dance)
ken-tókayande (c. dancing) et-et (write )
en-êtayande (c. writing) a-mink (rain)
en-minhayande (c. raining) p. - In Expression of Naturally Conneoted Words. So further in the case of expressing the depth of water, a matter of much consequence to #people constantly navigating canoes and boats along a coral-bound shore.
Water and canoes are measured by the arm-span, which is something over five feet, or roughly a fathom: heang tamaka, one fathom. But for the more commonly used 2 to 10 fathoms there are expressions specially differentiated by means of the prefix or infix en and the suffix o (for a), attached on the principles noted in Appendix A in the case of the namorals. Root.
WORD.
SENSE. An two enn-ay-0
2 fathoms 1-6e three l-enn-òiy-o
8 fathoms four h-enn-oan-no
4 fathoms t-anai five t-enn-ēy-o
5 fathoms t-afual six t-en-lüal-o
6 fathoms ingat ветер en-shât-o
7 fathoms enfoan eight enfoan-no
8 fathoms sh-om ten sh-inn-am
10 fathoms
f-oan

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344
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1907.
a Nicobarese { P-en-yüb
ship
Sudden emphasis on these terms is very often necessary in navigation, and further differentistion is effected by the attachment of the prefix ma or the infix am: e..., m-enn-āy-o only 2 fathomg
t-amen-fual-o only 6 fathoms 1-amen-oiy-o only 3 fathoms
m-en-shat-o only 7 fathoms ma-h-enn-Janno only 4 fathoms
.m-enfoan-no only 8 fathoms t-ameney-o only 5 fathoms .. sh-aminn-am-o only 10 fathoms. q.-In Expression of Groups of Words Round Ideas and Groups
of Ideas Round Words. The Nicobarese carry this plan of differentiating connected words of the same class by radical affixes very far, and manage by this means to oreate groupe of words round one idea or set of ideas, or vice versd, groups of ideas round one word or set of words. Groups of Words Round an Idea Differentiated by Radical Affixes.
... 1. Idea: "Same Sort.
** (Preflies or Infixes Employed.) enkòiña male m -en kòiña
a male of the same race enkana a female 'm-enkina
a female of the same race kenyum child
k-am-enyuma child of the same race
- a Nicobarese of the same paiyuh
pamen-yuh) community. not pig men-nota
pig of the same village Am dog enm-ams
dog of the same village chống
ch-inm-ônga ship of the same rig mattai village
m-en-tai
village of the same people kentôka dance
k-am-entóka dance of the same kind kanòishe song ka-menn-dishe song of the same kind
kaling foreigner ka-ma-lenga foreigner of the same country
This last word is an instance where a foreign word has been subjected to Nicobarese grammatical forms; for Kling, Kaling is an Indian word for the foreigners settled in the Malay countries, from Kalinga, the Northern coasts of Madras.
Example. heang kamenndisho ta kisha ai kamentika"
ta one same kind-of-song c .i.r. sing two same kind-of-dance c.i.r. katoka tai chia whe
dance by I last-night
(one sort of song was song and two dances of the same kind were danced by me last night).
II. Idea : "Complete Condition."
(Suffixes Employed:) Root OR STEM. CONNECTED Words.
Sense. di (bulk)
di-re dimgashe ----
all good (of a but, goods) di-skiren
all bad (of a hut or goods) di-ngare di-ngareshe
all abeent (of a quality, sub
**stance) hēang (one) hēang-lare
all good contents of anything) hēaug-ugare
all bad (contents of anything) düat (length) düat-shire
all (of a long object) hēang-leät (one-finished) hēang-leät-tare
the whole set

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NOVEMBER, 1907.)
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
345
less the
in
.
..
an
linnd-hala
i
taller
Example linhen d ingareshemaltai 2. nēe hat! ôt took ta t ain to-day all-absent village this notis "toddy c. i. r. fermented (there is no fermented toddy at all in this village to-day). Groups of Ideas Round a Word Differentiated by Radical Affixes.
Word: la, a portion; then l-inn-s, less..
Buffixes Employed.) linna-ngashel ,
less than linna-ngayan , linna-hala
less than a height; a distance northwards): linna-hashe
less than (a shortness; a distance westwards) linna-haiñe
less than (anparness; a distance to landing-place) linna-hanga
less than (a distance southwards) linna-hahat
less than (a distance pastwards)
Examples. ohinònga
"Lãi ten chia he less
heado
I (he is not so tall as I am). an linna-ngayan
ongkodnga
t en
men he less
stronger
to you (he is not so strong as you are).
r. - Differentiating Radical Suffixos of Direction. When one comes to consider the suffixes of predicators (verbs), we find the principle of differentiating and grouping connected words by radical stfixes carried to an extraordinary extent. Thus, there are sets of suffixes attached to roots or stems indioating motion, which give them a special force, though, when attached, as thøy frequently are, to other roots or stems, they have no particular force traceable now, whatever might have been possible once. Differentiating Radioal Suffixes of Direction attached to Boots and
Stems Indicating Motion, hals : lare! 'le la al northwards, upwards, out of. harga ngarenge nga ang south wapda, from self. habat parehe hat hat eastwards, inwards. hashe g hite sho she ich "westwards, downwards. baitie hire' Behoain" 'towards the landing place, outwards, away. hata t are te ta at towards any direction on same lead, towards
self, this As the differentiating radical suffixes, of direction. play an important part in Nicobarese speech, some examples are given here........ .. ..
... Baot: 0, 89.
. .. go north
o - lego up (ascend)
o-le go south go east . .. o-be-
, -. . . go west
go d -sha - go down (descend): 'Io-she go to landing place one .. !
? go anywhere
O-nge

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346
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1907.
go east
II. Root af, go.
III. Root tang, arrive. go north af-al arrive northwards
tang-la go south
af-ang arrive southwards
tang-nga af-ahat arrive eastwards
tang-hat go west af aich 4 arrive westwards
tang-she go to landing place
af-siñ arrive at landing place tang-ñe go anywhere af-at arrive somewhere
tang-ta IV. Root oid, hither.
V. Boot, shwa, bring back. hither northwards
did-lare bring back northwards shwa-bala hither southwards
òid-ngare bring back southwards shwa-hanga hither eastwards
did-hare bring back eastwards shwa-habat hither westwards
òidshire bring back westwards shwa-hashe hither to landing place did-ñire bring back to landing place shwa-haiñe hither to anywhere
did-tare bring back anywhere shwa hata 8. Extreme Extension of the Use of the Radical Suxes of Direction.
These suffixes explain & set of illustrators (adverbs) of direction, which are to be explained as consisting of a lost root nga + suffix of direction, e. 9.
Illustrators (Adverbs ) of Direction, ngâ-le north, above
nga-iche south down nga-nge
west, below
nga-shes nga-hae east
nga-iñe to landing place
Example. düe ngaiñe
chamang canoe at-landing-place
belong
who P (whose is the canoe at the landing place ?)
Transferring these illustrators (adverbs) to indicators (nouns) by means of using the connector of intimate relation, ta, as a prefix, we get
The Four Quarters. Ta-ngale North Ta-ngange
South Ta-ngahae East Ta-ngaiche
West Transferred to yet another set of illustrators (adverbs), the sense of "ago" is conveyed to predicators (verbs) of motion in the same curious manner.
Illustrators (Adverbs) of Time Past. hala
Ago (of movement, occurrence in the North) hanga
ago (of movement, occurrence in the South ) hat
ago (of movement, occurrence in the East) hashe ago (of movement, occurrence in the West ) hata
ago (of returning ) hashi ago (of a death)
Example tanas
kamahenwa
k&pah five ago-to-the South month
die (five months ago he died in the Sonth ).
cht?
hanga
M Afal, afaich, like ole, dahe, mean also " go up," "go down"( a hill).

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NOVEMBER, 1907.]
The interrogative prefix ka, ká, kan, has been already explained and when attached by inflexion to ôt, be, together with an inflected suffix of direction, it produces a carious and common set of forms of question and answer.
k-od-de? k-ò-lde?
Interrogatives of Direction,
Root ôt, be, plus prefix ka for the question, plus suffix ta of "any direction" inflected with suffix of definite direction,
be east?
be west ? be downstairs ?
k-o-ngde?
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
be?
be north? be upstairs?
be
above? be south ? below?
be
tai (hand)
lah (foot) koi (head)
nang (ear) chaka (face) ngë (voice) mat (surface)
mat (eye)
ok (skin)
k-ò-hare?
enkana
woman
k-ò-itde ?
347
k-ò-inde?
Examples,
Q. Kodde ta ane dak? Any water there ? A. Rakat. Q. Kolde ta ane dak? Any water up there? up north? up north. A. Ngalde. It is up here.
Q. Kongde ta ane dak? Any water down there? down south? A. Kôngde. It is down
there; down south. A. Ngange. It is down here; down south.
Q. Kôhare ta ane dak? Any water to the east? A. Kôhare. There to the east. A. Ngahae. Here to the east.
Q. Koitde ta ane dak? Any water downstairs? to the west ? A. Koitde. There to the west. A. Ngashe (and ngaiche). It is down here to the west.
Q. Koinde ta ane dak? Any water at the landing-place? A. Koinde. It is there at the landing-place. A. Ngaine. Here at the landing-place. enkòiña man
Q. Kakat? Q. Be? (Q. Are there any men and women here ? In the above instance kakat is a case of a double prefix ka+ka +(6) t.
ta itá A. Kakat. c. i. r. here A. Be. A. There are.)
be at landing place?
t. Use of Terms for Parts of the Human Body as Supplementary Radical Affixes of Differentiation,
There is.
A. Kolde. It is up there;
Words relating to some parts of the body are used as supplementary radical suffixes both of differentiation and transfer to indicate action or relation naturally referable to those parts. Thus :
hodh (starve)-nga-tai
ō (go)-nge-lah
kenya (a leaf35)-nga-kōi (head) hima (bequest)-nga-nang
oreh (before)-chakd opyap (overhear)-nga-ngé ettat (polish)-mat
date (water)-mat ettaich (husk)-nga-ok
-tai (hand) refers to what is done by the hand or by force: -láh (foot, leg), to movement by the foot-koi (head), to anything relating to the head or top: -nang (ear), to what can be heard: chaka (face), to what is done before one or in the presence: -nge (voice), to speech: -mat (surface, eye), and -ok (skin, back), to what is outside, on the surface. E. g.,
Supplementary Radical Suffixes Derived from the Parts of the Body.
(make to starve) (to) leave
(to) cover a pot (advice)
(to) advance
(to) eavesdrop
(to) wipe
(to) wipe a tear (to) flay
(To be continued.)
38 Kenya is the name of the plant which produces the leaves used as the covering of pots for steaming pandanus
paste.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(NOVEMBER, 1907.
NOTES ON ANCIENT ADMINISTRATIVE TERMS AND TITLES
IN THE PANJAB.
BY H. A. ROSE. A STUDY of the old designations of officials and administrative divisions in the Paajab would undoubtedly throw much light on the ancient system of administration. Unfortunately, the material for such a study is very scanty and is almost confined to the names and titles given incidentally in the copper-plate inscriptions of the Chambā State, some of which were published in the Archeological Report for 1903. A full collection is being published by the Pañjab Government in a separate volume.
The Chambé inscriptions allude to the "eighteen elements of the State," but do not describe what these eighteen elements were. They would appear, indeed, to have been given a more or less conventional number, according to a theoretical system borrowed from the more powerful State of Kashmir, rather than a description of the indigenous organization of the State in actual force at any period. Besides these so-called eighteen elements, the inscriptions enumerate a horde of officials, whose functions are not described and are not known at all clearly from other sources. From three of the inscriptions a list of no less than thirty-five official, or quasi-official, titles is obtainable, as the following table, which is taken from three Chambâ copper-plates of 960—1080 A.D., shows:
Official Titles in Chamba, circ. 1000 A. D. Plate II. Plate IV.
Plate V. Text. Text.
Text. 1. rājā.
1. rājā.
1. raja. 2. rānā (rājāņaka).
2. rānā.
2. rānā. 3. rājput (rajaputra).
8. räjāmātya.
8. räjpūt. 4. răjāmātya, royal minister. 4. rājā-putra.
4. räjämätya, royal coun
cillor. 5. parikara-sauniyuktaka
viniyaktaka: ? 'those appointed and commissioned (out of the Rājā's attendants).'
5. brahmana. 6. kshatriya 7. vaisya.
8. sūdra. 5. rajasthāniya, chief justice.
9. rajasthāniya. 10. parikara-samniyuktakavi
niyuktaka: cf. No. 5 of
Plate IV. 6. pramătar, ? measurer. 7. sarobhanga. 8. kumārāmātya, councillor
of the prince. 9. uparika. 10. vishayapati. 11. nihelapati.
It can hardly be more than a coincidence that the well-known Right-hand castes in Madras comprised eighteen sorts of people : cf. Nelson's Scientific Study of Hindu Law, pp. 98, 99, and 100. And, according to Dubois ( Hindu Manners, Customs, and Ceremonies, 6th Ed., p. 15), the Sadras of Madras comprise eighteen chief sub-castes.
? Rāwat (Guzarāti) and Raut (Marathi) horse-soldier, trooper, also appear to be derived from rājaputra, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, III, p. 218.
IA fiscal term, P fr. Pr. upari, may donote a tax levied on cultivators who have no proprietary rights in the Foil: C. II., III, 97, eto.
• Lord or governor of a vishaya, probably a sub-division of a disa or mandala: 0. I. I, p. 327.

Page #367

NOVEMBER, 1907.] PANJAB ADMINISTRATIVE TERMS AND TITLES.
849
12. kshatrapa (kshetrapa). 13. prāntapāla, frontier guard. 14. hastyaśvostra
balayyāyríprataka, those occupied with elephants, horses, camels,
and the forces. 15. dūta.
6. dūta.
11. dūta. 16. gamāgamika.
7. gamāgamika.
12. gamāgamika. 17. abhitvaramāna.
8. abhitvaramāna. 13. bhítvara-śāmāna. 18. kbasha,
9. khasa.
14. khāśa. 19. kalika.
10. kolika.
15. kulika. 20. saulkika..
11. saulkika.
16. saalmika. 21. gaulmika, inspector of 12. gaulmika.
17. gaulmika. police, patrol.' 22. khandaraksha.
13. khadagaraksha. 18. khandaraksha. 23. tara patika, ? bridge- 14. tarapati.
19. tarapati. guard. 24. chhatrachich hāyika, am
brella-bearer. 25. vetakila, betel-carrier. 26. virajāyātrika, P those 15. vīrayātrika.
20. vīrajāyātrika. belonging to the expedi
tionary force. 27. chauroddharnika, thief- 16. chauroddharaṇika. 21. chauroddharaṇika.
catcher. 29. dandika, jailor.8
17. dandika.
22. dandika. 29. dandavāsika, executioner. 18. dandavāsika.
23. dandavāsika,
and all others that constitute the eighteen
elements of the State. 30. bhogapati. 31. viniyuktaka. 32. bhāgika, land-owners.10 33. bhogika, laud-holders. 34. châta (inodern char), head
men of a pargana. 35. and avakadun their sabor• dinates and servants.
19. brāhmana. 20. kshatriya. 21. viț (vaisya). 22. сhüdr (südra) and all
others tbat constitute the eighteen (sic elements of the State,
and ctc. In Plate III (trch. Report, 1909, pp. 257-258 ) are mentioned a mahdmatya, or chief councillor and a mandleslapatalika or chief record-keeper, who do not appear in Plates II, IV, or V.
Lit., ' a mossenger': cf. Hindi lüt, especially in dut-bhut, evil spirits, and also the messengers of Yem, the god of death. Ia P. daurā, runner' or 'messenger,' a doublot P For an interesting noto on lutaka (occasionalls dūta, e.g., in Nirmand copper-plate), cf. Fleet in C. I, I., II, p. 100%.
6 CJ. Sulka, superintendent of tolls or customs': C. I: I., III, p. 523.
But cf. gulma, superintendent of woods and forests': 0. I I., III, 52. $ Dandika ; lit., punisher : fr. danda, fine or rod: 0.I.I., III, p. 2184. Dand is still need for fine.' 9 Bhoga, -ika, one who enjoys or possesses': C. 1. 1., 11, 100, bhoga, enjoyment of shares,' p. 1201.
1. Cf. the modern Balochi bhagyd, and Panjabi bhagwand,' wealthy.' Bhdga is a territorial torm, 0. l. I, III, p. 248.

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350
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOVEMBER, 1907.
Of all the designations given in the above list, only one, vit., chát, the Sansksit chata, survives, or can, at least, with any certainty be said to survive in the modern language of the State. Within quite recent times an entirely different set of names was in use, but these are now nearly obsolete in their tarn and are being displaced even in popular use by designations borrowed from the British Revenue Codes,
But before describing the more modern or the present official titles it will be hest to note the names of the old administrative divisions. The ancient administrative division or unit was the mandala, 11 which corresponds to the more modern pargand. Popular belief holds that Chambâ was once divided into or comprised 802 of these mandalas, when it was larger than it is now. Even at annexation it contained 72 pargands, since reduced by amalgamating the smaller pargands to 52. Till recently the Bhattiyât or Bhatti wizarat contained 12 pargands and was accordingly known as the Barah Bhatian. These pargands are now grouped into 4 witdrats, corresponding to the tahsils or sub-collectorates of a British District. The wizdrats are, as the word itself indicates, of modern origin. It is perhaps worth noting that each pargand contained a State granary (koti) in which the revenue of the State, collected in kind, was stored, and in which the officials of the pargand lived.13 As a rule there is only one loghi in each pargand, but when the pargand consists of two or more amalgamated smaller pargands it possesses two or more kothis, each with its pahri, hali, and jhoti dr.
The officials at the capital were as follows:(1) Wazir, chief minister. (2) Tharelu da mahta, chief financial minister.
(3) Bakhshi, who used to keep the military accounts and was responsible for the internal administration of the State forces, 16
(4) Hdxri da kotwdi, magistrate in attendance on the Raja.
(5) Thare da kotwal, magistrate who performed miscellaneous duties and disposed of petty cases arising in the town.
For the outlying tracts spocial officials were appointed - watirs for Pangi and Barmanr wisdrats, and elsewhere a mahid and a kotwál for each pargand. The two latter posts were held by men appointed in the capital, whence they transacted all the business of their charges. Not annaturally these posts became all more or less sinecures.
The chief local officials varied in different parts of the State : -
In Chamba and Chaurah wizárats each pargani was in charge of a char, collector, a likhnahara, olerk, and a bhalwdl, porsonal assistant called collectively kardárs or kamdars. Of these
11 Mandal, . m. disk, oirole, ring.... region, country, district, province (extending 20, or, according to some. 40 yojanas in every direotion); the country over whioh the 12 prinses Chakravarti are supposed to have reigned.
1984 is almost certainly s conventional or Auspicions number: cf. Panjab Notes and Queries, I, 1884, G465, for the Tribal Collocations of 12 (BArab), 92 (BaiyA), 52 (Biwani), 84 (Chaurial) and 85 (Pachd.1) villages.
13 The kotha varied in size and appearance, but most of them were built on one plani a square structure, 20 or 30 yards long on each side, oonsisting of rooms surrounding an open court-yard. The buildings are usually two or three storeys high and divided into rooms and didns or halls. There is a principal entrance, and in the courtyard a staircase leading to the upper storeys. Some of the kothis are very ancient, several dating back even to the times of the Ranks whose rule preceded the foundation of the State itself.
14 Thara, high place, where justice was administered. Hence thareth, An attendant at the thara, an official whose functions are not more fully defined.
18 For the functions of the Bakhabi, so Irvine's Army of the Moghals in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1893, p. 539.

Page #369

NOVEMBER, 1907.) PANJAB ADMINISTRATIVE TERMS AND TITLES.
351
(i) The chat was the collector of revenue and the officer responsible for the internal management of the parganás.16
(ii) The likhnehárd kept the revenue accounts and did clerical work.
(ii) The bhatwali7 carried out their orders and held under them a position analogous to that of the házri ad kotwdl at the capital.
The other officials, who were all subordinate to the three kdrddrs, were
(iv) The jhotidr (from jhotd, an errand'), a messenger, who was under the immediate orders of the thatwal and carried out the kárdar's orders conveyed through him.
(v) Ugrád,18 a tax-gatherer, who collected the revenue demand under the char.
(vi) Jinsdli (from jins, 'grain' or goods, and dl, a store), a store-keeper, who was in charge of the storehouse of the pargana.
(vii) Pahri (from pahr, watch), a record-keeper, who was in charge of the State's kothi, records, and revenue, both in cash and kind.
(viii) Dhånd (? from bhanda, a vessel), a cook, who cooked the kárdárs' food and cleaned their atensils.
(ix) Hali, a care-taker, who kept the kothi clean and looked after the storage and safekeeping of the grain.
(3) Kågadidra (from Persian käyhaz and dri, bringing), a letter-carrier. (si) Lakkarhar, who supplied wood to the kotht. (ii) Ghidrú, who collected ghi from those who paid their revenue in that commodity. (xiii) Dudhiand, who similarly collected milk.
In certain parganas there used to be a high omoial called odhrů, who was superior to the kard&rs, and had under him more than one pargand.
In Barmeur, the ancient Brahmapura, all the above officials are known, but the ugráked is called durbial or drubiyal, and although the jhotiår is not anknown, his duties are performed by a kothéru. There is also an official called ahrá,19 below the durbiydl, who collects milk. Neither the kothóru nor the ahşi are paid servants of tho State, but they are allowed certain concessions and privileges in their wisdrat. Formerly an official called patwdri20 had woollen blankets made for the Rajâ out of the wool collected as revenue.
In the Bhattiyat wirdrat certain parganás had an odhrů over them and others an amin. Both were superior in rank to the kdrddrs. There the bhatwal was called tharth ; 21 the jhotidr, bhatwil; the ugråkd, muqaddam; and the ahra, jhiwar or jhar.
The remote wizdrat of Pangi used to be under a wazir (who visited it every third year to collect the revenue), and under him was a pâlerd. Otherwise Pångt bad all the officials except No. xiii, above described, the only difference being that the ugrálod was called muqaddam.
(To be continued.)
1. Hence his charge (tho paryand) was also called chari. Somo pargande also have a chhota chår, whose jurisdiction is separate from that of the bard char.
IT It is possible, but hardly probable, that the bhatwal is the bhata of the copper-plates.
15 Ugráka, ef. PaljAbt ugraha, collector or gatherer of tax. Tbe ugrakd and Shofiar were appointed as occasion required.
19 Possibly from ahrt, beestinga, the first milk of a cow after calving. If so, the word is practioally synonymous with dudhidra. *Probably from pattu, blanket.
Soe ante, p. 360, note 14.

Page #370

352
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[NOTEMBER, 1907.
BOOK-NOTICE.
ACRYUTARATIBAYUDAYAX OR Bet RIJANITHA, with Kalinga, Magadba, Saka, and Simhala are reprea commentary by PANDIT R. V. KRISHNAXACHARIAB sented as his servants (v. 46). His son China(ABHINAVA BEATTA BANA). Part 1, Cantos 1-6.
veňkatadri, who is mentioned as Venkataraya Srirangam Sri Vani Vilas Press, 1907. Pp. 156.
in the Vijayanagara inscriptions, was appointed This beautifully printed little volume contains heir-apparent (v. 51 f.). the first half of a hitherto unpublished Sanskrit
Once Achyuta's minister addressed bis master poem, accompanied by an excellent commentary in the same language. The hero is king Achyuta
in private in the Verkata-vilasa mandapa (IV,
v. 46). He submitted that the Chola king bad fed (A. D. 1530—40) of the second dynasty of Vijaya
to the Chêra kingdom, and that those two kings nagara. On this prince & recent historian bas
deserved to be justly pronounced the verdict that he was a
punished" (v. 56), while the craven, and under him the Hindu empire began
Påndya king, who had lost his throne, would to fall to pieces." The author of the panegyrical
have to be protected" (v. 57). Thereupon the poem of course represents him as a mighty, pious,
king gives the necessary instructions to the and warlike sovereign.
commander of his army (v. 58 ) and starts him.
self on horseback (V, v. 1). His movements are As in the Vijayanagara inscriptions, Achyuta a little erratic. He enters Chandragiri ( v. 22), is stated to have belonged to the family of the ascends Seshadri (v. 23 ), worships the god (v. 30), Tuluva kings (sarga III, verse 38 ), and his and makes presents to him (vv. 39-42). From pedigree is traced from the Moon to the mytbical Venkatagiri he proceeds to Kalabasti ( v. 44). At king Turvasu (I, vv. 5–18). To this race be- Vishnukafichi (v. 47) he performs the tulapurusha longed Timma 1.(v. 23), whose son Isvara (v. 25) ceremony in the Varadaraja temple (v. 49). had by Bukkamå two sons: Nộisimha (v. 27) or
Then he travels via Arunachala (i. e., TiruvannaNarasa ( v. 28 ) and Timma II. The latter is not
malai, v. 51 ) to the Kåveri (v. 58 ) and visite mentioned in the Vijayanagara inscriptions. The
Srirangam ( v. 57), whence he sends (his brother. former took Månavadurga from a Saka (i. e., I
in-law) the Salaga prince to bring the Chola Musalman) chief (v. 29). As in the Vijayana
king from the Chera country (v. 64). para inscriptions, he is reported to have dammed
Tho Salaga prince marches vid Madhurs to the up the Kaveri and to have stormed Seringapatam (v. 30). He slew the Marava king and took
Tamraparpt (VI, v. 1). He encamps there and
gends his general in advance to meet the enemy Madhura (v. 31 f.). He captured Könétirdja
(v. 13). Then follows the description of a battle, (v. 33). Vidy&puri (i.e., Vijayanagara) became his capital (v. 39). His three favourite queens
which is opened by the Tiruvati king (i. e., the
king of Travancore, v. 14), and in which the were Tippåmbika, Nagamamba, and ObamAmba
army of the Kerala (v. 25) or Chêra (v. 28) is (v. 52). Tippambika's son was Viranşisiinhardya,
defeated. The latter delivers the Chola king Nagambika's Krishnardya (v. 53), and ObamAmba's Achyata (II, v. 82), whose chief queen
Tiruvați into the hands of the Salaga prince was Varadám bika (III, v. 15), the daughter of
(v. 29 f.), who pardons him, but places the the Salaga king (v. 48).
Pandya king over him (v. 31).
The published portion of the poem closes in Vfransisimlia (v. 17) was succeeded by his
the middle of the description of a journey which brother Krishnaraya, who took Kondaviţi and
the king undertakes in order to worship the god other forts from the Gajapati king and set up a
at Anantasagana (Trivandrum, v. 32). pillar of victory at Putupettandpura (P) (v. 18 f.). Then Achyuta, the third of the brothers, was
E. HULTZSCH. Anointed at Seshadri (i. e., Tirupati, v. 23 ) and entered Vidyanagari ( v. 24). The kings of Halle, 26th October, 1907.
Mr. L. Sowell'. Forgotten Empire, p. 165.
1 Then two verses show that the anthor treated "the Chola king" and "the Travancore king" On Tiruvadi see Mr. Ventayga's Anual Report on Epigraphy for 1800-1900, P: 28
synonyms.

Page #371

DECEMBER, 1907.)
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
353
A PLAN FOR A UNIFORM SCIENTIFIC RECORD OF THE
LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES. Applied to the Languages of the Andamanese and Nicobarese.
BY SIR RICHARD C, TEMPLE.
(Concluded from p. 347.) IV. -- PHONOLOGY.
A. - Mode of Speech. THE Nicobarese speak in a deep monotonous tone and with open lips, thus adding to the
1 many difficulties presented by their language by giving it an exceedingly indistinct sound. The pronunciation is guttural, nasal, drawled, and indeterminate : i. e., the Nicobarese speak slowly from the throat with the flat of the tongue and open lips. Final consonants are habitually slurred, especially labials, palatals, and gutturals. All this is the result of the habit of betel-chewing till the lips are parted, the teeth greatly encrasted and the gams distended, rendering the articulation of speech most imperfeot.
b. - Man's and de Böepstorff's Enquiries. Mr. Man was at very great pains to catoh the real sound of Nicobarese words, and his reproduction of them on Mr. A. J. Ellis's scheme may be taken as being as near to complete accuracy as one is likely to arrive at. Mr. de Roepstorff, who was a Dane, used in 1876 his national system of representation, which has been followed by Danish and German writers, but is entirely unsuited to English readers. E.g., he writes ; for y, and the usual Danish and German complications to represent ch and j and so on. He had also the common Danish and German difficulty in distinguishing surds from sonants, which has made his transliterations puzzling.
0.-Roduction of the Speech to Writing. There are a great number of vowel sounds in the language, which have been reproduced by Messrs. Man and Ellis as follows:
The Vowels in the Central Disleot. ENGLI8H. CENTRAL.
ENGLISH
CENTRAL. a idea, cut yuang (fruit)
o pot
omtom (all) ā cur 86 dāk (come)
8 asfal
lôe (cloth) à casa (Ital.) kakàtôk (a month) ö könig (Ger.) boi (far) â father kân (wife)
u influence puâ (catch) ä fathom leät (finished)
ū pool
duen (monkey) e bed, chaotio heng (sun)
ü über (Ger.) düe (canoe) ē pair loang (name)
ai bite
tanai (five) i lid kaling (foreigner)
au house
kareau (spirit-scarer) i police wi (make)
du haus (Ger.) oàu (vomit) o indolent koal (arm)
di boil
enldin (wallow) o pole
enlöin (axe) Almost every vowel is nasalised and the following are reproduced in the written form adopted :
Nasalised Vowels in the Central Dialect. an holian (epinster)
on kenhāna (pocket) än mian (spear)
òn bh (fuel) an ki (two)
môńhuyä (albumen) koydiwa (guava)
chyan (sweet) en enh (near)
sin mifainya (cload) aminh (rain)
· aun anhani (parboil) finha (hogshead)
din omhoin (tobacoo) on harońh (stalk game)
* With untrilled r. » The name of the first month of the North-East monsoon.
at
un
in

Page #372

354
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(DECEMBER, 1907.
The consonants do not require much explanation, but the following may be noticed : ENGLISH. CENTRAL. ENGLISH.
CENTRAL ch chain chakå (face)
ng springiest iñigol (nearly ripe) hw what (Scotch) benhwêra (asbes)
rest (Eng. r) karu (large) i gagner (Fr.) enkdiña (man) sh the
shohõng (south-west ng singer yangtare (follow)
monsoon)
d. - Stress. . Stress is on the root or stem, or on what is now thought by the Nicobarese to be so. These can to a great extent be separated out from the affixes by the stress. In stems of two syllables the stress is on the second syllable, unless the first contains a long vowel.
V. - COMPARISON OF DIALECTS.
8. - Men's Enquiries. Mr. Man gives a long list of words in the dialects, and when considering the currency of the people in Appendix A the comparative terms for the namerals and words connected with enumeration have also been given. From these last the deduction seemed to be clear, that the six dialects of the Nicobarese are variants of the same fandamental tongue. The same inference seems inevitable from the following examination of a selection of words from Mr. Man's Dictionary.
b. - Comparison of Words. . Roots will be separated out of the words by placing the affixes in italics. This separation of the roots is of course, at present, tentative, as roots can only be ascertained beyond doubt by A comparison with other connected languages in the Far East. The present attempt will, however, be useful to stadents.
The following abbreviations will be used in the accompanying tables :O. N. = Car Nicobar
Ch. = Chowra T. = Teressa
Q. = Central S. = Southern
S. P.= Shom Pen Words in the Six Dialects Compared. ENGLIBH. C.N. OR. T.
O.
S. bachelor idmok mail maiyoh ilū . ใน
hakkost
holiandēla maiden Idmók
penhonlámok
1 (wihla) (wihla) child nia ken-yum ken-yum ken-yum pin-ien akau female kikâna en kana enkēäna enkâna
oyüha
арди male kikoña mohēo
maior
enkòiña otäha akoit taa man
paiyah pôh
akoit tâòin J
8. P.
tarik
C
paer
pai
din s
ok
ok
ok wa
back (the) blood breast ear finger bair hand
ok mâm täh nâng kunti küya elti
påheoit vå tòh toh ning anang kenushnòi mohti hēòk bēòk nòi
mäkti
toah ning kanetai yok kanetai
tomnổit wa toâh ning kewēt yok kewēt
hokoa döb toa nang nositi jūo, joa noai-ti

Page #373

DECEMBER, 1907.] RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
ENGLISH.
head
leg
nose
stomach
bird
canoe
dog
fire
fruit
hut
meat
moon
îp cocoannt-tree tacka
***T=1 *ឧបន*11
name North north-winds paddle pig pig (wild) place village
sea seed
storm tabu
to-morrow
year
all bad 30 good
not
hear
say steal
C. N.
kui
he
I
kaldrän
elmenh
elloan
chechön
am
tamöya
rong
pati
alâhah
chi-ngeat
minaiña láôla
chiak
pânằm mai
kōlal rashat takoya huruch
rokhare at-lāk lāk
ar, at dran
hang māk rô olâya
Сп.
kõi
läah
mònh
wiang viang
shichua düe
ow an
òm
pals
eang ñi
tâha-kōi somyühu samâiha han, hon an
ngoa chyüa chian
enha maneana
{ch
leang láôl
leang
kofat-kapå fäh-kapă hâish-kapa haish-kapa hâñsh-kapâ
kâhea
paiyuah hâun
kâheal not
hâun-chôn miliah
chuk
pânam
mattal shamaran enliang enshung enshung
hurâsha
fōh
kāl
chiỏi hat-lu lu
} hat
heang harra
kányua malanga
shichua
ka-hai
Hula thod hota
40000
eu-ha chuk
shichua
haul, hildal, food
sharadl
äp
chia
mattai
kurâsha
yeoich horòich
samennooh shomenyuh
chiỏi
hat-lapā hat-lapā
lapā
S.
kõi lâh
moành wiang
heang
enneola
kalôhanga kalôhanga
shichua henhoat
gàu âm hentonha oag en, il
enha kâ-he
lē laôl
pâūah pakoit chuam
chu
pattai
орер oriasha
yii
haki
shâü han
ho
ngâ-kö kö
ngâ
hâng haka hâhal palait
än
} chia
The first of the conjoined words signifies "wind."
The first syllable of the word means "not": "bad" "not good."
an
echiahan
355
S. P.
kõi
làn mahun
kàu, kanal
sichua dōai, hoa
kaleal
kab
yop
ñl-yang ni-ngâm
enha hawōp
lēd
kakal
mēn nong lõichau
heda
keap
yüid
yåbö
anhoi
kaapõi wu-dubu
àukö
wu
hâng
tāa teit
nhô
chidu

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856
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(DECEMBER, 1907.
Os.
0.
0.
da
ho
yü
ho
ta
pai
ak
pâh
döb
nâng
t7
t7
ok
ENGLISH. O.N.
8.
S.P. we-two hol-cbyū chia-hin bain-b$ her
hana
&-m8 ме
Tha hē hē hē hēi
füeboe-m8 you-two nig
ips ina
តន៏ you yia
che ifē
hēs c. - Comparison of Roots. We can now compare the above words by roots, so far as these are at present apparent, which will sofficiently show the anity of origin of all the dialects, and should help to fix the identity of the general Nicobarese Language with that of the tongue of some definite group of speakers in the Far East.
Boots in the six Dialects Compared, ENGLISH. C. N. Cu T.
S.
S.P. bachelor mok Alydh
lü
ka maiden mòk mòk
hön child
ken-yú ken-ya ken-yü pin-1 female
kan
kan köän kân male kóñ
kòiñ man
på pai
p8 back (the) ok
ok ok ok
nd blood mam
va breast täh toh toh
toah
tokh ear nâng nâng nang
nâng nâng finger ndi
tai wēt
nosi-ti hair kü hook hēòk ok
jū, jo band ndi
tai wet
poai-tl head kui kõi kõi
kõi leg kal läah läh
IAL
làu вове
menh mònh mònh moagh
moành
han stomach loan
viang wiang wiang kau, ka bird
checho shichu shichů shichu Bhichū sichu CAROE ір dü dü
do, ho Cocoanut-tree 6 . wāla
gàu om àm
m
kab fire
to pô heo heo
yo fruit rong eang ang
yuang
ong hut ti
ml en, i
ñi-yang
si-ngim meat lá
ей moon chi-ngea DOR ka-bai ka-he ka-ha Dame
naiñ North
nga N.-wind fat-på f äh-pä hAish-pa hansh-pa hangh-på paiyū kábē kâhē
po påū
kak pig hâun not not
nāt. pak
mēn pig (wild) haun-cho 11
sha chu
nông place chia oba chu
cha obü
chan village
mat
mat sea
mai Bhau kol shững shung @
p op
ēsp storm rash
rash rish
riash: taba kô
chi -yl
yü
kõi
kõi
lah
wlang
ho
yàu
S 1116.iiuit: l... 11111*
lē
dog
am
ton
On
eu
paddle
ей
pan
pån
pat
seed
fēka

Page #375

DECEMBER, 1907.)
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF BAVAGES.
357
C.
hai
poi
good
lu
wu
hang
hang
tē
chi
-mô
ná
ENGLIBH. C. N. CH. T.
8. P. to-morrow réch tâh-kõi ròich
ki
yâb year syüh saih sēoh shyüb sháu hö yes hai, hỏi ai - an
8ம் all ròk chio chio
tom
hē bad at-lāk bat-la. hat-lapā hat-lapā
ngâ-kö
wa-hu lāk lapā lapā kö
kö ar, at not
hat dran
hat hat ngâ hear hēang beẵng yang
hang вее māk har
ha har ha
tā say rô yu eo yo
hah steal
- là lô : lô
la he ngô
än An, na an
nhô chyü, chi chi
chü chi
chi we-two hôl-chyū chi-hân haiii-hå hen
han We ih ho
hē hê
höe-mo you-two nê
nå you yi he
he fő
hő VI. - COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY.
8. - Comparison with the Indo-Chinese Languages. I am able to compare some of the Nicobarese roots with those of corresponding sense in the Indo-Chinese Languages, civilised and uncivilised, - of which Mon (Peguan ) and Khmer (Cambodian ) form the civilised group, and in the aboriginal dialects of the Malay Peninsula as contained in Mr. Otto Blagden's paper on the Early Indo-Chinese Influence in the Malay Peninsula.
b.- Elements of Uncertainty in the Comparison. In making the comparison, the elements of uncertainty are these. In Nicobarese a root is nowadays surrounded and obscured by a long growth of affixes (prefixes, infixes, and suffixes ) attached by agglutination, phonic change of form, inflexion and duplication, the effect of the affixes being often to induce phonic change in the root itself. So patience and a knowledge of the affises and their effect is necessary to separate the root correctly from its surroundings. In the Far Eastern words treated by Mr. Blagden there is the uncertain element of misApprehension in the original reporters. However, Mr. Blagden put his words together with great Care and personal knowledge, and my specimens are based on tho exceedingly accurate reporting of Mr. Man : so that results may be looked on to be as accurate as is possible in the present stage of the enquiry.
1. Table of Comparative Roots and Words Relating to the Human Sexes. ENGLISH. NICOBARESE.
MALAYAN A BORGIN ER Inno CHINESE. father tâ (man), oti (male) ita
ta (grandi.) på, po, pai, ap (woman) ak (man), ka, ika (man) ika, ikun
kah, kuñ, kunh kan (woman), kón, kòüñ
(male) ddin
chia child kūnn, kuan, könt k'non, kenod
ken-yū
(yo, male and female) -Bon k din, kâu (daughter) kon
ken
kon

Page #376

358
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1907.
8.
yla
to
eer
The mixing of the sexes in the roots of the terms for describing human beings is common to all languages (e. g., the modern English, "girl ") and Mr. Man has supplied me with a valuable table of words denoting generically tribal and family connections and showing how they are differentiated sexually. ENGLISH. C. N. Ou.
T. 0.
S.P. a Nicobarese târil pâeh pai
paigül pôh parent : yang yang
chia child Dis ken-yüm60 ken-yum ken-yum pin-ies
kõit kuan kỹan toan
koan kön To these'l, in order to differentiate the male and female of each kind must be added, the appropriate words for the sexes as given above in the Table of Roots in the Six Dialects Compared.
II. Table of Comparative Boots and Words.
General Terms. ENGLISH, NICOBARESE.
MALAYAN ABORIGINE. Indo-Carxes. back (the) ok, ko (20)
kiah, kiah
cha' breasts
da täb, toh, tosh toh
tak nâng
Da (Burmese) eye mât, mat mat, mot
mat, mot meät, mēt
main foot chuk
jok, iuk, yohk, diokn jaung, chung, chan jiung, jung, jong
| giong chang, chong,
chean cho's Eáng sinh
young lih, drin hair hodk, yok
so', ssk, sok, sogk, suk sak, sok, sonk,
Bhok
tiok kü, ju hand ti, tai
t'hi, the, ta
ti, tay, toa, day tang, tong, tein (both hand and finger) ting (hand and finger)
nòi (h. and f.) head kõi
kòi, koi, koe
tovi, toni kui
kui, kay, kay month fång
pang, ban
paing hain, hein foâ, wa
mieng mduh, mesh, moanh moh, muh, mah
muh, monh mahun mo, ma
mo, mai, mas This word seems to combine in itself the roota kovi, malo, yw, female. Rroopt to nic, konyüm, and pinisi.
Both ti and tai denoto the band and the finger: 4 In Nicobarone, however, this word in, I think, il, breath, woul, lifo, plus profix, ma, mo.
chan
nose 43

Page #377

DECEMBER, 1907.)
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGE3,
839
ENGLISH tongue
NICOBARESE. leták, litak
MALAYAN ABORIGINES. INDO-CHINESE. letik, litig, letig Istaik lentak, lentak, rentak n'tak
andat
mal
bird
checho, sichů, shichu
chim, chem, chep
chim, chiem, kiem, kachem pong
egg
k'poh, kepoh
pē u katēab hã, huy kâs, kalo misôka, mihöya pishiiiha, mỹanh obūat
fish mosquito
ka
ks, ka', kah kemus
wood
chha
chue, chuk (tree) jehu
chio, chon hönö, hop, hoap
(angle) oñi, wi pen (jangle) mang, mẫma
stone
t'mu, g'ma
t'ma, th'ma, t'mo taman, tamao
küb, hong, pata pâti
hut
deh, derk, dug
tong, doung, dong tago, thẳngay
sun
ngia
tunkat
hēg, heng mū, wū káhē, kabai chi-ngea
moon
khe, kato
ehi, kachik, kichek, kaobil, gachah, gechai, geche, giche, biche
kachai, mechiai kaosai
ma-nèana hawo dák, rák dui (river), pui
water
daik, dak, tak, tak, trak
doi
dak dea, daü, dian do, d'hu ten, bi-tea, ba-teau bi-ten (river)
the (river)
koma, ma
gems, kameh gumar
mak smith komra yaa, kåp enkdin, ikon entân (female)
male
ongkon
angyuang
cho
chūh, chau, sb8 chiah (come) do, wa
cho cheo, ches jib (come)
chap, chip, chiop, chiap chohok, jok

Page #378

360
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1907.
eat
sla
sleep
jög
ENGLISH, NICOBARESE.
MALAYAN ABORIGINES. INDO-CHINESE chi, cba, cha', chioh cha, chha, si chacha, inchi, incbih
nacha, nachi ka, ko ma, ngây ngô piah, làm teak, tisk teik, tiok
theak, tep tag, taig
dek jetek, jettik, ietek letik
takla ngũ, ngồi
harroh stand shok, shiak, kēag
chho chol, o cry obim, chiam j'm
jom puin, hea
0.- Nicobarese Radically an Indo-Chinese Language. Now, the Nicobarese have been on the same ground for at least 2000 years, and they have a tradition of migration from the Pegu-Tenasserim Coast. They bave been quite isolated from the coast people, except for trade, for all that period. Their language has been affected by outside influences almost entirely only in trade directions, and then not to a great degree. It has been subjected to internal change to a certain degree by the effects of taba. Yet we find roots in the language, of the kind that remain unchanged in all speech, to he apparently beyond question identical with those that have remained unchanged in the dialects of the wild tribes of the Malay Peninsula; these very roots owe their existence among the wild tribes to the effect on them of the influence of the Indo-Chinese Languages, civilised and uncivilised.
Considering, then, the long isolation of the Nicobarese, it is a fair inference that these islanders probably preserve a form of the general Indo-Chinese speech that is truer to its original forms than that of any existing people on the Continent. We may, therefore, find in the Nicobarese speech the real foundation on which to build up the philology of the whole Indo-Chinese Group of Languages. In this view the Nicobarese dialects are of great scientific value and well worth a thorough investigation.
APPENDIX A.
Nicobarese Reckoning.
8.-System. Like most half-civilised people the Nicobarese have evolved an elaborate and clumsy method of enumeration, in their case [as in that of the Kafirs of Kafiristan whose hazar (1,000) = 20 X 20 or 400 ] based on tallying by the score. And in order to project oneself into their minds and to grasp numbers as they present themselves to the Nicobarese, one has to set aside preconceived ideas on the subject dependent on the European decimal notation. The old English tally by the dozen and the gross ( which still survives commercially mixed up in the higher figures with the general decimal system) for small articles made and sold in very large quantities, forms an almost exact parallel.
The Nicobarese have not much use for large numbers, except for their currency and export article of commerce, the cocoanut, and hence they have, except the Shom Peu, evolved two concurrent systems of enumeration, viz., one for ordinary objects, and one for cocoanuts.

Page #379

DECEMBER, 1907.] RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
In applying terms for numbers to objects and things they use special numeral co-efficients, as do all the Far Eastern races, the explanation of which will be found, ante, II (Grammar), o (Numeral co-efficients).
b. The Numerals.
For ordinary objects the Nicobarese enumerate by a curiously isolated set of terms up to half a score (ten) by separate words thus in all the dialects:
Comparative Table of Numerals.
CHOWRA.
TERESSA AND
ВОМРОКА.
heang
CAR NICOBAR.
1. kahōk (heng44)
2. neät
3. lué
4. fän
5. tani
6. tafual
7. sât
8. häo-hare
9. maichua-tare
10. sam
so on.
heang
ân
lue
foor
tani
tafual
ishât
enfän
kalafän
shòm
ân
lue
foon
michāma47 anai48
tani
tafua
isseät
enfoòn
rōe-hata
shòm
CENTRAL
GROUP.
heang
ân
lõe, lue
foan
noong
tom
tanai
tafual
issât
enföan 46 heäng-hata shòm
SOUTHERN
A score in all the dialects is named as follows:CAR NICOBAR. CHOWRA. TERESSA AND CENTRAL ВОМРОКА. GROUP. GROUP. momchiama momchiama pomchiama inai
tom
inai
SOUTHERN
GROUP. heg
ân
lue
foat
tani
takoal
ishât
enfôan häch-hata shab
After the half score and up to nineteen the enumeration is ten-one and so on for all the dialects, except Car Nicobar where they count one-ten and so on, using then sian for sam. Among the Shom Pen, the inland tribe, who have no export commerce, there are no such special systems of enumeration as the other people have, but in addition to direct reckoning they count by pairs, a point of some interest as will be seen hereafter. Thus àu, two, becomes ta-du, a pair. Then 2 = heng ta-du, one pair ; 3 = heng ta du heng, one pair one ; 4 = du t du, two pair, and so on. For numerals beyond ten the Shom Pen have an expression for half-apair mahàukod, which again will be found later on to explain a point in the system of the other tribes, and count thus up to 19; heng mahàukod teya, one half-pair (and) ten 11, and so on.
361
When approaching the first or any score, all the dialects use a plan, in common with many other people, of counting "more reach a score." E. g., in the Central dialect lõe tare tangla heang momchiama, 3 more reach one score 17: dn tare tangla foan momchiama, 2 more reach four score = 78.
For cocoanuts and money.
ti, tai, hand: then with infix an, t-an-i, t-an-ai five; and with suffix, lai-h, five.
an, two; foan, foon, four: then en-föan, en-foon, eight.
47 Of general objects.
SHOм PEN.
heng
àu
Of cocoanuts and money.
luge
fuat
tain45
lagàu
ain
towe
langi
teya
And after the score the Central and Southern Groups have a term for half-a-score (doktas), just as the Shom Pen have, as we have seen, one for half-a-pair. Thus in these two dialects 30 is respectively heang momohiama doktas and heg-pomchiama-dòktai one score (and) half-a-score. Between the scores the numerals otherwise run as above explained -« one score one
"and
SHOM PEN.
inai

Page #380

362
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER 1907.
+ The large figures 100 and so on are merely 5, 10, 15, 19 scores up to 400, which is a scoreof-scores in all the dialects, except Shom Pon which saye heng-leo, i.e., one teo, or score-ofscores, anotber point of importance in reckoning, as will be presently seen. For expressing score-of-scores the other dialects use the alternative term for the first score, also a point of interest later on, e.g., in Central dialect heung inai momchiama, one score (of) scores.
The numeral we call 500 all the Nicobarese dialects call“ one score (of scores and ) five scores," except Shom Pen which says "one-leo (score of scores) five (scores)." So 600 is in the Central and Southern dialects one score (and a hall (score of) scores": in Shom Pen it is “one teo (and) ten score": in Teressa it is "& score (and) ten (of) scores" : in Chowra and Car Nicobar it is "& score (and) five pairs (of) scores." So also 700 in the Central and Southern dialects is one ecore (and) half (score and ) five (of) scores": in all the rest it is one score (and) fifteen scores." Beyond 600 the Shum Peň and beyond 700 the other dialects, except Car Nicobar, do not ordinarily reckon. For 1,000 the Car Nicobarese say "two score (and ) five pairs (of) scores ": for 2,000 they say "five score scores." Beyond 2,000 they do not ordinarily have to reckon.
0. - Beckoning by Tally. . We are now in a position to reckon according to the Nicobarese fashion, supposing ourselves to tally as we go along.
Tally by the Score (1 to 20). (All dialects) one, two, three, four, five, six, seven, eight, nine, ten.
(41l dialects but shom Pen and Car Nicobar ) ten-one, ten-two, ten-three, ten-four, ten-five, ten-six, ten-seven, ten-eight, ten-nine, or, sometimes, for 17, three-more-one-score, for 18, two-moreone-score, for 19, one-more-one-score. Tally.
(All dialects but Central and Southern) (20 to 40 ) score-one, score-two .... one-moretwo-score, two score. Tally.
Tally, by score of Soores ( 20 to 400 ). (Al dialects but Shom Pen) ONB-score, two-score, three-score.... one-more-one-score (of) scores, one-score (of) scores. Tally.
Further Tally by Soore of Soores (600-700-2,000). All dialects except Shom Pen by varying expressions, meaning, one-ncore (and) five (of) scores, ghe-score (and ) ten (of) scores, one-score and fifteen (of) scores ... two score (and ) five (of) scores. ... five score scores.
The Shom Pen stop tallying altogether at 600 : and the others, the Car Nicobarese excepted, at 700, and the Car Nicobarese themselves at 2,000, except for cocoanats, for which there is a separate system.
Tally is usually kept by nioks with the thumb-ngil on strips of cane or bamboo, and in Car Nicobar by notohes out in sets of five on a stick. Each nick or hotch represents a score of whatever is being enumerated.
d. - Reckoning by the Soore. As regards the exceptions above noted. For tally up to a score, beyond ten, the Car Nicobarese 'say "onb-ten" and so on, to nineteen. For even numbers the Shom Pen use besides direct numerals, "one-pair, two-pair," etc.: and for odd numbers "one-pair-one," and so on : and beyond ten to nineteen they say "one half-pair (and) ten" and so on.
For tally beyond & soore the Central and Southern people use & term, dòktai, for halfBcore" in the same way as the Shom Pen use "half-pair." This word is of great interest, as it is a lost stem, meaning " (waning to half," which can be shown to be the case by the term for

Page #381

DECEMBER, 1907.)
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
363
5,000 pairs in Car Nicobarese, dròngte lák, half lake, i.e., half 10,000 pairs. Here lák is borrowed from the Far Eastern laksa, lak, 10,000 (one form of the Sanskrit laksha, just as lakh for 100,000 is another in modern India ), and dròngle (döktai) is not otherwise found in Car Nicobarese. This term dròngte is applied also to the "half (waned ) moou" while drônga means * waning.”
It will have been noticed that there are alternative terms for "score"; one old one, as shown by the Shon Pei form, and one newer: the newer term being now used for "score" and the old one to tell or multiply it by the score. In going into the cocoanut-counting system these alternative terms will be found put to yet another use. Again, the Shom Pen have a special term for score-of-scores, tēo: and can tally up to large figures by scores : one score, two scores, three scores, one more one teo, one tēn. This idea, too, will be found to be of value when going into the system of counting cocoanuts.
Another subvorsion of inter-island custom is to be noticed in Car Nicobar, where one is ordinarily kahok, but for cocoanuts one is the universal heng.
Beyond the score-of-scores (400) the Nicobareso havo so seldom to engmerate ordinary objects that their nomenclature for the numerals then becomes, though clear, uncertain, as will be seen from the different method by which the various islanders arrive at the same sum. At the same time the fact that the Shom Pen stop at 600, the others, except the Cur Nicobarese, at 700, and the Car Nicobarese themselves at 2,000, is not due to want of intelligence, but to want of practical use : just as we stop practically at a million and most people are uncertain as to whether a billion is 10 or 100 or 1,000 or even a million millions, and as beyond the billion the terms become academic.
e. - The Small Numbers. As regards the smaller simple numbers, the terms for them have got quite away from any idea now of connection with the hand or multiplication of each other, though both can be seen after examination to be present. The word for hand, tai, in Nicobarese is a "lost root" and now only exists for parts of the hand, thus -ok-tai, back of the) hand ; oal-tas (in-hand) palm; kane-tas (stick-hand ) and even tai, finger. So lanai is certainly a derivative of tai, formed with the differentiating infix an, thus - tai, hand, fingers, t-an-ai, five. Next we find clear roots 4 (du, an, di) two and fu (ki) pair: whence in various forms, di, two;foan, four (two pair); en-foan, eight (twice two-pair). So in Shom Pen three, six and nine (luge, lagàu, lungi) are clearly the inflected remains of some such connected multiples, and in the other dialects" six" is three pair; lue, three, (ta )-fu-al, six, * pair of three (ta is a common radical prefix in the language). Tafual (tafual, tak al, tahòl), which in that case is really a numerical coefficient, also means a pair in all the dialects except Shom Ped, and is built up etymologically in the same way as the homonym for six quite legitimately, thus - ta-fu-a, prefix-root-suffix; while we see the root again in Shom Pen in the (probably inixed) compound term for half-a-pair" ma-haukod (P)-two-pair. The term heung-hata for nine is an elliptical phrase heang hata (shòm), oue less (ten), as will be seen later on.
1.- Commercial Bookoning. Tarning now to the second system-the Nicobarese roethod of reckoning cocoannts for commerce and currency, and from cocoanuts money, which they do not possess themselves, carries them into large figures. It is still a tally system, adopted for commercial purposes by all except the Bhom Pen, from the system of tallying by the score.
Cocoanats as currency are seldom used in small quantities and the Nicobarese get quickly to the score by counting the nuts in pairs - thus, one, two, three, four, five, six, seven, eight, nine pairs, one score. Tally.

Page #382

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
The term used for "score" in this case is inai (tom), the alternative already noted, and not momchiama (pomchiama, michama, noòng) as in the case of ordinary articles, momchiama being adopted, qua cocoanuts, for "score-of-scores."
864
It must be remembered that cocoanuts, except when stated in scores or multiples of scores, are always stated in pairs (tafua, tajual, takial), the term for which is omitted in reckoning, unless it is necessary to express it for very small quantities, or in the case of odd numbers, when 3 becomes "one-pair-one, heang-ta fual-heang," and so on.
In tallying cocoanuts by the score, the various islands have set up different standards of tally, which are complicated and in many cases in alternative use. The number of standards in fact indicates the trade, where trade is briskest, the standards are most numerous. It may be noted that in counting cocoanuts "ten pair" may be substituted for "one score" in the lower tally everywhere, except in Chowra, where "one score" is used without an alternative.
g. Commercial Tally by the Score.
It is now necessary to use some abbreviations- C. Central, S. Southern, T. = Teressa, C. N. Car Nicobar, and Ch. Chowra.
The least developed method of tallying by the score is in C. and S., where there are only two standards, inai score (20) and momchiama score-of-scores (400). There the counting by the score is one, two, three.... score, ono momchiama (score-of-scores); then one two, three. up to any number of momchiama. This method is very awkward in the higher figures, thus
.
500 1 momchiama 5 (score) [400 + 5 (20)]
600 1
and-a-half (doktai) (400 + 200)
[DECEMBER, 1907.
and-a-half 5 (score) [400+ 200+ 5 (20)] and-a-half [(2 x 400) + 200]
700 1 1,000 2 3,000 7 10,000 1 score 5 momchiama [(20 + 5) × 400]
and-a-half [(7 x 400) +200]
19
5 pair momchiama [(40+5[2] x 400]
33
20,000 2 100,000 10 200,000 1
5 momchiama [10 x (20+ 5) x 400 ]
5 (of) score (of) momchiama [ (20+5) x 20 x 400]
Car Nicobar adopts the score and score-of-scores (inai-momchiama) standard, but only alternatively and only as far as the higher of the two (400). T. and Ch. will talk about 11, etc., score, but as far as 15 score only.
h. Standards of Ten and One Hundred Score.
99
29
35
All these three islands, Car Nicobar, Teressa, and Chowra, have a third standard of ten score (200), which is in these dialects called
C. N. T. òng nòng
Ch. lâu
Then alternatively Ch. alternatively up to 20 score.
300
and C. N. will reckon by the lá or 'òng up to 15 score, and C. N. Beyond the nong, T. always reckons by the nòng thus50:1òng(nòng, là ) 400 2òng (nòng, lên )
500 9’òng(nòng, lê), 5 score ( tom ),
2,000, i. e., 10. "òng commences in C. N.
The standard of ten score (200) is carried by all the three islands C. N., T., Ch., up to (nong, la), when alternatively a new standard of hundred scores called kaine, in T. and Ch., mamila. Thus2,000. 1 kaiñe (mamila)
3,000 1 kaiñe (mamila ), 5 òng ( nòng, lên ).
Inflectionally (1) nòng, (2) tòng, (8) yòng, (10) mong according to the terminal of the previous numeral, 80 Except in case of 300 which is 15 score.

Page #383

DECEMBER, 1907.]
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
1.The Higher Numbers.
After this the islands break off on their own lines. Thus T. carries on the standard of ten score (mamila) for all the higher figures: 200,000 being in that dialect simply 5 score mamila (5 x 20 x 2,000). C. N. and Ch. do so also as far as 100,000, which is in all the three dialects 2 score 5 pairs mamila (kaine) or [2 x 20+ 5 (2)] x 2,000; but Ch. alternatively commences a new standard at two mamila or two hundred score (4,000) called metnētchya and carries that on to all figures. Thus for Ch.
20,000 is alternatively 5 metñetchya (5 x 4,000) 100,000 is 1 score 5 metñetchya [ (20+ 5) x 4,000] 200,000 is 2 score 10 metñetchya [(40 + 10) x 4,000]
At 10 kaine (10 x 2,000 20,000) O. N. commences a new alternative standard, lak (borrowed from the Malay and Far Eastern laksa 10,00051), meaning 10,000 pairs (= 20,000) cocoannts. This is carried on to all the high figures. Thus
20,000 is 1 lak 100,000 is 5 lak 200,000 is 10 lâk
By an interesting expression C. N. says dròngte lak, half lak, for 10,000. This proves that doktai, "and-a-half" (scores) of C. and S. really contains a lost root for "half." Also it is to be noticed that when C. and S. get into large figures they have borrowed the T. Ch. alternative term for score. Thus -
200,000 in C. and S. is heang inai tanai tom momohtama, one score (and) five score (of) score-of-scores (20+5 x 20 x 20 x 20).
j.
Cocoanut Beckoning Standards.
The following table will show briefly the standards for reckoning cocoanuts:... all islands II. 10 pairs or score... all islands
I. pair
III. 10 score
IV. score of scores
Ch. T., C. N. C., S., C. N. ...Ch., T., C. N.
V. 10 ten-scores
VI. score of ten-scores... Ch. VII. 10,000 pairs
... C. N.
***
1
1
365
1
1
1
1
1
tafüa (tafual, takdal, tahòl)
inai (tom) ...
là (nòng,òng)
2
20 200
momchiama (pomchiama, michama) 400
mamila (kaiñe)
2,000 4,000
metñetchya
lâk (borrowed trade term) ... 20,000
C. N. and Ch. have thus six standards and Car Nicobar has the highest: T. has four standards: C. and S. have three. These standards opportunity of the various islanders.
exactly indicate the relative trading
The Shom Pen have no trade, but they can easily reckon up to 80,000, thus teya inai teo 10 score (of) teo [(10 x 20) x 400 80,000]. They have three standards I, pair, 1 ta-àu, 2: II, score, 1 inai, 20: III, score of scores, 1 teo 400. They do not, in fact, fall behind the other islanders in the capacity for grasping and reckoning in abstract figures.
81 Not from the Indian lakh 100,000. Both laksa (10,000) and lakh (100,000) are from the same root as the Sanskrit laksha.

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k. - Soales for Reckoning Cocoanuts. For European trade the table of scales would be as follows:
For all islands. 10 tafüa or takoal or tabòl (pair) make 1 inai or tom (score), (20)
II.
C., 8., O.N. 10 tafūal or tabdi ... ... make' i inai (20) 20 inai ... . ... ...
1 momchiama or michāma (400) III.
Ch, T., C. N. 10 tafüal or takôal or tahdl (pair) make l inai or tom (score), (20) 10 inai or tom (noore) ... ..
1 1A, nóng, or 'ong (200) 10 lí, nòng, Or lòng ... . + 1 mamila (taiũe) (2,000)
IV.
Ch.
make
10 takdal 10 tom ... 10 la ...
2 mamila
1 tom (20) 1 1A (200) 1 mamila (2,000) 1 metñētchya (4,000)
...
.
O.N. 10 tabòl ... ... ... ... make 1 inai (20) 10 inai ... ... ... ... . 1 'dng (200) 10 *òng
1 kaiñe (2,000) 10 kaiño ...
, 1 låk (20,000) One can see, when put in this way, which is, of course, distinotly not Nicobaroso, where trade has sharpened wits.
1. - Tallies. In a Car Nicobar tally stiok, Konrāta-kòk, in my possession, unfortunately already dry-rotted in the notches, which are thus lost for the future, & running account of cocoanuts with a trader who has advanced rice for Cocoonuts, is shown. The balance due on the rice was 2,000 cocoanuta, i. e., 10 'òng or 1 kaise denoted by the lo notches at A. The 10 notches at B represent the total sum 10 'ong to be made up. The 6 notches at O denote that the owner has cleared 6 'ong (1,200, the 4 notches at D that 4 'òng (800) are still due.
Kenrāta-Kək. A
в
р
Balance (10)
Dae (4)
Cleared (6)
Amount to be made up (10)

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DECEMBER, 1907.]
RECORD OF THE LANGUAGES OF SAVAGES.
I have another tally of beads on a string from Car Nicobar (kenrata-ngiji) which shows that 26 michama (400 x 26=10,400) of cocoanuts are due out of a sum and that 4 michama (1,600) have been paid. The original debt was therefore 30 michama, i,e., 12,000 cocoanuts, or as a Car Nicobarese would say, 6 kaiñe or dròngte lak heng kaine [half lak (and) one kaine].
Kenrata-ngiji.
APPENDIX B.
8.- - Reckoning of the Days of the Months.
Each "moon" is divided into phases and divisions in all the islands on the same system, except Car Nicobar, which has a differing one. There is for descriptive purposes a waxing and a waning moon; dividing the "moon" into halves. There are also a descriptive First Phase (Heang La, one piece): Full Moon (whole or swollen moon): Last Phase (Kaneäl, Boar's tusk). For reckoning, the month is divided into 30 days and four phases I (she), 1st to 10th (10 days); II (ydm), 11th to 20th (10 days); III (tatlanga) 21st to 25th (5 days); IV, 26th to 30th (5 days). In the fourth phase the days are not counted, but separately
named.
In Car Nicobar the following descriptive phases are recognised:-(a) First Phase (Kanel-haun, Boar's task), 2nd day: Second Phase (Tutlaal), 8th day (First Quarter): Third Phase (Chawi Chingeät ), 14th day (Full Moon): Fourth Phase (Dròngte Chingeät), 22nd day (Last Quarter); and (6) Waxing moon, 1st to 10th (10 days): whole moon, 11th to 16th (6 days) waning moon, 17th to 26th (10 days): disappearing moon, 27th to 30th (4 days): total, 30 days. In Car Nicobar also the full moon, and the day before and the two days after, are all recognised by separate terms. For reckoning, the month is divided into 30 days and 3 phases: waxing moon, 1st to 16th (16 days): waning moon, 17th to 26th (10 days): disappearing moon, 27th to 30th (4 days): total, 30 days.
In reckoning the month the Car Nicobarese reckon straight through the waxing moon from 1 to 16 and simply say "kahok chingeät, one moon..... tafual stan chingeät, sixteen moon." They then go straight through the waning moon from 1 to 10 and say "kahōk drônga chingeät, one waning moon," and so on. Lastly they run through the disappearing moon from 1 to 4, "kahok sainowa ohingeät, one disappearing moon," etc. If intercalary days then ensue, they are all called aiya áp-chingeal.
In the other islands the plan of counting the days is the same, but the method differs and is more complicated. They count 1 to 10 (she moon); thus "heang she kahe, one she moon.... shòm she kahe, ten she moon." Then 1 to 9 (yam, whole); thus "heang yam káhe, one yám moon... heang hata yam kdhe, nine yam moon." But the 20th is "heang

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momchiama yam kdhe, one score yam moon," to finish the reckoning, because it now takes on a new phase. The 21st to 25th are reckoned backwards thug -
21st enföan tatlanga 8 tatlanga. 22nd issât 23rd tafüal
6 24th tanai , 5 25th foan
After this they reckon by separate names :
26th ongê wa 27th hinai 28th hinlain 29th manūt 30th kanat
Any following intercalary days are all called kanat.
b. - Explanation of Terms for Numerals. There is a term for the 19th in the Central Group, which explains the curious form heang-hats for nine. The ordinary term for the 19th day is heang-hata ydm kdhë, nine ydm moon : but shom heang hata tom ydm, which is obviously "ten one less score ydm," is also used, because the 20th is heang momchiama ydm kdhe, one score yam moon. Hat means "not" and hata here is clearly "less" and so heang-hata, nine, is an elliptic phase for heang hata shom, one less ten.
Another pair of expressions is drònga chingeät, waning moon, and drongte chingedt, half moon, which explains drongte iak, half lak (20,000), aud doktai "and-a-half (score)." Here is a "lost root" dròng, dòk, "lessen," which when combined with (te, ta ) tai "lost root" for "hand," means "the lessened hand" or "half."
The only other term which might be dispated is chamānga chingeät, ten moon, the word for ten in Car Nicobar being sam, but it is quite a legitimate extension for differentiation by infix and suffix, thus; ch-am-ang-a (for s-am-am-a), or according to root forms, chang for sam.
0. - Calendar Tallies,
In a Car Nicobar Calendar (kenräta) in my possession the days are notched as follows to indicate a monsoon. It is in the form of a sword-blade.
The first month notches 31 days The second The third , The fourth The fifth
26 ) The sixth The seventh
197 days or well over half the year, wbich would require readjustment during the next monsoon.
It will be observed that the notches are meant to go 10, 6, 10, 4= 30.

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That is, in this loenrāta the Car Nicobarese four phase system is taken in calendaring the months, i. e., the months are divided into waxing, full, waning, and disappearing moon.
When the notches fill one side of the kenrāta, they commence on the other, and are thus able to keep tally of time for a short while.
Car Nicobar Calendar.
(Kenrāta.)
Note.
Mr. de Roepstorff's Calendar. In Mr. de Roepstorff's posthumous Dictionary of the Nancowry (Central) Dialect, of 1884, is given a complete and most interesting Calendar, found among his papers, for the year 1883 day by day, but unfortunately there is something wrong about it. He has given Danäh-kapa and Kabâ-chaij as two separate solar months, whereas they are duplicate names for the closing month of the N.-E. Monsoon, and thus gives 13 and not 12 solar months to the year. He has also got the months Channi and Hammua in the reverse order. Further, his months work out thus for the solar year, giving an intercalary day each to (7) Hammua (May-Jane) and (9) Manakngapoah (August-September).
Month 1. 9th January to 7th February 30 days.
2.8th February to 8th March 3. 9th March to 6th April 4. 7th April to 6th May 5. 7th May to 5th June 6. 6th June to 3rd July 7. 4th July to 3rd Angust 31 8. 4th August to 31st August 9. 1st September to 1st October 10. 2nd October to 30th October 11. 31st October to 29th November
12. 30th November to 28th December 29 , , 13. 29th December to 8th January 11 ,
365 days This would have resulted in the Nicobarese full year of two monsoons being completed in 383 days, and this reckoning would have brought about a muddle in the ensuing year, 1884, which does not as matter of fact occar.
It is to be observed that the S.-W. Monsoon was taken in that year as commencing on 7th May and the N-W. on 1st November, so that the S.-W. Monsoon half year lasted 177 days and the N.-W. about 188.
It is to be noted also that in Mr. de Roepstorff's calendar the She days are 10, the Yam days 10, and the Tatlānga days 5 in each month, while the odd dark nights run thus: for 1 month none, for 1 month 3, for 6 months 4, for 3 months 5, for 2 months 6 in the month.

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A REPORT ON THE PANJAB HILL TRIBES.
From the Native point of view.
BY MIAN DURGA SINGH. (Communicated by H. A. Rose.)
(Concluded from page 315.)
LXXVIII. - Social Customs. 283. Methods of salutation among different tribes are: -
(1) Brâhmans salute one another, as pairi pond; namaskár. They salute Rajputs with asírbád, sri bachan, Räjá kb sri Raghu Náth sahdi (God be with the Raja). Other tribes, except the low castes, with kalyan or asírbád. Low tribes with "May you long live or flourish."
(2) Kajpûts say to the Brahmans, matthd tekná, pálag, pairi pond (I fall at your feet); to others, except low castes, Ram Råm, and to low castes, “May you long live or flourish."
(3) Böhras, Banias, Bhabras, Süds, Kshatriyâs, say Ram Ram to one another, or bandage or matthá tékond or pairi pond; to Brahmans, palag, pdiri pônd, or mattha teknd; to Rajputs, maharaj jaided or jaided mahardj or jaidéa.
(4) Kanaits, goldsmiths, Jats, barbers, gardenere, milkmen, potters, masons, say Ram Ram, dhal, bandagi and jai sitá Rám; to Böhras, as above, bandagi or Ram Ram; to Rájpats, mahardj jaided or jaidéá or dhal.
(5) Washermen, dye-sinkers, carpenters, smiths, Thathêrâs, Dbagts, Chanâle, Kolts, Réhệs, sweepers, cobblers, boatmen, weavers, say to one another, Ram Ram or dhål; dhal or pairf pond to Kansits; dhal or pairí pôná to Behrâs, etc.; maharaj jaidód or jaided, or jai, to Rajpûts ; and pairi pônd or matthd téknd to Brahmans.
(6) The women of Brâhmans, Rajpa'ts and Bôhras, etc., say matthd 18knd or pairf poná to one another. The women of Kanaits, etc., say dhal or súi to one another, and those of low castes say dhal to one another.
(7) The above-mentioned tribes say namo Nardin (reverence be to God) to the Sanyasi mendicants or make dan doat (going round the person) to them, who in answer say Nardin. Bairagis are addressed with jai mahardj dandaut, who reply jas Ramji or jai Sita Ramji. Adés is said to a Jogi, who replies Ad purush (the First Cause). Adasis are made a dundant and they reply chiranjiv (long live).
284. Modes of salutation by relatives :
(1) Brühmans. A son, son-in-law, nephew, etc., says mattha tékná and pairi bandan, to a father, mother, maternal uncle and wife, maternal grandfather and grandmother, father-in-law and mother-in-law. Women Bay pairi bandan to their relatives. The elders in reply say chiranjiv to a man, and suhdgan sanpati (may your husband live long) to a woman.
(2) Rajputs, Bhabras, Baniss, etc. To the above-mentioned relations, if males, they say jaillé á or dhal, and if females, pairi pond or matthd teknd. The elders, in reply, say chiranit to a man, and suhdgan sanpati to a woman.
(3) Kanaits. Younger males say dhal, Ram Ram or bandagi to an elder relation, who in reply says " long live" or "flourish" charanjiv. Women say sdí, and receive in reply sada, suhigan.
(+) Low castes. Both males and females, if the younger say ahal to elders, who in reply say " be happy," or dhal.
(5) Rajâs or Ranûs. Brahmans say to Raja or Rini asirbåd, sri Gôpal sahdi or Bri Raghunath sahdi (may God help yon). Other tribes say jaided to them. They reply pálag to Brahmans and Ram Ram to others, jai to Rajpûts and be happy" to low persons.

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(6) Mians (Raja's younger sons). - Brâhmans say to a Mian asirbdd or sri bachan ; others Bay jai, juidea, or dhal. They reply pálag or mattha ték ná to a Brahman; Ram Ram, jai, jaidea or dhal to the Rajpûts ; Ram Ram to others, and " be happy" to low persons.
(7) Banias. - They say bandagi and Ram Ram to merchants. Brahmans say asírbád or sri bachan to them. Low persons say to them dhal or pairi pônd.
(8) Négis, Mehtas, Wazirs, Mukhiâs, etc., eay bandagi or salám or Ram Ram. (9) If a man belongs to any other tribe, then he is saluted with the words fixed for his tribe.
265. The methods of greeting among the members of a family, friends, relations, and strangers are given below:
(1) Members of a family. - The younger places his head on the feet of the elder, and then says jaidea, dhál, bandags, or Ram Ram, according to the fixed custom, with both the hands brought together. The elder places bis hand on the back of the younger, accepts the salutation asks after his health, and places him near himself with a great show of love.
(2) Friends. - Friends shake hands. The younger in age or rank says bandagi, jaidéd, dhal or Rám Rám, after which the elder takes hold of the hand of the younger, accepts the salutation, asks after his health, and gives him a seat near himself. . (3) Relations. - The younger honours the elder, and puts his head on the feet of the latter. If the relation be that of an equal position, or if the introduction be effected through a near relative, then after pairt bandnd they embrace each other, or say dhdi bandagi, jai, jaid84, eto., to each other. The younger leaves his seat and offers it to the elder, and himself sits lower on the floor.
(4) Strangers. - Men prepare good food for their guests according to their capacity. If a guest comes to the house of a Chief, Râjâ, or Nawab, then in addition to the feast he gets presents, and even money, in proportion to the rank of the guest and host. Chiefs generally give presents to their neighbours and relations.
286. There are no special rules for salatation, greeting or address. 267. There is no particular rule about treatment of guests, women, old men, and invalids. 208. Relations and neighbours entertain one another mutually.
269. No special language is used. The guests are politely spoken to. The host, of whatever rank or capacity, will treat the guest respectfnlly. If the guest be one belonging to the family of the host's wife, then he is ridiculed. Brothers-in-law call each other names and mimio one another. Their servants also will behave in the same way.
270. The brothers-in-law or men of their respective families make jokes with each other, and also abuse each other through mother, or daughter, or sister. They call one another a thief, a rogue, a cobbler, a shoemaker, sweeper, etc. But no one may assail the religion of another.
LXXIX. - Social Intercourse. 271. Customs of social intercoarse among Kanaits, goldsmiths, barber, potters, Jåte, gardeners, and masons:
(a) The Brâhmans can eat flour, rice or fried grain from the hands of the above-named clans. They have no scruple to use púri, kachori, and everything fried in oil or ghi that has been touched by the latter.
(6) The high castes do not use the food cooked only in water (not fried in oil, etc.) by these sects, but low castes do not observe such restrictions.
(c) Water touched by them is drunk by everybody. (d) The people do not smoke the same pipe with them,
The high castes do not eat food touched by low castes, such as Kolis, shepherds, cobblers, etc., nor do the former drink water touched by the latter, nor do they smoke the same pipe with them. The low castos can eat food prepared by anybody. But every tribe, even among themselves, have some restrictions concerning diet.

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272. Members of all tribes can eat the food, whether fried or unfried, prepared by a Brahman, but they do not smoke pipes together. Every tribe - nay, even every sub-division - has its own pipe. The same rule holds in the case of fried food. The people do not take fried food with persons not of their own blood, and this custom holds particularly among Brahmans, Rajputs, and Banias.
LXXX. - Olothing and Ornaments. -273. (1) Garments generally differ in fashion, and a distinction between the Hindu, and Muhammadans can be made so that the Hindus keep their buttons to the right, while the Muhammadang keep them to the left. Hindus do not use black cloth, except for trousers, but the Muhammadans use it freely. And the Hindus do not use blue cloth, while Mahammadans do. The Hindus do not shave their heads, while Muhammadans shave their heads clean. The Muhammadans cook big cakes and Hindus small ones.
The names of men's garments are: - Chobaghld, kurta, kamra (shirt), sadrí (vest), pájúnd (drawers or trousers), suthan, salár, gdohi, topi (cap), futühi, kôt (coat), chôgd, chadar (blanket or sheet), doshala (shawl), turban, kamarband (belt).
The Dames of women's garments are:- Dhathu, gdck, dôra, chôlti, tambd, suthan, lóiya, léôtá, ghôndi, chadar (bianket), Kourtd sadri (vest), kamis (shirt), choltú (coat), chabaghla and kamarband (belt).
(2) The following are some of the ornaments for women: - Kad (arm-rings) of gold and silver, kangan (arm-rings) of gold and silver, ponchi, marédru, churi (arm-rings), môndi, drsi, dôra, chandrmán, chak, kanbali, mongré, séd, han phul, tanóré, chains for sédús or kanphuls or tanórés, jhômak, nath (nose-ring), buldk, bésar, pípal patta, lång, phúil and thathi (?), kdch and chhata, kanthi, jómdia, chandarmani har, daxri, dolri, chap kali, indarséni har, konvåra döda, tavia, wald, bdelband, törd, paizeb, pêchdti, chokhati, gunthr, hansli, jhanjdr.
Ornaments for men are - Ziga, chandarman, gokhru, murki, drôtu, bali or kunbal : kuntha, gold and silver ; kara, gold or silver ; môndi, gold or silver ; taviz, malá, and bdaúband.
LXXXI.- Dancing and singing. 274. The women of all the tribes, except those of the Brahmans and Rajputs, can dance. They dance among men in their villages at night. The women of Brahmans and Rajputs do not dance, except at marriages, when they also sing. The türís (minstrels) are, by profession, dancers and singers.
LXXXII. - Table of Occupation.
No.
Name of Tribo.
Occupation.
1 Kshatriyas or Râjpûts 2 Brahmans ... ...
..
Süds
... Military service. ... Teachers of the Vedas and Scriptures ; receivers of gifts
and alms. Merchants and agriculturists. Merchante.
Do. ... Agriculturists ; servants of Brahmans and Rajpats.
Baniâs Bôhras Kanaits
... ... ........
6
...
[ It is to be observed that one Portuguese word kanus and one!Engligh word kot ooour in those liste. - Ed.]

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A REPORT ON THE PANJAB HILL TRIBES.
873
NO
Name of Tribe.
Occupation.
Do.
do.
Kbatris ....
Like Rajputs; merchants and servants. 8 Kayasths ...
Clerks and merchants. Goldsmiths
Makers of gold or silver ornaments. Barbers .
Shaving. Potters
Make earthenware vessels; keep beasts of burden, such
as mules, camels, etc. Washermen
Wasbing of clothes. Chhimbas ...
Dyeing and washing of clothes. 14 Carpenters
Build houses ; carve wood and sculpture; and do all
kinds of work in wood and stone. 15 Blacksmiths
Meke instruments and vessels of iron. Thathêrâ or Bharêrâ
Make instruments and vessels of brass, copper, and
spelter. Türis, Dhakis, and Dhadis Play upon instruments, sing and dance. Kolis or Dums
Agriculturists and menials to others. Rehrs or Nagûlûs ...
Do. and graze the farmers' cattle ; shepherds. Sweepers ... ... ...
do. Cobblers and shoemakers
make shoes and other things of leather. Chanals ..
and make bows and arrows. Boatmen ...
and help people in crossing rivers. Weavers
weave woollen cloth. 25 Bairâgîs ...
Beggars. 26 Sanyâsîs
Do. 27 Udasis 28 Jôgis
... ... ... Do.
LXXXIII. - Professions and Occupations, 275. The Brahmans, Rajputs, Kshatriyas, and Süds have adopted the profession of commerce and agriculture in modern times. The Brahmans and Rajputs are also given to private service. No tribe, except in the case of individuals, sticks to its original occupation.
.276. Different tribes have different occupations. No tribe sticks to one occupation as a whole. People earn their livelihood by different pursuits. The women of Brahmans and Râjpûts do no work, but make silk embroidery, sew clothes, knit socks, and so on.
277. No particular profession deserves mention. 278. There is nothing particular to say as to instruments.
279. The Túris, DhAkts, and Dhidis allow their women to practise prostitution, whether they be maids or married, and live upon their earnings.
Do.
Do.

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280. The change of religion is necessarily accompanied with change of profession. The convert adopts the calling of his new religion.
281. Persons changing their profession do not necessarily change the name of their tribe, nor is their connection with it slackened, nor does it pervert their religion or sect. However, if a person adopts a profession forbidden by either the Hindu or Muhammadan religion, then his religion is degraded and he is excommunicated. For instance, a person whose food and water can be taken by Brahmans and Rajputs becomes, on adopting a low profession, degraded and is excommunicated.
LXXXIV. - Agriculture. 283. The conditions of land cultivation are:
(1) Agriculturists are to be found in every tribe. However, the high castes of Brahman and Rajpûts do not cultivate the land themselves, but by their servants.
(2) The Kanaits and Kolis are the best cultivators. Their men and women live by cultivation. Cultivators are generally Kanaits, Kôlis, Réhrs (shepherds), who are tonantsat-will. Generally the tenants are without rights of occupancy. Occupanoy tenants are very few.
(8) (a) Some tenants serve the landlords and do not pay any rent. They serve him daily.
(6) Some tenants pay rent in cash, together with malikand. Some pay in kind as much as half the produce.
They pay, in addition to the fixed rent, expenses of deaths and marriages to the landlord. Also they serve him now and then. No portion of the chaff is given to the landlord. At the time of division of produce, in some places, & quantity equal to the seed is deducted and the remainder is divided into halves, while in other places the whole of the produce is divided.
(d) There are no wandering tenants in the hills.
(e) Daily wages are seldom paid. But when well-to-do people engage poor men on wages at the harvest time, they give to the latter 2 seers of grain daily, i.e., cakes weighing one seer in the morning, as much in the evening, and half a seer of cakes at noon. Such labourers are called buwdrd, and the wages are known as chhak. If the wages are to be paid in cash, three annas a day is given. 288. There is no tradition regarding the cultivators.
LXXXV. - Rights in the Land and its Products. 284. Following is the detail of the rights of a tribe in the land :(a) No one has any right to have land on & rent less than that paid by his neighbours.
(6) Rehrs and Kolis cultivate the common land of the village without paying any rent, and this is for their serving the shamidi (community). Sometimes they graze cattle as remuneration for this.
(c) Every one gives some grain (the quantity is not fixed) at the time of harvest to the Brahmans, the goldsmith, the barber, the Tori, the Koli, the cobbler, the washerman, the smith, and the shepherd, who in return serve the landlords. The shepherd is also given some corn. Finch of these can receive from each family not more than four maunds and not less than two seers. These people go from village to village at the time of harvest and collect corn from all the persons with whom they are connected.
285. There is no contract, but the customs are fized. As the land is divided into portions, so is the birt (custom). If any person, who has been giving corn to one man for a long time does not give it to him but to another man, a severe quarrel arises.

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286. This they do not receive by right of superiority, but by right of service. Siz monthly grants are fixed as remuneration for their services.
287. This is only the reward of service.
288. The Brahmans, barbers, Taris, Kolts, and Rehrs have hereditary rights. Other monials can be dismissed or re-employed. This right is termed shikóthd.
LXXXVI. - Increase of Agriculture. 289. There is no reason to believe that the forefathers of the agriculturists were of the same caste or tribe as themselves. Neither can this be admitted nor denied. Only so much is certain that in ancient times agriculturists were very few.
200. No such marks are to be found in any tribe or caste as to show likeness between villages or villagers. Distinction between cultivators is necessary. It is not to be found among the followers of any other profession.
201. No tradition worthy of mention is available.
292. Agriculture is increasing day by day, and every tribe is taking to it. Even the Rajpûts, Brahmans, goldsmiths and barbers, who shrank from cultivating land, have adopted agrioulture and are trying hard to improve their lands, 293. Want is not the reason.
LXXXVII. - Pasture. 294. This is a general custom in the hills. The culturable land situated near the village is either divided and cultivated or is possessed separately. In villages where pastare grounds to graze cattle are scarce the banjar (barren land) is neither divided nor cultivated, for the want of pasture injures the increasing value of land. But this custom is going out of use nowadays, for the agriculturists have been declared the owners of culturable lands, while the Chief or the British Government owns the uncalturable lands. However, the shdmldt (common land) is in possession of the villagers.
295. All the pasture lands of the hills belong to the Chief of the place. But the inhabitants of villages are privileged to graze their cattle in pastures situated within the boundary of their respective villages. None have such a right except the natives of the villages. If the Chief thinks any area to be more than sufficient for the purposes of pasturage, and wants to improve it, then he can give it to any one of the nativer of the village for improvement on a fixed rent. The farmers can sell or mortgage the land which they own as the maliks, but they cannot do so with the pasture lands, and can use them only for private purposes.
LXXXVIII. - Distribution of Land. 296. There is no arrangement for social communion of tribes. However, the subdivisions of a tribe have social intercourse with one another. No custom prevails as to the redistribution of a tribe or religion. The distribution already effected cannot be cancelled.
297. Portions of land are fixed for sowing particular grains for particular crops. For instance, wheat is sown for the rabí crops, and rice, etc., for the kharif, and a limited aes of land is set aside for each crop.
LXXXIX. - Water. 298. Divisions of watering-places and habitations in a village are according to the tribes. High castes have their houses, watering-places, and cremation-grounds in one part of the village, and in the same manner every tribe or sub-division thereof has its separate places. Every tribe has also & fixed place in the village to be used at times of marriages and deaths. This partition of the villages by tribes is of long standing, but it has no concern with partition of land. The land is divided into fields.
299. The partition into fields effects all kinds of land, whetber it be the individual property of any person or the common land of the village.

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श्रीराम
RUKMINI KALYANAM.
BY G. R. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU.
(An Episode in the Srimat Bhagavata from the text of Bammara Potanna. - The Telugu Poet.)
You have heard from ne, o Parikshit, some time ago that under the commands of Brahma, Rivata bestowed the hand of his daughter Ravati on Balarama. Afterwards, Krishna married the sweet-scented Rukmini, an incarnation of Lakshmi and the danghter of Bhishmake, after gaining a victory over Salva and others who came to aid Sisupala, as Garutmanta took possession of the nectar, overthrowing Indra in days of yore.
Then, Parikshit questioned Süka, the narrator of the story, to furnish him with a satisfactory explanation of the state of affairs which lead Křishna, who came to Bhishmaka's court on account of a swayamvara, to carry off Rukmini and marry her in the r 1kshasa form, after overthrowing a host of powerful kings single-handed.1
"Exalted Brahman, Súka, a person who bears the stories of Vishņa, the bearing of which is the best road to salvation, would not be satisfied even after a certain stage is attained, As hearing them afresh imparts fresh pleasure to the hearer. . As these stories appear fresh every time they are beard, kindly barrate to me the Rukmini Kalyanam, as my mind is at present bent upon hearing it. Osage, the words which narrate the characteristics of Vishnu are ornaments to the ears of the hearers, are pleasure-giving to the pandite, are destroyers of sins committed in various lives and contain soul-stirring words."
After hearing these words from the king, Sûka spoke thus: -"O Parikshit, there lived a king, Bhishmaka by Dame, ruler of Kundina in Vidarbha. He had five sons, of which the eldest, Rukmi by name, was a spotless person. The last and most beloved of the lot was a daughter Rukmini by name.
“The house of Bhishmaka glowed with the growth of his daughter Rukmini, as the western horizon glows with the rising of the moon. She, growing day by day, indulged herself in
1 There are eight different sorts of marriage (1) brahmya, in which a girl of noble descent is married to one of the same order wbo is also a good Vedic scholar, after adorning the girl in the best jewels possible; (2) daitam, in which a girl adorned with the most fashionable and valuable jewele possible ia married to a ritvika at the beginning of a yagna, or sacrifice, after worshipping bim; (8) arsham, in which a girl in married to one after accepting from him the gift of a cow for the propagation of dharma; (4) prajapatyam, in which a girl is given to a person after telling him that they should jointly propagate dharma; (5) rákshana, where the girl is carried off by force without the consent of the girl's party ; (6) gandharvam, where olandestine marriage is done by mutual consent; (7) asuram, where money is paid for the girl for marriage; and (8) pisacha, where a person marries a girl who is not able to maintain her virtue on 8000unt of administering to herself soporific drugs. There is yet another kind of marriage called atra, where the parents roarry the two people after noticing strong signs of love in both.
? The five excrementitioua products: (1) A davamals - where Satyaguna preponderstes, although at times the thought of "I am Brabml" is presented to the mind to be soon forgotten. (2) Karmikamala - in which a person gives a deaf ear to the Vedantic teachings of his best guros. (8) Mayikamala-in which the thought about BrahmA does not strike the mind at all. (4) Mayayamala - where the mind is led to the performance of sinful deeds of whatever kind. (5) Tirotanamala- in which a person after krowing all about ParabrahmA is led to the belief that there is something other than that Being and in consequence suffers eternal damnation and undergoes & series of rebirths.

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performing make-belief marriages; in serving sweet-flavoured food to other girls of her own age, which pleased them very much; in the growth of creepers and flowers in the park adjacent ; in rocking herself in golden cradles, in houses set with diamonds and other precious stones; in playing at ball very elegantly with other girls of her own age; in teaching parrots; in teaching methods of walking to peahens and slowness of pace to fresh-bloomed swans. The growth of Rukmini's body varied with the growth of Krishna's love towards her; her lotus-face varied with the lotus of Krishna's mind; her breasts with Cupid's finely-pointed darts varied with Krishna's growth; her loins waved with the waving of Krishna's patience; her braided tresses increased with the increase of Krishna's love-chord towards her, so that her growth might keep pace with Krishna's pleasures. Thus Rukmini, the sister of Rukmi, Rukmaratha, Rukmabahu, Rukmakesa and Rukmanêtra, being in her teens, heard of the accomplishments of Sri-Krishna from the hosts who came to her house, and came to a resolution in her mind that Krishna would be the fittest man for her to take as her husband.
"Sri-Krishna, also after hearing of the beauty, intelligence, character, and general accomplishments of Rukmint and being satisfied on every item, thought that she would be the fittest woman for him to take as his wife. While all his relatives were holding consultations with the wise about giving Rukmini in marriage to Krishna, the foolish Rukmi came to a different conclusion and wanted her to be given to Sisupala. Rukmini, after having ascertained her brother's intentions, sighed in heart, called in a confidential Brahman and told him that her hot-headed brother had come to a firm resolve to give her in marriage to Sisupâla somehow, and that she wanted him to go to Dvâraka and inform Krishna of the affair. 'Best of Brahmans, as my father, too, cannot set aside the firm resolve of my brother, kindly go on this mission to Dvaraka, inform Krishna of the whole affair, and fetch him hither as soon as possible and thus baffle the endeavours of my brother.'
"The Brahman, after hearing these and some other secret words, proceeded to Dvaraka, informed Krishna of his coming through the guards stationed outside, received Krishna's orders, entered the palace, saw Krishna seated on a seat of gold, and blessed him to become a bridegroom. Whereupon Krishna, ever bent upon observing Vedic ritual, vacated his seat smiling, requested the Brahman to sit on the same seat and worshipped him, as he is himself worshipped by the angels, fed him sumptuously, approached him most heartily and slowly, and with his hands, which wield sway over the whole world, pressed his legs and addressed him thus:
"Best of Brahmans, I see you are always contented. Such a state is attained very happily. This dharma is acceptable to the elders. A Brahman, however wealthy he may be, should be contented and happy and should not be swayed by a feeling of pride. Whoever does not quit this swatharma, would have all his desires satisfied. Whoever is not content with the little that he gets would always be crushed, even though he gets Indra's riches. Whoever is content with the little that he gets would be quite happy, even though he be a pauper. Therefore, I would prostrate before those who show signs of friendship to all beings, who are content with the little they get, who are patient, who are good and not proud. O intelligent and best of Brahmans, I like that king, under whose sway all the people live comfortably, in whose kingdom you are, and by whom you are protected. Kindly let me know what induced you to enter this impenetrable island-home at this unusual hour. I promise to satisfy your desire and you may depend upon it.'
"Having heard these words from Krishna, the divine being in human form, the Brahman replied thus: Lord, there lives a king in Vidarbha, Bhishmaka by name. He has a daughter whose name is Rakmiat. She, being intent on serving you, requests you to marry her, and has sent

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some news to you through me wbich, if you be pleased to hear, I am ready to narrate in her own words - killer of Kamsa, punisher of the vicious, plunderer of the wealth of beauty, robber of women's hearts. Kșishņa, by hearing whose name all the tapds (adhyatmika, adhilaivika, adhibhautika) would vanish; by seeing whose frame, the eye would derive the pleasure of seeing every thing in the Universe; by alway serving wbom a man can attain eminence; by repeating whose name a man is freed from the trammels of sansár - to such a man is my mind united. You are the best witness to all this. Although the members of my sex feel generally shy of expressing such secrets, I, quitting aside all sense of shame, speak my heart before you, as the feeling of bhakti preponderates in me, for which I beg to be excused. Krishna, to your enemies as a lion to fattened elephants, the pleasure of the whole world, illaminated by family, education, beauty, age, wealth, health, strength, charity, bravery, and mercy - is there anyone among women that does not love you ? Even Lakshmi, the best among women, has loved you. Say, has this love emanated from me alone ?
"Purushottama, you who have Lakshmi in your breast, the proud Sisapala, king of Chedi, intends to carry me off soon, -mo who always thinks of you and you alone, as the fox desires the food best adapted for the lion. The meanest of mortals knows not your wondrous valour. If, in my previous births, I had worshipped angels, Brahmans, gurús, pandits, and others, and if I had given gifts to the entire satisfaction of Vishạn, Krishṇa would now carry me off and marry me after slaying in battle Sisupala and other such meanest of kings. Kșishna, who have in your navel the lotus which is the birthplace of Brahmâ, you who are the best of purushas, you have no reason to find & pretext. If, to-morrow, you come with your armies and slay Jarasandha, Sisupâla, and others in battle and carry me off with your valour, I am ready to accompany you and marry you in the rakshasa forin. Kțishņa, if you should think as to how best you can take me off from the palace, - for you will be labouring under the impression that in carrying me off you will be obliged to shed, unnecessarily, the blood of so many relatives, friends, and servants, who would offer resistance to you - I have devised a measure, which I shall carefully suggest to you if you be pleased to hear. My people are accustomed to send the bride, previous to the marriage proper, to worship the tutelary deities outside the town. I shall be sent on this occasion outside the town to worship Parvati according to custom, and that will be the most opportune moment when you can come and carry me off. Krishna, my protector, if you think I am not fit to receive your mercy, the receiving of which is the goal of the learned and the old by dispelling their ignorance, and if in consequence you do not choose to take me to wife, I shall assume at the least one hundred rebirths, perform vratas in the meanwhile, always think about you and attain your mercy and then marry you. You may rest assured that this is truth and nothing but the truth. Do not, therefore, give a deaf ear to my entreaties but carry me off soon. My protector, the ears that do not hear your soothing words; the beautiful frame which cannot enjoy with you the best of beings; the eyes that cannot see you that are beloved by the world at large; the tongue that cannot drink the nectar which emanates from your lips; the nose that cannot smell the fragrance of your beautiful bunch of flowers; the life that cannot serve you, the best type of mankind - all these are next to useless, even though they live. They should be considered as dead rather than living. All the jitanarthis seekers of wisdom), if they should live at all, should serve yon and you alone and any other form of servitude is next to useless.
The Brâhman, sent by Rukmini, having fulfilled his mission to her entire satisfaction, told Kțishya of her exceeding beauty, and wanted him to do the best he could under the circumstances and told him that she was the best object for his love."O Kșishna, Rukmini's feet are the best resorts for all tendrils ; her thighs laugh at golden plantain trees; her hands are beautiful with & coating of redness; her neck is exceedingly beautiful, being turned a little and being as white as a conch. There is a suspicion whether she possesses a waist or not. Her breasts give pleasure to

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the eye; her forehead laughs at the semi-circular moon; her braided tresses laugh at black wild bees; her sight resembles the finely-pointed darts of Cupid; her eye-brows resemble the branches of Cupid arrows; her words invigorate the mind; her face resembles the moon. Krishna, you are the best person fitted for her and she for you. All others are useless to both. I tell you, on my guru, you should be married. Why do you make unnecessary delays? Take all people by whom you wish to be accompanied and come with me to fetch Rukmint. Slay your enemies, do good to the world and obtain fame.'
"When Krishna heard all that the Brahman had said, he took hold of the Brahman's hand, and, laughing, spoke to him thus: 'O Brahman, my thoughts are fully centred on Rukmini and that is why my nights are always sleepless. I knew already of Rukmini's hindrance to this marriage. Therefore as fire is taken out by the contact of wood with wood, so I shall bring Rukmint after slaying the armies of my enemies. I shall immediately go to Vidarbha, enter Bhishmaka's territory in a fitting manner and slay all my enemies who come across my path and tear open their bodies.'
"Krishna ascertained from the Brahman the auspicious moment of Rukmini's marriage and ascended with him the chariot drawn by four of his best horses harnessed to it by the charioteer under his own instructions, and reached Vidarbha in a single night. There Bhishmaka, king of Kundina, who could not set his son aside, bad resolved to marry his daughter to Sisupâla, and had made the necessary preparations for its performance. At this juncture the public streets, lanes, and thoroughfares of the city were swept and kept scrupulously clean, excellent sandalwood water was sprinkled in them, they were adorned with beautiful flowers of various kind; all houses were repaired and kept in good order, incense and camphor were burnt; all the men and women were in their best and appropriate attire, were adorned with beautiful flowers, the best jewels and excellent scents; drums and instruments of all sorts were beaten and played. Thus the whole city presented a gay and lively appearance. Then Maharaja Bhishmaka first propitiated the pitris, fed the Brahmans, purified the city, had Rukmint bathed, adorned her with the best jewels and in the best attire possible, performed all observances in accordance with the strict injunctions of the Vedas, engaged Brahmaus to chant the various mantras, and the purohit to perform navagraha homa and to give away gifts of sesamum seeds, cows, silver, gold, and cloths.
"At this juncture the proud Sisupâla came to the city with the object of marrying Rukmini, accompanied by various armies under his command, his innumerable relatives, friends, and others. Jarasandha, Dantavaktra, Salva, Biduratha, Paundraka, Vasudeva, and other kings came to the firm resolution that they would defend Sisupâla against Krishna and Balai âma and all their innumerable armies, relatives, and friends and drive them off the field, and overcome any objection to making Sisupâla marry Rukmini. Very many other rajás came to witness the marriage. Of these Sisupåla was lodged by Bhishmaka in the best lodgings possible, and when Balarama heard this, he went to the place with a host, all the while thinking that Krishna went there single-handed, and that very many kings were there to help Sisupâla, and that when the girl was to be brought, a fight would necessarily ensue and that at that juncture Krishna would need assistance.
"At that time when the host of rajds were approaching the town, Rukmini entertained grave doubts about Krishna's coming thither. To-morrow is the auspicious moment; the marriage is fast approaching; my mind is wavering as to why Krishna has not come as yet; whether Krishna has given a deaf ear to my news; why it is that the Brahman resembling the fire has not come here as yet; whether my attempts to marry Krishna are to be fulfilled or frustrated; whether Brahmâ has thought otherwise' such were the thoughts passing in the mind of Rukmini at this moment.

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Whether the enlightened and best of Brahmans did repair to Kpiahs or no; whether he was fatigued on the way or reached the place safely; whether he found fault with me for having given unnecessary trouble to the Brahman or accepted my entreaty; whether the Almighty will belp me in tay undertakings or baffle my endeavours; whether my tutelary deity, Parvati, will protect me or otherwise, and after all whether my fortune is favourable or the reverse. I am at a loss to know all this'-such were the thoughts that she entertained at this moment. The Brahman may not have gone to Dvaraka and therefore Krishna bas not been able to come here. There is no confidential person whom I could hereafter send to fetch Krishņa thither. There is not an atom of justice to be got from my brother Rukmi. He intends to give me to Sisupala, the staunchest enemy of my lover, Krishqa. Even my Pârvati has lost her pity for me.' The above were her thoughts at that time.
" She would not communicate ber thoughts even to her mother. Her face had turned very pale, She would not even smile, nor would she try to remove the wild bees which used to sit on her face, thinking it to be a lotus. She would not unwind the twisted pearl necklaces on her breast. She would ever be bent on eagerly looking at Krishna's arrival. She would weep, thinking she was not to be blessed by marrying Sri-Krishņa; she would not braid her tresses; would not talk even to her favourite maids ; she would not take food, nor drink water. She would not teach her pet parrot a song. She would not play on the lyre and would shun society as much as possible. As sorrow was great at her heart on account of Krishna not having come to marry her as yet, as he was in justice bound to do, Rukmint, - the lion-waisted, lotus-scented, mirror-faced, flower-bodied, lotus-eyed, swan-gaited, creeper-framed, the jewel of jewels, the flower of all women, with hands formed after the lotus, - would not daub her body with musk, would not bathe, would not see a looking-glass, nor wear flowers, por resort to parks, nor tame swans, nor grow creepers, nor wear jewels, nor wear marks on the forehead, nor swim in water, she, being unable to bear the finely pointed darts of Cupid, would shiver at sweet soft winds, would be terrified at the noise of the wild bees, would be struck with horror at the song of nightingale, would be annoyed at the noise of parrots and ran sway from them, would not bear the best of moonlight and would stand aloof from the shade of the sweet mango-tree. While thus eagerly waiting for the coming of Hari and looking carelessly at all other business, and being scorched by Cupid's arrows, there occurred a tremor of her left eye and left shoulder, which foreboded something good. Then the Brahman, being sent by Sri Krishna, arrived, when Rukmini went and stood before him with a glowing face and smiling, then the Brahman told her :- Rukmini, Sri-Krishra was exceedingly pleased at your good character, has given me immense wealth, has also himself arrived here. He is at present outside the town. He would marry you in the rakshasa form, even though the whole host of angels and råkshasas come and oppose him. You have this day reaped the fruit of your labours.' Afterwards Rukmini replied thus : - You have protected me by carrying my news to Kțishṇa and bringing him here. I live by your mercy, There is in the whole world none other like you. I cannot repay the good you have done me except by a prostration before you.' Thus saying, she prostrated before him and dismissed him,
"Afterwards Bhishmaka, having heard of the arrival of Balarama and Krishna at his daughter's marriage, went to meet them with beating of drums, received them kindly, presented them with cloths and ornaments, showed resting-places for their armies, friends, and relatives, showed hospitality to all the other kings as became each of them, and supplied them with all necessaries. Then the townsfolk, having heard of the arrival of Sri Krishņa at Rukmini's marriage, come and saw him and coliloquised thus:- This Krisbna most be the fittest man for that Rukmini and she for him. Brahma can be called intelligent only when such a pair are brought into unison with each other. What matters it if only by the good deeds that we have done in our previous births, Krishņa becomes the husband of Rukmint after slaying all those who offer resistance to him in battle.'

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"At this juncture, while the soldiers fully armed were accompanying the dancing-women and were advancing with offerings for the god, the Brahman women wearing flowers, fruita, sandalwood, cloths, and jewels, were proceeding singing, while there was a tremendous noise caused by the beating of drums, the playing of different kinds of music, and while damsels were following, Rukmini, with the utmost feminine modesty, with ringlets falling on her forehead, proceeded from the palace to worship Parvati. While a host of people of various sorts were accompanying her, she was all the while thinking of Krishna in her mind, and went to the temple of Gaurt, wasbed her hands and feet, sipped water thrice, and with a pure heart approached and stood before her. Then the Brahman women bathed Gauri and Siva, applied sandalwood, worshipped them with flowers, offered various offerings which were brought for the purpose, and made Rukmini prostrate. Then Rukmini said :
I fully believe in my mind the everlasting, time-honoured couple of Pârvati and Mahesvara. I pray you to bless me. You are the chiefest and oldest of all mothers. You are the ocean of mercy. Whoever conscientiously and firmly believes in you will not suffer. Kindly, therefore, have mercy on me and bless me that I may have Kộishịa as my husband.'
"Rukmint then worshipped the Brahman couples with pan-rupari, salted cakes, fruits, and sugar-canes, upon which they were exceedingly delighted and blessed Rukmint when she again prostrated before Pârvati, and quitted the temple and came out. As a spark of lightning in the wintry sky, as the animal in the orbit of the moon, as the mokini which appears on the scene when the curtain is drawn by Brahma, as Lakshmi who came out from the milky sky when it was churned by the angels and rdkshasas, using Mount Manthara as the churning staff and Vasuki as the chord, glittering with the rays of the finest ornaments, Rukmint came out of the temple of Gauri with the pace of the fattened swan that lives in the golden lotuses of Manasasarovara, with the waist which is troubled by the weight of her heavy breasts which resembled a pair of golden pots, with her diamond-ringed hands twisted round the hands of a maiden, with chins sparkling with the lustre of diamond ear-rings, with ringlets which cover the round forehead liko fattened wild bees which encircle sweet-scented lotuses, with beautiful smiles which shed lustre of moonlight at an anseasonable moment, with lips red as ruby which shed a ruddy lustra to the rows of teeth white as jasmine, with the apper garment resembling the flag of Capid, with precious stones glittering in the gold belt as rainbow out of season, with sight resembling the glitter of arrows drawn by Cupid from his sheath which broke open the hearts of valorous kings, with measured step and slow eagerly waiting for the arrival of Krishna and attracting the hearts of all brave rdjús. With ringlets black as wild bees, with face resembling the full moon, with the eyes of the hare with coral lips, with the voice of the nightingale, with feet soft as tendrils, with breasts resembling the frontal lobes of the fattened elephants, with sand-heaped buttocks, with the best elephant gait, with red lotus bands, with rose-scented body, with lion's waist, Rukmini came and was seen by all the brave rajas, who were troubled in their hearts very much.
"Rukmini passed by the post of kings who were confused when the smiling look, indicative of feminine bashfulness, fell upon them. They lost their valoar, nobility, and honour, lost their senses, let slip the weapons from their hands. They were not able to mount their elephants, horses, or chariots. They were so much bewildered that they leaned towards the ground. Rukmini removed the ringlets from the forehead with the nails of her left hand, and, looking askance at this host, saw Sri Krishņa, with face resembling the rays of the full moon, with waist resembling that of the lion, with eyes broad as the lotus, with beautiful chest, with body shining as a newly-formed cloud, with shoulders resembling the trank of Airavata, with cloths of gold and best ornaments, and with neck tarned like a conch. Rukmin saw this world-enchanter and was delighted with the beauty, age, character, nobility, valour, and glitter of Krishna, and being enraptured with love she intended to climb his chariot when he saw her and with the face of' fattened elephant approached and lifted her up and placed her in his chariot, not caring a straw for the host of kings who were

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viewing, as the lion carries off the piece of flesh lying amidst foxes. He then blew his conch and proceeded towards Dvarake, while Balarama and others were following him with their armies. Jarasandha and others of his host were not able to brook tbis and questioned each other as to why they were seeing all this, so much perplexed. A crew of shepherds are robbing us of our honour and are carrying off the girl as the low animals rob the honour of the lion. When else can we show our valour if we cannot show it on this occasion ? Are our bows and arrows fit to be thrown away into fire if we cannot use them now? Would the people of the world fail to laugh if we let slip this opportunity and let go the girl? Jarasandhs and others having thus reasoned with one another, became exceedingly angry, put on mail armours, bore arrows and bows, and began bragging to one another, and being joined by the charioteers, infantry, and cavalry, went in pursuit of the Jädava forces, telling them to stop. This increased their valour and they showered a volley of Arrows on them when these were returned by a similar shower from the Jâdava leaders.
“While the troops of the enemy showered a volley of arrows and encircled Krishṇa and his armies, Rukmint, with a look, indicative of extreme terror and shame, saw the face of Krishộa, when he told her: 'My dear girl,' you may in a moment witness Jâdava warriors opposing the enemy and they will be very much troubled and would either run away or die.' Thus did Krishna console Rukmini when Balarams and others of Jadava warriors showered a bost of arrows, which resembled the heavy thunder and clouds that spread over the whole sky at the time of the deluge, over Jarasandhs and others, the enemy's camp presented an appearance of pieces of horses, chariots, and foot-soldiers, of boad-severed mahdsats, charioteers and horsemen of powdered chests, bands, legs, of broken skalls, of extensive hair, of severed feet, knees, calves of the legs, of powdered teeth, of thrownoff ornaments and other similar ones worn by the brave at the battle-field, of the Weepings of the valiant, of broken pieces of instruments of war, of ombrellas, of tattored armogr, of dust raised to the skies caused by the trampling of horses, of motionless chariots, of the low cries of horses and olophants, of the sounds of battle-drums, of tattered host of kings, of rivers of flood, of the noises of devils, of foxes and other animals eating the flesh and drinking the blood of corpses, of she-devils feasting on skalls and flesh of carcases,
"Jarasandha and others, the enemies of Křishņa, being unable to bear his attack, tarned their backs and fled, assembled at a certain spot, wept and soothed Sisupale, who was before them palo-faced and as one who lost his wife, emitting hot breath by asking him whether he is alive after being relieved from the hands of the enemy. Jarasandha and others said to Sisupala: 'Man oan livo anywhere, provided there is life in the body. If a man lives, a wife will somehow come of her own accord. You are now alive and therefore a wife can be secured from somewhere. Do not, therefore, weep over this affair very often.' Jarasandha again said to Sisupala, Sisapala, hear me. Man is not the agent of any deed. He would do a deed being held tight by the Almighty, as the puppet plays being led by the leading strings of the man in a pantomime. I invaded Mathur& seventeen times, when my whole army was reduced to nothing by Krishạs and I was captured by Balarama, whereupon Kșishna, out of mercy, released me. I again invaded Mathari the eighteenth time with twenty-three akahauhinis, when I drove out my enemies, Krishņa and Balarams, and gained a complete victory. I neither felt sorrow over a defeat, nor joy over a victory. If we should enquire carefully into this day's proceedings we cannot vanquish Krishņa, even though we join Siva and wage a war against him. Nor is this all. The whole world is pervaded by omnipotent time. As this was * good day for the JadAvas, they overcame us with the bravery of Krishna - us, whose valour is recognized in the three worlds. We, too, can gain victories over our enemy if fortune bo in our 'favour. Weep not, therefore, for this trifle.'

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RUKMINI KALYANAM.
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"Jarasandha and others thus consoled Sisupala and went each his own way to his own country Sisupala, too, went home with his armies. Then Rukmi, the brother of Rukminî, not agreeing to the carrying off of his sister by Krishna and not reconciling himself with the state of affairs, pursued him with an akshauhini and spoke thus to his charioteer :- This shepherd boy has slighted me and carried off my sister Rukmini, as if he were a daring valiant soldier. He knows not my prowess and descent. I must chase him swiftly, drive on the chariot so as to overtake him. I will, with my glittering arrows, put him down and show my valour. Having thus addressed th3 charioters, Rukmi, not knowing Kșishna's prowess, drove near him and said : - Stop a little, you butter-stealing shepherd boy. You shall very soon see your fate.' Having thus slighted him, he aimed three sharp arrows at him and spoke to him in a manner which irritated Kțishņa very much :- Thou shepherd, you are not our compeer to carry off our child. What dharma do you follow? What caste do you belong to ? Of what family are you? Where were you born? Where brought up ? What is your calling? What'is your gôira? Who knows you? You have 40 sense of shame or honour. Wherever you come you assume a disguise and do not appear at all in your true colours before your enemies. Moreover, you are no king. You are not tied to the world. Therefore leave our child and depart, otherwise I will put down your pride in battle by steel-pointed arrows which appear as flames of fire at the time of pralaya.
Srt-Krishna laughed at Rukmi, tore agunder his bow with one arrow, with six others his body, with eight others his chariot horses, with two more his charioteer, with three pointed ones his banner, he broke another of his bows and arrows and reduced to pieces all his other weapons. Rukmi not being pleased at this state of affairs, descended from his chariot, held a knife in his hand and came upon Krishna once more, when the latter powdered his knife and armour. Then Krishna grew exceedingly angry at the conduct of Rukmi and drew his knife from his sheath and was about to cut off his head, when Rukmint interfered and fell upon her knees before Krishna and said:
Enlightened and honourable being, seat of mercy incarnate, angelic god, my brother, not knowing your omniscience and omnipresence, has committed a grievous fault, for which I intercede on his behalf and request you to excuse him. My preserver, I am not come here to say that my brother has committed no fault. Whatever may be the heinous nature of the orime he has committed, if you should kill him, my parents would weep over the death of their son and pine away instead of feeling glad at their being able to secure Vishņu as their son-in-law, and therefore you should excuse him.' Thus, with a shivering tone, in extreme terror, a convulsed frame, a great fallen countenance, dishevelled bair and ever-weeping eyes, Rukmini prayed to Ksishņa, when he desisted from murdering Rukmi and went back intent on punishing him differently. He then tied him to his chariot and shaved him in the most awkward way possible. Meanwhile, the Jadava leaders drove the enemy's troops of the field and came near Kpishņa. Then Balarams, seeing the almost lifeless frame of Rukmi and being very much moved, untied the strings, liberated bim, approached Krishsa, and said :- O Krishna, it is not proper for you to shave the head and face of a relative like Rukmi. If a relative shonld come to battle knowingly or unknowingly, instead of telling him to go away, committing such a deed is moro shameful than severing the head off the body. OKřisboa, you make no difference between a friend and a foe. You neither show favour to one, nor disfavour to another. You treat all men equally. That you should now have thought otherwise and offered such a treatment to a relative is exceedingly bad in you.'
"He then turned round to Rukmini and said : Blame not our Krishna for the deed he has committed. We should not think that one ought to protect another for the good he has done and panish him for the evil committed. This depends entirely on the karma of our previous existence.

Page #402

384
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1907.
Karmic law pervades through the whole universe. Therefore your brother has but suffered for the deed he has committed in a previous existence. We should not kill a relative, though he deseryes death. To him a sense of shame should be more than death. When Brahmâ created the four castes and defined the Varnasrama dharma of each, he said that it is but proper to kill any person in battle, be he a brother, father, or son. That is why kings in their thirst for dominion slay any person in battle, irrespective of the relationship they bear. Those kings who want to earn a reputation of being great, being desirous of dominion, wealth, sustenance, women or honour, and not for a moment thinking of the troubles they would endure in the other world, always drag other people to quarrel for one reason or another. O. Rukmini, hear me. To the ignorant one that makes a difference between God and man, being surrounded by the mayd of Vishnu; to those that draw a distinction between sthúla, sukshma, and karana sariras, and between jñanendrias and karmendrias, there exists a difference between friend, foe, and acquaintance. As the sun, moon, and stars appear in mirrors, waters, and precious stones, as the horizon presents various shapes in the waters of pots, ponds, lakes, wells, and rivers, so the all-pervading Universal Soul (God) appears differently to different living beings. This sthúla sarira, capable of undergoing life and death, assumes the form of the five elements and makes the jiva wander in this miserable sansar and undergo life and death in utter ignorance. As the eye and the objects of vision appear bright when sun is shining, the jñanendrias and karmendrias follow their own calling when the soul is shining. As there is no relation between the sun and the objects of vision, so no relation exists between the soul and the body. As waxing and waning disturb only the fifteen phases of the moon and not the nectar-phased moon itself, so birth and death disturb the body and not the soul. As the sleeping person enjoys the appearances presented to him in a dream, so the person who has no knowledge of the soul thinks the transient pleasures of this world to be immortal. Therefore, think not that Krishna has put your brother to shame and that he has suffered from it. Put off, therefore, all sorrow from your heart. O Rukmini, put off all your sorrow which arises out of ignorance by your knowledge of self. It is not proper for you, who knows the self, to weep like the ignorant.'
"When Rukmini was thus taught by Balarama, she learnt fully of the soul and left off weeping. Rukmi, who was put to shame by Krishna, suffered like one under the pangs of death, sobbed in his fulness of heart over his disfigured frame and resolved that he would not enter Kundinanagara, without defeating Krishpa. He therefore stayed outside the town. Thus did Krishna take Rukminî to his abode after slaying all his enemies. Preparations for marriage were being made throughout the town. There were dances, songs, and the beating of drunis. Men and women put on their best attire. Public thoroughfares became damp from the perspirations of the elephants of the kings who came to witness the marriage. Plantain and areca trees were tied at the front of every house. Camphor and incense were burnt. The walls, terraces, doorways, doors, and pillars of every house, were beautifully adorned. Festoons and cloths, flowers, and precious stones were tied, and standards were raised everywhere.
"On this occasion Srl-Krishna married Rukmini (Lakshmi), a woman best adapted to his tastes, possessing an extreme sense of honour, capable of making others exceedingly rich, honored by her relatives, and in turn honouring them, of good character, capable of removing immense poverty, and wearing the best jewels and putting on the best cloths. By such a marriage Krishna obtained an everlasting fame. Then the townsfolk, wishing for their welfare, came to see the newly-married pair and gave them valuable offerings. The kings of the various kingdoms of the world were delighted and wondered at hearing of the marriage of Rukmini and Krishna. O Parikshit, the people of the city were overjoyed to the happy union of Rukmini and Krishna."

Page #403

INDEX.
52
31., 107
Alamgir Ir array of 1081...
Abasses, Abassi, coin ... Abdullah Khan, Asi; Nawab; brother of ahri, jhiwar or jhar, milk collector ...
Sa'dullah Khan ... ... ... 69 and n., 70 Aibak BAh, a chief ... ... ... . Abd-uş-samad Khan, a commander ... ... 48 1. Airavata, elephant of Indra ... ... ... 391
Abhai Singh, Rajah of Jodhpur ... ..11n. Ajadhan, modern PAkpattan ... ... 5 and n. abir, red powder...
... ... 316
Akalavarsha, Rashtrakata, K., 287 ; Krishna aborigines of India - ... .. 269 £.
II. ... ... ... ... ... 287 f. Åba, Arbuda, mt. ... ... ...162 n., 166 Akalgadba, tn. ... ... ... Abu'l-Fazl and the Gakkhors ... ... ... 8 n. Akbar, emp., the Khokhars of his time 3 n.. 'Abu-113- samad Khan, a commander... ... 61 8; the Gakkhars, 9; in Ohuhra legends, Achalgadh, fort on Mt. AbQ ... ... .. 16.6 AchAraj, one who officiates at funeral, Akbarabad and Ahmad Shah ... 51, 60, 63, 65
283 ., 297, 305 aksharhinis, army of 10 anskinis ... 382 f. Achyuta, k., of Vijayanagara ... ... ... 352 Alamgir II., Aziz-ad-din Emp. ... 11, 64, 68 n. Achyutardyabhyudayam of Sri Rajanátha, Alańkiravimartini, a work by Jayaratha ... 153
with a commentary by Pandit R. V. Alchi, in W. Tibet, mohodrten at, 88 f.;
Krishnamachariar, book-notice ... ... 352 monastery, 148; or Alohi-mkhar-gog. . 95 f. Adam, among the Chubfas ....... 114, 143 f. Aleppo, tn. ... ... ... ... 176 n. Adam, Sultân ... ... ... ... 8 n., 9 Alexander the Great in Pañjab ... ... 2 adhibhautika, natural ... ... ... ... 378 Alexandretta, Scanderoon, port of Aleppo 176 n. adhidaivika, spiritual ... ... ... ... 378 Algiers, Argeer ... ... ... ... 176 and n. Adhokshaya=Vishnu ... ... ... ... 164 Alif Chela, Chuhra priest ... ... 29, 31 Adhyatmika, relating to the soul or supreme Aligarh, Kol ... .. ... ... ... 70 spirit ... ... ... ***
Al Quli Khan, Daghistâni, nicknamed the Adikavi, the first poet; an epithet of Valmiki, 'Six-fingered,' 11; whose daughter was be
159 and n. trothed to 'Im&d-ul-Mulk, 14, 18, 48 ff., 49, adoption, among Pañjáb Hill Tribes... ... 281 125; or Hali-Koali-Kaan ... .... 125 n. Aetas of the Philippine Archipelago, congen- Al Shah of Kashmir ... ... ... ... 70. ers of the Andamanese .. .. 217, 246
AllahAbad and Capt. Jonathan Scott, 11'; 87, Afghánistán .. ...
88 and n.; or Halloe, and Richard Bell, 99, Afghans in India ... 9.14 1., 60, 61, 67, 70 100 n.; ancient Prag, capital of the Solar afim, opium ... ... ... ... ... 20 Dynasty ... ... ... ... 268 f. AtriaiAb, Beortehsa, k., of Petsia ... ...1n.| Alleppo, tn., and Richard Bell, 103 n., 130, Afzal Khân, & commander ... ... ...58 f.
133, 134 and n. Aggarw&ls, Banih section .. .. ... 268 Al-lukandatu't-tajjar, an inn near Nazareth, 178 Agháji, Augegee, Governor of Larr... ... 104 Alsopp, Mr., Alsup, the king's brewer, 174 and n. Åghê Mirza Muhammad Sadiq .. ... 68 Am (Toda) for Yama ... ... ... ... 84 Agha Ripa Khan, envoy to Ahmad Shah ... 70 Amarasimhs, and other forms ... ... 167 Agnikulas, race or dynasty .. ... 162 n. am dvas, last day of the lunar month, 255, Agnikunda, sacred place on Mt. Aba, 162 n., 166
289, 301, 303, 312 Agro, tu. ... ...
... 100 n., 101 n. Ambala, totemism in ... ... ... . 52 agriculture, among the Panjab Hill Tribes... 874 AmbikAParvath ... ... ... 1641., 170 Ahmadabad in Gujarat ... ... ... 11 n. amin, an official ... ...
*** ...
.. . 861 Ahmad Khan, Bangash, ruler of Farrukhabad, amirash, ornamente ... ... ... ... 308 or Nawab Ghazanfar Jang ... 11 ff., 50, Amirpur, vil in the Paßjab ...
60 1., 64 . Amitagati, author of the Subhdahitaratua Ahmad Shah, AbdAl, and the Indian Wazir sandoha .. .. .. .. .. 170
Imád-ul-Mulk (1758-7). Contributed by Amoghavarsha or Vakpatirija IL, Rashtra W. Irvine, late of the Bengal Civil Ser. kata .. ... " ... ... 168 #., 287 yioe ....
... 10 ff., 43 ft., 56 1. Anah or Hanna, tn., and Richard Bell ... 180, 193

Page #404

886
INDEX
... 296
352
.
..
39
Anahilapattana, the Chaulukya Dynasty of, 161 Anandpal, resisted Mahmud's sixth invasion
of India ... ... .. ... ... 4 Anandrio, Maharaja ... ... ... 166 n. anangalekha, a love-letter of Malagavat! ... 158 Anangaviti, character in the Narasihasánka
churita ... ... ... ... ... 154, 156 Apant, g.... ... ... ... ... ... 801 Anantaśayana, tn., Trivandrum ... ... 352 Anapaya-Chola, k., identified with Kulot
tunga I... ... ... ... ... 228 and 1. Anaramala, an excrementitious product ... 376 n. ancestor worship, among the Pañjab Hill Tribes ... ...
... .. ... 805 Andamanese languages, 181 f.; are aggluti
native, Grammar of, 183 ff.; the Theory of Universal Grammar applied to them, 217 ff.,
817 ff., 863 ft. Andheri, in the Pajab... ... ... ... ? Angkor, in Siam, temples in ... ... ... 284 Anglo-Indian commercial terms, old... ... 252 Anbilvåd, Chaulukya territory... 166, 167 D., 171 animal worship, among the Patjáb Hill
Tribes ... ... ... ... .. . 306 Animism, among the Turanian races, 204;
among the Chins, 211; among the Pañjab
Hill Tribes ... ... ... ... ... 303 Anta Mankher, a Marhattab and Ahmad
Shah ... ... ... ... 48, 55, 58 f. anujanman, a younger brother
... 150 Anupshahr, tn. on the Ganges... ... 15., 69 Auwalah, tn., and Ahmad Shah ... 66, 69 Aphyi-Tomo-rDorje, an image at Nyemo ... 88 Apostates to Hinduism
... ... 297 Arabs seized Diu, 101 and n, 102; in Naza
reth ... ... 177 and n., 178, 179 and n. Arakan, and Thos. Pratt ... ... ... 174 Arbuda, mt., 157; or Åba ... 162 and n., 166 Archæological Société D'Angkor, The French, 284 Archæology in W. Tibet, by the Rev. A. H.
Francke, contd. from Vol. XXXV, p. 333 -III-Inscriptions at Basgo and Nyemo : (a) The Fortress of Basgo, 85;(6) Hymn in honour of Senggeinam-rgyal, 86; (c) Ancient ruined Monastery of Basgo, 87; (d) ruined Nuqnery at Nyemo, 88; IV-Inscriptions at Daru (a) of King Lhachen-kun dgā-ram-rgyal, 89 ff.; (6) passage from a Votive Tablet of King
Deldan and Prince (or king) bDe-lege; (c) Sanskrit-Tibetan Votive Inscription by the Minister Thse-dbang-dongrub, c. 1800 A. D., 92; V-The Rock Inscriptions at Sheb, 93 ff.; Appendix - The Age of the Buddhist Stone Images at Ladakh,
97 f.; Supplementary Note ... ... ... 148 Arjuna, the hero... ... ... ... ... 162
Arrabia, wilderness of ...
130 €. arsham, a form of marriage ...
376 n. arti, a ceremony... ... artizans among the Pañjáb Hill Tribes ... 274 Arubar, Rupar, q. v. ... .
... 61. Arunachala, Tiruvannamalai, tn. ... Arundhati, the wife of Vasishțbs ... ... 162 Arya stanza, suggested as appearing in the
Piprahwa Vase inscription ... Aryan, home of ... ... &rs-begi, chamberlain ... ... ... ... 66 asån, sitting place ... ashur, the king-crow, among the Chins
... 204 Asi, Abdullah Khan ... ... 69 and n., 70 Asia, Central, home of the Aryas ... ... 264 asinego, assenegers, young asses ... 133 and n. a'so, Chin clans ... .. ... ... ... 206 Asoka, and the Buddha stúpas... 118, 121, 124 assemblies, among the Pañjáb Hill Tribes ... 273 aşthápan, to place ... ... .. .. 43 Asuga or Saśiprabh& ... ... ... ... 155 asuram, a form of marriage ... ... 376 n. Atålpur, 'Atkipur, tn. in the Paljab... 15 and n. Atawb, tn.... .. ... ... .. .. 109 Atharva Veda, recited ... ...
... 264 Ath-bhôja, goddess of Dharêch ... ... 42 &th-bhojávals, eight-handed image of Devi, 85 athys, Chuhra labourer... .
... 21 atra, a form of marriage ...
376 n. Atri, a Maharshi
... 164 Auchityalasakára, a work by Kahemendra, 149 n. Andh, and Ahmad Khan ... ... 61, 64 Auliapur, in Sialkot ... ... ... ... 3 Avalokitesvara, Bodhissatwa Pyan-ras-yrigs, 86 Avanti, co. ... ... ...
149 Avantipati, K. Sindhuraja ... ... ... 150 Avantisvara, K. Sindhursja ... ... ... 155 avatar ... ... ... ..
262 Aw, a Chin spirit ... ...
20+ Aydahk, or Márán, nicknames of Beoråsáhal, 1 Gyódaung, Chin cemetery ... ayushmat, a salutation ... ...
... 119
67 Aziz-ud-din, Emperor Ålamgtr II ... 11, 64
...
... 215
Azimabad, tn. "*
emote II
s.
8
Båbar, emp., during whose reign
khars are first mentioned .. . ... Bf. BABA Khân, a chief ... Babylon, visited by R. Bell ... ... 130 ff. Badal, a Kobrana Raja ... ... ... 2 and n. Badalgarh, fort in the Pañjab ... ... 2 Badi, caste .. ** ... 271, 274, 810 Badli, tn. ... ... ... ... ... 46, 49, 70 Badman, g., in Keonthal, or Bira deotá ... 42 bad nasr, e il-eyed .. .. .. .. 20 Badri Kasharam, in the Himalayas ... ... 253 Badri Nath, bills ... ...
... 36, 253

Page #405

INDEX.
887
*
2
...
... 302
***
.284
Bagdad recaptured by Murad IV, 126 n.; Bag- Barapa dynasty of Lâta ... ... ... 171
datt (Tauris, Tabriz) visited by R. Bell, 128 ft. Barbe, Father, and the Nicobarese language, Baggå, sub-division of the Mair Sunar .. 51
317, 322 Bagganogare, Bhågnagar, 9. v. ... ... 128 Barber caste, 371, 375; mediums at marBagh Subahdar, grove in Allahabad... 68 n. riages ... ... ... 277, 282; 279, 311 Bahiwalpur, home of the Kabal sept . 51 Bardant, a form of marriage ... ... ... 282 Bablol Khan, a chief ...
... . 8
Bareli, tn., and Ahmad Shah ... ... 66, 69 Bahra (Bhera) in the Pañjab ... ... ... 81. Barl of Kongo, temple of Deo Mata ... ... 255 Bahrim, Raja of Ghor ...
Barmaur, 350 ; ancient Brahmapura... ... 351 Bairagl, caste originally faqirs, 270 1., 279; Barni, form of betrothal ... ... ... 282
bury their dead 283 ; 290 ; 304; salutation . Basant Panchami, a festival ... ... ... 302 370; occupations
... . .. ... 873 Baago, fort in Western Tibet, inscriptions, Baisakhi, a festival ... ... ... 302 f.
85 ff., 92 Bakhshi, state official ...
BasbAhir, in the Himalayas .......... 37 Bakhtiar Khilji, attacked Bengal ... ... 266 Bashahr, valley, in the Himalayas ... ... 261 B&lâ, son of Sånda ... ... ... ... 2 Baabuk, or Chalda, g. ... ... 255 and n., 261 BAIA, the Chuhra priest, 19, 26,71 €., 83, 1071, Basi, home of the Muhammadang ... ... 270
111, 114 #f., 135 f., 138 ft., 145 ff. Basra, Bossara, Busara, port ... 103 and n., 130 Balala, Bankala, in the Panjab ... 5 and n. Batehru, (Pakků and Kachchha) Brahman Balarama, brother of Krishga, 876, 379 1., 382 ff. sept ... .. ... .. .. ... 52 Balawa, S. Andamanese tribe ... ... 217, 221 Bates, Capt. Dyer or Dier Roles, 174 and n., Bal Deo, a říká of Junge *** . .. 84
175 ff. Balkh, tn. ... ... ... ... 48, 49 Bathsheba, Barsheba.... ... ... ... 179 Ball (V.) on the Nicobarese language ... 317 batrf or dardli, music ... ... Ballamgadh, fort, and Ahmad Shah, 48 f., 55 f., Battambang, in Siam, now French territory,
58 ff. I has famous monuments .. Balmik's Daughter, Chuhra legend, 28 ff., 115, 136BAwar territory ... ... ... ... ... 261 Baloches in India ... ... ... ... 9 Bay Wagers, see Oeiros ... ... 174 and n. Balram, g. ... ... ... ... ... 298 Bēs, S. Andaman tribe... .. 217, 219 ff., 239 Balrimi, Brahmans, the Sårsut ... ... 266 Béber, French Ambassador at the Magull Balramji Balarima massacred the Kshatriyas 2651. Court, 1667 ... ... ... ... ... 100 n. Balsan, Pavjåb State ...
... 296
BedA tribe and sacrifices ... ... 298 f. Balti inscriptions .. ..
... 95 bedhi, an ewe ... ... .. ... ... 52 Baltis in Ladakh ...
91, 93 Bid-lagan, matrimonial ceremony ... .. 292 Balu-mkbar inscriptions
... ... 96 Bell, Richard, Travels of ... 98 ff., 125 ff. 173 ff. Bammara Potanna, Telugu post
... ... 376 Bel Pashi, in the Himalayas ... ... 261 n. Bana, poet ** ***
Benares, tn. ... ... .. .. 67, 171 BAna Sur ... .. .. ....
... 235
Bengal and Ahmad Shah, 61, 64, 67: Ben. Banár, g. ... ... ... ... 255 f., 261 f. galla, 101 andn., 174; and the Rajpats, 265, Bangklah and Ahmad Sh&h ... ... 61, 64 267; attacked by Bakhtiar Khilji ... 266, 270 Bangkok, Piprahwa Vase relics at ... ... 124 Peorfishhså, afrasiáb, k. of Persia ... 1 and n. Banglah, Faizabad ... ... ... ... 67 Bernier, on Tibetan dates ... ... ...85 n. Banids, converted Kshatriyas, 265; sects, 268; betrothal, among the Palljáb Hill Tribes ... 282
271 f.; marriage rules, 275 ff.; 279 ff. ; 289; Bezhan, see Kbawas Khan ... ... ..... 63 eating customs, 311; titles, 312; salutation, Bhabras, caste ... ... ... 268, 312, 370
370 f. ; occupations ... ... ... ... 372bhadrónjá, a feast ... ... ... ... 313 banjar, barren land ...... ... ... 375 Bhagal, State in the Himnlayas ... ... 37 Bannu, home of the Mandar Afgháng ... 3 Bhagavat Gite and the Rajputs ... ... 263 Bansbir spirits ... ...
... 303
thagini, sister bkami ... .. ..
... 119 banyan tree worshipped ... ... ... 272 Bhågnagar, Bagganogare, in the Deccan, Banyânu, sub-section of the Ghirths...
visited by R. Bell ...
... 123 báolis, brooks, springs ... ... ... 272, 303 bhigy (Balocht), wealthy ...
349 n. Baoni, betrothal .... ....... ... 282Bhairôn, g. ... ... ... ... ... 298 barágar, ornaments ... ...
Bhajjt, in the Himalayas ... ...
... 42 Barap, or Unchah.gaộw, or Buland-Shahr bhakti, faith
. . ... ... ... 378 and Ahmad Shah ... .. ... 15 and n. Bhalf wag, in Koonthal, Ját Fair at ... 97 f. Barapa, a general ... ... ... .. 151 Bhaler tribe ... ... ... .. .. 39
52
309
Bh

Page #406

388
INDEX.
•
261
... 311
148
... 268
... 3
... 263
Bhånd (P) a cook ... ... ... ... 861 Bhandarkar, Dr. R. G., on the Vikrama
era ... ... ... ... ... 170 n. thang, intoxicant, 20; bangg... 105 and n.
175 n., 315 Bhangwaria, Brahman sept ... ... ... 52 bhanwar, marriage service .. . . 282 Bhao,a Mahratta defeated by Aḥmad Shah ... 12 Bhard (v) ayasa, a word in the Dogra in
scription ... ... ... Bharata, k., son of Duķshyanta
165 Bhardwajte, Brahman caste... Bharêras, 308; or Thathers caste
... 314 Bh&rowal, c. in the Pailijab, ... Bharth, a Kohrans ...
2 and . thata or bhatual ...
... 351 and n. bhati (Prákpit ), brother
... 119 Bhate, Brahman caste ...
266, 297 bhatta, marriage fee .
... 278 Bhatti Rajpats ... ... Bhattiprålu relics ...
... 121 Bhattiyat, wizarat ...
... 351 bhatrodi, bhata, 350 f.; or tharath ... 851 n. Bhava, g... ... ... ... Bhers, tn, in the Pafij&b, 2; or Bhira ... 9 Bhesa, Mahajan sub-section ... ... ... 52 bbetinit, scape-goat ... ... ... ... 39 Bhikhla, sub-section of the Rihians ... 8 and n. Bhtis, aborigines of India ... ... ... 269 Bhim Deo, Raja of Jamma ... ... ... 3 Bhima Kalt, goddess... . ... ... 298 Bhindra, g. ... ... ... ... ... 261 Bhfra for Bhers in the Pañjab
... 9 Bhishmaka, k. of Kadina ... 376 f., 379 .
376 f., 379 1. Bhiyar, in the Paljab ... ... ... ... 37 Bhos, in the Hill States... ... ... 271, 284 bông. . . bhoga, one who enjoys, eto.... ... 349 n. Bhogavatt, snake-town in the under-world,
156 f., 158 and n. Bhob, possibly Bhowa, in the Paltjáb... 7 and n. Bhoja of DhAri, son of Sindhuraja ...150 n,
153; 159; legend, 163 n.; 165 and n.; 166
n., 167, 169 .; date of ... 172 and n. Bhojadova, author of the Sardevatikanthabha
rana ". ... ... ... ... ... 153 Bhowa, Bhoh .. ... ... ... 7 and n. Bhakyal (BhagiA ), a tribe ... .. 8 Bhunda, sacrifice ...
. .. . 298 f. bháts, ghost, 296, or bhata ... .. 918 n. Billa, riv. ... ... ... ... ... ... 3 ff. Bibliography, Andamanese, 220; Nicobarese, 821 Biduratha, k. ... ... ... ... ... 879 Bijldahwar Mabaddo, the Lightning God, Bija 37 Bija, a tikd of Jungl, 84; oult of .. ... 87 Bilhana, author of the Vikramdábadovacka
rita ... .. ... .. ... ... 171
Bilo, in the Himalayas ... ... Bimlinuts, old Anglo-Indian term ... ... 252 Bindrában, on the Jumna, sacked by Abmad | Khân . v •
60, 62 Bir, a noble of Ghazn ...
... 8 n. Bir Bhairôn, g. ... ... birt, custom ...
... 374 Biru dêotå or Badman, g. * ... 42 Bisaali, tn. Bishan, 8.
... ... ... .. 24 Bishna Nand Gopalakrishna... ... ... 254 bfshti, adoption fee ... ... ... ... 281 Bithdr, Brahmävartta, in Cawnpur Dist.,
reputed ind of prehistoric implements at, 53 bkā blon, Tibetan ministers .. ... ...89 f. Blagden, Mr. O., 108; on the Nicobarese
language, 322, 357 Blake, Mr., E. 1. Co.'s Agent at Hugli ... 174 Böhrde, Vaidya section, 268, 271; marriage rules of, 275, 377; 279 ff.; death customs,
288, 289, 311, 314, 370, 372 Bojigngiji, 8. Andamanese, 217; identity of their language with that of the N. Group,
238, 245 Bojigyab, S. Andamanese Tribe, 217, 221, 238 Bombay ceded to Britain ... ... 103 n. Bompoka, Nicobarese Is., 318; numerals ... 361 Bonig's, Mr. M., vocabulary of Ongo-Järawa,
299 1., 248, 246 ff., 249 ff. Bonnet, Father, on the Nicobarese language, 317 Bossara, Basra, 103; or Buskera, 127 n., 130, 132 Botha, MAhåbd, 8. ... ... ... 259 ff. Bonillaye Le Gouz, De la, French Ambas
sador in India ... ... ... ... 100 n. boulder, bearing soulpturos, at Daru... 89 . Bradfield, near Sheffield, copper celts found at *** ** .. .. ..
56 BrahmA, 8 ... 53, 263, 267, 876 and 1...
378 2., 381, 385 Brahman, , in Chuhfa legend, 23 ff., 139 ff.;
and Rukmini ... ... ... .. 377 il. Brahman sections, 52; or Brammonists, in Muscat, 98; women, 102; sub-division by occupation, 284 f.; migrations, 268, 269; 271 t.; marriages, 273, 275; 277; tribal details, 279 ff.; propitiation of the dead, 283 t.; purification, 289 1.; seota, 297; ceremonies, 300 1., 803 ., 309; titles, etc.,
812 1., 370, 372 ff. Brahmapura, tn., the modern Barmaur ... 351 Brahmåvartta, Bithor ... ... .. .. 53 brahmcharj, celebacy ... ... ... ... 297 Brahmloharacters in Dogra inscription ... 148 brahmya, form of marriage ...
376 n. Brammonista, Brahmans ... .. 98, 102 Brampoore, Barbámpur ... ... 99 ff. brihatprayoga, renowned example ... 152 and n.

Page #407

INDEX.
889
***
.
...
... 296
bronze implements of India ... ... 53 t. Chadel, a fiki of Junga, 34; cult of ... . 86 dBu-can characters in W. Tibetan inscrip chadrds, spirits .. . . tions ... .. ... ... 85 1., 89, 951 chágal, leather bottle ... ...
... 56 Baddar (read Ruddar), Siva... ... ... 257 Obairar, N. Andamanese tribe ... 217; 238 Buddha, bis doctrines in Tibet, 86; relics and Chakravarti princes ... ...
... 350 n. the Piprahwa Vase, 117 ff.; 180 ; Sakya- OhAlda, 8., Bashuk ... 265 and n.; 257 t. muni ... ... ... ... ... 268 n. Chalia Khokharan, tract of forty village in Buddhism, Kashmiri, in LadAkh, 88; among | the Pubjáb ... ... ... .. . 4 the China 211, f.; introduced into the Chamba ('Byamspa) Monastery in w. Pafijab Hills ... ... ... ... 268; 290 Tibet ... ..
... 85, 97 Buddhist stone images of Ladakh, the age ChambA State oopper-plate inscriptions and of, 97; in Gilgit ... .. .. ..98
official titles ...
348 ff. Bühler, the late Prof., on the Piprahwa Vase Champanir, o, in N. Gujarat ... ... 166 1.
inscription ... ... ... ... 117 f., 122 Chåmunda, a Paramâra k. ... .. 167 n., 171 Bukkama, wife of Isvara ... ... ... 352 Ohanals, a caste... ... ... ... 314, 970 Bumbay, Bombay and R. Bell ... 102 f. Chånana, a ti kd of Jungå, 34; or ChAnanna... 37 dBu-med characters, modern, in Tibetan in- Chandaladevi, Vidyadhari, a Silahára prin
scriptions ... ... ... ... ... 85 cess, wife of Vikramaditya ... ... ... 172 'aBumide, k. of Ladakh ... ... ... 85 Ohandar, a Khokhar chief, 5; or Haidar ... 5 n. Bandelkhand, and the Puars ... ... 166 n. Chandar Banet, Lunar Rajpat dynasty, 264, 267 Burg& Hill, near the Pabar riv. ... 262 and n. Chandniot, now Ohiniot
*** ... ..., 3 Burhanpur, Brampoore and R. Bell, 99, 100 and n. Chandragiri, tn. ...
. .. 362 Burial customs among the Chins ... ... 214 Chandravati ... ... ... ... 162 n., 166 Burma ... .. ... ... .. .. 2041 chandı, hemp drag ... ...
... ...315 Burmans and the Chins... 205, 210, 211 and n. Changar, a oaste ...
... .. 21 Burmese language in the Nicobars ... ... 319 Chappal, Brahman sept ... ... ... 52 Busée, Jesuit, in India... ... ... 100 n. chár, Sk. chata, headman of a pargand. 349 ff. Bustam Raja, Governor of the Pañjab ... 1 f. charas, hemp drug ... ... ... 20, 315 Button-lac, shellac, old Anglo-Indian term... 252 | Chardin, traveller. 125 n., 128 n., 127 n., 128 n. buwara, day-labourer ... ... ... ... 374
chari, district ..
... . 351 n. charms and magic, among the Pašijab Hill Tribes ... ...
... 309 t. Calendar tallies, Nicobarese ... ... 868 f. charnamrit, water in which an idol's feet Callabria coast ... ..
have been washed ... ... ... 41 Camorta, isl., C. Nicobars ..
... 318 Charôl, in the Himalayas ... .. ... 38 Campbell, J. and R. Bell, Travels of, q. v. 98 ff., charpai, a couch...
125 il., 173 ff. charvd, food provided for a trade council in Cana in Galilee ...
... ... 177 f. Tibet ... ... Candia, 174; besieged by the Turks ... 175 chata, chår, q. v. ... ... ... ... 349 f.
and n.; 176 Chauhans, tribe ... ... ... ... 37 Cannabis sativa, hemp plant... ... 175 n. Chaulukya inscription ... ... Cannarty, for Kanarese .. .. ... 98 Claulukyas of Anahilapattana... 151, 166, 171 Car Nicobar, dialect, 317 ff., 354 ff.; nume. Chaurah, wiadrat ...
rals, 361 ff.; cocoanat reckoning, 365 1. ; chauri or thârf, tribal head-quarters... - 270 calendar .. .. .. .. .. 369 Checacull, Chicacol
101 Cashmeer, Ismir (Smyrna ) ... .. 128 f. Chedi, co.... * .
*
378 Caste, distinctions, in the Pasijab Hill Tribes, cheld, disciple ... ... ... .
265, 275 ff.; Right-hand, of Madras 948 n. Chenab, riv. ... ... ... Catania, Cattenia in Sicily .. ...
175 f. chhdk, daily wages ... ... .. Catherine of Braganza ... ... ... 174 n. chhatd or masdn, burning place ... ... 52 Cawnpore ... ... ... ... ... ... 279
Chhatri tribe, 265; Rajpats, 271 ; marriages 275 Ceremonies, propitiatory, among the Chins, ChhimbAs of MÅler Kotla, and totemism, 52; 373
207; among the Panjab Hill Tribes... 289, 297 Chicacol, Checacall, in the Ganjam district Ceres, Pók Klai, among the Chins ... ... 207 and R. Bell .. ... .. ... .. 101 Cesaria Phillippi... ... ... ... ... 179 Chigtan Monastery in W. Tibet .. ... 88 Ceylon and Ram Chandar ... 41 1., 75, 136 Child-birth customs among the Pañjab Hill Chabord, Father, and the Nicobarese language 317 Tribes ...
... ... . .. 280
... 283
... 274
170
350

Page #408

890
58
...
chillah, bow-string Chinavenkatâdri, or Venkataraya, son of
Achyuta
352
...
205
...
Chindwin, riv. in Burma Chinese language in the Nicobars Chingiz Khan, the, and the Sultan Jalala'd
...
319
Din
Chiniot, 2; or Chandniot
Chins of Burma, Notes on, q. v.
...
...
www
5
..
3 and n, 204 ff.
18
...
chirab, turban Chishtis, tribe 51 Chobhße qainchi, triangle for punishment... 47 Chopard, Mr., and the Nicobarese language. 322 Chowra, Nicobarese dialect, 317 ff.; words in, 354 ff.; numerals, 361 f., 364; cocoanut. reckoning 365 1. chugás, dresses ... 308 Chuhras, The, by the Revd. J. W. Youngson, Sialkot (continued from Vol. XXXV., p. 356). V. Superstitions, 19; VI.Occupation, 20; VII.-Relations to Land; VIII. Legendary Lore (1) Legend of Ramsar, 21 f.; (2) Legend of the Marriage of Balmik's Daughter, 23 ff.; IX.- Traditions (1) Bâlâ, The Priest of God, 26 ff.; (2) The One True God, 30 f.; (3) The Creation, 71 f.; (4) The Story of Dhagânâ, 73 ff; (5) The Story of Dânâ,...80.ff.; 106 ff., 135 ff. chungam, custom, poll-tax ... 98 Chung-mkhar, ruins of a castle at Nyemo... 88 Chûr, peak near Simla... 261 Charishwar, Mahasû, g. *** 261 Cissera, Bible character ... 178 ... 372
...
Clothing among the Pañjab Hill Tribes Cobblers, shoemaker caste .... 271, 274 Cocoanut reckoning among the Nicobarese,
...
...
...
...
***
...
...
...
...
...
360 ff. coffila, caravan, 128; or kâfila, 129; coffelo, 130 f.; caffeloe...
...
...
Coir, fibre, old Anglo-Indian term... Colebrook, Järawa Vocabulary, 217; 220; 239 ff.; recovery of... 242, 322 Commerroone or Gombroon, 102 and n.; Commaroon, 103 ff.; Cammeroon... 127 101 f., 103 n., 105 Conge, Kung Cooke, Sir Humphrey, Governor of Bombay, 1665-66... 103 and n., 128 and n. Copher, 179; Khafarah, q. v.... 179 n. Copper-Age and Prehistoric Bronze Implements of India by V. A. Smith, (continued from Vol. XXXIV., p. 244); Supplement....53 f. Cornway, tn. visited by R. Bell ...129 Cows worshipped 304, 306 Cremation, among the Todas, 84; Pañjáb Hill Tribes 270, 272, 283 Cunningham, Sir Alex.... 54
...
...
...
...
***
INDEX.
...
...
133
252
Customs, among the Chins-marriage, 212 f.; burial, 214; among the Pañjab Hill Tribes-marriage, 275; sumptuary and naming, 308; eating, 311, 314; social ... 370 Cyprus, Cyprisse... ... 176 and n.
dá, a chopper dábáns, halls
Dacca, and Thos. Pratt... Dachhâ, ancestor of the Suraj Bans! dachhna, dakhna, fee for spiritual service dad, disciple.
...
Dadda, sub-section of the Ghirths ... 52 Dadda, Chhimba sub-section ... ... 52 dádhi, word of summons ... 278 Dagôn, vil. in Keônthal ... 36 dags, demons ... 304 Dahâk Ten Calamities, title of Beorâs&hs&. Daityas, Titans, fiends... daivam, a form of marriage Dakshmårag, faith of the Vaishanavas dál, a word of summons
Dal, doll, old Anglo-Indian term Damaskus
...
***
200
...
..
...
...
...
T
1
... 162 and n.
376 n.
...
... 272
... 273 ... 252
...
***
38 ... 319 16 ... 379 17, 58 2
...
178, f. Dânâ, The Priest of God, Chuhra ... 80, 89, 106 f.; 137, 143 ff. dancing, among the Pañjab Hill Tribes 872 dandika, a punisher 349 n. dangra, an axe Danish language in the Nicobars Dankaur, tn., S.-E. of Delhi Dantavaktra, a Dânava k. Darikhanah, office tents in a camp ... Darius Hystaspes Daru, in W. Tibet, inscriptions at, 89 f., 92; images, 97 1. Datarúpa, a work by Dhanainjaya 169 and n. Dasêhra, festival... 301 f. Dashals, Panjab Hill Tribe ... 272 dasúthan, a puberty custom ... ... 281 Datta Nagar, inscriptions *** 270 Daud Khan, Dowd Caune, probably Dadd Khan Qureshi, Governor of Allahabad in 1670... ... 100 and n. Dand Khan Quresht, 101 and n.; Governor of Daoca ... 174 Daulat Khân, Governor of the Pañjáb 8 David's Tower ... 179 and n. Davids, Rhys, Prof. and the Piprahwa Vase inscription 118 f., 122 f. ... 84
***
...
...
...
...
www
***
Dawan, vil. in the Himalayas... D&war, tn. in the Pañjab, founded by Zamin
Dåwar of Ghor
***
2
days of the month, Nicobarese reckoning of, 367 dead, propitiation of, among the Pañjab Hill Tribes... ... 289; 305
***
444
... 210
350 n. 173 f.
... 267 41 ... ... 810
...
...
...

Page #409

...
...
Debora, vil, in Palestine 178 Deccan, home of the Sårsut Brahmans, 266 f., 270 bDechen-bZodpa, Tibetan copyist 93 Deities of the Pañjab Hill Tribes 278 (n)Deks'an'put, spirit of the ground-Chin, bDeldan, k. of Leh, votive tablet to... bDe-ldan-rnam-rgyal, prince of Ladakh, 87; k. 97
208
92
...
92
...
***
...
¿De-legs, prince or k. of Leh Delhi and the Khôkhars, 5 f., 8, 37; or Dihlt, and 'Imâd-ul-mulk, 43, 44 and n., 45 f., 49, 66, 70, 73, 75, 107, 109; conquered by Shahâ-bu'd-din Ghôri, 266, 267, 270 Delmerick's, Mr. J. G., History of the Gakk'hars Deobalpur, modern Dipalpur, Debålpur Déo Chand, a tíká of Jungå, 34; cult of 36 Dêo Lari, mother, goddess 255 f. Dêo Mata temple-Bari of Kongo 256 33 ff., 43, 253 ff. dééa, mandala, q. v. 348 n. bDe-skyong-rnam-rgyal, k. of Ladakh, hymn
1 ... 5 n.
...
déotá
...
***
...
***
...
...
Dharavarsha, a Paramara Dharêch, a hill pargand dharma, ritual
www
86 ... 108
to Dôvâlli, festival Dev Banar, Dev-ka-Khâtal, in the Himalayas, 258 Devi, goddess in Ratêsh, Kêonthal...35, 38; 298; 300 35 298
www
***
...
..
300
...
Devi Dhar dévt-dwâld, a temple Devi Târâ, of Tarab, family god of the Kêonthal Rajas 33, 39 f. Dew, Deu, for Diu 101 and n., 102 Dhâdi tribe 271, 314, 373 Dhagânâ, Story of, Chuhra legend Dhagi tribe
...
...
...
...
73 £f. 370 dhák tree ... 52 Dhaki tribe 271, 273. Dhanamjaya, author of the Dasarapa, patronised by Våkpatirája II
Dhandhuka, a Paramâra
169 Dhanapala, author of the Paiyalachchhi, contemporary of Padmagupta ... ...150 n.; 169 166 137 168 f.
8
Dharto, g.
dhaylar (Panjabi)= palace ... Dhaula, g....
***
...
Dhawar in the Himalayas Dheri Shahân, ancient Taxila... Dholka, tn. in Gujarat...
...
***
2
***
Dhanesar, tn.
Dhanika, 152; mentions Vakpatirâja... Dhankar, vil. in the Pañjab ... Dhânûn, from dhán, rice, a tíka of Jungå, 34; 37 Dhar, vil. in the Himalayas 43 Dhârâ, tn., 155; Kulargadhani, 155 and n.; 159; 165, 166 and n., 169 166 33 ... 376 n., 377, 383 35 3 and n. 261
...
...
35
***
***
...
M
***
INDEX.
***
***
...
000
2
172
dhori bride's value Dhamaraja, a Paramara dhúnd, fire dháp, incense
...
Dhara, a tika of Junga, 34; cult of... Dibalpur, the ancient Deobalpur and modern Dipalpur 5 and n., 7 f. 58
***
... 171
Dig, fort attacked by Aḥmad Shah digvijayayatra, march of conquest ... Dilipa, an ancestor of Rama dings, stick used at adoption ceremony Dinkot, tn. on the Indus
9
...
...
... 164 ... 281 Dipalpur, Dibalpur, q. v. 5 and n., 7 f. Diu, Dew, Dio, attacked by the Arabs 1668 or 1669... 101 and n., 102 divorce among the Pañjab Hill Tribes. 277 1. Diwali, festival 43, 302 Diwan Rap Lal Bôhrå, minister of Kangra... 268 Dôdra, vil. in the Himalayas 85 f. Dogras in Tibet, 85, 91, 93; fort of... 148 Dóll, dal, split peas, old Anglo-Indian term, 252 Dollers, Dutch coin 178 f. Domkhar in W. Tibet, tablet at 92 Donde Khân, founder of Bisaulf ... 15, 66 f. Dowd Caune, Dâad Khân Qureshi, q. v.
...
100 and n., 174
Dowie, dagger or sword ... 54 Dragspa'abum, k. of Ladakh ... 85 Drås, in W. Tibet, images at ...97 f. dreams among the Chuhras, 20; the Pañjáb Hill Tribes
...
...
...
...
...
...
...
www
www
...
Druvabhata, a Paramára k..
dúb, turf... Dudhiárú, milk collector
Duḥshyata, k., husband of Sakuntala Dam, a tkd of Jung&, 34; cult of Dům, g.
Dam or Khumali, the panchayat dumbah, fat-tailed sheep durbial or drubiyál, see ugráká Durga, goddess...
... 17 ... 351 40, 253
durj, a casket
59 167 n.
Durlabha of Anhilvåd Durrani the pearl wearers, slaves of Aḥmad Shah... Durr-i-Durrant Pearl of Pearls, title of Aḥmad Shah, 63 and n.; or Durrant 70 dúshna, a cow's death... 21 dût-bhút, evil spirits 349 n. Dvaraka, in Gujarat, home of Krishna, 377 380, 382 Dvydárayakosha, a work by Hemachandra... 172 . Dwapar Yug...
...
...
253
391
...
278
166
...
99 42, 296 36
***
...
...
309 166 ... 281
...
... 851 ... 165 www 37
... 261
... 273
...
.00
55
East Indies, Travels of R. Bell in g. v.,
98 ff., 125 ff., 173 f. edolius, a bird venerated by the Chins
205

Page #410

992
INDEX.
jab Hill Tribes
Patisb Hill
.. 67
ekadashi, eleventh day of the moon ... ... 312 French, the, at the Magall Court, 1667 Elita Bay, in the Andamans .. ... ... 246
100 and n., 101 and n. elephants worshipped ... ... ... 304, 806 Führer, Dr., on prehistoric implements, 53; Ellis, the late Mr. A. J., on the grammar of on the Piprahwa Vase inscription ...117, 121, Bavage' languages, 188; on the Andama
122 n. nese, 220; 237; on the Nicobarese, 317, 322; 858 Ender, o. in Palestine ... ... ... ... 178 Endere and Ladakhi inscriptions compared...94 f. Gabriel, angel, among the Chuhsas ... ...75 f. English apoken in the Nicobars .. .. 319 Gadar or Jh&jra, 9. v. ... ... .. . 284 enumeration, Nicobarese methods of... 960 ff. GAdhi, father of Viévamitra ... ... .. 162 éremtága, forest-man
... 219
Gadyachintamani, a work by Vadfbhasimha, Esdrselon, plain of ...
... 178 deals with the life of Jivaka .. 285 ff. Etna, mt., Monte Bella ... ... ... 175 and n. Gakkhase, and the Khokhare, q.. ... ... 1 ff. eugenia, & plant ... .... ... 208, 210 Gallile, Sea of ... ... ... ... 177 f. Euphrates, riv. ... ... ... .. ... 130 gambling at marriages, among the Pafijab Europe, W. and the bronze cultivation ... 54 Hill Tribes ... ... ... ... ... 276 Evil Eye, among the Chubras, 20; the Pan- gandharvam, a form of marriage ... 876 n.
... 309 Ganêsh, g., in Keởnthal... 41, 282, 298, 304, 306 excommunication, among the Pañjab Hill Gangt, riv., the Trimârgaga ... ... ... 158 Tribes ... ..
... 297; 374 Gangaikonda-Chôļa or RAjándra-Chola I 288 n. exorcism, among the PafijAb.Hill Tribes ... 309 Gangaikondachóléévara temple ... 288 n.
Ganges, riv. ... 59, 67, 70, 254, 271, 283, 308 ganja, hemp-drug ... ... ..
... 315 Fåga, hill pargana ...
... .. .. 33 Ganna Begam, wife of Imad-ul-Mulk ... 44 n. Fa-hian and the Sakya relice ... ... 118; 121 f. gdo-takiyah, bolster .. ... .. ... 18 Fairs, in Keônthal ... ... ... 37 ff. Garen in Keônthal, fair at ... ... ...37 f. Faizâbâd or Banglah ...
Garh Kobrina, modern Kady&n& ... ... 2 n. Faridabad and Ahmad Shah ... 16, 48 4., 65, Garhwal, pass into Tibet . . . 274
58, 70
garnet, button lac, shellac, old Anglo-Indian Faridan, k. of Persia ... ... ... ... 1 term ... ... ... ... ... ... 252 Farishta ... ... ... ... ... ... 5 n. garur, a large heron ... ... ... ... 306 Farrukhabad and Ahmad Shah, 11 ff., 50, Garur Puranas, among the Pastjáb Hill
65 4., 68, 69 and n., 70, Tribes ... ... ... ... ... ... 284 Farrukh-ndmah, a Persian work ... ... 10 Garutmanta =Garuda ... ... ... ... 378 farsakh, three miles ... ... . .. 67
Gary or Gayrey, Mr. H., acting Governor of Fathgadh, tn. ... .. . ... . 66
66 | Bombay, 1667 ... Bombay
... ... ... 108 and n. Fath Khan, a chief ... ... ... .. 66 Gatty, Mr., on celts ... .. ... ... 55 Faure, Father, on the Nicobarese language... 317 Gaun, a ţika of Jung , 34; cult of ... ... 37 Felucca, ffeluke, a small vessel ... 175 and n. gauntrala, natal ceremonies ... ... ... 281 festivals of the Pafijab Hill Tribes, table of Gaus, original home of the Keonghal rajas ... 42; 300. 1.; details... ... ... ... ... 802
266 ffallodoes, 179; possibly the Spanish follados, Gaur Brahmans ... .. .. 266, 278, 279
a kind of trousers; or the Turkish feráje, Gauri, goddess ... ... ... ... ... 381
an outdoor cloak for women ... 179 n. Genazareth, lake ...... Fleet, Dr. F., on the Piprahwa Vase inscrip- genital organs worshipped by the Vam
tion, 117, 119, 122, 123 and n., 124; on the Märgis ... ..
Satâra inscription ... ... ... 165 n. German language in the Nicobars ... Flower, Stephen, and the storming of Diu, Ghåbru, Brahman sept........ 101 n.; or John, 103 and n., 184 and n., gh'ard, earthen jar ... ... 104 and n., 125, 127 and n., 128 and n., Gharij, in the Simla Hill Statos ... ... 35
131 n. gharial, a gong ... .. .. .. 19 and n. Fontana, Surgeon, and the Nicobarese lan |
Ghasitá, a Chuhşa name ... ... ... 19 ... ...
... guage ... ...
... ... 317 ghazals, Persian odes ... ...
... 57 fortune-telling among the Pašijab Hill Tribes, 810 | Ghazanfar Jang or Ahmad Khân, q. v.... 11 ff., Frampton, Rob., Chaplain at Aleppo, 1665-70.
50, 60 1., 64 £. 134 and n. Ghiari, ghi collector ...
... .. 951 Prancis Xavier's, St., shrine at Goa ... 102 n. l Ghirthe, Kangra sept ... ... ... ... 52
... 177
52

Page #411

INDEX.
393
.
..
10
..
18
305
GodAwari
Ghiyagu'd-Din Balban, Sultan, and the Khô Guzzuratt visited by R. Bell ... ... ...98 f. khars
9 ... ... ....
... .
Gwalior, probably Kahlúr of the Hills
*** *** Ghiyaz-ud-din, or 'Imad-ul-Mulk, 9. v., 10 A., Gyê and the Kshatriyas, 267, 270 ; scene of
43 ff., 58 ff. shradhs ... ... ... . .. ... 305 Ghordd, g. ... ... ... ... ... 261 Gyal-rabs, the, and Tibetan history... 87, Gori, Ghori , the descendants of Dahák,
90 ff., 94, 96 inhabited the Ghor Hill ... ... ... 1 gyin-yè or yang-lai, bush ... ... ... 204 ghosts, among the Pañjab Hill Tribes. 303; 809 Ghulam 'Alt Àzad, author of the Madeir-ul
heirâm fi tarikh-i-Bilgram ... ... ... 10 Hadiqat-ul-aqálem, a work by Shekh Murtaza Ghulam Hasan, Şamin, author of the Shardif- Husain ... ..
Z-'umani ... ... ... ... 10 f., 49 n. Hafiz Rahmat Khán, a chief ... ... ... 66 f. Ghurl, sub-section of the Ghirths ... ... 52 hájib, door-keeper .. .. Gibello, Monte Bello, for Mount Etna, 175 and n hak-kyi, a vulture of vengeance
... 216 Gidar Khel, Wazir sub-section
... 52 Hala, 164 ; or Sataváhana ... ... 165 and n. Gilboa, mt.
... 178 Halabas, Halloe for Allahabad ... ... 99 Gilgit, Buddhist images at ... ... .. 98 halan, a feast ... ...
... ... 813 gingerly, jinjeli, old Anglo-Indian term ... 252 Hallyudha, writer, lived under VAkpaGirdhar Sadhu, The Seasons of, q.. ...315f. tiraja II .. .. .. .. .. 169 Girisba, g. .
... 268 Bali, a care-taker ... ... ... 850 f. (n)Glet, a Chin spirit ... ... ... ... 209 Hali-Kouli-Kaan, 'Ali Quli Khan ... 125 n. Gom, visited by R. Bell ... 101, 102 and n. Hamilton, G., and the Nieobarese language, Gödávari, scene of shrddhs ... ..
317, 322
Hanna, tn. Anah ... ... ... 130, 133 Gods of the Hill Tracts, 290 ff.; origin of ... 296 Hanol, in the Himalayas, 253, 256, 258 ., 262 f. golah, store-bonse, old Anglo-Indian term ... 262
Handman, 8., temple at Manda. 35; 11 ; Goloonda, Galoander, diamond mines ... 101
163; 298; 304; 306, 311 Goldsmiths,' among the Paijab Hill Tribes, haq-i-sardari, a tribute ... ... ... ... 265
271, 275, 279, 311 Har, 8., 24; Shiv ... ... ... 262 n. Gombroon or Commerroone, eto., E. L. Co.'s
hdr, abdaction ... . ... ... ... 283 Pactory. ... 103 n., 104 n., 127, 128 n:
haram, female quarters in camp Gonde, aborigines of India ... ... ... 269 Harasaila, Kaillsa, mts. ... Gopalji, g. ... ... .. .. ... 298 Hard wêr, scene of a Khokhar defeat, 6; home Gorakh, character in Chuhra legend....... 24 of the Bairajt caste ... ... 270 f., 283 2., 305 Gloria, Kobrana Raja of Sharkb ... ... 2 Harichandra's works and the story of Jivaks. 885 Gotamfputa S&takarni I, Andhra k. ... 172 Hari Kfishna ... ... ... ... ** 380 gram, chickpeas, old Anglo-Indian term ... 262 Har Nasbak, a priest ... Great Parent, The, Mother 'Li, worshipped harpoon-head, Indian ...
by the Chins ... ... ... 204, 212, 216 Harsba, Harshadeva, . Para mara k., and Greenwell, Canon, on prehistoric implements Siyaks ... ... ... ... 167 and n., 168
in India ... ... ... ... ... 64 | Hasanpur, tn. and Ahmad Shah ... ... 60 greetings, among the Pañjab Hill Tribes ... 371 Hassan, son of Bharth ... ... ... ... 2 Gujarat and Tailapu, 151; and Sindhurdja ... 171 Hast, Malik, probably a chief of the JanGujare, a tribe... .
juas ..
... ... ... 3 and n. Gujranwal, tn, ... ... ...
... 82, 109 Hát, inscription at ... ... ... ... 270 Gujrêt ... ... ... ...
... ... ... 81 Hatakeśvarakhyah devo ... ... 158 n. gulál used to paint the forehead ... ... 316 Hateshwari Durga, with the eight hands 253; 261 gulbadan, silken cloth ... ... ... ... 308 Hati, a Gakkhar ... ..
... 8 f. gulma, superintendent of woods ... 349 n. hattya, a profane act ... ... ... ... 39 Gunabhadracharya, disciple of Jinasen- Hátkoți, mt. ... ... ... ... 254, 261
chArya, completed the Mahápurana. 287f. HAt-koţi Ishwari Mata, goddess ... Gunadhya, author of the Brihatkatha" ... 151 havan, 281 ; hawan, a sacrifice .. Gand, Hill State, feudatory of Keônthal.... 33 Hdori-da-kotral, magistrate ... ... 350 f. Gundeman, tn, near Bussers .... ... 127 n. heang-hata (C. Nicobarese dialect)=nine ... 368 Gungeria, copper implements from ... ... 54 Hellena, mother of Constantine ... 177 f. gunny, jute cloth, old Anglo-Indian term ... 252. Hema, character in the Navasáhasánkacharita. 155 Gurd Nanak, Sikh reformer, 24; Baba Nanak, 29 f. Hemachandra ... ... ... ... 171 n., 172
... 58 ... 155
Pite e
s
se 111
... 253 .. 298

Page #412

394'
INDEX.
278 ff.
Hermon, mt. ..
... .. 178
Ikshvaku, a warrior tribe ... ... ... 162 Hidayat, 'All Khån of ShukohAbad...49 and n., 59 | Ilfchigir, a Sanvial mendicant
Ilachigir, a Sany&st mendicant ... ... 296 Hidayat Bakhsh, son of Aziz-ud-din ... 64, 68, 70 illness, among the Pañjáb Hill Tribes ... 310 Hall, Capt, and R. Bell ... ... ... 102 f. 'Imad-ul-Mulk, Indian Wazir and Ahmad Hill Tracte, gods of ... ... ... 290 ff. Shah Abdali, q. v. ... ... 10 ff., 43 ff., 55 ff. Hill Tribes of the Paūjâb, see Paūjab, images, Maitreya, in W. Tibet ... 85, 88 264 ff., 289 ff., 370 ff. imári, closed litters ... .
. .. ... 58 Himachala, mts.... ... ... ... ... 155 Imminábåd, tn. ... ... ... ... 80 ff., 111 Himalayas, Hinduism in, q. v. ... ...33 ff., 253 ff. Index of Prakrit words in Pischel's GramHindu, names, and Muhammadan used to- matik der Prakrit Sprachen, Appendix, pp. gether, 2 n.; scriptures and caste subsec
121-132 tions among the Panjab Hill Tribes, 264; India and the Khokhars, 4 ff.; and the marriages, 278; 290; 297 ; festivals, 303; Afghans, 9, 70; and Ahmad Shah Abdali,
372, 374. 10 ff., 43 ff., 55 ff.; Copper Age and Hinduism in the Himalayas, by H. A. Rose, Prehistoric Bronze Implements of, 53 f.; continued from Vol. XXXV., p. 252. III.
the Paramaras in W. and S., 186 and n., - The Twenty-two Tikas of Jungi,
171 ; and the Naga kings, 172; the Kenthal, near Simla, 33 ff.; Fairs, 37 f.;
Rajputs in Central ... ... .. 265 f. Appendix I. - Devi Tárå of Târab, 39 ff.;. ludo-Chinese and Nicobarese languages comII. - The Goddess Ath-bhoją of Dharech,
pared ... ... ... ... ... 357 ff. 42; IV.-The Legend of Mahked De Indra, g. ... ... ... 163 and n., 164, 376 f. OMA ... ..
.. ... ... 253 ff. Indra Boti-rnam-rgyal, prince of Ladakh ... 87 Hindus, resist Mahmud Sultân, 4; and Indus, riv.
... . 5, 268, 279 totemism, 51 f.; converts to Muhamma- infanticide, female, among the Khokhars, 1 ;
danism, 270; 306; 311 ; 314; 372 ; 374 among the Todas ... ... ... ... 84 Hindustan invaded ... 14 f.; 45; 49; 60, 64 inheritance, among the Pañjab Hill. Tribes, Rindustâni, in the Nicobars ... ... ... 319 History of the Rdjás of Jammun mentions initiation ceremonies, among the Pañjab Hill
the Khokhar Tribe ... ... ... ... 4 Tribes ... ... ... ... ... ... 297 Hiuen-tsiang and Sakya relics ... 118, 121 f. Inscriptions, at Basgo and Nyemo, W. Tibet, (n) Hoi, a Ohin giant ... ... ... ... 209 85 ff.; at Daru, 89 ff.; at Sheh, 93 f.; and Hól festival ... ... ... 302 f., 315, 316 n. the Endere, 95 ff.; on the Piprahwa Vase, Hoshiarpur District, in the Pañjab, and the 117 ff.; at Satâra, 165 n.; at Udayapur, cult of Mian Bibl ... ... . .. 32
167 and n., 169; Châlukya, 170; Nasik Houghton's, Mr. B., Essay on the Languages cave, 172; at Hat, 270, 272; in Tyagaraja
of tŁe Southern Chins ... ... 206 n. temple, Tiruvarur, 288 n.; copperplate Household customs among the Pakijab Hill of the Chambå State, 348 f.; at Vijaya
Tribes ... .. .. ... .. 280 f. nagara ... ... ... ... ... ... 352 Hugli, and Thos. Pratt... ... 173 and n., 174 Inshde. Abdullah, a Persian work ... ... 10 hullah, a robe ... ...
63
Inshae Miram, a Persian work Inchie w
... ... 10 human sacrifices among the Paijab Hill Intercourse, among Chuhras, 20; the Pañjab
Tribes ... ... .. ... .. .. 298. Hill Tribes .. ... Humayan, Sikandar Shah I. ... ...
Intermarriage, among the Pañjab Hill Húna Rikki, a Brahman, destroyed the demon
Tribes ... ... ... ... ... ... 276 Kirmar ..
... 253 ff., 259, 261 Intizâm-ud-Daulah, a noble of Ahmad Shah's Hras, mentioned in the Navasúhasánka- court, 45 ff.; Khân, KhânAn... ... ... 70
charita, 157 n.; and the Huns, 168; and Iraj Khân, envoy to Aḥmad Shah ...
Sindhuraja ... ... ... ... ... 171 Iranis, a tribe ... ... ... ... ... 47 · Hunter, Sir W. W., and the writing of Indian Ironsmiths, among the Pañijab Hill Tribes ... 274 languages ... ...
... 237
Isa Nand, lands of ... ... ... ... 73 Hussain, son of Bharth... ... .
Islám, 5 n.; upheld by Ahmad Shah ... 51; 63 Isma' il Khan Baloch, a chief ... ... ... 9
Ismir, for Cashmeer ... ... ... ... 128 Ich hra, near Lahore, founded by Ichhrl ... 3 Ispahan, Spahawne, and R. Bell, 103 and n., iddat, a period of time... ...
104 n., 125 and n.; and Stephen Flower, Ikhtiyaru'd-Din Altonia, consort of the Sul
127 n. tâna Raziyyat ... ... ... ... ... 5 Isvara, a Tuluva k. ... ... ... ... 352
...
... 371
-
... 5; 9

Page #413

INDEX.
395
Itâwah, tn. ..
.. ... ... 70 Jat tribe, 8; and totemism, 52; and Ahmad I'timad-ud-Daulah, Qamar-ud-din Khan ... 66 n. Shah ... 12, 55, 58 ff.; 63; 271; 814; 370 f. Twi, Nicobarese spirits ... ... 318 and n. jathéra, ancestor ... ... ... ...
Játhi& Dêvl, in Patiala ... ... ...
JAtiks, Brahman sept ... ... ... Jådavas or Yadavas, race ... .. 382 f. Jatriya tribe ... .. Jade, tribe * *
... ... 275, 279
JAQ, g. JAO.. ... ... ...
. ... ... 38 jág, ceremony...
... 34; 86, 39 4. Jaura, sub-section of the Mair SunArs ... 52 jagaran, a whole night's devotion ... 255 and n. JawAla Mukhi temple ... ... ... 290; 298 Jagdi Khat place mentioned in a Chuhra Jayadeva ... ... ... .. . 150 and n.
legend ... ... ... ... ... ... 74Jayaratha, author of the Alankaravimartini 153 jagråworship ... ... ... ... 34, 260, 313 Jayasimha Siddharåja, k. of Gujarat... - 172 Jah&nabad, John a Badd, and R. Bell ... 100 Jerusalem, visited by R. Bell ... 174, 177, 179 Jahangir, k., mentioned in a Chubra legend, Jesuits in India ... ... ... 100 n., 102 n.
74 f., 80 Jesvant R&o Puar and the Puars ... 166 n. Jahan Khan, commander under Ahmad Jezraell, plain of ... ... ... ... 178 Sh&h ... ... ... 44 f., 51, 60, 62 f., 70 jhajrá or gddar, form of marriage
... ... 282 Jái, Hill pargand .. ... ... ... 33 Jhang, in the Pasijáb .. .
... 3 Jaina religious works in Sanskrit, 285; I jhata, jhate, illegitimate children ... ... 279
puranas as a basis of the Tamil Sanskrit Jhaumpri, a Chubsa ... ... ... 26 ff., 71
poems which treat of the life of Jivaka ...286 f. jhil, a swamp ... ... ... .. . 53 Jains, the Saraogis ... ... ... ... 288 Jbilam, riv. ... ... ... ... ... 5 Jakho, hill near Simla, 33; or Jhako... ... 37jhiwar, jhar, the ahri, q. v. ... ... ... 351 JAI, son of Sands ...
... ... 2 Jhonjan Deora, in Shamgin, inscription at ... 270 J&l, tn, on the Biâs ... ... ... ... 6 jhotiur, & messenger .. ... .. 350 L jalakrida, a love play ... ... ... ... 158 jhunda, a faqir's whip ... ... ... ... 19 JalAl&bad, near Oudh ... ... ... 67, 70 'a Jigsmed-(etc.)-nam-rgyal, example of a Jalalu'd-Din, Sultan of Ghazni, and the name of the second dynasty of Leh ... 91
Khokhars ... ... ... ... ... 5 jijman, a disciple ... ... ... ... $12 Jalálu'd-Din Khagga, ancestor of the jilwadar, an attendant ... ... .. . 15
Khaggis .. .. .. .. .. 51 Jinasenicharys, began the Mahápurana, and JÄlandhar, tn., attacked by Jasrath the composed the Harivaméa-Purana ... ... 287 | Khokhar • • ... 6, 7, 8 and n. jinjeli, gingerly, sesamum or tilseed oil, old jal paris, water nymphs ... ... ... 303 Anglo-Indian terme ... ... ... ... 252 Jamadagni, hermit ... ... ... ... 162 jinsúlf, store-keeper ... ... ... ... 351 jamah, full skirted coat
... ... 18 Jipar, family-god of the Raja of Kotidhr. 34, 86 Jambudvipa ... ...
... 88 Jivaka, the story of, 285; is based on the Jamma dynasty and the Khôkhars ... 4 Jaina puranas, 286; in the Mahapurdna ... 287 Jamnah, riv. Jaman ... ... 59, 62, 65, 315 Jivakachintamani, the Tamil, the age of, 285 ff. Jamshid, k. of Persia ... ... ... ... 1 Jivandharachampú, by Harichandra ... ... 285 janamashtami ... ... ... ... ... 313 Jivandharanataka, by Harichandra ... ... 285 Jangbâz Khân, commander under Ahmad jisya, poll-tax ...
Shah ... ... ... 14, 50, 56, 60 £., 64 ff. jnanarthis, seekers of wisdom ... ... 378, 384 Jánhâva, Chinab riv. ... ... ... ... 7 Joars, aborigines of India Janjahas, a tribe ... i. ... ... 9 jóg, spiritual science .. ... Januba tribe ... ... ... ... ... 8 jog, combination of stars . .. 312 f. Jarigandha, k. of Magadha ... 378 ., 382 f. | Jógt caste, originally mendicants ... 270 f., Järawa, Andamanese tribe, 217; 219; words,
275, 279, 283, 290, 310, 370, 373
239 ff. John a Badd or Jahanabad ... .. ... 100 Jâr Giarus, Pañjab Hill Tribe ... ... 273 jokes, among the Pasijab Hill Tribes... ... jarf or masdi, cure used by Hindus ... ... 19 Jomoi-mgonpa, the Nunnery at Nyemo .. Jár Katals, Pañjab Hill Tribe... ... ... 273 Jones, Sir W., 46 n.; and the writing of Jasrath Shaikha, sou of Malik Shaikh, Indian languages 6 and n., 7 and n., 8 and n. Joppa, visited by R. Bell
... ... ... 179 Jastri, character in a Chuhsa legend... 28 I., Jordan, sea of .. ...
- 178 138 f. Joseph, St. ... Jåt Fair at Bhalawag, in Keônthal ... ...37 £. jötishi, astrologer
269 ... 296
...

Page #414

996
INDEX.
278
..
99
... 350 .. 14 ... 378
...279
Shah
...
***
..
*
...
10
.. 207
51
58
...
51
Jabal, and the Kanaits ... ...
Kaluw&han, Kahnuwan, 9. v. ... Jubbal, Hill State
... 37 Kalyana, Chalukya capital ... Jad bills ... ..
Káma, the blacksmith ... ... Jung (Keônthal) near Simla, the twenty-two Kamadhenu, cow of plenty ...
162 n. Tikhs of . .
... ...33 8.
Kamal Khân, Gakkhar chief ... Junkann, custom house
... .. 99 kamdara, kardárs, 4. v. ... .. Junkin, custom ... ..
kamkhwab, gold brocade ... JuwAbir Singh, a Jat, and Ahmad Shah, 49, Kamsa, enemy of Krishna ...
55,58 f. Käna, in the Pañjáb Hills, home of the Jūwai, S. Andaman tribe
217, 221 Kanaujis... ...
Kanaite, aborigines of the Pašijab Hills, 265,
268, 271 ff; marriages ... 275 ff., 308, Kabul, feudatory to Persia, 1 ; and Ahmad
311 f., 314, 370, 372, 374 Shah .. ... .. .. ... ... 70 Kanarese, Cantiarry ... ...
... 99 Kabalpur ... ... ...
... ... 7 and n. Kanswar, 216 ; Buddhism in ... ... ... 268 Kachchh, E., subjected to Sindhurája ... 171 Kanête, a tribe ...
... ... 34 ff. Kadu plant ... ... ... ... ... 214
Kångra, near Sri Hargobindpur, founded by Kadu-water, that in which a corpse is
Raja Vir Khan, 3 and n., 7; and the Athwashed ... ..
bhoją image, 42; totemism in, 52; home of Kadyana, ancient Gaph Kohrana, near the Bôhrde ... ... ... ... ... 268 Qandahar .. . *
***
Kan Kôbjas, Brahman caste ... ... 266, 279 kafan, a shroud ... ... ... ... ... 20 Kannah, name given to prisoners by the Kafirs of Kafiristan and enumeration
Abdalls ... ... ... ... Kagadiard, a letter-carrier .... .. 351 kansharák, a heron () ... ... Kahal, sept ... ...
kaoui, spelter ... ... .. Kabars, caste of litter-carriers
Kanthi and the Kanaite... ... .. kahi or kahil, a weed .. .
kapal kirya, burial custom ... ... Kahlar, possibly Gwalior .... ... ... 9 n. | Kapila, a Maharshi or Ancient sage ... 159 KAhnuwin, the ancient Kaluwahan, right of kapild, a kind of cow
..
304 the Bine, formerly held by the Khokhars... 8 Kapilavastu and Buddha relics. 118, 121, 124 Kaid Baj, k. of M&rwap, overran the Panjab. 2 karali, batrí, q... . ... ... ... ... 302 Kaills, Himalayas, near which is the com. Karângla and the Kanaits ... ... ... 273 mon home of the Aryas ... .. .. 264
kårdars, möhtds or wazirs, temple overseers, Kailasa, Harasaila mts. ... ... ...155 273 f. ; or kamdars ... ... ... 880 f. Kais Abdur-Rashid, repated ancestor of the Karêwa, irregular marriages ... ... 276 1., 279 Mandar Afgháns .. .
... 3 Karka III called Kakkala or Amoghavarsha. 169 Kaithal, battle-field in the Pañjáb .. ... 5 karma, consequences of previous acts ... 388 kdjdrah, panniers ..
... 58 karmas, ceremonies ... ... ... ... 284 Kaka, a Chuhra name ..
.... 19 Karmikamala, an excrementitious product, 876 n. Kakkala, Karka III ... 169 Karolt, hill pargana .... ...
. .. ... 33 kalah, a hat
... ... 18 karrah-nde, trumpets .. ... ... ... 55 Kalahasti, tn, ..
... ... 852 Karun, tribe, marriage rules ... ... 275 2., 279 KAlak Dås, a Chuha ...
28 f., 31, 71 Karva Chauth, festival... ... ... ... 308 Kalinaur, c. ... .. ... ... ... 7. Kasabrada, tn. in Gujarat, identified with Kalánj, hill pargána ... .. . 33, 40 Kåsindra-Páladi at Ahmedabad ... 170 and n. kalapaka, its meaning ... ... ... 154 and n. Kashan, Pannuloe, ... .... ... 128 n. Kalaur, a tika of Jung& ... .. ...94 . kashidah, drawn-thread work designs ... 14 Kaldvatt, a character in the Navasdhasar- Kashmir, 7 n., 8; monks from, the probable
kacharita ... ... ... ... 154, 156 builders of the Basgo Monastery ... 87 f.; kalb, heart, centre ... ... ... ... 58
98; 254 ; 257, 259, 348 Kali, Age, 164; Yug, 253, 258; goddess, 281, 264. Kåsindra-P&ladi and K&sahrada, 9. v. 170 and n. 290, 298, 803 2., 311 kastdri, mask ... ...
... .. ... 110 KAlidsa, poet ... .. ...149, 151, 158, 287 Katchal, one of the Nicobars ... .... .. 318 Kalinga ...
.. .. 344, 852
Katehr, Robelah tn. + Kálinjar, near Swabt ... ... ... 8 and n. leatha, recitation ... ... ... .... .. 302 Kalowal, head-quarters of the Rihiêns ... 3 Katherine of Braganza... ... ... 103 and n. Kald, in the Himalayas... ... . .. 261 Katils, a tribe, and the Khokkais ... ... 8
""
.
66

Page #415

INDEX.
397
* 8 f.
... 2 n.
... 308
80B
Katrah Mahaldar Khân, tn, near Bandit . 70 Khier Khan, Timar's feudatory in Delhi ... Katrah Wazir Khan, tn. on the Jamnah .... 65 Khmer (Mon) languages, and the Nicobarese. Kauchananagar ( Deccan ) and the Kshatri
216; 818; 357 yas .
... ... ... ... 267 Khokharain, in the Hoshiarpur District, 1; or 'kaung, rioe-beer used among the Chins. Tählt ... ... ... ... ... 3, 4 n.
206 ff., 212 ff Khokharan, vil, in the Pasijab... ... ... en. Kåvēri, riv. ... ... ... ... ... 352 Kbókhars, The, and the Gakkhars in Palijab Kåverů
261 n. Ristory, by H. A. Rose. I.-History of the Kavibandhava, friend of poets,' a title of Kbökhars - A. -An account of the tradi
Vâkpati... ... ... ... ... ... 150 tional History of the Khokhars, by Kawalah, in the Himalayas, temple at 86 Khokhar of Khokharain, in the HoshiarKawali Deo, & di ka of Junga ... ... 34, 37 par District, Pa7jGb, 1 f; B - The KhôKayastha, Paljab Hill Tribe ... 271, 314, 373 khars of the Muhammadan Historians of Kede, N. Andaman Tribe ... ... 217, 2:38 India, 4 ff.; II. - A 'History of the Gakkelimriga, an antelope ... ... ... .. 155 kbars ... ... ... ... .. kenrata, Car Nicobar, a calendar ... 388 f. Khokrá Kot, mounds in the Paljáb... konráta-kòh, Nicobarese tally stick ... ... 366 KhudAganj, tn. near Farruk håbåd ... kenrata ngiji, Nicobarese tally by beads ... 367 Khud Giri, riv. ... ... ... *** kenúyd, a plant ... ... ... ... ... 347 Khumali, the Panchayat ... ... Keônthal, near Simla, the Twenty-two Tlkas Khunla, sub-section of the Ghirths ... of Jungå in ... ... ... ... 33 ff.
Khurpá, Chhimba sub-section... ... ... 52 Keralas of Malabar, and the Muralas, said to
Khushald pargana, in the Himalayas ... 40 have been conquered by Sindhurája ... 171
Kiálo, g. ... ... ... ** ***
261 f. Kerosine oil, modern Anglo-Indian term ... 252 kimkháb, silk cloth ... ... ... Késhô, g... .. ... ... .. .. 26
Kinâri Khandal, Himalayan vil., 258, Khandal. 259 Kétu, evil star ...
... .. ... 297 King-Crow, askun, among the Chins, 204 f., 'Keu, a Chin spirit ... ... 204
208, 214 khád, valley
Kirkuk, Kirkway, visited by R. Bell... ... 129 Khad Ashni, in Keônthal, scene of the Stêr Kirmar, a demon .. . 253 ., 256 .
Fair ... ... ... ... ... ...41 . Kirtaka, a Brahman woman ... ... . 258 Khafárah, capbars, copher, a tax ... 179 and n. Kiruttinarậya (Krishnarøya) probably the Khagg&, & sept ... ... ... ... ... 51 Rashtrakuta k. Akalavarsha-Krishna II ... 288 Khajare Dogre, Brahman sept
kiryá karm, funeral ceremony or shradh ... 305 Khalashi, Hill pargana ... ... ... 33 Kishan, g. . .. .. Khalatee Bridge inscriptions ... ... 96; 148 Kishan, Brahman sept ... ... ... ... 297 Khanar, Himalayan State ... ... .. 37 Kiyala, g. ... ...
255 £. KhanAra tribe ... ... ... ... 275; 279 ! () Klof seung, a burial stick used among Khân Jabån Kokaltåsh, or Mir Ghulam
the Ohins ... .. ... .. 219 1. Rasal, foster-brother to 'Alamgir ... 68 n. 1'ko'. Chin tribal distinction ... ... Khân Khânân, Intizam-ud-daulah ... ... 70 Koban, in the Caucasus, copper arrow-head Kharar and the Muhammadans ... ... 270 from .. .. .. .. .. Khargah, royal quarters in a camp... 17, 58 kodai madan, gifts .. ... ... Khari tribe, possibly the Khattars .. ... 8 Koháru, sub-section of the Mahajans ... kharif crops ... ..
Kohật, totemism in ... ... ... 52 Kharipur, early home of the Khokhars ... 8 Koh Damavind, well of ... ... Kharoțian, vil. in Sialkot
Koh-i-Nandana, tribe conquered by Mandør. 3 Khish, and the Kanaite ... 273, 275 f., 279 Kohistân-i-Namak, tribe conquered by Man. Khateshwar, & fika of Junga ... .... 34, 36 dâr .. ... ... ... ... ... 3 Khatrie, tribe of mixed Brahman and Ksha- Koh Kirani, ancient Kohrana... 1 and 1., 2 and n.
triya descent ... ... ... 265, 271, 275, 373 Kokalla II., a Chedi k.... ... ... ... 169 Khatta, sub-section of the Ghirths ... ... 52 Kokar Sanka, a Khokhar, embraced Islâm ... 5 n. Khattars, possibly the Khari tribe ... ... 8 n. Kukra, Bustam RAJA ... .. ... . 1 Khawdę Khan, 9 and n.; an Afghan poet Kol, for Aligarh ... ... ... ... 70
under Ahmad Shab, also called Bezban ... 63 Kol, S. Andaman tribe... ... ... ... 217 khel, marriage rule ... ...
Kolis, a tribe, 36; in the Palijab Hills, 271, Khera, sub-section of the Girthg ...
276, 278 ff., 308 ff., 314, 370 2., 373 4. Khila't, set of robes ... ... ... ... 44 f. Kols, aborigines of India ... ... ... 269
...
...
52
**
... 206
...
263, 373
... 275 ... 52

Page #416

898
INDEX,
163 n.
Kondaviti, captured by Krishnaraya... ... 852 Kung, Congo .
101 . Kondul, S. Nicobar isl.
... ... 818 Kunit, from which is Kanait ... ... ... 265 Konétirája, captured by Nrisimha ... ..352 Kunjhdin puja .. .
... 304 Kord, N. Andaman tribe ... ... 217, 238 Kapila, in the Pasījab ...
... 6 Kosalas, in the Navasáhasúiskacharita. 157 n., 171 Kurukshetra, home of the Bairaji caste, kotherd, a messenger ... - .. .. 851
270 f.; 284 Kothi, hills of ... ... ... ... ... 8 Kusa, son of Ramachandra ... kochi, state granary ... ... 350 and n., 351 Kusa-grass ... .. ..
... 162 Kött, Hill State, feudatory to Keônthal, 33, Kosheli Deo, a ţikd of Jung ... ..
34,37 37, 42 Kusumavachola, a Vindhyan spur... ... 155 Koti, vil. in The Hill States ... ... 34 ff. Kutbu'd-din, viceroy of Delhi ... ... 266 Kot Kai, Hill State, 37; 273; contre of the Kuthar, in the Himalayas
... 37 opium trade ... ... ..
... . 274
Kuvalaya, meanings of ... ... ... Kotle, in the Himalayas ... ... 261 Kwara, vil, near Garhwal .
...35 Kotlehr, in the Hill States
ates
... .. ... 39, 42 f.
KwatinyAbdi, creek, in the Little Andaman. 246 Kourouk, quruq, a prohibition ... 125 and 2. Kyala, 8. ... .
.. ..
. ... ... 262 bKrashis-mgon, k. of Leh ... ... 91 'Kyën, a Chin spirit
& Chin spirit
...
.. .. .. .. 204 Krishan, Brahman section .. 264, 266, 311 Krishna, g., 253, 254 n., 298, and Rukmint, 876 ff. Krishnarja, a Paramara. ... 165, 166 and n., 187 Labana or Lobâná sept... .. ... ... 51 Krishnaraya, Kiruttinaraya, 4.0. ... ... 288 Lachchhan Rajaon Ko; or Signs of Royalty Krishnaraya, son of Nộisimha... ... ... 852
in Rajas, by H. A. Rose . .. ** 82 Ksitavirya, father of Arjuna ... ... ... 162 Lacrampe, Father, and the Nicobarese langukritikavi, 'a clever poet', tittle of Padma. age ... ... . ... ...
"
... 317
... 317 gupta ... ... ... ... ... ... 151
Ladah Khan's tombe
Ladaba Khan's tomb, near Kangra ... ... 4 Kshatriyas, in the Pafijab Hills, 246 ; became Ladakh, mani walls, 87; and Buddbism, 88;
Brahmans, etc., 265, 267, 271 1., 275; natal and the Baltis, 91; 92; 95; Buddhist stone customs, 28!: purification... 289; 306; 311; image ... .. ... ... ... 97 f.; 148
314, 370, 372 1. LudAkht inscriptions and the Endere... 93; 95 Kshattrachadamani, a work by Vadibhasimha | Ladakhí Chronicles and the Basgo fort ... 85
deals with the life of Jivaka ... 285 fr. Ladakhis ... ... . . .. . 93 Kshemendra, author of the Auchitydlankdra, Ladh&ria, sub-section of the Ghirths... ... 52
149 and n.; 151 f.; mentions VAkpati- Lahaul and Buddhism ... ... ... ... 268
rája II. ... ... ... ... 168, 169 and n. Lahore, 3; ravaged by Muizzu'd-Din, 4; and Kub&cha, a Governor of Sind ... ... ... 5
the Khokhars, 5, 6 and n. ;7f; and 'ImadKui, in Rawâingarh, near the Burgå mts., ul-Mulk... ... ... ... 43 and n., 70
262 and n. lai-lo, a Chin teacher ... ... ... 208, 213 Kdín, early inhabitants of the Pañjab. ... 266 Lakh Data, Pañjab Hill Saint... ... ... 290 Kulachuris and the Hùņas .. . . ... 168 Lakbnau (Lucknow ) .. ... . 18, 67, 69 kulaka ... .. . ... ... ... ... 154 | Lakkarhår, wood supplier
Lakkarhår, wood supplier ... ... ... 351 kullah, mortars ... ...
... 59
laksha, Sk. ... ... ... 363, 365 and n. Kullah-/-Khánbárah, one of Ahmed Shah's
Lakshman, g. ... ... ... ... ... 298 cannon ... ... ... ... ...
Lakshmi, goddess 164, 165 and n. ; 376, 378 Kulla, Himalayan vil. ... ... ... ... 84 Lámas, a tribe ... ... ... ... ... 275 Kulôttunga-Chôla I., identified with Anapaya, land, among the Chuhfas, 21; rights among
9.0. .. .. .. .. . 288 and n. the Pañjab Hill Tribes ... ... 374 f. Kalthi, a tikt of Jung... ... ... 34, 36. Languages of Savages, a plan for a uniform Kum or Kasvin, tn, near Tauris ... 128 n. scientific record of, see Savages ....181 ff., Kumaranarayana or Sindhurája, k. ... 154,
217 ff., 317 ff., 353 ft. 105,171
lanka, a stack of fuel ... Lanka
... ... ... 41 n. Kumb-mêla fair ... ... ... ... 139 f. Lanka, co. ... ... ... ... ..- 802. Kumhårsain and the Kavaits ... ... 278 f. Lannoy, Benjamin De, Consal at Aleppo, Kumher, fort, attacked by Ahmad Shah ... 68
134 and n. Kun, Ohin clan ancestry ... ...206 ff., 218 Lar, in Persia ...
1.
...
"* "* ... 104 f. Kun-dg-inam-rgyal, k. ... ... ... 91 Lata and Sindhursja ... .. ... 157 n., 171 Kundina, tn, in Vidarbba ...... 376, 379 Latrobe's Letters from the Nicobars ... Kundinanagara, Křishna's capital ... ... 384 Laura, Ohhimba sub-section ...

Page #417

...
Lawl, vil. in Sirmar lawn-gá, pig sacrifice among the Chins Lava, son of Ramachandra Lde-dpal 'akhor-btsan, k. of W. Tibet le, Chin paddy fields Legends, Chuhra-of Ramsar 21 f.; of the Marriage of Bâlmik's Daughter, 23 ff.; The Creation, 71 f.; Story of Dhagânâ, 73 ff.; of Dânâ, 80 ff.; 106 ff.; 135 ff. Leh, kings of ...90 f., 97 f. Leiah, in the Pañjáb 52 Lha-chen, dynastic name of the first dynasty of Leh ...
• "**
***
Lha-chen great god Lha-chen-jo-dpal, k. of Leh Lhachen-kun-dga-nam-rgyal, k. of Ladakh,
...
91
***
19
inscription of, 89; identification of, 90; date 91 Lha-rgyal, k. of Leh Lhayi-eras, dynastic name of Tibetan kings. 96 Lightning, g., Mahadeo, 37; among the Chins, 209 Likar, a Chubra name... likhnehárá, a clerk Lipari, isles Lisbon, 102; Lixn, and R. Bell Lobânâ or Labânâ, sept bLo-bzang-thar-rnyed, Tibetan copyist Lôga, prince of Kôṭlêhr, became a déotâ Lôbri khichri, a kind of food... Lônkra, g.
***
***
350 f. ... 175 ... 174. 51 93 ...42 f. 302 ... 298 Lotsava Rinchen bZangpo, a monk... ... 148 Lucas, Sir Gervase, Governor of Bombay in 1668 103 n Lucknow museum contains some harpoonheads 53 Ludhiana ravaged by Jasrath the Khokhar. 6 f. Lumbini, birthplace of Buddha lun, salt
118 51
...
...
...
Machhi, caste
Machhi-khân, råjå of Chiniot Madapollam, piece goods, old
...
...
Mahadev, g. Mahajans, Kangra sept.
...
...
...
...
...
***
100
www
...
...
...
term ***
Madhân, Hill State, feudatory to Keônṭhal... Madhur taken by Nrisimha... Madras, Maddera slepatan, visited by R. Bell, 101; 344; the Right-hand Castes of
Magadha and Achyutą..
...
...
...
...
Anglo-Indian
mág hojí entertainm ent
maghrib, evening prayer Magic, among the Chuhras, 19; the Pañjab Hill Tribes
***
...
***
21
3 and n.
www
...
309 Magulle mentioned by R. Bell 100 Mahabharata, war, 35; and the Rajputs. 265, 268 Mahadeo for Mantini, g, 85; Lightning, g,
37 ff. 258
52
INDEX.
34
Mahakala (Mahakilaparvani ), feast... 214 mahakshapaṭalika, chief record-keeper mahamatya, chief councillor Mahanadâtâ, g.
***
53 96 210
91 96
91
...
348 n. 352 ... 313
65
252 33 352
***
Mahanpha, a tíká of Jungâ, 34; cult of Mahaparinibbana-Sutta, the and the Piprahwa Vase Mahapurána, the, and the story of Jivaka, 295; date of
...
Maha Siva, and Mahaso, q. v. ... Mahasa Denta, the legend of Mahavyutpatti, a work mahawats... Mahesha, g. Mahesvara Siva, g. Mahi Kabashor Mahisâsúra, g., 40 and n., or Mahi-Khashwa 41 n. 36
Mablog, in the Himalayas
Mahmân (Mahâban ?) tn. near the Jumna, 2nd Aḥmad Shah Mahmûd, son of Bharth Maḥmad Khân, heir-apparent of Ahmad Khân
...
...
...
www
...
Fom
***
...
...
399
...
156 349
... 349 263 36
***
***
287 253 ff. 253 ff.
...
...118
*** 382 ... 263 ...381
...
... 65 f.
Mahmûd Sultan in the Pañjâb, 2; his sixth invasion of India ...
...
Mahmad Shah II., and the Khokhars Mahni swamp, near Pariâr... Mahrattahs and Aḥmad Shah Abdali...12, 13, 15, 18; or Marhaṭṭahs... 48 ff.; 55, 58, 61, 66 mahtd, an official 350 Maindarth, tn. on the Tons, 253; or Maindarath 254 ff.; 259 65 f.., 70
Mainpuri and Aḥmad Shah Maitreya, Bodhisattwa, image in Chamba monastery, Basgo 85; 93 ff.
...
Majhog, abode of the demon Singl Majorca islands....
257 174
Makara, crocodiles
***
118
I
...
Makkerru, sub-section of the Mahajans
Malati, a character in the Navasahasankacharita
Malava, and the Paramâras Malavaminaketana, for Sindhuraja Málavaraja Sindhuraja .... Malay language in the Nicobars Malaya, mts. Malayan aboriginal and Nicobarese languages compared... 357 ff. Malfuzat-i-Timuri, the, and the Khôkhars. 6n. Malik Allah-dad, governor of Lahore 8 Malik Hast 3 n., 9 and n. Malik Ikhtiyaru'd-Din, Altunia, q. v. Malik Jasrat, son of Shaikh& ... Malik Kad, a noble of Ghazni... Malik Kalan, a noble of Ghaznt Malik Khusrau, last of the Ghaznivides Malik Shaikh
***
5 3 8 n. 8 n. 4 9, 6
61 2
158; 165 and n.
52
...
5 53
...
154, 157
... 150 ... 150
155
318 155

Page #418

400
INDEX.
...
Malik ShaikbA, governor of Lahore ... 3, 6 and n. Malik Tatar Khân, governor of the Pañjáb... 5 Malikána dues ... ... ... 260, 263, 274 MAlva and the Paramaras ... 166 and n.; .
170 and n.; 171 1. Málwd and the Kshatriyas ... ... 267, 270 MAlyavati, character in the Navasdhasánka
charita ... ... ... ... ... 154, 156 [an, Mr. A. O., and the Nicobarese languages. 317 Man, Mr. E. H., and the languages of the Andamanese and Nicobarese .. 181,
183, 220, 317, 322, 853 ., 357 f. Man, Col. H., and the Nicobarese languages. 317 Manasasarovara, lake in Tibet. ... ... 381 Manavadurga, taken by Nrisimha ... ... 352 mandala or déta, 348 n.; modern pargana,
850; mandal ... ... ... ... 350 n. Mandalapurusha, compiler of the Tamil lexicon Saldmaņinigandu ...
. ..288 Mandar, son of Sändå ... ... ... ... 2 f. Mandár Afgháns, descendants of Mandør. 3 M&ndb&tri, k. of the Iksh w&ku race ... ... 165 Mandi, Hill State ... . .. ... 35 Mandi Rohr, in Kaporthali ... ... ... 4
Manekir or Malkhed, home of the Rathors... mangalas, charms ... Mangla Devi, fort in Jummu ... manhrás, spirits... ... mani, a measure... ... mani ( Toda) buffalo-bells mani-walls in Tibet ...
86 ff. ; 92, 97 Manik-Thári, day when the mussels rise to the surface of the sea ...
... ... 104 n.
164 n. . Mažjughosha, Bod bissatva ('a Tam-dbyangs) ... ... ..
... 86; 90 Mann, Dr. Oskar, on Ahmad Shah ... ... 10 Mannd, Mu-in-ui-Mulk...
... ... 70 Manthara=Mandara, Mount ...
381 Manu, progenitor of mankind... Manucci ...
... 100 n. 174 Manun, in the Hill State ...
... ... 35 Manuni, a dild of Jungâ ... ... ... 34 f. Mânyakheta, cap. of the Rathors of Manekir
or Malkhed, plundered ... ... ... 169 Mârân, a nickname of Beorås Ahs& ... ... 1 Marthas ... ... ...
.. .. 166 n. Mardanå, in Sialkot ... ... ... ... 3 Marhattahe, see Mabrattahs, 48 ff. ; 55, 58, 61, 66 Mári Buchiân, vil. in the Pañjáb ... ... 3 n. marts, Pasjâbi, forts ... ... ... 'S and n. Mári Tappa, in the Panjab ... ... ... 2,3 Marriage of Balmik's Daughter, Chuhra
legend... ... ... ... ... 23 ff. Marriage, customs, among the Chins, 212 f.;
among the Pañjab Hill Tribes, 272, 275 ff.; of Hindus, 278 f.; of widows, 280; kinds of, 282; eight forms of ... ...
376 n.
... 296
21 ... 83
Marsh, Mr., E. I. Co.'s servant, at Dacca ... 174 M&rwâr, and the Kshatriyas ... ... 267; 270 Mary, the Virgin ... ... ... ... 177 masdn or jari, a cure; also a burning-place,
or demon, 19; called chhatd.......... 52 mashmi, figured cloth ... ... ... ... 14 Masulipatam, MasLepotan, visited by R. Bell 101 Masun, sub-section of the Mair Sunårs ... 52 Mathura, sacked under Aḥmad Shah. 51, 60,
61 and n.; 62, 64, 70; and Jarasandha, 882 Matiana, for Fåga Hill pargana ... ... 33 Matrie, water nymphs ... ... ... ... 804 Mau, tn. W. of Farrukhabad, 14 and n.; Mau
Rashidabad ... ... ... ... 69 and n. Maund, a weight, old Anglo-Indian term ... 252 Maurer, and the Nicobarese languages. 317, 321 Mayayamala, an excrementitious product. 376 n. Mayikamala, an excremen-itious product 376 n. Mayura, poet ... .... .. ... . 151 mchod-rten, in Tibet ... ... ... 87, 88, 97 medallions, raieed and painted, in the Basgo
Monastery ... ... ... ... 87 ff. medicines among the Pañjáb Hill Tribes... 315 Méghasamdeéa, a work by Kalidasa ....... 287 mehtas, wazirs or kárdárs, temple overseers. 273 f. Merchants of the Panij&b Hill Tribes ... 274 Merutunga's Prabandhachintamani, 159; 163 n.; 167 and n.; 168 and n.; 169, 170
and n. ; 171 D. Messena, tn., seat of the silk manufacture. 174 ff. Metretchya, Nicobarese standard of reckon.
ing .. .. ... ... .. .. 365 Mian Bibi, the Cult of, by H. A. Rose ... 32 Mianwali, totemism in ... .. Midnåpur 'celts'... ... ...
... 53 migrations of the Hill Brahmans ... 266; 272 Mihrab, & descendant of Dahák ... Mihrabad, near Audh ... ... ... ... 67 Mihtar Mask, Moses ... Minds, Minis, 5; aborigines of India ... 269 Minorca isles ... ... ... .. ... 174 Mi-pham-mgon, Lama and viceroy of Leh ... 92 Mirasi, caste ... ... ... ... ... 21 Mirath, tn, and Ahmad Shah ... ... 50, 60 Mir Ghulam Rasal, alias Mir Manjhle ... 68 f. Mir Jumlah, Sadr-ux-sudur, and Ahmad
Shah, 47; and Thos. Pratt ... ... ... 174 Mir Manuņ or Mu'in-ul-Mulk-(Mannu).whose daughter was betrothed to Ahmad Shah ...
10; 43 and n.; 45 ff.; 70 Mirowal, near Sialkot ... ... .. ... 3 Mir Şahib, for Sher Audaz Khan. 12, 14 ff.;
50 f., 58 . ; 59; 61 ff.; 68 f. Mirza BABA, son-in-law to Aziz-ud-din. 64, 70 Mirza Tahmkep, Miskim, a slave ... ... 10 Missionaries, American Baptist, among the Chins
206 a.; 211
***
***
52
...
1

Page #419

INDEX.
401
.
..
12
- 54
"
... 289
... 172
Miyan Abdullah şahib who adopted Sher neugaiyash, decorated ... ... ... ... 56 Andar Khan
Murad IV., recaptured Bagdad from the Monastery ruins in W. Tibet... ... 85, 87 f. Persians
.*** . .. 126 n. Mongebell, Monte Bello or Gibello, Etna, Muralas, in the Navaadhasdrkacharita, 157 n. : 171 175 and n. musábih, & courtier .. ... ...
.. 39 Mongol Monastery in Tibet, 'Sogpoi mGonpa, Musalman, as k. of Ladakh ... ... .. 92
9.6. ... ... ... ... ... .. 87 | Musalmans, the Baltis ... ... ... ... 91 Mongols in Tibet ... ... ... 85, 87 Muscatt, visited by R. Bell ... ... 101 f. mong 'tën, Chin, teacher ... ... ... 209 Mykenee blades ....... ... monkeys, worshipped .. .. .. ... 304 Myrabolam, Bimlinuts, old Anglo-Indian Mon-Khmer languages, 180; and the Nico term .. ... ... ... ... ... 252
barese ... ... ... ... 216, 318, 357 monumente, among the Pañjab Hill Tribes... 272 Moore, Muhammadans, 104 ; in Tangier. 174 n. Morrisse, Capt. of the Prerodence ... ... 177 Mones, Mihtar Mel, among the Chuhsas, Nachchiqarkkiniyar, commentator, on the
21 and’n. ; 107; 137 Jipakachintamani ... Mother 'Li, The Great Parent, worshipped by nád or ox, worshipped ... ... ... ... 304
the Chins ... ... 204 ff.; 208, 211, 213 f. Nâdaun, in Kotlebr ... ... ... 33, 34, 37 movannis, Kannit leaders, 265; or thakurs ... 268 Nadinah, tn, and Ahmad Shah
... 60 Mriganda, a Muni ... ... ... ... 159 Nadir Shah's invasion of Hindustan, 14; and Mrigankagupta, father of Padmagapta ... 150 Ahmad ShAh... . .
...63 n. mrinalabanki, a lotus-root ... ... ... 155 Naga kings in Rajputând ... Mubarak Shah, Sultan ... ... ...
någaddraka, snake-youth ... ... ... 157 Mughals in the Pañjáb, 7; and Ahmad Shah, Naga-Kshatriyas ... ..
67; 264 Nagamamba, queen to Nrisimha ... Muhammad, Sultan of Ghor ... ... 4,5 n. Nagari writing ... .. . Muhammad Husan, probably Ghulam Nagan NAgar Mall of Akbarabad, opposed Ahmad or amin ... . ... ... 10 t, 64 Shah ... ... ..
.. ... 65 Muhammad Sadiq, Sukhanwar, brother of Nag-bansi or Takshak, the descendants of Ghulam Hasan
Beordelhed . ... ... Muhammad ŞAlih, Sher Andaz Khan Bahadur. 11 Nag Chauth, or Mahkeu, four gods ... . Muhammad Shah III. ...
nag dévtá, snake god ... Muhammad Shah, and the Khokhars .. Nag Panchamt, festival... ... ... Muhammad Tughlaq Shât, and the Khokhars. 51 Nagpůr, home of the aborigines ... ... 269 Muhammadan, and Hindu names used toge- Nagpur Prasasti, list of Paramâra kings, ther, 2 n.; Scriptures, among the Panjab
185 and n.; 172 Hill Tribes, 284; migrations, 270; mar- Nában, and the Kshatriyas ... ... 267; 270 riages, 278; puberty customs 281; dead, nahshiras ... ... .. ... ... .. 304
disposal of ... ... ... ...283 f.; 290 naik, Naagg ... ... ... ... ... 98 Muhammadans, and totemism, 51; Moores, Nain, near Simla ...
... ... 34 104; conquered Málva and Gujarât, 171, Najib Khân, commander under Ahmad Shah,
284; dress of, etc. ... ... ... 372, 374 12, 15 and n.; 16, 44 1.; 51, 60, 62 ff.; 66, 70 Mahmåd of Ghaznf ... ...
nakakatar, evil star ... .. ... .. 312 Mu'in-ul-Mulk, Mannt, 10, whose daughter namus-i-maghrib, sunset prayers ... .. 59
married 'Imád-ul-Mulk ... 43 and n.; 70 Nambi-Andâr Nambi arranged the Tamil Muizzu'd-Din, ravaged Lahore ... ... 4 | Scriptures ... ... ... ... 288 n. muth dikdi, a marriage custom
... *81; 136 ; 142 Mal, a Star .... ... ..
... ... 306 Nancowry, C. Nicobarese, 3171.; de Roöps. Molarkja, founder of the Chaalukyas of torff's dictionary of ... ... ... ... 369
Anahilapattana ... .. ... ... 151 Nanda, traditional half-brother of Buddha, 119 n. Malbe, in W. Tibet ... ... ... ... 97 nan-i-tanak, thin bread... ... ... ... 17 Mulla Sardar Khan, a chief ... ... ...66 f. Narain, g. . ... ... ... ... 256, 261 Munda, Hill State ... ... .. ... 35 Nåråint Balt Shradh, a funeral ceremony ... 234 Mulja or Vakpatiraja II. .. ... 160; Narasa or Npisimha ...
165 ff.; 169 .; 171 and 1.; 172 Narasimha or Narsi ... ... ... muqaddam or ugráld, a tax gatherer... ... 861 | Narelah, tn., and Ahmad Shah ...
.
.. 302

Page #420

402
Narmada (Reva), goddess in the Navasahasankacharita
narôl pújú, secret ceremony
náru khulát, a marriage custom Narsingh, g. Narwarkot
nasaqchis, armed messengers Nashudi, on the Pabar riv. Nasik cave inscription Nasket, a work...
Nat, a spirit among the Chins... Nathu, a Chuhra name... Naushera, tn., in Chuhra legend. 79 f., 82 f.; 106, 109 379
navagraha homa, a ceremony connected with the planets Navasâhasanka, Sindhuraja ... 150 and n.;
151 and n.; 153 and n; 154 ff.; 165, 169 ff. Navasahasdikacharita of Padmagupta or Parimala, by the late Prof. G. Bühler and Dr. Th. Zachariae. I.-The Manuscript, 149. II. The Author, his time and work, 150. III. Quotations from, 151 f. IV.The Navasahasánkacharita, 153. V.Analysis of the Poem, 154 ff. VI.-Historical Events from it, 159 ff.; genealogical tree of the Paramara kings of Dhårå and Ujjain, 165; details concerning them ...166 ff Nazareth, visited by R. Bell... 177 and n., 178 Nâzir or Seeer, an official ... 125 and n. 37
***
Nêôg, in the Himalayas New Year's Day, ceremony at Nyemo, 88; among the Pañjâb Hill Tribes Ngag-dbang-rgya-mthso, a Lama, contem
302
porary of k. Sengge-rnam-rgyal ngapi, pickled fish
mNgaris, ancient name of W. Tibet... Niazis, a tribe
Nicobarese languages
...
***
Norâtri, festival.. Norham harpoon Notâre, in Garhwal
***
...
...
***
nidhána, a receptacle Nigalos, Pañjab Hill sect Nigliva inscription
Nikala, near Lahore Nilab, home of the Gakkhars... Ninduna, a pargana
***
Nineveh, or Neneveigh, visited by R. Bell,
...
154 ff. 298 283 298, 300 75 16 f.; 46 ff.; 50 f.
...
258
172
...
284 207 ff.
19
...
...
...
***
***
...
181 ff.; 217 ff; 317 ff., 353 ff. 119 311 *** 119
Nirandar Chandar, Raja of Kângra... Nirmand copper-plate inscription Nissowânâs, sub-division of the Rihians. Nor-'adzin, a princess of Ladakh Norâtâs, festivals
...
...
...
...
86 210, 215
94 9
www.
INDEX.
...
...
...
...
5
8
129 f. 268 349 n. 3 and n.
87 ... 301 302 5-4 ... 261
***
9
Notes on the Chins of Burma, by the Revd. G. Whitehead.-Religion, 204 f.; Tribal System, 206; Propitiatory Ceremonies, 207; Spirits, 208; Cosmology, Witches, Law, 209; Manner of Life, Tattooing, 210; Burmese Influence, 211; Customs-Marriage, 212 f.; Burial... 214 f. Notes on Ancient Administrative Terms and Titles in the Panjab, by H. A. Rose. 348 ft. Nrisimha, Narasa, son of Iávara 352 Numeral co-efficients, Nicobarese, 333; nu
...
...
merals
Nunnery ruins at Nyemo Nurâbâd, S. of Agrah, contains the tomb of Ganna Begam... ...44 n. Nur-ul-hasan Khan, Sayyid, of Bilgram ... 68 Nusrat, a Khokhar chief, 3, defeated by Timûr; 6 and n. Nya-khri-btsanpo, a Lord of the earth' 86 Nyemo, in W. Tibet, inscriptions at... 85 ff.; 97 Nyima-rnam-rgyal, k. of Ladakh 86, 92 Nyurla (sNyungla) in W. Tibet, votive tablet.
at
Oaths, among the Chubras, 19; the Panjab Hill Tribes
308 Obamamba, wife of Nrisimha ... 352 Occupations, Chubra, 20; of the Pañjab Hill
Tribes...
www
372 f. ... 351
odhrú, high official .Oeiros, bay of, probably Bay Wagers. 174 and n. ok-mi, skilled Chin teacher ... 208 Omens, among the Chubras, 19; the Pañjáb Hill Tribes /806 f. Onge-Järawa, Outer Andamanese Tribes, 217, 220; languages, 239 ff.; 243 f.; vocabularies 246 ff. Ootacamund ... 83 opium, among the Panjab Hill Tribes. 274, 315 Oram Zebb, Magull 125, 132 Orang-bukit, wild Malays 918 Orang-utan, wild Malays 318 Ormous, Ormuz... ... 102 and n.; 109 and n. Ornaments, among the Pañjab Hill Tribes... 372 ox or nåd, worshipped ... 304 Oxinden, Sir George, Oxenall, President of Suratt, 1662-69
... 101 and n.; 103 n.
...
...
...
361 ff. 88
...
92
***
Pabar, riv. Pabâsi, g....
... 252 255, 259 f.; 261 and n. Paço d'Arcos, Passe Darkas, tn. near Lisbon, 174 and n. Padmagupta or Parimala, author of the Navasahasankacharita Padmasimha, other forms
149 ff.
... 167
***

Page #421

...
Pahrí, a record-keeper... Pakpattan, the ancient Ajadhan pálál, Toda, a milkman... Palankwe, Andamanese Tribe... Palari, in the Hill States Palestine, the travels of R. Bell and J. Campbell in ... 98 ff.; 125 ff.; 173 ff. Pali, Panjab parganá Pallava, saint, ancestor of the Plaud sept pulsra, an official
...
69
52
Pâlwf, vil. in Sirmur
panch gavya, mixture used in purification
www
ceremonies
panch jog...
panchak shanti, propitiatory hymns
panchayat, council
...
...
...
***
...
...
www
008
.07
...
...
...
10 51
1
***
348.
panch ratan, five gems ... pandanus, paste... Pandavas, and the Cult of Kanêți Pandavs ... Pângi wizarat panila, feast Panipat, victory of pání-watra, pimples Punjab, home of the Khokhars and Gakkhars. Pañjab and Totemism... ...51 f. Pañjab, Notes on Ancient Administrative Terms and Titles in... Panjab Hill Tribes, A report on, from a Native point of view, by Mian Durga Singh. Tribes, Tribal Designations, 2641.; History of Migrations - Tables of Hill Sections-Brahmans, 266; Rajputs, 267; Vaisyas, 268; Sadras, 269; Mendicants, Tribal Head-Quarters, 270; Genealogical Tables, 271; Monuments, Caste Marriages, Totemism, Tribal Names, 272; Public Assemblies, Deities, 273; Trade, Artizans, 274; Marriage Customs, 275 f.; Divorce, Polyandry, Prostitution, 277; Inheritance, 278; Tribal details, 279; Widows, Household customs, 280; Adoption, Puberty, 281; Betrothal, Marriage, 282; Death, 283; Purification, 289; Religion, Gods, 290 ff.; Worship, Ghosts and Spirits, 296; Initiation, Sect, Priests, 297; Places of worship, Sacrifices, 298 f.; Festivals, 300 ff.; Animism, Worship, of Spi-. rits, 303; of Ancestors, 335; of Animals and Trees, Omens, 306 f.; Sumptuary and Naming Customs, 308; Magic, Charms, Possession, Exorcism, Dreams, Spirit propitiation, Evil Eye, 309; Fortune-telling, Illness, 310; Abstention from Foods, Tribal Descent, Customs on Eating, Restrictions as to Women, 311; Pronouncing Names and Words, Courtesy Titles, Agricultural Superstitions, 312; Food and Drink, 813; Din
...
350 f. 5 n. 83 246 35
...
***
...
...
***
INDEX.
289, 297
313
*** 309 ... 273 ... 305 347 ...35; 253 f 21 ff. 350 f. ... 313
351
34
...
...
ing Customs, 314; Stimulants and Medicines, 315; Social Customs and Intercourse, 370 f., Clothing and Ornaments, Dancing and Singing, Occupations and Professions, 372 f.; Agriculture, Land Rights, etc. 374, f. Pannuloe, perhaps the modern Kashan. 128 and n. Panuán Játs
3 376 n. 33, 37
***
Parabrahmâ, the supreme spirit
...
Parali, Hill pargand Paramaras of Malava. 150; 157, 159, 161 n.,
162 and n., dynastic list, 165; 166 and n., 167 ff. Paramaramahibhrit, a name of Sindhuraja... 155 Paramâravamšaketu, a name of Sindhuraja... 150 Paras Râm, ancestor of the Kshatriya ... 267 41 pardá nishin, secluded women... parganás, 33 ff.; 274; ur mandala, 350 and n.;
...
Parhalah, in the Pañjáb
351 and n. ... 8 f. Pariar, in the Unâo District of Oudh, its prehistoric implements ... 531. Parikshit, k., successor of Yudhishthira
...
...
...
www
...
***
...
376, 384 149 ff. Parimala or Padmagupta, q. v.... 296, 304 parís, fairies Párivabhyudaya, a work by Jinasenacharya. 28; 287 Parávanatha-Tirthamkara Parvati, goddess... .378, 380 f. Pasand Khan, Shah, a commander under Aḥmad Shah
***
...
56 207 ft. pa-san 'sayá, Chin teacher or priest... 263 Pashu-pati Passe Darkas, Paço d' Arcos, q. v... 174 and n. ... 375 pasture, among the Pañjáb Hill Tribes Patala, a character in the Navasáhasankacha
rita 940 Pathans, a sect
Pathrala, sub-section of the Ghirths... Patna
www
Patnah 'Azimâbâd pattá, a leaf
154 ff. 264 52 ...100 n. ...68 n. 52 ...351 ... 261 351 ...102 and n.
pattú, blanket Patwal, riv, in the Himalayas patwari, an official
Paulinists, Pollistians, the Jesuits Paulomt, wife of Kasyapa ... 164 Paunḍraka, an enemy of Krishna ... 379 Pavagadh, Pavakadurga, fort in O. Gujarat.
www
...
***
403
...
B
...
www
166 n.
270
pawn-seng, Chin burial offering ... 214, 216 Payar, riv... Pegu-Tenasserim Coast, tradition of a Nicobarese migration from 313 pehrd, feast penates, deceased fore-fathers, worshipped by the Chins 204, 206, 208 Periyapurdnam, Tamil work by Sakkijär
"360
288 and n.
...

Page #422

404
INDEX.
. 383
** W
and n.
Pramára, old form of Par
Peaba war and Ahmad Shah ***
... 317
Parain. 8. copper implementa, 54: and the Prakrit Words occurring in Pisohol's "Gram. travels of R. Bell and J. Campbell ... 98 f.; matik der Prakrit Sprachen" Appendix, 126 f.; 178 4.
121-192 Persian characters in Sheh inscription ... 93 pralaya, distinction ... ... ... ... 383 Pesans or Pisans ... . 179 and n.
ara miras ... 108 R. PeebAwar and Ahmad Shah ... ... ... 70 Pratt, Thos. of Dacca ... ... .. 173 1. Phága, in the Himalayas ... ... . 37, 42 pregnancy, among the Panjab Hill Tribeo ... 280 phases of the moon, among the Nicobareso... 367 Prester John, co, visited by R. Bell ... 101, Phe, on the Indus, votive tablet at ... ... 92
128, 182 Phyang, vil. in Tibet ... ... ... 88 8; 92 priests, among the Paxjab Hill Tribes ... 273 Plle Bheddi, Brahman sept ... ... ... 52 Prithvfvallabha, a name of VAk patirája II., pilgrimage among the Palijab Hill Tribes ... 270
165, 168 pípal tree... .. .
... 266, 272, 806, 811 | professions, among the Paij&b Hill Tribes ...3781. Piprahwa Vase Inscription .. . 117 ff. prostitution, among the Paõjab Hill Tribes, pindlí, an idol ... ... ... ... ... 13
277, 373 pirahan, a light wrapper
peallara, a leat ... ... ... ... ... 52 pír ghází, tomb of Ladaba Khan, in Kangra. 4
Ptolemácus on the Para máras... 166 D., 172 n. pirs, saints ... ... ...
. 290 Puars and Paramaras ... ... ... 166 n. pisacha, a form of marriage ... ... 376 n. puberty customs, among the Chins, 210; the Pisclel, Prof., on the Piprabwa Vase insorip
Paðjáb Hill Tribes *
... 291 tion .. .. .. .. .. 119 1. Pajárlt, Himalayan vil. ..
.. 282 pitri pakah, dark halt of lunar month, 289; Pulo Milo, Nicobar isl.... ..
... 319 ancestor's fortnight ... ... ... ... 805 Palumáyi, Andhra k., Siri-Pula. ... 172 and . pitris, manes ... ... .... . ... 379 Punnar, Hill pargand ...
... 38 Plaisant, Father, and the Nicobarese Punwar, for Paramára ... * ... 166 n. language ...
Parkņas ... ... ... ... ... ... 264 Plaud, sub-section of the Mair SunAr .. 52 puranmdahi, full moon... ...
... 48, 301, 813 Plaung Saw, Obin, rain fairy ... 208 Purification, among the Pakjáb Hill Tribes. 289 Roh Klai, Ceres, among the Chine . . 207 Purohita, priest... ... . 162 A., 271, 379 Pli Kleuk, Chin, Lord of the Under World, Purushottama, a title of Vishnu ... ... 378
906 1.; 215 . Paroapurana, that portion of the MahdPajarli, near Junga ... ... ... ... 84 purana composed by Jinasenachárya ... 287 Pollistians or Paulinista .. . 102 and n. pueman sammit karem, a marriage custom... 282 polyandry, among the Khôkhars, 1; the Patupettandpura (P) pillar of victory at .... 862
Todas, 84; the Pabjáb Hill Tribes... ... 377 Pwo-Karen alphabet, among the Chine. 206 n. polygyny, among the Todas ... ... ... 84 Pyan-ras-yzigs; Avalokitesvara ... 88 Poona and the Böhras... ... ... 268; 270 Port Blair, in the Andamans... 217,219, 246 Portman, Mr. M.V.-Comparative Grammar Qadirganj, in the Etah dist., and Ahmad of the South Andaman Languages, 183; 220; Shah ... ...
...
15, 70 221 and n.; on The Fire Legend, 222; 245 Qalandar Khan, envoy to Ahmad Shah ... 70 f.; on roote, 232 ; 236 t.; "Onge-Jarawa Qamar-ud-din Khan, & noble, and Ahmad
words, 239 ff.; Vocabulary ... ... 246 f. Shah 45, 47; or I'timAd-ad-daulah ... 68 Portugalls and Muscatt in 1850 ... 101 Qandabar, and the Ghori tribe 1, 2 and n.; and n.; 102 n.; 108 and n. and Ahmad ShAh ..
... 65, 70 Portuguese language in the Nicobars ... 519 l gardwal, akirmishers ...
... 16 Porvaroi for Parumbras ... . 166 n. Qasur, S.-E. of Láhor ... ... ... 17 and n. post, poppy-head or capsule ... ... 20, 105 n. 1 Qizzilbeh clothes ... potatoe trade among the Paljáb Hill Tribes. 274 Qubbah-i-shah, the ShAh's oopala ... ... 58 Potter's Field, the ... ... .. 179 and n. gúr, an armed retinne ... ...
... 58 Powar for Paramaras ... . **
166 n. quruq, Kourouk, a prohibition ... 126 and n. Powargada, a fort ...
.. 166 n. quwdchi bashi, the ... ... ... ... 56 Prabandhas, Jaina, on the Chaulakyas and
Paramaras ... .. . ... 170 ff. Rab-brtan lhartae, Baago oastle ... ...86 t. Prag, Allahabad... ...
- 266 rabf crope ... .. * ... 265, 875 Prahladana, a Paramars ..
... 166 Rabatan-lhe-stre, royal palace in Bango prajapatyam, a form of marriage ... 376 2. fort ... ... ... ***

Page #423

INDEX.
508
...
. 169
Radie, (P Rai near Teheran), visited by RAthlu, Rajpat section ... ... ... ... 288 R. Bell ... ...
... ... ... 128 Rathors of Manekin or Malkhed ... Radapat Rattapati or the Rashtrakața Ratnachada, character in the Navashasanhaking Kottiga ... ... ... ...
charita ... ... ... *** . ... 154, 167 f. Raddpati, tn. or co., and k. Siyaka ... ... 168
Ratnavati, tn. .. .. .. . 157 t. Rae Sal, ruler of the Salt Range ... ... 4 Ratn PAI, son of Sanda... ... .. 2 and n. Rabir tribe ... .. *
... 271 Raut (Marathi) = horse-soldier ... 848 n. Rahů, evil star ... ... ...
266, 297 Råvatt, daughter of Rivata ... ....... 876 RÅhus, a tribe ... ...
... 275 | Raverty, Major, on the Khokhars and GokRai Bhim or Bhalin, a chief hief ... ... 7 and n.
khars ... ... ... ... 1,6 n., 7 n., 8 n. Rai Ghalib, a chief ...
Råvi, riv. ... ... ... ... ... ... 107 rainbow, among the Chins
... 209
Rawal Deo, a tíká of Jungl ... ... 34, 37 Rai Sárang, a Gakkhar
Rwan ... . .. ... ... 75, 253 RAITA, a fika of Junga 34, or RathA ... ... 37 Rawat (Guzarátt) = horse-soldier ... 848 n. Rajans, Hill pargand ... ... ... ... 33 R&wato, a Rajpat section ... ... ... 268 Raja Vir Khân, founder of Kångfa. .. 3 RÅwin, Hill pargand ... ... ... ... 33 Rajendra-Cboladêve, alias Kulottuðga
Ray, Mr. Sidney, on the application of the Choļa I, or Sugandavirtta-Chôļa, names of Theory of Universal Grammar . 181, 183; Anapaya Chola... ... ... ...288 and n.
221, 842 n. Rajendra-Chola I., or Gangaikonda-Chôļa. 288 n. Raziyyat Sultâna assisted by the Khokhare... 5 Rajpur, prebistoric implements from ... 53 Reggio, Regium, in Italy ... . ... 175 Rajputana 98, and the Nag& Kings ... 172; 265 Rajpats, 41; and totemism ... ... ... 52 Religion of the Chins, 204; of the Palgab Rajpate, among the Paljab Hill Tribes, sub
Hill Tribes ... . ... 290 ff.; 371 ; 874 divisions decided by descent, 264; or Chhe
remarriage, among the Panjab Hill Tribes, tris, 265, 271, table of sections of, etc.,
277; of widows ... ... ... ... 280 267 fl.; marriage rules, 275 ff.; death
Reva, Narmada or 'Sasankasúti riv, and customs, 283; food, 211; titles, 312, Salu
goddess, in the Navasáhasdrkacharita, 154 ff. tation, 370 f.; occupations ... .. 372, ff.
Rice, modern Anglo-Indian term ... ... 262 råkaha sa, a form of marriage... 376 and n., 378
rice-beer, kaung ... .. 206 ff., 212 #f. Râm plundered Ceylon
... 136 ., 142
Ridgeway, Prof., on Persian copper impleRama, g. ... ... ...
... ... 298 ments ...
... ... ... ... 54 Ram Chandar, ancestor of the Rajpata,
Rihian, a Pañjab sept, probably the Rihans, conquered Ceylon ... ... ... 41 1.; 302
2 and n. Ramachandra ... ...
Rink, Dr., and the Nicobarese languages ... 817 Ramadeva, a Paramára k. ... ... 166
ritvika .. .. .. .. .. 876 n. Ramagrama stúpa ... . ... 118
Rivata or Raivata, k. of Anarts .... ... 376 Ramah, visited by R. Bell
... 179
mam-rgyal, dynastic name of the second Ramangada or Yaśobhata, minister of Sin
dynasty of Leh ... ... ... ... 91 dhurája... ... ...
... 154 ff., 172 Röepstorff, F. A. de, and the Nicobarese Ramayana .. ..
... 265
languages ... .. 317, 321, f., 353, 369 Ramganga, riv. ... ...
... 69 Rohelah soldiers under Ahmad Shah, 15, 60, Ramgarh-Hill inscriptions .. . 118
66, 67 Rám LIA ceremony ...
... 300 Rohtas, fort, founded ... .. ... .. 9 Rámpár, Hill pargand ...
... 33 roli, saffron ambergris ... . .. ... 316 Râmsar, Chuhţa legend of ... ...21 1. Rosen, Danish Missionary, and the Nicobarese randhani, a cookshop ... ...
163 n. languages .. ... ... ... ... 317 Rangoon ... ... . .. ... ... 106 rốt, 6 loaf ... ..
85, 42 Ranja Bhoj, in Chuha legend
.. 75
Rudar, Siva, 234, or Ruddar ... ... 201 ff. Ranvin Sairi and the Kanaite... ... ... 279 Rudriditya, minister of Vakpatirája II. 169 f. RAS Chhabit of Delhi, ancestor of the Rukmabahu=Rukmi ...
... 377 Bagg& sept .. .. .. ... .. 51
Rukmakeśa=Rukmi ... ... ... - 377 rashio, stars of fate ...
... ... 307 Rukmanêtra=Rukmi ... ... ... Rasin or Raisin, M., of Lyons, and R. Bell, Rukmaratha-Rukmi ... ... ..
... 377 128 and n.; 129 Rukmi, son of Bhishmaka ... 376 1.; 380, 383 Ratbab, Hill State, feudatory of Keồnthal ... 33, Rukmini Kalyanam, by G. R. Subramiak
36, 42 Pantulu .. ... ... ... 876 ff.
377

Page #424

406
INDEX.
Rummindei and Buddha relics ...118 and 2.
119, 124 Rupar, (Ardbar), and the Khokhars, 61.;
and the Muhammadans ... ... 268, 270 Rara, a Chuhra name ... .. ... . 19
67
3S
Saldat Khan, Afridi Afghan ... ... . 12 "Sacht, wife of Indra ... ... ... 162 and n. sacrifices, among the Chins, 207; called Bhunda, among the Pastjáb Hill Tribos
298 f.; 305 saddgatípravritta, meanings of
163 n. Sadpor, (Baltistan) inscriptions ... 95 ff. sadr-us-radar, chief alponer ... ... ... 64 Sådd,, in Patiala... ... ... ... .. 89 Sa'dullah Khân, a Robelah Nawab ... 66, ff, 69
and n. SAér, fair at Khad Ashni in Keônthal, 41; or
Short ... ... .. . .. .. 302 Safdar Jang, Nawab and Ahmad Shah. 11,
14 4., 16 n., 17 Sagai or Sôtå, form of betrothal ... ... 282 Sahasanka-Sipdhuria ... ... 156, 165 sahemavetrah, golden staff . ... . 159 Sahityadarpana, a work
.. .. 153 Sahswân, pargand, in the United Provinces. 69 Şaiffpur or Safipur, adopted home of Sher
Andaz Khan ... ... ... .... 12 and n. Saif-ud-daulah, Nawab, chief aimoner under
Aztz-ud-din ... ... .. .. 64, 68 Sain dynasty, of which are the Keônthal
Rajas ... ... Saivas, among the Pañjab Hin Tribes, probably the Shukan Brahmans ... ... 266
n .; 272, 290, 297, 314 Saiva Tamil Scriptures, Tirumurai ... 288 n. Saiyids ... .. . . . .. 77 Saka=Musalman ... ... ... ... 352 Saka era, 170; or year, 820=287 A.D. ... 287 Saki Singh, Raju, a recollection of Sakyamu
ni, introduced Buddhism into the Panjab
Hills ... .. .. .. ... ... 268 Sektake, a caste ... ... 290, 297, 314 Sakti, goddess ... ... ... ... 290 Saktis, among the Paūjáb Hill Tribes ... 272 SakyamunizBuddha, a recollection of 268 n. Sekyas," brethren of Buddha" in the Piprah· wa Vase inscription..... **
wa Vase inscription... ... ... 117 ff. Salar Jang, Nawab, and Anmad Shah 67, 70
3 20 sale, a measure ... ... ... ... .. 207 Salim Khan, a chiet . .. ... ... 8 n. Salim Shah, Sultan Islam and the Gakkhars. 9 Sallammity, tn, visited by R. Bell ... ... 133 Salna Patti, vil. in Rewingaph ... ... 958 Salt Rango, home of the Gakkhang.. ... 1 Salutations among the Pañj&b Hill Tribes 870
Salta, k. ... ...
* *** ... 376, 379 Simâna, in the Pañjab. Samangs of the Malay Peninsula, congenerg
of the Andamanese ... ... ... 217; 246 Samdhan, vil, on the Ganges, near Farrukha
b&d ... ... ... ... ... ... 10 Samding Monastery on the Yamdok Lake ... 88 Şamin, Ghulam Hasan, author of the Shardif
i-uşmani ... ... ... ... ... 101. Saminatha Aiyar, Pandit, on the Jiva kachinta
mani mani ..
..
...
... ... ... ... ... 285 Samuthalla near Lahore, scene of a Khokhar defeat ...
.. .
- 5 Sanctuary, in Kenthal ...
... ... 11 Sinda, a Kohrana Raja founded Sandar in the Panjab ...
- 2 and n. Sandal Bår, in the Pañjab ... 2 and n., 3 n. Sändar, c. in the Pabijab
. 2 Sandi, tn. in Oudh ... Sani, evil star ... ... ... .. , 297 Sanjauli, in Keonthal ... , Sankachida ...
... 157 sankalp, alms ...
.... ... 40 Sankbapala, k. of the Nagas, in the Navardha
sankacharita ... ... ... 154 f., 158 f. Sankrant Sawani, festival sansár ...
... ... ... 378, 384 Sanskrit, vehicle of the Jaina religious works,
285; poems, and the story of Jivaka ... 286 Sanyasi caste, originally mendicants, 270 1., 279
283, 290, 370, 373 Sãôni, festival ... ...
. .... .. ... 303 Saphet, Safhet, tn., in Palestine, visited by : B. Bell ... ... ..
. .. 178 Sarada (Kashmir) characters in inscription 98 Sarada, writing ... ... Sarada, 8. ... .. . ... ... ... 263 Sarae Nabi, near Mathuri ... Sårang Khân, general under Mahmad Shah
II., defeated the Khokhars ... ... ... 54. Sarãogis, section of the Banifs ... 268; 303 Sarasvati, goddess .. . ... 150 n., 164 Saraswati, riv, and the Sárguts ... 266, 279 sarbanda, dresses ... ... .. Sardir Khan, a Mughal... ..... .... . . 67 Sardinia, Sardna, and R Bell ... ... . 174 Sarinhe, Brahman sept... - saropá, serpaw, a sash 127; dress of honour. 182 sarshobhi, ornaments ... ... ... ... 308 Särsut, or Balrami Brahmans... Särsut
266, 273, 279 Sartiras, Rajpâte of mixed descent ... ... 268 sartore, children born of customary marri
ages ... ... ... . .. 276, 278 Sakánkasūti, rir. the Narmada or Rev& ... 155 Sasikanda, k. of the Vidyadharas, in the
Navusúhasankcharita... ... 154, 137 f. Sasikanta, mt. ... ... ... ... 157, 159
149
. 808
*
. 52

Page #425

INDEX.
407
Sabiprabbt, princess of the Nagno, in the
Napasáhasankacharita, 150, 154; called Afagl ... .. ... ... 155, 156 ff.; 172
... 155 ; 156 ft.: 172 Saspola, in Tibet, 85; inscription... 86, 88, 97; 148 Satara, inscription from, 165 n.; and the
Bhras ... ... ... ... ... 268; 270 Satavahans or Hála ... ... ...164 and n. Satyaguna = sattva-guna, quality of good
nese . ... . . ... 376 n. Satya Narkin, festival ... ... ... ... 803 saukrit, saghrá, parents-in-law, etc.... 19 and n. Savages, (The Languages of), A Plan Por
A Uniform Scientific Record of them. Applied to the Languages of the Andamanese and Nicobarede by Sir Richard C. Temple, 181; 1- The Theory of Universal Grammar (a) The Theory, 182 #.;(6) The Course of Grammatical Development. The Sentence is the Unit of all Speech, 1891.; (c) Skeleton of the Theory, 191 ff.; (d) A Brief Exposition of The Theory, 195 ff.; Table of Comparative Grammatical Terms, Diagrams, explaining the lines upon which the Theory is worked out, 198 L.; (e) Methods of Analysing the Sentence, 200 ff.; II. - The Theory of Universal Grammar applied to the Andamanese Languages. Prefatory Remarke. I. --General Description, 217 .; II.-Grammar, 220 ff.; 111.Etymology, 229 ff.; IV.-Phonology 236 t.; V.-The Northern and Outer Groupa, 238 ff; Appendices-A.-The Fire Legend in the Bajigogiji Group, 245; B.Onge Vocabularies, 246; Portman's, 247 f.; Bonig'e, 249 f.; C. - Andamanese Tribal Names according to the Aka-Bēn Language, 251; III.-The Theory of Universal Grammar applied to the Nicobarese Language. Prefatory Remarks. I.-General Descrip. tion, 317 d.; II.-Grammar, 322 ff.; III. - Etymology, 936 ff.; IV.-Phonology, 353; V-Comparison of Dialecta, 854 ff.; VI.Comparative Philology, 357 ff.; Appendices-A.-Nieobarese Reckoning, 360 ff.; B.-Reckoning of the Days of the Month, 367; Car Nicobar Calendar ...
.. 369 Sayoe, Prof. A. H., on Sumerian religion ... 204 Sayyid Kinga and the Khokhars ... ... 8 n. Sayyid 'Abd-un-nabt, faujdär of Mathura ... 61 Sayyida, Muhammadan section ... ... 266 Scanderoon or Alexandretta, the port of
Aleppo ... .. . ... 176 and n., 177 Scicillis, inl. visited by R. Bell ... ... 175 Seinda, Soynda and J. Campbell ... 103 n. Scott, Capt. Jonathan, and Indian History...
10 2.; 08 ,
Sekkilár, Chos minister, author of the Tamil
Periyapuranam ... ... ... ... 288 Seljang-probably Ser-loang Monastery in Basgo Fort .. ...
. .. .. 85 sép khulli, Ohuhra labourer... ... ... 21 Senart, M., on the Piprahwa Vase inscrip
tion ... ... ... ... ... 122, 124 Sengge-ram-rgyal, k. of Ladakh, 85; bymn in
bis honour ... ... ... ... 88 ft. Serash, Shirêz tn. ... ... ... ... 105 Seringapalam, stormed by Ievara .. ... 352 Seshadri, tn., Tirupati ... ... ... ... 352 ShAb Abbâs, captured Ormuz in 1662. 103 n.;
126 n. Shababa'd-din Ghori conquered Delht ... 266 Shahadat-s-Tarrukhaiyara Jalus-i-Muhammad Shah, a work by Mirzs Muhammad
Bakhsb, Ashob ... ... ... Shaban Shah, Ahmad Shah 'AbdAll ... Shahdarrah, tn. opposite Delht ... ShAh Daula, shrine in Gujarat... ... Shah Doult, saint, in Chuhsa legend Shahi, birthplace of Sher Andaz Khan ... 12 Bh&bis, a caste ... ... ... ... 71 f., 82 Bhabjahånabid and Ahmad Shah ... 11, 13 ff.;
43 ff.; 48 ff.; 68 f.; 69 Shih Mugim or Mukim, in Chuhra legend,
77 and n. Shahpur, in the Panjab... ... Shah Saft, grandfather of Shah Salaimán, 126 n. Abah Salaimán, Shaw Sollyman, 105 or Sulai
min ... ... 125 and n. ; 126 n.; 127 n. BhAh Wali Khan, minister of Ahmad Shah
AbdAlt .. .. ... ... ... 11, 14 Shaikha, fort in the Paijb .. ...
3 Shaikh Bayazid Kalkapur Bawant ... ... 9 Shaikhs, Muhammadan sect ... ... ... 264 Shamanism, among the Turanian races, 204 ;
the Chins ... ... ... ... ... 211 Shambhu, 8. ... ... ... ... 262 f. shamlát, community ... ... ... 374 f. Shamsher Bahadur, a Marhattah and Ahmad
Shah ... ... ... 48 and n., 55, 58 f. Shanti and Jåd, a tika of Jung ... 34, 36 Shanati, a fika of Jungå ... ... 34, 36 shankrant... ... ... ... ... ... 313 Sharab, tn. in the Pañjab, fonnded by Bahrami
of Ghor ... ... ... ... shardb, strong drink ... ... ... Shathi, in the Himalayas ... ... ... 261 shatire, a runner .. Sharva, g.... .. Shaw Bollyman, for Sbab Salaiman . 104, 125,
128, 132 Sheh, in W. Tibet, rock inscriptions at ...93 ff. Shekh Allahyar, the Martyr. ... ... 11
... 263

Page #426

408
INDEX.
***
.
68
...
60
302
... 262
Shekh Mutaza Husain, Burnamed Allahyar Simla Hill States, religious cults of ... 38 ft., Såni, author of the Hadiqat-ul-agálim ... 10,
253 . 68 n. Sindh-Sagar Do&b .... ... .. .. 2 Shellac, Garnet, Buttonlac, old Anglo-Indian Sindhula or Simdbala for Sindhuraja ... 170
Sindburkja, alias Navashashnika, k., patron Shepherd Caste among the Pafijâb Hill Tribes, of Padmagupta; 150 and n., 134, 171 ; 151
271, 275 f.; 278 f. and n., 113 and n., or Kumarandrayana 154, Sher Andaz Khan, Saiyad, called Mubam
171; other names ... 155; 156 and n., 157 mad Salip and Mir Sahib ... 11 f. ; 14, 49, 55,
and n., 158 f., 164 ff., 169 f. 56, 59, 61 4. ; 68 €. Singing, among the Palijab Hill Tribes ... 372 Sher Chand, Raja of Kangrå ...
... 268 SipAhdør Khan, Nawab ... Shergadh, tn, and Ahmad Shah
Sirhind, fort ... ... ... ... . Sheri or Sker, festival ... ...
Siri-Pulu or Pulumây ... ... ... 172 n. Sher Khan and the Kbókhars... ...
3. 8 n.
Sirmor ... ... ... ... ... ... 270 Sher Shah, Sultan and the GAkkbars... 8 n. ; 9 Sisophon, in Siam, has famous monuments... 284 Shibji, g. ... ... ..
... 298 Sisupala, k. of Chedi ... ... ... 376 ff. shikotá, payment in grain
274 f. Sità, and Rawan among the Chuhras... 75; shikotha, hereditary right - 875
138; 142 Shilt, Hill pargand ...
... 33
Sita, poetess ... ... ... 163 and n., 167 Biraz, Serash, tn.
105 sitachâmaradharane niyukta, a fan-bearer ... 155 sh fsham tree ...
sitachchhada, a gwan ... . ... ... 155 Shivajt, 8.
sítochchhvasitahetu, meanings of ... 163 n. shivála temple ...
.. ... ... 298 Siva, temple of, at Tarab, in Keồnthal, 40, Shiv Ratri, festival ...
158 1., 164 n., 172, 254, 257 n., 262 n., Shiv Shankar, Sivf, g. ...
290, 300, ff., 304, 311, 381 Shoemakers and Cobblers among the Pañjab Sivalinga ... ... ... ... ... ... 159
Hill Tribes ... ... ... ... 271, 274 Siyaka, k., 150 n., 158, 159, 164 and n., 165 Shom Pen, Nicobarese dialect, 317 ff., 354 ff.;
and n., 167 and n., 168, 171 enumeration, 360 ff.; ooooanut reckoning, 365 Skal-bzang, queen of Ladakh ... ... 87 Shoráb, tn. in the Pañjáb, destroyed... ... 2 Skeat and the Nicobarese language ... ... $22 ShorábwAli Pabâri Hill... ... ... ... 2 Skyid-lde-nyima-mgon, k. of the O. Tibetan shradh, funeral ceremony, 284, 289; or kiryd dynasty ... ... .. . ... 96
karm ... .... ... .... .. ... 805 Sman-bla, vil. in W. Tibet - .. . 93 Shujê-ud-daulah and Ahmad Shah ... 11 f., Smith, Mr. R., E. I. Co.'s minister at Surratt 101
45, 61, 66 ff., 69 f. Smyrna, Cashmeer, Ismfr, ... ... 128 f. Shukal, a Brahman seot 264, 266, 297 4. Snakes worshipped ... ... ... 804, 306 Shukobáb&d ... ... ...
59 Social customs, etc., among the Chuhras, 20; Shu'labpari Begam and Ahmad Shah ... 48 restrictions, among the Pañj&b Hill Tribes, Sialkot and the Khokhara ... ... 8, 4,7 n. 311 f.; customs and intercourse ... 370 e. Sicily ... ... ... ... ... ... 175 Södra, Chenab riv. ... ... ... ... 4 Sickness, among the Chuhras, 20 the Chins... 208 Bogpoi mGonpa, Mongol Monastery in Basgo. 87 Siemreap, in Siam, has famous monumenta... 284 Sobanpur inscription ... . Sigar, in the Himalayas .. ... ... 87 Sõhgaura inscription .. ..
118 Sikandar Shah I., and the Khokhars... ... 5,7 Solar dynasty ... ... ... ... 264, 267 Bikandrah, tn... ... .. . 15 Somasimha, a Paramara k. .. ... ... 166 Sikes', Major, copper implements . ...84 . Som&vati Amavas, festival ... Sikhandaketa, a character in the Navaadhaadi Somesvara, court poet of Viradhavala ... 172
kacharita ... ... ... ... ... 157 Some vara Mauadêva, temple at Pariar, conSilahára princess, wife of Vikramaditya ... 172 tains a collection of metal implements ... 53 Silavanti, wife of Kak Das, the Chuhra ... 28 Sônåri inscription .. Silena or Silenia in Cyprus ... ... 176 and n. (n) Sóng, a Chin giant ... ... ... ... 209 Silla and Charibdis ... ... ... ... 179
Soapat, tn. . .... ... ... .. 70 simantamani, head jewel ... ... ... 167 Sorcerers, among the Chuhfas .. Sirbdhaja or Sindhula for Sindhurja. 167, 170 Sôtå or Sagat, form of betrothal ... ... 282 Simbabbata, a Paraméra k.... ... ... 167 | Spahawne for Ispaban, 108, or Lar, 104, 105, Simhadeva, son of Siyaka.... ... 166 n.
125, 128, 180 ., 184 Bimbala ... ... ... ... ... ... 362 spindi karam, death ceremony . .. 284
270
. 303
121 n.
...
20

Page #427

INDEX.
409
177't.
348 n.
... 252
spirita, among the Chuhfas, 20; worshipped Survival of Old Anglo-Indian Commercial
by the Chins, 204, 208 f., 214; among the Terme, by Sir Richard Temple ... .. 252 Pañjab Hill Tribes . ... 296, 303, 309 f. stak, impurity ... ...
* . 19, 281 Srtharsha, author of a Navasáhasánkacharita. 151 sdtak patak ... .. ... ... ... 275 Srt-Harshadeva, i. e., Siyaka ... 159, 165, 169 Sutlej, riv. ... ... ... ... ... 270 Sri-Hatakeśvara, Siva temple... ... ... 158 svakiya ... ...
123 Bripurdņa, a work which refers to the life of Svoboda, Dr., and the Nicobarese language... 317 Jivaka ... ... ... ... ... 285, 287 swatharma, mental condition ... ... ... 377 Srirangam, tn. ... ... ...
352 swayamvara, selection of a husband by a Srivallabha or V&kpatiraja II. ...
princess ... ... .. .. .. 376 Sri. Yardhamana... ..
Sylvain Lévi, Prof., on the Piprahwa Vase brótaápannas, candidates for sanctity ... 122 inscription
*** ** .. . 120 ff. Stag-thsang-ras-chen, a Lama
... 86
Symon, the Tanner ... ... ... .. 179 Stars, lucky and unlucky ... ... ... 30Stimulants, among the Pailijab Hill Trihes ... 315 St. Jno. de Acr&.... ... St. John the Evangelist
... 179 | Tabaqdt-i Akbari, and the Gakkbars... ... 5,8 Stromboli ... ... ... .. ...
... 175 .. 170
Tabagát-i-Nasiri, a work which mentions the stūpas, opened by Abôka, 118; in honour of Khokars or Khokhars ... ... ... 4 the Såk yas ...
120 4. Taber, mt. ... ... ... .. 177 1. Sadras of the Pañijab Hill Tribes 264 f., 269, Tab8, N. Andamanese tribe ... ... 217, 238 272; and polyandry, 277 £., 297; of Madras Taboo, or ceremonial probibition, among the
Chuhras ... ... ... ... ... 20 Bads, section of the Vaiấyas, 265, 268, 271; Tabriz, Tauris or Towreys, visited by R. Bell. 128 and marriage ... 275; 277; 279 ff.; 283, Tabu, its effect on the Nicobarese language. 319
289, 311, 314, 370, 572 f. Tahli for Khokharain ... .. .. ... 4 n. Bagar, old Anglo-Indian term ...
Tailapa, k. of Kalyana, sent an expedition Sugga, Brahman sept ... ...
against Gujarat ... ... .. ... 151 - Sajaka for Styaka, Sindhurija... ...
Tailspa II., k. of Kalyana ... ... 169, 171 Saka, a Brahman ...
... ... 376
Taimar Shah ... ... ... ... ... 63 Suket, in the Hill States
Taiyibeh, Taiba or Tyabe, visited by R. Bell, 183 sukirti, word in the Piprahwa Vase inscrip- Taju'l-Ma'Asir, the work which contains the tion, possible meanings, 117 and n., 118, earliest mention of the Kōhars or Khokhars. 4
120 ff. 1
Tak-bansi, the descendants of Beorishsa, sukshma ... .. . . .. ... 384 Sulimaninigandu, Tamil lexicon, compiled by
takhta, platforms... ..
. .. 58 Mandalapurusha, date of ...
Takshail, Taxiles, founder of Takshala or sulka, superintendent of tolls ...
849 n. Taxila ... .. ... ... .. .. 2 Sultan Islam or Salim Shâh Sur
... 9 Takshak, descendants of BoortsAsl... Sultân Khan, brother of Najib Khan...
Takshala, Tarila, modern Dheri Shahan .. 2 Sultan Mahmad ... .... ... ..
taláka i-bdin, irreversible divorce ... ... 278 Sultan Muhammad of Ghor ... ... ... 4
tali tree ... ... ... ... ..
78 t. Sultan Sarang ... ... ... ...
... 8 n. tallying, Nicobarese system ... ... 360 ff. Sultanpur in Kald, pass into Tibet ... ... 274 Tamil works ...
285 f. Sumgandavirtta Chola or Rajendra Chôľadáva 288
Tâmraparnt, riv... ...
..., 352 Bunars, Mairs Sanârs, & sept ... .. ... 51
Tangier, Tangeere
... 174 and n. rip, winnowing wieve ... ..
... 149 . ... 20
Tanjor, MSS. at ... Superstitions, among the Chubras, 19; among
tankah, a small coin
... 60 the Pa.NjAb Hill Tribes ... ... 806 2., 312
tango, pig for sacrifice ...
.. 212 Baruj or Bolar Rajpat dynasty
tapds, asceticism...
... 878
... . 264, 267
taqiyah, a white fillet 1.. Baraj Mall, a Ját, and Ahmad Shah ... 46, 4, 51,
... 87 55, 58 TArab, in Keônthal Surat, Richard Bell at 101 and n, 192 n.,
...
38 i. Tara Devt, of Tarab ...
...39 f. 108 and n., 128 and n., and Thos. Pratt ... 178 tarahára, a string of pearls
... 155 Burbulan Khan, Governor of Ahmadabad ... 11 n. Tara MAI, goddess
... 39 sursat, fines in kind ... ** .. . 56, 59 Tara Nath, a jogi ...
... 93 f.
1 and n.
... 288
lls...
..
...
1
...65 .
... 18

Page #428

410
INDEX
. 70
***
.
... 98
Tibetan, Central, dynasty
...
... 128
..
...
2
... 33
Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi, on the invasion of Thugyi, Chin, head-man
... ... ... 209 Ahmad Shảh Abdali ...
... 70
te, Toda, a holy dairy ... ... .. .. 83 Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani and the invasion of Tiberias, Tyberions ... ... ... 177 1. Ahmad Shah Abdali... ...
Tibet, W., Archäology in ... ... 85 ff., 148 Tarikh-i-Mubůrak-Shahi, mentions the Khô- Tibet, and Buddhism, 268; trades with the *"* " ... ... ... 5 f.
Paltjáb Hills ... ... ... ... ... 274 Tartárs in the Palijab ... ...
... ... 3
Tibetan characters in Sheh inscriptions, 93; . Tåtar, a Gakkhar ... ... ... 8 and n.' conquest Tattooing, among the Chins ...
Tibetan, Central, dynasty ... ... ... 98 taung-ya, Chin, cultivation ... ... ... 210
Tibetans ... ... .... Tauris, Tabriz, Towreys
likd, heir-apparent to a råja ... trpi, an iron dish ...
... 19 tilal flowere .. . . Tavernier, traveller ... 100 n., 125 n., 126 n., tilaka, brow ornament ... ..
128 n.
Tillab, bill ... ... ... ta'wiz, a charm ... ...
Timma I., a Tuluva k.... ... ** ***
... Taxila, Takahala... ... ...
Timma II., a Taluva k.... ...
... 352 Tea, old Anglo-Indian term ... ... ... 252 Timur invaded India, 3; and the Khôkhara, 6, 8 n. ték, a word of summons'
... 273 Tincal, old Anglo-Indiau term . ... 252 Tekhar, Telhar fort in the Pasijáb, also Tippåmbika, queen of Nrisimba ... ... 352 Thankar, Talhar, etc. ... ... ... 7 and n.
Tir Mahasu, Hill pargana ... .. Temples, a feature of every Pañjab village ... 273 Tirotanamala, an excrementitious product. 376 n. Tenants, among the Panjab Hill Tribos ... 374
Tira, a tíků of Jung ... ... ... 34, 36 Teressa, Nicobarese dialect, 217 ff., 35+ ff.;
ab217 # 35% if Tirumurai, Saiva Tamil Scriptures ... 288 n. numerals, 361 f., 364; cocoanut reckoning, Tirupati or Seshadri, tn. ... ... ... 352
365 4. Tiruttakkadêvar, author of the Jivakachintathabye or Eugenia, plant ... ... 208, 210 mani ... ... ... ... ... 287 f. thadairt, a time ... ...
... ... 38 Tiruttondarpuranavaralaru, a work by UmiThagwâ, in the Kötî State ...
... 33
1 patisivacharya .. ... . ** ... .. 288 trákur-duari, a temple... ... 299, 300, 303 Tiruvannamalai, Arunachala, tn. ... ... 852 Thakurji Lachhmi Narayan, temple in Keôn- Tiruvarur in Tanjore dist., temple at. 288 n. thal ... ... ... ..
Tiruvilaippa, a part of the Saiva Tamil Thákurs, 266; or movannds ..
Scriptures ... .. ... . 288 n. thili, a platter ... ... ... ... 19, 41
19, 41 tithi, date... ... ... ... ... .. 312 Thankar, Talhar, Tekhar Telhar, tn.... 7 and 'n. tithi shradh, ceremony ... ... ... ... 303 Thare da kotwil, magistrate ... ... ... 350 Titles, courtesy, among the Pañjab Hill Tribes 312 Thare då mahtà, chief financial minister ... 350 Todas, The, by W. H. R. Rivers, book-notice. 83 harith ... ... ... ... 350 n., 351 n. Tomnipes, toman Persian coin, 104 l.; tomaun, luiri, or chaurí, tribal head-quarters ... ... 270
128 and n. Thathêrà or Bharêpås, a caste ... ... 314, 370 Tonda, a spirit worshipped in Manon ... 35 The Age of the Tamil Jivakachintamani, by Tons, riv. ... ...
... ... 253 1., 263 T. S. Kuppuswami Sastri ... ... 285 ff. Totemism, in the Pañjab, farther traces of The Seasons of Girdhar Sadhu, by the Poet- by H. A. Rose...
ess Santri Sakhi ... ... ... 315 f. Totemism, among the Pasījáb Hill Tribes ... 272 Theos. Hill State, feudatory to Keonthal, 33; 296 Towreye, Tauris, Tabriz ... ... ... 128 Theory of Universal Grammar, published Trade, among the Pasījab Hill Tribes ... 279
ante, Val. XXVIII, 1900, by Sir Richard Travels of Richard Bell and John Campbell Temple, 181 ff.; applied to the Andamanese in the East Indies, Persia, and Palestine Languages, 217 ff.; to the Nicobarese 1651-1670, by Sir Richard Temple, contiLanguage ... . ... 317 ff.; 359 ff.
nued from Vol. XXXV., p. 210 ... 98 ff., Thinds, a Ját subsection ... ... .. 52
125 il., 173 r. thoda, an arrow ... ...
... ...38 n.
Tribes of the Pajah Hills, see Pasijab. 264 ff.; Thomas, Mr., and the Piprahwa Vase inscrip
1 289 ft., 370 ff. tion ... .
**
Trimärgaga, the Gange riv. ... ... ... 158 Thond, near Simla ... ... ... ... 34 Trinkut, Nicobarese isl. ... ... ... 818 Thse dbang-dongrub, Tibetan minister, in
Tripoli, Trippiloe ... ... ... ... 177 scription by him ..
...92 .1 Tripura, cap. of the Haihayas, captured by I huan, Chbimbå subsection... .. ... 52 Vakpatirsja II. ... . .. ... 169
.
.. 124 |

Page #429

INDEX.
411
... 297
... 352
.
37 60
...
... 352
Trivandrum, Anantabayana ... . .. 352 Vaclaji, wife of Siyaka, the Paramarak. ... 104 Trôch, and the Kanaits ... ... .. 273
and n., 168 Tsanpo, k, of Ladakh .. .... 94, 97 Vadibhasimha's works and the story of Jivakn, Tsanpo, dynastie name of the Central Tibe
285 ff. tan dynasty ... ... .. ...
... 96 .. 98 Vag
Vagad, Chaulukya province... ... ... 171 Tsan-po-Lha chen, line of Central Tibet ...96 f. Vågada ... ... ... ... ... 157n., 171 Tsong-khapa, reformer ...
... 90 Våghbaţa, the younger, author of the Alaniatuld dan, alms in grain, etc. .. ...
karatilaka .. .. .. ... 154 n. tulapurusha, ceremony... . ..
... 352
Vairisimhu, a Parâmara k. ... 163, 165, 167 tilasi plant
... 311 Vairowa), o. in the Pasijab ... ... ... 3 f. tulsi shrub .. ...
... 306, 316
Vaishanavas, in the Pañjab Hill Tribes ... 272 Tuluva kings ... ...
Vaishnavas, probably Krisban Brahmans. 266 n. Tuluvas of the W. Coast and desil' legends. 33 n.
290, 314 tungan manimandiram, a holy place ... ... 158 Vaisyas, 264 1.; table of Hill Sections ...288; Tunwars, rulers of Delhi
289 tarah, a qualified claimant ... ...
Vajránkuba, k. of the Asuras, in the NarasdTuranis, the ...
hasdiskacharita ... ... 154, 166 ff. ; 172 Toris, a tribe, 36; among the Pasījab Hill Tribes, Vajrapāņi, Bodhissatva Phyag-rdor ... 86, 89 2., 271, 275 ; countenance prostitution... 277; 279;
97 f. 302; 308; 314; 372 ff. Vajravardhant, incarnated in the abbesses of Turks in Candia ... ..
175 n.
the Samding Monastery ... ... ... 83 Turrah-hae, tufts on hats .
... 58 | V&kpatiraja I., Parâmara k....150 n., 163, 165 ff. Turvasu, inythical k. ..
VakpatirAja II., or Amoghavarsha, or PrithTazak-i-Bdbart, and the Gakkhars ... ... 8 vivallabha, or Srivallabha ... 165 and n., 166, Tvashtri ... ... ... ... ... ... 159
167 and n., 168 and n., 169, 170 and n. Tgabe, Taiyibeh, Taiba, tn. ... ... ... 133 VÅkpatirajadeva, k. of Malava ... 150 and n. Tyagaraja temple at Tiravarar in Tanjore Vallabha, k. ... .. ... .. .167 n.
district contains an inscription ... 288 n. Vallabha, author ... ... .. ... 168 Tygrisse, riv., 180; or Tygris ... ... ... 132 Vallabhadevn, author of the Subhashitivali.149 n.
Vammarag religion ... ...
... 272 Uch, tn. in the Pafijab ... .. . ... 5 Vam Margis, worship the genital organs ... 298 Udasi, caste, originally mendicants ...270 f., 279, Vankshu ... .. ... .. ... 172
283, 290, 373 Vanku, a Muni, in the Navashasúiskacharita, Udayapar inscription and Våkpatiraja I
154, 157 £., 172 187 and n. Varadambika, queen to Achyuta ... ... 352 ugrdkd, tax-collector, also called durbhai, dru- Varadaraja temple ... .. ... ... 352
biyal and muqaddam ... ... ... .. 351 Varnasrama dharma ... ... Ujbyânt, in the United Provinces ... ... 69 Vasishtha, a Vedic sage ... ... 182 n., 166 Ujjain, co., 164 n.; conquered by the Para Sasubandhu, the three brothers ... 117 n.
mâras, 165 f.; and the Kshatriyas ... 267; 270 Vasudeva, father of Krishna ... ........ 379 Ujjayini, to, mentioned in the Navasdhasdis- Vasuki, king of the Någas .... ....
.... 391 kacharita ... ... 153 f., 156, 159, 165 Vaur, Mr., murdered by the Jårawas, Ujjvaladatta, author . .. ... ... 152 | February, 1902 ... ... ... ... 219 ulash, table money?
Vedas, the guide of the Aryas ... ... 264 f. Umapatiśivacharya, a Saiva teacher ... ... 288 Vedio religion among the P. H. Tribes
A. Tribes 290 Unchah-gaw, Baran ... ... ... ... 15 Vêdvâs, begging tribe ... ... ... ... 143 uparika, probably a tax ... 348 and n. Venetians and Candis ... ... .. 175 n. upisak, devotees ..
... 42 Venkatagiri, c. ... ... ... ... ... 332 Upendra, Paramâra k.... ...163 and n., 165 ff. Venkatariya or Chinavenkaçadri, son of “Upman Khen, a commander . . 56, 62 Achyuta ... ... ... .. .. 352 Utpalaraja or Vák patirája II ... 161 and n., 165 Vepkața-vill sa mandapa ... ... ... 352
and n., 167 n., 168 Vidarbha, co. = Berar ... ... ... 376 £., 379 Uttar, son of Brahma, ancestor of the Chan. Vidh, goddess ... ... .
dar Bansi caste ... ... ... ... 267 Vidyadharas, in the Nuvasihasilskacharita. 137 . Uttara Khanda ... ...
... ... 253
Vidyadhari, Chandaladevi, q. o. .. 172 Uttarapurdna, that part of the Mahápurana Vidyapuri, Vijayanagara ... ... ... 352 composed by Gunabhadracharya ... ... 287 | Vijaya, daughter of Sita, the poetess
163 n.
... 384
U
8
, URDie money r
...
...
..
51

Page #430
412 INDEX. 2003 the Panjab Hills Tribes. ""* forma .. ... ... 1661 Vikramadites ... 287 72 ... 2 n. .. ... 169 *** ... 352 Vijayanagara or Vidyapuri .... ... ... 352 Women, restriction as to, among the Panjab oikhad sharadh, death ceremony .... 284 Hill Tribes ... ... ... 81) Vikrama ere ... .... ...164 n., 170 and n. | Worship, among the Panjab Hills Tribes. Vikrama Samvat... forms of, 296; places of, 298 ; objects of ; of Vikramaditya, k. ... ... ... 164 and n. spirits, 303 f.; of ancestors, 305; of animals, Vikramaditya-Tribhuvanamalla, k. ... ... 172 etc. ... ... ... ... ... ... 30EUR Vikramankadevachanta, & work by Bilhana, Writing of the Piprahwa Vase inscription, and 171 and n., 172 and n. that of the Asoka inscriptions ... 118 Vinayasendcb&rya, an author ... Vindhya, mts. ... ... ... ... 155, 159 yabae ? ... ... ... ... ... Viradbavala of Dholku .... ... 51 ... . Yadavas or Jadavas, a race ... ... 382 f. Viranrisimharaya, son of Nrisiriha Yahya Kban, Nawab, and Ahmad Shah Virasenacharya, an author ... 66 ... ... 289 ... yai-shen, a Chin teacher... 208 f., 214 Virk, Jat tribe ... ... ... yajna, sacrifice ... ... 376 n. Virk Kbokbar, defeated Kaid Raj of Marwar. 2 yakkah, gentlemen troopers ... 69 Viradbaka, massacred the Sakyal ... ... 121 Yama, g. called Am ino ... 84 ; 303 ; 349 n. vishaya, probably subdivision of a desa or Yamdok, lake in Tibet ... ... 88 mandala ... . ... ... ... in 848 n. yang-lai or gyinye bush ... ... 201 Vishnu.... Yaoqab Alf Khon, an Afghn ... Vishnu,.g. ... 164 n., 263, 376, 378, 383 f... ... 70 yas, Chin, vegetable patches ... ... 207, 210 Vishaukanchi, tn. .. Yasobhata, alias Ramangada, minister to : Visvamitra, son of Gadhi .. ... 162, 166 Sindhuraja ... ... Visvaikusa, & character in the Navasahasan ... ... 154 f., 172 Yasodhavala, k. ... ... kacharita ... ... ... 164, 158 ... ... ... ... 188 Yat tribe ... ... ... 51 vratas, rites, ceremonies . ... 378 yatkm, a servant? ... 18 Vulcano, Vulcanello, islands Yayati, progenitor of the Yadavas ... 165 Vyasa, arranger of the Vedas ... ... Yere, N. andamanese tribe ... ... 217, 238 Yerewa, N.Andamanese division, 217; langua ges and those of the Southern group 238, 244 Wakne, Hill pargand .. Yin, a Ohin spirit . :.. 204 WAIA JAh Babadur ... Yuvaraja of Ohedi, and VAkpatiraja II. ... 169 Walan, in the Simla Hill States Wali Khan, Shah ... ... Wanla, castle in W. Tibet Zachariae, Dr., and the Navasahasankacharita, Wana, Pabari, an image 152 n., 154 n., 159 n., 161 n., 164 n., 167 n. Wasira of Kohst and totemism ... 52 |- Zafarnama, work, mentions the Khokknrs, 6 and n. water distribution among the ParliAb Bin Zainu'l-Abidin of Kashmir ... ... 7 n., 8 n. Fribes ... ... ... ... ... ... 375 Zakarfyd Khan, governor of Lahor ... 66 n. War, chief minister ... Zat Fair, at Gasen, Keonthal ... - ..37 1. Wasfri, kardors or mehtas, temple overseers. 278 f. ki, Sumerian, spirit ... "... ... 204 White, Mr., and R. Bell ... ... 100 Zinat Mahal, a chiet ... ... ... 49 Widaws, re-marry among the Pakijab Hill , Brah Khon, amut of Simina, and the KhoIribes ... .. ... - *** ... 280 hars ... ... . Willyat, tn., and Ahmad Shah, 12 I., 49, 65 (n) zo-yai, Ohin ancestry .. ... 206 Witches, among the Chubsas, 20 ; among the Zuhak, for Dahak .. .. .ln. Ching ... ... ... im .... ... 209 Zuhr, afternoon prayer............. 56, 60 wisdrats, sub-divisions of a district ... ... 380 Zyon, mt.... ..... ... 179 . Bf.