Jignasa Journal Of History Of Ideas And Culture Part 02

Author(s): Vibha Upadhyaya and Others
Publisher: University of Rajasthan
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/022813/1

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Jijnasa A JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF IDEAS AND CULTURE Prof. G.C. Pande Commemoration Volume HISTORY OF A JOURNAL OF THE LL IDEAS & CULTURE ra jijJAsA DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND INDIAN CULTURE, UNIVERSITY OF RAJASTIIAN, JAIPUR

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CONTENTS AND CONTRIBUTORS 1. Govind Chandra Pande (1923-2011) S.N. Dube 2. govinda prazasti / abhirAja rAjendra mizra 3. AcArya govindacandra pANDe kA saundarya vimarza nIlimA vaziSTha 4. bhAratIya saMskRti ke purodhA manISI pro. govinda candra pANDe / kRSNagopAla zamA 5. vyApaka vaiduSya ke pratimAna : govinda candra pANDe kalAnAtha zAstrI 6. Bhakt Meera's Struggle for a New Image Pratibha Jain & Sangeeta Sharma 7. Buddhist Meditation in the Atthakavagga and the Parayanvagga/ Neekee Chaturvedi 8. An Appraisal of "Bhakti in Philosophical Perspective"/ Yogesh Gupta 9. Jaunpur as a Seat of Bhakti Tradition and Hindi Love Lores / Syed Ejaz Hussain 10. The Secular Religiousity in Kabir's Philosophy of Bhakti/A.K.Sinha 11. zrI kRSNa kA naitika cintana evaM darzana rAjendra prasAda zarmA 12. zahaMzAha akabara kI jaina dharmaniSThA : eka samIkSA abhirAja rAjendra mizra 13. A Comparative Historiography of Vedic and Pre Socratic Thought/Susmita Pande 14. Vastu-Tantra or Purusa-Tantra? Rereading Sankara on Knowledge / Daniel Raveh 15. Fading Curve of Buddhism in India Rajendra K. Sharma 16. Tradition of Historical Writing on Rajasthan V.K. Vashishta 17. Vakataka Historiography as Seen in the Beginning of the Twenty-first Century Shankar Goyal 18. Re-mapping Culture through Literature. Usha Bande 19. A Historian of Culture Looks at Contemporary India Sibesh Bhattacharya 20. paramparA evaM AdhunikatA banAma itihAsa bodha vibhA upAdhyAya 21. vaidika vAGgamayaH aitihAsika dRSTi evaM vyAkhyA kA saMkaTa / DaoN. rAjeza mizra 22. uttaraupanivezavAda aura prAcyavAda pro. ravi zrIvAstava 23. Coins of the Ancient Republics of Rajasthan Lalit Pandey 24. Pleistocene Environment and Cultural Succession in Chhattisgarh / R.P. Pandey 25.Amroha Copper-Plategrant of Vidyadharadeva D.P.Dubey & Ashish K. Dubey

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Jijnasa A Journal of the History of Ideas and Culture Vol. XVII-XVIII 2011 - 2012

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Jijnasa A Journal of the History of Ideas and Culture Prof. G.C. Pande, Commemoration Volume, Vol. XVII-XVIII 2011 - 2012 Volume-2 Chief Editor Prof. Vibha Upadhyaya Editors Prof. R.S. Meena Prof. K.G. Sharma Associate Editors Dr. Pramila Sanghvi Dr. Sangeeta Sharma Dr. Rajendra K. Sharma Dr. Pramila Poonia Department of History and Indian Culture University of Rajasthan, Jaipur

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Jijnasa, A Journal of the History of Ideas and Culture Publisher :Department of History and Indian Culture University of Rajasthan, Jaipur-302004 (India) Department may use the articles published in the Journal in any form, and the authors are free to use the contents of their articles in any of their collections or writings. Distributed by Literary Circle C-12/13, Ist Floor, Opp.Khandelwal Girls College, S.C.Road, JAIPUR - 302001 email : litearycirclejpr@yahoo.com Chief Editor : Prof. Vibha Upadhyaya ISSN: 0377-743-X Printers : Sheetal Printers Typist : Literary Computers

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Advisory Board Prof. S.N. Dube, Retd Tagore Professor, Department of History and Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur Prof. V.S. Bhatanagar, Retd Professor, Department of History and Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur Prof. R.S. Mishra, Retd Professor, Department of History nd Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur Dr. Umesh Chaturvedi, Retd Professor, Department of History and Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur Prof. Pratibha Jain, Retd Professor, Department of History and Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur Dr. Neelima Vashishta, Retd Associate Professor, Department of Fine Arts, UOR, Jaipur Dr. R.K. Pant, Retd Associate Professor, Department of History and Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur Prof. B.L. Gupta Retd Professor, Department of History and Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur Editorial Board Prof. Vibha Upadhyaya Prof. R.S. Meena Prof. K.G. Sharma Dr. Pramila Sanghvi Dr. Sangeeta Sharma Dr. Rajendra K. Sharma Dr. Pramila Poonia

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Editor's Words Late Prof. G. C. Pande needs no introduction. He was indeed a becon of light. He shone the world of Indology, Religion, Culture and Philosophy by his erudition and fame. His valuable contribution to various fields of Indian History & Culture, are well known to scholars and students of Indian History & Culture. He was always a great source of inspiration to every student of Indian history, Philosophy, Religion and Literature. He was also the founder editor of the journal 'Jijnasa. Now Commemoration volume of Jijnasa' gave me opportunity to pay tribute to such a illustrious scholar Late Prof. G. C. Pande. Actually it was the long cherished wish of the editors of Jijnasa' to present a felicitation volume of Prof. G. C. Pande. Initially the idea of felicitation was mooted by Dr. Rajni Kant Pant (the then HOD, Dept. of History & Indian Culture and editor of 'Jijnasa') in the year of 2004. Then Dr. Neelima Vashishtha (Dept. of Fine Arts) with Prof. V. S. Bhatanagar (Dept. of History and Indian Culture) planned to felicitate Prof. Pande, but because of some limitations, it was delayed. Now the present volume can only be offered to his memory in the form of commemoration volume, which is the composite form of continuous previous efforts. The task of bringing out volume to pay homage to our learned scholar is enormous and on the other an onerous task of contacting scholars across the country to bring together their scholarly papers. But by the grace of god, I can say that I am successful on the both the counts and definitely it is matter of pride for me and Dept. of History & Indian culture, University of Rajasthan. It is bounded duty on my part to express my deep sense of indebtedness to numbers of scholars from whom I received wholehearted support in form of articles. I owe my sincere thanks and gratitude to all the members of editorial board of this special volume for their warm support and co-operation for bringing out this volume. Iexpress my sincere sense of gratitude to Dr. Neelima Vashishtha to help me continuously in all type of work of the publication, specially in editing and corrections of all the manuscripts. She has been encouraging me for this noble cause. I am also thankful to Dr. Rajesh Mishra of Allahabad Museum, for sending photographs of Prof. Pande and 'Atma Kathya' of Prof. G. C. Pande. I express my thank to Prof. Susmita Pande (daughter of Late Prof. G. C. Pande) for sending family photographs. I am highly grateful to Prof. S. N. Dube, Prof. R. S. Misra, Prof. V. S. Bhatanagar for their kind help. I would be failing in my duty if I do not express my deep gratitude to Vice-Chancellor, University of Rajasthan for kindly giving financial support. The present volume is brought out in two volumes with five sections. The first section contains papers in memory of Prof. G. C. Pande, section second on Religion, Philosophy and Historiography, section third deals with Archaeology, Epigraphy, Numismatics, section fourth deals with Art, Architecture, Iconography and Paintings and section fifth contains History and miscellenious articles, related to different themes. Finally I express my warm thanks to Mr. Sapan the publisher and I am very much aware of my lapses. I crave the indulgence of contributors and readers both for the errors and omission. Prof. Vibha Upadhyaya

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Editor's Words Contributors List Volume-1 Atmakathya, vicAra yAtrA pro. govinda canda pANDeya kI cIna para likhI kavitA Shri G. C. Pande ji : Photo Album xiv xxxiii Papers in Memory of Prof. G. C. Pande 1. Govind Chandra Pande (1923-2011) Prof. S.N. Dube 2. govinda prazasti pro. abhirAja rAjendra mizra 3. AcArya govindacandra pANDe kA saundarya vimarza DaoN. nIlimA vaziSTha 4. bhAratIya saMskRti ke purodhA manISI pro. govinda candra pANDe DaoN. kRSNagopAla zarmA 5. vyApaka vaiduSya ke pratimAna : govinda candra pANDe devarSi kalAnAtha zAstrI Religion, Philosophy and Historiography 6. Bhakt Meera's Struggle for a New Image 33 Prof. Pratibha Jain & Dr. Sangeeta Sharma 7. Buddhist Meditation in the Arthakavagga and the Parayanvagga Dr. Neekee Chaturvedi 8. An Appraisal of "Bhakti in Philosophical Perspective" Prof. Yogesh Gupta 9. Jaunpur as a Seat of Bhakti Tradition and Hindi Love Lores Dr. Syed Ejaz Hussain 10. The Secular Religiousity in Kabir's Philosophy of Bhakti Prof. A.K.Sinha 11. zrI kRSNa kA naitika cintana evaM darzana DaoN. rAjendra prasAda zarmA 12. zahaMzAha akabara kI jaina dharmaniSThA : eka samIkSA pro. abhirAja rAjendra mizra 13. A Comparative Historiography of Vedic and Pre Socratic Thought Prof. Susmita Pande 14. Vastu-Tantra or Purusa-Tantra? Rereading Sankara on Knowledge Prof. Daniel Raveh

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101 107 115 136 15. Fading Curve of Buddhism in India Dr. Rajendra K. Sharma 16. Tradition of Historical Writing on Rajasthan in Persian and Its Dilution under the British Paramountcy Prof. V.K. Vashishta 17. Vakataka Historiography as seen in the Beginning of the Twenty-first Century Dr. Shankar Goyal 18. Re-mapping Culture through Literature: Narratives as Vehicles of Culture Dr. Usha Bande 19. A Historian of Culture Looks at Contemporary India Prof. Sibesh Bhattacharya 20. paramparA evaM AdhunikatA banAma itihAsa bodha : bhAratIya saMdarbha pro. vibhA upAdhyAya 21. vaidika vAGgamayaH aitihAsika dRSTi evaM vyAkhyA kA saMkaTa DaoN. rAjeza mizra 22. uttaraupanivezavAda aura prAcyavAda : saMkalpanA aura svarUpa pro. ravi zrIvAstava 143 158 162 Archaeology, Epigraphy, Numismatics 23. Coins of the Ancient Republics of Rajasthan 177 Dr. Lalit Pandey 24. Pleistocene Environment and Cultural Succession in Chhattisgarh 183 Prof. R.P. Pandey 25. Amroha Copper-Plate grant of Vidyadharadeva 189 Dr. D. P. Dubey & Mr. Ashish K. Dubey 26. Study of Ancient Indian Inscriptions : Some Methodological Considerations 197 Prof. S.R. Goyal 27. Urban Centres and Urban forces in c. 600-900 CE Rajasthan: Historic Insights from 203 Contemporary Temple Remains, Epigraphs and Coins Dr. Shanta Rani Sharma 28. Pakkakot: Revealing new Archaeological Dimensions in Mid-Ganga Plain Prof. S.R. Dubey, Dr. G.K. Lama, Dr. A.K. Singh and Dr. S.K. Singh 29. Sea Ports of Barbaricum and Barygaza : International Trading Stations of the Kushans 229 Dr. B.R. Mani 222 Volume-2 Art, Architecture, Iconography and Paintings 233 240 30. Dana Paramita as Illustrated in Early Indian Buddhist Art Prof. Anupa Pande 31. Goddess Vikata of Harshanatha, Sikar Dr. R.C. Agrawal 32. Sarda Temple at Maihar: An Epigraphical Account Dr. J.N. Pandey 242

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246 33. Certain Specimens of Painting in Peshwa Period Dr. Varsha Shirgaonkar 34. Jain Temples of Caita 254 Prof. Arvind K. Singh & Mr. Navneet Kumar Jain 35. 'Dohada' AFolk-Lore in Ancient India 262 Late Prof. U.N.Roy 36. buMdelakhaMDa kI citrakalA meM loka paramparA kA nirvahana 268 DaoN saMdhyA pANDeya, DaoN aparNA anila History and Miscellenious 315 321 37. Dayanand Saraswati: Campaign for Social Regeneration 274 Dr. Sangeeta Sharma 38. From Cultural Routes to Cultural Roots: Ibn Battuta's observations of Fourteenth 282 Century North India Prof. Sunita Zaidi 39. Encapsulated as Material Artistic Response: Historicizing and Reconstructing the 293 Feminine Space In early Medieval Rajasthan ____Dr. Anuradha Rathore 40. The Collective Worlds of John Steinbeck, Anantha Murthy and Raja Rao ___Dr. Aruna Pandey 41. "Vahivanca ni (Chronicler's) Vahi" - A Study of Indian Culture Dr. Balvant S. Jani 42. Dara Shukoh: A Crown Prince in search of Truth and Harmony 332 Prof. V.S. Bhatnagar 43. Pothikhna of Jaipur: Khas-Muhar Late Pt. Gopal Narayan Bahura, Edited by 340 Dr. Chandra mani Singh 44. Asokan ideal of Dhamma Vijaya - The Impact of Ascetic thought and the new 348 trends in Indian Diplomacy Dr. Pramila Sanghvi 45. Rgveda kI viduSI nAriyA~ DaoN. madhulikA zarmA 46. bhAratIya rASTrikoM dvArA cIna kA nirmANa DaoN. dharmacanda caube 47. mAravAr3a kI jala saMskRti DaoN. mahendra siMha 48. zekhAvATI kSetra ke sAMskRtika vikAsa meM vyApArika mArgoM kA yogadAna 393 DaoN. pramilA pUniyA 49. saltanata kAla meM praudyogikI vikAsa : aitihAsika sarvekSaNa DaoN. sI. ela. sihAga 50.pUrva madhyakAlIna uttara bhArata kI rAjanItika vyavasthAH pratihAra prazAsanika vyavasthA ke vizeSa sandarbha meM 405 DaoN. vijayA kumArI 51.bhArata meM mahilA zramika : dazA evaM dizA DaoN. manju kumArI jaina 418 364 379 399 Illustrations

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Contributors List Dr. A.K. Singh Dept. of Ancient Indian History Culture & Archaeology, B.H.U. Varanasi Mr. Ashish K. Dubey Research Scholar, Dept. of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad Central University, Allahabad Dr. Anuradha Rathore Associate Professor in History, Kanoria P.G. Mahila Mahavidyalaya, Jaipur Dr. Balvant S. Jani Dean, Gujrat Bhasha Bhawan Saurashtra University, Rajkot Prof. Arvind K. Singh Professor, School of Studies in AIHC & Archaeology, Jiwaji University, Gwalior-474011 (M.P.) Dr. B.R. Mani Joint Director, ASI. Janapath, New Delhi Dr. Aruna Pandey Department of English, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur 302004. Dr. C.L. Sihag Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Prof. A.K.Sinha, Dr. D. P. Dubey Dept. of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Associate Professor Dept. of Ancient Indian Archaeology, Ruhelkhanda University, Bareilly History, Culture and Archaeology, Allahabad Central University, Allahabad Prof. Anupa Pande Professor and Head, Dept. of History of Art, Dr. Devarshi Kalanatha Shastri Dean, National Museum Institute of History of Former Director, Rajasthan Sanskrit Academy Art, Conservation and Museology, National Sanskrit Education and Bhasha Dept, Govt of Museum Institute, New Delhi Rajasthan Prof. Abhiraj Rajendra Mishra Former Vice-Chancellor Himanchal University, Shimla Dr. Dharma Chanda Chaube Lectures, Dept. of History, Govt. College Rajgarh, Alwar (Rajasthan) Dr. Aparna Anil Asst. Prof. Painting Govt. Sarojani Naidu Kanya Mahavidyalaya, Bhopal Prof. Daniel Raveh Dept. of Indian and Comparative Philosc phy Tel-Aviv University, Jeruselum

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Dr. G.K. Lama, Dept. of Ancient Indian History Culture & Archaeology, B.H.U. Varanasi Dr. Neelima Vashishtha Retd, Dept. of Fine Arts, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Dr. J.N. Pandey Former Professor & Head, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology Central University of Allahabad, Allahabad Prof. Pratibha Jain, (Retd) Dept. of History & Indian Culture, Former Director, Centre for Women Studies, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Prof. Krishna Gopal Sharma Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Dr. Pramila Poonia Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Dr. Lalit Pandey Dr. Pramila Sanghvi Director Dept. of History & Indian Culture, Institute of Rajasthan Studies, Janardhan Rai University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Nagar Rajasthan Vidhyapeeth University, Udaipur, Dr. R.C. Agrawal, Rajasthan Retd. Director, State Archaeology Department Govt. of Rajasthan, Jaipur Late Pt. Gopal Narayan Bahura, Noted Historian, Jaipur Prof. R.P. Pandey Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture Dr. Mahendra Singh And Archaeology Director, Mehrangarh Fort Museum Trust, Jiwaji University, Gwalior (M.P.) Jodhapur Dr. Rajendra K. Sharma Dr. Madhulika Sharma Dept. of History & Indian Culture, Retd., Dept. of History and Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Dr. Rajesh Mishra Dr. Manju Kumeri Jain, Allahabad Museum, Allahabad Dept. of Political Science, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Dr. Rajendra Prasad Sharma Dept. of Philosophy, Mr. Navneet Kumar Jain University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Research Student, Dept. of AIHC & Archaeology, Prof. Ravi Srivastava Jiwaji University, Gwalior (M.P.) Prof. Dept. of Hindi, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Dr. Neekee Chaturvedi Lecturer, Department of History, Govt. P. G. College, Dausa, Rajasthan

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Dr. Sangeeta Sharma, Prof. (Dr.) Susmita Pande, Department of History & Indian Culture, Dept. of Ancient Indian History University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Culture & Archaeology. Vikrama University, Ujjain Prof. S.N. Dube, (Retd. Prof.,) Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Dr. Sandhya Pandey Asso. Prof, Painting. Late. Dr. U.N.Roy Govt. Kamala Raja Kanya Mahavidyalaya, Professor Department of Ancient Indian history. Gwalior Culture & Archaeology, Central University of Allahabad, Allahabad Prof. Sunita Zaidi Department of History and Culture, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi - 110 025 Dr. S.R. Goyal Professor and Head (Retd.) Dr. Varsha Shirgaonkar Department of History. Professor and Head, Department of History, Jai Narain Vyas University, Jodhpur (Rajasthan) S. N. D. T. Women's University, Mumbai Prof. S.R. Dubey, Dept. of Ancient Indian History Culture & Archaeology, B.H.U. Varanasi Dr. Syed Ejaz Hussain Department of History, Visva-Bharati University. Santiniketan-731235 (West Bengal) Dr. Shanta Rani Sharma Prof. V.S. Bhatnagar, Associate Prof. in History, Dyal Singh College, Retd, Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Delhi University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Dr. S.K. Singh Dept. of Ancient Indian History Culture & Archaeology, B.H.U. Varanasi Dr. Shankar Goyal Department of History Jai Narain Vyas University, Jodhpur, Rajasthan Dr. Usha Bande, Former Fellow, Indian Institute of Advanced Studies, Shimla Prof. Sibesh Bhattacharya, Former, Director Indian Institute of Advanced Studies, Shimla Prof. V. K. Vashishtha Former Head, Department of History, M.D.S. University, Ajmer Prof. Vibha Upadhyaya Head Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Dr. Vijaya Kumari Dept. of History & Indian Culture. University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Prof. Yogesh Gupta, Dept. of Philosophy, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur

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Dana Paramita as Illustrated in Early Indian Buddhist Art / 233 30. Dana Paramita as Illustrated in Early Indian Buddhist Art Anupa Pande This article is homage for one of the greatest Buddhist scholars in the world, Prof. G. C. Pande. During the Bodhi Experience, the Buddha first came to have the purvenivasasmritijnana. This is the basic presupposition of the Jataka stories. Seeing a present incident, the Buddha recalls the past of the characters involved and his own role as Bodhisattva in the happenings. Thus, ostensibly, the Jatakas recall various incidents from the life of the Bodhisattva in his previous births. At the same time, we have to remember that much of the material of the Jatakas, Avadanas and early Buddhist literature was derived from popular tales, often-folk tales. In these tales, popular cults of yakshas and nagas and Vedic Gods in their popular form played a dominant part. But now, when adapted by the Buddhists as Bodhisattva stories or Jatakas, the original cults were subordinated to Buddhist ideas and motifs. In the Buddhist cosmology yakshas, nagas and Vedic deities like Indra, Yama, Varuna are all deities of the Ramadhatu, i.e., of the sensuous world. Above these are the deities of the rupa and arupa dhatus which have numerous worlds reached by meditation and deities are mentioned for each of them. Beyond the three dhatus is Nirvana. The worship of the Buddha is not the worship of Gods in any of the three dhatus but of a principle beyond them. Buddha is, in principle, Bodhi personified. Having directly attained Nirvana, the Buddha chose to work among human beings to show them the way. This is the root idea of the Bodhisattva ideal as reflected in the Jatakas. In every condition of life, the Buddha helps the process of enlightenment through compassion. In Mahayana, the Bodhisattvapranidhana is the Bodhisattva's resolve to help all beings. This requires the practice of paramitas or perfections. Of the many paramitas mentioned, one of the most prominent is Dana Paramita or charity. Dana is a variety of karma or action. What then, is the Buddhist theory of karma? Karma is volition and action dependent on volition - 'cheina shetayitva sha karmoktam parmashina' (Nagarjuna on Madhyamikakarika, Karmapariksha prakarana). Dana, thus, is good action. The essence of dana lies in volition where one wants to give up the self and what belongs to it. Dana is not simply charity in common parlance, dana is 'kushalahetuprayuktachaitanya'i.e. goodwill motivated by welfare, suggested in the Abhidharma. Thus, the Buddhist concept of dana includes goodwill and welfare for others, it includes self sacrifice

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234 / Jijnasa and also love and compassion. In fact, dana may be connected with universal compassion. The Shikshasamuchchaya of Shantideva (the detailed panjika or commentary) has expounded such an idea of dana. The literary form of the Jataka consists of three main parts. The first, Pachchupannavatthu literally means the present plot' (or story). It is the story of the present occasion which prompts the Buddha to recall the past which is called Atitavatthu. This second part is essentially the Jataka story, which relates the deeds of the Buddha as a Bodhisattva in his past life. This is a prose narrative. The third important part, which gives the message, is in a verse form which is called the Gatha. The Gatha includes Veyyakarana and Samodhana. Veyyakarana is explanation and prophecy. Samodhana is connection' or putting together. Here, finally, the Buddha clarifies by identifying the characters of the past story' with that of the present. Today, of the original, only the Gathas survive. The other parts are drawn from the Jatakattakatha. An Avadana means a noteworthy deed or feat'. Like the Jatakas, the Avadana too, by way of introduction, relates where and on which occasion the Buddha related the story from the past, and at the end, the moral of the story is pointed out by the Buddha. Thus, an Avadana consists of the story of the present, and a moral. There is a special kind of Avadana in which the Buddha instead of narrating the stoky of the past speaks prophetically of the future. As the karmas or actions of the past explain the present existence, so also the karmas or actions of the present indicate the future existence. There are also Avadanas in which karma also brings forth the results as good or bad fruits in the present existence. Both the Jatakas and Avadanas were narrative compositions whose primary function was the dissemination of ethical values and inculcation of morality amongst the people. They advocate the doctrine of karma as they intend to show that the actions of one's existence are closely connected with those of the past or future existence. However, the main protagonist of the Jataka is always a Bodhisattva while an Avadana may have a monk, an arhat or a king. The present paper is an attempt to show how early Indian Buddhist art, viz., at Sanchi, Bharhut, Amaravati, Nagarjunakonda, Goli and Ajanta illustrate the Dana Paramita. These Jatakas and Avadanas are rendered in art through the narrative form, viz., either a single, significant episode may be depicted, a few significant events may be syncopated in a panel, or if the pictorial space permitted, a succession of significant events was depicted. At Bharhut (2nd century B.C.), the name of the Jataka was inscribed along with its depiction, but at Sanchi and Amaravati, these labels were not deemed necessary. Vessantara Jataka: The story is adumbrated below. The Bodhisattva was born as prince Vessantara, well known for his generosity. Once, when the neighboring kingdom of Kalinga suffered a severe drought, some brahmins of Kalinga went to ask Vessantara for his glorious white elephant which had the magical qualities of bringing rain and the generous prince gave it away. Unfortunately, the citizens of prince Vessantara's kingdom were incensed and King Sanjaya (Vessantara's father) was forced to banish the prince and his family in exile. He took leave of his parents and departed, with his family, in a chariot to exile. There occur a number of vicissitudes in his meandering destiny. On his way to exile, the prince came across four brahmins who demanded the horses of the chariot and the prince gave them away. Another Brahmin asked for the chariot and after

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Dana Paramita as Illustrated in Early Indian Buddhist Art / 235 bestowing that, the prince and his family walked on foot. The family lived in a hermitage in the forest. Their hardships did not end. The children were kidnapped by a wicked man Jujaka. The god Shakra, trying to further test the charity of the Bodhisattva, appeared before him in the guise of a Brahmin and asked for his wife Madri to which the prince agreed. Seeing this excellent resolution Shakra, however gave Madri back to her husband. Jujaka took the children to their grandfather, King Sanjaya, and demanded ransom for their return. When the children narrated the hardship of their parents, King Sanjaya brought his son and daughter-in-law back to the kingdom. The Jataka is portrayed in Central India (1st century A.D.) on the lowest architrave of the North Gate of Sanchi Stupa I (Fig. 1). It has pride of place as it is depicted both in the front and rear of the architrave. The front architrave depicts the scene of giving away of the elephant, banishment of the prince, giving away of the horses and chariot to the brahmins. The rear architrave depicts the hermitage scene. At Bharhut, the relief depicts an imperial personage bestowing a royal elephant to an ascetic in a park, which is suggested by the existence of a tree (Fig. 2). At Amaravati (15-3 century A.D.), in Andhra Pradesh, the story is found represented on the inner side of a coping fragment [Fig. 3) and divided into three parts. There is a clear definition of pictorial space into three lucid divisions. In the first part, there is the large figure of the elephant on the left, Vessantara stands near it with a danapatra in his hand. The figure of the mendicant can be identified by his posture of bent knees and waist and receiving the dana. The second part of the narrative shows Vessantara leaving with his wife and children on a bullock cart. This along with the donation of the cart and bullocks are depicted as one scene at the bottom. At the top, there is again the figure of a Brahmin asking for alms. Here, we know that they are in the forest due to the presence of the parnakuri (leafhut) and the deer. The third part of the pictorial space depicts the children united with their grand father at the bottom and entire family united at the top, right of the last panel. At Goli, in Andhra Pradesh, the prince is first shown riding the miraculous elephant (Fig. 4), then donating it. The sequence of events unfolds in the following order viz., the prince departs with his wife and children, the children are taken away by Jujaka the wicked brahmin, Shakra asks for Madri as alms (he is shown seated on a pedestal and can be identified by the presence of his elephant, Airavata, sculpted on the pedestal), the children are reunited with their grandfather and then there are two figures presumably of Vessantara and Madri. At Ajanta, the Jataka has been painted twice, in Caves 16 and 17. In Cave 16, there is an inscription which reads the name 'Vaishvantarah', that establishes the identity of the Jataka which is in a considerably damaged state [Figs. 5). In Cave 17, this Jataka was portrayed in considerable detail [Fig. 6). Cave 17 is the mature phase of Ajanta paintings, dated to around the 5th cent. A.D. The beautiful Madri has a well modeled form with long limbs, slender waist and lissome figure. She looks at Vessantara sadly who is banished from the kingdom [Fig. 7). Different groups of people in Ajanta have been rendered individually according to the Indian concept of uttam, madhyam and adham prakriti which relate to a person's social rank, nature or even human attributes. People with high ranking stature or noble nature like the royal personages and enlightened beings are uttam prakriti .They are shown with long limbs, flawless bodies and beautiful faces. Common people like the mendicants seen here are of madhyam prakriti. exhibiting moderate qualities. But even so, each person in the group of mendicant is portrayed with a sense

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236 / Jijnasa of individualism. People of low social stature or wicked nature are adham prakriti. The crooked Jujaka in this Jataka is shown with broken teeth, an evil smile and cunning eyes [Fig. 8). On observing the various depictions of the Vessantara Jataka over a period of time starting with Bharhut and preceding chronologically through Sanchi, Amaravati, Goli, and Ajanta certain conclusions can be drawn. Till the 2nd century B.C., at Bharhut, the full formula of the pictorial depiction had not yet evolved. The story was depicted in a mono-scenic manner with the pivotal moment of the story (the donation of the miraculous elephant) being illustrated. Based on this single scene, the viewer was meant to infer that this is the great dana of Vessantara and the sequence of events that followed. The fact that they had labels below the Jatakas at Bharhut lends creditability to this theory. The labels were aids or clues given to the viewer to help him identify the narrative correctly. At Sanchi, the story of Vessantara in its entirety is depicted on the torana of the North Gate in great detail. Each incident, starting from the donation of the elephant, the departure on the horse drawn chariot, the donations of the horses and chariot to the brahmins, the kidnapping of the two children, Shakra asking for Madri as alms, the children being sold to their grandfather and the reunion of the family are all delineated graphically and meticulously. Attention has been paid to differentiate the urban life (front face of the architrave) from their life in the hermitage (rear face of the architrave). From the first and second centuries onwards we see that the visuai formula of the Vessantara Jataka had unfolded, the model being that of Sanchi. At Amaravati, the crucial junctures of the story have been sculpted, i.e., the various danas of prince Vessantara. The donee and the donor figures are apparent and these are the key figures that help in decoding the scenes. Thereafter, whether it is Goli or Ajanta, this is generally the formula followed for the depiction of Vessantara Jataka. The donation of the elephant, horses, chariot, children and wife seems to be an integral part of the paintings. Sarvamdada Avadana/ Shivi Jatka: The story of King Shivi and his self sacrifice is well-known in both Buddhist and Hindu literature. It is illustrated in the art of Gandhara, Amaravati, Nagarjunkonda and Ajanta. The Buddhist Sarvamdada Avadana speaks of a King named Sarvamdada. Once, a dove frightened by a hunter, came to seek shelter in the lap of the king. The king offered the hunter rich food from the palace, but the hunter demanded his prey. Finally, he agreed to let go the dove if he got twice its weight of the king's own flesh. The king agreed. Kapilapingala, a cruel man agreed to cut off the king's flesh. Flesh was cut from the thighs, arms and other parts but was not equal to the weight of the bird. Finally, the bleeding king, all skin and bones, went and sat on the weighing scale himself. Kapilapingala asked the king the reason for sacrificing the life that was so valued by all. The king smiled and replied that it was for gaining nothing but supreme knowledge that would relieve all creatures from suffering; and for this truthful utterance his body became whole once more. The hunter was the God Shakra, who wished to test the king's virtue. In the Hindu version, as told by Rishi Markandeya to Yudhishthira in the Mahabharata (Vana-Parra), it is God Indra in the form of a hawk (not a hunter) who pursues the pigeon (God

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Dana Paramita as Ulustrated in Early Indian Buddhist Art / 237 Agni) and the king who is the main protagonist is named Shivi. The rest of the story is almost the same. The depiction in Gandhara art is close to this version (Fig. 91. The story is chiselled with great command and precision in the Gandhara frieze. On the left. Kapilapingala is seen cutting off the flesh from the thigh of king Shivi. The king, who is seated on his throne, is visibly fatigued and accordingly supported by a lady. However, what is really fascinating about this frieze is that both Shakra and Agni are shown in animal as well as anthropomorphic form. The dove is seated at the foot of the throne and the hawk is shown flving. Shakra and Agni, in anthropomorphic form are seen standing on the extreme right of the frieze. The carving displays an amalgamation of Hellenistic and Indic elements. The human figures have volume and plasticity and can be seen in three-fourth, profile and frontal views. The facial features reveal a significant debt to Hellenistic art, with Iranian style moustache, full eyebrows and heavy faces while the finely pleated dhotis and Shakra's crown are distinctly Indian At Amravati the Sarvamdada Avadana is depicted on a rail pillar, in the fluted area between two lotus roundels (Fig. 10). The entire narrative unfolds in the form of three scenes. The first scene one to the left shows the dove seated on king Sarvamdada's lap seeking his protection. Shakra is in the form of the hunter asking for his prey. The scene depicting the king cutting off his own flesh to give to the hunter in place of the dove has been given emphasis in the central flute. The plaintive and the grief-stricken subjects witness the king's great sacrifice in horror. Thus, even in this cloistered space the story is lucidly communicated. In yet another sculpted frieze of Amaravati we see representations of the same tale [Fig. 11). It portrays a synoptic depiction of both the key scenes of the Avadana. Fig. 12 is a sculptural frieze from Nagarjunakonda (Andhra Pradesh) which shows the king cutting off his own flesh in a poignant manner. The anguish and dismay of the witnesses is clearly palpable even in this depiction. The Sarvaindada Avadana is depicted in Cave I of Ajanta (Fig. 13). The two crucial scenes of the dove in the lap of king Sarvamdada and the king standing against the weighing scales can be easily distinguished despite the damaged state of the painting, thus helping identify it. In Cave 17 at Ajanta, another Buddhist version, that of the Shivi Jataka, is depicted (Fig. 14). Here Shakra, in the form of a blind mendicant. asks Shivi to donate his eyes, "Dure upassam thero va chakkhum yachitam agato eka netta bhavissam, chakhhum me dchi yachito", i.e., "An elder, having come from far begs for an eye. (Both) will then become one-eyed, I ask for one eye". Shivi replied, "Ekam te yachamanassa ubhayani dadamaham", "You ask for oue eye, I give you both". The Jataka also states that Shivi had built six Alms Halls at the four city gates, city centre and the palace gateway. Shivi approached the Alms Hall on his elephant. The Shivi Jataka episode in Cave 17 shows Shivi first pondering on how to make a fantastic donation, he is then shown approaching the danashala (Alms Hall) on an elephant, there is then a fine depiction of a danashala where mendicants are being given alms. All this has a close co-ordination with the text. Interestingly, the painting contains a few inscriptions like the name 'Sibiraja' that helps identify the narrative. In this tale of supreme sacrifice of Shivi/Sarvamdada, the two crucial images which help in identifying it are that of the king getting his flesh cut (or cutting himself) and the weighing scales. In India, from Vedic times onwards, dana is a part of welfare actions, ishtapurti. It involves svatvatyaga, i.e., relinquishing what belongs to oneself. The Brahmavical Vedic-Puranic dana

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238 / Jijnasa has a ritualistic aspect. There, the gift has to be in accordance with some sacred prescription (vidhipurvaka). The Buddhist dana has no such limitation. It has purely a psycho-ethical basis. Dana depends on elevated moral feelings, like compassion, selflessness etc. Dana Paramita has a direct effect on the limiting force of egoism. The idea of dana is, as said, an ancient idea founded in Brahmanical tradition too. However, in the Budddhist conception, the idea of dana becomes dematerialized. It requires not merely giving up ones material possessions, but giving up whatever is one's own, ultimately one's self. Select Bibliography Primary Sources * Abhidhammatthasangaho, 3 Vols., edited and tr. R.S. Tripathi, pub. Sampurnananda Sanskrit University, Varanasi. * Avadana-Kalpalata of Kshemendra. 2 vols. Edited by P.L. Vaidya. Buddhist Sanskrit Texts 22 and 23. Darbhanga: Mithila Institute, 1959. * Abhidharmakosha, Varanasi, 1970. * Abhidharmakoshabhasya, Patna, 1975. * Asanga, Mahayanasutralamkara, ed. S. Levi, Paris. Dhammapada-Atthakatha. Dutiyo Bhago. Igatpuri: Vipassana Research Centre, 1995. * Jatakas with Comm., ed. V. Fausboll, 7 Vols., London, 1877-97; tr. E.B. Cowell, 6 Vols., 1895-1913. * Jataka-Atthakatha. Pathamo Bhago. Igatpuri: Vipassana Research Centre, 1998. * Tripitakas, ed. in Devanagari script by J. Kashyapa, 41 volumes, Nalanda Mahavihara; ed. in Roman script, P.T.S. * The Jatakamala or the Bodhisattvavadana-Mala by Aryashura. Edited by H. Kern. Boston: Harvard University, 1891. * The Jatakamala or Garland of Birth-Stories of Aryashura. Translated by J.S. Speyer. Reprint, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1982. 1 London ed. 1895. Secondary Sources * Barua, B.M., Bharhut, 3 Vols., Calcutta, 1934-37. * Bhattacharya, Vidhusekhara, The Basic Conceptions of Buddhism, Calcutta, 1934. Bachhofer, Ludwig. Early Indian Sculpture. 2 vols. (1deg London ed. 1939: New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1973). * Barua, B.M. Bharhut. 3 Parts. 1934-37. Reprint, Patna: Indological House Corporation, 1979. * Knox, Robert. Amaravati: Buddhist Sculpture from the Great Stupa. London: British Museum Press, 1992. * Marshall, John. A Guide to Sanchi. Delhi: Manager of Publications, 1936. * Pande, Anupa, The Buddhist Cave Paintings of Bagh. Aryan Books International. Delhi. 2002 Pande, G.C., Studies in the Origins of Buddhism, 3 revised edn., Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1983;

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Dana Paramita as Illustrated in Early Indian Buddhist Art Schlingloff, Dieter: Guide to the Ajanta Paintings. Vol. I (Narrative Wall Paintings). New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publications, 1999. * Stcherbatsky, The Central Conception of Buddhism, Rep. Delhi, 1983; Buddhist Logic, 2 Vols. Leningrad. Suzuki, D.T., The Outlines of Mahayana Buddhism, 1927. Taranatha's History of Buddhism in India, tr., by Lama Chimpa and Alaka Chattopadhyaya (Shimla, 1970). Zwalf, W., A Catalogue of the Gandhara Sculpture in the British Museum, 2 Vols., (Text and Plates), 1996. Photo Credits Barua, B.M., Bharhut, 3 Vols. * Behl, Benoy K., The Ajnata Caves Ghosh, A., Ajanta Murals Knox, Robert, Amaravati: Buddhist Sculpture from the Great Stupa Marshall, John, A Guide to Sanchi * / 239 Okada, Amina, Ajanta Rao, P.R. Ramachandra, Andhra Sculptures * Sahay, Binay Kumar, Central Asia Gallery, National Museum, New Delhi, India. Schlingloff, Dieter, Guide to the Ajanta Paintings. Vol. I (Narrative Wall Paintings) Yazdani, Ghulam, Ajanta * Zwalf, W., A Catalogue of the Gandhara Sculpture in the British Museum, 2 Vols.

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240 / Jinasa 31. Goddess Vikata of Harshanatha, Sikar R.C. Agrawal The 10th Century Siva Temple of Harshanatha is situated at a distance of about 8 miles from Sikap town of Rajasthan. It preserves elegant specimens of art and architecture. A number of eminent scholars like DR Bhandarkar Stella Kranrisch, K. Deva, M. Meister, M. Dhaky have highlighted its i portance. On the hill above is situated the Siva temple of great iconographic and architectural importance. The sanctumoribis Saiva edifice preserves, on its walls, beautiful sculptures of Nayikas and that of standing Godhasama rie. Farveti parforming penance all bearing their identifications The inscribed slab (3x33') of black stone of Vikrama year 1030, from the Harsha Temple, is now preserved in the Govt. Museum at Sikar. It is a big Prasasti having an important bearing on the political history and art data. The name ni Pasupatacharya Allata is very important; he got the temple built, he was the guiding force. Line Il of this inscription refers to well carved sculptures of Vikata, Pandputras (i.e., Pandavas), Torana dvara and Nandi bull, which are still visible at the site. This juscription nighlights Siva but does not forget his wife Parvati. She was bent upon performing penance (tapa) under great ordeal. That is why she is named Tapasvini: she is called Vikata (fane) in this very inscription The epithet Vikata is also alluded on the pedestal (below the seated female attendant) to the left of the colossal sculpture of Parvati iu the sanctum of this very temple. I examined the small inscription Vika'a many times. The reading was confirmed by many scholars like K. Deva and Neelima Vas shtha. It is a pity that some mischief mongers have rubbed off this small inscription of three letters: vestiges are still to be scar. Very much beneath the image of Parvati are a few letters' PA, PU, DA, (v) probably marks of some mason or architect. The existence of the word Vikara on the pedestal and also in the inscription of V.S. 1030 cited above, is of great relevance. The prasati kara emphatically used an unusual term Vikata and so also in the small inscription on the pedestal of Gauri, standing on the 'iguana' (godha) in a traditional manner. The Agni Kuud as tlanking her and Lakulisa - Ganesa seated above on both sides, justifying that the Goddess is none else but Tapasvini Parvati. D.R. Bhandarkar identified the goddess as ogress Hidimbas. That is not a cogent suggestion in the light of other sculptural details cited above in line 11 of this very inscription of V.S. 1030. I was

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Goddess Vikata of Harshanatha, Sikar / 241 in a fix for many years and ultimately I sought the gracious help from a veteran scholar of Indian literature and iconography i.e., Dr. N.P. Joshi of Varanasi. Dr. Joshi furnished some interesting facts which prove that "Vikata is a Yogini - a mother goddess representing Parvati Gauri". The Avanti Khanda of the Skanda Purana, Chapter 16 alludes facTTTHChi; facerea ufi ft' On the basis of the same Purana, chapter 46, verses 154-158), Dr. Joshi further rernarked in his monograph Matrika, Mothers in Kushana Art, Delhi, 1986, p. 36 with great emphasis that "Vikata is goddess Gauri"; also proved by the sanctum image and the Harsha Temple Inscription of V.S. 1030 cited above. This is sufficient to prove that the prasastikara of Harshanatha inscription was inspired by Skanda Purana and made use of unusual term Vikata for Tapasvini Parvatio at Harsha Hill of Sikar quite vividly Reference 1. Progress Report of Archeological Survey of India, Western Circle, Poona, 1909-1910, pp. 52-55: Indian Antiquary, 42, 1913, pp. 57-64. 2. S. Kramrisch, Hindu Temple, Calcutta, Vol. II, pp. 107-113. 3. M. Meister, M.A. Dhaky and K. Deva, Encyclopaedia of Indian Temple Architecture, Varanasi-Delhi Vol. II (3), 1998, pp. 107-13; Fig. 299 for Gauri-Parvati; Figs. 300-301 for Nayikas on wall in the sanctum of Harshanatha Temple. 4. D.R. Bhandarkar, Indian Antiquary, No. 42, 1913, pp. 57-64. 5. R.C. Agrawala, Bharatiya Vidya. Bombay, Vol. 27, 1967, p. 58: Varada Hindi, Bisau - Rajasthan, XI(2), 1968. pp. 1-3. I had also examined in the company of late Sri Krishna Deva. 6. Neelima Vasishtha, Sculptural Traditions of Rajasthan, Jaipur, 1989, plate X. p. 47; Tera Hot 92927, UTC, 2001, p. 45, plate 34. 7. Ambika Dhaka's paper on the Harsha Hill Temple in Pura Jagat - J.P. Joshi Commemoration Vol, DelhiVol. II, 2012, p. 376, Plate 56/viii wherein rubbings above of the pedestal are clear 8. It is not possible to identify the sanctum Gauri - Vikata image with ogress Hidimba at all, the latter is never an object of worship in Brahmanic pantheon. 9. Gauri was treading the Vikata Marga (face Tof) by performing penance and it appears that she was so named as Vikata; the word is derived from Sanskrit word Vikata.

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242 / Jimasa 32. Sarada Temple at MAIHAR: An Epigraphical Account J.N. Pandey Maihar (24deg16' N and 80deg46' E) is a tahsil headquarters of Satna District, Madhya Pradesh, and a railway station on the Allahabad-Jabalpur branch of Central Railway. Man inhabited the area in and around Maihar since prehistoric times!. Maibar is famous for its Sarada temple which stands on the summit of a hill Present temple is not very old. It is a neat stone temple of modern construction. According to folklore Alha, the famous hero of the court of Chandela king Parmardi (1163-1202 C.E) used to worship the goddess at this place. This area was a buffer zone between the Chandelas of lejak abhukti and Kalachuris of Tripuri and it might have exchanged hands. During our explorations between 1975 and 1988, we discovered ruins of a large number of ancient temples on the bank of Lilji river. Golamatha a Shaivite temple is comparatively in good condition. It comprises a pancharatho sanctum, roofed by a small sikhara of elegant proportion, and a small porch. There is no inscription on this temple. The outer wall of the sanctum has two rows of sculptures adorning all the projections and the recesses, while the lower row shows cult images and the regents in the prominent offsets, and Apsarases and Vyalas in remaining offsets and recesses. The Upper row has smaller figures and invariably displays couples like other famous Chandela monuments. The construction of Golamatha is attributed to Visvakarma, the divine architect. In the light of its architectural features, the temple may be ascribed to the times of the Chandelas. The first authentic account of Sarada temple is available from two inscriptions at Maihar. These records have been marked as A and B for the sake of convenience. Inscription No. V was noticed by J.D. Beglar (an assistant of Alexander Cunningham, the first Director General of Archaeological Survey of India) who in 1871-72 visited Maihar (Spelt by him as Mahiyar) in the following words "... to the right of the steps leading up to the chief statue (in the shrine of Devi Sarada) is a large slab, nov. cracked, which contains an inscription perfectly illegible from the effect of weather..." This description of the record in question with reference to the state of its preservation is not quite correct. It is true that some parts of the inscription (B) here and there are rubbed off, but the number of passages, in which the letters are completely lost, are not too many. As a matter of fact, the image of the goddess Sarada is under worship and the priests allowed Dr. B.Ch. Chhabra to copy the epigraph on the front side of the pedestal of her image after considerable persuasion in 1940 and Dr. Chhabra prepared their transcripts. Sircar and Subrahmanyam have expressed their indebtedness to him for preparing transcripts and the reading of some words. The texts

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Sarda Temple at Maihar: An Epigraphical Account / 243 of the two inscriptions from Maihar have been published in the volume XXXV of Epigraphia indica by D.C. Sircar and V.S. Subrahmanyam in 1959 4. The language of the inscriptions is Sanskrit and they are written in verse. The inscriptions are neither dated, nor mention the name of reigning king. On paleographic grounds the epigraphs have been assigned to the middle of the tenth century C.E. as the characters of both the records belong to the early Nagari of the tenth century. Inscription 'A' is engraved on the pedestal of goddess Sarada. The inscription 'A' contains a single stanza in Sardulavikridita metre in four lines, and mentions a great scholar who was the very Vyasa of the Kaliyuga in poetic skill and became an expert in sciences like Veda, Nyaya, Samkhya, Niti and Mimansa even when he was a mere boy. This seems to refer to a young Brahmana scholar Damodara, son of Devadhara whose career is described at some length in inscription B and in whose memory the image of goddess Sarada was apparently installed in a temple at Maihar. Inscriptions on pedestal of images generally speak of the installation or dedication of deities in question but it is quite strange that Maihar inscription No. A merely refers to Damodara son of Devadhara in whose memory the image was installed. Moreover, inscription No. A does not appear to be the concluding part of a record. It is possible to think that inscription A, though it is followed by marks of punctuation indicating the end of a work or a section, was continued and concluded on the left side?. Inscription No. B has recently been fixed on the north-eastern corner of the platform on which stands modern 'Sarada temple.' It is engraved on a well-dressed slab of fine grained sandstone having raised border (about 5 cm wide), on all four sides. The space within the borders which is 86.25 cm in length and 77.30 cm broad was originally meant for engraving the epigraph. Since the space was later found inadequate to incise the whole record, the last two lines were engraved, respectively, on the upper and lower borders. These two lines are no longer visible as the record has been fixed on the platform. The inscription (B) a fairly big prasasti, contains 39 lines and 51 stanzas, composed in various meters: Sardulavikridita, Anustubha, Vasantatilaka, Vamsastha and Sragdhara Inscription B contains a mangala in prose at the beginning and two passages in prose referring to writer and engraver at the end'. Verses 1-2 of the prasasti describe goddess (Sarasvati) as identical with Brahmi, Kamla and Gauri and also as the daughter of Lord Brahma, as installed on this peak of the bill. We know that the goddess of learning is variously represented in Puranic literature as the daughter or wife of Brahma and sometimes also as identical with Durga, the wife of Lord Siva, as the wife of Vishnu or Manu, and also as the daughter of Daksalo. Inscription (B) gives complete genealogy of the family of Damodara belonging to the Vatsagotra of the Bralmanas!!. It records the names of seven forefathers of Damodara beginning with Sonabhadra and ending with Devadhara father of Damodara. The name of the Visaya or district where Brahmana family flourished is not clear, though it may be govana. The following stanzas (6-12) mention the descendants of the said Brahmanas (1) learned Vupati was son Sonabhadra (2) Bhrigudeva, son of Vupati (3) Gangadhara born in the family of Vupati (4) Sivadevabhatta whose relationship with Gangadhara is not stated though he may have been a younger brother of the latter (5) Trivikrama, son of Sivadevabhatta (6) Devaprasada,sn of Trivikrama (7) Devadhara was probably the younger brother of Devaprasada and Damodara son of Devadhara. Verses 24-35 narrate a story relating to the antecedents of Damodara. It is said that he was really the son of the goddess Sarasvati and was living in Brahma-Loka, along with the preceptor of the gods

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244 / Jijriasa (Brhaspati) and that once there was a seven day long sastric dispute between the two in which Bphaspati was defeated by the young boy. Being angry at his defeat, the preceptor of the god's cursed the boy to be born on the earth. The boy's mother Sarasvati then appeased Brhaspati who consoled the daughter of Brahina by predicting that a young son would be born in a family of pious Brahmanas and would become a great scholar The inscription seems to indicate the popularity of the works of Bana-Bharta in the area. The story of Sarasvati's son having been cursed by Brhaspati in Brahma-Loka and born on the earth reminds us of a similar story told in the first chapter of Bana's Harsacharita, how Sarasvati herself was cursed by Durvasas in Brahma-Loka and was compelled to live on the earth (on the bank of the river Sona) where she was married to a mortal and gave birth to a great scholar' The last stanza (verse 35) puts the following words in Brhaspati's mouth: "Verily this child will again come back to you as a result of being drowned in the waters of) the sea after having seen Purusottama in thc Odra country." The reference here is to Lord Purusottama-Jagannatha of Puri in Oddissa. Verses 35-40 describe Damodara's career on the earth, the first two stanzas (Verses 35-36) stating that, at the time Bphaspati was consoling Sarasvati in heaven, Damodara, the son of Devadhara, was born on the earth. It is further stated that as predicted by the preceptor of the gods, he stayed in his father's house till he became sixteen years old. The following two stanzas (verses 37-38) state how then Damodara left his parents, friends and relations and resolving to set out on pilgrimage, reached in due course the seashore where he saw the god Purusottama. Verse 40 states that Damodara went back to the Brahma-Loka. It appears that he must have lost his life while bathing in the waters of the sea (Bay of Bengal) near the temple of Purushottama-Jagannatha in Oddissa "S. The reference to Damodara's pilgrimage to Puri is very interesting. There is evidence to show that the Lord Purusottama-Jagannatha of Puri in Oddissa was a celebrated deity in the latter part of the eleventh century C.E., when Krishnamisra composed Prabodhachandrodaya Nataka" at the court of Chandela king Kirtivarman (C. 1070-1100 C.E.). This drama was performed at Kalinjara in the Sabhamandapa of Nilakantha Temple, the presiding deity of the fort. It is now clear from the present record that Lord Jagannatha was enjoying the same celebrity as early as the middle of the tenth century and probably even some time earlier. Verse 41 says now Damodara's father Devadhara became greatly mortified at the news of his son's death. Verses 45-46 state bow Devadhara built a temple for the goddess Sarasvati in his son's memory'? It seems that Devadhara received help in that connection from his friend Madhusudana, a banker, who is described as responsible for the building of many temples and other charitable institutions (verses 42-43). The temple referred to is no doubt the one in which the goddess Sarada of the Maihar was originally installed on the hills. Verse 51, with which the eulogy ends, contains the prayer that the goddess (i.e., the image of Sarasvati or Sarda now worshipped on the hill at Maihar) may last forever Maihar prasasti was composed by a Saiva ascetic named Samba 20 Sambhu who was a terror to the Charvaka school of philosophers and a great exponent of the Buddhist and Jaina doctrines as well as the agamas of the Saivas. The eulogy was written by Bhava and it was engraved by Nagadeva ?

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Sarda Temple at Maihar: An Epigraphical Account 245 References 1. Misra, V.D. (1977), Some Aspects of Indian Archaeology. Prabhat Prakashan, Allahabad, pp. 1-21. 2. Krishna, Deva (1988), Temples of North India, National Book Trust of India, Delhi, p. 46, 3. Beglar, J.D. and Alexander Cunningham (1878), Report of a tour in Bundelkhand and Malwa 1871-72 and in the Central Provinces 1873-74, Archaeological Survey of India Report, Vol. VII. Office of the Superintendent of Government Printing, Calcutta: p. 51. 4. Sircar, D.C. and V.S. Subrahmanyam, "Inscriptions from Maihar," Epigraphia Indica, XXXV, pp. 171-178. 5. Ibid, p. 171. 6. Ibid. p. 172 7. Ibid, p. 172 8. Ibid, p. 174 9. Ibid. p. 171. 10. Ibid. p. 174. 11. Ibid. p. 172 12. Ibid, p. 173. 13. Cowell, e.B. and F.W. Thomas, (1969), The Harsh Charita of Bana, (2nd edition), Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi/Varanasi (Reprint): pp. 1-30. 14. Sircar, D.C. (1990), Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi: p. 134ff. 15. Sircar, D.C. and V.S. Subrahmanyam, op. cit., p. 173. 16. Krishanamisra 1968. Prabodhachandrodaya. (2nd edition), ACT II, Chaukhambha Vidya Bhawan, Varanasi: pp. 75-76. 17. Sircar, D.C. and V.S. Subrahmanyam, op. cit., p. 173. 18. Ibid, p. 173 19. Ibid, p. 173. 20. Ibid. p. 178 21. Ibid. p. 178

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246 / Jijnasa 33. Certain Specimens of Painting in Peshwa Period Varsha Shirgaonkar The Peshwas were the Chitpavan Konkanastha Brahmins who did not bear much importance in the social fabric of the total Brahmin castes of Maharashtra till the beginning of eighteenth century. From the advent of the rule of Chhatrapati Shahu in Maharashtra in 1708, the Chitpavan Konkanastha Brahmins saw an upward trend in societal position on account of the association of Balaji Vishwanath with Shahu. Chitpavan Brahmins was a new social group that gained a political and social raise during the eighteenth century. After his release from the Mughals and on gaining victory over Tarabai in the battle of Khed (1708) Shahu established his power at Satara in Maharashtra. The position of Peshwa increased during his period. Chhatrapati Shahu conferred the honour of Peshwa upon Balaji Vishwanath (1713-1720) and Bajirao I (1720-1740) and Balaji Bajirao or Nanasaheb (1749-1761), but he could see the full tenures only of the two Peshwas- Balaji Vishwanath and Bajirao I. Before his death Shahu gave full administrative powers to the third Peshwa Nanasaheb, by issuing a sanad or order in his name in 1749. As per the sanad the Peshwa shifted his capital city to Pune immediately after Shahu's death. Peshwa Nanasaheb ruled till 1761 and was succeeded by Peshwa Madhavrao who had untimely demise in 1772. His younger brother Narayanrao succeeded him but was murdered in 1773 at the orders of his uncle Raghunathrao. The establishment of the Barbhai Council and subsequent placing of Sawai Madhavrao as Peshwa were other developments in the political history of the Marathas. After the death of Peshwa Sawai Madhavrao in 1795, Bajirao II came to the throne of Peshwa who was totally subjugated by the British in 1818 and this ended the Maratha Empire. With Chhatrapati Shahu there emerged new trends in the life-style of the people of Maharashtra. These included also getting certain objects of culture from outside Maharashtra. The Peshwas also followed the same policy. There are references that for getting the paintings done on the walls of the houses they commissioned artists from Rajasthan. Paintings on the Walls of Palatial houses during Peshwa period Generally, 'wada' is a term used to denote a palatial house of Maratha period. The practice of having paintings of the deities on the walls of the houses appears to have had its origin in ancient times. The paintings were especially done on the religious or the festive occasions and the tradition is connected to emotions of the people of having divine sanction for the event in the house. Thus the practice of wall-painting is connected to auspiciousness. The representations included Nagas (Snakes), Devas(gods). Asuras (Demons i.e, those getting killed at the hands of gods), Yakshas (semi-divine figures having special powers). Kinnaras (divine performers) and gandharvas (divine singers and

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Certain Specimens of Painting in Peshwa Period / 247 musicians). During the time of the Mahabharata there was a practice of getting the grihadevi or the goddess of House painted on the wall of the house. There is a legendary account of this practice in a story of the birth of Jarasandha. The story runs like this. Once upon a time there was a king named Brihadrath. He had two wives and each wife delivered a son in half body-part. Hence King Brihadrath and his two wives were extremely unhappy. A demoness named Jara seeing this miserable condition joined these two body-parts together and formed one complete male child. The male child thus formed came to be known as Jarasandha, whose broken thighs were joined together to make a complete human being. The demoness on account of her good work was elevated to divinity. King Brihadrath being happy ordered that the demoness be called grihadevi and that she should be venerated. Pleased with this gesture of the king grihadevi further said that whosoever drew her picture on the wall with devotion showing her to be young and accompanied with sons would get prosperity. The king accordingly got her picture drawn on the wall of his palace. The references to wall paintings could be obtained also from the Puranas. The Padma Purana narrates that Savitri said she was not able to attend the sacrifice of Brahma, because she had not decorated her house and nor had drawn the Swastika-sign, nor did she have the walls painted. This indicates that having some pictures painted on the walls of the house was a pious duty and whosoever did not perform it could not take part in any religious functions. Besides, paintings on the walls of the house mirrored the happy mood of the members of the house. Some similarity could be found in this belief and the one that peeps from behind the drawing of the ephemeral art-pattern or rangoli in front of the house. Having a rangoli in front of the house symbolized not only the respectful awareness of the religious duties but also a good culture inculcated and maintained by the respective house." The earliest notable examples of wall- paintings in Maharashtra are of Ajanta paintings. The paintings of Ajanta and then of Ellora up to 1100 A. D. "must have been a living art carrying its influence far and wide." Thereafter till the Peshwa period there are found only stray references of wall-paintings in the Deccan. There is indirect proof of painting through medieval Marathi literature. Some illustrations can be given. For instance, the Lilacharitra, a literary work of Chakradhar Swami of the Mahanubhav Sect refers to the paintings of peacocks. The Smriti Sthala, a fourteenth century composition quotes the temple of Kalankeshwara at Alipur having the painting of eighty-four hells on its walls. The Jiyaneshwari of jiyaneshwar also contains the references to wall paintings. Such wall paintings of course are on the issues with regards to religion and thus they were meant for the purpose of worship. The same tradition of wall-painting continued subsequently in Rajasthan and Maharashtra in medieval times. The Maratha Kalam' or the paintings were explicitly found on the walls and ceilings, Daftarkhanas and folios. The kalam included different portraitures, landscapes, Rag Ragini paintings etc. The scanty wall paintings existing in the wadas or such as the one of Nana Phadnis at Menavali near Wai, Motibagh wada of Rastes, the sardars of Peshwas, at Wai and Adalat Wada or Nava Rajwada or New palace at Satara provide illustrations of the Kalam. The wall paintings existed earlier also in the wadas at Nasik and Chandvad. Originally, there were one hundred and eight paintings of 10"x 7.5" at Moti Bagh wada of Rastes at Wai. The figures are made to highlight by using colours in their delineation. The effect is inore explicit because of the contrast that they generate with the ones used for background. The colours that stand out in these wall paintings are usually deep green, yellowish green, blue and whitish. Mostly the figures are in profile and are in sharp lines while the scene portrayed in the painting conveys dynamism. An arch is first drawn to set the painting inside.

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248 / Jijnasa The paintings in Adalat Wada at Satara or the ones at the wada of Nana Phadnis at Menawali display the round body frames. The paintings at Satara were done "when the Rajasthani influence had declined". Sir James Mickintosh, Recorder of the Bombay Court and the one who paid a visit to Peshwa Bajirao II in 1805 also gave an evidence of the wall-paintings in Shaniwarwada saying that the walls were painted with scenes of Hindu mythology." The same wall-paintings, in the writing of Lt. Col. Fitzclarence who visited Pupe on the 31 January 1818 after the Battle of Khadki, reflect a melancholic tone. He says, "The walls of an inner court are miserably daubed with the Hindoo mythology, elephants and horsemen." The wall paintings thus were an attempt to create the prototypes of the ones existing in the northern structures that the Maratha sardars had seen in course of their campaigns. During the Peshwa times the wall-paintings display a curious fusion of the miniatures of Rajasthan with the contemporary social life of Maharashtra. If for the illustrated pothis the Marathas looked to Udaipur, Jaipur school of Rajasthani miniature became the model of the Peshwas and the Maratha sardars for painting on the walls. The Palatial house of Shaniwarvada, originally built by Peshwa Bajirao I, got extended during the rule of Peshwa Nanasaheb he added a hall, virtually a museum named as Ranga Mahal. It was decorated with the miniature wall-paintings or with the paintings fitted in frames attached to the walls. Bhojraj, a renowned artist of Jaipur was invited for executing the work of painting in the wada. Traditionally, a class of artists known as chitaris in Maharashtra used to undertake the work of painting on the walls. The chitaris who were from both Hindu and Muslim communities also did the work of producing the mukhautes or masks of the human and animal faces. The names of some of the painters as in the historical records are Ragho, Tanhaji and Anuprao. Jivaji Ganesh Khasgiwale had written to Peshwa Nanasaheb about the order that the Peshwa had made for the painting of Devasabha and Ganesh Parvat. He further stated that the paintings were done by the excellent chitaris or painters Ragho, Tanhaji and Anuprao. The chitaris were wellversed, as Khasgiwale informed, in the work of plastering, colouring, and doing the wall paintings. Raghunathrao wished to get the work of wall painting done in his wada at Trimbak for which he asked Nana Phadnis to send an artist named Mankoji. The same artist was commissioned for drawing the frescoes on the walls of Raghunathrao's wada at Anandavalli near Nasik. The themes included Krishna and his ashtanayikas or eight heroines. The fusion as is seen through the paintings is that the gopis that were originally painted in Rajasthani attire in the Rajasthani paintings were portrayed as draped in the typical Maharashtrian nine yard sarees in the wada paintings. They were also shown as wearing the ornaments of the Brahmin women. These included bindi (a hair ornament suspending on the forehead), sisphul (hair ornament), kap (ear ornament), bugdi (ear ornament) and nath (nose ornament). The hair-style appearing in the paintings is khopa, commonly done by the Brahmin women of Maharashtra. Such changes in the pictorial representations were to suit the tastes of the patrons of Maharashtra. Numerous wall-paintings have depicted the royal families of Maharashtra within the havelis. The haveli originated in the northern areas like Rajasthan and Marwar. The spacious havelis were built and maintained especially for the rulers and their sardars. The structural features of the havelis like the domes, arches, minarets and the terrace have formed the backdrop of many paintings wherein the subject matter was typically of Maharashtra. The objects like chandeliers, carpets and floral designs have further enhanced the luxurious life inside the havelis. The portrayal of havclis in the paintings of

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Certain Specimens of Painting in Peshwa Period / 249 Maharashtra could be explained in two ways- either, such picturisation was a part of the general trend of the paintings of Rajasthan to which the painters were habituated or this was made to order by the sardars who commissioned these painters. (See fig. no.1) The celebration of festivals has figured in the wall paintings. The popular Ganesh festival for example has the scene of the ladies worshipping Lord Ganesh in Maharashtrian sarees and performing the worship inside the havelis. Another festival that has found place in the wall- paintings often was the colour festival of Holi. Started during the time of Peshwa Sawai Madhavrao out of emulation of the practice in Rajasthan, the places of Gokul and Vrindavan were depicted in the wall paintings must have generated a lot of vibrancy. Usually, the picturisation is seen as Krishna standing in the middle while the surrounding gopis have dipped their colour-sprinkling instruments in colour and are shown splashing colour on Krishna. The gopis are painted as wearing the traditional Rajasthani ghagra and choli or in the nine yard sarecs of Maharashtra. Some of the paintings reflect the detailing of the contemporary textiles like paithani or chandrakala (black saree with rich golden or silver buttas). The typical headgear of the men of Maharashtra also is seen in some paintings. Basically, like the miniature paintings, these paintings show fantastic detailing at times. The mythological scenes like Samudramanthan, Sita Swayamvar, Draupadi Swayamvar or Krishna lifting the Govardhan Mountain on his little finger worthily occupy the space of some walls. The details like Ram breaking the Shivadhanusya in Sita Swayamvar and Arjun piercing the eye of the fish while looking at its reflection in water in Draupadi Swayamvar can be given as further illustrations of the skills of painters painting the miniatures. The trees depicted in the paintings show variety as rounded trees, small trees with broad leaves and tapering cypress trees. Later, the first British Resident Sir Charles Malet induced Peshwa Sawai Madhavrao 10 establish a school of drawing in his Shaninarada wherein painter Mr. James Wales who made the portraits of Peshwa Sawai Madhavrao, Nana Phadnis and Mahadaji Shinde opened a small school. Wales trained many upcoming Indian artists out of whom Gangaram Tambat proved to be very proficient." New Cultural Objects in Painting: A new wave of culture emerged in the Deccan with the arrival of Shahu and more so when he became Chhatrapati. The influence of the Mughal culture on him appears to be quite noticeable when one goes through the historical records that reflect upon the orders placed by him to his Peshwas who thereby would ask their northern sardars to get the objects. As per one letter Shahu had given Rs. 5,000/- to Peshwa Bajirao i to purchase two hawks for himself. The ferocious animals also were ordered as is indicative from one letter. It states the order for a tiger and a tigress. One letter from Shahu to the Peshwa is specifically about the planning that was required for bringing different birds and animals from Himalayas for Shahu. There is a mention of Iraqi' horse, Kasturi Alriga or a type of deer, whose naval has unparalleled fragrance, bisons and the birds known as Himapakshi. The latter three were available in the area of Srinagar. After investigation about the birds mentioned herein it was known from the Peshwa's vakil in Srinagar that it was difficult to get a live himapakshi. It was also reported that the bisons and the deer could be procured after Vijayadashmi (Dashahara) or sometime around the Dinali days. The Peshwa was expected to get them and arrange for their delivery at Satara by the winter season. A letter of 1740 states that Amarsingh Bundele, the Peshwa's officer, had sent hawks and other hunting animals of prey for Shahu from North India. The word himapakshi refers to Himalayan Pheasant. This bird was considered to be an auspicious bird for the

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250 / Jijnasa Mughal Rule. The Islamic mythology mentions hima as a mythical bird and the counter-part of this divine bird on the earth is hawk or falcon. Thus, a hawk or falcon is associated with royal power. This is the reason as to why a hawk is often seen in the Mughal paintings. A very interesting painting of the Mughal miniature style shows emperor Shah Jahan seated on the throne and a pair of birds on the dais of the throne around the solar disk as if are meant for showering the divine favour on emperor Shah Jahan. Prince Dara Shukoh is shown presenting to Shah Jahan, his father, with the earthly counterpart of it i.e., a hawk. (See, plate no.1) Thus, the full painting reflects an auspicious feelig. Hindu mythology also has given a special status to the hawk among birds. A hawk is said to be auspicious to kill/vanquish the enemy. The hawk is referred to be a power-giving bird also by the Puranas like the Agni Purana ard the Mastya Purana. The Agni Purana says that the 'beeja' of this bird is very important. If the sword of the ruler is decorated with the symbol of the hawk's 'beeja' the enemy of the ruler is sure be killed. The Mastya Purana recommends that a person wishing to be victorious over the enemy should prepare the image of his enemy and then should sanctify a dagger by invoking the hawk reciting the sorcery mantras and then cut the image of the enemy. Such an action is said to be certainly leading the king to victory." Thus the portrayal of a falcon or a hawk in the miniature painting of the Peshwa period shows a fusion of the beliefs about the bird in Islamic as well as the Hindu traditions.(See, plate no.2) Gulabdani: Certain paintings show the objects indicating affluent life. Gulabdani or a rose sprinkler is one of them. It was included in the list of the demands that the Peshwas made to their northern sardars. The origin of gulabdani is found in Mughal rule. The Mughal kings being fond of various types of scented flowers planted the saplings and extracted the essence from it. Akbar, the Mughal emperor, had specially set up a department named Khushbukhana wherein different scents were prepared after experiments. The text entitled Vakayat-i-Jahangiri records that the mother of Noorjahan got the extract from the rose petals collected after boiling them and prepared a rose essence from it. After the success of this experiment Noorjahan named it as itar-i-jahangiri. It was the rose essence that was mixed in water to make the rose water. The gulabdanis of silver were for containing the rose water and for sprinkling it on festive occasions. The document of the year 1753-54 states that Peshwa Nanasaheb had got made many objects of gold and silver from Naro Shankar at Zansi that included gulabdani among others. (See, fig. no.2) The object like gulabdani was quite novel to the people of Maharashtra. There is no mention of such luxurious objects in the pre-Peshwa times in Maharashtra. Thus it must have been imported into Maharashtra during the Peshwa times. It is interesting to note that gulabdani soon figured in the feminine functions like haldikunku. The Haldikunku was a kind of get-together of married ladies of the Brahmin caste. The practice prevails even to this day among some families. The Haldikunku is conducted on the auspicious days preferably in the Hindu months of Chaitra, Sravan and Pausa. There used to be placing of a goddess called Gauri in the month of Chaitra that corresponds to the months of March-April according to English calendar. The goddess used to be decorated with the regional and seasonal flowers and fruits and also with neem leaves. Various eatables were prepared for the goddess. Gauri is in fact a form of a mother-goddess. This period of the year corresponds to the taking of one set of crops. Hence a get-together of the married ladies symbolized the honour of the mother goddess. The Hindu month of Pausa corresponds with the month of January. The period from Makar Sankranti to Rathasaptami is considered to be the

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Certain Specimens of Painting in Peshwa Period pleasant period when the people in Maharashtra greet each other with til-guld or sesame seeds and jaggery. As the term indicates the married ladies are invited to each other's house, greeted with the applying of haldi (dried turmeric powder) and kumkum on their foreheads and scent on their hand and are given a flower and the gift by way of three handfuls of grains and a coconut which they are supposed to take in one end portion of their saree. This gift was called oti. Very interestingly, somewhere during the Peshwa period the gulabdanis must have entered the occasion of haldikunku to add fragrant grace. In fact, though, it was of a Mughal-make it entered the homes of the orthodox Brahmin Peshwas as a sheer luxury item. / 251 Painting on Ganjiphas The historical records during Peshwa period mention many games as a pastime activity. There are references to the game of ganjipha in Peshwa Daftar records. The portrayal of animals found a place in the playing cards of the Hindus as in other games as well. Many times the animals have figured as the vahana or vehicle of some important deities e.g., lion for Durga, elephant for Indra, mouse for Ganesh. Thus in case of the use of animals as symbols among the Hindus it was a mythological and religious association. Sawantwadi situated between Konkan and Goa has been famous for ganjiphas. This place is known even now for the wooden toys. The toy-carts and the wooden fruits coloured to appear as real have been traditionally made and sold at Sawantwadi. The ganjiphas have been also one of the traditional pastimes and games of this place. The traditional ones were made of wood. Some of them survive to this day but mostly the way as to how the game was played has become a historical past and the people are losing their memory with regards to this game. The most popular ganjipha pictures, also mentioned in the historical records, were having the pictures showing dashavataras or ten incarnations of Lord Vishnu. (See, fig. no.3) It must be noted here that Dashavatara also is a performing art of Konkan covering Sawantwadi as well. The background of all the cards was of the same colour, a soft buff. Usually, there were different colours for each suit- vivid reds, yellows, shades of orange, rich browns and blacks and deeper tones of red and green. There used to be 120 cards in a pack divided into 10 suits corresponding to the respective avatara of Vishnu of 12 cards each. The ten incarnations and usual suit marks with colours were: Matsya(red), Kurma(red), Varaha(yellow), Narasimha or Nrisimha(green). Vamana(green). Parasuram(tawny). Ramchandra(yellow), Krishna(tawny), Buddha(black) and Kalki(black). The pictures of these incarnations painted on the ganjipha show many variations and hence they are sometimes difficult to recognize. There were also the ganjiphas of the zodiac signs and were called Rashi ganjiphas.20 They included all the twelve star- signs. Navagraha ganjiphas was yet another type. Specific colours signified the respective planets. They were as follows: Surya Sun shown in yellow, Chandra= Moon in green, Mangal= Mars in red, Budha Mercury in orange, guru= Jupiter in brownish red, Shukra Venus in ivory or creamish white, Shani Saturn in blue, Rahu= Dragon's Head in purple and Ketu= Dragon's tail in violet.21 Chitrakathis: Story through Paintings The word Chitrakathi literally means telling a story through pictures. These devices were generally used by the performers of Kirtan or musical performance based on an epic, Vetal Panchavishi, Panchatantra or Bhagvat i.e., the text concerned with Krishna/Vishnu. Kirtan was a village performance performed in the evening in a temple. It can even be called the oral tradition of transmitting the epic stories to future generations. Kirtan is performed in Maharashtra even today. In a way, then

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252 / Jijnasa a Kirtan has been a tool to continue the folk memory and reach the epic stories to such masses of population who could not read and write. Usually, the important happenings in mythological stories especially of the two epics viz., Ramayana and Mahabharata were painted on a piece of cloth. (See, fig. no.4,5) either the scroll or flat Chitrakathi was made of this painting to be unfolded and shown when the respective scene had to be described to the audience. The scroll-painting would create additional flavour to the description of the performer of the Kirtan. The most popular descriptions that formed the themes of Chitrakathis were Sita Haran, Lanka Dahan by Hanuman, Ram-Ravana war, Kichaka- Bhima combat etc. Thus, while narrating the stories from the epics the performer could also extend entertainment with the help of Chitrakathis. It is also found that certain religious sects in Maharashtra or Andhra Pradesh create Chitrakathis to reach the religious information. The pictures are drawn on hand-made paper. Large numbers of Chitrakathis found so far are from Paithan. Raja Kelkar Museum in Pune has a very good collection of Chitrakathis. These are just some examples to show that some new trends in painting got assimilated during Peshwa period in keeping with the prevailing ones that continued to be patronized. ILLUSTRATIONS: 1. A wall-painting showing haveli; Motibagh Wada. Wai; Courtesy: Sardar Anandrao Raste 2. A wall-painting having the scene of a bath of a royal lady; gulabdanis are seen on a silver plate. Nana Phadnis wada, Menavali; Courtesy: Asok Phadnis 3. Ganjipha showing Matsya Avatar of the Dashavataras; Courtesy: Dr. K. K. Maheshwari 4. Laxmana drawing the Lakshmana Rekha in front of the hut of Sita; Courtesy: Raja Kelkar Museum, Pune 5. Pandavas sent to the forest by Kauravas; Courtesy: Raja Kelkar Museum, Pune Plate 1- Painting 1 A Painting showing Dara Shukoh Presenting the bird, Huma, to Emperor Shah Jahan. It is of Mughal School and the artists are Ustad Mansur & Govardhan. From the Catalogue named Power and Desire Indian Miniatures from the San Diego Museum of Art, Edwin Binney 3rd Collection, San Diego Museum of Art, California, U.S.A., Published in French by Paris Musees, Editions Findakly, Paris, November 2002 Plate-2 Painting 2 A Painting showing the scene of Hunt depicting Peshwa and Chhatrapati Shahu; A falcon seen in the hands of Chhatrapati Shahu and another falcon seen between the Peshwa and Chhatrapati Shahu Courtesy: Department of History, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University, Aurangabad, Maharashtra Reference Varsha S. Shirgaonkar, Eighteenth Century Deccan: Cultural History of the Peshwas, Aryan Books International, New Delhi, 2010, pp. 13-14.

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Certain Specimens of Painting in Peshwa Period / 253 2 Sindhu S. Dange, "The Account of Jarasandha's Birth from The Mahabharata", Prof. Satya Pal Narang (ed.), Modern evaluation of the Mahabharata, Nag Publishers, Delhi, 1995, p. 110. 3 Sadashiv Ambadas Dange, Encyclopaedia of Puranic Beliefs And Practices, Vol. II, Navrang, New Delhi, 1978, p. 424. 4 Dr. Nayana Tadvalkar, Ephemeral Floor Art of India: History, Tradition and Continuity, Awarded Ph. D. Degree, S.N.D.T. Women's University, Mumbai, 2012, p. 56. BK Apte, Maratha Wall Paintings, Government Central Press, Bombay, 1988, Intro., p. vii. OS.B. Deshmukh, Maratha Painting (Part 1), Marathwada University, Aurangabad, March 1992, p. 28. 7 B. K. Apte, op. cit., Intro., p. x. 8 D. B. Parasnis, Poona In Bygone Days, Times Press, Bombay, 1921, p. 23. 9 lbid, p. 24. 10 G. S. Sardesai, (ed.). Peshwe Daftaratun Niwadlele Kagad (PD), Vol. 18, government Central Press, Mumbai 1931, letter no. 56, p. 34. 11 D. B. Parasnis, op. cit., pp. 1-4, p. 53; B. K. Apte, Op. cit., Intro., p. viii. 12 Varsha S. Shirgaonkar, op. cit., pp. 29-30. 13 PD, Vol. 8, No. 14 & 15, Government Central Press, Bombay, 1931, No. 28, p. 21. 14 Ibid. No. 29, loc. cit. 15 Ibid. No. 22, pp. 15-17. 16 Ibid, No. 25, p. 19. 17 Sadashiv A. Dange, Encyclopaedia of Puranic Beliefs and Practices, Vol. 1, Navrang, New Delhi, 1986, p. 129. 18 Prananath Chopra, Some Aspects of Society and Culture During the Mughal Age (1526-1707), Shivlal Agrawal and Co. Ltd., Agra, 2nd edition, 1963, pp. 16-17. 19 G. C. Wad (Prepared), Selections From Satara Rajas' and Peshwas' Diaries, Vol. II/II, No. 235, Induprakash Press, Mumbai, 1906, p. 154. 20 N. G. Chapekar, Peshawaichya Savalit, Aryasamskriti Press, Pune, 1937, p. 197. 21 Kishor Gordhandas, "Navagraha (Nine Planets) Ganjipha Cards", The Playing Card, Journal of the International Playing Card Society, February 1986, Vol. XIV, No. 3, pp. 91-96.

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254 / Jijnasa 34. Jain Temples of Caita Arvind K. Singh and Navneet Kumar Jain It is strange to note that such an important Jain temples site of Caita is not properly documented and till date remained unpublished (Willis 1996b: 31). This particular remark of the scholar enhances our curiosity to visit the site, but due to its location in the forest areas and not well-known among the general public, immaterialized for a long time. Fortunately in February 2011, late Ram Babu Jain, then manager of Sonagir Sri Camdrabhusana Bhattaraka Kothi Samsthana told about Padma Candra Jain of Karahiya village, who is working as the secretary of the management committee of Caita Jaina temples and often visiting the site. He generously accompanied us to the site and also provides useful information regarding the site, renovation works done time to time and the problems with other concerned aspects for which we are extremely thankful to him. The site of Caita was first reported and its three inscriptions were imprecisely noted by Garde (1938: 11-12, 27-28). More or less the same information was repeatedly reproduced by Dwivedi (1947: 13, 100), Patil (1952:26), Willis (1996a: 7, 107) and Jain (2001: 85-86). Jain (1976: 53-54) gives the brief description of Caita and denotes it as 'manaharadeva'l on the basis of a huge Santinatha image which has the power of enthral the human soul. The village of Caita (25deg,127, 78deg, 4'.) is situated about eight kilometers in north of the nearby village Karahiya of the tahasil Bhitarvar in Gwalior District of the State of Madhya Pradesh (see location map below). As for the approach to the place, there is a metalled road to the village Karahiya but from there onwards to the village Caita, it is under construction. The actual site is situated about one kilometer south-west from the village Caita. Around the slope of the hill, a range of the Vindhyan formation, there are seven Jaina temples standing in diverse stages of preservation while numerous scattered architectural and sculptural fragments indicate about the existence of some more temples on the site (figure 1). Below the temple, there are abundant foundations of building structure in plain areas and the fragments of bricks scattered all around indicate the possibility of existence of a large settlement nearby the Jaina temples. Due to its segregate location in the hilly and forest areas, the place was constantly targeted by smugglers and notorious persons, as in 1967 C.E. they cut the heads of 19 Jaina images. The process of destruction and theft is still continued and even they dare to break the locks of the iron grills of the temple 5 that was fixed recently for the security and safety of the temple and the artifact collected there. Only due to this reason, the image of Santinatha, which was originally installed in the temple 5, shifted to Sri Camdrabhusana Kothi Samsthana at Sonagir (Dati District, Madhya Pradesh) on 30th January 1969.

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Jain Temples of Caita / 255 Apart from the man-made destruction, the lack of proper maintenance and natural causes hasten the damage of the Jaina temples and sculptures of Caita and that is still going on. Of the three temples facing east and constructed on the slope of the hill, the roots of the Pipala trees are penetrated in the back and northern walls of the temple 4 (figure 2). Due to this reason cracks are developed in the walls. Likewise, there are numerous thin branches of the roots entered in the walls and roofs and spread over in the sanctum of the middle temple 3. The vegetation and plants are grown on the walls and roofs of the temples and their roots entered into the small cracks causing the seepage and deposition of silt and chemicals. In due course of times, the roots became thicker consequently the cracks broaden and ultimately the binding of the roof and walls became weaker and fallen down. If the roots of the Pipala trees and other plants shall not be taken out of the plinth, walls and roofs of the temples and proper conservation work will not done immediately at least these three temples shall not remain stand for a longer time. Architecture: At present, there are only four temples on the slope of the hill and three temples in the valley, but Jain (1976: 53-54) has reported the ruins of fourteen temples at Caita. Of the four temples on the slope, three are built in a row attached with one another and facing east while fourth temple is sited at a close distance to the south and facing north (figure 3). For convenience of the understanding, the temples are numbered serially starting from this north facing temple or their positions from southwards to northwards. On the basis of the enshrined fragmentary images it could be assumed that temple I was dedicated to three kayotsarga tirtharkara images in tritirthika form. All the images are headless and exist in badly damaged condition. One of them might be identified as of tirthamkara Neminatha on the basis of the depiction of cognizance conch or sankha on the seat or simhasana. Though the cognizance of another image is not much clear, seems to be recognized as a fish or matsya, therefore the tirtharnkara of the image might be Aranatha. In the absence of the cognizance and other features the identification of third tirtharkara looks not feasible. In the sanctum, another pedestal portion of an image is also lying down but probably not belonged to this temple. As for the plan of the temple, it consists of a rectangular garbha-grha or sanctum sanctorum measures 2.3 x 2.4 meters externally and 1.6 x 2 meters internally. The inner and outer walls are plain and the flat roof is partly collapsed. The doorway of the sanctum is devoid of ornamentation and measures 1.5 x 0.6 meters. On the basis of the inscription engraved on the pedestal of preserved image, the construction of the temple might be determined in 1144 C.E. The entire outer measurement of three temples constructed adjoining each-other in north-west direction are 3.0 x 6.7 meters and they include only a garbha-grha in plan. Though the reminiscent point out a possibility of the provision of small mandapas and sikhara portions of these temples but nothing could be said with certainty about their shape, size and other details. Of the three temples, southern one designated as temple 2, is dedicated to three tirtharkara images in kayotsarga posture and in tritirthika form as indicated by the presence of a long pedestal embellished with geometric designs in the sanctum sanctorum for the accommodation of three images. At present, the garbhagrha consist the fragments of two images. Of them, middle one is in its original position but without head while other image is broken in two pieces. It is quite impossible to identify the tirtharkaras of these images in the absence of identification marks. The size of the temple is 3 x 2.6 meters. The

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256 / Jijnasa ceiling is of ksipta type decorated with full blossom lotus, while the inner and external walls are plain. The doorway measures 1.4 x 0.6 meters and carved with small Jina images on the lintel. The female deities or attendants depicted on the lower portion in the niches and the recesses are decorated with geometrical designs filled with floral pattern. The lalatabimba is carved with a tiny Jina image in padmasana posture flanked by the kayotsarga Jina images on both the corners. The lower portion of the doorjamb is decorated with two female deities, placed one on each side of the niche. These female figures are depicted in tribhanga posture with two arms in which the right hand is in katyavalambitaposition or placed on waist and left hand is turned upwards. They are also accompanied with female attendants. The udumbara of the doorway is carved with mandaraka in the centre flanked by two couchant lion-elephant figures, one on each side. The middle temple 3 is very narrow and measures 3.0 x 1.8 meters. The sanctum sanctorum is enshrined with a mutilated image of a tirthamkara in kayotsarga posture. The upper portion of the image is missing and in the absence of cognizance and other details the identification of the tirthamkara is not possible. On the basis of the dated inscription on the pedestal of the enshrined image, the year of the construction of the temple might be contemplated in 1179 C.E. The dimension of the temple 4 is 3.0 x 0.6 meters and it is almost similar to the temple 2. At present there is no image in the sanctum sanctorum, so it is not possible to confirm that the temple was dedicated to which Jina or tirthamkara. The remains of a mandapika are found scattered towards south of the temple 1. There are four pillars and huge stone slabs which lie loose on the ground and indicate that originally the mandapika was made of four pillars surmounted with huge slabs forming the roof. Interestingly, here one could notice the technique of the erection of pillars supported by massive base stone. Pillar was erected by inserting their square cut base into the socket cut out in the square stone piece as evident by a pillar lying coupled with square base stone piece (figure 4). The pillars are badly damaged and two of them are fragmented into pieces. The shape of the pillar consists on the top beautifully decorated small niches containing padmasana Jina figures in sarvatobhadrika form is followed by circular plain portion for engraving the inscription, then vertical long strips followed by octagonal shape, while the lower portion bears long niches in four directions containing the figures of sasanade vatas (figure 5). The Jina images do not bear any identification marks but the sasanadevatas could be recognized as yaksi figures of Ambika, Padmavati, Cakresvari, Kali and Sarasvati. Inscriptions of the pillars suggest that the mandapika was constructed in 1125-26 C.E. The utility of the room constructed nearby the mandapika is difficult to understand. Its walls are covered with lime paint, housed a huge image flanked by small images on both the sides. All of them are badly damaged and painted with vermilion that makes their identification more complicated. The doorway of the room is simple while lintel portion is decorated with small kayotsarga Jina figures in the centre as well as on both the corners. All these temples, mandapika and room are located on the slope of the hill. Further approaching down to the slope there are three temples. Of them, two are small in size and remains in ruined condition. Nevertheless, the other one is the largest among the Caita temples and comparatively well preserved. Coming down from the slope of the hill, we reach first to the largest temple and then to a group of two temples. These are mentioned here in succeeding numbers.

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Jain Temples of Caita 257 The largest temple 5 of Caita is built in Nagara style which has two basic components: garbhagrha and a mandapa (figure 6). The Garbha-grha or sanctum sanctorum or central cella has only one door, the image of the main deity is placed inside the sanctum. The mandapa or porch was made in front of the garbha-grha for the worshippers to stand under shade to have darsana or view the deity and offer prayers while looking at the image and experiencing his spiritual presence. Its elevation is marked by four-sided neck or griva and a tall tapering sikhara. It is the spire, a tall structure that tapers to a point above followed by jangha, vedibandha, adhisthana, pitha, and jagati. Sikhara is depicted with pratiratha, anuratha and bhadra, griva, amalaka, kalasa, bijapuraka and other components. This temple is erected on a high plinth and facing north. The dimension of the temple is 12.5 x 7.0 meters externally. In plan, it includes a sanctum sanctorum or garbha-grha and a sabhamandapa. The sabhamandapa is square in shape measures 7 x 7 meters. However, it is not in its unusual form, was renovated later on with the original stones. The doorway is plain but decorated with male deities, one on the either side, which seems to be a later addition. The sabhamandapa is designed with a gallery resting on pillars on both the sides divided by a passage in the middle. There is provision of ventilation and light through the roof. The inner and external walls of the sabhamandapa are plain, and covered with lime paint. The galleries stock up plentiful mutilated Jina images and architectural fragments which are kept here after collecting from the adjoining areas (figure 7). The garbha-grha measures 4.0 x 3.3 meters, is presently enshrined with a sarvatobhadrika image, which is not associated with this temple. The temple was originally enshrined with a magnificent 18 feet high image of tirthaikara Santinatha that was shifted in 1969 C.E. to Sonagir. On the other hand, the uppermost trichatra portion flanked with mutilated anointing gaja-kalasa motif and the pedestal of the huge Santinatha image is still present on its original place in the temple (figure 8). Later on, a sarvatobhadrika image was put on the pedestal. The inner and outer walls of the sanctum are plain while the ceiling is of ksipta type and decorated with floral pattern. There is a provision of flight of steps on both the side walls of the sanctum for the convenience of anointment of the huge image of Santinatha. The garbha-grha contains some more art fragments. The adhisthana of the garbha-grha consists of khura, kumbha and kapotika mouldings. The middle of the jangha portion is provided with the elevated fringe of stone decorated with geometric design of a circle and a rafter subsequently. The varandika resting on the walls of garbha-grha, consists of two patrikas, the upper one is decorated with tula-patra design, and a plain kapotika. The garbha-grha is crowned with rekha sikhara of nagara style. It is panca-ratha in plan and topped with a conical projection resting on an amalaka. At the base touch to varandika, it is carved with caitya mesh design. The doorway of the garbha-grha is heavily decorated, though it is now damaged and filled with thick layer of lime paint. It comprises sapta-sakha, all are embellished with foliage patterns excluding the middle stambha-sakha which is decorated with rajju pattern having four mutilated human figures in different postures, might be in dancing form. The stambha-sakha is extended upwards and marked with ghata-pallava motif that is surmounted with floral circles and finally with the projections holding the upper lintel. The lower part of the stambha-sakha consist a niche with the depiction of yaksi figures and their attendants. The four armed yaksi bears some objects in the hands but it is not easy to recognize them. They are depicted in tribhanga posture. The yaksi of the left niche might be identified as Padmavati who is canopied with seven serpent hoods over the head. The badly damaged condition and lime incrustation make the identification of the yaksi of the right niche quite impossible.

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258 / Jijnasa There is a pilaster on both the sides of the doorway served as holding the upper mass of roof. It also contains the sculptural decor on their lower part. The left side pilaster displays two-armed yaksi Ambika topped with mango tree or amravsksa, holding a son in her left arm while her right arm is now broken. Another son of the yaksi is shown on the pedestal. The opposite pilaster consist two armed standing figure of a yaksa. Nevertheless, due to its mutilated condition the identification of the yaksa is not easier, however a possibility of holding the money bag in his left hand indicate a possibility of yaksa Gomukha, who was the partner of yaksi Ambika. The style of the temple 5 is unique and the carvings of the doorways and other parts are comparable to the famous Sasa-bahu temple built by the Kacchapaghata rulers on Gwalior fort. Though there is no certain epigraphic evidence to ascertain the date of the temple, however it will be safer on the style of temple and sculptures to accept the date in the 12th Century C.E. Down to the plain, two temples are constructed side by side. Since they are in very ruined condition, nothing possible to say about their ground plan and elevation, but certainly they consist of a garbhhagrha. The garbhha-grha of the temple 6 is enshrined with a grand image of tirthamnkara Candraprabha which is badly mutilated, headless and inclined down resting on the doorway portion. The stele or parikara of the image bears an inscription dated in 1440 C.E. that helps in determining the construction date of the temple. The garbha-grha of the temple 7 is enshrined with a grand image of tirthamkara Neminatha which is also badly mutilated, headless, inclined down resting on the doorway portion and bears the inscription of 1440 C.E. Some years ago, a long and high platform was constructed around both the temples that makes unworkable to specify their plan and extension. Garde (1938: 12) records that down on the plain at the foot of the hillock stands an isolated group of two large idols of Jaina tirthaikaras of about double of the height of a man. The feet of the idols are buried in the earth. He further mentions that the distinctive mark if they exist on the pedestals, are not visible, thus making the identification impossible at present. However, he did not notice the inscriptions that obviously disclose the names of the tirthaikaras. Sculptures: The remains of a larger number of independent Jina images and architectural fragments found scattered all around indicate that Caita was a great centre of Jaina art and iconography. Most of the Jina figures are in independent form besides some tritirthika and sarvatobhadrika images were also made. The images of Tirtharkaras are believed to be in great austerity and thus were called Jina, meaning 'conqueror', the conqueror of all passions, greed and hatred. By rightful thought and conduct one could easily achieve salvation. The twenty-four tirthamkaras, i.e., deified saints, has one mark of cognizance, often on the seat which helps in identification. The Tirtharkaras are also distinguished by their own pairs of yaksas and yaksis, called sasana-devatas, the protector of Jina. Since the tirthamkara belonged to sramana parampara, i.e., the ascetic tradition they were not shown with consorts. In their formation artists follow the tradition but the signs of innovative practices may also be noticed. The size of the images varies from two feet to eighteen feet high. They are made of sand stone. The tirthamnkara figures are shown stark naked or digambara in kayotsarga and padmasana posture with deep contemplation. They are rendered with usual astapratiharyas viz., vrksa, dundubhi, trichatra, simhasana, camaradhara, prabhamandala etc. and accompanied with sasanadevata yaksa and yaksi at their respective places. There is a provision of cushion above the simhasana on which th

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Jain Temples of Caita / 259 tirthamkara is placed. The cushion is decorated with foliage pattern and jeweled beads. In one case, snake hoods are extended over the cushion which helps to identify the Jina figure as Parsvanatha. Among the images of Caita tirthamkaras Rsabhanatha, Candraprabha, santinatha, Kumthunatha, Neminatha, Parsvanatha and Mahavira are easily identifiable. A wonderful image of Santinatha, that was originally installed in temple 5 and later on shifted to Sonagir, is famous by the name of 'manaharadeva' (figure 9). Jain (1976:53) denied the depiction of cognizance on this image and identified this image as of santinatha only on the basis of a popular legend of its consecration by Setha Padasaha who was known for installing a large number of tirtharkara images, particularly of Santinatha. But there is no evidentry proof to accept such belief. On the other hand, image bears no inscription and none of the Caita inscriptions records the name of Setha Padasaha. He further states that Pandita Lekharaja, a resident of Karahiya, mentions the Jina of the image as Rsabhanatha in his work 'Baraiya Vilasa'. It is very strange that why these scholars did not observe and recognize the cognizance deer in seated form boldly carved on the simhasana placed below the feet of Santinatha. This leaves no doubt in the identification of the tirtharnkara of the image. Most of the standing Jina images of Caita are remarkably attributed with the hair-locks falling on shoulders. This attribute is canonically prescribed as the iconographic features of tirtharnkara Adinatha or Ksabhanatha and in the absence of concerning cognizance it is treated as an identification mark of the tirthamkara. But in Caita, the attribute of hair locks falling on shoulders is not only associated with the images of this tirtharkara, but also common with other Jina images. Such type of depiction is not only limited to the site of Caita but the trend also prevailed in adjoining Jain centers like Devagarh (Lalitpur District, Uttar Pradesh), Budhi Canderi (Ashoknagar District, Madhya Pradesh), Pacarai and Golakota (Shivpuri District, Madhya Pradesh) that might be treated as a regional innovation. Of the astapratiharyas, simhasana (lion throne) is distinctly monotype presented here in the form of a niche containing a dharma-cakra in the centre with Upadhyaya figure over it, sravaka figure on both the sides, and finally flanked with rearing lions (figure 10). The Upadhyaya or teacher figures are shown in vyakhyana-mudra that indicates a possibility that Caita was a major centre of Jaina learning. However, this practice was not uniformly followed because there are a few images which do not depict the Upadhyaya or sravaka figures. Most of the simhasanas of Jina images are traditionally represented with the figures of yaksa and yaksi on the both side, but in some examples, either both of them are absent or two yaksas or two yaksis are shown on the side. In most of the instances, either the cognizance-marks are not carved or they are now damaged. Contrary to this tradition, a fragmentary simhasana part of tritirthika image of Santinatha-Kumthunatha-Neminatha, bearing an inscription dated in Vikrama Samvat 1191 is peculiar depicting two roaring lions positioned back to back along with two standing deer figures facing each-other, a goat and conch or sankha respectively. There is a solitary example of sarvatobhadrika type of images at Caita which is at present placed in the sanctum sanctorum of temple 5. In this sarvatobhadrika image the figure of Adinatha or Rsabhanatha and Parsvanatha may be identified with the help of hanging hair locks and seven serpent hood over the head respectively. The sasanadevata yaksa and yaksis are either shown in the simhasana portion of the Jina images at their respective places or carved independently on the lower part of the pillars of mandapika and door-jambs. The portrayal of the Yaksi figures is outnumbered. They are represented on the simhasana of the Jina images as well as independently carved on pillars. However, yaksas are not independently

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260 / Jijnasa depicted at Caita, always shown as a component of simhasana. All the sasanadevata figures are badly mutilated and damaged. Among the yaksi figures, Padmavati of tirthamkara Parsvanatha (figure 11), Ambika of tirthamkara Neminatha (figure 12) and Kali of tirthamkara Suparsvanatha (figure 13) are numerous which show their popularity at Caita. Yaksi Padmavati is, in general, shown on simhasana, on the lower part of the pillars of mandapika and on the pilaster of gallery of the temple 5 in the traditional form. Two handed yaksi grasps one of her child in left arm and right hand holds a bunch of mango tree. The branches of mango tree are also shown over the head of the yaksi. Her other son is depicted standing on the pedestal at right or left side and her mount lion shown at opposite side of the child. There is an independent example of Ambika image in tribhanga pose. But her lower portion from the waist is now totally disappeared and rest portion also damaged at several places. She has two hands and grasps one of her son in left arm while the right arm is now broken. Above the head of Ambika a miniature tirthankara image is shown in padmasana. Yaksi Kali is presented with four arms either in tribhanga posture or in nrtya-mudra, holding ankusa and pasa respectively in her upper right and left hands, while lower left hand bears fruit and right hand is depicted in varada-mudra. Her mount vrsabha or bull is shown seated on the pedestal either at right or left side. Apart from the aforementioned yaksi figures, there are several fragments of yaksis sculptures but they could not be identified due to badly damaged nature. Sarasvati is highly venerated and carved on the lower parts of the pillars of the mandapika in tribhanga posture with four arms. On the basis of the holding objects, the figure of Sarasvati might be divided into two groups. In the first, she holds padma or lotus and pothi or manuscript respectively in her upper right and left hands and kamandalu in lower left hand while lower right hand is shown in varada-mudra. In the second form, she holds padma in her upper right hand, pothi in lower left hand and grasps vina in other two hands (figure 14). In both the forms her mount peacock is depicted on the pedestal, and the first form represents her as the goddess of Jaina scriptures while the other as the goddess of music. The yaksi and Sarasvati figures of Caita are adorned with traditional garments and ornaments. Of them, the common ornaments are pearled lasses or kesa-bandha, big circular kundala, vanamala, hara or necklace with many pearled strings, stanahara, armlets, kankana, multi-strings girdle or mekhala, nupura, etc. The vanamala is simple made of two or three plain strings. The pearls of the ornaments are prominently shown. There is a total lack of independent images of yaksas at Caita. They are represented only as a component of simhasana and their proper identification is not possible due to the mutilated condition. In most of the examples, they are generally shown with two arms and stand in tribhanga posture. They holds flower in their left hand while right hand is in katyavalamita-position or rests on the waist. Only in one example, yaksa Gomedha is shown with his consort Ambika on the simhasana. Here, Gomukha is four handed and illustrated in standing posture. He holds mudgara and money bag in his right and left hands respectively and the objects of two other hands are not clear. Probably upper left hand holds a casaka. The yaksas are normally adorned with simple necklace and vanamala. On the whole, it seems that the artisans of Caita were not interested in making the yaksa figures in varied and beautiful forms in comparison with yaksi figures.

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Jain Temples of Caita / 261 It appears that Caita was an important centre of Jaina art and architecture, especially of image making. The depiction of Upadhyaya figures in vyakhyana-mudra suggests a possibility that in the direction of these Upadhyayas the construction of the Jaina temples of Caita was done with the donation of the sravakas for whom some information are available in the inscriptions of the place. Plausibly, for this reason images of Caita largely follow the iconographic features of Jaina canons. References: Dwivedi, Harihar Nivas, Vikram Samvat 2004 (C.E. 1947). Gwalior Rajya ke Abhilekha. Banaras. Garde, M. B., 1938. Annual Administration Report of the Archaeological Department, Gwalior State for Samvat 1990/ year 1933-34. Gwalior. Jain, Balabhadra, 1976, Bharata ke Digambara Jaina Tirtha 3, Bombay. Jain, Kastur Chandra, 2001, Bharatiya Digambara Jaina Abhilekha aur Tirtha Paricaya, Madhya Pradesh: sati taka. Delhi. Patil, D. R., 1952. The Descriptive and Classified List of Archaeological Monuments in Madhya Bharata. Gwalior Sircar, D.C., 1966. Indian Epigraphical Glossary. Delhi. Willis, Michael D., 1996a. Inscriptions of Gopaksetra: Material for the history of Central India, British Museum. London - 1996b. "Architecture in Central India under Kacchapaghata Rulers," in South Asian Studies, 12.

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262 / Jijnasa 35. 'Dohada' A Folk-Lore in Ancient India U.N.Roy The term 'dohada' occurs profusely in ancient Indian Literature and denotes a popular social custom widely prevalent amongst the women-folk of the country. Although 'dohada' is a Prakrit word, it is a term of frequent occurrence in the Sanskrit texts. It is a derivative of the Sanskrit word 'daurhrida', meaning foetus. Asoka-dohada It was commonly believed that the tree of Asoka does not bloom and the hero (Nayaka) fails to show his strong emotion for longing unless the two received the stroke (Prahara) of the left foot (Vamapada), especilally, of a charming lady under intoxication. It was held that if she kicked the Asoka tree with her left foot or spat a mouthful of drunken liquor on its stem, it blossoms into full in consequence.' Such references are of frequent occurrence in Sanskrit lyric, drama and prose romances, throwing light on its wide popularity in the female section as early as the Maurya-Sunga Age. In an interesting account of the Malavikagnimitram of Kalidasa, we find the lady attendant Madhukarika requesting the queen Dharini to apply the 'dohada' device to the young Asoka tree which was not yet blossoming.2 As the left leg of the queen was injured having fallen from the swing, she expressed her inability for the same and selected charming Malavika, the young heroine of the drama to perform the delicate duty and promised to award her profusely, if the tree came into blossom in a brief course of five days only. Vakulavalika, another lady attendant of the chief queen, is reported as saying to Malavika that even after receiving the stroke of her tender feet (Charana-satkaram labdhva), if the Asoka tree does not bear flowers, it will be deemed as worthless one (nirguno). The King, too, is reported as observing, that if the Asoka did not burst into buds even after receiving an honour from the newly blossomed lotus-like, adorned with red dye and tinkling with metallic sounds of the anklets of a young lady with slender waist, it would be presumed that longing of the lustful for the foot-stroke (dohada) of a charming damsel, grows in him invain." The king, who was highly enamoured of charming Malavika, is represented in the drama as saying that either an unblossomed Asoka tree or a hero committing blunder in romance and hence lying prone before his sweetheart seeking her mercy, deserves the kick of the foot of that fascinating lady.' Malavika the heroine of the drama, while experessing a similar view, observes that this unbloomed Asoka tree ('agrhita-kusuma') is lustful for a stroke, from the delicate and charming foot of an attractive maiden (lalit-sukumara-dohadapeksi)8.

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*Dohada' A Folk-Lore in Ancient India 263 In the Meghaduta of Kalidasa also, we find reflection of a similar popular social custom. The Yaksa says to his messenger (the cloud) that like him the red Asoka tree (raktasokah), standing within the premises of his house with fluttering leaves under the pretext of bursting in to flowers and fruits, also must be longing for the kick of the left foot of his dear friend i.e., Yaksini herself (vamapadabhilasi) and emission of wine from her mouth too (vadanamadira). When Malavika had given her stroke to the stem of the tree in act of performing the dohada', the king enquires from her whether her left foot tender like a delicate leaf, was not injured in rendering the task. 10 In the Vikramorvasiyam, Pururava is depicted as saying to the full blossomed Asoka tree that shaking by its sides with the force of the wind, it was acknowledging his ignorance about his darling Urvasi. But if it was a fact, then how was it glowing with full-fragrance, with full-grown lovely flowers, whose petals were being bitten by black bees, without receiving her foot-stroke (padaghata)". In the Viddha-salabhanjika of Rajasekhara, we find Kurangika, the female attendant of the queen, feeling annoyed of the jester (Vidusaka) due to his pinching jokes and consequently threatening him with what the Asoka tree receives at the time of dohada' (charana-satkara i.e., foot stroke)". The idea may have resulted in the delightful theme of dohada' a longing peculiarly human in its emotion that plants and trees look for fulfillment. This popular social custom prevalent among the women folk in ancient India was adopted as a lovely art-motif, vivid and striking specimens of which have been brought to light from different cultural centers of the country right from the Sunga Age. In a Bharhut railing pillar we find the carving of a semi-dohada motif, which may be treated as a rare specimen of its kind. The lady, a variety of 'women and tree' symbol and identified as 'Chulakokadevata' or Yaksini stands with the right leg fixed on the back of a standing elephant and left one placed on its head. She holds a branch of the Asoka tree by her right arm; and with her left hand and so also with the left leg, firmly grasps its slim stem. The representation suggests the idea of blossoming of the Asoka tree not by kick of the foot but by embrace of a charming lady and as such it, somewhat, differs from the other scenes of dohada' type in strict sense of the technical term (Fig. 1). In another similar semi-'dohada' scene on a Bharhut railing-post, the profusely ornamented Yaksini is depicted as standing on a seated winged horse with her right leg fixed on its back and the left on its head.13 It is significant to note that in one more illustration resembling with semi-'dohada' variety, found in a Bharhut piece preserved in Indian Museum, Calcutta, a profusely ornamented lady (with Yaksini features and possessed of muscular strength) is represented as embracing the slender stem of the Asoka tree by her left arm and left leg, and bending its branch by the right hand, that part of the scene (i.e. the foliage) is partly broken and lost from its precise position in the carved relief. Standing akimbo, her left foot is fixed on the neck of a well decorated horse and the right one on its back (Fig. 2). In another Bharhut example (2nd century B.C.), displayed in Indian Museum, Calcutta, a stout lady, wearing different ornaments and looking like Yaksini by her bodily features, is depicted as clasping the thin stalk of a full-bloomed tree by her right hand and the right leg instead of her left one, while standing on a bursting lotus with her left arm gracefully resting on her tender waist(Fig.3). A railing pillar, adorned with an excellent example of dohada' scene and displayed in the Mathura Museum (Accession number 33.2345, gallery 7), depicts a profusely ornamented nude lady with a broad jewelled girdle around her slender waist under a green Asoka tree. She holds a lotus along

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264 / Jijnasa with its stalk ('sanala-padma') with both her hands by its delicate stem and strikes the tree not by the left but with the right foot (Fig.4). A 'Stambha-Yosita' pattern (lady carved on pillar, displayed in National Museum, New Delhi; (Accession number J.55) is a true example of 'dohada' scene where the lady is represented as kicking the stem of the Asoka tree under which she is standing by her left foot. The ancient literature, as we have already seen, describes that a green Asoka tree yearns for the kick of the left foot of a charming damsel (Vamapadabhilasi)". The railing post in which the typical scene is engraved, belongs to the second cenntury A.D. and was discovered at Mathura. She embraces the branch of the Asoka tree by her left arm and by right one she touches her lower garment which conceals her nudity. The coiffure of the lady is exceptional in the sense that the braid of her hair is piled up in diminishing rounded tiers (Fig.5). With her broad hips, stout breasts and slender waist, she reminds us of the bodily features of Malavika, engaged in dohada scene in the Malavikagnimitram. It is noteworthy that these are a number of such instances associated with other flowering tree are also of dohada prevalent in Sanskrit literature. For instance, the bakula, kurabaka, nava malika and lata associated with dohala. The Bakula tree was connected with sprinkling of the mouthfuls of wine, and 'Kurabaka' with the practice of rubbing of the breasts against it. These popular social practices bear the testimony to the wide prevalence of the custom of 'Udyanakrida (pastime play in a grove) among the ladies of ancient India. Navamalika-'dohada', Lata- 'dohada' - It may also be observed that sometimes the 'dohada' device was applied to a creeper instead of a tree like Asoka. The difference lies in the fact that whereas in the case of Asoka the pleasing touch of maiden was essential, in the instance of a creeper physical contact or close proximity of a male was desired. In the former case, the Asoka symbolised the Nayaka (hero) and the young lady represented the heroine (Nayika). But in the latter case, the creeper typified the heroine (Nayika) and the male signified the hero (Nayaka). It was sometimes, believed that creeper had a longing even for its blooming before time with the pleasing touch of a romantic hero. As for example, in the Ratnavali we find king Udayana (hero of the drama) deeply immersed day and night in the thought of evolving a device for untimely budding of the jasmine creeper (Navamalika lata)". In the drama, with his desire of putting forth flowers into the unriped jasmine creeper accepted as his consort (akala-kusuma-sanjana-dohada), the king is represented as learning its lore from a spiritual preceptor Maharaja Srikhandadasa who hailed from Sri-Parvata18 when the charm of dohada as learnt from him is experimented in it by him in the presence of the jester, the branches of the young jasmine are studded with continuous clusters of bursting flowers to the utter surprise of all present there. The jester (Vidusaka) exclaims at the firm belief of the king in the art of 'dohada', because after its application the latter takes the jasmine as readily budded even without seeing the view20 Taking it as a great wonder, he congratulates the king and repeatedly murmurs that spell of 'dohada' had miraculously resulted into the Navamalika (jasmine) immediately bloomed in full. In the drama, the king is finally reported as saying to the jester that there can not be any scope for doubt in 'dohada' It is incomprehesibly as effective or enchanting in serving its purpose as any gem, spell or a herb," When the enemies of Visnu saw the 'Kaustubha Mani' on his chest, they took to heels, frightened by charm and spell the serpents hide themselves in the nether region, it was the miraculous herb (Sanjivani buti) that had revived Laksmana and the serpents killed by Meghanada in the battle. Hence, 'dohada'

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'Dohada' A Folk-Lore in Ancient India / 265 is possessed of wonderful significance because it can do the wonder which spellbounds all, witnessing its effect.22 References 1. Besides the desire of Asoka for kick from a young lady or sprinkling of her mouthfull liquor at budding time. The word 'dohada' has also been used in the following sense in early Indian literature: - (I) Sometimes it has been used to denote the longing of a pregnant lady for a particular thing. As for example, in the Raghuvamsa Sita is depicted as expressing her desire to see a hermitage during the stage of her pregnancy : - prajAvatI dohadaMzasinI te tapovaneSu spRhayAlureva / sa tvaM rathIta drayapadezaneyAM prApayya vAlmIkipadaMtyajainAm || Raghuvamsa, Canto. 14, Verse 45. Also Compare: Whenever pregnant Sudaksina longed for a material object. Dilipa arranged for it immediately because he was competent to achieve even the heavenly objects what to speak of earthly ones: "upetya sA dohadaduHkhazIlatAM yadeva vatre tdpshydaahRtm| nahISTamasya tridive'pi bhUpaterabhUvanAsAdhamadhijyadhanvanaH / / " Raghuvamsa, Canto. 3, Verse 6. In the Uttara-Ramacharita there is reference to 'garbha-dohada' which denotes the pregnancy hankerings of a woman (garbhini-abhilasa). In the drama Astavakra is reported as advising Rama to fulfill all the desires of Sita without any delay during the state of her pregnancy: yaH kazcidagarbhadohado bhavatyasyAH so'vazyamacirArAnmAnayitavyaH // Uttara-Ramacharita, Act I. (II) Sometimes, the word denotes pregnancy also, In the Raghuvansa, we come across the word "dohadavyatha" i.e. pains of pregnancy: krameNa nistIrya ca dohadvyathAM pratIcyamAnAvayavA rarAja sA / purANApatrApagamAdanantaraM lateva saMnadamanozapallavA / / Raghuvamsa, Canto. 3, Verse 7. (III) Sometimes, the word denoted certain strange appliances such as sprinkling (seka) of liquid (drava) or substance (dravya) or which had the virtue ( sakti ) or putting forth untimely flowers in trees, plants and creepers:mahIruhAH dohadasekazakterAkAtikaM korakamudriranti Naisadhacharitam, Canto. III. Verse 21. Also compare : "taru-gulma- latAdInAmakAle kuzalaiH kRtam / puSpAdyutpAvakaM dravyaM dohadaM syAttu taskriyA / / " The Sabdarnava quoted in the Naisadhacharita ed by P. P. Abhimanyu, page 138. (iv) The word, has sometimes, also been used in the sense of irresitble desire:"bApavartitamahAsamA kauravapakSapAtapaNIkRtaMprANAdraviNasaMcayA nrptyH||" 2. "ahamapyasyacirAyamANAkusumodrumasya tapanIyAzokasya dohadanimittaM devyai nivedayAmi / / " 3. "dolAparibhraSTAyAH tvaM tAvad gatvA tapanIya zokasya dohadaM nirvatayeti / " Veni-Samhara, Act. IV. Malavikagnimitram, Act. III. Ibid, Act III; also see Roy, U.N., Salabhanjika, page 17.

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266 / Jijnasa 4. "jaha so paJcarattabbhantare kusumaM daMsedi tado ahaM ahilAsapUraittaaM pasAdaM dAvahassaM tti yadyasau paJcarAtrAbhyanto kusumaM darzayati tato'hamabhilASapUrayitRkaM prasAda daapyissyaamiiti|" Ibid, Act. III 5. "nirguNo'yamazoko yadi kusumor3hevamantharo bhavet yastecaraNasatkAraM lbdhvaa|" Ibid, Act. III. 6. "anena tanumadhyA mukharanUpurAvigA, navamburuhakomalena-daraNena sNbhaavitH| azoka yadi sadya eva mukulairna saMpatsyasekha vRthA vahasi dohadaM llitkaamisaadhaarnnaam|" Ibid, Act. 17. 7. "navakisalayarAgeNAgrapAdena bAlA, sphuritanakharucAdI hntumrhtynen| akusumitamazokaM dohadApekSayA vA praNamitazirasaM vA kaanmaarttaapraadhm"|| lbid, Act. III, Verse 12; also see Roy, U.N. Salabhaijika. page 19. 8. Malavikagnimitram, Act III. 9. eka: sakhyAstava saha mayA vAmapAdAbhilASI kAkSatyanyo vadanamadirA dohdcchdmnaasyaaH| Meghaduta, II, Verse 18. Also compare. sAtirekamadakAraNaM rahastena dttmbhilessurnggnaaH| tAbhiraSyupahataM mukhAsavaM so'pibdvkultulydohdH|| Raghuvamsa, Canto.19, Verse 12. In the Raghuvamsa while lamenting at the sudden demise of his consort Indumati, Aja is depicted as expressing his inability to place in the hollowed palm of his hands, offering oblation of water then soul, the flowers of Asoka which had bloomed because of her foot stroke and which orginally used to adorn her braid: kusumaM kRtadohadastvayA ydshoko'ymudiiryissyti| alamAbharaNaM kathaM nu tattava neSyAmi nivApamAlyAtAm / / Raghuvamsa, Canto.VIII, Versa 62. 10. kisalayamRdovilAsinI kaGginai nihatasya paadpskndhe| caraNasya na te bAdhA saMprati vAmorU vaamsy|| Malavikagnimitram, Act. III, Verse 18; also see Roy, U.N.Salabhanjika, page 18. 11. "raktAzokakRzodarI kva nu gatA tyaktavAnuraktaM janaM no dRSTeti mudheva cAlayasi kiM vAtAbhibhUtaM shirH| utkaNGgAmAnaSaTpadaghaTAsaMghadaSTacchada: satpAdAharamantareNa bhavataH puSpodgamo'yaM kutH"|| Vikramorvasiyam, Act IV. Verse 62. 12. yat kngkekelitruuohdelbhte| Viddhasalabhanjika, Act IV: also see Roy, U.N.Salabhanjika, page19. 13. Roy, U.N.Salabhanjika, Fig. 40 was also believed that during the stage of pregnancy, if a lady did not apply dohada, the womb be likely to pollute. It could, sometimes, disfigure or go waste even. Hence dohada-pradana was a must for a pregnant lady. "dohavasyo'pradAnena garbho dossmaapnuyaat| vairUpyaM maraNaM cApi tasmAtkArya priya striyaaH||" Urtara-Ramacharita, ed. by M.R.Kale

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14. Meghaduta, II, Verse 18. 15. "vipulaM nitambadezo madhye kSAmaM samunnataM kucayoH / / atyAyataM nayanayormama jIvitametadayAti / / " Malavikagnimitram, Act. III. Verse 7; also see Roy, U. N. Salabhanjika, page 20. 16. "kurabaka kuprAtakrIDArasena viyujyase viTapinsmartavyaM te mukhAvasevanam / caraNaghaTanAzUnyo yAsya svazokazokatA miti nijaparatyAgaM yasya dviSAM jagadaH striyaH / / " 'Dohada' A Folk-Lore in Ancient India / 267 Subhasitavali, 2564; C. Sivaramamurti, Sanskrit Literature & Art - Mirrors of Indian Culture, page 40. 17. "eSApyaparA navamAlikAlatA yasyA akAla kusumasamudramazraddhAlunA bharttA'nudinamAyAzyAtmA / " Ratnavali, Act I. 18. "adya kila bharttA zrIparvatAdAgatasya zrIkhaNDadAsanAmadheyasya dhArmikasya sakAzAdakAla kusumasaMjananadohadaM zikSitvAtmanaH parigRhItAM navamAlikAM kusumasamRddhizobhitAM kariSyatIti / " Ibid, Act II. 19. "aashcrymaashcrym| sAdhu re zrIkhaNDadAsa dhArmika sAdhu / yena dattamAtreNaiva tena dohadenedRzI navamAlikA saMvRttA yena nirantaronnikusumaguccha shobhitvittpaa|" Ibid, Act II. 20. "eSa khalu priyavayasyastasya dohadasya labdhapratyatayA parokSAmapi tAM navamAlikAM pratyakSAmiva kusumitAM prekSamANaH harSotphullalocana ita evaagcchti|" Ibid, Act II. 21. "tena dohadena IdRzI navamAlikA saMvRttetyAdi ptthti|" 22. " vayasya kaH sandeha / acintyohi maNi-mantrauSadhInAM prabhAva: / " "kaNThe zrIpurUSottamasya samare dRSTA maNi zatrubhirnaSTaM mantravalAdvasanti vasudhAmUle bhujaGgA hatAH / pUrvaM lakSmaNavIravAnarabhaTA ye meghanAdAhatAH pItvA te'pi mahauSadherguNanidhergandhaM punarjAvitAH / / " Ibid, Act II. Ibid. Act II. Ibid, Act II., V.S. Therefore, dohada has also been noticed in literature as a drink for bursting flowers (puSpoddhamauSadham ) or peculiar appliance for putting forth untimely flowers in an unbloomed tree, creeper or a plant, (kriyAvizeSo va yenAkAle syAtkusumodramaH) See Ramchandra Mishra edited Ratnavali, page213.

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268 / Jijnasa 36. buMdelakhaMDa kI citrakalA meM loka paramparA kA nirvahana saMdhyA pANDeyaM aparNA anila lokakalA paramparA bundelakhaNDa ke citroM kA prANa hai, jisake abhAva meM buMdelI kalA niSprabha, niSprANa svatvahIna eka prakriyA mAtra hai| loka-paramparA do zabdoM se milakara banA hai| 'loka' va 'paramparA' kA artha hai, pUrvakAla se anavarata calI A rahI mAnyatA, vicAra athavA prkriyaa| loka zabda atyaMta prAcIna hai loka paramparA ke saMbaMdha meM prAcIna graMthoM meM vizada vivaraNa upalabdha hai| Rgveda meM 'loka' zabda ke liye 'jana' zabda kA prayoga kiyA gayA hai| 'loka' ke lie jIvana va sthAna prayukta kiyA gayA hai| upaniSadoM meM bhI 'loka' zabda kA ullekha hai| zrImadbhagavad gItA meM 'loka' va 'paraloka' zabda kA ullekha hai| vidvAnoM kA mAnanA hai ki 'loka saMskRti' va loka sAhitya, Adhunika zabda hai| purANoM meM pRthvI ke atirikta sAta lokoM kA varNana hai| jinameM atala, vitala, sutala, samAtala, mahAtala, rasAtala evaM pAtAla kA ullekha hai| Rgveda ke purUSa sUkta meM sRSTi kI prakiyA ke saMbaMdha meM ullekhanIya hai purUSa kI nAbhi se aMtarikSa, sira se jIvaloka, pairoM se bhUmi, kAnoM se dizAeM utpanna huii| isa prakAra lokoM ko kalpita kiyA gyaa| nAbhyA AsIdaMtarikSaM zISNau dyauH smvrtt| padbhyAM bhUmirdizaH zrotrAtathA lokAM aklpyn|| isI prakAra mahAbhArata meM bhI kaI bAra 'loka' zabda evaM vibhinna lokoM kA prayoga huA hai| hajArI prasAda dvivedI kA mAnanA hai ki 'loka' zabda kA artha 'janapada' yA grAma nahIM hai balki nagaroM aura gAMvoM meM phailI huI samUcI janatA hai jinake vyAvahArika jJAna kA AdhAra pothiyAM nahIM haiN| ina sAre uddharaNoM se spaSTa hotA hai ki 'loka' kA artha 'sAmAnya janatA' se hai| loka paramparA meM lokAcAra, lokasaMskRti, lokotsava, lokavastrAbhUSaNa, lokadevI-devatA, lokadharma ityAdi hI kisI bhI saMskRti kI satya pahacAna hotI hai| lokAcAroM ke aMtargata loka hita meM una sadAcAroM ko grahaNa karanA hai jinase unake samudAya kA mukhyataH hita hotA ho| jisa kAla meM kisI kSetra va yuga meM jina AcAroM ko loka grahaNa kara dIrghakAla taka unheM sammAnita rUpa se mAnate evaM pAlana karate haiM ve lokAcAra vahAM kI loka paramparA kA rUpa dhAraNa kara lete haiN| pApa-puNya, evaM jana kalyANa ke lie zraddhA va vizvAsa, loka dharmitA ko janma dete haiN| samudAya ke bhale evaM lAbha hetu kinhIM vizeSa AyojanoM kI prakriyA hetu viziSTa devI-devatA kI mAnyatA unheM pAramparika rUpa se prasthApita karatI hai aura ve 'loka devI-devatA ke rUpa meM pratiSThita ho jAte haiN| sAmAnyataH bhAratIya saMskRti meM samasta vibhinna kSetroM ke devI-devatA jo ki zAstroM-purANoM meM ullekhita haiM jinake nirmANa ke niyama bhI ullekhita haiM kintu una devI-devatAoM ke atirikta anya kaI devI-devatA haiM jo

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baMdelakhaMDa kI citrakalA meM loka paramparA kA nirvahana / 269 kSetrIya haiM aura vizeSa samudAya dvArA hI vizeSa AyojanoM para pUje jAte haiN| yadyapi unakI AkRti kisI devatA, pazu, mAnava Adi AkRtiyoM se milatI-julatI hotI hai kintu zAstrokta nahIM hotI apitu lokamAnyatAoM para nirmita hotI hai| vidvAnoM ne sUrya-caMdra-vRkSa-bhUmi-parvata evaM nadI Adi ko prakRti paraka, bhUta-preta, rAkSasa athavA dAnava, aniSTakArI tatvoM evaM yakSa-gaMdharvo ko atiprAkRta devatA, lakSmI, kubera, nAga va maNibhadra ityAdi, ko samRddhi paraka evaM dhana kA devatA, gaurI, gaNeza, dUlAdeva tathA haradaula ko vivAha paraka devatA, rAma, ziva, vAsudeva athavA kRSNa, zAradA mAI tathA indra Adi ko vara-pradAtA devatA; gaNeza, saMkaTA devI, pitRdeva ko vighnaharaNa devatA, bIjAsena tathA SaSThi devI ko saMtAna rakSaka devatA; durgA, kAlI, caNDikA, ziva, hanumAna va bhairava deva Adi ko zAnti paraka devatA ke rUpa meM ullekhita kiyA hai| buMdelakhaMDa meM grAma devI ke rUpa meM pUjI jAne vAlI bhuiMyAdevI arthAt bhUdevI yA bhUmidevI kI tulanA Rgvaidika saubhAgya, sauMdarya evaM samRddhi paraka zrIdevI se kI gaI hai| buMdelA zAsakoM ke vaMza kA buMdelA nAma bhI dhArmika bhAvanA se ota-prota hokara devI (vindhyadevI) ko apane rakta tilaka lagAne ke pariNAma svarUpa, 'rakta bUMdo' ke kAraNa buMdelA nAma kI utpatti mAnI jAtI hai| isa prakAra mAtR-pUjana se hI buMdeloM kI loka dharma-paramparA kA abhyudaya hotA hai| kAlAntara meM mahArAjA madhukara zAha kI kRSNa (vAsudeva) kI dhArmika mAnyatA aura unakI rAnI gaNeza kuMvarI kI zrI rAma ke prati AsthA va vizvAsa buMdeloM kI dhArmika paramparA ko bar3hAte evaM sthAyitva pradAna karate haiN| inhIM AsthAoM ke pariNAma svarUpa hI buMdelakhaMDa meM mAtRkA pUjana evaM zrIrAma va zrIkRSNa ko pUje jAne kA Adhikya hai| sAtha hI, datiyA aura orachA ke vibhinna mahala, maMdira evaM anya bhavanoM meM zrI rAma evaM kRSNa se saMbaMdhita vibhinna prasaMgoM ko vistAra se tathA lakSmI ko adhikatA se citrita kiyA gayA hai| inake atirikta vara-pradAtA evaM zAMti paraka devatA ke rUpa meM ziva, durgA, kAlI, hanumAna evaM bhairava deva Adi bhI citrita hue haiM isI prakAra, vighnaharaNa deva gaNeza kI sthApanA buMdelakhaMDa hI nahIM apitu bhArata ke adhikatama kSetroM meM pracalita hai| saMbhavataH isI AsthA aura vizvAsa ko lekara buMdelakhaMDa kI aitihAsika citrAvaliyoM meM bhI praveza dvAra para gaNapati ko unakI riddhi evaM siddhi patniyoM ke sAtha citrita kiyA gayA hai| yadyapi adhikatara citroM meM riddhi-siddhi pati sevA meM caMvara DulAtI athavA unakI pUjA karatI huIM citrita kI gaI haiN| isa prakAra ke citroM meM riddhi-siddhi kabhI rAjasthAnI vezabhUSA meM lahaMgA cunarI pahane athavA lAMga vAlI sAr3I pahane citrita kI gaI haiN| (citra phalaka-1) buMdelakhaMDa kI striyoM meM lAMga vAlI sAr3I kA pracalana hai sAtha hI marAThoM meM bhI nau hAtha kI lAMga vAlI sAr3I pahanane kA pracalana milatA hai| Aja bhI buMdelakhaMDa evaM gvAliyara ke citere zAdI vivAha, nau durgA, dazaharA, dIvAlI ityAdi AyojanoM meM gaNapati ko, riddhi-siddhi sahita citrita karate haiN| adhikAMza citroM meM lAMga vAlI sAr3I kA citraNa kiyA jAtA hai| buMdelakhaMDa meM mukhyataH do prakAra ke citra milate haiM- aitihAsika citra jinameM mAnava ke tatkAlIna sAmAjika, sAMskRtika evaM Arthika jIvana kA citraNa hai, tathA dUsare prakAra ke citra dhArmika bhAvanA se anuprerita hokara dhArmika, AdhyAtmika citra bane jo usake avyakta bhAvoM yA Dara, prema, prArthanA, manautI evaM usake kAlpanika devatA ko prasanna karane se sambandhita the| saMyogavaza anubhUta pariNAmoM ke AdhAra para karma kANDoM va pratIkoM ko saMyukta kara vrata, tyauhAra, manautiyoM, anuSThAnoM kI anavarata zrRMkhalA bnaaii| isa prakAra loka paramparA kI anavarata dhArA kA lokAnveSaNa huaa| loka paramparAnusAra citraNa kA AdhAra 'pratIka' bhI rahe haiN| jinake AdhAra para vaha kathA kahAniyoM, mithakoM, kivadaMtiyoM ko vistAra se sameTa kara svayaM kA abhivyakta kara skeN| yahAM taka ki pratIkoM kA eka zAstra hI nirmita ho gyaa| vividha prAcIna granthoM meM eka prakAra ke pratIkoM ke sambandha meM vizada varNana evaM jAnakArI prApta hotI hai|

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270 / Jijnaasa mAnava sabhyatA ke vikAsa ke sAtha-sAtha svastha, sukhI jIvana evaM dIrghAyu hetu usake dvArA nirmita tIja-tyauhAra, utsava, vrata, pUjA, anuSThAna kA prAvadhAna kiyA gayA aura isa hetu kathA, kahAniyoM, kivadaMtiyoM va ghaTanAkramoM kA sahArA liyA gayA, jinakI vyAkhyA hetu devI-devatAoM, asuroM, yakSoM, Adi anekAneka asaMkhya pAtroM ke sAtha pazu-pakSiyoM tathA prakRti ke samasta aMga svarUpa rUpAkRtiyoM kI kalpanA kara unakI sUkSmatara abhivyakti ke lie pratIkoM kA sRjana kiyA gyaa| buMdelakhaMDa ke datiyA tathA orachA kendoM meM citrakalA ke mAdhyama se zrImadbhAgavat, rAmAyaNa ityAdi kI kathAoM va ghaTanAkramoM tathA prasaMgoM ko aMkana hetu apane viSaya rUpa meM cunaa| ina viSayoM meM rahasyAtmakatA ke lie vividha pratIkoM kA samAveza bhI kiyA jaise gaja, cakra kamala, gajalakSmI, ziva Adi devatAoM ke vAhana tathA Ayudha vAnara, trizUla, gadA, stambha pArzvadevatA maMdira pratIka, zikhA, tilaka, naTa, caturbhuja, tribhuja, aSTabhuja aadi| isake aMkana evaM alaMkaraNa meM maMgalasUcaka pratIkoM kA bhI yathA saMbhava prayoga kiyA jAtA hai| jinameM sUrya, caMdra, gajalakSmI, gaNeza, ghaTa, puSpa-patrayukta puSpapAtra, puSpapatra, puSpaguccha, puSpapatra yukta latAyeM, azva paMkti, batakha, padmayukta jala ke sAtha bagulA, gaja, azva, mayUra, zuka, sArasa, matsya, kachuA, jalakukkuTa, mRga va gAya Adi kA aMkana pramukha rUpa se kiyA jAtA hai| prAcIna graMthoM meM 'loka devatA evaM loka devI ke nAma ullikhita haiM, jinameM viSNu sUrya, caMdra, rUdra airAvata hAthI, vAsudeva, yama, siMha, makara, gaMgA ityAdi haiN| buMdelakhaMDa kI citrakalA meM makaravAhinI gaMgA kA citraNa bhI milatA hai| mahiSa para virAjamAna yama, arddhamAnavIya svarUpa meM garUr3a tathA unake kandhoM para savAra viSNu isI prakAra navagrahoM kA citraNa bhI lakSmI maMdira, orachA meM ziva bArAta meM milatA hai manu smRti meM sUrya, caMdra, agni, vAyu, yama, varUNa, indra va kubera ko ATha dikapAloM meM mAnA gayA hai|" datiyA evaM orachA ke citroM meM sUrya-caMdra ko bahutAyata se citrita kiyA gayA hai| rAmAyaNa meM bhI indra, kubera, varuNa, yama ko lokapAla, ke rUpa meM svIkRta kiyA gayA hai| purANoM meM iMdra ko pUrva, agni ko dakSiNa pUrva, yama ko dakSiNa sUrya ko dakSiNa pazcima, varUNa ko pazcima vAyu ko pazcimottara, kubera uttara tathA soma ko uttara pUrva kA dikpAla brahmA ne batAyA hai| matsya purANa aura devI bhAgavat meM bhI inheM ATha dizAoM ko lokapAla kahA gayA hai|" lakSmI maMdira ke ziva vivAha ke citra meM zveta chaH sUDavAle hasti para savAra indra kA aMkana hai| loka mAnyatA ke anusAra hI pati kI dIrghAyu kI kAmanA se gaNagaura pUjana kiyA jAtA hai / orachA ke lakSmI maMdira ke eka citra meM devI mAtA ke maMdira ke bAhara aneka striyoM ko baiThakara apane sAmane sAmane choTe-choTe zivapuruSa athavA ziva-pArvatI kI AkRtiyoM ke samakSa pUjana kI mudrA meM saMbhavataH bAliyAM hAtha meM liye pUjA karatI hai| yahIM para strI-puruSa bAliyAM liye nRtya karate hue tathA sira para sAmAna va bAliyAM liye AtI huI striyoM kA bhI aMkana hai yaha yahAM kI pracalita lokaparamparA kA digdarzana karAtA hai eka anya citra meM ziva evaM gaNeza maMdira ke bAhara aMkita hai tathA aneka striyAM isI prakAra ke kisI pUjana kA Ayojana karatI pratIta hotI haiN| ghara meM dhana sampadA evaM vaibhava sampannatA kI paricAyaka ke rUpa meM zrI lakSmI evaM gaja lakSmI kA citraNa orachA ke lakSmI maMdira meM aneka sthAnoM para milatA hai| buMdelakhaMDa meM mAtRkA pUjana, bhUdevI, zrIdevI evaM lakSmI ke atirikta pArvatI evaM durgA kI pUjA bhI pracalita hai| isI prakAra yadAkadA sarasvatI citraNa bhI prApta hotA hai| 1 loka pracalita do kiMvadaMtiyoM kA bhI citraNa hai, jisameM eka nArI kuMjara kA laghu prasaMga hai| jisameM zrIkRSNa kI hasti savArI kI icchA para gopiyoM sahita rAdhA ne hAthI taiyAra kiyA, isa prakAra kA citra rAjasthAnI citrakalA meM bahutAyata se milatA hai| isI prakAra zaktizAlI cuMgalacir3iyA kA bhI citraNa hai jise buMdelA rAjA ne mArA thA aisI lokokti hai yadyapi yaha kitanA satya hai yaha nahIM kahA jA sktaa| lokakalA, utsava, tyauhAroM, anuSThAnoM va pUjA - vratoM se saMyukta karake hI dekhI jAtI hai| ina avasaroM para iSTa devI-devatA kA pratIkAtmaka citraNa kara usakI pUjA ke uparAnta kathA-kahAnI kahane va sunane kI paramparA hai|

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buMdelakhaMDa kI citrakalA meM loka paramparA kA nirvahana / 271 jinameM iSTadevI devatAoM ke aneka pUjA yogya citra nirmita haiN| yahAM loka citraNa kI mukhya rUpa se do paramparAyeM pracalita haiN| eka pradeza kI gRhastha striyoM dvArA vividha tIja tyauhAroM, vrata pUjana evaM vividha saMskAroM Adi para citraNa karanA dUsare, vaMza paramparAnusAra bulakiyoM, kamAnIgAroM, citeuriyoM dvArA vyavasAya ke rUpa meM apanAyA gyaa| vividha utsavoM, vrata, AyojanoM va avasaroM, anuSThAnoM, saMskAroM tathA tyauhAroM Adi para dvAra kI sajjA, panA citraNa, vivAha ke samaya ragavArau, besana kI gaura, bAbAjU, sAvanI kI maTakiyAM va suaTA kI gaura tathA rakSAbaMdhana, karavAcautha, chaThI, nAgapaMcamI Adi para citraNa, miTTI ke bartanoM para likhanA evaM pUjA ke lie visarjanIya kaccI pratimAyeM banAnA Adi sammilita haiN| isI prakAra buMdelakhaMDa meM dIvAlI ke samaya striyAM sapheda bhitti para suretI AkRti banAtI haiM, jisameM viSNu-lakSmI, nAga-nAgina, sUrya-caMdra, saptarSi, zravaNa kumAra, bAlaka, viSNu-lakSmI Adi kA aMkana kiyA jAtA hai| (rekhAcitra phalaka-1) buMdelakhaMDa meM citeroM ke nAma se prasiddha loka citrakAra yaha kArya adhikatA se kara rahe haiN| ullekhanIya hai ki datiyA ke mahArAjA zatrujIta ke kAla meM citrakAroM ko basAne ke liye eka hI sthAna para (citeuriyoM kA muhallA) rahavAsa kA prabaMdha kiyA gayA thaa| Aja bhI vahAM evaM sampUrNa buMdelakhaMDa meM kaI citere parivAra nivAsa karate haiM, jinake pUrvaja citraNa kArya karate the| yahA~ kaI parivAra navIna bhI haiM jo apane sthAnoM ko chor3akara yahAM Akara basa gae sambhavataH kucha citrakAra prajApati arthAt miTTI kA kArya karane vAle jAti ke bhI ho sakate haiN| ghara maMdiroM ke dvAroM ko susajjita karane ke atirikta anuSThAna pUjA ityAdi Arambha karane ke pUrva jamIna kI gobara se lipAI ke bhI vividha prakAra mAnya kiye gaye haiN| jaise ghara ke aMdara se bAhara lIpanA (uraina), bAhara se aMdara kI ora lIpanA Adi vibhinna prayojanoM kI mAnyatA ke anusAra hI kiyA jAtA hai| isI prakAra lIpane ke uparAnta pUjA sthala para anya kisI bhI karma ke prArambha ke pUrva geMhU ke ATe se "cauka pUrane" evaM Dhiga nikAlane (kamUrA banAnA) kI prakriyA anivAryataH hotI hai| bhArata meM samasta pradezoM meM cauka pUrane kI paramparA hai| avasaroM ke anurUpa cauka pUrane ke bhI vividha prakAra haiM, jinameM "aSTadala kamala athavA phUlacauka" va belaiyA cauka pramukha aSTadala kamala ke aMkana kI paramparA uttara bhArata meM bhI pAramparika rUpa se dekhane ko milatI hai| 'phUlacauka' va belaiyA cauka vizeSa pUjA avasaroM para banAye jAte haiN| AMgana meM athavA pUjA sthala meM cauka pUrane ke sAtha usake cAroM ora sImAnta rekhA ko darzAne ke liye kiyA jAne vAlA AlaMkArika aMkana kamUrA banAnA yA Dhiga nikAlanA kahate hai| isakI bhI aMkana AkRtiyAM nizcita haiN| kucha avasaroM para jamIna ke Upara IMTa Adi se U~cA cabUtarA sA banAkara use cUnA miTTI se putAI athavA lipAI ke dvArA taiyAra kiyA jAtA hai| taba usa para mukhya citrakarma kiyA jAtA hai| jaise vartamAna meM datiyA meM manAyA jAne vAlA prasiddha sAMjhI mahotsava meM isake atirikta, kAgaja para bhI loka citraNa kI paramparA atyadhika pracalita hai jisameM vizeSa pUjA, tyauhAroM, avasaroM para kAgaja para raMgIna sImA rekhA ke aMdara devI-devatA ke pAramparika AkRtiyoM meM citraNa kiyA AtA hai| ise 'panA' kahA jAtA hai| isI meM karavAcautha ke citra evaM dIvAlI para pUjane vAle lakSmI jI ke citra bhI sammilita haiN| kuladevatA ke citroM ko kapar3oM para (paTacitra) bhI aMkita kiyA jAtA hai| vaivAhika avasaroM para dUlhA-dulhana ke hAtha ke chApe dvAroM ke donoM ora lagAne kI prathA hai pAna athavA pIpala ke pattoM ko bhI kucha vrata-pUjA ke avasaroM para citrAMkana meM prayukta kiyA jAtA hai| maMgalasUcaka kalazoM (maTakiyoM) kA bhI vizeSa avasaroM para susajjita kara upayoga kiyA jAtA hai| isI tAratamya meM una choTe-choTe miTTI ke khilaunoM va mUrtiyoM kA bhI loka citroM meM sammilita kiyA jA sakatA hai jinakA prayoga utsavoM tyauhAroM meM pUjA Adi maMgala avasaroM ke lie banAyA jAtA hai| jaise, bAbAjU, lakSmI, gaNeza, gaNagaura13 Adi (bulakiyoM evaM kamanIgaroM ke dvArA inakA nirmANa kiyA jAtA hai) pAtroM para kiye jAne vAle citraNa ko kalAkAra pAtra pakAne ke pUrva athavA pakane ke bAda (donoM hI prakAra se) citrita karate haiN| pakAne ke bAda banAe jAne vAle

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272 / Jijnasa citraNa ke lie cUne kI patalI (putAI) car3hAne ke bAda bela-bUTe banAye jAte haiM citraNa mAdhyama ke lie yadyapi citrakAroM ke svayaM ke dvArA nirmita raMgoM aura tUlikAeM hI sAmAnyataH prayoga kI jAtI haiM kintu suvidhA kI dRSTi se Ajakala bAjAra meM upalabdha raMgoM va braza Adi kA prayoga bhI kiyA jAne lagA hai| deza, kAla, paristhiti, AvazyakatA, upalabdhatA Adi kAraNoM se parivartana avazyaMbhAvI hai yadi paramparAyeM banatI hai ataH saMskAroM ke saMzodhana aura parivartana bhI hotA rahatA hai| unameM sthAyI rUpa athavA ekarUpatA asambhava hai ataH saMskAroM ke saMzodhana se calI A rahI paramparAoM meM bhI parimArjana hotA rahatA hai| 14 buMdelakhaMDa meM yadyapi varSa bhara anekoM vrata tyauhAra, utsava Adi manAeM jAte haiM kintu datiyA kA sAMjhI mahotsava loka kalA kA eka uttama udAharaNa hai / citeuriyoM dvArA dvAra sajjA meM dvAra ke Upara gaNeza kA aMkana kiyA jAtA hai| isa prakAra ke riddhi-siddhi ke sAtha gaNapati kA aMkana orachA evaM datiyA ke maMdiroM, mahaloM evaM chatriyoM ke bhI UparI bhAga meM evaM bhittiyoM para milate haiN| yadyapi unake zailIgata aMkana kauzala meM bhinnatA dikhAI detI hai tathApi mudrAoM meM samAnatA dekhI jA sakatI hai| isI prakAra dvAroM ke Upara evaM donoM kinAroM para vibhinna khaMDa banAkara usameM Ale nirmita kara kucha ko belabUToM se atyalpa citraNa dvArA sajAne kI paramparA bhI dekhI jAtI hai| maheza mizra ne maMdiroM evaM mahaloM ke praveza dvAra arthAt siMha' paura' yA pora para nirmita AloM ke nirmANa ke viSaya meM ullekha karate hue inheM navagRhayaMtra ke rUpa meM mAnA hai cinI khanoM ke nAma se varNita nau AloM vAle ye praveza dvAra jina para madhya zIrSa bhAga para gaNapati citrita hai sambhavataH inheM gRha sampatti ityAdi se surakSita yaMtra ke rUpa meM nirmita kiyA jAtA hai aisI dhAraNA hai| yadyapi Ale yukta praveza dvAra mugala sthApatya meM bhI banAye gaye haiN| ataH yaha loka paramparika dhAraNA kitanI prAcIna hai yaha tathyAbhAva meM sthApita nahIM kiyA jA sakatA / | loka citraNa meM prayukta kiye jAne vAle sImita raMgoM meM mukhya rUpa se lAla, harA, nIlA, kAlA, pIlA va sapheda Adi raMgoM kA hI amizrita prayoga kiyA jAtA hai jo bAjAra meM upalabdha raMgoM ke atirikta gerU, pIlI miTTI, nIla, cUnA patthara se bhI nirmita kI jAtI hai citeuriyoM dvArA citra likhane kA kArya mukhya rekhAMkana (raMgoM ke rekhA citra) dvArA hI kiyA jAtA hai citrita AkRtiyoM meM raMga nahIM bharA jAtA loka citraNa meM banAye jAne vAle AkAra atyanta sAde sarala hone ke atirikta pUrva nizcita pAramparika rUpa se banAte cale jAne vAle AkAroM kA hI prayoga pracalana dekhA jAtA hai| unake nizcita nAma bhI pracalita haiM jaise tirakhUMTa (tribhuja), caukhUMTa (caturbhuja), lambaucaukhUMTa (Ayata), kaTTA (dhana+) va guNA (X) toraNa, pAI (khar3I, Ar3I va par3I choTI rekhA), golA, aNDA, DaNIca (lakIra) evaM TipakI yA biMdI Adi / lokakalA samasta aupacArikatAoM se mukta evaM pare hai isameM sAdagI se tathA sIdhe-sIdhe apanI bAta rakhane kA prayAsa rahatA hai jisase usakI grahaNazIlatA bar3ha jAtI hai aura viSaya ke atirikta darzaka kA dhyAna kahIM aura nahIM jA paataa| lokakalA jana sAdhAraNa kI kalA hone ke kAraNa kisI eka nizcita samUha yA samudAya, zreNI, varga ke logoM ke liye nahIM varan sabhI ke rasAsvAdana ke liye hotI hai| buMdelakhaMDa ke datiyA- orachA Adi ke kendroM meM aneka aise citra haiM jinake aMkana meM kalAkAra kI sahajatA - saralatA evaM bhAvanAtmakatA kA darzana hotA hai| loka kalA zAstrIya niyamoM se nahIM apitu mAnavIya bhAvanAoM aura vizvAsa para AdhArita AnaMda kI anubhUti aura saMtuSTi pradAna karane vAlI alikhita kintu loka sahamati ke niyamoM para AdhArita hai, jo use paramparA ke rUpa meM grAhya banAne kA sAmarthya pradAna karate haiM jisameM loka maMgala kI kAmanA evaM AnaMda sarvopari hai| | saMdarbha: 1. zarmA, jayadeva, Rgveda saMhitA, bhASA bhASya, ajamera, SaSTha khaMDa, 2000 (saM. 1992 vi.) saptamoSTaka, dazamaM maMDalam -6 pR. 546 vahI tRtIyakhaMDa. saM. 1991 vi. tRtIyoSTaka. caturtha maMDalam pR. 842

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buMdelakhaDa kI citrakalA meM loka paramparA kA nirvahana / 273 3. goyandakA, jayadayAla (TIkAkAra) zrImadabhagavada gItA gorakhapura, saM.2060, cauthA adhyAya, 40/pR. 187 4. zarmA, lIlAdhara, bhAratIya saMskRti koza dillI, 1995, pR. 809 5. zarmA, jayadeva, Rgveda saMhitA, puruSa sUkta, dazamaM maMDalam, 90/14 6. sAtavalekara, dAmodara, mahAbhArata, AraNyaka parva, dUsarA bhAga, adhyAya 154/10/17 pR. 786-787, adhyAya 156/12/14 pR. 808 evaM adhyAya 178/34/pR. 928 7. dvivedI, hajArI prasAda, janapada, patrikA (lekha-loka sAhitya kA adhyayana) akTUbara 1952, pR. 65/pR. 297 8. gupta, narmadA prasAda, buMdelakhaMDa kI loka saMskRti kA itihAsa, naI dillI, 1995, pR. 297 9. trivedI, esa.DI., buMdelakhaMDa kA purAtatva, jhAMsI, 1984, pR. 2 10. zAstrI, haragoviMda (TIkAkAra)- manusmRti, caukhambA, banArasa, I. san 1952, adhyAya-5. zloka 96 pR. 273 11. zarmA, lIlAdhara, pUrvokta, pR. 419 evaM 809 12. vahI, pR. 179 13. vahI, pR. 267 14. varmA, zakuMtalA, chattIsagar3hI loka jIvana aura loka sAhitya kA adhyayana, ilAhAbAda, 1971 pR. 72-73 15. mizrA, maheza kumAra, surAMtI, bhopAla, 2006, pR. 14-15

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274 / Jijnasa * 37. Dayanand Saraswati: Campaign for Social Regeneration Sangeeta Sharma The imperialist critique of the Indian society and religion especially the visibly low status of Indian women provoked the exponents of Indian Renaissance in the 19th century to launch campaigns against inhuman practices and to emphasize the urgent need for social and religious reform. In its initial stages, the movement was largely concerned with changes affecting the structure of Indian society and family. The specific causes that engrossed the attention of the reformers were evils and malpractices that affected women's status and position in society. Roy's incessant campaign against sati coupled with the initiative of the Christian missionaries and the British government marked the beginning of a movement that subsequently dealt with ill-treatment of widows, ban on remarriage of widows, child marriages, polygamy and absence of educational opportunities for women. Disabilities associated with the caste system also attracted the attention of the nineteenth century reformers. Raja Rammohan Roy, in addition to his well-known tracts on sati, displayed a very mature and insightful understanding of the abject subordination that characterized women's lives in the 18th and 19th centuries. In one of his tracts against sati, he recounted with rare sensitivity the deprivations and sufferings of women in a patriarchal society. The manner in which Roy empathized with women's privations and distress was indeed commendable as he questioned practices that were considered extremely acceptable in those times. The vision articulated by Roy was, however, a partial one as he did not formulate any concrete programme for removal of these disabilities. While he applied himself rigourously as far as discourse on sati was concerned, he offered few practical options to relieve the misery and dependence of widows. He neither recommended widow remarriage nor any educational or economic programme for their rehabilitation. Quite significantly, Roy did not question the regressive nature of the caste system as far as women's subordination was concerned. He did not have any programmes to redefine structures of institutions like caste and marriage that ensured and perpetuated the subordination of women. Significantly, while Roy pioneered the use of tradition in campaign against sati and his views on polygamy, he did not use scriptural authority for carving out any comprehensive and alternative model of womanhood. Similarly, Ishwarchandra Vidyasagar devoted most of his energies to the widow remarriage movement.? Dayanand Saraswati's major objective in critiquing tradition was to create a new social ethos for creating a social order that was based on ethical, moral and rational principles. It is seldom emphasized that apart from searching for a distinctive and glorious cultural identity for Indians and counteracting the Christian challenge, his primary concern was social regeneration. In his magnum opus, Satyartha Prakash and his subsequent lectures and writings Dayanand is consistently focusing on urgency of

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Dayanand Saraswati: Campaign for Social Regeneration / 275 creating a reformed and regenerated social order. In fact, his efforts at reinterpreting theology and the fundamental religious tenets of Hinduism were basically intended to relate them to social concerns. Significantly, his concept of religion was essentially a moral ethical concept linked to the tradition of service, charity and respect for learned, aged and the saintly people. In addition to his concept of religion, his comprehensive and consistent deliberations on proper upbringing of children, settlement of marriages, concept of education, restructuring of the social organization, role and functions of state and law were all motivated to create a moral order. For the regeneration of the Aryan race, he carved out a grandiose blueprint of socio-religious and political structure through a painstaking reinterpretation of the Vedas. Reforms in the institutions of caste and marriage, comprehensive and compulsory education, gender relations and women's issues occupied a seminal place in Dayanand's programme of social change. Significantly, it was his vision of rejuvenated womanhood that was of seminal significance due to various reasons. Dayanand's primary agenda was creation of physically robust, morally upright, intellectually enlightened and culturally proud Hindu race. Women, therefore, had a vital role to play in reproducing and nurturing a healthy race. Secondly, unlike other reformers who advocated limited education for women, he advocated a comprehensive and compulsory programme of education for women, at par with men. Thirdly, he vigorously pleaded for eradication of social evils that adversely affected women's status in society. Fourthly, he was particularly sensitive to the deprived sections of women, especially the widows, on whose predicament he was particularly articulate. Dayanand was able to inculcate urgency as far as improvement in women's status was concerned. His liberal stance was perceptible in his unequivocal declaration that the privilege of studying as well as interpreting the Vedas and other sacred scriptures should be accessible to all the groups, including women and sudras, who had traditionally been barred from Vedic knowledge. He bravely defied tradition and had scandalized the orthodox community beyond measure since he had extended revealed knowledge to women and the sudras. Significantly, Dayanand linked national regeneration to betterment in social situation. Dayanand's journey into the past was compelled by the challenges that he came across during his journeys to numerous parts of the country. Until 1860, Dayanand undertook extensive journeys in search of learned yogis to attain real knowledge. His quest took him to various strongholds of Brahmanical religion such as Haridwar on the occasion of Kumbh Mela), Rishikesh, Garhwal, Shrinagar, Rudraprayag in 1854, Kedarnath, Okhimath, Joshimath, Badrinarayan in 1855 and Farukhabad and Benaras in 1856. In November 1860, Dayanand reached the hermitage of Virjanand and stayed here for three years to study Sanskrit grammar. Dayanand's sojourns during this period gave him a clear perception of the decaying conditions of Hindu religion. He was deeply disillusioned with the contemporary state of Hinduism. He was particularly appalled by the Brahmannical domination over Hindu society. It was during this phase that Dayanand expressed his preference for an action oriented life when he came to the conclusion that "acquisition of knowledge and then doing good to others was a better proposition." It needs to be emphasized that Dayanand considered the challenges from within Hinduism to be as serious and widespread as the challenge from Christian missionaries. In his highly popular series of lectures, Poona Pravachan, Dayanand is more articulate and critical of the immoral and unethical domination of the Brahmins. In his trips to Calcutta, Allahbad, Kanpur, Jabalpur, Bombay, Ajmer, Jaipur, Haridwar and Vrindavan he was more combative of the Brahmannical challenge who were deeply stirred and disturbed by Dayanand's reformulation of the tenets of Hinduism. At all these

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276 / Jijnasa places he held sastrarthas with Brahmin priests who endeavoured to refute his reinterpretation of the doctrines of Hinduism. Swami Dayanand's propagation of monotheism was derided by pandits whose livelihood depended upon following and perpetrating intricate patterns of rituals. He proclaimed that his mission was to establish the true essence of Hinduism which he called 'Arya Dharma'. In fact, his debates with the Brahmin pandits were far more numerous, acrimonious and aggressive in nature. They cursed, humiliated and abused him and even stoned and attacked him. While there are instances when his discussions with Christian priests commenced and culminated amicably but his encounters with puritanical Brahmins were invariably rancorous and at times severe hostility also led to plots to assault and even murder Dayanand. In Chandapur in U.P. a priest of a temple had tried to assault him with a sword. In fact, the English Governor General had even offered him police protection after the incident. Similarly, Pandit Chaturbhuj Pauranik, one of his most hostile opponents, not only tried to silence his critique of contemporary Hinduism through sastrarthas, he had even plotted an attack on Dayanand in Danapur, U.P. In Lahore, the Brahmins conspired to deprive him of hospitality in the haveli of Diwan Bhagwan Das and quite surprisingly, he stayed in a Muslim home. There are numerous such incidents which prove that Dayanand was perceived as a more serious threat by the Brahmin priestcraft than the Christian missionaries. Like Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Dayanand had traced the degeneration and deterioration in social organization to the Brahmin priestcraft. He remarked, "The sectarian and selfish Brahmins of the present time prevent other people, through their false teachings, from acquiring knowledge and associatiog with men of learning, ensnare them in their own nets and thus ruin them physically, mentally and materially. They want to keep the Kshatriyas and other classes illiterate, since they are afraid that if they acquired knowledge and become enlightened, they would expose their hypocrisy, get out of their selfish grip and become disrespectful towards them." He held the Brahmins responsible for subverting the original social organization i.e., the varna system based on merit and instead making the mere accident of birth the basis of the caste system. Another threat that influenced Dayanand to attempt a reinterpretation of the religious doctrines and social organization was the vicious propaganda of the Christian missionaries against Indian religion and society. Their vilification campaign had focused on issues like idolatry, superstitions, indecent ceremonies and also the Indian pilgrimages during which people died of disease, exhaustion, and hunger. Low status of Indian women, particularly the barbaric practices like sati and female infanticide, and the evils of the caste system formed key aspects in their indictment of Indian society. In addition, they also raised doubts over the authenticity of Hinduism by focusing on the lack of a divine or revealed book that could be defined as the authoritative source of the religion. Such propaganda was unleashed incessantly through books, pamphlets and public meetings. The intensity and tenacity of the vicious attack appalled the exponents of Indian renaissance. They felt that the existence of Hinduism was in danger and that these onslaughts against the religion of the Hindus could produce a thoroughgoing skepticism in the minds of the followers especially the campaign regarding the absence of an authoritative source of the religion. They felt the urgency to redefine, reinterpret and organize Hindu religion. Dayanand sought to combat this challenge by asserting the supremacy of the Vedas not only as the source of Hinduism but as the repository of the entire knowledge in the world. The third major challenge that Dayanand perceived was the degeneration and gloom that defined the contemporary conditions of Indian society wherein masses were victimized by poverty, superstitions, priestcraft and tyranny. In fact, as far as social conditions were concerned Dayanand was rational enough to fully agree with the assessment of the West regarding the appalling conditions of

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Dayanand Saraswati: Campaign for Social Regeneration / 277 contemporary Indian society. During his travels Dayanand was shocked by the social evils like child marriages, deplorable condition of widows, erosion of moral values, fatalistic attitude and inaction, unethical domination of Brahmins, excessive ritualism and lack of education. Consequently, several aspects of Hindu social order and religious practices were critically re-examined by him. While he covertly accepted the validity of European criticism, he put forward his own prescriptions of change and continuity. II Dayanand's deep concern for the creation of a harmonious social order based on rational, moral and ethical values conducive to happiness and progress of all is reflected comprehensively, consistently and effectively in his writings and lectures. His concept of religion, detailed instructions on consummation of marriage and upbringing of children, concept of education, role of state and law clearly reflect his commitment to the creation of a new social ethos in Aryavarta. Significantly, Dayanand's concept of religion was essentially a moral ethical concept linked to the tradition of service, charity and respect for learned, aged and the saintly people. While propounding the performance of the Panchmahayajna (Five Great Sacrifices) as obligatory for all Hindus, he tried to link these to social service and development. The real meaning of Brahma yajna was to acquire knowledge, especially mastery over the Vedas; Devayajna meant association with learned people, cultivation of purity, truthfulness and advancement of knowledge; Pitriyajna meant serving learned men, parents, teachers and old people; Valivaishadevayajna meant giving food to dogs, crows, other creatures who were diseased, hungry and distressed, and also outcastes, lepers etc; Atithiyajna implied feeding and serving guests, saints and the virtuous. The ultimate objective of the yajnas was de sonnati (progress of the nation), manusyonnati (progress of mankind) and samajonnati (progress of society). According to Dayanand, "The expression Panchayajna or worship of five Gods has a very good meaning but ignorant fools have degraded it to mean something else... This may be termed worship of those Gods who are truly worthy of reverence." These were mother, father, teacher, learned, husband for wife and wife for husband. Dayanand denounced senseless ritualism, customs and ceremonies related to food, marriage and death. He redefined sradha and tarpan that were traditionally performed after the death of an individual for the salvation of his soul. Dayanand interpreted these concepts as any deed that was done to please one's father, mother and elders when they are alive. In fact, he was extremely critical of the death feasts that often landed the poor people in heavy debts." Significantly, even in the realm of religion he desired that those traditions that did not coincide with social progress and rationalism should be given up. 10 Moreover, his liberal stance was perceptible in his unequivocal declaration that the privilege of studying as well as interpreting the Vedas and other sacred scriptures should be accessible to all the groups, including women and Sudras, who had traditionally been barred from Vedic knowledge." He bravely defied tradition and had scandalized the orthodox community beyond measure since he had extended 'revealed knowledge' to the common man. While defining samskaras, he said that samskaras were a means to bring any individual to a higher state of existence that enables him to imbibe moral values, knowledge and also physical strength. Dayanand however came down heavily on 'worthless and lazy' priests who had used the sixteen samskaras as means to demand offerings and money to perform the same.12 Dayanand's inordinate emphasis on the theory of karma also reflects his concern for a moral social ethos. During his journeys and his debates with theologians of different religions he asserted that everybody has to reap the fruits of his actions- reward for good deeds and punishment for evil deeds. He constantly emphasized that God is just and a witness to the deeds of all human beings.

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278 / Jijnasa Dayanand desired the creation of social order wherein people were engaged in doing well to others. Rejecting the conventional faith in ritualistic worship as a way to propitiate God and deities, Dayanand made a categorical assertion, "God is not pleased by worship and prayer... He is a just being... and if a person is engaged in righteous deeds then God is pleased with him even if he does not pray to him or worship him." This was indeed a radical reinterpretation of the prevailing form of religion and also an effort to link religion to righteousness and service. He asserted that if karma was righteous than there would be progress. Dayanand severely condemned superstitious practices that came to be associated with religion. He firmly believed that adherence to such irrational practices had not only hindered social progress but had been responsible for the enslavement of Aryavarta (India). He denounced perpetuation of certain practices in the garb of tradition and religion. He refuted the widely held belief that one loses faith and purity by travelling abroad. He cited instances from ancient scriptures when rulers, scholars, traders and commoners visited foreign countries for purposes of trade, travel or political business. He found it extremely ridiculous that whilst people did not mind having sexual intercourse with a low despicable prostitute but considered it debasing to associate with good men of other countries. 14 He considered foreign travel as integral to a nation's progress. "What can you expect but misery and poverty when the people of a country trade only amongst themselves, whilst the foreigners control their trade and rule over them?" He was extremely articulate regarding the advantages Indians could derive through foreign travel. Similarly, he rejected commensal restrictions as anything to do with religion. He remarked that whosoever has consumed sugar, asafetida, butter, milk, flour, fruits and roots has in fact eaten what has been prepared by men of all sorts and castes. 16 He said that Indian soldiers had observed these senseless restrictions regarding food during wars that had led them to lose their independence, happiness, wealth and political power. He was deeply anguished that people had lost the essence of true religion and instead confused it with irrelevant practices. He remarked that it took longer to pluck a blade of grass than it takes a Hindu to loose his religion.17 Dayanand was aware of the appalling degradation of Hindu society and desired basic changes in the institutions of marriage and caste. The institution of marriage had great utilitarian value for Dayanand but he realized the necessity of wide-ranging reforms to revitalize the same. His perspective on issues like child marriages, unequal marriages, position of widows and restructuring of the caste system, apart from being motivated by his larger concern for the upliftment of the Aryan race, were aimed at redeeming the status and position of women. Dayanand laid great stress on compatibility between husband and wife as the basis of a happy conjugal life and reproduction of healthy children. He applied himself sincerely towards weeding out of evils that led to the widespread existence of illmatched marriages. One of the reasons that had led to the incidence of such marriages was the caste rules that rendered it obligatory for the parents to settle marriages of their daughters within the same sub-caste. These rules while strictly limiting the choice of the bridegrooms, precipitated an intense competition for matches within the same sub-caste resulted in child marriages and ill-marriages. He embarked upon reform by prescribing certain basic changes in the caste structure of the Hindu society. While retaining the varnavyavastha or the classical division of society into four classesBrahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and Sudras- he stood for outright rejection of the innumerable castes and sub-castes. A more radical departure from the traditional caste-system was that the assignment of classes was not determined by ones birth, but solely depended on his guna or attributes; karma or actions; svabhava or temperament. Dayanand then prescribed marriages between individuals belonging to the same class, i.e., individuals corresponding with each other in guna, karma and svabhava. 18

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Dayanand Saraswati: Campaign for Social Regeneration / 279 Dayanand also laid out a very systematic procedure for settlement of marriages. He not only eliminated the role of family barbers and astrologers but also greatly restricted the role of the parents in the fixation of marriages. He was in favour of extending considerable liberty to the partners in the selection of their prospective bride or bridegroom. He believed that the partners should ascertain that they suited each other in temperament, qualifications, age, physical attributes and family stature. He even advocated interaction between them in the presence of elders, teachers or parents. By stressing the individual's right to select his own spouse he claimed to revive the ancient practice of svayamvara marriages, "marriage by choice, the most ancient form of marriage and the best form of marriage." 19 Recalling the Vedic age, "he remarked that in ancient times daughters were not given away like goats and sheep." Dayanand even went to the extent of espousing a single status for women in case of nonavailability of a compatible partner. "The parents of a girl should never marry their daughter to a man who is inferior, wicked and unsuitable, might she remain unmarried in the house of her father till death."20 The image of a woman who had the freedom to choose her own partner and in the event of non-availability of a compatible match remain unmarried till death, rather than marry a unsuitable boy, was new to the Indian social context. Moreover, by advocating basic changes in the caste system and the procedure of settling matrimonial alliances, Dayanand set aside in one stroke the numerous restrictions of caste on selection of partners. According to V.R. Mehta, "All these ideas may appear ordinary to us but at the time at which he propounded them these had revolutionary implications."21 An integral aspect of Dayanand's vision of a reformed society was his deep concern regarding dissemination of knowledge among Indians through a comprehensive system of education. He had immense faith in the overwhelming powers of education in the process of social transformation. The enormous significance that he attached to education finds ample reflection in his writings, speeches and also commentaries on the Vedas. He wrote in the Satyartha Prakash thus, "As an elephant made of wood or as a deer made of leather, so is a man destitute of knowledge. He is a man only in name" The most original feature of Dayanand's concept of education was his insistence on his compulsory nature. He clearly laid down in the Satyartha Prakash, "Both the state and society should make it compulsory upon all to send their children to school after the fifth or eighth year. It should be made a penal offence to keep a child at home after that age." He also emphasized the right of all classes to acquire education. "Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, Sudras, women, servants, ayes, even the lowest of the low, so you should all do, i.e., teach and preach the Vedas and thereby acquire true knowledge.... When all classes are well-educated and cultured, no one can set up any false, fraudulent and irreligious practices. "24 Dayanand was thus the first renaissance reformer to visualize universalization of education and equality of educational opportunities for men and women of all classes. As it has been rightly observed, that according to him the main problem for India was to improve the condition of the country by fostering a concern for unity, awareness of better health, clean habits, righteous conduct and a rational approach to life.'25 Dayanand's major objective in espousing compulsory education was character formation. He laid down moral and ethical prescriptions both for the students and the teachers. He considered 'nobility of character, refinement of manners and amiability of temper' as the basic purpose of educating children. He remarked that the teacher should be a transmitter of moral values for his students. He should teach them thus, "My children, always speak the truth, lead a virtuous life and abstain from sexual indulgence.... Never neglect your studies. Never neglect to serve your father, mother, teacher and all preachers of the true religion. Love virtue and shun vice...." He concludes his chapter on education with the following words, "Verily, those parents have done their duty and therefore a thousand thanks to them who have done their best to make their children practice Brahmacharya, acquire knowledge and perfect their character.... So that they may accord a

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280 / Jijnasa just and righteous treatment to all- parents, husbands, wives, fathers in law, mothers in law, their king and fellow subjects, neighbours, friends and offsprings." 26 Similarly, he considered inculcation of moral values and character formation as one of the primary duties of the state. He expected the King and his functionaries to be exemplars of moral virtues for their subjects. He remarked "Let the King appoint...ministers who are men of great integrity, highly intellectual, of resolute minds..."Similarly he felt that the primary function of law was to promote dharma or righteousness. Where the law-likened to a fear inspiring man, black in colour and with red eyes, striking fear into the hearts of the people and preventing them from committing crimes, rules supreme there the people never go astray and consequently live in happiness if it is administered by a just and learned man." 27 Dayanand had also laid down a comprehensive role for the state as far as social regeneration was concerned. The state had to ensure compulsory education for all sections of society, allocation of caste on the basis of guna, karma and svabhava, discourage child marriages and at the same time promote marriages between grown-ups with their consent, check polygamy and prostitution. Thus the state was held responsible for the creation of a progressive and healthy social ethos. 28 Dayanand Saraswati's conceptualization of a reformed and regenerated Hinduism derived from the Vedas distinguished him from his contemporaries. While other exponents of renaissance were concerned with removal of a particular social evil like sati, miserable condition of widows, abolition of child marriage, upliftment of depressed classes or spread of education. They did not articulate any holistic vision that could connect women's issues with fundamental changes in the larger social structure. While he agreed with the major concerns of the social reform movement, Dayanand was perhaps one of the few reformers whose approach was holistic rather than piecemeal. Dayanand turned to the ancient scriptures not merely for seeking validation for isolated reform causes but he undertook the reinterpretation of the entire Vedas and carved out from the same an extensive blueprint of a socioreligious and political structure. It was through this reinterpreted and reformed formulation of Hinduism that he sought to bring about social and religious reform and at the same time respond to the moral and cultural challenge of the British rule. In fact, as far as, regeneration of Indian society and religion was concerned, Dayanand was perhaps one of the few reformers whose approach was holistic rather than piecemeal. In his numerous writings, he had been extremely articulate and insistent about the specific, comprehensive and progressive changes that were imperative for the modernization of the social, religious and the political structure. References: 1. Bruce Carlisle Robertson (ed.), The Essential Writings of Raja Rammohan Roy, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1999. pp. 113-166 2. Ishwarchandra Vidyasagar, Marriage of Hindu Widow's, K. P. Bagchi Co, Calcutta, 1976, p.4. 3. Dayanand Saraswati, Satyartha, Prakash, Light of Truth, English Translation by Chiranjiv Bhardwaj. (henceforth, Satyartha Prakash), Sarvadeshik Arya Pratinidhi Sabha, New Delhi, 1989, pp. 78-79 4. K.C.Yadav (ed.), Autobiography of Swami Dayanand Saraswati, Manohar, New Delhi, 1978. p.24. 5. J.T.F.Jordens, Dayanand Saraswati: His Life and Ideas, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1978. p. 273. 6. Ghasiram, Maharshi Dayanand ka Jivan Charit, Vol. II, Arya Sahitya Mandal Limited, Ajmer, 1950, pp. 3435 & 40-41 7. Satyartha Prakash, p.314 8. Satyartha Prakash. pp. 112-119 & 382 9. Sat vartha Prakash, pp. 113-114 & Dayanand Saraswati, Dayanand Pravachan Sangrah or Poona Bombay Pravachan, Yudhishthir Mimansak (ed.), henceforth, Dayanand Pravachan Sangrah, Ramlal Kapoor Trust, Bahalgarh 1982, p. 142. p. 162.

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Dayanand Saraswati: Campaign for Social Regeneration / 281 10. Ibid., p. 168. 11. Satyartha Prakash, p.78-79. 12. Dayanand Pravachan Sangrah, p. 109 13. Ghasiram, op.cit., p. 141. 14. Satyartha Prakash, p.315-316 15. Satyartha Prakash, p.317. 16. Satyartha Prakash, p.319-321. 17. Dayanand Pravachan Sangrah, p. 161. 18. Satyartha Prakash, pp. 96-98 & 469. 19. Satyartha Prakash, p.92-93 20. Satyartha Prakash, p.93 21. V.R.Mehta, Foundations of Indian Political Thought, Manohar, 1996, New Delhi, p. 165. 22. Satyartha Prakash, p.314 23. Satyartha Prakash, p.314 24. Ibid., p. 81 25. Ibid., pp. 77-79 26. Satyartha Prakash, p.80 27. Sat vartha Prakash, p. 165-166 28. Satyartha Prakash, p.202

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282 / Jijnasa 38. From Cultural Routes to Cultural Roots: Ibn Battuta's Observations of Fourteenth Century North India Sunita Zaidi India was always a region of attraction for the people of other parts of the world. People of different races migrated to India and some settled here, like Aryans, Hunas, Arabs, Turks, Mongols, Mughals, Africans (Abbysinians) and Europeans. They had varied reasons to come here: (i) Some came with the sole object to take away India's wealth preserved in the magnificent temples (ii) Second group came with a purpose to establish their political hegemony like Turks and Mongols. (iii) Third group came to India with altogether different aims and interests, and these consisted of travellers who were curious to know about India's unique socio-cultural, religious and economic potential. The earliest known references to India are found in the works of ancient Greeks. Herodotus (C.485-428 B.C.) refers to India in his works. Megasthenes (C. 305 B.C.) compiled Indica which contains vivid description of the court of Chandragupta and the general condition of India. Another important Greek work Peripulus of the Erythrean Sea by an anonymous author has a detailed account of Indian harbour and maritime activities. Others who exposed India's socio-cultural milieu to their respective native regions were the Chinese travellers. Fahien, Hiuen Tsang and Itsing came to study Buddhism and visited holy places. Their accounts contain immense information of religious practices and political and social conditions of the people also. Then the Arab accounts of scholars and merchants provide significant information about Indian society, economy and polity. Al-Beruni, an important visitor who was grossly interested to know about Indian religious way of life, interacted with the Brahmanas, learnt Sanskrit and had partial knowledge of India. As an eye witness he provides lively information about India. Thus there was continuous inflow of foreign visitors before and after Ibn Battuta's visit to India. In the 15th century which was the time of decline of Delhi Sultanate, one does not come across many travellers visiting India. But 16th, 17th and 18th centuries saw continuous inflow of the travellers of different nationalities. They had various aims and interests. Some were interested in trade and commerce and some, like Jesuit fathers, were interested in religious activities, and others were interested to know more intimately about India's rich cultural heritage. Besides these visitors having personal

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From Cultural Routes to Cultural Roots / 283 experiences, there were also persons who wrote about India on the basis of gathered information from others and thus exposed India at broader level'. However, here I shall like to focus on Moroccan traveller Ibn Battuta who interacted with the local people and penned down his experiences. These experiences throw immense light on different aspects of Indian society and culture in Arabic language. Thus after going back from India his writings made India known to others. Shaikh Abu Abdullah Muhammad bin Muhammad bin Ibrahim, commonly known as Ibn Battuta, belonged to the Bani Kalb tribe of Arabia. He came from a family of scholars. He was a man of vivid personalities - poet, a historian, a philologist, a theologian, a traditionalist and a calligraphist. He travelled extensively, gained experiences and came in contact with various people of Arab and nonArab areas. On the order of Sultan Abu Inan Marini, Muhammad Ibn Juzayy compiled the account of the countries that Ibn Battuta visited and the anecdotes, stories of the kings, scholars and saints he met, including his adventures. Ibn Battuta describes his journey to India via Sind and informs us how the foreigners were received and were allowed to enter into the country. Indus river marked the beginning of the territories of Sultan Mohd. Tughlaq, the emperor of Delhi (1325-1350 A.D.), so the news officers were posted there who used to report the arrival of the foreigners to the governor of Multan, who had to stay there till Sultan's orders were received to entertain them. When new persons came to the country, officers write to the King, telling him about his physical features, the garments, companions, servants, slaves and horses and also his whole conduct. Battuta informs us that it was habit of the Sultan to honour foreigners and appoint them at higher offices. He writes, 'All educated persons are called Maulana in India. They used to call me 'Badru-din in India'. The Sultan had issued orders that no foreigner from Khurasan should be allowed to enter Indian territory unless he came with the purpose of staying in India. When Battuta informed of his intention of staying and serving the Sultan, the gazis and notaries (udul) were sent for and took bond in his name and others who wished so. Even Sultan's mother used to send escorts for the female companions of the foreign dignitaries. Sultan had ordered foreigners be called Aizza (dear ones). Thus the travelogue is a rich source of information on cultural heritage of India. It also reflects the interest in monuments and historical past which is the most important trait of tourism. When Battuta reached the town of Lahari, he visited a site which according to historians was a city one thousand years ago and was destroyed. He writes, "One day I rode in company with 'Ala-ul-Mulk- and arrived at a plain called Tarna at a distance of seven miles from the city. There I saw innumerable store images and animals, many of which had undergone a change, the original shape being obliterated. Some were reduced to a head, others to a foot and so on. Some of the stones were shaped like grain, wheat, peas, beans and lentils. And there were traces of the ramparts and the walls of houses. Then we noticed traces of a house which contained a chamber built of hewn stone, the whole of which looked like one solid mass. Upon it was a statue in the form of a man, the only difference being that its head was long, its mouth was towards a side of its face and its hands at its back like a captive's. There were pools of water from which an extremely bad smell came. Some of the walls bore Hindi inscriptions. Ala-ul-mulk told me that the historians assume that on this site there was a big city, most of the inhabitants of which were notorious. They were changed into stone. The petrified human form on the platform in the house mentioned above was that of their king. The house still goes by the name

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284 / Jijnasa of 'the king's house. It is presumed that the Hindi inscriptions, which some of the walls bear, give the history of the destruction of the inhabitants of this city. The destruction took place about a thousand years ago. I stayed there in company with Ala-ul-mulk for five days, after which he gave me a liberal supply of provisions; and I parted from him and proceeded to the city of Bukkur". The above description is an indicator of cultural sense Ibn Battuta did have. Everynew comer had to make presents to the Sultan. In return Sultan used to give them presents worth several times more. Thus the culture of 'return gift' is not a modern or European phenomenon but it goes back as past as the fourteenth century and even earlier to that. These foreigners used to take loan from the Indian merchants for the purpose; which they return after getting gifts from the Sultan. Regarding horses presented by the foreigners to the ruling class, Ibn Battuta writes. "The governor of Multan was Qutb-ul-mulk, one of the great and learned amirs. When I went up to him he rose to receive me and shook hands with me, and gave me a seat by his side. I presented him with a slave and horse together with some raisins and almonds. This is one of the greatest presents that can be made to the Indian chiefs, since these can not be had in their country and are imported from Khurasan". Ibn Battuta does not ignore the culture of local people/ local tribes and their customs. While discussing the customs of the Samira tribe, he writes, "They do not eat with any body nor can any one look towards them when they are eating; nor do they marry among people other than their own and no one marries in their fold". The information on how these tribes were made part of state culture is furnished by Yusuf Mirak, the author of Mazhar-i Shahjahani written in the middle of the seventeenth century. After getting permission from the Emperor who sent escorts to receive Khudawandzada Qiwamuddin, Qazi of Tirmidh who had come along with his family and children, Ibn Battuta writes about the preparations to travel to the capital (forty days' journey). He writes, "The Chamberlain and his companion made the necessary arrangements for feeding Qiwam-ud-din; and they took along with them about twenty cooks from Multan. The chamberlain used to go ahead in the night to a station to secure the eatables and other things: and as soon as Khudawandzada arrived he found his meals ready. Each of these visitors used to put up separately in this tents with this companions; and sometimes they attended the meal prepared for Khudawandzada". Then he describes the order of meal served in great detail. Ibn Battuta writes, "And the order in which the meal is served is this: to begin with, loaves are served which are very thin and resemble cakes of bread; then they cut the roasted meat into large pieces in such a manner that one sheep yields from four to six pieces. One piece is served before each man. Also they make round cakes of bread soaked in ghee resembling the bread called mushrak in our country; and in the midst of these they place the sweet called sabunia'. On every piece of bread is placed a sweet cake called khishti which means 'brick-like' - a preparation of flour, sugar and ghee. Then they serve meat cooked in ghee, onion and green ginger in China dishes. Then is brought a thing called samosa (samusak)- minced meat cooked with almond, walnut, pistachios, onion and spices placed inside a thin bread and fried in ghee. In front of every person are placed from four to five of such samosas. Then is brought a dish of rice cooked in ghee on the top of which is a roasted fowl. And next is brought the luqaimat-ul-qazi1 which is called hashimi. Then is brought al-qahiriya". Before the dinner begins the chamberlain

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From Cultural Routes to Cultural Roots / 285 stands at the head of the dinner-carpet (simat) and performs the bow (khidmat) in the direction of the Sultan; and all present do the same. The khidmat in India consists in bowing down to the knee as in prayer. After this the people sit down to eat; and then are brought gold, silver and glass cups filled with fine sugar-water perfumed with rose-water which they call sherbet. After they have taken the sherbet the chamberlain calls out Bismillah". Then all begin to eat. At the end of the dinner, jugs of barley-drink (fuqqa) are brought; and when these have been consumed betel-leaves and nuts are served which have already been mentioned. After the people have taken the betel and nut, the chamberlain calls out Bismillah, whereupon all stand up and bow in the same way as before. This description gives us information on manners and table etiquettes of elite class. On the other hand we also get glimpses of food habits of common man. There is detailed significant description of how the poor gather their food. He writes, "Often the shamakh (kind of grain) grows without being cultivated. It is the staple food of the devout, of the abstainers, of the poor and of the humble who go out to gather that corn which springs up without being cultivated. Each of them holds a huge basket in his left hand and in his right a whip with which he strikes the corn which falls into the basket. In this way they gather enough to live for a whole year, When it has been gathered it is placed in the sun and crushed in wooden mortars; its husk flies away and a white substance remains; and with this a gruel is made which is cooked with buffalo's milk. This gruel is more agreeable than the bread made of the same substance. I ate it often in the country of India and liked its taste". From Multan, they started their journey and entered Abohar. About it, Ibn Battuta writes, it is small, handsome and thickly populated and possesses rivers and trees". He compares the trees of India with that of his country. At length, he describes the flora and fauna. About grapes, he writes, The Indians call these fruits Angur - a word which in their language means grapes. And grape is very rare in Iodia and is found only in some parts of Delhi and in few other provinces". While comparing trees of India with that of his country, he writes, "Of the trees which grow in our country we find the pomegranate (rumman) in India. This bears fruit twice a year. I have seen some in the Maldive islands which never stopped bearing fruit. The Indians call it anar- a word which. I believe, has given us the work 'gulnar', for 'gul' in Persian means a flower, and 'nar' the pomegranate". Ibn Battuta's travelogue is laced with interesting cultural insights. While leaving Abohar, he mentions the fight with a group of 80 people, whom his companions defeated. Then they slaughtered the wounded horse which was eaten by their Turk companions. Then they reached the city of Ajodhan? where he met Shaikh Farid ud din. He writes, "When I saw him, he was on his terrace clothed in white; on his head was a big turban the end of which was hanging on one side. He blessed me and sent me some candy and some refined sugar". It reflects the life and culture of the Sufis of the period. Further, he provides us the fascinating socio-cultural traits of the Indian people. It is first hand and eye witness description of widow burning (sati). Ibn Battuta writes, "I used to see in India a woman from among the infidel Hindus adorned and seated on horseback and the people following her - Muslims as well as infidels - and drums and bugles playing before her and the Brahmins, who are the great ones from among the Hindus, accompanying her. When this happens in Sultan's territory they ask him for permission to burn the widow. He gives them permission and they burn her".

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286 / Jijnasa After reaching Amjeri town, he describes the fight between the locals and the rebels, in which three local Hindus died whose wives wished to commit sati, Ibn Battuta writes, *The self burning of widows is considered praise worthy by the Hindus without. however, being obligatory. When a widow burns herself, her kinsfolk acquire glory and her faithfulness is highly esteemed. If she does not burn herself she puts on coarse clothes and lives with her relatives as one who is despised for faithlessness. But she is not compelled to burn herself". Those three widows who wished to commit sati, passed three days preceding the burning - eating and drinking amidst music and joys as if they wished to bid farewell to the world. Women came from all parts to see them. On fourth day, they mounted on horses. In the right they held coconut and in the left a mirror in which they saw their faces. The Brahmins stood around them, and their relatives accompanied them". Further Ibn Battuta has given the detailed description. Similarly, Jauhar which was performed by the family of Rai Kampila and his amirs has been minutely observed and finds place in Battuta's narrative. From Ajodhan, Battuta and his party reached the city of Sarsuti which was a big city producing a great quantity of fine rice. From Sarsuti, they reached Hansi, a thickly populated city. It had a huge rampart built by a non-muslim ruler, namely Tura. From Hansi, they reached Masudabad, ten miles distance from Delhi. Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq was away to Kanauj. Makhduma Jahan, Sultan's mother and his Vezir Khwaja Jahan named Ahmad bin Aiyaz of Turkish origin, were in the capital. The Vezir sent men of equal ranks to welcome Battuta and his party. Among them was Sharif Mazindrani, chamberlain of the foreigners (hajib-ulghuraba). The Sultan was also informed by a letter taken by dawa, the foot post. Within three days, reply came from the Sultan. Then the visiting party started from Masudabad and encamped in the vicinity of village Palam. Next day they reached to Delhi. He writes, "Next day, in the morning, we reached Delhi, the imperial residence and capital of the country of India. It is a magnificent and huge city; its buildings are both beautiful and solid. The city has a rampart which is unmatched in the whole world. It is the largest of the cities of India, and even of all the cities of Islam in the east". On reaching Delhi, he starts with the description of four cities built by different rulers. He writes, "The city of Delhi covers a wide area and has a large population. It is now a combination of four adjacent and contiguous cities. The first of them goes by the name of Delhi. It is the ancient city founded by the Hindus. Its conquest took place in A.D. 584. The second city is known as Siri, which is also known as the dar-ul-Khilafa ("house of caliphate). It was given by the Sultan to Ghiyas-ud-din, the grandson of al-Mustansir, the Abbasid caliph when he visited his court. In it had lived Sultan Alaud din, and his son Qutb ud-din. The third is named Tughlaqabad after its founder Sultan Tughlaq, the father of the Sultan of India whose court we visited. The reason for its construction is this. One day Tughlag was standing before Sultan Qutbuddin and said to him, 'Your Majesty! it would be highly befitting you to build a city on this site'. The Sultan replied mockingly, You will build it if you become king'?. It so happened by the pre-determination of God that he did become king. He, therefore, built it and named it after himself. The fourth is known as Jahanpanah, a city particularly

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From Cultural Routes to Cultural Roots / 287 distinguished as the residence of Sultan Muhammad Shah, emperor of India at present, whose court we visited. It is he who built it. He wished to combine the four cities in one rampart, and he built this in part, but left it incomplete on account of the great outlay which its construction would entail". Then he praised the rampart round the city of Delhi, and described the store house and granaries where rice, millet etc. were preserved from the time of Sultan Balban and were not damaged during last 90 years. Then he describes the gates and tells that these were called darvaza. He further writes, "Delhi has a fine cemetery in which domes are built: and every grave must have an arch, even if there is no dome on it". He concentrates on congregational mosque and writes, "The congregational mosque is of great extent; its walls, its roof and its pavement are all of white stone, excellently cut; and the pieces are artistically cemented together by means of lead. There is no wood at all in the entire structure. There are in it thirteen pavilions of stone, as well as a stone pulpit, and there are four courtyards. In the centre of the mosque stands an awfully enormous pillar. It is not known of what metal it is made. Some of the Indian savants told me that it was made of seven metals mixed together. A space equal to the fore-finger on this pillar has been polished, and it is very bright. Even iron produces no effect on the pillar. The length of the column is thirty cubits; as I threw my turban across it, its circumference came to eight cubits. Near the eastern gate of the mosque lie two very big idols of copper connected together by stones. Every one who comes in and goes out of the mosque treads over them. On the site of this mosque was a butkhana, that is an idol-house. After the conquest of Delhi it was turned into a mosque". Then he concentrates on Qutub Minar and writes, "In the courtyard of the mosque is a minaret which is without parallel in the Muslim countries. It is niade of red stone in contrast with the rest of the mosque, which is white. The stones of the minaret are sculptured and it is very high. Its spire is of pure white marble, and its apples are of pure gold. Its staircase is so wide that elephants can go up there. A reliable person told me that while its construction was in progress, he saw an elephant carrying stones up to its top. It was built by Muizzuddin, son of Nasir al din, son of Sultan Ghiyas ud din Balban". Further he writes, "Sultan Qutb ud-din had intended to build another and a higher minaret in the western courtyard of the mosque. He had built one-third of it when he passed away leaving it incomplete. Sultan Muhammad wished to complete it, but he changed his mind considering its construction as an ill-omen. As for its thickness and the breadth of the staircase, this minaret is one of the wonders of the world. The staircase is so wide that three elephants at once can mount it side by side. This one-third is as high as the entire minaret of the northern courtyard. Once I ascended it whence I commanded a view of the most of the houses; and I sighted the city walls which in spite of their height and altitude appeared suppressed, and the people below looked like small children. He who looks at the minaret from below does not take it to be so high on account of its great bulk and extent". "Sultan Qutb-ud-din (1316-1320 A.D.) had also intended to build a congregational mosque at Siri called dar ul khilafa. But he could not build more than an arch and a wall facing Mecca. The portion that he constructed was of white, black, red and green stones, and if the building had been completed it would have been matchless in the world. Sultan Muhammad Tughlaq intended to complete this and deputed master

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288 / Jijnasa architects to estimate the cost of its completion. Their estimate amounted to thirty five lacs. Therefore, he gave it up. considering the amount as exorbitant. One of his special officers informed me that he had not given it up on account of this, but he considered its completion ominous as Sultan Qutb ud-din (Mubarak Shah Khalji) had been killed before completing it". Ibn Battuta does not ignore the life line of a city, i.e., source of water supply. He also points out its significance as a place of tourist attraction. He writes, Outside Delhi is a big reservoir called after Sultan Shams-ud-din Lalmisho. The inhabitants of Delhi take their supply of drinking water from it, and it lies near the Idgah (musalla) of Delhi. It is fed by rain water and is about two miles long and a mile broad. On its western side facing the Idgah are built platforms of stone, one higher than another. Under each platform are stairs which help one to get down to the water. Beside each platform is a dome of stone containing seats for amusement and pleasure seekers. In the middle of the tank there is a big dome of two storeys built of sculptured stone. When water rises high in the tank the dome can be reached only by boats, but when the water decreases people walk up to it. Inside the dome is a mosque where one finds fakirs inost of the time. These fakirs have renounced the world relying upon God. When the water on the sides of the tank gets dried up sugarcane, cucumber, sweet calabash. melons and water-melons are grown in it. The melons are small but extremely sweet": Then lb. Battuta describes the cultural life of the musicians. They had their colony adjacent to haus-i khas. It was larger than Sultan Itutmish's tank. and the areas where lived musicians and the place was known as Tarababad. they had their own large market, a congregational mosque and other are more mosques. He writes that female singers recited the congregational prayers (taravih) in those mosques during the month of Ramazan and the Imams conducted their prayers, and the number of women attending the prayers was very large; and the same was true of the male singers. I saw some musicians participating in the festivities of Amir Saif ud-din Gadda bin Muhanna's marriage. Everyone of them had a prayer-mat (musalla) under his knee. As soon as they heard the call to prayer they stood up, made their ablutions and prayed", Sepulchres of Delhi saiots have also found place in Battuta's narrative. Today these tombs are considered invaluable for religious tourism. He mentions a large number of Sufis of the past, such as Khwaja Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki, Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya and their miracles as well as contemporary Sufis like Ala ud-din Nili, a disciple of Shaikh Nizam ud-din Auliya and many others. One gets to know intimately the life and ideas of the Sufis. Even Ibn Battuta talks about good upkeep of the roads and facilities extended to the travellers. He writes, "The road between Delhi and Daulatabad is bordered with willow trees and others in such a manner that a man going along it inagines he is walking through a garden; and at every mile there are three postal stations (dawa), that is, barid. At every station (dawa) is to be found all that a traveller needs. It looks, therefore, as if he is walking through a market of forty days' journey. The road is the same all along down to the region of Tiling and Ma'bar - a six months journey on foot (from Delhi)".

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From Cultural Routes to Cultural Roots Further, he writes, "At every station there is a palace for the Sultan and a hospice for the travellers. As a result, the poor traveller (faqir) does not need to carry provisions along that way". The cots in India are portable, and a single man can carry one. It is necessary for every traveller to carry his cot with him and his servant carries it on his head. The cot consists of four tapering legs on which stretch four sticks, and between them is made a net of silk or cotton. When one sleeps on it one does not need to keep it supple, as it is supple by itself". For the mattresses and the blankets, Battuta writes, "It is a custom in India to cover the mattresses and the blankets with white sheets of linen or cotton. When the covers become dirty they are washed; and thus the inner parts are kept safe". About means of transportation, Battuta refers dola and writes, "Dola was a litter in which women are conveyed, and which is sometimes used by men too. The dola which resembles a cot has its upper part made of cotton or silk cords, and over it there is a stick similar to that found on parasols in our country, and it is made from bent Indian reeds. It is carried by eight bearers divided in two equal batches, four shouldering it at a time while the remaining four rest. The dolas function in India almost in the same way as donkeys in Egypt; and many a man uses the dola as conveyance. For those who own slaves it is they who ply the dola, but those who own no slaves hire men for this purpose. They are to be found in small numbers in the markets of a town and in front of the royal palace and at the gentry's door looking for employment. The dolas used by women are overhung with silk curtain". Further he mentions that "The Indians carry loads only on the ox, and ox is used to transport their loads in their journeys. To ride an ass is very much looked down upon in India. The Indian asses are of small build; they are called lasha". When a man is to be paraded after being whipped he is seated on an ass". / 289 From his travelogue one gets to know the equipments, basics etc. necessary for a traveller to have. He maintains that tent enclosure (seracha), also known as afraj, could be freely set up by every man in India. The royal seracha was red coloured, while all others were white dotted with blue. Sivan (sayaban) served as a sunshade for the interior of the tent-enclosure. These were set up on two big poles which are carried on the shoulders by kaivaniya. He writes, "It is the custom in India for a traveller to hire the kaivaniya. Even the people who supply green fodder for the animals are hired, because they do not feed the animals on straw in India. In addition the traveller hires kaharin-that is, the men who carry the kitchen utensils and also those who carry him in the dola, and transport it when it is empty. Further still, the valets (farrash) - that is, people who pitch and carpet the tent enclosure and load the camels - are hired. And then the davidaviya - people who run in the front and carry torches by night - are hired. Above description draws the picture of a traveller with the required facilities fulfilled by themselves as well as by the state in the 14th century.

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290/ Jijnasa About neighbouring countries, Battuta tells that "the countries contiguous to India like Yamen, Khurasan and Fars are filled with anecdotes about him. i.e., Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq, which they believe to be really true specially those about his generosity to the foreigners in so far as he prefers them to the Indians, honours them, confers on them great favours and makes them rich presents and appoints them to high offices and awards them great benefits. One of these is that he calls them by the name ofAizza1 and prohibits their being called 'ghuraba He says that when a person is called 'gharib', his heart breaks and his mind is distracted". Sultan Muhammad Tughlaq was particularly fond of the Arabs whom he preferred to all others. and acknowledged their merit. He married his sister Firuz Khunda to an Arab Amir Saif ud din Gadda of the Araba of Syria. He was lodged in Sultan Jalaluddin's palace in the interior of the city of Delhi called Kushak-i-l'al, that is, the red palace. Ibn Battuta describes this palace thus, "It is a large palace containing a very huge courtyard and vestibule ending with a gate surmounted with a cupola which commands a full view of the said courtyard as well as of the second courtyard which leads to the palace. Sultan Jalal ud din used to sit in that cupola and watch polo being played in the second courtyard (mashwar)". Saif-ud-din's wedding feast took place in the same palace. This wedding took place with gaiety, pomp and show. Battuta has painstakingly described in detail the social customs observed at the time of royal wedding. His description gives chance to the readers to peep into contemporary society's cultural ethos. Ibn Battuta's disliking/ biases against the Arabs are manifested in his writing when he tells us about the same Amir Saif-ud-din Gadda that. "Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq showed exceedingly great honour to his brother-inlaw, but the latter was an uncouth and stupid Arab who could not appreciate the value of this. The uncouthness of the people of the desert got the better of him and brought him to grief twenty nights after his wedding". Ibn Battuta described his assault on a noble for which he was punished, and "The Sultan wrote personally that 'the bastard, that is Mughis (Sultan's another Arab brother-in-law) be exiled, and so be exiled the mushkhwar, that is the rat-eater' by which expression he meant Amir Gadda, because the Arabs of the desert eat the lizard which is similar to the rats and he ordered the expulsion of both. The palace officers came to Amir Ghadda to drag him out. He desired to enter his house and bid his wife adicu. but the palace officers poured in rapid succession to search him out, and he emerged weeping". Further about same Amir Saif-ud-din Ghadda, our author writes, "The Sultan ordered Amir Ghadda's recall and commanded him to remain in the service of the Amir Malik Qabula of Lahore. He remained in his service for four years, and he used to ride on horse back with him and to accompany him in his journeys until he learnt manners and became cultured. Then the Sultan restored him to his original position and assigned to him the administrative charge (iqta) of some territory and placed him in command of the troops and raised his position".

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From Cultural Routes to Cultural Roots / 291 One gets aware with the art of statecraft, how Sultans undertook to feed their people at the time of famine is one of the aspects dealt in great length. Battuta has given interesting narration "When famine was raging all over Hind and Sind and the prices became exorbitant to such an extent that the price of a mound of wheat rose to six dinars, the Sultan ordered six months' provisions at the rate of a daily allowance of one and a half rail of maghrib per head to be given to all the people of Delhi. He ordered this to be given to every one great or small. free or slave. The jurists and judges set out registering the names of the inhabitants in different streets sending for the people and giving to each victuals amounting to six months' provision". Muhammad Tughlaq's capital transfer from Delhi to Daultabad has been described in detail. He forced people to migrate to Daultabad. Battuta writes, "He bought the houses and dwellings from all the inhabitants of Delhi and paid the price for them. Then he ordered the inhabitants to leave Delhi and move on to Daultabad, but they refused to do so. Thereupon his crier went forth proclaiming that no one should remain in Delhi after three days. As a result, most of the people went away; but some concealed themselves in their houses. When the Sultan had done that, all the inhabitants of Delhi came out leaving behind their property and baggage, and the city was reduced to a desert, I was informed on reliable authority that in the night the Sultan mounted the roof of his palace and looked around Delhi. When neither a light nor even a smoke or a lamp came into sight he remarked, 'Now my heart is pleased and my soul is at rest'. Then he wrote to the inhabitants of other provinces to repair to Delhi to re-people it. As a result, those provinces were destroyed, but Delhi was not re-populated on account of its vastness and immensity. It is one of the greatest cities of the world and when we entered it we found it in the state mentioned: it was empty and was but scantily inhabited". About Sultan Muhammad Tughlaq's mother, Battuta writes, "The Sultan's mother, called Makhduma-i-Jahan, is one of the most virtuous women. She is very charitable and has built many hospices wherein she has made provision for feeding the wayfarers. But she has lost her eyesight, which came about in this way. When her son ascended the throne all the ladies and maliks' and amirs' daughters dressed in their best clothes came to pay her visits. She was seated on a gold throne studded with jewels. All of them bowed to her. Then all of a sudden she lost her eyesight. She was treated in various ways, but to no effect. Her son venerates her exceedingly, an instance of which is afforded by the fact that once his mother travelled with him; but he returned a little earlier than she. When she arrived, he proceeded to receive her and got down from his horse, she being in the palanquin; he kissed her foot publicly in view of all". About their visit to the harem of Makhduma-i Jahan and all the formalities and courtesies there being observed, Ibn Battuta gives very interesting information, and one comes to know about the aspects related to gender issues. Sultan Muhammad Tughlaq had observed the travel interests of Ibn Battuta, so he said to him, "I sent for you in order that you should go as my ambassador to China (as-sin). I know you love to travel and go abroad". And he provided me with all the necessaries I needed and nominated persons as my travelling companions".

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292 / Jijasa The outgoing description of Ibn Battuta's journey is to be seen in the light of cultural route from Africa-west Asia to India. It is a partial study of Ibn Battuta's cultural route till Delhi. His further experiences and comparative description of Indian culture with other world cultures suggest how India was exposed socially and culturally to the other world. People coming from west Asia introduced their way of life at different socio-cultural segments. Rehla exposed the global readers to the India's rich heritage and culture. References book: Ibn Battuta. Rehla, tr. Mahdi Husain, Baroda, 1976. Yusuf Mirak. - Mazhar-i Shahjahani (written in the 17" century), vol. II, Karachi, 1961. M. Zaki (ed.) - Arab Accounts of India (during the fourteenth century), Delhi, 1981. Iqtidar Husain, - Perso-Arabic Sources of Information on the Life and Condition in the Siddiqui Sultanate of Delhi, New Delhi, 1992. Sunita Zaidi, "The Mughal State and Tribes in Seventeenth Century Sind," IESHR, vol. 26, pt. 3, 1989. Muzaffar Alam - Indo-Persian Travels in the Age of Discoveries and Sanjay Subrahmanyam 1400-1800, C.U.P., 2007. L.P. Harvey Ibn Battuta, O.U.P. 2007 S. Inayet A. Zaidi - State and Religious Identities: Diversities, Discords and Co-Existence in India (134-18"centuries), Professor S.P. Gupta Memorial Lecture, Centre of Advanced Studies in History, A M.U., 2010. Notes: Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui, Perso-Arabic sources of Information on the life and condition in the Sultanate of Delhi New Delhi, 1992 ? Ala-ul Mulk, commonly known as Fasih ud-din, before coming to India was the gazi of Herat. Sultan Mohammad bin Tughluq had appointed him administrator of the city of Lahari in Sind. Ibn Battuta's Rehla, p. 9. 1.e. the sabuni which is a mixture of almonds, honey and seasame oil called after 'Sabuni - a small island off Egypt on the eastern bank of the Nile. Le a kind of sweet. Ie, a kind of pudding introduced from Qahira. Bismillah which literally means 'in the name of God'. Modern Pakpattan, habitat of the famous saint Shaikh Farid-ud-din Ganj-i-Shakar. *Sultan Qutbud-din Mubarak Shah Khalji (1316-1320 A.D.). Sultan Iltutmish. Literally, the house of music and enjoyment. "Lasha which in Persian literally means 'a carcase or one reduced to skin and bones' is a term of contempt. The term duvidaviya is another form of the Persian word dawadav' which means 'running incessantly or in every direction of a messenger or anyone constantly employed in the running of errands' (Johnson) BA'izza is the plural of 'aziz (Venerable). p. 67. 1 Strangers or foreigners.

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Encapsulated as Material Artistic Response 293 39. Encapsulated as Material Artistic Response: Historicizing and Reconstructing the Feminine Space In early Medieval Rajasthan Anuradha Rathore At crossroads, the definition of art is approached of being dealt in terms of aesthetics, and of art as communication distinguished by a particularly apt use of images.' Art has often been also thought to underline the cultural aspect of human activity, which also is found equally aptly in the literature. Whether or not the visual artistic representations are treated as focus of cultural activity is of course the larger issue, but nevertheless visual arts share attributes and structure, such as rhythm or metaphor, with arts in other media, and on the other hand, all forms of visual communication share properties distinctive to that medium, such as iconography and style. Behind the diversity of socio-religious cultural imagery lie some general principles of communication that have had a shared past of realization also expressed and strengthened through received textual statements of patterns, then it is possible to illustrate through their study, and its efficacy in establishing the subsequent linkages as to how the art lends particular qualities to the communication to and of the gender, and particularly to the formation of material visual' feminine space. Does it then hold well that the religious representation does not restrict feminine values in the world of sacred by the structures of subordination to which women were subject in the secular world, even when viewed in the realm of sculpture, architecture and iconography? And what is that, which ideologically gave impetus and worked behind the mere motions of fleshing the women in stone, in a particular manner centuries after centuries, for them to partake of 'rare immortality"? What is the reenforcement if any to the 'superficial' constancy in the manner of their representation? But in the course of exploration of these answers the study does not intend to undermine even in the remotest, slightest manner the religious investment of ideas and symbolism, as well as the religious sentiment and faith identified with/to their being/existence and in no way expresses irreverence. It is at the most also a preliminary inquiry, foraying into the search of certain possibilities of feminine kind, and simply for the reason that the historical enquiry has to make do with whatever sources found available to interpret and reinterpret, and thus ignoring these abundant, available, recorded visual landmarks would not have been judicious/fair to the investigation of the topic concerned. The reading is, thus certainly not, exhaustive and has a limited import, if any, at this juncture in an attempt to primarily historicize femininity, as it tracks the ambiguous representation of traditional notions of femininity.

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294 / Jijnasa I Searching for the Feminine: Within the Traditions of Pratima Laksana or the Iconography The Hindu religious tradition has among its unique features, a striking characteristic in the importance of goddess worship, which are overwhelming in their numbers, from an apparent, ancient continuity in realms of mythology, theology and worship. Their 'divine' character apart, these representations of goddesses can be studied to approach the notions of discerning femininity, through the layers of associated religious structures and the allied texts and visual depiction, to address through their perception within the religion, a possible likelihood of the feminine attributes, which further may be tested to be of an universal or of regional appeal. To attempt to view the above mentioned terrain, the bridge between the religious texts, the subsidiary texts to it of canonical nature and the sculptures against their monumental backdrop, need to be linked to a possible historical sequence to also understand the legitimacy (?) in the theological assumptions usually found in abundance, that all female deities in the said tradition are actually different manifestations of a fundamental feminine principle or reflect the grand goddesses. The tradition of Brahamana architecture and iconographic canons range from the works like Arthasastra of Kautilya, Mayamata, Manasara, Brhatsamhita, Matsya Purana, Agni Purana, and other Puranas as well as Aparajitaprecha, Samarangana-Sutradhara, Rapaprakaia. Rupamandana and Agamas like Kamikagama, Suprabhedagama, Ansumadbhedagama, and Sukranitisara and other religious works, where the scope of these works is limited to architectural and sculptural topics; while the Jaina pratima laksana texts are Nirvanakalika, Pratisthasaroddhara, Acaradinakara, Pratisthasarasangraha, Pratisthatilaka, Mantradhirajakalpa etc. and the Buddhist iconographic canons were mainly the Sadhanmala and Nispannayogavali.' The Brahamanas were considered both active members as well as ideologues of the ruling class, and are attributed with having perfected ....... a theory which expressed the dominant material relationships in ritual terms with the Brahamana as its point of reference. It is indicative of the dominance of the Brahamana varna in the socio-economic set-up of the early medieval times that its ideology became the ideology of the society as a whole and the imitation of its customs or the process of Sanskritization became an important vehicle for social mobility.""" But social mobility apart, the all pervasive Brahamanical patriarchic ideology, which stemmed and pervaded the social institutions of early India, may have thus given a certain feminine iconographical and sculptural language, which originated in the gender politics and further was constantly fed by, as well as manifested in the corollary religious and social structures and the practices therein. Thus an overemphasis of the sastric injunction is extolled and mandated in the texts as a requisite for the continuity of the formulaic sculptural tradition that had developed a methodology of schemata. The fact of the matter remains that, in so far as the women's projection in these transactions, it remained pointedly in the manner of 'feminine' in nature, for the intense deliberation and the labor involved in execution adhering to the theoretical aspect in sync and matched with the emerging, conscious dominant continuum of the sculptural typologies. It was not only the femininity, but the celebration of this femininity which was empirically arrived at a spatial temporal level, and further expressed and communicated through the externalization of it in also metaphysical nuances, by usage of symbols spanning from probably the Indus-Saraswati period (specially the mother goddess figurines, the dancing girl etc.), while though the Vedic texts

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Encapsulated as Material Artistic Response / 295 being the exception which failed to establish the existence of popularity or prominence of the goddesses, to the Gupta period. But then following the dynastic decline of the Guptas, around the fifth or the sixth century AD, various goddesses suddenly appear in the iconographic and textual sources in situations of great importance, which pointed to an acceptance or resurgence of goddess worship in the Hindu tradition. Several goddesses were urambiguously identified with or called praksti, a central notion in most philosophic systems, where prakrti denotes a physical as opposed to the spiritual reality, and thus has been read as nature in all its complexities, orderliness, and intensity, and further through this reflection the descriptions of her nature and behavior emerged a commentary on the Hindu understanding of physical reality. In the Tantras and the early Sankhya the cause of the universe has been sought in the female principle or the Prakrti, which in time were equated with Purusa and considered as one. An attempt to assess the tradition of vastusastra of the early medieval period discern that, this period in particular, saw the synthesis of the ancient traditions merge with the new ideologies, and in this respect the attempt remains unparalleled.' The temple as an important site to begin the foray into the nature of feminine, is to be understood as Kramrisch has noted about the object of building a temple, which is that it is "........... built with fervour of devotion (bhakti) as a work of offering and pious liberality, in order to secure for the builder, a place in heaven, which means a high level of inward realization and to increases the religious merit of his near relatives: by a transfer of merit, the Prasada functions similarly, for every devotee, who comes to and enters the temple. The temple is built as a work of supererogation, with the utmost effort in material means and the striving of the spirit so that the Prasada attains and leads to the Highest Point." But the fact that the temple is viewed as a Purusa, has to be borne constantly, as the temple rests on this earth, in traditional architectural terms covered by the Vastupurusamandala, whose origins, needs and planned organization stemmed from the empirical world, have been elaborated upon variously in the textual traditions. The character of the temple thus is likened to a tirtha or a pilgrimage, made by art, as she puts it, and as others are by nature, and she further emphasizes, sometimes both. A Hindu temple has the necessity of "to be seen, and thus the darsana, the looking of the temple, the seat, the abode and the body of the divinity" and its paja or the worship, are the purpose of visiting the temple, which is further fulfilled by in addition to being an offering, work of pious liberality, and the temple has its proportionate measurement but also the carvings on its walls, and the total fact of its form." The Hindu temple has been deemed a monument, whose outer surface consists of sculptures, and thus when going to the temple (abhigamana) the speech, body and the mind are centered on the divinity, whose presence is installed in the image or the symbol, and the devotee becomes part of the architecture of the Mandapa whose interior he traverses, in which he also may pause and gaze at the images that confront him: images which are carved on the pillars, the capitals and on the ceiling; guiding him onwards to the main image or symbol in the garbhagrha, or upward to the dome and its central point." The stone texture of the walls apart, the plaster with which they might be laid, the closely built texture of the buttresses and offsets and their intervals which form space volumes as well as the rhythms of graded light and darkness: and as Kramrisch notes that carved figures belong to the body of wall and also to the spaces in between, in as much their own volume projects into the intervals, as well as reach even further into the space or else they are more deeply part of the wall than

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296 / jijnasa are the outer or main surfaces of any offset. Niches are sunk in the main buttresses having the chief images. The carved figures on the surface of the temples are thus at different distances from the centre, but appear projected from the centre, and the entire volume of buttresses and interspaces, and thus the whole monument "is dynamically in a state of movement," a movement more powerful than that of any single figure propels, where this "closely enmeshed dynamic mass" meets the gaze and movement of the devotees as they circumambulate, meeting a profile after profile." The importance of the images is brought by her qualitative suggestion that "For each is complete in its particular meaning and at its particular place." The images of the gods are to be made always as of sixteen years old, while the garment, jewellery and coiffure of the images are reflective of those worn in the respective region, of where the temple is built. It is noted that the preference of the sculptor, however, is for the bare body and with sparing use, the lower garments, generally found clinging to the body, "Thus all forms of apparel accentuate and accompany the smooth roundness of the figures and their movement."3 The 'schemata of these images is noticed soon enough, along with the iconographical physiognomy of the face which is that of the body-between the peaceful (santa), the terrific (ugra), etc., the typological iconography which is seen as a highly specified science, different physiognomical types etc. The Samarangana-Sutradhara either composed by King Bhoja of Dhara (reigned A.D. 10181060), or written under his patronage dwells at length on architecture. But the scope of the subjects is broadened in this text, as it deals with the subjects like town-planning, house-architecture, temple architecture, and pratima laksana, including iconometry and iconoplastic art together with the mudras or the different hand gestures/poses; along with the above mentioned, it also deals with the canon of painting and the construction of mechanincal yantras, thereby introducing the yantras and the citras to the body of silpasasira." The very opening lines of its forty-fourth chapter give one an insight to the entrenched linkages of the previous canonical import by stating that, the qualification of an architect are four-fold namely: the sastra or the canon/traditional lore, karma or the practical experience, prajna or the intuitive insight, and the sila or the righteous character. Therefore, the obviousness of the patriarchal structure leaving its deep impress upon the emerging sculptural practices by the canonical lore, was a natural fallout for the making of sculptural conventions and processes. While the seventysecondth chapter deals with iconographic details of the representative selection of gods and goddesses along with their forms and mudras, among which the famous goddesses like Laksmi and Kausiki etc., received attention; the subsequent chapter concerning the pratima laksana or the iconography, delineates the general seven materials used in the making of the various images, and further describe in detail the proportion of the images of a male beginning from eyes, ears, nose, chin, lips, forehead, cheeks, neck, chest, navel, phallus, thighs, knees, toes, nails and ending into the hands, their fingers, with their other component members, and it is only towards the end that the similar proportions of the limbs of the different parts of the female figures are given. 16 The seventy-fifth chapter Pancapurusastrilaksana or The Standard Models of Proportions of the Fivefold-men and Fivefold-women, follows the dictum of Varahamihira, which states that the dresses and the ornamentation are to be provided for or employed in the images of the gods and goddesses are to be in the fashion of the local characteristic styles and standards, and the author not only maintains the tradition but also established the importance of the practice in this particular chapter." While the five male types are described as Hamsa, Sasa, Rucaka, Bhadra and Malavya and their manas being eighty-eight, ninety, ninety-two, ninety-four

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Encapsulated as Material Artistic Response / 297 and ninety-six angulas respectively, in the end are given the description of the fivefold women namely, the Dandini, Vrtta, Paurusi and Balaki. Towards the end of the text is the elucidation of rasadrstilaksana or the relationship between the art (specially here of painting) and that of the aesthetics. whereby the figures in sculpture with different symbolism of poses and postures, are made to convey certain rasas, in this particular text as many as eleven rasas beginning with singara are described, and then follow the eighteen rasadrsti as accessories of all the principal rasas. The obviousness of the pre-decided 'model' or an 'ideal' approach, left scant room to express creativity, which not only hampered the individual artistic vision and its growth, but on the other hand continued the projection of the stereo-typed, convention laid representation of the male and the female figures, and over a period of time the supposed ideal form was invested as externalization of the symbolic manifestation of the masculine and feminine attributes, while at a subconscious level an internalization must have been imbibed in the onlooker's gaze. The visual representation thus posited belief in more ways than one, while it enhanced and strengthened the worshippers bond with the personal deity within the ambit of its religious practices. it also placed a perspective to the gender relations in a conventional sense, in a way that failed to nurture the capacity for self criticism. The gender appears thus to have been also enfolded in the sculptural transactions by the rasadrsti, and in the distinction between the social and the natural order conceptualizing the woman, as a construct to be seen in through a layer of metaphysical' realm. Devata-murti Prakarana authored by Sutaradhara Mandana in the fifteenth century AD is a theoretical text of architectural and sculptural significance in general, and of particular interest to this study. An architect artisan himself, the text details the contemporary norms and prescriptions for iconography, town planning and architecture, which mandated that they be prepared in accordance with established conventions. The second chapter deals with "correct proportions and measurements for sculpting statues of different gods, goddesses, demi-gods, demons, humans, birds and animals." The third chapter elaborates upon the 'technical' aspects of the idols as also the descriptions of what is deemed 'auspicious' and 'inauspicious' understanding of a statue. The seventh chapter describes the iconography of the twenty-four Jaina tirthankaras, as well as their respective attendant's yaksas and the yaksis or the yaksinis, the latter sometimes also being referred to as the sasana-devis. The eighth chapter describes the idols of various Goddesses, such as in the manner of twelve Sarasvatis, the nine Durgas, twelve Gauris mentioned, five Lilas, asta-matrkas, and also the Mahalaksmi, Laksmi, Bhadrakali, Katyayani, etc. and also the dvarapalikas of certain gods are detailed upon. There are two interesting observations in the text, one that is an address to the goddess, Devi Jagadamba, "All reverence and homage to the great Jagdamba, the Mother-goddess Gauri, whose innumerable forms are not comprehended even by Brahma and the other deities; and from whom this amazing and wonderful world has originated, and within whom the deities and demons and demi-gods and all others merge when the cyclical dissolution of the Universe occurs, prior to a fresh creation. May the great Mother, venerated by the world, bestow peace everywhere." And the other is wherein Mandana instructs the sculptor or the architect that, "As the hands draw attention to some aspect (i.e., physically) so should the eyes do the same. For, where the eyes go there is the mind; where the mind is there is the bhava (the feeling, the emotions) and where the bhava there is the rasa the very essence of everything." The observations suggest the tension of the 'rationally' expressed profound procreative energy inherent in the womanhood as an important site of birth and death' symbolism and the intrinsic

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298 / Jijnasa materialism, that envelope it, as it impacts the being through the rasa or the aesthetic or the imaginative experience, or the 'aesthetic rapture'. The Rupamandana, also authored by Sutaradhara Mandana in the fifteenth century A.D., extols the prescriptive conventions primarily of the medieval iconography. The most popular mode of sculptural representation of Siva in the pacific form, is that of Uma and Mahesvara in Rajasthan." The co-joint or the yugma or alingana images generally of Umamahesvara are prescribed by Rupamandana to be made in the manner of Aparajitaprrccha, where the four-armed Siva should be shown together with Uma, with the positions of the hands and the attributes they should hold. While Siva's one right hand should be on Uma's skandha in a position of embrace, Uma's one hand should also be on Siva's skandhapradesa on the shoulder, and the other should hold a mirror.23 Thus, it is the male who is shown dominating by embracing and enacting the amorous stance. Similarly, LaksmiNarayana should be shown seated together on a garuda holding their attributes in their hands, and while Laksmi's left hand is to be on Narayana's kantha-pradesa holding a lotus on the right, Narayana's right hand should always be on the Laksmi's kuksi-bhaga. Amongst the sada Gauris have been described the Gauri, Uma, Parvati, Sriya, Rambha, Totala and Tripura, along with their ayatanas, who are Bhagavati, Sriya, Ganesa, Savitri, Sarasvati, Siddhi and Kartikeya and the pratiharas are the eight dvarapalikayein, who are Jaya, Vijaya, Ajita, Aparajita, Vibhakta, Mangala, Mohini and Stambhini. The pancalila of the Sakta worship has been described in Aparajitaprccha and further, accordingly the Rupamandana also describes the five-lilas wherein, these goddesses are to have in their front-arms the aksa-sutra and ambupatra, but due to the devi-bheda their attributes in the upper hands are different; Lilya's upper hands are to have two lotuses, Lila's upper hands to have lotus and book, Lilangi's hands to have pasa and lotus, Lalita to have vajra and ankusa; and their vehicle is supposed to be the swan. 26 Rupamandana further elaborates upon the iconography of the trigunamayi or the one with three qualities (of sattva, rajas and tamas) Mahalaksmi, who is also considered to be the primeval reason for the creation of the universe, which should follow the precept whereas: as of the tamasguna she is known as Candi and Katyayani and also called Durga, as of the sarvaguna aspect she is known as Mahavidya and Sarasvati, and of the rajoguna aspect is the Laksmi; and as Ksemankari and Harasiddhi as is obvious with their attributes, they with the tamasguna are the two aspects of Mahalaksmi." The rajasi aspect of Mahalaksmi is the Laksmi, also called Sri, and in Rupamandana she is the sakti of Visnu, and is described to be seated on astadala lotus vinayakavat. '28 While the Devata-murti Prakarana of Sutradhara Mandana delineates twelve Sarasvatis, which are Mahavidya, Mahavani, Bharati, Sarasvati, Arya, Brahmi, Mahadhenu, Vedagarbha, Isvari, Mahlaksmi, Mahakali and Mahasarasvati; the Rupamandana only describes of two specific aspects of Sarasvati, as Sarasvati and Mahavidya. The iconography of Camunda has been dealt with in great details, where as she is to be presented in cruel form, as of skinny, with a distorted face, red emotional eyes, with yellow hair, dark complexioned, having a corpse for a vehicle etc.30 Her angabhuta six goddesses are Nanda, Raktadantika, Sakambhari, Durga. Bhima and Bhramri. In Rupamandana Candika's asta pratihara along with their attributes are in accordance with Aparajitaprccha, which are Betala, Kotara, Pindaksa, Bhrkuti, Dhrumaka, Kankada, Raktaksa and Sulocana." The sapta-matrkas though variously numbered as seven or eight or ten according to the text they are found mentioned in, in general are seven which are Brahmi, Mahesvari, Kaumari, Vaisnavi,

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Encapsulated as Material Artistic Response / 299 Varahi, Indrani and Camunda. The origin of these sapta-matrkas is found rooted in various traditions in the Puranas, and according to the Varaha-purana their origin is related to the battle between Siva and Andhakasura, as the Andhakasura was wounded the blood drops from his wounds gave birth to another Andhakasura, and so to help fight Siva created fire from which arose a sakti who was called Yogesvari, and she drank up the blood and thus the birth of a new Andhakasura was halted. Later to help Siva defeat the asura, the gods Brahma, Mahesvara, Kumara, Visnu, Varaba, Indra and Yama sent in the same order the independent saktis Brahmi, Mahesvara, Kaumari, Vaisnavi, Varahi, Indrani and Camunda who killed Andhakasura. In Markandeya-purana's Durgasaptasati the tale of the origin of sapta-matrkas is related to the incident of Raktabija and Sumbha-Nisumbha, as when goddess Camunda was encircled by the these asuras, the gods Brahma, Siva, Kartikeya, Visnu and Indra etc. produced out of their bodies certain sakti, who went to Camunda, all of them reflected the attributes and the vehicles of the gods they emerged from. The list of sapta-matrkas in Devimahatmya is similar but changes to include Narasimhi along with Camunda, and thus finds the number of matrkas to eight. But essentially these sapta-matrkas appear to be the saktis of Katyayani. What is significant is the fact that these sapta or the astamatrkas as the case may be, emerge/out of the masculine domain and are supportive of the male enterprise of a 'just war,' whereby they not only appear to be actively supportive to the male enterprise but also aggressively participating to win wars. Rupamandana's list of matrkas does not include Narasimhi, and the matrkas sculptural prescription entails the tradition of making the images of matrkas on the matrkapatta which has Viresvara in the beginning and Ganesa in the end, while the centre serially has the images of Brahmi, Mahesvari, Kaumari, Vaisnavi, Varahi, Indrani and Camunda, and is similar to the order found in Matsya-purana.33 The sixth chapter of Rupamandana which details the Jaina Iconography, makes it abundantly. clear that though the images of twenty-four Tirthankaras is not very dissimilar from each other. yet their attributes, colour, sasana-Devata, and devis (the yaksa and the yaksini), (kevalavrksa and camaradhari and camaradharini are not included in the list of Rupamandana) are indicators of the various specific Tirthankaras. Sutradhara Mandana has described the sculptural traditions of the Svetambara sect, and amongst the sasana-devis mentions Cakresvari, Ambika, Padmavati and Siddhayika. In a significant understanding of the purasartha, the fineness of the salagrama is pointed out for attaining maximum result, and thus for achieving dharma, artha, kama and moksa this particular kind of Sila should be worshipped. Similarly, if a lingam is deficient in varna or colour and laksana or the attributes, but is still of interest then it could be continued to be worshipped, because it was considered a giver of dharma, artha, kama and moksa." The tendency to seek purusarthas through the means of act of worship, is found to be much deviated from earlier times, wherein essentially the 'exertion' the purusarthas now appear to be generally received through the benevolence of the gods, by sheer act of ritualistic worshipping in the temples. 34 Temples have been considered to reflect in a succinct symbolic manner the material world of the people. The tradition of the process of fixing the images with the specific iconographic features which had begun to be established by the Gupta period (Brheasamhita, Visnudharmottara Purana) or a little earlier, that began to become vast and systematized in the early medieval period especially between the eighth to the thirteenth century, for example in the Brhatsamhita without mentioning the names and the numbers of the matrkas they were associated as attributes of the respective gods, while in the Markandeya Purana's sub-text of Devi-mahatmya, and further in the Aparajitaprechha and

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300 / Jijasa other iconographic canons, they have been dealt with elaborately along with their attributes. The rigid formalization of the images can be discerned in Rajasthan at the Sasa temple situated at Nagda, Udaipur District dated around AD 1093, but additional to that the impact of the Tantricism due to which the construction of the Mandalas can be noticed near the entrance, where the panccavyuha vrttakara is made with the Brahma in the centre and other gods around it, and further also the representation of the other images including matrkas are sculpted." Background Politics of the Feminine The Gurjara-Pratiharas (who reigned from approximately AD 725-950) were an important early medieval period ruling dynasty, and during the reigns of Vatsraja, Nagabhatta II and Mihirabhoja 1, the empire had expanded to such great expanse in northern India that it was comparable to the Gupta empire. The prominent areas of their patronage in Rajasthan were Osian (District Jodhpur, period between AD 750-825 saw the construction of fourteen temples), Jagat (Udaipur, tenth century Ambika temple - Ambika, the apsaras and the Mahisasuramardini images are highly ornamental), Abaneri (District Jaipur, where the ardhanarisvara image is technically considered to be excellent), Candravati (District Jhalawar), Jhalarapatana and Cittaudagadha. Their religious tolerance discerned in the establishment of various Jaina and Buddhist temples, and is further noticeable in the construction of the late-eighth century Jaina temple at Osian as well as the Brahmana temples. The Osian Harihara temple number one has the representation of the various forms of sakti as matrkas, Mahisasuramardini. Laksmi, Gajalaksmi, and Srngara-Durga." The Jaina temple at Osian evidences the sculptural tradition of the Jaina Mahavidyas according to the treatise of Bappabhetti-suri's (Nagabhatta's contemporary) Caturvimsatika of about eighth century, in the depiction of Rohini. Vajrasrokhala, Vajrankusa, Apraticakra, Kali, Mahakali, Gauri, Vairotya, Acchupta and Mahamanasi which are some of the prominent ones. The women/female images underline the projected femininity, through the depiction of their bodies emoting palpable sensuality interred in the Ambika and apsaras images at Jagat, where there is an absence of the replication of the female subjects and even their hair styles and ornaments are found varied. The continuity of the Gupta feature of showing the makaravahini Ganga and the kurmavahini Yamuna is maintained and is found present in the Gurjara-Pratihara sculptural tradition. These deities in addition to Sarasvati, Urvasi or Menaka have been viewed as the members of the vast cosmogony so vital and central to Indian thought, where from the simplest tribal to the most sophisticated Indian" are found venerating water in some form or the other, as an attempt was made to understand the myths of water. The descent of Ganga from the heavens specially, is seen as an evolution through centuries in the form of an elaborate, ecologically charged myth. But behind the representation of the idolatry divine feminine phenomenon what were the historical approaches to the views on the women in general? The answer to the above lies somewhere between frequently unearthed, and explored Brahaminical textual traditions, and the still awaiting regional textual traditions, and yet also partly evidenced in the readings on the cultural life's 'social life' element during the Gurjara-Pratihara period which has been considered to be marked with a strange phenomenon, unique in the socio-religious structure where the Hindu society was on its trial" due to the frequent Arab invasions. Thus the social structure was felt to be under threat, and through the preventive measures of reclamation of the Hindus which emerged as a challenge to the earlier Smrtikaras, and the need was felt for a sastric textual

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Encapsulated as Material Artistic Response / 301 accommodation of the changed circumstances, which further was found articulated as Devala Smrti. 4 There is a distinct reference in it to the "cases of persons who had embraced the Mleccha religion, as well as those whose women had been ravished, and had also conceived." While the purifactory rites were prescribed for the persons returning to their religion, ravished' women were considered to be pure after the period of their menstruation, with a three day fast, and those of them who had conceived were to be "reclaimed back to their original fold after the delivery of the child."46 It was further noted in Deval Smrti, that the foetus in the womb of such women was like a thorn in her body and when this substances was removed, as her body visited her next menstrual cycle, "she becomes pure as gold. "47 The other references pertaining to them, sees the ladies as dancers and singers playing on the musical instruments, as well as painters, which have been cited from Rajashekhara's Viddhasalabbhnjika, while the heroines of Karpuramannjari and Viddhasalabbhnjika were seen to be having a creative bent who composed poems." The approach to the position of women apart from the routine, stereotyped description on them was also viewed through Ravyamimamsa of Rajaskhera which gave a description of the nepathya-costume or attrire of the ladies in the east, north, west and south in accordance with natural surroundings, customs and manners of the people. Thus the representation of the women largely appears far removed from these descriptive elements, and their temple representation is thus associated to the past remote sequence of ritualistic religious overtones, steeped in the folds of mythologies which visited the embedded femininity with the various 'masculine divine 'sanctions." The religious environment can further be examined to understand its linkages to the formation of the feminine spaces, through articulations and comments which stressed upon the impact of religion by stating that, "In the early medieval period of our history religion played a much more important role in the people's lives than it does at present. It coloured their attitude towards every problem, political, ethical as well as social and created an atmosphere which might be regarded as peculiarly Hindu, even though this term had not till then gained popular currency. "49 But this religious life as it appears was multilayered, which further as Dasharatha Sharma noticed as a strong syncretist tendency amongst the Pratiharas. While the other view saw the 'religious life during the period of the GurjaraPratiharas as the dominance of Saivism and the Vaispavism. And yet on the other hand, the Karpuramanjari also refers to Kaulas and the supernatural powers possessed by Bhairavanatha, who "combined the pleasure with salvation, religion with indulgence in wine and women, and repute for piety with most unrestricted sensuality." It has been viewed as a degenerate form of worship. Further the Kaulas indulged in drinking and flouted"...............some of the moral and social conventions, because these appeared to them as representatives of that duality which they were taught to overcome by word as well as act. In fact, Kula, the state of which a Kaula tried to attain, requires complete disappearance of the distinction between the knower, the known and the knowledge. Carried to its logical limits such a theory leaves no place for morality."*52 While commenting on the position of women gleaned from the contemporary literature, Dasharatha Sharma opines that Rajasthan "had no lack of women of easy virtue. Reformers like Haribhadra Suri, Jinesvara Suri and Jinavallabha Suri raised their voice against the employment of such women in temples." The temple, thus, as an important site for situating the women of easy virtue,' is an important indicator to be borne constantly to attempt to study and locate the feminine workings, as their proximity and presence in the premises added to the specific sculptural environment in addition to the one of purely religious intent in general, and is suggestive of various other activities of the

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302 / Jijnasa temples. As a contested ground on sexual morality, on the other hand temple was enmeshed also as a space of visible feminine masquerade of show of political power, where an act of female worship of an object or a deity, could also be read as desired feminine trait by the way of visible religiosity by an elite woman's religious participation. A case in point could be the participation of Rudrani who was Vakpati's mother and belonged to the family of Chauhan feudatories of the Imperial Pratiharas, who had built many splendid religious structures in North India, and one Siva temple amongst them was built by Vakpati and Simharaja on the Puskara lake, and it is recorded that Rudrani, lit daily a thousand lamps before the lingams installed there, which speaks of the immense faith practiced therein.54 Some allied regional insights about the temple life with respect to the formation of the feminine spaces within the spatiality of the temple can further be tangibly attested by the following examples: firstly the Vasantgarh inscription of Varmalata, of seventh century AD from Sirohi District, of the gosthi or association which built the temple, mentions of one Buta, the only woman member who is a courtesan, attached to the temple,55 the other members were Pratihara Botaka and rajasthaniya or the viceroy Adityabhata; and secondly, an eleventh century AD iascription from Desuri District in Jodhpur in Sanskrit prose refers to the reign of Jojaladevi. 56 The inscription in form of an order from the king, with regards to the management of festivals in connection with the contemporary deities worshipped, orders that whenever a festival in connection of any particular deity commences, the courtesans attached to the temples of other deities, must also participate, by putting on their ornaments and best garments, and be in attendance with their sulapala (the keeper associate of the courtesans, who accompanied them on musical instruments while singing or dancing) to celebrate it by accompaniment of instrumental music and dancing. The king, further, was desirous of maintaining this practice and warns his descendants, about discontinuing or abolishing it. The inscription ends with the curse on those princes unable to maintain this practice. Thus, not only the practice of attaching woman for service in temples was continued from earlier, but in case of failing to maintain the tradition, were cursed and also warned against the lack of individual attention and stressed upon the need for its continuity. Al-Beiruni had observed that the kings made devadasis "an attraction for their cities, a bait of pleasure for their subjects, for no other but financial reasons." Thus the physical attraction.' commercial or otherwise notwithstanding amidst the pursuit of salvation, the ritual of dance continued to hold the male gaze, sharpening if not crystallizing the feminine persona at the altar of divine. A general understanding on the sculptural traditions informs that the period between AD 800 - 1000 was of continuity of the Gupta period, with the main difference being that they were now small in size, unusual in elaboration and intricate in carvings, but with local variations, which were visible at Osian, Abaneri, Badoli, Alwar, Udaipur etc. 58 The Chahamanas or the Chauhanas (in the eleventh and the twelfth century) of the Sakambhari and Naddula (Nadola) were an important political force in northern India and the sculptural style they initiated is considered to be of having innate maturity of the ornamentation, decoration and iconographic elements of the medieval phase of the artistic traditions. Their Brahamana and Jaina sculptures have been found in Ajmer, Nadola (District Pali), Ladanun (District Nagaur) and Bijoliya (in Mewar). The representations of the feminine form are attested by the images of Laksmi-Narayana, Uma Mahesvara, the matrikas, Parvati, Mahisasuramardini etc. The Svetambara Jaina temples at Nadola of eleventh and twelfth century have the various depiction of the feminine apart from the female-dikpaliyons, also the yaksis as Ambika, and the mahavidhyas as Vajrankala, Gauri, Vajrasrikhala. Apraticakra. Mahakali and Kali, and the goddesses of Gajalaksmi and the Sarasvati.60

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Encapsulated as Material Artistic Response / 303 DI Possibilities of Situating the Feminine in Kramrisch's 'The Female Power The representation of the feminine can be grasped via the understanding that Kramrisch has authored specially as in The Hindu Temple, where she describes at length the feminine as the 'female power.' The equating of the female power to the feminine based on the understanding that both are the prima facie the desired qualities sought beyond the physical functionality, and interred by visual responding as highlights to the female identity, located in particular time and space. Kramrisch's opening lines need to be quoted here: "Surasundari, which means Celestial Beauty, is but one of the names and types in which the image of Sakti is carved on the walls of the temple. Sakti is energy, the Primordial Power and substance of the world. Maya,- the visible world, measureable in its forms,-belongs to the Brahman as Sakti ("Vedanta Sutra 1.IV, 1-7). She is herself the "ability to act," her image is placed next to the image of any of the gods. By her activity she attracts and helps the devotee: she is his guide and appeals to all. While every man is not equipped for riding the Sardula, he may be led by Sakti and grasp the meanings of her hands (hasta), postures and actions. While the Sardula is the 'angel' of active man, the various images of Sakti assist his contemplative and passive nature. The images of Sardula (Vyala), and Sakti are collateral: they alternate on the wall of the temples of Khajuraho and on the capitals of the pillars. The rearing body of the animal and the shape of the woman are seen to sway in similar curves: they are one in nature and form though different in functions and appearance, for Sakti is Vak, the "active power of Brahman proceeding from him" (R.V.X.125) and the Sardula is Vak." The plan of the temple is likened further by her, to the Sri-yantra where the various positions are held by goddesses or powers or Yoginis, of conjoint energies by whom the work of transcendental power is carried out as Maha-Sakti, and in this sense Kramisch views the saktis or Yoginis as energies (also working as maids in the form of paricarika, while the others are called messengers or duti of the transcendental power) as working as subservient to the great sakti. The eight Regents' of the directions of space, close to the side of each several groups of gods, the 'Celestial Beauties' as Kramrisch would have them across, are placed "embodied in their archetypal forms. *62 They are further seen in the macro cosmic view as branches and aspects of transcendental power, conjointly with the supreme principle as Yoga-maya, which is suggested as the manifestation of the universe, while the micro cosmic view sees them with reference to the man, where the Yoga-maya is seen as the power of reintegration. The 'celestial beauties or the Saktis are seen to belong to the Avarana-Devatas or the surrounding divinities, are large in numbers, with various names and images, such as: apsara (she is the movement in the atmosphere), nataka (she is the movement in the body of the man and is shown as a dancer), yaksini (as yaksini she is the movement in vegetation), and dig devi. She further seeks visual clues in these to articulate that "If the boughs her tree are like her arms and the curves of the creeper like her own movement, if the tree woman is one idea and composition, the mirror woman is another type or sculpted group of sakti; the former being a reiteration of the underlying theme by two kinds of shape, that of vegetation and that of the woman, their interplay, affinity, and identity as movement, the latter enacting the drama of the reflection seen in the mirror and of the living being. "The reflection of the face seen in the mirror is nothing in itself as separated from the face: so is the

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304 / Jijrasa living creature (jiva) in itself nothing, a reflection of Consciousness in the mind - that self abiding Consciousness in its true state am I" says Supreme Consciousness of itself. Sakti exemplifies it, on her own level, with luxurious grace and sadness, or any of the emotions, which belong to the human face." And she sums up in the same philosophical note "India thinks in images: the image (murti) itself is beheld as a divinity" as she quotes from Brahamavaiavrta Purana "Murti (image), the wife of Dharma (the order of things in the cosmos and righteousness in man), is Form, luminous and charming. Without her, the Supreme Spirit (Paramatman), whose abode is the whole universe, would be without support." Her charm and attractions are those of the Anima Mundi, cosmic vitality, active in the middle region (antariksa), in space. There the temple has its extension." But will the understanding of the continuum of the divine feminine emerge from these insights, or from the counter explanation of her narrative of the female power in the Hindu temple, even when in parts her perceptions are valid? either way Kramisch's authoritative work cannot be undermined in any case, as she herself had read through the symbolism, that only the face keeps changing in the mirror. IV The Osian Feminine Images: The Osian saktis or the energizing Powers as 'Images' During the Pratihara and the Chauhana period the region witnessed advances made both by the Jaina and the Brahamana community. The tradition of the worship of Camunda as a goddess of 'malefic' who was to be pleased by animal sacrifice, was quite entrenched in Osian, and possibly the arrival of Jainism as a faith in the area may have used this 'religious violence as an issue to spread the message of non-violence of their faith. D.R. Bhandarkar's observation has been referred to which states that on the basis of a Brahmana tradition, that when Ratnaprabha-Suri's effort of converting the rulers and a sizable population of the city to Jainism was successful, then the local deity Saciyamata (or the Camunda) supposedly became angry and cursed the people.67 The anger of the goddess supposedly emerged out of the non-availability of the sacrificial animal non-vegetarian food and oblations which were earlier made to her. It is believed that later the people of Oswala community (considered to be original inhabitants of Osian) prayed to the deity and were successful in relieving her anger by the prayers offered to her, wherein they promised to offer her the mandatory animal sacrificial flesh during the marriage celebrations and other important samskaras. And since then there is a tradition amongst the said community, according to which post worship of the goddess they leave the place immediately and refuse to stay the night at Osian, for fear of being overtaken by some calamity. Upakesagacchapattavali supports the above legend, whereby the name of the kuladevi is given as Candika and Camunda, and also describes the efforts made by Ratnaprabha-Suri to stop the practice of animal sacrifice.68 The transformation of the name of Chandika as Satyaka (or Samccika or Saciya) appears to be connected to the condition of her acceptance now of vegetarian offerings and the firmness of her resolve is considered to have been the reason of her being called 'Satyaka.' And with the lapse of time she was identified and made popular as Samcika or Saciya. KharataragacchaBrahadgurvavali also presents the transformation of this local deity from the aspect of violent to *civilized or the saumya in nature, or to a vegetarian and non-ferocious. Saciyamata was the tutelary deity of the Samkhala Paramaras and Upala Deva is believed to have built the temple of Saciyamata situated atop a hillock and is accepted to be dated of eighth century. It is evident from the various traditions and the extant iconography of the Sacchika found at other places that the worship of

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Encapsulated as Material Artistic Response / 305 Saciyadevi was actually in the form of Mahisasuramardini, and even now the installed deity in the garbhagrha of Saciyamata is the image of Mahisasuramardini." Further any doubts about the transformation of Saciyamata's identity from either the Candika, or the Camunda or the Ksemankari have been quelled by the argument which holds them as the different manifestations of Durga Mahisasuramardini." But certainly the tale evinces the investment of 'ease' in transformation with which the woman could be subjected too, apart from the material advances the Jaina religion continued to make in medieval Rajasthan. During the early medieval period the worship of Sakti was evident in the growth of its affiliated rituals and iconography, and the various forms of Sakti which were sculpted in all regions. These Saktis were endowed from the mother-goddess worship, and saw her manifestation and sought identification with the various goddesses and with the female forms of many gods worshipped in different parts of India, and though an early list can be traced from Mahabharata, yet a comprehensive list is found in Matsya Purana.72 The northern India saw the popularity of Sakta worship especially during the period of the Gurjara-Patiharas and during their reign from the eighth to the eleventh century many temples of the Devi flourished. Of the Pratihara monarchs, Nagabhata II, Bhoja I and Mahendrapala I describe themselves as Bhagavatibhaktas, while Haribhadra mentions of mahakalividya, and mentions astami, navami and chaturdasi as the special days on which Chandika was to be worshipped and propitiated." Durga as a synonym of Ambika has been described in the Vajasaneyi Samhita and the Taittiriya Brahamana as Rudra's sister, her name as Durga Vairocani appears alongwith Katyayani and KanyaKumari for the first time in the Taittiriya Aranyaka as Rudra's consort, even as the Agamas and the Puranas refer to her nine manifestations (nava Durga) and describe her iconographic features in details. 74 While Kuvalayamala refers to mariners who in the hour of their need and distress promise to offer pasus to Chandika, and in another instance a ruler desirous of getting a son proposes to offer his head to the Mahisasuramardini Katyayani, another text Upamitibhavaprapanchakatha refers to a royal party which is shown proceeding to the temple of Chandika on the occasion of the spring festival, where they offer wine to the goddess and begin their "bacchanal revelries" in the extensive grounds of her temple.75 The Samaraichchakaha also presents a description of a Chandika temple, which "shows that the century that had intervened between Bana and Haribhadra had not mellowed the ferocity of the rites with which the goddess has always been worshipped by many of her votaries, specially the Sabaras, Bhillas and the other adivasis of India."76 There are numerous places in Rajasthan where Durga's presence and her visual representation appears in various forms, such as, Sakrai or Sankaramata, at a temple built by the local gosthikas in A.D. 692, at Mount Arbuda was considered a Sakta pitha, an eighth century image of Mahisasuramardini was found at Narhad, the shrine of Dhadhimati that existed even earlier, at Vasantgarh considered to be a Saradapitha an inscription of A.D. 625 invokes the blessings of Durga, as Valayaksini was worshipped by Indraraja Chauhan. His Pratabgarh inscription eulogies the goddess as Mahisasuramardini, Durga, Katyayani, Varada, while at Mandor the astamatrkas, namely Durga and her Saktis are found evidenced." It is important at this juncture to gather some details about the notion of the Sakta Pithas which are "the places where the pieces of Sati's dead body fell are said to have become the Pithas, i.e., holy seats or resorts of the mother-goddess, in all of which she is represented to be constantly living in

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306 / Jijnasa some form together with a Bhairava, i.e., a form of her husband Siva."78 The text of Pithanirnaya or Mahapithanirupana, which seems to have been prepared in late medieval period, while debating the origin and the evolution of the conception of the Pithas, advanced their recognized number as fiftyone. Significantly Jranarnava Tantra recognizes the number of the Pithas as fifty, and at the count of ten has Arbuda. Yet an earlier text gives an extended list of the tradition of one hundred and eight Pithas, which is discerned for the first time in the Matsya Purana, chapter thirteen, the particular section has been assigned to the early medieval period, and references are made to Mandavyapura (Mandor, Jodhpur). The same text has been quoted in Devibhagavata (VII, chapter thirty) which refers to the holy places, associated in this work with the different manifestations of the mothergoddess and of her consort, as Pithas, mentions of the mother-goddess Puruhuta and the holy place as Puskara, at number fifteen. Further is opined that "the idea of the Pitha, associated with the certain limbs of the mother-goddess. seems to be essentially connected with that of the Linga or phallus. The worship of the Linga of the great god Siva originated from the conception of the god as the father or the procreator. But in the matter of the beings the Yoni (pudendum muliebre) of the mother-goddess should naturally be regarded as much important as the Linga of the father-god."83 The association of these concepis was noticed to be of non-Aryan influence on the culture of the Indo-Aryans. Though the independent goddesses' temples are limited to the Pipala Devi and Saciyamata temples, and are believed to be of later times, yet the images of goddesses can be evidenced from the earliest temples. 84 They are both in malevolent or malign and benevolent or the benign aspects, where Mahisasurannardini is the most popular manifestation in malevolent or the ugra form of Sakti, and the sauny or the benevolent forms are in the identities of Laksmi, as also Gajalaksmi, Parvati, Skandamata, Smgara Durga, Simhavahini Durga, Vayavi, Matrika-s, Ganga and Yamuna. The malevolent forms of Sakti are discernible in the images of Mahisasuramardini, Chandika, Chamunda, gitala,Ksemankari etc. These various aspects of sakti are visible sculpted in the jagati, adhisthana, janghand the sikhara of the temples. Interestingly the maximum numbers of Devi images are of Mahisasuramardini and these have been found in abundance from the earliest temples. Osian's Durga image of eighth century A.D. is considered to be "beautitudinous smile, tenderly looking eyes, massive breasts, peculiar grace crept in the grace of the body, mixed with simplicity provide this image an expressionism uniquely its own."*6The same complex also houses another neglected image of "supple bodied goddess standing in samabhanga pose on a lotus supported by two lions, identified by Dhaky as Ksemankari. The present cult-icon is considered to be 'a late one' but of Mahisasuramardini, and the depiction of her is also on the eastern side of the pinnacle and the front of this sanctuary.88 The uneven practice of fixing a number of arms to them, can be seen in the various numbers of arms' given to them, such as in the four-armed form she is imaged eight times, as eight-armed three times, and as twelve-armed one time, but of course with appropriate attributes validated in the textual references.* Rajasthan has yielded some very early images of Mahisasuramardini suggesting the popularity of her veneration at an early date, for this popularity continued and was seen to have been intensified during the seventh century AD. all over India." At Osian a great centre of Devi worship, her earliest representation at the pratiratha-rathika of the northern wall of Hari-Hara Temple No. 1 contains the earliest Mahisasuramardini. In all representations Mahisasuramardini Durga is heavily bejeweled, from the diadem to the anklets in her feet, and the bodice is finely etched and the lower garment

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Encapsulated as Material Artistic Response / 307 generally tied below her navel. The dhamilla hair coiffure is worn by her as the necklace usually falls on the stomach from between the breasts. As Sragara Durga, the image presents her in the synchronized acts of adornment by the tying her anklet, in the parting of her hair and in act glimpsing herself in the mirror, all accomplished by her many arms, and has been suggested as motions made 'prior to the dance.' It would be of interest to note here that many masters of the Western art also caught this moment of spontaneous act of a woman looking at herself, in the nomenclature as of the toilette of .....'. But coming back to Srngara Durga, the backdrop of karnarathas and anurathas to her image contain the etched images of men with various weapons and a bull, which are suggestive more in the nature of preparation to a battle field. Though it has been noted that this representation of Srngara Durga finds limited demonstration, yet of the few instances found of it, a similar image has been found at Abaneri.92 The entire area of the karnaprasada impacted by the worship of Sakti, in which the various aspects of Devi have been sculpted, namely: in the benevolent aspect as Sragara Durga, as a destroyer or samharaka she finds representation as Camunda and as a protectoress or in the maternal form is imaged as Skandamata. The images of Ganga and Yamuna are etched on the dvara-Sakhas of the temples, and with their respective vehicles are found in tribhanga mudra. These depictions are more popular in the earlier temples than in the later ones. Sitala is considered to be an illness destroyer goddess, and her one representation in Osian has been found at Saciyamata temple, at the northern jamgha of the bhadra rathika, is seated nude on a donkey in lalitasana and is without any ornaments." She holds a winnowing basket in her rear hands at the back of her head. Though it is the only image found in Osian, Sitala images have been discerned also in Arthuna and in the former Amber museum.94 Parvati has been depicted as standing in sambhanga mudra with attributes and heavily ornamented, and the right hand in abhaya mudra at the Siva Temple No. 2.95 It is noted that the "massive youthful bust over the thin waist seems rather disproportionate to the lower portion but the figure seems to radiate the charm of womanhood and is an interesting relief." 96 The Harihara temple evidences the image of Parvati with a child in her lap, in the south west karnaprasada's or the subsidiary shrine's southern jamgha or the wall portion. The representation of Parvati as a tapasvini with closed eyes or as one, who has renounced the world and is in the process of performing penances, has been found in two instances. Ksemankari one of the nine forms of Durga, is identified with primeval energy, is of terrible form, appearing as an old emaciated lady whose veins were visible, with open mouth, trampling, frightening the world and equipped with hundreds of weapons" and protects gods and devotees. 97 The antiquity of the saptamatskas or the 'seven mothers' can be traced to the Vedic period and are found to be flourishing more during the medieval period which saw their number and name at variance in the Puranas.98 Their images are carved in a group, in the panels of the lintels of the doorways, in the rathikas on the kumbhakas of the vedibandha or even independently.99 But what is very interesting is that Osian has not yielded a single slab representing all the mothers together. In their evolution, the uttaranga at the temple number three and in the temple number five, they are found placed at the kumbhaka rathikas vedi-bandha or the 'moulded basement and further have been shown both with and without children. These saptamatykas according to the Puranic accounts

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308 / Jijasa were sent by the gods as their saktis to Siva to help destroy Andhakasura, and thus they are represented in their iconographic details in accordance to iconography, and have been evidenced in Saciyamata, which contains ten in postures of dance and find placed at the sikhara's karna srnga and in the Visnu temples, numbering seven with the specific vehicle and attributes or the ayudhas of their Spouse. 10! These were nomenclatured as Brahmani, Vaisnavi, Mahesvari, Kaumari, Indrani, Varahi and of their spouse Chamunda or Chandika, and were the counterpart sakti of the gods Visnu, Siva, Brahma, Indra, Kartikeya, Varaha and Nrasimha. A possible Chamunda or Chandika like image at Sachiyamata temple's southern jangha shows a terrible' aspect whose mouth is open, has large eyes, with a scorpion on the stomach, has sagging/pendulous breasts and is without any attributes. Another goddess of significance is Nirriti, who is generally placed on the western jangha's karna rathika, the exception being the Visnu temple number two's southern jangha in western karna rathika, where she is in a rare depiction, which shows her to be riding a male, in the manner Visou rides his vehicle garuda, and further she is in china mudra. The vehicles are either a donkey or a dog and just once a male, and are thus found to vary. The Sanghata Saptamatskas The sarghata or the sainyukta images are those which are represented in joint' manner in terms of two gods, and could be as a male with another male, or a male and a female both, and the attributes are shown as shared, or else if represented individually but in the same reference of the space or the frame, then they are with their own attributes. It has been noticed as a device of syncretism of diverse worship practices, and was first noticed during the Kusana period. C2 Interestingly the representation of the saptamarskas is viewed as the samghata. Ardhanarisvara is the conjoint form of Siva and Parvati, but it is also considered to be symbolic of Siva Sakti, Nara-Nari, Brahma-Maya etc.103 This particular form of the composite image is seen to symbolize the synthesis of the Saiva and the Sakti cults in so far as the half Siva and half Uma or Parvati is concerned. The Pauranic tale of sage Bhrogi and his bitterness for the worship of Parvati is considered to be the reason for the emergence of this image, which encouraged and preached the unity of the warring factional sects, to check the separatist tendency among its followers. Three of the eighth century Osian temples reflect this attitude, and thus three Ardhanarisvara images have been noticed, while two are in tribhanga mudra, one is seated in maharajalilasana. While only one Ardhanarisvara image is reported by Handa, found on the pratiratha-rathika of the Siva Temple No.3.105 The Ardhanarisvara images have been considered as syncretistic which are representative of the tendency of reconciliation and synthesis that may have existed at the place when these images were carved.106 The sharing of an equal visual space in the metaphysical realm indeed can appear as an enlightened prajna. And yet speaking analytically, how many samghata images are to be found of males where they share the visual space in as many numbers? Is one aspect of samghata reflective also of a polygamous space made feminine? Krsna-lila as a Backdrop to the Projection of the Feminine Early temples of the eighth century cater to the narrative sculptural friezes and subject wise are generally pertaining to Krspa-lila, that too primarily focused on the various aspects of Bala-lila and with only one other episode of Pauranic legend of samudra-manthana or the churning of the ocean has been found carved. 107 Harihara temple number one's northern Kantha's first scene displays Krsna

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Encapsulated as Material Artistic Response / 309 janma or Krsna's birth, wherein a prison's half open doors, and on the other side is the depiction of the prasuti-graha or the delivery-room, where on a cot is lying Devaki on her side, breast feeding the new-born, even as close to her feet is the camaradharini. An interesting carving in Harihara temple number one shows in the hands of Yasoda a child, and to establish the gender of the child, a woman's bosom has been etched. 108 In the makhana-chori or 'the stealing of the butter scene,' one notices Yasoda in the curd stirring motion as well in another piace in a state of surprise, and in another depiction while Krsna steals the butter, a woman standing nearby looks at him as she covers her mouth by her hand. 109 The incident of Yogamaya vadha or her death has been perceived in the act of Kamsa holding the girl child by her feet and about to dash her against the rock, and even in this depiction is noticed the same technique of showing the child's gender by putting on to her the bosom of an adult woman. At another place the same incident is presented in the moment of Kaisa taking the girl child from Vasudeva.110 The same temple also has the narrative of the Putana vadha or 'the killing of Putana,' which is represented by her surprised eyes, sunken cheeks and the emaciated body lying on the cot and the fatal suckling by Krsna at her breast as she raises both her arms up in the air. Amongst the scenes from the life of Krsna which have feminine implication, noticed at Nilakantha Mahadeva temple are the Putanavadha and Nanda and Yasoda carrying Balarama and Krsna." The Sun Temple No.1 at Osian has a four-band doorway with the door jambs which "show" river goddesses on their vehicles accompanied by male attendants and diminutive female acolyte figures on the pedyas. 2 The pilasters on the either side 'bear beautiful damsels" which occupy the lower portion of the shaft with ardhapadma, ghatapallava and grasamukha decorations above, in the same temple. The nearness in the distance to the eye contact may appear suggestive as the communication assumes a greater visual dimension. The placements of the deities' and their subsequent visual projections thus also communicate a made feminine story. Apsaras as Feminine Personified The origin of the apasaras is variously referred to narrations of in one instance, as of the essence of the ocean water (apsu-rasa) produced at the churning, in the second instance as born of Brahmana's fancy (sankalpa) or also as Daksa's daughters numbering from six to sixty crores, and called as Devakanyas also, frequently considered to be the personification of "female beauty and sexual pleasure." ! Their description ranges from the activities of singing, dancing and playing on musical instruments, to sports and seduction, and are often described as lewd and pitiless, abandoning their children after birth and lovers after seduction, while often residing in mountains, forests, lakes, rivers, as well in banyan (nyagrodha) and sacred fig tree (asvattha)." The apsaras have been noticed in the Osian temple walls "assuming various beauteous forms: slender, seductive, sensual: singing, dancing, coquettishing, disrobing, revealing their physical charm, sporting with ball, yawning, pedicuring, binding anklets, bedecking themselves, rinsing water from the wet plaits of hair, removing thorn, fondling a baby, playing with pets, applying collyrium etc." 115 The apsaras are variously idealized and their adjectivised nomenclatures are evidenced as follows: yawning Lilavati, Sundari, Subhangini removing a thorn from her foot, Nupuravadika binding an anklet, Padmini, Putravallabha, Kesagumphini, Sukasarika playing with her pet parrot on her shoulder, Manini, Camarikas, Amralumbika with a branch of mango tree, Capavatis with bows, Anjalika applying collyrium in her eyes etc., and are presented forth as young nymphs attired in the choicest garments and ornaments and full of winsome grace and charm at their best". 116 The identity of the

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310 / Jijnasa apsaras, thus sculpturally appear to centre-stage as well as problematize the layers of relationship between masculine aspiration and the female body, and also suggest a sharp divergence displayed publically, between the contemporary conventional morality and the social reality. Feminine in Amorous and Erotic Sculptures Certain erotic sculptures have been evidenced in Osian dating from the eighth to the twelfth century A.D. While one of the them is on the rafter-end projections of the tulapitha which is viewed to interrupt the kalasa of the vedibandha of the Siva Temple No. 2, and they were found comparble to that of the Khajuraho as well as the Lingaraja Temple, Bhubaneswar. Their morphologically analogous element has been reasoned to "certain -Mandico-religious beliefs and practices associated with sex under influence of tantricism and conventionalism."118 The temples of Visnu No. 4 and 5 also evince the said sculptures. The eroticism entails depiction of various types and postures of copulation, ranging from bandha, kakila, purusavita or viparitarati, to orgiastic type. The sexual identity of these graphic illustrations suggests not only the filtration of so called 'art' of sexual knowledge through the culturally dominant conventions that appear to be idealized, and thus regulated the acceptable behavior amongst men and women, but also at variance which point to the culturally acceptable variant notions to the manifestations of kama. Thus the varied depiction of the devis as sakti images has received considerable 'bodily' attention, and the feminine aspect in them is constant in its articulation of certain body proportions, where generally the bosom is heavy, the waist extremely slender and the hips full and wide, and the moderately fleshy arms and legs, are 'artistically' modeled. The expression may appear as calm and serene for most of the images, but they are equally overwhelmingly sensuous in an overall manner of presentation. The heavy ornamentation adds the obvious empowered materiality to these 'divine' images. The make-up as the feminine is located not only in the body's idealization, but also in the employment of certain asanas or to accentuate further the posturing as a feminine making/nurturing device. The making of the feminine is not only entrenched in the invisible symbolism of the image and the legends they carry within the context of the particular images, but also in the continuity of value put up on high visibility, as the image itself and the place of 'planting' these venerated, innocuous seeming, idealized womanliness. The physically 'well endowed' goddesses thus as continued patriarchal constructs, formalize in a non-arbitrary fashion through the traditionally sanctioned space of religion, practices and incumbent discourses even as a 'godly' woman is continuously crafted to satiate an everlasting earthly' appetite to gaze upon. The divine feminine also are projected as equally empowered with their many arms and attributes to play on a level playing field with elan, the power games men play amongst themselves. But this 'equalization' through borrowing of the masculinity to wear the values of the gods of the divine feminine loses to a considerable amount of her being as a woman of her own. Her acquired and patronized sculptural divinity also is more a 'visible preparedness' to play an active, exuding valor, playing protector to the patriarchal agendas, and yet could assume at a subconscious level a cathartic appeal to her own kind. The emergent historical rationality also indicates to the regional proliferation of the divine feminine, as the political powers chose to indicate their patronage to these and other temples, in different places at different times. As the local folk deity she presented a restricted knowledgeability of her usage, but as the dominant ksetra textually structured she helped gain an elusive status for the emergent polity. The transformation in the case of the eating habits of the goddess in the first place, is a kind of a master key to the formation of feminine spaces,

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Encapsulated as Material Artistic Response / 311 for her persona is manipulated from flesh eating Brahmana deity to vegetarian one, in an abrupt transition to showcase the domination of the Jaina religion, and the ease of element of expediency subjected to the women. Yet it possibly could also be the Jaina mode of deity appropriation? But beyond the larger debate of religious politics, the remnants of the gender politics are visible beyond doubt, in the sculptural transactions and thus in the manifestations of making of the feminine. Reference Layton, Robert, The Antropology of Art, Cambridge, The Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge: First Published by Granada Publishing Ltd 1981, Second edition 1991 and Reprint 1992. p. 4. ? Ibid., pp. 40-41. * Tiwari, M., and Giri, K, Madhvakalina Bhartiya Murtikala, Varanasi, Vishvavidhyalaya Prakashana: First edition 1991, pp. 15-16. Jaiswal, Suvira, 'Studies in early Indian Social History: Trends and Possibilities in the Indian Historical Review, Vol. VI No: 1 & 2 (July 1979-January 1980), New Delhi, p. 50. 5 Kinsley, David, Hindu Goddesses - Vision of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition, Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Limited: First Indian edition - Delhi 1988, Reprint - Delhi, 1998, 2005, Introduction, pp. 2-3. *Ibid. Introduction, p. 3. Rupamandana, Varanasi, Motilal Banarasidas: First edition 1964. Reprint 1992, p. 5. Kramrisch, Stella, Hindu Temple, Vol.l, Calcutta. University of Calcutta: 1946. p. 143. * Ibid., p. 143. 10 lbid. p. 299. Ibid. p. 301. 12 Ibid. p. 304 "SIbid., p. 306 " Samarangana - Sutradhara: Vastusastram. II Vols., ed., Pushpendra Kumar, Delhi, New Bharatiya Book Corporation: First edition 1998. Voll. p. lii. Ibid. Vol.l. pp. cxvi-cxvii. 1 Ibid., Vol.l. pp. xivi-xivii. "Ibid., Vol.l.p. xivii. in Ibid., Vol.l.p. I. Hooja. Rima, 'Medieval Iconography and Mandana's Devata-Murti-Prakaranam, in Religious Movements in Rajasthan Ideas and Antiquities, ed. S.N.Dube, Jaipur, Centre for Rajasthan Studies, University of Rajasthan: January 1996. pp. 53-63. The article introduces and presents an overview of the Mandana's title specific treatise. Ibid., p. 61 It is quoted from the text of Devata-Murti-Prakarana - chapter 8, st.1 26. Ibid. p. 62.(ch.8. st. 123) 22 Vashishtha, Neelima, Sculptural Traditions of Rajasthan, Jaipur, Publication Scheme: 1989, p. 107. Ruxamandana, Varanasi, Motilal Banarasidas: First edition 1964, Reprint 1992, p. 64. Also see chapter 4. st. 28, p. 160. 24 Ibid. p. 162. (See chapter 4. st. 35). 25 Ibid., pp. 82-84. ** Ibid. p. 85. "Ibid..p 87 * Ibid.. p. 88. ?4 Ibid. pp. 88-89. 10 Ibid. p. 89 "Ibid.p.91 "Ibid. p. 93 ** Ibid. pp. 93-94.

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312 / Jijnasa 34 Ibid. pp. 96-97. 35 Ibid., pp. 101-02. 36 Ibid., p. 141. (Chapter 3, st. 33). 37 Ibid., p. 165. (Chapter 4, st.48 - "Bana laksnahonespi yatra vai racate mana: Tatra pujam prakurvita dharmakamarthamoksadam.") 38 Tiwari, M, and giri, K, Madhyakalina Bhartiya Murtikala, Varanasi, Vishvavidhyalaya Prakashana: First edition 1991. p. 16. 39 Ibid. p. 17. 30 Ibid., p. 91. 4 Ibid. p. 91. 42 Ibid., p. 95. 43 Vatsyayan, Kapila, 'ecology and Indian Myth,' in Prakrti: The Integral Vision. gen. ed. Kapila Vatsyayan, New Delhi, Indira gandhi Centre for the Arts: 1995, p. 144. * Puri, Baij Nath, The History of Gurjara-Pratiharas, Bombay, Hind Kitabs Ltd.: October 1957, pp. 116-17 * Ibid. p. 117. 46 Ibid 4/ Ibid., p. 117. The Devala Smrti verse 51: "Vinihsrite tatah salye rajaso va api darsana teda (tutah) sa sudhvate nari vimalari Kancanam yarha." 45 lbid. p. 122 *Sharma, Dasharatha, ed., Rajasthan Through the Ages, III Vols., Bikaner, Rajasthan State Archives: 1966, Vol.I, p. 365. 10 Puri, Baij Nath, The History of Gurjaru-Pratiharas, Bombay, Hind Kitabs Ltd.: October 1957. pp. 139-46. si lbid., p. 146. The Karapuramanjari (1.22.24.) has been cited for the observation. $ Sharma, Dasharatha, ed., Rajasthan Through the Ages, III Vols., Bikaner, Rajasthan State Archives: 1966, Vol. I, p. 424. 53 lbid..p. 462 54 Ibid. p. 375. 5 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IX, (No. 25). p. 189. 56 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XI. (No. 4). p. 26. Ray, Niharranjan. Gen. ed., A Source Book of Indian Civilization, Kolkata, Orient Longman Private Limited: First Published 2000, Reprinted 2002, p. 482. 58 Vashishtha, Neelima, Sculptural Traditions of Rajasthan (Ca.800 - 1000 A.D.), Jaipur, Publication Scheme: 1989, Preface, p. X 59 Tiwari, M., and Giri, K., Madhyakalina Bhartiya Murtikala, Varanasi, Vishvavidhyalaya Prakashana: First edition 1991, p. 135. to Ibid., p. 136. 6 Kramrisch, Stella, Hindu Temple, Vol. II, Calcutta, University of Calcutta: 1946. p. 338. 62 Ibid., p. 339. * Ibid., p. 340. Ibid.p. 341. 65 lbid.. pp. 341-42. 66 Tiwari, Durganandan. Osian ke Mandiron ki Deva Murti yan, Varanasi, Kala Prakashana: First edition 1999, Introduction, p. 5. 6' Ibid., Introduction, Ibid. * Ibid., Introduction, p. 6. ** Handa. Devendra, Osian: History. Archaelogy, Art & Architecture, Delhi, Sundeep Prakashan: 1984. p. 15. Tiwari, Durganandan, Osian ke Mandiron ki Deva Murtivan, Varanasi, Kala Prakashana: First edition 1999, Introduction, p. 6. 7 Handa. Devendra, Osian: History. Archaelogy, Art & Architecture, Delhi, Sundeep Prakashan: 1984, p. 16.

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Encapsulated as Material Artistic Response: / 313 74 Sircar. D.C., The Sakta Pithas, Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Limited: Second Revised edition 1973, Reprint: 1998, 2004, p. 25. Sharma, Dasharatha, ed., Rajasthan Through the Ages, I Vols., Bikaner, Rajasthan State Archives: 1966, Vol.I, p. 381. * Ibid., 1984, p. 103. + Sharma, Dasharatha, ed., Rajasthan Through the Ages, I Vols., Bikaner, Rajasthan State Archives: 1966, Vol. I, pp. 378-79 *Ibid. p. 379. " Ibid. p. 380. Sircar. D.C., The Sakta Pithas, Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Limited: Second Revised edition 1973, Reprint: 1998, 2004, p. 7. 79 Ibid. p. 4. So Ibid. p. 20. s1 Ibid..p 25. 82 Ibid., pp. 25-27 ** Thid., p. 7. *4 Tiwari, Durganandan, Osian ke Mandiron ki Deva Murtivan, Varanasi, Kala Prakashana: First edition 1999. p. 76. * Srivastava, M.C.P., Mother goddess in Indian Art and Literature, Delhi, Agam Kala Prakashan: 1979, p. 176. The text gives an insight to the possibility of the cult of Jyestha in the South India which may have been linked to the North Indian goddesses Hariti and Sitala, as the attributes and the vehicle of Sitala bear similarity to Jyestha, as far as the religious linkages are considered iconographically. at Handa. Devendra, Osian: History, Archaelogy. Art & Architecture, Delbi, Sundeep Prakashan: 1984, p. 103. * Ibid., pp. 103-04 ** Ibid. p. 16. 89 Tiwari, Durganandan. Osian ke Mandiron ki Deva Murti van, Varanasi, Kala Prakashana: First edition 1999, p. 77 * Handa. Devendra, Osian: History, Archaelogy, Art & Architecture, Delhi, Sundeep Prakashan: 1984. p. 106. "Ibid. "Tiwari, Durganandan, Osian ke Mandiron ki Deva Murti van. Varanasi, Kala Prakashana: First edition 1999. p. 84. "Handa, Devendra, Osian: History, Archaelog v. 1n1 & Architecture, Delhi, Sundeep Prakashan: 1984, p. 109. "Ibid. " Ibid., p. 102 " Ibid. " Ibid. p. 104 ** Ibid., p. 109. **Ibid., p. 110. 100 lbid. 101 Tiwari, Durganandan, Osian ke Mandiron ki Deva Murtivan. Varanasi, Kala Prakashana: First edition 1999, p. 88. 10) Ibid.. p. 146. 10: Ibid, p. 149. 104 Ibid. p. 150. 105 Handa. Devendra, Osian: History, Archaelogy, Art & Architecture, Delhi, Sundeep Prakashan: 1984, p. 132 1016 Ibid. p. 131. 107 Tiwari, Durganandan, Osianke Mandiron ki Deva Murtivan, Varanasi, Kala Prakashana: First edition 1999, p. 153. 10EUR Ibid. p. 157. 109 Ibid. p. 158. Ibid !!! Sharma, Dasharatha, ed., Rajasthan Through the Ages, UJI Vols., Bikaner, Rajasthan State Archives: 1966, Vol.I, p. 373. 1 Handa, Devendra, Osian: History, Archaelogy, Art & Architecture, Delhi, Sundeep Prakashan: 1984. p. 37. "H* Ibid., p. 162

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314 / Jijnasa 114 Ibid., pp. 162-63. 115 Handa, Devendra, Osian: History, Archaelogy, Art & Architecture, Delhi, Sundeep Prakashan: 1984, p. 163. 116 Ibid. 117 Ibid. 118 Ibid, p. 164.

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The Collective Worlds of John Steinbeck, Anantha Murthy and Raja Rao 40. The Collective Worlds of John Steinbeck, Anantha Murthy and Raja Rao / 315 Aruna Pandey History shows that human development lies in a collectivity of sorts and resides within the boundaries of various challenges and the changes caused by these at a level that affects the masses rather than the individual. These points become the markers for a human evolution vis-a-vis society, in fact, a global society that exemplifies how patterns of human struggle and achievement undergo a similarity. The vision of an ideal society cannot surpass the fact that gross forms of hierarchy have no place in that ideal state of existence and certain strategies that help to do away with such systems become a basic requisite. If human history is to be looked upon as an ongoing process of development along such evolutionary lines, the first half of the twentieth century may be observed as a time when literary writers were seen to grapple with situations and issues that contributed to the creating of social equality and justice. For achieving such goals they adopted new techniques of narrative such as social realism and also experimented with new forms of story-telling. Parallel ongoing processes may be traced from one country to another: America, Europe, Russia, Africa and India. Whereas contextual differences divide writers from one another in an exciting manner, the main contents seem to converge on a common ground as mentioned. The early twentieth century had already witnessed the common man creating a major space for himself as a vital agent of human development. It is with a view to exemplify the theme of collective human struggle for achieving yet another evolutionary milestone that the present discussion is carried out. The discussion takes a new look at John Steinbeck's Tortilla Flat (1935) and Cannery Row (1945) in comparison with Raja Rao's Kanthapura' (1938) and Anantha Murthy's Samskara (1965). The discussion focuses on those distinctive features that help to enhance an understanding of the literary artist's efforts to portray social realities through the art of fiction. It also reveals the writers' readiness to pin-point the evolution of mankind vis-a-vis a common collectivity in situations of social, economic and caste-class struggle. This aspect has been discussed in another article by the same author entitled John Steinbeck and Munshi Premchand: Some Striking Parallels and Contrasts (2007). Here the author compares the similar concerns of John Steinbeck and Munshi Premchand as social critics with reference to their two respective fictions: Grapes of Wrath (1939) and Godaan' (1936). Whereas these two books reveal close similarities, the others have finely wrought but interesting points of convergence. Godaan was written in 1936 by Munshi Premchand, one of the best-known Hindi writers of the twentieth century who portrayed the social unrest and rapid changes of his times in his wide-ranging

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316 / Jijnasa fictional works. Godaan explores the struggles of the individual in a class-caste dominated society arising mainly out of poor economic conditions. Steinbeck's Grapes of Wrath has a strikingly similar theme where the individual's struggle against a cruel upper-class society is depicted with acute empathy. Both novels are modern folktales carrying the burden of a contemporary, complex phenomenon of human crises and evolution. Emerging out of the world of The Grapes of Wrath and Godaan, when the reader enters the world of Tortilla Flat and Cannery Row Samskara and Kanthapura; he gets to grapple with new dimensions and areas of perception. Whereas Kanthapura looks minutely at the very contemporary independence struggle of India, it is in confirmation with the bigger concern of finding the ideal formula for human existence and teaches us to strive for the all-time universal good of self-reliance, selflessness, non-violence in all forms and so on. Tortilla Flat presents the ideal state of comradeship against a natural and non-commercial background. It is an allegory that uses the mythical legend of Sir Arthur and his Round Table. Cannery Row has a semi-urban setting where we find that in spite of the commercial backdrop, the more simple way of life continues to exist In Tortilla Flat there is no real probing into the dynamics of knowledge and formal education but the simple life of the peasant is celebrated for its innocence and simplicity. In Kanthapura the life of the village takes on to the teachings of Gandhi as a powerful weapon to drive the British away. Lessons of simplicity, non-violence and self-sufficiency find their way into the consciousness of the Indian people and the entire process is carried out at a tangible. socio-political plane. A similar awareness was creating itself in American life and thought although at a more subconscious level which happens when old values are being displaced by new ones, or worse still, creating a void. The wave of urbanity and modernism threatened to engulf the entire nation in which the agrarian way of life would be lost forever. Undoubtedly, Steinbeck's or any other writer's attitude under discussion were probably not the romantic views of Rousseau's "Back to Nature" thing but the individualistic creed of modernism was certainly well under the grip of life and although the emerging horrors could not be distinctly visualized by the living writers of the times, the intense uneasiness comes through in their writings. Samskara cuts out on the individualistic concerns of society split up into caste and creed-a division that is based on narrow concerns and the effort to maintain an individualistic hierarchy. The novelists' pointers are undoubtedly aimed towards creating a more wholesome society where human equality is only a part of Nature's laws. The changes all around were some for the better and some for the worse. Man's material progress had something inherently positive about it but on the other hand, man's materialism would be the doom for them all. Man's condition needed to be examined in terms of what had to be welcomed in the new situation and what was not to be. Speaking of the four novels together would need a kind of forgetfulness of the so many oft-cited issues that have been raised with particular reference to each. Each novel stands apart and aloof in its own right, although of course, Tortilla Flat and Cannery Row have been compared many a time for similarities in theme if not technique. As far as Kanthapura and Samskara are concerned, they are different works of writing dealing with different themes. Whereas Kanthapura' tells the tale of the struggle for independence within the framework of a small Indian village, Samskara has to do with the probings of Indian myth, folklore and reinterpretation of the religious scriptures with the aim to discover hidden meanings and clues for a better and more equal human existence as that which

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The Collective Worlds of John Steinbeck, Anantha Murthy and Raja Rao 317 already thrives. The title, Samskara, refers to a concept that is central to Hinduism. Apart from the most common meaning being 'a rite of passage or life-cycle ceremony' the word also connotes "refinement', 'preparation and the realizing of past perceptions'. All these meanings contribute to an unraveling of the issues taken up here. Refinement would imply ridding society and self of ungainly thought, notion and action. A realization of past perceptions is suggestive of a memory that is both collective and individual. The thematic concern of all four novels, it may be emphasized, is that they all wish to "redo" the structure" of society and this is undoubtedly the most dominant if not only intention of the writers here. In Kanthapura it is Gandhi's ideals and teachings that border on the divine and have a "real" spokesman for the simple village people in the character of Moorthy. As critics have already pointed out, Gandhi ceases to be a figure in flesh and blood here in this novelit is the spirit of his ideals that bears wings and enters the souls of men so much so that he transcends all fleshly barriers to become a living "myth". Gandhi is too massive and spirit-like to hold down to fit into a single entity. In this manner, Gandhi becomes a living emblem of the Indian people just as Sir Arthur and his Knights were an emblem for the spirit of England, and just as Danny and his friends become the desired spirit of Steinbeck's American society, not to forget Mack and the boys of Cannery Row' either. For Steinbeck or Raja Rao or the author of Samskara, life is an amalgam of so many diverse creatures, big or small, strong or weak. In Cannery Row this conviction is stated very simply yet very effectively: "Our father who art in nature, who has given the gift of survival to the coyote, the common brown rat, the English sparrow, the house fly and the moth, must have a great and overwhelming love for no-goods and blots of the town and bums, and Mack and the boys. Virtues and graces and laziness and zest. Our father who art in nature" (CR 387). In keeping with the spirit of the main theme of the novels we find a simplicity and directness of language that surpasses any affectation and thus effectively tells the story of human life that should be lived with dignity, fearlessness, and take the maximum of what Nature has to offer. Nature's role in these writings cannot be understated. In fact, it would be an offence to not to refer to it again and again as a force that guides and controls, teaches and nurtures all human and living creatures alike. Nature also becomes the primeval setting for any ideal human society. Not that the urban scene is decried, but the writers do exhibit a kind of uneasiness in their depictions of the town life which becomes a site for real evil. To come to another point of concern, Steinbeck is very clear about what is really good and evil although it is unconventional. Tortilla Flat depicts the ideal state of human society where stealing and going against one's word is not a sin at all. In fact, one human being feels free to take something from another if he so requires. However, to come back to the nature descriptions of all the novels under discussion, it may be observed that each writer transfuses the soul of the living consciousness of men with that of nature without demarcation or a sense of separatedness. Together, that is man and nature, can intermingle with the forces of change so that one stage of life melts into another without sting or shock. This aspect is beautifully brought out in Cannery Row in the following manner. As afternoon came down on Monterey "as imperceptibly as age comes to a happy man," Pilon and Pablo "sat under a pink rose of Castile in Torelli's yard and quietly drank wine and let the afternoon grow on them as gradually as hair grows". In the evenings they "sat about the stove and discussed the doings of Tortilla Flat with the lazy voices of fed Gods." The descriptions seem to tumble out of nowhere and yet everywhere. Again in Samskara when Praneshacharya enters the dark layers of the forest, his being soars and he experiences a oneneness with the universe that he

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318 / Sijnasa never had felt before. In fact, man's contentment is reflected in the self-sufficiency of God's world of trees and flowers. In Kanthapura', the wind in the trees and vegetation is the very life-force that runs through the entire universe and breathes life into every nook and corner. The Grandmother's voice becomes one with the ethereal quality of the wind. In fact, Moorthy's life-giving presence dominates the rural scene infusing the much-needed contemporary awareness to the otherwise tranquil villagers. Moorthy too gets infused with nature's life force in the prose. Cannery Row conveys a sense of timelessness not only in the figure of the old Chinaman, Doc, and Mack and the boys, but in the descriptions of the place that has the sea enveloping in from all sides. The power of natural forces is not to be forgotten at any point of time. In fact, a sense of timelessness that is felt in these different writings gets created out of the writers' intention of preserving the eternal values of life on earth as essential for any visualized ideal society. And timelessness, it seems, can exist only against the throbbing presence and not in the absence of nature. The kind of comradeship that Steinbeck upholds in either Tortilla Flat or Cannery Row or The Grapes of Wrath or in fact, in all his novels, is not without a conscious purpose. By upholding this belief he conveys his own faith in the unassuming bonds of such a friendship which is not to be found existent in the relationship between a man and a woman. In continuation with the themes of The Grapes of Wrath and Godaan, these four novels also have the peasant or subaltern at the centre of their thoughts stating thereby that human society is not and cannot be any other than a concern for the common man. Steinbeck's Tortilla Flat and Cannery Row celebrate the sheer existence of the common Danny and his friends and Mack and the boys. Doc becomes a mouthpiece of the author when he says that it is the likes of Mac and the boys that guide the world and make it a better place to live in. Realism merges with this thought to support the ordinary and commonplace as actually occupying a unique, even distinguished place in the sequence of things. Steinbeck's symbolical description of the boiler remains in the reader's memory long after he has put the book down: "The boiler looked like an old-fashioned locomotive without wheels. It had a big door in the centre of its nose and a low fire door. Gradually, it became red and soft with rust and gradually the mallow weeds grew up around it and the flaking rust fed the weeds. Flowering myrtle crept up its sides and the wild anise perfumed the air about it" (CR 407). Likewise, both Samskara and Kanthapura blend their characters either with the simple joys of nature or with the simple and innocent day-to-day activities of routine. For Anantha Murthy in Samskara the self-denying Brahmin embraces the joys of communal living and revels in the village fair with the common man, Putta. Putta again, though a minor character in the novel, represents the subaltern who finds himself at the centre of things. He symbolizes the Hindu peasantry who so powerfully and significantly contributed to the forming of the Nation--the Modern India. Even before this change Praneshacharya has led a simple life of routine and devotion to his wife who is an invalid, for his consciousness is guided by his Hindu belief in self-sacrifice, self-denial, and devotion to one who is weaker both in body and spirit. Although Steinbeck is never in a framework where he has to deal with a similar situation, he too advocates the philosophy of giving and sharing as The Grapes of Wrath so explicitly unravels. However, self-denial or any such thing would be last on Steinbeck's list of things if not altogether absent. Self-denial for Steinbeck becomes relevant only in the very special context of supporting another life and saving it from destruction. In Samskara too the Brahmin learns

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The Collective Worlds of John Steinbeck, Anantha Murthy and Raja Rao / 319 the lesson that self-denial in itself does not promote any kind of nobility and to be in love with life is an essential prerequisite for living it well and to be contented for a bigger cause, and, there is no harm in enjoying the gifts of God and Nature. In fact, Danny and his friends and also Mack and the boys along with a host of others experience a rare kind of contentment which helps them to survive the commercialized world outside or at least not be affected by it. To mention the contemporary only reminds one of the fact that the worlds of these writers are over and above any one particular locality or country for that matter in that they reach out to a world beyond with the help of a unique kind of realism that is not limiting in any way because of its inclusion of myths, legends, folklore and a purpose and vision of a literary prophet. For example, Samskara holds out a reinterpretation of religious myths that have been wrongly interpreted by a selfish society of Brahmins for their own gains to stay at the top of an hierarchy that has been there in Indian society for long enough. Robert Young in his book, Postcolonialism" (2001) draws our attention to the fact that Hinduism also indicates a diasporic receptivity to other ideas and cultural forms as a combination of rootedness and openness: "Rooted in the ancient heritage of his native Hinduism, but open to the spiritual inheritance of the world". Modernity comes to us with the understanding that the "imaginary pure" (indigenous knowledge) cannot be challenged and done away with but neither can a "dialectical mixture of classical and folk knowledges, the pure and the mixed, the high and the low, the masculine and the feminine" be discarded. It is through myth and repeated patterns of human behaviour that the writers discover an emerging pattern of what could be a desirable society of human beings in which creatures great and small occupy their respective places. Whether it is Mack and the boys or the Paisanos of Tortilla Flat or the selfless: Moorthy of Kanthapura; Ma Joad of The Grapes of Wrath; Praneshacharya of Samskara, the world need never be bereft of people who continue to take on larger dimensions and shoulder bigger responsibilities than the less extraordinary inhabitants of our earth. The leaders may emerge from the common crowd such as Mack and the boys or be political and social reformers such as Moorthy and Praneshacharya. The archetypal figures of Ma Joad or Tom emerge from the common matrix of mankind and acquire unfathomable dimensions. Apart from this there is the occasional spiritual or religious personage who wins over the narrow limitations of self and religion. The self becomes the nation represents it, shapes it and gives it new meaning. This person enters a phase of expansiveness wherein he merges and mingles with the crowd around him in simple and innocent joys. Such is Praneshacharya, who, through his knowledge and wisdom of the age-old myths and through his own empirical, objective observations of the living people aims for a freedom from man-made boundaries and distinctions. The wilderness, gives him, like it did for Dimesdale and so many others, a release from the individual self. The expansion of the single soul into the collectivity is in accordance with the faith of the oversoul. The Romantic spirit was replaced by realistic and empirical factors. Naturalism, a vital ingredient of realism, was in sway-scientific enquiries into the fabric of the natural and humanistic networking were now a part of the socio-intellectual background of man. Realism gives way to legend and myth or uses it to highlight and pinpoint certain threatened value systems as in Tortilla Flat. The myth becomes a legend or a support system to the values that the novelist desires to convey through his writings

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320 / Jijnasa We finally arrive at a point where we can refer again to the most dominant single aspect that pulls the writers and their books under discussion to one luminous area of understanding. That their vision of life is positive and optimistic despite the miseries of the times. A strong sense of humour especially in Steinbeck saves us from falling into the depths of utmost despair. In fact, the ease and felicity with which this writer can glide from the darkness of The Grapes of Wrath to the warm sunshine (literally as well as figuratively) of both Tortilla Flat and Cannery Row only confirms his faith in the human spirit. Man's hatred for other men may be seen to thrive in the worlds that are depicted but one cannot deny the innate goodness that seems to survive all onslaughts. Whereas Premchand has set before us a depiction of a situation that projects change and revision" of a society that is going awry on account of a false sense of power, Kanthapura very strongly imbibes the teachings of Gandhi and Samskara turns the entire gamut of a Brahmin dominated society topsy-turvy with far-reaching thoughts and beliefs. References John Steinbeck, Tortilla Flat- The Short Novels of John Steinbeck (U.S.A.: Penguin, 1963). John Steinbeck, Cannery Row- The Short Novels of John Steinbeck (U.S.A.: Penguin, 1963). All future references will be made to this edition, within parentheses in the text as CR followed by page number. Raja Rao, Kanthapura (Delhi: VK Printers, 2003). 4U.R. Anantha Murthy, Samskara (New Delhi: OUP, 2000). Aruna Pandey, John Steinbeck and Munshi Premchand: Some Striking Parallels and Contrasts (John Steinbeck and His Contemporaries. 313p., Scarecrow Press. U.S.A. John Steinbeck, The Grapes of Wrath (Great Britain: Penguin, 2000). (First publication in 1939). Premchand, Godaan (Delhi: Permanent Black, 2002). (First publication in 1936). * Arthur E Kinney, "The Arthurian Cycle in Tortilla Flar", Steinbeck Collection of Critical Essays, ed. Robert Murray Davis, 36-46. This essay provides useful insights into the uses of the myth by Steinbeck. Suresh Nath, "Gandhi and Raja Rao", Perspectives on Raja Rao, ed. K. K. Sharma (Meerut: Urvashi Press, 1980). 60. "Kanthapura provides various examples of the Satyagrahis in the face of the untold atrocities committed by the British rulers. Thus non-violent struggle shook the very foundations of invulnerable British Empire over which the sun never set. A small village like Kanthapura has its heroic tale of non-violent struggle to relate." Such tales go into describing a remaking of the nation 10 Raja Rao's pragmatism is delightfully mixed up with the poet in him and the mythical aspect of Gandhi. Gandhi remains a figure shrouded in deep mystery.... The novel is a curious fusion of politics, poetry and the religious myth. Gandhi, who became a myth in his own lifetime...." See Suresh Nath, "Gandhi and Raja Rao", 58. "Shyamala A. Narayan, "Kanthapura", Raja Rao: Man and His Works, .43. Also, see, Shahane, Vasant A., "Fiction and Reality in Raja Rao". Perspectives on Indian Fiction in English, ed. M.K. Naik, (New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 1985), 64. Robert J. C. Young, "India III: Hybridity and Subaltern Agency". Postcolonialism. An Historical Introduction (U.K: Blackwell Publishers, 2001), 345.

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"Vahivancani ( Chronicler's) Vahi" - A Study of Indian Culture / 321 41. "Vahivanca ni ( Chronicler's) Vahi" - A Study of Indian Culture Balvant S. Jani I passed my childhood in a typically traditional Gujarati village. I still remember very well that Danbha Barot, an old gentleman, used to visit our Ahir Seri at least once a year. We could easily come to know about his visit in advance, as the houses were coated with cowdung for them, and sand was spread in the compound, Danbha used to visit us on a black mare. He would get off the mare at the entrance. I have retained his appearance in my memory for all these years,-white upper dress, upper cloth on his shoulder, a long turban, a black teak-wood stick with a silver handle in hand, trimmed moustache and the distinct style of walking, sitting and talking... He used to visit my grandfather and then, leaning on the cushion, would talk to my grandfather about different subjects. I later came to know from my grand father that Danbha was a Barot chronicler, and used to maintain the records of the Ahir family. He would come to his hosts once a year, and would enter the names of the newborn, and would also narrate the chivalric tales of the ancestors of the family in public. He would have with him the information of about eight to ten generations of a particular family. He used to maintain the records of the dates of birth and death of the members of the family, the details about the donations they gave and the pilgrimages they underwent. Thus, we can get the information about the social as well as the community services of a person from the Vahi (The Record Book maintained by the chronicler). Barot chroniclers were known as Vahivanca (One who reads and enters data into the Vahi) and also addressed as "Dev" People believed their statements to be authentic. They were considered to be authentic witnesses, and their oral testimony was respected even in the courts of the state and kings. The community of Barot chroniclers is gradually extinguishing now. The Vahis, the record books of these Barot are very valuable documents of both historical and cultural importance. They have not been reckoned as authentic reference materials for the documentation of our political and social history. The present research tries to elaborate the introductory idea of the Barot chroniclers initially. It then focuses upon the information got from the Vahis about the dressing system, ornaments, the examples of the rich tradition of donations, constructions of water resources and temples, religious pilgrimages etc. Hence the research tries to point out at the social-cultural image of India with reference to the Indian cultural heritage. This paper tries to expound the Vahis as a new source of information about the rich and diversified Indian culture.

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322 / Jijnasa The community of Barot chroniclers is mainly involved in maintaining and updating the family history of the people of different communities. Every community has its own Vahivanca Barot (Barot chronicler). They maintain the records of not only names, birth and death of people, but also the entire social history of the family, consisting of the details of the marriages, their Gotras (the lineage), the donations made in the marriages etc. They used to meet the families in persons to record the details and enter the data in the Vahis. Thus, the Barot remained travellers, roaming all round. Vahis means a record book. It was made of hand made papers. It was bound with leather and tied from the middle with a strong string. The details were recorded with hand made ink. The Vahis weighed about three the four kgs. The community people used to worship the Vahis by placing it on a plank, and then the details of the family were read in public. All members of the family used to gather during such worship. Below mentioned is the analysis of certain relevant information about the social life of India found in different Vahis. Documentary Value: "The chronicler's Vahis were used as authentic proofs for the legal purposes in the courts, hence - their testimony as regarded highly. There are even instances of the officers' countersigning the Vahis for their authentic use during the pre-independence era. For instance, we find in a Vahis of the Khadia Caste Caran, which was presented before the police officer of Nakhatrana for the purpose of some revenue case, which reads as: Ani nakal revenue kammandakhal karel che Asad sud pancham, so. 1946" Dayasankar Thanadar Nakhatrana (The copy of this has been entered into the revenue case on the 5th day of the Ashad Month of 1946 (Indian Calendar)) (Police Officer, Nakhatrana) In another land case of Jhala Darbar community of Cuda, the Vahi of the chronicler of the community was presented before the court, and a copy of it was also signed by the police officer of Bhoika. The names of the ancestors of four generations of the chronicler are also mentioned in it: "Barot catrabhajna dikra Kesarisingh, tena dikra himraj, tena modjina copdamanthi batava pramane lakhu che" The copy of this document has been presented in the case of Pra Ke. 33190-5-6, of 5/9/1906 Police Officer, Bhoika (Signature in English) Effulgent Examples of the Tradition of Donations: The hosts used to donated cash, ornaments and dresses to the chronicler after getting the name inscribed in the Vahi We come to know from this the manner in which the chroniclers were treated in the society. The following examples denote this:

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"Vahivanca ni ( Chronicler's) Vahi" - A Study of Indian Culture / 323 "Ekso ath kamdhenu gayun, car ghoda, car nagvel bhens rupna kada dhidhel. Rojhi ghhodi ane Jhumnu dhidhel." Char ghhoda char bhens ane hemna Jhumna dhidhel." The Parajiya Soni of the village of Mulu (Sadodar, Dt. Jamnagar) used to denote Vedh to the visiting Barot chroniclers. A Duha (Chivalric folk song) is sung even today by the Barots stating it: "Age Karan apto, sonu Bhar sava Nit Nit vedh nava, maganne sampe mulvo*** The Parajiya Soni made this donation the their Barot chroniclers. We come to know from the Vahi of the Rajput and Ahir communities that they made donations with the inscriptions of their name in the Vahi. The persons of Nakum sub-caste of the Karadiya Rajput Community donated certain things and animals: "Dhaal: Rojhl: Tarvar: Bhens: Odanu Vinti: Godho: Kamal: The notes of the donations by the Rajputs of Cauhan sub-caste of Karadiya Rajputs are found as under: Ghodi Peramani Abhrami:10 Odhnu karbiu: The Rajputs of Kamaliya sub-caste donated : Bandhuk : Halka: Odhou? In short, we come to know from the objects mentioned in the Vahi about the now obsolete vehicles, dresses and ornaments : e.g., there are notes mentioning the donation of a vel to the Barot chronicler of the community. The modern man is unaware of the vel. Actually a vel is a light-weight comfortable and luxurious cart (vehicle), with a hood and drawn by bullocks. In the same way, we find Kada, Hansdi, Rupiya, Lokiyun, Vedhla, Kanandiyo, Khajali.!4 mentioned as ornaments donated to others in the Vahi of the chronicler. The objects mentioned other than rupees are all the names of medieval ornaments. These ornaments are rarely found now, as most of them have become obsolete. We also find the mentioning of Mandil's, Cophall, Vedh", Unt, Dhablo, Lobdi 8 at many places in the Vahi of the Barot chroniclers. We come to learn the importance of the chroniclers in the medieval times in India. We also know that the chroniclers earned their bread from this profession only. As they had no tension of income, they could devote much time for the cause of acquisition of knowledge also. This tradition, thus, proved to be much helpful to the country, society and culture too. Besides the people of upper caste, even the Harijan community has been active in making donations. The Vahi of the chroniclers of Harijan community reveals this as:

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324 / Jijnasa "Bhana pramae bhinsu ali ch Adhar bhinsu ali: cuvan bhana saba kevana kal ankel van dhra Bhima maialana bhana bhoja nrasang je ritae Vaisakh mainani ajuvali bij bhraspat vare Hathvad jitel ch."19 (Bhana Parma gave buffaloes He gave eighteen buffaloes Cauhan Bhano got praise from the community. His dynasty will become famous. The sons of Bhima Maiyapa, Bhana, Bhojo and Narsimh, took part in the rivalry of donation at Jerita village, on Thursday, on the second day of Vaisakh Month and Bhano became victorious in it.) The Chronicler's Vahi thus imparts information about the donations given to the chronicler. Let us now study some other relevant details of donations found in the Vahi. The rich utilized the earned money for the noble cause of society, for which they used to donate handsome sums. Even the commoners donated according to the strength of their pockets. The belief that "Money is required for virtuous deeds" was proved wrong in the medieval times, and, instead, a belief that "One should have a large heart for donation" became more widely accepted. We find the importance of large heartedness mentioned in the Vahi. The chronicler's Vahis have examples of such large hearted persons, who, just worked for the cause of general good of people. People faced a severe famine in Vi. San. 1671 (Indian Calendar) It is mentioned in the Vahi of the chronicler of the community of Parajiya Soni community, that a gentleman named Khela Lodiya helped face the famine successfully to the 180 families of his community. 20 The Vahi of Sagarkumar reveals that one Mr. Kumpa Dhaiya of the Parajiya Soni community helped the 180 families of the Soni community and 12 families of Barot, face the acute famine of Vi. San. 1519 and survive at Bagasara town. He provided food to people continuously throughout the famine and thus quenched the hunger of my people. Caran Bhujbal Surtania also donated a lot of food to people, which is mentioned in Vahi of the chronicler: "Bhojbale Parkar : Dhan didho: Vadda kol Manhe "22 (Bhujbal Surtania donated a lot of food during the great famine of Tharparkar) Kanyadan (The donation of daughter, which means, getting a girl married,) was considered to be a very virtuous deed in ancient India. Hence, many rich people and those belonging to the royal families used to perform such donations, which is mentioned in the Vahi of the chronicler, and thus will be remembered for long. Most of the sub-castes of the Kanbi community have involved themselves in Kanyadan of three girls, which is recorded in the Vahi of the Barot chronicler of Kanbis.e.g., The Vahi of the Kanbis of Sakariya sub-caste reveals: "Tran Kanya valam gorni dharme parnaviyu "23 In the same way, it is mentioned in the Vahi that King Mulraj of Chudasama got 1800 girls married (Kanyadan) "Mulraje: na: patrani hata bathi hati te mate adarase paranvi: Gam Madhavparma: gam: Manglur: Bhan Jethva hat: savant adhar tranva: Varas: Vaisak sud nam bhraspatvar: Kanadan didha: 24 (King Mulraja suffered from the sin of his son's murder. He donated 1800 girls (got them married) for the purpose of redemption of the sin. He did it on the ninth day of Vaisakh month of Vi. San. 1893. Bhan Jethva was at Mangrol then.)

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"Vahivanca ni ( Chronicler's) Vahi" - A Study of Indian Culture / 325 The Vahi of Parajiya Soni says that Mala Jagda of this caste donated 109 Brahmin girls.25 Thus, the mention of the kanyadan by King Mulraj of Junagadh in 1893 creates a doubt in the minds of the historians, but the note in the Vahi specifies that Bhan Jethva was a contemporary of Mulraj; because in history also, it has been mentioned that Bhan Jethva had been at Mangrol.26 Thus, the Vahi of the chronicler reveals that the tradition of donation was not only limited up to money and ornaments only, but also it involved the expenditure of Kanyadan Thus, we learn the cultural as well as the traditional social activities held in the society then from the ancient Vahi. The Great Tradition of donating lands: The kings and the lords have been donating landed property from ancient times. The Tamrapatra (Documents inscribed on the sheets of copper) reveal theses facts. One of such copper-sheet reveals that King Siladitya-VII donated the village of Kheda in 766 A.D. at Anandpur Military Camp.27 Another copper sheet reveals that Govindraje-III of Rashtrakut Dynasty donated land to a Brahmin near Padliptapur(Palitana) in 794 A.D..28 This tradition of donation continued in the medieval times too. On the other hand, we also learn from history that the land of Brahmins was sometimes snatched away.e.g. Sihor belonged to Brahmins, but later the Raol Visaji of Umrala won Sihor. Rathod Rajvi Siyaji of Jodhpur killed the Paliwal Brahmins and took away the landed property surrounding Pali. 30 We find the mentioning of donation of landed property in most Vahis of Barots, especially in those written by the chroniclers of Caram community. Moreover, the donations received in the name of famous saints, or to the pilgrim centres, are mentioned in the Vahi of their respective chroniclers. The donation of land is indeed a significant part of the tradition of Donation. Many examples of this are found in different Vahis, out of which, this research tries to elaborate some. Singda Math is a very popular place in Porbandar Taluka. The people of Mer Community made some donations to this place, which is mentioned in the Vahi of this community as follows: "The details of Singda village. Originally it was the holy hermit Srungi's place. Lord Krishna halted there on his way to Mathura from Duarika. Also known as Sesh Maha Baldevji (Lord Krishna's brother) might also have halted there. There were Horses of "Singali" genetics, Bava Nandramji used to stay at Okha Madhi at the time of Gayakvad state. He came to Modhwada from there. He got constructed a step-well at the west of the village, which is known as Bava vavya" even today". The Mers of "Sat vali" donated the singda village to Nandram. Its details are: "Modhvadia duda dosana : Luna Mepana :Godhania Nila Vejanandna Khistaria Punja Randhina Tatha vizra shakhna manad godana tatha Ranavaya tatha hadadiya Sumara Sobhala je gohel sakhnae mali gam singdu bava nandramjine divelma didhel."31 The Carans dominated the medieval chivalric times by their chanting of typical style of narrative poetry, for which the royal families donated the Carans a lot of landed property. Some examples of such donations are mentioned below: Vaghela vanaji donated land to Khengarji Surtania, a Caran poet, about which, we find an inscription in the Vahi as:

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326 / Jijnasa "Rana Sri vanaji lakhavatang vaghelani dat sortania Khengarjine prande barot thapine gam paghardi sansan didho che. Dikro-dikri parne tera laga dapa kari didha che: Dikro parne to toran ghodo tatha virmuth prod dayo dikri parne tare odhamagi tatha vauvarno sovadho: Gamana simadani viga utadi kore gam jatavada tatha Balasarni sim dakhnadi kore gam Davri simade simade Khari nadini had: ogamni kore gam gedino simado karidhar dungarni had : Athamni Kore Khambhani sim Paghardini che: eni rite car bandh: savant 1431na moha vid 7 Bhomvarna di tamrapatre didho che.32 (This is the note of donation given by Shri Vanaji of Vaghela State : Surtania Khengarji has been donated the village of Paghardi. When his son and daughter get married, the necessary arrangements have been made for their expenditure. When his son gets married, Khengarji would get a horse and a Virmuth ( a weapon) and when his daughter gets married, she would get Odhamani (a saree and rich nuptial dress) and Vahuvarno savadho. The details of the village are: On the northern border up to the boundaries of Jatavada and Balasar. On the southern side, up to the boundaries of village Davri and the boundary of the river Khari. On the Western side, up to the boundary of village Khambha. Thus, after chalking out the boundaries of the land to be donated, the donation of the village Paghardi is made on the 22nd day of Maha month of Vi.Sam. 1431, Tuesday by inscribing the details on copper sheet) Poet Mr. Devidan Varasadan got the village of Bhovanu. The details of this donation found in the Vahi are : "Des Naiyadne gam Bhovanu: tent vagat che: savant 1762ni sale mas vesakh vad 14thi varasada devidan: Samtanine Citalvanana rav shri jagatsinhijinu gam Bhovanu didhu che."33 (The village of Bhovanu of the Naiyad area ( a distinct part of the North Gujarat) Its details are: Varasada Devidan Samatji was donated this village of Bhoyanu by the Rav of Citalvana Shri Jagatsinhji on the 29th day of Vaisakh month in Vi. Sam. 1762) In short,Both the royal families and the commoners donated a lot of landed property to the needy and to those who had special merits during the medieval times in Gujarat. We learn about this noble use of wealth from the Vahi of the chronicler. The Barot chronicler's Vahi provides ample examples about this great tradition of India. Construction of temples: People used to get temples constructed for the noble cause of men in past in India. The construction of such temples has been mentioned in the Vahi. Purbai Misan, a Caran lady got a Siva temple constructed at Bijalka village. The Vahi has a note about it as: "Gam: Bijalko : tema Purbai Misane te bokse : ravo tatha visa Khodidananine khole lai didho: savno mandir kidho : savant 1942ni sale sampuran thae teno bharo kari nat jamadi ravalne ghodi tatha vedh tatha didhi : I dan madar garve bai Parbaie kidhal : ajni dikri:34 The translation of the above text in modern Gujarati would be: "Misan Ajubhai's daughter Purbai got a Siva temple constructed in Vi. San. 1942 at Bijalka village, and got it celebrated. That Purbai was married to the Boksa sub-caste. She being childless,

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"Vahivanca ni (Chronicler's) Vahi" - A Study of Indian Culture / 327 she adopted Khodidan Boksa's sons Visa and Rava and gave the Bijalka village to them as the hereditary right. She gave a community feast, and presented the Barot chronicler a mare, Vedh and a ring." Hamir Boksa, a Caran got a temple constructed at Sarvad village. The note in the Vahi about it reads: "Des: Halar: Gam: Sarvad: Bokse Hamire te deval kidho; savant 17 me varas 97 man deval kidho teno bhareo karine carnani nat jamadi ne deval copde mandavo tare ravlane kada tatha vedh vinti peramni tatha ghodi sikhe tajan didhi che."35 (According to the note of the note of the Raval, Hamir Boksa got a temple constructed at sarvad village, paid its tax, gave a community feast, and donated the Ravals vedh ring, dress and a mare) One more note got from the chronicler is about the construction of a temple of Machho Ma, the family deity of Bharvads, at Ciroi village in Vi.San. 1996 reads as: "Gam Ciroi Shree Ganeshay Namah Savant 19 navras, sanuni sale Maino Caitar sud atham. Ravivar. Te dane matla masona dera sanavise Derina sanavise Derina sannar Nagji Sathvara. Rava Saradvano tine sanise Rup 22 ma sani api se. Gam Ciroina ugamne zampa Vavna dakhan padkhe. Hanmanna derathi dakhnada vaghada khetarma. Kalabi madhu pitambarna Sakh sanalia Tana khetarma sanavise. Ga chandragadhna kalabi. A maso lunsarna Jhampdani se. mal bakrama dukh avutu Manta kari Dukh matadu Bakra dith sava rupiya manta kari. Tama nesda maline sadavi se. Harji Dana tatha Ruda Dana Gaga tatha Megha Punana. Hirgada Tatha Dhara Punana. Hirgada tatha Nagii Bhimana Gaha Tatha Jivan Bhojana Gagora tatha Ratana Kalana Padcharya Jetparna Tano vero Chandragadh Hato. A sarve nesai mali Deri sanavi se Darbar kalubhai Habha nana la Ciroina Patal Bhagvan Arjanna Koli Sakh Khimala Ciroina. A masono hak Ucara bij ludha Ek nailiar se sarve nesda mali manata karvi Bijo hak kai nathi.36 The Translation of the above text would read: "A temple of Machcho Ma was constructed on the eighth day of Caitra month of Vi.Sam. 1996. This temple was built by Satvara Nagji of Saradva village, for which he charged Rs 22. This temple is on the Eastern side of the village, on the southern side of the step-well, in the farm known as Vaghada which was owned by the Kanbi Patel named Madhu Pitambar of Sanalia sub-caste. That Madhu Patel belonged to village Candragadh. This Machcho Ma is worshipped by the Jhumpadas of Lunsar village. The goats and Sheep were affected by an epidemic. So they took a vow of the goddess. The goddess cured the disease. They had vowed to spend a rupee and a quarter for each goat. Hence, all the nomadic stayed there and got the temple constructed. Harji Dana, Ruda Dana, Gaga Puna, Megha Puna, of sub-caste Hirgada, Nagji Bhima, of sub-caste Gaha jivan Bhoja of subcaste Gagora, Ratana Kala, of sub-caste Padcarya, of Jetpar village were at Candragadh. All these nomadics got the temple constructed Darbar kalubhai, Harmabhai of Ciroi village, Koli Patal Bhagvan Arjanna of sub-caste of Khimala of Ciroi village have a right to received a coconut when they leave the place. all have to take the vow of offering a coconut. They do not have any other right.) The charge of Rs 22 for the construction of the temple paid to the Sathvara, and the fixed amount of vow, etc. reveal the financial as well as the social conditions of the times. The note also gives us an idea of the faith of the people. We come to know that people believed that epidemics could be cured by the grace of deities. The society kept on fighting against the odds of life with the help of this faith only. The Vahis also reveal that not only the people of upper class but also the Harijans got temples

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328 / Jijnasa constructed and thus showed their religious outlook of life. The Harijan of Cavda Sub-caste of Mehsana got constructed a hug temple of Goddess Kalika, of which we find a reference in the Vahi, as follows: "Savant Ognis pantrihana vrakh juna Dhe (dha) vada pipar hethal deval kavel vah sammas cha. Kalkanu deval canavel cha." The Vahis of the Vaniks reveal that they constructed maximum temples. In short, both the Harijans and the upper class people have utilised their wealth constructively for noble cause of the society by getting temples constructed. Faith remains at the back of construction of each temple, whether it be large or small. The chronicler's Vahi imparts a lot of such knowledge, and hence it is very valuable for the cultural history of a nation. Construction of water resources: The tradition of construction of water resources is an example of noble mentality of helping others. People used to construct step-well, wells, tanks etc. These are considered to be virtuous deeds and the doer also gets the satisfaction of repaying his debt to the society. He develops a sense of fulfillment and satisfaction. We find the belief of people that "An individual's happiness lies in the happiness of the community" working behind such noble intentions. The people got these deeds noted down in the Vahi so that their heirs might also derive inspiration from the noble deeds of their ancestors and try to be helpful to the society. Sagarkumar Barot has the Vahi of the Parajiya Soni caste, in which many instances of the construction of water resources are cited. e.g. A gentleman of Pancal village of Junagadh District got a step-well constructed in his father's memory, which is known as Kharivav today. Bava Nandram, the founder of Shingda Math, got a step-well constructed at Modhvada village, which is known as Bava Vav today." The King Navghan of Junagadh constructed a rasakupi step-well, and it is said that gold was got from the water of the well.40 Caran Hada Khadiya got a tank dug at Vang village of Kutcha, which is mentioned in the Vahi as below: "Gam Vang : Lumbhaot hade: Hadasar : Talav Khanaveu chhe : Gamna dakhnadi kore: Khanaveu chhe:41 (Hada Khadiya, the son of Lumba Khadiya has got Hadasar tank dug on the southern side of the village Vang.) A Rajput named Ramsinh Solanki constructed a Ramkund at village Kadodar (Takadinar, Dt. Junagadh) in Vi.San. 102. The Note about it in the Vahi reads: "Savant : be na varkhe: Gam Kadedare: Rame Ramkand Karavo: Kori Satsen Vari Sesbhoj kidho Gam Kadedare: 42 Besides the people of the upper caste, even Harijans made valuable contribution to the community service activities, which we come to know from their chronicler's reports. A harijan named Kala Jala Solanki of Delol village, got a well dug in the tank and got the right of using the tank water for both drinking and bathing for the people is mentioned in the Vahi

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"Vahivancani ( Chronicler's) Vahi" - A Study of Indian Culture / 329 "Kacoliyu talavma camar pani bhara cha. Gamthi dakhanadi cha. Gam vasu te dannu pani bhara cha. Na dhovun talavina cho Kala Jalanu kuvu kavel cha." (Harijans are using the water of the Kacoliya Tank, which is situated on the southern side of the village. They have been using it since the village was founded. They are allowed to bathe and drink the water of the tank. Kala Jala Solanki got a well constructed in the tank.) Thus, we find testimony of all the social activities held in the interest of the general mass of people in the Vahi. Testimonies of Pilgrimages: Going on pilgrimages was considered to be a very effective tool for the spreading of Indian Culture across the country in the medieval times. One could come into contact with the geography of other areas of the nations and thus interact with a lot of people. Such interaction helped maintain communal harmony and national unity. It also increased the religiousness in people. The chroniclers used to maintain the records of their host's pilgrimages, and noted them down in the Vahi. It is mentioned in the Vahi that a Kanbi Patel belonging to the sub-caste of Savalia undertook a pilgrimage of Hinglaj Deity, wearing the dress of a Kapadi, hence their surname was changed to Kapadiya. The note reads as follows: "Tyanthi piparnu toran bandhya: tyanthi Ramne Mandan Bhabho thiya: Eae Hinglajnu tirath karyu: ne ek bhabhae kapadino bhekh utaryo: ne eke na utaryo : Athi sakh kapadi thiya.**44 (From there they established the village of Pipar, Ram Bapa and Mandan Bapa happened to live there. They undertook a pilgrimage to Hinglaj Deity's place. One of them took off the dress of Kapadi, and the other did not take it off. Hence, their heirs were known as Kapadi) Caran Muluji Celaji of village Kaneti of North Gujarat undertook Kasiyatra, which is recorded in the Vahi as : "Mulu Cclaji tc Gangaji naiya: Savant 1947na vaisakh sod bij re dan te vaic mandalu ne ravar Devdanne rupiya 25/-apa."15 (Muluji Celaji had a bath in the Ganga on the second day of Vaisakh Month in Vi.Sam.1947, and he donated the chronicler Devidan Rs 25/- and got the fact inscribed in the Vahi) Here, having a bath in the Ganga actually means having a visit of Kasi (Benaras). Visiting Kasi has always remained a dream for every Hindu, as one gets the benefit of the worship of Kasi Visvesvarnath (a form of Lord Siva) and also of the bath in the Ganga So, even today, the words "Ganga Nahya" (Had a bath in the Ganga) is used to mention the fulfillment of life. The Barot chronicler explained the important use of the idiom "Ganga Nahya" presently by stating that, if an old man says, "Let me play with my son's son (grandson), and I shall have my bath of the Ganga. which means that the Ganga, referred to in the idiom means the Ganga of Kasi and not of Hardwar or Calcutta. Besides the people of the upper classes, even Harijans used to undertake pilgrimages with faith in the medieval times, though the temple gates were closed for them in those days. The priests could not dare prohibit them from having bath in the rivers like the Narmada or the Ganga. Hence, the harijans used to visit the rivers during their pilgrimage. Dharmsi Harijan of Mehsana of North Gujarat had a bath in the Narmada, which is read in the Vahi as:

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330 Jijnasa "Pantrisna vrakhe Revaji naave dhramasia bhandaru krel che.46 (Dharamsih performed the bath of the Narmada in Vi.San. 1835, and arranged a Bhandaro (feast for the community).) Thus, we come to know the religious faith and the tradition of pilgrimage prevailing in the Hindus from the Vahis. Faith and love, for religion helped the Hinduism to face the foreign invasion by the people of other religions. We learn from the Vahis that river-bath was also considered to be a holy rite besides visiting a temple. The Vahis maintains both the legal as well as the social and cultural records for the future generations, and thus it is a very important source of authentic information about the social life of a the past. The chroniclers have taken into consideration the historical, social, cultural, economical, archaeological etc. aspects while updating the records, but unfortunately, the logical and true mentality of not allowing other chroniclers to use the specific symbols has been the reason why they have not been able to become the subject of study so far. Today the situation is different. The Barot chroniclers are no more. The tradition is on the verge of extinguishing. The information that has been already stored in the Vahi is of much importance from the research point of view, and I believe, that whatever information we have in the Vahis should be analyzed in detail, as they contain a lot of cultural details. Any researcher would naturally feel that the cultural examples cited in the Vahis must be included in the cultural history of our great nation. References: 1. The Vahis book of Raval Bhimji Bharmalla (Morzar, Ta-Nakhatrana) Dt. 14/2/1995. 2. From the copy of Mr. Narendrasinh Jhala (Ahmedabad). 3. From the Vahi of Sagarkumar Barot (Saypar) Dt. 18/11/1994. 4. Ibid. 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid. 7. Carani Sahitya Bhandar, The Dept. of Gujarati language and Literature, Saurastra University: 327/5125. 8. Ibid. 9. Ibid. 10. Ibid. 11. Ibid. 12. Ibid. 13. From the Vahi of Mr. Kesubhai Barot (Junagadh), Dt. 15/2/1995. 14. From the Vahi of Mr. Kesubhai Barot (Malia), Dt. 10/2/1995. 15. From the Vahi of Mr. Kesubhai Barot (Junagadh), Dt. 15/2/1995. 16. From the Vahi of Mr. Kesubhai Barot (Malia), Dt. 10/2/1995. 17. From the Vahi of Mr. Bhimji Raval (Morzar), Dt. 14/3/1995. 18. From the Vahi of Mr. Haribhai Barot (Ghuntu), Dt. 7/1/1995. 19. Carani Sahitya Bhandar, The Dept. of Gujarati language and Literature, Saurastra University 293/296/298. 20. Parajvans prakas, Part-14: Sagarkumar Barot: pp.402-403. 21. Ibid. Part-5, pp. 129-133. 22. From the Vahi of Mr. Raval Bhimji Dev (Morzar), Dt. 14/2/1995. 23. From the Vahi of Mr. Kesubhai Barot (Junagadh), Dt. 26/2/1995. 24. From the Vahi of Mr. Kesarbhai Barot (Malia), Dt. 10/3/1995. 25. Parajvansaprakas, Part-9: Sagarkumar Barot: pp. 259-260. 26. Saurastrano Itihas, Sambhuprasad Desai: pp. 364-365.

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"Vahivanca ni (Chronicler's) Vahi" - A Study of Indian Culture / 331 27. Ibid. p. 143. 28. Ibid. p. 184. 29. Bharat Rajya Mandal: Amrutlal U.Shah, p.86. 30. Ibid. p. 544. 31. From the Vahi of (Lt.) Mr. Kanji Bhuta (Chalala), Dt. 18/3/1995. 32. From the Vahi of Mr. Raval Bhimji Bharmalla (Morzar. Ta- Nakhatrana). Dt. 4/2/1995. 33. Ibid. 34. From the Vahi of Mr. Raval Bhimji Bharmalla (Morzar, Ta- Nakhatrana), Dt. 14/2/1995. 35. Ibid. 36. From the Vahi of Mr Haribhai Barot (Ghuntu) Dt. 7/1/1995. 37. Carani Sahitya Bhandar, The Dept. of Gujarati language and Literature, Saurastra University 293/296/298. 38. Parajvansaprakas, Part-12: Sagarkumar Barot : pp. 417. 39. From the Vahi of (Lt.)Mr. Kanji Bhuta Barot (Chalala), Dt. 18/3/1995. 40. From the Vahi of Mr. Kesarbhai Barot (Malia), Dt. 10/3/1995. 41. From the Vahi of Mr. Raval Bhimji Bharmalla (Morzar, Ta- Nakhatrana), Dt. 14/2/1995. 42 Carani Sahitya Bhandar, The Dept. of Gujarati language and Literature, Saurastra University 293/296/298. 43. Ibid. 293/296/298. 44. From the Vuhi of Mr. Kesubhai Barot (Junagadh), Dt. 26/2/1995. 45. From the Vahi of Mr. Raval Bhimji Bharmalla (Morzar, Ta- Nakhutrana), Dt. 14/2/1995. 46. Carani Sahitya Bhandar, The Dept. of Gujarati language and Literature, Saurastra University 293/296/298.

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332; Jijasa 42. Dara Shukoh: A Crown Prince in search of Truth and Harmony V.S. Bhatnagar Prince Dara Shukoh was born at Ajmer in 1615 A.D. His father Prince Khurram (Later emperor Shah Jahan) had prayed at the shrine of Khwaja Muin-ud-din Chishri for a son and at last his prayers seem to have been answered. In 1631 when Dara's mother Mumtaz Mahal (in whose memory Shah Jahan built the Taj Mahal at Agra), died, he had just turned sixteen. His other brothers-Shuja, Aurangzeb and Murad were even younger. At that time no one knew that Aurangzeb alone would reach the famous Peacock throne wading through the blood of his brothers, displacing his father and confioing him in the Agra fort, and rule India for nearly half a century (1659-1707), strictly according to the shariat, and in the process alienate teh populace, shake the very foundations of the Mughal Empire and go down as the most conspicuous failure' in Indian history. From the meager details we have about Dara's early life, in calligraphy when he was about eighteen, he happened to visit, accompanied by his father, the renowned Sufi saint of the Qadiri order, Mian Mir.at Lahore, and was profoundly impressed by his piety, and learnt from him during subsequent visits some of the spiritual practices and devotional mysticism of the order. During the next twenty years or so i.e., from 1633 A.D. to 1657 A.D. Dara Shukoh, the Crown Prince of the largest and wealthiest empire in the world at that time, wrote two scholarly and well researched biographical works on the spiritual practices of the Sufis, a work containing aphorisms of the saints in support of his views which the orthodox Mullas and Ulema had begun to denounce as heretical, compiled a unique work giving religious and philosophical terms and concepts of the Hindus and their equivalents in Islamic phraseology, arranged under his own eye the translation of two most important works of the Hindus-one on the philosophy of life and man's duty and the other being one of the earliest works on yoga. and just before the most furiously fought war of succession (1658-59). in which he was one of the principal figures, broke out, he finished the translation of fiftytwo Upanishads which he declared to be the Hidden book referred to in the Qur'an citing the precise verses in the Holy Book. During this period, he also brought out a Diwan or Collection of his poems. containing 133 ghazals and a number of Rubaiyat, and prepared an album of paintings representative of the style of different master painters. Indian and foreign, and specimens of calligraphy of re

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Dara Shukoh: A Crown Prince in search of Truth and Harmony / 333 nowned calligraphists. All this would have been enough for any scholar of today to receive more than one Honorary Doctorate from reputed Universities. During this very period when his pen remained so fruitfully occupied, Frince Dara Shukoh, at different periods, held the governorships of Allahabad, Punjab, Kabul, Multan and Gujarat provinces, led three expeditions to Kandhar at the head of large armies, twice to ward off Persian threat to the great fort (1639, 1642) and once to recover it (1653) from the Persians who had recaptured it in 1649,' assisted his fathre Emperor Shah Jahan in matters of government and State's policies, often acting as the ultimate refuge for all those in need of help or pardon for having incurred the royal displeasure, and provided patronage to scholars, poets, philolophers, artists and architects." Unlike his younger brother Aurangzed and others, he had no time to indulge in base intrigues and secret correspondence to win over chiefs, nobles and officials to their side with the sole aim to their side with the sole aims of acquiring the throne anyhow. Dara had nobler and higher aims, and it has been rightly observed that 'politics had a secondary place in the thoughts of Dara Shukoh: his first concern being the study of religious mysticism'. He says, in a composition: Kingship is easy, acquaint thyself with poverty: Why should a drop become a pearl when it can Transform itself into an ocean." Though he observed the riturals ordained for all Muslims, in reality, exoteric Islam had ceased to have any real place in his life. A few years after Mian Mir's death, Dara was formally initiated in the Qadiri order, as a result, as he wrote in one of his letters, exoteric Islam has ceased to influence the mind of this faqir and the real esoteric 'infidelity' has shown its face'.? Dara was above all narrow religious prejudices. To him a temple was as good a place of worship of god as a mosque. Hence he saw no objection in presenting a carved stone railing for the Keshava rai temple at Mathura. In contrast, when Aurangzeb on becoming the Emperor ordered the railing to be removed, he spoke thus: "It is a sin for a Musalman even to look at a temple and this bi-Shukoh (bereft of dignity) had presented a railing to the temple!" and later ordered the magnificent temple to be destroyed altogether (1670 A.D.), casting the idols under the steps of Begam Saheb's mosque at Agra to be trodden upon by the faithful, and even changed the name of the birth place of Lord Krishna from Mathura to Islamabad. For Aurangzeb as also for the Muilas and the Ulema it was difficult to understand, much less to appreciate, Dara's exalted ideas which crossed the narrow and retrogressive bounds of religion and soared high on the wings of universal spirit. We may now dwell at some length on the religious and philosophical works of Dara Shukoh to understand better his true stature as a person and as a seeker of tram. We find that an insatiable thirst for knowledge and search of truth guided all his literary enterprises. As mentioned, the twentieth year of Dara Shukoh's life was particulari, important in his life. In this year he met Miyan Mir (7th April 1634) a saint of the Qadiri order at Lanere along with his father, Emperor Shah Jahan. In subsequent visits he received from the saint instructions in contemplation, and on one occasion experienced what the Hindu Yogis and saints call saktipata. He experinced sudden onrush of light from the master to his own heart and, to quote him, "from that moment I find

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334 / Jijnasa my heart full of enlightenment and ecstasy". He was the Crown Prince of the vast Mughal Empire and had everything in the world, but a spiritual yearning to know the Reality was gradually driving him towards the path communion with God. In the year 1640, when he was in his twenty-fifty year Dara completed his first biographical work, Safinat-ul-Awliya' (a book of the friends of God), a difficult and time consuming work in which he deseribed lives and aphorisms of four hundred eleven saints of different religious sects and orders- Qadiri, Nqshbandi, Chishti, Suhrawardi etc., in chronological order giving precise date of birth and death of each saint. Dara had great respect for the saints. The communion with God is dependent upon the saints ... He, who has found a guide, has found the Path which leads to Him",'' he wrote. His next work Sakinat-ul-Awliya', which deals exclusively with the lives of the saints of the Qadiri order in India, was completed in 1642. While his first work was based on a large number of philosophical and biographical works of the Sufis, the Sakinat was based on his own intimate knowledge of the sect and its principal saints and their spiritual practices. As noted, Dara had met Mivan Mir a number of times and so also Mulla Shah whom he refers as his friend, guide and spiritual teacher'. His account is vivid, rich in anecdotes and aphorisms, embellished by verses of Sufi poetry of Rumi, Jalani, Sadi, Nizami and others. Some of the aphorisms, such as of Mulla Shah, given by Dara are very revealing. "Mulla Shah said to me" he writies for you, who adhere to the real Faith. prayers/nama: are not obligatory, for at the moment you are in the state of intoxication (Sukry and ecstasy. Intoxication (in God's love) is of a higher degree than prayers (namaz, and in relation to God are nearer to Him". In Mulla Shah's conception of Faith (Iman) the real faith was the "absorption of alll human attributes in search of God' which is possible when the mind is illumined with the light of Divine manifestation". This real faith was of the highest type, and different from the visible external worship prescrobed for all Muslims." Two years later i.e., in 1646 in his 31st year, Dara brought out another work Risala i Haq Numa, shortly after his formal initiation in the Qadiri order in 1047 A.H. The tract brings together in a handy volume the doctrines of the order hitherto scattered in various works and describes the devotional practices and stages and the centres of meditation in the heart, brain etc., and the process of hearing Sultan-ul-Askar (the same as Nad of the Yogis) to attain Divine communion. In this work Dara also describes a disciple's journey through the four worlds-the Physical plane. Astro-Mental Plane, the Plane of Bliss and the Plane of Absolute Truth ('Ala-i-Lahut) by practicing breath-control (Habs-idam), perfect concentration and meditation to reach a stage when the mind is free from all thoughtforms, all of which seem to have been adopted without much change from the much older Yogic traditions of India." In another small tract Tariquat-ul-Haqiqat written in mixed prose and poetry, Dara has described the thirty stages called manzils in the path of an Arif, which require detachment from worldly things, acquisition of knowledge, purity of mind, cultivation of sincerity, resignation, steadfastness in the path of Divine love, fixity, detachment etc. In the Prologue of this work he has explained his concept of god whcih is identical with the Vedantic concept of Para Brahman. He is omnipotent. Dara says, all pervading, beyond human intelligence or wisdom to comprehend, and all things were nothing but His representation. He, therefore, felt no hesitation in saying: Thou dwell in the Ka'ba and in Somnath (temple)

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Dara Shukoh: A Crown Prince in search of Truth and Harmony / 335 In the temple thou causest the bells to chime The idol, the temple, as also in the religious sacrimoniousness, In the Ka'ba people pray unto Thee And desire Thine union. The manifest and the hidden all emanate from Thee, As also the drop and the ocean. ....... 16 The work is fuull of quotations, verses and poems. It seems that by 1650 or so, opposition to Dara's views and writings in the orthodox circles was becoming more vocal and threatening which made him realise the need of silencing these critics but in a manner becoming of a scholar. The Crown Prince brought out another work Hasanat ul-Arifin or Aphorisms of the Saints (1650). He says that being enamoured of studying books on the ways of the saints of the Path and having no object but 'attainment of Unity of God', he had in a state of ecstasy uttered some words 'pertaining to the sublime knowledge' which made the bigoted and narrow minded persons to accuse him of heresy and apostasy. To silence them, he thought of compiling aphorisms of saints who were great believers in the unity of God and who had knowledge of the true Reality." Besides the Mullas and orthodox Ulema, whom he vehemently denounces, the orthodox powerful political clique (Wazir Sadulla Khan and Prince Aurangzeb) were also keen to portray him in a bad light, smelling no doubt a war of succession in not too distant a future. Dara had very low opinion of the small minded, hypocritical and noisome Mullas. It seems that Dara was now determined to face these orthodox elements more openly since he regarded his own views in conformity with the Truth About the Mullas, he wrote, "Paradise is there where no Mulla abides, Where the noise of his discussion and debate is not heard. May the world become free from the noise of the Mulla, May no one pay any heed to his fatwas!! His opinion of the Ulema was hardly better, "As a matter of fact" he writes, these Ulema are ignoramuses to themselves and learned to the ignorant. Dara was aware of the potential for mischief from these orthodox elements who claimed to be the sole spokesmen on any point related to Muslim law and religion. "What disavowals did the Satan hurl at Adam? Said Hussain (Mansur Hallaj) "I am the Truth", and got the gollows. Every prophet and saint who suffered affliction and torments, (It was) due to the vicious ignominous conduct of the Mullas. No wonder that at the farcical trial, got up by Aurangzeb after Dara had lost the war of Succession and was brought as a prisoner to Delhi (1659), the Ulema decreed that Dara deserved death being a threat to Islam and on account of his apostasy, a decision which suited Aurangzeb, the new Emperor. 20

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336 Jijnasa For Dara as a seeker of truth as an author, the years 1653-57 were most fruitful. In 1653, he had long discussions with the Hindu ascetic Baba Lal at Lahore in seven meetings in three weeks which were originally written down in Hindi and later translated into Persian by Dara Shukoh's Secretary, Chandrabhan Brahman as Nadir-ul-Nikat. Having unlimited and keen desire to know about other religious systems, Prince Dara Shukoh asked the Hindu ascetic various questions, such as about Nada. the Vedas, the behind the idol worship, about the nature of Jivatma and Paramatma, about the belief that those who die in Kashi attain salvation, some questions relating to Ramayana, about virata svarupa of Lord Krishna, importance of the recitation of the sacred work Om, nature of chitta etc. He quotes many of Baba Lal's aphorisms, such as a "Baba Lal told me, 'Be not a Shaikh, be not a Saint, be not a wielder of miracles, be rather a faqir, unpretentious and sincere". As Prof. Bikrama Jit Hasrat writes, "The discourses show the inner soul of the Prince who was capable of viewing different religious tenets sympathetically and was deeply inerested in the science of comparative religion"," After 1657, Dara was truning more and more towards the philosophical and religious works of the Hindus in his quest to understand monotheism and to find answer to some of the doubts in his mind about it. It was during this period (1954-55) that the Persian translations of Gita and YogaVashishtha appeared under his personal supervision, besides his own remarkable work Majma-ulPhrain (1655) and the translation of the fifty-two Upanishads as Sirr-i-Akbar (the great Secret) in 1657. Of these the last two were particularly significant. Bhagwat Gita had been translated into Persian during Dara Shukoh's great grand-father Emperor Akbar's time by Shaikh Faizi. Dara describes the translation of Cita done under his supervision. as "an attempt to present the highest and the best tenets of Hinduism" 22 Dara Shukoh's Majma-ul-Bahrain (the Mingling of the Two Oceans) was a unique work which be completed in the 42" year of his short life, "an outcome of much painstaking and considerable research.... and also in conformity with the two verses of the holy Qur'an", he writes. This treatise of technical terms in the Hindu religion and philosophy and their equivalents in Islamic phraseology attempts to reconcile the doctrines of the "two apparently divergent religions", and is of great interest and importance for a student of comparative religion. In his introduction to the work he says that Islam and Hinduism, both aim to reach Him who is one and none shares His sovereignty, that after he had ascertained the secrets and the subtleties of the true faith of the Sufis, he thirsted to know the tenets of the religion of the Indian monotheists, and for this he held discussions with erudite Pandits and perfect divines of the Hindu religion who had attained perfection in religious exercises (meditation, etc.), comprehension of God and religious insight. He found that a large sunber of concepts in the two religions had similarity such as in the vision and attributes of God. division of the universe, the constituents of the physical world, devotional exercises, salvation, concepts of sound, soul, mukti and many others. Allah, they (Hindus) call Om, Mazhar-i-Atmam (perfect manifestation) is called Avtar by the Hindus, Qayamat as MahaPralaya, for al-Haq, the Hindus have the word Ananta, for Basir they have Drasta, for Firishta, devata, and Anahat Naha, of the Hindu Yogis is Awaz-i-Mutlaq or Sultan-ul-Azkar of the Sufis, Ismi-Azam (the great name) of the Muslims is Om of the Hindus, Supreme Soul or Para Brahma of the Hindus can be likened to Ruh-i-Azam of the Muslims. The Soul (ruh) in which all the souls are included in called Paramatma by the Hindus and Abul Arwah by the Muslims. The Trimurti viz., Brahma, Vishnu and Maheshwar of the Hindus denoting the Gods of creation, duration and

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Dara Shukoh: A Crown Prince in search of Truth and Harmony / 337 destruction respectively, can be likened to Jibra'il, Mika'il and Israfil, the angels of creation, existence and destruction. He mentions many such similarities in the concepts and religious terms of the Muslims and the Hindus. "The Mingling of the two Oceans' was the first attempt of its kind to create among the Hindus and the Muslims better understanding of each other's religion and impressed upon them the need to try to comprehend the essentials of Truth" in their respective scriptures instead of being guided by superficial notions. For this, Dara Shukoh had tried to bring out "points of similarity and identity between Hinduism and Islam which in appearance are so fundamentally dissimilar..."?' But the unimaginative and fanatical Ulema declared that Dara Shukoh had vilified the religion of Allah and had allied himself with heresy and infidelity. His well intentioned endeavour to establish by comparative process that the ideas of Indian cosmogony were similar to those embodied in the Qur'an", was even branded by them as "irreligious and ridiculous attempt to extol the virtues of Hinduism over Islam". The author of Alamgirnama, commenting on Dara's inclination for Hinduism and regarding the Vedas as revealed books and for engraving the Hindu name Prabhu on his rings instead of Allah, says, though wrongly, that Dara had given up prayers, fasting and other obligations ordained by the law for the Muslims and that it became manifest that "if Dara Shukoh obtained the throne and established his power, the foundation of the faith would be in danger and the percepts of Islam would be changed for the rant of Infidelity and Judaism.24 Dara's last great effort in his quest for Truth was the translation of the fifty-two Upanishads titled Sirr-i-Akbar or 'the Great Secret' which he completed in 1657. What led him to undertake this difficult task of translating these greatest philosophical works of the Hindus when his other brothers were deeply involved in conspiring against him and the Emperor with the sole aim of acquiring the throne, even in the time of their father? he says," that in his thirst to understand Tawhid he had a longing to meet the Gnostics of every sect to know more about monotheism. and during course of his investigations, subtle doubts came to his mind which could be resolved only by the words of God and by His grace, and since the Holy Qur'an was mostly allegorical and persons who understood its subtleties were rare, he thought of consulting all the Heavenly Books (of other religions), for what might be very concise in one might be in a more elaborate form in the other. He, therefore, went through the Book of Moses, the Gospels, the Psalms and other scriptures but found that the explanation of monotheism in them was also either enigmatical or too brief. It then occurred to him that discussion about monotheism, was very conspicuous in India, and Indian theologians and mystics do not question or doubt the unity of God nor do they find any fault with the Unitarians, and their belief was perfect in this respect, and on proper enquiry it appeared to him that among all the heavenly books of the Indians, who were certainly the most ancient people', the four Vedas were revealed to their Prophets, the most ancient among them being Brahma, for as the holy Qur'an also says that there is no nation without a prophet and without a revealed scripture and quoted the verses XVII, 15, XXXV, 24 and LVII, 25 in the Qur'an in support of his statement, and that the Upanishads, the summum bonum of the Vedas "contain all the secrets of the Path and contemplation and exrcises of pure monotheism'. He, therefore, decided to make 'without any worldly motive' an exact and literal translation of the Upanishads which, he says, are the "treasure of monotheism' and 'the essence of the most ancient books. the Vedas which are without doubt, the fountain head of the Ocean of Unity'. He held the view ral translation of ancient books.

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338/Jijnasa that the Upanishads were no doubt the Hidden Book, the most Ancient Book referred to in the Holy Qur'an and quotes a verse from the Qur'an applicable to the Upanishads "Most surely it is an honoured Qur'an; in a book that is protected. None shall touch it save the purified ones. A revelation by the Lord of the worlds" (Qur'an LVI, 77-80), as translated and quoted by B.J.Hasrat. 26 Barely a few months after the completion of the translation of the Upanishads (28th june 1657) Dara Shukoh was called upon to defend the authority of his father, the Emperor, challenged by his rebellious younger brothers, but was not destined to succeed. He fought very bravely and faced defeat and severe hardships with rare courage and fortitude. He was betrayed by his Muslim generals, and by those whom he had rescued from certain disaster. When captured and brought a prisoner to Delhi, a mockery of trial, got up by his younger brother Aurangzeb, held him guilty of heresy. His head was cut off and when brought on a platter as per orders of Aurangzeb, the latter exclaimed "Ah bad-bakht! (ill fated) I did not look at the face of this apostate from Islam when alive, nor shall I do so now".27 Such was Prince Dara Shukoh and such was his younger brother Aurangzeb, the Emperor, hailed as a living Pir by the Muslims in his life time an even now regarded as an ideal by most of his co-religionists. An important avenue in secular India's capital is named after Aurangzeb but there is none to commemorate Dara Shukoh. References: 1. For his early life, see K.R. Qanungo, Dara Shukoh, 2 edn., Calcutta, 1952, pp. 1-7. For Dara Shukoh's interest and studies in classical Persian literature, Bikrama Jit Hasrat, Dara Shukoh, Life and Works (abbreviated as DSLW),2 rev. ed.. New Delhi 1982, pp. 132ff. As for calligraphy, Dara had acquired a very high degree of perfection both in Naskh and Nasta liq styles as is evident from the extant specimens of his calligraphy. He was a pubil of the great calligraphist Aqa Abdur Rashid Dailami. 2. Sakinat-ul-Awliya, p. 142. DSLW, p.77. 3. See, K.R. Qanungo, op.cit., pp. 15ff. 4. For Sanskrit scholars associated with Prince Dara, DSLW, pp. 13-15. 5. DSLW, p.9. 6. Ibid., p. 142. 7. Ruqa'ul-i-Alamgiri, Vol. I, p.322 cited in DSLW, p.65. 8. Amurat-i-Hazur Kishwar-Kashar, Julus (R. yr.) 9. Rabi II 24/13 Oct., 1666; Maasir-i-Alamgiri, tr. Sarkar, p.60. 9. Sakinat-ul-Awliya, pp. 142ff. DSLW, p.78. 10. Safinat-ul-Awliya. Nawal Kishore Press. Lucknow, 1800 A.D. See, a comprehensive view of its contents in DSLW. pp. 43ff. 11. Risala -i-Haqnuma, p.2. 12. An Urdu translation of Sakinat-ul-Awliya, was lithographed at Lahore. 13. DSLW', p.88. 14. Risala'-i-Haynuma, Nawal Kishore Press, Lucknow, 1874 A.D. An English translation by S.C. Vasu; as Compass of Truth, Allahabad. 1912. 15. For a more detailed discussion of these stages in a mystic's journey through the four worlds, see DSLW, pp. 125-88. The method of meditation in the four stages, such as concentrating the mind on the centre of brain, rectal centre etc., shows deep influence of the Ashtanga Yoga in which meditation on various chakras is practiced. 16. Kulliyat-i-Dara Shukoh, Gujranwala, 1857. An urdu translation was lithographed at Lahore in 1340 A.H.; DSLW.p.114. 17. Bikrama Jit Hasrat, DSLW. p. 105. !8. Ibid., p. 114.

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Dara Shukoh: A Crown Prince in search of Truth and Harmony / 339 19. Diwan of Dara Shukoh, Quatrain, xxxi in DSLW, p. 139. 20. Alamgirnama, E and D., vii, p.179; Qanungo, op.cit., 231. 21. The discourses between Baba Lal and Dara Shukoh were translated into French by Huart and L. Massignon and published in Journal Asiatique. A Sanskrit version of the discourses has been recently traced at Jaipur by Dr. Chandramani 22. DSLW.p.230 23 Majma'-ul-Bahrain, ed, by Mahfuz-ul-Haq, Bib. Indica, 1929. An Urdu translation of the work was lithographed at Lahore. For details see DSLW, pp. 13. 21-23. 24. Muhammad Kazm, E. & D., Vol.vii. p. 179. 25. See Dara Shukoh's preface to his translation of the Upanishads. Prof. Bikrama Jit Hasrat has given the text of the prefece as well as its translation in English. He describes it (p.260) as "a most revealing document of supreme importance which must be read in toto..." 26. ibid. pp. 260ff 27. Dara Shukoh was immensely popular among the people who deeply mourned his fate and were outraged at the treatment meted out to him. See, Bernier's account (Travels, pp. 98-99) who was an eye witness of the popular resentment and outburst of anger against perpetrators of the crime. For Aurangbzeb's callous and shocking remark about his elder brother, see Masum, f. 145b quoted by J.N. Sarkar in Aurangzeb, I & II, p.341.

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340 / Jijnasa 43. Pothikhana of Jaipur: Khas-Muhar Late Pt. Gopal Narayan Bahura * The Pothikhana of Jaipur is a repository of important and valuable manuscripts written in Sanskrit, Hindi, Rajasthani, Arabic, Persian and Urdu during the last seven centuries. They deal with a variety of subjects and some of them contain excellent specimens of calligraphy and illustrations of high class paintings. The collection had its beginning long before the city of Jaipur was founded by Sawai Jai Singh in 1727 A.D. The literary endeavours, patronage to poets, scholars and artists and efforts made by the rulers to accumulate and preserve these embodiments of human knowledge as national wealth are highly praiseworthy. Though the manuscript, collected by his ancestors, were none the less important but proper care to access, to put seals on and to preserve them appears to have been taken for the first time during the reign of Mirza Raja Jai Singh (1621-67) and his son Ram Singh (1667-88). It was Sawai Jai Singh (1699-1743) who established a regular department for this end in his new capital Jainagar. His fondness for collecting rare and important manuscripts is evident from the efforts made to acquire a copy of Bhusundi Ramayana through Kalyandas, pupil of Swami Valmiki and the purchases made through Chaturbhuja Kashmiri, Abdulla Najumi and Hakim Mir Jaman Khan of Jhusi between 1728 and 1738 A.D.' It is known from the bahis account books) and other archival papers dating 1737 to 1754 A.D. that the karkhanas (departments) established by Sawai Jai Singh were named griha (house) Pustakagriha and Chitra-griha were two of them which afterwards came to be known as Khasa Pothikhana (the Royal Library) and Surat-khana (painting department) from the time of Sawai Madho Singh I. To the usual staff for the upkeep of the stores a number of skilled calligraphists, painters, poets and scholars were attached to these departments who added to the stock with their accomplishments. In most cases employees were hereditary. Whenever a talented person came to a ruler, he employed him either on a vacant post or by creating a new job. With such arrangements the collections continued to increase due to new purchases, additions by the employed and attached poets, scholars and artists and occasional presents received by the rulers. The queen-mothers, maharanis and other inmates of the seraglio also maintained their own collections. Some of them wrote books in their leisure. Their belongings were called amvali and after their death, the same were taken over by the respective departments and Karkhanas. A note amvali scavi, (received from the amvali) is noticed for such articles in the registers or on the first and the last leaf of manuscript. The most valuable and important assets were kept under-Khas-muhar or the personal seal of the ruler which was opened and put back only under his orders by the Khas-muhar officers. A proper record of the articles taken out or placed in was kept by the storekeeper of the department. A counterentry was made by the Khas-muhar officers also. The muhar (seal) remained in the custody of the

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Pothikhna of Jaipur: Khas-Aluhar 1 341 Maharaja himself and was issued to the Officer whenever needed. Thus only such manuscripts were issued to the usual staff of the Pothikhana as were required to be copied out or mended. The same were placed back after the needful was done. It is therefore, that copies of very important manuscripts. under Khas-muhar, are found to have been prepared by the later lekhakas or scribes. Consequently, two collections came into existence (1) Khas-muhur collection and (2) Pothikhana collection, which remained in the charge of Pothikhana officials. The third one was added in 1962 V.S. (1905 A.D.) when the manuscripts of Ratnakar Pundarik, the guru of Sawai Jai Singh, and his descendents were acquired and preserved in the Pothikhana. Here, we plan to discuss only the Khas-muhar collection at the Pothikhana, acquired either through purchase, gift or executed by the order of the Maharaja at the pustaka-griha or pothikhanaworkshop. It has mainly hand written books, The second section containing both printed and hand written works will be subject of another article. Popularly known as pothikhana, it is equally important as most of them are first editions and signed by authors who presented them to the Maharaja. Numbers of Journal of Indian Art and Industry, Exhibition catalogues and books printed at Indian presses in vernacular languages - Bengali, Gujarati, Persian and Urdu are highlights of the collection. The manuscripts of Khas-muhar collection above 7800 in number, maybe put into three categories according to their period of collection and creation -(1) manuscripts belonging to pre-Sawai Jai Singh period, (2) those collected, composed and written for Sawai Jai Singh and (3) others related to post-Sawai Jai Singh period, more appropriately, Sawai Pratap Singh period. In the first category a single manuscript bears the date of Raja Bharmal's time, a few are contemporary of Raja Man Singh (1589 to 1614 A.D.) and the largest number is of those collected, composed and written for Mirza Raja Jai Singh and his scholar son Ram Singh I (1667 to 1688 A.D.). Only a few but important ones, bear the dates of Kanwar Kishan Singh and his son Raja Vishnu Singh, grand-son and successor of Ram Singh Collections made by Sawai Jai Singh maybe roughly classified as below:(a) Published books, maps, charts and manuscripts (mostly astronomical) acquired from abroad, (b) manuscripts of astronomical works written by scholars under his patronage, (c) works on religion and devotional philosophy composed by scholars of different sampradayas (sects) for him, some of them finally amended by himself, and (d) manuscripts of important works of general interest related to various branches of learning, acquired by him or copied out by his lekhakas in his Pustak griha. The third period begins with Sawai Ishwari Singh and Sawai Madho Singh I, sons of Sawai Jai Singh, whose own compositions are also available in the collection. But the most conspicuous figure was Sawai Pratap Singh who was himself an eminent poet of Hindi and there are about three dozen works written by him. The number of manuscripts containing his own compositions as well as those of the members of his poetic circle is the biggest in this section of collection. The Pandits and Lekhakas remained busy in editing, copying and arranging his writings according to their subjects and descriptions. Though the compositions of Sawai Pratap Singh and other poets of his court are centred round their devotion to Lord Krishna and Radha, yet they fully represent the social and domestic conditions of the time. The sister-arts of music and paintings also developed and Jaipur became a centre of these noble pursuits during the time to Sawai Pratap Singh.

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342/ Jijnasa The tradition was maintained during the reign of Jagat Singh and Jai Singh III also and many good poems were written by the court-poets and others. Padmakar, the famous Hindi poet, flourished in the court of Pratap Singh and Jagat Singh. Sawai Ram Singh's time was a period of alround progress in Jaipur. The collections of Pothikhana became richer with the addition of new writings and important printed books. A catalogue of the Khas-muhar collection has been prepared, title and authorwise index to the registers has been published. The manuscripts of the other two collections are above 5000 in number and they are yet to be catalogued. A cursory survey of these manuscripts will show that though mostly eulogical, they cover a wide range of subjects and provide much data for study in various branches of learning. A few notes given below, may be of interest to scholars. The earliest dated manuscript is a copy of Bhuvan Dipak-Vritti by Simhatilaka Suri written at Bijapur in 1326 V.S. (1269 A.D.). The next oldest copy is that of Vidyananda-Vyakarana dated 1441 V.S. (1384 A.D.). There are copies of the Sanhitas of all the four vedas and Sayana's commentary dated as early as the last quarter of the 17th century. But the collections are richer with manuscripts on Vedic rituals, the copies of which primarily belong to the time of Sawai Jai Singh. Works on Dharmasastra are numerous. Some of them were compiled for Sawai Jai Singh and the earlier works seem to have been collected for reference. Almost all the Smritis and works by distinguished authors are available. There are copies of the Puranas and Upapuranas written in a fine handwriting. The Vaisnavatukachandrika, commentary on Visnu Purana by Ratnagarbha Bhattacharya, scribed in 1702 V.S. (1645 A.D.) in the reign of Jai Singh I at Aurangabad, is very important and rare, commentaries on Bhagavatam by all the eminent authors are found in the collections. An index to various Puranas, prepared by the court pandits, is very useful. Besides the Upanisads, general philosophy (Vedanta, Nyaya, Sankhya and Yoga) and devotional philosophy had been a subject of much interest to Sawai Jai Singh. He collected all the principal works of the founder exponents of the different Vaisnava Sects, including their commentaries on Vyasa-sutras, Bhagavata and Gita. These manuscripts form a unique source for the study of the subject. Works written under the patronage of the rulers are also interesting and full of information. The Daman Manjari, a drama in Sanskrit), composed by Mohan Kavi, contains an internal evidence that it was staged in the court of Raja Man Singh I (1590-1614 A.D.) and that Karnata artists adored his court. It also provides information about some social customs and court etiquette. In Mansinhapratapa Kallola (Sanskrit), a poem by Trimalla Kavi, a description of the royal insignia of Raja Man Singh is given e.g., Chhatra, Chanwar, horses, elephants etc. The most important are the two poems, Manacharita (in Bhasha) by Amritrai and Narottam Kavi". They deal with the life and achievements of Raja Man Singh. The description in them can be taken as contemporary evidence for many historical events. They also contain important references to the socio-economic conditions of the time. Amritrai wrote his poem in 1642 V.S. (1585 A.D.), the twenty-ninth year of Akbar's reign, and the manuscript was scribed in 1670 V.S. (1613 A.D.), just one year before the death of Raja Man Singh. Narottam's work is more detailed and it was scribed by Manohar Mahatma, a favourite lekhaka of Mirza Raja Jai Singh, in 1697 V.S. (1640 A.D.). In both

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Pothikhna of Jaipur: Khas-Muhai / 343 these contemporary poems, the feast-episode, which is said to have taken place at the time of Kunwar Man Singh's visit to Udaipur, is not traceable while many other historical events are described therein. In Manvarsavarnana by an unknown author, there is an evidence to the acquisition of Shilamai (idol of goddess Durga) from Bangladesha and the construction of her temple near the palace by Raja Man Singh. Also there is a reference to the five coloured flag and the location of the palace and the temple on the bank of the Mahavata lake. Gopal Bhatt, son of Damodar Tailang, renders a vivid and true account of the court of Mirza Raja Jai Singh in his work Jayachampu. He asserts that it is not based on hearsay like that described by other poets about kings of the past. This manuscript is dated 1718 V.S. (1661 A.D.) and bears a seal of Mirza Raja's time. The famous Hindi poet Behari and Kulapati Mishra flourished in this court and the latter continued till the time of Vishnu Singh (Jai Singh's great grandson) for whose pleasure he wrote Durgabhakti Chandrika. Perhaps it was Mirza Raja Jai Singh at whose instance the drama Abhijnana Sakuntala of Kalidas and Ratnavali of Shri Harsha were first translated into Hindi. The latter translation was by Padmapani while the name of former translator is not known. Manohar, the scribe says : rAjAdhirAjasya niyogayogAdratnAvalI zrIjayasiMha sUnoH / zrIpadmapANervacanaprapaJcairnRbhASasyA'lekhi mnohrenn|| Mirza Raja's taste in other branches of learning is evidenced from other manuscripts collected by him e.g., copies of the four vedic Samhitas, all standard Sanskrit Kavyas, Vaisnava-kuichandrika, Parasi Prakash- a grammer of Persian rendered into Sanskrit and containing Sanskrit equivalents of Persian words and Chhanda-gopalam. a rare prosodical work by Kashinath. Two of the ranis of Mirza Raja Jai Singh were interested in having good books in their collections. Several manuscripts are marked to have been written for Maharani Chandrawatiji and consequently received from her Sarkar in the Pothikhana (M.S. 1847). 'The Chhanda gopalam manuscript has got a few decorative figures, of Krisna with cows etc, representing the early art of painting at Amber. Similarly, Rani Anand Kunwari of the Chauhan family (daughter of Shyamdas of Karauli), is praised as particularly interested in acquiring knowledge, giving alms and devoting herself to the meditation of Hari. Mirza Raja's son and successor Ram Singh can be regarded as the original builder of the Pothikhana. We come across his seal dated 1718 V.S. (1661 A.D.),bearing the letters ARY (of Rama) and an effigy of a lion, put on more than 1000 select manuscripts though an earlier seal of his father's time dated 1069 A.H. and an accession note dated 1075 A.H. is also visible on a lesser number of books. Ram Singh himself composed Rupamanjari, Dhatumanjari (both in Sanskrit) and Chhavitaranga (Hindi) and the authorship of Rajopayoginipaddhati and a drama Janakiraghavam is also ascribed to him. Harijivan Mishra was one of his teachers. This is evidenced by a note, written on a fragmentary copy of Pingal-Hamir, saying that fourteen leaves were issued to Harijivan Mishra for teaching. The manuscript bears the seal of Ram Singh. In a drama Sringara vapika it is indicated in the Sutradhar's speech that the author. Vishwanath Bhatt kindly taught and dedicated his work to Ram Singh. Most of the manuscripts copied for Ram Singh are by Ramkrishna and Ramnath Pandits, whom he took with him to Assam and Afganistan during his postings there. Frequent mention of Rangamati and Jamrud are found in the colophon remarks. Ramnath continued till the time of Vishnu Singh.

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344 / Jijnasa From a minor piece of poetry Kridavinodah by Mohanrai Patur, a maidservant of Ram Singh, it becomes known that the ladies of the harem were also educated and trained in the art of poetry. Though the promising career of Kunwar Kishan Singh, son of Ram Singh, was cut short in the prime of youth yet he has left manuscripts in evidence of his interest in the fine arts of music, poetry and painting. He acquired a valuable manuscript of Rasapradipa on Sangitaratnakara in Marathi by Nurkhan. The copy is decorated with four very fine illustrations representing the Deccan school of painting and was written at Jaisinghpura (Aurangabad) for Maharaj Kumar Kishan Singh in 1737 V.S. (1680 A.D.). Janardan Bhatt composed a work Kishanvilasa comprising 710 dohas on moral conduct. A 456 ft. long horoscope of this Maharaj Kumar is embellished with very fine illustrations which stand as specimens of painting in Amber in the later 17th century. Manuscripts belonging to the time of Vishnu Singh, grandson and successor of Ram Singh, represent his interest in Agamic works and drama. There are stray verses speaking about his bravery in operations against the Jats of Mathura and Agra districts. A reference to his founding Vishnupura is also noticed in Sawai Jai Singh Charit by Atmaram Kavi, who has given a detailed account of Jai Singh's life and achievements. The copy is contemporary but incomplete. With his guru, Ratnakar Dikshit, Sawai Jai Singh performed the daily rituals, observed vratas, distributed the sixteen gifts (Sodasa Mahadana) and organised big Yajlas e.g. Vajapeya, Agnistoma, Pundarika and Asvamedha. In Ramavilas Kavya, the author Vishwanath Bhatt gives an eye-witness account of the Vajapeya yajna performed by Ratnakar Dikshit in 1765 V.S. (1708 A.D.). The manuscript is dated 1766 V.S. (1709 A.D.). Ratnakar compiled a voluminous Dharmasastric book Jaisimhakalpadruma for Jai Singh. Much ink has already been spilt by the scholars in the country and abroad in describing the interest, study and achievements of Sawai Jai Singh in the field of Astronomy. Books written by foreign authors also were collected by him for study and the same now constitutes a valuable section of the Pothikhana. Along with his studies in science and ritualistic activities Sawai Jai Singh developed his interest in devotional philosophy of the Vaisnavas. He collected all the principal works of the founder exponents of different sects. Having critically studied these works he made out that no material difference existed in these schools of devotion. He, therefore, composed a commentary Brahmabodhini on the Sutras and tried to reconcile the views of the different acharyas. He also got some co-ordinating works written by his associate scholars. Appreciating his attempts, Venkatacharya of the Ramanuja Sampradaya has said : *As in the past, Nrisimha (fourth incarnation of Visnu) suppressed the antinomy between manhood and animality of a lion (by joining the head of a lion with the neck of a man) so does the wise and learned king Jai Singh make the representatives of different sects speak firmly with one voice rectifying their outward differences'. In order to introduce uniformity in the method of worship in the various Vaisnava sects, he got a book Prabhur Vaidiki puja-paddhati written by Vrajanath Bhatt. Similarly, a work 'Vaidika-VaisnavaSadachar-vidhi' was compiled by Hari Krishna Mishra at his instance, laying down a common code of conduct for all the Vaisnavas. Earlier compositions on Dharmasastra were also collected for reference and thus the collection became rich with the gem works on the subject. During his last years, Sawai Jai Singh became more and more inclined towards the Gaudiya

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Pothikhna of Jaipur: Khas-Muhar 345 with the Goswami of Vrindavana and the influence of Krishnadeva Bhattacharya and Baladeva Vidyabhushan who were sent to him by Vishwanath Chakravarti, the famous commentator on Bhagavata. The works composed by most of the eminent exponents of Chaitanya Sampradaya are available in the manuscript collection of Sawai Jai Singh. This aspect of his career has been dealt with in the least by the writers of political and dynastic history. Sawai Jai Singh's sons Sawai Ishwari Singh and Sawai Madho Singh I, who succeeded him one after the other, were also enthusiastic lovers and patrons of art and literature. Besides, they were authors themselves. Bhaktamala (Sanskrit) by Ishwari Singh and Madhavanandini Padavali and Sabdakaumudi by Madho Singh are preserved in the collection to speak of their authorship. There are some very important Sanskrit and Hindi works composed and scribed during the short reign of Ishwari Singh. Agamic works by Kishormani Bhatt, selected portions compiled from the Yamalas, a compendium of useful medicinal prescriptions etc., bear testimony to his variety of taste inspite of his life of uprest after accession to the gaddi. Many scholars, poets and artists came to Jaipur with Madho Singh from Udaipur. They were added to the galaxy of courtiers, who came down from his father's time. The creative activities increased by far during his reign and many good poems and dramas were composed for his pleasure e.g., Madhava-vijaykavyam by Dwarkanath Bhatt, Padya Tarangini by Vrajnath Bhatt, Madhava Vilasa or Aryasataka by Shyam Suuder Lattu, which provide a vivid description of Jaipur City of his days and Rukmini-madhava-natakam by Krishnadatta - all in Sanskrit and Premasara in Hindi by Shri Lalji or Aruna Kavi. A very interesting and important work is Rajaritinirupana Sataka compiled by Dalpatirai or lal in Sanskrit under orders of Sawai Madho Singh and his guru Vrajbhusanlalji Goswami of Kankroli. It describes names and functions of the different officers and departments required to run the government according the Mughal system of administration. The art of good penmanship also received great encouragement at the hands of the rulers. Most of the manuscripts are written in clear and neat handwriting by the lekhakas of Pothikhana in Devanagari script. Many pieces are collected as specimens of calligraphy in Persian script; but the two manuscripts of Gitapancharatna written with gold and silver inks by Ghasiram Mahatma during the time of Sawai Prithvi Singh (1767-1778 A.D.) are unique. Sawai Pratap Singh was himself an eminent poet of Hindi and an admirer of poetry and art. His court had, therefore, become a beehive of poets, scholars and artists who shared his munificence. Manuscripts containing his own works and those of his court-poets and associates form the bulk of the collection. It was during his time that a re-organisation of the Pothikhana took place and efforts to preserve and arrange the manuscripts according to their subjects were made. Important works were got bound with brocade, mashru, velvet and chintz fabric. About twenty of his works have since beeu published in Brajnidhi-granthavali. Still more than a dozen works have remained unknown and unpublished. A manuscript of Rajaniti gudva in Hindi prose is very interesting. It lays down a code of conduct for a ruler. Haya namavali is another work in which the kinds, qualities and the names of his favourite horses are compiled. His other works, published and unpublished, deal with the love of Krisna and Radha. Krishnadatta, a court-poet of Sawai Pratap Singh, has described the daily routine of his life and bravery shown against the Marathas. It is in the form of a dialogue between the poet and a Maratha Chief. Besides composing stray verses and minor works in poetry, some of his court poets have

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346 / Jijnasa translated several parvas of the Mahabharat in Hindi verses. It was under orders of Sawai Pratap Singh that Gumaniram Kayastha rendered a Hindi translation of Ain-e-Akbari the famous compendium of emperor Akbar's institutions of administration and accounts. This work, if published with annotations by competent editors, may prove very useful to scholars. Dharmajahaja by Shri Krishna Mishra. Amrita Sagura (in Hindi). Pratapasagara in Sanskrit) and the Radhagovinda Sangitasara are works on Dharmasastra, Ayurveda and music, compiled for him and they speak about his manifold interest in learning Pratap Singh felt satisfaction in enriching his collection by acquiring valuable objects from available sources. The Razmanama, Persian translation of the Mahabharata and the Royal Ramayana, both profusely illustrated with finest paintings, are said to have been acquired at a fabulous cost by him. Though the exact time and circumstances of the coming of these immortal monuments of art and literature to Jaipur are not definitely known yet it is certain that the former bears seals of the 'Mir Kutubs' (Keeper of the royal library) from the time of emperor Akbar to Shah Alam (1759-1806 A.D.). These manuscripts, therefore, might have come here during the time of Shah Alam or his successor. Another interesting account of Sawai Pratap Singh's liberality and itch to spread Indian knowledge abroad is found in a Bengali book 'Vaidika-gavcsana' Pt. I by Umakant Hazra. According to it, he gave a complete copy of the four Vedas with an index in Persian script to a Frenchman. Lt. Col. Antonio Louis Henri Polier in 1778 A.D. Polier sent his collection to the British Museum in London through Joseph Bank in 1789 A.D. Rosen prepared a recension of Rigveda from the above set. Raja Ram Mohan Roy was very much pleased to see the copy during his visit to the West. Ganapati Bharati, guru of Sawai Pratap Singh in poetics, compiled two Hazara (anthologies containing 1000 or more verses each) for his (king's) pleasure. One is Sringara Hazara and the other Vira Hazara. Many historical references, to the valour of Pratap and his ancestors are found in the latter. Sawai Jagat Singh, son and successor of Sawai Pratap Singh had also received good education and took interest in Hindi poetry. It is well known that the famous Hindi poet Padmakar flourished in his court and composed Jagadvinoda and Rama rasayana under his orders. Earlier Padmakar had written Pratap-prasasti in praise of Pratap Singh. An important historical poem, Jayavamsa Mahakavyam was composed by Sitaram Parvanikar during the time of Sawai Jai Singh III (1818-1835 A.D.). It is a complete history of Amber-Jaipur rulers in Sanskrit Verses. Sawai Ram Singh's time (1835-1880 A.D.) was again a period of alround progress in the annals of Jaipur State. Consequently, activities in the Pothikhana also gained a new fervor. While the Lekhakas and artists continued their pursuits, standard printed books were also collected. Dulichand, a favourite poet of Sawai Ram Singh, translated Mudraraksasa nataka into Hindi under the title-Bheda Prakasa and also wrote independent works on niti under his orders. He also prepared a history of the Kachhwaha rulers of Amber and Jaipur in Hindi verses. It is titled as Kurmavilasa and is still unpublished. Two princess of Riwa were married to Sawai Ram Singh II. They brought a considerable number of manuscripts and books with them, mostly the works of Maharaja Vishwanath Singh Deva and his son Maharajkumar Raghuraj Singh Deva who was a famous Hindi poet. All these have been added to the collections of the Pothikhana. As Sawai Ram Singh was a devotee of Siva and reformer, his pandita mandali was at work in writing advocating his views. Dharma-Chandrodaya and Pakhand Sodhana are principal compositions of this kind.

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Pothikhna of Jaipur: Khas-Muhar / 347 Manuscripts and books collected during Sawai Madho Singh II (1880-1922 A.D.) and Sawai Man Singh (1922-1970) will be discussed in the Pothikhana : Collection of manuscripts and printed books, as the major part falls in the category of printed books. The paper is being concluded at this point with a remark that though the Catalogue of the Khasmuhar collection is published, it is in index form. If the collection is properly studied subjectwise, the late medieval period ideas may be retraced and will help in understanding the cultural and scientific life. * 1 2 3 Reference Originally written by Late Pt. Gopal Narayan Bahura and is presented here in edited form by Dr. Mrs. Chandramani Singh Director, Archives and Library, M.S. Man Singh II Museum, City Palace, Jaipur Arzi, No. 565; Descriptive list of documents in the kapad-dwara collection, National Register, National Archives of India 1971. Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Maharaja Jaipur Muesum A.D. 1971, pp. 74, 75. Papers preserved in the kapad-dwara (Department of the Personal Store of the Maharajas. Lekhakas, who wrote books for Sawai Jai Singh, have also made a mention of his Pustaka griha in their colophonic remarks. 4 A detailed list of this collection is in process of publication. It mainly consists of manuscripts on Ayurveda and Astromomy. 5 G.N. Bahura, Literary Heritage of the Rulers of Amber and Jaipur, Jaipur 1976. 6 G.N. Bahura, Man Charitavali, 1990, Jaipur.

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348/ Jijnasa 44. Asokan ideal of Dhamma Vijaya - The impact of Ascetic thought and the new trends in Indian Diplomacy Pramila Sanghvi The political conditions and struggles of the times determined the Mauryan State; in it the political evolution of India reached its zenith. It also helped to institutionalize kingship, even the Kautiliyan Arthasastra bears testimony to the political ideal and practice of the Mauryan period. The cardinal principle of the Arthasastra was the universalization of political principles and the intensification of political activities for safeguarding the interests as well as promoting the ends of the Mauryan State. Kautilya visualised the importance of political factors and mobilized all his powers to bring about the solidarity of the Mauryan State and kingship on the firm foundation of the laws of politics and statecraft. In other words, the Mauryan political Organisation throve on the totalitarian principles of statecraft and politics. Asoka was brought up in the Mauryan political traditions. The Mauryan spirit possessed him and his political outlook was stamped with it; he carried in his person the Mauryan heritage. This Mauryan aspect of Asoka continued to affect all the phases of his personality till he fought the most bloody war of Kalinga in order to actualise the Mauryan dream of political suzerainty. 'Chandasoka' of the Buddhist tradition might have been the typical Maurya who idealised in him the Mauryan political ideal and practice. To the Buddhist world, the Mauryan ideology was, to all intents and purposes, useless and harmful. Both represented ideals antagonistic to each other. The Mauryan ideal stood for the regimen of life on the basis of political principles. The Buddhistic ideal also claimed the superiority, of a regimen of life on the realisation of cultural values. This clash of ideals. Mauryan and Buddhist seems to disclose the mystery of 'Chandasoka' and his metamorphosis into a 'Dhammasoka.' Although the edict brings out in bold relief the character of 'Chandasoka' as a true specimen of the Mauryan world, yet it shows the far reaching change that had set in the personality of Asoka. The edicts of Asoka stand out pre eminent as a challenge to the laws of politics and proclaim a new message, of understanding, for the cooperation and integration for human welfare. The complete culturalisation of politics, government and the state was the avowed aim of Asoka who made it known through his edicts. He destroyed with his own hands the creation of the Maurya without any remove. The existence of the Mauryan political state was set at naught and in its place arise the *Asokan State as the upholder and promoter of cultural values'.

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Asokan ideal of Dhamma Vijaya / 349 Asoka found solace in the law of the Buddha: the undercurrents of the Buddhist thought must have been effecting imperceptible changes in the evolution of the personality of Asoka. As the war of Kalinga shook him thoroughly, he realised the importance of Buddhism as a philosophy of activism. He did not give up the world and a recluse in search of Nirvana. Asoka was a man of action. To lay down weapon, as a defeatist is the antithesis of Asoka, turning his back to the world was impossible for the man in him. The philosophy of Buddhism in its practical bearing on life and its problems was a quick incentive to his complete identification with principles of individual and social welfare. Asoka understood and imbibed the true spirit of Buddha and popularised it through his edicts. He analysed Buddhism and out of it gleaned and garnered what he considered as its basic nucleus and essence. The Kalinga war opened Asoka's eyes to inherent dangers in the supreme political organisation for the well being of human life. Asoka so intensely visualised the dreadful and soul killing nature of the political state that his hatred for political principles. guiding and controlling the life of the state, set deep in his heart. To him the political state was an embodiment of grossest instincts, finding outlet and expression in the field of politics. It sheds human blood for realising its ends, it creates and fosters hatred and disunity; it asserts, its own feigned superiority over political powers by infusing awe, dread and fear in the lives of the people. As an ugly and crude instrument of political forces, it debases and dehumanises the personality of man." After Asoka had waded through human blood on the battlefield of Kalinga, it dawned upon him that the Maurya State was rotten to the core and its further retention would mean the perpetuation of evil in an organised form. The Kalinga war is a living confession of the futility of political principles of the Mauryan sovereign. In the eyes of Asoka, war not only creates morbidity and callousness in man but actually smothers all his humanness also; society, culture and civilization are destroyed by it. The law of politics sow seeds of hostility between two countries: the spirit of politics thrives on war. The success of politics and the victory in war are considered as political wisdom, but in the scale of ethics victory thus scored is no real victory. The psychological result of such a victory is the perpetuity of war between the conqueror and the conquered, because the foundation of their relation is not laid on human values. Between them no co operation of purpose, no commonness of ideal or interest and no social integration can be possible. Thus war ends no war but perpetuates itself. If to appreciate a great man of history is to appreciate the doctrine or ideal with which he identified himself. Asoka no doubt, strove very hard for the temporal welfare of his subjects. But what has made Asoka entitled to world wide renown, and infact the principal object, which he had invariably before his mind, and on the realization of which he prided himself, was the spiritual good of man, the dissemination of which he loved to call Dhamma, not only in his country but for beyond in the dominions of his independent kingdoms. Interpretations of Dhamma The simple character of the Dhamma taught by Asoka in his edicts is apparently in conflict with the fact that he was a Buddhist when he preached it and has thus much puzzled the scholars. There are divergences of opinion on the real nature and character of Asoka's Dhamma'. Dr. Fleet held the view that the Dhamma of the rock and pillar edicts was not Buddhism at all but simply 'Raja Dhamma' i.e. a code of duties prescribed for the, kings. But the Dhamma referred to by Asoka in the edicts cannot possibly be any kind of rules intended for rulers or governors to follow for good administration but rather for the people in general to put into practice for leading a righteous life.

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350 / Jijnasa Dr. Vincent Smith says "The Dhamma or Law of Piety which Asoka preached and propogated unceasingly with amazing faith in the power of sermonizing had few, if any, distinctive features. The doctrine was essentially common to all Indian religions, although one sector denomination might lay particular stress on one feature in it rather than on another". It is in agreement, more or less, with this view that Dr. R.K. Mookerji is inclined to appraise Asoka's Dhamma as something like a universal religion." Dr. Senart is inclined to interpret Asoka's Dhamma in the light of Buddha's words." The most powerful advocate of this opinion is Dr. Bhandarkar for whom Asoka's Dhamma is nothing short of that aspect of primitive Buddhism that is meant for the upasakas or lay worshippers of Buddha. Prof F.W. Thomas says "We hear from Asoka nothing concerning the deeper ideas or fundamental tenets of that faith; there is no mention of the Four Grand Truths. the Eightfold path, the chain or Causation and the word and idea of Nirvana fails to occur". The position taken up by Dr. Barua is that Asoka's Dhamma is wholly consistent with the principles of secular Buddhism and not altogether inconsistent with those of other systems of faith and thought." Before we analyse the nature of the policy of Dhamma expounded by Asoka, it is necessary to inquire into the reasons for this new policy. It is difficult to state precisely what the personal prejudices of the king may have been. We can make a guess by using his edicts as our source and attempt to explain why the outside conditions e.g. environmental demanded this policy. During the latter years of the Nanda dynasty, the first attempt was made under Mahapadma, at building a centralized empire on a large scale. The fact that it was not entirely a success was due largely to the failure of the individual rulers to understand the workings of an empire. Chandragupta Maurya, on conquering the Nanda domains, completed the policy of centralisation with great success. The empire, administered by an efficient bureaucracy, extensively covered by good communications and under the control of a powerful ruler was probably as centralized as was possible during that period. All these three characteristics existed under the Mauryas. The central control of the ruler had to be maintained at all costs and this could be achieved by the adoption of either of two policies. One was that of exercising a ruthless control through armed strength. self deification and various other means. The other was certainly subtler. The king declared himself in favour of a new belief, possibly even an electric collection of views from varying groups. Thus the dominance of the other groups could be undermined and the central authority could increase its power. This was the policy selected by Asoka. Asoka was not an avowed Buddhist at the time of his accession and that his interest in Buddhism grew after some years. He had considerable trouble fighting his way to the throne. It is quite possible that in the early years of his reign, while lie was consolidating his position, he did not have the enthusiastic support of the older and more orthodox elements at the court. By moving away from orthodox Brahmanism though not opposing it and by giving open support to Buddhism and certain other sects, he was seeking the potential support of non orthodox elements which may eventually have succeeded in weaning the people away from orthodoxy, and in the end making his own principles more acceptable to the populace., He was aided in this by the fact that these sects had the support of the newly risen commercial class and the mass of the population was not antagonistic to them. In addition to this, the new beliefs were not violently opposed to the old and it was therefore possible to bring about a compromise. Thus Asoka saw the practical advantage of adopting the idea of the Dhamma.

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Asokan ideal of Dhamma Vijaya/ 351 Another factor connected with the general scheme of centralization, is that of unifying small political units, of welding divergent groups into a basic cohesion. This is of practical importance where centralization extends over large areas including a diversity of social and cultural types. It demands loyalty to a larger cross frontier group than to its own immediate group. If racial variations were not so great, cultural differences were certainly tremendous in the Mauryan Empire. The adoption of a new faith and its active propogation would act as a cementing force. welding the smaller units. It could be used as a measure to consolidate conquered territory. provided that it was used wisely. and was not forced upon unwilling people. Asoka certainly showed a considerable degree of understanding.7 In analysing the political implications of Asoka's new policy the question of the cakravartin ideal is of some importance. Buddhist literature gives us a description of the cakravartin. 18. He is described as a universal emperor whose dominions included the whole of Jambudvipa. His rule was just and his reign prosperous. He was so virtuous a king that he came to be regarded as having the power of divinity. Pali Chronicles and legends portray Asoka as a Dhammika Dhammaraja the builder of many stupas, defender of the Therava2din Buddhism as given in the account of the third council and as a propogator of Buddhism in India and abroad. His edicts portray him as a righteous monarch,, founder of a socio moral order propounder of a system of piety and duty, who tried to provide the conditions for a virtuous society in which the Sangha and its dhamma could flourish. Asoka made an attempt to combine in his person the idea of the Cakkavatti Dhammika Dhammaraja" as portrayed in the Pali Canon. He seems to have emulated an already set precedent of Buddha who as a Cakkavatti Dhammika Dhammaraja rules justly and righteously and resorts to use of force of his world conquest. abandoning the rod or sword only when his conquests are complete.20 Asoka too sought to renounce force (violence), espoused ahimsa and advocated Dhammavijaya only after accomplishing conquest and empire building." Dhamma was Asoka's own invention, though it may have borrowed from the Buddhist and Hindu thought, but it was in essence an attempt on the part of the king to suggest a way of life which was both practical and convenient, as well as being highly moral. The edicts gave Asoka the opportunity to expound his Dhamma. Therefore the best reconstruction of the latter is by an examination of the principles as expressed in the edicts. These can be divided into two categories: one group consisted of his public pronouncements, the second were personal epistles directed to the Samgha. The Edicts contain the prohibition of animal sacrifices and festive gatherings, or samaja," Here the emphasis is laid more on the sacrificing of animals rather than their killing. The prohibition is of the ritual sacrifice of animal. If there was a general bans on the killing of animals for food, then surely the king would be the first to discontinue the practice himself for he himself confesses the animals being killed for the royal kitchen. The hints against useless practices in other edicts23 and the prohibition of festive gatherings would suggest that he did not approve of the ritual that finally led to the sacrificing of animals. Possibly the idea was even more repugnant to him than the act, as he associated it with primitive cults. The prohibition of animal sacrifice could not have been a popular move with the brahmanas, since it was a regular source of livelihood for them.24 In this connection it has been stated, Animal or Vedic sacrifices went out of fashion with the pastoral economy when independent petty kingdoms had been wiped out. The agrarian economy had won at last, the pastoral life and ritual were finally defeated'.25 This interpretation gives too much

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352/ Jijnasa significance to a comparatively straightforward action. The change from a pastoral economy or a village economy had by now been effected, else it would have been impossible to maintain such a large centralized empire as the Mauryan Empire. Much of the pastoral ritualism would have died a natural death. and the number of sacrifices must have been reduced. It can therefore be said that Asoka's prohibition gave sanction to an already existing trend. The other prohibition, that of festive meetings or gatherings, Asoka says that he sees much evil in festive assemblies. The term samaja, which he uses, may refer to secular gatherings of a non religious nature as well. In another edict he speaks of festive meetings, most probably state sponsored, where celestial apparitions may be seen. The precise reasons for this measure are uncertain. It may have been a puritanical objection on the part of the king, the 'evil' being economic waste and immoral behaviour. Thus the samaja and the sacrificing of animals may have been part of the same ritual based on primitive cults of which Asoka disapproved. The suppression of these popular meetings and assemblies is in conformity with the idea of strict centralization. Such gatherings may have been feared as occasions for attacks on the kings new ideas. The continuance of all the old traditional festivals would reparative the older ideas and would periodically raise doubts in the minds of the participants regarding the new preaching. On the other hand organised festivals, if properly handled. would produce the required emotional effects and could therefore be used as propaganda machines.28 Asoka says that policy of Dhamma has improved the general condition of the people, since the moral advance has been tremendous. The phrase, used in Rock Edict IV., 'the sound of the drum has become the sound of Dhamma' has been the centre of much controversial interpretations by various scholars. It seems fairly clear from the context, that the author wishes to say that the sound of the drum is now associated with edifying spectacles. The term bheri does not specifically mean a war drum as one authority has maintained, since it was a drum which was used either when leading forces into battle or for general announcements in towns and villages. To interpret it as a war drum is to narrow its meaning arbitrarily. In this context the opinion of Dr. Bhandarkar appears to be closest to the idea that Asoka may have had when he composed the phrase. He writes, "The sound of a drum invariably precedes either a battle, a public announcement, or the exhibition of a scene to the people. But since Asoka entered on his career of righteousness it has ceased to be a summons to fight but invites people to come and witness certain spectacles: and as those spectacles are of such a character as to generate and develop righteousness, the drum has become the proclaimer of righteousness": 30 Constituents of Dhamma The Dhamma of the Edicts is not any particular Dhamma or religious system, but the Moral Law independent of any caste or creed." It has a two old aspect (a) practical and (b) doctrinal. In its practical aspect, it prescribes a comprehensive code of conduct embracing the various relations of life. The six typical relations of reciprocity are those between parents and children, teachers and pupil, husband and wife, kinsman and kinsman, friend and friend, master and slaves, sramanas and brahmanas and the lay supporter. It is described as comprising (1) Susrusa, obedience to father and mother, elders, teachers (gurus), high personages (agrabhuti)? (2) Apachiti, respect of pupils (antevasi) towards their gurus**

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Asokan ideal of Dhamma Vijaya (3) Sampatipati, proper treatment towards asceties, both brahmana and sramana, relations, servants and dependents (dasa bhataka), the poor and miserable, friends, acquaintances and companions." / 353 (4) Danam,. liberality towards ascetics, brahmana and sramanas, friends, comrades and relatives (mita-samstuta-bhatika), and the aged (thairanam) 35 (5) Prananam anarambha, abstention from slaughter of living beings. 36 (6) Prananam samyamo, restraint of violence towards living beings.37 (7) Avihisa bhutanam, non violence towards life.38 By the inclusion of these duties. the king no doubt aimed at the purity of domestic life so essential to the well being of society. of which the family is the basis and unit. The circle of domestic relations embraced even the brahmans and the sramanas, thereby recognizing the duty of householders to support the ascetics who left their households in the interests of their spiritual life. It also embraced the lower animals. whose claim to kind treatment by their human masters are established and even enforced. 39 Sometimes, again this code of Duties, or practical Dhamma, is more generally described as comprising the following virtues viz. daya" (kindness), danam11 (liberality), satyam2 (truthfulness), saucham3 (inner and outer purity), mardavam44 (gentleness), sadhuta" (saintliness), apa-vyayata and apa-bhandata" (moderation in spending and saving), samyama" (self control), bhava-suddhi (purity of heart), kritajnata" (gratitude), dridha bhaktita (firm devotion) and Dhamma rati (attachment to morality). Asoka intention of what might be termed a welfare policy towards his subjects is evident from the edict and there are no religious tones in his reference to it. He is concerned about the relationship between servants and masters and the treatment of prisoners, both of which are subjects of general concern to any ruler, no matter what his religious convictions may be. The master servant relationship is of great consequence in any society and it is to Asoka's credit that he appointed a special body of officers for this work. The statement concerning officials who attend to the welfare of prisoners brings out a particularly humane aspect of Asoka's policy. ... They are busy in promoting the welfare of prisoners, should they have behaved irresponsibly or releasing those that have children, are afflicted or are aged.52 Kern has a strange interpretation of this passage. He believes that it refers to the fetters of the spirit and the freeing of the soul.53 But that is a forced interpretation. This edict is devoted to the matter of social and administrative welfare. The edict hints at something more on the lives of a reformatory. In any case there was always the hope for the prisoner that his release was at hand. Looking after the prisoner's family is a modern concept in the penal system and speaks well for the foresight of the Mauryan administration. Asoka introduced the institution of the Dhamma Mahamattas, the special cadre of officials, in his fourteenth year. 54 It is clear from the edicts that as a group of officers they were of great importance as they were directly responsible for the practical working of Dhamma. In the early years their work was connected with the general welfare of the populace, with particular emphasis on the teaching and practice of Dhamma. These officials were active not only with heart of the empire at Patliputra, but also in the distant frontier regions and among neighbouring peoples. Furthermore they worked both among the religious communities and secular groups. The institution of the Dhamma Mahamattas is

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354 / Jijnasa one of the strongest arguments in support of the view that Asoka's Dhamma did not conform to the religious policy of any one of the existing religions of his time, and further that it was not purely religious policy but in fact covered a more extensive field, including broad aspects of economic social, and political life. Had the Dhamma conformed to any of the religions, more particularly Buddhism, the institution of Dhamma Mahamatta would have been superfluous. The Dhamma was above apart from the various religious groups. The social ethics in India tend to lag behind after the formalism of the caste system had set in. Even the attempt of Buddha was in the end unsuccessful. Monkish orders of this period were concerned largely with their personal salvation through retreat and asceticism. The lowborn was always an outcaste, and the brahmanas and sramanas were too confined by social pressure even to dare to regard him as a human being. The institution of Dhamma Mahamattas was an attempt made by Asoka to provide some system of social welfare for the lower castes and the less fortunate members of the community. It was a form of social welfare which in practice was eliminated by the rigidity of the caste system. Asoka's inauguration of this system may well have been prompted by charitable and sympathetic feelings. But there was a practical necessity for it. A centralized administration is always more efficient of social welfare at all levels is attended to. Asoka's concept of centralization certainly included the welfare of his subjects. By giving the Dhamma Mahamatta this title he ensured against title accusation that they were mere officials who had been given too much power. Now they became a privileged body carrying out a special mission of the king. By giving them extensive control over the high and the low, the religions and the secular, he was assured of a constant proximity with all levels of society. This control also served the purpose of bringing about an intensive infiltration of the Dhamma policy into all sections of society. This relationship between the king and his subjects via the Mahamattas creates a new departure from the past procedures. The Mahamattas are told to make their reports to the king at any time, irrespective of what he may be occupied with at the moment. This emergency is particularly stressed in regard to any matter arising in the ministerial council where the action of the king was debated or if the council look an adhoc decision, which had to be reported directly to the king. Asoka's Dhamma is broadbased upon the principle of tolerance. pleading for toleration amongst all sects. It would seem that differences of opinion were expressed in direct and antagonistic ways amongst the various sects. The Asokan idea of toleration differs, however, from the general Indian idea in that if it offers a scheme of active co operation among all sects for their growth in essential matters, and does not leave any sect to itself under the comfortable belief that all faith lead ultimately to one and the same goal. He wants all sects and exponents to come together for frank and free interchanges of their thoughts and ideas in a mutually helping spirit. It urges that men of all sects should listen and study each other doctrines so that all may be were informed (bahusruta) and possessed of noble traditions. If there be any criticism in the course of discussions, it should be as light as possible, but there must also be due appreciation of other sects in this or that point. One must not unduly extol one's own sect and condemn another sect because it is not one's own. He who does that, does so because of his devotion to his own sect and with the desire of glorifying it. In doing so, he not only does a great disservice to other sects but also digs the grave of his own sect. Concord (samvaya), therefore, is good and at the root of it is self restraint (samyama), particularly the guarding of the tongue (vachiguti)

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Asokan ideal of Dhamma Vijaya / 355 The Rock Edict XIII is among the most important documents of Asokan history. It expresses a new idea that of conquest by Dhamma instead of by war and violence. It seems that Asoka, when reviewing the early part of his reign retrospect. was extremely upset at the unhappiness caused b the Kalinga War. It appears that his remorse over the war grew with the years but did not exist to a great extent immediately after the war. Eventually, by way of repentance he devoted himself to a zealous study of Dhamma. He considers deplorable. the deaths and deportations that accompany war. The idea of conquest through Dhamma is a logical development of the theory of Dhamma. It is opposed to conquest by force and thus eliminates aggressive warfare. By the term 'conquest' Asoka does not mean the actual warfare or overrunning or control of foreign territory; it implies the adoption of the principles of Dhamma by the foreign countries. Thus he includes the Greek kingdoms of Syria, Egypt, Cyrene, Macedonia, and Epirus as having been conquered by Dhamma, whereas in fact all that may have happened was a cordial exchange of embassies or missions or merely the sending of one of these by Asoka to the Greek kings mentioned. The universality of Asoka's Dhamma may be particularly appreciated with regard to its psycho, ethical concepts. In his Pillar Edict II enumerates are six principles, which in his opinion goes to constitute Dhamma "The first two are apasinave and bahukayane. Apasinave corresponds in a sense to 'apaparisrava' meaning "little demerit" minimum of sins'. Evidently the two terms represents two sides of piety namely negative and positive: "little evil' and 'much good'. The second term. bahukayane or 'much good as an abstract moral quality finds its fulfillment in many good deeds. The other concepts, which constitute Dhamma, are daya, dane, sache, sochaye, madave and sadhave." The first pair of terms consists of daya and dana. Daya means pity for all living beings, which included anarambho prananam, avihisa bhutanam i.e. non slaughter and non injury to creatures. Pity as a noble feeling stands opposed to cruelty. Dana, which may be translated by liberality, charity is a tangible expression of daya. Dana. implies tyaga, which is both the spirit and the act of self sacrifice. Asoka speaks of various forces and acts of dana." In Pillar Edict II he expressly refers to *the gift of the eye and 'granting the boon of life to the lower creatures. The monumental acts of piety mentioned in P.E.III are all concrete instances of dana. It is with reference to the eye of wisdom that Asoka declared the gift of the doctrine (Dhamma dana) to be the best of all gifts. Asoka speaks of the four moral qualities that go to enhance the value of dana viz sayame (self control) bhavasudhta (purity of motive) kriajnata (gratitude) and dridha bhaktita (firm devotion). The next two categories of Asoka's Dhamma are sache and sochaye. The first term in Asoka's terminology stands for truthfulness in utterances as is evident from the insistence on speaking the truth. It also comes with it the idea of speech, which is pleasant. sweet and appealing. Asoka insists on uttering words that are not harsh. impetuous, crude and that are full of winsome cordiality. The sweetness in meaning gets its due emphasis in Rock Edict XIV. The term sochaye here translated by purity really implies the sense of purity or the consciousness of being oneself pure in body, speech and thought. This may be treated as the pre requisite of a pious deed or an act of virtue. The next pair of terms is composed of madave and sadhave. By madave is meant gentleness. mildness that is the opposite of intrepidity accounting for all rash acts of violence, detention and coercion. In sadhave we have the concept of nobleness under which comes all noble deeds 64 Thus the above mentioned qualities and practices go the make up Asoka's Dhamma. But this is not all that we have to understand by his Dhamma. These qualities and practices form only its positive

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356 / Jijnasa character, But Asoka's Dhamma has also a negative side, which may be summed up in one word asinava. In Pillar Edict III he specifies the malevolent affections that lead to asinava. They are chamdiye (fierceness), nithuliye (cruelty) kodhe (anger), mane (conceit) and isya (envy). Thus not only the performance of moral duties enumerated by Asoka but also freedom from these passions, is necessary for the full and adequate fulfillment of Dhamma. It is seen that Asoka had thus a definite message to give to this world. In regard to the positive side of Dhamma, he specifies not only the attributes that constitute it but also the ethical practices in which they are to manifest themselves. As regard its negative character he has taken care to enumerate the malevolent affections, which impel a man to sin. He has clearly apprehended what debases spiritual progress, and has suggested a remedy, which enables a person to pursue the evolution of piety unhampered. This remedy is self examination (pativekha) which is absolutely necessary for the real development of Dhamma. Asoka refers to the natural tendency of human being to perceive and chuckle over the good he performs, but not to see and regret the ill, the sinfulness he is committing Asoka therefore very aptly remarks that it is very difficult for a person to conduct self examination pativekha and see through the evil he has committed. He insists upon self securing being carried on in order that man may not bring about his own fall. No account of Asoka's Dhamma can be complete unless we know with what ultimate end the Dhamma was to be practiced. While speaking of the officials Rqjjukas he says that he expects these officers to promote the 'hidata and palata' of the provincial people i.e. their happiness in this world and the next67. Similarly, he tells us that the uppermost desire of his mind is that mankind should attain to welfare and happiness hida lokika and palalokika i.e. pertaining to both this and the other world. By following Dhamma, man will secure svarga or heaven in other world says, Asoka. There are at least three references to svarga in his edicts. In Rock Edict VI he says that whatever efforts he puts faith, are in order to make his people happy in order that they may attain to svarga in the next world. Similarly in Rock Edict IX he says that the ceremonies connected with Dhamma are not bound by time. Even if one does not achieve, that object in this world, in the world beyond is produced endless merit. In other words what Asoka means is that the performance of Dhamma breeds much punya or merit in the next world and thus enables a man to attain to svarga or heaven. This brings us to a fundamental concept in ethics, that of relative morality. It appears from the above account that Asoka was beginning to think in terms of double standards of virtuous action. One that was conducive to earthly happiness and the other to heavily bliss. This would imply a serious deviation from his original ethical concept of virtue being meritorious here and in the life to follow. The happiness on earth refers to the brief pleasure, which the satisfaction of a passion brings whereas the avoidance of passions led to eternal happiness in heaven. In Pillar Edict VI, Asoka briefly explains the purpose of the edicts in general. The primary reason was a concern for the welfare and happiness of his subjects, who if they ordered their lives according to the principles of Dhamma would attain happiness. He claims that in this effort of bringing Dhamma to his people, he has been impartial to all classes and all sects. Dhamma combined a system of welfare with his own humanitarian approach. For Asoka, Dhamma was a way of life incorporating a number of ideas and practices. It was based on a high degree of social ethics and civic responsibility Conscious social behavior based on a simple reasoned understanding of secular relationships, was for him essential to any society. Because

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Asokan ideal of Dhamma Vijaya / 357 he insisted on human social behavior he sought to avoid social hypocrisy. By holding out the possibility of heavenly bliss and similar rewards tried to raise the idea of responsibility from mere etiquette to a genuinely felt responsibility, investing it with a certain spiritual significance. Throughout his edicts he stresses the importance of the family. No doubt he saw that the family would provide an ideal nucleus for the development and spread of Dhamma. In interpreting the term Dhamma we must beware of equating it with the Buddhist Dhamma or any other accepted system, which was called by this generic term. The true interpretation of Dhamma can only come about after a detailed analysis of who used the term and in what context. There is no need to seek equations for the Dhamma of Asoka for there is a large enough and retable enough body of literature in his own edicts which provides the answer as to what was the nature of Asoka Dhamma. Political Reaction of Dharma Vijaya: While discussing the gain or loss, the Dhamma Vijaya carrier of Asoka 'conferred of inflicted' on India and without denying that indirectly the country gained considerably, Dr. Bhandarkar poignantly observes", "The effects of this change of policy, of the replacement of vijaya by Dhamma Vijaya, were politically disasters though spiritually glorious. The Hindu mind, which was spiritual, became infinitely more spiritual. But that must have created some apathy to militarism, political greatness and material well being. This must have been the reason why after Kautilya we find the progress of the political theory and practice suddenly impeded and stunted especially at a time when the Magadha state was expected to create the feeling of nationality and raise India to a higher political plane. Asoka's new angle of vision, however sounded a death kneel to the Indian aspiration of a centralised national state and worldwide empire. The effects of his policy were manifest soon after his death. Dark clouds began to gather in the north western horizon, and hardly, a quarter of a century had elapsed since his demise when the Bactrian Greeks crossed the Hindukush which formed the north western boundary of the Mauryan dominions, and began to cause the decay of what was once a mighty empire. What is worse is that the Greek inroads soon after the demise of Asoka, for which his change of foreign policy appears to be responsible, opened a passage into India to the various wild hordes, such as the Sakas, Pahlavas, Kushanas, Hunas and so forth. though, on account of the missionary activity of Asoka, India, it appears has been lost to nationalism and political greatness, she has doubtless gained in cosmopolitanism and humanitarianism which are the basic principles of Hindu society." Thus, Dr. Bhandarkar, has brought his bill of indictment against Asoka. But here, we must also reproduce the similar pronouncements and arguments from Dr. Jayaswal and Dr. Raychoudhuri before we consider the issue raised by them and impartially adjudicate on the facts and authorities relied upon. "The accident of the presence", says Dr. Jayaswal. "On the throne, at a particular juncture in history of a man who was designed by native to fill the chair of an abbot, put back events not by centuries but by milleniums? And Dr. Raychoudhuri, proceeding in the same strain adds: "The Magadhan successors of Asoka had neither the strength nor perhaps the will to arrest the process of disruption. The martial ardour of imperial Magadha had vanished with the last cries of agony uttered in the battlefield of Kalinga. Asoka had given up the. aggressive militarism of his forefathers and had evolved a policy of Dhamma Vijaya, which must have seriously impaired the military efficiency of his empire. He had called upon his sons and even great grandsons to eschew new conquests, avoid the shedding of blood and take pleasure in patience and gentleness. These latter had head more of

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358 / Jijnasa Dhamma ghosha than of Bheri-ghosha. It is, therefore, not at all surprising that they proved unequal to task of maintaining the integrity of the mighty fabric reared by the genius of Chandragupta and Chankya". In all the three pronouncements cited above, Asoka is held responsible for the trials and tribulations and the decadence and downfall of his descendents and successors, for his disobedience to the behest of the political wisdom of Kautilya and departure from the traditional state policy of Magadha. Dr. Raychoudhuri has attacked Asoka on the basis of his having pursued a policy of non violence with such vigour and determination that it resulted in a completely effete nation from a military point of view and one that was not therefore able to withstand the Greek invasion. But this judgement on Asoka policy is not acceptable in the light of the edicts. The unconventional nature of the government of Asoka did not lie in his taking to heart the doctrine of ahimsa. It lay in the fact that he was personally convinced that a greater degree of non violence and mutual respect would be to the benefit of society, and further more that his personal conviction was so great that even as a king he did not refrain from preaching and requesting people to observe such behaviour. As far as possible he determined his administrative policy in accordance with such principles. Had he indeed been so complete a pacifist, as Raychoudhuri would have us believe that he would surely have abolished the death penalty. But capital punishment continued throughout his reign. The only form of alleviation was introduced in his twenty seventh regnal year, when a three day respite was granted to those who were condemned to death". Raychoudhuri maintains that the successors of Asoka were incapable of standing up to an armed force as they had heard more of dhamma ghosha than of bheri ghosha. From the above argument it would appear that Asoka issued an order for the demobilization of all armies and settled down to a rule of non violence in its literal sense. There is no hint of this in the edicts. The rock edict contains evidence, which entirely contradicts Raychoudhauri's contention, that Asoka wished his successors to forswear conquests of territory, Asoka states that he believes that no further conquest is necessary, which is logical enough considering the fact that the Mauryan empire covered practically the entire sub continent, but that, if his successors should have to make a conquest in the future, it was to be hoped that they would be merciful where possible and deliver light punishments Asoka was in a position to maintain pacific policies because his frontiers were secure and so was the territory within the empire. The only area that might have been troublesome. Kalinga, he conquered in the early part of his reign. The absence of innumerable conquests does not in any way suggest that Asoka merely wished to retain what his father and grandfather had conquered before him. That he himself was filled with the grandiose ideas of a conquer cannot to doubted. It is strange that his pacifism did not lead him to reinstating Kalinga as an independent state. But being a practical ruler, he accepted the conquest of Kalinga as a fact and did not raise any moral doubts on the question. Moreover he did not publicize his confession of remorse over the conquest in Kalinga itself. Military conquests are not the only ones of any value, and the greatness of a king does not lie in the number and quality of such conquests. It is clear that Asoka was not the naive and extreme

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Asokan ideal of Dhamma Vijaya / 359 pacifist that some historians have attempted to make of him. Battle and territorial acquisitions are not alone responsible for the creation and destruction of empires. Pt. Harprasad Sastri holds Asoka's policy being directly responsible for the decline of the Mauryan empire. He maintains that the revolt of Pusyamitra was a result of the brahmanical reaction against the pro Buddhist policy of Asoka. Pt. Sastri maintains that the ban on animal sacrifices was a direct attack on the brahmanas since much of their power and prestige lay in the fact that they alone could perform sacrifices and thus acts as intermediates between people and the gods. Dr. Raychoudhuri refutes this charge saying that this does not necessarily imply hostility towards the brahmanas, since Brahmanical literature eg. Upanisada itself stresses ahimsa and mentions the futility of sacrifices. In one edict Asoka specifically stated that no animals are to be sacrificed in the particular place, where the edict has been inscribed. In the other edicts the ban is on the killing of certain animals, even those regarded as edible, and not only on those used in sacrifices. A second point on the same subject is the statement that this action was particularly resented by the brahmanas since it was promulgated by a Sudra king. The Sudra origin of the Mauryas is based on a statement in the Puranas, when in speaking of the Nanda dynasty, it is said that all kings succeeding Mahmpadma will be of Sudra origin". Dr. Raychoudhuri points out that this can only refer to the Nanda Kings who succeeded Mahapadma. because if it referred to succeeding dynasties, then even the Sungas and Kanvas would have to be included as Sudras, and we know that the Sungas were of brahmana origin"78. The kshatriya origin of the Mauryas is stated in other sources. Next, according to Pt. Sastri the dhamma mahamattas destroyed the prestige of the brahmanas. As Dr. Raychoudhuri points out this could hardly have been so, since some of them were concerned specifically with safeguarding the rights and welfare of the brahmanas. Furthermore the dhamma mahamattas were concerned with social welfare generally, and covered much wider field of work than the brahmanas. It is probable. however, that the dhamma mahamattas may have become unpopular with the people in the later years of Asoka's reign, and this prevented if anything Asoka's being in contact with public opinion. With the gradual increase in their powers of interference, these officers tended to form an order of their own, with official sanction and the right of entry everywhere. Since they had the special favour of the king, they were no doubt feared by the populace, and by way of appeasement were granted many privileges. It is likely that in the course of their routine duties, they assumed greater powers than Asoka had intended. The question of Vyavahara samta and Danda samata, the uniformity of legal procedure and punishment, is raised by Sastri in support of his argument that privileges usually given to brahminas regarding penalties were stopped as a result of these two measures adopted by Asoka. The crucial word in the text is samata. One authority translates it as impartiality, which suggests in the context more than a lack of prejudice on the part of the judge. It suggests that punishments should not be given with a partial attitude towards the social position of the offender. Such a rule would contradict legal procedure as laid down in traditional sources, which was no doubt observed. The Arthasastra for instance is very clear on this point. It states, "Taking into consideration the (social position of) persons, the nature of the offence, the cause whether grave of slight (that led to the perpetration of the offence), the antecedent and present circumstances, the time and the place, and without failing to notice equitable distinctions among the offenders, whether belonging to the royal family or the common people, shall the commissioner (Pradesta ) determine the propriety of imposing the first, middlemost

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360 / Jijnasa or higher amercementso"80. Similarly penalties for leading a brahmana astray are for more severe than those for the same offence against a member of lower caste. Thus it appears that the privileges of the brahmanas in the matter of immunity in capital punishment were not so evident as Sastri would have us believe. Asoka's frequent requests in his edicts for due respect towards brahmanas2 hardly points to his being anti brahmanical in outlook. Pt. Sastri's final argument is even weaker than his preciousness. He maintains that Asoka was strong enough to hold his own against the brahmanas. but on his death a conflict arose between his successors and the brahmanas which lasted until the assumption of power by Pusyamitra, and the latter was the expression of a great brahaman revolution. Neither of these statements is borne out by existing evidence, for we know that one at least of Asoka's descendents was quite anti Buddhist and very pro brahman Jaluka is described as an ardent Saiva. The idea of Pusyamitra being violently anti Buddhist has often been stated, but archaeological evidences suggests the contrary. Buddhist literature relates that Pusyamitra wishing to gain notoriety decided that even a wicked action could be excused provided it made him well known. As to why Asoka gained fame, he was told that it was due to Asoka having built 84,000 stupas for Buddhism. Where upon Pusyamitra decided that he would gain fame by destroying these 84,000 stupas. Yet, an archaeological study of the stupas at Sanchi proves that it was enlarged and encased in its present covering during the Sunga periode Since the Mauryan empire had shrunk considerably and the kings of the later period were hardly in a position to defend themselves. it did not need a revolution to depose Brhadratha. It has been stated that Pusyamitra assassinated him while reviewing the army. This does not suggest a great revolution. In fact it paints very strongly to a palace coup d'e'tat. The organization of the state was by now. at such low ebb that subordinate officials were willing to accept anyone who could promise them a more efficient organization In determining the quality of governments or rulers. an evaluation of their foreign relations is essential. This would include relations based both on diplomacy and on geographical proximity. The century in which Asoka lived was one of tremendous intercommunication between the eastern Mediterranean and South Asia. Asoka was aware of the importance of foreign relations and contact with peoples outside his empire. Most of his contacts were to the south and the west. The east was almost outside his sphere of interest. The fact of Indians going in large numbers to foreign countries and travelling in distant places appears to have been a new development,85 although Megasthenes states that Indians have never migrated from their own country. This new spirit of adventure was no doubt due in part of familiarit with other people after the Greek campaign, and in part to the opening up of trade with foreign countries. particularly with the west. Asoka's missions were the main contact that Asoka had with neighbouring countries. They may be described as embassies, though the word mission is more appropriate. A state could not be at peace for a long time. with the neighbouring people and powers if its foreign relations were always guided by the fourfold diplomatic means as contemplated in Brahmanical Rajdharama. The sordid art of diplomacy was sought to be superseded by the nobler policy of Dhammavijaya without the least thought about impairing the strength of the state and its military efficiency. The imperial envoys were dispatched to convey the good wishes from the side to foreign courts and peoples, to carry on works of public utility and to acquaint the countries they visited with

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Asokan ideal of Dhamma Vijaya / 361 the policy of Dhamma. in which lay the real happiness of men and the elevation of humanity. They were not resident in any single country for a long period. Had the mission been resident embassies, and if they had had some degree of permanent success there would have been a reference to them in European sources. The Dutas or emissaries were the imperial agents of Asoka through whom the mission of his Dhamma Vijaya was sought to be fulfilled in the territories of the five Greek contemporaries, as well as in the five independent territories of the Cholas. the Pandyas, the Satiyaputras, the Keralaputas and the Tamraparnyas representing then the five most powerful Dravidian nations of South India. The semi independent tribal states of such Northern and North Western ruling peoples as the Yonas. the Kambojas. the Gandharas. the Nabhakas and of such Southern and South Western ruling people as the parent Rashtikas and Bhojas and their offshoots the Andhras and Purinda Parada are also expressly included within the range of his embassies 86 The veracity of Asoka's statement concerning the despatch of embassies to the five Greek territories and the claim to the great success attained there through his new plan of Dhamma Vijaya has been challenged a bit rudely by Prof. Rhys Davids who writes, "It is difficult to say how much of this is more royal rodomandate. It is quite likely that the Greek kings are only thrown in by way of make weight as it were and that no emissan, had actually been sent there at all87" The cogent arguments by which this may be set at rest are as follows: 1. The restricting of the list to five names. faithfully Indianised, cannot but speak of sincerity and accuracy on the part of Asoka. 2. The orderly manner of introducing them, keeping evidently in view the contiguity of the five Greek territories was rendered possible only by a correct information about the relative geographical positions of the territories concerned. 3. The treaty with Seleucus of about 302 B.C. was followed by the despatch to the court of Asoka's grandfather of the famous envoy, Megasthenes. while Asoka's father Bindusara reviews at his court the homage of the next envoy, Deimachos, from Antiochus Soter. A third envoy named, Dionysios was sent to the court of Patliputra by Asoka's contemporary, Ptolemy Philadelphus of Egypt. These facts are recorded by the Greek writers but ignored in Indian literature. Similarly Asoka records the despatch of envoys by him to the court and territories of his five Greek frontagers and the Greek writers ignore it. To these might be added also the arguments: Evidently the five Greek potentates were the direct descendents and successers of Alexander the Great's generals and supporters and their territories were but once component parts of the Greek empire left behind by the great Macedonian conqueror. It was indeed between the two empires. namely. the Mauryan and the Macedonian, that friendly intercourse and exchange of embassies remained possible until the reign of Asoka 8**. References: 'Dr. Ishwar Topa - "The Minister as a Kingmaker." Paper read in the Indian History Congress held at Annamalai Nagar, quoted in Barua, B.M., 'Asoka and his Inscriptions', Calcutta, 1946, p. 365. 'R.E. XIII (Girnar, Shahbazgarhi, Kalsi, Mansehra). 3 Dr. Ishwar Topa, op. cit., p. 357. 4 Ibid, p. 359 R.E. XIII Shabhazgarhi version, Pandey, Rajbali, Hisorical and Literary Inscriptions, varanasi, 1962, p. 15 Ishwar Topa, op. cit. p. 360.

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362 / Jijnasa Bhandarkar, D.R., Asoka, Delhi, 1960, (Hindi) p. 89 & Fleet, J.F., Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, pp. 491-497. Smith V.A. Asoka : The Buddhist Emperor of India, Delhi Reprint, 2002 pp. 59-60 10 Mookerji, R.K., Asoka II edition, Delhi, 1955 p. 69. 11 Indian Antiquary, 1891, pp. 264-265 12 Bhandarkar , D.R. op. cit., p. 105. 1 Cambridge History of India, Acoka, The Imperial Patron of Buddhism, Part I, Ch. XX p. 505 14 Barua, B.M., Asoka and his Inscriptions (Part I & II) Calcutta, 1946 p. 225. 15 Thapar. R., Asoka and the Decline of the Mauryas, Delhi, 1963 pp. 143-144. 16 Minor Rock Edict 1, (Brahmagiri, Siddapura, Jattinga-Ramesavaram, Maski) 17 Thapar, R., op. cit. p. 145. 1 Digha Nikaya III, 'Carkkavatti Sihanada Sutta 3 Pathika Vagga, Dev Nagari Pali Series, ed. B.J. Kashyap. pp. 55ff. 19 Divyavadana (BST.), pp. 87 88. Asoka is represented as a 'dvipa cakravartin'i.e lord of the entire Jambudvipa in the Samantapasadika. (I., p. 84). 20 Rhys Davids (Mrs.) Book of Gradual Sayings, IV. p. 54. 2. Kalinga Rock Edict XIII. Romila Thapar (Asoka and the decline of the Mauryas. p.168) comments that 'with the conquest of Kalinga the consolidation of the empire was complete and that there was now no opposing power within the empire'. 22 Rock Edict 1. (Shahbazgarhi)... hida na kimci jivam arabhit pa prajuhitavyam na ca sama jo kattavvo ...., Pandey Rajbali, op.cit. p. 5 Rock Edict I, IX. 24 Thapar. R., op.cit. p. 151. 25 Kosambi, D.D. - Introduction to the study of Indian History, Bombay, 1956., p. 189 26 The objectionable kind of samaja is described in the Digha Nika va (Vol. III PTS) as comprising the six features of dancing, singing, music, story telling, and cymbals. Kautilya in his Arthasastra, (1.21.46) recommends the organisation of yatra, samaja and utsava. >> Roct Edict IV. (Girnar), Panday Raj Bali, op. cit. p. 7 28 Thapar R., op. cit., p. 152. 19 Raychoudhuri, H.C. Political History of Ancient India, Allahabad, 1971, p. 327. Bhandarkar, R. G. Indian Antiquary, 1913. pp. 25 ff. "Mookerji, R.K., Asoka, op.cit., p. 69. 3 Rock Edict, III, IV, XI, XIII; Pillar Edict VII. "Minor Rock Edict II ; Rock Edict, XI Rock Edict; IV, IX, XI, XIII. 35 Rock Edict; IV, IX, XI, XIII. ** Rock Edict. III. IV. XI: Pillar Edict VII. 37 Rock Edict IX. 38 Rock Edict IV & Pillar Edict VII. ** Mookerji R.K. op. cit.. p. 70. 40 Pillar Edict II, VII. 41 Pillar Edict II ; Rock Edict VII. 42 Minor Rock Edict II ; Pillar Edict II, VII. *Pillar Edict II, III. 14 Rock Edict XIII; Pillar Edict II, VII. 45 Pillar Edict VII. 46 Rock Edict III. 47 Rock Edict VII.

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48 lbid. 49 Ibid. 50 Rock Edict VIII, XIII. 51 Rock Edict, XIII. 52 Rock Edict, V. 53 Kern, H, Manual of Indian Buddhism, Varanasi, 1968, p. 64. 34 Rock Edict V. 55 Kern, H. Manual of Indian Buddhism, Varanasi, 1968, p. 73. 56 Thapar, R., op. cit., p. 156. 57 Rock Edict XIII. 58 Pillar Edict II, VII. 59 Ibid. 60 Rock Edict XI. 61 Rock Edict VII. 62 Minor Rock Edict (Brahmagiri).. 63 Separate Rock Edict 1 (Dhauli, Jaugadha). Rock Edict V. 65 Bhandarkar, D.R., op. cit., p. 93. 66 Pillar Edict III. 67 Pillar Edict IV. Asokan ideal of Dhamma Vijaya Thapar R., op. cit., p. 164. 69 Bhandarkar. D.R. op. cit..) pp.212-213. Jayaswal, K.P. Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society. Vol. 11, p.83 "Raychoudhuri, H.C. op.cit., p. 304. "Pillar Edict IV. 73 Separate Kalinga Edict I also insists on moderation of punishment. 74 It is interesting that the Rock Edict XIII. describing the conquest of Kalinga and its attendant cruelties and evils was not allowed by the emperor to appear among other edicis in Kalinga. 75 The arguments of Pt. H.P. Sastri are contained in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1910, pp. 269-262. 76 Mundaka Upanisada, (1.2.7.). "The arguments of Pt. H.P. Sastri are contained in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1910, pp. 269-262. 78 Raychoudhuri, H.C., op. cit., p. 263. 79 Raychoudhuri, H.C., op. cit., p. 263. 80 Arthasastra, Tran. and Edited by R. Shamsastry, 4. 10.25-26, p. 256. 81 Ibid., 4.13.1, p. 256. 82 Rock Edict IV, VIII, IX, XI. 83 Thapar, R., op. cit., p. 200. 84 Ibid., p. 201. / 363 5 Although Indian troops are known to have fought under Xerxes. 56 Barua, B.M. op. cit., p. 326. 87 Davids, R. Buddhist India, Calcutta, 1959, p. 298. 88 Barua, B.M. op. cit... p. 327-328.

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364 / Jijnasa 45. Rgveda kI viduSI nAriyA~ madhulikA zarmA Rgvaidika kAla meM samAja ke utthAna, utkarSa, preyasa, evaM niHzreyasa meM puruSa varga tathA nArI varga kA yogadAna samAna rUpa se rahA hai| nAriyoM ko bhI apanI zaktiyoM ko pUrNa rUpa se vikasita karane tathA binA bhedabhAva ke samAja meM Age bar3hane kA adhikAra prApta thaa| Rgveda meM vAzakti kahatI hai ki maiM jise cAhatI haiM, use zaktizAlI, brAhmaNa, RSi yA medhavAn banA detI hU~ / ataeva Rgvaidika samAja meM binA bhedabhAva ke sabhI ko veda-jJAna meM zikSita hokara Arya banane kA adhikAra thaa| atharvaveda meM bhI striyoM ko yajJAdhikAra evaM vedAdhyayana kA adhikArI mAnA hai| Rgvaidika yuga kRSi evaM parivAra saMsthA ke susthApana kA kAla thA / tatkAlIna bhAratIyoM ne pArivArika va sAmAjika vikAsa ke antargata naisargika tattvoM ko samajhakara pArivArika jIvana ko vikasita kiyA thaa| bauddhika dRSTi se unnata AryoM ne na kevala nAriyoM ko ucita sthAna pradAna kiyA varan unake sAdhanA, satyatA, sahanazIlatA, saumyatA, mamatA, premAdi sahaja guNoM ko sammAna pradAna kiyaa| AryoM kA vyaSTi va samaSTi kA sambandha naisargika aura vaijJAnika AdhAra para nihita thaa| parivAra samAja kA prathama ghaTaka thaa| isalie saMtati ke saMvarddhana meM mAtA-pitA ke paraspara sahayoga, sahajIvana, pArasparika niSThA ko anivArya mAnA hai| 'viduSI nArI samAja' dvArA racita mantroM ke AdhAra para RgvaidikakAlIna sAmAjika, rAjanItika, Arthika, dhArmika, dArzanika evaM sAMskRtika svarUpa ke darzana kara pAne meM samartha haiN| maMtradRSTA RSiyoM ke sAtha brahmavAdinI RSikAoM ne bhI antaHsphUrta prAkRtika zaktiyoM kI prArthanA aura una prAkRtika zaktiyoM se utpanna sRSTi aura sRSTi ke guNa-karma ko bhAvoM meM vyakta kiyA hai| ina nAriyoM ke mAdhurya pUrNa kAvya mantroM ke darzana hameM Rgveda meM prApta hote haiN| spaSTataH RSitva pada vaidika kAla meM striyoM ko bhI prApta thaa| zaunaka RSi ne inheM 'brahmavAdinI' aura 'RSi' kahA hai|' ArSAnukramaNI meM inheM muni sambodhita kiyA hai|' Rgveda meM 'RSikA' pada kA ullekha hai| RSi zabda kA artha, tattvoM meM tapate hue vikAsa kI jo vRtti pravRtta huI vahI prANarUpa RSi hai| jJAna ke lie jinakI vRtti vikAsa ko pravRtta huI vahI jJAnI RSi yA maMtradRSTA kahalAye Rgveda kI RcAoM kA sAkSAtkAra karane vAlI nAriyoM kA ullekha zaunaka RSi ne kiyA hai| I ghoSA godhA vizvavArA apAlopaniSaniSat / brahmajAyA jahUrnAma agastyasya svAsAditiH / / indrANI cendramAtA ca saramA romazorvazI / zrIrlAkSA sArparAjJI vAk zraddhA medhA ca dakSiNA / rAtrI sUryA va sAvitrI brahmavAdinya IritAH / /

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Rgveda kI viduSI nAriyA~ / 365 ghoSA , godhA', vizvavArA, apAlA11, upaniSad12 niSad, brahmajAyA juhU14 , agastya kI bhaginI15, aditi 0, indrANI17, aura indra kI mAtA18, saramA'9, romazA20, urvazI, lopAmudrA22 aura nadiyA~, yamI24, patnI-zazvatI25, zrI26, lAkSA27, sArparAjJI28, vAk, zraddhA, medhA31, dakSiNA32, rAtrI aura sUryA sAvitrI4 ye sabhI brahmavAdinI athavA RSi haiN| viSaya ke AdhAra para zaunaka RSi ne Rgveda kI 27 strI RSiyoM ko nau-nau ke tIna vargoM meM vibhakta kiyA hai| prathama varga ne devatAoM kI stuti kI, bIca ke varga ne RSiyoM tathA devatAoM se vArtAlApa kiyA, antima varga ne AtmA kI bhAvavRtti kA gAyana kiyaa| antima varga meM jo RSi haiM, vaha svayaM devatA bhI haiN| ina RSikAoM kI sUcI ke atirikta sikatA-nivAvarI, zikhaNDinI dvaya 6, vasukrapatnI7 Adi bhI mantradRSTA haiN| yaha satya hai ki Rgveda meM lagabhaga 500 RSiyoM kI tulanA meM lagabhaga 32 RSikAoM kI saMkhyA kama hai, kintu ina RSikAoM ko saMkhyA kI nyUnatA ke kAraNa mantra-spardhA meM RSiyoM ke sAtha dekhanA nyAyasaMgata nahIM hai| RSikAoM ne garimA se yukta, mAtRtva kI bhAvanA se paripUrNa apanI prajJA se RcAoM ko bhI janma diyA sAtha hI RSiyoM ko saMsAra sukha kI anubhUti bhI pradAna kI tathA yajJa gRha kA saraMkSaNa bhI kiyaa| bhAratIya samAja meM varNAzrama vyavasthA kA mUla hameM Rgveda kI ina RSikAoM ke mantroM meM yatra tatra dikhAI detA hai| brahmavAdinI sUryA8 somarasa kI mahimA meM brahmavettA kA varNana karatI hai| yahI sUrya ke ratha cakro ke ullekha meM puna: brAhmaNa zabda kA ullekha karatI haiN| vAgdevI kI asIma kRpA hI unheM brahma pada kA adhikArI banAtI hai| vivAha ke avasara para vadhU dvArA brAhmaNoM ko dAna diyA jAtA thaa|+1 brahmajAyA juhU kSatriya bala se rASTra ko surakSita batAtI hai| 2 RSikA apAlA indra se pitA ke kheta ko urvara karane kI prArthanA karatI hai|43 Rgveda meM ghoSA kakSIvatI bhRguvoM dvArA ratha nirmita karane kA ullekha karatI hai| ina varNavyavasthA sambandhita zabdoM ke sAtha, mantroM meM Azrama-vyavasthA se sambandhita zabdoM ke dvArA unakI upasthiti ke aitihAsika tathyoM se pahacAna karAtI hai| viduSI juhU patnI kA parityAga karane vAle apane pati bRhaspati ke brahmacarya pAlana kA varNana karatI hai| vivAha sUkta meM bhI brahmacarya kA ullekha hai| Rgvaidika kAla meM gRhasthAzrama kA sarvAdhika mahattva hai| vijJa mahilAoM kI RcAoM se spaSTa hai ki unakA jhukAva ghara ko sukhapUrvaka sucArU rUpa se calAne meM hai| isIlie Rk saMhitA meM RSikA romazA ke pati bhAvayavya, sUkta ke SaSTha mantra meM sahasvAminI ke bhojya padArtha, aizvarya evaM agAdha sneha se sikta patnI kI prazaMsA karate haiN| 7 lopAmudrA nArI ke adhikAroM aura kartavyoM ko puruSa ke samAna batAte hue sammilita rUpa se gRhastha dharma kI ora unmukha karatI hai| pitR-RNa se mukti ke lie vRddha hone para bhI lopAmudrA agastya RSi se santAna kI icchA vyakta karatI hai|9 mantra dRSTA zazvatI pati-patnI ke madhura-sambandha kI vyAkhyAtA thii| sUryA ke vivAha sUkta meM nArI ko ghara kI zAsikA mAnA hai| jahA~ vaha vRddhAvasthA taka apane pati kI prItibhAjana banakara zAsana kre| nArI saubhAgya kI pratIka mAnI jAtI thii| indrANI svayaM ko sabase adhika saubhAgyavatI evaM putravatI mAnatI hai| mere pati aura sAmAnyajanoM para merA pUrNa adhikAra hai| mere putra zatruoM para vijaya pAne vAle haiN| merI putrI tejasvinI hai aura maiM svayaM vijayanI hai| strI ke tIna pada gRhiNIpada, mAtRpada evaM sahacarI pada mahattvapUrNa the| inhIM ke sAtha kucha anya sAmAjika sAkSyoM para bhI ye RSikAe~ prakAza DAlatI haiM / jaise indrANI sapatnI sauta kI apriyatA kA varNana karatI hai| azvinoM kI stuti meM ghoSA, madhumakkhiyoM kI tulanA vyabhicAriNI striyoM se karatI hai| yama-yamI saMvAda meM yama na kevala bahina ke saha-sambandha ke anurodha ko ThukarAtA hai, varan bahina-bhAI ke isa garhita kRtya ko samAja kabhI svIkAra nahIM karatA hai| saMbhavataHsamAja meM aise chuTapuTa udAharaNa rahe hoM, parantu samAja meM striyoM kA sthAna sarvocca thaa| vaha gRhasvAminI thiiN| puloma putrI zacI apanI sautoM ko parAsta karake vIra58 indra aura kuTumbiyoM para adhikAra cAhatI hai| satItva ke prati AsthAvAna, saccAritra evaM pati ke prati ekaniSTha thiiN| sAtha hI alaMkaraNa aura strI saundarya, lAlitya ke prati jAgarUka thiiN| kahIM-kahIM niyoga prathA se sambandhita RcAe~ bhI haiM, jo isa kAla meM bhI isa prathA kI mAnyatA kI ora iMgita karatI haiN|00 vIramAtA aditi ke mantra prasUti jJAna se otaprota haiN| mAtA ke vAtsalyapUrNa mamatva kI sahaja abhivyakti kA varNana anekazaH mantroM meM prApta hotA hai|

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366 / Jijnasa yahI nahIM Rgvaidika kAla meM kanyAoM ko samAna rUpa se vidyAdhyayana ke avasara prApta the| bauddhika dRSTi se unnata janapArivArika sthirIkaraNa kI avasthA meM sainya-abhiyAnoM meM vyasta, kRSaka AryoM ne striyoM ko svabhAvata: sAmAjika, zArIrika evaM zekSika dRSTi se unnata evaM sammAnapUrNa sthAna diyA thaa| kanyAoM ko suyogya banAne ke lie udAra zikSaNa-prabandha thA / saMhitAoM meM bAlikAoM ke lie vidyA se sambandhita upanayana saMskAra kA ullekha hai| altekara mahodaya kA mata hai ki usa samaya nArI samAja bhI vedAdhyayana hetu brahmacarya ke pratIka mauJjI ko dhAraNa karatI thiiN| isa mekhalA kA mahattva upanayana saMskAra meM vizeSataH parilakSita hai| atharvaveda meM mekhalA kA uddezya hai, ki vaha brahmacArI yA brahmacAriNI ke vrata kI rakSA tathA duSpravRttiyoM se usake trANa meM sakSama hai| yajJopavItA nArI kA varNana Rgveda meM bhI hai| Rgveda ke badhrimatI AkhyAna kI vyAkhyA meM sAyaNa ne use rAjarSi kI brahmavAdinI putrI mAnA hai| strI zikSikAoM kA ullekha hai jinheM AcAryA aura upAdhyAyA kahA gayA hai| isIlie brahmavAdinI RSikAoM ke darzana hameM Rgveda meM hote haiM, jo AdhyAtmika jJAna evaM veda-rahasyoM kI jJAtrI thiiN| ye mantradRSTA striyA~ RSipada ko prApta karatI thiiN| ye mahilAe~ na kevala zikSita va sammAnapUrNa sAmAjika sthiti meM thIM varan rAjanIti ke kSetra meM bhI jAgarUka thiiN| gopAyanoM kI mAtA agastya-svasA mantra draSTI bhajeratha nareza ke vaMzaja asamati' nareza kI prazaMsA karatI hai| sAtha hI paMcajanoM (janapada) kA bhI saMketa hai| Rka saMhitA kI sarvAdhika carcita aditi ne vRtrAsura nAmaka daitya kI janavirodhI pravRtti kA vivaraNa diyA hai aura indra ko apanI sAmarthya se AkAza va pRthivI ko vyApta karane ko kahatI hai| devAsura saMgrAma kI sUtradhAyI aditi hI hai| godhA RSikA indra ke zakti nAmaka Ayudha kI prazaMsA karatI hai, jo zatru ko dhArAzAyI kara detA hai|07 ye zastra rASTra rakSA hetu Avazyaka the| yahI nahIM usa samaya bhI yuddha meM prANa dene vAle vyakti zraddhA aura sammAna ke pAtra the|68 deza aura dharma ke lie prANotsarga karanA usa kAla meM vaMdanIya thaa| dazama maNDala kI mantradraSTA saramA indra kI dUtI banakara paNiyoM ke pAsa godhana ko chur3Ane ke lie jAtI hai aura unheM indra ke AkramaNa kI bhayaMkaratA ke bAre meM batAtI hai| saramA kA yaha dautya kArya nArI ke buddhi cAturya ko darzAtA hai| nAriyA~ guptacara kArya karane meM sakSama thiiN| isI sUkta kI anya RcAoM se spaSTa hai ki usa samaya RSi maharSi bhI rAjanItika gatividhiyoM meM ruci lete the| sarvottama nidhi godhana kI rakSA kA bhAra sampUrNa samAja para thaa| isa yuga meM nArI ko ajeya aura zatru vijayI batAyA gayA hai| use sahasravIryA arthAt sahasro prakAra kI sAmarthyavAlI kahA hai| AvazyakatA par3ane para patiyoM ke sAtha yuddha meM bhI jAtI thiiN| khela nRpa kI rAnI vizpalA kA paira yuddha meM kaTa gayA thaa| azvinI kumAra kI kRpA se use lauhe kA paira lgaa| mudgala kI patnI mudgalAnI ne DAkuoM kA pIchA karane meM pati kI sahAyatA kI thii| apane pati ke dhanuSa-bANa se DAkuoM ko harAkara apanI gAyoM ko chur3Akara vIratA kA paricaya diyaa|| striyA~ senA meM bhI bhartI hotI thI kyoMki Rgveda meM mahilA yoddhAoM kA ullekha AtA hai| pradhana, raNa, samada, samana yuddhoM ke nAma the| spaSTata: Rgvaidika yuga meM mahilAoM ko bhI puruSoM ke samAna rAjanItika adhikAra prApta the| zArIrika, bauddhika evaM AtmavikAsa meM puruSoM ke samakakSa thii| RSikA vAgAmbhRNI ke anusAra vANI yA vAk rASTra kI zakti mAnI jAtI thii|74 ghoSA rAjaduhitA thii| vIghramatI bhI rAjaputrI thii| bRhaspati putrI brahmavAdinI romazA kA vivAha sindhu taTa para sthita rAjya ke svAmI svanaya bhAvayavya se huA thaa| RSikA dakSiNA usI ko nRpati mAnatI hai jo bharapUra dakSiNA pradAna karatA hai|7 juhU dvArA racita mantra meM nirNAyaka maNDala arthAt paMca kA ullekha hai, jahA~ nArI apane sAtha hue anyAya ke pratikAra hetu prastuta hotI thii| isa nirNAyaka maMDala kI niSpakSatA vizvasanIya thii| isa yuga meM nArI rAjanIti meM puruSa ke samakakSa thii| ina mantra dRSTiyoM ne apane mantroM ne apane mantroM meM rAjA, jana, nadI, parvata, zastrAstra, dautyakarma, paMca-nirNaya, jana-sahayoga Adi kA yatra-tatra varNana kiyA hai| jisase strI samAja kI apane rASTra ke prati jAgarUkatA, sammAna kA bhAsa hotA hai| ___Rgveda kA kAla mukhyataH dharma, darzana aura adhyAtma pradhAna thaa| prAcIna bhAratIya viduSiyoM ne bhI Rgvaidika dharma ke mUla tattva prAkRtika zaktiyoM ko devatA mAnA aura yajJa ko jIvana meM mahattvapUrNa sthAna diyaa| vedoM meM pratipAdita dharma kA uddezya

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Rgveda kI viduSI nAriyA~ / 367 mAnavIya jIvana ko niyantrita, maryAdita aura pariSkRta karanA hai. jisa prakAra sRSTi apanI niyamabaddhatA, kramabaddhatA se maryAdita hai| use RSiyoM ne Rt khaa| yajJa devatAoM ke nimitta dravya kA tyAga hai / yajJa devoM aura mRtyoM ke madhya samanvaya kA pratIka hai| cUMki nArI sahadharmiNI thI, ata: saMyukta rUpa se yajJAnuSThAna kA adhikAra prApta thaa| viduSI vizvavArA haviSa dvArA pratidina yajJa karatI thii| brahmajAyA juhU yajJa ke sambandha meM kahatI haiM, stutya (urugAya) yajJa pRthivI ke amRtamaya rasa (UrjA) ko paraspara bA~Takara upabhoga karane kA mAdhyama hai|80 apAlA81, ghoSA 2 aura vAka3 ke anusAra devatA svayaM havi dene vAle yajamAna ke ghara pahu~cate haiN| zacI paulomI yajJa ko sabhI prakAra ke abhilaSita ko prApta karane kA sAdhana mAnatI haiN|84 Rgveda meM vizvavArA kA agnisUkta, jisameM gRhastha ke ghara prAta:kAla meM hone vAle yajJa meM gRhavadhU ghRtakA struvA lekara devoM kI vandanA meM agni kI ora unmukha hotI hai tathA agni evaM anya devatAoM ko havi pradAna karatI hai, anyatama sUkta haiN| ghoSA azvinI devoM ko uSAkAla aura rAtrI meM havya dene kA ullekha karatI haiN| somayAga kA vistRta varNana sikatA-nivAvarI evaM zikhaNDinI dvaya ke mantroM meM huA hai| 6 pati-patnI dvArA sammilita rUpa se kiyA yajJa saumyatA kA pratIka hai aura zreSTha zakti dAtA hai| dhArmika kRtyoM meM mukhyata: yajJa kArya sampAdana meM Age raheM aura sahayoga kreN| vaidika kAla meM strI ko yajJa sampAdana aura mantrapATha kA pUrNa adhikAra thaa| __ prakAzita divya zaktiyA~ jo sRSTi vyavasthA kI saMcAlaka, manuSya ke yoga kSema kI sAdhaka zubha ke dyotaka deva yA devatA haiN| yAska ke anusAra anna, dhana pradAna karane vAle, camakate hue prakAzamAna dhuloka meM nivAsa ke kAraNa deva haiN|87 ina divya zaktiyoM kA devatA ke rUpa meM varNana nArI samAja ne bhI kiyA hai| agni Rgvaidika kAla kA pramukha aura prathama, pRthivIsthAnIya, yajJa kA niyAmaka deva hai| vizvavArA, AtreyI, agni ke teja, dyumna, maha kA varNana karatI hai| varan yajJa ke avasara para Rtvika kA kArya bhI karatI hai| 8 agni kI lapaTeM apane teja se zobhAyamAna haiM / juhU brahmajAyA ko devoM ke AhvAtA evaM manuSyoM ke yajJa sampAdaka agni bRhaspati ke samIpa lAte haiN| vizvavArA AtreyI sUryA-sAvitrI91 pRthvI loka kI sampUrNa kAmanAoM ko pUrNa karane vAle, yajJa niyAmaka agni kI vandanA karatI haiN| yuddha ke devatA parAkramI indra kI stuti apAlA, aditi, indrANI, indramAtaraH, vasukrapatnI, saramA Adi RSikAoM ne kI hai| mantra draSTA apAlA ne tvag doSa se mukti ke lie indra kI ArAdhanA kii| indra ko priya somarasa arpita kara sUrya ke samAna dIptimAna tvacA ko prApta kiyaa| vIratA, sAhasajanya kArya, urvaratA pradAna karane vAlA, AkAza ke jala ko pRthvI para lAne vAle, somarasa pAyI indra advitIya hai, isalie indrANI apane pati indra ko devoM meM sarvopari batAtI haiN|92 azvinI yugala devatA lokakalyANakAraka aura maMgala karane vAle haiM isIlie inheM 'zubhaspatI 95 zubha ke svAmI kahA gayA hai| yaha cikitsaka bhI haiN| vizpalA ko lohe kA paira pradAna karane vAle, vadhrimati kA sukhapUrvaka prasava karAne vAle haiN| rAjaduhitA ghoSA azvinI dvaya ke karUNahRdaya, paropakArI, saubhAgyadAtA, uddhArakartA, hone ke kAraNa unakI stuti meM rata dikhAI detI haiN| lokakalyANI dAyaka itane mantra kevala ghoSA ne hI gAye haiN|4 Rgveda meM soma bhI eka mahattvapUrNa aura priya devatA hai| zikhaNDinI dvaya kA pUrNa sUkta evaM sikatA-nivAvarI ke dasa mantra soma deva ko samarpita haiN| sUryA-sAvitrI ke vivAha sUkta meM vara rUpa meM soma devatA pUjita haiN| soma rasa yajJoM meM devatAoM ko arpita kiyA jAtA hai / Rgveda meM soma kA bhautika rUpa hI mukhya viSaya hai| RSikA sArparAjJI kA sUkta sUrya devatA ko samarpita hai| sAtha hI sUrya putrI, sUryA, brahmajAyA juhU, nadI, rAtrI, dakSiNA Adi mantra draSTAoM ne bhI sUrya kI mahimA gAI hai| sUrya pratidina isa sRSTi ke jIvana dAtA hai| sUrya devatA kA uttama teja varaNIya hai| vaha meghoM ke lie apane sahasra hAthoM (kiraNoM) se jala ekatra karatA hai| sAtha hI naitika niyamoM ke adhiSThAtA aura vyavasthA ke saMrakSaka devatA varUNa ne brahmajAyA juhU ko pati prApta karane meM pUrNa samarthana diyaa| strI RSiyoM ne varUNa kA ullekha prAyaH mitra ke sAtha kiyA hai| sUryA ke vivAha-sUkta meM bhaga, aryamA aura pUSA kA varNana hai|6 marut devatA ke sAtha apanI maitrI kA ullekha indrANI karatI hai|97

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368 / Jijnasa ___Rt kI avadhAraNA Rgveda kA mUla hai| isa sRSTi ke zAzvat niyama ko dekhakara hI tattva draSTA RSiyoM ne samAja aura mAnava jIvana ko sucArU rUpa se calAne ke lie varNAzrama dharma dvArA niyamabaddha bnaayaa| devatA Rt ke pAlaka aura rakSaka haiN| jaloM kI utpatti Rta se huI hai| nadiyA~ apane satata pravAha meM Rta kI niyAmaka hai|98 brahmavAdinI sUryA satya aura Rt ko hI gRhastha jIvana kA mUla mAnatI haiN| pati ke sAtha yajJa dvArA vaha sRSTi ke saMcAlana meM sahayogI haiN|99 Rta kA pAlana hI dharma hai| isI prakAra pApa-puNya kI avadhAraNA kA bIja bhI hameM Rgveda meM milatA hai| nirdoSa patnI ke gRhatyAga karane se bRhaspati bhI pApa ke bhAgI haiN| 100 sahodarA bhagini se sambandha rakhane vAlA bhI pApa kA bhAgI hotA hai|101 devoM se pApamukti kI prArthanA kI gaI hai| isI ke sAtha Rgveda meM lokopakAra, gRhasthadharma kA pAlana, zraddhApUrvaka yajJa, dAna, sadAcAra, satya aura tapa, mAtA-pitA kA sammAna, AcArya devatA ke samAna zraddhA kA pAtra Adi sukRta kArya haiN| dakSiNA sUkta dAna ke mahAtmya ko darzAtA hai| Rveda ke dasaveM maNDala meM yajJa aura jJAna kA AdhAra zraddhA ko hI mAnA hai| 02 tapa ko vaidika yuga meM anta:zuddhi kA sarvottama upAya mAnA hai| yaha AkAza kI U~cAI taka le jAne vAlA hai|105 isa mahAn tapa ke dvArA hI RSi, RSikAoM ne mantroM kA darzana kiyaa| pitRloka, svargaloka kI prApti tapa se hotI hai|104 yamI vaivasvatI mRtyu ke pazcAt bhI jIvana kI sattA para vizvAsa karatI hai ki deharahita AtmA una lokoM meM nivAsa karatI hai, jahA~ hamAre puNyakarmA pitara yoddhA, vIra, tapasAdhanA meM rata RSigaNa gaye haiN|105 mAnava isa loka aura paraloka donoM meM sukha prApti ke lie dharmAnusAra AcaraNa karatA hai|106 yaha pravRttivAdI dRSTikoNa RSikAoM ke mantroM meM bhI hai isIlie unake mantroM meM svarga kI kalpanA hai|107 mantra draSTA dakSiNA kA mata hai ki dakSiNA dene vAle dhuloka meM ucca sthAna pAte haiN| 108 dRzya ke pIche adRzya kI khoja. zAzvata satyoM se sAkSAtkAra RSiyoM kI jijJAsA kA priya viSaya thaa| ina dArzanika viSayoM meM strI RSiyoM ne bhI yogadAna diyaa| viduSI vAgAmbhRNI ne vAk sUkta meM prakRti kI zaktiyoM ko saMcAlita karane vAlI eka sarvavyApI sattA yA zakti kA varNana karatI haiN| 109 ina tattvavAdiniyoM ke samakSa kisI eka AdhyAtmika zakti, jo sampUrNa sRSTi ko calAyamAna banAtI hai, kI ora dhyAna AkarSita karatI hai jaise- padaM yadasya parame vyoman,110 dyAvApRthivI A viveza,111 sa vizvA bhuva Abhuva:112 / yahA~ parama tattva ke lie brahma zabda nahIM hai, kintu sArvabhauma sattA kI ora iMgita karate haiN| manuSya kA Antarika sat AtmA hai, jisakA spaSTa ullekha upaniSadoM meM hai| isa AtmA kI abhivyakti strI RSiyoM ke mantroM meM bhI hai| dakSiNA ke rUpa meM azva, gau, suvarNa, rajata, annAdi kA dAna karatA hai| vaha Atmatattva kA jJAtA vidvAna dakSiNA ke AvaraNa se samasta duHkhoM, kaSToM aura vighnoM kA nivAraNa karane vAlA banA letA hai| 13 sRSTi kI utpatti ke viSaya meM aditi kA devotpatti sUkta mahattvapUrNa hai| vaidika Arya ne bhautika sukha samRddhi kI kAmanA ke sAtha divya tattvoM kI cirantanatA evaM nityatA ko kabhI vismRta nahIM kiyaa| niSkarSata: Rgvaidika kAla meM na kevala puruSa aura nArI ko samAja meM samAna adhikAra prApta the varan ina RSikAoM ke atirikta Rgveda meM devI ke rUpa meM pratiSThita nArI-jAti bhI hai| aditi, pRthivI, sItA, uSas, rAtrI, vAk, purandhri, sumati, rAkA, kuhU Adi vizeSa rUpa se ullekhanIya haiN| aditi kA varNana sarvaprathama devI ke rUpa meM hai, jo devatAoM kI mAtA hai| aditi ko svarga, antarikSa, mAtA, bahina, putrI ke rUpa meM svIkAra kara usakI sattA ko asImita rUpa meM hI pAte haiM / sArvabhauma sattA ke rUpa meM nArI ko sarvocca sthAna para pratiSThita pAte haiN| Rgveda meM hI ambitame, nadItame, devitame, sarasvatI devI kA varNana hai, jo saMsAra meM apane satata jala pravAha ke sAtha yaza, pratiSThA aura vidyA ko dene vAlI hai| yaha nArI ke pratIka rUpa meM sarasvatI kI prazaMsA hai| anya nArI deviyoM meM subhratA, akSumati, nirRti, anumati, araNyAnI, varUNAnI, agnyANI Adi yadyapi sampUrNa rUpa se loka kI striyoM kA pratinidhitva nahIM karatIM, kyoMki bhAvAtmaka abhivyakti hai| ina deviyoM ke strI rUpa meM varNana vaidika janoM kA nAriyoM ke prati sammAna aura mAnyatA pradarzita hai| spaSTata: Rgvaidika yuga meM nArI samAja kA vaiziSTya pUrNa sthAna thaa| inheM zArIrika, bauddhika evaM AdhyAtmika vikAsa ke avasara prApta the, jisase ve AtmavikAsa ke mArga meM puruSoM ke samakakSa thiiN| Rgveda meM putrI pitA kI dIrghAyu kA kAraNa hai|

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Rgveda kI viduSI nAriyA~ / 369 'gRhiNI gRhamucyate' arthAt nAriyoM kA gRhasthI meM mahattvapUrNa sthAna hai| dampatti' zabda meM gRhasvAmI tathA gRhasvAminI donoM kA sanniveza hai| yaha puruSa aura nArI ke samAna adhikAroM ko darzAtA hai| agrihotrAdi' vaidika karma sapatnIka hI karanA Avazyaka thaa| AcArya sAyaNa 'RgvedabhASya bhUmikA' meM kahate haiM ki prAcInakAla meM strI-samAja sandhyA-vandana, adhyayana-adhyApana, yajJa-karma kI usI prakAra adhikArI thIM jaise puruSa varga thaa| mahAbhASyakAra pataJjali ne bhI isa bAta kA samarthana kiyA hai| isI kAraNa brahmavAdinI RSikAoM ke darzana hameM Rgveda meM hote haiM, jo AdhyAtmika jJAna evaM veda ke rahasyoM kI jJAtA thiiN| nArI ko samAja meM gauravapUrNa sthAna prApta thaa| indrANI apane sUkta meM striyoM kI sammAnajanaka sthiti, adhikAroM evaM senAnI ke rUpa kA varNana karatI hai| brahmavAdinI romazA adhyAtma kA upadeza detI hai| vAk AmbhRNI ke vAk-sUkta meM vAk-tattva kA zAstrIya vivecana hai jo bhASA-vijJAna kI dRSTi se mahattvapUrNa hai| zraddhA sUkta' zraddhA ke mahattva ke kAraNa manovaijJAnika rUpa se sAragarbhita hai| 'sUryA-sAvitrI sUkta' vivAha kI prAcInatama paddhati ke kAraNa sAMskRtika dRSTi se mahattvapUrNa hai| isI prakAra urvazI aura purUravA kA itihAsa meM saMvAda' nArI ke mAdhyama se itihAsa meM saMvAda zailI kA prArambha mAna sakate haiM, jo saMbhavataH nATaka paramparA kA prArambhika rUpa hogaa| yaha dRSTAnta svata: siddha hai ki nArI kA samAja meM na kevala sammAnanIya, gauravapUrNa evaM puruSa ke samakakSa sthAna thA, varan vaha AdhyAtmika, rAjanItika, sAmAjika, Arthika, dhArmika, naitika dRSTi se bhI sakSama thii| sandarbha: 1. Rgveda 9.51.83; 10.125.1-8 2. atharvaveda 6.122.5 3.Rgveda 10.191.1-4 4.bRhaddevatA 2.84-86 5. bRhaddevatA zaunaka, ArSAnukramaNI 10.82 paulomI zacI nAma muniH smRtH| 6. Rgveda 5.28: 6.96; 10.5.28; 10.9.104; 10.1.126; 10.39; 10.151; 10.189 7. zaunaka, bRhaddevatA, 2.82-84, ArSAnukramaNI, 10,100-102 (ke samAna hai) 8. Rgveda 10.39.14; 10.40.1-14 1. Rgveda 10.134.6-7 10. Rgveda 5.28.16 11. Rgveda 8.91.1-7 12. yaha 'pradhArayantu madhunodhRtasya' se prApta 1-7 RcAoM ke khilasUkta kI draSTiyA~ hai| 13. yaha 'pradhArayantu madhunodhRtasya' se prApta 1-7 RcAoM ke khilasUkta kI draSTiyA~ hai| 14. Rgveda 10.109.1-7 15. Rgveda 10.60.6; ArSAnukramaNI 10.24 16. Rgveda 4.18.4-7 17. Rgveda 10.86.1-23, 10.145.1-6 18. Rgveda 10.153.1-5, ArSAnukramaNI 10-79 19. Rgveda 10.108.2,4,6,8,10,11 20. Rgveda 1.126.7 21. Rgveda 10.95.2,4,5,7,11,13,15,16,18 22. Rgveda 1.179.1-2 23. Rgveda 3.33.4,6,8,10 24. Rgveda 10.10.1,3,5-7,9,11,13

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370 / Jijrasa 25. Rgveda 8.1.34 26 Rgveda 5.87.1-27; khilasUkta kA zrIsUkta 27. Rgveda 8.51.1-7 28. Rgveda 10.189.1-5 29. Rgveda 10.125.1-8 30. Rgveda 10.151.1-5 31. Rgveda 10.151.1-10 ke bAda ke khila, medhAsUkta kI RSi / 32. Rgveda 10.107.1-11 33. Rgveda 10.127.1-8 34. Rgveda 10.85.1-47 35. Rgveda 9.86.11-20 36. Rgveda 9.104.1-6 37. Rgveda 10.28.1 38. Rgveda 10.85.3, yaM somaM brahmaNa: viduH / 39. Rgveda 10-85-16, dve te cakre sUrye brAhmaNa RtuthA viduH / 40. Rgveda 10.125.5, yaM kAmaye taM tamugraM kRNomi / taM brahmANaM tamRSiM taM sumedhAm / / 41. Rgveda 10.82.29 42. Rgveda 10.109.3 43. veda 8.80.5, rASTraM gupitaM kSatriyasya / 44. Rgveda 10.59.14 45. Rgveda 10.109.5 46. Rgveda 10.85.24 47. Rgveda 1.126.6 48. Rgveda 1.179.3 49. Rgveda 1.179.6 50. Rgveda 8.1.34 51. Rgveda 10.85.27 52. Rgveda 10.85.35 53. Rgveda 10.86.6 54. Rgveda 10.159.53 55. Rtveda 10.145.4 56. Rgveda 10.40.6 57. Rgveda 10.10.1-14 58. Rgveda 10.159.6 59. Rgveda 10.39.14 60. Rgveda 10.40.2 61. atharvaveda 6.135.4 62. Rgveda 10.109.4 63. Rgveda 1.117.24

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Rgveda kI viduSI nAriyA~ /371 64. aSTAdhyAyI 4.1.7-8 para mahAbhASya 65. Rgveda 10.60.1-6 66. Rgveda 4.18.5-7 67. Rgveda 10.134.6 68. Rgveda 10.154.3 69. Rgveda 10.108.2, 70. Rgveda 10.39.8 71. Rgveda 10.102.9 72. Rgveda 5-10-9; zivadatta jJAnI, vedakAlIna samAja, caukhambA vidyAbhavana, vArANasI, 1907, pR. 166 73. Rgveda 10.154.3, 10.95.7, 10.126.6, 10.86.12 74. Rgveda 10.125.3, 'ahaM rASTrI saMgamanI vsuunaam|' 75. Rgveda 10.39.7, 1.116.13 76. Rgveda 10.126.1-7 77. 'tameva manye nRpatiM janAnAM yaH prathamo dakSiNAmAvivAya' Rgveda 10.107.5 78. Rgveda 10.109.11 79. Rgveda 5.28.1 80. Rgveda 10.109.7, urja pRthivyAM bhktvaayoruugaaymupaaste| 81. Rgveda 8.91,7 82. Rgveda 10.40.3 83. Rgveda 10.125.2 84. Rgveda 10.159.5 85. Rgveda 5.28.1, samiddho agnidivi zocira zretpratyaDuSasamurviyA vibhAti / 86. Rgveda 9.86,9.104 87. nirukta, 7.4.15, devaH dAnAd vA, dIpanAd vA, dyotanAd vA, dhusthAno bhavati iti vA / yo devaH, sA devtaa| 88. Rgveda 5.28.4, samiddhasya pramahaso'gne vande tava shriym|| 89. Rgveda 10.109.2, agnirhotA hastagRhyA ninaay| 90. Rgveda 5.28.1 91. Rgveda 10.85.38 92. Rgveda 1.86.9, vizvasmAdindra uttrH| 93. RkSaveda 10.40.13 94. Rgveda 10.39.1-14, 10.40.1-14 95. Rgveda 10.109.2 96. Rgveda 10.85.23-26 97. Rgveda 10.86.9 98. Rgveda 4.18.6 99. Rgveda 10.85.24, Rtasya yonau sukRtasya loke'riSTAM tvA saha patyA ddhaami| 100. Rgveda 140.109.1 101. Rgveda 10.10.12 102. Rgveda 10.151.1.4

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372 / Jijnasa 103. Rgveda 10.109.4, bhImAjAyA brAhmaNasyopanItA durdhAM dadhAti parame vyomn| 104. Rgveda 10.154.2 105. Rgveda 10.154.3-5 106. Rgveda 10.107.2 107. Rgveda 10.95.18, prajA te devAna haviSA yajAti svarga utvamapi maadyaase| 108. Rgveda 10.107.2 109. Rgveda 10.125.1.2,8 110. Rgveda9.86.15 111. Rgveda 10.125.6 112. Rgveda 10.153.5 113. Rgveda 10.107.7, AtmA dakSiNAM varma kRNute vijaann|

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bhAratIya rASTrikoM dvArA cIna kA nirmANa / 373 46. bhAratIya rASTrikoM dvArA cIna kA nirmANa dharmacanda caube azoka ne bauddha dharma ke pracAra ke saMdarbha meM kaI vidvAno ko cIna bhejA thaa| ye vidvAna madhya eziyA eva dakSiNa pUrva eziyA ke vyApArika-sAMskRtika mArga se cIna gae the / ' pI.sI. bAgacI ke anusAra khotAna deza kI paraMparA kahatI hai ki vahA~ para 211 I.pU. meM pahalA stUpa banA thaa| azoka ke pote vijayasambhava ne khotAna (cIna) deza meM bauddha dharma kA pracAra kiyA thaa| Arya vairocana ne khotAna ke rAjA ko bauddha dharma kA upadeza diyA thaa| tAnacuMga nAmaka vidvAna jinake pitA tAna-yunazAna gurudeva ravIndra nAtha Taigora ke eziyAI sahayogI the, aura jinhoneM vizva bhAratI vizvavidyAlaya, zAnti niketana meM cIna bhavana nAmaka bhArata-cIna aitihAsika bandhutva evaM zAzvata maitrI ke pITha kI sthApanA karAI thI, ne apane zodha viSaya inDiyA ina da mekiMga oNpha cAyanA meM yaha siddha kiyA hai ki pUrva Adhunika kAla meM bhArata ne cIna kA sAMskRtika evaM sAhityika nirmANa kiyA thaa| pUrva kamyUnisTa cIna ke loga tIna bhAratIyoM ko apane rASTrIya tyohAroM para avazya smaraNa evaM namana karate the| ye haiM buddhasiMga (bhagavAna buddha), kumArajIva aura amoghavajra / ' inheM pUrva Adhunika cIna ke loga apane rASTrIya zikSaka ke rUpa meM pUjate the| tAnacuMga ne apane sinika adhyayana meM pAyA hai ki cIna-jApAna, barmA, koriyA, maMgoliyA, hindacIna, haoNgakaoNga, tAivAna, sigApura aura thAIlaiNDa ke nirmANa meM bhAratIya rASTrikoM kI ahama bhUmikA rahI hai| ina dezoM kI saMskRti ke raga-raga meM bhAratIya saMskRti racI-basI hai| ina prArambhika bhAratIyoM ne kaba-kaba cIna meM praveza kiyA aura kisa prakAra se cIna kI bhASA, saMskRti, dharma, nATaka, evaM loka jIvana ko prabhAvita kiyA isakA varNana ji-ziyAlina evaM liyAMga ci-cAo nAmaka Adhunika cInI vidvAnoM ne apane zodha patroM evaM pustakoM meM kiyA hai| bhArata kI AjAdI ke bAda TiMga-zilina, cIna kehama, tAna-yuna zAna evaM unake putra tAnacuMga ne apanI pustakoM meM cIna ke 'DAyanesTika enalsa' nAmaka rAjavaMzo ke sa tathya sakAlata kara una bhAratIya rASTrako ke cInI rASTra ke nirmANa meM yogadAna ko rekhAMkita kiyA hai| gurudeva ravIndranAtha Taigora kI 1924 meM cIna yAtrA ke daurAna bIjiMga meM svAgata ke kama meM bhASaNa dete hue iMDolaoNjisTa liyAMga cicAoM ne cIna ke nirmANa meM bhAratIyoM ko namana karate hue apane bhAvapUrNa udbodhana meM kahA ki hamAre (cIna) pUrva meM athAha prazAMta kA jala thA, jo hameM laharoM ke sivA kucha de nahIM sakatA thA, hamAre uttara meM gobI kA marusthala thA, jisa ora se hUNoM kA AkramaNa hotA thA aura hamAre pazcima meM rUsa kA sTepI (grAsa laiNDa) thA aura jisake Age ke bAzinde bhI hameM kucha dene kI sthiti meM nahIM the eka mAtra jJAna kI razmi ne dakSiNa pazcima se hamAre cIna meM praveza kara hameM jagamaga kiyA thA, ye zrImanta (gurudeva) usI puNya bhUmi se Aja yahA~ Aye

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374 / Jijnasa haiN| cInI vidvAna ne kaI bhAratIya vaMzadharoM kA nAma liyA jinhoMne cIna kI bhASA, sAhitya, dharma aura vijJAna ko nayA rUpa diyA thA aura unhoMne apane cInI vaMzadharoM ko bhArata kA RNI hone ko kahA thaa| itsiMga likhatA hai ki IsA kI prathama zatAbdI (67 I.) ke Asa pAsa pUrvI hAna vaMza ke rAjA miMga TI ne sapane meM dekhA ki eka sapheda hAthI usake dakSiNa-pazcima sImAMta para khaDA hai| rAjA kI nIMda TUTa gaI aura zaguna vicAra ne vAle jyotiSiyoM ko bulavAkara pUchA ki sapane kA nihitArtha btaao| jyotiSiyoM ne kahA ki tathAgata buddha kI pavitra dezanA cIna meM praveza karanA cAhatI hai| dUta madhya eziyA ke bauddha kendroM kI ora daur3Aye gae aura isI kama meM kAzyapa mataMga aura dharmarakSita nAmaka do vidvAna sapheda ghor3e para baiThakara hAna rAjadhAnI meM Aye aura rAjA ko bauddha dharma meM dIkSita kiyaa| kArasuna cAMga nAmaka vidvAna ne likhA hai ki tunahuAMga ke pAsa cInI rAjAoM ne vhAiTa haoNrsa monesTrI kA nirmANa kiyA aura ina donoM zrImantoM kI mUrti vahA~ para sthApita hai| yaha zodha patra cIna meM gae bhAratIyoM ke kAryoM kA varNana evaM namana svarUpa hai| ina bhAratIya vidvAnoM meM kumArajIva aura paramArtha haiN| para inake hI jaise 169 bhAratIya vidvAna cIna meM kAryarata the, jinameM se adhikAMza kI jIvanI ajJAta evaM aprApta hai| bhArata varSa kA cIna meM nAma brahmadeza thaa| jyotiSazAstra ko brAhmaNa jyotiSa evaM khagolazAstra mAnA jAtA thaa| dharmaruci nAmaka bhAratIya ne 566-571 taka 20 brAhamaNa khagolazAstra kI pustakoM kA cInI bhASA meM anuvAda kiyA thaa| guptoM ke samakAlIna tAMga kAla meM cIna meM tIna bhAratIya kaileNDara skUla kAryarata the| ye skUla the kAzyapapITha, kumArapITha, aura gautmpiitth| khagolIya evaM jyotiSIya kAlagaNanA ke lie tAMga rAjavaMza ne eka vibhAga kholA thA, jisameM hajAroM bhAratIya vidvAna kAma karate the (7vI-8vIM shtaabdii)| navagraha para AdhArita kaileNDara cIna meM calatA thA, jisameM zukla aura kRSNa pakSa hote the| cInI kAlagaNanA meM anUdita mataMgIsUtra, mahAsanipAtasUtra, mahAprajJApAramitAsUtra evaM lokasthiti-abhidharmazAstra par3hAe jAte the| bhAratIya gaNita ko rAzi sUtra ke rUpa meM cInI bhASA meM anUdita kiyA gyaa| nau arabI aMka aura zUnya zuddha bhAratIya AviSkAra the| inake paricaya se cInI gaNita zAstra samRddha huaa|" ___ bhAratIya gaNita zAstrI hajAra, lAkha aura dasa lAkha ke lie bhinna-bhinna skela prayoga meM lete the jise cInI logoM ne prayukta kiyaa| trikoNamiti kA sAina Tebala cIna meM lokapriya huaa| bhAratIya vidvAnoM ko prAcIna kAla meM paMca vidyA meM pAraMgata mAnA jAtA thaa| ye vidyAyeM thIM, uccAraNazAstra evaM vyAkaraNazAstra, cikitsAzAstra, darzanazAstra evaM trkshaastr| ye sabhI bhAratIya vidyAyeM tIsarI zatAbdI I.pU. meM cIna meM lokapriya thiiN| isa zatAbdI meM 100 cikitsAzAstra kI pustakeM cInI bhASA meM anUdita kI gayIM / ina pustakoM meM nAgArjuna, jIvaka aura brahmA kI pustake pramukha thii| jo aba bhArata meM aprApya hai| 2 mahAratnAkara sUtrajIvanazAstra kA graMtha hai| bhAratIya cikitsA sUtroM meM kAzyapa kA strI roga para evaM rAvaNa kA zizuroga para graMtha cIna meM kAphI lokapriya hue| kucha bhAratIya cikitsaka cIna meM praikTisa karate the| hAna kAla meM samrATa tAIsuMga kevala bhAratIya auSadhi letA thaa| cIna kI zAhI auSadhiyoM meM bhAratIya Ayurveda sarvopari thaa| samrATa tAIsuMga ne bhArata meM cInI logoM ko bhejA thA ki ve cInI banAne kI vidhi sIkha kara aaye| saMskRta bhASA ne cInI bhASA aura sAhitya ko samRddha kiyaa| cina ke mU nAmaka cInI vidvAna kI mAnyatA hai ki pANinIya vyAkaraNa ne cInI sAhitya kA svarUpa hI badala diyaa| pANinIya vyAkaraNa ne cIna ke bhASA vijJAna ko unnata kiyA evaM tibbata meM navIna lekhana ko janma diyaa| pANinIya vyAkaraNa ne cIna meM dhvanizAstra kA sUtrapAta kiyA evaM navIna zabdakoSa kI racanA kA mArga prazasta kiyaa| cInI vidvAna zAu vena ne saMskRta ke AdhAra para sabhI cInI vyaMjanoM ko sUcIbaddha kiyA evaM unheM 36 kI saMkhyA taka saMgaThita kiyA, isase cInI uccAraNa zAstra samRddha huaa| suMgavaMza meM saMskRta-cInI zabdakoSa kA nirmANa huA 14

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bhAratIya rASTrikoM dvArA cIna kA nirmANa / 375 saMskRta ke kaI zabda cIna meM lokapriya hue, jaise tAna ziyAMga (caMdana) cAna (dhyAna) yehaca (yakSa) mo (mArA) yena veMga (yama) molI (mallikA), polI (sphaTika), ziha-cU (dAnapati), pAo-yina (phala) evaM cAo-yiha (karma) ityaadi| 600 I. ke bAda paMcatatra aura hitopadeza kI kahAniyoM ne cInI janamAnasa ko bhAratIya banA diyaa| bauddha kahAniyoM meM saMyuktAvadAna sUtra, sazaMyuktaratnapiTakasUtra, zatapAramitAsannipAtasUtra, pUrNamUkhaavadAnazataka, jAtakamAlA evaM sUtraalaMkArazAstra, kathA, Adi Aja cInI sAhitya meM vizada rUpa meM saMgrahIta hai| azvaghoSa kA buddhacarita kA cInI avataraNa atyaMta prabhAvotpAdaka hai| kAlidAsa ke medhadUtam gItikAvya evaM daNDina ke kAvyAdarza ne cInI sAhitya ko samRddha kiyaa| zina evaM tAMga vaMza (tIsarI se chaThI zatI) meM kaI bhAratIya graMtho kA cInI bhASA meM anuvAda huaa| cina ke hamU ke anusAra ina bhAratIya graMtho ne cInI bhASA ke sAtha-sAtha cIna ke loka sAhitya ko badala ke rakha diyaa| oNrela sTIna ne cIna ke tunahuAMga guphA se Dhera sAre sAhitya evaM kalAkRtiyoM kI khoja kI jinake nirmANa meM bhAratIyoM ne amUlya sevA dI thii| paoNla peliyaTa bAda meM inheM curAkara phAMsa le gyaa| Adhunika zodha batA rahe haiM ki cInI thiyeTara meM nATaka aura nRtya para bhAratIya prabhAva ko koI bhI nakAra nahIM sktaa| cIna ke nRtya aura saMgIta kA vikAsa bhAratIyoM ke nirdezana meM huA thaa| cInI nATakoM meM Aja bhI bhAratIya viSayo kI bahulatA hai| isa bAta kA ullekha 19 vIM zatAbdI meM cIna gae bhAratIya yAtriyoM ne apane varNana meM kiyA hai| cIna ke tunahuAMga guphA kI citrAvaliyoM aura ajantA ke citroM meM gajaba kI samAnatA hai jaise bodhisatva, tathAgata, avalokitezvara, arahata tathA mAra ke citroM ko tunahuAMga kI kalA dIrghA meM dekhA jA sakatA hai| cInI citroM meM bhAratIya citrakArI ke cha: niyamoM kI pAlanA kI gaI hai| cIna meM paigoDA jaise maMdira bhAratIya zilpa-zAstra ke prabhAva meM banAye gae hai| pekiMga sthita zItakAlIna rAjamahala meM sapheda paigoDA, pekiMga kA nIlA bAdala mahAvihAra, tathA paMca paigoDA mahAvihAra bodha gayA ke mahAvihAra ke anukaraNa haiN| nepAla ke araniko nAmaka vAstukAra ne bhAratIya vAstuzAstra para AdhArita cIna meM kaI imAratoM kA nirmANa kiyaa| suI vaza ke rAjadarabAra meM bhAratIya saMgItakAroM kA bolabAlA thaa| tAMga rAjavaMza ke itihAsa graMthoM meM bhAratIya saMgItakAroM, nartakoM evaM bAjIgaroM kI vizada carcA hai| samrATa huAMga ke darabAra meM bhAratIya saMgIta aura nRtya kA pratidina pradarzana hotA thaa| pahale cInI saMgIta meM paMcanAda hote the| parantu bhAratIya prabhAva meM samrATa vu ke samaya (561-578) se cInI saMgIta saptanAda meM badala gyaa| saMgIta ke skela aura tIvratA meM bhI badalAva kiyA gyaa| tAo ciha nAmaka cInI saMgIta vizArada ne bhAratIya aura cInI geya zailiyoM ko milAkara eka aisI zailI vikasita kI, jisase cInI bhASA meM anUdita saMskRta ke zlokoM ko gAyA jA sake, jinheM bAda meM geyagalpa ke rUpa meM jAnA gayA aura cInI darabAra meM cAraNa inheM gAyA karate the| bauddha dharma ke pITha para savAra hokara bhAratIya saMskRti ne sampUrNa eziyA meM apanI dhAka jmaaii| bhAratIya anuvAdakoM ne bhAratIya sAhitya cInI bhASA meM anuvAda kiyA, phalasvarUpa bhAratIya saMskRti aura cInI saMskRti kA saMzleSaNa prArambha huaa| saMdhadeva nAmaka anuvAdaka ne cIna meM rahakara bhAratIya graMthoM kA cInI bhASA meM anuvAda kiyaa| inhoMne saMgharakSita dvArA anumodita saikaDoM pustakoM kA cInI bhASA meM anuvAda kiyaa| buddhabhadra nAmaka bhAratIya vidvAna ne nAnakiMga meM rukakara phAhiyAna dvArA bhArata se lAye gae 117 bhAga ke grathoM kA cInI meM anuvAda kiyaa| puNyayAtrA, budvayasasa, vimalAkSa evaM dharmayasasa ne kaI bhAratIya graMtho kA cInI meM anuvAda kiyaa| buddhajIva evaM guNavarmana ne bhI anuvAda kA kAma kiyaa| gaNabhadra nAmaka vidvAna, jo ki 435 I meM kainTana gayA thA, ne gaNita, khagola, jyotiSa, cikitsA evaM hindUdharma ke kaI prAmANika graMthoM kA cInI meM anuvAda kiyaa| mahAyAna zAkhA ke dharmalakSaNa-darzana kI kaI pustakoM kA praNayana guNabhadra ne cInI bhASA meM kiyA thaa| cena TI, jinakA bhAratIya nAma 'paramArtha thA aura jo 548 I meM nAnakiMga

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376 / Jijrasa padhAre the, ne 64 bhAratIya vidyAoM kI pAMDulipiyoM kA cInI meM anuvAda kiyaa| guNavRddhi ne 100 bhAratIya galpa kathAoM kA cInI bhASA meM anuvAda kiyaa| Apa madhyapradeza meM ujjaina nagara ke rahane vAle the| Apane cIna meM bhArata ke vijJAnavAda darzana kA pracAra-prasAra kiyaa| Apane cIna me ze-luna-suMga arthAta mahAyAna saMparigraha zAstra pITha kI sthApanA kiyA thA, para bAda meM isa saMpradAya kA venasAMga dvArA sthApita dharmalakSaNa saMpradAya meM vilaya ho gyaa| dharmaruci meM bhAratIya khagolazAstra ke kaI granthoM kA cInI meM anuvAda kiyaa| jJAnabhadra evaM yazogupta ne paMcavidyA jisameM bhAratIya vyAkaraNa, uccAraNa zAstra, cikitsA, vijJAna aura tarkazAstra sammilita hai, kA cInI bhASA meM anuvAda kiyaa| ye sabhI vidvAna chaThI zatAbdI meM cIna gae the ___kumArajIva nAmaka bhAratIya dArzanika ne apane darzana aura sAhitya se cIna kI jo sevA kI hai, use bhArata aura cIna ke vaMzadhara kabhI nahI bhUla paayeNge| Apake pitA eka vidvAna bhAratIya the| inhoMne cIna ke sIkiyAMga prAMta ke kucA kI rAjakumArI jIva se vivAha kiyA aura 344 I. meM kumArajIva kA janma huaa| ApakI zikSA-dIkSA pazcimottara bhArata ke gAMdhAra aura kapizA meM pUrNa huii| pitA kI asAmayika mRtyu ho gaI aura mA~ Apako lekara bhArata A gii| maoN ne bhArata ke vibhinna zikSA kendroM meM Apako paMcavidyA kI zikSA dilvaaii| 12 varSa kI umra meM Apa ne kaI vidvAnoM ko zAstrArtha me parAjita kiyA thaa| sIkiyAMga ke kucA sthAna se Apane bhAratIya dharma saMskRti aura vyAkaraNa para pravacana denA prArambha kiyA aura cIna deza meM lokapriya hone lge| cInI maoN bhAratIya mUla ke apane putra para vimohita thii| kumArajIva ko baMdI banAkara cinavaMza ke janarala lu-kuAMga ne bahuta apanAnita kiyaa| para agalA samrATa yAosiga ne kumArajIva ko mukta karAkara unheM apanI rAjadhAnI meM le aayaa| rAjA ne rAjakumArI se kumArajIva kI zAdI karA dii| kumArajIva pratibhA saMpanna the inhoMne lagabhaga sAta hajAra saMskRta ke adhyAyoM ko cInI bhASA meM anuvAda kiyaa| inameM adhikAMza pustakeM mahAyAna zAkhA mAdhyamika aura yogAcAra darzana kI thii| ina pustakoM meM sadharmapuNDarIka, vimalakIrtinirdeza, vajrachedika-prajJApAramitAsUtra, sukhAvatIvyUhasUtra, sUtrAlaMkArazAstra, evaM saMyuktAvadAnasUtra pramukha hai| kumAra jIva eka ucca koTi ke kavi bhI the| kumAra jIva ke sAtha hI bhArata kA SaDadarzana bhI cIna phuNcaa| cIna ke loga bhautikavAdI aura nItiparaka the, para mAdhyamika aura zUnyavAda ke darzana ne bhAratIya dArzanika praNAlI ko cIna meM pratyAropita kiyaa| jisake phalasvarUpa cIna kI dArzanika cetanA kA kAyAkalpa ho gayA aura sAna lUna tathA ceMga dArzanika pITho kA janma huaa| kumAra jIva ke ziSyoM me zeMga cAo evaM tAo zeMga kAphI prasiddha dArzanika hue| kumArajIva bhArata cIna aitihAsika romAMsa ke vilakSaNa pratibhA sampanna vaMzadhara the| rAjA ne unakA vivAha rAjakumArI se karAne ke bAda bhI unake hara dainadinI kArya kI dekharekha ke lie apUrva suMdarI paricArikAoM ko isa pavitra bhAva se lagAyA ki isa vilakSaNa pratibhA aura cIna kI suMdariyoM ke samAgama se jo bhI vaMzadhara janma legA vaha cIna kI sevA karegA aura cInI rASTra mahAnatA kI ora jaayegaa|" rAjA kA vaha nirNaya raMga laayaa| kumArajIva ke vaMzadhara Age ke 200 varSoM taka cIna ke anuvAda nidezAlaya ko saMbhAlate rahe aura kaI bhAratIya dhArmika aura laukika pustakoM kA cInI bhASA meM anuvAda huaa| rAjA dvArA kumArajIva ke lie sthApita anuvAda nidezAlaya meM Age kI zatAbdiyoM meM hajAroM anuvAdakoM ne kAma kiyA aura 3000 bhAratIya graMtho kA anuvAda kiyaa| isa anuvAdazAlA se anUdita pustakoM se acchA anuvAda koI aura nahIM kara skaa| kumAra jIva anta meM anUdita kRtiyoM kI svaMya parIkSA karate the unakI anuvAdazAlA meM madhya eziyA, cIna aura bhArata ke vidvAna eka sAtha kAma karate the| 413 I. meM kumArajIva isa loka se vidA hue aura marane se pahale apane anuyAyiyoM se kahA ki ve unake

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bhAratIya rASTrikoM dvArA cIna kA nirmANa / 377 vyaktigata jIvana kA anukaraNa nahI kareMgeM aura jahA~ taka merI jIvana yAtrA hai to maiM itanA hI kahU~gA ki kamala kIcar3a meM khilatA hai| vaicArika ke dharAtala para bhI bhAratIyoM ne cIna kA nirmANa kiyaa| jaisA ki hama jAnate haiM mahAyAnazAkhA hindutva ke kAphI karIba thI, ataH vaiSNava dharma ke avatAravAda, mUrtipUjA, jIvana ke bAda kA jIvana aura karma ke siddhAMta ne cIna kI saMskRti ko samRddha kiyaa| tAMgakAla ke samaya se bhAratIya AvAgamana kA siddhAta, svarga-naraka, brahamAMDa aura zUnyavAda ke siddhAMta cInI janamAnasa ko svIkAra hone lge| cIna kA tiyAMgatAMga zabda saMskRta ke devaputra kA sIdhA anuvAda hai jisa cIna meM bauddha saMskRti kA pracAra : | bodhidharma :- ye 526 I. meM bhArata se cIna ke lie ravAnA hue the aura agale sAla cIna pahu~ce the| dharma ke pracAra meM inhoMne dhyAna aura ciMtana ko mahattA pradAna kI thI dakSiNI cIna ke rAjA liyAMga vuTI ne inheM nAnakiMga bulAyA thA ye nAgArjuna ke zUnyavAda ke cIna meM pracAraka the| inhoMne bauddha AdhyAtmika mUlyoM ko cIna meM lokapriya banAyA aura satyatA, pramANa aura anumAna se pare parama sattA kA dhyAna karane ko khaa| aisA mAnA jAtA hai ki jApAna kA jena (dhyAna darzana) inhI ke siddhAMto se utpanna huA thaa| inhoneM mahAparinirvANazAstra kA cInI bhASA meM anuvAda kiyA bodhiruci yA dharmaruci : Apake nAma kA zAbdika artha hai, buddhi se prema karane vAlA prArambha meM ApakA nAma dharmarUci arthAta niyama yA siddhAMta priya thaa| para bAda meM mahArAnI vu so thiyena (684705 I.) ne ApakA nAma buddhiruci kara diyA thA Apane bhAratIya khagola, cikitsA, bhUgola, evaM AdhyAtma kI pustakoM kA cInI bhASA meM anuvAda kiyA jisase cIna ko kAphI lAbha huA Apa tripiTaka ke mahAna jJAtA the aura Apane ratnamegha sUtra kA 693 I. meM cInI bhASA meM anuvAda kiyaa| Apa ivenasAMga ke samakAlIna the aura dono ne milakara 53 bhAratIya pustakoM kA anuvAda kiyA thaa| 727 I. meM ApakI mRtyu huI, usa samaya ApakI umra 156 varSa thii| Apane dasabhUmaka skUla kI sthApanA kI thii| Apake dvArA anuvAdita pustakoM meM prajJApAramitAardhazataka, mahAratnakUTasUtra, amitAyuSavyUha, niyamavinizciya, upAliparipRcchA, maitreyIparipRcchA, mahAyAnasUtra evaM maMjuzrIratna garbhAdharaNIsUtra pramukha hai| uparokta varNita vidvAnoM ke alAvA saikaDoM aise bhAratIya haiM jinake jIvana caritra ke bAre meM jAnakArI hameM prApta nahIM hai para hAnavaMza, tAMgavaMza, suMgavaMza, suIvaMza evaM cinavaMza ke DAyanesTika enalsa meM inakI evaM inake kAryoM kI carcA kI gaI hai| tAna-yuna zAna, liyAMga - ci-cAo, ji-ziyAlina, cina kehamU evaM tAna cuMga jaise bhArata vid cInI vidvAnoM ne apane adhyayana meM yaha siddha kiyA hai ki cIna jaisI vizAla sabhyatA evaM saMskRti ko AdhyAtmika evaM vaicArika rUpa se bhAratIyoM ne unnata evaM samRddha kiyA hai| aba sabhyatAoM meM saMgharSa kI jagaha saMvAda kA samaya hai, aura bhArata-cIna ko karIba Akara duniyA kA patha-pradarzana karanA hai| yaha zodha patra usI dizA meM eka choTA sA prayAsa hai| saMdarbha TippaNI: 1. pI.vI. bApaTa 2500 iyarsa Apha buddhijma, naI dillI, 1997 pR. 58-59; pI.sI. bAgacI iNDiyA eNDa cAyanA, bambaI, 1948 me ullekhita hai / 2. tAnacuMga, TriTana eNDa Dregana, naI dillI, 1979, pR. 108 3. vahI pR 14 4 tAnacuga, iNDiyA eNDa cAyanA, naI dillI. pR.saM. 13-14 5. tAnacuMga TriTana eNDa Dregana, naI dillI. 1979, pR. 14

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378 / Jijnasa 6. Taigora, ravIndranAtha, TaoNksa ina cAyanA, naI dillI, iMTroDakzana 7. cAMga kArasuna, gAMdhiyana iNDiyA eNDa cAyanA, pR. 142; esa.ena. sena, iNDiyA thU cAyanIja Aija, kalakatA, 1956 pR. 1 8. tAnacuMga vahI pR. 14 9. kehamU, cina, e zaoNrTa hisTrI Apha zino-iMDiyana pheNDazipa, bIjiMga 1958 pR. 93-94 10. vahI pR. 22-23 11. vahI pR. 24 12. vahI pR. 95-96 13 tAnacuMga, pUrvodadhRta, pR. 7 14, kehamU, cina, pUrvodadhRta, pR. 28-29 15 vahI pR. 98 16. vahI pR 34 evaM tAna cuMga, iNDiyA eNDa cAyanA, meM prabhAvoM kA ullekha kiyA hai| 17. tAna-cuMga, pUrvodadhRta, pR. 21-22 mahendulAla garga ne apane cIna darpaNa (1903) nAmaka pustaka meM cInI thiyeTara kA ullekha cIna jAkara dekhane ke pazcAt kiyA hai| 18 tAna-cuMga, pUrvodadhRta, pR. 19-20 19. cIna-kehamU pUrvodadhRta pR. 41 20. vahI pR. 42 21. vahI pR. 94 22. bApaTa, 2500 Iyarsa Apha buddhijma, naI dillI 1997, pR. 213 23. vahI pR. 221 24. vahI pR. 210-11 25. vahI pR. 212 26. cina kehamU pUrvodadhRta pR. 90-91 27. tAna-cuMga, iNDiyA haoNrijinsa, bhAga 43 naM. 1-2, 1995, pR. 16 28 bApaTa, pUrvodadhRta pR. 53-54 evaM tAnacuMga, iNDiyA eNDa cAyanA, pR. 4 29. bApaTa, pUrvodadhRta pR. 214-15 30. vahI pR. 219-20

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mAravAr3a kI jala saMskRti / 379 47. mAravAr3a kI jala saMskRti mahendra siMha "cAra khuNA rI bAvar3I, bharI jhabolA khaay| hAthI ghor3A huba jAya, paNihArI jaay||" purANoM meM mAravAr3a ko maru pradeza, marukAntAra, Adi nAmoM se saMbodhita kiyA gayA hai| isakA kAraNa hai ki yaha jala ke abhAva vAlA pradeza rahA hai| kozakAroM ne bhI 'maru' zabda kA artha registAna va jala vihIna pradeza batAyA hai| yathA 1. maru - registAna, retIlI bhUmi, vIrAna, jala se hIna pradeza 2. maru - vaha bhUbhAga yA pradeza jahAM pAnI nahIM, kevala reta ke sUkhe maidAna yA TIle hoM, registAna, maru bhuumi| mAravAr3a, vaha parvata jo jala rahita ho|' 3. maru - maru bhUmi. registAna, maarvaadd'|' uparokta uddharaNoM se spaSTa hai ki "maru" zabda hI jalavihIna evaM sUkhe pradeza kA dyotaka hai| isase sahaja hI anumAna lagAyA jA sakatA hai ki isa pradeza meM "jala" kA kitanA mahattva rahA hai| eka tarapha jahAM vanaspati sahita, prANImAtra ke liye "jala hI jIvana" hai aura vahIM dUsarI tarapha jisa pradeza yA kSetra meM 'jala' kA nitAnta abhAva rahA ho vahAM isakA kitanA mahattva rahA hogA, isa bAre meM adhika kucha kahane kI AvazyakatA nahIM raha jaatii| __ jIvana ke liye sarvAdhika anivArya tatva aura isI kA sarvAdhika abhAva, jIvana ke prati hara pala vikaTa paristhiti paidA karane vAlI bAta hai| jo vastu jIvana kA hara pala prabhAvita karane vAlI hai aura isI kA abhAva ho to usake mUlya kA anumAna bhI sahaja hI lagAyA jA sakatA hai| isIliye yahAM ke liye yaha anuzruti pracalita hai ki "sastA khUna aura mahaMgA paanii|" isake alAvA sUkhA pradeza hone ke kAraNa yahAM garmI kA prakopa bhI atyadhika rahatA hai| caitra mAsa se asAr3ha mAsa taka (jaba taka varSA na ho) mAravAr3a kI pracaNDa garmI evaM 'lU' (teja garma havA) ke kAraNa Adra pradezoM meM rahane vAle jIvoM kI rUha kAMpane lagatI hai| isa avadhi meM anya pradezoM ke loga yahAM Ane se ghabarAte haiN| vaise to "jala hI jIvana" kA yaha mUla siddhAnta sarvatra evaM samasta prANImAtra evaM vanaspati mAtra ke liye samAna rUpa se lAgU hotA hai| prakRti ke pAMca bhautika tatvoM meM sarvAdhika mahattvapUrNa padArtha jala hai, phira havA hai| pAnI se pyAsa bujhatI hai| anna evaM vanaspatiyAM pAnI se hI phalatI-phUlatI hai| bhojana pakAnA evaM pacAnA pAnI ke binA saMbhava nhiiN| pAnI prANI mAtra ke liye prANadAyaka zakti hai|

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380 / Jijnasa Adi mAnava ne jala kI anivAryatA ko samajhakara usake Asa-pAsa hI rahanA prArambha kiyaa| prAcIna kAla meM nagara grAma kI basAvaTa pAnI kI suvidhA ko dekhakara hI kI gii| vizva itihAsa ke anusAra sabhI prAcIna sabhyatAoM kA vikAsa nadI ghATiyoM meM hI huaa| mAravAr3a meM pAnI ke abhAva kA eka mahattvapUrNa bhaugolika kAraNa yaha hai ki yaha pradeza samudra se bahuta dUra hai| mAnasUna ke udgama evaM bahAva se bhI kAphI dUra par3atA hai| isaliye yahAM varSA bahuta kama hotI hai| per3a-paudhoM ke jaMgaloM kI bajAya yahAM reta ke TIbe bahuta hai, isake kAraNa mAnasUna ko AkarSita karane kI kSamatA bhI isa pradeza ke vAtAvaraNa meM kama rahatI hai| isIliye anumAnata: mAravAr3a meM varSA kA ausata kevala 31 milImITara rahatA hai| nadI ke nAma para yahAM kevala lUnI nadI hai jo varSA kAla meM hI pravAhita rahatI hai, nirantara nahIM bhtii| kama varSA evaM nadI nAloM ke abhAva ke kAraNa yahAM para bhUmigata jala srota bhI atyanta gahare haiN| isIliye kahA gayA hai ki "khaga dhArAM thor3o narAM, simaTa bharyo shpaann| iNa thI marudhara tarala jala, pAtALA prvaann||" itane gahare kueM ki ara khar3e hokara dekhane para pAnI dikhAI nahIM detA varan aMdherA dikhatA hai| "pAtALA paravANa" mAno pAtAla phor3akara pAnI nikalA ho| isa jIvanadAyI durlabhya tatva ke liye bhinna-bhinna stara se kiye gaye prayAsa evaM surakSA vyavasthA ke sAtha hI bUMda-bUMda se ghaTa bharane kI bhAvanA prakhara rahatI hai| varSA ke prati AkarSaNa ke kAraNa janajIvana me sadA pAnI ke liye pipAsA rahatI rahI hai| isake kAraNa lokajIvana evaM loka bhASA meM aneka muhAvare aura lokoktiyA~ banI tathA lokagIta baneM-pANI kADaNau--gaharI khudAI krnaa| pAMNI car3haNoM pAnI kA stara para honaa| pAMNI-chUTaNI - jala pravAhita krnaa| pAMNI tor3aNau=kuaiM ke jala se rikta krnaa| pAMNI meM khoja kAr3aNau-gaharI jAMca krnaa| pAMNI ro Asarau kevala pAnI para jIvana nirvaah| pANI pIde baiThaNau kueM kA pAnI samApta honA, barbAda honaa| ___ varSA ke viraha meM saMvat 1956 ke akAla kI vibhISikA kA varNana kavi aradAna lAlasa ne apane Ara kAvya meM kiyA hai| pAnI ke binA-jIvoM kI kyA hAlata huI yathA: "sUnI DhAMNI meM seThANI sotii| raigI biNiyAMNI pANI nai rotii|| mukhar3o kumhaLAyau bhojana bina bhaarii| paya paya kara tor3I, poDhI piya pyaarii| bAdaLa bIjaLiyAM nabha meM narhi naidd'ii| bhejI bhaNajAyau bhaLakI pula bhaidd'ii|| khAlI jaLa dharathI jaLadhara jaLa khuuttau| tata khiNa jIvaNa bina jaga jIvaNa luuttau|| bhaisyAM rir3akai nai gAyAM rNbhaavai| prAMNI tirakhAtura pAMNI kuNa paavai|' aura jaba thor3e se badala kahIM dikha jAye to ulhAsa kI lahara uTha jAtI hai| turanta usakA AhvAna "meha bAbA AjA- ghI nai bATI khA jA"

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mAravAda kI janna saMskRti / 381 khuda ko to cAhe ghI aura bATI ke darzana hI na ho parantu meha (megha varSA) ke svAgata ke liye ghI-bATI kA vizeSa bhojana juTAne kI bhAvanA mukhara rahatI hai| hamane atithi ko "mehamAna" isaliye kahA kyoMki- "meha ne pAvaNA, kadaiI kadai I Ave" / aura phira thor3I sI varSA prArambha hote hI jana-jana ke mana meM AhvAna kI umNg| mana ko kalI kalI khila uThegI aura megharAjA ke badhAvaNe zurU - AbAla-vRddha sabhI khuza " Ayau bAbo paradezI - nADAnADI bharadezI" "meha Ayau mAdALiyo Ayo dharatI dhArau dhaNI Ayau / gADau bhara gevAM rau lAyau Upara ghI rau cADau lAyau / / " jala ke mahatva ko svIkAra kara hamAre pUrvajoM ne isake saMgraha evaM upayoga ke kaI upAya kiye| kueM, bAvar3iye, tAlAba khudavAne, jhAlare TAMke Adi banavAne jaise jana kalyANakArI kArya kiye| phira inameM saMgrahIta pAnI kI zucitA kI rakSA ke liye bhI kaI taraha ke upAya, niyama, paramparAyeM banAIM jinheM hama Aja paramparAgata jalasrota kahate haiN| ye pAnI kI tatkAlIna samasyA ke samAdhAna ke pratIka rahe haiN| aise kArya rAjya stara para, rAjA-mahArAjAoM ke pArivArika sadasyoM ke stara para, unake adhInastha jAgIradAra, seTha sAhukAroM tathA anya samartha janoM kI tarapha se kiye jAte rahe haiN| mAravAr3a ke itihAsa kA siMhAvalokana agara isa dRSTi se kiyA jAya to rAva jodhAjI ke samaya se hI aise prayAsoM ke saMdarbha itihAsa meM maujUda mileMge mAravAr3a rAjya kI rAjagaddI para rAva jodhAjI kA rAjyAbhiSeka vi.saM. 1515 meM huaa| isa avasara para unhoMne apane nikaTa sahayogiyoM ko yathAyogya pAritoSika dekara saMtuSTa kiyA aura unhIM dinoM unhoMne apane nikaTa sahayogiyoM ko yathAyogya pAritoSika dekara saMtuSTa kiyA aura dinoM unhoMne maNDora ke pAsa "jovelAva" tAlAba banavAyA / vi.sa. 1516 meM unhoMne jodhapura kA kilA meharAnagar3ha banavAyA aura jodhapura nagara bsaayaa| taba unakI hAr3I rAnI jasamAde jI ne kile ke pAsa 'rAnIsara' (rAnI sAgara) nAmaka tAlAba bnvaayaa| unakI dUsarI rAnI sonagarI (cauhAnajI) cAMdakuMvarajI ne "cAMda bAvar3I" nAmaka vApikA kA nirmANa karavAyA / ' paNDita reU ne isI meM Age likhA hai ki isI varSa jodhAjI nApAjI sAMkhalA kI sahAyatArtha jAMgalU pradeza gaye, vahAM unakI mAtAjI kor3ama devIjI ke banavAye tAlAba kor3amade - sara kI pratiSThA karavAI / rAva jodhAjI ke samaya maNDora kSetra meM 36 kueM bAvar3iyAM evaM tIna tAlAba the|' rAva jodhAjI ke putra rAva sAtalajI ne saMvat 1545 meM rAjagaddI sNbhaalii| inakI rAnI bhaTiyANI phUlakaMvarajI, jo khaMDelA se thI, ne phUlelAva tAlAba va bAvar3I samvat 1546 meM bnvaaii| rAva jodhAjI ke prapautra rAva sUjAjI ke pautra rAva gAMgAjI ne jodhapura kI rAjagaddI vi.saM. 1752 meM sNbhaalii| inhoMne 'gAMgelAva' tAlAba tathA " gAMgA bAvar3I" bnvaaii| jisakA vistAra inakI rAnI sisodaNI padmAvatI ne krvaayaa| inake samaya meM mevAr3a ke seTha padamasAha ne padamasara bnvaayaa| rAva gAMgAjI ke uttarAdhikArI unake putra rAva mAladevajI saMvat 1588 meM rAjagaddI para baitthe| inhoMne bhI anekAneka janakalyANakArI kArya krvaaye| jodhapura ke kile kA vistAra marAnIsarapha nAlAba taka karavAyA. isake kAraNa kile vAloM ko pAnI kI suvidhA ho gaI cir3iyAnAthajI kI dhUNI ke mArga para "nausalyA" karjA inhoMne hI banAyA thA jo aba " patAliyA berA" ke nAma se jAnA jAtA hai| inakI jhAlI rAnI svarUpadejI ne "svarUpa sAgara" nAmaka tAlAba banavAyA jo Ajakala bahUjI ke tAlAba ke nAma se prasiddha hai| 10 imaratI bAvar3I va imaratI poLa inhoMne krvaaii| mer3atiyA daravAjA ke pAsa mAlAsara tAlAba krvaayaa| caupar3a bhuraja ke Age nIMbAsara bnvaayaa| 12

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382 / Jijnasa savAI rAjA sUrasiMhajI ye moTA udayasiMhajI ke putra evaM rAva mAladevajI ke pautra the| inakA rAjyAbhiSeka vi.saM. 1652 meM huaa| inhoMne saMvat 1663 meM jodhapura nagara ke cAMdapola daravAje ke bAhara 'sUrasAgara' nAmaka tAlAba bnvaayaa| isake taTa para eka sundara bagIcA evaM saMgamaramara kI bArAdarI aura mahala bnvaaye| bAlasamanda bAga ke phATa ke pAsa eka bAvar3I banavAI jo "haraboloM kI bAvar3I" kahalAtI hai|15 cAMdapola ke bAhara hI unhoMne rAmezvara mahAdeva maMdira evaM "sUraja kuNDa nAmaka bAvar3I" bnvaaii| inakI kachavAI rAnI saubhAgadevIjI ne daIjhara nAmaka gAMva meM "sobhAga sAgara" tAlAba bnvaayaa| ye mahArAjA gajasiMhajI (prathama) kI mAtAjI thii|| 4 savAI rAjA sUrasiMhajI ke putra evaM uttarAdhikArI rAjA gajasiMhajI (prathama) ne vi.saM. 1676 meM mAravAr3a rAjya kI rAjagaddI sNbhaalii| inhoMne apane samaya meM AnandaghanajI kA maMdira, talahaTI ke mahaloM meM aneka naye mahala tathA sUrasAgara meM kuAM bnvaayaa|15 inakI sAtavIM rAnI vAghelI zrI kusumadejI ne kAgar3I kA tAlAba bnvaayaa| anArA kI bAvar3I inakI pAsavAna anArA ne bnvaayii| isake sAmane hI sugaMdhA bAvar3I hai, jise sugaMdhA nAmaka par3adAyata ne banavAyA thaa| mahArAjA jasavantasiMhajI (prathama) ne apane pitA mahArAjA gajasiMhajI (prathama) ke uttarAdhikArI ke rUpa meM vi.saM. 1695 meM jodhapura kI rAjagaddI sNbhaalii| inhoMne auraMgAbAda ke bAhara pUrva kI tarapha jasavanta sAgara nAmaka tAlAba bnvaayaa| isI tAlAba ke taTa para inake rahane ke mahala the|17 inakI rAnI hADIjI ne "rAIkA bAga" va "hADI purA" basAyA tathA "kalyANa sAgara" nAmaka tAlAba banavAyA jo isa samaya "rAtAnADA" ke nAma se vikhyAta hai|17 inakI rAnI zekhAvatajI ne "zekhAvatIjI kA tAlAba" banavAyA thA, jo Aja bhI risAlA ror3a Age vidyamAna hai|17 rANImaMgA bhAToM kI bahI saM. 1724 ke anusAra inakI prathama rAnI zrI anaraMgade zekhAvatajI ne zahara ke pUrva kI ora pahAr3I para tAlAba khudvaayaa| mahArAjA ajItasiMhajI ne mahArAjA jasavantasiMhajI ke uttarAdhikArI ke rUpa meM saMvat 1765 meM mAravAr3a kI rAjagaddI sNbhaalii| inhoMne jodhapura ke gar3ha meM kaI nirmANa evaM marammata ke kArya krvaaye| maNDora ke bAga meM ikathaMbA mahala va janAnA ke liye 23 koThariyoM kA nirmANa karavAyA tathA hauda bnvaayaa| bhairUjI kI prAcIna bAvar3I kI marammata bhI krvaaii| sAtha hI meM mahArAjA jasavantasiMhajI kA devala karavAyA tathA kaI maMdira bnvaaye| inake atirikta "dhAya kI bAvar3I" krvaaii| inake samaya anya bhI kaI jhAlare evaM bAvar3iyAM banavAI gaIM jinakA ullekha "mAravAr3a rA paragaNAM rI vigata bhAga-1' meM hai|18 rAnI jai kaMvarajI tuMvarajI ne gola ghATI ke pAsa jhAlarA banavAyA "tuMvarajI kA jhAlarA", rANImaMgA bahI ke anusAra unakI rANI zrI badanakaMvarajI jAr3ejI (navAnagara) ne cAMdapola ke bAhara 'jhAlare' kA nirmANa karavAyA jo "jAr3ecI kA jhAlarA" kahalAtA hai| mahArAjA abhayasiMhajI jo mahArAjA jasavantasiMhajI (prathama) ke pautra evaM mahArAjA ajItasiMhajI ke bar3e putra the, kA mAravAr3a rAjya kI rAjagaddI para rAjyAbhiSeka saMvat 1781 meM huaa| inhoMne kile meM caukelAva kA kuAM, bAga aura phatahapola bnvaaii| jodhapura zahara kA parakoTA kAgA ke pahAr3a se mer3atiyA daravAjA taka krvaayaa| isake alAvA "abhaya sAgara tAlAba" (cAMdapola ke bAhara) aThapahalU kuAM aura mahala Adi bnvaaye|19 anya jalAzayoM kA nirmANa inake dvArA karavAyA usakA vivaraNa isa prakAra hai- "navalakhau bero kuoM udayamaMdira ke paas| devakuNDa tAlAba-gola Upara hai| bhavAnI sAgara tlaab| caukhAM gAMva ke koTa meM kuAM, rAvatoM kI baavdd'ii|" 20

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mAravAr3a kI jala saMskRti / 383 mahArAjA bakhatasiMhajI mahArAjA ajItasiMhajI ke dvitIya putra the| inhoMne saMvat 1808 meM jodhapura kI rAjagaddI sNbhaalii| inhoMne jAlaurI daravAjA ke bAhara kI ora "bagata sAgara" tAlAba bnvaayaa| kile meM anya nirmANa kArya tathA nAgaura meM maMdiroM kA nirmANa krvaayaa|21 mahArAjA vijayasiMhajI mahArAjA bakhatasiMhajI ke putra evaM mahArAjA ajItasiMhajI ke pautra the| apane pitA ke uttarAdhikArI ke rUpa meM inhoMne vi.saM. 1809 meM mAravAr3a rAjya kI rAjagaddI sNbhaalii|22 unhoMne gaMgazyAmajI kA maMdira bnvaayaa| vijaisAhI sikkA inhIM ke nAma se claayaa| anya maMdira bhI bnvaaye| paNDita zrI rAmakaraNa AsopA ke mAravAr3a ke mUla itihAsa ke anusAra mahArAjA vijayasiMhajI kI 'pAsavAna' gulAbarAya nAmaka eka jATa strI thI jo vallabha sampradAya kI paramabhakta thii| usane mahArAjA sAhaba kI yAda ko cirasthAI banAne ke lie aneka kArya karavAye, jinameM pramukha nimna haiN|25 1. kuMja bihArIjI kA maMdira 2. gulAba sAgara (tAlAba) 3. mahilA bAga ke mahala-catuSpada vApI arthAt "jhaalraa"| 4. giradIkoTa "saradAra mArkeTa" 5. phatahasAgara (tAlAba) 6. rAvaTI kA tAlAba 7. tAlAba dhAya sAgara (dhAya ne karavAyA) mahArAjA mAnasiMhajI mahArAjA vijayasiMhajI ke pautra evaM gumAnasiMhajI ke putra the| inhoMne vi.saM. 1860 meM jodhapura kI rAjagaddI sNbhaalii|24 jodhapura ke jAlaurI daravAjA ke pAsa "bAIjI kA tAlAba" inhIM ke samaya meM bnaa| aisA mAnA jAtA hai ki isa tAlAba kA nirmANa inakI suputrI zrI sirekaMbara bAIjI ne saMvat 1883 meM krvaayaa| pAnI kI vyavasthA ke liye isakI lambI dUrI kI nahare bhI bnvaaii| inakI cauthI rAnI devar3IjI zrI ejana kaMvarajI. ne rAvaTI ke pAsa "aijana bAvar3I" tathA zrI rAjanezvara mahAdevajI kA maMdira bnvaayaa|25 inakI caudahavIM rAnI zrI pAMcavAM bhaTiyANIjI zrI jasakuMvarajI ne vidyAzAlA ke nikaTa eka bAvar3I banavAI jo "pAMcamAmAjI kI bAvar3I" kahalAtI hai yahAM para zrI mohana bihArIjI kA maMdira bhI bnvaayaa|25 ___ inhoMne, mahAmaMdira kI pratiSThA ke samaya vahAM jhAlarA bnvaayaa| mahAmaMdira meM hI mAna sAgara tAlAba banavAyA tathA nahareM pakkI krvaaii| udayamaMdira tathA zrI nAthajI kA maMdira va jhAlarA bnvaayaa|26 mahArAjA takhatasiMhajI ne mahArAjA mAnasiMhajI ke uttarAdhikArI ke rUpa meM saMvat 1900 meM jodhapura kI rAjagaddI IDara se Akara sNbhaalii| ye mahArAjA ajItasiMhajI ke vaMzaja the| inako makAna Adi banAne kA bar3A zauka thaa| isaliye aneka nae mahala bagIce tAlAba Adi bnvaaye| inhone rAnIsara, padmasara, gulAba sAgara, phatahasAgara ke ghATa bnvaaye| bAIjI ke tAlAba kI marammata krvaaii| takhata sAgara tAlAba va kAyalAnA jhIla inhoMne hI banavAI thii| isake atirikta bIjolAI, nADelAva, mAciyA, jAliyA, rAmadAna kA bAr3iyA, takhatasAgara bhIvabhar3aka manarUpa kA bAr3iyA, mIThI nADI, phUlabAga Adi sthAna bnvaaye| anya kaI nirmANa inake samaya meM hue|

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384 / Jinasa inakI paravAzAla magarAja ne nAgaurI daravAje bAhara tathA lacharAja ne jAlaurI daravAjA bAhara- bAvar3iyA~ bnvaaii| nAgaurI geTa ke bAhara AnAjara harakaraNa ne bnvaayaa| suraparA ke mArga meM lAlasAgara tAlAba, lAlasAgara ke pAsa eka anya kuAM ujIra bagasa ke mArpha tathA kAsabA kA kuAM aura soyaMtare kA kuAM cahavANajI ne karavAyA thaa| maNDora ke pAsa bAga evaM kuA thA vijAha ke bhAraphana maNDora ke pAsa anya ku.AM muhatA pUnamacaMda ke mArphata bnvaae|27 rANA rANAvatajI ne bhaNDora ke pAsa "khokhariyau kuau" bnvaayaa| zrImAlI pokara kI bagecI ke pAsa kuaaN| rAmadAnaM ke bAr3iye vaacdii| kAyalANA ke pAsa bar3A tAlAba nAjara harakaraNa ke maarpht| bIjolAI tAlAba abhaisAgara ke Upara kuAM, jAliyoM kI mrmmt| mahArAjA nakhatasiMha nI dvArA banavAye gaye takhatasAgara evaM kAyalAnA jhIla kI naharoM kA nirmANa sara pratApasiMhajI ne karavAyA! ibAne ukta jalAzayoM se paMpa dvArA jodhapura zahara meM pAnI upalabdha karavAne kI vyavasthA kii| mahArAjA ummedasiMhajI ne vi.saM. 1975 meM apane bar3e bhrAtA mahArAjA sumerasiMhajI ke uttarAdhikArI ke rUpa meM mAravAr3a rAjya ko bAgaDora sNbhaalii| inakA viruda "mAravAr3a ke punarnirmAtA" ke rUpa meM prasiddha hai| badalate samaya kI AvazyakatAoM ko dekhate hue inhoMne jodhapura zahara evaM mAragar3a rAjya meM sudhAra ke aneka kArya krvaaye| jAnapura sahara kI bar3hatI janasaMkhyA ko mekhine hue kAyalAnA jhIla ke pAsa takhata sAgara nAmaka anya tAlAba kA nirmANa krvaayaa| vikrama saMvata 1996 (IsA sana 1930-40) meM bhayaMkara akAla ke samaya aneka gAMvoM meM tAlAba va choTe nADe khudvaaye| sakAla rAha ke aneka kArya prArambha krvaaye| bhayomAyA ke liye para-tAre kI pArayA ke liye sarakArI stara para cAre kI vyavasthA kI gaI aura riyAyatI dara se cArA upalabdha karane kA prabandha kiyaa| tArIkha 30.10.39 ko jArI iztihAra meM ghAsa evaM kar3abI nimnalikhita daroM para dene kI sUcanA jArI kI gaI 129 (1) kAztakArAna ko 0.75 phImaNa (bAraha AnA) (2) gaira kAztakArAna ko 1.50 phImaNa (Der3ha rupayA) tArIkha 2 disambara 1959 ko eka rAnakIya sUcanA prasArita kI gaI, jisameM karIba 50000 logoM ko (rojagAra) majadUrI para lagAye jAne kI sUcanA tathA namAma mAravAr3a meM saste ghAsa ke godAmoM kI vyavasthA kI sUcanA dI gii| kucha mAmaloM meM mukta cArA va ghAsa kA prabandha bhI kiyA gyaa| saste anAja kI dukAnoM kA prabandha bhI kiyA aura pAnI kI vyavasthA ke liye rela kI 100 TaMkiyAM kharIdane kI vyavasthA kI gii| isa kArya ke liye anumAnita 70 lAkha rupaye kharca karane kA prAvadhAna rakhA gyaa| zaharavAsiyoM ko saste dAmoM meM anAja upalabdha karavAne ke lihAja se zahara ke vibhinna kSetroM meM 12 dukAneM khulavAI gaIM, jinake z2ariye gehU~ (kaNaka) eka rupaye kI paune sAta sera tathA bAjarI ATha sera ke bhAva se upalabdha karavAne kA prabaMdha kiyA gyaa| akAla rAhata ke antargata sar3aka nirmANa kArya cAra kSetroM meM cAlU kiye gye| (1) rola se mUMDavA taka sar3aka (2) khajavAMNA se kucerA taka (3) kattI se khADU taka (4) kajanAU se goTana taka sar3aka nirmaann| 2 janavarI 1940 ke prathama saptAha meM 25000 mana dhAsa va kar3avI bAhara se maMgavAI gaI jise maNDora, mer3atA, nAgaura, mAroTha, DIDavAnA Adi 12 sthAnoM para bhinna-bhinna kendroM se ApUrti kI vyavasthA kI gii|

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mAravAr3a kI jala saMskRti / 385 isI samaya hAkimoM kI dekharekha meM cala rahe akAla nivAraka kArya meM 163 gAMvoM ke kendroM meM lage 20980 majadUroM ko (pratidina kA ausata vetana dene ke liye 25621/- rUpaye khajAne se diye gye| 34 bhejI gaI / 35 anAja kI vyavasthA ke liye 2000 borI anAja phalaudI, bAr3amera tathA pacapadarA meM pharavarI 1940 meM jaba akAla rAhata kAryoM kA AMkalana kiyA gayA, usa samaya "akAla nivAraNa ke minisTara iMcArja" kI riporTa ke anusAra agasta se disambara taka kI avadhi meM haoNkimoM kI adhyakSatA meM 996 kendroM para tathA pI. DablyU. DI kI dekharekha meM 75 bar3e kAmoM para 65000 logoM ko pratidina kAma diyA gayA aura isakA kharca 30,00,000/- (tIsa lAkha) rupaye kA huaa| mavezI kI rakSA ke liye 3,05,810 mana ghAsa va cArA bAhara se maMgavAyA isa para 16,00,000/- ( solaha lAkha ) rupaye kharca huve 135 dinAMka 17 pharavarI 1940 ke gaz2aTa ke anusAra ye kArya Age bhI calate rhe| hAlAMki isa samaya taka kucha varSA bhI ho gaI thI aura bilAr3A evaM gor3avAr3a kSetra meM acchI phasaleM dikhAI de rahI thiiN| 30 mArca 23 ke gaz2aTa ke anusAra mer3atA paragane meM varSa 1939 ke daurAna 5.58 iMca pAnI barasA tathA mArca 40 meM 2.04 iMca varSA darja kI gii| lekina phemIna ke kArya vahAM para usa samaya taka bhI cAlU rakhe gye| 37 inake alAvA duSkAla nivAraNa kArya meM lage majadUroM ke liye cikitsA suvidhA kA prabandha bhI kiyA gyaa| sumera samaMda, hemAvAsa bAMdha, ilAisiMga besina, phalaudI cATI roDa, DIDavAnA kucAgaNa roDa, nArAyaNapurA parabatasara roDa, goTana mer3atA roDa bAMkalI, mer3atA jaitAraNa roDa, seMdar3A Adi kendroM para kAryarata majadUroM ke liye asthAI aspatAla khole gye| sAtha hI ina kendroM para 17000 TIke lagAne kI vyavasthA bhI kI gii| 38 jodhapura gavarnameMTa ke ukta kAryoM kI sarAhanA ke liye, madrAsa meM base mAravAr3iyoM kI tarapha se, zAstrI evaM zAha kampanI madrAsa ke zrI bI. esa. kumbhaTa ne nimnalikhita saMdeza preSita kiyaa| "mujhase kahA gayA hai ki isa prAnta kI mAravAr3I janatA kI ora se isa kaThina samaya meM jodhapura gavarnamenTa dvArA kiye gaye uttama duSkAla nivAraka kAryoM ke liye maiM Apa ke dvArA zrImAn mahArAjA sAhiba bahAdura tathA unakI gavarnamenTa ke prati kRtajJatA pragaTa kruuN| hama saba duSkAla pIr3ita logoM ke prati sarakAra dvArA sahAnubhUti rUpa meM kiye gaye duSkAla nivAraka kAryoM kI tathA una anya saMsthAoM kI jinhoMne gavarnamenTa ke sAtha rahakara kArya kiyA hai, prazaMsA karate haiN| " duSkAla nivAraNa kA kArya agasta 1939 ke dUsare saptAha se prArambha kiyA gyaa| usa samaya pAnI kI saplAI rela dvArA karane kA prabandha kiyA gyaa| adhika samasyA vAle ilAke bAr3amera paragane ke bhAcabara, rAmasara, bAyatU, ziva meM gaDarA roDa, phalaudI meM lohAvaTa, sAmarAU DhelAnA Adi sthAnoM para pratidina 2,500 se 10,000 gailana pAnI rela se pahuMcAne kA prabandha kiyA gyaa| isake alAvA mer3atA, DIDavAnA, mUMDavA Adi sthAnoM para bhI pAnI saplAI kA prabaMdha kiyA gyaa| 40 akAla ke kAraNa bahuta se kisAno ke baila mara gaye the| isa kAraNa karasaNa karanA dUbhara ho gyaa| isake vikalpa ke taura para ziva, zeragar3ha, nAgaura, phalaudI, bAr3amera Adi ke retIle ilAkoM ke kisAnoM ko "hAtha haliye upalabdha karavAne kA prabandha bhI kiyA gyaa| 41 san 1939 meM mahArAjA zrI ummedasiMhajI ne babUla ke per3a ko "raoNyala TrI" ghoSita kiyA thA kyoMki akAla ke samaya isakI lakar3I jalAne ke kAma meM AtI thI isaliye unhoMne isa per3a ko saMrakSaNa dene kI ghoSaNA kI aura isake bIjoM kA chir3akAva sthAna-sthAna para krvaayaa| jisakA ullekha bhI gajaToM meM milatA hai| maI 1940 ke gajaTa ke anusAra usa samaya DIDavAnA paragane meM bhayaMkara akAla thaa| vahAM akAla nivAraNa kA kArya 106 kendro para hAkimoM kI dekharekha meM cAlU krvaayaa| inake liye karIba 70000/- rupaye ke kharca kI svIkRti dI gii|

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386 / Jijnasa pAnI kI vyavasthA ke liye siMghI talAI tathA isakI phIDara nahara kI khudAI va marammata kA kArya zurU karavAyA gyaa| baladU, DIDavAnA, baDAbarA, molAsara aura lADaNUM meM ghAsa ke godAma khulvaaye| rela kI TaMkiyoM se pAnI pahuMcAne kA prabandha kiyA gyaa|42 tArIkha 8 jUna, 1940 ke gaz2aTa ke anusAra karIba 10 mAha se adhika samaya ke pazcAt varSA huii| isa kAraNa kisAnoM ko rAhata milii| jodhapura gavarnamenTa ne akAla pIr3ita kisAnoM kI sahAyatA ke liye "hAtha haliye" muphta meM dene kA prabandha kiyaa| sAtha hI bovAI ke liye bAjarA va javAra ke acchI kisma ke bIjoM kI vyavasthA krvaaii| "uttama kisma ke aura kama pAnI meM acchI upaja hone vAlI bAjarA va javAra kI dasa-dasa sera kI thailiyAM hara kRSaka ko kharIpha kI khetI ke liye muphta dene kI svIkRti dI gii|"45 isa taraha sahAyatA kAryoM meM rAhata pAkara mAravAr3a ke kisAnoM ne mahArAjA sAhaba ke prati kRtajJatA pragaTa kI aura tAra preSita kiye| "mAnanIya mahArAjA sAhiba bahAdura ke prati kRtajJatA pragaTa karate ye tAra gAMvoM se Aye haiM" "kucerA ke kAztakAra apanI svAmI-bhakti se paripUrNa kRtajJatA prakaTa karate haiM ki hama para isa samaya meM takAvI, bIja ke liye dhAna aura hAtha-haliye bAMTa kara pitA samAna dayA karake rakSA kara lI gii|" kucerA ke kAztakAra "isa saMkaTa meM jaba ki jIvana aura maraNa kA prazna hai takAvI hamAre liye daivika sahAyatA hai aura isake balase hama eka bAra phira apane pairoM para khar3e ho skeNge|" mUMDavA kI janatA isake atirikta mahArAjA ummedasiMhajI ne sabhI jAgIradAroM ko nirdeza preSita kara jAgIrI gAMvoM meM jala saMsAdhanoM ke nirmANa kI vyavasthA krvaaii| isake tahata jojAvara ThAkura kesarIsiMhajI ne jojAvara ke pAsa bAMdha bnvaayaa| isI prakAra rAjadADhIsA ne bhI nAgaura jile meM sthita gAMva AkelI meM bhI eka kueM kA nirmANa kArya karavAyA jo kuA Aja bhI hai aura gAMvavAsiyoM ke lie pIne ke pAnI ke rUpa meM kAma meM A rahA hai| sAmAnya jIvana ko pratidina prabhAvita karane vAlI "jala saMskRti" kA prabhAva lokagItoM ke mAdhyama se bhI dekhA jA sakatA hai. "kiNa to khiNAyA nADA nADiyA-paNihArI jI elo| kiNa to khiNAyA taLAva-vAlAjI o| susarAjI khiNAyA nADA nADiyA paNihArI jI elo| pIvajI khiNAyA taLAva vAlAjI o|" navaAMgatuka vadhU kA gA~va, mauhalle, birAdarI Adi meM paricaya karAne hetu kisI samAroha kI jarUrata nahIM thI, basa use sajA-dhajA kara devarAnI-jeThAnI yA choTI naNada ke sAtha pAnI lAne ke liye tAlAba para bhejanA hI paryApta thaa| vahAM para gAMva kI saba auratoM se usakA turanta paricaya ho jAyA karatA thaa| lekina isa prakAra saja-dhaja kara nikalanA navor3hA ke mana meM saMkoca va lajjA kA bhAva bhI jAgRta karatA thaa| "saravara pANIr3A ne jAU sA, najara laga jaay|"

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mAravAr3a kI jala saMskRti / 387 pAnI ke liye panaghaTa para jAne ke liye khuda ko sajAnA-saMvAranA hI paryApta nahIM thA, isake sAtha acchA kalaza, sundara ghar3A rakhane ke liye banAI "IDANI" kA mahatva bhI kama nahIM thaa| "mhArI savA lAkha kI lUma, gama gaI IDANI" hIroM, motiyoM se jar3I, lUmA laTakatI IDAnI ko sira para rakhakara tathA usa para ghar3A aura ghar3e para 'carI' (choTA pAtra) ko uThAkara jaba vaha chama chama karatI panaghaTa para jAtI to sabakI najareM anAyAsa hI usakI ora mur3a jaatii| isa sthiti meM usa nAyikA kA mana pramudita va ullAsita hue binA nahIM raha sakatA thaa| isake alAvA parivAra meM vivAha ke samaya "saravara netaNA" (sarovara ko nyautA denA) bhI eka saMskAra thaa| gRha lakSmI pratidina jisa tAlAba ke tIra para pAnI ke liye jAtI arthAt jisa sarovara deva ke dvAra para nityaprati jAnA hotA, use vivAha ke mAMgalika avasara para AmaMtrita karane se kaise cUkA jA sakatA hai? ___ isI taraha kI aneka paramparAeM va saMskAra jala saMskRti se jur3e hue haiN| devajhUlanI ekAdazI para ThAkurajI kI mUrti ko 'revAr3I' (DolI) meM virAjamAna karavAkara sarovaroM para snAna karavAne le jAyA jAtA hai| tIja tyauhAroM para 'loTiye' (bar3ebar3e loTauM para turrA zrRMgAra kara) bharakara lAne kA kArya gAje bAje se kiyA jAtA hai| isake alAvA parva vizeSa para dIpadAna karane kI paramparA bhI pracalita hai| jodhapura meM prAkRtika jI kI vartamAna sthitikisI bhI surakSita rAjadhAnI ke liye mukhya do AvazyakatA hotI haiM, prathama surakSita sthAna, dUsarA jl| meharAnagar3ha durga kA mukhya dvAra phatehapola rakhA gayA jahAM jalasrota, usake Asa-pAsa adhika saMkhyA meM hai| cAMdapola se sUrasAgara taka 21 bAvar3iyA~, 15 kueM aura do jhAlare haiN| isake alAvA mAciyA ke pAsa tAlAba banAyA gyaa| phidUsara tAlAba, dhobI talAI, rAnIsara, padamasara, jodhA nADI ityaadi| isake alAvA visaMgar3I kA tAlAba, TAke, nADiyA~ Adi kA nirmANa karAyA gyaa| bhUmi ke jala kI adhikatA cAMdapola se rAvaTI taka ke pahAr3I kSetra meM bhUmigata pAnI ko adhika sokhate haiM aura barasAta hone se lekara mArca taka ina pahAr3oM kI zirAoM meM pAnI risatA rahatA hai| isa risAva ke kAraNa bhUmi kI arI sataha para jala adhika hai, isaliye vahAM jalasrota adhika mAtrA meM nirmita kiye gaye, jo kisI naye zahara kI pahalI AvazyakatA hotI hai| Ajakala jodhapura meM eka jvalaMta khabara hai ki aNDara grAuNDa meM pAnI bhara rahA hai, jodhapura pAnI para taira rahA hai ityaadi| yaha koI sAla do sAla meM ghaTita parivartana yA camatkAra nahIM hai; yadi Apa zahara ke aMdara bane makAnoM kI cabUtariyAM yA cautaMriyoM ko dekheM, sojatI geTa ke bAhara jo beriyAM, kueM Adi haiM, vahAM ke makAnoM kI cautariyAM sAmAnya se UMcI banAI gayIM kyoMki usa jamAne meM bhI vahAM pAnI bharatA thaa| jodhapura meM jitane kueM, bAvar3iyA~ haiM zAyada hI kisI aura zahara meM itane jalasrota ho| zahara ke makAnoM meM bhUtala (Under ground) bane hue haiN| unakA upayoga jAnavaroM ko bAMdhane ke liye hotA thaa| Aja se 60-70 varSa pahale bhI inameM pAnI bharatA thA aura usake nikAsI ke pAramparika mArga banAye jAte the| jodhapura ke purAne ThekedAra yadi purAne zahara meM koI navIna makAna banAte to pahale bhUmigata pAnI kI nikAsI rakhakara usake bAda makAna banAte the| adhika gaharAI meM jala nahIM hai kevala UparI sataha para jala adhika hai aura usameM bar3hotarI kA kAraNa gaTara lAineM, TUTI nAliyAM, pAnI kI nikAsI ke mArga para atikramaNa aura makAnoM ke banane ke kAraNa bhUmi meM jala bar3ha rahA hai| patharIlI jamIna pAnI kama sokhatI hai| nAgaurI geTa, mahAmaMdira, rAmagar3hI kA pAnI sabake pAramparika nikAsI ke mArga bane the, vahAM pAnI AnA svAbhAvika hai aura vaha atirikta pAnI makAnoM ke bhU-taloM meM jamA ho rahA hai|

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388 / Jijniasa sabase adhika jala risAva kI zikAyata parakoTe ke zahara ke aMdara ke makAnoM meM hai, jisakA kAraNa bhI spaSTa hai vaha hai Asa-pAsa anaginata jalasrotoM kA upalabdha honA aura usake jala kA upayoga baMda honaa| jahAM taka kAyalAnA ke pAnI kA aNDaragrAuNDa meM Ane kI saMbhAvanA hai, yaha asaMbhava hai, kyoMki kAyalAnA aura jodhapura zahara ke bIca meM cAra pahAr3a Ate haiN| pahalA akhairAjajI kA bhAkhara, dUsarA cAMdaNA bhAkhara, tIsarA kabIra nagara kA bhAkhara aura cauthA bakarAmaNDI ke pAsa bAIjI mahArAja ke Azrama kA bhAkhara / isameM cAMdanA bhAkhara ke nAma kA paricaya vizeSa rUpa se denA caahuuNgaa| yaha pahAr3a pUrva se pazcima kI tarapha phailA huA hai| sUrya udaya ke samaya bhI sAre pahAr3a para 'cAMdaNA' arthAta prakAza rahatA hai isaliye isakA nAma cAMdaNA pracalita huaa| dUsare pahAr3oM ke eka tarapha prakAza rahatA hai aura dUsarI tarapha aMdhakAra kyoMki pahAr3a uttara-dakSiNa meM Ar3e bane hue haiN| kAyalAnA ke pAnI kA risAva isaliye bhI saMbhava nahIM hai ki isake bIca cAra pahAr3a haiM aura kAyalAnA ke pAnI kA risAva agara hotA to ina pahAr3oM para bhI usa pAnI kA kahIM sabUta milatA jo eka UMcAI va stara para hai| zahara kI basAvaTa kAyalAnA se kAphI nIce hai aura ina cAroM pahAr3oM meM kahIM para bhI jala risAva ke saMketa nahIM milate haiN| isaliye maiM isa tathya ko nakAratA hUM ki kAyalAnA kA pAnI zahara ke bhU-taloM meM bharatA hai| bhUmi ke jala rokane ke samAdhAna isa samasyA kA samAdhAna sIdhA evaM sarala hai| jina jala srotoM kA pIne ke liye upayoga hotA thA, unakA upayoga baMda ho gayA hai| tripoliyA ke pAsa gorUndA bAvar3I sabase nIce hai aura hamezA jala se bharI rahatI hai| agara usa para eka iMca pAipa tathA paMpa lagAkara pAnI khIMcA jAye to use sojatI geTa kI bArI ke nAle meM pAnI pahuMcAyA jA sakatA hai| usake bAda Ananda kasanemA ke pAsa parakoTe ke nIce, jAlorI geTa ke nAle, rAtAnADA ke nAle usa atirikta pAnI ko nikAlA jA sakatA hai| usa pAnI ko DigAr3I, jhAlAmaNDa, bhANDU, dhavA, DolI evaM sAlAvAsa va bAsanI ke bIca pAnI ko bar3e hauja mai ikaTThA kiyA jA sakatA hai aura use khetI ke kAma meM lAyA jA sakatA hai| zahara kI sabhI bAvar3iyoM kA pAnI isI prakAra pAipoM dvArA ina nAloM ke mAdhyama se nikAlakara usa pAnI kA upayoga bAga-bagIcoM, phaikTriyoM va binA philTara ke pAnI kI jahAM AvazyakatA ho vahAM kiyA jA sakatA hai| isa prakAra uparI sataha kA jala stara niyaMtrita rahegA aura zahara pAnI para tairatA najara nahIM aayegaa| jala kA samucita upayoga abhI prazAsana yA pI.eca.I.DI. dvArA kharabUjA bAvar3I ke pAnI ko bAlasamanda le jAne kA prayAsa kiyA jA rahA hai| vaha bahuta mahaMgA pdd'egaa| ise khAlI karane ke sthAna para sabhI bAvar3iyoM ke jala ko eka sthAna para jor3akara usakA upayoga kiyA jA sakatA hai| magarAyajI ke TAMke se bI.esa.epha. taka jo nAlA banAyA gayA hai vaha acchA banAyA gayA hai parantu nAgauriyA bastI ke pahale vaha nAlA khatma ho gayA aura vaha pAnI vahAM bikhara kara sar3a rahA hai| agara usa nAle kA pAnI nAgAdar3I taka pahuMcA diyA jAtA to usakA sadupayoga hotA / kaI jala srota Aja apanA astitva kho cuke haiN| ghaNTAghara ke pAsa uparalA bAsa va kumhAroM ke bAsa ke pAsa mAlelAva tAlAba aba nahIM hai| mAladevajI ne jaba parakoTA banAyA, taba jagata sAgara tAlAba kA nirmANa huaa| vahAM sTeDiyama grAuNDa va pablika pArka bana gyaa| jagata sAgara ke pAnI ko bambA mauhalle se gaUzAlA, darabAra skUla, rAtAnADA hote hue sIvareja nAle ke dvArA vinAyikA taka le jAyA gyaa| phatehapola ke bAhara dhAbAI kueM se jAlaurI geTa, sivAMcI geTa taka jitane bhI kueM bAvar3iyA haiM unameM se zAyada eka do jala srota aise hoge jinakA pAnI pIne yogya nahIM hai| isa rAste para 5 bAvar3iyA~ va 24 kueM haiN| ina kUoM se Aja bhI loga

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mAravAr3a kI jala saMskRti / 389 bar3e jatana ke sAtha pAnI khIMcakara bhagavAna kI pUjA ke liye kalaza le jAte hai| ina kuoM kA pAnI isaliye kharAba nahIM huA kyoMki inake pAnI kA Aja taka upayoga hotA rahA hai| cAMda bAvar3I va nAjarajI kI bAvar3I se logoM ne pAnI lenA baMda kara diyA, isaliye inakA pAnI pIne yogya nahIM rhaa| tApI va jAlapa bAvar3I meM loga snAna karate haiN| phira bhI inakA pAnI ApAtakAla meM jala vibhAga dvArA pIne ke liye vitarita kiyA jAtA hai| agara sabhI bAvar3iyoM, kuoM, jhAlaroM kA pAnI upayoga meM AtA rahA hotA to itanA pAnI gaMdA nahIM hotaa| inhIM kueM, bAvar3iyoM kA pAnI binA upayoga ke jala srotoM meM bar3hatA rahA aura logoM ke bhuAroM va bhUtaloM meM risane lgaa| logoM kA yaha khyAla hai ki kAyalAnA kA pAnI gharoM ke bhUtala (Under ground) meM A rahA hai jabaki yaha saca nahIM hai| vaijJAnikoM ne jamIna meM do jagaha bora karake dekha liyA hai aura jAMca karane para patA calA ki vaha kAyalAne kA jala risAva nahIM hai| jo makAna pAnI ke bharAva kSetra yA pAnI ke mArga meM bane haiM unhIM makAnoM meM pAnI adhika bharatA hai| vartamAna meM Aja jahAM para kacaharI kI imArata banI hai vaha bhI jala bharAva kA sthAna rahA thaa| abhI jo bAriza huI usameM pUrA parisara tAlAba kI taraha bhara gayA thaa| jahAM DhalAna hogI vahAM pAnI avazya bhregaa| usa pAnI ko rokane kI koziza nahIM karanI cAhiye balki usakI nikAsI ke upAya kiye jAne caahiye| __jodhapura kI ausata varSA 60-70 varSoM se 11 iMca se 13 iMca ke bIca rahatI hai| pahale adhika saMkhyA meM tAlAba the, jinameM varSA kA yaha pAnI ikaTThA surakSita rakhA jA sakatA thaa| kaI tAlAba Aja apanA astitva kho cuke hai| jaise bakhtasAgara jisa para Aja neharU pArka kaoNlonI basI huI hai| 'kAliyA zaresa' tAlAba, jisakA Apane nAma bhI nahIM sunA hogA, pratApanagara thAne ke pAsa thA, vahAM para bhI saghana bastiyAM basa cukI hai| varSA kA pAnI to Aja bhI barasatA hai aura pahale bhI barasatA thA, pahale tAlAboM meM jAtA thA aura naharoM ke dvArA ise ikaTThA karake akAla ke liye surakSita rakhA jAtA thaa| Aja vaha varSA kA jala tAlAboM para banI bastiyoM para barasatA hai aura idhara-udhara bahakara bhUmi meM calA jAtA hai jisase parI sataha kA jala stara bar3ha jAtA hai| mahArAjA bakhatasiMhajI ne apane nAma para do tAlAba bnvaae| eka nAgaura meM tathA dUsarA jodhapura meM jisakA nAma bakhatasAgara thaa| vartamAna meM isa tAlAba me ekamAtra kuAM zeSa rahA hai jo aba kisa sthiti meM hai yaha jJAta nahIM hai| isa tAlAba ko bharA huA dekhakara nimnalikhita dohA kahA gayA thA vakhatA kara sake to kara, saravara bhariyo niir| haMso phira nahi AvasI, iNa saravara rI tiir|| jodhapura meM neharU pArka kaoNlonI basane se pUrva yahAM Apasa meM eka gAlI dI jAtI thI jisake zabda the- "bhagavAna kare, tU bakhtasAgara rI pALa jAye" arthAta bakhtasAgara kI pALa para murgoM ko jalAyA jAtA thA parantu Aja usa bakhtasAgara kI pALa para jodhapura ke nAmI saMbhrAMta logoM kI koThiyAM banI hai| vaha gAlI usa samaya pracalita thI, parantu Aja accheacche loga usa pALa para rahanA aura basanA pasanda karate haiN| bhANDelAva lAne kI gAlI to Aja bhI dene kI paramparA hai| eka dohA zaMbhu sAgara tAlAba ke sambandha meM bhI kahA jAtA hai jise manakaraNajI kI nADI bhI kahate haiN| bharA kaTorA nirmala nIra, jJAna sAgara sabakA siir| vaje TaMkI nADo dAma, juga juga meM manakaraNa rA naam| jala ke vibhinna srota va upayoga rAvaTI se cAMdapola taka 31 bAvar3iyA va 15 kueM haiM / jinameM se zAyada hI kisI kueM bAvar3I kA pAnI kama huA hogaa| ina jala srotoM se Aja bhI siMcAI hotI hai va use pIne meM upayoga karate haiN|

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390 / Jijriasa rAnIsara ne padamasara, kAgo suurjkunndd| itA nivANA uparAM, jodhANAM rI mNdd|| mahArAjA bakhtasiMhajI 1751-1752 ne apane ekavarSIya zAsanakAla meM padamasara tAlAba ke paTTe para sAta sIr3hiyAM banAkara zrImAlI brAhmaNoM ko unake tarpaNa, pUjana ke liye unako dAna diyaa| isa tAlAba ko jala sarobAra dekhakara mahArAjA ne kahA bakhtA kara sake to kara, saravara bharyo niir| haMso phira nahIM A vasI. ihe saravara rI tiir|| jodhapura ke nIle kueM ke aura tApI bAvar3I ke saMdarbha meM Aja bhI jodhapuravAsiyoM dvArA yaha kahA jAtA hai ki tApI bAvar3I ara nImalo kuNo| nahIM dekhyo vo jIvato hI muNo|| sarakAra kI yojanAeM aura usakA kriyAnvayana jodhapura ke anya tAlAboM ko pATane kA prayAsa cala rahA hai jahAM aNDara grAuNDa mArkeTa va bagIce banAne ke havAI mahala banAye jA rahe haiN| una bharAva vAle sthAnoM para yadi mArkeTa yA bastI ko basAyA gayA to unakA bhI pariNAma vahI hogaa| Aja kI soca kSaNika pariNAma prApta karane kI hai| na to lambI soca hai, na UMce irAde haiN| kevala voToM kI rAjanIti ke phAyade nukasAna ke AdhAra para turanta nirNaya liye jAte haiN| Aja nala kA pAnI sulabha hai parantu mAna lIjiye durbhAgyavaza kisI yuddha ke kAraNa bijalI do dina anupalabjha rahI to yahAM ke loga subaha uThakara muMha dhone kA pAnI kahAM se lAyeMge? yahI jalasrota usa samaya se hameM yAda AyeMge aura kAma bhI AyeMge, jinakI hamane durdazA kI hai| isase bar3hakara aura kyA zarma kI bAta hogI ki ina naharoM meM sIvareja va pAkhAne kI lAineM lAkara chor3a dI hai| ina tAlAboM, jalAzayoM ke nirmAtAoM ne kyA socakara inakA nirmANa karavAyA thA aura hama AdhunikatA ke nAma para ina jIvana ke rakSaka jalasrotoM ko khuda hI naSTa karate jA rahe haiM aura kUr3e-kacare kA Dhera banA rahe haiN| ahamadAbAda meM jisa varSa bhUkampa AyA thA aura bhayaMkara tabAhI huI thI, usake pIche jaba vaijJAnikoM ne usake kAraNa DhUMDhe to unameM se eka mahattvapUrNa kAraNa thA vahAM ke prAkRtika jala srotoM ko miTTI se bhara denaa| isa prakAra bhUmi meM asaMtulana paidA hotA hai aura bhUkampa Ane kI saMbhAvanAeM bar3ha jAtI hai| ina dinoM Apane piciyAka ke pAsa sthita jasavantasAgara bAMdha kI durdazA aura bAr3ha ke samAcAra sune hoNge| pichale varSa, varSA meM yaha bAMdha TUTa kara kSatigrasta ho gayA thA aura Asa-pAsa ke kaI gAMva va bastiyAM bAr3ha kI capeTa meM A gaI thiiN| prazAsana ne varSA ke bAda use marammata karAne kI svIkRti dI jisake liye karor3oM kA bajaTa prastAvita thaa| eka varSa bIta gayA parantu usa bAMdha kI marammata zAyada isaliye nahIM kI gaI ki isa bAra akAla par3egA aura usa rUpaye kA upayoga akAla rAhata meM kiyA jaayegaa| saubhAgya se isa bAra bhI bAriza pichale varSa se jyAdA huI aura vaha jasavantasAgara vikhaNDita jarjara hAlata meM apane astitva ko kAyama rakhane ke lie jUjha rahA hai, aura loga bAr3ha kI capeTa meM Akara mara rahe haiN| bAr3ha niyantraNa kakSa kholakara usameM Tebala kursI lagA dI jAtI hai kyA yahI jimmedArI prazAsana kI banatI hai| garIba loga bher3abakariyoM kI taraha aisI lAparavAhI ke kAraNa marane ko majabUra ho rahe haiN| maiM kSamA cAhatA hUM, parantu saca kahane se bhI apane Apako roka nahIM para rahA huuN| aise saMvedanazIla muddoM para AvAja uThAne kI AvazyakatA hai aura jAge huoM ko jagAnA hogA aura unakI jimmedAriyoM ke Dhola unake gale meM jaba taka janatA nahIM DAlegI ina logoM ke jAgrata avasthA meM liye jA rahe kharrATe baMda nahIM hoNge|

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mAravAr3a kI jala saMskRti / 391 anta meM maiM isa lekha kI sAmagrI taiyAra karane meM zrI rAmanivAsajI zarmA kA AbhAra prakaTa karatA hUM jinhoMne caupAsanI se mahattvapUrNa gajoM ko upalabdha karavAne meM madada kii| isI prakAra zrI vAI. DI. siMhajI ne bhI mujhe mahattvapUrNa sAmagrI upalabdha krvaaii| maiM pro. jahUrakhAM mehara kA bhI hArdika AbhAra prakaTa karatA hUM jinhoMne kAyalAnA ke pAnI ke risAva ke sambandha meM mahattvapUrNa tathya mujhe upalabdha krvaaye| saMdarbha : saMskRta-hindI zabdakoza vAmana zivarAma ApTe / rAjasthAnI sabada koza saMpAdaka DaoN. sItarAma lAlasa (tRtIya khaNDa) vRhat hindI koza- jJAna maNDala limiTeDa, banArasa / umara kAvya kavi umarAdAna lAlasa, chappane kAla kA varNana umarAdAna graMthAvalI, saM. DaoN. zaktidAna kaviyA, rAjasthAnI graMthAgAra, jodhapura mAravAr3a kA itihAsa, paNDita vizvezvaranAtha reU, dekheM "rAva jodhAjI" mAravAr3a kA itihAsa, paNDita vizvezvaranAtha reU, dekheM "rAva jodhAjI" mAravAr3a kA itihAsa, paNDita vizvezvaranAtha reU, dekheM "rAva gAMgAjI " mAravAr3a rA paraganA rI vigata, bhAga-1, (muhatA naiNasI kI khyAta) ke pariziSTa / (ka) meM likhA hai " maNDora rA mAraga meM taLAba bAlasamandara peLI tarapha rAva jodhAjI kraayau|" (pRSTha 560 ) ukta vigata meM likhA hai ki "bAvar3I hamAra cainapurIjI re akhAr3A meM hai tilakA karAI" (pR. 560 ) ma.paM. kI vigata bhAga-1 mAravAr3a kA itihAsa, paNDita vizvezvaranAtha reU, dekheM "rAva jodhAjI" mAravAr3a rA parAganArI vigata, ma.paM. kI vigata bhAga-1 (pR. 561) 12 mAravAr3a rA parAganArI vigata, bhAga-1 pRSTha. 580 mAravAr3a rA paraganA rI vigata, bhAga-1 (pariziSTa 1 ka ) pRSTha 564 ke anusAra "sUrasAgara kanai bAga 84 siradArAM khavAsa, pAsavAna, mutasaddIyAM, sArA Apa AparAM nyArA karAyA nai jamI rAja sUM dirIjI nai rajavAr3A se kuvo mahela 84 vAgAM meM hai" 3 4 5 10 11 13 14 15 10 T 12 mAravAr3a rA paraganA rI vigata, bhAga-1 pRSTha 567 jhAlaro / jAr3ecI cAMdapola bAre rAMNI jAlI jI mahArAjA zrI ajIsiMhajI rI rAMNI karAyo / jhAlarI | trivAr3I sukhadeva sirImAlI saMmat 1776 meM karAyo, jAr3ecI jhAlare re pArakhatI hai tiko| bAvar3I / bhaNDArI rUganAtha karAya DhAI, rAmezvara mAdevajI rA miMbara lAre ne rAmezvarajI re bheMTa kIvI / bAga karAyau / pusakaraNau birAmaNa riNachor3a dAsa bero / mahArAja ajItasiMghajI rI bAra meM dAUjI rA miMdara rI pUTha meM karAI saMmat 171 mAravAr3a kA itihAsa, paNDita vizvezvaranAtha reU- dekho abhayasiMjI mAravAr3a rA paraganA rI vigata, bhAga-1, pRSTha 567-5681 19 30 20 21 mAravAr3a rA paraganArI vigata bhAga-1 pRSTha 569-5701 mAravAr3a kA itihAsa, paNDita vizvezvaranAtha reU- dekheM mahArAjA vijayasiMhajI mAravAr3a kA mUla itihAsa, zrI rAmakaraNa AsopA dekheM mahArAjA vijayasiMhajI mAravAr3a kA itihAsa, paNDita vizvezvaranAtha reU, dekheM mahArAjA mAnasiMhajI mAravAr3a kA itihAsa tathA saMskRti kI jhalakiyAM, le. DaoN. kuM. mahendrasiMha nagara, pRSTha saM. 222-23 20 :+ mAravAr3a kA itihAsa, paNDita vizvezvaranAtha reU, dekheM "savAI rAjA sUraja siMhajI " mAravAr3a kA itihAsa, paNDita vizvezvaranAtha reU, dekheM "rAjA gajasiMhajI " 28 rAjasthAna itihAsa tathA saMskRti kI jhalakiyAM, le. DaoN. kuM. mahendrasiMha nagara, pRSTha 224 mAravAr3a kA itihAsa, paNDita vizvezvaranAtha reU, dekheM "mahArAjA jasavantasiMhajI ( prathama ) " 29 mAravAr3a rA paraganA rI vigata, bhAga-1, pRSTha 574 mAravAr3a kA itihAsa. paM. reU bhAga-2 (dekheM mahArAjA takhatasiMha) mAravAda rA paraganA rI vigata, bhAga-1, pRSTha 575 se 578 jodhapura gavarnamenTa gajaTa || navambara 1939 pRSTha 222

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392 / Jijnasa " 31 so jodhapura gavarnamenTa gajaTa ekasTrA oNrDinarI 3 disambara 1939, peja naM. 347-49 jodhapura gavarnamenTa gajaTa 16 disambara 1939, peja naM. 3 jodhapura gavarnamenTa gajaTa 16 disambara 1939, peja naM. 389 jodhapura gavarnamenTa gajaTa 6 janavarI 1940, peja naM. 538 jodhapura gavarnamenTa gajaTa 6 janavarI 1940, peja naM. 539 jodhapura gavarnamenTa gajaTa 3 pharavarI 1940, peja naM. 709 jodhapura gavarnamenTa gajaTa 17 pharavarI 1940. peja naM.766 jodhapura gavarnamenTa gajaTa 23 mArca 1940, peja naM. 955 jodhapura gavarnamenTa gajaTa 6 aprela 1940, peja naM. 1038 jodhapura gavarnamenTa gajaTa 6 aprela 1940, peja naM. 1038 jodhapura gavarnamenTa gajaTa 20 aprela 1940, peja naM. 1124 jodhapura gavarnamenTa gajaTa 20 aprela 1940, peja naM. 1124 jodhapura gavarnamenTa gajaTa 18 maI 1940, peja naM. 1334 jodhapura gavarnamenTa gajaTa 8 jUna 1940, peja naM. 1447 jodhapura gavarnamenTa gajaTa 6 julAI 1940, peja naM. 1656 38 >> +3

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zekhAvATI kSetra ke sAMskRtika vikAsa meM vyApArika mArgoM kA yogadAna / 393 48. zekhAvATI kSetra ke sAMskRtika vikAsa meM vyApArika mArgoM kA yogadAna pramilA pUniyA rAjasthAna meM 'zekhAvATI kI apanI khAsa pratiSThA hai| zekhAvATI jayapura rAjya ke antargata eka mahatvapUrNa bhU-bhAga thaa| jayapura jise DhU~r3hAra rAjya ke nAma se jAnA jAtA thA vaha basavA, Amera dausA kevala inhIM tInoM kI sImA ke andara phailA huA thaa| dhIre-dhIre DhUMDhAra rAjya kI sImA bar3hatI gayI aura arAvalI ke uttara-pazcima kI tarapha bhI DhUMDhAra rAjya kA kucha bhAga A gayA jise zekhAvATI kahate hai|' arAvalI parvata zrRMkhalA zekhAvATI pradeza ko do bhAgoM meM vibhakta karate huye uttara-pazcimI aura dakSiNI-pUrvI bhAgoM meM se hokara nikalatI hai| isakA prathama bhAga retIlA hai tathA dakSiNI-pUrvI bhAga meM parvata zrRMkhalAe~ evaM upajAU maidAna hai| pUrva kAla meM zekhAvATI ke uttara-pazcima meM bIkAnera rAjya uttara evaM uttara-pUrva meM luhArU evaM paTiyAlA rAjya, dakSiNa meM sAMbhara va jayapura rAjya, dakSiNa pazcima meM jodhapura aura pUrva meM alavara - bharatapura ke bhU-bhAga par3ate the| bAda meM nikaTastha sthAnoM ke nAma evaM bhU-bhAgoM ke parivartana ke kAraNa aba uttara-pazcima meM curU aura gaMgAnagara jile, dakSiNa-pazcima meM nAgaura jilA, dakSiNa aura pUrva meM jayapura jilA tathA pUrva meM hariyANA prAnta hai| zekhAvATI ke Arthika saMgaThana meM kRSi, pazupAlana, udyoga, vyApAra tathA mahatvapUrNa sthAna rahA hai| yahAM ke mahAjana vyApArI loga vyApAra meM bar3e catura, sahanazIla, vyavasAyI evaM kAryakuzala hote hai ye loga bahuta pahale se hI deza dezAntara jAkara basa gaye the lekina apanI janmabhUmi se inhoMne kabhI sambandha-viccheda nahIM kiyA bhArata meM vizeSakara ina vyApAriyoM ne AsAma, barmA, raMgUna, mAMDale, kalakattA, nepAla, haidarAbAda, bambaI, ahamadAbAda Adi ko apanA pramukha sthAna banAyA aura vahIM jAkara basa gye| jaise-jaise inakA vyApAra bar3hatA gayA unhoMne zekhAvATI meM Akara bar3I-bar3I haveliyA~ banavAnA zurU kiyA ye adhikAMza haveliyoM 18vIM, 19vIM zatAbdI kI banI huyI haiN|' zekhAvATI kSetra madhyakAla meM pramukha vyApArika mArga se jur3A huA thaa| derAvala vartamAna bhAvalapura kSetra (pAkistAna) se hokara dillI jAne vAle bhArga para sthita zekhAvATI meM samRddha vyApArI rahate the sindha kSetra meM Ane vAle nirantara bhISaNa AkramaNoM ke phalasvarUpa zrImaMta vyApArI kalAkAra tathA seTha sAhukAra yahA~ Akara base the| isa kAraNa madhyakAla meM yahA~ bar3e-bar3e nagaroM, haveliyoM kuoM bAvar3iyoM, mandiroM chatriyoM kA nirmANa huaa| Aja bhI isa kSetra ke khetar3I, khaMDelA, sIkara, jhunjhunu maMDAvA, phatehapura, cir3AvA, curU, rAmagar3ha, lakSmaNagar3ha, bisAU, navalagar3ha Adi sAMskRtika nagara hai| jo zekhAvATI kI saMskRti ke nAma se apanI pahacAna banAye huye hai / madhyakAlIna rAjasthAna ke vyApAra-vANijya kI unnati meM usakI bhaugolika sthiti kA bhI mahatvapUrNa yogadAna thaa| isI kAraNa deza ke uttarI uttara-pazcimI aura dakSiNI bhArata ke adhikAMza vyApArika mArga rAjapUtAnA se hokara gujarate the| aphrIkA, yUropa aura pUrvI eziyA ke vyApArI sindha athavA gujarAta ke bandaragAhoM se rAjapUtAnA

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394 / Jijnasa kI pramukha maNDiyoM meM Ate the aura apanI vastuoM ke badale yahAM se uttarI bhArata, uttara-pazcimI bhArata aura madhya eziyA kA sAmAna le jAte the| isI prakAra madhya eziyA ke vyApArI bhI ghor3oM sUkhe mevoM tathA anya sAmAna ke badale pUrvI eziyA kI vastue~ le jAte the| isa prakAra isa kSetra kA donoM hissoM se ghaniSTha vyApArika samparka rahA thaa| rAjapUta rAjyoM kI sabhI rAjadhAniyA~ sahAyaka mArgoM ke dvArA mukhya vyApArika mArgoM se jur3I huI thii| mukhya aura sahAyaka mArgoM para vyApAriyoM aura yAtriyoM ko suvidhA ke liye jagaha-jagaha ku~e tathA sarAyeM banI huyI thI / madhyakAla meM rAjasthAna meM aneka vikasita vyApArika kendra the udayapura rAjya kA bhIlavAr3A, bIkAnera rAjya kA curU evaM rAjagar3ha, jayapura rAjya kA mAlapurA tathA jodhapura rAjya kA pAlI, vikasita vyApArika kendra the / ' ye vyApArika kendra samudrI kinAroM tathA uttarI bhArata ko jor3ane vAlI kar3I kA aMga the tathA videzI vyApAra kA bhI kendra the| ina kendroM para bhArata kAzmIra evaM cIna ke utpAdoM kA yUropa, aphrIkA, eziyA evaM araba kI vastuoM ke sAtha AdAna-pradAna hotA thaa| 1818 I. ke bAda bArA, bhIlavAr3A, cUrU, DIga, jhunjhunu, mer3atA, nAgaura, pAlI, sAmbhara, sIkara Adi pramukha vyApArika kendroM ke rUpa meM ubharakara sAmane aaye| isI taraha zekhAvATI kSetra bhI vyApArika kriyAoM meM samRddha thaa| briTiza bhArata meM niSkramaNa karane vAle vyApAriyoM meM sabase adhika saMkhyA zekhAvATI ke logoM kI thii| yahAM para sIkara, jhunjhuMnu, lakSmaNagar3ha, phatehapura, bagar3a, navalagar3ha, cir3AvA, rAmagar3ha, udayapuravATI, nIma kA thAnA, baiMkiMga vyavasAya ke liye prasiddha hai / isa kasboM meM madhyakAla meM huNDI evaM mahAjanI kA kArya kAphI vikasita huA thaa| isakA kAraNa pAlI, rAjagar3ha, curU jaise vyApArika kendroM kI samIpatA ko mAnA jA sakatA hai| 1908 meM prakAzita empIriyala gajeTiyara oNpha iNDiyA" meM bhI ullekha hai ki zekhAvATI ke kasboM meM baiMkiMga eksaceMja evaM mahAjanI kA vyavasAya adhika hai / " vyApArika evaM vANijya ke vikAsa meM vyApArika mArgoM kI mahatvapUrNa bhUmikA hotI hai samakAlIna abhilekhAgArIya sAkSyoM se hameM aneka aise mArgoM kA ullekha milatA hai jinake mAdhyama se na kevala zekhAvATI ke vibhinna vyApArika kendra evaM kasbe eka dUsare se jur3e hue the varan unake mAdhyama se zekhAvATI ke mahatvapUrNa vyApArika kendra rAjasthAna ke tathA deza ke kaI anya vyApArika kendroM se bhI jur3e huye the mArgoM ko Antarika vyApArika mArga aura bAhraya vyApArika mArga do bhAgoM meM bA~Ta sakate haiM zekhAvATI kSetra bIkAnera, jayapura, nAgaura, jodhapura, rAjagar3ha, hariyANA Adi kI sImA para hone ke kAraNa mukhya vyApArika kendroM se sIdhA jur3A huA thA kucha vyApArika mArga jaise : 1 (1) cUrU se jaisalamera :- cUrU- soDAvA - bApa- phalaudI-pokaraNa-jaisalamera 110 (2) jhunjhunu se pAlI : - jhunjhunu - phatehapura- lADanU - DIDavAnA nAgaura - pAlI / " (3) rAjagar3ha se pAlI - rAjagar3ha cUrU- navalagar3ha-DIDavAnA nAgaura pAlI / " : -- (4) bIkAnera se jayapura bIkAnera- sujAnagar3ha sIkara jayapura / " (5) sAmbhara se bhivAnI : isI taraha 12vIM - 13vIM zatI meM dillI (yoginIpura) se gujarAta jAne vAlA vyApArika mArga reNI, nAgaura, pAlI se hotA huA gujarAta pahu~catA thA / " auraMgajeba kI mRtyu ke bAda aphagAnoM dvArA paMjAba para lUTamAra karane ke kAraNa madhya eziyA, kAbula, kaMdhAra se paMjAba hokara uttara bhArata Ane vAlA vyApArika mArga asurakSita ho gayA thaa| usa samaya ina pradezoM ke vyApAriyoM ne multAna ke mArga se bIkAnera hote huye uttara bhArata AnA prArambha kara diyaa| isa prakAra isa samaya bIkAnera rAjya se gujarane vAle vyApArika mArga mahatvapUrNa ho gye| zekhAvATI kSetra bIkAnera kI sImA para hone ke kAraNa sahAyaka vyApArika mArgoM ke kAraNa ina mArgoM se jur3a gayA thA / : sAmbhara DIDavAnA - sujAnagar3ha-rAjagar3ha-nivAnI / " -

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zekhAvATI kSetra ke sAMskRtika vikAsa meM vyApArika mArgoM kA yogadAna : (1) koTA se multAna koTA-bUMdI-TaoNka cUrU-bIkAnera pugala- buhAbalapura-multAna / " (2) bIkAnera se dakkana :- bIkAnera-nAgaura mer3atA bUMdI koTA jhAlarApATana ujjaina- dkkn|" - - (3) dillI se ahamadAbAda :- dillI bhivAnI-rAjagar3ha cUrU jA~unU nAgaura -jodhapura-jAlaura - sirohI- pAlanapura - ahamadAbAda (18 DIDavAnA-laoNncUrU (4) jayapura se multAna :lUNakaraNasara-mahAjana anUpagar3ha bahAvalapura-multAna " ( 5 ) jayapura se siMdha :- jayapura-bIkAnera pugala-sindha 120 jayapura-sAmbhara, / 395 - = isa taraha zekhAvATI kSetra sahAyaka vyApArika mArgo se multAna, sindha, kAbula, paMjAba, kazmIra, dillI, AgarA, gujarAja evaM mAlavA se jur3A huA thaa| zekhAvATI ke sahAyaka vyApArika mArga anya rAjyoM ke dvArA pramukha vyApArika kendroM se jur3e huye the yadyapi ye mArga pakke nahIM bane the| adhikAMza kacce aura Ter3he-mer3he the phira bhI varSA Rtu ko chor3akara ina mArgoM para AvAgamana jyAdA muzkila nahIM thaa| zekhAvATI ke kucha sahAyaka mArga jaise : | (1) cir3AvA jhunjhunu phatehapura-sujAnagar3ha-droNAcAra, maarvaadd'| (2) cir3AvA :- revAr3I-bhivAr3I-luhArU-dillI / : phatehapura- DIDavAnA (3) ganeDI (4) phatehapura (5) ganer3I sAmbhara-mAlavA phatehapura - khaNDelA ( 6 ) haMgsI se mAlavA :- phatehapura-sAmbhara / I isI taraha rAmagar3ha, seThAna, phatehapura, thoI, raivAsA zrImAdhopura mukhya vyApArika kendra the| U~Ta isa ilAke kA pramukha savArI thaa| samUha meM katAra lAdakara isa ilAke ke loga DIDavAnA se namaka bharakara nAbhA, paTiyAlA, hisAra, revADI, nAranaula tathA dillI taka jAte the pAnIpata aura sonIpata ke ilAkoM se gur3a va zakkara U~ToM dvArA lAkara gAMvoM meM becI jAtI thI parabatasara aura puSkara ke meloM meM U~ToM ko becane aura kharIdane jAte the| zekhAvATI kSetra meM tAMbA udyoga aura imAratI patthara kA udyoga mahatvapUrNa rahe hai pItala aura tAMbe ke bartana, nIma kA thAnA aura zrImAdhopura meM banAye jAte hai| raMgAI chapAI gaira baMdheja ke lie zekhAvATI kSetra prasiddha hai| dupaTTA, sAr3I, pecA, sAphA, pIlA, pomacA, cUnaDI, jhurA, dhanaka Adi kI raMgAI aura baMdhAI kalAtmaka hotI hai| jisakI mAMga deza dezAntara meM banI rahI hai| sIkara, jhunjhunu, bisAU, navalagar3ha, zrImAdhopura meM yaha kArya Aja bhI bar3e paimAne para vidyamAna hai| 18vIM aura 19vIM zatI meM sUtI UnI vastra udyoga bhI bahuta the| isI taraha goTA kinArI udyoga, darI, salItA, TokariyAM, miTTI ke bartana, maNihArI sunArI kA kAma bhI gAMvoM aura zaharoM meM hote rahe hai raghunAthagar3ha, cirANA, bhomA kI paTTiyA~ mazahUra thii| chApolI ke patthara kI cakkI banatI hai| khanija padArthoM meM khetar3I kI tAMbe kI khAne lIlAthothA, abhraka, phiTakar3I, gerU kI miTTI Adi milatI hai / zekhAvATI ke nagaroM kI sthApanA ke samaya isa bAta kA vizeSa dhyAna rakhA jAtA thA ki koI sampanna mahAjana parivAra yahA~ Akara base tAki vyApAra vANijya bddh'e| isakA eka kAraNa zAsakoM kI apanI rAjadhAnI ko vikasita karane kI dRDha icchA bhI thI paise vAle mahAjanoM ko yahA~ basane ke liye Amantrita kiyA jAtA thA yahA~ para vyApAra 1 zurU karane ke liye unheM kama paise yA muphta jamIna aura karoM meM chUTa dI jAtI thI jaise sIkara ke rAvarAjA lakSmaNasiMha ne jaba lakSmaNagar3ha ko basAyA to unhoMne aneka mahAjanoM ko yahAM basane ke liye Amantrita kiyA / |

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396 / Jijnasa 1 vizeSakara ganer3I vAlA seThoM ko ganer3IvAlA seThoM kA parivAra bahuta vikhyAta evaM samRddhizAlI rahA hai| ganer3IvAlA seThoM ke pUrvaja hariyANA se bAjora nAmaka sthAna para base the jo eka purAnA gAMva hai| zekhAvATI ke raivAsA, bAjora, kAsalI, raghunAthagar3ha, sAMgaravA, zobhAvatI nadI kA taTa pradeza zAMkabharI ke parvata ke donoM ora kA bhU-bhAga candela rAjapUtoM ke adhikAra meM rahA hai| bAjora, sIkara se cAra mIla dakSiNa meM Ajakala ke sIkara-jayapura rAjamArga para par3atA hai usa samaya bAjora ke pAsa raivAsA hokara gujarane vAlA mArga saMbhavataH raivAsA se parvatamAlA ke nIce hotA huA uttara kI ora nikala jAtA thaa| bAjora ke pAsa kAchora kI jhIla prasiddha hai jahAM namaka taiyAra kiyA jAtA hai| raivAsA jise rativAsA bhI kahA jAtA hai prAcIna samaya meM khaluvANA nAma se prasiddha vyApArika sthAna thaa|" anekoM vyApArika kAphile isa mArga se gujarA karate the| biNajAroM kI saiMkar3oM bailovAlI bAlada isI sthAna se gujaratI thii| raivAsA meM Aja bhI ina binajAroM ke banAye ku~e vidyamAna hai yaha una kAphiloM ke rAtri vizrAma kA sthAna thA ganer3IvAlA seThoM ke pUrvaja hariyANA se Akara yahA~ base to zAyada vyApAra kI vipula sambhAvanAoM kA unhoMne pUrI taraha Akalana kiyA hogA / vyApArika mArga para tathA namaka ke utpAdana kA kendra hone ke kAraNa hI unhoMne isa sthAna para basane kA cunAva kiyaa| raivAsA aura bAjaura meM seThoM kI aneka vizAla haveliyA~ Aja bhI vidyamAna hai| bAjaura ke bAda ye seTha parivAra vRddhi aura vyApAra vANijya meM vRddhi ke liye 1630 I. meM ganer3I meM Akara base ganer3hI gAMva sIkara sujAnagar3ha ke bIca meM sAlAsara se 11 kilomITara pahale AtA hai| eka ora jodhapura dUsarI ora bIkAnera aura tIsarI aura Amera rAjya thaa| tIna rAjyoM ke sImAnta ke kAraNa aura vyApArika mArgoM ke kAraNa isakA mahatva bar3ha gayA thaa| usa samaya sIkara rAjya kA astitva nahIM thaa| I. 1687 vi. 1744 meM rAva daulatasiMha ne sIkara kile kI nIMva DAlI / " phatehapura kasbe meM seTha rAmagopAlajI ganer3IvAlA dvArA banAI huI bhavya chatrI hai| deza ke vibhinna kSetroM meM gaDIvAlA seThoM ne vyApArika gaddiyA~ sthApita thii| jinake antargata vyApAra-vyavasAya kA kArya calatA thA / mukandagaDha, ratanagar3ha ko basAne meM bhI ganer3IvAloM kA yogadAna rahA hai| | zekhAvATI ke vIra bAMkuroM ke alAvA dhanakuberoM ke santa mahAtmA udAra samAjasevI sarasvatI ke sAdhaka Adi logoM ne zekhAvATI ko eka gauravapUrNa pahacAna dilAI hai yathA- biralA, modI, siMghAniyA, poddAra, bajAja, pIrAmala, seksariyA, kAnoDiyA goyanakA, todI Adi inakA zikSA, udyoga aura janakalyANakArI kSetroM meM asAdhAraNa yogadAna hai| Aja ina kasboM meM gale meM kaimarA laTakAkara videzI paryaTaka galI-galI meM ghUmate hai / kabhI maNDAvA ke jhopar3InumA hoTala kA Ananda lete hai kabhI gIdar3a, Dapha, nRtya ke sAtha paramparAgata vezabhUSA pahanakara nAcate gAte hai unake muMha se sunane ko milatA hai 'nAisa zekhAvATI / 1 santoM, sUramAoM evaM saMThoM kI janmabhUmi hone ke kAraNa zekhAvATI jaga vikhyAta hai yahA~ dAdUpaMthI saMto, nAmoM evaM vaiSNava saMtoM ke upadezAmRta pAna kara jana gaNa sadA sarvadA dhArmika bhAvanAoM se ota-prota rahA hai zekhAvATI ke seTha isa dharatI kI sAhasI paramparA kA anusaraNa karate hue dUrastha pradezoM meM jAkara apanI vyAvasAyika kuzalatA kA paricaya dete huye Dora loTA lekara nikale aura karor3apati hokara lauTe hai bhArata ke vibhinna pradezoM kI sAMskRtika evaM sAmAjika thAtiyoM ko dharma kAMTe para tolakara apanAyA hai havA ke jhoMkoM se har3abar3Aye nahIM hai| apanI janmabhUmi meM Akara dAna-puNya na sArvajanika kAryoM meM dhana lagAkara janapriya bane hai zekhAvATI ke seThoM ke banAye pakke tAlAba, pyAU, dharmazAlAeM evaM zikSaNa saMsthAe~ isakI sAkSI hai| mukandagar3ha ke kAnoDiyA, navalagar3ha ke poddAra, rAmagar3ha ke rUiyA, phatehapura ke camar3iyA, pilAnI ke biralA Adi seThoM ne ucca zikSA kA prArambha kara, zikSA kI dRSTi se upAdeya kArya kiyaa|

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zekhAvATI kSetra ke sAMskRtika vikAsa meM vyApArika mArgoM kA yogadAna / 397 vAstu zAstra kI dRSTi se zekhAvATI kA apanA nirAlA sthAnA hai U~ce maraboM vAle jalakUpa, zmazAnoM kI chatariyA~ haveliyoM kI U~cI kursiyA~, meharAba vAle daravAje, haveliyoM ke chajje aura gokhe apanA alaga hI AkarSaNa rakhate hai| eka jamAne meM jaba ye bhArata kA pramukha vyavasAya kendra rahA thA usa samaya kI yadi kalpanA kI jAe to mastiSka meM sahasA hI eka bahuta khubasUrata citra aMkita ho jAtA hai zekhAvATI kI saMskRti aura kalA kI jAnakArI hameM isa kSetra kI haveliyoM meM milatI hai| zekhAvATI ke jhunjhunu meM TIbar3e vAloM kI havelI, IsaradAsa modI kI saikar3oM khir3akiyoM vAle bhavya imArateM hai / IsaradAsa modI kI isa vizAla havelI meM 360 khir3akiyAM hai evaM do bar3e cauka aura 6 haoNla hai cauka kI dIvAroM para bhitti citroM ke kAraNa aura havelI kalAtmaka dvAroM ke lie pahacAnI jAtI hai| bAjAra ke madhya isa havelI ko dekhakara tArAdatta nirvirodha ne sundara vicAra isa prakAra vyakta kiye hai| "chor3a AyA thA jise maiM mauna, mujhako AMkatI hogii| yaha gulAba gaMdha aba bhI khir3akiyoM meM jhAMkatI hogii|" maNDAvA sAgaramala lar3iyA kI havelI, rAmadeva cokhAnI kI havelI, mohanalAla nevaTiyA, rAmanAtha goyanakA kI havelI, harIprasAda baDhAriyA kI havelI paryaTakoM kA vizeSa AkarSaNa hai cUsI ajitagar3ha meM zivaprasAda netAnI kI havelI bhI apanI kalAtmakatA kA paricaya detI hai isa havelI ke zivAlaya kI chatarI meM zrI kRSNakAlIna rAsalIlAeM saMgamaramarI prastaroM para aMkita hai mehanasara sthita seTha rAma podAra kI sone-cA~dI kI havelI meM raMgoM kI camaka, jyAmitIya AkAroM kI banAvaTa, chata evaM dIvAroM meM zIzoM kI jar3Avata bahuta hI sundara tarIke se kI gaI hai| isa prakAra pilAnI, jhunjhunu, cir3AvA, sIkara, navalagar3ha, bisAU, maMDAvA, alasIsara, phatehapura, mukundagaDha, baggar3a, rAmagar3ha Adi jagahoM para deza ke pramukha udyogapatiyoM aura seThoM kI haveliyA~ hai jo eka AMgana se lekara pAMca AMgana taka aura eka se pAMca maMjila taka kI hai| ye haveliyA~ varSoM purAnI dAstAnaM Aja bhI bayAM karatI najaraAtI hai| ina haveliyoM kI mukhya vizeSatA unnata adhiSThAna, eka pArzva para vividha bhitti citroM se AbhUSita baiThaka aura mukhya dvAra ke bhItara vizAla prAMgaNa ke cAroM ora bane sundara kakSoM kI vyavasthA hai havelI ke sabhI pArzva citrAMkita hai| 1 haveliyoM ke sAtha mandiroM aura chatariyoM kA bhI nirmANa karavAyA jAtA thaa| jhunjhunu jile ke mAravAr3iyoM dvArA bahuta hI sundara mandiroM kA nirmANa karavAyA gyaa| isa kSetra meM jhunjhunu, navalagar3ha, pilAnI, gaNDAvA, udayapuravATI Adi meM navIna zailI meM bane deva mandira hai pilAnI kA sarasvatI mandira prArUpa kI prAcInatA lie hue navIna yuga kI kalA sAmagrI kA ramaNIka pratIka hai| naI zailI meM bane mandira unnatodara, vizAla vistIrNa evaM kalA pUrNa hai / 19vIM zatAbdI meM isa kSetra meM chatariyAM adhika banI thii| inameM sIkara (ganeDI) maNDAvA, malasIsara, navalagar3ha, bisAU, DUMDaloda Adi nagaroM kI chatariyAM mahatvapUrNa hai| maNDAvA meM bhAgacanda kI chatarI ( 1850 I.), haralAla kI chatarI (1853I). goyanakA parivAra kI chatarI (1860I.) bahuta utkRSTa citrakArI se yukta hai goyanakA chatarI meM dazAvatAra ke citra evaM citrakAra kI sundara zabIha bhI banI hai| ye citra lokakalA ke nikaTa hai| DUMDaloda (1888 I.) meM banI rAmadatta goyanakA kI chatarI meM bhI kaI dhArmika dRzya bane hue hai udayapuravATI meM jogIdAsa kI chatarI ke bhitti citra yahAM kI citrAMkana paramparA ke prAcInatama udAharaNa prastuta karate hai; jo r3halate mugalakAla kA pratinidhitva karate hai| bar3e tAlAba ke kinAre banI yaha chatarI khaNDelavAla zAha bhagavAnadAsa ke putra jogIdAsa kI hai| ATha stambhoM vAlI isa chatarI ke citroM meM rAjapUta va mugala zailiyoM kA adbhuta saMgama dRSTigata hai| zekhAvATI kSetra ke eka bar3e hisse meM pIne kA pAnI kI bar3I samasyA thI, lekina yahA~ ke logoM ne jo bAvar3iyA~ va kuoM kA nirmANa kiyA vaha Aja bhI logoM ko pAnI upalabdha karavAne meM eka mahatvapUrNa bhUmikA nibhA rahe hai| kuoM kA nirmANa meM pAnI kI kamI, mAMgalika bhAvanA aura lokasevA kI bhAvanA thii| kuMe pUjane kI prathA Aja bhI

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398 / Jijnasa isa kSetra meM pracalita hai| isa kSetra ke kuMoM kI vAstukalAM darzanIya hai| inakI kalAtmaka mInAreM AlaMkaraNa evaM kuoM ke saundaryya utkRSTamaya nirmANa kalA ke paricAyaka hai| zekhAvATI aMcala meM kisI bhU-bhAga meM Apa dRSTi DAleMge to Apako panaghaTa zailI vahA~ sthita gar3ha va haveliyoM ke samarUpa khar3I dikhatI haiM kuMoM ke nirmANa meM Arthika sahayoga yahA~ janme udyogapatiyoM, vyApAriyoM kA jyAdA rahA hai| taba kalAtmaka mInAroM vAle bar3e aura gahare kue~ banavAnA sarvopari mahatva kA kArya samajhA jAtA thaa|" yaha Azcaryajanaka hai ki yaha kue~ mArgoM ke sAtha-sAtha hI dikhAI dete haiN| vyApArI ho, athavA sAmAnya yAtrI sabhI ne isa suvidhA kA lAbha uThAyA hogaa| kuoM ke sAtha bAvar3iyoM aura tAlAboM kA bhI nirmANa karavAyA gyaa| khetar3I pahAr3I para sthita bhUpAlagar3ha ke nIce eka vizAla evaM bhavya tAlAba hai| jisake nirmANakartA pannAlAla zAha the / yahA~ vaise to saiMkar3oM, tAlAba bAvar3iyA nirmita haiM jo vAstu kalA kI dRSTi se anokhe hai jaba deza meM rilIpha sosAiTI jaisI koI saMsthA nahIM thI, taba ye seTha sAhukAra loga ApadA ke samaya prajA kI sahAyatA karane ke liye sajaga hokara udAratA ke sAtha Age Ate the| rAjasthAna meM jaba chapaniyAM akAla par3A taba rAmagopAla ganer3I ne phatehapura ke bIhar3a meM akAla sahAyatA ke nAma para tAlAba, kuMA, dharmazAlA banavAkara abhAvagrastoM ko rAhata dene Age Aye / chapaniyAM akAla kI bhISaNatA ke usa samaya bane gIta "chapaniyAM pherU mata Aje mhAde deza" / Aja bhI yadA kadA sAraMgI para lauka gIta, gAne vAle bhopo se sunane ko milate hai / sandarbha grantha sUci 1. mukharjI, anantalAla, jayapura rAjya kA bhUgola, pR. 17. jypur| 2. bhagavatI, paM. zAstrI rAmacandra zekhAvATI prakAza, pR.4 3. prakAza, TI. sI., zekhAvATI vaibhava, zekhAvATI itihAsa zodha saMsthAna, zimalA (jhunjhunu) 1993, pR.20 4. paryaTana avalokana - rASTrIya paryaTana divasa vizeSAMka, janavarI 2008, pR. 43 5. zarmA, gopInAtha, sozala lAipha ina meDivala rAjasthAna, pR 319, ( AgarA 1968 ) 6. karnala TaoNDa, enalsa oNpha rAjapUtAnA, khaNDa-2, pR.996 (landana, 1832 ) 7. di impIriyala gajeTiyara oNpha iNDiyA, jilda XXI, pR. 132 8 vahI, pR. 133 9 vahI, jilda XIII, pR. 392 10. jakAta bahI naM. 81. vi.saM. 1867 (1750 I.) bIkAnera rikaoNrDasa, rAjasthAna rAjya abhilekhAgAra, bIkAnera -- 11 sanada paravAnA bahI naM.9, 1769 I. jodhapura rikaoNrDsa, rAjya, abhi., biikaaner| 12. kAgado-rI-bahI naM.6, vi.saM. 1839 (1782I) bIkAnera rikaoNrDsa, rA. rAjya, abhi. bIkAnera / 13. jakAta bahI naM. 25 vi.saM. 1829 (1772 I.) bIkAnera rikaoNrDsa. rA. rA. abhi. biikaaner| 14. kAgada-rI-bahI naM. 47. vi.saM. 1897 (1840I.) bIkAnera rikaoNrDasa, rA. rA. abhi. biikaaner| 15. zarmA, dazaratha, rAjasthAna thrU dI ejeja, prathama bhAga, pR. 492, jodhapura 1958 16. sAvAmaMDI sadara bahI naM. 4, vi.saM. 1807-10, bIkAnera rikaoNrDasa rA. rA. abhi. biikaaner| 17. sanada paravAnA bahI naM. 25, vi.saM. 1838, jodhapura rikaoNrDsa rA. rA. abhi. bIkAnera / 18. pAuleTa, gajeTiyara oNpha bIkAnera sTeTa | 19. sUbAre sarakAra-ne paraganA - rI. vigata naM. 226/3, bIkAnera 20. TaoNDa, vahI, khaNDa 2, pR. 1248-50 21. mizra, ratanalAla, ganeDIvAlA gaurava grantha, pR. 6. dillI, 1993 22. zarmA, paM. jhAbaramala, sIkara kA itihAsa, pR. 48 kalakattA 1922. 23. zarmA, pa jhAbaramala, khetar3I kA itihAsa, kalakattA, 1927. pR. 40 24. nirvirodha tArAdatta, zekhAvATI (sAMskRtika itihAsa ke vividha AyAma) jayapura, 1988, pR. 5 25. mizra, ratanalAla, ganeDIvAlA gaurava grantha pR. 262, dillI, 1993

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saltanata kAla meM praudyogikI vikAsa : aitihAsika sarvekSaNa / 399 49. saltanata kAla meM praudyogikI vikAsa : aitihAsika sarvekSaNa sI. ela. sihAga saltanata kAla meM praudyogikI vikAsa ke viSaya meM tatkAlIna, phArasI aura arabI granthoM kA upayoga vijJAna evaM praudyogikI ke vibhinna pakSoM para prakAza DAlatA hai| bahuta kucha upayogI sAmagrI usa kAla ke sthAnIya saMskRta tathA kSetrIya bhASAoM ke sAhitya meM upalabdha hai| kucha videzI yAtriyoM ke vRtAnta se bhI usa samaya ke bhArata meM praudyogikI vikAsa kA patA calatA haiN| bhArata meM saltanata kAla meM hue praudyogikI vikAsa para jo bhI zodha prakAzita huA hai, unameM mugaloM ke yogadAna para adhika carcA milatI haiN| jahA~ taka "hisTrI oNpha sAisa eNDa TeknolaoNjI ina iNDiyA (saMpAdita jI.kupparama eva ke. kumadamanI) meM bhI kaI lekhoM kI zrRMkhalA meM saltanatakAla ke vizeSa saMdarbha meM alpa lekhana huA hai| yadi iraphAna habIba ne apane aneka zodho meM vijJAna aura praudyogikI kI vistAra se carcA kI haiM to mugalakAla para adhika bala diyA aura yadi cakravartI aura bI.DI. caTTopAdhyAya ne lekhanI calAI to pUrva madhyakAla ke saMdarbha ko adhika dhyAna meM rkhaa| isI krama meM maiMne saltanatakAlIna bhArata meM praudyogikI vikAsa para zodha patra likhane kA prayAsa kiyA haiN| kyoMki saltanatakAla kI praudyogikI vikAsa para pUrNa kArya nahIM huA haiN| mere isa zodha patra kA uddezya saltanatakAla meM vibhinna kSetroM meM hue praudyogikI vikAsa ko kendrIta kara prastuta karanA hai| bhArata para muslima vijaya ne deza ke kRSi, udyogoM tathA vyApAra vANijya ke kSetra meM kisI taraha kA vyavadhAna utpanna nahIM kiyA thA usa samaya gAvoM va zaharoM meM kArIgarI va zilpa pracalita vyavasAya kA astitva banA huA thaa| unake upayoga meM Ane vAle kRSi yaMtra va anya upakaraNoM meM bhI takanIkI vikAsa nahIM huA thaa| kisI taraha ke bar3e udyogoM kA vikAsa bhI nahIM huA thaa| adhikAMza udyoga sthAnIya paramparAgata takanIka para nirbhara the| jo pIr3hI dara pIr3hI hastAMtarita hote A rahe the kRSi va siMcAI ke kSetra meM paramparAgata vidhi kA prayoga hotA A rahA thA lekina turka AkramaNa ke bAda isa kSetra meM kucha AmUlacUla parivartana hue| saltanatakAla meM rAjya kI Aya kA mukhya srota thA bhUmikara jo kRSi bhUmi se liyA jAtA thaa|' caudahavIM zatAbdI kA eka dastAveja kahatA haiM ki yaha sahI haiM ki kisAna svataMtra paidA hotA haiM lekina kara dene kI usakI bAdhyatA kI yaha AvazyakatA haiM ki ve una gAMvoM se baMdhakara rahate haiM jahA~ ve apanI jamIna jota rahe haiN| kRSi utpAdana ke lie sthAnIya srotoM ke rupa meM kue~, bAvar3I va tAlAba ityAdi kA pracalana thA, lekina adhikAMza kRSi varSA para nirbhara thI, jo anizcita thI kRSaka varga kRSi utpAdana se apane parivAra kA jIvikopArjana karatA thA aura sAmAjika jIvanayApana karatA thA upabhoktA varga bhI inhIM ke utpAdana para nirbhara thaa| aisI sthiti meM kRSi ke utpAdana meM vRddhi karane va bhUmi kI urvaratA bar3hAne ke lie jala kI pUrti ke lie anya sAdhanoM kA istemAla karane

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400 / Jijnasu kA prayAsa kiyA gyaa| kRSaka varga kI paristhitiyoM meM parivartanazIlatA guNavattA ke AdhAra para 13 vIM zatAbdI meM sAkSyoM meM dekhane ko milatA haiM tathA bhArata meM turka sattA ke Agamana ke sAtha hI bAharI srotoM se prApta takanIkoM ke praveza kA rAstA khola diyA / " saltanatakAlIna bhArata meM kRSi sambaMdhI praudyogikI parivartana dekhane ko milatA haiN| jala ke aneka srotoM the varSA kA jala, prAkRtika srota thaa| isake sAtha hI tAlAba, kuaiM bAvar3I, jisameM pAnI ko bharate the| isake alAvA nadiyA~ pAnI kA srota thI kueM ke pAnI ko bAhara nikAlane meM praudyogikI kA vikAsa huaa|" prArambha meM kueM ke pAnI ko sAdhAraNataya bAlTI ke rassI bAMdhakara khIMcA jAtA thA jisameM kisI taraha kI praudyogikI takanIka nahIM thii|" AvazyakatAnusAra pAnI upayoga ke lie nikAlA jAtA thA isase choTI khetI bhI kI jAtI thI isameM hastabhrama se kArya hotA thaa| dUsarI praudyogikI vikAsa karma meM kuaiM para carkhI lagAkara rassI ke dvArA pAnI khIMcA jAtA thA / isameM mAnava zrama kama lagatA thA isI krama meM tRtIya vidhi uttarI bhArata meM camar3e ke baiga istemAla kiye jAne lage isase adhika pAnI nikAlA jA sakatA thA aura zrama bhI kama lagatI thii| isase gahare kuoM se pAnI nikAlA jA sakatA thA lekina yaha zrama sAdhya kAma adhika thA ? cauthI vidhi ardhayAMtrika prakRti kI thI isameM eka avilamba laThThA yA per3a ke tane kI dharanI se eka lambI rassI bAMdhI jAtI thI, jo jhulane kI sthiti meM rahatI thI isase camar3e ke bar3e thaile ko rassI se bAMdhA jAtA thA jisake dUsare hisse ko kuaiM ke Upara laTakI huI ballI ke eka sire se bAMdhA jAtA thA isa ballI ke dUsare sire se eka pratibhAra laTakAyA jAtA thA jo camar3e ke thaile se adhika bhArI hotA thA isa bhAra tathA pratibhAra ke donoM kinAroM para hone se ballI ke madhya meM Alamba utpanna hotA thA isa takanIka ke istemAla karane se vyakti ko kama UrjA lagAnI par3atI thii| saMskRta meM ise tulA kahA gayA haiM tathA baMgAla va bihAra meM ise DhekalI yA lATa / laThThA kahA jAtA thaa|" dakSiNa bhArata meM kabalAI vidhi kahate the|" pAMcavI vidhi pAnI nikAlane meM sAkhiyA~ athavA arAhaTa thii| 13 vIM 14 vIM zatAbdI meM utpAdana ke takanIka saMsAdhanoM meM prayApta rupa se abhivRddhi huI jinameM mukhya zrI arghaTa meM dAMtedAra pahie ke sAtha kuppoM kI eka zrRMkhalA jor3I jAtI thI jise pazu zakti ke dvArA calAyA jAtA thA / " yaha eka jala cakra thA jise jalayaMtra bhI kahA jA sakatA haiM kyoMki isameM giyara praNAlI kI vyavasthA thI jo eka takanIka rUpa se unnata dazA meM thii|" isa taraha se kuai siMcAI ke lie istemAla hote rahe haiN| dillI saltanatakAla meM kRSi siMcAI kSetra ko bar3hAne ke lie gyAsuddIna tugalaka ne pahalI bAra nahara siMcAI ko protsAhana diyaa| baranI isa bAre meM likhatA hai ki gyAsuddIna tugalaka (1320-25) ke kAla meM kaI nehare siMcAI ke lie kaI miloM lambI khodI gaI, lekina vizeSa nAma kA ullekha nahIM krtaa| isI bAre meM amIra khusaroM likhatA haiM ki gAjI malika ne naharoM kA nirmANa mulatAna kSetra meM karavAyA, jo ravi va jhelama se jur3I thii| ibnabatUtA likhatA haiM ki zekha sihAbuddhIna ala khurAsAnI divAna-e-mustakharAja thA, jisane binA jote jAne vAlI bhUmi ke lie yamunA nadI se (dillI se) 6 mIla dUrI para eka nahara kA nirmANa karavAyA thA, jo akAla ko rokane ke lie banavAyI gaI thI isase kRSi kI paidAvAra bar3hAI jA skii| phiroja tugalaka (1351-86 IsvI) ne naharoM kA jAla bichAyA jinameM hisAra taka bahane vAlI eka nahara yamunA se nikAlI gaI do anya nahareM rajabvAha aura ulUgakhAnI nahara thii| phirojazAhI nahara sataluja se nikAlI gaI thI. eka nahara kAlI nadI se zuru hokara dillI taka AtI aura yamunA meM milatI thI eka aura nahara pUrvI paMjAba meM ghagghara nadI se nikAlI gaI thii| isase kharIba ke sAtha rabI kI phasala meM bhI vRddhi huii|" jisase utpAdana bar3hA isake sAtha hI kisAnoM ko bhUmi AvaMTita kI gaI jisase satalaja, dillI tathA doAba, samAnA va hAMsi kSetra meM kharIba kI paidAvAra kI jA skii|

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saltanata kAla meM praudyogikI vikAsa : aitihAsika sarvekSaNa / 401 saltanatakAla meM bunakaroM kA itihAsa aura bhI adhika dilacaspa rahA, cUMki vastra prodyogikI meM kapAsa kI gAMTho ko ikaTThA karane ke bAda kapar3A bunane se pahale tIna mulabhUta caraNoM se gujaranA par3atA thaa| prathama kapAsa se bIjo ko alaga karanA, dUsarA ruI ko pInanA arthAta dhunAI karanA, tRtIya vidhi meM sUta ko kAtane yogya banAnA isake lie unheM rolara aura borDa vidhi se va bAda meM cI vidhi dvArA taiyAra kiyA jAtA thA yaha praziyana vidhi rahI thii| sUta katAI kA kArya pAramparika vidhi se hotA thaa| takalI ke sAtha eka phirakI jo ise niyaMtrita karatI thI, kA prayoga kiyA jAtA thaa| vastra nirmANa ke kSetra meM sabase mahatvapUrNa praudyogika krAnti 13-14 vIM zatAbdI meM irAna dvArA bhArata meM lAe gae carakhe dvArA sambhava huaa| carakhe kA prAcIna bhAratIya itihAsa meM ullekha nahIM miltaa| carakhe ke prayoga se takalI kA mahatva kama nahIM huA balki isase takalI ke prayoga meM vRddhi hI huii| carakhe ke lakar3I ke phrema ke eka kinAre takalI ko lagAyA jAtA thA jisase dUsarI ora sthita cakra para lage paTTe se jor3akara ise ghumAyA jAtA thA jisase carakhe meM zakti saMcAlana aura gatipAlaka cakra ke siddhAnta para thA jisake kAraNa paribhramaNa kI antarIya gati prApta hotI thii| pramANika taura para yaha nahIM kahA jA sakatA ki kaba isa yaMtra ke sAtha eka hatthe yA kraika haiDila ko salagna kiyA gayA lekina aba mipha tAha-ula-phujAlA (1530 I.) ke eka citra kI sahAyatA se pramANikatA prApta ho gaI hai| isameM carakheM ko phrema ke sAtha lage hatthe se ghumAte hue darzAyA gayA hai| carakhe ke istemAla se vastra utpAdana meM cha: gunA vRddhi huii| hindustAna meM carakhe kA ullekha IsAmI kI racanA phutUhussalAtIna (1350) meM milatA hai jisakA istemAla striyoM ko karanA cAhie, aisA ullekha prApta hotA haiN| bhArata meM paramparAgata rupa se pairoM dvArA calAye jAne vAle karaghe kA prayoga hotA thA kintu isa karaghe kA prathama pramANa 1530 I. meM miphtAha-ula-phujAlA (1469) dvArA diyA gayA haiN| bunakara karaghe meM apane pairoM se dhAge ke tAnoM ko Upara uThA aura phailA sakatA thA jabaki usake hAtha mukhyataH bharanI aura zer3a para kArya karate the| isase kapar3e kI bunAI meM gati AI tathA sUta ke utpAdana meM bar3hotarI huii| jisase vyApAra ko protsAhana milaa| isI taraha kSaitija karaghe kA prayoga sAdhAraNa thA laharadAra moTe rezama ke vastroM kA nirmANa karane meM prayoga hotA thaa| vastroM kI raMgAI va chapAI ke kSetra meM bhI pragati huI jabaki prAcIna bhAratIya sAhitya meM kapar3e kI chapAI ke bAre meM vastuta spaSTa sAkSya nahIM milte| motIcandra ne ullekha kiyA hai, ki 14-15 vIM sadI ke srota meM chapAI karane vAlI strI ke lie chimpaka aura chapAI karane vAle AdamI ke lie chipA zabda kA ullekha kiyA gayA haiN| isI kAla meM kapar3e kI chapAI ke sandarbha meM bhArata ke mahatva kA bodha 'citta' zabda kA istemAla se bhI hotA hai| yaha hindI zabda chIMTa kA phArasI rupa hai jo isphahAna meM chape hue kapar3e ke lie prayukta hotA thA lekina bhArata meM isakA pracalana 14 vIM sadI meM thA raMgAI aura chapAI ke lie vanaspati aura khanija srotoM se prApta nIlA majIThA aura lAkha ityAdi se vibhinna raMgoM ko taiyAra kara raMgAI hetu prayoga meM lAyA jAtA thaa| nIla kA prayoga viraMjana aura raMgAI donoM ke lie hotA thaa| raMgoM ko pakkA karane ke lie phiTakarI milAI jAtI thii| bhAratIya raMgareja nisajjana, baMdheja, chApA jaisI kaI vidhiyA~ apAnAte the| rezama udyoga ke kSetra meM kAsima bAjAra, mAldA, murzidAbAda, paTanA, kazmIra aura banArasa meM rezama udyoga ke mukhya kendra the| kAMbe (khaMbAta) kI rezama kI mAMga itanI thI ki alAUddIna khilajI ko usakI bikrI niyaMtrita karanI par3I thii| baMgAla uttama prakAra kI caTaTAiyo ke lie mazahUra thaa| yahAM kI caTAiyAM dekhane meM rezama se bane kapar3e ke samAna hotI thii|" rezama taiyAra karane ke lie bhArata meM rezama ke kIr3e pAlane kA pracalana bhArata meM saltanata kAla se pUrva dekhane ko nahIM milatA hai| 15 vI zatAbdI ke prArambha meM baMgAla meM avazya dekhane ko milatA hai| usake bAda kazmIra meM zuru hotI hai| rezama ke sthAnIya utpAdana ke kAraNa bhArata ke rezamI kapar3A utpAdana ko protsAhana milA isase pahale yaha bAhara se hI AtA thaa|

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402 Jijnasa prAcIna bhArata meM lekhana kArya meM zilAe~, tAmrapaTikAe~, tAr3apatra, bhurjapatra Adi prayoga meM lete the| vijJAnoM kI aisI mAnyatA haiM, bhArata meM islAmI saMskRti ke Agamana ke bAda kAgaja kA upayoga hone lgaa| jabaki bhAratIya 7 vIM zatAbdI meM kAgaja ke bAre meM paricita the lekina bhArata meM bane kAgaja kA purAnA maujUda Tukar3A 13 vIM sadI ke Arambhika kAla meM gujarAta meM milA thaa| isa kAgaja kA prayoga lekhana (1253-1325 I.) meM cInI yAtrI mahuAna, jisane (1388-1409 I.) baMgAla kA bhramaNa kiyA thA, ne vRkSa kI chAla ke zveta-camakIle kAgaja ke utpAdana kA ullekha kiyA hai| bahusaMkhyaka hastalekhoM meM bhI kAgajoM kI upalabdhatA kA pramANa milatA haiN| vATa ne apanI pustaka "di kAmarziyala proDakTa oNpha iNDiyA' meM ullekha kiyA haiM ki kazmIra meM kAgaja banAte samaya cAvala ke pAnI se saphAI karane kA rivAja thA jo abhI bhI jArI haiN| kazmIrI kAgaja kI rezamI banAvaTa, cikanAhaTa aura camakIle rupa meM lugadI kalA kA vikAsa huaa| dillI saltanata kAla meM kAgaja nirmANa bar3I mAtrA meM hone laga gayA thaa| lekina AvazyatAnusAra islAmika dezoM se, samarakanda, sIriyA se magavAyA jAtA thaa| kAgaja para likhane kI prakRti ke sAtha hI jilda sAjI kI eka navIna kalA kA vikAsa bhI bhArata meM huaa| zilpakalA ke saMdarbha meM prodyogikI kSetra meM muhammada tugalaka ke samaya meM cAra hajAra zilpakAra jarI ke kAma ke lie niyukta the| jo rAjamahala aura abhijAta varga kI striyoM ke lie kimakhAba taiyAra karate the| ye kArakhAne alAUddIna ke samaya ko chor3akara svataMtra rupa se kArya karate the aura rAjya ne inheM niyaMtrita karane kA prayAsa nahIM kiyaa| dhAtu udyoga ke kArakhAne prAcIna kAla se the| talavAra aura dUsare zastra-Adi prAcInakAla se banAe jAte the| muhammada bina kAsima apane sAtha bhArata meM majanIksa kA (eka viziSTa prakAra kA aujAra) prayoga pahalI bAra kiyaa| kucha samaya bAda hI ye zastra hindU aura muslima zAsakoM dvArA banavAye jAne lge| bhAratIya kArIgara lohA, pItala, cAMdI, jastA, abhraka aura mizrita dhAtu ke zastra banAne meM kuzala the| DaoN. buddhi prakAza ke anusAra kArIgaroM kI dhAtu udyoga meM kuzalatA kA patA calatA hai| 239 lohe kI bIma jisakI nApa 17x6x4 athavA 17x5x6 hai| jo purI, koNArka aura bhuvanezvara ke mandiro meM lagI huI haiM isase kArIgaroM kI kuzalatA ke bAre meM jAnakArI milatI hai isake atirikta dhAra meM 50 phITa U~cA prasiddha paramAroM kA loha stambha haiN| amIra khusaroM ne, bhArata ke kArIgaroM kI, jo patthara tarAzane kA kAma karate the, prazaMsA kI haiN| unakA kahanA haiM ki sampUrNa islAmika jagata meM aise kArIgaroM kI barAbarI karane vAle kArIgara nahIM the| turko dvArA bhArata meM rakAba kI upalabdhatA karAnA eka mahatvapUrNa yogadAna thaa| turko ke Agamana se pahale bhArata rakAba se anabhijJa thA, kyoMki rakAba ke lie saMskRta meM koI zabda nahIM thaa| isake sthAna para kotala, kaza, bar3e agUThe vAle rakAba aura nilambana kAMTe kA pracalana thaa| rakAba vizeSata musalamAnoM kI dena thii| lekina chaThI zatAbdI meM cIna meM isakA prayoga hotA thA, jo bAda meM phArasa va anya islAmika dezo meM phuNcaa| phira vahAM se bhArata meM yaha takanika aaii| rakAba kA upayoga yuddha sthala meM ghur3asavAra karane vAle sainika majabUtI se baiThane va phurtI se yuddha karane meM suvidhA ke lie upayoga meM lAte the| isane Akasmika ghur3asavAra AkramaNa kI takanIka ko janma diyA evaM yuddha kalA ke kSetra meM yaha eka krAntikArI parivartana thaa|3. lohe kI nAla kA Agamana bhI saltanatakAla meM huaa| bhArata ke kisI bhI purAtatvIya srota meM nAla kA ullekha nahIM milatA hai| isakA upayoga bhI bhArata meM turkoM ke Ane ke sAtha hI kiyA jAne lgaa| nAla eka phArasI zabda haiM, ise lagAne kI vidhi ko nAlabaMda aura nAla car3hAI ko nAlabaMdI kahA jAtA hai| ise ghor3e ke khura para lagAyA jAtA thA kyoMki ghor3e kA khura lagAtAra bar3hane vAlI eka prAkRtika racanA haiM, jisake TUTane, chilane kA khatarA banA rahatA thaa| isalie ghor3e ke nAkhUnoM para nAla car3hAI jAtI thii| isase ghor3e kI jamIna para pakar3a acchI hotI thI tathA kaTora dharAtala para ghor3e khuda surakSita rahate the| isase ghur3asavAra yuddha meM ghor3e ko sphUrtI milatI thii| nAla

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saltanata kAla meM praudyogikI vikAsa : aitihAsika sarvekSaNa / 403 lagAne ke kArya para vigata meM kevala musalamAna kArIgaroM kA ekAdhikAra thaa| bAruda aura agni-zastra kA aviSkAra cIna meM huA isame bAruda kA zorA, gaMdhaka aura cArakola hotA hai| isakA upayoga cIna se islAmika dezo meM gayA aura bAda meM bhArata para turko ke adhikAra ke bAda 13 vIM sadI ke anta meM evaM 14 vIM zatAbdI ke prArambha meM yaha takanIka bhArata meM aaii| phirojazAha tugalaka ke samaya meM isakA upayoga kevala atizabAjI taka hI sImita thA agni zAstroM ke rupa meM sarvaprathama prayoga 15 vIM zatAbdI ke uttarArdha meM yUropIya agni-zastroM kA prayoga purtagAliyoM dvArA kiyA gayA, jaba ve 1498 I. meM kAlIkaTa aaye| kalaI kA upayoga gharelu tAMbe aura pItala ke bartanoM meM khAdya sAmagrI ko viSaktatA se bacAne ke lie kiyA jAtA thaa| bartana para Tina kA AvaraNa lagAyA jAtA thA yaha takanIka bhI bhArata meM turko ke sAtha aaii| prAcIna bhArata meM isake pramANa nahIM milate haiN| kalaIgAra bartanoM ko eka choTI bhaTTI para dhaukaniyo kI sahAyatA se garma karatA thA aura ruI kI sahAyatA se zuddha Tina aura nausAdara ke mizraNa ko lagAyA jAtA thA, jisase nausAdara kA bASpIkaraNa ho jAtA aura dhAtu kA dharAtala sApha nikala AtA thA isI daurAna Tina pighalatA hai tathA ruI se nausAdara cAroM aura ragar3akara pUre bartana meM phailA diyA jAtA thA jisase bartana kalAIdAra ho jAtA thaa| abula phajala ne Aine-e-akabarI meM kalaI kA ullekha isa prakAra kiyA haiN| nAvoM va jahAja kA nirmANa bhArata meM lakar3I se hotA thA, jise nAriyala ke chilakoM se bane rassoM dvArA jor3a diyA jAtA thaa| isameM lakar3I kI kIloM kA hI prayoga kiyA jAtA thaa| samudrI yAtrAoM ke lie musalamAnoM dvArA bhArata meM cumbakIya dizA sUcaka (kutubanumA) kA upayoga eka mahatvapUrNa bhUmikA thii| saltanatakAlIna bhArata meM zarAba banAne ke saMdarbha bhI prApta hote haiN| baranI ne ullekha kiyA haiM ki zakkara ke kiNvita gADhe zarabata se vyApaka rupa se zarAba nikAlI jAtI thI sambhavataH isa bhabhake ke Agamana ke bAda hI zarAba kI zuruAta huii| __bhavana nirmANa udyoga meM praudyogika parivartana meharAboM aura gumbadoM ke vyApaka upayoga ke rupa meM dekhA gayA isake sAtha cUnA-gAre se jur3AI aura meharAbI chata kI DhalAI nAjuka ahamiyata ke naye tathya the| isa naI takanIka se IMTa aura patthara kI bar3I imAratoM kA nirmANa sambhava huaa| tugalakAbAda ke yA bAda ke khaNDara dekheM to zAyada kaha sakate haiM ki madhyavarga ke gharoM kA lakar3I aura ghAsaphUsa ke DhA~ce se IMTa ke DhAMcoM meM parivartana mulataH saltanata kAla meM hI huaa| saltanatakAla meM bar3e paimAne para nirmANa kArya karavAye gaye alAUddIna ne apanI imAratoM ke lie 70000 kArIgara rakhe the| isake bAda muhammda tugalaka va phiroja tugalaka ne bhI bar3e paimAne para imAratoM kA nirmANa krvaayaa| saltanata kAla meM praudyogika kSetra meM samagrataH vicAra karane para aisA lagatA haiM ki vivecyakAla meM jo praudyogikIya parivartana hue ve kisI bhI dRSTi se kama mahatvapUrNa nahIM the| jala yaMtra ke rupa meM arAhaTa milA, vastra takanIka meM carakhA va bunAI kI takanIka prApta huI tathA kama lAgata vAlI takanIka ke rupa meM sIdhI-sAdhI chapAI vyavasthA, kAgaja takanIka, bhavana nirmANa va yuddhakalA sArvabhaumika rupa se sthApita huii| saMdarbha : ' iraphAna habIba ke kaI zodhoM kA saMdarbha lekha meM prastuta haiM ' egrIkalcara TeknAlaoNjI ina arlI meDAivala iNDiyA (500-1300 I.) 3da mekiMga oNpha arlI meDAivala iNDiyA + habIba, iraphAna, ceMja ina TeknolaoNjI ina meDAivala iNDiyA, sTaDIja ina hisTrI, volyUma II (1), 1980, pR. 17 'pUrvavata, pR. 17 : ikonAmika hisTrI oNpha dillI saltanata, iNDiyana hisTorikala rivyU, volyUma (3), pR. 287-298 * habIba, iraphAna, DisTribyUzana oNpha laiDaDa proparTI ina pri. briTiza iNDiyA, inakvAyarI, do aMka-3 (1965) pR. 52-53

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404 / Jijnasa / baranI, tArIkha-e-phirojazAhI, saM. saiyada ahamada khAna, kalakattA, (1862), pR. 288 * iMza-e maharu, saM., esa. e. rAzida, lAhaura, 1965, pR. 61-63 * kosaMbI kI sAmAnya TippaNI ki "islAmI AkrAntAoM ne naI takanIka ko grahaNa karane tathA unake sampreSaNa ke saMdarbha meM pracalita saMkIrNa prathA ko toDA, dekheM, DI.DI. kozAmbI, ena inTroDakzana TU da sTaDI oNpha iNDiyana hisTrI, dUsarA saMskaraNa, bambaI, 1975, pR. 370 10 habIba iraphAna : ceMja ina TeknolaoNjI ina meDAivala iNDiyA, pR. 18-19 " pUrvokta-pR. 18-19 1 pUrvokta 13 caTTopAdhyAya bI.DI. . irigezana, ina aralI meDAivala rAjasthAna, : da mekiMga oNpha arli meDAivala iNDiyA (dillI) 1994, pR. 45 " habIba iraphAna, pUrvavata, pR. 18-20 15 rAjapUtAnA gajeTiyara, pR. 108-109 1" kombrija ikonAbhika hisTrI oNpha iNDiyA, bhAga-1 raoNya.TI. caudharI tathA iraphAna habIba (saM.). kaimbrija yUnivarsiTI presa, 1982. pR. 49 " bega, e.ke., hisTrI oNpha TeknolojI ina iNDiyA, nyU dehalI, 1977, pR. 587 10 volsakara, jona.e.. riporTa Ana da imprUvamenTa oNpha iNDiyana egrIkalcara (landana, 1893) pR. 65-66 10 kembrija ikonAmika hisTrI oNpha iNDiyA, eka meM pR. 49 para mo. habIba kI TippaNI, da pri-mArDana hisTrI oNpha da versTana yamunA kainAla, meDivala iNDiyA. eka, saM iraphAna habIba, dehalI, 1992, pR.49-52 20 habIba iraphAna, Taiknolojikala ceMjaja eNDa sosAyaTI 13 eNDa 14th sencurI, prejiDensiyala eDresa, prosiDiMgsa oNpha iNDiyana hisTrI kAMgresa, 31 sezana, vArANasI 1969, pR. 3-11e| " IsAmI, phutuha-usa-salAtIna, saM. e.esa.uSA, madrAsa, 1948, pR 134 yamuhammada zAdiyAbAdI. miphtaha-ula-phujAlA 1468-69. meM taiyAra kiyA gayA zabdakoSa, briTiza lAibrerI kI pAMDulipi, saMkhyA 3299 " azarapha, ke.ema. lAipha eNDa kaMDizana oNpha da pIpula oNpha hindUstAna, 1200-1500 e DI., pR. 94 4 motIcandra, jarnala oNpha iNDiyana TaiksaTAila, hisTrI vAlyUma-VI, 1961, pR. 27 26 motIcandra, pUrvouddhRta, pR. 17-40 % jIna bepaTisTa Taivarniyara, Trevalsa ina iNDiyA, anu vI.baoNla DablyU kruka (saM.), II, pR. 4 " ibnabatUtA (68) (TeksaTa), 610-611, (anuvAda husaina) pR. 234-235 28 mA havAna, ciMga caI zeMga-lana, anuvAda : ena iliyAsA aura DI. rAsa, landana, 1895, pR. 425 tabakAte-nAsirI, saM. habIbI, kAbula, 1964, do pR. 184 0 sarakAra, DI.sI. : iNDiyana epigrAphI, dillI, 1967, pR. 67 azarapha, ke.ema., pUrvouddhRta, pR. 96 Aine akabarI, jilda-5. pR. 35-36 7 smitha, vI.e.. da Ayarana pilara oNpha dhAra, jarnala oNpha raoNyala eziyATika sosAyaTI, 1898, pR. 143-146 akhajaina-ula-phutuha, amIra khusaro, vAhida mirjA anuvAdita, phariztA dvArA aMgrejI anuvAda * vhAiTa, lina, miDivala TaiknolaoNjI eNDa sozala ceMja, laMdana, 1973, pR. 1-2 OM habIba, iraphAna, meDivala TeknolaoNjI : eksaceja biTavina iNDiyA eNDa islAmika varlDa pUrvokta, pR. 205-210 " baranI : tArIkha-e-phIrojazAhI,saM. saiyada ahamada khAna, kalakattA, 1862, pR. 341

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pUrva madhyakAlIna uttara bhArata kI rAjanAtika vyavasthA 50. pUrva madhyakAlIna uttara bhArata kI rAjanItika vyavasthAH pratihAra prazAsanika vyavasthA ke vizeSa sandarbha meM / * / 405 vijayA kumArI harSa kI mRtyu ke bAda madhya bhArata meM lambe samaya taka anavarata yuddha calate rahe, azAnti banI rhii| kAzmIra ko chor3akara lagabhaga 150 varSo taka samasta uttarI bhArata meM rAjanaitika vikendrIkaraNa ke kAraNa samAna rAjanaitika vyavasthA nahIM rahI evaM prazAsana kA svarupa bhI spaSTa nahI thA / AThavIM zatAbdI ke anta tathA navIM zatAbdI ke Arambha meM kannauja ke gurjara pratihAroM ne sAmrAjyika sattA sthApita kI isase rAjanItika paristhitiyA~ badalI aura eka suvyavasthita zAsana Arambha huaa| unhoMne bhArata ko punaH gaurava dilAyA, jisakI carcA araba lekhaka bhI karate haiN| pratihAroM kA udaya zrImAla athavA bhInamAla dakSiNI rAjapUtAnA meM huA thaa|' pratihAra zAsaka prathama nAgabhaTTa ne mAlavA aura rAjapUtAnA meM apanI sattA sthApita kI aura bhaDauMca taka apanA vistAra kiyaa| usane cAhamAna zAsaka bhartRvaDDa ko vahAM zrI mahAsAmantadhipati niyukta kiyaa| isI vaMza ke zAsaka vatsarAja ne ujjaina taka apanI sattA sthApita kii| jodhapura ke pratihAra tathA cAhamAnoM ne usakI adhInatA svIkAra kara lii|" ataH bhar3auca ke cAhnAna zAkambharI ke cAhamAna tathA jodhapura ke pratihAra zAsaka "inake adhIna sAMmata sthiti meM the| dvitIya nAgabhaTTa, jo ki vatsarAja kA uttarAdhikArI thA, kA sAmrAjya Anarta (uttarI kAThiyAvAr3a), mAlava (madhya bhArata), matsya (pUrvI rAjapUtAnA), kirAta (himAlaga zrI talahaTiyoM ke jAMgala pradeza) turuSka (pazcimI bhArata ke usa kSetra para jo muslima adhipatya meM thA tathA vatsa (prayAga kauzAmbI kSetra taka ) ke sAtha-sAtha kaI parvatIya durgoM taka phaila gayA thaa|' saMbhavataH ye durga gurjarAtrA bhUmi evaM kAlajara maNDala taka vistRta the| mihira bhoja ke kAla taka pratihAroM kI zakti sUrya ke samAna dedIyamAna ho rahI thii| usakI sImAeM uttara pUrva meM gorakhapura se lekara bihAra taka uttara pazcima me sampUrNa paMjAba madhya bhArata ke sampUrNa uttara pradeza pazcima meM rAjapUtAnA ke bar3e bhU-bhAga dakSiNa-pazcima meM kAThiyAvADa aura dakSiNa me bundelakhaNDa mAlavA sahita narmadA kI uttarI ghATI taka phailI huI thii| cATsU ke guhila, gorakhapura ke kalacuri pratApagar3ha ke cAhamAna Adi usake adhIna sAmaMta sthiti me usake adhIna anake karada sAmaMta apekSAkRta adhika svAyatatA kA bhoga karate the? | mahendrapAla ko apane pitA bhoja se vizAla pratihAra sAmrAjya virAsata meM milaa| usane na kevala usakI rakSA kI varana use pUrva meM aura adhika vista ta kiyaa| usake apane vaMza ke paramparAgata zatru pAloM ko unake ghara meM (dakSiNI bihAra, choTA nAgapura aura uttarI baMgAla) mAta dii| aura ina pradezo para apanA adhikAra banAe rkhaa| isa samaya pratihAroM kI rAjadhAnI kannauja ke vaibhava aura samRddhi kA varNana tatkAlIna grantho meM milatA haiM isase spaSTa

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406 / Jijasa hotA hai ki pratihAroM kA sAmrAjya vistRta pratiSThA kA pratIka thaa| pratihAroM kA sAmrAjya gorakhapura ujjaina, kanauja aura bundelakhaNDa taka vistRta thaa| apane caramotkarSa ke samaya unakA vistAra pUrva meM uttarI baMgAla se pazcima meM siMdhu saurASTra, gujarAta taka, uttara meM himAlaya kI nicalI pahAr3iyoM se lekara dakSiNa meM sAre bundelakhaNDa mAlavA taka vistRta thA to pUrvI paMjAba dillI sampUrNa rAjapUtAnA unake adhIna thaa| itane vistRta sAmrAjya kI prazAsanika vyavasthA kA vivaraNa jAnane ke lie kauTilya evaM maigasthanIja jaise lekhakoM ke vivaraNa upalabdha nahI hai jo usa samaya ke rAjavaMzeM ke rAjanItika siddhAntoM unake vyavahAra kA vivaraNa prastuta kara ske|" yadyapi kRtyakalpataru? mAnasollAsa 13 jaise graMtha upalabdha haiN| kRtyakalpataru ke rAjadharma kAvya se tatkAlIna prazAsana ke pIche chipe hue siddhAntoM kI jAnakArI milatI hai| yadyapi ye paramparAgata vivaraNa hI prastuta karate hai| pUrva madhya kAla ke rAjanaitika paridRzya ke sAtha sAtha tatkAlIna rAjanaitika saMracanA meM gurjara pratihAroM ke viziSTa saMdarbha ko dhyAna meM rakhate hue DaoN. dazaratha zarmA ne rAjasthAna zrU da aijeja phraoNma arliyasTa TAimsa TU 1516 e DI. bIkAnera 1996; baijanAtha purI ne hisTrI oNva gurjara pratihArasa naI dillI 1986, vI.bI. mizrA ne da gurjara pratihAra daNDa deyara TAimsa, naI dillI 1960 ke mAdhyama se pratihAroM ke itihAsa lekhana para kArya kiyA hai unhoMne kama aura adhika donoM dRSTiyoM se hI unake prazAsana aura usake vibhinna pakSo para prakAza DAlA hai| unhoMne bhI prAcIna bhAratIya prazAsanika vyavasthA ke saMdarbha meM pratihAra kAlIna prazAsanika vyavasthA ko prastuta kiyA kintu nae abhilekhoM aura sAmaMtavAda kI naI vyAkhyAoM ke Aloka meM punaH isa vyavasthA ke punarAvalokana kA avasara diyaa| rAjanaitika itihAsa kA adhyayana karane vAle vidvAno ke atirikta prAcIna bhAratIya zAsana paddhati ke Upara lekhana karane vAle pro. anaMta sadAziva altekara ne arthazAstra, nItizAstra, jaise granthoM (jo ki zAsana paddhati para likhe gae the.) kI sUcanAoM ko aitihAsika paripekSya meM prastuta kiyA unhoMne vaidika, bauddha, jaina vADmaya, rAjataraMgiNI, maigasthanIja, yuvAna cvAMga jaise videzI itihAsa lekhako evaM cInI yAtriyoM ke vRtAta tathA prAcIna abhilekho Adi kA sAgopAMga vivecana karate hue prAcIna bhArata kI zAsana kucha paddhati ke sAtha hI pUrvamadhya kAlIna zAsana vyavasthA kA bhI kucha paricaya diyaa| Ara. esa. zarmA ne apanI pustaka bhAratIya sAMmatavAda' meM pUrva madhya kAlIna itihAsa ke sambaMdha meM naI vyAkhyAeM prastuta kI jise sAmaMtavAdI vyAkhyA kahA gyaa| unhoMne kahA ki pratihAra rAjAoM ne bhUmi dAna ke sAtha bhUmi se sambandhita sampatti ke adhikAra bhI die| isase Arthika DhAMcA bhI bigar3A, vyApAra vANijya kA patana nagaro kA patana tathA sikko kI kamI huii| unhoMne isa parivartana ko tatkAlIna abhilekhika sAkSyoM ke AdhAra para AMkane kA prayAsa kiyaa| __ Ara.esa. zarmA kI mAnyatA hai ki isa kAla meM bar3I mAtrA meM dAna die ge| ina anudAnoM ke pariNAma svarupa deza meM pracura Arthika tathA rAjanItika zakti se sampanna varga, madhyama varga khar3A ho gyaa| itanA hI nahIM inase bhUmidhara brAhmaNoM kI saMkhyA bar3hane lgii| unakA dhyAna bhU-sampatti para kendrita hone lgaa| isakA natIjA yaha huA ki zAsana taMtra para kendra kA sakSama aura vyApaka niyaMtraNa lupta hone lgaa| isa vyAkhyA kI pratihAra zAsakoM kI prazAsanika vyavasthA ke saMdarbha meM vizleSaNa kiyA jAnA bhI isa lekha kA uddezya hai| pratihAroM meM prazAsana ke bAre meM hameM sUcanA unake sAmantoM ke abhilekhoM, samakAlIna sAhityika sAkSyoM, samakAlIna zAsakoM ke vivaraNoM yathA rASTrakUTa, pAla eva gahar3avAla zAsakoM ke vivaraNo tathA pracalita dhArmika paramparAoM se prApta hotI hai|" pratihAroM kA sAmrAjya vizAla thA jisake prazAsanika vyavasthA ke lie jahAM kendrIya prazAsanika saMsthAeM thI, vahI sAmantoM se yukta gaI choTI kaI prazAsanika IkAiyoM kA DhIlA DhAlA saMgaThana thA inake prAntIya prazAsana tathA sthAnIya prazAsana ko calAne ke lie bhI adhikArI niyukta kie gae the|

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pUrva madhyakAlIna uttara bhArata kI rAjanItika vyavasthA / 407 rAjA rAjya ke sarvocca pada para thA vaha sAmrAjya kA pradhAna thA evaM pratihAroM ke sAMmata apane adhipati ke lie mahArAjAdhirAja, paramezvara paramamahArAja jaise virudoM kA prayoga karate hai| jabaki ve svaMya rAjA aura mahArAja jaise sAdhAraNa virudoM kA prayoga karate hai| usI rAjataMtra ko sarvocca kahA gayA hai jo rAjA ke adhIna Atmayata arthAta rAjA dvArA svaMya zAsita ho vaha sabhI adhikAroM se yukta ho|18 pratihAra zAAsaka nAgabhaTTa ko nAgAvaloka arthAta samprabhu kahA gayA hai tathA malecchAdhipa kI balavatI senAoM ko parAsta karane vAlA, logoM kI rakSA ke lie nArAyaNa svarupa prakaTa hone vAlA kahA gayA hai| nAgabhaTTa dvitIya ko zatruoM kA saMhAra karane vAlA, bhoja prathama ko Adi varAha kahA gayA hai arthAta viSNu kA avatAra bhArata bhUmi ko maleccha (arabo) se mukta karAne ke kAraNa use yaha upAdhi milii| vatsarAja ko rANA hastina to mahendra pAla ko nirbhaya narendra, raghukula muktA maNi, AryAvarta kA mahArAjAdhirAja bhI kahA gayA rAjAoM ko devasvarupa kahane kA uddezya rAjA ke daivIya adhikAroM kI bAta karanA nahIM thA, varan yogyatA pUrvaka deza kI rakSA karane ke kAraNa unheM aisA kahA gyaa| ataH yaha mAnyatA banI ki rAjA ke rAjanIti ke evaM sAmAjika paramparAoM se pradata adhikAroM ke sAtha-sAtha usake kartavya bhI sarvopari rhe| rAjA ko Izvara kI taraha sarvazaktimAna honA caahie| vaha sabhI kArya karane ke sakSama ho tathA jisake netRtva para koI niyaMtraNa nahI ho aisI paramparAgata vicArAdhArA meM pratihAra kAla meM parivartana dikhAI detA hai| pratihAra zAsako kI vizeSatA rahI ve dhArmika pravRti vAlI vicAra dhArA ko to mAnate the arthAta kAnUna yA vidhi ke na to nirmAtA the, nahI usake uupr| kintu sAmAjika aura sAmudAyika paramparAoM aura niyamoM se baMdhe the| isa samaya samAja kA AdhAra vibhinna prakAra ke saMgaThana the| mandira, maTha, vihAra, grAmoM ke saMgaThana, jAtIya saMgaThana, vyApArika zreNiyA~ Adi rAjAoM se alaga svataMtra rUpa se calate the ve kevala usI sthiti meM rAjA ke pAsa jAte the jabaki kisI vivAda ko ve Apasa meM nahI sulajhA pAte the aura rAjA dvArA hastakSepa kI AvazyakatA taba taka nahIM hotI thI jaba taka ve binA kisI parezAnI ke kArya karate rahate the unake sAmAjika jIvana meM rAjA kA koI sthAna nahIM thaa| ... rAjA ko prazAsana ko calAne, senA ke rakharakhAva, sAMskRtika evaM dhArmika saMsthAnoM ke kharca ke lie apane gharelU kharca ke lie dhana kI AvazyakatA hotI thii| rAjA yA rAjya kI Aya ke sAdhanoM ke viSaya meM dAna patroM se patA calatA hai ki rAjA samasta bhUmi daladala, baMjara bhUmi, jaMgalAta, khAna,namaka utpAdana ke strotoM kA svAmI kahA gayA hai| use kucha aparAdhoM para lagAne vAle karoM se bhI Aya dvArA hotI hai| devapAla ke nAlaMdA tAmrapatra se patA calatA hai ki jurmAnA vasUla karane ke lie adhikArI niyukta kiyA jAtA thaa| jise 'dazAparAdhika' kahA jAtA thaa| bhartRvaDDa dvitIya ke hasoDa abhilekha meM dAna, udraMga, uparikara ke sAtha bhoga, bhogakara kA ullekha milatA hai dAna, zulka, tarAdayA, adrayAyA, abhavya jaise zulkoM ke nAma milate hai| ataH aisA lagatA hai ki yaha rAjA kI Aya ke svataMtra strota the| kintu yaha kahA jAnA ki rAjA ke adhikAroM aura Aya meM kamI huI thI yukti saMgata nahI lagatA, jaisA ki sAMmatavAdI vyAkhyAkAroM ne maanaa| rAjA prabhutA sampanna hotA thaa| vaha sAmantoM tathA kSetrIya pramukhoM kI bhI niyukti karatA thaa| sAmantoM kI niyukti rAjA dvArA kI jAtI thI isakI puSTi devagar3ha abhilekha" se hotI hai jahAM pratihAra rAjA bhojadeva dvArA mahAsAmaMta viSNurAma ko 'paMcamahAzabda' kI upAdhi pradAna kI gii| sAmaMta prazAsana kI dRSTi se apane kSetra ke svataMtra svAmI hote the| sAmrAjyika sattA kA unake zAsana meM koI hastakSepa nahI hotA thaa| ve mahArAjAdhirAja, paramezvara, paramabhaTTAraka mahAsAmantAdhipati, mahAsAMmanta mahAmANDalika, rAjakula, ThAkura, raNaka Adi viruda dhAraNa karate the|

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408 / Jijnasa pratihAra kAla meM sAmanto ke kucha pada to vaMzAnugata the jabaki kucha padoM para niyukti zAsaka dvArA hotI thii| zAsaka sAmanto para apane adhikAriyoM ke mAdhyama se niyaMtraNa rakhatA thA / udAharaNArtha cAlukya sAmaMta avanirmA dvitIya ne apane svAmI mahendrapAladeva ke adhikArI taMtrapAladhikA kI anumati se grAmadAna kiyA thaa| sAmaMta rAjA ke adhIna kArya karate the aura usakI AjJA kA pAlana bhI karate the rAjA kI AjJA pAlana karavAne ke lie adhikArI niyukta the | 31 | rAjadarabAra choTe bar3e sAmanto aneka prakAra ke maMtriyoM rAjyAdhikAriyoM se bharA rahatA thaa| kauTilya prazAsana meM rAjA kI sahAyatA ke lie maMtrI maNDala ko anivArya batAte hai pratihAra zAsako ke darabAra meM bhI maMtrin (maMtriyoM) kA mahatvapUrNa sthAna thA / inake pramukha ko mukhyamaMtrI pradhAnAmAtya, mahAmaMtrI kahA jAtA thaa| maMtrI kA pada mahatvapUrNa thA samasta rAjakIya adhikAra senA (kaTaMka) sabhI usake AdezoM kA pAlana karate the| yadyapi rAjA purohita, rAjAmAtya, kumArAmAtya kI salAha mAnane ke lie bAdhya nahIM thA pratihAroM ke bajAya rASTrakUTa abhilekhoM se sUcanA milatI hai ki maMtrI sAmanto ke sAtha milakara rAjA ke lie samasyA bana sakate the| mahezvara sUrI kRta jJAnapaMcamI kathA se mahatvapUrNa sUcanA milatI hai ki vAstava meM maMtrI hI isa loka kA zAsaka hai kyoMki sArI kaTaMka ( senA evaM naukara zAha) usI kI AjJA kA pAlana karatI hai| yadi vipattiyoM meM bacAne ke lie maMtrI na ho to rAjA kA nAma hI samApta ho jaaye| pradhAnAmAtya, maMtrI yA mahAmaMtrI kA pada vaMzAnugata thA rAjapurohita AdhyAtmika mAmaloM kA adhikArI jo saMbhavataH rAjA kA AdhyAtmika salAha kAra thA donoM pada vaMzAnugata the| rAjA ko prazAsanika kAryo me sahayoga ke lie maMtrI tathA ucca adhikArI niyukta kiye gae the| pratihAra abhilekhoM ke mahAsaMdhivigrahika ko yuddha aura zAMti kA maMtrI kahA jA sakatA hai| vaha rAjakIya AlekhoM, ghoSaNAoM dAna patroM kA tathA videzI rAjAoM ke pAsa bheje jAne vAle patroM kA bhI masavidA taiyAra karatA thaa| yahAM taka ki yaha rAjya meM hone vAle vidrohoM, upadravoM, sAmantoM ke vidrohoM ko bhI caturAI se zAMta karatA thA / isI taraha mahAakSapaTalika aura isake adhIna akSapaTalika nAmaka adhikArI hotA thA mevAr3a meM yaha pada vaMzAnugata thA bahuta saMbhava hai pratihAra rAjyoM meM bhI yaha vaMzAnugata rahA hogaa|" kintu yogyatA ke AdhAra para hI yaha pada usI vaMza ke dUsare vyakti ko milatA thaa| rAjya meM vitta kA yaha pramukha adhikArI thA, jo Ayavyaya kA lekhA jokhA rakhatA thA abhilekhoM (gahar3avAla evaM cAlukya) meM use rAjya ke sarakArI lekho kA pradhAna nirIkSaka kahA gayA hai|" dAna patroM kA nibandhana bhI usake kAryAlaya meM hotA thaa|" bhANDAgarika rAjakIya koSAgAra tathA AbhUSaNo kA mukhya adhikArI thA, jise amAtya kahA jAtA thaa| 13 mahApratihAra dauvArika darabAra meM Ane jAne vAlo para niyaMtraNa rakhatA thA mahApratihAra kA pada mahatvapUrNa thaa| pratihAra abhilekhoM meM uSprabhaTTa nAmaka mahApratihAra ko mahAsAmata yA mahAsAmantAdhipati kahA gayA hai|" mahAdaNDanAyaka pramukha sainika adhikArI hotA thaa| prazAsanika kArya ke sAtha-sAtha rAjA kA mahatvapUrNa kArya nyAya karanA bhI thA kintu pratihAra kAla meM isa sambandha meM kaI adhikArI niyukta the| rAjA pramukha nyAyadhIza thA isake atirikta sahAyatArtha mahAdaNDanAyaka pramukha nyAyika adhikArI thaa| dharmasthA yA dharmastheya rAjya ke sarvocca mahatvapUrNa pada para thA jo rAjA ko nyAya sambandhI kAryoM meM sahayoga karatA thA daNDadharaNika-daNDa dene vAlA, caurodharaNika DAkuoM para niyaMtraNa rakhane vAle, daNDika jelara jaisA adhikArI, dazAparAdhika dasa prakAra ke anusaMdhAna karane vAlA, daNDa nirdhArita karane vAlA adhikArI hotA thaa| sabhI adhikArI nyAya vyavasthA meM Age the| vyavahArika nyAyika adhikArI thaa| vaha dAnapatroM ko dekhatA, bhUmi sambandhI prakriyA para najara rakhatA, bhUmi ko usake sahI hakadAra ko dilavAtA thaa| * rAjya ke vittiya prabandhana ke lie mahAbhaugika rAjakIya koSa kA pramukha adhikArI hotA thA mahAmudrAdhikRta rAjakIya mudraNAlaya kA adhyakSa hotA thA / gurjara pratihAra zAsaka bar3e sAmrAjya para zAsana karate the jise prazAsana

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pUrva madhyakAlIna uttara bhArata kI rAjanItika vyavasthA / 409 kI dRSTi se vibhinna IkAiyoM meM bAMTA gayA thaa| bhakti, maNDala, viSaya, pathaka, caturazatikA, dvAdazaka meM bAMTA gayA thA / pratihAra abhilekhoM meM udambura ko viSaya, kAlajara ko maNDala, jabaki kAnyakunja ko mukti kahA gayA hai| " zrAvastI evaM gurjarAtrA bhUmi ko bhukti kahA hai| daNDavAnaka vAlIyaka ko viSaya, kAlajara zrAvastI ko maNDala kahA gayA hai kAzI ko pArapathaka aisA lagatA hai bhukti prazAsana kI sarvocca IkAI thI jaise dillI deza kI rAjadhAnI hai aura rAjya bhI ina ikAiyoM meM amAtyoM yA vibhAgIya adhyakSoM kI sahAyatA ke lie aneka choTe adhikAriyoM kI niyukti kI gaI thI / niyukta tathA aniyukta athavA taMtriyuktaka inakA ullekha abhilekhoM meM huA hai| mahanasa niyuktaka ko zAhI rasoI kA nidezaka niyukta kiyA gayA thA aisA lagatA hai ki vibhAga ke adhyakSa ko niyuktaka kahA jAtA thaa| bar3e adhikAriyoM ke nijI sahayogiyoM ko aniyukta yA taMnniyukta kahA jAtA thaa|" vyavahArina nyAyAdhikArI thA jisakA kArya thA dAnapatroM ko dekhanA yadi koI apaharaNa kartA kisI bhUmi ko adhikRta karatA hai to use mUladAna prApta kartA ko dilavAnA tathA grAmAgramika yaha adhikArI rAjya yA kisI kSetra vizeSa ke bAhara aura andara Ane jAne vAlo kA anumati patra detA thA tathA svayaM saMdeza vAhaka kA kArya bhI kiyA karatA thA, mahAbhogika rAjakIya koSa kA pramukha adhikArI hotA thA to mahAmudrAdhikRta rAjakIya mudraNAlaya kA adhyakSa / 1 12 vIM zatAbdI ke cAhamAna tathA cAlukya abhilekhoM meM bhI sacivAlaya ko zrI karaNa kahA jAtA thA / kendrIya zAsanAlaya meM lekhoM ko surakSita rakhane kI vyavasthA thI jahAM bhUmidAna aura agrahAra Adi ke tAmrapatra bhaviSya ke chAnabIna ke lie surakSita rakhe jAte the| yadi kabhI dAna pAne vAle vyakti paraspara apane gAMvoM ko badalanA cAhate the to usa avasara para paTaTo meM bhI parivartana kiyA jAtA thaa|" sthAnIya saMsthAoM tathA devAlayoM ke hisAba kitAba kI jAMca ke lie prativarSa kendrIya zAsanAlaya se vizeSa karmacArI bheje jAte the| pratihAra rAjya ke eka lekha se patA calatA hai ki rAjA ke Adeza se kucha viSayoM kI jAMca ke lie eka adhikArI ujjaina gayA / " kendrIya sarakAra aura kAryAlaya prAMtIya evaM sthAnIya zAsana kA nirIkSaNa aura niyaMtraNa karate the / Adhunika zAsana sacivAlaya kI taraha rahe hoMge, aisA pratIta hotA hai| 1 gurjara pratihAra abhilekhoM meM upalabdha vibhinna sAkSyoM se aisA lagatA hai ki isa samaya tIna prAMtIya kSetra the; kannauja, zrAvastI evaM pratiSThAna / inakA prazAsanika kSetra kAphI vistRta thaa| cAra maNDala kAlajara zrAvastI, saurASTra tathA kauzAmbI kA ullekha milatA hai rAjazekhara saurASTra ko janapada kahatA hai ataH spaSTa hai ye mahatvapUrNa kSetra rahe hogeN| isake atirikta pAMca viSayoM (jile) kA nAma AtA hai udambura, daNDavAna vAliyaka, vArANasI, asuraka" ataH pratihAra kAla meM prazAsanika IkAiyAM nimna prakAra thI sAmrAjya ke pUrva meM zrAvastI tathA vArANasI, dakSiNa meM kAlajara, kendra meM kauzAmbI, pazcima meM rAjapUtAnA, daNDavAnaka thaa|" gvAliyara kA sAmarika mahatva thA ataH koTrapAla ke adhIna rakhA gayA thA jabaki saurASTra ko sAMmatazAsaka ke adhIna rakhA gayA thaa| ataH itane bar3e sAmrAjya ko prazAsanika suvidhA kI dRSTi se vibhinna IkAiyoM meM yathA bhukti, maNDala, viSaya, pathako; caturazItika tathA dvAdazaka meM bAMTA gayA thaa| guptakAla meM bhakti, maNDala, viSaya, grAma jaisI prazAsanika IkAiyoM ke nAma milate hai inake adhikAriyoM ko bhogika, bhogapati athavA uparika mahArAja kahA gayA hai / dazaratha zarmA jI ke anusAra pratihAra kAla meM prazAsanika DhAMcA aura unake adhikArI paramparAgata prazAsana se alaga the| pratihAra abhilekhoM meM udambura viSaya kaoNlajara maNDala kAnyakubja ko mukti kahA gayA hai| isI taraha zrAvastI gurjarAjA bhUmi ko bhukti daNDavAnaka valIyaka ko viSaya aura kAMlajara tathA zrAvastI ko maNDala bhI kahA gayA hai| pArapathaka dazapura ko pazcimI pathaka kahA gayA hai| aisA lagatA hai ki bhukti maNDala aura viSaya yaha krama thA / kAnyakubja spaSTa hai sAmrAjya ke prazAsana meM ucca sthAna para sthApita bhukti thI jo jilo aura

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410 / Jijnasa tahasIloM meM vibhakta thii| bhukti prazAsana kI savocca saMkhyA thii| kAnyakubja ko bhukti kahA gayA hai jo gurjara pratihAra rAjya kI rAjadhanI (skandhAvAra) thii| prAMtIya tathA jile kI prazAsanika IkAI bhI thii| nagara prazAsana ke sambandha meM abhilekhoM meM uttara sabhA goSThI paMcakula soviyaka jaise prAntIya adhikAriyoM ke nAma milate haiN| uttara sabhA goSThI kA sambandha dAna se sambandhita kArya praNAlI se thaa| yaha sabhA dhArmika anudAnoM kA prabandhana karatI thI aura zAsakIya sthiti meM prApta adhikAroM kA nirvahana karatI thii| paMcakula meM pAMca yA usake adhika sadasya ho sakate the| pratihArakAla meM inheM "vAra nAma se saMbodhita kiyA jAtA thaa| sIyadoNI meM do aura gvAliyara meM tIna vArisa the| inakA kAma, karo kI vasUlI, sArvajanika dhana kA lena-dena, dharmArtha nidhiyoM, sArvajanika kAryoM kI vyavasthA tathA nagara jIvana se sambandhita sabhI viSayoM kA prabandhana karanA thA inakI madada ke lie sthAI vetana dhArI karmacArI rahate the| Ahar3a abhilekha se patA calatA haiM ki kaMcana zrI devI mandira ke lie dukAnoM kI kharIda ke samaya kaI sthAnIya adhikArI upasthita rhe| daNDapAzika (pulisa adhikArI) caturvedI brAhmaNa (taTTanAda pura sabhA meM the) ina sabakI anumati se rikArDa rakhane aura likhane kI anumati dI gii| sabhA meM rAjakIya tathA gaira rAjakIya vyakti sammilita the| abhilekho ke sthAnIya prazAsana ke saMdarbha meM grAma ke adhikAriyoM ke nAma bhI milate haiM grAma prazAsana kA uttaradAyitva grAmapati (grAma kA pramukha), mahattara (grAma kA mukhiyA), kuTumbika tathA mahattara para thaa| bI.ena. purI mAnate hai ki mahattama aura mahAmahattama eka jaisA pada thaa| ye grAma ke vRddha vyakti the jo prazAsanika salAhakAra hote the| kuTumbika (Householder) madhyaga (madhyastha) ke atirikta paMcakulika nAmaka adhikArI hote the|' mahatvapUrNa bAta yaha hai ki ina samitiyoM kA nizcita avadhi para purnasaMgaThana hotA thA yadyapi kAryakAla nizcita nahI hai| ataH hama kaha sakate hai ki isake sadasya sthAI nahI the badalate rahate the| bahuta sabhava hai kendrIya adhikArI inakA nirIkSaNa karate ho aura ina para rAjA kA niyaMtraNa rahatA ho| bhaugAlika dRSTi se pratihAra sAmrAjya sabase bar3A aura apekSAkRta dIrghajIvI sAmrAjya thaa| yaha asaMbhava hai ki itane vizAla kSetra para pratihAra kendra se zAsana calAte the| ataH prazAsanika suvidhAoM ke lie aneka bar3I choTI -- prazAsakIya IkAIyoM meM sAmrAjya bAMTA gayA thaa| unakI adhInatA mAnane vAle sAMmata zAsaka jinakI saMkhyA bahuta adhika thI ve apane apane kSetroM meM prazAsanika IkAiyoM dvArA zAsita the| ve apane prabhu kI adhInatA mAnate, yuddhoM meM bhAga lete the| pratihAra abhilekhoM meM kaI mahatvapUrNa prazAsanika adhikAriyoM ke ullekha meM milate haiN| sIyadoNI abhilekha meM mahArAja dhuvabhaTTa ko rAjyapAla kahA gayA hai jabaki dUsare abhilekha meM indrabhaTTa ko mahApratihAra mahA sAMmata kahA gayA hai| sIyadoNI se mahendrapAla ke aneka abhilekha mile hai kiMtu ina donoM adhikAriyoM ke bIca sambandha sapaSTa nahI hotaa| dUsarA udAharaNa pratApagar3ha abhilekha se hai jahA ujjaina ke rAjyapAla mAdhava dvArA cAhahmAna mahAsAMmata indrarAja ke kahane para indrAditya deva ke pakSa meM grAma dAna kiyaa| aisA lagatA hai ki mAdhava ujjainI kA gavarnara prAMtIya zAsaka thA aura yaha pada mahAsAMmata ke pada se UMcA thA aura zreSyakara bhI vaha sAmanto para niyaMtraNa bhI rakhatA thaa| isI taraha cAlukya sAMmata jo naI pIr3hiyoM se pratihAroM ke sAMmata the| isa vaMza ke mahAsAMmata bala varmA ko grAmadAna ke lie mahendrapAla prathama ke ucca adhikArI taMtrapAla zrIdhikA se anumati lenI par3I thii| sIyadoNI (lalitapura) aura ujjainI meM to rAjyapAla niyukta the jabaki kAThiyAvAr3a meM taMtrapAla niyukta the| pratApagar3ha abhilekha meM mAdhava ko taMtrapAla mahAsAMmata tathA mahAdaNDa nAyaka kahA gayA hai| aisA lagatA hai vaha alaga alaga vibhAgoM kI jimmedArI bhI nibAhatA thaa| UNA aura pratApagar3ha donoM abhilekhoM meM taMtrapAla kA nAma AyA hai| ataH

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pUrva madhyakAlIna uttara bhArata kI rAjanItika vyavasthA / 411 lagatA hai pratApagar3ha to usakA mukhyAlaya thA jabaki UNA abhilekha se aisI sUcanA nahI miltii| saMbhavataH UNA usake prazAsanika adhikAra kSetra meM AtA thaa| taMtrapAla kA pada kAphI ucca stara kA pratiSThita pada thaa| vaha sAmanto para niyaMtraNa rakhatA thaa| sAMmata kSetroM me apane svAmI ke hitoM kI rakSA karatA thaa| Avazyaka hone para zastra aura nIti kA prayoga karatA thaa| apane svAmI ke pratinidhi ke rupa meM vaha dAnapatroM aura rAjakIya AdezoM kA pratisAraNa karatA thaa| taMtra arthAta prazAsana, pAla arthAta calAne vAlA ataH vaha bhukti kA pradhAna prazAsaka hotA thaa| vaha sAmanto ke rAjya meM bhI rAjA kA pratinidhi hotA thaa| saMbhavataH usake pAsa sainika Tukar3I bhI hotI thii| dazaratha zarmA jI kA mAnanA hai ki taMtrapAla daNDanAyaka kA vahI sthAna thA, jo mugala kAla meM sipahasAlAra sUbedAra kA thaa|" koTTa yA durga kA sAmarika mahatva hotA thaa| durga ke sAtha-sAtha usake Asa-pAsa kI bhUmi bhI sthAnIya prazAsana ke arntagata AtI thii| jabaki pulisa aura sainya prazAsana rAjya ke adhIna thaa| gvAliyara abhilekha meM vaillabhaTTa ko maryAdAdhurya kahA gayA hai jabaki anya abhilekha meM alla ko gopagiri durga kA koTTapAla (durga kA saMrakSaka) kahA gayA hai| sabhavataH gvAliyara durga kA sAmarika mahatva rahA hogA ataH yahAM koTTapAla kI niyukti kI gaI jo ki eka sainika pada bhI thaa| mahatvapUrNa bAta yaha hai ki yaha padavaMzAnugata thaa| pratihAra zAsakoM kI adhikAriyoM ko pada para niyukti ke sambandha meM koI viziSTa nIti rahI hogii| jahA~ viziSTa padoM ko vaMzAnugata rakhA gayA hogaa| gurjara pratihAra zAsakoM ke sainika saMgaThana meM aneka adhikAriyoM ke mahatvapUrNa pada the jaise daNDanAyaka, balAdhikRta, sainApati, dUtaprasAnika (jAsUsa), balAdhyakSa (senAoM kA pramukha adhikArI), golmika saMbhavataH padAti senA kA adhikArI, catabhaTTa sthAI evaM asthAI senA kA adhikArI Adi aadi| pratihAra sAmrAjya meM rASTrakUToM para niyaMtraNa ke lie dakSiNI senA thI pAloM ko rokane ke lie pUrvI senA aura musalamAnoM kA pratirodha karane ke lie pazcimI senA thii| rASTrakUTa rAjya meM bhI yahI vyavasthA thii| saMbhavataH yaha kSetrIya athavA sthAnIya prazAsana kA aMga rahI hogI aura sthAnIya pramukhoM kA ina para adhikAra rahatA rahA hogaa| __ pratihAra zAsakoM ke adhIna sAmanto kI senA bhI thii| nAgabhaTTa dvitIya dvArA aneka aneka yuddha lar3e gae jisame usake sAMmata maNDora ke pratihAra, cATasU meM guhila, saurASTra meM cAlukya, zAkambharI meM cAhamAna sAmaMto ne madada kii| rAmabhadra ne sAmanto kI sahAyatA se vidrohI sAmanto ko balapUrvaka bdhvaayaa| pratApagar3ha ke cAhamAna zAsaka ko rAjA bhojadeva ke lie mahAn prasannatA kA strota kahA gayA hai| bI.ena. dattA, esa. e. DAge tathA DI.DI. kausAmbI 700-1200 i. ke samaya ko sAMmatavAda ke rupa meM paribhASita karate hai| samarAicchakahA ke vivaraNoM kI vyAkhyA se ina vidvAnoM ne siddha kiyA ki isa samaya sAmaMta vAdI tatva bar3ha rahe hai| DaoN. dazaratha zarmA ko mAnanA hai ki sAmanto kI unnati pratihAra rAjya ke patana ke lie uttaradAyI thii| sAmata rAmabhadra ke samaya se hI uczrRMkhala ho rahe the, mahendra pAla prathama ke samaya to unhoMne Apasa meM lar3anA bhI Arambha kara diyA thaa|4 mahIpAla ke samaya mAlavA ke paramAra zAsako ne svataMtratA ke lie prayAsa kie| pratihAra kAlIna senA kA kamajora honA bhI pratihAroM ke patana ke lie uttaradAyI dikhAI detA hai| rAjAoM ke pAsa vizAla senA thI somato kI senA milAkara bahuta bar3I senA ho jAtI thii| Ara.esa. zarmA kahate hai ki sulemAna saudAgara rASTrakUTa zAsako kI niyamita senA kI bAta karatA hai| isameM sAmanto kI senA jisakI saMkhyA niyamita senA se kadAcita adhika thI, ko nahI rakhA gayA hai| pratihAra zAsako ke pAsa bar3I vizAla senA thI kiMtu usameM nipuNatA kI kamI, hAthiyo para unakI nirbharatA, sainika ziviro kA vilAsI jIvana ne usakI kArya kSamatA

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412 / Jijnasa para viparIta prabhAva DAlA | lambe samaya taka saMgharSa karane ke kAraNa choTe sAmanta pramukho kA vikAsa huaa| Ara. esa. zarmA kahate hai pratihAroM kI zAsana vyavasthA kArya praNAlI ne upasAmantIkaraNa kA mArga prazasta kiyaa| isakA mukhya kAraNa thA dAna prnnaalii| sAMmata zAsaka dAna meM bhUmi dete the to ve rAjasva vasUlane, khetI karane ke adhikAra bhI dAna grahItA ko de dete the| yadyapi yaha kahanA ki upasAmantIkaraNa pratihAroM ke patana ke lie uttaradAyI thA, ucita nahIM kyoMki isase adhika mahatvapUrNa bAta yaha hai ki pratihAra zAsaka sAmanto para niyaMtraNa apane adhikariyoM ke mAdhyama se rakhate the| yahAM taka ki dAna kI anuzaMsA rAjya aura usake adhikAriyoM kI anumati ke binA saMbhava nahIM thii| sthAnIya adhikArI bhI mahatvapUrNa bhUmikA nibhAtA thA pratihAra kAla meM cANakya dvArA sujhAe gae, amAtya, matrin jaise padoM kA vargIkaraNa spaSTa rupa se dikhAI nahI detA varan yahAM samasta pada, adhikArI jaise rahe haiN| kiMtu upAdhiyoM yukta padoM se lagatA hai ki ve tulanAtmaka rupa se ucca starIya rahe hoge, jaise sAMdhivigrahika akSapaTalika Adi pada paramparAgata jaise lagate hai| rAjA ke daivIya adhikAroM se yukta hote hue bhI zAsana kA vikendrIkaraNa dikhAI detA hai| isase rAjA kI zakti kama nahI hotii| prazAsanika adhikArI dUrastha prAnto meM rAjA kI AjJAoM kA pAlana karate the kiMtu yaha kahanA ucita nahIM ki ve sAmantIya adhikAroM kA upabhoga karate the| itanA hI nahI ve to sAmanto para bhI niyaMtraNa rakhate hue pratIta hote hai| altekara sAmanto ko zreNiyoM meM bAMTate hai: bar3e sAmanta jo pUrNa AMtarika svAyatatA ke adhikAroM kA prayoga karate the| unake upasAMmata bhI hote the|duusre choTe sAMmata jinakI svataMtratA bahuta kama thI jo bhUmidAna se pahale apane adhipati kI anumati lete the| samrATa ke pratinidhi unako ora se dAnapatra ko jArI karane the| nikRSTa zreNI ke sAMmata jina para samrATa kA niyaMtraNa aura hastakSepa adhika rahatA thaa| itanA hI nahI aneka adhikArI jaba unakA pada vaMzAnugata hotA thA taba ve sAmata banane lagate the| kendrIya zakti majabUta rahatI thI taba adhikAriyoM kI zakti kama rahI kiMtu jaise hI kendrIya sattA kamajora huI unakI zakti bar3hane lgii| pratihAra kAla meM arthavyavasthA kA mukhya AdhAra kRSi, pazupAlana, vyApAra, antararAjyIya vyApAra Adi thaa| abhilekhoM meM gilDa, vyavasAya, kArIgara, khetIhara, siMcAI vyavasthA, Arthika gatividhiyoM ke kendra, dUrasaMcAra vyavasthA, AMtarika evaM bAhya vyApAra ke vivaraNa prApta hote haiM, tathA vinimaya mudrA dvArA hotA thA isa samaya bAMTa, nApa tathA vyApAra ke sabhI anya mahatvapUrNa tatva maujUda the| isa samaya mahatvapUrNa saMsthA, jise gilDa yA zreNI kahA jAtA thA, kA arthavyavasthA meM mahatvapUrNa yogadAna thaa|" gilDa yA zreNiyAM vyavasAya ke anusAra banAI jAtI thii| jaise kuMbhakAra, sthApati nAma (zilpakAra) Adi ina zreNiyoM ke sadasyoM ko kara denA par3atA thaa| vyApArI pratyeka kharIda pharokhtapara upakara lagAte the| kharIdane vAle aura becane vAle donoM para kara lagatA thaa| yahAM taka ki rAjya ko bhI vyApArika AdAna-pradAna karane para upakara denA par3atA thaa| jaise kuMbhakAra pratyeka cAka para hara mAha eka paNa kara detA thaa| jabaki zilpakAra eka drama detA thaa| maNpikA yaha saMsthA bhI thI (cuMgI gRha) jo karo kI rAzi ko prApta karate the| ye zreNiyA baiMka kI taraha bhI kArya karatI thii| ve kharce ke lie udhAra paisA dete the, jo nahIM cukA pAtA thA to use sajA bhI dI jAtI thii| goSThiyA dAna bhI karatI thii| vyApArika lena-dena meM unheM svAyatattA ke adhikAra mile hue the| ___ ina zreNiyoM kI kAryapraNAlI kAphI viziSTa thii| gvAliyara abhilekha se akSaya nIvi arthAta dIpaka jalAne ke lie tela kI vyavasthA karane vAlI tailIya zreNI kA patA calatA thaa| jisake pramukha ko tailika mahattama kahA gayA

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pUrva madhyakAlIna unara bhArata kI rAjanItika vyavasthA / 413 hai| zreNiyoM ke samasta sadasyoM ko eka pAlikA tela hara koluka yA tela nikAlane vAlI mazIna (ghANI) se denA par3atA thaa| isa uddezya se jur3e sabhI taila vyApArI kara bhI dete the| vyApArI ko vyavahAraka kahA gayA hai kyoMki vaha vyavahAra (nyAya kA kArya) bhI karatA thA, dukAnadAra ko setiya, ghor3e ke vyApArI ko ghoTikA, kAravA le jAne vyApArI ko sArthavAha kahA gayA hai| survaNa ke vyApArI, zarAba ke vyApArI, namaka, tAmbUla (pAna), tailika (tela), gandhI (sugandha becane vAle), modakakAra miSThAna banAne vAle Adi aneka prakAra ke vyavasAya karane vAle vyApAriyoM ke ullekha milate haiN| vyApArI eka sthAna se dUsare sthAna para pravAsa bhI karate the| vaNika, dharkaTa jAti ke vyApArI nAgabhaTTa lATamaNDala ke AnaMdapura se gvAliyara Ae the| isI taraha bhadraprakAza aura bhAmattaka nAmaka do vyApArI bhInamAla ke taTAnaMdapura ke rahane vAle the aura ahAr3a meM kacanadevI maMdira meM dukAna kharIdI thii| itanA hI nahI mahatvapUrNa sUcanA yaha bhI milatI hai rAjapUtAnA ke ahAr3a meM karNATa, madhyapradeza, lATa, Takka deza ke vyApArI Akara sAmAna becate the aura usa para lagane vAle kara ko bhI adA karate the| ataH pUre bhArata meM yaha sthAna vyApAra vANijya kI gatividhiyoM kA evaM pramukha kendra thaa| yaha sthiti vikasita unnati kAraka evaM sthApita artha vyavasthA samRddha jIvana kI ora saketa karatI hai| kRSi arthavyavasthA kA mukhya AdhAra rahA haiN| abhilekhoM kI sUcanA haiM ki brAhamaNa aura kSatrIya bhI yaha kArya karate the| gurjaroM ko bhI khetIhara kahA gayA hai| 100 spaSTa hai khetI karanA acchA mAnA jAtA rahA hogaa| sabhavataH jana sAdhAraNa kRSi kArya karate the| rAjA dvArA bhUmi dAna meM dI jAtI thI to dAnagrahitA ko bhUmi kA mAlikAnA adhikAra milatA thaa| sAtha hI usa para kArya karane vAle majadUra yA kRSaka bhI milate the, jinheM begAra karane vAle yA viSTikA kahA gayA hai|101 lagatA hai bhUmi ke sAtha kAmagAra bhI milate the| mahatvapUrNa bAta to yaha haiM bhUmi kA mAlika kRSi majadUroM ko badala bhI sakatA thaa| rAjAoM dvArA siMcAI kI vyavasthA karavAI jAtI thii| ve tAlAba bhIla, kue, bAMdha, naharoM kA nirmANa karavAte the| bhUmi kI paimAiza kI jAtI thI jo maryAdAdhurya kA kArya thA usa samaya paramezvara hasta nAluka bhUmi nApa ke rupa meM pracalita the|103 ___ acchI arthavyavasthA kA mApadaNDa mudrA vinimaya mAnA jAtA haiN| pratihAra kAla meM aneka prakAra kI mudrAoM ke calana hone kA ullekha milatA haiN| sikke dAma, drama, paNa, vizopaka, rupaka Adi kahalAte the| 14 sikkA drama yA dAma yUnAnI sikke drakhma se milatA julatA thaa| bhaNDArakara ke anusAra gurjara zAsakoM ke sikke saseniyana sikkoM se prabhAvita the, kyoMki dAma sikkA 65 grena kA thA jabaki yUnAnI drakhma 66 grena kA thaa|106 paNa sikke ko paNcIyaka paNa kahA gayA hai| sIyakSeNI abhilekha meM "zrImada AdibarAha dramasya paNa kahA gayA haiN|10% yaha drama kA / bhAga thaa| vigraha tugiyA drama yaha drama aura paNa ke bIca ke rahA hogaa| rAjaura abhilekha meM pratyeka eka borI kRSi utpAda para tIna vizopaka kara ke rupa meM lete the| yaha dAma kA 1/20 bhAga ke barAbara thaa| yaha sikkA pataMjalI ke samaya pracalita viMzopaka se mela khAtA hai, jo ki cAMdI kA sikkA thaa|107 isI taraha ahAr3a abhilekha meM ullekha milatA hai ki guhila zAsaka allaTa ke samaya eka hAthI kI brikI para eka drama, ghor3e kI brikI para do rupa jabaki gharelU mavezI kI brikI para dAma kA 1/40 vAM bhAga liyA jAtA thaa|108 hAthI kA mUlya dAma meM ghor3e kA rupa meM to spaSTa hai, rupa dAma se choTA thA. dAma cUMki cAMdI kA sikkA thA to rupa bhI cAMdI kA hI hogaa|109 prAyaH yaha kahA jAtA hai ki isa kAla meM mudrAoM kI kamI thii| kintu uparokta vivaraNa se yaha spaSTa hotA hai ki mudrAoM kI kamI nahIM thii| pracalita mudrAoM ke sandarbha se yaha puSTa hotA hai ki vyApAra vANijya bhI samRddhi para thaa|

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414 / Jijnasa jabaki paNa tAbe ko sikkA thA jisakA mUlya 20 mAza kAkinI ke samakakSa vajana kA thaa| kAhApaNa, paNa, mAsaka, kAkanikA madra Adi anya mudrAe thI jo usa samaya pracalita the| ina saba sAkSyoM ke saMdarbha meM hama kaha sakate haiM ki pratihAra kAla kA vyApAra vANijya samRddhi bhI sikkoM ke bahula pracalana ke pratIka thaa| vyApArI rAjA ke adhIna hI kArya karate the| yaha avazya hai ki usa samaya bhI dhArmika saMsthAeM rAjA ko niyaMtrita karatI thI aura zaktizAlI thii| 10vIM zatAbdI meM eka gurjara pratihAra dAnapatra meM eka gAMva kI Aya meM se 500 mudrA kisI devAlaya ke lie lagAe jAne kA ullekha hai|10 lagatA haiM 9vI zatAbdI ke AsapAsa nagada kara lenA Arambha ho gayA thaa| jabaki bhUmikara prAyaH anAja ke rupa meM liyA jAtA thaa| isa prakAra yaha spaSTa hotA hai ki pratihArakAlIna Arthika sthiti acchI thii| aura vaha sAMmatavAdI vyavasthA para AdhArita nahIM thii| pratihAra zAsako ne araboM kI AMdhI ko rokaa| yaha vaha samaya thA jabaki ve eziyA dakSiNI yUropa tathA uttarI aphrIkA meM apane prabhAvita kSetra sthApita kara cuke the| aise zakti zAlI araba anubhavakAriyoM ne na sirpha deza kI rakSA kI varan zAMti sthApita kii| araba lekhaka unake rAjya ko DAkuoM se surakSita mAnate the| itanA hI nahI harSa ke samaya surakSA itanI majabUta nahI thI jitanI pratihAra kAla meN| jabaki pratihAroM kA sAmrAjya harSa kI tulanA meM kahI adhika vistRta thaa| ina saba ke lie unakI prazAsanika vyavasthA kI saphalatA ko jimmedAra mAnA jA sakatA hai| ___ yadyapi yaha sahI hai ki pratihAroM ke patana meM sAmanto kI mahatvAkAMkSA ke lie, paravartI kamajora pratihAra zAsaka uttaradAyI rhe| DA. dazaratha zarmA to ise prAkRtika yA vyavahArika pariNiti kahate hai| isa samaya bhArata ke pratyeka bhAga meM pramukha sAMskRtika kendro kA vikAsa huaa| vidvAna kaviyoM ko Azraya diyA gyaa| osiyaoN, kannauja ke vAstuzilpa kA vikAsa huaa| takanIka ke kAraNa use pratihAra kalA bhI kahA jAtA hai| (Arthika dRSTi se bhI pratihAra kAla yuddha aura zAMti donoM hI samaya atyaMta gaurava zAlI rahA) isa mata kA samarthana Ara.esa. zarmA bhI karate hue pratIta hote haiM, jo mAnate hai ki sAmantIkaraNa se sthAnIya sAMskRtika IkAiyAM panapI, jinase kSetravAda, kSetrIya bhASA, lipi, yahAM taka ki sthApatya kalA ke kSetra meM bhI kSetrIya tatva vikasita hue| yaha mAnA jAtA hai ki vyApAra vANijya kA vikAsa 12 vI zatAbdI ke bAda kAphI bar3ha gyaa| ataH isa yuga ko aMdhakAramayayuga kahane kI saMbhAvanA hI anucita hai| saMdarbha : "yaha punarnirIkSaNa mukhya rupa se dAna abhilekhIya sAkSyoM para AdhArita haiM, kyoMki isa samaya bhUmidAna ke sAkSya bahutAyata se prApta hai jinake mAdhyama se isa yuga kI vyAkhyAe~ vidvAnoM ne bhinna-bhinna rupa meM kI haiN| 'DaoN0 dazaratha zarmA, rAjasthAna thU da ejeja, jilda 1. pR. 124-130, bhAratIya vidyA, jilda 18, pR. 74-80. dRSTavya -- iliyaTa eNDa DAusana, hisTrI oNva iNDiyA eja TolDa vAi iTsa ona hisToriyansa, jilda 1, pR. 126 : hasoTa abhilekha. epigrAphiyA iNDikA, jilda 18, pR. 197 eva aage| jaina, harivaMza purANa, 66.53, sampAdita rAmakRSNana upAdhyAya, 2011. * epigrAphiyA iNDikA, jilda 18, pR. 96 : pRthvIrAja vijaya, jayAnaka kRta, paMcama, 20 evaM iNDiyana hisTorikala vacArTaralI, jilda pR. 844 5 epi-iNDikA, jilda 1 pRSTa 108, 112 loka 1 se 11 tk| * pAThaka vizuddhAnaMda, uttarabhArata kA rAjanaitika itihAsa, lakhanaU, 1990, pR. 149. 7 pAThaka vI. ena., pUrvokta, pR 149. / iNDiyana aiNTIkverI, caturtha aMka, pR. 366 , pAThaka vI. ena, pUrvokta pR. 152-153. rAjazekhara kRta bAla rAmAyaNa dazama, 98, sampAdita sIvAnaMda vidhuta sAgara kalakattA-1884 10 pAThaka vI.ena., pUrvokta pR. 146. pR 6434-35.

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pUrva madhyakAlIna uttara bhArata kI rAjanItika vyavasthA / 415 " tripAThI Ara.esa., pUrvokta pR. 337; yAdava sImA, da mitha oNva iNDiyana phyUDIlaijma 2005, dillI pR. 78. 12 kRtyakalpataru kA lekhaka lakSmIdhara gAhaDavAla rAjA govinda caMda kA mahAAsAMdhivigrahika bhI thA / 13 mAnasollAsa, somadeva kRta, anudita DaoN. ema. ena. jozI evaM vI.esa. havvAlI, karnATaka 2004 14 tripAThI Ara. esa. hisTrI oNva kannoja, 1884, pR. 337. 15 altekara e.esa., prAcIna bhAratIya zAsana paddhati, 1983, ilAhabAda, prastAvanA pR. 5 zarmA Ara.esa., bhAratIya sAmaMtavAda, 1965, naI dillii| 16 zarmA Ara.esa., pUrvokta pR. 14-15 dRSTavya sImA yAdava, pUrvokta, pR. 2-3 17 tripAThI Ara. esa. pUrvokta, pR. 305; 18 mAnasollAsa, prathama 2-682, uddhRta zarmA dazaratha, pUrvokta pR. 308 19 hasoTa abhilekha, epigrAphiyA iNDikA, ji. 12 pR. 191 evaM Age 20 gvAliyara abhilekha (sAgaratAla abhilekha), epigrAphiyA iNDikA, ji. 18, pR. 99-114 21 epigrAphiyA iNDikA, ji. 18 pR. 108-112 zloka 8 se 11 taka / 22 pAThaka vI. ena. pUrvokta, pR. 638 23 zarmA dazaratha, pUrvokta pR. 124 evaM 308, jarnala oNpha nyUmesmeTika sosAyaTI oNva iNDiyA. ji. 18, pR. 222-223 24 rAjazekhara kRta kAvya mImAMsA, sampadita sI. DI. dalAla evaM Ara.e. zAstrI, gAyakavADa oriyaNTala sIrija, tRtIya prakAzana, 1934. 93 "DaoN. zarmA dazaratha, pUrvokta, pR. 308 26 'pAThaka vI. ena. pUrvokta, pR. 637 27 zAstrI ke. e. ena. pI. ke. goDe memoriyala vaoNlyUma, saMpAdana, prakAzana oriyaNTala buka ejensI, 1960, pR. 371 . 28 kANe pI.vI., dharmazAstra kA itihAsa (hindI anuvAda), bhAga 2, lakhanaU, 1975, pR.671 29 epigrAphiyA iNDikA, ji. 17. pR. 310-321 majUmadAra Ara.sI., hisTrI oNva bagAla, bhAga prathama, pR. 285, kalakattA 1943 3 hasoTha abhilekha, epi i. ji. 12 pR. 191 evaM Age 31 epigrAphiyA iNDikA, ji. 12, pR. 191 evaM Age 32 rAjaura abhilekha, epigrAphiyA iNDikA, ji. 3, pR. 262 se 267 taka OM UNA abhilekha, epigrAphiyA iNDikA, ji. 09, pR. 1 se 10 taka 34 94 purI. bI.ena., da hisTrI oNva da gurjara pratihAra, naI dillI, 1986, pR. 106 [35] arthazAstra, 1.3.1. 36 ; kuvalayamAlAkahA, pa. 32 paMkti 9-11 taka epigrAphiyA iNDikA, ji. 11, pR. 308. zarmA dazaratha, rAjasthAna thrU da aijeja, pR. 317 OM mahezvara (sUra), jJAnapaMcamI kathA, paMcama 25 vAM aura Age 32. hisTorikala iskripzaMsa oNva gujarAta, III, saMkhyA 236 4 zarmA dazaratha pUrvokta, pR. 319 1 epigrAphiyA iNDikA, ji. 14, pR. 193 iNDiyana aiNTIkverI, ji. 6 pR. 194 42 tilakamajarI, pR. 84 zarmA dazaratha, pUrvokta, pR. 319 se udadhRt 43 samarAicchakahA, sampA. vI. ema. doSI, ahamadAbAda, da eDIsana, pR. 89-271 zarmA dazaratha, arlI cauhAna DAinesTI, pR. 200. + zarmA dazaratha, rAjasthAna thrU da aijeja, pR. 319; sIyadoNI abhilekha, epigrAphiyA iNDikA, ji. I, pR. 161 45 usakA kArya thA kisI ke sAtha anyAya nahI ho, tilaka maMjarI, pR. 12 zarmA, dazaratha pUrvokta pR. 321 46 epigrAphiyA iNDikA, ji. 19, pR. 17 evaM Age (varAha abhilekha) dolatapura abhilekha, epigrAphiyA iNDikA, ji. 16, pR. 15-24. +7 bhoja kA varAha abhilekha, epigrAphiyA iNDikA, jilda 1, pR. 156 mahendrapAla prathama kA DidhavA DUbolI abhilekha, iNDiyana eNTIkverI jilda 15, pR. 112. 48 vinAyaka pAla ke baMgAla eziyATika sosAyaTI abhilekha, iNDiyana eNTIkverI, ji. 15, pR. 140 4 zarmA dazaratha pUrvokta pR. 348 5 rAjaura abhilekha, epi i. ji. 3, pR. 262-367; iNDiyana eNTIkverI, ji. 15, pR. 304

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416 / Jijnasa 'siddha, zrIupamitibhavaprapaMcakathA, zarmA dazaratha, pUrvokta pR. 322 se uddhRta, pR. 126 52 mihira bhoja kA varAha abhilekha, epigrAphiyA iNDikA, ji. 19, pR. 17 53 mirAzI vI.vI., kaoNparsa insakripzana iNDIkerama jilda 4 pR. 21; vogalsa, hisTrI oNva baMgAla, pR. 285 yUnivarsiTI oNva DhAkA pablikezana 54 epigrAphiyA iNDikA, jilda 3, pR. 206%; epigrAphiyA iNDikA, jilda 9, pR. 64 55 altekara eesa. prAcIna bhAratIya zAsana paddhati, pR. 134 "altekara e.esa., pUrvokta, pR. 136, cola zAsana vyavasthA; epigrAphiyA iNDikA, ji. 14, pR. 182-8. 57 alatekara eesa. pUrvokta pR. 136 5"purI vI ena pUrvokta, pR. 109; dRSTavya epigrAphiyA iNDikA, jilda 19, pR. 17. iNDiyana eNTIvacerI, jilda, 15, pR 112 evaM 140 purI vI.ena. pUrvoka, pR. 109 "bhoja varAha abhilekha epigrAphiyA iNDikA, ji, prathama, pR 156 6'DiDavA bolI abhilekha, iNDiyana aiNTIkverI, ji. 15, pR. 112 62vinAyaka pAla ke baMgAla eziyATika sosAyaTI abhilekha, iNDiyana aiNTIkverI, ji. 15, pR. 140; 63 pratApagar3ha abhilekha, epigrAphiyA iNDikA. ji. 14. pR. 176--188 6+purI vI.ena., pUrvokta, pR 107 purI, bI.ena., pUrvokta pR113 0 epigrAphiyA iNDikA, jilda 1 pR 156 173--17g "altekara e.esa. prAcIna bhAratIya zAsana paddhati, pR. 157-58 purI, vI ena. pUrvokta pR. 114 " hAlA abhilekha, iNDiyana enTIvarI, ji. 12. pR 193 7 epigrAphiyA iNDikA, ji 15, pR. 131 evaM 6, zarmA dazaratha, pUrvokta, pR. 354-55 purI vI ena., pUrvokA, pR. 113 "alarokara e esa pR., 167, 174 72 epigrAphicA iNDikA jilda 1, pR 103 purI bI ena, pUrvovatta, pR. 110 "purI bI ena, pUrvokta pR10 pAThaka vI.ena., pUrvokta pR. 643 purI, vI ena., pUrvokta pR 110 zarmA dazaratha, rAjasthAna dhU da aijeja pR. 348 purI bI. ena, pUrvokta, pR. 112 7degaltekara e.esa. rASTrakUTAja eNDa deyara TAimsa pR. 247-48 40 gvAliyara abhi., epi i. ji 18. pR. 108 zloka 12 1. pratApagar3ha abhi.. epi. i ji 14, pR. 176 evaM Age 87 datta. vI.ena; 1994-1952 DAilekaTasa oNva laiNDa ikonomI ina iNDiyA, kalakattA, 1942, esa.e. DaoNge: 1949 iNDiyA phroma kamyUnijama Tu slevarI, dillI, kausAmbI jI.DI. 1956, 56 da DavalapameMTa oNva phyUDalaijma ina iNDiyA, enalsa oNva bhaNDArakara oriyaNTala risarca isTIsTya Ta 1956- ji. 36: 258-69 83 samarAinhakahA sampAdita vI.ema doSI, ahamadAbAda 64 zarmA dazaratha, pUrvokta, pR. 350 8iliyaTa eNDa DAusana, sampAdita hisTrI oNva iNDiyA eja TolDa vAI iTasa ona hisTIriyansa, 1.7 OM zarmA dazaratha, pUrvokta . 327 " dRSTavyaH, epii. ji. 5, saMkhyA eka 50 epigrAphiyA iNDikA, ji. 9, pR. 9 2" altekara e.esa., pUrvokta, pR. 224-25 altekara eesa.. pUrvokta, pR. 268

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pUrva madhyakAlIna uttara bhArata kI rAjanItika vyavasthA : pratihAra prazAsanika vyavasthA ke vizeSa sandarbha meM / 417 9 epigrAphiyA iNDikA 1, pR. 159; evaM purI bI. ena., pUrvokta pR. 129 12 kamAna abhilekha, epigrAphiyA iNDikA, ji. 24, pR. 331; dRSTavya, purI vI.ena., pUrvokta, pR. 130 93 purI bI. ena., pUrvokta, pR. 131 gvAliyara amilekha, epigrAphiyA iNDikA. ji. 1 pR. 159 evaM Age "purI vI.ena., pUrvokta, pR. 131; epigrAphiyA iNDikA, ji., 1 pR. 159-112; " gvAliyara abhilekha, epigrAphiyA iNDikA, ji. 1, pR. 159 evaM Age ahADa abhilekha, nambara II epigrAphiyA iNDikA, jilda XIV, pR. 59. pra purI vI. ena. pUrvokta, pR. 138 40 gvAliyara abhilekha 100 rAjaura abhilekha 10" haddalA abhilekha, iMDiyana eNTIkverI, jilda 12, pR. 193 100 pUrI vI.ena., pUrvokta, pR. 133 Ind yAdava sImA, pUrvokta, pR. 84 10 epigrAphiyA iNDikA, ji. 1. pR. 175 105 bhaNDArakara, karamAikala vyAkhyAna. 1921, pR. 208 106 epigrAphiyA iNDikA, ji. 1, pR. 1-37 107 purI bI.ena., pUrvokta pR. 135 100 ahADa abhilekha, udayapura, epigrAphiyA iNDikA, jilda 14, pR. 59 100 purI. bI ena. pUrvokta, pR. 135; 110 uddhRta, altekara, e.esa. pUrvokta, pR. 197 (ilAhabAda, 1989)

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418 / Jijnasa 51. bhArata meM mahilA zramika : dazA evaM dizA manju kumArI jaina upabhoktAvAdI sAskRtika daura meM eka ora yadi strI kI sthiti majabUta huI hai to dUsarI ora vaha kamajora bhI huI hai| yadi eka ora use dhana kamAne ke naye avasara mile, to dUsarI ora pAramparika udyoga ke banda hone para purUSoM se pahale nikAlA bhI gyaa| eka ora vaha sIdhe bAjAra se bAtacIta kara rahI hai vijJApana kI duniyA meM maoNDala ke rUpa meM ubharI hai seksa zramika ke rUpa meM apanI pahacAna mAMgatI hai aura usako yaha pahacAna bahutere dezoM meM milI bhI hai, to dUsarI ora vyavasthA use jiMsa kI bhAMti kharIdane-becane meM pIche nahIM rhtii| __ "koI bhI sAmAjika, Arthika yA audyogika vyavasthA jo samAja ke lagabhaga samAna saMkhyA vAle mahilA kI kSamatAoM, guNoM ko najara aMdAja karatA hai, to ye usa deza meM upalabdha mAnava saMsAdhana yA mAnava sAmarthya paryApta upayoga nahIM mAnA jaaegaa| sAtha hI yaha samAna avasaroM ko nakArane vAlA aparAdha mAnA jAegA, jo Age calakara aisI sthiti kA nirmANa karegI jisase zoSaNa evaM viSamatA cirasthAyI ho jaaegii| isalie inake lie rojagAra samAna avasara, samAna kArya ke lie samAna vetana, hunara prApti evaM niraMtara vRddhi ke avasaroM meM samAnatA, samAna sammAna parivedanA nivAraNa ke avasaroM meM samAnatA, sampatti meM samAnatA, malakiyata meM samAnatA kA adhikAra sunizcita kiyA jAnA caahie|" -dvitIya zrama Ayoga, 2002 bhAratIya samAja evaM purUSa ne mahilA ke sAtha bahuta hI upahAsa kiyA hai| devI, durgA, kAlI, sarasvatI, lakSmI ke rUpoM meM strI zakti, vidyA aura lakSmI kI adhiSThAna hai| strI ke guNagAna meM purANa saptazatiyA~ racI gaI, kintu vyavahArika dharAtala para strI kA sthAna samAja meM nimnastarIya hI rhaa| vaha annapUrNA thI kintu svayaM use bharapeTa bhojana prApta nahIM thaa| pahananA- oDhanA, sajanA-saMvaranA saba kucha purUSoM ke lie| kintu aba samaya badala rahA hai mahilA pUjA kI vastu yA bhogyA kI paramparA ko tor3akara purUSoM ke sAtha kaMdhA se kaMdhA milAkara jIvana ke hara kSetra meM Age bar3ha rahI hai| vaizvIkaraNa ke daura ne bar3hatI janasaMkhyA, ghaTate rojagAra ne bhAratIya parivAroM ke Arthika jIvana ko jhakajhora diyaa| ina cunautiyoM kA sAmanA karane ke lie mahilA apanI pratibhA evaM kAryakuzalatA ke sAtha taiyAra hai| rAjya dvArA anusaraNIya kucha nIti tatvoM (anuccheda 39) meM upabandhita hai ki rAjya apanI nIti kA viziSTatayA, isa prakAra saMcAlana karegA ki sunizcita rUpa se purUSa aura strI sabhI nAgarikoM ko samAna rUpa se jIvikA ke paryApta sAdhana prApta karane kA adhikAra ho, purUSoM evaM striyoM donoM kA samAna kArya ke lie samAna vetana ho tathA ina karmakAroM ke svAsthya aura zakti kA tathA bAlakoM kI sukumAra avasthA kA durUpayoga na ho evaM Arthika

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bhArata meM mahilA zramika : dazA evaM dizA / 419 AvazyakatA se vivaza hokara nAgarikoM ko aise rojagAroM meM na jAnA par3e jo unakI Ayu yA zakti ke anukUla na ho| isI prakAra anuccheda 42 kAma ko nyAyasaMgata aura mAnavocita dazAoM kA tathA prasUti sahAyatA ke lie upabandha karane kA nirdeza detA hai| anuccheda 43 strI evaM purUSa karmakAroM ke lie nirvAha majadUrI Adi kI vyavasthA karane kA nirdeza detA hai, kyoMki rASTra ke Arthika vikAsa meM bhAgIdAra strI-purUSa zramikoM kI garimA evaM unake vyaktitva ko banAe rakhane ke lie unheM nirvAha yogya majadUrI diyA jAnA tathA unheM sAmAjika surakSA pradAna karanA aparihArya hai| abhI hAla hI meM jor3e gae anuccheda 43 ka ke anusAra udyogoM ke prabandha meM strI-purUSa karmakAroM kI bhAgIdArI sunizcita karane kA rAjya ko nirdeza haiN| nIti-nirdezaka tatvoM ke anupAlana meM saMgha tathA rAjya sarakAroM ne vibhinna adhiniyama pArita kie haiM, jinameM strI-purUSa karmiyoM ko kAryadazA sudhArane kA prayAsa kiyA gayA hai| inameM prasUti prasuvidhA adhiniyama; majadUrI saMdAya adhiniyama, nyUnatama majadUrI adhiniyama, bonasa saMdAya adhiniyama tathA kArakhAnA adhiniyama Adi pramukha haiN| kucha adhiniyama strI-purUSa karmakAroM ke madhya barAbarI lAne ke irAde se pArita kie gae jiname samAna pArizramika adhiniyama pramukha hai| prasUti prasuvidhA adhiniyama kevala strI karmakAroM kI viziTa laiMgika sthiti ke kAraNa upabandha banAne ke lie pArita kiyA gayA hai| strI ko zArIrika saMracanA aura mAtRtva-kRtyoM kA pAlana jIvana nirvAha ke lie use alAbha kI sthiti meM rakhate haiM tathA usakI zArIrika bhalAI, lokahita aura sAvadhAnI kA viSaya ho jAtI hai, tAki usake parivAra kI kSamatA aura utsAha kA parirakSaNa kiyA jA ske| isa kAraNa striyoM ke pakSa meM vizeSa upabandha Avazyaka hai| vidhAyikA ne ina vaijJAnika tathyoM ke AdhAra para strI karmakAroM ke kArya ke ghaNTe, svAsthya va surakSA hetu upabandha tathA zizu-gRha Adi kI vyavasthA se sambandhita vidhi pArita kI hai| aneka kArakhAnoM meM aisI striyA~ niyojita hotI hai jinake goda khelate bacce hote haiN| striyA~ aise baccoM ko apanI sAtha lAtI haiM jinheM zizu gRhoM ke abhAva meM idhara-udhara khelane ke lie chor3a diyA jAtA hai| miloM meM ye bacce AvAja kI khaDakhaDAhaTa aura calatI mazInoM ke khatare aura dhUla se bhare hue vAtAvaraNa ke zikAra banate haiN| ataH dhArA 48 hara aise kArakhAne meM, jisameM sAdhAraNatayA 30 yA isase adhika striyA~ niyojita haiM chaH varSa se kama Ayu ke baccoM ke upayoga ke lie upayukta kamarA yA kamare upalabdha karAne kA prAvadhAna karatA hai jise sArvajanika zizu-gRha meM tabdIla kiyA jA ske| aise zizu-gRhoM meM samucita sthAna pradAna kiyA jAegA, inheM paryApta rUpa se prakAza aura havA se yukta rakhA jAegA tathA aise bAla-gRha, bAlakoM evaM zizuoM kI dekha-rekha ke kArya meM prazikSita, mahilA ke prabhAra ke antargata rakhA jaaegaa| isa sambandha meM rAjya sarakAra ko yaha bhI zakti dI gaI hai ki vaha niyamAvalI banAkara aise zizu-gRhoM ke lie sthAna niyata karane aura una gRhoM ke nirmANa, unameM upalabdha sthAna, pharnIcara aura ucita sAja-sajjA ke mAnaka sthira kre| aise kArakhAnoM meM mahilA karmakAroM ke zizuoM kI dekha-rekha ke lie anya atirikta suvidhAeM pradAna karane, dhulAI ke lie sthAna evaM pAnI Adi kI samucita suvidhAe~ aura striyoM ke vastra badalane ke lie ucita evaM surakSita vyavasthA karane, aise zizuoM ke lie niHzulka dUdha yA nAztA yA donoM ke lie vyavasthA kArakhAne meM hI karane tathA Avazyaka antarAloM para aise baccoM ko mAtAoM ko unheM apanA dUdha pilAne kI suvidhA dene kI vyavasthA karane kA AdezAtmaka upabandha karatA hai| isI adhiniyama (adhyAya 6) meM vayaskoM ke kAma ke ghaNToM ke saMbaMdha meM vizad vivecana hai ki inase adhikatama kitane ghaNTe kAma liyA jA sakatA hai tathA ovara TAima lene para majadUrI kI dara kyA hogI? zrama viSayaka raoNyala kamIzana ne apane prativedana meM yaha saMketa kiyA thA ki striyoM ke lie purUSoM kI apekSA kAma ke ghaNToM kI adhikatama sImA kama nirdhArita karane kA pramukha AdhAra yaha hai ki striyoM ko gharelU kAma bhI karane par3ate haiN| ataH

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420 / Jijnasa dhArA 66 yaha prAvadhAna karatI hai ki striyoM ko kisI bhI kArakhAne meM 6 baje prAtaH se 7 baje sAMya taka kI avadhi ke uparAnta kI avadhi meM kAma karane kI na to apekSA kI jAegI aura na hI AjJA dI jAegI, lekina rAjya sarakAra ko katipaya paristhitiyoM meM isame DhIla dene kI anumati hai, jaise matsya-- upacAra yA matsya kainiMga ke kArobAra meM jahA~ ki kathita nirbandhanoM kI sImA se bAhara kI avadhiyoM meM kAma karanA Avazyaka ho, tAki kacce mAla kI bigar3ane yA kSatigrasta hone se bacAyA jA ske| yaha chUTa sirpha eka sImA taka dI jA sakatI hai tathA mahilAoM ko 10 baje rAtri se 5 baje prAtaH taka ke niyojana mukta rakhanA Avazyaka hai| isa prasaMga meM omAna vUmena banAma e.sI.TI. limiTeDa (1991) ke bAda ullekhanIya hai ki jisameM karmacAriyoM ko niyamita rUpa se AtmasAtakaraNa hetu lI jA rahI Antarika parIkSA meM mahilA karmakAroM ko zAmila kie jAne se isa kAraNa manA kara diyA gayA ki ve striyA~ thI tathA kArakhAne kI rAta sameta sabhI pAliyoM meM kAma karane meM akSama thii| liMgabheda ke AdhAra para mahilAoM ko parIkSA se vaMcita kiyA jAnA saMvidhAna ke anuccheda 14 evaM 15 kA ullaMghana karAra dete hue kerala ucca nyAyAlaya ne nirdhArita kiyA ki striyA~ kevala rAta 10 baje se prAtaH 5 baje taka hI upalabdha nahIM haiM, bAkI pAliyoM meM ve purUSoM ke sAtha kAma karane meM sakSama haiM ataH unheM parIkSA baiThane kA adhikAra hai| mArca, 2005 meM kendrIya sarakAra ne mahilAoM ko phaikTarI meM rAta kI pArI meM kAma karane kI anumati pradAna karane hetu kArakhAnA adhiniyama, 1948 meM saMzodhana karane kA nirNaya liyA hai| vartamAna saMdarbha meM sUcanA takanIka AdhArita kAryoM ke kAraNa aneka kArya rAta kI pArI meM hI sampanna hote haiM, ataH mahilAoM ko rAta kI pArI meM kArya karanA Avazyaka hotA jA rahA hai| mahilAoM ko rAta meM kArya karane evaM AvAgamana kI surakSita evaM samucita dazAe~ pradAna karane kA prAvadhAna karane kI ghoSaNA bhI sarakAra ne kI hai| . kArakhAnA adhiniyama kI dhArA 79 majadUrI sahita chuTTI kI gaNanA meM kisI strI karmakAra dvArA lI gaI bAraha saptAha se adhika kI prasUti chuTTI kA AMkalana karane kA prAvadhAna karatI hai| adhyAya 9 kI dhArA 87 meM rAjya sarakAra ko yaha zakti dI gaI hai ki khataranAka jokhimabharI kriyAoM vAle kArakhAnoM meM striyoM tathA baccoM ke niyojana para roka lagA sakatI hai| mAtRtva pratyeka strI kA pavitra adhikAra tathA Izvara dvArA diyA gayA dAyitva hai, jisakI pUrti karate hue vaha svayaM ko dhanya mAnatI hai| prasUti prasuvidhA adhiniyama, 1961 zizu prasava se pUrva aura usake bAda kI kucha avadhi meM striyoM ke niyojana ko viniyamita karane ke uddezya se banAyA gayA hai| isakA uddezya mahilA karmakAroM ko sAmAjika nyAya pradAna karanA hai| uccatama nyAyAlaya ne apane vinizcayoM meM kahA hai ki adhiniyama ke upabandhoM kA nirvacana karane meM nyAyAlaya ko udAravAdI niyama kA pAlana karanA cAhie jisase ki na kevala mahilA karmakAroM kA bharaNa--poSaNa ho sake, balki ve apanI kSINa zakti ko punaH prApta kara sakeM, zizuoM kA pAlana-poSaNa ho sake tathA apanI pUrNa kAryakSamatA ko banAe bhI rakha skeN| prasUti prasuvidhA adhiniyama kI dhArA 4 ke anusAra udyoga meM niyojita pratyeka mahilA ko prasava tathA garbhapAta ke lie saba milAkara 12 saptAha kA vizrAma pAne kA vaidhAnika adhikAra prApta hai| kaI rAjyoM meM tathA kaI sevAoM meM prasUti avakAza bar3hAkara 135 dina kara diyA gayA hai| isa adhikAra ko pradAna karanA niyojaka ke lie bandhanakArI hai, kyoMki yaha prAvadhAna AdezAtmaka hai| adhikAroM ko pradAna na karane para use doSasiddhi kiyA jA sakatA hai| koI bhI niyojaka jAnabUjhakara aisI mahilA ko kAma para nahIM lagAegA, jise 6 saptAha ke andara hI bacce ko janma dene kI sambhAvanA hai| ___ isI se jur3A huA dUsarA adhikAra hai ki prasava se 6 saptAha kI chuTTI para jAne ke eka mAha pUrva yadi vaha svAmI se likhita prArthanA karatI hai ki use adhika aura bhArI kAma na liyA jAe, jisase usako tathA hone vAle

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bhArata meM mahilA zramika : dazA evaM dizA / 421 bacce para kuprabhAva kA Dara yA svAsthya para viparIta asara par3ane kI sambhAvanA hai, to niyojaka usakI prArthanA para kArya karane tathA use zrama sAdhya kArya na dene ke lie apekSita hai| bhArata meM mahilAoM ko kAnUnana ve sabhI adhikAra prApta haiM jo purUSoM ko prApta haiM para vyavahAra meM aneka visaMgatiyA~ haiN| pUrI duniyA meM nigAha daur3Ane para yaha dekhA gayA ki purUSoM se kisI bhI prakAra kama na hone para bhI mahilAoM ke sAtha lagabhaga sabhI jagaha bhedabhAva hotA calA AyA hai| bhArata ke mahilA zramikoM se saMbaMdhita paridRzya kI carcA karane se pUrva yahA~ ke Arthika, mAnava saMsAdhana vikAsa, zikSA, garIbI, berojagArI, zramikoM kI saMkhyA Adi pahalUoM para eka najara DAlane kI AvazyakatA hai| yaha Avazyaka bhI hai aura mahatvapUrNa bhii| kyoMki jisa viSaya kI sthiti ke vibhinna AyAmoM ke prati eka spaSTa samajha paidA karanA hai, to isase saMbaMdhita evaM jarUrI masaloM kA nirIkSaNa bhI Avazyaka ho jAtA hai| vikasita evaM vikAsazIla rASTra kI mahilAoM ke saMgharSa ke biMdu/masale alaga-alaga hote haiN| kahIM pAnI ke lie saMgharSa hai to kahIM pAnI kI guNavattA meM sudhAra ke lie saMgharSa hai| kahIM mahilAeM ko rojagAra ke avasara ke lie saMgharSa karanA par3atA hai, to kahIM behatara rojagAra ke lie saMgharSa / kra.saM. bhArata meM Arthika evaM mAnava saMsAdhana vikAsa saMbaMdhI sthiti vivaraNa jIvana pratyAzA (2001-06) zizu mRtyu dara (prati hajAra) janma dara (prati hajAra) mRtyu dara (prati hajAra) buniyAdI/prAthamika vidyAlaya mAdhyamika vidyAlaya ucca/uccatara/iMTara/snAtaka mahAvidyAlaya vyAvasAyika zikSA saMsthAna vizvavidyAlaya/rASTrIya mahatva ke saMsthAna sAkSaratA dara (pratizata meM) (ka) purUSa (kha) strI garIbI rekhA se nIce rahane vAle logoM kA (pratizata meM) garIbI rekhA (prati vyakti pratimAha 2004-05) (ka) grAmINa (rUpaye meM) (kha) zahara (rUpaye meM) garIboM kI saMkhyA (2004-05) karor3a meM (ka) gA~va (karor3a meM) (kha) zahara (karor3a meM) 6,64,041 2,19,626 1,33,92 2,409 351 654 75.9 54.0 27.5 356.3 538.6 30.2 22.1 8.1

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422 / Jijnasa 73 36.3 33.68 berojagArI dara pratizata meM (1999-2000) zramika bala (karor3a meM), 1999-2000 kArya bala (karor3a meM), 1999-2000 berojagArI (karor3a meM), 1999-2000 strI-purUSa anupAta (prati hajAra) prati vyakti gharelU zuddha gharelU utpAda (2001) rUpayoM meM 266 933 10.254 (i) Arthika samIkSA, vitta maMtrAlaya, bhArata sarakAra, dillI, pRSTha 5109-141 (ii) kurukSetra, grAmINa rojagAra maMtrAlaya, bhArata sarakAra, maI 2007, pRSTha 44-461 uparyukta tAlikA se bhArata ke Arthika evaM mAnava saMsAdhana vikAsa saMbaMdhI kaI pahalUoM ke viSaya meM eka tasvIra hamAre sAmane spaSTa hotI hai| deza meM lagabhaga 10 lAkha zaikSaNika saMsthAna hone ke bAvajUda bhI yahA~ ke lagabhaga 34. 60 karor3a loga nirakSara haiN| mahilAoM kI nirakSaratA dara purUSoM kI tulanA meM duganI hai (purUSa 25 pratizata, mahilA 46 prtisht)| bhArata jisakI AbAdI 100 karor3a se adhika hai, yahA~ Aja bhI 27.5 pratizata (30 karor3a) loga garIbI rekhA ke nIce jIvana gujara basara kara rahe haiM arthAt pratimAha prati vyakti gAMva meM 356 rUpaye evaM zahara meM 538 rUpaye se hI gujArA karate haiN| garIbI kI zikAra mahilAeM aura khAsakara grAmINa mahilAeM hI adhika saMkhyA meM haiN| rojagAra vRddhi kI tulanA deza meM berojagAra vRddhi dara kaI guNA tejI se bar3ha rahI hai| varSa 2000 ke Asa-pAsa berojagAroM kI saMkhyA 2.66 karor3a batAI gaI thI aura isame lagAtAra tejI se vRddhi ho rahI hai| jina logoM ko rojagAra prApta thA aura jo kAma kara rahe the aise logoM kI saMkhyA hamAre yahA~ lagabhaga 33.68 karor3a thii| bhArata meM kSetravAra zramazakti bhArata grAmINa AbAdI vAlA rASTra hai| isalie adhikAMza mehanatakazoM kI AbAdI kI saMkendraNa gA~va kI ora hI hai| deza kI 100 karor3a kI AbAdI meM 39.84 karor3a loga kisI na kisI kArya meM niyojita haiN| sAtha hI sAtha lagabhaga 91 lAkha berojagAroM kI samasyA se bhI deza ko sAmanA karanA par3a rahA hai| deza ke 91 lAkha berojagAra meM 47 lAkha (52 pratizata) zahara evaM 44 lAkha (48 pratizata) gA~va meM haiN| ina donoM saMkhyAoM ke jor3a se deza kI zrama zakti banatI hai| jisakI saMkhyA lagabhaga 40.68 karor3a hai| jabaki zramazakti se bAhara jise janagaNanA meM gaira-majadUra kahA gayA hai, kI saMkhyA zrama zakti kI saMkhyA se bhI 4 karor3a adhika arthAt 44.40 karor3a hai| janagaNanA meM zrama zakti tathA gaira-majadUra donoM ko kAryazIla Ayu vAlI janasaMkhyA mAnA gayA hai| yaha saMkhyA 85.30 karor3a hai| isa Ayu varga meM 5 varSa se nIce Ayu vAle baccoM ko nahIM rakhA gayA hai| balki usake lie alaga zreNI banA dI gaI hai use gaira- kAryazakti Ayu vAlI janasaMkhyA kahA gayA hai| isa zreNI ke logoM kI janasaMkhyA lagabhaga 15.29 karor3a hai| isa Ayu zreNI meM ve loga haiM jo kAma meM lage nahIM haiN| parantu ve kisI na kisI gaira-Arthika kArya meM lage haiM yathA gRhaNI vahI gaira-kAryazIla Ayu vAle janasaMkhyA meM 5 varSa se Ayu varga ke loga haiN|

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bhArata meM mahilA zramika : dazA evaM dizA / 423 444 bhAratIya janasaMkhyA meM zramazakti kA kSetravAra vivaraNa (1999-2000) (saMkhyA karoDa meM) kra.saM. kula grAmINa zaharI saMkhyA pratizata niyojita 39.84 39.6 30.15 9.63 berojagAra 0.91 0.9 0.44 0.47 zramazakti (1+2) 40.68 40.4 30.59 10.09 zramazakti se bAhara (gaira majadUra) 44.62 30.5 14.69 kAryazIla Ayu vAlI janasaMkhyA (3+4) 85.30 84.4 6063 24.78 gaira-kAryazIla Ayu vAlI janasaMkhyA 15.29 15.2 11.38 3.80 kula janasaMkhyA (5+6) ____ 100.50 100.0 72.01 28.58 janagaNanA 2001 tathA rASTrIya namUnA sarvekSaNa saMgaThana (enaesaesao) ke 55veM rAunDa (1999-2000) se __ priklit| 5 varSa evaM jyAdA Ayu ke logoM ko milAkara niyojita, berojagAra aura gaira-majadUra kI zreNI banAyI gayI haiM, jabaki gaira kAryazIla janasaMkhyA meM 5 varSa se nIce ke umra ke loga zAmila haiN| bhArata ke saMgaThita kSetra meM mahilA zramika 15% 139.60% 44% -0.30% kra.saM. pratizata zramazakti se bAhara (gaira majadUra) 4400 gaira-kAryazIla janasaMkhyA (5 varSa Ayu ke nIce vAle) 15.00 berojagAra 00.30 niyojita zramika 39.60 deza meM tIna pramukha strota haiM jisake mAdhyama se deza kI janasaMkhyA, sAkSaratA, rojagAra, berojagAra, mahilA rojagAra, unakI zreNiyA~ Adi ke viSaya meM jAnakArI prApta kI jA sakatI hai| ye pramukha strota pradAna karane vAlI saMsthAeM haiM:

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424 / Jijnasa bhArata kI janagaNanA kAryAlaya rASTrIya namUnA sarvekSaNa saMgaThana kAryAlaya kendrIya sAMkhyikI saMgaThana kAryAlaya Aja jisa taraha garIboM kI saMkhyA se saMbaMdhita sarakArI AMkar3oM para bhI savAla uTha rahe haiN| usI prakAra janasaMkhyA, sAkSaratA, rojagAra, berojagAra, mahilA rojagAra kI saMkhyA evamaM sthiti para bhI anekoneka praznavAcaka bhI upasthita hai, bAvajUda isake sarakArI A~kar3e samasyA kI sthiti se saMbaMdhita moTI-moTI tasvIra to avazya batA dete haiN| jise adhyayana ke dRSTikoNa se pramANika DATA evaM sUcanA mAnA jAtA hai aura usI ke AdhAra para samasyA se saMbaMdhita tathyoM ko vibhinna mApadaMDoM para parIkSaNa kiyA jAtA hai| saMgaThita evaM asaMgaThita kSetra meM rojagAra rojagAra ke saMgaThana kI prakRti para dhyAna diyA jAe to hama pAte haiM ki deza kI arthavyavasthA dvArA pradAna kie jAne vAle kula rojagAra meM saMgaThita kSetra kA aMza mAtra 7 pratizata (2.81 karoDa) tathA asaMgaThita kSetra kA aMza 93 pratizata (37 karor3a) hai| aba bhI deza meM rojagAra pradAna karane kA mukhya srota asaMgaThita kSetra tathA asaMgaThita kSetra meM kRSi pramukha hai| yadyapi asaMgaThita kSetra meM sva-rojagAra tathA choTe-moTe stara ke vyApAra bhI zAmila haiN| 21vIM sadI meM yaha asaMgaThita kSetra deza ke 100 meM se 93 logoM ko Aja bhI rojagAra pradAna kara rahA hai| asaMgaThita kSetra ke tulanA meM saMgaThita kSetra kI rojagAra kSamatA bahuta nimna hai| ___ bhArata meM rojagAra kI vistAra se carcA karane ke uparAMta mahilA zramikoM kI sthiti ko samajhanA AsAna ho jAtA hai| __ bhArata ke audyogika vikAsa kI sthitiyoM ko dhyAna meM rakhate hue ise 'vikAsazIla dezoM zreNI meM rakhA gayA hai| vaha rASTra jo na avikasita hai aura na vikasita balki vikasita hone kI prakriyA meM hai aura jo Age calakara vikasita rASTra bana jaaegaa| bhUtapUrva rASTrapati DaoN kalAma ne 2020 taka bhArata ko eka vikasita rASTra banane kA sapanA dekhA hai| isa prakAra dekhA jAe to bhArata kI arthavyavasthA audyogika ikAiyA~, audyogika samAja, buniyAdI adhIHsaMracanA, strI- purUSa antarrASTrIya mApadaNDoM ke AdhAra abhI unnata aura vikasita hone kI prakriyA meM haiN| to vikAsazIla arthavyavasthA kI vizeSatAoM ke anusAra zramika, rojagAra aura rojagAra ke svarUpa, usakA phailAva, majadUrI stara (ucca-nyUnatama), saMgaThita-asaMgaThita kSetra meM rojagAra kA saMkendraNa Adi kI sthitiyA~ hogii| saMsAra ke adhikAMza vikAsazIla deza kI bhA~ti bhAratIya mahilA zramikoM kA bhI vahI sthitiyA~ haiM jo nimnalikhita hai : 1. mahilAoM kI bar3I saMkhyA khetihara zramika ke rUpa meM lagI; 2. bhArata meM adhikAMza mahilAe~ asaMgaThita kSetra meM zramika ke rUpa meM kAryarata haiM, 3. sarvAdhika mahilAe~ prAimarI sekTara meM lagI haiM ; 4. svataMtratA prApti ke uparAnta (1947), prAimarI sekTara meM mahilA rojagAra meM lagAtAra kamI ho rahI hai| kyoMki sekeMDarI sekTara (udyoga) evaM TarasarI sekTara (sevA) kA vistAra svataMtratA prApti ke bAda kAphI tejI se ho rahA hai| phalataH mahilAe~ jo pahale kRSi evaM usase saMbaMdhita kArya para lagI thIM, usane gaira-kRSi kSetra/udyoga sevA meM rojagAra ke avasara talAzanA zurU kiyA; 5, asaMgaThita kSetra meM bhI bahusaMkhyaka mahilAeM kRSi kSetra meM kAryarata haiM,

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bhArata meM mahilA zramika : dazA evaM dizA / 425 6. isake atirikta jo udyoga gRha AdhArita tathA gRha AdhArita kAryoM meM mahilA majadUroM ko jyAdA saMkendraNa hai yathA-bIr3I, pApar3a, sivaI nirmANa kArya vAle udyoga, ___7. kaI bAra inako samAna kAma ke asamAna vetana diyA jAtA hai| sAtha hI padonnati, prazikSaNa ke samAna avasaroM se bhI vaMcita rakhA jAtA hai| 8. majadUra saMgaThana meM nimna bhAgIdArI, azikSA, zrama niyamoM ke jAnakArI kA abhAva, jaise kAraNoM ke kAraNa unheM vAjiba majadUrI nahIM mila pAtI aura Arthika zoSaNa kA zikAra ho jAtI haiM, 9. asaMgaThita kSetra meM kAryarata adhikAMza mahilA zramikoM ko sarakAra dvArA adhisUcita nyUnatama majadUrI nahIM mila paataa| unheM adhikAMza sthitiyoM meM nyUnatama majadUrI se kama majadUrI dI jAtI hai; 10. isake dvArA arjita majadUrI purUSa pradhAna samAja meM eka pUraka Aya ke rUpa meM dekhA jAtA hai; 11. sArvajanika evaM nijI kSetra meM mahilAe~ narsiMga, TIciMga, selsa garlsa, risepsanisTa, prAIveTa sekreTarI jaise bhUmikAoM meM jyAdA najara AtI haiN| 12. kAnUnI prAvadhAna meM varNita kaI suvidhAe~ jaise mAtRtva hitalAbha se bacane ke lie kArya ke lie taiyAra mahilA zramikoM ko rojagAra para rakhane se bacate haiM jo ki kAnUna ke virUddha hai, tathA ___13. saMgaThita kSetra jisameM sArvajanika evaM nijI kSetra Ate haiM, usameM mahilA kAmagAra mukhya rUpa se bar3I saMkhyA meM tRtIya evaM caturtha zreNI meM lgii| prabaMdhaka evaM prazAsaka stara inakI saMkhyA tulanAtmaka rUpa se kama hai| mahilA zramazakti deza kI janasakhyA eka mahatvapUrNa hissA mahilAoM kA hai| bhArata kI janagaNanA 2001 ke anusAra kula mAnava saMsAdhana kA lagabhaga 48 pratizata mahilAeM haiN| saMkhyAtmaka dRSTikoNa se deza kI lagabhaga 48.52 karor3a mAnava pUMjI haiN| jisakA ucita prabaMdha kara kisI bhI deza yA saMsthA kA kAyAkalpa kiyA jA sakatA hai| AvazyakatA hai ucita abhipreraNA kA prabhAvI DhaMga se sadupayoga kiyA jaae| saMgaThita evaM asaMgaThita kSetra meM mahilA zramika rojagAra ke stara, usakI guNavattA, pada-sopAna krama, majadUrI Adi mAmaloM meM Aja bhI mahilA zramika purUSa zramika se tulanAtmaka bahuta pIche hai| yadyapi vibhinna kAryakramoM, nItiyoM, kAnUnoM ke mAdhyama se ina donoM liMgoM ke madhya isa kamI ko pATane ke prayAsa hAla ke kucha dazakoM se kAphI tejI se ho rahe haiN| saMgaThana ke svarUpa ke AdhAra yadi hama dekheM to, bhArata meM jo rojagAra upalabdha hai, vaha do mukhya kSetroM meM hai- saMgaThita kSetra tathA asaMgaThita kssetr| saMgaThana kA tAtparya yahAM Arthika gatividhiyoM kA AkAra-prakAra, utpAdana stara, utpAdana karane kI prakRti, zramikoM ke saMgaThana kI sthiti aadi| saMsAra ke vikAsazIla dezoM kI bhA~ti bhArata meM adhikAMza mahilAe~ asaMgaThita kSetroM meM kAryazIla hai| asaMgaThita kSetroM meM mukhya rUpa se kRSi, khAna, khadAna, mainyuphaikcariMga, kaMsTrakzana, vyApAra, hoTala, restarA~, sAmudAyika, sAmAjika sevA, parivahana evaM saMcAra jaise kSetroM meM rojagAra pAtI haiN| bhArata ke dasa pramukha mainyuphaikcariMga utpAdaka udyoga haiM jisameM mahilAe~ bar3I tAdAda meM niyojita haiM (dvitIya zrama Ayoga 2002 : 943) ye haiM -(1) tambAkU, (2) sUtI vastra, (3) kAjU prasaMsAdhana, (4) mazInarI TUlsa evaM pArTasa, (5) mAcisa, visphoTaka tathA AtizabAjI, (6) miTTI, glAsa, sImeMTa, lohA tathA sTIla, (7) Dragsa evaM meDisIna, (8) mila evaM bekarI, (9) gaarmeNtt|

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126 / Jijasa enaesaesao ke 55veM rAuMDa (1999-2000) ke sarvekSaNa ke anusAra deza ke 39,84 karor3a zramikoM meM mahilAoM kI saMkhyA 12.41 karor3a (31.12 pratizata) thii| isa prakAra ke pratyeka 100 zramikoM meM 31 mahilAe~ haiM jabaki mahilAoM kI kula janasaMkhyA 49.60 karoDa kA yaha lagabhaga 25 pratizata haiM arthAt pratyeka 100 meM 25 mahilAe~ zramika haiN| kula bhArata meM liMgavAra saMgaThita evaM asaMgaThita kSetra meM zramika kra.saM. saMkhyA (karor3a meM) pratizata meM mahilA purUSa mahilA purUSa kula saMgaThita 0.49 2.32 2.80 100 asaMgaThita 11.92 25.11 37.03 30 kula 1241 27.43 39.83 100 rASTrIya namUnA sarvekSaNa saMgaThana (enaesaesao) 55veM rAuMDa (1999-2000) se sNklit| tAlikA se spaSTa hai ki bhArata ke kAryarata janasaMkhyA meM mahilA zramikoM kA eka mahatvapUrNa hissA hai| yadi isakA liMgavAra vizleSaNa kareM to dekhate haiM ki bhArata ke kula zramikoM meM mahilA zramika 31 pratizata haiN| saMgaThita kSetra ke zramikoM meM inakA pratizata 18 tathA asaMgaThita zramikoM kI kula tAdAda meM inakA pratizata 30 hai| saMgaThita kSetra meM mahilA zramikoM kI tulanA meM purUSa zramika lagabhaga 4.5 guNA adhika hai| yadi hama asaMgaThita kSetroM kI bAta kareM to yahA~ bhI ye mahilAe~ purUSa zramikoM kI tulanA 2.3 guNA kama rojagAra meM haiN| jabaki kula zramikoM meM mahilAoM kI bhAgIdArI ko dekhA jAe to yaha purUSoM se lagabhaga 2.2 guNA kama hai| isa prakAra liMgavAra vizleSaNa meM jo bAteM spaSTa hotI haiM ve ye haiM ki - liMgavAra vizleSaNa I. kula zramika II. saMgaThita kSetra III. asaMgaThita kSetra (39.84 karoDa) (2.80 karoDa) (37.03 karoDa) mahilA 31% mahilA 18% mahilA 30% purUSa 69% purUSa 70% LpurUSa 82%

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bhArata meM mahilA zramika : dazA evaM dizA / 427 saMgaThita kSetra meM mahilA zramikoM kI saMkhyA purUSa sahakarmI kI tulanA meM 4.5 guNA kama hai| isase yaha bAta spaSTa hotI hai ki saMgaThita kSetra Aja bhI Ama mahilA kAmagAra ke pahu~ca se bAhara hai| kyoMki 21vIM sadI ke bhArata meM Aja bhI saMgaThita kSetra meM mahilAeM purUSoM kI tulanA meM 450 pratizata kama rojagAra pA rahI haiN| saMgaThita kSetra ke lie zikSA, pratispardhA stara, guNa, prazikSaNa, netRtva kSamatA jaisI vizeSatAoM kI AvazyakatA hotI hai| jo kaI kAraNoM se mahilAoM meM purUSoM ke tulanA meM vikasita ho pAe haiN| jisake kAraNa inakI pahuMca se ye kSetra Aja bhI kosoM dUra haiN| Aja bhI vyAvasAyika, takanIkI zikSA meM mahilAoM kI bhAgIdArI AzA ke viparIta bahuta kama hai| lekina dhIre-dhIre mahilAe~ isa ora mukhAtiba ho rahI hai; yadyapi asaMgaThita kSetra meM deza kA adhisaMkhyaka zramika rojagAra pAtA hai| bAvajUda isake yahA~ bhI purUSa kA pratizata 2.3 guNA adhika hai| ina kSetra meM mahilAeM abhI bhI barAbara kI sthiti meM nahIM AI haiN| ye ve kSetra haiM jahA~ rojagAra prApta karane ke lie nyUnatama hunara stara ko prApta karane kI AvazyakatA hotI hai| bAvajUda isake isa kSetra meM inakI bhAgIdArI purUSoM ke tulanA meM 200 pratizata kama hai| yadyapi yahA~ mahilAe~ saMgaThita kSetroM kI tulanA meM 167 pratizata (1.67 guNA) adhika hai| kyA isa bAta kA yaha artha nikAlA jA sakatA hai ki saMgaThita kSetra meM Ane vAlI prAyaH ucca evaM madhya varga kI mahilAoM kI tulanA meM Aja bhI nimna varga kI mahilAoM ko jyAdA kAma karane kI svataMtratA pradAna hai? yadyapi yaha usake parivAra para par3ane vAle Arthika dabAva ke kAraNa hotA hogaa| bAvajUda isake vaha dUsare vargoM saMpanna mahilAoM kI tulanA meM kAma karane ke lie jyAdA svataMtra hai| deza ke kula zramikoM meM lagabhaga 7.4 pratizata (2.8 karor3a) loga saMgaThita kSetroM meM lage haiN| jabaki zeSa 92.95 pratizata (37.08 karor3a) loga asaMgaThita kSetroM meM lage haiN| saMgaThita kSetra ke tulanA meM yahA~ 12.6 guNA (1260 pratizata) adhika majadUra asaMgaThita kSetra meM rojI-roTI pA rahe haiN| yaha pravRtti vikasita rASTroM ke ThIka viparIta hai| saMgaThita kSetra matalaba jyAdA vetana, jyAdA suvidhA, jyAdA tAkata, behatara jIvana-stara, majabUta zrama saMgha Adi se hai| isake viparIta paristhitiyA~ asaMgaThita kSetra meM hotI haiN| jo 12 karor3a se adhika mahilA zramika haiM unakI sthiti to aura badatara hai| ye to 96 pratizata (11.42 karor3a) asaMgaThita kSetra meM kArya karane ko bAdhya hai aura sAtha hI sAtha bAdhya hai- Arthika zoSaNa, zArIrika zoSaNa, yauna zoSaNa ko| na to yahA~ inheM sarakAra dvArA nirdhArita majadUrI mila pAtI aura na hI adhikAMza sthitiyoM meM sarakAra dvArA pradatta mukhya svAsthya evaM kalyANa saMbaMdhI suvidhaaeN| kula milAkara saMgaThita evaM asaMgaThita kSetra meM mahilA zramikoM kI saMkhyA 12.41 karor3a hai jabaki purUSa zramikoM kI 27.43 karor3a jo mahilA zramikoM ke tulanA meM 2.2 guNA adhika hai| bhArata jaise deza jahAM kI bahusaMkhyaka janasaMkhyA gAMva meM rahatI hai, nirdhana hai, nirakSara hai, buniyAdI suvidhAoM se vaMcita hai tathA jinake 93 pratizata logoM ke rojI-roTI kA AdhAra Aja bhI asaMgaThita kSetra se saMbaMdhita kArya hai| pichale kucha dazakoM meM saMgaThita kSetra evaM asaMgaThita kSetra meM rojagAra kI khAI lagAtAra bar3hatI hI jA rahI hai| asaMgaThita kSetra meM zramikoM kI vaha zreNI hai, jinake rojagAra kI prakRti asthAyI hai, jo adhikAMzataH azikSita, bikhare, nimna saudebAjI kSamatA vAle haiN| jina para niyojaka kA jabardasta dabadabA hotA hai aura jo apane hita ko prApta karane ke lie saMgaThita hone meM akSama hote haiN| saMsAra kI koI bhI arthavyavasthA jo ausata janatA kA Arthika utthAna evaM do vakta kI roTI pradAna karane meM asakSama hai, to usa arthavyavasthA meM eka sImA taka punarracanA kI AvazyakatA anivArya ho jAtI hai| saMsAra meM Arthika rUpa se pichar3e kSetra jahAM 80 pratizata dakSiNa amarIkA evaM kerebiyana meM 88 pratizata pUrvI eziyA va prazAMta

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428 / Jijnasa kSetra meM 82 pratizata, vikAsazIla rASTra meM 74 pratizata evaM dakSiNa eziyA meM 60 pratizata se adhika AbAdI Aja bhI 1 amarIkana DAlara ( ausatana 45 rUpayA) pratidina ke nIce apanA jIvana gujAra rahI hai (yUnisepha, 2001 ) / isa zreNI kI bahusaMkhyaka AbAdI Aja bhI mukhya rUpa se asaMgaThita kSetra yathA kRSi, pazupAlana, matsyapAlana, vinirmANa, haiMDalUma, pAvaralUma, camar3A, pApar3a nirmANa IMTa bhaTTA kUr3A bInane, bIr3I nirmANa kSetroM meM ThekA majadUra, Akasmika majadUra, gRha AdhArita kArIgara ke rUpa meM kAryarata hai (zrama maMtrAlaya 1996 ) yunisepha ke AMkar3oM ke anusAra kula AbAdI meM AdhI hote hue bhI mahilAe~ do tihAI kAma karatI hai kintu unake kAma kA eka tihAI hI darja ho pAtA hai| saMsAra kI kula sampatti kA dasavIM hissA hI unake nAma hai| grAmINa aMcala meM yaha antara aura adhika hai Arthika evaM sAmAjika donoM dRSTiyoM se mahilA ko dUsare darje kA nAgarika mAnA gayA hai| vikAsazIla dezoM meM mahilAoM kI hAlata aura bhI zocanIya hai / lar3akA-lar3akI meM bhedabhAva kA eka duHkhada aura khataranAka pariNAma yaha huA ki lar3akiyoM kI saMkhyA kama hone lgii| isase kaI sAmAjika kurItiyA~ aura aparAdha bar3hane kI AzaMkA paidA huii| pRthvI zikhara sammelana (jUna 1992) meM svastha saMsAra banAne ke lie mahilAoM ke sazaktikaraNa kI atyanta AvazyakatA mahasUsa kI gaI sazaktikaraNa kI paribhASA dI gaI kisI bhI kArya ko karane yA rokane kI kSamatA / sammelana meM isa bAta para jora diyA gayA ki vAstavika lokatantra sthApita ho hI nahIM sakatA, jaba taka zAsana aura vikAsa kAryakrama meM mahilAoM kI vAstavika bhAgIdArI na ho| vastutaH ina rASTroM kI arthavyavasthA 'asaMgaThita kSetra pradhAna arthavyavasthA hai| isakI eka sabase bar3I vajaha se yaha mAlUma par3atA hai ki bhUmaNDalIkaraNa- bAjArIkaraNa ke isa yuga meM bhI ina rASTroM kI ausatana 80-85 pratizata AbAdI ke jIvikA kA ekamAtra sAdhana Aja bhI asaMgaThita kSetra ke aMtargata Ane vAle choTe va maMjhole kArya hai aura sAre dina apane zarIra kA katarA-katarA jhoMkane ke bAda bhI inheM sarakAra dvArA nirdhArita nyUnatama majadUrI bhI nasIba nahIM ho pAtI hai| isa sthiti meM samAja ke bahusaMkhyaka AbAdI ke jIvana stara meM vRddhi lAye binA vikAsa meM sthAyitva lAnA eka asaMbhava sA saMkalpa pratIta hotA hai| aba prazna yaha uThatA hai ki bhArata ke 40 karor3a loga jo pratidina 1 amarikI DAlara ke nIce jIvana gujara-basara kara rahe haiM, 12 karor3a loga jinheM pIne kA svaccha pAnI nasIba nahIM hai, 69 karor3a loga jinheM seniTezana suvidhA muhaiyA nahIM hai, 10 karor3a kamasIna bacce jo apane pArivArika Arthika dabAva ke kAraNa khataranAka va ati kharAba dazA meM kArya karane ko vivaza haiM aura isa sthiti kA sAmanA karane vAle jina logoM kA saMbaMdha 31 karor3a asaMgaThita kSetra ke zramikoM se hai kyA isa zreNI ke logoM ko vartamAna arthavyavasthA do vakta kI roTI, sara chupAne ke lie chata, zarIra ko DhaMkane ke lie vastra de sakane meM samartha hai yA nahIM aura nahIM to isameM punarnirmANa va kI AvazyakatA hai aura yadi ho to kisa sImA taka / punarracanA niSkarSa ke rUpa meM hama kaha sakate haiM ki mahilA saMgaThita evaM asaMgaThita donoM kSetroM meM purUSoM kI tulanA meM kama haiM saMgaThita kSetra meM jo rojagAra hai usameM mahilAeM puruSoM kI tulanA meM kama rojagAra pAtI haiN| isa kSetra meM jina | rojagAra meM ve saMkendrita haiM ve prazAsakIya evaM prabaMdhakIya stara kI na hokara klarka evaM mainuala varkara stara jyAdA hai| saMgaThita kSetra meM mahilAoM kI hama acchI khAsI saMkhyA sevA kSetra meM hai jisameM ve baiMkiMga, anya vitta saMsthA, bImA, sUcanA, sAmudAyika Adi kSetroM meM lagI haiN| sandarbha 1. dvitIya zrama Ayoga 2002, zrama maMtrAlaya, bhArata sarakAra, naI dillI 2. (i) Arthika samIkSA, vitta maMtrAlaya, bhArata sarakAra, dillI, pRSTha 5109-141

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bhArata meM mahilA zramika : dazA evaM dizA / 429 (ii) kurukSetra, grAmINa rojagAra maMtrAlaya, bhArata sarakAra, maI 2007, pRSTha 44-461 3. janagaNanA 2001 para AdhArita 4. janagaNanA 2001 ena.esa.esa.o. 55vAM rAuMDa (1999-2000) 5. rASTrIya namUnA sarvekSaNa saMgaThana (enaesaesao) 55 vAM rAuMDa 1999-2000 6. adhika jAnakArI hetu dekheM :Arthika samIkSA (2003), vitta maMtrAlaya, bhArata sarakAra, naI dillI kurukSetra (2007), grAmINa rojagAra maMtrAlaya, bhArata sarakAra, maI kvATaralI iMplAyameMTa rivyU (2000). 1999-2000, zrama maMtrAlaya, naI dillI bhArata (2007), prakAzana vibhAga, bhArata sarakAra, naI dillI bhArata kI janagaNanAeM-1971, 1981, 1991, 2001, bhArata sarakAra, naI dillI / datta evaM suMdarama, bhAratIya artha vyavasthA, rojagAra maMtrAlaya, dillI, (2005) DAyarekTara oNpha iMplAyameMTa eNDa TreniMga (1998), minisTrI oNpha lebara, gavarnameMTa oNpha iMDiyA, naI dillii| iMplAyameMTa rivyU (1999), janavarI-mArca aMka, zrama maMtrAlaya, naI dillii| ena.esa.esa.o., 55vaoN rAuMDa, 1999-2000, naI dillI / nezanala kamIzana oNna lebara (2002), pUrvavat / sozala velpheyara (2001), seMTrala sozala velpheyara borDa, naI dillI zrama maMtrAlaya (1997), bhArata sarakAra, naI dillii| yojanA Ayoga (2001), bhArata sarakAra, naI dillii|

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A Scene from Mrigavati Bharat Kala Bhavan Collection, Varanasi Fig. 9.1 A Page from Mrigavati Bharat Kala Bhavan Collection, Varanasi loganavergatAsamasya manasAma logana baunAva suyala gIlAnAthanImanI dausI lagI ho ava jogI sanojJAnatrama jogInAsajalApatrama sIpI motasaMsana yI tahagatala matabhItanajAna dIsI loga prasvadhAvA gavatI presa navasAra Fig. 9.2 Another Scene from Mrigavati Bharat Kala Bhavan Collection, Varanasi Fig. 9.3 gamatI va TImavara mahAda Jijnasa devakI sAsarAnI khapale rA nahI sara vagulI isa kahAva eka yakatepA manI bIlonI ko kettiik| lonI so IjA hI pIDava ke maga kAkAbaMda ghADIlA kAraka holako nabha gaMdhamotI kI kAyA gahIna sAne sope sopasa rAnIpo / 431 Fig. 9.4 Zui Zui Shang madI kI sArI kAra

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432 / Jijnasa NAHARASHTRA 20'N & S ITE ESSES ILLANTEITES P NO ULTE ALI CONSTANT HALAMETAS AMENOG TEST Fig. 24.1. Geology of the Chhattisgarh AN Plate-24.1 A SALAS Fig. 24.2. Geomorphology of the Chhattisgarh Plate-24.2

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Jijnasa / 433 Fig. 24.3 24 Padmatankas of Ramachandra (1271-1309 A.D.) Section across the Seonath River at Simga

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434 / Jijnasa Google Pl. 28.1A. General View of the mound of Pakkakot. Pl. 28.1B. Location of Pakkakot and neighbouring mound (Google Image). Pl. 28.2A. Faunal Remains. Pl. 28.2B. Floral Remain. Pl. 28.3A. Defensive wall, Period IIIC. Pl. 28.3B. Defensive wall, Period IIIC.

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Jijnasa / 435 Pl. 28.4. Rooms of Period IV. Pl. 28.5A. Structural Remains, Period IV. Pl. 28.5B. Structural Remains, Period IV. CMS Pl. 28.6. Silver Figurine of Pre-Mauryan Period. CM PI.28.7. Beads of semi precious stones, Period IV.

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436 / Jijnasa Pl. 28.10A. Copper coin of Period IV (Obverse). Pl. 28.8. Sealings of Period IV. Pl. 28.10B. Copper coin of Period IV (Reverse). Pl. 28.9A. Copper Coin of Period IV (Obverse). sm Pl. 28.9B. Copper Coin of Period IV (Reverse). Pl. 28.11. Head of Siva, Period V.

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Jijnasa / 437 CONTOUR PLAN OF PAKKAKOT 2013 DE-BALL Fig.-28.1 (Contour Plan of Pakkakot) Map-28.1 (Location Map of the site) ULUcm. FILLING Flood deposit Pd-LA A pd-11 PDNMR NATURAL SOL Fig. 28.2: Section looking east Trench 9, Mound 1

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438 / Jijnasa 50 100 GOING NORTH BEOON L ABT FLOOR SATUR FLOOR Fitting elele elele FLOOR PILA LOA fost Pd.lt Fig. 28.5: Trench - XA3, Mound 2A Fig. 28.3 Trench 23, section looking north, Mound - 1 NLG NORTH UN elecolele Pd 30 OVEN pd poole e 000 ole Fig. 28.6: Trench XC3, Mound 2A pd PA Fig. 28.4 Trench 6, section looking south, Mound - 2

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Jijnasa / 439 2 Fig. 30.1 Vessantara Jataka, Front View, North Gate, Bottom Architrave, Sanchi Stupa 1 Fig. 30.5 Line Drawing of Vessantara Jataka, Cave 16, Ajanta, 5th century A.D., Maharashtra Fig. 30.2 Vessantara Jataka, Bharhut, 2nd century B.C., Collection of the Indian Museum, Calcutta Fig. 30.3 Vessantara Jataka, Amravati, 1st-3rd century A.D., Collection of the Government Museum, Chennai Fig. 30.6 Line Drawing of Vessantara Jataka, Cave 17, Ajanta, 5th century A.D., Maharashtra Fig. 30.4 Vessantara Jataka, Goli, Collection of the Government Museum, Chennai Fig. 30.7 Vessantara Jataka, Cave 17, Ajanta, 5th century A.D., Maharashtra

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440 / Jijnasa Fig. 30.8 Details of Jujaka and Vessantara, Vessantara Jataka, Cave 17, Ajanta Fig. 30.9 Identified as "Sivi Jataka', Gandhara, Collection of British Museum Fig. 30.10 Sarvamdada Avadana, Amravati, 3rd century A.D.

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ATCOU 90 Fig. 30.11 Identified as 'Shivi Jataka', Amravati, 3rd century A.D. Fig. 30.12 Identified as 'Shivi Jataka', The Museum, Nagarjunakonda Jijnasa / 441 Fig. 30.13 Line Drawing of Shivi Jataka, Cave 1, Ajanta, 5 century A.D., Maharashtra Fig. 30.14 Line Drawing of Shivi Jataka, Cave 17, Ajanta, 5 century A.D., Maharashtra

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442/ Jijnasa Figure- 33.1 Figure- 33.3 Figure- 33.4 Figure- 33.2 Figure- 33.5

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Jijnasa / 443 Painting 33.7 Painting 33.6

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444 / Jijnasa Figure 34.1: Panoramic view of Caita Jaina temples Figure 34.2: Back view of temples 1-4 Figure 34.3: Front view of temples 1-4 Figure 34.4: Mandapika Pillar coupled with base Figure 34.5: Mandapika Pillar Figure 34.6: Side view of temple 5 Figure 34.7: Fragmentary artefacts in the collection of temple 5

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Figure 34.8: Sanctum Sanctorum of temple 5 Figure 34.9: Santinatha image of temple 5 Jijisa / 445 Figure 34.10: Pedestal with Upadhyaya figure Figure 34.11: Padmavati

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446/ Jijnasa Figure 34.12: Ambika Figure 34.13: Kali Northern Madhya Pradesh Dubkuns Strate Figure 34.14: Sarasvati Guna Salyers Desp lunda Bodakb Shivpuri Ashoknagar Morena Tumaln wher Gupteshwar Gwalior Bangla tinpur Gilaulikhara Farkan Podarua ( al Chanderi sboron charak Sing Bhind Dotlo m Jhans Patterie workers me

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Jijnasa / 447 Figure- 35.2 Figure-35.3 Figure- 35.1

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448 / Jijnasa Figure- 35.4 Figure- 35.5

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Jijnasa / 449 devAkRti yukta vRtta-zivagiri maMdira- datiyA (ma.pra.) (36) gaNeza narasiMha avatAra AyudhadhArI paMcamukhI mahAdeva maMdira-orachA nAgapaMcamI ka MOOL rakSAbaMdhana

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450 / Jijnasa rAmagar3ha zekhAvATI kI havelI 48.1 panaghaTa zailI kuoN-lakSmaNagar3ha 48.4 cAra cauMka kI havelI-lakSmaNamar3ha 48.2 zrI raghunAtha mandira-mehanasara 48.5 rAmagopAla paudAra kI chatarI-rAmagar3ha zekhAvATI 48.3 phatehasAgara johaDA-baggar3a 48.6

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26. Study of Ancient Indian Inscriptions S.R. Goyal 27. Urban Centres and Urban forces in c. 600 900 CE Rajasthan/ Shanta Rani Sharma 28. Pakkakot: Revealing new Archaeological Dimensions in Mid-Ganga Plain S.R.Dubey,G.K. Lama, A.K. Singh and S.K. Singh 29. Sea Ports of Barbaricum and Barygaza : _B.R. Mani 30. Dana Paramita as Illustrated in Early Indian Buddhist Art/ Anupa Pande 31. Goddess Vikata of Harshanatha, Sikar R.C. Agrawal 32. Sarda Temple at Maihar: An Epigraphical Account/J.N. Pandey 33. Certain Specimens of Painting in Peshwa Period / Varsha Shirgaonkar 34. Jain Temples of Caita Arvind K. Singh & Navneet Kumar Jain 35. 'Dohada' AFolk-Lore in Ancient India __Late U.N.Roy 36. buMdelakhaMDa kI citrakalA meM loka paramparA kA nirvahana saMdhyA pANDeya, aparNA anila 37. Dayanand Saraswati: Campaign for Social Regeneration / Sangeeta Sharma 38. From Cultural Routes to Cultural Roots: Ibn Battuta's observations of Fourteenth Century North India / Sunita Zaidi 39. Encapsulated as Material Artistic Response: Dr. Anuradha Rathore 40. The Collective Worlds of John Steinbeck, Anantha Murthy and Raja Rao Aruna Pandey 41. "Vahivanca ni ( Chronicler's) Vahi" - A Study of Indian Culture / Balvant S. Jani 42. Dara Shukoh: A Crown Prince in search of Truth and Harmony / V.S. Bhatnagar 43. Pothikhna of Jaipur: Khas-Muhar Late Pt. Gopal Narayan Bahura, Edited by Chandra mani Singh 44. Asokan ideal of Dhamma Vijaya - Pramila Sanghvi 45. Rgveda kI viduSI nAriyA~ / madhulikA zarmA 46. bhAratIya rASTrikoM dvArA cIna kA nirmANa DaoN. dharmacanda caube 47. mAravAr3a kI jala saMskRti / mahendra siMha 48. zekhAvATI kSetra ke sAMskRtika vikAsa meM vyApArika mArgoM kA yogadAna / pramilA pUniyA 49. saltanata kAla meM praudyogikI vikAsa sI. ela. sihAga 50.pUrva madhyakAlIna uttara bhArata kI rAjanItika vyavasthAH vijayA kumArI 51.bhArata meM mahilA zramika : dazA evaM dizA manju kumArI jaina

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