Dhurtakhyan

Author(s): Haribhadrasuri, Jinvijay
Publisher: Saraswati Pustak Bhandar Ahmedabad
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/001861/1

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श्रीहरिभद्रसूरिविरचित
धताख्यान
श्रीहरिभद्रसूरिविरचितप्राकृतधर्ताख्यान, श्रीसंघतिलकाचार्यविरचितसंस्कृतधर्ताख्यान, तथा पुरातनगुजरातीभाषानिबद्ध बालावबोधात्मक धूर्ताख्यान आदियुक्त
डॉ. आदिनाथ नेमिनाथ उपाध्ये
लिखित आंग्लभाषामय सुविस्तृत समालोचनात्मकविशिष्टनिबन्धान्वित
Vain Enations
संपादक
श्री जिन विजय मुनि
सरस्वती पुस्तक भण्डार अमदावाद
www.

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श्रीहरिभद्रसूरिविरचित
धूर्ताख्यान श्रीहरिभद्रसूरिविरचितप्राकृतधूर्ताख्यान, श्रीसंघतिलकाचार्यविरचितसंस्कृतधूर्ताख्यान, तथा
पुरातनगुजरातीभाषानिबद्ध बालावबोधात्मक धूर्ताख्यान आदियुक्त
डॉ० आदिनाथ नेमिनाथ उपाध्ये, एम. ए., डी. लिट. लिखित आंग्लभाषामय सुविस्तृत समालोचनात्मकविशिष्टनिबन्धान्वित
संपादक श्री जिन विजय मुनि पूर्व आचार्य, भारतीय विद्या भवन - मुंबई
सरस्वती पुस्तक भण्डार
अहमदाबाद

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Published By:
SARASWATI PUSTAK BHANDAR HATHIKHANA, RATANPOLE
AHMEDABAD - 380001 Ph. 535 6692
FIRST PUBLISHED IN 1944 UNDER SINGHI JAIN SERIES NO.19 BHARATIYA VIDYA BHAVAN, BOMBAY
Reprint 2002
Price : Rs. 250/
Printed at
Himanshu Printers, Main Yamuna Vihar Road Maujpur, Delhi 110092

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श्रीहरिभद्रसूरिविरचित
धूर्ताख्यान श्रीहरिभद्रसूरिविरचितप्राकृतधूर्ताख्यान, श्रीसंघतिलकाचार्यविरचितसंस्कृतधूर्ताख्यान, तथा
पुरातनगुजरातीभाषानिबद्ध बालावबोधात्मक धूर्ताख्यान आदियुक्त
डॉ० आदिनाथ नेमिनाथ उपाध्ये, एम. ए., डी. लिट. लिखित आंग्लभाषामय सुविस्तृत समालोचनात्मकविशिष्टनिबन्धान्वित
संपादक श्री जिन विजय मुनि पूर्व आचार्य, भारतीय विद्या भवन - मुंबई
सरस्वती पुस्तक भण्डार
अहमदाबाद

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प्रकाशक सरस्वती पुस्तक भण्डार ११२, हाथीखाना, रतनपोल अहमदाबाद ३८०००१ फोन ५३५ ६६९२
प्रथम संस्करण १९४४ सिंघी जैन ग्रन्थमाला सं० १९ के अन्तर्गत
भारतीय विद्या भवन, मुंबई द्वारा प्रकाशित
पुनर्मुद्रण सन् २००२
मूल्य २५०.०० रु.
मुद्रण हिमांशु प्रिन्टर्स, गली नं० १४, अनूप मार्किट मेन यमुना विहार रोड, मौजपुर, दिल्ली ११००९२

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A Short History of the Series
I Editor's PREFACE
CONTENTS
1
II HARIBHADRA'S AGE, LIFE AND WORKS XIV-XXIII
Haribhadra's Age
2 Haribhadra's Life
3

Haribhadra's Works
III The DHŪRTĀKHYANA: A CRITICAL STUDY
1
The Prakrit Text
2 Summary of the Contets
3 Purpose, technique and form
4 Sources of the Puranic Legends
5 Sanskrit and Gujarati Dhürtākhyānas
6 Dhurtakhyāna and Dharmaparikṣā
7 Prakrit Dialect and Style of Dhurtākhyāna
Index of 'A Critical Study'
IV DHURTĀKHYANA TEXT
1 Prakrit
2 Sanskrit
3 Old-Gujarati
V Index of the Proper Names of the Dhurtākhyāna
VI Index of the Quotations
II-VIII

IX-XIII
XIV
XVII
XX
1-56
1
2
12
25
36
41
49
55
१-६५
१-३२
३३-४८
४९-६५
६६
६९

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SINGHI JAIN SERIES
[A Short History Of The Series ] Babu S'ri Dalchandji Singhi, in whose sacred memory the present Series is inaugurated by his son, Babu Sri Bahadur Singhji Singhi was born in Azimganj (Murshidabad) in the Vikrama Samvat 1921 ( 1865 A. D. ), and died in Calcutta on the 30th December, 1927. The Singhi family of Azimganj occupies almost the foremost rank among the few hundred Jaina families which migrated to Bengal from Rajputana in the latter part of the 17th century and took their domicile in the district of Murshidabad. The family rose to its present position and prominence chiefly through the energy and enterprise of that self-made man, Babu Dalchandji Singhi.
Owing to financial difficulties, Dalchandji Singhi had abruptly to cut short his educational career and join the family business at the early age of 14. The family had been carrying on business in the name of Messrs Hurisingh Nehalchand for a long time though, in those days, it was not at all a prominent firm. But having taken the reins of the firm in his own hands, Babu Dalchandji developed it on a very large scale; and it was mainly through his business acumen, industry, perseverance and honesty that this comparatively unknown firm of "Hurisingh Nehalchand" came to be reckoned as the foremost jute concern with branches in almost all the impor. tant jute centres of Bengal. The fruits of Dalchandji Singhi's toils were immense, and the reputation of the firm in commercial circles was indeed unique.
Having thus brought his jute business to the most flourishing condi. tion, Babu Dalchandji Singhi diverted his attention to the mineral resources of India and spent many lacs of rupees in prospecting the coal fields of Korea State (C. P.), limestone deposits of Sakti State and Akaltara, and the bauxite deposits of Belgaum and Sawantwadi and Ichalkaranji States. His scheme for the Hiranyakeshi Hydro-Electric Project and manufacture of aluminium from bauxite ores, the first of its kind in India, is yet to be developed. His mining firm, Messrs Dalchand Bahadur Singh is reputed to be one of the foremost colliery proprietors in India. While so engaged in manifold business, he also acquired and possessed vast Zamindary estates spreading over the districts of 24-Perganas, Rangpur, Purnea, Maldah, etc.
But the fame of Babu Dalchandji Singhi was not confined to his unique position in commercial circles. He was equally well-known for his liberality and large-heartedness, though he always fought shy of publicity attached to charitable acts and often remained anonymous while feeding the needy and patronizing the poor. A few instances of his liberality are given below.

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(ITI
When Mahatma Gandhi personally visited his place in 1926, for a contribution to the Chittaranjan Seva Sadan, Babu Dalchandji Singhi gladly handed over to him a purse of Rs. 10,000,
His War contribution consisted in his purchasing War Bonds to the value of Rs. 3,00,000; and his contribution at the Red Cross Sales, held in March 1917, under the patronage of H. E. Lord Carmichael on Government House grounds, Calcutta, amounted to approximately Rs. 21,000, in which he paid Rs. 10,000 for one bale of jute which he had himself contributed. His anonymous donations are stated to have amounted to more than one lac cf rupees.
In his private life Babu Dalchandji Singhi was a man of extremely simple and unostentatious habits. Plain living and high thinking was his ideal. Although he had been denied a long academic career, his knowledge, erudition and intellectual endowments were of a very high order indeed, His private studies were vast and constant. His attitude towards life and the world was intensely religious, and yet he held very liberal views and had made a synthetic study of the teachings of all religions. He was also wellversed in the Yoga-darśana. During the latter part of his life he spent his days mostly in pilgrimage and meditation. Noted throughout the district and outside for his devoutness, kindness and piety, he is remembered even now as a pride of the Jaina community.
During the last days of his life, Babu Dalchandji Singhi cherished a strong desire to do something towards encouraging research in important works of Jaina literature and publishing their editions scientifically and critically prepared by eminent scholars. But fate had decreed otherwise; and before this purpose of his could become a reality, he expired.
However, Babu Bahadur Singhji Singhi, worthy son of the worthy father, in order to fulfil the noble wish of the late Dalchandji Singhi, continued to help institutions like the Jaina Pustaka Pra căraka Mandala, Agra; the Jaina Gurukula, Palitana; the Jaina Vidyabhavana, Udaipur, etc.; and also patronized many individual scholars engaged in the publication of Jaina literature. Besides, with a view to establishing an independent memorial foundation to perpetuate the memory of his father, he consulted our common friend, Pandit Sri Sukhlali, Professor of Jainism in the Benares Hindu University, an unrivalled scholar of Jaina Philosophy, who had also come in close contact with the late Babu Dalchandji Singhi, and whom the latter had always held in very high esteem. In the meanwhile, Babu Bahadur Singhji Singhi incidentally met the late Poet, Rabindranath Tagore, and learnt of his desire to get a chair of Jaina studies established in the Viśva. Bharati, Santiniketan. Out of his respect for the Poet, Babu Sri Bahadur Singhji readily agreed to found the chair (provisionally for three years) in revered memory of his dear father, and invited me to take charge of the saine. I accepted the offer very willingly, and felt thankful for the opportunity of

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[V]
spending even a few years in the cultural and inspiring atmosphere of Visva-Bharati, the grand creation of the great Poet Rabindranath.
During the period of 10 years of my principalship of the Gujarat Puratattva Mandir, Ahmedabad, and even before that period, I had begun collecting materials of historical and philological importance, and of folk-lore etc., which had been lying hidden in the great Jaina Bhandars of Patan, Ahmedabad, Baroda, Cambay, etc. I induced my noble friend Babu Bahadur Singhji Singhi, also to start a Series which would publish works dealing with the vast materials in my possession, and also with other allied important Jaina texts and studies prepared on the most modern scientific methods. Hence the inauguration of the present Singhi Jaina Series.
Babu Bahadur Singhji Singhi is himself a great connoisseur and patron of art and culture. He has an unbounded interest in creative researches in antiquities, and has a very good collection of rare and historic paintings, manuscripts, coins, books, and jewellery. On many occasions the organisers of various exhibitions throughout India have had to call upon him for loan of his art collection; and he has gladly responded to their requests without fail. In 1931 he was the recipient of a gold medal from the Hindi Sahitya Sammelan as a mark of appreciation of his unique collection. He is a Fellow of the Royal Society of Arts (London); a member of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Bangiya Sahitya Parişat, the Indian Research Institute, and many other similar institutions. He is also one of the Founder-members of the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay. He was one of the prominent working members of the Executive body of the "All-India Exhibition of Indian Architecture and Allied Arts and Crafts" held in Calcutta in February, 1935.
Babu Bahadur Singhji Singhi is a prominent leader of the Swetambar Jaina community. He was elected President of the Jaina Swetambar Conference held in Bombay in 1926. He is also connected with many other Jaina conferences and institutions either as president, patron or trustee.
Though thus a leading figure in the Jaina community, Babu Bahadur Singhji Singhi has always maintained a truly national and non-sectarian spirit and helped also many institutions which are outside the Jain fold. For example, he has donated Rs. 12,500 for constructing a building at Allahabad for the Hindi Sahitya Parishat. In fact his generosity knows no distinction of caste or creed.
Really speaking, he does not in the least hanker after name and fame ever though he is a multi-millionaire and a big Zamindar, and even though he is a man of superior intellect and energy. He is by nature taciturn and a lover of solitude. Art and literature are the pursuits of his choice. He is very fond of seeing and collecting rare and invaluable

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[V
specimens of ancient sculpture, painting, coins, copperplates, inscriptions, manuscripts etc. He spends all his spare time in seeing and examining the rarities which he has collected in his room as well as in reading: He is seldom seen outside and he rarely mixes with society and friendly circles. Wealthy persons like himself usually have a number of fads and hobbies such as seeing the games and races, visiting clubs, undertaking pleasure trips etc., and they spend enormously over them, but Singhiji has none of these habits. Even the managers of his colliery and zamindari travel in first class while he, the master, travels mostly in the second class. Instead of wasting money on such things, he spends large sums on collecting ancient things and valuable curios and on the preservation and publication of important literature. Donations to institutions and charities to individuals are, by him, for the most part given anonymously. I know it from my own experience that these gifts, donations and charities reach a very high figure at the end of every year. But he is so modest that on his being requested so often by me he did not show the least inclination to part with the names and whereabouts of the individuals and institutions that were the recipients of such financial aid from him. By chance I came to know of a very recent example, just now, indicative of this characteristic of his nature. Last year he shifted, like other innumerable inhabitants of Calcutta, his headquarters to Azimganj (Dist. Murshidabad) when the fear of the Japanese invasion was looming large, and decided to stay there with his whole family during war time. Taking into consideration the present grievous condition of the country as well as the excessive scarcity of the grains in Bengal, he had stocked grains in large quantities with a view to distributing them gratis according to his capacity. Thereafter the problem of food became rather more serious and at present the prices have risen inconceivably high. Babu Bahadur Singhji Singhi could have earned four to five lacs of rupees if he had, like many other miserly merchants, sold off the hoarded lot of grains, taking undue advantage of the prevailing conditions. But he resisted the temptations, and has been daily distributing freely the grains among thousands of poor people who shower blessings on him; and he enjoys a deep self-satisfa. ction. This is the most recent example that puts us in adequate knowledge of his silent munificence. Really he is a very silent and solid worker and he has no desire to take active part in any controversies, social or political, though he has sufficient fitness and energy to do so. Still however he is skilful enough to do what is proper at the particular time. The following incident will best illustrate this statement. It was in the fitness of things that a wealthy multi-millionaire like him should give an appropriate contribution in the war funds. With this view he arranged in the second week of December, 1941, an attractive show, styled Singhi Park Mela in the garden of his residential place at Calcutta in which all the local people and officers of name and fame, including the Governor of Bengal, Sir John Arthur Herbert and lady Herbert as well as the Commander-in-chief (now the Governor.

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VIJ
General) Viscount Wavell, had also taken part with enthusiasm. This show fetched thousands of rupees which were considered substantial financial help to the war funds.
The series was started, as mentioned above, in 1931 A. D. when I worked as a Founder Director of the Singhi Jain Chair in Visvabhārati at Shantiniketan, at Singhiji's request. It was, then, our aspiration to put the Singhi Jain Chair and the Singhi Jain Series on a permanent basis and to create a centre at Viśvabhārati for the the studies of Jain cult in deference to the wishes of the late Poet Rabindranath Tagore. But unfortunately I was forced to leave this very inspiring and holy place on account of unfavourable climatic conditions etc. which I had to face during my stay of about four years there. I shifted, therefore, from Visvabhārati to Ahmedabad where I had formerly resided and worked in those glorious days when the Gujarat Vidyāpīth and the Purātattva Mandir had been established as a part of the movement for national awakening and cultural regeneration. I went there in the hope that the reminiscences of those days and the proximity of those places would serve as sources of inspiration in my literary pursuits.
In the intervening period the activity of the Purătattva Mandir had languished and along with the arrest of its many scholar-workers the vast, precious collection of books also was confiscated and placed in custody by the British Government. After some years when it was resurnedit layunadored, like images, without its worshippers in the Mandir. My old friends and colleagues of the Purătattva Mandir and the Vidyăpith had, like myself, taken to different pursuits at different places. When some of them, namely, Prof. R. C. Parikh (who is, at present, the Director of the Postgraduate and Research Departments of the Gujarat Vernacular Society, Ahmedabad), Prof. R. V. Pathak (who is, at present, the Vice-Principal of the S. L. D. Arts College, Ahmedabad), Pandit Sukhlalji (who is the Head of the Department of Tain Studies in the Hindu University, at Benares) and myself occasionally met, we all revived our old sweet memories of the Vidyapith and the Puratattva Mandir, and of also the possibility of a regeneration of the Mandir or of the establishment of another similar institution at Ahmedabad and enjoyed in dreaming dreams of schemes of such institutions.
During this period my aim of life had centred round the Singhi Jain Series and I devoted every iota of my energy to its development and progress.
2
(who is
Research
hmedabad
In June, 1938, I received, to my agreeable surprise, a letter from Sri K, M. Munshi (who was, then, the Home Minister of the Congress

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Ministry of the Bombay Presidency), my esteemed friend and the originator and the founder of the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan. In that letter he had mentioned that Sheth Sri Mungalal Goenka had placed a liberal sum of two lacs of rupees at his disposal for the establishment of a good academic institution for Indological studies and he had asked me to come down to Bombay to discuss and prepare a scheme for that. Accordingly, I came here and saw Munshiji. Knowing that he had a fervent desire of founding at Bombay an institution of the type of the Puratattva Mandir, I was extremely delighted and I showed my eagerness to offer for that such services as might be possible for me. We, then, began to draft out a scheme and after some deliberations and exchange of ideas the outline of the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan was settled. Accordingly, on the auspicious full-moon day of the Karttik of 1995 (V. S.) the opening ceremony of the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan took place amidst the clappings and rejoicings of a magnificent party which was arranged at the residence of Munshiji. The Bhavan has completed. five years of its career on the last Karttiki full-moon day. The brilliant achievement and the wide publicity which the Bhavan has been able to secure in this short period of five years, bear eloquent testimony to the inexhaustible fund of energy and unsurpassed skill of Munshiji. As I am inseparably linked up with it from the very conception, I also feel the same amount of joy and interest at the Bhavaa's progress as Sri Munshiji, its Founder-President and therefore I have been always offering my humble services in its various undertakings and activities.
On the other hand, the Singhi Jain Series is the principal ai of my remaining life and the results of my thinking, meditation, researches and writings have all been devoted to the development of the Series. As life passes on, the time of activity is also naturally shortened and therefore it is quite appropriate, now, for me to chalk out lines of its future programme and
permanence.
As Babu Bahadur Singhji Singhi, the noble founder and the sole patron of the Series, has placed the whole responsibility of the Series on me from its inception, he has also the right to expect that more and more works may more speedily and splendidly be published. I have neither seen nor come across any other gentleman who can match with him as regards generosity and unbounded zeal for the revival of ancient literature. On the works of the Series he has spent through me more than 50,000 rupees till now. But he has not even once asked me, during this long period of a dozen years, as to how and for what works the amount was spent. Whenever the account was submitted to him, he did not ask for even the least informatiou and sanctioned it casting merely a formal glance on the account sheets. But he discussed very minutely the details regarding things such as the paper, types, printing, binding, get-up, etc. as well as internal subjects like Preface. and others, and occasionally gives very useful suggetrions thereon with deep

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interest. His only desire being to see the publication of as many works as possible in his life-time, he is always ready to spend as much, after it, as required. He does not labour under a delusion that the things should be done in this or that way when he is no more.
As these were his ideas and desires concerning the Series and as every day that passes leaves me all the more convinced of the fickleness of my advanced life too, it was imperative for us to draw out a scheme for its future programme and management. Just at this time a desire dawned in the heart of Sri Munshiji, to the effect that if the Singhi Tain Series be associated with the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, both the institutions would not only be admirably progressing but the Series would get permanence and the Bhavan, unique honour and fame by its hereby becoming an important centre for the studies of Jain culture and the publication of Jain literature. This well-intentioned desire of Munshiji was much liked by me and I conveyed it in a proper form to Singhiji who is, besides being a Founder-Member of the Bhavan, also an intimate friend of Munshiji since long. Eventually he welcomed this idea of Munshiji. I also came to a final decision of associating the Series with the Bhayan, having consulted my most sincere friend, life-long companion and co-worker, Pt. Sukhlalji, who is a well-wisher and an active inspirer of the Series, and who is also an esteemed friend of Babu Bahadur Singhji. Luckily we all four met in Bombay in the bright half of the last Vaišākh and on one auspicious day we all sat together and unanimously resolved, at the residence of Munshiji, to entrust the Series to the Bhavan.
According to that resolution, the publication of the Series is now under the management of the Bhāratiya Vidya Bhavan and the office of the Series is also permanently located in the building of the Bhavan.
AU.
In addition to transferring all sorts of copyright of the Series, Singhiji has also donated a liberal sum of Rs. 10,000 which will be spent on erecting a hall, to be named after him, in a prominent place in the Bhavan. In appreciation of this generous donation of Singhiji, the Bhavan has also resolved to style permanently the Department of Jain Studies as the “Singht Jain Sāstra S'iksāpīțh".
Thus the Singhi Jain Series, which is the fruit of the enlightened liberality of Babu Bahadur Singhji Singhi, is flourishing under the management of the Bhāratiya Vidyā Bhavan and contributing to the advancement of para fa -Indological Studies - in all their aspects.
thing under the
JULY 1. 1943 BHARATIYA VIDYA BHAVAN,
BOMBAY
JINA VIJAYA MUNI

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NAVAJAYAMLONI
A संज्ञक
प्राकृत ग्रन्थ प्रतिगत
अन्तिम पत्र प्रतिकृति
A print of last page of
Prakrit
Ms. of
Dhū. 'A'
सिंघी जैन ग्रन्थमाला ]
[ धूर्ताख्यान
मामी श्रदारिक बयाना ४यवसायी हल रसालाग मिजहना ॥ मनाशी दवा ६ मा फलान्यरामायणे महाजवान उमन्स सभी विनिया कारण साऊगालाइ परमकं तदणिश्रमीजदा ि
कमर मिया र समिहंगया है। कारण पविणि श्रासि धुणीश्रविराण पनि श्रादायादि। माइदि विडि हश्रय वाणामुनी किती जिन विना ॥ अपि निपिइ सय मदामतपत्र विद्यालयाणमखिश्रादि मनापाता विधिमा जाग्रा का दिल निम दिलाएं॥६॥ सिरिमाणाकणात सिमा समायडि क्या उपसमज नाम दि पिश धीमानिसमा निश्चियः प्रत्यनिधानकाला वदनिजी नारविना कराणि ॥ वदिंड नाम श्री शमश्रले अवित स्कायाला मिश्रवम्मद रामादा महंगा या मुसुवाधार सुनिल मित्र सदा ॥1057 इस ग कष्टाविति सामार्तिनानि सोकविदितमपि निश्रयाला श्रमितिमा जपणारी मल मुत्रावयवं ध्य॥ खेसा मणिश्रमण जद का वास के डली जाएं। ज द सिरकवाल मात्रा रुक्षिमिणा राम याप्सन सुदिकायाजीवाला निवात्रामा वा तातेक्रम शिक्षासह ताजकिय एकोनाइदनिचनादिए मिमाबाक समय दादा मियान महासययात्रा दरिमण 20 डिडसिरितिय मित्रमुरिश्रम हाइजम्मस सिवधयाना (जिगाम परिसासनी ॥ २२॥ ॥ खंडवालावर कथानक दश ॥ तिरियादेवमाख्यानकं समाई॥ कन्याणम
6
A संज्ञक संस्कृत ग्रन्थ प्रतिसत्क
अन्तिम पत्र प्रतिकृति
Last page of Sanskrit Ms.
of Dhū. ‘A’
S/35 (1239) 133121 grzeczną
१.२ पो.३ -খ
मनोरथः । हदादुसमनानेन नमो शिव दंतिना । [१०] पत्रता गत्तो लोकावणिजा नगरिणा । मा रितस्त्रमा ब्राह्मणा ममपा मना ॥ ११॥ नाडी ती विराजदचनः पुनः। नमनि काकपाल मानेनेति विललापस । १२ विहस्तोस छायश्रेष्ठा परिकरावितः विलपनी बन पोतमा कोलाहल १२ खडिका में हार ना मानवाला अशोक ददता तेयाजा विकामयाः॥१४क सिको साखुपादाय निरगादूहा पितापायो दानमाहात्म्यतोड़ डा निर्मा१५ एवं वापि सुदिता स्वतस्यान्तम । प्रो सन्मणिमारी करन
१६ कानामादाय वस्तू निविविधा निसा । यतोजयामास हिज्ञानि ॥१७ तेः सार्वत्रोपसर्गभनरके सत्यवते । डेमावेवजानी मोजा विमंसुनिश्चित ॥ यद्वयाविग्गीि विजित्यति नोदना तोबा देवाः समानजनो जाने ॥ १ए सुि किसान विबुधास्तन्न जानं निजपि चत्रिशकिमाम्रपिवनः प्रददेति यरंगनाः ॥२०॥ धात्या खालि विमृपाघनानिव पुरुषाः स मः । यानि स्त्रियः प्रत्पत्तिधानका ले तिली ला रवि ताराणि २१ चंद्रेश्वायु मारवता धर्मानियो पिच। इखिता निखिला लो को स्मराप साररोगिण॥२२॥ वासराला सूकूलविते दत भगवान् सर्वगो विनितिक तिगीयत। २४ यदि सर्वगतो विभुरितिस २४ से अमाला केमामलान ( जातोपिवासाचे नृपः। प वह बेचा। गीत तिपदंद्वियकरण विसारिताः ॥ २६तो दोला कि वाक् नितरियानं समाप्ते ॥ ॥
बोजवे तदास्मरा रोगोपी किंचितयतिकामिवत् ॥ गणाधिप। २५ इत्येते कि काला पुराणादिसमुद्र समजा था श्वदि। रम्पतचिंत्यमानं नवा ॥ २०२
३०.

Page #16

PREFACE
ALMOST from childhood, I had an aptitude for hearing and knowing the A Purāņic and Epic stories. When I was fourteen-fifteen, and could read a bit, I became a pupil of a monk of the Sthānakavāsi sect of the Jaina Svetāmbara community. Born in a Rājput family devoted to Siva and Vişnu, and brought up under the influence of Hindu samskäras in my childhood, quite instinctively I looked upon Rāma and Krşņa as the divinity and addressed Siva as the Parameśvara. A gradual change came on me after my becoming a Jaina monk. The monks, according to their religious prescriptions, visit different places and preach religious and ethical principles to their audience by narrating stories. The Jainas in villages are not quite conversant with the ideology and principles of their religion; and ordinarily they are accustomed to listen to the various topics of the Mahābhārata, Rāmāyaṇa, Bhāgavata etc. which are commonly popular with the orthodox Hindu community. Being a minor community, the Jainas, on many occasions, it is quite natural, are influenced by the saṁskāras and ideas of the other Hindus who form an overwhelmingly majority community with dominating social position. To guard against such an influence and to confirm them in the Jaina faith, the Jaina monks often criticise the inconsistent and unnatural details of the Purāņas, Mahābhārata, Rāmāyaṇa etc, in the presence of their Srāvakas whom they want to convince about the hollowness of Vedic and Purāņic tales and whose faith in Jainism they want to nourish by didactic tales and religious sermons. Literary example, as we know, is a powerful instrument for the moulding of character. To impress on the mind of the masses the specific ethical and religious principles, the religious teachers and preachers, all over the world and from times immemorial, have used the legends and tales which provide the hearers with examples and principles which they can easily follow. The Jaina monks are in no way an exception.
After attending such sermons of Jaina monks, my instinctive inclinations were being gradually changed, and my attachment for Jaina traditions and tales became deeper and deeper. As a rule, the Sthānakavāsi monks possessed no liking, worth noting, for the study of any branch of literature. They were least acquainted with Sanskrit and Prākrit languages, nor did they care to study them. They had, consequently, no idea of the vast and varied heritage of Jaina literature enriched by the remarkable contributions of eminent Svetāmbara and Digambara authors. At the most, they were conversant with and repeatedly read a few late, vernacular texts such as Dhālasagara and Dhanyasālibhadra-caüpāi which are of quite ordinary merits. After

Page #17

x]
DHURTAKHYANA:
reading a couple of such texts, my desire for reading many more such stories went on increasing, but they were not then available to me.
A couple of years after my initiation into the order, I happened to go to Ujjain with my teacher and other brother monks. In the Dharma-sthanaka there, among the Sastras collected by the ancestor monks of my teacher, I chanced to see certain Mss. of Balavabodha paraphrases on some Sütras and Kathanakas. It was for the first time in my life that I saw there the Mss. of the Bhuvanabhanucarita-Balavabodha and Dhartakhyāna-Bālāvabodha. At that stage I could not read their script, nor could I understand their language, with ease; still, after strenuous efforts and repeated reading, I could manage to grasp the contents of the Bhuvanabhanucarita-Balavabodha. I liked it immensely, and I mentioned it to my Teacher. He grew angry with me; he at once snatched away the Ms. from me, and quietly put it in the box as before. I came to know, later on, that my Teacher had heard that the Carita contained references to the worship of Jaina temples and of images of Jina: of course, my Teacher had never read it himself. His intention was that a raw mind like that of myself should not be influenced by such stories that did not conform to the accepted creed of the Sthanakaväsi Sampradaya. Fascinated by its very title, he, however, kept with himself and began reading the Dhürtäkhyāna-Balavabodha. He finished it in a couple of days, and also recommended it to me that it contained nice stories which are quite useful for sermons. He had read it for the first time; and under his advice I began to read it zealously and respectfully. I read it so often, and mastered its contents so thoroughly, as if it was a text book for some examination. The Ms. furnished no details about its author and date; nor did I possess any curiosity to know these things at that time: my mental horizon was not wide enough for such an enquiry. When we left that place after the Caturmäsa, the Ms. was put in its box; that must be, if I remember right, during the rainy season of 1905. That is how, quite indirectly and accidentally, I came to be acquainted, during my student-life, with the Dhürtäkhyäna of Haribhadra.
Later on, after some 8 or 10 years, as a monk of the Svetämbara Mürti püjaka Sampradaya, I had the good fortune of inspecting the Jaina Bhandara at Patan. In the meantime I studied Sanskrit and Prakrit; and my zest for perviewing the rich and varied range of Jaina literature was increasing. The Mss, on which the present edition of the Dhürtäkhyāna is based were first seen by me at this time. After studying more about the work and its authors, I desired that this work should be printed and published. When this desire occurred to me, I never dreamt, being quite aware of my ability then, that some day in the future I would have the opportunity of editing it. After some more years of study my mastery of Prakrit increased; and at the suggestion of my scholar-friend, the late lamented C. D. Dalal, the original organiser of the Gaikwad Oriental Series, I began to edit the Kumarapala-pratibodha of Somaprabhācārya for that Series from a single palm-leaf Ms. found in the Pätan

Page #18

PRAPACE
(XI Bhandāra. Since then I earnestly hoped for an opportunity to edit the Dhūrtākhyāna.
It was in 1931, at śāntiniketana, that the idea of the Singhi Jaina Granthamālā was conceived; and along with many other Sanskrit and Präkrit works, I decided to include the Dhurtākhyāna also in the Mālā. The Mes. of it, seen by me many years back at Patan, were procured; and the press copy was prepared. But as my hands were fully occupied with many a book in the press, its printing could not be begun till as late as 1941. The Pātan Mss. were lying with me for years together; and when the eminent organiser of the Pātan Bhandāras, Munirāj Sri Punyavijayaji, specially pressed me to return the Mss., the happy moment of beginning its printing arrived. Consequently, today I feel happy to see that I am able to present this work to the scholarly world as the 19th volume of the Singhi Jaina Granthamālā.
My original plan was to present the Prākrit text, to give a Hindi or Gujarāti translation, and to reproduce, in an appendix, the various relevant extracts from the Mahābhārata, Rāmāyaṇa and Purāņas. In fact, some excerpts were collected too. In the meanwhile, an old and independent Ms. of Sanghatilaka's Sanskrit Version of the Dhūrtākhyāna also was found at Patan; and I was tempted to include that also in this edition. When the Prākrit and Sanskrit texts were printed, I learnt that there is a Ms. of the Gujarati Bālāvabodha of the Dhū. in the Govt. collection of Mss. deposited at the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona. I got the Ms. and inspected it. Finding that the study of its language would be of special importance in grasping the earlier phases of Gujarāti and western Rajasthāni, I thought it proper to put that also in this Volume. Thus we have, in this edition, the critical text of the original Prākrit Dhûrtākhyāna of Haribhadrasūri of the 8th century, then the metrical Sanskrit version of the same by Sanghatilaka of the 15th century, and also an anonymous rendering in the Lokabhāşă of the 16th or 17th century.
I intended in the beginning to write an Introduction in Hindi or Gujarāti, giving some details about Haribhadra's date and the contents of this work. But when I learnt that this book was prescribed by the University of Bombay in the B. A, course for Ardhamāgadhi, I thought that the edition should contain a thorough study of the work for the benefit of students for whom it was being prescribed. With this idea in mind, I requested my learned friend Dr. A. N. Upadhye, whose study in this connection is both deep and wide, to contribute a critical essay on the Dhūrtākhyāna for this volume. In connection with his original paper on the Apabhramba Dharmapariksā which was submitted to the All-India Oriental Conference, Hyderabad, and of which he sent to me an advance copy, he had already made a close study of the Dhurtākhyāna. It was very kind of him that he willingly and readily acceeded to my request. Though he was occupied with editing various important works, within a comparatively short time, be sent to me

Page #19

XII]
DHURTAKHYANA:
quite an original, thorough, critical and elaborate Essay on the Dhūrtākhyāna which forms a most important and valuable part of this volume. In his learned dissertation, Dr. Upadhye has made a searching study of the different aspects of the Dhurtakhyāna with remarkable penetration and judiciousness. I am not aware of any such substantial contribution on this subject by any other scholar.
in
Dr. Upadhye has not, however, discussed in his essay any details about the life, date, and works of Haribhadrasüri; he left them to me. Some twenty-five years back, the date of Haribhadrasuri had become a point for difference of opinion and dispute between European and Indian scholars. After reaching a decision in this matter, in the light of various fresh materials, especially the specific reference in the Kuvalayamala of Uddyotanasūri, I presented to the First All-India Oriental Conference, Poona (1919), an essay Sanskrit, Haribhadracāryasya Samaya-nirnayah' in which I definitely proved that Haribhadra flourished at the close of the 8th century and at the beginning of the 9th century of the Vikrama era. That great German Orientalist, the late lamented Dr. Hermann Jacobi, had discussed this topic thoroughly and with remarkable originality; and he could be looked upon as an authority on the subject. When he read my paper, with typical impartiality he relinquished his earlier view and wholly accepted my conclusion; and that was a great encouragement to me. In the Introduction to his monumental edition of the Samaraiccakaha, published in the Bibliotheca Indica, No. 169, Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1926, he has presented a valuable and learned discussion about the date, life and works of Haribhadrasūri; and therein he has accepted the date of Haribhadra proposed by me and stated the same as an indisputable fact. I am not aware of any other article than this which concisely presents the requisite details about Haribhadra: his date, life and works. The time has not come to add anything specially new; so I thought it proper to give in this Volume the relevant portion of Dr. Jacobi's Introduction of the Samaraiccakaha.
*
The following Mss. have been used for the edition of Dhürtakhyāna in Präkrit, Sanskrit and Old-Gujarati.
A = This was procured from the
Frakrit Text Samgha Bhandara of Patan. It contains eight folios, measuring 11 by 4 inches, of thin and strong indigenous paper, and written on both sides. On each page there are 16-17 lines. The hand-writing is clear and beautiful. One inch square unwritten space is left in the centre of the page. A print of the halftone block of the last page of it is given herewith.
B =
This also belongs to the Samgha Bhanḍāra at Patan. It contains 11 folios measuring 103 by 43 inches, with 15-16 lines on each page; and its general condition is the same as that of Ms. A.

Page #20

PREFACE
[x111
These two Mss. mention neither the name of the writer nor the date of writing. But from the general appearance, it seems that they might have been written at the close of the 16th century of the Vikrama era. C = Besides the two above Mss., I got a modern Ms. from the Jñāna
Bhandara of Baroda. In all probability it is copied from Ms. A of Pātan, described above. The copyist has not rightly understood the old script; and he has often written for 9, 9 for , #for #, #for # With such mistakes the text has become quite corrupt. The readings of this Ms. were not thought to be necessary, and hence they are not recorded.
Sanskrit Text A = This belongs to the Samgha Bhandara, Pātan. It contains 7 folios. It
is quite old, and perhaps belongs to the close of the 16th century of the Vikrama era. In some places it shows corrections. A print of the
halftone block of its last page is given here with. B = It is a modern Ms. from the Baroda Bhandara; some of its various
readings are duly recorded. Perhaps due to hurry the copyist has altogether omitted the numbering of the concluding verses on the last two pages.
Gujarāti Text A = This Ms. containing 20 folios was procured from the Vijayadharmasuri
Jõāna Bhandāra, Agra. From the concluding remark, it is clear that it was written in Vikram Samvat 1758 by Tārācanda, the pupil of Lakşmi
canda of the Kharatara Gaccha, at Udayapura, in Rajputana. B = This belongs to the Govt. Collection of Poona. It contains 17 folios. No
information about the copyist etc. is available. From the language, however, it looks somewhat older than A.
In conclusion, I wish to express my sincere thanks to my loving and learned friend, Dr. A. N. Upadhye. But for his willing and friendly cooperation, it would not have been possible for me to present this edition in such an attractive and appropriate form.
CHAITRA SUKLA 19, V. S. 2000 MANAVIRA JANMATITHI
JINA VIJAYA MUNI
BHARATIYA VIDYA BHAVAN
BOMBAY

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XIV 1
An appreciation and opinion of Dr. MANOMOHAN GHOSH, M.A., Ph. D., "Kāvyatirtha' Lecturer in Skt., Pkt., and Modern Indian Languages,
Post. Graduate Department, Calcutta University.
Among the many series of works on the culture of ancient and medieval India published during the last few years, the Singhi Jain Series occupies a very prominent place. Dealing mainly with varied Jain texts of which the general students of Indian History up till now have no clear idea but which can in many ways supplement their fragmentary knowledge of different aspects of the cultural life of pre-modern India, this series should be reckoned as one of the most important contributions to Indological studies of our times. Sixteen volumes which have been published in the series during its brief existence of thirteen years include no less than fourteen texts and two translations. It is a pleasure to see that these texts edited with great diligence and the most careful scholarship belong to varying subjects like history, biography, logic, philosophy, poetry and folk-tales etc. Acarya Sri Jinavijaya Muniji whose name is a guarantee to the worth and accuracy of any publication, be it in Sanskrit, Prakrit or Apabhramsa or similar language, is the general editor of the series and is mainly responsible for its remarkable success. Hence it is needless to discuss individually the merits of works published. Of the published works no less than seven have been edited by Muni Sri Jinavijayaji himself and among his colleagues he has wellknown and ablc scholars like Pandit Sukhlalji and Dr. A. N. Upadhye, who have edited some of the publications in the series.
A review of the names of more than forty works which are either in the press or under preparation for the series will convince any student of Indology of the various aspects of its worth and usefulness. The excellent printing and get up of the volumes already published very pleasantly turn our attention to the princely munificence of Sriman Bahadur Singh Singhi of Calcutta and Murshidabad (Bengal) who founded the series in memory of his late father Shri Dalchandji Singhi. The general editor as well as the founder of the series are to be very sincerely congratulated on their highly valuable publications It is our very earnest wish that the series may continue uninterruptedly with uniform success.
4-4-43.
(sa.) Dr. Manomohan Ghogh.

Page #22

HARIBHADRA'S AGE, LIFE AND WORKS
BY Dr. HERMANN JACOBI
1. Haribhadra's Age. The death of Haribhadra, the author of the Samarāicca-Kahā, is placed by Jaina tradition, which in this particular can be traced to the beginning of the 13th century A. D., in Vikrama samvat 585 or Vira samvat 1055, corresponding to 529 A. D. This date, however, was recognised to be wrong, since Haribhadra was acquainted with the philosophy of Dharmakirti wlio flourished about 650 A. D. The discussion at that time turned on the following point. Siddharsi who finished the Upamitibhava prapanca Katha on the 1st May, 906 A, D., calls, in the Pras'asti of that work, Haribhadra his dharmabodhakaro gurun. Now the question arose whether Haribhadra was actually Siddharsi's teacher of the Sacred Law, or his Parampurāguru; in this investigation I took what eventually turned out the wrong side of the question. Meanwhile the Jainas had been publishing a number of Haribhadra's works which were found to contain many interesting details. But the evidence that finally settled the question of Haribhadra's age, was not furnished by any of his own works, but by the Kuvalayamālā, a Prākrit poem by Uddyotana, which he finished on the last day but one of the S'aka year 700,- equal to the 21st March, 779 A. D. In the Pras'asti of
1 At the end of an old Ms. in Jesalmer of Haribhadra's Laghukşetrasamäsavștti tho
date of the completion of this work is given in two versos as Vikrama 585, Jyestha su-di 5, Friday, Puşya nakșatra; this corresponds to either Tuesday, 9th May 528 A.D., or Saturday, 28th April 529 A.D. In the first case the nakşatra was Puşya, in the second Panarvasu. As the week-day comes out wrong in both cases, the date must be considered spurious. The naksatra carries loss weight, because for every day of the lunar year the choice generally lies between three nakßatras only
which may be ascertained beforehand. 2 See my edition of the Upamitibhavaprapafică Kathā (Bibl. Ind) preface p. vil f. 3 L. c. p. VI. 4 A full statement of all particulars about Haribhadra's works, their commentators and
the latters' dates is furnished by Mani Kalyāņavijaya in the preface (granthckaraparicaya) to his edition of Haribhadra's Dharmasamgrahiņi, Devendra Lalbhal's
Jainapustakoddhåra No. 42, Bombay, 1918. 5 alget fata Beqafi i, e. Caitra ba-di 14. This date is interesting from the point
of view of the calendar. As the Caitrādi-yoor invariably begins with the Suklapaksa of Caitra, the date in question would seem to be recorded according to the pūrnimänta scheme in which the dark fortnight precedes the bright one. But as Kielhorn (Ind. Ant. 1896 p. 271 f) has shown from dates in inscriptions that in connection with Saka years almost always amanta months are used, the primă faciē interpretation of our date becomes extremely doubtful. In the year under consideration however there was an adhika Caitra which precedes the nija month; therefore in this case adhika Caitra ba-di 14 is the last day but one of the preceding year, if the year began with nija Caitra, as it ought to do, since the new moon initiating true Caitra immediately preceded by Mesasamkranti. I, therefore, believe that Swamikannu Pillai's assertion (Indian Ephemeris Vol. I, part I, p. 65), "when there is an adhika Caitra that begins the your", applies only to modern usage.

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XVI]
HARIBHADRA:
his work Uddyotana mentions Haribhadra as his teacher in philosophy, praising him as the author of a great many books, the latter statement puts it beyond doubt that the great Haribhadra is the person intended.' The first who rightly understood the passage in question and recognised its chronological bearing, was Muniraj Shri Jinavijaya. In his article "The date of Haribhadrasüri," road at the First Oriental Conference, November 1919, Poons, and published under the title "S'ri Haribhadracaryasya Samayanirnayah" in the Jaina Sahityasams'odhaka Granthamala, Poona, he discusses the whole question, examines the evidence, and puts his case in the clearest light. The following remarks are chiefly based on his paper.
We cannot make out from Uddyotana's remark whether Haribhadra was still alive or not, when it was written; some twenty or thirty years before that date, however, he must have been actually teaching Uddyotana. We may, therefore, take that epoch, say, 750 A. D. or later, as the time of his literary activity, which considering the extraordinary number of prakaranas he wrote must have extended over twenty years at least. He quotes many authors, Brahmanical, Buddhist, and Jaina; a list of them containing thirty names has been drawn up by Jinavijaya, L. c., p. 11. From among them the following may be mentioned as interesting from a chronological point of view: Dignaga, Dharmakirti, Bhartṛhari (author of the Vakyapadiya, about 650 A. D.), and Kumarila. Haribhadra quotes, in his Vivarana of the Nandisutra, several passages from the Carni of that Sutra by Jinadasagani-mahattara without mentioning his name. The Curni was finished in the S'aka-year 598-677 A. D. To about the same time belongs Siddhasenadivakara whom Haribhadra quotes; for he uses, no doubt, Dharmakirti, though he does not name him. We thus see that Haribhadra quote l many of the celebrities who flourished in the century preceding his own. On the other hand he does not quote Sankara who rose so high above all his contemporaries that Haribha Ira could not have ignored him if he had lived at or after his time. We, therefore, conclude that the tradition of S'ankara's school is right, or at least not far wrong, in placing his life in 788-820 A. D. Nor does Haribhadra, as Jinavijaya states (L. e., p. 13), discuss the Mayavada. He knows the Advaitavada, and refutes two or three different branches of it in his S'astravarttasamuccaya VIII, 1 ff, but none of them can be identified with the Māyāvāda.
1 The passage in which Haribhadra is referred to is corrupt as is shown by the metre. In the MS. of the Deccan College, the only one that seems to be available, it runs thus : सो सिद्धंतगुरु पमाणनाएण जस्स हरिभदो बहुग्गंथसत्थवित्थरपयडसच्चत्था || Munirāj Jinavijaya has satisfactorily emended the text and supplied the missing syllables as follows: T सिद्धंतम्मि गुरु पमागनाथ व जस्त हरिभदो बहुवसत्यचित्रपट Tha Best pada is connected with the preceding verse which eulogises Uddyotana's teacher Virabhadra; and the following verse names his father Vateśvara who was a Ksatriya and became a Kṣamāśramana. [It is interesting to note that my emendations have been lately confirmed by the readings of the Jessalmer Ms. Jinavijaya.]
2 Dharmakirti qualifies pratyaksa as abhränta (and Dharmottara expressly says bhräntam hy anumanam while Siddhasenadivakara in Nyayavatara 5 ff claims abhräntata for pratyaksa as well as anumana; similarly he extends the distinction of svartha and parärtha, which properly applies to anumana only, to pratyaksa also, ibidem 12f. Apparently he thought to improve on Dharmakirti by a wholesale generalisation of nice distinctions! He is different from Siddhasenagani the author of the Tattvärtha-vrtti, because the latter quotes ad. II 25 from Haribhadra's commentary on the Nandisütra, see Kalyanavijaya, 1, e., p. 29; Haribhadra, therefore, intervenes between both Siddhasenas. It may be mentioned that the younger one quotes ad. I, 10 a verse by Arya-Siddhasena, who may or may not be Siddhasenadivākara.
3 We should like to know more details about these early Vedanta schools than Haribhadra gives in the work quoted in the text; perhaps he may have given them in his avopajña-vitti to the passage in question. But the vṛtti is not available to me.

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HIS AGE, LIFE AND WORKS
[XVII This fact is of considerable interest, since it proves that before S'aikara the Mayavada was practically unknown outside of tho circles of Aupanisadas; for it had already been established by Gauḍapada, the guru of S'ankara's guru. It is not the intrinsic value of a system, or the originality of its teachings, that secured it notoriety throughout India, unloss a great author and debator takes it up, systematically developes it in every detail, and successfully upholds it against all opponents. His fame thon outshines that of the original thinker whose merit was apt to be overlooked,'
2.
Haribhadra's Life,
We know very little about Haribhadra from himself; all that he chooses to tell us is containel in the subscriptions to his numerous works. From them we collect the following information: (1) he obeyed the command of Jinabhata, an acarys of the Sitämbaras (S'vetambaras); (2) he was the pupil of Acarya Jinadlatta, an ornament of the Vidyadhara kula. (gaccha); (3) he was a spiritual son of the nun Yakinimahattara
Some more facts are directly manifested by the works of Haribhadra: (4) the us, in the last verse of most of his works, of the word virala, which may have reference to some event in his life; (5) his intimate knowledge not only of Jainism, but also of the teachings of the heterodox systems, evinced in his Anokantajayapataka and his Tika of this work, as well as by his writing a commentary on Dignaga's Nyayapraves'a; (6) his writing a great number of works.
It goes without saying that the contemporaries of Haribhadra knew a great deal more about his life than is contained in the above six items, but it is equally true that in oral tradition sober history is apt to be gradually changed into legend, a strange mixture of facts and fiction, which we can separate from each other with some degree of plausibility only in the simplest cases. Occasionally, however, tradition has stories of an entirely fictitious kind and originally unconnected with its hero. Thus, in the ease in hand, curiosity was naturally excited, by point (4), to satisfy which a tale full of miraculous and wholly incredible incidents is added in the legendary life of Haribhadra; it exceeds in length all remaining parts of the legends taken together; but no reference to it is made in the oldest accounts.
+
Before analysing the traditions about Haribhadra's life, I enumerate the sources
from which it is known.
(a) A short paragraph at the end of Municandra's Tika of Haribhadra's Upadesapadani; this Tiki was finished in Vikrama Samvat 1174-1118 A. D.; the passage in question has been printed by Kalyanavijaya 1. e. p. 5a and Jinavijaya 1. c. p. 4, note 14.
(b) Eight gathas (52-59) in Jinadatta's Ganadharasärdhas'ataka, written between Samvat 1169 and 1211-1112-1154 A. D. The text is edited in A. Weber, Verzeichniss der Sanskrit und Präkrit-Handschriften, II p. 982 L
(a) The ninth S'rniga of Prabhäcandra's Prabhavakacarita, finished Samvat 13841278 A. D. (the name of the author is wrongly given as Candraprabha on the title of the N. S. edition, 1909).
1 Thus the Dhvani-theory also seems to have been ignored until Anandavardhana composed the Dhvanyàloka, the commentary on the original treatise in Karikis by an unknown author, and thereby brought this theory to such prominence, that nearly all later writers on Alamkara have adopted it. I am, therefore, also persuaded that nihilistic and idealistic teachings which did exist in early Buddhism passed unnoticed by, and did not provoke the opposition, of Brahmanical philosophers until Nagarjuna did for the Sunyavada and Vasubandhu for the Vijanavade, what long after them Sankara has done for the Mayavada. 2 All the details stated above are given in the subsoription of the Sisyahita, bis Tika of the Avasyakasutra ; in other places only one or other detail is mentioned.
3

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HARIBHADRA:
(2) Rājas'okhara's Praban thakos'a, written in samvat 1405 = 1349 A. D. I know only some extracts of this work given by Kalyānavijaya l. c. p. 8a, 2ta.
(c) Sumatigaui's Vrtti of the Ganadharasärdha-s'ataka (see 1) finished samrat 1295=1239 A, D., occasionally referred to by Kalyanavijaya. An abridgement of Sumatigani's narrative is given in the Laghurrtti of Sarvarājagani, see A. Weber, I. c. p. 988.
(f) Kathāvali of Bhadres'vara, dato unknown; mentioned by Juavijaya and not otherwise known to me.
I shall now discuss some traditions about particulars of Haribhadra's life which may be regarded as substantially true.
The birth place of Haribhadra was, according to a c, d, e, Citrakūta the modern Chitor. The ancient fort on the crest of the hill' was the capital of Newar from about the 7th century till 1569 when the seat of government was moved to Udaipur, Haribhadra probably lived in Chitor up to his initiation. But the scene of his later life as a monk seems to have been chiefly the neighbouring parts of Rājputānā and the kingdom of Guzerat. In that country, he became the teacher of Uudyotana? Another indication of Haribhadra's activity in Guzerat is furnished by the annals of Ja na families: for according to Kalyānavijaya (1. c. p. 7b ) they assert that Haribhadra organised the clan of the Porevals (Porurāda, Prügvāta ) and converted them to Jainism. Now we learn from the Nemināhacariu that the Poreval elan originated in Srimāla, that a warlike member of this clan Nimaya, was inducel by Vanarāja (746-806 A. D. ) to settle in his new capital Anahilla pătaka, and that he there erecte a temple of Reabha for the Vidyadhara-gaccha. Since Haribhadra, the organiser of the Poreval clan, belonged to the Vidyadharagaccha," it is likely that that clan owed some sort of allegiance to that gaccha, whereof the statement in the Nemināhacariu seems to furnish a proof. Although Haribhadra may have lived for the greater part of his life in Guzerat and the adjoining States of Rājputānā, yet his wanderings as a Yati probably extended to far distant parts of India. Some hints about his knowledge of India may be gathered from the Samarāiccakahā. In this regard it is significant, that he does not lay the scene of any of his tales in one of the renowned towns of the Deccan or Southern India. but all towns that can be identified' are situated in Northern India, from Hastinapura to Tämralipta. He evinces a more intimate acquaintance with Eastern India between Ayodhya
1 The phrase in e: S'ricitrakuţacalacalānivasino olearly refers to the ancient town
on the hill. 2 The verses 4 and 6 in the passage quoted from the Kuvalayamálă by Jinavijaya
(1. o. p. 15 ) prove that Uddyotana belonged to a line of yatis that flourished
in Guzerat. 3 See my edition of the 'Sanatkumāracaritam' in the Abhandlungen der Bayerischen
Akademie der Wissenschalten, Munchen, 1921, p. 152, der Bayerischen Arademie der Wissenschaften, Munchen, 192 1, p. 152, VIII-V, and the additional note
on p. VI ib. 4 The modern Bhinmal in the extreme south of Mārvād. Udd yotanasuri
names the town Siribhillamåla. It was the capital of Guzerat before the foundation
of Anahillapātaka by Vanarāja, the first of the Capotkata or Cavada kings. 6 For he calls his teacher Jinadatta an ornament of the Vidyādbaragaccha. According
to the Harshanandanagani (1616 A. D.) he was a member of Vrddhagaocha,
see Kalyāņavijaya. l. o. p. 11b. 6 The cause of his want of acquaintance with Peninsular India was probably the
circumstance that in his time there were few, if any, Svetambara communities
south of the Tapti. 7 Those in the fabulous country of Aparavideha, of course, do not concern us.

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HIS AGE, LIFE AND WORKS
[xix
and Campā; in these countries Buddhism was still flourishing, and it is, therefore, possible that Haribhadra there acquired his accurate knowledge of Buddhist philosophy, especially as taught by Dignāga and Dharmakirti.
That Haribhadra was a Brahmun by caste is stated in e' and implied in c, where he is said to have been the purohita of King Jitāri. Though there is no such statement in O and I, I have no doubt that it is true. For the learning peculiar to Haribhadra, apart from his comprehensive knowledge of Jaina Lore, is of such a kind as was natural with a Braluman, but quite exceptional in any other case, before Jain literature had received a new impulse from brahmanical science. Municandra (e) truly describes Haribhadra as one 'who had studied the eight grammarians, and was the leader of those whose understanding is hardened by the discussions connected with all philosophical systems.' It is chiefly due to Haribhadra, as will be explained in the next paragraph, that Sanskrit became the learned language of the S'vetämbaras and replaced Prakrit in several departments of their literature; he would, lowever, not have had this influence unless he was a perfect master of Sanskrit, an accomplishment which required the customary training of the Brahman. And as regards his mastery in philosophical discussion conducted in Sanskrit it is such that his Anekāntajayapatākā with Țikā favourably compares with any philosophical work of the same age. It may be added that the story of Haribhadra's conversion, the main features of which are already contained in our oldest source (a), points also to the same conclusion, that he was a Brahman by caste.
Haribhadra by acknowledging the nun Yakini as his spiritual mother (dharmato Yākinimalattarāsūnu) unmistakably ascribes to her his conversion to the true faith', which may be regarded as a second birth. How his conversion was brought about, has been recorded by tradition which, in this regard, is probably substantially trustworthy. I shall first give an abstract of the narrative about this part of Haribhadra's life in the Prabhăvakacarita (IX, V. 4-47), and discuss it afterwards.
Haribhadra was purohita of King Jitāri iu the town of Citrakūta. He was so proud of his knowledge, that he proclaimed that he would become the pupil of anyone whose proposition he could not understand, and this vow was engraved on & golden plate he wore on his belly (11). Once a mast elephant having got loose and causing great havoc in the streets, Haribhadra fled before him and made his escape by climbing on Jain temple. Thence he perceived the image of a Tirthakara whom he derided in a 'sloka (vapur eva tavā'caste, etc. ) ( 18 ). On the next day when he went home about midnight, he heard an old nun reciting a găthat (calkidugan Haripanagan, etc.), which utterly baffled his understanding. He asked her to explain its meaning, but she referred him to her guru (27). So he went to see him on the next morning. Passing on his way by the same temple he pronounced the same s'loka (vapur era tavā'caste) changing one word so that it redounded to a praise of Jina. There he saw Jinabhatasuri who promised to teach him after he had been initiated. Haribhadra consented, and acknowledged mahattarā Jākini as his
1 Kalyāņavijaya l. c. p.5a, bote. 2 Apparently a fictitious name standing for Jitaśatra, the usual name of tho king
in countless legends and stories of the Jainas, but never met with, as far as I know, in any historical document, inscription etc. The name is absent in the list of
Guhila kings of Mewad, see Mabel Duff, Chronology of India p. 282. 8 It is true that the Buddhists possessed many other older works of a similar
description but the Buddhists had come into contact with Brahminical schools of philosophy at a much earlier time, and many of their great writers have
notoriously been Brahmans by caste. 4 This gathā ooours in the Avasyakaniryukti.

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HARIBHADRA:
spiritual mother (42). He became so well versed in the sacred Lore of the Jainas, and his conduct was such that the guru appointed him his successor. Thus Haribhadra became a Yogapradhana (47).
Now all essential points in this account are confirmed by Municandra in the short passage' referred to above, with the exception of the incident of the mast elephant (v. 12-18) and, as said before, of his being the purohita of King Jitari. There the same gatha and the s'loka are mentioned and the name of the guru is given as Jinabhadra2 apparently by mistake for Jinabhats; some minor details which may be regarded as embellishments, are omitted. It is, therefore, clear that the tradition, on the whole, is old, and as there is nothing extravagant or incredible in it, we may regard it as coming very near the truth.
It remains to mention a curious notice in the Ganadharasärdhas'ataka v. 5f: 'Some, misled by the similarity of the name, have erroneously asserted that Haribhadra was initiated and instructed by the Caityavasins' The Caityavasins were those monks who abode in temples, while their opponents advocated the vasutinivasa, i. e. the dwelling in the houses of laymen (paragrha). Both sections seem to have coexisted for some time and no separation to have taken place; Silika" is said to have been a Caityavasin. But in the end the Cityardsa seems to have become discredited, and Jines'varasiri, the founder of the Kharataragaccha in Samvat 1080-1024 A. D., established the satiniven, at least for his sect.
It is just what might be expected that at a time when the enmity between those two sections, or rather sects, was at its height, the Caityandsins should have claimed the famous Haribha lra for one of their own, and their opponents should have repudiated their claim as null and void; but it is equally certain that if at Haribhadra's time the mode of the monks' lodging had already become an important point of controversy, there wouldhave been no occasion to doubt which side of the question he espoused. The descriptions of monastic life in the Samaraicca Kahu illustrate the practice of monks in his days, or at least one he would approve of; according to it monks put up stay in a park near the town, where they were visited by the faithful and the curious. It is not said explicitly that they lodged there in a temple, but it seems to be excluded that Haribhadra supposed them to lodge in houses belonging to, or furnished by, laymen.
3. Haribhadra's Works,
Haribhadra's fame as a yugapradhana chiefly rests on his literary activity for the sake of Jainism; he is one of the most fertile authors in Jaina Literature as regards not only the number of the works he wrote, but also the diversity of the subjects he treated. Jinavijaya (1. c. p. 3) enumerates 26 works of H. as the most renowned ones, of which 20 have been edited and Kalyanavijaya (L e. p. 13a-19a) has drawn up a list of all his works, actually
1 With it agrees the very short notice in the Laghuvṛtti of the Ganadharasardhasataka v. 56 p. vi. It mentions besides the golden plate worn by H. on his belly.
2 The same form of the name is given in the Laghuvṛtti mentioned in the last note. 3 In the Laghuvṛtti v. 60. According to that source and to the Pattavalt of the Kharataragaccha Silanks was a successor of Haribhadra; but that is impossible, since the date of his Acarängaṭtka is said to be Saka 798-872 A. D. or more than a century later than Haribhadra. According to the same source Silanka's successor was Uddyotanasüri, whose successor was Vardhamanasuri, the teacher and predecessor of Jinesvarasuri. These statements are, no doubt, arbitrary and entirely wrong, for Uddyotanasuri who wrote his great poem in 779 A. D., cannot have been removed by one teacher only from Jinendrasürl, who flourished more than two centuries later. Apparently there was no solid, if any, tradition concerning the period which preceded the foundation of the Kharataragacha.

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HIS AGE, LIFE AND WORKS
XXI
preserved or known from quotations only; his list contains 88 ontrias. Great as this number is, still it would ba but a small fraction of the total of his writings if tradition might be credited, which ascribes to him the composition of 1, 400 prakaranas. This tradition is found already in our oldest sources of H.'s life (a and b), and it can be traced further back to 1068 A. D., being contained in Abhayadeva's Tikā on H.'s Pañcās'aka finished in that year. Now it is altogether incredible that the Jainas should have been so extremely careless in handing down the works of their famous author that a few centuries after his death even the titles of the great majority of them should have been forgotten, seeing that two works which he left unfinished, viz., Tattvärtha-laghuvetti and Pinda-niryukti have nevertheless been preserved. Unless, therefore, the number 1,400 be a mere hyperbole without any special meaning, we must assume that in this connection prakarana does not denote as usually & separate systematic treatise, but is used in a more restricted sense so that the Panca'saka contains 50 prakaranas, Astaka 32, Sodas'aka 16, etc., but on what principle in other cases his books were split into a great number of prakaranas it is impossible to say.
Haribhadra wrote in Sanskrit and Prākrit both in verse and in prose, mostly of course in illustration of Jaina doctrines. Two sides of his literary activity deserve special notice, his commenting on canonical works in Sanskrit, and his discussing with an intimate knowledge, the doctrines of Brahmans and Buddhists.
The old commentaries on the canonical books, the Niryuktis, Curris and old Bhāsyas were written in Prakrit throughout. As already mentioned abova p. iii) Jina. däsagani's Cūrni on the Nandisutra was finished in 677 A, D., it is, of course, written in Prakrit. Haribhadra composed a commentary on the same Sūtra, making use of the work of his predecessor; but he wrote it in Sanskrit, as well as his remaining commentaries on Sūtras. As we know of no older Sanskrit commentary on any Sūtra in S'vetämbara Literature, it is very probable that the innovation was due to Haribhadra; at least the new practice was firmly established by him, though it was further developed in the sequel. For according to Prof. Leumann (1. c. p. 582) Haribhadra commented on the text in Sanskrit but retained the kathānakas and certain other parts of the Cürni in the original Prākrit; while Silanka who flourished more thaa a century later, translates such passages also into Sanskrit.
Haribhadra is emphatically the author of prakaranas in the technical meaning of the word; a prakarana is a systematic treatise in which the subject is exposed in a scientific form, unlike the unsystematic, either diffuse or episodical, treatment of subjects in canonical books; it may be in Prākrit, but as a rule it is in Sanskrit. This way of writing originated, of course, with the Brahmans in whose literature the models of it are to be found. The first instance of it in Jaina Literature is Umāsvāti's (or Umásvămin's) Tattvārthădhigamasutra, which is claimed as their own by both S'vetămbaras and Digambaras. The early literature of the latter, who do not recognise the existent Siddhanta, consists largely in the prakaranas both in Präkrit and Sanskrit. But the first undoubtedly S'vetāmbara author of prakaranas some of whose works have come down to us, is Siddhasena-divăkara. Haribhadra, who is removed from him, as shown above p. x., by two or three generations at the utmost, raised this branch of S'votămbara Literature to a high degree of perfection. Though a few of these books of his are in Prakrit, the majority of them are in Sanskrit; they contain besides an exposition of the Jaina tenets, concise information about, and discussions or refutations of, the doctrines of opposite schools, Brahmanical and Buddhist. in this connection one of Haribhadra's works, though not a prakarana, has a peculiar interest, viz, his commentary on Dignāga's Nyāyapraves'a. Siddhasena-divākara had written a Nyāyāvatāra which unmistak.
1 Rājasekhara (1349 A. D.) assigns him 1440 pr, and four writers (between
the 15th and 18th century ) 1444 pr. see Kalyāpavijaya, l. o. p. 116 12. 2 See Professor Leumann's learned paper on Daśa yaikālikasūtra and Niryakti;
2. D. M, G., Vol 46, p. 681 ff.

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ably presupposes Dharmakirti's Nyayabinda' apparently intending to provide the Jainas with a manual of Logies. But it is decidedly inferior to the masterly work of Dharmakirti which it was designed to supersede; nor had it any lasting success. Haribhadra, however, instead of attempting to find a logical school of the Jainas, induced them, by commenting on Dignaga, to study the original works of Buddhist Logicians. He apparently appreciated their paramount importance, though he controverted, at great length, some logical propositions of Dharmakirti in his Anekantajayapataka. The interest of the Jainss in Buddhist Logics continued long after his time; we owe to it the preservation of Dharmakirti's Nyayabindu and Dharmottara's Nyayabinduțika in the original Sanskrit; for the oldest manuscripts of these works and of a fragment of a commentary on the latter come from Jaina bhandars. The endeavours of great teachers like Siddhasena-divakara and Haribhadra to raise the S'vetambaras to the high level of Indian mental culture were brought to their conclusion by Hemacandra who provided them with admirable text books of the principal Indian sciences besides such standard works as more directly concerned their own creed. Thus the Svetambaras, who for many centuries seem to have remained in a comparative obscurity as an exclusive sect, emerged to notoriety, probably about the seventh century, till at last they became, in Guzerat and the adjoining countries, the most influential religious communi ty, and could even, under Kumarapala, be called the established church of the kingdom.
HARIBHADRA!
But to return to the works of Haribhadra, it remains to be noticed that he usually employs, in the last verse of them, the word viraha which is known as his "mark". Kalyanavijaya (1. e. p. 20a ff) quotes in full the passages where this mark occurs. exceptions he mentions (p. 12b.) the commentaries on the Das'avaikälika, Avas'yaka Prajnapana-sutras, 'ete.' and Samarüdityakatha, Saddars'anasamuccaya, Lokatattvanirnaya 'ete.' It is, however, doubtful, whether the Samaridityakatha is an exception to the rule, since three Mss. read the word virala in the last verse. (See the footnote to the passage in question). According to the legend the 'mark' virala refers to Haribhadra's loss of his nephews and pupils Hamsa and Paramahamsa whom, however, he does not mention anywhere in his writings as far as I know. There may be some truth in this report; but out of the simple fact, if fact it was, there grew a long story full of miraculous incidents, which as I have already said above, forms the grester part of the legendary life of Haribhadra. I subjoin an abstract of it as given in the Prabhavakacarita. (IX 48-206).
His sister's sons Hamsa and Paramahamsa, who had left their father's house in disgust, became his pupils and were instructed by him in logic. They desired to go to a Buddhist town in order to learn their S'astra, but Haribhadra foreseeing some disaster entreated them not to go; nevertheless they insisted on it and went, in disguise, to the Buddhist town, where they were instructed by a Buddhist muni. Having learnt the objection raised by the Buddhists against Jainism, they wrote a clever refutation of them on some leaves. A blast of wind carried the leaves away and they were brought to the Buddhist muni, who thus became aware of the presence of some Jaina Yati amongst his pupils. In order to find him out, he had the image of a Jina placed on the gateway so that all must trample on it on entering. But the two brothers painted with chalk the sacred thread on the breast of the image, and then they were not afraid to put their feet on it. Now the Buddhist muni employed another trick. All pupils were confined in an upper room and watches were placed with them; and when they were asleep he caused a number of jars to be rolled down from the upper storey. The sleepers started up in terror and invoked their istadevalds. The two brothers invoking the Jins, were thus found out; but they took a couple of umbrellas and spreading them jumped out of the window. They reached the ground without hurt or injury and fled at great speed. Buddhist soldiers pursued them. When they were approaching them,
1 See above p. III note 1.

Page #30

HIS AGE, LIFE AND WORKS
[ XXIII Hamsa advised his brother to take refuge with Sirapala, king of a nearby town, who would give him protection; he then fought his enemies of whom he killed a great many, but at last he fell and lied. (94.). Paramahansa went to Surapals who granted him his protection. Soon after the host of pursuers arrived and demanded the delivery of their enemy. The king, however, did not give up his protegè, but proposed that a disputation should be held, and if their speaker should vanquish him, he might do with him as is proper in such cases. The Buddhist agreed under the condition that their opponent should remain behind a curtain, because they would not look at the face of one so infamous. The ensuing disputation was conducted, on the side of the Buddhists, by their S'Asanadevata, who was invisible and spoke from the mouth of a pitcher. When the disputation had gone on for some days Paramahamsa despaired and invokel Ambi, the Sisauadevata of his gana. She told him, who had, all the time, spoken against him, and advised him how to act in the disputation. He was thus enabled to reduce his opponents to silence; then lifting the curtain he smashed the pitcher and charged the opponent with fraudulent behaviour. The king. conscions of the sinister intention of the Buddhists, said to them he who after vanquishing me in battle will take hold of him, may do so without fault. Then he gave Paramahamsa a wink, who guessing his meaning fled as quick as possible; he was, however, closely pursued by horsemen whom he eluded by the following trick. Seeing a washerman at work he persuaded him to get away as a sudden attack was coming, and he himself resumed his work. When a horsemen enquired of him whether he had seen someone on that road, he pointed out the washerman at a great listance. The soldiers made the washerman prisoner and then returned. Paramahamsa having thus put off his pursuers proceeded in his journey and after a few days reached Citrakuta where he met Haribhadra. Ile told him what he and Hamsa had done; but when he had related his brother's death, he was so overcome with grief that his heart burst and died. (122). Haribhadra was deeply afflicted by the loss of his nephews and pupils. He conceived an intense hatred of the Buddhists and resolved to destroy them. (133). He went to Surapala and told him his intention. Confident that Haribhadra would vanquish his opponents the King sent a messenger to the town of the Buddhists and persuaded their leader to sign a contract making it binding on him who should be vanquished in disputation, to plunge into a cauldron filled with boiling oil. (157.). The ensuing disputation turned on the Buddhist proposition of the impermanence of everything existent. Not being able to answer Haribhadra's arguments, the Buddhists had to undergo the punishment agreed upon. Some more Buddhist disputants suffered the same death. (168). The Buddhists reviled the Goddess Tara for having caused their defeat by deserting them; but the goddess explained that it was the just punishment for their having killed Hamsa and Paramahamsa. (179). Jinabhata, who had heard of Haribhadra's cruel revenge, sent him, through two bhiksus, the three gaths which contain the argument of the Samaradityakatha (see p. 6, 1, 2 ff). Haribhadra guessed his meaning; just as Agnis'arman's hatred had lasted through nine births, so his enmity towards the Buddhists would have the most disastrous consequences for him. He, therefore, took leave of the king and went to his guru; full of contrition he asked his forgiveness and did severe penance as ordered by him. (196) The goddess Amba rebuked him for still grieving at his bereavement; it was due to his Karma that he left no successors in his line of teachers; his books would stand in their stead. (203). He composed the Samaradityakatha and according to the three gathas sent him by his guru, and wrote 1,400 prakarana they all exhibit the mark virala in remembrance of his two nephews. (206).
1 The text is corrupt in this place. A similar situation described in Parisista Parvan, 275ff.

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XXIV ]
HARIBHADRA :
The narrative in the Prabhāvakacarita is written to say the least, in a most unconventional style of poetry, rendered frequently unintelligible by the bad preservation of the text. It seems to be based on a popular story, perhaps on a kind of Rās. We are acquainted with another version of the same subject, similar on the whole but differing in many details, from an abstract, or rather skeleton of an abstract in Rājasekhara's Kathākos'a (1350 A. D.), the greater part of which has been given by Kalyānavijaya (1. c. p. 8b.). According to this account:
Hamsa and Paramahamsa made three strokes on the throat of the image of Jina, thereby changing it into one of Buddha. But remarking that the Buddhist guru regarded them with suspicion they pretended to be ill and escaped taking with them a Budelhist relic (ka pālikā or karparika). To recover the relic the king sent a troop of soldiers after them; but as H. and P. were sahasrayodlins", they defeated them. Now the king despatched a large army, with which H. fought, while P. fled with the relic. H. was at last overcome by the great number of his enemies, who cut off his head and brought it to the King. But the guru insisted on recovering the relic. Therefore soldiers went in search of Paramahamsa They discovered him sleeping before the walls of Citrakuta the gates of which were closed, and cut off his head. Haribhadra finding the corpse of his pupil and nephew, fell into a tremendous rage. He filled cauldrons with boiling oil and attracted by charm 1,440 Bauddhas through the air to be made a sacrifice of. His guru sent him the three gathas. Haribhadra's wrath was appeased, and he composed 1,440 granthas in atonement of his passion and sins.
A comparison of this version of the story with the preceding one is of interest for those who investigate the growth of popular tales; but a critical inquirer, will, no doubt, reject both alike as sources for the history of Haribhadra's life. Even that he had two nephews and pupils named Hamsa and Paramahamsa who perished in an attempt at learning by stealth the doctrines of the Buddhists, statements which form the foundation of the legend and are by no means incredible in themselves, must be accopted with the utmost reserve. The legendary account of the circumstances which led to Haribhadra's composing the Samarāiccakahã will be discussed in the next paragraph.
The rest of the account in the Prabhavākacarita contains some details not un worthy of remark. I, therefore, add an abstract of the concluding part of the 9th s'raga of that work (v. 206-221).
Haribhadra diverted the layman Kárpāsika from his partiality for the Bharata and Itihāsa by telling him the five stories of rogues (211), and won him over to the Jaina faith. He ordered him to make an edition of his works and to distribute them among the yatis (217). He caused other people to construct 84 temples on one platform (ekapăthe ), 218. He also produced the Mahānis'ithasūtra from a decaying manuscript, ( 219 ). Ending his life by anas'ana he ascended to heaven ( 221 ).
*
*
1
2
There is an allusion to their drstimelāpaka preceding the oombat, the meaning of whioh is not clear, This partionlar is apparontly an adaptation of Janamejaya's snako-saorto. In Mahābhārata, I, adhy. 51ff. This apparently refers to his Prākrit Kävya Dhūrtakhyanam.
3

Page #32

THE DHŪRTĀKHYĀNA: A CRITICAL STUDY
BY
Dr. A. N. UPADHYE, M. A., D. Litt.
1. The Prakrit Text
THE DHURTAKHYANA of Haribhadrasuri, whose career is to be assigned to the middle of 8th century A. D., is a typical literary work that has a special significance in Indian literature. It had already attracted the attention of E. Leumann some forty years back; and it is through him that N. Mironow could refer to some parallel stories in his dissertation on the Dharmapariksă of Amitagati. Some Gujarati and Hindi renderings of Dhu. have appeared in India, but they were primarily concerned with the contents and not with the Prakrit text of that work.
This unique work, in Prakrit, is now brought out for the first time in this Singhi Jain Series having been critically edited by Acarya Sri Jinavijayji. Its Sanskrit version by Sanghatilaka and an Old-Gujarati prose rendering by an unknown writer have also been included in this edition to facilitate its comparative study.
The Prakrit text, presented here, is based on three MSS., A, B, and C. They do not bear any dates, but A and B, as described by the learned editor in his Preface, look quite old; and they may be assigned to 16th century A. r. C is quite modern and just a copy of A prepared by an inexperienced scribe; consequently the readings of C are not noted. A and B are sufficiently independent and do show some variants noted in the foot-notes. Confusion in numbering the verses is seen in both. B looks not only older but is also more accurate than A. The Ms. A shows necessarily y-gruti for the udvṛtta vowel (as I surmise, irrespective of the preceding vowel); while B very often puts a (or a) for the lost consonant: this possibly means that B is following the more strict rule about y-srutt specified by Hemacandra in his Commentary, and its so-called accuracy perhaps betrays the hand of some revisionist or copyist possessing a thorough mastery over Hemacandra's Prakrit grammar.

1 Jinavijayaji: Jaina Sahitya Samsodhaka, vol. I, i, pp. 21-58; Jacobi: Samara iooskaha, B. I., No. 169, Caloutta 1926, Intro.
2 Die Dharmapariks des Amitagati, Leipzig 1903.
3 For their description, see elsewhere.
4 Bee Biddha-Hemacandra, VIII. L. 180.

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DHURTAKHYANA:
These two MSS., A and B, do not show any recensions as such. If B omits a verse (V. 26) and A repeats some line (V. 47), this is duo just to scribal lapse. The concluding verse (V. 125) cannot belong to Haribhadra. His composition ends with V. 124 which mentions bhava-viraha, Haribhadra's distinguishing mark; and the contents of the following verse do betray that it is composed by some zealous follower of Haribhadra. Certain portions of the Prakrit text are not specifically covered by the Sanskrit (III. 830, 84; V. 115-18) and Gujarati versions (III. 83-84; V. 111) which closely follow it; but looking to the context etc., this cannot be a conclusive proof to suspect those portions as later additions in Haribhadra's text.
At the kind request of Acarya Sri Jinavijayji, I have attempted below a study of this important literary work. Before subjecting its different aspects to a critical scrutiny, it would be proper to give a short outline of the stories occurring in this work.
2
2. Summary of the Contents I
Adjacent to the prosperous town of Ujjain, there was a fine park of luxuriant vegetation with a garden-house. During their wanderings there arrived hundreds of confirmed rogues who had acquired specific proficiency in the tricks of their trade. They had five leaders: Mülasti, Kandarika, Elaşaḍha, Sasa and Khanḍapānā. Every one of the first four had five hundred male cheats and Khandapānā had an equal number of female cheata, as their retinue. Mülafri was their foremost chief. During the height of rainy season, when it was heavily pouring all over the week and when it was not possible to move about, all the rogues, shivering and hungry, began to deliberate as to who would give them a feast for the day. Müladeva stipulated thus: Every one should address the chamber of cheats about what one had heard or experienced; and he who proves it to be an incredible lie should give food and drink to the gathering of rogues. But he who confirms the same by quoting parallels from various scriptures like the Purana, Bharata and Ramayana and convinces the audience, is not to give anything; and he would be made the lord of rogues. They all agreed to this and requested Maladeva to narrate his experience (I. 1-16).
Maladeva said: "I shall tell you what I experienced as a youth. Yearning for prosperity, I went to the abode of Lévara to receive the stream of Ganga on my head. As I was travelling with a gourd-kettle and umbrella in hand, a mad wild-elephant rushed at me like a moving mountain. I trembled with fear; I saw no shelter and escape; so I lept into the gourd-kettle that my life might be saved. The elephant was infuriated and followed me into the gourd-kettle where I deceived it by hide-and-seek for a period of six months.
1 For the convenience of general readers I have given the names in Sanskrit, though some of them appear to be un-Sanskritic in origin.
2 Müladeva and Mulasri are alternative names.

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At last I escaped through the spout of the gourd-kettle; but when the elephant also followed me, its tail-hair was caught in the spout-hole. I approached, however, the ocean-like river Gangā, crossed the rushing stream, and reached the abode of Iśvara. Standing hunger and thirst, I received the stream of Gangā on my head for six months. Thence I came to Ujjaini and met you all here. If you accept all this as true, confirm it by evidence; if you think this to be a lie, well, give us a feast." Kandarika observed that one who has read Bhārata, Purāņas and Rāmāyaṇa would not call this a lie (I. 17–34).
Kandarika continued: “What we hear in the Bhārata and Puräņa is reliable, therefore your experience also is true. 1) It is said that the Vipras are born from the mouth, the Kşatriyas from the arms, Vaiśyas from the thighs and Sūdras from the feet of Brahman: that means the entire population could be accommodated in Brahman's body. 2). Umā could lead a married life with Isvara whose male organ could not be measured even by Brahman and Viņņu. 3) The saint Vyāsa has narrated thus in the Bhārata : "The chief queen of Virāta king had no progeny. She propitiated a certain saint who asked her to go to the bamboo-bower and eat the dish whereby she would have one hundred children. She did so and went home. After some time there arrived the saint Gāgali' and sat practising austerities under the bamboo-grove. He glanced passionately at the nude nymphs bathing in the lake; and out of his first drop of semen there was born Kicaka, as mighty as elephant. Thus were generated one hundred Kicakas who were all first accommodated in bamboos and who were later received by the queen' 4) Gangā was deluded by Hara in his matted hair for one thousand years. 5) Vişņu, the creator of the world, was practising penance on the bed of ocean; the lotus-seated Brahman, with staff and gourd in hand, came out of the navel of Vişņu, but the lotus was caught stuck there. 6) It is narrated in the Bhārata that Brahman began practising penance for thousand years; and the jealous gods wanted to frustrate his efforts. Indra counselled thus: "Woman has been a mighty temptress, and none except Mahāvīra could stand the arrows of Madana. Seeing the limbs of Umā, Pasupati became passionate even at the sacred hour of marriage; and Droņācārya was generated from the semen-drop fallen in a pot. Similarly eminent personalities like Gautama, Vasiştha," Pārāśara, Jamadagni, Kāśyapa, Agastya, Indra, Hara, Hari, etc, are all victims of cupid. So Tilottamā should be sent to tempt Brahman; and thus his penance would be destroyed." Accordingly Tilottamā approached Brahman in a beautiful dress and began to dance before him like a Campaka flower. When Brahman began to gaze at her, she stood dancing, by his right side. With a passionate craze for her Brahman developed four faces, as she shifted herself in different directions. When she jumped up, he had on his head a fifth face; but it was plucked by Rudra Brahman was very much irritated and infuriated. Erom the drop
1. Gagali perhaps stands for Garga. 2 I have normalised these names according: to the popular tager

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DHŪRTĀKAYĀNA:
of perspiration on his forehead was born Svedakundalin' who, at Brahman's oi der, overthrew Samkara (=Rudra = Isvara - Hara) who ran to Vişņu for alms while the latter was practising penance in the Badarikāśrama. Vişņu opened the vein on his forehead, but the skull of Brahman, which Isvara held, could not be filled. When Isvara dipped his finger in the blood, a man Raktakuņdalin by name, was generated. At Rudra's behest Raktakundalin fought against Svedakundalin. Their long battle was declared drawn by the gods; one was given in charge of the Sun and the other in charge of Indra so that they might continue their fight in the Bhārata war. When the Sun was enamoured by Kunti's beauty and cohabited with her, Karna was conceived by her and delivered through the ear. 7) It has been narrated in the Ramāyaṇa that Pavanasuta, a monkey, crossed the ocean by his arms at the order of Rāghava and reached Lankā. 8) For the benefit of the world, Gangā was invited from the heaven by gods; and her stream was received on the head by Isvara for thousands of years,
If the above events are acceptable, then that you were accommodated with the elephant in the gourd-kettle (Nos, 1-3, that you deluded it for six months (No. 4), that its tail-hair was stuck in the spout (No. 5), that you could escape through the spout (No. 6), that you crossed Gangā (No. 7), and that you received her stream on your head (No. 8) are all quite true, You are a good man endowed with wisdom and fame." (I. 85-98).
together in gallam
All of a sudden them from the fair,
II Being requested by Mülasri, Kandarika began to narrate his experiences: "Naughty as I was in my boyhood, my parents drove me out of the house. I reached a rich village on the frontier. There a Yakşa, Kamaladala by name, lived under the Vața tree; he possessed miraculous postars; and he bestowed boons on women. A fair was held in his honour, and people gathered together in gallant dress. I joined the fair, paid respects to the deity, and attended the horse-play. All of a sudden there was an attack from a well-equipped party of robbers; consequently one and all from the fair, even the horses, entered into a cucumber; the sports continued therein; and the party of robbers returned saying that the village had disappeared. There arrived a flock of animals; a goat swallowed that cucumber; a boa gulped that goat; and a crane flew up to the top of the Vaţa tree, after eating up the boa. A king was camping under that tree. Mistaking the crane's leg for a bangansloot, a mad elephant was tied to it by the driver. When the crane took up ita ley, the elephant was lifted up; and the driver raised a cry that some one snatched away his animal. Skilled archers rushed forth and shot the cranu
1 Both Sanskrit and Gajaráti Texts read Site- or Sveta-kundalin which has no
etymologioal justification. S'veta or sita is being used to balance against rakta, hut we have to remember that one is born from sveda and the other from rakta. La round brackets are given the numbers of legends, noted above, in the light of which partionlar remarks are said to be true,

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A CRITICAL STUDY
dead. It fell lifeless on the earth like a mountain-peak. At the king's order, its stomach was opened; and vivisection was continued on the inner contents, till at last all the people, horses, etc. came out like a swarm of moths from a nest. They went to their respective places, and I went home. I have myself experienced all this; well, if you disbelieve, give us a feast." (II. 1-25).
Elāşadha, who had studied Purana, Bhärata, etc., at once said that whatever Kandarika described was quite believable without any doubt. He continued to confirm the same:“1) According to the Vişnupurāņa, in the beginning, when the five elements had not come into existence, there was the extensive ocean on the waves of which rolled an egg for a long time. It broke into two halves; and out of one half came this earth. Thus all the living beings, gods, men, beasts, etc. were found accommodated in that egg. 2) In the Araṇya-parvan, Mārkandeya has narrated his experience to Dharmaputra thus: 'At the time of universal deluge, when there was water everywhere and the world was devoid of living habitation, an extensive and lofty Vața tree was seen. A handsome boy was seated on a bed which was spread on its branches. The saint Mārkandeya stretched his arms to receive the boy' lest he might succumb to the floods. He visualised in the stomach of that boy the whole world with its mountains and forests. He entered the stomach and dwelt there for one thousand years, but could not reach its end : 80 he came out at last. Thus a child's stomach could contain the whole world.' 3 ) Devaki's waist was so slender that it could be caught in a fist; still Kelava dwelt in her womb; and his stomach contained the earth with its mountains, forests, etc. 4) Without being suffocated to death, all the people on the earth lived comfortably in the stomach of Vasudeva and continued their activities such as agriculture, trade, battle, festivals, etc. There is no doubt that the world was contained in Kegava's stomach. Once Brahman claimed that he is the creator ( kartā), because the four Varņas emerged from his mouth, arms, thighs and feet; but Keśava retorted that his claim was ridiculous and that he (Brahman) was as good as his boy. Keśava continued that the earth and sky formed the cavity, the mountains his jaws and the ocean his tongue; if necessary, Brahman should enter his stomach and see that the whole world was there. Keśava further added that Brahman was ungratefully talking thus when he too was born from his navel. 5) At the time of Draupadi's self-choice, it is reported that the mighty bow of Drupada was presided over by deities. Drupada announced that he who strung his bow and shot the specified target would win the hand of Draupadi. Many kings failed to string it. That mighty Siśupāla' was nearly successful, but Krona frustrated his attempt by putting into the bow some additional weight in the form of elephants, mountains, planets, etc. The bow was so heavy that even the earth could not bear the load. Arjuna, however, took the aid of Bhima's palm for its support, ably strung the bow, and successfully hit the target.
1
2
If we read risino, then it would mean that the boy received that saint. The text reads Sasipăla.

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DHĒRTĀKHYĀNA:
Draupadi was given to him in marriage. Thus the bow could contain mountains, planets, etc. 6) We hear in the Rāmāyaṇa that Jatāyu, the vulture, fought with his wings against Rāvana who cut his wings in the fight; and when Jațāyu fell on the ground, he appeared as big as Mandara mountain. Sitä blessed him that his wings would be restored after meeting the messenger of Rāma. Hanumat was sent by Rāma in search of Sitā; and he mistook for a mountain that body of Jātāyu who gave him the necessary information about her. Jatayu got the wings and flew to the heaven. So it means that a vulture can be as big as the Mandara mountain.
If the above events are true, then quite reliable are the incidents that the whole village could be accommodated in a cucumber (Nos. 1-3), that all the people could come out of it with their lives safe (No. 4), that a crane could contain all that (No. 5), and that there could be a big crane of that description (No. 6.)." (IL 26-75.).
III
Elāgādha narrated his experiences thus: “In my youth, greedy as I was, I pursued the fad of metallic transmutation and wandered everywhere in search of the specific juice, etc. On getting the information, I travelled a long. distance with steps covering hundred Yojanas, lifted a huge lid-stone, took the necessary juice from the golden pond, put the lid as before, and then returned home. Through the favour of that fluid, I had plenty of wealth and abundant possessions : servants waited on me, bards praised me, and young girls sang and danced round me. I gave gifts to the poor and needy. Hearing about my wealth, a party of well-equipped robbers besieged my palace at night. thought, I must defend my well-earned property. With a bow in hand fought against them and finished many of them on the spot. The rest of them attacked me at once, cut my head, put it on the badara tree, and went away After robbing all my property. My head comfortably began eating the badara fruits, and this was seen by people early in the morning. They realized that it was still living and joined all my limbs; and here I stand before you in person. If you find my personal experience unreliable, well, then give a feast." (III.1-19).
Sasa affirmed that Elāşadba's experience was quite reliable, because there are similar cages in Purāņas, Bhārata and Rāmāyana: 1) Jamadagni suspected the fidelity of his wife Reņukā who was enamoured of king Aśvāpahrta and ordered his son [Parasu-7 Rāma to cut her head. He was pleased with his son Rāma who carried out the order and asked him to demand a boon. Rama solicited that his mother should be restored to life; and she was made aliveby Tamadagui. 2) The two halves of his body were conjoined by Jarā; and lejer on he became the great king Jarasandha. 3) The gods conspired to ciestroy the two mighty brothers, Sunda and Nisunda, who proved a terror to them. They contributed bits from their bodies and thus created an extremely beautiful nymph, Tilottamā, by name. Humbly, she received: orders from gods Sad staried on her mission to destroy the two brothers. Seeing: her, tempting

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A CRITICAL STUDY
limbs, Sunda and Nisunda grew passionato for her; they fought mutually for her sake and destroyed each other. Thus the gods could create Tilottama by putting bits from their own bodies. 4) In his childhood Hanumat was instructed by his mother Añjanā that he was to eat red fruits whenever hungry. He mistook the sun for a fruit; and when he jumped up to snatch the solar orb, his body was reduced to pieces. Seeing his wife lamenting and the son killed, Pavana became enraged and retired to Patāla. There was no breeze in the world, and people were very much worried. The gods approached and appeased him. The limbs of his son were put together, and he was made alive. His chin was missing; so in the absence of it, he came to be called Hanumat. Thus Hanumat could be made alive by putting together bits of his body. 5) When Rāma went to Lanka, a fierce fight ensued between his army and that of Rāvana. In course of fight prince Lakşmaņa fell heavily wounded, and Rāma began to lament. Hanumat, however, went to Dronagiri and brought Nissalyā herb. Not only Laksmana was cured thereby but all the monkeys that were lying wounded were also healed and made alive. 6) Siva and Pārvati were enjoying amorous pleasure in a Himālayan cave for a los time; and all the gods were anxious, because they did not want any progery from them. After long deliberations, they decided that Agni, obliging as he was, should go to Isvara who might then perhaps abstain from coition. Agni was rather unwilling, because Siva was a terrible and uncongenial fellow. Indra, however, prevailed upon Agni who was assured that Siva would certainly behave better in the company of Umā. Though intervened by Umā, Isvara was enraged to see Agni there and forced him to drink his semen. Agni was in flames as it were due to that semen; he rushed to the ocean; and he felt some relief only after vomitting it there. It is said that jewels arose out of this semen. Whatever bit was still remaining in his stomach Agni vomitted in a lotus-lake. Six nymphs, called Krttikā, were bathing in that lake; and they happened to conceive at the contact of semen. After the necessary period of time, they delivered the head, arms, thighs, trunk, etc. When they brought together the limbs with surprise, they got joined mutually at their proper placas; and thus Mahāsena was born. He leads the rigorous life of a celebate and dwells in a forest in the South. Thus the limbs produced from different wombs could get joined and Mahāgena could be produced. 7) Rahu has no head; still he moves in the sky and swallows (or eclipses) the sun and the moon. 8) Vişnu, in the guise of a Dvija, begged of Bali only three steps of the ground, pervaded thereby the whole world, and deprived him of the earth. 9) It is reported in the Rāmāyana that Hanumat, when Lakşmaņa fell wounded in the battle between Rāma and Rāvans, brought the lofty mountain Drona with its vegetation, as he wanted some herb. 10) Madhumatha, in his incarnation of V&rāha, lifted up the earth with its mountains, trees, etc.
If the above events are true, it is quite believable that the limbs of your body could get joined (Nos, 1-6), that your head could taste badana fruite

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DAŪRTAKÄYĀNA:
(No. 7), that you could have a step measuring one hundred yojanas (No. 8), and that you could lift up the heavy stone of the lid (Nos. 9-10).” (III. 20–98).
IV
Sasa narrated his experience thus: “I have my field near the mountain, and once I went there from my village during autumn. An elephant rushed on me from the mountain. I trembled with fear and somehow managed to climb a lofty sesamum tree. The elephant whirled round the tree; sesamum seeds were showered all round; and when they were crushed under its hoofs, there was a flood of sesamum oil. Stuck deep in mud, the elephant died of hunger and thirst. I breathed a sigh of relief, got down the tree, drank some ten pots of sesamum oil and ate a load of seed-stuff, prepared a bag of that elephant's hide, filled it with oil, and entered my village after placing that bag on a tree outside. I asked my son to bring the bag; but he could not see it; so he pulled out the tree and brought it home. This is my personal experience; well, if any one does not believe all this, he should entertain us with a feast." (IV. 1-13)
Khandapānā said that there were parallels to Śaśa's experience in the Bhārata, Rāmāyaṇa etc. She continued to confirm the same:“ 1) It is reported that, at Pāţaliputra, a drum was carved from the wood of māşa plant. 2) According to the Bhārata the ichor fluid of elephants flowed like a flooded river, washing down elephants, horses and chariots. 3) Bhimasena killed the demon Baka at Ekacakra and gulped pots of rice, a buffalo and a thousand jugs of wine. 4) It is said that Kumbhakarņa, whenever he woke up, ate hundreds of men and drank a thousand pots, of water. 5) According to Purāņas, the saint Agastya drank the ocean in order to destroy Asuras. 6) On her way from heaven, the river Gaigā passed through the matted hair of Hara. When she lowed through the hermitage of Jahnu, he gulped and retained her in his stomach for one thousand years. 7) The saint Kāśyapa had two wives, Kadrū and Vinatā. These cowives once betted: the loser should either become a life-long slave of the other or give nectar for her freedom. Vinată became the slave of Kadrū who tried to disgrace her now and then. She was always miserable. Once she laid three eggs: the first produced a balf-grown scorpion, and the second, the thighless Aruna who later on became the charioteer of the sun. She learnt a lesson, and broke the third egg after it was fully ripe. The mighty Garuda was produced ; and he proved a great danger to the sons of Kadrū who, on that account, constantly teased Vinată. On her being requested by Garuda, Vinatā explained to him how she was miserable due to her slavery and how she would be freed by the nectar the source of which was known to his blind father, now staying in the Badari Asrama. He went to Kāśyapa who recognised him by touch. According to his father's wish, that hungry Garuda satisfied his hunger by eating a huge elephant and an equally huge tortoise which were constantly disturbing the lake by mutual quarrel. On his way back he saw a huge, extensive Vața tree under which millions of Valakbilya saints, the progeny of Brahman, were practising penance.

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A CRITICAL STUDY
Garuda sat on its branches, but they cracked easily. Fearing that the saints underneath might be killed, Garuda picked up that tree in his beak, flew across the sky to the great surprise of gods, and dropped it on an island which is known as Lanka and which is the abode of Ravana. Once more he feasted on the Nisadas. He learnt from his father that the nectar-pond is situated beyond the hells and Patala; it is surrounded by burning flames; and that it is constantly guarded by gods, etc. One has to offer oblations to the flames, and then perhaps it might be obtained. He went thore, satisfied the flames, and picked up the nectar-pot. Gods equipped with arms and weapons pursued him; and a heavy battle took place with Garuda on one side and the rest on the other. When the party of gods was routed away, Indra came on the field and used his missile without any effect. He invoked the help of Visņu who pursued Garuda with his Cakra. Saints, planets, etc. approached Visqu and told him that it was below his dignity to follow Garuda like this. Treaty was effected between the two, and Garuda became the banner of Vişņu. Vinata was set free by tint nectar. Thus the elephant and tortoise could be killed and the banyan troo could be carried by Garuda. 8) When it was heavily raining for a week, Madhumatha lifted the mountain Govardhana. 9) While building the dam the monkeys brought mountains from a long distance and dropped them in the 10) In destroying the park Hanumat easily rooted out big trees.
If the above details are true, it is quite believable that there could be such a big sesamum tree (No. 1), that there could be a stream of oil (No. 2), that you could eat a load of seed-stuff and drink ten pots of oil (Nos. 3-6), that you could carry the bag made of elephant-skin (Nos. 7-8), and that your son could pull out the tree and carry it home (Nos. 9-10)." (IV. 14-94).
V
i) Then that Khandapänä, the authoress of the Arthasástra, suggested that all others should humble themselves before her to get a feast. Of cours they were too proud to fold their hands to her. She smiled and began to narrate her experience: "In my youth I was enchantingly beautiful. After the monthly bath, while sleeping in the veranda, I was enjoyed by the passionate Wind. Immediately I delivered a son; and after taking my leave, he went away somewhere. Tell me whether it is a lie; if it is true that the Wind can procreate a son, no barren woman would be found in this world." (V. 1-10). Maladeva confirmed her experience thus: "1) According to popalar scriptures, the Wind procreated Bhimasena from Kunti and Hanumat from Nilä. 2) Vyasa, born from Päräsara and a fisher-woman, Yojanagandha by name, walked away soon after his birth, instructing his mother to remember hin on occasions. Through the favour of that saint, Yojanagandha became a virgin again, was married to Santanu and had a son Vicitravirya who died without issues. She remembered Vyasa fearing that the family might become extinos; and he procreated Pandu, Dhṛtaraşṭra and Vidura, but cursed his bed-mates in
2

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10
DAÜRTĀK TANA:
the end. In the light of these events, it is quite natural that the Wind generated a child in you; and it walked away immediately after delivery." (V. 11-19).
ii) Khandapānā narrated further: "Once my friend Umã entrusted me with miraculous syllables whereby I attracted the burning Sun who procreated in me a mighty son; but no harm was done to me." 3) Kaņdarika said that it was quite possible, because Kunti too was not burnt in any way by the Sun (who generated Karņa from her). (V. 20-23).
iii) Khandapānā added further: "A second time I attracted Agni, the mouth of gods, by whom a brilliant son was born to me; and I was not burnt in the least. How is it?" Elāşādha silenced her thus: “4) The wife of Yama was being enjoyed by Agni; but on seeing that her husband arrived there, she swallowed Agni, Yama gulped her, and entered the assembly of gods who welcomed him as 'Mr. yourself, the third'. He vomitted his wife; and she vomitted Agni who ran into the forest being pursued by him. The elephants did not give Yama any report', so he deprived them of their speech. Thus if Yama's wife was not burnt, how could you be burnt?" (V. 24-31).
iv) Khaņdā added again that once she attracted Indra by whom she had a son; and she asked how Indra could come to her in preference to celestial nymphs. Saśa told her that it was quite possible: 5) Ahalyā was enjoyed by Indra who thereby suffered heavily at the hands of Gautama and whose consequent bodily pores became his thousand eyes; 6) secondly, Kunti also got a son by Indra. (V. 32-37).
v) On her inquiry, Múladeva told Khandapānā that she was the daughter of Nāgaśarman and Somaśrī of Pataliputra and her Gotra was Gautama. Khandapānā complained that her identity was confused, and narrated a bit of her biography thus: “My name is Dagdhika, the artisan's daughter, well-known among royal washer-men. My profession has been low, though our family is quite prosperous. Thousands of washermen worked under me; and with them, one day, I went to the river with a cart-load of clothes which were all washed clean and spread in the sunshine. Suddenly they were blown off by a whirl-wind. I asked the servants to run away and took the responsibility on me. Lest the king might punish me, I assumed the form of a lizard and reached the city park at night. Early morning I feared, I might be killed for a dish. After a good deal of thought, I changed myself into a mango plant, After day-break I heard the royal drum declaring all washermen to be excused; and once again I became a woman. The leather straps, etc. from the carts were eaten at night by jackals and dogs; but my father procured a mouse-tail out of which he got all of them once more prepared.” Sasa said that it is quite believable that the tail of a mouse was so big as to prepare straps, etc., 7) because we know that the male organ of Siv.. was immeasurably long, and 8)
1 See the Sanskrit version of the Dhúrtakhy

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A CRITICAL STUDY
11
because the tail of Hanumat was so long as to encircle the city of Lanka which was burnt by it on its being covered with clothes, sprinkled with oil and ignited, He further added : It is quite possible that you became a lizard and a manga plant, because we hear in the Purānas thus: 9) Gandhārikavara transformed himself into a Kurabaka tree. 10) Then there was that mighty king Nahuşa who vanquished Indra; but being cursed by Bphaspati, he became a boa in a forest. When Pāņdavas were banished into wilderness, the boa swallowed Bhima. Dharma gave necessary replies to the boa which consequently vomitted Bhima and which became the king at last.'
Khandapānā requested the rest of the rogues to accept quietly her authority, and then she would entertain them with a feast. In case she were to defeat them actually, they would be as worthless as a broken cowrie. The rogues thundered in reply that no one, not even a divine rogue, can vanquish them. With a view to put them to shame, she continued her biography and addressed them further: “With king's permission, I visited many places in search of those clothes blown off by the wind. I had lost, moreover, four of my servants since long; and in search of them I came here. I find now that you are those very servants and that you are wearing those very clothes. Either you accept this as true and be my slaves; or if you do not, well, give the feast." All of them felt ashamed; as they were outwitted, they accepted her as their chief; and they requested her to entertain all the rogues during the rainy week, (V. 38-78).
Khandapānā smiled to see that their manly vanity was smashed; but when they all insisted on getting a feast from her, she agreed to that. Sho went to the burial ground which presented a hedious and horrible spectacle. She managed to get a dead baby which was physically intact and lately dropped there. After bathing it and muffling it in rags, she entered Ujjaini, approached a banker's mansion, and addressed the busy banker that she was a Brāhmin's daughter, that she had lately delivered a son, and that she was badly in need of money. The busy banker got irritated and asked his servants to drive her out. When force was used, she fell on the ground; and she started beating her breast etc. and lamenting loudly that her son, the only hope of her life, was killed by the banker who was so proud of his wealth. The banker was upset, and with all efforts tried to console her, requesting her not to raise a cry. He gave her an ear-ring and asked her to remove the child quietly. She removed the dead body, and by that banker's gift everything was allright. After throwing the dead babe, she went to the jewel-market jubilantly; she sold the ring and gave a rich feast to the rogues who were shivering with cold. They all heartily congratulated her on her skill and generosity, and openly confessed that woman is wiser by birth than man. (V. 79-110).
In this world various personalities like Candra, Indra, Vāyu, Sürya, Agni and Dharma are all oppressed by passions. According to the scripture,

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DHURTAKHYANA!
Kreps is ubiquitous and all-pervasive'; then where is the need of his thinking about those (Gopis) who are anxious for him! There are many other unbelievable legends current in the world, such as, the origin of (Pavana) Ganapati from the limbs of Parvati; the births of Brahman, Tilottama, Urvasi, Drons and Sanmukha; the release of Narakübara through Krsna; the procreation of Svedakundala through anger and that of Nara (i. e., Raktakundala) from a pot of blood; and the birth of Yadava Balarama through Maya's mediation. Parvati was the daughter of mountain: if mountains are to deliver children, the world would be too small for human population. These and such other stories from the Bharata and Ramayana are like artificial gold; and they do not stand the test of rational scrutiny. The popular scriptures do not contain any attractive stuff. Leaving them, therefore, one should follow the path preached by the Sarvajfia with a steady and pure faith. (V. 111-22).
This fine Katha, with its various legends, has been narrated to the pious residents of Citrakata; it has been composed by Haribhadrasüri for purifying the faith; and may it bestow bhava-viraha on the faithful who hear and narrate it. (V. 123-24).
Let Haribhadra, the Svetämbara Süri, who has such a faith in the brilliant Jaina doctrine, bestow welfare on us. (V. 125).
3. Purpose, Technique and Form
Whatever may be their historical explanation and symbolical signi fication, there are innumerable legends, scattered all over the epics and Puranas, which, on account of some detail or the other, are unnatural, inconsistent, exaggerated and unacceptable to reason. The 'precious blossoms of immortal poetic art and profound wisdom' seen in the epics are often overpowered by an array of irrational legends. "It is only unpoetical theologians and commentatora and clumsy copyists who have succeeded in conglomerating into a heterogeneous mass parts which are actually incompatible and which date. from different centuries." What is true of the Mahabharata is much more true about the Puranas which are well-known for their sectarian multiplication of myths and legends and hyperbolic exaggeration of details. Even from amongst the custodians and adherents of these texts the revisionists have tried their hands on them partly to make the legends conform to the changing ethico-moral notions and partly to rationalise and humanise them by removing glaring inconsistencies etc. This is amply borne out by the recensions and textual variations detected by critical editors. The episode of Draupadi's
1 Some of these verses present difficulties for interpretation.
2 Is there any implication here that Ganapati was the leader of the party of Maruts!
3 The phrase Cittauda-dugga-siri clearly refers to the ancient fort on the crest of the hill. For its description, see Peterson's Reports, I, pp. 46 f.
4 Winternitz: A History of Indian Literature, I, p. 328. The Adiparvan, Poona 1933, Prolegomena, p. 431.

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A CRITICAL STUDY
marriage and the way in which the later Kavyas etc. use the Puranic legends sufficiently illustrate the above tendencies. We cannot expect the zealous follower to ridicule in any way the Puranic legends or to raise a moral protest against the sins in the world of gods, held by him in reverence. That Kannada poet Sarvajña is an exception. He has spared none from his severe satirical stings. According to him our Mahabharata is a tale of brothers killing brothers and of looseness of marriage institution (hädara); and those who respectfully attend to it degrade themselves.
Haribhadra's attack, in the Dhurtakhyāna, is directed against such legends found in the epics and Purāņas. His conclusion is threefold: the popular scriptures, when one scrutinizingly studies them, are found to contain worthless stuff that looks smooth only from outside (V. 120); the legends narrated in them do not stand the test of rational scrutiny and are unacceptable like artificial gold (V. 119); and the pious, who believed in them so far, should abandon them and follow the path of Sarvajña (V. 121). Indirectly, but inevitably, these works being religious scriptures, the entire Puranic religion and its followers are being exposed to criticism; the former for having contained such legends and the latter for their acceptance of the same.
18
Logical polemics and witty criticism are the two recognised modes of attack; their ultimate purpose is to knock down the opponent; but their ways and intermediate tactics are different, and the weapons in their armouries and their movements on the field are dissimilar. The former necessarily requires an elaborate and systematic seige and a trained audience to pronounce the judgement; while the latter needs alert wit and adroit movements. If one is a trenched battle, the other is a guerilla warfare. The success of the former leaves behind acrimony that might involve endless attacks and counter attacks; but that of the latter wounds the opponent without leaving a scar and pricks him without bleeding. Logicians can be trained for the purpose, but a witty critic is an artist by birth.
Haribhadra is an eminent logician, no doubt; but, in this work, on the whole, we see him more as a witty critic assailing the citadel of Puranic legends. The plot of the work is simple. It is a story of five rogues each of whom recounts an impossible, fantastical experience which is confirmed to be true by one or the other colleague after quoting parallels from the Mahabharata, Rāmāyaṇa, etc. In the last chapter this mode of presentation is slightly modified. It is their female accomplice that narrates her experiences; and the remaining take their respective chances to confirm the same by Puranic parallels. She narrates her biography, and suddenly puts them on the horns of a dilemma: if they accept her statement, they have to submit to her as slaves; and if they refuse, they have to give a feast to the whole gathering. They find that they are outwitted; her superiority is accepted; she trickily extracts wealth from a merchant by charging him with the murder of her child; and all the rogues get a grand feast from her. To this plot, which is mainly

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DHURTAKHYANA:
made up of conversation with casual descriptions, there is a Preamble (I. 1-16) which introduces the rogues, their stipulation and their agreement, besides the opening mangala; and there is also a Conclusion (V. 111f.) which summarily denounces some of the legends, besides giving the author's conclusion, aim and personal details.
14
The improbable and fantastic tales narrated by the rogues as a part of their experience, are consistent and compact units. Even the elements of exaggeration are quite in keeping with medieval tales. If they were not followed by any legendary confirmation, they could be easily passed off as amusing and adventurous tales, quite innocent in their constitution. But when the author holds them up side by side with the Puranic legends, their sarcastic potency becomes at once apparent. The tales by themselves speak highly for the skilful inventiveness of Haribhadra. As they stand, I think, they aro composed by Haribhadra himself, keeping in view the Puranic legends to be denounced. The stories thus are his creation; but quite well-known in Indian literature are some of their motifa: namely, a wild elephant pursuing a traveller; people holding a fair in honour of a Yakşa; a robber-party attacking a caravan; an ambitious youth pursuing the mirage of metallic transmutation by procuring some juice from an inaccessible pond; etc. It is the use of these motifs that at once lends a popular air and a sort of reality to the tales of rogues. The first four stories illustrate the author's ingenuity as also the richness of his imagination, whereas the story of Khandapänä shows his wit and fund of worldly wisdom.
Haribhadra has a special fascination for popular stories of humorous and satirical style. Some of thema in Prakrit he quotes in his commentary on the Dadavaikälikasūtra. In one we have a group of Karpatikas; they begin narrating their fantastical experiences; but a rational Sravaka tries to expose the weakness in the narration. In another context he quotes a fine dilemmatic short story which reminds us of the dilemma of Khandapänä In a certain town there was a Parivräjaka who roamed about with a golden bowl declaring that he would give it to one who narrated to him an unheard event. Śrävaka addressed him thus, Your father owed to my father one hundred thousand coins: if you know this already, please return the amount; but if you do not know it, please give the golden bowl as declared by you.' He also quotes
A
2
1 Sri Daśavaikalikasutram with Haribhadra's commentary, Bombay 1918, pp. 54, 56 f. कापडिया मिलिया भगति मे भवे किनि अच्छेरियं दि तत्व एगो कहिगो नगर गए दिट्ठति । जइ पुण पत्थ समणोवासभ नत्थि तो साहेमि । तओ सेसेहिं भणियं । णत्थित्थ समणोवासओ । पच्छा सो भणइ । मए हिंडतेणं पुब्ववेयालीए समुद्दस्त तडे रुक्खो मद्दश्महंतो दिट्ठो । तस्सेगा साहा समुद्दे पइडिया एगा य थले । तत्थ आणि पचाणि जले पति ताणि जलचराणि सत्ताणि हवंति। जाणते ताणि चराणि इति ते कप्पडिया भति । अहो अच्छेरयं देवेण भट्ठारएण णिम्मियं ति । तत्थेगो सावगो कप्पडिओ । सो भणर। जाणि अद्धमज्झे पडंति ताण किं हवंति । ताहे सो खुद्धो भणइ । मया पुव्वं चेव भणियं । जइ सावओ नत्थि तो कहेमि । PP. 54-5.
3 एगम्मि नगरे एगो परिव्वायगो सोवण्णरण खोरपण तहिं हिंडइ । सो भणइ । जो मम असुयं सुणावेह तस्स एयं देमि सोरमं तत्थ एते सानो रोग भणिदं इन्सपिया गम पधारे सदसहर
पुष्पं दिख
अनसूयं खोरयं देहि ॥

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A CRITICAL STUDY
a fine satirical verse in Sanskrit, possibly summarising some earlier conversation in Prakrit, made up of questions and answers. It is said to be put in the mouth of a Dhürta and addressed to a Buddhist monk who had a net-like garment on his person. The verse may be freely rendered thus: "Sir, why is your garment thread-bare? Well, it is for netting fish. Do you eat fish? I take them when excited by wine. Do you drink wine? When I mate with a hetaera. Do you visit a prostitute? After kicking on the necks of my enemies. Whence have you enemics? Those whose houses I have broken into. Are you a burglar? Just for the purpose of gambling. Are you a Rogue? Because I am a slavegirl's son." These illustrate Haribhadra's acquaintance with and aptitude for humorous and satirical folktales,
Haribhadra is an adept story-teller. If we casually glance through his Samaräiccakaha, we find that he is well-informed about the workings of human mind and about the human behaviour in general. His experience is wide; naturally he creates characters and situations of engrossing interest. The Samarãiccakaba gives many counter tales which go to confirm the central idea of the main story. He possesses a special liking for symbolical epilogues, apparently meaningless, but full of significance and instruction when they are. explained. Enlightenment by absurd stories and situations is a fine weapon which Haribhadra brandishes quite successfully. Arhaddatta (Sixth Bhava), for instance, was enlightened when he was incurably attached to the pleasures of body by telling him that he was as foolish as a person extinguishing fire with grass. Absurd situations are presented illustrating such motifs. Similar tendencies are seen in the Dhu. as well. The fantastic tales expose the absurdity of Puranic legends, and thus enlighten and correct those that put faith in the Puranic religion.
15
It is the agreement of rogues that supplies a graceful bracket for the projection of the plot. Lest he would be required to give the stipulated feast, every rogue is anxious to confirm the fantastic stories by quoting similar Puranic legends. It is in the fitness of things that every rogue should be given the chance of confirming the experience of their female companion; otherwise, if only one were to be given this chance, there would arise some jealousy and others would not have the opportunity of being chivalrous. It is not the story as a whole, but just some of the convenient points of it that are eclected for confirmation with one or more similar legends and episodes from the epics and Puranas. The legends get automatically ridiculed, because they are closely parallel to the incidents or points in the fantastic story. As the rogues go on attempting to prove the impossible with the aid of Puranic
1 किल को णि (बीड) मच्छराए चलियो रोग अगर आधरिद अपणा ते कंथा । सो भगइ । जालमेतमित्यादि श्लोकादव सेयम् । 'कन्थाचार्याघना ते, ननु शफरवधे जालम्, अश्नासि मत्स्यान्; ते मे strée, f, g gåt kvar, sifa kume, gerlini nasé, 44 m frát, ky elfa fonter; चौरस्त्वं, दूतहेतोः कितव इति कथं येन दासीसुतोऽस्मि ॥' इदं लौकिकम् etc. p. 54.
2 Ed. H. Jacobi, B. I., No. 169, Calcutta 1926.

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DHURTAKHYANA:
legends, the legends themselves get ridiculed. Thus, to a certain extent, the author is using the mode of reductio ad absurdum in denouncing the legends.
All of them are confirmed rogues, quite expert in their business; and it is not without some significence that they should be made to dabble in Puranic legends, as if this was quite on par with their usual routine! It looks like a bit of irony that the legends should be put in the mouth of rogues and that they should come forth to prove the impossible by quoting them! Akhyāna is usually a serious tale, especially an epical or Puranic episode. It is certainly a piece of pungent sarcasm, if Akhyāna refers here (V. 6) to the fantastic tales narrated by rogues. If it refers to the series of Puranic legends and episodes, it is equally ironical that they should be put in the mouth of rogues and that both of them should prominently figure in the title of the book! Thus the plot, the mode and accessories of attack and even the title: all these are not only appropriate but also partial and favourable for the artistic performance which Haribhadra has achieved here. Even minor touches add to the ironical flavour of the atmosphere: Müladeva declares that he is putting up with parisala such as hunger and thirst (I. 28), a veritable Jaina monk indeed!; Kandarika salutes the feet of Jina like a pious devotee (II. 24); Khamḍavānā qualifies herself as aṭṭhārasa-dosavivajjiyā (V. 98), an adjective usually applied to the Tirthakara; and lastly, that hypocritically exacted tip is glorified as a Dana, a pious donation, which renders everything allright (V. 102). There are some drawbacks: sometimes the same legends and motifs are repeated and in some places there is some obscenity. As to the first one wished that the author avoided this repetition; but as to the second, it was inevitable, if the author wanted to expose the obscenity of some of the Puranic legends.
By assimilating different traditions Western literature has come to possess an astonishing variety of literary expression. The fact becomes obvious even to a superficial student of English literature, if he simply notes its chief landmarks and growth. Scholars comparing the ancient Indian literature with that of the English are struck with the manifold variety, range and artistie appeal in the latter. The disparity can be explained away on the basis of the peculiar lines on which each civilization advanced. Apart from its intrinsic merits and abiding values, in a way, by taking into account the range of time covered by the civilization, the extent of the land and the magnitude of the population, one has to admit that the ancient Indian literature, available to us today, is comparatively small in quantity and limited in variety. The reasons are apparent. On the whole, the Indian mind has enjoyed the comfort of dignified isolation from constant foreign influence. Religious spirit has permeated not only Indian life, but also Indian literature: even secular compositions could not escape religio-moral influence. Both men of letters and literary life in India are confined, as a rule, to an insignificant minority of hereditory intellectual aristocrats. Antiquity is an asset, but not necessarily a virtue. Old arns of expression and moulds of

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A ORITICAL STUDY
17
thought got stereotyped, and as conventions they had a metallic grip on ancient Indian literature. Even the training of an Indian poet or author is of a standardised cast: the aims are settled; the themes are dictated; type-characters are supplied; and even ready-made descriptions and stylistio devices are kept at the disposal of an author in the making. Ordinary intellect got crippled, though sufficiently trained; it is only the extraordinary genius that attempted to open new literary paths somewhat deviating from the accepted standards. In isolated branches of literature, the Indian mind exhibits remarkable elevation, successful finish and consummate polish; but the lack of variety is apparent everywhere. The fact that ancient India, which could boast of the greatest master-pieces in epic poetry and certain kinds of fiction and drama, has neither a tragedy after the manner of the Greeks nor satire in Roman fashion is to be attributed to the peculiar way in which the Indian mind evolved and the Indian author was trained for his job. The Sanskrit or even Indian 'poetic theory of super-individual emotion and its complacent attitude towards life', as Dr. De remarks, 'precluded any serious cultivation of the satiric type of literature.'
Satire as a form of literature has been conspicuously absent in early Indian literature. India, however, has not been lacking in literary geniuses that were trained according to standard discipline. Every age has its follies and faults; and these geniuses, on account of their righteous indignation and as a wholesome correction, must have brandished their satirical whip against social disorders and diseases. Such satirical compositions could not have the same sanctity as that enjoyed by religious works; and it is not unlikely that many specimens have not come down to us, even if the art of satire was duly cultivated. Satire, moreover, is an indispensable stylistic quality in some forms of literature, and the elements of this quality are found scattered, here and there, in early Indian literature: in stories, in minor poems and in plays.
The Dasakumaracarita, on account of its setting, substance, characters and events, is far from possessing the stereotyped orthodox outlook : in fact, it is a remarkable contribution of a novel type in Sanskrit. It presents a lively and realistic picture of the society, some glimpses of which we get in the Mșcchakatikam. Dandin is unconventional by temperament. Though it is not his aim to give his composition the form of a satire, he has easily meted out some satirical lashes against gods who are dragged down to illustrate the disgraceful deeds of the characters (pp. 29, 44), against Brāhmaṇas who are greedy for wealth and divert themselves by cock-fighting (p. 96), against hypocritical ascetics whose passion is easily enkindled (p. 44 f.), against the Digambara Jaina monk who is made to confess the worthlessness of his mode of life (p. 47 f.), and against Buddhist nuns who are ridiculed as go-betweens. The adventurous tales of young princes have an enchanting grip on the reader's mind; and Dandin's tendency to ridicule certain aspects of the society by satire

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DHURTAKHYANA:
and caricature, quietly but effectively, is apparent in various places'. In this context attention may be drawn to the Bharataka-Dvätrimsika', a late work of the fourteenth century A. D. in popular Sanskrit. The term bharataka means a kind of Saiva monks; and this collection of thirty-two tales is designed for purposes of exposing the murkha-jana-carita so that one might understand sadacarana. The Saiva monks are satirized by means of stories illustrating their moral depravity and stupidity. The bharataka is made to quote the parallels of gods and saints to justify his behaviour, thus ridiculing the gods and saints as well with himself. Some of the stories exhibit a good fund of worldly wisdom, wit and humour.
Somehow the element of satire seen in poems and plays is not of a very high order: the art of satirising becomes bald abuse and coarse ridicule, if it does not leave behind a healthy and correcting influence. The Kutţinîmata of Damodaragupta (c. 779-813 A. D.) is more erotico-comic than satiric." Another polymath who has studiously worked in this line is Kşemendra, of the middle of the eleventh century A. D. Some of his works deserve special attention in this context. His Samayamātṛkā deals with the traditional erotic topics. It presents varied pictures of the society, and the situations are sketched in a pointed style. "The merit of the work lies not in its unsavoury story, but in its heightened, yet graphic, picture of droll-life, painted with considerable sharpness of phrasing and characterisation, and with an undertone of mocking satire directed against many forms of prevalent deformity." His Darpadalana is equally interesting. His salutation to viveka in the opening Mangala is quite significant. In seven sections it demonstrates the folly of pride based on kula, dhana, vidya, rupa, saurya, däna and tapas. Besides the gnomic verses on each, they are illustrated with tales invented for the purpose. The form is interesting. More than once the author drags the Purāņie deities and personalities on a lower plain by citing how they have not been immune from these flaws (I. 17 f., III. 79 f., IV. 18 f., etc.). The moral tone is quite predominant; and the attack on holiness, though casual, is sufficiently pungent. His Kalāvilasa is a satirical discourse in ten sections, put in a legendary setting. The first chapter lashes the roguish hyprocrisy, dambha, Been in different walks of life, found not only among men and women of different classes but also among birds and vegetables. He is harsh on Gaudas; and now and then even sacred deities and sages are not spared. The remaining chapters deal with greed, erotic impulse, harlot, Kayastha, pride, etc. scourges on the greedy merchant, quack doctor, pretending astrologer, crooked
His
Dadakumaracarita of Dandin, Revised in one vol. by G. J. Agashe, 2nd ed., Bombay Sk. and Pk. Series, Bombay 1919; Keith: A History of Sanskrit Literature, Oxford 1928, pp. 296 f.; S.. K. De: The Prose Kavyas of Dandin, Subandhu and Bāņa, Festscript Prof. Kane, pp. 112-44, Poons 1941.
2
Ed. J. Hertel, Leipzig 1921.
3 Keith: A History of Sk. Literature, pp. 230 f.; 8. K. De: Some Satiric Poems in Sanskrit, Indian Culture, vol. VIII, No 1, pp. 1-8.
1

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A CRITICAL STUDY
19
Kayastha, etc., are bitter and wounding. This work is thus a remarkable and comprehensive discourse, with a legendary framework, on the various activities of notorious tricksters known to Kşemendra; and his easy and elegant style makes the descriptions amusing and the satire effective.' As observed by Dr. De, Kşemendra's compositions are 'noteworthy satirical sketches exaggerated cum grano salis but substantially faithful, having less frequent lapses into squalor or coarseness, and composed in the best literary manner of Kşemendra. There is nothing of melancholy wisdom in Kşemendra. Knowing full well the castigating use of satire, he deals out his blows too liberally, but with precision, with bitter and often foul-mouthed presumption, but with the unerring, insight of a shrewd observer'. Kşemendra's satirical writings assume all the more importance, because his successors like Jahlana, Nilakantha Dikşita, etc. never rose to his heights. They are all steeped in the time-honoured mould of religious didacticism and hackneyed eroticism. 'Anxious to maintain respectability, they are afraid of descending to the repellent reality which their subject demands, and only touch the fringe of it, from a safe distance, with the stick of romantic verse.'
Among the plays, it is the Bhāna and the Prahasana types that contain a great deal of satirical element. Bhana is a monologue play; the only character is a Vita or Dhurta who narrates, with imaginary questions and answers and with various gestures, either his experience or that of others. Most of the existing specimens of bhanas are comparatively modern and belong to the South; they lack variety and are of the same pattern, almost made to order; and they are predominantly permeated with erotic sentiment, very often coarse in taste. There is very little of genuine satire in them; we get, however, satirical touches in the descriptions of the licentious Pauranika, the old Śrotriya, the fraudulent astrologer and (but this rarely) the Jangamas, Saivas and Vaisnavas (as in the Sṛngaratilaka).' The Hasyacuḍāmaņi of Vatsarāja ridicules the Bhagavatas; while the Mukundananda pours a great deal of pungent satire against the Gurjara people. Such satirical touches are almost thrown into back-ground by their mechanichal characters, the roguish parasites and the haterea and by excessive eroticism. The four Bhāņas, which are edited as Caturbhāņi and which definitely belong to an earlier age, present 'more variety, greater simplicity, a larger amount of social satire and comic relief, a more convincing power of drawing individuals rather than types, easier and more colloquial style, and some measure of real poetry in spite of certain coarseness." In the Padmaprabhṛtaka, the Vita, Sasa by name, a friend of Karpiputra Müladeva (both of them of Ujjaini), gets a specified individuality. The racy speeches of the Vita, in the Padataḍitaka, are remarkably satirical;
1
I have derived much help from two important papers by Dr. 8. K. De: A Note on the Sanskrit Monologue-Play (Bhana) with Special Reference to the Caturbhāṇī, JRAS 1926, pp. 03-90; and The Sanskrit Prahasana, The Poona Orientalist, VII, 3-4, pp. 149-56,
2 Caturbhāpi, ed. by Kavi and Sastri, Patna 1922.

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DAŪRTĀXHYANA:
his ridicule is abundantly directed against the Lātas and the Buddhist order; and the Dāgerakas, Saurāştras and Mālavas are not spared from casual hits. These Bhåņas are often obscene, if not vulgar; and the primal sensations are portrayed with a rough realism and terrible sincerety. For a student of literature, as Dr. De rightly remarks, 'it is more than useless to read austere morals into these old-time play-wrights or damn them for want of morals.'
Turning to the Prahasana, the popular farce, there is ample scope for social satire in it by the very nature of its subject matter; but the specimens that have survived are far from being satisfactory. Their wit and humour, which would make one laugh, lie in deliberately vulgar exhibitions and expressions: in short, the whole atmosphere in the Prahasana, on account of conventional characters and incidents and the high-strung erotic sentiment, is low and depressing. The Mattavilāsa of Mahendravikrama (7th Century A. D.) is a slight farcical sketch depicting the drunken and passionate revelry of a Saiva mendicant, calling himself a Kapālin on account of the human skull carried by him in lieu of his alms-bowl which is said to be stolen by a hypocritical Buddhist monk. A degenerate Pasupata comes to settle the case of theft, and finally the missing bowl is obtained from a madman who had retrieved it from a dog. Thus the wreckless wrangling in the monastic order is broadly satirised. The Prahasanas like Laţaka-melaka, Dhūrtasamāgama, etc. have much to do with rogues and knaves; the Jaina and Buddhist monks are held in ridicule; but with their symbolic characters, whatever little wit and satire they possess is often defaced by open vulgarity and erotic descriptions. Stray satirical verses in Sanskrit and Prākrit may be collected from anthologies and from illustrations on the rhetorical device called vyāja-stuti; but they cannot, being isolated verses, exhibit any sustained style as such. Thus this survey leaves us cold that early Indian literature has not achieved much in the field of satire.
Haribhadra is a genius by birth and a satirist by temperament. He has bequeathed to posterity a valuable contribution to Indian literature through his Dhürtäkhyāna which is unique in various respects. We might try to assess its Falae, as a work of art, from the point of view of a modern critic of letters. The terminology of English criticism' cannot be literally applied to Indian works, because the terms have sometimes specized associations and import, The Dhû, apparently looks like a parody in as much as it ridicules by imitation, but if we go into details we find that it cannot be called a parody for various reasons: no work or class of works is continuously ridiculed through word-, form- or sense-rendering ; secondly, the imaginary tales narrated by rogues do not easily remind us of any one story or of any work or class of works; thirdly, the legends that are ridiculed do not come serially or at random from any one composition, but they are heaped from different sources to hold in ridicule their common motif
i see the artioles on Parody by Christopher Stone and on Satire by Gilbert Cannan
ia The Art and Craft of Letters Series. See also English Satires, in the Casket Library Sories, especially the Introduction.

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A CRITICAL STUDY
21
something like what is already noted in the invented tale; and lastly, there is no deliberate attempt on the part of the author to confound issues by distortion or exaggeration of facts. The Dhūrtākhyāna, therefore, can be better and more appropriately called a satire of incredible Purāņic legends and episodes and against the credulity of those that believe them, using parodical imitation as its chief vehicle and casually taking recourse to irony, sarcasm, banter, wit and humour. It is a satire, and a perfect one, because of its unique construction, a delicious mingling of phantasy and reality, subtle sense of characterization (though in a limited quantity) and above all the startling situation of devils discussing scriptures which make it an inimitable piece of raillery and a good humoured amusement for all. Haribhadra possesses a righteous indignation which is passionate, noble and fearless. Like a true satirist, he thoroughly ridicules rather objectively, in his Sambodha-prakarana, the vices that had perhaps crept into the Jaina monastic order of his times : he detests, pities and condemns the vices and the irreligious routine of the ascetic life; while in the Dhū. he satirizes the folly of the degenerating belief of the masses in Purāņic legends. Monks are morally and religiously degraded, and the public is on the verge of rational bankruptcy; and here Haribhadra comes like an expert surgeon to ply his satirical instrument, before he can put the bandage of religious and didactic teaching. Like Voltaire, Haribhadra was out to cure, and he had a panacea, Reason. Haribhadra is a champion of rational and logical attitude; he declares in one place :* I am not partial to Mahāvīra, nor do I bear any ill will against Kapila and others; whose words appeal to reason, his mission is to be upheld. He has given vent to this spirit more than once. The good satirist, we know, holds a place half-way between preacher and the wit. He has the purpose of the first and uses the weapons of the second. He must both hate and love. For what impels him to write is not less the hatred of error and folly than the love of right and wise vision. The satirist's appeal is always to the intellect, and rarely does he play upon the emotions. His is a perfectly rational attitude strengthened by the nicest sense of proportion. Like & rationalist, Haribhadra's approach is intellectual, apart from his being a champion of logic and reason; but his atill greater asset is the mental poise with which he meets his opponents. He is not a logician infuriated with religious fanaticism, but he is a genuine rationalist of a balanced mind; and to a certain extent we see this even in the Dhurtākhyāna. As & genius Haribhadra has at his back a fund of good logic. Quite skilfully and humorously, like a creative artist, he applies it to the incredible Puranic ideas which have a sway over men's minds; the invented tales are full of logical extremos and absurdities; and when the Purāņic legends are set on par with them, they cannot but be ridiculous and absurd. The minds that start doubting
1 Ed. Jaina Grantha Prakāšaka Sabhā, Ahmedabad 1916, especially Garvădhikars. 2 In his Lokatattva-nirnaya: qarat #maraforlag 1 gftiga qerrer
qfar: ll' and in his Yogabindu : 'amet Aaltola yriti 747 ARE AET I Tantra युक्तियत्र तत्र मतिरेति निवेशम् ।।'
:

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DHURTAKHYANA:
the veracity of invented tales are easily led to denounce the Puranic legends. With untiring assiduity he scrutinizes, sorts and shifts the Puranic legends according to their points of weakness, and pours them forth to substantiate the most ridiculous extremes and distortions with the result that not only the purpose of proving the unprovable fails but the Puranic legends themselves get ridiculed as improbable and absurd. The result is startling, though inevitable. He satirizes the legends rather by exposing them by selection and comparing them with ridiculously fantastic tales than by vehemently denouncing them. As we see below, Haribhadra exhibits a remarkable intellectual honesty ; so far as the main motifs are concerned, he does not tamper with the Puraņic legends: he does not distort them to ridicule them.
22
"
'The true end of satire is the amendment of vices by correction', says Dryden; and he is perfectly right in hitting at the end and aim of all great satires so emphatically. Haribhadra has undoubtedly a religio-moral purpose, hinted rather than elaborated (V. 122, 124), in writing this Akhyāna. As has been observed, the polished raillery and the good natured satire have an ethical under-current, otherwise 'the satire which only seeks to wound is as dangerous as arrows that fly in the dark'. It must be said to Haribhadra's credit that the satirical artist in him has successfully, and also rightly, predominated over the religious preacher in him. No artist can do more than set his practised and controlled talent to work on the subject chosen and constantly developed for him by the inspiration of his genius.' Our author just exercises his imagination in the way laid down for him by his characters and circumstances; and one feels that even if he had stopped his work at V. 109 (of course followed by V. 119-24). nothing fundamental would have been missed. Nowhere does he show the temptation of preaching moral lessons like a professional religious teacher. Any other mediocre author would have introduced a Kevalin at the end to give a dhamma-kaha whereby all the rogues would be turned into pious believers who would ultimately reach liberation after observing samlehand. Haribhadra has fully and rightly restrained himself from adding to his composition any such conclusion so usual and normal in Jaina tales. The Dhurtakhyana, therefore, has a literary form, nothing specially religious about it; it is an out-and-out satire, an artist's creation; and as a literary product, it is far ahead of its time. In fact, coming so early as in the 8th century A. D., Dhú. reveals such an artistry and management of the material as one oan simply marvel at. Not even the works of Kşemendra, who does possess a satirical skill and whose performance we have reviewed above, can match the Dhurtakhyāna, which is Bearly three hundred years older than him, with regard to construction and subtle satirical effect. Haribhadra is throughout an artist, while Kşemendra's satire is overladen with and defaced by heavy didacticism. If one understands our author's bhava-viraha as an escape from the tedium of life, Haribhadrasūri will have the credit of hitting at an accepted standard of the greatness of satire in modern times.

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A CRITICAL STUDY
The characters introduced by Haribhadra are not altogether imaginary; but, in fact, most of them are well-known figures in Indian popular tale and picaresque literature. Mülasri or Müladeva' is a famous character as a Jack of all trades given to gambling and attached to courtezan Devadatta. It appears that he had alternative names such as Karpisuta, Mülabhadra and Kalanikura. Even a treatise on theft or erotics is attributed to him by tradition. Certainly he is an old figure. Haribhadra himself quotes a Präkrit story in his commea. tary on the Daśavaikālika-sūtra (p. 57 f.) in which Müladeva figures as a tricky rogue. The Avantisundarikatha (veres 7) mentions him; Bāna also, in his Kadambari, refers to him with his friend Sasa; and both of them are introduced (with Devadatta) in the Padmaprabhṛtaka. He figures as a typical hero in the Kalavilasa of Kşemendra. The Kathasaritsägara also gives his story, and ho is associated with the court of Vikramaditya. We get a Jaina edition of the tale of Müladeva and Devadatta quoted in Devendra's commentary on the Uttaradhyayana'. Thus Müladeva appears to have reached the status of a popular hero typifying all that is tricky and roguish. The name Kamdariya is met with in the Ardhamägadhi canon"; he is not a rogue, but a worldlycomfort-seeking character destined to go to hell. Jaina stories mention names like Ilaputra and Agaḍhabhüti; and according to the Abhidhana-Rajendra, Elagadha is a famous rogue from Avanti referred to in the Nisitha-cürņi. Sasa, as noted above, appears to have been a close associate of Müladeva. We do not know anything about Khamḍavänä from other sources: her name has a popular ring and baffles Sanskritic etymology. Though most of the characters are already known, there is very little of characterization in the Dhürtäkhyāna. It is only Khanḍapānā, with her coarseness and sharp intellect, that is a bit individualized. She is a good combination of a woman and a rogue. She is intelligent, hypocritical, scheming and witty; her success in getting the wealth from the merchant is quite worthy of her nature and trade; without any difference of opinion she becomes the President of Rogues; and she smashes the vanity and satisfies the appetite of her colleagues by a well-earned and sumptuous feast. One wishes that Haribhadra spent more labour and greater insight in making the characters and stories more individualistic as has been done by Chaucer in his immortal Canterbury Tales.
1 On Maladeva see Dr. De's paper on the Bhana, JRAS, 1926; Avantisundarikatha, Madras 1924; Kavyamala I, p. 36, foot-note 1; Caturbhäpi, Intro. p. ii; Maladeva's story from Devendra's commentary on the Uttaradhyayana is edited by Jacobi in his Ausgewählte Erzählugen in Mähäräştri, Leipzig 1886; its English translation Hindu Tales' by Meyer, London 1909; also Prakrtakathaeamgraha by Jinavijayaji, Ahmedabad. A paper 'The Character and Adventure of Maladeva' by M. Bloomfield has appeared in the Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, vol. 52, 1913, pp. 616-650; but it has not been accessible to me.
3 Set-Uttaradhyayanant, Bombay 1937.
23
3 Nayadhammakabão, I, 19.
This work is not accessible to me, and it is neccessary to see what details are given by the Orol.

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na master-Pmould of & Ors Canterbury art an air
24
DAĒRTĀKHYĀNA: The literary device of picaros narrating their experience with a satirical vein is seen to a certain extent in the Dasakumāracarita and in the Bhāņa type of dramas, but the manner in which and the purpose for which Haribhadra has adopted it is remarkable. We know some of his successors like Amitagati etc., but we are absolutely in the dark about his predecessors in the field. The forın, however, is dramatic in which characters are made to speak; Haribhadra tells us that it was narrated as a tale (V. 123), and not enacted as a play; but with minor changes the whole piece oan be turned into a fine Prahagana of open satire.
The most astonishing thing about the Dhurtākhyāna is not that it is satirical, nor that it is one of the rare pieces of the kind in early Indian literature, but that it should be so thoroughly modern both in thought and spirit, and such a master-piece of construction. Most of the Roman or the English satire is cast in the mould of a dream or an allegory. This makes it stilted and artificial. It is only in Chaucer's Canterbury Tales and Boccacio's Decameron that an ingenious frame-work is used to impart an air of reality to the narration. The device of emboxing stories within a story is a common trait in most of the Indian sagas. Apart from this consideration, the frame-work of the Dhūrtākhyāna is certainly one of its notable features. The rogue-chiefs, each telling a fantastic story of his own and asking others to prove its truth or to accept defeat and give feast to rest of them, as they were all hungry during the rainy week and had run thither into the garden in order to manage to get food, afford the satire an amusing yet natural setting. The truth of their wonderful and wild stories is immediately proved by parallels from the Bhārata, Rāmāyaṇa and Purānas. The last chief who is a female recounts a number of autobiographical incidents which are likewise regarded as credible. But then, all this still keeps the main problem unsolved! How are they to get food for themselves and for their retinue ? Their female accomplice proposes that she would give them a feast only if they acknowledged her supremacy. This they would never accept. She then, continuing her narration, leads it to such a point that they have to recognize her suzerainty or give feast. Thus the woman is triumphant, and her wit and wisdom enable them all to satisfy their most immediate need of food. The impossible yarns concocted by the Rogues, the replies thereto, and above all the witty and surprising end of the story reveal its architectonic skill and the beauty of design. The Dhūrtākhyāna has a unity and compactness that can be distinctly felt; and except for the one or two obscene references and bluat outspokenness and crudity of Khandapānā's experience, there is nothing superfluous or inartistio in the satire. Besides, its perfeotly original structure is one of its highest distinctions, and sufficient by itself to proclaim the author's genius.
In speaking of the unity of the Dhūrtākhyāna it was the organio unity, therefore unity of form and spirit both, that was hinted at. E there is an indirect reference in favour of Jainism at the close of the work

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A CRITICAL STUDY
(V. 121-22), the satire as a whole is general, directed against oredulity and superstition that deaden man's reasoning faculties and lead him away from the path of Truth. According to accepted critical standards, it is modern and not medieval, and it is more Horacian than Juvenalian. It is throughout rational and convincing. It shall be as well called good-humoured, as there is no deliberate attempt to distort or exaggerate facts or indulge in repeated rancour, The main point is that we should not be foolishly credulous and accept the mythological stories as literally true. As seen below, almost all the references to Purāņıs, etc. are traceable to their origins. The author is always implicit, and never vituperative in his criticism, and makes an intelligent use of dilemma, not only to prove or disprove things but also to give a witty air to everything that is ridiculed. Khiņdapāna's cornering and outwitting her male accomplices is a brilliant example of this device. The use of such dilemmatic situations has given a logical tone (quite inevitable and essential in the work of an outstanding logician like Haribhadra) and balance to the narration. Except for a few repetitions (elephant-pursuit, mating with Sun, Wind etc.), the story has the fullest variety with its strange, mysterious, awe-inspiring and terrible phantasies set in a realistic back-ground and provided with a rollicking humorous close. Some of the descriptions, short or long, för instance that of the cemetery, are quite epical in style and make-up. The story element in the frame-work is comparatively slight, but has gained a remarkable poise because of Khandapānā's flashing victories over her partners and the banker whom she dupzs by her superior intelligence and womanly wiles.
The precocious genius of the author', obvious in this unique work, indeed, provides a delightful field for researches in literary developments; and it is hoped that the publication of this edition of Dhürtākhyāna will inspire others to unearth still richer treasures that lie buried in the literature of ancient India,
4. Sources of the Purānic Legends Throughout the Dhū., in order to confirm the fantastic tale narrated by one Dhūrta, other Dhürtas have presented a series of Epic and Purānic legends. It is necessary to study them, wherever possible, in comparison with
1 Most of the works of Haribhadra are yet to be studied critically. The following are
the chief sources where some points about bis life, works and date are discussed. H. T. Sheth: Haribhadrasuri-caritram (in Sanskrit ), Benares 1917. Sri Kalyanavijayaji: Introduction (in Sanskrit) to tho od. of Dharmasangrahaņih, Dayachandra L. P. Fund Series No. 42, Bombay 1918, Jinavijayaji: Haribhadrasûrika Samayanirņaya (in Hindi), Jaina Sahitya Samsodhaka, Vol. I, part 1, pp. 21-68, also his
The Date of Haribhadragūri (in Sanskrit)', Poona 1919; his conclusion, based on sound proofs, is that Haribhadra should be assigned to A. D. 700-770. Becharadas Jivaraj: Introduction to his Jaina Darśana (in Gujaräti), Ahmodabad Samvat 1980. H. Jacobi: Introduction (in English) to tho ed. of Samarãiccakahi, B. I., Caloutta 1926; Jacobi accepts 750 A. D. or later as the time of Haribhadra's literary activity: in his account of Haribhadra's life, he has scrutinised the traditional biographies
and given a connected narration.

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26
DHURTAKHYANA:
the legends as preserved in present-day texts. Haribhadra is not very particular in mentioning his sources, specifying the work and its author. Usually he refers to them in general terms like Śruti, Purana etc. (I. 14, 31, 35, 53, 89; II. 27, 51; III. 20, 53, 88; IV. 15, 27; V. 11, 64); Bharata1 and Rāmāyaṇa, however, are repeatedly mentioned (I. 14, 31, 35, 41, 82, 85; II. 27, 62; III. 20, 93; IV. 14, 15, 19; V. 60, 119); and there are single references to Visnupurāņa and Aranya-parvan (of the Bharata) and also to Vyasa, the author of Bharata (II. 27; II. 31; I. 41). Once Arthasastra is casually mentioned (V. 1) but not as a source. In the following paragraphs are presented the Legends found in the Dhu., their sources traced by us, and critical remarks on the same in
some cases.
I. *1*. 37-38: FOUR VARNAS IN BRAHMAN'S BODY. Rgveda X. 90. 12; Mahabharata, Aranyaka-parvan (critical ed.), 187. 18.
I. *2*. 39-40: HARA'S MALE ORGAN. Vayupurana (Anandāśrama ed., 1905), chap. 55. 23-28. Verse 26 mentions that they tried to measure its limits for one thousand years.
-
I. *3*. 41-51: BIRTH OF KICAKAS (Bharata of Vyāsa). — [?]. Haribhadra specifically mentions the Bharata of Vyasa as his source. According to Mbh., Viraṭaparvan (critical ed.), App. I, p. 313, passage No. 19, Kekaya, a Suta king, had from his wife Malavi one hundred and six sons of whom Kicaka was the most mighty and was appointed as the commander by the Virata king. This is all that we learn about their origin; and in this context the legendary details noted by Haribhadra are not found. Kicaka does mean a hollow bamboo. I. *4*. 52: GANGA FOILED IN HARA'S JATA. Ramayana (Nirnayasagara ed. 1921), Balakanda, 43. 9.- Haribhadra says vasa-sahassam, while in the Rama. we have samvatsara-gaṇān bahūn. I. *5*. 53-7: BIRTH OF BRAHMAN. Mbh., Aranyaka-parvan (critical ed.), App. I, pp. 1084-5, passage No. 27, especially II. 13-30. -There is some verbal agreement with the Mbh. passage; but in this context it is not mentioned that Brahman came out with Danda etc. and that the lotus was stuck, as noted by Haribhadra. According to the Vayupurana, chap. 55. 14, Brahman is equipped with Kamandalu.
--
-
-
I. *6*. 58-84: i) TILOTTAMA RUINS BRAHMAN'S AUSTERITIES; ii) BIRTH OF DRONACARYA; iii) BIRTH OF SVEDA AND RAKTA-KUNDALIN; iv) KARNA BORN THROUGH THE EAR (Bharata). i) Mbh. Adi. (critical ed.) 201 ff. and Matsyapurāņa (Anandasrama ed. 1907), Adhya. 3. 31 f.; ii) Mbh. Adi. (critical ed.), 57. 89, 121. 3-5, 154. 1-5; iii) Padmapurana (Anandaśrama ed. 1894), Sṛṣṭikhanda, Adhya. 14; iv) [?]. i) According to Adiparvan 201 ff, Viśvakarmian, at the instruction of Pitamaha (203. 10-17), created Tilottama, a veritable mine of jewels of beauty, for the destruction of Sunda and Upasunda.

1
Haribhadra uniformly mentions Bharata and never Mahabharata.
2 The legend is split up for referential convenience. A story, much similar to No. 1; is found in tho Brhat Kathakosa of Harisena ( Bombay 1943), chap. 99.

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A ORITICAL STUDY
97 She was called Tilottama, because she was made from small portion of every kind of gem. Mahideva developed four faces to look at her as she went round (203, 23-25). According to the Mateyapurana, however, Brahman created Satarüp out of his body; and to look at her, he developed four faces (in four directions) with a fifth on the head. This temptation ruined his austerities. ii) Haribhadra attributes Dropa's birth to Pasupati and Uma, but according to Mbh, it is attributed to Bharadvaja and Ghṛtäci, the circumstances being similar. iii) Though the names noted by Haribhadra are not given, the Padmapurana narrates a story quite similar to this in the context of the earlier births of Arjuna and Karna. Brahman produced a man from the perspiration of his forehead. According to the Padma., Visnu offered blood from his arm. iv) Karpa is considered to be the area of the Sun by whom he was generated from Kunt! (Mbh. Adi., 57. 82, 61. 89); and his birth is described at length in the Adi. 104. But I do not find any reference to his being born from the ear. The Mbh. mentions, however, that he was born with the Kavaca.
Rama
I. 7. 85-88: HANUMAT CROSSES THE OCEAN (Ramāyaṇa). yans, Sundarakanda, Sarga 1, versos 27, 54, Sarga 2, verse 2, etc. The Ramayana gives a graphic description how Hanumat jumps (his long arms and the root tr being more than once mentioned) across the ocean. The Sanskrit quotation put in the mouth of Hanumat I have not been able to spot in the Nirnayasagara ed. in this context.
I. 8. 89-92: HARA RECEIVES GANGA ON HIS HEAD. Rāmāyaṇa, Balakanda, Sargas 42, 43 (verse 3f.); Mbh. Acanyaka., 108. 9 f.; see also the remarks on I. *4*. 52 above. Mbb, simply describes how Ganga was received by Hara; and there is no reference to her vanity us in the Ramayan II. 1. 27-30: PRIMORDIAL EGG (Visnupurana). Viṣṇupurāṇa, Wilson's Translation (London 1864), Book I, chap. II, pp. 39-40; Mbh. Adi. (critical ed.) 1. 27 f.; Matsyapurana, 2. 32 ff.; Brahmapurana (Anandasrama ed. 1895), 1. 40 f. This is described almost in every Purana.
-
II.2. 31-39: THE WHOLE UNIVERSE IN A CHILD'S STOMACH (Aranyaparvan). Mbh., Aranyakaparvan, 186. The details closely agree with a few common words even. According to our text, it is the Sage that calls the Boy; but in the Mbh, the Boy calls the Sage asking him to take shelter in his stomach (verses 88-9). The Mbh. says that Märkandeya was in the stomach of that Boy only for varṣaṇām adhikaṁ satam (verse 110); but according to Haribhadra divvan vasa-sahassaṁ. The Boy is none other than Vispu-Krspa, as it is clear from the names like Srivatsadharin, Pitaväsä, Pundarikakça etc.
II. 3. 40-41: KAVA IN DETAKI'S WOME Bhagavata (Nirnayasagara ed.) 10. 7. 34-36; also the references on II. *2*. 31-39 above. When

-
1 The Sanskrit Text (verse No. 102) mentions Bharata also along with Vispupurana. 2 The Sanskrit Text (verse 106) mentions Aranyapatha, a Sastra; but I feel no doubt that Haribhadra is referring to a Parvan of that name in the Mbh.

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28
DHURTĀKAYANA:
Yasodā was feeding Krşņa, she liappened to see the whole universe in his mouth which he opened while yawning.
II. *4*. 42-50; BRAHMAN AND KES'AVA. - Compare Váyupurāņa, Adhya. 24; see also the references on I. *5*. 53-7. - A legend somewhat corresponding to Haribhadra's version is found in the Vayu. Brahman once approached Nārāyaṇa who was sleeping on the great serpent in the ocean and who had produced a dignified lotus out of his navel for his sport. They do not recognise each other, and each one claims that he is the Adikartā. First Vişnu enters the stomach of Brahman and sees the whole universe there, but could not reach the end even after one thousand years; so he comes out of his mouth. Then Brahman enters Vişnu's stomach and experiences the same. When Vişnu closed the outlets of his body, Brahman assumed a subtle form, came out through the lotus stalk, and took his seat on the lotus. There is some jealousy between the two; but it is quieted on Brahman being admitted as the putra of Vişnu ( verses 57-53) born from his navel-lotus.
II. *5*. 51-61: THE MIGHTY Bow OF DRUPADA.--Compare Mbh., Adi. (critical ed.) 174ff.—The Adi. describes the bow as drdham, anāyamyam (176. 9), devadattam (foot-note p. 716, No. 1809*), samhanopapannam ( 178. 15). Is it that Haribhadra's Mbh. text read 178. 13 as an adjective of kārmukam in verse 15? Then alone the bow can be possessed of Nāgas etc. According to the Mbh., Krşņa and Bhima are present at the gathering but merely as spectators. Siśupāla is humiliated, as noted by Haribhadra (Sasipālo being perhaps a misreading); but the passage concerned is found only is S (foot-note p. 725, No. 1828*) and not included in the critical text.
11. *6*. 62-74: HILL-LIKE JATÄYS (Rāmāyana). Compare Rāmāyana, Aranyakāņda, 50-53.-The opposition of Jatāyu when Ravana carried Sitā, their mutual fight, Jaţāyu wounded by the sword of Rāvana: all these events are described in the Aranyakanda. Further that dying Jaţāyu gives all the details to Rāma, accompanied by Lakşmaņa (Sarga 67), and dies in their presence. They perform the last rites (Sarga 68). According to Haribhadra, Sitā blesses Jațāyu that he would get wings after meeting Rāma's messenger; Hanumat, in his search for Sitā, meets Jațāyu who gives him all the details about her and who gets back his wings after meeting him; but I see no proper context for these in the present text of the Rāmāyaṇa of Vālmīki. Jatāyu is, however, qualified in the Rāmāyaṇa as parvata-ssågābhaḥ (50.2). The Mbh., Aranyaka. (critical ed.), 262-63, which gives this episode, describes Jatayu thus : Jațāyur giri-yocaraḥ (262, 41), grdhrar nihatan parvatopamam (263. 15),
III. *1*. 21-25: RENUKĀ REVIVED TO LIFE.Mbh., Aranyakaparvan (critical ed.) 116.-That the trees respected her chastity is not specifically mentioned in the Moh. The name of the king in the Mbh, is Citraratha and not Aśvāpahṛta as given by Haribhadra.
III. *2*. 26: CONSTITUTION OF Jar SANDHA.Mbh., Sabhäparvan Madras 1932), Adhyāyas 19 (verses 54-55 ), 20 (verses 1-7). His explained thus: Jaraya sandhito yasmāj Jarāsardho bhavaivayam,

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CRITICAL STUDY
29
Haribhadra; perind Upasunda. Acousmaha, by putting and her body w
III. *3*. 27-37: SUNDA AND NISUNDA DESTROYED BY TILOTTAMĀ.-Mbh., Adi. (critical ed.), 201-4.-Upasunda of the Mbh. is called Nisunda by Haribhadra; perhaps it is & contamination with Nikumbha, the name of the father of Sunda and Upasunda. According to Mbh., Tilottamā was created by Višvakarman, at the instruction of Pitāmaha, by putting together all that was beautiful in the three worlds. She was like Laksmī, and her body was a veritable mine of jewels ( 203. 12–17). Haribhacira, however, says that she was created by taking bits from gods.
III. *4* 38-44: HANUMAT PIECED TOGETHER.- Compare Rāmāyaṇa, Kişkindba-kānda, 66. 8-28, also Uttara-, 35-36.--Hanumat's life in his childhood is given in the Rāmāyaṇa according to which it is Indra that wounded him, while he jumped at the Sun, on the left chin whereby he came to be known as Hanuman (66. 24). The instruction of the mother that he should eat red fruits, her lamentation, smashing of his body by the Sun's kick, subsequent piecing together of the same, and the substitution of the chin : all these events, though referred to by Haribhadra, are not mentioned in the Rámāyaṇa in the above contexts.
III. *5*. 46-52: HANUMAT BRINGS WOUND-HEALING MEDICINE. Rāmāyaṇa, Yuddha-kāņda, Sarga 101, also Sarga 74 (especially verse 70) and Sarga 50.-The details noted by Haribhadra are practically covered by the above contexts in the Rāmāyaṇa.
III. *6*. 53-86: BIRTH OF MauĀSENA.-Compare Mbh., Aranyakaparvan (critical ed), 213-14; Brahmapurāņa, Adhyā., 128.7-23; Matsyapurāņa, chap. 158. 26.; Väyupurāņa, Chap. 72.--According to the Mbh., Svābā, the daughter of Dakşa, satisfied the passion of Agni by assuming the formy of the six wives of Saptarsis (excepting Arundhati, whose form she couid not assurde). She received the semen in hand; and with a desire that she should not be seen, she flew taking the form of a Garudi. The semen was dropped in a golden pot six times, and therein was born Mahāsena with six heads etc. He is also called Rudra's son, Rudra being identified with Agni (218. 27f.) and Svāhā with Umā (220.9). According to the Brahma- and the Matsya-purāņa, Agni assumes the form of a parrot and approaches Sambhū and Umä. Agni drops semen in the Krttikās and Kārtika was thus born. Haribhadra plainly says devā gabbh'uvaghūyaṁ viciṁtamti, but the Sanskrit and Gujarāti versions indicate that gods wanted from Siva and Umà a son who would destroy Tarakāsura. Something like the legend which Haribhadra has in view is found in the Vayupurāņa. The text of Váyupurāņa admits a sad confusion of various myths about Mahasena, but it clearly says that Indra did not want any issue to be born from Sankara and Umā; so he cent Agni to them. The concluding details are slightly different. Seeing that the semen had fallen out of her body, Umā forced Agni to hold it in his stomach; he later sought the help of Gangā who delivered in a Himalayan valley; and a mighty son was born.
1 The relevant lines run thus: Brutalface HTİRTTUIR GETI Bfa: fic & II ताभ्यां मैथुनसक्ताभ्यामपत्योद्भवभीरुणा । तयोः सकाशमिन्द्रेण प्रेषितो हव्यवाहनः ।। अनयो रतिविघ्नं च त्वमाचर हुताशन । सर्वत्र गत
व त्वं न दोषो विद्यते तदा।

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DHĒRTĀKHYANA:
III. *7*. 87-88: SUN AND Moox ECLIPSED BY Rāhu's HEAD.-Mbb., Adi. (critical ed.), 17. 4-8.---The corresponding story in the Mbh, runs thus: The Sun and Moon reported to Vişnu that Rābu, under the guise of a god, was just drinking nectar churned from the ocean, Vişnu immediately cat his head which began eclipsing the Sun and Moon with enmity towards them.
III. *8*. 89-91: Vişno COVERS THE UNIVERSE BY TAREE STEPS.-Mbh, Aranyakaparvan (critical ed.), p. 1086, App. I, extract No. 27, lines 66-81.
III. *9*. 92: HANUMAT CARRIES TAE DRONA MOUNTAIN WITH ALL ITS VEGETATION (Rāmāyaṇa).-Rāmāyaṇa, Yuddhakāņda, Sarga 101. 30-46, see also Sargas 50 and 74.
III. *10*. 96-7: The EARTH LIFTED BY Varana.'-Mbh., Aranyakan parvan (critical ed.), 187. 11; also Brahmapurāņa, chap. 213. 40–42.
IV. *1*. 18: A DRUM FROM MĀşa PLANT.--[?..The details are too meagre to indicate the source.
IV. *2*. 19-21: A River OF ELEPHANT ICHOR (Bhărata).[?].-This quotation can be traced only with the aid of the Verse Index of Mbh.
IV. *3*, 22-4: BHIMA AND BAKA (Bhārata, according to the Sanskrit Text).Mbh., Adi. (critical ed.), 145-152.The critical edition describes the demon's share of food at 148. 6; but more detailed descriptions of it are found in different recensions of the Mbh.: see Adi (critical ed.), p. 942, passage Nos. 91–92. Haribhadra's details are more than covered by them.
IV. *4*. 25-6: KUMBHAKARNA'S MEAL.-Rāmāyaṇa, Yuddhakāņda, 60 (especially verses 32–38, 62-63, 91-92)
IV. *5*. 27: AGASTYA DRINKS THE OCEAN.Mbh., Aranyakaparvan (critioni ed.), 101. 10; 102. 18 f. ; 103. 1-10.
IV. *6*. 28-29: Ganga DRUNK BY JAHNU.Ramayanı, Balakānda, 43. 84-38.-The exact period of one thousand years, noted by Haribhadra, is not mentioned in this context by the Rāmā.
IV. *7*. 31-87: The MIGHTY GARURA. - Mbh. Adi. (critical ed.), 14-32. — These chapters practically cover all the details noted by Haribhadra. There are, however, some points of specific difference: The Mbh. notes only two eggs (14. 12) of Vinatā giving birth to Aruna and Garuda, while Dhû. mentions one more egg which was impatiently opened first and which produced a scorpion. Secondly, it is the mother, according to Mbh., that tells Garuda the whereabouts of the nectar and that asks him to eat Nişādas (24. 2); but according to Haribhadra it is Kāśyapa, the father, that gives these instructions. Thirdly, the Mbh. does not connect the dropping of Vața tree with Lankā. Lastly, Vişnu is quite partial to Garuda almost from the beginning in the Mbh. (129, 12 f.).
IV. *g*. 88: GOVARDHANA MOUNTAIN LITTED BY KRŞŅA. - Brahma. purāņa, chap. 188. 14 f.; Bbāgavata (Nirnayasagara ed.), X. 25. 19.
IV. *9*. 89--80: MONKEYS Broogur MOUNTAINS FOR THE Setu. - Rämayaņu, Yuddhakanda, 22 (especially verses 50-60).
i The Sanskrit lost does not include this legond.

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92
IV. *10*. 91-93: HANUMAT Roots OUT TREES IN THE PARK'.-Rämá. yana, Sundarakānda, 41 (especially verses 10-21).
V. *1*. 11: Bhima AND HANUMAT GENERATED BY WIND, -Mbh., Adi. (oritical ed.), 57. 97, 61. 84; Rāmāyaṇa, Kişkindhākānda, 66. 8-20. - According to Rămă. Hanumat's mother is called Añjanā and not Nilā. Or is it that Haribhadra is paraphrasing añjana by nila?
V. *2*. 12–18: BIRTE OF Vysa, - Mbh., Ādi. (critical ed.), 57, 55-74; 99-100; also the additional passage No. 37 on p. 895. - Accord to the Mbh., Vidura is born from a maid servant (100. 23), and there is no reference to any curse on the three by Vyāsa.
V. *3*.23: Kunti's SON BY THE SUN. -- Mbh., Adi., 57-82; see also the references and remarks on I. *5*. 58–84, para iv.
V. *4*. 25-31: VOLUPTUOUS AGNI. - [?]. - According to the Mbh., Aranyaka (critical ed.), 213, Agni was passionate for the wives of Saptarsis ; and with his mind upset with passion, he ran to the forest. It is Sväha, the daughter of Dakşa, that satisfied his passion.
V. *5*. 33-37: i) INDRA'S MISBEHAVIOUR WITH AHALYĀ, AND ü) His Sox FROM Kunti. - i) Rimāyaṇa, Bālakānda, 48. 15-28; Müh., Anuságana (Bombay ed.) 41, 21; also Brahmapurāņa Adhyā. 87. ii) Mbh., Adi. (critical ed.) 57. 97. - According to Rāmā., Indra misbehaves with Abalya, the wife of Gautama who curses him to lose his testicles. According to the Mbh., be bas thousands of pores on his body as a result of the curse; and they were afterwarde changed to eyes. According to the Dhū., he was handed over to passionate pupils, but I do not find any such details in the above contexts. The Brahman purāņa, however, tells us that Indra became a cat, but was cursed by Gautama to have thousand pores ( sahasra-thagavan) on his body. When he prayed for mercy, he was blessed to be Sahasrākşa.
V. *6*. 59: See above 1. *2*. 39-40. - The natural inference is that there could be a pretty long tail of a mouse.
V.*7*. 60--63: THE LONG TAIL OF HANUMAT (Råmāyana).-Rāmāyana, Sundarakānda, 53 (verses 5-8), 54.
V. *8*. 64-69 : i) GANDHĀRIVARA CHANGED INTO KURABAKA; ii) AKUŞA
1 Here Haribhadra quotes a rhyming couplet (No. 92) in Präkrit which he calls
Khamdao. Though I could spot the necessary context, I do not find these lines in the Paümacariya, 53. 78. The Sanskrit and Gujarati Texts have Añjană for Nilā in this context, see verse No. 336 and p. 62, 1. 1. Harisona gives, in his Brhat Kathakośa, 83, a story corresponding to Haribhadrakt story. Therein Samtana, or Samtanu, has three sons, Citra, Vicitra and Citrängs, who leave behind three widows, Ambā, Ambikä and Bälikā (Ambalikå) from whom Vyasa generates Dhrtarăstra, Pápdu and Vidura respectively. Haribhadra's phrase
bhüujjayā tinni vi presumes such a story; see also story No. 96 from the same. 4 The Sanskrit text gives the name Nahusa, verse 385; but the Gujarāti ono Naghuşa,
p. 64. Is it that kira 80 is a wrong improvement on the original pahuo, being misread as na h16 80 ?

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DAŪRTĀKHYANA:
BECOMES A BOA :-i) [?]; ii) Mbh., Aranyakaparvan (critical ed.), 175-178, also App. I, passages 19-20, pp. 1065f.-i) It is not clear whether Gamdharivara refers to Dhịtarăştra ; ii) The Mbh. text has undoubtedly grown, and the present text shows more than seven questions.
As distinguished from the above legends, the sources of which we have tried to trace, there are some casual references in the Dhů. (I. 62-4; V. 114-18) to Purāņic personalities and events. Some of them are mere names; so some additional information may be noted here from second-hand sources.
Haribhadra expresses (once through the mouth of Indra) that Malāvira alone is an exception; and that all other so-called great personalities have been victims of cupidity and womanly temptations (I. 64-4), or of passions in general (V. ii): Gautama had a wife Ahalyā by name; at times, whenever taken as identical with Dirghatamas, he is painted to be quite voluptuous.--Vasiştha had for his wives Urjā, Arundhati etc.; and he had one hundred sons.-Parāśara, unmindful of place and time, fell in passionate love with Satyavati, the fisher-girl.–Jamadagni demanded, from king Reņu, Renukā in marriage; he had five sons from her; but he was a terribly suspicious husband.Kaśyapa had more than a dozen wives and a pretty large number of sons.Agastya once realized that his ancestors could not be rescued without his begetting a son. Then he formed a girl out of the most graceful parts of different animals and passed her secretly into the palace of the king of Vidarbha. When the child grew up, he demanded her in marriage; somehow the king consented; and she became his wife Lopamudrā. To satisfy his wife, who had grown up in palace, he begged wealth from different kings.-Indra selected Indrāņi to be his wife because of her voluptuous attractions; he employed celestial nymphs to excite the passions of holy men; he is called parastrikāmc-cūrin, a habitual adulterer; he tried to seduce Ruci, wife of Devasarman; and his endevour to seduce Ahalyā, wife of the sage Gautama, is wellknown.-Hara's attachment for Umā, who occupies half of his body, is often mentioned in the Purāņa.-Vişnu has his wife in Lakşmī; and in his incarnation of Krsna, he had 16000 wives, apart from his sports with Gopis to whom he is so much attached (V. 112-13).-Candra has twenty-seven wives, of whom Rohiņi is the most favourite. He carried off Tārā, the wife of BỊlaspati, from whom he had a son Budha by name.-Váyu generated Bhima from Kunti and Hanumat from Añjanā. The hundred daughters of Kućanābha would not comply with his licentious desires, so he made them crooked in physique; and thus their city came to be called Kanyā-kubja.-Yama-Dharma had several wives as Hemalatā etc. Dharma, one of the Prajāpatis, had married thirteen (or ten) of the daughters of Dakşa, and had a numerous progeny. Ile generated Yudhisthira from Kunti.
1
The following works are mainly used: A Classical Dictionary of India by J. Garret (Madras 1871) and its Supplement (Madras 1873); A Ciassical Dictionary of Hindu Mythology etc. by J. Dowson (London 1879); Vodie Mythology by A. A. Macdonell (Strassburg 1897); Epic Mythology by E. W. Hopkins (Strassburg 1915); Index to the Names in tho Mahabharata ote. by S. Sörenson (London 1901-25); Bhäratavarsiya caritrakośa by Chitrava (Poona 1932).

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In conclusion, Haribhadra refers to a series of legende, particularly the births of Purāņic personages (V. 114-18), and summarily denounces them as unnatural and unworthy of any credence. Some of them, viz., the births of Brahman (1. 53-7), Tilottainā (1. 58-84 ; 111. 27-37), Droņa (1. 60-61), Sanmukha (III, 53-86), and of Svedakundalin and Nara, i. e., Raktakundalin (I. 58–84) are already referred to in the earlier discussion; and we have noted the relevant sources above. Some particulars about the rest may be added here : There is a legend that (Pavana-?) Ganapati originated from the scurf of Pārvati's body.--Urvasi was so named, because she was born from the thigh.Nalakūbara and Maņigriva were excessively drunk and sporting in a nude condition in the river Ganges. When Nārada came there, the ladies clothed themselves; but these two remained naked. Nārada was offended, and cursed them to become trees for one hundred years. They were relieved by the contact of Krsna who pulled the mortar, to which he was tied by his mother, through the interspace between the pair of Arjuna trees in which they were transformed..Vasudeva and Devaki were in the prison of Kaṁsa, and it is there that Devaki conceived Balarāma. But in the seventh month, through the mediation of Māyā, the embryo was transferred to the body of Rohiņi who was staying at Gokula. This Balarāma of the Yādava race is considered to be an amou of Sesa.-Pārvati is the daughter of Himālaya and Mena.
The success of Haribhadra's performance depends primarily, if not entirely, on the intellectual integrity and fidelity with which he has presented the Purāņic legends that are being satirised. We can start prima facie that he would not dare to change the popular, mythological stories, at least their fundamentals, current in his locality and at his time; for, if he were to do so, he would be cutting the very ground under his feet, and his work would fall in the estimation of his contemporaries to whose gathering it has been already narrated at Citrakūta (V. 123).
On the whole, we have been fairly successful in tracing the counterparts of the legends, quoted by Haribhadra, to their sources available today. Haribhadra is not actually quoting in the very words of the original, but he is rewriting the legends in his words and mostly from memory. Naturally we will have to make ample concession for omissions and minor variations in expression and presentation. In some cases, Haribhadra's legends, when studied in comparison with those in the present-day texts, show differences in details. Their significance depends upon their position in the story and on their relative bearing for the purpose of denunciation. Some divergences are of minor significance: for instance, the names of the parents of Droņa (I. *6*); whether the Sage called the Boy or vice versa (II. *2*); whether Reņukā's chastity was respected by plants (III. *1*); whether Upasunda or Nisunda is the name (III. *3*); whether Vinatä laid two eggs or three (IV. *7*); whether Yudhisthira asked the boa seven questions or more (V. *8*); etc. Such differences do not affect the chief idea that is selected as the target for the satirical shaft. There are other differences of major significance : for instance,

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DHŪRTĀKHYANA :
whether; according to the Purāņic legend, Kicakas were accommodated in and born from bamboo-hollows (1. *3*): whether the lotus was caught stuck at Vişnu's navel (I. *5*); whether Karna was born through the ear (I. *6*); whether Drupada's bow is described in the epic to contain Nāgas etc. (II. *5*); whether Hanumat climbed the mountain-like Jatayu (II, *6*); etc. If these events have no basis in the Purānic stories, the very edge of Haribhadra's criticism is blunted; and his denunciation of Purāņic legends becomes impertinent.
Before we raise the question, whether Haribhadra has really taken liberty with some of the legends, we have to remember that our epics and Purāṇas have not come down to us exactly in the same form in which they were current at the time of Haribhadra. Their texts have been subjected to so many vicissitudes in different localities and for centuries together that the authenticity of every episode, nay of every passage, is to be judged on its own merits. This is fully demonstrated by the critical edition of the Mahābhārata. The condition of the text-tradition of the Purāņas is much worse. They present such an indiscriminate fusion of text-tradition and such a bewildering medley of myths that the wits of a text-critic would be completely stunned. Very good results have been achieved by the study of Mbh. Mss.; and the late lamented Dr. V. S. Sukthankar has brilliantly sketched the pros and cons of the text-variation in the Mbh. in his following observations": "All the difficulties in the explanation of this phenomenal variation vanish, however, as soon as we assume that the epic was handed down from bard to bard originally by word of mouth, as is clearly implied by tradition. That would explain, without any strain or violence, the existence of the mass of variants, of differences in sequence and of additions and omissions. If the text has been preserved, for any considerable period of time, only in memory and handed down by word of mouth, those are just the changes that could not possibly be avoided. It is evident that no great care would be layished on the text by these custodians of the tradition to guard it against corruption and elaboration, or against arbitrary emendation and normalization: to reproduce the received text, which was not guarded by canonical authority or religious sanction, with any degree of precision would be neither attempted by the bards nor required of them. Whenever and wherever the text was then written down--and it was probably written down independently in different epochs and under different circumstances--these transmissions by word of mouth must have contaminated the written text and innumerable variations in it. The assumption of some such complicated derangement, beyond the normal vicissitudes of transmission, is necessary to account for the abnormal discrepancies and strange vagaries of the Mahābhārata manuscript tradition. In other words, we are compelled to assume that even in its early phases the Mahābhārata textual tradition must have been not uniform and simple, but multiple and polygenous." In another context Dr. V. S. Sukthankar has observed thus with regard to citations; and what is true about
1 The Adiparvan, Poona 1933, Prolegomena, p. 79.

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35
thothstand wharata
there haribha
them nearly holds good with regard to legends and their contents?: "Then in the case of citations we must allow for failures of memory, and the quotation was never compared with the original. Moreover we must never forget that probably from time immemorial there have existed local versions of the Mahābhārata. The citations made even by very old writers were from these local versions. A citation by a writer of the eighth century or even the sixth century proves nothing for the Ur-Mahābhārata, that ideal but impossible desideratum; though the citation is far older than our manuscripts, it is evidence only for the text of the local Mahābhārata in the eighth, respectively in the sixth century, notwithstanding that the differences between the various recensions and versions of the Mahābbārata must diminish as we go back further and further."
No doubt there must have been Mss, of the epics and Purāņas (III. 53) in the days of Haribhadra, but generally the narratives were heard from the mouth of rhapsodists. That they were handed down by word of mouth, as suggested by Sukthankar, is to a very great extent confirmed by the fact that, whenever Haribhadra appeals to the authority of Purānas etc., he uses almost uniformly terms like suvvai, suam, etc. (I. 35, 41; II. 27, 31, 61; III. 27, 38, 53, 63, 93; IV. 19, 27; V. 11, 33, 37, 60, 64, 112, 114; etc.). It is not unlikely, therefore, that some discrepancies in the details, whether minor or major, might go back to the traditional narration which was recited round about Citrakūta at the time of Haribhadra; and we can hardly hope to trace the same necessarily in the present-day texts. It is equally possible, in some cases where Haribhadra's statements show deviation from the sources, that he is criticising the legends which passed as such according to the tradition from which he got them. One cannot be dogmatic on one or the other explanation, because the sources, so far tapped, are comparatively limited. Further, when legends are quoted from memory, contamination, confusion and variation in details are inevitable. The very fact that most of the legends or their nearest counterparts we have been able to trace to their sources clearly indicates that Haribhadra did not want to put forth imaginary legends and then to condemn them. Though it is quite plain, it may be noted that the sources recorded by us do not indicate that all those works are necessarily older than Haribhadra, but it only means that those legends belong to a period earlier than that of Haribhadra. He mentions only three works by name, Bhārata, Rāmāyaṇa and Vişnupurāņa; and all other sources are our suggestions.
At times there is no agreement even among the Purāņic legends. For instance, according to one version, Agni was sent by gods to Siva and Umā for a mighty son who can destroy Tarakāsura; while, according to another version, though less popular, he was sent by Iudra to prevent Umā from conceiving a child. Haribhadra narrates clearly the latter version, though the Sanskrit and Gujarāti versions of the Dhū. read there, wrongly of course, the popular legend. The legend given by Haribhadra has its place in the present-day Váyupurāņa, as noted above. It is interesting to note that, in some cases
1 Prolegomona p. 29.

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DHURTAKHYANA:
(I. 5; II. *5*; IV. *3*), the details of the legends are more specifically traced in the additional passages recorded in the foot-notes and Appendix of the critical edition of the Mbh. That only means, the recension of the Mbh. which reached Haribhadra's ears was more inflated than our critical text which is constituted according to well-established and judiciously evolved canons of text criticism based on the available Mss.
Some of the legends quoted by Haribhadra appear to have been pieced together from different sources, even with mutual contamination (I. *6*; III. 3). It is creditable to Haribhadra that the number of such cases is quite small. This is inevitable in those days when one had to depend mainly on memory, which was a storehouse of all traditional lore, and not on books, as we do today.
Among the legends, the sources of which Haribhadra has clearly mentioned, some are found in the present-day texts with substantial agreement in details (I. *7*; II. *1*, *2*; III. *9* V. 7); but in three cases (I. *3*, 6; II. 6), though the sources are given as Bharata and Ramayana, we do not find any passages in the present-day texts to support Haribhadra. That Karna was born from Kunti's ear is a common story, quite popular even to this day, though not found in the Mbh.; and it is not surprising, if it was current in the days of Haribhadra too. First, karna means the ear, and popular etymology would certainly weave out such a story; secondly, there is as well a psychological motive, namely, by Karna's birth through the ear Kuntr's virginity remains intact, his generation by Sürya being after all miraculous, nay supernatural. Though Mbh. makes no mention of such a legend, I think, the birth of Kieskas from ktcakas or bamboo-hollows is similarly based on popular etymology; such a legend might have been current in the days of Haribhadra; and it is quite in tune with a host of legends in the epics and Puranas with which the miraculous germination of the semen into human beings' is a regular apparatus for the generation of the great men of the past about whose birth nothing exciting was specially known to the chronicler'. Coming to the episode of Jatayu, the epics do mention the mountain-like shape of Jatayu; and thereby Haribhadra's purpose is served. But the details of the story cannot be fitted in the present mould of Valmiki's Ramayaps. Haribhadra is quoting a Sanskrit vereo in that context; and it would indicate that he has some definite source before him.
My observations on the sources of Haribhadra's legends, I am quite aware, are tentative; and I hope that those scholars, who have better library facilities at their disposal and who have a closer study of the Puranas, would try to shed more light on this topic,
5. Sanskrit and Gujarati Dhurtākhyānas
The Sanskrit version of the Dhärtäkhyana, included in this edition,
I The Sanskrit and Gujarati Versions do not give this quotation.

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37
is extracted from the Tattvakaumudi' which is a Vivarana or Vrtti by Sanglia. tilaka on the Samyaktvasaptatikā, attributed to Haribhadra himself. The prasasti of the Vrtti gives a good bit of information about Sanghatilaka and his predecessors in the ascetic line. It opens with the glorification of Candragaccha to which belonged the following teachers : Vardhamāna, Jineśvara, Abhayadeva I (rangan naangi-mahāurtti-Stambhana-Pārsvanātha jinarāt-mürti-prakāraikakrt the author of the commentaries on the nine Angas, ( who became a Sūri in Samvat 1088 or 1031 A, D.))", Jinavallabha, Jinasekhara, Padmacandra, Vijayacandra, Abhayadeva II (from whom started the Rudrapallīya-gaccah ) Devabhadra, Pralbānanda, Sricandra & Vimalacandra, Gunasekhara and lastly Sanghatilaka, the author of Tattvakaumudi, Sanghatilaka had his vidyā-guru in Jinaprabha' whose erudition had pleased, Sāhi Mahammada at Dhilli'. He composed the Vịtti at the request of Devendra who was an anuja of Somatilaka, an eminent pupil of Sanghatilaka himself. It was composed at Sarasvatapattana (Pāțaņa?) (and finished] during Dipotsava (i. e., October-November) in the year 1422 ( frimadVikrama-vatsare dvi nayanamthodhi-kşapákrt-prame) of the Vikrama era, i, e.,-57 = 1365 A. D.
This Sanskrit Dhurtākhyāna is neither a Cbāyā nor a literal and studious metrical rendering or paraphrase of the Prākrit original, though it is solely based on it. Sanghatilaka, there is not the least doubt, has the Prākrit text of Haribhadra before lim; he is trying to present its contents, in simple Sanskrit verses, with sufficient closeness and strictly adhering to the same
1 This is published by the Devachandra Lālabhāi Jaina Pustakuddhāra Fund, No. 35,
Bombay 1916. This copy reached my hands rather late, so some details I have noted in the foot-notes. This Sk. Dhūrtakhyana forms a part of the commentary on verse No. 12 which runs thus : ARTE HAR TUR vaihteistor af7791 for x aagate 11 821). The story is introduced with this remark: VaT HETT Tafegerat cafea de afas: FT, Tie- after etc. At the close there are 28 verses more than what is printed here; they have nothing to do with Dhū. proper. They tell us that Vaiśramana, by hearing all this from Susthita, developed firm Samyaktva. Ho accepted the vows of a householder. His wife also accepted ratna-traya-dharma. Even when liis wife was troubled by a Vyantari, Vaiśramaņa's faith in Jina was unshaken. In due course he attained liberation. The concluding portion runs thus: Fri 1 चार चरितं श्रुत्वा श्रुतिप्रीणक, मा रामायणभारतश्रुतिभवैर्वाक्यैर्विचाराक्षमैः। मालिन्यं नयतातिनिर्मलतमं सद्दर्शनं पावन, # gaan framrafaat ståfra aferty: #1 84411 [ ] Fia t *#07FMT II. This edition of the commentary does not give any chapter headings or endings. Sanghatilaka does not appear to have mentioned either Haribhadra or the name of the work, Dhurtākhyana.
Jaina Granthavali, p. 191. 4 Peterson: Reports I, pp. 92-4; Reports III, Index of Authors, p. 124; also the
Prasasti in the above edition p. 237. 8 Peterson : Reports IV, p. iv. 6 Peterson: Reports IV, Index of Authors, pp. 37-8.
This king is apparently Mubammad Tughluq (1325-1351 A. D.) of Delhi. For a detailed biography of Jipaprabhasūri, see the Intro. by Nahtā to the Vidhimārga. prapà, ed, Jinavijayaji, Bombay 1941,

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DHŪRTAKHYĀNA : sequence of narration; and he attempts to include most of the ideas from the original, at times in identical expressions (Pl. I. 76, Sk. 66 etc.). He is more after narrating the story with as few secondary details as possible. Whenever there are lengthy descriptions in the Prākrit text, he either summarises them or adds his own with a bit of independence. It may be that even metrical exigencies have frustrated his attempts to be more close and literal in his rendering. Sometimes he expresses the original with remarkable compactness (verses 82, 103, etc.) and in a few cases with elegance and beauty (125, etc.). He shows that he is fairly acquainted with the details of Purā ņic mythology : the proper names are freely substituted by other synonyms (Svāmin - Skanda, Mahāsena = Şaņmukha, etc.); once an additional source, Bharata (102) is rightly added; and sometimes are added supplementary details, such as, the names Dhūmorņā and Nahuşa (verses 351, 385) and the birth of Kārtikeya for the destruction of Tārakāsura (204 f.). Sometimes his references to the sources are not quite to the point (169) and in one place (106) it is a bit obscure.
Perhaps a verse between Nos. 86 and 87 is missing. Possibly in his zeal of summarising the story, Sanghatilaka skips over certain portions of the Prakrit text, viz., I. 30-4, V. 115 f. The contents of some verses, for instance, III. 83, V. 80, are not fully covered: the latter, it may be noted presents some difficulties of interpretation. The legend of Varāha lifting the earth (III. *10*) is missed by him, somewhere between verses 236-38. As to the quotations in the original, it appears that the author wants to present his text purely in Sanskrit: some of the Prākrit quotations (II. 50, III. 67) are nicely rendered into Sanskrit (125, 215); some of those in Sanskrit are duly reproduced; but it is difficult to say why some (II. 73, IV. 92, V, 4, 5, 103) are skipped over without any trace.
More than once Sanghatilaka not only shows difference in ideas but also adds new ideas, when compared with the Prākrit original (see for instance: Nos. 210, 23d, 1596, 1610, 199d, 2046, 239d, 242d, 243d, 316ab, 409d, 416d, etc.). Some of these are apt similes, quite creditable to any poet.
There are many places where one can easily take exception to Sanghatilaka's rendering of the original: lhasiya-celan (I. 60)=dūşita-vāsasam (52); seam (I. 74)= sesam (64); Sea-kurd ali nāma' (I. 75)= Sitakundali-nāmā (65); namiūna Jin varisdom (II. 24)= nrpatin natvà (99)”; phuttar du bhāga. jūyam (II. 29 ) = trividhatām agamat (104); etc. His statement that the urogeny of Gauri and Samkara was required for destroying Tāraka (203–4),
On comparing with the ed. of the commentary, I find an additional verse which
runs thus: 7 HET HE! 19: Tit 224734:1 P EP9 f agfa 1[***] . 2 The Gujaräti text reads S'vetakundali námi. 3 In this particular case, as required by the context, Sanghatilaka appears to have
had before him a reading like namiūņa naravarimdam, beoa use Jina is not at all introduced in the earlier part of the story. The presiding deity is a Yakşa. The Gujarati text also says: rājänē pranami.

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though quite in agreement with a Purāņic tradition, is contradictory to the explicit statement of Haribhadra (III. 55) who follows a slightly different tradition'.
On account of its being a part of the commentary, the opening and concluding portions of the Sanskrit Dhūrtākhyāna do not give it an appearance of & self-sufficient unit. More than once, it comes to our help in clearly under standing the Prākrit text of Haribhadra.
The Dhūrtākhyāna in Old-Gujarāti, included in this edition, mentions at its close that it was written (lişitam) or copied by Pt. Lakşmikīrti, the pupil of Ratnasundaragani of the Jinamānikya-śākhā of the Kharatara-gaccha at Udaipura in Sarivat 1758 (-57 = 1701 A, D.), Kārtika Sukla, 12, Saturday. The word lişitam should ordinarily mean 'copied'; so this proof is not enough to infer that Lakşmikirti is the author of this Gujarati work. In fact, we do och know the name of its author; and all that we can say about him is this much he flourished carlier than 1701 A. D.; he had realised that the Dhūrtākhyāna was an effective attack against the Purāņic religion and the Purānas; and he wrote the tales, from the Dhūrtākhyāna of Haribhadra, in the loka-bhāṣā, that they might be intelligible to laymen (bāldvabodha-rūpāḥ kathāh).
The author's primary aim is to narrate the stories included by Haribhadra in his Dhū. He closely follows the Prākrit text, and mainly concentrates his attention on narrating the stories, ignoring the mosaic descriptions of Haribhadra and spicy similes of Sanghatilaka. At times his rendering is quite literal. To make the narration effective, he amplifies the original by additional remarks (p. 49, 11, 19, 22-3; p. 60, 11. 5-6; p. 64, 11. 21-23; etc.). Some verses in the Prākrit (III. 83, V. 80) are not duly covered, and some details (V. 115 f.) are disposed off summarily. Partly agreeing with Sanghatilaka, some quotations are not included (II. 73, IV. 92, V. 4, 5, 18, 103). Somehow I. 87*1 is quoted with some different readings.
There is not the least doubt that the author is mainly following tho Prikrit text: his Gujarāti rendering, as a rule and throughout the work, agrees more with Prakrit original than with the Sanskrit version of Sanghatilaka; two quotations (II. 50, III. 67) which are rendered into Sanskrit by Sanghatilaka, are quoted in Prākrit, as in the original, by our author (pp. 54, 57); and one legend, III. *10*, omitted by the Sk, text, is duly given by him (p. 58). Though the Prākrit text is mainly and closely followed, there is sufficient proof to indicate that he has consulted the Sanskrit text of Sanghatilaka. Many points and remarks, which are not found in the Prākrit but are present in
1 Bee III. *6* above. 2 In continuation of what my friend Dr. A. M. Ghatage has said (New Indian
Antiquary, 1, 5, August 1938), I might record here that Sanghatilaka uses the form mutkalāpya (334, 394), gerandive from the root mutkalap; and it stands opoe for aucchitina, 'having taken leave' (V. 9), and once for pucchiun, 'having takon pormission' (1.74) in the original Prakrit.

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DHTRTĀKBYĀNA:
the Sanskrit text, are seen in this Gujarāti version. At I. 35 Haribhadra has Bhārahe purāne a; Sanghatilaka has in the corresponding passage (29) Sri-Rāmāyana-Bhārate; and the Guja. text has Bharata Rāmīyanādilcro granthe (p. 50, I. 24). This is perhaps the only reference, in the first two chapters, indicnting explicitly the influenco of the Sk. text. From the third chap. onwards we see more of this influence, and even some phrases here and there remind us of the Sk. text: Pk. dhcüvvüya-pisāena (III, 1), Sk, ahātuvādddyair vycesanaiḥ (150), Guj. dhātuvadūdika vycesanaï (p. 55); Pk. no specific number, Sk. stenāḥ pañca datimitāḥ (159), Guj. pūńca suï caura (p. 56 ); etc. Then in describing the origin of Skanda (p. 57 ) to destroy Tārakäsura, the Gujarāti version closely follows the Sk, text, so also in supplying the names of Dhūmorņā Nahuşa, etc. Thus the writer of the Guj. Dhürtākhyāna has used Sanghatilaka's work here and there.
The author claims that these stories are being written in loka-bhäsı which means the popular language (current, say roughly, in Northern Gujarāta, sometime before 1701 A. D.) as distinguished from the literary languages like Sanskrit, Prākrit and even A pabhraíśa. The author, it is clear, is well-versed in Pākrit and Sanskrit; and inevitably the large sprinkling of Sanskrit words, seen in these stories, is due more to the author's command over Sk. vocabulary than to the actual usage of the contemporary loka-bhāṣā. This inference is quite natural when we look at the percentage of pure Sanskrit words in any modern Indian language as used by a Šāstrin, or even an educated man, and an illiterate villager. Loan words are an unsafe evidence in understanding the essential grammatic structure of any loka-bhāści, because they can be easily grafted anywhere; and it is all the more true in the case of religious books whose topics were usually described in Sanskrit terms. So the loka-bhísī, or Old-Gujarāti, in which our author wrote could not have contained so many Sk. words; and we should study its nature by taking into account declensional forms, verbal formations, particles etc. An exhaustive study of the language cannot be attempted here; but I would simply note a few formations which are interesting to a student of Apabhramba and post-Apabhramsa stages especially in Rajasthāna and Gujarata. Nominal forms : joyana, thāma 'a place', tarasi 'thirst', pāyaka 'a foot-soldier', be striu, bhojaio (Pk, bhāüjjāyā), māchini 'a fisher woman', rätā phala 'red fruits'. Pronominal forms: tur, mujha, hur (also hure) etc. Particles: jima, pina 'also, but', v.l. pani (p. 50, l. 11, foot-note 13), ma, hethūī, hethi, v. l., hethur. Verbal forms: ūpanā, kahau, chai, jour, jovai, dājhato, paithum, païsūr, paranī, paranai, biha, bhāgo, mūo, mokalajyo, lāgo, sakai, hurto, etc.
1 Compare Sanskrit verses 231, 236, 262 with the corresponding Gujarati portions. 2 It is interesting to compare these forms with those recorded in the Index of A Study
of the Gujaräti Language by T. N. Dave, London 1935. The prose commentary in Old Gajarăti (on the Upadeśamālā) on which Dr. Dave's study is based is called Balāvabodhs; and it may be noted that the Gujarati version of the Dbo. also boars the same name.

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The above illustrations are picked up at random, and there is no pretension to an exhaustive study. Apart from the large number of Sanskrit loan words, this loka-bhāṣa shows many words used in Prakrits; and some of the particles are the same as those in Apabhramsa. The pronouns and verbal formations of the Apabh. stage have undergone a great deal of change which is natural and unavoidable in the evolution af spoken languages. Some changes are just a matter of shifting pronunciation: kahau>kahau, dajjhamto >dajhato, mokkalijjai>mokalajyo, sakkai>sakai, etc. Rajasthani and Gujarati are more lucky than any other modern Indian language because of their rich heritage of earlier stages of the language; and a careful study of the texts, from century to century, would certainly demonstrate the evolution of these languages through Prakrit, Apabhramsa and post-Apabh. stages of the Middle Indo-Aryan.
The Sanskrit and Gujarati Dhurtakhyānas cannot be judged as original contributions like their Prakrit counterpart; they definitely indicate, however, that the performance of Haribhadra did appeal to subsequent generations; and, as they stand today, they are useful aids to understand and check the Prakrit text of Haribhadra.
41
6. Dhurtākhyāna and Dharma-parikṣā
We come across a pretty large number works called Dharma-parikṣā (Dp.). Most of them are not critically examined as yet. It is Amitagati's Dp. that has been exhaustively studied, and it can be accepted as a representative of Dp. texts for all practical purposes. Vṛttavilāsa, Padmasagara and others have mechanically followed Amitagati's Dp. By the discovery of Harisena's Dp. (Samvat 1044,-56A. D. 988), which was written 26 years earlier than that of Amitagati (Samvat 1070, -56A. D. 1014), it is clear now that Amitagati is not the creator of the plot of Dp. Amitagati tells us that he composed his work in two months: no doubt, he is a gifted didactic poet with a flowing Sanskrit style; but he does not mention his predecessors. Harişena, however, frankly says that the Dp. which was formerly composed by Jayarama in Gatha metre is now composed by him in Paddhaḍiyä metre. Unfortunately Jayarama's Dp. has not come to light so far. Harişena's Dp. is in Apabhramsa; there is no conclusive evidence to establish that Amitagati solely followed Harişena; the plot of the story, adopted by both Harisena and Amitagati, is remarkably identical; what Hariṣena says would indicate that almost all his material was present in Jayarama's Dp.; and Amitagati's Sanskrit expression betrays Prakritisms in narrative portions. All these facts go to indicate that Jayarama's
1 See my paper 'Harişena's Dharma-pariksa in Apabhramsa' in the Silver Jubilee Number, Annals of the B. O. R. I., vol. XXIII, pp. 592-608.
2 N. Mironow: Die Dharma-pariksa des Amitagati, Leipzig 1903.
3
The Sanskrit text with Hindi translation has been published by Pannalal Bakaliwal, Bombay 1901; another edition giving the Marathi translation of Pt, Bahubali Sharma has appeared lately, Sangli 1931. One feels the necessity of a critical edition of Amitagati's text.
6

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DRŪRTĀKHYANA:
work was in Gatha metre, the language being Sauraseni or Mābārāsţrl; and for the present we might presume that the plot of Dp. owes its birth to Jayarāma.
Comparing the works of Harişeņa and Amitagati one finds that, so far as the the events of the plot and their sequence are concerned, both of them are in close agreement. This indicates that Amitagati has not taken much liberty with the structure of the plot. Harişeņa's text is not available in print; so I give below the analysis of the narrative structure of Amitagati's Dp. which would enable us to compare and contrast the two works, Dhû, and Dp.
In Jambūdvipa, on the southern range of Vijayārdha, in the town named Vaijayanti, there lived a Vidyadhara king Jitaśatru and his queen Väyuvegā who had a son Manovega, endowed with faith in Jina's doctrines. His friend Pavanavega, prince of Priyāpurī, had no such faith; and he was much worried on that account. Once returning from his visit to Jina-temples, his vimūna stopped at Ujjainī, in Mālava; and in its northern park there was an omniscient monk, Jinamati, on whom he waited with reverence. Jinamati expounded to the audience the proportion of pleasure and pain in saṁsāra with the explanation of madhu-bindu-drstānta and the consequences of religious and irreligious life. Manovega asked Jinamati whether his friend Pavanavega would possess samyaktva; and he got a reply that he could enlighten his friend by taking him to Pāķaliputra. Pavanavega was anxious to meet his friend Manovega whom he met on the way to the joy of both, Manovega told him how he visited various Jaina holy places and came to Pāțaliputra, a prosperous centre of Brahmanic ritual and learning. Pavanavega expresses his impatience to visit Păţaliputra, and next morning both of them reached there and got down in the park.
I. Both of them, though decked with ornaments, assumed the form of faggot-grass-sellers. It was a surprising sight to one and all who began to speculate about them. They reached the Brahma-śālā, bet the drum, and sat on the golden seat. At this challenge, Brāhmaṇas rushed forth for dispute. They wondered at their splendour and race, and almost mistook them for gods. On being pointedly questioned, Manovega, requesting them not to be irritated, told them that all that they did was out of mere curiosity and that they were mere grass-selling boys whose prototypes were found in Bhārata stories. One Brāhmaṇa asked : 'How can there be grass-faggotsellers decorated with jewels? If such cases are found in the Rāmāyaṇa
1 Mironow follows the rule divide et impera' and presents the summaries of various
stories separately. The method is admirable and quite suited for studying the stories. But the analysis of disjoined stories does not clearly bring out the effect of entire work, especially of the fantastio tales and the bearing of subsequent legends on their points. Just to bring out this aspect of Dp. clearly, I have added here a bit detailed summary. Those who want more particulars about individual storios may either consult the original Sk, text or Mironow's dissertation,

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and Bhārata, we would like to hear them. Manovega said that he would explain everything, if there are any thoughtful (visāraka) among them i otherwise his fate would be like that of Madhukara who received 16 strokes for telling the truth about the heaps of pepper and grains in different parts of the country. The leader assured him that they were all thoughtful Brāhmaņas. Further Manovega told them that he feared to speak, if any of them belonged to the following ten types of men (about whom ten stories are narrated): 1) rakta, a passionate husband duped by his younger wife; 2) dvişta, who wants his son to take revenge on his enemy by using his dead body; 3) müdha, a silly priest outwitted by his unchaste wife and pupil; 4) vyudgrähin, a blind block-head prince; 5) pitta-dūşita, a bilious fellow mistaking sweet as sour; 6) cüta, a wreckless king who pulled out the mango tree; 7) kşīra, a foolish Tomara chief who illtreated a milch cow; 8) aguru, an ignoramus who could not understand the value of aguru plantation; 9) candana, a washerman incapable of recognising sandal; and 10) bálisa: Four fools, once upon a time, saluted a Jaina saint, endowed with various religious and ascetic virtues, who uttered the blessing dharma-vrddhi'. They began to quarrel as to whom it was meant for; and when they asked the monk, he told them that it was meant for him who was decided to be the most foolish by the wise people of the town after hearing their biographies. 10a) Vişamekşaņa narrated thus: One day I was sleeping with my two wives on both sides. Just for joke, I placed the lamp on my forehead. A mischevous rat pulled the burning wick, and one of my eyes was scorched. Afraid of disturbing my wives, I allowed my eye to be burnt. 106) Kuntahaṁsagati spoke thus: 'Řkşi and Khari are my most ugly wives; their mutual jealous abuse and quarrel made me lose both my legs; and being afraid of them, I tolerated all this.' 10c) Bota (or Boda) said thus:
I had been to my father-in-law. At night, I had a bet with my wife that one who speaks first should give a rich feast. A thief entered the house and collected all the treasure. He began stripping my wife of her clothes on the body. I kept quiet. She began to abuse me at the loss of wealth and at her insult. I at once told her that she lost the game by speaking first, and she should give the feast now.' 100 ) Gallasphoţika told his tale thus: 'I had gone to the house of my father-in-law. Out of bashfulness and seeing some hedious sight, I did not take my meals. As time passed, I was overpowered by hunger. I was just gulping a handful of fine rice kept in a basket below the cot when my wife came there, and I could not swallow them. My mouth was full to the brim; I cauld not speak; and my cheeks grew hard. There was a great row, and different explanations were offered about my disease, A skilful physician diagnosed my trouble, calling it tanduliya ailment; he quietly bored my cheeks and took out rice particles. Thus I made myself an object of ridicule.' After hearing these tales, the Brāhmaṇas assured Manovega that none from them belonged to any of the ten types and that he should answer their question. Manovega spoke thus: Vişņu is a mighty divinity, full of glory, grace and power; then how is it that he stayed

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PHURTÄKRÄTNA:
as a cowherd-boy at Gokula sporting in various ways, that he became a messenger of Pandavas and a charioteer of Arjuna, that he begged at Bali's door, and that he suffered from Sita's separation? If that divine Visnu could do mean acts, what is wrong in our selling grass and faggots? The Brahmanas felt disillusioned; and they could see how god Visnu was exposed to so many blemishes and inconsistencies, and how Puräpas were full of contradictions.
II. Second time Manovega became a rough hunter, and his friend, a cat without ears, put in a pot. They met Brahmanas as before, and told them how the cat had the power of warding off rats at miles' distance and that it was for sale. Brahmaņas realized its utility and were ready to buy it at the quoted price. On examination, however, it was found that it was devoid of ears which, Manovega explained, were eaten by ferocious rats one night. Brahmanas laughed at his daring contradiction. Manovega refused to admit. that the single flaw of not having ears spoiled all other virtues of the cat. The Brahmanas assured him that they were not Frogs in the Well'; but they questioned him straight: How can this flaw of the cat be tolerated?" Manovega then narrated the legend of passionate Agni (or of Yama and Chaya): The ascetic Mandapakausika feared that he might lose heaven for want of progeny, so he married a widow from whom he had a beautiful daughter Chāyā by name. While going on piligrimage, he just thought to what god he should entrust his daughter who would not be able to stand the strain of journey. He began scrutinizing the acts and character of different gods: Isvara is extremely passionate; Hari is not satisfied with 16 thousand Gopis; Brahman was mad after Tilottama and lost his head, and once he generated Jambava from a bear; and Indra misbehaved with Ahalya. All these gods are victims of cupid. So he kept Chaya with Yama who too, as days passed, fell in love with her and always carried her in his stomach. Agni was jealous of Yama's prize. One day when Yama had taken her out on the bank of Ganges, Agni mated with her. Just at that moment Yama came there. She swallowed Agni, and Yama swallowed her. Agni was missing to the distress of all. At last Vayu managed to expose both Chaya and Agni. Agui tried to conceal himself when pursued by Yama. If Agni can still be a god with all this blemish, my cat's virtues can remain intact without ears." Brahmanas admitted that Puranas were inconsistent. Manovega further pointed out the blemishes of Samkara, Visņu, Brahman, Indra, Yama, Agni, Sun, etc.
III. Third time Manovega assumed the form of a nude Jaina monk; and accompained by Pavanavega, he met Brahmaņas as before. They assured him that they were not like that king of Campa who illtreated his truth-speaking minister, and requested him to narrate how he became a monk etc. Manovega spoke thus: 'My father is Munidatta, a Sravaka from Sripura; and he entrusted me to an ascetic for study. Once I was sent out with the Kamandalu to bring water, but I sat playing with it on the road. Having learnt from other pupils that the teacher was angry, I ran towards the town. On the way a mountain-like elephant

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Puebed against me. Helpless and terrified I entered into the Kamandalu which was placed on the branch of bhinda; the elephant also rushed into it, and began tearing my clothes with its trunk, I ran out through the spout; the elephant also followed me; but with its tail stuck there, it fell on the ground. I reached a Jaina temple, and not getting ctothes I accepted this traditional form of a Jaina monk.' The Brāhmaṇas laughed at him as a fantastic lier telling impossibilities, Wbon they assured him to abandon such scriptures as contained these details, be narrated to them the following episodes: Arjana brought the Nägeloka through an arrow-hole; Agastya drank the whole coean, and his Kamandale containing the universe was put on the branch of an atasi plant; and Brahman's hair was caught at Vişnu's navel when the former came out of latter's stomach after seeing there the universe which was once missing. If these legends are true, it is quite possible that the elephant could pass through the Kamandalubole, be accommodated in the Kamandalu, and have it's tail stuck in the spout. The Brāhmaṇas were thus silenced, and they were further instructed by him on the faults of divinities and on the true nature of God.
IV. Fourth time Manovega became a Tāpasa, and accompanied by his friend, met the Brāhmaṇas as before. On condition that they are yuite considerate, he narrated his tale thus: 'At the time of my mother's marriage there was a confusion created by an elephant. She rushed out with the bride groom at whose touch she fell in a swoon, but he ran away. It was discovered that she was pregnant due to his toueh. Hearing of a 12 years' famine from Tāpasas, I remained in the womb all the while and came out when the famine was over. As soon as I was born, I took a pot and demanded foou! It was considered ominous; and I had to leave home and become a Tapasa like Wais. My mother was rigblty married again, as though she tried to follow Drauli's example. I came here on my religious tour.' The Brāhmaṇas said that he vas a first-rate lier talking impossible things; they admitted that they were open to correction, if such details were found in their Scriptures. Manovega, to confirm his experience, narrated the following legends : Bhagiratha was conceived at women's mutual contact; Gandhāri became pregnant by embracing a jackfruit tree; Abhimanyu understood cakra-vyūha while he was in the womb; Mandodari conceived at the contact of her father's semen, had her footus restrained in the womb for seven thousand years, and delivered Indrajit after being married to Rāvana; Vyāsa accepted renunciation immediately after his birth, and his mother remained still a virgin ; Kunti remained a kanyā even after begetting a son from the Sun; and Candramati was still a kanyå after Nāgaketu's birth and was married to Uddālaka. If these Purānic legends are true, there is nothing incredible in my mother conceiving me at her beloved's touch, in my hearing about the famine from the womb, in my remaining there for twelve years, in my becoming an ascetic soon after my birth, and in my mother becoming again a kanyă after delivering me.' Manovega further enlightened Pavanavega and all others there by narrating the true tales about Karna, Vāga Pandavas, etc. He illustrated to them how people mechanically and thoughtlessly follow others, as in that story of the Copper Pot.

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DHURTAKHYANA:
V. Fifth time Manovega, along with Pavanavega, became a Buddhist monk (rakta-pata); and on being assured by Brāhmaṇas that they were thoughtful, he narrated his wonderful experience: 'We are devotees of Buddhist monks. Once with sticks in our hands we were appointed by them to guard their clothes spread in sun-shine. Two terrific jackals came there, and we mounted the Stupa with fear; they, however, lifted it up, and flew away speedily. When they dropped us with a view to devour us, there arrived Bhillas with dogs; and the jackals ran away. As we were in an unknown country, we easily became Buddhist monks.' Brahmanas wondered at his astonishing lies; but he reminded them of the following legend: According to the Rāmāyaṇa, each monkey lifted five mountains. If this is true, two jackals can easily lift a Stupa.
VI. At last Manovega and Pavanavega became Svetambara monks (sveta-bhiksu) and met the Brahmaņas who asked them why they became monks and who was their guru. Manovega continued in reply: Once our father Arunasrika sent us into the forest to graze the sheep, because the shepherd had to attend his father who was down with fever. I requested my companion to tend the sheep, so that in the meanwhile I might eat some kapittha fruits. The desire for fruits was very strong, but the tree was too tall. I went near, cut my head, and threw it on the tree requesting it to eat the fruits; as it ate fruits on the tree, my stomach was getting full below; and when I was satisfied, the head came down and joined the body as before. I looked for my brother, but found him asleep and all the sheep lost. We feared that our father would beat us; so we went away to a distant territory and accepted this comfortable garb.' Manovega further confirmed to the Brahmanas the truth of his experience by narrating the following legends: Cutting his nine heads Ravana offered them to Sambhu, and these were again joined to his body; Dadhimukha's head could get itself joined with another's trunk; parts of Angada's body were joined by Hanumat; Jarasamdha's body was constituted of different parts; Skanda's person was made up of six portions; and when the priests are fed, the ancestors are satisfied. If all this, narrated in Brahmanic scriptures, is true, there is nothing improbable in my own head joining the body, and in my stomach being filled when my mouth eats kapittha fruits.'
The Brahmanas were discomfited, and had no replies to give. Manovega explained to Pavanavega various other flaws in the religion and scriptures of Brahmaņas; he expounded to him how the heretical creeds originated; and he also propounded Jaina principles and practices at length. Pavanavega came to possess samyaktva and duly accepted the vows of a Śrāvaka. Both Manovega and Pavanavega led a happy life of religious householders.
The Purana-like beginning, the religio-didactic discourse in the form of madhu-bindu-dṛṣṭanta, the abnormal proportion of folk-tales introduced by way of illustration, the different names of characters, immediate purpose of converting Pavanavega to Jainism by his pious friend Manovega, constant repetition of moral teachings and religious prescriptions, casual and side attacks on gods

Page #78

A CRITICAL STUDY
and holy men, and above all the general frame-work of the story make Dp, much different from Dhū. But if we go a bit deeper and study Dp, more analytically and scrutinisingly, the inner kernel of Dp., though heavily superimposed with good many accessories and details, remarkably corresponds with that of Dhû. The mode of presentation is somewhat different, but the purpose is the same. Dhû. is a satiric attack on the Purāņic legends referring to deities and holy personalities; and Dp., as indicated even by its name, is out to scrutinize the credentials of other religions by criticising their deities and mythology, of course for a specified and immediate aim of converting Pavanavega. Haribhadra's concluding suggestion (V. 122) that the study of Dhū. leads to darsana-ruddhi has been fully developed later: Dp. actually converts Pavanavega who comes to possess samyaktva; and the narration of the Dhū,story, according to Sanghatilaka, makes Vaiśramaņa-śreşthin a pious believer (84-8rāddha) with firm faith in Jina. What is implicit, artistic and detached in the Dhurtākhyāna becomes outspoken, religio-didactic and propagandistic in the Dbarmaparīkņā. In Dhū. the five Dhūrtas narrate tales of fantastic personal experience, and some points from them are confirmed to be reliable by other Dhūrtas after quoting parallel legends from Parāņas. In Dp. Manovega himself, being a Vidyādbara, assumes six different forms; and then he either presents an inconsistent situation or narrates an improbable tale of personal experience. When his inconsistencies are exposed by the learned gathering of Brāhmaṇas, he silences them by quoting similar episodes from their Purāņas. Besides this fundamental similitude between Dhū. and Dp., there are closely corresponding motifs in the fantastic autobiographical tales; and some of the confirmatory legends are common. Mūladeva and the Jaina monk tell nearly the same episode of Kamandalu and Elephant'. Immediatly after their birth, Khandapānās son walked away taking leave of his mother; and Tapasa demanded food and accepted renunciation. Saśa lifted up the elephant-hide-bag full of oil; and the two jackals, in the Buddhist monk's tale, lift up a Stūpa, Elāşādha's head, cut off by the thieves, eats badara fruits on the tree; and the Svetāmbara monk throws his head on the tree in order to eat kapittha fruits. Legends like Brahman's lotus or hair sticking at Vişnu's navel, Vyāsa's birth, Monkeys lifting mountains, and the physical make up of Jarāsaņdha and Şaņmukha are quoted in both Dhū. and Dp. to confirm almost common motifs. Though not in identical contexts there are many details and legends common to both Dhū. and Dp.: loose morals of gods (Dhū. I. 60 f.; Dp. XI. 21 f.); Brahman and Tilottamā (Dhū. I. 58-84; Dp. XI. 29 f.);
1 Though the Dhū. does not mention any such event, the Prabhāvakacarita of Prabbā.
candra (A. D. 1277) records that Haribhadra diverted that layman Kārpāsika from partiality for the Bhārata and Itibāsas by telling him the five stories of rogues (kitava-kathānaka-pañcaka), and won him over to the Jaina faith (verses IX. 207-12). Prabhācandra quotes V. 120 thus: i 40 Tatot a at aglat
cajá The au gorill; and to explain this verse Haribhadra is said to have composed the Dhurtākhyāna. 3 Two adjectives of the elephant are almost common to Dhū, and Dp.

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48
DEŪRTETÄNA:
Indra and Abalyā (Dhu. V. 89-36; Dp. XI. 61 f.); Agni's mating with Yitha's beloved (Dhū. V. 26-30; Dp. XI. especially 82 f.); Agastya drinking the ocean (Dhū. IV. 27; Dp. XIII. 18 f.); Kunti's sons from Sarya etc. (Dhū. I. 82 f. V, 11, 28, 37; Dp. XIV. 91, XV. 11); the male organ of Siva (Dhu. I. 88V, 59; Dp. XIII. 80); etc.
The hungry Dhūrtas narrating their experiences and confirming the same with Parāņic legends during a rainy week, with their dinner depending on the decision of their discussion, present & back-ground (in Dhū.) which is much dissimilar to that depicted in Dp. in which a learned gathering of Brāhmaṇas of Pāķaliputra is visited on six successive days by Manovega ( with his friend Pavanavega) who, modestly avoiding debate with Brāhmaṇas even after bo beats the drum and sits on the golden seat, narrates fantastic tales and himself confirms the same with Purānic legends, when challenged about the veracity of his statements. In Dhū. it is the autobiographical experience that forms the back-bone of the story, the points of which are confirmed by Purāņic legends; and so it is in the last four stories, i, e., III-VI, of the Dharma-parikşa. Tho first two contexts in Dp., i. e., I and II, present not an inconsistent and improbable story, but an incredible situation presented to the eye: those who have ornaments on their body cannot be grass-faggot-sellers, and a cat which is claimed to scare away rats at miles' distance by its presence cannot have its ears eaten by rats. The first situation is justified by the example of Vişņu; and the second by saying that a single flaw of the cat can be tolerated or ignored as in the case of god Agni. The Dhū. has no Brahmanic audience explicitly before it, while in Dp. Manovega is actually made to encounter the Brāhmaṇas in their own citadel and to outwit them by openly pointing out and criticising inconsistent elements in the Purāņic mythology. The episode of the Buddhist monk in Dp. (No. V) is not quite successful, because it affords opportunity to satirize only one legend from the Rāmāyaṇa.
Jayarāma's Dp. is not available to us, and Harişeņa's Dp. is still in mss. If we are to be guided by Amitagati's work, we find that he attacks vehemently the Purāņic deities, even when they do not figure in the legends satirised; here and there he adds certain Purāņic stories, as they ought to be and as they are accepted by Jaina tradition; now and then he offers pithy maxins of worldly wisdom and sections of didactic teaching; he loses no opportunity to denounce worldly pleasures and prescribe religious discourses; and he not only criticises Purāņic religion but adds also substantial details on Jaina mythology, dogmatics and ethics. These are some of the specialities of the Dp, text as it came to be shaped by Amitagati.
1 The legend in Dhū. is shorter; and we do not. there the name of Chāya and her
association with Manilapakaušika, given in Dp. 2 The town of Ujjaini with its northern park is introduced in both Dhū. (I. 2-3) and
Dp. (I, 38, 64), though in different contexts,

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A CRITICAL STUDY
49
The points of similarity, already noted above, do indicate that Jayarāma must have used the Dhurtākhyāna of Haribhadra or some subsequent recension of it. The agreement is of a fundamental character and cannot be brushed aside as accidental or incidental. The illustrative sub-stories and the tales of four fools, included in Dp., show that some other popular stories have been intelligently used. Haribhadra by liis satirical genius of a very high order merely smashed the structure of Purānic mythology, but the authors of Dp, have gone a few steps ahead that they tried to erect instead a superstructure of Jaina religious preaching. The artistic mould of Dhū. is missed; but a form of effective propaganda has been evolved, and it became much popular in subsequent centuries as indicated by the number of Dp. texts in different languages'. It is quite natural that Amitagati, or even his predecessors, utilised different and additional Purānic legends for the same purpose. The Dp. texts are stamped with a definite religious Lias: perhaps that prohibited them from admitting a character like Klandapānā, and on that account some of the fantastic tales are toned down, in some cases being followed by a few Purāņic legends. It is interesting to note that sometimes Amitagati, though he is a full-fledged propagandist, writes in a half-serious, mocking mood, even when he introduces a Digambara monk (Dp. XII, 88 f.). That is a befitting tone for 8 satirical writer. The Dhurtākhyāna of Haribhadra, we have seen, is a unique satire; and its successors like the Dharma-parikşā are a fine specimen of Indian. literature which is both interesting and instructive. The caustic prick, which such works might have given to the zealous followers of Purāņic religion, has not much effect on the dispassionate student of Indian literature: for him every novel aspect adds to the wealth of the great literary heritage of the past.
7. Prākrit Dialect and Style of Dhūrtākhyāna
The Prākrit text of Dhūrtākhyāna, presented in this edition, is based only on two mss.; and still one is faced with difficulties, here and there, in construing and interpreting it satisfactorily. It is, therefore, far from being final; and any attempt to prepare an exhaustive grammar of it is out of question at present. It is intended here just to note a few salient features of the Prākrit dialect of Dhū., as it stands in this edition.
It has been a recognised convention with the editors of Ardhamāgadhi and Jaina Mābārăştri texts to use almost uniformly initial n and non-initial n;
1 My friend Prof. D. L. Narasimhachar, Mysore, draws my attention to one more Dp.
(in addition to those which I have mentioned in my paper on Harişena's Dp.) in Kannada by Candrasăgara Varņi. He has seen a M3., and has kindly sent some extracts to mo. We learn the following details from them: The Dp. of. Vịttavilága, the pupil of Rävala Yatiśvara, could be understood only by the learned; so the Sråvakas of Belugula requested Carukirti Papditācārya to get propered a rendering of it in modern Kannada (Kannada-vyākhyānadalli mäd isi kodiemba dāgi). This thon, at the instance of Cárukirti, came to be composed by Candranagara who offers salutation to both Cárukirti and [Lakşmisena) Svami of Kolhapur. It is written in simple Kannada, mostly in prose. Following Vịttavilăsa's Dp. it has ten chapters. It is said to be written in Saka 1770 (+46 1848 A.D.), Ananda Samvatsara.

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50
DHĒRTĀKHYANA:
Hemacandra's rule (VIII. i. 228-9) is optional; and Dhū. shows definite partiality forn, whether initial or non-initial. Perhaps following the ms. B, which conforms to the more strict rule of Hemacandra', 4j-sruti is not introduced after vowels other than a or ; but tlie text shows many exceptional cases, for instance: kurdiyn I. 58, dažija III. 48, duggarija V. 92, dhariija I. 91; mujaha IV. 71, sujan II. 51, lconuijii III, 4t. It appears that us. A represents a more correct situation, namely, to put y-sruti along with the adurtta vowel, a or ā, irrespective of the preceding vowel; and Jacobi also uniformly follows this rule in his ed. of the Samarāiccakahā of Haribhadra.
In the absence of separate Nāgari orthographical synbols for č and , as distinguished from those for e and o, we find that i and u are easily substituted for Ở and ở before conjuncts etc., where e and o are to be pronounced sbort. The point at issue is complicated by the fact that beside the writing of i and 2 for and , we must also admit, in some cases, the change of these short vowels to i and 2. General principles like the weakening at the end, the original Sanskrit formation, and analogy would establish some system and decide a few points. Sometimes this gives quite a deceptive appearance to certain nominal and verbal forms etc.: ckatah eva >ělkettő ccia >iklattı (also ekatto = ckkatto?) ccia IV. 73; ettio >ittio I, 38; kunditě I. 40 but givāi I. 84 and Nilai V. 11; Kumtie and Kumtii V. 11, 37; gotra > gõita >gutta V. 39; cakrah iva >cakko vva >cakku vva IV. 5; kşetra >chetta>chitta IV. 1-2; yogya > jogga >jugga V. 78; donni > dunni I. 81; pēcchań>picchan II. 5, 9; poțța>putta II. 44; birinti>binti I. 11; samūho tti >samūhu tti III. 57; sresthi >stthi>sitthi V. 94; so cciya > su ccirco I. 94, V. 113; hojja>huja I, 59, 88; etc.
Now and then we come across certain forms which show a change in the quantity of vowel: -1 of the Present 3rd p. sing. III. 97, IV. 6 (cf. Samarā. p. 249, 1. 18; p. 276, 1. 6); uahi IV. 30; jia IV, 35; maria IV, 47; laya I. 3; -mmi of the Loc. sing. I. 4, 23, 35, 51, II. 34, IV. 37, 88, V. 14, 78, 112 (usually at the close of a pāda; cf. Samarā. p. 80, 1. 12; p. 652, last line); vi V. 17, 32 (also Paüma., 17. 12); suc III, 54; etc. All these are due to exegencies of metre rather than being special grammatical forms. In this category may be included arani for aranya: II. 31, tesi for tesiṁ I. 6, kadū for kaddu IV. 35, etc.; also banilho88c1 for banchassa in Samarā., p. 652, 1. 17.
There are many forms which show that a short vowel followed by an anusvāra and the corresponding long vowel get mutually exchanged; in some cases the text itself preserves both the forms: chammaisa (metrically
1 It has to be noted that Hemacandra limself knew cases which went against his rule;
and it is probable that he is following some grammatical tradition, whilo the practice
even in his own days was to write it in all places irreapective of the preceding vowel. 2 Pisohel: Grammatio der Prakrit-Sprachen (Strassburg 1900), $84. References
to Pischel have the sections of this grammar in view. 3 For the change of y to y comparo a(6)bhyantara >abbhintara, ma(d)dhyama >
majjhima.

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Maram,
required) I. 52, chammasan I. 32, chammas, 28-9; mukkhatha IV. 37 (also Paumnenriya karapathi 5. 87): vahattha IV. 27, 80; sakka III. 20; Sia for Stan II. 67 (Patima. jatta kāāya 5, 86); nivou for niveuih V. 51 (see Pauma. uppatti 1, 38, nivvui 5. 121, rai 6. 240); vilavamānī V. 100; sitthi for sitthim V. 99; bhaniu III. 20. The Abl. sing. of mas, and neu. in am, noted by Alsdorf' in the Vasudevahindi, appears to me a similar case in which amh and - are being interchanged. The Paumacariya gives plenty of such cases: I have noted only a few. This exchange has not resulted from any defective writing. Both of them have the same metrical value and phonetic quantity, and they mutually alternate as a purely phonetic variant. This interchange is not sporadic just affecting a few forms of our text. It appears to have been a regular phenomenon which has left its influence on the different aspects of Middle Indo-Aryan. Once we accept it, many strange words anl forms (besides those noted above) get easily explained, for instance, samrakkhana & surakkhana, simh & sila, mamsa & masa; in Pali vägisa & varigisa, sunatana & munamtana; etc. Probably this has arisen out of uncertain pronunciation of a short vowel followed by an aruseära.
Intervocalicy is not only retained sometime: jage IV. 43; näge IV. 46; sagara III. 75, also sayara IV. 27, but also is softened to y: egagiņā IV. 31; kamalayara V. 53; etc. Intervocalie d is retained in some cases: udara III. 85; dahi IV. 89; tilloda IV. 21, also tillo IV. 7.
Instances like ten'ayagarena V. 67, divas'evasine IV. 9, Bharah'avayur-kale I. 82 illustrate Jacobi's rule of dropping of the final a of the first word when followed by a even when in turn followed by a short syllable. As typical Samdhis we might note asti + esa atthesa IV. 14, plusnātā>uuṇhāyā> unhāyā V. 8.
Some of the proper names show some phonetic changes: Agastya Aga tthi I. 63, IV. 27, the Sanskrit verse regularly reads Agastin 265; AhalyaAhilla V. 33, Märkandeya Makkamda II. 31, Parasura I. 63, V. 13, (note the v. l.), Ramana II. 62, 68, 71 and rarely Ravana III. 93, Vasistha= Visittha I. 63.
Some words change their bases: kumandalu I. 32-3, beside kamamdalu I. 21-3; Bambhana V. 116 (also Pauma. 5. 122); manasa I. 50; Khamdavaṇal for Khaniḍavana IV. 14. A few words stand without the
1 See his paper The Vasudevahindi, a specimen of Archale Jaina-Maharastrı', Bulletin of the School of O. Studies, vol. VIII, parts 2 & 3.
2 Consult also Pischel's Grammatik. §§ 75, 114, 181 and 339. Dr. A. M. Ghatage has discussed this in his paper 'Linguistic Nature of Prakrit Languages' read at the 11th All-India Oriental Conference, Hyderabad. He regards it as a case of extension of the original alternance arising from cases where it is due to normal
causes.
3 Sanatkumaracaritam (München 1921), Intro. p. 6.
4 Jacobi: Bhavisattakaha (München 1918) Intro. p. 60*, line 1.

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52
DAÜRTÄKHYÄNA:
termination of the subject or object: yammāganmu IV. 85, gaya-kacchava IV. 61, •sarbhama IV. 81, hiahia IV, 85 (for similar cases see Paüman. 1. 6, 36 etc.). - The form Agatthinar is Inst. sing.; such forms are already noted by Pischel ($ 379) in Ardhamāgadbi; and plenty of them are found in the Paumacariya 12. 113, 13. 10, 15, 20, 16. 32 etc. A form like Agatthinx would be quite regular in Apabhraṁsa, Urvasiya! V. 115 is Gen. sing. (for such forms cf. Tiloyapannatti 1. 241, 2. 208, etc., also 4. 42, the termination for Gen, and Loc. being the same). Loc. sing. kucchimmi II. 41, also kucchie II. 38. - Inst, sing, of asmad is me III, 3, V. 21, 32; perhaps mě is represented by mi at V. 32, second line. Looking at the use of mi at II. 2 and IV. 2, 4, one finds that it is serving the purpose of both aham (through Inst. sing. me, with p. p. p. as the predicate) and asmi (through the forms amhi, mhi, ammi, ami). Hemacandra is quite aware of such forms; and Pischel has square-bracketed them in the absence of authentic usage. Lately Alsdorf has noted such cases from the Vasudevahindi; and it will be seen that the forms of asmaul have affected analogically those of vusmad. -- At IV. 24 tan stands for tvam. Instr, sing, is te I. 87, also tume.
Of the verbal forms we may note a few. Present 1st p. sing.: paribhanami IV, 3, V. 51, also paribhamāmi III. 1; 3rd p. sing. : tuppaï I. 55, 59, perhaps from the passive base (also Paüma. 9. 55). Imp. 2nd p. sing de V. 78; in the light of the available material, its stages of evolution can be shown thus: dehi dehi>de-dehi, naturally then de can stand for dehi. Our text gives a form chehi II, 36 (v. l. che chi, perhaps a scribal improvement on ceni); and the Paümacariya gives some such forms: hana huna 69, 112, chehi 44. 53, c-ehi 8. 174, thā-thchi 45. 10. The form sunijasu I. 53 (cf. Pauma. 38. 46 khameijāsu ) started perhaps with the passive augment but here in the active sense*. - The lengthening of i in bhanihamo V. 3 has parallels in the Paümacariya : vaccīhāmo V. 190, bhavikāmi 118. 63, etc. - ahesi IV: 33 is to be traced back to Aorist *abhavişit (Pischel 516 and Hema. VIII iii. 164), - peccham II, 5, 9, is apparently used in the sense of the Present 1st p. sing. - At III. 15 chinna is used as the base.
um or turn is the well-known termination of the Infinitive; but many forms in this text are used with the Gerundive sense : oyarium IV. 2, käum IV. 50, gamtum I. 66, III. 40, 43, chinnium III. 15, namium II, 9, snattheum III. 9, 28, 56 (cf. Pauma. 1. 10, 2. 60, 5. 33, etc.), The Gerundives with ittu and -ūņu are available in this text, see I. 71, V. 43, 48, 87, 102. The form piñdevi III. 18 is Gerundive, quite usual in Apabhraíśa; and parallels ara found in the Pauma, 11. 99, 41. 63, 43. 48. – There is one usage of the Infinitive paribhu
1 Such forms are found also in the Vasudevahiņdi, as noted by Alsdorf in his paper
referred to above, 2 See his paper referred to above. 3 A. M. Ghatage: Repetition in Prakrit Syntax, New Indian Antiquary, vol. IL
1. p. 55. 4 See also Hemacandra's Grammar VIII. iii. 177-8.

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A CRITICAL STUDY
ttum-je I. 45 which deserves special attention. je is used as a proclitic here. Such forms are found in the Patimacariya also ghetturh-je 1. 14, hamtumn-je 53. 54, nauh-je 118. 62. According to Hemacandra (VIII. ii. 217) this je is merely an expletive for pada-purane."
At III. 58 and V. 111 jattena and loena are used in the sense of Loc., so also santhiehimh & rattehi either stand for Loc., or even Gen. Similar instances are found in the Acarañga as well. It is interesting to note that Apabh. has a common termination -him in the Instr. and Loc. pl. Loc. for Inst.: valaggate I. 24, 53 (cf. Paum. 8. 42, 94); Loc. for Abl.: pães II. 45, bāhāsu I. 37, ūrūsu I. 37 (but ürühim II. 46'). nama namena I. 7, IV. 7, is just a repetition". Parallels for it are found in the Mahabharata (Virata 2. 1), Ramayana and Paumacariya 2. 8, 21. In the Pauma. (41. 46) and Vasudeva-hindi (p. 12) nama is suffixed to the proper name, Aggikeu-nāmo, Jambu- namo; and these are later on again followed by namena. One feels from giri vva II. 34, limda vva V. 120 that perhaps vva is being used for vat. The dialect used by Haribhadra has much common with that of Patmacariya; and some of the traits have definite stamp of antiquity in the evolution of Prakrits. In view of its inheritance of certain Ardhamagadhi characteristics and its close affinity with the idiom of Palmacariya, we may call it Jaina Mäbärăştri, following the terminology of Jacobi and Pischel.
53
――
The style of Dhirtäkhyana, on the whole, is simple and fluent, and quite suited to the conversational tone in which the rogues are carrying on their learned wrangling. Haribhadra follows here the epic model, and is addressing an audience of mediocre education and not a learned gathering. No artificial attempt is made to embellish the language with poetic ornaments. The author's mastery over canonical language has unconsciously introduced expressions like sannihia-paḍihero, sannddha-baddha-kavayd etc. (II. 6, 10) which remind us of Ardhamagadhi phrases. In descriptions, however, the normal style has not been maintained: long compounds are easily introduced in describing the rainy season (I. 8 f.), Ganges (I. 25 f.), Tilottama (I. 62 f., II. 29 f.), etc. The description of the cemetary (V. 82f.), though quite dignified as a piece of composition, is not only out of place and proportion, but also conspicuously pedantic in its construction in this small work. The first four fantastic tales are remarkably racy in their style, and the handling of expression is quite in keeping with the presentation of events.

1 Some illustrations are already noted from the Paphāvāgaraṇaim; and Dr. Sen has observed thus: "The infinitive with je, which occurs twice (ginhium-je p. 122a, ginheum-je p. 113a), occurs in the canon not earlier than in some late gatha-prakirṇaka." A critionl Introduction to the Paphävägaranaimh, Würzburg 1936, p. 13. See also Das Mahanisihasutta by W. Schubring, Berlin 1918, p. 92.
2 Jacobi: Some Ancient Jaina Works, Modern Review, pp. 574-77, December 1914; also his Bhavisattakaha, p. 60 of the Intro. Ghatage: Instrumental and Locative in Ardha-Magadhi, Indian Historical Quarterly, vol. XIII, NO. 1, 1931.
3 See the paper 'Repetition in Prakrit Syntax', p. 50, noted above.

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54
DHĒRTĀKHYANA:
My most sincere thanks I offer to Achārya Jinavijayaji, the learned Editor of the Dhūrtākhyāna in Prakrit, Sanskrit and Gujarati, who kindly requested me to associate myself with his edition by contributing a critical Essay. I had realized the importance of this work a couple of years back, and I gladly welcomed this opportunity of studying the Dhūrtākhyāna which is a remarkable satire in Indian literature. My thanks are also due to Dr. R. N. Dandekar, Poona; Dr. S. K. De, Dacca; Dr. A. M. Ghatage, Kolhapur; and Mr. K. D. Pednekar, M.A., Kolhapur, who helped me with some books, references and suggestions,
Rajaram College, Kolhapur: 1
25-10-19.43.
A. N. UPADHYE
*

Page #86

INDEX OF A CRITICAL STUDY'.
This Index includes informative references to important names of authors and works,
as well as to a few topics, occurring in The Dhurtakhyāna: A Critical Study'. It is just a supplement to the Index of names, added at the end of this volume, which registers all the proper nouns mentioned in the Dhurtakhyana of Haribhadra and referred to in the Critical Study. The references here are to the pages of the Study.
Abhayadeva, 37.
Agni, voluptuous character of 31. Ahalya, Indra's behaviour with 31. Akhyana, 16.
Amitagati, 41.
Aahabhati, 23.
Avantisundarikatha, 23.
Balarama, transference of the embryo of 33.
Bāṇa, 23.
Bhāpa, satire in 19 f.
Bharataka-dvärilik, 18.
Bhima, Baka killed by 30; birth of 31.
Boccacio, 24.
Brahman, varnas from 26; birth of 26, 28, 33.
Candragaccha, 37.
Canterbury Tales, 23, 24.
Catarbhaut 10.
Chaucer, 23, 24.
Damodaragupta, 18. Dandin, a satirist 17. Darpadalana, 18.
Dasakumaracarita, satire in 17.
Daśavaikalikasutra, 14, 23.
Decameron, 24.
Devabhadra, 37.
Devadatta, 23.
Devendra, 23, 37.
Dharmapariksa, 1, various texts of 41; summary of the contents of 42f.; Dha. compared and contrasted with 46 f. Dhirtakhyana (Prakrit) acquaintance with, Mss. and the Pk. text of 1 f.; contents of 2 f.; purpose, technique and form of 12 f.; a parody or a satire 20 f.: a literary piece 22; characters in 23; a masterpiece of construction 24; sources of the legends in 33 f.; legendy divergences found in 33f.; Sanghatilaka's Se: version of 36 f.; Gujarati rendering of 39f.; Dharmapark compared and contrasted with 461.; Prakrit dialect of 491.; style of 53.

Dhartakhyana (Sanskrit) 36f.; the author ete, of 37; compared with Pk. Dhu. 37; text of 38. Dhürtakhyana (Gujarati), age of the Ms. of 35; compared with Pk. and Sk. texts 39: on the language of 40. Dhartasamigama, 20.
Drona, birth of 26, 33. Drupada, bow of 28.
Epics, nature of 12 f.; Haribhadra's attack against 13; textual vicissitudes of 34 f.
Ganapati, origin of 33.
Ganga, foiled in Hara's hair 26, 27.
Garuda, the mighty one 30.
Govardhana, Krena lifts 30. Gunasekhara, 37.
Hanumat, ocean crossed by 27; his body pieced together 29; medicine brought by 29; trees rooted out by 31; birth and tail of 31.
Hara, male organ of 26. Harisena, 41.
Haribhadra, epics attacked by 13; a logician and a witty critic 13; inventive skill of 14; his fascination for humorous and satirical tales 14; a story-teller 15; corrupt asceticism and blind belief in the society attacked by 21; a logician and a rationalist 21; bibliography on the works etc. of 25 foot-note; intellectual integrity of 35. Hasyacaḍamani, 19. Ilaputra, 23.
Indra, Ahalya seduced by 31; 32. Jahlana, 19,
Jahnu, Ganga gulped by 30. Jarasandha, constitution of 28. Jaṭayu, shape of 28. Jayarama, 41. Jinaprabha, 37. Jinatekhara, 37. Jinavallabha, 37. Jinesvara, 37.

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56
Kadambarl, 23. Kalavilasa, 18, 23.
Kandariya, 23. Karan, birth of 26.
Kathasaritsagara, 23.
Kesava, Dovaki's womb containing 27; 28. Khamdavana, character of 23. Kicakas, the birth of 26.
Kṣemendra, satirical works of 18 f.; 22, 23. Kumbhakarna, meal of 30.
Kunti, sons from 31.
Kuṭṭinimata, 18.
Latakamelaka, 20.
Mahasena, birth of and two stories about 29.
Mahendravikrama, 20.
Mattavilasa, 20. Mrechakatikam, 17.
Mukundananda, 19.
DIURTAKHYANA:
Nalakübara, release of 33. Nilakantha Dikaita, 19. Nisthacürpi, 23,
Padatäditaka, 19.
Padmacandra, 37. Padmaprabhṛtaka, 19, 23. Padmasigara, 41.
Parvati, birth of 33. Prabhinanda, 37.
Prahasana, satire in 20 f.
Rahu, sun and moon eclipsed by 30. Raktaknṇḍalin, birth of 26.

Reņuka, revival of 28. Rudrapalliya-gaecha, 37. Sahi Mahammada, 37. Samayamatṛka, 18. Samyaktva-saptatiki, 37. Sanghatilaka, 37.
Sanmukha, birth of 33.
Sarasvatapattana, 37.
Sarvajña, Mbh. criticised by 13. Sata, 19, 23.
Spigaratilaka, 19.
Svedakuplalin, birth of 26, Tattvakaumudi, 37.
Müladeva, 19; various names of and references Tilottama, Brahman tempted by 26; Sunda
to 23.
etc. destroyed by 29; birth of 33. Urvasi, birth of 33.
Satire, in Indian literature 16 f.; works containing elements of 17 f.; in Bhana and Prahasana 19 f.
Somatilaka, 37. Śricandra, 37.
Varaha, earth lifted by 30.
Vardhamana, 37.
Vatsaraja, 19.
Vijayacandra, 37.
Vikramaditya, 23.
Vimalacandra, 37.
Visņu, Bali outwitted by 30. Voltaire, 23. Vṛttaviläsa, 41. Yama-dharma, 32,

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श्रीमद्हरिभद्रसूरिरचितं
धू तो ख्या नम्।
% 3D-
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[प्रास्ताविकम् ] नमिऊण जिणवरिंदे तिअसेसरवंदिए धुअकिलेसे । विउसजणयोहणत्थं धुत्तक्खाणं पवक्खामि ॥ ललिअसमिद्धजणवया अत्थि पुरी सुरपुरि' विसेसंती। उज्जुअजणाहिवासा उज्जेणी णाम णामेणं ॥ तीसे उत्तरपासे णाणाविहकुसुमगुम्मलयगहणं । महुअरिगणोवगीअं उजाणं णंदणसरिच्छं ॥ तत्थुजाणगिहम्मी णाणाविहरूवकम्मणिज्जुत्ता। धुत्ताण सयाणेगा समागया कहवि हिंडता॥ मायाणिअडिपहाणा अकजणिचुजुआ णिरणुकंपा । थीबालवुड्ढवीसत्यघाइणो वंचणिकपरा ॥ धूवंजणजोगेहि अ ओसोअणि-थंभणीहिं विजाहिं । सर-वन्नभेयकसला तेसि पह पंचिमे कमसो॥ मूलसिरि कंडरीओ एलौसाढो संसो अ खंडवों । इकिकस्स य तेसिं धुत्ताणं पंच-पंचसया ॥ धुत्तीणं पंचसया खंडवणाए अ णवरि परिवारो। सव्वाण वि ताण पहू मूलसिरी लोविक्खाओ। वह अ ताण कालो जलयसमुच्छन्नसूर-ससिमग्गो । इंदधणुविजुगजिअजलयरमुहलो वरिसयालो॥ सत्ताहदुद्दिणम्मि अ समंतओ भरिअवप्पकूवसरे । कयचिक्खिल्लचिलिप्फिलदुस्संचारासु रच्छासु ॥ एआरिसम्मि काले ते धुत्ता सीअवद्दलाभिहया। भुक्रवत्ता विंति तहिं-को अम्हं दिज भत्तं' ति ॥ अह भणइ मूलदेवो-'जं जेण सुरं च समणुभूअं वा । सो तं कहेउ सव्वं मिलिआणेआण धुत्ताणं ॥ जो तं न पत्तिइज्जा असच्चवयणं ति तेण सव्वेसिं ।
धुत्ताण समुइआणं दायव्वं भत्तपाणं ति ॥ 1 B सुरपुरवरिं। 2 B लोग। 8 B °मुहरो। 4 B व । 5 A ण। 6 A धुत्ताणं ।

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हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् । जो पुण पुराण-भारह-रामायण-सुइ-समुत्थ'वयणेहिं । तं वयण समत्थित्ता महायणं पत्तिआविज ॥ सो धुत्ताण अहिवई महामई अत्थि सस्थणिम्माओ। मा देउ किंचि कस्स वि-'अ भणिए मूलदेवेण । ते सव्वे विभणिया-'इअ होउ सुसोहणं तए भणि। किंतु तुमं पढमं चिअ कहेहि जं ते समणुभूअं ॥
[१. अथ मूलदेवकथितं कथानकम् ।]
अह भणइ मूलदेवों-जं अणुभूअं मए तरुणभावे । तं णिसुणेह अवहिआ कहिजमाणं सुजुत्तीए॥ तरुणत्तणम्मि अहयं इच्छिअसुहसंपयं अहिलसंतो। धाराधरणहाए सामिगिहं पत्थिओ सुइरं ॥ छत्तकमंडलुहत्थो पंथं वाहेमि गहिअपच्छयणो । मत्तं पव्वयमित्तं पिच्छामि अ गयवरं इंतं ॥ मेहमिव गुलगुलिंतं पभिण्णकरडामुहं महामत्तं । वट्टण वणगइंदं भएण वेवंतगत्तो हं॥ अत्ताणो अ असरणो कत्थ निलुकामि हंति चिंतंतो। तो सहसा य अगओ कमंडलु भरणभयभीओ।। अह सो वि मत्तहत्थी ऊसविअकरो सरोसरत्तच्छो। मझाणुमग्गलग्गो कमंडलु अगओ सिग्धं ॥ तो हं भयसंभंतो समंतओ विहु पलोअंतो। हत्थिं कमंडलुम्मी वामोहेऊण छम्मासं ॥ गीवाइ णिग्गओ हं हत्थी वि ममाणुमग्गओ णिन्तो। लग्गो वालग्गंते कुंडिअगीवाइ छिद्दम्मि ॥ अहमवि अ णवरि पुरओ गंगं पिच्छामि रंगिरतरंगे । फेणणिअरदृहासं वणगयदंतक्खयतडग्गं॥ उम्मीसहस्सपउरं झस-मयर-ग्गाह-कुम्मपरियरियं । जुवइहिअय व्वगाहं उअहि व्व सुदूरपरपारं ॥ पहमन्नं अलहंतो तो हं इसुवेअवाहिणिं सिग्छ । बाहाहिं समुत्तिपणो गोपयमिव भारहिं विउलं॥ तो सामिगिहं गंतुं छुह-तण्हापरिसहेहिं सहमाणो ।
छम्मासा सीसेणं धरेमि धारा धरहाए॥ 1B °समत्थ । 2 A पभणिया ते ! 3 A मूलदेओ ।

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१. मूलगोक्तं कथानम् । धारेऊण य घारं पयओ अहिवंदिऊण महसेणं । संपत्तो उजेणिं तुब्भेहि समं च मिलिओ हं॥ तो जइ सचं एवं तो मे हेऊहिं पत्तिआवेह । अह मण्णह' अलिअं तं धुत्ताणं देह तो भत्तं'। अह भणइ कंडरीओ-'को भणिही तुममसचषयणं ति। भारह-पुराण-रामायणाणि पुरिसो विआणंतो' ॥ परिभणइ मूलदेवो-'सो हत्थी कुंडिआई' कह माओ। कह भमिओ छम्मासं कमंडले तम्मि वणहत्थी॥ 'सुहमच्छिद्देण कमंडलाओं कह णिग्गओ अहं सो अ। णिग्गंतो वणहत्थी वालग्गंते कहं लग्गो॥ कह गंगा उत्तिण्णा बाहाहिं मए सुदूरपरपारा । कह छम्मासं धरिआ भुक्खिअतिसिएणुदयधारा?'
॥ धूर्ताख्याने मूलदेवेनोक्तं कथानकमेकम् ॥
[अथ कण्डरीकोक्तं मूलदेवकथानकोत्तरम् ।। अह भणइ कंडरीओ-जं सुम्मइ भारहे पुराणे अ। तं जह सव्वं सचं तो सचं तुज्झ वि वयणं ।। हस्थी कमंडलुम्मी अहं पि माओ कहं तिज भणसि । इत्थ दिआइपसिद्धं क्यणं सुण पञ्चणिमित्तं ॥ बंभाणस्स मुहाओ विप्पा, वत्तियजणो अ बाहामु । ऊरूसु णिग्गया किर वइसा, सुहा य पाएसु॥ बंभाणस्स सरीरे जइ माओ इत्तिओ जणसमूहो। तो कह कमंडलुम्मी ण मासि तं वणगयसमग्गो॥ अण्णं च बंभ-विण्हू उर्ल्ड च अहो अबेवि' धाता। अंतं जस्स ण पत्ता वाससहस्सेण दिव्वेण ॥ लिंगं महप्पमाणं कह मायं तस्सुमासरीरम्मि । एवं जइ कुंडिआऍ हत्थी माओ त्ति को दोसो॥ अण्णं च इमं सुव्वइ रिसिणा वासेण भारहेऽभिहि। जह वेणुपव्वमझे कीअमभाइअसयं जायं ॥ कीओ वंसो भण्णइ तहिं जाया कीअग त्ति भण्णंति । कह तेसिं उप्पत्ती विराडरायग्गमहिसीए ।
४२०
1B मंण्णह। 2 B कुंडीआइ। 3 B सुहुमि। 4 B सुपूरतरपारा। 5Bपुराणमि । 6A दी
वयणं। 7 B अहे य दोवि। 8B भणियं ।

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हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् । तीए वि णत्थि पुत्तो तो सा रिसिआसमम्मि रिसिमिकं । आराहिलं पयत्ता तेण वि सो साहिओ चरुओ॥ भणिआ तेण' य रिसिणा एअंचरुअं तुमं कुडंगम्मि । मुंजाहि पहिहमणा होही ते तत्थ पुत्तसयं ॥ सा तं परिभुत्तुं जे वंसकुडंगम्मि तो गया सगिहं । कस्सह कालस्स तहिं गग्गलिणामो रिसिवरु त्ति ॥ वंसीजालपविट्ठो चरइ तवं णवरि तत्थ पउमसरे । अच्छरसा पहायंती रिसिणा दिट्ठा विगयवस्था । खुहियस्स मुक्कबिंदु पडिअंणाली कीअगो पढमो। णवणायसहस्सबलो संजाओ पढमबिंदुम्मि॥ जह जह णिज्झाइ मुणी अच्छरसं पवररूवलावण्णं । तह तह खिरइ अबीअं जायं तहिं कीअगाण सयं ॥ वंसीणालीऔं रिसी णिक्खिविउ णिययमालयं पत्तो। सु चिय वंसकुडंगो राया रक्खावए णिचं ॥ संजायसव्वगत्ता गहिआ देवीइ तुहमणसाए । तं तीए पुत्तसयं भण्णइ णालीसमुप्पन्नं ॥ जह वंससमुप्पन्नं भायसयं कीअगाण माइ तहिं । तो कह कमंडलुम्मी ण मासि तं वणगयसमग्गो॥ वाससहस्सं गंगा जडासु वामोहिआ जइ हरेणं । छम्मासं कुंडिआए विमोहिओं वणगओ सचं ॥ *४*५२ लग्गो वालग्गंते हत्थी अयं च णिग्गओ कह णु। जं भणसि तं सुणिजसु पुराणसुइआगयं वयणं ॥ विण्हू जगस्स कत्ता सो किर एगण्णवम्मि लोगम्मि । आगासभूमिमारूअतसथावरजलण रहियम्मि ॥ णढणरासुरतिरिए ताराससिसूरविरहिआलोए। तप्पइ तवं अणंतो जलसयणगओ अचिंतप्पा ॥ तस्स किर पंकयत्थो बंभो णाहीइ पउमगम्भाओ। दंडकमंडलुहत्थो विणिग्गओ पंकयं लग्गं । एवं' कमंडलुगीवाइ णिग्गओ जइ तुमं गयसमं पि। हत्थी वालग्गंते लग्गो तो इत्थ किमजुत्तं ॥ जं पि अ भणसि गुणागर कुंडियगीवाइ णिग्गओ किमहं । भारहपसिद्धमित्थ वि वयणं सुण पच्चयणिमित्तं ॥ ५८ दिव्वं वाससहस्सं बंभाणो तप्पई तवं रणे। तो खुहिआ तिअसगणा भणंति कह हुज्ज से विरघं ॥
1Bय तेण। 2A विमोहओ। 3A जण। 4Bायणग्गओ। 5Bएव ।

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१. मूलदेवोक्तं कथानकम् । तो भणइ सुरवरिंदो थीलोलो पसुवई विवाहम्मि । अग्गीकम्मणिउत्तो दट्टण उमं ल्हसियचेलं ॥ खुहिओ बीअनिसग्गं करेह विहुणइ णियंसणं ताहे । पडिअंबीअं कलसे दोणायरिओ समुप्पन्नो॥ एरिसिअइत्थिआहिं एसो खुभिज्ज' रूवकलिआहिं। को इत्थीहिं न खुहिओ मुत्तूण जिणं महावीरं ॥ गोअम-विसिट्ठ-पारासुरो अ जमयग्गि-कासवो-ऽगत्थी। अहयं च सुराहिवई हरो हरी तिहुअणवरिहा ॥ अण्णे वि एवमाई तवसत्तणिही जयम्मि विक्खाया। चम्महबाणाभिहया इत्थीहिं कराविआ आणं ॥ ता गंतूणं सिग्धं तिलुत्तमा उत्तमा सुरवहणं । खोहेउ तवविसिटुं इट्टेण पिआमहं विहिणा ॥ तो सा संगयवेसा तिअसाहिववयणगहिअसंदेसा । गंतुं विभुस्स पुरओ दिव्वं णडं पयासेइ ॥ जहणुव्वहणभमिरया उच्छालिअहारमंथरुच्छोहा । घणमसिणंसिअथणहरसुकं पुअपेलव दुगुल्ला ॥ ललिअपणयंगलट्ठी सकडक्खुन्भेअभुअलयाजुअला । रेहह पणच्चमाणा पवणेरियचंपयलय व्व ॥ दद्ण णञ्चमाणं बंभा एगिदिओ व्व संवुत्तो। णिज्झाइ अणिमिसच्छो सेसिंदिअमुक्कवावारो ।। णाऊण तस्स भावं तो सा संगयमणोहरसुवेसा। विविहाहरणविहूसा दक्खिणपासे ठिया विहुणों ॥ तो तं अपिच्छमाणो बंभाणो मणसि मणसिजाभिहओ। तं दहण सतण्हो करेइ बीअं तओ वयणं ॥ इत्तोऽवरेण तइयं चउत्थं कुणइ उत्तरेणं सो। उडे उप्पइआए पंचमवयणं उवरिहुत्तं ॥ तो तस्स पमत्तस्स य तिलुत्तमागयमणस्स रुद्देणं । तं वयणं पंचमयं णहेण उक्टि सहसा ॥ तो बंभा' परिकुविओ दाहिणहत्थप्पएसिणीए उ। उव्व इ णिलाडे असरिसरोसुटिअं सेअं॥ तत्थुप्पन्नो सेए बलवंतो सेअकुंडली नाम । बंभेणाणत्तेणं उक्खित्तो संकरो तेणं ॥
___1 B खुभिज। 2A पुआपलव। 3A चपय । 4 B बंभो। 5 B विभूसा। 6 B विहिणो । 7 B बंभो। 8 A णिलाओ।

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हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्तख्यानम् ।
तो सो भयसंभंतो णासंती बयरिआसमे पत्तो । तत्थ हरी यिमत्थो भिक्खं देहि त्ति संलत्तो ॥ ता तेण तक्खणं चिअ मुक्कसिरा अप्पणो णिलाडम्मि । बंभाणसिरकवाले रुद्देण समुद्दिअं' हिट्ठे ॥ वाससहस्सेण वि तं ण भरिजइ तीइ रुहिरधाराए । तं रुहिर मंगुलीए पसुवइणा डोहिअं णवारें ॥ बंभाणसिरकवाले केस वरुहिरंगुलीइ रुहस्स । तो रत्तकुंडलिणरो तिन्हं संजोगओ जाओ ॥ सो रुणाणत्तो पजुज्झिओ सेअकुंडलीइ समं । जुज्झताणं 'ताणं वाससहस्सं अइकंतं ॥ तो गिहिऊण दुन्नि सव्वेहि वि सुरवरेहिं मिलिएहिं । सकस्स गरो सूरस्स समपिओ बीओ ॥ भणिआ भारहकाले भारहजुज्झस्स कारणट्ठाए । भारहवयारकाले उवणिजह मणुअलोयम्मि ॥ तो काले संपत्ते सूरो कुंतीह रूवउम्मत्तो । कयसंजोओ तीए कुच्छीइ जणेइ तं गन्भं ॥ सण्णद्धबद्धकवओ कुंतीकण्णेण णिग्गओ कण्णो । तो किं तुमं ण णीसरिसि कुंडीगीवाइ मूलसिरी ॥ गंगा अणोरपारा कहमुत्तिष्ण त्ति भणसि मे जं तु । इत्थ वि पचयजणणं सुणेहि रामायणे वित्तं ॥ सीआपउत्तिहेउं पवणसुओ राहवेण आणत्तो । लंकापुरिं अइगओ बाहाहिं महोअहिं तरिउं ॥ दिट्ठाए सीआए पिअपडिवत्तिं सुणित्तु तुट्ठाए । भणिओ कह ते उअही तिण्णो हणुअंत सो भणइ ॥ भवति चात्र श्लोक:

11 R मिरिकवालं । 2 A समुडिमं । 3 Bता। 4 A तुम नर णीसरति ।
6 B तिना ।
तव प्रसादात्तव च प्रसादाद् भर्तुश्च ते देवि तव प्रसादात् । साधून ते (?) येन पितुः प्रसादात् तीण्णों मया गोष्पदवत् समुद्रः ॥ १ ॥ जह तेण समुत्तिष्णो तिरिएण महोअही दुरुत्तारो । तो किं तए णरुत्तम ण हुज्ज गंगा' समुत्तिणा ॥ जं भणसि कह णु धारा छम्मासा धारिया सिरेण मए । इथ वि मे सुण हेउं दिआइसुइआगयं वयणं ॥ लोगहि अट्ठाए किर गंगा अन्भत्थिया सुरवरेहिं । अवयरसु मणुअलोअं सग्गाओ भणइ सा ताहे ॥

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5. B. गंगां ।

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*८९२
२. कण्डरीको क्यानकम् । को मं धरि सको निवडति भणइ पसुबई अहयं । धारेमि तओ पडिया धरिया सीसेण पसुवइणा ॥ दिव्वं वाससहस्सं जइ धरिया जण्हवी उमावइणा। तो कह न धरेसि तुमं छम्मासं सिरेणुदयधारा ॥ उत्तमपुरिसो सि तुमं विण्णाणागमगुणेहिं संपुण्णो। णिग्गयजसो महप्पा विक्खाओ जीवलोअम्मि॥ [ एवं ] कण्डरीकेनोक्तं मूलदेवं प्रति प्रत्युत्तरकथानकाष्टकम् ।
॥ इति धूर्ताख्याने प्रथमाख्यानकम् ॥
[२. अथ कण्डरीककथितं कथानकम् ।] अइसइओ मूलसिरी कंडरि भणइ-'सु(भ)णसु इत्ताहे । जं दिहें जं च सुअं अणुहूयं जं च ते इहई॥ अह भणइ कंडरीओ-'अविणयपुण्णो मि आसि बालत्ते । अम्मापिइदुईतो रोसेण घराउ णिक्खंतो॥ परिहिंडतो अ अहं पत्तो देसंतसंठिअं गामं । गो-महिस-अजा-एलय-खर-करहसमाउलं मुइयं ॥ आरामुजाणवणेहिं सोहियं कुसुमफलसमिद्धेहिं । अयलापुरिसारिच्छं बहुघरसयसंकुलं रम्मं ॥ तस्स बहुमझदेसे पिच्छं वडपायवं मणभिरामं । मेहणिउबभसउणसहस्साण आवासं॥ तस्स य हिट्टे जक्खो कमलदलक्खो गुणेहिं परिकिण्णो । सण्णिहिअपाडिहेरो देइ वरं सो वरत्थीणं ॥ जक्खस्स तस्स जत्ता वदृइ बहुजणसमाउला मुइया । तत्थेइ जणो मुइओ धूवबलीपुप्फहत्थगओ॥ पहायपसाहियजिमिओं सव्वालंकारभूसियसरीरो। णाणाविहवत्थधरो चंदणपरिवण्णणविलित्तो॥ तो हं सकोउहल्लो उवागओ तं महायणसमूहं । जक्खस्स कमे णमिउं रममाणे घोडहे पिच्छं ॥ सण्णबद्धकवया गहिआउहपहरणा य अइबहुला। कलयलरवं करिता पडिया चोरा'णवरि तत्थ ॥ तो सो सबालवुड्डो सइथिओ जणवओ सपसुवग्गो । अह घोडएहिं सहिओ वालुंकं अइगओ सव्वो ॥
1B संपण्णो। 2 B °लोगंमि । 3A कथानकाष्टकमिदम। 4 B मूलसिरिं कंडरीओ। 5A तिमिओ। 6A रविं। 7A चोराणुवरि। 8 Bघोडाएहिं ।

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हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् । तत्थ वि ते घोडहए रमंतपिच्छाजणे अ मुइअमणे । चोरा वि पडिणिअत्ता णट्ठो गामो त्ति जंपंता ॥ णवरि तहिं पसुवग्गो चरमाणो आगओ सुवीसत्थो। इकाइ पसूइ तओ ओइलिअं चिब्भडं सहसा ॥ सा अयगरेण घत्था सो वि अ ढिंकीइणवरि ओइलिओ। सा तत्थेव णिलीणा तुंगे वडपायवे विउले ॥ तस्स अहे खंधारो णवरि ठिओ राइणो अ मत्तगओ। टिंकीपाए जमिओ वडपारोहु त्ति काऊण ॥ आउंचिअम्मि पाए कड्विजह गयवरो गुलगुलिंतो। तो रवइ मिण्ठवग्गो केणावि गओ समुक्खित्तो।। सोऊण ताण सई संपत्ता सद्दवेहिणो जोहा। इसुचावगहिअहत्था कलयलरावं करेमाणा ॥ छिण्णा' य तीइ पंखा से सीसं हथिएहिं दक्खेहिं। सा विलवंती पडिआ पश्चयसिहर व्व महिवढे । फालाविआ य रण्णा' पुढे दिट्ठो अ अयगरों विउलो । सगडस्स ईदरो विव खोडी विव महिअले पडिआ ॥ अह भणइ परवरिंदो फालिजउ एस अयगरो विउलो । एयस्स वि मा मज्झे माणुसतिरिअं च हुजाहि ॥ अह फालिअम्मि उअरे दिट्ठा सा छालिआ महाकाया । तीए वि उअरमज्झे रमणिज्जं चिन्भडं दिढें ॥ ही ही अहो महल्लं ति चिन्भडं जाव जंपए राया। तो घोडया वि रमिङ णवरि ठिया उज्जवंसकरा ॥ णिग्गंतुं च पवत्तो वालुकाओ तओ जणसमूहो। जह सलभाण य सेणा रेप्फबिलाओ विणिकग्वमइ ।। णमिऊण जिणवरिंदं तो सो सचउप्पओ' जणो सम्वो। णियणियठाणाई गओ अहं पि पत्तो इमं यरिं ॥ एअं मे अणुभूअं पञ्चश्वमिहेव माणुसे लोए। जो मे ण पत्तिआयइ धुत्ताणं देउ सो भुत्तिं ॥
॥ कण्डरीकेनोक्तं कथानकमिदम् ॥ [अथ एलाषाढोक्तं कण्डरीककथानकोत्तरम् । ] अह भणइ एलसाढो- 'पत्तिजामो " किंचि संदेहो।
पडिभणइ कंडरीओ- 'गामो कह चिभडे माओ? ॥ 1A टिंकीरिए। 2 B छिण्णाइ। 3 Bहाथीपहिं । 4A रंना। 5 B अइगरो। 6A छेलिआ । 7 A सो चउप्पओ। 8 A न ।

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३१॥
२. कण्डरीककथितं कथानकम् । पडिभणइ एलसाढो पुराण-भारह-सुईदिद्वत्थो। किं तुह विण्हुपुराणं कण्णसुइपहं न पत्तं ते ॥ पुटिव आसि जगमिणं पंचमहाभूअवजिअं गहिरं । एगण्णवं जलेणं महप्पमाणं तहिं अंडं ॥ वीईपरंपरेणं घोलंतं अच्छिउँ सुचिरकालं । फुझं दुभागजायं अद्धं भूमीइ संवुत्तं ॥ तत्थ सुरासुरणायरमणुअचउप्पयमयं जयं सव्वं । जइ मायं ता गामो कह णु ण माइज वालुंके ॥ अण्णं च इमं सुव्वई' अरणीपचम्मि' धम्मपुत्तस्स । कहिअं सुअमणुभूअं मकंडेणं च अण्णजए । सो किल जुगंतसमए उदएणेगण्णवीकए लोए । वीईपरंपरेणं घोलिंतो उदयमज्झम्मि ॥ पिच्छह गयतसथावरपणट्ठसुरणरतिरिक्खजोणी। एगण्णवं जगमिणं पंचमहाभूअपन्भटुं॥ एवं विहे जगम्मी पिच्छइ ‘णग्गोहपायवं अह सो। मंदरगिरि व्व तुंगं महासमुदं व वित्थिण्णं ॥ खंधम्मि तस्स सयणं अच्छइ तहिं बालओ मणभिरामो। संपुण्णसरीरुदओ मिउमद्दवकुंचिअसुदेसो॥ हत्थो पसारिओ से रिसिणा एहेहि वच्छ! भणिओ अ। खंधे ममं विलग्गसु मा मरिहिसि उदयवाहीए ॥ तेण य चित्तुं हत्थो ओइलिओ सो रिसी तओ तस्स । पिच्छह उअरम्मि जयं ससेलवणकाणणं सव्वं ॥ दिव्यं वाससहस्सं कुच्छीए सो रिसी परिभमंतो। अंतं न चेव पत्तो विणिग्गओ रिसिवरो तत्तो॥ जइ दारयस्स उअरे ससुरासुरमाणुसं जयं मायं । तो चिन्भडम्मि गामो कहणु ण माइज कंडरिअ!॥ दिकोअरे अयगरो तस्स पसूई अ चिन्भडं उअरे । तस्थ वि य जणसमूहो कहमाओ भणसि सुणसु इमं॥ मुट्ठीगिझसुमझाइ केसवो देवईइ कुच्छिम्मि। वुत्तो तस्स य उअरे ससेलवणकाणणा पुहई ॥ अह भणड कंडरीओ चिन्भडपसुअयगराइमझम्मि । अच्छतो कह ण मओं एवं मे पत्तिआवेह ॥
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1B सम्ब। 2A पुन्यम्मि। 3 B °जोणियं। 4 B जिग्गोह। 5A हेरहि। 68 सयो।

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हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम । भणइ अ एलासाढो तद्दिअसं चेअ णिग्गओ तं सि । पुइई कह 'ण विवजऍ वसुदेवसुअस्स पुत्था ॥ पुढे किसि-वाणिज्जं संगामा बहुविहा य आरंभा । आवाह-विवाहा 'वि अ उस्सव-पसवा य वहति ॥ कह पुण हविज एअं जयंतु उअरे वि जस्स जं वुत्थं । बंभाण-केसवाणं पुटिव किर भंडणं आसि ॥ कत्ता अहं ति बंभा भणइ जओ वयण-बाह-ऊरूहिं। पाएसु अणिक्खंतं चाउव्वणं जगमिणं ति ॥ पडिभणइ तं अणंतो बंभाणं सपरिहासवयणेहिं । तं सि मम चेडरूयं ण जुज्जए एरिसं वुत्तुं । अब्भा-भूमि कउट्टे पव्वयदाढे समुद्दजीहाले । पविसेहि मज्झ उअरे जा पिच्छ सविभमं पुहई ॥ मह चेव समुप्पण्णो जलसयणे णाहिणिग्गए पउमे । बंभाण! तं ण सोहसि गुरुपुरओ इत्तिअं वुत्तुं ॥
अवि यजस्स पभावेणुम्मिल्लियाइँ तं चेव कह कयग्घाई। कुमुआइँ अत्तसंभाविआई चंदं उवहसंति ॥ अह भणइ कंडरीओ पोराणसुईसु कत्थ य सुयं ते । ढिंकी महप्पमाणा जस्सुअरे इत्तियं मायं ॥ परिभणइ एलसाढो दोवइदेवीसयंवरे पत्ता। जह किर धणुं पविट्ठा महिहरणागा य अग्गी य॥ दुपयणरिंदस्स धणुं सुमहलं देवयापरिग्गहियं । जो आरुहिओ विंधइ वामे अच्छिम्मि सूअरियं ॥ जिजइ कलासु कुसला किर कण्णा तस्स दोवई सोउं । रायाणो तं धणुहं आरुहिउं तो समाढत्ता ॥ ण चयंति आरुहेडं अह ससिपालो महाबलो ताहे। संधेऊण पयत्तो णवरि धणुं तं अयत्तेणं ॥ तो कण्हेणं ताहे गरुलो णागा गया य संखा य । चक्कं णंगलमुसलं भंदरमेरू अ पक्खित्ता । संघेह तो वि जाहे ता ससिसूरग्गिउदहिसेला य । पक्खित्ता सव्व चिय वसुहा अह धणुहरे तम्मि । अद्धंगुलमित्ते.किर असंधिए केसवेण ठाणं सो। पाएण वि मोअविलं ताहे पडिओ सहधणू णं ॥
*४*५०
1Aणे। 2 A निवाहोचि। 3 B जयं त उयरे । 4 B वुत्तं। 5 B भूसिमिः। 6A करे। 7 B'करघाई। 8.B महाबले तीहे। 9 A वाणं ।

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२. कण्डरीककथितं कथानकम् । पत्थेण य तं गहियं अह अइभारेण ण सहई धरणी। भीमस्स तओ हत्थे आरुहिअ तं पयत्तेण ॥ कण्णविदिन्नेण सरेण विधिउं अजुणेण तं राहं । लद्धा दोवइकण्णा वीरपडागं हरंतेण ॥ जइ तं 'महल्लधणुअं णागग्गिगया य अइगया जत्थ । तो कह ण होइ ढिंकी महई जत्थित्तियं मायं ॥ रामायणे वि सुव्वइ सीआहरणे जडाउगिद्ध त्ति । पंखाउहो महप्पा जुज्झेणं रामणस्स ठिओ। तेण वि से रुटेणं चंदाहासेण लूडिआ पंखा । तो लुअपंखो पडिओ मंदरसिहरु व्व महिवढे । सीआए सो भणिओ सीलवाईणं सईण तेएणं । दट्टण रामदूअं होहिंति पुणो वि ते पंखा ॥ कस्स य कालस्स तओ हणुअंतो राहवेण आणत्तो। सीआपउत्तिहे हिंडतो आगओ तहियं ॥ चिंतेइ य हणुअंतो अहो गिरी एस उण्णओऽतीव । इत्थारुहिऊण अहं पुलएमि समंतओ वसुहं ॥ संलत्तो अखगेणं कोऽसि तुमं एरिसेण वेसेण । सो भणइ रामदूओ अहं ति सीआ(?) गवेसामि ॥ भणिओ जडाउणा सो रामवह रामणेण विलवंती। तेलुकडामरेणं लंकापुरपट्टणं णीआ॥ मा भमसु अरण्णाई सीआदेवीइ मग्गणहाए। दहरहसुअस्स सिग्धं गंतूण पिअं णिवेएहि ॥ अहमवि सीअट्टाए जुज्झंतो णिसिअराहिवेणेवं । असिणा दुवे वि पंखे छित्तूण अजंगमो मुको॥ अह भणइ वाउपुत्तो जं सि ठिओ रामणस्स जुज्झेण । जं वा वि अम्ह कहि होहि त्ति तुम पि पिअभागी॥ सोऊण दूअवयणं तो से जाया पुणण्णवा पंखा । आयासेणुप्पइओं गओ अ सग्गं णिरुवसग्गं ॥
भवति चात्र श्लोकःआख्यास्यति खगः खर्गे पितुर्दशरथस्य मे ।
एकस्त्रीपरिपाल्येऽपि न रामः शक्तुमर्हति ॥ मंदरसिहरागारो जइ आसि जडाउ खहयरो गिद्धो।
ता कह ण होइ ढिंकी कंडरिअ ! महप्पमाणाओ॥ *६ *७४ 1B मल्लथ12 A मेहई। 3A एरिसंमि। 4 A होहि वि उमं। 5 Bणुप्पेओ।

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हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् । एलासाढेणेवं कंडरिओ जंपिओ भणइ ताहे । एलासाढ ! इयाणिं कहेहिं जं ते समणुभूअं ॥ एलाषाढेनोक्तं कण्डरीकं प्रति प्रत्युत्तरकथानकषटमिदम् ।
॥ इति धूर्ताख्याने द्वितीयमाख्यानम् ॥
[ ३. अथ एलाषाढकथितं कथानकम् । ]
अह भणइ एलसाढो अहयं तरुणत्तणे दविणबुद्धी। धाउवायपिसाएण भामिओ परिभमामि जगं॥ इत्थ बिलं इत्थ रसो एसो सो पव्वओ जहिं धाऊ । एवं लक्खगएणं णडिजमाणो परिभमामि ॥ लद्धो अ आगमो मे जह पुवदिसाइ जोअणसहस्से । णवरं गंतूण गिरिं सहस्सवेही रसो तहियं ॥ जोअणवित्थिण्णाए सिलाइ तं रसथिलं समुच्छपणं । उक्विविऊण सिलं सो चित्तव्यो कणयकुंडाओ॥ आसापासणिषद्धो जोअणसइएहिं तो कमेहिं अहं । गंतूण गिरिपएसे उक्विविअ सिलं रसं गहिउं॥ परिढकिऊण य षिलं सिलाइ तो आगयं इमं भवणं । तो जाओ मे विभओ'धणयसरिच्छो रसपसाया ॥ अह पणइणिपरिकिण्णो थुम्वंतो तह य मागहसएहिं । वरतरुणिसंपउत्तेहिं णाडएहिं च गिज्जतो॥ अच्छामि विलसमाणो अच्छरसा परिगओ धणवह व्व । तालायर-माहण-भिक्खुआण दाणं पयच्छामि ॥ तो धणयविहवस रिसं णाऊण ममं विणिग्गयजसोहं । चोरा सामत्थेउं रत्तिं पडिआ मम गिहम्मि । सण्णबद्धपठेहिं तेहिं गहिआउहप्पहारेहिं । कयसीहणायबोलेहिं वेढियं मम वरभवणं ॥ पर(रि)संचियस्स अत्थस्स कारणे मरणमाग तेहिं । सभुअवलज्जिअमत्थं ण देमि हरि विचिंतेउं ॥ सहसा य उहिओ हं धणुअं चित्तूण सरसहस्सं च ।
तो भंडणमाढत्तं चोराण महंतभीसणयं ॥ 1 B धणसयसरिच्छो ।

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३. एलाषाढकथित कथानकम । सत्तट्ठदसदुवालस अह] यं' इक्केण सरपहारेणं । जत्तो वलामि तत्तो पेसेभि जमालयं चोरे ॥ तो चोराण सयं मे मुहुत्तमित्तेण घाइयं तहियं । हयसेसा सयराहं पडिआ मज्झोवरि सव्वे ।। तो मं खंडाखंडिं काउं सीसं च छिपिणउं मज्झ । बयरीए ठविऊणं मुसिऊण घरं गया चोरा ॥ सरुहिर-सकुंडलं चिय सीसं मे बयरितरुवरारूढं । वीसत्थमणुश्विग्गं खायइ बोरे कसकसस्स ॥ तं सीसं सूरुदए दिढें लोएण बयरिउवरिम्मि । षयराइं खायंतं एस सजीओ त्ति काऊण ॥
१७10 मज्झं अंगोवंगा जणेण पिंडेवि मेलिआ तुरि। जाओ पुणो वि तोऽहं णिरुवहयसरीरलायण्णो । एयं मे अणुभूअं सयमेव इमम्मि माणुसे लोए। जो पुण ण पत्तिअह मं धुत्ताणं देउ सो भुत्तिं ॥
॥ एलाषाढेनोक्तं कथानकमिदम् ॥ [अथ शशोक्तं एलाषाढकथानकसमाधानम् ।] भणइ ससो सब्भूअं कह सका भाणिज() अलिअमेअं। जं पोराणमईए भारह-रामायणे आयं ॥ जमयग्गी आसि रिसी पत्ती तस्सासि रेणुआ णामं । तीए सीलवईए णमंति कुसुमथिए रुकवा ।। दिट्ठो अणाइ राया अस्सावहिओ मणोअ से खुहिओं। ण णमंति तओ रुक्खा ताहे जमयग्गिणा रामो॥ रुटेण समाणत्तो सीसं छिंदाहि 'दुट्ठसीलाए । तेण वि सीसं छिपणं झड त्ति पिउवयणकारेण ॥ भणइ तओ जमयग्गी वरसु वरं पुत्त ! जो तुहं इहो। सो भणइ मज्झ माया पुणो वि जीवंतिआ होउ ॥ इय होउ त्ति पभणिए जाया सा तक्खणेण सज्जीवा। जइ सन्भूअं एअं तुम पि जीवोसि तं सचं ॥ * १ * २५ राया वि जरासंधो समरपरक्कमपयावविक्खाओ। सो संधिओ जराए रायसहस्साहिवो जाओ॥
*२*२६३० अण्णं च इमं सुव्वई सुंद-णिसुंदा सहोअरा सूरा।
बलवीरिअसंपण्णा सुरलोअभयं जणेमाणा ॥ 1 B अप्पं। 2 B हयसंसा। 3 B तिस्सासि। 4 B दुट्ट० । 5A पिउवयणं कारीणं; B °वयणकारीणं । 6 B भणिए। 7 B°पयाविवक्खाओ। 8 B सव्वइ ।

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हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूाख्यानम् । सामत्थेतु सुरेहिं तिलोत्तमा तेसि वह णिमित्तं तु । णिम्मविया तिलमित्तं इविकसुरस्स वित्तणं ॥ अंगोवंगसुअंगयलावणगुणागरा अणोवम्ना । कमलागरवत्थव्वा लच्छि व्च सयं समुत्तिगणा ॥ विणओणामियगत्ता सरसामलविकयकमलदलणयणा । णमिऊण सुरसमूहं महुरुल्लावा समुल्लवइ ।। जं कायव्वं तं आणवेह देवेहि जंपिअं इणमो। सुंद-णिसुंदा सुरसत्यकंटया ते समुद्धरसु ॥ इअ होउ त्ति अ भणिलं तिलुत्तमा गिहिउं सुराणत्तिं । पत्ता खणण य तहिं सुंद-णिसुंदा सुरा जत्थ ॥ हारद्धहारकेऊरभूसिआ जणमणस्स बभूआ। विथडपणयथणवट्टा दो वि जणे ते पलोभेइ ।। तो ते मयणवसगया तीइ कए जुज्झिउं अह पवत्ता । णिहणं च गया दुणि वि परप्परं सत्थघाएहिं ॥
भवति चात्र श्लोकः-- स्त्रीणां कृते भ्रातृयुगस्य भेदः संबन्धिभेदे स्त्रिय एव मूलम् । अप्राप्तकामा बहवो नरेन्द्रा नारीभिरुच्छेदितराजवंशाः ॥ अच्छरसा जइ एवं तिलुत्तमा णिम्मिआ सुरगणेहिं । तो कह तुज्झ वि अंगा लाइज्जता न लग्गिज्जा ॥ अण्णाणंगावयवा जइ लग्गा संमिलिस्सिआ संतो। तो ससरीरावयवा भणसु तुहं किं न लग्गति ॥ मुम्बइ य पवणतणओ बालत्ते अंजण त्ति णामेणं । जणणिं पुच्छइ अम्मो को मे छुहियस्स आहारो॥ रत्ताई वणफलाई आहारो तुज्झ तेण अह सूरो(रं )। गहिउं समुट्टि तो तेणावि तलप्पहारेणं ॥ सयसिकरो कओ सो जणणी से दबु तं पइण्णंगं । भत्तुसयासे गंतुं विलवह सोगाउरा कलुणं ॥ दर्द निअयकलत्तं रोअंतिं बहुविहाई कंदति । दवण य हणुअंतं पुत्तं परलोअसंकंतं ॥ तो पवणो परिकुविओ पायाले पविसिउं ठिओ ताहे। ससुरासुरं जगमिणं पवणणिरोहेण आदण्णं ॥ गंतुं च तत्थ दिट्ठो पसाइओ सुरवरेहिं सो पवणो। अंगाई तस्सुअस्स वि संधाएई कओं सजीओ ॥
1B तिलुत्तमा। 2A दुण्णवि। 3 Bहंशाः। 4 B सुरारं। 5 B संघाए। 6 B सजीवा।

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३. एलाषाढकथितं कथानकम् ।
इक्का य तस्स हणुया ण य दिट्ठा सुरवरेहिं सव्वेहिं । हणुयाइ एस अण्णो हणुअंतो तो कओं णामं ॥ जह सच्चं पचणसुओ खंडाखंडिकओ वि संमिलिओ । तो कह सक्का वुत्तुं तुज्झ अउब्वं वयणमेअं ॥ दूसरहण कहाए सीआदेवीइ हरणसंबंधे । सेउ' संधावेउं लंकादीवं गए रामे ॥ दसमुह- रामबलाणं दुह वि भडवाययं वहंताणं । संगमम्मि पलग्गे हण हण सद्दाउले घोरे ॥ मंदोअरिदय भटुकडेहिं णेगाई वाणरसयाई । असिपरसु' अद्धचंदष्पहारच्छिण्णंग मंगाई ॥ सत्तीपहरणिरुद्धे महीअलि पडिअम्मि लक्खणकुमारे ! रामे सोगाभिए विलवंते पवणतणएण ॥ गंतुं दोणगिरीओ उवणीचा ओसही जलतीओ । निस्सनु त्ति पभावा झडि त्ति सत्ती कि निस्सरिया || जे णिसिअरकुदुग्धाएहिं समरम्मि अभिहया पवया । संछिण्णभिण्णगत्ता ते वि अ सव्वे समासत्था ॥ विवइण्णसरीरा वि अ जइ सव्वें वानरा समुनीआ । खंडसहस्सो कओ एलसाढ ! तो जीवसि तुमं पि ॥ अण्णं च जणपगासा णिहिआ सुअपुत्थसु बहुए । किं वा तुम्हेहि इमा ण सुआ महसेणउत्पत्ती ॥ हिमसेलगुहगयाई दो वि महामेहुणं णिसेवंति । दिव्वं वाससहस्सं गिरिसुअ ससिभूसणो चेव ॥ तं सोऊण पत्तिं देवा किर तिहुअणम्मि आदण्णा । सव्वायरेण मिलिउं गन्भुवघायं विचिंतंति ॥ सुरं सामत्थेउं तिहुअणउज्जोअकारओ जलणो । महुरक्स्वरवयणपयंपिएहिं भणिओ सुरगणेहिं ॥ इक्स्स वि ता कीरह कज्जं अभत्धिएहिं जिअलोए । किं पुण महाणुभावो जं जंपर सुरसमूह त्ति ॥ जस्स य कण सव्वे देवा चिंतोवहिं समोइण्णा । तस्स य जसेण तुमं हुअवह ! इको समत्थोऽसि ॥ पविसितु 'गुहाविवरे हरपुरओ अप्पयं पयंसेमु । तो तुह कयाह विलिओ मेहुणततिं विभुजिज्जा ॥
1 B से। 2 A र B परस । 3 B सवं । 6 B जीबनोए। 7 B गद्दाविवरे ।

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*४***
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* ५ * ५२
५ ३ 28
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IS
4 B जीवसिओ। 5 B गब्यवधायें !
25
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Page #103

हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम । वेसाणरेण भणि को धावइ अभिमुहं' मुहत्तं पि। इहरा' वि उमावइणो किं पुण एयारिसे भावे ॥ णरसिरकवालमालाउलस्स खगवरगहत्यस्स । जस्स रई पेअवणे को तस्स जणो समलिअइ॥ जो 'दारुवणे रिसिआसमम्मि विणिअंसणो' पलायंतो। वहिओ उद्धृअलिंगो को नं विबुहो समालवइ । किं बहुणा जणमज्झे जो णबह उद्धिएण लिंगेणं । बलवंतो वजहरो तस्स वि णिस्संसयं भाइ ॥ जह कह वि सूलपाणी कुप्पड हिमगिरिगुहापविट्ठस्स । को जाणइ किं मे होहि त्ति मा संकडे छुहह ।। इत्थंतरे अ भणिओ सप्पणयं बहुअलोअणेणेवं । सव्वसुराणं वयणं हुअवह ! इणमो णिसामेहि ।। मा भाहि उमावइणो हुअवह ! जेणेरिसो उमासत्तो। गयतुरयपुरिसदमणो किं च इमो आगमो " सुओ ।।
हत्थी दम्मइ संवच्छरेण मासेण दम्मइ तुरंगो।
महिला पुण किर पुरिसं दमेइ इक्केण दिवसेणं ।। जं भणइ उमादेवी करेइ तं पसुवई अकजं पि । किं वा देहाणुगयं उमं वहंतो ण दिट्ठो ते ॥ मुंचसु आसंकमिणं रुद्दो रुट्टो वि ते सरीरस्स। ण करेइ किं पि पीडं पवइचित्तावरवाए। इअ होउ त्ति अ जलणो गंतुं हिमवंतगिरिगुहं विउलं । पिच्छइ तिउरंतयरं रइकजसमुग्गयमईणं ॥ अन्भासत्थं दहें महदेवो उहिओ समारूढो । हुं हुं उमाइ भणिओ उद्धयलिंगोऽणलं भणइ ॥ उड्ड णिअंचिअ वयणं पिब रेअंमा करेहि विक्खेवं । रुद्देण हुअवहो घडघडस्स तो पाइओ रेअं॥ उअरगएण य रेएण सो पलित्तग्गिणा व डझंतो। मुअमरणो संभंतो कहकह वि महोअहिं पत्तो॥ दाऊणमंगुलिं हुअवहेण उग्गालिओ जले रेओ। उग्गालिअम्मि रेए ताहे जलणो समासत्थो॥ तप्पभिई चिअ सुम्मइ जणसुइवायागयं इमं वयणं । रेअपभावा किर सागरम्मि रयणाण उप्पत्ती ॥ 1A अभिमुहो। 2 इहुरावि। 3 B दारवणे। 4 B विणिअंसमो। 5 B विबहो समावद । 6 B पलत्त।

Page #104

३. एलाषाढकथितं कथानकम् ।
लवणजलाओ अग्गी णीलुप्पलसुरहिकमलगंधहुं । सरमेगं गंतुं जो रेअवि पं समुग्गिलइ ॥ जं भण्णइ कित्तिअ सह उअंति फुडविअडपायडं ताओ । छफिर अच्छरसाओ तं पउमसरं समोइण्णा ॥
ता मजिउमादत्ता तम्मि सरे णयणमणभिरामम्मि । मवंतीणं जोणीस ताण बीअं अणुपविद्धं ॥ पउमसरे मज्जित्ता पुणरवि ता जोइसालयं पत्ता । पइदिवसं चिअ तासिं छह वि परिवहुए उअरं ॥ कालंतरेण केण य समयं चिअ ता तहिं पसूआओ । इकिमुत्तमं बाहूरुसरीररुंडाई ||
ता ता वि विहियमणा दंसंति परुष्परिकमिकस्स । पिच्छसु अच्छेरमिणं लोगम्मि अभूअपुच्वं तु ॥ बाहरू अ सरीरं सीसाणि अ 'णिअय-णिअयठाणेसु । लग्गाई तक्खण चिय महसेणो छम्मूहो जाओ ॥ को मार भयारी णिच्छइ मणसावि जुवइ संजोअं । सव्वजणम्मि पगासो दक्खिणदेसे ठिओ रणे ॥ चउसु अ दिसासु जहिअं धावइ लोगो भवंतरदिसट्टा । सीसेण य छम्मासं धरेह धारंबरट्ठाए ॥ जइ महसेणंगाई 'पहुगन्भविणिग्गयाइं लग्गाई । तो तुज्झ न लग्गिजा ताई किमेगुदरवत्थाई ॥ छिण्णा णासा कण्णो अ लग्गए लोअविइअमेअं पि । * परमाणुपमाणओ पगंपिओं [य] लग्गसि तुमं पि ॥ तो भइ एलसाढो पुरिसो कह छिण्णएण सीसेणं । भुक्खत्तो' ययराई खाएउं सक्कए कह णु ॥ भइ ससो राहू किर सीसच्छिण्णो जयम्मि सुइवाओ । तह विअ गयणे हिंडह आभंसह चंद-सूरे अ ॥ अह भणइ एलसाढो कह गम्मद तं विगिट्टमद्वाणं । कह वावि जोअणसयं कमेहिं अक्कमह भूमीए ॥ पडिभाइ ससो जण्णे बलिस्स विण्ह दिआइवेसेण । तिणि कमे जाइत्ता हरइ ससेलं वसुमई' सो ॥ जइ सव्वा विवसुमई तिरिण ण पुण्णा कमे महुमहस्स । को दोसो जइ तुझं इक्ककमो जोअणसयं तु ॥
1 B बाहूर° । 2 B नियणिअय । 64 मई ।
भू. ३

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3 A पिह । 4B परमाण° । 5 B भुक्तो बोयराई
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Page #105

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हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् ।
पुणरवि एलासाढी भणइ सिला सा मए अइमहल्ला । कह उक्खिता गरुआ एअं मे पत्तिआवेहि ॥ भइ ससो किंण सुअं तुमए रामायणे कहिज्जतं । रामस्स रावणस्स य संगामे वद्यमाणम्मि ॥ लक्खणकुमार पडणे हणुण दोणपव्वओ तुंगो । ओस हिमग्गतेणं समूलडालो समुक्खित्तो || महइसिलासंघाओ सेलो जइ वाणरेण उक्खित्तो । जोअणपमाणमित्तं उक्खिवसि सिलं न संदेहो ॥ लोए वि परइ सुई बहुंती मेहणी महुमहेणं । काउं वराहरूवं ससेलवणकाणणा धरिया ।। जइ तेण समुक्खित्ता ण णज्जई कत्थई ठिएणं ति । उक्खिवस' ता तुमं पि अ धरणिअलत्थो सिला दो वि ॥ एलासाढो जाहे ससेण अइसंधिओ भणइ ताहे जं ते सुअमणुभूअं कहेहि सव्वं अपरिसेसं ॥ ससेनोक्तं एलासाढं प्रति प्रत्युत्तरकथानकदशकम् ।
॥ इति धूर्त्ताख्याने तृतीयमाख्यानकम् ॥

[ ४. अथ शशोक्तं स्वकीयं कथानकम् । ]
1 A उक्खिबिसि । 2 A पव्वयराउ |
ॐ
अह भणइ ससो अहयं णिअयं छित्तं गओ सरयकाले । गामाओ दूरत्थं तं छित्तं गिरिवरासन्ने |
छित्तम्मि अ अच्छंतो तत्तो पव्वयवराओं' ओयरिडं । उच्छितो मि गएणं पव्वयमित्तेण मत्तेण ॥ थरथरथरंतगत्तो हाहा गहिओ मएण चिंतंतो । विवलाइउमचयंतो परिभ्रममि तहिं तहिं चेव ॥ भीविग्गेण मए दिट्ठो तिलपायवो अहमहल्लो तत्थ विलग्गो भि अहं वणगयभयवेविरसरीरो ॥ पत्तो अ सो वणगओ आरुसिओ तिलदुमं समंतेणं । परिभमह गुलुगुलिंतो कुलालचक्कु व्व आइट्ठो ॥ तेण भमंतेण य सो चालिजंतो तिले दवदवस्स । वासासु जलहरो इव जलणिवहं मुंबई घोरं ॥
3 B चक्क व्य ।

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Page #106

४. शशोक्तं स्वकीयं कथानकम् । तिलचक्केण व्व तिला ते सव्वे पीलिआ गयवरेणं । तत्थ पवूढा सरिआ तिल्लोआ णाम णामेणं ॥ खुत्तो अ वणगओ सो खलचलणीए अ तिल्लपंकम्मि। आरडिऊण य विरसं भुक्खिअतिसिओ मओ हत्थी॥ गयभयसंतत्तमणो अहयं पुण-जायओं त्ति मण्णंतो। कहकह वि तिलदुमाओ दिवसऽवसाणे समोइण्णो' ॥ कुसिओ दिअंच काउं भरिओ तिल्लस्स सो मए हत्थी। ताहे दस तिल्लघडे पाउं भक्खेमि खलभारं ॥ तिल्लस्स सुपडिपुण्णं तं दिइ गिण्हिडं' गओ गामं । गामवहिं तं दिइयं पायवसाहाइ णिक्खिविउं॥ णिअयं भवणमइगओ पुत्तं पेसेमि तिल्लदिइअस्स । जाहे उ ण पावेई रुक्खं पाडित्तु तो गिण्हे ॥ एअं मे अणुभूअं सयमेव इमम्मि माणुसे लोए । लेण उ पत्तिअइ महं सो देउ महायणे भत्तं ॥
॥ ससेनोक्तं कथानकमिदम् ॥
[अथ खण्डापानोक्तं शशकथितकथानकसमाधानम् ।]
सव्वकलापत्तहा भणइ ससं खंडवाणाई घुत्ती। अत्थेस आगमो मे भारह-रामायणे असुओ॥ खंडा ससेण भणिआ भारह-रामायणे पुराणे वा। एआरिसाइं अ सहेऊआई भण कत्थ भणिआई ॥ कह तिलदुमो महल्लो तिल्लाण य कह महाणई बूढा। कह पीआ य दसघडा कह खलभारो मए खइओ॥ खंडाए ससो भणिओं सच्चं तं लोअबाहिरो तं सि । किं कइयाइ सुओ ते बालो वि जणो पयंपतो॥ जह किर' पाडलिपुत्तो(त्ते?) णिम्मविआ मासपायवो(वा ?) भेरी। तो किं सो तिलरुक्खो महप्पमाणो ण हुजाहि ॥ *१* १८ सुव्वद अ भारहम्मि वि गयाण पुण इत्थ दाणसलिलेणं । महई गई पवत्ता हयगयरहवाहिणी घोरा ॥ उक्तश्च-तेषां कटतटभृष्टैगजानां मदबिन्दुभिः ।
प्रावर्त्तत नदी घोरा हस्त्यश्वरथवाहिनी ॥
२०
1A समाइण्णो। 2 A. विएहि। 3B दे। 4A पत्राद्व। 5A तिलोणय। 6A मुवं तं। 7Bकिरि। 8A सा ।

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हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् । जह गयमयसलिलेणं हयगयरहवाहिणी गई विउला । सरिआ तया पवत्ता तो तिल्लोदा कह ण होइ ॥ रज्जाउ धाडिएणं सुव्वइ लोअम्मि भीमसेणेणं । गंतूण इक्कचकं घोरो बगरक्खसो वहिओ॥ भत्तं तंदुलकुंभं महिसं तह मजघडसहस्सं च । जं तस्स भत्तपाणं उवणीअं तेण तं भुत्तं ॥ जह बगरक्खसभत्तं भुत्तं भीमेण तो किमेगेणं । भारेण वि तं जिमिओ भारसयं किं' ण भक्खेसि ॥ * ३ * २४ सुव्वइ अ कुंभयण्णो सुत्तविउद्धुडिओ णिअयकालं । सो पिअइ घडसहस्सं खायइ णेगे णरसए अ॥ जइ पिअइ कुंभयण्णो सुत्तविउद्घहिओ घडसहस्सं । दसहिं घडएहिं किं सस ! किं पण्णासं ण पीआ ते ॥ *४*२६ अण्णं च इमं सुबह पुराणसुइणिग्गयं इमं वयणं । असुराण जह वहत्था अगस्थिणा सायरो पीओ॥ *५ * सग्गाओ अवइण्णा गंगा हरजडविणिग्गया संती । जण्हुरिसिआसमपयं मज्झेण उवागया णवरं ॥ पीआ य तेण रिसिणा वाससहस्सं च भामिआ उअरे । तो जण्हुएण मुक्का किर भण्णइ जण्हवी तेणं ॥ जह उअहि अगत्थीणं पीआ गंगा य जण्हुरिसिणा य।। तो जइ दस तिल्लघडा पीआ य तए किमच्छेरं ॥ * ६ * ३० भणइ ससो सो दिइओ सुमहंतो कह मए समुक्खित्तो। अह उक्खित्तो कह पुण णीओ एगागिणा गामं ॥ उच्चप्फलिअंदाउं हसिऊणं खंडवाणई भणइ । Yणं सस ! ण कयाइ वि सुओ तुमे गरुलवित्तंतो॥ कासवरिसिपत्तीओ कडु विणया अहेसि तीअम्मि । दोहिं वि ताहिं सवत्तीहि किं पि किल पणिअयं छिप्पं ॥ जा पणिअयम्मि जिप्पइ तीए दासत्तणं च कायव्वं । जावजीवाइ चिय अहवा दायव्वयं अमयं ॥ विणया जिअ कडुए करेइ दासत्तणं सवत्तीए। कडू वि सावत्तीवेहएण विणयं विमाणेइ ॥ विणया किर गुरुभारा दासत्ते' परमक्खिआ जाया। तत्थेव सा पसूआ तीसे अंडत्तयं जायं ॥
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1A किष्ण। 2 B किरि। 3 A वासत्ते।

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४. शशोक्तं स्वकीयं कथानकम् । दासत्तणमुक्खट्ठा' भिंदइ तत्थेगमंडयं विणया। तत्थ किल अंडयम्मी जाया विच्छू असंपुण्णा ॥ दुम्मणमणा य विणया परितप्पड अंडयं विण8 मे। अण्णह चिंतेमि अहं तं पि अ मे अण्णहा होइ॥ मुचिज पराहीणत्तणस अह णाम दासणामस्स । कह वि दुरासाइ मए अंडं भिण्णथिए भिण्णं ॥ अद्धिह लद्धाए विलविऊण आसाणिबद्धहिअयाए। कइहि वि दिवसेहिं तओ पुणो वि बिइअंडयं भिण्णं ॥ बिहअंडम्मि अणूरू जाओ किल सो वि मायरं भणह । अम्मो तुम्हेहि इमं किमकाले अंडयं भिण्णं ॥ जो ते मणोरहो चिंतिउ त्ति सो पूरिओ मए इंतो। इण्हिं अयंगमो किं करेमि अहयं पराहीणो॥ एअंपि ताव तइ परिरक्खसु अंडयं पयत्तेण । जो कोवि इत्थ होही सो दुक्खविमुक्खओ तुम्हं ॥ रहसारही अणूरू ठविओ सूरेण जो जगे अरुणो । सयमेव य विणयाए कमेण तहअंडयं भिण्णं ॥ अहिकुलभयसंजणणों जणवयविम्हावणो महा घोरो। विणयामणपरिओसो जाओ अ महाबलो गरुडो॥ पालत्ते रममाणो णागे कडसुए विहाडेइ । पइदिवसं कडए विणया खिसिजए एवं ॥ विणयाइ दासिआए पुत्तेणं गरुडएण सोमाला । मारिअ अहिपोअलया चंचूचलणप्पहारेहिं ॥ एआरिसाइं विणया सोऊणमभिक्खणं च रोवंती। पुच्छिजह गरुडेणं रोअसि किं कारणं अम्मे ॥ पुत्तय जीअणिमित्तं पत्ता दासत्तणं सवत्तीए । रत्तिं दिवा य दुहिआ करेमि आणत्तिअं तीसे ॥ कहमुचिजसि अम्मे !, अमएणं, तं च जाणइ पिआ ते। कत्थ पिआ, बदरीआसमम्मि, गरुडो गओ तहि ॥ बदरासमम्मि गंतुं गरुडो पाएसु णिवडिओ पिउणो। विअलिदिएण' तेण वि फासेणुवलक्खिओ पुत्तो॥ गरुडेण जंपिअं भुक्खिओ मि, भणि च कासवेणेवं । यारसजोअणहत्थी तत्तुल्लो कच्छओ बीओ॥
1A मुक्खता। 2B अणाम 3 B°वम्हावणो। 4 Bअम्हे 15 B आणत्तीम। 6 B गुतं ।
Befदएणं।

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हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् ।
अमरिसभुअंगवसओ जुज्झंति महासरे महाकाया । रत्तिं दिवा य दुणि वि सरसंखोभं करेमाणा ॥ भक्रखेहि ते तुमं गच्छिऊण, मा पुत्त ! भुक्खिओ अच्छ । गंतूण इक्कमिकेण तेण ते दोवि परिभुत्ता ॥
तत्तो अ पडिणिअत्तो पिच्छइ वडपायवं महाविडयं । पलयमहामेहं पिव ससउणकोलाहलं विउलं ॥ चउमुहबीअविणिग्गयाण वालखिल्लाण तस्स हिट्ठम्मि । उग्गं तप्पंति तवं रिसीणमजुङकोडीओ ॥ सो तत्थ समल्लीणो भग्गो वडपायवो कडकडतो । मा होही रिसिवज्झा चंचू वडपायवं गुविलं ॥ तो सहसा उक्खिविउं छाएमाणु व्व णहयलं सव्वं । किण्णर गरुडणरामर विम्हयमउलं जणेमाणो ॥ सागरजलपक्खित्ते बहुविहवणसंड मंडिओद्देसे । दीवम्मि सुवित्थिपणे' मुंचइ वडपायवं गरुडो ॥ वडदुमलंकणिमित्तं लंकादीउ त्ति तो कयं णामं । दससीसस्सावासो आसि जहिं णिसिअरपइस्स || हिमवंते गयकच्छव भक्खेडं सो गओ पिउसयासं । भइ अताय ! ण धाओ भक्खेहि तओ णिसाऍ ति ॥ भक्खेऊण णिसाए अभयपवत्ति' पपुच्छिउं पिअरं । अमयं पुत्त ! कहेमो वोलेउं 'णरयपायाले ॥ धगधगधगंतहु अवहपज्जलिआवेदिअं' समतेणं । रक्खज्जइ सव्वसुरासुरेहिं सययं अमयकुंडं ॥ को पुण तस्स उवाओ अमयत्थी कासवंगओ अहयं । अत्थि उवाओ' जह धिप्पइ ति अइदुक्करो सो उ ॥ सप्पिमहोदहिसलिलाइएण संतप्पिएऽणले धणिअं । गहणं हुज्जग हुज्ज व गहिए वि उवद्दवाऽणेगा ॥ कासवरिसिवयणेणं गंतुं गरुडेण दोवि संपयया । पंखाणि अ महुपाणिएण संतपिओ अग्गी ॥

तित्तेण हुअवहेण य अमयस्यासं पवेसिओ गरुडो । गहिअं च णेण अमयं देवेहिं वि किल समुग्घुट्ट" ॥ अमयं कुंडत्थं चिअ विहगेणेगेण णीअमुक्खि विउं । सोऊणमिणं वयणं खुहियं ससुरासुरं भुवणं ॥
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1. B रिसीण । 2 B बिजलं । 3 A सुविलं । 4 B सुव्वित्थिये । 5 B पविति । 6 A गएय । 7 B बेट्टि 8B अहियं । 9 B ओवाओ | 10 A समुग्ध ।
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४. शशोक्तं स्वकीयं कथानकम् । जो जत्तु चिय देवो सहसाऽमयमवहडं णिसामेइ । सो अहरफुरंतुट्ठो' तत्तु अ मग्गिओ लग्गो॥ मुग्गर-मुसंढि-पहिस-गयकणगप्परसु-भिंडिमालेहिं । हल-मुसल-लउड-वलयासूलाउहपहरणसमग्गो॥ कलयलरवो सुराणं पूरेइ णहंगणं णिरवसेसं । हण, छिंद, भिंद, गिण्हह, मा मुयह रसायलगयं पि ॥ ओलग्गिओ अ गरुडो समंतओ देवसयसहस्सेहिं। परिवेढिओ अ भणिओ अमयाहारी हओसि त्ति ॥ इक्कत्तु चिअ भुवणं एकत्तो कासवंगओ पक्खी। कायरमणकंपणयं तेहिं अ समरं समारद्धं ॥ सुरगणसयं सहस्सं लक्खं कोडि पि चउसु वि दिसामु । पेसेइ जमसयासं गरुडो पक्खप्पहारेहिं ॥ विणयसुअस्स सुराण य गयणयले वट्टए महाघोरं । जुज्झं अमयस्स कए विम्हावणयं तिहुअणस्स ॥ तो सो देवसमूहो गरुडेणिक्केण रणमुहावडिओ। हयविहय दीणवयणो खणेण भग्गो णिराणंदो॥ देवे अ पराहुत्ते वटुं पलयग्गिजालसमसरिसं । तो कुलिसं सहसपलोअणेण गरुडोवरिं मुक्कं ॥ कुलिसं गरुडसरीरे पक्षुप्फुडिअं सिलायले चेव । इंदो भणइ अणंतं सहोअरं गरुडभयभीओ॥ तो तह वजाभिहयं ससुरासुरसमरपचयणिमित्तं । गरुडेण चंचुआए सयमेवुप्पाडियं पिच्छं ॥ विण्हू विअ पज्जलिओ वारसरवितेअसप्पभं चकं । घित्तुं गरुडवहत्था अणुधावइ मग्गओ कुविओ॥ भीउब्विग्गससंभम हाहा किमिति गग्गिरल्लावा। रिसिगहसणिच्छराई गंतुमणंतं पयंपंति ॥ भो भो सव्वगओ विअ पभू अ ससुरासुरस्स लोअस्स । तह वि तुमं णीओ इव सयणस्सुवरि णिराविक्खो॥ गरुडो अ सहयरो ते पडिसाहर 'वणदवोवमं कोवं । मा मूढो मिच्छो इव पहरसु नियएसु गत्तेसु॥ रिसिगहवयणं सोउं इमं तु चक्काउहो वि चिंतेह । कोहाइएण पिच्छसु मए सहाओ हओ हुँतो॥
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5 B पराइते।
I BOफुडतुहो। 2 B पिट्ठस। 3 B विम्हाविणयं। 4 A °विहए।
6A सबणुस्सु। 7 B वणदेवो ।

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हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् ।
णाणी सत्थत्थविआणओ वि कोहग्गिजालसंतत्तो । गम्मागम्म हिआहिअ कज्जाकज्जं 'ण लक्खेइ ॥ गरुडस्त अणंतस्स य जाया संधीज्झओ कओ गरुडो । अमयं दाऊं विणया मोअइ दासत्तणाउ त्ति ॥ जड़ गय-कच्छभ-वडदुम गरुडेणुष्पाडिआ य णीआ य । तो उक्खिवसि सस ! तयं तुमं पि दइयं सुबद्धं पि ॥ सत्ताहबद्दलम्मी धरिओ गोवद्धणो महुमहेणं । ता कह ण धरेसि तुमं गयदीयं तिलपरिपुण्णं ॥ ऊबंधे विय वाणरेहिं णेगाई जोअणाई गिरी । उक्खणिउं उवि ( ? ) द्वा पक्खित्ता उदहिमज्झमि ॥ तो जह पुत्तेण तु रुक्खो उम्मूलिओ महाविडवो । दीअमपाविंतेणं तो भणसु तहिं किमच्छेरं ॥ वणवाडिअ भंगे वि अ हणुअंतो महिरुहे महाविडवे । उक्खणइ अयत्तेणं जत्थ इमो खंघओ भणिओ ॥
1 'ण' नास्ति A 2 A दुइयं ।
खजूरी मारुइणो अ कम्महया पलासवग्गते । सीसेण उत्तरंती अकं महया पलासवग्गं ते । जर ते महंतरुक्खा तिरिक्खजोणीगएण हणुण । उम्मूलिआ समूला तुह पुत्तो किं ण उक्खणइ' ॥ अइसइओ भणइ ससो खंडावाणीइ तत्थ धुत्तीए । खंड भणइ इआणिं कहेहि जं तं समणुभूअं ॥ खंडवाणाउक्तं ससकं प्रति प्रत्युत्तरकथानकदशकम् ।
॥ इति धूर्त्ताख्याने चतुर्थमाख्यानकम् ॥
[ ५. अथ खण्डपानाकथितं स्वानुभूतं कथानकम् । ]
10030300

3 B उक्खिणइ ।

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अह भणइ खंडवाणा विहसंती अत्थसत्थणिम्माया । बुद्धी अहिअबुद्धी धुत्ते तुल्लेउं वयणमिणं ॥
ओलग्गिr त्ति अम्हेहिं भणह जइ अंजलिं करिअ सीसे । उवसप्पह जइ अ समं तो भत्तं देमि सव्वेसिं ॥ तो ते भति धुत्ता अम्हं सव्वं जगं तुलेमाणा । कह एव दीणवयणं तुज्झ सयासे भणीहामो ॥
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५. खण्डपानाकथितं स्वानुभूतं कथानकम् ।
अहवा - अवि उडुं चिअ फुट्टंति माणिणो ण वि सहति अवमाणं । अत्थमम्मि विरविणो किरणा उडुं चिअ फुरंति ॥ पवणु चिअ आहारो वंकं चंकंमिअं अपरिभूअं । सव्वजगुव्वेअकरं अहो सुजीअं भुअंगाणं ॥
ईसि हसिऊण तो सा खंडावाणा भणेइ भो सुणह । अक्खाणयं अणलियं जं अणुभूअं मए चेव ॥ आसि अहं तरुणत्ते जुव्वणलायण्णवण्ण' गुणकलिया । रूवेण अणण्णसमा जणमणनयणूसवन्भूआ ॥
वरि अ कयाइ अहयं उण्हाया मंडवे सुहपसुत्ता । उषमुत्ता पवणेणं 'रूवगुणुम्मत्तहिअएणं ॥ जाओ तेण सुओ मे ताहे बिय जायमित्तओ' तो सो । आउच्छिऊण य ममं कत्तो वि गओ अह खणेणं ॥ तो भगह किं ण सचं जइ वाएणं हविज्ज पुत्तु 'त्ति । तो णत्थि का वि रंडा अपुत्तिया जीवलोअम्मि ॥
[ अथ मूलदेवादिधूर्तकृतं खण्डपानाकथानकसमर्थनम् । ]
तं भइ मूलदेवी सुव्वइ लोअस्सुईसु पवणेणं । कुंती भीमसेणो जाओ णीलाइ हणुअंतो ॥ पारासरेण' वासो' मच्छिणिजणिओ पसूअओ' 'वेव । को सरिज्जत्ति अ जणणि भणिऊण अवकंतो' ॥ जाया अक्खयजोणी जोअणगंधा अ रिसिप भावेणं । संतगुणा ती सुओ विचित्तविरिओ त्ति संजणिओ ॥ असुर मयम्मि तम्मी जोअणगंधाइ सुमरिओं वासो । संपत्तो अ खणेणं जणणिसयासे रिसिवरो सो ॥ भणिओ अह माऊए पुत्त ! अपुत्ता ण बुहुए वंसो । ता तह करेहि वच्छय ! जह होइ कुलस्स संताणो ॥ तेणुद्धरिओ वंसो पंडुणरिंदो जयम्मि विक्खाओ । धरो अ णरवई विदुरो य महामई जणिओ ॥ भाउज्जाया तिणि वि भुत्तूणं देइ तिन्ह वी सावं । अकर्यं तु ओहयासो वासो रिसिधम्मपन्भट्ठो ॥
1 B लायण्णरूवगुणकलिया । 2 B गुणम्मत | सुरेण । 6 B मच्छणि। 7 B पसूवडश्चेव । 8 B अवकंठो ।
धू० ४

3A °मित्तउं । 4B पुत्तति ।
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5 B पारा•
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भवति चात्र श्लोकः
हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् ।
जह 'सधं पवणसुओ भीम-हणू' णवर पहिओ वासो । उअरविणिग्गयमत्तो तो सच्चं तुज्झ वी वयणं ॥ पुणरवि खंडावाणा भणइ सही आसि मज्झुमा देवी । तीए मंतो दिण्णो ससुरासुरलोअआगरिसो ॥ आगरिसिओ रवी मे जोइसचकाहिओ अहिअतेओ । तेण वि मे बलजुत्तो जाओ पुत्तो महासत्तो ॥ छासी सहस्साई दहइ रवी मेहणिं समंतेणं । कह तेण ण दड्ढाहं रइकजसमागया संती ॥ अह भणइ कंडरीओ कुंती जह हुंत दहसूरेणं । तो उज्झतासि तुमं सचं तं णत्थि संदेहो ॥
आहारे चैव योनौ च बीजकर्मणि यः शुचिः । तस्य कृच्छ्रागतस्यापि न पापे रमते मतिः ॥
तइभस्स ।
खंडा भइ पुणो मे जलणो 'आगरिसिओ सुरवराणं । जोवणं तेण वि मे पुत्तो जाओ जुइमहंतो ॥ दूरत्थो डहह रवी अग्गी अंगेहिं फरिसिओ डहह । कह तेण ण दड्डाहं जलणेण समागया संती ॥ भइ अ एलासाढो जमपत्ती हुअवहेण किर भुत्ता । अग्गीहुणणणिमित्तं जलगिहं अइगया संती* ॥ असमत्तसुरयकज्जो जलणो जा अइगओ जमो ताहे । अचयंतो ओसरिअं जलणो तीए वि ओइलिओ ॥ तं सिढिलिअमेहलिअं असमाणियसुरयकीलियं बालं । ओइलिऊण जमो वि य देवत्थाणिं अह पविट्ठो ॥ देवेहि य सो भणिओ अपत्तरइअस्स' सागयं तुज्झ । णिग्गिलह तओ देविं तीइ मुहाओ य जलणो वि ॥ धावंतो उच्छिण्णो जमेण तो अइगओ वणं गहणं । कहिओ गएहिं तो सो तेसिं वायाहिआ तेणं ॥ जह सचं जमपत्ती भुत्ता जलणेण णेअ सा दहा । तो कह उज्झिहिसि तुमं जलणेण समागया संती ॥ खंडा भइ पुणो मे एरावणवाहणो सहस्सच्छो । आगरिसिओ मि सो वी तेण वि जाओ महं पुत्तो ॥
1 A सुखं । 2A भीमु !

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8A आगरिओ । * इयं गाथा पतिता B आदर्शे ।
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4 A अफ

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५. खण्डपानाकथितं स्वानुभूतं कथानकम् ।
अच्छरसाओ मुत्तुं कह इंदो सेवए मणुस्सीओ । भइ ससो किंण सुआ गोयमपत्ती अहिल्ल ति ॥ इंदेणं परिभुत्ता रुद्वेणं गोयमेण इंदस्स । काऊण भगसहस्सं व (च) द्वाण समपिओ ताहे ॥ ढकढणसरीराणं मयणाणलजालसंपलित्ताणं । बडआण सगासाओ सक्को विद्धंसणं पत्तो ॥ देवेहिं गोअमाओ कह वि पयत्तेण मोहओ इंदो । जं तस्स भगसहस्सं अच्छिसहस्सं तयं जायं ॥ कुंतीए इंद्रेण वि पुत्तो पत्थु त्ति लोअविक्खाओ । जाओ एवं जहसुओ तुज्झ वि इंदेण को दोसो ॥ अह भणइ खंडवाणा तुम्भे जाणह कुलं च गुत्तं च । मज्झं मायावित्तं ?, भणिया तो मूलदेवेणं ॥ पाडलिपुत्ते 'णयरे तं सि सुआ णागसम्मविप्पस्स । सोमसिरीए धूआ गोअमगुत्तम्मि विक्खाया ॥ सा भइ गवि अहं सा तुम्हे' सारिक्ख विम्हिआ मज्झं । सिप्पिअधूआ अहयं राउलरययस्स विक्खाया ॥ बहुधणधन्नसमिद्धं अम्ह घरं रायरिद्धिसमसरिसं । णामेण दडिआ हं णीआ गोएहिं कम्मेहिं ॥
दंड' भडभोइआणं रण्णो अंतेउरस्स सव्वस्स । सिप्पिअसहस्समहिअं जं धोवइ मज्झ वत्थाई ॥ वत्थाण महासयडं भरित्तु अह बहुविहप्पगाराणं । पुरिससहस्सेण समं पत्तासि गईं सलिलपुण्णं ॥ छडछडछडस्स तहिअं हुं हुं सिंटारवं करितेहिं । अण्णुण्णमइसयंतेहिं तेहिं कुंदिंदुधवलाई || घोआई वत्थाई मज्झं पुरिसेहिं चुक्खभूआई । तो आयवदित्ताइं उब्वाइआइँ मुहुत्तेणं ॥ आओ अ महावाओ समंतओ पायवे अ भंजतो । तो तेणं पवणेणं वत्थाई हियाहं सव्वाई ॥
गच्छह तुग्भे चुइयारयं ति कंमारिया मए भणिया । जो दोसो अवराहो व को वि सो होहिई' मज्झं ॥ राउलभएण तोहं गोहारूवं करितु रयणीए । आया णयरुज्जाणं ससलिलघणसण्णिहं रम्मं ॥
1 A पुतो पयरे । 2 A तुम्हेहिं । 3A दंड । 4 A वत्थाई । + A आदर्श एषा पंक्तिः त्रिकृत्वो लिखिता लभ्यते । 6 B सोहिई ।

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5 B चक्कु भूभाई ।
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हरिभद्रसरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् । विउले णयरुजाणे रुमंतओ हिंडिआ सुवीसत्था। अह पच्छिमम्मि जामे भयचिंता मे समुप्पण्णा ॥ गोहं चम्मणिमित्तं मंसणिमित्तं च जणवओ हणइ । तो को हुन्ज उवाओ जह मरणभयं न हुन्जामि(हुज त्ति १)॥ किं हुज्ज कयं सुकयं कत्थ गया जिव्वुई लहिज ति । परिभममि समतेणं भयपवणसमाहया तहि ॥ बहुआई विचिंतेउं गोहारूवं तयं पयहिऊणं । रत्तासोअसयासे चूअलया हं परावत्ता ।। दुस्सीला इव जुवई तिमिरपडं गुंठिआ गया रयणी। कमलागरतुट्ठिअरो सहसा य समुट्टिओ सूरो॥ दिण्णो अ अम्ह अभओ रण्णा पउरेण चाउवण्णेण । जह उम्भिंडंतु ताई राउलरयगाइँ सव्वाइं॥ तो सो पडहगसद्दो 'णवपाउसघणरवं विसेसंतो। आपूरेइ समंतो सब्भंतर-बाहिरं णयरं ॥ सोउं पडहगसई तो तं मुत्तूण चूअलयभावं । लावण्णगुणाइन्ना पुणरवि इत्थी समुप्पण्णा ॥ तस्स य सगडस्स तहिं णाडवरत्ता य तबणीओ य । रयणीइ कोल्हुएहिं साणेहिं भक्खिया सव्वे ॥ अह णवरि मम पिउणा णाडवरत्ता य मग्गमाणा णं । लद्धा मूसयछिप्पा णाडवरत्ता तहिं वलिआ॥ तो किं इत्थं सचं ?, भणइ ससो-बंभकेसवा अंतं । ण गया जइ लिंगस्स उ तो कह वयणं तुह असचं ॥ रामायणे अ सुव्वइ जह हणुअंतस्स आसि लंगूलं । महईमहप्पमाणं वत्थसहस्सेहिं णेगेहिं । वेढितु रक्खसेहिं सित्तं तिल्लस्स घडसहस्सेहि। लंकापुरी वहत्था पलीविरं मंदपुण्णेहिं ॥ सा देवलोअसरिसा लंकापुरी सव्वलोअविक्खाया। आलीविआ समंता हणुएणं वाउपुत्तेणं ॥ जह सचं लंगूलं' सुमहंतं आसि वाउपुत्तस्स । तो ते मृसिअछिप्पा किण्ण हवइ इद्दहा रजू ॥ अण्णं च इमं सुबइ पोराणसुईसुणिग्गयं वयणं । जह किर' गंधारिवरो रण्णे कुरुवत्तणं पत्तो॥
६४ 1 B कत्थ णिन्धुई। 2 B रइगाई। 3 णवं। 4 B वसंतो। 5 ‘णय' नास्ति AI BA गुणई ता। 7 A गंगूलं। 8 B किरि।

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५. खण्डपानाकथितं स्वानुभूतं कथानकम् । राया आसी किर सो महाबलपरकमो अहिअतेओ। सको देवाहिवई परजिओ जेण समरम्मि ॥ सो त अहिक्खिवंतो सुरगुरुसत्तो अरण्णमज्झम्मि। जाओ महा अयगरो रजपब्भहा य पंडसुआ ॥ तम्मि अरण्णम्मि ठिआ एगागी णिग्गओ णवरि भीमो। तेणऽयगरेण खद्धो उवलद्धसुई अ धम्मसुओ॥ पत्तो अयगरमूलं सत्तयपुच्छाओ कहयई तस्स । उग्गिलइ अयगरो सो भीमं सावस्स यंतम्मि ॥ जाओ पुणरवि राया जइ सचं तो तुमं पि सन्भूअं। गोहा चूअलया वि अ गंतूण पुणण्णवा जाया ॥ *८*६९॥ तो भणइ खंडवाणा धुत्ते एवं गए वि कजम्मि । मसं कुणह पमाणं जाहे भत्तं पयच्छामि ॥ जह कह वि पराजिजह सव्वे वि अ समुइआ मए तुब्भे। तो तुम्ह णत्थि लोए काणा वि 'कवडिआ मुल्लं॥ तो ते भणंति धुत्ता को सत्तो णिजिणित्तु अम्हेहिं । मायाणिअडिपहाणो हरी वि सकं जइ हविजा । तो सा अवगयतोसा ते धुत्ते खंडवाणई भण। पिच्छह इत्ताहिं चिय सव्वे वि करेमि हयवयणे ॥ तेसिं वत्थाण कए रायाणं पुच्छिउँ परियडामि। गामागरपुरपदणजणवयपरिमंडिअं वसुहं॥ अण्णं च ममं चउरो चेडरूआ जायया चिरपणट्ठा । तेसिं च कएण अहं परिहिंडंती इहं पत्ता॥ ते चेडा तुन्भे हि अ ताणि अ वत्थाणि ते परिहियाणि । जइ वि ण पत्तिअ हेडं तो देह महायणे भत्तं ॥ तो ते लजिय विलया भणंति अइसंधिया तुमे अम्हं । 'मेढीभूआ इहि बुद्धिपयारेण जायासि ॥ एअस्स णरस्स तुमं इक्का जुग्गा जयम्मि विक्खाया। सत्ताह वद्दलम्मी दे भत्तं सव्वधुत्ताणं ॥ सा भणइ विहसमाणा पुव्वि विण्णविया मए तुन्भे। भो गव्वमुव्वहंता ओहसह जणं अबुद्धीआ॥ तो ते भणंति सुंदरि चाओ घट्ठो कओ हवइ जाहे। ताहे सत्तइ जाई एसा पुरिसस्स पयईओ ॥
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1B पराजिभो। 2B कवलिया। 3 B मीठी।

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हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् । उत्पत्तिअबुद्धीए अम्हे अभिसंधिआ तुमे सुअणु । तो सव्वे वि भणामो अम्हं भत्तं पयच्छाहि ॥ बाढं ति भाणिऊणं पेअवणं सा गया सुबीहणयं । सिव-डायणि-पेअ-पिसाय-भूअ-सदाउलं विउलं ॥ तुलीगंडवहाणयपडिसिरचंदोक्याण ठाणे अ। चित्तपडपट्टसाडयकोअंवयकायडझंतं ॥ तरुकुसुमकेसरप्पासवासतलचत्तयलत्तयविचित्तं । ललिअद्धइंदपउरं पब्विट्ठ(?)कलेवरं घोरं ॥ रूविणिआणं थंभिअमच्छिअसंघायभिणिभिणायंत। मडयचितोवरिडझतमाणसिलिसिलिसिलायंतं ॥ विजासाहणरभसुहिअंतण'चंतमडयवेआलं । भीमहासहुंकारतालसहालगंभीरं ॥ घसरुहिरक्कयकद्दमसमंतओ भीमकिमिकुलाइण्णं । आमिसकजसमुज्जयणिद्वयवहुविहगजुझंतं ॥ सहिरुग्गालभलभलं सहस्ससूलाविभिण्णमुच्छंतं । वितिरिच्छभमंतसिआलकोल णिवडतघुतं ॥ अइदुग्गंधियवायंतमारु सवसवंतणीसदं । बीभच्छुब्वेवणयं भयसंजणयं सुराणं पि ॥ एवं विहे मसाणे पिच्छइ अविणट्टयं विगयजीवं । अचिरविमुकं बालं खंडा तं गिणिहउं पहवइ ॥ अन्भंगेजण तयं जरचीवरसुसंगयं करेऊणं । उज्जेणीइ पविट्ठा सिट्ठिस्स घरं धणसमिद्धं ॥ दिट्ठो अणाइ सिट्ठी आसणविहो जणेण परिकिण्णो। भणिओ अणाए भाओ सुत्ति धूआ मि दुग्गइया । 'कइवयदिवसपसूआ अबंधवा असरणा विदेसत्था । तुम्भे महप्पभावा पिइहरमुल्लं ममं देह ॥ सिट्ठी वाउलचित्तो पुणो पुणो तीइ उच्चरंतीए। रुसिओ भणेह पुरिसे सिग्छ णीणेह दमिअत्ति ॥ णिग्गच्छसु त्ति भणिआ अह जंप मा च्छिवस्स बालस्स । अण्णं ठाणं बप्पिक्कयं ति तो मे म पिल्लेह ॥ णिग्गच्छेउं णिच्छह तेहिं अ पुरिसेहिं पिल्लिया सहसा । धरणीअले णिवडिआ भणइ महं मारिओ पुस्तो॥
1 A पर। 2 'णश्चंत' नास्ति A1 3 B कोले। 4A संजणं। 5 B मुत्तीय।
, B कयवय। 7 B विपक्कयं ।

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५. aण्डपनाकथितं स्वानुभूतं कथानकम् ।
हा मज्झ अणाहाए णाहो होहि त्ति चिंतयंतीए । सो वि मणोरहतंतू छिण्णो णिच्छित्तगत्तेहिं ॥ भो पिच्छह जणसमुदय इमेण धणगव्विरण वणिएण । अट्ठारस दोसविवज्जियाह माराविओ पुत्तो ॥ अह पहरिउमारद्धा सीसे अ उरे असा असाहारं । भइ अ सिट्ठी मझं भग्गं भिक्खाकवालु त्ति ॥ तो सिट्ठी आदण्णो सव्वपयत्तेण परियणसमग्गो । अणुणेt विलवाणी करेह मा सुअणु बोलं ति ॥ दिण्णा य कण्णिआ से भणिआ' घिन्तॄण वञ्चसूपुत्तं । मा असु मा च कंदसु तुह एत्तिय जीवणं दिष्णं ॥ वित्तॄण कण्णिअं मयं कलेवरं च सा तओ अशंता । सिस्सि गिराबाहं जायं दाणप्पभावेणं ॥
अपि च
त्यागेन भूतानि वशीभवन्ति त्यागेन वैराण्यपि यान्ति नाशम् । परोऽपि बन्धुत्वमुपैति दानात् त्यागो हि सर्वव्यसनानि हन्ति ॥ सिसुमडयं छउं खंडा विउलत्थलाहपरिसुद्धा । मणिकणयरयणमुत्तिअचमरसमिद्धं गया हÉ ॥ काऊण य विणिओअं तेसिं धुत्ताण पीअविहुराणं । बहुखज्जपिज्जकलियं सुसकयं भोअणं देह || मुत्तयंतेर्हि तओ सव्वेहिं वि 'तुमणसेहिं । भणिआ य खंडवाणा सुजीविअं जीविअं तुज्झ ॥ जं ते बुद्धिबलाओ घुत्तजणो णिज्जिणित्तु सयराहं । संतप्पिओ खुहन्तो विउलेणं भत्तपाणेणं ॥ सुस्सिवि वि पुरिसा ताई ण जाणंति जंपिअव्वाई | जाई असिक्खिआओ कत्तो वि लहंति महिलाओ ॥ पढिऊण य सत्थाई पुरिसा णाऊण तेसिमत्थाएं । ण समत्था पडिवणे उप्पण्णमई जला महिला ॥ अपि च
eriीत्य शास्त्राणि विमृश्य चार्थान्न तानि वक्तुं पुरुषाः समर्थः । यानि स्त्रियः प्रत्यमिधानकाले वदन्ति लीळारचिताक्षराणि ॥ विदुवाउरा अग्गी घम्मो अ लोयविक्खाया । लोएण दूमिया ते वम्हह-रह - रागदोसेहिं ॥ सुव्वा अ आगमम्मी जह कण्हो सव्वबीअमझगओ । सहुमेसु बायरेसु अ तिलतुसमित्तेषु दव्वेसु ॥
1 भनि । 2 B विललापहपविद्धा । 3A हि

९७
६८
too
१००
१९५०
10
१००
१०३ ॥
१०४
ܕܐ܀
१०३
*१०* १०७
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११
20

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॥३
15
20
25
३२
हरिभद्रसूरिकृतं धूर्ताख्यानम् ।
जइ सव्वगओ कण्हो चिंतिज्जइ जत्थ तत्थ सो चेव । चिंतिंतओ 'वि सुचिअ तम्हा सो किं विचिते ॥ अण्णं पि अलिअवयणं सुव्वइ लोयम्मि णिग्गयं इणिमो । जह पवणगणाहिवई सेलसुआवयवउप्पण्णो ॥ बंभाण समुप्पत्ती तिलुत्तमा उब्वसी य दोणस्स । उपपत्ति छम्मुहस्स य णरकुत्र्वर आसि ताणं च ॥ कण्हस् य णिग्गमणं जह कोवा सेअकुंडलीजाओ । जह सिरकवालमज्झे रुहिरम्मि णरो समुन्पण्णो ॥ जइ जायवस्स माया उप्पत्ती हलहरस्स लोगम्मि । जह जाया सेलसुआ विक्खाया जीवलोयस्मि || जह हुंति पव्वयाणं पुत्ता धूआ कुडंबधम्मो वा । तो तं इमम्मि लोए जंबूदीवे ण माइजा ॥ एयाई चष्फलाई भारह - रामायणे णिबद्वाई | संचालणमसहंता जह जुत्तिकयं सुवण्ण व्व ॥ एअं लोइअसत्थं गद्दहलिंड व्व बाहिरे महं । जातं जोइज्जइ तुस - भुस - बुसमीसियं सव्वं ॥ तो ते भणामि सव्वे कुसमयकुस्मुइपहेण मुत्तृण । सव्वण्णदेसि अम्मि अ लग्गह मग्गे पयत्तेणं ॥
अं धुत्तक्खाणं सोऊणं लोइअस्स परमत्थं । तह कुणह णिच्छिअभई जह दंसणसुद्धि होह परा ॥

*
चित्तउडदुग्गसिरिसंठिएहिं सम्मत्तरायरत्तेहिं । सुचरिअसमूहसहिआ कहिआ एसा कहा सुवरा ॥ सम्मत्तसुद्धिहेउं चरिअं हरिभद्दसूरिणा रहअं । णिसुतकहंताणं 'भवविरहं' कुणउ भव्वाणं ॥
ま
सेअंबरवरसूरी हरिभद्दो कुणउ अम्ह भद्दाई । जस्स ससिसंखधवले जिणागमे एरिसा भत्ती ॥
1 B व सुश्चि ।
ॐ
॥ धूर्तैरुक्तं खंडवाणाप्रत्युत्तरकथानकदशकम् ॥
॥ इति धूर्त्ताख्याने पञ्चमाख्यानकं समाप्तम् ॥
॥ शुभं भवतु । कल्याणमस्तु ॥

११३
११४
११५
११६
११७
११८
११९
१२०
१२१
१२२
१२३
१२४
१२५

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श्रीसपतिलकाचार्यकृतं धूर्ताख्यानसंस्कृतभाषान्तरम् ।
[प्रास्ताविकम् ।]
समस्ति' भारते वर्षे हर्षोत्कर्षकरे सताम् । श्रीअवन्त्यायो देशो लेशो यत्र न पाप्मनाम् ॥ १॥ स्वःपुरीजयिनी तत्र समस्त्युजयिनी पुरी । यां द्रष्टुमिव गीर्वाणा निर्निमेषत्वमाश्रिताः ॥ २॥ तमालतालहिन्तालरसालावलिमालितम् । तस्या उत्तरदिग्भागे जीर्णोद्यानाभिधं वनम् ॥ ३॥ नन्दनायैरलं फल्गुफलैर्भाग्यफलस्त्वहम् । नृत्यतीवेति यद्वातविधूतैः पल्लवैः करैः ॥ ४ ॥ तमामात्रदुमेऽन्येदुर्वाचाला निकृतित्रताः । भूयांसो भूरिदेशेभ्यः समीयुबूंर्तपुङ्गवाः ॥ ५ ॥ देरवस्वापिनी-प्राज्यरूपिणी-मोहिनीमुखैः । धूपयोगाञ्जनाद्यैश्च दम्भैः कः को न वश्चितः ॥ ६॥ मूलदेवः कण्डरीके एलापाढः शशाह्वर्यः । खण्डपानाभिधा स्त्रीश्च तेषां पञ्चेश्वरा अमी ॥ ७ ॥ प्रलोकं ते नृधूर्तानां पञ्चशत्या परिवृताः । खण्डपाना किलैका तु नारीपञ्चशतान्विता ॥ ८ ॥ वर्षाकालस्तदा प्रादुरासीन्नि शितातपः । प्रकाशयन् घनैः 'स्वस्य राज्यमेकातपत्रितम् ॥ ९॥ सप्ताहवारिदेनाम्बुवृष्टिं विद्धताधिकम् । बभूवाबालजम्बालपिच्छिलं क्षोणिमण्डलम् ॥ १०॥ तदा धूर्ताः क्षुधाक्रान्ताः शीतेन परिपीडिताः । परस्परं वदन्ति स्म को नो दाताऽद्य भोजनम् ॥११॥ जगाद मूलदेवोऽथ स्वानुभूतं श्रुतं हि वा । यद्येन वृत्तं तत् तेन धूर्तानां कथ्यतां पुरः ॥ १२॥ यस्तन्न मन्यते तेषु वचः सत्यतया पुनः । तेन देयं समप्राणां धूर्तानामद्य भोजनम् ॥ १३ ॥ श्रीभारतपुराणोक्त रामायणनिरूपितैः । संवादिवचनै तन् प्रत्याययति यः पुनः ॥ १४ ॥ स धूर्तानां शिरोरत्नमददानोऽपि भोजनम् । इत्युक्त्वा मूलदेवोऽथ प्रथमं तानभाषत ॥ १५ ॥
।
[१. मूलदेवकथितं कथानकम् ।]
मया तरुणभावे यदनुभूतं महाधियः । तदाकर्णयतोत्कर्णाः कथ्यमानमिहाधुना ॥ १६ ॥ एकदा तरुणत्वेऽहमीहमानः सुखासिकाम् । कमण्डलुछत्रपाणिः स्कन्धविन्यस्तकम्बलः ॥ १७ ॥ दिधीर्षः स्वर्णदीधारां प्रस्थितः स्कन्दमन्दिरम् । यावत्तावन्मदोन्मत्तो दन्ती प्रादुरभूत् पुरः।। युग्मम्॥ पर्जन्य इव गर्जन्तं सिञ्चन्तं मां मदाम्बुभिः । अभ्यायान्तमिभं पश्यन्नातकव्याकुलोऽभवम् ॥१९॥ एतस्मात् कथमात्मानं कृतान्तात् कुपितादिव । पास्यामीति भयावेशात् प्राविशं कुण्डिकान्तरे ॥२०॥ मदभिन्नकटः सोऽपि करटी प्रसरत्करः । ममानुपदिकः कुण्ड्यां प्राविक्षन्नालकाध्वना ॥ २१॥ ॥ 1 A समस्त । 2 B घनैस्तस्य। 3 A बभूव बाल । 4 A. पुराणोक्ति। 5A नः। 6 B नराधिपः ।

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धूर्ताख्यानसंस्कृतभाषान्तरम् । कुम्भी' स कुम्भीनसवत् फुत्कारान् रोषतः सृजन् । मत्पृष्ठलमो भ्राम्यंश्च षण्मासीं तत्र वश्चितः ॥२२॥ ममैषोऽद्यापि नो पृष्ठं मुश्चतीति विचारवान् । ततोऽहं कुण्डिकाद्वारान्निरगां नरकादिव ।। २३ ॥ मत्पृष्ठे निःसरनेष सिन्धुरोऽपि मदोद्धरः । कुण्डिकारन्ध्रसंलमपुच्छकेशोऽस्खलत् क्षणम् ॥ २४ ॥ ततः स्वर्गनदी नारीमिब पीनपयोधराम् । दृष्ट्वा गोष्पदवत् तीवोऽध्यगां स्कन्दस्य मन्दिरम् ॥ २५ ॥ । अवधूय क्षुधोदन्ये षण्मासीं तत्र तिष्ठता। पतन्ती व्योमतो मूर्धा गङ्गाधारा मया धृता ।। २६ ॥ ततः षण्मुखमानत्याऽऽगत्य चोजयिनी पुरीम् । भवद्भ्यो धूर्तराजेभ्यः क्षेमेण मिलितोऽधुना ।। २७॥ इदं चेद् वित्थ सत्यं तन्मां मानयत हेतुभिः । अथालीकं सदाऽमीभ्यः सर्वेभ्यो दत्तभोजनम् ॥२८॥
[अथ कण्डरीकप्रदत्तमूलदेवकथानकोत्तरम् ।]
कण्डरीकस्ततोऽवादीत् त्वामसत्यीकरोति कः । जानानो हि पुराणं च श्रीरामायण-भारते ॥ २९॥ ।" यत्त्वयाऽवाद्यऽहं सेभः कथं कुण्ड्याममान्तमाम् । तत्प्रत्ययाय विप्राणामत्रार्थे शृणु जल्पितम् ॥ ३० ॥ विधातुर्वदनाद् विप्राः क्षत्रिया बाहुयुग्मतः । ऊरूयुगलतो वैश्याः पद्भ्यां शूद्राश्च निर्ययुः ॥ ३१॥ यद्येतावन्ममौ लोको ब्रह्मणो जठरान्तरे । कमण्डलौ भवांस्तत् किं न मातीभसमन्वितः ।। ३२ ॥ अन्यच्च यस्य धावन्तौ ब्रह्म-विष्णू उपर्यधः । दिव्यवर्षसहस्रेणाप्याप्तो पारं न हि कचित् ॥ ३३ ॥ महत्प्रमाणं तल्लिङ्गमुमायोनौ यथा ममौ । तथा त्वां सगजं कुण्डयां प्रविष्टं कोऽत्र दूषयेत् ॥ युग्मम् ।। 15 अन्यञ्च कीचकशतोत्पत्तिर्या व्यासभाषिता । प्रसिद्धा भारते शास्त्रे तामप्येतर्हि संशृणु ॥ ३५ ॥ विराटभूपतेरप्रमहिषी पुत्रकाम्यया । ऋषि 'गागलिनामानमारराधान्यदाऽऽश्रमे ॥ ३६ ॥ साधयित्वा चरुं सोऽपि दत्त्वा तामिदमूचिवान् । अन्तः कुडपं भुक्तेऽस्मिन् सुतानां मावि ते शतम् ॥३७॥ ततो गत्वा कुडनान्तर्बुभुजे तमसौ चरुम् । तत्रस्थो गागलिरपि तप्यते स्म तपोऽधिकम् ॥ ३८ ॥ सरस्यप्सरसस्तत्र सान्तीर्वासोविवर्जिताः । निरीक्ष्य स ऋषिः स्मेरस्मरबाणैरवधृतः ॥ ३९ ॥ " कामक्षोभादस्य शुक्रविन्दुर्यः कीचकेऽपतत् । तस्मादायः कीचकोऽभून्महावीर्यवपूत्तमः ॥४॥ पश्यतोऽप्सरसस्तस्य गलिताः शुक्रबिन्दनः । नाल्यां ये पतितास्तेभ्यः कीचकामामभूछतम् ॥११॥ तां नाली स ऋषिस्तत्र निधाय स्वाश्रयं ययौ । राजाऽपि रक्षयामास ततो वंशकुडङ्गकम् ॥ ४२ ॥ नाल्याः संपूर्णसर्वाङ्गान् यद्राझी याददेऽर्भकान् । तेन ते तत्सुतत्वेन प्रोच्यन्ते कीचका जनैः ॥४३॥ कीचकानां शतं प्रौढं तादृग् नाल्यां ममौ यदि । ततस्त्वं सगजो मासि कथं नैव कमण्डलौ ? ॥४४॥ 18 गङ्गा वर्षसहस्रं चेजटास्वीशेन मोहिता । षण्मासांस्तु त्वयाऽमोहि हस्ती कुण्ड्यामिदं घृतम् ॥ ४५॥ कुण्ड्या नालादहं दन्ती लग्नकेशव निःसृतौ । कथमत्रापि हे भ्रातः ! शृणु पौराणिकं वचः॥४६॥ प्रलये सर्वभूतानां जलैकार्णवतां गते । जगत्रये जलेशायी तस्थावेको जलेशयः ॥ ४७ ॥ जगत्सृष्टिकृतस्तस्य नाभिपद्माद् विनिर्ययौ । दण्डकुण्डीधरो" ब्रह्माऽब्जनालं तत्र चालगत् ॥४८॥ इत्थं कुण्डीमुखाचेत् त्वं सेभो भ्रातर्विनिर्गतः । तत्केशस्तत्र लमश्च किमयुक्तं भवेत् ततः ॥४९॥ " कमण्डलुमुखाद् भ्रातः ! कथं हि निरगामिति । यद् षे तस्य संवादं शृणु भारतभाषितम् ॥ ५० ॥
1B कुम्मीश। 2 B हुंकारान् । 3 B मत्पृष्टि। 4 A °णाध्याप्ती। 5A गङ्गलि। 6 B रविध्यत । 7 A °वदुत्तमः। 8 B स्मृतम्। 9A जलाशयः। 10 A कुण्डीकरो।

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१. मूलदेवकथितं कथानकम् । दिव्यं सहस्रं वर्षाणां तपः कुर्वति धातरि । क्षुब्धाः सुराः स्म जल्पन्ति विघ्नमस्य भवेत् कथं ॥ ५९॥ इन्द्रोऽवक स्त्रीषु लोलोऽयं यदुमापाणिपीडने । अग्निकर्मणि नियुक्तो गौरी दूषितवाससम् ॥ ५२ ॥ दृष्ट्वा क्षुब्धो बीजसगं कृत्वा वासो व्यधूनयत् । अथ तत् पतितं कुम्भे द्रोणाचार्यस्ततोऽभवत् ॥ युग्मम्॥ सप्तर्षयः सुराधीशा देवा हरिहरादयः । मुक्त्वैकं श्रीमहावीरं खण्डिता हि मनोभुवा ॥ ५४ ॥ उग्रव्रतधरास्तीव्रतपश्चरणकारिणः । अन्येऽपि स्मरबाणार्ता दासा स्त्रीभिर्न के कृताः ॥ ५५॥ उत्तमा सर्वदेवीनामतो गत्वा तिलोत्तमा । पितामहं स्मरोद्रेकाद् विदधातु तपश्युतम् ॥ ५६ ॥ इन्द्रादेशादथ क्षिप्रं स्वपरिच्छदसंयुता । गत्वा तिलोत्तमा धातुः पुरो नृत्वमसूत्रयत् ॥ ५७ ॥ यथा यथाऽसौ नृत्यन्ती करेणोल्लासितांशुका । विधेरदर्शयत् स्वाङ्गं चुक्षोभ' स तथा तथा ॥ ५८ ॥ तस्या निमालयन्नझं विधाता निर्निमेषक् । त्यक्तान्यसर्वव्यापारः कामिवत् तत्पृहोऽभवत् ॥ ५९॥ विज्ञाय सापि तद्भावं लावण्यामृतसारणिः । ब्रह्मणो दक्षिणे पार्श्वे भूत्वा नृत्यमसूत्रयत् ॥ ६ ॥ ॥ तद्रूपमोहितः स्वान्तः सोऽपि कामज्वरादितः । तां विलोकयितुं वकं द्वितीयं निर्ममे पुनः ॥ ६१ ॥ एवं तृतीयं वारुण्यां कौबेयाँ घ चतुर्थकम् । तस्यामूर्ध्वगतायां तु स चक्रे पञ्चमं मुखम् ॥ ६२ ॥ तिलोत्तमानुरक्तस्व ब्रह्मणः पञ्चमं मुखम् । रुद्रेण पर्युतीक्ष्णेन नखेनाऽछिद्यताऽऽशु तत् ॥ ६३ ॥ ततो ब्रह्मातिकोपेनापसव्यफरजातपा । प्रदेशिन्योद्वर्थ भालं शेषं समुपपाटयत् ॥ ६४ ॥ सितकुण्डलिमामा स क्रोधार धावा म्ययोज्यत । गौरी प्राणेश्वरं हन्तुं व्याधवन्मार्गणो मृगे ॥ ६ ॥ नश्वस्तस्य भिया शम्भुर्गस्वा बदरिकाऽऽश्रमे । नियमस्थं हरिं मह्यं भिक्षा देहीत्यभाषत ।। ६६॥ ततस्तेन निजाद् भाला रक्तधारा व्यमुच्यत । तदधो स्थापयत् सोऽपि ब्रह्मणः पञ्चमं शिरः ॥६॥ रक्तेमापरिपूर्ण तत् सहजैः शरदामपि । हरो पिलोडयामास करालिकयैकया ॥ ६॥ पितामहशिरोविष्णुरक्तेशाङ्गुलियोगतः । समुत्पेदे महांस्तत्रैको नरो रक्तकुण्डली ॥ ६९ ।। रुद्रेणादेशि योद्धुं स सितकुण्डलिना सह । ततो वर्षसहस्रं तु जातमायोधनं तयोः ॥ ७० ॥ तयोर्युद्धनिषेधाय नरं दत्त्वा सुरेशितुः । भास्करस्य द्वितीयं तु सुरा ऊचुरिदं रविम् ।। ७१ ॥ वरदानक्षणे सूर्य ! त्वया भारतसंयते । भारतावतारकालेऽसाववतार्यो नृजन्मनि ॥ ७२ ॥ तस्मिन् काले रविः कुन्तीमुपभुज्यतुसङ्गताम् । तत् कुक्षी तं नरं चाशु गर्भत्वेनोदपादयत् ॥ ७३ ॥ सन्नद्धषद्धसन्नाहः कुन्त्याः कर्णात् स निर्ययो । यथा तथा त्वमप्यस्मात् कुण्डीरन्ध्राद् विनिःसृतः॥४॥ यच्चावोचः कथं गङ्गामपारा तीर्णवानहम् । अदोऽर्थसाधकं भद्र ! शृणु रामायणोदितम् ॥ ७५ ॥ ॥ हनुमान् राघवादिष्टो जानकीशुद्धिहेतवे । तीत्वा भुजाभ्यामम्भोधि क्षणाल्लंकापुरीमगात् ।। ७६ ।। दृष्टया सीतया तत्र प्रियसन्देशतुष्टया । पृष्टः कथं त्वया सिन्धुस्तीर्णः सोऽप्यब्रवीदिति ॥ ७७ ।।
तव प्रसादात् तव च प्रसादाद् भर्तुच ते देवि तव प्रसादात् ।
साधूनते येन पितुः प्रसादात् तीर्णो मया गोष्पदवत् समुद्रः॥ ७८ ॥ यदि तेन तिरश्चापि समुत्तीर्णो महार्णवः । तदा गङ्गा त्वया किं न लमयते स्म नरोत्तम ! ॥ ७९ ॥ ॥ यदवादीः कथं धारा षण्मासी मूर्ति धारिता । अस्मिन्नर्थेऽपि हेतुं त्वं शृणु भूदेवभाषितम् ॥ ८ ॥ सुरैरभ्यर्थिता गङ्गा लोकानां हितहेतवे । भूमाववातरत् स्वर्गात् साऽप्येवं तानवोचत ।। ८१ ॥
1A चुक्षुमे। 2A तस्या मूर्द्ध। 3 B समुदपादयत् ।

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३६
धूर्ताख्यानसंस्कृतभाषान्तरम् ।
युष्मास्विलां पतन्तीं मां को धशस्तदाऽवदत् । अहमित्यूचुषा तेन सा धृता निजमूर्द्धनि ॥ ८२ ॥ दिव्यं वर्षसहस्रं चेत् तेन गङ्गा धृता स्वके । तत् त्वं कथं न षण्मासीं वारिधारामधारयः ? ॥ ८३ ॥ ॥ इति धूर्ताख्याने प्रथमं मूलदेवकथानकम् ॥
[ २. कण्डरीककथितं कथानकम् । ]
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• एवं निरुत्तरो मूलदेवः प्रोवाच तं प्रति । कंडरीक ! त्वमप्यात्मानुभूतं वद किञ्चन ॥ ८४ ॥ कण्डरीकोऽवदद् बाल्ये दुर्विनीतो भवन्तराम् । पितृभ्यामत एवाहं हठान्निर्वासितो गृहात् ॥ ८५ ॥ ततो भ्राम्यन्नहं देशानेकं गोमहिषीवृतम् । कूपाऽऽरामसरोराजीराजितं ग्राममासदम् ॥ ८६ ॥ पोपचारबलिभिः स जनैः पूजितोऽनिशम् । समीहितं वरं दत्ते को न मान्यो भवेद् गुणैः ॥ ८७ ॥ ततस्तं कौतुकाद् यक्षं नत्वा ग्राम्यजनेष्वहम् । यावद् विचित्रक्रीडाभिरात्मानं स्म विनोदये ॥ ८८ ॥ 10] सन्नद्धबद्धकवचा विविधायुधपाणयः । सुतरां दारुणास्तावन्निपेतुस्तत्र तस्कराः ॥ ८९ ॥
सबालवृद्धाः सस्त्रीका ग्राम्या जनपदान्विताः । पशुभिश्च समं मीत्या वालुक्यां विविशुर्युतम् ॥ ९० ॥ तत्रस्थानपि तान् ग्राम्यानपश्यन्तोऽन्धला इव । चौरास्ततस्ते व्यावृत्ता नष्टो ग्राम इतीरिणः ॥ ९१ ॥ पशुवृन्दं चरत् तत्र विश्वस्तं समुपेयिवान्' । तन्मध्यादेकया छाग्या वालुकी परिजनसे ॥ ९२ ॥ साऽपि प्रस्ताऽजगरेण सोऽपि ढिङ्केन जयसे । स चोड्डीय वटेऽतिष्ठद् भूमिप्राप्तपदः खगः ॥ ९३ ॥ 15 तत्र केनापि भूपेन सैन्यावासे विनिर्मिते । स्तम्भभ्रान्त्या ढिकपादे बद्धो गिण्ठेन कुञ्जरः ॥ ९४ ॥ ढिनोड्डीयमानेन सह यान्तं विलोक्य तम् । पूञ्चकुरिति हा मिष्ठाः केनापि ह्रियते करी ॥ ९५ ॥ तेषां कलकलं श्रुत्वा सुभटाः शब्दवेधिनः । तत्रेयुराकुला बाणबाणासनकरा रयात् ॥ ९६ ॥ सुभटैः शरधोरण्या छिन्नमूर्धा वटच्युतः । ढिकपक्षी पपाताशु वज्रपात इव क्षितौ ॥ ९७ ॥ पक्ष्यने दारिते राज्ञाऽजगरो निरगात् ततः । अजा तस्याश्च वालुकी ततो प्रामादयोऽखिलाः ॥ ९८ ॥ " ते सर्वे नृपतिं नत्वा स्वत्ववस्तुसमन्विताः । निजस्थानं ययुरहमत्रायातश्च संप्रति ॥ ९९ ॥ एवं मयानुभूतं भो गदितं भवतां पुरः । यो न रान्येत धूर्तानां स ददात्वद्य भोजनम् ॥ १०० ॥
[ अथ एलाषाढकृतं कण्डरीककथानकसमाधानम् । ]
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एलाषाढस्ततः प्रोचे प्रतीमो नात्र संशयः । कण्डरीकोऽवदद् प्रामो वालुयन्तः कथं ममौ ॥ १०१॥ एलाषाढोऽथ तं स्माह किं भ्रातर्न श्रुतास्त्वया । दृष्टान्ता विष्णुपुराणे भारते च किलेदृशाः ॥ १०२ ॥ 2 आसीत् पुरा जगत् पञ्चमहद्भूतविवर्जितम् । जलेनैकार्णवीभूतं तत्राण्डमभवत् किल ॥ १०३ ॥ ऊर्मिप्रेङ्खोलनाभिस्तद्भिन्नं त्रिविधतामगात् । त्रिविष्टप- महीपीठ - रसातलविभेदतः ॥ १०४ ॥
1. A. किंकराः । 2 A तत् ।

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२. कण्डरीककथितं कथानकम् । यद्यण्डे तादृशं सर्व सममाजगतीत्रयम्' । वालुङ्गयां तर्हि स ग्रामः कथं माति न बान्धव! ॥१०५॥ शास्त्रेऽन्यच्चारण्यपथे मार्कण्डेयोऽवदन्मुनिः । धर्माङ्गजस्यान्ययुगानुभूतं तच्छ्रुतीकुरु ॥ १०६ ।। स किलाम्भोभिरभ्रोत्थैर्लोक एकार्णवीकृते । लोलकल्लोलमालाभिः प्रेर्यमाणोऽम्बुधौ गतः ॥ १०७ ॥ सर्वशून्यं जलाऽऽकीर्णं जगत् पश्यन्नृषिस्ततः । एकं तत्र महाकाय वटवृक्षमुदैक्षत ॥ १०८॥ शाखायां तस्य पल्यङ्कमपश्यत् तत्र चार्भकम् । सर्वाङ्गसुन्दराऽऽकारं तेजस्तर्जितभास्करम् ॥ १०९ ॥ प्रसारितकरं तं चावादीदेोहि दारक ! । ममांसे लगतामम्भस्सु पतनान्मा स्म भून्मृतिः ॥ ११ ॥ सोऽप्यसमवलम्ब्यास्यावातारीत् स ततो मुनिः। आस्ये प्रसारितेऽपश्यद् विश्वं तस्योदरेऽखिलम् ॥१११॥ प्रविष्टस्तत्र वर्षाणां सहस्रं दिव्यमञ्जसा । भ्रमन् पारमपारस्य नाऽऽपर्षिनिरगात् ततः॥ ११२ ॥ सशैलकाननं विश्वं ममौ चेद् दारकोदरे । तदा माति न किं ग्रामो वालुक्यां कण्डरीक भोः! ॥११३॥ ढिकोदरे ह्यजगरस्तस्याजाऽस्याश्च चिर्भटी । तस्यां ग्रामः कथमिति प्राख्यस्तच्छृणु वच्म्यहम् ।।११४॥" यदि त्रिजगती सर्वा ममौ विष्णोः किलोदरे । कुक्षौ सोऽपि हि देवक्यास्तल्पस्याभ्यन्तरेऽपि सा ॥११५॥ यदि सत्यं पुराणोक्तं वचनं प्रतिभासते । तदा प्रामादिप्रवेशा वालुक्यादौ न दोषदाः ॥ ११६ ॥ वालुक्यजगरान्तःस्थः कथं नासादयं मृतिम् । इति तेन कृते प्रश्ने ह्येलाषाढोऽब्रवीदिति ॥ ११७ ।। तस्मिन्नेवाहनि भवान्निर्गतो न मृतो ह्यतः । चिरं विष्णूदरे तिष्ठजगजीवति नाद्भुतम् ॥ ११८ ।। यस्मिन्नुदरगे सन्ति वाणिज्यं योधसंयतः । आरम्भा व्यवहाराश्चोत्सवा वैवाहिकादयः ॥ ११९ ॥ ॥ कथमस्योदरे विश्वमिति पृच्छसि तच्छृणु । पुरा परस्परं युद्धं ब्रह्म-केशवयोरभूत् ॥ १२० ॥ दीनो ब्रह्मा हरिं स्माह वक्त्रबाहूरुपादतः । मदीयेभ्यो जगत् सर्वं चातुर्वण्यं विनिर्गतम् ॥ १२१ ॥ . विधिमाक्षिप्तवान् विष्णुर्वचनैः कठिनैरलम् । रे रे त्वं चेटरूपो मे ब्रुवन्नेवं न लजसे ॥ १२२ ॥ कण्ठस्थ शेषे भूपीध्रदाढे सागर जिह्व के । मन्मुखे त्वं प्रविश्याशु पश्य विश्वं चराचरम् ।। १२३ ।। जलेशयस्य मे नाभिसमुत्थाम्भोजतो भवान् । प्रादुर्भूतो ह्यतो वक्तुं मत्पुरो नोचितं तव ॥ १२४ ॥ ० अपि च-यत्प्रभावात् प्रकाशकत्वमगमत् कौमुदं वनम् ।।
कलङ्कीति निशाधीशं खोत्कर्षात् तद्धसत्यहो ॥ १२५ ॥ कण्डरीको बभाषे किं पुराणादौ श्रुताः क्वचित् । ढिका एवंप्रमाणाः स्युरेतन्माति यदन्तरे ॥ १२६॥ एलाषाढोऽपि तं स्माह द्रौपद्या हि स्वयंवरे । प्राविक्षत् धनुषि क्षोणीभूधरवह्निभुजङ्गमाः ॥ १२७ ।। यः श्रीदुपदराजस्य तद्देवाधिष्ठितं धनुः । राधां भेत्ता' समारोप्य स कृष्णां परिणेष्यति ॥ १२८ ॥ ॥ आघोषणामिमां श्रुत्वा तत्रेत्य बलिनो नृपाः । धनुरारोपयन्तस्ते पतिता हसिता जनैः ॥ १२९॥ अथ मानोन्नतः शूरः शिशुपालक्षितीश्वरः । आरोपयितुमारेभे यावद् राधाभिदे धनुः ॥ १३०॥ तावत् तत्र हरिर्मेरं गरुडं मुशलं हलम् । नागान् शङ्ख गदां चक्रं मन्दरं क्षिप्तवांश्च सः॥ १३१ ।। सन्धानापसरे सूरं विधुमग्निं पयोनिधीन् । सशैलामचलांस्तत्र चापे चिक्षेप केशवः ॥ १३२॥ अर्कीलप्रमाणेऽस्मिंस्तेनाकृष्टे गुरुद्विषा । छलेन मोचिते बाणे सचापश्चेदिपोऽपतत् ।। १३३ ॥ ॥ पार्थो ऽथासहमानायामुयां तद् भारमञ्जसा । आरुह्य मीमहस्ताने चापारोपणमातनोत् ॥ १३४ ॥ कर्णप्रदत्तबाणेनार्जुनो राधां विभिद्य ताम् । यशः संप्राप्तवान् लोके कृष्णां च परिणीतवान् ॥ १३ ॥
1B जगतां त्रयम् । 2 B सकला। 3 B लगतेऽ। 4 B गान्मृतिः। 5A प्रविभासते। 6A विष्णोदरे। 7A मेत्त्वा। 8A पार्थो वा ।

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धूर्ताख्यानसंस्कृतभाषान्तरम् । यदि लापान्तरे ते ते पदार्था मिखिला में मुः । तत् किं ढिके महाकाये न मात्यजगरादयः॥ १३६ ॥ किञ्च रामायणे भ्रातः ! श्रूयते विहगोत्तमः । जटायुः सीतापहारे युयुधे रावणेन सह ॥ १३७ ।। दशानमेन रुष्टेन चन्द्रहासमहासिना । छित्वा पक्षयुगं भूमौ स भूध इत्र पातितः ।। १३८ ॥
सीतया च स पक्ष्यूचे शीलमाहात्म्यतो मम । पक्षौ भविष्यतो रामदूतसन्दर्शनात् तद ॥ १३१ ॥ । अन्यदा दाशरथिना जानकीशुद्धिहेतवे । आदियो हनुमानुर्वी धाय॑स्तत्र समाययौ ॥ १४ ॥
अहो गिरिरसावुच्चैहनुमानित्यचिन्तयत् । यदत्रारुह्य पश्यामि समंतान्महिमण्डलम् ।। १४१ ॥ ततो जटायुषा पृष्टः कस्त्वं भोः! स तमत्रवीत् । रामदूतोऽस्मि सीतायाः प्रवृस्वर्थमिहागमम् ।।१४२॥ पक्ष्याप्याख्यद् रामजाया विळपन्ती पथाऽमुना । अपहृत्य दशास्येन लकापुरमनीयत्त ॥ १४३ ॥ किं भ्राम्यसि मुधाऽरण्यं हनुमास्त्वरया ब्रज । इदं सन्देशवाक्यं च रामाय कथयेर्मम ॥ १४४ ॥ " सीतार्थे युद्ध्यमानोऽहं रावणेन दुरात्मना । छित्त्वा पक्षौ स्वखनेन मुक्तोऽतोऽगामिमां दक्षाम् ।।१४५॥ ततो वायुसुतोऽवादीद् यत् त्वं रक्षोरणं व्यधाः। आख्यंश्च वृत्तं तेन स्यात् तवापि हि हितं सखें! ॥१४६।। इति दूतवचः श्रुत्वा जटायुर्जातपक्षतिः । उड्डीय व्योममार्गेण त्रिदशाश्रयमाश्रयत् ॥ १४७ ॥ यदि शैलसमो गृध्रो जटायुरभवत् पुरा । तत् किं ढिक्को महाकायः कण्डरीक ! भदेस किम् ? ॥१४॥
॥ इति धूर्ताख्याने द्वितीयं कण्डरीकथानकम् ॥
[३. एलाषाढकथितं कथानकम् ।]
एलाधाडमथावादीत् कण्डरीको गतोत्तरः । श्रूहि त्वमपि किञ्जिनः स्वानुभूतं महागुतम् ॥ १४९ ॥ एलाघाटोऽप्यवग् बन्धो ! यौबने धनलोलुपः । नटिती बावादाव्यसनैर्निरमा गृहात् ।। १६ ।। बिलमत्र रसो यत्र भूधरोऽत्र सधातुकः । एवमाशाग्रहप्रस्तो बंभ्रमी मि स्म भूतलम् ।। १५१॥ एकदेत्यागमो लेभे यद्योजनसहस्रके । पूर्वस्यां भूधरस्तत्र रसो वेधसहस्रकृत् ॥ १५२ ॥ "शिलया रसरन्ध्रास्यं छन्नं योजनमानया । तां चोत्पाट्य रसं धीरा गृहन्ति स्वर्णकुण्डतः ॥ १५३॥ योजनानां शतमितैः क्रमैः क्रामन्नहं महीम् । गिरौ गत्वोत्पाट्य शिलामगृहं कुण्डतो रसम् ॥ १५४ ॥ पुनस्तच्छिलयाऽऽच्छाद्य गृहमेत्य ततो रसात् । धनं कनकमुत्पाद्य धनदोपमतामगाम् ॥ १५५ ॥ भोगानभकुरान् भुञ्जन्नर्थिभ्यो द्रविणं ददन् । प्रसिद्धिमगमं लोके लोकेश इव भूतिमान् ।। १५६ ॥ प्रेयसीभिः समं गीतनृत्यवादित्रकेलिभिः । क्रीडन् शचीपतिं मन्ये न तृणायापि संपदा ।। १५७ ।। " प्रसिद्धिं च समृद्धिं च मम विज्ञाय दारुणाः । निशायां निशितास्त्रीधराचौरा गृहेऽपतम् ॥ १५ ॥ कृतसिंह निनादास्ते स्तेनाः पञ्चशतीमिताः । प्रवृत्ता लुण्ठितुं गेहसार यावर् दुराशया: ।। १५९। तावत कथं मे न्यायात्तो जीवतो वित्तस वयः। चौरैर्ग्रहीष्यत इति ध्यायन साइसमाद्रिये ॥१६॥ शस्त्राणि प्रगुणीकृत्य चौरैः सह रणाङ्गणम् । कुर्वनहं महाघोरं सुरैरप्यभिनन्दितः ॥ १६१ ॥ एकेन शरघातेन दश द्वादश पश्चषान् । तेनाननैषं कैनाशविशान्तातिथितामहम् ॥ १६२ ॥ " निमेषाद् धातिते चौरशते तेऽपि मसोपरि । संभूय कोपतः पेरिव कीनाशकिकराः ॥ १६३ ॥ शीर्ष मे कणशः कृत्वा बट्टा च बदरीतये । भुषित्वा वेदासर्वस्वं जमुचौरा यशागतम् ॥ १६४ ॥ रलाई कुण्डलोलासि मच्छिरो बीस्थितम् । विधि बदनात प्रत्यू इस्थौ चश्वासनम् ॥ १६५ ।

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३. एलबाडाकथितं कथान कम । सूर्योदयेऽथ कोलीस्य बदरास्वादि सहिदहरः । खजील मिति विज्ञायाऽऽदविरे नागरा नराः ॥ १६६ ॥ अङ्गोपाङ्गानि सर्वाणि संपिण्ड्योपरि तन्यधुः । ततोऽहं रूपलावण्यभागभूवंतरां पुनः ।। १६७ ।। मयार्य स्वानुभूतोऽर्थः प्रत्यपादि भवत्पुरः । यो न मन्येत तहत्ता धूर्तानां सोऽद्य भोजनम् ॥ १६८ ।।
[अथ शशकृतं एलाषाढकथानकसमाधानम् । ]
शशोऽबोपदयो कस्तेऽलोकं कुर्यादिदं वचः । प्रमाणितं पुरावृत्त-स्मृति-रामायणेषु यत् ॥ १६९ ।।
तथा हियमदग्मिऋषिः पूर्वमभूद् भार्याऽस्य रेणुका । यां मुस्तरवः पुष्पार्थिनः शीलप्रभावतः ॥ १७० ।। अथाश्वापहृतं दृष्ट्वा नृपं सर्वाङ्गसुन्दरम् । रेणुका समभूत् तत्र रागादाश्लेषशालिनी ॥ १७१ ॥ अथानमस्यतो वृक्षान् वीक्ष्य शीलच्युतां च ताम् । मन्वानो यमदग्निाक पशुरामं समादिशत्॥ १७२ ॥ स्वमातुरस्याः पापायाश्छिन्धि शीर्ष स्वपशुना । तेनापि पितुरादेशस्तथैव विदधे क्षणात् ॥ १७३ ॥ " यमदमिस्तदा तुष्टो रामं स्माह वरं वृणु । सोऽप्यूचे तात ! मे माता पुनर्जीवतु सत्वरम् ।। १७४ ।। एवमस्त्विति तेनोक्ते सजीवाऽजनि रेणुका । सद्भूतं चेदिदं प्रातर् ! जीवितस्त्वमपीह तत् ।। १७५ ।। जरासन्धोऽपि भूपालः खण्डद्वितययोजनात् । जरया सन्जितो राजसहस्राधीश्वरोऽजनि ॥ १७६ ॥ अन्यच्च श्रूयते सुन्द-निसुन्दौ द्वौ सहोदरौ । असुरौ सुरवृन्दस्य क्षयकालवदुत्थितौ ॥ १७७ ॥ पर्यालीच्याथ गीर्वाणैस्तद्वधाय तिलोत्तमा । तिलं तिलं स्वदेहेभ्य उपादाय विनिर्ममे ॥ १७८ ॥ सर्वाङ्गसुन्दराकारा मोहिनी सर्वकामिनाम् । प्रणम्य सा सुरान् स्माह सुधामधुरया गिरा ॥ ११ ॥ यत्कर्त्तव्यं मया देव तदादिशत तेऽपि ताम् । प्रोचुरुद्धर वः सुन्द-निसुन्दातङ्कसङ्कटान् ॥ १८ ॥ इत्याज्ञां शिरसि न्यस्य ययौ तत्र तिलोत्तमा । यत्र तावसुरौ सुन्द-निसुन्दौ परितिष्ठतः ॥ १८१ ।। हारार्द्धहारकेयूरनूपुरादिविभूषिता । सुरूपोच्चकुचा सज्जीकृतनेत्रोडुपानना ॥ १८२ ॥ सा ताभ्यां युगपद् दृष्टा दृष्टिपीयूषपारणम् । ततश्च सानुरागौ तौ तस्यामेव बभूवतुः॥ युग्मम् ॥ ॥ तदात्यै युध्यमानौ तौ शौरस्त्रैश्च दारुणैः। मृतौ बन्धू अपि हाहा ! स्त्रीभिः को न विम्बितः॥१८४ ॥
स्त्रीणां कृते भ्रातृयुगस्य भेदः संबन्धभेदे स्त्रिय एव मूलम् ।
अप्राप्तकामा बहवो नरेन्द्रा नारीभिरुच्छेदितराजवंशाः ॥ १८५ ॥ देवाजलवसंयोगात् संजाता च सिलोत्तमा । लूनलग्गैस्तदोपाङ्गैस्त्वदनं किं न जायताम् ॥ १८६ ।। श्रूयते शैशवे वायुसुतो मातरचनाम् । अप्राक्षीत् को ममाहारः क्षुधितस्य भविष्यति ॥ १८७ ॥ सोचे वत्सातिरक्तानि फलानि तव भोजनम् । तेनापि जगृहे सूर्योऽथोद्यन् पक्वफलभ्रमात् ॥१८८॥ तेनापि चूर्णितं तं च वीक्ष्य माता शुचातुरा । भर्तुनिवेदयामास करुणं रुदती सती ॥ १८९॥ क्रन्दन्तीं दयितां दृष्ट्वा मृतं च पवनः सुतम् । ततो रसातलं कोपात् प्रविश्य स्थितवानसौ ॥ १५०॥ पवनस्य निरोधेन सदेवमनुजासुरम् । जगज्जातमतीवानं मृत्युशेषमशेषतः ॥ १९१ ॥ ततो दीनानना देवास्तं प्रसादयितुं गताः । हनुमन्तं सजीवं च संयोज्यावयवान् व्यधुः ॥ १५२ ।। " हनुरेकास्य नो दृष्टा शोधयित्वा सुरैस्तदा । तद्वियुक्तोऽपि हनुमानिति तस्याभिधा कृता ।। १९३ ॥ पवनस्याङ्गजश्चूर्णीभूतश्चेन मिलितोऽभवत् । अपूर्वं तत्कथं भ्रातस्त्वद्वचो महे वयम् ॥ १९४ ।।

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धृतोप्यानसंस्कतभाषान्तरम् । कथायां रामभद्रस्य सीतापहरणे क्षणे । सेतुबन्धे कृते लकापुरी दाशरथौ गते ॥ १९५ ।। राम-रावणयोरिपोरे समरवितरे। दरब्धे क्षुब्धपाथोधौ सिंहनादस्फुटनगे ॥ १५६ ॥ लकेशभटनिर्मुक्तशेल्लवावल्लभल्लकः । शक्तिभिश्चासिभिश्छिन्नाङ्गोपाङ्गकपिसैनिके ।। ५९७ ॥ शक्तिप्रहारनिर्बद्धभूमिपतितलक्ष्मणे । रामप्रलापनिर्धापप्रतिशब्दितभूधरे ॥ १९८ ।। 5 द्रोणाद्रर्वायुपुत्रेण समानीतविशल्यया । सौमित्रेर्वक्षसः शक्तिर्निरगात् पापधीरिव ।। १९९ ॥
-चतुर्भिः कलापकम् । तया विशल्यया सिक्ताश्छिन्नाङ्गा अपि वानराः । सजीवाः सहसोत्तस्थुर्मिलितावयवव्रजाः ॥२०॥ छिन्नाङ्गा अपि चेजाताः सजीवाः प्रवगास्ततः । भवान् ग्वण्डीकृतः किं न भ्रातः ! प्राणिति संप्रति॥२०१॥ जगत्प्रसिद्धमन्यच्च कार्तिकेयम्य संभवम् । किं नाऔपीद् भवान् भूयो ग्रन्थेषु ग्रथितं बुधैः ।। २०२ ।। "हिमाचलगुहामध्ये मैथुनासन्कयोस्तयोः । गौरी-शङ्करयोजज्ञे दिव्यं वर्षसहस्रकम् ।। २०३ ॥ तस्मिन्नवसरे देवास्तारकासुरपीडिताः । अशक्तास्तद्वधेऽन्योन्यं पर्यालोचं वितेनिरे ।। २०४॥ शंभोर्वीय विना नान्यस्तारकं हन्तुमीश्वरः । स तु शंभुः संलीनोऽस्ति दर्या हिमभूभृतः ॥ २०५ ।। मिया कोऽपि न तत्पावं शायन्यो ह्यनलं विना । अतः प्रार्थ्यते गन्तुमिति ते तं बभाषिरे॥ २०६॥ परोपकारिणः कार्यमेकस्या" प्रकुर्वते । विशिष्य सर्वदेवानां कृत्ये कः स्यात् पराङ्मुखः ॥ २०७ ।। । यदर्थमखिला देवा ममाश्चिन्तामहार्णवे। तत्रानल ! भवानेव गन्तुमीशो न चापरः ॥ २०८॥ तद् गत्वा दर्शयात्मानं हिमाद्रिस्थस्य शूलिनः । कदाचित् त्वां विलोक्येशः स्मरक्रीडां विमुञ्चति ॥२०९॥ हव्यवाहोऽथ तानूचे कः शंभोः संमुखं व्रजेत् । विशिष्येहगवस्थस्य तस्य श्रेयोऽभिलाषुकः ।। २१०॥ खट्वाङ्गधारिणं शूलपाणिं नरकपालिनम् । श्मशानवासिनं कस्तमभिगच्छेजिजीविषुः ॥ २११ ॥ ऊर्द्धमुल्लास्य यो लिङ्गं ताण्डवेन प्रनृत्यति । बलारिरपि तत्पावं गन्तुमीशो भवेन्न हि ॥ २१२ ॥ ० कदाचित् कन्दरान्तस्थं शूलपाणिनिहन्ति माम् । तदा मे का गतिः स्यात् तन्न मां प्रेषयतामराः!॥२१३॥ तेऽप्यूचुर्मा स्म भैषीस्त्वं यतोऽयं पार्वतीवशः । नूनं जगदिदं सम्यग् दम्यते प्रमदाजनैः ॥ २१४ ।।
__उक्तं चमासेन दम्यते वाजी वर्षेणोन्मत्तकुञ्जरः । निमेषोन्मेषमात्रेण पुमांस्तु प्रमदाजनैः ॥ २१५॥
यदेव रोचते गौर्यास्तदेव कुरुते हरः। किं नानल ! त्वया दृष्टोऽङ्गेि तामुद्वहन्नयम् ॥ २१६ ॥ 11 अतस्त्यज त्वमाशङ्कामेतां यत् कुपितो हरः । न कर्ता भवतः पीडां गौरीस्वान्तानुवृत्तये ॥ २१७ ॥
एवमस्त्विति गत्वाऽमिहिमवत्कन्दरान्तरे । प्रेक्षत त्रिपुरारातिं रतिलीलाविसंस्थुलम् ॥ २१८ ॥ तमुपान्तगतं दृष्ट्वा रुषोत्तिष्ठन् हरस्ततः । हुं हुं गौर्या निषिद्धः स ऊर्द्धलिङ्गोऽनलं जगौ ॥ २१९ ॥ मुखं व्यादेहि रे ! रेतः पिबेत्यथ वदन् हरः। तत् तस्मै पाययामास भानुतेज इवोल्वणम् ।। २२० । रेतसादामानोऽग्निः कथञ्चित् प्राप्य वारिधिम् । तद् ववाम ततःसोऽपि बभूव सुखितो मनाक्॥२२१॥ ॥ ततः प्रभृति लोकेषु श्रूयते रत्नसन्ततिः । समुद्रे रेतसो जाता प्रस्फुरत्तेजसाञ्चिता ॥ २२२ ॥
अथ- प्रभाकरे पद्मभासुरे शिशिराम्भसि । अग्निस्तद्रेतसः शेषं वान्त्वा शीतोऽभवत्तराम् ॥ २२३ ॥ तत्र षण्णां कृत्तिकानां स्नान्तीनां स्मरमन्दिरे । तस्मिन् शुक्रे प्रविष्टेऽभूत् समकं गर्भसंभवः ॥२२४ ॥ कालान्तरे सुषुविरे युगपत् कृत्तिकास्ततः । शीर्ष बाहू उरो रुण्डं शरीरं च क्रमादिमाः ॥ २२५ ॥ ततस्ता विस्मितस्वान्ता दर्शयाश्चक्रिरे मिथः । यावत्तावत् किलाङ्गानि मिमिलुस्तानि सूतवत् ॥ २२६ ॥ - स्वस्वस्थानासंयोगात् कार्तिकेयः षडाननः । आसीदाशैशवादेषोऽजिमब्रह्मतोल्वणः ॥ २२७ ।।

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४. शशकथितं कथानकम् ।
४१
२३३ ॥
विजिग्ये समरे येन तारकाख्यो महासुरः । महातेजाः स याम्यायां ब्रह्मावनकृते स्थितः ॥ २२८ ॥ पृथग्गर्भेषु जातानि यथङ्गान्यमिलन् प्रभोः । तान्येवैकत्र जातानि संगच्छेरन्न ते कथम् ॥ २२९॥ एलाषाढोऽवदलूनं परिभ्राम्यत् कथं शिरः । फलानि भुङ्क्ते सोल्लासमिति धूर्त्त वदाधुना ॥ २३० ॥ शशोऽप्यूचे श्रुते (तौ ?) किं न श्रुतं चक्रेण चक्रिणः । राहोध्छिनं शिरो भ्राम्यद् गिलत्यर्यम- शीतगू ॥ यश्च श्रूषे योजनानां शतमेकपदेन गाम् । उल्लङ्घय विषमं शैलमगां तत्रोत्तरं शृणु ॥ २३२ ॥ विष्णुर्यागे द्विजीभूय बलिं प्राप्य क्रमत्रयम् । सशैलकाननामुर्वीमाक्रम्यैनां जहार च ॥ विष्णुः क्रमत्रयेणाशु यद्याचक्राम मेदिनीम् । शतयोजनमात्रां तद्गतिं कस्ते न मन्यते ॥ शिला योजनमाना सा कथमुत्पादिता मया । इति पृच्छासमाधानं कुण्डली कुरु कर्णयोः ॥ २३५ ॥ रामायणे रणे जाते लक्ष्मणे शक्तिपातिते । हनुमान् द्राग् विशल्यार्थं द्रोणाद्रिमुदपीपतत् ॥ २३६ ॥ चेद् विशालशिलः शैलः प्रोत्क्षिप्तः कपिनाऽपि सः । तदा योजनमात्रा किं शिला नोत्पाट्यते त्वया ॥ २३७ ॥ ७ एलाषाढ: प्रतिक्षिप्तस्तेन प्रत्युक्तियुक्तिभिः । शशं स्माह त्वमप्याशु स्वानुभूतं वदाधुना ॥ २३८ ॥ ॥ इति धूर्ताख्याने तृतीयमेलाषाढकथानकम् ॥
२३४ ॥
[ ४. शशकथितं कथानकम् । ]
ॐ
सोऽप्यवादीदहं क्वापि प्रामे कौटुम्बिकोऽभवम् । क्षेत्रोपजीवी वर्षासु कृतवान् क्षेत्रकर्षणम्॥ २३९॥ शरत्कालागमे द्रष्टुं क्षेत्रं गिरितलस्थितम् । प्रामाद् दवीयः स्थानस्थं सानन्दो जग्मिवानहम् ॥ २४० ॥ नत्र शैलात् समुत्तीर्य शैलाभो मत्तकुञ्जरः । रुषाऽरुणेक्षणस्तूर्णमधावत् स ममोपरि ॥ २४९ ॥ तद्भिया कम्पमानाङ्गः परिभ्राम्यन्नितस्ततः । तिलवृक्षं पुरोऽद्राक्षं बद्धसख्यमिवाद्रिणा ॥ २४२ ॥ तच्छाखायां विलनं 'तु स मामाकृष्टुमक्षमः । तिलढुं धूनयामास पात्रानं क्षेत्रपालवत् ॥ २४३॥ पेतुस्तत्कम्पिताः पृथ्व्यां तिलौघास्तिलपादपात् । भ्रमता तेन ते चूर्णीकृत्वा च तिलयत्रवत् ॥ २४४ ॥ ततः प्रादुरभूत् तैलनदी कुण्डादिवापगा । यस्याः कल्लोलमालाभिर्जीयन्तेऽप्यूर्म योऽम्बुधैः ॥ २४५ ॥ 2 तैलपङ्के महादन्ती भृशं विरसमारसन् । निमग्नः क्षुत्तृषाक्रान्तो विपद्यत स कीटवत् ॥ २४६ ॥ पुनर्जातमिवात्मानं मन्वानो गजसङ्कटात् । प्रदोषेऽहं कथमपि तिलवृक्षादवातरम् ॥ २४७ ॥ ततस्तस्य मतङ्गस्य मया चर्ममपसार्य तत् । दृतीकृत्य च तैलेन पर्यपूरि समन्ततः ॥ २४८ ॥ तत्राहं बुडितो भुजे खलभारं क्षुधातुरः । पिबामि तैलकुम्भानां दशकं तृषितोऽनिशम् ॥ २४९ ॥ तां दृतिं तैलसम्पूर्णां स्कन्धे कृत्वाऽर्कतूलवत् । ग्रामं प्रत्यदितोऽध्वद्रावलम्ब्य गृहेऽगमम् ॥ २५० ॥ s अथ तां दृतिमानेतुं संकेतितमहातरौ । मया निजसुतः प्रैषि सोऽपि तां तत्र नैक्षत ।। २५१ ॥ ततः सपादपस्तेन प्रोन्मूल्य गजराजवत् । दृतिरानीयत ग्रामलोकानां पश्यतां गृहे ॥ २५२ ॥ अहमप्यात्मनो गेहादुत्थायात्र समागमम् । इत्यसत्यं वचश्चेन् मे तदेभ्यो दत्त भोजनम् ॥ २५३ ॥
1 'ब्रहारक्षा' इति पाठान्तरम् ।
धू० ६

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धूर्ताख्यानसंस्कृतभाषान्तरम् ।
[अथ खण्डपानाकृतं शशकथानकसमाधानम् । ]
शशं स्माह महादक्षा खण्डपानाऽथ धूर्तिका । भारते सुप्रसिद्धोऽर्थः श्रुतो रामायणेऽपि सः ।। २५४ ॥ शशः प्राक्ष(ख्य)त् कचिदृष्टः श्रुतो वेग तिलद्रुमः । खण्डपानाऽपि तं प्रोचे श्रुतं किं न त्वया जनात् ।। यत्पाटलीपुरे माषवृक्षादति गरीयसी । भेरी व्यधायि केनापि तत् तिलद्रुर्न किं महान् ॥ २५६ ॥ 5 व्यूढा तैलनदीत्यत्राप्युत्तरं भारतं शृणु । यद्दन्तिदानसंभूता सरित् प्लावयते स्म गाम् ॥ २५७ ।।
यत:
तेषां कटतटभ्रष्टैगजानां मदविन्दुभिः । प्रावर्त्तत नदी घोरा हस्त्यश्वरथवाहिनी ।। २५८ ।। यदि दन्तिमदाम्भोभिरभूत् कूलंकषा नदी । तथा तैलान्न जायेत वाहिनी किं वाहिनी ? ॥२५९ ।।
यञ्चोक्तं खलतैलादि भक्षितं तादृशं मया। तत्राप्याकर्ण योदन्तं भारतग्रन्थसंगतम् ।। २६० ।। 1" यद्राज्यान्निर्गतो भीम एकचक्रां पुरीं गतः । महाबलं बकं रक्षोराजं व्यापादयद् रुपा ।। २६१ ॥ सहस्रं मद्यकुम्भानां षोडशाशनखारिकाः । बकायोपस्थितान्येको भीमो भक्षितवांस्तदा ॥ २६२ ॥ एकाकिनाऽपि भीमेन पीतं भुक्तं च तद् यथा । तथैव संगतं तेऽथ भोजनं खल-तैलयोः ॥ २६३ ॥ पिबेद् घटसहस्राणि कुम्भकर्णः सदा यदि । दशतैलपटानां ते तदा पानं न चित्रकृत् ॥ २६४ ॥
अन्यञ्चैतत् पुराणेषु श्रूयते यदगस्तिना । दानवानां विनाशाय निपीतः क्षारवारिधिः ॥ २६५ ।। Is स्वोत्तीर्णा जटाजूटाच्छम्भोगङ्गा विनिर्गता । वहन्ती जहुसंज्ञस्य मुनेश्वाश्रममीयुषी ।। २६६ ।। तेन पीत्वा सहस्रं सा वर्षाणां भ्रामितोदरे । तन्मुक्ता पप्रथे लोके जाह्नवीत्यभिधानतः ॥ २६७ ॥ यदि ताभ्यामृषिभ्यां भोः ! पीते सिन्धुसुरापगे। दशतैलघटापानं तदा कस्ते न मन्यते ॥ २६८ ॥ गजचर्मदृतिस्तादृग् मयोडैकाकिना कथम् । ग्रामं नीता च तत्रेदं गरुडाख्यानकं शृणु ॥ २६९ ॥ काश्यपस्य ऋषेः पत्नयो द्वे कद्रू-विनताहये । ताभ्यां परस्परं चक्रे पणबन्धोऽन्यदेदृशः ॥ २७० ॥ " कार्य दास्यं तयाऽन्यस्या या पणेन विजीयते । अथवाऽत्र समानीय दातव्यममृतं द्रुतम् ॥ २७१ ॥ ततः कद्रा जिता दास्यं विनता तन्वती भृशम् । तया विमान्यते नित्यं सपत्नीति विरोधतः ॥२७२ ।। आजन्मदासभावेन विनता दुःखिताऽधिकम् । गर्भभारालसाङ्गी च सुषुवे साऽण्डकत्रिकम् ॥२७३ ।। औत्सुक्याद् दास्यमोक्षायैकस्मिन् भिन्ने तयाऽण्डके। वृश्चिकान्निर्गतान् वीक्ष्य विषादो विदधेऽधिकम् ॥ यस्या दैवहताया मे प्रसूतिरजनीदृशी । कथंकारमहं पारं तद् यास्ये दास्यवारिधेः ॥ २७५ ॥ 25 कालं कियन्तमप्येषा व्यतिक्राम्यातिदुःखिनी । आशानिबद्धवान्ताऽण्डं द्वितीयं विनताऽभिनत्॥२७६॥ तस्मादनूरुर्निर्गच्छन् सखेदं स्माह मातरम् । किमकाण्डे द्वितीयाण्डमौत्सुक्याद् घिमिदे त्वया॥२७७॥ अपूरयिष्यं तेऽवश्यमहं मातर्मनोरथान् । चेदजङ्गमकायो नाभविष्यं त्वदभाग्यतः ॥ २७८ ॥ तस्मात् तृतीयमण्डं त्वं चिरं रक्ष विचक्षणे! । अस्माद् यो भविता सूनुः स ते दुःख हरिष्यति॥७९॥ सोऽनूरुः सारथिश्चक्रे रथे किरणमालिना । विनताऽपि तृतीयाण्डं पूर्ण मत्वाऽभिदत् स्वयम् ॥२८॥ * तस्मादाविरभूद् भोगिकुलकालो महाबलः । गरुडो विनताखान्तमहोदधिसुधाकरः ॥ २८१ ।।

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४. शशकथितं कथानकम् । शैशवेऽपि हि स क्रीडन् निजाहिसुतमृत्युकृत् । विलोक्य कद्रा विनता प्रत्यहं क्लिश्यतेऽधिकम् ।। २८२ ।। विनतामचनीरेण सिञ्चन्तीमवनीतलम् । विलोक्य गरुडः स्माह मातः ! किं रुद्यते त्वया ? ॥२८३ ॥ साऽप्यूचे जीवितस्यार्थे सपन्या दास्यमाश्रिता । तदादेशं भयभ्रान्ता करोमि प्रतिवासरम् ॥ २८४ ॥ तच्छ्रुत्वा गरुडोऽवादीद् दास्यात् त्वं मुच्यसे कथम् ? । साऽप्यूचे यदि वत्स ! त्वममृतं स्फुटमानय ॥ तत् क्वास्त्यम्बेति पृष्टा साऽऽचष्ट वेत्ति पिता तव । स चाश्रमे बदर्याख्ये तप्यते दुस्तपंतपः॥२८६॥ तत्क्षणाद् गरुडस्तत्र गत्वा पादोऽनमत् पितुः । ज्ञातोऽध्यक्षेण तेनापि करस्पन्मिमैष तुक ॥ २८७ ॥ ताताहं क्षुधयाक्रान्तस्तन्मे वितर भोजनम् । इत्युक्तो वैनतेयेन कश्यपस्तमभाषत ॥ २८८ ॥ इतः समीपगे पद्मसरस्यस्ति महागजः । योजनद्वादशायामस्तन्मानः कच्छपस्तथा ।। २८९ ।। कोपाटोपोत्कटावेतौ युध्यमानौ परस्परम् । कुर्वाते सरसः क्षोभं मन्थाद्री इव जङ्गमौ ॥ २९० ॥ तौ व्यापाद्य यथा स्वैरं भुङ्क्ष छिन्धि क्षुधाव्यथाम् । गत्वैकेन क्रमेणाथ तौ हत्वा तेन भक्षितौ ॥२९१॥" ततः प्रतिनिवृत्तोऽसावपश्यद् वटपादपम् । प्रलयाम्बुदसंवादिपक्षिकोलाहलाकुलम् ।। २९२ ॥ ब्रह्मबीजसमुत्पन्ना ऋषयोऽध्युष्ट कोटयः । वालिखिल्याभिधास्तस्याऽधस्ताद् विदधते तपः ॥ २९३ ॥ गरुडो यावदारूढो भग्नस्तावद् वद्रुमः । तेन चञ्चवा गृहीतश्च मुनीनां मृतिरस्तु मा । २९४ ॥ समुत्क्षिप्य ब्रजन् व्योमाच्छादयन् विस्मयाकुलान् । सुरासुरान् प्रकुर्वाणः सोऽमुचत् सिन्धुकानने ॥ तटालस्कृता भूमिर्जनैलङ्केति सोच्यते । या निशाचरराजस्य प्रसिद्धा ते महापुरी ॥ २९६ ॥ ॥ वतो हिमाचले गत्वा पितरं गरुडोऽवदत् । दन्तिकांदनेनापि बुभुक्षा मे न जग्मुषी ॥ २९७ ॥ निषादान् खाद तेनेति प्रोक्तो जग्ध्वा स तांस्ततः । एत्याख्यत् कश्यपं तातामृतं क्वास्ति समाविश ।। सोऽवादीद् वत्स पातालसप्तकाधास्थकुण्डके । धगधगिति जाज्वल्यमानानौ तद्धि वर्तते ॥ २९९ ॥ सावधानः स्वयं तच्च देवायैस्तत्र रक्ष्यते । अतोऽमृतं न केनापि गृहीतुं शक्यतेऽर्भक ! ॥ ३०॥ तत्प्राप्तौ कोऽप्युपायो मे तातास्तीति तदीरितः । स आख्यदाज्यसक्षौद्रध्यम्भोभिरनारतम् ॥ ३०१॥ " कृशानौ तर्पिते वत्स ! लभ्यते यदि वा न वा । प्राप्तेऽमृतेऽपि जायन्ते तत्रोप्रा विनराशयः॥ युग्मम् ॥ इति कश्यपवाक्येन वैनतेयेन सत्वरम् । गत्वा मध्वादिभिर्वह्निः संतl परितोषितः ॥ ३०३ ॥ अमिना प्रीणितेनास्यामृतकुण्डं प्रदर्शितम् । तेनाप्यादाय पीयूषं मंक्षु तस्माद् विनिर्गतम् ॥ ३०४ ॥ तद्रक्षकसुरैर्युष्टं यत् पक्षी कुण्डतोऽमृतम् । आदाय यातीति श्रुत्वा चुक्षुभुत्रिदशादयः ॥ ३०५ ॥ ततः सर्वाभिसारेण सुराः प्रहरणोद्धराः । कोलाहलरवैराशाः पूरयन्तः समन्ततः ॥ ३०६ ॥ 'भिन्त छिन्त हन्ताऽऽहन्तात्रापि माऽमुं च मुञ्चत । इति जल्पपराः क्रूराः संभ्रमात् ते तमन्वगुः ॥ त्रयस्त्रिंशत्कोटिदेवा वेष्टयित्वाऽथ तं जगुः । हतोऽसि रे सुधाचौर ! क यास्यस्यस्मदप्रतः ॥ ३०८॥ एकतः सकलं विश्वमन्यतस्त्वेक एव सः । समरं कर्तुमारेभे कातरद्रवणौषधम् ॥ ३०९ ॥ स पक्षी पक्षघातेन चतुर्दिक्षु दिवौकसाम् । लक्षं सहस्र कोटींश्चानयत् कीनाशपत्तनम् ॥ ३१०॥ गरुडस्य सुराणां च युद्धं पीयूषहेतवे । जज्ञे स्म विस्मयध्वंसि विश्वाश्चर्यकरं तथा ॥ ३११ ॥
1B भिन्नच्छिचहताहन्ता। 2B पलायनौषधम् ।

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धूर्ताख्यानसंस्कृतभाषान्तरम् । ततः समूहो देवानामेकेन विनताभुवा । त्रस्तो रणाङ्गणाद् दिक्षु बलिवन्निर्ममेऽखिलः ॥ ३१२ ॥ अथेन्द्रस्त्रिदशान् भन्मान् दृष्ट्वा ज्वालाशताकुलम् । मुमोच कुलिशं घोरं विघाताय गरुत्मनः ॥ ३१३ ॥ तह त्रं वज्रसाराभ्यां पक्षिभ्यां पक्षिणः पतत्। भाग्यादेव दिवो भर्तुर्नागात् खण्डसहस्रताम् ॥ ३१४ ॥ किमप्यशनिना तेन चिच्छेदे भोः सुरा इति । तत्प्रत्ययाय पक्षं स चश्चवोत्पाट्य ह्यदर्शयत् ॥ ३१५ ॥ ॐ ततो दन्दह्यमानोऽसौ केशवः कोपवह्निना । द्वादशार्कप्रभं चक्रं लात्वा तद्धतयेऽचलत् ॥ ३१६ ॥ भीतभीताः ससंभ्रान्ता हा हा किमिति' लापिनः । महर्षयस्ततो गत्वा विष्णुमेवं व्यजिज्ञपन् ॥ ३१७ ॥ ससुरासुरलोकस्य स्वामी सर्वगतो भवान् । नीचवन्निरपेक्षः किं गरुडं प्रतिधावसि ? ॥ ३१८ ।। तवैष गरुडो बन्धुस्त्यज कोपमतः प्रभो ! । व्यामूढम्लेच्छवद् गोत्रं मा नय क्षयमात्मनः ॥ ३१९॥ ऋषीणां तद्वचः श्रुत्वेत्यच्युतोऽचिन्तयद् हृदि । कथं क्रोधान्मया बन्धुर्हा हा ! व्यापादितो भवेत् ॥३२०॥ 10 क्रोधाग्निविह्वलीभूतः पुरुषो ज्ञानवानपि । कृत्याकृत्यं न जानाति तदेतैः साधु बोधितः ।। ३२१ ॥ जाते ततस्तयोः सन्धौ रथीचक्रे स चक्रिणा । दत्त्वाऽमृतं च माताऽपि पक्षिणाऽमोचि दास्यतः॥३२२।। कुम्भिकर्कवटास्तेनोत्पाटिता यदि पक्षिणा । दृतेरुत्पाटनं तत् कः शृण्वंस्तव न मन्यते ॥ ३२३ ॥ सप्ताहं दुर्दिने विष्णुरधाद् गोवर्द्धनाचलम् । तत् त्वं तैलभृतां बन्धो ! दृति धरसि नो कथम् ।। ३२४॥ कपिभिर्बन्धने सेतोरुक्षिप्योक्षिप्य पर्वताः । बहुभ्यो योजनेभ्योऽथानीय क्षिप्ताः पयोनिधौ ॥३२५॥ 15 अशोकवनिकाभङ्गे हनुमानुशाखिनः । हेलयैवाभिनत् कोपादित्युदन्तं विभाषयन् ॥ ३२६ ।। पादपोन्मूलनानीततमायास्त्वत्तनूभुवा । दृतेः को विस्मयं धत्ते वद धूर्तशिरोमणे ! ॥३२७॥ युग्मम् ।।
॥ इति धूर्ताख्याने चतुर्थ शशोक्तं कथानकम् ॥
[५. खण्डपानाकथितं कथानकम् । ]
एवं निरुत्तरीभूतः शशः खण्डामभाषत । स्वानुभूतं त्वमप्यर्थ धूर्त्तिके ! ब्रूहि किश्चन ॥ ३२८॥ " साऽप्यवादीद् वदाम्येव भवतां पुरतः परम् । नमतैतर्हि मत्पादौ यदि तद् भोजयामि वः ॥३२९॥ धूर्तास्तां स्माहुरण्याः स्मः पुरुषेषु कथं नु ते । महिलायाः पुरो दीनं घूमो भोजनहेतवे ॥ ३३० ॥ ईषद् हसित्वा सा स्माहाकर्णयध्वं सकर्णकाः । आख्यानकं मयाऽऽवीर्ण वर्ण्यमानं च सूनृतम् ॥३३१॥ यौवनोदयसञ्जातलावण्योत्सेकशालिनी । रतिरूपा स्मरोन्मादशुण्डा रण्डाऽभवं पुरा ॥ ३३२ ॥
रस्यदाऽहमृतुनाता प्रसुप्ता मण्डपे शुचौ । पवनेन यथा खैरमुपभुक्ता विलासिवत् ॥ ३३३ ।। 35 रुपात सुतो मयाऽसावि तत्कालं सोऽपि मां बलात् । मुत्कलाप्य क्षणात् क्वापि जगाम स्वप्नदृष्टवत् ।। मद यूयं ब्रूत किं सत्यं यद्येवं स्थुस्त नुद्भवाः । तदा काऽपि न जायेत रण्डा पण्डितमानिनः ॥३३५।।
A किमपि।

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५. खण्डपानाकथितं कथानकम् । [अथ मूलदेवादिधूर्तकृतं खण्डपानाकथनसमाधानम् ।]
मूलदेवोऽथ तां स्माह - श्रुतिषु श्रूयते यतः । जातः कुन्या भीमसेनोऽञ्जनया हनुमानपि ॥ ३३६ ॥ कैवर्तीकुक्षिजो व्यासः पराशरमुनेरभूत् । कार्येषु मां स्मरेर्मातरित्युक्त्वा स वने ययौ ॥ ३३७ ॥ जाता योजनगन्धाऽप्यक्षतयोनिर्मुनेर्गिरा । विचित्रवीर्य साऽसूत भूत्वा सान्तनुवल्लभा ॥ ३३८॥ विचित्रवीर्ये व्यापन्ने कृष्णद्वीपायनो मुनिः । तत्राजगाम मात्राऽसौ स्मृतो योजनगन्धया ॥ ३३९ ॥ । ठयासोऽभाणि तया वंशः पुत्राभावाद् विनश्यति । तथा यतख वत्स !त्वं कुलं संवर्द्धते यथा॥३४०॥ उद्दधे तेन वंशोऽयं पाण्डं जनयता नृपम् । धृतराष्ट्रं च राष्ट्रेशं विदुरं विदुरोत्तमम् ॥ ३४१ ॥ रन्त्या प्रजावतीस्तिस्रो व्यासः संजातजातकः। शशाप हा तपोभ्रष्टः कृताधाभिः कृतोऽस्म्यहम्॥३४२॥
उक्तश्चआहारे चैव योनौ च बीजे कर्मणि या शुचिः।
तस्य कृत्स्नगतस्यापि न पापे रमते मतिः॥ ३४३ ॥ भीमाञ्जनेयव्यासानामुत्पत्तिर्यदि सुनृता । तदा वायोः सुतावाप्तिः प्रसवस्ते न किं मतः ॥ ३४४ ॥ पुनः खण्डाऽवद् गौरी देवी मे समभूत् सखी । तया मरो ददे मह्यं देवाद्याकृष्टिकारकः॥ ३४५॥ तेन सौभाग्यमत्रेणाकृष्टस्तीप्रकरो रविः । मां रत्वा सबलं पुत्रं जनयां चकृवान् जवात् ॥ ३४६ ॥ षडशीतिसहस्राणि योजनानां महीं रविः । दहत्यहं कथं तेन न प्लुष्टाऽनेन सङ्गता ॥ ३४७॥ ॥ कण्डरीको जगादाथ कुन्ती चेदर्कसङ्गता । न प्लुष्टा तत् कथं रण्डे खण्डे त्वं वासेऽमुना ॥ ३४८॥ पुनः साऽभाषताकृष्टो ज्वलनः प्रज्वलन् मया । मामालिङ्गय महावीर्य सोऽप्युत्पादितवान् सुतम् ॥३४९॥ रविर्दहति दूरस्थोऽङ्गलग्नस्तु हुताशनः । तत् तेनाहं कथं नैव दग्धा संभोगसङ्गता ॥ ३५० ॥ एलाषाढो बभाणैतां धूमोर्णा यमगेहिनी । होतुं हुताशनावासं गता रेमेऽग्निना तु सा ॥ ३५१ ॥ यमं स्वपृष्ठमायान्तं वीक्ष्यापूर्णे रतेऽपि सा । अपसर्तुमनीशाऽग्निं पपौ! नीरमिवातुरा ॥ ३५२ ॥ ॥ असमाप्तरतां तां तु शिथिलीकृतमेखलाम् । गिलित्वा प्रेतराजोऽपि ययौ त्रिदशसंसदि ।। ३५३ ॥ स्वागतं स्वतृतीयस्य तवेति व्याकृतः सुरैः । यमो ववाम धूमोर्णा तन्मुखं चाशुशुक्षणिम् ॥ ३५४ ।। यमेनानुगतो धावञ्चमिर्नष्टो वनान्तरे । गजैस्तदने न प्रोक्तः स तद्वाचमतोऽच्छिदत् ॥ ३५५ ॥ यदि प्रेतपतेर्जाया न दग्धा वह्निसेविनी । हे खण्डे ! त्वं हुताशेन भोगिनी दलसे कथम् १ ॥३५६ ॥ पुनर्बभाषे खण्डा तन्मयैरावणवाहनः । आकृष्टः सोऽपि संगत्य मयाऽजीजनदङ्गजम् ॥ ३५७ ॥ । देवीरिन्द्रः कथं त्यक्त्वाऽविश्रा मामुपभुक्तवान् । शशोऽथोचेन किं रेमे सोऽहल्यां गौतमप्रियाम्॥३५८॥ गौतमोऽथ रुषाऽङ्गेऽस्य कृत्वा भगसहस्रकम् । समादिदेश दुष्टात्मा बटुंस्तदुपभुक्तये ॥ ३५९ ॥ कन्दर्पानिप्रतप्तानां बदनामविवेकिनाम् । सकाशात् त्रिदशाधीशस्तामवाप विडम्बनाम् ।। ३६०॥ प्रसादिवात् तथा देवैर्गौतमादतिभक्तिना' । अक्ष्णां सहस्रं तत्स्थाने कार्यते स्म कथञ्चन ॥ ३६१ ॥ 1A प्रसादितादयो। 2 B भक्तितः।

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धूर्ताख्यानसंस्कृतभाषान्तरम् । कुन्त्याऽपीन्द्रस्य संभोगादर्जुनः सुषुवेऽङ्गभूः । तद्भोगात् ते सुतोत्पत्ति को न मन्येत शास्त्रवित् ॥३६२॥
पितरं मातरं वंशं नाम वित्तं च वित्थ मे ? । इति ते खण्डया पृष्टा मूलदेवस्ततो जगौ ॥ ३६३ ॥ अभूस्त्वं पाडलिपुरे नागशर्मद्विजात्मजा । सोमश्रीकुक्षिभूः खण्डाभिधा गौतमगोत्रजा ॥ ३६४ ॥ सोचे नाहं भवन्तस्तु भ्रान्ताः सदृशरूपतः । किन्त्वस्मि राजरजकपुत्रिका दग्धिकाभिधा ॥ ३६५ ॥ बहुधान्यसमाकीर्ण नानावाहनभासुरम् । धनैरमानैः संपूर्ण मद्वेश्म नृपवेश्मवत् ॥ ३६६ ॥ भूपते राजलोकस्य शुद्धान्तस्य च शिल्पिनाम् । सहस्रेण युताऽजस्रं वासांसि क्षालयाम्यहम् ॥ ३६७ ॥ अंशुकैः शकटीभृत्वा शिल्पिसाहस्रिका युता । तरङ्गिणी तरङ्गालिमालितामन्यदाऽगमम् ।। ३६८ ॥ छटच्छटिति हुँ छं च शेण्टिकाशब्दपूर्वकम् । शिल्पिनः क्षालयामासुर्वासांसि मम सेवकाः॥३६९॥ विस्तारितानि वस्राण्यातपे शोषयितुं भुवि । रौद्रेण वायुना तानि हृत्वा नीतानि च क्वचित् ॥३७०॥ ॥ ततो भृत्या मया प्रोक्ता नंष्ट्वा गच्छत रे ! रयात् । वनापहारदोषोऽस्तु ममैवातो गता हि ते॥३७१॥ गोधारूपमहं कृत्वा नराधिपतिमीतितः । सच्छायं नगरोद्यानं रजन्यां समुपेयुषी ॥ ३७२ ॥ क्रीडन्तं तत्र च स्वैरं पश्चिमप्रहरे निशः । अचिन्तयं जनो मांसचर्मार्थी मां हनिष्यति ॥ ३७३ ॥ तन्निर्भया क तिष्ठामीत्येवं चिन्ताञ्चिता सती । अभ्राम्यं रम्यमारामं को हि मृत्योर्बिभेति न ॥३७४॥ गोधास्पं ततस्त्यक्त्वा रक्ताशोकमहीरहः । पार्श्वे चूतलतारूपं विधाय स्थितवत्यहम् ॥ ३७५ ।। ॥ तमःपटावृता रात्रिरसतीव विलासिनी । व्यतीता यत् ततो भानुरुवगात् पनवोधकृत् ॥ ३७६ ॥ वनापहारवृत्तान्तं श्रुत्वा राजा जनादथ । पटहोद्घोषणापूर्व रजकानां वदेऽभयम् ॥ ३७७ ॥ ततोऽहं पटहारावं श्रुत्वा श्रुतिपटामृतम् । हित्वा चामुं लताभावं पुनः स्वं रूपमाश्रिता ॥ ३७८ ॥ शकटीनां वरनाथं तासां चर्ममयं निशि । शृगालमण्डलनातैः सकलं परिभक्षितम् ॥ ३७९ ॥ तदन्विष्टिकृता पित्रा मम तत्रैकमौन्दुरम् । पुच्छं लब्धं ततः सर्व वरत्राद्यं विनिर्मितम् ॥ ३८० ॥ " तद्भोः ! सत्यं किमतन्न तयेत्युक्तः शशोऽवदत् । यन्न लिङ्गान्तगौ ब्रह्म-विष्णू तत्कोऽत्र विस्मयः॥३८१॥ रामायणेऽपि हि हनुमल्लाजूलं श्रूयते महत् । येन लकापुरी दग्धा वेष्टयित्वाऽग्निनाऽखिला ॥ ३८२ ॥ इयत्प्रमाणं लालं यद्यासीद् वायुजन्मनः । तदा मूषकपुच्छात् किं संभवेयुर्न रजवः ॥ ३८३ ॥ श्रूयते हि श्रुतौ राजाऽरण्ये गन्धारिकावरः । यन्मानववपुस्त्यागादभूत् कुरुबकठ्ठमः ॥ ३८४ ॥ नहुषो नाम राजाऽभूद् विक्रमाक्रान्तशत्रवः । शक्रोऽपि वनभिद् येन जिग्ये कातरवद् रणे ॥३८५॥ 21 अधिक्षिपन् पुनः शत्रु रोषतः सुरसूरिणा । शप्तः सोऽभूदजगरोऽरण्यदेशे महावपुः ॥ ३८६ ॥
अन्येयुः पाण्डवा राज्यभ्रष्टास्तत्र वने ययुः । ततो भीमो भ्रमंस्तेनाजगरेणाशु जनसे ॥ ३८७ ॥ युधिष्ठिरोऽथ विज्ञातोदन्तस्तत्सविधं मतः । तत्पृष्टः सप्तपृच्छानां प्रत्युत्तरमदाश्च सः ॥ ३८८ ॥ उदगीर्णभीमः शापान्ताद् विमुच्याजगरी तनुम् । पुनर्नहुषराजा स बभूव भुवनाद्भुतः ॥ ३८९ ॥ यद्येतत् सकलं सत्यं तदा खण्डे भवत्यपि । गोधाचूतलताभावानारीभूता किमद्भुतम् ॥ ३९० ॥
1B अभ्राम्यहमारामं ।

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५. खण्डपानाकथितं कथानकम् । पुनः साऽऽख्यद् धूर्तराजा! मन्यध्वं चेद् वचो मम। सत्करोमि तदा सर्वान् प्रचुरैर्भोज्यपानकैः ॥३९१॥ जयामि चेत् कदाचिद् वः कयाचिन्मेधया तदा । स्फुटं कपर्दिकामात्रं मूल्यं न प्राप्स्यथ क्वचित् ।। तेप्यूचुरेनां सोत्कर्षाः कोऽस्मान् धूर्त्तशिरोमणीन् । जेतुमीष्टे परमेष्ठि-शंभु-विष्णुसमोऽपि सन् ॥३९३।। ततस्तान्' स्माह सा खण्डा मुत्कलाप्य महीपतिम् । पुरागतांशुकार्थेऽहं पर्यभ्राम्यं दिशो दश ॥ ३९४॥ अन्यच्च दासाश्चत्वारो नंष्ट्वा क्वापि गता मम । गवेषयन्ती तांश्चात्र सांप्रतं समुपेयुषी ॥ ३९५ ॥ । भवन्तस्ते च मे दासाः सिचयाश्चौरिता न हि । यद्येतन्नैव मन्यध्वं तद्दत्तभ्योऽद्य भोजनम् ॥३९६॥ हीणहीणास्ततस्तेऽपि खण्डा स्माहुरखण्डिताः । त्वयैव खण्डिता विश्वजनतावश्चका वयम् ॥ ३९७ ॥ भारस्यैतस्य योग्याऽसि त्वमेव वरवर्णिनि ! । यया प्रज्ञामदोन्मत्ता विजिताः पुरुषा अपि ॥ ३९८ ॥ औत्पत्तिक्या महाबुद्ध्या विजिता यत् त्वया वयम् । अतस्त्वं प्रार्थ्यसे देहि धूर्तानां पानभोजने ॥३९९।। ओमित्युदीर्य सा भूतपिशाचप्रेतसङ्कुलम् । घुघूत्कारदुर्वारं फेरफेत्कारदारुणम् ॥ ४०॥ कलेवरविनिर्गच्छद्वशारुधिरपिच्छिलम् । ज्वलञ्चितानलज्वालं गृध्रपक्षिरणोत्करम् ॥ ४०१ ॥ शूलाप्रोताङ्गिनामवित्रासितजनवजम् । दुर्गन्धगन्धवाहोपं खण्डा पितृवनं ययौ ।। ४०२॥
-त्रिभिर्विशेषकम् ॥ तत्राखण्डितसर्वाङ्ग बालमेकं गतासुकम् । तत्कालमुक्तमादाय खण्डाऽसिनपदम्भसा ॥ ४०३ ॥ सा वाससा तमाच्छाद्य विधाय च सुसङ्गतम् । उन्नयिन्यां धनाढ्यस्य श्रेष्ठिनः सदनं ययौ ॥४०४॥ तत्रेन्द्रसदृशः श्रेष्ठी दृष्ट्वा श्रेष्ठजनैर्वृतः । तयोचे दुर्गतस्याहं दुहिताऽस्मि द्विजन्मनः॥४०५॥ अबन्धुरशरण्याऽधसूता वैदेशिकी द्विजी । अतस्त्वां प्रार्थये देहि धनं बालकवृद्धये ॥ ४०६॥ स श्रेष्ठी व्याकुलः कार्ये भूयो भूयोऽर्थितस्तया । क्रुधा भृत्यानुवाचैनां निष्काशयत दुर्गताम् ।।४०७॥ अतिदीनं झुवाणाऽपि धृत्वा तैः प्रेरिताऽथ सा। भूमौ निपत्य चाक्रन्दन् मारितो हा ! मदङ्गभूः ॥४०८।। अनाथाया ममाधारो भावीयेष मनोरथः । ह हा दुरात्मनानेन भनो छरिव दन्तिना ॥ ४०९॥ ॥ पश्यवागत्य भो लोकाः! वणिजा धनगर्विणा । मारितस्तनयः शुद्धब्राह्मण्या मम पाप्मना ॥ ४१०।। ताडयन्ती शिरो वक्ष उदरं च पुनः पुनः । भग्नं भिक्षाकपालं मेऽनेनेति विललाप सा ॥ ४११ ॥ विहस्तोऽथ समुत्थाय श्रेष्ठी परिकरान्वितः । विलपन्तीं बभाणैतां मा त्वं कोलाहलं कुरु ॥ ११२ ॥ मुद्रिकां मे गृहाणैनामात्तबाला व्रज द्रुतम् । मुश्च शोकं च दत्ता ते गुर्येषा जीविका मया ॥४१३ ।। कर्णिकां साऽप्युपादाय शिशुं च निरगाद् गृहात् । श्रेष्ठ्यपि प्रगतापायो दानमाहात्म्यतोऽजनि ॥४१४॥३॥ खण्डाऽपि मुदिता स्वान्ते तं त्यक्त्वा मृतमर्भकम् । प्रोल्लसन्मणिमाणिक्यरत्नहट्टमगात् ततः ॥ ४१५ ॥ विक्रीय तामथादाय वस्तूनि विविधानि सा । यथेच्छं भोजयामास धूर्तान् श्राद्धे द्विजानिय ॥४१३।। तैः सर्वैस्तोषसंपूर्णमनस्कैः सेत्यवर्ण्यत । खण्डे ! तवैव जानीमो जीवितं सुष्टु निश्चितम् ॥ ४१७ ।। यत् त्वया धूर्त्तवर्गोऽयं विजित्य प्रतिभोदयात् । क्षुधातः प्रीणितो बाढं विपुलैः पानभोजनैः॥४१८॥ सुशिक्षिता अपि बुधास्तन्न जानन्ति जल्पितुम् । अशिक्षिता अपि वचः प्रवदन्ति यदनाः ॥४१९३॥ 35
1A ततोऽस्मान् । 2 B सन्ति यैश्चोरितानि हि।

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धूर्ताख्यानसंस्कृतभाषान्तरम् ।
अधीत्य शास्त्राणि विमृश्य चार्थान् न तानि वक्तुं पुरुषाः समर्थाः। यानि स्त्रियः प्रत्यभिधानकाले वदन्ति लीलारचिताक्षराणि ॥ ४२० ॥
॥ इति धूर्ताख्याने खण्डपानोक्तं पश्चमं कथानकम् ॥
। चन्द्रेन्द्रवायुभावन्तो धर्माग्निमुनयोऽपि च । दुःखिता' निखिला लोके म्मरापस्माररोगिणः ॥ ४२१ ॥ जीवांस्तस्थाव भिव्याप्य सूक्ष्मस्थूलविभेदतः । भगवान् सर्वगो विष्णुरिति श्रुतिषु गीयते ।। ४२२॥ यदि सर्वगतो विष्णुरिति सत्यं वचो भवेत् । तदा स्मरातुरो गोपीः किं चिन्तयति कामिवत् ॥४२३॥ असंभाव्यमिदं लोके श्रूयते यदुमामलात् । मृतोऽपि प्राप्तचैतन्यः पप्रथे स गणाधिपः ॥ ४२ ॥ इत्येते लौकिकालापाः पुराणादिसमुद्भवाः । विशीर्यन्ते प्रतिपदं विचक्षणविचारिताः ॥ ४२५ ।। "अतोऽदो लौकिकं वाक्यं रासभोचारवद् बहिः । रम्यमन्तश्चिन्यमानं पुनस्तुषवसाकुलम् ॥ ४२६ ॥
॥ इति धूर्ताख्यानसंस्कृतभाषान्तरं समाप्तम् ॥
1B वृषिता।

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बालावबोधरूपगूर्जर भाषामय
धूर्ताख्यान कथा
॥ श्रीगणेशाय नमः ॥
सदुपनिषदनेकग्रन्थसन्दर्भ भाभिः,
परस मयतमांसि ध्वंसयित्वाऽपुताद् यः । गगनमित्र दिनेशः शासनं जैनमेतत्, स जयतु हरिभद्रसूरिरुहामधामा ॥ १ ॥
Y
इह हि चतुर्दशशतसंख्य प्रकरणप्रणेतृभिः सितपटपटलमुकुटमणिभिर्निःप्रतिभप्रतिभाप्रागल्म्यपराजितामरसूरिभिः श्रीहरिभद्रसूरिभिः मिथ्यादृष्टिभिः प्रणीतानां समयानाम्, अन्तर्वाणिचेतश्वमत्कारकारण (रिणी) भिः स्वोपज्ञ सयुक्त (क्ति) श्रेणीभिः कुसु ( स ) मयतां सम्यग् व्यव. " स्थाप्य, तैरेव प्रतिपादितानां भारत- रामायण- पुराणादीनां कथाग्रन्थानामपि धूर्त्ताख्यानसमानतां दर्शनाय निर्मितस्य धूर्त्ताख्यानाभिधानस्य कथाग्रन्थविशेषस्य लोकभाषायां कथा लिख्यते ॥
F
श्रीमालवदेशे' उजेणी नगरी, तेहनै उत्तरदिसिं एक उद्यान छइ । ते उद्यान मांहिं' मायावंत, अकार्य करवा नित्यद्यभवंत, निर्दय, स्त्री बाल वृद्ध विश्वासीना घातक, वंचनापंडित, धूप अंजन चूर्ण योगें अवस्खापनी, स्थंभनी प्रमुखविद्याई, स्वरभेद, वेषभेद, वर्णभेदें करी जगना छेतरणहार, IS अनेक धूर्त्त किहांथी भमता आव्या । ते मांहिं मूलदेव १, कंडरीक २, एलासाढ ३, सस ४, खंडवणा ५ - ए नामी पांच अधिकारी । एकेकाने पांच सय पांच सय धूर्त्तनो परिवार छइ । पांचमी खंडवणा स्त्री अधिकारिणी । तेहने पांचसय धूर्त्ता" स्त्रीनो परिवार छइ । इम सर्व हर धूर्त एकठा थया । ते मांहिं" मूलदेव सर्वलोकविख्यात, सर्व धूर्तशिरोमणि छ । हवै " महावर्षा आव्यौ । तेणै कूप तटाक वापी सर्व जल स्थानक भय । चिक्कण" कह करी दुःसंचार चतुःपथ मार्ग थया । वृष्टिआकुल थयो लोक कोई फरी न सकै । पहचै" वर्षाकाले ते धूर्त भूप तरसी" पीड्या हुंता कहिवा लागा जे- 'लोक कोई चोहटै" नथी आवतो, जेहने छेतरीन द्रव्य आणीनै भोजन करोई । आपणनें भोजन कुंण" दिई' । तिवारे मूलदेवइ कयुं जे- 'जे जे सांभल्यूं होइ, अनुभव्यं होइ ते ते कहौ । जे धूर्त सांभलीनइ ए असत्य किम मिले", एह कहइ ते आ सर्व धूर्त्तमें भोजन दिई । अनै जे भारत रामायण पुराणादिकमै वचनै से बात समर्थह", आ

1 P देशि । 2 P तेह | 3P दिशें । 7P पांचसैं २ । 8P हैं । 9 P तेनें 13 Î चौकर्णे कर्दमें । 14 P एहवें वर्षाकालें । मके । 19 P समर्थि ।
धू. ७
20
4P हैं। 5 B उद्याननै घरि । 6 P अकार्यना करनार ! । 10 P स्त्री धूर्तनो । 11 P माहि । 12 Pरहवें । 15 P तरसें । 16 P चउदें । 17 A कोण
19 P

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बालावबोधरूपगूर्जरभाषामय - धूर्ताख्यानकथा सर्व महाजननें प्रत्यय उपजावइ, ते सर्व धूर्त माहिं मुख्य महामतिवंत जाणवो । तेणे भोजन न देवु'- एहवं मूलदेवै कयूं। तिवारे ते कहिवा लागा जे– 'ए तुम्हे भलं कडं, तुम्हे वडा माटै जे अनुभव्यु होइ ते प्रथम कहो' । [१,१-१६]
तिवारे मूलदेवइ कहिवा मांडयुं - 'यौवन समइ हुं वांछित संपदा वांछतो, मास छ लगि माथै । जलधारा धरूं, तो माहरो स्वामी प्रसन थई, सकल संपदा दीइ-इम चीतवी शंबल लेई छत्र कमंडल हाथि राखी स्वामीनें सेववा चालिउ । मार्गि जातां अटवी मांहिं एक मदोन्मत्त, पर्वतसमान, वनगज साहमो आवतो दीठो । ते देखी भयकंपमानशरीर निराधार असरण, हिवै' किहां पइसू-इम चिंतवतो हुं मरण भय करी सहसा कमंडल मांहिं पइर्छ । ते वनगज पिण एक शुंडादंड ऊंचो करी रोषारुण लोचन हुँतो मुझ पुठि ज उतावलो कमंडल मांहिं पइठं । पछइ हुं भयभ्रांत " हुँतो सघलै पासि" नासवानो ठांम जोतो, ते कमंडल मांहिं ते वनगजनइ छ मास लगि भोलवी, कमंडलनी ग्रीवाइ थई बाहिर नीकल्यो । वनगज पिण माहरी पुठि" नीकल्यौ; पिण' कमंडलनी प्रीवाने छिद्रइं एक वालाग्रनो अंत वलगी रह्यो । तेणिं करी तिहां अडक्यउ माहरी पुठि नावी .सक्य" । पछै हुं आगलि" चाल्यौ । मार्गि अगाध जलभरी गंगा नदी आवी, ते देखी आकुल
थयो । पछि अन्य मार्गनइ अभावइ ते गंगा नदी भुजाइं तरी स्वामीनै घरे" जई क्षुधा तृपा " सहतो, छ मास लगि माथै जलधारा धरी, महसेन स्वामीनें वांदीनै उजेणी नगरीइं आवी तुम्हनें मिल्यो । जो ए सत्य होइ तो मुझने दृष्टांति करी प्रतीति उपजावो । जो ए असत्य जाणी न मानो तो सर्व धूर्त्तने भोजन दिओ। एहवं मूलदेवतुं वचन सांभली कंडरीकै कहिउं जे- 'भारत-रामायणादिक" जाणतो होइ, ते तुम्हारं वचन असत्य किम कहई' । तिवारे मूलदेव कहिवा लागो जे- 'जो ए
सत्य छई तो कहौ, हाथी कमंडल मांहिं किम मायो । ते कमंडल मांहिं छ मास लगि हाथी किम ० भोलव्यौ, ते कमंडलथी हुँ अन ते हाथी ग्रीवाने सूक्ष्म छिद्रे किम नीकस्यां", नीकलतां" हाथीनो बालापनो अंत किम विलगो, में गंगा नदी भुजाई किम तरी, फिम छ मास लगि क्षुधा तृषाई पीडिते में माथै जलधारा धरी;-ए सर्व वात शास्त्रसाखि मेली आपउ' । [१,१७-३४ ]
॥ इति धूर्ताख्याने मूलदेवेनोक्तं कथानकम् ॥
हिवइ कंडरीक कहइ छइ -- 'भारत रामायणादिक ग्रंथे जे सांभलीइ छइ, ते जो सत्य छइ, तो ४ ताहरु ए वचन सत्य छइ; अनै जे हाथी कमंडल मांहिं किम मायो इत्यादिक ते जे पूछयां तेहy समाधान सांभलि । ब्रह्माना मुखथी विप्र नीकल्या, बांहथी क्षत्री, साथलथी वैश्य, पगथी शूद्र नीकल्या । जो ब्रह्माना शरीर मांहिं एतलो लोक मायो तो तुं अनै वनगज वेहुं कमंडल मांहिं किम न माउं। १। [१,३५-३८]
तथा जे ईश्वरना लिंगनुं मान काढवा दिव्य वर्ष सहस्र लगि ब्रह्मा ऊंचो चाल्यो, विष्णु नीचो 1A कां। 2P तिवारें। 3P माटिं। 4 P मांडिउं। 5P जोवन समये। 6P चाली। 7 हवें। 8 P पेस्युं । 9P मांहें पैहठौ। 10 P पछे। 11 P पासे। 12 P पूठलि। 13 P पनि। 14P रहिउं। 15 P अडकउ। 16 P सकउ। 17 P आगल। 18 P अभावें। 19P परं। 20 P भाविउं। 21 P रामायण माहि। 22 P नीसरया। 23 P नीसरतां। 24 P ब्राह्मण ।

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बालावबोधरूपगूर्जरभाषामय -धूर्ताख्यानकथा
५१ चाल्यो, तोहि जे लिंगनुं मान नाव्यु । ते जो लिंग पार्वतीनइ शरीरे मायुं तो कमंडल माहिं हाथी मायो इहां कोण दोष । २ । [१,३८-४०]
तथा भारत मांहिं व्यास ऋपि कहिउँ छइ जे- 'वंशनइ पर्वि कीचक सौ भाई उपना । 'कीचक' शब्दई वंश कहीइं तिहां ऊपना मार्टि कीचक नाम थयुं । तेहनी कथा सांभलि'-वराट राजानी अप्रमहिषीइं पुत्रनइ अर्थे आश्रमें जईनै एक ऋषि आराधिओ । तेणइ ऋषि कृपा करी अभिमंत्रित एक चरू आपीनइ कहिउँ जे- 'वन निकुंज मांहिं जई हर्षइ चरू खाजे, ताहरइ सौ पुत्र थास्यई' । पछइ वराट राजानी अग्रमहिषी वंशजाल मांहिं जई बेसी ते चरू जमीनइ पोतानै घरि गई । एहवे ते वंशजाल मांहिं बहुकालनो तप करतो गांगील नामा एक ऋषि छइ, तेणिं तटाके वस्त्ररहित स्नान करती एक देवांगणा दीठी । तेहनें दर्शनें मुनि क्षोभ पाम्यौ । तेणे करी एक वीर्यबिंदु खरिनै हेठई' वंशनी नालि मांहिं पड्यौ । तेथी नवगज सहस्र प्रमाण बलवंत कीचक नामै पुत्र थयौ । जिम " जिम ऋषि ते देवांगणाने जोवई तिम तिम वीर्यबिंदु वंशनाली मांहिं खरि खरिनै जे पड्या, तेथी निवाणू पुत्र ऊपना । पछइ ते ऋषि ते शतवीर्यबिंदुसहित वंशनालि अलगी मूकीनइ गयो । पछइ ते वंशनाली वराट राजाइ रखावी । तेह मांहिंथी सांगोपांग सहित सौ बेटा नीसया । ते वराट राजानी अग्रमहिषीइ पोतह पुत्र करी लीधा । ते माटि तेहना बेटा वंशनाली समुत्पन्न कहिवाय” छइ । जो एक वंशनाली मांहिं सौ कीचक भाई माया तो कमंडल मांहिं वनगजसहित तूं। स्या माटइ न माइं । ३ । [१,४१-५१]
तथा ईश्वर वर्षसहस्र लगि जे जटा मांहिं गंगा भोलवी, ते जो सत्य छइ, तो ते छ मास लगइ कमंडल मांहिं वनगज' भोलव्यो ए असत्य किम होइ । ४ । [१,५२]
तथा ते कहिउँ जे- 'कमंडलनी प्रीवाई हु नीसयौ किम, अनइ वालामनइ अंतिहाथी वलगी किम रह्यौ ?, ते उपरि पुराण- एक वचन सांभलि- जगत्कर्ता विष्णु आकाश, भूमि, मारुत, वहि, त्रस, थावर, मनुष्य, देव, तिर्यंच रहित महाप्रलय कालिं जलशय्याई बइसी तप करह छइ । तेहनें करने कमलि रह्यौ ब्रह्मा नाभि थकी कमंडलदंड हाथी धरतो बाहिर नीसयौ । कमल विष्णुनी नाभि वलगुं । जो ब्रह्मा विष्णुनी नाभिं नीकल्यौ अनै कमल वलगी रह्यौ-ए सत्य छै, तो तुं कमंडल प्रीवाई बाहिर नीसखो" अनै हाथी वालापनइ अंति वलगी रह्यो, इहां स्युं अयुक्त छ। ।५। [१,५३-५७]
तथा गुणाकर मूलदेव तई पूछिउं जे- 'हुँ कमंडल ग्रीवाइ किम नीकल्यौ ?, ते ऊपरि भारतनुं वचन सांभलि- कोइक समयइ ब्रह्मानइ तप तपतां दिव्य वर्षसहस्र थयु, ते जांणी क्षोभ पाम्या हुंता सर्व देवताइ चिंतव्यु"जे एहनें विघ्न कीजइं। तिवारइं इंद्रइ कयुं जे- 'पूर्वइ महेसीइं अमिकर्म करतां उर्द्धस्थितवत्रा पार्वती दीठी । तेथी क्षोभना थई, ते वेलाइ वीर्य खयु, तेणि खरडायुं वस्त्र खंखेरता, वीर्यना बिंदुआ पासिं कलस हतो ते मांहिं पड्या । तेथी द्रोणाचार्य ऊपनो । इम जो. ईश्वर स्त्रीथी क्षोभ्यो तो बीजो कुंण क्षोभ न पामइ ? । एक वीतराग देवाधिदेव त्रैलोक्यपूजित श्रीमहावीर विना सकल लोक स्त्रीइं वस कसौ । गौतम, वशिष्ठ, पाराशर, जमदग्नि, काश्यप,
1P तोहे। 2 Pकर्ष छ। 3P सउ। 4P सांभल। 5P आराध्यो। 6P नामें। 7 Pहेडं।
8P जूई। 9P नवाण। 10 P कहिवाई। 11 P निकल्यौ। 12 A चीतबुं। 13 P येहनि ।
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५२
वालावबोधरूपगूर्जरभाषामय-धूर्ताख्यानकथा अगस्ति प्रमुख महाऋषि, अमराधिप, हरिहरादिक सर्व महापुरुषनें स्त्रीइं दास कर्या । ते माटइं त्रिलोत्तमा स्वर्ग वेस्यानइ कह्यौ जे – 'ब्रह्माने तपथी 'चूकाविई' - एहवू इंद्रनुं वचन सांभली त्रिलोत्तमा वेश्या अद्भुत वेप श्रृंगार करी, ब्रह्मानी आगलि, पीनोन्नतथन कुचकलशयुगल उदरदेश नाभी
भाग भुजमूल जघनस्थल नितंबबिंब दिखाडती नाचवा लागी । ते नाचती देखी एकेन्द्रियनी परें 5 सकलेंद्रिय व्यापार रहित हुतो निर्निमेप स्निग्ध लोचने ब्रह्मा जोवा लागो । तिवारिं तेहy सविकार
मन जांणी, त्रिलोत्तमा दक्षिणपासै रही । तिवारि ब्रह्माइ ते दिशि बीजं मुख कयुं । इम पश्चिम दिशि त्रीजु मुख करां । इम उत्तर दिशि चउ, मुख कस्युं । तेवारि त्रिलोत्तमा ऊंची उत्पती, ब्रह्माइ पणि उपरि पांचमु मुख कयुं । ते वेलाइ ब्रह्माने मदनपरवश थयो देखी ईश्वरई नखइ
करीने ते पांचमुं मुख उखेड्युं । तेथी कोपांध थयो हुँतो ब्रह्मा, दक्षिण हस्तनी तर्जनी आंगुलीइ करी ॥ पोताने भालिं क्रोधथी ऊपनो प्रस्वेद हतो ते मूकतो हुओ। तेथी बलवंत श्वेतकुंडली नामि एक पुरुष नीसयौ । ते ब्रह्माने वचनें ईश्वरनें पुठिं मारवा धायो । तेथी ईश्वर भयभ्रांत हुंतो नासतो बदर्यासन पाम्यौ । तिहा नियम करता विष्णुनइ जईनइ कहिउँ जे मुझनइ भिक्षा आलि । तेवारि विष्णुइं पोताने भालस्थलिं रुधिर सिरा उघाडी । ईश्वरं ब्रह्मानुं मस्तक कपाल हेठि धर्यु । ते मस्तक
कपाल, ते रुधिरधाराई दिव्य वर्ष सहस्रइ पणि न भराइ । पछइ ते रुधिर ईश्वरें एक अंगुलीइं 15 डोहिउं, तेवारि ब्रह्मानुं मस्तककपाल १, विष्णुरुधिर २, ईश्वरनी अंगुलि ३,-ए त्रिणिनइ संयो
गइ रक्तकुंडली नामि एक पुरुष नीकल्यौ । ते ईश्वरनी आज्ञाइ स्खेतकुंडली साथि वढवा गयो । पछै ते बेहुँनई विढाता एक दिव्य वर्ष सहस्र थयुं । पछै देवताई युद्ध करता निवारी, एक इंद्रनइ, एक सूर्यनइ आपीनै कहिउं जे 'भारतकालि भारतनु मुद्ध वधारवा मनुष्य लोकि ए बिहुंना मोक
लज्यो' । तिवार पछि भारलावतार काल आवे "हुते, सूर्य कुंतीने रूप लावण्यई मोह पांमी भोग2 वीनइ ते रक्तकुंडली पुरुष गर्मि अवतखौ । पछै पूरे मासि सन्नाह सहित कुंतीनइ कानि ते पुरुष प्रसिविओ" । तेहy नाम कर्ण दीर्छ । जो ते पुरुष कानि नीसखौ तो तुं कमंडलग्रीवा किम न नीसरइ । ६ । [१,५८-८४ ]
तथा ने पूछिउँ"जे- 'अगाध जलभरी गंगा नदी मइ भुजाइ किम तरी ते उपरि प्रती तिचं कारण रामायणनो वृत्तांत सांभलि - हनुमंत रामचंद्रनी आज्ञाइ, सीतानी शुद्धि लेका बाहाई" समुद्र सरी 25 लंका नगरीइं गयो । सीवाइ धणीनो कुसल समाचार पूछीनइ कहिलं जे- 'तें समुद्र किम तौ।' तिवारि हनुमंति कहिउं
तव प्रसादास पवनप्रसादाद् भर्तुश्च ते देवि ततः प्रसादात ।
त्रिभिः प्रसादैरनुगम्य सोऽयं तीर्णो मया गोष्पदवत् समुद्रः ॥१॥ जो तेणिं हनुमंतें भुजाइ महासमुद्र तस्यौ, तो तुं गंगा भुजाइ क्रिम न उतरइ।७। [१,८५441 # सभा तें ऋहिउं ले-मइ छम्मास लगि माथह जलधारा किम भरी ?' ए सपरि पनि द्विजानिकली श्रुतिथी आव्यु वचन सांभलि-देवताइ लोकनि हितमि अर्थि प्रार्थना करीनइ गंगामें कहि को-'हूं
____1A चुकावइ। 2P ईश्वरें नखें। P भालें। 4 P नामें। 5 P ऋएं। 6 P आल। 7 P ईवरि। 8 बढता। 9P आविति। 10P प्रसन्यो। 11 P पुर्छ। 12P भुजाई! 13P
लोकनें हितने अथे।

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बालावबोधरूपगूर्जरभाषामय - धूाख्यानकथा
५३ मनुष्य लोक जा' । तिवारि गंगाइ कहिउं जे- 'मुझने गगनथी पडती कोण धरी सकै ?' । ईश्वरें कहिउँ जे – 'हुँ धरूं' पछइ गंगा पडी, ईश्वरइ माथै धरी । जो ईश्वरि माथै दिव्य वर्ष सहस्र लगि गंगा धरी, तो तुं महापुरुष गुणवंत छम्मास लगि जलधारा माथै धरइ, इहां सी वडाई ? । ८ । [१,८९-९३] ॥ कण्डरीकेनोक्तं मूलदेवं प्रति प्रत्युत्तरकथानकाष्टकमिदम् ॥
॥ इति धूतोख्याने प्रथमाख्यानकम् ॥१॥
हवइ मूलदेव कंडरीकनइ कहिउंजे- 'हविं तई जे दीर्छ, सांभल्यु, अनुभव्यु होइ ते बोलि' । तेवारि कंडरीक बोल्यो- 'हु नान्हपणि महाअविनीत महादुर्दात, माटि मातपिताइ रीसिं घरथी काढ्यौ । भमतो भमतो देशनइ अंति कोईक' गो, महिष, अजा, एलक, खर, करभ समाकुल, पुष्प फल समृद्ध, अनेक वन खंड शोभित, महासमृद्ध गामि गयो । तेहनें मध्यइं मेघनिकुरब समान एक वड 10 वृक्ष दीठो । ते हेठे सप्रभाव एक कमल नामा यक्ष छै । तेहनी जात्रा पूजा करता, स्नान करी निर्मल धौत वस्न पहिरी, फल फूल चंदन धूपादिक पूजोपकरण लेई पूजता, महाजन समूहनइ वांछित वर दीइ छइ । हुं ते यक्षनें प्रणाम करिवा गयो । तिहां गामना लोक रमता दीठा । एहवें अकस्मात् सन्नद्धबद्ध कवचवंत अनेक आयुध नांखता, कलकल शब्द करता, चोरनी धाडि आवी पडी । तेवारें हुं, समस्त गामना लोक, समस्त गो महिषादिक पशु समूह, नासीनै चीमडा मांहिं 15 पैठ । तिहाए ते लोकइ हर्षइ क्रीडा करिवा' मांडि । चोरनी धाडिए' गामनो लोक नामे जाणी पाछी फरी । एहवें तिहां चरती एक बोकडी आवी । तेणी ते चीभडं सहसा गलिउँ । से बोकडी एकइ अलगिरह गली ! ते अजागर एक लिंक पंस्निगी सल्यौ। पछइ ते लिंक पंखिणी उडीने ते वटवृक्ष उपरि चढी बैठी। एहवें ते बटवृक्ष हेठि राजानु कटक आवी ऊतयं । राजानो मातों पट्टहस्ती, वड उपरि बैठी ए लिंक पंखिणीनो एक पग भूमि लंबातो हतो ते साथि, बडवाई जाणीइ । बांधिउ । तेवारें तेणई मोबानो प्रग ऊंचो कस्यौ । ते साथिं चीस नाखतो हाथी ऊंचो तणायो । ते देखी 'कोई एक हाथीजइ ऊपाही यागनि लीइ छई' इम बूंब पाहता महावत राजा पासि गया। तेहनी बूंब सांभली शम लेई सब्दवेधी अनेक सुभट धाया । तेणिं शनि नेहली प्रांत मस्तक छेद्यां" । ते हिक पंख्रिणी भूमि पड़ी । राजाइ तेहनुं पेट चीसव्यं । ते मांहिंथी अजगिर बीसखौ । अजगिर सिमा चीयो, जे माहिथी बोकड़ी नीकली । बेइनु पणि प्रेट कामु, ते मांहिंथी जीभई जीकल्युं । 26 रोइनें चीय, ते मांहिंथी हुं अने गामना लोक रमवा थका, मवाना बांस हानि धरता नीलस्वा । बीजोए" सर्व लोक सर्व पशुसमूह नीकल्यौ । पछइ वे सर्व लोक राजानें प्रणमी पोता पोताने ठामि गया । दुए ऊजेपी नगरीए आव्यौ । ए मइ प्रत्यक्ष प्रणइ अनुभव्युं । जो न मानो तो सर्व धूर्त्तनें भोजन द्यो", नहीतर ग्रंथ साखि" प्रतीति पूजावो [१,१-२५]
॥ इति धूर्ताख्याने कंडरीक्रेजोक्तं कथानकम् ॥
1P कोएक। 2 P धाड पडी। 3P पेठा। 4 P विहाँ तेणें लोके। 5P करवा। 6P धाडें । 7Pामना लोक ताठा। Pएहविं। 9 गल्यं। 10Pदेंक पंखणी। 11 छेदायां। 12P
बीजोई। 13 P पशु पण नीकल्या। 14 Pk पणि। 15 P दिउं। 1GPA साथै ।

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बालावबोधरूपगूर्जरभाषामय - धूर्ताख्यानकथा हिवई' एलाषाढ बोल्यौं - 'ए सर्व सत्य छई' । तेवारि कंडरीकइ पूछ्यु - 'कहि, चीभडा माहिं गाम किम मायो ? । तेवारिं एलाषाढ कहिवा लागो जे- 'स्युं तइ विष्णुपुराण नथी सांभल्युं, जे एहवं पूछइ छै ? । ते सांभलि- पूर्वि ए जग पंच महाभूत रहित जलिं एकार्णव करी मूकउं हतुं । तिहां एक महा मोटुं इंडं हतुं ते जलकल्लोल मांहिंइं घणा काल लगि घोलांता फाटुं । बे 5 अर्ध थयां, ते मांहिंथी एक अर्द्ध भूमिका थयुं । जो ते अर्द्ध इंडा मांहिं सर्व सुर, नारक, मनुष्य, चतुःपद मायां तो चीभडा मांहिं गांम किम न माइ ? । १ । [२,२६-३०]
तथा आरण्यपर्व माहिं माकड ऋषि युधिष्टर आगलि पोता, अनुभव्यु कहिउं छै ते सांभलोमाकंड ऋषि, युगांत कालि जलिं एकार्णव सकल जग करि हुंति, कल्लोल मालाइ जल मांहिं घोलातो, त्रस, थावर, सुरनरादिक वर्जित ए जग जोतो, समुद्र समान विस्तीर्ण, मेरु समान उन्नत, एक ॥ वटवृक्ष देषतो हुओ। तेहनी शाखा उपरि शय्याई बैठो एक रूपनिधान बालक दीठो । तेहनें ऋषिई कह्यु- 'हे वत्स जलि तणाईश ते मादि आ माहरइ हाथि वलगि' । इम कही ऋषिइं हाथ पसारीओ । ते हाथि झाली, ते बालकइ मार्कड] ऋषि गलिउ । ते ऋषिइं ते बालकना उदर मांहिं शैल कानन सहित पृथ्वी दीठी । एक दिव्य वर्ष सहस्र लगि भमतां, ते बालकाना उदरनो पार पाम्या विना, ते ऋषि बाहिर नीसयो । जो ते बालकना उदर मांहिं सुरासुर जग मायुं, तो चीभडा 16 मांहिं गांम किम न माइ । २ । [२,३१-३९]
तथा तई पूछिउं जे-ढिंक पंखिणीना पेट मांहिं अजगर, तेहना पेट मांहिं अजा, तेहना पेट माहिं चिभडं, ते माहिं तेतलो लोकसमूह किम मायो ?' ते उपरि' समाधान सांभलि-मुठि माहिं आवइ एहवो मध्यभाग छइ जेहनो एहवी देवकीनी कूखि कृष्ण वस्यौ, तेहना पेट माहिं अनेक पर्वत कानन सहित पृथ्वी माई । जो एह सत्य छै, तो ढिंक पंखिणीना पेट मांहिं अजगिर मायो, " इत्यादिक असत्य किम होई । ३ । [२,४०-४१]
तथा कंडरीक' तई पूछिउं जे- 'चीभडा प्रमुखइं रहिउ हुं अनै गामलोक किम मरण न पाम्या ?' ते उगरि समाधान सांभलि-जे पृथ्वीइं कृषि व्यापार युद्धादिक आरंभ, विवाहादिक उत्सव थता, ते जो पृथिवी कृष्णना पेट मांहिं जीवती रही, तो तुं जीवतो किम न रहइ ? अनइ तुं कहीस जे कृष्णना पेट मांहिं जग किम मायो ? ते उपरि सांभलि-पूर्वे ब्रह्माने अनै कृष्णने माहोमांहिं । विवाद थयो । ब्रह्मा कहिवा लागो जे- 'माहरा मुख, बाहु, ऊरु, पादथी अनुक्रमइ च्यार वर्ण नीसस्या, ते माटि हुँ जगनो कर्ता'। तिवारि कृष्ण कठिन वचने कहिवा लागो जे- 'तुं तो माहरो चेट छइ; स्युं मूर्ख ए बोलतो लाजतो नथी ? जे "मुझने आकाश, भूमि गाल छै, पर्वत दाढा छै, समुद्र जिहवा छइ, ते माहरा मुख मांहिं तुं पईसि जग सर्व जोउ । माहरी नाभिना कमलनो ऊपनो तुं माहरी आगलि इम बोलि ते उचित नही ।
जस्स पभावेणुम्मिल्लियाइँ तं चेव कह कयग्धाई। कुमुआई अत्तसंभाविआई चंदं उवहसंति ॥ ४ । [२,४२-५० ]
1Pहवें। 2 P बोलिउ। 3A हसो। 4 A फूटो। 5P माटें आ माहरें हाथें वलय। 6P ऊपर ।
7P कंडरीकइ तई। 8Pघणा। 9 A मुखनें ।

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बालावबोधरूपगूर्जरभाषामय -धूर्ताख्यानकथा वली कंडरीक कहिवा लागो जे– 'ढिंक पंखिणी एवडी मोटी ते कहिं सांभली छइ, जेहना पेट मांहिं ए अजगरादिक सर्व मायां ?' | तेवारि एलापाढइ कहिउं जे- 'स्युं बांधव ! तइं द्रौपदीनइ स्वयंवरा मंडपइ, धनुष मांहिं, पर्वत सर्प अग्नि माया ते वात नथी सांभली । द्रुपद राजाइं उदघोषणा करावी जे माहरु देवताधिष्ठित धनुष चढावी राधावेध करइ ते राजा द्रोपदीनें परणे । ते सांभलि तिहां अनेक बलवंत राजा आवीआ । धनुष आरोपतां पड्या । लोकिं उपहस्या । तिवारि जेतले महामानी । शिशुपाल धनुष चढाविवा उठिओ, तेतले धनुष उपरि कृष्णे मेरु पर्वत, गरुड, हल, मूसल, सर्प, शंख, गदा, चक्र नांखियां । तोहे बलिष्टपणाथी आरोपवा लागो । तिवारि वली चंद्र, सूर्य, अग्नि, समुद्र, पर्वत, पृथ्वी नांखियां । तोहे धनुष आरोपतां अद्धांगुल प्रमाण असंधित रहिउं । तेवारि कृष्णइ पगइ ठेलिउ शिशुपाल, धनुष साथि भूमि पड्यो । पछै ते धनुष्य अर्जुनइ लीधुं । तेहनो महाभार पृथ्वीइ सहिवायो नहीं, ते माटि भीमनइ हाथिं भार मूकी, धनुष चढावी, कर्णइ ।। आप्यो बांण लेई, राधावेध करी द्रोपदी अर्जुनई परणी । जो ते धनुष एहवं मोटुं जे मांहिं ते पर्वतादिक माया, तो ते ढिंक पंखिणी मोटी किम न होइ, जेहने उदरि अजगिरादिक माया । ५ । [२,५१-६१] ___ तथा रामायणि कहिउँ छै- सीतानें हरंता जुद्ध करवा जटायु पंखी आव्यो, ते रावणई चंद्रहास खगई पांख छेदी भूमि पाड्यो । तेवारि सीताई ते जटायु पंखीनइ कहिउं- 'माहरा सीलनै महिमाइ, 15 रामचंद्रना दूतना दर्शनथी ताहरी पांखड' फिरी' आवस्यै' । पछइ केतलाइ कालिं, रामचंद्रनी आज्ञाइ सीतानी शुद्धि करवा पृथ्वीई फिरतो हनुमंत तिहां आव्यो । 'आ कोईक मोटो पर्वत दीसै छै, ए उपरि चढी सकल पृथ्वीमंडल जोउं' – इम चीतवी हनुमंत जटायुध पासि गयो । तेवारि जटायुई पुछिउं–'तुं कोण किहांथी आव्यो ?'। हनुमंतें कहिउं-'रामचंद्रनो दूत छु। सीतानो समाचार लेवा जाउं छु । तिवारि जटायुइं कहिउ जे-'सीतान लंका नगरीइ रावण लेई गयो, तुं फोगट वनइ भमइ छै । । ए समाचार ऊतावलो जईनै रामचंद्रनें कहि । मुझने पणि रावणई सीता माटि जुद्ध करतां वि पांख छेदीनै भूमि मूक्यौ' । ते सांभलि हनुमंतइ कहिउं जे-'तई रावण साथिइ युद्ध कयु अनै अम्हनें सीतानो समाचार कह्यो तेथी तुझने पणि भलुं थाउ' - इम हनुमंतनुं बचन सांभल्युं, तेथी जटायुनइ पांख आवि, तेणें उडिनै गगनमार्गे थई स्वर्गि गयउ । जो जटायु पंखी पर्वत सरिषो हतो, तो ढिंक पंखिणी मोटी किम न होइ । ६ । [२,६२-७४ ]
॥ एलाषाढेनोक्तं कंडरीकं प्रति प्रत्युत्तरकथानकषटकमिदम् ॥
॥ इति धूर्ताख्याने द्वितीयमाख्यानं समाप्तम् ॥२॥
इम एलाषाढेइ उत्तर दीधइ हूँतै कंडरीक कहिवा लागो जे-'एलाषाढ, तई जे अनुभव्युं, पीळ, सांभल्युं ते कहि' । तेवारिं एलाषाढ बोल्यो-“हुँ यौवन समयै धनलोभै धातुवादादिक व्यसना जग भन्यो । इहां विल छइ, आ ते पर्वत जिहां धातु होई, ए मूल, ए मंत्र, इम धननी भासाइ मम . एक आगम पांम्यो जे पूर्वदिशि योजन सहस्रिं एक पर्वत छै । तिहां सहस्रवेधी रस है। वह 1P पाखो। 2 P फरी।

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५६
बालबोधरूप गुर्जर भापामय - धूर्ताख्यानकथा
बिल योजनप्रमाण शिलाई ढांक्यों है । ते शिला ऊपाडीनड़ स्वर्णकुंडधी ते रस लेवो । पछइ योजन शतमान क्रमि पृथ्वी उल्लंघतो ते पर्वतिं जई, शिला ऊपाडी, रस लेई, ते बिल ते शिलाई ढांकी, पोतानें घर आव्यो । ते रसें घणुं सोनु ऊपाई धनें करी धनद समान थयो । पछई हुं भोग भोगवतो, याचक वांछित द्रव्य देतो, लोक मांहिं घणो प्रसिद्ध थयो । एहवें माहरी ऋद्धि अने 5 प्रसिद्धि सांभली अकस्मात् मध्यरातिं पांच सइ चौर माहरै घरि आवी पड्या । घर लूटवा लागा । तेवारि मुझ जीवतां माहरूं धन किम लेई - इम चींतवी, साहस आदरी, शस्त्र लेई युद्ध करतां, म एकेक बाण प्रहारई दस दस चोर मार्यां । ते देखी ते सर्व चोर एकठा थई यमकिंकर समान कोपध हुंता मुझ उपरि पडी, माथं खंड खंड करी, पासें एक बोरडि बांधी, घर लुंटिनै गया । रुधिर खरडिडं कुंडल सहित माथु बोरडिइं बोर खावा लागुं । प्रभातें सूर्योदयें बोर खातुं 1" ते माहरु माथुं देखी, जीवतुं जाणी, लोकड़ लेई, बीजां सर्व माहरां अंगोपांग मेली, ते उपरि माथु मुकि । पछइ हुं निरुपम रूप लावण्यइ विराजमान जेहवो पूर्वं हतो, तेथी विशेष रूपवंत थर्यो । एमइ प्रत्यक्ष आ लोकइ अनुभव्युं । जो ए न मानो तो सर्व धूर्त्तनें भोजन द्यो', नहीतर शास्त्रनी साखिं समर्थी आप । [३,१-१९ ]
॥ एलाषाढेनोक्तं कथानकमिदम् ॥
हवै शशनामा धूर्त मुख्य बोल्यो' - 'तई जे क ते सर्व सत्य छइ, झू कोण कहै ? जे माटिं पुराण स्मृति भारत रामायणनइ विषइ एहवी घणी' वात है । ते सांभलि - पूर्वि जमदमि नाम ऋषि हतो, तेहने रेणुका नामि स्त्री हती । तेहना शीलनइ महिमाई कुसुमित वृक्ष नमता । कोई वेलाई अश्ववाहनिकाई आव्यो कोई एक राजा देखी रेणुकानइ अभिलाष ऊपनो । तिवारि पछि कोई एक वेलाई
1
शीलभंगथी वृक्ष अणनमता देखी, ऋपिई फरसराम पोना बेटानै कहिउं जे- 'ए पापिणी रेणुकानी 20 मस्तक छेदि' । तेणै पितानें वचनि ततकाल रेणुकानुं मस्तक छेदिउं । तेवारि जमदग्नि पुत्रनइ आज्ञा. कारी जाणी संतुष्ट थई कहिउँ - 'जे वत्स ! वर मागि' । तेणै माग्यं जे- ' माहरी माता जीवती थाउ' । तिवारि, ए जीवती होउ, इम ऋषिई कहिए हुते ते रेणुका तत्काल जीवती थई । जो ए सत्य छइ, तो तुं जीवतो थयो ए किम असत्य होई । १ । [ ३,२०-२५ ]
तथा जरासिंध राजा वे खंड जोडिनें जराइ सांध्यो, सहस्र राजानो स्वामी थयो, एह पिणि 25 एक वचन छइ । २ । [३,२६ ]
तथा वली सांभलीइ छै-सुंद १ निसुंद २ नामि वै दैत्य सहोदर, सुर लोकनै क्षय करवा काल सरिपा उठ्या । तिवारि सर्व देवताई तेहना वधनै काजें पोताना शरीरनो तिल तिल लेई सवांग सुंदराकार रूप लावण्यनुं निधान एक तिलोत्तमा नामि अप्सरा नीपजावी । ते सर्व देवतानें प्रणमीनइ कहिवा लागी जे- 'जै आदेश दिउ ते करूं' । देवताई कहिउं जै- 'सुंद निसुंद वै दैत्येन क्षय " पमाडि' | पछै तिलोत्तमा सुंदरि दैत्यपासि जई हावभाव विभ्रम विलास देषांडती नाचवा लागी । तेहनि रूपि मोह्या विषयांध हुंता मांहोमांहिं शस्त्रई वढी मरण पाम्या । भवति चात्र लोकः :
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15
1 A लीयो । 2 P लीई । 3P दिउ । 4 P समर्थि आपो । 5 P बोलिडे । 6 P कुण कहई । 7 1 घणि वातो छे
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बालावबोधरूपगूर्जरभाषामय - धूर्ताख्यानकथा स्त्रीणां कृते भ्रातृयुगस्य भेदः संवन्धभेदे स्त्रिय एव मूलम् ।
अप्राप्तकामा बहवो नरेन्द्रा नारीभिरुच्छेदितराजवंशाः ॥१॥ जो सर्व देवनें तिल तिलइ तिलोत्तमा अप्सरा नीपनी, तो छेद्यां ताहरां अंगोपांग मेल्या, तेथी तुं किम न नीपजइ । ३ । [३,२७-३७] ___ तथा बीजं सांभलि- पवन पुत्र हनुमंत बाल्यावस्थाइ मातानइ पूछवा लागो जे-मात! हुं भूष्यो। था तिवारि सूं खाउँ ?' मा बोली- 'वत्स ! राता फल खाजे' । तेवार पछे कोइक वेलाई ऊगतो सूर्य देखी, रक्तवर्ण फल बुद्धिं खावाने प्रहिओ । तेवारि तेणि लत्तापहारि हनुमंतने शतखंड चूर्ण करिउं । ते जांणी माता अंजना विलाप करती रोवा लागी । ते हनुमंतनो परलोके गयानो समाचार जांणी, स्त्रीने रोती देखी, पवन कोप पांमी पाताल मांहिं पइसी रहिओ। तिवारि पवननइ निरोधइ देव मानव सर्व जग अति आकुल थई मरण पांमवा लागुं। पछै सर्व देव पातालि जई पवनने मनावी ।। आण्यो । चूर्णित सर्व अंगोपांग मेली हनुमंत जीवतो करिओ। सर्व ठामि सोधी पणि एक हनु न लाधी । तेणि रहित छै, तो हनुमंत नाम दीधुं । जो पवननो पुत्र चूर्ण कयो, ए मिल्यो, ए सत्य छै, तो तई कडं जे हुं जीवतो थयो, ते पिण सत्य ज छै । ४ । [३,३८-४५] __ तथा राम रावणर्ने महासंग्राम लागो । तिवारे रावणनें सुभटें खग बाणादिक प्रहरणि अनेक वानरनां सईकडां छिन्नांग कखां । लक्ष्मणए रावण शक्ति माखो हुँतो भूमि पड्यो । रामहं शोकातुर । थई विलाप करवा मांड्यो । तेवारि हनुमंत द्रोण पर्वत विशल्या ओषधी आणी लक्ष्मणनी शक्ति काढी । जे वानर राक्षसने शक्ति अस्त्रिं छिन्नांग हता, तेह पणि सजीव कया । जो छिन्नांग ए वानर जीवता थया, ते साचुं छै तो ते कहिलं, तेहि साचुं छइ । ५। [३,४६-५२] __ तथा मित्र एलाषाढ ! स्युं तई स्कंदनी उत्पत्ति नथी सांभली ? । बहुग्रंथ प्रसिद्ध ते वात छइ, ते सांभलि-हिमाचलनी गुफा मांहिं संभोग करतां ईश्वर पार्वतीने एक दिव्य वर्ष सहस्र गयुं । ते. अवसरे देवता, तारक दैत्यइ पीड्या, तेहनें मारवानो उपाय चिंतववा लागा जे-ईश्वरना वीर्य विना बीजो कोई तारक दैत्यनें मारी न सकइ, अने भयिं ते पासि बीजो कोई जाई न सके । ते माटि अमिनै मोकलिई । इम विचारी अग्निनै पासें जई कहिवा लागा जे- 'अभ्यर्थना करता मनुष्यनोए उपकारी पुरुष उपगार करइ, तो महानुभाव सर्व देवसमूहनें तो विशेषइ उपकार करें। मेहने काजि सर्व देवता चिंतासमुद्र मांहिं बूड्या, तिहां अग्नि तुं ज समर्थ छै, ते गुफाघर मांहिं । पइसी ईश्वरनै तुं पोतानुं दर्शन दिई, तो कदाचित तुझने देखी संभोग क्रीडा मूकई' । तेवारि अग्नि पोलीउ-'ईश्वरने संमुखिं बीजी अवस्थाई न जवाई तो संभोगी अवस्थाई किम जवाइं । पडवांग धारी, शूलपाणि, नरकपालधारी, श्मसानवासी - एहवा ईश्वरनिं सन्मुख' कुंण मंगलीक वांछतो जाइ । घणुं स्युं कहीइ ? जे ईश्वर बहुजन देषता लिंगोत्थान करी नाचइ, तेथी इंद्र सरिपो वीहइ, तो माहरी वात किसी । जो कदाचित ईश्वर कोपे तो माहरी गति सी थाइ ? ते माटि देवताउ तुम्हइ ॥ मुझनै संकटि न पाडउ' । तेवारि इंद्रई कहिउं– 'अग्नि! तुं ईश्वरथी म बीह । ए पार्वतीने वश छै । जे कोणिइं दमाइ नहि तेहनें स्त्री एक दिवस मांहिं दमइ । यदुक्तम् -
हत्थी दम्मइ संवच्छरेण मासेण दम्मइ तुरंगो।।
महिला पुण किर पुरिसं दमेइ इक्केण दिवसेणं ॥१॥ 1P संमुझे कुणे जवाइ।
धू०८

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५८
बालावबोधरूपगूर्जरभाषामय - धूर्ताख्यानकथा ___ पार्वती जे कहिं ते कार्य ए ईश्वर करइ । स्युं ईश्वर अभॊगई पार्वतीनइ वहतो ते नथी दीठो ? ते माटि ए शंका मूंकि । ईश्वर रूठस्यइ तोहे पार्वतीनुं मन राखवा ताहरै शरीरि उपद्रव करी सकस्यै नहीं" । एहq इंद्रनुं वचन सांभली हिमाचलनी गुफाई अग्नि गयो । तिहां संभोगासक्त ईश्वर दीठो । तिवारि ईश्वर अग्मिने संभोग मांहिं अंतराय करतो देखी रोर्षि मारिवा उठ्य उ हुँतो पार्वतीइ । वारिओ। पछि ईश्वरइ कहिउं – 'तुं मुख मांहिं माहरु वीर्य पी' । इम कही वीर्य पायुं । तेहनैं तापिं दाझतो अग्नि, महाकष्टि समुद्र मांहिं जई वीर्य वमतो हुओ । ते दिवसथी लोकप्रसिद्ध(द्धि)चाली जे-सर्व रत्न समुद्र मांहिं वीर्यथी उपना छै । पछइ अग्निई काइएक शेष वीर्य उदर मांहिं रहिलं हतुं ते पद्मसरोवर मांहिं वमिउं । ते समयि छ कृत्तिका नामि अप्सराओ न्हातीउ हुँती तेहनी योनि
मांहिं ते वीर्य पहलु । तेथी गर्भ रह्या । कालांतरि छहइ अनुक्रमि मस्तक १ बाहु २ हृदय ३ रुंड ४ 10 मूंड ५ शरीर ६, ए ६ अंग जण्यां । तेवारि आश्चर्य पामी ते छ कृत्तिकाई ते छ अंग मांहो मांहिं देषाडी यथास्थानकि जोड्यां हुंतां, पारानी परि मिली गयां । तेह ज वेलाइ षण्मुखधारी स्कंद ऊपनौ । तेणिं संग्राम करतां तारक दैत्य जीयौ । जो जू-जूई स्त्रीने उदरि ऊपना अंग मिल्यां तेथी महासेन छमुख उपनो, ए सत्य छइ, तो एक स्त्रीना उदरना ऊपना अंग मिल्यां, इहां कोण संदेह राखई'। ६ । [३,५३-८५] 1 तथा एलाषाढ ! तई पूछि जे-'माहरु छेदिउं मस्तक बोर किम खाई सकइ ?' ते उपरि सांभलि-कृष्णनइ चक्रई छेदिउं राहुर्नु माथु आकाशि हिंडइ छइ, सूर्य-चंद्रनै प्रसइ छै; जो ए सत्य छइ, तो ताहरु माथु छेदिउँ हुँतुं बोर खाइ, ते वात मांहिं कोण असंभव' । ७ । [३,८६-८८]
तथा वली एलाषाढइ पूछिउं- 'कहि, मई ते मार्गि चालतां एकेकइ पगलइ सउ योजन प्रामाण भूमी किम उल्लंघी ?' । तेवारि शश बोलिउ- 'कृष्णइ यज्ञनइ विषय बलि राजा पासि त्रिणि डगला प्रमाण भूमि मांगी । पछह त्रिणि डगलिं पर्वत कानन सहित पृथ्वी आक्रमी । जो कृष्णइ त्रिणि डगलइ सर्व भूमि आक्रमी, तो तुं एक डगलइ सउ योजन भूमि किम न उल्लंघई'।८।[३,८८-९१]
तथा वली एलाषाढ बोलिउ-'मित्र! मई ते सो जोजन प्रामाण शिला किम उपाडी, ए प्रतीत उपजावि' । तिवारें शश बोलिउं- 'राम-रावणने संप्रामे शक्तिप्रहारई मूर्छा पामी लक्ष्मण कुमार पडिउ, तेवारिं हनुमंते विशिल्या उषधीनइ काजिं समूल द्रोण पर्वत उपाडी आण्यौ । जो अनेक - महाशिलामय द्रोण पर्वत हनुमंतिं ऊपाडिओ, तो तुं एक योजन प्रमाण शिला किम न उपाडइ ।९।[३,८२-९५] . तथा लोक मांहिं संभलाइ छई जे- 'पृथ्वी वधवा मांडी देखी कृष्णइ वराहरूप करी ना उपाडी । जो ए सत्य छै, तो तई शिला उपाडी तेह पणि सत्य ज छई । १० । [ ३,९६-९८ ]
॥ शशेनोक्तं एलाषाढं प्रति प्रत्युत्तरकथानकदशकम् ॥
॥इति धूर्ताख्याने तृतीयमाख्यानकम् ॥
हिवइ शशइ निरुत्तर कर्यो हुँतो एलाषाढ कहिवा लागो- 'मित्र शश! तइं जे अनुभविउँ होइ ते कहि । तेवारि शश बोल्यो- 'हुं सरत्कालि, प्रामथी दूर पर्वतनइ पासि एक क्षेत्र हतुं विहां गयो । ते वेलाई एक मत्त वनगज पर्वतथी उतरी मुझनें मारिया धस्यो । तेषारि हुं सघले पासि नासवानो ___ 1 P तुमनें उपद्रव नहि करै। 2P रहिउँ ।

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बालावबोधरूपगूर्जरभाषामय -धूर्ताख्यानकथा
५९ ठाम जोतो एक अति मोटो तिल वृक्ष देखी ते उपरि चढिओ । हाथिई मुझनें वारंवार हे पाडवा तिल वृक्ष धंधोल्यौ । तेणें करी तिल वृक्षथी अनेक तिलना पुंज हेठि पड्या । भमता ते सर्व हाथीइं यंत्रनी परि पील्या । तेणें करी तिहां महा असराल तेलनी नदी वही । हाथी चीकणा खउल' माहिं पूंतो, चीस पाडतो, भूष-तरसि मरण पाम्यौ । पछि हुं हाथीने मूओ जाणी, तिहांथी हेठो उतरी, हाथीनुं चर्म ऊतारी, तेहनो मोटो दइडो करी, तेल दश घडा प्रमाण पीई, ते खल भार खाई, तेले । दइडउ पूरी खांधि चडावी, गाम बाहिर एक मार्ग वृक्षनी शाखाई वलगाडी घरि आव्यो । पछे मई ते दइडो लेवा अहिनांण देई, ते वृधे पोतानो बेटो मोकल्यो । तेणें ते तिहां न दीठो । पछै ते वृक्ष गजनी परि उन्मूली ते दइडो सर्व लोक देखता परि आण्यौ । हुंए पोताना घरथी पाधरो इहां आव्यो । ए मइं इहलोकि प्रत्यक्ष अनुभव्युं । जे न मानइ ते सर्व धूर्त्तनें भोजन दिइ ॥ छ । [४,१-१३]
॥शशेनोक्तं कथानकमिदम् ॥
हवि सर्वकलाप्रवीण खंडपाना धूर्ती बोली- 'शश ! तइं जे कहिउं ते सर्व भारत-रामायणादिक साथि मलतुं छै' । तिवारइ शशई पूछिउं- 'जो ए सत्य छै, तो कहि - तिलवृक्ष अति मोटो किम होइ ? तेलनी महानदी किम वही ? दस घडा तेलना किम पीवाइ १ खउल भार प्रमाण किम खवाइ ?-ए सर्व सास्त्र साखि मेली आपि' । तेवारि खंडपाना बोली-ए सर्वना दृष्टांत सांभलि- 15 पाडलिपुरे माषवृक्षनी मोटी भेरी घडी, एहवी सर्वप्रसिद्ध लोकवात छै, ते सत्य छै, तो तिलवृक्ष अति मोटो किम न होइ ? । १ । [४,१४-१८] ___ तथा भारत मांहिं छै-जे गजनइ मदजलि महानदी चाली । तिहां अनेक गज रथ हय पायक सणाया। उक्तश्च
तेषां कटतटभ्रष्टैर्गजानां मदविन्दुभिः ।
प्रावत्तेत नदी घोरा हस्त्यश्वरथवाहिनी ॥१॥ जो गजमदजलनी महानदी वही, तो ते तेलनी किम न होई । २ । [४,१९-२१]
तथा लोक मांहिं संभलाइ छै जे - भीमि राज्यथी नीकली चक्रापुरीइं जई बक राक्षस माखो, तेहने खावाने काजइ एक महिष, सोल खारी अन्न, हजार मद्य घडा आण्या हता ते सर्व एकलई भीमई खाधा । जो ए सत्य छइ, तो तुं दस घडा तेल किम न पीइ ? खउल भार किम न खाइ ? । ३ । [४,२२-२४] • तथा कुंभकर्ण सूतो ऊठी एक हजार मद्य घडा पीतो, तो तई तेलना दस घडा पीधा, ए वात कोण न माने । ४ । [४,२५-२६]
ते अगस्ति ऋषिइं समुद्र पीधो । तथा स्वर्गथी ऊतरी संभुना जटाजूटथी नीकली वहती गंगा नदी जहु ऋषिनइ आश्रमि गई । तेवारि ते ऋषिई पीई, एक हजार वरस लगि उरि राखीनइ मूंकी । ते माटि गंगानुं नाम जाहवी थयुं । जो अगस्ति समुद्र पीधो, जहु ऋषि गंगा पीधी, तो तुं तेलना दस घडा किम न पीइ । ५-६ । [४,२८-३०]
1 P खोल। 2 P भूखी तरस्यौ। 3P दडोhe & Personal use only.

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बालावबोधरूपगूर्जर भाषामय - धूर्ताख्यानकथा
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वली शशs पूछिउं - 'कहि, मई ते मोटो गजचर्मनो दइडो किम ऊपाड्यौ । कदाचित कटिं पाड्यौ, पण एकलइ मई गांमि किम आंण्यो ?' | तिवारि खंडपाना कहिवा लागी जे - 'शश ! स्युं तई केवारि गरुडाख्यान नथी सांभल्यु, जे एहवूं पूलै छइ । ते सांभलि - काश्यप ऋषिनइ कद्रू विना एहवि नामइ बे स्त्रीउ । ते बेहूंइ कोईक समये क्रीडा करतां होडि बकी - जे जीतइ तेहनें घरि, " जे हारइ ते दासपणुं करै । अने ते दासपणुं जावज्जीव करै; अथवा जे हारी होइ तेहनो अंगजात बेटो थाइ ते पातालथी अमृत आंणे तेवारिं ते दासपणुं टलइ । इम होड बकी बेहुं शोकि रमिड | विनता हारी, कद्रू जीती । तेहने घरि दासी थई रही । शोकिनै वैरि कद्रू विनताने घणुं दुःख दिइ । इम घणा काल लगि दासपणुं करतां विनता गर्भवती थई । समइ त्रिणि ईडा जण्यां । उतावलिदासपणुं टालवा एक ईंडु भेदिउं । ते मांहिंथी विंछी नीसस्था । वली केतले कालि बीजुं ईंड ॥ भेदिजं, ते मांहिंथी साथल जंघारहित पुरुष नीसरिओ । तेणें माताने कहिउं ने, जो मा तैं पहिलं ईड का भेदिउँ, बीजुं पणि ईंड पूरुं पाकाविना भेदिउं । तेणि करी हुं अधूरो जण्यो । तेथी ताहरु दासपणुं नथी गयुं । हिवइ प्रयत्नइ आ त्रीजुं ईंडुं पालजे, एहथी ताहरो मनोरथ पूरो थास्यै । पछे ते अनूरु सूर्य सारथी कयो । पछइ केतले कालि स्वभावई त्रीजूं ईंडुं भेदायुं । ते मांहिंथी सर्प - कुलनो काल महाघोर महाबलवंत गरुड पंखी प्रगटिउ । ते बालपण रमतो कद्रूना बेटा सर्पनइ ॥ नित्य मारइ । ते सगला सर्प रोता कद्रू आगलि जईनइ रोवा लागा । तेवारि कद्रू विनताने ओलंभो देवा लागी, जे दासीडी' तूं ताहरा बेटा गरुडनइ वारे नहीं, तर तुं दुःख पामीस्यै । एहवो उलंभो सांभली विनता दुःख धरती रोवा लागी । तेहनें देखी गरुड रोवानुं कारण पूछे हुंति, सर्व दासपणानो वृत्तांत सांभलावी, विनताइ कटुं जे- 'अमृत ल्यावै तो दासपणुं टलइ' । तिवारि गरुडइ पूछिउं - 'अमृत किहां छै ?' विनताइ कहिउं - 'बदरिकाश्रमिं अंध ताहरो पिता बसै छ, ते 20 अमृत ठाम जाणइ छै, तेहनें पूछ' । इम वचन मातानुं सांभली गरुड पितानइ पासिं जई पगे लागो । पिताई स्पर्श पुत्र ओलख्यो । गरुडई कहिउं - 'तात ! हुं भूख्यो छऊं, स्युं खाउं ?' । काश्यप ऋषि कहि - 'इहां पासि एक पद्म सरोवर छै, तिहां बार योजन प्रमाण शरीर एक गज, एक कच्छप छै, ते बेहूं नित्यइ रीसै मांहो मांहिं वढइ छै, ते बेहूंनइ खा, भूख्यो न रहि' । पछै गरुडै तिहां जई बेहूंनइ भखी, पाछा फिरतां मार्गि एक पक्षीनो निवास महावट वृक्ष दीठो । ते हेठि ब्रझाना 25 वीर्यना ऊपना वालिखिल्ल नामि अउठ कोडि ऋषि तप तपइ, ते ऊपरि बइठो । पोताना शरीरना भरि कडकडतो वड भागो । पछै गरुडई, रखे ऋषि चंपाइ, इम चींतवी चांर्चे ते वड उपाडी आकास ढांकतो, सर्व देव दानवने चमत्कार उपजावतो, समुद्रना बेट वचि मूक्यौ । ते वटह अलंकरी भूमिकानुं नाम लोकई लंका दीघूं । तै लंका रावणनी राजधानी नगरी थई । पछै वैली गरुड आवी अमृतनो ठाम पूछिउं, तो ऋषि बोलीउ - 'वत्स ! सातमा पातालनें हेठि, धगधगाय24 मान अभि सर्व दिसि वींटीउं, सर्व सुरासुरइ नित्यइ जालव्युं अमृत कुंड छै । तिहांथी अमृत लेवाई' नहि । जो अनेक मधु, घृत, जल आपइ, अनि संतुष्ट थयो हुंतो अमृतकुंड मांहिं जना विइ, तो कदाचित लेवाई | तोड़े ते लेतां अनेक विघ्न उपजइ छै' । एहवं काश्यप ऋषिनुं वचन सांभली अवधारी, पाताळें जई, पोतानी ने पांखर जे अनेक मधु, घृत, जल भरी लेई गयो हतो ते आपी, अभिन्न संतोषी, तेइ देषाड्या अमृतकुंडथी अमृत लेई नीकलतो गरुडनइ देखी, अमृतकुंडरक्षक "देव उदूघोषणा करी, जे कोई पंखी अमृत लेई जाइ छइ । ते सांभली सर्व देव दानब सोम
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AP दासकी। 2 P ई कोई न शकर
६०

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बालावबोधरूपगूर्जरभाषामय-धूर्ताख्यानकथा
६१ पाम्या । जे देवता जिहां हता ते तिहाथी मुद्गर, शक्ति, हल, मुसल, खड्ग, दंडादिक शस्त्र लेई पूठि धाया । कोलाहलि जग बधिर करता, गरुडनइ वींटीनइ कहिवा लागा' जे- 'पापी अमृतचोर, आ मारो। हिविं किहां नासी जाईस ?' । पछइ गरुडई महासंग्राम करी, च्यारे दिशि पांखनइ प्रहारि, शत, सहस्र, लक्ष, कोटि संख्य देवताने यमघरि पहचाड्या देखी, सर्व देवतासंघ क्षणेकमांहिं हारी, दीन थई, नासतो जांणी, इंद्रइं ज्वालासही जलतुं वन गरुडने मारवा मुकिउं । ते पणि । शरीरें सफलाई हेठो पडिउं । ए वनइं गरुडनई काईए नथी कर्यु, इम सर्व देवतानि जणाववा गरुडई चांचइ धरी राख्यु । तिवारि गरुडथी भयभ्रांत थयो हुतो इंद्र विष्णु पासि गयो । विष्णु कोपि प्रज्वलतो बार सूर्य समान तेजवंत चक्र लेई गरुडनई मारिवा धायो । तिवारि सर्व शनैश्चरादिक ग्रहई सर्व ऋषि जई विष्णुनै वीनव्यु जे- 'स्वामी ! तुं सर्व व्यापी छइ, सर्व भुवननाथ छइ । तुं विचास्या विना कोप करि, ते वारु नहि । ए गरुड ताहरो बंधु छइ । ते माटि कोप मूंकि । ।। म्लेच्छनी परि गोत्रनो क्षय म करि' । इम सर्व ग्रहर्नु, सर्व ऋषितुं, वचन सांभली, शांत थई कृष्णइं गरुड साथें मेल कखो । पछइं गरुडें घर जई, अमृत आपी, विनता मातानुं दासपणुं टाल्युं । जो गरुडै गज, कच्छप, वटवृक्ष ऊपाड्या अने अन्य ठामि मूक्या, तो शश ! तुं दइडो ऊपाडी किम गामि नाणइ । ७ । [४,३१-८७ ] ___ तथा, जो सात दिन लगि वरसात वरसतां कृष्णइ गोवर्द्धन पर्वत धौँ, तो तुं तेले भर्यो । दइडो किम न ऊपाडै । ८ । [४,८८]
तथा, जो समुद्र सेतु बांधवा वानरै अनेक योजनथी पर्वत ऊखेडी आण्या, तो ताहरो बेटो शुक्ष उन्मूलइ तिहां कोण आश्चर्य ।।९।[४,८९-९०] ___ तथा, अशोकवाडीइं हनुमंत वानरं अनेक अशोकादिक वृक्ष उन्मूल्या । जो ए सत्य छै, तो ताहरो पुत्र उन्मूलइ इहां किसी वडाई । १० । [४,९१-९४ ]
॥ खंडपानयोक्तं शशं प्रति प्रत्युत्तरकथानकदशकमिदम् ॥
॥ इति धूर्ताख्याने चतुर्थमाख्यानकम् ॥
हवइ इणिं प्रकार निरुत्तर कर्यो हुतो शश खंडपानानइ कहिवा लागो जे- 'खंडपाना ते जे अनुभव्यु होइ ते कहि' । तिवारि खंडपाना बोली- 'जो तुम्हइ सघला दीन थई माहरें पगे लागो तो सर्वनई भोजन दिउँ' । तिवारि धूर्तो कहिवा लागा जे- 'एक भोजनहेति अम्हई महापुरुष तुं आगलि दीन किम भा १ । तिवारइ काइक हसीनइ खंडपाना बोली- 'मई जे अनुभव्युं ते सांभलउ । हुं यौवन समइ रूप लावण्यनुं निधान हती । कोईक समयि ऋतुवंती थई मंडपि सूती हती; तिहां आवी माहरै रूपि विस्मय पामी पवनें हुं भोगवी । केतलि कालि पुत्र आव्यौ, ते मुझ साथि जन्म कालि ज वात करी, मुझनें मूंकी बलात्कारि स्वप्नदृष्टनी परि कहिं गयौ । ए मई अनुभव्युं ते सत्य" किं वा असत्य ? । जो असत्य होई, तो सर्वनें भोजन दिउ; जो सत्य होइ, तो आ जगमाहिं कोई स्त्री विधवा अपुत्रवती न होई ॥ [५,१-१०]
॥ इति खंडपानयोकं कथानकम् ॥ ___1P इणो हणो, छेदो छेदो, साहो साहो, इम कहेता गुरुड. कहिवा लागण। 2 P अम्हो। 3 P मुनि मुंकी किहाई गयो।

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६२
बालावबोधरूपगूर्जरभाषामय - धूर्ताख्यानकथा हिवे मूलदेव बोलीओ- 'कुंतीने पवनि भोगवी, भीम नामि पुत्र प्रसव्यो; तथा अंजना पवनि भोगवी हनुमंति नामि पुत्र जण्यो । जे ए पुराणनी वात सत्य छइ, तो तुंए पनि भोगवी पुत्र
आव्यो तेह पणि सत्य ज । १-२ । [५,११] ____ तथा तुं पूछिसि जे- 'माहरइ पुत्र आव्यो ते मुझस्युं आलाप संलाप करी, तरत जई किम सकइ, तेह उपरि व्यासनी वात सांभलि-पाराशर ऋषिई योजनगंधा माछिणी भोगवी, व्यास नामि पुत्र जनम्यो। 'माता! अवसरि मुझने संभारजे' - इम जन्मकालि ज कही ततकाल वनि गयो । पछइ ऋषिनइ प्रभावई योजनगंधा अक्षतयोनि थई । शांतनु राजाई भोगवी विचित्रवीर्य नामि वेटो आव्यो; ते अपुत्रिओ मरण पाम्यो । तिवारि योजनगंधाई वंशनो उच्छेद थयो जांणी वेदव्यास संभार्यो हुतो वनथी आव्यो। माई कहिउं- 'पुत्र ! वंश उद्धर' । पछै तेहनें प्रभावि पांडु, धृतराष्ट्र, ॥ विदुर नामि त्रिणि पुत्र आव्या । ते मोटा थया । ते त्रिणिनी स्त्रीओ-भोजाईओ वेदव्यासिं भोगवीओ । पछइ तपलोपर्नु कारण जाणी कोपिं त्रिणिं सराप्यो' । जो वेदव्यास जन्मसमये ज मातानें वीनवी वनि गयो, तो ताहरो पुत्र जन्म समये जे आलाप संलाप करीने तरत अदृष्ट थई किहांए गयो, ए कोण न मानै ? । ३ । [५,१२-१९]
॥ इति खण्डपानां प्रति मूलदेवेनोक्तं प्रत्युत्तरकथानकत्रयम् ॥ १-३ ॥
॥ वली खंडपाना बोली- 'माहरै उमादेवी सखी हती, तेणीइं सर्व देव दानवनै आकर्षे एहवी आकपणी विद्या आपी । ते विद्याइं मई सूर्यनइ आकर्षी आण्यौ । तेणई हुँ भोगवी । तेथी महाबलवंत पुत्र आव्यौ । जे सूर्य ब्यासी हजार योजन प्रमाण पृथ्वी दहइ, ते साथिं संभोग सुख भोगवती हुँ किम न बली ॥
॥ इति खण्डपानयोक्तं कथानकम् ॥ ॥ तिवारि कंडरीक बोलिओ- 'जो कुंती सूर्य साथइ भोग करतां न बली, तो तुं किम बलइ १ ॥ [५,२०-२३]
॥ इति खण्डपानां प्रति कण्डरीकेनोक्तं प्रत्युत्तरकथानकम् ॥ ४ ॥
-
-
वली खंडपाना बोली- 'मई कोइक समइ अग्नि आकर्षिओ, तेणई हुं भोगवी । तेथी महातेजवंत पुत्र भयो । जे अग्नि अंग लागो हुँतो बालै, ते साथइ भोग भोगवतां हुं किम न बली ? ॥
॥इति खण्डपानयोक्तं कथानकम् ॥ . तिवारि एलाषाढ बोलिओ- 'कोइक समइ यमनी स्त्री धूमोर्णा होम देवा अमिनै घरि गई इती । तिहां अग्नि साथइ क्रीडा करवा लागी । तिवारि अकस्मात् आवतो यमनइ देषी भयभ्रांत थई, धूमोर्णाइ नीरनी परि, संभोग पूरो थया विना ज, अग्मिने पेट माहिं ऊतायो । यमइ पणि शिथिलांभोपांग कटि मेखला इत्यादिक लक्षणइ स्त्रीने सापराध जांणी उदरइ गली, देव सभाइ गयो । तिहां
त्रिणे सापीउ।

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बालावबोधरूपगूर्जरभाषामय - धूर्ताख्यानकथा देवताइ हासी करी पूछिउं- 'तुम्हनें त्रिणनई सुख छै ?' । तिवारि यमनें मुखें थई उदरथी बाहिर धूमोर्णा नीसरी । तेहना उदरथी मुखमार्गइ अग्नि नीकली नासीनइ वन मांहिं पइठो । यम ते पूठि धायो । वन मांहिं जई अग्नि आव्यानो समाचार हाथीनइ पूछिओ । तेणिं न कह्यो। ते माटि गजनी वाचा छेदीनइ यम पोताने घरे आव्यो । जो यमनी स्त्री अग्नि भोगवी अनइ न बली, तो तुं अग्नि साथि भोग भोगवतां किम बलइ ?' ॥ [५,२४-३१]
इति खण्डपानां प्रति एलाषाढेनोक्तं प्रत्युत्तरकथानकम् ॥ ५॥
5
वली खंडपाना बोली- 'मई कोइक समये इंद्र आकर्षीओ । तेणई हुं भोगवी । एक इंद्र समान पुत्र आव्यौ । अप्सराउ नइ मूकी इंद्र मुझनें भोगवी, ए वात किम संभवइ ?' ॥
॥ इति खण्डपानयोक्तं कथानकम् ॥ तिवारि शश बोलिओ- 'स्युं तई नथी सांभल्युं, गौतम ऋषिनी भार्या अहिल्या इंद्र भोगवी; ते ॥ जांणी रीसें गौतम ऋषि सराप देई सहस्रभग करी इंद्रनें छात्रनइ आप्यो । ते छात्र कामज्वर पीड्या हुंता इंद्रनइ घणुंज कष्ट देवा लागा। पछै सर्व देवताई गौतम ऋषिने वीनती करीनै इंद्र मूकाव्यो । सहस्र भगनइ ठामि सहस्र लोचन थयां । तथा इंद्रइ कुंती भोगवी अर्जुन नामा महाधनुर्धर पुत्र आव्यो । जो इंद्रइ अहिल्या कुंती भोगव्यां, तो तुझ सरीपी रूपवती स्त्रीने किम न भोगवइ । १-२ । [५,३.२-३७]
इति खण्डपानां प्रति शशेनोक्तं प्रत्युत्तरकथानकम् ॥ ६-७॥ तथा वली खंडपाना बोली- 'तुम्हे माहरु नाम गोत्र ठाम मायावीपणुं जाणउ छो, किं वा नथी जाणता ?' तिवारि मूलदेवे कहिउं- 'पाटलीपुत्र नगरि गौतम गोत्री नागशर्म बाह्मणनी पुत्री, नागश्रीनी कूखिनी उपनी, खंडपाना नामि प्रसिद्ध छै' । तिवारि खंडपाना बोली- 'तुम्हने सरिखु रूप देखी भ्रांति थइ छइ, पणि हुं नागशर्म बाह्मणनी बेटी नही । राजाना रजकनी दग्धिका नामि बेटी छु । । माहरु घर राजमंदिरनी परें धन-धान्य संकीर्ण छइ । राजानां अंतःपुरनां वस्त्र हजार मजूरस्युं परवरी हुं धोउं छु । कोइक समइ हुं बहु वस्ति शकट भरी हजार मजूर साथइ नदीतटइं गई । तिहां छड-छड, हुं, छे, शं, टा शब्द बोलता हजार मजूरह सर्व वस्त्र धोई तापें सुकवा मूक्यां । एहवि महावायु वायो । तेणि सर्व वस्त्र अपहरी उडाड्यां । तिवारइ मई माहरा सर्व मजूरनइ कह्यु-तुम्हे जिहां जवाइ तिहां नासी जाओ। किसी चीता न करस्यो । राजा जे करस्यइ ते हुँ । सहीस । पछै हुं गोह रूप धरी रातइ नगरनें उद्यानि क्रीडा करती रही। प्रभातें, रखे कोई गोह जाणीनइ मारइ - इम चीतवी आम्रलता रूप धरी अशोकिं वलगी रही । पछइ पवनइ हया वस्त्र जांणीनइ न्यायवंत ते राजाई पटह वजाड्यो जे-'अहो रजको! जे जिहां गया होइ ते सर्व तिहाथी पोताने घरि आवो । तुम्हनें अभय छइ' । ते वात सांभली सर्व रजक परि आव्या । हुंए आम्रलतापणुं मूंकी मूलगू स्त्रीनुं रूप धरी घरि आवी । पछइ माहरो पिता नदी तरी ते शकट लेवा गयो। विहां वाधर सगलां शृगालि खाधा देखी, वन मांहिं वाधर जोवा भमतां, एक उंदरतुं पूंछडु लाधुं । तेहना अनेक मोटा वाधर पूरा नीपजावी हर्षि घरि पिता आव्यो। ए सर्व सत्य, किंवा असत्य है १ ॥ [५,३८-५८ ]
॥ इति खण्डपानयोक्तं कथानकम् ॥ 1P तटैं।

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बालावबोधरूपगूर्जर भाषामय - धूर्ताख्यानकथा
तिवारि शश बोलिओ - 'जो ब्रह्मा विष्णु जेहनो पार न पांम्या तेहवुं मोटुं ईश्वरनुं लिंग इतुं तो उंदरनुं पूंछ मोटुं किम न संभवइ ? ।
६४
तथा, शास्त्रि हनुमंतनुं पूंछडुं अति मोटुं संभलाइ छइ । जेणि पूंछडइ आखी लंका नगरी वीटी अग्नि बाली । जो हनुमंतनुं पूंछडुं एवडुं मोढुं हतुं, तो उंदरनुं पूंछडुं मोटुं किम न होइ ? ' [ ५,५९–६३ ]
तथा, पुराण मांहिं सांभल्युं छइ - गंधारिकावर राजा अरण्यई मनुष्यपणुं मूंकी कुरुबक म थयो । ते पूर्वि राजा नघुष हतो, जेणइ संग्राम करतां इंद्र जीतो । ते इंद्रनइ तिरस्कार करतो जाणी वृहस्पति सराप्यो हुतो, अरण्यइ अजगिर थयो । एहविं राज्यभ्रष्ट पांच पांडव अरण्य आव्या; ते एकाकी भमतो भीम वनिं गयो, ते अजगिरें गल्यो । ते वात सांभली युधिष्ठिर ते अजगिर 10 पासिं गया । तेणिं सात प्रश्न पूछियां । तेहना युधिष्ठिरै उत्तर दीधा । पछी भीम पाछो बस्यो । शापनै अंतें अजगरपणुं मूंकी बली नघुष राजा थयो । जो ए सत्य छइ, तो गोधा आम्रवाणुं धरीनइ तुं वली स्त्रीपणुं क्रिम न पामइ ? ॥ [ ५,६४-६९]
॥ इति खण्डपानां प्रति शशेनोक्तं कथानकत्रयम् ॥ ८-१० ॥
तिवारि खंडपाना बोली- 'जो धूर्त राजाओ ! तुम्हे सघला माहरु वचन प्रमाण करो, तो हुं 15 सर्वनइ भोजन दिउँ । अनइ जो कदाचित तुम्हनै हुं माहरी बुद्धिं हरावीस, तो तुम्हो जग मांहिं कउडीमात्र मूल्य नही पांमो' । तिवारि ते सर्व धूर्त बोल्या- 'अम्हनें ब्रह्मा, बृहस्पति, विष्णु जीती सकइ नहीं, तो तुं स्त्री मात्र अम्हनें किम जीतीस ?' । तिवारि खंडपाना बोली- 'तुम्हें मासड जुओ । हवड तुम्हने हरानुं हुं । पछे हुं वायुइं अपहर्यां ते राजानां वत्र जोवा राजानी आज्ञाइं नीकली । तथा, पूर्वे घणा कालना माहरा च्यार दास नासी गया हता तेहनी अनइ वखनी शुद्धि 20 करती पृथिवीइं भ्रमती इहां आवी । ते माहरा दास तुम्हे च्यार छो, ते वस्त्र तुम्हे लीघां छ । जो ए असत्य जाणी न मानो, तो सर्व महाजननइ भोजन दिओ; जो सत्य जाणो तो तुम्ही वस्त्र चोर छो, माहरा दास छो । [ ५,७०-७६ ]
तिवारि ते सर्व धूर्त लाज्या, विषाद पांम्या । बेहुं प्रकारि उत्तर देवा असमर्थ हुंता, दीन थई कहिवा लागा - 'जे खंडपाना, तुझथी अधिक जग मांहिं कोई बुधिवंत नथी; जेणीइ ॐ अम्ह सरीखा महाधूर्त्त महाबुद्धिवंत जीत्या । ते माटि हिवइ सात दिननइ वरसाते भूष्या सर्व धूर्त्तनइतुं भोजन करावि । पछै खंडपाना ते सर्व धूर्त्तनें वचनई हर्ष पामी सर्वनें भोजन देवा महाभीषण श्मशान गई । तिहां ततकालनो मरण पाम्यो बालक कोईक लोक मूकी गया. हता, तेनें तिहांथी लेई जलि न्हवरावी, वस्त्र पहिरावी, उजेनी नगरी मांहिं जई, एक महाधनवंत सेठनें घरि पइठी । तिहां आसने बैठो, अनेक लोके परिवर्यो, व्यापार मांहिं व्यमचित, घरनो 30 धणी व्यवहारीओ सेठ दीठो । तेहनें पासि जई, दीन थई, रीस चढाववा खंडपाना कहिवा लागी -
'अहो सेठ ! हुं दरी ब्राह्मणनी स्त्री हूं, अनाथ हुं, असरण कुं; ते माटि आ बालकनें पालवा, धन मांगवा, तुं महाउपकारी पुरुष पासि आवी छु । इम तेहनुं वारंवार वचन सांभली, व्यापार मांहिं व्यप्रचित्तपणा माटि व्यवहारीइ पोताने सेवकनें आज्ञा दीधी जे - 'ए पापिणी रंडानें घर बाहिर मारी

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बालावबोधरूपगूर्जर भाषामय धूर्ताख्यानकथा
६५
काउ ! पछइ ते व्यवहारीआना सेवकइ दीन भाषती ते धूर्त्तानें घर बाहिर घसरडीने काढवा मांडी । तिवारि ते कपट करी सहसात्कारि भूमिकाई पडी महास्वरइ आनंद विलाप करती उठीहा हा अरे लोको ! जुओ' आ पापी व्यवहारीइ धननें गर्वइ आंधलइ हुं अनाथ निराधारनो पुत्र मार्यो । मुझने आसा हती जे आ पुत्र मोटो थास्यै, तेथी सकल मनोरथ संपूर्ण थास्यै । ते आसा - रूपणी वेल, ए पापी व्यवहारीइ मत्त गजनी परि उन्मूली नाखी । इम विलाप करती, हृदय ताडती, केश विखेरती, भूमि आलोटती, ते धूर्त्ता स्त्रीनइ देखीनें - मई माहरा सेवकनें आज्ञा देई मोकल्या, तेइ आ ब्राह्मणीनो पुत्र मारी, महा उत्पात कखो, जो ए वात राजा सांभलस्यै तो मुझनै दंडस्यै - इम चितवतो ते व्यवहारीओ पोताना परिवार साथइ जई दीन थई मनावा लागो जे - बहिनी ! भवितव्यता हती ते थई; हवि विलाप करें स्युं थाइ ? ताहरे जे द्रव्य जोईइ ते लिइ' - इम कही पोतानी रत्नजटित मुद्रका आपी । सम देवरावी उठाडी । पछइ ते मुद्रका लेई उद्यानि आवीनइ 10 खंडपानाइ सर्व धूर्तनई ते मुद्रिका देखाडी । चउहटइ जई वैची । तेहनैं द्रव्ये सर्व भोग्य वस्तु आणी सर्व धूर्त्तनई भोजन कराव्यं । पछई ते सर्व धूर्त संतुष्ट थई खंडपानानई वषाणवा लागा - 'जे तुं महा बुद्धिवंत, ताहरु जीवित सफल छइ । वचन महा पंडित बोली न जाणइ, तेहवां वचन सांभल्या विनाए पणि स्त्रीओ बोली जाणइ । उक्तञ्च -
अधीत्य शास्त्राणि विमृश्य चार्थान् न तानि वक्तुं पुरुषाः समर्थाः । यानि स्त्रियः प्रत्यभिधानकाले वदन्ति लीलारचिताक्षराणि ॥ १ ॥
इम खंडपानानहं वषाणी । मूलदेव प्रमुख सर्व धूर्त्त पोता पोताने ठांमिं गया । [५,७७-१०९]
ॐॐ
तथा, विष्णु सर्व व्यापी छइ, तिल तुष मात्र किसी वस्तु अण व्यापी नथी रही । जो विष्णु सर्व suri छह, तो अलगी कोण वस्तु रही, जेहनें ज्ञानें करी देवइ ? । तथा, गणेश पार्वतीना शरीरना मलथी ऊपनो, तथा पार्वती हिमाचलथी ऊपनी - इत्यादिक, भारत रामायण पुराणादिकनां वचन, 20 कूट कांचननी परि परीक्षा करतां विघटई । ए सर्व मिध्यात्वीनां वचन, गर्धभलींडांनी परि बाहिर सुंदर, अंतर वृत्ति तुस-भूस सरिषां जाणी, सम्यग् दृष्टीइं, सम्यक्त्व शुद्धि करवा त्रिविध त्रिविध मिथ्यात्वीना ग्रंथ परिहरि, सकल पुरुषार्थ साधक, परमानंद पददायक, पूर्वापर विरोधगंध रहित श्री वीतराग त्रैलोक्यपूजित सर्वज्ञनां वचन सांभलवां, सहहवां, अनुमोदवां, ध्याववां ॥
॥ इति सकलश्वेताम्बर शिरोमणि-सर्वशास्त्रालंकारायमाण-भहारकश्रीहरिभद्रसूरिविरचितस्य धूर्ताख्यानप्रबन्धस्य बालावबोधरूपाः कथाः समाप्ताः ॥
संवत् १७५८ वर्षे कार्चिक्रमासे शुरूपसे द्वादशीतिथौ शनिवासरे श्रीउदैपुरमध्ये लिषितं पं० लक्ष्मीकीर्त्ति [ना] - खरतरगच्छे जिणमाणिक्यशाखायां वाक रक्तसुन्दरयथिनां शिष्यलक्ष्मीकीर्त्तिः ॥
॥ चिरं ताराचंद ॥ ॥ शुभं भवतु || || श्रीरस्तु ॥ ॥ श्रीरस्तु ॥
1 A जोडे।
धू० ६

15

25

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INDEX OF ALL THE PROPER NAMES.
This is an alphabetical list of all the proper names, in their Sanskrit form, occurring in the Dhürtakhyana of Haribhadra. The Devanagari numbers refer to the chapters and gathäs of the Prakrit text. The English numerals refer to the pages of The Dhürtakhyana: A Critical Study', included in this volume. Thus this Index will help the reader to spot the required namo in the Prakrit text, and also to refer to the critical remarks etc. about it in the Study.
अगस्त्य १-६३, ४-२७, ३०; pp. 3, 8, 30, 32. अनि २०६४-६६, ५-२५, pp. 7, 10, 11, 29, 31, 35.
अञ्जना ३-३८; pp. 7, 31. अनन्त २-४७, ४-८६. अनल= अग्नि ३-७१. अनूरु ४-४१, ४४; pp. 8, 30. अरण्यपर्व २-३ pp. 5, 26.
अरुण, see अनूरु. अर्जुन २ - ६०; pp. 5, 27. an -1; pp. 9, 26.
अश्वापहृत ३-२२; pp. 6, 28.
अहल्या ५-३३; pp. 10, 31, 32.
खण्डपाना १-७, ८, ४-१४ इ., -१७, ३२, ९४, ५-१, ६, २०, २४, ३२, ३८, ७०, ७३, -९०, १०४, - १०६ pp. 2, 8, 9, 10, 11. गम्मति (गालि) १४५ ..
इन्द्र १-६०, ५-३३ इ., -३७, १११; pp. 3, 4, 9, गङ्गा १-२५, ३४, ५२, ८५, ८८, ४-२८
2, 3, 4, 8, 26, 27, 29, 30. गणाधिपति ५- ११४; pp. 12, 83. गन्धारिवर ५६४: pp. 11, 31, 32.
10, 11, 29, 31, 32.
ईश्वर, see स्वामिन् also, pp. 3, 4, 7. Jataft 3-2, -49, 4-91; pp. 2, 3, 11.
४-३३, ३५, p. 8.
कीचक १-४१ इ., ४८, 49, pp. 5, 26, 34, 36. कुन्ती १-८३३, ५-११ -२३, ३७ pp. 4, 9, 10, 27, 31, 32, 36.
कुम्भकर्ण ४ - २५ इ.; pp. 8,30. कृत्तिका ३-७७; pp. 7, 29. 272-45, 4-113-114; pp. 5, 12, 27, 28, 30.
उमा १४०, ६०, ९२, ३-६०, ६६, ६८, ५-२०; pp. 3, 7, 10, 27, 29, 32, 35. उशी ५-114 pp. 12, 33. एकचक्र ४ - २२; p. 8.
लापाड १-०२-२६, ४३, ५२, ७५ ३, ३-१ -५२, -८७, ८९, −९२ ९८, ५-२६ pp. 2, 5, 6, 10, 23.
ऐरावण ५-३२.
चन्द्र 111 pp. 11, 82.
कण्डरीक १७, ३१, ३५, २-१६, २६, ३९, -४२, -५१, -७४ इ., ५-२३: pp. 2, 3, 4, 5, [ चित्रकूट ५- १२३; p. 12.
10.
कमलदल २-६, p. 4.
कर्ण १ - ८४; pp. 4, 10, 26, 27, 34, 36. का १६३, ४३२५२१६४६६, pp. 3, 8, 30, 32.
केशव १-७९, २-४१, ४५, ५८, ५-५९; pp. 27, 28.

गरुड ४-४५, ४७ इ., ५० इ., -६६, ७२, -७४, -७६ इ., -८३, -८६ इ.; pp. 8, 9, 30. गिरिसुता ३-५४. गोवर्धन -
pp. 9, 30.
गीवम १-६३, ५३३, ३६, pp. 3, 10, 31, 32.
चक्रायुध ४-८४.
चतुर्मुख ४-५६.
जटायु २-६२, -६७, ७४; pp. 6, 28, 34, 36. जमद१ि-६२ ३-११, २४: pp. 3, 6, 32. जम्बूद्वीप ५-११८.
जरासंध ३ २६ pp. 6, 28. ७३३४-२८. pp. 8, 30.
जहबी १९२४-२९ see also.

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ज्वलनअग्नि ३-७०, ५-२४ इ., -२९, -३१. | भारत १-१४,-३१,-३५, -४१,-५०,-८२, २-२७, तिलोत्तमा १-६५, -७३, ३-२८, -३२, -३६, ३-२०, ४-१४ इ., -१९,५-११९; pp. 2, 3, 4,
५-११५; pp. 3, 6, 7, 12, 26, 27, 33. 5, 6, 8, 12, 26, 30. त्रिपुर-३-७०.
भीम २-५९, ४-२२, -२४, ५-११, -१९, -६७ इ.; दक्षिणदेश ३-८३.
___pp. 5, 8, 9, 11, 28, 30, 31, 32. दग्धिका ५-४१; p. 10.
मधुमथ ३-९१, -९६, ४-८८; pp. 7,9. दशमुख ३-४७.
मन्दरगिरि २-३४, -५६, -६३, -७४, p. 6. दशरथ २-६९,७३, ३-४६.
मन्दोदरी ३-४८. देवकी २-४१; pp. 5, 27.
मन्मथ (-मदन) १-६४, ५-१११; p. 3. द्रुपद २-५२; pp. 5, 28, 34.
महादेव ३.७१. द्रोण १-६१,५-११५; pp. 3, 12, 26, 27, 32, 38. महावीर १-६९; pp. 3,32. द्रोणगिरि ३-५०, -९४; pp.7,30.
महासेन १-२९, ३-५३, ३-८२,-८५; pp. 7, 29. द्रौपदी २-५२,-५४,-६०; pp. 5,6.
माया ५-११७; p. 12. धनद ३-६, -१.
मार्कण्डेय २-३१; pp. 5, 27. धर्म ५-१११; pp. 11, 32.
मूलदेव १-१२, -१५, -१७, -३२, ५-११, -३८) धर्मपुत्र २-३१, ५-६७; pp. 5, 11.
___pp. 2, 9, 10, 23. धूर्ताख्यान १-१,५-१२२.
मूलश्री १-७, ८, २-१; pp. 2, 4. धृतराष्ट्र ५-१६, p. 9.
यम ३-१३, ५-२७ इ.,-३०, p. 10. नर १-८१, ५-११६; p. 12.
यमपत्नी ५-२६, -३१. नरकूवर ५-११५; pp. 12, 33.
यादव ५-११७, p. 12. नागशर्मन् ५-३९; p. 10.
योजनगन्धा ५-१३ इ. p. 9. निषाद ४-६१; pp. 9,30.
रक्तकुण्डलिन् १-७९, pp. 4, 26, 32. निसुन्द ३-२७, -३१ इ.; pp. 6, 7, 29, 33, रवि ५-२१ इ.,-२५. निःशल्या ३-५०; p. 7.
राघव १-८६, २-६५, p. 4. नीला ५-११; pp.9,31.
राम २-६४, -६७ इ., -७३, ३-४६ इ., ...९, परशुराम ३-२२; P. 6.
-९३; pp. 6,7,28. पवन ३-४२ इ., ५-८, -११, -१९, -११४; pp. 7, राम(व)ण २-६२,-६८,-७१, ३-९३, pp. 6, 7,
9,28. पवनतनय ३-३८, -४९.
रामायण १-१४, -३१,-८५, २-१२, ३-२०, -१३, पवनसुत १-८६, ३-१५, see हनुमत्; p. 4. ४-१४ इ., ५-६०, -११९; pp. 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, पशुपति १-६०, -९१; pp. 3,27.
8, 12, 26. पाटलीपुत्र ४-१८, ५-३९; pp. 8, 10.
राहु ३-८८; pp. 7,30. पाण्ड ५-१६, -६६, p. 9.
रुद्र १-७७, -७९, ३-६९, -७२; pp. 3, 4, 29, पाराशर १-१३, ५-१२; pp. 3,9,32.
रेणुका ३-२१; pp. 6, 28, 32, 33. पार्वती pp.'7, 12,33.
लक्ष्मण ३-४९,-९५; pp. 7, 28. पुराण १-१४, -३१, -३५, -५३, २-२७, ४-१५,लका १-८६, २-६८, ३-४६,४-६०, ५-६२; pp. __-२७, ५-६४; pp. 2,3,5,6, 8, 11, 26. | 4; 7, 9, 11, 30. बक ४-२२,-२४; pp. 8, 30.
वनभर ३-६६. बदरिकाश्रम 1-७५, ४-५०३. pp. 4, 8. वराह ३-९६, pp. 7,30. बलि ३-९०%p. 7.
बसिष्ट १-६३: pp. 3,32. रहस्पति-सुरगुरु, ५-६६, p. 11.
वसुदेवसुत (वासुदेव)२-४३: p. 5. मझन् १-३०६.,-५६, -५९, -६९,-01,-७४१., वायु ५-१११; pp. 11, 32.
-७७-७९, २-४५,-४७, -४९, ५-५९,-११५; वायुपुत्र २-७१,५-६९इ. pp. 3,14, 5, 8, 12, 26, 27, 28, 33. बालखिल्य ४-५७p. 8.
12.

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विचित्रवीर्य ५-१३; p. 9.
श्वेतकुण्डलिन् see स्वेद-. विदुर ५-१६; pp. 9,31.
श्वेताम्बर ५-१२५, p. 12. विनता ४-३३,-३५ इ., -४४, -४७ इ., -७५; pp. षण्मुख ३-८२, ५-११५; pp. 12,32. ___8,9, 30, 33.
सितकुण्डलिन्, see स्वेदविराटराज १-४२, p. 3.
सीता १-८६ इ.,२-६२, -६४ इ., -६७६., -६९६., विष्णु १-३९, -५४, ३-९०, ४-८०; pp. 3, 4, 7, ३-४६; pp. 6, 28.
9, 27, 28, 30, 32, 34. विष्णुपुराण २-२७; pp. 5, 26, 27.
सुन्द ३-२७, -३१ इ.; pp. 6, 7, 29.
सूर्य १-८१, ८३, ५-१११%, p. 11. व्यास १-४१, ५-१२, -१९; pp. 3, 9, 26, 31. शक १-८१, ५-३५, -६५, -७२.
सोमश्री ५-३९; p. 10. शंकर १-७५; pp. 4, 29.
स्वामिन्-ईश्वर १-२८; pp. 2, 3. शन्तनु ५-१३; p. 9.
स्वेदकुण्डलिन् १-७५, ५-११६, pp. 4,12, 26,32. शश १-७, ३-२०, -44, -९०, -९८, ४-१,-१४ हनुमत् १-८७, २-६५ इ., ३-४१, -४४, -१५,
ई., -१७, -२६, -३१ इ.,-९४, ५-३३, -५९ ४ -९१, -९३, ५-११,-१९, ५-६०, -६२, pp. pp. 2, 6, 8, 10, 19, 23.
6, 7, 9, 11, 27, 29, 30, 31, 34. शशिपाल (=शिशुपाल)२-५५; pp. 5, 28.
हर १-५२, -६३, ३-५९, ४-२८; pp. 3, 4, 8, शशिभूषण ३-५४.
26, 27, 32. शिव pp. 7, 10, 29, 35.
हरि १-६३, -७६, ५-७२, p. 3. शूलपाणि ३-६४.
हरिभद्र ५-१२४ इ. शैलसुता ५-११४, -११७.
हलधर (-बलराम) ५-११७; pp. 12, 33. श्रुति १-५३, -८९, २-२७,३-८८, ४-२७, ५-६४; | हिमवत् ४-६१. . .26.
। हुतवह अग्नि ३-५८,-६५ इ., -७१ इ.,५-२६.
धूर्ताख्याने समुद्धृतानां पद्यानां वर्णानुक्रमसूची
Sanskrit Text
420
Gujarati Text
p. 65
343
Prākrit Text V.110 V.4 HI.73 V. 18 IV.92 II. 50 I. 87*1 IV. 20 V. 103 V.5. . III.35 III. 67
अधीत्य शास्त्राणि अवि उड्डे चित्र आख्यास्यति पितुः आहारे चैव खजुरी मारुइणो जस्स पभावेणु तव प्रसादात् तेषां कटतट त्यागेन भूतानि पवणुचिअ आहारो स्त्रीणां कृते . हस्थी दम्मद
125
78
p. 54 p. 52 (2) p. 59
258
p. 57
p. 57

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