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52
DAÜRTÄKHYÄNA:
termination of the subject or object: yammāganmu IV. 85, gaya-kacchava IV. 61, •sarbhama IV. 81, hiahia IV, 85 (for similar cases see Paüman. 1. 6, 36 etc.). - The form Agatthinar is Inst. sing.; such forms are already noted by Pischel ($ 379) in Ardhamāgadbi; and plenty of them are found in the Paumacariya 12. 113, 13. 10, 15, 20, 16. 32 etc. A form like Agatthinx would be quite regular in Apabhraṁsa, Urvasiya! V. 115 is Gen. sing. (for such forms cf. Tiloyapannatti 1. 241, 2. 208, etc., also 4. 42, the termination for Gen, and Loc. being the same). Loc. sing. kucchimmi II. 41, also kucchie II. 38. - Inst, sing, of asmad is me III, 3, V. 21, 32; perhaps mě is represented by mi at V. 32, second line. Looking at the use of mi at II. 2 and IV. 2, 4, one finds that it is serving the purpose of both aham (through Inst. sing. me, with p. p. p. as the predicate) and asmi (through the forms amhi, mhi, ammi, ami). Hemacandra is quite aware of such forms; and Pischel has square-bracketed them in the absence of authentic usage. Lately Alsdorf has noted such cases from the Vasudevahindi; and it will be seen that the forms of asmaul have affected analogically those of vusmad. -- At IV. 24 tan stands for tvam. Instr, sing, is te I. 87, also tume.
Of the verbal forms we may note a few. Present 1st p. sing.: paribhanami IV, 3, V. 51, also paribhamāmi III. 1; 3rd p. sing. : tuppaï I. 55, 59, perhaps from the passive base (also Paüma. 9. 55). Imp. 2nd p. sing de V. 78; in the light of the available material, its stages of evolution can be shown thus: dehi dehi>de-dehi, naturally then de can stand for dehi. Our text gives a form chehi II, 36 (v. l. che chi, perhaps a scribal improvement on ceni); and the Paümacariya gives some such forms: hana huna 69, 112, chehi 44. 53, c-ehi 8. 174, thā-thchi 45. 10. The form sunijasu I. 53 (cf. Pauma. 38. 46 khameijāsu ) started perhaps with the passive augment but here in the active sense*. - The lengthening of i in bhanihamo V. 3 has parallels in the Paümacariya : vaccīhāmo V. 190, bhavikāmi 118. 63, etc. - ahesi IV: 33 is to be traced back to Aorist *abhavişit (Pischel 516 and Hema. VIII iii. 164), - peccham II, 5, 9, is apparently used in the sense of the Present 1st p. sing. - At III. 15 chinna is used as the base.
um or turn is the well-known termination of the Infinitive; but many forms in this text are used with the Gerundive sense : oyarium IV. 2, käum IV. 50, gamtum I. 66, III. 40, 43, chinnium III. 15, namium II, 9, snattheum III. 9, 28, 56 (cf. Pauma. 1. 10, 2. 60, 5. 33, etc.), The Gerundives with ittu and -ūņu are available in this text, see I. 71, V. 43, 48, 87, 102. The form piñdevi III. 18 is Gerundive, quite usual in Apabhraíśa; and parallels ara found in the Pauma, 11. 99, 41. 63, 43. 48. – There is one usage of the Infinitive paribhu
1 Such forms are found also in the Vasudevahiņdi, as noted by Alsdorf in his paper
referred to above, 2 See his paper referred to above. 3 A. M. Ghatage: Repetition in Prakrit Syntax, New Indian Antiquary, vol. IL
1. p. 55. 4 See also Hemacandra's Grammar VIII. iii. 177-8.
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