Jignasa Journal Of History Of Ideas And Culture Part 02

Author(s): Vibha Upadhyaya and Others
Publisher: University of Rajasthan
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/022813/1

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Jijñāsā
A JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF IDEAS AND CULTURE Prof. G.C. Pande Commemoration Volume
HISTORY OF
A JOURNAL OF THE
LL IDEAS & CULTURE
र जिज्ञासा
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND INDIAN CULTURE,
UNIVERSITY OF RAJASTIIAN, JAIPUR

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CONTENTS AND CONTRIBUTORS
1. Govind Chandra Pande (1923-2011)
S.N. Dube 2. गोविन्द प्रशस्ति / अभिराज राजेन्द्र मिश्र 3. आचार्य गोविन्दचन्द्र पाण्डे का सौन्दर्य विमर्श
नीलिमा वशिष्ठ 4. भारतीय संस्कृति के पुरोधा मनीषी प्रो. गोविन्द चन्द्र
पाण्डे / कृष्णगोपाल शमा 5. व्यापक वैदुष्य के प्रतिमान : गोविन्द चन्द्र पाण्डे
कलानाथ शास्त्री 6. Bhakt Meera's Struggle for a New Image
Pratibha Jain & Sangeeta Sharma 7. Buddhist Meditation in the Atthakavagga and
the Parayanvagga/ Neekee Chaturvedi 8. An Appraisal of "Bhakti in Philosophical
Perspective"/ Yogesh Gupta 9. Jaunpur as a Seat of Bhakti Tradition and
Hindi Love Lores / Syed Ejaz Hussain 10. The Secular Religiousity in Kabir's
Philosophy of Bhakti/A.K.Sinha 11. श्री कृष्ण का नैतिक चिन्तन एवं दर्शन
राजेन्द्र प्रसाद शर्मा 12. शहंशाह अकबर की जैन धर्मनिष्ठा : एक समीक्षा
अभिराज राजेन्द्र मिश्र 13. A Comparative Historiography of Vedic
and Pre Socratic Thought/Susmita Pande 14. Vastu-Tantra or Purusa-Tantra? Rereading
Sankara on Knowledge / Daniel Raveh 15. Fading Curve of Buddhism in India
Rajendra K. Sharma 16. Tradition of Historical Writing on Rajasthan
V.K. Vashishta 17. Vakataka Historiography as Seen in the
Beginning of the Twenty-first Century
Shankar Goyal 18. Re-mapping Culture through Literature.
Usha Bande 19. A Historian of Culture Looks at
Contemporary India
Sibesh Bhattacharya 20. परम्परा एवं आधुनिकता बनाम इतिहास बोध
विभा उपाध्याय 21. वैदिक वाङ्गमयः ऐतिहासिक दृष्टि एवं व्याख्या का
संकट / डॉ. राजेश मिश्र 22. उत्तरउपनिवेशवाद और प्राच्यवाद
प्रो. रवि श्रीवास्तव 23. Coins of the Ancient Republics of Rajasthan
Lalit Pandey 24. Pleistocene Environment and Cultural
Succession in Chhattisgarh / R.P. Pandey 25.Amroha Copper-Plategrant of
Vidyadharadeva D.P.Dubey & Ashish K. Dubey

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Jijñāsā
A Journal of the History of Ideas and Culture
Vol. XVII-XVIII
2011 - 2012

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Jijñāsā A Journal of the History of Ideas and Culture Prof. G.C. Pande, Commemoration Volume,
Vol. XVII-XVIII
2011 - 2012
Volume-2
Chief Editor Prof. Vibha Upadhyaya
Editors Prof. R.S. Meena Prof. K.G. Sharma
Associate Editors Dr. Pramila Sanghvi Dr. Sangeeta Sharma Dr. Rajendra K. Sharma
Dr. Pramila Poonia
Department of History and Indian Culture
University of Rajasthan, Jaipur

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Jijñāsā, A Journal of the History of Ideas and Culture
Publisher :Department of History and Indian Culture University of Rajasthan, Jaipur-302004 (India)
Department may use the articles published in the Journal in any form, and the authors are free to use the contents of their articles in any of their collections or writings.
Distributed by Literary Circle C-12/13, Ist Floor, Opp.Khandelwal Girls College, S.C.Road, JAIPUR - 302001 email : litearycirclejpr@yahoo.com
Chief Editor : Prof. Vibha Upadhyaya
ISSN: 0377-743-X
Printers : Sheetal Printers
Typist : Literary Computers

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Advisory Board
Prof. S.N. Dube, Retd Tagore Professor, Department of History and Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur Prof. V.S. Bhatanagar, Retd Professor, Department of History and Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur Prof. R.S. Mishra, Retd Professor, Department of History nd Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur
Dr. Umesh Chaturvedi, Retd Professor, Department of History and Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur Prof. Pratibha Jain, Retd Professor, Department of History and Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur Dr. Neelima Vashishta, Retd Associate Professor, Department of Fine Arts, UOR, Jaipur Dr. R.K. Pant, Retd Associate Professor, Department of History and Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur Prof. B.L. Gupta Retd Professor, Department of History and Indian Culture, UOR, Jaipur
Editorial Board
Prof. Vibha Upadhyaya Prof. R.S. Meena Prof. K.G. Sharma Dr. Pramila Sanghvi Dr. Sangeeta Sharma Dr. Rajendra K. Sharma Dr. Pramila Poonia

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Editor's Words
Late Prof. G. C. Pande needs no introduction. He was indeed a becon of light. He shone the world of Indology, Religion, Culture and Philosophy by his erudition and fame. His valuable contribution to various fields of Indian History & Culture, are well known to scholars and students of Indian History & Culture. He was always a great source of inspiration to every student of Indian history, Philosophy, Religion and Literature. He was also the founder editor of the journal 'Jijñāsā. Now Commemoration volume of Jijñāsā' gave me opportunity to pay tribute to such a illustrious scholar Late Prof. G. C. Pande.
Actually it was the long cherished wish of the editors of Jijñāsā' to present a felicitation volume of Prof. G. C. Pande. Initially the idea of felicitation was mooted by Dr. Rajni Kant Pant (the then HOD, Dept. of History & Indian Culture and editor of 'Jijñāsā') in the year of 2004. Then Dr. Neelima Vashishtha (Dept. of Fine Arts) with Prof. V. S. Bhatanagar (Dept. of History and Indian Culture) planned to felicitate Prof. Pande, but because of some limitations, it was delayed. Now the present volume can only be offered to his memory in the form of commemoration volume, which is the composite form of continuous previous efforts.
The task of bringing out volume to pay homage to our learned scholar is enormous and on the other an onerous task of contacting scholars across the country to bring together their scholarly papers. But by the grace of god, I can say that I am successful on the both the counts and definitely it is matter of pride for me and Dept. of History & Indian culture, University of Rajasthan.
It is bounded duty on my part to express my deep sense of indebtedness to numbers of scholars from whom I received wholehearted support in form of articles. I owe my sincere thanks and gratitude to all the members of editorial board of this special volume for their warm support and co-operation for bringing out this volume.
Iexpress my sincere sense of gratitude to Dr. Neelima Vashishtha to help me continuously in all type of work of the publication, specially in editing and corrections of all the manuscripts. She has been encouraging me for this noble cause. I am also thankful to Dr. Rajesh Mishra of Allahabad Museum, for sending photographs of Prof. Pande and 'Atma Kathya' of Prof. G. C. Pande. I express my thank to Prof. Susmita Pande (daughter of Late Prof. G. C. Pande) for sending family photographs. I am highly grateful to Prof. S. N. Dube, Prof. R. S. Misra, Prof. V. S. Bhatanagar for their kind help.
I would be failing in my duty if I do not express my deep gratitude to Vice-Chancellor, University of Rajasthan for kindly giving financial support.
The present volume is brought out in two volumes with five sections. The first section contains papers in memory of Prof. G. C. Pande, section second on Religion, Philosophy and Historiography, section third deals with Archaeology, Epigraphy, Numismatics, section fourth deals with Art, Architecture, Iconography and Paintings and section fifth contains History and miscellenious articles, related to different themes.
Finally I express my warm thanks to Mr. Sapan the publisher and I am very much aware of my lapses. I crave the indulgence of contributors and readers both for the errors and omission.
Prof. Vibha Upadhyaya

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Editor's Words Contributors List
Volume-1 आत्मकथ्य, विचार यात्रा प्रो. गोविन्द चन्द पाण्डेय की चीन पर लिखी कविता Shri G. C. Pande ji : Photo Album
xiv xxxiii
Papers in Memory of Prof. G. C. Pande
1. Govind Chandra Pande (1923-2011) Prof. S.N. Dube 2. गोविन्द प्रशस्ति
प्रो. अभिराज राजेन्द्र मिश्र 3. आचार्य गोविन्दचन्द्र पाण्डे का सौन्दर्य विमर्श डॉ. नीलिमा वशिष्ठ 4. भारतीय संस्कृति के पुरोधा मनीषी प्रो. गोविन्द चन्द्र पाण्डे डॉ. कृष्णगोपाल शर्मा 5. व्यापक वैदुष्य के प्रतिमान : गोविन्द चन्द्र पाण्डे देवर्षि कलानाथ शास्त्री
Religion, Philosophy and Historiography
6. Bhakt Meera's Struggle for a New Image 33
Prof. Pratibha Jain & Dr. Sangeeta Sharma 7. Buddhist Meditation in the Arthakavagga and the Parayanvagga
Dr. Neekee Chaturvedi 8. An Appraisal of "Bhakti in Philosophical Perspective"
Prof. Yogesh Gupta 9. Jaunpur as a Seat of Bhakti Tradition and Hindi Love Lores
Dr. Syed Ejaz Hussain 10. The Secular Religiousity in Kabir's Philosophy of Bhakti
Prof. A.K.Sinha 11. श्री कृष्ण का नैतिक चिन्तन एवं दर्शन
डॉ. राजेन्द्र प्रसाद शर्मा 12. शहंशाह अकबर की जैन धर्मनिष्ठा : एक समीक्षा प्रो. अभिराज राजेन्द्र मिश्र 13. A Comparative Historiography of Vedic and Pre Socratic Thought
Prof. Susmita Pande 14. Vāstu-Tantra or Purusa-Tantra? Rereading Sankara on Knowledge
Prof. Daniel Raveh

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101 107
115
136
15. Fading Curve of Buddhism in India Dr. Rajendra K. Sharma 16. Tradition of Historical Writing on Rajasthan in Persian and Its Dilution under the British Paramountcy
Prof. V.K. Vashishta 17. Vākāțaka Historiography as seen in the Beginning of the Twenty-first Century
Dr. Shankar Goyal 18. Re-mapping Culture through Literature: Narratives as Vehicles of Culture
Dr. Usha Bande 19. A Historian of Culture Looks at Contemporary India
Prof. Sibesh Bhattacharya 20. परम्परा एवं आधुनिकता बनाम इतिहास बोध : भारतीय संदर्भ प्रो. विभा उपाध्याय 21. वैदिक वाङ्गमयः ऐतिहासिक दृष्टि एवं व्याख्या का संकट
डॉ. राजेश मिश्र 22. उत्तरउपनिवेशवाद और प्राच्यवाद : संकल्पना और स्वरूप
प्रो. रवि श्रीवास्तव
143
158
162
Archaeology, Epigraphy, Numismatics
23. Coins of the Ancient Republics of Rajasthan
177 Dr. Lalit Pandey 24. Pleistocene Environment and Cultural Succession in Chhattisgarh
183 Prof. R.P. Pandey 25. Amrohā Copper-Plate grant of Vidyadharadeva
189 Dr. D. P. Dubey & Mr. Ashish K. Dubey 26. Study of Ancient Indian Inscriptions : Some Methodological Considerations 197
Prof. S.R. Goyal 27. Urban Centres and Urban forces in c. 600-900 CE Rajasthan: Historic Insights from 203 Contemporary Temple Remains, Epigraphs and Coins
Dr. Shanta Rani Sharma 28. Pakkākot: Revealing new Archaeological Dimensions in Mid-Ganga Plain
Prof. S.R. Dubey, Dr. G.K. Lama,
Dr. A.K. Singh and Dr. S.K. Singh 29. Sea Ports of Barbaricum and Barygaza : International Trading Stations of the Kushans 229
Dr. B.R. Mani
222
Volume-2 Art, Architecture, Iconography and Paintings
233
240
30. Dāna Pāramita as Illustrated in Early Indian Buddhist Art
Prof. Anupa Pande 31. Goddess Vikatā of Harshanātha, Sikar
Dr. R.C. Agrawal 32. Sārdā Temple at Maihar: An Epigraphical Account
Dr. J.N. Pandey
242

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246
33. Certain Specimens of Painting in Peshwa Period
Dr. Varsha Shirgaonkar 34. Jain Temples of Caita
254
Prof. Arvind K. Singh & Mr. Navneet Kumar Jain 35. 'Dohada' AFolk-Lore in Ancient India
262
Late Prof. U.N.Roy 36. बुंदेलखंड की चित्रकला में लोक परम्परा का निर्वहन
268 डॉ संध्या पाण्डेय, डॉ अपर्णा अनिल
History and Miscellenious
315
321
37. Dayanand Saraswati: Campaign for Social Regeneration
274 Dr. Sangeeta Sharma 38. From Cultural Routes to Cultural Roots: Ibn Battuta's observations of Fourteenth 282 Century North India
Prof. Sunita Zaidi 39. Encapsulated as Material Artistic Response: Historicizing and Reconstructing the 293 Feminine Space In early Medieval Rajasthan
____Dr. Anuradha Rathore 40. The Collective Worlds of John Steinbeck, Anantha Murthy and Raja Rao
___Dr. Aruna Pandey 41. "Vahivanca ni (Chronicler's) Vahi" - A Study of Indian Culture
Dr. Balvant S. Jani 42. Dārā Shukoh: A Crown Prince in search of Truth and Harmony
332
Prof. V.S. Bhatnagar 43. Pothikhna of Jaipur: Khas-Muhar Late Pt. Gopal Narayan Bahura, Edited by 340
Dr. Chandra mani Singh 44. Asokan ideal of Dhamma Vijaya - The Impact of Ascetic thought and the new 348 trends in Indian Diplomacy
Dr. Pramila Sanghvi 45. ऋग्वेद की विदुषी नारियाँ
डॉ. मधुलिका शर्मा 46. भारतीय राष्ट्रिकों द्वारा चीन का निर्माण
डॉ. धर्मचन्द चौबे 47. मारवाड़ की जल संस्कृति
डॉ. महेन्द्र सिंह 48. शेखावाटी क्षेत्र के सांस्कृतिक विकास में व्यापारिक मार्गों का योगदान
393
डॉ. प्रमिला पूनिया 49. सल्तनत काल में प्रौद्योगिकी विकास : ऐतिहासिक सर्वेक्षण
डॉ. सी. एल. सिहाग 50.पूर्व मध्यकालीन उत्तर भारत की राजनीतिक व्यवस्थाः प्रतिहार प्रशासनिक व्यवस्था के विशेष सन्दर्भ में 405
डॉ. विजया कुमारी 51.भारत में महिला श्रमिक : दशा एवं दिशा
डॉ. मन्जु कुमारी जैन
418
364
379
399
Illustrations

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Contributors List
Dr. A.K. Singh Dept. of Ancient Indian History Culture & Archaeology, B.H.U. Varanasi
Mr. Ashish K. Dubey Research Scholar, Dept. of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology, Allahabad Central University, Allahabad
Dr. Anuradha Rathore Associate Professor in History, Kanoria P.G. Mahila Mahavidyalaya, Jaipur
Dr. Balvant S. Jani Dean, Gujrat Bhasha Bhawan Saurashtra University, Rajkot
Prof. Arvind K. Singh Professor, School of Studies in AIHC & Archaeology, Jiwaji University, Gwalior-474011 (M.P.)
Dr. B.R. Mani Joint Director, ASI. Janapath, New Delhi
Dr. Aruna Pandey Department of English, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur 302004.
Dr. C.L. Sihag Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur
Prof. A.K.Sinha,
Dr. D. P. Dubey Dept. of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Associate Professor Dept. of Ancient Indian Archaeology, Ruhelkhanda University, Bareilly History, Culture and Archaeology,
Allahabad Central University, Allahabad Prof. Anupa Pande Professor and Head, Dept. of History of Art, Dr. Devarshi Kalanatha Shastri Dean, National Museum Institute of History of Former Director, Rajasthan Sanskrit Academy Art, Conservation and Museology, National Sanskrit Education and Bhasha Dept, Govt of Museum Institute, New Delhi
Rajasthan
Prof. Abhiraj Rajendra Mishra Former Vice-Chancellor Himanchal University, Shimla
Dr. Dharma Chanda Chaube Lectures, Dept. of History, Govt. College Rajgarh, Alwar (Rajasthan)
Dr. Aparna Anil Asst. Prof. Painting Govt. Sarojani Naidu Kanya Mahavidyalaya, Bhopal
Prof. Daniel Raveh Dept. of Indian and Comparative Philosc phy Tel-Aviv University, Jeruselum

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Dr. G.K. Lama, Dept. of Ancient Indian History Culture & Archaeology, B.H.U. Varanasi
Dr. Neelima Vashishtha Retd, Dept. of Fine Arts, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur
Dr. J.N. Pandey Former Professor & Head, Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology Central University of Allahabad, Allahabad
Prof. Pratibha Jain, (Retd) Dept. of History & Indian Culture, Former Director, Centre for Women Studies, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur
Prof. Krishna Gopal Sharma Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur
Dr. Pramila Poonia Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur
Dr. Lalit Pandey
Dr. Pramila Sanghvi Director
Dept. of History & Indian Culture, Institute of Rajasthan Studies, Janardhan Rai University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Nagar Rajasthan Vidhyapeeth University, Udaipur, Dr. R.C. Agrawal, Rajasthan
Retd. Director, State Archaeology Department
Govt. of Rajasthan, Jaipur Late Pt. Gopal Narayan Bahura, Noted Historian, Jaipur
Prof. R.P. Pandey
Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture Dr. Mahendra Singh
And Archaeology Director, Mehrangarh Fort Museum Trust, Jiwaji University, Gwalior (M.P.) Jodhapur
Dr. Rajendra K. Sharma Dr. Madhulika Sharma
Dept. of History & Indian Culture, Retd., Dept. of History and Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur University of Rajasthan, Jaipur
Dr. Rajesh Mishra Dr. Manju Kumeri Jain,
Allahabad Museum, Allahabad Dept. of Political Science, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur
Dr. Rajendra Prasad Sharma
Dept. of Philosophy, Mr. Navneet Kumar Jain
University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Research Student, Dept. of AIHC & Archaeology,
Prof. Ravi Srivastava Jiwaji University, Gwalior (M.P.)
Prof. Dept. of Hindi,
University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Dr. Neekee Chaturvedi Lecturer, Department of History, Govt. P. G. College, Dausa, Rajasthan

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Dr. Sangeeta Sharma,
Prof. (Dr.) Susmita Pande,
Department of History & Indian Culture, Dept. of Ancient Indian History University of Rajasthan, Jaipur Culture & Archaeology. Vikrama University, Ujjain
Prof. S.N. Dube, (Retd. Prof.,) Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur
Dr. Sandhya Pandey
Asso. Prof, Painting.
Late. Dr. U.N.Roy
Govt. Kamala Raja Kanya Mahavidyalaya, Professor Department of Ancient Indian history.
Gwalior
Culture & Archaeology,
Central University of Allahabad, Allahabad
Prof. Sunita Zaidi
Department of History and Culture,
Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi - 110 025
Dr. S.R. Goyal
Professor and Head (Retd.)
Dr. Varsha Shirgaonkar
Department of History.
Professor and Head, Department of History,
Jai Narain Vyas University, Jodhpur (Rajasthan) S. N. D. T. Women's University, Mumbai
Prof. S.R. Dubey,
Dept. of Ancient Indian History
Culture & Archaeology, B.H.U. Varanasi
Dr. Syed Ejaz Hussain
Department of History, Visva-Bharati University. Santiniketan-731235 (West Bengal)
Dr. Shanta Rani Sharma
Prof. V.S. Bhatnagar,
Associate Prof. in History, Dyal Singh College, Retd, Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Delhi University of Rajasthan, Jaipur
Dr. S.K. Singh
Dept. of Ancient Indian History Culture & Archaeology, B.H.U. Varanasi
Dr. Shankar Goyal Department of History
Jai Narain Vyas University, Jodhpur, Rajasthan
Dr. Usha Bande,
Former Fellow, Indian Institute of Advanced Studies, Shimla
Prof. Sibesh Bhattacharya,
Former, Director Indian Institute of Advanced Studies, Shimla
Prof. V. K. Vashishtha
Former Head, Department of History, M.D.S. University, Ajmer
Prof. Vibha Upadhyaya
Head Dept. of History & Indian Culture, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur
Dr. Vijaya Kumari
Dept. of History & Indian Culture. University of Rajasthan, Jaipur
Prof. Yogesh Gupta,
Dept. of Philosophy,
University of Rajasthan, Jaipur

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Dāna Pāramita as Illustrated in Early Indian Buddhist Art / 233
30. Dānā Pāramitā as Illustrated in Early
Indian Buddhist Art
Anupa Pande
This article is homage for one of the greatest Buddhist scholars in the world, Prof. G. C. Pande.
During the Bodhi Experience, the Buddha first came to have the purvenivāsasmritijñāna. This is the basic presupposition of the Jātaka stories. Seeing a present incident, the Buddha recalls the past of the characters involved and his own role as Bodhisattva in the happenings. Thus, ostensibly, the Jätakas recall various incidents from the life of the Bodhisattva in his previous births. At the same time, we have to remember that much of the material of the Jätakas, Avadänas and early Buddhist literature was derived from popular tales, often-folk tales. In these tales, popular cults of yakshas and nägas and Vedic Gods in their popular form played a dominant part. But now, when adapted by the Buddhists as Bodhisattva stories or Jätakas, the original cults were subordinated to Buddhist ideas and motifs. In the Buddhist cosmology yakshas, nāgas and Vedic deities like Indra, Yama, Varuna are all deities of the Ramadhātu, i.e., of the sensuous world. Above these are the deities of the rūpa and arūpa dhātus which have numerous worlds reached by meditation and deities are mentioned for each of them. Beyond the three dhätus is Nirvāṇa. The worship of the Buddha is not the worship of Gods in any of the three dhātus but of a principle beyond them. Buddha is, in principle, Bodhi personified. Having directly attained Nirvāṇa, the Buddha chose to work among human beings to show them the way. This is the root idea of the Bodhisattva ideal as reflected in the Jātakas. In every condition of life, the Buddha helps the process of enlightenment through compassion.
In Mahāyāna, the Bodhisattvapranidhana is the Bodhisattva's resolve to help all beings. This requires the practice of päramitās or perfections. Of the many päramitās mentioned, one of the most prominent is Dāna Paramitā or charity. Dāna is a variety of karma or action. What then, is the Buddhist theory of karma? Karma is volition and action dependent on volition - 'cheinä сhetayitvä сha karmoktam parmashina' (Nagarjuna on Madhyamikakārikā, Karmaparikshā prakarana).
Dāna, thus, is good action. The essence of dāna lies in volition where one wants to give up the self and what belongs to it. Däna is not simply charity in common parlance, däna is 'kushalahetuprayuktachaitanya'i.e. goodwill motivated by welfare, suggested in the Abhidharma. Thus, the Buddhist concept of däna includes goodwill and welfare for others, it includes self sacrifice

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234
/
Jijñāsa
and also love and compassion. In fact, dāna may be connected with universal compassion. The Shikshāsamuchchaya of Shāntideva (the detailed panjikā or commentary) has expounded such an idea of dāna.
The literary form of the Jätaka consists of three main parts. The first, Pachchupannavatthu literally means the present plot' (or story). It is the story of the present occasion which prompts the Buddha to recall the past which is called Atitavatthu. This second part is essentially the Jātaka story, which relates the deeds of the Buddha as a Bodhisattva in his past life. This is a prose narrative. The third important part, which gives the message, is in a verse form which is called the Gātha. The Gathā includes Veyyakarana and Samodhana. Veyyakarana is explanation and prophecy. Samodhanā is connection' or putting together. Here, finally, the Buddha clarifies by identifying the characters of the past story' with that of the present. Today, of the original, only the Gāthas survive. The other parts are drawn from the Jātakattakatha. An Avadāna means
a noteworthy deed or feat'. Like the Jātakas, the Avadāna too, by way of introduction, relates where and on which occasion the Buddha related the story from the past, and at the end, the moral of the story is pointed out by the Buddha. Thus, an Avadāna consists of the story of the present, and a moral. There is a special kind of Avadana in which the Buddha instead of narrating the stoky of the past speaks prophetically of the future. As the karmas or actions of the past explain the present existence, so also the karmas or actions of the present indicate the future existence. There are also Avadānas in which karma also brings forth the results as good or bad fruits in the present existence. Both the Jātakas and Avadānas were narrative compositions whose primary function was the dissemination of ethical values and inculcation of morality amongst the people. They advocate the doctrine of karma as they intend to show that the actions of one's existence are closely connected with those of the past or future existence. However, the main protagonist of the Jātaka is always a Bodhisattva while an Avadāna may have a monk, an arhat or a king.
The present paper is an attempt to show how early Indian Buddhist art, viz., at Sanchi, Bharhut, Amaravati, Nagarjunakonda, Goli and Ajanta illustrate the Dāna Pāramita.
These Jātakas and Avadānas are rendered in art through the narrative form, viz., either a single, significant episode may be depicted, a few significant events may be syncopated in a panel, or if the pictorial space permitted, a succession of significant events was depicted. At Bharhut (2nd century B.C.), the name of the Jätaka was inscribed along with its depiction, but at Sanchi and Amaravati, these labels were not deemed necessary.
Vessantara Jataka:
The story is adumbrated below. The Bodhisattva was born as prince Vessantara, well known for his generosity. Once, when the neighboring kingdom of Kalinga suffered a severe drought, some brahmins of Kalinga went to ask Vessantara for his glorious white elephant which had the magical qualities of bringing rain and the generous prince gave it away. Unfortunately, the citizens of prince Vessantara's kingdom were incensed and King Sanjaya (Vessantara's father) was forced to banish the prince and his family in exile. He took leave of his parents and departed, with his family, in a chariot to exile. There occur a number of vicissitudes in his meandering destiny. On his way to exile, the prince came across four brahmins who demanded the horses of the chariot and the prince gave them away. Another Brahmin asked for the chariot and after

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bestowing that, the prince and his family walked on foot. The family lived in a hermitage in the forest. Their hardships did not end. The children were kidnapped by a wicked man Jūjaka. The god Shakra, trying to further test the charity of the Bodhisattva, appeared before him in the guise of a Brahmin and asked for his wife Madri to which the prince agreed. Seeing this excellent resolution Shakra, however gave Madri back to her husband. Jūjaka took the children to their grandfather, King Sanjaya, and demanded ransom for their return. When the children narrated the hardship of their parents, King Sanjaya brought his son and daughter-in-law back to the kingdom.
The Jātaka is portrayed in Central India (1st century A.D.) on the lowest architrave of the North Gate of Sanchi Stupa I (Fig. 1). It has pride of place as it is depicted both in the front and rear of the architrave. The front architrave depicts the scene of giving away of the elephant, banishment of the prince, giving away of the horses and chariot to the brahmins. The rear architrave depicts the hermitage scene.
At Bharhut, the relief depicts an imperial personage bestowing a royal elephant to an ascetic in a park, which is suggested by the existence of a tree (Fig. 2). At Amaravati (15-3 century A.D.), in Andhra Pradesh, the story is found represented on the inner side of a coping fragment [Fig. 3) and divided into three parts. There is a clear definition of pictorial space into three lucid divisions. In the first part, there is the large figure of the elephant on the left, Vessantara stands near it with a dānapātra in his hand. The figure of the mendicant can be identified by his posture of bent knees and waist and receiving the dāna. The second part of the narrative shows Vessantara leaving with his wife and children on a bullock cart. This along with the donation of the cart and bullocks are depicted as one scene at the bottom. At the top, there is again the figure of a Brahmin asking for alms. Here, we know that they are in the forest due to the presence of the parnakuri (leafhut) and the deer. The third part of the pictorial space depicts the children united with their grand father at the bottom and entire family united at the top, right of the last panel.
At Goli, in Andhra Pradesh, the prince is first shown riding the miraculous elephant (Fig. 4), then donating it. The sequence of events unfolds in the following order viz., the prince departs with his wife and children, the children are taken away by Jūjaka the wicked brahmin, Shakra asks for Madri as alms (he is shown seated on a pedestal and can be identified by the presence of his elephant, Airāvata, sculpted on the pedestal), the children are reunited with their grandfather and then there are two figures presumably of Vessantara and Madri.
At Ajanta, the Jātaka has been painted twice, in Caves 16 and 17. In Cave 16, there is an inscription which reads the name 'Vaishvantarah', that establishes the identity of the Jätaka which is in a considerably damaged state [Figs. 5). In Cave 17, this Jātaka was portrayed in considerable detail [Fig. 6). Cave 17 is the mature phase of Ajanta paintings, dated to around the 5th cent. A.D. The beautiful Madri has a well modeled form with long limbs, slender waist and lissome figure. She looks at Vessantara sadly who is banished from the kingdom [Fig. 7). Different groups of people in Ajanta have been rendered individually according to the Indian concept of uttam, madhyam and adham prakriti which relate to a person's social rank, nature or even human attributes. People with high ranking stature or noble nature like the royal personages and enlightened beings are uttam prakriti .They are shown with long limbs, flawless bodies and beautiful faces. Common people like the mendicants seen here are of madhyam prakriti. exhibiting moderate qualities. But even so, each person in the group of mendicant is portrayed with a sense

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of individualism. People of low social stature or wicked nature are adham prakriti. The crooked Jūjaka in this Jātaka is shown with broken teeth, an evil smile and cunning eyes [Fig. 8).
On observing the various depictions of the Vessantara Jātaka over a period of time starting with Bharhut and preceding chronologically through Sanchi, Amaravati, Goli, and Ajanta certain conclusions can be drawn.
Till the 2nd century B.C., at Bharhut, the full formula of the pictorial depiction had not yet evolved. The story was depicted in a mono-scenic manner with the pivotal moment of the story (the donation of the miraculous elephant) being illustrated. Based on this single scene, the viewer was meant to infer that this is the great dana of Vessantara and the sequence of events that followed. The fact that they had labels below the Jätakas at Bharhut lends creditability to this theory. The labels were aids or clues given to the viewer to help him identify the narrative correctly.
At Sanchi, the story of Vessantara in its entirety is depicted on the torana of the North Gate in great detail. Each incident, starting from the donation of the elephant, the departure on the horse drawn chariot, the donations of the horses and chariot to the brahmins, the kidnapping of the two children, Shakra asking for Madri as alms, the children being sold to their grandfather and the reunion of the family are all delineated graphically and meticulously. Attention has been paid to differentiate the urban life (front face of the architrave) from their life in the hermitage (rear face of the architrave). From the first and second centuries onwards we see that the visuai formula of the Vessantara Jätaka had unfolded, the model being that of Sanchi.
At Amaravati, the crucial junctures of the story have been sculpted, i.e., the various dānas of prince Vessantara. The donee and the donor figures are apparent and these are the key figures that help in decoding the scenes.
Thereafter, whether it is Goli or Ajanta, this is generally the formula followed for the depiction of Vessantara Jātaka. The donation of the elephant, horses, chariot, children and wife seems to be an integral part of the paintings.
Sarvamdada Avadāna/ Shivi Jātka:
The story of King Shivi and his self sacrifice is well-known in both Buddhist and Hindu literature. It is illustrated in the art of Gandhara, Amaravati, Nagarjunkonda and Ajanta.
The Buddhist Sarvamdada Avadāna speaks of a King named Sarvamdada. Once, a dove frightened by a hunter, came to seek shelter in the lap of the king. The king offered the hunter rich food from the palace, but the hunter demanded his prey. Finally, he agreed to let go the dove if he got twice its weight of the king's own flesh. The king agreed. Kapilapingala, a cruel man agreed to cut off the king's flesh. Flesh was cut from the thighs, arms and other parts but was not equal to the weight of the bird. Finally, the bleeding king, all skin and bones, went and sat on the weighing scale himself. Kapilapingala asked the king the reason for sacrificing the life that was so valued by all. The king smiled and replied that it was for gaining nothing but supreme knowledge that would relieve all creatures from suffering; and for this truthful utterance his body became whole once more. The hunter was the God Shakra, who wished to test the king's virtue.
In the Hindu version, as told by Rishi Markandeya to Yudhishthira in the Mahābhārata (Vana-Parra), it is God Indra in the form of a hawk (not a hunter) who pursues the pigeon (God

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Agni) and the king who is the main protagonist is named Shivi. The rest of the story is almost the same. The depiction in Gandhara art is close to this version (Fig. 91. The story is chiselled with great command and precision in the Gandhara frieze. On the left. Kapilapingala is seen cutting off the flesh from the thigh of king Shivi. The king, who is seated on his throne, is visibly fatigued and accordingly supported by a lady. However, what is really fascinating about this frieze is that both Shakra and Agni are shown in animal as well as anthropomorphic form. The dove is seated at the foot of the throne and the hawk is shown flving. Shakra and Agni, in anthropomorphic form are seen standing on the extreme right of the frieze. The carving displays an amalgamation of Hellenistic and Indic elements. The human figures have volume and plasticity and can be seen in three-fourth, profile and frontal views. The facial features reveal a significant debt to Hellenistic art, with Iranian style moustache, full eyebrows and heavy faces while the finely pleated dhotis and Shakra's crown are distinctly Indian
At Amravati the Sarvamdada Avadāna is depicted on a rail pillar, in the fluted area between two lotus roundels (Fig. 10). The entire narrative unfolds in the form of three scenes. The first scene one to the left shows the dove seated on king Sarvamdada's lap seeking his protection. Shakra is in the form of the hunter asking for his prey. The scene depicting the king cutting off his own flesh to give to the hunter in place of the dove has been given emphasis in the central flute. The plaintive and the grief-stricken subjects witness the king's great sacrifice in horror. Thus, even in this cloistered space the story is lucidly communicated.
In yet another sculpted frieze of Amaravati we see representations of the same tale [Fig. 11). It portrays a synoptic depiction of both the key scenes of the Avadana. Fig. 12 is a sculptural frieze from Nagarjunakonda (Andhra Pradesh) which shows the king cutting off his own flesh in a poignant manner. The anguish and dismay of the witnesses is clearly palpable even in this depiction.
The Sarvaindada Avadāna is depicted in Cave I of Ajanta (Fig. 13). The two crucial scenes of the dove in the lap of king Sarvamdada and the king standing against the weighing scales can be easily distinguished despite the damaged state of the painting, thus helping identify it.
In Cave 17 at Ajanta, another Buddhist version, that of the Shivi Jataka, is depicted (Fig. 14). Here Shakra, in the form of a blind mendicant. asks Shivi to donate his eyes, "Dure ūpassam thero va chakkhum yachitam agato eka netta bhavissam, chakhhum me dchi yachito", i.e., "An elder, having come from far begs for an eye. (Both) will then become one-eyed, I ask for one eye". Shivi replied, "Ekam te yachamanassā ubhayāni dadamaham", "You ask for oue eye, I give you both". The Jätaka also states that Shivi had built six Alms Halls at the four city gates, city centre and the palace gateway. Shivi approached the Alms Hall on his elephant. The Shivi Jātaka episode in Cave 17 shows Shivi first pondering on how to make a fantastic donation, he is then shown approaching the dānashāla (Alms Hall) on an elephant, there is then a fine depiction of a danashāla where mendicants are being given alms. All this has a close co-ordination with the text. Interestingly, the painting contains a few inscriptions like the name 'Sibirāja' that helps identify the narrative.
In this tale of supreme sacrifice of Shivi/Sarvamdada, the two crucial images which help in identifying it are that of the king getting his flesh cut (or cutting himself) and the weighing scales.
In India, from Vedic times onwards, dāna is a part of welfare actions, ishtapurti. It involves svatvatyäga, i.e., relinquishing what belongs to oneself. The Brahmavical Vedic-Puranic dana

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has a ritualistic aspect. There, the gift has to be in accordance with some sacred prescription (vidhipūrvaka). The Buddhist dāna has no such limitation. It has purely a psycho-ethical basis. Dāna depends on elevated moral feelings, like compassion, selflessness etc. Dāna Pāramita has a direct effect on the limiting force of egoism. The idea of dana is, as said, an ancient idea founded in Brahmanical tradition too. However, in the Budddhist conception, the idea of dāna becomes dematerialized. It requires not merely giving up ones material possessions, but giving up whatever is one's own, ultimately one's self.
Select Bibliography Primary Sources
• Abhidhammatthasangaho, 3 Vols., edited and tr. R.S. Tripathi, pub. Sampurnananda Sanskrit University, Varanasi.
• Avadāna-Kalpalatā of Kshemendra. 2 vols. Edited by P.L. Vaidya. Buddhist Sanskrit Texts 22 and 23. Darbhanga: Mithila Institute, 1959.
• Abhidharmakosha, Varanasi, 1970. • Abhidharmakoshabhāsya, Patna, 1975. • Asanga, Mahāyānasutralamkāra, ed. S. Levi, Paris.
Dhammapada-Atthakathā. Dutiyo Bhago. Igatpuri: Vipassana Research Centre, 1995. • Jātakas with Comm., ed. V. Fausboll, 7 Vols., London, 1877-97; tr. E.B. Cowell, 6 Vols., 1895-1913.
• Jātaka-Atthakathā. Pathamo Bhago. Igatpuri: Vipassana Research Centre, 1998.
• Tripitakas, ed. in Devanagari script by J. Kashyapa, 41 volumes, Nalanda Mahavihara; ed. in Roman script, P.T.S.
• The Jātakamālā or the Bodhisattvāvadāna-Mālā by Aryashura. Edited by H. Kern. Boston: Harvard University, 1891.
• The Jātakamālā or Garland of Birth-Stories of Aryashura. Translated by J.S. Speyer. Reprint, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1982. 1 London ed. 1895.
Secondary Sources • Barua, B.M., Bharhut, 3 Vols., Calcutta, 1934-37. • Bhattacharya, Vidhusekhara, The Basic Conceptions of Buddhism, Calcutta, 1934.
Bachhofer, Ludwig. Early Indian Sculpture. 2 vols. (1° London ed. 1939: New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1973).
• Barua, B.M. Bharhut. 3 Parts. 1934-37. Reprint, Patna: Indological House Corporation, 1979.
• Knox, Robert. Amaravati: Buddhist Sculpture from the Great Stupa. London: British Museum Press, 1992.
• Marshall, John. A Guide to Sanchi. Delhi: Manager of Publications, 1936. • Pande, Anupa, The Buddhist Cave Paintings of Bagh. Aryan Books International. Delhi.
2002
Pande, G.C., Studies in the Origins of Buddhism, 3 revised edn., Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1983;

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Schlingloff, Dieter: Guide to the Ajanta Paintings. Vol. I (Narrative Wall Paintings). New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publications, 1999.
• Stcherbatsky, The Central Conception of Buddhism, Rep. Delhi, 1983;
Buddhist Logic, 2 Vols. Leningrad.
Suzuki, D.T., The Outlines of Mahayana Buddhism, 1927.
Taranatha's History of Buddhism in India, tr., by Lama Chimpa and Alaka Chattopadhyaya (Shimla, 1970).
⚫ Zwalf, W., A Catalogue of the Gandhara Sculpture in the British Museum, 2 Vols., (Text and Plates), 1996.
Photo Credits
⚫ Barua, B.M., Bharhut, 3 Vols.
· Behl, Benoy K., The Ajnata Caves
Ghosh, A., Ajanta Murals
Knox, Robert, Amaravati: Buddhist Sculpture from the Great Stupa
⚫ Marshall, John, A Guide to Sanchi
•
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Okada, Amina, Ajanta
Rao, P.R. Ramachandra, Andhra Sculptures
• Sahay, Binay Kumar, Central Asia Gallery, National Museum, New Delhi, India. Schlingloff, Dieter, Guide to the Ajanta Paintings. Vol. I (Narrative Wall Paintings) Yazdani, Ghulam, Ajanta
• Zwalf, W., A Catalogue of the Gandhara Sculpture in the British Museum, 2 Vols.

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31. Goddess Vikatā of Harshanatha, Sikar
R.C. Agrawal
The 10th Century Siva Temple of Harshanātha is situated at a distance of about 8 miles from Sikap town of Rajasthan. It preserves elegant specimens of art and architecture. A number of eminent scholars like DR Bhandarkar Stella Kranrisch, K. Deva, M. Meister, M. Dhaky have highlighted its i portance. On the hill above is situated the Siva temple of great iconographic and architectural importance. The sanctumoribis Saiva edifice preserves, on its walls, beautiful sculptures of Nāyikäs and that of standing Godhasama rie. Farveti parforming penance all bearing their identifications
The inscribed slab (3x33') of black stone of Vikrama year 1030, from the Harsha Temple, is now preserved in the Govt. Museum at Sikar. It is a big Prasasti having an important bearing on the political history and art data. The name ni Pasupatācharya Allata is very important; he got the temple built, he was the guiding force. Line Il of this inscription refers to well carved sculptures of Vikatā, Pändputras (i.e., Pandavas), Torana dvāra and Nandi bull, which are still visible at the site. This juscription nighlights Siva but does not forget his wife Pārvati. She was bent upon performing penance (tapa) under great ordeal. That is why she is named Tapasvini: she is called Vikatā (fane) in this very inscription
The epithet Vikata is also alluded on the pedestal (below the seated female attendant) to the left of the colossal sculpture of Pārvati iu the sanctum of this very temple. I examined the small inscription Vika'a many times. The reading was confirmed by many scholars like K. Deva and Neelima Vas shtha. It is a pity that some mischief mongers have rubbed off this small inscription of three letters: vestiges are still to be scar. Very much beneath the image of Pārvati are a few letters' PA, PU, DA, (v) probably marks of some mason or architect.
The existence of the word Vikarā on the pedestal and also in the inscription of V.S. 1030 cited above, is of great relevance. The prasati kara emphatically used an unusual term Vikață and so also in the small inscription on the pedestal of Gauri, standing on the 'iguana' (godhā) in a traditional manner. The Agni Kuud as tlanking her and Lakulisa - Ganesa seated above on both sides, justifying that the Goddess is none else but Tapasvini Pärvati.
D.R. Bhandarkar identified the goddess as ogress Hidimbās. That is not a cogent suggestion in the light of other sculptural details cited above in line 11 of this very inscription of V.S. 1030. I was

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in a fix for many years and ultimately I sought the gracious help from a veteran scholar of Indian literature and iconography i.e., Dr. N.P. Joshi of Varanasi.
Dr. Joshi furnished some interesting facts which prove that "Vikațā is a Yogini - a mother goddess representing Pärvati Gauri". The Avanti Khanda of the Skaņda Purana, Chapter 16 alludes
facTTTHChi; facerea ufi ft' On the basis of the same Puräna, chapter 46, verses 154-158), Dr. Joshi further rernarked in his monograph Matrikā, Mothers in Kushāņa Art, Delhi, 1986, p. 36 with great emphasis that "Vikață is goddess Gauri"; also proved by the sanctum image and the Harsha Temple Inscription of V.S. 1030 cited above.
This is sufficient to prove that the praśastikāra of Harshanatha inscription was inspired by Skanda Purāņa and made use of unusual term Vikață for Tapasvini Pārvatio at Harsha Hill of Sikar quite vividly
Reference
1. Progress Report of Archeological Survey of India, Western Circle, Poona, 1909-1910, pp. 52-55: Indian Antiquary, 42, 1913, pp. 57-64.
2. S. Kramrisch, Hindu Temple, Calcutta, Vol. II, pp. 107-113.
3. M. Meister, M.A. Dhaky and K. Deva, Encyclopaedia of Indian Temple Architecture, Varanasi-Delhi Vol. II (3), 1998, pp. 107-13; Fig. 299 for Gauri-Parvati; Figs. 300-301 for Nāyikās on wall in the sanctum of Harshanatha Temple.
4. D.R. Bhandarkar, Indian Antiquary, No. 42, 1913, pp. 57-64.
5. R.C. Agrawala, Bharatiya Vidya. Bombay, Vol. 27, 1967, p. 58: Varada Hindi, Bisau - Rajasthan, XI(2), 1968. pp. 1-3. I had also examined in the company of late Sri Krishna Deva.
6. Neelima Vasishtha, Sculptural Traditions of Rajasthan, Jaipur, 1989, plate X. p. 47; Tera Hot 92927, UTC, 2001, p. 45, plate 34.
7. Ambika Dhaka's paper on the Harsha Hill Temple in Purā Jagat - J.P. Joshi Commemoration Vol, DelhiVol. II, 2012, p. 376, Plate 56/viii wherein rubbings above of the pedestal are clear
8. It is not possible to identify the sanctum Gauri - Vikață image with ogress Hidimba at all, the latter is never an object of worship in Brahmanic pantheon.
9. Gauri was treading the Vikata Marga (face Tof) by performing penance and it appears that she was so named as Vikatā; the word is derived from Sanskrit word Vikata.

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32. Sāradā Temple at MAIHAR: An Epigraphical Account
J.N. Pandey
Maihar (24°16' N and 80°46' E) is a tahsil headquarters of Satna District, Madhya Pradesh, and a railway station on the Allahabad-Jabalpur branch of Central Railway. Man inhabited the area in and around Maihar since prehistoric times!. Maibar is famous for its Sāradā temple which stands on the summit of a hill Present temple is not very old. It is a neat stone temple of modern construction. According to folklore Alhā, the famous hero of the court of Chandela king Parmardi (1163-1202 C.E) used to worship the goddess at this place. This area was a buffer zone between the Chandelas of lejāk abhukti and Kalachuris of Tripuri and it might have exchanged hands.
During our explorations between 1975 and 1988, we discovered ruins of a large number of ancient temples on the bank of Lilji river. Golāmatha a Shaivite temple is comparatively in good condition. It comprises a pancharatho sanctum, roofed by a small sikhara of elegant proportion, and a small porch. There is no inscription on this temple. The outer wall of the sanctum has two rows of sculptures adorning all the projections and the recesses, while the lower row shows cult images and the regents in the prominent offsets, and Apsarases and Vyālas in remaining offsets and recesses. The Upper row has smaller figures and invariably displays couples like other famous Chandela monuments. The construction of Golāmatha is attributed to Viśvakarmā, the divine architect. In the light of its architectural features, the temple may be ascribed to the times of the Chandelas.
The first authentic account of Śäradā temple is available from two inscriptions at Maihar. These records have been marked as A and B for the sake of convenience. Inscription No. В was noticed by J.D. Beglar (an assistant of Alexander Cunningham, the first Director General of Archaeological Survey of India) who in 1871-72 visited Maihar (Spelt by him as Mahiyar) in the following words "... to the right of the steps leading up to the chief statue (in the shrine of Devi Sāradā) is a large slab, nov. cracked, which contains an inscription perfectly illegible from the effect of weather..."
This description of the record in question with reference to the state of its preservation is not quite correct. It is true that some parts of the inscription (B) here and there are rubbed off, but the number of passages, in which the letters are completely lost, are not too many.
As a matter of fact, the image of the goddess Sāradā is under worship and the priests allowed Dr. B.Ch. Chhabra to copy the epigraph on the front side of the pedestal of her image after considerable persuasion in 1940 and Dr. Chhabra prepared their transcripts. Sircar and Subrahmanyam have expressed their indebtedness to him for preparing transcripts and the reading of some words. The texts

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of the two inscriptions from Maihar have been published in the volume XXXV of Epigraphia indica by D.C. Sircar and V.S. Subrahmanyam in 1959 4. The language of the inscriptions is Sanskrit and they are written in verse. The inscriptions are neither dated, nor mention the name of reigning king. On paleographic grounds the epigraphs have been assigned to the middle of the tenth century C.E. as the characters of both the records belong to the early Nāgarī of the tenth century.
Inscription 'A' is engraved on the pedestal of goddess Sāradā. The inscription 'A' contains a single stanza in Šārdülavikridita metre in four lines, and mentions a great scholar who was the very Vyāsa of the Kaliyuga in poetic skill and became an expert in sciences like Veda, Nyāya, Sāmkhya, Nīti and Mimansă even when he was a mere boy. This seems to refer to a young Brāhmaṇa scholar Damodara, son of Devadhara whose career is described at some length in inscription B and in whose memory the image of goddess Sāradā was apparently installed in a temple at Maihar. Inscriptions on pedestal of images generally speak of the installation or dedication of deities in question but it is quite strange that Maihar inscription No. A merely refers to Damodara son of Dēvadhara in whose memory the image was installed. Moreover, inscription No. A does not appear to be the concluding part of a record. It is possible to think that inscription A, though it is followed by marks of punctuation indicating the end of a work or a section, was continued and concluded on the left side?.
Inscription No. B has recently been fixed on the north-eastern corner of the platform on which stands modern 'Säradā temple.' It is engraved on a well-dressed slab of fine grained sandstone having raised border (about 5 cm wide), on all four sides. The space within the borders which is 86.25 cm in length and 77.30 cm broad was originally meant for engraving the epigraph. Since the space was later found inadequate to incise the whole record, the last two lines were engraved, respectively, on the upper and lower borders. These two lines are no longer visible as the record has been fixed on the platform. The inscription (B) a fairly big prasasti, contains 39 lines and 51 stanzas, composed in various meters: Sārdūlavikridita, Anustubha, Vasantatilakā, Vamsastha and Sragdhara Inscription B contains a mangala in prose at the beginning and two passages in prose referring to writer and engraver at the end'.
Verses 1-2 of the prasasti describe goddess (Sarasvati) as identical with Brāhmi, Kamlā and Gāuri and also as the daughter of Lord Brahmā, as installed on this peak of the bill. We know that the goddess of learning is variously represented in Puranic literature as the daughter or wife of Brahmä and sometimes also as identical with Durgā, the wife of Lord Siva, as the wife of Vishnu or Manu, and also as the daughter of Dakşalo.
Inscription (B) gives complete genealogy of the family of Damodara belonging to the Vatsagotra of the Brālmanas!!. It records the names of seven forefathers of Dāmodara beginning with Sonabhadra and ending with Devadhara father of Damodara. The name of the Visaya or district where Brāhmaṇa family flourished is not clear, though it may be govana. The following stanzas (6-12) mention the descendants of the said Brāhmaṇas (1) learned Vūpati was son Soņabhadra (2) Bhrigudeva, son of Vūpati (3) Gangādhara born in the family of Vūpati (4) Sivadevabhatta whose relationship with Gangādhara is not stated though he may have been a younger brother of the latter (5) Trivikrama, son of Śivadēvabhatta (6) Dēvaprasāda,sn of Trivikrama (7) Dēvadhara was probably the younger brother of Dēvaprasāda and Dāmodara son of Devadhara.
Verses 24-35 narrate a story relating to the antecedents of Damodara. It is said that he was really the son of the goddess Sarasvati and was living in Brahma-Loka, along with the preceptor of the gods

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(Brhaspati) and that once there was a seven day long śāstric dispute between the two in which Bphaspati was defeated by the young boy. Being angry at his defeat, the preceptor of the god's cursed the boy to be born on the earth. The boy's mother Sarasvati then appeased Brhaspati who consoled the daughter of Brahınā by predicting that a young son would be born in a family of pious Brāhmaṇas and would become a great scholar
The inscription seems to indicate the popularity of the works of Bāna-Bharta in the area. The story of Sarasvati's son having been cursed by Brhaspati in Brāhma-Loka and born on the earth reminds us of a similar story told in the first chapter of Bāna's Harşacharita, how Sarasvati herself was cursed by Durväsas in Brähma-Loka and was compelled to live on the earth (on the bank of the river Sona) where she was married to a mortal and gave birth to a great scholar'
The last stanza (verse 35) puts the following words in Brhaspati's mouth: "Verily this child will again come back to you as a result of being drowned in the waters of) the sea after having seen Puruşottama in thc Odra country." The reference here is to Lord Puruşottama-Jagannātha of Puri in Oddissa.
Verses 35-40 describe Damodara's career on the earth, the first two stanzas (Verses 35-36) stating that, at the time Bphaspati was consoling Sarasvati in heaven, Dämodara, the son of Dēvadhara, was born on the earth. It is further stated that as predicted by the preceptor of the gods, he stayed in his father's house till he became sixteen years old. The following two stanzas (verses 37-38) state how then Dāmodara left his parents, friends and relations and resolving to set out on pilgrimage, reached in due course the seashore where he saw the god Puruşottama. Verse 40 states that Damodara went back to the Brāhma-Loka. It appears that he must have lost his life while bathing in the waters of the sea (Bay of Bengal) near the temple of Purushottama-Jagannātha in Oddissa "S.
The reference to Dāmodara's pilgrimage to Puri is very interesting. There is evidence to show that the Lord Purusottama-Jagannātha of Puri in Oddissa was a celebrated deity in the latter part of the eleventh century C.E., when Krishnamiśra composed Prabodhachandrodaya Nataka" at the court of Chandela king Kirtivarman (C. 1070-1100 C.E.). This drama was performed at Kalinjara in the Sabhāmandapa of Nilakantha Temple, the presiding deity of the fort. It is now clear from the present record that Lord Jagannātha was enjoying the same celebrity as early as the middle of the tenth century and probably even some time earlier.
Verse 41 says now Damodara's father Dēvadhara became greatly mortified at the news of his son's death. Verses 45-46 state bow Dēvadhara built a temple for the goddess Sarasvati in his son's memory'? It seems that Dēvadhara received help in that connection from his friend Madhusudana, a banker, who is described as responsible for the building of many temples and other charitable institutions (verses 42-43).
The temple referred to is no doubt the one in which the goddess Sāradā of the Maihar was originally installed on the hills. Verse 51, with which the eulogy ends, contains the prayer that the goddess (i.e., the image of Sarasvati or Sārdā now worshipped on the hill at Maihar) may last forever
Maihar praśasti was composed by a Saiva ascetic named Sāmba 20 Sambhū who was a terror to the Chārvāka school of philosophers and a great exponent of the Buddhist and Jaina doctrines as well as the āgamas of the Saivas. The eulogy was written by Bhāva and it was engraved by Nāgadēva ?

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References 1. Misra, V.D. (1977), Some Aspects of Indian Archaeology. Prabhat Prakashan, Allahabad, pp. 1-21. 2. Krishna, Deva (1988), Temples of North India, National Book Trust of India, Delhi, p. 46,
3. Beglar, J.D. and Alexander Cunningham (1878), Report of a tour in Bundelkhand and Malwa 1871-72 and in the Central Provinces 1873-74, Archaeological Survey of India Report, Vol. VII. Office of the Superintendent of Government Printing, Calcutta: p. 51.
4. Sircar, D.C. and V.S. Subrahmanyam, "Inscriptions from Maihar," Epigraphia Indica, XXXV, pp. 171-178. 5. Ibid, p. 171. 6. Ibid. p. 172 7. Ibid, p. 172 8. Ibid, p. 174 9. Ibid. p. 171. 10. Ibid. p. 174. 11. Ibid. p. 172 12. Ibid, p. 173.
13. Cowell, e.B. and F.W. Thomas, (1969), The Harsh Charita of Bāna, (2nd edition), Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi/Varanasi (Reprint): pp. 1-30.
14. Sircar, D.C. (1990), Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi: p. 134ff. 15. Sircar, D.C. and V.S. Subrahmanyam, op. cit., p. 173.
16. Krishanamisra 1968. Prabodhachandrodaya. (2nd edition), ACT II, Chaukhambha Vidya Bhawan, Varanasi: pp. 75-76.
17. Sircar, D.C. and V.S. Subrahmanyam, op. cit., p. 173. 18. Ibid, p. 173 19. Ibid, p. 173. 20. Ibid. p. 178 21. Ibid. p. 178

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33. Certain Specimens of Painting in Peshwa Period
Varsha Shirgaonkar
The Peshwas were the Chitpavan Konkanastha Brahmins who did not bear much importance in the social fabric of the total Brahmin castes of Maharashtra till the beginning of eighteenth century. From the advent of the rule of Chhatrapati Shahu in Maharashtra in 1708, the Chitpavan Konkanastha Brahmins saw an upward trend in societal position on account of the association of Balaji Vishwanath with Shahu. Chitpāvan Brahmins was a new social group that gained a political and social raise during the eighteenth century. After his release from the Mughals and on gaining victory over Tarabai in the battle of Khed (1708) Shahu established his power at Satara in Maharashtra. The position of Peshwa increased during his period. Chhatrapati Shahu conferred the honour of Peshwa upon Balaji Vishwanath (1713-1720) and Bajirao I (1720-1740) and Balaji Bajirao or Nanasaheb (1749-1761), but he could see the full tenures only of the two Peshwas- Balaji Vishwanath and Bajirao I. Before his death Shahu gave full administrative powers to the third Peshwa Nanasaheb, by issuing a sanad or order in his name in 1749. As per the sanad the Peshwa shifted his capital city to Pune immediately after Shahu's death. Peshwa Nanasaheb ruled till 1761 and was succeeded by Peshwa Madhavrao who had untimely demise in 1772. His younger brother Narayanrao succeeded him but was murdered in 1773 at the orders of his uncle Raghunathrao. The establishment of the Barbhai Council and subsequent placing of Sawai Madhavrao as Peshwa were other developments in the political history of the Marathas. After the death of Peshwa Sawai Madhavrao in 1795, Bajirao II came to the throne of Peshwa who was totally subjugated by the British in 1818 and this ended the Maratha Empire.
With Chhatrapati Shahu there emerged new trends in the life-style of the people of Maharashtra. These included also getting certain objects of culture from outside Maharashtra. The Peshwas also followed the same policy. There are references that for getting the paintings done on the walls of the houses they commissioned artists from Rajasthan.
Paintings on the Walls of Palatial houses during Peshwa period
Generally, 'wādā' is a term used to denote a palatial house of Maratha period. The practice of having paintings of the deities on the walls of the houses appears to have had its origin in ancient times. The paintings were especially done on the religious or the festive occasions and the tradition is connected to emotions of the people of having divine sanction for the event in the house. Thus the practice of wall-painting is connected to auspiciousness. The representations included Nāgas (Snakes), Devas(gods). Asuras (Demons i.e, those getting killed at the hands of gods), Yakshas (semi-divine figures having special powers). Kinnaras (divine performers) and gandharvas (divine singers and

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musicians). During the time of the Mahābhārata there was a practice of getting the grihadevi or the goddess of House painted on the wall of the house. There is a legendary account of this practice in a story of the birth of Jarāsandha. The story runs like this. Once upon a time there was a king named Brihadrath. He had two wives and each wife delivered a son in half body-part. Hence King Brihadrath and his two wives were extremely unhappy. A demoness named Jarā seeing this miserable condition joined these two body-parts together and formed one complete male child. The male child thus formed came to be known as Jarāsandha, whose broken thighs were joined together to make a complete human being. The demoness on account of her good work was elevated to divinity. King Brihadrath being happy ordered that the demoness be called grihadevi and that she should be venerated. Pleased with this gesture of the king grihadevi further said that whosoever drew her picture on the wall with devotion showing her to be young and accompanied with sons would get prosperity. The king accordingly got her picture drawn on the wall of his palace. The references to wall paintings could be obtained also from the Puranas. The Padma Purāna narrates that Savitri said she was not able to attend the sacrifice of Brahmā, because she had not decorated her house and nor had drawn the Swastika-sign, nor did she have the walls painted. This indicates that having some pictures painted on the walls of the house was a pious duty and whosoever did not perform it could not take part in any religious functions. Besides, paintings on the walls of the house mirrored the happy mood of the members of the house. Some similarity could be found in this belief and the one that peeps from behind the drawing of the ephemeral art-pattern or rangoli in front of the house. Having a rangoli in front of the house symbolized not only the respectful awareness of the religious duties but also a good culture inculcated and maintained by the respective house."
The earliest notable examples of wall- paintings in Maharashtra are of Ajanta paintings. The paintings of Ajanta and then of Ellora up to 1100 A. D. "must have been a living art carrying its influence far and wide." Thereafter till the Peshwa period there are found only stray references of wall-paintings in the Deccan. There is indirect proof of painting through medieval Marathi literature. Some illustrations can be given. For instance, the Lilācharitra, a literary work of Chakradhar Swami of the Mahanubhāv Sect refers to the paintings of peacocks. The Smriti Sthala, a fourteenth century composition quotes the temple of Kalankeshwara at Alipur having the painting of eighty-four hells on its walls. The Jiyaneshwari of jiyaneshwar also contains the references to wall paintings. Such wall paintings of course are on the issues with regards to religion and thus they were meant for the purpose of worship.
The same tradition of wall-painting continued subsequently in Rajasthan and Maharashtra in medieval times. The Marathā Kalam' or the paintings were explicitly found on the walls and ceilings, Daftarkhanas and folios. The kalam included different portraitures, landscapes, Rag Ragini paintings etc. The scanty wall paintings existing in the wadas or such as the one of Nana Phadnis at Menavali near Wai, Motibagh wādā of Rastes, the sardārs of Peshwas, at Wai and Adalat Wada or Nava Rajwada or New palace at Satara provide illustrations of the Kalam. The wall paintings existed earlier also in the wadas at Nasik and Chandvad. Originally, there were one hundred and eight paintings of 10"x 7.5" at Moti Bagh wādā of Rastes at Wai. The figures are made to highlight by using colours in their delineation. The effect is inore explicit because of the contrast that they generate with the ones used for background. The colours that stand out in these wall paintings are usually deep green, yellowish green, blue and whitish. Mostly the figures are in profile and are in sharp lines while the scene portrayed in the painting conveys dynamism. An arch is first drawn to set the painting inside.

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The paintings in Adalat Wādā at Satara or the ones at the wādā of Nana Phadnis at Menāwali display the round body frames. The paintings at Satara were done "when the Rajasthani influence had declined". Sir James Mickintosh, Recorder of the Bombay Court and the one who paid a visit to Peshwa Bajirao II in 1805 also gave an evidence of the wall-paintings in Shaniwārwādā saying that the walls were painted with scenes of Hindu mythology." The same wall-paintings, in the writing of Lt. Col. Fitzclarence who visited Pupe on the 31 January 1818 after the Battle of Khadki, reflect a melancholic tone. He says, "The walls of an inner court are miserably daubed with the Hindoo mythology, elephants and horsemen." The wall paintings thus were an attempt to create the prototypes of the ones existing in the northern structures that the Maratha sardars had seen in course of their campaigns.
During the Peshwa times the wall-paintings display a curious fusion of the miniatures of Rajasthan with the contemporary social life of Maharashtra. If for the illustrated pothis the Marathas looked to Udaipur, Jaipur school of Rajasthani miniature became the model of the Peshwas and the Maratha sardars for painting on the walls. The Palatial house of Shaniwārvādā, originally built by Peshwa Bajirao I, got extended during the rule of Peshwa Nanasaheb he added a hall, virtually a museum named as Ranga Mahal. It was decorated with the miniature wall-paintings or with the paintings fitted in frames attached to the walls. Bhojraj, a renowned artist of Jaipur was invited for executing the work of painting in the wädä. Traditionally, a class of artists known as chitaris in Maharashtra used to undertake the work of painting on the walls. The chitaris who were from both Hindu and Muslim communities also did the work of producing the mukhautes or masks of the human and animal faces. The names of some of the painters as in the historical records are Ragho, Tanhaji and Anuprao. Jivāji Ganesh Khasgiwale had written to Peshwa Nanasaheb about the order that the Peshwa had made for the painting of Devasabha and Ganesh Parvat. He further stated that the paintings were done by the excellent chitaris or painters Ragho, Tanhaji and Anuprao. The chitaris were wellversed, as Khasgiwale informed, in the work of plastering, colouring, and doing the wall paintings. Raghunathrao wished to get the work of wall painting done in his wāda at Trimbak for which he asked Nana Phadnis to send an artist named Mankoji. The same artist was commissioned for drawing the frescoes on the walls of Raghunathrao's wādā at Anandavalli near Nasik. The themes included Krishna and his ashtanāyikās or eight heroines. The fusion as is seen through the paintings is that the gopis that were originally painted in Rajasthani attire in the Rajasthani paintings were portrayed as draped in the typical Maharashtrian nine yard sarees in the wädä paintings. They were also shown as wearing the ornaments of the Brahmin women. These included bindi (a hair ornament suspending on the forehead), sisphūl (hair ornament), kap (ear ornament), bugdi (ear ornament) and nath (nose ornament). The hair-style appearing in the paintings is khopa, commonly done by the Brāhmin women of Maharashtra. Such changes in the pictorial representations were to suit the tastes of the patrons of Maharashtra.
Numerous wall-paintings have depicted the royal families of Maharashtra within the havelis. The haveli originated in the northern areas like Rajasthan and Marwar. The spacious havelis were built and maintained especially for the rulers and their sardars. The structural features of the havelis like the domes, arches, minarets and the terrace have formed the backdrop of many paintings wherein the subject matter was typically of Maharashtra. The objects like chandeliers, carpets and floral designs have further enhanced the luxurious life inside the havelis. The portrayal of havclis in the paintings of

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Maharashtra could be explained in two ways- either, such picturisation was a part of the general trend of the paintings of Rajasthan to which the painters were habituated or this was made to order by the sardārs who commissioned these painters. (See fig. no.1) The celebration of festivals has figured in the wall paintings. The popular Ganesh festival for example has the scene of the ladies worshipping Lord Ganesh in Maharashtrian sarees and performing the worship inside the havelis. Another festival that has found place in the wall- paintings often was the colour festival of Holi. Started during the time of Peshwa Sawai Madhavrao out of emulation of the practice in Rajasthan, the places of Gokul and Vrindavan were depicted in the wall paintings must have generated a lot of vibrancy. Usually, the picturisation is seen as Krishna standing in the middle while the surrounding gopis have dipped their colour-sprinkling instruments in colour and are shown splashing colour on Krishna. The gopis are painted as wearing the traditional Rajasthani ghägrā and choli or in the nine yard sarecs of Maharashtra. Some of the paintings reflect the detailing of the contemporary textiles like paithani or chandrakalā (black saree with rich golden or silver buttās). The typical headgear of the men of Maharashtra also is seen in some paintings. Basically, like the miniature paintings, these paintings show fantastic detailing at times. The mythological scenes like Samudramanthan, Sitā Swayamvar, Draupadi Swayamvar or Krishna lifting the Govardhan Mountain on his little finger worthily occupy the space of some walls. The details like Ram breaking the Shivadhanusya in Sita Swayamvar and Arjun piercing the eye of the fish while looking at its reflection in water in Draupadi Swayamvar can be given as further illustrations of the skills of painters painting the miniatures. The trees depicted in the paintings show variety as rounded trees, small trees with broad leaves and tapering cypress trees.
Later, the first British Resident Sir Charles Malet induced Peshwa Sawai Madhavrao 10 establish a school of drawing in his Shaninārādā wherein painter Mr. James Wales who made the portraits of Peshwa Sawai Madhavrao, Nana Phadnis and Mahadaji Shinde opened a small school. Wales trained many upcoming Indian artists out of whom Gangaram Tambat proved to be very proficient."
New Cultural Objects in Painting:
A new wave of culture emerged in the Deccan with the arrival of Shahu and more so when he became Chhatrapati. The influence of the Mughal culture on him appears to be quite noticeable when one goes through the historical records that reflect upon the orders placed by him to his Peshwas who thereby would ask their northern sardārs to get the objects. As per one letter Shahu had given Rs. 5,000/- to Peshwa Bajirao i to purchase two hawks for himself. The ferocious animals also were ordered as is indicative from one letter. It states the order for a tiger and a tigress. One letter from Shahu to the Peshwa is specifically about the planning that was required for bringing different birds and animals from Himalayas for Shahu. There is a mention of Iraqi' horse, Kasturi Alriga or a type of deer, whose naval has unparalleled fragrance, bisons and the birds known as Himapakshi. The latter three were available in the area of Srinagar. After investigation about the birds mentioned herein it was known from the Peshwa's vakil in Srinagar that it was difficult to get a live himapakshi. It was also reported that the bisons and the deer could be procured after Vijayadashmi (Dashahara) or sometime around the Dinali days. The Peshwa was expected to get them and arrange for their delivery at Satara by the winter season. A letter of 1740 states that Amarsingh Bundele, the Peshwa's officer, had sent hawks and other hunting animals of prey for Shahu from North India. The word himapakshi refers to Himalayan Pheasant. This bird was considered to be an auspicious bird for the

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Mughal Rule. The Islamic mythology mentions hima as a mythical bird and the counter-part of this divine bird on the earth is hawk or falcon. Thus, a hawk or falcon is associated with royal power. This is the reason as to why a hawk is often seen in the Mughal paintings. A very interesting painting of the Mughal miniature style shows emperor Shah Jahan seated on the throne and a pair of birds on the dais of the throne around the solar disk as if are meant for showering the divine favour on emperor Shah Jahan. Prince Dara Shukoh is shown presenting to Shah Jahan, his father, with the earthly counterpart of it i.e., a hawk. (See, plate no.1) Thus, the full painting reflects an auspicious feelig. Hindu mythology also has given a special status to the hawk among birds. A hawk is said to be auspicious to kill/vanquish the enemy. The hawk is referred to be a power-giving bird also by the Puranas like the Agni Purāņa ard the Mastya Purāna. The Agni Purāņa says that the 'beeja' of this bird is very important. If the sword of the ruler is decorated with the symbol of the hawk's 'beeja' the enemy of the ruler is sure be killed. The Mastya Purāna recommends that a person wishing to be victorious over the enemy should prepare the image of his enemy and then should sanctify a dagger by invoking the hawk reciting the sorcery mantras and then cut the image of the enemy. Such an action is said to be certainly leading the king to victory."
Thus the portrayal of a falcon or a hawk in the miniature painting of the Peshwa period shows a fusion of the beliefs about the bird in Islamic as well as the Hindu traditions.(See, plate no.2)
Gulabdāni:
Certain paintings show the objects indicating affluent life. Gulābdäni or a rose sprinkler is one of them. It was included in the list of the demands that the Peshwas made to their northern sardärs. The origin of guläbdäni is found in Mughal rule. The Mughal kings being fond of various types of scented flowers planted the saplings and extracted the essence from it. Akbar, the Mughal emperor, had specially set up a department named Khushbukhānā wherein different scents were prepared after experiments. The text entitled Vakayāt-i-Jahāngiri records that the mother of Noorjahan got the extract from the rose petals collected after boiling them and prepared a rose essence from it. After the success of this experiment Noorjahan named it as itar-i-jahāngiri. It was the rose essence that was mixed in water to make the rose water. The gulābdānis of silver were for containing the rose water and for sprinkling it on festive occasions. The document of the year 1753-54 states that Peshwa Nanasaheb had got made many objects of gold and silver from Naro Shankar at Zansi that included gulābdāni among others. (See, fig. no.2) The object like gulābdāni was quite novel to the people of Maharashtra. There is no mention of such luxurious objects in the pre-Peshwa times in Maharashtra. Thus it must have been imported into Maharashtra during the Peshwa times. It is interesting to note that gulābdāni soon figured in the feminine functions like haldikünkü. The Haldikūnkū was a kind of get-together of married ladies of the Brahmin caste. The practice prevails even to this day among some families. The Haldikūnkū is conducted on the auspicious days preferably in the Hindu months of Chaitra, Sravan and Pausa. There used to be placing of a goddess called Gauri in the month of Chaitra that corresponds to the months of March-April according to English calendar. The goddess used to be decorated with the regional and seasonal flowers and fruits and also with neem leaves. Various eatables were prepared for the goddess. Gauri is in fact a form of a mother-goddess. This period of the year corresponds to the taking of one set of crops. Hence a get-together of the married ladies symbolized the honour of the mother goddess. The Hindu month of Pausa corresponds with the month of January. The period from Makar Sankranti to Rathasaptami is considered to be the

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pleasant period when the people in Maharashtra greet each other with til-guld or sesame seeds and jaggery. As the term indicates the married ladies are invited to each other's house, greeted with the applying of haldi (dried turmeric powder) and kumkum on their foreheads and scent on their hand and are given a flower and the gift by way of three handfuls of grains and a coconut which they are supposed to take in one end portion of their saree. This gift was called oti. Very interestingly, somewhere during the Peshwa period the gulabdānīs must have entered the occasion of haldikūnku to add fragrant grace. In fact, though, it was of a Mughal-make it entered the homes of the orthodox Brahmin Peshwas as a sheer luxury item.
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Painting on Ganjiphas
The historical records during Peshwa period mention many games as a pastime activity. There are references to the game of ganjipha in Peshwa Daftar records. The portrayal of animals found a place in the playing cards of the Hindus as in other games as well. Many times the animals have figured as the vahana or vehicle of some important deities e.g., lion for Durgā, elephant for Indra, mouse for Ganesh. Thus in case of the use of animals as symbols among the Hindus it was a mythological and religious association. Sawantwadi situated between Konkan and Goa has been famous for ganjiphas. This place is known even now for the wooden toys. The toy-carts and the wooden fruits coloured to appear as real have been traditionally made and sold at Sawantwadi. The ganjiphas have been also one of the traditional pastimes and games of this place. The traditional ones were made of wood. Some of them survive to this day but mostly the way as to how the game was played has become a historical past and the people are losing their memory with regards to this game. The most popular ganjipha pictures, also mentioned in the historical records, were having the pictures showing dashāvatāras or ten incarnations of Lord Vishnu. (See, fig. no.3) It must be noted here that Dashāvatāra also is a performing art of Konkan covering Sawantwadi as well. The background of all the cards was of the same colour, a soft buff. Usually, there were different colours for each suit- vivid reds, yellows, shades of orange, rich browns and blacks and deeper tones of red and green. There used to be 120 cards in a pack divided into 10 suits corresponding to the respective avatara of Vishnu of 12 cards each. The ten incarnations and usual suit marks with colours were: Matsya(red), Kūrma(red), Varaha(yellow), Narasimha or Nrisimha(green). Vämana(green). Parasuram(tawny). Ramchandra(yellow), Krishna(tawny), Buddha(black) and Kalki(black). The pictures of these incarnations painted on the ganjipha show many variations and hence they are sometimes difficult to recognize. There were also the ganjiphas of the zodiac signs and were called Rashi ganjiphas.20 They included all the twelve star- signs. Navagraha ganjiphas was yet another type. Specific colours signified the respective planets. They were as follows: Surya Sun shown in yellow, Chandra= Moon in green, Mangal= Mars in red, Budha Mercury in orange, guru= Jupiter in brownish red, Shukra Venus in ivory or creamish white, Shani Saturn in blue, Rahu= Dragon's Head in purple and Ketu= Dragon's tail in violet.21
Chitrakathis: Story through Paintings
The word Chitrakathi literally means telling a story through pictures. These devices were generally used by the performers of Kirtan or musical performance based on an epic, Vetal Panchavishi, Panchatantra or Bhagvat i.e., the text concerned with Krishna/Vishnu. Kirtan was a village performance performed in the evening in a temple. It can even be called the oral tradition of transmitting the epic stories to future generations. Kirtan is performed in Maharashtra even today. In a way, then

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a Kirtan has been a tool to continue the folk memory and reach the epic stories to such masses of population who could not read and write. Usually, the important happenings in mythological stories especially of the two epics viz., Ramayana and Mahābhārata were painted on a piece of cloth. (See, fig. no.4,5) either the scroll or flat Chitrakathi was made of this painting to be unfolded and shown when the respective scene had to be described to the audience. The scroll-painting would create additional flavour to the description of the performer of the Kirtan. The most popular descriptions that formed the themes of Chitrakathis were Sitā Haran, Lankā Dahan by Hanumān, Rām-Rāvana war, Kichaka- Bhima combat etc. Thus, while narrating the stories from the epics the performer could also extend entertainment with the help of Chitrakathis. It is also found that certain religious sects in Maharashtra or Andhra Pradesh create Chitrakathis to reach the religious information. The pictures are drawn on hand-made paper.
Large numbers of Chitrakathis found so far are from Paithan. Rāja Kelkar Museum in Pune has a very good collection of Chitrakathis.
These are just some examples to show that some new trends in painting got assimilated during Peshwa period in keeping with the prevailing ones that continued to be patronized.
ILLUSTRATIONS: 1. A wall-painting showing haveli; Motibagh Wādā. Wai; Courtesy: Sardar Anandrao Raste 2. A wall-painting having the scene of a bath of a royal lady; gulabdanis are seen on a silver
plate. Nana Phadnis wādā, Menavali; Courtesy: Asok Phadnis 3. Ganjipha showing Matsya Avatar of the Dashavataras; Courtesy: Dr. K. K. Maheshwari 4. Laxmaņa drawing the Lakshmaņa Rekhā in front of the hut of Sita; Courtesy: Raja Kelkar
Museum, Pune 5. Pandavas sent to the forest by Kauravas; Courtesy: Raja Kelkar Museum, Pune
Plate 1- Painting 1 A Painting showing Dara Shukoh Presenting the bird, Huma, to Emperor Shah Jahan. It is of Mughal School and the artists are Ustad Mansur & Govardhan. From the Catalogue named Power and Desire Indian Miniatures from the San Diego Museum of Art, Edwin Binney 3rd Collection, San Diego Museum of Art, California, U.S.A., Published in French by Paris Musees, Editions Findakly, Paris, November 2002
Plate-2 Painting 2 A Painting showing the scene of Hunt depicting Peshwa and Chhatrapati Shahu; A falcon seen in the hands of Chhatrapati Shahu and another falcon seen between the Peshwa and Chhatrapati Shahu Courtesy: Department of History, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University, Aurangabad, Maharashtra
Reference
Varsha S. Shirgaonkar, Eighteenth Century Deccan: Cultural History of the Peshwas, Aryan Books International, New Delhi, 2010, pp. 13-14.

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2 Sindhu S. Dange, "The Account of Jarasandha's Birth from The Mahabharata", Prof. Satya Pal Narang (ed.), Modern evaluation of the Mahabharata, Nag Publishers, Delhi, 1995, p. 110.
3 Sadashiv Ambadas Dange, Encyclopaedia of Puranic Beliefs And Practices, Vol. II, Navrang, New Delhi, 1978, p. 424.
4 Dr. Nayana Tadvalkar, Ephemeral Floor Art of India: History, Tradition and Continuity, Awarded Ph. D. Degree, S.N.D.T. Women's University, Mumbai, 2012, p. 56.
BK Apte, Maratha Wall Paintings, Government Central Press, Bombay, 1988, Intro., p. vii. OS.B. Deshmukh, Maratha Painting (Part 1), Marathwada University, Aurangabad, March 1992, p. 28. 7 B. K. Apte, op. cit., Intro., p. x. 8 D. B. Parasnis, Poona In Bygone Days, Times Press, Bombay, 1921, p. 23. 9 lbid, p. 24.
10 G. S. Sardesai, (ed.). Peshwe Daftaratun Niwadlele Kagad (PD), Vol. 18, government Central Press, Mumbai 1931, letter no. 56, p. 34.
11 D. B. Parasnis, op. cit., pp. 1-4, p. 53; B. K. Apte, Op. cit., Intro., p. viii. 12 Varsha S. Shirgaonkar, op. cit., pp. 29-30. 13 PD, Vol. 8, No. 14 & 15, Government Central Press, Bombay, 1931, No. 28, p. 21. 14 Ibid. No. 29, loc. cit. 15 Ibid. No. 22, pp. 15-17. 16 Ibid, No. 25, p. 19. 17 Sadashiv A. Dange, Encyclopaedia of Puranic Beliefs and Practices, Vol. 1, Navrang, New Delhi, 1986, p. 129.
18 Prananath Chopra, Some Aspects of Society and Culture During the Mughal Age (1526-1707), Shivlal Agrawal and Co. Ltd., Agra, 2nd edition, 1963, pp. 16-17.
19 G. C. Wad (Prepared), Selections From Satara Rajas' and Peshwas' Diaries, Vol. II/II, No. 235, Induprakash Press, Mumbai, 1906, p. 154.
20 N. G. Chapekar, Peshawaichya Savalit, Aryasamskriti Press, Pune, 1937, p. 197.
21 Kishor Gordhandas, "Navagraha (Nine Planets) Ganjipha Cards", The Playing Card, Journal of the International Playing Card Society, February 1986, Vol. XIV, No. 3, pp. 91-96.

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34. Jain Temples of Caita
Arvind K. Singh and Navneet Kumar Jain
It is strange to note that such an important Jain temples site of Caita is not properly documented and till date remained unpublished (Willis 1996b: 31). This particular remark of the scholar enhances our curiosity to visit the site, but due to its location in the forest areas and not well-known among the general public, immaterialized for a long time. Fortunately in February 2011, late Ram Babu Jain, then manager of Sonāgir Sri Camdrabhūsaņa Bhattāraka Kothi Samsthāna told about Padma Candra Jain of Karahiyā village, who is working as the secretary of the management committee of Caita Jaina temples and often visiting the site. He generously accompanied us to the site and also provides useful information regarding the site, renovation works done time to time and the problems with other concerned aspects for which we are extremely thankful to him.
The site of Caita was first reported and its three inscriptions were imprecisely noted by Garde (1938: 11-12, 27-28). More or less the same information was repeatedly reproduced by Dwivedi (1947: 13, 100), Patil (1952:26), Willis (1996a: 7, 107) and Jain (2001: 85-86). Jain (1976: 53-54) gives the brief description of Caita and denotes it as 'manaharadeva'l on the basis of a huge Säntinātha image which has the power of enthral the human soul.
The village of Caita (25°,127, 78°, 4'.) is situated about eight kilometers in north of the nearby village Karahiya of the tahasil Bhitarvār in Gwalior District of the State of Madhya Pradesh (see location map below). As for the approach to the place, there is a metalled road to the village Karahiyā but from there onwards to the village Caita, it is under construction. The actual site is situated about one kilometer south-west from the village Caita. Around the slope of the hill, a range of the Vindhyan formation, there are seven Jaina temples standing in diverse stages of preservation while numerous scattered architectural and sculptural fragments indicate about the existence of some more temples on the site (figure 1). Below the temple, there are abundant foundations of building structure in plain areas and the fragments of bricks scattered all around indicate the possibility of existence of a large settlement nearby the Jaina temples. Due to its segregate location in the hilly and forest areas, the place was constantly targeted by smugglers and notorious persons, as in 1967 C.E. they cut the heads of 19 Jaina images. The process of destruction and theft is still continued and even they dare to break the locks of the iron grills of the temple 5 that was fixed recently for the security and safety of the temple and the artifact collected there. Only due to this reason, the image of Sāntinātha, which was originally installed in the temple 5, shifted to Sri Camdrabhūsaņa Kothi Samsthāna at Sonāgir (Dati District, Madhya Pradesh) on 30th January 1969.

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Apart from the man-made destruction, the lack of proper maintenance and natural causes hasten the damage of the Jaina temples and sculptures of Caita and that is still going on. Of the three temples facing east and constructed on the slope of the hill, the roots of the Pīpala trees are penetrated in the back and northern walls of the temple 4 (figure 2). Due to this reason cracks are developed in the walls. Likewise, there are numerous thin branches of the roots entered in the walls and roofs and spread over in the sanctum of the middle temple 3.
The vegetation and plants are grown on the walls and roofs of the temples and their roots entered into the small cracks causing the seepage and deposition of silt and chemicals. In due course of times, the roots became thicker consequently the cracks broaden and ultimately the binding of the roof and walls became weaker and fallen down. If the roots of the Pīpala trees and other plants shall not be taken out of the plinth, walls and roofs of the temples and proper conservation work will not done immediately at least these three temples shall not remain stand for a longer time.
Architecture:
At present, there are only four temples on the slope of the hill and three temples in the valley, but Jain (1976: 53-54) has reported the ruins of fourteen temples at Caita. Of the four temples on the slope, three are built in a row attached with one another and facing east while fourth temple is sited at a close distance to the south and facing north (figure 3). For convenience of the understanding, the temples are numbered serially starting from this north facing temple or their positions from southwards to northwards.
On the basis of the enshrined fragmentary images it could be assumed that temple I was dedicated to three kāyotsarga tirtharkara images in tritirthikā form. All the images are headless and exist in badly damaged condition. One of them might be identified as of tirthamkara Neminātha on the basis of the depiction of cognizance conch or śankha on the seat or simhāsana. Though the cognizance of another image is not much clear, seems to be recognized as a fish or matsya, therefore the tirtharnkara of the image might be Aranātha. In the absence of the cognizance and other features the identification of third tirtharkara looks not feasible. In the sanctum, another pedestal portion of an image is also lying down but probably not belonged to this temple. As for the plan of the temple, it consists of a rectangular garbha-grha or sanctum sanctorum measures 2.3 x 2.4 meters externally and 1.6 x 2 meters internally. The inner and outer walls are plain and the flat roof is partly collapsed. The doorway of the sanctum is devoid of ornamentation and measures 1.5 x 0.6 meters. On the basis of the inscription engraved on the pedestal of preserved image, the construction of the temple might be determined in 1144 C.E.
The entire outer measurement of three temples constructed adjoining each-other in north-west direction are 3.0 x 6.7 meters and they include only a garbha-grha in plan. Though the reminiscent point out a possibility of the provision of small mandapas and sikhara portions of these temples but nothing could be said with certainty about their shape, size and other details. Of the three temples, southern one designated as temple 2, is dedicated to three tirtharkara images in kāyotsarga posture and in tritirthikā form as indicated by the presence of a long pedestal embellished with geometric designs in the sanctum sanctorum for the accommodation of three images. At present, the garbhagrha consist the fragments of two images. Of them, middle one is in its original position but without head while other image is broken in two pieces. It is quite impossible to identify the tirtharkaras of these images in the absence of identification marks. The size of the temple is 3 x 2.6 meters. The

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ceiling is of ksipta type decorated with full blossom lotus, while the inner and external walls are plain. The doorway measures 1.4 x 0.6 meters and carved with small Jina images on the lintel. The female deities or attendants depicted on the lower portion in the niches and the recesses are decorated with geometrical designs filled with floral pattern. The lalātabimba is carved with a tiny Jina image in padmāsana posture flanked by the kāyotsarga Jina images on both the corners. The lower portion of the doorjamb is decorated with two female deities, placed one on each side of the niche. These female figures are depicted in tribhanga posture with two arms in which the right hand is in katyāvalambitaposition or placed on waist and left hand is turned upwards. They are also accompanied with female attendants. The udumbara of the doorway is carved with mandāraka in the centre flanked by two couchant lion-elephant figures, one on each side.
The middle temple 3 is very narrow and measures 3.0 x 1.8 meters. The sanctum sanctorum is enshrined with a mutilated image of a tirthamkara in kāyotsarga posture. The upper portion of the image is missing and in the absence of cognizance and other details the identification of the tirthamkara is not possible. On the basis of the dated inscription on the pedestal of the enshrined image, the year of the construction of the temple might be contemplated in 1179 C.E.
The dimension of the temple 4 is 3.0 x 0.6 meters and it is almost similar to the temple 2. At present there is no image in the sanctum sanctorum, so it is not possible to confirm that the temple was dedicated to which Jina or tīrthamkara.
The remains of a mandapikā are found scattered towards south of the temple 1. There are four pillars and huge stone slabs which lie loose on the ground and indicate that originally the mandapikā was made of four pillars surmounted with huge slabs forming the roof. Interestingly, here one could notice the technique of the erection of pillars supported by massive base stone. Pillar was erected by inserting their square cut base into the socket cut out in the square stone piece as evident by a pillar lying coupled with square base stone piece (figure 4). The pillars are badly damaged and two of them are fragmented into pieces. The shape of the pillar consists on the top beautifully decorated small niches containing padmāsana Jina figures in sarvatobhadrikā form is followed by circular plain portion for engraving the inscription, then vertical long strips followed by octagonal shape, while the lower portion bears long niches in four directions containing the figures of śāsanade vatās (figure 5). The Jina images do not bear any identification marks but the śāsanadevatās could be recognized as yakşi figures of Ambikā, Padmāvati, Cakreśvarī, Kāli and Sarasvati. Inscriptions of the pillars suggest that the mandapikä was constructed in 1125-26 C.E.
The utility of the room constructed nearby the mandapikā is difficult to understand. Its walls are covered with lime paint, housed a huge image flanked by small images on both the sides. All of them are badly damaged and painted with vermilion that makes their identification more complicated. The doorway of the room is simple while lintel portion is decorated with small kāyotsarga Jina figures in the centre as well as on both the corners.
All these temples, mandapikā and room are located on the slope of the hill. Further approaching down to the slope there are three temples. Of them, two are small in size and remains in ruined condition. Nevertheless, the other one is the largest among the Caita temples and comparatively well preserved. Coming down from the slope of the hill, we reach first to the largest temple and then to a group of two temples. These are mentioned here in succeeding numbers.

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The largest temple 5 of Caita is built in Nāgara style which has two basic components: garbhagrha and a mandapa (figure 6). The Garbha-grha or sanctum sanctorum or central cella has only one door, the image of the main deity is placed inside the sanctum. The mandapa or porch was made in front of the garbha-grha for the worshippers to stand under shade to have darśana or view the deity and offer prayers while looking at the image and experiencing his spiritual presence. Its elevation is marked by four-sided neck or grīvā and a tall tapering śikhara. It is the spire, a tall structure that tapers to a point above followed by janghā, vedībandha, adhisthāna, pītha, and jagati. Sikhara is depicted with pratiratha, anuratha and bhadra, grīvā, āmalaka, kalaśa, bijapuraka and other components.
This temple is erected on a high plinth and facing north. The dimension of the temple is 12.5 x 7.0 meters externally. In plan, it includes a sanctum sanctorum or garbha-grha and a sabhāmandapa. The sabhāmandapa is square in shape measures 7 x 7 meters. However, it is not in its unusual form, was renovated later on with the original stones. The doorway is plain but decorated with male deities, one on the either side, which seems to be a later addition. The sabhämandapa is designed with a gallery resting on pillars on both the sides divided by a passage in the middle. There is provision of ventilation and light through the roof. The inner and external walls of the sabhāmandapa are plain, and covered with lime paint. The galleries stock up plentiful mutilated Jina images and architectural fragments which are kept here after collecting from the adjoining areas (figure 7).
The garbha-grha measures 4.0 x 3.3 meters, is presently enshrined with a sarvatobhadrikā image, which is not associated with this temple. The temple was originally enshrined with a magnificent 18 feet high image of tirthaikara Säntinātha that was shifted in 1969 C.E. to Sonāgir. On the other hand, the uppermost trichatra portion flanked with mutilated anointing gaja-kalasa motif and the pedestal of the huge Sāntinātha image is still present on its original place in the temple (figure 8). Later on, a sarvatobhadrikā image was put on the pedestal. The inner and outer walls of the sanctum are plain while the ceiling is of kşipta type and decorated with floral pattern. There is a provision of flight of steps on both the side walls of the sanctum for the convenience of anointment of the huge image of Sāntinātha. The garbha-grha contains some more art fragments. The adhisthāna of the garbha-grha consists of khura, kumbha and kapotikā mouldings. The middle of the janghā portion is provided with the elevated fringe of stone decorated with geometric design of a circle and a rafter subsequently. The varandikā resting on the walls of garbha-grha, consists of two patrikās, the upper one is decorated with tulā-patra design, and a plain kapotikā. The garbha-grha is crowned with rekha śikhara of nāgara style. It is panca-ratha in plan and topped with a conical projection resting on an amalaka. At the base touch to varandikā, it is carved with caitya mesh design.
The doorway of the garbha-grha is heavily decorated, though it is now damaged and filled with thick layer of lime paint. It comprises sapta-śākhā, all are embellished with foliage patterns excluding the middle stambha-śākhā which is decorated with rajju pattern having four mutilated human figures in different postures, might be in dancing form. The stambha-śākhā is extended upwards and marked with ghata-pallava motif that is surmounted with floral circles and finally with the projections holding the upper lintel. The lower part of the stambha-śākhā consist a niche with the depiction of yaksi figures and their attendants. The four armed yakși bears some objects in the hands but it is not easy to recognize them. They are depicted in tribhanga posture. The yakși of the left niche might be identified as Padmāvati who is canopied with seven serpent hoods over the head. The badly damaged condition and lime incrustation make the identification of the yakși of the right niche quite impossible.

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There is a pilaster on both the sides of the doorway served as holding the upper mass of roof. It also contains the sculptural decor on their lower part. The left side pilaster displays two-armed yakși Ambikā topped with mango tree or āmravskşa, holding a son in her left arm while her right arm is now broken. Another son of the yakşi is shown on the pedestal. The opposite pilaster consist two armed standing figure of a yaksa. Nevertheless, due to its mutilated condition the identification of the yaksa is not easier, however a possibility of holding the money bag in his left hand indicate a possibility of yakşa Gomukha, who was the partner of yakși Ambikā.
The style of the temple 5 is unique and the carvings of the doorways and other parts are comparable to the famous Sāsa-bahū temple built by the Kacchapaghāta rulers on Gwalior fort. Though there is no certain epigraphic evidence to ascertain the date of the temple, however it will be safer on the style of temple and sculptures to accept the date in the 12th Century C.E.
Down to the plain, two temples are constructed side by side. Since they are in very ruined condition, nothing possible to say about their ground plan and elevation, but certainly they consist of a garbhhagrha. The garbhha-grha of the temple 6 is enshrined with a grand image of tirthamnkara Candraprabha which is badly mutilated, headless and inclined down resting on the doorway portion. The stele or parikara of the image bears an inscription dated in 1440 C.E. that helps in determining the construction date of the temple. The garbha-grha of the temple 7 is enshrined with a grand image of tirthamkara Neminātha which is also badly mutilated, headless, inclined down resting on the doorway portion and bears the inscription of 1440 C.E. Some years ago, a long and high platform was constructed around both the temples that makes unworkable to specify their plan and extension.
Garde (1938: 12) records that down on the plain at the foot of the hillock stands an isolated group of two large idols of Jaina tirthaikaras of about double of the height of a man. The feet of the idols are buried in the earth. He further mentions that the distinctive mark if they exist on the pedestals, are not visible, thus making the identification impossible at present. However, he did not notice the inscriptions that obviously disclose the names of the tirthaikaras.
Sculptures:
The remains of a larger number of independent Jina images and architectural fragments found scattered all around indicate that Caita was a great centre of Jaina art and iconography. Most of the Jina figures are in independent form besides some tritirthikā and sarvatobhadrikā images were also made. The images of Tirtharkaras are believed to be in great austerity and thus were called Jina, meaning 'conqueror', the conqueror of all passions, greed and hatred. By rightful thought and conduct one could easily achieve salvation. The twenty-four tirthamkaras, i.e., deified saints, has one mark of cognizance, often on the seat which helps in identification. The Tirtharkaras are also distinguished by their own pairs of yakşas and yaksis, called śāsana-devatās, the protector of Jina. Since the tirthamkara belonged to śramana paramparā, i.e., the ascetic tradition they were not shown with consorts.
In their formation artists follow the tradition but the signs of innovative practices may also be noticed. The size of the images varies from two feet to eighteen feet high. They are made of sand stone. The tirthamnkara figures are shown stark naked or digambara in käyotsarga and padmāsana posture with deep contemplation. They are rendered with usual astaprätihäryas viz., vrksa, dundubhi, trichatra, simhäsana, camaradhara, prabhāmandala etc. and accompanied with śäsanadevatā yakşa and yakși at their respective places. There is a provision of cushion above the simhāsana on which th

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tīrthamkara is placed. The cushion is decorated with foliage pattern and jeweled beads. In one case, snake hoods are extended over the cushion which helps to identify the Jina figure as Pārsvanātha. Among the images of Caita tirthamkaras Rşabhanātha, Candraprabha, śāntinātha, Kumthunātha, Neminātha, Pārsvanātha and Mahāvīra are easily identifiable.
A wonderful image of Sāntinātha, that was originally installed in temple 5 and later on shifted to Sonāgir, is famous by the name of 'manaharadeva' (figure 9). Jain (1976:53) denied the depiction of cognizance on this image and identified this image as of śāntinātha only on the basis of a popular legend of its consecration by Setha Pādāśāha who was known for installing a large number of tirtharkara images, particularly of Sāntinātha. But there is no evidentry proof to accept such belief. On the other hand, image bears no inscription and none of the Caita inscriptions records the name of Setha Pādāśāha. He further states that Pandita Lekharāja, a resident of Karahiyā, mentions the Jina of the image as Rşabhanātha in his work 'Baraiyā Vilāsa'. It is very strange that why these scholars did not observe and recognize the cognizance deer in seated form boldly carved on the simhāsana placed below the feet of Sāntinātha. This leaves no doubt in the identification of the tirtharnkara of the image.
Most of the standing Jina images of Caita are remarkably attributed with the hair-locks falling on shoulders. This attribute is canonically prescribed as the iconographic features of tīrtharnkara Adinātha or Ķsabhanātha and in the absence of concerning cognizance it is treated as an identification mark of the tirthamkara. But in Caita, the attribute of hair locks falling on shoulders is not only associated with the images of this tirtharkara, but also common with other Jina images. Such type of depiction is not only limited to the site of Caita but the trend also prevailed in adjoining Jain centers like Devagarh (Lalitpur District, Uttar Pradesh), Budhi Canderi (Ashoknagar District, Madhya Pradesh), Pacarãi and Golākoța (Shivpuri District, Madhya Pradesh) that might be treated as a regional innovation.
Of the astaprātihāryas, simhāsana (lion throne) is distinctly monotype presented here in the form of a niche containing a dharma-cakra in the centre with Upādhyāya figure over it, śrāvaka figure on both the sides, and finally flanked with rearing lions (figure 10). The Upadhyāya or teacher figures are shown in vyakhyāna-mudrā that indicates a possibility that Caita was a major centre of Jaina learning. However, this practice was not uniformly followed because there are a few images which do not depict the Upādhyāya or śrāvaka figures. Most of the simhāsanas of Jina images are traditionally represented with the figures of yaksa and yakși on the both side, but in some examples, either both of them are absent or two yakşas or two yakşīs are shown on the side. In most of the instances, either the cognizance-marks are not carved or they are now damaged. Contrary to this tradition, a fragmentary simhāsana part of tritirthikā image of Sāntinātha-Kumthunātha-Neminātha, bearing an inscription dated in Vikrama Samvat 1191 is peculiar depicting two roaring lions positioned back to back along with two standing deer figures facing each-other, a goat and conch or sankha respectively.
There is a solitary example of sarvatobhadrikā type of images at Caita which is at present placed in the sanctum sanctorum of temple 5. In this sarvatobhadrikā image the figure of Adinātha or Rşabhanātha and Pārsvanātha may be identified with the help of hanging hair locks and seven serpent hood over the head respectively.
The śāsanadevatā yaksa and yaksis are either shown in the simhāsana portion of the Jina images at their respective places or carved independently on the lower part of the pillars of mandapikā and door-jambs. The portrayal of the Yakşi figures is outnumbered. They are represented on the simhasana of the Jina images as well as independently carved on pillars. However, yakşas are not independently

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depicted at Caita, always shown as a component of simhasana. All the sasanadevată figures are badly mutilated and damaged. Among the yakși figures, Padmavati of tīrthamkara Pārsvanatha (figure 11), Ambika of tīrthamkara Neminatha (figure 12) and Kāli of tīrthamkara Suparśvanatha (figure 13) are numerous which show their popularity at Caita.
Yakṣi Padmavati is, in general, shown on simhasana, on the lower part of the pillars of mandapikā and on the pilaster of gallery of the temple 5 in the traditional form. Two handed yakṣi grasps one of her child in left arm and right hand holds a bunch of mango tree. The branches of mango tree are also shown over the head of the yakṣi. Her other son is depicted standing on the pedestal at right or left side and her mount lion shown at opposite side of the child. There is an independent example of Ambika image in tribhanga pose. But her lower portion from the waist is now totally disappeared and rest portion also damaged at several places. She has two hands and grasps one of her son in left arm while the right arm is now broken. Above the head of Ambika a miniature tirthankara image is shown in padmasana.
Yakşi Kali is presented with four arms either in tribhanga posture or in nṛtya-mudrā, holding ankusa and pāśa respectively in her upper right and left hands, while lower left hand bears fruit and right hand is depicted in varada-mudra. Her mount vṛṣabha or bull is shown seated on the pedestal either at right or left side.
Apart from the aforementioned yakși figures, there are several fragments of yakṣis sculptures but they could not be identified due to badly damaged nature. Sarasvati is highly venerated and carved on the lower parts of the pillars of the manḍapikā in tribhanga posture with four arms. On the basis of the holding objects, the figure of Sarasvati might be divided into two groups. In the first, she holds padma or lotus and pothi or manuscript respectively in her upper right and left hands and kamandalu in lower left hand while lower right hand is shown in varada-mudra. In the second form, she holds padma in her upper right hand, pothi in lower left hand and grasps vīņā in other two hands (figure 14). In both the forms her mount peacock is depicted on the pedestal, and the first form represents her as the goddess of Jaina scriptures while the other as the goddess of music.
The yakṣi and Sarasvati figures of Caita are adorned with traditional garments and ornaments. Of them, the common ornaments are pearled lasses or kesa-bandha, big circular kundala, vanamālā, hära or necklace with many pearled strings, stanahāra, armlets, kankaṇa, multi-strings girdle or mekhala, nupura, etc. The vanamālā is simple made of two or three plain strings. The pearls of the ornaments are prominently shown.
There is a total lack of independent images of yakṣas at Caita. They are represented only as a component of simhasana and their proper identification is not possible due to the mutilated condition. In most of the examples, they are generally shown with two arms and stand in tribhanga posture. They holds flower in their left hand while right hand is in katyāvalamita-position or rests on the waist. Only in one example, yakṣa Gomedha is shown with his consort Ambika on the simhasana. Here, Gomukha is four handed and illustrated in standing posture. He holds mudgara and money bag in his right and left hands respectively and the objects of two other hands are not clear. Probably upper left hand holds a caṣaka. The yakṣas are normally adorned with simple necklace and vanamālā. On the whole, it seems that the artisans of Caita were not interested in making the yakṣa figures in varied and beautiful forms in comparison with yakşi figures.

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It appears that Caita was an important centre of Jaina art and architecture, especially of image making. The depiction of Upādhyāya figures in vyākhyāna-mudrā suggests a possibility that in the direction of these Upadhyāyas the construction of the Jaina temples of Caita was done with the donation of the śrävakas for whom some information are available in the inscriptions of the place. Plausibly, for this reason images of Caita largely follow the iconographic features of Jaina canons.
References: Dwivedi, Harihar Nivās, Vikram Samvat 2004 (C.E. 1947). Gwālior Rajya ke Abhilekha. Banāras.
Garde, M. B., 1938. Annual Administration Report of the Archaeological Department, Gwalior State for Samvat 1990/ year 1933-34. Gwalior.
Jain, Balabhadra, 1976, Bharata ke Digambara Jaina Tirtha 3, Bombay.
Jain, Kastur Chandra, 2001, Bharatiya Digambara Jaina Abhilekha aur Tirtha Paricaya, Madhya Pradesh: sati taka. Delhi.
Patil, D. R., 1952. The Descriptive and Classified List of Archaeological Monuments in Madhya Bhārata. Gwalior
Sircar, D.C., 1966. Indian Epigraphical Glossary. Delhi.
Willis, Michael D., 1996a. Inscriptions of Gopaksetra: Material for the history of Central India, British Museum. London
- 1996b. "Architecture in Central India under Kacchapaghäta Rulers," in South Asian Studies, 12.

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35. 'Dohada' A Folk-Lore in Ancient India
U.N.Roy
The term 'dohada' occurs profusely in ancient Indian Literature and denotes a popular social custom widely prevalent amongst the women-folk of the country. Although 'dohada' is a Prakrit word, it is a term of frequent occurrence in the Sanskrit texts. It is a derivative of the Sanskrit word 'daurhrida', meaning foetus.
Aśoka-dohada
It was commonly believed that the tree of Aśoka does not bloom and the hero (Nayaka) fails to show his strong emotion for longing unless the two received the stroke (Prahāra) of the left foot (Vāmapāda), especilally, of a charming lady under intoxication. It was held that if she kicked the Aśoka tree with her left foot or spat a mouthful of drunken liquor on its stem, it blossoms into full in consequence.' Such references are of frequent occurrence in Sanskrit lyric, drama and prose romances, throwing light on its wide popularity in the female section as early as the Maurya-Sunga Age. In an interesting account of the Malavikāgnimitram of Kālidāsa, we find the lady attendant Madhukarikā requesting the queen Dhariņi to apply the 'dohada' device to the young Aśoka tree which was not yet blossoming.2 As the left leg of the queen was injured having fallen from the swing, she expressed her inability for the same and selected charming Malavika, the young heroine of the drama to perform the delicate duty and promised to award her profusely, if the tree came into blossom in a brief course of five days only.
Vakulavalika, another lady attendant of the chief queen, is reported as saying to Malavika that even after receiving the stroke of her tender feet (Charaṇa-satkāram labdhvā), if the Aśoka tree does not bear flowers, it will be deemed as worthless one (nirguno). The King, too, is reported as observing, that if the Aśoka did not burst into buds even after receiving an honour from the newly blossomed lotus-like, adorned with red dye and tinkling with metallic sounds of the anklets of a young lady with slender waist, it would be presumed that longing of the lustful for the foot-stroke (dohada) of a charming damsel, grows in him invain."
The king, who was highly enamoured of charming Mālavikā, is represented in the drama as saying that either an unblossomed Aśoka tree or a hero committing blunder in romance and hence lying prone before his sweetheart seeking her mercy, deserves the kick of the foot of that fascinating lady.' Malavika the heroine of the drama, while experessing a similar view, observes that this unbloomed Aśoka tree ('agrhita-kusuma') is lustful for a stroke, from the delicate and charming foot of an attractive maiden (lalit-sukumara-dohadäpeksi)8.

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In the Meghaduta of Kalidasa also, we find reflection of a similar popular social custom. The Yaksa says to his messenger (the cloud) that like him the red Āśoka tree (raktāśokaḥ), standing within the premises of his house with fluttering leaves under the pretext of bursting in to flowers and fruits, also must be longing for the kick of the left foot of his dear friend i.e., Yakşiņi herself (vāmapādābhilāși) and emission of wine from her mouth too (vadanamadirā). When Mālavikā had given her stroke to the stem of the tree in act of performing the dohada', the king enquires from her whether her left foot tender like a delicate leaf, was not injured in rendering the task. 10
In the Vikramorvašīyam, Purūravā is depicted as saying to the full blossomed Āśoka tree that shaking by its sides with the force of the wind, it was acknowledging his ignorance about his darling Urvaśī. But if it was a fact, then how was it glowing with full-fragrance, with full-grown lovely flowers, whose petals were being bitten by black bees, without receiving her foot-stroke (padāghāta)".
In the Viddha-śālabhanjikā of Rājasekhara, we find Kurangikā, the female attendant of the queen, feeling annoyed of the jester (Vidūşaka) due to his pinching jokes and consequently threatening him with what the Āśoka tree receives at the time of dohada' (charaṇa-satkāra i.e., foot stroke)". The idea may have resulted in the delightful theme of dohada' a longing peculiarly human in its emotion that plants and trees look for fulfillment.
This popular social custom prevalent among the women folk in ancient India was adopted as a lovely art-motif, vivid and striking specimens of which have been brought to light from different cultural centers of the country right from the Sunga Age.
In a Bharhut railing pillar we find the carving of a semi-dohada motif, which may be treated as a rare specimen of its kind. The lady, a variety of 'women and tree' symbol and identified as 'Chulakokadevatā' or Yakşiņi stands with the right leg fixed on the back of a standing elephant and left one placed on its head. She holds a branch of the Asoka tree by her right arm; and with her left hand and so also with the left leg, firmly grasps its slim stem. The representation suggests the idea of blossoming of the Asoka tree not by kick of the foot but by embrace of a charming lady and as such it, somewhat, differs from the other scenes of dohada' type in strict sense of the technical term (Fig. 1). In another similar semi-'dohada' scene on a Bharhut railing-post, the profusely ornamented Yaksini is depicted as standing on a seated winged horse with her right leg fixed on its back and the left on its head.13
It is significant to note that in one more illustration resembling with semi-'dohada' variety, found in a Bharhut piece preserved in Indian Museum, Calcutta, a profusely ornamented lady (with Yakşiņi features and possessed of muscular strength) is represented as embracing the slender stem of the Āśoka tree by her left arm and left leg, and bending its branch by the right hand, that part of the scene (i.e. the foliage) is partly broken and lost from its precise position in the carved relief. Standing akimbo, her left foot is fixed on the neck of a well decorated horse and the right one on its back (Fig. 2). In another Bharhut example (2nd century B.C.), displayed in Indian Museum, Calcutta, a stout lady, wearing different ornaments and looking like Yakşiņi by her bodily features, is depicted as clasping the thin stalk of a full-bloomed tree by her right hand and the right leg instead of her left one, while standing on a bursting lotus with her left arm gracefully resting on her tender waist(Fig.3).
A railing pillar, adorned with an excellent example of dohada' scene and displayed in the Mathura Museum (Accession number 33.2345, gallery 7), depicts a profusely ornamented nude lady with a broad jewelled girdle around her slender waist under a green Āśoka tree. She holds a lotus along

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with its stalk ('sanāla-padma') with both her hands by its delicate stem and strikes the tree not by the left but with the right foot (Fig.4).
A 'Stambha-Yosita' pattern (lady carved on pillar, displayed in National Museum, New Delhi; (Accession number J.55) is a true example of 'dohada' scene where the lady is represented as kicking the stem of the Aśoka tree under which she is standing by her left foot. The ancient literature, as we have already seen, describes that a green Aśoka tree yearns for the kick of the left foot of a charming damsel (Vāmapādābhilaṣi)". The railing post in which the typical scene is engraved, belongs to the second cenntury A.D. and was discovered at Mathura. She embraces the branch of the Aśoka tree by her left arm and by right one she touches her lower garment which conceals her nudity. The coiffure of the lady is exceptional in the sense that the braid of her hair is piled up in diminishing rounded tiers (Fig.5). With her broad hips, stout breasts and slender waist, she reminds us of the bodily features of Malavika, engaged in dohada scene in the Malavikagnimitram.
It is noteworthy that these are a number of such instances associated with other flowering tree are also of dohada prevalent in Sanskrit literature. For instance, the bakula, kurabaka, nava mālikā and lata associated with dohala. The Bakula tree was connected with sprinkling of the mouthfuls of wine, and 'Kurabaka' with the practice of rubbing of the breasts against it. These popular social practices bear the testimony to the wide prevalence of the custom of 'Udyānakṛīḍā (pastime play in a grove) among the ladies of ancient India.
Navamālikā-'dohada', Lata- 'dohada' - It may also be observed that sometimes the 'dohada' device was applied to a creeper instead of a tree like Aśoka. The difference lies in the fact that whereas in the case of Asoka the pleasing touch of maiden was essential, in the instance of a creeper physical contact or close proximity of a male was desired. In the former case, the Aśoka symbolised the Nayaka (hero) and the young lady represented the heroine (Nāyikā). But in the latter case, the creeper typified the heroine (Nayikā) and the male signified the hero (Nayakā). It was sometimes, believed that creeper had a longing even for its blooming before time with the pleasing touch of a romantic hero.
As for example, in the Ratnavali we find king Udayana (hero of the drama) deeply immersed day and night in the thought of evolving a device for untimely budding of the jasmine creeper (Navamālīkā lata)". In the drama, with his desire of putting forth flowers into the unriped jasmine creeper accepted as his consort (akala-kusuma-sanjana-dohada), the king is represented as learning its lore from a spiritual preceptor Mahārāja Śrīkhaṇḍadāsa who hailed from Śrī-Parvata18 when the charm of dohada as learnt from him is experimented in it by him in the presence of the jester, the branches of the young jasmine are studded with continuous clusters of bursting flowers to the utter surprise of all present there. The jester (Vidüṣaka) exclaims at the firm belief of the king in the art of 'dohada', because after its application the latter takes the jasmine as readily budded even without seeing the view20 Taking it as a great wonder, he congratulates the king and repeatedly murmurs that spell of 'dohada' had miraculously resulted into the Navamālikā (jasmine) immediately bloomed in full. In the drama, the king is finally reported as saying to the jester that there can not be any scope for doubt in 'dohada' It is incomprehesibly as effective or enchanting in serving its purpose as any gem, spell or a herb," When the enemies of Visnu saw the 'Kaustubha Mani' on his chest, they took to heels, frightened by charm and spell the serpents hide themselves in the nether region, it was the miraculous herb (Sanjivani buți) that had revived Lakṣmaṇa and the serpents killed by Meghanada in the battle. Hence, 'dohada'

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is possessed of wonderful significance because it can do the wonder which spellbounds all, witnessing its effect.22
References
1. Besides the desire of Aśoka for kick from a young lady or sprinkling of her mouthfull liquor at budding time. The word 'dohada' has also been used in the following sense in early Indian literature: -
(I) Sometimes it has been used to denote the longing of a pregnant lady for a particular thing. As for example, in the Raghuvamsa Sita is depicted as expressing her desire to see a hermitage during the stage of her pregnancy : - प्रजावती दोहदंशसिनी ते तपोवनेषु स्पृहयालुरेव ।
स त्वं रथीत द्रयपदेशनेयां प्रापय्य वाल्मीकिपदंत्यजैनाम् ||
Raghuvamsa, Canto. 14, Verse 45.
Also Compare:
Whenever pregnant Sudakṣiņā longed for a material object. Dilipa arranged for it immediately because he was competent to achieve even the heavenly objects what to speak of earthly ones:
"उपेत्य सा दोहददुःखशीलतां यदेव वत्रे तदपश्यदाहृतम्। नहीष्टमस्य त्रिदिवेऽपि भूपतेरभूवनासाधमधिज्यधन्वनः ।। "
Raghuvamśa, Canto. 3, Verse 6. In the Uttara-Ramacharita there is reference to 'garbha-dohada' which denotes the pregnancy hankerings of a woman (garbhini-abhilāsā). In the drama Aştavakra is reported as advising Rama to fulfill all the desires of Sită without any delay during the state of her pregnancy:
यः कश्चिदगर्भदोहदो भवत्यस्याः सोऽवश्यमचिरारान्मानयितव्यः ॥
Uttara-Rāmacharita, Act I.
(II) Sometimes, the word denotes pregnancy also, In the Raghuvansa, we come across the word "dohadavyatha" i.e. pains of pregnancy:
क्रमेण निस्तीर्य च दोहद्व्यथां प्रतीच्यमानावयवा रराज सा ।
पुराणापत्रापगमादनन्तरं लतेव संनदमनोशपल्लवा ।।
Raghuvamsa, Canto. 3, Verse 7.
(III) Sometimes, the word denoted certain strange appliances such as sprinkling (seka) of liquid (drava) or substance (dravya) or which had the virtue ( śakti ) or putting forth untimely flowers in trees, plants and creepers:महीरुहाः दोहदसेकशक्तेराकातिकं कोरकमुद्रिरन्ति
Naiṣadhacharitam, Canto. III. Verse 21.
Also compare :
"तरु-गुल्म- लतादीनामकाले कुशलैः कृतम् ।
पुष्पाद्युत्पावकं द्रव्यं दोहदं स्यात्तु तस्क्रिया ।।”
The Sabdārnava quoted in the Naisadhacharita ed by P. P. Abhimanyu, page 138. (iv) The word, has sometimes, also been used in the sense of irresitble desire:"बापवर्तितमहासमा
कौरवपक्षपातपणीकृतंप्राणाद्रविणसंचया नरपतयः।।"
2. “अहमप्यस्यचिरायमाणाकुसुमोद्रुमस्य तपनीयाशोकस्य दोहदनिमित्तं देव्यै निवेदयामि ।।”
3. "दोलापरिभ्रष्टायाः त्वं तावद् गत्वा तपनीय शोकस्य दोहदं निर्वतयेति । ”
Veni-Samhāra, Act. IV.
Malavikāgnimitram, Act. III.
Ibid, Act III; also see Roy, U.N., Salabhañjikä, page 17.

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4. "जह सो पञ्चरत्तब्भन्तरे कुसुमं दंसेदि तदो अहं अहिलासपूरइत्तअं पसादं दावहस्सं त्ति यद्यसौ पञ्चरात्राभ्यन्तो कुसुमं दर्शयति ततोऽहमभिलाषपूरयितृकं प्रसाद दापयिष्यामीति।"
Ibid, Act. III 5. “निर्गुणोऽयमशोको यदि कुसुमोढ़ेवमन्थरो भवेत् यस्तेचरणसत्कारं लब्ध्वा।"
Ibid, Act. III. 6. "अनेन तनुमध्या मुखरनूपुराविगा, नवम्बुरुहकोमलेन-दरणेन संभावितः। अशोक यदि सद्य एव मुकुलैर्न संपत्स्यसेख वृथा वहसि दोहदं ललितकामिसाधारणाम्।"
Ibid, Act. 17. 7. "नवकिसलयरागेणाग्रपादेन बाला, स्फुरितनखरुचादी हन्तुमर्हत्यनेन। अकुसुमितमशोकं दोहदापेक्षया वा प्रणमितशिरसं वा कान्मार्टापराधम्"।।
lbid, Act. III, Verse 12; also see Roy, U.N. Salabhaijikā. page 19. 8. Mālavikāgnimitram, Act III. 9. एक: सख्यास्तव सह मया वामपादाभिलाषी काक्षत्यन्यो वदनमदिरा दोहदच्छद्मनास्याः।
Meghaduta, II, Verse 18. Also compare.
सातिरेकमदकारणं रहस्तेन दत्तमभिलेषुरङ्गनाः। ताभिरष्युपहतं मुखासवं सोऽपिबद्वकुलतुल्यदोहदः।।
Raghuvamsa, Canto.19, Verse 12. In the Raghuvamsa while lamenting at the sudden demise of his consort Indumati, Aja is depicted as expressing his inability to place in the hollowed palm of his hands, offering oblation of water then soul, the flowers of Asoka which had bloomed because of her foot stroke and which orginally used to adorn her braid:
कुसुमं कृतदोहदस्त्वया यदशोकोऽयमुदीरयिष्यति। अलमाभरणं कथं नु तत्तव नेष्यामि निवापमाल्याताम् ।।
Raghuvamsa, Canto.VIII, Versa 62. 10. किसलयमृदोविलासिनी कङ्गिनै निहतस्य पादपस्कन्धे। चरणस्य न ते बाधा संप्रति वामोरू वामस्य।।
Malavikāgnimitram, Act. III, Verse 18; also see Roy, U.N.Salabhanjikā, page 18. 11. "रक्ताशोककृशोदरी क्व नु गता त्यक्तवानुरक्तं जनं
नो दृष्टेति मुधेव चालयसि किं वाताभिभूतं शिरः। उत्कण्ङ्गामानषट्पदघटासंघदष्टच्छद: सत्पादाहरमन्तरेण भवतः पुष्पोद्गमोऽयं कुतः"।।
Vikramorvasiyam, Act IV. Verse 62. 12. यत् कङ्केकेलितरूोहदेलभते।
Viddhasalabhanjika, Act IV: also see Roy, U.N.Salabhanjika, page19. 13. Roy, U.N.Salabhanjika, Fig. 40 was also believed that during the stage of pregnancy, if a lady did not apply dohada, the womb be likely to pollute. It could, sometimes, disfigure or go waste even. Hence dohada-pradāna was a must for a pregnant lady.
"दोहवस्योऽप्रदानेन गर्भो दोषमाप्नुयात्। वैरूप्यं मरणं चापि तस्मात्कार्य प्रिय स्त्रियाः।।"
Urtara-Ramacharita, ed. by M.R.Kale

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14. Meghaduta, II, Verse 18.
15. “विपुलं नितम्बदेशो मध्ये क्षामं समुन्नतं कुचयोः ।। अत्यायतं नयनयोर्मम जीवितमेतदयाति ।।"
Mālavikāgnimitram, Act. III. Verse 7; also see Roy, U. N. Salabhañjikā, page 20.
16. "कुरबक कुप्रातक्रीडारसेन वियुज्यसे विटपिन्स्मर्तव्यं ते मुखावसेवनम् । चरणघटनाशून्यो यास्य स्वशोकशोकता
मिति निजपरत्यागं यस्य द्विषां जगदः स्त्रियः ।। "
'Dohada' A Folk-Lore in Ancient India / 267
Subhasitāvali, 2564; C. Sivaramamurti, Sanskrit Literature & Art - Mirrors of Indian Culture, page 40.
17. "एषाप्यपरा नवमालिकालता यस्या अकाल कुसुमसमुद्रमश्रद्धालुना भर्त्ताऽनुदिनमायाश्यात्मा ।”
Ratnāvali, Act I.
18. “अद्य किल भर्त्ता श्रीपर्वतादागतस्य श्रीखण्डदासनामधेयस्य धार्मिकस्य सकाशादकाल कुसुमसंजननदोहदं शिक्षित्वात्मनः परिगृहीतां नवमालिकां कुसुमसमृद्धिशोभितां करिष्यतीति । ”
Ibid, Act II. 19. “आश्चर्यमाश्चर्यम्। साधु रे श्रीखण्डदास धार्मिक साधु । येन दत्तमात्रेणैव तेन दोहदेनेदृशी नवमालिका संवृत्ता येन निरन्तरोन्निकुसुमगुच्छ शोभितविटपा।"
Ibid, Act II.
20. “एष खलु प्रियवयस्यस्तस्य दोहदस्य लब्धप्रत्यतया परोक्षामपि तां नवमालिकां प्रत्यक्षामिव कुसुमितां प्रेक्षमाणः हर्षोत्फुल्ललोचन इत एवागच्छति।”
Ibid, Act II.
21. "तेन दोहदेन ईदृशी नवमालिका संवृत्तेत्यादि पठति।”
22. “ वयस्य कः सन्देह । अचिन्त्योहि मणि-मन्त्रौषधीनां प्रभाव: ।"
"कण्ठे श्रीपुरूषोत्तमस्य समरे दृष्टा मणि शत्रुभिर्नष्टं मन्त्रवलाद्वसन्ति वसुधामूले भुजङ्गा हताः ।
पूर्वं लक्ष्मणवीरवानरभटा ये मेघनादाहताः पीत्वा तेऽपि महौषधेर्गुणनिधेर्गन्धं पुनर्जाविताः ।। "
Ibid, Act II.
Ibid. Act II.
Ibid, Act II., V.S.
Therefore, dohada has also been noticed in literature as a drink for bursting flowers (पुष्पोद्धमौषधम् ) or peculiar appliance for putting forth untimely flowers in an unbloomed tree, creeper or a plant,
(क्रियाविशेषो व येनाकाले स्यात्कुसुमोद्रमः)
See Ramchandra Mishra edited Ratnāvali, page213.

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36. बुंदेलखंड की चित्रकला में लोक परम्परा का निर्वहन
संध्या पाण्डेयं अपर्णा अनिल
लोककला परम्परा बुन्देलखण्ड के चित्रों का प्राण है, जिसके अभाव में बुंदेली कला निष्प्रभ, निष्प्राण स्वत्वहीन एक प्रक्रिया मात्र है। लोक-परम्परा दो शब्दों से मिलकर बना है। 'लोक' व 'परम्परा' का अर्थ है, पूर्वकाल से अनवरत चली आ रही मान्यता, विचार अथवा प्रक्रिया। लोक शब्द अत्यंत प्राचीन है लोक परम्परा के संबंध में प्राचीन ग्रंथों में विशद विवरण उपलब्ध है। ऋग्वेद में 'लोक' शब्द के लिये 'जन' शब्द का प्रयोग किया गया है। 'लोक' के लिए जीवन व स्थान प्रयुक्त किया गया है। उपनिषदों में भी 'लोक' शब्द का उल्लेख है। श्रीमद्भगवद् गीता में 'लोक' व 'परलोक' शब्द का उल्लेख है। विद्वानों का मानना है कि 'लोक संस्कृति' व लोक साहित्य, आधुनिक शब्द है। पुराणों में पृथ्वी के अतिरिक्त सात लोकों का वर्णन है। जिनमें अतल, वितल, सुतल, समातल, महातल, रसातल एवं पाताल का उल्लेख है। ऋग्वेद के पुरूष सूक्त में सृष्टि की प्रकिया के संबंध में उल्लेखनीय है पुरूष की नाभि से अंतरिक्ष, सिर से जीवलोक, पैरों से भूमि, कानों से दिशाएं उत्पन्न हुई। इस प्रकार लोकों को कल्पित किया गया।
नाभ्या आसीदंतरिक्षं शीष्णौ द्यौः समवर्तत। पद्भ्यां भूमिर्दिशः श्रोत्रातथा लोकां अकल्पयन।।
इसी प्रकार महाभारत में भी कई बार 'लोक' शब्द एवं विभिन्न लोकों का प्रयोग हुआ है। हजारी प्रसाद द्विवेदी का मानना है कि 'लोक' शब्द का अर्थ 'जनपद' या ग्राम नहीं है बल्कि नगरों और गांवों में फैली हुई समूची जनता है जिनके व्यावहारिक ज्ञान का आधार पोथियां नहीं हैं। इन सारे उद्धरणों से स्पष्ट होता है कि 'लोक' का अर्थ 'सामान्य जनता' से है। लोक परम्परा में लोकाचार, लोकसंस्कृति, लोकोत्सव, लोकवस्त्राभूषण, लोकदेवी-देवता, लोकधर्म इत्यादि ही किसी भी संस्कृति की सत्य पहचान होती है। लोकाचारों के अंतर्गत लोक हित में उन सदाचारों को ग्रहण करना है जिनसे उनके समुदाय का मुख्यतः हित होता हो। जिस काल में किसी क्षेत्र व युग में जिन आचारों को लोक ग्रहण कर दीर्घकाल तक उन्हें सम्मानित रूप से मानते एवं पालन करते हैं वे लोकाचार वहां की लोक परम्परा का रूप धारण कर लेते हैं। पाप-पुण्य, एवं जन कल्याण के लिए श्रद्धा व विश्वास, लोक धर्मिता को जन्म देते हैं। समुदाय के भले एवं लाभ हेतु किन्हीं विशेष आयोजनों की प्रक्रिया हेतु विशिष्ट देवी-देवता की मान्यता उन्हें पारम्परिक रूप से प्रस्थापित करती है और वे 'लोक देवी-देवता के रूप में प्रतिष्ठित हो जाते हैं। सामान्यतः भारतीय संस्कृति में समस्त विभिन्न क्षेत्रों के देवी-देवता जो कि शास्त्रों-पुराणों में उल्लेखित हैं जिनके निर्माण के नियम भी उल्लेखित हैं किन्तु उन देवी-देवताओं के अतिरिक्त अन्य कई देवी-देवता हैं जो

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क्षेत्रीय हैं और विशेष समुदाय द्वारा ही विशेष आयोजनों पर पूजे जाते हैं। यद्यपि उनकी आकृति किसी देवता, पशु, मानव आदि आकृतियों से मिलती-जुलती होती है किन्तु शास्त्रोक्त नहीं होती अपितु लोकमान्यताओं पर निर्मित होती है।
विद्वानों ने सूर्य-चंद्र-वृक्ष-भूमि-पर्वत एवं नदी आदि को प्रकृति परक, भूत-प्रेत, राक्षस अथवा दानव, अनिष्टकारी तत्वों एवं यक्ष-गंधर्वो को अतिप्राकृत देवता, लक्ष्मी, कुबेर, नाग व मणिभद्र इत्यादि, को समृद्धि परक एवं धन का देवता, गौरी, गणेश, दूलादेव तथा हरदौल को विवाह परक देवता, राम, शिव, वासुदेव अथवा कृष्ण, शारदा माई तथा इन्द्र आदि को वर-प्रदाता देवता; गणेश, संकटा देवी, पितृदेव को विघ्नहरण देवता, बीजासेन तथा षष्ठि देवी को संतान रक्षक देवता; दुर्गा, काली, चण्डिका, शिव, हनुमान व भैरव देव आदि को शान्ति परक देवता के रूप में उल्लेखित किया है। बुंदेलखंड में ग्राम देवी के रूप में पूजी जाने वाली भुइंयादेवी अर्थात् भूदेवी या भूमिदेवी की तुलना ऋग्वैदिक सौभाग्य, सौंदर्य एवं समृद्धि परक श्रीदेवी से की गई है।
बुंदेला शासकों के वंश का बुंदेला नाम भी धार्मिक भावना से ओत-प्रोत होकर देवी (विन्ध्यदेवी) को अपने रक्त तिलक लगाने के परिणाम स्वरूप, 'रक्त बूंदो' के कारण बुंदेला नाम की उत्पत्ति मानी जाती है। इस प्रकार मातृ-पूजन से ही बुंदेलों की लोक धर्म-परम्परा का अभ्युदय होता है। कालान्तर में महाराजा मधुकर शाह की कृष्ण (वासुदेव) की धार्मिक मान्यता और उनकी रानी गणेश कुंवरी की श्री राम के प्रति आस्था व विश्वास बुंदेलों की धार्मिक परम्परा को बढ़ाते एवं स्थायित्व प्रदान करते हैं। इन्हीं आस्थाओं के परिणाम स्वरूप ही बुंदेलखंड में मातृका पूजन एवं श्रीराम व श्रीकृष्ण को पूजे जाने का आधिक्य है। साथ ही, दतिया और ओरछा के विभिन्न महल, मंदिर एवं अन्य भवनों में श्री राम एवं कृष्ण से संबंधित विभिन्न प्रसंगों को विस्तार से तथा लक्ष्मी को अधिकता से चित्रित किया गया है। इनके अतिरिक्त वर-प्रदाता एवं शांति परक देवता के रूप में शिव, दुर्गा, काली, हनुमान एवं भैरव देव आदि भी चित्रित हुए हैं इसी प्रकार, विघ्नहरण देव गणेश की स्थापना बुंदेलखंड ही नहीं अपितु भारत के अधिकतम क्षेत्रों में प्रचलित है। संभवतः इसी आस्था और विश्वास को लेकर बुंदेलखंड की ऐतिहासिक चित्रावलियों में भी प्रवेश द्वार पर गणपति को उनकी रिद्धि एवं सिद्धि पत्नियों के साथ चित्रित किया गया है। यद्यपि अधिकतर चित्रों में रिद्धि-सिद्धि पति सेवा में चंवर डुलाती अथवा उनकी पूजा करती हुईं चित्रित की गई हैं। इस प्रकार के चित्रों में रिद्धि-सिद्धि कभी राजस्थानी वेशभूषा में लहंगा चुनरी पहने अथवा लांग वाली साड़ी पहने चित्रित की गई हैं। (चित्र फलक-1) बुंदेलखंड की स्त्रियों में लांग वाली साड़ी का प्रचलन है साथ ही मराठों में भी नौ हाथ की लांग वाली साड़ी पहनने का प्रचलन मिलता है। आज भी बुंदेलखंड एवं ग्वालियर के चितेरे शादी विवाह, नौ दुर्गा, दशहरा, दीवाली इत्यादि आयोजनों में गणपति को, रिद्धि-सिद्धि सहित चित्रित करते हैं। अधिकांश चित्रों में लांग वाली साड़ी का चित्रण किया जाता है।
बुंदेलखंड में मुख्यतः दो प्रकार के चित्र मिलते हैं- ऐतिहासिक चित्र जिनमें मानव के तत्कालीन सामाजिक, सांस्कृतिक एवं आर्थिक जीवन का चित्रण है, तथा दूसरे प्रकार के चित्र धार्मिक भावना से अनुप्रेरित होकर धार्मिक, आध्यात्मिक चित्र बने जो उसके अव्यक्त भावों या डर, प्रेम, प्रार्थना, मनौती एवं उसके काल्पनिक देवता को प्रसन्न करने से सम्बन्धित थे। संयोगवश अनुभूत परिणामों के आधार पर कर्म काण्डों व प्रतीकों को संयुक्त कर व्रत, त्यौहार, मनौतियों, अनुष्ठानों की अनवरत श्रृंखला बनाई। इस प्रकार लोक परम्परा की अनवरत धारा का लोकान्वेषण हुआ। लोक परम्परानुसार चित्रण का आधार 'प्रतीक' भी रहे हैं। जिनके आधार पर वह कथा कहानियों, मिथकों, किवदंतियों को विस्तार से समेट कर स्वयं का अभिव्यक्त कर सकें। यहां तक कि प्रतीकों का एक शास्त्र ही निर्मित हो गया। विविध प्राचीन ग्रन्थों में एक प्रकार के प्रतीकों के सम्बन्ध में विशद वर्णन एवं जानकारी प्राप्त होती है।

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270 / Jijnaāsā
मानव सभ्यता के विकास के साथ-साथ स्वस्थ, सुखी जीवन एवं दीर्घायु हेतु उसके द्वारा निर्मित तीज-त्यौहार, उत्सव, व्रत, पूजा, अनुष्ठान का प्रावधान किया गया और इस हेतु कथा, कहानियों, किवदंतियों व घटनाक्रमों का सहारा लिया गया, जिनकी व्याख्या हेतु देवी-देवताओं, असुरों, यक्षों, आदि अनेकानेक असंख्य पात्रों के साथ पशु-पक्षियों तथा प्रकृति के समस्त अंग स्वरूप रूपाकृतियों की कल्पना कर उनकी सूक्ष्मतर अभिव्यक्ति के लिए प्रतीकों का सृजन किया गया। बुंदेलखंड के दतिया तथा ओरछा केन्दों में चित्रकला के माध्यम से श्रीमद्भागवत्, रामायण इत्यादि की कथाओं व घटनाक्रमों तथा प्रसंगों को अंकन हेतु अपने विषय रूप में चुना। इन विषयों में रहस्यात्मकता के लिए विविध प्रतीकों का समावेश भी किया जैसे गज, चक्र कमल, गजलक्ष्मी, शिव आदि देवताओं के वाहन तथा आयुध वानर, त्रिशूल, गदा, स्तम्भ पार्श्वदेवता मंदिर प्रतीक, शिखा, तिलक, नट, चतुर्भुज, त्रिभुज, अष्टभुज आदि। इसके अंकन एवं अलंकरण में मंगलसूचक प्रतीकों का भी यथा संभव प्रयोग किया जाता है। जिनमें सूर्य, चंद्र, गजलक्ष्मी, गणेश, घट, पुष्प-पत्रयुक्त पुष्पपात्र, पुष्पपत्र, पुष्पगुच्छ, पुष्पपत्र युक्त लतायें, अश्व पंक्ति, बतख, पद्मयुक्त जल के साथ बगुला, गज, अश्व, मयूर, शुक, सारस, मत्स्य, कछुआ, जलकुक्कुट, मृग व गाय आदि का अंकन प्रमुख रूप से किया जाता है।
प्राचीन ग्रंथों में 'लोक देवता एवं लोक देवी के नाम उल्लिखित हैं, जिनमें विष्णु सूर्य, चंद्र, रूद्र ऐरावत हाथी, वासुदेव, यम, सिंह, मकर, गंगा इत्यादि हैं। बुंदेलखंड की चित्रकला में मकरवाहिनी गंगा का चित्रण भी मिलता है। महिष पर विराजमान यम, अर्द्धमानवीय स्वरूप में गरूड़ तथा उनके कन्धों पर सवार विष्णु इसी प्रकार नवग्रहों का चित्रण भी लक्ष्मी मंदिर, ओरछा में शिव बारात में मिलता है मनु स्मृति में सूर्य, चंद्र, अग्नि, वायु, यम, वरूण, इन्द्र व कुबेर को आठ दिकपालों में माना गया है।" दतिया एवं ओरछा के चित्रों में सूर्य-चंद्र को बहुतायत से चित्रित किया गया है। रामायण में भी इन्द्र, कुबेर, वरुण, यम को लोकपाल, के रूप में स्वीकृत किया गया है। पुराणों में इंद्र को पूर्व, अग्नि को दक्षिण पूर्व, यम को दक्षिण सूर्य को दक्षिण पश्चिम, वरूण को पश्चिम वायु को पश्चिमोत्तर, कुबेर उत्तर तथा सोम को उत्तर पूर्व का दिक्पाल ब्रह्मा ने बताया है। मत्स्य पुराण और देवी भागवत् में भी इन्हें आठ दिशाओं को लोकपाल कहा गया है।" लक्ष्मी मंदिर के शिव विवाह के चित्र में श्वेत छः सूडवाले हस्ति पर सवार इन्द्र का अंकन है। लोक मान्यता के अनुसार ही पति की दीर्घायु की कामना से गणगौर पूजन किया जाता है । ओरछा के लक्ष्मी मंदिर के एक चित्र में देवी माता के मंदिर के बाहर अनेक स्त्रियों को बैठकर अपने सामने सामने छोटे-छोटे शिवपुरुष अथवा शिव-पार्वती की आकृतियों के समक्ष पूजन की मुद्रा में संभवतः बालियां हाथ में लिये पूजा करती है। यहीं पर स्त्री-पुरुष बालियां लिये नृत्य करते हुए तथा सिर पर सामान व बालियां लिये आती हुई स्त्रियों का भी अंकन है यह यहां की प्रचलित लोकपरम्परा का दिग्दर्शन कराता है एक अन्य चित्र में शिव एवं गणेश मंदिर के बाहर अंकित है तथा अनेक स्त्रियां इसी प्रकार के किसी पूजन का आयोजन करती प्रतीत होती हैं। घर में धन सम्पदा एवं वैभव सम्पन्नता की परिचायक के रूप में श्री लक्ष्मी एवं गज लक्ष्मी का चित्रण ओरछा के लक्ष्मी मंदिर में अनेक स्थानों पर मिलता है। बुंदेलखंड में मातृका पूजन, भूदेवी, श्रीदेवी एवं लक्ष्मी के अतिरिक्त पार्वती एवं दुर्गा की पूजा भी प्रचलित है। इसी प्रकार यदाकदा सरस्वती चित्रण भी प्राप्त होता है।
1
लोक प्रचलित दो किंवदंतियों का भी चित्रण है, जिसमें एक नारी कुंजर का लघु प्रसंग है। जिसमें श्रीकृष्ण की हस्ति सवारी की इच्छा पर गोपियों सहित राधा ने हाथी तैयार किया, इस प्रकार का चित्र राजस्थानी चित्रकला में बहुतायत से मिलता है। इसी प्रकार शक्तिशाली चुंगलचिड़िया का भी चित्रण है जिसे बुंदेला राजा ने मारा था ऐसी लोकोक्ति है यद्यपि यह कितना सत्य है यह नहीं कहा जा सकता।
लोककला, उत्सव, त्यौहारों, अनुष्ठानों व पूजा - व्रतों से संयुक्त करके ही देखी जाती है। इन अवसरों पर इष्ट देवी-देवता का प्रतीकात्मक चित्रण कर उसकी पूजा के उपरान्त कथा-कहानी कहने व सुनने की परम्परा है।

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बुंदेलखंड की चित्रकला में लोक परम्परा का निर्वहन / 271
जिनमें इष्टदेवी देवताओं के अनेक पूजा योग्य चित्र निर्मित हैं। यहां लोक चित्रण की मुख्य रूप से दो परम्परायें प्रचलित हैं। एक प्रदेश की गृहस्थ स्त्रियों द्वारा विविध तीज त्यौहारों, व्रत पूजन एवं विविध संस्कारों आदि पर चित्रण करना दूसरे, वंश परम्परानुसार बुलकियों, कमानीगारों, चितेउरियों द्वारा व्यवसाय के रूप में अपनाया गया। विविध उत्सवों, व्रत, आयोजनों व अवसरों, अनुष्ठानों, संस्कारों तथा त्यौहारों आदि पर द्वार की सज्जा, पना चित्रण, विवाह के समय रगवारौ, बेसन की गौर, बाबाजू, सावनी की मटकियां व सुअटा की गौर तथा रक्षाबंधन, करवाचौथ, छठी, नागपंचमी आदि पर चित्रण, मिट्टी के बर्तनों पर लिखना एवं पूजा के लिए विसर्जनीय कच्ची प्रतिमायें बनाना आदि सम्मिलित हैं। इसी प्रकार बुंदेलखंड में दीवाली के समय स्त्रियां सफेद भित्ति पर सुरेती आकृति बनाती हैं, जिसमें विष्णु-लक्ष्मी, नाग-नागिन, सूर्य-चंद्र, सप्तर्षि, श्रवण कुमार, बालक, विष्णु-लक्ष्मी आदि का अंकन किया जाता है। (रेखाचित्र फलक-1)
बुंदेलखंड में चितेरों के नाम से प्रसिद्ध लोक चित्रकार यह कार्य अधिकता से कर रहे हैं। उल्लेखनीय है कि दतिया के महाराजा शत्रुजीत के काल में चित्रकारों को बसाने के लिये एक ही स्थान पर (चितेउरियों का मुहल्ला) रहवास का प्रबंध किया गया था। आज भी वहां एवं सम्पूर्ण बुंदेलखंड में कई चितेरे परिवार निवास करते हैं, जिनके पूर्वज चित्रण कार्य करते थे। यहाँ कई परिवार नवीन भी हैं जो अपने स्थानों को छोड़कर यहां आकर बस गए सम्भवतः कुछ चित्रकार प्रजापति अर्थात् मिट्टी का कार्य करने वाले जाति के भी हो सकते हैं।
घर मंदिरों के द्वारों को सुसज्जित करने के अतिरिक्त अनुष्ठान पूजा इत्यादि आरम्भ करने के पूर्व जमीन की गोबर से लिपाई के भी विविध प्रकार मान्य किये गये हैं। जैसे घर के अंदर से बाहर लीपना (उरैन), बाहर से अंदर की ओर लीपना आदि विभिन्न प्रयोजनों की मान्यता के अनुसार ही किया जाता है। इसी प्रकार लीपने के उपरान्त पूजा स्थल पर अन्य किसी भी कर्म के प्रारम्भ के पूर्व गेंहू के आटे से "चौक पूरने" एवं ढिग निकालने (कमूरा बनाना) की प्रक्रिया अनिवार्यतः होती है। भारत में समस्त प्रदेशों में चौक पूरने की परम्परा है। अवसरों के अनुरूप चौक पूरने के भी विविध प्रकार हैं, जिनमें "अष्टदल कमल अथवा फूलचौक" व बेलइया चौक प्रमुख अष्टदल कमल के अंकन की परम्परा उत्तर भारत में भी पारम्परिक रूप से देखने को मिलती है। 'फूलचौक' व बेलइया चौक विशेष पूजा अवसरों पर बनाये जाते हैं। आंगन में अथवा पूजा स्थल में चौक पूरने के साथ उसके चारों ओर सीमान्त रेखा को दर्शाने के लिये किया जाने वाला आलंकारिक अंकन कमूरा बनाना या ढिग निकालना कहते है। इसकी भी अंकन आकृतियां निश्चित हैं। कुछ अवसरों पर जमीन के ऊपर ईंट आदि से ऊँचा चबूतरा सा बनाकर उसे चूना मिट्टी से पुताई अथवा लिपाई के द्वारा तैयार किया जाता है। तब उस पर मुख्य चित्रकर्म किया जाता है। जैसे वर्तमान में दतिया में मनाया जाने वाला प्रसिद्ध सांझी महोत्सव में इसके अतिरिक्त, कागज पर भी लोक चित्रण की परम्परा अत्यधिक प्रचलित है जिसमें विशेष पूजा, त्यौहारों, अवसरों पर कागज पर रंगीन सीमा रेखा के अंदर देवी-देवता के पारम्परिक आकृतियों में चित्रण किया आता है। इसे 'पना' कहा जाता है। इसी में करवाचौथ के चित्र एवं दीवाली पर पूजने वाले लक्ष्मी जी के चित्र भी सम्मिलित हैं। कुलदेवता के चित्रों को कपड़ों पर (पटचित्र) भी अंकित किया जाता है। वैवाहिक अवसरों पर दूल्हा-दुल्हन के हाथ के छापे द्वारों के दोनों ओर लगाने की प्रथा है पान अथवा पीपल के पत्तों को भी कुछ व्रत-पूजा के अवसरों पर चित्रांकन में प्रयुक्त किया जाता है। मंगलसूचक कलशों (मटकियों) का भी विशेष अवसरों पर सुसज्जित कर उपयोग किया जाता है। इसी तारतम्य में उन छोटे-छोटे मिट्टी के खिलौनों व मूर्तियों का भी लोक चित्रों में सम्मिलित किया जा सकता है जिनका प्रयोग उत्सवों त्यौहारों में पूजा आदि मंगल अवसरों के लिए बनाया जाता है। जैसे, बाबाजू, लक्ष्मी, गणेश, गणगौर13 आदि (बुलकियों एवं कमनीगरों के द्वारा इनका निर्माण किया जाता है) पात्रों पर किये जाने वाले चित्रण को कलाकार पात्र पकाने के पूर्व अथवा पकने के बाद (दोनों ही प्रकार से) चित्रित करते हैं। पकाने के बाद बनाए जाने वाले

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272 / Jijñāsā
चित्रण के लिए चूने की पतली (पुताई) चढ़ाने के बाद बेल-बूटे बनाये जाते हैं चित्रण माध्यम के लिए यद्यपि चित्रकारों के स्वयं के द्वारा निर्मित रंगों और तूलिकाएं ही सामान्यतः प्रयोग की जाती हैं किन्तु सुविधा की दृष्टि से आजकल बाजार में उपलब्ध रंगों व ब्रश आदि का प्रयोग भी किया जाने लगा है। देश, काल, परिस्थिति, आवश्यकता, उपलब्धता आदि कारणों से परिवर्तन अवश्यंभावी है यदि परम्परायें बनती है अतः संस्कारों के संशोधन और परिवर्तन भी होता रहता है। उनमें स्थायी रूप अथवा एकरूपता असम्भव है अतः संस्कारों के संशोधन से चली आ रही परम्पराओं में भी परिमार्जन होता रहता है। 14
बुंदेलखंड में यद्यपि वर्ष भर अनेकों व्रत त्यौहार, उत्सव आदि मनाएं जाते हैं किन्तु दतिया का सांझी महोत्सव लोक कला का एक उत्तम उदाहरण है । चितेउरियों द्वारा द्वार सज्जा में द्वार के ऊपर गणेश का अंकन किया जाता है। इस प्रकार के रिद्धि-सिद्धि के साथ गणपति का अंकन ओरछा एवं दतिया के मंदिरों, महलों एवं छत्रियों के भी ऊपरी भाग में एवं भित्तियों पर मिलते हैं। यद्यपि उनके शैलीगत अंकन कौशल में भिन्नता दिखाई देती है तथापि मुद्राओं में समानता देखी जा सकती है। इसी प्रकार द्वारों के ऊपर एवं दोनों किनारों पर विभिन्न खंड बनाकर उसमें आले निर्मित कर कुछ को बेलबूटों से अत्यल्प चित्रण द्वारा सजाने की परम्परा भी देखी जाती है।
महेश मिश्र ने मंदिरों एवं महलों के प्रवेश द्वार अर्थात् सिंह' पौर' या पोर पर निर्मित आलों के निर्माण के विषय में उल्लेख करते हुए इन्हें नवगृहयंत्र के रूप में माना है चिनी खनों के नाम से वर्णित नौ आलों वाले ये प्रवेश द्वार जिन पर मध्य शीर्ष भाग पर गणपति चित्रित है सम्भवतः इन्हें गृह सम्पत्ति इत्यादि से सुरक्षित यंत्र के रूप में निर्मित किया जाता है ऐसी धारणा है। यद्यपि आले युक्त प्रवेश द्वार मुगल स्थापत्य में भी बनाये गये हैं। अतः यह लोक परम्परिक धारणा कितनी प्राचीन है यह तथ्याभाव में स्थापित नहीं किया जा सकता ।
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लोक चित्रण में प्रयुक्त किये जाने वाले सीमित रंगों में मुख्य रूप से लाल, हरा, नीला, काला, पीला व सफेद आदि रंगों का ही अमिश्रित प्रयोग किया जाता है जो बाजार में उपलब्ध रंगों के अतिरिक्त गेरू, पीली मिट्टी, नील, चूना पत्थर से भी निर्मित की जाती है चितेउरियों द्वारा चित्र लिखने का कार्य मुख्य रेखांकन (रंगों के रेखा चित्र) द्वारा ही किया जाता है चित्रित आकृतियों में रंग नहीं भरा जाता लोक चित्रण में बनाये जाने वाले आकार अत्यन्त सादे सरल होने के अतिरिक्त पूर्व निश्चित पारम्परिक रूप से बनाते चले जाने वाले आकारों का ही प्रयोग प्रचलन देखा जाता है। उनके निश्चित नाम भी प्रचलित हैं जैसे तिरखूंट (त्रिभुज), चौखूंट (चतुर्भुज), लम्बौचौखूंट (आयत), कट्टा (धन+) व गुणा (X) तोरण, पाई (खड़ी, आड़ी व पड़ी छोटी रेखा), गोला, अण्डा, डणीच (लकीर) एवं टिपकी या बिंदी आदि ।
लोककला समस्त औपचारिकताओं से मुक्त एवं परे है इसमें सादगी से तथा सीधे-सीधे अपनी बात रखने का प्रयास रहता है जिससे उसकी ग्रहणशीलता बढ़ जाती है और विषय के अतिरिक्त दर्शक का ध्यान कहीं और नहीं जा पाता। लोककला जन साधारण की कला होने के कारण किसी एक निश्चित समूह या समुदाय, श्रेणी, वर्ग के लोगों के लिये नहीं वरन् सभी के रसास्वादन के लिये होती है। बुंदेलखंड के दतिया- ओरछा आदि के केन्द्रों में अनेक ऐसे चित्र हैं जिनके अंकन में कलाकार की सहजता - सरलता एवं भावनात्मकता का दर्शन होता है। लोक कला शास्त्रीय नियमों से नहीं अपितु मानवीय भावनाओं और विश्वास पर आधारित आनंद की अनुभूति और संतुष्टि प्रदान करने वाली अलिखित किन्तु लोक सहमति के नियमों पर आधारित है, जो उसे परम्परा के रूप में ग्राह्य बनाने का सामर्थ्य प्रदान करते हैं जिसमें लोक मंगल की कामना एवं आनंद सर्वोपरि है।
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संदर्भ:
1. शर्मा, जयदेव, ऋग्वेद संहिता, भाषा भाष्य, अजमेर, षष्ठ खंड, 2000 (सं. 1992 वि.) सप्तमोष्टक, दशमं मंडलम् -6 पृ. 546 वही तृतीयखंड. सं. 1991 वि. तृतीयोष्टक. चतुर्थ मंडलम् पृ. 842

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3. गोयन्दका, जयदयाल (टीकाकार) श्रीमदभगवद गीता गोरखपुर, सं.2060, चौथा अध्याय, 40/पृ. 187 4. शर्मा, लीलाधर, भारतीय संस्कृति कोश दिल्ली, 1995, पृ. 809 5. शर्मा, जयदेव, ऋग्वेद संहिता, पुरुष सूक्त, दशमं मंडलम्, 90/14 6. सातवलेकर, दामोदर, महाभारत, आरण्यक पर्व, दूसरा भाग, अध्याय 154/10/17 पृ. 786-787, अध्याय 156/12/14 पृ.
808 एवं अध्याय 178/34/पृ. 928 7. द्विवेदी, हजारी प्रसाद, जनपद, पत्रिका (लेख-लोक साहित्य का अध्ययन) अक्टूबर 1952, पृ. 65/पृ. 297 8. गुप्त, नर्मदा प्रसाद, बुंदेलखंड की लोक संस्कृति का इतिहास, नई दिल्ली, 1995, पृ. 297 9. त्रिवेदी, एस.डी., बुंदेलखंड का पुरातत्व, झांसी, 1984, पृ. 2 10. शास्त्री, हरगोविंद (टीकाकार)- मनुस्मृति, चौखम्बा, बनारस, ई. सन् 1952, अध्याय-5. श्लोक 96 पृ. 273 11. शर्मा, लीलाधर, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 419 एवं 809 12. वही, पृ. 179 13. वही, पृ. 267 14. वर्मा, शकुंतला, छत्तीसगढ़ी लोक जीवन और लोक साहित्य का अध्ययन, इलाहाबाद, 1971 पृ. 72-73 15. मिश्रा, महेश कुमार, सुरांती, भोपाल, 2006, पृ. 14-15

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• 37. Dayanand Saraswati: Campaign for Social Regeneration
Sangeeta Sharma
The imperialist critique of the Indian society and religion especially the visibly low status of Indian women provoked the exponents of Indian Renaissance in the 19th century to launch campaigns against inhuman practices and to emphasize the urgent need for social and religious reform. In its initial stages, the movement was largely concerned with changes affecting the structure of Indian society and family. The specific causes that engrossed the attention of the reformers were evils and malpractices that affected women's status and position in society. Roy's incessant campaign against sati coupled with the initiative of the Christian missionaries and the British government marked the beginning of a movement that subsequently dealt with ill-treatment of widows, ban on remarriage of widows, child marriages, polygamy and absence of educational opportunities for women. Disabilities associated with the caste system also attracted the attention of the nineteenth century reformers. Raja Rammohan Roy, in addition to his well-known tracts on sati, displayed a very mature and insightful understanding of the abject subordination that characterized women's lives in the 18th and 19th centuries. In one of his tracts against sati, he recounted with rare sensitivity the deprivations and sufferings of women in a patriarchal society. The manner in which Roy empathized with women's privations and distress was indeed commendable as he questioned practices that were considered extremely acceptable in those times.
The vision articulated by Roy was, however, a partial one as he did not formulate any concrete programme for removal of these disabilities. While he applied himself rigourously as far as discourse on sati was concerned, he offered few practical options to relieve the misery and dependence of widows. He neither recommended widow remarriage nor any educational or economic programme for their rehabilitation. Quite significantly, Roy did not question the regressive nature of the caste system as far as women's subordination was concerned. He did not have any programmes to redefine structures of institutions like caste and marriage that ensured and perpetuated the subordination of women. Significantly, while Roy pioneered the use of tradition in campaign against sati and his views on polygamy, he did not use scriptural authority for carving out any comprehensive and alternative model of womanhood. Similarly, Ishwarchandra Vidyasagar devoted most of his energies to the widow remarriage movement.?
Dayanand Saraswati's major objective in critiquing tradition was to create a new social ethos for creating a social order that was based on ethical, moral and rational principles. It is seldom emphasized that apart from searching for a distinctive and glorious cultural identity for Indians and counteracting the Christian challenge, his primary concern was social regeneration. In his magnum opus, Satyartha Prakash and his subsequent lectures and writings Dayanand is consistently focusing on urgency of

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creating a reformed and regenerated social order. In fact, his efforts at reinterpreting theology and the fundamental religious tenets of Hinduism were basically intended to relate them to social concerns. Significantly, his concept of religion was essentially a moral ethical concept linked to the tradition of service, charity and respect for learned, aged and the saintly people. In addition to his concept of religion, his comprehensive and consistent deliberations on proper upbringing of children, settlement of marriages, concept of education, restructuring of the social organization, role and functions of state and law were all motivated to create a moral order.
For the regeneration of the Aryan race, he carved out a grandiose blueprint of socio-religious and political structure through a painstaking reinterpretation of the Vedas. Reforms in the institutions of caste and marriage, comprehensive and compulsory education, gender relations and women's issues occupied a seminal place in Dayanand's programme of social change. Significantly, it was his vision of rejuvenated womanhood that was of seminal significance due to various reasons. Dayanand's primary agenda was creation of physically robust, morally upright, intellectually enlightened and culturally proud Hindu race. Women, therefore, had a vital role to play in reproducing and nurturing a healthy race. Secondly, unlike other reformers who advocated limited education for women, he advocated a comprehensive and compulsory programme of education for women, at par with men. Thirdly, he vigorously pleaded for eradication of social evils that adversely affected women's status in society. Fourthly, he was particularly sensitive to the deprived sections of women, especially the widows, on whose predicament he was particularly articulate. Dayanand was able to inculcate urgency as far as improvement in women's status was concerned. His liberal stance was perceptible in his unequivocal declaration that the privilege of studying as well as interpreting the Vedas and other sacred scriptures should be accessible to all the groups, including women and sudras, who had traditionally been barred from Vedic knowledge. He bravely defied tradition and had scandalized the orthodox community beyond measure since he had extended revealed knowledge to women and the sudras. Significantly, Dayanand linked national regeneration to betterment in social situation.
Dayanand's journey into the past was compelled by the challenges that he came across during his journeys to numerous parts of the country. Until 1860, Dayanand undertook extensive journeys in search of learned yogis to attain real knowledge. His quest took him to various strongholds of Brahmanical religion such as Haridwar on the occasion of Kumbh Mela), Rishikesh, Garhwal, Shrinagar, Rudraprayag in 1854, Kedarnath, Okhimath, Joshimath, Badrinarayan in 1855 and Farukhabad and Benaras in 1856. In November 1860, Dayanand reached the hermitage of Virjanand and stayed here for three years to study Sanskrit grammar.
Dayanand's sojourns during this period gave him a clear perception of the decaying conditions of Hindu religion. He was deeply disillusioned with the contemporary state of Hinduism. He was particularly appalled by the Brahmannical domination over Hindu society. It was during this phase that Dayanand expressed his preference for an action oriented life when he came to the conclusion that "acquisition of knowledge and then doing good to others was a better proposition."
It needs to be emphasized that Dayanand considered the challenges from within Hinduism to be as serious and widespread as the challenge from Christian missionaries. In his highly popular series of lectures, Poona Pravachan, Dayanand is more articulate and critical of the immoral and unethical domination of the Brahmins. In his trips to Calcutta, Allahbad, Kanpur, Jabalpur, Bombay, Ajmer, Jaipur, Haridwar and Vrindavan he was more combative of the Brahmannical challenge who were deeply stirred and disturbed by Dayanand's reformulation of the tenets of Hinduism. At all these

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places he held śāstrarthas with Brahmin priests who endeavoured to refute his reinterpretation of the doctrines of Hinduism. Swami Dayanand's propagation of monotheism was derided by pandits whose livelihood depended upon following and perpetrating intricate patterns of rituals. He proclaimed that his mission was to establish the true essence of Hinduism which he called 'Arya Dharma'. In fact, his debates with the Brahmin pandits were far more numerous, acrimonious and aggressive in nature. They cursed, humiliated and abused him and even stoned and attacked him. While there are instances when his discussions with Christian priests commenced and culminated amicably but his encounters with puritanical Brahmins were invariably rancorous and at times severe hostility also led to plots to assault and even murder Dayanand. In Chandapur in U.P. a priest of a temple had tried to assault him with a sword. In fact, the English Governor General had even offered him police protection after the incident. Similarly, Pandit Chaturbhuj Pauranik, one of his most hostile opponents, not only tried to silence his critique of contemporary Hinduism through śāstrarthas, he had even plotted an attack on Dayanand in Danapur, U.P. In Lahore, the Brahmins conspired to deprive him of hospitality in the haveli of Diwan Bhagwan Das and quite surprisingly, he stayed in a Muslim home. There are numerous such incidents which prove that Dayanand was perceived as a more serious threat by the Brahmin priestcraft than the Christian missionaries.
Like Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Dayanand had traced the degeneration and deterioration in social organization to the Brahmin priestcraft. He remarked, "The sectarian and selfish Brahmins of the present time prevent other people, through their false teachings, from acquiring knowledge and associatiog with men of learning, ensnare them in their own nets and thus ruin them physically, mentally and materially. They want to keep the Kshatriyas and other classes illiterate, since they are afraid that if they acquired knowledge and become enlightened, they would expose their hypocrisy, get out of their selfish grip and become disrespectful towards them." He held the Brahmins responsible for subverting the original social organization i.e., the varņa system based on merit and instead making the mere accident of birth the basis of the caste system.
Another threat that influenced Dayanand to attempt a reinterpretation of the religious doctrines and social organization was the vicious propaganda of the Christian missionaries against Indian religion and society. Their vilification campaign had focused on issues like idolatry, superstitions, indecent ceremonies and also the Indian pilgrimages during which people died of disease, exhaustion, and hunger. Low status of Indian women, particularly the barbaric practices like sati and female infanticide, and the evils of the caste system formed key aspects in their indictment of Indian society. In addition, they also raised doubts over the authenticity of Hinduism by focusing on the lack of a divine or revealed book that could be defined as the authoritative source of the religion. Such propaganda was unleashed incessantly through books, pamphlets and public meetings. The intensity and tenacity of the vicious attack appalled the exponents of Indian renaissance. They felt that the existence of Hinduism was in danger and that these onslaughts against the religion of the Hindus could produce a thoroughgoing skepticism in the minds of the followers especially the campaign regarding the absence of an authoritative source of the religion. They felt the urgency to redefine, reinterpret and organize Hindu religion. Dayanand sought to combat this challenge by asserting the supremacy of the Vedas not only as the source of Hinduism but as the repository of the entire knowledge in the world.
The third major challenge that Dayanand perceived was the degeneration and gloom that defined the contemporary conditions of Indian society wherein masses were victimized by poverty, superstitions, priestcraft and tyranny. In fact, as far as social conditions were concerned Dayanand was rational enough to fully agree with the assessment of the West regarding the appalling conditions of

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contemporary Indian society. During his travels Dayanand was shocked by the social evils like child marriages, deplorable condition of widows, erosion of moral values, fatalistic attitude and inaction, unethical domination of Brahmins, excessive ritualism and lack of education. Consequently, several aspects of Hindu social order and religious practices were critically re-examined by him. While he covertly accepted the validity of European criticism, he put forward his own prescriptions of change and continuity.
II
Dayanand's deep concern for the creation of a harmonious social order based on rational, moral and ethical values conducive to happiness and progress of all is reflected comprehensively, consistently and effectively in his writings and lectures. His concept of religion, detailed instructions on consummation of marriage and upbringing of children, concept of education, role of state and law clearly reflect his commitment to the creation of a new social ethos in Aryāvarta.
Significantly, Dayanand's concept of religion was essentially a moral ethical concept linked to the tradition of service, charity and respect for learned, aged and the saintly people. While propounding the performance of the Panchmahāyajña (Five Great Sacrifices) as obligatory for all Hindus, he tried to link these to social service and development. The real meaning of Brahma yajña was to acquire knowledge, especially mastery over the Vedas; Devayajña meant association with learned people, cultivation of purity, truthfulness and advancement of knowledge; Pitriyajña meant serving learned men, parents, teachers and old people; Valivaishadevayajña meant giving food to dogs, crows, other creatures who were diseased, hungry and distressed, and also outcastes, lepers etc; Atithiyajña implied feeding and serving guests, saints and the virtuous. The ultimate objective of the yajñas was de sonnati (progress of the nation), manusyonnati (progress of mankind) and samajonnati (progress of society). According to Dayanand, "The expression Panchayajña or worship of five Gods has a very good meaning but ignorant fools have degraded it to mean something else... This may be termed worship of those Gods who are truly worthy of reverence." These were mother, father, teacher, learned, husband for wife and wife for husband. Dayanand denounced senseless ritualism, customs and ceremonies related to food, marriage and death. He redefined śradha and tarpan that were traditionally performed after the death of an individual for the salvation of his soul. Dayanand interpreted these concepts as any deed that was done to please one's father, mother and elders when they are alive. In fact, he was extremely critical of the death feasts that often landed the poor people in heavy debts." Significantly, even in the realm of religion he desired that those traditions that did not coincide with social progress and rationalism should be given up. 10 Moreover, his liberal stance was perceptible in his unequivocal declaration that the privilege of studying as well as interpreting the Vedas and other sacred scriptures should be accessible to all the groups, including women and Sudras, who had traditionally been barred from Vedic knowledge." He bravely defied tradition and had scandalized the orthodox community beyond measure since he had extended 'revealed knowledge' to the common man. While defining samskāras, he said that samskāras were a means to bring any individual to a higher state of existence that enables him to imbibe moral values, knowledge and also physical strength. Dayanand however came down heavily on 'worthless and lazy' priests who had used the sixteen samskāras as means to demand offerings and money to perform the same.12
Dayanand's inordinate emphasis on the theory of karma also reflects his concern for a moral social ethos. During his journeys and his debates with theologians of different religions he asserted that everybody has to reap the fruits of his actions- reward for good deeds and punishment for evil deeds. He constantly emphasized that God is just and a witness to the deeds of all human beings.

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Dayanand desired the creation of social order wherein people were engaged in doing well to others. Rejecting the conventional faith in ritualistic worship as a way to propitiate God and deities, Dayanand made a categorical assertion, "God is not pleased by worship and prayer... He is a just being... and if a person is engaged in righteous deeds then God is pleased with him even if he does not pray to him or worship him." This was indeed a radical reinterpretation of the prevailing form of religion and also an effort to link religion to righteousness and service. He asserted that if karma was righteous than there would be progress.
Dayanand severely condemned superstitious practices that came to be associated with religion. He firmly believed that adherence to such irrational practices had not only hindered social progress but had been responsible for the enslavement of Aryavarta (India). He denounced perpetuation of certain practices in the garb of tradition and religion. He refuted the widely held belief that one loses faith and purity by travelling abroad. He cited instances from ancient scriptures when rulers, scholars, traders and commoners visited foreign countries for purposes of trade, travel or political business. He found it extremely ridiculous that whilst people did not mind having sexual intercourse with a low despicable prostitute but considered it debasing to associate with good men of other countries. 14 He considered foreign travel as integral to a nation's progress. "What can you expect but misery and poverty when the people of a country trade only amongst themselves, whilst the foreigners control their trade and rule over them?" He was extremely articulate regarding the advantages Indians could derive through foreign travel. Similarly, he rejected commensal restrictions as anything to do with religion. He remarked that whosoever has consumed sugar, asafetida, butter, milk, flour, fruits and roots has in fact eaten what has been prepared by men of all sorts and castes. 16 He said that Indian soldiers had observed these senseless restrictions regarding food during wars that had led them to lose their independence, happiness, wealth and political power. He was deeply anguished that people had lost the essence of true religion and instead confused it with irrelevant practices. He remarked that it took longer to pluck a blade of grass than it takes a Hindu to loose his religion.17
Dayanand was aware of the appalling degradation of Hindu society and desired basic changes in the institutions of marriage and caste. The institution of marriage had great utilitarian value for Dayanand but he realized the necessity of wide-ranging reforms to revitalize the same. His perspective on issues like child marriages, unequal marriages, position of widows and restructuring of the caste system, apart from being motivated by his larger concern for the upliftment of the Aryan race, were aimed at redeeming the status and position of women. Dayanand laid great stress on compatibility between husband and wife as the basis of a happy conjugal life and reproduction of healthy children. He applied himself sincerely towards weeding out of evils that led to the widespread existence of illmatched marriages. One of the reasons that had led to the incidence of such marriages was the caste rules that rendered it obligatory for the parents to settle marriages of their daughters within the same sub-caste. These rules while strictly limiting the choice of the bridegrooms, precipitated an intense competition for matches within the same sub-caste resulted in child marriages and ill-marriages.
He embarked upon reform by prescribing certain basic changes in the caste structure of the Hindu society. While retaining the varnavyavastha or the classical division of society into four classesBrahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and Śūdras- he stood for outright rejection of the innumerable castes and sub-castes. A more radical departure from the traditional caste-system was that the assignment of classes was not determined by ones birth, but solely depended on his guna or attributes; karma or actions; svabhava or temperament. Dayanand then prescribed marriages between individuals belonging to the same class, i.e., individuals corresponding with each other in guṇa, karma and svabhāva. 18

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Dayanand also laid out a very systematic procedure for settlement of marriages. He not only eliminated the role of family barbers and astrologers but also greatly restricted the role of the parents in the fixation of marriages. He was in favour of extending considerable liberty to the partners in the selection of their prospective bride or bridegroom. He believed that the partners should ascertain that they suited each other in temperament, qualifications, age, physical attributes and family stature. He even advocated interaction between them in the presence of elders, teachers or parents. By stressing the individual's right to select his own spouse he claimed to revive the ancient practice of svayamvara marriages, “marriage by choice, the most ancient form of marriage and the best form of marriage." 19 Recalling the Vedic age, "he remarked that in ancient times daughters were not given away like goats and sheep." Dayanand even went to the extent of espousing a single status for women in case of nonavailability of a compatible partner. "The parents of a girl should never marry their daughter to a man who is inferior, wicked and unsuitable, might she remain unmarried in the house of her father till death."20 The image of a woman who had the freedom to choose her own partner and in the event of non-availability of a compatible match remain unmarried till death, rather than marry a unsuitable boy, was new to the Indian social context. Moreover, by advocating basic changes in the caste system and the procedure of settling matrimonial alliances, Dayanand set aside in one stroke the numerous restrictions of caste on selection of partners. According to V.R. Mehta, “All these ideas may appear ordinary to us but at the time at which he propounded them these had revolutionary implications."21
An integral aspect of Dayanand's vision of a reformed society was his deep concern regarding dissemination of knowledge among Indians through a comprehensive system of education. He had immense faith in the overwhelming powers of education in the process of social transformation. The enormous significance that he attached to education finds ample reflection in his writings, speeches and also commentaries on the Vedas. He wrote in the Satyārtha Prakāsh thus, “As an elephant made of wood or as a deer made of leather, so is a man destitute of knowledge. He is a man only in name" The most original feature of Dayanand's concept of education was his insistence on his compulsory nature. He clearly laid down in the Satyartha Prakāsh, “Both the state and society should make it compulsory upon all to send their children to school after the fifth or eighth year. It should be made a penal offence to keep a child at home after that age." He also emphasized the right of all classes to acquire education. "Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, Sūdras, women, servants, ayes, even the lowest of the low, so you should all do, i.e., teach and preach the Vedas and thereby acquire true knowledge.... When all classes are well-educated and cultured, no one can set up any false, fraudulent and irreligious practices. "24 Dayanand was thus the first renaissance reformer to visualize universalization of education and equality of educational opportunities for men and women of all classes. As it has been rightly observed, that according to him the main problem for India was to improve the condition of the country by fostering a concern for unity, awareness of better health, clean habits, righteous conduct and a rational approach to life.'25 Dayanand's major objective in espousing compulsory education was character formation. He laid down moral and ethical prescriptions both for the students and the teachers. He considered 'nobility of character, refinement of manners and amiability of temper' as the basic purpose of educating children. He remarked that the teacher should be a transmitter of moral values for his students. He should teach them thus, "My children, always speak the truth, lead a virtuous life and abstain from sexual indulgence.... Never neglect your studies. Never neglect to serve your father, mother, teacher and all preachers of the true religion. Love virtue and shun vice...." He concludes his chapter on education with the following words, "Verily, those parents have done their duty and therefore a thousand thanks to them who have done their best to make their children practice Brahmacharya, acquire knowledge and perfect their character.... So that they may accord a

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just and righteous treatment to all- parents, husbands, wives, fathers in law, mothers in law, their king and fellow subjects, neighbours, friends and offsprings." 26
Similarly, he considered inculcation of moral values and character formation as one of the primary duties of the state. He expected the King and his functionaries to be exemplars of moral virtues for their subjects. He remarked "Let the King appoint...ministers who are men of great integrity, highly intellectual, of resolute minds..."Similarly he felt that the primary function of law was to promote dharma or righteousness. Where the law-likened to a fear inspiring man, black in colour and with red eyes, striking fear into the hearts of the people and preventing them from committing crimes, rules supreme there the people never go astray and consequently live in happiness if it is administered by a just and learned man." 27
Dayanand had also laid down a comprehensive role for the state as far as social regeneration was concerned. The state had to ensure compulsory education for all sections of society, allocation of caste on the basis of guna, karma and svabhāva, discourage child marriages and at the same time promote marriages between grown-ups with their consent, check polygamy and prostitution. Thus the state was held responsible for the creation of a progressive and healthy social ethos. 28
Dayanand Saraswati's conceptualization of a reformed and regenerated Hinduism derived from the Vedas distinguished him from his contemporaries. While other exponents of renaissance were concerned with removal of a particular social evil like sati, miserable condition of widows, abolition of child marriage, upliftment of depressed classes or spread of education. They did not articulate any holistic vision that could connect women's issues with fundamental changes in the larger social structure. While he agreed with the major concerns of the social reform movement, Dayanand was perhaps one of the few reformers whose approach was holistic rather than piecemeal. Dayanand turned to the ancient scriptures not merely for seeking validation for isolated reform causes but he undertook the reinterpretation of the entire Vedas and carved out from the same an extensive blueprint of a socioreligious and political structure. It was through this reinterpreted and reformed formulation of Hinduism that he sought to bring about social and religious reform and at the same time respond to the moral and cultural challenge of the British rule. In fact, as far as, regeneration of Indian society and religion was concerned, Dayanand was perhaps one of the few reformers whose approach was holistic rather than piecemeal. In his numerous writings, he had been extremely articulate and insistent about the specific, comprehensive and progressive changes that were imperative for the modernization of the social, religious and the political structure.
References:
1. Bruce Carlisle Robertson (ed.), The Essential Writings of Raja Rammohan Roy, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1999. pp. 113-166
2. Ishwarchandra Vidyasagar, Marriage of Hindu Widow's, K. P. Bagchi Co, Calcutta, 1976, p.4.
3. Dayanand Saraswati, Satyartha, Prakash, Light of Truth, English Translation by Chiranjiv Bhardwaj. (henceforth, Satyartha Prakash), Sarvadeshik Arya Pratinidhi Sabha, New Delhi, 1989, pp. 78-79
4. K.C.Yadav (ed.), Autobiography of Swami Dayanand Saraswati, Manohar, New Delhi, 1978. p.24. 5. J.T.F.Jordens, Dayanand Saraswati: His Life and Ideas, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1978. p. 273.
6. Ghasiram, Maharshi Dayanand ka Jivan Charit, Vol. II, Arya Sahitya Mandal Limited, Ajmer, 1950, pp. 3435 & 40-41
7. Satyartha Prakash, p.314 8. Satyartha Prakash. pp. 112-119 & 382
9. Sat värtha Prakash, pp. 113-114 & Dayanand Saraswati, Dayanand Pravachan Sangrah or Poona Bombay Pravachan, Yudhishthir Mimansak (ed.), henceforth, Dayanand Pravachan Sangrah, Ramlal Kapoor Trust, Bahalgarh 1982, p. 142. p. 162.

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10. Ibid., p. 168. 11. Satyartha Prakash, p.78-79. 12. Dayanand Pravachan Sangrah, p. 109 13. Ghasiram, op.cit., p. 141. 14. Satyartha Prakash, p.315-316 15. Satyartha Prakash, p.317. 16. Satyartha Prakash, p.319-321. 17. Dayanand Pravachan Sangrah, p. 161. 18. Satyartha Prakash, pp. 96-98 & 469. 19. Satyartha Prakash, p.92-93 20. Satyartha Prakash, p.93 21. V.R.Mehta, Foundations of Indian Political Thought, Manohar, 1996, New Delhi, p. 165. 22. Satyartha Prakash, p.314 23. Satyartha Prakash, p.314 24. Ibid., p. 81 25. Ibid., pp. 77-79 26. Satyartha Prakash, p.80 27. Sat vārtha Prakash, p. 165-166 28. Satyartha Prakash, p.202

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38. From Cultural Routes to Cultural Roots:
Ibn Battuta's Observations of Fourteenth Century North India
Sunita Zaidi
India was always a region of attraction for the people of other parts of the world. People of different races migrated to India and some settled here, like Aryans, Hunas, Arabs, Turks, Mongols, Mughals, Africans (Abbysinians) and Europeans. They had varied reasons to come here:
(i) Some came with the sole object to take away India's wealth preserved in the magnificent temples
(ii) Second group came with a purpose to establish their political hegemony like Turks and Mongols.
(iii) Third group came to India with altogether different aims and interests, and these consisted of travellers who were curious to know about India's unique socio-cultural, religious and economic potential. The earliest known references to India are found in the works of ancient Greeks. Herodotus (C.485-428 B.C.) refers to India in his works. Megasthenes (C. 305 B.C.) compiled Indica which contains vivid description of the court of Chandragupta and the general condition of India. Another important Greek work Peripulus of the Erythrean Sea by an anonymous author has a detailed account of Indian harbour and maritime activities.
Others who exposed India's socio-cultural milieu to their respective native regions were the Chinese travellers. Fahien, Hiuen Tsang and Itsing came to study Buddhism and visited holy places. Their accounts contain immense information of religious practices and political and social conditions of the people also. Then the Arab accounts of scholars and merchants provide significant information about Indian society, economy and polity. Al-Beruni, an important visitor who was grossly interested to know about Indian religious way of life, interacted with the Brahmanas, learnt Sanskrit and had partial knowledge of India. As an eye witness he provides lively information about India. Thus there was continuous inflow of foreign visitors before and after Ibn Battuta's visit to India.
In the 15th century which was the time of decline of Delhi Sultanate, one does not come across many travellers visiting India. But 16th, 17th and 18th centuries saw continuous inflow of the travellers of different nationalities. They had various aims and interests. Some were interested in trade and commerce and some, like Jesuit fathers, were interested in religious activities, and others were interested to know more intimately about India's rich cultural heritage. Besides these visitors having personal

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experiences, there were also persons who wrote about India on the basis of gathered information from others and thus exposed India at broader level'.
However, here I shall like to focus on Moroccan traveller Ibn Battuta who interacted with the local people and penned down his experiences. These experiences throw immense light on different aspects of Indian society and culture in Arabic language. Thus after going back from India his writings made India known to others.
Shaikh Abu Abdullah Muhammad bin Muhammad bin Ibrahim, commonly known as Ibn Battuta, belonged to the Bani Kalb tribe of Arabia. He came from a family of scholars. He was a man of vivid personalities - poet, a historian, a philologist, a theologian, a traditionalist and a calligraphist. He travelled extensively, gained experiences and came in contact with various people of Arab and nonArab areas. On the order of Sultan Abu Inan Marini, Muhammad Ibn Juzayy compiled the account of the countries that Ibn Battuta visited and the anecdotes, stories of the kings, scholars and saints he met, including his adventures.
Ibn Battuta describes his journey to India via Sind and informs us how the foreigners were received and were allowed to enter into the country. Indus river marked the beginning of the territories of Sultan Mohd. Tughlaq, the emperor of Delhi (1325-1350 A.D.), so the news officers were posted there who used to report the arrival of the foreigners to the governor of Multan, who had to stay there till Sultan's orders were received to entertain them. When new persons came to the country, officers write to the King, telling him about his physical features, the garments, companions, servants, slaves and horses and also his whole conduct. Battuta informs us that it was habit of the Sultan to honour foreigners and appoint them at higher offices. He writes, 'All educated persons are called Maulana in India. They used to call me 'Badru-din in India'. The Sultan had issued orders that no foreigner from Khurasan should be allowed to enter Indian territory unless he came with the purpose of staying in India. When Battuta informed of his intention of staying and serving the Sultan, the gazis and notaries (udul) were sent for and took bond in his name and others who wished so. Even Sultan's mother used to send escorts for the female companions of the foreign dignitaries. Sultan had ordered foreigners be called Aizza (dear ones).
Thus the travelogue is a rich source of information on cultural heritage of India. It also reflects the interest in monuments and historical past which is the most important trait of tourism. When Battuta reached the town of Lahari, he visited a site which according to historians was a city one thousand years ago and was destroyed. He writes, "One day I rode in company with 'Ala-ul-Mulk- and arrived at a plain called Tarna at a distance of seven miles from the city. There I saw innumerable store images and animals, many of which had undergone a change, the original shape being obliterated. Some were reduced to a head, others to a foot and so on. Some of the stones were shaped like grain, wheat, peas, beans and lentils. And there were traces of the ramparts and the walls of houses. Then we noticed traces of a house which contained a chamber built of hewn stone, the whole of which looked like one solid mass. Upon it was a statue in the form of a man, the only difference being that its head was long, its mouth was towards a side of its face and its hands at its back like a captive's. There were pools of water from which an extremely bad smell came. Some of the walls bore Hindi inscriptions. Ala-ul-mulk told me that the historians assume that on this site there was a big city, most of the inhabitants of which were notorious. They were changed into stone. The petrified human form on the platform in the house mentioned above was that of their king. The house still goes by the name

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of 'the king's house. It is presumed that the Hindi inscriptions, which some of the walls bear, give the history of the destruction of the inhabitants of this city. The destruction took place about a thousand years ago. I stayed there in company with Ala-ul-mulk for five days, after which he gave me a liberal supply of provisions; and I parted from him and proceeded to the city of Bukkur". The above description is an indicator of cultural sense Ibn Battuta did have.
Everynew comer had to make presents to the Sultan. In return Sultan used to give them presents worth several times more. Thus the culture of 'return gift' is not a modern or European phenomenon but it goes back as past as the fourteenth century and even earlier to that. These foreigners used to take loan from the Indian merchants for the purpose; which they return after getting gifts from the Sultan. Regarding horses presented by the foreigners to the ruling class, Ibn Battuta writes.
"The governor of Multan was Qutb-ul-mulk, one of the great and learned amirs. When I went up to him he rose to receive me and shook hands with me, and gave me a seat by his side. I presented him with a slave and horse together with some raisins and almonds. This is one of the greatest presents that can be made to the Indian chiefs, since these can not be had in their country and are imported from Khurasan".
Ibn Battuta does not ignore the culture of local people/ local tribes and their customs. While discussing the customs of the Samira tribe, he writes, "They do not eat with any body nor can any one look towards them when they are eating; nor do they marry among people other than their own and no one marries in their fold". The information on how these tribes were made part of state culture is furnished by Yusuf Mirak, the author of Mazhar-i Shahjahani written in the middle of the seventeenth century.
After getting permission from the Emperor who sent escorts to receive Khudawandzada Qiwamuddin, Qazi of Tirmidh who had come along with his family and children, Ibn Battuta writes about the preparations to travel to the capital (forty days' journey). He writes,
"The Chamberlain and his companion made the necessary arrangements for feeding Qiwam-ud-din; and they took along with them about twenty cooks from Multan. The chamberlain used to go ahead in the night to a station to secure the eatables and other things: and as soon as Khudawandzada arrived he found his meals ready. Each of these visitors used to put up separately in this tents with this companions; and sometimes they attended the meal prepared for Khudawandzada".
Then he describes the order of meal served in great detail. Ibn Battuta writes, "And the order in which the meal is served is this: to begin with, loaves are served which are very thin and resemble cakes of bread; then they cut the roasted meat into large pieces in such a manner that one sheep yields from four to six pieces. One piece is served before each man. Also they make round cakes of bread soaked in ghee resembling the bread called mushrak in our country; and in the midst of these they place the sweet called sabunia'. On every piece of bread is placed a sweet cake called khishti which means 'brick-like' - a preparation of flour, sugar and ghee. Then they serve meat cooked in ghee, onion and green ginger in China dishes. Then is brought a thing called samosa (samusak)- minced meat cooked with almond, walnut, pistachios, onion and spices placed inside a thin bread and fried in ghee. In front of every person are placed from four to five of such samosas. Then is brought a dish of rice cooked in ghee on the top of which is a roasted fowl. And next is brought the luqaimat-ul-qazi1 which is called hashimi. Then is brought al-qahiriya". Before the dinner begins the chamberlain

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stands at the head of the dinner-carpet (simat) and performs the bow (khidmat) in the direction of the Sultan; and all present do the same. The khidmat in India consists in bowing down to the knee as in prayer. After this the people sit down to eat; and then are brought gold, silver and glass cups filled with fine sugar-water perfumed with rose-water which they call sherbet. After they have taken the sherbet the chamberlain calls out Bismillah". Then all begin to eat. At the end of the dinner, jugs of barley-drink (fuqqa) are brought; and when these have been consumed betel-leaves and nuts are served which have already been mentioned. After the people have taken the betel and nut, the chamberlain calls out Bismillah, whereupon all stand up and bow in the same way as before. This description gives us information on manners and table etiquettes of elite class. On the other hand we also get glimpses of food habits of common man. There is detailed significant description of how the poor gather their food. He writes,
"Often the shamakh (kind of grain) grows without being cultivated. It is the staple food of the devout, of the abstainers, of the poor and of the humble who go out to gather that corn which springs up without being cultivated. Each of them holds a huge basket in his left hand and in his right a whip with which he strikes the corn which falls into the basket. In this way they gather enough to live for a whole year, When it has been gathered it is placed in the sun and crushed in wooden mortars; its husk flies away and a white substance remains; and with this a gruel is made which is cooked with buffalo's milk. This gruel is more agreeable than the bread made of the
same substance. I ate it often in the country of India and liked its taste". From Multan, they started their journey and entered Abohar. About it, Ibn Battuta writes, it is small, handsome and thickly populated and possesses rivers and trees". He compares the trees of India with that of his country. At length, he describes the flora and fauna. About grapes, he writes,
The Indians call these fruits Angür - a word which in their language means grapes. And grape is very rare in Iodia and is found only in some parts of Delhi and in few other provinces".
While comparing trees of India with that of his country, he writes, "Of the trees which grow in our country we find the pomegranate (rumman) in India. This bears fruit twice a year. I have seen some in the Maldive islands which never stopped bearing fruit. The Indians call it anär- a word which. I believe, has given us the work 'gulnar', for 'gul' in Persian means a flower, and 'nar' the pomegranate".
Ibn Battuta's travelogue is laced with interesting cultural insights. While leaving Abohar, he mentions the fight with a group of 80 people, whom his companions defeated. Then they slaughtered the wounded horse which was eaten by their Turk companions. Then they reached the city of Ajodhan? where he met Shaikh Farid ud din. He writes, "When I saw him, he was on his terrace clothed in white; on his head was a big turban the end of which was hanging on one side. He blessed me and sent me some candy and some refined sugar". It reflects the life and culture of the Sufis of the period.
Further, he provides us the fascinating socio-cultural traits of the Indian people. It is first hand and eye witness description of widow burning (sati). Ibn Battuta writes,
"I used to see in India a woman from among the infidel Hindus adorned and seated on horseback and the people following her - Muslims as well as infidels - and drums and bugles playing before her and the Brahmins, who are the great ones from among the Hindus, accompanying her. When this happens in Sultan's territory they ask him for permission to burn the widow. He gives them permission and they burn her".

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After reaching Amjeri town, he describes the fight between the locals and the rebels, in which three local Hindus died whose wives wished to commit sati, Ibn Battuta writes,
*The self burning of widows is considered praise worthy by the Hindus without. however, being obligatory. When a widow burns herself, her kinsfolk acquire glory and her faithfulness is highly esteemed. If she does not burn herself she puts on coarse clothes and lives with her relatives as one who is despised for faithlessness. But she is not compelled to burn herself". Those three widows who wished to commit sati, passed three days preceding the burning - eating and drinking amidst music and joys as if they wished to bid farewell to the world. Women came from all parts to see them. On fourth day, they mounted on horses. In the right they held coconut and in the left a mirror in which they saw their faces. The Brahmins stood around them, and
their relatives accompanied them". Further Ibn Battuta has given the detailed description.
Similarly, Jauhar which was performed by the family of Rai Kampila and his amirs has been minutely observed and finds place in Battuta's narrative.
From Ajodhan, Battuta and his party reached the city of Sarsuti which was a big city producing a great quantity of fine rice. From Sarsuti, they reached Hansi, a thickly populated city. It had a huge rampart built by a non-muslim ruler, namely Tura.
From Hansi, they reached Masudabad, ten miles distance from Delhi. Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq was away to Kanauj. Makhduma Jahan, Sultan's mother and his Vezir Khwaja Jahan named Ahmad bin Aiyaz of Turkish origin, were in the capital. The Vezir sent men of equal ranks to welcome Battuta and his party. Among them was Sharif Mazindrani, chamberlain of the foreigners (hajib-ulghuraba). The Sultan was also informed by a letter taken by dawa, the foot post. Within three days, reply came from the Sultan. Then the visiting party started from Masudabad and encamped in the vicinity of village Palam. Next day they reached to Delhi. He writes,
"Next day, in the morning, we reached Delhi, the imperial residence and capital of the country of India. It is a magnificent and huge city; its buildings are both beautiful and solid. The city has a rampart which is unmatched in the whole world. It is the largest
of the cities of India, and even of all the cities of Islam in the east". On reaching Delhi, he starts with the description of four cities built by different rulers. He writes,
"The city of Delhi covers a wide area and has a large population. It is now a combination of four adjacent and contiguous cities. The first of them goes by the name of Delhi. It is the ancient city founded by the Hindus. Its conquest took place in A.D. 584. The second city is known as Siri, which is also known as the dar-ul-Khilafa ("house of caliphate). It was given by the Sultan to Ghiyas-ud-din, the grandson of al-Mustansir, the Abbasid caliph when he visited his court. In it had lived Sultan Alaud din, and his son Qutb ud-din. The third is named Tughlaqabad after its founder Sultan Tughlaq, the father of the Sultan of India whose court we visited. The reason for its construction is this. One day Tughlag was standing before Sultan Qutbuddin and said to him, 'Your Majesty! it would be highly befitting you to build a city on this site'. The Sultan replied mockingly, You will build it if you become king'?. It so happened by the pre-determination of God that he did become king. He, therefore, built it and named it after himself. The fourth is known as Jahanpanah, a city particularly

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distinguished as the residence of Sultan Muhammad Shah, emperor of India at present, whose court we visited. It is he who built it. He wished to combine the four cities in one rampart, and he built this in part, but left it incomplete on account of the great
outlay which its construction would entail". Then he praised the rampart round the city of Delhi, and described the store house and granaries where rice, millet etc. were preserved from the time of Sultan Balban and were not damaged during last 90 years. Then he describes the gates and tells that these were called darvaza. He further writes, "Delhi has a fine cemetery in which domes are built: and every grave must have an arch, even if there is no dome on it". He concentrates on congregational mosque and writes,
"The congregational mosque is of great extent; its walls, its roof and its pavement are all of white stone, excellently cut; and the pieces are artistically cemented together by means of lead. There is no wood at all in the entire structure. There are in it thirteen pavilions of stone, as well as a stone pulpit, and there are four courtyards. In the centre of the mosque stands an awfully enormous pillar. It is not known of what metal it is made. Some of the Indian savants told me that it was made of seven metals mixed together. A space equal to the fore-finger on this pillar has been polished, and it is very bright. Even iron produces no effect on the pillar. The length of the column is thirty cubits; as I threw my turban across it, its circumference came to eight cubits. Near the eastern gate of the mosque lie two very big idols of copper connected together by stones. Every one who comes in and goes out of the mosque treads over them. On the site of this mosque was a butkhana, that is an idol-house. After the conquest of Delhi it was turned into a mosque". Then he concentrates on Qutub Minar and writes, "In the courtyard of the mosque is a minaret which is without parallel in the Muslim countries. It is niade of red stone in contrast with the rest of the mosque, which is white. The stones of the minaret are sculptured and it is very high. Its spire is of pure white marble, and its apples are of pure gold. Its staircase is so wide that elephants can go up there. A reliable person told me that while its construction was in progress, he saw an elephant carrying stones up to its top. It was built by Muizzuddin, son of Nasir
al din, son of Sultan Ghiyas ud din Balban". Further he writes, "Sultan Qutb ud-din had intended to build another and a higher minaret in the western courtyard of the mosque. He had built one-third of it when he passed away leaving it incomplete. Sultan Muhammad wished to complete it, but he changed his mind considering its construction as an ill-omen. As for its thickness and the breadth of the staircase, this minaret is one of the wonders of the world. The staircase is so wide that three elephants at once can mount it side by side. This one-third is as high as the entire minaret of the northern courtyard. Once I ascended it whence I commanded a view of the most of the houses; and I sighted the city walls which in spite of their height and altitude appeared suppressed, and the people below looked like small children. He who looks at the minaret from below does not take it to be so high on account of its great bulk and extent".
"Sultan Qutb-ud-din (1316-1320 A.D.) had also intended to build a congregational mosque at Siri called dar ul khilafa. But he could not build more than an arch and a wall facing Mecca. The portion that he constructed was of white, black, red and green stones, and if the building had been completed it would have been matchless in the world. Sultan Muhammad Tughlaq intended to complete this and deputed master

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architects to estimate the cost of its completion. Their estimate amounted to thirty five lacs. Therefore, he gave it up. considering the amount as exorbitant. One of his special officers informed me that he had not given it up on account of this, but he considered its completion ominous as Sultan Qutb ud-din (Mubarak Shah Khalji) had been killed
before completing it". Ibn Battuta does not ignore the life line of a city, i.e., source of water supply. He also points out its significance as a place of tourist attraction. He writes,
Outside Delhi is a big reservoir called after Sultan Shams-ud-din Lalmisho. The inhabitants of Delhi take their supply of drinking water from it, and it lies near the Idgah (musalla) of Delhi. It is fed by rain water and is about two miles long and a mile broad. On its western side facing the Idgah are built platforms of stone, one higher than another. Under each platform are stairs which help one to get down to the water. Beside each platform is a dome of stone containing seats for amusement and pleasure seekers. In the middle of the tank there is a big dome of two storeys built of sculptured stone. When water rises high in the tank the dome can be reached only by boats, but when the water decreases people walk up to it. Inside the dome is a mosque where one finds fakirs inost of the time. These fakirs have renounced the world relying upon God. When the water on the sides of the tank gets dried up sugarcane, cucumber, sweet calabash. melons and water-melons are grown in it. The melons are small but
extremely sweet": Then lb. Battuta describes the cultural life of the musicians. They had their colony adjacent to haus-i khas. It was larger than Sultan Itutmish's tank. and the areas where lived musicians and the place was known as Tarababad. they had their own large market, a congregational mosque and other are more mosques. He writes that female singers recited the congregational prayers (taravih) in those mosques during the month of Ramazan and the Imams conducted their prayers, and the number of women attending the prayers was very large; and the same was true of the male singers. I saw some musicians participating in the festivities of Amir Saif ud-din Gadda bin Muhanna's marriage. Everyone of them had a prayer-mat (musalla) under his knee. As soon as they heard the call to prayer they stood up, made their ablutions and prayed“,
Sepulchres of Delhi saiots have also found place in Battuta's narrative. Today these tombs are considered invaluable for religious tourism. He mentions a large number of Sufis of the past, such as Khwaja Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki, Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya and their miracles as well as contemporary Sufis like Ala ud-din Nili, a disciple of Shaikh Nizam ud-din Auliya and many others. One gets to know intimately the life and ideas of the Sufis.
Even Ibn Battuta talks about good upkeep of the roads and facilities extended to the travellers. He writes,
"The road between Delhi and Daulatabad is bordered with willow trees and others in such a manner that a man going along it inagines he is walking through a garden; and at every mile there are three postal stations (dawa), that is, barid. At every station (dawa) is to be found all that a traveller needs. It looks, therefore, as if he is walking through a market of forty days' journey. The road is the same all along down to the region of Tiling and Ma'bar - a six months journey on foot (from Delhi)".

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Further, he writes,
"At every station there is a palace for the Sultan and a hospice for the travellers. As a result, the poor traveller (faqir) does not need to carry provisions along that way". The cots in India are portable, and a single man can carry one. It is necessary for every traveller to carry his cot with him and his servant carries it on his head. The cot consists of four tapering legs on which stretch four sticks, and between them is made a net of silk or cotton. When one sleeps on it one does not need to keep it supple, as it is supple by itself".
For the mattresses and the blankets, Battuta writes,
"It is a custom in India to cover the mattresses and the blankets with white sheets of linen or cotton. When the covers become dirty they are washed; and thus the inner parts are kept safe".
About means of transportation, Battuta refers dola and writes,
"Dola was a litter in which women are conveyed, and which is sometimes used by men too. The dola which resembles a cot has its upper part made of cotton or silk cords, and over it there is a stick similar to that found on parasols in our country, and it is made from bent Indian reeds. It is carried by eight bearers divided in two equal batches, four shouldering it at a time while the remaining four rest. The dolas function in India almost in the same way as donkeys in Egypt; and many a man uses the dola as conveyance. For those who own slaves it is they who ply the dola, but those who own no slaves hire men for this purpose. They are to be found in small numbers in the markets of a town and in front of the royal palace and at the gentry's door looking for employment. The dolas used by women are overhung with silk curtain".
Further he mentions that
"The Indians carry loads only on the ox, and ox is used to transport their loads in their journeys. To ride an ass is very much looked down upon in India. The Indian asses are of small build; they are called lasha". When a man is to be paraded after being whipped he is seated on an ass".
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From his travelogue one gets to know the equipments, basics etc. necessary for a traveller to have. He maintains that tent enclosure (seracha), also known as afraj, could be freely set up by every man in India. The royal seracha was red coloured, while all others were white dotted with blue. Sivan (sayaban) served as a sunshade for the interior of the tent-enclosure. These were set up on two big poles which are carried on the shoulders by kaivaniyā. He writes, "It is the custom in India for a traveller to hire the kaivaniya. Even the people who supply green fodder for the animals are hired, because they do not feed the animals on straw in India. In addition the traveller hires kaharin-that is, the men who carry the kitchen utensils and also those who carry him in the dola, and transport it when it is empty. Further still, the valets (farrash) - that is, people who pitch and carpet the tent enclosure and load the camels - are hired. And then the davidaviyā - people who run in the front and carry torches by night - are hired.
Above description draws the picture of a traveller with the required facilities fulfilled by themselves as well as by the state in the 14th century.

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About neighbouring countries, Battuta tells that
"the countries contiguous to India like Yamen, Khurasan and Fars are filled with anecdotes about him. i.e., Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq, which they believe to be really true specially those about his generosity to the foreigners in so far as he prefers them to the Indians, honours them, confers on them great favours and makes them rich presents and appoints them to high offices and awards them great benefits. One of these is that he calls them by the name ofAizza1 and prohibits their being called 'ghuraba He says that when a person is called 'gharib', his heart breaks and his mind is distracted".
Sultan Muhammad Tughlaq was particularly fond of the Arabs whom he preferred to all others. and acknowledged their merit. He married his sister Firuz Khunda to an Arab Amir Saif ud din Gadda of the Araba of Syria. He was lodged in Sultan Jalaluddin's palace in the interior of the city of Delhi called Kushak-i-l'al, that is, the red palace. Ibn Battuta describes this palace thus,
"It is a large palace containing a very huge courtyard and vestibule ending with a gate surmounted with a cupola which commands a full view of the said courtyard as well as of the second courtyard which leads to the palace. Sultan Jalal ud din used to sit in that cupola and watch polo being played in the second courtyard (mashwar)".
Saif-ud-din's wedding feast took place in the same palace. This wedding took place with gaiety, pomp and show. Battuta has painstakingly described in detail the social customs observed at the time of royal wedding. His description gives chance to the readers to peep into contemporary society's cultural ethos.
Ibn Battuta's disliking/ biases against the Arabs are manifested in his writing when he tells us about the same Amir Saif-ud-din Gadda that.
"Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq showed exceedingly great honour to his brother-inlaw, but the latter was an uncouth and stupid Arab who could not appreciate the value of this. The uncouthness of the people of the desert got the better of him and brought him to grief twenty nights after his wedding".
Ibn Battuta described his assault on a noble for which he was punished, and
"The Sultan wrote personally that 'the bastard, that is Mughis (Sultan's another Arab brother-in-law) be exiled, and so be exiled the mushkhwar, that is the rat-eater' by which expression he meant Amir Gadda, because the Arabs of the desert eat the lizard which is similar to the rats and he ordered the expulsion of both. The palace officers came to Amir Ghadda to drag him out. He desired to enter his house and bid his wife adicu. but the palace officers poured in rapid succession to search him out, and he emerged weeping".
Further about same Amir Saif-ud-din Ghadda, our author writes,
"The Sultan ordered Amir Ghadda's recall and commanded him to remain in the service of the Amir Malik Qabula of Lahore. He remained in his service for four years, and he used to ride on horse back with him and to accompany him in his journeys until he learnt manners and became cultured. Then the Sultan restored him to his original position and assigned to him the administrative charge (iqtā) of some territory and placed him in command of the troops and raised his position".

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One gets aware with the art of statecraft, how Sultans undertook to feed their people at the time of famine is one of the aspects dealt in great length. Battuta has given interesting narration
"When famine was raging all over Hind and Sind and the prices became exorbitant to such an extent that the price of a mound of wheat rose to six dinars, the Sultan ordered six months' provisions at the rate of a daily allowance of one and a half rail of maghrib per head to be given to all the people of Delhi. He ordered this to be given to every one great or small. free or slave. The jurists and judges set out registering the names of the inhabitants in different streets sending for the people and giving to each victuals amounting to six months' provision".
Muhammad Tughlaq's capital transfer from Delhi to Daultabad has been described in detail. He forced people to migrate to Daultabad. Battuta writes,
"He bought the houses and dwellings from all the inhabitants of Delhi and paid the price for them. Then he ordered the inhabitants to leave Delhi and move on to Daultabad, but they refused to do so. Thereupon his crier went forth proclaiming that no one should remain in Delhi after three days. As a result, most of the people went away; but some concealed themselves in their houses. When the Sultan had done that, all the inhabitants of Delhi came out leaving behind their property and baggage, and the city was reduced to a desert, I was informed on reliable authority that in the night the Sultan mounted the roof of his palace and looked around Delhi. When neither a light nor even a smoke or a lamp came into sight he remarked, 'Now my heart is pleased and my soul is at rest'. Then he wrote to the inhabitants of other provinces to repair to Delhi to re-people it. As a result, those provinces were destroyed, but Delhi was not re-populated on account of its vastness and immensity. It is one of the greatest cities of the world and when we entered it we found it in the state mentioned: it was empty and was but scantily inhabited".
About Sultan Muhammad Tughlaq's mother, Battuta writes,
"The Sultan's mother, called Makhduma-i-Jahan, is one of the most virtuous women. She is very charitable and has built many hospices wherein she has made provision for feeding the wayfarers. But she has lost her eyesight, which came about in this way. When her son ascended the throne all the ladies and maliks' and amirs' daughters dressed in their best clothes came to pay her visits. She was seated on a gold throne studded with jewels. All of them bowed to her. Then all of a sudden she lost her eyesight. She was treated in various ways, but to no effect. Her son venerates her exceedingly, an instance of which is afforded by the fact that once his mother travelled with him; but he returned a little earlier than she. When she arrived, he proceeded to receive her and got down from his horse, she being in the palanquin; he kissed her foot publicly in view of all".
About their visit to the harem of Makhduma-i Jahan and all the formalities and courtesies there being observed, Ibn Battuta gives very interesting information, and one comes to know about the aspects related to gender issues.
Sultan Muhammad Tughlaq had observed the travel interests of Ibn Battuta, so he said to him, "I sent for you in order that you should go as my ambassador to China (as-sin). I know you love to travel and go abroad". And he provided me with all the necessaries I needed and nominated persons as my travelling companions".

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The outgoing description of Ibn Battuta's journey is to be seen in the light of cultural route from Africa-west Asia to India. It is a partial study of Ibn Battuta's cultural route till Delhi. His further experiences and comparative description of Indian culture with other world cultures suggest how India was exposed socially and culturally to the other world. People coming from west Asia introduced their way of life at different socio-cultural segments. Rehla exposed the global readers to the India's rich heritage and culture. References book: Ibn Battuta.
Rehla, tr. Mahdi Husain, Baroda, 1976. Yusuf Mirak. - Mazhar-i Shahjahani (written in the 17" century), vol. II, Karachi, 1961. M. Zaki (ed.) - Arab Accounts of India (during the fourteenth century), Delhi, 1981. Iqtidar Husain, - Perso-Arabic Sources of Information on the Life and Condition in the Siddiqui
Sultanate of Delhi, New Delhi, 1992. Sunita Zaidi,
"The Mughal State and Tribes in Seventeenth Century Sind," IESHR, vol. 26, pt.
3, 1989. Muzaffar Alam - Indo-Persian Travels in the Age of Discoveries and Sanjay Subrahmanyam
1400-1800, C.U.P., 2007. L.P. Harvey
Ibn Battuta, O.U.P. 2007 S. Inayet A. Zaidi - State and Religious Identities: Diversities, Discords and Co-Existence in India
(134-18"centuries), Professor S.P. Gupta Memorial Lecture, Centre of Advanced
Studies in History, A M.U., 2010. Notes:
Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui, Perso-Arabic sources of Information on the life and condition in the Sultanate of Delhi New Delhi, 1992
? Ala-ul Mulk, commonly known as Fasih ud-din, before coming to India was the gazi of Herat. Sultan Mohammad bin Tughluq had appointed him administrator of the city of Lahari in Sind. Ibn Battuta's Rehla, p. 9.
1.e. the sabuni which is a mixture of almonds, honey and seasame oil called after 'Sabuni - a small island off Egypt on the eastern bank of the Nile.
Le a kind of sweet. Ie, a kind of pudding introduced from Qahira. Bismillah which literally means 'in the name of God'. Modern Pakpattan, habitat of the famous saint Shaikh Farid-ud-din Ganj-i-Shakar. *Sultan Qutbud-din Mubarak Shah Khalji (1316-1320 A.D.). Sultan Iltutmish.
Literally, the house of music and enjoyment. "Lasha which in Persian literally means 'a carcase or one reduced to skin and bones' is a term of contempt.
The term duvidaviya is another form of the Persian word dawadav' which means 'running incessantly or in every direction of a messenger or anyone constantly employed in the running of errands' (Johnson)
BA'izza is the plural of 'aziz (Venerable). p. 67. 1 Strangers or foreigners.

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39. Encapsulated as Material Artistic Response: Historicizing and Reconstructing the Feminine Space
In early Medieval Rajasthan
Anuradha Rathore
At crossroads, the definition of art is approached of being dealt in terms of aesthetics, and of art as communication distinguished by a particularly apt use of images.' Art has often been also thought to underline the cultural aspect of human activity, which also is found equally aptly in the literature. Whether or not the visual artistic representations are treated as focus of cultural activity is of course the larger issue, but nevertheless visual arts share attributes and structure, such as rhythm or metaphor, with arts in other media, and on the other hand, all forms of visual communication share properties distinctive to that medium, such as iconography and style. Behind the diversity of socio-religious cultural imagery lie some general principles of communication that have had a shared past of realization also expressed and strengthened through received textual statements of patterns, then it is possible to illustrate through their study, and its efficacy in establishing the subsequent linkages as to how the art lends particular qualities to the communication to and of the gender, and particularly to the formation of material visual' feminine space.
Does it then hold well that the religious representation does not restrict feminine values in the world of sacred by the structures of subordination to which women were subject in the secular world, even when viewed in the realm of sculpture, architecture and iconography? And what is that, which ideologically gave impetus and worked behind the mere motions of fleshing the women in stone, in a particular manner centuries after centuries, for them to partake of 'rare immortality"? What is the reenforcement if any to the 'superficial' constancy in the manner of their representation? But in the course of exploration of these answers the study does not intend to undermine even in the remotest, slightest manner the religious investment of ideas and symbolism, as well as the religious sentiment and faith identified with/to their being/existence and in no way expresses irreverence. It is at the most also a preliminary inquiry, foraying into the search of certain possibilities of feminine kind, and simply for the reason that the historical enquiry has to make do with whatever sources found available to interpret and reinterpret, and thus ignoring these abundant, available, recorded visual landmarks would not have been judicious/fair to the investigation of the topic concerned. The reading is, thus certainly not, exhaustive and has a limited import, if any, at this juncture in an attempt to primarily historicize femininity, as it tracks the ambiguous representation of traditional notions of femininity.

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I
Searching for the Feminine: Within the Traditions of Pratima Laksana or the Iconography
The Hindu religious tradition has among its unique features, a striking characteristic in the importance of goddess worship, which are overwhelming in their numbers, from an apparent, ancient continuity in realms of mythology, theology and worship. Their 'divine' character apart, these representations of goddesses can be studied to approach the notions of discerning femininity, through the layers of associated religious structures and the allied texts and visual depiction, to address through their perception within the religion, a possible likelihood of the feminine attributes, which further may be tested to be of an universal or of regional appeal. To attempt to view the above mentioned terrain, the bridge between the religious texts, the subsidiary texts to it of canonical nature and the sculptures against their monumental backdrop, need to be linked to a possible historical sequence to also understand the legitimacy (?) in the theological assumptions usually found in abundance, that all female deities in the said tradition are actually different manifestations of a fundamental feminine principle or reflect the grand goddesses.
The tradition of Brahamana architecture and iconographic canons range from the works like Arthasăstra of Kautilya, Mayamata, Manasara, Bṛhatsamhita, Matsya Purana, Agni Purana, and other Puranas as well as Aparajitaprecha, Samarängana-Sutradhara, Räpaprakäia. Rūpamandana and Agamas like Kamikāgama, Suprabhedagama, Ansumadbhedagama, and Šukranītisära and other religious works, where the scope of these works is limited to architectural and sculptural topics; while the Jaina pratima lakṣaṇa texts are Nirvaṇakalika, Pratisthäsäroddhära, Acaradinakara, Pratisthāsarasangraha, Pratisthätilaka, Manträdhirajakalpa etc. and the Buddhist iconographic canons were mainly the Sadhanmäla and Niṣpannayogavali.' The Brahamaņas were considered both active members as well as ideologues of the ruling class, and are attributed with having perfected
....... a theory which expressed the dominant material relationships in ritual terms with the Brahamana as its point of reference. It is indicative of the dominance of the Brahamaṇa varna in the socio-economic set-up of the early medieval times that its ideology became the ideology of the society as a whole and the imitation of its customs or the process of Sanskritization became an important vehicle for social mobility.""" But social mobility apart, the all pervasive Brahamanical patriarchic ideology, which stemmed and pervaded the social institutions of early India, may have thus given a certain feminine iconographical and sculptural language, which originated in the gender politics and further was constantly fed by, as well as manifested in the corollary religious and social structures and the practices therein. Thus an overemphasis of the śastric injunction is extolled and mandated in the texts as a requisite for the continuity of the formulaic sculptural tradition that had developed a methodology of schemata. The fact of the matter remains that, in so far as the women's projection in these transactions, it remained pointedly in the manner of 'feminine' in nature, for the intense deliberation and the labor involved in execution adhering to the theoretical aspect in sync and matched with the emerging, conscious dominant continuum of the sculptural typologies.
It was not only the femininity, but the celebration of this femininity which was empirically arrived at a spatial temporal level, and further expressed and communicated through the externalization of it in also metaphysical nuances, by usage of symbols spanning from probably the Indus-Saraswati period (specially the mother goddess figurines, the dancing girl etc.), while though the Vedic texts

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being the exception which failed to establish the existence of popularity or prominence of the goddesses, to the Guptā period. But then following the dynastic decline of the Guptās, around the fifth or the sixth century AD, various goddesses suddenly appear in the iconographic and textual sources in situations of great importance, which pointed to an acceptance or resurgence of goddess worship in the Hindu tradition. Several goddesses were urambiguously identified with or called praksti, a central notion in most philosophic systems, where prakrti denotes a physical as opposed to the spiritual reality, and thus has been read as nature in all its complexities, orderliness, and intensity, and further through this reflection the descriptions of her nature and behavior emerged a commentary on the Hindu understanding of physical reality. In the Tantras and the early Sankhya the cause of the universe has been sought in the female principle or the Prakrti, which in time were equated with Purūşa and considered as one.
An attempt to assess the tradition of vastuśāstra of the early medieval period discern that, this period in particular, saw the synthesis of the ancient traditions merge with the new ideologies, and in this respect the attempt remains unparalleled.' The temple as an important site to begin the foray into the nature of feminine, is to be understood as Kramrisch has noted about the object of building a temple, which is that it is
"........... built with fervour of devotion (bhakti) as a work of offering and pious liberality, in order to secure for the builder, a place in heaven, which means a high level of inward realization and to increases the religious merit of his near relatives: by a transfer of merit, the Prāsāda functions similarly, for every devotee, who comes to and enters the temple. The temple is built as a work of supererogation, with the utmost effort in material means and the striving of the spirit so that the Prāsāda attains and
leads to the Highest Point." But the fact that the temple is viewed as a Purūşa, has to be borne constantly, as the temple rests on this earth, in traditional architectural terms covered by the Vāstupurūşamandala, whose origins, needs and planned organization stemmed from the empirical world, have been elaborated upon variously in the textual traditions. The character of the temple thus is likened to a tirtha or a pilgrimage, made by art, as she puts it, and as others are by nature, and she further emphasizes, sometimes both. A Hindu temple has the necessity of "to be seen, and thus the darśana, the looking of the temple, the seat, the abode and the body of the divinity" and its pājā or the worship, are the purpose of visiting the temple, which is further fulfilled by in addition to being an offering, work of pious liberality, and the temple has its proportionate measurement but also the carvings on its walls, and the total fact of its form." The Hindu temple has been deemed a monument, whose outer surface consists of sculptures, and thus when going to the temple (abhigamana) the speech, body and the mind are centered on the divinity, whose presence is installed in the image or the symbol, and the devotee becomes part of the architecture of the Mandapa whose interior he traverses, in which he also may pause and gaze at the images that confront him: images which are carved on the pillars, the capitals and on the ceiling; guiding him onwards to the main image or symbol in the garbhagrha, or upward to the dome and its central point." The stone texture of the walls apart, the plaster with which they might be laid, the closely built texture of the buttresses and offsets and their intervals which form space volumes as well as the rhythms of graded light and darkness: and as Kramrisch notes that carved figures belong to the body of wall and also to the spaces in between, in as much their own volume projects into the intervals, as well as reach even further into the space or else they are more deeply part of the wall than

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are the outer or main surfaces of any offset. Niches are sunk in the main buttresses having the chief images. The carved figures on the surface of the temples are thus at different distances from the centre, but appear projected from the centre, and the entire volume of buttresses and interspaces, and thus the whole monument "is dynamically in a state of movement," a movement more powerful than that of any single figure propels, where this "closely enmeshed dynamic mass" meets the gaze and movement of the devotees as they circumambulate, meeting a profile after profile." The importance of the images is brought by her qualitative suggestion that "For each is complete in its particular meaning and at its particular place."
The images of the gods are to be made always as of sixteen years old, while the garment, jewellery and coiffure of the images are reflective of those worn in the respective region, of where the temple is built. It is noted that the preference of the sculptor, however, is for the bare body and with sparing use, the lower garments, generally found clinging to the body, "Thus all forms of apparel accentuate and accompany the smooth roundness of the figures and their movement."3 The 'schemata of these images is noticed soon enough, along with the iconographical physiognomy of the face which is that of the body-between the peaceful (santa), the terrific (ugra), etc., the typological iconography which is seen as a highly specified science, different physiognomical types etc.
The Samarāngana-Sutradhara either composed by King Bhoja of Dhara (reigned A.D. 10181060), or written under his patronage dwells at length on architecture. But the scope of the subjects is broadened in this text, as it deals with the subjects like town-planning, house-architecture, temple architecture, and pratima lakṣaṇa, including iconometry and iconoplastic art together with the mudrās or the different hand gestures/poses; along with the above mentioned, it also deals with the canon of painting and the construction of mechanincal yantras, thereby introducing the yantras and the citras to the body of silpaśasira." The very opening lines of its forty-fourth chapter give one an insight to the entrenched linkages of the previous canonical import by stating that, the qualification of an architect are four-fold namely: the sastra or the canon/traditional lore, karma or the practical experience, prajñā or the intuitive insight, and the sila or the righteous character. Therefore, the obviousness of the patriarchal structure leaving its deep impress upon the emerging sculptural practices by the canonical lore, was a natural fallout for the making of sculptural conventions and processes. While the seventysecondth chapter deals with iconographic details of the representative selection of gods and goddesses along with their forms and mudras, among which the famous goddesses like Lakṣmi and Kausiki etc., received attention; the subsequent chapter concerning the pratima lakṣaṇa or the iconography, delineates the general seven materials used in the making of the various images, and further describe in detail the proportion of the images of a male beginning from eyes, ears, nose, chin, lips, forehead, cheeks, neck, chest, navel, phallus, thighs, knees, toes, nails and ending into the hands, their fingers, with their other component members, and it is only towards the end that the similar proportions of the limbs of the different parts of the female figures are given. 16 The seventy-fifth chapter Pañcapuruṣastrilakṣaṇa or The Standard Models of Proportions of the Fivefold-men and Fivefold-women, follows the dictum of Varāhamihira, which states that the dresses and the ornamentation are to be provided for or employed in the images of the gods and goddesses are to be in the fashion of the local characteristic styles and standards, and the author not only maintains the tradition but also established the importance of the practice in this particular chapter." While the five male types are described as Hamsa, Śaśa, Rucaka, Bhadra and Malavya and their manas being eighty-eight, ninety, ninety-two, ninety-four

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and ninety-six angulas respectively, in the end are given the description of the fivefold women namely, the Dandini, Vṛtta, Paūruṣī and Balāki. Towards the end of the text is the elucidation of rasadṛṣṭilakṣaṇa or the relationship between the art (specially here of painting) and that of the aesthetics. whereby the figures in sculpture with different symbolism of poses and postures, are made to convey certain rasas, in this particular text as many as eleven rasas beginning with singāra are described, and then follow the eighteen rasadṛṣṭi as accessories of all the principal rasas. The obviousness of the pre-decided 'model' or an 'ideal' approach, left scant room to express creativity, which not only hampered the individual artistic vision and its growth, but on the other hand continued the projection of the stereo-typed, convention laid representation of the male and the female figures, and over a period of time the supposed ideal form was invested as externalization of the symbolic manifestation of the masculine and feminine attributes, while at a subconscious level an internalization must have been imbibed in the onlooker's gaze.
The visual representation thus posited belief in more ways than one, while it enhanced and strengthened the worshippers bond with the personal deity within the ambit of its religious practices. it also placed a perspective to the gender relations in a conventional sense, in a way that failed to nurture the capacity for self criticism. The gender appears thus to have been also enfolded in the sculptural transactions by the rasadṛsti, and in the distinction between the social and the natural order conceptualizing the woman, as a construct to be seen in through a layer of metaphysical' realm.
Devata-murti Prakarana authored by Sutaradhara Mandana in the fifteenth century AD is a theoretical text of architectural and sculptural significance in general, and of particular interest to this study. An architect artisan himself, the text details the contemporary norms and prescriptions for iconography, town planning and architecture, which mandated that they be prepared in accordance with established conventions. The second chapter deals with "correct proportions and measurements for sculpting statues of different gods, goddesses, demi-gods, demons, humans, birds and animals." The third chapter elaborates upon the 'technical' aspects of the idols as also the descriptions of what is deemed 'auspicious' and 'inauspicious' understanding of a statue. The seventh chapter describes the iconography of the twenty-four Jaina tirthankaras, as well as their respective attendant's yakṣas and the yakṣis or the yakṣinis, the latter sometimes also being referred to as the sasana-devis. The eighth chapter describes the idols of various Goddesses, such as in the manner of twelve Sarasvatis, the nine Durgas, twelve Gauris mentioned, five Līlās, aṣṭa-mātṛkās, and also the Mahalakṣmi, Laksmi, Bhadrakali, Katyayani, etc. and also the dvarapalikās of certain gods are detailed upon. There are two interesting observations in the text, one that is an address to the goddess, Devi Jagadambā, “All reverence and homage to the great Jagdambã, the Mother-goddess Gauri, whose innumerable forms are not comprehended even by Brahma and the other deities; and from whom this amazing and wonderful world has originated, and within whom the deities and demons and demi-gods and all others merge when the cyclical dissolution of the Universe occurs, prior to a fresh creation. May the great Mother, venerated by the world, bestow peace everywhere." And the other is wherein Mandana instructs the sculptor or the architect that, "As the hands draw attention to some aspect (i.e., physically) so should the eyes do the same. For, where the eyes go there is the mind; where the mind is there is the bhäva (the feeling, the emotions) and where the bhava there is the rasa the very essence of everything." The observations suggest the tension of the 'rationally' expressed profound procreative energy inherent in the womanhood as an important site of birth and death' symbolism and the intrinsic

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materialism, that envelope it, as it impacts the being through the rasa or the aesthetic or the imaginative experience, or the 'aesthetic rapture'.
The Rupamandana, also authored by Sutaradhara Maṇḍana in the fifteenth century A.D., extols the prescriptive conventions primarily of the medieval iconography. The most popular mode of sculptural representation of Śiva in the pacific form, is that of Uma and Maheśvara in Rajasthan." The co-joint or the yugma or alingana images generally of Umamaheśvara are prescribed by Rupamandana to be made in the manner of Aparajitaprṛccha, where the four-armed Śiva should be shown together with Uma, with the positions of the hands and the attributes they should hold. While Śiva's one right hand should be on Uma's skandha in a position of embrace, Uma's one hand should also be on Śiva's skandhapradeśa on the shoulder, and the other should hold a mirror.23 Thus, it is the male who is shown dominating by embracing and enacting the amorous stance. Similarly, LakṣmiNārāyaṇa should be shown seated together on a garüḍa holding their attributes in their hands, and while Lakṣmi's left hand is to be on Nārāyaṇa's kantha-pradesa holding a lotus on the right, Nārāyaṇa's right hand should always be on the Lakṣmi's kukşi-bhaga. Amongst the sada Gauris have been described the Gauri, Uma, Pärvati, Ṣriya, Rambha, Totală and Tripura, along with their āyatanas, who are Bhagavati, Ṣriya, Gaṇeśa, Săvitrī, Sarasvati, Siddhi and Kartikeya and the pratihāras are the eight dvarapalikayein, who are Jaya, Vijaya, Ajitä, Aparajitä, Vibhaktä, Mangala, Mohini and Stambhini. The pañcalīla of the Śākta worship has been described in Aparajitaprccha and further, accordingly the Rupamandana also describes the five-līlās wherein, these goddesses are to have in their front-arms the akṣa-sutra and ambupatra, but due to the devi-bheda their attributes in the upper hands are different; Lilya's upper hands are to have two lotuses, Lila's upper hands to have lotus and book, Lilangi's hands to have pasa and lotus, Lalita to have vajra and ankuśa; and their vehicle is supposed to be the swan. 26
Rupamaṇḍana further elaborates upon the iconography of the trigunamayi or the one with three qualities (of sattva, rajas and tamas) Mahalakṣmi, who is also considered to be the primeval reason for the creation of the universe, which should follow the precept whereas: as of the tamasguna she is known as Candi and Katyayani and also called Durga, as of the sarvaguna aspect she is known as Mahavidya and Sarasvati, and of the rajoguna aspect is the Lakṣmi; and as Kṣemankari and Harasiddhi as is obvious with their attributes, they with the tamasguna are the two aspects of Mahalakṣmi." The rājasi aspect of Mahalakṣmi is the Lakṣmi, also called Śrī, and in Rupamanḍana she is the śakti of Vişņu, and is described to be seated on aṣṭadala lotus vinayakavat. '28 While the Devată-murti Prakarana of Sutradhara Maṇḍana delineates twelve Sarasvatis, which are Mahavidyā, Mahāvāṇī, Bharati, Sarasvati, Arya, Brahmi, Mahādhenu, Vedagarbha, Iśvari, Mahlakṣmi, Mahākālī and Mahasarasvati; the Rupamandana only describes of two specific aspects of Sarasvati, as Sarasvati and Mahavidya. The iconography of Camunda has been dealt with in great details, where as she is to be presented in cruel form, as of skinny, with a distorted face, red emotional eyes, with yellow hair, dark complexioned, having a corpse for a vehicle etc.30 Her angabhuta six goddesses are Nandā, Raktadantikā, Śākambhari, Durgā. Bhima and Bhramri. In Rupamandana Candika's aṣṭa pratihāra along with their attributes are in accordance with Aparajitapṛccha, which are Betāla, Kotara, Pinḍākṣa, Bhrkuti, Dhrūmaka, Kankada, Raktākṣa and Sulocana."
The sapta-matṛkās though variously numbered as seven or eight or ten according to the text they are found mentioned in, in general are seven which are Brahmi, Mäheśvari, Kaumārī, Vaiṣṇavī,

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Vārāhī, Indrānī and Camunda. The origin of these sapta-mātṛkās is found rooted in various traditions in the Purānas, and according to the Varaha-purana their origin is related to the battle between Śiva and Andhakāsura, as the Andhakasura was wounded the blood drops from his wounds gave birth to another Andhakasura, and so to help fight Śiva created fire from which arose a śakti who was called Yogeśvarī, and she drank up the blood and thus the birth of a new Andhakasura was halted. Later to help Śiva defeat the asura, the gods Brahmā, Maheśvara, Kumāra, Viṣṇu, Varāba, Indra and Yama sent in the same order the independent śaktis Brahmi, Maheśvara, Kaumārī, Vaiṣṇavī, Vārāhī, Indrāṇī and Camunda who killed Andhakasura. In Märkandeya-purana's Durgāsaptasati the tale of the origin of sapta-mātṛkās is related to the incident of Raktabīja and Sumbha-Niśumbha, as when goddess Camunda was encircled by the these asuras, the gods Brahmā, Śiva, Kārtikeya, Visņu and Indra etc. produced out of their bodies certain sakti, who went to Camunda, all of them reflected the attributes and the vehicles of the gods they emerged from. The list of sapta-mātṛkās in Devīmāhātmya is similar but changes to include Narasimhi along with Camunda, and thus finds the number of matṛkās to eight. But essentially these sapta-matṛkās appear to be the śaktis of Katyayani. What is significant is the fact that these sapta or the aṣṭamātṛkās as the case may be, emerge/out of the masculine domain and are supportive of the male enterprise of a 'just war,' whereby they not only appear to be actively supportive to the male enterprise but also aggressively participating to win wars. Rupamandana's list of matṛkās does not include Narasimhi, and the mätṛkäs sculptural prescription entails the tradition of making the images of matṛkās on the matṛkāpatta which has Vireśvara in the beginning and Gaṇeśa in the end, while the centre serially has the images of Brahmi, Maheśvarī, Kaumārī, Vaiṣṇavī, Vārāhī, Indrānī and Camunda, and is similar to the order found in Matsya-purana.33
The sixth chapter of Rupamandana which details the Jaina Iconography, makes it abundantly. clear that though the images of twenty-four Tirthankaras is not very dissimilar from each other. yet their attributes, colour, sasana-Devata, and devis (the yakṣa and the yakṣini), (kevalavṛkṣa and cāmaradhārī and camaradhāriṇī are not included in the list of Rupamaṇḍana) are indicators of the various specific Tirthankaras. Sutradhāra Maṇḍana has described the sculptural traditions of the Śvetambara sect, and amongst the śāsana-devis mentions Cakreśvarī, Ambika, Padmavati and Siddhayika. In a significant understanding of the puraṣārtha, the fineness of the salagrama is pointed out for attaining maximum result, and thus for achieving dharma, artha, kāma and mokṣa this particular kind of Śila should be worshipped. Similarly, if a lingam is deficient in varna or colour and lakṣaṇa or the attributes, but is still of interest then it could be continued to be worshipped, because it was considered a giver of dharma, artha, kāma and mokṣa." The tendency to seek puruṣārthas through the means of act of worship, is found to be much deviated from earlier times, wherein essentially the 'exertion' the purūṣārthas now appear to be generally received through the benevolence of the gods, by sheer act of ritualistic worshipping in the temples.
34
Temples have been considered to reflect in a succinct symbolic manner the material world of the people. The tradition of the process of fixing the images with the specific iconographic features which had begun to be established by the Gupta period (Brheasamhita, Visnudharmottara Purāṇa) or a little earlier, that began to become vast and systematized in the early medieval period especially between the eighth to the thirteenth century, for example in the Bṛhatsamhita without mentioning the names and the numbers of the matṛkās they were associated as attributes of the respective gods, while in the Markandeya Purana's sub-text of Devi-mähätmya, and further in the Aparajitaprechha and

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other iconographic canons, they have been dealt with elaborately along with their attributes. The rigid formalization of the images can be discerned in Rajasthan at the Sāsa temple situated at Nāgdā, Udaipur District dated around AD 1093, but additional to that the impact of the Tantricism due to which the construction of the Mandalas can be noticed near the entrance, where the pañccavyūha vrttākāra is made with the Brahma in the centre and other gods around it, and further also the representation of the other images including mātrkās are sculpted."
Background Politics of the Feminine The Gurjara-Pratihāras (who reigned from approximately AD 725-950) were an important early medieval period ruling dynasty, and during the reigns of Vatsrāja, Nagabhatta II and Mihirabhoja 1, the empire had expanded to such great expanse in northern India that it was comparable to the Gupta empire. The prominent areas of their patronage in Rajasthan were Osian (District Jodhpur, period between AD 750-825 saw the construction of fourteen temples), Jagat (Udaipur, tenth century Ambikā temple - Ambikā, the apsarās and the Mahişāsuramardini images are highly ornamental), Abāneri (District Jaipur, where the ardhanārīśvara image is technically considered to be excellent), Candravati (District Jhalawar), Jhālarapātana and Cittaudagadha. Their religious tolerance discerned in the establishment of various Jaina and Buddhist temples, and is further noticeable in the construction of the late-eighth century Jaina temple at Osiän as well as the Brāhmana temples. The Osiän Harihara temple number one has the representation of the various forms of sakti as mātrkās, Mahişāsuramardini. Lakşmi, Gajalakṣmi, and Srngāra-Durgā." The Jaina temple at Osiān evidences the sculptural tradition of the Jaina Mahāvidyās according to the treatise of Bappabhetti-sūri's (Nāgabhatta's contemporary) Caturvimsatikā of about eighth century, in the depiction of Rohiņi. Vajraśrókhalā, Vajrānkusā, Apraticakrā, Kāli, Mahākāli, Gauri, Vairotyā, Acchuptā and Mahāmānasi which are some of the prominent ones. The women/female images underline the projected femininity, through the depiction of their bodies emoting palpable sensuality interred in the Ambikā and apsarās images at Jagat, where there is an absence of the replication of the female subjects and even their hair styles and ornaments are found varied. The continuity of the Gupta feature of showing the makaravāhini Gangā and the kūrmavāhini Yamunā is maintained and is found present in the Gurjara-Pratihāra sculptural tradition. These deities in addition to Sarasvati, Urvasi or Menakā have been viewed as the members of the vast cosmogony so vital and central to Indian thought, where from the simplest tribal to the most sophisticated Indian" are found venerating water in some form or the other, as an attempt was made to understand the myths of water. The descent of Gangā from the heavens specially, is seen as an evolution through centuries in the form of an elaborate, ecologically charged myth. But behind the representation of the idolatry divine feminine phenomenon what were the historical approaches to the views on the women in general?
The answer to the above lies somewhere between frequently unearthed, and explored Brahaminical textual traditions, and the still awaiting regional textual traditions, and yet also partly evidenced in the readings on the cultural life's 'social life' element during the Gurjara-Pratihāra period which has been considered to be marked with a strange phenomenon, unique in the socio-religious structure where the Hindu society was on its trial" due to the frequent Arab invasions. Thus the social structure was felt to be under threat, and through the preventive measures of reclamation of the Hindus which emerged as a challenge to the earlier Smrtikāras, and the need was felt for a śāstric textual

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accommodation of the changed circumstances, which further was found articulated as Devala Smrti. 4 There is a distinct reference in it to the "cases of persons who had embraced the Mleccha religion, as well as those whose women had been ravished, and had also conceived." While the purifactory rites were prescribed for the persons returning to their religion, ravished' women were considered to be pure after the period of their menstruation, with a three day fast, and those of them who had conceived were to be "reclaimed back to their original fold after the delivery of the child."46 It was further noted in Deval Smrti, that the foetus in the womb of such women was like a thorn in her body and when this substances was removed, as her body visited her next menstrual cycle, "she becomes pure as gold. "47 The other references pertaining to them, sees the ladies as dancers and singers playing on the musical instruments, as well as painters, which have been cited from Rājashekhara's Viddhaśālabbhñjikā, while the heroines of Karpūramanñjari and Viddhaśālabbhñjikā were seen to be having a creative bent who composed poems." The approach to the position of women apart from the routine, stereotyped description on them was also viewed through Rāvyamīmāṁsā of Rājaśkhera which gave a description of the nepathya-costume or attrire of the ladies in the east, north, west and south in accordance with natural surroundings, customs and manners of the people. Thus the representation of the women largely appears far removed from these descriptive elements, and their temple representation is thus associated to the past remote sequence of ritualistic religious overtones, steeped in the folds of mythologies which visited the embedded femininity with the various 'masculine divine 'sanctions."
The religious environment can further be examined to understand its linkages to the formation of the feminine spaces, through articulations and comments which stressed upon the impact of religion by stating that, "In the early medieval period of our history religion played a much more important role in the people's lives than it does at present. It coloured their attitude towards every problem, political, ethical as well as social and created an atmosphere which might be regarded as peculiarly Hindu, even though this term had not till then gained popular currency. "49 But this religious life as it appears was multilayered, which further as Dasharatha Sharma noticed as a strong syncretist tendency amongst the Pratihāras. While the other view saw the 'religious life during the period of the GurjaraPratihāras as the dominance of Saivism and the Vaişpavism. And yet on the other hand, the Karpūramañjari also refers to Kaulas and the supernatural powers possessed by Bhairavanātha, who "combined the pleasure with salvation, religion with indulgence in wine and women, and repute for piety with most unrestricted sensuality." It has been viewed as a degenerate form of worship. Further the Kaulas indulged in drinking and flouted"...............some of the moral and social conventions, because these appeared to them as representatives of that duality which they were taught to overcome by word as well as act. In fact, Kula, the state of which a Kaula tried to attain, requires complete disappearance of the distinction between the knower, the known and the knowledge. Carried to its logical limits such a theory leaves no place for morality."*52
While commenting on the position of women gleaned from the contemporary literature, Dasharatha Sharma opines that Rajasthan "had no lack of women of easy virtue. Reformers like Haribhadra Sūri, Jineśvara Sūrī and Jinavallabha Süri raised their voice against the employment of such women in temples." The temple, thus, as an important site for situating the women of easy virtue,' is an important indicator to be borne constantly to attempt to study and locate the feminine workings, as their proximity and presence in the premises added to the specific sculptural environment in addition to the one of purely religious intent in general, and is suggestive of various other activities of the

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temples. As a contested ground on sexual morality, on the other hand temple was enmeshed also as a space of visible feminine masquerade of show of political power, where an act of female worship of an object or a deity, could also be read as desired feminine trait by the way of visible religiosity by an elite woman's religious participation. A case in point could be the participation of Rudraņi who was Vākpati's mother and belonged to the family of Chauhan feudatories of the Imperial Pratihāras, who had built many splendid religious structures in North India, and one Śiva temple amongst them was built by Vakpati and Simharaja on the Puskara lake, and it is recorded that Rudrāṇī, lit daily a thousand lamps before the lingams installed there, which speaks of the immense faith practiced therein.54
Some allied regional insights about the temple life with respect to the formation of the feminine spaces within the spatiality of the temple can further be tangibly attested by the following examples: firstly the Vasantgarh inscription of Varmalata, of seventh century AD from Sirohi District, of the göṣṭhi or association which built the temple, mentions of one Büța, the only woman member who is a courtesan, attached to the temple,55 the other members were Pratihāra Bōṭaka and rajasthäniya or the viceroy Adityabhața; and secondly, an eleventh century AD iascription from Desuri District in Jodhpur in Sanskrit prose refers to the reign of Jöjaladevi. 56 The inscription in form of an order from the king, with regards to the management of festivals in connection with the contemporary deities worshipped, orders that whenever a festival in connection of any particular deity commences, the courtesans attached to the temples of other deities, must also participate, by putting on their ornaments and best garments, and be in attendance with their sulapala (the keeper associate of the courtesans, who accompanied them on musical instruments while singing or dancing) to celebrate it by accompaniment of instrumental music and dancing. The king, further, was desirous of maintaining this practice and warns his descendants, about discontinuing or abolishing it. The inscription ends with the curse on those princes unable to maintain this practice. Thus, not only the practice of attaching woman for service in temples was continued from earlier, but in case of failing to maintain the tradition, were cursed and also warned against the lack of individual attention and stressed upon the need for its continuity. Al-Beiruni had observed that the kings made devadāsīs "an attraction for their cities, a bait of pleasure for their subjects, for no other but financial reasons." Thus the physical attraction.' commercial or otherwise notwithstanding amidst the pursuit of salvation, the ritual of dance continued to hold the male gaze, sharpening if not crystallizing the feminine persona at the altar of divine.
A general understanding on the sculptural traditions informs that the period between AD 800 - 1000 was of continuity of the Gupta period, with the main difference being that they were now small in size, unusual in elaboration and intricate in carvings, but with local variations, which were visible at Osian, Ābāneri, Bāḍoli, Alwar, Udaipur etc. 58 The Chahamānas or the Chauhanas (in the eleventh and the twelfth century) of the Sakambhari and Nadḍula (Nadola) were an important political force in northern India and the sculptural style they initiated is considered to be of having innate maturity of the ornamentation, decoration and iconographic elements of the medieval phase of the artistic traditions. Their Brahamana and Jaina sculptures have been found in Ajmer, Nadola (District Pälī), Lāḍanūn (District Nagaur) and Bijoliyā (in Mewar). The representations of the feminine form are attested by the images of Lakṣmi-Nārāyaṇa, Uma Maheśvara, the mātṛikās, Parvati, Mahiṣāsuramardini etc. The Svetambara Jaina temples at Nadola of eleventh and twelfth century have the various depiction of the feminine apart from the female-dikpaliyons, also the yakṣis as Ambikā, and the mahāvidhyās as Vajránkalā, Gauri, Vajraśṛikhalā. Apraticakrā. Mahäkäli and Kali, and the goddesses of Gajalakṣmi and the Sarasvati.60

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DI
Possibilities of Situating the Feminine in Kramrisch's
'The Female Power The representation of the feminine can be grasped via the understanding that Kramrisch has authored specially as in The Hindu Temple, where she describes at length the feminine as the 'female power.' The equating of the female power to the feminine based on the understanding that both are the prima facie the desired qualities sought beyond the physical functionality, and interred by visual responding as highlights to the female identity, located in particular time and space. Kramrisch's opening lines need to be quoted here:
"Surasundari, which means Celestial Beauty, is but one of the names and types in which the image of Sakti is carved on the walls of the temple. Sakti is energy, the Primordial Power and substance of the world. Māyā,- the visible world, measureable in its forms,-belongs to the Brahman as Sakti ("Vedanta Sutra 1.IV, 1-7). She is herself the "ability to act," her image is placed next to the image of any of the gods. By her activity she attracts and helps the devotee: she is his guide and appeals to all. While every man is not equipped for riding the Sārdüla, he may be led by Sakti and grasp the meanings of her hands (hasta), postures and actions. While the Sārdūla is the 'angel' of active man, the various images of Sakti assist his contemplative and passive nature. The images of Sārdūla (Vyāla), and Sakti are collateral: they alternate on the wall of the temples of Khajuraho and on the capitals of the pillars. The rearing body of the animal and the shape of the woman are seen to sway in similar curves: they are one in nature and form though different in functions and appearance, for Sakti is Väk, the "active
power of Brahman proceeding from him" (R.V.X.125) and the Sārdūla is Vāk." The plan of the temple is likened further by her, to the Sri-yantra where the various positions are held by goddesses or powers or Yoginis, of conjoint energies by whom the work of transcendental power is carried out as Mahā-Sakti, and in this sense Kramisch views the saktis or Yoginis as energies (also working as maids in the form of paricărikā, while the others are called messengers or dūti of the transcendental power) as working as subservient to the great sakti. The eight Regents' of the directions of space, close to the side of each several groups of gods, the 'Celestial Beauties' as Kramrisch would have them across, are placed "embodied in their archetypal forms. *62 They are further seen in the macro cosmic view as branches and aspects of transcendental power, conjointly with the supreme principle as Yoga-māyā, which is suggested as the manifestation of the universe, while the micro cosmic view sees them with reference to the man, where the Yoga-māyā is seen as the power of reintegration. The 'celestial beauties or the Šaktis are seen to belong to the Avarana-Devatās or the surrounding divinities, are large in numbers, with various names and images, such as: apsarā (she is the movement in the atmosphere), nātakā (she is the movement in the body of the man and is shown as a dancer), yaksiņi (as yaksini she is the movement in vegetation), and dig devi. She further seeks visual clues in these to articulate that "If the boughs her tree are like her arms and the curves of the creeper like her own movement, if the tree woman is one idea and composition, the mirror woman is another type or sculpted group of sakti; the former being a reiteration of the underlying theme by two kinds of shape, that of vegetation and that of the woman, their interplay, affinity, and identity as movement, the latter enacting the drama of the reflection seen in the mirror and of the living being. “The reflection of the face seen in the mirror is nothing in itself as separated from the face: so is the

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living creature (jīva) in itself nothing, a reflection of Consciousness in the mind - that self abiding Consciousness in its true state am I" says Supreme Consciousness of itself. Sakti exemplifies it, on her own level, with luxurious grace and sadness, or any of the emotions, which belong to the human face." And she sums up in the same philosophical note "India thinks in images: the image (mūrti) itself is beheld as a divinity" as she quotes from Brahamavaiavrta Purana "Mürti (image), the wife of Dharma (the order of things in the cosmos and righteousness in man), is Form, luminous and charming. Without her, the Supreme Spirit (Paramātman), whose abode is the whole universe, would be without support." Her charm and attractions are those of the Anima Mundi, cosmic vitality, active in the middle region (antariksa), in space. There the temple has its extension." But will the understanding of the continuum of the divine feminine emerge from these insights, or from the counter explanation of her narrative of the female power in the Hindu temple, even when in parts her perceptions are valid? either way Kramisch's authoritative work cannot be undermined in any case, as she herself had read through the symbolism, that only the face keeps changing in the mirror.
IV The Osian Feminine Images:
The Osiān saktis or the energizing Powers as 'Images' During the Pratihāra and the Chauhāna period the region witnessed advances made both by the Jaina and the Brähamaņa community. The tradition of the worship of Cāmundā as a goddess of 'malefic' who was to be pleased by animal sacrifice, was quite entrenched in Osiān, and possibly the arrival of Jainism as a faith in the area may have used this 'religious violence as an issue to spread the message of non-violence of their faith. D.R. Bhandarkar's observation has been referred to which states that on the basis of a Brahmana tradition, that when Ratnaprabha-Sūri's effort of converting the rulers and a sizable population of the city to Jainism was successful, then the local deity Saciyāmātā (or the Cámunda) supposedly became angry and cursed the people.67 The anger of the goddess supposedly emerged out of the non-availability of the sacrificial animal non-vegetarian food and oblations which were earlier made to her. It is believed that later the people of Oswala community (considered to be original inhabitants of Osiān) prayed to the deity and were successful in relieving her anger by the prayers offered to her, wherein they promised to offer her the mandatory animal sacrificial flesh during the marriage celebrations and other important samskäras. And since then there is a tradition amongst the said community, according to which post worship of the goddess they leave the place immediately and refuse to stay the night at Osiān, for fear of being overtaken by some calamity. Upakeśagacchapattāvali supports the above legend, whereby the name of the kuladevi is given as Candikā and Cāmundā, and also describes the efforts made by Ratnaprabha-Sūri to stop the practice of animal sacrifice.68 The transformation of the name of Chandikā as Satyakä (or Samccikā or Saciyā) appears to be connected to the condition of her acceptance now of vegetarian offerings and the firmness of her resolve is considered to have been the reason of her being called 'Satyakā.' And with the lapse of time she was identified and made popular as Samcikā or Saciyā. KharataragacchaBrahadgurvāvali also presents the transformation of this local deity from the aspect of violent to *civilized or the saumya in nature, or to a vegetarian and non-ferocious. Saciyāmātā was the tutelary deity of the Sāṁkhalā Paramāras and Upala Deva is believed to have built the temple of Saciyāmātā situated atop a hillock and is accepted to be dated of eighth century. It is evident from the various traditions and the extant iconography of the Sacchikā found at other places that the worship of

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Saciyadevi was actually in the form of Mahiṣāsuramardini, and even now the installed deity in the garbhagṛha of Saciyāmātā is the image of Mahiṣāsuramardini." Further any doubts about the transformation of Saciyämätä's identity from either the Candika, or the Camunda or the Kṣemankari have been quelled by the argument which holds them as the different manifestations of Durgā Mahiṣāsuramardini." But certainly the tale evinces the investment of 'ease' in transformation with which the woman could be subjected too, apart from the material advances the Jaina religion continued to make in medieval Rajasthan.
During the early medieval period the worship of Śakti was evident in the growth of its affiliated rituals and iconography, and the various forms of Sakti which were sculpted in all regions. These Śaktis were endowed from the mother-goddess worship, and saw her manifestation and sought identification with the various goddesses and with the female forms of many gods worshipped in different parts of India, and though an early list can be traced from Mahābhārata, yet a comprehensive list is found in Matsya Purana.72 The northern India saw the popularity of Śakta worship especially during the period of the Gurjara-Patihāras and during their reign from the eighth to the eleventh century many temples of the Devi flourished. Of the Pratihāra monarchs, Nagabhața II, Bhoja I and Mahendrapala I describe themselves as Bhagavatibhaktas, while Haribhadra mentions of mahākālīvidya, and mentions aṣṭami, navami and chaturdasi as the special days on which Chandika was to be worshipped and propitiated."
Durga as a synonym of Ambika has been described in the Vājasaneyi Samhita and the Taittiriya Brāhamana as Rudra's sister, her name as Durgā Vairocanī appears alongwith Katyāyani and KanyāKumārī for the first time in the Taittiriya Aranyaka as Rudra's consort, even as the Agamas and the Purānas refer to her nine manifestations (nava Durga) and describe her iconographic features in details. 74 While Kuvalayamāla refers to mariners who in the hour of their need and distress promise to offer pasus to Chaṇḍikā, and in another instance a ruler desirous of getting a son proposes to offer his head to the Mahiṣāsuramardinī Kātyāyanī, another text Upamitibhavaprapanchakathā refers to a royal party which is shown proceeding to the temple of Chandika on the occasion of the spring festival, where they offer wine to the goddess and begin their "bacchanal revelries" in the extensive grounds of her temple.75 The Samaraichchakahā also presents a description of a Chandika temple, which "shows that the century that had intervened between Baṇa and Haribhadra had not mellowed the ferocity of the rites with which the goddess has always been worshipped by many of her votaries, specially the Śabaras, Bhillas and the other ādivāsīs of India."76
There are numerous places in Rajasthan where Durga's presence and her visual representation appears in various forms, such as, Sakrāi or Sankarāmātā, at a temple built by the local gosthikas in A.D. 692, at Mount Arbuda was considered a Śakta pitha, an eighth century image of Mahiṣāsuramardini was found at Narhad, the shrine of Dhadhimati that existed even earlier, at Vasantgarh considered to be a Saradăpitha an inscription of A.D. 625 invokes the blessings of Durgā, as Valayakṣini was worshipped by Indraraja Chauhan. His Pratabgarh inscription eulogies the goddess as Mahişäsuramardini, Durgā, Katyayani, Varada, while at Mandor the astamātṛkās, namely Durga and her Saktis are found evidenced."
It is important at this juncture to gather some details about the notion of the Sakta Pithas which are "the places where the pieces of Sati's dead body fell are said to have become the Pithas, i.e., holy seats or resorts of the mother-goddess, in all of which she is represented to be constantly living in

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some form together with a Bhairava, i.e., a form of her husband Siva."78 The text of Pithanirnaya or Mahāpithanirūpana, which seems to have been prepared in late medieval period, while debating the origin and the evolution of the conception of the Pithas, advanced their recognized number as fiftyone. Significantly Jrānārnava Tantra recognizes the number of the Pithas as fifty, and at the count of ten has Arbuda. Yet an earlier text gives an extended list of the tradition of one hundred and eight Pithas, which is discerned for the first time in the Matsya Purāņa, chapter thirteen, the particular section has been assigned to the early medieval period, and references are made to Māņdavyapura (Mandor, Jodhpur). The same text has been quoted in Devībhāgavata (VII, chapter thirty) which refers to the holy places, associated in this work with the different manifestations of the mothergoddess and of her consort, as Pīthas, mentions of the mother-goddess Pūruhūtā and the holy place as Puşkara, at number fifteen. Further is opined that "the idea of the Pītha, associated with the certain limbs of the mother-goddess. seems to be essentially connected with that of the Linga or phallus. The worship of the Linga of the great god Siva originated from the conception of the god as the father or the procreator. But in the matter of the beings the Yoni (pudendum muliebre) of the mother-goddess should naturally be regarded as much important as the Linga of the father-god."83 The association of these concepis was noticed to be of non-Aryan influence on the culture of the Indo-Aryans.
Though the independent goddesses' temples are limited to the Pipalā Devi and Saciyāmātā temples, and are believed to be of later times, yet the images of goddesses can be evidenced from the earliest temples. 84 They are both in malevolent or malign and benevolent or the benign aspects, where Mahisäsurannardini is the most popular manifestation in malevolent or the ugra form of Sakti, and the sauny or the benevolent forms are in the identities of Laksmi, as also Gajalaksmi, Pārvati, Skandamātā, Smgāra Durgā, Simhavāhini Durgā, Vāyāvī, Mātrikā-s, Gangā and Yamunā. The malevolent forms of Sakti are discernible in the images of Mahişāsuramardini, Chandikā, Chāmundā, ģītalā,Kşemankārī etc. These various aspects of sakti are visible sculpted in the jagati, adhisthäna, janghand the sikhara of the temples. Interestingly the maximum numbers of Devi images are of Mahişāsuramardini and these have been found in abundance from the earliest temples. Osiān's Durgā image of eighth century A.D. is considered to be "beautitudinous smile, tenderly looking eyes, massive breasts, peculiar grace crept in the grace of the body, mixed with simplicity provide this image an expressionism uniquely its own."*6The same complex also houses another neglected image of "supple bodied goddess standing in samabhanga pose on a lotus supported by two lions, identified by Dhaky as Ksemankari. The present cult-icon is considered to be 'a late one' but of Mahişāsuramardini, and the depiction of her is also on the eastern side of the pinnacle and the front of this sanctuary.88 The uneven practice of fixing a number of arms to them, can be seen in the various numbers of arms' given to them, such as in the four-armed form she is imaged eight times, as eight-armed three times, and as twelve-armed one time, but of course with appropriate attributes validated in the textual references.*
Rajasthan has yielded some very early images of Mahişāsuramardini suggesting the popularity of her veneration at an early date, for this popularity continued and was seen to have been intensified during the seventh century AD. all over India.” At Osiān a great centre of Devi worship, her earliest representation at the pratiratha-rathikā of the northern wall of Hari-Hara Temple No. 1 contains the earliest Mahişāsuramardini. In all representations Mahişāsuramardini Durgā is heavily bejeweled, from the diadem to the anklets in her feet, and the bodice is finely etched and the lower garment

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generally tied below her navel. The dhamilla hair coiffure is worn by her as the necklace usually falls on the stomach from between the breasts.
As Srågāra Durgā, the image presents her in the synchronized acts of adornment by the tying her anklet, in the parting of her hair and in act glimpsing herself in the mirror, all accomplished by her many arms, and has been suggested as motions made 'prior to the dance.' It would be of interest to note here that many masters of the Western art also caught this moment of spontaneous act of a woman looking at herself, in the nomenclature as of the toilette of .....'. But coming back to Srngāra Durgā, the backdrop of karnarathas and anurathas to her image contain the etched images of men with various weapons and a bull, which are suggestive more in the nature of preparation to a battle field. Though it has been noted that this representation of Srngāra Durgā finds limited demonstration, yet of the few instances found of it, a similar image has been found at Abāneri.92
The entire area of the karnaprāsāda impacted by the worship of Sakti, in which the various aspects of Devī have been sculpted, namely: in the benevolent aspect as Srågāra Durgā, as a destroyer or samhäraka she finds representation as Cāmundā and as a protectoress or in the maternal form is imaged as Skandamātā. The images of Gangā and Yamunā are etched on the dvāra-Sākhās of the temples, and with their respective vehicles are found in tribhanga mudrā. These depictions are more popular in the earlier temples than in the later ones.
Sitalā is considered to be an illness destroyer goddess, and her one representation in Osiān has been found at Saciyāmātā temple, at the northern jamghā of the bhadra rathikä, is seated nude on a donkey in lalitāsana and is without any ornaments.” She holds a winnowing basket in her rear hands at the back of her head. Though it is the only image found in Osiān, Sitalā images have been discerned also in Arthüņā and in the former Amber museum.94
Pārvati has been depicted as standing in sambhanga mudrā with attributes and heavily ornamented, and the right hand in abhaya mudrā at the Siva Temple No. 2.95 It is noted that the "massive youthful bust over the thin waist seems rather disproportionate to the lower portion but the figure seems to radiate the charm of womanhood and is an interesting relief." 96 The Harihara temple evidences the image of Pärvati with a child in her lap, in the south west karnaprāsāda's or the subsidiary shrine's southern jamghā or the wall portion. The representation of Pārvati as a tapasvinī with closed eyes or as one, who has renounced the world and is in the process of performing penances, has been found in two instances.
Ksemankari one of the nine forms of Durgā, is identified with primeval energy, is of terrible form, appearing as an old emaciated lady whose veins were visible, with open mouth, trampling, frightening the world and equipped with hundreds of weapons” and protects gods and devotees. 97
The antiquity of the saptamātskās or the 'seven mothers' can be traced to the Vedic period and are found to be flourishing more during the medieval period which saw their number and name at variance in the Purāņas.98 Their images are carved in a group, in the panels of the lintels of the doorways, in the rathikās on the kumbhakas of the vedībandha or even independently.99 But what is very interesting is that Osiān has not yielded a single slab representing all the mothers together. In their evolution, the uttaranga at the temple number three and in the temple number five, they are found placed at the kumbhaka rathikās vedi-bandha or the ‘moulded basement and further have been shown both with and without children. These saptamātykās according to the Purāṇic accounts

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were sent by the gods as their saktis to Siva to help destroy Andhakāsura, and thus they are represented in their iconographic details in accordance to iconography, and have been evidenced in Saciyāmātā, which contains ten in postures of dance and find placed at the sikhara's karna srnga and in the Visnu temples, numbering seven with the specific vehicle and attributes or the ayudhas of their Spouse. 10! These were nomenclatured as Brahmāni, Vaisnavī, Māheśvari, Kaumārī, Indrāni, Vārāhi and of their spouse Chāmundā or Chandikā, and were the counterpart sakti of the gods Vişnu, Siva, Brahmā, Indra, Kartikeya, Varāha and Nrasimha. A possible Chāmundā or Chandikā like image at Sachiyāmātā temple's southern janghā shows a terrible' aspect whose mouth is open, has large eyes, with a scorpion on the stomach, has sagging/pendulous breasts and is without any attributes.
Another goddess of significance is Nirriti, who is generally placed on the western jangha's karna rathikā, the exception being the Visņu temple number two's southern janghā in western karna rathikā, where she is in a rare depiction, which shows her to be riding a male, in the manner Vişou rides his vehicle garuda, and further she is in china mudrā. The vehicles are either a donkey or a dog and just once a male, and are thus found to vary.
The Sanghāta Saptamātskās
The sarghāta or the sainyukta images are those which are represented in joint' manner in terms of two gods, and could be as a male with another male, or a male and a female both, and the attributes are shown as shared, or else if represented individually but in the same reference of the space or the frame, then they are with their own attributes. It has been noticed as a device of syncretism of diverse worship practices, and was first noticed during the Kuşāņa period. C2 Interestingly the representation of the saptamārskās is viewed as the samghäta.
Ardhanārīśvara is the conjoint form of Siva and Pārvatī, but it is also considered to be symbolic of Śiva Sakti, Nara-Nārī, Brahma-Māyā etc.103 This particular form of the composite image is seen to symbolize the synthesis of the Saiva and the Sakti cults in so far as the half Siva and half Umā or Pārvati is concerned. The Pauranic tale of sage Bhrögi and his bitterness for the worship of Parvati is considered to be the reason for the emergence of this image, which encouraged and preached the unity of the warring factional sects, to check the separatist tendency among its followers. Three of the eighth century Osiān temples reflect this attitude, and thus three Ardhanārīśvara images have been noticed, while two are in tribhanga mudrā, one is seated in mahārājaliläsana. While only one Ardhanārīśvara image is reported by Handa, found on the pratiratha-rathikā of the Siva Temple No.3.105 The Ardhanārīśvara images have been considered as syncretistic which are representative of the tendency of reconciliation and synthesis that may have existed at the place when these images were carved.106 The sharing of an equal visual space in the metaphysical realm indeed can appear as an enlightened prajñā. And yet speaking analytically, how many samghāta images are to be found of males where they share the visual space in as many numbers? Is one aspect of samghāta reflective also of a polygamous space made feminine?
Krsna-līlā as a Backdrop to the Projection of the Feminine
Early temples of the eighth century cater to the narrative sculptural friezes and subject wise are generally pertaining to Krspa-līlā, that too primarily focused on the various aspects of Bala-lila and with only one other episode of Paurāņic legend of samudra-manthana or the churning of the ocean has been found carved. 107 Harihara temple number one's northern Kantha's first scene displays Krsna

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janma or Krsna's birth, wherein a prison's half open doors, and on the other side is the depiction of the prasūti-graha or the delivery-room, where on a cot is lying Devaki on her side, breast feeding the new-born, even as close to her feet is the cāmaradhāriņi. An interesting carving in Harihara temple number one shows in the hands of Yasodā a child, and to establish the gender of the child, a woman's bosom has been etched. 108 In the mākhana-chori or 'the stealing of the butter scene,' one notices Yaśodā in the curd stirring motion as well in another piace in a state of surprise, and in another depiction while Krsna steals the butter, a woman standing nearby looks at him as she covers her mouth by her hand. 109 The incident of Yogamāyā vadha or her death has been perceived in the act of Kamsa holding the girl child by her feet and about to dash her against the rock, and even in this depiction is noticed the same technique of showing the child's gender by putting on to her the bosom of an adult woman. At another place the same incident is presented in the moment of Kaisa taking the girl child from Vāsudeva.110 The same temple also has the narrative of the Pütanā vadha or 'the killing of Pütanā,' which is represented by her surprised eyes, sunken cheeks and the emaciated body lying on the cot and the fatal suckling by Krsna at her breast as she raises both her arms up in the air. Amongst the scenes from the life of Krsṇa which have feminine implication, noticed at Nilakantha Mahādeva temple are the Putanävadha and Nanda and Yasodā carrying Balarāma and Krsna."
The Sun Temple No.1 at Osiān has a four-band doorway with the door jambs which "show" river goddesses on their vehicles accompanied by male attendants and diminutive female acolyte figures on the pedyas. 2 The pilasters on the either side 'bear beautiful damsels" which occupy the lower portion of the shaft with ardhapadma, ghatapallava and grasamukha decorations above, in the same temple. The nearness in the distance to the eye contact may appear suggestive as the communication assumes a greater visual dimension. The placements of the deities' and their subsequent visual projections thus also communicate a made feminine story.
Apsarās as Feminine Personified
The origin of the apasarās is variously referred to narrations of in one instance, as of the essence of the ocean water (apsu-rasa) produced at the churning, in the second instance as born of Brahmana's fancy (sankalpa) or also as Dakşa's daughters numbering from six to sixty crores, and called as Devakanyās also, frequently considered to be the personification of "female beauty and sexual pleasure." ! Their description ranges from the activities of singing, dancing and playing on musical instruments, to sports and seduction, and are often described as lewd and pitiless, abandoning their children after birth and lovers after seduction, while often residing in mountains, forests, lakes, rivers, as well in banyan (nyagrodha) and sacred fig tree (aśvattha)."
The apsarās have been noticed in the Osian temple walls "assuming various beauteous forms: slender, seductive, sensual: singing, dancing, coquettishing, disrobing, revealing their physical charm, sporting with ball, yawning, pedicuring, binding anklets, bedecking themselves, rinsing water from the wet plaits of hair, removing thorn, fondling a baby, playing with pets, applying collyrium etc." 115 The apsarās are variously idealized and their adjectivised nomenclatures are evidenced as follows: yawning Līlāvati, Sundari, Subhāngini removing a thorn from her foot, Nūpuravādikā binding an anklet, Padmini, Putravallabhā, Keśagumphini, Sukasarikā playing with her pet parrot on her shoulder, Mānini, Camarikās, Āmralumbikā with a branch of mango tree, Căpavatis with bows, Anjalikā applying collyrium in her eyes etc., and are presented forth as young nymphs attired in the choicest garments and ornaments and full of winsome grace and charm at their best". 116 The identity of the

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apsaras, thus sculpturally appear to centre-stage as well as problematize the layers of relationship between masculine aspiration and the female body, and also suggest a sharp divergence displayed publically, between the contemporary conventional morality and the social reality.
Feminine in Amorous and Erotic Sculptures
Certain erotic sculptures have been evidenced in Osian dating from the eighth to the twelfth century A.D. While one of the them is on the rafter-end projections of the tulapitha which is viewed to interrupt the kalasa of the vedībandha of the Siva Temple No. 2, and they were found comparble to that of the Khajuraho as well as the Lingaraja Temple, Bhubaneswar. Their morphologically analogous element has been reasoned to "certain -Mandico-religious beliefs and practices associated with sex under influence of tantricism and conventionalism."118 The temples of Viṣṇu No. 4 and 5 also evince the said sculptures. The eroticism entails depiction of various types and postures of copulation, ranging from bandha, kākilā, puruṣāvita or viparitarati, to orgiastic type. The sexual identity of these graphic illustrations suggests not only the filtration of so called 'art' of sexual knowledge through the culturally dominant conventions that appear to be idealized, and thus regulated the acceptable behavior amongst men and women, but also at variance which point to the culturally acceptable variant notions to the manifestations of kāma.
Thus the varied depiction of the devīs as sakti images has received considerable 'bodily' attention, and the feminine aspect in them is constant in its articulation of certain body proportions, where generally the bosom is heavy, the waist extremely slender and the hips full and wide, and the moderately fleshy arms and legs, are ‘artistically' modeled. The expression may appear as calm and serene for most of the images, but they are equally overwhelmingly sensuous in an overall manner of presentation. The heavy ornamentation adds the obvious empowered materiality to these 'divine' images. The make-up as the feminine is located not only in the body's idealization, but also in the employment of certain asanas or to accentuate further the posturing as a feminine making/nurturing device. The making of the feminine is not only entrenched in the invisible symbolism of the image and the legends they carry within the context of the particular images, but also in the continuity of value put up on high visibility, as the image itself and the place of 'planting' these venerated, innocuous seeming, idealized womanliness. The physically 'well endowed' goddesses thus as continued patriarchal constructs, formalize in a non-arbitrary fashion through the traditionally sanctioned space of religion, practices and incumbent discourses even as a 'godly' woman is continuously crafted to satiate an everlasting earthly' appetite to gaze upon. The divine feminine also are projected as equally empowered with their many arms and attributes to play on a level playing field with elan, the power games men play amongst themselves. But this 'equalization' through borrowing of the masculinity to wear the values of the gods of the divine feminine loses to a considerable amount of her being as a woman of her own. Her acquired and patronized sculptural divinity also is more a 'visible preparedness' to play an active, exuding valor, playing protector to the patriarchal agendas, and yet could assume at a subconscious level a cathartic appeal to her own kind. The emergent historical rationality also indicates to the regional proliferation of the divine feminine, as the political powers chose to indicate their patronage to these and other temples, in different places at different times. As the local folk deity she presented a restricted knowledgeability of her usage, but as the dominant kṣetra textually structured she helped gain an elusive status for the emergent polity. The transformation in the case of the eating habits of the goddess in the first place, is a kind of a master key to the formation of feminine spaces,

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for her persona is manipulated from flesh eating Brāhmaṇa deity to vegetarian one, in an abrupt transition to showcase the domination of the Jaina religion, and the ease of element of expediency subjected to the women. Yet it possibly could also be the Jaina mode of deity appropriation? But beyond the larger debate of religious politics, the remnants of the gender politics are visible beyond doubt, in the sculptural transactions and thus in the manifestations of making of the feminine.
Reference
Layton, Robert, The Antropology of Art, Cambridge, The Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge: First Published by Granada Publishing Ltd 1981, Second edition 1991 and Reprint 1992. p. 4.
? Ibid., pp. 40-41.
* Tiwari, M., and Giri, K, Madhvakalina Bhartiya Murtikala, Varanasi, Vishvavidhyalaya Prakashana: First edition 1991, pp. 15-16.
Jaiswal, Suvira, 'Studies in early Indian Social History: Trends and Possibilities in the Indian Historical Review, Vol. VI No: 1 & 2 (July 1979-January 1980), New Delhi, p. 50.
5 Kinsley, David, Hindu Goddesses - Vision of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition, Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Limited: First Indian edition - Delhi 1988, Reprint - Delhi, 1998, 2005, Introduction, pp. 2-3.
*Ibid. Introduction, p. 3.
Rupamandana, Varanasi, Motilal Banarasidas: First edition 1964. Reprint 1992, p. 5. Kramrisch, Stella, Hindu Temple, Vol.l, Calcutta. University of Calcutta: 1946. p. 143. • Ibid., p. 143. 10 lbid. p. 299.
Ibid. p. 301. 12 Ibid. p. 304 "SIbid., p. 306
" Samarangana - Sutradhāra: Vastuśāstram. II Vols., ed., Pushpendra Kumar, Delhi, New Bharatiya Book Corporation: First edition 1998. Voll. p. lii.
Ibid. Vol.l. pp. cxvi-cxvii. 1 Ibid., Vol.l. pp. xivi-xivii. "Ibid., Vol.l.p. xivii. in Ibid., Vol.l.p. I.
Hooja. Rima, 'Medieval Iconography and Mandana's Devata-Murti-Prakaranam, in Religious Movements in Rajasthan Ideas and Antiquities, ed. S.N.Dube, Jaipur, Centre for Rajasthan Studies, University of Rajasthan: January 1996. pp. 53-63. The article introduces and presents an overview of the Mandana's title specific treatise.
Ibid., p. 61 It is quoted from the text of Devata-Murti-Prakarana - chapter 8, st.1 26.
Ibid. p. 62.(ch.8. st. 123) 22 Vashishtha, Neelima, Sculptural Traditions of Rajasthan, Jaipur, Publication Scheme: 1989, p. 107.
Ruxamandana, Varanasi, Motilal Banarasidas: First edition 1964, Reprint 1992, p. 64. Also see chapter 4. st. 28, p. 160. 24 Ibid. p. 162. (See chapter 4. st. 35). 25 Ibid., pp. 82-84. ** Ibid. p. 85. "Ibid..p 87
* Ibid.. p. 88. ?4 Ibid. pp. 88-89. 10 Ibid. p. 89 "Ibid.p.91 "Ibid. p. 93 ** Ibid. pp. 93-94.

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34 Ibid. pp. 96-97. 35 Ibid., pp. 101-02. 36 Ibid., p. 141. (Chapter 3, st. 33).
37 Ibid., p. 165. (Chapter 4, st.48 - "Bana laksnahonespi yatra vai racate mana: Tatra pujām prakurvita dharmakāmārthamokşadam.")
38 Tiwari, M, and giri, K, Madhyakalina Bhartiya Murtikala, Varanasi, Vishvavidhyalaya Prakashana: First edition 1991. p. 16.
39 Ibid. p. 17. 30 Ibid., p. 91. 4 Ibid. p. 91. 42 Ibid., p. 95.
43 Vatsyayan, Kapila, 'ecology and Indian Myth,' in Prakrti: The Integral Vision. gen. ed. Kapila Vatsyayan, New Delhi, Indira gandhi Centre for the Arts: 1995, p. 144.
* Puri, Baij Nath, The History of Gurjara-Pratihāras, Bombay, Hind Kitabs Ltd.: October 1957, pp. 116-17 * Ibid. p. 117. 46 Ibid
4/ Ibid., p. 117. The Devala Smrti verse 51: "Vinihśrite tatah salye rajaso vă api darśana tedā (tutah) sa sudhvate nāri vimalari Kancanam yarhā."
45 lbid. p. 122 *Sharma, Dasharatha, ed., Rajasthan Through the Ages, III Vols., Bikaner, Rajasthan State Archives: 1966, Vol.I, p. 365. 10 Puri, Baij Nath, The History of Gurjaru-Pratihāras, Bombay, Hind Kitabs Ltd.: October 1957. pp. 139-46. si lbid., p. 146. The Karapüramañjari (1.22.24.) has been cited for the observation. $ Sharma, Dasharatha, ed., Rajasthan Through the Ages, III Vols., Bikaner, Rajasthan State Archives: 1966, Vol. I, p. 424. 53 lbid..p. 462 54 Ibid. p. 375. 5 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IX, (No. 25). p. 189. 56 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XI. (No. 4). p. 26.
Ray, Niharranjan. Gen. ed., A Source Book of Indian Civilization, Kolkata, Orient Longman Private Limited: First Published 2000, Reprinted 2002, p. 482.
58 Vashishtha, Neelima, Sculptural Traditions of Rajasthan (Ca.800 - 1000 A.D.), Jaipur, Publication Scheme: 1989, Preface, p. X
59 Tiwari, M., and Giri, K., Madhyakalina Bhartiya Murtikala, Varanasi, Vishvavidhyalaya Prakashana: First edition 1991, p. 135.
to Ibid., p. 136. 6 Kramrisch, Stella, Hindu Temple, Vol. II, Calcutta, University of Calcutta: 1946. p. 338. 62 Ibid., p. 339. * Ibid., p. 340.
Ibid.p. 341. 65 lbid.. pp. 341-42.
66 Tiwari, Durganandan. Osiän ke Mandiron ki Deva Murti yan, Varanasi, Kala Prakashana: First edition 1999, Introduction, p. 5.
6' Ibid., Introduction, Ibid. * Ibid., Introduction, p. 6. ** Handa. Devendra, Osian: History. Archaelogy, Art & Architecture, Delhi, Sundeep Prakashan: 1984. p. 15.
Tiwari, Durganandan, Osiän ke Mandiron ki Deva Murtivan, Varanasi, Kala Prakashana: First edition 1999, Introduction, p. 6.
7 Handa. Devendra, Osian: History. Archaelogy, Art & Architecture, Delhi, Sundeep Prakashan: 1984, p. 16.

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74 Sircar. D.C., The Sakta Pithas, Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Limited: Second Revised edition 1973, Reprint: 1998, 2004, p. 25.
Sharma, Dasharatha, ed., Rajasthan Through the Ages, I Vols., Bikaner, Rajasthan State Archives: 1966, Vol.I, p. 381. * Ibid., 1984, p. 103. + Sharma, Dasharatha, ed., Rajasthan Through the Ages, I Vols., Bikaner, Rajasthan State Archives: 1966, Vol. I, pp. 378-79 *Ibid. p. 379. " Ibid. p. 380.
Sircar. D.C., The Sakta Pithas, Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Limited: Second Revised edition 1973, Reprint: 1998, 2004, p. 7.
79 Ibid. p. 4. So Ibid. p. 20. s1 Ibid..p 25. 82 Ibid., pp. 25-27 ** Thid., p. 7. *4 Tiwari, Durganandan, Osiän ke Mandiron ki Deva Murtivan, Varanasi, Kala Prakashana: First edition 1999. p. 76.
* Srivastava, M.C.P., Mother goddess in Indian Art and Literature, Delhi, Agam Kala Prakashan: 1979, p. 176. The text gives an insight to the possibility of the cult of Jyesthā in the South India which may have been linked to the North Indian goddesses Hāriti and Sitalā, as the attributes and the vehicle of Sitala bear similarity to Jyestha, as far as the religious linkages are considered iconographically.
at Handa. Devendra, Osian: History, Archaelogy. Art & Architecture, Delbi, Sundeep Prakashan: 1984, p. 103. * Ibid., pp. 103-04 ** Ibid. p. 16. 89 Tiwari, Durganandan. Osiän ke Mandiron ki Deva Murti vän, Varanasi, Kala Prakashana: First edition 1999, p. 77 * Handa. Devendra, Osian: History, Archaelogy, Art & Architecture, Delhi, Sundeep Prakashan: 1984. p. 106. "Ibid. "Tiwari, Durganandan, Osiän ke Mandiron ki Deva Murti văn. Varanasi, Kala Prakashana: First edition 1999. p. 84. "Handa, Devendra, Osian: History, Archaelog v. 1n1 & Architecture, Delhi, Sundeep Prakashan: 1984, p. 109. "Ibid. " Ibid., p. 102 " Ibid. " Ibid. p. 104 ** Ibid., p. 109. **Ibid., p. 110. 100 lbid. 101 Tiwari, Durganandan, Osiän ke Mandiron ki Deva Murtivan. Varanasi, Kala Prakashana: First edition 1999, p. 88. 10) Ibid.. p. 146. 10: Ibid, p. 149. 104 Ibid. p. 150. 105 Handa. Devendra, Osian: History, Archaelogy, Art & Architecture, Delhi, Sundeep Prakashan: 1984, p. 132 1016 Ibid. p. 131. 107 Tiwari, Durganandan, Osiānke Mandiron ki Deva Murtivan, Varanasi, Kala Prakashana: First edition 1999, p. 153. 10€ Ibid. p. 157. 109 Ibid. p. 158.
Ibid !!! Sharma, Dasharatha, ed., Rajasthan Through the Ages, UJI Vols., Bikaner, Rajasthan State Archives: 1966, Vol.I, p. 373. 1 Handa, Devendra, Osian: History, Archaelogy, Art & Architecture, Delhi, Sundeep Prakashan: 1984. p. 37. "H* Ibid., p. 162

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114 Ibid., pp. 162-63.
115 Handa, Devendra, Osian: History, Archaelogy, Art & Architecture, Delhi, Sundeep Prakashan: 1984, p. 163.
116 Ibid.
117 Ibid.
118 Ibid, p. 164.

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The Collective Worlds of John Steinbeck, Anantha Murthy and Raja Rao
40. The Collective Worlds of John Steinbeck, Anantha Murthy and Raja Rao
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Aruna Pandey
History shows that human development lies in a collectivity of sorts and resides within the boundaries of various challenges and the changes caused by these at a level that affects the masses rather than the individual. These points become the markers for a human evolution vis-a-vis society, in fact, a global society that exemplifies how patterns of human struggle and achievement undergo a similarity. The vision of an ideal society cannot surpass the fact that gross forms of hierarchy have no place in that ideal state of existence and certain strategies that help to do away with such systems become a basic requisite. If human history is to be looked upon as an ongoing process of development along such evolutionary lines, the first half of the twentieth century may be observed as a time when literary writers were seen to grapple with situations and issues that contributed to the creating of social equality and justice. For achieving such goals they adopted new techniques of narrative such as social realism and also experimented with new forms of story-telling. Parallel ongoing processes may be traced from one country to another: America, Europe, Russia, Africa and India. Whereas contextual differences divide writers from one another in an exciting manner, the main contents seem to converge on a common ground as mentioned. The early twentieth century had already witnessed the common man creating a major space for himself as a vital agent of human development. It is with a view to exemplify the theme of collective human struggle for achieving yet another evolutionary milestone that the present discussion is carried out. The discussion takes a new look at John Steinbeck's Tortilla Flat (1935) and Cannery Row (1945) in comparison with Raja Rao's Kanthapura' (1938) and Anantha Murthy's Samskara (1965). The discussion focuses on those distinctive features that help to enhance an understanding of the literary artist's efforts to portray social realities through the art of fiction. It also reveals the writers' readiness to pin-point the evolution of mankind vis-a-vis a common collectivity in situations of social, economic and caste-class struggle. This aspect has been discussed in another article by the same author entitled John Steinbeck and Munshi Premchand: Some Striking Parallels and Contrasts (2007). Here the author compares the similar concerns of John Steinbeck and Munshi Premchand as social critics with reference to their two respective fictions: Grapes of Wrath (1939) and Godaan' (1936). Whereas these two books reveal close similarities, the others have finely wrought but interesting points of convergence.
Godaan was written in 1936 by Munshi Premchand, one of the best-known Hindi writers of the twentieth century who portrayed the social unrest and rapid changes of his times in his wide-ranging

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fictional works. Godaan explores the struggles of the individual in a class-caste dominated society arising mainly out of poor economic conditions. Steinbeck's Grapes of Wrath has a strikingly similar theme where the individual's struggle against a cruel upper-class society is depicted with acute empathy. Both novels are modern folktales carrying the burden of a contemporary, complex phenomenon of human crises and evolution.
Emerging out of the world of The Grapes of Wrath and Godaan, when the reader enters the world of Tortilla Flat and Cannery Row Samskara and Kanthapura; he gets to grapple with new dimensions and areas of perception. Whereas Kanthapura looks minutely at the very contemporary independence struggle of India, it is in confirmation with the bigger concern of finding the ideal formula for human existence and teaches us to strive for the all-time universal good of self-reliance, selflessness, non-violence in all forms and so on.
Tortilla Flat presents the ideal state of comradeship against a natural and non-commercial background. It is an allegory that uses the mythical legend of Sir Arthur and his Round Table. Cannery Row has a semi-urban setting where we find that in spite of the commercial backdrop, the more simple way of life continues to exist In Tortilla Flat there is no real probing into the dynamics of knowledge and formal education but the simple life of the peasant is celebrated for its innocence and simplicity. In Kanthapura the life of the village takes on to the teachings of Gandhi as a powerful weapon to drive the British away. Lessons of simplicity, non-violence and self-sufficiency find their way into the consciousness of the Indian people and the entire process is carried out at a tangible. socio-political plane. A similar awareness was creating itself in American life and thought although at a more subconscious level which happens when old values are being displaced by new ones, or worse still, creating a void. The wave of urbanity and modernism threatened to engulf the entire nation in which the agrarian way of life would be lost forever. Undoubtedly, Steinbeck's or any other writer's attitude under discussion were probably not the romantic views of Rousseau's "Back to Nature" thing but the individualistic creed of modernism was certainly well under the grip of life and although the emerging horrors could not be distinctly visualized by the living writers of the times, the intense uneasiness comes through in their writings. Samskara cuts out on the individualistic concerns of society split up into caste and creed-a division that is based on narrow concerns and the effort to maintain an individualistic hierarchy. The novelists' pointers are undoubtedly aimed towards creating a more wholesome society where human equality is only a part of Nature's laws.
The changes all around were some for the better and some for the worse. Man's material progress had something inherently positive about it but on the other hand, man's materialism would be the doom for them all. Man's condition needed to be examined in terms of what had to be welcomed in the new situation and what was not to be.
Speaking of the four novels together would need a kind of forgetfulness of the so many oft-cited issues that have been raised with particular reference to each. Each novel stands apart and aloof in its own right, although of course, Tortilla Flat and Cannery Row have been compared many a time for similarities in theme if not technique. As far as Kanthapura and Samskara are concerned, they are different works of writing dealing with different themes. Whereas Kanthapura' tells the tale of the struggle for independence within the framework of a small Indian village, Samskara has to do with the probings of Indian myth, folklore and reinterpretation of the religious scriptures with the aim to discover hidden meanings and clues for a better and more equal human existence as that which

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already thrives. The title, Samskara, refers to a concept that is central to Hinduism. Apart from the most common meaning being 'a rite of passage or life-cycle ceremony' the word also connotes "refinement', 'preparation and the realizing of past perceptions'. All these meanings contribute to an unraveling of the issues taken up here. Refinement would imply ridding society and self of ungainly thought, notion and action. A realization of past perceptions is suggestive of a memory that is both collective and individual. The thematic concern of all four novels, it may be emphasized, is that they all wish to "redo" the structure" of society and this is undoubtedly the most dominant if not only intention of the writers here. In Kanthapura it is Gandhi's ideals and teachings that border on the divine and have a "real" spokesman for the simple village people in the character of Moorthy. As critics have already pointed out, Gandhi ceases to be a figure in flesh and blood here in this novelit is the spirit of his ideals that bears wings and enters the souls of men so much so that he transcends all fleshly barriers to become a living "myth". Gandhi is too massive and spirit-like to hold down to fit into a single entity. In this manner, Gandhi becomes a living emblem of the Indian people just as Sir Arthur and his Knights were an emblem for the spirit of England, and just as Danny and his friends become the desired spirit of Steinbeck's American society, not to forget Mack and the boys of Cannery Row' either. For Steinbeck or Raja Rao or the author of Samskara, life is an amalgam of so many diverse creatures, big or small, strong or weak. In Cannery Row this conviction is stated very simply yet very effectively:
"Our father who art in nature, who has given the gift of survival to the coyote, the common brown rat, the English sparrow, the house fly and the moth, must have a great and overwhelming love for no-goods and blots of the town and bums, and Mack and the boys. Virtues and graces and laziness and zest. Our father who art in nature" (CR 387).
In keeping with the spirit of the main theme of the novels we find a simplicity and directness of language that surpasses any affectation and thus effectively tells the story of human life that should be lived with dignity, fearlessness, and take the maximum of what Nature has to offer. Nature's role in these writings cannot be understated. In fact, it would be an offence to not to refer to it again and again as a force that guides and controls, teaches and nurtures all human and living creatures alike. Nature also becomes the primeval setting for any ideal human society. Not that the urban scene is decried, but the writers do exhibit a kind of uneasiness in their depictions of the town life which becomes a site for real evil. To come to another point of concern, Steinbeck is very clear about what is really good and evil although it is unconventional. Tortilla Flat depicts the ideal state of human society where stealing and going against one's word is not a sin at all. In fact, one human being feels free to take something from another if he so requires. However, to come back to the nature descriptions of all the novels under discussion, it may be observed that each writer transfuses the soul of the living consciousness of men with that of nature without demarcation or a sense of separatedness. Together, that is man and nature, can intermingle with the forces of change so that one stage of life melts into another without sting or shock. This aspect is beautifully brought out in Cannery Row in the following manner. As afternoon came down on Monterey “as imperceptibly as age comes to a happy man," Pilon and Pablo "sat under a pink rose of Castile in Torelli's yard and quietly drank wine and let the afternoon grow on them as gradually as hair grows". In the evenings they "sat about the stove and discussed the doings of Tortilla Flat with the lazy voices of fed Gods." The descriptions seem to tumble out of nowhere and yet everywhere. Again in Samskara when Praneshacharya enters the dark layers of the forest, his being soars and he experiences a oneneness with the universe that he

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never had felt before. In fact, man's contentment is reflected in the self-sufficiency of God's world of trees and flowers. In Kanthapura', the wind in the trees and vegetation is the very life-force that runs through the entire universe and breathes life into every nook and corner. The Grandmother's voice becomes one with the ethereal quality of the wind. In fact, Moorthy's life-giving presence dominates the rural scene infusing the much-needed contemporary awareness to the otherwise tranquil villagers. Moorthy too gets infused with nature's life force in the prose. Cannery Row conveys a sense of timelessness not only in the figure of the old Chinaman, Doc, and Mack and the boys, but in the descriptions of the place that has the sea enveloping in from all sides. The power of natural forces is not to be forgotten at any point of time. In fact, a sense of timelessness that is felt in these different writings gets created out of the writers' intention of preserving the eternal values of life on earth as essential for any visualized ideal society. And timelessness, it seems, can exist only against the throbbing presence and not in the absence of nature.
The kind of comradeship that Steinbeck upholds in either Tortilla Flat or Cannery Row or The Grapes of Wrath or in fact, in all his novels, is not without a conscious purpose. By upholding this belief he conveys his own faith in the unassuming bonds of such a friendship which is not to be found existent in the relationship between a man and a woman.
In continuation with the themes of The Grapes of Wrath and Godaan, these four novels also have the peasant or subaltern at the centre of their thoughts stating thereby that human society is not and cannot be any other than a concern for the common man. Steinbeck's Tortilla Flat and Cannery Row celebrate the sheer existence of the common Danny and his friends and Mack and the boys. Doc becomes a mouthpiece of the author when he says that it is the likes of Mac and the boys that guide the world and make it a better place to live in. Realism merges with this thought to support the ordinary and commonplace as actually occupying a unique, even distinguished place in the sequence of things. Steinbeck's symbolical description of the boiler remains in the reader's memory long after he has put the book down:
"The boiler looked like an old-fashioned locomotive without wheels. It had a big door in the centre of its nose and a low fire door. Gradually, it became red and soft with rust and gradually the mallow weeds grew up around it and the flaking rust fed the weeds. Flowering myrtle crept up its sides and the wild anise perfumed the air about it" (CR 407).
Likewise, both Samskara and Kanthapura blend their characters either with the simple joys of nature or with the simple and innocent day-to-day activities of routine. For Anantha Murthy in Samskara the self-denying Brahmin embraces the joys of communal living and revels in the village fair with the common man, Putta. Putta again, though a minor character in the novel, represents the subaltern who finds himself at the centre of things. He symbolizes the Hindu peasantry who so powerfully and significantly contributed to the forming of the Nation—the Modern India. Even before this change Praneshacharya has led a simple life of routine and devotion to his wife who is an invalid, for his consciousness is guided by his Hindu belief in self-sacrifice, self-denial, and devotion to one who is weaker both in body and spirit. Although Steinbeck is never in a framework where he has to deal with a similar situation, he too advocates the philosophy of giving and sharing as The Grapes of Wrath so explicitly unravels. However, self-denial or any such thing would be last on Steinbeck's list of things if not altogether absent. Self-denial for Steinbeck becomes relevant only in the very special context of supporting another life and saving it from destruction. In Samskara too the Brahmin learns

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the lesson that self-denial in itself does not promote any kind of nobility and to be in love with life is an essential prerequisite for living it well and to be contented for a bigger cause, and, there is no harm in enjoying the gifts of God and Nature. In fact, Danny and his friends and also Mack and the boys along with a host of others experience a rare kind of contentment which helps them to survive the commercialized world outside or at least not be affected by it. To mention the contemporary only reminds one of the fact that the worlds of these writers are over and above any one particular locality or country for that matter in that they reach out to a world beyond with the help of a unique kind of realism that is not limiting in any way because of its inclusion of myths, legends, folklore and a purpose and vision of a literary prophet. For example, Samskara holds out a reinterpretation of religious myths that have been wrongly interpreted by a selfish society of Brahmins for their own gains to stay at the top of an hierarchy that has been there in Indian society for long enough. Robert Young in his book, Postcolonialism" (2001) draws our attention to the fact that Hinduism also indicates a diasporic receptivity to other ideas and cultural forms as a combination of rootedness and openness:
"Rooted in the ancient heritage of his native Hinduism, but open to the spiritual inheritance of the world".
Modernity comes to us with the understanding that the "imaginary pure" (indigenous knowledge) cannot be challenged and done away with but neither can a "dialectical mixture of classical and folk knowledges, the pure and the mixed, the high and the low, the masculine and the feminine" be discarded. It is through myth and repeated patterns of human behaviour that the writers discover an emerging pattern of what could be a desirable society of human beings in which creatures great and small occupy their respective places.
Whether it is Mack and the boys or the Paisanos of Tortilla Flat or the selfless: Moorthy of Kanthapura; Ma Joad of The Grapes of Wrath; Praneshacharya of Samskara, the world need never be bereft of people who continue to take on larger dimensions and shoulder bigger responsibilities than the less extraordinary inhabitants of our earth. The leaders may emerge from the common crowd such as Mack and the boys or be political and social reformers such as Moorthy and Praneshacharya. The archetypal figures of Ma Joad or Tom emerge from the common matrix of mankind and acquire unfathomable dimensions. Apart from this there is the occasional spiritual or religious personage who wins over the narrow limitations of self and religion. The self becomes the nation represents it, shapes it and gives it new meaning. This person enters a phase of expansiveness wherein he merges and mingles with the crowd around him in simple and innocent joys. Such is Praneshacharya, who, through his knowledge and wisdom of the age-old myths and through his own empirical, objective observations of the living people aims for a freedom from man-made boundaries and distinctions. The wilderness, gives him, like it did for Dimesdale and so many others, a release from the individual self. The expansion of the single soul into the collectivity is in accordance with the faith of the oversoul.
The Romantic spirit was replaced by realistic and empirical factors. Naturalism, a vital ingredient of realism, was in sway-scientific enquiries into the fabric of the natural and humanistic networking were now a part of the socio-intellectual background of man. Realism gives way to legend and myth or uses it to highlight and pinpoint certain threatened value systems as in Tortilla Flat. The myth becomes a legend or a support system to the values that the novelist desires to convey through his writings

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We finally arrive at a point where we can refer again to the most dominant single aspect that pulls the writers and their books under discussion to one luminous area of understanding. That their vision of life is positive and optimistic despite the miseries of the times. A strong sense of humour especially in Steinbeck saves us from falling into the depths of utmost despair. In fact, the ease and felicity with which this writer can glide from the darkness of The Grapes of Wrath to the warm sunshine (literally as well as figuratively) of both Tortilla Flat and Cannery Row only confirms his faith in the human spirit. Man's hatred for other men may be seen to thrive in the worlds that are depicted but one cannot deny the innate goodness that seems to survive all onslaughts. Whereas Premchand has set before us a depiction of a situation that projects change and revision" of a society that is going awry on account of a false sense of power, Kanthapura very strongly imbibes the teachings of Gandhi and Samskara turns the entire gamut of a Brahmin dominated society topsy-turvy with far-reaching thoughts and beliefs.
References
John Steinbeck, Tortilla Flat- The Short Novels of John Steinbeck (U.S.A.: Penguin, 1963).
John Steinbeck, Cannery Row- The Short Novels of John Steinbeck (U.S.A.: Penguin, 1963). All future references will be made to this edition, within parentheses in the text as CR followed by page number.
Raja Rao, Kanthapura (Delhi: VK Printers, 2003). 4U.R. Anantha Murthy, Samskara (New Delhi: OUP, 2000).
Aruna Pandey, John Steinbeck and Munshi Premchand: Some Striking Parallels and Contrasts (John Steinbeck and His Contemporaries. 313p., Scarecrow Press. U.S.A.
John Steinbeck, The Grapes of Wrath (Great Britain: Penguin, 2000). (First publication in 1939).
Premchand, Godaan (Delhi: Permanent Black, 2002). (First publication in 1936).
* Arthur E Kinney, "The Arthurian Cycle in Tortilla Flar", Steinbeck Collection of Critical Essays, ed. Robert Murray Davis, 36-46. This essay provides useful insights into the uses of the myth by Steinbeck.
Suresh Nath, "Gandhi and Raja Rao", Perspectives on Raja Rao, ed. K. K. Sharma (Meerut: Urvashi Press, 1980). 60. "Kanthapura provides various examples of the Satyagrahis in the face of the untold atrocities committed by the British rulers. Thus non-violent struggle shook the very foundations of invulnerable British Empire over which the sun never set. A small village like Kanthapura has its heroic tale of non-violent struggle to relate." Such tales go into describing a remaking of the nation
10 Raja Rao's pragmatism is delightfully mixed up with the poet in him and the mythical aspect of Gandhi. Gandhi remains a figure shrouded in deep mystery.... The novel is a curious fusion of politics, poetry and the religious myth. Gandhi, who became a myth in his own lifetime...." See Suresh Nath, "Gandhi and Raja Rao", 58.
"Shyamala A. Narayan, "Kanthapura", Raja Rao: Man and His Works, .43. Also, see, Shahane, Vasant A., "Fiction and Reality in Raja Rao". Perspectives on Indian Fiction in English, ed. M.K. Naik, (New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 1985), 64.
Robert J. C. Young, "India III: Hybridity and Subaltern Agency". Postcolonialism. An Historical Introduction (U.K: Blackwell Publishers, 2001), 345.

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41. "Vahīvañcā ni ( Chronicler's) Vahī" -
A Study of Indian Culture
Balvant S. Jani
I passed my childhood in a typically traditional Gujarati village. I still remember very well that Dānbhā Bāroț, an old gentleman, used to visit our Ahir Seri at least once a year. We could easily come to know about his visit in advance, as the houses were coated with cowdung for them, and sand was spread in the compound, Dānbhā used to visit us on a black mare. He would get off the mare at the entrance. I have retained his appearance in my memory for all these years,-white upper dress, upper cloth on his shoulder, a long turban, a black teak-wood stick with a silver handle in hand, trimmed moustache and the distinct style of walking, sitting and talking... He used to visit my grandfather and then, leaning on the cushion, would talk to my grandfather about different subjects.
I later came to know from my grand father that Dānbhā was a Bārot chronicler, and used to maintain the records of the Ahir family. He would come to his hosts once a year, and would enter the names of the newborn, and would also narrate the chivalric tales of the ancestors of the family in public. He would have with him the information of about eight to ten generations of a particular family. He used to maintain the records of the dates of birth and death of the members of the family, the details about the donations they gave and the pilgrimages they underwent. Thus, we can get the information about the social as well as the community services of a person from the Vahi (The Record Book maintained by the chronicler). Bārot chroniclers were known as Vahivañcā (One who reads and enters data into the Vahi) and also addressed as "Dev" People believed their statements to be authentic. They were considered to be authentic witnesses, and their oral testimony was respected even in the courts of the state and kings.
The community of Bārot chroniclers is gradually extinguishing now. The Vahis, the record books of these Bārot are very valuable documents of both historical and cultural importance. They have not been reckoned as authentic reference materials for the documentation of our political and social history. The present research tries to elaborate the introductory idea of the Bārot chroniclers initially. It then focuses upon the information got from the Vahis about the dressing system, ornaments, the examples of the rich tradition of donations, constructions of water resources and temples, religious pilgrimages etc. Hence the research tries to point out at the social-cultural image of India with reference to the Indian cultural heritage. This paper tries to expound the Vahis as a new source of information about the rich and diversified Indian culture.

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The community of Bārot chroniclers is mainly involved in maintaining and updating the family history of the people of different communities. Every community has its own Vahīvañcā Bārot (Barot chronicler). They maintain the records of not only names, birth and death of people, but also the entire social history of the family, consisting of the details of the marriages, their Gotras (the lineage), the donations made in the marriages etc. They used to meet the families in persons to record the details and enter the data in the Vahis. Thus, the Bārot remained travellers, roaming all round.
Vahis means a record book. It was made of hand made papers. It was bound with leather and tied from the middle with a strong string. The details were recorded with hand made ink. The Vahis weighed about three the four kgs. The community people used to worship the Vahis by placing it on a plank, and then the details of the family were read in public. All members of the family used to gather during such worship. Below mentioned is the analysis of certain relevant information about the social life of India found in different Vahis.
Documentary Value:
"The chronicler's Vahis were used as authentic proofs for the legal purposes in the courts, hence - their testimony as regarded highly. There are even instances of the officers' countersigning the Vahis
for their authentic use during the pre-independence era. For instance, we find in a Vahis of the Khadia Caste Cāran, which was presented before the police officer of Nakhatrāņā for the purpose of some revenue case, which reads as: Ani nakal revenue kāmmāndākhal karel che Aşād sud pāñcham, so. 1946"
Dayāśankar
Thāņādār Nakhatrānā (The copy of this has been entered into the revenue case on the 5th day of the Ashād Month of 1946 (Indian Calendar))
(Police Officer, Nakhatrana) In another land case of Jhala Darbar community of Cūdā, the Vahi of the chronicler of the community was presented before the court, and a copy of it was also signed by the police officer of Bhoikā. The names of the ancestors of four generations of the chronicler are also mentioned in it:
"Bārot catrabhajnā dikrā Keśarīsingh, teņā dikrā himrāj, tena modjīna copdamanthi batāvā pramane lakhu che" The copy of this document has been presented in the case of Pra Ke. 33190-5-6, of 5/9/1906
Police Officer, Bhoika (Signature in English)
Effulgent Examples of the Tradition of Donations:
The hosts used to donated cash, ornaments and dresses to the chronicler after getting the name inscribed in the Vahi
We come to know from this the manner in which the chroniclers were treated in the society. The following examples denote this:

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“Ekso āth kāmdhenu gāyun, cār ghodā, cār nāgvel bhens rupna kadā dhidhel. Rojhi ghhodi ane Jhūmnu dhidhel." Chār ghhodā chār bhens ane hemnā Jhūmnā dhidhel."
The Parajiya Soni of the village of Mūļu (Sadodar, Dt. Jamnagar) used to denote Vedh to the visiting Bārot chroniclers. A Duha (Chivalric folk song) is sung even today by the Bārots stating it:
"Āge Karan āpto, sonu Bhār savā Nit Nit vedh navā, māganne sampe mulvo***
The Parajiyā Soni made this donation the their Barot chroniclers. We come to know from the Vahi of the Rajput and Ahir communities that they made donations with the inscriptions of their name in the Vahi. The persons of Nakum sub-caste of the Kāradiyā Rajput Community donated certain things and animals:
"Dhaal: Rojhl: Tarvar: Bhens: Odaņu Vinti: Godho: Kāmal:
The notes of the donations by the Rajputs of Cauhāņ sub-caste of Kāradiyā Rajputs are found as under:
Ghodi Perāmāni Abhrāmi:10 Odhņu kārbiu: The Rajputs of Kāmaliyā sub-caste donated : Bandhuk : Halkā: Odhộu?
In short, we come to know from the objects mentioned in the Vahi about the now obsolete vehicles, dresses and ornaments : e.g., there are notes mentioning the donation of a vel to the Bārot chronicler of the community. The modern man is unaware of the vel. Actually a vel is a light-weight comfortable and luxurious cart (vehicle), with a hood and drawn by bullocks. In the same way, we find Kadā, Hānsdi, Rupiyā, Lokiyun, Vedhlā, Kanandiyo, Khājali.!4 mentioned as ornaments donated to others in the Vahi of the chronicler. The objects mentioned other than rupees are all the names of medieval ornaments. These ornaments are rarely found now, as most of them have become obsolete.
We also find the mentioning of Mandil's, Cophall, Vedh", Unt, Dhāblo, Lobdi 8 at many places in the Vahi of the Bārot chroniclers.
We come to learn the importance of the chroniclers in the medieval times in India. We also know that the chroniclers earned their bread from this profession only. As they had no tension of income, they could devote much time for the cause of acquisition of knowledge also. This tradition, thus, proved to be much helpful to the country, society and culture too. Besides the people of upper caste, even the Harijan community has been active in making donations. The Vahi of the chroniclers of Harijan community reveals this as:

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"Bhānā prāmae bhinsu ali ch Adhar bhinsu ālī: cuvāṇ bhānā saba kevāṇā kal ānkel van dhra Bhima maiālānā bhana bhoja nrasang je ritae Vaisakh maināni ajuvāli bij bhraspat vare Hathvad jitel ch."19
(Bhāṇā Parma gave buffaloes He gave eighteen buffaloes Cauhan Bhāno got praise from the community. His dynasty will become famous. The sons of Bhima Maiyāpā, Bhāņā, Bhojo and Narsimh, took part in the rivalry of donation at Jeritä village, on Thursday, on the second day of Vaisakh Month and Bhāno became victorious in it.)
The Chronicler's Vahi thus imparts information about the donations given to the chronicler. Let us now study some other relevant details of donations found in the Vahi. The rich utilized the earned money for the noble cause of society, for which they used to donate handsome sums. Even the commoners donated according to the strength of their pockets. The belief that "Money is required for virtuous deeds" was proved wrong in the medieval times, and, instead, a belief that "One should have a large heart for donation" became more widely accepted. We find the importance of large heartedness mentioned in the Vahi. The chronicler's Vahis have examples of such large hearted persons, who, just worked for the cause of general good of people. People faced a severe famine in Vi. San. 1671 (Indian Calendar) It is mentioned in the Vahi of the chronicler of the community of Parajiyā Soni community, that a gentleman named Khela Lodiya helped face the famine successfully to the 180 families of his community. 20
The Vahi of Sagarkumar reveals that one Mr. Kumpa Dhaiya of the Parajiya Soni community helped the 180 families of the Soni community and 12 families of Barot, face the acute famine of Vi. San. 1519 and survive at Bagasara town. He provided food to people continuously throughout the famine and thus quenched the hunger of my people.
Caran Bhujbal Surtāṇia also donated a lot of food to people, which is mentioned in Vahi of the chronicler:
"Bhojbale Pärkar : Dhan didho: Vadḍā kol Manhe "22
(Bhujbal Surtania donated a lot of food during the great famine of Tharpārkar)
Kanyādān (The donation of daughter, which means, getting a girl married,) was considered to be a very virtuous deed in ancient India. Hence, many rich people and those belonging to the royal families used to perform such donations, which is mentioned in the Vahi of the chronicler, and thus will be remembered for long. Most of the sub-castes of the Kanbi community have involved themselves in Kanyadan of three girls, which is recorded in the Vahi of the Barot chronicler of Kanbis.e.g., The Vahi of the Kaṇbis of Sākariyā sub-caste reveals:
"Tran Kanyā vālam gorni dharme parṇāviyu "23
In the same way, it is mentioned in the Vahi that King Mulraj of Chudasamā got 1800 girls married (Kanyadan)
"Mulraje: na: patrani hata bathi hati te mate adarase paraṇvi: Gām Madhavparmā: gām: Manglur: Bhan Jeṭhva hat: savant adhār trāṇvā: Varas: Vaisak sud nam bhraspatvar: Kanadan didhā: 24
(King Mulraja suffered from the sin of his son's murder. He donated 1800 girls (got them married) for the purpose of redemption of the sin. He did it on the ninth day of Vaisakh month of Vi. San. 1893. Bhāṇ Jethvā was at Mangrol then.)

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The Vahi of Parajiya Soni says that Mālā Jagdā of this caste donated 109 Brahmin girls.25 Thus, the mention of the kanyādān by King Mulrāj of Junāgadh in 1893 creates a doubt in the minds of the historians, but the note in the Vahi specifies that Bhān Jethvā was a contemporary of Mulrāj; because in history also, it has been mentioned that Bhān Jethvā had been at Māngrol.26
Thus, the Vahi of the chronicler reveals that the tradition of donation was not only limited up to money and ornaments only, but also it involved the expenditure of Kanyādān Thus, we learn the cultural as well as the traditional social activities held in the society then from the ancient Vahi.
The Great Tradition of donating lands:
The kings and the lords have been donating landed property from ancient times. The Tāmrapatra (Documents inscribed on the sheets of copper) reveal theses facts. One of such copper-sheet reveals that King Silāditya-VII donated the village of Khedā in 766 A.D. at Anandpur Military Camp.27 Another copper sheet reveals that Govindrāje-III of Rāshtrakut Dynasty donated land to a Brāhmin near Pādliptapur(Pālitaņā) in 794 A.D..28
This tradition of donation continued in the medieval times too. On the other hand, we also learn from history that the land of Brāhmins was sometimes snatched away.e.g. Sihor belonged to Brāhmins, but later the Rāol Visājī of Umrālā won Sihor.
Rāthod Rājvi Siyāji of Jodhpur killed the Pāliwāl Brāhmins and took away the landed property surrounding Päli. 30
We find the mentioning of donation of landed property in most Vahis of Bärots, especially in those written by the chroniclers of Cāram community. Moreover, the donations received in the name of famous saints, or to the pilgrim centres, are mentioned in the Vahi of their respective chroniclers. The donation of land is indeed a significant part of the tradition of Donation. Many examples of this are found in different Vahis, out of which, this research tries to elaborate some.
Singdā Math is a very popular place in Porbandar Tālukā. The people of Mer Community made some donations to this place, which is mentioned in the Vahi of this community as follows:
"The details of Singda village. Originally it was the holy hermit Śrungi's place. Lord Krishna halted there on his way to Mathurā from Duārikā. Also known as Sesh Maha Baldevji (Lord Krishna's brother) might also have halted there. There were Horses of "Singāli" genetics, Bāvā Nandrāmji used to stay at Okhā Madhi at the time of Gāyakvād state. He came to Modhwādā from there. He got constructed a step-well at the west of the village, which is known as Bāvā vāvya" even today".
The Mers of “Sāt vali” donated the singdā village to Nandrām. Its details are:
"Modhvadiā duda dosănā : Lunā Mepānā :Godhānia Nila Vejānandnā Khistariā Puñjā Randhīnā Tathā vizrā shakhna manad godānā tatha Raņāvāyā tathā hādadiyā Sumarā Sobhaļā je gohel sākhnae mali gām singdu bāvā nandrāmjine divelmā didhel."31
The Cārans dominated the medieval chivalric times by their chanting of typical style of narrative poetry, for which the royal families donated the Cāraṇs a lot of landed property. Some examples of such donations are mentioned below: Vāghelā vanaji donated land to Khengārji Surtaņiā, a Cāran poet, about which, we find an inscription in the Vahi as:

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“Rana Śrī vanājī lakhāvatang vaghelāni dat sortāṇiā Khengārjīne prānde bārot thāpine gām pāghardi śänsan didho che. Dikro-dikri parne terā lāgā dāpā karī didhā che: Dikro parne to toran ghodo tatha vīrmüth prod dāyo dikri parne tāre odhāmägi tathā vauvarno sovādho:
Gamanā simādani viga utādi kore gām jātavāda tathā Bāläsarni sim dakhnadi kore gām Dāvri simade sīmade Khāri nadini had: ogamņi kore gām gedino simādo karidhār dungarni had : Athamni Kore Khambhāni sim Paghardini che: eni rite car bandh: savant 1431nā mohā vid 7 Bhomvārnā di tāmrapatre didho che.32
(This is the note of donation given by Shri Vanaji of Vāghela State : Surtaņiā Khengārji has been donated the village of Pāghardī. When his son and daughter get married, the necessary arrangements have been made for their expenditure. When his son gets married, Khengārji would get a horse and a Virmūth ( a weapon) and when his daughter gets married, she would get Odhāmaņi (a saree and rich nuptial dress) and Vahuvarno savādho.
The details of the village are: On the northern border up to the boundaries of Jātavādā and Bālāsar. On the southern side, up to the boundaries of village Dāvri and the boundary of the river Khāri. On the Western side, up to the boundary of village Khāṁbhā. Thus, after chalking out the boundaries of the land to be donated, the donation of the village Pāghardī is made on the 22nd day of Maha month of Vi.Sam. 1431, Tuesday by inscribing the details on copper sheet)
Poet Mr. Devidān Varasadān got the village of Bhovanu. The details of this donation found in the Vahi are :
"Des Naiyadne gām Bhovaņu: tent vagat che: savant 1762ni sāle mas vesakh vad 14thi varasada devidān: Samtāṇine Citalvanāņa rāv shri jagatsinhijīnu gām Bhovāņu didhu che."33
(The village of Bhovāņu of the Naiyad area ( a distinct part of the North Gujarat) Its details are: Varasada Devidan Sāmatjī was donated this village of Bhoyānu by the Rāv of Citalvāņā Śhri Jagatsinhji on the 29th day of Vaisākh month in Vi. Sam. 1762)
In short,Both the royal families and the commoners donated a lot of landed property to the needy and to those who had special merits during the medieval times in Gujarat. We learn about this noble use of wealth from the Vahi of the chronicler. The Bārot chronicler's Vahi provides ample examples about this great tradition of India.
Construction of temples:
People used to get temples constructed for the noble cause of men in past in India. The construction of such temples has been mentioned in the Vahi. Purbāi Misan, a Cāran lady got a Siva temple constructed at Bijalkā village. The Vahi has a note about it as:
"Gam: Bijalko : temā Purbai Misane te bokse : ravo tathā visa Khodidānanine khole lai didho: savno mandir kidho : savant 1942ni sale sampüran thae teno bharo kari nāt jamādi rāvalne ghodi tathā vedh tathā didhi : I dān madar garve bāi Pārbāie kidhal : ajni dīkrī:34
The translation of the above text in modern Gujarati would be:
"Misan Ajubhāi's daughter Purbāi got a Siva temple constructed in Vi. San. 1942 at Bijalkā village, and got it celebrated. That Purbāi was married to the Bokşa sub-caste. She being childless,

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she adopted Khoḍīdān Bokṣa's sons Visā and Ravā and gave the Bijalkā village to them as the hereditary right. She gave a community feast, and presented the Barot chronicler a mare, Vedh and a ring." Hamir Bokṣa, a Caran got a temple constructed at Sarvad village. The note in the Vahi about it reads:
"Des: Hälär: Gām: Sarvad: Bokse Hamire te deval kidho; savant 17 me varas 97 man deval kidho teno bhareo karine cārṇanī nāt jamadi ne deval copḍe mandavo tare rāvlāne kaḍā tathā veḍh vinti perāmni tathā ghodi sikhe tājan didhi che."35
(According to the note of the note of the Raval, Hamir Boksā got a temple constructed at sarvad village, paid its tax, gave a community feast, and donated the Ravals vedh ring, dress and a mare)
One more note got from the chronicler is about the construction of a temple of Machho Mã, the family deity of Bharvāḍs, at Ciroi village in Vi.San. 1996 reads as:
"Gām Ciroi Shree Ganeshay Namaḥ Savant 19 navras, sanunī sāle Maino Caitar sud atham. Ravivar. Te dane matla masona dera sanavise Derina sanavise Derina sannar Nāgji Sathvārā. Ravā Sarāḍvāno tine sanise Rup 22 ma sani āpī se. Gām Ciroina ugamne zāṁpā Vavnā dakhan padkhe. Hanmannā ḍeräthi dakhṇādā vāghada khetarmā. Kalabi mādhu pitämbarnā Sākh sanalia Tanā khetarmā saṇāvise. Ga chandragaḍhna kalabi. A maso lunsarnā Jhampdāni se. māl bakrāmā dukh avutū Māntā kari Dukh maṭādu Bakra ḍith savā rupiyā māntā karī. Tama nesḍā maline sadāvī se. Harji Dānā tathā Ruḍā Dānā Gāgā tathā Megha Punānā. Hirgaḍa Tathā Dhārā Punāna. Hirgada tathā Nāgii Bhīmānā Gāhā Tathā Jivan Bhojānā Gāgora tathā Ratanā Kālānā Paḍcharya Jetparnā Tāno vero Chandragadh Hato. A sarve nesai mali Deri saṇavi se Darbār kalubhāi Habhā nānā lā Ciroină Patal Bhagvan Arjanna Koli Sakh Khimala Ciroină. A masono hak Ucārā bij ludhā Ek nailiar se sarve nesḍā mali manata karvi Bijo hak kai nathi.36
The Translation of the above text would read:
"A temple of Machcho Ma was constructed on the eighth day of Caitra month of Vi.Sam. 1996. This temple was built by Satvara Nagji of Saraḍva village, for which he charged Rs 22. This temple is on the Eastern side of the village, on the southern side of the step-well, in the farm known as Vāghaḍa which was owned by the Kanbi Patel named Mädhu Pītāmbar of Sanalia sub-caste. That Madhu Patel belonged to village Candragadh. This Machcho Ma is worshipped by the Jhumpadas of Lunsar village. The goats and Sheep were affected by an epidemic. So they took a vow of the goddess. The goddess cured the disease. They had vowed to spend a rupee and a quarter for each goat. Hence, all the nomadic stayed there and got the temple constructed. Harji Dānā, Rudā Dānā, Gaga Punā, Megha Puna, of sub-caste Hirgadā, Nāgji Bhima, of sub-caste Gaha jivan Bhojā of subcaste Gāgora, Ratana Kalā, of sub-caste Paḍcārya, of Jetpar village were at Candragadh. All these nomadics got the temple constructed Darbar kālubhāi, Harmabhai of Ciroi village, Koli Pațal Bhagvan Arjanna of sub-caste of Khimala of Ciroi village have a right to received a coconut when they leave the place. all have to take the vow of offering a coconut. They do not have any other right.)
The charge of Rs 22 for the construction of the temple paid to the Sathvarā, and the fixed amount of vow, etc. reveal the financial as well as the social conditions of the times. The note also gives us an idea of the faith of the people. We come to know that people believed that epidemics could be cured by the grace of deities. The society kept on fighting against the odds of life with the help of this faith only. The Vahis also reveal that not only the people of upper class but also the Harijans got temples

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constructed and thus showed their religious outlook of life. The Harijan of Cāvda Sub-caste of Mehsana got constructed a hug temple of Goddess Kālikā, of which we find a reference in the Vahi, as follows:
“Savant Ognis pāntrihānā vrakh junā Dhe (dha) vādā pipar hethal deval kāvel vāh sammas cha. Kālkānu deval canāvel cha."
The Vahis of the Vaniks reveal that they constructed maximum temples. In short, both the Harijans and the upper class people have utilised their wealth constructively for noble cause of the society by getting temples constructed. Faith remains at the back of construction of each temple, whether it be large or small. The chronicler's Vahi imparts a lot of such knowledge, and hence it is very valuable for the cultural history of a nation.
Construction of water resources:
The tradition of construction of water resources is an example of noble mentality of helping others. People used to construct step-well, wells, tanks etc. These are considered to be virtuous deeds and the doer also gets the satisfaction of repaying his debt to the society. He develops a sense of fulfillment and satisfaction. We find the belief of people that “An individual's happiness lies in the happiness of the community" working behind such noble intentions. The people got these deeds noted down in the Vahi so that their heirs might also derive inspiration from the noble deeds of their ancestors and try to be helpful to the society. Sāgarkumar Bārot has the Vahi of the Parajīya Soni caste, in which many instances of the construction of water resources are cited. e.g. A gentleman of Pancāl village of Jūnāgadh District got a step-well constructed in his father's memory, which is known as Khārīvāv today.
Bava Nandram, the founder of Shingda Math, got a step-well constructed at Modhvada village, which is known as Bava Vav today."
The King Navghan of Jūnāgadh constructed a rasakūpi step-well, and it is said that gold was got from the water of the well.40
Cāran Hadā Khadiyā got a tank dug at Vang village of Kutcha, which is mentioned in the Vahi as below:
"Gām Vang : Lumbhāot hade: Hadāsar : Talāv Khaņāveu chhe : Gamnā dakhņādi kore: Khaņāveu chhe:41
(Hada Khadiya, the son of Lumba Khadiyā has got Hadāsar tank dug on the southern side of the village Vang.)
A Rajput named Ramsinh Solanki constructed a Ramkund at village Kadodar (Tākadinār, Dt. Junagadh) in Vi.San. 102. The Note about it in the Vahī reads:
“Savant : be nā varkhe: Gām Kadedare: Rāme Rāmkaņd Karāvo: Korī Sātsen Vārī Sesbhoj kidho Gām Kadedare: 42
Besides the people of the upper caste, even Harijans made valuable contribution to the community service activities, which we come to know from their chronicler's reports. A harijan named Kālā Jālā Solanki of Delol village, got a well dug in the tank and got the right of using the tank water for both drinking and bathing for the people is mentioned in the Vahi

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“Kacoliyu talāvmā camār pāni bhara cha. Gāmthi dakhanadi cha. Gām vasu te dannu pāni bhara cha. Nā dhovun talāvina cho Kalā Jalānü kuvu kavel cha."
(Harijans are using the water of the Kacoliyā Tank, which is situated on the southern side of the village. They have been using it since the village was founded. They are allowed to bathe and drink the water of the tank. Kalā Jala Solanki got a well constructed in the tank.)
Thus, we find testimony of all the social activities held in the interest of the general mass of people in the Vahi.
Testimonies of Pilgrimages:
Going on pilgrimages was considered to be a very effective tool for the spreading of Indian Culture across the country in the medieval times. One could come into contact with the geography of other areas of the nations and thus interact with a lot of people. Such interaction helped maintain communal harmony and national unity. It also increased the religiousness in people. The chroniclers used to maintain the records of their host's pilgrimages, and noted them down in the Vahi. It is mentioned in the Vahi that a Kanbi Patel belonging to the sub-caste of Sāvalia undertook a pilgrimage of Hinglāj Deity, wearing the dress of a Kāpadi, hence their surname was changed to Kāpadiyā. The note reads as follows:
"Tyānthi piparnu toran bāndhya: tyanthi Rāmne Māndan Bhābho thiyā: Eạe Hinglājnu tīrath karyu: ne ek bhabhae kāpadino bhekh utāryo: ne eke na utāryo : Athi sakh kāpadi thiyā.**44
(From there they established the village of Pipar, Rām Bāpā and Māndan Bāpā happened to live there. They undertook a pilgrimage to Hinglāj Deity's place. One of them took off the dress of Kāpadi, and the other did not take it off. Hence, their heirs were known as Kāpadi)
Cāran Muluji Celaji of village Kaneti of North Gujarat undertook Kasiyatra, which is recorded in the Vahi as :
"Mulu Cclāji tc Gangājī nāiyā: Savant 1947nā vaisakh sod bij re dan te vaic mandālu ne rāvar Devdānne rupiyā 25/-āpā."15
(Muluji Celājī had a bath in the Gangā on the second day of Vaisakh Month in Vi.Sam.1947, and he donated the chronicler Devidān Rs 25/- and got the fact inscribed in the Vahi)
Here, having a bath in the Ganga actually means having a visit of Kāśi (Benaras). Visiting Kāśi has always remained a dream for every Hindu, as one gets the benefit of the worship of Kasi Visvešvarnāth (a form of Lord Siva) and also of the bath in the Gangā So, even today, the words "Gangā Nāhyā" (Had a bath in the Ganga) is used to mention the fulfillment of life. The Bārot chronicler explained the important use of the idiom "Gangā Nāhyā" presently by stating that, if an old man says, “Let me play with my son's son (grandson), and I shall have my bath of the Gangā. which means that the Gangā, referred to in the idiom means the Gangā of Kāśi and not of Hardwar or Calcutta.
Besides the people of the upper classes, even Harijans used to undertake pilgrimages with faith in the medieval times, though the temple gates were closed for them in those days. The priests could not dare prohibit them from having bath in the rivers like the Narmadā or the Gangā. Hence, the harijans used to visit the rivers during their pilgrimage. Dharmsi Harijan of Mehsana of North Gujarat had a bath in the Narmadā, which is read in the Vahi as:

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"Pāntrīsnā vrakhe Revājī nāave dhramasiā bhanḍāru krel che.46
(Dharamsih performed the bath of the Narmada in Vi.San. 1835, and arranged a Bhanḍāro (feast for the community).)
Thus, we come to know the religious faith and the tradition of pilgrimage prevailing in the Hindus from the Vahis. Faith and love, for religion helped the Hinduism to face the foreign invasion by the people of other religions. We learn from the Vahis that river-bath was also considered to be a holy rite besides visiting a temple. The Vahis maintains both the legal as well as the social and cultural records for the future generations, and thus it is a very important source of authentic information about the social life of a the past. The chroniclers have taken into consideration the historical, social, cultural, economical, archaeological etc. aspects while updating the records, but unfortunately, the logical and true mentality of not allowing other chroniclers to use the specific symbols has been the reason why they have not been able to become the subject of study so far. Today the situation is different. The Bārot chroniclers are no more. The tradition is on the verge of extinguishing. The information that has been already stored in the Vahi is of much importance from the research point of view, and I believe, that whatever information we have in the Vahis should be analyzed in detail, as they contain a lot of cultural details. Any researcher would naturally feel that the cultural examples cited in the Vahis must be included in the cultural history of our great nation.
References:
1. The Vahis book of Rāval Bhimji Bhārmalla (Morzar, Tā-Nakhatrāṇā) Dt. 14/2/1995.
2. From the copy of Mr. Narendrasinh Jhala (Ahmedabad).
3. From the Vahi of Sāgarkumar Bārot (Saypar) Dt. 18/11/1994.
4.
Ibid.
5.
Ibid.
6.
Ibid.
7. Carani Sahitya Bhandar, The Dept. of Gujarati language and Literature, Saurastra University: 327/5125.
8. Ibid.
9. Ibid.
10. Ibid.
11. Ibid.
12. Ibid.
13. From the Vahi of Mr. Kesubhai Bārot (Jūnāgaḍh), Dt. 15/2/1995.
14. From the Vahi of Mr. Keśubhai Bārot (Mālia), Dt. 10/2/1995.
15. From the Vahi of Mr. Keśubhai Bārot (Jūnāgaḍh), Dt. 15/2/1995. 16. From the Vahi of Mr. Keśubhai Bārot (Māliā), Dt. 10/2/1995. 17. From the Vahi of Mr. Bhimji Raval (Morzar), Dt. 14/3/1995. 18. From the Vahi of Mr. Haribhai Bārot (Ghuntu), Dt. 7/1/1995.
19. Carani Sahitya Bhandar, The Dept. of Gujarati language and Literature, Saurastra University 293/296/298.
20. Parajvans prakās, Part-14: Sāgarkumar Bārot: pp.402-403.
21. Ibid. Part-5, pp. 129-133.
22. From the Vahi of Mr. Raval Bhimji Dev (Morzar), Dt. 14/2/1995. 23. From the Vahi of Mr. Keśubhai Bārot (Junagadh), Dt. 26/2/1995. 24. From the Vahi of Mr. Kesarbhāi Bārot (Māliā), Dt. 10/3/1995. 25. Parajvansaprakās, Part-9: Sāgarkumar Bārot: pp. 259-260. 26. Saurastrano Itihas, Sambhuprasad Desai: pp. 364-365.

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27. Ibid. p. 143.
28. Ibid. p. 184.
29. Bharat Rajya Mandal: Amrutlal U.Shah, p.86.
30. Ibid. p. 544.
31. From the Vahi of (Lt.) Mr. Kanji Bhutā (Chalālā), Dt. 18/3/1995.
32. From the Vahi of Mr. Raval Bhimji Bharmalla (Morzar. Ta- Nakhatraṇā). Dt. 4/2/1995. 33. Ibid.
34. From the Vahi of Mr. Raval Bhimji Bharmalla (Morzar, Ta- Nakhatrāṇā), Dt. 14/2/1995. 35. Ibid.
36. From the Vahi of Mr Haribhai Bārot (Ghuntu) Dt. 7/1/1995.
37. Cărani Sahitya Bhandar, The Dept. of Gujarati language and Literature, Saurastra University 293/296/298.
38. Parajvansaprakās, Part-12: Sāgarkumar Bārot : pp. 417.
39. From the Vahi of (Lt.)Mr. Kanji Bhutā Bārot (Chalālā), Dt. 18/3/1995.
40. From the Vahi of Mr. Kesarbhai Bārot (Mālia), Dt. 10/3/1995.
41. From the Vahi of Mr. Raval Bhimji Bharmalla (Morzar, Ta- Nakhatraṇā), Dt. 14/2/1995.
42 Carani Sahitya Bhandar, The Dept. of Gujarati language and Literature, Saurastra University 293/296/298. 43. Ibid. 293/296/298.
44. From the Vuhi of Mr. Keśubhai Barot (Junagadh), Dt. 26/2/1995.
45. From the Vahi of Mr. Raval Bhimji Bharmalla (Morzar, Ta- Nakhutrāṇā), Dt. 14/2/1995.
46. Carani Sahitya Bhandar, The Dept. of Gujarati language and Literature, Saurastra University 293/296/298.

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42. Dārā Shukoh: A Crown Prince in search of Truth and Harmony
V.S. Bhatnagar
Prince Dārā Shukoh was born at Ajmer in 1615 A.D. His father Prince Khurram (Later emperor Shāh Jahan) had prayed at the shrine of Khwājā Muin-ud-din Chishrī for a son and at last his prayers seem to have been answered.
In 1631 when Dārā's mother Mumtaz Mahal (in whose memory Shah Jahan built the Taj Mahal at Agra), died, he had just turned sixteen. His other brothers-Shujä, Aurangzeb and Murād were even younger. At that time no one knew that Aurangzeb alone would reach the famous Peacock throne wading through the blood of his brothers, displacing his father and confioing him in the Agra fort, and rule India for nearly half a century (1659-1707), strictly according to the shariat, and in the process alienate teh populace, shake the very foundations of the Mughal Empire and go down as the most conspicuous failure' in Indian history.
From the meager details we have about Dārā's early life, in calligraphy when he was about eighteen, he happened to visit, accompanied by his father, the renowned Sufi saint of the Qădiri order, Mian Mir.at Lahore, and was profoundly impressed by his piety, and learnt from him during subsequent visits some of the spiritual practices and devotional mysticism of the order.
During the next twenty years or so i.e., from 1633 A.D. to 1657 A.D. Dārā Shukoh, the Crown Prince of the largest and wealthiest empire in the world at that time, wrote two scholarly and well researched biographical works on the spiritual practices of the Sufis, a work containing aphorisms of the saints in support of his views which the orthodox Mullās and Ulema had begun to denounce as heretical, compiled a unique work giving religious and philosophical terms and concepts of the Hindus and their equivalents in Islamic phraseology, arranged under his own eye the translation of two most important works of the Hindus-one on the philosophy of life and man's duty and the other being one of the earliest works on yoga. and just before the most furiously fought war of succession (1658-59). in which he was one of the principal figures, broke out, he finished the translation of fiftytwo Upanishads which he declared to be the Hidden book referred to in the Qur'ān citing the precise verses in the Holy Book. During this period, he also brought out a Diwan or Collection of his poems. containing 133 ghazals and a number of Rubaiyat, and prepared an album of paintings representative of the style of different master painters. Indian and foreign, and specimens of calligraphy of re

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nowned calligraphists. All this would have been enough for any scholar of today to receive more than one Honorary Doctorate from reputed Universities.
During this very period when his pen remained so fruitfully occupied, Frince Dārā Shukoh, at different periods, held the governorships of Allahabad, Punjab, Kabul, Multan and Gujarat provinces, led three expeditions to Kandhar at the head of large armies, twice to ward off Persian threat to the great fort (1639, 1642) and once to recover it (1653) from the Persians who had recaptured it in 1649,' assisted his fathre Emperor Shah Jahan in matters of government and State's policies, often acting as the ultimate refuge for all those in need of help or pardon for having incurred the royal displeasure, and provided patronage to scholars, poets, philolophers, artists and architects." Unlike his younger brother Aurangzed and others, he had no time to indulge in base intrigues and secret correspondence to win over chiefs, nobles and officials to their side with the sole aim to their side with the sole aims of acquiring the throne anyhow. Dārā had nobler and higher aims, and it has been rightly observed that 'politics had a secondary place in the thoughts of Dārā Shukoh: his first concern being the study of religious mysticism'.
He says, in a composition:
Kingship is easy, acquaint thyself with poverty: Why should a drop become a pearl when it can Transform itself into an ocean."
Though he observed the riturals ordained for all Muslims, in reality, exoteric Islam had ceased to have any real place in his life. A few years after Mian Mir's death, Dārā was formally initiated in the Qadiri order, as a result, as he wrote in one of his letters, exoteric Islam has ceased to influence the mind of this faqir and the real esoteric 'infidelity' has shown its face'.?
Dārā was above all narrow religious prejudices. To him a temple was as good a place of worship of god as a mosque. Hence he saw no objection in presenting a carved stone railing for the Keshava rai temple at Mathura. In contrast, when Aurangzeb on becoming the Emperor ordered the railing to be removed, he spoke thus: "It is a sin for a Musalman even to look at a temple and this bi-Shukoh (bereft of dignity) had presented a railing to the temple!" and later ordered the magnificent temple to be destroyed altogether (1670 A.D.), casting the idols under the steps of Begam Saheb's mosque at Agra to be trodden upon by the faithful, and even changed the name of the birth place of Lord Krishna from Mathura to Islamabad. For Aurangzeb as also for the Muilas and the Ulema it was difficult to understand, much less to appreciate, Dara's exalted ideas which crossed the narrow and retrogressive bounds of religion and soared high on the wings of universal spirit.
We may now dwell at some length on the religious and philosophical works of Dara Shukoh to understand better his true stature as a person and as a seeker of tram. We find that an insatiable thirst for knowledge and search of truth guided all his literary enterprises.
As mentioned, the twentieth year of Dārā Shukoh's life was particulari, important in his life. In this year he met Miyan Mir (7th April 1634) a saint of the Qadirī order at Lanere along with his father, Emperor Shah Jahan. In subsequent visits he received from the saint instructions in contemplation, and on one occasion experienced what the Hindu Yogis and saints call saktipata. He experinced sudden onrush of light from the master to his own heart and, to quote him, "from that moment I find

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my heart full of enlightenment and ecstasy". He was the Crown Prince of the vast Mughal Empire and had everything in the world, but a spiritual yearning to know the Reality was gradually driving him towards the path communion with God. In the year 1640, when he was in his twenty-fifty year Dārā completed his first biographical work, Safinat-ul-Awliya' (a book of the friends of God), a difficult and time consuming work in which he deseribed lives and aphorisms of four hundred eleven saints of different religious sects and orders- Qādirī, Nqshbandi, Chishti, Suhrāwardi etc., in chronological order giving precise date of birth and death of each saint. Dārā had great respect for the saints. The communion with God is dependent upon the saints ... He, who has found a guide, has found the Path which leads to Him",'' he wrote.
His next work Sakinat-ul-Awliya', which deals exclusively with the lives of the saints of the Qadiri order in India, was completed in 1642. While his first work was based on a large number of philosophical and biographical works of the Sufis, the Sakinat was based on his own intimate knowledge of the sect and its principal saints and their spiritual practices. As noted, Dārā had met Mivan Mir a number of times and so also Mullā Shāh whom he refers as his friend, guide and spiritual teacher'. His account is vivid, rich in anecdotes and aphorisms, embellished by verses of Sufi poetry of Rumi, Jalāni, Sādi, Nizami and others. Some of the aphorisms, such as of Mullā Shah, given by Dārā are very revealing. "Mullā Shāh said to me" he writies for you, who adhere to the real Faith. prayers/namă: are not obligatory, for at the moment you are in the state of intoxication (Sukry and ecstasy. Intoxication (in God's love) is of a higher degree than prayers (namaz, and in relation to God are nearer to Him". In Mullā Shāh's conception of Faith (Iman) the real faith was the "absorption of alll human attributes in search of God' which is possible when the mind is illumined with the light of Divine manifestation". This real faith was of the highest type, and different from the visible external worship prescrobed for all Muslims."
Two years later i.e., in 1646 in his 31st year, Dārā brought out another work Risāla i Haq Numā, shortly after his formal initiation in the Qadiri order in 1047 A.H. The tract brings together in a handy volume the doctrines of the order hitherto scattered in various works and describes the devotional practices and stages and the centres of meditation in the heart, brain etc., and the process of hearing Sultan-ul-Askar (the same as Näd of the Yogis) to attain Divine communion. In this work Dārā also describes a disciple's journey through the four worlds-the Physical plane. Astro-Mental Plane, the Plane of Bliss and the Plane of Absolute Truth ('Ala-i-Lāhūt) by practicing breath-control (Habs-idam), perfect concentration and meditation to reach a stage when the mind is free from all thoughtforms, all of which seem to have been adopted without much change from the much older Yogic traditions of India."
In another small tract Tariquat-ul-Haqiqat written in mixed prose and poetry, Dārā has described the thirty stages called manzils in the path of an Ārif, which require detachment from worldly things, acquisition of knowledge, purity of mind, cultivation of sincerity, resignation, steadfastness in the path of Divine love, fixity, detachment etc. In the Prologue of this work he has explained his concept of god whcih is identical with the Vedantic concept of Para Brahman. He is omnipotent. Därā says, all pervading, beyond human intelligence or wisdom to comprehend, and all things were nothing but His representation. He, therefore, felt no hesitation in saying:
Thou dwell in the Ka'ba and in Somnath (temple)

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In the temple thou causest the bells to chime The idol, the temple, as also in the religious sacrimoniousness, In the Ka'ba people pray unto Thee And desire Thine union. The manifest and the hidden all emanate from Thee,
As also the drop and the ocean.
.......
16
The work is fuull of quotations, verses and poems.
It seems that by 1650 or so, opposition to Dara's views and writings in the orthodox circles was becoming more vocal and threatening which made him realise the need of silencing these critics but in a manner becoming of a scholar. The Crown Prince brought out another work Hasanät ul-Arifin or Aphorisms of the Saints (1650). He says that being enamoured of studying books on the ways of the saints of the Path and having no object but 'attainment of Unity of God', he had in a state of ecstasy uttered some words 'pertaining to the sublime knowledge' which made the bigoted and narrow minded persons to accuse him of heresy and apostasy. To silence them, he thought of compiling aphorisms of saints who were great believers in the unity of God and who had knowledge of the true Reality."
Besides the Mullas and orthodox Ulemā, whom he vehemently denounces, the orthodox powerful political clique (Wazir Sadulla Khān and Prince Aurangzeb) were also keen to portray him in a bad light, smelling no doubt a war of succession in not too distant a future. Dārā had very low opinion of the small minded, hypocritical and noisome Mullas. It seems that Dārā was now determined to face these orthodox elements more openly since he regarded his own views in conformity with the Truth About the Mullās, he wrote,
"Paradise is there where no Mullā abides, Where the noise of his discussion and debate is not heard. May the world become free from the noise of the Mullā,
May no one pay any heed to his fatwas!! His opinion of the Ulema was hardly better, "As a matter of fact" he writes, these Ulemă are ignoramuses to themselves and learned to the ignorant.
Dārā was aware of the potential for mischief from these orthodox elements who claimed to be the sole spokesmen on any point related to Muslim law and religion.
"What disavowals did the Satan hurl at Adam? Said Hussain (Mansür Hallāj) "I am the Truth", and got the gollows. Every prophet and saint who suffered affliction and torments,
(It was) due to the vicious ignominous conduct of the Mullās. No wonder that at the farcical trial, got up by Aurangzeb after Dārā had lost the war of Succession and was brought as a prisoner to Delhi (1659), the Ulema decreed that Dārā deserved death being a threat to Islam and on account of his apostasy, a decision which suited Aurangzeb, the new Emperor. 20

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For Dara as a seeker of truth as an author, the years 1653-57 were most fruitful. In 1653, he had long discussions with the Hindu ascetic Baba Lal at Lahore in seven meetings in three weeks which were originally written down in Hindi and later translated into Persian by Dara Shukoh's Secretary, Chandrabhan Brahman as Nadir-ul-Nikat. Having unlimited and keen desire to know about other religious systems, Prince Dara Shukoh asked the Hindu ascetic various questions, such as about Nada. the Vedas, the behind the idol worship, about the nature of Jivātmā and Paramātmā, about the belief that those who die in Kashi attain salvation, some questions relating to Rāmāyaṇa, about virāta svarupa of Lord Krishna, importance of the recitation of the sacred work Om, nature of chitta etc. He quotes many of Baba Lal's aphorisms, such as a "Baba Lal told me, 'Be not a Shaikh, be not a Saint, be not a wielder of miracles, be rather a faqir, unpretentious and sincere". As Prof. Bikrama Jit Hasrat writes, "The discourses show the inner soul of the Prince who was capable of viewing different religious tenets sympathetically and was deeply inerested in the science of comparative religion","
After 1657, Dara was truning more and more towards the philosophical and religious works of the Hindus in his quest to understand monotheism and to find answer to some of the doubts in his mind about it. It was during this period (1954-55) that the Persian translations of Gita and YogaVashishtha appeared under his personal supervision, besides his own remarkable work Majma-ulPhrain (1655) and the translation of the fifty-two Upanishads as Sirr-i-Akbar (the great Secret) in 1657. Of these the last two were particularly significant. Bhagwat Gitä had been translated into Persian during Dara Shukoh's great grand-father Emperor Akbar's time by Shaikh Faizi. Dārā describes the translation of Cita done under his supervision. as "an attempt to present the highest and the best tenets of Hinduism" 22
Dārā Shukoh's Majma-ul-Bahrain (the Mingling of the Two Oceans) was a unique work which be completed in the 42" year of his short life, "an outcome of much painstaking and considerable research.... and also in conformity with the two verses of the holy Qur'an", he writes. This treatise of technical terms in the Hindu religion and philosophy and their equivalents in Islamic phraseology attempts to reconcile the doctrines of the "two apparently divergent religions", and is of great interest and importance for a student of comparative religion.
In his introduction to the work he says that Islam and Hinduism, both aim to reach Him who is one and none shares His sovereignty, that after he had ascertained the secrets and the subtleties of the true faith of the Sufis, he thirsted to know the tenets of the religion of the Indian monotheists, and for this he held discussions with erudite Pandits and perfect divines of the Hindu religion who had attained perfection in religious exercises (meditation, etc.), comprehension of God and religious insight. He found that a large sunber of concepts in the two religions had similarity such as in the vision and attributes of God. division of the universe, the constituents of the physical world, devotional exercises, salvation, concepts of sound, soul, mukti and many others. Allah, they (Hindus) call Om, Mazhar-i-Atmam (perfect manifestation) is called Avtar by the Hindus, Qayamat as MahāPralaya, for al-Haq, the Hindus have the word Ananta, for Baṣir they have Drasta, for Firishtā, devata, and Anähat Näha, of the Hindu Yogis is Awaz-i-Mutlaq or Sultan-ul-Azkar of the Sufis, Ismi-Azam (the great name) of the Muslims is Om of the Hindus, Supreme Soul or Para Brahma of the Hindus can be likened to Rüh-i-Azam of the Muslims. The Soul (ruh) in which all the souls are included in called Paramatma by the Hindus and Abul Arwah by the Muslims. The Trimurti viz., Brahma, Vishnu and Maheshwar of the Hindus denoting the Gods of creation, duration and

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destruction respectively, can be likened to Jibra'il, Mikā'il and Isrāfil, the angels of creation, existence and destruction. He mentions many such similarities in the concepts and religious terms of the Muslims and the Hindus.
"The Mingling of the two Oceans' was the first attempt of its kind to create among the Hindus and the Muslims better understanding of each other's religion and impressed upon them the need to try to comprehend the essentials of Truth" in their respective scriptures instead of being guided by superficial notions. For this, Dārā Shukoh had tried to bring out "points of similarity and identity between Hinduism and Islam which in appearance are so fundamentally dissimilar..."?' But the unimaginative and fanatical Ulemä declared that Dārā Shukoh had vilified the religion of Allāh and had allied himself with heresy and infidelity. His well intentioned endeavour to establish by comparative process that the ideas of Indian cosmogony were similar to those embodied in the Qur'an", was even branded by them as "irreligious and ridiculous attempt to extol the virtues of Hinduism over Islam”. The author of Alamgirnāmā, commenting on Dārā's inclination for Hinduism and regarding the Vedas as revealed books and for engraving the Hindu name Prabhu on his rings instead of Allah, says, though wrongly, that Dārā had given up prayers, fasting and other obligations ordained by the law for the Muslims and that it became manifest that "if Dārā Shukoh obtained the throne and established his power, the foundation of the faith would be in danger and the percepts of Islam would be changed for the rant of Infidelity and Judaism.24
Dārā's last great effort in his quest for Truth was the translation of the fifty-two Upanishads titled Sirr-i-Akbar or 'the Great Secret' which he completed in 1657. What led him to undertake this difficult task of translating these greatest philosophical works of the Hindus when his other brothers were deeply involved in conspiring against him and the Emperor with the sole aim of acquiring the throne, even in the time of their father? he says," that in his thirst to understand Tawhid he had a longing to meet the Gnostics of every sect to know more about monotheism. and during course of his investigations, subtle doubts came to his mind which could be resolved only by the words of God and by His grace, and since the Holy Qur'ān was mostly allegorical and persons who understood its subtleties were rare, he thought of consulting all the Heavenly Books (of other religions), for what might be very concise in one might be in a more elaborate form in the other. He, therefore, went through the Book of Moses, the Gospels, the Psalms and other scriptures but found that the explanation of monotheism in them was also either enigmatical or too brief. It then occurred to him that discussion about monotheism, was very conspicuous in India, and Indian theologians and mystics do not question or doubt the unity of God nor do they find any fault with the Unitarians, and their belief was perfect in this respect, and on proper enquiry it appeared to him that among all the heavenly books of the Indians, who were certainly the most ancient people', the four Vedas were revealed to their Prophets, the most ancient among them being Brahmā, for as the holy Qur'ān also says that there is no nation without a prophet and without a revealed scripture and quoted the verses XVII, 15, XXXV, 24 and LVII, 25 in the Qur'an in support of his statement, and that the Upanishads, the summum bonum of the Vedas "contain all the secrets of the Path and contemplation and exrcises of pure monotheism'. He, therefore, decided to make 'without any worldly motive' an exact and literal translation of the Upanishads which, he says, are the "treasure of monotheism' and 'the essence of the most ancient books. the Vedas which are without doubt, the fountain head of the Ocean of Unity'. He held the view
ral translation of ancient books.

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that the Upanishads were no doubt the Hidden Book, the most Ancient Book referred to in the Holy Qur'an and quotes a verse from the Qur'an applicable to the Upanishads "Most surely it is an honoured Qur'än; in a book that is protected. None shall touch it save the purified ones. A revelation by the Lord of the worlds" (Qur'an LVI, 77-80), as translated and quoted by B.J.Hasrat. 26
Barely a few months after the completion of the translation of the Upanishads (28th june 1657) Dārā Shukoh was called upon to defend the authority of his father, the Emperor, challenged by his rebellious younger brothers, but was not destined to succeed. He fought very bravely and faced defeat and severe hardships with rare courage and fortitude. He was betrayed by his Muslim generals, and by those whom he had rescued from certain disaster. When captured and brought a prisoner to Delhi, a mockery of trial, got up by his younger brother Aurangzeb, held him guilty of heresy. His head was cut off and when brought on a platter as per orders of Aurangzeb, the latter exclaimed "Ah bad-bakht! (ill fated) I did not look at the face of this apostate from Islam when alive, nor shall I do so now".27
Such was Prince Dārā Shukoh and such was his younger brother Aurangzeb, the Emperor, hailed as a living Pir by the Muslims in his life time an even now regarded as an ideal by most of his co-religionists. An important avenue in secular India's capital is named after Aurangzeb but there is none to commemorate Dārā Shukoh.
References:
1. For his early life, see K.R. Qanungo, Därä Shukoh, 2 edn., Calcutta, 1952, pp. 1-7. For Därä Shukoh's interest and studies in classical Persian literature, Bikrama Jit Hasrat, Därä Shukoh, Life and Works (abbreviated as DSLW),2 rev. ed.. New Delhi 1982, pp. 132ff. As for calligraphy, Dãrã had acquired a very high degree of perfection both in Naskh and Nasta liq styles as is evident from the extant specimens of his calligraphy. He was a pubil of the great calligraphist Aqã Abdur Rashid Dailami.
2. Sakinat-ul-Awliya, p. 142. DSLW, p.77.
3. See, K.R. Qanungo, op.cit., pp. 15ff.
4. For Sanskrit scholars associated with Prince Dārā, DSLW, pp. 13-15.
5. DSLW, p.9.
6. Ibid., p. 142.
7. Ruqa'ul-i-Alamgiri, Vol. I, p.322 cited in DSLW, p.65.
8. Amurat-i-Hazür Kishwar-Kashar, Julus (R. yr.) 9. Rabi II 24/13 Oct., 1666; Määsir-i-Alamgiri, tr. Sarkar, p.60.
9. Sakinat-ul-Awliya, pp. 142ff. DSLW, p.78.
10. Safinat-ul-Awliya. Nawal Kishore Press. Lucknow, 1800 A.D. See, a comprehensive view of its contents in DSLW. pp. 43ff.
11. Risala -i-Haqnumā, p.2.
12. An Urdu translation of Sakinat-ul-Awliya, was lithographed at Lahore.
13. DSLW', p.88.
14. Risälä'-i-Haynuma, Nawal Kishore Press, Lucknow, 1874 A.D. An English translation by S.C. Vasu; as Compass of Truth, Allahabad. 1912.
15. For a more detailed discussion of these stages in a mystic's journey through the four worlds, see DSLW, pp. 125-88. The method of meditation in the four stages, such as concentrating the mind on the centre of brain, rectal centre etc., shows deep influence of the Ashtanga Yoga in which meditation on various chakras is practiced.
16. Kulliyat-i-Dārā Shukoh, Gujranwala, 1857. An urdu translation was lithographed at Lahore in 1340 A.H.; DSLW.p.114.
17. Bikrama Jit Hasrat, DSLW. p. 105.
¡8. Ibid., p. 114.

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19. Diwān of Dārā Shukoh, Quatrain, xxxi in DSLW, p. 139. 20. Alamgirnämā, E and D., vii, p.179; Qanungo, op.cit., 231.
21. The discourses between Baba Lal and Dārā Shukoh were translated into French by Huart and L. Massignon and published in Journal Asiatique. A Sanskrit version of the discourses has been recently traced at Jaipur by Dr. Chandramani
22. DSLW.p.230
23 Majma'-ul-Bahrain, ed, by Mahfüz-ul-Haq, Bib. Indica, 1929. An Urdu translation of the work was lithographed at Lahore. For details see DSLW, pp. 13. 21-23.
24. Muhammad Kazm, E. & D., Vol.vii. p. 179.
25. See Dārā Shukoh's preface to his translation of the Upanishads. Prof. Bikrama Jit Hasrat has given the text of the prefece as well as its translation in English. He describes it (p.260) as "a most revealing document of supreme importance which must be read in toto..."
26. ibid. pp. 260ff
27. Dära Shukoh was immensely popular among the people who deeply mourned his fate and were outraged at the treatment meted out to him. See, Bernier's account (Travels, pp. 98-99) who was an eye witness of the popular resentment and outburst of anger against perpetrators of the crime. For Aurangbzeb's callous and shocking remark about his elder brother, see Māsüm, f. 145b quoted by J.N. Sarkar in Aurangzeb, I & II, p.341.

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43. Pothikhānā of Jaipur: Khās-Muhar
Late Pt. Gopal Narayan Bahura *
The Pothikhānā of Jaipur is a repository of important and valuable manuscripts written in Sanskrit, Hindi, Rajasthani, Arabic, Persian and Urdu during the last seven centuries. They deal with a variety of subjects and some of them contain excellent specimens of calligraphy and illustrations of high class paintings. The collection had its beginning long before the city of Jaipur was founded by Sawai Jai Singh in 1727 A.D. The literary endeavours, patronage to poets, scholars and artists and efforts made by the rulers to accumulate and preserve these embodiments of human knowledge as national wealth are highly praiseworthy.
Though the manuscript, collected by his ancestors, were none the less important but proper care to access, to put seals on and to preserve them appears to have been taken for the first time during the reign of Mirza Raja Jai Singh (1621-67) and his son Ram Singh (1667-88). It was Sawai Jai Singh (1699-1743) who established a regular department for this end in his new capital Jainagar. His fondness for collecting rare and important manuscripts is evident from the efforts made to acquire a copy of Bhuśundi Rāmāyana through Kalyandas, pupil of Swami Vālmīki and the purchases made through Chaturbhuja Kashmiri, Abdulla Najumi and Hakim Mir Jaman Khan of Jhusi between 1728 and 1738 A.D.' It is known from the bahis account books) and other archival papers dating 1737 to 1754 A.D. that the kārkhānās (departments) established by Sawai Jai Singh were named griha (house) Pustakagriha and Chitra-griha were two of them which afterwards came to be known as Khāsa Pothikhānā (the Royal Library) and Sürat-khānā (painting department) from the time of Sawai Madho Singh I. To the usual staff for the upkeep of the stores a number of skilled calligraphists, painters, poets and scholars were attached to these departments who added to the stock with their accomplishments. In most cases employees were hereditary. Whenever a talented person came to a ruler, he employed him either on a vacant post or by creating a new job.
With such arrangements the collections continued to increase due to new purchases, additions by the employed and attached poets, scholars and artists and occasional presents received by the rulers. The queen-mothers, mahārānīs and other inmates of the seraglio also maintained their own collections. Some of them wrote books in their leisure. Their belongings were called āmvali and after their death, the same were taken over by the respective departments and Kärkhänäs. A note āmvāli scāvi, (received from the āmvāli) is noticed for such articles in the registers or on the first and the last leaf of manuscript.
The most valuable and important assets were kept under-Khās-muhar or the personal seal of the ruler which was opened and put back only under his orders by the Khas-muhar officers. A proper record of the articles taken out or placed in was kept by the storekeeper of the department. A counterentry was made by the Khās-muhar officers also. The muhar (seal) remained in the custody of the

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Maharaja himself and was issued to the Officer whenever needed. Thus only such manuscripts were issued to the usual staff of the Pothikhānā as were required to be copied out or mended. The same were placed back after the needful was done. It is therefore, that copies of very important manuscripts. under Khās-muhar, are found to have been prepared by the later lekhakas or scribes. Consequently, two collections came into existence (1) Khās-muhur collection and (2) Pothikhānā collection, which remained in the charge of Pothikhānā officials. The third one was added in 1962 V.S. (1905 A.D.) when the manuscripts of Ratnakar Pundarik, the guru of Sawai Jai Singh, and his descendents were acquired and preserved in the Pothikhānā.
Here, we plan to discuss only the Khās-muhar collection at the Pothikhānā, acquired either through purchase, gift or executed by the order of the Maharaja at the pustaka-griha or pothikhānāworkshop. It has mainly hand written books,
The second section containing both printed and hand written works will be subject of another article. Popularly known as pothikhānā, it is equally important as most of them are first editions and signed by authors who presented them to the Maharaja. Numbers of Journal of Indian Art and Industry, Exhibition catalogues and books printed at Indian presses in vernacular languages - Bengali, Gujarati, Persian and Urdu are highlights of the collection.
The manuscripts of Khās-muhar collection above 7800 in number, maybe put into three categories according to their period of collection and creation -(1) manuscripts belonging to pre-Sawai Jai Singh period, (2) those collected, composed and written for Sawai Jai Singh and (3) others related to post-Sawai Jai Singh period, more appropriately, Sawai Pratap Singh period. In the first category a single manuscript bears the date of Raja Bharmal's time, a few are contemporary of Raja Man Singh (1589 to 1614 A.D.) and the largest number is of those collected, composed and written for Mirza Raja Jai Singh and his scholar son Ram Singh I (1667 to 1688 A.D.). Only a few but important ones, bear the dates of Kanwar Kishan Singh and his son Raja Vishnu Singh, grand-son and successor of Ram Singh
Collections made by Sawai Jai Singh maybe roughly classified as below:(a) Published books, maps, charts and manuscripts (mostly astronomical) acquired from abroad, (b) manuscripts of astronomical works written by scholars under his patronage,
(c) works on religion and devotional philosophy composed by scholars of different sampradayas (sects) for him, some of them finally amended by himself, and
(d) manuscripts of important works of general interest related to various branches of learning, acquired by him or copied out by his lekhakas in his Pustak griha.
The third period begins with Sawai Ishwari Singh and Sawai Madho Singh I, sons of Sawai Jai Singh, whose own compositions are also available in the collection. But the most conspicuous figure was Sawai Pratap Singh who was himself an eminent poet of Hindi and there are about three dozen works written by him. The number of manuscripts containing his own compositions as well as those of the members of his poetic circle is the biggest in this section of collection. The Pandits and Lekhakas remained busy in editing, copying and arranging his writings according to their subjects and descriptions.
Though the compositions of Sawai Pratap Singh and other poets of his court are centred round their devotion to Lord Krishna and Rādhā, yet they fully represent the social and domestic conditions of the time. The sister-arts of music and paintings also developed and Jaipur became a centre of these noble pursuits during the time to Sawai Pratap Singh.

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The tradition was maintained during the reign of Jagat Singh and Jai Singh III also and many good poems were written by the court-poets and others. Padmakar, the famous Hindi poet, flourished in the court of Pratap Singh and Jagat Singh.
Sawai Ram Singh's time was a period of alround progress in Jaipur. The collections of Pothikhānā became richer with the addition of new writings and important printed books.
A catalogue of the Khās-muhar collection has been prepared, title and authorwise index to the registers has been published. The manuscripts of the other two collections are above 5000 in number and they are yet to be catalogued.
A cursory survey of these manuscripts will show that though mostly eulogical, they cover a wide range of subjects and provide much data for study in various branches of learning. A few notes given below, may be of interest to scholars.
The earliest dated manuscript is a copy of Bhuvan Dipak-Vritti by Simhatilaka Sūri written at Bijapur in 1326 V.S. (1269 A.D.). The next oldest copy is that of Vidyānanda-Vyakarana dated 1441 V.S. (1384 A.D.).
There are copies of the Sanhitäs of all the four vedas and Sāyana's commentary dated as early as the last quarter of the 17th century. But the collections are richer with manuscripts on Vedic rituals, the copies of which primarily belong to the time of Sawai Jai Singh.
Works on Dharmaśāstra are numerous. Some of them were compiled for Sawai Jai Singh and the earlier works seem to have been collected for reference. Almost all the Smritis and works by distinguished authors are available.
There are copies of the Puränas and Upapurāṇas written in a fine handwriting. The Vaisnavatukachandrikä, commentary on Vişnu Purāņa by Ratnagarbha Bhattacharya, scribed in 1702 V.S. (1645 A.D.) in the reign of Jai Singh I at Aurangabad, is very important and rare, commentaries on Bhāgavatam by all the eminent authors are found in the collections. An index to various Puräņas, prepared by the court pandits, is very useful.
Besides the Upanişads, general philosophy (Vedānta, Nyāya, Sankhya and Yoga) and devotional philosophy had been a subject of much interest to Sawai Jai Singh. He collected all the principal works of the founder exponents of the different Vaisnava Sects, including their commentaries on Vyāsa-sūtras, Bhāgavata and Gītā. These manuscripts form a unique source for the study of the subject.
Works written under the patronage of the rulers are also interesting and full of information.
The Daman Mañjari, a drama in Sanskrit), composed by Mohan Kavi, contains an internal evidence that it was staged in the court of Raja Man Singh I (1590-1614 A.D.) and that Karnāta artists adored his court. It also provides information about some social customs and court etiquette.
In Mānsinhapratāpa Kallola (Sanskrit), a poem by Trimalla Kavi, a description of the royal insignia of Raja Man Singh is given e.g., Chhatra, Chanwar, horses, elephants etc.
The most important are the two poems, Mānacharita (in Bhäsha) by Amritrai and Narottam Kavi". They deal with the life and achievements of Raja Man Singh. The description in them can be taken as contemporary evidence for many historical events. They also contain important references to the socio-economic conditions of the time. Amritrai wrote his poem in 1642 V.S. (1585 A.D.), the twenty-ninth year of Akbar's reign, and the manuscript was scribed in 1670 V.S. (1613 A.D.), just one year before the death of Raja Man Singh. Narottam's work is more detailed and it was scribed by Manohar Mahätmä, a favourite lekhaka of Mirza Raja Jai Singh, in 1697 V.S. (1640 A.D.). In both

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these contemporary poems, the feast-episode, which is said to have taken place at the time of Kunwar Man Singh's visit to Udaipur, is not traceable while many other historical events are described therein.
In Mänvarśavarnana by an unknown author, there is an evidence to the acquisition of Shilāmāi (idol of goddess Durgā) from Bangladesha and the construction of her temple near the palace by Raja Man Singh. Also there is a reference to the five coloured flag and the location of the palace and the temple on the bank of the Mahāvață lake.
Gopal Bhatt, son of Damodar Tailang, renders a vivid and true account of the court of Mirza Raja Jai Singh in his work Jayachampū. He asserts that it is not based on hearsay like that described by other poets about kings of the past. This manuscript is dated 1718 V.S. (1661 A.D.) and bears a seal of Mirza Raja's time. The famous Hindi poet Behari and Kulapati Mishra flourished in this court and the latter continued till the time of Vishnu Singh (Jai Singh's great grandson) for whose pleasure he wrote Durgäbhakti Chandrika. Perhaps it was Mirza Raja Jai Singh at whose instance the drama Abhijñāna Sakuntala of Kālidās and Ratnāvali of Shri Harsha were first translated into Hindi. The latter translation was by Padmapāņi while the name of former translator is not known. Manohar, the scribe says :
राजाधिराजस्य नियोगयोगाद्रत्नावली श्रीजयसिंह सूनोः ।
श्रीपद्मपाणेर्वचनप्रपञ्चैर्नृभाषस्याऽलेखि मनोहरेण।। Mirza Raja's taste in other branches of learning is evidenced from other manuscripts collected by him e.g., copies of the four vedic Samhitās, all standard Sanskrit Kävyas, Vaisnava-küịchandrikā, Parasi Prakash- a grammer of Persian rendered into Sanskrit and containing Sanskrit equivalents of Persian words and Chhanda-gopālam. a rare prosodical work by Kashinath. Two of the rānis of Mirza Raja Jai Singh were interested in having good books in their collections. Several manuscripts are marked to have been written for Maharani Chandrawatiji and consequently received from her Sarkar in the Pothikhānä (M.S. 1847). 'The Chhanda gopalam manuscript has got a few decorative figures, of Krisna with cows etc, representing the early art of painting at Amber. Similarly, Rani Anand Kunwari of the Chauhan family (daughter of Shyamdas of Karauli), is praised as particularly interested in acquiring knowledge, giving alms and devoting herself to the meditation of Hari.
Mirza Raja's son and successor Ram Singh can be regarded as the original builder of the Pothikhāna. We come across his seal dated 1718 V.S. (1661 A.D.),bearing the letters ARY (of Rāma) and an effigy of a lion, put on more than 1000 select manuscripts though an earlier seal of his father's time dated 1069 A.H. and an accession note dated 1075 A.H. is also visible on a lesser number of books.
Ram Singh himself composed Rūpamañjari, Dhātumañjari (both in Sanskrit) and Chhavitaranga (Hindi) and the authorship of Rājopayoginīpaddhati and a drama Jānakīrāghavam is also ascribed to him.
Harijivan Mishra was one of his teachers. This is evidenced by a note, written on a fragmentary copy of Pingal-Hamir, saying that fourteen leaves were issued to Harijivan Mishra for teaching. The manuscript bears the seal of Ram Singh.
In a drama Sringära väpikä it is indicated in the Sūtradhar's speech that the author. Vishwanath Bhatt kindly taught and dedicated his work to Ram Singh.
Most of the manuscripts copied for Ram Singh are by Ramkrishna and Ramnath Pandits, whom he took with him to Assam and Afganistan during his postings there. Frequent mention of Rāngāmāti and Jamrud are found in the colophon remarks. Ramnāth continued till the time of Vishnu Singh.

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From a minor piece of poetry Kriḍāvinodah by Mohanrai Patur, a maidservant of Ram Singh, it becomes known that the ladies of the harem were also educated and trained in the art of poetry.
Though the promising career of Kunwar Kishan Singh, son of Ram Singh, was cut short in the prime of youth yet he has left manuscripts in evidence of his interest in the fine arts of music, poetry and painting. He acquired a valuable manuscript of Rasapradipa on Sangitaratnakara in Marathi by Nurkhan. The copy is decorated with four very fine illustrations representing the Deccan school of painting and was written at Jaisinghpura (Aurangabad) for Maharaj Kumar Kishan Singh in 1737 V.S. (1680 A.D.). Janardan Bhatt composed a work Kishanvilāsa comprising 710 dohas on moral conduct. A 456 ft. long horoscope of this Maharaj Kumar is embellished with very fine illustrations which stand as specimens of painting in Amber in the later 17th century.
Manuscripts belonging to the time of Vishnu Singh, grandson and successor of Ram Singh, represent his interest in Agamic works and drama. There are stray verses speaking about his bravery in operations against the Jats of Mathura and Agra districts. A reference to his founding Vishnupura is also noticed in Sawai Jai Singh Charit by Atmaram Kavi, who has given a detailed account of Jai Singh's life and achievements. The copy is contemporary but incomplete.
With his guru, Ratnakar Dikshit, Sawai Jai Singh performed the daily rituals, observed vratas, distributed the sixteen gifts (Sodasa Mahädana) and organised big Yajlas e.g. Vajapeya, Agnistoma, Pundarika and Asvamedha. In Rāmavilās Kavya, the author Vishwanath Bhatt gives an eye-witness account of the Vajapeya yajña performed by Ratnakar Dikshit in 1765 V.S. (1708 A.D.). The manuscript is dated 1766 V.S. (1709 A.D.). Ratnakar compiled a voluminous Dharmasastric book Jaisimhakalpadruma for Jai Singh.
Much ink has already been spilt by the scholars in the country and abroad in describing the interest, study and achievements of Sawai Jai Singh in the field of Astronomy. Books written by foreign authors also were collected by him for study and the same now constitutes a valuable section of the Pothikhānā.
Along with his studies in science and ritualistic activities Sawai Jai Singh developed his interest in devotional philosophy of the Vaisnavas. He collected all the principal works of the founder exponents of different sects. Having critically studied these works he made out that no material difference existed in these schools of devotion. He, therefore, composed a commentary Brahmabodhini on the Sūtras and tried to reconcile the views of the different acharyas. He also got some co-ordinating works written by his associate scholars. Appreciating his attempts, Venkatacharya of the Rāmānuja Sampradaya has said :
*As in the past, Nrisimha (fourth incarnation of Visnu) suppressed the antinomy between manhood and animality of a lion (by joining the head of a lion with the neck of a man) so does the wise and learned king Jai Singh make the representatives of different sects speak firmly with one voice rectifying their outward differences'.
In order to introduce uniformity in the method of worship in the various Vaisnava sects, he got a book Prabhur Vaidiki pūjā-paddhati written by Vrajanath Bhatt. Similarly, a work 'Vaidika-VaisnavaSadachar-vidhi' was compiled by Hari Krishna Mishra at his instance, laying down a common code of conduct for all the Vaisnavas. Earlier compositions on Dharmasastra were also collected for reference and thus the collection became rich with the gem works on the subject.
During his last years, Sawai Jai Singh became more and more inclined towards the Gauḍīya

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with the Goswami of Vrindāvana and the influence of Krishnadeva Bhattacharya and Baladeva Vidyabhushan who were sent to him by Vishwanath Chakravarti, the famous commentator on Bhagavata. The works composed by most of the eminent exponents of Chaitanya Sampradaya are available in the manuscript collection of Sawai Jai Singh.
This aspect of his career has been dealt with in the least by the writers of political and dynastic history.
Sawai Jai Singh's sons Sawai Ishwari Singh and Sawai Madho Singh I, who succeeded him one after the other, were also enthusiastic lovers and patrons of art and literature. Besides, they were authors themselves. Bhaktamāla (Sanskrit) by Ishwari Singh and Mädhavanandini Padāvali and Sabdakaumudi by Madho Singh are preserved in the collection to speak of their authorship. There are some very important Sanskrit and Hindi works composed and scribed during the short reign of Ishwari Singh. Agamic works by Kishormani Bhatt, selected portions compiled from the Yamalas, a compendium of useful medicinal prescriptions etc., bear testimony to his variety of taste inspite of his life of uprest after accession to the gaddi.
Many scholars, poets and artists came to Jaipur with Madho Singh from Udaipur. They were added to the galaxy of courtiers, who came down from his father's time. The creative activities increased by far during his reign and many good poems and dramas were composed for his pleasure e.g., Madhava-vijaykāvyam by Dwarkanath Bhatt, Padya Tarangini by Vrajnath Bhatt, Madhava Vilāsa or Aryasataka by Shyam Suuder Lattu, which provide a vivid description of Jaipur City of his days and Rukmini-mädhava-nātakam by Krishnadatta - all in Sanskrit and Premasara in Hindi by Shri Lalji or Aruna Kavi.
A very interesting and important work is Rājarītinirūpana Sataka compiled by Dalpatirai or lal in Sanskrit under orders of Sawai Madho Singh and his guru Vrajbhuşanlalji Goswami of Kankroli. It describes names and functions of the different officers and departments required to run the government according the Mughal system of administration.
The art of good penmanship also received great encouragement at the hands of the rulers. Most of the manuscripts are written in clear and neat handwriting by the lekhakas of Pothikhānā in Devanāgari script. Many pieces are collected as specimens of calligraphy in Persian script; but the two manuscripts of Gitäpancharatna written with gold and silver inks by Ghasiram Mahatma during the time of Sawai Prithvi Singh (1767-1778 A.D.) are unique.
Sawai Pratap Singh was himself an eminent poet of Hindi and an admirer of poetry and art. His court had, therefore, become a beehive of poets, scholars and artists who shared his munificence. Manuscripts containing his own works and those of his court-poets and associates form the bulk of the collection. It was during his time that a re-organisation of the Pothikhānä took place and efforts to preserve and arrange the manuscripts according to their subjects were made. Important works were got bound with brocade, mashru, velvet and chintz fabric.
About twenty of his works have since beeu published in Brajnidhi-granthāvali. Still more than a dozen works have remained unknown and unpublished. A manuscript of Rājaniti gudva in Hindi prose is very interesting. It lays down a code of conduct for a ruler. Haya nämävali is another work in which the kinds, qualities and the names of his favourite horses are compiled. His other works, published and unpublished, deal with the love of Krisna and Rädhä.
Krishnadatta, a court-poet of Sawai Pratap Singh, has described the daily routine of his life and bravery shown against the Marathas. It is in the form of a dialogue between the poet and a Maratha Chief. Besides composing stray verses and minor works in poetry, some of his court poets have

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translated several parvas of the Mahābhārat in Hindi verses. It was under orders of Sawai Pratap Singh that Gumaniram Kayastha rendered a Hindi translation of Ain-e-Akbari the famous compendium of emperor Akbar's institutions of administration and accounts. This work, if published with annotations by competent editors, may prove very useful to scholars. Dharmajahāja by Shri Krishna Mishra. Amrita Sāgura (in Hindi). Pratāpasāgara in Sanskrit) and the Rādhāgovinda Sangitasāra are works on Dharmaśāstra, Ayurveda and music, compiled for him and they speak about his manifold interest in learning
Pratap Singh felt satisfaction in enriching his collection by acquiring valuable objects from available sources. The Razmanāmā, Persian translation of the Mahābhārata and the Royal Rāmāyaṇa, both profusely illustrated with finest paintings, are said to have been acquired at a fabulous cost by him. Though the exact time and circumstances of the coming of these immortal monuments of art and literature to Jaipur are not definitely known yet it is certain that the former bears seals of the 'Mir Kutubs' (Keeper of the royal library) from the time of emperor Akbar to Shah Alam (1759-1806 A.D.). These manuscripts, therefore, might have come here during the time of Shah Alam or his successor.
Another interesting account of Sawai Pratap Singh's liberality and itch to spread Indian knowledge abroad is found in a Bengali book 'Vaidika-gavcșaņā' Pt. I by Umakant Hazra. According to it, he gave a complete copy of the four Vedas with an index in Persian script to a Frenchman. Lt. Col. Antonio Louis Henri Polier in 1778 A.D. Polier sent his collection to the British Museum in London through Joseph Bank in 1789 A.D. Rosen prepared a recension of Rigveda from the above set. Raja Ram Mohan Roy was very much pleased to see the copy during his visit to the West.
Ganapati Bharati, guru of Sawai Pratap Singh in poetics, compiled two Hazārā (anthologies containing 1000 or more verses each) for his (king's) pleasure. One is Sringāra Hazārā and the other Vira Hazārā. Many historical references, to the valour of Pratap and his ancestors are found in the latter.
Sawai Jagat Singh, son and successor of Sawai Pratap Singh had also received good education and took interest in Hindi poetry. It is well known that the famous Hindi poet Padmakar flourished in his court and composed Jagadvinoda and Rāma rasāyana under his orders. Earlier Padmakar had written Pratāp-prasasti in praise of Pratap Singh.
An important historical poem, Jayavaṁsa Mahākāvyam was composed by Sitaram Parvanikar during the time of Sawai Jai Singh III (1818-1835 A.D.). It is a complete history of Amber-Jaipur rulers in Sanskrit Verses.
Sawai Ram Singh's time (1835-1880 A.D.) was again a period of alround progress in the annals of Jaipur State. Consequently, activities in the Pothikhānā also gained a new fervor. While the Lekhakas and artists continued their pursuits, standard printed books were also collected.
Dulichand, a favourite poet of Sawai Ram Singh, translated Mudräräksasa nataka into Hindi under the title-Bheda Prakāśa and also wrote independent works on niti under his orders. He also prepared a history of the Kachhwaha rulers of Amber and Jaipur in Hindi verses. It is titled as Kūrmavilāsa and is still unpublished.
Two princess of Riwa were married to Sawai Ram Singh II. They brought a considerable number of manuscripts and books with them, mostly the works of Maharaja Vishwanath Singh Deva and his son Maharajkumar Raghuraj Singh Deva who was a famous Hindi poet. All these have been added to the collections of the Pothikhānā.
As Sawai Ram Singh was a devotee of Siva and reformer, his pandita mandali was at work in writing advocating his views. Dharma-Chandrodaya and Pākhand Sodhana are principal compositions of this kind.

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Manuscripts and books collected during Sawai Madho Singh II (1880-1922 A.D.) and Sawai Man Singh (1922-1970) will be discussed in the Pothīkhānā : Collection of manuscripts and printed books, as the major part falls in the category of printed books.
The paper is being concluded at this point with a remark that though the Catalogue of the Khāsmuhar collection is published, it is in index form. If the collection is properly studied subjectwise, the late medieval period ideas may be retraced and will help in understanding the cultural and scientific life.
*
1
2
3
Reference
Originally written by Late Pt. Gopal Narayan Bahura and is presented here in edited form by Dr. Mrs. Chandramani Singh Director, Archives and Library, M.S. Man Singh II Museum, City Palace, Jaipur
Arzi, No. 565; Descriptive list of documents in the kapad-dwārā collection, National Register, National Archives of India 1971.
Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Maharaja Jaipur Muesum A.D. 1971, pp. 74, 75.
Papers preserved in the kapaḍ-dwārā (Department of the Personal Store of the Mahārājās. Lekhakas, who wrote books for Sawai Jai Singh, have also made a mention of his Pustaka griha in their colophonic remarks.
4 A detailed list of this collection is in process of publication. It mainly consists of manuscripts on Ayurveda and Astromomy.
5 G.N. Bahura, Literary Heritage of the Rulers of Amber and Jaipur, Jaipur 1976. 6 G.N. Bahura, Man Charitavali, 1990, Jaipur.

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44. Asokan ideal of Dhamma Vijaya - The impact of Ascetic thought and
the new trends in Indian Diplomacy
Pramila Sanghvi
The political conditions and struggles of the times determined the Mauryan State; in it the political evolution of India reached its zenith. It also helped to institutionalize kingship, even the Kautiliyan Arthasastra bears testimony to the political ideal and practice of the Mauryan period. The cardinal principle of the Arthasastra was the universalization of political principles and the intensification of political activities for safeguarding the interests as well as promoting the ends of the Mauryan State. Kautilya visualised the importance of political factors and mobilized all his powers to bring about the solidarity of the Mauryan State and kingship on the firm foundation of the laws of politics and statecraft. In other words, the Mauryan political Organisation throve on the totalitarian principles of statecraft and politics.
Asoka was brought up in the Mauryan political traditions. The Mauryan spirit possessed him and his political outlook was stamped with it; he carried in his person the Mauryan heritage. This Mauryan aspect of Asoka continued to affect all the phases of his personality till he fought the most bloody war of Kalinga in order to actualise the Mauryan dream of political suzerainty. 'Chandasoka' of the Buddhist tradition might have been the typical Maurya who idealised in him the Mauryan political ideal and practice. To the Buddhist world, the Mauryan ideology was, to all intents and purposes, useless and harmful. Both represented ideals antagonistic to each other. The Mauryan ideal stood for the regimen of life on the basis of political principles. The Buddhistic ideal also claimed the superiority, of a regimen of life on the realisation of cultural values. This clash of ideals. Mauryan and Buddhist seems to disclose the mystery of 'Chandasoka' and his metamorphosis into a 'Dhammasoka.' Although the edict brings out in bold relief the character of 'Chandasoka' as a true specimen of the Mauryan world, yet it shows the far reaching change that had set in the personality of Asoka.
The edicts of Asoka stand out pre eminent as a challenge to the laws of politics and proclaim a new message, of understanding, for the cooperation and integration for human welfare. The complete culturalisation of politics, government and the state was the avowed aim of Asoka who made it known through his edicts. He destroyed with his own hands the creation of the Maurya without any remove. The existence of the Mauryan political state was set at naught and in its place arise the *Asokan State as the upholder and promoter of cultural values'.

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Asoka found solace in the law of the Buddha: the undercurrents of the Buddhist thought must have been effecting imperceptible changes in the evolution of the personality of Asoka. As the war of Kalinga shook him thoroughly, he realised the importance of Buddhism as a philosophy of activism. He did not give up the world and a recluse in search of Nirvāna. Asoka was a man of action. To lay down weapon, as a defeatist is the antithesis of Asoka, turning his back to the world was impossible for the man in him. The philosophy of Buddhism in its practical bearing on life and its problems was a quick incentive to his complete identification with principles of individual and social welfare. Asoka understood and imbibed the true spirit of Buddha and popularised it through his edicts. He analysed Buddhism and out of it gleaned and garnered what he considered as its basic nucleus and essence.
The Kalinga war opened Asoka's eyes to inherent dangers in the supreme political organisation for the well being of human life. Asoka so intensely visualised the dreadful and soul killing nature of the political state that his hatred for political principles. guiding and controlling the life of the state, set deep in his heart. To him the political state was an embodiment of grossest instincts, finding outlet and expression in the field of politics. It sheds human blood for realising its ends, it creates and fosters hatred and disunity; it asserts, its own feigned superiority over political powers by infusing awe, dread and fear in the lives of the people. As an ugly and crude instrument of political forces, it debases and dehumanises the personality of man."
After Asoka had waded through human blood on the battlefield of Kalinga, it dawned upon him that the Maurya State was rotten to the core and its further retention would mean the perpetuation of evil in an organised form. The Kalinga war is a living confession of the futility of political principles of the Mauryan sovereign. In the eyes of Asoka, war not only creates morbidity and callousness in man but actually smothers all his humanness also; society, culture and civilization are destroyed by it. The law of politics sow seeds of hostility between two countries: the spirit of politics thrives on war. The success of politics and the victory in war are considered as political wisdom, but in the scale of ethics victory thus scored is no real victory. The psychological result of such a victory is the perpetuity of war between the conqueror and the conquered, because the foundation of their relation is not laid on human values. Between them no co operation of purpose, no commonness of ideal or interest and no social integration can be possible. Thus war ends no war but perpetuates itself.
If to appreciate a great man of history is to appreciate the doctrine or ideal with which he identified himself. Asoka no doubt, strove very hard for the temporal welfare of his subjects. But what has made Asoka entitled to world wide renown, and infact the principal object, which he had invariably before his mind, and on the realization of which he prided himself, was the spiritual good of man, the dissemination of which he loved to call Dhamma, not only in his country but for beyond in the dominions of his independent kingdoms.
Interpretations of Dhamma
The simple character of the Dhamma taught by Asoka in his edicts is apparently in conflict with the fact that he was a Buddhist when he preached it and has thus much puzzled the scholars. There are divergences of opinion on the real nature and character of Asoka's Dhamma'. Dr. Fleet held the view that the Dhamma of the rock and pillar edicts was not Buddhism at all but simply 'Raja Dhamma' i.e. a code of duties prescribed for the, kings. But the Dhamma referred to by Asoka in the edicts cannot possibly be any kind of rules intended for rulers or governors to follow for good administration but rather for the people in general to put into practice for leading a righteous life.

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Dr. Vincent Smith says "The Dhamma or Law of Piety which Asoka preached and propogated unceasingly with amazing faith in the power of sermonizing had few, if any, distinctive features. The doctrine was essentially common to all Indian religions, although one sector denomination might lay particular stress on one feature in it rather than on another". It is in agreement, more or less, with this view that Dr. R.K. Mookerji is inclined to appraise Asoka's Dhamma as something like a universal religion."
Dr. Senart is inclined to interpret Asoka's Dhamma in the light of Buddha's words." The most powerful advocate of this opinion is Dr. Bhandarkar for whom Asoka's Dhamma is nothing short of that aspect of primitive Buddhism that is meant for the upasakas or lay worshippers of Buddha.
Prof F.W. Thomas says "We hear from Asoka nothing concerning the deeper ideas or fundamental tenets of that faith; there is no mention of the Four Grand Truths. the Eightfold path, the chain or Causation and the word and idea of Nirvana fails to occur". The position taken up by Dr. Barua is that Asoka's Dhamma is wholly consistent with the principles of secular Buddhism and not altogether inconsistent with those of other systems of faith and thought."
Before we analyse the nature of the policy of Dhamma expounded by Asoka, it is necessary to inquire into the reasons for this new policy. It is difficult to state precisely what the personal prejudices of the king may have been. We can make a guess by using his edicts as our source and attempt to explain why the outside conditions e.g. environmental demanded this policy. During the latter years of the Nanda dynasty, the first attempt was made under Mahapadma, at building a centralized empire on a large scale. The fact that it was not entirely a success was due largely to the failure of the individual rulers to understand the workings of an empire. Chandragupta Maurya, on conquering the Nanda domains, completed the policy of centralisation with great success. The empire, administered by an efficient bureaucracy, extensively covered by good communications and under the control of a powerful ruler was probably as centralized as was possible during that period. All these three characteristics existed under the Mauryas. The central control of the ruler had to be maintained at all costs and this could be achieved by the adoption of either of two policies. One was that of exercising a ruthless control through armed strength. self deification and various other means. The other was certainly subtler. The king declared himself in favour of a new belief, possibly even an electric collection of views from varying groups. Thus the dominance of the other groups could be undermined and the central authority could increase its power. This was the policy selected by Asoka.
Asoka was not an avowed Buddhist at the time of his accession and that his interest in Buddhism grew after some years. He had considerable trouble fighting his way to the throne. It is quite possible that in the early years of his reign, while lie was consolidating his position, he did not have the enthusiastic support of the older and more orthodox elements at the court. By moving away from orthodox Brahmanism though not opposing it and by giving open support to Buddhism and certain other sects, he was seeking the potential support of non orthodox elements which may eventually have succeeded in weaning the people away from orthodoxy, and in the end making his own principles more acceptable to the populace., He was aided in this by the fact that these sects had the support of the newly risen commercial class and the mass of the population was not antagonistic to them. In addition to this, the new beliefs were not violently opposed to the old and it was therefore possible to bring about a compromise. Thus Asoka saw the practical advantage of adopting the idea of the Dhamma.

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Another factor connected with the general scheme of centralization, is that of unifying small political units, of welding divergent groups into a basic cohesion. This is of practical importance where centralization extends over large areas including a diversity of social and cultural types. It demands loyalty to a larger cross frontier group than to its own immediate group. If racial variations were not so great, cultural differences were certainly tremendous in the Mauryan Empire. The adoption of a new faith and its active propogation would act as a cementing force. welding the smaller units. It could be used as a measure to consolidate conquered territory. provided that it was used wisely. and was not forced upon unwilling people. Asoka certainly showed a considerable degree of understanding.7
In analysing the political implications of Asoka's new policy the question of the cakravartin ideal is of some importance. Buddhist literature gives us a description of the cakravartin. 18. He is described as a universal emperor whose dominions included the whole of Jambudvipa. His rule was just and his reign prosperous. He was so virtuous a king that he came to be regarded as having the power of divinity. Pali Chronicles and legends portray Asoka as a Dhammika Dhammarājā the builder of many stupas, defender of the Therava2din Buddhism as given in the account of the third council and as a propogator of Buddhism in India and abroad. His edicts portray him as a righteous monarch,, founder of a socio moral order propounder of a system of piety and duty, who tried to provide the conditions for a virtuous society in which the Sangha and its dhamma could flourish.
Asoka made an attempt to combine in his person the idea of the Cakkavatti Dhammika Dhammarājā" as portrayed in the Pali Canon. He seems to have emulated an already set precedent of Buddha who as a Cakkavatti Dhammika Dhammarajā rules justly and righteously and resorts to use of force of his world conquest. abandoning the rod or sword only when his conquests are complete.20 Asoka too sought to renounce force (violence), espoused ahimsa and advocated Dhammavijaya only after accomplishing conquest and empire building."
Dhamma was Asoka's own invention, though it may have borrowed from the Buddhist and Hindu thought, but it was in essence an attempt on the part of the king to suggest a way of life which was both practical and convenient, as well as being highly moral. The edicts gave Asoka the opportunity to expound his Dhamma. Therefore the best reconstruction of the latter is by an examination of the principles as expressed in the edicts. These can be divided into two categories: one group consisted of his public pronouncements, the second were personal epistles directed to the Samgha. The Edicts contain the prohibition of animal sacrifices and festive gatherings, or samaja," Here the emphasis is laid more on the sacrificing of animals rather than their killing. The prohibition is of the ritual sacrifice of animal. If there was a general bans on the killing of animals for food, then surely the king would be the first to discontinue the practice himself for he himself confesses the animals being killed for the royal kitchen. The hints against useless practices in other edicts23 and the prohibition of festive gatherings would suggest that he did not approve of the ritual that finally led to the sacrificing of animals. Possibly the idea was even more repugnant to him than the act, as he associated it with primitive cults. The prohibition of animal sacrifice could not have been a popular move with the brahmanas, since it was a regular source of livelihood for them.24
In this connection it has been stated, Animal or Vedic sacrifices went out of fashion with the pastoral economy when independent petty kingdoms had been wiped out. The agrarian economy had won at last, the pastoral life and ritual were finally defeated'.25 This interpretation gives too much

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significance to a comparatively straightforward action. The change from a pastoral economy or a village economy had by now been effected, else it would have been impossible to maintain such a large centralized empire as the Mauryan Empire. Much of the pastoral ritualism would have died a natural death. and the number of sacrifices must have been reduced. It can therefore be said that Asoka's prohibition gave sanction to an already existing trend.
The other prohibition, that of festive meetings or gatherings, Asoka says that he sees much evil in festive assemblies. The term samāja, which he uses, may refer to secular gatherings of a non religious nature as well. In another edict he speaks of festive meetings, most probably state sponsored, where celestial apparitions may be seen. The precise reasons for this measure are uncertain. It may have been a puritanical objection on the part of the king, the 'evil' being economic waste and immoral behaviour. Thus the samaja and the sacrificing of animals may have been part of the same ritual based on primitive cults of which Asoka disapproved.
The suppression of these popular meetings and assemblies is in conformity with the idea of strict centralization. Such gatherings may have been feared as occasions for attacks on the kings new ideas. The continuance of all the old traditional festivals would reparative the older ideas and would periodically raise doubts in the minds of the participants regarding the new preaching. On the other hand organised festivals, if properly handled. would produce the required emotional effects and could therefore be used as propaganda machines.28
Asoka says that policy of Dhamma has improved the general condition of the people, since the moral advance has been tremendous. The phrase, used in Rock Edict IV., 'the sound of the drum has become the sound of Dhamma' has been the centre of much controversial interpretations by various scholars. It seems fairly clear from the context, that the author wishes to say that the sound of the drum is now associated with edifying spectacles. The term bheri does not specifically mean a war drum as one authority has maintained, since it was a drum which was used either when leading forces into battle or for general announcements in towns and villages. To interpret it as a war drum is to narrow its meaning arbitrarily. In this context the opinion of Dr. Bhandarkar appears to be closest to the idea that Asoka may have had when he composed the phrase. He writes, "The sound of a drum invariably precedes either a battle, a public announcement, or the exhibition of a scene to the people. But since Asoka entered on his career of righteousness it has ceased to be a summons to fight but invites people to come and witness certain spectacles: and as those spectacles are of such a character as to generate and develop righteousness, the drum has become the proclaimer of righteousness": 30
Constituents of Dhamma
The Dhamma of the Edicts is not any particular Dhamma or religious system, but the Moral Law independent of any caste or creed." It has a two old aspect (a) practical and (b) doctrinal. In its practical aspect, it prescribes a comprehensive code of conduct embracing the various relations of life. The six typical relations of reciprocity are those between parents and children, teachers and pupil, husband and wife, kinsman and kinsman, friend and friend, master and slaves, sramanas and brahmanas and the lay supporter. It is described as comprising
(1) Suśrusā, obedience to father and mother, elders, teachers (gurus), high personages (agrabhuti)? (2) Apachiti, respect of pupils (antevāsi) towards their gurus**

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(3) Sampatipati, proper treatment towards asceties, both brahmana and sramana, relations, servants and dependents (dāsa bhataka), the poor and miserable, friends, acquaintances and companions."
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(4) Dānam,. liberality towards ascetics, brahmana and sramanas, friends, comrades and relatives (mita-samstuta-bhatika), and the aged (thairanam) 35
(5) Pranānām anarambha, abstention from slaughter of living beings. 36
(6) Pranānām samyamo, restraint of violence towards living beings.37
(7) Avihisa bhutanām, non violence towards life.38
By the inclusion of these duties. the king no doubt aimed at the purity of domestic life so essential to the well being of society. of which the family is the basis and unit. The circle of domestic relations embraced even the brahmans and the sramanas, thereby recognizing the duty of householders to support the ascetics who left their households in the interests of their spiritual life. It also embraced the lower animals. whose claim to kind treatment by their human masters are established and even enforced. 39
Sometimes, again this code of Duties, or practical Dhamma, is more generally described as comprising the following virtues viz. daya" (kindness), dānam11 (liberality), satyam2 (truthfulness), saucham3 (inner and outer purity), mardavam44 (gentleness), sādhutā" (saintliness), apa-vyayatā and apa-bhandata" (moderation in spending and saving), samyama" (self control), bhava-suddhi (purity of heart), kritäjnata" (gratitude), dridha bhaktita (firm devotion) and Dhamma rati (attachment to morality).
Asoka intention of what might be termed a welfare policy towards his subjects is evident from the edict and there are no religious tones in his reference to it. He is concerned about the relationship between servants and masters and the treatment of prisoners, both of which are subjects of general concern to any ruler, no matter what his religious convictions may be. The master servant relationship is of great consequence in any society and it is to Asoka's credit that he appointed a special body of officers for this work. The statement concerning officials who attend to the welfare of prisoners brings out a particularly humane aspect of Asoka's policy. ... They are busy in promoting the welfare of prisoners, should they have behaved irresponsibly or releasing those that have children, are afflicted or are aged.52
Kern has a strange interpretation of this passage. He believes that it refers to the fetters of the spirit and the freeing of the soul.53 But that is a forced interpretation. This edict is devoted to the matter of social and administrative welfare. The edict hints at something more on the lives of a reformatory. In any case there was always the hope for the prisoner that his release was at hand. Looking after the prisoner's family is a modern concept in the penal system and speaks well for the foresight of the Mauryan administration.
Asoka introduced the institution of the Dhamma Mahamattas, the special cadre of officials, in his fourteenth year. 54 It is clear from the edicts that as a group of officers they were of great importance as they were directly responsible for the practical working of Dhamma. In the early years their work was connected with the general welfare of the populace, with particular emphasis on the teaching and practice of Dhamma. These officials were active not only with heart of the empire at Patliputra, but also in the distant frontier regions and among neighbouring peoples. Furthermore they worked both among the religious communities and secular groups. The institution of the Dhamma Mahāmättas is

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one of the strongest arguments in support of the view that Asoka's Dhamma did not conform to the religious policy of any one of the existing religions of his time, and further that it was not purely religious policy but in fact covered a more extensive field, including broad aspects of economic social, and political life. Had the Dhamma conformed to any of the religions, more particularly Buddhism, the institution of Dhamma Mahāmātta would have been superfluous. The Dhamma was above apart from the various religious groups. The social ethics in India tend to lag behind after the formalism of the caste system had set in. Even the attempt of Buddha was in the end unsuccessful. Monkish orders of this period were concerned largely with their personal salvation through retreat and asceticism. The lowborn was always an outcaste, and the brahmanas and sramanas were too confined by social pressure even to dare to regard him as a human being. The institution of Dhamma Mahāmāttas was an attempt made by Asoka to provide some system of social welfare for the lower castes and the less fortunate members of the community. It was a form of social welfare which in practice was eliminated by the rigidity of the caste system.
Asoka's inauguration of this system may well have been prompted by charitable and sympathetic feelings. But there was a practical necessity for it. A centralized administration is always more efficient of social welfare at all levels is attended to. Asoka's concept of centralization certainly included the welfare of his subjects. By giving the Dhamma Mahāmätta this title he ensured against title accusation that they were mere officials who had been given too much power. Now they became a privileged body carrying out a special mission of the king. By giving them extensive control over the high and the low, the religions and the secular, he was assured of a constant proximity with all levels of society. This control also served the purpose of bringing about an intensive infiltration of the Dhamma policy into all sections of society.
This relationship between the king and his subjects via the Mahāmattas creates a new departure from the past procedures. The Mahāmāttas are told to make their reports to the king at any time, irrespective of what he may be occupied with at the moment. This emergency is particularly stressed in regard to any matter arising in the ministerial council where the action of the king was debated or if the council look an adhoc decision, which had to be reported directly to the king.
Asoka's Dhamma is broadbased upon the principle of tolerance. pleading for toleration amongst all sects. It would seem that differences of opinion were expressed in direct and antagonistic ways amongst the various sects. The Asokan idea of toleration differs, however, from the general Indian idea in that if it offers a scheme of active co operation among all sects for their growth in essential matters, and does not leave any sect to itself under the comfortable belief that all faith lead ultimately to one and the same goal. He wants all sects and exponents to come together for frank and free interchanges of their thoughts and ideas in a mutually helping spirit. It urges that men of all sects should listen and study each other doctrines so that all may be were informed (bahusruta) and possessed of noble traditions. If there be any criticism in the course of discussions, it should be as light as possible, but there must also be due appreciation of other sects in this or that point. One must not unduly extol one's own sect and condemn another sect because it is not one's own. He who does that, does so because of his devotion to his own sect and with the desire of glorifying it. In doing so, he not only does a great disservice to other sects but also digs the grave of his own sect. Concord (samvāya), therefore, is good and at the root of it is self restraint (samyama), particularly the guarding of the tongue (vachiguti)

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The Rock Edict XIII is among the most important documents of Asokan history. It expresses a new idea that of conquest by Dhamma instead of by war and violence. It seems that Asoka, when reviewing the early part of his reign retrospect. was extremely upset at the unhappiness caused b the Kalinga War. It appears that his remorse over the war grew with the years but did not exist to a great extent immediately after the war. Eventually, by way of repentance he devoted himself to a zealous study of Dhamma. He considers deplorable. the deaths and deportations that accompany war. The idea of conquest through Dhamma is a logical development of the theory of Dhamma. It is opposed to conquest by force and thus eliminates aggressive warfare. By the term 'conquest' Asoka does not mean the actual warfare or overrunning or control of foreign territory; it implies the adoption of the principles of Dhamma by the foreign countries. Thus he includes the Greek kingdoms of Syria, Egypt, Cyrene, Macedonia, and Epirus as having been conquered by Dhamma, whereas in fact all that may have happened was a cordial exchange of embassies or missions or merely the sending of one of these by Asoka to the Greek kings mentioned.
The universality of Asoka's Dhamma may be particularly appreciated with regard to its psycho, ethical concepts. In his Pillar Edict II enumerates are six principles, which in his opinion goes to constitute Dhamma "The first two are apasinave and bahukayāne. Apāsinave corresponds in a sense to 'apāparisrava' meaning "little demerit" minimum of sins'. Evidently the two terms represents two sides of piety namely negative and positive: "little evil' and 'much good'. The second term. bahukayāne or 'much good as an abstract moral quality finds its fulfillment in many good deeds. The other concepts, which constitute Dhamma, are dayā, dāne, sache, sochaye, mādave and sādhave."
The first pair of terms consists of dayā and dāna. Dayā means pity for all living beings, which included anārambho prānanām, avihisā bhutanām i.e. non slaughter and non injury to creatures. Pity as a noble feeling stands opposed to cruelty. Dāna, which may be translated by liberality, charity is a tangible expression of dayā. Dāna. implies tyāga, which is both the spirit and the act of self sacrifice. Asoka speaks of various forces and acts of dāna." In Pillar Edict II he expressly refers to *the gift of the eye and 'granting the boon of life to the lower creatures. The monumental acts of piety mentioned in P.E.III are all concrete instances of dāna. It is with reference to the eye of wisdom that Asoka declared the gift of the doctrine (Dhamma dāna) to be the best of all gifts. Asoka speaks of the four moral qualities that go to enhance the value of dāna viz sayame (self control) bhāvasudhtā (purity of motive) kriajñatā (gratitude) and dridha bhaktitā (firm devotion).
The next two categories of Asoka's Dhamma are sache and sochaye. The first term in Asoka's terminology stands for truthfulness in utterances as is evident from the insistence on speaking the truth. It also comes with it the idea of speech, which is pleasant. sweet and appealing. Asoka insists on uttering words that are not harsh. impetuous, crude and that are full of winsome cordiality. The sweetness in meaning gets its due emphasis in Rock Edict XIV. The term sochaye here translated by purity really implies the sense of purity or the consciousness of being oneself pure in body, speech and thought. This may be treated as the pre requisite of a pious deed or an act of virtue.
The next pair of terms is composed of mādave and sādhave. By mādave is meant gentleness. mildness that is the opposite of intrepidity accounting for all rash acts of violence, detention and coercion. In sādhave we have the concept of nobleness under which comes all noble deeds 64
Thus the above mentioned qualities and practices go the make up Asoka's Dhamma. But this is not all that we have to understand by his Dhamma. These qualities and practices form only its positive

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character, But Asoka's Dhamma has also a negative side, which may be summed up in one word asinava. In Pillar Edict III he specifies the malevolent affections that lead to asinava. They are chamdiye (fierceness), nithuliye (cruelty) kodhe (anger), māne (conceit) and iśyā (envy). Thus not only the performance of moral duties enumerated by Asoka but also freedom from these passions, is necessary for the full and adequate fulfillment of Dhamma.
It is seen that Asoka had thus a definite message to give to this world. In regard to the positive side of Dhamma, he specifies not only the attributes that constitute it but also the ethical practices in which they are to manifest themselves. As regard its negative character he has taken care to enumerate the malevolent affections, which impel a man to sin. He has clearly apprehended what debases spiritual progress, and has suggested a remedy, which enables a person to pursue the evolution of piety unhampered. This remedy is self examination (pativekha) which is absolutely necessary for the real development of Dhamma. Asoka refers to the natural tendency of human being to perceive and chuckle over the good he performs, but not to see and regret the ill, the sinfulness he is committing Asoka therefore very aptly remarks that it is very difficult for a person to conduct self examination pativekha and see through the evil he has committed. He insists upon self securing being carried on in order that man may not bring about his own fall.
No account of Asoka's Dhamma can be complete unless we know with what ultimate end the Dhamma was to be practiced. While speaking of the officials Rqjjukas he says that he expects these officers to promote the 'hidata and palata' of the provincial people i.e. their happiness in this world and the next67. Similarly, he tells us that the uppermost desire of his mind is that mankind should attain to welfare and happiness hida lokika and pālalokika i.e. pertaining to both this and the other world. By following Dhamma, man will secure svarga or heaven in other world says, Asoka. There are at least three references to svarga in his edicts. In Rock Edict VI he says that whatever efforts he puts faith, are in order to make his people happy in order that they may attain to svarga in the next world. Similarly in Rock Edict IX he says that the ceremonies connected with Dhamma are not bound by time. Even if one does not achieve, that object in this world, in the world beyond is produced endless merit. In other words what Asoka means is that the performance of Dhamma breeds much punya or merit in the next world and thus enables a man to attain to svarga or heaven.
This brings us to a fundamental concept in ethics, that of relative morality. It appears from the above account that Asoka was beginning to think in terms of double standards of virtuous action. One that was conducive to earthly happiness and the other to heavily bliss. This would imply a serious deviation from his original ethical concept of virtue being meritorious here and in the life to follow. The happiness on earth refers to the brief pleasure, which the satisfaction of a passion brings whereas the avoidance of passions led to eternal happiness in heaven.
In Pillar Edict VI, Asoka briefly explains the purpose of the edicts in general. The primary reason was a concern for the welfare and happiness of his subjects, who if they ordered their lives according to the principles of Dhamma would attain happiness. He claims that in this effort of bringing Dhamma to his people, he has been impartial to all classes and all sects. Dhamma combined a system of welfare with his own humanitarian approach.
For Asoka, Dhamma was a way of life incorporating a number of ideas and practices. It was based on a high degree of social ethics and civic responsibility Conscious social behavior based on a simple reasoned understanding of secular relationships, was for him essential to any society. Because

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he insisted on human social behavior he sought to avoid social hypocrisy. By holding out the possibility of heavenly bliss and similar rewards tried to raise the idea of responsibility from mere etiquette to a genuinely felt responsibility, investing it with a certain spiritual significance. Throughout his edicts he stresses the importance of the family. No doubt he saw that the family would provide an ideal nucleus for the development and spread of Dhamma.
In interpreting the term Dhamma we must beware of equating it with the Buddhist Dhamma or any other accepted system, which was called by this generic term. The true interpretation of Dhamma can only come about after a detailed analysis of who used the term and in what context. There is no need to seek equations for the Dhamma of Asoka for there is a large enough and retable enough body of literature in his own edicts which provides the answer as to what was the nature of Asoka Dhamma.
Political Reaction of Dharma Vijaya:
While discussing the gain or loss, the Dhamma Vijaya carrier of Asoka 'conferred of inflicted' on India and without denying that indirectly the country gained considerably, Dr. Bhandarkar poignantly observes", "The effects of this change of policy, of the replacement of vijaya by Dhamma Vijaya, were politically disasters though spiritually glorious. The Hindu mind, which was spiritual, became infinitely more spiritual. But that must have created some apathy to militarism, political greatness and material well being. This must have been the reason why after Kautilya we find the progress of the political theory and practice suddenly impeded and stunted especially at a time when the Magadha state was expected to create the feeling of nationality and raise India to a higher political plane. Asoka's new angle of vision, however sounded a death kneel to the Indian aspiration of a centralised national state and worldwide empire. The effects of his policy were manifest soon after his death. Dark clouds began to gather in the north western horizon, and hardly, a quarter of a century had elapsed since his demise when the Bactrian Greeks crossed the Hindukush which formed the north western boundary of the Mauryan dominions, and began to cause the decay of what was once a mighty empire. What is worse is that the Greek inroads soon after the demise of Asoka, for which his change of foreign policy appears to be responsible, opened a passage into India to the various wild hordes, such as the Sakas, Pahlavas, Kushanas, Hunas and so forth. though, on account of the missionary activity of Asoka, India, it appears has been lost to nationalism and political greatness, she has doubtless gained in cosmopolitanism and humanitarianism which are the basic principles of Hindu society."
Thus, Dr. Bhandarkar, has brought his bill of indictment against Asoka. But here, we must also reproduce the similar pronouncements and arguments from Dr. Jayaswal and Dr. Raychoudhuri before we consider the issue raised by them and impartially adjudicate on the facts and authorities relied upon. "The accident of the presence", says Dr. Jayaswal. "On the throne, at a particular juncture in history of a man who was designed by native to fill the chair of an abbot, put back events not by centuries but by milleniums? And Dr. Raychoudhuri, proceeding in the same strain adds: “The Magadhan successors of Asoka had neither the strength nor perhaps the will to arrest the process of disruption. The martial ardour of imperial Magadha had vanished with the last cries of agony uttered in the battlefield of Kalinga. Asoka had given up the. aggressive militarism of his forefathers and had evolved a policy of Dhamma Vijaya, which must have seriously impaired the military efficiency of his empire. He had called upon his sons and even great grandsons to eschew new conquests, avoid the shedding of blood and take pleasure in patience and gentleness. These latter had head more of

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Dhamma ghosha than of Bheri-ghosha. It is, therefore, not at all surprising that they proved unequal to task of maintaining the integrity of the mighty fabric reared by the genius of Chandragupta and Chankya".
In all the three pronouncements cited above, Asoka is held responsible for the trials and tribulations and the decadence and downfall of his descendents and successors, for his disobedience to the behest of the political wisdom of Kautilya and departure from the traditional state policy of Magadha. Dr. Raychoudhuri has attacked Asoka on the basis of his having pursued a policy of non violence with such vigour and determination that it resulted in a completely effete nation from a military point of view and one that was not therefore able to withstand the Greek invasion. But this judgement on Asoka policy is not acceptable in the light of the edicts.
The unconventional nature of the government of Asoka did not lie in his taking to heart the doctrine of ahimsa. It lay in the fact that he was personally convinced that a greater degree of non violence and mutual respect would be to the benefit of society, and further more that his personal conviction was so great that even as a king he did not refrain from preaching and requesting people to observe such behaviour. As far as possible he determined his administrative policy in accordance with such principles.
Had he indeed been so complete a pacifist, as Raychoudhuri would have us believe that he would surely have abolished the death penalty. But capital punishment continued throughout his reign. The only form of alleviation was introduced in his twenty seventh regnal year, when a three day respite was granted to those who were condemned to death”. Raychoudhuri maintains that the successors of Asoka were incapable of standing up to an armed force as they had heard more of dhamma ghosha than of bheri ghosha.
From the above argument it would appear that Asoka issued an order for the demobilization of all armies and settled down to a rule of non violence in its literal sense. There is no hint of this in the edicts. The rock edict contains evidence, which entirely contradicts Raychoudhauri's contention, that Asoka wished his successors to forswear conquests of territory, Asoka states that he believes that no further conquest is necessary, which is logical enough considering the fact that the Mauryan empire covered practically the entire sub continent, but that, if his successors should have to make a conquest in the future, it was to be hoped that they would be merciful where possible and deliver light punishments
Asoka was in a position to maintain pacific policies because his frontiers were secure and so was the territory within the empire. The only area that might have been troublesome. Kalinga, he conquered in the early part of his reign. The absence of innumerable conquests does not in any way suggest that Asoka merely wished to retain what his father and grandfather had conquered before him. That he himself was filled with the grandiose ideas of a conquer cannot to doubted. It is strange that his pacifism did not lead him to reinstating Kalinga as an independent state. But being a practical ruler, he accepted the conquest of Kalinga as a fact and did not raise any moral doubts on the question. Moreover he did not publicize his confession of remorse over the conquest in Kalinga itself.
Military conquests are not the only ones of any value, and the greatness of a king does not lie in the number and quality of such conquests. It is clear that Asoka was not the naive and extreme

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pacifist that some historians have attempted to make of him. Battle and territorial acquisitions are not alone responsible for the creation and destruction of empires.
Pt. Harprasad Sastri holds Asoka's policy being directly responsible for the decline of the Mauryan empire. He maintains that the revolt of Pusyamitra was a result of the brahmanical reaction against the pro Buddhist policy of Asoka. Pt. Sastri maintains that the ban on animal sacrifices was a direct attack on the brahmanas since much of their power and prestige lay in the fact that they alone could perform sacrifices and thus acts as intermediates between people and the gods. Dr. Raychoudhuri refutes this charge saying that this does not necessarily imply hostility towards the brahmanas, since Brahmanical literature eg. Upanisada itself stresses ahimsa and mentions the futility of sacrifices. In one edict Asoka specifically stated that no animals are to be sacrificed in the particular place, where the edict has been inscribed. In the other edicts the ban is on the killing of certain animals, even those regarded as edible, and not only on those used in sacrifices.
A second point on the same subject is the statement that this action was particularly resented by the brahmanas since it was promulgated by a Sudra king. The Sudra origin of the Mauryas is based on a statement in the Puranas, when in speaking of the Nanda dynasty, it is said that all kings succeeding Mahmpadma will be of Sudra origin". Dr. Raychoudhuri points out that this can only refer to the Nanda Kings who succeeded Mahapadma. because if it referred to succeeding dynasties, then even the Sungas and Kanvas would have to be included as Sudras, and we know that the Sungas were of brahmana origin"78. The kshatriya origin of the Mauryas is stated in other sources.
Next, according to Pt. Sastri the dhamma mahamattas destroyed the prestige of the brahmanas. As Dr. Raychoudhuri points out this could hardly have been so, since some of them were concerned specifically with safeguarding the rights and welfare of the brahmanas. Furthermore the dhamma mahamattas were concerned with social welfare generally, and covered much wider field of work than the brahmanas. It is probable. however, that the dhamma mahamattas may have become unpopular with the people in the later years of Asoka's reign, and this prevented if anything Asoka's being in contact with public opinion. With the gradual increase in their powers of interference, these officers tended to form an order of their own, with official sanction and the right of entry everywhere. Since they had the special favour of the king, they were no doubt feared by the populace, and by way of appeasement were granted many privileges. It is likely that in the course of their routine duties, they assumed greater powers than Asoka had intended.
The question of Vyavahāra samtā and Danda samatā, the uniformity of legal procedure and punishment, is raised by Sastri in support of his argument that privileges usually given to brahminas regarding penalties were stopped as a result of these two measures adopted by Asoka. The crucial word in the text is samatā. One authority translates it as impartiality, which suggests in the context more than a lack of prejudice on the part of the judge. It suggests that punishments should not be given with a partial attitude towards the social position of the offender. Such a rule would contradict legal procedure as laid down in traditional sources, which was no doubt observed. The Arthasastra for instance is very clear on this point. It states, “Taking into consideration the (social position of) persons, the nature of the offence, the cause whether grave of slight (that led to the perpetration of the offence), the antecedent and present circumstances, the time and the place, and without failing to notice equitable distinctions among the offenders, whether belonging to the royal family or the common people, shall the commissioner (Pradeśtā ) determine the propriety of imposing the first, middlemost

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or higher amercementso"80. Similarly penalties for leading a brahmana astray are for more severe than those for the same offence against a member of lower caste. Thus it appears that the privileges of the brahmanas in the matter of immunity in capital punishment were not so evident as Sastri would have us believe. Asoka's frequent requests in his edicts for due respect towards brahmanas2 hardly points to his being anti brahmanical in outlook.
Pt. Sastri's final argument is even weaker than his preciousness. He maintains that Asoka was strong enough to hold his own against the brahmanas. but on his death a conflict arose between his successors and the brahmanas which lasted until the assumption of power by Pusyamitra, and the latter was the expression of a great brahaman revolution. Neither of these statements is borne out by existing evidence, for we know that one at least of Asoka's descendents was quite anti Buddhist and very pro brahman Jaluka is described as an ardent Saiva. The idea of Pusyamitra being violently anti Buddhist has often been stated, but archaeological evidences suggests the contrary. Buddhist literature relates that Pusyamitra wishing to gain notoriety decided that even a wicked action could be excused provided it made him well known. As to why Asoka gained fame, he was told that it was due to Asoka having built 84,000 stupas for Buddhism. Where upon Pusyamitra decided that he would gain fame by destroying these 84,000 stupas. Yet, an archaeological study of the stupas at Sanchi proves that it was enlarged and encased in its present covering during the Sunga periode
Since the Mauryan empire had shrunk considerably and the kings of the later period were hardly in a position to defend themselves. it did not need a revolution to depose Brhadratha. It has been stated that Pusyamitra assassinated him while reviewing the army. This does not suggest a great revolution. In fact it paints very strongly to a palace coup d'e'tat. The organization of the state was by now. at such low ebb that subordinate officials were willing to accept anyone who could promise them a more efficient organization
In determining the quality of governments or rulers. an evaluation of their foreign relations is essential. This would include relations based both on diplomacy and on geographical proximity. The century in which Asoka lived was one of tremendous intercommunication between the eastern Mediterranean and South Asia. Asoka was aware of the importance of foreign relations and contact with peoples outside his empire. Most of his contacts were to the south and the west. The east was almost outside his sphere of interest.
The fact of Indians going in large numbers to foreign countries and travelling in distant places appears to have been a new development,85 although Megasthenes states that Indians have never migrated from their own country. This new spirit of adventure was no doubt due in part of familiarit with other people after the Greek campaign, and in part to the opening up of trade with foreign countries. particularly with the west. Asoka's missions were the main contact that Asoka had with neighbouring countries. They may be described as embassies, though the word mission is more appropriate.
A state could not be at peace for a long time. with the neighbouring people and powers if its foreign relations were always guided by the fourfold diplomatic means as contemplated in Brahmanical Rajdharama. The sordid art of diplomacy was sought to be superseded by the nobler policy of Dhammavijaya without the least thought about impairing the strength of the state and its military efficiency. The imperial envoys were dispatched to convey the good wishes from the side to foreign courts and peoples, to carry on works of public utility and to acquaint the countries they visited with

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the policy of Dhamma. in which lay the real happiness of men and the elevation of humanity. They were not resident in any single country for a long period. Had the mission been resident embassies, and if they had had some degree of permanent success there would have been a reference to them in European sources.
The Dutas or emissaries were the imperial agents of Asoka through whom the mission of his Dhamma Vijaya was sought to be fulfilled in the territories of the five Greek contemporaries, as well as in the five independent territories of the Cholas. the Pandyas, the Satiyaputras, the Keralaputas and the Tamraparnyas representing then the five most powerful Dravidian nations of South India. The semi independent tribal states of such Northern and North Western ruling peoples as the Yonas. the Kambojas. the Gandharas. the Nabhakas and of such Southern and South Western ruling people as the parent Rashtikas and Bhojas and their offshoots the Andhras and Purinda Parada are also expressly included within the range of his embassies 86
The veracity of Asoka's statement concerning the despatch of embassies to the five Greek territories and the claim to the great success attained there through his new plan of Dhamma Vijaya has been challenged a bit rudely by Prof. Rhys Davids who writes, "It is difficult to say how much of this is more royal rodomandate. It is quite likely that the Greek kings are only thrown in by way of make weight as it were and that no emissan, had actually been sent there at all87" The cogent arguments by which this may be set at rest are as follows:
1. The restricting of the list to five names. faithfully Indianised, cannot but speak of sincerity and accuracy on the part of Asoka.
2. The orderly manner of introducing them, keeping evidently in view the contiguity of the five Greek territories was rendered possible only by a correct information about the relative geographical positions of the territories concerned.
3. The treaty with Seleucus of about 302 B.C. was followed by the despatch to the court of Asoka's grandfather of the famous envoy, Megasthenes. while Asoka's father Bindusara reviews at his court the homage of the next envoy, Deimachos, from Antiochus Soter. A third envoy named, Dionysios was sent to the court of Patliputra by Asoka's contemporary, Ptolemy Philadelphus of Egypt. These facts are recorded by the Greek writers but ignored in Indian literature. Similarly Asoka records the despatch of envoys by him to the court and territories of his five Greek frontagers and the Greek writers ignore it. To these might be added also the arguments: Evidently the five Greek potentates were the direct descendents and successers of Alexander the Great's generals and supporters and their territories were but once component parts of the Greek empire left behind by the great Macedonian conqueror. It was indeed between the two empires. namely. the Mauryan and the Macedonian, that friendly intercourse and exchange of embassies remained possible until the reign of Asoka 8**.
References:
'Dr. Ishwar Topa - "The Minister as a Kingmaker." Paper read in the Indian History Congress held at Annamalai Nagar, quoted in Barua, B.M., 'Asoka and his Inscriptions', Calcutta, 1946, p. 365.
'R.E. XIII (Girnar, Shahbazgarhi, Kalsi, Mansehra).
3 Dr. Ishwar Topa, op. cit., p. 357.
4 Ibid, p. 359
R.E. XIII Shabhazgarhi version, Pandey, Rajbali, Hisorical and Literary Inscriptions, varanasi, 1962, p. 15 Ishwar Topa, op. cit. p. 360.

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Bhandarkar, D.R., Asoka, Delhi, 1960, (Hindi) p. 89 & Fleet, J.F., Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, pp. 491-497.
Smith V.A. Asoka : The Buddhist Emperor of India, Delhi Reprint, 2002 pp. 59-60 10 Mookerji, R.K., Asoka II edition, Delhi, 1955 p. 69. 11 Indian Antiquary, 1891, pp. 264-265 12 Bhandarkar , D.R. op. cit., p. 105. 1 Cambridge History of India, Acoka, The Imperial Patron of Buddhism, Part I, Ch. XX p. 505 14 Barua, B.M., Asoka and his Inscriptions (Part I & II) Calcutta, 1946 p. 225. 15 Thapar. R., Asoka and the Decline of the Mauryas, Delhi, 1963 pp. 143-144. 16 Minor Rock Edict 1, (Brahmagiri, Siddapura, Jattinga-Ramesavaram, Maski) 17 Thapar, R., op. cit. p. 145. 1 Digha Nikaya III, 'Carkkavatti Sihanada Sutta 3 Pathika Vagga, Dev Nagari Pali Series, ed. B.J. Kashyap. pp. 55ff.
19 Divyavadana (BST.), pp. 87 88. Asoka is represented as a 'dvipa cakravartin'i.e lord of the entire Jambudvipa in the Samantapasadika. (I., p. 84).
20 Rhys Davids (Mrs.) Book of Gradual Sayings, IV. p. 54.
2. Kalinga Rock Edict XIII. Romila Thapar (Asoka and the decline of the Mauryas. p.168) comments that 'with the conquest of Kalinga the consolidation of the empire was complete and that there was now no opposing power within the empire'.
22 Rock Edict 1. (Shahbazgarhi)... hida na kimci jivam arabhit pa prajuhitavyam na ca sama jo kattavvo ...., Pandey Rajbali, op.cit. p. 5
Rock Edict I, IX. 24 Thapar. R., op.cit. p. 151. 25 Kosambi, D.D. - Introduction to the study of Indian History, Bombay, 1956., p. 189
26 The objectionable kind of samāja is described in the Digha Nika va (Vol. III PTS) as comprising the six features of dancing, singing, music, story telling, and cymbals. Kautilya in his Arthasastra, (1.21.46) recommends the organisation of yatra, samāja and utsava.
» Roct Edict IV. (Girnar), Panday Raj Bali, op. cit. p. 7 28 Thapar R., op. cit., p. 152. 19 Raychoudhuri, H.C. Political History of Ancient India, Allahabad, 1971, p. 327.
Bhandarkar, R. G. Indian Antiquary, 1913. pp. 25 ff. "Mookerji, R.K., Asoka, op.cit., p. 69. 3 Rock Edict, III, IV, XI, XIII; Pillar Edict VII. "Minor Rock Edict II ; Rock Edict, XI
Rock Edict; IV, IX, XI, XIII. 35 Rock Edict; IV, IX, XI, XIII. ** Rock Edict. III. IV. XI: Pillar Edict VII. 37 Rock Edict IX. 38 Rock Edict IV & Pillar Edict VII. ** Mookerji R.K. op. cit.. p. 70. 40 Pillar Edict II, VII. 41 Pillar Edict II ; Rock Edict VII. 42 Minor Rock Edict II ; Pillar Edict II, VII. *Pillar Edict II, III. 14 Rock Edict XIII; Pillar Edict II, VII. 45 Pillar Edict VII. 46 Rock Edict III. 47 Rock Edict VII.

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48 lbid.
49 Ibid.
50 Rock Edict VIII, XIII.
51 Rock Edict, XIII.
52 Rock Edict, V.
53 Kern, H, Manual of Indian Buddhism, Varanasi, 1968, p. 64.
34 Rock Edict V.
55 Kern, H. Manual of Indian Buddhism, Varanasi, 1968, p. 73.
56 Thapar, R., op. cit., p. 156.
57 Rock Edict XIII.
58 Pillar Edict II, VII.
59 Ibid.
60 Rock Edict XI.
61 Rock Edict VII.
62 Minor Rock Edict (Brahmagiri)..
63 Separate Rock Edict 1 (Dhauli, Jaugadha).
Rock Edict V.
65 Bhandarkar, D.R., op. cit., p. 93.
66 Pillar Edict III.
67 Pillar Edict IV.
Asokan ideal of Dhamma Vijaya
Thapar R., op. cit., p. 164.
69 Bhandarkar. D.R. op. cit..)
pp.212-213.
Jayaswal, K.P. Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society. Vol. 11, p.83 "Raychoudhuri, H.C. op.cit., p. 304.
"Pillar Edict IV.
73 Separate Kalinga Edict I also insists on moderation of punishment.
74 It is interesting that the Rock Edict XIII. describing the conquest of Kalinga and its attendant cruelties and evils was not allowed by the emperor to appear among other edicis in Kalinga.
75 The arguments of Pt. H.P. Sastri are contained in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1910, pp. 269-262.
76 Mundaka Upanisada, (1.2.7.).
"The arguments of Pt. H.P. Sastri are contained in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1910, pp. 269-262. 78 Raychoudhuri, H.C., op. cit., p. 263.
79 Raychoudhuri, H.C., op. cit., p. 263.
80 Arthasastra, Tran. and Edited by R. Shamsastry, 4. 10.25-26, p. 256.
81 Ibid., 4.13.1, p. 256.
82 Rock Edict IV, VIII, IX, XI.
83 Thapar, R., op. cit., p. 200.
84 Ibid., p. 201.
/ 363
5 Although Indian troops are known to have fought under Xerxes.
56 Barua, B.M. op. cit., p. 326.
87 Davids, R. Buddhist India, Calcutta, 1959, p. 298.
88 Barua, B.M. op. cit... p. 327-328.

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45. ऋग्वेद की विदुषी नारियाँ
मधुलिका शर्मा
ऋग्वैदिक काल में समाज के उत्थान, उत्कर्ष, प्रेयस, एवं निःश्रेयस में पुरुष वर्ग तथा नारी वर्ग का योगदान समान रूप से रहा है। नारियों को भी अपनी शक्तियों को पूर्ण रूप से विकसित करने तथा बिना भेदभाव के समाज में आगे बढ़ने का अधिकार प्राप्त था। ऋग्वेद में वाशक्ति कहती है कि मैं जिसे चाहती हैं, उसे शक्तिशाली, ब्राह्मण, ऋषि या मेधवान् बना देती हूँ । अतएव ऋग्वैदिक समाज में बिना भेदभाव के सभी को वेद-ज्ञान में शिक्षित होकर आर्य बनने का अधिकार था। अथर्ववेद में भी स्त्रियों को यज्ञाधिकार एवं वेदाध्ययन का अधिकारी माना है। ऋग्वैदिक युग कृषि एवं परिवार संस्था के सुस्थापन का काल था । तत्कालीन भारतीयों ने पारिवारिक व सामाजिक विकास के अन्तर्गत नैसर्गिक तत्त्वों को समझकर पारिवारिक जीवन को विकसित किया था। बौद्धिक दृष्टि से उन्नत आर्यों ने न केवल नारियों को उचित स्थान प्रदान किया वरन् उनके साधना, सत्यता, सहनशीलता, सौम्यता, ममता, प्रेमादि सहज गुणों को सम्मान प्रदान किया। आर्यों का व्यष्टि व समष्टि का सम्बन्ध नैसर्गिक और वैज्ञानिक आधार पर निहित था। परिवार समाज का प्रथम घटक था। इसलिए संतति के संवर्द्धन में माता-पिता के परस्पर सहयोग, सहजीवन, पारस्परिक निष्ठा को अनिवार्य माना है। 'विदुषी नारी समाज' द्वारा रचित मन्त्रों के आधार पर ऋग्वैदिककालीन सामाजिक, राजनीतिक, आर्थिक, धार्मिक, दार्शनिक एवं सांस्कृतिक स्वरूप के दर्शन कर पाने में समर्थ हैं।
मंत्रदृष्टा ऋषियों के साथ ब्रह्मवादिनी ऋषिकाओं ने भी अन्तःस्फूर्त प्राकृतिक शक्तियों की प्रार्थना और उन प्राकृतिक शक्तियों से उत्पन्न सृष्टि और सृष्टि के गुण-कर्म को भावों में व्यक्त किया है। इन नारियों के माधुर्य पूर्ण काव्य मन्त्रों के दर्शन हमें ऋग्वेद में प्राप्त होते हैं। स्पष्टतः ऋषित्व पद वैदिक काल में स्त्रियों को भी प्राप्त था। शौनक ऋषि ने इन्हें 'ब्रह्मवादिनी' और 'ऋषि' कहा है।' आर्षानुक्रमणी में इन्हें मुनि सम्बोधित किया है।' ऋग्वेद में 'ऋषिका' पद का उल्लेख है। ऋषि शब्द का अर्थ, तत्त्वों में तपते हुए विकास की जो वृत्ति प्रवृत्त हुई वही प्राणरूप ऋषि है। ज्ञान के लिए जिनकी वृत्ति विकास को प्रवृत्त हुई वही ज्ञानी ऋषि या मंत्रदृष्टा कहलाये ऋग्वेद की ऋचाओं का साक्षात्कार करने वाली नारियों का उल्लेख शौनक ऋषि ने किया है।
I
घोषा गोधा विश्ववारा अपालोपनिषनिषत् । ब्रह्मजाया जहूर्नाम अगस्त्यस्य स्वासादितिः ।। इन्द्राणी चेन्द्रमाता च सरमा रोमशोर्वशी । श्रीर्लाक्षा सार्पराज्ञी वाक् श्रद्धा मेधा च दक्षिणा । रात्री सूर्या व सावित्री ब्रह्मवादिन्य ईरिताः ।।

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घोषा , गोधा', विश्ववारा, अपाला11, उपनिषद्12 निषद्, ब्रह्मजाया जुहू14 , अगस्त्य की भगिनी15, अदिति ०, इन्द्राणी17, और इन्द्र की माता18, सरमा'9, रोमशा20, उर्वशी, लोपामुद्रा22 और नदियाँ, यमी24, पत्नी-शश्वती25, श्री26, लाक्षा27, सार्पराज्ञी28, वाक्, श्रद्धा, मेधा31, दक्षिणा32, रात्री और सूर्या सावित्री4 ये सभी ब्रह्मवादिनी अथवा ऋषि हैं। विषय के आधार पर शौनक ऋषि ने ऋग्वेद की 27 स्त्री ऋषियों को नौ-नौ के तीन वर्गों में विभक्त किया है। प्रथम वर्ग ने देवताओं की स्तुति की, बीच के वर्ग ने ऋषियों तथा देवताओं से वार्तालाप किया, अन्तिम वर्ग ने आत्मा की भाववृत्ति का गायन किया। अन्तिम वर्ग में जो ऋषि हैं, वह स्वयं देवता भी हैं। इन ऋषिकाओं की सूची के अतिरिक्त सिकता-निवावरी, शिखण्डिनी द्वय 6, वसुक्रपत्नी7 आदि भी मन्त्रदृष्टा हैं। यह सत्य है कि ऋग्वेद में लगभग 500 ऋषियों की तुलना में लगभग 32 ऋषिकाओं की संख्या कम है, किन्तु इन ऋषिकाओं को संख्या की न्यूनता के कारण मन्त्र-स्पर्धा में ऋषियों के साथ देखना न्यायसंगत नहीं है। ऋषिकाओं ने गरिमा से युक्त, मातृत्व की भावना से परिपूर्ण अपनी प्रज्ञा से ऋचाओं को भी जन्म दिया साथ ही ऋषियों को संसार सुख की अनुभूति भी प्रदान की तथा यज्ञ गृह का सरंक्षण भी किया।
भारतीय समाज में वर्णाश्रम व्यवस्था का मूल हमें ऋग्वेद की इन ऋषिकाओं के मन्त्रों में यत्र तत्र दिखाई देता है। ब्रह्मवादिनी सूर्या8 सोमरस की महिमा में ब्रह्मवेत्ता का वर्णन करती है। यही सूर्य के रथ चक्रो के उल्लेख में पुन: ब्राह्मण शब्द का उल्लेख करती हैं। वाग्देवी की असीम कृपा ही उन्हें ब्रह्म पद का अधिकारी बनाती है। विवाह के अवसर पर वधू द्वारा ब्राह्मणों को दान दिया जाता था।+1 ब्रह्मजाया जुहू क्षत्रिय बल से राष्ट्र को सुरक्षित बताती है। 2 ऋषिका अपाला इन्द्र से पिता के खेत को उर्वर करने की प्रार्थना करती है।43 ऋग्वेद में घोषा कक्षीवती भृगुवों द्वारा रथ निर्मित करने का उल्लेख करती है। इन वर्णव्यवस्था सम्बन्धित शब्दों के साथ, मन्त्रों में आश्रम-व्यवस्था से सम्बन्धित शब्दों के द्वारा उनकी उपस्थिति के ऐतिहासिक तथ्यों से पहचान कराती है। विदुषी जुहू पत्नी का परित्याग करने वाले अपने पति बृहस्पति के ब्रह्मचर्य पालन का वर्णन करती है। विवाह सूक्त में भी ब्रह्मचर्य का उल्लेख है। ऋग्वैदिक काल में गृहस्थाश्रम का सर्वाधिक महत्त्व है। विज्ञ महिलाओं की ऋचाओं से स्पष्ट है कि उनका झुकाव घर को सुखपूर्वक सुचारू रूप से चलाने में है। इसीलिए ऋक् संहिता में ऋषिका रोमशा के पति भावयव्य, सूक्त के षष्ठ मन्त्र में सहस्वामिनी के भोज्य पदार्थ, ऐश्वर्य एवं अगाध स्नेह से सिक्त पत्नी की प्रशंसा करते हैं। 7 लोपामुद्रा नारी के अधिकारों और कर्तव्यों को पुरुष के समान बताते हुए सम्मिलित रूप से गृहस्थ धर्म की ओर उन्मुख करती है। पितृ-ऋण से मुक्ति के लिए वृद्ध होने पर भी लोपामुद्रा अगस्त्य ऋषि से सन्तान की इच्छा व्यक्त करती है।9 मन्त्र दृष्टा शश्वती पति-पत्नी के मधुर-सम्बन्ध की व्याख्याता थी। सूर्या के विवाह सूक्त में नारी को घर की शासिका माना है। जहाँ वह वृद्धावस्था तक अपने पति की प्रीतिभाजन बनकर शासन करे। नारी सौभाग्य की प्रतीक मानी जाती थी। इन्द्राणी स्वयं को सबसे अधिक सौभाग्यवती एवं पुत्रवती मानती है। मेरे पति और सामान्यजनों पर मेरा पूर्ण अधिकार है। मेरे पुत्र शत्रुओं पर विजय पाने वाले हैं। मेरी पुत्री तेजस्विनी है और मैं स्वयं विजयनी है। स्त्री के तीन पद गृहिणीपद, मातृपद एवं सहचरी पद महत्त्वपूर्ण थे।
इन्हीं के साथ कुछ अन्य सामाजिक साक्ष्यों पर भी ये ऋषिकाएँ प्रकाश डालती हैं । जैसे इन्द्राणी सपत्नी सौत की अप्रियता का वर्णन करती है। अश्विनों की स्तुति में घोषा, मधुमक्खियों की तुलना व्यभिचारिणी स्त्रियों से करती है। यम-यमी संवाद में यम न केवल बहिन के सह-सम्बन्ध के अनुरोध को ठुकराता है, वरन् बहिन-भाई के इस गर्हित कृत्य को समाज कभी स्वीकार नहीं करता है। संभवतःसमाज में ऐसे छुटपुट उदाहरण रहे हों, परन्तु समाज में स्त्रियों का स्थान सर्वोच्च था। वह गृहस्वामिनी थीं। पुलोम पुत्री शची अपनी सौतों को परास्त करके वीर58 इन्द्र और कुटुम्बियों पर अधिकार चाहती है। सतीत्व के प्रति आस्थावान, सच्चारित्र एवं पति के प्रति एकनिष्ठ थीं। साथ ही अलंकरण और स्त्री सौन्दर्य, लालित्य के प्रति जागरूक थीं। कहीं-कहीं नियोग प्रथा से सम्बन्धित ऋचाएँ भी हैं, जो इस काल में भी इस प्रथा की मान्यता की ओर इंगित करती हैं।०० वीरमाता अदिति के मन्त्र प्रसूति ज्ञान से ओतप्रोत हैं। माता के वात्सल्यपूर्ण ममत्व की सहज अभिव्यक्ति का वर्णन अनेकशः मन्त्रों में प्राप्त होता है।

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यही नहीं ऋग्वैदिक काल में कन्याओं को समान रूप से विद्याध्ययन के अवसर प्राप्त थे। बौद्धिक दृष्टि से उन्नत जनपारिवारिक स्थिरीकरण की अवस्था में सैन्य-अभियानों में व्यस्त, कृषक आर्यों ने स्त्रियों को स्वभावत: सामाजिक, शारीरिक एवं शेक्षिक दृष्टि से उन्नत एवं सम्मानपूर्ण स्थान दिया था। कन्याओं को सुयोग्य बनाने के लिए उदार शिक्षण-प्रबन्ध था । संहिताओं में बालिकाओं के लिए विद्या से सम्बन्धित उपनयन संस्कार का उल्लेख है। अल्तेकर महोदय का मत है कि उस समय नारी समाज भी वेदाध्ययन हेतु ब्रह्मचर्य के प्रतीक मौञ्जी को धारण करती थीं। इस मेखला का महत्त्व उपनयन संस्कार में विशेषतः परिलक्षित है। अथर्ववेद में मेखला का उद्देश्य है, कि वह ब्रह्मचारी या ब्रह्मचारिणी के व्रत की रक्षा तथा दुष्प्रवृत्तियों से उसके त्राण में सक्षम है। यज्ञोपवीता नारी का वर्णन ऋग्वेद में भी है। ऋग्वेद के बध्रिमती आख्यान की व्याख्या में सायण ने उसे राजर्षि की ब्रह्मवादिनी पुत्री माना है। स्त्री शिक्षिकाओं का उल्लेख है जिन्हें आचार्या और उपाध्याया कहा गया है। इसीलिए ब्रह्मवादिनी ऋषिकाओं के दर्शन हमें ऋग्वेद में होते हैं, जो आध्यात्मिक ज्ञान एवं वेद-रहस्यों की ज्ञात्री थीं। ये मन्त्रदृष्टा स्त्रियाँ ऋषिपद को प्राप्त करती थीं।
ये महिलाएँ न केवल शिक्षित व सम्मानपूर्ण सामाजिक स्थिति में थीं वरन् राजनीति के क्षेत्र में भी जागरूक थीं। गोपायनों की माता अगस्त्य-स्वसा मन्त्र द्रष्टी भजेरथ नरेश के वंशज असमति' नरेश की प्रशंसा करती है। साथ ही पंचजनों (जनपद) का भी संकेत है। ऋक संहिता की सर्वाधिक चर्चित अदिति ने वृत्रासुर नामक दैत्य की जनविरोधी प्रवृत्ति का विवरण दिया है और इन्द्र को अपनी सामर्थ्य से आकाश व पृथिवी को व्याप्त करने को कहती है। देवासुर संग्राम की सूत्रधायी अदिति ही है। गोधा ऋषिका इन्द्र के शक्ति नामक आयुध की प्रशंसा करती है, जो शत्रु को धाराशायी कर देता है।07 ये शस्त्र राष्ट्र रक्षा हेतु आवश्यक थे। यही नहीं उस समय भी युद्ध में प्राण देने वाले व्यक्ति श्रद्धा और सम्मान के पात्र थे।68 देश और धर्म के लिए प्राणोत्सर्ग करना उस काल में वंदनीय था। दशम मण्डल की मन्त्रद्रष्टा सरमा इन्द्र की दूती बनकर पणियों के पास गोधन को छुड़ाने के लिए जाती है और उन्हें इन्द्र के आक्रमण की भयंकरता के बारे में बताती है। सरमा का यह दौत्य कार्य नारी के बुद्धि चातुर्य को दर्शाता है। नारियाँ गुप्तचर कार्य करने में सक्षम थीं। इसी सूक्त की अन्य ऋचाओं से स्पष्ट है कि उस समय ऋषि महर्षि भी राजनीतिक गतिविधियों में रुचि लेते थे। सर्वोत्तम निधि गोधन की रक्षा का भार सम्पूर्ण समाज पर था।
इस युग में नारी को अजेय और शत्रु विजयी बताया गया है। उसे सहस्रवीर्या अर्थात् सहस्रो प्रकार की सामर्थ्यवाली कहा है। आवश्यकता पड़ने पर पतियों के साथ युद्ध में भी जाती थीं। खेल नृप की रानी विश्पला का पैर युद्ध में कट गया था। अश्विनी कुमार की कृपा से उसे लौहे का पैर लगा। मुद्गल की पत्नी मुद्गलानी ने डाकुओं का पीछा करने में पति की सहायता की थी। अपने पति के धनुष-बाण से डाकुओं को हराकर अपनी गायों को छुड़ाकर वीरता का परिचय दिया।। स्त्रियाँ सेना में भी भर्ती होती थी क्योंकि ऋग्वेद में महिला योद्धाओं का उल्लेख आता है। प्रधन, रण, समद, समन युद्धों के नाम थे। स्पष्टत: ऋग्वैदिक युग में महिलाओं को भी पुरुषों के समान राजनीतिक अधिकार प्राप्त थे। शारीरिक, बौद्धिक एवं आत्मविकास में पुरुषों के समकक्ष थी। ऋषिका वागाम्भृणी के अनुसार वाणी या वाक् राष्ट्र की शक्ति मानी जाती थी।74 घोषा राजदुहिता थी। वीघ्रमती भी राजपुत्री थी। बृहस्पति पुत्री ब्रह्मवादिनी रोमशा का विवाह सिन्धु तट पर स्थित राज्य के स्वामी स्वनय भावयव्य से हुआ था। ऋषिका दक्षिणा उसी को नृपति मानती है जो भरपूर दक्षिणा प्रदान करता है।7 जुहू द्वारा रचित मन्त्र में निर्णायक मण्डल अर्थात् पंच का उल्लेख है, जहाँ नारी अपने साथ हुए अन्याय के प्रतिकार हेतु प्रस्तुत होती थी। इस निर्णायक मंडल की निष्पक्षता विश्वसनीय थी। इस युग में नारी राजनीति में पुरुष के समकक्ष थी। इन मन्त्र दृष्टियों ने अपने मन्त्रों ने अपने मन्त्रों में राजा, जन, नदी, पर्वत, शस्त्रास्त्र, दौत्यकर्म, पंच-निर्णय, जन-सहयोग आदि का यत्र-तत्र वर्णन किया है। जिससे स्त्री समाज की अपने राष्ट्र के प्रति जागरूकता, सम्मान का भास होता है। ___ऋग्वेद का काल मुख्यतः धर्म, दर्शन और अध्यात्म प्रधान था। प्राचीन भारतीय विदुषियों ने भी ऋग्वैदिक धर्म के मूल तत्त्व प्राकृतिक शक्तियों को देवता माना और यज्ञ को जीवन में महत्त्वपूर्ण स्थान दिया। वेदों में प्रतिपादित धर्म का उद्देश्य

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मानवीय जीवन को नियन्त्रित, मर्यादित और परिष्कृत करना है. जिस प्रकार सृष्टि अपनी नियमबद्धता, क्रमबद्धता से मर्यादित है। उसे ऋषियों ने ऋत् कहा।
यज्ञ देवताओं के निमित्त द्रव्य का त्याग है । यज्ञ देवों और मृत्यों के मध्य समन्वय का प्रतीक है। चूंकि नारी सहधर्मिणी थी, अत: संयुक्त रूप से यज्ञानुष्ठान का अधिकार प्राप्त था। विदुषी विश्ववारा हविष द्वारा प्रतिदिन यज्ञ करती थी। ब्रह्मजाया जुहू यज्ञ के सम्बन्ध में कहती हैं, स्तुत्य (उरुगाय) यज्ञ पृथिवी के अमृतमय रस (ऊर्जा) को परस्पर बाँटकर उपभोग करने का माध्यम है।80 अपाला81, घोषा 2 और वाक3 के अनुसार देवता स्वयं हवि देने वाले यजमान के घर पहुँचते हैं। शची पौलोमी यज्ञ को सभी प्रकार के अभिलषित को प्राप्त करने का साधन मानती हैं।84 ऋग्वेद में विश्ववारा का अग्निसूक्त, जिसमें गृहस्थ के घर प्रात:काल में होने वाले यज्ञ में गृहवधू घृतका स्त्रुवा लेकर देवों की वन्दना में अग्नि की ओर उन्मुख होती है तथा अग्नि एवं अन्य देवताओं को हवि प्रदान करती है, अन्यतम सूक्त हैं। घोषा अश्विनी देवों को उषाकाल और रात्री में हव्य देने का उल्लेख करती हैं। सोमयाग का विस्तृत वर्णन सिकता-निवावरी एवं शिखण्डिनी द्वय के मन्त्रों में हुआ है। 6 पति-पत्नी द्वारा सम्मिलित रूप से किया यज्ञ सौम्यता का प्रतीक है और श्रेष्ठ शक्ति दाता है। धार्मिक कृत्यों में मुख्यत: यज्ञ कार्य सम्पादन में आगे रहें और सहयोग करें। वैदिक काल में स्त्री को यज्ञ सम्पादन और मन्त्रपाठ का पूर्ण अधिकार था। __ प्रकाशित दिव्य शक्तियाँ जो सृष्टि व्यवस्था की संचालक, मनुष्य के योग क्षेम की साधक शुभ के द्योतक देव या देवता हैं। यास्क के अनुसार अन्न, धन प्रदान करने वाले, चमकते हुए प्रकाशमान धुलोक में निवास के कारण देव हैं।87 इन दिव्य शक्तियों का देवता के रूप में वर्णन नारी समाज ने भी किया है। अग्नि ऋग्वैदिक काल का प्रमुख और प्रथम, पृथिवीस्थानीय, यज्ञ का नियामक देव है। विश्ववारा, आत्रेयी, अग्नि के तेज, द्युम्न, मह का वर्णन करती है। वरन् यज्ञ के अवसर पर ऋत्विक का कार्य भी करती है। 8 अग्नि की लपटें अपने तेज से शोभायमान हैं । जुहू ब्रह्मजाया को देवों के आह्वाता एवं मनुष्यों के यज्ञ सम्पादक अग्नि बृहस्पति के समीप लाते हैं। विश्ववारा आत्रेयी सूर्या-सावित्री91 पृथ्वी लोक की सम्पूर्ण कामनाओं को पूर्ण करने वाले, यज्ञ नियामक अग्नि की वन्दना करती हैं।
युद्ध के देवता पराक्रमी इन्द्र की स्तुति अपाला, अदिति, इन्द्राणी, इन्द्रमातरः, वसुक्रपत्नी, सरमा आदि ऋषिकाओं ने की है। मन्त्र द्रष्टा अपाला ने त्वग् दोष से मुक्ति के लिए इन्द्र की आराधना की। इन्द्र को प्रिय सोमरस अर्पित कर सूर्य के समान दीप्तिमान त्वचा को प्राप्त किया। वीरता, साहसजन्य कार्य, उर्वरता प्रदान करने वाला, आकाश के जल को पृथ्वी पर लाने वाले, सोमरस पायी इन्द्र अद्वितीय है, इसलिए इन्द्राणी अपने पति इन्द्र को देवों में सर्वोपरि बताती हैं।92 अश्विनी युगल देवता लोककल्याणकारक और मंगल करने वाले हैं इसीलिए इन्हें 'शुभस्पती 95 शुभ के स्वामी कहा गया है। यह चिकित्सक भी हैं। विश्पला को लोहे का पैर प्रदान करने वाले, वध्रिमति का सुखपूर्वक प्रसव कराने वाले हैं। राजदुहिता घोषा अश्विनी द्वय के करूणहृदय, परोपकारी, सौभाग्यदाता, उद्धारकर्ता, होने के कारण उनकी स्तुति में रत दिखाई देती हैं। लोककल्याणी दायक इतने मन्त्र केवल घोषा ने ही गाये हैं।4
ऋग्वेद में सोम भी एक महत्त्वपूर्ण और प्रिय देवता है। शिखण्डिनी द्वय का पूर्ण सूक्त एवं सिकता-निवावरी के दस मन्त्र सोम देव को समर्पित हैं। सूर्या-सावित्री के विवाह सूक्त में वर रूप में सोम देवता पूजित हैं। सोम रस यज्ञों में देवताओं को अर्पित किया जाता है । ऋग्वेद में सोम का भौतिक रूप ही मुख्य विषय है। ऋषिका सार्पराज्ञी का सूक्त सूर्य देवता को समर्पित है। साथ ही सूर्य पुत्री, सूर्या, ब्रह्मजाया जुहू, नदी, रात्री, दक्षिणा आदि मन्त्र द्रष्टाओं ने भी सूर्य की महिमा गाई है। सूर्य प्रतिदिन इस सृष्टि के जीवन दाता है। सूर्य देवता का उत्तम तेज वरणीय है। वह मेघों के लिए अपने सहस्र हाथों (किरणों) से जल एकत्र करता है। साथ ही नैतिक नियमों के अधिष्ठाता और व्यवस्था के संरक्षक देवता वरूण ने ब्रह्मजाया जुहू को पति प्राप्त करने में पूर्ण समर्थन दिया। स्त्री ऋषियों ने वरूण का उल्लेख प्रायः मित्र के साथ किया है। सूर्या के विवाह-सूक्त में भग, अर्यमा और पूषा का वर्णन है।6 मरुत् देवता के साथ अपनी मैत्री का उल्लेख इन्द्राणी करती है।97

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___ऋत् की अवधारणा ऋग्वेद का मूल है। इस सृष्टि के शाश्वत् नियम को देखकर ही तत्त्व द्रष्टा ऋषियों ने समाज और मानव जीवन को सुचारू रूप से चलाने के लिए वर्णाश्रम धर्म द्वारा नियमबद्ध बनाया। देवता ऋत् के पालक और रक्षक हैं। जलों की उत्पत्ति ऋत से हुई है। नदियाँ अपने सतत प्रवाह में ऋत की नियामक है।98 ब्रह्मवादिनी सूर्या सत्य और ऋत् को ही गृहस्थ जीवन का मूल मानती हैं। पति के साथ यज्ञ द्वारा वह सृष्टि के संचालन में सहयोगी हैं।99 ऋत का पालन ही धर्म है। इसी प्रकार पाप-पुण्य की अवधारणा का बीज भी हमें ऋग्वेद में मिलता है। निर्दोष पत्नी के गृहत्याग करने से बृहस्पति भी पाप के भागी हैं। 100 सहोदरा भगिनि से सम्बन्ध रखने वाला भी पाप का भागी होता है।101 देवों से पापमुक्ति की प्रार्थना की गई है।
इसी के साथ ऋग्वेद में लोकोपकार, गृहस्थधर्म का पालन, श्रद्धापूर्वक यज्ञ, दान, सदाचार, सत्य और तप, माता-पिता का सम्मान, आचार्य देवता के समान श्रद्धा का पात्र आदि सुकृत कार्य हैं। दक्षिणा सूक्त दान के महात्म्य को दर्शाता है। ऋवेद के दसवें मण्डल में यज्ञ और ज्ञान का आधार श्रद्धा को ही माना है। 02 तप को वैदिक युग में अन्त:शुद्धि का सर्वोत्तम उपाय माना है। यह आकाश की ऊँचाई तक ले जाने वाला है।105 इस महान् तप के द्वारा ही ऋषि, ऋषिकाओं ने मन्त्रों का दर्शन किया। पितृलोक, स्वर्गलोक की प्राप्ति तप से होती है।104 यमी वैवस्वती मृत्यु के पश्चात् भी जीवन की सत्ता पर विश्वास करती है कि देहरहित आत्मा उन लोकों में निवास करती है, जहाँ हमारे पुण्यकर्मा पितर योद्धा, वीर, तपसाधना में रत ऋषिगण गये हैं।105 मानव इस लोक और परलोक दोनों में सुख प्राप्ति के लिए धर्मानुसार आचरण करता है।106 यह प्रवृत्तिवादी दृष्टिकोण ऋषिकाओं के मन्त्रों में भी है इसीलिए उनके मन्त्रों में स्वर्ग की कल्पना है।107 मन्त्र द्रष्टा दक्षिणा का मत है कि दक्षिणा देने वाले धुलोक में उच्च स्थान पाते हैं। 108
दृश्य के पीछे अदृश्य की खोज. शाश्वत सत्यों से साक्षात्कार ऋषियों की जिज्ञासा का प्रिय विषय था। इन दार्शनिक विषयों में स्त्री ऋषियों ने भी योगदान दिया। विदुषी वागाम्भृणी ने वाक् सूक्त में प्रकृति की शक्तियों को संचालित करने वाली एक सर्वव्यापी सत्ता या शक्ति का वर्णन करती हैं। 109 इन तत्त्ववादिनियों के समक्ष किसी एक आध्यात्मिक शक्ति, जो सम्पूर्ण सृष्टि को चलायमान बनाती है, की ओर ध्यान आकर्षित करती है जैसे- पदं यदस्य परमे व्योमन्,110 द्यावापृथिवी आ विवेश,111 स विश्वा भुव आभुव:112 । यहाँ परम तत्त्व के लिए ब्रह्म शब्द नहीं है, किन्तु सार्वभौम सत्ता की ओर इंगित करते हैं।
मनुष्य का आन्तरिक सत् आत्मा है, जिसका स्पष्ट उल्लेख उपनिषदों में है। इस आत्मा की अभिव्यक्ति स्त्री ऋषियों के मन्त्रों में भी है। दक्षिणा के रूप में अश्व, गौ, सुवर्ण, रजत, अन्नादि का दान करता है। वह आत्मतत्त्व का ज्ञाता विद्वान दक्षिणा के आवरण से समस्त दुःखों, कष्टों और विघ्नों का निवारण करने वाला बना लेता है। 13 सृष्टि की उत्पत्ति के विषय में अदिति का देवोत्पत्ति सूक्त महत्त्वपूर्ण है। वैदिक आर्य ने भौतिक सुख समृद्धि की कामना के साथ दिव्य तत्त्वों की चिरन्तनता एवं नित्यता को कभी विस्मृत नहीं किया।
निष्कर्षत: ऋग्वैदिक काल में न केवल पुरुष और नारी को समाज में समान अधिकार प्राप्त थे वरन् इन ऋषिकाओं के अतिरिक्त ऋग्वेद में देवी के रूप में प्रतिष्ठित नारी-जाति भी है। अदिति, पृथिवी, सीता, उषस्, रात्री, वाक्, पुरन्ध्रि, सुमति, राका, कुहू आदि विशेष रूप से उल्लेखनीय हैं। अदिति का वर्णन सर्वप्रथम देवी के रूप में है, जो देवताओं की माता है। अदिति को स्वर्ग, अन्तरिक्ष, माता, बहिन, पुत्री के रूप में स्वीकार कर उसकी सत्ता को असीमित रूप में ही पाते हैं । सार्वभौम सत्ता के रूप में नारी को सर्वोच्च स्थान पर प्रतिष्ठित पाते हैं। ऋग्वेद में ही अम्बितमे, नदीतमे, देवितमे, सरस्वती देवी का वर्णन है, जो संसार में अपने सतत जल प्रवाह के साथ यश, प्रतिष्ठा और विद्या को देने वाली है। यह नारी के प्रतीक रूप में सरस्वती की प्रशंसा है। अन्य नारी देवियों में सुभ्रता, अक्षुमति, निर्ऋति, अनुमति, अरण्यानी, वरूणानी, अग्न्याणी आदि यद्यपि सम्पूर्ण रूप से लोक की स्त्रियों का प्रतिनिधित्व नहीं करतीं, क्योंकि भावात्मक अभिव्यक्ति है। इन देवियों के स्त्री रूप में वर्णन वैदिक जनों का नारियों के प्रति सम्मान और मान्यता प्रदर्शित है।
स्पष्टत: ऋग्वैदिक युग में नारी समाज का वैशिष्ट्य पूर्ण स्थान था। इन्हें शारीरिक, बौद्धिक एवं आध्यात्मिक विकास के अवसर प्राप्त थे, जिससे वे आत्मविकास के मार्ग में पुरुषों के समकक्ष थीं। ऋग्वेद में पुत्री पिता की दीर्घायु का कारण है।

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'गृहिणी गृहमुच्यते' अर्थात् नारियों का गृहस्थी में महत्त्वपूर्ण स्थान है। दम्पत्ति' शब्द में गृहस्वामी तथा गृहस्वामिनी दोनों का सन्निवेश है। यह पुरुष और नारी के समान अधिकारों को दर्शाता है। अग्रिहोत्रादि' वैदिक कर्म सपत्नीक ही करना आवश्यक था। आचार्य सायण 'ऋग्वेदभाष्य भूमिका' में कहते हैं कि प्राचीनकाल में स्त्री-समाज सन्ध्या-वन्दन, अध्ययन-अध्यापन, यज्ञ-कर्म की उसी प्रकार अधिकारी थीं जैसे पुरुष वर्ग था। महाभाष्यकार पतञ्जलि ने भी इस बात का समर्थन किया है। इसी कारण ब्रह्मवादिनी ऋषिकाओं के दर्शन हमें ऋग्वेद में होते हैं, जो आध्यात्मिक ज्ञान एवं वेद के रहस्यों की ज्ञाता थीं। नारी को समाज में गौरवपूर्ण स्थान प्राप्त था। इन्द्राणी अपने सूक्त में स्त्रियों की सम्मानजनक स्थिति, अधिकारों एवं सेनानी के रूप का वर्णन करती है। ब्रह्मवादिनी रोमशा अध्यात्म का उपदेश देती है।
वाक् आम्भृणी के वाक्-सूक्त में वाक्-तत्त्व का शास्त्रीय विवेचन है जो भाषा-विज्ञान की दृष्टि से महत्त्वपूर्ण है। श्रद्धा सूक्त' श्रद्धा के महत्त्व के कारण मनोवैज्ञानिक रूप से सारगर्भित है। 'सूर्या-सावित्री सूक्त' विवाह की प्राचीनतम पद्धति के कारण सांस्कृतिक दृष्टि से महत्त्वपूर्ण है। इसी प्रकार उर्वशी और पुरूरवा का इतिहास में संवाद' नारी के माध्यम से इतिहास में संवाद शैली का प्रारम्भ मान सकते हैं, जो संभवतः नाटक परम्परा का प्रारम्भिक रूप होगा। यह दृष्टान्त स्वत: सिद्ध है कि नारी का समाज में न केवल सम्माननीय, गौरवपूर्ण एवं पुरुष के समकक्ष स्थान था, वरन् वह आध्यात्मिक, राजनीतिक, सामाजिक, आर्थिक, धार्मिक, नैतिक दृष्टि से भी सक्षम थी।
सन्दर्भ: 1. ऋग्वेद 9.51.83; 10.125.1-8 2. अथर्ववेद 6.122.5 3.ऋग्वेद 10.191.1-4 4.बृहद्देवता 2.84-86 5. बृहद्देवता शौनक, आर्षानुक्रमणी 10.82 पौलोमी शची नाम मुनिः स्मृतः। 6. ऋग्वेद 5.28: 6.96; 10.5.28; 10.9.104; 10.1.126; 10.39; 10.151; 10.189 7. शौनक, बृहद्देवता, 2.82-84, आर्षानुक्रमणी, 10,100-102 (के समान है) 8. ऋग्वेद 10.39.14; 10.40.1-14 १. ऋग्वेद 10.134.6-7 10. ऋग्वेद 5.28.16 11. ऋग्वेद 8.91.1-7 12. यह 'प्रधारयन्तु मधुनोधृतस्य' से प्राप्त 1-7 ऋचाओं के खिलसूक्त की द्रष्टियाँ है। 13. यह 'प्रधारयन्तु मधुनोधृतस्य' से प्राप्त 1-7 ऋचाओं के खिलसूक्त की द्रष्टियाँ है। 14. ऋग्वेद 10.109.1-7 15. ऋग्वेद 10.60.6; आर्षानुक्रमणी 10.24 16. ऋग्वेद 4.18.4-7 17. ऋग्वेद 10.86.1-23, 10.145.1-6 18. ऋग्वेद 10.153.1-5, आर्षानुक्रमणी 10-79 19. ऋग्वेद 10.108.2,4,6,8,10,11 20. ऋग्वेद 1.126.7 21. ऋग्वेद 10.95.2,4,5,7,11,13,15,16,18 22. ऋग्वेद 1.179.1-2 23. ऋग्वेद 3.33.4,6,8,10 24. ऋग्वेद 10.10.1,3,5-7,9,11,13

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25. ऋग्वेद 8.1.34
26 ऋग्वेद 5.87.1-27; खिलसूक्त का श्रीसूक्त
27. ऋग्वेद 8.51.1-7
28. ऋग्वेद 10.189.1-5
29. ऋग्वेद 10.125.1-8
30. ऋग्वेद 10.151.1-5
31. ऋग्वेद 10.151.1-10 के बाद के खिल, मेधासूक्त की ऋषि ।
32. ऋग्वेद 10.107.1-11
33. ऋग्वेद 10.127.1-8
34. ऋग्वेद 10.85.1-47
35. ऋग्वेद 9.86.11-20
36. ऋग्वेद 9.104.1-6
37. ऋग्वेद 10.28.1
38. ऋग्वेद 10.85.3, यं सोमं ब्रह्मण: विदुः ।
39. ऋग्वेद 10-85-16, द्वे ते चक्रे सूर्ये ब्राह्मण ऋतुथा विदुः ।
40. ऋग्वेद 10.125.5, यं कामये तं तमुग्रं कृणोमि । तं ब्रह्माणं तमृषिं तं सुमेधाम् ।।
41. ऋग्वेद 10.82.29
42. ऋग्वेद 10.109.3
43. वेद 8.80.5, राष्ट्रं गुपितं क्षत्रियस्य ।
44. ऋग्वेद 10.59.14
45. ऋग्वेद 10.109.5
46. ऋग्वेद 10.85.24
47. ऋग्वेद 1.126.6
48. ऋग्वेद 1.179.3
49. ऋग्वेद 1.179.6
50. ऋग्वेद 8.1.34
51. ऋग्वेद 10.85.27
52. ऋग्वेद 10.85.35
53. ऋग्वेद 10.86.6
54. ऋग्वेद 10.159.53
55. ऋत्वेद 10.145.4
56. ऋग्वेद 10.40.6
57. ऋग्वेद 10.10.1-14
58. ऋग्वेद 10.159.6
59. ऋग्वेद 10.39.14
60. ऋग्वेद 10.40.2
61. अथर्ववेद 6.135.4
62. ऋग्वेद 10.109.4
63. ऋग्वेद 1.117.24

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64. अष्टाध्यायी 4.1.7-8 पर महाभाष्य 65. ऋग्वेद 10.60.1-6 66. ऋग्वेद 4.18.5-7 67. ऋग्वेद 10.134.6 68. ऋग्वेद 10.154.3 69. ऋग्वेद 10.108.2, 70. ऋग्वेद 10.39.8 71. ऋग्वेद 10.102.9 72. ऋग्वेद 5-10-9; शिवदत्त ज्ञानी, वेदकालीन समाज, चौखम्बा विद्याभवन, वाराणसी, 1907, पृ. 166 73. ऋग्वेद 10.154.3, 10.95.7, 10.126.6, 10.86.12 74. ऋग्वेद 10.125.3, 'अहं राष्ट्री संगमनी वसूनाम्।' 75. ऋग्वेद 10.39.7, 1.116.13 76. ऋग्वेद 10.126.1-7 77. 'तमेव मन्ये नृपतिं जनानां यः प्रथमो दक्षिणामाविवाय' ऋग्वेद 10.107.5 78. ऋग्वेद 10.109.11 79. ऋग्वेद 5.28.1 80. ऋग्वेद 10.109.7, उर्ज पृथिव्यां भक्त्वायोरूगायमुपासते। 81. ऋग्वेद 8.91,7 82. ऋग्वेद 10.40.3 83. ऋग्वेद 10.125.2 84. ऋग्वेद 10.159.5 85. ऋग्वेद 5.28.1, समिद्धो अग्निदिवि शोचिर श्रेत्प्रत्यडुषसमुर्विया विभाति । 86. ऋग्वेद 9.86,9.104 87. निरुक्त, 7.4.15, देवः दानाद् वा, दीपनाद् वा, द्योतनाद् वा, धुस्थानो भवति इति वा । यो देवः, सा देवता। 88. ऋग्वेद 5.28.4, समिद्धस्य प्रमहसोऽग्ने वन्दे तव श्रियम्।। 89. ऋग्वेद 10.109.2, अग्निर्होता हस्तगृह्या निनाय। 90. ऋग्वेद 5.28.1 91. ऋग्वेद 10.85.38 92. ऋग्वेद 1.86.9, विश्वस्मादिन्द्र उत्तरः। 93. ऋक्षवेद 10.40.13 94. ऋग्वेद 10.39.1-14, 10.40.1-14 95. ऋग्वेद 10.109.2 96. ऋग्वेद 10.85.23-26 97. ऋग्वेद 10.86.9 98. ऋग्वेद 4.18.6 99. ऋग्वेद 10.85.24, ऋतस्य योनौ सुकृतस्य लोकेऽरिष्टां त्वा सह पत्या दधामि। 100. ऋग्वेद 140.109.1 101. ऋग्वेद 10.10.12 102. ऋग्वेद 10.151.1.4

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103. ऋग्वेद 10.109.4, भीमाजाया ब्राह्मणस्योपनीता दुर्धां दधाति परमे व्योमन्। 104. ऋग्वेद 10.154.2 105. ऋग्वेद 10.154.3-5 106. ऋग्वेद 10.107.2 107. ऋग्वेद 10.95.18, प्रजा ते देवान हविषा यजाति स्वर्ग उत्वमपि मादयासे। 108. ऋग्वेद 10.107.2 109. ऋग्वेद 10.125.1.2,8 110. ऋग्वेद9.86.15 111. ऋग्वेद 10.125.6 112. ऋग्वेद 10.153.5 113. ऋग्वेद 10.107.7, आत्मा दक्षिणां वर्म कृणुते विजानन्।

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46. भारतीय राष्ट्रिकों द्वारा चीन का निर्माण
धर्मचन्द चौबे
अशोक ने बौद्ध धर्म के प्रचार के संदर्भ में कई विद्वानो को चीन भेजा था। ये विद्वान मध्य एशिया एव दक्षिण पूर्व एशिया के व्यापारिक-सांस्कृतिक मार्ग से चीन गए थे ।' पी.सी. बागची के अनुसार खोतान देश की परंपरा कहती है कि वहाँ पर 211 ई.पू. में पहला स्तूप बना था। अशोक के पोते विजयसम्भव ने खोतान (चीन) देश में बौद्ध धर्म का प्रचार किया था। आर्य वैरोचन ने खोतान के राजा को बौद्ध धर्म का उपदेश दिया था। तानचुंग नामक विद्वान जिनके पिता तान-युनशान गुरुदेव रवीन्द्र नाथ टैगोर के एशियाई सहयोगी थे, और जिन्होनें विश्व भारती विश्वविद्यालय, शान्ति निकेतन में चीन भवन नामक भारत-चीन ऐतिहासिक बन्धुत्व एवं शाश्वत मैत्री के पीठ की स्थापना कराई थी, ने अपने शोध विषय इन्डिया इन द मेकिंग ऑफ चायना में यह सिद्ध किया है कि पूर्व आधुनिक काल में भारत ने चीन का सांस्कृतिक एवं साहित्यिक निर्माण किया था। पूर्व कम्यूनिस्ट चीन के लोग तीन भारतीयों को अपने राष्ट्रीय त्योहारों पर अवश्य स्मरण एवं नमन करते थे। ये हैं बुद्धसिंग (भगवान बुद्ध), कुमारजीव और अमोघवज्र ।' इन्हें पूर्व आधुनिक चीन के लोग अपने राष्ट्रीय शिक्षक के रूप में पूजते थे। तानचुंग ने अपने सिनिक अध्ययन में पाया है कि चीन-जापान, बर्मा, कोरिया, मंगोलिया, हिन्दचीन, हॉगकॉग, ताइवान, सिगापुर और थाईलैण्ड के निर्माण में भारतीय राष्ट्रिकों की अहम भूमिका रही है। इन देशों की संस्कृति के रग-रग में भारतीय संस्कृति रची-बसी है।
इन प्रारम्भिक भारतीयों ने कब-कब चीन में प्रवेश किया और किस प्रकार से चीन की भाषा, संस्कृति, धर्म, नाटक, एवं लोक जीवन को प्रभावित किया इसका वर्णन जि-शियालिन एवं लियांग चि-चाओ नामक आधुनिक चीनी विद्वानों ने अपने शोध पत्रों एवं पुस्तकों में किया है। भारत की आजादी के बाद टिंग-शिलिन, चीन केहम, तान-युन शान एवं उनके पुत्र तानचुंग ने अपनी पुस्तकों में चीन के 'डायनेस्टिक एनल्स' नामक राजवंशो के
स तथ्य सकालत कर उन भारतीय राष्ट्रको के चीनी राष्ट्र के निर्माण में योगदान को रेखांकित किया है। गुरुदेव रवीन्द्रनाथ टैगोर की 1924 में चीन यात्रा के दौरान बीजिंग में स्वागत के कम में भाषण देते हुए इंडोलॉजिस्ट लियांग चिचाओं ने चीन के निर्माण में भारतीयों को नमन करते हुए अपने भावपूर्ण उद्बोधन में कहा कि हमारे (चीन) पूर्व में अथाह प्रशांत का जल था, जो हमें लहरों के सिवा कुछ दे नहीं सकता था, हमारे उत्तर में गोबी का मरुस्थल था, जिस ओर से हूणों का आक्रमण होता था और हमारे पश्चिम में रूस का स्टेपी (ग्रास लैण्ड) था और जिसके आगे के बाशिन्दे भी हमें कुछ देने की स्थिति में नहीं थे एक मात्र ज्ञान की रश्मि ने दक्षिण पश्चिम से हमारे चीन में प्रवेश कर हमें जगमग किया था, ये श्रीमन्त (गुरुदेव) उसी पुण्य भूमि से आज यहाँ आये

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हैं। चीनी विद्वान ने कई भारतीय वंशधरों का नाम लिया जिन्होंने चीन की भाषा, साहित्य, धर्म और विज्ञान को नया रूप दिया था और उन्होंने अपने चीनी वंशधरों को भारत का ऋणी होने को कहा था।
इत्सिंग लिखता है कि ईसा की प्रथम शताब्दी (67 ई.) के आस पास पूर्वी हान वंश के राजा मिंग टी ने सपने में देखा कि एक सफेद हाथी उसके दक्षिण-पश्चिम सीमांत पर खडा है। राजा की नींद टूट गई और शगुन विचार ने वाले ज्योतिषियों को बुलवाकर पूछा कि सपने का निहितार्थ बताओ। ज्योतिषियों ने कहा कि तथागत बुद्ध की पवित्र देशना चीन में प्रवेश करना चाहती है। दूत मध्य एशिया के बौद्ध केन्द्रों की ओर दौड़ाये गए और इसी कम में काश्यप मतंग और धर्मरक्षित नामक दो विद्वान सफेद घोड़े पर बैठकर हान राजधानी में आये और राजा को बौद्ध धर्म में दीक्षित किया। कारसुन चांग नामक विद्वान ने लिखा है कि तुनहुआंग के पास चीनी राजाओं ने व्हाइट हॉर्स मोनेस्ट्री का निर्माण किया और इन दोनों श्रीमन्तों की मूर्ति वहाँ पर स्थापित है।
यह शोध पत्र चीन में गए भारतीयों के कार्यों का वर्णन एवं नमन स्वरूप है। इन भारतीय विद्वानों में कुमारजीव और परमार्थ हैं। पर इनके ही जैसे 169 भारतीय विद्वान चीन में कार्यरत थे, जिनमें से अधिकांश की जीवनी अज्ञात एवं अप्राप्त है। भारत वर्ष का चीन में नाम ब्रह्मदेश था। ज्योतिषशास्त्र को ब्राह्मण ज्योतिष एवं खगोलशास्त्र माना जाता था। धर्मरुचि नामक भारतीय ने 566-571 तक 20 ब्राहमण खगोलशास्त्र की पुस्तकों का चीनी भाषा में अनुवाद किया था। गुप्तों के समकालीन तांग काल में चीन में तीन भारतीय कैलेण्डर स्कूल कार्यरत थे। ये स्कूल थे काश्यपपीठ, कुमारपीठ, और गौतमपीठ। खगोलीय एवं ज्योतिषीय कालगणना के लिए तांग राजवंश ने एक विभाग खोला था, जिसमें हजारों भारतीय विद्वान काम करते थे (7वी-8वीं शताब्दी)। नवग्रह पर आधारित कैलेण्डर चीन में चलता था, जिसमें शुक्ल और कृष्ण पक्ष होते थे। चीनी कालगणना में अनूदित मतंगीसूत्र, महासनिपातसूत्र, महाप्रज्ञापारमितासूत्र एवं लोकस्थिति-अभिधर्मशास्त्र पढ़ाए जाते थे। भारतीय गणित को राशि सूत्र के रूप में चीनी भाषा में अनूदित किया गया। नौ अरबी अंक और शून्य शुद्ध भारतीय आविष्कार थे। इनके परिचय से चीनी गणित शास्त्र समृद्ध हुआ।" ___ भारतीय गणित शास्त्री हजार, लाख और दस लाख के लिए भिन्न-भिन्न स्केल प्रयोग में लेते थे जिसे चीनी लोगों ने प्रयुक्त किया। त्रिकोणमिति का साइन टेबल चीन में लोकप्रिय हुआ। भारतीय विद्वानों को प्राचीन काल में पंच विद्या में पारंगत माना जाता था। ये विद्यायें थीं, उच्चारणशास्त्र एवं व्याकरणशास्त्र, चिकित्साशास्त्र, दर्शनशास्त्र एवं तर्कशास्त्र। ये सभी भारतीय विद्यायें तीसरी शताब्दी ई.पू. में चीन में लोकप्रिय थीं। इस शताब्दी में 100 चिकित्साशास्त्र की पुस्तकें चीनी भाषा में अनूदित की गयीं । इन पुस्तकों में नागार्जुन, जीवक और ब्रह्मा की पुस्तके प्रमुख थी। जो अब भारत में अप्राप्य है। 2 महारत्नाकर सूत्रजीवनशास्त्र का ग्रंथ है। भारतीय चिकित्सा सूत्रों में काश्यप का स्त्री रोग पर एवं रावण का शिशुरोग पर ग्रंथ चीन में काफी लोकप्रिय हुए। कुछ भारतीय चिकित्सक चीन में प्रैक्टिस करते थे। हान काल में सम्राट ताईसुंग केवल भारतीय औषधि लेता था। चीन की शाही औषधियों में भारतीय आयुर्वेद सर्वोपरि था। सम्राट ताईसुंग ने भारत में चीनी लोगों को भेजा था कि वे चीनी बनाने की विधि सीख कर आये। संस्कृत भाषा ने चीनी भाषा और साहित्य को समृद्ध किया। चिन के मू नामक चीनी विद्वान की मान्यता है कि पाणिनीय व्याकरण ने चीनी साहित्य का स्वरूप ही बदल दिया। पाणिनीय व्याकरण ने चीन के भाषा विज्ञान को उन्नत किया एवं तिब्बत में नवीन लेखन को जन्म दिया। पाणिनीय व्याकरण ने चीन में ध्वनिशास्त्र का सूत्रपात किया एवं नवीन शब्दकोष की रचना का मार्ग प्रशस्त किया। चीनी विद्वान शाउ वेन ने संस्कृत के आधार पर सभी चीनी व्यंजनों को सूचीबद्ध किया एवं उन्हें 36 की संख्या तक संगठित किया, इससे चीनी उच्चारण शास्त्र समृद्ध हुआ। सुंगवंश में संस्कृत-चीनी शब्दकोष का निर्माण हुआ 14

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भारतीय राष्ट्रिकों द्वारा चीन का निर्माण / 375
संस्कृत के कई शब्द चीन में लोकप्रिय हुए, जैसे तान शियांग (चंदन) चान (ध्यान) येहच (यक्ष) मो (मारा) येन वेंग (यम) मोली (मल्लिका), पोली (स्फटिक), शिह-चू (दानपति), पाओ-यिन (फल) एवं चाओ-यिह (कर्म) इत्यादि। 600 ई. के बाद पंचतत्र और हितोपदेश की कहानियों ने चीनी जनमानस को भारतीय बना दिया। बौद्ध कहानियों में संयुक्तावदान सूत्र, सशंयुक्तरत्नपिटकसूत्र, शतपारमितासन्निपातसूत्र, पूर्णमूखअवदानशतक, जातकमाला एवं सूत्रअलंकारशास्त्र, कथा, आदि आज चीनी साहित्य में विशद रूप में संग्रहीत है। अश्वघोष का बुद्धचरित का चीनी अवतरण अत्यंत प्रभावोत्पादक है। कालिदास के मेधदूतम् गीतिकाव्य एवं दण्डिन के काव्यादर्श ने चीनी साहित्य को समृद्ध किया। शिन एवं तांग वंश (तीसरी से छठी शती) में कई भारतीय ग्रंथो का चीनी भाषा में अनुवाद हुआ। चिन के हमू के अनुसार इन भारतीय ग्रंथो ने चीनी भाषा के साथ-साथ चीन के लोक साहित्य को बदल के रख दिया। ऑरेल स्टीन ने चीन के तुनहुआंग गुफा से ढेर सारे साहित्य एवं कलाकृतियों की खोज की जिनके निर्माण में भारतीयों ने अमूल्य सेवा दी थी। पॉल पेलियट बाद में इन्हें चुराकर फांस ले गया।
आधुनिक शोध बता रहे हैं कि चीनी थियेटर में नाटक और नृत्य पर भारतीय प्रभाव को कोई भी नकार नहीं सकता। चीन के नृत्य और संगीत का विकास भारतीयों के निर्देशन में हुआ था। चीनी नाटकों में आज भी भारतीय विषयो की बहुलता है। इस बात का उल्लेख 19 वीं शताब्दी में चीन गए भारतीय यात्रियों ने अपने वर्णन में किया है।
चीन के तुनहुआंग गुफा की चित्रावलियों और अजन्ता के चित्रों में गजब की समानता है जैसे बोधिसत्व, तथागत, अवलोकितेश्वर, अरहत तथा मार के चित्रों को तुनहुआंग की कला दीर्घा में देखा जा सकता है। चीनी चित्रों में भारतीय चित्रकारी के छ: नियमों की पालना की गई है। चीन में पैगोडा जैसे मंदिर भारतीय शिल्प-शास्त्र के प्रभाव में बनाये गए है।
पेकिंग स्थित शीतकालीन राजमहल में सफेद पैगोडा, पेकिंग का नीला बादल महाविहार, तथा पंच पैगोडा महाविहार बोध गया के महाविहार के अनुकरण हैं। नेपाल के अरनिको नामक वास्तुकार ने भारतीय वास्तुशास्त्र पर आधारित चीन में कई इमारतों का निर्माण किया।
सुई वश के राजदरबार में भारतीय संगीतकारों का बोलबाला था। तांग राजवंश के इतिहास ग्रंथों में भारतीय संगीतकारों, नर्तकों एवं बाजीगरों की विशद चर्चा है। सम्राट हुआंग के दरबार में भारतीय संगीत और नृत्य का प्रतिदिन प्रदर्शन होता था। पहले चीनी संगीत में पंचनाद होते थे। परन्तु भारतीय प्रभाव में सम्राट वु के समय (561-578) से चीनी संगीत सप्तनाद में बदल गया। संगीत के स्केल और तीव्रता में भी बदलाव किया गया। ताओ चिह नामक चीनी संगीत विशारद ने भारतीय और चीनी गेय शैलियों को मिलाकर एक ऐसी शैली विकसित की, जिससे चीनी भाषा में अनूदित संस्कृत के श्लोकों को गाया जा सके, जिन्हें बाद में गेयगल्प के रूप में जाना गया और चीनी दरबार में चारण इन्हें गाया करते थे। बौद्ध धर्म के पीठ पर सवार होकर भारतीय संस्कृति ने सम्पूर्ण एशिया में अपनी धाक जमाई। भारतीय अनुवादकों ने भारतीय साहित्य चीनी भाषा में अनुवाद किया, फलस्वरूप भारतीय संस्कृति और चीनी संस्कृति का संश्लेषण प्रारम्भ हुआ। संधदेव नामक अनुवादक ने चीन में रहकर भारतीय ग्रंथों का चीनी भाषा में अनुवाद किया। इन्होंने संघरक्षित द्वारा अनुमोदित सैकडों पुस्तकों का चीनी भाषा में अनुवाद किया। बुद्धभद्र नामक भारतीय विद्वान ने नानकिंग में रुककर फाहियान द्वारा भारत से लाये गए 117 भाग के ग्रथों का चीनी में अनुवाद किया। पुण्ययात्रा, बुद्वयसस, विमलाक्ष एवं धर्मयसस ने कई भारतीय ग्रंथो का चीनी में अनुवाद किया। बुद्धजीव एवं गुणवर्मन ने भी अनुवाद का काम किया।
गणभद्र नामक विद्वान, जो कि 435 ई में कैन्टन गया था, ने गणित, खगोल, ज्योतिष, चिकित्सा एवं हिन्दूधर्म के कई प्रामाणिक ग्रंथों का चीनी में अनुवाद किया। महायान शाखा के धर्मलक्षण-दर्शन की कई पुस्तकों का प्रणयन गुणभद्र ने चीनी भाषा में किया था। चेन टी, जिनका भारतीय नाम 'परमार्थ था और जो 548 ई में नानकिंग

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Jijrāsā
पधारे थे, ने 64 भारतीय विद्याओं की पांडुलिपियों का चीनी में अनुवाद किया। गुणवृद्धि ने 100 भारतीय गल्प कथाओं का चीनी भाषा में अनुवाद किया। आप मध्यप्रदेश में उज्जैन नगर के रहने वाले थे। आपने चीन में भारत के विज्ञानवाद दर्शन का प्रचार-प्रसार किया। आपने चीन मे शे-लुन-सुंग अर्थात महायान संपरिग्रह शास्त्र पीठ की स्थापना किया था, पर बाद में इस संप्रदाय का वेनसांग द्वारा स्थापित धर्मलक्षण संप्रदाय में विलय हो गया। धर्मरुचि में भारतीय खगोलशास्त्र के कई ग्रन्थों का चीनी में अनुवाद किया। ज्ञानभद्र एवं यशोगुप्त ने पंचविद्या जिसमें भारतीय व्याकरण, उच्चारण शास्त्र, चिकित्सा, विज्ञान और तर्कशास्त्र सम्मिलित है, का चीनी भाषा में अनुवाद किया। ये सभी विद्वान छठी शताब्दी में चीन गए थे ___कुमारजीव नामक भारतीय दार्शनिक ने अपने दर्शन और साहित्य से चीन की जो सेवा की है, उसे भारत और चीन के वंशधर कभी नही भूल पायेंगे। आपके पिता एक विद्वान भारतीय थे। इन्होंने चीन के सीकियांग प्रांत के कुचा की राजकुमारी जीव से विवाह किया और 344 ई. में कुमारजीव का जन्म हुआ। आपकी शिक्षा-दीक्षा पश्चिमोत्तर भारत के गांधार और कपिशा में पूर्ण हुई। पिता की असामयिक मृत्यु हो गई और माँ आपको लेकर भारत आ गई। मॉ ने भारत के विभिन्न शिक्षा केन्द्रों में आपको पंचविद्या की शिक्षा दिलवाई। 12 वर्ष की उम्र में आप ने कई विद्वानों को शास्त्रार्थ मे पराजित किया था। सीकियांग के कुचा स्थान से आपने भारतीय धर्म संस्कृति और व्याकरण पर प्रवचन देना प्रारम्भ किया और चीन देश में लोकप्रिय होने लगे। चीनी मॉ भारतीय मूल के अपने पुत्र पर विमोहित थी।
कुमारजीव को बंदी बनाकर चिनवंश के जनरल लु-कुआंग ने बहुत अपनानित किया। पर अगला सम्राट याओसिग ने कुमारजीव को मुक्त कराकर उन्हें अपनी राजधानी में ले आया। राजा ने राजकुमारी से कुमारजीव की शादी करा दी। कुमारजीव प्रतिभा संपन्न थे इन्होंने लगभग सात हजार संस्कृत के अध्यायों को चीनी भाषा में अनुवाद किया। इनमें अधिकांश पुस्तकें महायान शाखा माध्यमिक और योगाचार दर्शन की थी। इन पुस्तकों में सधर्मपुण्डरीक, विमलकीर्तिनिर्देश, वज्रछेदिक-प्रज्ञापारमितासूत्र, सुखावतीव्यूहसूत्र, सूत्रालंकारशास्त्र, एवं संयुक्तावदानसूत्र प्रमुख है। कुमार जीव एक उच्च कोटि के कवि भी थे। कुमार जीव के साथ ही भारत का षडदर्शन भी चीन पहुँचा। चीन के लोग भौतिकवादी और नीतिपरक थे, पर माध्यमिक और शून्यवाद के दर्शन ने भारतीय दार्शनिक प्रणाली को चीन में प्रत्यारोपित किया। जिसके फलस्वरूप चीन की दार्शनिक चेतना का कायाकल्प हो गया और सान लून तथा चेंग दार्शनिक पीठो का जन्म हुआ। कुमार जीव के शिष्यों मे शेंग चाओ एवं ताओ शेंग काफी प्रसिद्ध दार्शनिक हुए।
कुमारजीव भारत चीन ऐतिहासिक रोमांस के विलक्षण प्रतिभा सम्पन्न वंशधर थे। राजा ने उनका विवाह राजकुमारी से कराने के बाद भी उनके हर दैनदिनी कार्य की देखरेख के लिए अपूर्व सुंदरी परिचारिकाओं को इस पवित्र भाव से लगाया कि इस विलक्षण प्रतिभा और चीन की सुंदरियों के समागम से जो भी वंशधर जन्म लेगा वह चीन की सेवा करेगा और चीनी राष्ट्र महानता की ओर जायेगा।" राजा का वह निर्णय रंग लाया। कुमारजीव के वंशधर आगे के 200 वर्षों तक चीन के अनुवाद निदेशालय को संभालते रहे और कई भारतीय धार्मिक और लौकिक पुस्तकों का चीनी भाषा में अनुवाद हुआ। राजा द्वारा कुमारजीव के लिए स्थापित अनुवाद निदेशालय में आगे की शताब्दियों में हजारों अनुवादकों ने काम किया और 3000 भारतीय ग्रंथो का अनुवाद किया। इस अनुवादशाला से अनूदित पुस्तकों से अच्छा अनुवाद कोई और नहीं कर सका। कुमार जीव अन्त में अनूदित कृतियों की स्वंय परीक्षा करते थे उनकी अनुवादशाला में मध्य एशिया, चीन और भारत के विद्वान एक साथ काम करते थे। 413 ई. में कुमारजीव इस लोक से विदा हुए और मरने से पहले अपने अनुयायियों से कहा कि वे उनके

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भारतीय राष्ट्रिकों द्वारा चीन का निर्माण / 377 व्यक्तिगत जीवन का अनुकरण नही करेंगें और जहाँ तक मेरी जीवन यात्रा है तो मैं इतना ही कहूँगा कि कमल कीचड़ में खिलता है।
वैचारिक के धरातल पर भी भारतीयों ने चीन का निर्माण किया। जैसा कि हम जानते हैं महायानशाखा हिन्दुत्व के काफी करीब थी, अतः वैष्णव धर्म के अवतारवाद, मूर्तिपूजा, जीवन के बाद का जीवन और कर्म के सिद्धांत ने चीन की संस्कृति को समृद्ध किया। तांगकाल के समय से भारतीय आवागमन का सिद्धात, स्वर्ग-नरक, ब्रहमांड और शून्यवाद के सिद्धांत चीनी जनमानस को स्वीकार होने लगे। चीन का तियांगतांग शब्द संस्कृत के देवपुत्र का सीधा अनुवाद है जिस
चीन में बौद्ध संस्कृति का प्रचार :
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बोधिधर्म :- ये 526 ई. में भारत से चीन के लिए रवाना हुए थे और अगले साल चीन पहुँचे थे। धर्म के प्रचार में इन्होंने ध्यान और चिंतन को महत्ता प्रदान की थी दक्षिणी चीन के राजा लियांग वुटी ने इन्हें नानकिंग बुलाया था ये नागार्जुन के शून्यवाद के चीन में प्रचारक थे। इन्होंने बौद्ध आध्यात्मिक मूल्यों को चीन में लोकप्रिय बनाया और सत्यता, प्रमाण और अनुमान से परे परम सत्ता का ध्यान करने को कहा। ऐसा माना जाता है कि जापान का जेन (ध्यान दर्शन) इन्ही के सिद्धांतो से उत्पन्न हुआ था। इन्होनें महापरिनिर्वाणशास्त्र का चीनी भाषा में अनुवाद किया
बोधिरुचि या धर्मरुचि : आपके नाम का शाब्दिक अर्थ है, बुद्धि से प्रेम करने वाला प्रारम्भ में आपका नाम धर्मरूचि अर्थात नियम या सिद्धांत प्रिय था। पर बाद में महारानी वु सो थियेन (684705 ई.) ने आपका नाम बुद्धिरुचि कर दिया था आपने भारतीय खगोल, चिकित्सा, भूगोल, एवं आध्यात्म की पुस्तकों का चीनी भाषा में अनुवाद किया जिससे चीन को काफी लाभ हुआ आप त्रिपिटक के महान ज्ञाता थे और आपने रत्नमेघ सूत्र का 693 ई. में चीनी भाषा में अनुवाद किया। आप इवेनसांग के समकालीन थे और दोनो ने मिलकर 53 भारतीय पुस्तकों का अनुवाद किया था। 727 ई. में आपकी मृत्यु हुई, उस समय आपकी उम्र 156 वर्ष थी। आपने दसभूमक स्कूल की स्थापना की थी। आपके द्वारा अनुवादित पुस्तकों में प्रज्ञापारमिताअर्धशतक, महारत्नकूटसूत्र, अमितायुषव्यूह, नियमविनिश्चिय, उपालिपरिपृच्छा, मैत्रेयीपरिपृच्छा, महायानसूत्र एवं मंजुश्रीरत्न गर्भाधरणीसूत्र प्रमुख है।
उपरोक्त वर्णित विद्वानों के अलावा सैकडों ऐसे भारतीय हैं जिनके जीवन चरित्र के बारे में जानकारी हमें प्राप्त नहीं है पर हानवंश, तांगवंश, सुंगवंश, सुईवंश एवं चिनवंश के डायनेस्टिक एनल्स में इनकी एवं इनके कार्यों की चर्चा की गई है। तान-युन शान, लियांग - चि-चाओ, जि-शियालिन, चिन केहमू एवं तान चुंग जैसे भारत विद् चीनी विद्वानों ने अपने अध्ययन में यह सिद्ध किया है कि चीन जैसी विशाल सभ्यता एवं संस्कृति को आध्यात्मिक एवं वैचारिक रूप से भारतीयों ने उन्नत एवं समृद्ध किया है। अब सभ्यताओं में संघर्ष की जगह संवाद का समय है, और भारत-चीन को करीब आकर दुनिया का पथ-प्रदर्शन करना है। यह शोध पत्र उसी दिशा में एक छोटा सा प्रयास है।
संदर्भ टिप्पणी:
1. पी.वी. बापट 2500 इयर्स आफ बुद्धिज्म, नई दिल्ली, 1997 पृ. 58-59; पी.सी. बागची इण्डिया एण्ड चायना, बम्बई, 1948 मे उल्लेखित है ।
2. तानचुंग, ट्रिटन एण्ड ड्रेगन, नई दिल्ली, 1979, पृ. 108
3.
वही पृ 14
4
तानचुग, इण्डिया एण्ड चायना, नई दिल्ली. पृ.सं. 13-14
5. तानचुंग ट्रिटन एण्ड ड्रेगन, नई दिल्ली. 1979, पृ. 14

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378 / Jijnasa
6. टैगोर, रवीन्द्रनाथ, टॉक्स इन चायना, नई दिल्ली, इंट्रोडक्शन 7. चांग कारसुन, गांधियन इण्डिया एण्ड चायना, पृ. 142; एस.एन. सेन, इण्डिया थू चायनीज आइज, कलकता, 1956 पृ. 1 8. तानचुंग वही पृ. 14 9. केहमू, चिन, ए शॉर्ट हिस्ट्री आफ शिनो-इंडियन फेण्डशिप, बीजिंग 1958 पृ. 93-94 10. वही पृ. 22-23 11. वही पृ. 24 12. वही पृ. 95-96 13 तानचुंग, पूर्वोदधृत, पृ. 7 14, केहमू, चिन, पूर्वोदधृत, पृ. 28-29 15 वही पृ. 98 16. वही पृ 34 एवं तान चुंग, इण्डिया एण्ड चायना, में प्रभावों का उल्लेख किया है। 17. तान-चुंग, पूर्वोदधृत, पृ. 21-22 महेन्दुलाल गर्ग ने अपने चीन दर्पण (1903) नामक पुस्तक में चीनी थियेटर का उल्लेख
चीन जाकर देखने के पश्चात् किया है। 18 तान-चुंग, पूर्वोदधृत, पृ. 19-20 19. चीन-केहमू पूर्वोदधृत पृ. 41 20. वही पृ. 42 21. वही पृ. 94 22. बापट, 2500 ईयर्स आफ बुद्धिज्म, नई दिल्ली 1997, पृ. 213 23. वही पृ. 221 24. वही पृ. 210-11 25. वही पृ. 212 26. चिन केहमू पूर्वोदधृत पृ. 90-91 27. तान-चुंग, इण्डिया हॉरिजिन्स, भाग 43 नं. 1-2, 1995, पृ. 16 28 बापट, पूर्वोदधृत पृ. 53-54 एवं तानचुंग, इण्डिया एण्ड चायना, पृ. 4 29. बापट, पूर्वोदधृत पृ. 214-15 30. वही पृ. 219-20

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मारवाड़ की जल संस्कृति / 379
47. मारवाड़ की जल संस्कृति
महेन्द्र सिंह
"चार खुणा री बावड़ी, भरी झबोला खाय।
हाथी घोड़ा हुब जाय, पणिहारी जाय।।" पुराणों में मारवाड़ को मरु प्रदेश, मरुकान्तार, आदि नामों से संबोधित किया गया है। इसका कारण है कि यह जल के अभाव वाला प्रदेश रहा है। कोशकारों ने भी 'मरु' शब्द का अर्थ रेगिस्तान व जल विहीन प्रदेश बताया है। यथा
1. मरु - रेगिस्तान, रेतीली भूमि, वीरान, जल से हीन प्रदेश
2. मरु - वह भूभाग या प्रदेश जहां पानी नहीं, केवल रेत के सूखे मैदान या टीले हों, रेगिस्तान, मरु भूमि। मारवाड़, वह पर्वत जो जल रहित हो।'
3. मरु - मरु भूमि. रेगिस्तान, मारवाड़।'
उपरोक्त उद्धरणों से स्पष्ट है कि "मरु" शब्द ही जलविहीन एवं सूखे प्रदेश का द्योतक है। इससे सहज ही अनुमान लगाया जा सकता है कि इस प्रदेश में "जल" का कितना महत्त्व रहा है। एक तरफ जहां वनस्पति सहित, प्राणीमात्र के लिये "जल ही जीवन" है और वहीं दूसरी तरफ जिस प्रदेश या क्षेत्र में 'जल' का नितान्त अभाव रहा हो वहां इसका कितना महत्त्व रहा होगा, इस बारे में अधिक कुछ कहने की आवश्यकता नहीं रह जाती। __ जीवन के लिये सर्वाधिक अनिवार्य तत्व और इसी का सर्वाधिक अभाव, जीवन के प्रति हर पल विकट परिस्थिति पैदा करने वाली बात है। जो वस्तु जीवन का हर पल प्रभावित करने वाली है और इसी का अभाव हो तो उसके मूल्य का अनुमान भी सहज ही लगाया जा सकता है। इसीलिये यहां के लिये यह अनुश्रुति प्रचलित है कि "सस्ता खून और महंगा पानी।"
इसके अलावा सूखा प्रदेश होने के कारण यहां गर्मी का प्रकोप भी अत्यधिक रहता है। चैत्र मास से असाढ़ मास तक (जब तक वर्षा न हो) मारवाड़ की प्रचण्ड गर्मी एवं 'लू' (तेज गर्म हवा) के कारण आद्र प्रदेशों में रहने वाले जीवों की रूह कांपने लगती है। इस अवधि में अन्य प्रदेशों के लोग यहां आने से घबराते हैं।
वैसे तो “जल ही जीवन" का यह मूल सिद्धान्त सर्वत्र एवं समस्त प्राणीमात्र एवं वनस्पति मात्र के लिये समान रूप से लागू होता है। प्रकृति के पांच भौतिक तत्वों में सर्वाधिक महत्त्वपूर्ण पदार्थ जल है, फिर हवा है। पानी से प्यास बुझती है। अन्न एवं वनस्पतियां पानी से ही फलती-फूलती है। भोजन पकाना एवं पचाना पानी के बिना संभव नहीं। पानी प्राणी मात्र के लिये प्राणदायक शक्ति है।

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आदि मानव ने जल की अनिवार्यता को समझकर उसके आस-पास ही रहना प्रारम्भ किया। प्राचीन काल में नगर ग्राम की बसावट पानी की सुविधा को देखकर ही की गई। विश्व इतिहास के अनुसार सभी प्राचीन सभ्यताओं का विकास नदी घाटियों में ही हुआ।
मारवाड़ में पानी के अभाव का एक महत्त्वपूर्ण भौगोलिक कारण यह है कि यह प्रदेश समुद्र से बहुत दूर है। मानसून के उद्गम एवं बहाव से भी काफी दूर पड़ता है। इसलिये यहां वर्षा बहुत कम होती है। पेड़-पौधों के जंगलों की बजाय यहां रेत के टीबे बहुत है, इसके कारण मानसून को आकर्षित करने की क्षमता भी इस प्रदेश के वातावरण में कम रहती है। इसीलिये अनुमानत: मारवाड़ में वर्षा का औसत केवल 31 मिलीमीटर रहता है। नदी के नाम पर यहां केवल लूनी नदी है जो वर्षा काल में ही प्रवाहित रहती है, निरन्तर नहीं बहती। कम वर्षा एवं नदी नालों के अभाव के कारण यहां पर भूमिगत जल स्रोत भी अत्यन्त गहरे हैं। इसीलिये कहा गया है कि
“खग धारां थोड़ो नरां, सिमट भर्यो सहपाण।
इण थी मरुधर तरल जल, पाताळा परवाण।।" इतने गहरे कुएं कि अर खड़े होकर देखने पर पानी दिखाई नहीं देता वरन् अंधेरा दिखता है। “पाताळा परवाण” मानो पाताल फोड़कर पानी निकला हो।
इस जीवनदायी दुर्लभ्य तत्व के लिये भिन्न-भिन्न स्तर से किये गये प्रयास एवं सुरक्षा व्यवस्था के साथ ही बूंद-बूंद से घट भरने की भावना प्रखर रहती है। वर्षा के प्रति आकर्षण के कारण जनजीवन मे सदा पानी के लिये पिपासा रहती रही है। इसके कारण लोकजीवन एवं लोक भाषा में अनेक मुहावरे और लोकोक्तियाँ बनी तथा लोकगीत बनें-पाणी काडणौ--गहरी खुदाई करना। पांणी चढ़णों पानी का स्तर पर होना। पांणी-छूटणी - जल प्रवाहित करना। पांणी तोड़णौ=कुऐं के जल से रिक्त करना। पांणी में खोज काड़णौ-गहरी जांच करना। पांणी रो आसरौ केवल पानी पर जीवन निर्वाह। पाणी पीदे बैठणौ कुएं का पानी समाप्त होना, बर्बाद होना। ___ वर्षा के विरह में संवत् 1956 के अकाल की विभीषिका का वर्णन कवि अरदान लालस ने अपने आर काव्य में किया है। पानी के बिना-जीवों की क्या हालत हुई यथा:
“सूनी ढांणी में सेठाणी सोती। रैगी बिणियांणी पाणी नै रोती।। मुखड़ो कुम्हळायौ भोजन बिन भारी। पय पय कर तोड़ी, पोढी पिय प्यारी। बादळ बीजळियां नभ में नर्हि नैड़ी। भेजी भणजायौ भळकी पुल भैड़ी।। खाली जळ धरथी जळधर जळ खूटौ। तत खिण जीवण बिन जग जीवण लूटौ।।
भैस्यां रिड़कै नै गायां रंभावै।
प्रांणी तिरखातुर पांणी कुण पावै।' और जब थोड़े से बदल कहीं दिख जाये तो उल्हास की लहर उठ जाती है। तुरन्त उसका आह्वान
"मेह बाबा आजा- घी नै बाटी खा जा"

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खुद को तो चाहे घी और बाटी के दर्शन ही न हो परन्तु मेह (मेघ वर्षा) के स्वागत के लिये घी-बाटी का विशेष भोजन जुटाने की भावना मुखर रहती है। हमने अतिथि को "मेहमान" इसलिये कहा क्योंकि- "मेह ने पावणा, कदैई कदै ई आवे” ।
और फिर थोड़ी सी वर्षा प्रारम्भ होते ही जन-जन के मन में आह्वान की उमंग। मन को कली कली खिल उठेगी और मेघराजा के बधावणे शुरू - आबाल-वृद्ध सभी खुश
" आयौ बाबो परदेशी - नाडानाडी भरदेशी” "मेह आयौ मादाळियो आयो धरती धारौ धणी आयौ ।
गाडौ भर गेवां रौ लायौ ऊपर घी रौ चाडौ लायौ ।।”
जल के महत्व को स्वीकार कर हमारे पूर्वजों ने इसके संग्रह एवं उपयोग के कई उपाय किये। कुएं, बावड़िये, तालाब खुदवाने, झालरे टांके आदि बनवाने जैसे जन कल्याणकारी कार्य किये। फिर इनमें संग्रहीत पानी की शुचिता की रक्षा के लिये भी कई तरह के उपाय, नियम, परम्परायें बनाईं जिन्हें हम आज परम्परागत जलस्रोत कहते हैं। ये पानी की तत्कालीन समस्या के समाधान के प्रतीक रहे हैं। ऐसे कार्य राज्य स्तर पर, राजा-महाराजाओं के पारिवारिक सदस्यों के स्तर पर, उनके अधीनस्थ जागीरदार, सेठ साहुकारों तथा अन्य समर्थ जनों की तरफ से किये जाते रहे हैं।
मारवाड़ के इतिहास का सिंहावलोकन अगर इस दृष्टि से किया जाय तो राव जोधाजी के समय से ही ऐसे प्रयासों के संदर्भ इतिहास में मौजूद मिलेंगे
मारवाड़ राज्य की राजगद्दी पर राव जोधाजी का राज्याभिषेक वि.सं. 1515 में हुआ। इस अवसर पर उन्होंने अपने निकट सहयोगियों को यथायोग्य पारितोषिक देकर संतुष्ट किया और उन्हीं दिनों उन्होंने अपने निकट सहयोगियों को यथायोग्य पारितोषिक देकर संतुष्ट किया और दिनों उन्होंने मण्डोर के पास "जोवेलाव" तालाब बनवाया । वि.स. 1516 में उन्होंने जोधपुर का किला मेहरानगढ़ बनवाया और जोधपुर नगर बसाया। तब उनकी हाड़ी रानी जसमादे जी ने किले के पास 'रानीसर' (रानी सागर) नामक तालाब बनवाया। उनकी दूसरी रानी सोनगरी (चौहानजी) चांदकुंवरजी ने "चांद बावड़ी” नामक वापिका का निर्माण करवाया ।' पण्डित रेऊ ने इसी में आगे लिखा है कि इसी वर्ष जोधाजी नापाजी सांखला की सहायतार्थ जांगलू प्रदेश गये, वहां उनकी माताजी कोड़म देवीजी के बनवाये तालाब कोड़मदे - सर की प्रतिष्ठा करवाई ।
राव जोधाजी के समय मण्डोर क्षेत्र में 36 कुएं बावड़ियां एवं तीन तालाब थे।' राव जोधाजी के पुत्र राव सातलजी ने संवत् 1545 में राजगद्दी संभाली। इनकी रानी भटियाणी फूलकंवरजी, जो खंडेला से थी, ने फूलेलाव तालाब व बावड़ी सम्वत् 1546 में बनवाई।
राव जोधाजी के प्रपौत्र राव सूजाजी के पौत्र राव गांगाजी ने जोधपुर की राजगद्दी वि.सं. 1752 में संभाली। इन्होंने 'गांगेलाव' तालाब तथा “ गांगा बावड़ी" बनवाई। जिसका विस्तार इनकी रानी सिसोदणी पद्मावती ने करवाया। इनके समय में मेवाड़ के सेठ पदमसाह ने पदमसर बनवाया।
राव गांगाजी के उत्तराधिकारी उनके पुत्र राव मालदेवजी संवत् 1588 में राजगद्दी पर बैठे। इन्होंने भी अनेकानेक जनकल्याणकारी कार्य करवाये। जोधपुर के किले का विस्तार मरानीसरफ नालाब तक करवाया. इसके कारण किले वालों को पानी की सुविधा हो गई चिड़ियानाथजी की धूणी के मार्ग पर "नौसल्या" कर्जा इन्होंने ही बनाया था जो अब " पतालिया बेरा" के नाम से जाना जाता है। इनकी झाली रानी स्वरूपदेजी ने "स्वरूप सागर” नामक तालाब बनवाया जो आजकल बहूजी के तालाब के नाम से प्रसिद्ध है। 10 इमरती बावड़ी व इमरती पोळ इन्होंने करवाई। मेड़तिया दरवाजा के पास मालासर तालाब करवाया। चौपड़ भुरज के आगे नींबासर बनवाया। 12

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सवाई राजा सूरसिंहजी ये मोटा उदयसिंहजी के पुत्र एवं राव मालदेवजी के पौत्र थे। इनका राज्याभिषेक वि.सं. 1652 में हुआ। इन्होंने संवत् 1663 में जोधपुर नगर के चांदपोल दरवाजे के बाहर 'सूरसागर' नामक तालाब बनवाया। इसके तट पर एक सुन्दर बगीचा एवं संगमरमर की बारादरी और महल बनवाये। बालसमन्द बाग के फाट के पास एक बावड़ी बनवाई जो “हरबोलों की बावड़ी" कहलाती है।15
चांदपोल के बाहर ही उन्होंने रामेश्वर महादेव मंदिर एवं “सूरज कुण्ड नामक बावड़ी" बनवाई। इनकी कछवाई रानी सौभागदेवीजी ने दईझर नामक गांव में “सोभाग सागर" तालाब बनवाया। ये महाराजा गजसिंहजी (प्रथम) की माताजी थी।। 4
सवाई राजा सूरसिंहजी के पुत्र एवं उत्तराधिकारी राजा गजसिंहजी (प्रथम) ने वि.सं. 1676 में मारवाड़ राज्य की राजगद्दी संभाली। इन्होंने अपने समय में आनन्दघनजी का मंदिर, तलहटी के महलों में अनेक नये महल तथा सूरसागर में कुआं बनवाया।15
इनकी सातवीं रानी वाघेली श्री कुसुमदेजी ने कागड़ी का तालाब बनवाया। अनारा की बावड़ी इनकी पासवान अनारा ने बनवायी। इसके सामने ही सुगंधा बावड़ी है, जिसे सुगंधा नामक पड़दायत ने बनवाया था।
महाराजा जसवन्तसिंहजी (प्रथम) ने अपने पिता महाराजा गजसिंहजी (प्रथम) के उत्तराधिकारी के रूप में वि.सं. 1695 में जोधपुर की राजगद्दी संभाली। इन्होंने औरंगाबाद के बाहर पूर्व की तरफ जसवन्त सागर नामक तालाब बनवाया। इसी तालाब के तट पर इनके रहने के महल थे।17
इनकी रानी हाडीजी ने “राईका बाग” व “हाडी पुरा” बसाया तथा “कल्याण सागर” नामक तालाब बनवाया जो इस समय “रातानाडा" के नाम से विख्यात है।17
इनकी रानी शेखावतजी ने "शेखावतीजी का तालाब” बनवाया था, जो आज भी रिसाला रोड़ आगे विद्यमान है।17 राणीमंगा भाटों की बही सं. 1724 के अनुसार इनकी प्रथम रानी श्री अनरंगदे शेखावतजी ने शहर के पूर्व की ओर पहाड़ी पर तालाब खुदवाया।
महाराजा अजीतसिंहजी ने महाराजा जसवन्तसिंहजी के उत्तराधिकारी के रूप में संवत् 1765 में मारवाड़ की राजगद्दी संभाली। इन्होंने जोधपुर के गढ़ में कई निर्माण एवं मरम्मत के कार्य करवाये। मण्डोर के बाग में इकथंबा महल व जनाना के लिये 23 कोठरियों का निर्माण करवाया तथा हौद बनवाया। भैरूजी की प्राचीन बावड़ी की मरम्मत भी करवाई। साथ ही में महाराजा जसवन्तसिंहजी का देवल करवाया तथा कई मंदिर बनवाये। इनके अतिरिक्त “धाय की बावड़ी" करवाई। इनके समय अन्य भी कई झालरे एवं बावड़ियां बनवाई गईं जिनका उल्लेख "मारवाड़ रा परगणां री विगत भाग-1' में है।18
रानी जै कंवरजी तुंवरजी ने गोल घाटी के पास झालरा बनवाया “तुंवरजी का झालरा",
राणीमंगा बही के अनुसार उनकी राणी श्री बदनकंवरजी जाड़ेजी (नवानगर) ने चांदपोल के बाहर ‘झालरे' का निर्माण करवाया जो “जाड़ेची का झालरा" कहलाता है।
महाराजा अभयसिंहजी जो महाराजा जसवन्तसिंहजी (प्रथम) के पौत्र एवं महाराजा अजीतसिंहजी के बड़े पुत्र थे, का मारवाड़ राज्य की राजगद्दी पर राज्याभिषेक संवत् 1781 में हुआ। इन्होंने किले में चौकेलाव का कुआं, बाग और फतहपोल बनवाई। जोधपुर शहर का परकोटा कागा के पहाड़ से मेड़तिया दरवाजा तक करवाया। इसके अलावा "अभय सागर तालाब" (चांदपोल के बाहर) अठपहलू कुआं और महल आदि बनवाये।19
अन्य जलाशयों का निर्माण इनके द्वारा करवाया उसका विवरण इस प्रकार है- “नवलखौ बेरो कुओं उदयमंदिर के पास। देवकुण्ड तालाब-गोल ऊपर है। भवानी सागर तलाब। चौखां गांव के कोट में कुआं, रावतों की बावड़ी।" 20

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महाराजा बखतसिंहजी महाराजा अजीतसिंहजी के द्वितीय पुत्र थे। इन्होंने संवत् 1808 में जोधपुर की राजगद्दी संभाली। इन्होंने जालौरी दरवाजा के बाहर की ओर “बगत सागर" तालाब बनवाया। किले में अन्य निर्माण कार्य तथा नागौर में मंदिरों का निर्माण करवाया।21
महाराजा विजयसिंहजी महाराजा बखतसिंहजी के पुत्र एवं महाराजा अजीतसिंहजी के पौत्र थे। अपने पिता के उत्तराधिकारी के रूप में इन्होंने वि.सं. 1809 में मारवाड़ राज्य की राजगद्दी संभाली।22 उन्होंने गंगश्यामजी का मंदिर बनवाया। विजैसाही सिक्का इन्हीं के नाम से चलाया। अन्य मंदिर भी बनवाये।
पण्डित श्री रामकरण आसोपा के मारवाड़ के मूल इतिहास के अनुसार महाराजा विजयसिंहजी की 'पासवान' गुलाबराय नामक एक जाट स्त्री थी जो वल्लभ सम्प्रदाय की परमभक्त थी। उसने महाराजा साहब की याद को चिरस्थाई बनाने के लिए अनेक कार्य करवाये, जिनमें प्रमुख निम्न हैं।25
1. कुंज बिहारीजी का मंदिर 2. गुलाब सागर (तालाब) 3. महिला बाग के महल-चतुष्पद वापी अर्थात् “झालरा"। 4. गिरदीकोट “सरदार मार्केट" 5. फतहसागर (तालाब) 6. रावटी का तालाब 7. तालाब धाय सागर (धाय ने करवाया)
महाराजा मानसिंहजी महाराजा विजयसिंहजी के पौत्र एवं गुमानसिंहजी के पुत्र थे। इन्होंने वि.सं. 1860 में जोधपुर की राजगद्दी संभाली।24 जोधपुर के जालौरी दरवाजा के पास “बाईजी का तालाब" इन्हीं के समय में बना। ऐसा माना जाता है कि इस तालाब का निर्माण इनकी सुपुत्री श्री सिरेकंबर बाईजी ने संवत् 1883 में करवाया। पानी की व्यवस्था के लिये इसकी लम्बी दूरी की नहरे भी बनवाई।
इनकी चौथी रानी देवड़ीजी श्री एजन कंवरजी. ने रावटी के पास “ऐजन बावड़ी” तथा श्री राजनेश्वर महादेवजी का मंदिर बनवाया।25
इनकी चौदहवीं रानी श्री पांचवां भटियाणीजी श्री जसकुंवरजी ने विद्याशाला के निकट एक बावड़ी बनवाई जो "पांचमामाजी की बावड़ी" कहलाती है यहां पर श्री मोहन बिहारीजी का मंदिर भी बनवाया।25 ___ इन्होंने, महामंदिर की प्रतिष्ठा के समय वहां झालरा बनवाया। महामंदिर में ही मान सागर तालाब बनवाया तथा नहरें पक्की करवाई। उदयमंदिर तथा श्री नाथजी का मंदिर व झालरा बनवाया।26
महाराजा तखतसिंहजी ने महाराजा मानसिंहजी के उत्तराधिकारी के रूप में संवत् 1900 में जोधपुर की राजगद्दी ईडर से आकर संभाली। ये महाराजा अजीतसिंहजी के वंशज थे। इनको मकान आदि बनाने का बड़ा शौक था। इसलिये अनेक नए महल बगीचे तालाब आदि बनवाये। इन्होने रानीसर, पद्मसर, गुलाब सागर, फतहसागर के घाट बनवाये। बाईजी के तालाब की मरम्मत करवाई। तखत सागर तालाब व कायलाना झील इन्होंने ही बनवाई थी। इसके अतिरिक्त बीजोलाई, नाडेलाव, माचिया, जालिया, रामदान का बाड़िया, तखतसागर भीवभड़क मनरूप का बाड़िया, मीठी नाडी, फूलबाग आदि स्थान बनवाये। अन्य कई निर्माण इनके समय में हुए।

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इनकी परवाशाल मगराज ने नागौरी दरवाजे बाहर तथा लछराज ने जालौरी दरवाजा बाहर- बावड़ियाँ बनवाई। नागौरी गेट के बाहर आनाजर हरकरण ने बनवाया। सुरपरा के मार्ग में लालसागर तालाब, लालसागर के पास एक अन्य कुआं उजीर बगस के मार्फ तथा कासबा का कुआं और सोयंतरे का कुआं चहवाणजी ने करवाया था। मण्डोर के पास बाग एवं कुआ था विजाह के भारफन मण्डोर के पास अन्य कु.आं मुहता पूनमचंद के मार्फत बनवाए।27
राणा राणावतजी ने भण्डोर के पास “खोखरियौ कुऔ” बनवाया। श्रीमाली पोकर की बगेची के पास कुआं। रामदानं के बाड़िये वाचदी। कायलाणा के पास बड़ा तालाब नाजर हरकरण के मार्फत। बीजोलाई तालाब अभैसागर के ऊपर कुआं, जालियों की मरम्मत।
महाराजा नखतसिंह नी द्वारा बनवाये गये तखतसागर एवं कायलाना झील की नहरों का निर्माण सर प्रतापसिंहजी ने करवाया! इबाने उक्त जलाशयों से पंप द्वारा जोधपुर शहर में पानी उपलब्ध करवाने की व्यवस्था की।
महाराजा उम्मेदसिंहजी ने वि.सं. 1975 में अपने बड़े भ्राता महाराजा सुमेरसिंहजी के उत्तराधिकारी के रूप में मारवाड़ राज्य को बागडोर संभाली। इनका विरुद "मारवाड़ के पुनर्निर्माता" के रूप में प्रसिद्ध है। बदलते समय की आवश्यकताओं को देखते हुए इन्होंने जोधपुर शहर एवं मारगड़ राज्य में सुधार के अनेक कार्य करवाये।
जानपुर सहर की बढ़ती जनसंख्या को मेखिने हुए कायलाना झील के पास तखत सागर नामक अन्य तालाब का निर्माण करवाया।
विक्रम संवत 1996 (ईसा सन 1930-40) में भयंकर अकाल के समय अनेक गांवों में तालाब व छोटे नाडे खुदवाये। सकाल राह के अनेक कार्य प्रारम्भ करवाये।
भयोमाया के लिये पर-तारे की पारया के लिये सरकारी स्तर पर चारे की व्यवस्था की गई और रियायती दर से चारा उपलब्ध करने का प्रबन्ध किया। तारीख 30.10.39 को जारी इश्तिहार में घास एवं कड़बी निम्नलिखित दरों पर देने की सूचना जारी की गई 129
(1) काश्तकारान को 0.75 फीमण (बारह आना) (2) गैर काश्तकारान को 1.50 फीमण (डेढ़ रुपया)
तारीख 2 दिसम्बर 1959 को एक रानकीय सूचना प्रसारित की गई, जिसमें करीब 50000 लोगों को (रोजगार) मजदूरी पर लगाये जाने की सूचना तथा नमाम मारवाड़ में सस्ते घास के गोदामों की व्यवस्था की सूचना दी गई। कुछ मामलों में मुक्त चारा व घास का प्रबन्ध भी किया गया। सस्ते अनाज की दुकानों का प्रबन्ध भी किया और पानी की व्यवस्था के लिये रेल की 100 टंकियां खरीदने की व्यवस्था की गई। इस कार्य के लिये अनुमानित 70 लाख रुपये खर्च करने का प्रावधान रखा गया।
शहरवासियों को सस्ते दामों में अनाज उपलब्ध करवाने के लिहाज से शहर के विभिन्न क्षेत्रों में 12 दुकानें खुलवाई गईं, जिनके ज़रिये गेहूँ (कणक) एक रुपये की पौने सात सेर तथा बाजरी आठ सेर के भाव से उपलब्ध करवाने का प्रबंध किया गया।
अकाल राहत के अन्तर्गत सड़क निर्माण कार्य चार क्षेत्रों में चालू किये गये। (1) रोल से मूंडवा तक सड़क (2) खजवांणा से कुचेरा तक (3) कत्ती से खाडू तक (4) कजनाऊ से गोटन तक सड़क निर्माण। 2
जनवरी 1940 के प्रथम सप्ताह में 25000 मन धास व कड़वी बाहर से मंगवाई गई जिसे मण्डोर, मेड़ता, नागौर, मारोठ, डीडवाना आदि 12 स्थानों पर भिन्न-भिन्न केन्द्रों से आपूर्ति की व्यवस्था की गई।

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इसी समय हाकिमों की देखरेख में चल रहे अकाल निवारक कार्य में 163 गांवों के केन्द्रों में लगे 20980 मजदूरों को (प्रतिदिन का औसत वेतन देने के लिये 25621/- रूपये खजाने से दिये गये। 34
भेजी गई । 35
अनाज की व्यवस्था के लिये 2000 बोरी अनाज फलौदी, बाड़मेर तथा पचपदरा में फरवरी 1940 में जब अकाल राहत कार्यों का आंकलन किया गया, उस समय "अकाल निवारण के मिनिस्टर इंचार्ज" की रिपोर्ट के अनुसार अगस्त से दिसम्बर तक की अवधि में हॉकिमों की अध्यक्षता में 996 केन्द्रों पर तथा पी. डब्ल्यू. डी की देखरेख में 75 बड़े कामों पर 65000 लोगों को प्रतिदिन काम दिया गया और इसका खर्च 30,00,000/- (तीस लाख) रुपये का हुआ। मवेशी की रक्षा के लिये 3,05,810 मन घास व चारा बाहर से मंगवाया इस पर 16,00,000/- ( सोलह लाख ) रुपये खर्च हुवे 135 दिनांक 17 फरवरी 1940 के गज़ट के अनुसार ये कार्य आगे भी चलते रहे। हालांकि इस समय तक कुछ वर्षा भी हो गई थी और बिलाड़ा एवं गोड़वाड़ क्षेत्र में अच्छी फसलें दिखाई दे रही थीं। 30
मार्च 23 के गज़ट के अनुसार मेड़ता परगने में वर्ष 1939 के दौरान 5.58 इंच पानी बरसा तथा मार्च 40 में 2.04 इंच वर्षा दर्ज की गई। लेकिन फेमीन के कार्य वहां पर उस समय तक भी चालू रखे गये। 37
इनके अलावा दुष्काल निवारण कार्य में लगे मजदूरों के लिये चिकित्सा सुविधा का प्रबन्ध भी किया गया। सुमेर समंद, हेमावास बांध, इलाइसिंग बेसिन, फलौदी चाटी रोड, डीडवाना कुचागण रोड, नारायणपुरा परबतसर रोड, गोटन मेड़ता रोड बांकली, मेड़ता जैतारण रोड, सेंदड़ा आदि केन्द्रों पर कार्यरत मजदूरों के लिये अस्थाई अस्पताल खोले गये। साथ ही इन केन्द्रों पर 17000 टीके लगाने की व्यवस्था भी की गई। 38
जोधपुर गवर्नमेंट के उक्त कार्यों की सराहना के लिये, मद्रास में बसे मारवाड़ियों की तरफ से, शास्त्री एवं शाह कम्पनी मद्रास के श्री बी. एस. कुम्भट ने निम्नलिखित संदेश प्रेषित किया।
"मुझसे कहा गया है कि इस प्रान्त की मारवाड़ी जनता की ओर से इस कठिन समय में जोधपुर गवर्नमेन्ट द्वारा किये गये उत्तम दुष्काल निवारक कार्यों के लिये मैं आप के द्वारा श्रीमान् महाराजा साहिब बहादुर तथा उनकी गवर्नमेन्ट के प्रति कृतज्ञता प्रगट करूं। हम सब दुष्काल पीड़ित लोगों के प्रति सरकार द्वारा सहानुभूति रूप में किये गये दुष्काल निवारक कार्यों की तथा उन अन्य संस्थाओं की जिन्होंने गवर्नमेन्ट के साथ रहकर कार्य किया है, प्रशंसा करते हैं। "
दुष्काल निवारण का कार्य अगस्त 1939 के दूसरे सप्ताह से प्रारम्भ किया गया। उस समय पानी की सप्लाई रेल द्वारा करने का प्रबन्ध किया गया। अधिक समस्या वाले इलाके बाड़मेर परगने के भाचबर, रामसर, बायतू, शिव में गडरा रोड, फलौदी में लोहावट, सामराऊ ढेलाना आदि स्थानों पर प्रतिदिन 2,500 से 10,000 गैलन पानी रेल से पहुंचाने का प्रबन्ध किया गया। इसके अलावा मेड़ता, डीडवाना, मूंडवा आदि स्थानों पर भी पानी सप्लाई का प्रबंध किया गया। 40
अकाल के कारण बहुत से किसानो के बैल मर गये थे। इस कारण करसण करना दूभर हो गया। इसके विकल्प के तौर पर शिव, शेरगढ़, नागौर, फलौदी, बाड़मेर आदि के रेतीले इलाकों के किसानों को "हाथ हलिये उपलब्ध करवाने का प्रबन्ध भी किया गया। 41
सन् 1939 में महाराजा श्री उम्मेदसिंहजी ने बबूल के पेड़ को "रॉयल ट्री" घोषित किया था क्योंकि अकाल के समय इसकी लकड़ी जलाने के काम में आती थी इसलिये उन्होंने इस पेड़ को संरक्षण देने की घोषणा की और इसके बीजों का छिड़काव स्थान-स्थान पर करवाया। जिसका उल्लेख भी गजटों में मिलता है।
मई 1940 के गजट के अनुसार उस समय डीडवाना परगने में भयंकर अकाल था। वहां अकाल निवारण का कार्य 106 केन्द्रो पर हाकिमों की देखरेख में चालू करवाया। इनके लिये करीब 70000/- रुपये के खर्च की स्वीकृति दी गई।

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386
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Jijñāsa
पानी की व्यवस्था के लिये सिंघी तलाई तथा इसकी फीडर नहर की खुदाई व मरम्मत का कार्य शुरू करवाया गया। बलदू, डीडवाना, बडाबरा, मोलासर और लाडणूं में घास के गोदाम खुलवाये। रेल की टंकियों से पानी पहुंचाने का प्रबन्ध किया गया।42
तारीख 8 जून, 1940 के गज़ट के अनुसार करीब 10 माह से अधिक समय के पश्चात् वर्षा हुई। इस कारण किसानों को राहत मिली। जोधपुर गवर्नमेन्ट ने अकाल पीड़ित किसानों की सहायता के लिये “हाथ हलिये" मुफ्त में देने का प्रबन्ध किया। साथ ही बोवाई के लिये बाजरा व जवार के अच्छी किस्म के बीजों की व्यवस्था करवाई। “उत्तम किस्म के और कम पानी में अच्छी उपज होने वाली बाजरा व जवार की दस-दस सेर की थैलियां हर कृषक को खरीफ की खेती के लिये मुफ्त देने की स्वीकृति दी गई।"45
इस तरह सहायता कार्यों में राहत पाकर मारवाड़ के किसानों ने महाराजा साहब के प्रति कृतज्ञता प्रगट की और तार प्रेषित किये।
"माननीय महाराजा साहिब बहादुर के प्रति कृतज्ञता प्रगट करते ये तार गांवों से आये हैं"
“कुचेरा के काश्तकार अपनी स्वामी-भक्ति से परिपूर्ण कृतज्ञता प्रकट करते हैं कि हम पर इस समय में तकावी, बीज के लिये धान और हाथ-हलिये बांट कर पिता समान दया करके रक्षा कर ली गई।"
कुचेरा के काश्तकार "इस संकट में जब कि जीवन और मरण का प्रश्न है तकावी हमारे लिये दैविक सहायता है और इसके बलसे हम एक बार फिर अपने पैरों पर खड़े हो सकेंगे।"
मूंडवा की जनता इसके अतिरिक्त महाराजा उम्मेदसिंहजी ने सभी जागीरदारों को निर्देश प्रेषित कर जागीरी गांवों में जल संसाधनों के निर्माण की व्यवस्था करवाई। इसके तहत जोजावर ठाकुर केसरीसिंहजी ने जोजावर के पास बांध बनवाया। इसी प्रकार राजदाढीसा ने भी नागौर जिले में स्थित गांव आकेली में भी एक कुएं का निर्माण कार्य करवाया जो कुआ आज भी है और गांववासियों के लिए पीने के पानी के रूप में काम में आ रहा है।
सामान्य जीवन को प्रतिदिन प्रभावित करने वाली “जल संस्कृति” का प्रभाव लोकगीतों के माध्यम से भी देखा जा सकता है.
"किण तो खिणाया नाडा नाडिया-पणिहारी जी एलो।
किण तो खिणाया तळाव-वालाजी ओ। सुसराजी खिणाया नाडा नाडिया पणिहारी जी एलो।
पीवजी खिणाया तळाव वालाजी ओ।" नवआंगतुक वधू का गाँव, मौहल्ले, बिरादरी आदि में परिचय कराने हेतु किसी समारोह की जरूरत नहीं थी, बस उसे सजा-धजा कर देवरानी-जेठानी या छोटी नणद के साथ पानी लाने के लिये तालाब पर भेजना ही पर्याप्त था। वहां पर गांव की सब औरतों से उसका तुरन्त परिचय हो जाया करता था। लेकिन इस प्रकार सज-धज कर निकलना नवोढ़ा के मन में संकोच व लज्जा का भाव भी जागृत करता था।
“सरवर पाणीड़ा ने जाऊ सा,
नजर लग जाय।"

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पानी के लिये पनघट पर जाने के लिये खुद को सजाना-संवारना ही पर्याप्त नहीं था, इसके साथ अच्छा कलश, सुन्दर घड़ा रखने के लिये बनाई “ईडाणी” का महत्व भी कम नहीं था।
"म्हारी सवा लाख की लूम,
गम गई ईडाणी" हीरों, मोतियों से जड़ी, लूमा लटकती ईडानी को सिर पर रखकर तथा उस पर घड़ा और घड़े पर 'चरी' (छोटा पात्र) को उठाकर जब वह छम छम करती पनघट पर जाती तो सबकी नजरें अनायास ही उसकी ओर मुड़ जाती। इस स्थिति में उस नायिका का मन प्रमुदित व उल्लासित हुए बिना नहीं रह सकता था।
इसके अलावा परिवार में विवाह के समय “सरवर नेतणा" (सरोवर को न्यौता देना) भी एक संस्कार था। गृह लक्ष्मी प्रतिदिन जिस तालाब के तीर पर पानी के लिये जाती अर्थात् जिस सरोवर देव के द्वार पर नित्यप्रति जाना होता, उसे विवाह के मांगलिक अवसर पर आमंत्रित करने से कैसे चूका जा सकता है? ___ इसी तरह की अनेक परम्पराएं व संस्कार जल संस्कृति से जुड़े हुए हैं। देवझूलनी एकादशी पर ठाकुरजी की मूर्ति को 'रेवाड़ी' (डोली) में विराजमान करवाकर सरोवरों पर स्नान करवाने ले जाया जाता है। तीज त्यौहारों पर 'लोटिये' (बड़ेबड़े लोटौं पर तुर्रा श्रृंगार कर) भरकर लाने का कार्य गाजे बाजे से किया जाता है। इसके अलावा पर्व विशेष पर दीपदान करने की परम्परा भी प्रचलित है।
जोधपुर में प्राकृतिक जी की वर्तमान स्थितिकिसी भी सुरक्षित राजधानी के लिये मुख्य दो आवश्यकता होती हैं, प्रथम सुरक्षित स्थान, दूसरा जल। मेहरानगढ़ दुर्ग का मुख्य द्वार फतेहपोल रखा गया जहां जलस्रोत, उसके आस-पास अधिक संख्या में है। चांदपोल से सूरसागर तक 21 बावड़ियाँ, 15 कुएं और दो झालरे हैं। इसके अलावा माचिया के पास तालाब बनाया गया। फिदूसर तालाब, धोबी तलाई, रानीसर, पदमसर, जोधा नाडी इत्यादि। इसके अलावा विसंगड़ी का तालाब, टाके, नाडियाँ आदि का निर्माण कराया गया।
भूमि के जल की अधिकता
चांदपोल से रावटी तक के पहाड़ी क्षेत्र में भूमिगत पानी को अधिक सोखते हैं और बरसात होने से लेकर मार्च तक इन पहाड़ों की शिराओं में पानी रिसता रहता है। इस रिसाव के कारण भूमि की अरी सतह पर जल अधिक है, इसलिये वहां जलस्रोत अधिक मात्रा में निर्मित किये गये, जो किसी नये शहर की पहली आवश्यकता होती है।
आजकल जोधपुर में एक ज्वलंत खबर है कि अण्डर ग्राउण्ड में पानी भर रहा है, जोधपुर पानी पर तैर रहा है इत्यादि। यह कोई साल दो साल में घटित परिवर्तन या चमत्कार नहीं है; यदि आप शहर के अंदर बने मकानों की चबूतरियां या चौतंरियों को देखें, सोजती गेट के बाहर जो बेरियां, कुएं आदि हैं, वहां के मकानों की चौतरियां सामान्य से ऊंची बनाई गयीं क्योंकि उस जमाने में भी वहां पानी भरता था। जोधपुर में जितने कुएं, बावड़ियाँ हैं शायद ही किसी और शहर में इतने जलस्रोत हो। शहर के मकानों में भूतल (Under ground) बने हुए हैं। उनका उपयोग जानवरों को बांधने के लिये होता था। आज से 60-70 वर्ष पहले भी इनमें पानी भरता था और उसके निकासी के पारम्परिक मार्ग बनाये जाते थे। जोधपुर के पुराने ठेकेदार यदि पुराने शहर में कोई नवीन मकान बनाते तो पहले भूमिगत पानी की निकासी रखकर उसके बाद मकान बनाते थे। अधिक गहराई में जल नहीं है केवल ऊपरी सतह पर जल अधिक है और उसमें बढ़ोतरी का कारण गटर लाइनें, टूटी नालियां, पानी की निकासी के मार्ग पर अतिक्रमण और मकानों के बनने के कारण भूमि में जल बढ़ रहा है। पथरीली जमीन पानी कम सोखती है। नागौरी गेट, महामंदिर, रामगढ़ी का पानी सबके पारम्परिक निकासी के मार्ग बने थे, वहां पानी आना स्वाभाविक है और वह अतिरिक्त पानी मकानों के भू-तलों में जमा हो रहा है।

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388 / Jijniāsā
सबसे अधिक जल रिसाव की शिकायत परकोटे के शहर के अंदर के मकानों में है, जिसका कारण भी स्पष्ट है वह है आस-पास अनगिनत जलस्रोतों का उपलब्ध होना और उसके जल का उपयोग बंद होना।
जहां तक कायलाना के पानी का अण्डरग्राउण्ड में आने की संभावना है, यह असंभव है, क्योंकि कायलाना और जोधपुर शहर के बीच में चार पहाड़ आते हैं। पहला अखैराजजी का भाखर, दूसरा चांदणा भाखर, तीसरा कबीर नगर का भाखर और चौथा बकरामण्डी के पास बाईजी महाराज के आश्रम का भाखर । इसमें चांदना भाखर के नाम का परिचय विशेष रूप से देना चाहूंगा। यह पहाड़ पूर्व से पश्चिम की तरफ फैला हुआ है। सूर्य उदय के समय भी सारे पहाड़ पर 'चांदणा' अर्थात प्रकाश रहता है इसलिये इसका नाम चांदणा प्रचलित हुआ। दूसरे पहाड़ों के एक तरफ प्रकाश रहता है और दूसरी तरफ अंधकार क्योंकि पहाड़ उत्तर-दक्षिण में आड़े बने हुए हैं।
कायलाना के पानी का रिसाव इसलिये भी संभव नहीं है कि इसके बीच चार पहाड़ हैं और कायलाना के पानी का रिसाव अगर होता तो इन पहाड़ों पर भी उस पानी का कहीं सबूत मिलता जो एक ऊंचाई व स्तर पर है। शहर की बसावट कायलाना से काफी नीचे है और इन चारों पहाड़ों में कहीं पर भी जल रिसाव के संकेत नहीं मिलते हैं। इसलिये मैं इस तथ्य को नकारता हूं कि कायलाना का पानी शहर के भू-तलों में भरता है।
भूमि के जल रोकने के समाधान
इस समस्या का समाधान सीधा एवं सरल है। जिन जल स्रोतों का पीने के लिये उपयोग होता था, उनका उपयोग बंद हो गया है। त्रिपोलिया के पास गोरून्दा बावड़ी सबसे नीचे है और हमेशा जल से भरी रहती है। अगर उस पर एक इंच पाइप तथा पंप लगाकर पानी खींचा जाये तो उसे सोजती गेट की बारी के नाले में पानी पहुंचाया जा सकता है। उसके बाद आनन्द कसनेमा के पास परकोटे के नीचे, जालोरी गेट के नाले, रातानाडा के नाले उस अतिरिक्त पानी को निकाला जा सकता है। उस पानी को डिगाड़ी, झालामण्ड, भाण्डू, धवा, डोली एवं सालावास व बासनी के बीच पानी को बड़े हौज मै इकट्ठा किया जा सकता है और उसे खेती के काम में लाया जा सकता है। शहर की सभी बावड़ियों का पानी इसी प्रकार पाइपों द्वारा इन नालों के माध्यम से निकालकर उस पानी का उपयोग बाग-बगीचों, फैक्ट्रियों व बिना फिल्टर के पानी की जहां आवश्यकता हो वहां किया जा सकता है। इस प्रकार उपरी सतह का जल स्तर नियंत्रित रहेगा और शहर पानी पर तैरता नजर नहीं आयेगा।
जल का समुचित उपयोग
अभी प्रशासन या पी.एच.ई.डी. द्वारा खरबूजा बावड़ी के पानी को बालसमन्द ले जाने का प्रयास किया जा रहा है। वह बहुत महंगा पड़ेगा। इसे खाली करने के स्थान पर सभी बावड़ियों के जल को एक स्थान पर जोड़कर उसका उपयोग किया जा सकता है।
मगरायजी के टांके से बी.एस.एफ. तक जो नाला बनाया गया है वह अच्छा बनाया गया है परन्तु नागौरिया बस्ती के पहले वह नाला खत्म हो गया और वह पानी वहां बिखर कर सड़ रहा है। अगर उस नाले का पानी नागादड़ी तक पहुंचा दिया जाता तो उसका सदुपयोग होता ।
कई जल स्रोत आज अपना अस्तित्व खो चुके हैं। घण्टाघर के पास उपरला बास व कुम्हारों के बास के पास मालेलाव तालाब अब नहीं है। मालदेवजी ने जब परकोटा बनाया, तब जगत सागर तालाब का निर्माण हुआ। वहां स्टेडियम ग्राउण्ड व पब्लिक पार्क बन गया। जगत सागर के पानी को बम्बा मौहल्ले से गऊशाला, दरबार स्कूल, रातानाडा होते हुए सीवरेज नाले के द्वारा विनायिका तक ले जाया गया।
फतेहपोल के बाहर धाबाई कुएं से जालौरी गेट, सिवांची गेट तक जितने भी कुएं बावड़िया हैं उनमें से शायद एक दो जल स्रोत ऐसे होगे जिनका पानी पीने योग्य नहीं है। इस रास्ते पर 5 बावड़ियाँ व 24 कुएं हैं। इन कूओं से आज भी लोग

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मारवाड़ की जल संस्कृति / 389
बड़े जतन के साथ पानी खींचकर भगवान की पूजा के लिये कलश ले जाते है। इन कुओं का पानी इसलिये खराब नहीं हुआ क्योंकि इनके पानी का आज तक उपयोग होता रहा है। चांद बावड़ी व नाजरजी की बावड़ी से लोगों ने पानी लेना बंद कर दिया, इसलिये इनका पानी पीने योग्य नहीं रहा। तापी व जालप बावड़ी में लोग स्नान करते हैं। फिर भी इनका पानी आपातकाल में जल विभाग द्वारा पीने के लिये वितरित किया जाता है। अगर सभी बावड़ियों, कुओं, झालरों का पानी उपयोग में आता रहा होता तो इतना पानी गंदा नहीं होता। इन्हीं कुएं, बावड़ियों का पानी बिना उपयोग के जल स्रोतों में बढ़ता रहा और लोगों के भुआरों व भूतलों में रिसने लगा। लोगों का यह ख्याल है कि कायलाना का पानी घरों के भूतल (Under ground) में आ रहा है जबकि यह सच नहीं है। वैज्ञानिकों ने जमीन में दो जगह बोर करके देख लिया है
और जांच करने पर पता चला कि वह कायलाने का जल रिसाव नहीं है। जो मकान पानी के भराव क्षेत्र या पानी के मार्ग में बने हैं उन्हीं मकानों में पानी अधिक भरता है।
वर्तमान में आज जहां पर कचहरी की इमारत बनी है वह भी जल भराव का स्थान रहा था। अभी जो बारिश हुई उसमें पूरा परिसर तालाब की तरह भर गया था। जहां ढलान होगी वहां पानी अवश्य भरेगा। उस पानी को रोकने की कोशिश नहीं करनी चाहिये बल्कि उसकी निकासी के उपाय किये जाने चाहिये। __जोधपुर की औसत वर्षा 60-70 वर्षों से 11 इंच से 13 इंच के बीच रहती है। पहले अधिक संख्या में तालाब थे, जिनमें वर्षा का यह पानी इकट्ठा सुरक्षित रखा जा सकता था। कई तालाब आज अपना अस्तित्व खो चुके है। जैसे बख्तसागर जिस पर आज नेहरू पार्क कॉलोनी बसी हुई है। 'कालिया शरेस' तालाब, जिसका आपने नाम भी नहीं सुना होगा, प्रतापनगर थाने के पास था, वहां पर भी सघन बस्तियां बस चुकी है। वर्षा का पानी तो आज भी बरसता है और पहले भी बरसता था, पहले तालाबों में जाता था और नहरों के द्वारा इसे इकट्ठा करके अकाल के लिये सुरक्षित रखा जाता था। आज वह वर्षा का जल तालाबों पर बनी बस्तियों पर बरसता है और इधर-उधर बहकर भूमि में चला जाता है जिससे परी सतह का जल स्तर बढ़ जाता है।
महाराजा बखतसिंहजी ने अपने नाम पर दो तालाब बनवाए। एक नागौर में तथा दूसरा जोधपुर में जिसका नाम बखतसागर था। वर्तमान में इस तालाब मे एकमात्र कुआं शेष रहा है जो अब किस स्थिति में है यह ज्ञात नहीं है। इस तालाब को भरा हुआ देखकर निम्नलिखित दोहा कहा गया था
वखता कर सके तो कर, सरवर भरियो नीर।
हंसो फिर नहि आवसी, इण सरवर री तीर।। जोधपुर में नेहरू पार्क कॉलोनी बसने से पूर्व यहां आपस में एक गाली दी जाती थी जिसके शब्द थे- “भगवान करे, तू बख्तसागर री पाळ जाये” अर्थात बख्तसागर की पाळ पर मुर्गों को जलाया जाता था परन्तु आज उस बख्तसागर की पाळ पर जोधपुर के नामी संभ्रांत लोगों की कोठियां बनी है। वह गाली उस समय प्रचलित थी, परन्तु आज अच्छेअच्छे लोग उस पाळ पर रहना और बसना पसन्द करते हैं। भाण्डेलाव लाने की गाली तो आज भी देने की परम्परा है। एक दोहा शंभु सागर तालाब के सम्बन्ध में भी कहा जाता है जिसे मनकरणजी की नाडी भी कहते हैं।
भरा कटोरा निर्मल नीर, ज्ञान सागर सबका सीर।
वजे टंकी नाडो दाम, जुग जुग में मनकरण रा नाम। जल के विभिन्न स्रोत व उपयोग
रावटी से चांदपोल तक 31 बावड़िया व 15 कुएं हैं । जिनमें से शायद ही किसी कुएं बावड़ी का पानी कम हुआ होगा। इन जल स्रोतों से आज भी सिंचाई होती है व उसे पीने में उपयोग करते हैं।

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390 /
Jijriasa
रानीसर ने पदमसर, कागो सूरजकुण्ड।
इता निवाणा उपरां, जोधाणां री मंड।। महाराजा बख्तसिंहजी 1751-1752 ने अपने एकवर्षीय शासनकाल में पदमसर तालाब के पट्टे पर सात सीढ़ियां बनाकर श्रीमाली ब्राह्मणों को उनके तर्पण, पूजन के लिये उनको दान दिया। इस तालाब को जल सरोबार देखकर महाराजा ने कहा
बख्ता कर सके तो कर, सरवर भर्यो नीर।
हंसो फिर नहीं आ वसी. इहे सरवर री तीर।। जोधपुर के नीले कुएं के और तापी बावड़ी के संदर्भ में आज भी जोधपुरवासियों द्वारा यह कहा जाता है कि
तापी बावड़ी अर नीमलो कुंओ।
नहीं देख्यो वो जीवतो ही मुंओ।। सरकार की योजनाएं और उसका क्रियान्वयन
जोधपुर के अन्य तालाबों को पाटने का प्रयास चल रहा है जहां अण्डर ग्राउण्ड मार्केट व बगीचे बनाने के हवाई महल बनाये जा रहे हैं। उन भराव वाले स्थानों पर यदि मार्केट या बस्ती को बसाया गया तो उनका भी परिणाम वही होगा। आज की सोच क्षणिक परिणाम प्राप्त करने की है। न तो लम्बी सोच है, न ऊंचे इरादे हैं। केवल वोटों की राजनीति के फायदे नुकसान के आधार पर तुरन्त निर्णय लिये जाते हैं। आज नल का पानी सुलभ है परन्तु मान लीजिये दुर्भाग्यवश किसी युद्ध के कारण बिजली दो दिन अनुपलब्झ रही तो यहां के लोग सुबह उठकर मुंह धोने का पानी कहां से लायेंगे? यही जलस्रोत उस समय से हमें याद आयेंगे और काम भी आयेंगे, जिनकी हमने दुर्दशा की है। इससे बढ़कर और क्या शर्म की बात होगी कि इन नहरों में सीवरेज व पाखाने की लाइनें लाकर छोड़ दी है। इन तालाबों, जलाशयों के निर्माताओं ने क्या सोचकर इनका निर्माण करवाया था और हम आधुनिकता के नाम पर इन जीवन के रक्षक जलस्रोतों को खुद ही नष्ट करते जा रहे हैं और कूड़े-कचरे का ढेर बना रहे हैं। अहमदाबाद में जिस वर्ष भूकम्प आया था और भयंकर तबाही हुई थी, उसके पीछे जब वैज्ञानिकों ने उसके कारण ढूंढे तो उनमें से एक महत्त्वपूर्ण कारण था वहां के प्राकृतिक जल स्रोतों को मिट्टी से भर देना। इस प्रकार भूमि में असंतुलन पैदा होता है और भूकम्प आने की संभावनाएं बढ़ जाती है।
इन दिनों आपने पिचियाक के पास स्थित जसवन्तसागर बांध की दुर्दशा और बाढ़ के समाचार सुने होंगे। पिछले वर्ष, वर्षा में यह बांध टूट कर क्षतिग्रस्त हो गया था और आस-पास के कई गांव व बस्तियां बाढ़ की चपेट में आ गई थीं। प्रशासन ने वर्षा के बाद उसे मरम्मत कराने की स्वीकृति दी जिसके लिये करोड़ों का बजट प्रस्तावित था। एक वर्ष बीत गया परन्तु उस बांध की मरम्मत शायद इसलिये नहीं की गई कि इस बार अकाल पड़ेगा और उस रूपये का उपयोग अकाल राहत में किया जायेगा। सौभाग्य से इस बार भी बारिश पिछले वर्ष से ज्यादा हुई और वह जसवन्तसागर विखण्डित जर्जर हालत में अपने अस्तित्व को कायम रखने के लिए जूझ रहा है, और लोग बाढ़ की चपेट में आकर मर रहे हैं। बाढ़ नियन्त्रण कक्ष खोलकर उसमें टेबल कुर्सी लगा दी जाती है क्या यही जिम्मेदारी प्रशासन की बनती है। गरीब लोग भेड़बकरियों की तरह ऐसी लापरवाही के कारण मरने को मजबूर हो रहे हैं। मैं क्षमा चाहता हूं, परन्तु सच कहने से भी अपने आपको रोक नहीं पर रहा हूं। ऐसे संवेदनशील मुद्दों पर आवाज उठाने की आवश्यकता है और जागे हुओं को जगाना होगा और उनकी जिम्मेदारियों के ढोल उनके गले में जब तक जनता नहीं डालेगी इन लोगों के जाग्रत अवस्था में लिये जा रहे खर्राटे बंद नहीं होंगे।

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अन्त में मैं इस लेख की सामग्री तैयार करने में श्री रामनिवासजी शर्मा का आभार प्रकट करता हूं जिन्होंने चौपासनी से महत्त्वपूर्ण गजों को उपलब्ध करवाने में मदद की। इसी प्रकार श्री वाई. डी. सिंहजी ने भी मुझे महत्त्वपूर्ण सामग्री उपलब्ध करवाई। मैं प्रो. जहूरखां मेहर का भी हार्दिक आभार प्रकट करता हूं जिन्होंने कायलाना के पानी के रिसाव के सम्बन्ध में महत्त्वपूर्ण तथ्य मुझे उपलब्ध करवाये।
संदर्भ :
संस्कृत-हिन्दी शब्दकोश वामन शिवराम आप्टे ।
राजस्थानी सबद कोश संपादक डॉ. सीतराम लालस (तृतीय खण्ड)
वृहत् हिन्दी कोश- ज्ञान मण्डल लिमिटेड, बनारस ।
उमर काव्य कवि उमरादान लालस, छप्पने काल का वर्णन उमरादान ग्रंथावली, सं. डॉ. शक्तिदान कविया, राजस्थानी ग्रंथागार, जोधपुर
मारवाड़ का इतिहास, पण्डित विश्वेश्वरनाथ रेऊ, देखें "राव जोधाजी"
मारवाड़ का इतिहास, पण्डित विश्वेश्वरनाथ रेऊ, देखें "राव जोधाजी"
मारवाड़ का इतिहास, पण्डित विश्वेश्वरनाथ रेऊ, देखें "राव गांगाजी "
मारवाड़ रा परगना री विगत, भाग-1, (मुहता नैणसी की ख्यात) के परिशिष्ट । (क) में लिखा है " मण्डोर रा मारग में तळाब बालसमन्दर पेळी तरफ राव जोधाजी करायौ।" (पृष्ठ 560 )
उक्त विगत में लिखा है कि “बावड़ी हमार चैनपुरीजी रे अखाड़ा में है तिलका कराई" (पृ. 560 ) म.पं. की विगत भाग-1
मारवाड़ का इतिहास, पण्डित विश्वेश्वरनाथ रेऊ, देखें "राव जोधाजी"
मारवाड़ रा परागनारी विगत, म.पं. की विगत भाग-1 (पृ. 561)
12 मारवाड़ रा परागनारी विगत, भाग-1 पृष्ठ. 580
मारवाड़ रा परगना री विगत, भाग-1 (परिशिष्ट 1 क ) पृष्ठ 564 के अनुसार “सूरसागर कनै बाग 84 सिरदारां खवास, पासवान, मुतसद्दीयां, सारा आप आपरां न्यारा कराया नै जमी राज सूं दिरीजी नै रजवाड़ा से कुवो महेल 84 वागां में है"
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10
11
13
14
15
10
T
12
मारवाड़ रा परगना री विगत, भाग-1 पृष्ठ 567 झालरो । जाड़ेची चांदपोल बारे रांणी जाली जी महाराजा श्री अजीसिंहजी री रांणी करायो । झालरी | त्रिवाड़ी सुखदेव सिरीमाली संमत् 1776 में करायो, जाड़ेची झालरे रे पारखती है तिको। बावड़ी । भण्डारी रूगनाथ कराय ढाई, रामेश्वर मादेवजी रा मिंबर लारे ने रामेश्वरजी रे भेंट कीवी । बाग करायौ । पुसकरणौ बिरामण रिणछोड़ दास बेरो । महाराज अजीतसिंघजी री बार में दाऊजी रा मिंदर री पूठ में कराई संमत् 171
मारवाड़ का इतिहास, पण्डित विश्वेश्वरनाथ रेऊ- देखो अभयसिंजी
मारवाड़ रा परगना री विगत, भाग-1, पृष्ठ 567-5681
19
30
20
21 मारवाड़ रा परगनारी विगत भाग-1 पृष्ठ 569-5701
मारवाड़ का इतिहास, पण्डित विश्वेश्वरनाथ रेऊ- देखें महाराजा विजयसिंहजी
मारवाड़ का मूल इतिहास, श्री रामकरण आसोपा देखें महाराजा विजयसिंहजी
मारवाड़ का इतिहास, पण्डित विश्वेश्वरनाथ रेऊ, देखें महाराजा मानसिंहजी
मारवाड़ का इतिहास तथा संस्कृति की झलकियां, ले. डॉ. कुं. महेन्द्रसिंह नगर, पृष्ठ सं. 222-23
20
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मारवाड़ का इतिहास, पण्डित विश्वेश्वरनाथ रेऊ, देखें “सवाई राजा सूरज सिंहजी "
मारवाड़ का इतिहास, पण्डित विश्वेश्वरनाथ रेऊ, देखें "राजा गजसिंहजी "
28
राजस्थान इतिहास तथा संस्कृति की झलकियां, ले. डॉ. कुं. महेन्द्रसिंह नगर, पृष्ठ 224
मारवाड़ का इतिहास, पण्डित विश्वेश्वरनाथ रेऊ, देखें “महाराजा जसवन्तसिंहजी ( प्रथम ) "
29
मारवाड़ रा परगना री विगत, भाग-1, पृष्ठ 574
मारवाड़ का इतिहास. पं. रेऊ भाग-2 (देखें महाराजा तखतसिंह)
मारवाद रा परगना री विगत, भाग-1, पृष्ठ 575 से 578
जोधपुर गवर्नमेन्ट गजट || नवम्बर 1939 पृष्ठ 222

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जोधपुर गवर्नमेन्ट गजट एकस्ट्रा ऑर्डिनरी 3 दिसम्बर 1939, पेज नं. 347-49 जोधपुर गवर्नमेन्ट गजट 16 दिसम्बर 1939, पेज नं. 3 जोधपुर गवर्नमेन्ट गजट 16 दिसम्बर 1939, पेज नं. 389 जोधपुर गवर्नमेन्ट गजट 6 जनवरी 1940, पेज नं. 538 जोधपुर गवर्नमेन्ट गजट 6 जनवरी 1940, पेज नं. 539 जोधपुर गवर्नमेन्ट गजट 3 फरवरी 1940, पेज नं. 709 जोधपुर गवर्नमेन्ट गजट 17 फरवरी 1940. पेज नं.766 जोधपुर गवर्नमेन्ट गजट 23 मार्च 1940, पेज नं. 955 जोधपुर गवर्नमेन्ट गजट 6 अप्रेल 1940, पेज नं. 1038 जोधपुर गवर्नमेन्ट गजट 6 अप्रेल 1940, पेज नं. 1038 जोधपुर गवर्नमेन्ट गजट 20 अप्रेल 1940, पेज नं. 1124 जोधपुर गवर्नमेन्ट गजट 20 अप्रेल 1940, पेज नं. 1124 जोधपुर गवर्नमेन्ट गजट 18 मई 1940, पेज नं. 1334 जोधपुर गवर्नमेन्ट गजट 8 जून 1940, पेज नं. 1447 जोधपुर गवर्नमेन्ट गजट 6 जुलाई 1940, पेज नं. 1656
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48. शेखावाटी क्षेत्र के सांस्कृतिक विकास में व्यापारिक मार्गों का योगदान
प्रमिला पूनिया
राजस्थान में 'शेखावाटी की अपनी खास प्रतिष्ठा है। शेखावाटी जयपुर राज्य के अन्तर्गत एक महत्वपूर्ण भू-भाग था। जयपुर जिसे ढूँढ़ार राज्य के नाम से जाना जाता था वह बसवा, आमेर दौसा केवल इन्हीं तीनों की सीमा के अन्दर फैला हुआ था। धीरे-धीरे ढूंढार राज्य की सीमा बढ़ती गयी और अरावली के उत्तर-पश्चिम की तरफ भी ढूंढार राज्य का कुछ भाग आ गया जिसे शेखावाटी कहते है।' अरावली पर्वत श्रृंखला शेखावाटी प्रदेश को दो भागों में विभक्त करते हुये उत्तर-पश्चिमी और दक्षिणी-पूर्वी भागों में से होकर निकलती है। इसका प्रथम भाग रेतीला है तथा दक्षिणी-पूर्वी भाग में पर्वत श्रृंखलाएँ एवं उपजाऊ मैदान है। पूर्व काल में शेखावाटी के उत्तर-पश्चिम में बीकानेर राज्य उत्तर एवं उत्तर-पूर्व में लुहारू एवं पटियाला राज्य, दक्षिण में सांभर व जयपुर राज्य, दक्षिण पश्चिम में जोधपुर और पूर्व में अलवर - भरतपुर के भू-भाग पड़ते थे। बाद में निकटस्थ स्थानों के नाम एवं भू-भागों के परिवर्तन के कारण अब उत्तर-पश्चिम में चुरू और गंगानगर जिले, दक्षिण-पश्चिम में नागौर जिला, दक्षिण और पूर्व में जयपुर जिला तथा पूर्व में हरियाणा प्रान्त है।
शेखावाटी के आर्थिक संगठन में कृषि, पशुपालन, उद्योग, व्यापार तथा महत्वपूर्ण स्थान रहा है। यहां के महाजन व्यापारी लोग व्यापार में बड़े चतुर, सहनशील, व्यवसायी एवं कार्यकुशल होते है ये लोग बहुत पहले से ही देश देशान्तर जाकर बस गये थे लेकिन अपनी जन्मभूमि से इन्होंने कभी सम्बन्ध-विच्छेद नहीं किया भारत में विशेषकर इन व्यापारियों ने आसाम, बर्मा, रंगून, मांडले, कलकत्ता, नेपाल, हैदराबाद, बम्बई, अहमदाबाद आदि को अपना प्रमुख स्थान बनाया और वहीं जाकर बस गये। जैसे-जैसे इनका व्यापार बढ़ता गया उन्होंने शेखावाटी में आकर बड़ी-बड़ी हवेलियाँ बनवाना शुरू किया ये अधिकांश हवेलियों 18वीं, 19वीं शताब्दी की बनी हुयी हैं।' शेखावाटी क्षेत्र मध्यकाल में प्रमुख व्यापारिक मार्ग से जुड़ा हुआ था। देरावल वर्तमान भावलपुर क्षेत्र (पाकिस्तान) से होकर दिल्ली जाने वाले भार्ग पर स्थित शेखावाटी में समृद्ध व्यापारी रहते थे सिन्ध क्षेत्र में आने वाले निरन्तर भीषण आक्रमणों के फलस्वरूप श्रीमंत व्यापारी कलाकार तथा सेठ साहुकार यहाँ आकर बसे थे। इस कारण मध्यकाल में यहाँ बड़े-बड़े नगरों, हवेलियों कुओं बावड़ियों, मन्दिरों छत्रियों का निर्माण हुआ। आज भी इस क्षेत्र के खेतड़ी, खंडेला, सीकर, झुन्झुनु मंडावा, फतेहपुर, चिड़ावा, चुरू, रामगढ़, लक्ष्मणगढ़, बिसाऊ, नवलगढ़ आदि सांस्कृतिक नगर है। जो शेखावाटी की संस्कृति के नाम से अपनी पहचान बनाये हुये है ।
मध्यकालीन राजस्थान के व्यापार-वाणिज्य की उन्नति में उसकी भौगोलिक स्थिति का भी महत्वपूर्ण योगदान था। इसी कारण देश के उत्तरी उत्तर-पश्चिमी और दक्षिणी भारत के अधिकांश व्यापारिक मार्ग राजपूताना से होकर गुजरते थे। अफ्रीका, यूरोप और पूर्वी एशिया के व्यापारी सिन्ध अथवा गुजरात के बन्दरगाहों से राजपूताना

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394 / Jijñāsā
की प्रमुख मण्डियों में आते थे और अपनी वस्तुओं के बदले यहां से उत्तरी भारत, उत्तर-पश्चिमी भारत और मध्य एशिया का सामान ले जाते थे। इसी प्रकार मध्य एशिया के व्यापारी भी घोड़ों सूखे मेवों तथा अन्य सामान के बदले पूर्वी एशिया की वस्तुएँ ले जाते थे। इस प्रकार इस क्षेत्र का दोनों हिस्सों से घनिष्ठ व्यापारिक सम्पर्क रहा था। राजपूत राज्यों की सभी राजधानियाँ सहायक मार्गों के द्वारा मुख्य व्यापारिक मार्गों से जुड़ी हुई थी। मुख्य और सहायक मार्गों पर व्यापारियों और यात्रियों को सुविधा के लिये जगह-जगह कुँए तथा सरायें बनी हुयी थी ।
मध्यकाल में राजस्थान में अनेक विकसित व्यापारिक केन्द्र थे उदयपुर राज्य का भीलवाड़ा, बीकानेर राज्य का चुरू एवं राजगढ़, जयपुर राज्य का मालपुरा तथा जोधपुर राज्य का पाली, विकसित व्यापारिक केन्द्र थे ।' ये व्यापारिक केन्द्र समुद्री किनारों तथा उत्तरी भारत को जोड़ने वाली कड़ी का अंग थे तथा विदेशी व्यापार का भी केन्द्र थे। इन केन्द्रों पर भारत काश्मीर एवं चीन के उत्पादों का यूरोप, अफ्रीका, एशिया एवं अरब की वस्तुओं के साथ आदान-प्रदान होता था। 1818 ई. के बाद बारा, भीलवाड़ा, चूरू, डीग, झुन्झुनु, मेड़ता, नागौर, पाली, साम्भर, सीकर आदि प्रमुख व्यापारिक केन्द्रों के रूप में उभरकर सामने आये। इसी तरह शेखावाटी क्षेत्र भी व्यापारिक क्रियाओं में समृद्ध था। ब्रिटिश भारत में निष्क्रमण करने वाले व्यापारियों में सबसे अधिक संख्या शेखावाटी के लोगों की थी। यहां पर सीकर, झुन्झुंनु, लक्ष्मणगढ़, फतेहपुर, बगड़, नवलगढ़, चिड़ावा, रामगढ़, उदयपुरवाटी, नीम का थाना, बैंकिंग व्यवसाय के लिये प्रसिद्ध है । इस कस्बों में मध्यकाल में हुण्डी एवं महाजनी का कार्य काफी विकसित हुआ था। इसका कारण पाली, राजगढ़, चुरू जैसे व्यापारिक केन्द्रों की समीपता को माना जा सकता है। 1908 में प्रकाशित एम्पीरियल गजेटियर ऑफ इण्डिया" में भी उल्लेख है कि शेखावाटी के कस्बों में बैंकिंग एक्सचेंज एवं महाजनी का व्यवसाय अधिक है ।"
व्यापारिक एवं वाणिज्य के विकास में व्यापारिक मार्गों की महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका होती है समकालीन अभिलेखागारीय साक्ष्यों से हमें अनेक ऐसे मार्गों का उल्लेख मिलता है जिनके माध्यम से न केवल शेखावाटी के विभिन्न व्यापारिक केन्द्र एवं कस्बे एक दूसरे से जुड़े हुए थे वरन् उनके माध्यम से शेखावाटी के महत्वपूर्ण व्यापारिक केन्द्र राजस्थान के तथा देश के कई अन्य व्यापारिक केन्द्रों से भी जुड़े हुये थे मार्गों को आन्तरिक व्यापारिक मार्ग और बाह्रय व्यापारिक मार्ग दो भागों में बाँट सकते हैं शेखावाटी क्षेत्र बीकानेर, जयपुर, नागौर, जोधपुर, राजगढ़, हरियाणा आदि की सीमा पर होने के कारण मुख्य व्यापारिक केन्द्रों से सीधा जुड़ा हुआ था कुछ व्यापारिक मार्ग जैसे :
1
(1) चूरू से जैसलमेर :- चूरू- सोडावा - बाप- फलौदी-पोकरण-जैसलमेर 110
(2) झुन्झुनु से पाली : - झुन्झुनु - फतेहपुर- लाडनू - डीडवाना नागौर - पाली ।" (3) राजगढ़ से पाली - राजगढ़ चूरू- नवलगढ़-डीडवाना नागौर पाली ।"
:
--
(4) बीकानेर से जयपुर बीकानेर- सुजानगढ़ सीकर जयपुर ।" (5) साम्भर से भिवानी
:
इसी तरह 12वीं - 13वीं शती में दिल्ली (योगिनीपुर) से गुजरात जाने वाला व्यापारिक मार्ग रेणी, नागौर, पाली से होता हुआ गुजरात पहुँचता था ।" औरंगजेब की मृत्यु के बाद अफगानों द्वारा पंजाब पर लूटमार करने के कारण मध्य एशिया, काबुल, कंधार से पंजाब होकर उत्तर भारत आने वाला व्यापारिक मार्ग असुरक्षित हो गया था। उस समय इन प्रदेशों के व्यापारियों ने मुल्तान के मार्ग से बीकानेर होते हुये उत्तर भारत आना प्रारम्भ कर दिया। इस प्रकार इस समय बीकानेर राज्य से गुजरने वाले व्यापारिक मार्ग महत्वपूर्ण हो गये। शेखावाटी क्षेत्र बीकानेर की सीमा पर होने के कारण सहायक व्यापारिक मार्गों के कारण इन मार्गों से जुड़ गया था ।
:
साम्भर डीडवाना - सुजानगढ़-राजगढ़-निवानी ।"
-

Page #179

शेखावाटी क्षेत्र के सांस्कृतिक विकास में व्यापारिक मार्गों का योगदान
:
(1) कोटा से मुल्तान कोटा-बूंदी-टॉक चूरू-बीकानेर पुगल- बुहाबलपुर-मुल्तान ।" (2) बीकानेर से दक्कन :- बीकानेर-नागौर मेड़ता बूंदी कोटा झालरापाटन उज्जैन- दक्कन।" - -
(3) दिल्ली से अहमदाबाद :- दिल्ली भिवानी-राजगढ़ चूरू जाँउनू नागौर -जोधपुर-जालौर - सिरोही- पालनपुर - अहमदाबाद (18
डीडवाना-लॉन्चूरू
(4) जयपुर से मुल्तान :लूणकरणसर-महाजन अनूपगढ़ बहावलपुर-मुल्तान "
( 5 ) जयपुर से सिंध :- जयपुर-बीकानेर पुगल-सिन्ध 120
जयपुर-साम्भर,
/ 395
-
=
इस तरह शेखावाटी क्षेत्र सहायक व्यापारिक मार्गो से मुल्तान, सिन्ध, काबुल, पंजाब, कश्मीर, दिल्ली, आगरा, गुजराज एवं मालवा से जुड़ा हुआ था। शेखावाटी के सहायक व्यापारिक मार्ग अन्य राज्यों के द्वारा प्रमुख व्यापारिक केन्द्रों से जुड़े हुये थे यद्यपि ये मार्ग पक्के नहीं बने थे। अधिकांश कच्चे और टेढ़े-मेढ़े थे फिर भी वर्षा ऋतु को छोड़कर इन मार्गों पर आवागमन ज्यादा मुश्किल नहीं था। शेखावाटी के कुछ सहायक मार्ग जैसे :
|
(1) चिड़ावा झुन्झुनु फतेहपुर-सुजानगढ़-द्रोणाचार, मारवाड़।
(2) चिड़ावा :- रेवाड़ी-भिवाड़ी-लुहारू-दिल्ली ।
:
फतेहपुर- डीडवाना
(3) गनेडी (4) फतेहपुर
(5) गनेड़ी
साम्भर-मालवा
फतेहपुर - खण्डेला
( 6 ) हंग्सी से मालवा :- फतेहपुर-साम्भर ।
I
इसी तरह रामगढ़, सेठान, फतेहपुर, थोई, रैवासा श्रीमाधोपुर मुख्य व्यापारिक केन्द्र थे। ऊँट इस इलाके का प्रमुख सवारी था। समूह में कतार लादकर इस इलाके के लोग डीडवाना से नमक भरकर नाभा, पटियाला, हिसार, रेवाडी, नारनौल तथा दिल्ली तक जाते थे पानीपत और सोनीपत के इलाकों से गुड़ व शक्कर ऊँटों द्वारा लाकर गांवों में बेची जाती थी परबतसर और पुष्कर के मेलों में ऊँटों को बेचने और खरीदने जाते थे। शेखावाटी क्षेत्र में तांबा उद्योग और इमारती पत्थर का उद्योग महत्वपूर्ण रहे है पीतल और तांबे के बर्तन, नीम का थाना और श्रीमाधोपुर में बनाये जाते है। रंगाई छपाई गैर बंधेज के लिए शेखावाटी क्षेत्र प्रसिद्ध है। दुपट्टा, साड़ी, पेचा, साफा, पीला, पोमचा, चूनडी, झुरा, धनक आदि की रंगाई और बंधाई कलात्मक होती है। जिसकी मांग देश देशान्तर में बनी रही है। सीकर, झुन्झुनु, बिसाऊ, नवलगढ़, श्रीमाधोपुर में यह कार्य आज भी बड़े पैमाने पर विद्यमान है। 18वीं और 19वीं शती में सूती ऊनी वस्त्र उद्योग भी बहुत थे। इसी तरह गोटा किनारी उद्योग, दरी, सलीता, टोकरियां, मिट्टी के बर्तन, मणिहारी सुनारी का काम भी गांवों और शहरों में होते रहे है रघुनाथगढ़, चिराणा, भोमा की पट्टियाँ मशहूर थी। छापोली के पत्थर की चक्की बनती है। खनिज पदार्थों में खेतड़ी की तांबे की खाने लीलाथोथा, अभ्रक, फिटकड़ी, गेरू की मिट्टी आदि मिलती है ।
शेखावाटी के नगरों की स्थापना के समय इस बात का विशेष ध्यान रखा जाता था कि कोई सम्पन्न महाजन परिवार यहाँ आकर बसे ताकि व्यापार वाणिज्य बढ़े। इसका एक कारण शासकों की अपनी राजधानी को विकसित करने की दृढ इच्छा भी थी पैसे वाले महाजनों को यहाँ बसने के लिये आमन्त्रित किया जाता था यहाँ पर व्यापार 1 शुरू करने के लिये उन्हें कम पैसे या मुफ्त जमीन और करों में छूट दी जाती थी जैसे सीकर के रावराजा लक्ष्मणसिंह ने जब लक्ष्मणगढ़ को बसाया तो उन्होंने अनेक महाजनों को यहां बसने के लिये आमन्त्रित किया ।
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396 / Jijnāsā
1
विशेषकर गनेड़ी वाला सेठों को गनेड़ीवाला सेठों का परिवार बहुत विख्यात एवं समृद्धिशाली रहा है। गनेड़ीवाला सेठों के पूर्वज हरियाणा से बाजोर नामक स्थान पर बसे थे जो एक पुराना गांव है। शेखावाटी के रैवासा, बाजोर, कासली, रघुनाथगढ़, सांगरवा, शोभावती नदी का तट प्रदेश शांकभरी के पर्वत के दोनों ओर का भू-भाग चन्देल राजपूतों के अधिकार में रहा है।
बाजोर, सीकर से चार मील दक्षिण में आजकल के सीकर-जयपुर राजमार्ग पर पड़ता है उस समय बाजोर के पास रैवासा होकर गुजरने वाला मार्ग संभवतः रैवासा से पर्वतमाला के नीचे होता हुआ उत्तर की ओर निकल जाता था। बाजोर के पास काछोर की झील प्रसिद्ध है जहां नमक तैयार किया जाता है। रैवासा जिसे रतिवासा भी कहा जाता है प्राचीन समय में खलुवाणा नाम से प्रसिद्ध व्यापारिक स्थान था।" अनेकों व्यापारिक काफिले इस मार्ग से गुजरा करते थे। बिणजारों की सैंकड़ों बैलोवाली बालद इसी स्थान से गुजरती थी। रैवासा में आज भी इन बिनजारों के बनाये कुँए विद्यमान है यह उन काफिलों के रात्रि विश्राम का स्थान था गनेड़ीवाला सेठों के पूर्वज हरियाणा से आकर यहाँ बसे तो शायद व्यापार की विपुल सम्भावनाओं का उन्होंने पूरी तरह आकलन किया होगा । व्यापारिक मार्ग पर तथा नमक के उत्पादन का केन्द्र होने के कारण ही उन्होंने इस स्थान पर बसने का चुनाव किया। रैवासा और बाजौर में सेठों की अनेक विशाल हवेलियाँ आज भी विद्यमान है। बाजौर के बाद ये सेठ परिवार वृद्धि और व्यापार वाणिज्य में वृद्धि के लिये 1630 ई. में गनेड़ी में आकर बसे गनेढ़ी गांव सीकर सुजानगढ़ के बीच में सालासर से 11 किलोमीटर पहले आता है। एक ओर जोधपुर दूसरी ओर बीकानेर और तीसरी और आमेर राज्य था। तीन राज्यों के सीमान्त के कारण और व्यापारिक मार्गों के कारण इसका महत्व बढ़ गया था। उस समय सीकर राज्य का अस्तित्व नहीं था। ई. 1687 वि. 1744 में राव दौलतसिंह ने सीकर किले की नींव डाली ।" फतेहपुर कस्बे में सेठ रामगोपालजी गनेड़ीवाला द्वारा बनाई हुई भव्य छत्री है। देश के विभिन्न क्षेत्रों में गडीवाला सेठों ने व्यापारिक गद्दियाँ स्थापित थी। जिनके अन्तर्गत व्यापार-व्यवसाय का कार्य चलता था । मुकन्दगढ, रतनगढ़ को बसाने में भी गनेड़ीवालों का योगदान रहा है।
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शेखावाटी के वीर बांकुरों के अलावा धनकुबेरों के सन्त महात्मा उदार समाजसेवी सरस्वती के साधक आदि लोगों ने शेखावाटी को एक गौरवपूर्ण पहचान दिलाई है यथा- बिरला, मोदी, सिंघानिया, पोद्दार, बजाज, पीरामल, सेक्सरिया, कानोडिया गोयनका, तोदी आदि इनका शिक्षा, उद्योग और जनकल्याणकारी क्षेत्रों में असाधारण योगदान है। आज इन कस्बों में गले में कैमरा लटकाकर विदेशी पर्यटक गली-गली में घूमते है । कभी मण्डावा के झोपड़ीनुमा होटल का आनन्द लेते है कभी गीदड़, डफ, नृत्य के साथ परम्परागत वेशभूषा पहनकर नाचते गाते है उनके मुंह से सुनने को मिलता है 'नाइस शेखावाटी ।
1
सन्तों, सूरमाओं एवं संठों की जन्मभूमि होने के कारण शेखावाटी जग विख्यात है यहाँ दादूपंथी संतो, नामों एवं वैष्णव संतों के उपदेशामृत पान कर जन गण सदा सर्वदा धार्मिक भावनाओं से ओत-प्रोत रहा है शेखावाटी के सेठ इस धरती की साहसी परम्परा का अनुसरण करते हुए दूरस्थ प्रदेशों में जाकर अपनी व्यावसायिक कुशलता का परिचय देते हुये डोर लोटा लेकर निकले और करोड़पति होकर लौटे है भारत के विभिन्न प्रदेशों की सांस्कृतिक एवं सामाजिक थातियों को धर्म कांटे पर तोलकर अपनाया है हवा के झोंकों से हड़बड़ाये नहीं है। अपनी जन्मभूमि में आकर दान-पुण्य न सार्वजनिक कार्यों में धन लगाकर जनप्रिय बने है शेखावाटी के सेठों के बनाये पक्के तालाब, प्याऊ, धर्मशालाएं एवं शिक्षण संस्थाएँ इसकी साक्षी है। मुकन्दगढ़ के कानोडिया, नवलगढ़ के पोद्दार, रामगढ़ के रूइया, फतेहपुर के चमड़िया, पिलानी के बिरला आदि सेठों ने उच्च शिक्षा का प्रारम्भ कर, शिक्षा की दृष्टि से उपादेय कार्य किया।

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शेखावाटी क्षेत्र के सांस्कृतिक विकास में व्यापारिक मार्गों का योगदान / 397
वास्तु शास्त्र की दृष्टि से शेखावाटी का अपना निराला स्थाना है ऊँचे मरबों वाले जलकूप, श्मशानों की छतरियाँ हवेलियों की ऊँची कुर्सियाँ, मेहराब वाले दरवाजे, हवेलियों के छज्जे और गोखे अपना अलग ही आकर्षण रखते है। एक जमाने में जब ये भारत का प्रमुख व्यवसाय केन्द्र रहा था उस समय की यदि कल्पना की जाए तो मस्तिष्क में सहसा ही एक बहुत खुबसूरत चित्र अंकित हो जाता है शेखावाटी की संस्कृति और कला की जानकारी हमें इस क्षेत्र की हवेलियों में मिलती है। शेखावाटी के झुन्झुनु में टीबड़े वालों की हवेली, ईसरदास मोदी की सैकड़ों खिड़कियों वाले भव्य इमारतें है । ईसरदास मोदी की इस विशाल हवेली में 360 खिड़कियां है एवं दो बड़े चौक और 6 हॉल है चौक की दीवारों पर भित्ति चित्रों के कारण और हवेली कलात्मक द्वारों के लिए पहचानी जाती है। बाजार के मध्य इस हवेली को देखकर तारादत्त निर्विरोध ने सुन्दर विचार इस प्रकार व्यक्त किये है।
"छोड़ आया था जिसे मैं मौन, मुझको आंकती होगी। यह गुलाब गंध अब भी खिड़कियों में झांकती होगी।"
मण्डावा सागरमल लड़िया की हवेली, रामदेव चोखानी की हवेली, मोहनलाल नेवटिया, रामनाथ गोयनका की हवेली, हरीप्रसाद बढारिया की हवेली पर्यटकों का विशेष आकर्षण है चूसी अजितगढ़ में शिवप्रसाद नेतानी की हवेली भी अपनी कलात्मकता का परिचय देती है इस हवेली के शिवालय की छतरी में श्री कृष्णकालीन रासलीलाएं संगमरमरी प्रस्तरों पर अंकित है मेहनसर स्थित सेठ राम पोदार की सोने-चाँदी की हवेली में रंगों की चमक, ज्यामितीय आकारों की बनावट, छत एवं दीवारों में शीशों की जड़ावत बहुत ही सुन्दर तरीके से की गई है। इस प्रकार पिलानी, झुन्झुनु, चिड़ावा, सीकर, नवलगढ़, बिसाऊ, मंडावा, अलसीसर, फतेहपुर, मुकुन्दगढ, बग्गड़, रामगढ़ आदि जगहों पर देश के प्रमुख उद्योगपतियों और सेठों की हवेलियाँ है जो एक आंगन से लेकर पांच आंगन तक और एक से पांच मंजिल तक की है। ये हवेलियाँ वर्षों पुरानी दास्तानं आज भी बयां करती नजरआती है। इन हवेलियों की मुख्य विशेषता उन्नत अधिष्ठान, एक पार्श्व पर विविध भित्ति चित्रों से आभूषित बैठक और मुख्य द्वार के भीतर विशाल प्रांगण के चारों ओर बने सुन्दर कक्षों की व्यवस्था है हवेली के सभी पार्श्व चित्रांकित है।
1
हवेलियों के साथ मन्दिरों और छतरियों का भी निर्माण करवाया जाता था। झुन्झुनु जिले के मारवाड़ियों द्वारा बहुत ही सुन्दर मन्दिरों का निर्माण करवाया गया। इस क्षेत्र में झुन्झुनु, नवलगढ़, पिलानी, गण्डावा, उदयपुरवाटी आदि में नवीन शैली में बने देव मन्दिर है पिलानी का सरस्वती मन्दिर प्रारूप की प्राचीनता लिए हुए नवीन युग की कला सामग्री का रमणीक प्रतीक है। नई शैली में बने मन्दिर उन्नतोदर, विशाल विस्तीर्ण एवं कला पूर्ण है । 19वीं शताब्दी में इस क्षेत्र में छतरियां अधिक बनी थी। इनमें सीकर (गनेडी) मण्डावा, मलसीसर, नवलगढ़, बिसाऊ, डूंडलोद आदि नगरों की छतरियां महत्वपूर्ण है। मण्डावा में भागचन्द की छतरी ( 1850 ई.), हरलाल की छतरी (1853ई). गोयनका परिवार की छतरी (1860ई.) बहुत उत्कृष्ट चित्रकारी से युक्त है गोयनका छतरी में दशावतार के चित्र एवं चित्रकार की सुन्दर शबीह भी बनी है। ये चित्र लोककला के निकट है। डूंडलोद (1888 ई.) में बनी रामदत्त गोयनका की छतरी में भी कई धार्मिक दृश्य बने हुए है उदयपुरवाटी में जोगीदास की छतरी के भित्ति चित्र यहां की चित्रांकन परम्परा के प्राचीनतम उदाहरण प्रस्तुत करते है; जो ढ़लते मुगलकाल का प्रतिनिधित्व करते है। बड़े तालाब के किनारे बनी यह छतरी खण्डेलवाल शाह भगवानदास के पुत्र जोगीदास की है। आठ स्तम्भों वाली इस छतरी के चित्रों में राजपूत व मुगल शैलियों का अद्भुत संगम दृष्टिगत है।
शेखावाटी क्षेत्र के एक बड़े हिस्से में पीने का पानी की बड़ी समस्या थी, लेकिन यहाँ के लोगों ने जो बावड़ियाँ व कुओं का निर्माण किया वह आज भी लोगों को पानी उपलब्ध करवाने में एक महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभा रहे है। कुओं का निर्माण में पानी की कमी, मांगलिक भावना और लोकसेवा की भावना थी। कुंए पूजने की प्रथा आज भी

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398 / Jijñāsā
इस क्षेत्र में प्रचलित है। इस क्षेत्र के कुंओं की वास्तुकलां दर्शनीय है। इनकी कलात्मक मीनारें आलंकरण एवं कुओं के सौन्दर्य्य उत्कृष्टमय निर्माण कला के परिचायक है। शेखावाटी अंचल में किसी भू-भाग में आप दृष्टि डालेंगे तो आपको पनघट शैली वहाँ स्थित गढ़ व हवेलियों के समरूप खड़ी दिखती हैं कुंओं के निर्माण में आर्थिक सहयोग यहाँ जन्मे उद्योगपतियों, व्यापारियों का ज्यादा रहा है। तब कलात्मक मीनारों वाले बड़े और गहरे कुएँ बनवाना सर्वोपरि महत्व का कार्य समझा जाता था।" यह आश्चर्यजनक है कि यह कुएँ मार्गों के साथ-साथ ही दिखाई देते हैं। व्यापारी हो, अथवा सामान्य यात्री सभी ने इस सुविधा का लाभ उठाया होगा। कुओं के साथ बावड़ियों और तालाबों का भी निर्माण करवाया गया। खेतड़ी पहाड़ी पर स्थित भूपालगढ़ के नीचे एक विशाल एवं भव्य तालाब है। जिसके निर्माणकर्ता पन्नालाल शाह थे । यहाँ वैसे तो सैंकड़ों, तालाब बावड़िया निर्मित हैं जो वास्तु कला की दृष्टि से अनोखे है जब देश में रिलीफ सोसाइटी जैसी कोई संस्था नहीं थी, तब ये सेठ साहुकार लोग आपदा के समय प्रजा की सहायता करने के लिये सजग होकर उदारता के साथ आगे आते थे। राजस्थान में जब छपनियां अकाल पड़ा तब रामगोपाल गनेड़ी ने फतेहपुर के बीहड़ में अकाल सहायता के नाम पर तालाब, कुंआ, धर्मशाला बनवाकर अभावग्रस्तों को राहत देने आगे आये । छपनियां अकाल की भीषणता के उस समय बने गीत "छपनियां फेरू मत आजे म्हादे देश" । आज भी यदा कदा सारंगी पर लौक गीत, गाने वाले भोपो से सुनने को मिलते है ।
सन्दर्भ ग्रन्थ सूचि
1. मुखर्जी, अनन्तलाल, जयपुर राज्य का भूगोल, पृ. 17. जयपुर।
2. भगवती, पं. शास्त्री रामचन्द्र शेखावाटी प्रकाश, पृ.4
3.
प्रकाश, टी. सी., शेखावाटी वैभव, शेखावाटी इतिहास शोध संस्थान, शिमला (झुन्झुनु) 1993, पृ.20
4. पर्यटन अवलोकन - राष्ट्रीय पर्यटन दिवस विशेषांक, जनवरी 2008, पृ. 43
5.
शर्मा, गोपीनाथ, सोशल लाइफ इन मेडिवल राजस्थान, पृ 319, ( आगरा 1968 )
6.
कर्नल टॉड, एनल्स ऑफ राजपूताना, खण्ड-2, पृ.996 (लन्दन, 1832 )
7.
दि इम्पीरियल गजेटियर ऑफ इण्डिया, जिल्द XXI, पृ. 132
8
वही, पृ. 133
9
वही, जिल्द XIII, पृ. 392
10. जकात बही नं. 81. वि.सं. 1867 (1750 ई.) बीकानेर रिकॉर्डस, राजस्थान राज्य अभिलेखागार, बीकानेर
--
11 सनद परवाना बही नं.9, 1769 ई. जोधपुर रिकॉर्ड्स, राज्य, अभि., बीकानेर।
12. कागदो-री-बही नं.6, वि.सं. 1839 (1782ई) बीकानेर रिकॉर्ड्स, रा. राज्य, अभि. बीकानेर ।
13. जकात बही नं. 25 वि.सं. 1829 (1772 ई.) बीकानेर रिकॉर्ड्स. रा. रा. अभि. बीकानेर।
14. कागद-री-बही नं. 47. वि.सं. 1897 (1840ई.) बीकानेर रिकॉर्डस, रा. रा. अभि. बीकानेर। 15. शर्मा, दशरथ, राजस्थान थ्रू दी एजेज, प्रथम भाग, पृ. 492, जोधपुर 1958
16. सावामंडी सदर बही नं. 4, वि.सं. 1807-10, बीकानेर रिकॉर्डस रा. रा. अभि. बीकानेर।
17. सनद परवाना बही नं. 25, वि.सं. 1838, जोधपुर रिकॉर्ड्स रा. रा. अभि. बीकानेर ।
18. पाउलेट, गजेटियर ऑफ बीकानेर स्टेट |
19. सूबारे सरकार-ने परगना - री. विगत नं. 226/3, बीकानेर
20. टॉड, वही, खण्ड 2, पृ. 1248-50
21. मिश्र, रतनलाल, गनेडीवाला गौरव ग्रन्थ, पृ. 6. दिल्ली, 1993
22. शर्मा, पं. झाबरमल, सीकर का इतिहास, पृ. 48 कलकत्ता 1922.
23. शर्मा, प झाबरमल, खेतड़ी का इतिहास, कलकत्ता, 1927. पृ. 40
24. निर्विरोध तारादत्त, शेखावाटी (सांस्कृतिक इतिहास के विविध आयाम) जयपुर, 1988, पृ. 5
25. मिश्र, रतनलाल, गनेडीवाला गौरव ग्रन्थ पृ. 262, दिल्ली, 1993

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सल्तनत काल में प्रौद्योगिकी विकास : ऐतिहासिक सर्वेक्षण / 399
49. सल्तनत काल में प्रौद्योगिकी विकास : ऐतिहासिक सर्वेक्षण
सी. एल. सिहाग
सल्तनत काल में प्रौद्योगिकी विकास के विषय में तत्कालीन, फारसी और अरबी ग्रन्थों का उपयोग विज्ञान एवं प्रौद्योगिकी के विभिन्न पक्षों पर प्रकाश डालता है। बहुत कुछ उपयोगी सामग्री उस काल के स्थानीय संस्कृत तथा क्षेत्रीय भाषाओं के साहित्य में उपलब्ध है। कुछ विदेशी यात्रियों के वृतान्त से भी उस समय के भारत में प्रौद्योगिकी विकास का पता चलता हैं।
भारत में सल्तनत काल में हुए प्रौद्योगिकी विकास पर जो भी शोध प्रकाशित हुआ है, उनमें मुगलों के योगदान पर अधिक चर्चा मिलती हैं। जहाँ तक "हिस्ट्री ऑफ साइस एण्ड टेक्नोलॉजी इन इण्डिया (संपादित जी.कुप्परम एव के. कुमदमनी) में भी कई लेखों की श्रृंखला में सल्तनतकाल के विशेष संदर्भ में अल्प लेखन हुआ है। यदि इरफान हबीब ने अपने अनेक शोधो में विज्ञान और प्रौद्योगिकी की विस्तार से चर्चा की हैं तो मुगलकाल पर अधिक बल दिया और यदि चक्रवर्ती और बी.डी. चट्टोपाध्याय ने लेखनी चलाई तो पूर्व मध्यकाल के संदर्भ को अधिक ध्यान में रखा। इसी क्रम में मैंने सल्तनतकालीन भारत में प्रौद्योगिकी विकास पर शोध पत्र लिखने का प्रयास किया हैं। क्योंकि सल्तनतकाल की प्रौद्योगिकी विकास पर पूर्ण कार्य नहीं हुआ हैं। मेरे इस शोध पत्र का उद्देश्य सल्तनतकाल में विभिन्न क्षेत्रों में हुए प्रौद्योगिकी विकास को केन्द्रीत कर प्रस्तुत करना है।
भारत पर मुस्लिम विजय ने देश के कृषि, उद्योगों तथा व्यापार वाणिज्य के क्षेत्र में किसी तरह का व्यवधान उत्पन्न नहीं किया था उस समय गावों व शहरों में कारीगरी व शिल्प प्रचलित व्यवसाय का अस्तित्व बना हुआ था। उनके उपयोग में आने वाले कृषि यंत्र व अन्य उपकरणों में भी तकनीकी विकास नहीं हुआ था। किसी तरह के बड़े उद्योगों का विकास भी नहीं हुआ था। अधिकांश उद्योग स्थानीय परम्परागत तकनीक पर निर्भर थे। जो पीढ़ी दर पीढ़ी हस्तांतरित होते आ रहे थे कृषि व सिंचाई के क्षेत्र में परम्परागत विधि का प्रयोग होता आ रहा था लेकिन तुर्क आक्रमण के बाद इस क्षेत्र में कुछ आमूलचूल परिवर्तन हुए। सल्तनतकाल में राज्य की आय का मुख्य स्रोत था भूमिकर जो कृषि भूमि से लिया जाता था।' चौदहवीं शताब्दी का एक दस्तावेज कहता हैं कि यह सही हैं कि किसान स्वतंत्र पैदा होता हैं लेकिन कर देने की उसकी बाध्यता की यह आवश्यकता हैं कि वे उन गांवों से बंधकर रहते हैं जहाँ वे अपनी जमीन जोत रहे हैं।
कृषि उत्पादन के लिए स्थानीय स्रोतों के रुप में कुएँ, बावड़ी व तालाब इत्यादि का प्रचलन था, लेकिन अधिकांश कृषि वर्षा पर निर्भर थी, जो अनिश्चित थी कृषक वर्ग कृषि उत्पादन से अपने परिवार का जीविकोपार्जन करता था और सामाजिक जीवनयापन करता था उपभोक्ता वर्ग भी इन्हीं के उत्पादन पर निर्भर था। ऐसी स्थिति में कृषि के उत्पादन में वृद्धि करने व भूमि की उर्वरता बढ़ाने के लिए जल की पूर्ति के लिए अन्य साधनों का इस्तेमाल करने

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400 / Jijñāsū
का प्रयास किया गया। कृषक वर्ग की परिस्थितियों में परिवर्तनशीलता गुणवत्ता के आधार पर 13 वीं शताब्दी में साक्ष्यों में देखने को मिलता हैं तथा भारत में तुर्क सत्ता के आगमन के साथ ही बाहरी स्रोतों से प्राप्त तकनीकों के प्रवेश का रास्ता खोल दिया । "
सल्तनतकालीन भारत में कृषि सम्बंधी प्रौद्योगिकी परिवर्तन देखने को मिलता हैं। जल के अनेक स्रोतों थे वर्षा का जल, प्राकृतिक स्रोत था। इसके साथ ही तालाब, कुऐं बावड़ी, जिसमें पानी को भरते थे। इसके अलावा नदियाँ पानी का स्रोत थी कुएं के पानी को बाहर निकालने में प्रौद्योगिकी का विकास हुआ।" प्रारम्भ में कुएं के पानी को साधारणतय बाल्टी के रस्सी बांधकर खींचा जाता था जिसमें किसी तरह की प्रौद्योगिकी तकनीक नहीं थी।" आवश्यकतानुसार पानी उपयोग के लिए निकाला जाता था इससे छोटी खेती भी की जाती थी इसमें हस्तभ्रम से कार्य होता था। दूसरी प्रौद्योगिकी विकास कर्म में कुऐं पर चर्खी लगाकर रस्सी के द्वारा पानी खींचा जाता था । इसमें मानव श्रम कम लगता था इसी क्रम में तृतीय विधि उत्तरी भारत में चमड़े के बैग इस्तेमाल किये जाने लगे इससे अधिक पानी निकाला जा सकता था और श्रम भी कम लगती थी। इससे गहरे कुओं से पानी निकाला जा सकता था लेकिन यह श्रम साध्य काम अधिक था ? चौथी विधि अर्धयांत्रिक प्रकृति की थी इसमें एक अविलम्ब लठ्ठा या पेड़ के तने की धरनी से एक लम्बी रस्सी बांधी जाती थी, जो झुलने की स्थिति में रहती थी इससे चमड़े के बड़े थैले को रस्सी से बांधा जाता था जिसके दूसरे हिस्से को कुऐं के ऊपर लटकी हुई बल्ली के एक सिरे से बांधा जाता था इस बल्ली के दूसरे सिरे से एक प्रतिभार लटकाया जाता था जो चमड़े के थैले से अधिक भारी होता था इस भार तथा प्रतिभार के दोनों किनारों पर होने से बल्ली के मध्य में आलम्ब उत्पन्न होता था इस तकनीक के इस्तेमाल करने से व्यक्ति को कम ऊर्जा लगानी पड़ती थी। संस्कृत में इसे तुला कहा गया हैं तथा बंगाल व बिहार में इसे ढेकली या लाट / लठ्ठा कहा जाता था।" दक्षिण भारत में कबलाई विधि कहते थे।" पांचवी विधि पानी निकालने में साखियाँ अथवा अराहट थी। 13 वीं 14 वीं शताब्दी में उत्पादन के तकनीक संसाधनों में प्रयाप्त रुप से अभिवृद्धि हुई जिनमें मुख्य श्री अर्घट में दांतेदार पहिए के साथ कुप्पों की एक श्रृंखला जोड़ी जाती थी जिसे पशु शक्ति के द्वारा चलाया जाता था ।" यह एक जल चक्र था जिसे जलयंत्र भी कहा जा सकता हैं क्योंकि इसमें गियर प्रणाली की व्यवस्था थी जो एक तकनीक रूप से उन्नत दशा में थी।" इस तरह से कुऐ सिंचाई के लिए इस्तेमाल होते रहे हैं।
दिल्ली सल्तनतकाल में कृषि सिंचाई क्षेत्र को बढ़ाने के लिए ग्यासुद्दीन तुगलक ने पहली बार नहर सिंचाई को प्रोत्साहन दिया। बरनी इस बारे में लिखता है कि ग्यासुद्दीन तुगलक (1320-25) के काल में कई नेहरे सिंचाई के लिए कई मिलों लम्बी खोदी गई, लेकिन विशेष नाम का उल्लेख नहीं करता। इसी बारे में अमीर खुसरों लिखता हैं कि गाजी मलिक ने नहरों का निर्माण मुलतान क्षेत्र में करवाया, जो रवि व झेलम से जुड़ी थी। इब्नबतूता लिखता हैं कि शेख सिहाबुद्धीन अल खुरासानी दिवान-ए-मुस्तखराज था, जिसने बिना जोते जाने वाली भूमि के लिए यमुना नदी से (दिल्ली से) 6 मील दूरी पर एक नहर का निर्माण करवाया था, जो अकाल को रोकने के लिए बनवायी गई थी इससे कृषि की पैदावार बढ़ाई जा सकी। फिरोज तुगलक (1351-86 ईस्वी) ने नहरों का जाल बिछाया जिनमें हिसार तक बहने वाली एक नहर यमुना से निकाली गई दो अन्य नहरें रजब्वाह और उलूगखानी नहर थी। फिरोजशाही नहर सतलुज से निकाली गई थी. एक नहर काली नदी से शुरु होकर दिल्ली तक आती और यमुना में मिलती थी एक और नहर पूर्वी पंजाब में घग्घर नदी से निकाली गई थी। इससे खरीब के साथ रबी की फसल में भी वृद्धि हुई।" जिससे उत्पादन बढ़ा इसके साथ ही किसानों को भूमि आवंटित की गई जिससे सतलज, दिल्ली तथा दोआब, समाना व हांसि क्षेत्र में खरीब की पैदावार की जा सकी।

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सल्तनत काल में प्रौद्योगिकी विकास : ऐतिहासिक सर्वेक्षण / 401
सल्तनतकाल में बुनकरों का इतिहास और भी अधिक दिलचस्प रहा, चूंकि वस्त्र प्रोद्योगिकी में कपास की गांठो को इकट्ठा करने के बाद कपड़ा बुनने से पहले तीन मुलभूत चरणों से गुजरना पड़ता था। प्रथम कपास से बीजो को अलग करना, दूसरा रुई को पीनना अर्थात धुनाई करना, तृतीय विधि में सूत को कातने योग्य बनाना इसके लिए उन्हें रोलर और बोर्ड विधि से व बाद में ची विधि द्वारा तैयार किया जाता था यह प्रशियन विधि रही थी। सूत कताई का कार्य पारम्परिक विधि से होता था। तकली के साथ एक फिरकी जो इसे नियंत्रित करती थी, का प्रयोग किया जाता था। वस्त्र निर्माण के क्षेत्र में सबसे महत्वपूर्ण प्रौद्योगिक क्रान्ति 13-14 वीं शताब्दी में इरान द्वारा भारत में लाए गए चरखे द्वारा सम्भव हुआ। चरखे का प्राचीन भारतीय इतिहास में उल्लेख नहीं मिलता। चरखे के प्रयोग से तकली का महत्व कम नहीं हुआ बल्कि इससे तकली के प्रयोग में वृद्धि ही हुई। चरखे के लकड़ी के फ्रेम के एक किनारे तकली को लगाया जाता था जिससे दूसरी ओर स्थित चक्र पर लगे पट्टे से जोड़कर इसे घुमाया जाता था जिससे चरखे में शक्ति संचालन और गतिपालक चक्र के सिद्धान्त पर था जिसके कारण परिभ्रमण की अन्तरीय गति प्राप्त होती थी। प्रमाणिक तौर पर यह नहीं कहा जा सकता कि कब इस यंत्र के साथ एक हत्थे या क्रैक हैडिल को सलग्न किया गया लेकिन अब मिफ ताह-उल-फुजाला (1530 ई.) के एक चित्र की सहायता से प्रमाणिकता प्राप्त हो गई है। इसमें चरखें को फ्रेम के साथ लगे हत्थे से घुमाते हुए दर्शाया गया है। चरखे के इस्तेमाल से वस्त्र उत्पादन में छ: गुना वृद्धि हुई। हिन्दुस्तान में चरखे का उल्लेख ईसामी की रचना फुतूहुस्सलातीन (1350) में मिलता है जिसका इस्तेमाल स्त्रियों को करना चाहिए, ऐसा उल्लेख प्राप्त होता हैं।
भारत में परम्परागत रुप से पैरों द्वारा चलाये जाने वाले करघे का प्रयोग होता था किन्तु इस करघे का प्रथम प्रमाण 1530 ई. में मिफ्ताह-उल-फुजाला (1469) द्वारा दिया गया हैं। बुनकर करघे में अपने पैरों से धागे के तानों को ऊपर उठा और फैला सकता था जबकि उसके हाथ मुख्यतः भरनी और शेड़ पर कार्य करते थे। इससे कपड़े की बुनाई में गति आई तथा सूत के उत्पादन में बढ़ोतरी हुई। जिससे व्यापार को प्रोत्साहन मिला। इसी तरह क्षैतिज करघे का प्रयोग साधारण था लहरदार मोटे रेशम के वस्त्रों का निर्माण करने में प्रयोग होता था। वस्त्रों की रंगाई व छपाई के क्षेत्र में भी प्रगति हुई जबकि प्राचीन भारतीय साहित्य में कपड़े की छपाई के बारे में वस्तुत स्पष्ट साक्ष्य नहीं मिलते। मोतीचन्द्र ने उल्लेख किया है, कि 14-15 वीं सदी के स्रोत में छपाई करने वाली स्त्री के लिए छिम्पक और छपाई करने वाले आदमी के लिए छिपा शब्द का उल्लेख किया गया हैं। इसी काल में कपड़े की छपाई के सन्दर्भ में भारत के महत्व का बोध 'चित्त' शब्द का इस्तेमाल से भी होता है। यह हिन्दी शब्द छींट का फारसी रुप है जो इस्फहान में छपे हुए कपड़े के लिए प्रयुक्त होता था लेकिन भारत में इसका प्रचलन 14 वीं सदी में था
रंगाई और छपाई के लिए वनस्पति और खनिज स्रोतों से प्राप्त नीला मजीठा और लाख इत्यादि से विभिन्न रंगों को तैयार कर रंगाई हेतु प्रयोग में लाया जाता था। नील का प्रयोग विरंजन और रंगाई दोनों के लिए होता था। रंगों को पक्का करने के लिए फिटकरी मिलाई जाती थी। भारतीय रंगरेज निसज्जन, बंधेज, छापा जैसी कई विधियाँ अपानाते थे।
रेशम उद्योग के क्षेत्र में कासिम बाजार, माल्दा, मुर्शिदाबाद, पटना, कश्मीर और बनारस में रेशम उद्योग के मुख्य केन्द्र थे। कांबे (खंबात) की रेशम की मांग इतनी थी कि अलाऊद्दीन खिलजी को उसकी बिक्री नियंत्रित करनी पड़ी थी। बंगाल उत्तम प्रकार की चटटाइयो के लिए मशहूर था। यहां की चटाइयां देखने में रेशम से बने कपड़े के समान होती थी।" रेशम तैयार करने के लिए भारत में रेशम के कीड़े पालने का प्रचलन भारत में सल्तनत काल से पूर्व देखने को नहीं मिलता है। 15 वी शताब्दी के प्रारम्भ में बंगाल में अवश्य देखने को मिलता है। उसके बाद कश्मीर में शुरु होती है। रेशम के स्थानीय उत्पादन के कारण भारत के रेशमी कपड़ा उत्पादन को प्रोत्साहन मिला इससे पहले यह बाहर से ही आता था।

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402
Jijñäsä
प्राचीन भारत में लेखन कार्य में शिलाएँ, ताम्रपटिकाएँ, ताड़पत्र, भुर्जपत्र आदि प्रयोग में लेते थे। विज्ञानों की ऐसी मान्यता हैं, भारत में इस्लामी संस्कृति के आगमन के बाद कागज का उपयोग होने लगा। जबकि भारतीय 7 वीं शताब्दी में कागज के बारे में परिचित थे लेकिन भारत में बने कागज का पुराना मौजूद टुकड़ा 13 वीं सदी के आरम्भिक काल में गुजरात में मिला था। इस कागज का प्रयोग लेखन (1253-1325 ई.) में चीनी यात्री महुआन, जिसने (1388-1409 ई.) बंगाल का भ्रमण किया था, ने वृक्ष की छाल के श्वेत-चमकीले कागज के उत्पादन का उल्लेख किया है। बहुसंख्यक हस्तलेखों में भी कागजों की उपलब्धता का प्रमाण मिलता हैं। वाट ने अपनी पुस्तक "दि कामर्शियल प्रोडक्ट ऑफ इण्डिया' में उल्लेख किया हैं कि कश्मीर में कागज बनाते समय चावल के पानी से सफाई करने का रिवाज था जो अभी भी जारी हैं। कश्मीरी कागज की रेशमी बनावट, चिकनाहट और चमकीले रुप में लुगदी कला का विकास हुआ। दिल्ली सल्तनत काल में कागज निर्माण बड़ी मात्रा में होने लग गया था। लेकिन आवश्यतानुसार इस्लामिक देशों से, समरकन्द, सीरिया से मगवाया जाता था। कागज पर लिखने की प्रकृति के साथ ही जिल्द साजी की एक नवीन कला का विकास भी भारत में हुआ।
शिल्पकला के संदर्भ में प्रोद्योगिकी क्षेत्र में मुहम्मद तुगलक के समय में चार हजार शिल्पकार जरी के काम के लिए नियुक्त थे। जो राजमहल और अभिजात वर्ग की स्त्रियों के लिए किमखाब तैयार करते थे। ये कारखाने अलाऊद्दीन के समय को छोड़कर स्वतंत्र रुप से कार्य करते थे और राज्य ने इन्हें नियंत्रित करने का प्रयास नहीं किया।
धातु उद्योग के कारखाने प्राचीन काल से थे। तलवार और दूसरे शस्त्र-आदि प्राचीनकाल से बनाए जाते थे। मुहम्मद बिन कासिम अपने साथ भारत में मजनीक्स का (एक विशिष्ट प्रकार का औजार) प्रयोग पहली बार किया। कुछ समय बाद ही ये शस्त्र हिन्दू और मुस्लिम शासकों द्वारा बनवाये जाने लगे। भारतीय कारीगर लोहा, पीतल, चांदी, जस्ता, अभ्रक और मिश्रित धातु के शस्त्र बनाने में कुशल थे। डॉ. बुद्धि प्रकाश के अनुसार कारीगरों की धातु उद्योग में कुशलता का पता चलता है। 239 लोहे की बीम जिसकी नाप 17x6x4 अथवा 17x5x6 है। जो पुरी, कोणार्क और भुवनेश्वर के मन्दिरो में लगी हुई हैं इससे कारीगरों की कुशलता के बारे में जानकारी मिलती है इसके अतिरिक्त धार में 50 फीट ऊँचा प्रसिद्ध परमारों का लोह स्तम्भ हैं। अमीर खुसरों ने, भारत के कारीगरों की, जो पत्थर तराशने का काम करते थे, प्रशंसा की हैं। उनका कहना हैं कि सम्पूर्ण इस्लामिक जगत में ऐसे कारीगरों की बराबरी करने वाले कारीगर नहीं थे।
तुर्को द्वारा भारत में रकाब की उपलब्धता कराना एक महत्वपूर्ण योगदान था। तुर्को के आगमन से पहले भारत रकाब से अनभिज्ञ था, क्योंकि रकाब के लिए संस्कृत में कोई शब्द नहीं था। इसके स्थान पर कोतल, कश, बड़े अगूठे वाले रकाब और निलम्बन कांटे का प्रचलन था। रकाब विशेषत मुसलमानों की देन थी। लेकिन छठी शताब्दी में चीन में इसका प्रयोग होता था, जो बाद में फारस व अन्य इस्लामिक देशो में पहुंचा। फिर वहां से भारत में यह तकनिक आई। रकाब का उपयोग युद्ध स्थल में घुड़सवार करने वाले सैनिक मजबूती से बैठने व फुर्ती से युद्ध करने में सुविधा के लिए उपयोग में लाते थे। इसने आकस्मिक घुड़सवार आक्रमण की तकनीक को जन्म दिया एवं युद्ध कला के क्षेत्र में यह एक क्रान्तिकारी परिवर्तन था।3.
लोहे की नाल का आगमन भी सल्तनतकाल में हुआ। भारत के किसी भी पुरातत्वीय स्रोत में नाल का उल्लेख नहीं मिलता है। इसका उपयोग भी भारत में तुर्कों के आने के साथ ही किया जाने लगा। नाल एक फारसी शब्द हैं, इसे लगाने की विधि को नालबंद और नाल चढ़ाई को नालबंदी कहा जाता है। इसे घोड़े के खुर पर लगाया जाता था क्योंकि घोड़े का खुर लगातार बढ़ने वाली एक प्राकृतिक रचना हैं, जिसके टूटने, छिलने का खतरा बना रहता था। इसलिए घोड़े के नाखूनों पर नाल चढ़ाई जाती थी। इससे घोड़े की जमीन पर पकड़ अच्छी होती थी तथा कटोर धरातल पर घोड़े खुद सुरक्षित रहते थे। इससे घुड़सवार युद्ध में घोड़े को स्फूर्ती मिलती थी। नाल

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सल्तनत काल में प्रौद्योगिकी विकास : ऐतिहासिक सर्वेक्षण / 403
लगाने के कार्य पर विगत में केवल मुसलमान कारीगरों का एकाधिकार था। बारुद और अग्नि-शस्त्र का अविष्कार चीन में हुआ इसमे बारुद का शोरा, गंधक और चारकोल होता है। इसका उपयोग चीन से इस्लामिक देशो में गया और बाद में भारत पर तुर्को के अधिकार के बाद 13 वीं सदी के अन्त में एवं 14 वीं शताब्दी के प्रारम्भ में यह तकनीक भारत में आई। फिरोजशाह तुगलक के समय में इसका उपयोग केवल अतिशबाजी तक ही सीमित था अग्नि शास्त्रों के रुप में सर्वप्रथम प्रयोग 15 वीं शताब्दी के उत्तरार्ध में यूरोपीय अग्नि-शस्त्रों का प्रयोग पुर्तगालियों द्वारा किया गया, जब वे 1498 ई. में कालीकट आये।
कलई का उपयोग घरेलु तांबे और पीतल के बर्तनों में खाद्य सामग्री को विषक्तता से बचाने के लिए किया जाता था। बर्तन पर टिन का आवरण लगाया जाता था यह तकनीक भी भारत में तुर्को के साथ आई। प्राचीन भारत में इसके प्रमाण नहीं मिलते हैं। कलईगार बर्तनों को एक छोटी भट्टी पर धौकनियो की सहायता से गर्म करता था और रुई की सहायता से शुद्ध टिन और नौसादर के मिश्रण को लगाया जाता था, जिससे नौसादर का बाष्पीकरण हो जाता और धातु का धरातल साफ निकल आता था इसी दौरान टिन पिघलता है तथा रुई से नौसादर चारों और रगड़कर पूरे बर्तन में फैला दिया जाता था जिससे बर्तन कलाईदार हो जाता था। अबुल फजल ने आइने-ए-अकबरी में कलई का उल्लेख इस प्रकार किया हैं।
नावों व जहाज का निर्माण भारत में लकड़ी से होता था, जिसे नारियल के छिलकों से बने रस्सों द्वारा जोड़ दिया जाता था। इसमें लकड़ी की कीलों का ही प्रयोग किया जाता था। समुद्री यात्राओं के लिए मुसलमानों द्वारा भारत में चुम्बकीय दिशा सूचक (कुतुबनुमा) का उपयोग एक महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका थी।
सल्तनतकालीन भारत में शराब बनाने के संदर्भ भी प्राप्त होते हैं। बरनी ने उल्लेख किया हैं कि शक्कर के किण्वित गाढे शरबत से व्यापक रुप से शराब निकाली जाती थी सम्भवतः इस भभके के आगमन के बाद ही शराब की शुरुआत हुई। __भवन निर्माण उद्योग में प्रौद्योगिक परिवर्तन मेहराबों और गुम्बदों के व्यापक उपयोग के रुप में देखा गया इसके साथ चूना-गारे से जुड़ाई और मेहराबी छत की ढलाई नाजुक अहमियत के नये तथ्य थे। इस नई तकनीक से ईंट और पत्थर की बड़ी इमारतों का निर्माण सम्भव हुआ। तुगलकाबाद के या बाद के खण्डर देखें तो शायद कह सकते हैं कि मध्यवर्ग के घरों का लकड़ी और घासफूस के ढाँचे से ईंट के ढांचों में परिवर्तन मुलतः सल्तनत काल में ही हुआ। सल्तनतकाल में बड़े पैमाने पर निर्माण कार्य करवाये गये अलाऊद्दीन ने अपनी इमारतों के लिए 70000 कारीगर रखे थे। इसके बाद मुहम्म्द तुगलक व फिरोज तुगलक ने भी बड़े पैमाने पर इमारतों का निर्माण करवाया।
सल्तनत काल में प्रौद्योगिक क्षेत्र में समग्रतः विचार करने पर ऐसा लगता हैं कि विवेच्यकाल में जो प्रौद्योगिकीय परिवर्तन हुए वे किसी भी दृष्टि से कम महत्वपूर्ण नहीं थे। जल यंत्र के रुप में अराहट मिला, वस्त्र तकनीक में चरखा व बुनाई की तकनीक प्राप्त हुई तथा कम लागत वाली तकनीक के रुप में सीधी-साधी छपाई व्यवस्था, कागज तकनीक, भवन निर्माण व युद्धकला सार्वभौमिक रुप से स्थापित हुई। संदर्भ : ' इरफान हबीब के कई शोधों का संदर्भ लेख में प्रस्तुत हैं ' एग्रीकल्चर टेक्नालॉजी इन अर्ली मेडाइवल इण्डिया (500-1300 ई.) ३द मेकिंग ऑफ अर्ली मेडाइवल इण्डिया + हबीब, इरफान, चेंज इन टेक्नोलॉजी इन मेडाइवल इण्डिया, स्टडीज इन हिस्ट्री, वोल्यूम II (1), 1980, पृ. 17 'पूर्ववत, पृ. 17 : इकोनामिक हिस्ट्री ऑफ दिल्ली सल्तनत, इण्डियन हिस्टोरिकल रिव्यू, वोल्यूम (3), पृ. 287-298 • हबीब, इरफान, डिस्ट्रिब्यूशन ऑफ लैडड प्रोपर्टी इन प्रि. ब्रिटिश इण्डिया, इनक्वायरी, दो अंक-3 (1965) पृ. 52-53

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। बरनी, तारीख-ए-फिरोजशाही, सं. सैयद अहमद खान, कलकत्ता, (1862), पृ. 288 • इंश-ए महरु, सं., एस. ए. राशिद, लाहौर, 1965, पृ. 61-63 • कोसंबी की सामान्य टिप्पणी कि "इस्लामी आक्रान्ताओं ने नई तकनीक को ग्रहण करने तथा उनके सम्प्रेषण के संदर्भ में प्रचलित
संकीर्ण प्रथा को तोडा, देखें, डी.डी. कोशाम्बी, एन इन्ट्रोडक्शन टू द स्टडी ऑफ इण्डियन हिस्ट्री, दूसरा संस्करण, बम्बई, 1975,
पृ. 370 १० हबीब इरफान : चेंज इन टेक्नोलॉजी इन मेडाइवल इण्डिया, पृ. 18-19 " पूर्वोक्त-पृ. 18-19 १ पूर्वोक्त 13 चट्टोपाध्याय बी.डी. . इरिगेशन, इन अरली मेडाइवल राजस्थान, : द मेकिंग ऑफ अर्लि मेडाइवल इण्डिया (दिल्ली) 1994, पृ. 45 " हबीब इरफान, पूर्ववत, पृ. 18-20 15 राजपूताना गजेटियर, पृ. 108-109 1" कोम्ब्रिज इकोनाभिक हिस्ट्री ऑफ इण्डिया, भाग-1 रॉय.टी. चौधरी तथा इरफान हबीब (सं.). कैम्ब्रिज यूनिवर्सिटी प्रेस,
1982. पृ. 49 " बेग, ए.के., हिस्ट्री ऑफ टेक्नोलोजी इन इण्डिया, न्यू देहली, 1977, पृ. 587 10 वोल्सकर, जोन.ए.. रिपोर्ट आन द इम्प्रूवमेन्ट ऑफ इण्डियन एग्रीकल्चर (लन्दन, 1893) पृ. 65-66 10 केम्ब्रिज इकोनामिक हिस्ट्री ऑफ इण्डिया, एक में पृ. 49 पर मो. हबीब की टिप्पणी, द प्रि-मार्डन हिस्ट्री ऑफ द वेर्स्टन यमुना कैनाल,
मेडिवल इण्डिया. एक, सं इरफान हबीब, देहली, 1992, पृ.49-52 20 हबीब इरफान, टैक्नोलोजिकल चेंजज एण्ड सोसायटी 13 एण्ड 14th सेन्चुरी, प्रेजिडेन्सियल एड्रेस, प्रोसिडिंग्स ऑफ इण्डियन हिस्ट्री
कांग्रेस, 31 सेशन, वाराणसी 1969, पृ. 3-11ए। " ईसामी, फुतुह-उस-सलातीन, सं. ए.एस.उषा, मद्रास, 1948, पृ 134 यमुहम्मद शादियाबादी. मिफ्तह-उल-फुजाला 1468-69. में तैयार किया गया शब्दकोष, ब्रिटिश लाइब्रेरी की पांडुलिपि, संख्या 3299 " अशरफ, के.एम. लाइफ एण्ड कंडिशन ऑफ द पीपुल ऑफ हिन्दूस्तान, 1200-1500 ए डी., पृ. 94 4 मोतीचन्द्र, जर्नल ऑफ इण्डियन टैक्सटाइल, हिस्ट्री वाल्यूम-VI, 1961, पृ. 27 26 मोतीचन्द्र, पूर्वोउद्धृत, पृ. 17-40 % जीन बेपटिस्ट टैवर्नियर, ट्रेवल्स इन इण्डिया, अनु वी.बॉल डब्ल्यू क्रुक (सं.), II, पृ. 4 " इब्नबतूता (68) (टेक्सट), 610-611, (अनुवाद हुसैन) पृ. 234-235 28 मा हवान, चिंग चई शेंग-लन, अनुवाद : एन इलियासा और डी. रास, लन्दन, 1895, पृ. 425
तबकाते-नासिरी, सं. हबीबी, काबुल, 1964, दो पृ. 184 ० सरकार, डी.सी. : इण्डियन एपिग्राफी, दिल्ली, 1967, पृ. 67 अशरफ, के.एम., पूर्वोउद्धृत, पृ. 96
आइने अकबरी, जिल्द-5. पृ. 35-36 ७ स्मिथ, वी.ए.. द आयरन पिलर ऑफ धार, जर्नल ऑफ रॉयल एशियाटिक सोसायटी, 1898, पृ. 143-146 अखजैन-उल-फुतुह, अमीर खुसरो, वाहिद मिर्जा अनुवादित, फरिश्ता द्वारा अंग्रेजी अनुवाद * व्हाइट, लिन, मिडिवल टैक्नोलॉजी एण्ड सोशल चेंज, लंदन, 1973, पृ. 1-2 ॐ हबीब, इरफान, मेडिवल टेक्नोलॉजी : एक्सचेज बिटविन इण्डिया एण्ड इस्लामिक वर्ल्ड पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 205-210 " बरनी : तारीख-ए-फीरोजशाही,सं. सैयद अहमद खान, कलकत्ता, 1862, पृ. 341

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50. पूर्व मध्यकालीन उत्तर भारत की राजनीतिक व्यवस्थाः प्रतिहार प्रशासनिक व्यवस्था के विशेष सन्दर्भ में । *
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विजया कुमारी
हर्ष की मृत्यु के बाद मध्य भारत में लम्बे समय तक अनवरत युद्ध चलते रहे, अशान्ति बनी रही। काश्मीर को छोड़कर लगभग 150 वर्षो तक समस्त उत्तरी भारत में राजनैतिक विकेन्द्रीकरण के कारण समान राजनैतिक व्यवस्था नहीं रही एवं प्रशासन का स्वरुप भी स्पष्ट नही था । आठवीं शताब्दी के अन्त तथा नवीं शताब्दी के आरम्भ में कन्नौज के गुर्जर प्रतिहारों ने साम्राज्यिक सत्ता स्थापित की इससे राजनीतिक परिस्थितियाँ बदली और एक सुव्यवस्थित शासन आरम्भ हुआ। उन्होंने भारत को पुनः गौरव दिलाया, जिसकी चर्चा अरब लेखक भी करते हैं।
प्रतिहारों का उदय श्रीमाल अथवा भीनमाल दक्षिणी राजपूताना में हुआ था।' प्रतिहार शासक प्रथम नागभट्ट ने मालवा और राजपूताना में अपनी सत्ता स्थापित की और भडौंच तक अपना विस्तार किया। उसने चाहमान शासक भर्तृवड्ड को वहां श्री महासामन्तधिपति नियुक्त किया। इसी वंश के शासक वत्सराज ने उज्जैन तक अपनी सत्ता स्थापित की। जोधपुर के प्रतिहार तथा चाहमानों ने उसकी अधीनता स्वीकार कर ली।" अतः भड़ौच के चाह्नान शाकम्भरी के चाहमान तथा जोधपुर के प्रतिहार शासक "इनके अधीन सांमत स्थिति में थे। द्वितीय नागभट्ट, जो कि वत्सराज का उत्तराधिकारी था, का साम्राज्य आनर्त (उत्तरी काठियावाड़), मालव (मध्य भारत), मत्स्य (पूर्वी राजपूताना), किरात (हिमालग श्री तलहटियों के जांगल प्रदेश) तुरुष्क (पश्चिमी भारत के उस क्षेत्र पर जो मुस्लिम अधिपत्य में था तथा वत्स (प्रयाग कौशाम्बी क्षेत्र तक ) के साथ-साथ कई पर्वतीय दुर्गों तक फैल गया था।' संभवतः ये दुर्ग गुर्जरात्रा भूमि एवं कालजर मण्डल तक विस्तृत थे। मिहिर भोज के काल तक प्रतिहारों की शक्ति सूर्य के समान देदीयमान हो रही थी। उसकी सीमाएं उत्तर पूर्व में गोरखपुर से लेकर बिहार तक उत्तर पश्चिम मे सम्पूर्ण पंजाब मध्य भारत के सम्पूर्ण उत्तर प्रदेश पश्चिम में राजपूताना के बड़े भू-भाग दक्षिण-पश्चिम में काठियावाड और दक्षिण मे बुन्देलखण्ड मालवा सहित नर्मदा की उत्तरी घाटी तक फैली हुई थी। चाट्सू के गुहिल, गोरखपुर के कलचुरि प्रतापगढ़ के चाहमान आदि उसके अधीन सामंत स्थिति मे उसके अधीन अनके करद सामंत अपेक्षाकृत अधिक स्वायतता का भोग करते थे?
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महेन्द्रपाल को अपने पिता भोज से विशाल प्रतिहार साम्राज्य विरासत में मिला। उसने न केवल उसकी रक्षा की वरन उसे पूर्व में और अधिक विस्त त किया। उसके अपने वंश के परम्परागत शत्रु पालों को उनके घर में (दक्षिणी बिहार, छोटा नागपुर और उत्तरी बंगाल) मात दी। और इन प्रदेशो पर अपना अधिकार बनाए रखा। इस समय प्रतिहारों की राजधानी कन्नौज के वैभव और समृद्धि का वर्णन तत्कालीन ग्रन्थो में मिलता हैं इससे स्पष्ट

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406
/ Jijāsä
होता है कि प्रतिहारों का साम्राज्य विस्तृत प्रतिष्ठा का प्रतीक था। प्रतिहारों का साम्राज्य गोरखपुर उज्जैन, कनौज
और बुन्देलखण्ड तक विस्तृत था। अपने चरमोत्कर्ष के समय उनका विस्तार पूर्व में उत्तरी बंगाल से पश्चिम में सिंधु सौराष्ट्र, गुजरात तक, उत्तर में हिमालय की निचली पहाड़ियों से लेकर दक्षिण में सारे बुन्देलखण्ड मालवा तक विस्तृत था तो पूर्वी पंजाब दिल्ली सम्पूर्ण राजपूताना उनके अधीन था। इतने विस्तृत साम्राज्य की प्रशासनिक व्यवस्था का विवरण जानने के लिए कौटिल्य एवं मैगस्थनीज जैसे लेखकों के विवरण उपलब्ध नही है जो उस समय के राजवंशें के राजनीतिक सिद्धान्तों उनके व्यवहार का विवरण प्रस्तुत कर सके।" यद्यपि कृत्यकल्पतरु? मानसोल्लास 13 जैसे ग्रंथ उपलब्ध हैं। कृत्यकल्पतरु के राजधर्म काव्य से तत्कालीन प्रशासन के पीछे छिपे हुए सिद्धान्तों की जानकारी मिलती है। यद्यपि ये परम्परागत विवरण ही प्रस्तुत करते है।
पूर्व मध्य काल के राजनैतिक परिदृश्य के साथ साथ तत्कालीन राजनैतिक संरचना में गुर्जर प्रतिहारों के विशिष्ट संदर्भ को ध्यान में रखते हुए डॉ. दशरथ शर्मा ने राजस्थान श्रू द ऐजेज फ्रॉम अर्लियस्ट टाइम्स टू 1516 ए डी. बीकानेर 1996; बैजनाथ पुरी ने हिस्ट्री ऑव गुर्जर प्रतिहारस नई दिल्ली 1986, वी.बी. मिश्रा ने द गुर्जर प्रतिहार दण्ड देयर टाइम्स, नई दिल्ली 1960 के माध्यम से प्रतिहारों के इतिहास लेखन पर कार्य किया है उन्होंने कम और अधिक दोनों दृष्टियों से ही उनके प्रशासन और उसके विभिन्न पक्षो पर प्रकाश डाला है। उन्होंने भी प्राचीन भारतीय प्रशासनिक व्यवस्था के संदर्भ में प्रतिहार कालीन प्रशासनिक व्यवस्था को प्रस्तुत किया किन्तु नए अभिलेखों और सामंतवाद की नई व्याख्याओं के आलोक में पुनः इस व्यवस्था के पुनरावलोकन का अवसर दिया।
राजनैतिक इतिहास का अध्ययन करने वाले विद्वानो के अतिरिक्त प्राचीन भारतीय शासन पद्धति के ऊपर लेखन करने वाले प्रो. अनंत सदाशिव अल्तेकर ने अर्थशास्त्र, नीतिशास्त्र, जैसे ग्रन्थों (जो कि शासन पद्धति पर लिखे गए थे.) की सूचनाओं को ऐतिहासिक परिपेक्ष्य में प्रस्तुत किया उन्होंने वैदिक, बौद्ध, जैन वाड्मय, राजतरंगिणी, मैगस्थनीज, युवान च्वांग जैसे विदेशी इतिहास लेखको एवं चीनी यात्रियों के वृतात तथा प्राचीन अभिलेखो आदि का सागोपांग विवेचन करते हुए प्राचीन भारत की शासन कुछ पद्धति के साथ ही पूर्वमध्य कालीन शासन व्यवस्था का भी कुछ परिचय दिया।
आर. एस. शर्मा ने अपनी पुस्तक भारतीय सांमतवाद’ में पूर्व मध्य कालीन इतिहास के सम्बंध में नई व्याख्याएं प्रस्तुत की जिसे सामंतवादी व्याख्या कहा गया। उन्होंने कहा कि प्रतिहार राजाओं ने भूमि दान के साथ भूमि से सम्बन्धित सम्पत्ति के अधिकार भी दिए। इससे आर्थिक ढांचा भी बिगड़ा, व्यापार वाणिज्य का पतन नगरो का पतन तथा सिक्को की कमी हुई। उन्होंने इस परिवर्तन को तत्कालीन अभिलेखिक साक्ष्यों के आधार पर आंकने का प्रयास किया। __ आर.एस. शर्मा की मान्यता है कि इस काल में बड़ी मात्रा में दान दिए गए। इन अनुदानों के परिणाम स्वरुप देश में प्रचुर आर्थिक तथा राजनीतिक शक्ति से सम्पन्न वर्ग, मध्यम वर्ग खड़ा हो गया। इतना ही नहीं इनसे भूमिधर ब्राह्मणों की संख्या बढ़ने लगी। उनका ध्यान भू-सम्पत्ति पर केन्द्रित होने लगा। इसका नतीजा यह हुआ कि शासन तंत्र पर केन्द्र का सक्षम और व्यापक नियंत्रण लुप्त होने लगा।
इस व्याख्या की प्रतिहार शासकों की प्रशासनिक व्यवस्था के संदर्भ में विश्लेषण किया जाना भी इस लेख का उद्देश्य है। प्रतिहारों में प्रशासन के बारे में हमें सूचना उनके सामन्तों के अभिलेखों, समकालीन साहित्यिक साक्ष्यों, समकालीन शासकों के विवरणों यथा राष्ट्रकूट, पाल एव गहड़वाल शासकों के विवरणो तथा प्रचलित धार्मिक परम्पराओं से प्राप्त होती है।"
प्रतिहारों का साम्राज्य विशाल था जिसके प्रशासनिक व्यवस्था के लिए जहां केन्द्रीय प्रशासनिक संस्थाएं थी, वही सामन्तों से युक्त गई छोटी कई प्रशासनिक ईकाइयों का ढीला ढाला संगठन था इनके प्रान्तीय प्रशासन तथा स्थानीय प्रशासन को चलाने के लिए भी अधिकारी नियुक्त किए गए थे।

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पूर्व मध्यकालीन उत्तर भारत की राजनीतिक व्यवस्था / 407
राजा राज्य के सर्वोच्च पद पर था वह साम्राज्य का प्रधान था एवं प्रतिहारों के सांमत अपने अधिपति के लिए महाराजाधिराज, परमेश्वर परममहाराज जैसे विरुदों का प्रयोग करते है। जबकि वे स्वंय राजा और महाराज जैसे साधारण विरुदों का प्रयोग करते है। उसी राजतंत्र को सर्वोच्च कहा गया है जो राजा के अधीन आत्मयत अर्थात राजा द्वारा स्वंय शासित हो वह सभी अधिकारों से युक्त हो।18 प्रतिहार शाासक नागभट्ट को नागावलोक अर्थात सम्प्रभु कहा गया है तथा मलेच्छाधिप की बलवती सेनाओं को परास्त करने वाला, लोगों की रक्षा के लिए नारायण स्वरुप प्रकट होने वाला कहा गया है। नागभट्ट द्वितीय को शत्रुओं का संहार करने वाला, भोज प्रथम को आदि वराह कहा गया है अर्थात विष्णु का अवतार भारत भूमि को मलेच्छ (अरबो) से मुक्त कराने के कारण उसे यह उपाधि मिली। वत्सराज को राणा हस्तिन तो महेन्द्र पाल को निर्भय नरेन्द्र, रघुकुल मुक्ता मणि, आर्यावर्त का महाराजाधिराज भी कहा गया राजाओं को देवस्वरुप कहने का उद्देश्य राजा के दैवीय अधिकारों की बात करना नहीं था, वरन् योग्यता पूर्वक देश की रक्षा करने के कारण उन्हें ऐसा कहा गया। अतः यह मान्यता बनी कि राजा के राजनीति के एवं सामाजिक परम्पराओं से प्रदत अधिकारों के साथ-साथ उसके कर्तव्य भी सर्वोपरि रहे।
राजा को ईश्वर की तरह सर्वशक्तिमान होना चाहिए। वह सभी कार्य करने के सक्षम हो तथा जिसके नेतृत्व पर कोई नियंत्रण नही हो ऐसी परम्परागत विचाराधारा में प्रतिहार काल में परिवर्तन दिखाई देता है। प्रतिहार शासको की विशेषता रही वे धार्मिक प्रवृति वाली विचार धारा को तो मानते थे अर्थात कानून या विधि के न तो निर्माता थे, नही उसके ऊपर। किन्तु सामाजिक और सामुदायिक परम्पराओं और नियमों से बंधे थे।
इस समय समाज का आधार विभिन्न प्रकार के संगठन थे। मन्दिर, मठ, विहार, ग्रामों के संगठन, जातीय संगठन, व्यापारिक श्रेणियाँ आदि राजाओं से अलग स्वतंत्र रूप से चलते थे वे केवल उसी स्थिति में राजा के पास जाते थे जबकि किसी विवाद को वे आपस में नही सुलझा पाते थे और राजा द्वारा हस्तक्षेप की आवश्यकता तब तक नहीं होती थी जब तक वे बिना किसी परेशानी के कार्य करते रहते थे उनके सामाजिक जीवन में राजा का
कोई स्थान नहीं था। ... राजा को प्रशासन को चलाने, सेना के रखरखाव, सांस्कृतिक एवं धार्मिक संस्थानों के खर्च के लिए अपने घरेलू खर्च के लिए धन की आवश्यकता होती थी। राजा या राज्य की आय के साधनों के विषय में दान पत्रों से पता चलता है कि राजा समस्त भूमि दलदल, बंजर भूमि, जंगलात, खान,नमक उत्पादन के स्त्रोतों का स्वामी कहा गया है। उसे कुछ अपराधों पर लगाने वाले करों से भी आय द्वारा होती है। देवपाल के नालंदा ताम्रपत्र से पता चलता है कि जुर्माना वसूल करने के लिए अधिकारी नियुक्त किया जाता था। जिसे 'दशापराधिक' कहा जाता था। भर्तृवड्ड द्वितीय के हसोड अभिलेख में दान, उद्रंग, उपरिकर के साथ भोग, भोगकर का उल्लेख मिलता है दान, शुल्क, तरादया, अद्रयाया, अभव्य जैसे शुल्कों के नाम मिलते है। अतः ऐसा लगता है कि यह राजा की आय के स्वतंत्र स्त्रोत थे। किन्तु यह कहा जाना कि राजा के अधिकारों और आय में कमी हुई थी युक्ति संगत नही लगता, जैसा कि सांमतवादी व्याख्याकारों ने माना।
राजा प्रभुता सम्पन्न होता था। वह सामन्तों तथा क्षेत्रीय प्रमुखों की भी नियुक्ति करता था। सामन्तों की नियुक्ति राजा द्वारा की जाती थी इसकी पुष्टि देवगढ़ अभिलेख" से होती है जहां प्रतिहार राजा भोजदेव द्वारा महासामंत विष्णुराम को ‘पंचमहाशब्द' की उपाधि प्रदान की गई।
सामंत प्रशासन की दृष्टि से अपने क्षेत्र के स्वतंत्र स्वामी होते थे। साम्राज्यिक सत्ता का उनके शासन में कोई हस्तक्षेप नही होता था। वे महाराजाधिराज, परमेश्वर, परमभट्टारक महासामन्ताधिपति, महासांमन्त महामाण्डलिक, राजकुल, ठाकुर, रणक आदि विरुद धारण करते थे।

Page #192

408 / Jijñāsā
प्रतिहार काल में सामन्तो के कुछ पद तो वंशानुगत थे जबकि कुछ पदों पर नियुक्ति शासक द्वारा होती थी। शासक सामन्तो पर अपने अधिकारियों के माध्यम से नियंत्रण रखता था । उदाहरणार्थ चालुक्य सामंत अवनिर्मा द्वितीय ने अपने स्वामी महेन्द्रपालदेव के अधिकारी तंत्रपालधिका की अनुमति से ग्रामदान किया था। सामंत राजा के अधीन कार्य करते थे और उसकी आज्ञा का पालन भी करते थे राजा की आज्ञा पालन करवाने के लिए अधिकारी नियुक्त थे | 31
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राजदरबार छोटे बड़े सामन्तो अनेक प्रकार के मंत्रियों राज्याधिकारियों से भरा रहता था। कौटिल्य प्रशासन में राजा की सहायता के लिए मंत्री मण्डल को अनिवार्य बताते है प्रतिहार शासको के दरबार में भी मंत्रिन् (मंत्रियों) का महत्वपूर्ण स्थान था । इनके प्रमुख को मुख्यमंत्री प्रधानामात्य, महामंत्री कहा जाता था। मंत्री का पद महत्वपूर्ण था समस्त राजकीय अधिकार सेना (कटंक) सभी उसके आदेशों का पालन करते थे। यद्यपि राजा पुरोहित, राजामात्य, कुमारामात्य की सलाह मानने के लिए बाध्य नहीं था प्रतिहारों के बजाय राष्ट्रकूट अभिलेखों से सूचना मिलती है कि मंत्री सामन्तो के साथ मिलकर राजा के लिए समस्या बन सकते थे। महेश्वर सूरी कृत ज्ञानपंचमी कथा से महत्वपूर्ण सूचना मिलती है कि वास्तव में मंत्री ही इस लोक का शासक है क्योंकि सारी कटंक ( सेना एवं नौकर शाह) उसी की आज्ञा का पालन करती है। यदि विपत्तियों में बचाने के लिए मंत्री न हो तो राजा का नाम ही समाप्त हो जाये। प्रधानामात्य, मंत्री या महामंत्री का पद वंशानुगत था राजपुरोहित आध्यात्मिक मामलों का अधिकारी जो संभवतः राजा का आध्यात्मिक सलाह कार था दोनों पद वंशानुगत थे।
राजा को प्रशासनिक कार्यो मे सहयोग के लिए मंत्री तथा उच्च अधिकारी नियुक्त किये गए थे। प्रतिहार अभिलेखों के महासंधिविग्रहिक को युद्ध और शांति का मंत्री कहा जा सकता है। वह राजकीय आलेखों, घोषणाओं दान पत्रों का तथा विदेशी राजाओं के पास भेजे जाने वाले पत्रों का भी मसविदा तैयार करता था। यहां तक कि यह राज्य में होने वाले विद्रोहों, उपद्रवों, सामन्तों के विद्रोहों को भी चतुराई से शांत करता था । इसी तरह महाअक्षपटलिक और इसके अधीन अक्षपटलिक नामक अधिकारी होता था मेवाड़ में यह पद वंशानुगत था बहुत संभव है प्रतिहार राज्यों में भी यह वंशानुगत रहा होगा।" किन्तु योग्यता के आधार पर ही यह पद उसी वंश के दूसरे व्यक्ति को मिलता था। राज्य में वित्त का यह प्रमुख अधिकारी था, जो आयव्यय का लेखा जोखा रखता था अभिलेखों (गहड़वाल एवं चालुक्य) में उसे राज्य के सरकारी लेखो का प्रधान निरीक्षक कहा गया है।" दान पत्रों का निबन्धन भी उसके कार्यालय में होता था।" भाण्डागरिक राजकीय कोषागार तथा आभूषणो का मुख्य अधिकारी था, जिसे अमात्य कहा जाता था। 13 महाप्रतिहार दौवारिक दरबार में आने जाने वालो पर नियंत्रण रखता था महाप्रतिहार का पद महत्वपूर्ण था। प्रतिहार अभिलेखों में उष्प्रभट्ट नामक महाप्रतिहार को महासामत या महासामन्ताधिपति कहा गया है।" महादण्डनायक प्रमुख सैनिक अधिकारी होता था।
प्रशासनिक कार्य के साथ-साथ राजा का महत्वपूर्ण कार्य न्याय करना भी था किन्तु प्रतिहार काल में इस सम्बन्ध में कई अधिकारी नियुक्त थे। राजा प्रमुख न्यायधीश था इसके अतिरिक्त सहायतार्थ महादण्डनायक प्रमुख न्यायिक अधिकारी था। धर्मस्था या धर्मस्थेय राज्य के सर्वोच्च महत्वपूर्ण पद पर था जो राजा को न्याय सम्बन्धी कार्यों में सहयोग करता था दण्डधरणिक-दण्ड देने वाला, चौरोधरणिक डाकुओं पर नियंत्रण रखने वाले, दण्डिक जेलर जैसा अधिकारी, दशापराधिक दस प्रकार के अनुसंधान करने वाला, दण्ड निर्धारित करने वाला अधिकारी होता था। सभी अधिकारी न्याय व्यवस्था में आगे थे। व्यवहारिक न्यायिक अधिकारी था। वह दानपत्रों को देखता, भूमि सम्बन्धी प्रक्रिया पर नजर रखता, भूमि को उसके सही हकदार को दिलवाता था। *
राज्य के वित्तिय प्रबन्धन के लिए महाभौगिक राजकीय कोष का प्रमुख अधिकारी होता था महामुद्राधिकृत राजकीय मुद्रणालय का अध्यक्ष होता था । गुर्जर प्रतिहार शासक बड़े साम्राज्य पर शासन करते थे जिसे प्रशासन

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पूर्व मध्यकालीन उत्तर भारत की राजनीतिक व्यवस्था / 409 की दृष्टि से विभिन्न ईकाइयों में बांटा गया था। भक्ति, मण्डल, विषय, पथक, चतुरशतिका, द्वादशक में बांटा गया था । प्रतिहार अभिलेखों में उदम्बुर को विषय, कालजर को मण्डल, जबकि कान्यकुन्ज को मुक्ति कहा गया है। " श्रावस्ती एवं गुर्जरात्रा भूमि को भुक्ति कहा है। दण्डवानक वालीयक को विषय, कालजर श्रावस्ती को मण्डल कहा गया है काशी को पारपथक ऐसा लगता है भुक्ति प्रशासन की सर्वोच्च ईकाई थी जैसे दिल्ली देश की राजधानी है और राज्य भी इन इकाइयों में अमात्यों या विभागीय अध्यक्षों की सहायता के लिए अनेक छोटे अधिकारियों की नियुक्ति की गई थी ।
नियुक्त तथा अनियुक्त अथवा तंत्रियुक्तक इनका उल्लेख अभिलेखों में हुआ है। महनस नियुक्तक को शाही रसोई का निदेशक नियुक्त किया गया था ऐसा लगता है कि विभाग के अध्यक्ष को नियुक्तक कहा जाता था। बड़े अधिकारियों के निजी सहयोगियों को अनियुक्त या तंन्नियुक्त कहा जाता था।" व्यवहारिन न्यायाधिकारी था जिसका कार्य था दानपत्रों को देखना यदि कोई अपहरण कर्ता किसी भूमि को अधिकृत करता है तो उसे मूलदान प्राप्त कर्ता को दिलवाना तथा ग्रामाग्रमिक यह अधिकारी राज्य या किसी क्षेत्र विशेष के बाहर और अन्दर आने जाने वालो का अनुमति पत्र देता था तथा स्वयं संदेश वाहक का कार्य भी किया करता था, महाभोगिक राजकीय कोष का प्रमुख अधिकारी होता था तो महामुद्राधिकृत राजकीय मुद्रणालय का अध्यक्ष ।
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12 वीं शताब्दी के चाहमान तथा चालुक्य अभिलेखों में भी सचिवालय को श्री करण कहा जाता था । केन्द्रीय शासनालय में लेखों को सुरक्षित रखने की व्यवस्था थी जहां भूमिदान और अग्रहार आदि के ताम्रपत्र भविष्य के छानबीन के लिए सुरक्षित रखे जाते थे। यदि कभी दान पाने वाले व्यक्ति परस्पर अपने गांवों को बदलना चाहते थे तो उस अवसर पर पटटो में भी परिवर्तन किया जाता था।" स्थानीय संस्थाओं तथा देवालयों के हिसाब किताब की जांच के लिए प्रतिवर्ष केन्द्रीय शासनालय से विशेष कर्मचारी भेजे जाते थे। प्रतिहार राज्य के एक लेख से पता चलता है कि राजा के आदेश से कुछ विषयों की जांच के लिए एक अधिकारी उज्जैन गया ।" केन्द्रीय सरकार और कार्यालय प्रांतीय एवं स्थानीय शासन का निरीक्षण और नियंत्रण करते थे । आधुनिक शासन सचिवालय की तरह रहे होंगे, ऐसा प्रतीत होता है।
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गुर्जर प्रतिहार अभिलेखों में उपलब्ध विभिन्न साक्ष्यों से ऐसा लगता है कि इस समय तीन प्रांतीय क्षेत्र थे; कन्नौज, श्रावस्ती एवं प्रतिष्ठान । इनका प्रशासनिक क्षेत्र काफी विस्तृत था। चार मण्डल कालजर श्रावस्ती, सौराष्ट्र तथा कौशाम्बी का उल्लेख मिलता है राजशेखर सौराष्ट्र को जनपद कहता है अतः स्पष्ट है ये महत्वपूर्ण क्षेत्र रहे होगें। इसके अतिरिक्त पांच विषयों (जिले) का नाम आता है उदम्बुर, दण्डवान वालियक, वाराणसी, असुरक" अतः प्रतिहार काल में प्रशासनिक ईकाइयां निम्न प्रकार थी साम्राज्य के पूर्व में श्रावस्ती तथा वाराणसी, दक्षिण में कालजर, केन्द्र में कौशाम्बी, पश्चिम में राजपूताना, दण्डवानक था।" ग्वालियर का सामरिक महत्व था अतः कोट्रपाल के अधीन रखा गया था जबकि सौराष्ट्र को सांमतशासक के अधीन रखा गया था।
अतः इतने बड़े साम्राज्य को प्रशासनिक सुविधा की दृष्टि से विभिन्न ईकाइयों में यथा भुक्ति, मण्डल, विषय, पथको; चतुरशीतिक तथा द्वादशक में बांटा गया था। गुप्तकाल में भक्ति, मण्डल, विषय, ग्राम जैसी प्रशासनिक ईकाइयों के नाम मिलते है इनके अधिकारियों को भोगिक, भोगपति अथवा उपरिक महाराज कहा गया है । दशरथ शर्मा जी के अनुसार प्रतिहार काल में प्रशासनिक ढांचा और उनके अधिकारी परम्परागत प्रशासन से अलग थे।
प्रतिहार अभिलेखों में उदम्बुर विषय कॉलजर मण्डल कान्यकुब्ज को मुक्ति कहा गया है। इसी तरह श्रावस्ती गुर्जराजा भूमि को भुक्ति दण्डवानक वलीयक को विषय और कांलजर तथा श्रावस्ती को मण्डल भी कहा गया है। पारपथक दशपुर को पश्चिमी पथक कहा गया है। ऐसा लगता है कि भुक्ति मण्डल और विषय यह क्रम था । कान्यकुब्ज स्पष्ट है साम्राज्य के प्रशासन में उच्च स्थान पर स्थापित भुक्ति थी जो जिलो और

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410 / Jijñāsā
तहसीलों में विभक्त थी। भुक्ति प्रशासन की सवोच्च संख्या थी। कान्यकुब्ज को भुक्ति कहा गया है जो गुर्जर प्रतिहार राज्य की राजधनी (स्कन्धावार) थी। प्रांतीय तथा जिले की प्रशासनिक ईकाई भी थी।
नगर प्रशासन के सम्बन्ध में अभिलेखों में उत्तर सभा गोष्ठी पंचकुल सोवियक जैसे प्रान्तीय अधिकारियों के नाम मिलते हैं। उत्तर सभा गोष्ठी का सम्बन्ध दान से सम्बन्धित कार्य प्रणाली से था। यह सभा धार्मिक अनुदानों का प्रबन्धन करती थी और शासकीय स्थिति में प्राप्त अधिकारों का निर्वहन करती थी। पंचकुल में पांच या उसके अधिक सदस्य हो सकते थे। प्रतिहारकाल में इन्हें "वार नाम से संबोधित किया जाता था। सीयदोणी में दो और ग्वालियर में तीन वारिस थे। इनका काम, करो की वसूली, सार्वजनिक धन का लेन-देन, धर्मार्थ निधियों, सार्वजनिक कार्यों की व्यवस्था तथा नगर जीवन से सम्बन्धित सभी विषयों का प्रबन्धन करना था इनकी मदद के लिए स्थाई वेतन धारी कर्मचारी रहते थे। आहड़ अभिलेख से पता चलता हैं कि कंचन श्री देवी मन्दिर के लिए दुकानों की खरीद के समय कई स्थानीय अधिकारी उपस्थित रहे। दण्डपाशिक (पुलिस अधिकारी) चतुर्वेदी ब्राह्मण (तट्टनाद पुर सभा में थे) इन सबकी अनुमति से रिकार्ड रखने और लिखने की अनुमति दी गई। सभा में राजकीय तथा गैर राजकीय व्यक्ति सम्मिलित थे।
अभिलेखो के स्थानीय प्रशासन के संदर्भ में ग्राम के अधिकारियों के नाम भी मिलते हैं ग्राम प्रशासन का उत्तरदायित्व ग्रामपति (ग्राम का प्रमुख), महत्तर (ग्राम का मुखिया), कुटुम्बिक तथा महत्तर पर था। बी.एन. पुरी मानते है कि महत्तम और महामहत्तम एक जैसा पद था। ये ग्राम के वृद्ध व्यक्ति थे जो प्रशासनिक सलाहकार होते थे। कुटुम्बिक (Householder) मध्यग (मध्यस्थ) के अतिरिक्त पंचकुलिक नामक अधिकारी होते थे।' महत्वपूर्ण बात यह है कि इन समितियों का निश्चित अवधि पर पुर्नसंगठन होता था यद्यपि कार्यकाल निश्चित नही है। अतः हम कह सकते है कि इसके सदस्य स्थाई नही थे बदलते रहते थे। बहुत सभव है केन्द्रीय अधिकारी इनका निरीक्षण करते हो और इन पर राजा का नियंत्रण रहता हो।
भौगालिक दृष्टि से प्रतिहार साम्राज्य सबसे बड़ा और अपेक्षाकृत दीर्घजीवी साम्राज्य था। यह असंभव है कि इतने विशाल क्षेत्र पर प्रतिहार केन्द्र से शासन चलाते थे। अतः प्रशासनिक सुविधाओं के लिए अनेक बड़ी छोटी -- प्रशासकीय ईकाईयों में साम्राज्य बांटा गया था। उनकी अधीनता मानने वाले सांमत शासक जिनकी संख्या बहुत अधिक थी वे अपने अपने क्षेत्रों में प्रशासनिक ईकाइयों द्वारा शासित थे। वे अपने प्रभु की अधीनता मानते, युद्धों में भाग लेते थे।
प्रतिहार अभिलेखों में कई महत्वपूर्ण प्रशासनिक अधिकारियों के उल्लेख में मिलते हैं। सीयदोणी अभिलेख में महाराज धुवभट्ट को राज्यपाल कहा गया है जबकि दूसरे अभिलेख में इन्द्रभट्ट को महाप्रतिहार महा सांमत कहा गया है। सीयदोणी से महेन्द्रपाल के अनेक अभिलेख मिले है किंतु इन दोनों अधिकारियों के बीच सम्बन्ध सपष्ट नही होता। दूसरा उदाहरण प्रतापगढ़ अभिलेख से है जहा उज्जैन के राज्यपाल माधव द्वारा चाहह्मान महासांमत इन्द्रराज के कहने पर इन्द्रादित्य देव के पक्ष में ग्राम दान किया। ऐसा लगता है कि माधव उज्जैनी का गवर्नर प्रांतीय शासक था और यह पद महासांमत के पद से ऊंचा था और श्रेष्यकर भी वह सामन्तो पर नियंत्रण भी रखता था। इसी तरह चालुक्य सांमत जो नई पीढ़ियों से प्रतिहारों के सांमत थे। इस वंश के महासांमत बल वर्मा को ग्रामदान के लिए महेन्द्रपाल प्रथम के उच्च अधिकारी तंत्रपाल श्रीधिका से अनुमति लेनी पड़ी थी। सीयदोणी (ललितपुर) और उज्जैनी में तो राज्यपाल नियुक्त थे जबकि काठियावाड़ में तंत्रपाल नियुक्त थे। प्रतापगढ़ अभिलेख में माधव को तंत्रपाल महासांमत तथा महादण्ड नायक कहा गया है। ऐसा लगता है वह अलग अलग विभागों की जिम्मेदारी भी निबाहता था। ऊणा और प्रतापगढ़ दोनों अभिलेखों में तंत्रपाल का नाम आया है। अतः

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पूर्व मध्यकालीन उत्तर भारत की राजनीतिक व्यवस्था / 411
लगता है प्रतापगढ़ तो उसका मुख्यालय था जबकि ऊणा अभिलेख से ऐसी सूचना नही मिलती। संभवतः ऊणा उसके प्रशासनिक अधिकार क्षेत्र में आता था।
तंत्रपाल का पद काफी उच्च स्तर का प्रतिष्ठित पद था। वह सामन्तो पर नियंत्रण रखता था। सांमत क्षेत्रों मे अपने स्वामी के हितों की रक्षा करता था। आवश्यक होने पर शस्त्र और नीति का प्रयोग करता था। अपने स्वामी के प्रतिनिधि के रुप में वह दानपत्रों और राजकीय आदेशों का प्रतिसारण करता था। तंत्र अर्थात प्रशासन, पाल अर्थात चलाने वाला अतः वह भुक्ति का प्रधान प्रशासक होता था। वह सामन्तो के राज्य में भी राजा का प्रतिनिधि होता था। संभवतः उसके पास सैनिक टुकड़ी भी होती थी। दशरथ शर्मा जी का मानना है कि तंत्रपाल दण्डनायक का वही स्थान था, जो मुगल काल में सिपहसालार सूबेदार का था।"
कोट्ट या दुर्ग का सामरिक महत्व होता था। दुर्ग के साथ-साथ उसके आस-पास की भूमि भी स्थानीय प्रशासन के अर्न्तगत आती थी। जबकि पुलिस और सैन्य प्रशासन राज्य के अधीन था। ग्वालियर अभिलेख में वैल्लभट्ट को मर्यादाधुर्य कहा गया है जबकि अन्य अभिलेख में अल्ल को गोपगिरि दुर्ग का कोट्टपाल (दुर्ग का संरक्षक) कहा गया है। सभवतः ग्वालियर दुर्ग का सामरिक महत्व रहा होगा अतः यहां कोट्टपाल की नियुक्ति की गई जो कि एक सैनिक पद भी था। महत्वपूर्ण बात यह है कि यह पदवंशानुगत था। प्रतिहार शासकों की अधिकारियों को पद पर नियुक्ति के सम्बन्ध में कोई विशिष्ट नीति रही होगी। जहाँ विशिष्ट पदों को वंशानुगत रखा गया होगा।
गुर्जर प्रतिहार शासकों के सैनिक संगठन में अनेक अधिकारियों के महत्वपूर्ण पद थे जैसे दण्डनायक, बलाधिकृत, सैनापति, दूतप्रसानिक (जासूस), बलाध्यक्ष (सेनाओं का प्रमुख अधिकारी), गोल्मिक संभवतः पदाति सेना का अधिकारी, चतभट्ट स्थाई एवं अस्थाई सेना का अधिकारी आदि आदि।
प्रतिहार साम्राज्य में राष्ट्रकूटों पर नियंत्रण के लिए दक्षिणी सेना थी पालों को रोकने के लिए पूर्वी सेना और मुसलमानों का प्रतिरोध करने के लिए पश्चिमी सेना थी। राष्ट्रकूट राज्य में भी यही व्यवस्था थी। संभवतः यह क्षेत्रीय अथवा स्थानीय प्रशासन का अंग रही होगी और स्थानीय प्रमुखों का इन पर अधिकार रहता रहा होगा। __ प्रतिहार शासकों के अधीन सामन्तो की सेना भी थी। नागभट्ट द्वितीय द्वारा अनेक अनेक युद्ध लड़े गए जिसमे उसके सांमत मण्डोर के प्रतिहार, चाटसू में गुहिल, सौराष्ट्र में चालुक्य, शाकम्भरी में चाहमान सामंतो ने मदद की। रामभद्र ने सामन्तो की सहायता से विद्रोही सामन्तो को बलपूर्वक बधवाया। प्रतापगढ़ के चाहमान शासक को राजा भोजदेव के लिए महान् प्रसन्नता का स्त्रोत कहा गया है।
बी.एन. दत्ता, एस. ए. डागे तथा डी.डी. कौसाम्बी 700-1200 इ. के समय को सांमतवाद के रुप में परिभाषित करते है। समराइच्छकहा के विवरणों की व्याख्या से इन विद्वानों ने सिद्ध किया कि इस समय सामंत वादी तत्व बढ़ रहे है। डॉ. दशरथ शर्मा को मानना है कि सामन्तो की उन्नति प्रतिहार राज्य के पतन के लिए उत्तरदायी थी। सामत रामभद्र के समय से ही उच्श्रृंखल हो रहे थे, महेन्द्र पाल प्रथम के समय तो उन्होंने आपस में लड़ना भी आरम्भ कर दिया था।4 महीपाल के समय मालवा के परमार शासको ने स्वतंत्रता के लिए प्रयास किए।
प्रतिहार कालीन सेना का कमजोर होना भी प्रतिहारों के पतन के लिए उत्तरदायी दिखाई देता है। राजाओं के पास विशाल सेना थी सोमतो की सेना मिलाकर बहुत बड़ी सेना हो जाती थी। आर.एस. शर्मा कहते है कि सुलेमान सौदागर राष्ट्रकूट शासको की नियमित सेना की बात करता है। इसमें सामन्तो की सेना जिसकी संख्या नियमित सेना से कदाचित अधिक थी, को नही रखा गया है। प्रतिहार शासको के पास बड़ी विशाल सेना थी किंतु उसमें निपुणता की कमी, हाथियो पर उनकी निर्भरता, सैनिक शिविरो का विलासी जीवन ने उसकी कार्य क्षमता

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412 / Jijnasa
पर विपरीत प्रभाव डाला | लम्बे समय तक संघर्ष करने के कारण छोटे सामन्त प्रमुखो का विकास हुआ। आर. एस. शर्मा कहते है प्रतिहारों की शासन व्यवस्था कार्य प्रणाली ने उपसामन्तीकरण का मार्ग प्रशस्त किया। इसका मुख्य कारण था दान प्रणाली। सांमत शासक दान में भूमि देते थे तो वे राजस्व वसूलने, खेती करने के अधिकार भी दान ग्रहीता को दे देते थे।
यद्यपि यह कहना कि उपसामन्तीकरण प्रतिहारों के पतन के लिए उत्तरदायी था, उचित नहीं क्योंकि इससे अधिक महत्वपूर्ण बात यह है कि प्रतिहार शासक सामन्तो पर नियंत्रण अपने अधिकरियों के माध्यम से रखते थे। यहां तक कि दान की अनुशंसा राज्य और उसके अधिकारियों की अनुमति के बिना संभव नहीं थी। स्थानीय अधिकारी भी महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाता था
प्रतिहार काल में चाणक्य द्वारा सुझाए गए, अमात्य, मत्रिन् जैसे पदों का वर्गीकरण स्पष्ट रुप से दिखाई नही देता वरन् यहां समस्त पद, अधिकारी जैसे रहे हैं। किंतु उपाधियों युक्त पदों से लगता है कि वे तुलनात्मक रुप से उच्च स्तरीय रहे होगे, जैसे सांधिविग्रहिक अक्षपटलिक आदि पद परम्परागत जैसे लगते है। राजा के दैवीय अधिकारों से युक्त होते हुए भी शासन का विकेन्द्रीकरण दिखाई देता है। इससे राजा की शक्ति कम नही होती। प्रशासनिक अधिकारी दूरस्थ प्रान्तो में राजा की आज्ञाओं का पालन करते थे किंतु यह कहना उचित नहीं कि वे सामन्तीय अधिकारों का उपभोग करते थे। इतना ही नही वे तो सामन्तो पर भी नियंत्रण रखते हुए प्रतीत होते है।
अल्तेकर सामन्तो को श्रेणियों में बांटते है: बड़े सामन्त जो पूर्ण आंतरिक स्वायतता के अधिकारों का प्रयोग करते थे। उनके उपसांमत भी होते थे।दूसरे छोटे सांमत जिनकी स्वतंत्रता बहुत कम थी जो भूमिदान से पहले अपने अधिपति की अनुमति लेते थे। सम्राट के प्रतिनिधि उनको ओर से दानपत्र को जारी करने थे। निकृष्ट श्रेणी के सांमत जिन पर सम्राट का नियंत्रण और हस्तक्षेप अधिक रहता था। इतना ही नही अनेक अधिकारी जब उनका पद वंशानुगत होता था तब वे सामत बनने लगते थे। केन्द्रीय शक्ति मजबूत रहती थी तब अधिकारियों की शक्ति कम रही किंतु जैसे ही केन्द्रीय सत्ता कमजोर हुई उनकी शक्ति बढ़ने लगी।
प्रतिहार काल में अर्थव्यवस्था का मुख्य आधार कृषि, पशुपालन, व्यापार, अन्तरराज्यीय व्यापार आदि था। अभिलेखों में गिल्ड, व्यवसाय, कारीगर, खेतीहर, सिंचाई व्यवस्था, आर्थिक गतिविधियों के केन्द्र, दूरसंचार व्यवस्था, आंतरिक एवं बाह्य व्यापार के विवरण प्राप्त होते हैं, तथा विनिमय मुद्रा द्वारा होता था इस समय बांट, नाप तथा व्यापार के सभी अन्य महत्वपूर्ण तत्व मौजूद थे। इस समय महत्वपूर्ण संस्था, जिसे गिल्ड या श्रेणी कहा जाता था, का अर्थव्यवस्था में महत्वपूर्ण योगदान था।"
गिल्ड या श्रेणियां व्यवसाय के अनुसार बनाई जाती थी। जैसे कुंभकार, स्थापति नाम (शिल्पकार) आदि इन श्रेणियों के सदस्यों को कर देना पड़ता था। व्यापारी प्रत्येक खरीद फरोख्तपर उपकर लगाते थे। खरीदने वाले और बेचने वाले दोनों पर कर लगता था। यहां तक कि राज्य को भी व्यापारिक आदान-प्रदान करने पर उपकर देना पड़ता था। जैसे कुंभकार प्रत्येक चाक पर हर माह एक पण कर देता था। जबकि शिल्पकार एक द्रम देता था। मण्पिका यह संस्था भी थी (चुंगी गृह) जो करो की राशि को प्राप्त करते थे।
ये श्रेणिया बैंक की तरह भी कार्य करती थी। वे खर्चे के लिए उधार पैसा देते थे, जो नहीं चुका पाता था तो उसे सजा भी दी जाती थी। गोष्ठिया दान भी करती थी। व्यापारिक लेन-देन में उन्हें स्वायतत्ता के अधिकार मिले
हुए थे।
___ इन श्रेणियों की कार्यप्रणाली काफी विशिष्ट थी। ग्वालियर अभिलेख से अक्षय नीवि अर्थात दीपक जलाने के लिए तेल की व्यवस्था करने वाली तैलीय श्रेणी का पता चलता था। जिसके प्रमुख को तैलिक महत्तम कहा गया

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पूर्व मध्यकालीन उनर भारत की राजनीतिक व्यवस्था / 413
है। श्रेणियों के समस्त सदस्यों को एक पालिका तेल हर कोलुक या तेल निकालने वाली मशीन (घाणी) से देना पड़ता था। इस उद्देश्य से जुड़े सभी तैल व्यापारी कर भी देते थे।
व्यापारी को व्यवहारक कहा गया है क्योंकि वह व्यवहार (न्याय का कार्य) भी करता था, दुकानदार को सेतिय, घोड़े के व्यापारी को घोटिका, कारवा ले जाने व्यापारी को सार्थवाह कहा गया है।
सुर्वण के व्यापारी, शराब के व्यापारी, नमक, ताम्बूल (पान), तैलिक (तेल), गन्धी (सुगन्ध बेचने वाले), मोदककार मिष्ठान बनाने वाले आदि अनेक प्रकार के व्यवसाय करने वाले व्यापारियों के उल्लेख मिलते हैं।
व्यापारी एक स्थान से दूसरे स्थान पर प्रवास भी करते थे। वणिक, धर्कट जाति के व्यापारी नागभट्ट लाटमण्डल के आनंदपुर से ग्वालियर आए थे। इसी तरह भद्रप्रकाश और भामत्तक नामक दो व्यापारी भीनमाल के तटानंदपुर के रहने वाले थे और अहाड़ में कचनदेवी मंदिर में दुकान खरीदी थी। इतना ही नही महत्वपूर्ण सूचना यह भी मिलती है राजपूताना के अहाड़ में कर्णाट, मध्यप्रदेश, लाट, टक्क देश के व्यापारी आकर सामान बेचते थे और उस पर लगने वाले कर को भी अदा करते थे। अतः पूरे भारत में यह स्थान व्यापार वाणिज्य की गतिविधियों का एवं प्रमुख केन्द्र था। यह स्थिति विकसित उन्नति कारक एवं स्थापित अर्थ व्यवस्था समृद्ध जीवन की ओर सकेत करती है।
कृषि अर्थव्यवस्था का मुख्य आधार रहा हैं। अभिलेखों की सूचना हैं कि ब्राहमण और क्षत्रीय भी यह कार्य करते थे। गुर्जरों को भी खेतीहर कहा गया है। 100 स्पष्ट है खेती करना अच्छा माना जाता रहा होगा। सभवतः जन साधारण कृषि कार्य करते थे। राजा द्वारा भूमि दान में दी जाती थी तो दानग्रहिता को भूमि का मालिकाना अधिकार मिलता था। साथ ही उस पर कार्य करने वाले मजदूर या कृषक भी मिलते थे, जिन्हें बेगार करने वाले या विष्टिका कहा गया है।101 लगता है भूमि के साथ कामगार भी मिलते थे। महत्वपूर्ण बात तो यह हैं भूमि का मालिक कृषि मजदूरों को बदल भी सकता था। राजाओं द्वारा सिंचाई की व्यवस्था करवाई जाती थी। वे तालाब भील, कुए, बांध, नहरों का निर्माण करवाते थे। भूमि की पैमाइश की जाती थी जो मर्यादाधुर्य का कार्य था उस समय परमेश्वर हस्त नालुक भूमि नाप के रुप में प्रचलित थे।103 ___ अच्छी अर्थव्यवस्था का मापदण्ड मुद्रा विनिमय माना जाता हैं। प्रतिहार काल में अनेक प्रकार की मुद्राओं के चलन होने का उल्लेख मिलता हैं। सिक्के दाम, द्रम, पण, विशोपक, रुपक आदि कहलाते थे। 14 सिक्का द्रम या दाम यूनानी सिक्के द्रख्म से मिलता जुलता था। भण्डारकर के अनुसार गुर्जर शासकों के सिक्के ससेनियन सिक्कों से प्रभावित थे, क्योंकि दाम सिक्का 65 ग्रेन का था जबकि यूनानी द्रख्म 66 ग्रेन का था।106 पण सिक्के को पण्चीयक पण कहा गया है। सीयक्षेणी अभिलेख में "श्रीमद आदिबराह द्रमस्य पण कहा गया हैं।10% यह द्रम का / भाग था। विग्रह तुगिया द्रम यह द्रम और पण के बीच के रहा होगा।
राजौर अभिलेख में प्रत्येक एक बोरी कृषि उत्पाद पर तीन विशोपक कर के रुप में लेते थे। यह दाम का 1/20 भाग के बराबर था। यह सिक्का पतंजली के समय प्रचलित विंशोपक से मेल खाता है, जो कि चांदी का सिक्का था।107 इसी तरह अहाड़ अभिलेख में उल्लेख मिलता है कि गुहिल शासक अल्लट के समय एक हाथी की ब्रिकी पर एक द्रम, घोड़े की ब्रिकी पर दो रुप जबकि घरेलू मवेशी की ब्रिकी पर दाम का 1/40 वां भाग लिया जाता था।108 हाथी का मूल्य दाम में घोड़े का रुप में तो स्पष्ट है, रुप दाम से छोटा था. दाम चूंकि चांदी का सिक्का था तो रुप भी चांदी का ही होगा।109
प्रायः यह कहा जाता है कि इस काल में मुद्राओं की कमी थी। किन्तु उपरोक्त विवरण से यह स्पष्ट होता है कि मुद्राओं की कमी नहीं थी। प्रचलित मुद्राओं के सन्दर्भ से यह पुष्ट होता है कि व्यापार वाणिज्य भी समृद्धि पर था।

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414 / Jijñāsa
जबकि पण ताबे को सिक्का था जिसका मूल्य 20 माश काकिनी के समकक्ष वजन का था। काहापण, पण, मासक, काकनिका मद्र आदि अन्य मुद्राए थी जो उस समय प्रचलित थे। इन सब साक्ष्यों के संदर्भ में हम कह सकते हैं कि प्रतिहार काल का व्यापार वाणिज्य समृद्धि भी सिक्कों के बहुल प्रचलन के प्रतीक था। व्यापारी राजा के अधीन ही कार्य करते थे। यह अवश्य है कि उस समय भी धार्मिक संस्थाएं राजा को नियंत्रित करती थी और शक्तिशाली थी।
10वीं शताब्दी में एक गुर्जर प्रतिहार दानपत्र में एक गांव की आय में से 500 मुद्रा किसी देवालय के लिए लगाए जाने का उल्लेख है।1० लगता हैं 9वी शताब्दी के आसपास नगद कर लेना आरम्भ हो गया था। जबकि भूमिकर प्रायः अनाज के रुप में लिया जाता था। इस प्रकार यह स्पष्ट होता है कि प्रतिहारकालीन आर्थिक स्थिति अच्छी थी। और वह सांमतवादी व्यवस्था पर आधारित नहीं थी।
प्रतिहार शासको ने अरबों की आंधी को रोका। यह वह समय था जबकि वे एशिया दक्षिणी यूरोप तथा उत्तरी अफ्रीका में अपने प्रभावित क्षेत्र स्थापित कर चुके थे। ऐसे शक्ति शाली अरब अनुभवकारियों ने न सिर्फ देश की रक्षा की वरन् शांति स्थापित की। अरब लेखक उनके राज्य को डाकुओं से सुरक्षित मानते थे। इतना ही नही हर्ष के समय सुरक्षा इतनी मजबूत नही थी जितनी प्रतिहार काल में। जबकि प्रतिहारों का साम्राज्य हर्ष की तुलना में कही अधिक विस्तृत था। इन सब के लिए उनकी प्रशासनिक व्यवस्था की सफलता को जिम्मेदार माना जा सकता है। ___ यद्यपि यह सही है कि प्रतिहारों के पतन में सामन्तो की महत्वाकांक्षा के लिए, परवर्ती कमजोर प्रतिहार शासक उत्तरदायी रहे। डा. दशरथ शर्मा तो इसे प्राकृतिक या व्यवहारिक परिणिति कहते है। इस समय भारत के प्रत्येक भाग में प्रमुख सांस्कृतिक केन्द्रो का विकास हुआ। विद्वान कवियों को आश्रय दिया गया। ओसियॉ, कन्नौज के वास्तुशिल्प का विकास हुआ। तकनीक के कारण उसे प्रतिहार कला भी कहा जाता है। (आर्थिक दृष्टि से भी प्रतिहार काल युद्ध और शांति दोनों ही समय अत्यंत गौरव शाली रहा) इस मत का समर्थन आर.एस. शर्मा भी करते हुए प्रतीत होते हैं, जो मानते है कि सामन्तीकरण से स्थानीय सांस्कृतिक ईकाइयां पनपी, जिनसे क्षेत्रवाद, क्षेत्रीय भाषा, लिपि, यहां तक कि स्थापत्य कला के क्षेत्र में भी क्षेत्रीय तत्व विकसित हुए। यह माना जाता है कि व्यापार वाणिज्य का विकास 12 वी शताब्दी के बाद काफी बढ़ गया। अतः इस युग को अंधकारमययुग कहने की संभावना ही अनुचित है। संदर्भ :
“यह पुनर्निरीक्षण मुख्य रुप से दान अभिलेखीय साक्ष्यों पर आधारित हैं, क्योंकि इस समय भूमिदान के साक्ष्य बहुतायत से प्राप्त है जिनके माध्यम से इस युग की व्याख्याएँ विद्वानों ने भिन्न-भिन्न रुप में की हैं। 'डॉ० दशरथ शर्मा, राजस्थान थू द एजेज, जिल्द 1. पृ. 124-130, भारतीय विद्या, जिल्द 18, पृ. 74-80.
दृष्टव्य -- इलियट एण्ड डाउसन, हिस्ट्री ऑव इण्डिया एज टोल्ड वाइ इट्स ओन हिस्टोरियन्स, जिल्द 1, पृ. 126 : हसोट अभिलेख. एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जिल्द 18, पृ. 197 एव आगे।
जैन, हरिवंश पुराण, 66.53, सम्पादित रामकृष्णन उपाध्याय, 2011. * एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जिल्द 18, पृ. 96 : पृथ्वीराज विजय, जयानक कृत, पंचम, 20 एवं इण्डियन हिस्टोरिकल वचार्टरली, जिल्द पृ. 844 5 एपि-इण्डिका, जिल्द 1 पृष्ट 108, 112 लोक 1 से 11 तक। • पाठक विशुद्धानंद, उत्तरभारत का राजनैतिक इतिहास, लखनऊ, 1990, पृ. 149. 7 पाठक वी. एन., पूर्वोक्त, पृ 149. । इण्डियन ऐण्टीक्वेरी, चतुर्थ अंक, पृ. 366 , पाठक वी. एन, पूर्वोक्त पृ. 152-153.
राजशेखर कृत बाल रामायण दशम, 98, सम्पादित सीवानंद विधुत सागर कलकत्ता-1884 10 पाठक वी.एन., पूर्वोक्त पृ. 146. पृ 6434-35.

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" त्रिपाठी आर.एस., पूर्वोक्त पृ. 337; यादव सीमा, द मिथ ऑव इण्डियन फ्यूडीलइज्म 2005, दिल्ली पृ. 78.
12 कृत्यकल्पतरु का लेखक लक्ष्मीधर गाहडवाल राजा गोविन्द चंद का महाासांधिविग्रहिक भी था ।
13 मानसोल्लास, सोमदेव कृत, अनुदित डॉ. एम. एन. जोशी एवं वी.एस. हव्वाली, कर्नाटक 2004
14 त्रिपाठी आर. एस. हिस्ट्री ऑव कन्नोज, 1884, पृ. 337.
15 अल्तेकर ए.एस., प्राचीन भारतीय शासन पद्धति, 1983, इलाहबाद, प्रस्तावना पृ. 5 शर्मा आर.एस., भारतीय सामंतवाद, 1965, नई दिल्ली।
16 शर्मा आर.एस., पूर्वोक्त पृ. 14-15 दृष्टव्य सीमा यादव, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 2-3
17 त्रिपाठी आर. एस. पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 305;
18 मानसोल्लास, प्रथम 2-682, उद्धृत शर्मा दशरथ, पूर्वोक्त पृ. 308
19 हसोट अभिलेख, एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जि. 12 पृ. 191 एवं आगे
20 ग्वालियर अभिलेख (सागरताल अभिलेख), एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जि. 18, पृ. 99-114
21 एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जि. 18 पृ. 108-112 श्लोक 8 से 11 तक ।
22 पाठक वी. एन. पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 638
23 शर्मा दशरथ, पूर्वोक्त पृ. 124 एवं 308, जर्नल ऑफ न्यूमेस्मेटिक सोसायटी ऑव इण्डिया. जि. 18, पृ. 222-223
24 राजशेखर कृत काव्य मीमांसा, सम्पदित सी. डी. दलाल एवं आर.ए. शास्त्री, गायकवाड ओरियण्टल सीरिज, तृतीय प्रकाशन,
1934. 93
"डॉ. शर्मा दशरथ, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 308
26 'पाठक वी. एन. पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 637
27 शास्त्री के. ए. एन. पी. के. गोडे मेमोरियल वॉल्यूम, संपादन, प्रकाशन ओरियण्टल बुक एजेन्सी, 1960, पृ. 371
.
28 काणे पी.वी., धर्मशास्त्र का इतिहास (हिन्दी अनुवाद), भाग 2, लखनऊ, 1975, पृ.671
29 एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जि. 17. पृ. 310-321 मजूमदार आर.सी., हिस्ट्री ऑव बगाल, भाग प्रथम, पृ. 285, कलकत्ता 1943
3 हसोठ अभिलेख, एपि इ. जि. 12 पृ. 191 एवं आगे
31 एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जि. 12, पृ. 191 एवं आगे
32 राजौर अभिलेख, एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जि. 3, पृ. 262 से 267 तक
ॐ ऊणा अभिलेख, एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जि. 09, पृ. 1 से 10 तक
34
94 पुरी. बी.एन., द हिस्ट्री ऑव द गुर्जर प्रतिहार, नई दिल्ली, 1986, पृ. 106
[35] अर्थशास्त्र, 1.3.1.
36
;
कुवलयमालाकहा, प. 32 पंक्ति 9-11 तक एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जि. 11, पृ. 308. शर्मा दशरथ, राजस्थान थ्रू द ऐजेज, पृ. 317
ॐ महेश्वर (सूर), ज्ञानपंचमी कथा, पंचम 25 वां और आगे
32. हिस्टोरिकल इस्क्रिप्शंस ऑव गुजरात, III, संख्या 236
4 शर्मा दशरथ पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 319
1 एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जि. 14, पृ. 193 इण्डियन ऐण्टीक्वेरी, जि. 6 पृ. 194
42 तिलकमजरी, पृ. 84 शर्मा दशरथ, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 319 से उदधृत्
43
समराइच्छकहा, सम्पा. वी. एम. दोषी, अहमदाबाद, द एडीसन, पृ. 89–271 शर्मा दशरथ, अर्ली चौहान डाइनेस्टी, पृ. 200.
+ शर्मा दशरथ, राजस्थान थ्रू द ऐजेज, पृ. 319; सीयदोणी अभिलेख, एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जि. I, पृ. 161
45 उसका कार्य था किसी के साथ अन्याय नही हो, तिलक मंजरी, पृ. 12 शर्मा, दशरथ पूर्वोक्त पृ. 321
46 एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जि. 19, पृ. 17 एवं आगे (वराह अभिलेख) दोलतपुर अभिलेख, एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जि. 16, पृ. 15-24. +7 भोज का वराह अभिलेख, एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जिल्द 1, पृ. 156 महेन्द्रपाल प्रथम का डिधवा डूबोली अभिलेख, इण्डियन एण्टीक्वेरी जिल्द 15, पृ. 112.
48 विनायक पाल के बंगाल एशियाटिक सोसायटी अभिलेख, इण्डियन एण्टीक्वेरी, जि. 15, पृ. 140
4 शर्मा दशरथ पूर्वोक्त पृ. 348
5 राजौर अभिलेख, एपि इ. जि. 3, पृ. 262-367; इण्डियन एण्टीक्वेरी, जि. 15, पृ. 304

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'सिद्ध, श्रीउपमितिभवप्रपंचकथा, शर्मा दशरथ, पूर्वोक्त पृ. 322 से उद्धृत, पृ. 126 52 मिहिर भोज का वराह अभिलेख, एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जि. 19, पृ. 17
53 मिराशी वी.वी., कॉपर्स इन्सक्रिप्शन इण्डीकेरम जिल्द 4 पृ. 21; वोगल्स, हिस्ट्री ऑव बंगाल, पृ. 285 यूनिवर्सिटी ऑव ढाका पब्लिकेशन
54 एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जिल्द 3, पृ. 206%; एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जिल्द 9, पृ. 64 55 अल्तेकर एएस. प्राचीन भारतीय शासन पद्धति, पृ. 134 "अल्तेकर ए.एस., पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 136, चोल शासन व्यवस्था; एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जि. 14, पृ. 182-8. 57 अलतेकर एएस. पूर्वोक्त पृ. 136 5"पुरी वी एन पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 109; दृष्टव्य एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जिल्द 19, पृ. 17. इण्डियन एण्टीवचेरी, जिल्द, 15, पृ 112 एवं 140
पुरी वी.एन. पूर्वोक, पृ. 109 "भोज वराह अभिलेख एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जि, प्रथम, पृ 156 6'डिडवा बोली अभिलेख, इण्डियन ऐण्टीक्वेरी, जि. 15, पृ. 112 62विनायक पाल के बंगाल एशियाटिक सोसायटी अभिलेख, इण्डियन ऐण्टीक्वेरी, जि. 15, पृ. 140; 63 प्रतापगढ़ अभिलेख, एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका. जि. 14. पृ. 176--188 6+पुरी वी.एन., पूर्वोक्त, पृ 107
पुरी, बी.एन., पूर्वोक्त पृ113 ० एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जिल्द 1 पृ 156 173--17g "अल्तेकर ए.एस. प्राचीन भारतीय शासन पद्धति, पृ. 157-58
पुरी, वी एन. पूर्वोक्त पृ. 114 " हाला अभिलेख, इण्डियन एन्टीवरी, जि. 12. पृ 193 7 एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जि 15, पृ. 131 एवं 6, शर्मा दशरथ, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 354-55 पुरी वी एन., पूर्वोका, पृ. 113 "अलरोकर ए एस पृ., 167, 174 72 एपिग्राफिचा इण्डिका जिल्द 1, पृ 103
पुरी बी एन, पूर्वोवत्त, पृ. 110 "पुरी बी एन, पूर्वोक्त पृ10 पाठक वी.एन., पूर्वोक्त पृ. 643 पुरी, वी एन., पूर्वोक्त पृ 110 शर्मा दशरथ, राजस्थान धू द ऐजेज पृ. 348
पुरी बी. एन, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 112 7°अल्तेकर ए.एस. राष्ट्रकूटाज एण्ड देयर टाइम्स पृ. 247-48 ४० ग्वालियर अभि., एपि इ. जि 18. पृ. 108 श्लोक 12 १. प्रतापगढ़ अभि.. एपि. इ जि 14, पृ. 176 एवं आगे
87 दत्त. वी.एन; 1994-1952 डाइलेकटस ऑव लैण्ड इकोनोमी इन इण्डिया, कलकत्ता, 1942, एस.ए. डॉगे: 1949 इण्डिया फ्रोम कम्यूनिजम टु स्लेवरी, दिल्ली, कौसाम्बी जी.डी. 1956, 56 द डवलपमेंट ऑव फ्यूडलइज्म इन इण्डिया, एनल्स ऑव भण्डारकर ओरियण्टल रिसर्च इस्टीस्ट्य ट 1956- जि. 36: 258-69
83 समराइन्हकहा सम्पादित वी.एम दोषी, अहमदाबाद 64 शर्मा दशरथ, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 350 8इलियट एण्ड डाउसन, सम्पादित हिस्ट्री ऑव इण्डिया एज टोल्ड वाई इटस ओन हिस्टीरियन्स, 1.7 ॐ शर्मा दशरथ, पूर्वोक्त . 327 " दृष्टव्यः, एपिइ. जि. 5, संख्या एक ५० एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जि. 9, पृ. 9 2" अल्तेकर ए.एस., पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 224-25
अल्तेकर एएस.. पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 268

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9 एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका 1, पृ. 159; एवं पुरी बी. एन., पूर्वोक्त पृ. 129 12 कमान अभिलेख, एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जि. 24, पृ. 331; दृष्टव्य, पुरी वी.एन., पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 130 93 पुरी बी. एन., पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 131
ग्वालियर अमिलेख, एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका. जि. 1 पृ. 159 एवं आगे "पुरी वी.एन., पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 131; एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जि., 1 पृ. 159-112; " ग्वालियर अभिलेख, एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जि. 1, पृ. 159 एवं आगे
अहाड अभिलेख, नम्बर II एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जिल्द XIV, पृ. 59. प्र पुरी वी. एन. पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 138 ४० ग्वालियर अभिलेख 100 राजौर अभिलेख 10" हद्दला अभिलेख, इंडियन एण्टीक्वेरी, जिल्द 12, पृ. 193 100 पूरी वी.एन., पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 133 Ind यादव सीमा, पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 84 10 एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जि. 1. पृ. 175 105 भण्डारकर, करमाइकल व्याख्यान. 1921, पृ. 208 106 एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जि. 1, पृ. 1-37 107 पुरी बी.एन., पूर्वोक्त पृ. 135 100 अहाड अभिलेख, उदयपुर, एपिग्राफिया इण्डिका, जिल्द 14, पृ. 59 100 पुरी. बी एन. पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 135; 110 उद्धृत, अल्तेकर, ए.एस. पूर्वोक्त, पृ. 197 (इलाहबाद, 1989)

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51. भारत में महिला श्रमिक : दशा एवं दिशा
मन्जु कुमारी जैन
उपभोक्तावादी सास्कृतिक दौर में एक ओर यदि स्त्री की स्थिति मजबूत हुई है तो दूसरी ओर वह कमजोर भी हुई है। यदि एक ओर उसे धन कमाने के नये अवसर मिले, तो दूसरी ओर पारम्परिक उद्योग के बन्द होने पर पुरूषों से पहले निकाला भी गया। एक ओर वह सीधे बाजार से बातचीत कर रही है विज्ञापन की दुनिया में मॉडल के रूप में उभरी है सेक्स श्रमिक के रूप में अपनी पहचान मांगती है और उसको यह पहचान बहुतेरे देशों में मिली भी है, तो दूसरी ओर व्यवस्था उसे जिंस की भांति खरीदने-बेचने में पीछे नहीं रहती। __ "कोई भी सामाजिक, आर्थिक या औद्योगिक व्यवस्था जो समाज के लगभग समान संख्या वाले महिला की क्षमताओं, गुणों को नजर अंदाज करता है, तो ये उस देश में उपलब्ध मानव संसाधन या मानव सामर्थ्य पर्याप्त उपयोग नहीं माना जाएगा। साथ ही यह समान अवसरों को नकारने वाला अपराध माना जाएगा, जो आगे चलकर ऐसी स्थिति का निर्माण करेगी जिससे शोषण एवं विषमता चिरस्थायी हो जाएगी। इसलिए इनके लिए रोजगार समान अवसर, समान कार्य के लिए समान वेतन, हुनर प्राप्ति एवं निरंतर वृद्धि के अवसरों में समानता, समान सम्मान परिवेदना निवारण के अवसरों में समानता, सम्पत्ति में समानता, मलकियत में समानता का अधिकार सुनिश्चित किया जाना चाहिए।"
-द्वितीय श्रम आयोग, 2002 भारतीय समाज एवं पुरूष ने महिला के साथ बहुत ही उपहास किया है। देवी, दुर्गा, काली, सरस्वती, लक्ष्मी के रूपों में स्त्री शक्ति, विद्या और लक्ष्मी की अधिष्ठान है। स्त्री के गुणगान में पुराण सप्तशतियाँ रची गई, किन्तु व्यवहारिक धरातल पर स्त्री का स्थान समाज में निम्नस्तरीय ही रहा। वह अन्नपूर्णा थी किन्तु स्वयं उसे भरपेट भोजन प्राप्त नहीं था। पहनना- ओढना, सजना-संवरना सब कुछ पुरूषों के लिए। किन्तु अब समय बदल रहा है महिला पूजा की वस्तु या भोग्या की परम्परा को तोड़कर पुरूषों के साथ कंधा से कंधा मिलाकर जीवन के हर क्षेत्र में आगे बढ़ रही है। वैश्वीकरण के दौर ने बढ़ती जनसंख्या, घटते रोजगार ने भारतीय परिवारों के आर्थिक जीवन को झकझोर दिया। इन चुनौतियों का सामना करने के लिए महिला अपनी प्रतिभा एवं कार्यकुशलता के साथ तैयार है।
राज्य द्वारा अनुसरणीय कुछ नीति तत्वों (अनुच्छेद 39) में उपबन्धित है कि राज्य अपनी नीति का विशिष्टतया, इस प्रकार संचालन करेगा कि सुनिश्चित रूप से पुरूष और स्त्री सभी नागरिकों को समान रूप से जीविका के पर्याप्त साधन प्राप्त करने का अधिकार हो, पुरूषों एवं स्त्रियों दोनों का समान कार्य के लिए समान वेतन हो तथा इन कर्मकारों के स्वास्थ्य और शक्ति का तथा बालकों की सुकुमार अवस्था का दुरूपयोग न हो एवं आर्थिक

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आवश्यकता से विवश होकर नागरिकों को ऐसे रोजगारों में न जाना पड़े जो उनकी आयु या शक्ति के अनुकूल न हो। इसी प्रकार अनुच्छेद 42 काम को न्यायसंगत और मानवोचित दशाओं का तथा प्रसूति सहायता के लिए उपबन्ध करने का निर्देश देता है। अनुच्छेद 43 स्त्री एवं पुरूष कर्मकारों के लिए निर्वाह मजदूरी आदि की व्यवस्था करने का निर्देश देता है, क्योंकि राष्ट्र के आर्थिक विकास में भागीदार स्त्री-पुरूष श्रमिकों की गरिमा एवं उनके व्यक्तित्व को बनाए रखने के लिए उन्हें निर्वाह योग्य मजदूरी दिया जाना तथा उन्हें सामाजिक सुरक्षा प्रदान करना अपरिहार्य है। अभी हाल ही में जोड़े गए अनुच्छेद 43 क के अनुसार उद्योगों के प्रबन्ध में स्त्री-पुरूष कर्मकारों की भागीदारी सुनिश्चित करने का राज्य को निर्देश हैं।
नीति-निर्देशक तत्वों के अनुपालन में संघ तथा राज्य सरकारों ने विभिन्न अधिनियम पारित किए हैं, जिनमें स्त्री-पुरूष कर्मियों को कार्यदशा सुधारने का प्रयास किया गया है। इनमें प्रसूति प्रसुविधा अधिनियम; मजदूरी संदाय अधिनियम, न्यूनतम मजदूरी अधिनियम, बोनस संदाय अधिनियम तथा कारखाना अधिनियम आदि प्रमुख हैं। कुछ अधिनियम स्त्री-पुरूष कर्मकारों के मध्य बराबरी लाने के इरादे से पारित किए गए जिनमे समान पारिश्रमिक अधिनियम प्रमुख है। प्रसूति प्रसुविधा अधिनियम केवल स्त्री कर्मकारों की विशिट लैंगिक स्थिति के कारण उपबन्ध बनाने के लिए पारित किया गया है।
स्त्री को शारीरिक संरचना और मातृत्व-कृत्यों का पालन जीवन निर्वाह के लिए उसे अलाभ की स्थिति में रखते हैं तथा उसकी शारीरिक भलाई, लोकहित और सावधानी का विषय हो जाती है, ताकि उसके परिवार की क्षमता और उत्साह का परिरक्षण किया जा सके। इस कारण स्त्रियों के पक्ष में विशेष उपबन्ध आवश्यक है। विधायिका ने इन वैज्ञानिक तथ्यों के आधार पर स्त्री कर्मकारों के कार्य के घण्टे, स्वास्थ्य व सुरक्षा हेतु उपबन्ध तथा शिशु-गृह आदि की व्यवस्था से सम्बन्धित विधि पारित की है।
अनेक कारखानों में ऐसी स्त्रियाँ नियोजित होती है जिनके गोद खेलते बच्चे होते हैं। स्त्रियाँ ऐसे बच्चों को अपनी साथ लाती हैं जिन्हें शिशु गृहों के अभाव में इधर-उधर खेलने के लिए छोड़ दिया जाता है। मिलों में ये बच्चे आवाज की खडखडाहट और चलती मशीनों के खतरे और धूल से भरे हुए वातावरण के शिकार बनते हैं। अतः धारा 48 हर ऐसे कारखाने में, जिसमें साधारणतया 30 या इससे अधिक स्त्रियाँ नियोजित हैं छः वर्ष से कम आयु के बच्चों के उपयोग के लिए उपयुक्त कमरा या कमरे उपलब्ध कराने का प्रावधान करता है जिसे सार्वजनिक शिशु-गृह में तब्दील किया जा सके। ऐसे शिशु-गृहों में समुचित स्थान प्रदान किया जाएगा, इन्हें पर्याप्त रूप से प्रकाश और हवा से युक्त रखा जाएगा तथा ऐसे बाल-गृह, बालकों एवं शिशुओं की देख-रेख के कार्य में प्रशिक्षित, महिला के प्रभार के अन्तर्गत रखा जाएगा। इस सम्बन्ध में राज्य सरकार को यह भी शक्ति दी गई है कि वह नियमावली बनाकर ऐसे शिशु-गृहों के लिए स्थान नियत करने और उन गृहों के निर्माण, उनमें उपलब्ध स्थान, फर्नीचर और उचित साज-सज्जा के मानक स्थिर करे। ऐसे कारखानों में महिला कर्मकारों के शिशुओं की देख-रेख के लिए अन्य अतिरिक्त सुविधाएं प्रदान करने, धुलाई के लिए स्थान एवं पानी आदि की समुचित सुविधाएँ और स्त्रियों के वस्त्र बदलने के लिए उचित एवं सुरक्षित व्यवस्था करने, ऐसे शिशुओं के लिए निःशुल्क दूध या नाश्ता या दोनों के लिए व्यवस्था कारखाने में ही करने तथा आवश्यक अन्तरालों पर ऐसे बच्चों को माताओं को उन्हें अपना दूध पिलाने की सुविधा देने की व्यवस्था करने का आदेशात्मक उपबन्ध करता है।
इसी अधिनियम (अध्याय 6) में वयस्कों के काम के घण्टों के संबंध में विशद् विवेचन है कि इनसे अधिकतम कितने घण्टे काम लिया जा सकता है तथा ओवर टाइम लेने पर मजदूरी की दर क्या होगी? श्रम विषयक रॉयल कमीशन ने अपने प्रतिवेदन में यह संकेत किया था कि स्त्रियों के लिए पुरूषों की अपेक्षा काम के घण्टों की अधिकतम सीमा कम निर्धारित करने का प्रमुख आधार यह है कि स्त्रियों को घरेलू काम भी करने पड़ते हैं। अतः

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धारा 66 यह प्रावधान करती है कि स्त्रियों को किसी भी कारखाने में 6 बजे प्रातः से 7 बजे सांय तक की अवधि के उपरान्त की अवधि में काम करने की न तो अपेक्षा की जाएगी और न ही आज्ञा दी जाएगी, लेकिन राज्य सरकार को कतिपय परिस्थितियों में इसमे ढील देने की अनुमति है, जैसे मत्स्य-- उपचार या मत्स्य कैनिंग के कारोबार में जहाँ कि कथित निर्बन्धनों की सीमा से बाहर की अवधियों में काम करना आवश्यक हो, ताकि कच्चे माल की बिगड़ने या क्षतिग्रस्त होने से बचाया जा सके। यह छूट सिर्फ एक सीमा तक दी जा सकती है तथा महिलाओं को 10 बजे रात्रि से 5 बजे प्रातः तक के नियोजन मुक्त रखना आवश्यक है। इस प्रसंग में ओमान वूमेन बनाम ए.सी.टी. लिमिटेड (1991) के बाद उल्लेखनीय है कि जिसमें कर्मचारियों को नियमित रूप से आत्मसातकरण हेतु ली जा रही आन्तरिक परीक्षा में महिला कर्मकारों को शामिल किए जाने से इस कारण मना कर दिया गया कि वे स्त्रियाँ थी तथा कारखाने की रात समेत सभी पालियों में काम करने में अक्षम थी। लिंगभेद के आधार पर महिलाओं को परीक्षा से वंचित किया जाना संविधान के अनुच्छेद 14 एवं 15 का उल्लंघन करार देते हुए केरल उच्च न्यायालय ने निर्धारित किया कि स्त्रियाँ केवल रात 10 बजे से प्रातः 5 बजे तक ही उपलब्ध नहीं हैं, बाकी पालियों में वे पुरूषों के साथ काम करने में सक्षम हैं अतः उन्हें परीक्षा बैठने का अधिकार है।
मार्च, 2005 में केन्द्रीय सरकार ने महिलाओं को फैक्टरी में रात की पारी में काम करने की अनुमति प्रदान करने हेतु कारखाना अधिनियम, 1948 में संशोधन करने का निर्णय लिया है। वर्तमान संदर्भ में सूचना तकनीक आधारित कार्यों के कारण अनेक कार्य रात की पारी में ही सम्पन्न होते हैं, अतः महिलाओं को रात की पारी में कार्य करना आवश्यक होता जा रहा है। महिलाओं को रात में कार्य करने एवं आवागमन की सुरक्षित एवं समुचित दशाएँ प्रदान करने का प्रावधान करने की घोषणा भी सरकार ने की है। . कारखाना अधिनियम की धारा 79 मजदूरी सहित छुट्टी की गणना में किसी स्त्री कर्मकार द्वारा ली गई बारह सप्ताह से अधिक की प्रसूति छुट्टी का आंकलन करने का प्रावधान करती है। अध्याय 9 की धारा 87 में राज्य सरकार को यह शक्ति दी गई है कि खतरनाक जोखिमभरी क्रियाओं वाले कारखानों में स्त्रियों तथा बच्चों के नियोजन पर रोक लगा सकती है।
मातृत्व प्रत्येक स्त्री का पवित्र अधिकार तथा ईश्वर द्वारा दिया गया दायित्व है, जिसकी पूर्ति करते हुए वह स्वयं को धन्य मानती है। प्रसूति प्रसुविधा अधिनियम, 1961 शिशु प्रसव से पूर्व और उसके बाद की कुछ अवधि में स्त्रियों के नियोजन को विनियमित करने के उद्देश्य से बनाया गया है। इसका उद्देश्य महिला कर्मकारों को सामाजिक न्याय प्रदान करना है। उच्चतम न्यायालय ने अपने विनिश्चयों में कहा है कि अधिनियम के उपबन्धों का निर्वचन करने में न्यायालय को उदारवादी नियम का पालन करना चाहिए जिससे कि न केवल महिला कर्मकारों का भरण--पोषण हो सके, बल्कि वे अपनी क्षीण शक्ति को पुनः प्राप्त कर सकें, शिशुओं का पालन-पोषण हो सके तथा अपनी पूर्ण कार्यक्षमता को बनाए भी रख सकें।
प्रसूति प्रसुविधा अधिनियम की धारा 4 के अनुसार उद्योग में नियोजित प्रत्येक महिला को प्रसव तथा गर्भपात के लिए सब मिलाकर 12 सप्ताह का विश्राम पाने का वैधानिक अधिकार प्राप्त है। कई राज्यों में तथा कई सेवाओं में प्रसूति अवकाश बढ़ाकर 135 दिन कर दिया गया है। इस अधिकार को प्रदान करना नियोजक के लिए बन्धनकारी है, क्योंकि यह प्रावधान आदेशात्मक है। अधिकारों को प्रदान न करने पर उसे दोषसिद्धि किया जा सकता है। कोई भी नियोजक जानबूझकर ऐसी महिला को काम पर नहीं लगाएगा, जिसे 6 सप्ताह के अन्दर ही बच्चे को जन्म देने की सम्भावना है। ___ इसी से जुड़ा हुआ दूसरा अधिकार है कि प्रसव से 6 सप्ताह की छुट्टी पर जाने के एक माह पूर्व यदि वह स्वामी से लिखित प्रार्थना करती है कि उसे अधिक और भारी काम न लिया जाए, जिससे उसको तथा होने वाले

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बच्चे पर कुप्रभाव का डर या स्वास्थ्य पर विपरीत असर पड़ने की सम्भावना है, तो नियोजक उसकी प्रार्थना पर कार्य करने तथा उसे श्रम साध्य कार्य न देने के लिए अपेक्षित है।
भारत में महिलाओं को कानूनन वे सभी अधिकार प्राप्त हैं जो पुरूषों को प्राप्त हैं पर व्यवहार में अनेक विसंगतियाँ हैं। पूरी दुनिया में निगाह दौड़ाने पर यह देखा गया कि पुरूषों से किसी भी प्रकार कम न होने पर भी महिलाओं के साथ लगभग सभी जगह भेदभाव होता चला आया है।
भारत के महिला श्रमिकों से संबंधित परिदृश्य की चर्चा करने से पूर्व यहाँ के आर्थिक, मानव संसाधन विकास, शिक्षा, गरीबी, बेरोजगारी, श्रमिकों की संख्या आदि पहलूओं पर एक नजर डालने की आवश्यकता है। यह आवश्यक भी है और महत्वपूर्ण भी। क्योंकि जिस विषय की स्थिति के विभिन्न आयामों के प्रति एक स्पष्ट समझ पैदा करना है, तो इससे संबंधित एवं जरूरी मसलों का निरीक्षण भी आवश्यक हो जाता है। विकसित एवं विकासशील राष्ट्र की महिलाओं के संघर्ष के बिंदु/मसले अलग-अलग होते हैं। कहीं पानी के लिए संघर्ष है तो कहीं पानी की गुणवत्ता में सुधार के लिए संघर्ष है। कहीं महिलाएं को रोजगार के अवसर के लिए संघर्ष करना पड़ता है, तो कहीं बेहतर रोजगार के लिए संघर्ष ।
क्र.सं.
भारत में आर्थिक एवं मानव संसाधन विकास संबंधी स्थिति विवरण जीवन प्रत्याशा (2001-06) शिशु मृत्यु दर (प्रति हजार) जन्म दर (प्रति हजार) मृत्यु दर (प्रति हजार) बुनियादी/प्राथमिक विद्यालय माध्यमिक विद्यालय उच्च/उच्चतर/इंटर/स्नातक महाविद्यालय व्यावसायिक शिक्षा संस्थान विश्वविद्यालय/राष्ट्रीय महत्व के संस्थान साक्षरता दर (प्रतिशत में) (क) पुरूष (ख) स्त्री गरीबी रेखा से नीचे रहने वाले लोगों का (प्रतिशत में) गरीबी रेखा (प्रति व्यक्ति प्रतिमाह 2004-05) (क) ग्रामीण (रूपये में) (ख) शहर (रूपये में) गरीबों की संख्या (2004-05) करोड़ में (क) गाँव (करोड़ में) (ख) शहर (करोड़ में)
6,64,041 2,19,626 1,33,92 2,409 351 654
75.9
54.0 27.5
356.3 538.6 30.2 22.1
8.1

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73 36.3 33.68
बेरोजगारी दर प्रतिशत में (1999-2000) श्रमिक बल (करोड़ में), 1999-2000 कार्य बल (करोड़ में), 1999-2000 बेरोजगारी (करोड़ में), 1999-2000 स्त्री-पुरूष अनुपात (प्रति हजार) प्रति व्यक्ति घरेलू शुद्ध घरेलू उत्पाद (2001) रूपयों में
266
933
10.254
(i) आर्थिक समीक्षा, वित्त मंत्रालय, भारत सरकार, दिल्ली, पृष्ठ 5109-141 (ii) कुरुक्षेत्र, ग्रामीण रोजगार मंत्रालय, भारत सरकार, मई 2007, पृष्ठ 44-461
उपर्युक्त तालिका से भारत के आर्थिक एवं मानव संसाधन विकास संबंधी कई पहलूओं के विषय में एक तस्वीर हमारे सामने स्पष्ट होती है। देश में लगभग 10 लाख शैक्षणिक संस्थान होने के बावजूद भी यहाँ के लगभग 34. 60 करोड़ लोग निरक्षर हैं। महिलाओं की निरक्षरता दर पुरूषों की तुलना में दुगनी है (पुरूष 25 प्रतिशत, महिला 46 प्रतिशत)। भारत जिसकी आबादी 100 करोड़ से अधिक है, यहाँ आज भी 27.5 प्रतिशत (30 करोड़) लोग गरीबी रेखा के नीचे जीवन गुजर बसर कर रहे हैं अर्थात् प्रतिमाह प्रति व्यक्ति गांव में 356 रूपये एवं शहर में 538 रूपये से ही गुजारा करते हैं। गरीबी की शिकार महिलाएं और खासकर ग्रामीण महिलाएं ही अधिक संख्या में हैं। रोजगार वृद्धि की तुलना देश में बेरोजगार वृद्धि दर कई गुणा तेजी से बढ़ रही है। वर्ष 2000 के आस-पास बेरोजगारों की संख्या 2.66 करोड़ बताई गई थी और इसमे लगातार तेजी से वृद्धि हो रही है। जिन लोगों को रोजगार प्राप्त था और जो काम कर रहे थे ऐसे लोगों की संख्या हमारे यहाँ लगभग 33.68 करोड़ थी।
भारत में क्षेत्रवार श्रमशक्ति
भारत ग्रामीण आबादी वाला राष्ट्र है। इसलिए अधिकांश मेहनतकशों की आबादी की संकेन्द्रण गाँव की ओर ही है। देश की 100 करोड़ की आबादी में 39.84 करोड़ लोग किसी न किसी कार्य में नियोजित हैं। साथ ही साथ लगभग 91 लाख बेरोजगारों की समस्या से भी देश को सामना करना पड़ रहा है। देश के 91 लाख बेरोजगार में 47 लाख (52 प्रतिशत) शहर एवं 44 लाख (48 प्रतिशत) गाँव में हैं। इन दोनों संख्याओं के जोड़ से देश की श्रम शक्ति बनती है। जिसकी संख्या लगभग 40.68 करोड़ है। जबकि श्रमशक्ति से बाहर जिसे जनगणना में गैर-मजदूर कहा गया है, की संख्या श्रम शक्ति की संख्या से भी 4 करोड़ अधिक अर्थात् 44.40 करोड़ है। जनगणना में श्रम शक्ति तथा गैर-मजदूर दोनों को कार्यशील आयु वाली जनसंख्या माना गया है। यह संख्या 85.30 करोड़ है। इस आयु वर्ग में 5 वर्ष से नीचे आयु वाले बच्चों को नहीं रखा गया है। बल्कि उसके लिए अलग श्रेणी बना दी गई है उसे गैर- कार्यशक्ति आयु वाली जनसंख्या कहा गया है। इस श्रेणी के लोगों की जनसंख्या लगभग 15.29 करोड़ है। इस आयु श्रेणी में वे लोग हैं जो काम में लगे नहीं हैं। परन्तु वे किसी न किसी गैर-आर्थिक कार्य में लगे हैं यथा गृहणी वही गैर-कार्यशील आयु वाले जनसंख्या में 5 वर्ष से आयु वर्ग के लोग हैं।

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444
भारतीय जनसंख्या में श्रमशक्ति का क्षेत्रवार विवरण (1999-2000)
(संख्या करोड में) क्र.सं.
कुल
ग्रामीण शहरी
संख्या प्रतिशत नियोजित
39.84 39.6 30.15
9.63 बेरोजगार
0.91 0.9 0.44
0.47 श्रमशक्ति (1+2)
40.68 40.4 30.59
10.09 श्रमशक्ति से बाहर (गैर मजदूर)
44.62
30.5
14.69 कार्यशील आयु वाली जनसंख्या (3+4) 85.30
84.4 6063
24.78 गैर-कार्यशील आयु वाली जनसंख्या 15.29
15.2 11.38
3.80 कुल जनसंख्या (5+6) ____ 100.50 100.0 72.01
28.58 जनगणना 2001 तथा राष्ट्रीय नमूना सर्वेक्षण संगठन (एनएसएसओ) के 55वें राउन्ड (1999-2000) से
__ परिकलित। 5 वर्ष एवं ज्यादा आयु के लोगों को मिलाकर नियोजित, बेरोजगार और गैर-मजदूर की श्रेणी बनायी गयी हैं, जबकि गैर कार्यशील जनसंख्या में 5 वर्ष से नीचे के उम्र के लोग शामिल हैं।
भारत के संगठित क्षेत्र में महिला श्रमिक
15%
139.60%
44%
-0.30%
क्र.सं.
प्रतिशत श्रमशक्ति से बाहर (गैर मजदूर)
4400 गैर-कार्यशील जनसंख्या (5 वर्ष आयु के नीचे वाले)
15.00 बेरोजगार
00.30 नियोजित श्रमिक
39.60 देश में तीन प्रमुख स्त्रोत हैं जिसके माध्यम से देश की जनसंख्या, साक्षरता, रोजगार, बेरोजगार, महिला रोजगार, उनकी श्रेणियाँ आदि के विषय में जानकारी प्राप्त की जा सकती है। ये प्रमुख स्त्रोत प्रदान करने वाली संस्थाएं हैं:

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424 / Jijnäsä
भारत की जनगणना कार्यालय राष्ट्रीय नमूना सर्वेक्षण संगठन कार्यालय
केन्द्रीय सांख्यिकी संगठन कार्यालय आज जिस तरह गरीबों की संख्या से संबंधित सरकारी आंकड़ों पर भी सवाल उठ रहे हैं। उसी प्रकार जनसंख्या, साक्षरता, रोजगार, बेरोजगार, महिला रोजगार की संख्या एवमं स्थिति पर भी अनेकोनेक प्रश्नवाचक भी उपस्थित है, बावजूद इसके सरकारी आँकड़े समस्या की स्थिति से संबंधित मोटी-मोटी तस्वीर तो अवश्य बता देते हैं। जिसे अध्ययन के दृष्टिकोण से प्रमाणिक डाटा एवं सूचना माना जाता है और उसी के आधार पर समस्या से संबंधित तथ्यों को विभिन्न मापदंडों पर परीक्षण किया जाता है।
संगठित एवं असंगठित क्षेत्र में रोजगार
रोजगार के संगठन की प्रकृति पर ध्यान दिया जाए तो हम पाते हैं कि देश की अर्थव्यवस्था द्वारा प्रदान किए जाने वाले कुल रोजगार में संगठित क्षेत्र का अंश मात्र 7 प्रतिशत (2.81 करोड) तथा असंगठित क्षेत्र का अंश 93 प्रतिशत (37 करोड़) है।
अब भी देश में रोजगार प्रदान करने का मुख्य स्रोत असंगठित क्षेत्र तथा असंगठित क्षेत्र में कृषि प्रमुख है। यद्यपि असंगठित क्षेत्र में स्व-रोजगार तथा छोटे-मोटे स्तर के व्यापार भी शामिल हैं। 21वीं सदी में यह असंगठित क्षेत्र देश के 100 में से 93 लोगों को आज भी रोजगार प्रदान कर रहा है। असंगठित क्षेत्र के तुलना में संगठित क्षेत्र की रोजगार क्षमता बहुत निम्न है। ___ भारत में रोजगार की विस्तार से चर्चा करने के उपरांत महिला श्रमिकों की स्थिति को समझना आसान हो जाता है। __ भारत के औद्योगिक विकास की स्थितियों को ध्यान में रखते हुए इसे 'विकासशील देशों श्रेणी में रखा गया है। वह राष्ट्र जो न अविकसित है और न विकसित बल्कि विकसित होने की प्रक्रिया में है और जो आगे चलकर विकसित राष्ट्र बन जाएगा। भूतपूर्व राष्ट्रपति डॉ कलाम ने 2020 तक भारत को एक विकसित राष्ट्र बनने का सपना देखा है। इस प्रकार देखा जाए तो भारत की अर्थव्यवस्था औद्योगिक इकाइयाँ, औद्योगिक समाज, बुनियादी अधीःसंरचना, स्त्री- पुरूष अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय मापदण्डों के आधार अभी उन्नत और विकसित होने की प्रक्रिया में हैं। तो विकासशील अर्थव्यवस्था की विशेषताओं के अनुसार श्रमिक, रोजगार और रोजगार के स्वरूप, उसका फैलाव, मजदूरी स्तर (उच्च-न्यूनतम), संगठित-असंगठित क्षेत्र में रोजगार का संकेन्द्रण आदि की स्थितियाँ होगी। संसार के अधिकांश विकासशील देश की भाँति भारतीय महिला श्रमिकों का भी वही स्थितियाँ हैं जो निम्नलिखित है :
1. महिलाओं की बड़ी संख्या खेतिहर श्रमिक के रूप में लगी; 2. भारत में अधिकांश महिलाएँ असंगठित क्षेत्र में श्रमिक के रूप में कार्यरत हैं, 3. सर्वाधिक महिलाएँ प्राइमरी सेक्टर में लगी हैं ;
4. स्वतंत्रता प्राप्ति के उपरान्त (1947), प्राइमरी सेक्टर में महिला रोजगार में लगातार कमी हो रही है। क्योंकि सेकेंडरी सेक्टर (उद्योग) एवं टरसरी सेक्टर (सेवा) का विस्तार स्वतंत्रता प्राप्ति के बाद काफी तेजी से हो रहा है। फलतः महिलाएँ जो पहले कृषि एवं उससे संबंधित कार्य पर लगी थीं, उसने गैर-कृषि क्षेत्र/उद्योग सेवा में रोजगार के अवसर तलाशना शुरू किया;
5, असंगठित क्षेत्र में भी बहुसंख्यक महिलाएं कृषि क्षेत्र में कार्यरत हैं,

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6. इसके अतिरिक्त जो उद्योग गृह आधारित तथा गृह आधारित कार्यों में महिला मजदूरों को ज्यादा संकेन्द्रण है यथा-बीड़ी, पापड़, सिवई निर्माण कार्य वाले उद्योग, ___7. कई बार इनको समान काम के असमान वेतन दिया जाता है। साथ ही पदोन्नति, प्रशिक्षण के समान अवसरों से भी वंचित रखा जाता है।
8. मजदूर संगठन में निम्न भागीदारी, अशिक्षा, श्रम नियमों के जानकारी का अभाव, जैसे कारणों के कारण उन्हें वाजिब मजदूरी नहीं मिल पाती और आर्थिक शोषण का शिकार हो जाती हैं,
9. असंगठित क्षेत्र में कार्यरत अधिकांश महिला श्रमिकों को सरकार द्वारा अधिसूचित न्यूनतम मजदूरी नहीं मिल पाता। उन्हें अधिकांश स्थितियों में न्यूनतम मजदूरी से कम मजदूरी दी जाती है;
10. इसके द्वारा अर्जित मजदूरी पुरूष प्रधान समाज में एक पूरक आय के रूप में देखा जाता है;
11. सार्वजनिक एवं निजी क्षेत्र में महिलाएँ नर्सिंग, टीचिंग, सेल्स गर्ल्स, रिसेप्सनिस्ट, प्राईवेट सेक्रेटरी जैसे भूमिकाओं में ज्यादा नजर आती हैं।
12. कानूनी प्रावधान में वर्णित कई सुविधाएँ जैसे मातृत्व हितलाभ से बचने के लिए कार्य के लिए तैयार महिला श्रमिकों को रोजगार पर रखने से बचते हैं जो कि कानून के विरूद्ध है, तथा ___13. संगठित क्षेत्र जिसमें सार्वजनिक एवं निजी क्षेत्र आते हैं, उसमें महिला कामगार मुख्य रूप से बड़ी संख्या में तृतीय एवं चतुर्थ श्रेणी में लगी। प्रबंधक एवं प्रशासक स्तर इनकी संख्या तुलनात्मक रूप से कम है।
महिला श्रमशक्ति
देश की जनसख्या एक महत्वपूर्ण हिस्सा महिलाओं का है। भारत की जनगणना 2001 के अनुसार कुल मानव संसाधन का लगभग 48 प्रतिशत महिलाएं हैं। संख्यात्मक दृष्टिकोण से देश की लगभग 48.52 करोड़ मानव पूंजी हैं। जिसका उचित प्रबंध कर किसी भी देश या संस्था का कायाकल्प किया जा सकता है। आवश्यकता है उचित अभिप्रेरणा का प्रभावी ढंग से सदुपयोग किया जाए।
संगठित एवं असंगठित क्षेत्र में महिला श्रमिक
रोजगार के स्तर, उसकी गुणवत्ता, पद-सोपान क्रम, मजदूरी आदि मामलों में आज भी महिला श्रमिक पुरूष श्रमिक से तुलनात्मक बहुत पीछे है। यद्यपि विभिन्न कार्यक्रमों, नीतियों, कानूनों के माध्यम से इन दोनों लिंगों के मध्य इस कमी को पाटने के प्रयास हाल के कुछ दशकों से काफी तेजी से हो रहे हैं। संगठन के स्वरूप के आधार यदि हम देखें तो, भारत में जो रोजगार उपलब्ध है, वह दो मुख्य क्षेत्रों में है- संगठित क्षेत्र तथा असंगठित क्षेत्र। संगठन का तात्पर्य यहां आर्थिक गतिविधियों का आकार-प्रकार, उत्पादन स्तर, उत्पादन करने की प्रकृति, श्रमिकों के संगठन की स्थिति आदि।
संसार के विकासशील देशों की भाँति भारत में अधिकांश महिलाएँ असंगठित क्षेत्रों में कार्यशील है। असंगठित क्षेत्रों में मुख्य रूप से कृषि, खान, खदान, मैन्युफैक्चरिंग, कंस्ट्रक्शन, व्यापार, होटल, रेस्तराँ, सामुदायिक, सामाजिक सेवा, परिवहन एवं संचार जैसे क्षेत्रों में रोजगार पाती हैं। भारत के दस प्रमुख मैन्युफैक्चरिंग उत्पादक उद्योग हैं जिसमें महिलाएँ बड़ी तादाद में नियोजित हैं (द्वितीय श्रम आयोग 2002 : 943) ये हैं -(1) तम्बाकू, (2) सूती वस्त्र, (3) काजू प्रसंसाधन, (4) मशीनरी टूल्स एवं पार्टस, (5) माचिस, विस्फोटक तथा आतिशबाजी, (6) मिट्टी, ग्लास, सीमेंट, लोहा तथा स्टील, (7) ड्रग्स एवं मेडिसीन, (8) मिल एवं बेकरी, (9) गारमेंट।

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126
/ Jijāsä
एनएसएसओ के 55वें राउंड (1999-2000) के सर्वेक्षण के अनुसार देश के 39,84 करोड़ श्रमिकों में महिलाओं की संख्या 12.41 करोड़ (31.12 प्रतिशत) थी। इस प्रकार के प्रत्येक 100 श्रमिकों में 31 महिलाएँ हैं जबकि महिलाओं की कुल जनसंख्या 49.60 करोड का यह लगभग 25 प्रतिशत हैं अर्थात् प्रत्येक 100 में 25 महिलाएँ श्रमिक हैं।
कुल
भारत में लिंगवार संगठित एवं असंगठित क्षेत्र में श्रमिक क्र.सं. संख्या (करोड़ में)
प्रतिशत में महिला पुरूष
महिला पुरूष कुल संगठित 0.49 2.32 2.80
100 असंगठित 11.92 25.11 37.03 30 कुल 1241 27.43 39.83
100 राष्ट्रीय नमूना सर्वेक्षण संगठन (एनएसएसओ) 55वें राउंड (1999-2000) से संकलित।
तालिका से स्पष्ट है कि भारत के कार्यरत जनसंख्या में महिला श्रमिकों का एक महत्वपूर्ण हिस्सा है। यदि इसका लिंगवार विश्लेषण करें तो देखते हैं कि भारत के कुल श्रमिकों में महिला श्रमिक 31 प्रतिशत हैं। संगठित क्षेत्र के श्रमिकों में इनका प्रतिशत 18 तथा असंगठित श्रमिकों की कुल तादाद में इनका प्रतिशत 30 है। संगठित क्षेत्र में महिला श्रमिकों की तुलना में पुरूष श्रमिक लगभग 4.5 गुणा अधिक है। यदि हम असंगठित क्षेत्रों की बात करें तो यहाँ भी ये महिलाएँ पुरूष श्रमिकों की तुलना 2.3 गुणा कम रोजगार में हैं। जबकि कुल श्रमिकों में महिलाओं की भागीदारी को देखा जाए तो यह पुरूषों से लगभग 2.2 गुणा कम है। इस प्रकार लिंगवार विश्लेषण में जो बातें स्पष्ट होती हैं वे ये हैं कि -
लिंगवार विश्लेषण I. कुल श्रमिक II. संगठित क्षेत्र
III. असंगठित क्षेत्र (39.84 करोड) (2.80 करोड)
(37.03 करोड)
महिला 31%
महिला 18%
महिला 30%
पुरूष 69%
पुरूष
70%
Lपुरूष
82%

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भारत में महिला श्रमिक : दशा एवं दिशा / 427
संगठित क्षेत्र में महिला श्रमिकों की संख्या पुरूष सहकर्मी की तुलना में 4.5 गुणा कम है। इससे यह बात स्पष्ट होती है कि संगठित क्षेत्र आज भी आम महिला कामगार के पहुँच से बाहर है। क्योंकि 21वीं सदी के भारत में आज भी संगठित क्षेत्र में महिलाएं पुरूषों की तुलना में 450 प्रतिशत कम रोजगार पा रही हैं। संगठित क्षेत्र के लिए शिक्षा, प्रतिस्पर्धा स्तर, गुण, प्रशिक्षण, नेतृत्व क्षमता जैसी विशेषताओं की आवश्यकता होती है। जो कई कारणों से महिलाओं में पुरूषों के तुलना में विकसित हो पाए हैं। जिसके कारण इनकी पहुंच से ये क्षेत्र आज भी कोसों दूर हैं। आज भी व्यावसायिक, तकनीकी शिक्षा में महिलाओं की भागीदारी आशा के विपरीत बहुत कम है। लेकिन धीरे-धीरे महिलाएँ इस ओर मुखातिब हो रही है;
यद्यपि असंगठित क्षेत्र में देश का अधिसंख्यक श्रमिक रोजगार पाता है। बावजूद इसके यहाँ भी पुरूष का प्रतिशत 2.3 गुणा अधिक है। इन क्षेत्र में महिलाएं अभी भी बराबर की स्थिति में नहीं आई हैं। ये वे क्षेत्र हैं जहाँ रोजगार प्राप्त करने के लिए न्यूनतम हुनर स्तर को प्राप्त करने की आवश्यकता होती है। बावजूद इसके इस क्षेत्र में इनकी भागीदारी पुरूषों के तुलना में 200 प्रतिशत कम है। यद्यपि यहाँ महिलाएँ संगठित क्षेत्रों की तुलना में 167 प्रतिशत (1.67 गुणा) अधिक है। क्या इस बात का यह अर्थ निकाला जा सकता है कि संगठित क्षेत्र में आने वाली प्रायः उच्च एवं मध्य वर्ग की महिलाओं की तुलना में आज भी निम्न वर्ग की महिलाओं को ज्यादा काम करने की स्वतंत्रता प्रदान है? यद्यपि यह उसके परिवार पर पड़ने वाले आर्थिक दबाव के कारण होता होगा। बावजूद इसके वह दूसरे वर्गों संपन्न महिलाओं की तुलना में काम करने के लिए ज्यादा स्वतंत्र है।
देश के कुल श्रमिकों में लगभग 7.4 प्रतिशत (2.8 करोड़) लोग संगठित क्षेत्रों में लगे हैं। जबकि शेष 92.95 प्रतिशत (37.08 करोड़) लोग असंगठित क्षेत्रों में लगे हैं। संगठित क्षेत्र के तुलना में यहाँ 12.6 गुणा (1260 प्रतिशत) अधिक मजदूर असंगठित क्षेत्र में रोजी-रोटी पा रहे हैं। यह प्रवृत्ति विकसित राष्ट्रों के ठीक विपरीत है। संगठित क्षेत्र मतलब ज्यादा वेतन, ज्यादा सुविधा, ज्यादा ताकत, बेहतर जीवन-स्तर, मजबूत श्रम संघ आदि से है। इसके विपरीत परिस्थितियाँ असंगठित क्षेत्र में होती हैं।
जो 12 करोड़ से अधिक महिला श्रमिक हैं उनकी स्थिति तो और बदतर है। ये तो 96 प्रतिशत (11.42 करोड़) असंगठित क्षेत्र में कार्य करने को बाध्य है और साथ ही साथ बाध्य है- आर्थिक शोषण, शारीरिक शोषण, यौन शोषण को। न तो यहाँ इन्हें सरकार द्वारा निर्धारित मजदूरी मिल पाती और न ही अधिकांश स्थितियों में सरकार द्वारा प्रदत्त मुख्य स्वास्थ्य एवं कल्याण संबंधी सुविधाएं।
कुल मिलाकर संगठित एवं असंगठित क्षेत्र में महिला श्रमिकों की संख्या 12.41 करोड़ है जबकि पुरूष श्रमिकों की 27.43 करोड़ जो महिला श्रमिकों के तुलना में 2.2 गुणा अधिक है।
भारत जैसे देश जहां की बहुसंख्यक जनसंख्या गांव में रहती है, निर्धन है, निरक्षर है, बुनियादी सुविधाओं से वंचित है तथा जिनके 93 प्रतिशत लोगों के रोजी-रोटी का आधार आज भी असंगठित क्षेत्र से संबंधित कार्य है। पिछले कुछ दशकों में संगठित क्षेत्र एवं असंगठित क्षेत्र में रोजगार की खाई लगातार बढ़ती ही जा रही है। असंगठित क्षेत्र में श्रमिकों की वह श्रेणी है, जिनके रोजगार की प्रकृति अस्थायी है, जो अधिकांशतः अशिक्षित, बिखरे, निम्न सौदेबाजी क्षमता वाले हैं। जिन पर नियोजक का जबर्दस्त दबदबा होता है और जो अपने हित को प्राप्त करने के लिए संगठित होने में अक्षम होते हैं।
संसार की कोई भी अर्थव्यवस्था जो औसत जनता का आर्थिक उत्थान एवं दो वक्त की रोटी प्रदान करने में असक्षम है, तो उस अर्थव्यवस्था में एक सीमा तक पुनर्रचना की आवश्यकता अनिवार्य हो जाती है। संसार में आर्थिक रूप से पिछड़े क्षेत्र जहां 80 प्रतिशत दक्षिण अमरीका एवं केरेबियन में 88 प्रतिशत पूर्वी एशिया व प्रशांत

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428 / Jijñāsā
क्षेत्र में 82 प्रतिशत, विकासशील राष्ट्र में 74 प्रतिशत एवं दक्षिण एशिया में 60 प्रतिशत से अधिक आबादी आज भी 1 अमरीकन डालर ( औसतन 45 रूपया) प्रतिदिन के नीचे अपना जीवन गुजार रही है (यूनिसेफ, 2001 ) । इस श्रेणी की बहुसंख्यक आबादी आज भी मुख्य रूप से असंगठित क्षेत्र यथा कृषि, पशुपालन, मत्स्यपालन, विनिर्माण, हैंडलूम, पावरलूम, चमड़ा, पापड़ निर्माण ईंट भट्टा कूड़ा बीनने, बीड़ी निर्माण क्षेत्रों में ठेका मजदूर, आकस्मिक मजदूर, गृह आधारित कारीगर के रूप में कार्यरत है (श्रम मंत्रालय 1996 )
युनिसेफ के आंकड़ों के अनुसार कुल आबादी में आधी होते हुए भी महिलाएँ दो तिहाई काम करती है किन्तु उनके काम का एक तिहाई ही दर्ज हो पाता है। संसार की कुल सम्पत्ति का दसवीं हिस्सा ही उनके नाम है। ग्रामीण अंचल में यह अन्तर और अधिक है आर्थिक एवं सामाजिक दोनों दृष्टियों से महिला को दूसरे दर्जे का नागरिक माना गया है। विकासशील देशों में महिलाओं की हालत और भी शोचनीय है ।
लड़का-लड़की में भेदभाव का एक दुःखद और खतरनाक परिणाम यह हुआ कि लड़कियों की संख्या कम होने लगी। इससे कई सामाजिक कुरीतियाँ और अपराध बढ़ने की आशंका पैदा हुई।
पृथ्वी शिखर सम्मेलन (जून 1992) में स्वस्थ संसार बनाने के लिए महिलाओं के सशक्तिकरण की अत्यन्त आवश्यकता महसूस की गई सशक्तिकरण की परिभाषा दी गई किसी भी कार्य को करने या रोकने की क्षमता / सम्मेलन में इस बात पर जोर दिया गया कि वास्तविक लोकतन्त्र स्थापित हो ही नहीं सकता, जब तक शासन और विकास कार्यक्रम में महिलाओं की वास्तविक भागीदारी न हो।
वस्तुतः इन राष्ट्रों की अर्थव्यवस्था 'असंगठित क्षेत्र प्रधान अर्थव्यवस्था है। इसकी एक सबसे बड़ी वजह से यह मालूम पड़ता है कि भूमण्डलीकरण- बाजारीकरण के इस युग में भी इन राष्ट्रों की औसतन 80-85 प्रतिशत आबादी के जीविका का एकमात्र साधन आज भी असंगठित क्षेत्र के अंतर्गत आने वाले छोटे व मंझोले कार्य है और सारे दिन अपने शरीर का कतरा-कतरा झोंकने के बाद भी इन्हें सरकार द्वारा निर्धारित न्यूनतम मजदूरी भी नसीब नहीं हो पाती है। इस स्थिति में समाज के बहुसंख्यक आबादी के जीवन स्तर में वृद्धि लाये बिना विकास में स्थायित्व लाना एक असंभव सा संकल्प प्रतीत होता है।
अब प्रश्न यह उठता है कि भारत के 40 करोड़ लोग जो प्रतिदिन 1 अमरिकी डालर के नीचे जीवन गुजर-बसर कर रहे हैं, 12 करोड़ लोग जिन्हें पीने का स्वच्छ पानी नसीब नहीं है, 69 करोड़ लोग जिन्हें सेनिटेशन सुविधा मुहैया नहीं है, 10 करोड़ कमसीन बच्चे जो अपने पारिवारिक आर्थिक दबाव के कारण खतरनाक व अति खराब दशा में कार्य करने को विवश हैं और इस स्थिति का सामना करने वाले जिन लोगों का संबंध 31 करोड़ असंगठित क्षेत्र के श्रमिकों से है क्या इस श्रेणी के लोगों को वर्तमान अर्थव्यवस्था दो वक्त की रोटी, सर छुपाने के लिए छत, शरीर को ढंकने के लिए वस्त्र दे सकने में समर्थ है या नहीं और नहीं तो इसमें पुनर्निर्माण व की आवश्यकता है और यदि हो तो किस सीमा तक ।
पुनर्रचना
निष्कर्ष के रूप में हम कह सकते हैं कि महिला संगठित एवं असंगठित दोनों क्षेत्रों में पुरूषों की तुलना में कम
हैं संगठित क्षेत्र में जो रोजगार है उसमें महिलाएं पुरुषों की तुलना में कम रोजगार पाती हैं। इस क्षेत्र में जिन
|
रोजगार में वे संकेन्द्रित हैं वे प्रशासकीय एवं प्रबंधकीय स्तर की न होकर क्लर्क एवं मैनुअल वर्कर स्तर ज्यादा है। संगठित क्षेत्र में महिलाओं की हम अच्छी खासी संख्या सेवा क्षेत्र में है जिसमें वे बैंकिंग, अन्य वित्त संस्था, बीमा, सूचना, सामुदायिक आदि क्षेत्रों में लगी हैं।
सन्दर्भ
1. द्वितीय श्रम आयोग 2002, श्रम मंत्रालय, भारत सरकार, नई दिल्ली
2. (i) आर्थिक समीक्षा, वित्त मंत्रालय, भारत सरकार, दिल्ली, पृष्ठ 5109-141

Page #213

भारत में महिला श्रमिक : दशा एवं दिशा / 429
(ii) कुरुक्षेत्र, ग्रामीण रोजगार मंत्रालय, भारत सरकार, मई 2007, पृष्ठ 44-461 3. जनगणना 2001 पर आधारित 4. जनगणना 2001 एन.एस.एस.ओ. 55वां राउंड (1999-2000) 5. राष्ट्रीय नमूना सर्वेक्षण संगठन (एनएसएसओ) 55 वां राउंड 1999-2000 6. अधिक जानकारी हेतु देखें :आर्थिक समीक्षा (2003), वित्त मंत्रालय, भारत सरकार, नई दिल्ली कुरुक्षेत्र (2007), ग्रामीण रोजगार मंत्रालय, भारत सरकार, मई क्वाटरली इंप्लायमेंट रिव्यू (2000). 1999-2000, श्रम मंत्रालय, नई दिल्ली भारत (2007), प्रकाशन विभाग, भारत सरकार, नई दिल्ली भारत की जनगणनाएं-1971, 1981, 1991, 2001, भारत सरकार, नई दिल्ली । दत्त एवं सुंदरम, भारतीय अर्थ व्यवस्था, रोजगार मंत्रालय, दिल्ली, (2005) डायरेक्टर ऑफ इंप्लायमेंट एण्ड ट्रेनिंग (1998), मिनिस्ट्री ऑफ लेबर, गवर्नमेंट ऑफ इंडिया, नई दिल्ली। इंप्लायमेंट रिव्यू (1999), जनवरी-मार्च अंक, श्रम मंत्रालय, नई दिल्ली। एन.एस.एस.ओ., 55वॉ राउंड, 1999-2000, नई दिल्ली । नेशनल कमीशन ऑन लेबर (2002), पूर्ववत् । सोशल वेल्फेयर (2001), सेंट्रल सोशल वेल्फेयर बोर्ड, नई दिल्ली श्रम मंत्रालय (1997), भारत सरकार, नई दिल्ली। योजना आयोग (2001), भारत सरकार, नई दिल्ली।

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Page #215

A Scene from Mrigavati
Bharat Kala Bhavan Collection, Varanasi
Fig. 9.1
A Page from Mrigavati Bharat Kala Bhavan Collection, Varanasi
लोगनवेर्गतासमस्य मनसाम लोगन बौनाव
सुयल गीलानाथनीमनी दौसी लगी हो अव जोगी
सनोज्ञानत्रम
जोगीनासजलापत्रम
सीपी मोतसंसन
यी तहगतल
मतभीतनजान
दीसी लोग प्रस्वधावा
गवती प्रेस नवसार
Fig. 9.2
Another Scene from Mrigavati
Bharat Kala Bhavan Collection, Varanasi
Fig. 9.3
गमती व
टीमवर महाद
Jijñāsā
देवकी
सासरानी खपले रा नही सर वगुली इस कहाव एक यकतेपा मनी बीलोनी को केटीक। लोनी सो ईजा ही पीडव के
मग काकाबंद घाडीला कारक होलको नभ
गंधमोती की काया गहीन साने सोपे सोपस रानीपो
/ 431
Fig. 9.4
最最上
मदी की सारी कार

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432
/
Jijñāsā
NAHARASHTRA
20'N
& S
ITE ESSES ILLANTEITES
P
NO ULTE ALI CONSTANT
HALAMETAS
AMENOG
TEST
Fig. 24.1. Geology of the Chhattisgarh
AN
Plate-24.1
A SALAS
Fig. 24.2. Geomorphology of the Chhattisgarh
Plate-24.2

Page #217

Jijñāsā
/ 433
Fig. 24.3
24 Padmatankas of Ramachandra
(1271-1309 A.D.)
Section across the Seonath River at Simga

Page #218

434 /
Jijñāsā
Google
Pl. 28.1A. General View of the mound of Pakkākot.
Pl. 28.1B. Location of Pakkākot and neighbouring
mound (Google Image).
Pl. 28.2A. Faunal Remains.
Pl. 28.2B. Floral Remain.
Pl. 28.3A. Defensive wall, Period IIIC.
Pl. 28.3B. Defensive wall, Period IIIC.

Page #219

Jijnäsä
/ 435
Pl. 28.4. Rooms of Period IV.
Pl. 28.5A. Structural Remains, Period IV.
Pl. 28.5B. Structural Remains, Period IV.
CMS
Pl. 28.6. Silver Figurine of Pre-Mauryan Period.
CM
PI.28.7. Beads of semi precious stones, Period IV.

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/
Jijñāsa
Pl. 28.10A. Copper coin of Period IV (Obverse).
Pl. 28.8. Sealings of Period IV.
Pl. 28.10B. Copper coin of Period IV (Reverse).
Pl. 28.9A. Copper Coin of Period IV (Obverse).
см
Pl. 28.9B. Copper Coin of Period IV (Reverse).
Pl. 28.11. Head of Siva, Period V.

Page #221

Jijñāsā
/ 437
CONTOUR PLAN OF PAKKAKOT
2013
DE-BALL
Fig.-28.1 (Contour Plan of Pakkākot)
Map-28.1 (Location Map of the site)
ULUcm.
FILLING
Flood deposit
Pd-LA
A
pd-11
PDNMR
NATURAL SOL
Fig. 28.2: Section looking east Trench 9, Mound 1

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Jijñāsā
50
100
GOING NORTH
BEOON
L
ABT
FLOOR
SATUR
FLOOR
Fitting
elele elele
FLOOR
PILA
LOA fost
Pd.lt
Fig. 28.5: Trench - XA3, Mound 2A
Fig. 28.3 Trench 23, section looking north,
Mound - 1
NLG NORTH
UN
elecolele
Pd
30
OVEN
pd
poole e 000 ole
Fig. 28.6: Trench XC3, Mound 2A
pd
PA
Fig. 28.4 Trench 6, section looking south,
Mound - 2

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Jijñāsā
/ 439
2
Fig. 30.1 Vessantara Jataka, Front View, North
Gate, Bottom Architrave, Sanchi Stupa 1
Fig. 30.5 Line Drawing of Vessantara Jataka, Cave
16, Ajanta, 5th century A.D., Maharashtra
Fig. 30.2 Vessantara Jataka, Bharhut, 2nd century B.C., Collection of the Indian Museum, Calcutta
Fig. 30.3 Vessantara Jataka, Amravati, 1st-3rd century A.D., Collection of the Government
Museum, Chennai
Fig. 30.6 Line Drawing of Vessantara Jataka, Cave
17, Ajanta, 5th century A.D., Maharashtra
Fig. 30.4 Vessantara Jataka, Goli, Collection of
the Government Museum, Chennai
Fig. 30.7 Vessantara Jataka, Cave 17, Ajanta, 5th
century A.D., Maharashtra

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440 / Jijñāsā
Fig. 30.8 Details of Jujaka and Vessantara,
Vessantara Jataka, Cave 17, Ajanta
Fig. 30.9 Identified as "Sivi Jataka', Gandhara,
Collection of British Museum
Fig. 30.10 Sarvamdada Avadana, Amravati, 3rd
century A.D.

Page #225

ATCOU
90
Fig. 30.11 Identified as 'Shivi Jataka', Amravati, 3rd century A.D.
Fig. 30.12 Identified as 'Shivi Jataka', The Museum, Nagarjunakonda
Jijñāsā / 441
Fig. 30.13 Line Drawing of Shivi Jataka, Cave 1, Ajanta, 5 century A.D., Maharashtra
Fig. 30.14 Line Drawing of Shivi Jataka, Cave 17, Ajanta, 5 century A.D., Maharashtra

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442/ Jijñāsā
Figure- 33.1
Figure- 33.3
Figure- 33.4
Figure- 33.2
Figure- 33.5

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Jijñāsā
/ 443
Painting 33.7
Painting 33.6

Page #228

444 / Jijñāsā
Figure 34.1: Panoramic view of Caita Jaina temples
Figure 34.2: Back view of temples 1-4
Figure 34.3: Front view of temples 1-4
Figure 34.4: Mandapikä Pillar coupled with base
Figure 34.5: Mandapikä Pillar
Figure 34.6: Side view of temple 5
Figure 34.7: Fragmentary artefacts in the collection of temple 5

Page #229

Figure 34.8: Sanctum Sanctorum of temple 5
Figure 34.9: Santinätha image of temple 5
Jijisa / 445
Figure 34.10: Pedestal with Upadhyāya figure
Figure 34.11: Padmavati

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446/ Jijñāsā
Figure 34.12: Ambika
Figure 34.13: Kālī
Northern
Madhya Pradesh
Dubkuns
Strate
Figure 34.14: Sarasvati
Guna
Salyers Desp
lunda Bodakb Shivpuri
Ashoknagar
Morena
Tumaln wher
Gupteshwar Gwalior
Bangla tinpur
Gilaulikhara
Farkan
Podarua (
al
Chanderi
sboron
charak
Sing
Bhind
Dotlo m
Jhans
Patterie
workers
me

Page #231

Jijñāsā
/ 447
Figure- 35.2
Figure-35.3
Figure- 35.1

Page #232

448
/
Jijñāsā
Figure- 35.4
Figure- 35.5

Page #233

Jijnasa
/
449
देवाकृति युक्त वृत्त-शिवगिरि मंदिर- दतिया (म.प्र.) (36)
गणेश
नरसिंह अवतार
आयुधधारी पंचमुखी महादेव मंदिर-ओरछा
नागपंचमी
क
MOOL
रक्षाबंधन

Page #234

450
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Jijnāsā
रामगढ़ शेखावाटी की हवेली 48.1
पनघट शैली कुऑ-लक्ष्मणगढ़ 48.4
चार चौंक की हवेली-लक्ष्मणमढ़ 48.2
श्री रघुनाथ मन्दिर-मेहनसर 48.5
रामगोपाल पौदार की छतरी-रामगढ़ शेखावाटी 48.3
फतेहसागर जोहडा-बग्गड़ 48.6

Page #235

26. Study of Ancient Indian Inscriptions
S.R. Goyal 27. Urban Centres and Urban forces in c. 600
900 CE Rajasthan/ Shanta Rani Sharma 28. Pakkākot: Revealing new Archaeological
Dimensions in Mid-Ganga Plain S.R.Dubey,G.K. Lama, A.K. Singh and
S.K. Singh 29. Sea Ports of Barbaricum and Barygaza :
_B.R. Mani 30. Dāna Päramita as Illustrated in Early Indian
Buddhist Art/ Anupa Pande 31. Goddess Vikata of Harshanātha, Sikar
R.C. Agrawal 32. Särda Temple at Maihar: An Epigraphical
Account/J.N. Pandey 33. Certain Specimens of Painting in Peshwa
Period / Varsha Shirgaonkar 34. Jain Temples of Caita
Arvind K. Singh & Navneet Kumar Jain 35. 'Dohada' AFolk-Lore in Ancient India __Late U.N.Roy 36. बुंदेलखंड की चित्रकला में लोक परम्परा का निर्वहन
संध्या पाण्डेय, अपर्णा अनिल 37. Dayanand Saraswati: Campaign for Social
Regeneration / Sangeeta Sharma 38. From Cultural Routes to Cultural Roots: Ibn
Battuta's observations of Fourteenth
Century North India / Sunita Zaidi 39. Encapsulated as Material Artistic Response:
Dr. Anuradha Rathore 40. The Collective Worlds of John Steinbeck,
Anantha Murthy and Raja Rao
Aruna Pandey 41. "Vahivanca ni ( Chronicler's) Vahi" - A
Study of Indian Culture / Balvant S. Jani 42. Dārā Shukoh: A Crown Prince in search of
Truth and Harmony / V.S. Bhatnagar 43. Pothikhna of Jaipur: Khas-Muhar
Late Pt. Gopal Narayan Bahura, Edited by
Chandra mani Singh 44. Asokan ideal of Dhamma Vijaya -
Pramila Sanghvi 45. ऋग्वेद की विदुषी नारियाँ / मधुलिका शर्मा 46. भारतीय राष्ट्रिकों द्वारा चीन का निर्माण
डॉ. धर्मचन्द चौबे 47. मारवाड़ की जल संस्कृति / महेन्द्र सिंह 48. शेखावाटी क्षेत्र के सांस्कृतिक विकास में व्यापारिक
मार्गों का योगदान / प्रमिला पूनिया 49. सल्तनत काल में प्रौद्योगिकी विकास
सी. एल. सिहाग 50.पूर्व मध्यकालीन उत्तर भारत की राजनीतिक व्यवस्थाः
विजया कुमारी 51.भारत में महिला श्रमिक : दशा एवं दिशा
मन्जु कुमारी जैन

Page #236
PUBLICATIONS OF DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND INDIAN CULTURE UNIVERSITY OF RAJASTHAN, JAIPUR (INDIA) JIJNASA A JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF IDEAS AND CULTURE 1. A JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF IDEAS AND CULTURE Vol. I Nos. 1-2 Editor : G.C. PANDE 200.00 Vol. I Nos. 3-4 Editor: G.C. PANDE 200.00 2. A JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF IDEAS AND CULTURE Vol. II Nos. 1-2 Editor: G.C. PANDE 200.00 Vol. II Nos. 3-4 Editor : V.S.BHATNAGER 200.00 3. A JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF IDEAS AND CULTURE Vol. III Editor: M.S.JAIN 200.00 4. A JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF IDEAS AND CULTURE Vol. IV Editor: S.K. GUPTA 200.00 5. A JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF IDEAS AND CULTURE Vol. V Editor: U.C. CHATURVEDI 200.00 6. A JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF IDEAS AND CULTURE Vol. VI Editor: U.C. CHATURVEDI 200.00 7. A JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF IDEAS AND CULTURE Vol. VII Editor: U.C. CHATURVEDI 200.00 8. A JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF IDEAS AND CULTURE Vol. VII Editor : R.K. PANT 200.00 9. A JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF IDEAS AND CULTURE Vol. IX Editor : R.K. PANT 200.00 10. A JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF IDEAS AND CULTURE Vol. X Editor: R.K. PANT 2 00.00 11. A JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF IDEAS AND CULTURE Vol. XI-XIV Editor:B.L. GUPTA 200.00 12. A JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF IDEAS AND CULTURE Vol. XV-XVI Editor: Chief R.S. MEENA 200.00 MONOGRAPHS 1. JAIN THOUGHT AND CULTURE Editor: G.C. PANDE 150.00 2. DEMOGRAPHIC MOBILITY & SOCIAL EQUILIBRIUM IN WESTERN INDIA Editor: M.S.JAIN 120.00 3. TRADITIONAL ORIGINS OF THE INDIAN RENAISSANCE By G.C. PANDE 50.00 4. CHANGING PERSPECTIVE INDIAN CULTURE Editor:S.K. GUPTA 200.00 ISSN: 0377-743-X Rs 4000/-(Set Price)