Jambu Jyoti

Author(s): M A Dhaky, Jitendra B Shah
Publisher: Kasturbhai Lalbhai Smarak Nidhi Ahmedabad
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/006503/1

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Jambu-jyoti (Munivara Jambuvijaya Festschrift) Editors M. A. Dhaky J. B. Shah Shresthi Kasturbhai Lalbhai Smarak Nidhi Ahmedabad-380 004. (Gujarat) INDIA Selle lion international www.jame brary.org

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JAMBU-JYOTI

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Shresthi Kasturbhai Lalbhai Smarak Nidhi (Ahmedabad) General Editor Jitendra B. Shah VOLUME-7

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Jambu-jyoti (Munivara Jambuvijaya Festschrift) Editors M. A. Dhaky J. B. Shah Shresthi Kasturbhai Lalbhai Smarak Nidhi Sharadaben Chimanbhai Educational Research Centre 'Darshan Opp. Ranakpur Society Shahibaug Ahmedabad-380 004 (Gujarat State) INDIA

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Shresthi Kasturbhai Lalbhai Smarak Nidhi Vol.7 Jambu-jyoti (Munivar Jambuvijaya Festschrift) Editors M. A. Dhaky J. B. Shah Published by J. B. Shah Shresthi Kasturbhai Lalbhai Smarak Nidhi Sharadaben Chimanbhai Educational Research Centre 'Darshan' Opp. Ranakpur Society Shahibaug Ahmedabad-380 004 (Gujarat State) INDIA Phone : 079-22868739. Fax : 079-22862026 E-mail : sambodhi@sify.com Website : www.scerc.org (c) Shresthi Kasturbhai Lalbhai Smarak Nidhi Price : Rs. 800-00 Computer Type Setting Sharadaben Chimanbhai Educational Research Centre 'Darshan' Opp. Ranakpur Society Shahibaug Ahmedabad-380 004 (Gujarat State) INDIA Printer Shivkrupa Offset Printers 27, Amrut Ind. Estate Opp. Dudheswar Water Tank Dudheswar, Ahmedabad-4. Phone : 25623828, 25625698

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Foreword With considerable delight and profound reverence, our Centre proffers this Felicitatory Volume to Muni Sri Jambuvijayaji who is held in esteem both in India and in the West by scholars specialized in the fields of Indology and Jainology. We feel indebted to the scholars who have contributed to this Volume, several of whom, we are aware, must have worked for months in conducting indepth research to produce insightful results in their articles which they, on our request, sent as a token of their appreciation and respect for Muniji. We wish to thank them all. We would also like to thank the two learned editors of this Volume--Prof. M. A. Dhaky and Dr. Jitendra Shah-as well as the Centre's staff who assisted at the production level. Ajay Chimanbhai Trustee Sharadaben Chimanbhai Educational Research Centre Ahmedabad. 1st May, 2004 000

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Editors' Preface Over seven years ago, we had approached Munivara Jambuvijayaji with a request to allow us to plan a festschrift in his honour. Muniji, much to our disappointment, firmly declined. We, however, persevered in our efforts at persuading him for the next two years. After going through the research publications of this Centre, he at last conceded but on three conditions : There must not appear his biographical sketch, nor words of praise for him; nor will be included his photograph in the Volume. We conceded. We next invited some 25 scholars, the response of at least 17 was positive: some could not contribute because of other commitments on hand, and a few others then were indisposed. We feel grateful to the scholars for their learned articles appearing in the present Volume, which they sent by way of their appreciation for the Muniji's contributions to the Jaina agamic and Indian darsanic fields of research in general and the esteem in which they hold him. We feel that the findings and conclusions they had reached as the end-products of their research will be hailed as usefully contributive to the field of Jainological/ Indological studies. Muniji, too, we hope, will be pleased to read the erudite writings, several of which are commendably substantial and, most of them are non-sectarian in intent and orientation. It is hoped, these writings will advance the frontiers of knowledge in some areas and some specific aspects of Indological and Jainistic studies. At the Centre, we were assisted in our task by Shri Akhilesh Mishra and Mrs. Purvi G. Shah at type-setting and laser-printing and Shri Naranbhai Patel at proof-reading. We are also grateful to the Shivkrupa Offset Printers, Ahmedabad, for their efforts at ensuring quality printing. There has been a long, indeed inordinate delay in the Volume appearing in print; this happened thanks to the reasons / factors beyond our control. We crave indulgence of the learned contributors for the tardiness which is as unforgivable as was, we regret, unavoidable. M. A. Dhaky J. B. Shah

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Contents Foreword Editors' Preface 1. Jainism vis-a-vis Brahmanism 2. 'Adda' or the Oldest Extant Dispute between Jains and Heretics (Suyagada 2, 6). Part One 3. 'Asati' in the Alagaddupamasutta 4. On 'Anandyamano yad anannam atti" ch. up. 4.3.7 5. Paninian Sutras of the Type artsfa dRzyate 6. Arya Bhadrabahu 7. The Date of Kasayapahuda 8. Correlation of Jaina Inscriptions with Sthaviravalis 9. Notes on Some Words in Oberlies 'Avasyaka-Studien Glassar' 12. Grammatical Riddles from Jain Works 13. 'Antarvyapti' Interpreted in Jainism. Ajay Chimanbhai M. A. Dhaky J. B. Shah Bansidhar Bhatt W. B. Bollee Ernst Steinkellner M. A. Mehendale George Cardona M. A. Dhaky K. R. Chandra 10. Who is the Author of the Pancasutra : Cirantanacarya or Yakinisunu Haribhadra ? candrasuri 11. The Humanism of Haribhadra U. P. Shah H. C. Bhayani Acarya Vijaysila Christian Lindtner Nalini Balbir Atsushi Uno 1 48 85 89 91 108 156 163 179 183 203 269 310

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10 14. Some Jain Versions of the 'Act of Truth' Theme Paul Dundas 324 15. Sanskrit Sub-story and Subhasitas in the Prakrit 'Paumappaha sami-Cariyam' of Siri Devasuri N. M. Kansara 335 16. Significance of New Inscriptions from Koppala in Karnataka Hampa Nagarajaiah 354 17. Hemaraj Pande's Caurasi Bol Padmanabh S. Jaini 374 18. How Jains Know What They Know : A Lay Jain Curriculum John E. Cort 399 19. Two Caityaparipatis related to 'Citrakuta' tirtha Jitendra Shah 414 000

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Jainism vis-a-vis Brahmanism Bansidhar Bhatt 1) Introductory : Jainism is known for its ahimsa-ideal and karmadoctrine. Also, transmigration of the souls and wandering ascetic life are the additional ideas attributed to Jainism. Almost all scholars of Jaina community consider the Vedic or the Brahmanical texts lacking in the origins of ahimsa-ideal, karma-theory, transmigration of the souls and asceticism, and try to establish Jainism to be originated from an early non-Vedic, or say, pre-Vedic culture. Without entering into the pros and cons of such a hypothesis, we intend in this paper to supply passages from the earliest strata of the Svetambara Jaina Canon and passages parallel to them from the Brahmanical texts in order to illustrate mutual resemblances between the two types of literature, and moreover as "Prolegomena" to these parallels, we mention relevant views in summary form for showing how and in which situation the reform religions-Ajivikism, Jainism, Buddhism, etc.-came into existence in India. The texts of the Svetambara Jaina Canon selected for the parallel passages are the Acaranga-sutra, the Sutrakrtanga-sutra, the Uttaradhyayana-sutra, the Dasavaikalika-sutra and the Rsibhasitani. They generally belong to an early period ranging from the earliest period c. B. C. 3rd cent. to the latest period c. 6th cent. A. D. in the history of the Jaina literature, whereas, most of the corresponding Brahmanical passages are earlier than and some of them are at least contemporary to the Jaina passages as a whole. (2) Limitations : We mention here precisely the views of some scholars from their analytical studies of early Brahmanical and Buddhist texts, but we have to refrain from including the analytical details into the scope of

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Bansidhar Bhatt Jambu-jyoti this short paper. The readers are requested to refer to the studies concerned for such details. Some important studies discussing Vedic / Brahmanical origins of ahimsa, karma-theory, transmigration of the souls, asceticism, etc. are grouped roughly in some heads and are included in I.... Bibliography : (2) at the end of this paper, for a ready reference. Parallels from the contemporary Buddhists texts could not be included, and the protocanonical texts of the Digambara Jainas being relatively younger than the Jaina texts under consideration, also have been neglected in the present paper. Ban: Besides, we are not keen in supplying passages containing merely ideological resemblances, so far as some themes / descriptions of hells or hellish sufferings, religious suicide, rules and regulations for speech, the begging-tour, food and drink, etc. are concerned. Our main aim here is to project simply the most of the Jaina passages in the foreground and conspicuously to shed some light on them. The study of the type is an imperative and, to the best of our knowledge, it as yet has been unaccomplished in the field of Jainism. Prolegomena (3) Two Aryan Immigrations :- The early Aryan immigrants had settled before the next Aryan immigrants came to India. The early Aryans adhering to their conservative Indo-Aryan character had established some spiritual centres in surrounding areas in the north-west and in the east. They also had preserved their simple ritual customs and ancient dialects (cp. Horsch. pp. 418-419, 478 foll.). It is assumed that, in the complex structure of the Vedic society, many archaic traits of early Aryan tribal life might have disappeared, few of them by chance might be determined by means of studies of other traits of a successively integrated tribal life. (Op. also Parpola-1975 footnote 46 and Parpola-1973. See also his article : "The Coming of the Aryans to Iran and India......" Studia Orientalia, Cf. Helsinki 1988 pp. 195-302, Reviewed by K. R. Norman, Acta Orien, Upsula, 513, 1990 pp. 238-296). (4) The Atharva-veda :- Though the Atharva-veda has some unorthodox character in its contents, its language and meters prove its

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Jainism vis-a-vis Brahmanism ancient character in the Vedic literature. Its household rituals belong to the profane or popular customs, on the verge of the Vedic orthodoxy. It is mentioned alongwith the other three Vedas in the Satapatha-Brahmana, before Buddhism came into existence. The Atharvaveda does represent the Brahmanical culture as a whole (cp. Horsch. pp. 45-54). It was spread from the north-west slowly to the midland India and the east. It was not known in the period before the existence of Buddhism (cp. Horsch. p. 63. See also Tsujs Review on his monograph). It was generally known as the ksatraveda, the Veda of the warriors, and was connected with the Vratyas (cp. Horsch. p. 428, Matas. p. 10 and footnote 40). 3 (5) The Vratyas:- The Vratyas are the members of the non-brahmanical cult of the Aryan origin. They are wandering ksatriyas originally of the northwest, probably Kuru-Pancalas, precursors of the diksitas, later of the Saivaites. They possess pure religious character and are much nearer to the Brahmanism in their thinking (cp.Horsch. pp. 401-402, 408). They are considered amongst the condemned brahmins of the east-Magadha, since they lost their contact with the orthodoxy (Horsch. p. 419). Particularly, the Vratyastoma ceremony is meant for their purification at the beginning of, and return from their royal expeditions. They are respected persons (arhan, divya, etc.). They organized samghas for their cult. They are distinguished by their priestly and royal functions, both at a time, but are not concerned directly with the new Brahmanical systems of the Aryavarta. The Vratyas are unorthodox in behaviour due to their contact with the earlier Aryans migrated to India. They spoke very old dialects (Horsch. p. 418, cp. Heesterman-1962, Parpola-1975 footnote 46.) (6) Early Upanisads - Early Upanisadic doctrines originated in the extremely esoteric Brahmanical environment and were exclusively confined to intimate circles. The Upanisadic thinkers resorted to solitary places in order to get probably a bit of free thinking, secluded from the ritualistic surroundings. But it seems that the speculative ideas of the early Upanisads emerging from within the ritualism could not altogether resist its hold. The esoteric ideas being confined to restricted circles in solitary places developed independently and show no influences of contemporary heterodox ideas developing even in the same geographical regions (Horsch. p. 400).

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Bansidhar Bhatt Jambu-jyoti (7) Early Disputants :- Many disputants found in the Vedic literature or in some Upanisadic debates might more or less be classified among the unorthodox thinkers or "heretics". Their speculative ideas deserve further investigations, whether these independent thinkers were Aryans or not, whether and how their ideas originated independently, or irrespective of, or during various debates held within the orthodox brahmanical pockets (cp. Smith interalia). Certainly, among these disputants, some might be learned brahmins themselves including the indigenous aryanized thinkers (cp. Kuiper, pp. 8, 96), some from the Aryan masses and some might be natives or the nonAryans as well (cp. Matas. p. 88). (8) The Upanisadic Philosophy :- The esoteric doctrine of the punarmrtyu is pre-Buddhist and originated in its primitive for the early Upanisads. It was not recognized in the east. Its germs are found in devayana=pitryana descriptions of the early Brahmanical literature. Influence of the native thinkers on such Upanisadic thoughts is almost ruled out. In the same way, notions of karma and samsara, and their binding character were originated and developed in their own way in the Brahmanical literature (cp. Horsch. p. 476). These Upanisadic doctrines somehow were permeated more or less by the ritualistic ideas, and remained effective for only small speculative circles (cp. Horsch. 197). (9) Asceticism, karma, ahimsa :- Also, the ideas about renunciating the world or asceticism connected with the karma-theory and ahimsa are originated from the Vedic or Brahmanical literature. Heesterman has rightly observed that the renunciatory ideas, though similar in character but different in forms were prevalent among the Vedic Aryans and also among their contemporary non-Vedic or heterodox groups of thinkers, e.g. sramanas, the influence, if any, of the latter on the existing Brahmanical ideas carries too minor an importance to bring about any revolutionary ideas within the religious thinking pattern of the Aryans (Heesterman1962 pp. 24, 27; 1964 pp. 1-32: 1985 p. 40; cp. Horsch. p. 401, footnote 1; Wezler. p. 110, footnote 304; p. 127; and Bhatt-Rome, p. 32). Gerow and Tull studied the Vedic-Brahmanical texts for the karmatheory and showed its origins from these texts (cp. Horsch. pp. 298 foll., 478 foll., and 1971; Bodewitz, Schmithausen-1994). Alsdorf (1961) and

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Jainism vis-a-vis Brahmanism Schmidt (1968) contributed to the history of ideas about ahimsa and demonstrated the origins and development of ahimsa in the VedicBrahmanical literature (cp. also Heesterman-1984, Schmithausen-1991, Smith. pp. 189 foll.). 5 (10) Ksatriyaisation: The ksatriyas had a powerful hold over the early Vedic society. It was extended from the social to the spiritual spheres. Since an opening of an office of the clergyman (purohita: royal chaplain or house-priest) at the royal courts, the philosophy of the brahmins was much influenced by that of the ksatriyas, who appeared also as teachers in the ancient geneologies of teachers. They were liberal in belief, but faithful to the brahmanical theology. They remained in contact with the common masses, the native inhabitants and their beliefs, more often than with the priestly families. As a result, some local autochthon nobles or princes were influenced by and probably believed in the Aryan faith (cp. Horsch. p. 447). Royal family members could also act as priests in some ceremonies of ancient times. The ksatriyas were initiators of philosophical problems during the ritualistic debates. They offered new speculative ideas in contradistinction to the lucrative ritualistic theology of the brahmins. They surpassed the brahmins even in the matter of intelligent philosophical speculations on transmigration of the souls, law of karma, brahman-atman thinking and the ultimate release from the mundane existence (cp. Horsch., pp. 447 foll.). In this connection, Matas' scholarly observations on the Rgvedic society are worthy of note. According to him, "suris" (the lordly elite; later: ksatriyas) opposed to one another, and "aris" (the religious elite, later: brahmins) also opposed to one another. Both these groups of the elite have their own rsis, the suri-led rsis and the ari-led rsis, and were loyal to their groups. The suris, typical warrior leaders, enjoyed more social prestige in many cases than their counterparts the aris, the clan-chiefs. But in the matter of hierarchy, the latter were superior to the former (Matas, pp. 12-14, also pp. 150.foll.). (11) Aryans' Eastward March :- Kuiper considers: "The Rgvedic society consisted of several different ethnic components, who participated in the same cultural life." (p. 8) and adds that the natives of the Indus Valley seem to have been aryanized and had spread eastwards during

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Jambu-jyoti the first millennium B. C. (cp. Kuiper. p. 95 and F. R. Allchin-1982 p. 332 cited). Moreover, eastern India was familiar to the Aryans in about 1200900 B. C. even before the later parts of the Satapatha-Brahmana came into existence (cp. Horsch. pp. 276-277; Smith. p. 153). During this period, the nobles and other persons of the border regions and isolated pockets lived a social and spiritual life of an antique form. They successively stimulated their non-Aryan neighbours of the border regions, spread their spiritual conservatism, and ultimately developed centres for a new spiritual life in the east. The Situation in the East : : (12) The Aryans - The situation, particularly in the east, deserves special attention. The Aryans, due to their eastward advance, lost contact with the orthodoxy of the west and even of the Gangetic regions. They integrated themsevles and lived in harmony with the native inhabitants, while adhering to their Brahmanical faith-to the classical form of the Brahmanism of the time (cp. Horsch. pp. 418 foll.). The Aryans were orthodox, which means that they as yet had not lost their faith in whatsoever form of the classical Brahmanism, and at the same time, it can be said that they were going far from the orthodoxy, since their contact with the orthodox ritualists was lost or had been loose, their faith in it was getting relaxed. 6 Bansidhar Bhatt (13) Language:- Prakritic languages / dialects replaced the classical Sanskrit by the end of the Nanda dynasty and at the rise of the Mauryan empire. The class/caste distinctions (varnas) in the society became loose, indeed not so rigid and strict as the traditional orthodox literature of the time describes (cp. Smith. p. 198). (14) Aryan-non-Aryan Interaction: Various eastern inhabitants outnumbered the Aryans and/ or the aryanized ones. The conservative Aryans could not influence the non-Aryans. Among the easterners might be included the natives and many migrating from the neighbouring areas. Most of them might be heterodox, not believing in the Vedic ritualism, some of them might be antithetic or inert in their belief and behaviour, while some would be resisting, retarding, or submissive to the orthodoxy. But on the whole, the Aryans adjusted themselves with others in almost. every sphere of life.

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Jainism vis-a-vis Brahmanism (15) Small Confederations - Small confederations (janapadas) in the east favoured an aristocratic form of government in about the 6th cent. B. C., the brahmins were graded next to the ksatriyas in the hierarchy. All members of the newly urbanized areas around the Gangetic Valley enjoyed freedom and peace, and several nobles in their leisure and luxury could offer many speculative ideas with new perspectives in ethics, renunciation of the world, the yoga-methods, etc. in lieu of the sacrificial technics. The orthodox ritualists or the priestly-classes lost their hold on the intelligent classes of the nobles of the east. Almost all persons enjoyed political freedom and lived in leisure and luxury (cp. pp. 480-481). 7 (16) Ideological Upheaval :- The intelligent class expressed earnest desire to be free from the wordly sufferings. Almost every one tolerated the traditional values, even an orthodox authority so long as they were restricted to a normal social life, but could never do so at the cost of the spiritual values. People knew it for certain that, irrespective of their caste and creed, it was their right to be free from the samsaric bondage. It was considered the supreme goal to be achieved by all human beings, it cannot be achieved through rituals. Such a stand was supported by the prosperous classes of the society, the nobles and the ksatriyas. (17) Esoteric vss. Exoteric - The Upanisadic debates, on the other hand, got royal support and solid footing in the royal courts. Metaphysical ideas were discussed in debates. Both, the orthodox and the heterodox alike, freely took part in intellectual and philosophical discussions. It proved a kind of anti-ritual reaction in which almost all, even the brahmins of the east were engaged (cp. Smith. p. 150). The leisure and luxury of the city-culture noticeable in the Jaina and the Buddhistic Canon remained absolutely in the background of the Upanisadic doctrines (cp. Horsch. p. 481). (18) Reform in Sanskrit :- Many independent thinkers advanced some speculative ideas in public in about the 6th cent. B. C. against the orthodox Vedic Ritualism (cp. Horsch, pp. 465-466). Many of these thinkers were ksatriyas of the Aryan Society. They played a significant role in setting forth philosophical ideas during the controversial discussions on rituals in and around the late Upanisadic period. They incorporated in the sacred texts some early unpopular and uncommon but anti-ritual ideas together with the earlier ideas of some personalities of historical importance; e.g.

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Jambu-jyoti Yajnavalkya and others-who were much known for their views in the orthodox circles (cp. Horsch. pp. 388 foll.)-in order to get the new ideas easily sanctioned by the orthodoxy. 8 Bansidhar Bhatt Subsequently, the literary activities of the intelligent scholiasts of the early formative period were in full swing with new speculative antiritual ideas and interpretations of the Brahmanical texts. They enlarged the bulk of the literature, namely the epics, the puranas, etc. by inserting in it from time to time the reflective ideas of other texts on the Samkhya, Vedanta or Buddhist philosophies. Such a later Sanskrit literature obviously shows influence of the early texts in Prakrits, such as the Jatakas, the Dhammapadas, etc. (cp. Doctrine., SSSS 10-11). (19) Reform in Prakrits :-Early in the 7th cent., B. C. developed a kind of literature of the commons, e.g. the Jatakas, the Dhammapadas, etc. which contained, as a matter of fact, nothing specifically Buddhist, but generally Indian narratives in the epic gathas full of wisdom. This kind of folk's literature remained as a source material on the one side for the orthodoxy to develop the classical literature in Sanskrit, e.g. later Hindu texts epics, puranas, etc. and on the other side, for the early Buddhist and Jaina scholiasts to develop their canonical texts in Prakrits in order to attract laypersons from the masses (cp. Horsch. p. 462 with footnote 1). (20) Caste-system and the Sudras: It should also be remarked that the Sudras no more swarmed into heresies. The role of the Sudras in spiritualreligious life was much restricted. They were connected with itihasas and puranas. As stated above in (13), the caste distinctions in the society were in fact loose, and not so rigid as the orthodox treatises describe. We hardly find any attack of the reformists on the caste-system giving injustice, particularly to the Sudras. Ksatriyas ranked themselves higher than even the brahmins in the hierarchy. But, on the whole, all persons gave much importance to spiritual values which relied not on birth, caste, and wealth, or on the knowledge of the religious scriptures alone, but on moral character and renunciatory attitude (cp. Horsch. pp. 445, 447; Smith. pp. 153-154, 196, 198). (21) "Ksatriya Revolution" :- The ideological upheaval as described in the foregoing paragraphs (from 16 to 20) can be designated as the first

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Jainism vis-a-vis Brahmanism "ksatriya revolution", because the ksatriyas played a significant role from the beginning in initiating philosophical ideas in the Vedic/Brahmanical literature and also in the east. This revolution paved a way for the ensuing one of a democratic type (see below) which reached its culmination during the period of the Ajivika : Gosala, the Buddha, the Mahavira, and the others. The reformists prescribed their own precepts for their followers who were mostly sramanas, and borrowed some material from the literature of the commons for their laypersons who, due to which, appeared to have been "hinduised", since such a material of the folk's literature was borrowed and inserted also in the orthodox scriptures of the Hindus (cp. Horsch. p. 467). (22) The Buddhists and the Jainas : - Most of the speculative ideas developed in the east have been somehow survived in the Jatakas, the Dhammapadas, and also in the early canonical literature of the Jainas and the Buddhists. But these scholiasts had no direct contact with, or sufficient knowledge of the existing orthodox Brahmanical texts. On the contrary, they remained confined to their organisations and had superficial and limited contact with the brahmanical circles of only the lower and popular strata (cp. Horsch. pp. 64-67, 462 with footnote 1). Under the circumstances, many speculative ideas in various dialects of the time developed within the boundaries of the popular strata, and are conspicuous for their mutual influences on contents and forms (Horsch. p. 363). (23) Democratization in Reform : -- It has been stated above (18-19, 21-22) that the literature of the commons had influenced both : the literature of the orthodox Aryans as also that of the Jainas and the Buddhists. This can be called a second revolution-a democratic reform, in which all the elite actually accepted and utilised the popular thought-material and evaluated it on par with their ideas in social and spiritual spheres (cp. Horsch. pp. 481-482). (24) Sanskrit-Prakrit Parallels : As such, to get mutually resembling passages from the later orthodox texts and the Jaina or the Buddhist texts is just a matter of course. But to trace them also from the early Brahmanical texts and especially from the early Jaina texts is not altogether difficult, such an effort in point of fact is rewarding. We sometimes can have from them verbal common expressions, and sometimes passages similar in ideas.

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Bansidhar Bhatt Jambu-jyoti Resemblances, ideological or verbal, from the early Brahmanical texts would suggest some kind of mutual communications between the contemporary orthodoxy and some intelligent persons, probably the elite, the nobles, and others. But it is a fact that the passages show some similarities, the Sanskrit passages sometime do belong genuinely to the early strata of the Brahmanical texts, or they are at least earlier than the corresponding Prakrit passages from the Jaina texts. The Brahmanical passages of the type can hardly be ruled out as merely later ones, e.g. Section 1 (41) : 10 aMdhA tamasi viyAhitA ( v. 1 : tanaM paviTTA... acara I. 180. cp... : ff... BdAUp. 4. 4. 10 SpBr 14. 7. 2. 13 andhaM pravizanti.... = IsaUp. 9, 12. Sutrakrta 1. 11. 33. *** Section 2 (11) :- Visam 40 cp.....f (25) Earlier Studies: With an incentive of reevaluating the early Jaina texts from this particular angle, we studied some parallels and published the material precisely in 1989 (Bhatt 1989), and with some details in 1995 in Gujarati (Bhatt 1995). Moreover, we presented an analytical study of early Jaina texts for the origin and development of the 12 anuvekkhas and traced parallels also from the Brahmanical texts (Bhatt 1994). But in this paper we present only the parallels in a simple catalogue form and put the entire material before the scholars for proper examination, and we request them to refer to our above-stated studies for a detailed. treatment of the passages in question. = ... Isa.Up. 1 (25) Parallels not Discussed It is true, issues arising out of the parallelism invariably demand analytical study of the parallel passages and examination of important views held by some scholars about the texts or passages concerned. Such a critical study is indispensable when the views are directly concerned with problems whether our passages traced as parallels from the texts-especially from the Brahmanical texts-show relatively an earlier character or not. This line of inquiry is intentionally not pursued here obviously for more than one reason. First, the expected study which by itself has the character of a monograph, could not be linked even in its summary form with.

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Jainism vis-a-vis Brahmanism the parallels in a short paper like this. (We hope, such a study will be presented on some other occasion in the future.) Besides, the following factors have also been taken into our account. Some scholars have shown interest in tracing textual parallels of the type and studied them critically (for a list of some such scholars, see Bhatt 1996). Such a trend in researches is still in its infancy, and probably not known to the scholars in this part of the world where most of the research writings from abroad is somehow unobtainable. In view of the mutually related character of the ancient Indian literature, this bare material might at the initial stage generate interest among the scholars who are except Hindi or their native language-not conversant with the English language and also with old or new research material of non-Indian origin (because of this reason, we had to resort quite often at intervals to Hindi -the national language of India---in order to explain to the scholars the contents of this paper, while delivering it before them at the All-India Oriental Conference, Prakrit and Jainism Section, January 1997, at the Jadhavpur University, Calcutta, India), and finally we consciously and determinantly endeavoured to get the textual parallels in Sanskrit-Prakrit published in Nagari (instead of their transliteration in Roman) character, so that this paper might be relatively useful to all scholars--those who do not understand or read English, and also those who are not much used to read properly the transliterated parallels in Roman script. (26) Interdisciplinary Character :- As do the Buddhist so also the Jaina texts show some impacts of the early Brahmanism; they developed, certainly not without any impact. Early Jaina passages evidently show no repugnance to the Brahmanical groups of ascetics and to Brahmanical ideology either. This will be clear from the Catalogue of Parallels supplied separately at the end of this paper. Last, but not the least, in the situation where almost every field of Indological studies, particularly the Jainological and Brahmanical ones, is built up in such water-tight compartments, that no idea of their interdisciplinary character is let in, our title at the outset combining two disciplines, namely Jainism and Brahmanism shall, we hope, attract and incite the readers of both the disciplines at a time to break through the barriers created between various studies, e.g. traditional-modern, Indian

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12 Bansidhar Bhatt Jambu-jyoti foreign, Sanskrit-Prakrit, Jainism-Brahmanism, and so on, after they have even a cursory reading of our Catalogue of Parallels at the end of this paper. The Catalogue of Parallels Explanation : (a) Jaina Texts :-- The five Jaina texts selected for the Catalogue of Parallels are the earliest ones in the history of Jaina literature. They are 1. Ayara (Skt. Acara, = Ac.), 2. Suyagada (Skt. Sutraketa, = Su.), 3. Uttarajjhaya (Skt. Uttaradhyayana, = Utt.), 4. Dasaveyaliya (Skt. Dasavaikalika, - Dasa.) and 5. Isibhasiyaim (Skt. Rsibhasitani, = Rs), Acara's First Part (suyakkhandha, Skt. srutaskandha called Bambhacera, Skt. Brahmacarya) and Sutrakrta's First Part are given due importance, but their Second Parts are almost ignored for the present purpose. Besides, from other Jaina texts, some passages resembling with any of the passages of the above stated five texts are casually cited. (This is partly because of their relative lateness and sometimes secondary character.) We use Sanskrit names instead of the original Prakrit names of the Jaina texts for the sake of brevity. The Sanskrit names, moreover, are popular and often in use also among the Jaina scholiasts. (b) Sections :- The Acara, being the earliest of all the texts, has been given prime importance and the first place in the Catalogue, and next comes the Sutrakrta which is followed respectively by the Uttaradhyayana, the Dasavaikalika and the Rsibhasitani. The Uttaradhyayana has been offered the third place and before Dasavaikalika, because it contains many passages resembling with Brahmanical passages. On the contrary, the Dasavaikalika and the Rsibhasitani contain rather scanty amount of passages that parallel with the Brahmanical ones. Therefore, the passages of both these texts are included in one Section split up in to two parts. The Rsibhasitani being viewed apart from the first four "senior" texts of the Jaina Canon, is given the last place in the textual order. Thus, the five Jaina texts are allotted Sections 1-4 in the following order : Section 1. Section 2 Section 3 Section 4. Acara. Sutrakrta. Uttaradhyayana. A. Dasavaikalika, and B. Rsibhasitani.

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Jainism vis-a-vis Brahmanism 13 Each section contains passages of only one Jaina text; Section 1 being exclusively meant for the Acara, contains passages invariably from the Acara; in the same way, Section 2 covers passages exclusively from the Sutrakrta, and likewise sections 3-4 contain passages respectively from the Uttaradhyayana (Section 3), the Dasavaikalika (Section 4-A) the and Rsibhasitani (Section 4-B) as per given textual order. (c) Units :-- The Sections 1-4 consist of "units" which are given serial numbers. The following factors constitute a unit : 1. A unit contains at least one Jaina passage which is comparable with any Brahmanical passage in words or/and ideas. 2. A unit sometime may contain two or more than two Jaina passages showing some sort of mutual similarity in words or/ and ideas. 3. Two or more than two Jaina passages differing from each other in words or / and ideas are included each in separate units, provided they fulfil the condition 1 stated above--i.e. resemblance with Brahmanical passages. 4. A unit contains at least one or more than one Brahmanical passage which somehow resembles in word or/and ideas with the Jaina passage(s) which the unit contains. All passages running parallel to and coming after a Jaina or a Brahmanical passage are indicated by the mark : + at their beginning in order to point them out separately at a glance in a unit. The units are not arranged according to the nature of Jaina passages, e.g. literary, philosophical, ethical, etc. A pair of cases of parallels from the classical Sanskrit literature is casually shown into square brackets, and some cases of parallels from the Buddhist sources are just referred to into brackets after the Brahmanical passages. The units in a section may contain Jaina passages from any of the chapters or sutras of the text concerned. (d) Criterion for Similar Passages :- Mutually resembling passages of a particular Jaina text can without any problem be included into appropriate units of a Section of that text, since the Jaina text, the units and the passages, all belong to one and the same Section. But, mutually resembling passages from two or more than two Jaina texts present

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14 Bansidhar Bhatt Jambu-jyoti problems in deciding on a particular Section into whose units the passages should be included. In the situation, we followed the above criterion in (b) for an allotment of Sections, namely a Jaina text of early character comes before the others of late character. Here also, we first decided which one of these texts stands first, prior to the other ones in questions, or, which Jaina text occupies a Section preceding in order, and then we included the resembling passages of other texts into appropriate units of that Section of the Jaina text which stands ahead of others in order. In this way, unnecessary details and repetitions are avoided. The criterion we followed is not suggestive of temporality--contemporary or early or late character of any of the passages included into a unit. In short, Jaina passages of Sections 1-4 resembling with any of the Jaina passages of Section 1 are included into (appropriate units of) Section 1. Similarly, resembling Jaina passages of Sections 2-4 are included into Section 2, of Sections 3-4 into Section 3, of Section 4: A-B into its Part A, and of its Part B remain in their own Part B. (e) Brahmanical Passages in Units: - The Jaina passage(s) in a unit must be followed by any number of Brahmanical passages which somehow are resembling in words or / and ideas with the former ones. We normally use an abbreviation "cp." (= compare !) before the Brahmanical passages. It suggests that the Jaina passages are comparable with the Brahmanical ones. Thus, a unit opens with any number of Jaina passages and ends with any number of Brahmanical passages and displays their mutual resemblances. Our Catalogue of Parallels does not exhaustively cover all passages or parallels. We could have collected probably a few more passages of the type from both, the Brahmanical and the Jaina literature. But such an exhaustive collection hardly would have added something to the main issue of this paper, namely an orientation in Jainism in relation to Brahmanism. This will be fruitful even with the Catalogue registering an optimum number of passages-nearly 300 Jaina and 350 Brahmanical ones accommodated in some 125 units.

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Jainism vis-a-vis Brahmanism Section 1 : Acaranga-sutra Units : (1) puratthimAo vA disAo Agato ahamaMsi, dAhiNAo..., paccatthimAo.., uttarAto..., uDDAto.., adhedisAto vA Agato ahamaMsi.. (Ac. I. 1) Cp.... adhastAdaham, upariSThAdahaM pazcAdahaM purastAdahaM dakSiNato'ham, uttarato'ham, evedaM sarvagiti... (Ch. Up. 7. 25. 1) (Sv. Up. 1. 1) (Ch. Up. 7. 10. 2) ( Ac. I. 89) (Dasa. 5. 2. 6) ( Rs. 43. 1) (Ms. 6. 57) (Ndpv. Up. 5. 6) (Ac I. 122) (Dasa. 4. 9) ( Rs. 45.18) (Su. I. 11. 33 ) (Su. I. 12. 18) + kutaH sma jAtA... + ....imA sarvA prajA sata Agatya na viduH sata AgacchAmaha iti.... (2) lAbho tti Na majjejjA alAbho tti Na soejjA... + alAbho tti na soejjA... + lAbhammi jeNa sumaNo alAbhe Neva dummaNo... Cp. alAbhe na viSAdI syAllAbhazcainaM na harSayet... + alAbhe na viSAdI syAllAbhe caiva na hRSyate... (3) Atato bahiyA pAsa.. + savvabhUyappabhUyassa sammaM bhUyAi pAsao, ... NAvaM kamma na baMdhaI. + sae dehe jahA hoti evaM savvesi dehiNaM... + tesiM attuvamAe thAmaM kuvvaM parivvae... + je Attao pAsai savvaloe... Cp. yastu sarvANi bhUtAnyAtmanyevAnu pazyati / sarvabhUteSvAtmAnaM tato na vicikSati // yasmin sarvANi bhUtAnyAtmaivAbhUd vijAnata:.. + sarvabhUtAtmabhUtAtmA kurvantapi na lipyate / AtmavatsarvabhUtAni yaH pazyati sa pazyati // + ikSate yogayuktAtmA sarvatra samadarzana :.... + Atmaupamyena sarvatra samaM pazyanti yoginaH ... (4) se Na chijjati Na bhijjati Na Dajjhati Na hammati kaMcaNaM savvaloe... na bhidyate na dahyate na chidyate .... Cp. + nainaM chindanti zastrANi nainaM dahati pAvakaH.... acchedyo'yamadAhyo'yam... + (See also : Suttanipata 515) (5) tumameva tumaM mittaM kiM bahiyA mittamicchasi ? + baMdhapamokkho tujjhajjhatthameva... + + 15 appA kattA vikattA ya duhANa ya suhANa y| appA mittamamittaM ca duppaTThiya suppaTThio // egappA ajie sattU... (ISaUp. 6-7) (Gt. 5.7) (Gt. 6. 29) (Gt. 6.32) (AcI. 123,) (Sbl. Up. 9) (Gt. 2.23-24 ) (Ac. I. 125) (Ac. I. 155) (Utt. 20.37) (Utt. 23.38)

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16 Bansidhar Bhatt Jambu-jyoti + egaM jiNejja appANaM...savvamappe jiyaM jiyaM... (Utt. 9. 34,36) Cp. Atmaiva hyAtmano bandhuH... bandhurAtmAtmanastasya yenAtmaivAtmanA jitaH / Atmanastu zatrutve vartetAtmaiva zatruvat / / (Gt. 6. 5-6) + mana eva jagatsarvaM mana eva mahAripuH... (Tjbd. Up. 5.98) + mana eva manuSyANAM kAraNaM bandhamokSayo... (Mt. Up. 4. 11, = Tt. Up. 5. 3) + (see also: Dhammapada 380). (6) attANameva abhitigijjha evaM dukkhA pamokkhasi... (Ac. I. 126) Cp. AtmAtmani gRhyate.... (Sv. Up. 1. 15) + yasminsarvANi bhUtAnyAtmaivAbhUd vijAnataH / tatra ko mohaH kaH zokaH ekatvamanupazyataH // (Isa Up. 7) + ...vizuddhAntA pazyannAtmAnamAtmani.. (Mbh. 3. 213. 26) (7) diTehiM nivveyaM gacchejjA no logassesaNaM care... (Ac. I. 133, see also Ac. I. 99, 119) + nivveeNaM bhaMte,...siddhimaggaM paDivanne ya havai... (Utt. 29. 2) + jAvatA va loesaNA tAvatA va vittesaNA... (Rs. 12. 1) Cp. parIkSya lokAn karmacitAna brAhmaNo nirvedamAyAt... (Md. Up. 1. 2. 12) + tamAtmAnaM viditvA brAhmaNAH...lokaiSaNAyAzca vyutthAyAtha bhikSAcaryaM caranti... bAlyaM ca pANDityaM ___ca nirvidyAthA muniH, amaunaM ca maunaM ca nirvidyAtha brAhmaNaH... (BdA. Up. 3. 5. 1) + tadA jantAsi nirvedam... (Gt. 2. 52) (8) jassa natthi pure pacchA majhe tattha kuo siyA ? (Ac. I. 144) Cp. AdAvante ca yannAsi vartamAne'pi tattathA... (Mdy. K. 6) + AdAvante ca madhye ca jano yasminna vidyate... (Tjbd. Up. 1. 23) + antaryadi bahi: satyamantAbhAve bahi na ca... (Tjbd. Up. 5.48) + (see also : Dhammapada 34=421) + AdyantavantaH kaunteya na teSu ramate budhaH / (Gt. 5. 22) (9) Neva se aMto Neva se dUre.... (Ac. I. 148) Cp. taddUre tadavantike... (Isa. Up. 5) + dUrAtsudUre tadihAntike ca... (Md. Up. 3. 1.7) + na ca yAti na cAyAti, na ca neha na ceha cit.... (Mh. Up. 5-102) + dUrasthaM cAntike ca tat.... (Gt. 13. 15) (10) tumaM si NAma taM ceva jaM haMtavvaM ti maNNasi,..ajjAvetavvaM tti maNNasi, ... tumhA Na haMtA Na vi ghAtae.. (Ac. I. 170) + ...na haNe no va ghAyae... (Dasa. 6. 10) Cp. na hanyate hanyamAne zarIre... hantA cenmanyate hantuM hatazcenmanyate hatam /

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Jainism vis-a-vis Brahmanism 17 ubhau tau na vijAnIto (v.t. vijAnIte) nAyaM hanti na hanyate / / (Kth. Up. 1.2. 18-19) + ya enaM vetti hantAraM yazcainaM manyate hatam..nAyaM hanti na hanyate, ...kaM ghAtayati hanti kam... (Gt. 2. 19,21) + ... na vadhenAsya hanyata etatsatyam... (Ch. Up. 8. 1.5. =8. 10.4) + (see also : Gandhari-Dhammapada 198, Suttanipata 705, Anguttara-nikaya 4. 151, Udanavarga 5-19) (11) savve sarA niyaTRti, takkA jattha Na vijjati, matI tattha Na gAhiyA, oe appatiTThANassa khettaNNe... (Ac. I. 176) Cp. ataLam...naivA tarkeNa matirApaneyA... (Kth. Up. 1.2.8-9) + nAyamAtmA pravacanena labhyaH.... (Kth. Up. 1. 2. 22=Md. Up. 3. 2. 3) + naiva vAcA na manasA prAptuM zakyaH... (Kth. Up. 2. 6. 12) + na cakSuSA gRhyate nApi vAcA... (Md. Up. 3. 1.8) + yato vAco nivartante, aprApya manasA saha....(Tait. Up. 2.4.1;2.4.9=Bhm. Up.) + na saMdRze tiSThati rUpamasya... (Sv. Up. 4. 20) + yasmAdvAco nivartante, aprApya manasA saha... (Tjbd. Up. 1. 19) + na zakyate varNayituM girA... (Mt. Up. 4.9) Cp. saMyuktanikAya 1.15 ...kuto saro nivattaMte...; Rv. 10. 61. 4) (12) Na itthI Na purise Na aNNahA... (Ac. I. 176) Cp. nainaM vAcA striyaM bruvan nainaM astrIpumAn bruvan / ____ pumAMsaM na bruvannenaM vadan vadati kazcana // (Ait. A. 2. 3.8) + naiva strI na pumAneSaH naiva caivAyaM napuMsakaH... (5v. Up. 5. 10) + na strI na yoSinno vRddhA na kanyA na vitantutA... (Tjbd. Up. 6. 28) Cp. tvaM strI tvaM pumAnasi tvaM kumAra uta vA kumArI... (Atharvaveda 10.8.27) (13) ..Na strIe Na uNhe.. (Ac. I. 176) Cp. na zItaM na coSNam... (Ph. Up.) (14) se Na dohe Na hasse, ..Na kiNhe Na NIle Na lohite Na hAlidde Na sukkile Na surabhigaMdhe Na durabhigaMdhe Na titte Na kaDue Na kasAe Na aMbileNa madhure...Na saMge...Na sadde Na rUve Na gaMdhe Na rase Na phAse... (Ac. I. 176) Cp. azabdam...arUpam, arasam...agandhavacca yat.... (Kth. Up. 1. 3. 15) + ..tadakSaram...asthUlam, anaNu, ahasvam, adIrgham, alohitam, asneham...asaMgam, arasam, agandham... (BdA. Up. 3.8. 8) + asaMgo hyayamucyate, asaMgo na hi sajyate... (BdA. Up. 3. 9. 26) + ..na zabdaM..na rUpaM na rasaM na gandham... (Ph. Up.) + na rUpamasyeha tathopalabhyate... (Gt. 15.3) + (see also : Udanavarga 80)

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18 Bansidhar Bhatt (15) aMDayA potayA jarAuyA rasayA saMseyayA sammucchimA ubbhiyA uvavAtiyA... Cp.... aMDajAni ca jArujAni ya svedajAni codbhijjAni ca... + ... aMDajaM jIvajamudbhijjam... (ac. I. 49 = Dasa. 4. 1, Su. I. 7. 1; 9. 8) (Ait. Up. 3. 3) (Ch. Up. 6. 3. 1) (Ac. I. 64 ) (Utt. 13. 23; (Utt. 14.12) (Utt. 14.39) (16) .. nAlaM te tava tANAe vA saraNAe vA.... + na tassa dukkhaM vibhayaMti nAio, na mittavaggA na suyA na bAMdhavA.... + jAyA ya puttA na havaMti tANaM... + savvaM pi te apajjattaM neva tANAya taM tava... Cp. yanmayA parijanasyArthe kRtaM karma zubhAzubham / ekAkI tena dahye'haM gatAste phalabhojinaH // + nAmutra hi sahAyArthaM pitA mAtA ca tiSThataH / na putradArA na jJAti-dharmastiSThati kevalaH // + mRtaM zarIramutsRjya... vimukhA bAMdhavA yAnti... + (see also: Dhammapada 288) Cp. na maMtrA na tapo dAnaM na mitrANi na bAMdhavAH / zaknuvaMti paritrAtuM naraM kAleNa pIDitam // (17) va sayaM logaM abbhAikkhejjA Neva attANaM abbhAikkhejjA... + ime vi se natthi pare vi loe, duhao vi se jhijjhai tattha loe.... Cp. ayaM loko nAsti para iti mAnI punaH punaH vazamApadyate ... (18) savve pANA....piyajIviNo jIviukAmA savvesiM jIviyaM piyaM. Cp. na hi prANAtpriyataraM loke kiMcana vidyate ... (19) AyatacakkhU... logassa ahebhAgaM.. uDDabhAgaM... tiriyabhAgaM jANati... Cp. sarvA diza: Urdhvamadhazca tiryak prakAzayan bhrAjate yadvanaDvAn.. (20) suttA amuni: muNiNo sayayaM jAgaraMti..... + paMca jAgarao suttA, paMca suttassa jAgarA... + AtaTThe jAgaro hohi... Jambu-jyoti (Gb Up. 4) (padmapurANa 81. 33) (Ac. I. 32) (Utt. 20.49) (Kth. Up. 1.2.6) (ac. I. 78, Dasa. 6. 11) (Mbh. Anusas. 113. 12) (Ac. I. 91) (Sv. Up. 5. 4) (Ac. I. 106) ( Rs. 29.2) (Rs. 35. 15; 18-24; 38. 6) (MS. 4. 23) (Ms. 4. 241 ) Cp. yA nizA sarvabhUtAnAM tasyAM jAgarti saMyamI / yasyAM jAgrati bhUtAni sA nizA pazyato muneH // + yatra suptA janA nityaM prabuddhastatra saMyamI / prabuddhA yatra te vidvAn suSutiM yAti yogirAT + ajJAne buddhivilaye nidrA sA bhaNyate budhaiH ... (21) sa AyavI...veyavI... baMbhavI... (Yv. Up. 22) (Vh. Up. 2.59) (Ac. I. 107, 145, 174) + virae veyaviyAyarakkhie... (Utt. 15.2) Cp....taM cAntaryAmiNamiti sa brahmavit sa vedavit... sa Atmavit... ( BdA. Up. 3. 7.1) + brahmavidApnoti param... (Tait. Up. 2. 1) (Gt. 2. 69)

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Jainism vis-a-vis Brahmanism 19 + ...yad brahmavido vadanti... (Md. Up. 1. 1.4) (22) je egaM jANai se savvaM jANai... (Ac. I. 129) Cp. yathA..ekena mRtpiDena sarvaM mRnmayaM vijJAtaM syAt... (Ch. Up. 6. 1.4) + ...AtmA...draSTavyaH...AtmanaH...darzanena...idaM sarvaM viditam... (BdA. Up. 2. 4.5) + Atmani khalu vijJAte idaM sarvaM viditam... (BdA. Up.4.5.6) + kasminnu..vijJAte sarvamidaM vijJAtaM bhavati? (Md. Up. 1. 1. 3) + ekaM sadviprA bahudhA vadanti... / (Rv. 1. 164.46) + ekaM santaM bahudhA kalpayanti (Rv. 10. 114. 5) (23) je AyA se viNNAyA...jeNa jANai se AyA.. (Ac. I. 17) Cp. ....lokanamuM ca vijJAnenaiva vijAnAti.... (Ch. Up. 7. 7. 1) (24) nAvakaMkhaMti jIviyaM... (Ac. I. 56, 129=Su. I: 3.4.15; 9.34 + kAlassa khaMkhAe parivvayaMti... (Ac. I. 166) + kaMkhejja kAlaM jAva sarIrabhedo tti.... (Ac. I. 198) + jIviyaM nAbhikaMkhejjA maraNaM No vi patthae.... (Ac. I. 232) + jai jIviyaM nAvakaMkhae... (Su. I. 2. 1. 18) + jIviyaM nAvakaMkhijjA.... (Su. I.3.2. 13) + kaMkhejja kAlaM... (Su. I.5.2.25) + kAlovaNIe sarIrassa bhee... (Utt. 4.9) + kaMkhe guNe jAva sarIrabheu... (Utt. 4. 13, also see Utt. 2.37) Cp. kimicchan kasya kAmAya zarIramanusaMccaret... (BdA. Up.4.4. 12) + mRtyuM ca nAbhinandeta jIvitaM vA kthNcn| nAbhinaMdeta maraNaM nAbhinaMdeta jIvitam // + kAlameva pratIkSeta yApadAyaH samApyate / nAbhinaMdeta maraNaM nAbhinaMdeta jIvitama / / (Ndpv. Up. 3. 60-61) + jIvitaM vA na kAMkSeta kAlameva pratIkSyate... (Ndpv. Up. 5. 1) + (see also Suttanipata 516) (25) susANaMsi vA suNNAgAraMsi vA rukkhamUlaMsi vA giriguhaMsi vA kuMbhArAyataNaMsi vA... (Ac. I. 204) + susANe suNNagAre vA rukkhamUle vi... (Ac. I. 279=Utt. 2. 20; 35. 6) Cp. ...zUnyAgAravRkSamUla...kulAlazAlA...gRhakaMdara...sthaMDileSu zvetaketu..-vad-zukladhyAnaparAyaNaH... zarIramutsRjya saMnyAsenaiva dehatyAgaM korati, sa kRtakRtyo bhavati... (Ndpv. Up. 3. 86) + ...zUnyAgAra..., vRkSamUlaniketo vA...brAhmaNaH... (Ndpv. Up. 5. 13) + ...zUnyAgAra...., vRkSamUlakulAlazAlA...girikuharakoTarakaMdara..sthaMDileSu ...saMnyAsena dehatyAgaM karoti... (Yv. Up. 1) + ...yathA nigraMtho...brahmamArge samyaksaMpannaH...zUnyAgAra...vRkSamUlakulAlazAlA....girikuhara

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20 Bansidhar Bhatt Jambu-jyoti koTara...sthaMDileSu...zukladhyAnaparAyaNaH...saMnyAsena dehatyAgaM karoti sa paramahaMsaH... (Jbl. Up. 6) mazAna vAsino vA...digaMbarA vA... zukladhyAnaparAyaNA:... zUnyAgAra... vRkSamUlakulAlazAlA...girikaMdarakuharakoTara....sthaMDile....saMnyAsena dehatyAgaM kurvanti te paramahaMsAH... (Bhk. Up.) + (See also Suttanipata 54. 4) + upahare girINaM saMgame ca nadInAM dhiyA vipro ajaayt| (Rv. 8.6.28=Sama-Veda 2.2.2.9 (26) imaM pi jAtidhammayaM...vuDDidhammayaM...chiNNaM milAti...aNitiyaM...asAsayaM... cayovacaiyaM.. vippariNAmadhammayaM... ___ (Ac. I. 45) + ..bheuradhammaM viddhaMsaNadhammaM adhuvaM aNitiyaM asAsataM cayovacaiyaM vippariNAmadhamma... (Ac. I. 153) Cp. ...SaDbhAvavikArAH, asti, jAyate, vardhate, apakSIyate vipariNamate vinazyati.... (Nirukta 1.2 = Mahabhasya 1. 3. 1. 11) + ..SaDbhAvavikAravihIno'han...digaMbarasukho'ham... (Mt. Up. 3. 18-19) + ...SaDbhAvavikArazUnyaH.... (Ndpv. Up. 7) + ....SaDbhAvavikArazUnyam... (MgL. Up. 4) + ...SaDbhAvetyAdisarvadoSarahitam... (Vjsc. Up.) + ...paramahaMsaparivAD...SaDbhAvavikArazUnyaH... (Ph. Up. 1) (27) baMbhavaM paNNANehi parijANAti loga... (Ac. I. 107) + mahAvIrehiM paNNANamaMtehi paNNANamuvalabbha... (Ac. I. 109) Cp....prajJAnenainamApnuyAt...... (Kth. Up. 1. 2. 24) (28) vasittA baMbhaceraMsi... (Ac. I. 143, 183, 190 : also Ac. I. 155) + (See also The title "baMbhacera" for Ac. I.) + uTThAya subaMbhacere vasejjA.... (Su. I. 14. 1) + etovayA baMbhavati tti vuttA.... (Su. II. 6. 20) Cp. yanmaunaM...brahmacaryameva...tad brahmacaryeNa daivAtmAnamanuvidya manute... (Ch. Up. 8. 5. 2) + ...brahmacaryeNAnuvindanti... (Ch. Up.8.4.3. = 8.5.4) + yadicchanto brahmacaryaM caranti... (Kth. Up. 1. 2. 15 = Gt. 8. 11) + satyena labhyaH....hyeSa AtmA samyagjJAnena brahmacaryeNa nityam... (Md. Up. 3. 1. 5) + brahmacaryeNa tapasA devA mRtyumupAghnata / (Atharva-Veda) (29) esa vIre...je baddhe paDimoyae...se savvao savvapariNNacArI na lippai chaNapaeNa vIre... (Ac. I. 103) + kahaM bhuMjanto bhAsanto pAvaM kamma na baMdhaI ? (Dasa. 4.7) ____Cp. ...na sa ha tairapyAcAram pApmanA lipyate zuddhaH... (Ch. Up. 5. 10. 10)

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Jainism vis-a-vis Brahmanism + viditvA na lipyate karmaNA pApakena ... + na karma lipyate nare... + sarvabhUtAntarAtmA na lipyate lokaduHkhena bAhyaH .... kurvannapi na lipyate ... + + lipyate na sa pApena padmapatramivAmbhasA... (BdA. Up. 4. 4. 23 = Bdh. Dh. Su. 2. 6. 11. 30; 2. 10. 17. 7; Ps. Su. 5.20 ) ( ISa Up. 2 ) (Kth. Up. 2. 5. 11) (Gt. 5.7) (Gt. 5.10) + evaMvidi pApaM karma na zliSyate... + nainaM kRtAkRte tapyataH.... (Ch. Up. 4. 14. 3) (BdA. Up. 4. 4. 23) (Md. Up. 3. 3) + puNyapApe vidhUya niraMjana: paramaM sAmyamupaiti .. + hatvApi sa imA~llokAnnAyaM hanti na hanyate ... (Gt. 18. 17) + ajahuH karma pApakaM puNyA puNyena karmaNA... (SpBr. 13. 5. 4. 3, SnkSSu. 16. 9. 7) (30) saccammi dhiiM kuvvahA... + saccameva samabhijANAhi, saccassa ANAe uvaTThie mehAvI mAraM tarai.. + AovarayA... logaM uvehamANA...saccaMsi pariviciTThisu... + taM saccaM, saccavAdI soe tiNNe... + sacce tattha karejjuvakkamaM... + akohaNe saccarae tavassI... + se ya sacce suAhie, sayA sacceNa saMpanne... + sacceNa palimaMthae... + jiiMdie saccarae sa pujjo .... Cp. tadvai tat satyaM bale pratiSThitam.... ... idaM sarvaM tatsatyaM sa AtmA... + tasya ha vA etasya brahmaNo nAma satyamiti... + + satyaM tveva vijijJAsitavyamiti,... + ... satyaM brahma... + satyaM sarvaM pratiSThitam... + ....na vadhenAsya hanyata etatsatyam... (31) aNuvaratA avijjAe... Cp. avidyAyAM bahudhA vartamAnAH.. bAlAH .. 21 (32) saMtiM virati uvasamaM NivvANaM..... + uvasaMte... parivvae... Cp. ....zAnto dAnta uparatastitikSuH ... sarvamAtmAnaM pazyati.... + ... prapaMcopazamaH zivaH... satyasya satyaM prANA vai satyaM teSAmeva satyam... (BdA. Up. 2. 1. 20 = 2. 3. 11 = SpBr. 14.5.1.23, 14. 5. 3. 11) (Ch. Up. 7. 16. 1 ) (BdA. Up. 5. 5. 1) (MhNn. Up. 22. 1) (Ch. Up. 8. 1. 5, 8.10.4) (Ac. I. 151) (Md. Up. 1. 2. 9) (ac. 1. 96, 191, 196) (Ac. I. 116, 164) (Ac. I. 117) (Ac. I. 127) (Ac. I. 146) (Ac. I. 224, 228) (Su. I. 2. 3. 14) (Su. I. 10. 12) (Su. I. 15. 3) (Utt. 9.21) (Dasa. 9. 3. 13) (BdA. Up. 5. 14. 4) (Ch. Up. 6. 7.7; 6. 8.7) (Ch. Up. 8. 5.4) (Bda. Up. 4. 4. 23) (Mdy. Up. 7)

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22 Bansidhar Bhatt Jambu-jyoti + ...zAnti nirvANaparamAn... (Gt. 6. 15) (33) oe appatiTThANassa khettaNNe... (Ac. I. 176) Cp. tadetadojazca mahazcetyupAsIta... (Ch. Up. 3. 13. 15) (34) ...kAmakAmI...soyati...paritappati... (Ac. I.90) Cp. sa zAntimApnoti na kAmakAmI... (Gt. 2.70) (35) ...dhUNe (kamma-) sarIragaM.... (Ac. I. 99, 141, 161) + dhUNiya rayamalaM... (Dasa. 9. 3. 15) Cp. ...azva iva romANi vidhUya pApam...dhUtvA zarIram....kRtAtmA... (Ch. Up. 8. 13. 1) + te...sarva evAdhUnvata jarasaM tanUnAm... (Jm. Br. 2. 398, 3. 255) + ...samAdhi-nirdhUtamalasya... (Mt. Up. 4.9) + ...sukRtaduSkRte dhUnute... (Ks. Br. Up. 1. 4) (36) ...so haM (sohaM ?) se AyAvAdI... (Ac. I. 2.3) Cp. ayamAtmA so'hamasmi... (Ch. Up.) + ...advayaM pazyata haMsaH so'hamiti... (NsUtt. Up. 9) (37) nAtItamalR Na ya AgamissaM aTuM NiyacchaMti tathAgatA u... (Ac. I. 124) Cp. anyatra bhUtAcca bhavyAcca... (Kth. Up. 1. 2. 14) + gatAsUnagatAtUMzca nAnuzocanti paMDitAH... (Gt. 2.11) (38) saMdhi logassa jANittA... (Ac. I. 122, 170) + nivvANaM saMdhae muNi... (Su. I. 9. 36; 11. 22, 34) Cp. bahvIH saMdhA atikramya... (Kth. Up. 3. 1) (39) ihamegesi egacariyA bhavati... (Ac. I. 151, 186) + ...ege care... (Su. I. 2. 2. 12) + ...taha egacArI, egaMtamoNeNa viyAgarejjA... (Su. I. 13. 18) Cp....ekAkI caret... (Phpv. Up.) + ...yogI rahasi sthitaH, ekAkI... (Gt. 6. 10) (40) ummuMca pAsaM iha macciehi... (Ac. I. 113) + pAsabaddhA sarIriNo.. (Utt. 23. 40) Cp....bAlAste mRtyo ryanti vitatasya pAzama... (Kth. Up. 1.4.2) (41) saMti pANA aMdhA tamaMsi viyAhitA (v. L. tamaM paviTThA)... (Ac. I. 180) + tamAo te tamaM jaMti... (Su. I. 1. 1. 14; 3. 1. 11) ...AtadaMDA...gaMtA te pAvalogayaM AsariyaM disaM... (Su. I. 2. 3. 9) AsUriyaM nAma...aMdhaM tamaM.. (Su. I. 5. 11) + niti tamaM tameNaM... (Utt. 14. 12) + ..aMdhA...tamaM paviTThA... (Bhag. 7.7. 292) + + +

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Jainism vis-a-vis Brahmanism 23 Cp. asuryA nAma te lokA andhena tamasAvRtAH / tA~ste pretyAbhigacchanti ye ke cAtmahano janAH / / (Isa Up. 3) + andhaM tamaH pravizanti...tato bhUya iva te tamaH...ratAH.. (BdA. Up. 4.4. 10; = Isa. Up. 9, 12; Vjsam. 40.9. 12; SpBr. 14. 7. 2. 13) + anandA nAma te lokA aMdhena tmsaavRtaaH| tA~ste pretyAbhigacchantyavidvAMso'budho jnaaH|| (BdA. Up. 4. 4. 11, = Vijsam.40. 3; see Kth. Up. 1.3, SpBr. 14.7.2.14) + andhaM tamaH... (Av. 18.3.3) + na hinastyAtmanAtmAnaM tato yAti parAM gatim... (Gt. 13. 28) (42) sattA kAmehiM mANavA.. (Ac. I. 180 = Su. I. 1. 1.6) + AraMbhasattA pakareMti saMga... (Ac. I. 62) + atiyacca savvao saMgaM... (Ac. I. 184) + maMdA pakareha pAvaM... (Utt. 12. 39) Cp. tadeva saktaH saha karmaNaiti... (BdA. Up. 4. 4.6; SpBr. 14. 7. 2. 8) + saMgasteSUpajAyate... (Gt. 2. 62) + saktAH karmaNyavidvAMsaH... (Gt. 3. 25) + saMgaM tyaktvAtmazuddhaye... (Gt. 5.11) (43) No pANiNaM pANe samAraMbhejjAsi... (Ac. I. 121) Cp....prANabhRtaH prANaM na vicchindyAt... (BdA. Up. 1. 5. 14) (44) ...ceccANa bheura kAyaM saMvihuNiya...bheravamaNuciNNe...kAlapariyAe... (Ac. I. 228) + saMvuDe dehabhedAe... (Ac. I. 250) [For details, see above Section 1, (24) : the Jaina passages.] . CD.....zarIramatsRjya saMnyAsenaiva dehatyAgaM karoti, sa kRtakRtyo bhavati... (Ndpv. Up.3.86) + ...saMnyAsena dehatyAgaM karoti... (Yv. Up. 1) + ...saMnyAsena dehatyAgaM karoti sa paramahaMsaH... (Jbl. Up. 6) + ...saMnyAsena dehatyAga kurvanti te paramahaMsAH... (Bhk. Up) + ...saMnyAsena dehatyAgaM karoti sa paramahaMsaparivrAjako bhavati... (Phpv. Up.) [For details, see Section 1, (24-25), (57) : the Brahmanical passages.] (45) aMto aMto pUtidehaMtarANi pAsati puDho vi savaMtAI... (Ac. I. 92) + vigiMca maMsasoNitaM... (Ac. I. 143) Cp. ...jAyassa mriyasvetyetat...tasmAjjugupseta... (Ch. Up. 5. 10.8) + mAMsa...zoNita...dUSite...durgandhe...zarIre...and + ...asthicarma...dUSite viNmUtra...saMghAte durgandhe...zarIre... (Mt. Up. 1. 2)

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24 + ... zarIramidaM... niraya eva... viNmUtra... malai rbahubhiH paripUrNametAdRze zarIre... (Mt. Up. 1. 3 = 3. 4, also Mt. Up. 2. vss. 4-8). (Ndpv. Up. 3. 46-48) (Sjbl. Up. 1. 21) + asthisthUNaM... durgandhipUrNaM mUtrapurIzaya:... (MS 6. 76 foll. = MBh. 12. 329. 42) + kimicchanna kasya kAmAya zarIramanusaMjvaret... (BdA. Up. 4. 4. 12) + asthisthUNaM... narake'pi saH.... + atyantamalino deha:... + (see also Samyuttanikaya 421. 20-21 ) (46) esa pariNNA pavuccati kammovasaMtI... se hu diTThapahe muNI... Cp.... karmakSaye yAti sa tattvato'nyaH... (47) kheyaNNa- nikkamma, eg. vIre Atagutte kheNe.... Bansidhar Bhatt Cp. pradhAna-kSetrajJapati rguNeza: ... + yazcetanamAtraH pratipUruSaM kSetrajJaH... + .. naiSkarmya... + ... yo'kAmaH niSkAmaH... brahmaiva san brahmApyeti... (48) pAsaga, eg. (49) tasa thAvara, e. g. adu thAvarA ya tasattAe tasajIvA ya thAvarattAe... Cp. sthAtuzcarathaM bhramate... + pazuMzca sthAtRRMzcarathaM ca pAhi... + jagatastasthuSazca... + jagatassthAturubhayasya... + sarvasya lokasya sthAvarasya carasya ca... (50) gaMtha - gaDhiya, eg. kimattha uvadhI pAsagassa ? Na vijjati... + uddeso pAsagassa natthi... (Ac. I. 131 = 146) (Ac. I. 80, 151) Cp. na pazyo mRtyuM pazyati ...sarvaM hu paramaH pazyati...sarvagraMthInAM vipramokSastasmai mRditakaSAyAya tamasaspAraM darzayati.... + yadA pazyaH pazyate...IzaM puruSam... (Ch. Up. 7.7.2) (Md. Up. 3. 1. 3) Jambu-jyoti esa khalu gaMthe... esa khalu nirae, iccatthaM gaDhie loe ..... Cp. yadA sarve prabhidyante hRdayasyeha granthayaH... + bhidyate hRdayagraMthi :... tasmin dRSTe parAvare.... + so'vidyAgraMthiM vikiratIha... (ac. I. 109) and nikkammadaMsI (Ac. I. 115, 145) (Sv. Up. 6. 16) (Mt. Up. 2.5) (Ac. I. 97) (Ch. Up. 6. 4) see (Gt. 3. 4; 18.49) (BdA. Up. 4. 4. 6) (Ac. I. 267) (Rv. 1. 58. 5) (RV. 1. 72-76) (Rv. 1. 115. 1 = AV 13. 2. 35) (RV. 4. 53.6) (Sv. Up. 3. 18) (Md. Up. 2. 2. 8) (Ac. I. 14) (Kth. Up. 2. 6. 14) = SarR. Up. 32; Ygs Up. 5.45; Ap. Up. 4. 31 ) (Md. Up. 2. 1. 10)

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Jainism vis-a-vis Brahmanism 25 + ...sarvagraMthInAM vipramokSaH... (Ch. Up. 7.7.2; 7. 26. 2) (51) titikkhate,etc.,e.g. ettha virate aNagAre dIharAyaM titikkhate... (Ac. I. 156, + (see also Ac. I. 184, 231, 253) Cp. zAnto dAnta uparatastitikSaH...AtmanyevAtmAnaM pazyati... (BdA. Up. 4.4.23) + ...tAstitikSasva bhArata,... (Gt. 2. 14) (52) sotA, ova, AvaTTa,e.g. uDheM sotA ahe sotA tiriyaM sotA...ete sotA...AvaTTameyaM tu... (Ac. I. 174) + esa odAMtare muNI... ___(Ac. 99, 161) Cp. paMcasrotombum...paMcAvartAm...paMcaduHkhaughavegAn...paMcaparvAnadhImaH... tasmin haMso bhrAmyate brahmacakre... (Sv. Up. 1. 5-6 = Ndpv. Up. 9. 4) + brahmoDupena pratareta vidvAn srotAMsi sarvANi bhayAvahAni... (5v. Up. 2. 8) (53) cli che, e.g. (a) diTuM sutaM mayaM viNNAyaM (Ac. I. 133) Cp. AtmA vA are draSTavyaH zrotavyaH maMtavyaH nididhyAsitavyaH... darzanena zravaNena matyA vijJAnena... (BdA. Up. 2. 4. 5) + ...dRSTe zrute mate vijJAte... (BdA. Up. 4. 5.6) (b) pANA bhUyA jIvA sattA... (Ac. I. 49, 132, 138, 139) Cp....sarve prANA sarve lokA sarve devA sarvANi bhUtAni... (BdA. Up. 2. 1. 20) (54) chiasmus, e. g. je guNe se AvaTTe, je AvaTe se guNe / (Ac. I. 41) + ettha satthaM samAraMbhamANassa iccete AraMbhA apariNNAtA bhavaMti, ettha satthaM asamAraMbhamANassa iccete AraMbhA pariNNAtA bhavaMti... (Ac. I. 16; also passim...) + je logaM abbhAikkhati se attANaM abbhAikkhati, je attANaM abbhAikkhati se logaM abbhAikkhati... (Ac. I. 22,32,56) + (see also su. I. 2. 1. - vaitAlIya- meter construction) Cp. zyAmAcchabalaM prapadye zabalAcchayAmaM prapadye... (Ch. Up.8. 13. 1) + yasyAmataM tasya matama...avijJAtaM vijAnatAM vijJAtamajAnatAm... (Kn. Up. 11 = 2.3) + astIti cennAsti tadA nAsti cedasti... (Tjbd. Up. 5. 26) + antaryadi bahi: satyamantAbhAve bahi na ca... (Tjbd. Up. 5. 37) (55) AraMbha-samAraMbha (Alabha),e.g. ettha satthaM samAraMbhamANassa iccete AraMbhA apariNNAyA bhavaMti... (Ac. I. 29) Cp. ...anArambhI... (Gat. Dh. Su.3.24) (56) bhujaMgame juNNatayaM jahA cae, vimuccatI se duhasejja mAhaNe... (Ac. II. 801)

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26 + tayasaM va jahAi se rayaM ... + jaya bhoI tayaM bhuyaMgo nimmoyaNi hicca palei mutto... + mamattaM chiMdai tAhe mahAnAgovva kaMcuyaM... Cp. sa yathAhiH, ahicchavyai, nirmucyeta ... evameva sarvasmAt pApmAno nirmucyeta .... + + + Bansidhar Bhatt (JmBr. 2. 134) + yadyathAhinivayanI valmIke mRtA pratyastA zayItaivamevedaM zarIraM zete... (Bda. Up. 4. 4. 7) + yathA pAdodarastvacA vinirmucyate, evaM ha vai sa pApmanA vinirmukta:.... (Psn. Up. 5. 5) + ahiniyanI sarpanirmoko jIvavarjitaH, valmIke patitastiSThet, taM sarpo nAbhimanyate ... zarIraM (Vh. Up. 2. 67-68) + (See also Suttanipata 1. 17; Gandhari-Dhammapada 81-90) (57) tato NaM mahAvIrassa... sukkajjhANaMtariyAe, vaTTamANassa...daMsaNe samuppaNNe... nAbhimanyate .... (ac. II. 772) + ... dhamma- sukkAI jhANAI, jhANaM taM tu buhA vae.... (Utt. 30.35) + se kiM taM jhANe ?...sukkajjhANe... paNNatte... (Aup. SS30v = Bhag 25.7.237 - and 246 = Sth. 4. 1. 308, Prvy. 26) Cp....zukladhyAnaparAyaNaH... zarIramRtsRjya saMnyAsenaiva dehatyAgaM karoti, sa kRtakRtyo bhavati..... (Ndpv. Up. 3. 86 ) (Jbl Up. 6) (Bhk. Up.) + Jambu-jyoti (Su. I. 2. 2. 1) (Utt. 14.34) (Utt. 19.86) ..zukla dhyAnaparAyaNaH... saMnyAsena dehatyAgaM karoti sa paramahaMsa : ... .. zukladhyAnaparAyaNaH.. saMnyAsena dehatyAgaM kurvanti te paramahaMsA:... ..zukladhyAnaparAyaNaH... saMnyAsena dehatyAgaM karoti sa paramahaMsaparivrAjako bhavati... ... (Phpv. Up.) [For details, see above Section 1, (25): the Brahmanical passages.]

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Jainism vis-a-vis Brahmanism (1) (2) (3) (4) milakkhU amilakkhussa jahA vRttANubhAsae / na heuM se vijANAi bhAsiyaM ta'NubhAsae / + jahA NAma koi miccho nagaraguNe bahuvihe viyANaMto / na caei parikaheuM uvamAe tahiM asaMtIe || + jahA na vi sakko aNajjo aNajjabhAsaM viNA du gAheduM / taha vavahAreNa viNA paramatthuvadesaNamasakkaM // Cp.... mlecchAH svasaMjJAniyatA:... + durbodhaM viSamaM caiva rAkSasAnAM prakIrtitam / gUDhAkSaraM tu yakSANAM kinnarairuktavat tathA // Section 2 Sutrakrtanga-sutra + (see also CatS. 8. 19) aMdho aMdhaM pathaM Nito dUramaddhANu gacchai... / + aMdhaM va NeyAramaNussarittA... + aMdhe va se daMDapahaM gahAya... + yathAndho vAndhamanvIyAt... + NetA jahA aMdhakAraMsi gao maggaM Na jANAti apassamANo... Cp. daMdrahyamANA pariyanti mUDhA andheneva nIyamAnA yathAndhAH ... (AUp. SS 183 = + saMbujjhahA jaMtavo mANusattaM daTTaM bhayaM bAliseNaM alaMbho.... + iya je maraMti jIvA, tesiM puNa dullahA bohI... ... jAviMdiyA na hAyaMti tAva dhammaM samAyare... 27 (Su. I. 1. 2. 15) Prajna. 2. 174) dukkhaM te nAituti sauNI paMjaraM jahA.... + sauNI jaha paMsugaMDiyA vihuNiya dhaMsayai siyaM rayaM .... + dukkhaM nA tiuTTaMti sauNI paMjaraM jahA... + ..baddhe gie va pAseNa... Cp. sa yathA zakuni: sUtreNa prabaddha:... bandhanamevopazrayata evameva... prANabandhanaM hi (Samay. 8) (MBh. 8. 45.36) (Kth. Up. 1.2.5 = Md. Up. 1. 2. 8) (MBh. 2. 38.3) (Su. I. 1. 2. 22) (Su. I. 2. 1. 15) (VDhP. 4. 8) (Su. I. 1. 2. 19) (Su. I. 7. 16) (Su. I. 13.5) (Su. I. 14. 12) (Ch. Up. 6. 8. 2) (YgS. Up. 59) + rajjvA yadvat susaMbaddhaH pakSI tad vadidaM manaH... + pAzaM chitvA yathA haMso... khamutkramet... chinnapAzastathA jIvaH saMsAraM tarate sadA... (Ks. Up. 22) saMbujjhaha kiM na bujjhaha saMbohI khalu pecca dullahA .... (Su. I. 2. 1. 1) (Utt. 10. 16, 18) + laddhUNa vi mANusattaNaM... dullahaM... uttamadhammasuI hu dullahA... + .. bohI hoi sudullahA tesiM.... + ... bohI ya se no sulabhA puNo puNo... (Utt. 8. 15) (Dasa. 11. 13) (Su. I. 7. 11) (Utt. 36.262) (Dasa. 8. 35) + Cp. uttiSThata jAgrata prApya varAn nibodhata,...kSurasya dhArA nizitA duratyayA... durgaM pathastat kavayo vadanti... (Kth. Up. 1. 3. 14) (Su. II. 1. 11) (Su. I. 4. 1. 9)

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28 (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) (12) (13) Jambu-jyoti + iha cedazakad boddhuM prAk zarIrasya visrasa:... (Kth. Up. 2. 6. 4) + ...yo vA etadakSaran... aviditvAsmAllokAt praiti sa kRpaNaH... viditvA prati sa brAhmaNaH... (BdA. 3. 8. 10) + ihaiva santo'tha vidmastad vayaM, na cedavedI mahatI vinaSTi:... + + Bansidhar Bhatt + iha cedavedIdatha satyamasti na cedihAvedInmahatI vinaSTi:... .. bahUnAM janmanAmante jJAnavAn mAM prapadyate .... durlabhaM tattvadarzanam... kujae aparAjie jahA akkhehiM kusalehiM dIvayaM / kaDameva gahAya No kaliM no tIyaM no ceva dAvaraM || evaM logammitAiNA buie je dhamme aNuttare / taM hi hiyaMti uttamaM kaDamiva sesa'vahAya paMDie // Cp. kaliH zayAno bhavati saMjihAnastu dvAparaH / uttiSThatretA bhavati kRtaM saMpadyate caran // (Ait. Br. 7. 15. 4=SpBr. 190. 17. 18) + uta prahAmatidIvya jayAti kRtaM yacchvaghnI vicinoti kAle.... (RV. 10. 42.9) + uta prahAmatidIvA jayati kRtamiva zvaghnI vicinoti kAle.... + yathA kRtAya vijitAyAdhare'yAH saMyantyevameva... (AV. 7. 50. 6) (Ch. Up. 4. 1. 4) + (MS. 1. 81) Cp....mA gRdhaH kasyasvid dhanam... (BdA. Up. 4. 4. 14 = SpBr. 14. 7.2. 15) (Kn. Up. (13) = 2. 4, (Gt. 7.14) (Mh. Up. 4. 77) .. catuSpAt sakalo dharmaH satyaM caiva kRte yuge.... ... giddhanarA kAmesu mucchiyA... Cp. ... asito devalo vyAsaH... asilo devile ceva dIvAyaNa mahArisi... pArAsare... + nimmame nirahaMkAre... eyama... nimmamo nirahaMkAro care bhikkhU.... Cp.... carati... nirmamo nirahaMkAra :... ... kiM nu vIrassa vIrataM... Cp... indrasya nu vIryANi provAca... kammamege pavedeMti akammaM vAvi suvvayA... Cp... kiM karma kimakarma... karmaNo hyapi boddhavyaM... akarmaNazca boddhavyam... ... je keI jagaI jagA, (tesiM attuvamAyAe)... Cp. (IzAvAsyamidaM sarvaM ) yat kiM ca jagatyAM jagat... ...maNasA kAyavakkeNa NAraMbhI... Cp.... yatavAkkAyamAnasa:... Su. I. 6 "vIratthutI" : vs. 6 :- aNuttaraM tappati sUrie vA... tamaM pagAse... (Su. I. 2. 2. 23-24) (Su. I. 2. 3. 8) (Isa. Up. 1) (Su. I. 3. 4. 3) (Gt. 10.13) (Su. I. 9. 6) (Utt. 35.21) (Gt. 2.71) (Su. I. 8. 1) (Ait. Br. 5.2) (Su. I. 8. 2) (Gt. 4. 16-17) (Su. I. 11.33) (isa. Up. 1 ) (Su. I. 1. 9. 9) (Gt. 18. 52 )

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Jainism vis-a-vis Brahmanism 29 + jahA se timira viddhaMse...divAyare, jalaMte iva teeNaM... (Utt. 11. 24) + suro vva dittatee (Aup. 8 30 = Prvy. 29) Cp. jyotiSAM raviraMzumAn... (Gt. 10. 21) + ..tadAdityaH...sa prajApatiH (Yajur-veda. 32. 1) + dIptAnalArkadyuti-... (Gt. 11. 17) + AdityavarNaM tamasaH parastAt (Gt. 8.9 = $v. Up. 3. 8) vss. 7-8 :- iMdeNa devANaM, ...sakkeva devAhivaI juimaM... + jahA se...sakke devAhivaI.. (Utt. 11. 23) Cp. devAnAm...vAsavaH... (Gt. 10. 22) vs. 8 :- mahodahI vApi aNaMtapAre... Cp. sarasAm...sADAraH (Gt. 10. 24) + tA ApaH sa prajApatiH (Yajurveda 32. 1) vs. 9 :- sudaMsaNe vA nagasavvaseTe... Cp. meruH zikhariNAm... (Gt. 10. 23) + jahA se nagANa pavare...maMdare girI... (Utt. 11.29) . + girirAyA ceva maMdasvara (Prvy. 26) vs 11 :- puDhe nabhe ciTThai bhUmivaTThie.. Cp. dyAvApRthivyoridam...vyAptam, ..namaHspRzam... (Gt. 11. 20, 24) vss. 12-13 :-...ppagAse, virAyatI kaMcaNamaTThavanne...se jalieva bhome...patrAyate sUriyasuddhalese...maNorame ___ joyai accimAlI... Cp. ..bhAH sadRzI sA syAd bhAsastasya mahAtmanaH... (Gt. 11. 12) + ...AdityavarNaM tamasaH parastAt... (Sv. Up. 3. 8, = Gt. 8.9) + ...ravitulyarUpa:... (Sv. Up. 5. 8) + ...tadAdityaH...sa prajApatiH (Yajur-veda. 32. 1) vs. 18 :- rukkhesu...jaha sAmalI vA Cp. azvatthaH sarvavRkSANAm... (Gt. 10. 26) + jahA sA dumANa pavarA, jaMbU... (Utt. 11. 27) + dumesu jahA jaMbU (Prvy. 26) vs. 19 :- caMdo va tArANa mahANubhAve + ...tadu caMdramA:... (Yajur-veda 32. 1) + nakkhattANa va caMdimA... (Su. I. 11.22) + jahA se uDuvaI caMde nakkhattaparivArie... (Utt. 11.25) + gahagaNa...tAragaNaM va jahA ur3apatI .. (Prvy. 26) Cp....nakSatrANAm...zazAM... (Gt. 10. 21) vs. 20 :- nAgesu vA dharaNiMdamAhu seThe... Cp. + anantazca...nAgAnAm... (Gt. 10. 29)

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30 Bansidhar Bhatt Jambu-jyoti hatthIsu erAvaNamAhu... + airAvataM gajendrANAm... (Gt. 10.27) + jahA...kuMjare.. (Utt. 11. 18) + erAvaNa iva kuMjarANaM (Prvy. 26) + siho migANaM... Cp. mRgANAM ca mRgendraH... (Gt. 10.30) + sihe miyANa pavare (Utt. 11.20) + sIhovva jahA migANa (Prvy. 26, 29) + salilANa gaMgA... Cp. srotasAm...jAhnavI... (Gt. 10.31) + jahA sA naINa pavarA... (Utt. 11.28) + tA Apa: sa prajApatiH (Yajur-veda 32. 1) + pakkhIsu vA garule veNudevo... Cp. vainateyazca pakSiNAm... (Gt. 10. 30) + ...divyaH sa suparNo garutmAn (Rv. 1 164.46) + suparNaM viprA...ekaM sattaM...kalpayanti (Rv. 10. 114.5) (14) jahA kumme saaMgAi sae dehe smaahre| evaM pAvAI medhAvI ajjhappeNa samAhare / / (Su. I. 8. 16) + kummo vva allINa-palINa-gutto... (Dasa. 8.40) + kummo iva guttidie allINe pallINe ciTThai,.. (Bhag. 25.7.215) + kummo viva saaMgAI sae dehammi sAhare... (Rs. 16. 1755) + kummo iva...gutte... (Aup.8 30 = Prvy. 29) Cp. indriyANi samAhRtya kUrmoGgAnIva sarvazaH... (Ndpv. Up. 3.74) + karmoGgAnIva saMhRtya mano hRdi nirudhya ca... ___ (Ks. Up. 3) + yadA saMharate cAyaM kUrmoGgAnIva sarvazaH... (Gt. 2. 58) + yadA saMharate kAmAn karmoGgAnIva sarvazaH... (MBh. 12. 168.40) + prasAryeha yathAGgAni kUrmaH saMharate punaH... (MBh. 12. 313. 39) + (see also Samyuttanikaya 1.7, 17 foll.) (15) sayaM kaDaM NannakaDaM ca dukkhaM Ahesu vijjAcaraNaM pamokkhaM... (Su. I. 12. 11) ___Cp. vidyayA tadArohanti yatra kAmAH parAgatAH / na tatra dakSiNA yanti nAvidvAMsastapasvina-iti / / (SpBr. 10. 5. 4. 16) (16) savvaM jagaM tU samayANuppehI piyamappiyaM kassai No karejjA... (Su. I. 10. 7 = 13. 22) + piyaM na vijjai kiMci appiyaM vina vijjaI... (Utt. 9. 15) Cp. ..azarIraM vAva santaM na priyApriye spazataH... (Ch. Up. 8. 12. 1) (17) naviNAsI (vi NAsI?) kayAi vi... (Su. I. 1.3.9) ___ + ...sato ya atthI asato ya Natthi... (Su. II. 6. 12)

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Jainism vis-a-vis Brahmanism + Na kadAti NAsi na kadAti na bhavati na kadAti na bhavissati ya... (Rs. 37. 1) Cp....na tvevAhaM jAtu nAsam... (Gt. 2. 12) + ...na sanna cAsat... (5v. Up. 4. 18) + nAsato vidyate bhAvo nAbhAvo vidyate sataH... (Gt. 2. 16) (18) ...bhAravahA havaMti uTTA vA... (Su. I. 4.2. 16) + ...tubbhettha bho bhAradharA girANaM adraM na jANeha ahijja vee... (Utt. 12. 15) + jahA kharo caMdaNabhAravAhI bhArassa bhAgI na hu cNdnnss| evaM khu nANI...na hu soggaie // (Av. Nir. 100) Cp. yathA kharazcaMdanabhAravAhI bhArassa vettA na tu caMdanasya / evaM hi zAstrANi bahUnyadhItya cArtheSu mUDhAH kharavad vahanti / (Nir. 1.8) = uttaragItA (v. L... vahet sH|| + (see also Su. Sam. 4. 4) (19) bhAvaNAjogasuddhappA jale nAvA va AhiyA... (Su. I. 15.5) + sarIramAhu nAvatti jIvo vuccai nAvio... (Utt. 23.73) Cp. brahmoDupena pratareta vidvAn srotAMsi sarvANi bhayAvahAni... (Sv. Up. 2. 8) + sarvaM jJAnaplavenaiva vRjinaM saMtariSyasi... (Gt. 4. 36) (20) maggaM na jANAti apassamANe...dhammaM na jANAi abujjhamANe se kovie jiNavayaNeNa pacchA...pAsati... (Su. I. 14. 13) Cp. ...etAM dizaM gandhArAH, etAM dizaM vrajeti, sa grAmAd grAmaM pRcchan paMDito medhAvI gandhArAnevopasaMpadyataivamevAhAcAryavAn puruSo veda... (Ch. Up. 7. 14. 2) (21) Su. I. 4 "itthIparinA", e. g. ___Cp. Mh. Up. 3. 35-37 (22) muMjAo isiyaM...muMje iyaM isiyaM... (Su. II. 1.9) Cp. ...yathA muMjAdiSIkA vivRhed evameva...pApmano niramucyata... (Jm. Br. 2. 134) + ...taM svAccharIrAtpravRhenmuMjAdiveSIkAM dhairyeNa... (Kth. Up. 2. 6. 17) + (see also Dighanikaya 2. 77). (23) avvattarUvaM purisaM mahaMtaM saNAtaNaM akkhayamavvayaM ca... (Su. II. 6.47) Cp. vedAhametaM puruSaM mahAntam... (5v. Up. 3.8) + tamAhuragryaM puruSaM mahAntam... (Sv. Up. 3. 19) + acintyamavyaktamanantarUpam... (Kv. Up. 6) + ...avyayaH...sanAtanaH...puruSaH... (Gt. 11. 18) + ...mahato mahAntam..., puruSaM sanAtanam... (Mh. Up.4.71)

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32 (1) (3) (4) (5) (6) (Kth. Up. 1. 2. 18 = Gt. 2. 20; Mh. Up. 5.165) + avinAzI tu tad viddhi... vinAzamavyayasyAsya na kazcit kartumarhati .... (Gt. 2. 17) jahA ya aggI araNI asaMto khIre dyayaM tellamahA tilesu, evameva jAyA sarIraMsi sattA.... (2) (Utt. 14.18) (7) (8) Section 3: Uttaradhyayana-sutra natthi jIvassa nAsu tti evaM pehejja saMjae.... Cp. jIvApetaM vAva... mriyate, na jIvo mriyata iti .. + avinAzI vA are ayamAtmA... + na jAyate mriyate vA vipazcid ajo nityaH zAzvato'yaM purANa: .. + kSIre sarpirivArpitam... + araNyo rnihito jAtavedAH... Bansidhar Bhatt Cp. tileSu tailaM dadhanIva sarpiH, araNISu cAgniH evamAtmA gRhyate .... (Sv. Up. 1. 15 + ghRtamiva payasi nigUDham ... + tileSu tailamiva.... + tilAnAM tu yathA tailam... + tileSu ca yathA tailam.... Cp. samau zatrau ca mitre ca.. savvAraMbhapariccAo.... + Cp. sarvAraMbhaparityAgI... samaleDukaMcaNe.... Cp. samaloSTAzmakAMcana:.. samayA savvabhUesusattumittesu vA... samo ya savvabhUesu.... Cp. samo'haM sarvabhUteSu... (Utt. 2. 27) (Ch. Up. 6. 11.3) (Bda. Up. 4. 5. 14) lAbhAlAbhe suhe dukkhe... samo niMdApasaMsAsu tahA mANAvamANao.... Cp. stUyamAno na tuSyeta niMdito na zapetparAn... Jambu-jyoti = Bhm. Up 1 ) (Sv. Up. 1. 16) (Kth. Up. 2. 4. 8) (Bhmbd. Up. 20) (Hms. Up. 4) (Dhbd. Up. 7) (Bhmvd. Up. 35 ) (Utt. 19.25) (Gt. 12. 18) (Utt. 19.29) (Gt. 12. 16) + sukhaduHkhe same kRtvA lAbhAlAbhau..... + samaH... mAnAvamAnayo:, tulyaniMdAstutiH.... + ...tulyaniMdAtmasaMstuti:.... jahA pomaM jale jAyaM novalippai vAriNA, evaM alittaM kAmehiM taM vayaM bUma mAhaNA... + tamhA khalu aparisADiNo buddhA novalippaMti pukkharapattaM va vAriNA... + savve viratto... na lippae bhavamajjhe vi saMto, jaleNa vA pokkhariNI- palAsaM ... (Utt. 35.13) (Gt. 14. 24) (Utt. 19. 89 ) (Gt. 9.29) (Utt. 19.90) (KthR. Up. 4) (Gt. 2. 38) (Gt. 12. 18-19) (Gt. 14. 24) (Utt. 25-27) (Utt. 32. 34 etc., passim.) (Rs. 22. 1)

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Jainism vis-a-vis Brahmanism 33 + pokkharapattaM va niruvaleve... (AUp. 830 = Prvy.29) Cp. ...yathA puSkarapalAza Apo na zliSyanta evamevaMvidi pApaM karma na zliSyate... (Ch. Up. 4. 14. 3) + na tasya lipyate prajJA padmapatramivAmbhasA... (Mh. Up. 5. 173) + lipyate na sa pApena padmapatramivAmbhasA... (Gt. 5. 10) + (see also Suttanipata 44. 8, 9) atthi egaM dhuvaM ThANaM logaggaMmi duraaruhN| jattha natthi jarAmaccU vAhiNo veyaNA jahA // ...taM ThANaM sAsayaM vAsaM... sapattA na soyaMti... (Utt. 23. 81, 84) Cp. tapasA karma kavayo'nugatya AhnAya mRtyumatimedhayAyan / yatrAmRtaM na vidyate nota mRtyustatra vidvAMsaH kavayo kSiyanti... (Jm. Br. 2. 73-74) + na jAyate mriyate vA vipazcit...ajo nityaH.. (Kth. Up. 1. 2. 18 = Gt. 2. 20; Mh. Up. 5. 165) + yad gatvA na nivartante tad dhAma paramaM mama... (Gt. 15.6) (10) ayaM...duTThasso paridhAvaI, ArUDho kahaM teNa na hIrasi? padhAvantaM nigiNhAmi sUyarassIsamAhiyaM, na me gacchai ummaggaM... __ (Utt. 23. 55-56) Cp. AtmanaM rathinaM viddhi zarIraM rathameva tu, buddhi tu sArathiM viddhi manaH pragrahameva ca, indriyANi hayAnAhu viSayA~steSu gocarAn... (Kth. Up. 1. 3. 3-4) + ...duSTAzvA iva sAratheH,...sadazvA iva sArathe:... (Kth. Up. 1. 3.5-6) + vijJAnasArathi ryastu manaHpragrahavAn naraH... (Kth. Up. 1. 3.9) + ...buddhIndriyANi...razmayaH karmendriyANi...hayA rathaH zarIraM mano-niyantA ...(Mt. Up. 2.9) + dRSTAzvayuktamiva vAhamenaM vidvAnmano dhArayetApramattaH / ($v. 2.9) (11) jahA sA naINa pavarA salilA sAgaraMgamA... (Utt. 11. 28) Cp. yathA nadyaH syandamAnAH samudre'staM gacchanti... (Md. Up. 3. 2. 8) + yathA nadInAM bahavo'mbuvegA: samudramevAbhimukhA dravanti... (Gt. 11. 28) + ...imA...nadyaH...samudramevApiyanti.. (Ch. Up. 7. 10. 1) (12) aulaM suhaM saMpattA uvamA jassa natthi u... (Utt. 36.67) + amarovamaM jANiya sokkhamuttamaM... (Dasa. 11. 10) + Na vi atthi mANusANaM taM sokkhaM... siddhANaM...Natthi tassa ovamma... (AUp. 8 184 = Prajna. 22. 11. 171-175) Cp. ...te ye zataM mAnuSA AnandA...sa eko brahmaNa AnandaH.... (Tait. Up. 2. 8) + ...Atmani yatsukhaM labhet, na zakyate varNayituM girA... (Mt. Up. 4. 9) + ...atha ye zataM manuSyANAmAnaMdA...athaiSa eva parama AnaMda eSa brahmaloka:... (BdA. Up. 4. 3. 32) (13) dhaNuM parakkama kiccA jIvaM iriyaM sayA, dhiiM ca keyaNaM kiccA sacceNa palimaMthae... (Utt. 9. 21)

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34 (14) (15) (17) (18) (19) Jambu-jyoti Cp. praNavo dhanuH zaro hyAtmA brahma tallakSyamucyate, apramattena veddhavyaM zaravat tanmayo bhavet... (Md. Up. 2. 2. 4 (20) Cp. idamastIdamapi me bhaviSyati puna rdhanam... (16) ....gamissAmo bhikkhamANA kule kule.... Cp. putraiSaNAyAzca vittaiSaNAyAzca lokaiSaNAyAzca vyutthAyAtha bhikSAcaryaM caranti... + dhanustAraM zaro hyAtmA... zaravat tanmayo bhavet.... saMkhacakkagayAdhare... + saMkhacakkayagasattiNaMdagadharA... Cp. zaMkhacakragadA... dharasya vai... imaM ca me atthi imaM ca me natthi, imaM ca me kicca imaM akiccaM ... Bansidhar Bhatt + + Cp. kSurasya dhArA nizitA duratyayA durgaM pathastat kavayo vadanti... jahA u caraI mige, evaM dhammaM carissAmi... + migacAriyaM carittANaM gacchai migacAriyaM... ..ye hyupavasantyaraNye zAntA vidvAMso bhaikSacaryAM carantaH.... triSu varNeSu bhikSAcaryaM caret... asidhArAgamaNaM ceva dukkaraM cariuM tavo... + ...govanmRgayate muniH.. + godharmA mRgadharmA vA... na lipyate karmaNA pAtakena vA... ... bhAsacchannA ivAggiNo... + bhAsacchaNNo jahA vaNhI... + + Cp.. .... dagdhendhanamivAnalam .... + .. pracchanno bhasmaneva hutAzana:.. + ... bhasmacchannamivAnalam ... + + + + + + migacAriyaM carissAmi savvadukkhavimokkhaNi.... Cp. mRgaiH saha parispandaH saMvAsastebhireva ca / taireva sadRzI vRttiH pratyakSaM svargalakSaNam // (Bdh. Dh. Su. 3. 2. 19 = 3. 2. 22) + kRcchrAM vRtti asaMhAryAM sAmAnyAM mRgapakSibhiH.... (Bdh. Dh. Su. 3. 3. 21 ) (Sny. Up. 2.78) (Ps. Su. 5. 18-20) = ... bhasmacchanna ivAnalaH... . bhasmAMgavRtAMgAn iva havyavAhAn... ... gUDho'gniriva dAruSu ... ... yathAnalo bhasmavRtazca vIryavAn... . bhasmacchannAnivAgnI stAn... ...jugamittaM ca khettao... ...purao jugamAyAe pehamANo..... . jugamAyAe pehAe... Dhbd. Up. 14) (Rhd. Up. 38 ) (Utt. 11. 21) (Pvy. 15) (Gputt. Up. 1) (Utt. 14.15 ) (Gt. 16.13) (Utt. 14.26) (Bda. Up. 4. 4. 23) (Md. Up. 1. 2. 11) (Sny. Up. 1) (Utt. 19.37 ) (Kth. Up. 1. 3. 14) (Utt. 19, 77-80) (Utt. 19. 81-84) (Utt. 19.85) (Utt. 25.18) ( Rs. 15. 1747) (Sv. Up. 6. 19) (MBh. 4. 34.29) (MBh. 4.64.6) (MBh. 3. 262. 30) (MBh. 1. 178. 9) (MBh. 12. 137.40) (MBh. 4. 6.3) (MBh. 13.59.7) (Utt. 24.7) (Dasa. 5. 1.3) (Dasa. 6. 150)

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Jainism vis-a-vis Brahmanism 35 Cp. tiSThato vrajato vApi yasya cakSu na dUragam / caturyugAM bhuvaM muktvA ... (Ndpv. Up. 3.66) + careta...yugamAtrAvalokI... (Sat. Up. 18) (21) jahA bhuyAhi tariuM dukkaro rayaNAyaro... (Utt. 19.42) __ [Cp. titIrgha rdustaraM mohAduDupenAsmi sAgaram... Kalidasas Raghuvamsa 1. 2] (22) mihilAe DajjhamANIe na me Dajjhai kiMcaNaM... (Utt. 9. 14) Cp. MBh. 12. 9917 (see also 529. 6641) + (see also Jataka 539. 125; Samyuttanikaya 1. 114; Mahavastu 3. 453... from Utt. J. Charpentier. p: 314)

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Bansidhar Bhatt Jambu-jyoti Section 4: (A) Dasavaikalika-sutra kahaM care, kahaM ciTTe, kahaM Ase, kahaM sae? kahaM bhuMjanto bhAsanto pAvaM kamma na baMdhaI ? (Dasa.4.7) Cp. sthitaprajJasya kA bhASA samAdhisthasya kezava? sthitadhIH kiM prabhASeta kimAsIta vrajeta kim ? (Gt. 2.54) (2) ...mUlAo khaMdhappabhavo dumassa... (Dasa.9.1) ___ + ...mUlaseke phaluppattI... (Rs. 15. 1730). Cp. yad vRkNo rohati mUlAnnavatara: puna:...(BdA. Up. 3.9.28 = Sp. Br. 14. 6. 9. 3) (3) mahukArA samA...nANApiMDarayA...sAhuNo... (Dasa. 1. 5) Cp. ...sarvaM tyaktvA mAdhukaravRttyAhAramAharan.. (Ndpv. Up. 7) + ...mAdhUkareNAnnamaranan..... (Phpv. Up.) + ...madhukaravRttyAhAramAharan... (Sny. Up. 2. 59) + ...madhumakSikavat kRtvA mAdhUkaram... (Sny. Up. 2. 66) + ...carenmAdhukaraM bhaikSaM yati mleMcchakulAdapi... (Sny. Up. 2.71) (4) jahA sasI komuijogajutte nakkhattatArAgaNaparivuDappA, khe sohai vimale abbhamukke... (Dasa. 9. 1. 15) [Cp. nakSatratArAgrahasaMkulApi jyotiSmatI caMdramasaiva rAtriH... Kalidasa's Raghuvamsa. 6. 22] + (see also Gandhari Dhammapada 197.) (B) Rsibhasitani, etc. (1) savvamiNaM purA udagamAsi.. (Rs. 37. 2012) Cp. ...agre'praketaM salilaM sarvamA idam, ...tucchenAbhvapihitaM yadAsIt... __(Rv. 10. 129. 3, Jm. Br. 3. 367) se jahA NAmate daDDesu bIesu Na puNo aMkuruppattI bhavati...Na puNo sarIruppattI bhavati... ___(Rs. 20. 1780-1781) + se jahA NAmae bIyANaM aggidaDDANaM puNaravi aMkuruppattI Na bhavaI.... (AUp. 8 155 = Prajna. 36. 2176) + jahA daDDANaM bIyANaM na jAyaMti punnNkuraa| kammabIesu daDDesu na jAyaMti bhavaMkurA / / (Dasa. 5. 123) Cp. jJAnAgnidagdhakarmANam.... (Gt. 4. 19) + dagdhe bIje yathAtyantaM prAdurbhavati nAGkaraH / karmabIje tathA dagdhe na rohati bhavAGkaraH / / (?) (Quoted in Ac. Cu. p. 129)

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Jainism vis-a-vis Brahmanism 37 (3) imA vijjA mahA vijjA savvavijjANa uttamA / jaM vijjaM sAhaittANaM savvadukkhANa muccati / / Cp. [...sA vidyA yA vimuktaye... A floating verse ?] (Rs. 17. 1757) (Dasa. 5. 121) Appendix (a) dhUmahINo jahA aggI khIyai se niriNdhnne| evaM kammANi khIyaMti mohaNIjje khayaM gae / / Cp. yathA nirindhano vahniH svayonAvupazAmyate / tathA vRttikSayAccittaM svayonAvupazAmyate / (b)...ijjaMjali-homa-jappa-uMDurukka (v. L. uMdurukka)-namokkAra... Cp....DuDukAra-namaskAra-japyopahAra... (Mt. Up. 4. 6) (Anuy. 27) (PsSu. 1.8)

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38 Bansidhar Bhatt Jambu-jyoti 1. Abbreviations and Select Bibliography (1) For "Prolegomena" :Alsdorf. L. Alsdorf : Beitrage zur Geschichte von Vegetarismus und Rinderverehrung in Indien. Akademie d. Wiss. Liter. Mainz 6, 1961. For Review on it, see Heesterman-1966 below. Bhatt-Rome. B. Bhatt : Ahimsa in the Early Religious Tradition of India. Centre for Indian and Inter-relig. Studies, Rome 1994. Bhatt-1989. B. Bhatt: The Concept of the Self and Liberation in Early Jaina Agamas. In : Self and Consciousness, Indian Interpretation. Centre for Indian and Inter Relig. Studies, Rome 1989, pp. 132-72. Bhatt-1994. B. Bhatt : Twelve anuvekkhas in Early Jainism. In. Fest. Klaus Bruhn... Reinbek 1994, pp. 171-93. Bhatt-1995. B. Bhatt : Lupta-pray Adi-kalin Jain Tattva-jnanana-Gudh Samketo.... (In Gujarati). In Samipya 12.1, B. J. Res. Inst., Ahmedabad 1995, pp. 1-49. Bodewitz. H. W. Bodewitz : Review on Tull, see Tull below. In: Jourof the Amer. Orie. Soc. 3.1., New Haven 1991, pp. 173-74. Doctrine. The Doctrine of the Jainas... from the original German : Die Lehre der Jainas ... by W. Schubring, Berlin 1935 translated in English by W. Beurlen. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 1962. Gerow. E. Gerow : What is Karma ?..... In: Proceedings. of the Conf., Sem. of Indian Studies, Stockholm 1982, pp. 87-116. Heesterman-1962. J. C. Heesterman : Vratya and Sacrifice. In. Indo Iranian Journal 6, The Hague 1962, pp. 1-37. Heesterman-1964. J. C. Heesterman : Brahmin, Ritual and Renouncer. In : Wiener Zeitsch. f. d. Kunde Sudasi., 8 Wien 1964, pp. 1-32.

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Jainism vis-a-vis Brahmanism 39 Heesterman-1966. J. C. Heesterman : Review on Alsdorf, see Alsdorf above. In : Indo-Iran. Jour. 9, The Hague 1966, pp. 147-49. Heesterman-1984. J. C. Heesterman : Non-Violence and Sacrifice. In : Indolo. Taurin. 12, Totino 1984, pp. 119-27. Heesterman-1985. J. C. Heesterman: The Inner Conflict of Tradition. The Uni. of Chicago Press, Chicago 1985. Horsch. P. Horsch : Die vedische gatha-und sloka-Literatur. Bern 1966. For a Review on it, see Tsuj below. Horsch-1971. P. Horsch : Vorstufen der indisch, Seelenwander. - lehre. In : Asiat. Studien 25, Bern 1971, pp. 99157. Kuiper. F. B. J. Kuiper : Aryans in the Rigveda. Leiden Studies in Indo-Eur. 1, Amsterdam 1991. Matas. Parpola-1973. E. A. Matas : Rgvedic Society. Leiden 1991. A. Parpola : Arguments for an Aryan Origin of the South Indian Megaliths. Madras 1973. Parpola-1975. A. Parpola : Sanskrit kala- ... Dravidian kal .... and the Mythical Cow of the Four Yugas. In : Indolo. Taurin. 3-4, Torino 1975-76, pp. 361-78. Schmidt. H. P. Schmidt: The Origins of Ahimsa. In: L. Renou Fel. Vol., Melanges D' Indianisme, Paris 1968 pp. 625-55. Schmithausen-1991, L. Schmithausen : The Problem of Sentience of Plants in Earliest Buddhism. Studia Philo.-Buddhica 7, Tokio 1991. Schmithausen-1994. L. Schmithausen : Review on Tull, see Tull below. In: Indo-Iran. Jour. 32.2, The Hague 1994, pp. 15158. Smith. R. M. Smith: The Early Heresies in the Developments of Indian Religions. In : Indolo. Taurin. 2, Torino 1974 pp. 149-98.

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40 Bansidhar Bhatt Jambu-jyoti Tsuj. N. Tsuj. Review on "Horsch", In : Indo-Iranian Journal, 12, The Hague 1969 pp. 27-34. Tull. H. W. Tull: The Vedic Origin of Karma. New York 1990. For Reviews on it, see Bodewitz and Schmithausen-1994 above. Wezler. A. Wezler : Cattle, Field and Barley. In: Adyar Lib. Bulletin 50, Adyar-Madras 1986, pp. 437-77. (2) For References :Note : The texts / articles are arranged here roughly in different Topics from (A) to (E) on the basis of the ideas (in Topics mentioned) discussed in the studies concerned. In fact, our arrangement in Topics is overlapping, but it shall give the readers some information on the whole that these texts / articles also contain some source-material for the study of ideas mentioned in Topics. Traces of karma, transmigration of the souls in early Brahmanical texts W.D. O'Flaherty: M. Witzel : Introduction. To : Karma and Rebirth in Classical Indian Traditions. London 1980, pp. ix-xxv. Tracing the Vedic Dialects. In : Dialects ... IndoAryennes, Paris 1989, pp. 97-264. See also in Bibliography I (1) the following : Bodewitz. Gerow. Heesterman-1964. Horsch. Horsch-1971. Schmithausen-1994. Smith. Tull. (B) Traces of asceticism, Vratyas as Aryans in early Brahmanical texts. K. Ruping : Zur Askese in indisch. Religionen. In: Zeitsch. f. Miss. -wiss. und Religionswiss. 2, Munster 1977, pp. 8198.

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Jainism vis-a-vis Brahmanism L. Skurzak: J. F. Sprockhoff : J. F. Sprockhoff: (c) D. Seyfort Ruegg: P. Schreiner: W. Slaje : (D) M. Deeg: Indian Asceticism in its Historical Development. In: Adyar Lib. Bulletin 31-32, Adyar-Madras 1968, pp. 202-10. Die Alten im alten Indien.... In: Saeculum 30. 4. munchen 1979 pp. 374-433. Aranyakas und Vanaprasthas In Wiener Zeit. f. d. Kunde Sudasiens. Wien: 25. 1981 pp. 21-90; 28. 1984, pp. 5-43; 35. 1995, pp. 5-46. See also in Bibliography I (1) the following: Bhatt-Rome. Heesterman-1962. Heesterman-1964. Heesterman-1985. 41 .... Horsch. Kuiper. Parpola-1975. Traces of ahimsa in early Brahmanical texts :--- Ahimsa and Vegetarianism in the History of Buddhism. In: Buddhist Studies in Hon. of W. Rahula, London 1980, pp. 234-41. Gewaltlosigkeit und Totungsverbot in Hinduismus. In Angst u. Gewalt. Ed. H. von Stietencron, Dusseldorf 1979, pp. 287-308. Heesterman-1966. Heesterman-1984. Bewusstsein und Wahrnehmungsvermogen von Pflanzen aus hindu Sicht. In: Graz Universitat, Graz 1989 pp. 147-69. See also in Bibliography I (1) the following Alsdorf. Schmidt. Bhatt-Rome. Schmithausen-1991. Smith. Wezler. About Sramanas / shamans : Shamanism in......Rv. 10. 136 and Rv. 7. 88. In: Jour. of Uni. of Nagoya 14, Nagoya 1993, pp. 95. 144.

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Bansidhar Bhatt Jambu-jyoti See also in Bibliography I (1) the following :Heesterman-1964. Parpola-1975. Heesterman-1985. Smith. Horsch. Non-ahimsa in the Indus Valley : C. L. Fabri : The Cretan Bull-grappling Sport and the Bull-sacrifice in the Indus Valley Civilization. In : Annual Report, Archaeol. Survey of India, New Delhi 1934-35, pp. 93-101. Mackay : The Indus Culture ..... (?) J. Marshall : Mohenjo Daro and the Indus Civilization. I..... See also in Bibliography I (1) the following - Alsdorf. Bhatt-Rome.

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Jainism vis-a-vis Brahmanism II. Abbreviations and Bibliography (1) Jaina Texts :Ac. Ayaranga-suttam (Acarangasutram). Ed. muni Jambuvijaya. JAgS. 2. 1. 1977. Ac.Cu. Acara-Curni. Ed. Rsabhdevji kesarimalji Svetambar Samstha, Ratlam 1941. Anuy. Anuyogadvarasutra, in : Nandisuttam and Anuogaddaraim. Ed. muni Punyavijaya, Pt. D. Malvania, Pt. A. M. Bhojak, JAgS. 1. 1968, pp. 59-205. Aup. Das Aupapatika Sutra .... Einleitung, Text, Glossar by E. Leumann, Abhandl. f. d. Kunde d. Morgenlandes 8. 2 Leipzig 1883. Also Kraus Reprint, Nendeln 1966. Av-Nir. Avasyaka-Niryukti with Haribhadra's commentary. Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay 1916-17. Bhag. Bhagavati Vyakhyaprajnapti. (Viyahapannatti). Ed. JAGS 4.1 3 1974-82. Dasa. Dasavaikalika-sutra. Ed. E. Leumann. English translation : W. Schubring : Kleine Schriften, Wiesbaden 1977, pp. 118-248. Dasa. Dasasrutaskandha, in : Suttagame II pp. 919.46. Ed. Pupphabhikkhu. Gurgaon Cantt. 1954. JANS. = Jaina-Agama-Series. Shri Mahavira Jaina Vidyalaya, Bombay. Prajna. Prajnapana. (Pannavanasuttam). Ed. muni Punyavijaya. JAgS. 9.1. 1969. Prasnavyakarana. in : Suttagame I pp. 1199-1239. Ed. Pupphabhikkhu. Gurgaon Cantt. 1953. Rs. Rsibhasitani, in : Painnayasuttaim pp. 180-256. Ed. muni Punyavijaya, Pt. A. M. Bhojak. JAgS. 17. 1. 1984. Samay Samayasara of Kundakunda. Ed. A. Chakravarti, Bharatiya Jnanapitha, New Delhi 1971. (2nd Ed. A. N. Upadhye, H. L. Jain.) Sth. Sthana, in: Suttagame I pp. 183-315. Ed. Pupphabhikkhu. Gurgaon Cantt. 1953 Prvy.

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44 Su. Utt. (2) AL ASS Mt/Cow. MUP. NSP PTS Roer SVUP. YUP. WLS (a) AitA. Ait. Br. AV. GatDhSu. Gt. Jambu-jyoti Sutrakrta, in: Acarangasutra and Sutrakrtangasutra. Ed. muni Jambuvijaya. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 1978. The Uttaradhyayana-sutra. Ed. J. Charpentier. Uppsala 1922. Brahmanical Texts : Some Abbreviations: = = - Bansidhar Bhatt = The Adyar Library Madras. Anandasrama Sanskrit Series, Poona. The Twelve Principal Upanisads. Vol. 3, ed. T. Mitra, Cowel. AL 1932. Other than Upanisads : Aitareya Aranyaka. Ass. 38, 1959. Aitareya Brahmana. Ed. Th. Aufrecht, Bonn 1879. Atharva-Veda. Ed. R. Roth., W. D. Whitney, Berlin 1924. BdhDhSu. Baudhayana Dharma Sutra. Ed. W. Caland. Bibliotheca Indica, Calcutta 1904-23. Minor Upanisads. Vol. 1, ed. F. O. Schrader. AL 1912. Nirnay Sagar Press, Bombay. Pali Text Society, London. The Twelve Principal Upanisads. Vols. 1-2, ed. E. Roer. AL 1931. The Samanya Vedanta Upanisads, ed. Pt. A. Mahadev Sastri. AL 1921. The Yoga Upanisads, ed. Pt. A. Mahadeva Sastri. AL 1920. One Hundred and Eight Upanisads, ed. Wasudev Laxman Sastri Pansikar. NSP 1932. Gautama Dharma Sutra. Ed. The Kasi Sanskrit Series 172. Banaras 1966. Gita, with a commentary by R. C. Zaehner. The Clarenden Press, Oxford 1972.

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Jainism vis-a-vis Brahmanism JmBr. Jaiminiya Brahmana. Ed. Lokesh Chandra, Nagpur 1954. Mahabhasya. Patanjali's Mahabhasya. Ed. F. Kielhorn. Bombay 1892 foll. (Reprint: Osnabruck 1970). Mahabharata. Ed. V. S. Sukthankar, Poona 1933 foll. Mandukya-Karika: The Mandukya Upanisad and the Agama Sastra. University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu 1990. Manusmrti. NSP 1946. MBh. Mdy-K. MS. Nir. Pasu. RV. SnkSSu. SpBr. Su-Sam. VDHP. VjSam. Up. (b) Ait. Up. Ap. Up. BdA. Up. Bhk. Up. Bhm. Up. Bhmbd. Up. Bhmvd. Up. Ch. Up. Nirukta of Yaska. Ed. N. Skold, Leipzig 1926. Pasupata Sutra. Ed. R. Ananthakrishna. Trivandrum Sanskrit Series 143, Trivandrum 1940. Rgveda. Ed. Vaidik Samsodhan Mandal, Poona, 1933 foll. Sankhayana Srauta Sutra. Ed. Lokesh Chandra, Nagpur 1953. Satapatha Brahmana. Ed. A. Weber. Reprint: Banaras 1964. Susruta Samhita, Pts. 1-3. Ed. Kasi Sanskrit Granthamala 156, Banaras 1954. 45 VisnuDharmottara Purana. Ed. Venkateshvar Press, Bombay (year ?). Vajasaneyi-Samhita, Madhyandina-Sakha and Kanva-Sakha. Ed. A. Weber, Berlin 1852. Upanisad. For Upanisads, see (b). * Upanisads : Aitareya-Up. Roer. pp. 233 fol. Annapurna-Up. SVup pp. 26 fol. Brhad-Aranyaka-Up. ASS 15. 1914. Bhiksuka-Up. MUp. pp. 231 fol. Brahma-Up. MUp. pp. 73 fol. Brahmabindu-Up. NSP pp. 141 fol. Brahmavidya-Up. YUp. pp. 249 fol. Chandogva-Up. ASS 14, 1914.

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46 Dhbd. Up. Gb. Up. Gputt. Up. Hms. Up. Isa. Up. Jbl. Up. Kn. Up. Ks. Up. Ks.Br. Up. Kth. Up. Kth. R. Up. Kv. Up. Md. Up. Mdy. Up. Mgl. Up. Mh. Up. MhNn. Up. Mt. Up. Ndpv. Up. Nsutt. Up. Ph. Up. Phpv. Up. Psn. Up. Rdh. Up. SarR. Up. Sat. Up. Sbl. Up. Sjbl. Up. Sny-Up. Bansidhar Bhatt Dhyanabindu-Up. YUp. pp. 186 fol. Garbha-Up. SVUp. pp. 168 fol. Gopalottaratapini-Up. NSP. pp. 517 fol. Hamsa-Up. YUp. pp. 559 fol. Isa-Up. Roer, pp. 1 fol. Jabala-Up, Mup. pp. 57 fol. Kena-Up Roer, pp. 13 fol. Ksurika-Up. YUp. pp. 37 fol. Kausitaki-Brahmana-Up. SVUp. pp. 111 fol. Katha-Up. Roer. pp. 39 fol. Katha-Rudra-Up. NSP. pp. 473 fol. Kaivalya-Up. NSP. pp. 128 fol. Mundaka-Up. Ed. J. Hertel, Leipzig 1924. Mandukya-Up. Roer. pp. 169 fol. Mudgala-Up. SVUp. pp. 378 fol. Maha-Up. SVUp. pp.234 fol. Maha-Narayana-Up. Ed. G. A. Jacob, Bombay Sanskrit Series, Bombay 1888. Maitrayaniya-Up. SVUp. pp. 388 fol. Naradaparivrajaka-Up. MUp. pp. 127 fol. Nrsimhottaratapini-Up. NSP. pp. 192 fol. Paramahamsa-Up. MUp. pp. 43 fol. Paramahamsaparivrajaka-Up. MUp. pp. 275 fol. Prasna-Up. Roer. pp. 93 fol. Rudra-hrdaya-Up. NSP. pp. 478 fol. Sarasvati-Rahasya-Up. NSP. pp. 551 fol. Satyayaniya-Up. MUp. pp. 319 fol. Subala-Up. SVUp. pp. 460 fol. Sri-Jabala-Darsana-Up. NSP. pp. 497 fol. Samnyasa-Up. NSP, pp. 411 fol. Jambu-jyoti

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Jainism vis-a-vis Brahmanism 47 Svetasvatara-Up. Roer. pp. 253 fol. Taittiriya-Up. Roer. pp. 181 fol. Sv: Up. Tait. Up. Tjbd. Up. Tt. Up. Tejobindu-Up. YUp. pp. 45 fol. Tripuratapini-Up. NSP. pp. 532 fol. Up. Vh. Up. Vjsc. Up. Ygs. Up. Yv. Up. = Upanisad. Varaha-Up. YUp. pp. 464 fol. Vajrasucika-Up. SVUp. pp. 416 fol. Yogasikha-Up. YUp. pp. 390 fol. Yajnavalkya-Up. MUp. pp. 311 fol. (3) Miscellaneous Texts :PTS = Pali Text Society, London. Anguttara-nikaya : PTS Reprint 1955 fol. Cat. S.: Catuhsataka of Aryadeva. Ed. K. Lang. Indiske Studies 7, Kopenhagen 1986. Dhammapada : PTS 1914. Digha-nikaya : PTS 1890 fol. Gandhari-Dhammapada: Ed. J. Brough, London Oriental Series 7, London 1962. Jatakas : PTS 1962 fol. Mahavastu : Ed. E. Senart, Paris 1882 fol. Samyutta-nikaya : PTS 1913. Udanavarga : PTS 1948. 000

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'Adda' or the Oldest Extant Dispute between Jains and Heretics (Suyagada 2, 6): Part one? W. B. Bollee silanka (silacarya) introduces this lecture by 17 Nijjutti stanzas", only the first four of which occur pratika-wise in Cu and are dealt with there. They commence with the niksepa of adda, the title of the lecture. N 184. namam thavana addam davv'-addam c'eva hoi bhav'-addam eso khalu addassa u nikkhevo cau-viho hoi || d: V: nikkhevo cauvviho3 N 185. udag'-addam sar'-addam chavi-y'-adda vas'-adda taha siles'-addam | eyam davv'-addam khalu bhavenam hoi rag'-addam 11 N 186. ega-bhavie ya baddhaue ya a(b)himuhie ya nama-goe ya ee tinni pagara davv'-Adde honti nayavva 11 a : thus read with MSS in T; C: bhaviya-baddhauya; TV : bhaviyabaddhaue;-b : thus read with MSS in T; TV: abhimuhae N 187. Adda-pure Adda-su(y)o namenam Addao tti an-agaro | tatto samutthiyam inam ajjhayanam Addaijjam ti 11 N 188. kamam duvalas'-angam Jina-vayanam sasayam mahabhagam savv'-ajjhayanai taha savv'-akkhara-samnivaya ya 11 N 189. taha vi ya koi attho uppajjai tammi tanmi samayammi | puvva-bhanio anumao ya hoi Isibhasiesu jaha 11 (N 184) Adda ('wet') can be looked upon as a designation, a figural representation, from a material and from a figurative point of view : this fourfold niksepa of adda does exist, no doubt (khalu).

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'Adda' or the Oldest Extant Dispute between.... 49 As is usual, the Nijjutti first niksepizes the title of the lecture, but for the details we mainly depend on Silanka, because for the Cunni we only have C with its many textual corruptions at our disposal. Though I do not understand Jinadasa's remark here", yet a hint can be drawn from him to the correct etymology of Addaya, namely one born under the asterism Ardra, as mentioned by Panini (4, 3, 28). (N 185) "Moist" in material sense is moist with water (1), moist by nature (2), moist on the surface (3), oily (4) and sticky (5). Moist in a figurative sense is full of love-feeling. Subsequently, silanka gives the following examples for dav'-adda : mud (1), Gmelina arborea (?), Sochal salt and the likes (2), camphor, red Asoka? etc. (3), smeared with a fatty substance (as marrow) (4) and pillars, walls etc. smeared with hard mortaro (5). (N 186) The quantity of life bound by a form of existence, the future name and the family--these are the three kinds of material adda one should know. As to silanka, dravyardra pertaining to Prince Ardraka can also be taken differently-according to Anuog $ 49110, that is -, namely concerning a soul which immediately after returning from a heaven'l is reborn in the person of Ardraka-kumara whose quantity of life, name, and sex are the immaterial counterpart to dravyardra'2 (N 187) In Addapura there lived a vagrant ascetic named Addaya, the son of Adda. After him, namely Addaya, this lecture got its name. (N 188) The Jina's word, namely the 12 Angas, indeed is everlasting and eminent, (and) so are all their lectures and all combinations of syllables. (N 189) Nevertheless, some truth appears this very moment as was said earlier and approved of in the Isibhasiyaim. As the stanza begins with taha vi ya a preceding jai vi is expected. Here apparently a stanza has dropped out which silanka still had before him as he glosses the words jai vi by yady api sarvam-apidam dravyarthatah sasvatam.

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50 W. B. Bollee Jambu-jyoti Isibhasiyesu : the 28th lecture of this text is called Addaijj'ajjhayanam. Besides, the Cunni on Anuog SS 266 as well as Samav 23 mention our lecture and in T II 136b 7 it says tatha purvam-apy-asav artho'nyam uddisyokto'numatas'ca bhavati Rsibhasitesuttaradhyayanadisu yatha. Utt 31, 16 mentions the 23 lectures of the Suyagada and Santisuri 616a 5 quotes Avasyaka-samgrahani 36 (AVNHar 658a 12) enumerating the titles of the Suy II lectures. Jinadasa only tells us the Adda story, but does not comment on the following N stanzas : N 190. ajj'-Addaena Gosala-bhikkhu-bambha-vvai-ti-dandinam | jaha hatthi-tavasanam kahiyam inam-o taha voccam | b: thus read m.c. for all edd. : bambhavai; - d :?: vuccham N 191. game Vasanta-purae Samaio gharani-sahid nikkhanto | bhikkha-yariya-dittha ohasiya bhatta vehasam ||| N 192. samvega-samavanno mai bhattam caittu diya-loe | caiunam Adda-pure Adda-suyo Addao jao || N 193. pii ya donha duo pucchanam Abhayassa patthave so vi | tenavi samma-ditthi tti hojja padima rahammi gaya || N 194. datthum sambuddho rakkhio ya asana vahana palao pavvavanto dhario rajjam na karei, ko anno ? || c: thus to be corrected in Bollee 1995 : 136 N 195. a-ganinto nikkhanto viharai padimae dariga-vario su-yarana-vasu-harao ranno kahanam ca devie || c: thus v.1. in T for the metrically faulty : suvanna-vasu read by VT N 196. tam nei piya tise pucchana kahanam ca varana-dovare janahi paya-bimbam agamanam kahana niggamanam | N 197. padimagaya-ssamive sa-parivara a-bhikkha padivayanam | bhoga suyana pucchana suya-badha punne ya niggamanam || N 198. Rayagihagama cora raya-bhaya-kahana tesi dikkha ya| Gosala-bhikkhu-bambhi ti-dandiya tavase[hi saha] valy)o || d : thus read m.c. against VT and accordingly correct Bollee 1995 : 136

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'Adda' or the Oldest Extant Dispute between.... 51 N 199. vae paraiitta savve vi ya saranam abbhuvagaya te Addaga-sahiya savve Jina-vira-sagase nikkhanta 1| N 200. na dukkarar va nara-pasa-moyanam gayassa mattassa vanammi rayam | jaha u cattavaliena tantuna su-dukkaram me padihai moyanam || a : thus MSS in T for :nam;-c: all prints : vatta (N 190) That discussion of the monk Gosala, the brahmin renouncer, the Tridandin, and the elephant ascetic with the venerable Addaka I shall recount just as it happened. Tidandinam: at T II 154 b 4 silanka holds the speaker of Suy 2, 6, 46 to be an eka-dandin; see my note on that stanza. (N 191) In the village of Vasantapura, Samaiya went forth into homelessness with his wife. Seen a-begging, she was solicited (by him and therefore brought herself) to refuse food and hang herself. Vasanta-purae : T II 137 b 1 Magadha-janapade Vasanta-purako gramah. modern Basantpur, north of Purnia, Bihar (Jain 1984 : 428). Ohasiya : Sa. *avabhasita (Bollee 1994, s.v.). Bhatta vehasam : T II 137 b 7 bhakta-pratyakhyana-purvakam atmodbandhanam akari. Mahavira disapproved of violent deaths, but made an exception for hanging in extreme circumstances (Settar 1990 : 16 and 22 where our reference, and its combination with terminal fasting, is not dealt with, however). (N 192) Panic-stricken (and) subject to illusion (he renounced) food, (died and) was reborn in heaven. After ending that course he was reborn as Addaya, the son of Adda, in Addapura. Mai : acaryasyanivedyaivasau mayavi (T II 137 b 9). After this stanza Silanka's word commentary is silent till N 200. From N 195-199 the nijjutti's character as a teacher's aid of memory in a religion class becomes particularly clear. My rendering tries to mirror this style, but more than once cannot but be tentative.

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52 W. B. Bollee Ja abu jy i (N 193) Affection between the two. Messe iger He put a question to Abhaya. In the idea that there might be a sudden co aprehensive intuition (for Abhaya) a statue secretly travelled with this very (messenger), Rahamsi : iyara-divase Abhayassa dhukko. Abhaya kumara-sattam pahu dan uvanei bhanio ya, jaha Adda-kumaro anjalim karei, tena pahudam paditthiyam duo ya sakkario. Abhayo vi parinamiyae buddhie parinameuna so bhava-siddhio jo mae saddhim pim karei. Evam saskappeuna padima karijjai. Tam manjusae chodhum acchai. So due anna yavi apucchai. Tena tassa manjusae (padima) appiya bhanio ya eso, jaha kumaro bhannai eyam manjusam rahasse ugghadejjasi, ma maha - yana-majjhe, jaha na koi pecchei (Cu 415, 7 sqq.). As T II passes over these details of the statue story, he already may have read and not understood rahammi. (N 194) At (its) sight he did receive a revelation and, though guarded, he made off riding horses. Renouncing the world though held back, he did not rule. Who else (would) ? Asana vahana : asva-vahanikaya vinirgatah (T II 138a 14). Cf. N 197 suyana pucchana. (N 195) Disregarding (a deity's warning) he fled the world, but remained under a layman's vow. (Then) he was sought in marriage by a young woman. Streams of golden gifts. Telling the king and queen. (N 196) It was he whom her father brought her. Question and story about the way of choosing. You must recognize him by a disk on his feet / the shape of his feet. His arrival. Story. His renouncing worldly life. (N 197) Near the man with the layman's vow she was constantly surrounded by others. The answer. Enjoyments. A children's question. The tying up by his son and his leaving into homelessness when (the 12 years' period) had come to an end. (N 198) At his return to Rayagiha (his former guardians had become) dacoits out of fear of the king. Their story and renunciation. The dispute with a Gosala and a Buddhist monk, a brahmin, a Tridandin, and an ascetic. (N 199) After being besieged in a religious dispute all of Ardraka's companions sought spiritual refuge with Mahavira and left worldly existence.

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'Adda' or the Oldest Extant Dispute between.... (N 200) It is not difficult to free himself from the fetters of men for a mad elephant in the jungle, Oh king, but how to free myself from a thread turned around me as on a spindle seemed very difficult to me. 53 Jaha: etat tu me pratibhati duskaram yac catatravalitena (!) tantuna baddhasya mama pratimocanam (T II 139 a 14). The very rare word catta, Sa. cattra probably designates the skewer in D. Schlingloff's exemplary description of cotton manufacture in India (Schilingloff 1974: 86). According to Silanka, in Vasantapuraka, a place in Magadha, there lived a layman named Samayika who, after hearing a sermon of his teacher Dharmaghosa13, renounced the world and so did his wife. Once he happened to see her on his alms-round and wanted her. She, however, refused and, realizing that he would pursue her in his passion, stopped taking food and eventually hang herself. Disconcerted, he too, without telling his acarya stopped eating, died, and reached heaven like she had already before him. Then he was reborn as Ardraka, son of Ardraka, in Ardrapura14, whereas she obtained rebirth as a Sheth's daughter in Vasantapura15. One day Ardraka betakes himself with an older attendant (mahattama) 16 to King Srenika in order to present him as his father's bosom friend (paramamitra) with valuable gifts. When Ardraka hears that Srenika has a worthy (yogya) son, he begs his attendant to offer this Prince Abhaya presents of himself, that is Ardraka jr. Thus is done the day after the durbar in the royal palace. Abhaya kindly accepts the homage (?) 17. When Ardraka is back home the return presents from the King arrive, and from Abhaya a representation (image) of the first Tirthankara, the sight of which reminds Ardraka of his previous existences, inter alia, one as a deity. Not even satisfied by heavenly enjoyments, earthly ones interest him even less so that his father was worried and therefore had him guarded by 500 Rajputs. Nevertheless, at a ride on horse-back (? asva-vahanika) 18 he manages to flee and subsequently renounces the world though a deity tries to prevent him and warn him of a danger. When he reached Vasantapura and is practicing/undertaking kayotsarga under the 11th layman's vow19, he is seen by the sheth's daughter who wants to marry him. Then the deity rains six and a half koti of gold for the girl and prevents 20 the king from seizing it only by letting arise snakes etc. When wooed later, she wants to be given only to that man in connection

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54 W. B. Bollee Jambu-jyoti with whom there had been a gold rain and whom she will know by a foot mark (pada-gatabhijnana). This happens to be when Ardraka, who had continued wandering returns after 12 years, is recognized and, pursued by the woman, remembers the deity's warning, yet breaks his vow by an act of fate21 and becomes entangled with her. After the birth of a son, Ardraka wants to go his way again while the woman begins to earn a living for herself and her son by spinning cotton (karpasa-kartana). The son wraps his father up in 12 threads in order to persuade him to stay with his mother which the man then does for so many years. Subsequently, Ardraka goes to Rajagrha. Yet on his way, he falls in with the 500 Rajputs who after Adraka's flight had not dared return to the king and subsisted on dacoity in a jungle stronghold. Ardraka instructs them and they become monks. On their entering the capital, Gosalaka, the elephant ascetics, and the brahmins22 are defeated in a dispute which establishes the connection with the theme of the canonical text below. When Ardraka betakes himself to the king, an elephant tied up vari-chudhao sees him and wants to be freed by Ardraka's teya-pabhava, but is destroyed (nattho, Cu ibid.). Ardraka then speaks N 200 where, however, the mad jungle elephant does not fit the Cu story. In T, Ardraka tells this episode to the king who asks him katham tvad-darsanato hasti nirgalah samvrtta iti and the reply is mahan Bhagavatah prabhavah (T II 139a 13), which also diverges from N 200. Then follows the main text of verses in Tristubh metre. In this metre the fifth syllable is in principle anceps, but in the Indian editions used here it is most times long23 a fact I have not indicated just as I have left out the ta-sruti or substituted it by ya. The first two stanzas of the canon text are spoken by Gosalaka. 2, 6, 1 pura-kadam, Adda, imam suneha : eg'-anta-yari samane pur'asi | se bhikkhuno uvanetta an-ege aikkhai 'nhim pudho vittharenam || a : thus J; TV: suneha-m-;-d: oikkhatinhim, V: aikkhaenhim, J: aikkhatenham Hear, Adda, what he did long ago : at first he was a solitary monk, then he initiated many monks, and now he teaches

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'Adda' or the Oldest Extant Dispute between.... the dhamma to each of them. Pura-kadam : sarvair api Tirthakaraih k tam pure-kadam (Cu 417, 6), purvam yad anena bhavat-tirthakrta krtam (T II 139 b 8 sq.). Suneha: see Pi SS 503 in fine. In Sanskrit, the use of the indicative pro imperativo is restricted to the first person (Speijer 1886: 276). 55 Eg'-anta-yari: the Tika tradition uniformly reads megantadeg. As an enjambment of the a-pada is out of question and (m)e does not fit in the b-pada, nor does Silanka comment on it, we may assume a scribal error analogous with the many cases in Dasav and Utt where suneha me occurs, esp. at the beginning of a lecture, like at Utt 1,1 = Dasav 8, 1 anupuvvim suneha me; Utt 20, 38 where sunehi me is to be read instead of Charpentier's munehi, or Utt 35, 1 suneha me egamana (thus read m.c.). This stanza portrays the Jain monk's full responsibility for his destiny and control of his life, his original isolation and independence, which mirror the state of the soul as conceived by Jainism (Dundas 1992: 37 with parallels), but is also the old Buddhist ideal (Suttanipata 35 sqq.). An-ega: acc. masc. pl., as in Pali. This form should be added in Pi SS 435. Aikkhai : also at Suy 2, 1, 30 (cf. Pali acikkhati, BHS aciksati). 2, 6, 2 sa 'jiviya patthaviya 'thirenam sabha-gao ganao bhikku-majjhe | aikkhamano bahu-janna-m-attham na samdhayai avarena puvvam || d: TVJ samdhayai This is the way of life adopted by an inconstant man: by going among (other) monks from his gana into an assembly and teaching mass salvation he behaves differently from his past (conduct). Ajiviya: the use of this word by the Ajivika Gosala can hardly be by chance. According to Silanka, Gosala here accuses the Jains of hypocrisy resp. renunciation of principles: "thinking 'ordinary people do not respect a person living alone' for opportunist reasons he (Mahavira) has surrounded himself with many followers". A saying in T underpins this reproach24.

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56 W. B. Bollee Jambu-jyoti Sabha-gao etc. : 'to stand up in a crowd of men, surrounded by monks, and to teach his doctrines for the benefit of many people' (Jac.) following ? II 140 a 5 sabhayam gatah-sa-deva-manuja-parsadi vyavasthitah, this being also possible. Here as in Vinaya I 5, 12, we can still see traces of the Vedic reluctance (Aranyakas) to divulge secret knowledge.-Ganao : ganaso bahuso 'n-ekasah (T loc. cit.), which ganatas can hardly mean. Or is gana(t)o a copyist's error for ganaso ? This remains unclear; it was left out in Jac.'s rendering. Bahu-janna-o: Pa. bahujanna for which PED refers to bahu- (in one idiomatic expression only). - Cu 418, 2 janaya hitam janyam bahu-janaya bahu-janyam tam cartham kathayati, T II 140 a 6 bahu-janebhyo hitah artho bahu-janyo 'rthas.-Because of this adjective, attham, in my opinion, is the object of oikkhamano and not a postposition, as Jac. seems to think; but cf. stanza 4. Samdhayai: metrically conditioned form for which Cu 418, 3 reads samdhayati, T II 140 a 7 samdhatte. For -ava- > -a- see Pi SS 165. 2, 6, 3 eg'-anta-m-eva-m-aduva vi inhim, do v' anna-m-annam na samei jamha puvvim ca inhim ca an-agayam va eg'-anta-m-eva padisamdhayai | a : VT and Basham 1951 : 53 n. 3 : evam aduva; J : eva aduva; - read : viy'? -V: enhim;--b:J: samenti;-d: VT and Basham 1.c. : evam padio. (He should live) either in solitude or (as he does) now, because these two (modes) are mutually exclusive. (Adda speaks :) He combines the past with the present and the future (by living) alone. c = Utt 12, 32 a (with ca instead of va and the variant puvvim ca paccha ca tah'eva majjhe) Eg'-anta : yadi ekanta-caritvam sobhanam, etad evatyantam kartavyam abhavisyat (Cu 418, 6, similarly T). In unpolished dialogue style, it is difficult to tell an adjective from a case form with no ending25.

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'Adda' or the Oldest Extant Dispute between.... 57 Vi : for viy' ? Unclear comments. Cu l.c. continues : uta manyase idam maha-parivara-vrttam sadhu(m) tad idam adav evacaraniyam asit. Puvvim : according to Pis 103 not corresponding to Sa.purvam (though the text of Suy 1, 3, 4, 4 reads puvvam), but to Sa. ss purvim like saddhim equals Ved. sadhrim. However, cf. BHS purvi m.c. for purve as an adjective. 2, 6, 4 samecca logas tasa-thavaranan khemam-kare samane mahane va | aikkhamano vi sahassa-majjhe eg'-antayam sarayai tahacce 11 a: thus J and Pi 591 for CTV : samicca A sramana or brahmin who understands the living beingsthe moving and non-moving ones-one who makes (his fellow beings) feel at peace and secure, truly shows himself to be a monk even when teaching amidst (a) thousand(s). Khemam-kare : at Suy 2, 1, 13 used of the raja (Bollee 1977 : 135). Tahacce : other occurrences of this word, which is not found in PSM and APSAK, seem restricted to Suy 1, 13, 7 and 1, 15, 18. In the latter instance and in our place here Jac. rendered it by '(remaining in the same) mental disposition (as before)', presumably following the cites. Cu 419, 5 and T II 141 a 7 sq. explain it by tatharca equalling arca (which in Sa. means 'worship' or 'idol' [MW] with lesya 'mental disposition' or sarira and thus revealing their ignorance. Tahacca corresponds in meaning to Pa. tathatta and to BHS tathatva. The apparent development of -cc- < -tv- which Pischel (SS 281 and 299) and Roth (1983 : 157) assumed was repeatedly sh improbable by Norman not only for absolutives but also for caccara26. In the case of tahacca I think we have to do with a contamination of "tahatta and sacca. 2, 6,5 dhammam kahantassa u n'atthi doso khantassa dantassa jiy'-indiyassa | bhasae dose ya vivajjagassa gune ya bhasaya nisevagassa 11 a : CJ : kahentassa;-b:J: jitendassa;C: VTJ : bhasaya

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58 W. B. Bollee Jambu-jyoti It is no offence, when a quiet and restrained man who is in control of his senses and does not use speech for negative purposes, but rather employs it positively, professes his dharma. b = AyarN 231 a;-c: cf. Dasav 7, 56 ab U : = Sa. tu in the sense of api according to silanka. 2, 6, 6 maha-vvae panca anuvvae ya tah'eva pancasava samvare ya 1 vira(y)im iha-ssamaniyammi panne lavavasakki "samane" ti bemi || C:V: punne (following Silanka's cty. parne) Who knows the five major and the five minor vows as well as the five influxes and the ways to ward them off, who knows the observances a monk in this world should keep, who pushes off (karmic) atoms, - he is a true monk. Thus I say. d: cf. 20 d . Pancasava : I follow silanka (asravan, T II 141 b 7) and Jacobi (Cu is unclear) taking asava as an acc. pl. m. -a with m.c. shortened ending27, as otherwise the second ya has no function. Panne: T has this reading also in his text, but Silanka must have read punne in his exemplar, for he sankritizes purne - krtsne samyame vidhatavye, but mentions prajna as a patha. Jacobi translates 'blessed (life of Sramanas)' which would correspond to punye in Sa.; as to this he gives no explanation. In this way the sentence made up of the padas a-c lacks a verb, which Silanka supplies with prajnapitavan and pratipaditavan, resp., and Jacobi by 'he teaches'. Perhaps the commentator objected to panne, because prajna resp. prajna (thus Cu 419, 11) seems to be used only absolutely ('wise') resp. ifc. in Sa. and Pali, though otherwise in the latter two languages an accusative of the object at deverbative nouns at least is known28, if not as frequent as in Vedic29 The appearance of the varia lectio may have been caused by assimilation in the pronunciation of a and u.

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'Adda' or the Oldest Extant Dispute between.... 59 Lavavasakki : see Bollee 1988: 63 note on 1, 2, 2, 20. 2, 6, 7 siodagam sevau biya-kayam ahaya-kammam taha itthiyao | eg'-anta-cariss' iha amha dhamme tavassino nabhisamei pavam || d:J:no 'hisameti In our faith no evil (karman) arises for an ascetic who drinks unboiled water, eats seeds (or) food prepared especially for alms receivers, or enjoys women, as long as he lives alone in this world. Ahaya-kammam : this form proves the new etymology *aghata-karman '(food) for which killing has taken place proposed by Jain30. Such food as alms has always been forbidden to Jain and Buddhist monks in so far as the animal was killed especially for them31. The strict attitude concerning ahimsa may have accompanied the conversion of Rajputs in western India in the 7-8th cent. C. E., 32 a psychologically understandable phenomenon. Many Jains still consider themselves of Rajput origin33 Eg'-antao : cf. Basham 1951 : 115 "We have here a definite indication of lonely wanderers, not gathered in communities, living according to the ascetic rules laid down by Gosala". Iha-0 : after the caesura, but should belong to the preceding part of the pada. Abhisamei : sambandham upayati (T II 142 a 12). In the sense of 'to come up, appear' abhisamaiti and abhisameti do not occur in Sa. and Pa., resp. 2,6,8 siodagam va taha biya-kayam ahaya-kammam taha itthiyao eyai jana - padisevamana agarino a-ssamana bhavanti || c: TVJ : janan (Adda speaks :)

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60 Jambu-jyoti (Ascetics,) who use unboiled water or seeds, food especially prepared for alms receivers or who enjoy women-know these things! --are laymen, not monks. W. B. Bollee Siodagam etc with regard to this the Jains originally sided with the Ajivikas, as Suy 1, 3, 4, 1 sqq. show. Jana: TII 142b 1 : janihi, jana is found also at Ayar 1, 3, 1, 1. 2, 6, 9 a: TVJ siya ya biodaga;-b: thus J; TV: bhavantu;-d: T: u tam 'vi V: u tam pi, J: sevanti jam te vi. biya ya siodaga itthiyao padisevamana samana bhavanti | agarino vi samana bhavantu; sevanti u te vi taha-ppagaram || If (ya) those who use seeds and unboiled water, and enjoy women are monks, then also laymen must be monks as they, too, practise such a regimen. Cu has a lacuna here: pratika, comment and stanza number 677 are left out. Silanka explains: syad etad bhavadiyam matam yatha: te ekantacarinah (...) katham te na tapasvina ity etad asankyardraka aha: yadi bijadyupabhogino 'pi sramana ity evam bhavatabhyupagamyate, evam tarhi (...). Though siya is typical for Jainism, it seems to me an early copyist's error influenced by the next stanza. 2, 6, 10 U: tu-r-avadharane (T II 142 b 6). A restriction, however, does not fit here, rather a reason or a confirmation. U, therefore, may stand here for va = eva. je yavi biodaga-bhoi bhikkhu bhikkham c' iham jayai jiviy'-atthi | te nai-samjoga-m-avi ppahaya kayovaga n' anta-kara bhavanti || a: C je yavi sitodagam eva (emended as: biodaga bhoti) bhikkhu;-- b: C ca iha; TVJ viham (T II 142b 8: bhiksam ca);-d: J: 'nantakara

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'Adda' or the Oldest Extant Dispute between.... Besides, monks who use seeds and unboiled water, and seeking their sustenance in this world, go for almsfood will reincarnate (and) do not set an end (to samsara), even though giving up the contact with / separating themselves from their relatives. c = 21c Biodaga: probably read: siodaga-deg (cf. Cu 421, 1). Cu 420, 14: koi namm itthio pariharati loka-rava-bhito-balo vrddho va--na dharma-yogyo va stri- varjam api sitodaga-bhoji nama bhikkhu bhiksam ca iha tava ke jivato dhyana-nimittam jivit'-atthata evam-prakara. Natina samjogo nati-samjogo purvapara-sambandhadi, api padarthadisu nati-samyogam iti duppajja hanijjam. Mumuksavo 'pi santah kayopaka eva bhavanti, an-antam kurvantity an-anta-karah karmanam samsarasya bhavasya duhkhanam evety arthah. Bhikkham etc.: cf. Dasav 9, 1, 6 jo va visam khayai jiviy'-atthi, which passage in the same metre Silanka may have had in mind when reading viham (though c and v are easily interchanged of course), but he does not comment on it and in fact it makes no sense here. Jacobi, too, passes over this word. I, therefore, adopted the Cu reading.-Another hint at a possible connection with the above Dasav passage is the sg. jayai required by the metre as against jayanti. The short plural forms-bhoi bhikkhu may have contributed to jayai. Kayovaga: cf. SN II 24, 26 balo kayassa bheda kay' upago hoti. (Gosala speaks :) 2, 6, 11 61 imam vayam tu tuma pau-kuvvam pavaino garihasi savva(m) eva | pavaino u pudho kittayanta sayam sayam ditthi karenti pau || a: C: thus corrected for originally : evam vai tumam;-b: J: garahasi; TVJ: savva;-c: V: pavaino pudho pudho kitt;-d: V: karonti; -J: paum But if you advance such an opinion, you categorically reproach all who profess a religious life.

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62 W. B. Bollee Jambu-jyoti (Adda speaks :) Every single person, however, who professes a religious life, however, praises his own persuasion and makes it publicly known. Vayam : vai corrected as vayam (Cu 421, 4) resp. vacam (T II 143 a 6). For this reading there are therefore two, for the interpretation several possibilities, all supposing not very satisfactory presumptions, e.g. vais requires an unfound Old Indian etymon *vaci, the -a- of which became -ain a pretonic position (Pi SS 413)34. Furthermore, for Pa. vaci PED only gives Sn 472 and for the rest takes this form to be a compound form of vaco. Vayam could also be an accusative and equal Sa. vacas, also in Pa. (Gg. S 99), yet apparently in both middle Indo-Aryan canonical languages only the instr. of this word occurs, in Pa. also vaco - Amg. vao. Finally, the Amg. equivalent of Sa, vrata could be considered which, however, semantically does not fit here very well. Pau-kuvvam : in the canonical seniors pau-karai is restricted to Suy and Utt and has for objects dhammam (Suy 1, 2, 2, 7 and 1,12, 19), vinayam (Utt 1, 1) and ayaram (Utt 11, 1). Old Pali (e.g. Sn 316 with dhammam) is no help to our problem either and the same holds true for imam, which is acc. sg. mfn. (Pi SS 430). Pavaino : 'philosophers' (Jac.); pravadana-sila pravadukah (Cu 421, 7), similarly Silanka. This word, as well as semantically in fact also the four preceding stanzas, must probably be connected with Ayar 1, 4, 2 and 3, esp. 1, 4, 2, 6, where pavauya are addressed, and with 1, 4, 3, 2* pavaiya and Suy 2, 2, 80 pavauya. Schubring renders the Ayar references by 'Widerredner' and gives as their etymon JHS pravadika pravaduka resp.; cf. Pa. pavadati 'to dispute'(PED). Sa. pravadin has a short first syllable and a slightly different meaning. Pudho : cf. 1, 1, 3, 13 cd pudho pavauya savve akkhayaro sayam sayam. 2, 6, 12 te anna-m-annassa u garahamana, akkhanti bho ! samana mahana ya sao ya atthi a-sao ya n'atthi garahamo ditthim, na garahamo kimci ||

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'Adda' or the Oldest Extant Dispute between.... a: C: thus corrected for originally : annamannassa tu te; -J: 'assa vi gara";--b:J: akkhanti u samo sramanas and brahmanas, sir, criticize each other : one's own side is (right), the opponent (wrong). We only censure a wrong view, (but otherwise, we do not censure anything. Akkhanti : akhyanti (Cu 421, 11), acaksate (T II 143 a 12). Formally, Jinadasa is right (cf. Pi SS 492), semantically there is no difference here. Sao etc. : "(The truth, they say, ) is all on their side [...]" (Jac.). Svam atmiya-vacanam ity arthah, tasmat sutam sreyo 'sti nirvanam ity arthah (Cu 421, 11 sq.), svata iti svakiye pakse svabhyupagame 'sti punyam tatkaryam ca svargapavargadikam asti (T II 143 a 14 sq.). I have not found any parallels. Formally sao can equal Sa. satas as well, as is shown by 1, 13, 1 c (also Tristubh metre) : sao ya dhammam a-sao a-silam santim asantim karissami paum. - In Pa. the gen. sg. sato is not found apparently (PED, Gg.). Garahamo etc. : "But we blame only the wrong dictrines and not at all (those who entertain them)' [Jac.] Ditthim : at Cu 421, 14 referable particularly to the Buddhists, as to which Jinadasa may rather have had his own times in view than the past of the text. In the d pada either the object must be supplied which is hard here or one must render the second garahamo by to call names and take kimci as a predicative attribute of the object (which, however, is missing then also) as apparently the commentators do : tan nanu kimca garahamo ? Jinadasa asks and replies on Adda's behalf : na, yatha tvam, papa-drstih mithya-drstih mudho murkhah a-janako veti (Cu 421, 14) and similarly Silanka : na kamcid (!)35 garhamah kona-kunthodghattanadi-prakarena36. Controversies abounding in invectives during religious disputes occurred not even long ago. Thus von Glasenapp (1928 : 14) wrote about Dayanand Sarasvati, who originally was a follower of Sankara and later founded the Arya-samaj : "Mit seiner gewaltigen Stimme suchte er bei seinen endlosen Redekampfen die Gegner niederzuschreien und sparte auch nicht mit Schimpfworten, wenn es galt, sich ihrer zu erwehren.37" 2, 6, 13 na kimci ruven' abhidharayamo sa-ditthi-maggam tu karemu paum |

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64 W. B. Bollee magge ime kittie ariehim an-uttare sap-purisehi anju || b: J: sam ditthimaggam tu karemo By no mans do we criticize (a person's) private qualities, but we (only) proclaim our own religious way. This way, the unexcelled (and) straight one, has been recommended by noble men, by good people. Jambu-jyoti Na kimci etc. : "We do not detract from anybody because of his personal qualities" (Jac.). Silanka explains the opening words by na kancana sramanam brahmanam va (T II 143 b 10 sq.), cf. note on prec. stanza. Ruvena: according to Cu 422, I apparently a physical quality by which one reviles a person is meant, "as when someone says to another who makes a mistake: One-eye! Humpback! Leper 138 or reviles him as to his origin: "He is doing the work of a Candala39." In the same way (one should not say) : "Bloody Tridandin, damned sophist !40 What you preach here is wrong. What does the stupid Kapila think how the soul does act ?" etc41. Further, the Buddhists, too, are being abused42 and their doctrine of the skandhas attacked. At T II 143 b 11 the gloss on ruvena is restricted to insult because of bodily parts provoking abhorrence, or caste or the (ab) use of caste marks43. Abhidharayamo:vacam bemi (Cu 422, 7), garhanabuddhyodghattayamah (T II 143 b 11 sq.). The verb, which has a counterpart in Pali and BHS, there means 'to uphold, maintain' (CPD) resp. 'to support; assist' (BHSD), in Sa. also 'to resist' (MW)44. In our passage, however, it can hardly be anything but equivalent to garahai, cf. Ved. abhibharati 'to lay or throw upon (as a fault or blame)' (MW); for the semantic development cf. jugupsati as a desiderative of VGUP. Magge etc.: 'I have been told the supreme, right path by worthy, good men' (Jac.). Ime: nom. m. sg. (Pi SS 430). Ariyehim sarva-jnais tyajya-dharma-dura-vartibhih (T II 144 a 3). According to Leumann (1921: 40) "das Beiwort edel fehlt bei Mahavira und Andezen - im Gegensatz zum Buddha," but Silanka apparently does relate it to Arhats and the same is the case, I would say, with Ayar 1, 2, 2, 3 esa magge ariyehim paveie. At SN III 4, 15 ariya are equalled to sap-purisa.

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'Adda' or the Oldest Extant Dispute between.... Anuttare: cf. DN II 246, 6* esa maggo uju45 maggo esa maggo an-uttaro. 2, 6, 14 uddham ahe yam tiriyam disasu tasa ya je thavara je ya pana | bhuyabhisankae dugunchamano no garahai vusimam kimci loe || 65 a: Jahe ya; -c T: bhuyahisamkabhi, V: bhayahisamkabhi; TVJ : dugunchamana A (person) leading a monk's life and dreading to harm (other) beings-- beings that move beyond, under and horizontally in the directions and such as do not do that- by no means criticizes anything in the world. a cf. PindaN 363;-c 1, 14, 20 a Bhuyabhisankae: sankalaye annane ca (Cu 423, 2), bhutam-sadbhutam tathyam tatrabhisankaya (T II 144 a 8 sq.) which Silanka follows up by the right explanation. Vusimam 'well-controlled' (Jac.), 'sage' (Caillat 1991 86 and 88). Mme. Caillat suggests "vusimam could have been an old equivalent of tirthakrt, a 'fordmaker', or a 'sage", with PSM connecting the word with Sa. brsi 'a pad, (esp.) the seat of an ascetic' + -ma(nt) -. Thus the image would be that the monk use his seat as a raft to cross samsara. Rafts for crossing rivers have of course been employed from time immemorial46. Kimci loe: Osavva-loe tti trailokye pasanda-loke va (Cu 423,3). Mme. Caillat reads kimci, but translates "the v(usimam) does not blame (anybody) in the world" perhaps thinking of kamci in 2, 6, 12. (Gosala speaks :) 2, 6, 15 agantagagare aram'-agare samane u bhie na uvei vasam | dakkha hu santi bahave manussa unairitta ya lavalava ya || a: C agantare, TV: agantagare, J: agantagare; - c: J: manusa In a hostel or hospice in a garden, however, your solicitous monk won't stay, for there are many clever people (there), some of whom are too little communicative, others too voluble.

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66 W. B. Bollee Jambu-jyoti Agantao etc. : the metrically wrong traditions may have been brought in from Ayar 1, 8, 2, 3 agantare aramagare48. Cu yields little here, but Silanka's comment runs agantukanam - karpatikadinam agaram agantagaram (? II 144 b 6 sq.). My conjecture restores the metre, and the compound has a counterpart in Pa. agantukagara (SN IV 219, 9 and V 51, 24). Uvei vasam : vasam upaiti (T II 144 b 8). The idiom once occurs in Pali : tattha yo samano va brahmano va vasar upeti (SN IV 348, 19), but of Buddhist monks apparently vasam upagacchati was used (see PTC). T obviously read tattha before na. Cf. note on vs. 16 infra. Dakkha : nipunah prabhuta-sastra-visaradah (T II 144 b 9); strikingly, the sakyas are not mentioned in first instance here. Unairitta : 'lower or nobler men' (Jac.). Cu 423, 6 sq. here comments kimcid unena kecid atirikta; jattha una atirikta va, tattha samadhi atthi (?) and T II 144 b 11 "nyunah" svato 'vama hina jaty-adi-atirikta va; tabhyam parajitasya mahamcchayabhramsa iti49. Against Silanka's interpretation can be said that the monk does not belong to this world and as such stands outside the system of upper and lower classes. Lavalava : 'talkative or silent men'(Jac.)50. Our commentators' glosses run japa-lapa vyaktayam vaci "lapalapa" iti vipsa bhrsam-lapa lapalapa va, jaha dava-davadi turitam va gaccha gaccha va; uktam hi : "deva-devassa." Athapi yam evam vada-vadadi kim evam lavalavesi ? (Cu 423, 7 sq.); lapa icalah ghositaneka-tarka-vicitra-dandakah tatha a-lapa-mauna-vratika nisthita-yogah (!) gudikadi-yukta va, yad-vasad abhidheya-visaya vag eva na pravartate (T II 144 b 12 sq.). Though the item last-mentioned is an interesting piece of information about ascetics with a vow of silence who, if they were not completely bound by it, helped themselves by a pebble or so in their mouth "So that no word by which contents can be intimated was produced"...from a silent ascetic a Jain monk would have little to fear. I would, therefore, like to agree with Jinadasa and take lavalava in an intensive sense, in our passage also with metrically required --51. Lapalapa is not found in Sa.-nor is lapa, for that matter--but it does occur in Palis2 The meaning of the last line is, I believe, that the monk on the one hand can incur harm at the hands of an interlocutor who expresses himself

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'Adda' or the Oldest Extant Dispute between... 67 too briefly and thus may provoke dubiosities, and on the other hand, by being washed away from his own persuasion into heresy by a flux of arguments an adversary might come up with. 2, 6, 16 mehavino sikkhiya buddhimanta suttehi atthehi ya nicchaya-nna | pucchinsu ma ne an-agara anne ii sankamano na uvei tattha || b:J: nicchaya-nnu;-c:J: anagara ege In the uneasy idea "some recluse or other (of those who are) wise; have finished their training; obtained insight and are well acquainted with your scriptures and their meaning might ask me questions" he does not go there. d = 18 d Sikkhiya : siksita an-egani vyakarana-Samkhya-Visesika-BauddhajivikaNyayadini sastrani (Cu 423, 9), siksam grahitah siksitah (T II 145a 1). The final syllable of sikkhiya, handed down as short in all editions, is metrically anceps and therefore the lectio difficilior here. On this basis the form would have to be taken in absolute sense though as such remarkable in the present context; cf. thavara in 14b, where according to the rules thavara could be expected without prejudice to the metre. Suttehi etc. : "sutre" sutra-visaye viniscaya-jnah tatha artha visaye ca niscaya-jna yathavasthita-sutrartha-vedina ity arthah (T II 145a 1f.). For the loc. -hi- stated by Pi SS 363 to occur only in Apabhramsa-see Luders 1952 : $ 220 (cf. note on vs. 22). Jacobi renders as '(...) men, who are well versed in the sacred texts and their meaning'. Thus the monks of other denominations53 apparently knew the Jain sutras so well, that Mahavira's disciples did not like to enter into a discussion with them (and should not do so, Suy 1, 1, 4, 2; Ayar 2, 3, 2, 17; Uvas 58 < Schubring, $ 163)54. Passages like these seem to corroborate Schubring's thesis regarding the grounds for the disappearance of the Puvvas55. In the Pali canon, however, not only the heretical doctrines are somehow discernible (as against the Suyagada--the remainder of the Puvvas), but even the names of

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68 Jambu-jyoti the teachers are mentioned. Furthermore, it may be asked, if only by mere accident Vaddhamana and Gotama never met. W. B. Bollee Pucchimsu ma: for the aorist as prohibitive tense cf. Pali, e.g. MNI 387, 22 ma man etari pucchi. Ne in Pi SS 431 and Geiger / Norman SS 107 only given as acc. pl. of (e)na/ena, but Pi SS 415 mentions it also as acc.sg. of the personal pronoun of the first person, though in brackets, which may mean that he had not found the form in the texts. Na uvei: upagacchati (T II 145a 3); cf. note ad vs. 15 supra. (Adda speaks :) 2, 6, 17 no 'kama-kicca na ya bala-kicca rayabhiyogena kuo bha(y)enam | viyagarejja pasinam na vavi sa-kama-kiccen'iha ariyanam || a: thus CT; VJ: nakamakicca; c: VT: viyagarejja He should reply to (a) question(s) or not (as the case may be), but neither do so eagerly nor rashly nor on the king's orders or because he is afraid, yet worthy people's questions he should be pleased to answer. No 'kama" : notwithstanding the uniform tradition of no 'kama" in Cu and which, however, omit the avagraha, a reading nakama" can be concluded from the commentaries. I have therefore kept no, cf. Suy 1, 1, 1, 1656 Kuo bhayenam: '(nor) from fear of anybody', which Jacobi can hardly have meant in the sense of kuo ci like the interrogative pronoun can be used instead of the indefinite one in familiar German57. Viyagarejja: at TII 145a 12ff. several times sanskritized as vyagrniyad. Pasinam sg. or plur. (see Luders 1954 143ff. referred to by Geiger / Norman 1994 71, but some reject an acc. plur. masc. -am). Na vavi: T II 145a 13 na ca-naiva. Sa-kama-kiccena: sanskritized sva-kama-krtyena (T II 145b 1), but as a pendant of a-kama-deg in the a-pada I would prefer sa-".

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'Adda' or the Oldest Extant Dispute between.... 69 Ariyanan : aryanam sarva-heya-dharma-dura-vartinam tad-upakaraya dharma-desanam vyagrniyad asau (T II 145b 2f.). This and the next stanza show that a. means : fellow believers. Thereby, however, Adda recognizes Gosala's reproach as correct. 2, 6, 18 ganta ca tattha aduva a-ganta viyagarejja samiy' asu-panne an-ariya damsanao paritta ii sankamano na uvei tattha || a : VJ: tattha Whether he goes there or not, quick-witted he will give correct answers/explanations. Fearing lest they be heretics because they have turned away from the (right) belief he does not go to them. d = 16 d Ganta : taken by silanka (T II 145b 4) and Jacobi to pertain to the monk's pupils (vineya), who in my opinion are not meant here, at any rate not by Gosala. Samiy': 'impartially' (Jac.), samataya - sama-drstitaya (T II 145b 6). The latter sanskritization is impossible; formally and semantically, however, samyak and samakam would do 58. Cf. Suy 1, 2, 2, 6 samiya dhammam udahare muni, ayar 1, 7, 8, 14 samiya ahare muni and Suy 1, 2, 2, 8 pana (...) samayam samihiya with samiyam uvehae as a Cu variant and samayam tatth' uvehae in Ayar 1, 3, 3, 1. Asu-panne : 'the wise man' (Jac.), sarva-jna (T II 145b 6). With the exception of Ayar 1, 7, 1, 3 (prose) I have only found references of this compound in tristubh metre59. It seems to be absent in Pali and Sa. Paritta: 'men have fallen (from...)' (Jac.), pari-samantad itah-gatah prabhrastah (T II 145b 8). Paritta may be best taken as a ppp. of pra V RIC 'leer werden' (pwb] (to become empty), i.e. approximately 'without. This meaning is not attested in Sa. and Pali. 2, 6, 19 pannam jaha vanie uday'atthi ayassa heum pagarei sangam |

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70 W. B. Bollee ta(y)-uvame samane Naya-putte icc eva me hoi mai viyakka || a: VJ uday',-c: V: tayovame; J: tauvame;-d: V: viyakko The sramana Nayaputta acts just as a profit-oriented merchant procures goods for his income (and) thereby a karmic bond/dependence (from others). This is my view and opinion. b# 21 d Jambu-jyoti Right from the start Gosala's attack was directed against Mahavira's alleged inconsequence: the fact that he first lived alone and then decided to go into the public eye surrounded by monks and to proclaim his teaching (vss. 1-2). Jacobi's rendering of the first line runs 'As a merchant desirous of gain (shows) his wares and attracts a crowd to do business (...)', which involves the assumption of a hard zeugma or a complementary verb to pannam as provided by the commentaries". Prakaroti means 'vollbringen, ausfuhren, bewirken, veranstalten, machen, anfertigen; s.aneignen, nehmen (daran ein Weib)' (pwb) as far as concerns the meanings possible here. The doctrine, which is not expressed clearly, represents Mahavira's true doctrine; the asyndetically connected words pannam and sangam share the notion of binding and form a unity of contrasts-the material and the spiritual-which their chiastic position underlines. Pannam glossed by Silanka inter alia as camphor, aloe, musk and amber61 Uday'-atthi: cf. Pa. uday'-atthika (AnguttaraN II 199, 20) where the Jain Sakya Vappa complains to the Buddha that he is like a merchant making every effort to sell his goods yet does not realize any profit. As a disciple Mahavira's he would believe himself seyyathapi (...) puriso uday'-atthiko assa paniyam poseyya so udayam c'eva na labheyya. The commercial simile may be typical of the Jains and testifies to the great age of their professional activity (cf. also vs. 21). Ayassa heum: cf. bahu-janna-m-attham in vs. 2. Pagarei sangam: "samja samge" samjanam saktir va samgah (Cu 425, 7; pagarei is not glossed), maha-jana-sangam vidhatte (T II 146a 12). See further infra at vs. 21.

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'Adda' or the Oldest Extant Dispute between.... Viyakka in Pali and Sa. only masc. Naya-putte: see note on 2, 1, 13 (Bollee 1977: 139) and on the Naga tribe see Kosambi 1963: 33. (Adda speaks :) 2, 6, 20 navam na kujja, vihune puranam ciccamaim tai ya saha evam | eyavaya bambha-vaya tti vutta tassoday' -atthi "samane" tti bemi || 71 b: V: tai yam aha, J: tayati saha; - c: Cu 426, 1: etavato, T: etovaya, J: ettavaya; -TVJ: bambhava(t)i tti; - J: vutte He does not effect new (karman) and casts off old (karman) by giving up wrong views. Therefore (sa) the saint spoke accordingly in this respect they are called men of excellent vows. Only he who strives at this gain is a monk" thus I say. Navam etc. : here Cu 425, 12f. quotes DasavN 383 (...) nani navam na bandhai62. Vihune: vidhunayati - apanayati (T II 146b 3). Ta(y)i: apparently connected by Jinadasa with TR: tirno vi paran taretiti (Cu 425, 11f.). Silanka, however, glosses trayi--Bhagavan sarvasya paritrana-silo (...) tayi va moksam prati; aya-vaya-maya-paya-caya-t a y anaya gatav ity asya rupam63. Jacobi ('who protects others') follows the latter, but Schubring first started from tyaginah (Schubring 1926 133 note 7), but later (Dasaveyalia, Isibhasiyaim) changed his mind in favour of trayin (see Alsdorf 1965: 5). See further my note ad 1, 2, 2, 17 and Roth 1968: 46ff. Sa eva-Bhagavan eva--aha, yatha vimati-parityagena moska-gamanasilo bhavati (T II 146b 5ff.). Eyavaya etc. 'Herein is contained the vow (leading to) Brahman (i.e. Moksa)' (Jac.). Etavata samdarbhena (T II 146b 6). Bambha-vaya: brahmanah padam brahma-padam va brahma-vratam va (Cu 426, 1), brahmano-moksasya vratam brahma-vratam (T, 1.c.).

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72 Jambu-jyoti Though the first explanation can also be defended - brahma-pada occurs in Sa. 'Brahmas Statte' (PWB), here perhaps in the sense of 'excellent way'64. Pada is used in Pali as a synonym of patha (PED, s.v.)-I consider the second one more probable. The word occurs also with -vv-, e.g. MahanisihaBh 1794. -Cf. also Ayar 2, 16, 2 an-anta-samaya, for which see Bollee 1990: 32. Tassa etc. 'this is the gain which a sramana is desirous of. Thus I say' (Jac). 2, 6, 21 W. B. Bollee [sam]arabhate vaniya bhuya-gamam pariggaham c'eva mamayamana | te nai-samjoga-m-avi ppahaya ayassa heum pagaranti sangam a: C: samarabhante hi vaniya;-b: J: mamayamina;-d: V: pagarenti; J: pakarenti Merchants kill many living beings and even though giving up the contact with/separating themselves from their relatives they acquire property; (in doing so) they take up a (karmatic) bond merely for the sake of material gain. c: cf. Ayar 1, 2, 5, 3 where between pariggaham and a-mamayamane the metre requires a short syllable like tu or ca;-c = 10 c;-d 19 b Arabhate etc.: Jacobi takes this form as a sg. and renders 'a merchant kills (...)'. On account of their business activities with many waggons, draught-animals and camels merchants kill living beings65. Pariggaham du-padam caup-padam dhanam dhanna-hirannasuvanna(d)i (Cu 426, 4, similarly T). Sustaining a family compels the laymen to strive for property. Pagaranti sangam bhrsam karenti prakarenti, saktim sangam (thus read in stead of samyam, Cu 426, 7), sambandham kurvanti (T II 146 b 12). Cf. Ayar 1, 1, 7, 6 arambha-satta pakarenti sangam "(... those are involved in sin who...) and engaging in acts, are addicted to worldliness' (Jac.), '... der Betatigung ergeben wirken sie Verknupfung [mit der Welt]' (Schubring 1926: 72).

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'Adda' or the Oldest Extant Dispute between.... 2, 6, 22 vitt' -esino mehuna-sampagadha te bhoyan' -attha vaniya vayanti | vayam tu kamesu ajjhovavanna an-ariya pema-rasesu giddha || Property-minded and engaging in sexual relations these merchants say (they behave thus) to earn their living (or wander around for pleasure). We, however, (believe that they are) given to the pleasures of the senses, not (serious) believers (and) lustful. Mehuna: why this and pema-rasesu giddha should be particularly characteristics of merchants is not clear. Does vaniya in fact stands for (Jain) laymen? Then the reason why these characteristics are mentioned here would become understandable for many souls are destroyed in sexual intercourse67. Chastically as to the a-pada here property and disregard for living beings are taken up once more in vs. 23 a. 73 Jinadasa then admonishes those who live in that way by means of several quotations citing the first: sisnodara-krte, Partha ! (426, 9f.) at Cu 86, 7f. ad Ayar 1, 2, 5, 5 introduced by bhaniyam ca loge vi and completed as follows: prthivim jetum icchasi/jaya sisnodaram, Partha ! tatas te prthivi jita. The first pada reminds us of Mbh (cr. ed.) 1, 164, 13 b p. j. icchata and the last one of Mbh 5, 148, 4 a tatas te prthivi-palah. Vayanti: vrajanti (Cu 426, 8), to which Silanka adds: vadanti va (T II 147a 1), perhaps because Ayar 1, 1, 7, 6 arambhamana vinayam vayanti / chandovaniya ajjhovavanna/arambha-satta pakarenti sangam. 2, 6, 23 arambhagam c'eva pariggaham ca a-viussiya nissiya aya-danda | tesim ca se udae, jam vayasi, caur'-ant' an-antaya duhaya, neha || They neither give up killing nor property, but stick to it. They are inconsiderate, but their gain which you mentioned (will serve) them only to endless distress in the (whole) square (world), not only here. A-viussiya 'they do not abstain from (...)' (Jac.), avosirium (Cu 427, 1), a-vyutsrjya-a-parityajya (T II 147a 4). If anywhere, it is with this rare

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74 W. B. Bollee Jambu-jyoti form that the occasional parallelism of verse numbers is remarkable, in this case 1, 1, 2, 23 je u tattha viussanti, samsaram te viussiya-68, where I should now like to translate : 'wer damit aber aufhort, beendet fur sich den Samsara'. Cf. also Theragatha 784 a-vyosita", Nissiya : for this form cf. sikkhiya in vs. 16. Aya-danda : see my comment at 1, 2, 3, 9 (Bollee 1988 : 75f.). Vayasi : according to Pi $ 516 = avadih, but cf. Pali avacasi (Geiger/ Norman SS 165.1); vayasi points to vs. 19. Caur'-ant': for this notion see Schubring 1935: 8 103. Jacobi translates the second line as : 'and their gain of which you spoke, will be the endless Circle of Births and pains manifold'. Perhaps he wanted to read : -anta ya duhi ya. Neha : Jacobi here remarks : "Neha or nedha. According to silanka it is na iha : 'not even here (do they find the profit they seek)'. I think it may be the Prakrt equivalent of anekadha or it could stand for snehah, in which case the meaning would be : love's (reward will be) pain". Faute de mieux I have followed the commentator, as Jacobi did not convince me. 2, 6, 24 n'-egant'-an-accantiya udae so vayanti te do vi gunodayammi | se udae sai-m-ananta-patte tam udayam sahae tai nai | a : CT : neganta naccantiva thus corrected in C for original : naccantiya V: neganti naccanti ya; - TV : odae; J: udaye se;: VTJ : udae;-d: VT : udayam, J: uddayam, TV : sahayai, J: sahati This gain of theirs is uncertain and not without an end. They experience (these qualities, both of them, (only) in the beginning. The gain acquired through him (i.e. Mahavira), however, has a beginning, but no end. The saint (and) guide/naya gives away his gain. N'egant': n'eganti n'accanti ity adi, ekantena bhavatity ekantikah (...) atyantikah sarva-kala-bhavi (T II 147a 9f.). For the seventh syllable -a see vs. 16 (sikkhiya). Vayanti etc. : (...) tad-vido vadanti tau ca dvav api bhavau vigatagunodayau bhavatah (T II 147a 11; similarly Cu 427, 5 f. where guna is

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'Adda' or the Oldest Extant Dispute between.... glossed pagara). Jacobi saw that this interpretation cannot be correct, yet to read gune 'dayammi, as he does, is not necessary for gunodeg can represent guna + uo or gun' uo. The a-pada, too, reads odae for udae. Vayanti ~ vrajanti, - as in vs. 22. Se udae: put chiastically and thus in a certain contrast with udae so. Sahaye etc.: 'the saviour and sage shares his profit (with others)' (Jac.). Sahaye akhyati silahati (Cu 427, 7), kathayati slaghate va (T II 147a 14). As to the form, sahaye (thus to be read m.c.) can correspond to slaghate or slaghayati as well as to sadhate or sadhayati. The verb last mentioned has many meanings, inter alia, 'to grant, bestow, yield' [MW] and these appeared better to me. Tai nai: natiti jnatih kuli (Cu 427, 8), jnati jnatah ksatriya jnatam va vastu-jatam vidyate yasya sa jnati, vidita- samasta-vedya ity arthah (T II 147b 2f.). Though his gloss is otherwise wrong yet Silanka makes us suppose that we might read Nae and consider this to be short for Nayaputte, cf. Dasav 6, 21 na so pariggaho vutto Nayaputtena taina. Nevertheless I would prefer to take nae Pali nago Sa. nayakah, as in Suttanipata 522 (... vimutto) nago tadi pavuccati tathatta '(... being completely released.) Such a one is rightly called "naga". (Norman 1992: 57). 2, 6, 25 75 ~ a-himsayam savva-payanukampi dhamme thiyam kammavivega-heum | tam aya-dandehi samayaranta a-bohie te padiruva eyam || He does not harm anyone, has pity and compassion for all beings, is of unshakeable faith (and) makes that his actions are judged correctly. He who puts him on a par (?) with inconsiderate people is a model of folly. Savva-payanukampi :~i uniform reading for which, if correct, cf. Edgerton, BHSG 10.54; otherwise the ending might be emended -im though nasalisation in MSS equals lengthening of the preceding vowel. Dhamme thiyam: this expression is found also in Pali, e.g. Sn 250, 327 etc70. Cu 427, 11 dasa-vidhe dhamme", T II 147b 9 paramartha-bhute. Kamma: '(who) causes the truth of the Law to be known' (Jac.).

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76 W. B. Bollee Tam etc 'him you would equal to those wicked men' (Jac.). Aya-dandehi: see at 1, 2, 3, 9. Samayaranta: samacaranti iti samam acaranta samacaranta, tulyam kurvanta ity arthah; samanayanto va samanam kurvanta ity arthah (Cu 427, 13), samacaranta-atma-kalpam kurvanti vanig-adibhir udaharanaih (T II 147b 10). Sa. samacarati means 1. 'to act or conduct oneself towards' (loc.); 2. 'to practise, do; 3. to associate with' (instr.; MW). In Pali only the second meaning is testified to, but at our place, only the causative of the third meaning, if at all, would make sense. A possible alternative may be a derivation from VKAR: samakaroti means 'to bring together, unite' (MW). That would fit exactly, though the verb seems to occur in Vedic only and not at all in Pali. Samayaranta, however, cannot be anything else but a nom. pl. and therefore, it is not clear to me, why Jacobi could separate it from te in the d-pada. A-bohie etc. "This is the outcome of your folly' (Jac.). Quotations in the commentaries As noticed elsewhere?2 Mbh quotations can present readings rejected in the critical edition. Jambu-jyoti aya-vaya-maya-paya-caya-taya-naya gatau (T II 146b 5 ad Suy 2, 6, 20) = 147b 1 ad Suy 2, 6, 24. Cf. Hemacandra 1979: 101 (790ff.) asoka-vrksah sura-puspa-vrstir divya-dhvanis camaram asanam ca bhamandalam dundubhirata-patram sat-pratiharyani Jinesvaranam (Cu 418, 4 ad Suy 2, 6, 2) ahimsa satyam a-steyam brahmacaryam a-lubdhata (T II 142b 1 ad Suy 2, 6, 8). Quotation of Mbh 14 App. 4. 2214. asvade sighra-bhave ca (Cu 426, 12 ad Suy 2, 6, 22) udaiga pakkheve (Cu 426, 2 ad Suy 2, 6, 20) kamu icchayam (Cu 424, 3 ad Suy 2, 6, 17) citte tayitavye (Cu 428, 6 ad Suy 2, 6, 25) cira-samsattho 'si me, Goyama (Cu 424, 7 ad Suy 2, 6, 17). Quotation of Viy 14, 7 [samsitthe]. chatram chatram patram vastram yastim ca carcayati bhiksuh vesena parikarena ca kiyatapi vina na bhiksapi (T II 139b 14f. ad Suy 2, 6, 2)

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'Adda' or the Oldest Extant Dispute between.... jahim jassa ja vavasiyam (Cu 421, 13 ad Suy 2, 6, 12) tvaci bhogah sukham mamse (Cu 414, 1 ad SuyN 185) dittham miyam a-samdiddham (Cu 419,8 ad Suy 2, 6,5). Quotation of Dasav 8, 48a. deva-devassa (Cu 423, 8 ad Suy 2, 6, 15) navam na kujja vihane puranam (Cu 425, 12 ad Suy 2, 6, 20) nanam sikkhai nanam gunei nanena kunai kiccaim nani navam na bandhei etc. (Cu 425, 12 f. ad Suy 2, 6, 20). Quotation of DasavN 383 [bandhai). paena khina-davva (Cu 423, 14 ad Suy 2, 6, 16) Brahma luna-sira Harir drai sarug vyalupta-sisno Harah, Suryo 'py ullikhito 'nalo 'py akhila-bhuk Somah kalarkankitah | svar-natho 'pi visamsthulah khalu vapuh-samsthair upasthaih krtah, san-marga-skhalanad bhavanti vipadah prayah prabhunam api || (T II 143b 12 ff. ad Suy 2, 6, 13) Bhagavam panca-mahavvaya-gutto indiya-savudo ya virao ya | annesis pi tam-eva ya dhammam desei gahei || (Cu 419, 12 f. ad Suy 2, 6, 6) mana puvvangama [?] (Cu 428, 5 ad Suy 2, 6, 25) raga-dvesau vinirjitya kim aranye karisyasi ? atha no nirjitav etau kim aranye karisyasi ? (? II 141a 10 f. ad Suy 2, 6, 4) vidya-vinaya-sampanne brahmane < gavi hastini > (Cu 424, 2f. ad Suy 2, 6, 16). Quotation of Mbh 6, 27, 18ab. visaya vinivartante niraharasya dehinah (Cu 426, 12 ad Suy 2, 6, 22). Quotation of Mbh 6, 24, 59ab = 12, 197, 16ab. sanke praharsa-tula (Cu 425, 1 ad Suy 2, 6, 18) sisnodara-krte, Partha ! (Cu 426, 9 f. ad Suy 2, 6, 22. The complete sloka is found Cu 86, 7 f. ad Ayar 1, 2, 5, 5. Cf. Mbh 3, 2, 61a) sanja sange (Cu 425, 7 ad Suy 2, 6, 19) sukhani dattva sukhani (Cu 420, 6 ad Suy 2, 6, 7) Annotations : 1. The abbreviations for the titles of Indian texts are those adopted for my Studien zum Suyagada: C = pratikas in Jinadasa's Curni (1950); T = Suy text in Silanka's commentary vol. II (1953); V = Vaidya's ed. (1928); J = Jambuvijaya's ed. [1978]. Cu = Curni, T = Tika.

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78 W. B. Bollee Jambu-jyoti 2. Minor variants are noted in Bollee 1995: 135f. 3. This "correction" of T by Vaidya, just as his adoption of T's reading at N 198 d, shows the correctness of Alsdorf's remark in his Itthiparinna paper (Alsdorf 1974: 194 note 5). 4. Vattha na khiva-m-addena vann'-addam citta-kammadisu ardakam likhitam Ardranaksatram likhitam (Cu 413, 12sq.). 5. See Hilka 1910 : 33. 6. Sriparni-sovarcaladikam (T II 136 a 2). 7. Mukta-phala-raktasokadikam (T ibidem). 8. Vasayopaliptam vasardram (II 136 a 3). 9. Vajra-lepady-upaliptam stambha-kudyadikam (1.c.). 10. Tattha negama-samgaha-yavahara ti-viham samkham icchanti, tam jaha : ekkabhaviyam baddhauyam abhimuha-nama-gottam ca. 11. The particulars of this process, which stricto sensu seems to contradict Buddhist conceptions, are told by Buddhaghosa with regard to the future Buddha, but will represent a common Indian idea as the Tusita-devata who form the setting see off the reincarnated in the Nandavana. Sumangalavilasini 430, 11 states that sabbadevalokesu hi Nandavanam atthi yeva. Thus beings enjoying their positive karman in other devalokas will leave these in the same way. (See Bollee, A Note on the Birth of the Hero in ancient India (in press]). 12. Ekena bhavena yo jivah svargader agatya (...) asannataro baddhayuskah (...) asannatamo 'bhimukha-nama-gotro yo 'nantara-samayam evardrakatvena samutpatsyate - ete ca trayo'pi prakara dravyardrake drastavyah (T II 136 a 6sqq.). 13. In another context (AvCu 526,4 and in a stanza from a longer metrical quotation in the vrtti 169 a 1 on Ayar 1, 1,7,1*) mentioned as the teacher of Jiyasattu, Raja of Vasantapura. I do not understand why this prince in PrPN I, p. 288 no. 15 should probably be identical with a ruler of Rayagiha of that name in Nirayav 4, 1, as suggested by Chandra and Mehta at no. 38. A Jiyasattu of Vasantapura is also found at AvCu 498, 6 and 503, 6. 14. For the formationcf., e.g., Prince Selaga of Selagapura in Naya 1,5. Localisations like these naturally are of little importance for the historicity of Suy 2, 6 as already Basham 1951 : 54 remarked. 15. Here Jinadasa's version diverges in that the nun is reborn in a foreign country (meccha-visaye) as Addaya, son of Prince Addaga and his queen Dharini, whereas

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'Adda' or the Oldest Extant Dispute between.... 79 Samayika returns to this world as a Sheth's daughter in Vasantapura (Cu 415, 2 sq.). 16. Cu 415, 4 sqq. only speaks of a duta. 17. Abhaya-kumarenapi parinamikya buddhya parinamitam (T 138 a 5 sq.). 18. Derivate of asva-vahana 'das Reiten zu Pferd' (Schmidt, Nachtrage). 19. Cu 416, 7 reads savaga-padima instead of uvasaga- (see Schubring 1978: S163). Thus the layman is completely put on an equal footing with the monks. At T II 138 b 3 it reads anyatara-pratima-pratipannah kayotsarga-vyavasthitah. 20. Read vidhrto instead of vighrto at T II 138 b 5. 21. Tathavidhakarmodayae cavasyam-bhavi-bhavitavyata-niyogena ca, TII 138b 13. 22. Called dhijjati in Cu 417, 2; see Bollee 1977: 112 and 1988: 279. The word in question seems to be first a term of abuse used by brahmins for non-brahmins who returned the invective as a nickname for the former. Even brahmins who had become Buddhist monks sometimes could not abstain from their old habit as stated in Udana 28, 11, where we hear of the brahmin bhikkhu Pilinda-Vaccha's custom of addressing his confratres by vasala-vada. 23. Even if this results in an impossible form like the imperative janam in vs. 8. 24. Ekaki viharaml lokikaih paribhuyata iti matva loka-parkti-nimittam mahan parikarah krtah (on loka-pa[n]kti see Bollee 1977: 151), tatha cocyate : "chattram chattram patram vastram yastim ca carcayati bhiksuh | vesena parikarena ca kiyatapi vina na bhiksapi" || (T II 139 b 13 sqq.). 25. As to this see Jacobi's remark on Utt 1, 7 and infra Suy 2, 6, 6. 26. CP Norman I (1990) 12ff. 27. Cf. BHSG $ 8.94. 28. Speijer 1886: $ 52; Sen 1953 $ 16. 29. Speyer 1896: $ 25. 30. R. P. Jain 1983: 65 sqq. 31. See e.g. Alsdorf 1962:5 sqq. 32. See e.g. K. C. Jain 1963 : 17f. 33. Granoff 1989:204. 34. At the references mentioned in Pi 88 356 and 409 vayam corresponds to Sa. vayas. 35. Yet cf. kincid at T II 143 b 10. 36. Udghattana must have an extended conception of outbreak (of violence or passion)'

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80 W. B. Bollee (MW), namely, 'passionate utterance, abuse', cf. ghattate 'to hurt with words, speak of malignantly' (MW). 37. 'At his endless duels of words he tried to shout down his opponents with his formidable voice and was profuse in invectives when it was necessary to withstand them." Jambu-jyoti 38. Cf. Ayar 2, 4, 2, 1. 39. Cf. Ayar 2, 4, 1, 8. 40. This translation of parivrajaka follows Seidenstucker 1920: 125. 41. Ruvam iti yatha loko lokam kasmimscid aparadhe akrosati: "Kanah ! kubjah ! kodhi" (Sa. kusthi)! veti jatya veti "Candala-karma karoti." Naivam kimcid rupena "Tridandika dustha! Parivrajaka dustha! Idam te durdrstam sasanam. Tena murkhaKapilena kim drstam, yena karta ksetrajnah ?" 42. He kasaya-kantha ! (Cu 422, 5) 43. Jugupsitangavayavodghattanena jatya tal-linga-grahanodghattanena va. 44. Following this meaning Jacobi translates Utt 2, 21 'sitting there he should brave all dangers.' He may have read similarly to Charpentier tattha se citthamanassa uvasaggabhidharae, yet I do not understand his construction then. Santisuri reads uvasagge bhidharae, which does not solve the difficulty. Only his readinguvasaggabhayam bhave allows for a harmony with citthamanassa (thus also Alsdorf in a marginal jotting in his hand copy of Charpentier). The latest Utt edition, the one made by Punyavijaya and Bhojak (Bombay, 1977), in the b-pada has the traditional version of the European ed. The only other reference for abhidharayai I have found seems to me just as suspect: Dasav 5, 2, 25 a monk is recommended to visit every house on his almsround and niyam kulam aikamma usadham nabhidharae, which Schubring renders by 'he should not pass by a lowly house and go only to a noble one.' As to the meaning this no doubt is correct, just as Haribhadra paraphrases the verb by yayat. Then one should either assume a meaning 'to patronize-which in fact would reverse things-or read abhidhavae. 45. Thus read for uju in the PTS ed. 46. See e.g. Hornell 1920: 174 sq. 47. 1991: 88. 48. In the Ayar chapter containing his analysis, p. 61, Schubring expresses himself to the effect that this line starts with prose. In his hand copy, however, he later emended the text as follows: agant' aramagare game nagare vi egaya vaso.

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'Adda' or the Oldest Extant Dispute between.... 81 49. Chaya-bhramba iti 'loss of face.' 50. Similarly Basham 1951:53. 51. Otherwise these formations have an -- in the joint of the compound; for examples from Pali see PED s.v. kicca-kicc, and Gg. 8 33; for Sa., Wackernagel 1905 : 148 (8 61) and Debrunner 1957:44; and, for both, Hoffmann 1975: 113-119. . 52. Mahaniddesa 226, 28 in the form lapaka-lapaka, in Vism 26, 3 also as lapa-lapa, used of a talkative monk. 53. Buddhists, inter alios (Cu 423, 12). 54. Interdictions of intercourse with heterodox people occur in Hinduism, e.g. Visnupurana 3, 18, 79 and 96ff. 55. See Bollee 1977: 32. 56. The verse number parallel 1, 2, 1, 17 contains no....na 'not at all. 57. See Duden, 1984: $ 579. 58. Cf. Milindapanha 82, 31ff. 59. Suy 1, 5, 1, 2; 1, 6,3; 1, 6, 7; 1, 6, 25; 1, 14, 4; Utt 4, 6. 60. Ghettuna (Cu 425, 7) - grhitva (T II 146a 12). 61. Karpuragaru-kasturikambaradikam, T II 146a 11. 62. Cu : bandhei. 63. Quotation from unknown source. 64. For brahma in this sense see Zaehner 1969 : 214. 65. Kraya-vikrayartham sakata-yana-vahanostra-mandalikadibhir anusthanaih (T II 146b 9). 66. On slavery in India see, e.g., Jain 1984 : 140ff. 67. See Bollee 1977: 30. 68. Bollee 1977 : 99. 69. Sa. vyavasita : vyavasyati. 70. See PTC s.v. thita, p. 230b line 15 from bottom. 71. Cf. Tha 10, 945 (Suttagame I 304, 23) dasa-vihe samana-dhamme pannatte tam jaha khanti, mutti etc. 72. Bollee 1977: 71 n. 80. 73. The titlepage of the 2nd vol. of my pothi is missing and the year of publication and serial number were not mentioned in Velankar's Jinaratnakosa.

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82 W. B. Bollee Jambu-jyoti BIBLIOGRAPHY Ludwig Alsdorf, 1962 Beitrage zur Geschichte von Vegetarismus und Rinderverehrung in Indien. AdWLitMainz. Geistes- u. soz. wiss. Kl. Jg. 1961. Nr. 6. Wiesbaden. do. Les Etudes jaina. Paris 1965. do. Kleine Schriften. Wiesbaden 1974. Anuogadaraim. See Nandisuttam Arthur L. Basham, History and Doctrines of the Ajivikas. London 1951. Willem Bollee, Studien zum Suyagada I. Wiesbaden 1977. do. 1988 Studien zum Suyagada II. Stuttgart. do. 1990 Ayaranga 2, 16 and Suyagada 1, 16. Journal of Indian Philosophy 18:29-52. do. 1994 Materials for an edition and study of the Pinda- and Oha-Nijjuttis of the Svetambara Jain tradition. Part 2 : Preliminary text and Glossary. Stuttgart. do. 1995 The Nijjuttis on the Seniors of the Svetambara Siddhanta : Ayaranga, Dasaveyaliya, Uttarajjhaya and Suyagada. Stuttgart. Candravijaya (ed.) 1979. See Hemacandra Albert Debrunner, Nachtrage zu Wackernagels Altindische Grammatik II, 1. Gottingen 1957. Gunther Drosdowski, (ed.) Grammatik der deutschen Gegenwartsprache. Mannheim 1984. Duden. See Drosdowski. Paul Dundas, The Jains. London 1992. Helmuth von Glasenapp, Religiose Reformbewegungen im heutigen Indien. Morgenland. Darstellungen aus Geschichte und Kultur des Ostens. Heft 17. Leipzig 1928. Phyllis Granoff, Religious Biography and Clan History among the Svetambara Jains in North India. East and West 39, 1989: 195-215. Hemacandra Dhatuparayana, ed. Munichandravijaya. Palitana 1979. Alfons Hilka, Die altindischen Personennamen. Breslau 1910.

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'Adda' or the Oldest Extant Dispute between.... Karl Hoffmann. See J. Narten. J. Hornell, "The origins and ethnological significance of Indian boat. designs." Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal VII, 3. Calcutta 1920. Hermann Jacobi, Jaina Sutras II. SBE. XLV. Oxford 1895. Jagdish C. Jain, Life in Ancient India as Depicted in the Jain Canon and Commentaries. Delhi 1984. 83 Kailash C. Jain, Jainism in Rajasthan. Sholapur 1963. Hiralal R. Kapadia, Prohibition of flesh-eating in Jainism. Review of Philosophy and Religion IV 1933: 232-39. Damodar Dh. Kosambi, The Autochthonous Element in the Mahabharata. JAOS 84 1963 34-44. Ernst Leumann, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Buddhismus VI. Munchen. Buddha und Mahavira, die beiden indischen Religionsstifter. Zs. fur Buddhismus IV 1921. (1922). Munichandravijaya. See Hemacandra 1979. Nandisuttam and Anuogaddarairn Jaina Agama Series ed. No. 1. Bombay 1968. Johanna Narten, (ed.) Aufsatze zur Indoiranistik I. Wiesbaden 1975. Kenneth R. Norman, The Group of Discourses. vol. 2. London 1992. Gustav Roth, 'A Saint like that' and 'A Saviour' in Prakrit, Pali, Sanskrit and Tibetan Literature. in: Sri Mahavir Jaina Golden Jubilee Volume 1, English section. Bombay 1968. Samavayangam, Agamodayasamiti 15. Mehesana 1918. Dieter Schlingloff, "Cotton-manufacture in ancient India." JESHO XVII, 1 1974, 81-96. Richard Schmidt, Nachtrage zum Sanskrit-Worterbuch in kurzerer Fassung von Otto Bohtlingk. Leipzig 1928. Walther Schubring, Worte Mahaviras. Gottingen 1926. do. Die Lehre der Jainas. Berlin 1935. do. The Doctrine of the Jainas. (translation of prec.) Delhi 1978. Karl Seidenstucker, See Udana 1920.

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84 W. B. Bollee Shadakshari Settar, Pursuing death. Dharwad 1990. Sukumara Sen, "Historical Syntax of Middle Indo-Aryan," IL XIII 1953 : 1957. 355-473. Jacob S. Speijer, Sanskrit Syntax, Leiden 1886. do. Vedische und Sanskrit Syntax. Strassburg 1896. Sutrakrtangacurnni, Rsabhdevji Kesarimalji Svetambar samstha. Ratlam 1950. Sutrakrtangam II, Godiparsva Jaina Grantha-mala 7. Bombay 1953. Suyagadamgasuttam Ed. Muni Jambuvijaya. Jaina Agama Series 2. Bombay 1978.. Udana Das Buch der feierlichen Worte des Erhabenen. Ubers. von Karl Seidenstucker. Augsburg 1920. Uttaradhyayanani Atmavallabhagranthavali 12 and? 1937. Jakob Wackernagel, Altindische Grammatik II, 1. Gottingen 1905. Repr. Jambu-jyoti Moriichi Yamazaki, Yumi Ousaka, Uttarajjhaya Word Index and Reverse Word Index. Philologica Asiatica Monograph Series 11. Tokyo 1997. R. C. Zaehner, The Bhagavadgita. Oxford 1969. 000

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Asati' in the Alagaddupamasutta Ernst Steinkellner In an earlier paper, I tried to explain how and why a denial of the existence of a permanent self (atta) by the Buddha cannot be definitively attached to the attribute in the expression saccato thetato anupalabbhamanel. I also rejected (in note 35) the possibility propounded by K. R. Norman? that in passages of the Alagaddupamasutta (MN I 135 ff.) the Buddha denied its existence "by implication, if not explicitly". Then I said with regard to the concluding sentence of the first paragraph (MN I 135, 27 - 136, 15), where the Buddha deals with six wrong views (ditthitthanani), namely so evam samanupassanto asati na paritassatiti (MN I 136, 15 f.) that "the attribute asat refers to the ideas, "mine, I self" as identified in the views rejected above...", and "that it cannot be understood as an attribute of the Self..."4 Following Buddhaghosa (Ps II 111, 11 - 15), I took this sentence to be the conclusion of the preceding paragraph and, therefore, related asati to the last of the preceding views, namely that there is a self and that "after death I will exist, as permanent, lasting, eternal, unchanging" (so pecca bhavissami nicco dhuvo sassato aviparinamadhammo..., MN I 135, 37 f.). However, limiting of the reference of asati to the last view is certainly wrong. It would have to refer to all the six views mentioned, i.e. the view of an untrained person with regard to rupa and the other constituents "that is mine, I am that, that is my self" (etam mama eso 'ham asmi eso me atta, MN I 135, 31)s. It may be possible to regard these six views as non-existent (asat) when in the second part of the paragraph-the trained expert in the dhamma correctly considers rupa etc. as "that is not mine", etc., thereby eliminating the wrong views, rendering them non-existent. But why would the Buddha then conclude with the words "He, when regarding (these six

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86 Ernst Steinkellner Jambu-jyoti items) in this way, is not anxious about something which does not exist" ? Anxiety (paritassana) was not considered at all in the preceding text. Therefore, it does not seem appropriate to summarize in opposition that anxiety does not prevail with the trained expert in the dhamma. However, if it is stated here, at the end of the paragraph, that the trained person (ariyasavako) is not anxious about something which does not exist (asati na paritassati), this statement implies that (although not indicated at all) the opposite is the case indeed with the untrained person (assutava puthujjano) who cares for his possessions and his own existence and, thus, might be anxious when hearing the Buddha's teaching for uprooting all resolve for the corresponding wrong views. In this sense the last sentence of the paragraph indicates a new, hitherto not yet mentioned consequence of the preceding which demands an explanation. This explanation is, then, delivered in the following paragraph. In other words, while the reference of asati to something in the preceding paragraph is not very likely, the statement that he is not anxious (na paritassati) in conclusion indicates a newly considered consequence of the preceding paragraph which, however, has not been touched upon so far. The solution to this textual problem is not my own. I owe the decisive clues to my friends Lambert Schmithausen? and Enomoto Fumio rather than as a concluding sentence of the preceding paragraph, this sentence must be considered as introducing the topic of the following paragraph, namely that of anxiety about something which does not exist (asati paritassana). The Buddha ends the preceding, or begins the following paragraph first by referring back to the trained person who correctly regards rupa etc. as "that is not mine", etc. (so evam samanupassanto), and then introduces 1). And, indeed, anxiety (paritassana) is the topic of the next paragraph (MN I 136, 17 - 137, 16). It is here, then, that we have to look for the terms which asati refers to. After the introductory sentence of the Buddha (so evam samanupassanto asati na paritassatiti, MN I 136, 15 f.), the theme of anxiety is developed in four steps consisting of a monk's four questions together with the Buddha's answers, the first being asked with reference to the words of the Buddha which introduce this paragraph (evam vutte...):

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'Asati' in the Alagaddupamasutta la (136, 1823): ... bahiddha asati paritassana ti (136, 18) 1b (136, 23-29): ... bahiddha asati aparitassana ti (136, 23 f.) 2a (136, 29-137, 4): ... ajjhattam asati paritassana ti (136, 29 f.) 2b (137, 4-16): ... ajjhattam asati aparitassana ti (137, 4 f.) In the first case, one grieves etc. (la), or one does not grieve etc. (lb) for something objective, something external (bahiddha) which does not exist (asati), because it is either no longer existent now1o, or because now there is no chance of obtaining it11. In the second case, one grieves etc. (2a), or one does not grieve etc. (2b) for something subjective, something internal (ajjhattam), namely the self (atta) as one might wrongly imagine it (ekaccassa evam ditthi hoti 136, 31), which does not exist asati), because the wrongly imagined self will be no longer existent in the future12, after hearing the Tathagata's dhamma for uprooting all resolve for, etc., the wrong views (ditthitthanadhitthana... 136, 33 - 37). 87 Thus, it is indeed the self which, as something internal, is said to be non-existent (asat), here. But it is the wrongly imagined future nonexistence of the self only that this paragraph deals with, and, it neither explicitly nor implicitly denies the existence of the self as such. That I dare to offer what is essentially a footnote to a previous footnote as a contribution to this volume in celebration of the Muni Jambuvijaya demands an apology. But the subject's import is considerable. For what it means is no less than the dispelling of the last vestiges of doubt that could possibly creep in upon the point then made, that the Buddha did not expressly state a negation of the existence of a self. Annotations : 1. E. Steinkellner, "Lamotte and the Concept of anupalabdhi", Etudes asiatiques, 46, 1, Bern etc. 1992, pp. 398-410. 2. K. R. Norman, "A Note on atta in the Alagaddupama-Sutta", in Studies in Indian Philosophy. A Memorial Volume in Honour of Pandit Sukhlalji Sanghavi, Ahmedabad 1981, pp. 19-29. 3. Ibid., p. 28.

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88 Ernst Steinkellner Jambu-jyoti 4. E.g. with F. J. Hoffman, Rationality and Mind in Early Buddhism, Delhi 1987, p. 53. 5. Although, contextually, asati could also refer to rupa, etc.; however, this is nonsensical, because rupa, etc., certainly does exist. 6. This is Buddhaghosa's interpretation : imina bhagava ajjhattakkhandavinase aparitassamanam...Ps II 111, 13 f. 7. A marginal note in the manuscript of his lectures on Buddhist Philosophy of 1988/ 1989 (V, 8) reads: "The sentence does not go well together with the preceding. ... With regard to the following, however, it is meaningful. But there it refers, on the one hand, to no longer existing external things one grieves after, and, on the other hand, to the imagined future non-existence of the atman (in the mind of somebody who responds to the teaching of the Buddha with the view of a static eternal self" (my translation). I would like to thank Professor Schmithausen for allowing me to publish this note and to use his idea for my paper. 8. In a letter of October 23rd, 1992, Enomoto says: "I would think the attribute asati still refers to something objective (bahiddha) and subjective (ajjhattam),..." 9. I.e., according to Buddhaghosa, requisites (parikkhara), like valuables, vehicles, mounts, gold, and jewellery (Ps II 111, 20 and 25). 10. Because it was taken away or ruined by kings, thieves, fire, etc. (Ps II 111, 26 - 28). 11. ahu vata me, tam vata me na tthi, siya vata me, tam vataham na labhamiti. MN I 136, 20 f. 12. ucchijjissami nama su, vinassissami nama su, na su nama bhavissamiti. MNI 137, 1 f. O00

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On 'Anadyamano yad anannam atti' Chandogya Upanisad 4.3.7 M. A. Mehendale H. Luders' has very extensively dealt with the Samvargavidya of the Ch. Up. 4.1-3. There he has compared the Upanisad text with the parallel version from the Jaiminiya Upanisad Br. 3. 1-2. In his discussion of the relationship between the two passages Luders came to the conclusion that the teaching presented in the Ch. Up. is later than the one in the Jaim. Up. Br. He has also argued that, in all probability, the Upanisad version is directly based on the Brahmana version. However, in spite of this direct relationship, there are certain differences between the two texts. Luders has given satisfactory explanations of almost all these differences. In one respect, however, Luders felt puzzled. In the text of the Jaim. Up. Br., while replying to what the Brahmana, who begged food, had to say about the identity of the highest god2, Abhipratarin Kaksaseni said that he knew of a god3 who was even higher than the one known to the Brahmana since the god known to him (Abhipratarin) swallowed the god known to the Brahmana. This is expressed in the Jaim. Up. Br. as anadyamano yad adantam atti 'Who (i.e. the Vata), while not being himself eaten, eats the eater' (i.e. the Prana)*. In the parallel passage of the Ch. Up., however, the above lines appears as anadyamano yad anannam atti 'Who while not being himself eaten, eats what is not food." Luders says that it is difficult to find the reason for the change of adantam (Jaim. Up. Br.) to anannam (Ch. Up.)' It seems, however, possible to suggest a solution to the difficulty. In the Jaim. Up. Br. the expression used to denote Prana, 'individual breath,' is adantam, 'the one that eats'. This is an indirect way of referring to Prana. It is very likely that, in a different version of the Jaim. Up. Br., now lost to us3, Prana was directly

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M. A. Mehendale Jambu-jyoti referred to by the word anantam 'one that breathes'. The last quarter of the stanza in that lost version, accordingly, could have read anadyamano yad anantam atti 'himself not being eaten, he (Vata) eats the one that breathes (Prana).' Our Ch. Up. stanza was based on this presumably lost version of the Jaim. Up. Br. and not on the one which we now possess. The word anantam of this version understandably, was changed to anannam. The change was not the result of a phonetic change (nt > nn), but, in all likelihood, was the result of a mistake committed by a copyist somewhere in the manuscript tradition. The change of nt to nn is quite conceivable in the Devanagari writing. 90 Annotations : 1. Philologica Indica (Gottingen, 1940), pp. 361-390 (Zu den Upanisads. I. Die Samvargavidya). 2. This, according to the Brahmana, was Prana. 3. This, according to Abhipratarin, was Vata. 4. Vata is said to eat up Prana, because the individual prana enters Vata after the death of a person. Cf. Luders., Phil. Ind., p. 383. 5. Which, in the Ch. Up., is put in the mouth of Saunaka Kapeya and not of Abhipratarin Kaksaseni. 6. For the explanation of anannam, see Luders, pp. 388-389. 7. "Schwerer ist es, fur die Anderung vom adantam zur anannam einen Grund zu finden"., Phil. Ind., pp. 385-386. 8. Luders refers to this possibility when he says ".. da ein grosser Teil der vedischen Literetur verloren gegangen ist...." Phil. Ind., p. 383. 000

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Paninian Sutras of the Type anyebhyo'pi dRzyate George Cardona : 1. The1 Mahabhasya on Astadhyayi 6.3.109 (f) has a well known discussion concerning model Sanskrit speakers, referred to as f:. The question is posed: If the sistas are the authority with respect to correct speech forms, what purpose does the Astadhyayi serve? The answer is The Astadhyayi serves to make one know the sistas, as follows. Someone who is studying the Astadhyayi observes that someone else, although he is not studying this grammar, uses the correct forms that are provided for therein. The student then reasons: Due to the grace of fate that is his or to his nature, this person uses the correct forms provided for in the Astadhyayi without studying it. I reason that he knows other correct forms too2. According to Patanjali, then, a sista is not only a model for the correct speech forms explicitly provided for (fafe: :) through operations stated in sutras of the Astadhyayi but he also knows other correct speech forms (3), which are not explicitly provided for in this manner. In this way, the Astadhyayi serves not only to account directly for correct speech forms but also to account indirectly for such forms, by referring to the usage of accepted model speakers. As Hari puts it3: the grammar serves as a means for conveying the correctness of items of the type qe by virtue of their being sista usage, because one knows who the sistas are. What Paniniyas say concerning Astadhyayi 6. 3. 109 thus has important implications for the concept of what a grammar is supposed to accomplish. To begin with, a grammar is a means of explaining (3) through derivation the accepted usage that is the object of description. In addition, it is taken for granted that this usage includes open sets of items the grammar does not account for directly through description, so that Panini recognizes a living native language that is developing. The distinction in question is

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92 George Cardona Jambu-jyoti comparable to the one between ordered sets of elements-ganasexhaustively listed with respect to certain operations and groups of elements--referred to as 37fm -which only represent a part of an open set of items with some common characteristic(s). The question remains whether the view Patanjali espouses in the Mahabhasya on 6.3. 109 can be considered to reflect Panini's approach. 2. Consider now a group of sutras which have two features in common: they refer to something as 'seen' and speak of other elements, using 32 or sale 2.1. El 31 236 37RTONHf Erud (tal: [])! 2.1.1. 6. 3. 137 comes after a series of rules that provide for longvowel substitution. For example, El 31 884 of up 7&TUTFITfa1499maNibhinnachinnacchidrasruvasvastikasya / 6 / 3 / 116 nahivRtivRSivyadhirucisahitaniSu kvau / 6 // 3 // 122 upasargasya ghajyamanuSye bhulm| According to 6. 3. 115, before of Uf 'ear in a compound, the final vowel of a term denoting a mark used as a brand (784) is replaced by a long vowel, except for the vowels of viSTa, aSTan 'eight', paJcan 'five', maNi 'jewel', bhinna 'broken', chin| 'cut', chidra 'a cut', sruva 'sruva spoon', svastika,e.g., dAtrAkarNa (-dAtrakarNa) 'an animal with a sickle symbol as a brand on its ear' but 348ch of an animal with eight stripes on its ear'. By 6. 3. 116 long-vowel replacement applies to a final vowel of a prior term in a compound if this is followed by a derivate in fata from one of the following verbs : FE'gird, put on', 'turn, occur', 79 'rain', 24'pierce', 57'shine, please', 'bear', 77'stretch'; e.g., 3414EUR (-3976) 'sandal', ice (Fiqo) 'a district, yiqq( )'rain season'. 6.3. 122 provides that the final vowel of a preverb is replaced by a long vowel before a derivate in except in derivates that refer to a human (374567); in addition, the sutra provides that this replacement applies variously (agm19). For example : atasta (-fakta) 'wetting particularly', 374186f (37441f) "wiping away', with lengthening, and SR prasara 'spreading, expansion' without lengthening FIUTC 'a Nisada', which refers to a particular human being, also does not show lengthening. None of the rules from 6. 1. 115 to 6. 1. 136 provides for the long vowels of - in af 'fighting in which opponents grab each other by the hair', - in o f 'fighting in which opponents grab each other by

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Paninian Sutras of the Type anyebhyo'pi dRzyate 93 the hair of the head', FUST- in Gusicfus 'fighting in which opponents hit each other with sticks', het in eufe 'fighting in which opponents hit each other with their fists'. Moreover, Panini explicitly provides for such derivatess. 6.3. 137 allows for the required long-vowel replacement. The rule does not, however, specify any domain of application in the way that preceding sutras do. It simply says that the replacement applies also to others ( R T ). In other words, this rule lets long-vowel substitution apply to elements for which this operation has not been provided for, terms which occur with long vowels in actual usage. This is said explicitly in the Kasika, which also notes that this accords with the usage of sistas. I think there can be no doubt whatever concerning two points. First, what the Kasika says agrees with what Patanjali and Bhartshari said about sista usage. Second, this is the only reasonable way to account for Panini's formulation. The Astadhyayi has a series of sutras providing explicitly for long-vowel replacement as illustrated. This substitution applies in specified domains. In addition, in some domains it applies variously. That is not to say that the replacement takes effect optionally, for this would mean the optional substitution would apply in every instance of the specified domain. Instead, the replacement applies obligatorily in some instances, not at all in others, and optionally in still others (see note 26). The replacement by a long vowel applies also to elements for which this operation has not been provided explicitly. Moreover, the rule stating this does not specify a domain : Panini says simply priarufa 'also of others'. 2.2. 31 PI 80 37 afy zgud 2.2.1. 3.2.101 is connected with the following sutras : 31 PIEL saptamyAJjanerDaH / 3 / 2 / 68 paJcamyAmajAtau / 3 / 2 / 99 upasarge ca saJjJAyAm / 3 / 2 / 100 anau karmaNi / All these rules serve to introduce the suffix 3 after 77 'be born, arise, come into being construed with certain items, as follows: 3.2.97 : 7 construed with a term containing a seventh-triplet nominal ending; e.g., F F: 'born in a lake' and GT: 'born in a stable', equivalent to la: and GREA:. 3.2.98 : 57 construed with a term containing a fifth-triplet nominal ending, provided the nominal term in question does not designate a generic class of substances (ajAtau); e.g., buddhija: 'arisen from the intellect' and duHkhajaH

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George Cardona Jambu-jyoti 'resulting from suffering', equivalent to fa: and ::, but no comparable formation corresponding to 3d: 'born from a horse'. 94 3.2.99: construed with a preverb, provided the derivate formed is a term referring to a particular thing (4) and not to just anything born; e.g., 'living creature'. 3.2.100 : jan used with the preverb anu (anu jan 'be born after, follow...in succession') and construed with a term signifying an object (f); e.g., pumanuja: 'born after a male', equivalent to pumAMsamanujAta: . 3.2.101 then provides that follows construed also with cooccurring terms other than those specified in the preceding rules (3). 3. 2. 97 specifies a term with a seventh-triplet ending, but there are derivates like 3 'not born', such that is construed with a term that contains a firsttriplet ending: 7. 3. 2. 98 requires a term that does not refer to a class of individual substances characterized by a generic property, but there are derivates such as which has arisen from Brahmanas'. 3. 2. 101 requires not only a complex but also a cooccurring item signifying an object. On the other hand, there are derivates such as 'one born later, younger sibling', not construed with an object-signifying term. All such cases are taken care of by 3. 2. 1017. Once more, a sutra provides for an operation with a domain that is simply additional to the particular domains stated in related rules but not specified any more. Consequently, one must observe usage to know just what is allowed and what is not 2.3. 3 / 2 / 178 anyebhyo'pi dRzyate / 2.3.1. This sutra is related to 3 / 2 / 177 bhrAjabhAsadhurvidyutorjipRjugrAvastuvaH kvip / which introduces the affix kvip after bhrAj ' shine', bhAs 'shine, appear', dhurv 'harm', 'flash', 'be strong', 'fill', 'speed', and 'praise' construed with 'stone'. The derivates refer to agents which perform the acts in question habitually, as part of their nature, or wells. For example, fa 'lightning'. 3. 2. 178 states that faq is seen to occur also after other verb bases under the same conditions, thus accounting for derivates like fo ...which cuts..."' 2.4. 5 / 3 / 14 itarAbhyo'pi dRzyante / concerns taddhita affixes optionally introduced after padas formed from a 'much, many' and pronominals

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Paninian Sutras of the Type anyebhyo'pi dRzyate 95 other than those of the subset beginning with fa but including the interrogative kim10. 2.4.1. This sutra is related to the following: 41316 TR 41310 tasezca / 5 / 3 / 9 paryabhibhyAJca / 5 / 3 / 10 saptamyAstral / 5 / 3 / 11 idamo haH / 5 / 3 / 12 kimo't / 5 / 3 / 13 vA ha cchndsi| 5.3.7-9 provide that a pada with a fifth-triplet ending is followed by tasila. which also replaces tasill and foliows padas with pari, abhi; e.g., tatas (-tad-as-tas) from that', yatas 'from which', paritas 'round about in all directions', 34TH 'from both sides'. 5.3.10-13 introduce affixes after padas with a seventh-triplet ending. In general, to follows any such pada formed with a base of the group stated in 5. 3. 2 (see 2.4 with note 10), but & follows such padas containing 564. A pada with foot takes the suffix 377. In Vedic usage, moreover, optionally follows such a pada. For example : 77 ( C-5-7) 'in that, there', 7 'in which, where', 5E (4564-3-7) 'in this, here', 09 ( 164-5-37) 'in which, where ?', E 'in which, where ?'. According to 5. 3. 14, the affixes introduced by preceding rules also are seen to occur after padas with other vibhaktis (51927:). That is, afect and I can follow padas with endings of triplets other than the fifth and seventh. One can say, for example, 41 and , where is coreferential with a nominative and an accusative, so that it is derived with an after padas with endings of the first and second triplets. Moreover, one must appeal to usage in order to know what particular nominal bases enter into such formations. From what is said in the Mahabhasya, it is clear that, at Patanjali's time, the affixation provided by 5. 3. 14 applied for padas with the bases Hall you', starya 'long lived', danifiy beloved of the gods', and 341404c 'long lived', all used as equivalents of a second person pronoun"2. It is also clear from the way Panini formulates 5. 3. 14 that at his time the domain of the affixation was not definite. 2.5. 3131830 37221sfg gula 2.5.1. This sutra is related to 3131876 3770199 (STE:19 h Engh Degret [8P]) 3 / 3 / 129 chandasi gatyarthebhyaH / According 3. 3. 128, 19(-37) is affixed to verbs in -a construed with $96, hand to form derivates meaning 'easy to...' and 'difficult to...'; e.g., ISatpAna 'easy to drink', durdAna 'hard to give', sudAna 'easy to give'. By 3. 3. 129, yuc

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96 George Cardona Jambu-jyoti follows verbs of movement (tref zz:) to form comparable derivates in Vedic (chandasi). For example : sutaraNa 'easy to cross' (e.g., RV 4. 19.6d : sutaraNA~ akRNorindra sindhUn // Indra, you made the rivers easy to cross...'), duzcya vana 'hard to shake' (e.g., RV 10. 103. 2bc : yutkAreNa duzcyavanena dhRSNunA / tadindreNa jayata tatsahadhvam Win, prevail...with Indra who does battle, is hard to shake, is daring.'); see also Debrunner 188 (section 83). According to 3. 3. 130, yuc is seen to occur in Vedic usage also after other verbs, under the same conditions. For example, suvedana 'easy to find', as in RV 10. 112. 8d : suvedanAmakRNobrahmaNe gAm // "You made the cow easy to find...' From what Panini says, then, in the Vedic traditions known to him, such derivates with were generally formed from verbs of motion and occurred also with other verbs, but he could not determine any definite distribution as to the semantics or formal properties of the other bases in question. 2.6. 3 / 2 / 74 Ato maninkvanibvanipazca (vic chandasi [73]) / 3 / 2 / 75 anyebhyo'pi dRzyante / 3 / 2 / 76 kvic| 2.6.1. 3. 2. 74 allows vic and also manin, kvanip and vanip to follow verb bases that end in -a, provided these verbs are used in construction with a cooccurring item terminating in a nominal ending. The derivates formed, moreover, occur in Vedic. For example : sudAman (nom. sg. sudAmA) 'one who gives well' (-dA-man : manin), sudhIvan (sudhIvA) 'one who places, makes well' (-dhA-van : kvanip), bhUridAvan (bhUridAvA) 'one who gives much' (-dA-van : vanip), kIlAlapA (kIlAlapA:) 'one who drinks kilala' (-pA-: vic). 3. 2. 75 states that these affixes occur (dRzyante 'are seen') after other verbal bases also (anyebhyo'pi); for example, suzarman (suzarmA) one who destroys well' (--manin), prAtaritvan (prAtaritvA) 'one who goes in the morning' (-i-van : kvanip), vijAvan (vijAvA) 'one who is born, one who procreates' (-jan-van : vanip), reS (reT) 'one who suffers harml" (riS-vic). 3. 2. 76 then allows kvip also to follow any verbal base; e.g., ukhAsras (ukhAsrat) '...which falls from the ukha pot' (-sransa-kvip). 2.6.2. 3. 2. 76 is related to two other satras : 3 / 2 / 61 satsUdviSadruhaduhayujavidabhidachidajinIrAjAmupasarge'pi kvip / 31 2 / 87 brahmabhrUNavRtreSu kvip (karmaNi hanaH [86] bhUte [84]) / According to 3. 2. 61, kvip is introduced after certain verbal bases if these are used in construction with a cooccurring item terminating in

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Paninian Sutras of the Type anyebhyo'pi dRzyate 97 a nominal ending, which can also be a preverb (344185f9). The bases are : 'sit', & *give birth to', for 'hate', se 'wish ill to someone', FE 'milk', yer join, yoke', fate know', 'be', fare 'break', ferc 'cut, fo 'conquer, win, be victorious', # 'lead', {15 'shine, rule"; e.g., pferhe one who sits in a pure place', para one who gives birth to a hundred', ufgq one who hates exceedingly', HEG who wishes ill to, deceives a friend', VIIGE 'Cow milker', 37845 'horse yoker', acfac 'one who knows the Veda', 18646 'one who breaks a piece of wood', rajjuchid 'one who cuts a rope', zatrujit 'conqueror of an enemy', senAnI 'leader of an army'. 3. 2. 87 introduces faaly after 6 'kill' if this is construed with any of the terms at 'Brahmana', 'foetus', u "Vstra' signifying an object of killing, provided also that the act is referred to the past : 1667 (nom. sg. barahA) 'one who has killed a Brahmana', bhrUNahan, vRtrahan. This sutra provides a two-fold restriction with respect to 3. 2. 76. There is a restriction regarding the base & used with reference to past killing, such that this takes fagy only if it occurs with one of the terms given in 3. 2. 87; thus, to refer to a person who has killed a man, one uses hatavat (nom. sg. masc. hatavAn), as in puruSa hatavAn. Moreover, there is a restriction regarding past time reference, such that only fony is allowed to occur after used with reference to past killing and construed with the terms and so on; this accounts for the use of a derivate like pitavyaghAtinaH pitavyaghAtI 'one who has killed his paternal uncle14 but not 1.15 3. 2. 87 thus restricts the scope of 3. 2. 76 so that cannot take folay without limitation. 3. 2. 61 applies to introduce foam only to bases construed with a cooccurring nominal (3496), which may be a preverb, but 3. 2. 76 does not have this limitation16. 2.6.3. As Karyayana and Patanjali go on to remark", if one considers 3. 2. 87 to apply in the manner described, then the formulation of the next sutra, 3. 2. 88: Emosgefa I, serves a purpose. This sutra provides for Vedic usage (chandasi), wherein han takes kvip variously (bahulam). Thus, -han occurs with upapadas other than those specified in 3.2.87, as in TEL FUET YTET who has killed his mother, his father, his brother18'; and 37f4alla: 'slayer of enemies19, contains - Ela -, derived with the suffix 37420 2.6.4. Now, consider 312108 H aetare il fuchi 319109 310 49: 1 Birroz fast 3-ofe I According to 3. 2. 71-72, in usage found in mantras fuan follows zvetavah, ukthazas, and puroDAz as well as yaj used with the preverb ava. 3. 2. 73 introduces for after 75 used with 34 to form derivates found in general Vedic usage.

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98 George Cardona Jambu-jyoti 3.2.74-76 apply as shown in 2. 6. 1. It is reasonable, I think, to accept what the Kasika says about 3. 2. 75. The Kasika remarks that 3. 2. 75 uses dRzyate in order that usage be followed (prayogAnusaraNArtham)21. This accords with what Patanjali said much earlier (see 1 with note 2), since the accepted usage is that of model speakers. That is, the Vedic usage known to Panini was such that he could determine particular domains in which fua and faz occurred. Moreover, verbs in -a could form derivates with fr and so on (3. 2. 74 [2.6.1]) in compounds. In both Vedic and the spoken language Panini describes, the same suffixes occur with verbs in -i and also other verbs, as could fetaly, too, both in compounds and independently. In other words, for Vedic eft and so on had a restricted domain of usage, which could be described formally. In Panini's bhasa, on the other hand, the domain of these affixes had spread, but the development was still at a stage where Panini could not formally describe this with precision. In fact, these affixes were being generalized fully. He therefore provides that these affixes, and 1894, are seen to occur elsewhere also. The exact extent of their usage, then, is still in flux within the community of model speakers. 2.6.5. One final point has to be taken into account, concerning 3. 2. 1 (see note 20). This is formulated as a very general rule, whereby 374 could occur with any verb whatever. Accordingly, the sutra allows derivates such as 3 frigef 'one who looks at the sun'. The discussion of this sutra in the Bhasya ends with Karyayana's statement that such derivates are not used to signify the meanings in question, so that the grammar does not have to state an exhaustive listing of possible derivates in order to preclude these and some others22. That is, formally derivates like frigef are comparable to derivates like the pot maker', yet in the spoken language of Katyayana's time and place they were not used to express what one expressed using a phrase 3fifgrunaufa. Panini recognizes the fact that derivates with 374 have a very general domain. He therefore formulates a general rule. In effect, he understands that 374| can indeed be used with any verb construed with an object. The resulting derivate might not immediately appear the best usage to a native speaker, but such a speaker has to admit its grammatical correctness and acceptibility. It is as though a modern speaker of English used a derivate like axer referring to someone who wields an axe. This is not the best of usage, but one has to admit it is grammatically well formed and acceptable.

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Paninian Sutras of the Type anyebhyo'pi dRzyate 99 The difference between 3. 2. 1 and 3. 2. 75, then, is that fit and so on, used after verbs construed with upapadas, did indeed have a restricted specifiable domain at one stage of the language and were being generalized, so that one has to observe the usage of model speakers to determine grammatically appropriate usage. 2.7. 31319 30162) EC14 (ACH [3.2.123] H 1414 (3.2.85]) 1 31 31 3 asfo dRzyante / 3 / 3 / 3 bhaviSyati gamyAdayaH / 2.7.1. 3.3.1 states that the affixes of the set beginning with 34 occur variously (46474) when an action signified by verbal bases to which they are introduced is referred to current time (acne). For example : ons 'artisan', ary 'wind', 4r 'anus', gry 'medicinal herb, physician', hry 'bile', tang 'sweet', Hn 'noble person, sadhu', 3771 'fact23. 3.3.2 then provides that the same affixes also are seen to occur when an action is referred to the past. For example, Art vartman 'path' refers to something that has been gone on (974)24. Further, 3.3.3 states that the derivates 1147 and so on refer to the future : 74 'one who will go, a traveller', 3T one who will come', prasthAyin 'one who will depart', pratirodhin 'one who will oppose', pratibodhin 'one who will awaken', ufunt 'one who will oppose', Alfr 'one that will be contrary to', uffit 'one who will come back", 314Ifti 'one who will come', fa7 'which will be 25) 2.7.2. A slokavarttika on 3.3.1 gives reasons why Panini formulates this sutra with 25614 instead of simply saying 30144:, thereby providing that derivates with the affixes of the set beginning with 34 are acceptable correct usage. The property of applying variously (alem H) is taken into account because the affixes 34 and so on appear, in derivations actually provided for, after a small number of the possible bases, not all the bases after which such affixes could occur, and because only most of the actually possible affixes are actually introduced in derivations provided, not all of the possible affixes. In addition, there is a residue of operations that is not taken care of in the derivations as actually provided26. The Kasika captures the major emphasis of this by noting that the affixes in question appear also with bases other than those after which they are explicitly provided for and some, though they are not explicitly provided for, are inferred from usage27. 2.7.3. In 3.3.2, Panini uses Eged, and the Kasika remarks that this is meant in order that one follow usage in determining which particular

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100 George Cardona Jambu-jyoti affixes of the sunfc set are used when an action is referred to the past28. hough, according to the Kasika, both Astadhyayi 3.3.1 and 3.3.2 thus involve a necessary recourse to usage for determining what the rules are to allow, there is nevertheless a difference between the two, which justifies their different formulations. Now, if instead of 3.3.1 as formulated, Panini had stated 3 a1, thereby providing that unadi affixes occur optionally (at), this sutra would provide that all unadi affixes apply optionally under conditions stated. As shown in 2.7.2, this is clearly different from what 3.3.1, with 66714, allows29. Moreover, even given the very broad variation that 3.3.1 thus allows for, it does not obviate the need for a separate rule 3.3.2. The former provides for unadi affixes under a single condition of time reference : an action is referred to current time (aHT). 3.3.2, on the other hand, allows for some unadi affixes when an action is referred to the past. In addition, 3.3.1 applies in general (STOT 'for the most part'), but 3.3.2 applies with respect to only a subgroup of unadi affixes : some of these also are used with past-time reference30. In addition, there is an enumerable subgroup of items used with future reference, covered by 3.3.3. 2.8. &18193 11910EUR grapfa Ered i provide that certain operations are seen to apply also in Vedic. 2.8.1. 6.4.73 has to do with augments added to verbal stems followed byendings that replace the L-affixes luGla Glu G. By6/4/71 luGlaGla kssvddudaattH| such stems receive high-pitched 37EUR as an initial augment. 3Te occurs only with consonant-initial bases, however, since this general rule has an exception : &18167 377SFIGHTE provides that high-pitched 3775 is added as an initial augment to vowel-initial stems. In addition, 6.4.73 states that 377EUR is also seen to occur in Vedic usage. Now, 6.4.71-72 do not specify that the augments in question are added in the currently spoken language alone, so that it would make no sense to say that 6.4.73 simply provides for the use of 377EUR also in Vedic. This sutra must, on the contrary, provide for a broader use of this augment than is the norm in the currently spoken language. That is, the rule provides that 317 occurs also with stems other than those for which specific provision is made in 6.4.7231, thus accounting for the fact that in Vedic 317 occurs with consonant-initial as well as vowel-initial stems. For example : Ayunak / ayunak 'yoked'.

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Paninian Sutras of the Type anyebhyo'pi dRzyate e.g., 2.8.2. According to 7/1/75 asthidadhisakthyakSNAmanaDudAttaH (tRtIyAdiSu [74] aci [73]), anaG substitutes for the final -i of asthi 'bone', dadhi 'curds', sakthi 'thigh' and zf 'eye' before a vowel-initial ending of triplets starting from the third; asthi-A (instr. sg. : third-triplet ending ya ) - asthan - A asthA32, dadhiA... dadhnA, sakthi A ... sakthnA, akSi- A...akSNA, but asthibhyAm (instr.-dat.abl.du), dadhibhyAm, sakthibhyAm, akSibhyAm, with the endings bhyAm of the third, fourth, and fifth triplets. In addition, 71/76 chandasyapi dRzyate / states that anaG is also seen to occur as a replacement for the 3 of these stems in Vedic usage. The situation here is comparable to that of 6.4.73 (2.8.1): Since 7.1.75 does not apply specifically in the spoken language alone, thus excluding Vedic usage, 7.1.76 cannot be meant to provide for Vedic usage involving the same endings as covered by the preceding sutra. On the contrary, 7.1.76 has to allow the replacement in places where this is not provided for by the preceding rule: before consonant-initial endings, before endings other than those of the triplets starting with the third, and before elements other than endings33. For example: asthabhi:, akSabhi: (instr. pl.); asthAni (acc. pl.); akSaNvatA (instr. sg.) 'which has eyes', asthanvantam (acc.sg.) 'corporeal', with akSan and 3- before the suffix a, which is not a vibhakti. 3. The evidence considered here is best accounted for on the thesis that Panini34 has described a living spoken language of his time35, a language that exhibits traits found in any living language. In particular, Panini has to take into account that there are relations among variants which can be described in a determinate fashion and others which cannot. Thus, there are instances where elements or operations A and B are complementary, each occurring in a specifiable domain. There are also instances where A and B vary within a stateable domain. In addition, there are instances such that, in a determined domain, there is indeterminate variation. This is the situation for which Panini says that certain operations apply variously (g) in a stated domain. Conversely, there are instances where the operations are determined but the domains in question remain partly indeterminate. This is the situation for which Panini states that given operations are seen to occur under conditions other than those already stated. To reiterate the first example considered: Panini can indeed specify certain places where long-vowel replacement applies in prior members of compounds (2.1.1). He must also accept, however, that this substitution applies to vowels of items which he cannot specify. Accordingly, he says 101

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102 George Cardona (6.3.137 [2.1]) that such long-vowel substitution is seen to apply to items other than those he has previously specified. Similarly, having gone as far as possible in stating the domains of certain affixes, he has to admit that they are seen to occur under additional, indeterminate, conditions. Jambu-jyoti Clearly, Panini does not consider it his task to put a strait-jacket on some state of a language to have it go on as a frozen fossil. On the contrary, he describes a living language used by native speakers who were carrying out innovations and generalizations. Moreover, Panini's rules recognize, as should any grammar, that the final results of developments which have started cannot be predicted. Hence, the Astadhyayi appropriately includes what I call 'escape rules', statements which, I think, testify to the acumen and insight of Panini. Annotations: 1. A short version of this paper was presented at the Xth World Sanskrit Conference in Bangalore (January 3-9, 1997), and an abstract under the title 'Escape rules in Panini: sutras of the type "anyebhyo' pi drsyate" was published in the proceedings of this conference: Xth World Sanskrit Conference... English Abstracts (New Delhi : Rashtriya Sanskrit Sansthan, 1997),. pp. 412-413. I have used the following abbreviations: RV: Rgveda, Kas.: Kasikavrtti: Aryendra Sharma, Khanderao Deshpande, D. G. Padhye 1969-70, PM: Padamanjari: Dwarikadas Shastri and Kalika Prasad Shukla 1965-1967, Paddhati: Vrsabhadeva's Paddhati: K. A. Subramania Iyer 1963a, Pr.: Padipa: Vedavrata 1962-63, Bh.: Mahabhasya : Abhyankar 1962-72, LSS: Laghusabdendusekhara with Bhairava's Candrakala (edited by Narahari Sastri Pendse, reedited by Gopala Sastri Nene, Varanasi : Chaukhambha Sanskrit Sansthan, 1987), Vas: Vararucasangraha with Narayana's Dipaprabha (edited by D. N. Pandey, Varanasi : Chaukhambha Sanskrit Sansthan, 1986), vt. varttika, VPVr.: Vrtti on the Vakyapadiya: K. A. Subramania Iyer 1963a, VS Vajasaneyisamhita, SK: Siddhantakaumudi : Giridhara Sarma Caturveda and Paramesvarananda Sarma Bhaskara. For full bibliographic references, see Panini, A Survey of Research (The Hague: Mouton, 1976, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1980 [reprinted 1997]). In addition, 'Debrunner' refers to Albert Debrunner, Altindische Grammatik von Jakob Wackernagel, Band II, 2: Die Nominalsuffixe (Gottingen: Vandenhoek & Ruprecht, 1954) and 'Cardona 1997 refers to Panini, his Work and its Traditions, Volume I: Background and Introduction, 2nd edition, revised and enlarged (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass).

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Paninian Sutras of the Type anyebhyo'pi dRzyate 103 2. Bh. III.174.10-15 : yadi tarhi ziSTAH zabdeSu pramANaM kimaSTAdhyAyyA kriyate / shissttjnyaanaarthaassttaadhyaayii| kathaM punaraSTAdhyAyyA ziSTAH zakyA vijJAtum / aSTAdhyAyImadhIyAno'nyaM pazyatyanadhIyAnaM ye cAtra vihitAH zabdAstAnprayuJjAnam / sa pazyati nUnamasya daivAnugrahaH svabhAvo vA yo'yaM na cASTAdhyAyImadhIte ye cAsyAM vihitAH zabdAstA~zca prayuGkte / nUnamanyAnapi jAnAti / evameSA shissttaajnyaanaarthaassttaadhyyii| The Bhasya on 6.3.109 has been discussed often; see most recently Cardona 1997:551-553 (834). 3. VPVr 1.12 (43.8-9): ziSTajJAnAcca pRSodaraprakArANAM ziSTaprayogatvAtsAdhutvapratipAdane nimittaM vyaakrnnm| 4. Vrsabhadeva refers to the two types as anvAkhyAta and ananvAkhyAta : Paddhati 1.12 (43.22, 24-26) : evaM tadanvAkhyAtAnAM vyAkaraNamupAyaH / ananvAkhyAtAnAmapIti darzayati... ziSTajJAnAcca iti / tairya upadiSTA lakSaNena nAnvAkhyAtAH pRSodaraprakArAste tatprayuktatvAtsAdhava iti jJAyante / evaM pArampatteiSAM vyAkaraNaM sAdhutvapratipattau lghurupaayH| 5. Bahuvrihi compound by 2.2.27 : tatra tenedamiti sarUpe | Samasanta ic by 5.4.127: ickrmvytihaare| 6. Kas 6.3.137: anyeSAmapi dI? dRzyate / sa ziSTaprayogAdanugantavyaH / yasya dIrghatvaM na vihitaM dRzyate ca prayoge tadanena krtvym| 7. The Kasika includes all these and more. In particular, it considers that Panini's use of 3hf is intended to allow all the conditions given in previous rules to be superseded, so that, for example, a derivate with can refer to a karaka other than an agent, as in faimoat', which is derived from 67'dig' and refers to something that has been dug : anyeSvapyupapadeSu kArakeSu janerDapratyayo dRzyate / saptamyAmityuktam asaptamyAmapi dRzyate / na jAyate ityajaH / dvirjAtA dvijAH / paJcamyAmajAtAvityuktam jAtAvapi dRzyate / brAhmaNajo dharmaH / kSatriya yuddham / upasarge ca saJjJAyAmityuktam / asajJAyAmapi dRshyte| abhijAH parijA: kezAH / anau karmaNItyuktam / akarmaNyapi dRzyate / anu jAtaH anujaH / apizabdaH srvopaadhivybhicaaraarthH| tena dhAtvantarAdapi bhavati kArakAntare'pi / paritaH khAtA parikhA aakhaa|Other Paniniyas interpret apisimilarly, e.g.,SK 3011 (IV.83). 83.2.134: A kvestacchIlataddharmatatsAdhukAriSu / is a heading valid through 3.2.177, providing that the affixes introduced by rules of this section are introduced to signify agents thus qualified. 37/'up to and including is used, so that fetal by 3.2.177 is introduced under these conditions, as is also the same affix introduced by 3.2.178. 9. Kas 3.2.178 anyebhyo'pi dhAtubhyastAcchIlikeSu kvip pratyayo dRzyate / yuk bhit| I cannot take up here the reasons--given in the Bhasya on 3.2.178 and elsewhwere--for stating this sutra. 10. 5.3.14 is part of the section of rules headed by 5.3.2 : kiMsarvanAmabahubhyo'vyAdibhyaH / 11. 5.4.44-49 : pratiyoge paJcamyAstasiH / apAdAne cAhIyaruhoH / atigrahAvyathanakSepeSvakartari tRtIyAyAH / hIyamAnapApayogAcca / SaSThyA vyAzraye / rogAccApanayane /

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104 George Cardona Jambu-jyoti 12. Bh. II.405. 14-15 : iha kasmAnna bhavati saH tau te| bhavAdibhiryoga iti vktvym| ke punarbhavAdayaH / bhavAn dIrghAyuH devAnAmpriya: AyuSmAniti / Later Paniniyas consider that dRzyate in the sutra has the effect of so delimiting its application;e.g., Kas. 5.3.14 : dRzigrahaNaM prAyikavidhyartham / tena bhavAdibhiryoga evaitadvidhAnam / 13. VS 6.18 : reDassyagniSTvA zzrINAtu... '(Fat,) you are harmed; may the fire cook you...' 14. With the affix Nini by 3.2.86 : karmaNi hanaH (NiniH [78]). 15. In his first varttika on 3.1.87, Katyayana says this sutra serves to formulate a restriction : brahmAdiSu hanteH kvibvacanaM niyamArtham // In the Bhasya, Patanjali notes that the restriction is two-fold, with respect to verbal base (76744) and the time reference (kAlaniyama) : Bh. II. 112.9-12 : niyamArtho'yamArambhaH / brahmAdiSveva hanteH kvibyathAsyAt / kimavizeSeNa / netyaah| upapadavizeSa etasmiMzca vishesse| atha brahmAdiSu hanteNininA bhavitavyam / na bhavitavyam / kiM kAraNam / ubhayato niyamAt / ubhayato niymo'ym| brahmAdiSveva hanterbhUte kvibbhavati kvibeva ca brahmAdiSvati / As Kaiyata points out in his Pradipa on this passage, Patanjali accepts only these two restrictions, not the four-fold restriction -- such that the upapada and affix are also restricted -- which others accept. Kaiyata also remarks that this four-fold restriction is not to be granted acceptance, since it conflicts with the Bhasya : Pr. III. 255 : etadeva niyamadvayaM bhASyakAreNAzritam brahmAdiSu hantereva bhUte kvibbhavati brahmAdiSu hanteH kvibbhUta evetyetattu niyamadvayaM naabhyupgtm| anyaistvAhopuruSikayA caturvidho niyamo vyAkhyAtaH / sa bhASyavirodhAnnAdaraNIyaH / The source Kaiyata ridicules here is the Kasika, which, in its commentary on 3.1.87, does indeed say the rule involves four restrictions. Additional details need not be discussed here, since they do not affect my main topic. 16. Here too there is a difference of opinion. The Kasika interprets 3.2.76 as introducing fea4 after all verbs, whether or not they are construed with an upapada, and to form derivates used both in Vedic and in the spoken bhasa of Panini's time : sarvadhAtubhyaH sopasargebhyo nirupasargebhyazca chandasi bhASAyAM ca kvippratyayo bhavati / The Dipaprabhaon Vas23 (p. 58), on the other hand, says 3.2.76 introduced the affix only to bases construed with an upapada :kvipceti sopapadebhya: sarvadhAtubhya: sAmAnyena vihita: kvip|Ifa derivate likegir (nom. sg. it:) 'speech'is derived with ftaby 3.2.76--thus, e.g., SK 2983 (=3.2.76 [IV.70]) - then obviously the sutra does not require a verb to be used with an upapada. On the other hand, if the akrtigana sampadAdi along with varttika 9 on 3.3.108 (sampadAdibhyaH foq9) is invoked to account for derivates like for (thus Bhanuji on Amarakosa 1.6.1), then one can adopt the alternative view. The consequence of this is that such derivates as fTe, which must have been known to Panini, since they were used from earliest Vedicon, have to be accounted for by an addition to the grammar. I therefore consider the Kasika's interpretation preferable.

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Paninian Sutras of the Type anyebhyo'pi dRzyate 105 17. 3.2.87 vt. 2: 7911 ara a chef: Il Bh. II. 112.14-15: 13 ra a he upapanno bhavati bahulaM chandasIti / yo mAtahA pitRhA bhrAtRhA / na ca bhavati amitrghaatH| 18. The Paippalada Atharvaveda has (19.46.14): THIET FUQET TARTET, with Tone who has killed his sister'. 19. Atharvaveda Paippalada 2.88.lab : AT HET STRATEGI 3C4A: The Saunakiya Atharvaveda (1.20. 4ab) has pa gre HER GTRIPATHIE Stega: 1 and the Rgveda (10.152.1ab) has fire rent HER BRfHaC) 34 1 20. 3.2.1. Afuerai See 2.6.5. 21. Kas 3.2.75 : E0-cu FC 437 SETG21576 Frafra aftur yra dRzyante vicca / suzarmA / kvanip prAtaritvA prAtaritvAnau / vanip vijAvA agregAvA / vic khalvapi reDasi parNa na veH| apizabdaH sarvopAdhivyabhicArArthaH / nirupapadAdapi bhavati dhIvA pIvA / dRzigrahaNaM prayogAnusaraNArtham / 22. 3.2.1 vt. 4-5 : 379fri aT II 377694111 11 23. These are derivates with the affix 34 by Unadisutra 1.1 : ha14ffaa hizZ 34 Note that Farg has a general reference, to anything that is sweet to the taste (svadyate), but that kAru refers specifically to an artisan (zilpin), not just anyone who does something ( fa). Paniniyas are therefore doubtless correct when they say that 5510414 is understood in 3.3.1. Accordingly, the sutra provides that the affixes in question are introduced to form derivates with specific referents and this variously, so that some of the derivates can have general referents. 24. This is a derivate with off by Unadisutra 4.144: HUTZHETI, which allows this affix to follow all verbal bases. as is the first example given in the Kasika on 3.3.2, which also gives the examples 'skin' and 'ashes', derived from aligo about' and 'TH'shine'. In his comments on Unadisutra 4.144, Ujjvaladatta also gives these derivates and refers to Astadhyayi 3.3.2. 25. These are the derivates given in the Kasika, which treats the set gamyadi as an exhaustive listing (parigaNanam). Of these, only gamin, AgAmin, bhAvina, and prasthAyin are directly derivable by known Unadisutras : 4.6-9 : TARA: 34fs furci 9991791: The Padamanjari on Kasika 3.3.3 refers to these -- but with variants 311fs force and Make: for Unadisutra 4.7, 9 -- and notes alternative ways of accounting for the other examples : pratirodhin, pratibodhin, pratiyodhinand pratiyAyinarederived with Nini byAstadhyayi 3.1.134 : nandigrahipacAdibhyo lyuNinyacaH / / pratiyoginis derived with ghinuNa by Astadhyayi 3.2.142: He'; others say some of the derivates are formed with fufa by Astadhyayi 3.2.78:49dfUFRE I; and still others say that these derivates are simply given as ready-made in the list accompanying Astadhyayi 3.3.3. PM

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106 George Cardona Jambu-jyoti 1 III. 7 gamI AgAmIti / gameriniH AGi NiccetIni bhAvI prasthAyIti / asminnevAdhikAre bhuvazca prAtstha itIni: / NittvAd vRddhiryukca / rudhibudhiyudhiyAtibhyaH pratipUrvebhyo grahAdiNiniH / asmAdeva nipAtanAdityanye / supyajAtAvityanye / pratiyogIti sampRcAdisUtreNa ghinuNi cajo ku ghiNNyatoriti kutvam / Ninipratyaya eva nyavAdipAThAdasmAdeva nipAtanAdvA kutvamityanye / I 26. 3.3.1vt. 1: bAhulakaM prakRtestanudRSTeH prAyasamuccayanAdapi teSAm / kAryasazeSavidhezca taduktam... This slokavarttika and Patanjali's comments on it appear to assume, as later Paniniyas explicitly state, tha: the derivations are according to sutras of another grammar, the Unadisutras. I do not enter into this question here, except to remark that, in the Indian context, a mere list of affixes without rules introducing them to bases, would indeed be anomalous. Jinendrabuddhi (Nyasa III. I) cites a traditional verse stating on what basis the property of applying variously is attributed to operations: because an operation sometimes applies, sometimes does not apply, sometimes applies optionally, and because sometimes some other operation applies: afcqft: kvacidapravRttiH kvacidvibhASA kvacidanyadeva vidhervidhAnaM bahudhA samIkSya caturvidhaM bAhulakaM vadanti / / This verse is well known, cited elsewhere in full (e.g., Anantabhatta on Vajasaneyipratisakhya 3.18, Hemacandra on Siddhahemasabdanusasana 8.1.2) or in part (e.g., PM III.I) as well as simply alluded to indirectly (e.g., Uvata on Vajasaneyipratisakhya 3.18). 1 27. Kas 3.3.1 uNAdayaH pratyayA vartamAne'rthe saJjJAyAM viSaye bahulaM bhavanti / yato vihitAstato'nyatrApi bhavanti / cidavihitA eva prayogata unnIyante / 28. Kas 3.3.2 pUrvatra vartamAnAdhikArAd bhUtArthamidaM vcnm| bhUte kAla uNAdayaH pratyayA dRzyante / vRttamidaM vartma / caritamidamidi carma bhasitaM taditi bhasma dRzigrahaNaM prayogAnusArArtham / | 29. This is brought out in the Balamanorama on Siddhantakaumudi 3169 (3.3.1 [IV.307) explaining Bhattoji's statement that some affixes not explicitly provided for are to be inferred (kecidavihitA apyUhyAH) uNAdayo vetyanuktvA bahulagrahaNasya prayojanamAha kecidavihitA apyUhyA iti / 30. Siddhantakaumuditattvabodhini IV. 308 nanvevaM vartamAnagrahaNaM ca uNAdayo bahulamityatra nAnuvartyatAm / etaccottarasUtraM ca tyajyatAm / avizeSeNa kAlatraye'pi pratyayalAbhAditi cedatrAhuH / bAhulyena vartamAne bhavanti bhUtabhaviSyatostu kvacideveti viveka darzanArthamiti / Candrakala on Laghusabdendusekhara 3.3.1 (II. 816) : na ca vartamAne iti sUtrAdvartamAna iti naanuvrtniiym| evaJca bhUtAdau siddhirbhaviSyatyeveti bhUte'pItyAdi na kAryamiti vAcyam / prAyeNa vartamAna eva kvacideva tu bhaviSyati veti vyutpAdanAya punaH sUzarambhAt / Similarly, Nyasa and Padamanjari on Kasika 3.3.2 (III.6). 31. Kas. 6.4.73 yato hi vihitastato'nyatrApi dRzyate / 32. 6.4.134 Anopo'naH /

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Paninian Sutras of the Type 3 zitsfu Eyed 107 33. Kas 7.1.76 : a fafectats analfa erudi testry #641 39761grafa gredi ei uitat Strefa: (RV 1.84.13a) YGS - yhteellisal: 11 (VS 25.21=Kv 1.89.85) i iditediSvityuktam / atRtIyAdiSvapi dRzyate / asthAnyutkRtya juhoti / vibhaktAvityuktam avibhaktAvapi dRzyate / 378 van esta i spreyta frechen faufa (RV 1. 164. 4b) || 34. I have considered only the Paninian evidence because of space limitations. Comparable statements are found elsewhere in early Paniniya works: 2.1.33 vt. 1 (perfecteatasoa Erea I), 5.1.57-58 vt. 6 (3772221ste Egud ERYTGIETY 11), 5.2.112 vt. 1 (aden 05 sf Erud II), 5.2.120 vt. 1 (20US Sfa Esad II), Bhasya on 3.2.48 (II. 103. 14 : 374 376 347505 afgerandi 37 af starfa 141). 35. Of course, he also takes earlier archaic usage into account, as has been noted in sections above. 36. This is connected with the issue of how, in ancient India, one viewed the usage we refer to as Sanskrit, including both the spoken language of Panini's period, with its dialect variations, and earlier Vedic : as manifestations of a single eternal language or a product of human beings. Although the Astadhyayi does not say anything explicit concerning this, Katyayana and Patanjali do consider the issue whether speech is eternal or produced. I cannot enter into a discussion of these questions here. They have been dealt with recently by Deshpande; see his Sanskrit and Prakrit : Sociolinguistic Issues (Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 1993), pp. 53-74. Let me say only that I see no contradiction between Panini's describing a state of language such that certain developments had begun but not yet been carried out and Paniniyas' maintaining theoretically that all manifestations of Sanskrit speech represent an eternal language. There can be, in the Paninian scheme of things, a perennity of a flow (E N) such that what appear to be newly created elements are merely manifestations of entities always there in the eternal flow. Obviously, I do not think that the conclusions I have reached on the basis of the evidence considered here require one to consider Panini a linguist who claims to be describing a language historically. 000

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Arya Bhadrabahu M. A. Dhaky Preliminary Considerations From at least the post-Gupta period, the patriarch Arya Bhadrabahu (c. B.C. 325-297) has been held in the highest esteem and unswerving reverence by the principal Jaina sects, the designation 'Jaina' anciently was known as 'Nirgrantha.' The notices on Bhadrabahu largely hail from the literature of the two surviving major sects of the Nirgrantha-darsana, Svetambara and Digambara. Bhadrabahu is reckoned and adored by both sects as the last caturdasapurvadhara' as well as the sruta-kevali2. And yet the glaring fact remains that he very largely has remained an illusive figure. The Jaina writers of our own times possess a strong, even an obsessive, bias for his supposedly inestimable greatness. As a result, they failed to see through the veil of illusion created by some stray but relatively late-some contradictory and confused-literary and inscriptional references to him and likewise could not escape the spell of ethos of the dazzling aura they themselves projected around him. Some of them explicitly believed (and still believe) in all that was attributed to him in the past as an invariate fact, a tangible and truthful reality. The high-pitched reverential attitude adopted for Bhadrabahu has not only hindered an objective approach toward searching and reconstructing his realistic image, not even a sketchy history based on available evidentiary facts, but also, as its consequence, has disallowed taking dispassionate estimation of him and his supposed contributions. This happening, in essence and so far, has led to preclude examining the very basis on which the edifice of esteem for him was built. Likewise, excepting for one category of literature, the niryuktis, very little effort had been made in the past toward checking the veracity of the claim for what are looked upon as the works authored by him in the Northern Nirgrantha (Svetambara) tradition3.

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Arya Bhadrabahu The Northern as well as the Southern Nirgrantha Church has preserved only small bits of information on Bhadrabahu, some seeming reliable, some probable or plausible, some undoubtedly falling in the category of 'doubtful,' and still others that frankly are at variance with the other recorded facts as well as internal evidence present in his supposed works and hence clearly undependable. The present article intends to focus critically on the image of Bhadrabahu as it emerges through the light cast by the evidence preserved within the relatively earlier and more trustworthy sources, though later writings will not be neglected: This evidence, in point of fact, lead to some hitherto unsuspected angles and consequently to surprising implications and conclusions. Some among the available Northern Nirgrantha sources relatively are earlier than the known Southern : hence these will be noticed here first, followed by the Southern, and next the information gathered from both sources will be compared, evaluated, integrated wherever plausible, and used in the discussions to follow. And finally will be presented the conclusions that may flow therefrom. II Northern Nirgrantha literary sources on Bhadrabahu The earliest extant source on Bhadrabahu is the Sthaviravali or hagiological list of pontiffs incorporated in the Paryusana-kalpa. In its present shape, it was compiled partly from the preexisting lists and partly completed in V.N.S. 980/993 or A. D. 503 or 5164. The Sthaviravali, in point of fact, is the result of a five-phase growth and correspondingly contains portions of different periods, the portion forming Phase I begins its statement, after a brief introduction, with the ganadhara-apostle Sudharma the direct disciple of Arhat Vardhamana alias Jina Mahavira--and next serially follow the names of four patriarchs as successors, the list terminating with the fifth pontiff Arya Yasobhadra (c. B.C. 350-325) who, as we learn from the Sthaviravali's Phase 2 portion, was the preceptor/guru of Arya Sambhutavijaya and of Arya Bhadrabahu. The Phase I portion, predictably, may have been composed in a still older linguistic form as well as, perhaps, a little more archaic stylistic mould, in Ardhamagadhi, plausibly at the end of the first Synod convoked in Pataliputra (in or before B.C. 300) for the redaction, the first in recorded history, of the Nirgrantha sruta/scripture/ canon after the end of a long draught* in Madhyadesa. The Phase 2 of Its duration is reported, in some sources to be discussed, of 12 years. 109

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110 M. A. Dhaky Jambu-jyoti the Sthaviravali embodies a portion which, in point of fact, came from another and, seemingly, somewhat later source. It represents a shorter version (samksipta vacana), as against the much more elaborate Phase 3 portion (vistrta vacana), commencing as it does from Arya Yasobhadra and his two aforenoted disciples and extending further down, through six successive pontiffs, to Arya Vajra's disciple Arya Vajrasena and ending with the names of the latter pontiff's four disciples (c. 1st cent. A.D.)S. But, it is the aforenoted Phase 3 portion, which covers an enlarged version of the second, is very, very important, because it, for the first time, gives detailed denominations along with the succinct indications on the origination of the various ganas (cohorts), their sakhas (branches), and their kulas (regional and clanal groups), all of these being the subdivisions formed by the specific bands of mendicants. Arguably, the starting point for these group-proliferations temporally must be located a few decades after Arya Bhadrabahu from whose senior disciple Godasa, the earliest and hence the very first gana of the Nirgrantha monastic system is reported, as per the northern hagiological tradition, to have emanated. (This may have taken place some time in the latter half of B.C. the third century.) While the list of succession within this Phase 3 (which figures in several manuscripts of the Paryusana-kalpa) terminates with Arya Phalgumitra (c. early 1st cent. A.D.), some mss. also contain a Phase 4 extension leading up to Arya Skandila (or Sandila)--the 17th pontiff in succession from Arya Phalgumitra--who presided over the Synod convened in Mathura inc. V. N. 830-840/A.D. 353-3637. These four successive sections of the sthaviravali are in prose and were dovetailed to form a single continuous text, largely in Ardhamagadhi, by casting them into a homogeneous stylistic mould which doubtless reveals a few lately introduced linguistic affectations of the Maharastri Prakrit. The last, or Phase 5, which is the latest portion of the Sthaviravali, however, is in versified form and unambiguously is rendered in Maharastri Prakrit. It starts from Arya Phalgumitra and, after mentioning the 16th pontiff in succession, namely Arya Dharma who was the guru of Arya Skandila, switches over to Arya Jambu (apparently the confrere of Arya Skandila of whom it takes no notice) and next gives the names of six pontiffs in succession, the sixth being Devarddhi gani8 who chaired the Valabhi Synod II in A.D. 503, or, according to an alternative tradition, in A.D. 516',

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Arya Bhadrabahu 111 the period when the Maitraka viceroy Dhruvasena I was governing from Valabhi in the Surastra region on behalf of some imperial power, either Gupta or, perhaps, Vakataka 10. For our purpose, only the second and the third Phase of the Sthaviravali are relevant; for it is these two which give some initial, though very succinct but the earliest and significant information on Bhadrabahu. The source of information, contemporaneous (or may be even earlier) in time, in the past, was the Gandikanuyoga of Arya Syama I alias Arya Kalaka I (c. 1st cent. B.C.-A.D.) which plausibly contained passages in a chapter (gandika) that had dealt with Bhadrabahu, namely the "Bhadrabahu-gandika," a section noted in a different context in the Samavayanga-sutra (147)". This latter agama, the fifth of the 12 angas, was updated (or rather recompiled with many additions, as a replacement palpably of an earlier shorter version)* in or soon after A.D. 363 and thus in the latter half of the last century of the Kusana rule in Mathura. Regrettably, the Gandikanuyoga, like all other works of Arya Syama, is for long lost12. It is, however, likely that, for a part of the information on Bhadrabahu in late Gupta agamic notices, the ultimate source may have been this work. The source next in time is the Sthaviravali of the Nandisutra of Deva Vacaka (c. mid 5th cent. A.D. 13); but that work only briefly alludes to Bhadrabahu and his gotra (familial lineage) and, in point of fact, adds nothing more to what is gleaned from the Phase 2 portion of the aforenoted Sthaviravali of the Paryusana-kalpa. After the Nandisutra, the works which mention Bhadrabahu, in one or the other context, are the Uttaradhyayana-niryukti (c. A.D. 525 and later) 14, the Titthogaliya i.e. Tirthavakalika (or Tirthodgarika)-prakirnaka (c. mid 6th cent. A.D.)"5, the Vyavahara-bhasya (c. late 6th cent.) 16, the Avasyakacurni (c. A.D. 600-650)17, the Uttaradhyayana-curni (c. A.D. 650-700) 18, and the Avasyaka-vrtti of Haribhadra suri (c. mid 8th cent. A.D.). Among the medieval sources, the first is the Kahavali of Bhadresvara suri (c. late 10th century)20. A fairly dependable medieval source, like the Parisista-parva (c. A.D. 1166) of Acarya Hemacandra of Purnatalla-gacchao1, apparently * Abhayadeva suri (latter half of the 11th century), in his commentary on the Samavayanga, refers to its shorter version which apparently was available in his time. I forego citing the source since it is a secondary point.

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112 M. A. Dhaky Jambu-jyoti is indebted, mainly indeed, to the aforenoted work for its information on Bhadrabahu namely the Kahavali and, to some extent, to the Tirthavakalika and the Avasyaka-curni, though for a few details, Hemacandra also may have consulted one or two other concise textual sources, including perhaps a Southern one. Southern Nirgrantha Sources on Bhadrabahu Unlike Northern and, importantly, the Southern sources also include epigraphical. Among the literary works--what have been looked upon by Western (particularly German) scholars as secondary, substitute, or surrogate agamas, theAradhana of Sivarya (c. early 6th cent.)22, and the Tiloyapannatti, (Trilokaprajnapti, assigned to c. mid 6th cent. A.D.)23 are the earliest to have a bearing, in a small measure though, on Bhadrabahu. Next comes the Harivamsa-purana of Jinasena of Punnata Sangha (A.D. 783)24, the Dhavala-tika of Svami Virasena of Pancastupanvaya (completed A.D. 816)25, as also the Aradhana-Kannada-tika (popularly known as Vadda Aradhane26), now ascertained to be a work of Bhrajisnu (c. A.D. late 9th or early 10th cent.])27, and the Brhat-kathakosa (A.D. 931) of Harisena28 (who, too, like Jinasena, was a monk of the Punnata Sangha29). All of these, in the Southern context, relatively are older and more useful among literary sources. Incidentally, also theBhavasangraha of Pt. Vamadeva (c. 16th cent.), the Bhadrabahu-carita of Ratnanandi (c. 16th cent. A. D.) 30, the Munivamsabhyudaya of Cidananda-Kavi (A. D. 1680), and the Ratnavalikathakosa of Devacandra (A. D. 1838)* which contain overtly sectarian material and which, from their particular standpoint, orientation in thinking, liking, and hence the attitude adopted and predilections set, has been considered authoritative and used by some Digambara Jaina scholars. As for the the epigraphical domain, it is restricted exclusively to Karnataka and, the earlier records there, happen to be the inscription no. 1 (c. A. D.600)31 as well as no. 24 (c. mid 7th cent. A. D.) 32 at the Cikkabeta or Candragiri, Sravanabelgola, are more ancient and, to a large extent, also crucial. Also are the two inscriptions from some site in the Srirangapattanam taluq (c. A. D. * The first, the third, and the fourth work, all very late, were not available to me for consultation. But, from their content known through others' writings, they all are, like Ratnanandi's work, highly sectarian.

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Arya Bhadrabahu 113 900). Moreover, the Sravanabelgola inscription no. 251 at the Bhadrabahu cave on Cikkabeta and datable to c. 11th cent. A. D., the two epigraphs from Humca (A.D. 1075, 1077) and one other there datable to the c. 13th cent. A. D.33 are to some extent relevant to the discussions in the present context. All of these will be discussed in section VI where they have a direct pertinence. . IV The Deducible Facts from Sources While focusing on this aspect, the first to be noticed, since more ancient, are the Northern sources 34. The second Phase of the Sthaviravali of the Paryusana-kalpa (c. 1st cent. A.D.) notices two disciples of Arya Yaiobhadra (the fourth patriarch after the apostle Sudharma), namely Arya Sambhutavijaya and Arya Bhadrabahu as earlier stated. It next turns to Arya Sthulabhadra (the disciple of Arya Sambhuta) and his seven successors up to Arya Vajrasena and next mentions the latter's four disciples. Hereunder I quote from the text (after removing the Maharastri affectations and, as its consequence, restoring the original Ardhamagadhi linguistic form) only that portion which has relevance to Bhadrabahu : therassa naM ajjajasabhaddassa tuMgiyAyanaguttassa aMtevAsI dube therA-thereajjasambhUtavijae mADharasagutte, there ajjabhaddabAhu pAInasa gutte| This statement reports that Bhadrabahu was the disciple of Arya Yaiobhadra and had belonged (prior to ordination) to the family having the Pracina-gotra, which, in essence, may imply that he belonged to the "Praci" or eastern country35. The country immediately easterly in relation to Magadha is Varendra with Vanga including ancient Radha (called Ladha in Magadhi), these being the major territories forming ancient (as well as undivided modern) Bengal.(The Nandi-sthaviravali (c. A.D. 450], as remarked earlier, repeats this information36.) The literary passage immediately next in sequence is the enlarged version of the hagiographical list-the Phase 3 of the Sthaviravali of the aforenoted Paryusana-kalpa--which thus runs : therassa naM ajjajasabhaddassa tuMgiyAyanaguttassa imo do therA antevAsI ahAvaccA abhinnAtA hutthA / / taM jathA-there ajjabhaddabAhu pAInasagutte, there ajjasambhUtavijae maaddhrsgutte| therassa naM ajjabhaddabAhussa pAInasaguttassa ime cattAri therA antevAsI ahAvaccA abhinnAtA hutthA / taM jathA-there godAse 1, there aggidatte 2, there jannadatte 3, there somadatte 4 kAsavaguttenaM / therehito godAsahiMto kAsavaguttehiMto itthaM naM

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114 M. A. Dhaky Jambu-jyoti godAsagaNe nAmaM gaNe niggae, tassa naM imAo cattAri sAhAo evmaahijjti| taM jathA--tAmalittiyA 1, koTivassiyA 2, poMDavaddhaniyA 3, dAsIkhavvaDiyA 4 / / This passage gives more details on Bhadrabahu. Besides repeating the information of the passage in the preceding Phase 2 portion, it further reports that he had four disciples : Godasa, Agnidatta, Yajnadatta, and Somadatta, all of whom belonged to the Kasyapa-gotra. From the chief disciple Godasa, a cohort of friars called 'Godasa-gana' emerged; and, from this gana, had emanated four specific sakhas or branches of mendicants, namely the Tamraliptika, the Kotivarsiya, the Paundravardhanika, and the Dasikarvatika. Three of these sakhas evidently took their denominations after the contemporary towns of the following names--Tamralipti (Tamluk), Kotivarsa (Kotipura?), and Pundravardhana (Pandua), while Dasikarvata is still unidentified though it may be conjectured that it was a smaller habitational settlement of the servant caste as its name suggests, very likely was located in Bengal and either had disappeared in the past or if it exists, today it may be known by some other appelation37. The three identifiable are, of course, ancient towns located in Bengal. Bhadrabahu's connection with Bengal is supported, in fact further confirmed, by notices, though late, inside the Southern sources. The Vadda Aradhane tika of Bhrajisnu reports that Bhadrabahu was born in Kaundini in the Pundravardhana territory and was initiated by acarya Govardhana38 And, Harisena (of the Punnata Sangha) (A.D. 931), slightly differing from Bhrajisnu, mentions that Bhadrabahu was born in Kotipura/Kotinagara situated in the Pundravardhana territory39. He was tought, groomed, and next initiated by the Caturdasapurvadhara Govardhana muni. Bhadrabahu thus, and to all seeming, was a native of ancient Bengal, a conclusion to which the historian of eminence, R. C. Majumdar, earlier had reached but, his concerned publications are, at the moment, not available to me40. And arguably, Bhadrabahu's disciple Godasa and his immediate disciples and in turn their hagiological descendents as well as followers, reported exclusively in the early Northern source, too, had hailed from Bengal as inferrable from the sakha-denominations that specifically, indeed indubitably, reveal connection with Bengal41 These notices on Bhadrabahu and his disciples also raise some questions. First, why no ganas and their sakha sub-orders emanated after the other

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Arya Bhadrabahu 115 three disciples of Bhadrabahu. Generally speaking, as inferred from the further details given in the Sthaviravali (Phase 3), in the palpably early stages of growth of the Northern Nirgrantha Church, the sub-orders of friars did sometimes originate from the confreres of the chief disciple of a pontiff : Second, what happened to the sub-orders of the Godasa-gana; for nothing afterwards has been reported about them in the ecclesiastical or epigraphical records either, the latter largely are encountered in Mathura. After the passage dwelling on Bhadrabahu's disciples, the Sthaviravali takes up Sthulabhadra, disciple of Bhadrabahu's confrere Arya Sambhuta and, further onwards, gives particulars of Sthulabhadra's descendents, indeed not for once returning to Bhadrabahu's line, an omission the significance of which later will be discussed. The hagiographical position from Arhat Vardhamana onwards and especially after Arya Jambu--the disciple of ganadhara Sudharmaand up to Bhadrabahu and his disciples, according to the first three phases of the Sthaviravali of the Paryusana-kalpa, may be tabulated as follows : Arhat Vardhamana (Preached c. B.C. 507-477)42 Ganadhara Gautama Ganadhara Sudharma Arya Jambu Arya Prabhava Arya Sayyambhava (or Svayambhuva) Arya Yasobhadra Arya Sambhuta Arya Bhadrabahu (c. B.C. 325-297) Arya Sthulabhadra Godasa Agnidatta Yajnadatta Somadatta

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M. A. Dhaky The next source, which preserves a small piece of information on Bhadrabahu, is the Uttaradhyayana-niryukti (c. A.D. 525). In this work it is reported that the four disciples of Bhadrabahu (the niryukti does not specify their names) died in peace in a cave at Vaibharagiri near Rajagrha, having faced sita parisaha, visitation of severe chill43: 116 rAjagihaMmi vayaMsA sIsA cauro u bhaddabAhussa / bhAragiriguhAe sIyaparisayA samAhigayA || Jambu-jyoti The Uttaradhyayana-niryukti's verse, in point of fact, clarifies the import of a relevant (and earlier) verse from the Maranavibhakti-prakirnaka (c. 2nd3rd cent. A.D.)44, which apparently alludes to this very incident although, like the Uttaradhyayana niryukti, it specifies no names of the friars involved: it does mention Rajagrha, but not the Vaibharagiri cave there. Moreover, it does not specifically state that these four were the disciples of Bhadrabahu : rAyagihaniggayA khalu paDimApaDipannagA munIcauro / sIta vihUya kameNaM pahare pahare gayA siddhi / / -- maraNavibhaktiprakIrNaka 489 - uttarAdhyayananiyukti 91 However, the combined information from the last two sources would lead to infer that, what was intended to be conveyed, is the death of the four disciples of Bhadrabahu due to the visitation of severe chill (on Vaibharagiri) in Rajagrha. According to the Uttaradhyayana curni (c. A.D. 675-700), these four disciples were of the Vanika (merchant) community and belonged to Rajagrha45. But each one of them, according to this source, died at a different locale within Rajagrha46. These four disciples evidently were different, as will be shown, from the earlier four noted, beginning from Godasa, in the Sthavinavali. We will look into other information in the post-niryukti literature as the discussion progresses. Turning now to the Southern literary sources, the earliest two works which tabulate the spiritual lineage of Bhadrabahu, namely the Trilokaprajnapti47 and the Sravanabelgola Inscription No. 148 are about five to three centuries and odd decades posterior to the relevant two earlier portions of the Sthaviravali of the Paryusana-kalpa cited in the foregoing discussion. And the two sources next in date, the Harivamsa-purana49 and the Dhavala

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Arya Bhadrabahu 117 tika50, largely follow the preceding two Southern sources, adding no new information. Keeping in view the temporal position of these sources, it is clear that the earliest is not earlier than mid sixth century, the earliest being the Trilokaprajnapti whose sectarial affiliation is, in fact, somewhat dubious since, like the agamas inherited by the Svetambara sect, it stipulates 12 instead of the 16 kalpas for the Kalpavasi gods, the figure 16 otherwise is firmly held by the Digambara sect. The Southern (and South affiliated) sources inter alia with some minor variations in a few nominal details, present the following pontifical sequence after Arhat Vardhamana's disciple and grand disciple, the apostles Sudharma (Loharya in Southern version) and Jambu51 : Trilokaprajnapti sB.Ins.No.1 Harivamsa-purana Dhavala-tika (c. mid 6th cent. A.D.) (c. A.D. 600) (A.D.783) (A.D.816) Loharya Loharya Loharya Loharya Jambu Jambu Jambu Jambu Nandi Visnudeva Visnu Visnu Nandimitra Nandimitra Nandimitra Aparajita Aparajita Govardhana Govardhana Govardhana Govardhana Bhadrabahu Bhadrabahu Bhadrabahu Bhadrabahu Visakha Visakha Visakha Visakhacarya The confrontation of the Northern and the Southern hagiologies of Bhadrabahu reveal intriguing, even sharp differences between the two. Contrast on at least five points clearly are discernible : First, the Southern gurvavalis under reference do not prefix the honorific term "Arya" before the pontiffs' appellations; second, they take no notice of their gotras; third, they are silent on the names of the four disciples of Bhadrabahu; instead, only one name figures as Bhadrabahu's disciple, Visakha, not found in the northern list; fourth, and as a direct consequence of the third difference, the Godasa-gana and its four sakhas find no mention there; and fifth and the major, which is the sharpest, difference is about the names of the post

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118 M. A. Dhaky Jambu-jyoti Jambu predecessors of Bhadrabahu including his own preceptor's name in both sources. In the present state of our knowledge, it is difficult to explain this too obvious a difference, no question of reconciling the two lists52. One of them is inaccurate or both may be unaware of certain realities of the past. Now, to some other facts/anecdotes recorded in Southern sources. The Aradhana of Sivarya (c. early 6th cent. A.D.), a Yapaniya work (or plausibly of its likely parent sect, the Botika-Ksapanaka of north India, founded by the schismic pontiff Arya Sivabhuti in the second century A.D.) only records a single fact : It states that Bhadrabahu passed away by resorting to avamodarya, reduction in the quantity of the food intake. It does not, though, specify the place where he breathed his last. Nor does it note his 'predecessors,' or 'successors' names either. The Kathakosa of Harisena (A.D. 931), however, mentions that, after the prediction he made of the 12 years' draught in Ujjayani, Bhadrabahu passed away in Bhadrapadadesa (unidentified, but may be contiguous to the Pariyatra region adjacent to the Malava country) by anasana or rite of suspension of aliment53. The earlier noted Kannada work, the Aradhana-tika, however, despite several legendary and imaginary elements appearing in its long-winding narration, does state that Bhadrabahu passed away by avamodarya but that event occurred in Sravanabelgola. (The details and implications of these differing statements are reserved for discussion in Section VI.) V Works attributed to Bhadrabahu From at least the time of the opening verse of the Dasasrutaskandhaniryukti and the Pancakalpa-niryukti (both c. A.D. 525) and, following it in time, of the Pancakalpabhasya of Sanghadasa gani (c. A.D. 550) as well as the Dasasrutaskandhacurni (c. mid 7th cent. A.D.), the authorship of the three chedasutras--the Dasastrutaskanda (also called the Acaradasa), the Kalpa, and the Vyavahara of the Northern or Ardhamagadhi canon-is attributed to Arya Bhadrabahu54 Bhadrabahu, in the post-Gupta Svetambara (as well as the medieval and possibly pre-medieval Digambara) tradition, is believed to be the last patriarch to have possessed, as had been noticed in the foregoing pages, the complete knowledge of scriptural works (srutakevali). Likewise, he is looked upon as the last to have possessed the knowledge of the 14 Purva-texts55; hence he also had been called

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Arya Bhadrabahu 119 the antima caturadasa-purvadhara in the post-Gupta, pre-medieval, and medieval exegetical and the late biographical literature of the northern tradition. The current svetambara Jaina tradition, and even the critical Western scholarship, hardly had doubted the pious assumption regarding Bhadrabahu's authorship of the Kalpa and the Vyavahara (along with the Dasasruta)56, and hence no attempt was made to check the accuracy/ veracity of the belief and hence of the tradition by verifying the premises on which it may have been founded. The Kalpa and the Vyavahara are formularies embodying the monastic codes containing the basic rules of conduct, the first text enjoining what is admissible and what is not for the Nirgrantha mendicants and nuns; the second, in its primary intentions, lays down the rules of atonement embracing large areas of conduct as well as what must be done in cases of the transgression of the disciplinary rules, surprisingly with fair amount of detail for the age they were formulated, together with some other material. (As the matter stands, these two texts, along with the Dasasrutaskanda, till now have not been subjected to detailed textual, linguistic, analytical, and stylistic study.) The style and, no less the content, of the first two works under reference-both being in the sutra or prose form-should be able to reveal whether the monastic situations/conditions envisaged therein can be consistent with, or can really go back to the times as ancient as those of Arya Bhadrabahu (c B.C. 325-297). And, predictably, the study of the terminology and expressions, language and phrase-structure together with the formal habits and cadence, can cast light on their true temporal status and sectarial affiliation. These factors can be considered here but only very briefly. Terminology, Style, and Content 1) Unlike the most ancient among the extant agamas, namely the Acaranga (Book I, c. B.C. 450-300), and next the Sutrakrtanga (Book I, earliest parts c. B.C. 300-100), and the Uttaradhyayana (early chapters c. 3rd cent. B.C. to 1st cent. B.C.-A.D.), and unlike also the early Pali Buddhist works57, the term acela for the nude friar is almost completely absent in the Kalpa as well as in the Vyavahara58. The two works, instead, mention the Jina-kalpa and the Sthavira-kalpa states (sthitis) for the Nirgrantha

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M. A. Dhaky Jambu-jyoti recluses59. (The Vyayahara also mentions panipratigrahadhari [bowl-less mendicants] and Pratigrahadhari [in essence monks using a begging-bowl]). These terms, on the other hand and, significantly, are absent in the agamas of the pre-Christian Era. What is more, there is here noticeable a scholastic approach and classificatory tendencies about the kalpa-sthitis which do not seem compatible to, or correspond with the much simpler and straightforward (but very stern) ideals held, and the precise rules laid down for the acela or nude friars and, by contradistinction, for the sacela friars (in that early age having minimal allowable possession for them) in the undoubted oldest strata of the earlier agamas such as the Acaranga Book I. Even the style and phraseology of these specific kalpa-sthiti passages in the Kalpa widely differ from those of the rest of the text. These passages apparently had been introduced at some point in time from somewhat later and different, yet relatively ancient, source. These formidable facts raise the first solid suspicion on the supposedly high antiquity of the Kalpa and the Vyavahara and their authorship ascribed to Bhadrabahu. 120 2) Both of these works reflect a highly developed state of organization of the Nirgrantha clergy, as also a well-established as well as much proliferated monastic church. On the testimony of the third phase of the Sthaviravali (c. A. D.100) of the Paryusana-kalpa, the first ganas or organized bands of friars and mendicants (nigganthas, bhikkhus) and nuns (nigganthis, bhikkunis) progressively began to be instituted some 50 years or so posterior to Bhadrabahu* and had diversified further, indeed considerably so into sakhas and kulas by, and even before, the first two centuries of the Christian Era. The ganas, in the next stage, also were further divided into sambhoga-groups60. The Vyavahara refers to this latter term which, however, nowhere appears in the earlier canonical literature including even the Acaranga Book II (c. Ist cent. B.C.-A. D.): It does figure though in A late Satavahana inscription in one of the Junnar caves in Maharashtra refers to "Siddh-gane Aparajite." [Cf. S. Nagraju, Buddhist Architecture of Western India, (C. 250 B.C.-A.D. 300), Delhi 1981, "Appendix: List of Brahmi Inscriptions from the Rock-cut monuments of Western India," p. 331, Ins. no. 10.] If the Aparajita noted here is the grand preceptor of Bhadrabahu, then the convention for the gana formation may have started a few decades earlier. The whole problem needs further investigation. (This gana has not been noticed even from an early literary source. It is noted late in the Southern work, the Srutavatara [c. 10th cent.].)

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Arya Bhadrabahu 121 the Mathura inscriptions; but the earliest of those which have this term are of the middle Kusana period, generally datable to c. 3rd cent. A. D. or slightly earlier 61. And the terms ganavacchedaka (administrator of the gana) and his female counterpart, the ganavacchedika (next to mother superior), figuring in the Vyavahara-sutra, appear neither in the earlier canonical texts nor anywhere in the inscriptions. These monastic positions/titles had been instituted and apparently, therefore, the terms denoting them had been coined and had come into currency, arguably some centuries posterior to Bhadrabahu's time62. 3) The Kalpa permits the friars to have cloth (vattha, vastra), also a piece of cloth for foot-cleaning (padapunchanaka), and a blanket (kambala), the possessions which enter somewhat later into (and even may have been interpolated into) the corpus of monastic rules embodied in the somewhat younger portions of the Acaranga I, but are more regularly referred to thereafter. The Vyavahara-sutra, moreover, is much too lenient in allowing several objects as friar's possession : these include a leatherpiece, a leather-bag, a cloth-curtain, a stick, and even an umbrella63. A rule such as this could be an anathema to the followers of the doctrine of the total non-possession (or exceptionally and indeed exceedingly restricted possession) for recluses belonging to the Church of Arhat Vardhamana, to which the patriarch Arya Bhadrabahu traditionally had belonged. Here, in point of fact, is discerned a clear-cut introduction of the elements consistent more with the practices of the followers of the Church of Arhat Parsva (and hence of the Parsvapatyas) rather than those of the Church of Arhat Vardhamana64. Friars who kept such accessory objects (upakaranas) later will be classed as "Pasattha" or wayward and degraded or, alternatively, perhaps more accurately, implied to be (or may be interpreted simply as) those who had not joined the reformed and sternly ascetical Church of Arhat Vardhamana but had stayed within the more lenient Church of Arhat Parsva (hence Parsvastha). The position in the Vyavahara, for such sections of the text, either indicates a period considerably later than that of Arya Bhadrabahu or else, if it really is early, reflects a very different monastic ideology and practices. It unquestionably stands farther from the extremely austere and strict monasticism of Arhat Vardhamana. Vyavahara's moderate discipline comes closer to not only what is attributed to the Church of Arhat Parsva but also, to a fair degree, to the Order of Buddha. In point of fact,

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122 M. A. Dhaky Jambu-jyoti in terms of the doctrinal principles and consequent monastic rules, such a situation was to manifest in the future times in western India, indeed some centuries posterior to even the period of Arya Raksita (c. 1st cent. A. D.) who had permitted only one additional patra or bowl65 beside the usual (single) begging bowl and who advocated and practised strict nudity, allowing no other possession including loin cloth (kati-bandhana, kati-pattaka, cola-pattaka) for a friar66, the kati-bandhana, interestingly, is noted in the Kalpa and in the relatively later portion of the Acaranga I. (If the Kalpa indeed was authored by Bhadrabahu, then this point will have a bearing on Bhadrabahu's doctrinal leanings and creedal connections.) 4) The Kalpa loudly talks about a "shelter-building" (uvassaya, upasraya) which temporarily may be occupied by friars and nuns and also enters into considerable detail relating to its surroundings as well as its internal disposition 67. Places such as these as temporary resorts for recluses virtually is an impossible reality in the early phase of the Church of Vardhamana : because, the earlier agamic injunction refers exclusively to cemetery (susana i.e. smasana), ruined and desolate dwelling-houses (sunnagara, sunyagara), and tree-bases (rukhamula, vrksamula) as places appropriate for recluses to take shelter by or into68. The Kalpa, of course, is aware at least of vrksamula and also adds there 'bamboo-clump base' which it permits to the nirgranthas but forbids to the nirgranthis, nuns69. However, the older spirit and the forms of very rigorous ascetic practices are somewhat wanting in this (as well as, even more so, in the Vyavahara) text. The Kalpa, though forbidding the nuns to stay at the travellers' lodge (agamanagrha), permits the mendicants to do so70. The latter clause is again inconsistent with the most ancient friars' discipline if we take into account the earlier notions of the Nirgrantha monastic constraints as laid down in, or understandably followed within, the Church of Arhat Vardhamana. Indeed, this and several other such points encourage toward reassessing the nature of monastic discipline of Bhadrabahu's time. 5) The style of the Kalpa, though sounding fairly ancient where the sutras generally begin as 'No kappati' (not permissible), or 'Kappati' (permissible), is seldom encountered in other disciplinary agamas like the Acaranga Book II, the Nisitha, etc. It is, perhaps, likely that such a style of phrasing may have been peculiar more to the books of monastic codes,

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Arya Bhadrabahu now lost", of the Church of Arhat Parsva rather than of Arhat Vardhamana and adopted for the composition of the Kalpa. Bhadrabahu, it must be remebered, knew by heart the Purva texts of the Church of Arhat Parsva as per the tradition. Looking now at the mode of expression of the Vyavahara, it is, in point of fact, and visibly, different from that of the Kalpa, although Bhadrabahu is claimed to be the author of both the works. It also largely differs from the style of the agamas of the first three phases". Moreover, the Vyavahara, both in style and content, is heterogeneous in character, with chapters possibly of differing dates, details, and perceptions74. 123 The text of the Kalpa as well as that of the Vyavahara conceivably may have been modified at a few places and augmented or added to, or subtracted at some points of time in the past, a possibility which cannot be ruled out. Since both works also were included in the sacred treatizes of the Yapaniya Sect, it may be concluded that they already were known and recognized as an authoritative part of the canon before the 2nd cent. A.D. in the Northern Nirgrantha Church". Supposing it can be established that the earliest portions of the two texts are indeed datable to the Maurya period, it would then raise some serious questions :1) Was Bhadrabahu their author? 2) If he were, did he lean toward the monastic discipline of the Church of Parsva or, alternatively, did he sanction generous concessions for accommodating the mendicants and nuns of the Church of Parsva who, assumably, may have been progressively joining the Church of Arhat Vardhamana ? Since, as is believed in the tradion, he had mastered the 14Purvas-arguably the agamic books of the Parsva's sect-there is a possibility that he was fully conversant with the Parsvian monastic disciplinary code and, as a result, may have been influenced by it. If this surmise is accurate, it may, in turn, compel us to revise our views on Bhadrabahu. The present discussion perhaps opens a door to what seemingly is an entirely unsuspected and uncharted area of investigation". Of course, it will all depend on the definitive evidence, besides. the presently known post-Gupta tradition, that the Kalpa and (the parts of) the Vyavahara were authored by Bhadrabahu. The third work, namely the Dasasrutaskandha olim Acaradasa, both from the standpoint of style and content, is far more heterogeneous in composition and in content: and, for the style of a few of its chapters,

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124 M. A. Dhaky Jambu-jyoti it positively looks away from Bhadrabahu's times. These chapters, in fact, are younger in age. It, therefore, raises even graver doubts about the veracity of its long believed attribution to Bhadrabahu. It likewise presents a somewhat more complex situation78, needing a separate investigation involving elaborate and an in-depth discussion. Before closing this section, it may be noted that the Southern tradition does not attribute the composition of any work to Bhadrabahu. It only believes that he was responsible for introducing and propagating the Nirgrantha religion in Southern India79. And later, in the eighth century, Padmanandi of the anvaya Kondakunda, known from the 13th or at most the 12th century as 'Kundakundacarya' in the Digambara sections in north India, is said to have regarded Bhadrabahu as his gamika-guru' or a teacher by virtue of his being, as he may have believed, in the Bhadrabahu's sectarial tradition80 VI Sruta-Kevali Bhadrabahu, Candragupta, Sravanabelgola, and Southern Jaina Traditions Fairly considerable literature has grown in English and in German, not to say in Hindi and in Kannada which revolve around the Southern Nirgrantha traditions that associate Bhadrabahu and Candragupta on one hand and on the other hand associate the two to the famous tirtha site of Sravanabelgola inside ancient Gangavadi, located in Southern Karnataka The trends of discussions and conclusions drawn therein reveal a picture in which some scholars agreeing, others rejecting, a few sitting on fence while some sensing not enough strength in available evidence yet willing to concede credibility to the tradition. When all is said and done, some among the noteworthy writings which dwell on this subject at some length, impress the reader as either one-sided since they refuse to use, even allude to, sources which go against their cherished intentions (or declare them as late although they are not), often indeed uncritical or insufficiently critical or wanting in an objective as well as common sense approach. Perhaps the only, rather very partial, exceptions are the much too succinct statements within the discussion by the editorial team of the Epigraphia Carnatica Volume II (Mysore 1973) and a brief observation by A. M. Ghatage81 The earliest, and indeed crucial, evidence in the Southern context is the Sravanabelgola Sanskrit inscription No.1 (c. 600 A. D.), which more or

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Arya Bhadrabahu 125 less had been the starting point of discussion in several serious writings. It refers to a prediction in Ujjayani by Bhadrabahu, an expert on the eightfold omenology (astanga-nimitta)--he is not called there either 'srutakevali' or 'caturdasa-purvadhara 82--of the visitation of a 12-year famine (dvadasa samvatsara-kala-vaisamya, implied to be in north India) whereupon the entire Nirgrantha community (samasta-samgha) from north India (Uttarapatha) migrated to south India (Daksinapatha). At some point, when this congregation (samgha) was passing through southwestern Karnata (the specific area later to be called Gangavadi), a pontiff by name Prabhacandra, sensing his end approaching, separated himself from the congregation and clambered the hill Katavapra (Cikkabetta or Candragiri Hill in Sravanabelgola) along with one disciple (name not specified) with the objective of passing away in peace (samadhi) by the rite of suspension of aliment unto death (sanyasaradhitavan). And in course of time, some 700 other friars in succession followed (the same path, of dying by the rite of sallekhana), the inscription in question reports as its end note83. The said inscription does not bring Bhadrabahu to this Hill; his role was confined to making the prophesy of the oncoming draught that was to last for 12 years. Indeed, the central focus of the inscription is "Prabhacandra," not Bhadrabahu. What is more, the inscription is silent on Candragupta, a significant omission. There is likewise not the slightest indication there to warrant equating Prabhacandra with Bhadrabahu and, the unnamed accompanying disciple, with Candragupta; nor, on the other hand, is there even the vaguest hint that would allow identitying Prabhacandra with Candragupta. Indeed, no source clarifies that the Maurya emperor Candragupta, after his supposed ordination as a Nirgrantha friar, was rechristened Prabhacandra. Such an identification has been conjectured by some writers of our times, but without any clear or firm evidence to base upon. In any case, the inscription, like the Aradhana of Sivarya, is silent on what happened to Bhadrabahu or where he proceeded after the prediction he is said to have made in Ujjayani. Now, to explain away the silences, an inference has been drawn from this inscription that two Bhadrabahu-s (as stated here in annotation 82) are implied, the first one is he who figures in the pontifical sequence from Loharya downwards, that is the one who was the disciple of Govardhana and the preceptor of Visakha as also the preceptor of Candragupta : It was he who,

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126 M. A. Dhaky in the tradition, was the srutakevali and the caturdasa-purvadhara : the second Bhadrabahu who, in due course flourished in that monastic tradition, was the astanga-naimitika (expert on eightfold omenology). It was he who predicted the visitation of the 12 years' famine in Ujjayani. But neither of the two Bhadrabahu-s is, even implicitly, said there to have visited Sravanabelagola. It was Prabhacandra who passed away on the Katavapra Hill there according to that earliest inscription from Sravanabelagola. Jambu-jyoti The commemorative record under reference, moreover, is not contemporaneous with the passing away of Prabhacandra. It arguably was engraved centuries after the period of the supposed happening of the event which, implicitly though, is much later than c. B.C. 300 (Bhadrabahu's time) and predictably even a few years after the second Bhadrabahu conjectured, by some scholars, from the data contained in the inscription. And between the date of Prabhacandra's passing away and the date of this inscription of c. A.D. 600, significantly, no commemorative inscriptional record is found on this Hill even when it clearly refers to the passing away of some 700 other friars after Prabhacandra on this Hill84. The inscription seemingly records the essence of a "legend" or "belief," current in the late sixth century, of the death by self-mortification earlier on this Hill, of a pontiff named "Prabhacandra," a nomen which has no parallel in the period between the Mauryan and the very early centuries of the Ganga (or for that matter contemporaneous Kadamba) period in Karnata, or for that matter in the inscriptional or literary records of the earlier periods-be they Nirgrantha, Buddhist, or Brahmanical-in north India. Typologically, the name does not accord with the fashions in vogue for personal appellations before the sixth, or at most the fifth century A.D85. Prabhacandra, doubtless, will be a very popular nomen for the monks in pre-medieval and, even more so, in the medieval Digambara Jaina Church. In literature, the earliest reference noticeable for this appellation is by Pujyapada Devanandi (activec. A.D. 635685) in his Jainendra-sabdasastra, referring as he does to a peculiar grammatical formation in Sanskrit by Prabhacandra86 and the next is in the encomium of the Jayadhavala-tika (began by Virasena, completed by his great disciple Jinasena (c. A.D. 837) in which Jinasena eulogizes the (poetic) qualities of the Candrodaya-kavya of Prabhacandra87, the reference in the latter two cases might pertain to one and same poetPrabhacandra-though not to the Candragiri-Prabhacandra who is purported

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Arya Bhadrabahu to belong to earlier times88. After these two relatively early Prabhacandrasone figuring in the 600 A.D. inscription, the other appearing in the two literary allusions, one being post-Gupta (early Calukya) and the other pre-medieval (early Rastrakuta)-several other Prabhacandras successively came in different ganas and gacchas till the late medieval times as inferred from the Digambara inscriptional and literary/ hagiological and allied notices. This early 'Prabhacandra' of Sravanbelgola, then, generates an enigma which will need future efforts and concrete, indeed more definitive, evidence to resolve it. One thing is certain. He cannot be connected either with Bhadrabahu or with Candragupta. Within 50 years of this earliest inscription on Candragiri mentioning Prabhacandra, scores of other inscriptions are encountered from whose report it is clear that the pontiffs and mendicants, monks and nuns, vied with one another ritually to give up their life on this sanctified Hill. Could the legend of the first Prabhacandra-a figure unknown in the annals-passing away here have inspired this phenomenal (and from the standpoint of Jainism a sacred and elevating) activity of self-mortification on this Hill? Arguably not. A more powerful stimulus was needed for this development. Plausibly, between c. A.D. 550-650, a new and a parallel legend was being worked out, at some Jaina centre in Karnataka, of Srutakevali Bhadrabahu and his supposed disciple, the Maurya emperor Candragupta, laying down their life by the sacred rite ofsallekhana on this Hill. Some anecdotes or bits of partially valid historical facts must have existed for the formulation of such a legend. 127 The beginning of a part of this belief, somewhat vaguely though, may be sensed in a statement occurring in the Tiloyapannatti (Trilokaprajnpti, c. A.D. 550 with sizeable later additions) that, among the crowned kings, Candragupta was the last to be initiated to the Order89: There is, though, no clarification in this notice whether the 'Maurya' Candragupta is implied and who his preceptor was. It is only the epigraphical records, in date posterior to the Tiloyapannati, to be noticed now, which implicitly or explicitly connect the two. The most crucial on this issue is the Sravanabelogol inscription 17-18 (32) in Kannada, dateable to c. mid seventh century. It states: "When the Faith that had much prospered in the time of the pair of the chief among the sages Bhadrabahu and Candragupta-who shed lustre on it, later grew dimmed, (then) the coral-lipped Santisena, the chief among the ascetics,

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128 M. A. Dhaky Jambu-jyoti rejuvenated it: And on the hill at Velgola, having given up food etc., attained the (state of) cessation of birth (i.e. attained salvation) : 990 zrIbhadrabAhu scndrguptmuniindryugmdinoppevl| bhadramAgida dharmamandu vaLlikkevandinisaLkalo // vidrumaadhrshaantisenmuniishnaakkievelgol| adrimelazanAdi viTTapunarbhavakkere Agi // This inscription for certain connects Bhadrabahu with Candragupta, arguably as the teacher and the disciple, though it does not explicitly associate the two with Sravanabelago!a. However, the act of including this phrase in the draft of the inscription would be meaningless if the composer of the text had not intended to convey the connection of the two with this sacred Hill. From this standpoint, it may be regarded as the earliest pointer, even somewhat obliquely, toward that direction. Next of note are some inscriptions, all of them of medieval period and not valuable as weighty evidence in the historical construct for times very ancient. An inscription of c. A. D. 1110 (71[166]) in the Bhadrabahu cave, records that some Jinacandra bowed to the feet (carved imprints] of Bhadrabahusvami : And, below the footprints carved on the summit of the Cikkabetta hill, is a 13th century record purporting to the effect that they are those of Bhadrabahusvami. What is more, in the two records from Srirangapattana taluk, of c. A. D. 900 [E.C. Vol. III, Sr. 147, 148], it is stated that Kalbappu (Katavapra or Cikkabetta Hill) is blessed with the (carved) imprints of the feet of Bhadrabahu and Candragupta. Moreover, an inscription of A. D. 1163 (Nos.40 [54], new no. 71) refers to srutakevali Bhadrabahu and his disciple Candragupta. Likewise, a record of A. D. 1129 (Nos.5 [67], new no.77) refers to the celebrated pair. And on a pillar in the Siddharabasadi environs on the Doddabetta (Vindhyagiri, Sravanabelagola) are two late records, the first of A. D. 1398 (No.105, [254]) mentioning srutakevali Bhadrabahu and the second of A. D. 1432 which mentions srutakevali Bhadrabahu and his disciple Candragupta'l It thus remains established that, at the dawn of the medieval period, the Bhadrabahu-Candragupta pair and their association with Sravanabelgola was a firmly established fact in the Digambara Jaina lore and later was persistently recalled as inferred from the above-cited inscriptions. And the footprints of Bhadrabahu were carved on Cikkabuta or Candragiri before A. D. 900.

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Arya Bhadrabahu 129 Turning next to the Southern literary sources having a bearing on Bhadrabahu, the earliest, as was pointed out, is the Aradhana of Sivarya (c. 6th cent.), a Yapaniya (or Botika-Ksapanaka) and not Digambara work. It, however, refers to only a single point related to Bhadrabahu, namely his death due to reduced food intake: omodarie ghorAe bhaddabAhU asNkilitttthmdii| ghorAe vigicchAe paDivaNNo uttamaM ThANaM // -ITETIT 8439 The next source is the Aradhana-tika, also known as the Vadda-Aradhane (c. 9th or early 10th cent.), the commentary in Kannada by Bhrajisnuo, on the above-cited sivarya's Aradhana. Unlike the inscriptions, it delineates Bhadrabahu's life-sketch wherein a small part seems somewhat genuine, but the rest has a look and flavour of fiction as well as smell of fabrication and coloured by sectarian bias, the latter part omitted here in discussion since irrelevant in the present context. 'In the town of Kaundini within the Pundravardhana county,' says Bhrajisnu, 'ruled a chief called Padmaratha with his consort Padmasri. To his high priest Somasarma and wife Somasri was born Bhadrabahu.' The names, except for Bhadrabahu and the localities noted there, obviously are fictitious. The commentary next enters into a lengthy mythical account concerning caturdasapurvi Govardhana (ultimately the one who initiated Bhadrabahu) and immediately next the one relating to Bhadrabahu. This portion we may leave out for good. What is contextually significant is of course the notice that Bhadrabahu not only learnt the Anga texts (the 11 Nirgrantha canonical works) but, significantly, also the Purvatexts from his preceptor Govardhana. The Commentator then dwells not upon the Maurya emperor Candragupta but his grand son Asoka reigning in Pataliputra. Next he turns to another phase of the anecdote, the queen Candranana, consort of Asoka's son Kunala, the prince who was blinded by an official due to a wrong reading (tempered version?) of the emperor's communication. She gave birth to a son who was named Samprati-Candragupta by Asoka. Following this account, starts a lengthy mythical narrative concerning the previous embodiment of that prince, which being totally useless as history, has to be ignored. The grown up Samprati-Candragupta is placed by the Commentator in

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130 M. A. Dhaky Jambu-jyoti Ujjeni (Ujjayani) which is next visited by Bhadrabahu, alongwith a large group of friars. There he sojourned in some park. Interestingly, Bhadrabahu is qualified by the commentator as 'Caturdasa-purvadhara' and not 'astanga-naimitika' in contrast to the Sravanabelagola inscription of c. A.D. 600. King Samprati-Candragupta visits Bhadrabahu and embraces the vows of the (Nirgrantha) lay-follower. One day. Bhadrabahu, during his almsbegging tour, entered a house where a child in a swing said : "Revered Sir, go away, go away!" He took these words as omenic of the onset of a draught: on asking for how many years, the child, by gesture, indicated the figure 12. Whereupon Bhadrabahu assembled the disciples and announced the visitation soon of 12 years famine and proposed to migrate to South. The same night the King dreamt 16 strange and prognosticative dreams, their interpretation by Bhadrabahu leading to the same conclusion, of the oncoming eventuality of the prolonged draught. (The lengthy narrative relating to this imaginary event is omitted here.) The King, now knowing about the impending calamity, joined the Order of the Mendicants. Bhadrabahu next sent a message to the mendicants in Madhyadesa to migrate to South. And he, with his new disciple Samprati-Candragupta and eight thousand friars moved toward the Southern country. On the way, when they reached Katavappu (Katavapra, Candragiri in Sravanabelgola), he sensed that his end is near. Whereupon he sent the sangha under the leadership of his other (arguably senior) disciple Visakha to the Tamil country. He next clambered the hillock Katavapra with Samprati. Candragupta, undertook the rite of avamodarya and sanyasta, eventually passed away and, was born as god in the Brahmakalpa heaven with the life span of ten sagaropamas94. Samprati-Candragupta stayed on at Katavapra, and, as for alms, he was eating what a sylvan deity of that area offered. After 12 years, when the news reached that the drought in Madhyadesa had ended, Visakhacarya returned from south to Katavapra advised SampartiCandragupta not to accept food from a deity, and proceeded toward north. Samprati-Candragupta who, staying as he did for all those years close to the (commemorative) shrine of Bhadrabahu on the hillock, eventually passed away and (he, too,) was born in the Brahmakalpa with the life span of ten sagaropamas. Forgetting the imaginary elements which are innate to the Indian narrative class of writings in ancient and medieval India-Jaina being

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Arya Bhadrabahu 131 famous for its super-inflated megalomania and super-astronomical pampalomania--the problems that this katha generates are, even at the first look, these : 1) In the established history of India, Samprati was junior to Bhadrabahu by four generations, he being the great grandson of emperor Candragupta's son Bindusara. Moreover, he never was known as Candragupta. So, this notice in the commentary is very visibly anachronistic besides betraying gross historical confusiono. (Samprati, of course, had ruled from Ujjayani, but his preceptor was Arya Suhasti who in turn was Arya Sthulabhadra's disciple, as gleaned from the post-Gupta svetambara sources. And that hagiographical notice perfectly synchronizes with the known dates of the Maurya imperial chronology. 2) It is clear that, the legend of Prabhacandra and his unnamed disciple as noted in the Sravanabelagola inscription of c. A.D. 600, is transferred here to, or superimposed on Bhadrabahu and Candragupta duo. This new legend of the association of those two celebrities with Sravanabelagola apparently had come into currency in Karnataka by, or before, circa the mid seventh century and Bhrajisnu used it to fit it in his narrative context. The two inscriptions from Seringapattam taluq which are more or less contemporaneous with Bhrajisnu's commentary, likewise cannot be reckoned as good evidence for Bhadrabahu-Candragupta connections with Sravanabelagola. The whole episode smells of improbability and hangs on a slender thread of an untenable notice. A solid and an unambiguous as well as fairly early evidence of Bhadrabahu's migration with Candragupta to Sravanabelgola is wanting. No reliance can be placed on later writings which come in conflict with what is said and implied in the relatively earlier sources. The earliest inscription referring to Bhadrabahu does talk about migration to South, but in that event neither Bhadrabahu, nor Candragupta, or both were involved; and the earliest available literary source-Bhrajisnu's Kannada commentary (c. 9th - 10th cent.), too, does not illuminate the history because of the confusions it creates. 3) The commentator had given no thought on the logistics of as many as eight thousand friars travelling together, the problems about feeding them under the strict Nirgranthist rules of bhiksa, besides providing them camping facilities, which virtually would be unmanageable in those times. In the pre-Mauryan and Mauryan periods, megalithic culture had prevailed

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132 M. A. Dhaky Jambu-jyoti in Karnataka. But the nearest megalithic habitations were some miles away from Sravanabelago!a. There is, indeed, no evidence that sravanabelagola, with its starkly stony terrain, was inhabited even long centuries after the Maurya times. There are conflicting notices as to the region where the famine was to visit as per the prediction; was it just Madhyadesa (central and eastern Uttar Pradesh) or was it the entire northern India. In the former case, there was no need to migrate to Southern India. Also, a continuous draught lasting for as many as 12 years would create a havoc in the ecology of the concerned territories. Most rivers progressively would have dried up. The Jaina writers (of both sects) gave no thought on what, under such circumstances, would have happened to the Brahmanists, the Buddhists, the Ajivakas and other people who all together must have constituted the far larger part of population than the Nirgranthas in north India. Such an eventuality also would have destroyed the larger part of flora and fauna, besides human population of north India. And the Buddhist annals surely would have taken note of it. The South-oriented source, next in time, seemingly is the "Bhadrabahu-kathanaka" inside the Brhat-kathakosa of Harisena (A.D. 931)%. It largely agrees with the Vadda-aradane in several details. It mentions the capital town Kotipura (in Bengal, which, as the author reports, was called in his times Davakotta), the names given of the ruling king and his consort and those of Bhadrabahu's parents there are the same as mentioned in the Aradhana-tika. When Bhadrabahu was young, the caturadasapurvi Govardhana muni, who was on his way to Ujjayantagiri* for paying obeisance to Jina Nemi, visited Kotinagara (=Kotipura). Bhadrabahu apparently was initiated on that occasion by Govardhana muni who imparted the knowledge of the scripture (sruta) to him. After some years, Bhadrabahu, alongwith the caturvidha-samgha, visited Ujjayani-puri (Ujjain), located on the river Ksipra, in Avanti-visaya. There ruled king Candragupta with his consort Suprabha. He was (already) a (Nirgrantha) sravaka possessing true faith (samyag-darsana). While sojourning in Ujjayani, once on his begging tour, in one mansion, Bharabahu saw a child * This Tirtha, however, was not founded till we come to the initial centuries of the Common Era.

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Arya Bhadrabahu resting in a swing. The child made him a gesture to leave, which he took as an omenic sign and predicted the onset soon of a 12 years' famine, whereupon the Sangha proceeded to Daksinapatha while he himself retired to (some unspecified place within) the Bhadrapradadesa where he passed away in peace. Before that, Candragupta joined the Order of Mendicants and was called 'Candragupti muni'. The narrative's details up to the prediction part essentially are the same as in the Aradhana-tika; but Harisena does not send Bhadrabahu to Sravanabelagola, a point on which he, in fact, sharply differs from, or rather contradicts, Bhrajisnu. Also, the king's name he specifies is just 'Candragupta,' not 'SampratiCandragupta;' what is more, the Maurya emperor Candragupta had ruled from Pataliputra, not from Ujjayani, though that visaya apparently was included in his empire (and a century or so afterwards, his fifth descendant Samprati will govern it). And Harisena does not mention the 16 dreams dreamt by Candragupta that confirmed the visitation of 12 years' famine and, further more, the other undesirable consequences that will follow therefrom. Lastly, he does not state what happened to Candragupti muni, whether he accompanied Bhadrabahu, or remained in Ujjayani, or went along with the Congregation to the Southern country. Among the Northern narrative sources on Bhadrabahu, usually, why totally neglected by the scholars using Southern sources, four happen to be more important. The earliest is the Tirthavakalika prakirnaka (c. A.D. 550). Its author first lays down the details of Bhadrabahu's hagiology, which, of course, follows that of the Paryusanakalpa-Sthaviravali as well as of the Nandisutra. Next, in its exposition, it brings in Bhadrabahu in connection with a single, and an important, episode described through 63 verses in Prakrit. As the work goes on to say, after the end of the prolonged drought (its duration unspecified) in Madhyadesa (eastern U.P.), the (Bhiksu-) sangha assembled in Pataliputra (in Magadha) to reconstitute the agamas since many learned pontiffs had lost the memory of several texts due to their abandoning regular recitational practice-some knowledgeable friars even may have passed away-during those trying years. The munis, who participated in the proceedings of the Synod, are reported to have reconstituted the 11 anga-texts but, as the work reports, none of them remembered the 12th one, the Drstivada, in which were included the Purvatexts-in all probability the works of the Church of Arhat Parsva--which 133

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134 M. A. Dhaky Jambu-jyoti arguably contained Parsva's pravacana or teachings. The only pontiff who is said to have possessed the knowledge of the Purva-texts was Bhadrabahu who was not present at the Synod. (It is not clarified where he then was and why was he not present despite his eminence.) A messenger from the Council was sent to him, respectfully addressing him as the 'Jina of their times' and requesting him to pass the knowledge of those texts to the Council, to which he declined, expressing as he did disconcern and detachment. That angered the (leaders of the) Sangha who next sent a categorical/unequivocal notice warning him that he, as he himself is aware of the rule, in that event, will be excommunicated. Thereupon Bhadrabahu yielded, agreeing to impart instruction to some bright young mendicants. Whereupon Sthulabhadrao, alongwith 500 friars--the figure of course is very highly inflated, a characteristic tendency noticeable in Jaina writings of this class--was sent. While other mendicants eventually deserted since the tempo of teaching was very slow, Sthulabhadra alone persisted: and he persevered in learning from Bhadrabahu. He progressively learnt the ten Purva-texts. In the meantime his seven sisters (who had embraced the Order of the Nuns) came to visit himo8. Bhadrabahu informed them that Sthulabhadra then was meditating behind the Siva temple. In order to impress them with the supernatural powers he had acquired, Sthulabhadra assumed the form of a lion which frightened the nuns who ran back to Bhadrabahu telling him that the lion seems to have devoured Sthulabhadra. Bhadrabahu assured them that the lion is Sthulabhadra himself. This incident of misuse, by Sthulabhadra, of the extraordinary powers made Bhadrabahu unhappy. He, consequently, refused to impart further instruction to Sthulabhadra whose repentance-full appealings softened him and he passed the texts of the remaining four Purvas but withheld the exposition of their meaning. Ignoring the miraculous element which predictably emanated from the belief that the Purvas included a text that embodied the secrets of magical powers (Vijjapahuda/ Vidyaprabhrta ?)--the belief reflecting profound reverence of later ages toward the assumed mystical character of, and awe in which the long lost Purva-texts were held by, the later writers--the central fact remains that Sthulabhadra had been deputed to Bhadrabahu by the Pataliputra Synod to learn the Drstivada that included the Purva texts. The BhadrabahuSthulabhadra connection may be inferred through an earlier reference,

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Arya Bhadrabahu 135 in Umasvati's Prasamarati-prakarana (c. A.D. 350), which tacitly hints to the myth of Sthulabhadra's vanity due to his acquiring magical powers through the sacred literature and, as its consequence, he generated in his psyche (a sub-variety of) kasaya-passion called sruta-mada/vanity due to possessing (the rare) knowledge of the canon, the knowledge which otherwise was meant for eliminating vanity of all kinds99 : mASatuSopAkhyAnaM zrutaparyAyaprarUpaNAM caiv| zrutvA'ti vismayakaraM vikaraNaM sthUlabhadramuneH // sampakodyamasulabhaM caraNakarasAdhakaM zrutajJAnam / labdhvA sarvamadaharaM tenaiva madaH kathaM kAryaH / / --urerfayah UT 84-8EUR The medieval commentator of the Prasamarati-prakarana, namely Haribhadra suri (A.D. 1129) 100, thus explains the content of those verses relating to Sthulabhadra and tacitly hints to the episode due to which (the quantitative) degradation/disappearance of the scripture or canon (sruta-viccheda) began: 'ativismayakarazca vikaraNaM' vaikriyasiMharUpanirmANaMsthUlabhadramaharSerjAmiAryikANAM darzanAya, 3114femfidi sfodrach ui yarfooo....101 The next source, the Avasyaka-curni (c. A.D. 600-650), follows the Tirthavakalika in time as well as in content, but specifies two additional details (not noted in the Tirthavakalika), the first being that the drought had lasted for 12 years (as is also stated in the Southern sources) and, second, Bhadrabahu had moved to Nepala during that distressful period 102. The third source, the Kathavali of Bhadresvara suri (c. late 10th cent.), repeats what the Tirthavakalika as well as the Avasyaka-curni record, differing only on a few minor details, or adding small particulars not mentioned by the former two sources. Like the curni, it states that Bhadrabahu with Sthulabhadra eventually had moved to Pataliputra103, apparently after the major part of instruction to Sthulabhadra on the Purvatexts was over while in Nepala. The fourth source in sequence is the Parisista-parva of Hemacandra 104 It clarifies a couple of points left partially unilluminated by the former three works. Plausibly, on the basis of what is noted in the Avasyaka-curni, it records that, at the time of the Pataliputra Synod for the redaction of

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136 M. A. Dhaky Jambu-jyoti the canon, Bhadrabahu was in Nepala where, as stated also in the curni, Hemacandra adds, he had undertaken the yogic mahaprana-sadhana. As its prelude, Hemacandra also talks about the 12 years' drought whereupon the pontiff Susthita dispersed the Samgha to different congenial locales and, at that time, emperor Candragupta attained Samadhimarana, peaceful end/death by ritually undergoing starvation. The work earlier talks at great length about Canakya and how he helped Candragupta in vanquishing Nanda and in seizing his empire. Then there is a brief report on Candragupta's son and successor Bindusara, followed by that on Asoka, his son Kunala, and the circumstances under which Kunala was blinded; also, he mentions Kunala's consort (by name Saraccari) and their begetting the son Samprati who eventually was given a share in Asoka's empire. (He very plausibly ruled from Ujjayani as his capital.) The account thus far and in part is endorsed by the earlier sources except that (Arya) Susthita, in point of fact, was to appear on the historical scene a couple of centuries later105. But more serious confusion appears when Hemacandra starts talking about a "second 12 years drought" and Bhadrabahu next meeting Samprati, an impossible reality, unless he is some other Bhadrabahu, about whom nothing is known from any other source. It was Arya Suhasti, disciple of Sthulabhadra, who was contemporary as also the preceptor of Samprati. And this latter notice seems plausible since it synchronizers with the historical chronology of the Mauryan dynasts. VII Conclusions After assessing the total evidence from the available earlier writings and related pre-medieval and medieval epigraphs from Karnataka on Arya Bhadrabahu, the following facts, by way of recapitulation, together with a few additional, brief, clarificatory, and further elucidatory observations now may be put forward. Alongwith it a few speculative thoughts also will be included. The picture delineated even by the collective information from all of the presently available sources, however, is far from complete. There are several gaps, lingering doubts, unresolved enigmas and obvious improbabilities ranged against the apparent plausibilities. The conflicting positions are present at several crucial points, paths, and turnings. As a result, the determinations in all such cases, wherever made, or plausibilities in happenings, wherever suggested, are at best tentative.

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Arya Bhadrabahu 137 1) Arya Bhadrabahu doubtless had flourished during the regime of the first Maurya monarch Candragupta who had vanquished the Nanda and inherited his empire early in the last quarter of B.C. the fourth century, the general consensus for the absolute date of that event veers around B.C. 322106 2) Bhadrabahu belonged to Pracina-gotra and thus to Bengal as earlier perceived by U.P. Shah; and, R.C. Majumdar (who otherwise had not seen the Southern and South affiliated literary sources) likewise had arrived at the same conclusion on the basis of the appellations of the sakhas or monastic branches emanated from his senior disciple Godasa--that Bhadrabahu was a native of Bengal. The Southern literary sources unequivocally endorse that inference, adding that he was born and (in his earlier years) had lived in a town within Bengal--be it Kaundini or Kotipura-and was initiated in Pundravardhana. 3) According to the second as also the third phase growth of the Sthaviravali of the Paryusana-kalpa (c. A.D. 100), Bhadrabahu was the disciple of Arya Yasobhadra, the fifth pontiff in the hagiological descent from Arhat Vardhamana. According to the Southern and South-affiliated Jaina literary sources (earliest of which dates from circa the mid 6th century onwards) as well as the Sravanbelagola inscription of c. A.D. 600, however, his preceptor's name was Govardhana who, too, might have been a Bengali. As an after thought, a reconciliation between these two totally divergent notices, the Southern being four to five centuries younger in date than the Northern, may be suggested by assuming that Govardhana may have been the vidyaguru-not the diksaguru--who probably had taught the 14 Purva-texts to Bhadrabahu. And the Southern sources, for that matter, in the hagiological sequence, connect Bhadrabahu with Govardhana. 4) Bhadrabahu, according to the earlier noted Sthaviravali, had four disciples, namely Godasa, Agnidatta, Yajnadatta, and Somadatta. They all, as their appelations unambiguously suggest, were brahmins. The Uttaradhyayana-niryukti reports the death of four disciples of Bhadrabahu (who earlier were initiated in Rajaglha), on Vaibharagiri near Rajaglha due to sita parisaha, suffering by severe chill. In the gloss given by the Uttaradhyana-curni, regarding the death of the four disciples in question, they are said to have died at different locales within Rajagrha's environs, of

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M. A. Dhaky course due to the same cause, though it likewise does not identify them. This statement, as regards the four disciples of Bhadrabahu who died by suffering from intense cold, is broadly confirmed by a notice in the Prakirnaka class of agamic work, the Maranasamadhi, a pre-medieval compilatory work, which absorbed the versified content of eight earlier texts, largely of pre-Gupta (Mitra-Saka-Kusana) date, within it. Now, the curni calls these latter four disciples as of vanika or mercantile community. Clearly, then, these four unnamed disciples were different from the former four named and, as their names suggest, of brahmin extraction. 138 5) Bhadrabahu's senior disciple Godasa as well as the latter's disciples, too, must have hailed from Bengal, as indicated by the appellations of the sakhas or branches of mendicants that afterwards had emanated from them, namely the Tamraliptika, the Kotivarsiya, the Paundravardhanika, and the Dasikharvatika. Of these, at least the first three definitely were named after the then existing ancient towns in Bengal. Jambu-jyoti 6) The authorship of the three agama-category of works, namely the Dasasrutaskandha, the Kalpa, the Vyavahara, as also of the Niryuktis traditionally is attributed to Bhadrabahu in the Svetambara sect. Of these, the first three texts, afterwards classified under the Chedasutra category that dwells on the rules for acara or monastic discipline, the Kalpa alone and, plausibly, for its larger part (which seems ancient and largely uniform in style), may have been his work. The Niryuktis seemingly are as late as early sixth century A.D., of course partly based on older material. (The Logassasutta induded within the Avasyaka compendium is a hymn to the 24 Jinas and ascribed to Bhadrabahu by Silacarya in his Acaranga-vrtti [latter half of the 9th cent. A.D.]. However, as I elsewhere have suggested, it could have been the inaugural hymn of the Prathamanuyoga of Arya Syama 1 (c. 1st cent. B.C -A.D.), which was the earliest work to notice the 24 tirthankaras, giving as it also did their biographical (in most cases of course overtly fictitious) sketches.) The Svetambaras also attribute the famous magical and very popular hymn, the Uvasaggahara-thotta [Upasargahara-stotra], composed in the Maharastri Praksta, to Bhadrabahu. (In the Digambara sect, it is believed to be a composition by Manatungacarya, c. late 6th-early 7th cent. A.D., an equally erroneous and hence untenable ascription,) That work, as is obvious by its language, style, content, and spirit seems a composition by

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Arya Bhadrabahu some medieval Svetambara abbatial (caityavasi) monk practicing sorcery and plausibly belonged to the late ninth or early tenth century A.D. as the of the hymn suggest. 7) It is likely that the emperor Candragupta, in the last year of his regnal period, may have been admitted by Bhadrabahu to the Order of Mendicants. The combined information obtained from the Tiloyapannati (c. mid 6th cent.) and several inscriptions from Sravanabelagola dating from circa the mid seventh century onwards, provide such an indication. The 12th century Svetambara writer Hemacandra, on the basis of some source before him, records that Candragupta attained Samadhimarana 107, death by the rite of suspension of aliment which, too, would hint towards a possibility that he had embraced Nirgranthism. There is thus some degree of probability on this score even when the concerned sources are not sufficiently ancient. Some hazy but a genuine memory of the past event seems to have been preserved in that tradition 108. Bhadrabahu doubtless was contemporary of Candragupta but not of Samprati who, in point of fact, was the son of Candragupta's great grand son Kunala*. Both Bhrajisnu, the author of the Karnata-tika on the Aradhana and Hemacandra, the author of the Parisistaparva, are confused on this point. Samprati's association with Ujjayani as his capital (by virtue of his becoming the ruler of the western half of Asoka's empire) does seem a historical reality or at least a plausibility. 139 8) As for Bhadrabahu's visit to Sravanabelagola alongwith his mendicant disciple Candragupta and the passing away of both of them there, it is not so recorded in the earliest inscription from Sravanabelgola (c. A.D. 600). The inscription does mention Bhadrabahu in connection with the prediction he made in Ujjayani of the 12 years' drought, but does not mention Bhadrabahu and Candragupta or bring them to Sravanabelagola, although this eventuality of historic importance and of considerable significance could hardly have been missed by the author of the draft of the inscription. Instead, it mentions Prabhacandra to have died there 109. And no direct or indirect allusion to the effect of Bhadrabahu's and Candragupta's association with Sravanabelagola is available in Northern Indian Jaina sources. Somewhere in Karnataka, this belief was taking shape apparently in the late sixth century and was firmly established by mid seventh The dynastic order is Candragupta, Bindusara, Asoka, Kunala, and Samprati.

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M. A. Dhaky century as earlier had been suggested here on the basis of an inscription, on the holy hill Katavapra, concerning Santisena, of c. mid seventh century. Bhrajisnu, in the Aradhana-tika (c. late 9th or early 10th Cent.), positively associates Bhadrabahu and Candragupta with the Sravanabelgola hill. On this point, Harisena's Brhadkathakosa (A.D. 931) comes in conflict with the Bhrajisnu's tika. For it reports that Bhadrabahu, after the prediction he made, retired from Ujjain to (some site in) Bhadrapradadesa where he died by resorting to avamodarya or progressively decreased intake of food, the latter fact, without mentioning the locale sinvolved, was noted earlier and originally in Sivarya's Aradhana (c. early 6th cent). The Brhadkathakosa throws no light on Bhadrabahu's disciple Candragupta as to what he did and where he was after he embraced the Order. Bhrajisnu, however, avers that he was with Bhadrabahu when the latter passed away in Sravanabelagola by anasana rite and the sage Candragupta, who stayed over there, died sometime after the 12 years' draught. The Northern sources say nothing on how and where Bhadrabahu died. 140 9) The most intriguing point is the presence of Bhadrabahu simultaneously at two places and, on the opposite score, also in two times as deduced from two completely contradictory reports :(1) during and after the draught, he was in Nepala; and (2) just before the onset of draught, he was in Sravanabelgola and his passing away there very soon after ! The Northern records, available from c. mid sixth century onwards are unanimous that, when the Pataliputra Synod was convoked after the draught for the redaction of the agamas in c. B.C. 300 (or a few years before that date), Bhadrabahu was in Nepala and Sthulabhadra-disciple of Bhadrabahu's confrere Arya Sambhuta (and son of Sakatara, minister of Nanda) was sent by the Pataliputra Council to Bhadrabahu for learning the 14 Purva-texts from him. The Southern literary sources, all of which are late, on the other hand, claim that Bhadrabahu was in Ujjayani, had predicted the onset of 12 years draught, and either before or just at the beginning of the 12 years famine, proceeded either to Bhadrapadadesa where he passed away by reduction in food-intake, or to Sravanabelgola where he went along with his royal disciple Candragupta, passed away by anasana rite, and had sent the Sangha with his disciple Visakhacarya to Southern India (Tamilnadu). The Southern sources, moreover, show no knowledge about the Pataliputra Synod which assembled after the long draught and that Jambu-jyoti

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Arya Bhadrabahu 141 Bhadrabahu was still alive and then was in Nepala 110. It is difficult to reconcile the two totally differing and absolutely conflicting notices, their content standing poles apart. If these two represent not only very different traditions but also may refer to two separate Bhadrabahu-s, which, somewhat remotely, may be a plausibility, then the first Bhadrabahu belonged to the Mauryan period and the second was of a later date who may have migrated to Sravanabelgola. However, the concerned biographical anecdotes of the two Bhadrabahu-s (if the second really existed) were confounded in the past and the today's messy confusion arises therefrom"11. It generates a formidable conundrum which, in the present state of evidence cannot be resolved. 10) The complete absence in north India of inscriptions mentioning the ganas and the sakhas that had originated from Bhadrabahu's lineage is a pointer to the fact that Bhadrabahu's disciples and hagiological descendents were not in north India (Bengal and perhaps Orissa to be precise) and, by implication/deduction, had migrated to the Southern territories and settled there. Some, plausibly during the years of the draught, had gone as far as Simhala-dvipa, while several apparently had settled in the Pandyan country in lowermost Tamilnadu where the earliest grotto inscriptions (c. B.C. 2nd1st cent A.D.) indicating the passing away, apparently of the Nirgrantha recluses--assumably by the rite of sallekhana-have been inferred"12. 11) Bhadrabahu of the Mauryan period, even if he really may have gone to Sravanabelgola, he may have done so a few years subsequent to the Pataliputra Synod and after Sthulabhadra's learning the Purva texts from him. There is no reason to brush aside the Northern sources on the point of Bhadrabahu-Sthulabhadra association. That particular tradition is, as recorded in the Northern literarily notices, positively anterior by about three centuries to the mid-seventh century Southern epigraphical reference that at best is suggestive only obliquely of the Bhadrabahu-Candragupta connection with Sravanabelagola, while another epigraphical source at the same site, which is half a century anterior to the former, explicitly refers to Prabhacandra and his (unnamed) disciple and not at all to Bhadrabahu and Candragupta : but the earliest literary source, the commentary of Bhrajisnu (c. 9th-10th cent.) talks about Bhadrabahu and SampratiCandragupta (the ruler of Ujjayani) visiting Sravanabelagola and not the Maurya emperor Candragupta (who ruled from Pataliputra), who was

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142 M. A. Dhaky Jambu-jyoti Samprati's great grand-father's father. (Bhrajisnu doubtless is confused on this point.) 12) A question, indeed of sterling importance, also arises why Bhadrabahu, despite his eminence and seneority, was not present at the Pataliputra Synod. It seems that, today's Bengal-Bihar divide seemingly had existed even in early Mauryan times. Bhadrabahu apparently was alienated, the preponderance (and consequent predominance) of the mendicants from Magadha and from other territories, some of which now forming the State of Uttar Pradesh, at the Pataliputra Synod and contrariwise, not according due importance to the Bengali Bhadrabahu, perhaps not even inviting him for the Redaction Conference, may have hurt him and consequently he may have remained aloof by staying in Nepala and thereby completely ignoring the Synod113. (The 'diktat' or command of the Synod to pass, what then had become very rare, the knowledge of the Purva texts, may have served to sprinkle salt on the wound.) That the tempo of teaching was very slow, proves that Bhadrabahu was an unwilling horse and only reluctantly had imparted the instruction to Sthulabhadra. And the legendary anecdote of Sthulabhadra's vanity bordering on deliquency was created, plausibly in pre-Gupta times or earlier (since the legend already was known to Umasvati) to cover up the fact that Bhadrabahu had withheld the last four Purva texts while the teaching had entered into the final phase. And there is no clarity on the point whether the Pataliputra Council had continued their sessions indefinitely and had waited till the return of Sthulabhadra. The medieval sources briefly note that both Bhadrabahu and Sthulabhadra had reached Pataliputra after the major part of teaching was over. 13) Since Bhadrabahu either had not visited Karnataka at all, or, if he did, he may have stayed at Sravenabelag!a for a very brief period before he passed away : How, in that event, indeed in that extremely short period and under the avamodarya (or anasana) vow as he is said to be, did he propagate the Nirgrantha religion in Southern India is a moot point. The more likelihood is that it was his hagiological descendents as well as some other contemporaneous Nirgrantha mendicants, who had migrated during the drought period to Tamilnadu and settled there, possibly were

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Arya Bhadrabahu 143 responsible for the propagation of Nirgrantha-darsana in South, particularly and at first in the Tamil country and some time after in Andhradesa 114 There may have been more than one group of mendicants that migrated from the northern (essentially eastern) to southern India 115, indeed progressively so in different ancient centuries. Bhrajisnu, as well as Harisena, talk about the events in north India during the famine as well as what happened after Visakhacarya returned to north India in post-famine time. They are, of course, not only poorly informed but are overtly sectarian and the South affiliated sources posterior to these two earliest ones only repeat what the above-noted two authors said and the further additions of details they made only betray their very strong sectarian bias with increased hate and venom. (I intend to deal with that part of the storey, of what happened during the draught years and in post-Bhadrabahu times in north India, as perceived by medieval and postmedieval Digambara writers, in a future paper.) in Karnataka, the Nirgranthas eventually may have moved from western Andhradesa as well as from north western Tamilnadu and settled there only in the late third and early fourth century of the Common Era as indicated by the earliest charters from the lower Gangavadi and the Kadamba country that predate the known Sravanabe!gola inscriptions116. The principalities of the Gangas and the Kadambas by then already had been founded. No earlier Jaina vestiges including epigraphs, or literary notices either, between c. B.C. 300 and A.D. 300 so far are known from Karnataka* * There, of course, are reported a few grotto inscriptions of c. the 2nd or 3rd century A.D. mentioning the death (by sallekhana rites) of the (Nirgrantha) mendicants in lower southern Gangavadi.

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144 M. A. Dhaky Jambu-jyoti Annotations : 1. The 14 Purva texts were believed to be the older and fundamental agamus. To all seeming, they were of the sect of Arhat Parsva and some of them plausibly had covered the early phase of Nirgrantha scholasticism. These texts' cosmography and probably much of the basic Nirgrantha doctrines (including the theory of eight karmas) and the dogmatics, besides disciplinary rules and allied matters, predictably had permeated through-of course by then in a developed form-in some of the available earlier agamas, particularly their later chapters, and the younger agamas, of the saka and Kusana periods, as well as the agamic works, all of the Northern tradition of Arhat Vardhamana's Church. To a fair degree, this applies also to the much younger surrogate canon of the Southern tradition. As for the Niryuktis, these largely are composed in the Maharastri Prakrit, are cast in the Arya meter, and adopt the niksepa method of examination in determining the word's meaning intended in the given context. The German Jainologists ascribe these to c. 80 A. D. Muni Punyavijaya, however, regarded them still younger in date, composed as they must have been soon after the Valabhi Synod II (A. D. 503/516), and hence this date could be circa A. D. 525. Afterwards, however, he changed his view and ascribed them to the early centuries of the Common Era. However, I seem to think that his earlier determination is valid. The Maharastri Prakrit does not appear even in the Satavahana inscriptions before c. 200 A. D. and the first available work in Maharastri, the Tarangavaikaha of Padalipta suri I also dates around A. D. 200 225. The Niryuktis do contain some older, but largely relatively later material. 2. Literarily 'omniscient by virtue of the complete knowledge of the sacred scripture.' 3. Since the Yapaniya sect (mainly located in Karanataka) recognized the agamas including the 'Kalpa (Brhad-Kalpasutra)' and the Vyavahara,' both of which the Svetambara sect attributes to Bhadrabahu, it is likely that, that sect, too, attributed these to Bhadrabahu. (This, of course, is my feeling. There is, at the moment, no direct evidence to that effect.) These two different dates are given in some manuscripts of the Paryusanakalpa at the end of the "Jinacaritra" (which is the second of the three sections of the Paryusana-kalpa,) In some, the date given is V.N. 980; in a few others, according to another tradition, V.N.993. The first date apparently originates as per the Mathura Synod's tradition; the other plausibly was due to the Valabhi Synod I tradition as earlier was suggested and, as I recall, by Muni Kalyanavijaya in one of his works. (It was, perhaps, his Viranirvana Samvat aur Jaina

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Arya Bhadrabahu 145 Kalaganana, Hindi. At the moment it is not handy.) For the date of the nirvana of Jina Mahavira, I have followed Jacobi's determination, namely B.C. 477. According to the tradition recorded in Dharmasagara's autocommentary on his Pattavali (late 16th-early 17th cent.), the Paryusana-kalpa was first recited in the assembly of Dhruvasena (I) of the Maitraka dynasty at Anandapura (Vadanagar) in north Gujarat. Hence Jacobi's determination appears valid; for the Maitraka prince named Dhruvasena (I) did flourish in early sixth century A.D. Seemingly, Dharmasagara had before him some old traditional record. For no one before him mentions the name of this king, which was known only through the copper plate charters of the Maitraka donor rulers that were discovered, deciphered, and studied in the last century. 5. These dates are suggested here on the basis of a reasonable guess, based on computa tions and synchronisms, the details regarding which I shall not dwell upon here. For these are being discussed in a separate paper, "The Paryusana-kalpa sthavi ravali--eka Adhyayana" (Gujarati), still incomplete, to be published in future. 6. Arya Phalgumitra apparently was contemporary of Arya Raksita, the latter pontiff reported in later literature as the one who classified the sruta/canon into four anuyoga-categories, namely the Dharmakathanuyoga, the Caranakarananuyoga, the Ganitanuyoga, and the Dravyanuyoga. Since the term anuyoga is synonymous also with vacana or redaction, a hitherto unreported synod may be suspected in this notice. It may also be added that the available agamas are not categorically arranged into four anuyogas or classes stipulated in the above-noted later tradition. Hence, the term anuyoga, in the above-noted context, may be understood more accurately as vacana rather than categories of canonical literature. Phalgumitra, for certain, figures in the main line of succession and Raksita, who otherwise may have played a key role at the Synod, apparently had belonged to a collateral branch (avantara sakha): Hence the name of Arya Raksita (who otherwise was of considerable eminence) does not, but his much less famous contemporary Arya Phalgumitra's does figure at the point where the Third Phase of the Sthaviravali terminates. Seemingly, each one of the Sthaviravali's five Phases ended soon after a redaction of the agamas took place. Thus, each time it had to be extended after the happening of a redaction. If a redaction of the agamas did happen in Phalgumitra's time, the place where the elders met for that purpose is not recorded in the available literature. (No redaction had been undertaken after the Valabhi Synod II in c. A.D. 503/516.) *

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M. A. Dhaky Jambu-jyoti 7. Medieval sources specify this date: The computed date for Arya Skandila / Sandila also accords with this date: the date thus seems probable. I reserve detailed discussion on this date for a future paper. 146 For this Phase 5, in fact for the whole of the Sthaviravali, I have consulted the Pattavali-samuccaya, Ed. Muni Darsanavijaya, Sri Caritra-Smaraka. granthmala, Viramagam 1933, pp.1-11. 9. These two different dates are recorded, as specified in annotation 4, at the end of the "Jinacaritra" section in some later manuscripts of the Paryusanakalpa. Muni Punyavijaya's edition does not give the second or alternative date, namely V.N.993/ A.D. 516: (Cf. his Kalpasutra, Ahmedabad 1952, pp. 59-60, sutra 200). Valabhi Synod II was convoked for collating and reconciling the differences and divergencies in the versions fixed at the Mathura Synod (c. A.D. 363) chaired by Arya Skandila (or Sandila) and the contemporaneous Valabhi Synod I presided over by Arya Nagarjuna of the Nagendra-sakha. This fact is reported in the Kahavali of Bhadresvara suri (c. late 10th century A.D.: unpublished) and, if I correctly remember, in one of the commentaries by Malayagiri (c. 3rd quarter of the 12th cent. A.D.). 10. As I recall, the noted epigrapher and historian H. P. Shastri favours Gupta as the more probable sovereign power under which the Maitrakas ruled before they became independent rulers. 11. Cf. the Thanamgasuttam and Samavayamgasuttam, Ed. Muni Jambuvijaya, JainaAgama-Series No.3, Bombay 1985, p. 450. 12. Arya Syama is credited in the two seventh century curni commentaries on the Brhatkalpasutra to have composed the Prathamanuyoga (embodying lives of the 24 tirthankaras), the Gandikanuyoga (treating the lives of the Cakravartis, Vasudevas, and some other early great men), the Lokanuyoga (dealing, as its title suggests, with cosmology/cosmography), and some Samgrahanis or collections of topical verses, some of which may have been inserted in the corpus of the agamas of the Saka and Kusana periods and some of them apparently were utilized in the formulation of the texts of some of the Prakirnaka agamic works. All of the works of Arya Syama, however, are lost, but were available for consultation to the compiler of the Samavayanga-sutra (c. A. D. 353/363). The curnis interpret the heading 'Lokanuyoga' in a way different from mine. However, as the title suggests, it must pertain to cosmology/cosmography. (For details and discussion on Arya Syama and his contributions, see Punyavijayaji' article, "Prathamanuyogasastra ane Tena Praneta Sthavira Arya Kalaka," (Gujarati),

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Arya Bhadrabahu Jnananjali, Vadodara 1960, pp. 122-129. (This article originally was published in Acarya Sri Vijayavaallabhasuri Smaraka Grantha, Bombay 1956, pp. 49-56. 13. As I elsewhere have shown, the date of Deva vacaka is c. mid fifth century A.D. and not c. A. D. 400: (Cf. "Bhadraryacarya ane Dattilacarya" Gujarati, Svadhyaya, Vol.14, Vadodara V.S.2037/A. D. 1981. This article has been incorporated in the author's Nirgrantha Aitihasika Lekha-Samuccaya, pt. 1, Ahmedabad 2002, pp. 103-113.) The hagiological table of Deva vacaka and of Devarddhi gani is as follows: Deva vacaka (Nandisutra: c. A.D. 450) Dusya gani ksamasramana Sthiragupta ksamasramana T Kumaradharma gani Devarddhi ksamasramana (chaired Valabhi Synod II: c. A.D. 503 or 516) 147 Cf. here the annotation 36 for quotation. See the "Uttaradhyayana niryukti," the Niryukti-sangraha, (comp.) Vijayajinendra suri, Sri Harsapuspamrta Jaina Granthamala, Vol.189, Lakhabawal (Lakhababal) 1989, 2.91, p. 373. Bhadraryacarya 15. Muni Kalyanavijaya and, following his view, Pt. Malvaniya dated this work to the fifth century of Vikrama Era (c. A.D. 345-445). (See Kalyanavijaya, Vira nirvana Samvat aur Jaina Kalaganana, (Hindi), Jalor S.1987/A.D. 1931, p.30, and D. Malvaniya, "Study of Titthogaliya," Bharatiya Puratattva (Muni Jinavijaya Felicitation Volume), Jaipur 1971, pp.129-138.) I would, on the basis of style. and content, prefer the date c. A.D. 550 for this work: It must be available to the author of the Vyavahara-bhasya (c. late 6th cent.) which, as noted by Malvaniya, mentions this text: (Malvaniya, p.137). It is, however, not noted in the list of the Prakirnaka works in the Nandisutra (c. A.D. 450). This significant omission almost confirms the date I here have suggested. 16. It apparently is the latest among the earliest agamic bhasyas. 17. It is one of the two earliest extant curnis, the first being the Dasavaikalika-curni of Agastyasimha (c. A.D. 575). The time bracket A.D. 600-650 for the Avasyakacurni was suggested, if I have remembered correctly, by Leumann. I have tested the validity of that date: It certainly is probable.

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M. A. Dhaky 18. Thiscurni, like that on the Acaranga and the one on the Sutrakrtanga, is younger among that class of agamic exegetical literature. 148 19. Haribhadra (active c. A.D. 740-784), as guessed by earlier writers, apparently had begun his literary career by writing vrttis in Sanskrit on the agamas like. the Nandi, the Anuyogadvara, and the Avasyaka in c. A. D. 750. Jambu-jyoti The Kahavali of Bhadresvara suri is as yet unpublished. Prof. Harivallabha Bhayani had assigned the task of its editing to Dr. Ramanik Shah. I am grateful to Dr. Shah for giving me the gist of the "Bhadrabahu-katha" incorporated in that medieval work. As for its date, see my paper, "Kahavali-karty Bhadresvara surino Samaya," (Gujarati), Sambodhi Vol.12, Ahmedabad 1982-83. It has been included in the Nirgrantha Aitihasika Lekha-Samuccaya, pt.1, Ahmedabad 2002, pp.103113. (There, the word was 'kartr' in the original rubric which here is replaced by 'kartta.') 21. Sthaviravalicarita or Parisistaparvan, (Ed.) Hermann Jacobi, sec. ed., Calcutta 1932, pp.242-248; and Sri Parisistaparva (Gujarati), translator Rajasekhara suri, Ahmedabad 1994, pp.182-186. The particulars on the content of the Parisistaparva will be cited in this article at a relevant point in the discussion. 22. Bhagavati Aradhana, pt.2. (Ed.) Pt. Kailascandra Siddhantasastri, Solapur 1978, p.707. The work earlier has been identified as of the Yapaniya sect by Pt. Nathooram Premi, A. N. Upadhye, and even Pt. Kailashchandra Shastri agreed with this attribution. I forego citing references to their writings since not directly relevant to the present discussion. 23. Tiloyapannatti, pt.1., Jivaraja Jaina Granthamala 1, Sholapur V.S. 2000/A.D. 1944, 4. 1476-1482, p.338. 24. Harivarsapurana, Jaanapitha Murtidevi Jaina Granthamala, Vol.27, sec. ed.,. Ed. Pannalal Jaina, Delhi/Varanasi 1972, 1. 60-61, p.7. 25. Satkhandagama, pt.1, (Eds.) Hiralal Jain and A.N. Upadhye, Srimanta Setha Sitabray Laksmicandra Jaina Sahityoddharaka Siddhanta Granthamala 1, Sholapur 1973, pp.66-67; cf. there the Dhavala-tika, the portion that concerns with the hagiology of early pontiffs. 26. See B.K. Kharabadi, Vaddaradhane: A Study, Karnataka University Research Publications Series: 38, Dharwad 1979. See there "6. The Story of the Sage Bhadrabahu," pp. 49-56. 27. Its editor Kharabadi ascribes the work to Sivakoti and dates it to the tenth century. But Hampa Nagarajaiah has shown, on the basis of a reference in the Punyasrava

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Arya Bhadrabahu 149 kathakosa (c. 11th cent. A.D.) that the author was one Bhrajisnu and because the work uses old Kannada, it may be dated to the ninth century :(Cf. his article, the "Aradhana Karnata-tika,"Jain Journal, Vol. XXXIII, No.4, April 1999, pp.166 170.) 28. Ed. A.N. Upadhye, Singhi Series No. 17, Bambai (Mumbai, Bombay) 1943. 29. Ibid., cf. there the Harisena's prasasti, pp. 355-356. 30. Bhadrabahu Caritra, Translator (in Hindi), Pt. Udayalalaji Kaslivval, Surat (1911 ?), pp.317-319. 31. In view of its importance, the text of this inscription is here fully quoted : siddham svsti| jitambhagavatA zrIsaddharma tiirth-vidhaayinaa| varddhamAnena samprApta-siddha-saukhyAmRtAtmanA / / 1 / / lokAloka-dvayAdhArasvastu sthAsnu cariSNu vaa| saMvidAloka-zaktiH svAvyaznute yasya kevalA // 2 // jagatyacintya-mAhAtmya-pUjAtizayamIyuSaH / tIrthakRnnAma-puNyaugha-mahArhantyamupeyuSaH // 3 // tadanu zrI-vizAlayam (lAyAm) jayatyadya jagaddhitam / tasya zAsanamavyAjaM pravAdi-mata-zAsanam // 4 // atha khalu sakala-jagadudaya-karaNodita-niratizaya-guNAspadIbhUta-paramajina-zAsanasarassamabhivaddhita-bhavyajana-kamala-vikasana-vitimira-guNa-kiraNa-sahasra-mahoti mahAvIra-savitari parinirvRte bhagavatparamarSi-gautama-gaNadhara-sAkSAcchiSya lohArya-jambu-viSNudevAparAjita-govarddhanabhadrabAhu-vizAkha-proSThila-kRttikArya-jayanAma siddhArthadhRtiSeNabuddhilAdi-guruparamparINakkramAbhyAgata-mahApuruSasantati-samavadyotitAnvaya-bhadrabAhu-svAminA ujjayanyA-maSTAGgamahAnimitta-tattvajJena traikAlya-darzinA nimittena dvAdaza-saMvatsara-kAla-vaiSamyamupalabhya kathite sarvvassaGgha uttarApathAddakSiNApathamprasthitaH krameNaiva janapadamaneka-grAma-zata-saGkhyaM mudita-jana-dhana-kanaka-sasyago-mahiSA-jAvi-kala-samAkIrNamprAptavAn ataH AcAryaH prabhAcandro nAmAvanitala-lalAmabhUte'thAsminkaTavapra-nAmakopalakSite vividha-taruvara-kusuma-dalAvali-viracanA-zabala-vipula sajalajalada-nivaha-nIlopala-tale varAha-dvIpi-vyAghrarbha-tarakSu-vyAla-mRgakulopacitopatyaka-kandaradarI-mahAguhAgahanAbhogavati samuttuGga-zrRGge sikhariNi jIvita zeSamalpatara-kAlamavabudhyAtmanaH sucaritatapassamAdhimArAdhayitumApRcchya niravaseSeNa saGgha visRjya ziSyeNaikena pRthulatarAstINa-talAsu zilAsu zItalAsu svadehaM saMnyasyArAdhitavAn krameNa sapta-zatamRSINAmArAdhitamiti jayatu jina-zAsanamiti / (For the source,see Hiralal Jaina,Jain-Silalekha-sangrahah, pt. 1. Manikyacandra Digambara-Jaina-Granthamala, vol. 28, Bombay (1928 ?), 1-2. 32. For the details, see the above-cited work and the "Introduction" by the compiler.

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150 M. A. Dhaky Jambu-jyoti 33. See the "Introduction,"Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol.II, Institute of Kannada Studies, University of Mysore, Mysore 1973, pp.ixxiv-ixxvi. 34. These have been completely ignored by all of the writers on Bhadrabahu who exclusively used southern sources. (The Digambara writers, understandably, recognize only Digambara-manya sources.) 35. Some three decades ago, U.P. Shah, in the course of a personal discussion, had conveyed to me his thinking about interpreting this word. I here have followed it. 36. The concerned verse is as follows: jasabhadda tuMgiya vaMde saMbhUyaM ceva maatthrN| bhaddabAhuM ya pAiNNaM thulabhadaM ca goyamaM / -TEE .6.28. (Ed. Punyavijaya muni, Jaina-Agama-Granthamala, Vol. 1, Mumbai (Bombay) 1968, p. 6). Also see the Tirthavakalika-prakirnaka. 37. After all, kharvata means a relatively smaller settlement. And when it is prefixed by the term 'Dasi,' it was an humble place, indeed of lesser consequence. 38. Vadda Aradhane, pp. 49-50. 39. Brhadkathakosa, p. 317. 40. The great historian R.C. Majumdar, apparently on the basis of the sakha names of the Godasa-gana, had reached the conclusion that Bhadrabahu hailed from Bengal. As it happened, his relevant published works currently are not handy. 41. Tamraliptika, Kotivarsiya, and Pundravardhanika emanate from Tamralipti, Kotivarsa, and Pundravardhana, as earlier inferred here, and all of these towns are located in Bengal under their modern derivative appelations. Recent researches tend to bring down the date of Gautama Buddha by about a century, toward c. B.C. 400-383, with a few years plus or minus. If this date finally holds, then Arhat Vardhamana's date must also slide down and stabilize at c. B.C. 415-400 since, according to the Pali sources, he predeceased Buddha. This date does not seem incompatible with the computable time-brackets for the successors of Vardhamana. The traditionally held B.C. 527 as the date of Vardhamana's nirvana, of course, is totally unrealistic on several counts, just as it upsets several firmly established historical dates, synchronisms, and time brackets, an issue that cannot be dealt with in this article. 43. While citing the actual past instances of friars who had suffered from one or the other type of the 22 parisahas or visiting sufferings noted in the agamas, for 42.

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Arya Bhadrabahu 151 the visitation of the sita-parisaha or suffering due to severe cold, it cites this episode as a typical instance. See the Uttaradhyayana-niryukti 2. 91 inside the Niryuktisangraha, p. 373. 44. Painnayasuttan pt. 1, Ed. Muni Punyavijaya, Jaina-Agama-Granthamala Vol. 17, (Pt. 1), Bombay 1984, p. 184. 45. See the Uttaradhyayana-curni, Rishabhadeo Kesharimal, Ratlam 1933, pp. 56 57. 46. Ibid. 47. Tiloyapannati, pt. 1, 4.1476-1482. (Eds. A. N. Upadhye and Hiralal Jain, Jivaraj Jaina Granthamala No. 1, Sholapur 1943, p. 338. 48. Quoted here in the annotation 31 along with the particulars on its published source. 49. Ed. Pt. Darbarical Kothiya, Manikyacandra-Jaina-Granthamala, Vol. 32, pt. 1, Bombay 1930, p. 6, 1, 60-62. 50. See the Dhavala tika in the Satkhandagama, 1-1-1, Eds. Pt. Foolchandra and Pt. Hiralal, Amaravati 1939, pp. 65-66. 51. The nomens such as Nandi, Nandimitra et cetera were to come into vogue in times posterior to Mauryan in Indian cultural history. 52. However, I intend to throw a small suggestion in the concluding remarks of the paper. 53. Brhatkahakosa, p. 318. 54. vaMdAmi bhaddabAhuM pAINaM carima sylsuynaanni| suttassa kAragamisiM dasAsu kappe ya vvhaare|| --ay statief teffi 8.9.. 55. Already noted in the relevant foregoing pages. 56. However, Schubring has pointed out the anomalous situation in the Doctrine of the Jaina, sec. ed. 2000, Delhi, pp. 109-112. 57. This statement is based on the information I got from late Pt. Malvaniya. I have yet to verify it with the Pali texts. 58. This is rather strange, because the mendicants, in that early age, preferred the nude state. 59. See particularly the last portion of the Kalpa, namely the sixth uddesa, its end part and its commentaries. For the Kalpa and the Vyavahara, I have used Muni Kanhayalal's edition, Rajkot 1969.

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152 M. A. Dhaky Jambu-jyoti 60. As inferred from a few Mathura inscriptions. 61. The precise date will depend on the date of beginning of the Kusana Era. 62. That surmise seems reasonable in the present state of available evidence. 63. See the Vyavahara-sutra, eighth uddesa. 64. The study of the oldest portions of the Acaranga Book I leads one to such a conclusion 65. The tradition is recorded in the pre-medieval svetambara literature. 66. See my article "On the Implication of the Nagnya Parisaha in the Tattvarthadhigama sutra," Jainism and Prakrit in Anciut and Medieval India, Ed. N. N. Bhattacharya, Delhi 1994, pp. 413-419. 67. See the Kalpa, third Uddesa. 68. See the Uttaradhyayana sutra, modelled upon the severe ascetical style of Arhat Vardhamana himself as narrated in the Uvadhana sutta of Acaranga I. 69. Kalpa, seeond Uddesa. 70. Ibid. 71. A few sutras taken from such works later were incorporated in the Sthananga. 72. Such as possibly the lost Kalpakalpa. 73. These fall within the pre-Mauryan to the Kusana times. 74. See the details of content and style of each chapter and the strata within them. 75. This seems plausible in view of the presence of uncomformities and heterogeneity noticeable in the character of the content. 76. Quotations from the version of the Kalpa possessed by the Yapaniya sect figuring in Aparajita suri's commentary (c. late 8th cent. A. D.) on the Aradhana of sivarya would lead to such an inference. The Botika-Ksapanaka sect was founded by the schismic Arya Sivabhuti who separated from the main stream Nirgrantha Church somedate in the second century A. D. The Yapaniya sect apparently was the off-shoot of the Botika settled in northern Karnataka. 77. The discussion needs a very detailed analysis of the texts in question, which, of course, cannot be attempted in this paper. 78. Same remarks hold here, too, as they do in the context of the annotation 77. This is the view largely held by the pundits of the Digambara sect and by those who follow them. 79.

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Arya Bhadrabahu 80. bArasa aMgaviyANaM caudasapuvvaMgaviulavityaraNaM / suyaNANi bhaddabAhU gamiyagurubhayavao jayao // - bodhapATha 6.2. (f: Ed. Pt. Pannalal Soni, Manikyacandra-Digambara-Jaina-Granthamala, Vol. 17, Bombay, V. S. 1977 [A. D. 1927], p. 127.) 81. Unfortunately, the original article by A. M. Ghatage is not handy. If my memory does not play me false, it had appeared in one of the issues of the Jaina Gazette. 82. Hence some scholars have concluded that he was a later and hence different Bhadrabahu about whose date the opinions widely differed. 83. See here the entire text of the inscription cited under annotation 31. 84. However, we must remember that, at least three temples were built on that hill top to the north of this earliest inscription engraved on the surface of the groundrock there. Could these have covered and hence concealed beneath them some still earlier inscriptions? 86. 85. At least I so for have not come across the examples of the personal names ending with 'candra' in the earlier context. rAtreH kRti prabhAcandrasya 153 - jainendrazabdazAstra 4-3-180 For discussion, see Nathooram Premi, Jaina Sahitya aur Itihasa (Hindi), Samsodhitasahityamala, Vol. 1., Bambai (Mumbai, Bombay) 1956, p. 74. 87. For elucidation, see Premi, "Virasena, Jinasena aur Gunabhadra," Jaina Sahitya., p.. 137 88. Provided, of course, the belief/tradition recorded there is sufficiantly accurate. 89. mauDadharesuM carimo jiNadikkha dharadi caMdagutto ya tato mauDadharA du pyavajjaM Neva gaNhati // - niloyapaNNattI 4-1481 - 90. I have based this passage on the information noted in the Introduction by Pt. Vijayamurti-his compilation earlier referred to here-as also the Introduction by the editiors of the Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. 1, (sec. ed.), Mysore, and the observations thereof. I have based this passage also on the information noted in the Introduction by Pt. Vijayamurti in the Introduction by the editiors of the Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. I, Mysore and the observations thereof. 92. Bhagaveti Aradhana, p. 707.

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154 M. A. Dhaky Jambu-jyoti Sastra 93. For particulars on the source, see here annotations 26 and 27. 94. Vadda-Aradhane, p. 55. 95. It also comes into conflict with the traditions preserved in the sixth century and subsequent works of the Svetambara Church. 96. Brhadkathakosa, pp. 316-318. 97. According to the Sthaviravali of the Paryusana kalpa, he was the disciple of Arya Sambutavijaya. From his medieval biographical sources, he is known to be the son of Sagadala (Sakatara), minister of Nanda, and had seven sisters. Apparently, he must be the youngest child of Sakatara and must be in his prime of life when sent to Bhadrabahu by the Sangha. His future disciple, Arya Suhasti, was to be the preceptor of Maurya Samprati, grandson of Asoka, arguably in the pontiff's advanced age. 98. This account is given, among the older sources, in the Tirthavakalika and the Kahavali. 99. See the Prasamaratiprakarana, Ed. Pt. Raj Kumar, Srimad-Rajacandra-Jaina Sastramala, Agas V. S. 2044/A. D. 1988, pp. 64, 65. 100. He is a medieval author, a namesake of the famous Haribhadra suri of the eighth century. 101. Prasamarati., p. 65. I suspect that the "Bhadrabahu-gandika' (probably a chapter of the lost Gandikanuyoga of Arya Syama, c. 1st cent. B. C. - A. D.) may have contained this myth and this may have been the source of the tradition before Umasvati. 102. SrimadAvasyakasutram (Uttarabhagah), Ratlam 1929, p. 187. 103. According to the curni, the episode of the visit of the sisters of Sthulabhadra took place at the devakulika when Bhadrabahu and he were camping at, or close by, Pataliputra. 104. For particulars, see annotation 21.. 105. For details, see the Sthaviravali. 106. This is the view of the Indian historians, a few of whom, as I recall, also suggested B. C. 325 for that event. The Greek sources state it to be B. C. 312. 107. Parisistaparva, translation, p. 176. 108. The Parisistaparva of Hemacanda (betweenc. A. D. 1160-1170) so states. 109. Further confusion is added by the interpreters of the Sravanabelgola inscription of c. A. D. 600.

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Arya Bhadrabahu 155 110. Some scholars think that it was the Tarai area of Nepala. 111. In fact more number of Bhadrabahu-s are implied : 1) The first, of the Mauryan one, contemporary of Candragupta; 2) The second of the period of Maurya Samprati; 3) The third, a contemporary of the Digambara Guptigupta who was Candragupta; 4) The fourth a contemporary of Varahamihira who was the author of the Niryuktis; and the fifth was a Svetambara monk who composed the Jina sahasranama-stotra. See, however, Schubring's obervation based on Leumann's statement : 'IEUMANN, however, points out that, in this list that already existed in the eighth century, "the second Bh. is but a chronistic repetation..." (The Doctrine., p. 53.) 112. See R. Champakalakshmi, "9 South India," Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. 1, (Ed. A. Ghosh), Bharatiya Jnanapitha, New Delhi 1974, pp. 92-103. 113. This, to me, seems a plausibility. Schubring, on a related point, thus notes: "The inner reasons are explained by IEUMANN, Ubersicht p. 26f." (The Doctrine., p. 47, infra.) What these 'inner reasons' in their perception were, cannot be guessed untill we have the translation in English of the Leumann's famous and oft-referred to work. 114. The recent discovery of the remains of a Jaina stupa at Vaddamanu founded C. B. C. the first century. (Cf. T. V. G. Shastri et al, Vaddamanu Excavations (1981-85), Birla Archaeological and Cultural Institute, Hyderabad, Hyderabad 1992. 115. Implicitly from Bengal and Orissa. It is easier to enter Andhradesa by land route; and to the Tamil country, by sea route, particularly to the Pandyan country via some port such as Nagapattinam. 116. These date from c. A. D. 300 in Gangavadi and from c. A. D. 464 or so in Kadambavadi. (I here forgo stating the related details.) 000

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The Date of Kasayapahuda K. R. Chandra The available canonical oragama literature inherited by the Svetambara sect originally was composed in Ardhamagadhi; whereas that of the Botika/ Ksapanaka of northern Indian and its derivative the Yapaniya of Southern India had inherited the agamas which were composed in Sauraseni. The surrogate or iso-agamic works of the Digambara Church, too, had employed Sauraseni Prakrit. The earliest works of this pro-canonical literature are the Kasayapahuda, the Satkhandagama, and the works of Kundakundacarya. There is a general trend among the contemporary Digambara authors to place Gunadharacarya, the author of theKasayapahuda, earlier than Kundakundacarya, the author of the Samayasara, the Pravacanasara, the Pancastikaya, and a number of other works. In this article, the language of the Kasayapahuda and of the Pavayanapahuda olim Pravacanasara is analysed with the view to finding out which work can be assigned an earlier date on the basis of the main linguistic characteristics. Linguistic Data I Phonological Changes Kasayapahuda (=KP) Pavayanasara (=PS) Number Percentage Number Percentage (i) medial -t (including -to,-ta, -ti, te,-tu) O 0.80 84.8 94.63 =-d- =-y- or -a- 413 74 15.2 4.57

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The Date of Kasayapahuda 157 92.6 (ii) medial -d=-d- 136 =.y- or -a- 11 (iii) medial -th 98.0 2.0 7.4 =-th 1 1.5 (e.g. atha, verse No.128) =-dh 13 20 54.5 =-h 78.5 45.5 (iv) medial -dh =-dh 21 31.3 57.8 --h- 46 68.7 42.2 II Morphology Kasayapahuda (=KP) Pavayanasara (=PS) Number Percentage Number Percentage A. Declensional Suffixes (i) Neuter gender : Nom. & Accu. Plural Number Percentage Number Percentage -ni 50 27 -im (ii) Locative Singular -mhi 35 -mmi 19 B. Verbal Terminations 3rd person sg. termination of Present tense 73 216 -di,-de -i, -e 95 35 27

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158 K. R. Chandra Jambu-jyoti C. Three Prakrit forms of verbal root bhu 4 =bhava =hava 5 2.5 =ho 76 92.5 D. Participle : Affixes of Absolutive 1. Sanskrit Forms (tatsama) To T2T5(-) 59(+) 2. Sanskrit forms with phonological changes 0 To 125 3. Prakrit Forms 3 1 00 15 Various Affixes of Absolutive (see D Participle; as above) 1 36(-) 1. Sanskrit -ya 0 5(-) adaya 3.7 abhibhuya 2.45 Pavayanasara (=PS) Kasayapahuda (=KP) Number Percentage Number Percentage 2. (Sanskrit forms with phonological changes) (i) -iya (-ya) o 16.5(+) panamiya 3.1, pappa 1.65, 2.77, etc.) (ii) -tta (-tva) 0 14(+) [catta 2.98, dittha 3.52, etc.)

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The Date of Kasayapahuda 159 (iii) -cca (-tva) 0 7(+) [kicca 1.4, socca 3.7, etc.) (iv) -cca (-tya) 0 L 50.) (paducca 1.50, 2.44) (v) -ija (-dya) 0 12.) [asejja 2.91, samasejja 1.5, etc.) (vi) -ccha (-chya) 0 2.5 [apiccha 3.2] (vii)-bbha (-bhya) 0 2.5 [uvalabbha 1.88] Total 0 0 25 59 3. Prakrit forms (i) -duna 33.3 2.5(-) 66.7 0 (ii) -tunam 2 (i) e.g. ovatteduna 94 e.g. suniduna 1.62 (ii) e.g. mottunam 27,28 8 19(+) (iii) - itta (iv) -iya 0 0 0 0 14(+) Examples from Pavayanasara (iii) janitta 2.102, nirumbhitta 2.104, pecchitta 3.35, etc. (iv) bhaviya 1.17, khaviya 2.103, etc.

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160 K. R. Chandra Jambu-jyoti E. Affix of Future -hi hohimti 68 -ssa bhavissadi 2.20, jivassadi 2.95 Analysis The above tabular analysis of the data culled from the above-noted two works of Acarya Gunadhara and Kundakunda reveals that the Kasayapahuda and the Pavayanapahuda (the Kasayaprabhrta and the Pravacanaprabhrta) respectively have their comparative position of the peculiarity of language as follows:(i) The PS retains medial -t- approximately at the rate of 1%, changes (voices) it to-d-at 95% and drops at that of 5% whereas the KP at 0%, 85% and 15% respectively. (ii) As regards medial -d - the former retains it at the rate of 98% and drops it at that of 2% whereas the later retains at 93% and drops it at 7%. (iii) The medial -th-is voiced in the former work at the rate of 54.5% and changed to -h-at 45.5% whereas in the later work it is voiced at the rate of 20% and changed to -h- at the rate of 78.5%. (iv) The medial -dh- is retained at 58% and changed to -h- at 42% in the former work but in the later work the rate is 31% and 69% respectively. Thus, in the evolutionary stage of MIA. the dialect of the KP reflects a stage later than that of the PS. Morphological study of these two works reveals that (i) the PS has not a single suffix of Nom. and Accu. plural of Neuter in - im whereas in the KP it is available at 4% : (ii) As far as the suffixes of loc. sg. are concerned, there is no considerable difference worth distinction between-mhi and -mmi. (iii) The termination of present tense III person singular is -di or .de available at the rate of 100% in the PS whereas in the KP it is at the rate of 73% and the other termination -i or -e at the rate of 27%. This shows

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The Date of Kasayapahuda 161 that the language of KP is highly influenced by the Maharastri Prakrit in this respect. (iv) The verbal root vbhu is employed as bhav-, hav- and ho- at the rate of 9, 61 and 30 percent in the PS while in the KP their rate is 5, 2.5, and 92.5 percent respectively. The Prakrit form ho- is rather a later development whereas bhav- and hav- belong to the earlier strata of the MIA. dialects. (v) The number of absolutive participles in the KP is not so numerous as to compare their variety for deciding the time of its composition but it is evident that the PS employs older affixes (Sanskrit and Sanskritlike) in greater number whereas the KP uses purely Prakrit affixes like -duna and -tunam. This trait proves that the date of KP is later than that of the PS. (vi) The affix of the future tense is -ssa- in the PS whereas -hi- in the KP and this goes against its being an earlier work than the PS. Thus, the study of the linguistic data proves that the Kasayapahuda is a work composed later than the Pavayanapahuda. In this context it is not convincing to accept the opinion of those scholars who assign it a date earlier than that to the Pravacanasara of Kundakunda. Annotations : PS = Pavayanasara or Pavayanapahuda, KP = Kasayapahuda 1. Date of Kundakundacarya A. According to A. N. Upadhye, "the age of Kundakunda should be limited in the light of the circumstantial evidences noted above to the first two centuries of the Christian era." He further notes "I am inclined to believe, after this long survey of the available material, that Kundakunda's age lies at the beginning of the Christian era." See his Pravacanasara, "Introduction", Agasa 1964, p. 21. B. N. C. Shastri is of the same opinion as given by A. N. Upadhye : See his prAkRta bhASA aura sAhitya kA AlocanAtmaka itihAsa, vArANasI 1966, pR0 225. C. J. C. Jain is of the opinion that Acarya Kundakunda seems to have flourished in the third or fourth century A. D. Vide mican mifere cat sfer, armurt 88EUR8, Lo p90. D. H. L. Jain thinks it worthwhile to place Kundakunda in the beginning of the fifth century A. D. or a little earlier than that : See his rite Fitofa er at yogadAna, bhopAla 1962, pR083.

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162 K. R. Chandra 2. Date of Gunadharacarya A. J. C. Jain is of the opinion that Gunadharacarya belongs to the 2nd-3rd Century A. D. Vide prAkRta sAhitya kA., pR0 291. B. H. L. Jain is not sure about the date of Gunadharacarya. He is unable to say definitely whether Dharasenacarya connected with the Satkhandagama was earlier or posterior to Gunadharacarya. He assigns 2nd cent. A. D. to the Satkhandagama. Accordingly, the date of Gunadharacarya would fall either in the 1st or the 3rd cent. A. D. See his bhAratIya saMskRti meM, pR0 82. Jambu-jyoti C. Shastri feels that the Kasayapahuda is a work of earlier date than the Satkhandagama as well as the works of Kundakunda and, therefore, according to him, Gunadharacarya should be assigned the 1st cent. A. D. Vide ger en fanfice kA., pR0 213. Thus we find that the opinions of the above-cited scholars differ on the date of Gunadharacarya. None is positive regarding his date which ranges between the 1st to the 3rd century A. D. and the date of Kundakunda also differs according to different scholars. His date fluctuates between the 1st and the 8th century A. D. One fact is clear that all these scholars place Gunadharacarya anterior to Kundakundacarya but the features of the language of PS and KP clearly demonstrate that the Pavayanasara is a composition datable earlier than the Kasayapahuda. In conclusion, it is to be surmised that, if the editions of the texts studied herewith have been edited, linguistically, faithfully by their learned editors and there is no doubt about the authorship of these two works, then it may seem positive that Gunadharacarya is an author dated later than Kundakundacarya. (As for the date of Kundakundacarya, the linguistic analysis can be more trustworthily applied in date-determination after isolating on the one hand the earlier aryas/gathas etc. (most of these arguably incorporated by the author himself) and on the other hand by removing the later interpolations. The available historical evidence as well as the textual studies combined with style and content do not warrant anteriority of Kundakundacarya to either the Kasayapahuda or the Satkhandagama. Formally, and linguistically, too, there are several detectable/obvious modemisms, highly advanced ideas (totally unknown to the Jaina authors till the medieval times), as also the presence several uncharacteristic Prakrit words artificially created from Sanskrit. -Editors) mmm

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Correlation of Jaina Inscriptions with Sthaviravalis U. P. Shah While welcoming participants at the Seminar in Ahmedabad on the 'Aspects of Jaina Art and Architecture (Nov. 18, 1973), I had noted : "It is high time that all Jaina inscriptions from Mathura are re-read and the old readings checked and revised wherever necessary. It is also necessary to have fresh verdict of the eminent epigraphers apropos the age of the script in each individual case, in the light of the advancement of our knowledge achieved during the past 50 to 70 years. The data from the Jaina sthaviravalis has to be correlated and we have to see if we can fix, with the help of these sthaviravalis, the period of at least a few monks appearing in these inscriptions. For it is now becoming certain that there have been mistakes in the old readings. "The reading "Vodve thupe" for instance was incorrect. Prof. Alsdorf had written to me that Luders had revised it but could not publish the new reading in his life-time. Actually, the reading is pratimavo dve thupe devanirmite". In another instance K. D. Bajpai showed that the old reading "Arhat Nandyavarta" was wrong. The name, as he correctly read it, was Munisuvrata.....2" "There are inscriptions, for example, which are dated around the year 30, the script in these inscriptions should be the same or very similar. There are inscriptions which are dated around 50, and around 90. The script of these inscriptions in each group must be identical. If this is not so, then the inscriptions are dated in different eras or with the sign for hundred omitted as earlier was suggested by Lohuizen-de-Leeuw." With such fresh studies, we have to see whether the sthaviravalis in the Paryusana-kalpa and the Nandi-sutra can further help us in identifying

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164 U. P. Shah Jambu-jyoti the pontiffs and monks whose names figure in the inscriptions and we must see what the traditional date for them is. Let us first take the instance of an inscription in the Son Bhandar Cave at Rajgir (Fig. 1). The inscription generally is interpreted as meaning : "Muni Vairadeva, the jewel among the acaryas (and) of great lustre, caused to be made, for obtaining nirvana, two auspicious caves which are worthy of ascetics and in which were placed the images of the arhats (i. e. tirthankaras)." There are two Son Bhandar caves at Rajgir, adjoining each other, the second seems to have been appropriated by the Vaishnavites in the Gupta period. The inscription under reference has been understood to suggest that Acarya Vairadeva had both the caves excavated and images installed therein. A student of Jaina canonical literature and the pattavalis would immediately see that 'acaryaratnam Muni Vairadevah of great lustre' can be none else than the great acarya Arya Vajra, sthavira Arya Vaira of the Sthaviravalis. I had identified this pontiff as such in an earlier paper, and the terminal date of Vajra, according to the Jaina traditions, was shown to be around A. D. 57 According to Jaina tradition, Arya Vajra died in the 584th year after Mahavira's nirvanas. (According to Harmann Yacobi's corrected date for Mahavira's nirvana, it should be A. D. 107). The inscription, however, is assigned to the third or fourth century A. D. on paleographical grounds. But the cave's architecture, as shown by S. K. Sarasvati, essentially agrees with the earlier type of Barabar and Nagarjuni caves and the learned authority had felt that the age of the Son Bhandar cave perhaps belonged to a date not far removed from them. The two Son Bhandar caves are more or less simple; the carved reliefs inside were added later as has been the case with several other early caves in India. The door of the Son Bhandar cave has sloping jambs with a taper of about six inches from the base to the top. The roof is cut into an arch, the arch has a rise of about 4ft. 10 inches and the height of the chamber is a little less than 12ft. It is clear that the caves are not later than the first century A. D. and that when the inscription was carved they were regarded as excavations originally done at the instance of Muni Vairadeva, and were in possession of those who belonged to the line of Muni Vairadeva. S. P. Gupta has published a photograph of the still remaining traces of the Mauryan high polish of the wall of the rock-cut cave? This certainly suggests an early date for the Son Bhandar cave, not later than the first

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Correlation of Jaina Inscriptions with Sthaviravalis century A. D. Doubts have been raised by R. N. Mishra and Jyoti Prasad Jain regarding the identification of acarya Vaira with the Svetambara* Arya Vajra and they suggested that the caves belong to the Digambara sect. There is no acarya Vaira known to any Digambara pattavali and even amongst the Svetambaras there is no other Vaira (=Skt. Vajra) who is such an illustrious great pontiff except Arya Vajra referred to above. Arya Vajra had a disciple called Vajrasena. Vajrasena, according to the medieval Svetambara tradition ordinated some monk-disciples at Surparaka (modern Sopara near Bombay)". Out of these four disciples started the four ancient kulas (orders of Jaina monks), namely, Nagendra, Candra, Vidyadhara and Nirvrtti. Arya Vajra, the preceptor of Arya Vajrasena, is reported to have visited the Abhira country, Daksinapatha11 and Srimala, modern Bhinmala in Marvad)12 165 I had suggested that the inscription referring to Arya Vajra may be posthumous and A. Ghosh, the editor of the Jaina Art And Architecture remarked on this suggestion that "the identification suggested by him is therefore highly probable. About the date of the caves he drew attention to S. K. Sarasvati's views." Vairi (Vajri) sakha, known from some Jaina inscriptions from the Mathura Stupa, originated from Arya Vajra (Pkt. Vaira) according to the Sthaviravali of the Paryusana-kalpa. S. P. Gupta, in his Roots of Indian Art, pp. 198 ff., has discussed the architecture of the Son Bhandar cave and compared it with that of the Barabara, Sudama, and Dasaratha caves. He concludes: "....look at the Son Bhandar cave from any angle, the picture that emerges remains the same it is one of the most important missing links between the early Mauryan caves and the pre-historic caves. The Barabara caves are the logical outcome of the Son Bhandara cave(s)." He further writes: "The fact that the Son Bhandar cave has generally been dated to the fourth century A. D. on palaeographic grounds appears to shake the very foundation of the pyramid of our arguments. The inscription on the outer wall of this cave's, in fourth century Brahmi characters, states that the cave was cut by the Jaina muni Vairadeva who installed some Jaina images in it. The reading Recent researches on our side show that he was a pre-svetambara pontiff of the main stream northern Nirgrantha sect.-Editors

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Jambu-jyoti of this inscription, however, has been debated as it admits an alternate meaning according to which the term used for 'cutting' may equally apply to the cutting or fashioning of the images. In that case, the cave was earlier than the date of the images and the inscription put together. Saraswati has argued in favour of the dichotomy that exists between the actual date of the excavation of the cave and its real use by the Jaina muni Vairadeva."16 166 U. P. Shah I had corresponded with late A. Ghosh when he was editing the volumes of the Jaina Art and Architecture. He referred to my views and remarked that the identification suggested by me was highly probable. It seems he thought over the whole inscription again when he gave the reading of the inscription to S. P. Gupta with the normal prose order of the verse of the inscription and a new special prose order (published in The Roots of Indian Art, p. 202). According to this new prose order the translation reads: "Muni Vairadeva, the jewel among the acaryas (and) of great lustre, caused to be made the two auspicious caves which are worthy of ascetics as those in which the images of Arhats (i. e., tirthankaras) are installed." (This would mean that he did not have the caves excavated but only had images installed therein) 17. This inscription has an additional importance for the history of the Jaina Church. It speaks of caves in which images are installed and which were fit for residence by Jaina monks practising austerities. This practice technically is caitya-vasa. Usually, the Jaina friars do not stay in Jaina shrines. Vajra-svami or Arya Vajra, a great knower of the Jaina canon and a jewel amongst the acaryas, was an innovator and reformer. I had discussed this inscription with the late Muni Punyavijayji. He had informed me that, according to the Svetambara Jaina traditional beliefs, Vajra-svami (Arya Vajra) started certain practices which are characteristic of the caityavasi monks. Later, there was degradation amongst the caityavasi monks but, in the beginning, the caityavasa or abbetial practice, attributed to Arya Vajra in the Jaina tradition and supported by this very important old inscription, was not degraded in terms of monastic rigour, staunchness, and discipline. Arya Vajra, in point of fact, was held in high esteem as much in his own times as was in later centuries. I believe that this inscription had to be carved on the wall in c. fourth century A. D. when one of the two caves, the eastern one, fell into the hands

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Correlation of Jaina Inscriptions with Sthaviravalis 167 of the followers of the Vaisnava sect. This was done by the Jainas of the school of Arya Vajra who still had retained possession of the western one of the two caves. The original Jina image or images of the time of Arya Vajra now do not exist. The followers of the Digambara sect are reluctant to accept the above-noted interpretation for the fear of Svetambaras being acknowledged as owners of this and other sites at Rajgir. But this inscription about Arya Vajra (who is known to the early pattavalis inherited by the svetambaras ) refers to the times when the Svetambara-Digambara schism did not originate nor had the difference about Svetambara and Digambara images in worship come.18 We may next turn to the other problematic epigraphs. Two inscriptions from Jaina stupa at Kankali Tila, Mathura, especially are intersting as they refer to a Jaina acarya well-known to us from the pattavalis and other Jaina texts. The first dated in the year 52 (=A.D. 130)*, on the pedestal of a broken image, was published by Buhler in "Further Inscriptions From Mathura", inscription no. 18, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II (reprinted ed.), pp. 203-204. The second edited by Buhler in El., Vol. I., pp. 391, no. 21, as inscribed on the pedestal of a headless image of Sarasvati (fig. 2) from Kankali Tila, Mathura. This is dated in the year 54 (=A. D. 132). Luders discussed them again in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXXIII. pp.104f. Transcripts of Buhler's readings, placed side by side, are also reproduced there (fig.--). . Buhler translated the first inscription as under : "Success! The year fifty-two, 52, the first month of winter, the twentyfifth day, 25, - at that moment (was dedicated) the gift of the worker in metal Gottika, the sura, the son of sramanaka, at the request of the preacher Arya Divita, (who is) the convert of the gani Arya Manguhasti (and) pupil of the preacher Arya Ghastuhasti out of the Kotiya gana, the Vera (Vajra) * The new date for the beginning of the Kusana Era, as recently calculated by Harry Falk is A.D. 137. Hence the date of this inscription would be A. D. 189.-Editors. + The figure is also read at '94, - in which case, following Falk's determination, the date of the image would be A. D. 231. The style of the image perfectly accords with this date.-Editors.

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168 U. P. Shah Jambu-jyoti sakha, the Sthanikiya kula, and the srigrha sambhoga. May it be for the welfare and happiness of all creatures !" Arya Manguhasti was the pupil of Arya Ghastuhasti and Buhler's insertion of (and) after Arya Manguhasti is not justified, since the general usage for mentioning the teacher or father of a person in inscriptions etc. is such. The insertion of the word 'and' would show that Arya Divita was a pupil of Arya Ghastuhasti. According to the correction by Luders in J.R.A.S., 1911, pp. 1084, 1086, read, 'the Golika' instead of the member of the committee (Gottika) and Koliya' (Kautika) instead of 'Kottiya' (Kauttika.) In the second inscription dated year 54, Luders' correction, is : read *Koliya' instead of 'Kottiya' (Kauttika). This second inscription, on the pedestal of the image of Sarasvati, may be translated as under : "Success! The fourth month of winter, the 10 day, on that date (specified as above), the gift of the worker in metal(iron--loha), Gova, the son of Siha, at the request of vacaka Arya Deva (who is) convert of gani Arya Maghahasti, the pupil of vacaka Arya Hastahasti out of the Koliya (Kautika) gana, Sthanikiya kula, Vajri Sakha, Srigrha sambhoga." On comparing the two inscriptions, it is obvious that the Gani Arya Manguhastin, pupil of Vacaka Ghastuhasti (Arya Hastahasti) of the inscription dated in year 52 is the same as Ganin Arya Maghahasti, pupil of Vacaka Arya Hastahasti of the inscription dated Samvat 54. Gana, kula, sakha, and Sambhoga in both the cases being identical, there can be no doubt in regarding Arya Manguhasti as the same person as Arya Maghahasti. And Arya Manguhasti is the same as the Sthavira Arya Mangu of the Sthaviravali of the Nandi-sutra19. The Nandi-sutra-sthaviravali gives the parampara or succession list of the heads of the Vacaka-vamsa, who succeeded one after the other from Ganadhara Sudharma down to Dusagani (Dusya gani). In verse 26 of this Sthaviravali, we are told that Sthavira Svati of Harita gotra was succeeded by Arya Syama of Harita gotra. The latter is followed by Arya Sandilla (Sandilya) of Kausika gotra, succeeded by Arya Jitadhara and Arya Samudra whose word was regarded as authority in islands and beyond the three oceans (vss. 26, 27). As I have elsewhere shown, Arya Syama is Arya Kalaka of the Kalakacarya-kathas

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Correlation of Jaina Inscriptions with Sthaviravalis 169 and Arya Samudra is his grandpupil Arya Sagara sramana of the same Kalaka-kathas20. Next, in vs. 28, Arya Mangu is paid respects in the following words : Bhanagam karagam jharagam pabhavagam nana-damsanagunanam vandami Ajja-Mangum suyasagaraparagam dhiram ||28|| The above-cited gatha shows how great a sthavira the Arya Mangu was. He was a pontiff of great virtues of jnana and darsana, a great personality who could impress upon others (and who had superhuman powers, the pabhavaga=prabhavaka one who had crossed the ocean of canonical learning (srutasagara-paraga]). These inscriptions show that Arya Mangu belonged to Vera or Vaira, i.e. Vajra or Vajri sakha. Origin of this sakha, according to the Sthaviravali of the Paryusana-kalpa (according to its vistrta-vacana), is as under : "From the two sthaviras of the Vyaghrapatya line, Susthita (alias Kotika) and Supratibuddha (alias Kakandaka) branched out the gana named Kotika which had four sakhas and four kulas. What were the sakhas? They were : First, Uccanagari, and then Vidyadhari, Vajri, Madhyamika-such were the four sakhas of the gana named Kotika." Arya Mangu or Arya Maghahasti belonged to this Vajri sakha. The two inscriptions discussed in the foregoing refer to this Vajri or Vera or Vaira sakha derived from Arya Vajra who was a pupil of sthavira Arya Sihagiri (Simhagiri), jatismara of the Kausika gotra, as the Sthaviravali tells us in su.11. This sthavira Arya Sihagiri and sthavira Arya Santi-sainika (= santisena ?) were the two disciples of Sthavira Aryadatta who was a disciple of sthavira Arya Indradatta who himself was a disciple of sthavira Arya Supratibuddha alias Kakandaka. Both Susthita (alias Kautika) and Supratibuddha (alias Kakandika) were disciples of Arya Suhasti. We know from other sources that Sthavira Arya Suhasti was a contemporary of the Mauryan ruler Samprati. Suhasti is credited to have brought Samprati to the Nirgrantha fold. In an inscription published by K. D. Bajpai21 and again discussed by M.A. Dhaky22 we find reference to Kautika-gana, santinika-kula, an the Vajri sakha in the inscription which is dated in the year 17 of Kaniska, which proves that both Arya Santinika, the contemporary of Arya Sihagiri and Arya Vajra, the pupil of Sihagiri lived before the year 17 of Kaniska, since Vajri sakha is said to have originated from Arya Vajra. Since Manguhasti

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170 U. P. Shah Jambu-jyoti or Maghahasti of inscriptions dated in the years 52 and 54 belonged to Vajri sakha, it would show that Manguhasti or Maghahasti flourished later than Arya Vajra3. Now, if this Maghahasti is the same as Arya Mangu, then Arya Mangu is later than Arya Vajra. But the Tapagaccha-pattavali, says saptasastyadhikacatuhsatavarse 467 Arya Manguh. But the same Tapagaccha Pattavali (composed in V. S. 1696 = A. D. 1639-40) says the following about Vayarasami (Vajrasvami) : terasamo vayarasAmi guruu| vyAkhyA - terasamo tti zrIsIhagiripaTTe trayodazaH zrIvajrasvAmI ryA bAlyAdapi jAtismRtibhAk, nabhogamanavidyayA saMgharakSAkRt, dakSiNasyAM bauddharAjye jinendrapUjAnimittaM puSpAdyAnayanena pravacanaprabhAvanAkRt, devAbhivaMdito dazapUrvavidAmapazcimo vajrazAkhotpattimUlam / tathA sa bhagavAn SaNNavatyadhikacatuHzata 496 varSAnte jAtaH san aSTau 8 varSANi gRhe, catuzcatvAriMzat 44 varSANi vrate SaTtriMzat 36 varSANi yugapra0, sarvAyuraSTAzIti varSANi paripAlya zrI vIrAt caturazItyadhikapaMcazata 584 varSAnte svargabhAk / zrI vajrasvAmino dazapUrva-caturthasaMhanasaMsthAnAnAM vyucchedaH / catuSkulasamutpattipitAmahamahaM vibhum / dazapUrvavidhi (daM) vande vajrasvAmimunIzvaram / / -paTTAvalI-samuccaya, part 1, p. 47 But we must remember that, just as Kautika or Kotika gana had a Veri or Vairi or Vajri sakha, Varana gana had a Hattikiya kula (corrected by Luders as Arya Halakiya kula) with Vajranagari sakha, mentioned in a Jaina Inscription from Mathura dated Samvat 4, vide Luders' Inscr. no. 16. Thus Veri or Vairi and Vajranagari are two different sakhas. (See also inscription on 1.234, Lucknow Museum.) ___Luders' Ins. no. 18, dated in the Samvat 5 of Devaputra Kaniska refers to Kautika gana, Brahmadasika kula, and Uchenagari sakha. These are also referred to in Luders' Inscriptions nos. 19 and 20 of Samvat 5. The Uccainagari sakha emanated from Arya santisenia according to the vistyta vacana of the Paryusanakalpa Sthaviravali. This santinika was contemporary, senior confrere of Sihagiri (Simhagiri) the teacher of Arya Vajra. It is interesting to note that, in the inscription discussed by Bajpai and Dhaky, earlier referred, a mendicant of the santinika kula became a member of Vajri sakha and not of the Uccenagari sakha said to have been started under Arya santinika.

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Correlation of Jaina Inscriptions with Sthaviravalis On the analogy of the name Uccenagari (of the city Uccenagara-modern Bulandas'ahara)+ shall we suppose that there was a place called Vajranagara from which was derived the Vajranagari sakha ? Arya Mangu was a famous and revered pontiff having considerable/ proficiency in sruta or the Jaina Canon and was a prabhavaka acarya. The Himavanta Sthaviravali (supposed to be spurious) says that Arya Mangu was a pupil of Arya Samudra. In this context we must note the order of gathas of the Nandisutra Sthaviravali : hAriyaguttaM sAiM ca, vaMdimo hAriyaM ca sAmajjaM / vande kosiyagottaM saMDillaM ajjajIyadharaM // 26 // tisamuddakhAyakitti dIvasamuddesu gahiyapeyAlaM / vande ajjasamuddaM akkhubhiyasamuddagaMbhIraM ||27|| bhaNagaM karagaM jharagaM pabhAvagaM NANadaMsaNaguNANaM / vaMdAmi ajjamaMguM suyasAgarapAragaM dhIraM // 28 // Next come two verses which are not commented upon by the author of the Nandi curni nor by Haribhadra suri in his commentary and which are not found in all manuscripts of the Nandisutra. Editors of the Pattavali-Samuccaya, part 1, give them as extra verses found in some mss. only and do not give them continuous numbers. Even in the critical edition of the Nandi-sutra published by the Mahavira Jaina Vidyalaya these were not accepted as verses of the original text and are treated as doubtful. They are : vaMdAmi ajjadhammaM, vaMde tatto a bhaddaguttaM ca / tatto a ajjavayaraM, tavaniyamaguNehiM vayarasamaM // vaMdAmi ajjarakkhi-khamaNe rakkhiacaritta savvasse / karaMgabhUo, aNuogo rakkhio jehiM || - paTTAvalI samuccaya, I. p. 13. Then we have : nANammi daMsaNammiya tavaviNae NiccakAlamujjuttaM / ajjAnaMdilakhamaNaM, zirasA vaMde pasannamaNaM // 29 // --disutta, (Bombay ed p. 6) + Ucchera in M.P. according to Sagarmal Jain.-Editors. 171

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Jambu-jyoti The Tapagaccha-Pattavali says that Arya Samudra and Arya Mangu belonged to another lineage and thus it does not help us much in deciding whether Arya Mangu was later than Arya Vajra or was his Junior contemporary. When the Mathura inscriptions speak of Arya Manguhasti or Maghahasti as belonging to Vairi sakha, we have to presume that he was either later than Arya Vajra or was his junior contemporary or that the Vairi sakha to which Maghahsti belonged had started before Arya Vajra if the dates of Arya Mangu (467 years after Mahavira) and of Arya Vajra (years 496 to 584 after Mahavira) given by the Tapagaccha Pattavali in the 17th century are to be believed. It is difficult, however, to rely on the dates it gives composed as it was in as late a period as the 17th century. But it is certain that, as shown by the Nandi-sthaviravali, Arya Mangu succeeded Arya Samudra as 'Vacaka-mukhya', the Nandi-sthaviravali concerns itself with the Vacakas. Arya Mangu's active association with Mathura is supported by several texts. Hence it is reasonable to regard Arya Mangu of literary works and Arya Manguhasti or Maghahasti of the two Mathura inscriptions referred to above as identical24. 172 U. P. Shah In the Prakrit Proper Names (Ed. Pt. Dalsukh Malvania), part II, p. 537, we have the following entry about Mangu :- A learned preceptor (Nan. V. 29). Owing to his greed for food he became a Jakkha after his death at Mathura (Nis. Bh. 3200. Nis. Cu. II. pp. 125-26; III. p. 142. Av. Cu. II. p. 80. NanM. p. 50. GacV. p. 31.). He had a different opinion regarding dravyacarya (Av. Cu. I. p. 585. Brhm. p. 144. Vyabh. 6. 239 ff.)25. Samudda was his preceptor and Nandila26 his disciple (Nan. 28, 29). In the "Pratikramana adhyayana" of the Avasyaka curni, while referring to the pratikramana of three types of gaurava-viradhana, the story is given of Arya Mangu, a Jaina monk who was reborn as a Yaksa in Mathura on account of egoism: xxx tisuvi udAharaNaM mahurAe ajjamaMgU Ayario tivvagAravAbhibhUto apaDikkato kAlaM kAtuM mahurAe NiddhavaNajakkho uvavaNNo, tAhe jakkhAyataNassa adUreNa sAhuNo bobeMtANaM jakkhapaDimaM aNupavisituM jIhaM nillAleti, evaM aNNadAvi kate sAdhUrhi pucchito bhaNati - ahaM so pAvakammo ajjamaMgU jIhAdoseNa ettha uvavaNNo taM mA tubbhe gAravapahibaddhA viddhaMdhasA hohiha, etehiMgAravehiM jo me Gagesfa Av. Cu. I. p. 80. The Nisitha curni calls him a bahusruta, well-versed in canon, and having a large group of disciples : lobhe imaM udAharaNaM - "luddhaNaMdI" ahavA "ajjamaMgU" madhurA maMgU Agama bahusuya veragga saDDhapUyA-ya / sAtAdi - lobha - Nitie, maraNe jIhAi NiddhamaNe // 3200 ||

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Correlation of Jaina Inscriptions with Sthaviravalis 173 ___ ajjamaMgU AyariyA bahussuyA ajjhAgamA bahusissaparivArA ujjayavihAriNo te viharaMtA mahuraM NagarI gtaa| te "veraggiya"tti kAuM saDDhehiM vatthAtiehiM pUitA, khIra-dadhi-ghaya-gulAtiehiM diNe diNe pajjatieNa patilAbhayaMti / so Ayariyo lobheNa sAtAsokkhapaDibaddho Na viharati / Nitigro jAto / sesA sAdhU viharitA / so vi aNAloiya paDikkato vihAriyasAmaNNo vaMtaro NiddhamaNA jakkho jAto | xxxx sAhUhiM pucchito bhaNAti-sohaM ajjamaMgU iDDirasapamAdagaruo mariUNa NiddhamaNe jakkho jAto, taM mA koi tubbhe evaM lobhadosaM karejja // 3200 -Nisitha curni (Agra, 1958), Vol-II Su.43, 44764-177.3200, pp. 152-153. Also see ibid., p. 125. The Digambara author Svami Virasena (A. D. 817), in his commentary, the Dhavala on the Satkhandagama of Puspadanta and Bhutabali, and acarya Jinasena (A. D. 837) who finished his guru Virasena's incomplete commentary, the Jayadhavala, on the ancient Kasaya-pahuda-sutta and Yati-Vrsabha's curni on the Kasaya-Pahuda, repeatedly cite Mahavacaka Arya Nagahasti ksamasramana, Mahavacaka Arya Manksu ksamasramana, and Mahavacaka Arya Nandi ksamasramana27. Prof. Hiralal Jain, the editor of the Satkhandagama, identifies Mahavacaka Nagahasti and Mahavacaka Manksu with Arya Nagahasti and Arya Mangu of the Sthaviravali of the Vacakas of the Svetambara tradition given in the Nandi sutra of Deva vacaka (c. A. D. 450) 28. We have shown above that, according to the archaeological evidence of the two inscriptions from Mathura, Arya Maghahasti (identified with Arya Mangu as earlier shown) is later than Arya Vajra since Mangu belonged to Vajri-sakha. This goes against the dates given in the Commentary on the Tapagaccha-pattavali. Under the circumstances, we have to reject the late literary evidence of the Commentry on the Tapagaccha pattavali. But, if we can fix up the date of Arya Mangu, we can fix up the age of the above-noted inscriptions. At present these inscriptions are regarded as dated in 52 and 54 = A. D. 130 and 132 This would show that the era of A. D. 78 is used in these inscriptions. Dhaky takes the date of Mahavira's nirvana as 477 B. C. following Jacobi. Thus Arya Vajra's date would be A. D. 177 and Arya Mangu would be a junior contemporary of Arya Vajra or letter a little later than Arya Vajra. Dhaky, following A. K. Narain, takes the initial year of the Kusana era as A. D. 105 and A. D. 78 as the initial year of the Saka era. If the dates in the two inscriptions discussed here are in the Kusana era, then they are

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174 U. P. Shah dated A. D. 155 and A. D. 157 according to Dhaky's calculation of the Kusana era.* Jambu-jyoti We have to remember that there are two types of inscriptions from Mathura. One type which refers to the year of Kaniska or Huviska. But those which do not refer to the Samvatsara (Era) of any king-must we regard them as dated in the Kusana era ? The analysis done above is an idle exercise to arrive at a solution of the problem of the era or eras used in the Jaina Inscriptions from Mathura. If identification of the acaryas named in these inscriptions and finding out of their age from the sthaviravalis could help us, it would be a great forward step. For the present we can say that Arya Mangu cannot be earlier than Arya Vajra. Vajra's date would be either between B. C. 57 and A. D. 57 (acc. to traditional date of Vira. nirvana) or B. C. 7 to A. D. 177 acc. of Jacobi's calculations29. Annotations: 1. This was a case of splitting the words, written in a line in inscriptions and manuscripts, in a correct way. The inscription referred to two (dve) images (pratimavo) installed in the devanirmita stupa. Similarly, in the Vasantagadh Jaina bronze inscription of Samvat 744 (A. D. 688), it is said that the silpin Sivanaga cast two images of the Jinas. The other (identical) image is not inscribed. 2. See my observation in Aspects of Jaina Art and Architecture, Eds. U. P. Shah and M. A. Dhaky, Ahmedabad 1975, p. xii. In the inscription, the name ingraved is actually 'Munisucrata', a scribal error for 'Munisuvrata". 3. However, cf. Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report, 1905-1906, p. 98, 166. 4. "Muni Vairadeva of Son Bhandar cave inscription, "JBRS., December 1953, pp.410. -412. 5. For more information about Vaira, see, M. J. Mehta, and K. R. Chandra, Prakrit Proper Names, vol.II., pp. 660-661, and the "Parisistaparva" of Hemacandra's Trisastisalakapurusacarita. According to the Vicarasreni of Merutungacarya (Ancalagacchiya: late 14th cent. A. D.) and the Duhsamakala-samanasarghatthava, of Dharmaghosa suri (c. 3rd quarter of the 13th cent. A. D.), the date of Arya Vajra is Now, of course, that date has to be reconsidered.-Editors

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Correlation of Jaina Inscriptions with Sthaviravalis 175 calculated as Virat 548-584, i.e., A. D., 21-57; vide Muni Nathmalji, "Jaina Darsana Manana aur Mimamsa, (Hindi), App.I.p.63. This of course would be the date of Arya Vajra as acarya or as head of the group of monks. Also cf. M. D. Desai, Jaina Sahitya no Samksipta Itihasa (Gujarati), Bombay 1933, pp. 31, 37, 124, 6. Also see, A. Ghosh (Ed.), Jaina Art and Architecture, vol. II. Delhi 1974, pp. 88-89, 118-119 and plates 51, 52. 7. Gupta, S. P., The Roots of Indian Art, Delhi 1980, p. 201, pe.99, b.c. 8. A. Ghosh (Ed.), JAA. Vol. I., pp. 119-120 and infra. 9. See the Brhat-Kalpa-Bhasya, pp. 917-921. Also cf. the Pattavali-samuccaya, Ed. Darsanavijaya, "Guruparvakrama" of Gunaratnasuri, p. 26, and Sri Tapagaccha Pattavali, pp. 47-48, and the Kalpa-sutra sthaviravali, p. 8. 10. Avasyaka-curni, pp.396-397. 11. Ibid., p. 404. 12. Avasyaka-tika, p. 390. 13. A. Ghosh, JAA. vol. I., p. 89, note 7. 14. Gupta, The Roots., pp. 199-200. 15. There are many more inscriptions in the cave, including one or two in Shell characters. To my knowledge, none of these other inscriptions so far have been published. 16. Gupta, pp. 201-202. S. K. Saraswati, in The Age of Imperial Unity, pp. 502 f. 17. The inscription is read as under by A. Ghosh : nirvANalAbhAya tapasviyogye zubhe guhe'rhnprtimaaprtisstthe| AcAryaratnaM munivaradevo vimuktaye'kArayat uuddhtejaaH|| The Normal prose order is : AcAryaratna UDhatejA munivaradevo nirvANalAbhAya vimuktaye(ca) tapasviyogye zubhe 'hatpratimApratiSThe guhe'kaaryt| The new suggested prose order is : AcAryaratna UDhatejA munivairadevo nirvANalAbhAya vimuktaye(ca) zubhe guhe'rhatpratimApratiSThe''kArayat / - The Roots of Indian Art, p. 202. Luders' List of Brahmi Inscriptions, no. 959; Cunnigham, Arch. Surv. Rep. Vol. I. p. 25; Bloch, A. S. 9.,A. R. for 1905-06, p. 98, note 1.

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176 U. P. Shah Jambu-jyoti 18. For some canonical references to Arya Vajra, see Prakrit Proper Names, Vol.II., pp. 660-661. 19. The Sthaviravali is given in sutra 6 of the critically edited Nandi-sutra, pp. 68, vss 23-24, Mahavira Jaina Vidyalaya, Bombay 1968, Edsn. Muni Punyavijaya, Pt. Malavaniya, and Pt. A. M. Bhojaka. 20. "Suvarnabhumi mem Kalakacarya" (Hindi) published in Sri Vijaya Vallabha-suri Smaraka Grantha, Bombay 1956. Also see, U. P. Shah, "Kalakacarya-A Revolutionary Jaina Monk," Bharati (Journal, B.H.U.) forthcoming issue as R.C. Majumdar Commemoration Volume; and "Jaina Anusrutis About Kalaka" Journal of Indian Museums, 1959. 21. K. D., Bajpai, "Three New Kushana Inscriptions from Mathura,"Jaina Antiquary, Vol.XVI. no.1. pp. 13-16. 22. M. A., Dhaky, "A Propos of the santinika Kula of Kautika Gana," Bharati, New Series no.2, (Varanasi) 984, pp. 149-151. 23. The other alternative is that the Vairisakha originated earlier than Arya Vajra. For Arya Vajra, see, Agamic Index of Prakrit Proper Names, Ed. Dalsukh Malvania, Ahmedabad 1972, part-II. pp. 660-661. 24. Incidentally, I would want to point out that 'hasti' seems to have been a suffix added to different personal/pontiffical names, e.g. Naga-hasti, Su-hasti, and others. Whether all monks with hasti ending names belong to one line or not is to be investigated. But the name Ghastuhasti as the teacher of Arya Manguhasti suggets that monks with hasti-ending names belong to the same line. Ghastuhasti is an old Prakrta form for Hastahasti and Ghastu may be a scribal error for Ghasta. Now, we have in the Paryusana-kalpa sthaviravali a few verses in the end after the prose Sthaviravali ending with Phalgumitra, the disciple of Arya Pusyamitra; also the disciple of Arya Ratha who was a disciple of Arya Vajrasena, in turn the disciple of Arya Vajra. Amongst these nine verses, we have two names: Sthavira Hasta as well as Sthavira Arya Hasti. But we do not know for certain that the monks mentioned in these nine verses are in order of teacher and the taught or are just names of some chiefs of the line of Phalgumitra. The verses are as under : vaMdAmi phaggamittaM ca goyamaMdhaNagiriMca vAsidai / kocchaM sivabhUiM piya, kosiya dojjaMtakaNhe ya / / 1 / / taM vaMdiUNa sirasA, cittaM vadAmi kAssavaM gottaM / nakkhaM kAsavagottaM, rakkhaM piya kAsavaM vaMde // 2 //

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Correlation of Jaina Inscriptions with Sthaviravalis 177 vaMdAmi ajjanAgaM ca goyamaM ca jehilaM ca vaasittuN| viNhuM mADharagottaM, kAlagamavi goyamaM vaMde // 3 // goyamagottakumAraM, sappalayaM taha ya bhaddayaM vNde| theraM ca ajjavaI, goyamagattaM nmsaami||4|| taM vaMdiUNa sirasA thiracittacarittanANasaMpanna / theraM ca saMghavAliya kAsavagottaM paNivayAmi / / 5 / / vaMdAmi ajjahatthi ca kAsavaM vaMtisAgaraM dhIraM / gilANa paDhamamAse, kAlagayaM ceva suddhassa // 6 // vaMdAmi ajjadhammaM ca savvayaM sIlaladdhisaMpanna / jassa nikkhamaNe devo chattaM varamuttamaM vahai // 7 // hatthaM kAsavagottaM dhammaM sivasAhagaM paDivayAmi / sIhaM kAsavagottaM dhamma piya kAsavaM vaMde / / 8 / / suttattha rayaNabharie, khamadamabhaddavagaNehiM sNpnne| devaDDikhamAsamaNe kAsavagotte paNivayAmi // 9 // * It is of course obvious that these gathas are added sometime after the second Valabhi council that met under the leadership of Devarddhi gani ksamasramana, Possibly, the gathas refer in brief to the lineage to which belonged Devarddhi gani ksamasramana. 25. ahavAdavvAyario tiviho-egabhaviobaddhAuo abhimuhaNAmagotto, xxNibaddhAuo ujeNa AuyaM baddhaM, abhimuhaNAmagotto jeNa padesA ucchUDhA, ahayA mUlaguNaNivvattitto uttaraguNanivvattio ya, sarIraM mUlaguNo, cittakammAdi uttaraguNo, ahavA jANao bhavio vatiritto, maMgavAyagANaM samuhavAyagANaM nAgahatthivAyagANaM jathAsaMkhaM Adeso---- AvCu.I.p. 585. 26. The Nandisutra edited by Muni Punyavijaya reads Ajjanandila and not Ajja Nandila in the Nandi sthaviravali. The correct name probably was Arya Anandila, since the editors of the critical edition by Muni Punyavijaya, Dalshukh Malvania, and Amritlala Bhojak, give only one v.1., 3touttifest and do not read Ajja Nandila from any ms. referred to by them. One does not know when the name Arya Nandila came in currency. (could the Arya Nandi of the Dhavala-tika be Arya Nandila or Arya Anandita? -Editors) 27. See Hiralal Jain, the Satkhandagama Vol. I, "Intro.," pp. 49-50, the Dhavala, a01440; theJayadhavala, a01239; theDhavala, a0 1429, 1458; theJayadhavala, a0 973. Also Hindi "Intro.," to Satkhandagama, Vol.II.p. 36. * We think that this hagiological list follows the sequential order. -Editors.

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178 U. P. Shah Virasenasvami, in his margalacarana to the Jayadhavala tika, writes: jehi kasAya- pAhuDamaNeyaNayamujjalaM anaMtatthaM / gAhAhiM vivariyaM taM guNaharabhaDArayaM vaMde // 6 // guNaharavayaNa viNiggaya gAhANatthovahArio savvo / jeNajjamaMkhuNA sosaNAgahatthI varaMdeU // 7 // jo ajjamaMgusIso aMtevAsI viNAgahatthissa so vittisuttakattA jar3avasaho me varaM deU // 8 // - kasAyaprAhuDa, bhA0 1, p. 4 Jambu-jyoti Gunadhara composed the Kasayaprabhrta in gathas. Arya Mankhu fully grasped the meaning of the gatha's uttered by Gunadhara. Yativrsabha was the author of the Vrttisutra (curnisutra). Yativrsabha, according to Virasena, was the disciple of Arya Mangu and also disciple (antevasi) of Nagahasti. 28. See an. 26 where Av. Cur. p. 585 refers to Arya Mangu, Arya Samudra, and Arya Nagahasti as Vacaka. It is, then, certain that Arya Mangu of the Svetambara texts is identical wish Arya Manksu of the Dhavala and the Jayadhavala, etc. 29. According to the avacuri on duHSamAkAla zrI zramaNasaMghastotra of dharmaghoSa, vajrasvAmI was dcarya (head) for 36 years including wh. 584 years A. M. elapsed so bajra 548 to 584 A. M. 21 to 57 A. D. or 71 to 127 A. D. (Jacobi). OOO =

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Notes on Some Words in Oherlies 'Avasyaka-Studien Glassar' angutthi - The derivation from sk. a-v gunth- involves phonological difficulties. Des'. 1-6 and Sam Kaha 284.2 have this form, considering the variants and the Pali form one suspects scribal corruption; Ogumtthi- only may be genuine. ala H. C. Bhayani alo dinno 'accused falsely' ('Kathakosaprakarana', p. 31, 1.-4.) Mod. Guj. al 'false charge'. al devu 'to accuse falsely'. uvvar 'to be saved, to remain'. The vowel which is left behind after the loss of intervocalic non-aspirate stops is called udvrtta svaraudvrtta saved in the Prabandhakosa, p. 50, 1. 26. H. ubarna, Guj. ugarvu. = Usemtiya - Usemtiyaim is equated with paribhuyaim 'insulted, disdained'. This meaning seems to have been originally a secondary meaning. DN. 8. 29 has recorded simdha in the sense of nasika-nada 'whistling through nose, snorting !' I have shown that the variant reading Simta should have been preferred instead of Simdha in view of the forms we find in several NIA languages. DK. also has recorded simti which is interpreted 'sound of sneezing' from the Avasyaka-curni.* Studies in Desya Prakrit, p. 98. Cf. siti (Guj.) meaning whistle. -Editors

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180 H. C. Bhayani Accordingly, usemitia- primarily must have meant 'loud snorting made as a gesture of disdain, insult or disapproval', u- deriving from sk. ud -. Kattaliya - Guj. katli (written katali) - a piece, consisting of the portion between the two joints in the stalk of sugar-cane, juvar, bajra etc. khada-pulaya- Guj. khad no pulo - 'a bundle of grass'. (C DIAL 3769; 8349) Jambu-jyoti Gaccha : Original meaning 'a tree'. Like a tree and its branches (sakha), the Jaina gacchas have their sakhas (C DIAL. 3949) *gaksa. gaddi: Sk. gantri is a sanskritization like vapta for bappa. galanaga Guj. galnu (written galanu) 'cloth filter to filter water, strainer'. Guj. galvu (written galavu) 'to filter'. (C DIAL. 4143; 4074) jhada: Previously Pk. jhada 'bush, thicket' has been connected with some Munda words. (Turner, 5362). It is more probably of Indo-Aryan origin. From Sk. jata - 'root' (C DIAL - 5086), we can have a derivative jata - 'a mass of twisted roots', which changed to Pk. jhada (for the change word-initial Sk. j-> jh- is common in several NIA languages.) - thiggaliya - Guj. thig-du 'a patch especially put on cloth to mend rent.' (C DIAL - 6096) dullalia: In GK 892 and duvviaddha in GK 56, both rather mean 'highly fond of, 'addict of, addicted to'. In that changed meaning, both words commonly occur in Prakrit literature. dhikka: Guj. dhiko; dhiko 'hard blow with the fist' - (with initial retroflex, not dental.) dhijjaiya Besides the literal sense, the artificial etymological connection with Sk. dvijatika- is also implied. phetta: 'Stroke'. We previously have noted its occurrence from Agastyasimha's curni on the Dasakaliya-sutta (Ed. Muni Punyavijaya, Prakrit Text Society Series, no. 17) in the following passage (p. 105, 1. 28); elao simgena phettae va ahanejja 'or a ram may strike with his horns or deal

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Notes on Some Words in Oherlies Avasyaka-Studies Glossary 181 a head-stroke'. Compare Guj.; phet (t.) phet marvi 'to slap. 'a slap (on the face or back)'; with marva 'to strike'. (See the Anusandhan, 1, p. 13). billagira - 'bilva-juice'. Des'. 6.148 - giri = bijakosa - 'seed-vessel Nis'. Cu. 2, p. 185 gira=bijakosa, (Desikosa). Svayambhu's Paumacariu, Vol. II, Word-Index giromaya Old gloss : on it ajayodasya madhyabIjam. Possibly giri+oma (=sk. 3794) 'tiny' Guj. gar 'pulp of a fruit'. In his translation of Hemacandra's Desinamamala (1974), B. Doshi has equated Desya giri with Guj.gar. So Billa-gira = 'pulp of the bilva fruit'. Vajjha : From Sk. vadhya - 'killing' (PSM., C DIAL 11255) The meaning of govajjha - 'killing of a cow' in its later history has changed somewhat. Guj. gojhari ('guilty of murder or killing; a place (e.g. a well, river, house, etc.) associated with incidents of murder or suicide and hence inauspicious'.) < Pk. *gojjarayam gojjharayam, SK.* govadhyakarakam. The meaning of govadha - / gohatya - 'killing of cow', considered a great sin, came to be generalized at a later stage. Compare the semantic change in goyuga - 'a pair of animals', gomaya - 'dung'. With gavajjha compare tha-vajjasha in the Kathakosaprakarana, p. 32. 1.1. (C DIAL 11255). Vaulia : Vaulia-parisasana - (GK 628). Com. vaulia-sabdah svalpa-khatikayam desi; svalpa-garta-; vaulia is not attested elsewhere. It seems to be a corrupt reading. The actual word must have been vahalia. DN. 7. 39 records vahali in the sense of laghu-jalapravaha- 'a small stream.' vahaliya occurs thrice in the Vajjalagga (105, 259, 261) in the sense of ksudra-nadi. Old Guj. vahala, Mod. Guj. vahelo, Marathi vahali all mean 'a streamlet.' It is easily explained as a derivative from vaha 'stream' with the diminutive suffix -la-(fem. -liya-). (CDIAL 11607) (The other term allied/cognate in meaning, namely vokalo needs separate investigation. - Editors.) Saudi : Saudi means 'the covering sheet, blanket etc. spread over the body from head to foot and pressed under the sides, in the state of lying down.' It has come down to Modern Gujarati as 'sod'. The phrase sod tanine suvt means 'to lie down in the above manner'; sod-ma levu 'to take somebody (e.g. a baby) under such a cover (close to one's chest or body). During winter there is the practice of first spreading the covering sheet full

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182 H. C. Bhayani Jambu-jyoti length over the bed-sheet and then getting under the former. In the account of Cellana (No. 12, p. 364), while sleeping, her arm was unconsciously so stretched that it came out of the head to foot covering blanket ('saudi'). Feeling numbness she pulled it inside but felt shivering all over her body. suraha : -bha- is found (mostly) as a suffix in several animal names in Sanskrit : ibha, kacchabha, karabha-, kalabha-, gardabha-, tittibha-, dundubha, rasabha-, vrsabha-, sarabha-, salabha-, sairibha-. Correspondingly Pk. forms have ha- karaha-, kalaha-, gaddaha-; dunduha-, rasaka, risaha-, saraha-, salaha-, seriha-. On this analogy sunaha- for sunaa-. It is unnecessary to assume a hypothetical sunakha-. (As against CDIAL 12528.) Reference Works : Anusandhan, A Periodical, Ahmedabad. Avasyaka-studien : Glossar ansgewahlter Worter, Thomas Oberlies, stuttgart 1993. Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages, R. L. Turner, London (CDIAL) 1965. Daskaliya-sutta with Agastyasimha's Curni, Ed. Punyavijaya Muni. Desinamamala of Hemacandra, R. Pischel and Ramanujaswami. (DN.), 1965. Desi sabdakosa, Ed. Muni Dalaharaja, Ladnu 1988. Gahakosa of Satavahana-Hala (=Saptasatakam des Hala) (GR.) Ed. A. Weber, 1966 (DS.) Kathakosaprakarana of Jinesvarasuri, Ed. Jina-Vijaya Muni, Bombay 1949. Paiasaddamahannavo, H. Sheth, Paumacariu of Svayambhu Ed. H. C. Bhayani, Vol. II, Bombay 1953. Studies in Desya Prakrit. H. C. Bhayani, Ahmedabad 1988. Vajjalagga Ed. M. V. Patwardhan, Ahmedabad 1969. Prabandhakosa of Rajasekhara, Ed. Jinavijaya Muni, Bombay 1935. 000

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Who is The Author of the Pancasutra : Cirantanacarya or Yakinisunu Haribhadra ? Acarya Vijayasilacandra suri The Pancasutra is a concise treatise enjoying considerable respect among the Svetambara Jaina munis for several centuries past. It contains an essential spiritual experience and systematic presentation of the matter meant for the sublimation of soul and purification of mind. It is charmingly composed in succinct, elegant, and meaningful sutras in Prakrit. Despite its small size, it enjoys popularity to an appreciable degree. Acarya Haribhadra suri has also written a terse, well-composed, and facile commentary on this small work, of which several editions have appeared in print. Its critical edition, however, has been only recently published by the B. L. Institute of Indology, Delhi, competently edited by Muniraja Jambuvijaya'. Up to this date, no reference as to its author has been encountered in existing sources. In point of fact, no one has tried to investigate it. On the contrary, all so far have accepted the authenticity of the traditionally floating information that some Cirantanacarya has composed this work. The trem 'Cirantanacarya' has two plausible explanations : First, cirantana means ancient (and hence the work by some ancient acarya) : Second, it may mean the appellation proper of the acarya who composed it. Out of these two views, the former view has been universally accepted. Indeed, few critical discussions about the authorship of this treatise have been done; yet all contemporary writers on it concluded : The author of this work is unknown. Let us first notice these opinions.

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184 Acarya Vijayasilacandrasuri Jambu-jyoti 1. In his introduction to the Pancasutra, V. M. Shah offers two views : (1) It is composed accordingly by FERIER meaning ancient preceptors or preceptor having the name FORTH. The first meaning is more likely. It is difficult to assign individual authorship to works like this. (2) The term fee : is unhelpful in deciding the authorship. The plural form can be used out of respect (manarthe bahuvacanam) for the author. At the same time, it is very likely that ancient authors might have composed the sutras and Haribhadra suri might have put them together 2. Writes K. V. Abhyankar : "The Pancasutra which is a small elegant treatise written by some old writer whose name has still remained unknown." 3. A. N. Upadhye categorically records : "It is not possible to talk of [an] individual authorship with regard to works like [the] Pancasutra. The basic contents of this book are as old as Jainism. They are a literary heirloom preserved in the memory of Jain monks." 4. And the considered opinion of V. M. Kulkarni is : " 'The language of the post-canonical Jaina works is partly Prakritthe so-called Jaina Maharastri--and partly Sanskrit.' (M. Winternitz). The language of the known Prakrit works of Haribhadra is Jaina Maharastri whereas the present work is written in Ardhamagadhi prose; and this prose shares quite a few peculiarities of the diction and style of the canonical works. This fact suggests that Acarya Haribhadra was possibly not its author. It is not unlikely that the author of [the] Pancasutra regarded the contents of the text as the property of the entire Jain Samgha and preferred to remain anonymous. It is also suggestive of its early date of composition. How early it is difficult to say. Since Haribhadra does not know who its author was we may not be far wrong in saying that it was composed about a century or so before Acarya Haribhadra flourished." The gist of the aforementioned four opinions is this : these unanimously proclaim that Acarya Haribhadra suri is not the author of the Pancasutra. Besides this, Muniraja Jambuvijaya, the editor of the dependable critical edition of the Pancasutra, is inclined to opine that Acarya Haribhadra suri

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Who is The Author of the.... probably may be the author of the Paficasutra. Inspite of this sensing, in the absence of definite evidence, Munivara Jambuvijaya did not commit to any positive statement but conceded to the tradition, and prefixed the title of the work with the phrase cirantanAcAryaviracitam . 185 It should, however, be clear that, as against this established tradition and the opinions of the aforenoted scholars, the author of the Pancasutra is definitely Haribhadra suri himself, indeed to the total exclusion of any other more ancient author. To corroborate my statement, I shall produce evidence searched out by critically examining some internal and external aspects of the text of the Pancasutra. 1. There are three significant sentences at the end of the commentary of the Panicasutra: pravrajyAphalasUtraM samAptam / evaM paJcamasUtravyAkhyA samAptA // samAptaM paJcasUtrakaM vyAkhyAnato'pi // Among these, the third sentence deserves special consideration. It comes from the pen of the commentator and therefore implicitly written to mean samAptaM paJcasUtrakaM vyAkhyAnata: ' Had the commentator and the author of the Pancasutra been different, the phrase in question, ought to have been in the form samAptA paJcasUtrakavRttiH', while here it is samAptaM paJcasUtrakaM vyAkhyAnato'pi and the last word of the phrase, f, holds a suggestive significace. The term 3+fq implies that the Pancasutra has been completed in the sense of "together with the commentary." If 3ft is deleted from this sentence, it would mean. that the Pancasutra is completed 'in the form of commentary.' The addition of only one word 'af' changed the entire contextual meaning. This would then suggest that, had the commentator and the author of the Sutra been different individuals, such a phrasing would never have been possible. Now, who the commentator was, is of course quite certain. And, therefore, in light of the aforenoted phrasing, if we regard him as the author also of the Sutra, it would be thoroughly compatible. Predictably, some scholar may say: 'At the end of the original text, the author of the text has employed the sentence 'a' to indicate the completion of the original text. In the same way, in the continuation of that sentence, the commentator has employed this sentence to indicate the completion of the commentary and, therefore, it is not proper to connect the latter with the original text and hence to its unknown author.' By way of response to this objection, it may be said: If the argument referred to in

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186 Acarya Vijayasilacandrasuri Jambu-jyoti the preceding paragraph may be valid, the commentator would have put either 'samAptaM paJcasUtrakaM vyAkhyAnataH' or the sentence "samAptA paJcasUtrakavRtti. And this could then be regarded as a proper ending. Moreover, after this, there is a positively independent sentence Trachelcht HATHTO, which has been written by the commentator. As a result of this phrase, the whole contextual reference of the sentence samApta paJcasUtrakaM vyAkhyAnato'pi, is altogether changed and this sentence written by the commentator himself, clearly establishes the oneness of the commentator and the author of the original text. Nevertheless, with reference to the points to be later discussed, if we critically consider this matter, the doubt, it any still remains, will be cleared. Second, had the original author employed the phrase 4481 , it would imply the completion of the 19th and not the 1950; but the commentator writes HR SEC11. Elsewhere also in the commentary, the commentator recognises this composition definitely as T E1012. Is it possible for a master commentator like Haribhadra suri to take liberty of this kind with the phrase employed by the original author at the end of the original text.? And, can such a liberty be deemed proper or in the fitness of things ? On the contrary, an ancient commentator like Haribhadra suri would proceed in his commentary remaining thoroughly faithful to each and every word of the original author and on this very account an inference can be advanced that, had the commentator been the original author of the text, he would make any desired addition in the matter of the original text. From this standpoint, if he himself had coined the title for the original text, then alone in the commentary and at the end of the commentary) he would employ the appellative term paJcasUtrakaM. 2. After the sentence SEC Heinatsfy, the commentator had also put some devotional sentences : "77: gacar Part 1 of 4* namaH / sarvavandanArhAn vande / sarvopakAriNAmicchAmo vaiyAvRtyam / sArvAnubhAvAdaucityena me dharme pravRttirbhavatu / Hot Arall: ufan: hoy, u Heal: fer-: H, Hot Heal: HfCH: AI 1113 It has been an established tradition of the commentators that their dutiful work is to provide word by word elucidation of the matter discussed by either the original author or the ER. When their work is finished, the commentators end the text after writing either a verse or verses or some prose lines indicating the completion of the treatise. But, thereafter, the commentators never made any addition of their own to the commentary.

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Who is The Author of the.... 187 Even Acarya Haribhadra suri has not taken such a liberty in the commentaries on his own works, the Yogadrstisamuccaya and the Pancavastuka or for that matter in the commentary of the text the Sodasaprakarana. Other great commentators also have not taken such a liberty. From this we may get an idea of the established convention as indicated above. Quite contrary to this established tradition, after the completion of the commentary of the Pancasutra, Haribhadracarya has put nearly six sentences : Granted that they are in Sanskrit, but they have been inserted in such a way that they can be ranked with the originalsutras. If these sentences are compared with the sentences 741 FH H ul4 etc. in the final 15th prose section of the first free of the Pancasutra barring the difference of language-the Sutra text being in Prakrit, the commentary in Sanskrit - there is no difference at all in the style and presentation of the two. Further, with reference to this, the sentences, sarvanamaskArArhebhyo nama:15 and sarve sattvAH sukhinaH 16 [repeated three times incorporated in the prose section of the commentary, positively appear to be the respective reflections of the sentences 741 H (here, had it been 7415#4, it would appear more consistent and more pleasing) namokkArArihANaM17, and suhiNo bhavaMtu jIvA18 found in the prose section of the original text. The aforementioned situation clearly, indeed positively, leads us to believe, indeed on firm grounds, that Haribhadra suri is also the author of the Sutra text and for that very reason, during the process of repeatedly experiencing the devotionally emotionalised moments, he might have incorporated this small prose section in the commentary. It does not sound superfluous when he says that. He would not have taken such a liberty had he been just the commentator and not the author of the original text. 3. The great epistemologist Yasovijaya Gani of the 17th century, on whom was bestowed upon the title wa TT, at the time of referring to the Pancasutra in the 1971, includes the following phrases : pApapratighAtaguNabIjAdhAnasUtre haribhadrasUribhirapyetadbhava-sambandhi bhavAntarasambandhi vA pApaM yattatpadAbhyAM parAmRzya mithyAduSkRtaprAyazcittena vizodhanIyamityuktam / tathA hi "saraNamuvagao a eesiM......ittha forgifuges 3"1119

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188 Acarya Vijayasilacandrasuri Jambu-jyoti Having considered the sins committed either in this birth or in the past existences, by the term , Haribhadra suri also has stated to undergo the expiatory purification in the form of 172166on. After having stated this, he has inserted a prose section of the first sutra of the Pancasutra and thereafter Upadhyaya Yasovijaya has offered its explanation in his own style. In the aforementioned Sanskrit sentences, Yasovijaya clearly has stated 44faeigu HTET TEE SER44ffput, but not frecuentaqat or E l. This is a noteworthy point. This indicates that Yasovijaya may have possessed some credible tradition wherefrom a clear conviction of attributing the authorship of the Pancasutra with assuredness to Haribhadra suri could be had. Otherwise, without the tradition before him, he could not have believed it nor would he have employed such a definitive sentence With reference to such minor matters, we may take a single example of his rational vigilance. The i Sytch is also a product of Haribhadra suri, and Yasovijaya wrote a commentary upon that work as well. Therein, in the last UTSYC, there are 17 verses instead of 16. In the 17th verse, there is a clear indication of the author's name as aan FI EH14320. From this statement we can naturally conclude that only Haribhadra suri is the author of that verse and, by extension, of the ut syichych UT. But, in the mind of Yasovijaya, there might have arisen another optional thought about this 17th verse, on account of which, at the end of the commentary on that verse, he has inserted a sentence as 'Fresneler 21. From only this much context, it can be understood that it was not possible for him to put the sentence 414.......... SERWSuffers according to blind following. He had a firm conviction that the author of the Pancasutra is Haribhadra suri and for that reason he has employed such a phrase. From this testimony, too, it can be deduced that Haribhadra suri is the author of the Pancasutra. 4. Farla, ustech, 3780, 591204, fafgeht, 1910--such titles available in the domain of Jaina literature are thanks to the special predilection of naming the works; it is, moreover, characteristic of Haribhadra suri alone. Any other author might have entitled the work as paJcasUtra or paJcasUtrI. The name paJcasUtraka may flash in the understanding of only Haribhadra suri. While offering guidance regarding the etymological interpretation of the term FC, Muniraja Jambuvijaya has observed as under : "The title of the work written by Acarya Haribhadra suri is 499

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Who is The Author of the.... 189 in the practical convention, still he has given o ch as a title for it and he has shown its etymological interpretation in the same, refer to page No. 80, foot note No. 5 in this very work. The etymological interpretation and the meaning of the term " Ech should be understood in the same way."22 This perceptive observation lends a positive encouragement to my above arrived deduction that such topical appellations characteristically were designed by Haribhadracarya. 5. The more important on the score of procedure will be to scrutinize the significant words, phrases, clauses, and sentences available in other works composed by Haribhadra suri and those paralleled in the Pancasutra. Let us institute a comparison of some of the portions of the SE with those of other works such as the viMzatirvizikA, the dharmabindu, the yogadRSTisamuccaya, and the SoDazaka, all by Haribhadra suri. [1] In the fourth satra of the paJcasUtraka, there appears a phrase vyAdhitasukriyAjJAta, it is as follows : 'vAhiyasukiriyAnAeNaM, se jahA kei mahAvAhigahie, aNubhUyatavveyaNe viNNAyA sarUveNa, niviNNe tattao, suvejjavayaNeNa sammaM tamavagacchiya jahAvihANao pavanne sukiriyaM, niruddhajahicchAcAre, tucchapatthabhoI muccamANe vAhiNA niyattamANaveyaNe samuvalabbhAroggaM pavaDDamANatabbhAve, tallAbhanivvuIe tappaDibaMdhAo sirAkhArAijoge vi vAhisamAroggaviNNANeNa iTThanipphattIo aNAkulabhAvayAe kiriovaogeNa, apIDie, avvahie, suhalessAe vaDDai, vejjaM ca bahu mannai'23 etc. This very aftrafohl3117 is to be met with in the verses of the 12th fafgroht of the fagfafafgroht, in a slightly different phraseology and context : 'no Aurassa rogo nAsai taha osahasuIo // 12 // na ya vivarIeNeso kiriyAjogeNa avi ya vddddei| iya pariNAmAo khalu savvaM khu jahuttamAyarai // 13 // thevo'vitthamajogo niyameNa vivAgadAruNo hoi| pAgakiriyAgao jaha, nAyamiNaM suppasiddhaM tu // 14 // jaha Aurassa rogakkhayatthiNo dukkarA vi suhheu| ittha cigicchAkiriyA taha ceva jaissa sikkhatti // 15 // 24 And this very fact is more clearly discernible in the 16th verse of the 12th SoDazaka:

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190 Acarya Vijayasilacandrasuri 'vyAdhyabhibhUto yadvannirviNNastena tatkriyAM yatnAt / samyakkaroti tadvad dIkSita iha sAdhusacceSTAm ||' 25 [2] In the fourth sutra of the Pancasutra, a group of sentences occurs as undernoted: 'se samaleTTukaMcaNe samasattumitte niyattaggahadukkhe, pasamasuhasamee sammaM sikkhamAiyai, gurukulavAsI, gurupaDibaddhe, viNIe, bhUyatthadarisI, na io hiyataraM ti mannai, sussUsAiguNajutte tattAbhinivesA vihipare paramamaMto tti ahijjai suttaM // 26 The verses of the 12th viMzikA, partly bearing verbal similarity and reverberating the significance of those sentences are as follows: 'ittha vi hoigasuhaM tatto evopasamasuhaM // 4 // sikkhAdugaMmi pII jaha jAyai haMdi samaNasIhassa / taha cakkavaTTiNo vi hu niyameNa na jAu niyakicce // 5 // russ vihiNA suttaM bhAveNa paramamaMtarUva tti // 27 Jambu-jyoti [3] In the fourth sutra of the Pancasutraka, there are sentences 'Ayao gurubahumANo avaMjhakAraNatteNa / ao paramagurusaMjogo / tao siddhI asaMsayaM / ' 28 Now, the following verse of the second bears complete similarity with the above sentences: guru pAratantryameva ca tad bahumAnAt sadAzayAnugatam / paramaguruprApteriha bIjaM tasmAcca mokSa iti ||10|| 29 The significant point here is that the phrase appearing in the text of the Pancasutra has been explained as mokSaM pratyapratibaddhasAmarthyahetutvena in its commentary and the phrase sadAzayAnugataM appearing in the verse of SoDazaka has been also explained as sadAzaya: saMsArakSayaheturgururayaM mametyevaMbhUtaH kuzalapariNAmastenAnugataM gurupAratantryaM 31 by its commentators. On this account, not only the verbal agreement but also the similarity of the reading of these two separate treatises becomes evident. [4] 'nidaMsaNamettaM tu navaraM savvasattukkhae savvavAhivigame savvatthasaMjogeNaM savvicchAsaMpattIe jArimeyaM etto'taguNaM khu taM bhAvasattukkhayAdito / rAgAdayo bhAvasattU, kammodayA vAhiNo, paramaladdhIo u atthA, aNicchecchA icchaa| evaM suhumameyaM, na tattao iyareNa gammai, jaisuhamivAjaiNA, AruggasuhaM va rogiNa tti vibhAsA || 32 ( In the fifth sutra of the Pancasutra) jaM savvasattu taha savvavAhi savvattha savvamicchANaM / khaya-vig2ama-joga- pattIhiM hoi tatto aNaMtamiNaM ||3|| rAgAIyA sattU kammudayA vAhiNo ihaM neyA / laddhIo paramatthA icchA'Nicchecchamo ya tahA ||4||

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Who is The Author of the.... aNuhavasiddhaM evaM nAruggasuhaM va rogiNo navaraM / gammai iyareNa tahA sammamiNaM citiyavvaM tu ||5|| 33 (20th viMzikA) How striking is the correspondence between the two aforementioned references, the first lying in the fifth sutra of the Pancasutra and the second in the verses of the 20th siddhasukhaviMzikA. for [5] In the same way, the sentence of the fifth sutra anaMtA 34 can be compared with the sentence jattha ya ego siddho tattha anaMtA 35 of the verse 18th of the 20th fafi. 191 [6] Also, there is a sentence in the fifth sutra of the Pancasutra as 36. This is powerful and regulatively assuming the form of an argument, and as it can be easily compatible in different references, it can be employed there. And, for this very reason, in the 19th verse the of 20th faf, Haribhadra suri has employed this very argumentative sentence as below :- emeva bhavo iharA Na jAu sattA tayaMtaramuvei | 37 Here, the reading, which has been traditionally accepted everywhere and which has been incorporated by Abhyankar in the fafafafant edited by him, is as below :- emeva lavo iharA Na jAu sannA tayaMtaramuvei | 38 This reading appears to be faulty after considering the method of the employment of the sentence 'na sattA sadaMtaramuveI in the Pancasutra. sattA might have been transformed into sannA through the mistake of the scribe or it is possible that it might have been incorrectly read and the reading also positively appears in some manuscripts. Therefore, the very sentence appears appropriate and consistent in meaning and from all these considerations, it per se becomes an established truth, indeed beyond any doubt, that the author of the faint and the ch is one and the same person. [7] The discussion, which is carried on in the following sentences of the fifth sutra of Pancasutra - Na didikkhA akaraNassa / Na yAdiTThammi esA / Na sahajAe NivittI / Na nivittIe AyaTThANaM / Na yaNNahA tassesA / Na bhavvattatullA NAeNaM / Na kevalajIvarUvameyaM / '39 etc. is the same in a slightly differing manner in the following verses of the second viMzikA, namely lokA'nAditvavizikA. 'jaha bhavvattamakayagaM na ya niccaM eva kiM na baMdho'vi ? | kiriyAphalajogo jaM eso tA na khalu evaM ti ||14||

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192 Acarya Vijayasilacandrasuri Jambu-jyoti bhavvattaM puNamakayagamaNiccamo ceva thshaavaao| jaha kayago'vi hu mukkho nicco'vi ya bhAvavaicittaM // 15 / / evaM ceva ya'dikkhA (didikkhA) bhavabIjaM vAsaNA avijjA ya / sahajamalasaddavaccaM vannijjai mukkhavAIhiM / / 16 // '40 [8] In the same way, we find the very rational annotation of the sentences-aNAijIve aNAdijIvassa bhave, aNAdikammasaMjogaNivvattie+1 in the first sutra and aNAimaM baMdho pavAheNaM42 in the fifth sutra, in nearly initial 12 verses43 of the second vizikA. [9] A free translation of the sentence suddhadhammasaMpattI pAvakammavigamAo, pAvakammavigamo tahAbhavvattAdibhAvAo44 of the firstsutra isclearly noticeable in the first verse : 'nicchayao puNa eso jAyai niyameNa prmpriytttte| tahabhavvattamalakkhayabhAvA accaMtasuddhatti // 1 // 45 of the fourth fafgrch and the first half of the eighth verse, 'gefa sahajamalabhAvavigamao suddhadhammasaMpattI'46 of the selfsame viMzikA. [10] The sentences in the third sutra are as under : 'tao aNuNNAe paDivajjejja dhammaM / aNNahA aNuvahe cevovahAjutte siyA / dhammArAhaNaM khu hiyaM savvasattANaM / tahA taheyaM saMpADejjA / savvahA apaDivajjamANe caejja te aTThANagilANosahatthacAganAeNaM / '47 Some aphorisms of Haribhadra suri's enfans may now be compared with those noted above. These are :- tathA-gurujanAdyanujJeti / / 23 / tathA tathopadhAyoga iti // 24 // duHsvapnAdi kathanamiti // 25 // tathA viparyayaliGgaseveti // 26 // daivajJaistathA tathA nivedanamiti // 27 // na dharme mAyeti // 28 // ubhayahitametaditi // 29 // yathAzakti sauvihityApAdanamiti // 30 // glAnauSadhAdijJAtAta tyAga iti // 31 // 48 The beauty of the situation here is that the translation of certain aphorisms bearing numbers 23, 24, 31 from among the aforementioned is directly met with in the afore-recorded original textual matter, while the sense of the remaining aphorisms is found in the commentary of the Pancasutra49. This fact strongly corroborates the circumstance that Haribhadra suri positively is the author of the Pancasutra as well as its commentary. [11] The context of the two sentences 'Na didikkhA akaraNassa' and 'Na sahajAe forfat50' incorporated in the fifth sutra exactly corresponds with the two following verses of yogadRSTisamuccaya :

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Who is The Author of the.... 193 'didRkSAdyAtmabhUtaM ta-nmukhyamasyA nivrtte| pradhAnAdinaterhetu-stadabhAvAnna tannatiH // 200 / / anyathA syAdiyaM nitya-meSA ca bhava ucyate / evaM ca bhavanityatve kathaM muktasya sambhavaH // 201 / / '51 [12] I guess that the term FGEHT in the Jaina literature is for the first time noticeable in the works of Haribhadra suri. Out of his works : (i) The term FGEST is employed in the above-recorded verse, bearing the number 200 of the TTEC tau. (ii) The employment of the term fe has been attributed to ancient writers [Patanjali and so forth according to the commentary] by incorporating the clause 'FeHiftepuifayda ffad 29' in the verse bearing the number 489 of the trang 152 (iii) The term FEST is again encountered in the phrase 'ta ta feferal in the 16th verse of the 2nd faft, of the fagfafafgroht. The traditionally famous reading 'Taa asfal, which has been accepted by Abhyankar is incorrect and inconsistent. Here, if we accept the reading factal, then alone it sounds appropriate in case of all other situations53. (iv) The term fEAT is employed in the eighth verse of the 15th 1621. of the olsyrchycut, which is as follows:'714AGI TERGEETIHA I ricom: 154' Here the term FGEH does not offer the meaning, which has been attributed to it in other treatises. Here this term is used in the sense of 371104 consistently with its etymological interpretation gel10591 FGES. Here we can clearly see how intelligently and consistently a Jainacarya employs the term FEHT, which bears a technical meaning according to the Sankhya school of philosophy. Yet, the application the term, even when the context is changed, does not seem improper. It is possible that Haribhadra suri might have employed this term in his other works also. Now, we have to see whether he has employed the term didRkSA in the sentence 'Na didikkhA akaraNassa'55 of the Pancasutra in the same sense in which he has used this term in the aforementioned three works barring the STCH. [13] The term 94474E756 is employed in the fourth sutra of the Pancasutra. This appears to be a favourite term of Haribhadra suri, because it appears

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Acarya Vijayasilacandrasuri also in the fagfafafa [8/3], though in a different contextual sense. There it bears the meaning "Adoration conferring all-sided auspiciousness (sarvamaMgalakAriNI pUjA). In the tenth verse of the ninth SoDazaka this adoration has been styled fat, but the commentator Yasovijaya has suggested that worship to have been published by samaMtabhaddA 8. 194 [14] Lastly, let us glance at the sentences in the ending portion of the Pancasutra. It has been written in the last aphorism that f liMgavivajjayAo tappariNNA / tayaNuggahaTTAe AmakuMbhodaganAsanAeNaM esA karuNatti vuccai 59 et cetera. The sense which is embodied in the above aphorism, appears exactly in the same significance in the concluding portion of the yogadRSTisamuccaya : 'haribhadra idaM prAha naitebhyo deya AdarAt // 226 // avajJeha kRtA'lpA'pi yadanarthAya jAyate / atastatparihArArthaM na punarbhAvadoSataH // 227 // 60 Jambu-jyoti The contents given in these works, if passed to unworthy persons, the persons will become victims in any sort of calamity; therefore, it is a favour to them in not giving them the contents. Such a compassionate attitude, even in different words, can be impartially seen here. All afore-recorded references unambiguously show that, it is very positively Haribhadra suri and none else who emerges as the author of the original text of the Pancasutra. Had it not been so, the content-references of the Pancasutra cannot bear similarity with the several corresponding references from the many works-Prakrit as well as Sanskrit-of that Acarya to such an extent. Despite this clear internal evidence, if the view of attributing the authorship of the Pancasutra to an unknown ancient (f) acarya or the one by name 'Cirantana' who might have flourished prior to Haribhadra suri be maintained, we will be forced to accept that Haribhadracarya might have borrowed verbally as well as sensewise all the above recorded references from 'the others' works compared with the references of the Pancasutra and the contents discussed therein and, simultaneously with this, the originality of Haribhadra suri observable in the presentation of matter, thoughts, and all of his works would come to nil. A conclusion such as that would amount to doing the gravest injustice to him and to his works.

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Who is The Author of the.... 6. Pt. Bechardas Doshi had observed: "From the linguistic point of view, grammarians have given three types of Prakrit: (1) Prakrit that is based upon Sanskrit; (2) Prakrit that is like Sanskrit (3) Native Prakrit.....The grammar (of Hemacandracarya) belongs to the first category."61 195 In consonance with the above-mentioned view, if we examine the language of the original text of the Pancasutra, we will be convinced of its being the language, observing as it does all the later rules of the Hemacandriya grammar. The language of the works such as the fagfaff and so forth by Haribhadra suri is typologically the same. We can understand this phenomenon after taking into consideration the Prakrit words coming from Sanskrit and those bearing the similarity with Sanskrit, employed by the author, in his works. And the same is the situation with the Pancasutra. For this very reason, there is no difficulty at all in taking Haribhadra suri as the author of the original text of the Pancasutra. Even though some scholars are led to suppose that the language of the Pancasutra is not Prakrit (Jaina Maharastri) but is Ardhamagadhi, like the language employed in the agamas, yet they have not put forward convincing reasons or evidence in corroboration of this supposition. It is possible that, having seen the employment of in the singular forms of nominative case in construction like aNAijIve, bhave, kammasaMjogaNivvattie, dukkharUve, 62 etc., those scholars might have been led to stipulate the language of the Pancasutra as Ardhamagadhi. But against it, had they taken into account the unambiguously employed in the Prakrit language in the singular forms of the nominative case elsewhere in many places in this very work in the construction such as rAgadosavisaparamamaMto, kevalipaNNatto dhammo, saraNamuvagao, vivarIo ya saMsAro, aNavaTTiyasahAvo' 3 etc., they would not have arrived at the above supposition. Quoting the view of M. Winternitz, Kulkarni concludes: "The language of the post-canonical Jain works is partly Prakrit-the so called Jaina Maharastri and partly Sanskrit. The language of the other Prakrit works of Haribhadra suri is Jaina Maharastri, whereas the Pancasutra is written in Ardhamagadhi prose. So Acarya Haribhadra suri was possibly not its author, but it is a treatise written by some ancient Acarya prior to Haribhadra suri."64 But the striking similarity of the language

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Acarya Vijayasilacandrasuri discernible in other works of Haribhadracarya and in the Pancasutra, as also the similarity of linguistic usages involving saMskRtasama and saMskRtabhava words as stated above, positively proves that the work in question is composed not in Ardhmagadhi but in Prakrit. 196 Jambu-jyoti Also, the argument advanced by Kulkarni that "The treatise in question is in Ardhamagadhi prose and so it is not written by Haribhadra suri because his other treatises are in Prakrit" hold no water. Is it not possible that the same author can employ different languages and different dictions? Is it not possible that the same author can write in versified form as well as in prose ? To the contrary, this situation indicates to a profound and highly erudite genius possessing the knowledge of several languages. If a competent Gujarati or Maharastrian poet/ author can write prose/poetic literature in other languages such as Hindi, English, and so forth as he would in his own native tongue, then what obstacle lies in the way in believing that a master scholar like Haribhadra suri can write works in different varieties of Prakrit ? 7. The second point of importance is that the Pancasutra probably is believed to have been the work of Cirantanacarya and until now the tradition continues that the name of the 'Cirantanacarya' is unknown. Now, a question arises: This Cirantanacarya is inevitably considered to be f (ancient) for us even today and, therefore, we can take it for granted that, he perhaps may be believed to be unknown even in the past centuries. But how can it be believed that this Cirantanacarya and his name might be unknown to Acarya Haribhadra suri? Kulkarni believed that this Cirantanacarya might have flourished a century or more before Haribhadra suri65. And if we are to proceed on the line that the Pancasutra is a postcanonical composition, we must accept the above inference of Kulkarni. Could it be consistently rational that the name of Cirantanacarya, who might have flourished a century or two before Haribhadra suri may be an author unknown or unfamiliar to Haribhadra suri ? Definitely not. Like this work, its author also (if he were a different person) cannot be unknown to Haribhadra suri and had he known the author of the original text, he would not have remained silent about his authorship and unhesitatingly revealed his name. This consideration once again leads us to believe that Haribhadra suri himself was the author of the sutra-work.

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Who is The Author of the... 197 The gist of the above discussion is that, just as Haribhadra suri is the author of the commentary of the very rich, in the same way he himself is the author of the Sutra-text of the Pancasutraka. Concomitantly with the establishment of this truth, the tradional belief upheld by four scholars, namely Shah, Abhyankar, Upadhye, and Kulkarni and the arguments they offered for the corroboration of this belief, per se become invalid. A question that now arises is precisely this. Though Haribhadra suri is the author of the Pancasutra, yet whence and when arose this confusion / uncertainty about the authorship of this composition ? From the investigations carried out, it seems that the confusion may have arisen in the 15th century of Vikrama Era or somewhere closer to that date. In the three available ancient palm-leaf manuscripts of the Pancasutra, which in all probability were written between the 12th and the 14th century of Vikrama Era, as recorded by Muniraja Jambuvijaya, there is no reference anywhere to its author. The only indication there is 'HHT TE66'. It can be inferred that, during that period, there might not be any confusion regarding the authorship of this work. The first record of the type may be sensed in the following statement : 'pAJcasUtraM prAkRtamUlam, sUtrANi 210. gfu afya CC067 The list of the Jaina works in the afgufat which was prepared by some learned Jain-monk early in the latter half of the 16th century of Vikrama Era, does not refer to this record regarding the author of the Pancasutra and therein it has been reported that the commentary thereon is 'Haribhadri.' It cannot be denied that the confusion might have arisen from this record. If we focus on this record and read evig cuci Elfu po afro afecco', and if we draw therefrom the meaning--The Pancasutra in the Prakrit language having 210 sutras, and the vrtti thereon equal in volume to verses 880--with the addition of the particle 27, it cannot be denied that the term Haribhadri is supposed to have covered both the Sutra (original text) and the Vrtti (the commentary). And the term Haribhadri is in the feminine gender consistently with the feminine gender of the word Vrtti. Of course, this may be looked upon as a little far-fetched; for all earlier scholars, in view of the fact that author's name was not specified for

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Acarya Vijayasilacandrasuri Jambu-jyoti the Sutra-text, were led to believe that the qualification Haribhadri (f) only indicated the name of the commentator since it unambiguously refers to the term af. But, it is a noteworthy circumstance that, in this record, regarding the name of the original author there is no statement like cirantanAcAryakRtaM or ajJAtakartRka. And that circumstance corroborates the erroneous interpretation stated above. However, instead of adopting this line of thinking, someone, after noticing the above-noted record, might have taken the work as and thereafter that faulty supposition may have been perpetuated. 198 After this, from the colophons of the two manuscripts of the Pancasutra, copied in the 17th century of Vikrama Era, it can be clearly understood that either during that time or a little before it, a misunderstanding that the author of the Pancasutra and its commentator may have been different persons and that the name of the original author was unknown, may have gained currency. Those colophons are as follows: 'samattaM paMcasutrakaM / / cha / / kRtaM cirantanAcAyairvivRtaM ca jAkinImahattarAsUna zrIharibhadrAcAryaiH / / '68 It is probable that, perhaps there may have been such colophons in other manuscripts also, copied during that period. And the tradition reflecting the miscomprehension regarding the identity of the author of the Pancasutra may have arisen from such misleading records. The direct consequence of such colophons leading to such a misunderstanding was that, instead of taking the sentence 'kRtiH sitAmbarAcAryaharibhadrasya, dharmato yAkinImahattarAsUnoH ' put by the commentator (i.e. the author), after the sentence E at the end of the commentary of the Pancasutra-in the reference of the original text and commentary, critics of our times may have taken this sentence to apply to the commentary alone. And the second happening strenghthening the above-mentioned misunderstanding is that, at the end of the work composed by Haribhadra suri, the term for which appears as a signifier of Haribhadra's work, is not present in the concluding portion of the Pancasutra text. Now, when we know that the belief of attributing the authorship of the Pancasutra text to Cirantanacarya is not older than the late medieval times and we have at some length discussed the evidence regarding Haribhadra's authorship of the text of the Pancasutra as well as

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Who is The Author of the... 199 the commentary thereon, the sentence fa: fugliore' is positively by Haribhadra suri and it is certain that the phrase is employed here in reference to the original text together with the commentary. Also, granted that the term watake does not directly appear, its sense arguably has been conveyed by the author in a different way. Hafare means emancipation from the transmigratory cycle. In the last sentence of the Pancasutra, the author has suggested the expectation of emancipation, but it is not through the term face, but through the term f1:44, employed there either affirmatively or positively. Refer, in this context, the last sentence of the Pancasutra : esA karuNa tti vuccai egaMtaparisuddhA avirAhaNAphalA tiloganAhabahumANeNaM nisseyasasAhiga tti pavvajjAphalasuttaM / / 69 If, however, the demand for the term fake is insisted upon, then even in the end portion of the commentary supposed to be written by Haribhadra suri, the term face is nowhere noticeable ! And on that ground the authorship of Haribhadra suri for the commentary can as well be objected, even denied. So, taking the term f: HH as synonymous with the term wafake, would allow us in connecting the total composition with Haribhadra suri. Regarding the authorship of the Pancasutra, M. A. Dhaky, in his communication some years ago to me, wrote: "Your Holiness believes this text to be the composition of Haribhadra suri instead of Cirantanacarya. Examining the original text from the standpoint of matter, diction, and style which are replete with gracefulness and elegance, it also seems to me that it is a post-canonical work : it, moreover reflects the constructions of phrases and sentences which can be called relatively modern. Haribhadra suri has neither referred to the name of the Echinor has he respectfully presented the text as ancient. Also, he has not offered obeisance to the ETC. Thus comprehending, it may seem that the commentator and the author of the original text is the same person." Thus, as deduced from the bulk of evidence, internal as well as external, Haribhadra suri arguably is the author also of the text proper of the Pancasutra. The Pancasutra, a work which may have been composed by him in the evening of his life, appears to be the essence of his life-long study of

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200 Acarya Vijayasilacandrasuri Jambu-jyoti the sastras. There can be no denying that this composition happens to be the manifestation of the spiritual ecstasy, his attainment of the higher level in the practice of mystical science. From the ratiocinations discussed in the attega tolet which are introduced in the Pancasutra, probably more charmingly and in brief and pithy sentences as also a quotation from that work? at one place in the commentary of the Pancasutra, this latter work must be subsequent to the composition of the UTTECH art and his other works. Prior to this, he may have composed several other works covering different topics, including plausibly m, in the later part of his life. And in that late lot appears the composition of the Pancasutra. Abhyankar, too, with reference to this very point, records his own opinion as underquoted : "etai racitAnAM teSAM teSAM granthAnAM kramapratipAdane TIkAgranthAH prAyaH prathamaM racitA anantaraM dharmakathA racitAstadanantaramanekAntajayapatAkA-lokatattvanirNayAdayaH prAdhAnyena jainasiddhAntapratipAdanaparA granthA nirmitAstadanantaraM SaDdarzanasamuccaya-zAstravArtAsamuccaya-paJcAzakAdayo darzanagranthAstadanantaraM ca yogadarzanapratipAdakauyogabindu-yogadRSTisamuccayau racitAviti bhAti / sarveSAmante pariNataprajJairebhirAgamasArabhUtaH svakIyagranthapratipAditAnAM vividhAnAM viSayANAM saGgrahasthAnabhUtazcAsau viMzativizikAnAmA grantho frefreilfa 171" To this we may add : 6967778 ANANAR T FAST H107T paJcasUtrakasya saTIkasya racanA sanhabdhA syAditi / " The aforenoted criticism leads us to conceive that, here in the field of Jaina literature, perhaps there may have been two methods of composing works : 1. The method of amplifying, in the works that follow in succession, the topics that were elucidated in the earlier works. 2. The method of abbreviating, in the fresh works, the topics elucidatively presented and at some length in the earlier works. With reference to Bhagavan Haribhadra suri, it can be stated that, out of the above two methods, he might have adopted the second. For getting a clear understanding, it may be stated that he might have composed some of his notable works in the following chronological order: 1. Pancasaka 2. Vimsika 3. Sodasaka 4. Astaka 5. Pancasutraka

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Who is The Author of the.... 201 In the medieval biographical tradition, Haribhadra suri enjoys a reputation in the field of Jainism as the author of 1444 Prakarana works. A few Prakarana-treatises and a few commentaries (on the works earlier composed) written by him, are available. Among these, those that are in our possession-specially, those in whose appellations numeral-words are employed-are available. Thanks to the deduction now reached that Haribhadra suri is the author of the Pancasutra, a most notable example has been added to the list of his works and this is a circumstance signifying our good fortune and indeed is a matter of gratification. Annotations : 1. B. L. Series, No. 2; Acarya Haribhadra suri Granthmala, Vol. No. 1, General Editor : V. M. Kulkarni, Ed. Muni Jambuvijaya, Delhi 1986. 2. Pancasuttam, Ed. V. M. Shah, Bombay 1934, "Introduction," p. 17. 3. Ibid., p. 20. 4. Ibid., "Foreword", p. 69. 5. Pancasutrakam, Ed. Muni Sri Jambuvijayaji, Delhi 1986, "Introduction," p. 33. 6. Ibid. 7. Ibid., Prastavana, pp. 4-5. 8. Ibid., p. 80. 9. Ibid., p. 80. 10. Ibid., p. 81. 11. Ibid., p. 80. 12. Ibid., Prastavana, p. 3. 13. Ibid pp. 80-81. 14. Ibid., p. 24. 15. Ibid., pp. 80-81. 16. Ibid. 17. Ibid., p. 24. 18. Ibid. 19. Dharmapariksa, Ahmedabad V. S.1998 (A. D. 1942), pp. 23-24. 20. Sodasaka Prakaranam, Bombay 1984, p. 96. 21. Ibid. 22. Pancasutrakam, Jambuvijaya, "Intro.," p. 4. 23. Ibid., pp. 50-53-54.

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202 Acarya Vijayasilacandrasuri Jambu-jyoti 24. Vinsati-Vimsika, Ed. K. V. Abhyankar, Bombay 1932, pp. 38-39. 25. Sodasakaprakaranam, Bombay 1984, p. 70. 26. Pancasutrakam, Jambuvijaya, pp. 45-46. 27. Vimsati-Vimsika, p. 37. 28-30. Pancasutrakam, Jambuvijaya, pp. 57 and 58. 29-31. Sodasakaprakaranam, Bombay 1984, p. 10. 32-34. Pancasutrakam, Jambuvijaya, pp. 70 and 75. 33-35. Vimsati-Vimsika, pp. 61 and 63. 36. Pancasutrakam, Jambuvijaya, pp. 68. 37-38. Vimsati-Vimsika, p. 63. 39-41-42-44. Pancasutrakam, Jambuvijaya, pp. 73,3,71, 6. 40-43-45-46. Vimsati-Vimsika, pp. 6, 4-5-6, 11-12. 47-48-49-50. Pancasutrakam, Jambuvijaya, pp. 37-40 and 73. 51. Haribhadra yoga bharati, Bombay V.S.2036 (A. D. 1980), p. 123. 52. Ibid., p. 286. 53. Vimsati-Vinsika, p. 6. 54. Sodasakaprakaranam, Bombay 1984, p. 85. 55-56. Pancasutrakam, Jambuvijaya, pp. 73 and 76. 57. Vimsati-Vimsika, p. 24. 58. Sodasakaprakaranam, p. 85. 59. Pancasutrakam, Jambuvijaya, pp. 78-79. 60. Haribhadra yoga bharati, pp. 129. 61. Prakrit Vyakarana, Pt. Becharadas Doshi, Ahmedabad 1925, "Pravesa", p. 12. 62. Pancasutrakam, Jambuvijaya, p. 3. 63. Ibid., pp. 11-13-16. 64-65. Ibid., "Intro.," p. 33. 66-67-68. Ibid., "Prastavana", pp. 4-3-4. 69-70. Ibid., pp. 80-66. 71. Vimsati-Vimsika, "Prastavikam, Nivedanam," p. 7. OOO

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The Humanism of Haribhadra Christian Lindtner 1. In a modern world of chaos, where intolerance and superstition are often marketed as religion, where ignorance and political correctness too easily masquerade as reason, and where hypocrisy presides proudly and unopposed on the throne of humanity and humility; in a world where pristine ideals of virtue and honour, and of beauty no less than of nobility, are regularly held up to common ridicule and vilification and such is the modern world of the profiteering mentality and the vulgarity of the mass media-in such a world, some solace and strength, I find, may be sought from the ancient sources of Greek and Indian philosophy. In the last hundred years or more, Western society has been infiltrated by a corruption so pernicious as now to pose a severe threat to the very foundations of European culture. Never before in history, perhaps, has the call for individuals with a sense of loyalty, honesty, and dutythe hallmarks of the Indo-European character-been so urgent if the total disruption of Western civilisation is to be averted. It is seldom realized that human dignity is a matter of participation in the life of reason and the quest for virtue. And when it comes to human freedom, licentia is, by and large--following upon the failures of reasonmistaken for libertas. When we study the ancients, we find ourselves in good company. The study of the languages of old serves, in itself, to sharpen our faculty of discrimination. All over the world, the arts and the humanities are now in a phase of decline, in some places they are long extinct, to most places they never even reached out. Our universities have become breeding grounds for mass education, or even indoctrination, that leaves less and less room for the aristocratic pursuits for which the academies, in the interest of

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204 Christian Lindtner Jambu-jyoti the public weal, were originally designed by the rare species of men of virtue and talent.* The common ideal of the ancient Greek, Roman, and Indian philosophers was freedom of mind through spiritual purification and the ceaseless exertion of the faculty of reason. When the Western philosophers spoke of virtus and ratio, their Indian colleagues spoke of dharma and buddhi (dhi, mati, prajna, etc). We here can speak of the common ideals of Aryan humanism. In today's world, this aristocratic ideal is being revolted against on several fronts. First, there is the ignorance of the masses. There is no reason naively to assume that the masses today are less prone to superstition or more inclined to enlightenment than they have been in the past. It is as if the masses simply want to be deceived, and the mass media as a rule serve their interests well in this regard. No less ferocious is the threat against Aryan humanism posed by the educated minorities that are now haunting our universities on a global scale. Part of the reason for this sad state of affairs are the events that took place in 1968 and the years that followed. This was the period of the student revolts, the main purpose of which was to abolish the authority of traditional European ideals of science and culture. The minds behind this academic revolution apparently addressed themselves to the majority of students who had little or no academic experience. To deceive them was easy enough. They considered themselves Marxists, their mentality was proletarian, and their purpose was, as said, to eliminate and replace the traditional European ideals, which were, undoubtedly, those of the elite and largely based on authority. The old academic elite found itself belonging to a minority, and in our modern "democratic" society where numerical majority proves decisive when it comes to political power, scholars of the old school soon found themselves reduced to silence and deprived of influence. Gradually, the old territories of the arts and humanities were occupied by the so-called * We fully agree with the author in everything he said. - Editors.

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 205 social sciences, and by psychology, etc. Largely responsible for this revolution were various representatives of the Frankfurt school. The revolution in 1968 was to a considerable extent a continuation of the bolshevik revolution half a century earlier. Marx and Freud were the founding fathers. It was a revolution that was largely a revolt against reason. Adorno expressed it neatly defining "philosophy" as "eine Art von rationalem Revisionsprozess gegen die Rationalitat" (Rolf Wiggershaus, Die Frankfurter Schule, Munchen 1986, p.12). What he meant to say, of course, was that this was a political revolt against reason by unreason. In sum, the academic revolution of 1968 was a movement against the authority of reason, and what moved it were largely myths and messianic hopes with a Judaic origin. Thirdly, Christian dogmatism and Christian theology can also be seen as movements against reason. Christianity, too, (like Islam) has, of course, partly Judaic roots. True, some of the most honest theologians in the academic world now admit that, much of what we read in the Bible, is nothing more than myths having little or nothing to do with actual history. Though thus paying at least lip service to reason, many of them still insist, against reason, that certain myths or dogmas can be justified by "mere faith". But, of course, a mere confession of faith has nothing to do with scientific validity. Against this background we can speak of the three Abrahamic religions as opposed to what I would, as said, call the Aryan humanism of the ancient Indian and Greek philosophers, and of traditional European science, spiritual as well as physical. Science looks for historical explanations, it researches the true and natural causes of events that took and that take place in time and in space. Science wants to know what actually happens by tracing events back to their natural causes. It, therefore, does not accept magic and miracles, nor does it accept any explanation presupposing creation out of nothing. Without the concept of true and natural causes, there is no concept of science. The traditional conflict between science and religion, between knowledge and faith, thus basically reflects entirely diverse attitudes to the problem of natural causality. The focus of science is on nature, on growth in time and space. The dogmas and myths of Abraham's religions fail to respect all natural limitations and, therefore, also the limits of reason.

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Jambu-jyoti This, of course, is not a new observation. The great Roman Emperor, Julian, for instance, in his Against the Galilaeans (39 A), wrote: "It is, I think, expedient to set forth to all mankind the reasons by which I was. convinced that the fabrication of the Galilaeans is a fiction of men composed by wickedness. Though it has in it nothing divine, by making full use of that part of the soul which loves fable and is childish and foolish, it has induced men to believe that the monstrous tale is truth." 206 Christian Lindtner One thing that should be a cause of alarm, and of which the reader is. perhaps not aware, is the fact that "enlightened" nations such as Germany and France, today have laws that impose restrictions upon the freedom of speech and research. It is, for instance, deemed a crime if a scholar in public questions or denies certain officially accepted views concerning recent European history. A free and open scientific discussion about certain events will not be tolerated. Numerous excellent scholars have already been severely punished for violating these suppressive laws, which obviously are in conflict with fundamental and internationally accepted principles about freedom of research and speech. But the most disturbing aspect of this is, in my opinion, that such suppression of academic freedom is allowed to pass without hardly any single individual or institution raising its voice in protest. It is a matter of common knowledge that, after a war, the victors write history as they wish it to be seen. Thus truth invariably suffers. This also happened after World War II. Many myths and lies were concocted, as always in such cases. Even today, more than half a century after the events, it is, as said, punishable by law in several European countries to question or reject these myths and lies in public. In general the masses are ignorant of the deceptions, whereas the educated elite dares not to speak out. History is being perverted, and with the distortion of history there is a distortion of the human mind. Reason is being replaced by myth. The circle is vicious. This is sick and it is ridiculous. Thus, we are today experiencing a common revolt against reason. Of course, this development was anticipated long ago by many a keen observer. The warnings though, were hardly heeded. Who, for instance, today is aware of a prophetic book such as The Revolt against Civilisation by Lothrop Stoddard (1883-1950), who saw the main reason for the revolutionary unrest of our century in the gradual biological

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 207 deterioration of the human stock that also in the past brought great civilisations to an end. In Europe there is, as said, a current ban on academic freedom. Socrates was charged with impiety, for corrupting young men and for introducing new gods. His real offence was rather that he was too reasonable. In my opinion, it is our duty to resist those who wish to impose limitations upon the freedom of science and research. A scholar must, with Descartes, be permitted to insist : de omnibus dubitandum. He must have the courage to resist the ignorance and superstition of the masses, and the treason of the educated pseudo-intellectuals. Under these circumstances, we must cherish the efforts of all those rare individuals who, often with considerable personal sacrifice, devote their lives to making the sources of ancient wisdom easier of access to us. Our obligation to the past generations of Indologists and Classical philologists is enormous, and will always serve as a source of edification and inspiration to those who cherish the freedom of the human spirit. For this very reason it is a rare pleasure for me to contribute to a felicitatory volume now offered to the distinguished savant, Muni Jambuvijaya. His many learned works are well-known and duly appreciated by his grateful colleagues or students all over the world. Even here, in the old kingdom of Denmark, Muni Jambuvijaya's editions of Hemacandra, Candrananda, etc. have been studied, if only by one or two Sanskrit scholars. His monumental edition of the Sanskrit text of Hemacandra's celebrated Yogasastra forms the indispensable basis of my Swedish student, Dr. Olle Qvarnstrom's heavily annotated English translation (forthcoming). Following the gracious advice of my Jaina friend, I myself first published some brief selections (I. 1-46; II. 1-17; IV. 1-5) from that important book in 1984. This was the first translation of an ancient Jaina text to appear in the Danish language, but, no matter how limited the readership may be, it will not be the last. 2. From our point of view, one of the most interesting ancient Jaina savants is the philosopher Haribhadra Suri, the celebrated author of texts such as the Sastravartasamuccaya, the Yogabindu, the Yogadrstisamuccaya, the Yogasataka, the Saddarsanasamuccaya, the Anekantajayapataka, the Sarvajnasiddhi, the Lokatattvanirnaya, the Sodasakaprakarana, the Lalitavistara, etc. (for further details, see H. R. Kapadia (Ed.),

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208 Christian Lindtner Jambu-jyoti Anekantajayapataka I-II, Baroda 1940-1947, and R. Williams in BSOAS 28/ 1 (1965), pp. 101-106). His Dharmabindu and the Pancasutraka are available in the excellent critical editions of Muni Jambuvijaya. The situation outlined above is made even more complicated by the fact that the fundamental harmony between Greek and Indian philosophy is often overlooked. Those who read Greek seldom read Sanskrit. Those who read Sanskrit seldom read Greek. Those who read Greek are rare, those who read Sanskrit are even rarer. That the most recent results of modern scholarship are not necessarily the most reliable, and that even our greatest authorities can commit the grossest errors on the most fundamental issues, can be illustrated by the following quotation from the second volume of W.K.C. Guthrie's monumental, A History of Greek Philosophy (Cambridge 1965, p. 53, n. 1): "But in truth the motives and methods of the Indian schools, and the theological and mystical background of their thought are so utterly different from those of the Greeks that there is little profit in the comparison." According to my experience, Guthrie's view is shared by most students of Classical philology and Greek philosophy. And yet it is as wrong as can be. And, what is more, the practical consequences of this error are very serious for reasons I shall come back to, and for reasons already suggested above. Had Guthrie and other students of Greek philosophy taken the trouble to consult e.g. the old Allgemeine Geschichte der Philosophie of Paul Deussen, they would probably not have exposed themselves to the error of discarding the achievements of ancient Indian philosophy. As suggested e.g. by Haribhadra in his Sastravartasamuccaya 23, with the auto-commentary, there is, in spite of terminological differences, a certain unity of thought shared by all the classical darsanas of Indian philosophy. The key term is 'dharma.' This fundamental concept has two aspects, a practical and a theoretical. We may here also speak of yoga, one aspect has to do with karma, another with jnana. The difference is largely one of degrees of purity. Through moral purification one prepares oneself for intellectual purity. Yoga brings about clarity and peace of mind. Otherwise it is impossible for a yogin to see how things really are. It is only by seeing for oneself (tattvajnana, tattvadarsana, etc.) how things really are that one's mind becomes free. Moral purity may bring about

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The Humanism of Haribhadra the happiness of rebirth in heaven, but intellectual purity, which is tantamount to omniscience, or perfection of scientific knowledge, is essential for the attainment of the highest good: the freedom of mind, spiritual and physical liberation. The common goal of classical Indian philosophy, then, is beatitude (sukha), either in heaven or in liberation. The method is purification, first moral, then intellectual. 209 True, all the classical darsanas disagree on what tattva is. But they all agree that the highest goal is freedom, and that this can only be achieved. through a scientific knowledge of true causes. They also agree that moral purity is a prerequisite for the achievement of the summum bonum. When it comes to the question about the source of dharma, some schools call upon the authority of the Vedas and those great men who follow the Vedas, others refer to the authority of a Bhagavat, such as Krsna, the Buddha, or Mahavira. Corresponding to the double dharma, such a Bhagavat invariably has two bodies, a physical and a spiritual, or rather: to his devotees, he seems to have two bodies. He is, at the same time, Brahman as well as Brahma, a god and a creative human being. A Bhagavat, naturally, deserves the bhakti of his devotees; the reason for this is that he takes upon himself the arduous task of explaining, as a human, the dharma that he himself, as a divine being, has realized for himself. Bhakti then, is love and loyalty to the Bhagavat and his dharma. In order to be considered worthy of the unconditional loyalty of his devotees, a Bhagavat must not only be compassionate-this is the motive for his taking upon himself the task of a teacher-but also he must be omniscient (sarvajna). If not, how could one be sure that he really knew what he was talking about? The contradiction posed by the dogma of a Bhagavat's omniscience created a certain rivalry between the various Bhagavat movements. This was only natural. Some would point out various contradictions and flaws in the scriptures of rival schools, others would insist that all contradictions were only apparent, as the words of the Bhagavat would depend on the capacities of the different audiences addressed. In any case, each of the Bhagavat schools would agree in defending themselves against the attacks of the Brahmins upholding the authority of the Vedas, as against

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210 Christian Lindtner Jambu-jyoti the Word of the natural fallibility of a human Bhagavat. Defending their faith, they were forced, little by little, to extol and eventually apotheosize their Bhagavat to a status where man has become god. Haribhadra, accordingly, addresses Mahavira as Mahadeva. In spite of his apotheosis, a Bhagavat remains a human ideal, suitable for the imitation of man. Ultimately, a Bhagavat is pure science, pure reason, and as such within the reach of human efforts in terms of dharma and yoga. Now, dharma has to do with good and evil, with happiness and with suffering. That happiness (sukha) is good, and that suffering (duhkha) is evil, is never questioned. On this issue there is a universal consensus among all philosophers. When it comes to deciding the number and the nature of the various principles endorsed by the various schools, however, there is room for disagreement, but there is no room for disagreement on how the variance should be handled. This should happen (not by suppression of the freedom of science and speech, of course) but by an open and public debate in which one supports one's theses by having recourse to the authority of "means of cognition" (pramana) accepted by all parties. One's position must not be contradicted by perception, inference, etc. The appeal to reason and tolerance is expressed well in a verse quoted in the commentary to Haribhadra's Saddarsanasamuccaya (Ed. Luigi Suali, p. 110), the source of which is the Buddhist Samkarasvamin's Devatisayastotra 17 : paksapato na me Vire na dvesah kapiladinu | yuktimad vacanam yasya tasya karyah parigrahah 11 This readiness to discuss any dogma with arguments pro et contra, can only meet with our approval, and in the current academic atmosphere of European and American institutions of higher learning, it is something we can only benefit from taking to our hearts. Only on one issue, however, there was no debate. Those who rejected dharma were also excluded from debate, as "nihilists", or madmen. Krsna (BG 4.8) and Manu, leave us in no doubt that society was not prepared to tolerate such criminals. Likewise, even certain Buddhist sources condemn such individuals as asamvasya and akathya, people you cannot live together with, and people whom you cannot

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 211 communicate with. Man derives his dignity not through his mere birth and existence, but through his participation in dharma. A man without dharma is but a mere beast, a common Indian adage sums up. Turning to the classical Greek and Roman sources, we discover that the goals and methods are, in principle (but not in all its ramifications and details), similar to those that characterize classical Indian philosophy. Here, too, the ideal is that man should seek happiness through moral and intellectual purification. The normal life of the common, credulous and ignorant populace is considered unsatisfactory, much like a disease. Taking Cicero as our eloquent and well-informed guide, we observe that virtus--the closest Latin equivalent to dharma-comprises the four "cardinal virtues"-scientia, justitia, fortitudo, and temperantia. In reality virtue-like dharma-is one. For practical purposes it can be said to have four aspects. These four aspects, furthermore, can be reduced to two, namely actio vitae and cognitio verior, if we were to translate into Sanskrit : karmayoga and jnanayoga (or tattvajnana, etc.). As opposed to mere brutes, observes Cicero, men are endowed with reason (ratio), and among all the properties and inclinations of men, there is none more natural and peculiar to them than an earnest desire and search for truth, and so they esteem the knowledge of things secret and wonderful as a necessary ingredient of a happy life. And he goes on (de officiis i. 15): "Thus, son Marcus, have I given you a rough draught, and just the outlines, as it were, of honesty; which, could she be seen in her full beauty with mortal eye, would make the whole world (as Plato has said) be in love with wisdom (sapientia). Now whatever is contained under the notion of honesty (honestum = virtus) arises from one of these four heads; first, a sagacious inquiry and observation for finding out of truth; second, a care to maintain that society and mutual intercourse which is between them; to render to every man what is his due; and to stand to one's words in all promises and bargains; which we call justice; third, the greatness and unshaken resolution of a truly brave and invincible mind; and last, a keeping of our words within the due limits of order and decency; under which are comprehended temperance and moderation. Now, every one of these several heads, though they all have a mutual connection and dependence on one another, has yet its peculiar class, as it were, and respective set of duties

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212 Christian Lindtner Jambu-jyoti arising from it. From that, for example, which is mentioned first, and under which prudence and wisdom are contained, arises the duty of seeking, contemplating, and finding out truth, which is the proper and peculiar business of those virtues : for it is then, and then alone, that we justly esteem a man prudent and wise, when we find that he is able to see and discover the truth of things; and of an active, vigorous, and penetrating mind, to give an account of the reasons of them; so that it is truth that is the proper object of both these virtues, and that about which they are only concerned. The other three heads more peculiarly belong to the active life, and their business lies in procuring and keeping what is necessary for the preservation of it; as in holding up mutual love and correspondence among mankind; in an elevated greatness and strength of mind; which appears, as in getting things profitable and pleasant for ourselves and dependents, so more especially in despising and being above them. Then, as for the last, namely order, uniformity, moderation, and the like, it is plain that they belong not only to contemplation, but have also a respect to our outward actions; since from keeping of these within the bounds and limits of order and moderation, we are said to observe what is virtuous and becoming" (Thomas Cockman's 1699 translation, with slight changes). A happy life, our ancient authorities agree, is a life of virtue and honesty. And such a life is also a life in love of truth. For further details I may refer the Latin reader to the philosophical works of Cicero, for as the Great Frederick once said-die sind alle sehr gut--they are all very good! 3. This, finally, brings us back to Haribhadra. The reader will have understood that I have thought it necessary, or at least useful, to introduce this great philosopher to persuade the reader that his work is not merely of antiquarian interest, but that modern academics can indeed benefit greatly from the study of his writings. And it is as a helping hand to those that would read his Astaka (and Lokatattvanirnaya) in the original Sanskrit that this work is here offered--as far as I am aware--for the first time in a modern translation. While it goes without saying that a reading of a translation will never replace the study of the original, it also seems evident that at least a brief survey of the basic ideas of the original may well serve to improve its proper understanding.

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 213 Some repetitions of what was said above are unavoidable. Here is a survey of the main arguments of Haribhadra's Astaka, I-XXXII : I. Mahadeva deserves our bhakti, not only because he himself is omniscient and free from all moral and intellectual impurities, but also because he has taught us a scientific method that enables us also to destroy the obvious sufferings of samsara completely. II. It is by following the rules of dharma, and by avoiding vices such as himsa, etc., that we may purify our body and our soul. III. Also, by worship of Mahadeva, we may purify ourselves. External worship leads to svarga, whereas spiritual worship leads to moksa, or nirvana, the total extinction of karma. | 1V. One should employ dhyana on dharma as a sort of fire to burn away the impurities of karma. Liberation, or moksa, is the result of jnana and dhyana. V-VII. Among the three kinds of alms, the most perfect one is the one associated with pure intentions. A mendicant prefers to enjoy his meals in private. VIII. Renunciation (pratyakhyana) can be either material or spiritual. The latter consists in the correct mode of behaviour (caritra), and it is conducive to mukti. IX. Of the three kinds of jnana, the one aware of tattva is the highest. It is described in the agama, and it brings about great prosperity (mahodaya), i.e. liberation from the bonds of karma. X. Among the three kinds of vairagya, the third is associated with sajjnana, or tattvaparijnana and, as such, it is one of the means also conducive to the attainment of siddhi, i.e. liberation. XI. The term tapas may be ambiguous; austerity may be painful, surely, but properly understood (i.e. according to yukti and agama), tapas consists of a special kind ofjnana, sarvega, and sama. As such tapas serves to destroy the impurity of karma, and to bring about true happiness (sukha). XII--XIII. When it comes to the various kinds of debate (vada), the one on dharma presupposes a serious interest in the real truth (tattva). Its

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214 Christian Lindtner purpose is to sharpen one's understanding of what the scriptures have to say about dharma, i.e. ahimsa, etc. Naturally, agama, our source of dharma, must not be contradicted by perception or by reasonable arguments. There is, to be sure, no point in trying to prove the validity of these means of valid knowledge (pramana). This would only lead us to absurdities. Their validity is a matter of common consent (prasiddhi). When all scriptures ("science") agree on dharma, we can safely rely on their authority. Jambu-jyoti XIV-XVI. There being various one-sided views about the nature of the soul, it is important-also in order to uphold the doctrine of ahimsa-to understand that the soul is, depending on various points of view, permanent as well as impermanent, etc. It must never be forgotten that ahimsa ist fundamental for bringing about svarga as well as moksa. The Jaina view of the soul is established not only by lokaprasiddhi, but also by sadbuddhi. XVII-XVIII. As opposed to the Bauddhas and Brahmins who follow Manu, etc., an orthodox Jaina mendicant, true to the ideal of ahimsa, abstains from eating meat altogether. XIX-XX. Likewise, he abstains from drinking liquor, and from sexual intercourse, both of which are sources of corruption, and thus in conflict with the laws of dharma. XXI. It is far from sufficient merely to learn about dharma from agama, or sastra. There must also be room for dharmavada, as said, and one must always try to understand dharma with suksmabuddhi. XXII. An advanced student understands the value of purity of character (bhavavisuddhi, cf. the Bhagavadgita 17.16: bhavasamsuddhi). XXIII. A word of warning to those who vilify the dharma of Jainism. XXIV-XXV. The results of following dharma are always positive. Virtuous behaviour brings about rebirth in heaven, and in the end, through jnana, ultimate happiness, namely liberation. XXVI-XXVII. A clarification of some moot points concerning the generosity and compassion of the Bhagavat. XXVIII. It may be a virtuous thing for a ruler to abandon his kingdom. XXIX. Equanimity (samayika) is also a factor of moksa, being a benevolent attitude that purifies all activities. It is a sort of longing,

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 215 or striving (prarthana) for bodhi, etc. (and as such, we may add, comparable to the bodhicitta of the Bauddhas, see e.g. my Nagarjuniana, p. 183). XXX. Thanks to its samayika, tapas, etc. the soul finally becomes absolutely pure, omniscient and illuminated. In this state it illuminates, or cognizes, everything, including itself. XXXI. Due to a particular sort of karma the liberated soul of the Lord still goes on with its dharmadesana, adapting the teachings according to the capacity and demands of the various audiences (-again, exactly like the bodhisattva of the Bauddhas). XXXII. To be sure, liberation is due to the extinction of all karmas. It is freedom from rebirth, and absolute happiness. It is bliss, and it is entirely good, etc. Most scholars would agree with Haribhadra about this, he concludes, even though it cannot really be expressed in words. A final punyaparinamana (to use the Bauddha term). 4. Clearly, Haribhadra is anything but a narrow-minded sectarian. When it comes to scholastic details he is undoubtedly a Jaina, but on fundamental issues he is so openminded and catholic that he almost stands out as a spokesman of classical Indian philosophy in general. He was naturally aware of this, for instance when he appeals to the authority of sarvasastrasamsthiti, when he rejects internal disputes as matters of mere samjna, nama-, or abhidhanabheda, when he advises us to reject paksapata, and when he insists on our taking on an attitude of madhyasthya. The concept of dharma is, as it were--not only for Haribhadrathe cardinal point that lends a certain unity and coherence to his manifold views. It therefore seems reasonable to collect some of his most significant remarks from his authentic works, showing his views on dharma and various concepts closely related to dharma. 1. First of all, dharma consists in practice, or activity, anusthana (DB 1.3). It is something we have to do, dharmah karyah (DB 1. 64). Another most frequent term for activity is yoga, and all purposeful human activity should focus on dharma-dharmottaro yogah (DB 5.73; Comm: dharmaphalah sarva eva yogo vyaparah). Yoga is a particular form of dharma, a dharmavisesah (Comm. to YS 2 : anusthana is a kriyarupa having to do with vidhi and pratisedha). Understandably, compounds such as

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216 Christian Lindtner Jambu-jyoti or dharmanusthana, and dharmayoga (AP 27.8; YBD 3) and the like, are typical. The best translation of dharma is thus duty or virtue, officium or virtus. 2. There are two kinds of dharmic activity, moral practice (karma), and scientific knowledge (jnana, samjnana) (SVS 1 ff; DB 1.2-3). Corresponding to this, one may also speak of two kinds of yoga, or even of three kinds of yoga (yogatraya), namely the activity of mind, language, and body (DB 6.12). From various other points of view, there are three or eight kinds of yoga, etc. Still, yoga is basically an activity that leads to moksa : mukkhena joyanao jogo savvo vi dhammavavaro (YV 1). 3. Corresponding to the two kinds of dharma and yoga, there are two kinds of results (phala, DB 7.5). Both are satisfactory(sukha), only in differing degrees. The first consists in the happiness of rebirth in svarga, the second in the bliss of nirvana (DB 4.83 & 8.64). The latter is a yoga without any further activity, i.e. yoga as a result, as opposed to yoga as an instrumental activity, or means (DB 8.67). It is also defined as apavarga (DB 2.77-78), or as Brahman (YB 506), as purification, visuddhi (SVS 11). This is the ultimate goal of all human endeavour : nirvanaphalam atra tattvato' nusthanam (DB 6.19). In other words, yoga is moksahetu (YB 3 & 301), as is dharma. When it is said that ahimsa brings about svarga and moksa (AP 30.2), ahimsa then means moral and intellectual "innocence". As such, ahimsa is the best form of activity, it is the very essence of dharma, or yoga. Verily, dharma is one, the difference between practice and theory being but a difference of purity (suddhi, visuddhi). Purity, again, is omniscience (AP 30.2). The double aspect of one and the same Dharma is also suggested by a celebrated verse in the Bhagavadgita 5.5cd (cf. 3.3), a scripture to which Haribhadra frequently alludes : ekam samkhyam ca yogam ca yah pasyati sa pasyati Understandably, Haribhadra praises the dharmamahatmya (YDS 163). Considering this fact (according to the consensus of sarvasastra), no benefit in this world is as great as that of dharmadesana, and dharma is our only true friend, dearer than life (YDS 58 ff). Normal life is like a great disease, mahavyadhi, Haribhadra often reminds us.

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 4. Our knowledge of dharma-which is also defined as srutacaritratmaka (Comm. ad DB 3.69)-is derived from science, dharmastu na vina sastrat (YB 222 ff). Or, according to the fragmentary Brahmasiddhantasamuccaya (BSS) 143 : dharmadharmavyavasthayah sastram eva niyamakam | taduktasevanad dharmah, adharmas tadviparyayat || Exactly the same view is expressed in the Bhagavadgita 16.24: tasmac chastram pramanam te karyakaryavyavasthitau || Experience shows, however, that only some individuals are capable of receiving the dharmadesana (DB 2.40 & 2.81; LTN 2 ff.). Not all human beings can receive the saddharmabija (DB 2.1), they are apatra, or abhavya (DB 2.81). 217 It is because they teach us authoritatively, that we must have bhakti to sadyogasastresu (YDS 110; cf. YB 222 ff). Also, we must have bhakti to a sarvajna, a Bhagavat who is dharmadesaka (DB 6.48). He teaches the truth, for na dharme maya (DB 4.31). Truth is intimately related to dharma. Along with yajna, tapas, and dhyana, satya is thus said to be dharmasadhana (BSS 114). Otherwise, the main "causes" of dharma are the five mahavrata, which include satya and ahimsa, etc. (SVS 5). That satya and dharma are intimately related is a common notion of Indian philosophy and law. When the Bauddhas, for instance, propagate the four Aryan Truths, these truths are truth about Dharma and about the dharmas (manifesting the Dharma, in the singular) i.e. about tad ekam as opposed to idam sarvam-the dharmadhatu as opposed to the sattvadhatu. There are four Aryan truths in order to be complete, for Dharma must stand firmly on four feet. This, as known, is an old Indo-European notion. Manu 1.81 is almost too famous to quote : catuspat sakalo dharmah satyam caiva krte yuge | nadharmenagamah kascin manusyan prati vartate || More precisely, that the source of dharma is science (sastra, sadyogasastra), means that the source of dharma is the agama of a Bhagavat who is sarvajna. Only a Bhagavat who is omniscient knows what he is

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218 Christian Lindtner Jambu-jyoti talking about. To others he teaches the dharma that he himself has discovered. In reality there is only one sarvajna, though there appears to be many (such as Mahavira, Buddha, etc.). What a Bhagavat teaches others is something-namely dharma--that in a sense transcends our senses, it is atindriyartha (YDS 98 & 144; YB 425 ff). The dharma that a Bhagvat has seen personally is not within the field (visaya) of anumana (YDS 144). Not even a Bhagavat can communicate true knowledge--it remains a matter of personal practice--but as a teacher he can teach a method of obtaining knowledge for one self. He can speak the truth, however. Even though we must "take his word for it", his words must nevertheless not be in conflict with the common means of knowledge (pramana). As a rule, agama must be supported by yukti (LTN 16 & 18) : yac cintyamanam na dadati yuktim pratyaksato napyanumanatasca | tad buddhiman ko nu bhajeta loke gosrngatah ksirasamudbhavo na || agamena ca yuktya ca yo 'rthah samabhigamyate | pariksya hemavad grahyah paksapatagrahena kim || Neediess to say, this method of scientific investigation is an old one in India. Already in the Carakasashita, as known, we read : dvividham eva khalu sarvam-sac-casac ca-tasya caturvidha pariksa : aptopadesah pratyaksam anumanam yuktisceti. Therefore, to conduct a scientific pariksa, Haribhadra repeatedly emphasizes the need of the development of intelligence, dhi, buddhi, prajna, mati. One of his favourite terms is suksmabuddhi, the subtle intelligence necessary for understanding dharma. Intelligence enables us to discern truth from falsehood, and without the faculty of discrimination there is no true knowledge. Man is a rational creature. To attain the highest form of yoga a philosopher must employ his intelligence in three ways : agamenanumanena dhyanabhyasarasena ca tridha prakalpayan prajnam labhate yogam uttamam || The verse is found in YB 412, and repeated in YDS 101 and BSS 62 (with the variants yogabhyasarasena in b, and tattvam uttamam in d). It is

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 219 also found in Vyasa's commentary to Yogasutra 1.48. (In Buddhism and in Vedanta, of course, the same distinction is to be found.) If we translate prajna, buddhi, mati or dhi with reason, ratio, and if we keep in mind that the ultimate meaning of reason has to do with the realization of dharma, then it is clear that philosophy always has a moral or a religious background. It would be superfluous to mention that all other classical darsanas constantly emphasize the need of reason (buddhi, prajna, mati, dhi, etc.) as the instrument that brings about tattvajnana. (A statistical investigation would undoubtedly show that these synonyms for reason are most frequently employed in the instrumental case.) It should be clear in our minds that dharma has to do with itikartavyata, our duties : it tells us what to do, and what not to do. The knowledge of dharma, therefore, is direct, and thus dharma is not a direct object of anumana or any other pramana, with the possible exception ofyogipratyaksa (which is, however, only a pramana figuratively speaking, for in action the distinction between means and goals of knowledge are obliterated). In other words, dharma tells us what to do, it has to do with values, whereas a pramana has to do with "facts", it is a means of deciding what is and what is not. We can speak of dharmajnana, but it would be odd to say that we possess dharmapramana. We cannot "hold" an activity in our hands, so to speak : scimus, qvia facimus. Scientific statements must never be contradicted by perception or inference. Also, dry logic, suskatarka, or bad logic-kutarka-may lead us astray (YDS 86-152). Spiritual liberation presupposes true science. It is a knowledge that cannot be communicated, but it is also a knowledge that cannot be contradicted. It transcends reason without being in conflict with reason. Dharma, therefore, is also a matter of wisdom, not merely of dry erudition. It is in this sense (to avoid "scientific religion" or "religious science" ) I here suggest that we may speak of the humanism of Haribhadra. At the root of true humanism we find a deep desire for clarity and purity. Why this is so, is in itself a scientific question sui juris. It is, perhaps, only in the light of modern biology that we can hope for an answer to this difficult question--if ever.

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220 Jambu-jyoti 5. Finally a word about Haribhadra's philosophical syncretism. If he himself had a word for "syncretism", it is suggested by the term samuccaya-- often found in the title of several of his works, such as Sastravartasamuccaya (SVS), Yogadrstisamuccaya (YDS), and Saddarsanasamuccaya (SDS). In these treatises Haribhadra provides a systematic review of the main views of various opponents, rejects some as illogical, and accepts others as partly true from his own Jaina standpoint of anekantavada, or syadvada. Christian Lindtner In SDS 2, for instance, Haribhadra claims that there are only six classical systems of Indian philosophy. Their fundamental differences (mulabheda) have to do with the devata and the number and nature of tattvas accepted by them. Otherwise, they all agree that sukha-that of svarga and that of moksa-is the outcome of dharma, just as duhkha is the result of papa (SVS 2). (True, there are also some Nihilists such as the Lokayata or Carvaka, known to maintain that dharma and adharma do not exist at all. For them kama is the highest dharma, a position that men of wisdom must reject as absurd (SDS 81-87).) Haribhadra is aware that the common ideal of a double dharma is expressed in different terms in different texts (SVS 23): bhogamuktiphalo dharmah sa pravrttitaratmakah | samyagmithyadirupas ca gitas tantrantaresv api In his commentary to SVS 23, Haribhadra adds that others prefer the terminology abhyudaya and nihsreyasa. Needless to say, the earliest classical sources for this is Vaisesikasutra 1.1.2: yato 'bhyudayanihsreyasasiddhih sa dharmah. Before Haribhadra, Buddhist scholars had adopted this terminology. Thus Santaraksita, in his Tattvasamgraha 3486 (known to Haribhadra, who mentions Santaraksita) writes: yato 'bhyudayanispattir yato nihsreyasasya ca | sa dharma ucyate tadrk sarvair eva vicaksanaih || And already many centuries before Santaraksita, Nagarjuna, in the introduction to his Ratnavali 1. 2-4, had also adopted the terminology of Vaisesika (often mentioned by him) when he presented the Buddhist Dharma to his reader :

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 221 dharmam ekantakalyanam rajan dharmodayaya te vaksyami, dharmah siddhim hi yati saddharmabhajane || prag dharmo 'bhyudayo yatra pascan naihsreyasodayah samprapyabhyudayam yasmad eti naihsreyasam kramat 11 sukham abhyudayas tatra mokso naihsreyaso matah | asya sadhanasamksepah sraddhaprajne samasatah 1 sraddhatvad bhajate dharmam prajnatvad vetti tattvatah | prajna pradhanam tv anayoh sraddha purvamgamasya tu | Mahayana not only makes the distinction between abhyudaya/ naihsreyasa, or between sraddha/prajna, but also between punyaand jnanasambhara. So Mahayana obviously also recognizes the double dharma of karma and jnanakanda. On the other hand, there was no universal agreement about the source, or root of dharma. Some would find the dharmamula in the eternal Word of the Veda, insisting that no human being could have any knowledge about what was atindriya. This position was taken by Kumarila and others. The Jainas and the Buddhists, on the other hand, would reject the authority of the Veda, replacing it with that of a compassionate and omniscient Bhagavat. Since, in the end, a Bhagavat is a body of knowledge, the difference, after all, may not be that great. Passages such as Manu 2.6 ff : vedo 'khilo dharmamulam smrtisile ca tadvidam | acaras caiva sadhunam atmanas tustir eva ca || reflect a later period where an attempt has been made to combine the authority of the impersonal Vedic Word with that of an authoritative human/divine Bhagavat etc. When the Buddhists and the Jainas replaced the Word of the Veda with the Word of their omniscient Bhagavat, they faced a new problem. Which Bhagavat was the true and omniscient Bhagavat? Some Buddhists and some Jainas, identifying Bhagavat with Brahman, would opt for a syncretistic solution claiming that one and the same Bhagavat/ Brahman actually appeared in different forms, as Buddha, Visnu, Mahavira, etc. Early evidence for such a syncretistic tendency is found in the Lankavatarasutra

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222 Jambu-jyoti (p. 192), and this standpoint is also taken by Haribhadra (who, incidentally knows this sutra, see AP 17.8). This is what Haribhadra says in YDS 128: eka eva tu margo 'yam tesam samaparayanah Christian Lindtner The great Nyaya philosopher, Jayantabhatta, in his Agamadambara 4.57, is of the same opinion: ekah sivah pasupatih kapilo 'tha visnuh samkarsano jinamunih sugato manur va | samjnah param prthag imas tanavo 'pi kamam avyakrte tu paramatmani nasti bhedah || (For further evidence of such syncretism, see Kamaleswar Bhattacharya, "Religious Syncretism in Ancient Cambodia", in Dharmaduta. Melanges offerts au Venerable Thich Huyen-Vi, Paris 1997, and Kameshwar Nath Mishra (Ed.), Glimpses of the Sanskrit Buddhist Literature, Varanasi 1997, pp. 47-56.) Another noteworthy feature that Haribhadra shares with several other classical Indian philosophers concerns the relationship between agama and anumana/tarka. As said, once we have learned about dharma from agama/sastra it is also our duty critically to analyse and understand what we have read or studied. To avoid misunderstandings, anumana/tarka is indispensable. Some intellectuals, however, go too far failing to see that dharma is not within the visaya of anumana/tarka. (This would reduce dharma, which consists, in practice, of a purely "academic" matter, so to speak.) Hence we find authorities such as Manu, Bhartrhari, Kambala, Bhavya, Sankara and Haribhadra warning their readers against kutarka, against placing too much emphasis on anumana, or on dry logic, suskatarka. (See my paper "Linking up Bhartrhari and the Bauddhas" in Asiatische Studien 47/1 (1993) for references.) Even though their devata (ista-deva) and their tattvas differ, all these authorities agree that dharma should be supported by but never contradicted by anumana/tarka/yukti. In SVS 210 we find Haribhadra quoting Manu 12.106 with approval (with the var. dharmasastram for dharmopadesam). Dharma, in other words, must be accepted on the basis of faith and reason. Those who simply reject dharma (and, consequently, adharma) must be rejected as Nihilists.

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 223 Another odd group is represented by the samsaramocaka. Perhaps the first author to refer to those who endorse murder (i.e. himsa) as a means of liberating others from the sufferings of samsara, is Kumarila (see Wilhelm Halbfass, India and Europe, Albany 1988, p. 329, with ref.). An echo of Kumarila (SV 5.5) is found in Bhavya's Madhyamakahrdaya 9.35. The argument is that if agama without reason were sufficient to establish dharma, then even the samsaramocaka would be justified in killing other living beings in order to "liberate" them, for this is what their scriptures command them to do. The otherwise rare term is also found in Sankara and in Haribhadra (SVS 150). The samsaramocaka violates the common opinion that defines dharma as ahimsa (some ref. in Halbfass, op. cit., p. 554). A mere appeal to agama thus proves nothing as it would have too many absurd consequences. When Haribhadra mentions the ten causes (hetu, sadhana) of dharma (as opposed to the ten causes of papa), he again reflects sarvasastrasamsthiti (SVS 4-5). Similar lists are found in Buddhist sutras and in Manu 12.3-7, q.v., etc. They have to do with the purification of mind, speech, and body, i.e. with the two kinds of yoga. Included in this list are the five virtues of ahimsa, satya, asteya, brahmacarya and aparigraha. The Jaina sources have much to say about these (see e.g. R. Williams, Jaina Yoga, London 1963, pp. 55--99). They are also listed in the Yogasutra 2.30; Gaudapada ad SK 23, etc. Interestingly, a Buddhist author describes the saddharma of Sakyamuni as consisting of satya, honesty (mi bslu), brahmacarya, discipline (dul ba), and love (brtse) (see Johannes Schneider, Udbhatasiddhasvamins Visesastava, Bonn 1993, p. 68, v. 65). Summarized under the twin concept of sraddha and prajna (corresponding to the double dharma) similar lists may be found in Nagarjuna's celebrated Ratnavali, which, as said, also refers to the definition of dharma given in Vaisesikasutra 1.1.3. When it comes to psychology (in the most literal sense of the word), Haribhadra, too, by his own admission, takes a syncretistic stand. It is the nature of the soul to get to know itself by its own innate light. Only the defects of karma prevent it from always grasping itself in that original state of omniscience. It can be directly perceived through yogic perception (SVS 86-87):

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224 Christian Lindtner Jambu-jyoti atmanatmagrahe tasya tatsvabhavatvayogatah | sadaivagrahanam hy evam vijneyam karmadosatah || atah pratyaksasamsiddhah sarvapranabhrtam ayam | svayamjyotih sadaivatma tatha vede 'pi pathyate || So he shares a standpoint also often expressed by other Jaina and Bauddha savants. And Sankara expresses himself in almost the same words when speaking of an avagati that is kutasthah svayamsiddhatmajyotihsvarupeti ca (Upadesasahasri 2.107, etc.). Dharmakirti (quoted by Sankara, US 18.142) is basically of the same opinion when speaking of the undivided buddhi which only experiences itself and svayam saiva prakasate (Pramanaviniscaya 1.38). In Bhartrhari, one of Haribhadra's other authorities, we come across expressions such as punyatamam jyotis, tamasi jyotih suddham, etc. (see Vakyapadiya 1.12, 18, etc.). As Haribhadra points out (above), this is an old Vedic idea, for as e.g. Frauwallner observed: "...die alte Vorstellung des Atman als leuchtend und glanzend, ein altes Erbstuck aus einer Agnilehre, ist auch der Yajnavalkyalehre gelaufig" (Kleine Schriften, Wiesbaden 1982, p. 110). Numerous other sources could be quoted to the effect that Haribhadra's doctrine of atman as svayamjyotih is shared by the agama of many other classical Indian philosophers ("psychologists"). (The notion of the natural luminosity of reason is common in Europe, too. Descartes, for instance, often speaks of man's intellectus as a lumen naturale and he is, in the Meditationes de Prima Philosophia, aware that mens, dum intelligit, se ad se ipsam quodammodo convertit.) It is thus a common Indian ideal that, even if the source of Dharma is agama, still agama is no agama if contradicted by perception or reason. For long all civilized Romans and Greeks rejected the Christian innovations as pure superstition, but in the long run, as known, the myths and the miracles found more attentive ears than the wisdom of the Greeks. Politics and propaganda proved stronger than truth and science. The sway of lokapakti was successful. Haribhadra, then, is a noble Indian spokesman of a universal humanism that crusades not only against those that seek freedom through kriyamatra, but also against those who propagate, in various ways, dharmadvesa.

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The Humanism of Haribhadra It is, in short, as if the modern apostles of sociology and psychology etc. have succeeded in reducing the four traditional purusarthas to two, namely artha and kama, leaving out dharma and moksa. They have thus failed to realize that the rejection of dharma and moksa reduces man's pursuit of artha and kama to that of a mere beast. (On the four kinds of life there is a good discussion by Aristotle, in his Nicomachean Ethics (1095b), to which I invite the Aryan reader's attention.) 225 What the world needs today is a new aristocracy of virtue and talent (Jefferson). If the study of the writings of Haribhadra may serve as one of the many means to that end, then no further apology is needed for bringing out his nice little book on the causes and effect of dharma, of which even a small drop can provide the student who is bhavya with some nourishment. Chapters (prakarana) 17 and 18 of the Astaka were translated into French by W.B. Bollee as "Le Vegetarisme defendu par Haribhadrasuri contre un bouddhiste et un brahmana", in N. K. Wagle and F. Watanabe (Eds.), studies on Buddhism in Honour of Professor A. K. Warder, Toronto 1993, pp.22-28. I am not aware of any other modern translations. The text used was published in Ahmedabad samvat 1968 (1911), with the commentary of Jinesvara/Abhayadeva. An edition of the text from 1941, with a translation into Gujarati, was also consulted. Minor misprints and errors, all obvious, were tactically made. A translation of the Lokatattvanirnaya is also appended. It, too, will provide the reader with an arsenal of arguments against some obvious modern articles of superstition. I could here use the text published (with an Italian translation) by Luigi Suali in 1905, in the Giornale della Societa Asiatica Italiana, vol. 18, pp. 263-319. The text seems first to have been published in Bhavnagar 1902. I could also consult the reprint from 1921, with a Gujarati translation. A brief discussion is found in Kapadia, op. cit, II, pp. xxxiv-xxxv. See also Karl H. Potter (Ed.), Bibliography of Indian Philosophies, Delhi 1970, pp. 130-132. Finally, I wish to thank Dr. Olle Qvarnstrom (Lund), Professors Nalini Balbir (Paris), Klaus Bruhn (Berlin), and W. B. Bollee (Heidelberg) for providing me with (copies of) various rare publications by Haribhadra and others. A special debt of gratitude I own to our guru Muni Jambuvijaya,

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226 Jambu-jyoti who for so many years never failed to let me share the fruits of his learned. and unselfish labours. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 1. Christian Lindtner A TREATISE OF OCTADES I. Eight Verses in Honour of Mahadeva [Jina] certainly has absolutely none of the desire that [normally] creates impurities. Nor does he have any of the hatred towards living beings that is [like] a forest fire having tranquillity as its fuel. Nor does he have the delusion that covers true cognition and causes impure behaviour. His greatness is celebrated in the three worlds. He is called Mahadeva ! He is free from desire, he is omniscient, a master of eternal bliss, beyond even a little bit of impure karma, and he is absolutely undivided. All the gods find him worthy of honour, and all the yogis meditate upon him. He is the author of all the rules of wisdom. He is called Mahadeva ! Being thus in possession of virtuous conduct, he has launched a science that is a path to bliss, the highest light, [and] free from the three kinds of blemish. Moreover, the method to propitiate him is, of course, simply always to try hard to serve him, to the best of one's ability according to rule. Such [devotion] will necessarily grant good results! By following the advice of a good doctor one may get totally rid of one's disease. Likewise, by following the words of [Mahadeva] one may certainly destroy samsara completely! With true devotion (bhakti), I will always keep on paying homage to Mahadeva who is thus [as described above], who is tranquil, who has done his duty, and who is a man of intelligence (dhi)! II. Eight Verses on Ablution There is said to be two kinds of ablution [in Jainism]: One is physical, and one is spiritual. Others speak of an external and an internal [kind of ablution to much the same effect].

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 227 2. To clean a part of one's body with water for a moment, mostly without disturbing others, is called physical ablution. If a person engaged in something unclean has done so, and then, according to rule, pays homage to sacred images and guests, then this [kind of ablution] will also purify him (spiritually). 4. [It purifies him) because it actually is experienced to do so since it is a cause of spiritual purification. This is because it brings about new good qualities even if some of the old] blemishes are still present. 5. In science the set of rules for bringing about virtue (dharma) depends on a person possessing authority. It must be understood [that this set of rules] has to do with virtue and vice. It can be compared to a remedy against a disease. 6. Spiritual ablution is said always to purify the soul with the help of the water of contemplation (dhyana). The impurity it refers to is karma. The foremost among sages have stated that this ultimate kind of ablution for sages increases their vows and good behaviour when they have abstained from vices (such as] violence. Having performed ablution properly in this way, one gets rid of all impurities. One will not become defiled again. Thereby one has performed ablutions in the real sense of the term ! III. Eight Verses on Worship 1. The (worship] of "eight flowers" is said to produce heaven and liberation. There are, according to those who see the truth of the matter, two kinds : An impure and the opposite (i.e. a pure form of worship). [When one worships Mahadeva] with flowers, small or abundant, of various sorts, of pure origin, just as it happens to be, fresh, in pure pots... 3. (And then] offers them to the God of gods, who is free from the eight kinds of decay, and who has the wealth of virtues arising from that, (then) this sort of worship) is called impure. 4. By nature this kind (of worship] is mixed, because spiritual (purification) is a result of physical (purification, as suggested above).

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228 Christian Lindtner Jambu-jyoti [This kind of worship) must be understood to bring about heaven (svarga). But there is also [a kind of worship having to do with] spiritual "flowers" that consists of the virtues of scientific statements. They never wither, for (science) is full of them, and so they are [always] fragrant. 6. These are the real [spiritual] flowers : Non-violence, honesty, not stealing, chastity, non-attachment, devotion to one's guru [or parents), penance, and insight. A [worship] offered to the God of gods with such ("flowers"), full of respect and out of piety--such a [worship] is said to be pure. 7. By such (worship] a spiritual attitude is commended. From this the extinction of karma will surely result. Nirvana follows from the extinction of karma. So this kind (of worship) is approved by good men. IV. Eight Verses on Making a Fire 1. Using his [eight kinds of] karma as fuel, a consecrated (monk] should, with the fire of meditation on dharma (dharmadhyana), try to make a solid fire with true imagination as oblation. Consecration (i.e. monkhood) is said to be for the purpose of liberation. Since this (namely liberation) in the scripture is said to be the result of insight and meditation, therefore there is this aphorism in the Sivadharmottara (or Nandikesvarasamhita] : 3. "By worship (of a god, one may attain] an abundant kingdom. By making a fire [one attains) wealth. Austerity is for the clearing of bad karma. Insight and meditation bring about liberation". 4. But bad karma can take place when one is in possession of kingdom and riches. Therefore, recourse to the two causes of these [namely kingdom and riches, i.e. worship and making a fire] is not blameless. This must be considered correctly ! Since the clearing of such [bad karma) takes place by means of austerities, and not by means of gifts etc., therefore it is not possible in

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 229 any other way. Also, a great soul [Vyasa] has said so sin the Mahabharata 3.2.47] : "If one desires wealth for the sake of dharma, then it would be far better not to have any desire at all. Of course, it is far better not to touch mud than only having to wash it off again". 7. But by resorting to the road to freedom, these [good results of making a fire of dharmadhyana] will in all probability become even more splendid on earth. They will, in fact, become beneficial. There is a consensus about this in all good (and sound] scriptures. Sacrifice and pious works, as prescribed for one having desires, do not lead to freedom. However, if one has no desire, they do. This is the only suitable way of making a fire ! V. Eight Verses on Alms 1. Those who know the truth have said that there are three kinds of alms : The first is the one that produces all perfections. The second destroys manliness. [The third] is alms for subsistence (or survival]. When an ascetic has attached himself to meditation (dhyana), etc., when he remains loyal to the orders of his guru, and when he never undertakes [anything bad], then [this kind of alms) is considered to bring about all perfections. Out of a pure intention [the first kind of alms] is prescribed for the benefit of the body of householders so that an unattached ascetic roaming about like a bee can prolong his life, etc. If a religious mendicant behaves against this and involves himself in bad karma, then this sort of alms) is said to destroy his manliness. A fat and foolish [mendicant) piteously fills his belly with alms, [thus] degrading dharma. He simply destroys his manliness. 6. [When mendicants] who are destitute, blind or lame, and incapable of doing anything else, roam about for alms just to survive, then this is called alms for subsistence.

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230 Christian Lindtner Jambu-jyoti 7. It could not be so bad [to give] such alms to such [miserable people] for, of course, in this way they do not cause derogation of dharma, for they merely awaken our compassion. Also, it must be understood, that those who give (alms] to them will get a reward that depends on the field [i.e. the kind of person who receives the alms), or on the intention (on the part of the donor). This is a pure and rewarding [kind of alms]. VI. Eight Verses on Alms that Produce All Perfections 1. When the food [offered] to an ascetic is not made, not ordered to be made by others, and not at all prepared for him, only then) is it declared to be pure [and] purifying. 2. Opponent : But if [the food) is not prepared [for him) in advance, then how can one give it [to him] with the intention of offering it? So it is wrong to say that it is pure ! 3. Reply : This is not the case, for alms should only be received in the house of good householders. There is no other place that one could otherwise strive for the good of oneself and others. Opponent : But when the [food) is spoiled, then, in particular, there is an intention !-Reply : Such a refutation would not be correct as long as (we are] speaking of beggars ! 5. We should also mention the object of such an [intention] : It is for the sake of good karma, and it has to be due to the impossibility of naming the [mendicant) in question. (This is what a pure intention must be like). Otherwise a "competent" (person], is not (really] competent. 6. If one has an intention, for one's own enjoyment of a thing, where the gift is parted out, then, at the time of action, it is bad as an object of both [persons involved). But, in the case of an undertaking suitable to oneself, a corresponding intention is under no circumstances bad. This is because it is a pure attitude; it is like association with something else that is pure.

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 231 8. Thus there is also a clear advantage [to be had from giving food] not prepared [for a particular guest]. So it has not been said to be an impossibility. This is perfection of competence. The religion of an ascetic is exceedingly difficult ! VII. Eight Verses on Meals in Private 1. In order to avoid good and [bad karma, a mendicant] who has turned away from all [bad) undertakings, who wants to be free and who has developed himself spiritually, prefers to take his meals in private. When a miserable (mendicant), for instance, suffers from hunger and notices someone eating a meal, and then asks for something, one may, out of compassion, give him something. This is generally said to be a bond of good karma. 3. However, (philosophers] who speak of liberation do not approve of this sort of [bond], because it is the cause of rebirth. This is because the sacred scriptures agree that liberation is due to the extinction of good and bad karma. In most cases a humane person will not fail to give such a (miserable mendicant a meal to eat]. Since it is his nature to do like that he is also capable of remaining at ease. 5. 11, If, however, one fails to give [a meal) to a miserable (mendicant) etc., then enmity will certainly be the result. From that follows hatred towards the teachings, and from that a long line of bad rebirths. In this case (those who know the truth] have spoken of a bond of bad karma which is in conflict with the intention of the scriptures. This is because it would be the cause of such [bad karma not to give a meal to a mendicant] out of negligence when one has the means to do so. 7. Of course, the intention of the scriptures must always be effected strenuously as far as possible by a [mendicant] who wants to be free and who is concerned with no other occupations. Since it has thus been shown in the scriptures that in both cases it is a bad thing to take a meal in public, therefore, it is reasonable to give it up.

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232 Christian Lindtner Jambu-jyoti VIII. Eight Verses on Renunciation 1. There are two kinds of renunciation, a material and a spiritual. The first one, of course, has to do with attention etc., the other is considered to be quite different from this. [There are several] hindrances for renunciation : Attention, lack of order, and lack of ripening as well. Another (hindrance) is lack of energy. 2. It sometimes happens that incapable (students are full] of attention to profit and other [material values). But, according to the scriptures, this is not worth anything. Therefore, attention is blameworthy in such cases. Just as people normally do not grasp science, etc., because of lack of order [in their studies), thus this must also be considered a result of there being something wrong. 5. Likewise, if one is not ripe enough for renunciation (even though one observes that things] cease being permanent, this is also a bad (renunciation). This is due to one's lack of devotion to the orders of Jina, and to one's lack of longing for liberation. When [one's renunciation] is disturbed by the arising of impure karma---due to lack of exalted energy--this is still called material renunciation. 7. As opposed to this, Jina has spoken of spiritual renunciation. It consists in the correct mode of behaviour. It is necessarily a means of bringing about liberation. When one, with true devotion, understands what the Jina says, then, even if it is disturbed by something material, it still will be a cause of spiritual renunciation. IX. Eight Verses on Knowledge 1. The great sages say that there are three kinds of] knowledge (jnana) : One that (merely) reflects an object, one that changes with the soul, and one that is aware of true reality (tattva) :

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 233 2. The one that reflects an object can be compared to the delusions of [foolish] children etc. with regard to poison, thorns, jewels etc. It is not aware that these [dangerous things etc.) must be avoided, etc. 3. Such [wrong knowledge) is said to be characterized by careless activity etc. It ends in obstruction in the form of ignorance. It is the cause of great harm. 4. 5. [When the knowledge] of one just about to fall, etc. is not in doubt about such problems, etc., [then] it is considered to be related to a change of the soul when applied to the attainment of misfortune, etc. [When such a knowledge] can be made manifest through a corresponding mode of activity, etc., when it is connected with something real, and when it arises from a decrease of the obstructions of knowledge, then, as a rule, it is the cause of dispassion. 6. [When knowledge that] is correctly aware of the truth means that a healthy and calm [person) is as sure as one can be about certain things having to be avoided, etc., [then it is] fruitful. It is said that it can be obtained by means of a pure mode of behaviour with regard to [things that are] right, etc. It means the end of (all] obstructions of true cognition, and it is the cause of great prosperity. 8. Those who are devoted to the scriptures should always strive for this by rigorously abandoning bad beliefs with the sincerity of faith etc. in the path (of Jainism). X. Eight Verses about Dispassion 1. There are, according to tradition, three kinds of dispassion (vairagya) : The first is called meditation on suffering, the second has delusion as its origin (mohagarbha), the (third] is associated with true knowledge. [The first] is mostly the cause of separation, etc. from something being the opposite of what one likes. It is not [quite] free from what one should, to the best of one's ability, try to renounce, etc. It creates disgust, it is full of dispair, [and it may be] the cause of suicide, etc. Such meditation on suffering is normally considered the first (and fundamental kind of] dispassion.

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234 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Christian Lindtner Jambu-jyoti When one is certain that the soul here [in this world] is either entirely one, eternal and unbound, or, momentary [and] unreal, [and one] therefore regards normal life as being without value... Then this kind of dispassion is said to have delusion [about the soul] as its origin. [It applies to a person] who is calm so as to abandon this [i.e. normal life], and who also sincerely behaves in a good way. Most of these souls, as they transform, are, of course, bound by external desire, etc. Due to this, woe! the souls remain in the normal cruel life. Those who see the truth say that dispassion associated with true knowledge consists in having understood so [i.e. in knowing] how to abandon this [namely samsara], and in its total abandonment. This necessarily comes about as a result of a complete understanding of the truth. So, this [dispassion associated with cognition of reality] is the means of attaining perfection, as the Jinas have, in fact, declared ! XI. Eight Verses on Austerity Some [ignorant people] think that austerity (tapas) consisting in suffering [may bring about moksa], but this is not logical. This is because it is the nature of this [sort of tapas] to arise as karma, just as in the case of the suffering of a bull, for instance.. If it were so, then all who practise tapas would have to suffer. This is because they are characterized by the specific property [namely suffering] of that [namely tapas], just like a rich man is [characterized] by a large amount of riches. Also, if so, according to your interpretation, great practitioners of tapas would have to belong in hell, etc. [which is, of course, characterized by suffering]. Since the most important thing for them is the happiness of equanimity, yogis are, however, not afflicted by suffering. Therefore, intelligent people must abandon this kind [of bad tapas] as being foreign to logic and to the scriptures. Since it produces a kind of dhyana that is not recommended, it mostly causes injury to oneself. Since the Jinas have urged us never to relinquish the activity (yoga) of our mind and our senses, how, therefore, could it [namely tapas = yoga] possibly have the nature of suffering?

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 235 Sometimes there may be a little bit of pain in the body from not eating, etc. This is just like the behaviour of an ailment. It does not contradict the point we here wish to make. 7. Surely, when looked upon in the perspective that) one's desired aims are fully achieved, torment of the body (= tapas) is not painful. In this case one can also compare it to [the trouble and the final profit] of those who are traders of precious stones, etc. So, it must be known, tapas essentially consists of a special kind of insight, longing for liberation (samvega) and calmness. It is a purity by destruction of karma, and it consists of pleasure without any pain ! 8. XII. Eight Verses on Debate 1. The greatest sages have declared that there are three kinds of debate (vada) : A dry debate, a controversy, and a moral debate. When an 'ascetic has [a debate] with a foolish (opponent] who is exceedingly arrogant, who has a most ferocious mind, and who really hates dharma, then this is called a dry (or useless] debate. 3. This kind (of debate] has two aspects : If [the opponent] triumphs, dharma will be neglected, etc. If he is defeated, [dharma] will be degraded. So [this kind of debate) really increases misfortune. 4. Again, (if one has a debate) devoted to quibble and futile rejoinders with a wretched mean person only interested in profit and fame, this is traditionally called a controversy. 5. In this case it is very difficult for an honest man to remain true to his own principles. But even if he does win [the debate), imperfections such as karma that restricts, etc., will impede his (good) fate. 6. [A moral debate) is a debate on dharma that one has with an intelligent person who is interested in the next world, who is impartial, and who really understands the truths in his (or one's] own scriptures. 7. If one wins, the result is a blameless comprehension of dharma, etc. If one is defeated [the result is also positive, for then] one's personal delusion is necessarily destroyed.

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236 Christian Lindtner Jambu-jyoti 8. Here, moreover, a learned (student) should (only) take up a debate after he has decided whether the place, the time, the participants, etc. are important or unimportant, and after he has become familiar with the philosophy of the Jina. XIII. Eight Verses on a Debate about Dharma The scope of a moral debate is simply to acquire [an understanding] of the meaning (of the scriptures etc.) in question, based on various texts. It can be defined as a means of producing dharma. 2. These are the five means of purifying oneself accepted by all moral persons : Non-violence, truth, not stealing, liberality and avoidance of sexual intercourse. Where these five reasonably belong in their fundamental sense, and where they do not [belong], this is something that should be considered scientifically based on a text by means of an interpretation of that text. 4. Moral Moral people, however, are not required to provide a definition of the means of knowledge, etc. This is because it would not serve any purpose etc. Accordingly, the great sage (Siddhasena] has said [in his Nyayavatara 2 :] "The sources of valid knowledge are already well-known, and so is the conduct based upon them. It, therefore, serves no purpose to provide a definition for proof] of the sources of valid knowledge." Surely, one may try to establish [a pramana] either by proving it by means of (another] pramana, or without doing so. But in the first case], how can one logically give a reasonable proof of the (pramana that has to be established] by one that has not yet been defined for ascertained to exist] ? 7. Alternatively, what is the point of providing a defination (of a pramana], if the (pramana) has been established by another pramana that has not been ascertained to exist ? It is simply mental blindness ! 8. Moral persons should, therefore, free from desire, simply consider [moral] matters as they are stated [in the scriptures] with diligence, for this is the only way] to perfect one's desired aims.

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. XIV. Eight Verses Crushing the Thesis of an Absolutely Permanent [Soul] 8. 237 Some people have the one-sided view that the soul is absolutely permanent. But how can they, in the original meaning of the word, logically maintain (that a permanent soul] is subject to violence, etc.? [Since a permanent soul is also] one without activity, it is clear that it can never kill anybody, nor can it be killed by anybody. Thus it has nothing to do with violence! But if there is thus no violence at all, then non-violence cannot be anything real. Furthermore, truth and all the other [virtues mentioned above] are also [not real], because they were supposed to produce non-violence [which, as said, apparently does not exist]. So, if this were a correct interpretation [of the status of the soul] and these [virtues] did not exist, then the entire practice of observances, etc. would be good for nothing. It would simply be a matter of delusion! Also, [a permanent soul] could not possibly be united with a physical body. If it could, it would also be omnipresent, and therefore samsara could not be conceived. As a result of this [absurdity] all the words [of Jina] would be but empty talk Good rebirth as a result of good karma, bad rebirth as a result of bad karma, insight and liberation. The same mistake occurs if one assumes that the [soul] has a place of enjoyment as its object, for how could [a soul] without activity enjoy [any object] when it is quite different from that [object which is not without activity]! If one accepts that the [soul] can be active, then all this is possible. [If one wants everything] to be blameless in the fundamental sense of the word [soul], then one must resort to another philosophical system. XV. Eight Verses Crushing the Thesis of an Absolutely Impermanent [Soul] 1. If one [e.g. a Bauddha] assumes that the "soul" is a kind of continuum of [momentary] instants of cognition, then, no doubt, violence, etc., is

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238 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Christian Lindtner nothing real, for that is contradicted by the [Buddhist's] own. philosophical position.. 1. Jambu-jyoti [A "soul"] held to be momentary will continue [unchanged] when it is not connected to a cause of destruction. And if there is no destruction [of the soul] from any other [external cause] then violence also can have no cause. Therefore [violence] either always exists or never exists. An occasional existence would, of course, have to depend on a prime cause. Nor can [someone] who interrupts the continuum [of the "soul"] actually cause harm [to the "soul"]. This is because such a ["soul"] cannot be produced since [according to the Bauddhas] it only exists in a relative sense. Nor can a particular moment [of the "soul" be produced] by the [very] same [moment], for that would create uncertainty. Thus, in fact, the [moment to be produced] would [have to] be considered [the same as] the one producing, because it serves as material cause. And if the given [moment] has the status of producing harm [upon another moment of the soul], then there would be no [moment] that did not produce harm. Thus it would never stop doing so, because it is invariably producing [harm]. 7. It must be considered carefully why there is a mentioning of this [namely non-violence] in the scripture. The object to which it refers must, indeed, be meaningful! 8. If there is no such thing as [non-violence], then truth, etc. are not really possible, for our Muni has said that the [other virtues] are there to protect this [namely non-violence, ahimsa]. XVI. Eight Verses Adorning the Thesis that [the Soul] is Permanent and Impermanent Only if the soul is in fact permanent and impermanent, different from and not different from the body, will violence and so on make sense, for there is [only] then no contradiction.

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 239 2. 4. When a person causes harm (to someone) with the intention of causing damage to his body, he says, due to his wretchedness : "I am going to kill !". Such violence has a cause ! When, due to causal necessity, there is a maturation of the karma [accumulated from killing the victim that had] to be killed, then the killer will be responsible for his deed. It [namely violence] will be evil, for it is the result of an evil [intention on his part). So, by abstention from what, according to the good teaching, is impure karma, one can, alas, stop such [violence] simply by always having good intentions ! Such non-violence is considered fundamental for producing heaven and freedom. In order to take good care of this (namely non-violence], it is reasonable that one protects truth, etc. So the [soul) is proved to be permanent amd (impermanent], etc., because it can remember, recognize, and because it can touch and feel the body. It is also considered to be permanent and impermanent, etc.] because it is established to be so by cornmon opinion. Assuming the (soul] has the size of the body, and that it has attributes such as contraction, etc., then, due to good karma, it can go upwards [to good rebirth), etc. So everything is exactly as it should be ! 6. 7. 8. With a good mind this should be considered by a man whose soul is impartial. It simply must be understood. For good men there is no other valid interpretation (of the soul] ! XVII. Eight Verses Reprehending the Enjoyment of Meat [An opponent), too much of a disputant, says that a good man is allowed to enjoy meat, as he may [enjoy] rice, etc., for meat is only a small part of a living being. Reply : Since the decision about what one may and may not eat actually entirely depends on the scriptures and on (what) mankind in general accepts, therefore this (opinion] is improper. 3. According to these (sources] one may consume one part of a living being, but not certain other parts. From this point of view it is all right [to consume] e.g. the good milk [but not the] blood of a cow etc.

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240 Christian Lindtner Jambu-jyoti 4 When we think that certain things) should not be consumed, it is not because they are "parts of a living being". It is rather because they belong to another soul, for this is generally accepted to be so in the scriptures. [If the opponent's reason for prohibiting the enjoyment of meat was true) then it would not at all be reasonable to prohibit (the enjoyment] of the flesh of a (Buddhist] monk ! It would even be permitted to eat his bones, for they are, without exception, simply "parts of a living being" ! 6. If, based on a somewhat similar argument, [our opponent) accepts the practice of seating meat), then you could also treat your wife and your mother in the same way, for both of them are women ! (i.e. living beings partly to be eaten] ! 7. Hence an intelligent person [only] expresses an opinion based on science as well as on the common opinion of] mankind. In this way he is intelligent in all matters. Otherwise he would be like a crazy fool! But, by the way, has not (the enjoyment of meat] already been carefully prohibited by a competent [authority) in your own texts, e.g. in the Lankavatarasutra ? So does it not mean anything ? XVIII. Eight Verses Reprehending the Enjoyment of Meat Another (opponent Manu), forgetting all about the proper meaning of the word [namely mamsa) that he himself has expressed, has said something about this matter, thus (inadvertently] bringing the former and the latter meaning in mutual contradiction : [Manusmrti 5.56 :) "There is nothing wrong in eating meat, there is nothing wrong in drinking or in having sexual intercourse. This is the normal behaviour of living beings. It is, however, very good to abstain from all this". (Manusmrti 5.55 :] "Me he will eat in the next world, whose meat I eat in this world. Wise men say this is what it means to eat meat". Thus the fault here simply consists in being born !-There is no eating [of meat] foreign to the book (of Manu] ! The prohibition (above) is 4.

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 5. If the priests desire so, a duly authorized [priest] may eat consecrated meat even if he has to kill living beings. 7. 6. If [the opponent says] that there is nothing wrong in this, [then we reply] that it does not follow that he abstains from doing so [i.e. from eating meat] by not eating meat on other occasions. This is because it has been proclaimed as a fault not to eat [meat] in this [book, namely Manusmrti 5.35 :] 8. 1. 2. 3. based on common opinion, but according to the meaning of another statement [in the same book], it is justified [to eat meat]: 5. 241 6. "If a duly authorized priest does not eat meat, then, after his death, he will become an animal for twenty-one rebirths". If to abstain from [eating meat] is the same as being a religious mendicant, then the lack of [positive] result coming from not understanding this, is a fault of his. He is certainly not free from faults [if he does not abstain from eating meat] ! XIX. Eight Verses Reprehending Drinking Liquors Moreover, liquor is a cause of heedlessness and at once destroys a sound mind. It is like a disorder of friendly relations. To object that there is nothing wrong with this is outrageous! There is no need to waste many a word on this, for it can be seen with one's own eyes. Even at present the problem with [alcohol] is that it also makes one look like a big fool. 4. A certain sage practised tapas, but then Indra became afraid and sent some goddesses to seduce him. And so they approached him... According to tradition also, a sage who had reached the inner light and whose tapas was great, nevertheless, due to liquor, was seduced by some heavenly maidens. So, like a fool, he went to hell. Politely they propitiated him as he stood there facing the women. They told him to enjoy either liquor and meat or sex, according to choice. Thus addressed by them he saw that both were causes of hell: The [evil] in the form of liquor (at least] was preceded by a pure motive.

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242 7. 8. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. Christian Lindtner He then chose liquor, but by enjoying it he lost his peace in dharma because of intoxication. By killing a goat for the sake of spice he in fact did all the things [he should not have done]. Jambu-jyoti And thereby he lost his power. When he died he went to hell. Thus it is good for moral people to know that liquor is a source of corruption ! XX. Eight Verses Reprehensive of Copulation Since copulation is necessarily the result of desire, how then, can one say that it is not a sin? Hence it is prohibited in the sacred texts. Opponent [objection]: But there is no sin in [copulation] if a man desires a son for the sake of dharma, and if he only is occupied with his own wife [and only engages in this practice] at the suitable time and in a proper way? Reply: It is inconsistent, for [the prohibition] is not absolute, for [you are only] like one who blames [copulation]. Since [it is said] that one should bathe after having studied the Veda, [copulation] is approved after one has studied. Since [the text], however, does not say [that copulation is approved of] only after one has performed the ceremony of bathing, therefore the stage of a householder is inferior. Also, at that [stage] such [copulation is practised], so, logically, it is not reasonable to applaud it. Opponent: The applause [of copulation] just means that it is not a sin -Reply: How can that be? For when one praises it for not being a sin, this implies that it [in other cases and in general] selfevidently is full of sin! Since the cause of one's engagement in such [copulation, is, as said, desire], and since there is no possibility of having the intention to give it up, therefore it is not good to speak about providing rules in order to justify matters of simple desire. The great sages have declared, in the holy scriptures, that such [copulation] is harmful for living beings. And this is because they have understood [copulation to be as dangerous as] going into burning sparks in a tube.

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 8. 1. 3. 2. It is like someone who receives a prescription [from a doctor who] wants to give him a medicine for his ailment. But he does not accept it and so, in the end, he will really regret it: 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. Also [copulation] is the root of bad dharma. It increases existence in samsara. If one does not want to die [and be reborn] one must avoid it like poisoned food! XXI. Eight Verses on Having Recourse to a Subtle Intelligence Men interested in dharma must always try to understand dharma with an intelligence that is subtle. Otherwise, if they do so with a [weak] moral intelligence, it will follow that it is impeded. 243 "Once I received a very good prescription, but I did not at all feel ill. O, how unfortunate am I ! Woe! I have failed to achieve [the freedom from disease] I wanted so much!" Likewise, of course, this "prescription" [of dharma] has to do with a state of being "sick". Since this is considered to be so by good men, should great souls then think that it is bad? Even certain ordinary people, from another point of view, have seen this point, with an eye for subtle matters. For this reason they have declared as follows: "Let the good that you have done to me ripen in your limbs ! In misfortune a man receives the fruit [of good karma] in return for what good he has done". Thus it must be understood that a moral obstruction or dilemma always depends on one's understanding of what is inferior and superior in regard to conflicting prescriptions, etc. Also, when dealing with rules for ascetics, etc., [i.e. rules] in conflict with the principles stated in the holy texts... [Then] it must be known that the moral dilemma depends on different kinds of substances, etc. [So, to avoid moral obstructions,] one must resort to true impartiality, paying attention to the dharma of the scriptures [with a subtle intelligence].

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244 Christian Lindtner Jambu-jyoti XXII. Eight Verses Examining the Purity of Character 1. One must also understand the purity of character that follows this path (of Jainism]. It is always pleased to attain insight, but in itself it is never selfish. 2. Desire, hatred, and delusion are the [three main] causes of impurity of a man's character. It must be known that the more they increase, the more will his [impurity of character) actually increase. So, when the impurity of one's character] has thus increased, "purity" is merely an empty word. Being fabricated by the skill of one's personal intellectual constructions, it will be without meaning. 3. When there is no longer any delusion left over, selfishness will not occur any more. To depend on something that has good qualities, is, of course, a means of preventing such [bad things] from increasing further. Therefore, the sage who knows the sacred scriptures, has also said that with regard to all actions such as consecration, offerings, etc., [one must certainly perform them) with the hand of a patient ascetic with equanimity. A person who has not got this cannot even act in an expedient manner. If one does not know the value, etc. of a pure character for oneself and for others--how can one have it? 7. Therefore, (purity of character as stated] belongs to an advanced and capable student who by nature has a pure mind, a man who can distinguish the [right] places and measures [from the wrong ones), a man who respects virtuous men... Purity of character, as stated, belongs to a man who acts decently, a man who, by abandoning wrong beliefs without hesitation, is totally devoted to the sacred scriptures. XXIII. Eight Verses Rejecting Slander of the Doctrine 1. A (rogue] who, even quite relaxed, is busy slandering the doctrine (of the Jainas] will certainly also cause harm to other living beings, for such [slander) is the cause of wrong belief.

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 245 2. Moreover, it may well be a major cause of life in samsara which is terrible in its ripening, something cruel that increases all the bad things. 3. If a [good man] on the other hand does all he can to extol the doctrine, he will also restore the right belief here [in Jainism] for the benefit of others. Such a [behaviour] achieves the unsurpassed (stage). 4. [The highest stage) is free from the intense impurities, it is associated with virtues such as mental calm etc., it is the cause of all kinds of happiness and, it brings about the bliss of perfection. 5. For this reason, an intelligent person should be very careful not to slander the doctrine, [for such slander) is a major means of producing bad karma. The blame (that incurs) from such slandering of the doctrine in one rebirth after another can always banish one's soul, because it is so important (and serious]. 7. If one has the energy to do so, one must certainly try to extol (the doctrine] here. This is because such an (elevation] is really a successful seed of all kinds of success. 8. Therefore one achieves an elevation that produces welfare in one rebirth after another. It will necessarily bring slander of all things to an end. XXIV. Eight Verses Explaining how Good Karma Follows from Good Karma 1. Just as a man goes from one good house to another (good) house, thus [one may go] from one (good) rebirth to [another) rebirth due to one's good karma (dharma). 2. Just as a man goes from a good house to another house (that is not so good], thus [one may go] from a (good) rebirth to a [bad] rebirth due to one's bad karma (dharma). 3. Just as a man may go from a bad house to another house that is even worse, thus (one may go from a bad] rebirth to another rebirth that is even worse due to one's very bad karma.

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246 Christian Lindtner Jambu-jyoti 4. 6. Just as a man may go from one bad house to another house (that is not bad], thus [one may go from a bad) rebirth to another rebirth (that is not so bad] due to one's good karma Therefore (good) men must always perform good karma that is connected with good karma, due to the power of which all kinds of success will arise without failing. This is something that is done with a will that (has been made] pure by sacred scriptures that are true. Moreover, it arises from [men] who are experienced in insight. It never comes from any other source. That one follows the path (of Jainism) is a good thing that certainly comes about quite naturally. [It is, however,] due to the kindness of [elders who are] experienced in insight (nana) that one achieves a success that is unsurpassed. Kindness towards living beings, dispassion, honouring of one's guru [or parents) according to rule, and a pure moral behaviour--this is good karma that is connected with seven more] good karma. 8. XXV. Eight Verses on the Major Result of Good Karma Connected with Good Karma So one must understand that the highest result is due to one's achievement of excellence. Making one a worthy person through one's good and decent behaviour is a means of producing liberation. Since the good and decent behaviour in this case is something hereditary, it is, of course, according to the tradition of the Guru of the world, something that one should also reasonably be grateful for (or : resolute about]. According to the tradition of the Jinas, (a good man], in order not to alarm his parents [and], in order to secure the stability of important matters so that good things can flourish, is like this [in his way of thinking] : "As long as my parents are living in this house, I will also live in this house, according to their wish !" "My parents may live in the house of their obedient (son]. I can join thic order oi uscetics later on when it is finally suitable".

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 247 6. Such an abstention from all bad karma is fully accepted by good men. Therefore a (mode of behaviour] that alarms one's parents is not at all suitable. 7. To be obedient to one's parents is certainly a very auspicious commencement of such (good and decent behaviour) : One's parents are a great object of worship for men who are engaged in dharma. 8. If a man loves his parents he is considered a grateful person, a person who worships the dharma and his parents. He is a man who participates in the pure dharma. XXVI. Eight Verses to Establish the Greatness of the Gifts of the Ascetic 1. It is not correct if one thinks that the great gift of the Guru of the world can be calculated. A sacred text which starts with 3.000.000.000 (gifts and goes on may here] be mentioned. 2. Objection : In the appropriate texts of others, the [number of gifts] is described by others as innumerable. This-i.e. the [term "innumerable"]-is precisely suitable here [in our scriptures], for it fits with the meaning of the word "great". 3. Therefore, because of their great dignity, as a whole, the status of Gurus of the world here [in our scriptures] logically belongs to these [Jinas) only. Everything, of course, is great to great (men) ! 4. Reply : One [Bauddha) may argue thus out of delusion, not being able to determine the meaning of the sutra properly. From this one can see how limited this (man's sense of] logic is ! 5. Strictly speaking, it is of course true that the great gift (or generosity] of the Guru of the world can be calculated. Hence it is set out in the sutra that the number can be increased and increased. 6. How can [his great generosity] be expressed in a precise number ! That would be due to an error ! Therefore the concept of a number should be understood in the sense as expressed (as "infinite"]. 7. This is also [a token of his great authority. If people in most cases are not interested in its presence, it is because it is associated with a very special kind of pleasure (unknown to them).

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248 Christian Lindtner Jambu-jyoti 8, If, however, they have studied dharma, then, by its yoga, they will come to see the truth. This is his great greatness. He is the only guru of the world ! XXVII. Eight Verses Refuting that Jina's Gift is without Value 2. An opponent may object : What, exactly, is the benefit to be established from his gift so that one may with certainly obtain liberation in this very rebirth ? Reply : It is because such karma responsible for the incarnation of an ascetic (tirthakrnnamakarma) arises in heaven only that he is active in the welfare only of all living beings. Also, a great soul [is active) in demonstrating the factors of dharma and of his gift. He does so by means of (factors] properly belonging to various stages (of virtue), and this is because he has compassion for each and every [living being]. (His gift) produces a pure mental attitude, and it cuts down pertinacity. It is a vital factor for true elevation, and it generates compassion. Also, it generates insight.-Even though Bhagavat here, in his second birth, puts on a divine cloth, he still-has a generous mind. This is due to his extraordinary compassion. 4. 6. So, his task of duty [i.e. generosity and compassion) cannot therefore be considered a matter of a different attitude. On the other hand it is true that one stage of virtue is conditioned by another (stage of] virtue. As to the sutra that begins : "Those, however, who praise the gift...", great souls must look upon this as referring to different stages (of virtue). 8. So, there is really no new meaning of this to be established from that. It is, in fact, as before. Thus karma is cast off. XXVIII. Eight Verses showing it not to be Wrong for an Ascetic to give away even his Kingdom etc. 1. Another opponent objects : It is certainly a fault of his to give away his kingdom, etc., for as a king he has a great responsibility. [If he gives it away] he does not understand the path to truth.

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 249 2. Reply : Surely, if he does not give away his kingdom, then his peoplesince he may not be the [right] leader--will, due to the evil of the times, start fighting with one another about the borders. 3. Since they will destroy a lot in this world and in the one to come, and since it will not be possible for a great soul [i.e. the king] to remain indifferent (as he wants to) if he has the military] power [to engage in a war)... 4. Therefore, in order to help them, it would be a virtuous thing on his part to give away his kingdom-especially if he is a guru of the world who is consecrated for the welfare of others ! Likewise, with regard to the rules, of wedding, etc., and with regard to determining works of art. It would not be wrong (for him to give up these things). It would, in fact, turn out to be the best form of good karma. 6. On the other hand, it is a very useful thing to protect living beings from even greater evils. It is something that is good for them as well as for him. 7. Just as it is not wrong of him to protect elephants, etc. by pulling them into holes, etc., thus he (can do what seems necessary to protect other living beings) if there is no other alternative. 8. This is also something that must be maintained here (when talking about giving away his kingdom). Otherwise the instruction (for a king] may well result in moral evil, since it is the cause of bad karma (dharma), etc. XXIX. Eight Verses Showing the Nature of Equanimity The Omniscient [Jinas] have also said that equanimity is a most important factor for liberation. It is said to belong to great souls who are (pure) like sharp knives and sandalwood. It must be understood that it is really absolutely blameless. This is because it has the nature of a sound mentality that is the result of a [spiritual] purification by means of all kinds of yoga.

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250 Christian Lindtner Jambu-jyoti 3. On the other hand, the kind of mind that people in general consider sound is, if one considers it closely, not of the same sort, even if it can be related to a similar dignity. 4 "May this [equanimity) fall to my lot, and [may I take all] the bad karma of the world (upon myself] ! May all the living beings also achieve liberation by means of my good deeds !" 5. Opponent: Since this is an impossibility because [authoritative) tradition has it that the buddhas (= the Jinas) are in Nirvana, then, if it were possible, it would also presuppose that at least one of these Jinas] was not in liberation ! Reply : To think so may seem logical, but it is in fact quite wrong. The good [state of Nirvana] must be understood to be quite another state. (Here we are dealing with something) that is like striving etc. for enlightenment etc. [that one does not have]. 7. A kind mind towards a mischievous (person] is due to [one's wish] to bring about something extraordinary. One that is mischievous due to selfishness does not care about such a misfortunate (person]. 8. Thus a mind that is different from equanimity may be happy at another (spiritual] level. But the one that is the result] of absolute purification must be known to be absolutely happy. XXX. Eight Verses on Omniscience A soul that has been purified through equanimity by the destruction of all obstructing karmas obtains an absolute [knowledge, or omniscience] that illuminates the inhabited and the desolate world.. It [namely omniscience] can only arise when one's insight, tapas and good behaviour are (perfect]. So, the [omniscience] of the [soul) is the same as its purity. Here [in Jainism) it is held to be obtained thus : 3. This is the real nature of the soul. (Normally], however, it is covered. by impurities without [temporal] beginning. It is as with the rays from a precious jewel [in mud) : Thanks to the destruction of the [impurities] it may become (clear and shining] by means of this somniscience :)

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. It is because the soul has the nature of this [namely omniscience] that it illuminates the inhabited and the empty world. So, as soon as it arises, it is as explained. 251 [When omniscience is present] in the soul it is also maintained to be aware of itself, for this [awareness of itself] is an attribute of the soul. Its reality never changes, for it cannot possibly move, etc. Also, the light of the moon etc. cognized here [in the soul] is only something that is known, for the light in the form of matter is not an attribute of the [soul itself]. Therefore it also illuminates everything it reaches, for it cannot logically be otherwise. So, according to sound reason, it can also be cognized by self-cognition. In the empty world there is no attribute without a substance, nor is there any lord where the principle of movement (motion, dharma) ends. If one gets one's soul from going there, it cannot be. So [it must be] as explained. XXXI. Eight Verses on the Teaching of the Ascetic Though the [Jina] is free from desire, he still goes on teaching the dharma. This is due to the arising of the Ascetic's karma of personal incarnation, experienced as something good. Aiming at enlightenment as the best, he is, of course, totally devoted to the welfare of others. This man, a splendid character, undertakes karma accordingly. As long as he abides by this it will keep on taking place. The Guru of the world [is active in] teaching the dharma, for it is his nature to do So. Though his teaching is [really] one, still it is capable of producing a salutary understanding, referring to many things, in many living beings. This is so because of the power of an inconceivable quantity of good karma. And so there is nothing in the three worlds that cannot be achieved by those of superior good karma.

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252 6. 1. 8. Christian Lindtner Jambu-jyoti The reason that the ultimately true [teaching] is not given to incapable [students] is, one must know, due to their bad qualities. It is not due to [those] of Bhagavat! Also, it is a fact that, at sunrise, owls cannot see anything. This is due to their karma, by nature impure. One must understand [the problem of teaching] to be the same. Likewise, this [teaching] will also, (indeed) certainly delight living beings then as now-provided they are capable and pure in their minds. XXXII. Eight Verses on Liberation 1. Liberation is due to the extinction of all karmas. It is free from rebirth, death, etc. It is entirely free from any kind of suffering. It is full of absolute happiness. 2. It must be understood that the highest state has no contact with suffering. Nor is it separated from it without interval. It is removed from desire. 3. Someone may object: It is impossible for the Lords of perfection to be happy when they cannot [in their state of perfection] enjoy food, drinks etc. We must ask this person this question: 4. What is [normally] the purpose of enjoying food etc. ?-To stop hunger etc., of course.-And what is the result of stopping it ?-That they always enjoy [the best of] health. 5. In fact one gives medicine to an unhealthy person, not to a healthy one. Those who have obtained an endless abundance of health do not need to enjoy food, etc. 6. For them, it must be understood, even sexual enjoyment, etc. is of no significance at all, because they have no delusions. 7. The happiness in this state is a natural one, it depends on nothing else, it is free from desire, it is without opposition, and it is always free from samsara. 8. Other intelligent men say that it has the form of ultimate bliss. Since it thus has the form of being entirely good, this is, of course, suitable [from the Jaina point of view also].

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 253 9. This is something that yogis must experience personally. For other [common people, however, Nirvana) is something they may hear about from the sacred texts. Since it cannot be compared to anything, it cannot, obviously, be spoken about. 10. The good karma I have acquired by composing this text called "Eight Verses"-may all people become happy by being free from bad karma thanks to that! Appendix A Settlement with Popular Principles (Lokatattvanirnaya) 1. With devotion I first bow down before [Mahavira) who is one, and not one, who by nature is absolute (knowledge), the supreme among Jinas. In order to enlighten capable students, I will now describe the principal doctrines of common people. 2. It is, of course, quite correct that [good men] engaged in favouring [all other people) should not discriminate between students] who are capable and incapable [of achieving liberation]. Nevertheless, an intelligent (teacher) must first investigate the kind of audience he has to address). 3. (An incapable student] whose mind during the sermon is hard as a thunderbolt/diamond, who is as void as a sieve, who creates dust like a buffalo, and who absorbs impurity like a filter... 4. To preach (anything) to such (an incapable student), who is like a deaf person, is just as useless as to churn water. Also, [preaching to him would be like] dancing before a blind man. In fact, only a capable student can understand [what he is told). 5. Opponent : If a student cannot be enlightened it is only due to the stupidity of his teacher ! When (students] are turned down by a bad teacher, he is like [a bad] cowherd (leading astray his] cattle. 6. Reply : But what can even an eloquent teacher do about [stupid students] who are not Aryans ? Even if a carpenter may have a sharp axe, he still will spoil wood that is of bad quality.

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254 Christian Lindtner Jambu-jyoti 7. Any attempt of impressing the truths of science upon a mind that is not quite tranquil will have a bad consequence. It would be [as silly as to apply] a soothing (medicine] against a fever that has newly arisen. [The patient will only get worse). 8. When the moon or the sun has arisen, then even ten millions of pure flaming lamps will be of no use to a blind man. Likewise [it is useless] to teach (students] blinded by the darkness of ignorance. 9. A snake and a cow may drink pure water from the same pond. In the snake, however, it is changed into poison, but in the cow it becomes milk ! 10. When good men and bad men drink the water of knowledge from the pond of true knowledge [i.e. Jainism), then that ("water"] is transformed into something true in good men, and into something bad in bad men ! 11. Water with the same taste [as rain] falls from the sky and reaches the earth. But then it changes its taste due to the many different repositories (in which it is imbued). 12. The word that emerges from the mouth of a (Jaina) preacher may have one and the same "taste" (or meaning]. Nevertheless, it will be perceived in different ways depending on the different attitudes of [the different listeners). 13. An example : Due to its own fault an owl cannot see when the sun is shining. Also, it happens that a kankatuka-bean is not prepared (for being consumed), even though it has become ripe, like any other (edible). In the same way evil men may have been in touch with the Jaina doctrine--which really makes sense of all fundamental concepts--but still, with their evil minds, do not understand it, even though they have the same opportunity [to listen] to its preaching (as other students do). 14. As a horse may leap up towards another horse, and as a boat may be tied to another boat in the midst of the ocean, thus modern society, clever in matters of public opinion only, roams wildly about on the waters of heedlessness (or superstition).

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 255 15. As long as one only thinks of what public opinion requires, one will be concerned with practical means [only]. It is, however, necessary to deepen one's mind based on facts, for competent (or original] opinions do not simply fall down from the sky ! 16. If [a thing] that one considers in the light of perception and inference, does not give any logical meaning, what intelligent person in the world would then accept it ! Surely, milk cannot be had from the horn of a cow ! 17. Only those (students] who are capable of being educated (vaineya = bhavya) by skilled educators can, in fact, be educated. Those who are not capable of being educated cannot be educated [even] by skilled educators. By burning etc., gold that is impure can become gold that is pure. A lump of iron, however, can never become gold even through a process of breaking and burning it. 18. When [a capable student) analyses and understands the meaning [of what he is told) with the help of tradition (agama) and reason (yukti), then he may accept it as gold. What would be the point accepting it merely out of partiality ? 19. When children receive sweetmeat from their mother without considering its bad effects, they will, later on, very much regret having done so-just like a man who receives (false) gold. 20. Ears are made for hearing, language and intellect are there for critical analysis. If a man does not critically analyse what he has heard, how can he figure out what he ought to do? 21. When a man with his eyes notices poison, thorns, snakes or mosquitos, he turns the right way in avoiding all these [obstacles). Thus you must analyse the mistakes relating to wrong knowledge, wrong traditional learning, wrong views and wrong ways. How can any opponent deny this? 22. "Lords" (such as] Rsabha, Visnu, Hara and Hiranyagarbha have never been experienced [by any person) through the senses. One should learn about their personal virtues from scriptural tradition and then analyse (whether it all makes sense, cf. 18]. Who could have any objection to this?

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:56 Christian Lindtner Jambu-jyoti 23. Visnu, in his terrible hand, bears a raised club. Siva wears a lolling garland of skulls, bones and heads of men. Mahavira, on the other hand, has an abundance of absolutely calm behaviour. Which one of them should we honour-the one who is calm, or the one whose nature is violent ? 24. Visnu is supposed to have destroyed the family of Duryodhana and many others. Hara (i.e. Siva] is supposed to have destroyed [the citadel of] Tripura. Moreover, Guha (or Skanda) deprived (the mountain] Kraunca of its firm strength. Mahavira, however, only does what is good for the entire world! 25. It is certainly not the supreme religion (when Visnu etc.,] says : "This one I must torment, this one I must protect, this one I must kill". Mahavira, whose mind is set on the bliss and benefit of summum bonum and worldly success, also has enemies, surely, but not ones that can be deceived by him. 26. The words of Visnu create sins such as desire, etc. the words of Siva makes one behave like a madman. Those of the Muni (Mahavira] alleviate all sins. So you must consider who is worthy of true adorableness ! 27. One is prepared to kill others without mercy, another tries to offer refuge for the protection of the world. One has desire, another is free from desire. Consider this carefully and tell me which one of the two is worthy of honour ! 28. Which intelligent person can honour Indra who carries a thunderbolt, Bala who holds a plough, Visnu who carries a discus, Skanda who bears a spear, and Rudra (or Siva] who dwells in cemeteries and carries a trident as his weapon, (when he also sees that] they are tormented by faults and fears, that they lack compassion, are fools, carry various arms, and that they are engaged in combat with all kinds of living beings! 29. I seek refuge with that sage [Mahavira] who provides protection for (all] creatures, who is absolutely free from all vices, and whose mind strives for the welfare of others. He does not carry a spear, nor does he

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 257 carry an enamoured youth on his lap. He carries no spear, no discus, no plough or any other weapon as, for instance, a staff. 30. Under the influence of desire, the violent Rudra without shame seduces a woman. Visnu is even more cruel. Skanda behaves ungratefully when he personally kills his own kinsmen. Parvati killed Mahisa when she was sick of desire for the bones, the flesh and the fat of a man. Ganesa loves to drink liquors. In the best among the Jinas, however, there is not even a very tiny fault. 31. Brahma had his head cut off, Hari had pain in his eyes, Hara [or Siva] was emasculated, the Sun was wiped away, Agni is omnivorous, and Soma is branded by a spot. The Lord of heaven (or Indra) is also said to have become unsteady when influenced by some sexual organs of beautiful appearance. So, for the most part, even the gods run into misfortune due to aberration from the right path. 32. This Bhagavat (Mahavira] is not necessarily] our friend, nor are the others (necessarily] our enemies. We have never seen any one of them personally, directly with our own eyes. However, when we hear how extraordinary his words and his fine behaviour actually are, we rely on Mahavira out of eagerness (lolata = bhakti) for the eminence of his moral virtues. 33. Sugata [i.e. Mahavira) is not our father, nor are the [Jaina] ascetics our enemies. They have not given us any property, nor has Jina, nor has Kanada, etc., taken anything from us. Bhagavat Mahavira, however, is only concerned about the welfare of the world. His pure preaching removes all impurities. It is for this reason that we are devoted (bhakti) to him ! 34. (Mahavira] is always [a master] of good intentions, who constantly supports the world. He is the one who has rendered this world, sick in so many ways, healthy again. He knows everything that one can know as clearly as something in the palm of one's hand. With devoted minds good men should seek refuge with the unequalled Sugata ! 35. Those who honour Thee, O moon among the leaders of Munis,-even if they do so without complete sincerity, by chance, just to imitate others, or out of doubt--still, they will attain divine success!

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258 Christian Lindtner Jambu-jyoti 36. Out of desire and hatred, in order to steal the riches of the asuras and the gods, [Hari] once committed fraud with his mind intent on taking away the earth. Nevertheless, Hari is still to be hailed as worthy of honour even though he is not at all free from unsteadiness. People who do not honour (Mahavira), who is totally free [from such defects), must be full of delusion ! 37. If he--be it Brahma, Visnu, Varada, Sankara or Hara-has given up selfishness and delights in the welfare of others, and if he always knows everything, in all its forms, in all its aspects, variously and unequalled, then I honestly seek refuge in such an unequalled (hero] whose mode of behaviour is inconceivable. 38. I have no predilection for Mahavira, nor do I hate Kapila, etc. What one must do is to embrace (a hero) whose words are reasonable ! 39. Surely, some of all these must be omniscient and in possession of the illustrious doctrine of absolute altruism. Such a one must be followed by a man with the subtle eye of intelligence. What is so special about the words of useless pundits ! 40. He who has no fault at all, he who has all the good virtues--to him I pay homage--be it Brahma, Visnu, or Mahesvara ! 41. Disputants discuss various matters with regard to the actual truth about the creation of the world. Those to whom it is not known in advance, may have to have the truth decided by means of discussion (vada) [or by means of syadvada). 42. Those who believe in creation maintain that the entire world is created. The adherents of Mahesvara [or Siva say] that the world as a whole has a beginning and an end. 43. Some say that the world can only have been created by isvara, others say that it was created by Soma or Agni. Some maintain that the world is made up of six things, i.e. substance, etc. : 44. The truth, according to Kanada, etc., is substance, quality, motion, generality, inherence, and particularity. This is Vaisesika, and the world, by the large, goes along with it (or consists of it).

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 259 45. Some maintain that the entire world, including human beings, is created by Kasyapa. Some maintain that the three worlds are created by Daksa and Prajapati. 46. Some say that Hari (or Visnu], Siva and Brahma constitute one trinity : Siva is the seed of the world, Visnu its creator and Brahma its activity. 47. Some say that the entire world is created by Visnu, some say that it is created by Time. Some say that it was produced by isvara, some say that it was created by Brahma. 48. The followers of Kapila maintain that everything arises from the unmanifest (nature]. The opinion of Sakya [i.e. Mahayana) is that [everything) is mind-only and empty. 49. Some say that it was produced by Purusa, others say that it was produced by fate or by nature. Some say that it was created from Brahma, or from the Egg. 50. Others say that everything takes place accidentally (or at random). Some say that everything is produced through change of the elements. Some say that it has many forms. So there are many opinions. 51. [Those who believe in Visnu, say :] Visnu is in the water, Visnu is in the ground, he is in space encircled by Visnu. There is nothing without Visnu in the world which is full of the lines of Visnu. 52. [As is said in the Svetasvatara-Upanisad 3.16:] "Everywhere He is hands and feet, everywhere He is eyes, head and face. Everywhere in the world He has ears. He is related to everything". 53. [Bhagavadgita 15.1 :] "They speak of the undying fig-free that has its roots above and its boughs beneath. Its leaves are the Vedic hymns. He who knows this knows the Veda". 54. [From a Purana :) "When everything was changed into one ocean, when (everything) immovable and movable had perished, when the gods and men had perished, when snakes and demons had perished..." 55. "When it had been entirely transformed into an abyss of darkness without any of the great elements, then the inconceivable omnipresent Soul, who was resting there, devoted himself to austerities".

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260 Christian Lindtner Jambu-jyoti 56. "As He was resting there a lotus expanded in his navel. Like the disc of the lately risen sun it was charming with its golden pericarp". 57. "Here Brahma was born with his staff, water-pot, sacrificial thread and garment of antelope-hide. He created the mothers of the world :" 58. "Aditi was the mother of the crowds of Gods, Diti of the Asuras, Manu [the father] of men, Vinata [was the mother] of all the various kinds. of birds," 59. Kadru was the mother of the serpents, Sulasa the mother of the various kinds of Nagas, Surabhi the mother of the quardrupeds, Ila of all the seeds". 60. Some maintain that their creation went even further. Some say that the [world] was created without caste. Some say that it [was created] with castes, etc. 61. [Those who believe in Time, say :] "Time produces all creatures, and Time takes living beings back again. Time is awake when others are asleep. Time is certainly most difficult to overcome". 62. [Those who believe that Isvara creates the world, say :] "Here [in this world] it is the duty of a king to protect his subjects. Likewise, the great Isvara, the Lord of everything, takes care of everything in the world". 63. "When man is ignorant he is not at all master of his own happiness and suffering. Forced by Isvara he goes either to heaven or to hell". 64. "Isvara is subtle, inconceivable, without all the usual organs of sense, omniscient, the creator of everything. He can be achieved in ecstacy (dhyana) by the yogic striving of yogis whose minds are pure. Those who are desirous of perfection, and who love the bliss of peace should always meditate upon Isvara in the form of the moon, sun, fire, earth, water, wind, a consecrated person, and space". 65. [Those who believe in Brahma, say, in the Manusmrti 1.6 and 1.7 :) "[In the beginning] there was a sort of darkness. It could not be discerned, it was without marks, it could not be figured out, it could not be known, it was, as it were, entirely asleep".

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 261 66. "Then the self-existent Lord, unmanifest, caused (the world] to become manifest. He put his energy into the four great elements, etc., became visible and dispelled the darkness". 67. In order to let the world grow he created his mouth, arms, thighs and feet [the four castes :) priests, warriors, workers and servants". 68. [Samkhya : ) Some say that the world arises from the unmanifest [nature]. It consists of the five elements that have various bodies, names and forms. 69. The primary cause of everything is called "nature". It is omnipresent, universal, permanent, subtle, without marks, without consciousness, without activity, one. 70. (Samkhyatattvakaumudi 22 and 23:] "From nature comes the Great. From that selfconsciousness. From that the group of sixteen. From the five that come from this group of sixteen, the five elements". 71. "The fundamental nature has no modifications. The seven beginning with the Great, etc., are modifications of nature. The group of sixteen are modifications. The spirit is not nature, nor is it a modification". 72. It cannot be defined as the gunas, nor can it be defined as effect or cause. Therefore, the spirit is quite different [from nature, etc.). It seems to] enjoy the results (of its karma), but it is, in fact, not active at all. 73. As long as the gunas of nature are active, the spirit [identifying itself with them) is perverted because it is enveloped in darkness. As long as it is unenlightened it thinks that it is active, but actually it cannot even break a blade of grass. 74. [The Buddhists say, in Vimsatika 1:] "All this is mind-only, because the "things" that appear, are actually unreal. [Normal experience) is like the experience of one suffering from cataract has of [unreal] cocoon (making insects] (kosakarakitaka), etc." 75. When [people are] afflicted by anger, sorrow, intoxication, madness, desire and such faults, they "see" unreal things as being present right before their eyes".

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Jambu-jyoti 76. [Those who believe in Purusa, say in the Svetasvatara-Upanisad 3.15:] "Everything is Purusa, everything that has been, and everything that will be. Also, he rules over immortality, for by food he springs up". 262 Christian Lindtner 77. [Isa-Upanisad 5] "That which moves, that which moves not, that which is far away, that which is close by, that which is inside all this, that which is outside all this".. 78. [Svetasvatara-Upanisad 3.9] "Nothing is greater than this, nothing is smaller or mightier than this. It stands like a tree sustained in heaven, alone. The entire universe is full of Purusa". 79. [Brahmabindu-Upanisad 12 ] "It is one only, the true soul. Then everything is dissolved [in it]". 80. [Bhagavadgita 15.16 : ] "There are two "persons" in the world. One is perishable and one is imperishable. The perishable is all creatures. The imperishable is said to be aloof". 81. [Others say: ] "Even though scientific books are available, even though [competent] speakers are still left, nevertheless, if they do not know the Self, men are certainly killing themselves". 82. "The Self is certainly the divinity, it is everything. Everything consists in the Self. It is, of course, the Self that produces karmic activity of embodied beings". 83. "The Self is the creator, the Self is the bestower of happiness and suffering. The soul is heaven and hell. The soul is this entire world". 84. [Bhagavadgita 5.14] "The Lord does not create the activity and the actions of the world. The bond between one's actions and their result takes place as a result of nature". 85. "Since the nature of the Self is knowledge, it arises by itself as cognition. Therefore, and also because it arises by its own activity, the Self is called 'self-existent"". 86. [Bhagavadgita 2.23 and 2.24 :] "Swords cannot cut it, fire cannot burn it, water cannot wet it, wind cannot dry it..." 87. "It cannot be cut, it cannot be broken, it is said to be indescribable. It is permanent, omnipresent, firm, unmoved and primeval".

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 88. "It is imperishable, it is the elementary Self, it is called the bestower. It is breath, it is the highest Brahman, it is the "goose", and it is Purusa". 89. "There is no other seer, listener or thinker higher than this. Nor is there any agent, enjoyer or speaker [apart from this]". 263 90. "The conscious [Self] is bound by karma, i.e. by steady application. In this way it comes to exist. By getting rid of it [it attains] the highest stage". 91. [Bhagavadgita 6.5 ] "One should save oneself by one's own Self. One should not disappoint one's own Self. The self is the only friend of oneself. The self is also the only enemy of itself". 92. "My friends may be very pleased with me, and my enemies may be very angry with me. They cannot, however, do anything to me that I have not already done myself previously". 93. Incarnate [Selves] perform good and bad actions personally. They also enjoy good and bad results personally. 94. In the forest, in combat, in the midst of foes, water or fire, on the ocean, or on the top of a mountain-one's previous good actionns protect one whether one is asleep, heedless, or in a difficult position. 95. [The fatalists say :] "Surely, wealth, virtue, and knowledge do not depend on one's own free will. Nor does moral conduct, happiness or suffering. Having mounted the vehicle of Death, being forced by the charioteer, I[have to] go along the path that Fate leads me." 96. "Whenever the result of a formerly done action is, so to speak, remaining in deposit, then mind, with a lamp in its hand, as it were, will always be ready, eager to receive it." 97. "Law, order, necessity, nature, time, the constellations, Isvara, Karma, fate, fortunate actions, Yama, death - [they are all] synonyms of an action formerly done." 98. "Most excellent of Pandavas! when people do not remember an action formerly done, then it is called 'fate' ". 99. [Those who believe in nature, say :] "Who is the cause of the sharpness of thorns, and who is responsible for the diversity of beasts and birds? Everything is due to nature. There is no freedom of action. Effort of will is nothing."

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264 Christian Lindtner Jambu-jyoti 100. "The thorn of the jujube tree may be sharp, straight or curved. Also, its fruit is round. Please tell me, who made it so ?" 101. [Those who believe in the imperishable Brahman, say:] "Time emanated from the imperishable. Therefore it is held to be pervading. This creation is said to begin with the pervading, and to end with nature." 102. [Others say : First there was] a part of the imperishable. From that [came] wind. From that fire; from that water; from water earth came forth. This is how the elements came into being". 103. (Those who believe in the cosmic egg, say :) "Narayana is higher than the unmanifest. From the unmanifest the cosmic) egg came forth. Inside the egg [all] these [empirical] distinctions belong, and so does the earth with its seven continents". 104. "The water within [the earth), the oceans, the caul (of foetus), the mountains; in this egg the fourteen worlds have their foundation". 105. (Manusmrti 1.12 :] "He, the Lord, stayed in that egg for a whole year. Then, by contemplating upon himself, he sliced that egg into two". 106. (Manusmrti 1.13 :) "Out of the two fragments he created the sky and the earth", etc. 107. [Those who believe that creation has no cause, say :] "The manifold things that come into being every moment, surely come into being without a cause. Without being [there already] nothing can come into being. Something lacking the possibility of coming into being is as [unreal] as a flower [growing] in the sky". 108. [Those who believe in necessity, say :) "A thing that must occur based on the power of necessity will necessarily be good or bad for human beings. Even if people make a great deal of effort, that which shall not be will not be. Nor can that which must be fail to be". 109. [The evolutionists say :] "At every moment and in regard to the individual of all things, evolution takes place. It does not depend on one's free will, for one's free will develops gradually". 110. "It is true that we Pisacas live in the forest, but we never ever touch a drum even with our fingers. Still the rumour has spread all over the earth that Pisacas beat the drum !"

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 265 111. [The materialists say :] "Earth, water, fire and wind are [the four elements, or] principles. Bodies, senses, objects and ideas are based on their union. Consciousness is like the power of an intoxicating draught. Souls are like bubbles on water. The spirit is a body with consciousness." 112. "Bodies, objects and senses are material. Nevertheless, stupid (teachers] teach [their students) that it is something else [namely an 'immaterial soul'] that is an active principle". 113. "This world only extends as far as do the objects of our senses. So, charming young lady, it is a foot-mark of a wolf (made in the snow by some deceitful villagers] that those who have not learned very much are talking about". 114. "Austerities, various (self-]torments, self-control, fraud with regard to eating, rituals such as Agnihotra are [all] seen to be like childish play". 115. [Those who believe in plurality, say :) "Causes are quite different, and effects are also different. Therefore, for sure, karma has no meaning in the three periods of time". Refutation : 1. The opinions of those who believe in the creation (of the world) are not alike. They themselves cannot reach an agreement. I will now show how (all their opinions) are in conflict with logic. The origin of the world that exists and does not (yet] exist would have to be from a previous cause. However, there cannot be (a creator of a world that already) exists, nor can there be a creator of one that does not exist. This is because being and non-being cannot occur together. 3. The creation of something that does not exsit certainly cannot take place in any of the three periods of time. An example (of something unreal would be] the horn of an ass. Therefore the world is a natural one [the causes of which cannot be explained in terms of time). 4. [The opinion) of the Jainas : As a whole no material and immaterial thing really suffers destruction or change. However, in a certain sense one can say that a thing usually does change its mode of being.

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266 Christian Lindtner 5. Those in the opinion of whom the world is [the creation] of Kasyapa, Daksa, etc.-how can they [explain that there] suddenly is an existence [of the world] when the world was not there [to begin with] ? Jambu-jyoti 6. When everything, including the earth, the sky, etc., is destroyed, what, then, is the world? Is it intellect? Something unmanifest that is deposited ? But what form does it have? 7. [The Buddhists who are supposed] to have the best of all instructions, have explained that everything [= the entire world] is the product of something individually unique (svalaksana), immaterial or material, that exists in its own unique way. 8. But this means that all things in this world, material and immaterial, must have the same individuality. Anything that does not have that individually must therefore be held to be as unreal as the son of a barren woman! [In other words: Many individuals cannot make a real whole]. 9. If the horn of a horse cannot arise [or be created] from the horn of an ass, then, likewise, for certain, real things cannot arise from unreal things. 10. Here [some people think] that something sometimes can manifest itself from something unmanifest that is lacking characteristics. But if Soma, etc., already have bodies, then the elements do not exist [since Soma etc. can do without them]. 11. But if the group of great elements does not exist then they [namely Soma, etc.,] cannot have any bodies! [And that goes for all the gods :] Soma, the Egg, Pitamaha, Hari as well as Pasupati and Dinapati. 12. And when they do not have any bodies, it is impossible to make any distinction between intelligence and mind. When they are absent, reflection and certainty cannot come into being: it is not possible ! 13. When they are absent there can be no will. When there is no will, then action has no value. To do something makes no sense because actions have no value. 14. [A new argument :] If the world is created by such a [god], who, then, created him? Or is it your opinion that he is uncreated? It must be understood, if this is the case, that the entire universe here likewise [must be uncreated].

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The Humanism of Haribhadra 15. Let us discuss [the concept of a creator] assuming for a while [that god is responsible] for the creation of the world! First of all, he cannot have done his duty with regard to the human aims of existence : A competent [or trustworthy god] does not make a dirty mess of the world! 267 16. What have the ghosts, etc., or gods, etc., done to offend him, since he has assigned them to pleasures and sufferings that they are not responsible for themselves? 17. And, again, assuming he has the power required to do so, why has he not made the world a prosperous one? He is responsible for the fact that the world suffers enormously on the path of rebirth, old age and death! 18. If he has created the world, then why does he destroy it again? Why did he create it if it was his intention to destroy it again? 19. What is the good of having destroyed or created the world? Or what is the point of forcing living beings to suffering such as rebirth, etc.? 20. A potter may suddenly break e.g. a pot the body of which is made up of elements. Likewise, the creator [suddenly may kill his own] creatures without mercy. 21. Which great scholar (suri) would, for the sake of his felicity, seek refuge with such an extremely evil [god] who makes all kinds of living beings suffer, and who always, and without good reason, is hostile towards the world! 22. When he destroys the world that he himself has created he is not bound by any affection for others. But does a [normal] father, even with a violent mind, not feel bound [by compassion not] to kill his son ? 23. If the world was created in the past thanks to the power(vigraha) of a creator, how come it is not created now thanks to the power of that very same creator? 24. At present living beings are created in many different wombs. It has always been like that say the perfected [Jinas], who know the way the world works.

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268 Christian Lindtner Jambu-jyoti 25. If one thus analyses the various [theories about] creation, in conflict with one another as they are, they must all be abandoned, because they are void of reason, just like the (absurd] speculations about both Visnu and Siva. 26. [There are various possibilities :) The creator can be free, unfree, he can have a body or she may be without a body], he can create [a world] that exists or does not exist. But none of these arguments make any sense at all. 27. If he is free he does not create the world, because, being free from desire, he is not bound by karma. When a (creator] is subject to desire, etc., he has a body and is necessarily bound by his karma. 28. The (Jinas] who have perfected themselves by virtues such as (correct] knowledge, behaviour, etc., are eternal and blissful in their perfection. They are, most of them, free from the karma of bodily activities. They do not have any lord above them. 29. To be lord in samsara is the result of karma, and it differs from one country to another. A single lord, being a creator without a body, is not to be found anywhere in the world.

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Grammatical Riddles from Jain works Nalini Balbir 0. Broadly speaking, Indian riddles can be divided into two groups : First, those where the question invites a global answer corresponding to the meaning of the stanza taken as a whole are sometimes instances of fine muktaka-poetry. The technical term used to name representatives of this category is generally prahelika. The second category includes all types of charades and clearly belongs to the field of sabda : there, the stanza is made of two or more independent questions, according to the pattern A, B, C, ... N. While the answers A, B, C ... are made of short words or monosyllables, the last one N consists in the sum of all the elements. The generic term used for this category is prasnottara, of which there are several varieties, depending, for instance, on the types of combinations or on the nature of the elements to be guessed. Like all fields of science in India, riddles have their sastras too. The Vidagdhamukhamandana by Dharmadasa (on which see below SS 1.3) is the most famous of them. It extensively and systematically deals with the subject and considers all subdivisions of the two categories defined above. Both types are tests of intelligence, but they require slightly different qualities from the questioner as well as from the discoverer. For prasnottarariddles, which are thus based on the de-composition of long sequences into small elements and are clearly meant to display knowledge, it is indispensable to possess erudition in mythology, poetic conventions, realia, etc. and full proficiency in all topics connected with the mastering of language. This means a perfect knowledge of lexicography in all its aspects, mainly of a synonymic kosa such as of Amarasimha and even more of the so-called Ekaksara- or Dvyaksara-kosas, since words consisting in one or two syllables are so widely used in this context?. Needless to say,

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270 Nalini Balbir Jambu-jyoti an unbeatable familiarity with all the niceties of grammar, especially sandhi and morphology, is an utmost requirement2. In this paper, I would like to study some riddles propounded by Jain munis of the past which have grammar as their central subject. This is humbly offered as a token of respect and profound admiration for a Jain monk who is an embodiment of the Jain tradition as well as of that makes a genuine pundit. Let us just remember that, apart from editing several works from the Jain Agamas as well as important Jain treatises like the Dvadasaranayacakra, the Strimuktiprakarana, the Yogasastra, or the Pancasutraka, Muni Jambuvijayaji- Maharaj has also to his credit a critical edition of the Sanskrit part of Hemacandra's grammar with its auto-commentary), and is himself a capable writer of learned articles or introductions in Sanskrit besides Gujarati. This is certainly not a coincidence if all the riddles which will follow are written in Sanskrit, even if they sometimes occur in works otherwise written in Prakrit (Jayasimhasuri's Dharmopadesamalavivarana, Amradevasuri's Akhyanakamanikosa-vrtti) or in the work of an author who can write in both languages (Jinavallabha, $ 1.1). The study of a good deal of riddles found in Jain Prakrit narrative works clearly shows the strong impact of the Sanskrit tradition when it comes to this topic, and the feeling that Sanskrit is undoubtedly considered the language of scholarship and erudition par excellence prevails : besides the few cases of Prakrit works including riddles in Prakrit, there are those which, having Prakrit as their basic language, use more Sanskrit than Prakrit or exclusively turn to Sanskrit for riddles4. On the other hand, even when prasnottaras are written in Prakrit, they very often appear as transpositions or translations of Sanskrit patterns, using, for instance, the same ekaksara-words as their Sanskrit counterparts. In the case of grammatical riddles, the place of Sanskrit becomes even more important : they all are in fact in Sanskrit, to the extent that there is no trace whatsoever of any reference to the rich tradition of Prakrit grammar and hardly any presence of Prakrit forms in our corpus. What I call "grammatical riddles" refer to five cases : --Prasnottaras of any variety containing grammatical questions (I); --Prasnottaras where the ultimate aim is to discover a form which is both a nominal and a verbal form (II);

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Grammatical Riddles from Jain works 271 - Prasnottaras where the ultimate aim is to discover a grammatical technical term (III); - Prasnottaras where the ultimate aim is to discover a grammatical sutra (IV); - Prasnottaras concerned with knowledge of metrics (V), since chandas can be considered as an appendix of grammars. 1. Besides the corpus of Jain narrative works just mentioned, where riddle-verses generally form a small separate section and are exchanged as a pastime between a group of friends, members of a learned gosthi or a bride and bridegroom just after marriage, the sources used for the present investigation include three specialized texts : 1.1 The Prasnottara-sasti-ekasata (=JP) is from the pen of Jinavallabha, a prominent Svetambara acarya from the Kharatara-gaccha who lived in the last quarter of the 11th and the first of the 12th century and has many works to his credit. Jinavallabha's work is not a sastra because it completely lacks definitions. Except for the first mangala-verse dedicated to Parsvanatha, the remaining 159 stanzas are riddle-verses, including the two last ones where the author gives the names of his spiritual masters and his own (vss. 159-160). Each of this riddle-verse is followed by the name of the variety it represents and by the answer. Since Jinavallabha's work is obviously meant to display excellence and cleverness in the topic, these mere indications are by no means sufficient to make the common reader able to understand the process of the riddle. Therefore a commentary is indispensable. The printed text of the Prasnottara is found in a book where various small texts, mainly hymns, are collected : Sristotraratnakaradvitiyabhagah satikah. Sri Yasovijaya Jainasamskrta Pathasala, Mehsana, vira samvat 2440/A. D. 1914, p. 1a-33b. Each verse is followed by an anonymous Sanskrit avacuri (here : Ed.). Besides this edition, the following two manuscripts have been used for the present investigation and will be quoted whenever they are found to be illuminating : -Al : manuscript No. 5000 kept in the L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad; 32 pages; tripatha-type; prsthamatra-script; copied in sam. 1686 ( = A. D. 1629).

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272 Nalini Balbir Jambu-jyoti -A2 : manuscript No. 6198 kept in the L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad; 20 pages; pancapatha-type?. The identical commentary they contain, although apparently based on the avacuri found in the printed edition, is sometimes more detailed or clearer in its wording. It was written by a certain Punyasagara in [V.]Sam. 1644 (= A.D. 1587). The popularity of Jinavallabha's work is demonstrated by the rather larger number of available manuscripts, the fairly good number of commentaries it has given birth to, as also by the fact that some of his riddles have been borrowed by Jain writers (see below $ 3: JP 31). 1.2. The Prasnavali ( = P), edited along with Jinavallabha's work (p. 55a-58b), is a short set of 15 Sanskrit riddle-verses followed by an avacuri. There is no mention of the author in the printed edition, but the text is usually ascribed to Municandra, a famous Jain author and commentator of the late 11th and early 12th century (he died in [V.] Sam. 1178 A.D. 1122). See further SS 4 below. 1.3. Mahakavi Ajitasena's Alaskaracintamani (=AC) is a fullfledged work on poetics in Sanskrit verses. The system of exposition is what we expect in an alaskarasastra : definitions followed by illustrations. There has been some discussion about the date of its composition, which has been reasonably ascribed to the last quarter of the 15th century by Dr. Nemi Chandra Shastri, the editor of the text, and by A. N. Upadhye. All the available manuscripts, which are not very numerous, are written in Kannada script and housed in the libraries of Karnataka (Moodbidri); none seems to hail from North India. The second chapter (pariccheda), where the author states his wish to tackle the subject of sabdalaskara (vs. 1), is in fact mostly devoted to a detailed treatment of prasnottaras and citrabandha. As is wellknown, the position of these two varieties of literary compositions is somewhat ambiguous: they are considered as attractive and striking because of their peculiarities and the great amount of virtuosity they require, but, at the same time, they are said to represent poetry of inferior quality (adhamakavya), especially by the strong advocates of the dhvani-theory.* Ajitasena's work, coming rather late in the rich Indian tradition on poetics, is naturally indebted to the authors who have preceded him. It is * Like Anandavardhana (c. 9th cent.). -Editors.

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Grammatical Riddles from Jain works 273 interesting to note, for instance, that it shows several affinities with Vidyanatha's Prataparudriya, a popular treatise in South India*. The Hindi introduction of the editor includes a detailed comparison of the AC with other Indian works on poetics (Natyasastra, alamkara-chapters of the Agnipurana, Bhamaha, Dandin, Udbhata, Rudrata, Rajasekhara, Bhoja, Mammata, Vagbhata, Hemacandra, Visvanatha and Vijayavarni's Srngararnavacandrika) and presents a critical appraisal of the material included in the AC. As a Digambara Jain, Ajitasena of course draws inspiration from his own religious tradition and often quotes from the basic works or authors representing this cultural background (Adipurana, Samantabhadra, etc.). The second chapter on prasnottaras (not considered as such in the Hindi introduction) is no exception to this tendency. Ajitasena's sources are not here the above-mentioned alamkarasastras, where riddles, albeit present, are not the main topic, but the standard treatise on the subject, namely Dharmadasa's Vidagdhamukhamandana (= VMM). Dharmadasa's original Buddhist affiliation can be stated with some amount of certainty on the basis of internal evidence and there is no need to reject it as insufficient, but this has never been an obstacle to the diffusion of the VMM in broad circles. The Jains, who have shown considerable interest in all linguistic games and have never despised anything connected with sabdalamkaras, could not ignore the VMM : manuscripts of the VMM are numerous in Jain libraries 10; Jinaprabhasuri (early 14th cent. A.D.), a Svetambara, is among those who commented upon it, and our Ajitasena's aim was obviously to make the VMM suitable for a Digambara Jain audience. Hence the following result : the verses giving the table of contents and the definition-verses, which are devoid of all sectarian character whatsoever, are almost identical to those of the VMM or, in case they are changed, show very minute differences, as if the author had had before him a copy of the original work and had deliberately introduced some small modifications like a plagiarist would do (see examples below SS 4, 9 and 15). As for the illustrative verses, they are sometimes clearly based on the VMM (below SS 7 and 9) or at least inspired by it, they are simply different because * If it has reference to Prataparudra, the last Kakatiya king of Tilangana, its date of composition may be some year in the first quarter of the 14th century.-Editors

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274 Nalini Balbir Jambu-jyoti the author has produced some verse of his own, or they are deliberately changed in order to give them a Digambara Jain colouring instead of a Buddhist one: a clear instance is provided by the riddle of the variety called tarkya, where the stanza is so built as to yield the answers vijnanavadinah in the VMM (2.58) andanekantavadah in the AC (2.59)'. Whatever the case, a close comparison with the VMM always proves useful, especially when, more often than once, the present text of the AC (and its Hindi rendering) are unsatisfactory. One of the aims of this paper is to show that the second chapter of this work cannot be neglected by those who study riddles12 (1) 13 2. Grammatical riddles meant to test basic knowledge of the language are illustrated by the following stanza : ...kim va rupam tado jasi ? satr-caturthy-ekavaco bhavater iha kim bhavet ? (bhavate; Jayasimhasuri, Dharmopadesamala-vivarana p. 43). ... Or what is the form of tad in the nominative plural ? te What would be the form for the root bhu in the present participle dative singular ? bhavate This is one among many cases showing the all-pervading prevalence of Paninian metalanguage, at use even in works of indisputable Jain origin. Here, the aim is not to investigate the familiarity with a specific grammatical school and its terminology, but only to ask a rather simple question which should not arouse any difficulty for anybody having a minimal training in indigenous Sanskrit grammar. As a matter of fact, the technical terms used are of an elementary type. The answer to the first grammatical question is to some extent dependent on the answer to the second one, since jas could theoretically refer to the feminine as well as to the neuter. But both answers have to be compatible, therefore tah / tani are easily ruled out. Practice of language and knowledge of technical terminology go together in the following question : *... pada-nipunaih pancami kena vacya ? (bhamaratasanatemanasi; JP 71) By which (element) can the connoisseurs in the field of words express the ablative case ? - By tas (tasa, instr. sg.).

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Grammatical Riddles from Jain works 275 Regarding phonetics, questions connected with the status and transformation of the visarga form a specific group : *... kudrsah syad visargah ? (vyantaradivyastah; JP 27) How would the visarga be? - It throws down the s (s-tah, sam sakaram tasyatiti s-tah, kvip, ct. mss. Al, A2, Ed.). *... kam upaiti sarva-vidhibhir-jato visargah kutah ? (P 11) Where does the visarga go, produced from where through (the application) of all rules ? - (it goes) to r (coming) from r (ram rah). *... kidrg nami-para visarga-vihatir-vidvan ? (P 11) O learned man, how is the destruction of the visarga when it follows a vowel causing cerebralization ? - It gives (i.e. produces)r (ra-ra); cf. nami-paro ram, Katantra 1.5.12, and the other rules of this section which all concern the treatment of the visarjaniya. 3. Questions where the point is to find a synonymical root are rather frequent in riddle-verses. The knowledge of dhatupathas, a field which belongs both to grammar and to lexicography, is required for this purpose 14. Since there are generally several synonyms, the choice could be difficult. The selection of the adequate root and the elimination of the others are to be operated in view of all the questions making the riddle, because only one is able to fit in. *... danammi ko va dhau ? (ramayane; Jayasimhasuri, Dharmopadesamala-vivarana p. 90) ...Or what is the root for 'to give'? - ra -: cf. ra dane, Pan. Dhatup. 2.48; Palsule 1955, 180 s.v. dane. *... viratau ko dhatuh ? (malayamarutah; JP 31)15 ... What is the root for 'to cease'? - yam - cf. Palsule 1955, 193 s.v. viratau, the only source mentioned being Vopadeva. * bhuktyarthateha vihita katamasya dhatoh? (visadapancamah; JP 53) For which root has the meaning 'to eat' been prescribed ? - camah, "for the root cam-": cf. Palsule 1955, 166 s.v. adane.

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276 Nalini Balbir Jambu-jyoti *... prayoga-nipunaih kah sabda-dhatuh smrtah? (madguravojinesvarasurayah; JP 159) ... Which is the root for 'to emit a sound that the people versed in the correct use of language have taught ? - ras - cf. Palsule 1955, 195 s.v. sabde. *ko dhatur gamane ? (P 7) ... What is the root for 'to go'? - mimu : cf. ama drama hamma mimr gam gatau quoted by the avacuri on P = Pan Dhatup. 1.493-496; compare Hemac. Dhatup 1.392-396 : ama drama hamma mimr gamlrm gatau. Here the choice has to be compatible with the last question of the stanza vidito vargantya-varnas ca kah? which directs towards a root beginning with the letter m-. * ko dhatur vada resane ? (P 11) Say, what is the root for 'to yell'? - ri : cf. ri resane ri-dhatuh of the avacuri, reminding of Pan. Dhatup. 9.30 ri gati-resanayoh (and Hemac. Dhatup. 3. 18 rims gati-resanayoh); Palsule 1955, 190. In our next two examples, the standard straightforward wording is replaced by something less expected, but quite usual in the context of riddles : *... atho khadad-grhitavadat : "kidrg bhati saro 'rhatas ca sadanam ?"... (jinavallabhena; JP 160) And the root 'to eat' together with the root 'to take' said : "How does a lake look beautiful ? And how does a Jain temple look beautiful"... As a matter of fact, in riddles anybody or anything, whether an object, an abstract entity, or even a word, can be the grammatical subject of a verb meaning to speak'. This has an impact on the reply, which will in turn be addressed to these speakers, now in the vocative form. This is another way to demonstrate one's own ability in the field of grammar by building vocative forms of monosyllabic words or artificial compounds. Thus here, the answer will be : Root 'o eat' together with root 'to take' ! adorned with lotuses (does a lake look beautiful) and full of Jinas (does a Jain temple look beautiful) : al-la, vana-ji (i.e. secondary derivative with the possessive suffix -in from vana-ja "lotus"), jina-vat.

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Grammatical Riddles from Jain works Al-la is the vocative of the dvandva formed by ad- 'to eat' and la - 'to take' (cf. Palsule 1955, 168 s.v. adane)16. * ko kridartha-dhatur vadet "ko'stavimsataya prasiddhim agamad varnah kaka-lekhake ?" (P-12) Who, being a root meaning 'to play', would say "Which is the letter of the consonant chart that is known to be the 28th ?" - Root 'to play' ! the letter 1. The last question stated in a rather simple way points to the root las, recorded in the Dhatupathas (cf. lasa slesana-kridanayoh, Pan. Dhatup. 1.746 = Hemac. Dhatup. 1.543; Palsule 1955, 172 and 196). The root which was the speaker in the question has to take the form of the vocative when it becomes the addressee in the answer (las lasatiti kvip prathama si, vyanjanac ca si-lopah, he lah, ct.); lah is also the nominative form for the la-kara. 277 4. Such an elementary prerequisite as the knowledge of the alphabet and of the Sanskrit phonemes has been variously applied in the context of riddle-making. First, the varnas are useful because they provide convenient and obvious monosyllables for prasnottaras : * tavargge pancamah ko va? (kumjarena; Jayasimhasuri, Dharmopadesamala-vivarana p. 43) What is the fifth letter in the group of cerebrals? - na khantam bruhi kim nantam icchasi ? (ihalamkarasangatam; Bhavadeva, Parsvanathacarita 2.224) Tell the letter which comes after kha (and) which one do you require coming after na ? - ga (and) tam. ... In the 15 verses of the Prasnavali, the last question of the riddle invariably concerns a letter (varna), more precisely a consonant or a class of consonants (varga). It can be expressed very simply under the form : What is the third consonant (vs. 2), the twentieth (vs. 4), the twenty-first (vs. 5), the twenty-sixth (vss. 8-9), the twenty-seventh (vss. 10-11), the twenty-eighth (vs. 12; above), the thirtieth (vs. 15), meaning that all answers will contain respectively ga, na, pa, ya, ra, la, and sa. A short descriptive statement can replace the serial number: the questions 'What is the last phoneme of the last group ?' (vs. 7) and 'What is the last phoneme

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278 Nalini Balbir Jambu-jyoti among the semi-vowels17 ?' (vss. 13-14) respectively mean words including ma and va. When they occur, indirect statements based on numerical equivalences are not too difficult to grasp : 'What is the phoneme in the sequence of phonemes and at the same time the label of a group of consonants which corresponds to the digits of the moon ?' (vs. 3) refers to ta, the 16th consonant, and 'What is the letter in the chart of consonants (ka-ka-lekhake) that has got the (same number as the) number of Jinas ?' (vs. 6) refers to bha, the 24th consonant. The point is then to use this information as a hint to answer the other questions of the stanza, which are much more tricky, to find out ekaksaras or dvyaksaras containing the given consonant (e.g., mama, ami, mimu, mu, ume, amai, mas, ama, aumam and mas are the words answering the different questions put in vs. 7). Jinavallabha combines the use of the alphabet as well as lexicographical matter in a sophisticated manner which is peculiar to his work. The first stage is to produce new synonyms for words offered in the question by adding or suppressing syllables in a given phonetic sequence (dhvani, sabda, pada, varnali). Then comes the real answer to the riddle, which consists in making a bahuvrihi-compound describing how the starting phonetic sequence has been modified. There are 16 such instances which can be classified as follows according to the pattern they exhibit : The starting point is a word, i.e. a meaningful phonetic sequence which will acquire a different meaning suiting the question once it has been submitted to modification. The position within the alphabet of the letter to be discovered is described in a rather indirect fashion : * jamataram samakhyati kidrso vathara-dhvanih? (agadasamah; JP 35) How does the word "stupid' denote a bridegroom ?-Once it is deprived of the tenth letter, starting with ga (a-ga-dasamah), i.e. tha : vathara - vara. * asiva-dhvanir akhyati tiryag-bhedam ca kidrsah ? (aparajayah; JP 15) How does the word 'inauspicious' denote a kind of animal ?-Once the vowel coming after a is removed (a-paraj-ayah, where ac is the pratyahara for a vowel in Panini's grammar), i.e. i : asiva - asva 18. * brute sipha-dhvanir atha Sriyam atra kidrk? (visadapancamah; JP 53)

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Grammatical Riddles from Jain works How does the word 'fibrous root' denote Laksmi ?-Once it is deprived of sa and of the fifth letter, starting with da (vi-sa-da-pancamah), i.e. pha: sipha > i + a> Ya, one of the several synonymic monosyllables for Laksmi. The same process is applied to a word which is partly meaningful and partly made of a sequence of phonemes created ad hoc : * kidrg bhumisubhasa-sabda iha bho visrambha-vaci bhavet? (atanavamadasamah; JP 55) 279 How does the word bhumisubhasa denote 'trust' ?-Once it is deprived of the ninth and the tenth letters, starting with ta (a-ta-nava-dasamah), i.e. bha and ma bhumisubhasa > *uisuasa > visvasa. * nayanagati padam kidrk pujayatiti artham abhidhatte ? (apaprathamangajam; JP 85) - How does the word nayanagati express the meaning 'to worship' ?-- Once it is deprived of the first letter before pa (i.e. na) and once it has ja instead of ga (a-pa-prathamam ga-jam) : nayanagati - yajati. In several cases, the starting point is clearly a mere phoneme or a phonetic sequence without any meaning. A rather simple instance involving only one type of modification, namely an addition, is: *... atha silpi-sikya-dehan udaharati ka-dhvanir atra kidrk ? (jinadantarucayah; JP 2) How does the sound ka denote 'a craftsman', 'a rope', 'a body' ?-- Once it ends (respectively) with ru, ca or ya (anta-ru-ca-yah): ka - karu, kaca, kaya. An illustration for modification through removal of a syllable is : *nasthatavyamca-sabdo'yam pradosam kidrsah ? (vitathavacanah; JP 62) How does the word 'and it should not be stated' denote 'evening?' -- Once it is deprived of ta, tha, va, ca and na (vi-ta-tha-va-ca-nah) : nasthatavyamca - sayam. In the following riddle, the syntactic pattern is not a bahuvrihi as is usual, and instead of forming a long compound, the answer is extremely short, leading to an effect of surprise, which is also a part of riddle-games :

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280 Nalini Balbir *adivari-sabdo va kais tyaktah praha grha-desam? (yaih; JP 52) Of which elements should the word adivari be deprived to denote a part of a house? Of i, i and a (i-i-a in the instrumental plural > yaih): adivari -dvar, 'a door'. * When the synonyms which are to be found out are not ordinary words, but typical ekaksaras, the effect of surprise and the pleasure of the discovery are even greater : asumeti-padam kidrk Kamam Laksmim ca bodhayati ? (avatamasam; Jambu-jyoti JP 7) How does the sequence asumeti refer to Kama and Laksmi in the vocative? - Once it is deprived of the letters va (i.e. u and a), ta, ma and sa (a-v-a-ta-ma-sam): asumeti - E, vocative of I, a frequent synonym of Kama, and I, vocative of I, a frequent synonym of Laksmi. Both these monosyllables are well recorded in Ekaksarakosas and widely used by Jinavallabha in his Prasnottara. On the other hand, there are riddles of this type implying two types of modifications, an addition combined with a suppression, in which case the answer can be expressed through two bahuvrihi-compounds : * Hara-nikara-patha-svah-srsti-vaci narnaga-padam kidrg? (bhavamasvasadisastanam; JP 16) How does the word narnaga designate 'Siva', 'a collection', 'a path', 'the sky', 'creation' ?-Once it starts (respectively) with bha, va, ma, sva or sa and is deprived of na (bha-va-ma-sva-sadi sasta-nam) : narnaga-- Bharga, varga, marga, svarga and sarga. * vadati javina-sabdah kidrsah sat-kavindrah kathayata jana-sunyam kajjalam bhartsanam ca? (vyantaradivyastah; JP 27) Good poets tell : how does the word javina denote 'deserted by people', 'collyrium' and 'threat' ?-Once it starts with vi, am or tar, and once vi has been thrown away (vy-am-tar-adi-vy-astah): javina- vijana, anjana, tarjana. kidrk / puta-vata-paritapa-mlecchopasti-nuti-grha-krida homa-visva-vegavato jalpati pavadanada-padam? (papadayasestabhadehabhujadivipadam; JP 34).

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Grammatical Riddles from Jain works 281 How does the word pavadanada denote 'fire', 'wind', 'scorching heat', 'barbarian', 'worship', 'praise', 'house', 'play', 'oblation', 'universe', 'quick' ? - Once it starts with pa, pa, da, ya, se, sta, bha, de, ha, bhu or ja and once it is deprived of pa and da (pa-pa-da-ya-se-sta-bha-de-ha-bhu-jadi vi-padam): pavadanada pavana, pavana, davana, yavana, sevana, stavana, bhavana, devana, havana, bhuvana and javana. * tvamaladaya-pada va asrayabhava-murccha kataka-nagavicesan kidrg amantrayeta ? (avipravamadyatvamadam; JP 39) How would the wordtvamaladaya refer to'abode', 'inexistence', 'fainting', 'bracelet' and a specific mountain in the vocative?--Once it starts witha, vi, pra, va orma and once it is deprived oftva, ma and da (a-vi-pra-va-mady a-tva-madam): tvamaladaya -alaya, vilaya, pralaya, valaya and Malaya. *ura-sabdah kalyanada-bala-hima-srngan vadati kidrk ? (adisyantaravavisikhanuh; JP 11) How does the word 'sheep' denote 'bestowing prosperity', 'army', 'cold' and 'summit' ?-Once it starts with si, has in the middle va, vi, si or kha, and once it is deprived of u (adi-si-antara-va-vi-si-kha-an-uh): ura - sivara (ra, agent noun built on the root ra 'to give'), sivira 'military camp', sisira and sikhara. Finally, substitution of syllables is also one process at work. It can be expressed either through the pregnant use of the locative case in conformity with the process applied in the grammatical metalanguage or through a compound (va-na, JP 54, below; and ga-jam, JP 85, see above): * ravaravaka-varnali kidrg braviti gataratim ? (aparavana; JP 54) How does the sequence ravaravaka denote somebody who has no regret ?-Once it is preceded by a and once it has na instead of va (a-para va-na) : ravaravaka - a-ranaranaka. * pascadudbhava-janusambhava-naran daityantya-damstrangajan Mandan ca kramaso muja-dhvanir agat kidrk kva kasmin sati ? (ajamadahatabhapurvomene; JP 22) How does the word muja denote respectively 'one who is born after', 'coming from the knee', 'man', 'demon', 'tusk', 'born from one's own body', 'Saturn', what being where ?-Once it starts with a, ja, ma, da, ha, ta, or

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282 Nalini Balbir Jambu-jyoti bha, when there is na instead of ma (a-ja-ma-da-ha-ta-bha-purvo me ne): muja -- anuja, januja, manuja, danuja, hanuja, tanuja and Bhanuja''. In all these cases, whatever the process at work, the analysis of the compound which forms the answer in the smallest possible elements looks both artificial and skillful. (II) 5. We now come to varieties of grammatical prasnottaras which are defined and illustrated in the relevant sastras. In the so-called namakhyatajati, the same sequence of phonemes is submitted to a twofold analysis and can be understood both as a noun (substantive, adjective, indeclinable) and as a verb. Mahakavi Ajitasena states : sup-tin-anta-prabhedena suyogitvad dvidhottaram ekam eva bhaved yatra tan namakhyatam ucyate (AC 2.55) When an answer, which is twofold because of a good grammatical connection, corresponding respectively to an inflected nominal form and to an inflected verb form, is the same, the riddle is called namakhyata, "noun (and) verb." This verse obviously echoes Dharmadasa's definition; both the syntactic pattern and the vocabulary are identical, except for one word : ekam evottaram yatra suslistatvad dvidha bhavet sup-tin-anta-prabhedena namakhyatam tad ucyate (VMM 2.37) When the same answer becomes twofold because of a good double meaning, corresponding respectively to an inflected nomimal form and to an inflected verb form, the riddle is called namakhyata, "noun (and) verb." In the VMM, this variety is illustrated through 18 examples, a fairly large number compared to what we get for other types. Three groups can be sorted out depending on the pattern at work : 5.1. Q1 + Q2 ... + Q -A, + A, ... + A, as nominal forms and Q, - A, A, ... + A, as a verbal form. E.g., padam anantara-vaci kim isyate ? kapi-patir vijayi nanu kidrsah ? para-gunam gaditum gata-matsarah kuruta kim satatam bhuvi sajjanah ? (VMM 2.39)

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Grammatical Riddles from Jain works 283 Which word expressing the absence of interval is desired ?-In immediate succession anu And how can the Lord of Monkeys be victorious ?_With Ramah saRamah O good people who are free from envy, what do you always do on the earth in order to tell others' virtues ?--We follow (them) anusaramah This pattern is exhibited in 13 cases : a-bhi bhavati / abhibhavati (2.38) - anuja grhe/ anujagrhe (2.40) - sama dadhi re / samadadhire (2.41) - avamam tarah / avamantarah (2.42) * a-nu mata ase / anumatase (2.43) - dasya mahe / dasyamahe (2.44) - prayasi ati / prayasyati (2.45) - santi a-jatu / santyajatu (2.46) - ali lavam alilavam (2.48)-samaram jayam / samaranjayam (2.51) - para ajaye mahi / parajayemahi (2.52) - vina udaye yam / vinodayeyam (2.53). Whereas some of the verbal forms to be discovered are rather simple, some others are not so common in the ordinary language and require a full knowledge of grammar. 5.2. The functioning of the second pattern, represented only by two instances, is basically the same, but instead of forming only a verbal form one of the answers is a syntagm or a full sentence : nadi iyatam / na diyatam (2.47) - manava nagahma anavana gah (2.49) 5.3. In the last pattern, the stanza is made of two questions only. The first one produces a noun, the second one a verb : Q, - A as a noun and Q, - A as a verb. The difference is that here the answer is not progressively built with the help of two or more elements which are piled up as in the preceding cases. E.g., kim akaravam aham Harir mahidhram sva-bhuja-balena gavam hitam vidhitsuh ? priyatama-vadanena piyate kah parinata-bimba-phalopamah priyayah ? (VMM 2.50) 1, Hari, what did I do to a mountain with the strength of my own arms, as I wanted to do something useful for the cows ?-You held (the Govardhana) adharah

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284 Nalini Balbir Jambu-jyoti In a beloved one what is the thing resembling a ripe bimba-fruit that is drunk by the mouth of a lover ? --The lip adharah The two other such instances are : sa-mada-asyah / samadasyah (2.54) and a-hasyatam/ ahasyatam (2.55). 6. In Jinavallabha's Prasnottara there are three instances which come under the caption namakhyata-jati according to the commentary of mss Al and A2, while the avacuri going with the printed edition gives them the more general label dvir-gata-jati (for JP 81, 83) or vyasta-samasta-jati (for JP 66). The first two correspond to the definition given above and are identical with the last pattern described for the VMM. * prcchami jala-nidhir "aham kim akaravam sapadi sasadharabhyudaye ?" alam udyamaih suktinam ity ukte kidrsah kah syat ? (JP 81) I, the ocean, I ask : "What did I immediately do at moonrise ?"-You gleamed20 samudalasah When he is told : "Enough exertion for good people !", who would be how ?--The idle fellow (would be) full of joy sa-mud alasah * rataye kim akurvatam parasparam dampati ciran militau ? moksa-patha-prasthita-matih pariharati ca kidrsim janatam ? (JP 83) What did a couple do mutually concerning love once they met after a long time ?-Both of them rushed (to make love) atattvaratam What type of crowd does the one who has engaged himself on the path of Liberation avoid ?-(The crowd) who finds pleasure in what goes against the (true) principles a-tattva-ratam In this verse, the discrepancy between the tense used in the question (the imperfect) and the one used in the answer (aorist) is worth noting. It is unusual in the context of riddles, but easily explainable within classical Sanskrit where both tenses are more or less freely exchanged. The next instance shows how basic patterns are liable to variations. Instead of one verbal form, there are two here, which are then combined to make a rather sophisticated compound : * tanvi ! tvam netra-turnodgata -madana-sarakara-cancat-kataksair laksyl-krtya smarartan sapadi kim akaroh subhru ! tiksnair abhiksnam ?

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Grammatical Riddles from Jain works 285 kim kurvate bhavabdhim su-muni-vitaranad dayaka-sravakau drak ? sraddhaluh prapta-mantrady-ucita -vidhi-parah prayasah kidrsah syat? (JP 66) O fair one ! Having taken as your target those who suffer from love, what did you do immediately and repeatedly, lovely woman ! with your moving and sharp sideglances resembling the arrows of Kama quickly discharged by your eyes ? pierced (them) avidhyam What do the one who gives and the Jain layman quickly do regarding the ocean of rebirth when a good monk makes them cross? --They both cross taratah Generally how will be a faithful fellow who has received mantras and is fully devoted to the relevant rules ?-He will find pleasure in putting an end to what goes against the rule. a-vidhy-anta-ratah 7. Ajitasena's AC has two instances of the namakhyata-variety. Both are clear representatives of the pattern analysed in $ 5.1.: questions 1 and 2 lead to the answer as a noun, question 3 to the answer as a verbal form. But, as is often the case, the text needs emendation : * sevita vihvalam kartum ka ksama suciram ghatah nambho dharati kidrksam sastram kurutha dhidhanah ? (AC 2.56) suramah. sura. amah. suramah dadmah The above investigation of the illustrative verses found in VMM and JP should have made clear that namakhyata-riddles, like all other prasnottaras, are built on strict grammatical patterns : a question including kim means a substantive in the answer (with the same grammatical gender as the interrogative pronoun), a question containing kidsk or the like implies an adjective, simple or compound, in the answer, a question with a verb in the second person implies a verb in the first person in the reply, etc. Sticking to these facts is necessary and proves specially rewarding when it comes to understand texts which are badly transmitted. This holds true for the second line of the above verse which should be read : nambho dharati kidrk ? kim21 sastram kurutha dhidhanah ? The whole verse can then be translated : What is the thing, the addiction of which can make one confused ? -Alcohol sura

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286 Nalini Balbir Which type of pot cannot retain water for long-An uncooked one. amah O intelligent fellows, what do you do concerning the treatise ? -We give (them) well (?; cf. ra dane, Dhatup.) su-ramah Ajitasena's second instance reads: * yaminipratimayoge kidrsam yatinam kulam ? kam vandante sura nityam ? kamam kim akarot sudhih? (AC 2.57) abhyabhavam. abhi bhayarahitam. abhavam samsarahinajanam. abhyabhavam nirakaromi sma. Here again, a simple correction would suit the grammatical pattern of the riddle better. The answer as a verbal form is abhyabhavam, 1st person of the imperfect. The corresponding question should then normally include a second person: akaroh instead of akarot. How is a group of Digambara monks when practising kayotsarga in the night ?-Without fear a-bhi Who is it that the gods always respect ?-The one who is free from rebirth a-bhavam O wise man, what did you do with desire ?-I overcame (it) Jambu-jyoti abhyabhavam In this case, a comparison with the VMM further shows that Ajitasena has drawn inspiration from this work not only for definitions but also for illustrative verses, transforming what is found in VMM 2.38 in order to suit an ascetic context : samara-sirasi sainyam kidrsam durnivaram ? vigata-ghana-nisithe kidrse vyomni sobha ? kam api vidhi-vasena prapya yogyabhimanam jagad akhilam anindyam durjanah kim karoti ? What type of army is difficult to attack at the front of a battle? -The one who has no fear a-bhi In a night without clouds in which type of sky is there light? -In (a sky) with stars bhavati When, by chance, he has got some reason to be arrogant, what does a bad fellow do with the whole world of unblamable people ?-He humiliates (them) abhibhavati

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Grammatical Riddles from Jain works (III) 8. In the preceding category, the words to be guessed belong to the language used in performance. But several grammatical riddles are also meant to test the proficiency in the field of metalanguage, when the question and/or the answer involves a pratyahara (SS 8.1) a krt or taddhita affix (SS 8.2) or a grammatical technical term (SS 9). As will be seen, in all instances but one (SS 8.2) the standard is Panini's metalanguage: 8.1. * agre gamyeta kena? (halasamstarasamsarayetah; JP 36) What is it that should go in front ?-The consonant (hala, instr. sg.) Hal is the well-known pratyahara for referring to the consonants. As for the respective importance of consonants and vowels in the linguistic system, the commentary (mss A1, A2) states: svarat pradhanam vyanjanam bhavati, a belief already handed down in the older tradition: cf. vyanjanam svarangam (Taittiriya Pratisakhya I, 6 quoted by Abhyankar 1961 under vyanjana). * pratyahara-visesa vadanti: "Nandi nigadyate kidrk ?" (ajaganah; JP 76) Certain pratyaharas say: "How can Nandin be called? -O ac, ak and an, (he can be called) an attendant of the Unborn (= Siva). 287 Here the sequence ajaganah is understood in two different ways: first as aj-ag-anah, which forms the vocative of a dvandva compound made of the three Paninian pratyaharas referring respectively to the vowels (ac), to the vowels as such (a/a, i/i, u/u, rf and !: ak), to vowels and semi-vowels taken together (an), then as Aja-ganah (nom. masc. sg.). 8.2.* syad utah kena vrddhih ? (virajnavinudatipapam; JP 6) By what is the vrddhi of u caused ?-By tip (tipa). Tip is Panini's marker for the personal ending of the Parasmaipada 3rd person singular. The commentary of JP explains: tip-pratyayena 'uto vrddhir' ity adina nautity adau yatha vrddhir bhavati, and thus quotes the beginning of Pan 7.3.89 uto vrddhir luki hali, "A root ending in u which has no Present characteristic gets vrddhi before a pit sarvadhatuka affix beginning with a consonant"22 guna-vrddhi vaj-jhalau kasya? (syuh; JP 148) *

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288 Nalini Balbir Jambu-jyoti Which (root) has a guna and a vrddhi which are both vowels and consonants ? - The root r (uh, gen. of this root). The reason is that the guna of this root is ar (vowel+consonant) and its vrddhi is ar (idem), as the commentary explains : ar-ar-laksana-gunavrddhi ac-halau svara-vyanjana-rupe kasya dhatoh syatam ? uh r-karasya rddhi r-to dur. ur adese dity-antya-hrasvadeh r-lope uh iti rupa-siddhih. The following instance is fairly sophisticated : * "nirdambheti yad arthatah pranigaded rupam vi-purvac ca tat minateh kam apeksya jayata ?", iti ktva-pratyayah prcchati (bhavadyavadesam; JP 98) The affix ktva asks : "What needs to be taken in consideration in order that the root 'to hurt', preceded by vi, takes the meaning 'not deceitful' ? - Having the substitute yap instead of you : bhavad-yab-adesam23. As a matter of fact, when the root mi, minati is used as a simplex, it will form its absolutive with the suffix - tva (ktva in Panini's language), but when it is preceded by the prefix vi, its correct absolutive will be vi-maya (see Pan. 6.1.50 for the substitution of a in this situation) and will thus use the suffix -ya (krt-affix) which Panini calls lyap (cf.7.1.37 samase 'nan-purve ktvo lyap), and which Jinavallabha calls yap (> yab through sandhi)24. In doing this, he here follows the metalanguage of Hemacandra's grammar where the counterpart of Panini's sutra reads : a-nanah ktvo yap (3.2.154). 9. A variety of riddle where the answer should consist in a grammatical technical term is recorded in the specialized treatises (AC and VMM) and is named sabdiya-jati. Here again, Ajitasena's AC follows Dharmadasa's VMM and, like his predecessor, he considers the definition of this variety along with the definition of three other varieties involving knowledge of specific fields, namely tarkya-jati "philosophical" (see above $ 1.3 end), sautra-jati (below IV) and sastraja-jati "scientific" (AC 2.58 and VMM 2.56). But these types were probably considered obvious, or best understood through concrete examples, since there is hardly any definition (ineyam.../ sabdiyam sabda-samjnabhih...., VMM 2.56;...sabdad udbhavam ... sabdam ..., AC 2.58). The illustrative verse of the AC as it is edited reads as follows: na slagh[y]ate munih kasmai? sub-antam kim nigadyatam ?.

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Grammatical Riddles from Jain works a-karady-anubandhanam dhatunam nama kim vada ? (AC 2.61) parasmaipadam. munih parasmai na slaghate sva-gunadhikam dharmam na jnapayati, api tu sva-nindam para-prasamsam ca karotity arthah, sabda-jatih [Ed. sabdijatih]. Who is it that the ascetic does not praise ?-An other person parasmai How is an inflected nominal stem called ?-A word padam Tell, which name is given to the roots having the anubandha a, etc. ?-- parasmaipadam Now, the wording of the first and the third questions and their respective answers are obviously unfitting. The explanation of the first answer given by the author is rather tortuous, unconvincing and contradicts the answer parasmai. Further, parasmaipadam cannot apply to roots possessing the anubandha a, on the contrary, this vowel normally "indicates the placing of the Atmanepada affixes after them, if it be uttered as anudatta and of affixes of both the padas if uttered svarita25." 289 Once again, a look at the VMM helps to restore the proper text because it immediately appears that Ajitasena borrowed from it. In all editions and manuscripts we read : na slaghate khalah kasmai? sup-tin-antam kim ucyate? ladesanam navanam ca tinamm kim nama kathyatam? (VMM 2.61) Who is it that the wicked fellow does not praise ?-An other person parasmai How is an inflected nominal stem called ?-A word padam What is the name given to the nine verbal endings having la as their substitute? parasmaipadam The contents of the first question and its answer are in agreement with common sense of observation, and the answer to the third question is in agreement with grammatical theory: lah parasmaipadam (Pan. 1.4.99)26. Now, on the other hand a part of the manuscript tradition, mirrored in the common Indian editions of the VMM. also adds another stanza 27: satatam slaghate kasmai nico ? bhuvi kim uttamam ? kartary api rucadinam dhatunam kim padam bhavet? (VMM 2.62) Who is it that the mean fellow always praise ?-Himself atmane What is the best thing on earth ?-A place padam

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290 Nalini Balbir Jambu-jyoti What would be the word (i.e., verbal affix) for the roots 'to shine' and others, even if there is an agent ? atmanepadam There are good reasons to think that this verse is an interpolation favoured by concatenation with the preceding one, the existence of an identical pattern in the first part of both verses, and the feeling that parasmaipadam could not go without atmanepadam28. But, whatever the textual history, it seems clear that the author of the AC had before him a manuscript of the VMM containing the two stanzas and that this situation produced confusion and overlapping. This is evidenced by the manuscript tradition of the AC itself : pada c has a variant reading which is nkaradyanubandhanam (instead of akarady-anubandhanam) and the commentary too : atmanepadam. atmane na slaghate munih sva-slagham na karotity arthah. In short, the only way to make Ajitasena's verse agree both with common sense and grammar is to suppose that the answer is to be read as atmanepadam : Who is it that the ascetic does not praise ?-Himself atmane ... Tell what is the name to be given to the roots having the anubandha ? atmanepadam (IV) 10. Like the sabdiya-jati (89), the sautra-jati is illustrated but not defined. It is probably not a result of mere chance that all examples of this variety (whether in the VMM or elsewhere) exclusively refer to the field of grammar: sutra-style and grammatical teaching are traditionally considered to go together. The structural pattern of such riddles can be described on the basis of the two instances available in the VMM : as usual in prasnottaras, the global answer is progressively formed by piling up several units corresponding to the same number of questions (here three), whereas the last question concerns the sutra itself and gives a hint as to the treatise where it is to be found : yamah, agam, dhane / Panini-sutram ca kidrksam ?- yamo gandhane, Pan. 1.2.15 (VMM 2.59) visesanam, eka, arthena / sutram Candrasya kidrksam ?-visesanam ekarthena, Candra-vyak. 2.2.18 (VMM 2.60).

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Grammatical Riddles from Jain works 291 11. Riddles of this kind available in our Jain corpus refer to a variety of works. To some extent they are of interest for the history of grammatical tradition and for an appraisal of the spread of grammatical schools in Medieval India. 11.1. Jinavallabha's Prasnottara devotes two rather elaborate stanzas to the sautra-jati, but the commentators' silence about the quoted sutras and their sources is noteworthy. In the first stanza the pattern is different from the instances of the VMM because it represents a mixed type, called by the author trih-samasta-sutrottara-jati. Instead of being reached at through the piling up of micro-elements, the sequence forming the answer is taken as a whole and can be understood in three different ways : sva-janah prcchati, "jainair aghasya kah kutra kidrse kathitah ?" kathayata vaiyakaranah sutram Katyayaniyam kim ? (JP 64) One's own kinsman asks : "What have Jains said of sin regarding which thing of which type ?"--Kinsman, bondage regarding the means of activity which is a very big fight bandho, bandho 'dhikarane 'dhika-rane Tell, grammarians, what is Katyayana's sutra ? bandho 'dhikarane29 If we except the vocative and the rather artificial analysis of adhikarane as adhika-rane, a compound of rare occurrence (even in the Poona Sanskrit dictionary), the first part states fundamentals of the Jain doctrine with the relevant technical terminology : karmic bondage (bandha) is one of the fundamental truths (tattvas, cf. Tattvarthasutra 1.4); as for the term adhikarana, for which the standard passage is Tattvarthasutra 6.8 : adhikaranam jivajivah (developed in the subsequent sutras), its first meaning 'basis or means (of any activity) "30 applies here as well. However, the fact that all activity is viewed as generating particles of karman in the individual soul has led to a restriction of meaning; hence the explanation of adhikarana as "a means, implement or weapon of karmic bondage" and the translation of TS 6.8 as "The instruments of long-term karmic inflow are both sentient and non-sentient entities31." This traditional semantic equivalence accounts for the gloss adhikarane papa-vyapare of the commentaries on JP 22 (quoted in note 29). On bandho 'dhikarane as a grammatical sutra, all the commentaries are silent. The identification of the Katyayana mentioned by Jinavallabha

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292 Nalini Balbir Jambu-jyoti with Panini's varttikakara can be easily ruled out because the corresponding rule in Panini's grammar is not a varttika and has a word-order different from what we have here : adhikarane bandhah (3.4.41), "(The affix 'namul comes) after the verb 'bandh' (to bind) when (a word expressing) location (is in construction with it)." In the context of riddles and grammar, where precision and strictness are fundamental, such a discrepancy is of importance. It is very likely, however, that our Katyayana is the grammarian also known as Vararuci "to whom some works on Prakrit and Katantra grammar are ascribed32" As a matter of fact, bandho'dhikarane is a sutra that occurs in the fourth chapter of the Katantra which is devoted to the discussion of krt-affixes (4.6.25)33, a problematic chapter generally nsidered as a later addition to the original sutrapatha and explicitly taken by the commentator Durgasimha to be the work of Katyayana : vrksadivad ami rudhah krtina na krtah krtah, Katyayanena te srsta vibuddhi-pratibuddhaye34. Jinavallabha is in agreement with this traditional opinion. His riddle is one of the hints indicating the vast circulation of the Katantra in Medieval India, also among Jain circles in Gujarat (see further SS 12). 11.2. In his second instance of the sautra-jati Jinavallabha resorts to the pattern expected for this kind of riddle, but makes it sophisticated, hence savoury, through the use of uncommon words to be found in the answers. As a matter of fact, his purpose is not to write a handbook, as Dharmadasa did with the VMM, but to display his virtuosity : jantuh kascana vakti, "ka kva ramate?" procuh kacan kidrsan? brahmadi-trayam atra kah krsayati ? kved-agamah syaj janeh ? kim vanukta-samuccaye padam ? atho dhatus ca ko bhartsane ? kim sutram sudhiyo 'dhyagisata tatha Vibrantavidyadharah ? (JP 122) sutrottara-jatih : jhasyekacovasahsdhvoscabhas. A certain being says : "Which lady finds pleasure where ?" -Fish, Laksmi (finds pleasure) in Visnu jhasi, I E > jhasye How do they describe the hair ?-As "worshipping the head" kacah Who is it that makes thin the three (Brahma, etc.) ?-The one who makes thin Brahma, Siva and Visnu va-sah Before what would there be the accrement it in the root 'to be born' ? -Before s and dhv s-dhvoh

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Grammatical Riddles from Jain works 293 And which is the word used in the meaning of accumulation though not actually stated ? - "And" ca And which is the root that is used in the meaning "to insult" ? --The root bhas" bhas And which is the sutra that the clever Visrantavidyadhara taught ?The sutra jhasy ekaco basah sdhvos ca bhas The lexicographical niceties of this stanza require some explanation : jhasi is the vocative of the feminine word jhasi; I for Laksmi and A (here in the locative E) for Visnu are some of the ekaksara-words Jinavallabha likes best; kacah is the accusative plural of an artificial tatpurusa compound of etymological value made of ka ("head") + a(n)c (root noun meaning "which worships", cf. anc pujane, Dhatup.) > kac; va-sah is the nominative masculine singular of a tatpurusa compound made of U-U-A ( > va through sandhi) + sah (cf. so tanukarane, Dhatup.), where U is an ekaksara-designation for Brahma and then for Siva. One could also consider that the designation for Siva is U (also found in Ekaksarakosas with this meaning). Further, the stanza is also a small collection of individual grammatical questions of the types we saw earlier scattered in different verses : --there is a question on a synonymic root : bhas bhartsane, see for instance Hemacandra, Dhatup. 1.521; Palsule 1955, 187. -The statement defining ca is well-known from the Kasika : ca-karo 'nukta-samuccayarthah (Kas. on 2.4.18, etc.: Abhyankar 1961 p. 21; F.Kielhorn, "Notes on the Mahabhasya : 7. Some devices of Indian grammarians", Ind. Antiquary 1887, p. 251 = Kleine Schriften, ed. W. Rau. Wiesbaden, 1969, p. 240). Finally, one is asked a question concerning grammatical metalanguage and requiring familiarity with Panini's sutra 7.2.78 : (it, implied by anuvstti from 7.2.66) ida-janor dhve ca, where ca implies the recurrence of se from the sutra just coming before : "i is added before se (including the substitute sva]) as well as before dhve (including the substitute dhvam) in roots 'to praise' and 'to be born 35." Like in other instances of the sautra-jati, the question about the sutra is the last of the riddle. The source is indicated, but is hardly palpable because

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294 Nalini Balbir the corresponding text has not been handed down to us. The name Visrantavidyadhara is indeed known from references or quotations found in the indigenous tradition, but there have been some discussions on whether to understand it as referring to a work or to an author. The syntax of our stanza makes it clear that Jinavallabha thinks about a teacher. But it is equally clear that in the following verse of the section of the Prabhavakacarita devoted to Mallavadin sabda-sastre ca Visrantavidyadhara-varabhidhe nyasam nyasam cakre Ipadhi-vrnda-bodhanaya sphutarthakam Jambu-jyoti (chap. 10, vs.38) it refers to a work (authored by a certain Vamana, as other references show), and to the commentary written on it by the famous author of the Dvadasaranayacakra. Anyway this question is probably not so relevant, and it could well be that the rather expressive name Visrantavidyadhara (= V.) designates both the work and its author, as when one says "the MonierWilliams". If the statement that Mallavadin (between sam. 400 and sam. 600)* commented it is true, it means that (the) V. is quite early. The original source of the sutra may be problematic, but the sutra itself jhasy ekaco basah sdhvos ca bhas is well-known in wordings which are very close to each other in the following grammars : * ekaco baso bhas jhas-antasya sdhvoh (Pan. 8.2.37, with ante ca through anuvrtti from 8.2.29) jhasa ekacah sdhvor baso bhas (Candra-vyak. 6.3.69) *ekaco baso bhas jhasah sdhvoh (Jainendra-vyak. 5.3.54) *baso bhas jhasah sdhvos caikacah pratyaye (Sakatayana 1.2.76). This shows that V. belongs to the Paninian tradition and uses the same vocabulary and techniques as the great teacher of Sanskrit grammar. The use of ca both in V. and Sakatayana may mean that the sequence of * Since he mentions Dinnaga (c. A. D. 480-560 or a few decades earlier), and also quotes from the Avasyaka-niryukti, he is best dated to the latter half of the sixth century A. D.-Editors.

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Grammatical Riddles from Jain works 295 sutras was similar in both works and implies that the mention padante, which has to be applied through recurrence from 1.2.67 in Sakatayana, is also valid in V. The wording of V. can thus be rendered : "Before the voiced aspirate consonant (jhas = jha, bha, gha, dha and dha) of a monosyllabic root, instead of the non aspirate voiced consonant (bas = ba, ga, da and da), there will be the corresponding voiced aspirate consonant (bhas = bha, gha, dha and dha), also in front of s and dhy (i.e. at the end of a word as well as in front of s and dhv)". The process described refers to forms such as bhotsyate or abhuddhvam from root budh, or to cases like godhuk37. It is of course purposefully that Jinavallabha selected for a riddle a sutra of such a high technical level where all the words belong to the grammatical metalanguage, being either pratyaharas (bas, bhas, jhas)--and not very common ones--, pratyahara-based terms (ekac) or endings (s-dhvoh). 12. In our body of narrative works, the only instance of sautra-jati is found in Amradevasuri's akhyanakamanikosavrtti (dated sam. 1190 = 1134 A.D.). A group of young men and a lady exchange riddles. All of them are rather complicated or even obscure. When the type illustrated by the stanza is indicated, it is a useful hint, as in the present case : jai evam suttam ciya maha panhottaram imam sunaha In this case, listen to my riddle, which is of the sutra-type. After this introductory Prakrit sentence, comes the riddle, in Sanskrit, like all those which are included in this text (except for one which is told by the lady of the group). ka saukhyaikanibandhanam tri-bhuvane ? kesam mahad gauravam ? nirug vakti, "janasya tattvika-ripuh kah ? kam ca babhrur dvisan ?" sangho vakti, "Sudarsanam vada kare kesam ?" svaragryo 'bhidhat "ko varno na-paro vitundati ca?38" kim sutram purasyananah ? (Akhyanakamanikosavrtti chap. 36, vss. 243-244) As it often happens, the puzzled reaction of the audience is indicated, and this serves to enhance the intelligence of the hero who alone is able to find the answer. This becomes possible for him only when he has again taken into consideration the variety of the riddle which has been proposed to him :

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296 Nalini Balbir Jambu-jyoti navaram vinnayam imam mai-sayara-santiyam na kenavi panhottara-gaya-suttam muniyam kumarena tam tu imam (vs. 245) The solution then comes as ahimsarthanam ajvareh, a sequence which is not part of the verse and which is arrived at as follows: What is the only basis for happiness in the three worlds ? --Non violence ahimsa What are the things one is very proud of ?-Richesarthanam A man keeping good health says : "Who is the fundamental enemy of a human being ?- you who have no fever, it is love ajvara, Ih Who is the one that the mungoose hates ?-The snake ahim A group of people says: "Tell, in the hands of which beings is Sudarsana (carried) ?"-O group, (in) Visnu's hands sartha, Anam - sarthanam The best vowel said : "Which phoneme acts with regard to n ?" - best vowel, (it is) i aj-vara (voc.), ih39 And then, once the privative a standing in front is removed what is the sutra ? himsarthanam ajvareh The process to be applied in order to come to the solution is identical to what was seen in the VMM or in Jinavallabha's riddles. Like in the preceding case (SS 11.2), the sutra represents a sort of climax of the riddle but is not the only grammatical item to discover. Here, the question just before the last one is rather technical and refers to Pan 7.1.58 : id-ito num dhatoh, "n is inserted after the last vowel of a root ending with mute i (in the Dhatupatha)". As to the final answer which forms a sutra, the difference is that here no hint is given about the grammatical text where it can be traced. Yet the source can be identified as Katantra 2.4.4040, a sutra concerning the use of the genitive for referring to the object : sasthi is implied and forms a recurrent term to be taken from 2.4.37, karmani comes from 2.4.38 : "(The genitive is used for the object) in roots meaning to 'inflict pain', (but) not for the root jvar in the causative." Examples given in the commentaries41 show that the genitive can alternate with the accusative and is not compulsory (anityam, Durgasimha) except for jvar. Verbs chosen are (caurasya/cauram) prahanti, nihanti, pranihanti, utkrathayati, pinasti, rujati, amayati, ujjasayati, unnatayati. This shows that Katantra's sutra is in fact a blend of two sutras which are kept independent by Panini : rujarthanam

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Grammatical Riddles from Jain works 297 bhava-vacananam ajvareh (2.3.54), "(The genitive is used for the object) for roots meaning 'to pain' when they express a condition (i.e., when the subject is an abstract noun), except for the causative verb jvaraya" and jasiniprahana-nata-kratha-pisam himsayam (2.3.56), "The genitive is used for the object) for the roots 'to strike' in the causative, 'to kill' (when prefixed by) ni and/or pra, for nat in the causative, krath in the causative and pis, when meaning violence42." A reference to the Katantra in a Jain work should not be too surprising : manuscripts of Durgasimha's vrtti are housed in Jain libraries, Jain commentators, whether svetambara or Digambara, also applied their scholarship to the explanation of this treatise, whereas, on the other hand, various literateurs took it as a basis for sophisticated poetic exercises; last but not least the Katantra is also known to have had some impact on Hemacandra's grammar. 13. The last instance of a sautra-jati riddle is provided by Ajitasena's Alamkaracintamani : uktasya nuh paramrstau kah sabdo ? bheda-vaci kim avyayam ? kena natosi ? sutram kim Prakriya-sthitam ? (AC 2.60) saharthena. sautra-jatih. What is the word used in referring to a masculine already mentioned ? --"He" Sa(h) What is the indeclinable expressing differentiation ?--Ha ha43 What is it that does not bring satisfaction ?-Money arthena What is the sutra found in the Prakriya ?_"With (words) having the meaning 'along with'" saharthena On the basis of the general pattern of the sautra-jati riddles, where the last question always refer to a grammatical work, it can safely be assumed that Prakriya designates some treatise of this type. Since no work having only this title seems to be known, Prakriya is probably an abbreviation. There are then two possibilities : (i) Prakriya refers to the Prakriyasamgraha, a recast of Sakatayana's Sabdanusasana by Abhayacandrasuri, "a commentary of the Kaumudi - type"44, or even, by extension, to sakatayana's work in Abhayacandra's recension, which is possible since a sutra of the wording saharthena

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298 Nalini Balbir prescribing the use of the instrumental case (trtiya) "(with words) having the meaning "with" is taught there : saharthena (1.3.129 = sutra 20 in the vibhakti-section of Abhayacandrasuri's commentary) Jambu-jyoti ct. saharthena yuktat trtiya bhavati. putrena sahagatah putrena saha sthulah, putrena sardham, putrena sakam, putrena samam, putrena satra, putrenama bhunkte45. (ii) Prakriya designates one of the commentaries on the Jainendravyakarana, for instance Srutakirti's Pancavastuprakriya or the Sabdarnavaprakriya based on Somadeva's Sabdarnavacandrika. This is not impossible because the sutra saharthena is also attested in the Jainendra 1.4.30. The solution could come from another verse of the AC, identified by the editor of the text as "a mangala-verse of Sakatayana's Prakriya", but this verse is unfortunately not traceable in any of the sources consulted by me46. As for the sutra itself, a comparison of Sak. with the corresponding aphorism in Panini saha-yukte 'pradhane (2.3.19) confirms F. Kielhorn's conclusions regarding the relation of the two works: Sakatayana's "pathological concern for economizing the number of syllables", his way of incorporating material from the commentaries (Katyayana or Patanjali), but, at the same time, his manner of simplifying the matter by removing a specification which he probably considered as having minimal importance (apradhane). Similarly, a comparison with the corresponding sutras in the Candravyakarana and in Hemacandra's work shows Sakatayana's indebtedness to Candragomin (where saharthena is sutra 2.1.65) and Hemacandra's indebtedness to Sakatayana (Hemac. 2.2.45 has saharthe)47. (V) 14. Although less frequently, metrics is like grammar a field of knowledge referred to in riddles. In the following instance ... rucira ka satam vrtta-jatih? (JP 69) Which is the kind of metre that connoisseurs find beautiful ?, the selection of the right answer among many possibilities, namely malini, is determined by the next question.

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Grammatical Riddles from Jain works 299 ko va diksu prasarati sada kantha-kandat Purareh ? (JP 69) And what is it that always spreads in all directions from the place of Siva's throat ? where the answer should be nilima, i.e. the same word read in a reverse order so that it fits with the type of riddle here illustrated, namely the manthanantara-jati48. In the question amantasu anta-gurum ... (sasankam; Dhanesvara, Surasundaricariya 16.53) Call the one that ends with a long (syllable), the point is to test basic knowledge of the technical terminology relating to metrical science. The answer is sa, vocative of the technical term sa referring to a gana of the form vu-, and immediately comes to the mind of those who remember the relevant samjnasutras or karikas beginning any chandahsastra49. 15. The variety corresponding to the sabdiyajati of grammar (above S 9) is termed vrttanamajati. There is no illustration of it in any of the Jain narrative woks considered in our investigation. But it is both defined and illustrated in the second chapter of Mahakavi Ajitasena's Alamkaracintamani. Once more, Ajitasena's definition appears as a clear rewording of Dharmadasa's Vidagdhamukhamandana. Compare vrtta-nama bhavet prasna-vrttanamottarad hi yat (AC 2.52cd) It would be a vrttanaman, because it has as an answer the name of the metre of the question and (yatra) vrttanamottaram prstam bhavet tad vrttanamakam (VMM 2.34cd) (Where) the question has as its answer the name of the metre it would be a vrttanamaka. However, Ajitasena's awkward formulation includes an element which is not explicitly mentioned by Dharmadasa: not only does the final answer give the name of a metre, but the riddle-stanza should itself be composed "by the way of mudra" in this very metre which is to be guessed50. A look at

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300 Nalini Balbir the three illustrative verses available both in the VMM (2 verses) and in the AC (1 verse) shows that it is actually the case: Metre of VMM 2.35 sikharini / Answer to the riddle: sikharini (< sikharini + 1) Metre of VMM 2.36 malini / Answer to the riddle : malini (< ma + alini)$1 Jambu-jyoti Metre of AC 2.54 indramala (see below) / Answer to the riddle: indramala. But Ajitasena's definition has the advantage of making this feature a structural element specific to the variety and not a matter of chance. It is both an additional challenge for the one who asks the riddle and a hint for the one who is to answer it, provided he is decently trained in recognizing the metre of a stanza read to him. Ajitasena's example reads: sambodhanam kim suralokanathe ? bhramad-dvirepha surabhi-sphuta mala ka ? Ka yati nakaj Jinapujanartham? vrttam kim abruhy upajati-laksma ? Which word is used to address the lord of the world of gods? Indra! What is it that is famous for its fragrance, where bees turn around? -A garland of flowers-mala Who comes from the sky to worship the Jinas ?-A line of Indras Indra What is the metre that has the characteristic of an upajati ? indramala The pattern of the riddle-verse agrees with what we find in the VMM : in the vrttanamajati, the first two or three questions can relate to any topic, but the last one always gives an indication about the structural pattern of the metre to be guessed (... a metre having nine light and eight heavy syllables. for the sikharini in VMM 2.35, ... a metre having the same number of light syllables as the number of mountains [ 8 ] and the same number of heavy syllables as the number of oceans [ 7] for the malini in VMM 2.36). Here also the metrical pattern of the stanza fits with the hint given about the metre: three indravajrapadas (a, c and d) and one. upendravajrapada (b) makes an upajati, since this syllabic metre of 11 syllables is precisely made of the combinations of these two varieties, in any =

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Grammatical Riddles from Jain works possible type of mixture. As for the word indramala, it is probably not by chance that Ajitasena makes use of it. This synonymic designation of upajati is not attested in all metrical treatises, but precisely in three works which come from South India, as Mahakavi Ajitasena himself, and which, for two of them, have Jain authors52. (i) The earliest reference is found in the Ratnamanjusa, an anonymous Jain work on Sanskrit metrics which is one of the oldest existing Indian chandahsastras53: tristubh (5.24) indravajra sare (5.25) upendravajra sare (5.26) indramala dvayam (5.27); ct. yadindravajraupendravajre sahaikasmin sloke bhavatah, bhavati indramala nama54. (ii) The wording of Janasrayi's Chandoviciti (end of 6th cent. A.D.) recalls the Ratnamanjusa, although the technical designations of the ganas used by this author are peculiar to him : Variety No. 1 Variety No. 2 Variety No. 3 Variety No. 4 Variety No. 5 indravajra bejr (4.34) upendravajra kejr (4.35) ubhaya-misrendramala (4.36)55. The author goes a step further, stating that there are fourteen different varieties of indramala (sa caturdasa-bheda, 4.37), as other metricians also do56. But he is one of the rare who provides illustrative stanzas for these varieties, namely twelve of them (the two remaining ones, the akhyanika and the viparitakhyanika, which he has already treated separately in 3.7 and 3.8, are not repeated) : 301 Indravajrapada(s) ab cd ad bc a Upendravajrapada(s) cd ab be ad bcd

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302 Nalini Balbir Jambu-jyoti Variety No. 6 b acd abd Variety No. 7 Variety No. 8 abc Variety No. 9 bcd acd Variety No. 10 (corresponds to the pattern of the above verse of AC) abd Variety No. 11 ( = Janakiharana 1.37) Variety No. 12 abc d + (Akhyanika ac bd Viparitakhyanika bd ac) (iii) Finally, Jayakirti, a Digambara Jain from Karnataka who lived about 1000 A.D., gives the following definition in his versified Chando'nusasana edited on the basis of a unique palm-leaf manuscript from Jaisalmer : upendravajra-sphurad indravajrapadau vimisrau yadi tau bhavetam nana-vikalpair upajatir esa prakalpitaryaih kvacid indramala (2.117) 57. Because of common sectarian affiliation, this could well have been the book which was the source used by Mahakavi Ajitasena. The above investigation should have contributed to make clear that Jain authors are extremely fond of all types of games connected with the manipulation of language and that their proficiency in the fields of knowledge pertaining to language (grammar, lexicography and metrics) is of a very high level. For them, as for other Indians, erudition is not boring, on the contrary it serves the games of intelligence and as such is valuable.

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Grammatical Riddles from Jain works 303 Annotations : 1. For a convenient list of such dictionaries see C. Vogel, Indian Lexicography. Wiesbaden, 1979, p. 369-371. 2. This has rightly been underlined by L. Sternbach, Indian Riddles. A forgotten chapter in the history of Sanskrit Literature. Hoshiarpur, 1975, $ 132ff. 3. Sri Siddhahemacandra Sabdanusasana. With the Auto-commentary Laghuvrtti. Patan, 1994. 4. Representatives of the first category are Uddyotanasuri's Kuvalayamala, Mahesvarasuri's Nanapancamikaha, santisuri's Puhaicandacariya, Dhanesvarasuri's Surasundaricariya or an anonymous Jinadatta-akhyana. Second category: Dharmopadesamalavivarana Sk.: 3 Pk.: 2 Manipaticarita Sk.: 2 Pk.: 3 Akhyanakamanikosavrtti Sk.: 8 Pk.: 1 Kaharayanakosa Sk.: 4 Pk.: 2 Third category : e.g. Samaraiccakaha with 4 riddles, all in Sanskrit. This is just a sample of references. More details about the corpus will be given in an extensive study on riddles found in Jain narrative works (in preparation). 5. Partly for lack of space, riddles belonging to the category where a verbal form (kriya) or a nominal form corresponding to any of the grammatical cases (kartro, karma', karanao, etc.) is concealed Cogupta) in a given verse and is to be detected, are left out. See VMM 4.33ff., or Kuvalayamala and Samaraiccakaha for examples in Jain works. 6. Mentioned in L. Sternbach's monograph Indian Riddles $ 120, but with more information about the author's career than about his work itself. 7. Description and extracts from the prasastis in Catalogue of Sanskrit and Prakrit Manuscripts. Muniraja Shri Punyavijayaji's Collection. Ahmedabad, 1968, p. 432, Serial Nos. 3384 and 3385. 8. See New Catalogus Catalogorum under Prasnavali and the list of Municandra's works in e.g., H. R. Kapadia, introduction to Haribhadra's Anekantajayapataka (commented upon by Municandra). Baroda, 1940 (G.O.S. 88), p. XXX. 9. Available evidence is carefully examined by M. Kraatz, VMM 1968, vol. I, p.XI-XIV, and his conclusion is very cautious (perhaps excessively so). 10. See for instance H. D. Velankar, Jinaratnakosa. Poona, 1944, p. 355; Pandit Ambalal Pre. Shah, Jain Sahitya ka Brhad Itihas, vol. 5: Laksanik Sahitya. Varanasi, 1969, p. 127-129.

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304 Nalini Balbir 11. See also below SS 13. Other instances of riddles providing answers of Jain or Digambara Jain colouring are: Tirthakarah (AC 2.11), Akalankah (2.13), Vidyanandah (2.109), paramesthi (2.110). 12. It is not mentioned in Sternbach's monograph. Jambu-jyoti 13. In this section and the next, only the parts of the verses which contain grammatical riddles will be quoted and considered. The verbal sequence forming the answer to the full riddle will be given because it serves as a hint to direct the reader in cases where there could be several possibilities, but it will not be extensively explained: the more questions, the more problems, a detailed discussion of which would lead to unnecessary digressions. 14. For a modern reader, the "alphabetical Index of meanings with corresponding roots (also arranged alphabetically) as given in the different Dhatupathas" found in Palsule 1955 is a perfect tool. 15. This riddle and another one (JP 33) are also found in Devabhadrasuri's Kaharayanakosa (p. 280a). 16. Ct.: ada psa bhaksane attiti at kvip adam lati dadatiti allas tat-sambodham he 'lla (mss A1, A2). 17. Antasthasv antya-varnas ca kah prasiddho mahitale? 18. Ct.: a-karat paro 'c i-karah aparac tasyayah ksayah (Ed.). 19. Ct.: atrottaram : as ca jas ca mas ca das ca has ca tas ca bhas ca ajamadahatabhas te purve yasya mah ajamadahatabha-purvah tatha me muja-sabda-sambandhi ma-kare krte ne na-kare krte sati etavata muja-sthane nuja iti jate adau ajadisu varnesu dattesu yathakramam anuja 1 januja 2 manuja 3 danuja 4 hanuja 5 tanuja 6 bhanuja 7 iti sabdah bhavanti. Hanujah antyadamstra bhanujah sanih, sesa spasta eva (mss A1, A2). 20. Ct.: tvar samudalasah samullasitavan athava sam samastyena ut prabalyena alasah sabditavan tus hras las sabde las ity asya rupam; but las with this meaning is not recorded in Palsule s.v. sabde. 21. This is perhaps what is actually meant by the reading kidrvikam found in two mss. of the AC. 22. Translations of Pan. are based on S. C. Vasu, The Ashtadhyayi of Panini, 1891, Reprint Motilal Banarsidass, 1962 and O. Bohtlingk, Panini's Grammatik. Leipzig, 1887. 23. Ct.:ktva-pratyayam praty uttara-data vakti: bhavatas tava ktva-pratyayasya sthane yo 'sau yap ity adeso bhavad-yab-adesas tam apeksya vimayeti bhavati, ayam atra

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Grammatical Riddles from Jain works bhavah: yadrsam nirdambha-sabdenarthato rupam abhidhiyate tadrsam vipurvan minateh ktva pratyayasya yavadese sati, tatha hi nirdambha-sabdena nirmaya ity ucyate anenapi vimayeti sa evarthah. 24. The difference between ba and va is never relevant in the context of riddles. In this answer one should read ba, while in the two other answers of the same riddlestanza one should understand va (respectively bhavad yava(h) desam and Bhava, dya vade 'sam). 305 25. Abhyankar 1961, p. 63-64. 26. See further Abhyankar 1961 p. 304 and Kraatz's commentary on VMM 2.61 (vol. 2 p. 191). 27. For instance, in the Berlin manuscript "Ms. or. fol. 1034" (Weber, Verzeichnis II, 1 p. 285 No. 1727) it is added in the margin by another hand. 28. See M. Kraatz's observations in his commentary of VMM (vol. 2 p. 192). 29. Ct.: he bandho svajana adhikarane papa-vyapare bandhah kathitah, kidrse adhikarane 'dhikaranam yatra tat tasminn adhikarane... (mss A1, A2); after papavyapare the avacuri of the printed edition reads: kimvisiste ? adhikarane adhikam ranam samgramam yatra tat tatha tasminn adhika-rane. 30. See Poona Dictionary p. 1551, meaning 6. 31. See respectively Pt. Sukhlalji's Commentary on the Tattvartha Sutra, Ahmedabad, 1974 (L. D. Series 44), p. 239 and N. Tatia's translation of TS, That Which Is. London, New York: Harper Collins, 1994, p. 154. 32. Abhyankar 1961, p. 109. 33. Pujyapada Devanandin's Jainendra-vyakarana 2.4.28 (Ed. with the Jainendra mahavrtti of Ac. Abhayanandi. Ed. Pandit Shambhu Nath Tripathi. Kashi, Bharatiya Jnanapith, 1956 [Jnanapitha Moorti Devi Jain Grantha Mala, Sanskrit Grantha No. 17]). 34. Katantra, ed. J. Eggeling, Calcutta 1874 (Bibliotheca Indica 297-298), p. 299. Quoted by S. K. Belvalkar, An account of the different existing systems of Sanskrit grammar. Poona, 1915, p. 27 n. 2; see also p. 84-85. Katantra's recension commented upon by the Digambara Bhavasena Traividya (see below n. 41) does not include the sutra under consideration. It ends with guros ca nisthayam setah 4.5.81 in the recension commented upon by Durgasimha and edited by J. Eggeling. 35. On the part played by ca in "offering an abbreviative interpretation" in this sequence of sutras see S. D. Joshi and Saroja Bhate, "The Role of the Particle ca in

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306 Nalini Balbir Jambu-jyoti the Interpretation of the Astadhyayi': Proceedings of the International Seminar on Panini. University of Poona. Pune, 1983 (CASS E, 9), p. 180-181. - The corresponding sutra in the Jainendra-vyakarana does not apply to the root jan: idah s-dhve (5.1.136). 36. Some information on V. can be found in the following sources : Abhyankar 1961, s.v. Visrantavidyadhara, with the quotation of a popular verse (p. 336); F. Kielhorn, "Indragomin and other grammarians", Indian Antiquary 15 (1886), p. 182 and n. 4(= Kleine Schriften, p. 243): quotations from Hemacandra's Nyasa on his own Sanskrit grammar, and references to the Ganaratnamahodadhi; H. R. Kapadia, Jaina Samskrta Sahitya no Itihasa Vol. 1. Baroda, 1956, p. 23-24 of the second chapter : Convenient collection of whatever information is available. 37. TheAmoghavrtti on sakatayana (ed. by Pt. Shambhu Nath Tripathi Kashi, Bharatiya Jnanpitha, 1971 [Jnanapitha Moorti Devi Jain Grantha Mala, Sanskrit Grantha No. 37) quotes both verbal and nominal forms, whereas Abhayacandrasuri's commentary (ed. by G. Oppert. Madras, 1893) takes instances from the stemgo-duh-only. 38. Correction suggested by Prof. P. S. Filliozat (see also below). Ed. vitundati na is probably wrong. The hints provided by the Indian editor for this part of the riddle are not helpful at all. It seems he missed the point. 39. I am extremely thankful to Prof. P. S. Filliozat, without whom I was at a complete loss to understand this question and its answer. His help has also proved invaluable for solving a few other points connected with this paper. 40. See n. 2 p. 297 in the edition of the Akhyanakamanikosavrtti. 41. Commentary (vrtti) by Durgasimha in ed. J. Eggeling. Calcutta, 1874 (Bibliotheca Indica 297-298), translated in B. Liebich, Zur Einfuhrung in die einheimische Sprachwissenschaft. I. Das Katantra. Heidelberg, 1919, p. 48; commentary (called Rupamalavrtti) by the Digambara writer Bhavasena Traividya, ed. with Hindi translation by Ganini Aryika Sri Jnanamati mataji. Hastinapur, 2nd ed. 1992. In this edition, the sutras have a continuous numbering. Our sutra is No. 411. 42. Similar wording in the Jainendra-vyak.: rujarthasya bhava-vacino 'jvari-santapyoh (1.4.61) and jasa-niprahana-nata-kratha-pisam himsayam (1.4.63); in Sakatayana : rujo 'jvarisantapyoh kartari bhave (1.3.113) and himsayam jasanatakrathapisanipradhnam (1.3.114); in Hemacandra : rujarthasyajvarisantaper bhave karttari (2.2.13), jasa-nata-kratha-piso himsayam (2.2.14) and ni-prebhyo ghnah (2.2.15). There does not seem to be anything comparable to these sutras in the Candra-vyak.

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Grammatical Riddles from Jain works 307 43. Cf. ha vinirgrahe according to Medini, quoted in the Amaravyakhyasudha (information provided by Prof. P. S. Filliozat). 44. R. Birwe, introduction to sakatayana's grammar (e.d. by Pt. Shambhu Nath Tripathi. Kashi, 1971), p. 3. 45. This is Abhayacandrasuri's commentary, ed. by G. Oppert. Madras, 1893, p. 75; the Amoghavrtti (ed. by Shambhu Nath Tripathi. Kashi, 1971) is more extensive. 46. The verse in point, clearly of Jain origin, is : jayati jagadisa-mastaka-mani-kirana-kalapa-kalpitargha-nidhi Jina-carana-kamala-yugalam ganadhara-gananiya-nakha-kesarakam (AC 5.301), identified by the editor as "Sakatayana Prakriya ka mangala padya" on p. 365. What the editor exactly means is not clear to me, since neither Abhayacandrasuri nor the Amoghavrtti include this verse as their mangalas. 47. See F. Kielhorn, "On the grammar of Sakatayana", Indian Antiquary 16 (1887), 24-28 and "Die Sakatayana-Grammatik", Gottinger Nachrichten 1894, 1-14 = Kleine Schriften, p. 246-250 and 276-289 ("jenes fast krankhafte Streben nach moglichster Kurze", p. 285). 48. This variety of riddle is akin to citrakavya and can be best represented as a cross, the centre of which is occupied by a syllable common to all the answers of the riddle. There is then one horizontal answer which can be read in both directions, a vertical answer which can also be read in both directions. A circular reading ending in the centre makes the last answer. E.g., in the present case : na ma lini pa 1) malini/nilima; 2) nalina / Nalina; 3) mananinam ali. There are several such instances in JP (32, 74, 143, 145, 152, 154), but this variety does not seem to have been very popular outside this work, and the VMM does not seem to know of it. 49. See e.g., Kedarabhatta's Vrttaratnakara 1.8, Hemacandra, Chando'nusasana 1.2. 50. See M. Kraatz's translation of VMM : "(Wenn ein Ratselvers als Antwort den Namen (seines) Versmasses hat - das ist vottanamaka benannt nach dem Versmas". 51. Let us note, by the way, that this riddle is quoted with its source in the Pali grammar of the Burmese monk Aggavamsa from the 12th century : tatha hi Vidaddhamukhamandanatikayam malini ti padass' attham vadata (ma vuccati Lakkhi, alini ti bhamari' ti vuttam (Saddaniti. Ed. H. Smith. Lund, 1928, p. 244, lines 19-21).

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308 Nalini Balbir Jambu-jyoti 52. The matter is treated here in some details because all the relevant books are not easily available, and these technicalities are not very well known. See further note 54. 53. On its importance in the development of metrical science see C. B. Tripathi, "Ratnamanjusa and 'Chandoviciti": Beitrage zur Indienforschung (E. Waldschmidt zum 80. Geburtstag gewidmet), ed. H. Hartel. Berlin, 1977, p. 549-560. 54. Ratnamanjusa with Bhasya by some unknown Jain authors on Sanskrit prosody. Ed. with A Critical Introduction and Notes by Prof. H. D. Velankar. Kashi, Bharatiya Jnanapith, 1949 (Jnanapitha Moorti Devi Jain Granthamala, Sanskrit Grantha No. 5) : "Indramala : Another name of the Upajati: Mandaramarandacampu (Kavyamala ed. 1895, p. 8 line 7) calls it upendramala; but every other writer that I know of calls it upajati". (Velankar's note p. 59, to be revised in the light of the material collected here). 55. Janasrayi Chandoviciti. Published by the Curator, The University Manuscripts Library. Trivandrum, 1949 (Trivandrum Sanskrit Series No. 163). 56. See e.g., Prakrtapaingala 2.119 and 2.121 for the fourteen designations of the varieties of upajatis : one of them is called mala, a word which is anyway quite common in names of metres (cf. vidyunmala, urmimala, candramala, etc.).; Hemacandra's Chando'nusasana 2.156 : etayoh parayos ca samkara upajatis caturdasadha. 57. Edited in Jayadaman. A collection of ancient texts on Sanskrit Prosody and A Classified List of Sanskrit Metres with an Alphabetical Index. Ed. by H. D. Velankar. Bombay, 1949.

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Grammatical Riddles from Jain works 309 ABBREVIATIONS Abhyankar 1961 = K. V. Abhyankar, A Dictionary of Sanskrit Grammar. Baroda, 1961 (G. O. S. 134). J. AC = Alamkaracintamani of Mahakavi Ajitasena. Ed. by Dr. Nemi Chandra Shastri. Delhi : Bharatiya Jnanapitha, 1973 (Jnanapitha Moorti Devi Grantha Mala : Sanskrit Grantha No. 43); see $ 1.3. JP = Jinavallabha's Prasnottara-sasti-ekasata (see SS 1.1). P = Municandra's Prasnavali (see SS 1.2). Palsule 1955 = G. K. Palsule, A Concordance of Sanskrit Dhatupathas (with Index of meanings). Poona, 1955 (Deccan College Dissertation Series 14). V. = Visrantavidyadhara (see SS 11.2). VMM = Dharmadasa's Vidagdhamukhamandana. The editions used are : * sri Dharmadasasuripranitam svopajnavyakhyasamalankrtam idam Panasikaropahva-Laksmanatmaja-Vasudevasarmana samsodhitam. Bombay, 1905. * Vidagdhamukhamandanam of Dharmadasa Suri. With 'Chandrakala' Commentary and Hindi translation. Editor and Translator Acharya Sesaraja Sarma. Varanasi-Delhi : Chaukhambha Orientalia, 1984. * Das Vidagdhamukhamandana des Dharmadasa (Ein Lehrbuch der Ratselkunde) 1. und 2. Kapitel. Inaugural dissertation ... Philipps-Universitat zu Marburg vorgelegt von Martin Kraatz. Marburg/Lahn, 1968, 2 vols. ODO

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'Antarvyapti' Interpreted in Jainism Atsushi Uno The term "antarvyapti" used in the syllogism of Jaina logic is, together with the opposite term "bahirvyapti", found in the Jaina and the Buddhist texts alone. Among scholars, there is a great divergence of opinions on the first user of the term. To the best of my understanding, the Nyayavatara of Siddhasen. Divakara (the 8th century)* was the first to use the term. The Nyayavatara (abbr. Nya), a short manual of Jaina logic cast in 32 verses, mentions the antarvyapti immediately after two verses treating two kinds of drstantas. antarvyaptyaiva sadhyasya siddher bahir-udahstih vyartha syat tad-asadbhave'py evam nyaya-vido viduh ||20|| [Running rendering] When the establishment of probandum (sadhya) is secured exclusively by internal variable concomitance (antarvyapti), the citation of external example (bahir-udahrti) will be useless. And such will also be the case even when internal concomitance is absent (or unknown). Thus say those who are conversant with logic. The NyA has a sole commentary Vivrti by Siddharsi (c. A. D. 906) and it has a sub-commentary Tippana by Devabhadra (the latter half of the 12th century) scarcely referring to the verse under consideration. Among the subsequent Jaina works which developed the theory of antarvyapti on the basis of the NyA and the Vivrti are : the Pramananayatattvaloka (abbr. PNT) by Devasuri (1080-1169), its auto-commentary the Syadvadaratnakara (abbr. SyR), its abridged commentary the Ratnakaravatarika (abbr. RaA; * Siddhasena Divakara, as recent researches show, was not the author of the Nyayavatara but of Nayavatara. He was either Siddharsi alias Siddhasena (late 9th - early 10th cent.) or may be some other pre-medieval Siddhasena. - Editors.

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'Antarvyapti' Interpreted in Jainism 311 by Ratnaprabha), and the Pramanamimamsa (abbr. PrM) by Hemacandra (1089-1172). The description of antarvyapti in the NyA has been taken over in the PNT almost ad verbatim, yet it may hardly be possible to grasp the meaning of the verse without the help of commentaries. It is due to the ambiguity of the expression that came to allow different interpretations about the verse. Though the idea of antarvyapti took its rise in Jainism, it is a wonder that the term itself disappeared in later Jaina works. However, Ratnakarasanti of the later Buddhist logic employed this term antarvyapti. His way of using the antarvyapti is somewhat different from that of Jainism and it is, as it were, a modified "kevalanvayi" inference of the NyayaVaisesika school. This thesis aims at having a general look at the Vivrti and later Jaina works in order to clarify the purport of Siddhasena's antarvyapti. Before entering the main issue, I would like to give an outline of the syllogistic form of Indian logic and my opinion of antarvyapti. - Technical terms used for the definition of antarvyapti will be understood in the following way. Antah (internal example) indicating paksa or the subject of argument, and vyapti residing in the antah is antarvyapti. Opposite term for "antarvyapti" is "bahirvyapti" (or bahyavyapti : external invariable concomitance), residing in the bahih. The bahih (external example; the basis other than paksa) refers to the twofold example, which is to be cited as the third member of the syllogism. When one accepts the function of the antarvyapti, the mention of bahir-drstanta (the external example) as well as of bahirvyapti (external variable concomitance) is cumbersome. That is, the external example (bahih) is useless. Inference is divided into two : inference for oneself (svarthanumana) and inference for others (pararthanumana). The former, being useful for oneself and primarily non-verbal, functions in one's consciousness only. That is, inferential knowledge of probandum (sadhya), secured by the cognition of probans (hetu; smoke) and of invariable concomitant + He was the disciple of Devasuri of Brhad-gaccha. The date of Ratnakaravatarika is c. A. D. 1165. - Editors.

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312 Atsushi Uno (vyapti). The latter, however, primarily verbal (vacanatmaka) in nature, being useful to convince the opponent (prativadin) of the knowledge of the probandum (sadhya). But each school of Indian logic came to tend to decrease the number of syllogism in later times, though such decrease depends on the faculty of opponents. (i) pratijna (argument): the mountain has fire, The argument itself is called paksa, and the subject (mountain) is also called paksa. Fire which is predicate of the argument is called probandum (sadhya), and the mountain possessing fire (dharmin; Sp) is sometimes sadhya. Jambu-jyoti (ii) hetu (reason): because of smoke. Generally "reason," which enables one to obtain the inferential knowledge, is expressed by the ablative case of hetu (e.g. smoke) as a phrase. It is also called sadhana or sadhaka. However, how does the opponent (prativadin) act upon hearing pratijna and hetu succeedingly? Does he not show any effect or response, saying to himself "what about smoke ?" It may be because he does not know invariable concomitance (vyapti) between smoke and fire, or he may come to know the vyapti only after he is shown any example like a kitchen. [Three cases, on the part of the opponent, will be introduced later.] If the opponent is, after hearing the hetu, aware of the fact that there is fire wherever smoke occurs, he is compelled to construct in his mind the idea of vyapti. However, this vyapti is not expressed verbally by either the speaker (vadin; instructor) or the opponent (prativadin). This vyapti is not installed in the syllogism as an independent member, though happening after the two members. Some are of the opinion that this vyapti is included in the third member "udaharana" (or drstanta), but I do not accept this opinion. For drstanta should be literally an instance of basis on which to affirm the vyapti. However, the paksa (subject of the argument; e.g. mountain) eventually comes to be regarded as the locus of the vyapti, and the inference finishes. Thus any school of Indian logic beginning with the Nyaya-Vaisesika generally accepts the drstanta as any locus outside the paksa, but does not consider the paksa to be a drstanta.

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'Antarvyapti' Interpreted in Jainism 313 There is almost no material referring to the function of drstanta, but it is used as the third member, convincing the [dull-minded] opponent of the locus of vyapti which comes from the preceding two members. The ambiguous character of the drstanta is originally derived from other reasons, which will be referred to later. However, is the drstanta an indispensable member to the opponent of slow understanding in the inference for others ? I shall show some instances of establishing the probandum (inferential knowledge) even without the help of drstanta. (1) In the three-membered syllogism of Western logic, the major premise (equivalent to vyapti; M - P) and the minor premise (roughly equivalent to paksadharmata; S. M) are necessary for acquiring the conclusion (inferential knowledge; S - P), dispensing with any example. (2) In the case of Indian logic, later Buddhism, the Mimamsaka, and the sankara-Vedanta accept vyapti (hetu - sadhya) and paksadharmata (hetu + paksa) only for acquiring inferential knowledge, omitting drstana. [The antecedent here is meant to occur in the consequent.) (3) The Nyaya-Vaisesika accepts paramarsa by combining the above mentioned two elements into one. That is, vyapti-visistapaksadharmata-jnanam (the knowledge of paksadharmata possessed of vyapti). As has been shown above, to accept the existence of the vyapti in the antah (paksa) exclusively is antarvyapti, without approving of the function of bahih and bahirvyapti as the main cause (gamaka) of inferential knowledge. Drstanta (or udaharana), the third member of the syllogism, was originally set forth in the Nyayasutra (abbr. NS) and the Nyayabhasya (abbr. NBh), and was quite different in nature from what generally has been understood in later schools of logic.

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314 Atsushi Uno Jambu-jyoti In the NS and the NBh, the dharmin of pratijna (e.g. mountain) is compared with either homogeneous example (e.g. kitchen) or heterogeneous example (e.g. pond) by virture of sadharmya (e.g. smoke) or vaidharmya (e.g. -smoke) between the two (dharmin and drstanta), one analyses in the dharmin fire. Inference in the NS and the NBH is, strictly speaking, not inference, but analogy in nature, and has nothing to do with vyapti in the process of thinking. NS 1.1.34 : Whatever establishes the probandum (Sp or p), on the basis of the similarity with the shomogeneous) example (in accordance that probandum possesses similarity with the example) is the probans (hetu; M). NBh l.i.34: Whatever establishes the probandum i.e., dharma (S or Sp) in accordance with the similarity with the example is probans (hetu, smoke). By perceiving a certain dharma (e.g. smoke) in the probandum (subject; mountain) and the same dharma in the example (e.g. kitchen), what describes that it (smoke) establishes the probandum (Sp or P) is probans (hetu). [Comment] Accoding to the NBh, probandum (sadhya) is used in two ways, by indicating first S, and then Sp or P. NS 1.1.35: In similar manner, whatever establishes the probandum (Sp or P) is the probans (hetu), on the basis of the dissimilarity with the [heterogeneous) example (e.g. pond) (in accordance that probandum (mountain) does not possess similarity with example). NS 1.1.36: On the basis of the similarity with probandum (sadhya; dharmin; S, mountain), whatever things possess the dharmas (e.g. smoke) of the probandum (mountain) is (homogeneous] example. NS 1.1.37 : On the basis of the dissimilarity with probandum (sadhya; dharmin; S, mountain), whatever things possess things other than the dharmas (e.g. smoke) of the probandum (mountain) is [heterogeneous) example.

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'Antarvyapti' Interpreted in Jainism (1) (2) II NyA, Vivrti Here a summary of Vivrti will be introduced. based on Vivrti : When the opponent remembers the Vyapti, since the probandum (sadhya) is established by antarvyapti (vyapti in the paksa), external example (bahih) is useless to mention. I. Even when the vyapti is not known to the opponent, since antaryapti is absent (or not known) external example (bahih) is useless to mention. Thus the expert on logic says. (20) [Running rendering] When the opponent forgets the vyapti, example is mentioned for him. Otherwise (if he does not forget the vyapti) it is not the case (example is not mentioned). "Otherwise" means (1) the opponent remembers the vyapti (is versant with the vyapti) or (2) he is ignorant of the vyapti. In the case (1), the example is not mentioned. For when the opponent remembers the hetu (probans) which is avinabhavin of the probandum (inseparable from probandum), he knows the probans (hetu) in the paksa also. He necessarily comes to know the probandum in the paksa. 315 Thus the vyapti in antah (paksa) establishes invariably probandum, and the vyapti outside the paksa (bahirvyapti) is useless to mention. In the case (2), antarvyapti is either absent or unknown and it is useless to mention the "bahih" (external example). For an observation of the coexistence in a certain place cannot entail the establishment of the vyapti (coexistence) in all places, vyabhicara being observable. Thus when the opponent (student; prativadin) is ignorant of the vyapti, the vyapti is first to be grasped by means of tarka (as pramana), and then comes the sadhya-siddhi. [Comment] According to the Vivrti, the opponents are divided into two groups, and example is considered useful or useless in conformity to these divisions : One who forgets the vyapti (vismrta-sambandha) External example is useful to mention.

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316 Atsushi Uno Jambu-jyoti II. One who does not forget the vyapti (avismsta-sambandha) (a) One who remembers the vyapti (smaryamana-sambandha) External example (or external vyapti) is useless, since the antarvyapti here functions. (b) One who is ignorant of the vyapti (agrhita-sambandha) Pramana "tarka" is first necessary to enable the opponent to know the vyapti. So bahirvyapti is useless, and antarvyapti does not function. Vivrti regards antarvyapti as principal. It rather neglects bahirvyapti, than regards it as subordinate. In accordance with antarvyapti under varied conditions, bahirvyapti is taken cumbrous or impossible and eventually useless (vyartha). Even in the case (1), the Vivrti does not even refer to the dull-minded opponent. Vivrti's view-point may be diagrammed as follows : [0 = obtainable, * = unobtainable) (1) The first "useless" (a) antarvyapti (0) bahirvyapti (0) cumbrous useless (b) antarvyapti (0) bahirvyapti (X) impossible useless (II) The second "useless" (c) antarvyapti (X) bahirvyapti (X) impossible useless Rendering As for the problem under consideration, the NyA does not describe directly remaining members "upanaya", "nigamana", and "corroborative five members", because this treatise aims at brevity, yet they may be conjectured by the sharp-minded on the basis of the described those members. For so far as the form and the number of members are concerned, the description may be divided into three : the lowest (jaghanya; simple), the middle (madhyama; ordinary) and superior (utkrsta; detailed). The lowest is the description of the hetu only, the middle is the description of two members and so forth, and the superior is the description of all the ten members. Here the middle description of members are described directly, and the lowest (simplest) and the superior (detailed) descriptions of members are indirectly suggested, because there is proof.

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'Antarvyapti' Interpreted in Jainism [Comment] Though three kinds may be based on the form and number, these three kinds may be applicable to opponents' intelligence in the reverse order. "Suddhi" (corroboration; correctness) in the five corroborative members such as "pratijna-suddhi' etc., is referred to by the NBh and the Nijjutti of Bhadrabahu (5th cent. A. D.). Five members being added by five corroborative members, they may have eventually accepted tenmembered syllogism. It is doubtful whether ten members withstood the practical use. Later Works PNT (SyR, RaA), PrM After the Vivrti's opinion, I would like to introduce antarvyapti's theory taught in the later Jaina works. The NyA and the PNT are substantially almost the same. In the NYA primary cause of "sadhyasiddhi" (inference) is antarvyapti, while in the PNT it is the probans (hetu) and the sub-cause is regarded as antarvyapti. In the PNT the term "bahirvyapti" appears for the first time. [It is worth to note the next points. In the later Nyaya school the karana of inferential knowledge has undergone change in the following order hetu- vyapti - vyapti-jnana - paramarsa.] When, on the basis of antarvyapti, the probans (hetu) can or cannot establish the probandum (sadhya), it is useless to mention the bahrvyapti. (antarvyaptya hetuh sadhya-pratyayane saktasaktau ca bahirvyapter udbhavanam vyartham iti //111.37//) (I) III If the probans establishes the probandum, based on antarvyapti exclusively, bahirvyapti is useless. [It mentions three examples.] "Here is fire." (asty atragnih) "Where there is fire, there only exists (is intelligible). (saty-evagnau dhumopapattih) (II) 317 "That my son is speaking outdoors" (mat-putro 'yam bahir-avasthito vakti) "Otherwise such voice is unintelligible." (anyathaivam bhuta-svaraupapattih]

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318 Atsushi Uno Jambu-jyoti When by only using such either (positive vyapti) or (negative vyapti), sharp-minded (vyutpanna-mati) opponent can establish probandum (inference). (III) "This woman's unborn baby is a boy." (etasyah strio garbhatyam puman) "because of being her baby." (etad-apatyatvat) "Like other babies who are known as boys." (prasiddha-pumstvetatarapatyavat) For in these examples, even if in the presence of bahirvyapti antarvyapti is not obtainable, probans (hetu) is not considered to be the main cause (gamaka) of the probandum (inferential knowledge). In the third example, "saty-eva pusstve etat-apatyatvat" should be valid probans (hetu). So, such valid antarvyapti is doubted. Bahirvyapti produced from such doubt, though determined, cannot produce anything (useless). [Comment] I would like to test three examples one by one. Syllogisms mentioned in the first two examples are right. In the first example, hetu "smoke" is here omitted. The vyapti being reducible to the form is antarvyapti, residing in the paksa (here; mountain?). Here antarvyapti being taken as principal, instructor (vadin) didn't dare to mention drstanta. Since the hetu (probans) is gamaka of inference, bahirvyapti is useless so far as the form is concerned. It is a good example to show how antarvyapti or bahirvyapti functions in accordance with the absence of the presence of drstanta, in relation to two syllogisms having two members in common. In the second example, vyapti being shown in the form <~sadhya > ~hetu> is (negative vyapti). <~hetu> is "otherwise unintelligibility of such voice" (anyatha evambhuta-svaranupapatti), and <~sadhya> is "if he is not speaking outdoors" (bahir-vacanabhava). Here any heterogeneous example is purposely neglected, and accordingly bahirvyapti is not mentioned. Thus antarvyapti existing in the paksa is functioning, the hetu is gamaka of inference. In the third example, the hetu is apparently "asiddha-hetu" as well as "sopadhika-hetu", and this hetu is not the cause (ghataka) of inference.

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'Antarvyapti' Interpreted in Jainism 319 If one is forced to say, the valid hetu should be "being boy" and "being her baby." Thus bahirvyapti is useless. (In the beginning of the RaA is mentioned a verse, which is a compromise between the NyA (20) and the PNT (111.37). The maincause of inferential knowledge is considered to be antarvyapti, and the term "bahya-vyapti" is mentioned instead of "bahirvyapti.) antarvyaptih saddhya-saktau bahyavyapter varnam vandhyam eval antarvyaptih saddhya-asaktau bahyavyapter varnam vandhyam eva || When on the basis of antarvyapti the establishment of probandum is possible, the mention of bahyavyapti is useless. When on the basis of antarvyapti the establishment of probandum is impossible, the mention of bahyavyapti is useless. (1) (Like the SyR, the RaA mentions two examples.) "That my son is speaking outdoors" (mat-putro 'yam bahir avasthito vakti) "Otherwise such voice is unintelligible." (anyathaivam bhuta-svaraupapattih] In this case though bahirvyapti does not exist, antarvyapti is accepted as gamaka of inferential knowledge. (II) "He (the unborn boy) is black." (sa syamah) "Because of being her baby." (tad-putratvat) "Like her other boys." (itara-tat-putratvat) In this case, however, even though bahirvyapti exists, it is not regarded as the main cause (ghataka) of inferential knowledge. (Comment] The first example is the same as the second one of the SyR. The second example is almost the same as the third one of the Syr. In the first example, the description seems misleading. Bahirvyapti (vyatireka-vyapti) and heterogeneous example do exist, though they are not described obviously. PNT further describes two kinds of vyapti (111.38, 39).

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320 Atsushi Uno Jambu-jyoti Invariable concomitance of the hetu (M) with the sadhya (P) existent in the very object which is considered paksa (S) is antarvyapti. On the other hand, invariable concomitance existent elsewhere is bahirvyapti. (paksikrta eva visaye sadhanasya sadhyena vyaptir antarvyaptih; anyatra tu bahirvyaptih) [Comment] Vyapti being synonymous with vyapyata, it is a nature or a relation possessed by a pervaded (vyapya). Therefore I translated "hetu's vyapti with sadhya" etc. For example : (1) "Entity (vastu) is made up of many natures." (vastu anekantatmakam) [ "Because it is sat." (sattvat) This is not expressed.] "Only when the entity is of many natures (sadhya), then sattva (hetu) is intelligible." (tathopapatti) (II) "This place has fire." (ayam deso'gniman) "Because it has smoke." (dhumavattvat) "Whatever possesses smoke has fire." (sa evam sa evam) "Like a kitchen" (yatha pakasthanam) [Comment] These two examples show antarvyapti and bahirvyapti respectively. Syllogism (1) is lacking in drstanta, because entity (vastu) is highest connotation being synonymous with existent (sat) in Jainism. The sadhya is and the hetu is , and the vyapti holding between such two notions is nothing but antarvyapti, residing in the paksa (= vastu) only and not elsewhere. Syllogism (2) is equipped with three members : pratijna, hetu, drstanta, and positive-vyapti existent in the outer example (bahirdrstanta), i.e., kitchen is bahirvyapti. Antarvyapti has much to do with drstanta. Hemacandra in PrM first defined drstanta in three sutras, discussed it in his own commentary and concluded that it is by no means indispensable to inference, and eventually referred to antaryapti.

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'Antarvyapti' Interpreted in Jainism 321 "Drstanta is not the cause (anga) of inference" (1.1.18). "Because inferential knowledge is established by the probans (sadhana) exclusively" (1.11.19). For inferential knowledge is produced from the cause (sadhana; hetu) which lacks drstanta and is inseparable from probandum (sadhya). So drstanta is by no means the cause of inference. For, drstanta is mentioned for the purpose of (1) getting the knowledge of the probandum, or (2) getting the knowledge of the vyapti, or (3) making the opponent remember the vyapti ? It is not the case (1), because the establishment of the probandum is secured by the above-mentioned probans (hetu) exclusively. And it is not the case (2), because the knowledge of the vyapti is produced from the denial (exclusion of the hetu in the heterogeneous example (vipaksa; vyatireka; what has not the probandum). And any drstanta is individual. How can individual drstanta totally communicate us the general vyapti ? For other cases of vyapti, another vyapti is to be sought. Since that drstanta is also individual in nature, the decision of the whole is impossible, because drstanta being sought one by one may lead to regressus ad infinitum. And it is not the case (3). For those who are familiar with the vyapti, the vyapti is to be remembered at the sight of the probans (hetu). For those who are ignorant with the vyapti, the vyapti cannot be remembered even at the sight of drstanta. For remembrance presupposes previous knowledge (fire) smoke : ~fire )-smoke). "Drstanta is the basis on which to show the opponent the vyapti" (1.11.20) [Question] If the drstanta is not the cause of the inferenial knowledge, why do you dare to give it a definiton ? [Answer] For in order to satisfy the opponent's wish in the inference for others, exceptional drstanta will be allowed. And even in the field of inference for oneself, the definiton of drstanta is not entirely inappropriate in view of the fact that there may be a person who is helped to arrive at the knowledge of antarvyapti from the observation of bahirvyapti found in an example. [Comment] it is the NS that showed the general definion of drstanta. However, the drtanta of later product in other schools being quite different in nature, is necessarily connected with the vyapti. The definition of drstanta

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322 Atsushi Uno Jambu-jyoti was hardly touched by Jaina and Buddhist texts, with an exception of Hemacandra and Devasuri. Frankly speaking, antarvyapti is the vyapti which is accepted directly in the paksa, not through the medium of any drstanta. IV The Naiyayikas accept three lingas, upon which they put forth conventionally three kinds of inference. Among these is "kevalanvayi anumana". It is explained in the Tarkasamgraha (* 48) as follows: The linga which has vyapti only positively (anvayenaiva) is called "kevalanvayi linga". For example, "A pot is nameable (abhidheya)". "Because of knowableness (prameyatva)" "Like cloth (patavat)", In this case, between the probandum (= abhidheyatva) and the probans (prameyatva) there is no negative vyapti, because all things are nameable as well as knowable. In the Naiyayika's tradition, drstanta cannot be paksa, and when the paksa happens to be all things indicated by etc., any drstanta is not obtainable. In the above syllogism, the Naiyayika might have purposely limited to "pot" etc. as the subject instead of or , in order to evade the difficulty of unavailability of drstanta. In the above-mentioned example (PNT 111.39) "sat is made up of many natures" will be considered to be a modified syllogism of the Naiyayika's "kevalanvayi anumana". Ratnakarsanti, a later Buddhist logician, holds antarvyapti's doctrine for interpreting ksana-bhanga. That is, in the argument "Everything is momentary (Vastu ksanikam)" he could not but seek for vyapti in the paksa i.e., antarvyapti. As has been explained, the establishment of probandum is eventually secured by confirmation of the vyapti in the paksa. However, this problem being quite different in nature from the question whether antarvyapti or bahirvyapti, here will not be taken into consideration. To sum up, (1) When vyapti is sought in the paksa, without accepting drstanta as a member, antarvyapti functions. (2) When vyapti is sought in the drstanta, bahirvyapti operates. (in order to make the opponent of slow understanding remember the vyapti.) (3) Even in two similar syllogisms (e.g. of smoke and fire), a) when it is furnished with drstanta bahirvyati functions (PNT 111.39, the second

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'Antarvyapti' Interpreted in Jainism 323 example), b) when it lacks drstanta antarvyapti functions (SyR the second example). (4) Syllogism is lacking in drstanta, (i) because it is dependent on the prativadin's arbitrary (in accordance with the opponent's faculty), and not necessarily determined physically. (ii) when positive vyapti is unobtainable (SyR the second example, RaA the first example). (iii) when the paksa happens to be 'sarva', 'sat' etc., indicating the highest connotation (PNT 111 39, the first example; Buddhist's antarvapti-theory). 000

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Some Jain Versions of the 'Act of Truth' Theme Paul Dundas Scholars of Hindu and Buddhist narrative have long been familiar with the authoritative verbal action which takes the name "act of truth" or "truth act" from the Pali expression saccakiriya. Having its origins in the Veda and deriving its force from the perception that truth (satya) is closely connected both ontologically and etymologically with existent reality (sat), an act of truth effects its result for the person activating it through the magic power of words which enunciate something indubitably true, at least for the utterer. According to George Thompson, who has recently put the subject on a more sophisticated footing in terms both of general theoretical background and exegesis of specific Vedic examples, an act of truth is "an act of personal authority, an assertion that rests on the power of the performer to accomplish sometimes very remarkable things....by the mere utterance of certain words, and in a recognisably regular and formal way". Thompson goes on to mention that all earlier scholarly accounts of the Vedic act of truth have pointed to the occurrence within it of a phrase corresponding to "by (that) truth...", i.e. satyena, or in early Vedic versions rtena, sometimes prefaced by tena2. Use of the word "truth" seems then to have been an integral part of this verbal action at the outset. However, just as attitudes towards the authority and status of the Veda did not remain fixed in ancient Indian society, so the literary context of the truth act also changed, even to the extent, so Brown suggested, of its migrating to the Near East and being employed in mutated form in a famous episode in the life of Jesus occurring in the Gospel of St. Matthew3. If the Vedic vision of the near cosmic power of truth gradually weakened, alternative visions of what constituted truth emerged in the non-brahman

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Some Jain Versions of the 'Act of Truth' Theme 325 sramana milieu. Renate Sohnen-Thieme has argued that the act of truth (which she also calls "truth-spell") disappeared in the post-Vedic Brahmanas, where its function was replaced by an appeal to what had come to be percewed as the more efficacious powers of knowledge and asceticism, while it continued in narrative literature such as the Buddhist Jatakas (as well as, of course, the two great epics)4. Unfortunately, although the Buddhist versions of the act of truth have often been referred to, little attention has been paid to the possibility of the occurrence of acts of truth in Jain literature. Bloomfield's description in his lengthy analysis of the late sixteenth century Bhavadeva Suri's Parsvanathacarita of such an act (in this case called satyasravana), in which a queen obtains passage across a river and back again by declarations of the truth of her husband's fidelity and an ascetic's sanctity, seems to have been the only Jain example noticed by earlier scholars working in this areas. Certainly, the Jain scriptural canon, unlike its Buddhist equivalent, does not seem to have proved fertile ground for this narrative theme. The early Jain scriptural view of truth was that it was interlinked with restraint and nonviolence and without any obvious magical powers. However, this is not in itself reason to discount the possibility of Jain versions of the act of truth, even in the canon6. In a recent paper, Professor Colette Caillat has drawn attention to the fact that the well-known chapter 12 of the Uttaradhyayana Sutra, in which the Jain monk Harikesa, the true brahman, is supernaturally protected from physical violence at the hands of a group of sacrificing brahmans, evinces what "amounts to "an Act of Truth" " performed by the purohita's wife who bears formal witness to his genuine asceticism?. John Cort has also drawn attention to at least one other act of truth in Hemacandra's version of the life of Mahavira in his Trisastisalakapurusacarita. These do suggest the possibility that there may be rather more examples, albeit in slightly altered shape, of Jain acts of truth than scholarship has yet allowed. Without in any way intending to be exhaustive, I draw attention here to a few of these, taken from medieval narrative literature, in the hope that they may be of some interest to the great scholar who is being honoured by this volume. Of the examples I will describe, most are connected with marital fidelity. One example, however, refers to the truth of the Jain religion and

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326 Paul Dundas Jambu-jyoti might best be treated first. It occurs in the tenth century Digambara Harisena's Brhatkathakosa, a story collection intended to illustrate the verses of sivarya's Bhagavati Aradhana' Story fifty-four of this anthology, "The Enlightenment of Rudradatta by his Wife (Rudradattapriyaprabodha)" exemplifies the virtue of not giving up one's religion, the context being the relationship between the Saiva and Digambara Jain communities 10. The Saiva Rudradatta ostensibly abandons his religion in order to marry the pious Jain girl Jinamati but then reverts to Saivism after the wedding. Although his wife suggests to him that they each follow their separate religious paths, he refuses to allow her to practise Jainism and tries to force her to convert to saivism. One day, the city in which they live is set on fire by attacking barbarians and their house threatened by the conflagration. The couple agree that they will both follow whichever deity protects the house. To this end, they each perform an act of truth. Rudradatta faces north and, after calling upon the guardian deities, affirms the supremacy of Siva, by whose will the world proceeds, the saiva path and initiation into it, calling upon the god for protection, if these claims are indeed soli, But "although he invoked the true name of Siva" (mahadevasya sannama grhnato'py asya), the fire burns all the more fiercely, and continues to do so even when Rudradatta invokes other Hindu gods. In response to his plea to call upon the Jina to protect them, Jinamati, "having ritually undertaken an act of abstention" (pratyakhyanam vidhaya), enunciates her act of truth with the words, "If the Jinas are endowed with omniscience, free from passion, without mishap, lacking in passion or mishap, if the religious path of nonviolence taught by them is concerned with compassion for all creatures and is the basis of the happiness of heaven and earth, if the Jain ascetic initiation removes rebirth, then let it quickly protect me and my husband and sons"12. She then made an offering to the Jina and stood in the kayotsarga position and, while she was carrying out this observance "with firm mind" (sthiramanasa), the fire ceased and the barbarians fled in fear. As a result of this miracle, Rudradatta became a Jain. The second example occurs in story seven (the Vimalakaha) of Mahesvara Suri's (first half of eleventh century) Nanapamcamikahao, a narrative collection illustrating the benefits of observing the Jnanapancami festival day!3. The early part of the story describes

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Some Jain Versions of the 'Act of Truth' Theme Vimala's previous births. He was originally a brahman, deeply preoccupied with the necessity of purity of food, who cut off his affectionate wife's hands on learning that she had been secretly mixing milk into his meals in order to increase his strength. Despite his remorse, he was subsequently reborn himself without hands in a poor family as Tumtaa ("Handless") 14. Then through acknowledging the power of the Jnanapancami day he was reborn as Vimala in Benares (Varanasi) with magical healing power in his hands. The queen of the city became smitten with adulterous passion for him, but he did not respond to her advances, claiming that a secret wrong could not go unhidden in the world,15 since the five gods of the directions. would see it. In anger, the queen falsely told her husband the king that she had been raped by Vimala (v. 76), as a result of which he cut off Vimala's hands (v. 89). Vimala then in front of the onlookers fixed his thought on the Jina and "without his hands" (ujjhiyatumti) made an act of truth (vv. 93-4): "My fate is thus (?). If I have no fault with regard to what the king in his anger says about me, then let my hands grow as they were before". Then immediately the goddess who had been Vimala's wife in his existence as a brahman restored his hands, making them glow with shining light to awaken the assembled people to the Jain religion. 327 The next two examples occur in the Brhatkathakosa (nos. 88-90) dealing with female chastity in illustration of Bhagavati Aradhana v. 999. The first of these is the story of Rohini, the wife of Vasudeva, and is connected with the Krsna cycle. The scene is the city of Sauri at the border of Surasena. Because of Rohini's great affection for her son, the ninth Baladeva, it is popularly but falsely (v. 6 satyena parivarjitam) assumed they are lovers. Vasudeva curses his wife and gets her to stand in the kayotsarga position in the middle of the river Yamuna when it is in spate. Rohini gets the river to stop its course and the people acknowledge her purity. She then makes an act of truth (v. 21), requesting the Yamuna, if she is indeed pure, to flow to the north of the city instead of the south". The river heard the voice of Rohini "which was endowed with truth and firmness" (satyadhairyasametayah) and flowed on the north side of the city, which because of her statement (vakya) it does even now. As a result of this miracle (pratiharya), many pure minded men and women became Jains.

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328 Paul Dundas Jambu-jyoti The second example (Brhatkathakosa 89) is a highly condensed version of the story of Sita. Here she is simply depicted in upright terms, whereas an earlier retelling of the Ramayana in the Brhatkathakosa has presented the violence of the story of Rama's war against Ravana and the demons as her responsibility (84.57) 18. The scene is the city of Saketa in the region of Vinita19. Rama ignites a fire to test Sita's purity (suddhyartham), whereupon (v. 4) she makes an act of truth : "If I have desired any man other than Rama even in my mind, oh people (!), then burn me, fire; otherwise do not do so"20. Having spoken thus, Sita, urged on by Rama, entered the fire which then became a great lotuspond. Immediately after this miracle (pratiharya) devised (prakalpitam) by the gods, Sita took dikna (v. 7). According to Kulkarni,21 the source for Sita becoming a nun is Ravisena's (seventh century) version of the Ramayana, the Padmapurana, and it might be worth juxtaposing Harisena's version with the more formal and elaborate example of the act of truth given by Ravisena which actually uses the word "satyam"22. Sarga 105 of the Padmapurana deals with Sita's entering the fire. Firstly, she assumes the kayotsarga posture for an instant, praises the Jinas, the siddhas and all monks (vv. 21-2) and then performs an act of truth (vv. 25-8) : "I do not even in a dream exalt (? param.... samudvahami) in deed, thought (or) speech any other man except Rama. This is my truth (satyam). If I speak this falsely (anrtam), then let this fire consume me instantaneously even though I have not entered it. If I do not even in my thoughts exalt any other man than Rama, then let this fire not burn me, pure as I am. This fire can burn me (if I am) heretical, evil, low and unchaste but should not do so, as I am chaste and dutiful"23. She then entered the fire, whereupon it became water. We might at this juncture ask on the basis of the examples given above whether there is such a phenomenon as a standard Jain version of the act of truth. The Jain examples clearly share a common shape (whether or not the gods of the directions are invoked) with their Hindu and Buddhist equivalents by utilising the formula of the type "if something is the case, then let this be the result". However, the Jain versions (with the exception of the Padmapurana) clearly do not feel it necessary to integrate the word satya into the utterance. What is more marked is the linkage with some

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Some Jain Versions of the 'Act of Truth' Theme 329 sort of specifically Jain observance, such as the kayotsarga posture and/or mental concentration on the Jina. It is as much the power and truth of Jain practice as of truth itself that effects the desired miraculous result and the ensuing conversion of many witnesses to Jainism. This can be seen quite clearly in story ninety of the Brhatkathakosa which follows immediately after the stories of Rohini and Sita described above, serving almost as a commentary upon them. Jinadatta falsely accuses (abhyakhyanam dadau) his wife Jinadasi of adultery as they are travelling to Mithila through a forest. Because of this she performs kayotsarga near a lion "with the aim of (establishing) the purity of her conduct" (svacaritravisuddhyartham). The lion pays homage to her with triple pradaksina as she performs the pratima and goes off without harming her. "Having purified herself carefully there through this ritual" (anena vidhina tatra sodhayitva svam adarat) she took to asceticism, having paid homage to the tirthankara Sumati. Many men in the caravan became Jains (Jinadharmam prapedire) after seeing such a miracle (v.7). Here the context of accusation and miraculous justification remains the same as in the earlier examples, except that the result is now gained exclusively through the reconfirming of pure Jain behaviour. My final example shows how the act of truth theme could be recast in a rather different narrative context. It occurs in the first chapter of the Pancatantra, not normally thought of as a Jain text, situated as it is in a more general world of folklore, nitisastra and brahman lore. Although attempts to establish the supposed originals of Indian narrative collections are problematic, Edgerton's reconstruction of the text has come to be the version in general scholarly use24. Nonetheless, the Jain monk Purnabhadra Suri's recension dating from the end of the twelfth century has remained an important version through which the Pancatantra has been mediated to an English-reading audience25. Although it is a particularly good example of the Jain appropriation of pan-Indian literary genres and texts, no study seems to have yet been dedicated to elucidating to what extent Purnabhadra's version of the Pancatantra might have a specifically Jain flavour compared to Edgerton's reconstructed original. However, one passage does throw interesting light on the treatment of the act of truth theme and the manner in which it could be varied.

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330 Paul Dundas Jambu-jyoti The story in question is one of the most cynical in Sanskrit narrative literature. It involves a weaver, his adulterous wife and her gobetween, a barber's wife. The two women have changed places to deceive the weaver and enable his wife to go and meet her lover. In a fit of drunken rage, the weaver mutilates the gobetween, thinking it was his wife, by cutting off her nose. The weaver's wife returns and the wretched gobetween goes back home with her nose in her hands. When the weaver, having emerged from his stupor, starts to upbraid his wife again, she, who is of course unmutilated, performs a spurious act of truth to convince him of her chastity : "To hell with you, evil man ! Who is capable of mutilating me, an extremely virtuous woman ? Hear me, guardian deities of the directions If I have not known even in my thoughts any man other than the husband I married when young, then by this truth (anena satyena) let my face become whole."26 The result is that the weaver on seeing his faithless wife's face, nose and all, is duped into reconciliation with her. Falk, in his study of the sources of the Pancatantra, has shown how the original author of the text (whether or not he was a brahman called Visnusarman) adopted ethically positive stories and themes from the Jataka collection and the Mahabharata but adapted and reshaped them to fit a new narrative context of cynical and selfish worldly wisdom and counteracting quickwittedeness27. The episode of the weaver and his wife, while not referred to by Falk, exemplifies this excellently. Here we have an almost audacious reversal of the act of truth theme designed to demonstrate the cleverness of the wicked and the gullibility of the slowwitted. Its force in the Pancatantra, or at least this version of it, could only come from a prior familiarity with earlier "standard" examples of acts of truth employing the word satya and intended to effect a miraculous result through affirmation of a moral or religious truth. The Jain Purnabhadra's version, while not in any way squeamish about the narrative theme, does away with the specific invocation of truth found in Edgerton's reconstructed version and instead makes the weaver's wife ascribe the "miracle" to the gods of the directions being compelled to restore her nose by the power of her chastity28. In this respect, Purnabhadra seems to follow the structure of the acts of truth found in the Brhatkathakosa and Nanapamcamikahao described above.

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Some Jain Versions of the 'Act of Truth' Theme 331 Annotation : 1. George Thompson, "On Truth-Acts in Vedic", Indo-Iranian Journal (forthcoming). Cf. also Alex Wayman, "The Hindu-Buddhist Rite of Truth-An Interpretation", in Bhadriraju Krishnamurti, Studies in Indian Linguistics (Professor M. B. Emeneau Sastipurti Volume), Deccan College, Poona University and Annamalai University, Annamalainagar : Centre of Advanced Study in Linguistics 1968, pp. 365-69 who wishes to translate kiriya/kriya as "rite". Cf., more recently, Catherine WeinbergerThomas, Cendres d'Immortalite : La cremation des veuves en Inde, Editions de Seuil 1996, pp. 31-2. Although she does not deal specifically with the satyakriya, Weinberger-Thomas offers an apt characterisation of truth in the Indian context as something which has the capacity to create by virtue of emanating from that quality which is itself true (sat). 2. Thompson op. cit. 3. See W. N. Brown, The Indian and Christian Miracles of Walking on the Water, Chicago-London 1928, for a treatment of possible parallels in the accounts of Christ and the Buddha walking on water. For further discussion, see Norbert Klatt, Literarkritische Beitrage zum Problem Christlich-Buddhistischer Parallelen, Koln: E. J. Brill 1982, pp. 182-98. 4. Sohnen-Thieme, "On the Concept and Function of satya ("truth") in Ancient Indian Literature", International Conference on Sanskrit and Related Studies : September 23-26, 1993 (Proceedings), Cracow : The Enigma Press 1995, p. 240. The act of truth theme was still being used as late as the sixteenth century. For a Telugu version occurring in Allasani Peddana's Manucaritramu, see David Shulman, "First Man, Forest Mother : Telugu Humanism in the Age of Krsnadevaraya" in David Shulman (ed.), Syllables of Sky: Studies in South Indian Civilisation in honour of Velcheru Narayana Rao, Delhi : Oxford University Press 1995, p. 135. 5. Maurice Bloomfield, The Life and Stories of the Jaina Savior Parsvanatha, Delhi : Gian Publishing House 1985 (reprint), pp. 80-1. This is referred to by W. Norman Brown, "The Metaphysics of the Truth Act (* Satyakriya)", in Melanges d'Indianisme a la Memoire de Louis Renou, Publications de Institut de Civilisation Indiennes Vol. 28, Paris : Editions E. de Boccard 1968, p. 176. 6. See Colette Caillat, "The Rules Concerning Speech (Bhasa) in the Ayaranga-and Dasaveyaliya-Suttas", in M. A. Dhaky and Sagarmal Jain (ed.), Pt. Dalsukhbhai Malvania Felicitation Volume 1 : Aspects of Jainology Vol. III, Varanasi : P. V. Research Institute 1991, pp. 7 and 10. Jain philosophical and linguistic views on

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332 Paul Dundas Jambu-jyoti the nature of truth are described by Sagarmal Jain, Jain Bhasa-Darsan, Dilli/ Pasan: Bhogilal Lehercand Bharatiya Samskrti Samsthan 1966, pp. 87-100. Peter Flugel, "Power and Insight in Jain Discourse" (forthcoming), discusses Jain attitudes to language and truth from a sociological perspective. Although this is not the context in which to discuss cross-cultural notions of truth, it might be worth drawing attention, in passing, to the remarkable account of the nature and function of truth as employed by the Charans (Caranas) or bards in traditional Rajasthan given by Denis Vidal, Violence and Truth: A Rajasthani Kingdom Confronts Colonial Authority, Delhi: Oxford University Press 1997, pp. 100-04. According to Vidal (p. 103), "....the truth-function of the bards cannot be directly defined in terms of values which simply contrast truth with fiction and celebrate the power of the true over the false. The full value of a bard's words was acknowledged, not so much because it enabled truth to overcome falsehood, as because it embodied the much more awe-inspiring capacity to make either "truth" or "falsehood" prevail, by lending them the power of ritual inspiration". 7. Colette Caillat, "The Beating of the Brahmins (Uttaradhyayana 12)", in Nalini Balbir and Joachim K. Bautze (ed.), Festschrift Klaus Bruhn, Reinbek : Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik 1994, pp. 255-66. 8. John E. Cort, Liberation and Wellbeing : A Study of the Svetambar Murtipujak Jains of North Gujarat, Harvard University Ph. D. dissertation 1989, pp. 419-20. The specific example referred to is of deities burning down a house after an act of truth asserting the genuineness of Mahavira's asceticism by Makkhali Gosala who has been angered by being given stale alms food. According to Cort, there are several acts of truth in this portion of the Trisastisalakapurusacarita. I refrain from referring further to this text as I do not have access to the original Sanskrit. 9. Harisena, Brhatkathakosa, Ed. A. N. Upadhye, Simghi Jain Series, Vol. 17, Bombay : Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan 1943. (The text is precisely dated to s.s. A.D. 93,- Editers. 10. It might be noted that P. S. Jaini, The Jaina Path of Purification, Delhi/Varanasi/ Patna : Motilal Banarasidass 1979, p. 300 note 43, cites this story in passing, albeit without reference to it containing an act of truth. 11. Vv. 50-2 : bho bho srnuta me vakyam lokapala manoharam lokapalanakodyukto Rudradatto jagau tada || yadi mahesvaro dharmo devo paramah Sivah | tasyecchaya pravarteta jagat sarvam hrdi sthitam || yadi

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Some Jain Versions of the 'Act of Truth' Theme 333 nirvanadiksa syan nirmala 'vadyavarjita sa devo raksatan mam ca sarvam lokam sabandhavam || 12. Vv. 60-2: kevalajnansampanna vitaraga gatapadah | ragamohaparityakta yady arhanto bhavanty ami || ahimsalaksano dharmah sarvasattvadayaparah | lokadvayasukhadharas tadukto vidyate yadi || yadi nirvanadiksa syat samsarocchedakarini tato mam patiputradisamyuktam raksatu drutam || 13. Mahesvarasuri, Nanapamcamikahao, Ed. A. S. Gopani, Simghi Jain Series Vol. 25, Bombay : Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan 1949. 14. For Prakrit turta and a variety of words connected with it, see R. L. Turner, A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages. London: Oxford University Press 1966, entry 5468. (cf. the Gujarati word 'thuotha (Landless) - Editors. 15. Here there is an echo of the earlier secret giving of milk, described as gudhaim kajjaim in v. 18. 16. Vimalo vi janasamakkham hiyae thaviuna jinavaram devam | pabhanai ujjhiyatumti evam ciya majjha divvam tu || jai natthi majjha doso jam raya bhanai kohagayacitto 'to nisaramtu hattha jaha puvvim homtaya asi ||| 17. yady -ahan suddhim ayata daksinasya disah purah tao vrajottaram asam Yamune mama vakyatah || 18. Cf. V. M. Kulkarni, The Story of Rama in Jain Literature, Ahmedabad : Saraswati Pustak Bhandar 1990, p. 148. 19. For Jain usage of the names Saketa and Vinita, see Hans Bakker, "Ayodhya : le nom et le lieu", Revue de l'Histoire des Religions 203 1986, pp. 59-60. 20. Ramadevam vihayanyanaram me yadi vanchitam | manasa 'pi jana vahne tato mam daha ma 'nyatha || 21. Op. cit. p. 151. 22. Ravisena, Padmapurana, Vol. 3, Ed. Pannalal Jain, Jnanapitha Murtidevi Jaina Granthamala Vol 26, Kasi : Bharatiya Jnanapitha 1959. 23. karmana manasa vaca Ramam muktva param naram | samudvahami na svapne fpy anyam satyam idam mama || yady etad anstam vacmi tada mam esa pavakah | bhasmasadbhavam apreptam api prapayatu ksanat || atha Padman naram nanyam manasa 'pi vaha[m]y aham | tato 'yam jvalano dhaksin ma mam suddhisamanvitam || mithyadarsaninim papam ksudrikam vyabhicarinii | jvalano mam dahaty esa satim vratasthitam tu ma ||

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334 Paul Dundas Jambu-jyoti The equivalent passage in the critical edition of the Ramayana 7. 88. 10, prior to Sita's rescue by the goddess of the earth, is comparatively abrupt and does not employ the word satya : yathaham Raghavad anyam manasa 'pi na cintaye | tatha me Madhavi devi vivaram datum arhati || However, the apparatus gives a variant somewhat similar in shape to Ravisena's version : manasa karmana vaca yatha Ramam samarthaye yathaitat satyam uktam me vedmi Ramat param na ca || According to Sohnen-Thieme, op. cit. p. 241, there are no real attestations of an act of truth in the original main stories of both epics, however often the motif occurs in subordinate tales and legends : "Sita's satyakriya, which she uses to disappear forever, is a quite pessimistic and unheard of use of the "truth act", perhaps reflecting the lateness of book seven of the Ramayana." 24. See Franklin Edgerton, The Panchatantra : Volume 1. Text and Critical Apparatus, New Haven : American Oriental Society 1924. Patrick Olivelle, The Pancatantra : The Book of India's Folk Wisdom, Oxford / New York: Oxford University Press 1997 is a recent translation of Edgerton's reconstructed text. The bibliography of this book should be consulted for the scholarly literature voicing scepticism concerning Edgerton's methodology. For the problems entailed in the reconstruction of another narrative text, see Donald Nelson, "Brhatkatha Studies : The Problem of an Ur-text", Journal of Asian Studies 37 1978, pp. 663-76.. 25. See Johannes Hertel, The Panchatantra : A Collection of Hindu Tales in the Recension, called Panchakhyanaka, and dated 1199 A. D., of the Jaina Monk, Purnabhadra, Harvard Oriental Series Vol. 11, Cambridge, Mass : Harvard University 1908. For a recent English version of Purnabhadra's recension, see Visnu Sarma : The Pancatantra, translated by Chandra Rajan, Penguin Books 1993. 26. See Edgerton op. cit. p. 55: are papa ko mam mahasatim virupayitum samarthah. srnvantu me lokapalah, yady aham kaumaram bhartaram muktva n'anyam parapurusam manasa 'pi vedmi, tad anena satyena 'vyangam mukham astu. 27. Harry Falk, Quellen des Pancatantra, Wiesbaden : Otto Harrassowitz 1978. 28. Hertel's edition, p. 30 (punctuation added) : "tad yadi mama satitvam asti, tad ete deva bhuyo 'pi tadrgrupam nasikam kurvantu. atha va manasapi parapuruso bhilasitah, tan mam bhasmasan nayantu" iti. evam uktva bhuyo 'pi tam aha, bho duratman, pasya, me satitvaprabhavena tadrg eva nasika samjata". DOD

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Sanskrit Sub-story and Subhasitas in the Prakrit Paumappahasami Cariyam of Siri Devasuri N. M. Kansara The Svetambara Jaina Acarya Devasuri, who studied under Devendrasuri, was a disciple of Dharmaghosasuri, whose preceptorial geneology went back to Balacandrasuri of the Jalihara-gaccha, through Sarvanandasuri the author of the Parsvanatha-carita, and Gunabhadrasuri1. He flourished in the last quarter of the 12th century A. D., during the reign of the Caulukya monarch Bhimadeva II of Gujarat2. In the year 1254 of the V. Era (A. D. 1197) he composed his Prakrit carita-kavya entitled Paumappaha-sami-cariya in response to a request by a Jaina mendicant named Viddaya, while stationed in a vasati of Pajjunna Setthi, in the city named Vaddhamana (modern Vadhvan3 near Surendranagar in Saurashtra). This work is in the form of a Prakrit biographical epic divided into four prastavas. The First prastava comprises 1735 gathas, a Sanskrit sub-story in mixed prose and verse and entitled the 'antaramga-katha,' followed by 37 gathas: The second prastava consists of 721 gathas; the third contains 2130, while the fourth carries 1384 gathas followed by the author's encomium from gathas 1385 to 1403. The manuscripts close the work proper with the words. 'Iti srimat-Padmaprabha-caritam samaptam', and mention the total number of gathas to be 72324. As would be surprising in the case of a Prakrit work, we find in the first prastava, a sub-story in Sanskrit containing an autobiographical account of mahamuni Arindama narrated by him in reply to a question by king Aparajita who wanted to know the circumstances that led the Acarya to

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336 N. M. Kansara Jambu-jyoti take to the Jaina monastic order and got himself initiated to that end. This sub-story starts just after the gatha No. 1735 (p. 136) with which the story of prince Surasundara illustrating a case of bhavana comes to an end. It is called 'Anta-ranga-katha' (pp. 136-162). It thus narrates the sub-story comprising the autobiography of the Muni named Arindama : Having listened to the discourse of the Muni who propounded the importance of the excellent religious duties pertaining to charity etc., the king and others readily accepted it in toto. At the end of the discourse, king Aparajita respectfully requested him to oblige him by telling him as to why did he take to renunciation in young age. The Muni asked him to come next day, since the account was expected to take some more time than was then available. The king came back the next day in the morning and repeated the request. Muni Arindama then started his narration with the remark that the reason which led him to renounce worldly life was instrumental to a similar result in the case of all other's too, including himself, as also the king. There was a city named Asamvyavahara, where lived innumerable people called Anadi-vanaspati. Their feudal lord was named Tivra-mohodaya, and his minister who was an expert in worldly ways was known by the name Atyantabodha. Through these two, king Karma-parinama had promulgated an ordinance that people lived in such a way that it seemed they were sleeping or swooning or dead, being bereft of any activity whatsoever. Once a messenger named Niyoga arrived and informed the king about a city named Manuja-gati, surrounded by a castle called Manusottara-naga encircled by a circular ditch in the form of oceans named Puskaroda etc. There were in this city temples in the form of five Merus, a number of market places named Mahavideha with rows of palaces named Bharata, Airavata, Haimavata and others. And there were two suburbs named Jambudvipa and Dhatakikhanda. This was the very city in which were born all the 63 Salaka-purusas, comprising Cakravartis, Jinas, and others. And here then ruled the king Karma-parinama. He had a queen named Karma-parinati. Both of them were engrossed in enjoying the dramatic performances and playing the parts of various transmigratory beings on the stage of the world sporting the forms of gods, human beings, creatures of hell, birds, handsome, ugly, melodious, harsh, happy, and unhappy et cetera.

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Sanskrit Sub-story and Subhasitas in the Prakrit.... 337 Once their prince, named Mahamoha, respectfully informed the king about the calamity that had befallen his kingdom. The calamity was that Prince Santosa, the son of king Caritra had kidnapped innumerable citizens of his kingdom to his city named Sivapuri, with the assistance of his minister named Samyag-darsana and thus though accompanied by his whole army he was defeated. Thereupon the king ordered his army to uproot the Viveka fortress of king Caritra and throw the king into the ocean. At that moment the minister named Mithyadarsana requested him to delegate Prince Mahamoha in his company to capture Prince Santosa alive and bring him there. Lokasthiti, the sister of the king also supported the plan of the minister. The king, therefore, agreed and sent a messenger named Tanniyoga to fetch as many of the citizens as were led away by Prince Santosa. On the other hand, the Prince and the minister of king Karma-parinama camped on the bank of the river named Pramattata in the forest named Cittavrtti. Tanniyoga was accompanied by Tivra-mohodaya who showed him numerous palaces in which were innumerable apartments in which were housed countless citizens. Then Tivramohodaya asked the minister how he should attract the citizens. The minister suggested that they have a beloved named Bhavitavyata, having numerous forms, and having full control over all of them, who should be consulted as to which of the citizens should be transported. At this, Bhavitavyata was summoned and consulted in the matter. She advised that she would despatch Samsari-jiva and others like him. Then, she operated from the Samvyavahara city and wandered in the Sadharana-vanaspati street along with Tivra-mohodaya and Anantabodha attracting the citizens and despatched them to innumerable births of innumerable species. Now, the beloved of Bhavitavyata, called Samsarijiva, wandered from birth to birth in these innumerable species of plants and enjoyed or suffered so much that it would be beyond human calculations. When he was at last tired of all this, his wife Bhavitavyata told him, by way of consoling, that he would have a better luck in due course and then led him in the species of cow, and he was born as a bull. He was yoked to a cart to carry heavy burdens. In due course he broke up and sank in pain. His owner, the caravan-leader Kamadeva took pity on him, and two munis uttered the Panca-paramesthi mantra in his ear; this was as per the prediction of Bhavitavatya. Bhavitavatya reminded him that this was the excellent mantra she had predicted about. The bull listened to the Munis

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338 N. M. Kansara Jambu-jyoti and gladly accepted the mantra. Consequently, after death, the bull was reborn as a son named Vardhanakunjara of king Vairasimha and queen Nandadevi. In this new embodiment he happened to make friends with two reliable twin brothers named Punyodaya and Dhumadhvaja. Vardhanaunjara mastered 72 arts and crafts. In view of his progress in education and other good qualities, king Vairasimha consulted an astrologer who also was an expert palmist, with regard to the prince's suitability for inheriting the responsibility of kingship after himself. The astronomer warned that, despite all the education and good qualities, the prince was getting perverted due to the influence of his bad companion named Vaisvanara. The king was rather dejected, but the palmist assured him that the prince will part company with this companion when he is married to princess Ksanti, the daughter of king Subhaparinama and queen Nisprakampata ruling in the city named Citta-saundarya. Then, the king proposed to depute the astrologer to king Subhaparinama with an offer of his daughter's marriage with his prince, but the astrologer asked him to wait for proper time and not to hurry. And, prince Vardhanakunjara used to quarrel and fight due to instigation from his bad companion. Once, when the king was about to mount an attack on a troublesome feudatory Kalasena, the prince took initiative himself and captured the feudatory alive, who was presented before the king and the latter released him after imposing heavy fine on him, From that day, the prince regarded Vaisvanara as his well-wisher and a favourite friend. Once the prince went to a forest named Svadeha with his twin friends and there he saw a man standing on an anthill named Uccaya and with a noose and about to commit suicide. The man bound his head in the noose and released himself from the branch, in the presence of the prince. But the prince cut off the noose and saved him. Even then the man tried to attempt suicide once again. When asked for the reason for his rashness and desperation, the man related the following account about his misfortune. The man, whose name was Sparsana, said: 'I had a very dear and close friend named Jantu who always conducted himself in a manner totally to my liking. Once, deceived by a man named Susamaya, he began to look upon Sparsana as a dangerous person and, being instigated by Susamaya, he would resort to picking up my hair, making me sleep on bare ground,

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Sanskrit Sub-story and Subhasitas in the Prakrit.... 339 moving in hot sunshine etc. I thought he has deserted me, but due to affection for him I continued to follow him. In due course he scolded and deserted me and went away to the city named Nirvrti. Now, since I cannot bear separation from this friend any longer, I want to die.' Prince Vardhanakunjara consoled him and promised that he would make friendship with him. At that moment Sparsana entered the body of the prince by his mystic power. Vaisvanara disliked this new friendship, while Punyodaya recommended it. The prince returned to his palace and treated his new friend with lavish luxuries. After a few days a messenger brought the news that a princess of the king of the Kalinga country was seeking his permission to come to marry the prince out of her own choice, impressed as she was by the qualities of the prince. The prince asked him about the distance at which the country was situated from his place. When the messenger told that it was at a distance of 2000 yojanas, the prince challenged him to prove the statement. At this juncture it was decided to measure the distance, and one who proved wrong should be punished. The messenger told him that it was not necessary to measure the distance afresh since the milestones were already been erected on the way. The prince took it as his insult and was enraged. But king Vairasimha intervened. Even then the prince could not be pacified and in his rage he killed both the king and the messenger. There was considerable unrest in the city when this mishap was known by the citizens. When queen Nandadevi tried to ward him away, the prince tried to kill her too under the instigation of Vaisvanara, and she was beheaded. All the feudatories and inmates of the royal household were aghast at this and they overpowered the prince and threw him in a dark room and locked it from outside. At night when the citizens and the queens with their paraphernalia were resting after performing the obsequies and profuse lamenting after the royal couple, the prince conspired with his sinful friend, broke open the doors, came out, and threw fire in every house of the city and left with a bow and arrow in his hands. After some time he reached a village named Kusasthala, and being thirsty he went to the bank of a lake just outside the village. There he saw a beautiful Candala woman taking bath. At this moment his friend Sparsa inspired him to enjoy her touch, and the prince entered into the water and started embracing her. She too got interested in him and cooperated. But, by misfortune, her husband who was a king of the mlecchas,

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340 N. M. Kansara Jambu-jyoti arrived there to join his beloved in her water-sport, and on seeing her in such a situation challenged the prince and his friends. In the end all of them died in a battle. The prince and his friends were thus consigned to the sixth hell, where he suffered for a very long time. After that their souls wandered from birth to birth in the species like fish, serpent, lion, falcon etc. At last, when his sins were exhausted, he was born as prince Mahapadma, the son of king Ghanaratha and his queen Prabhavati in the city of Varanasi. There he made friendship with Sagaraka, the son of Ragakesari, and was educated in a number of arts and crafts. Then, prince Vicaksana, the son of king Subhodaya and queen Nijacaruta, too, happened to be his friend. This latter prince was married to a princess named Buddhi, the daughter of king Kalmasaksaya and queen Sundarata, by way of her own choice. Her father was much worried and sent his son Vimarsa to inquire about her well being. And, Vimarsa stayed for long with his sister. In due course Buddhi gave birth to a son who was named Prakarsa. Then once both Mahapadma and Vicaksana went to a forest named Vadanakotara. There they saw a beautiful young maiden. Mahapadma was spellbound, but Vicaksana led him away. Seeing them go away, her maidservant cried that her mistress was dying for want of a resort and a master. Having heard this, Mahapadma returned and Vicaksana followed him due to his insistence. On seeing them the maiden regained consciousness and welcomed them. They asked for her identity, and the maid-servant replied that she is the famous Rasana and she herself was named Lalita. Mahapadma was happy at this and took the maiden along with her maidservant to his residence, while Vicaksana pretended that both these ladies were alone in the forest. The prince presented her to king Subhodaya. The king consulted his family and then asked Vicaksana to test her nature. The latter suggested that his brother-in-law Vimarsa should do it, and he was allowed a period of a year to accomplish the task. When Vimarsa started to go, his nephew Prakarsa, too, was sent with him due to the latter's insistence to go with his maternal uncle. Both of them went to Campa, Sravasti, Vinata, Rajagrha, etc., and roamed for six months but could not find her purity; hence they entered the city named Rajasa-citta, which they found almost empty. They enquired of a soldier named Mithyabhimana why it was empty. He replied that since you are born in the island you should pursue this matter. They replied that since they were just travellers he should not be

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Sanskrit Sub-story and Subhasitas in the Prakrit.... 341 offended. Then he disclosd the reason as follows : 'This city is ruled by the king named Ragakesari. Once he ordered his minister Visayabhilasa to manage in such a way that the whole world would accept his orders, and would never think of any other master. The minister promised to accomplish it within a few days, and ordered his five sons named Sparsana, Rasana, Ghrana, Caksu and Srotra to conquer the world. They implemented his orders in a few days. But after some days the officers of the king got a report that the wicked Santosa had defeated the king's servants and kidnapped some people to the great city named Mukti. The king was all rage and started for war and marched so long as a messenger named Visaya-vyasanga met him and informed that king Mahamoha has already started from the Karma-parinama country with a great army for punishing Santosa. Hence, the king Ragakesari should immediately join the forces. At this point the king thought that he has already started, and now the country of Moharaja, too, has been caught in similar situation. Thus, Ragakesari, too, mounted, along with Visayabhilasa and started for the battle. This is why the city is empty.' Then, Vimarsa asked as to the whereabouts of the army. Mithyabhimana took them to be spies and replied that the king was in Tamasacitta with his army. They took leave of him and went further. While going, Vimarsa told Prakarsa that they have found at least some purity of Rasana. For full information they should enquire with Visayabhilasa. Gradually, they arrived at the Tamasacitta city. When they were entering it, they saw there a smokecomplexioned guard surrounded by a few persons named Dainya, Akranda, Rodana, and others. When they asked as to who was the king, the guard replied that the ruler was named Dvesagajendra, a younger brother of Ragakesari. He also has mounted an attack on Santosa, and at that moment his army was camping on the bank of the river Pramattata in a great forest named Cittavrtti, and has attacked the enemy. Then they reached the said forest and saw the river on the bank at which the army of Moharaja was making much noise. Their eyes then fell upon a big pandal named Cittaviksepa. And, in it they saw king Mahamoha, surrounded by feudal chieftains, sitting on the throne named Viparyaya, possessing very fearful limbs called Avidya, repeatedly stroking his mustache full of tufts of hair in the form of bad obstinacy, looking at the three worlds through his two eyes in the form of Rajas and Tamas, having a dark-coloured body comparable

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Jambu-jyoti to a multitude of Tamala trees, given to self-possessiveness, and victor of the gods and demons. Having seen him even Vimarsa and Prakarsa were purturbed and stood at a distance and did not enter the hall. Then Prakarsa asked Vimarsa to describe to him the nature of each of the feudal chieftains. Vimarsa then pointed out to the highly plump queen named Mahamudhata, to the chief minister Mithyadarsana sitting close to the king on the seat of wrong apprehensions and authorised for all actions to be implemented. capable of shouldering the responsibility of inventing all the heretic and controversial tenets, raising the series of hail-storms of controversies, and observing the whole world through his cruel and crooked eyes, to Ragakesari sitting on a throne called Pranaya to the right of the king, possessing the triple form of desire, affection, and love-at-first-sight, master of the city of Rajasa-citta, and having an extremely red complexion. Then, he informed him about his prince named Lobha and princess named Maya, both of whom absent in the hall, since they might have gone out for conquering the world. Next he drew attention to Dvesagajendra sitting to the left of the king, to his two absent princes named Vaisvanara and Sailaraja, to the rear bodyguard Makaradhvaja, to the minister Visayabhilasa the father of Rasana, to the minister's servants named Hasya, Arati, Bhaya, Jugupsa, etc., to the feudal chiefs named Jnanavarana, Darsanavarana, Antaraya, Avidya, Ayus, et cetera. At last, he advised Prakarsa to quickly leave the place, go to Vicaksana, and report to him all that they have seen.' 342 N. M. Kansara The narration in prose here comes to an end, but the story continues as the metrical account consisting of 119 verses, as follows. Both Vimarsa and Prakarsa reported to Vicaksana. He ordered that Rasana should be appointed as a queen and put in charge of speaking truth, with the provision of restraining her from lust, so that she will not back out from her promise. Thus, prince Mahapadma who was informed about the purity of Rasana, could not know the true nature of things, and pleased her by enabling her to enjoy wine, meat, etc., and took only her to be the essence of this worthless, terrible, transmigratory world. He would not be satisfied with ample luxuries bestowed by the king, and was under the control of Lobha, the son of Ragakesari. Lobha inspired greediness in him, and Maya entered into him. Both of them instigated the prince to kill or capture his father and snatch the kingdom from him. Thereafter, Lobha advised the prince to kill all the sons, lest they may snatch power from him in future like him.

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Sanskrit Sub-story and Subhasitas in the Prakrit.... But a far-sighted minister Taitali informed the queen Manorama about all this, and took away a new-born son and replaced him by his own daughter named Mantrapriya just after his birth to his place since both the queen and minister's wife gave birth to their children on the same day. Having known that the newly born child was a daughter, the king did not kill her, and his son named Padma began to grow as the son of the minister and gradually mastered all the arts and crafts in due course. The queen Rasana used to fondle her son secretly, but when asked by the king Mahapadma she spoke the truth to him, Now, once the father king Megharatha broke loose from the captivity and rushed to kill his son, and in the fight both of them killed one another, and roamed in the cycle of transmigration. Then, the Samsari-jiva was born as a daughter named Laksmivati of Dhanya in the city of Visala. But just after her marriage, she became, by ill-luck, a widow. In view of her consideration about blame and character, she studied numerous works about the Jaina tenets, and consequently the enemies like Krodha and Lobha etc., left her and she became steadfast in Samyaktva, controlled her senses, ever enthusiastic for listening to Jainistic tenets and performing religious vows. If she continues in this way she will, after death, go to the city of Nirvrti or Anuttara-vimana. 343 When this report was given to king Moharaja, he stroke his moustache and challenged his feudal chieftains to come forward to capture the widow and make her obedient to him. All of them remained quiet, but there arose. a mystic woman named Vitatha and took up the gauntlet, and she was entrusted with the task. She went to Laksmivati and entered her body. As a result, Laksmivati was totally changed in nature, and started leaking political secrets, criticising the conduct, dress, language, environment, etc. of various countries irrelevantly and indulging in gossip. And she forgot the study of the scriptures and all knowledge that she had acquired. Once she talked about an impossible scandal pertaining to king Visvasena, and it spread among people. Ultimately it reached the ears of the king who traced its source to her, and the enraged king punished her by cutting off her ears and lips, and excommunicated her. While roaming in a forest, she was bitten by a snake and she died, and was born as a being in the Fourth Hell. Then, this same Samsari-jiva was born as a prince named Narasundara, the son of king Rajasimha. In young age he studied arts and having listened to religious discourse of a well-wishing preceptor, became detached and

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344 N. M. Kansara Jambu-jyoti got initiated in Jaina monastical order. He studied all the Jaina scriptures, and this pleased the preceptor who conferred on him in due course the title of an 'acarya'. He followed proper conduct, engaged himself in doing good to people, and defeated the debaters. Then, with all his army of religious merit, he went out of his fortress to fight out with king Moharaja to the finish. There was a fierce battle and ultimately the king was vanquished, and he accepted the life of restraint. The army of king Caritra was afraid and ran away to a mountain fortress named Viveka. The Samsari-jiva of Moharaja, on the other hand, got lazy in vows of restraint, meditation and vow of silence and neglected religious duties, thinking himself to be a learned man, an authority, a topmost poet, and took pride in having a multitude of disciples, and gradually slipped into luxurious way of living; when the disciples were sitting for listening to his discourse, he would indulge in sleep without worrying about his responsibilities. And, after some time, he lost all his knowledge of the scriptures. After death, he again subjected himself to roaming in the cycle of transmigration getting born in various species of insects, birds, and animals. King Aparajita was highly astonished by this account of the Samsarijiva, and was curious about his whereabouts and fate at the moment. At this the Muni replied that he himself was the same samsari-jiva. When the king asked him how he reached this state, he informed him that his soul was in due course born as Prince Arindama, the son of the Vidyadhara, king Bhanu in the city of Gaganavallabha. He mastered all lores and arts and out of curiosity went to Mahavideha country where he happened to listen to a story of Tirthankara at the feet of Bhadrankara. When he came to recall his past births, he undertook a vow and, due to inspiration from his beloved Bhavitavyata mounted an attack under the leadership of king Caritradharma, and routed Moharaja. Finally, the Muni revealed that all this is his own autobiographical account. And, he assured the king of his ht future on the path of Kevala-jnana. And the king ruled for long time and prospered. Here the Sanskrit metrical narration also ends. It is clear from the above story that the poet-author of the PPC has composed this allegorical sub-story in Sanskrit to invest it with an aura of a noble narrative related by an equally noble soul in a matching refined language, perhaps keeping in mind the ancient custom of Sanskrit-Prakrit

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Sanskrit Sub-story and Subhasitas in the Prakrit.... 345 dramas wherein noble character speaks in Sanskrit. Further, he may have resorted to showing off his bilingual poetic skill inasmuch as such a feat was prestigious and popular among the poets and known among the rhetoricians as the Manipravala style, which is adopted also by our poet's predecessors like Vardhamana-suri and Sri-candrasuri. In fact almost all the classical Sanskrit dramas are originally composed in this style, since different characters use different languages like Sanskrit and various Prakrits. Rajasekhara has prescribed the mastery of various languages and skill in depiction of various sentiments as essential for a supreme poet (kaviraja)', and all the classical poets naturally strived to exhibit their poetic competence to reach up to this standard, long before Rajasekhara and subsequent to him. This was because both Sanskrit and Prakrit existed side by side and both generally were popular and understood by people at large and specifically the elite. The Manipravala style comprises in composing parts of the text of a work in different languages, here Sanskrit and Prakrit, much in the same way as a goldsmith or a jeweller would string together a necklace of coral (pravala) by interspersing it with gems (mani), to enhance its beauty and charm. The sub-story presents an allegorical narrative which is a very brief resume of the story, much in the style, of the famous Upamiti-bhavaprapanca-katha of Siddharsi (A. D. 906), in which the author's intention is that the reader should compare himself with the hero Samsari-jiva (transmigratory soul), and thus as it were be warned of the dangers lurking in transmigration. The idea is to present the vices, virtues, and neutral principles of life in typical characters, which the reader may use as a standard of comparison (upamiti) to judge his own life. The Jaina understanding of life and of the universe of transmigration is presented here and the aim is to teach the way to release (moksa) or bliss (nirvana). It is shown further that the vices produce unhappiness and the virtues the happiness even in transmigration, besides being respectively obstacles and aids to escape from it. The idea of an allegory arises from the personification of the vices, virtues and so on as characters in the story, as for instance, here the Samsari-jiva himself is such an allegorical character, being typical of all such souls?. Now about the Subhasitas. Devasuri has inserted about 24 Subhasitas, out of which some have been authored by others and merely quoted by him.

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346 N. M. Kansara Jambu-jyoti The Subhasitas utilised in the PPC are the following ones : 1. Pariksya satkulam vidyam silam sauryam suruptam / vidhir-dadati nipunam kanyam-iva daridratam //1.410. p. 32.8 This is quoted (utkam ca) in support of the point that good people are generally very poor. (It also occurs in the Sarngadhara-paddhati (405).) 2. Aksi-paksma kada luptam chindyante'tha siroruhah / vardhamanatmanam eva prasanginyo vipattayah // 1.672, p. 53. This confirms the idea that only great men normally are subject to calamities. 3. Yadi bhavati dhanena dhani ksititala-nihitena bhoga-rahitena/ vasmad vayam api dhaninah tisthati nah kancano Meruh // 1.1038, p. 81. This verse shows the uselessness of merely accumulating wealth and not using for even one's own comforts. It occurs in the Pancatantram (1.192). 4. Rajyam va vanavaso va dhanam va nidhanam tatha / janahi janakadhinam sarvasatputra-cestitam //1.1038, p. 82. This verse is quoted in connection with the excommunication of Prince Samarasimha by his father king Purusacandra, for the former's generous nature. 5. Sakhya buddhya na yat sadhyam sahasa sahasena ca / tat syad vacanamatrena karyam punyavatam dhruvam// 1.1053, p. 83. This is quoted with reference to the incident of verbal help rendered by prince Samarasimha to alchemists to accomplish their task of transforming metals like copper into gold. 6. Rajye saram vasudha vasudhayam puram pure saudham / saudhe talpam talpe varangana'nanga-sarvasvam //1.1136, p. 89. This is quoted in support of the proposal of princess Rayanamanjari to marry with the prince Samarasimha. It occurs in the Kavyalamkara of Rudrata (7.97) and has been quoted by Mammata also in his Kavyaprakasa (10,37) as an illustration of the sara figure of speech.

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Sanskrit Sub-story and Subhasitas in the Prakrit.... 7. Sattvanam caritam citram vicitra karmanam gatih/ nari-purusa-toyanam sruyate c-antaram mahat // 1.1155(1154?) p. 90. This verse has not been quoted as somebody else's verse, as it is not introduced by the words 'uktam ca', but rather as verse (siloga) uttered by a bard. 8. Bhava-sudhir-manusyasya vijneya sarva-vastusu/ anyatha" lingyate kanta bhaven duhita 'nyatha //1.1284, p.100. This is quoted by way of emphasising the importance of attitude and different results accruing from the same action performed with different attitudes. 9. Yat sarva-visaya-karksodbhavam sukham prapyate saragena / tad-ananta-koti-gunitam mudhaiva labhate vitaragah // 1.9(1784 ?) p. 162. 347 This is quoted to support the superiority of detachment to attachment in point of obtaining the amount of happiness, here or hereafter. 10. Ratrau janur diva bhanuh krsanuh sandhyayor dvayoh/ loke nitam iti sitam janubhanukrsanubhih //2.327, p. 190. This verse is quoted in the context of describing the condition of Padmaprabha after he left home and lived like a poor man. It occurs in the Bhojaprabandha (233), with the reading 'Pasya sitam maya nitam' in the third quarter. 11. Punar-api sahaniyo duhkha-patas tavayam na hi bhavati vinasah karmanam sancitanam/ Iti saha ganayitva yad yadayati samyak sad-asad iti viveko 'nyatra bhuyah kutas te // 2.665, pp. 216-217. This verse is quoted to emphasise that one who shoulders the responsibility of kingship has to incur many sins and has to suffer accordingly. 12. Yadicched vipulam pritim trini tatra na karayet / vivadam artha-samrambham parokse dara-darsanam // 3.62, p. 226.

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348 N. M. Kansara Jambu-jyoti This is quoted in the context of an incident of a quarrel that arose among friends. 13. Na visvase grama-kutasya jivi(? va)to 'pi metasya va / eka-grdhraparadhena sarve grdhrah nipatitah //3.80, p. 227. This is quoted as the essence of an animal-folklore of vultures, narrated in connection with not putting one's trust in statements that are contrary to the tenets of religious duties, the folklore runs from Gathas 3.70-79. 14. Patitam vismstan nastan sthitam sthapitam-ahitam / adatta nadadita svam parakiyam kvacit sudhih // 3.745, p. 279. This verse is cited in connection with the remark expressing repentance for entertaining greediness for the lost wealth. 15. Kallolad api budbudad api calad-vidyud-vilasad api jimutad api marutad api tarat-tarksyorddhva-paksad api Citram citram ayam cala tribhuvane kim srir-na te semukhi naivam kim khala-sangatir na na nanu stri-jatir asyai namah // 3.1049, p. 303. This verse is quoted in connection with a statement that even gods, who know all the arts amd crafts, fail to know even the least about the conduct or character of woman-folk. 16. slok-arddhen-aiva tad vaksye yad-uktas grantha-kotibhih / trsna ca samparityakta praptam ca paramam padam // 3.1596, p. 346. This verse is cited for stressing the supreme importance of uprooting the creeper of avidity. It is modelled on, and hence reminiscent of, the famous verse of Sankaracarya the second half of which runs as 'Brahma satyam jagan-mithya jivo brahm-aiva naparah'. 17 Samprapyam moksa-saukhyam yatibhir-asilata-vasa-tulyais tapobhir matvaivam visva-vetta nami-vinamibhuja-danda-nistrimsa-yastau / Sanke sankranta-murtis-carati gurutapo yah svayam moksa-hetum

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Sanskrit Sub-story and Subhasitas in the Prakrit.... 349 pratyuha-vyuha-nasam disatu (sa) bhagavan adimas- tirtha-nathah // 3.1756-57 (3.1756 ?), p. 358. This verse is a prayer and it is introduced with the words 'Tatha hi'. It seems to be the composition by the author himself, resorting to Sanskrit in view of the noble occasion and purpose. 18. Bhuyo yojana-bhima-durgama-tamam nirgamya yah prantaram pratyaksi-kurute jagat-traya-patim visva-priyam bhavukah / Sriman-Nabhi-narendra-gotra-tilakam devam dhruvam viksite moksas tena tu (sam-) vyatitpa (? tya) rabhasa samsara kaksantaram // 3.1758-59 (1757?), p. 358. This is also a prayer in continuation with the previous verse, and clearly authored by the poet himself. 19. Huyate na tapyate na diyate va na kincana / aho amulya-kriteyam samya-matrena nirvrtih // 4.491, p. 426. This verse is quoted in support of the statement that 'siddhi' is obtained only by equanimity (samabhava), even without performing meditation, charity, yoga, or austerity. 20. Upadhyayad dasacarya acaryanam satam pita / sahasram tu pitur-mata gauravenatiricyate // 4.491, p. 429. This is quoted to justify the honour given to his mother by a son. This verse occurs in the Manusmrti (2.145) with a slight variation, namely 'upadhyayan' and 'pitrn'.. 21. Bijina eva hi bijam ksetram bhavatiha tadvatam eva / durlalitam ahinathe nirnayam enam svayam cakre // 4.547, p. 430. This verse is but almost a Sanskrit version of a previous similar gatha in which the author says : 'Loe pasiddhan eyam biyam nanu hoi biyavastassa / khittas tu khettiyassa itha vi ittham vicimteha // (4.542). 22. Sreyo visam upabhoktum ksamam bhave kriditum hutasena / samsarabandhana-gatair na tu pramadah ksamah kartum // 23. Tasyam-eva hi jatau naram upahanyad visam hutaso va / asevitah pramado hanyaj janmantara-satani // 4.731-732, p. 445.

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350 N. M. Kansara Jambu-jyoti These two verses are quoted in support of the statement to the effect that one should not be unwary in one's efforts on the path of liberation. 24. Dane tapasi saurye ca vijnane vinaye naye / vismayo na hi kartavyo bahu-ratna vasundhara // 4.787, p. 449. This is quoted to emphasize that even though one may be possessed of fortitude, bravery, cleverness, and good characteristics, one should not be unduly proud of it. This verse occurs in the Sarngadhara-paddhati (1477). 25. Yat paraloka-viruddham yal-lajjakaram-ihaiva jana-madhye / antyavasthayam-api tad-akaraniyam na karaniyam // 4.1021, p. 468. This is quoted in connection with a mental reservation on the part of a prince when a kapalika asks him to kill a maiden. 26. Apaya-sata-labdha-sya pranebhyo'pi gariyasah / Gatir-ekaiva vitta-sya danam-anya vipattayah // 27. Grasadd-ardham-api grasam-arthibhyah kim na diyate / icchanurupo vibhavah kada kasya bhavisyati // 4.1059-1060, p. 471. These two verses are quoted in support of the Jaina vow of Atithisamvibhaga or sharing the food with a guest or supplicant mendicant. Out of these two verses, the first is a composition of the famous Bhartrhari' with a slight variation, namely, 'Ayasa-' at the start of the quarter, while the second verse occurs in the Pancatantra (2.73). 28. Vayam balye dimbhams-tarunimani yunah parinatav apicchamo vrddhan parinaya-vidhau nah sthitir iyam / Tvaya 'rabdham janma ksapayitum amargena vidhina na me gotre putri kvacid api sati-lanchanam abhut // This is quoted in connection with the incident of a maiden who has retained the memory of her beloved of the previous birth and consequently does not take interest in any young man in this birth; it is meant to denigrate the ideal of marital fidelity and promote the practice of free-love. This verse occurs in the Sarngadhara-paddhati (3761), with slight variation, namely, -balan' for 'dimbhan'in the first quarter, and 'anenaikapatina' for 'amargena vidhina' in the third quarter.

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Sanskrit Sub-story and Subhasitas in the Prakrit.... 351 29. Asraddheyam na vaktavyan pratyaksam yadi drsyate / tatha vanara-sangitam tatha tarati sa sila // 4.1193, p. 481. This is quoted to emphasize that one should not talk about impossible matters to elders, even though one might have seen them with their own eyes. This verse has been preserved in the Subhasita-ratna-bhandagara (p. 162, no. 416) with some variations, namely, 'Asambhavyam'at the beginning of the first quarter,'api for'yadi' in the second quarter, and sila tarati paniyam'and'gitam gayati vanarah' with the exchange of the third and the fourth quarters. 30. Jivantyam api yady upaiti dayito manye kalankas tada tasmin snigdha-jane viyogini katham pranan nidadhyam aham / Mrtyus-cen na hi tat-samagama-sukham tasyapi mrtyur-dhruvam kastam tad-viraho vikalpa-bahulam dolayate me manah // 4.1211, p. 483. This is quoted by way of a reflection by Anangasena when her companions try to lure her to a life of a free-lancer. 31. Hasati hasati svaminy-uccai rudaty-atiroditi krta-parikaram svedodvari pradhavati dhavati / Guna-samuditam dosopetam pranindati nindati dhana-lava-parikritam jantum pranrtyati nrtyati // 4.1275, p. 488. This is quoted to condemn those who have made their selves subservient to their masters for the sake of a few bucks. 32. Aradhya bhupatim-avapya tato dhanani bhoksyamahe kila vayam satatam sukhani / Ity asaya bata vimohita-manasanam kalah prayati maranavadhir-eva pumsam // 4.1277, p. 488. This is quoted in connection with the reflection of a son who finds his father suffering even after serving a king for a long time. This verse occurs in the Subhasitavali (3258) of Vallabhadeva, with some variations, namely, 'bhunjamahe' for 'bhoksyamahe' and 'vayam iha' for 'kila vayam' in the second quarter, and 'jagama' for 'prayati' in the last one. 33. Kartum na prakatam sphuran-nava-nava-praudhartha-drstim maya no tattvani nivestum atra bhagavat-siddhanta-siddhani va /

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352 N. M. Kansara Jambu-jyoti Naiva khyapayitui vyadhayi caritam ritim vidarbhodbhavam bhaktim kintu punah punar na gaditam sri-padma-laksma prabhoh // 4.1399, p. 498. This verse is meant to express the author's intention behind undertaking the composition of this Carita-mahakavya, and is a part of the Prasasti composed in Prakrit Gathas. 34. Tarkan adhitya devendra-guroh siddhantam-aditah / Sri-Haribhadrasuribhyas-caritam nirmame maya // 4.1401. This verse is also a sort of acknowledgement about his teachers by the author, and forms a part of the Prakrit Prasasti, which is not composed separately, but rather as a part of the Fourth Prastava, from Gathas 1378 to the last one, i.e. 1403. It is noteworthy that this fashion of incorporating Sanskrit Subhasitas was popular with our author's predecessors like Vardhamanasuri and Candrasuri alsolo. And, further, it is noteworthy that the poet seems to have given the colophones, marking the intervening substories, in Sanskrit, as for instance 'Iti dana-dharme Hamsapala-kathanakam' (p. 35), 'Iti tapasi Rohinikatha samapta' (p. 99), 'Ity-antaranga-katha samapta' (p. 162), 'Iti sri-Padmaprabha-caritam samaptam' (p. 499), etc. At the end of the work, the final Prasasti by the Samgha and the scribe is also in Sanskrit. Annotations : 1. Siri Devasuri's Paumappahasami Cariyam (PPC), L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad 1995 (L.D. Series 116), Ed. Rupendrakumar-Pagariya, Prastavana (Hindi), p. 25. Sri-Haribhadrasuribhyas-caritam nirmame maya // Balacando ... (4.1385) ... Gunabhaddasuri guruno ... (4.1386) ... Savanamdaguru ... (4.1387) cariyam siri-Pasasamissa ... (4.1388)..siri-Dhammaghosapahune .. (4.1389) ... Tappayapayatthiehim kaihim siri-Devasuri-namehim / Paumappahassa pahuno cariyam raiyam kayacchariyam // 4.1391; 4.1401 : Tarkan adhitya Devendraguroh siddhantam aditah/ 2. Ibid., 4.1393 : ...veri-Bhima-bhimassa / Calukka-vamsa-munino niravajje rajja samayammi // 3. Ibid., 4.1392 : Veya-sara-sura-paramiya (1254) varise niva-Vikkamassa varisao/ 4.1394 : Siri-Vaddhamana-nayare thiena Pajjunna-setthi-vasahihe/ Siri

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Sanskrit Sub-story and Subhasitas in the Prakrit.... 353 Paumappaha-cariyam padipunnam inam mae vihiyam //; Colophon - Krtir iyam sri-jalihara-gaccha-mamdana-sri-dharmmaghosasuri-sisyasridevasurinam iti bhadram/ Srth // 4. (PPC), the editor's Prastavana in Hindi; ibid., p. 499. 5. PPC, p. 136: Atha dharma-desana-paryanta-prastave sadaram Aparajitamaharajas tam mahamunim apraksit ../ 6. Rajasekhara - Kavya-mimamsa, Ed. Kedarnath Sharma Sarasvat, Bihar Rashtra Bhasha Parishad, Patna 1954, p. 48: Yas tu tatra tatra bhasa-visese tesu tesu prabandhesu tasmins-tasmins-ca rase svatantrah sa kavirajah / 7. A. K. Warder, Indian Kavya Literature, Vol. V, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi 1988, pp. 713-714. 8. The page numbers of PPC here and hereafter refer to the above-noted 'Siri Devasuri's Paumappahasami Cariyam' Ed. Rupendrakumara Pagariya, Ahmedabad 1995. 9. D. D. Kosambi, Bhartrhari-subhasita-samgraha, Singhi Jaina Series, No. 400 Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Mumbai 1948. 10. Vardhamanasuri's Jugar-jinimda-cariyam, Ed. Pt. Rupendrakumar Pagariya, L. D. series Ahmedabad 1987, pp. 2, 35, 52, 58, 59, 65, 71, 72, etc.; also Sri-candrasuri's Siri Munimda-suvvaya-caryam, Ed. Pt. Rupenrakumar Pagariya, L. D. series Ahmedabad 1989, pp. 173, 174, 175, 323, 324, 331, 332, etc. OOD

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1.0 1.1 Significance of New Inscriptions from Koppala, Karnataka Hampa Nagarajaiah PREAMBLE Koppala, in the newly formed district bearing its name in the State of Karnataka, is an ancient Jaina centre and in importance next only to Sravanabelgola, from the late centuries of B. C. Reputed as 'Adi-tirtha' and 'Maha-tirtha,' one of the holiest pilgrimage places, it continued to be a centre of eminence for almost 1500 years. Kopana, Kopanadri, Kopanagiri, Kupanacala, and Kopanatirtha are the variant applications that figure in the inscriptions. "Inscriptions hailing from the Mysore state speak of the usually large number of Jaina temples, which was a characteristic feature of this holy place. Reminiscence of this past phenomenon is still preserved in a local saying which avers that the town contained 772 Jaina temples and was regarded by the Jaina community as sacred as Kasi-Ksetra or Banares, the famous holy place of the Hindus." [P. B. Desai 1957; 203; also cf. B. A. Saletore 1938 190; and C. Krishnamacharlu. 1935: 14; N. B. Sastry: 1954 :] 1.1.1. Out of the hundreds of Jinalayas that traditionally existed at Koppala, only the following names, each bearing a cognomen, are reported in the inscriptions: Arasiya-basadi (temple of the queen), KusaJinalaya, Candranatha-basadi, Jayadhira-Jinalaya, Timabbarasiyabasadi, Tirthada-basadi, Dannayaka-basadi, Nagadevana-basadi, Neminatha-Jinalaya, Puspadanta-Jinalaya, santinatha-basadi, and Sataladeviya-basadi. ('Basadi' is the Kannada form of the Sanskrit 'vasati', meaning a Jinalaya. Incidentally, Jayadhira-Jinalaya was

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Significance of New Inscriptions from Koppala, Karnataka 355 constructed by the famous general Sankara-ganda-dandanayaka in A. D. 960. [Desai, : 1957 : 372; Hampa. Nagarajaiah : 1998 A : 165]). 1.1.2. "With its caverns inhabited by sramanas and the two huge rocky hillocks in close proximity as an abode of peace and penance, Koppala attracted monks and nuns. Particularly, the Nirgrantha friars had always a preference for such secluded places and obviously Koppala became a major Jaina resort, a sacred hillock of excellences. Koppala was completely overrun by Jainism. Besides, on account of its geographical position Kopana seems to have been placed in very congenial circumstances, especially political, that contributed to its rapid growth as a Maha-tirtha." [Desai : 1957 : 157] 1.2 Because Koppala was a preeminent place and a treasure-house of Jaina art, sculpture, architecture, and literature, it has, through the ages, produced an immense wealth of significant archaeological and art historical material. Hundreds of Jaina shrines, monasteries, feeding houses (satras), friaries [muni-nivasas) in this principal town, ranging in date between the seventh and the 16th century, attracted men and women votaries. "We note that in the seventh century A. D. Kopana was essentially a Jaina tirtha. Epigraphic evidence prove this. In the Halageri inscription of the western Chalukya king Vijayaditya [A. D. 696-733] mention is made of this great Jaina sanctuary." [Saletore 192] 1.3 Though Koppala was reckoned as the foremost and supremely sacred tirtha, a holy resort of Jaina order, solid and valid proof to establish it as an historical truth was lacking. Koppala has not yet been properly surveyed and examined with extensive and intensive field work, the researches conducted since the days of B. L. Rice are scanty and meagre. NEW MATERIAL DISCOVERED 2.0 In the year 1992, unprecedented clouds burst occurred at several parts of the Karnataka State in general and at Koppala in particular. As a result, a portion of the old-Fort at Koppala collapsed. Surprisingly enough, a hoard of inscriptions on slabs and pillars,

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356 Hampa Nagarajaiah Jambu-jyoti 2.1 about 70 in number, fell out of the Fort-Wall. Curiously, all of these inscriptions, without a single exception, are Jaina epigraphs, that too nisidhikas, some of which throw fresh light on the historical facts of Koppala as a Jaina centre. Coming to know about this fortunate happening, I visited the site, took estampages of all these newly exposed epigraphs, deciphered and read the content of text, and next edited all the inscriptions and published. (Nagarajaiah, Hampa : 1998-A.). I next studied these inscriptions in the context of the known southern Nirgrantha tradition and other available contemporaneous supporting evidence before arriving at the conclusions. 2.2 2.2.1. The epigraphs under discussion abundantly speak for the powerful and pervasive influence wielded by Jainism. The present discovery adds fresh material, augmenting the mass of the already known information and thus must help revise some of the supposedly wellestablished facts, positions, and postulates. These inscriptions endorse that Koppala was a place of sanctity par excellence, informatively reporting about the monks and mendicants, nuns, and lay disciples of various ascetical orders who continually conducted their religious sessions and who ceremoniously ended their life by sanyasana i.e. sallekhana. These inscribed memorial columns have a special place in the ethos of Jaina culture and tradition, and are an abiding element vital to the religious history of Jainism in southern India, more precisely epitomizing the quintessence of syadvada. Their impressiveness, even in ruins, bear testimony to the past glory of Jainism in Karnataka. With the availability of this new material, Koppala can now be said to possess many more post-mortem memorial stones (nisidhikas] giving details of the purpose for which they were set up; some of these bear a caityalaya motif. They also reveal certain significant socio-historical and cultural issues. CHRONOLOGICAL SPAN These new epigraphs belong to different periods, covering a fairly wide range of five centuries, from the ninth to the 13th to be precise. And they beyond doubt prove that Koppala served for ten centuries 3.0

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Significance of New Inscriptions from Koppala, Karnataka 357 as one of the primary centres of disseminating Jaina teaching of ahimsa, non-injury. RELIGION 4.0 As already mentioned in para 2. 0., all the new records without exception belong to Jainism, and all of them are nisidhi memorials. There are only a few casual references to any particular primordial works of canonical nature, but the apostles and pontiffs of the Jaina church are remembered and a number of friars and preceptors are mentioned. Koppal itself was a big friary-centre for the Jainas and also was a seat of the Yapaniya sect. The present Koppala hoard also provides reliable and useful information about some of the friars and cohorts of the Yapaniya ecclesiastical institution. Indeed, much new material is available for reconstructing the hagiography of some Jaina acaryas which praise the virtues of sterner monastic order. Asceticism was held in high esteem, its votaries firmly believed in the cycle of births and rebirths, and the inexhorable operation of karma in successive births. 5.0 POLITICAL HISTORY Main purport of these new epigraphs is not to deal with the political affairs. Of course, the present collection does afford casual references to some of the royalties and noble men of those centuries in Karnataka, among them the Gangas being the main. Though the kings traditionally were duty bound to support all religions, their active patronage of a particular sect can also be clearly perceived. Although a pro-Jaina dynasty, the Western Gangas evinced equal respect for other religious sects. Under their protection and patronage, Jainism flourished without let or hindrance. Gangas declared their devotion to Jainism from the beginning, taking as they did the role of a saviour. As a consequence, it turned out to be the period of Jaina ascendancy and soon it became one of the few dominant creeds in Karnataka in all walks of life. Thus Gangas gave a signal contribution to the prevalence of Jainism. 5.1 5.1.1. Historians, while discussing the controversy regarding the authenticity of some of the Ganga copper plates, have by and

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358 Hampa Nagarajaiah Jambu-jyoti 5.2 large accepted that most of them are geniune records. Besides a large number of copper plates charters, there are some stone epigraphs found at different places (Ramesh, K. V. (Ed): 1984). Albeit, nowhere, until the present discovery, the number of Ganga inscriptions exceed a score and more. A close perusal of the present epigraphical references clearly establish, in fact substantiate and corroborate, the credibility of the Jaina oriented statements in early copper plates; hence, much weight will be attached to the historical information of these charters. A large number of mendicants and their lay followers constituted a significant force at Koppala. Jainas had an easy access to the machinery of political power. Koppala was echoing the voice of samavasarana, assembly of listners to the Jina's sermon. Banners of ahimsa were fluttering atop temples and friaries. Integration of lay followers (upasakas] of all ranks into the religious life is very clearly present in the nisidhi inscriptions now discovered. LITERATURE 6.1. The tenth and 11th centuries were an epoch-making period, of staunch advocates of anekantamata, in all walks of life including political, social, religious, and cultural sphere. A cursory glance at the present collection of the new charters is enough to substantiate this statement. 6.1.1. Besides, the period between the tenth and the 12th century is characterised by intensive literary activity. Most of the major Kannada campu epics and other classics embodying the lives of the salakapurusas were composed during this period. It is under the stimulus of Jainism that remarkable advances were registered in art and architecture, sculpture and painting. The religious impulse freely flowed into the numerous branches of knowledge which generated a powerful cultural impact. 6.2. Most of these newly discovered inscriptions at Koppla are not lengthy records; on an average, the number of lines in each inscription is around 25. Though the language of most of the epigraphs is Kannada, the regional language of Karnataka, there also are some inscriptions in Sanskrit. These epigraphs look heterogeneous from the point of

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Significance of New Inscriptions from Koppala, Karnataka 359 6.3. view of style; yet there is a common, recognized, standard pattern as far as the subject matter is concerned; the language and the style are cast in an archaic mould which also include a few verses. Some of the inscriptions vouchsafe the poetic genius of those who composed them, who indeed had a sound knowledge of the Jaina tradition and the skills at handling prosody. Many of these inscriptions contain Jaina invocatory verses, but none of these show any imprecatory phrases, because these are all nisidhi memorials. Medieval Jainism in Karnataka saw stormy centuries. The alien Colas and the local Saivaites demolished Jinalayas and Jaina monasteries, and ransacked their treasures. Therefore, the strong walls of the Nirgrantha fort were hit hard. With all this devastation, Jainism had an innate strength to sustain and did manage to survive and thrive at other centres. What remains today in and around Koppala are the scattered ruins which are like a picture book for recalling the significant events of the past history, of the syadvada consistency in ancient Karnataka. 7.0 7.1. It is somewhat difficult to determine the exact date of the destruction of Jaina temples and the nisidhi columns at Koppala. It is equally difficult to state whether the destruction was the result of a single catastrophe or due to a series of incidents. But it is neither the callousness nor the handiwork of art-robbers that is responsible for the disappearance and physical ruin of the significant irreplaceable art-historical evidence. The only reliable hint for the dilapidation and final annihilation of the Jaina monuments is from the statement made in a Persian inscription [AREP 1963-64. No. 173. 1779 C. E), which states that the main fort at Koppala was constructed in the shape of a battery in the European fashion along with two gateways; one more epigraph, in a chronogram recording the date of construction of a burj [bastion) in the year 1785-86 C. E (ibid., No. 174], also endorses it. 7.2 These two records help surmise that a complete or final destruction of the then existing Jaina monuments, including the present postmortem memorial stones, took place during the last two decades of

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360 Hampa Nagarajaiah Jambu-jyoti the 18th century. Obviously, the fort-builders started their operations of constructing the bastion with the material pilfered from the Jaina temples. Moreover, the carelessness on the part of the masons involved in the construction was to such an extent that they recklessly cut and damaged these archaeological documents of sterling significance. CONTENTS 8.0 8.1 I shall now take a bird's eye view of the contents of the new epigraphs; the number in the brackets indicate the number of the concerned inscription in the printed text; e. g. K. 1. = Koppala No. 1. [K. 1] Nayanandi Bhattaraka of Kundakunda-anvaya, Desiga-gana, had two lay disciples, Cinnakabbe and her son Dilipa (?), dandanayaka (general), who had a number of titles; satya-saucasampannam, kali-kala-Karnan, asrita-kalpavrksam, patikaryadaksam, piridittu-marevam, naya-mummerevan, pati-hitanjaneyam, gunada-bedangam, niti-parayanam, gadiyankamallam, gandapracandam, kirtige-nallam, and paricchedi-gandan. He was a bee at the lotus feet of Jina the Conquerer and an ocean of virtues : and he worshipped the three jewels of Jaina faith. He died in Saka 953 [1032 C. E) at Koppala by the religious rite of Vira-sanyasana-vidhana (ritual death by fasting and while in meditation). This inscription belongs to the period of the Kalyana Calukya king Jagadekamalla-Jayasimha (1016-42]. 8.1.1. An undated and a fragmentary inscription [K. 61] states that Dorayya was an ardent worshipper of Jinendra, the destroyer of all sins, and a lay disciple of Sridhara-deva. Dorayya was also the father of Bonthadevi and father-in-law of Jayasimha-deva, an ornament of the emperors (cakresvara-abharanam]. It is obvious that the Calukya king Jagadekamalla Jayasimhadeva had married Bontha-devi; this is the only inscription giving this information not earlier known. Dorayya mentioned elsewhere (MAR. 1915. No. 19. 1050; EC. V. Hassan. 185) is different from this Dorayya. 8.2. [K.2) In the year Saka 913 [990. C. E.], a nun by name Jakkiyabbe kanti and another nun [whose name is lost), both disciples of

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Significance of New Inscriptions from Koppala, Karnataka 8.3. 8.4. 8.5. a. b. C. 361 Nemicandra-Bhatara of Balatkara-gana, attained sanyasanamarana. Revabbe, respected by the three worlds, erected a nisidhi stone. [K.3] Gandavimukta-acarya of Balagara (Balatkara-gana), a profound scholar, gained the abode of moksa-laksmi (emancipation from the cycle of births and deaths) in the year Saka 899 (977 C. E). His lotus feet had the dust of the crown of mandalikas; his character was so transparent that he was praised by the world at large. This acarya is identical with the Gandavimukta-deva mentioned in the later inscriptions of Gavarwad [E1. XV. 23. 1071-72. C. E], Mugud [S11. XI-i. 78. 1045 C. E] and of Bodan [ARIE 1961-62. B-113. 1041 C. E]. [K. 4] Devanandi-Bhatara, a disciple of Vimalacandra-Bhatara of Kranur-gana, attained the world of gods in the year Saka 926 (1004. C. E); Deyakabbe-kanti, a nun in obeisance to her teacher, erected this post-mortem memorial column. Kranur-gana is one of the prominent cohorts (ganas) of friars and nuns of the Yapaniya-sangha; Kanur, Kandur, Kadur are the other variants for that gana. [Nagarajaiah : 1997 -B- : 234-48]. [K. 5] This epitaph records the death of three different persons on three different dates : In the Saka year 946 (1024 C. E), Revasetti of Kellengere achieved ratnatrayas, holy death, the day synchronising with the auspicious day of the parinirvana-mahakalyana, one of the five sacred events in the life of a Tirthankara : Parinirvana is the final emancipation of an enlightened being followed immediately by salvation (moksa). Madurantaka-setti, the son-in-law of Nolambasetti, died in meditation in the year 1023 C. E. He was a repository of humility, birth place of pleasentness, a heap of religious merit, an asylum of knowledge, the first in the path of Manu. Nolamba-setti was the son of Revasetti, a bee at the lotus feet of Nemicandra-Siddhantadeva. He was courteous, mild, just, liberal, worthy of merits, and of impeccable character. At the time of his

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362 Hampa Nagarajaiah Jambu-jyoti death he went to the Jinagrha (Jaina temple), and at the feet of his revered teachers attained the holy death in the year 1039 C. E. 8.5.1. It is important to note that Revasetti voluntarily went to the caityagrha six months prior to his death, practiced the vow of gradual suspension of aliment unto death, listening to the reading of the Aradhana text, and thus carried out the ritual prescription under the supervision of his teachers. With the consecrated act of sallekhana, renunciation of all profane possessions and associations, Revasetti was considered a mahapurusa, a noble-minded eminent person. He was a disciple of Abhayanandi-panditadeva who is identical with Abhayanandipandita mentioned in SB inscriptions (EC. 11 (R) 51 (48), 156 (127) and 173 (140) ).(It is astonishing how a good number of lay-followers also, indeed courageously and comprehendingly undertook the vow of Sanyasta-dharma for attaining salvation.) 8.6. Abhayanandi-pandita was one of the foremost Jaina mendicants in the Gangavadi 96000 region (K. 9). He was a disciple of Traikalyayogi and a grand disciple of Gollacarya (EC. II (R) 51 (48) IIth cent. C. E. P. 17; ibid., 156 (127). p. 94; ibid., 173 (140) P. 119]. All these pontiffs accomplished the three-jewels by observing the ritual of meditation and fasting unto death at Koppala. 9.1. [K. 6 and K. 27] These two inscriptions of Koppala vividly describe Kundanarasi alias Kundana-somidevi, elder daughter of Butugapermadi II (938-61 C. E). Koppala inscription No. 6 is undated and fragmentary but on palaeographic grounds it can be assigned to the end of the tenth century. Kundanarasi, a caladankagarti, by totally renouncing food and drink, patiently awaiting her inevitable end, achieved the three-jewels and entered the world of gods. This is the summary of the four lines traceable in the above nisidhi. 9.1.1. Another inscription (K. 27) is dated Saka year 929 (1007 C. E), but that is the year of the death of Cangala-devi alias Cangambe who was a contemporary of Kundana-somidevi. As recorded in the epitaph, both of them died by undertaking sallekhana rite and were renowned personages during the second half of tenth century. Maladharideva was the teacher, Raya was the master, Macana was the son, the best religion of the Lord Jina the Victor was the religion

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Significance of New Inscriptions from Koppala, Karnataka 363 consciously chosen by Cangambe. She was regularly distributing charities at will. Her name indeed was justified, her birth was accomplished. Considering that there are no takers in the heaven, she had the refined taste of charitable disposition. By folding both the lotus-like hands, she went to the higher world. With the passing away of the virtuous women like Kundana-somidevi and Cangaladevi, who were even famous with the aerial nymphs dwelling in the sky, the very words of charity and righteousness also disappeared from the face of earth. 9.1.2. Kundasami (Kundana-somi, Kundanarasi) a charming lady of beauty and benevolence, daughter of Butuga II (E1. XXXVI. PP. 97-110; MAR 1921 PP. 8-16; EC. VIII (BLR) Nagara 35), younger sister of Maruladeva II (MAR 1921, Kudlur plates; E1. XXVII], elder sister of Marasimhadeva II (EC. IV (R), 138.965. CE SII. XI. 42/43 970. CE] and wife of Rajaditya is introduced at length in the Kukknur copper plates (AREP 1969-70. Nos. 4-5, 968-69 C. E; IWG; 1984 : No. 159, p. 504]. A beautiful bronze image of Manikya-Jina with an inscription on its back, of about 970 C. E, gifted by her to some temple, was discovered in a coffee estate of Crawford saheba, is preserved in the Jaina Matha-temple at SB [EC. IX (R) Sakalespur 31 (V Manjrabad 67) 10C. C. E. Ballu (Hassan Dt/Sakalespur Tk) P. 519]. It is one of the rare and early (Jaina) metal images in Karnataka. With the discovery of these two new inscriptions, now a fuller biographical sketch of Kundana-somidevi, from cradle to grave, is available. 9.2. [K. 12] Basa-bhupati, the son of Caladanka-Ganga-mahipa (Butuga II), had the impeccable fame equal to that of Kupanacala (Koppala). His wife was Kavanabbarasi. Their daughter Rambaladevi alias Rambha a gem of a woman, a beautiful nymph, had the charm of a plaintain tree. Rambha was a goddess of learning and her benevolence knew no bounds. There is a pun in the use of this name Rambha, which was also the name of an apsaras, consort of Nalakubera, and she was considered the most beautiful celestial lady in the paradise of Indra.

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364 Hampa Nagarajaiah Jambu-jyoti 9.2.1. Rambaladevi's husband, Birala-deva, a prince of the illustrious Calukya-vamsa, a head-jewel of kings and a submarine (fire) in the sea of enemies. Rambaladevi was the disciple of the preceptor Sri Candra-Bhattaraka. She observed the vow of fasting unto death; while meditating the holy feet of the spiritual victor (Jina); like the fragrance of the flower, she departed from this mundane world only to be born as the best of celestial beings. 9.2.2. This inscription of poetic excellence is of historical importance. The name of Basa, as a son of Butuga (II) is not mentioned in any inscription except this one. Of course, one of the inscriptions mentions the name of Vasava as the last son of Butuga II [EC. VII (BLR) Nagara 35. 1077 C. E.). This Vasava's wife's name is mentioned as Kancaladevi; Vasava and Kancaladevi had two sons, Rakkasaganga (=Govindaradeva) and Arumulideva. It is quite possible that Basa and Vasava are one and the same person; but, whether Kancaladevi and Kavanabbarasi stand for one and the same lady or not, is still a problem which requires more corroborative evidence to decide. [Nagarajaiah, 1997-A : 107-10) 9.3. [K. 39] The accomplished Pallava-rama-mahipala was a scion of royal stock. His three consorts--Pariyabbarasi, Asagabbarasi, and Revakayye-embellished with the three jewels of right faith, right knowledge, and right conduct, were gems of amiable disposition among the virtuous women folk. 9.3.1. These three queens of the king's seraglio constructed Jaina temples, arranged festivals to worship Jina, consecrated and anointed the images of Jina, and in the same vein showed devotion to Jaina ascetics. All the three spouses joined the ascetic order at Koppala, renouncing the mahisi-pada, the first properly consecrated queenship of a mandalesvara-duke, and preferred the mahendra-pada. 9.3.2. Revakayye listened to the three ritualized confession, sitting on the thighs, one leg being on the other, a heroic posture practiced by ascetics of higher hierarchy, breathed her last. Even the gods celebrated Revakayye's holy death by singing and dancing, repeatedly uttering 'Jayajaya-nanda-vardha' (victorious-auspicious). Drums and other rare instruments of heaven made the sacred sound to

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Significance of New Inscriptions from Koppala, Karnataka 365 the rhythm of the mellifluous music of Tumburu the Gandharva and Narada the Devarsi, to the tune of which the apsarases danced and thus, the paradise above rejoiced the festival of the arrival of Revakayye-aryika from the earth below. 9.3.3. Pariyabbarasi, also accepting the difficult vows of the willing submission to the inevitable death, engrossed in deep meditation, walked into the company of deities in the year Saka 911 (989 C. E.) 9.4. [K. 40] The renowned Padmabbarasi, consort of Ganga-GangeyaPermadi-Butuga II, an ideal lay votary of Jaina order, reached Kopana (Koppala), and amidst the all around applause and admiration, embraced the rite of sallekhana. Her teacher Maladharideva administered the ritual, and Padmabbarasi, while in meditation, passed away in the year Saka 894 (973 C. E). Padmabbarasi had also built a Jaina temple at Naregal and endowed it with several gifts (SII. XI-i. 38. C. E. 950 Naregal, PP. 23-24] 9.7. [K. 44] Revakanimmadi, consort of Butuga II (939-61 C. E), had patronised and popularised Jainism on such a generous scale that it was she whose good deeds were considered on par with those of Butuga, Sankaraganda, Marasimhadeva, Maru!adeva, Camundaraya, Rajamalla, and gunadankakarti Attimabbe. Revakanimmadi, in the prescribed manner of sanyasana-vidhana, died at Koppala in the Saka year 953 (1030 C. E) 9.5.1. [K. 44] Revakanimmadi was one of the four consorts of Butuga II, the other three being Padmabbarasi and Kallabba (E1. XV. 23. 107172. PP. 337-48; SII. XX. 35. 1055; EI. XXXVI. PP. 97-110;IWG: 1984 : No. 139. 962 C. E and ibid., No. 138; El. VI. P. 71; El. IV. P. 352; Fleet, DKD p. 304;EC. VIII (1902) Nagara 35. 1077]. And Divalamba who commissioned a Jinalaya at Sudi (Sundi) and her spouse Butuga made a donation of land in C. E. 938 (IA. Vol. III. p. 184. C. 960 C.E.] Koppala inscription no. 40 has recorded the death of Padmabbarasi (vide paras no. 9, 4). Butuga II, too, may have passed away at Koppala by persuing the path of sallekhana. 9.5.1.1. Regarding the identity of Revakanimmadi [K. 44] there is a problem which needs clarification. In the text of the inscription, this

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* 366 Hampa Nagarajaiah Jambu-jyoti Revakanimmadi is compared to a well-known lady of the same name (i. e. the wife of Butuga); besides, the date of the death of this Revakanimmadi is 1030 C. E. It is impossible for the Revakanimmadi, wife of Butuga, to live up to that period. Hence, Revakanimmadi of K. 44 may be a namesake and hence a different lady. 9.5.1.2.There are three Revakas mentioned in the present collection : Revakayya-Revakayye (K. 39), Revakabbe (K. 45) and Revakanimmadi; all these three are separate persons and also died on different dates. 9.6. [K. 47] Ganga-mandalika Rajamalladeva, a bee at the lotus-feet of Arhat-Paramesvara, was a chief disciple of Ajitasena-muni. He had crushed his enemies with his valour, washed off Mandalesvaras with his matchless bravery, annexed the kingdom of his opponents. Even Hari and Hara of the eternal-trinity, happily joined Rajamalladeva and such was his prowess, an elephant in rut. 9.6.1. Kancabbarasi, wife of Rajamalladeva, an ornament to the glorious royal family, upheld her magnificence and lost all terrestrial interest after the death of her husband. She approched the stainless Ajitasenamunisvara, listened to his sermon on the good consequences of the virtuous life, voluntarily took to austerities, achieved the most coveted three jewels, and walked into the eternal world in the year Saka 945 (1023 C. E.) 9.7. [K. 53] Gonambe, daughter of Ereganga of the Ganga dynasty, wife of the valiant Ajavarma, and mother of Ksatriya-Rama, relinquished the profane life and took to the hard life of a nun. After practising severe austerities, she died in the year Saka 914 (992 C. E) at Koppala. 9.7.1. Ereganga is mentioned in other inscriptions (IWG : 1984 : No. 120 : PP. 337-78; MAR. 1921. PP. 8-16. 962 C. E.; EC. IV (R) Chamarajanagara 354. 962-63 C. E.]. Ajavarma is identical with the Ajavarma of Kudlur inscription (MAR 1921. PP. 8-16.962 C. E). Ereganga is the son of Butugendra and Candrobalabba. 9.8. [K. 60] Bijjambika (Bijjambarsi), daughter of Butuga Permadi II and Padmavati (Padmabbe), elder sister of Marasimha II, wife of Hariga-Mallapa and a lady disciple of pontiff Sridhara-deva, earned

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Significance of New Inscriptions from Koppala, Karnataka 367 the appreciation of scholars and poets. After freely distributing her entire property, said adieu to every day worldly life. She took the vow of sallekhana, achieved the three jewels, and met her end in the manner precribed in the Aradhana text at Koppala in the year Saka 931 (1009 C. E). 9.8.1. [K. 60] This is the first and the only inscriptional reference to Bijjambika as the daughter of Butuga and Padmavati (Padmabbe). Padmavati is elsewhere mentioned as Padmabbarasi (SII. XI-i. 38. 950 C. E]. So far, it was known that Butuga had only one daughter (Kundana-samidevi), who was elder to all his children except Maruladeva, who was the eldest among all his six children. But the present inscription has supplied an extra information that Butuga had one more daughter (Bijjamba). 9.8.2. Both mother Padmavati (Padmabbarasi, K. 40) and daughter Bijjambika (K. 60) had died at Koppala by the rite of sallekhana. Sisters Kundanasamidevi and Bijjambika, and the co-wives Padmavati and Revakanimmadi, similarly have met with the coveted end at Koppala. (The royal ladies, as is surprisingly clear, were equally firm-willed in ritually meeting the death as prescribed by the sacred text.) 9.9. Paragraphs from 9.1 to 9.8.2 provide reliable historical information casting fresh light on the history of the Ganga family, facilitating an authentic reconstruction of the family tree of Butuga. There were a good number of luminaries in the royal house of the Gangas who heralded the glory of Jainism. Butuga bequeathed a rich legacy for his successors to emulate and keep the lamp of syadvada burning bright. 9.9.1. Butuga himself was well-versed in Nirgrantha religion. His consorts and his daughters were the benefactors of the Nirgrantha Church [IWG : 1984 : No. 138 : 962 C. E. PP. 411-28]. Butuga's sons, Maruladeve II alias Punuseya-ganga [EC. VIII (1902) Nagara 35. 1077, Hombuja (Shimoga dt); El. XXXVI. No. 13. 963. C. E.; MAR 1921. PP 8-16, 962-63 C. E], Marasimha II [SII. XI. 42. 970. Savadi. P. 28.; EC. IV (R) Ch. 138. 965; ibid., No. 79. 971-72; EC. II (R)=64=(59). 975. PP. 20-22 etc), Rajamalla [EC. VIII (BLR). Nr. 35.

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368 Hampa Nagarajaiah 11.1. 9.9.2. To put it in a nut-shell, these new inscriptions unambiguously prove that the Gangas were devout Jainas. It was because of the sustained support of the stalwarts of the Ganga dynasty that Jainism could flourish and attained unparalleled magnitude in Karnataka. On the luminous spectrum of the Ganga royalties, prince Butuga shines like a pole star. Jambu-jyoti 1077], Nitimarga-Goyindara [ibid], Vasava [ibid] alias Basa [K. 12.]-all the five vigorously followed Jainism. [Nagarajaiah : Santararu-ondu Adhyayana: 1997-A]. Rambaladevi, grand daughter of Butuga, Rakkasa-ganga-Goyindaradeva II, and Arumulidevagrandsons of Butuga-were ardent protagonists of Jainism. Cattaladevi, a great-grand-daughter of Butuga and wife of Kaduvetti, built Jinalayas, patronised and encouraged the clergy of Jaina faith [ibid]. 10.1. While elucidating the socio-cultural prominence of the present anthology, some of the achievements and active participation of women of all ranks, from the lay votaries to the queens, in the religious acitivites deserve prominent place. On par with men, Jaina ladies made liberal grants to temples, took part in religious ceremonies, followed the path of renunciation, and embraced the hard discipline of recluses. Women of the Ganga family always were in the forefront in perpetuating the light of the Jaina church. 10.1.1. Like monks, the nuns, too, used to change their personal names on the sacred occasion of their initiation to the nunhood; however, the change of nomen was not obligatory. Women were never restricted from entering nunhood in Jainism. Ladies of the Ganga household, by and large took the vow of sanyasana. Some of them had renounced the worldly interests in their early age to practice yoga, meditation, and the methodical study of scriptures. This fact is lucidly illustrated in the corpus of Koppal inscriptions. An added interesting point of the recently discovered epigraphs is that most of them contain graphic portraits of some illustrious preceptors who were held in high reverence by their contemporary ruling class, particularly the Gangas, the Rastrakutas, and the Kalyana Calukyas.

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Significance of New Inscriptions from Koppala, Karnataka 11.2. These friars were master exponents of Nirgrantha philosophy. Through their austerity, simplicity, and transparent character they commanded instant respect. They inspired their devotees by thought, word, and deed. Most of the monks mentioned in these memorial columns were the preceptors of the Ganga rulers. 11.3. Among the holymen mentioned, the following were outstanding pontiffs of those times Abhayanandi pandita, Ajitasena muni, Ganda-vimuktadeva, Gollacarya, Maladhari-deva, Maunibhattaraka, Meghacandra, Nayanandideva, and NemicandraSiddhantadeva; also Padmanandi-Siddhantadeva, Sridharadeva, Indranandideva, Siddhasena-Bhatara, Trikala-yogi, and Tribhuvanacandra Bhatara. More, indeed considerable information a propos of the spiritual pedigree of these acaryas, is available from other inscriptions, particularly from Sravanabelagola. 369 11.3.1. Some of these friars are either confreres or contemporaries or belong to the successive generation as teacher and disciples. Among them only a few were the pontiffs of Koppala diocese. SALLEKHANA OF SOMADEVA-SURI 11.4. Till today the exact date and place of the death of Somadeva suri of the Yasastilaka fame and of Gauda Samgha (eastern India) was not known. But Koppla inscription No. 34 has supplied this information; following is the summary of that incomplete inscription : 'Vadibha-Pancanana' was a teacher to poets and to the emperor. A terror to the disputants was Mahendradeva, a disciple of Nemideva, whose disciple was the famous Somadeva-suri. Victory to Somadeva who with his prudence became the emperor of logicians. Even Krsnaraja (Rastrakuta Krsna III) had praised Somadeva (-suri) who was also the preceptor of Nolambantaka (Marasimha-deva II, son of Butuga II). 11.4.1. Somadeva was conversant with poetry, dramaturgy, natya-sastra, and grammar. He was a king among poets; never before and never after, a talented person so deserving as Somadeva existed. Tarkikacakravarti Somadeva-panditadeva passed away at Koppala in the year 984 C. E.

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370 Hampa Nagarajaiah 11.4.2. Somadeva suri and his classic Yasastilaka are famous [vide Krishnakant Handiqui's Yasastilaka and Indian culture (1949)]. Somadeva earlier was patronised by Arikesari, vassal of the Rastrakutas. Somadeva suri completed his work at Gangadharam [Andhra-Pradesh] in the year 959 C. E. The aforementioned Arikesari, who was a Vemalavada-Calukya prince, after washing the feet of Somadeva suri, made a gift of a village in the year 966 C. E., to the Subhadhama-Jinalaya built by his father. Earlier, Somadeva suri had composed another work, the Nitivakyamrta when he was at the court of the Pratihara potentate Mahendrapala II. The date of composion of this work is sometime before 949 C. E. 11.4.3. Samadevasuri was a contemporary of another great Jaina poet, Pampa (940 C. E.), who had composed two Epics-the Adipurana and the Vikramarjuna- vijaya-campu-kavaya-both in Kannada. Pampa, too, was a court poet of the above-noted Calukya Arikesari. 11.4.3.1.Pampa's younger brother Jinavallabha constructed Tribhuvanatilaka-Jinalaya in the year 950 C. E; He had also composed the text of an inscription containing Sanskrit, Kannada, and Telugu verses which is engraved on the Rsabhagiri hill at the outskirts of the village Kurkyal, very near Gangadharam of Somadeva suri [I. A. P. Karimnagar dt No. 3. C. 950 C. E]. On the same Rsabhadri is carved in bas relief a huge figure of the Cakresvari and the images of six Jinas, three on the right and three on the left side of the yaksi, each being six feet tall. This shows that the area in and around Gangadharam associated with Somadeva suri was a Jaina centre. Inspite of it, the great acarya had selected Koppala for his final destiny, implying thereby that Koppala was considered a more important site among the sacred places for attaining the Samadhimarana, indeed a site on par with Sravanabelagola. NIRGRANTHA VESTIGES AROUND KOPPALA 12. Jambu-jyoti A cursory glance at the surrounding Jaina places of pilgrimage will justify in assuming the existence of a strong nucleus at Koppala. Within the radius of about 100 kms with Koppala as a central point, exist a good number of other ancient and major centres, clearly showing that Jainism had a firm foothold in the region. Towards

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Significance of New Inscriptions from Koppala, Karnataka north-west are Aihole, Pattadakal, Badami, Annigere, Adur, Laksmesvara (Puligere), Hungund (Ponnugunda), Gadag, Ron etc; towards north-east are Lingasur, Maski (Piriya-Mosangi) etc. These were the nerve centres of the 'ism' of non-absolutism (anekanta). A bronze image from Lingasur (No. 16) has been dated to the sixth century C. E. [U. P. Shah, "Jaina Bronzes-a brief survey," in Aspects of Jaina Art and Architecture, Eds., U. P. Shah and M.A. Dhaky, Ahmedabad 1975, pp. 269-98]. Apart from an active movement of Jaina missionaries, many champions of Jainism were holding sway over these parts for several centuries, and Jainism thus continually. had received a powerful stimulus. An extensive and systematic survey of the scattered Jaina vestiges in and around these sites is still a desideratum. Because of the lack of such a consistent and methodical study of the available epigraphical, literary, and archaeological data, much remains to be known about the nature of the growth and spread of the Nirgrantha religion. This paper is an attempt in this direction to show that this hoard of nisidhikas offer indubitable proof of the resurgence and supremacy of Nirgrantha cult at Koppola. 371

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372 Hampa Nagarajaiah Jambu-jyoti Abbreviations AREP ARIE Annual Report on Epigraphy Annual Reports on Indian Epigraphy Benjamin Lewis Rice Edition BLR Ch CKI Chamarajanagara Corpus of Kadamba Inscriptions, 1985 Dynasties of Kanarese Districts DKD EC Epigraphia Carnatika EL IAP Epigraphia Indica Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh Inscriptions of Western Gangas, 1984 IWG MAR Nr Koppala Mysore Archaeological Report Nagara (Hosanagara) Sravanabelago!a South Indian Inscriptions SB SII

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Significance of New Inscriptions from Koppala, Karnataka 373 Reference Works P. B. Desai 1957, Jainism in South India, Sholapur C. Krishnamachari 1935, The Kannada Inscriptions of Kopbal, Hyderabad Hampa Nagarajaiah 1995, Sasanagalalli Eradu Vamsagalu, Bombay 1997, A Santararu-Ondu Adhyayana, Hombuja 1997, B Candrakode, Hampi 1998, A Koppala sasanagalu (-Corpus of Koppala Inscriptions), Mysore 1998, B Sasanagalalli-Basadigalu, Mysore K. V. Ramesh 1984, Inscriptions of Western Gangas, (Ed.), ASI, Delhi B. A. Saletore 1938, Medieval Jainism, Bombay N. B. Sastry 1938, Kopana-Koppala-in Cannada-Sahitya Parisat-Patrike, Vol.XXII-No. 3., Bangalore K. A. N. Sastry 1958, A History of South-India, Madras (sec. ed.) 000

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Hemaraj Pande's Caurasi Bol Padmanabh S. Jaini In 1956, Professor Hiralal R. Kapadiya published an article called "Dikpata Caurasi Bol [Pratyukti]: (84 Bol Vicara) Rekhadarsana," describing the contents of an important metrical Hindi work by Upadhyaya Yasovijayji1. At the end of this text we learn that it is a refutation of the [Sitapata] Caurasi Bol, i.e., Eighty-Four Points of Controversy between the Digambaras and the Svetambaras, a composition by Hemaraj Pande : hemarAja pAMDe kiye, bola curAsI phera, yA vidhi hama bhASA vacana, tAko mata kiyajera. (158) Professor Kapadiya informs us that he had asked a Svetambara monk Candanasagaragani to search for a manuscript of this Digambara work. A handwritten paper manuscript of it indeed was found in Surat and was identified as the original work of Hemaraj Pande. However, Professor Kapadiya received from Surat only the first four and the last five verses of this manuscript, which he reproduced in his article. At the end of the fifth verse the author's name appears as Kavi Hema, who composed it for the benefit of one Kaurapal in the city of Agra. Unfortunately, the Surat manuscript was never fully edited or published, and we hear nothing more about it. My search in the catalogues of Jain bhandaras in Rajasthan, prepared by Dr. Kasturchand Kasliwal2, yielded several entries for this important manuscript. I am indebted to Mr. Subhash C. Jain of Jaipur who, with the kind help of Dr. Kasliwal, obtained for me a xerox copy of one of these manuscripts, together with correct readings of several obscure words in it. The manuscripts, listed as No. 320, has a total of 9 pages copied in Samvat 1723 (=A. D. 1666). Verse number 24 of this manuscript, which lists the 18 defects (dosas) that are absent in a kevalin in the Digambara tradition,

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Hemaraj Pande's Caurasi Bol 375 appears as a quotation in Upadhyaya Yasovijayji's composition (verse no. 19). Thus it can be safely assumed that this work is identical with the one that formed the purva-paksa for the Svetambara refutation. The author of the Caurasi Bol, Hemaraj Pande, is the same person who wrote the Hindi Pravacanasara Bhasa Tika called Balavabodha, published in the Pravacanasara of Kundakunda, edited by Dr. A. N. Upadhye?. This work was completed in Agra in Samvat 1709 (=A. D. 1653) when Shah Jahan was on the throne of Delhi. We learn from a biography of Hemaraj, written by Dr. Kasturchand Kasliwal, that he was also the author of some 15 additional works, several in verse, including the Caurasi Bol, which was completed in the same year as the Balavabodha*. At the end of his brief article, Professor Kapadiya had expressed a wish that these two texts should be edited, translated, and compared to arrive at a better understanding of these two ancient Jain traditions : Ama prastuta kRtinuM anekavidha mahattva hovAthI... ano vizeSa pracAra ane abhyAsa thavo ghaTe. A mATe A kRtinuM samIkSAtmaka saMskaraNa taiyAra karAvI prakAzita karAvu joI. amAM pUrvapakSa tarIke hemarAja pAMDenI sitapaTa cauryAsI bola nAmanI kRtine sthAna Apaq ghaTe. vizeSamA prastuta kRtino gujarAtI anuvAda paNa Apavo joI. sAthe sAthe sAmasAmI apAyelI dalIlo keTalI sabaka ane prAcIna che te darzAvaq joI. The present edition of Hemaraj Pande's Caurasi Bol thus takes one more step in furthering a critical study of the manifold issues that separate the Digambara and the Svetambara traditions. As is well known, two major issues, namely, kevali-bhukti (whether a kevalin, i.e., an Omniscient Being, partakes of food or not) and stri-mukti (whether a woman may attain moksa in that very life or not) dominate that debate. The Strinirvana Kevalibhuktiprakarane, edited by Muni Jambuvijayjis, is a most comprehensive collection of original and commentarial material available on these two topics. This has facilitated a good amount of modern research, notably, an article entitled, "Food and Freedom: The Jaina Sectarian Debate on the Nature of the Kevalin," by Professor Paul Dundas, and my own book Gender and Salvation : Jaina Debates on the Spiritual Liberation of Women?. But the remaining issues are not less important and call for scholarly attention. Professor Kapadiya in his article takes note of some 27 major topics and puts together a longer list from the headings that appear in Upadhyaya Yasovijayji's "Pratyukti" published in the Gurjara Sahitya Sangraha!

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376 Padmanabh S. Jaini Jambu-jyoti Hemaraj Pande's work contains eighty-four (caurasi) points (bol) presented in a composition of ninety-one verses in varieties of Hindi meters. The number eighty-four seems to have been deliberately chosen by him to match with the eighty-four hundred thousand varieties of yonis into which a jiva may repeatedly be reborn in the course of samsara (see verse no. 88). He is suggesting thereby that those who hold these views may not escape samsara. In the absence of any prior Digambara work on this topic, we might assume that he himself drew up this list and composed his verses accordingly. Upadhyaya Yasovijayaji's refutation has one hundred sixty-one verses and yet his response seems to be limited to only some fifty-one topics. I list here in serial order the eighty-four points attributed by Hemaraj to the Svetambaras. The Svetambara refutation does not follow the same order of items nor does it address all the points and hence is given in a separate list. A brief outline of the eighty-four disputed views (vadas) attributed to the "vetambaras by the Digambara sravaka Hemaraj Pande [numbers refer to the verses) : Introductory verses with a brief account of the beginning of the Svetambara sect during the time of acarya Bhadrabahu. (1-18) 1. The Kevalin partakes of food by morsel (kavala-ahara). (19-24) 2. The Kevalin needs to answer the calls of nature (nihara). (25-27) 3. The Kevalin is subject to the suffering of disease (roga). (28) 4. The Kevalin may suffer attacks (upasarga), such as that which happened to Mahavira at the hands of Gosala'. (29) 5. The Jina (like Vardhmana) attends school although he possesses avadhijnana at the time of his birth. (30-31) The Jina, prior to abandoning the household, distributes gifts for an entire yearl. (32) 7. The Jina gives up clothes at the time of his renunciation but Indra, the King of Gods, places a length of cloth over his shoulder (devadusya)12 (33)

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Hemaraj Pande's Caurasi Bol 8. In the absence of the ganadharas-the only human beings who can interpret the divya-dhvani-the Jina (Mahavira) preached his first sermon to the gods only13. (The Digambara point seems to be that if this were the case, then it would be wasted as the gods could not take any vratas. They believe that the Jina maintained silence for sixty-six days until Gautama, the first ganadhara-to-be, appeared in the samavasarana.)14 (34--35) 9. Mahavira's mother (Trisala) was not his natural mother because he was conceived in the womb of the brahman Devananda15. (36a) 377 10. The first Tirthankara. Adinatha, was born with a twin sister (yugaliya), and they became husband and wife. (36b) 11. In addition to his twin-wife, Adinatha married Sunanda, a second wife, who had become a widow (i.e., vidhava-vivaha)16. (37-38) 12. Mahavira was first conceived in the despicable family of a brahman. (39) 13. By the orders of Indra, Harinegamesi transferred that foetus into the womb of Trisala and this is called (by the Svetambaras) a miracle (achera, i.e., ascarya)17. (40-45) 14. The belief that only two Jinas, namely, Malli and Nemi, were unmarried, while in fact there were five. (According to the Digambaras, Vasupujya, Parsva, and Mahavira were also kumaras, i.e., unmarried). (45) 15. The belief that a Kevalin (for example, Bahubali) would respectfully greet another kevalin, like Rsabha18. (46-47) 16. A Kevalin like Mahavira unknowingly suddenly sneezed (which suggests that the Kevalin's body still has impurities). (48) 17. Ganadhara Gautama paid respects to a non-Jaina mendicant [named Khandaka]. (49-50) 18. A woman may attain moksa in that very life (stri-mukti). (51-53) 19. Tirthankara Malli was [not a man but]a woman. (54-58) 20. A yugala (male and female twins) born in [the continent of] Harivarsa was snatched by a heavenly being (deva) and brought to'

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378 Padmanabh S. Jaini Jambu-jyoti the continent of Bharata where he made their bodies small (to suit the Bharata region, i.e., against the rule that a bhogabhumi person cannot come to the karmabhumis) 19. (59) 21. They were anointed as king and queen in Mathura, where they ate meat and were reborn in hell (i.e., when in fact a person born in the bhogabhumi is reborn only in heaven). For this reason, the Svetambaras consider this a miracle (achera). They maintain that the lineage of the Haris (Harivamsa) derives from this family. (In the view of Digambaras, this story violates the rules pertaining to the twins born in a bhogabhumi). (60-64) 22. A muni does not break the aparigraha-mahavrata even when he keeps 14 requisites (upakaranas, such as patras for collecting food and water, clothes, blanket, and so forth). (65-67) 23. Kala is not a separate dravya. (68-69) 24. The ganadhara of Tirthankara Munisuvrata was a horse20. (70) 25. A muni may partake of meat under some special conditions. (70) 26. A muni should beg food from different houses and eat that food at his place of residence. (70) 27. It is not a sin if one beats up a person who reviles your doctrine. (70) 28. Bharata was Brahmi's brother, and yet he wanted to make her his wife. (71) 29. Bharata became a kevalin while still living in the household21. (71) 30. Draupadi was a virtuous wife but yet she had five husbands. (71) 31. A mendicant disciple attained kevalajnana while carrying his teacher [called Candarudracarya]on his shoulders. (72) 32. Mahavira was married22. (72) 33. Mahavira's son-in-law, called Jamali, disputed with him23. (72) 34. Kapila was a kevalin and yet he danced24. (72) 35. Vasudeva (the father of Krsna) had as many as seventy-two thousand wives. (73)

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Hemaraj Pande's Caurasi Bol 379 36. Bahubali was taller even than five bow-lengths. (73) 37. A muni may receive food from a member of the sudra caste. (73) 38. Heavenly beings (devas) can have conjugal relationships with human females. (73) 39. A woman called Sulasa produced thirty-two sons from one foetus25. (73) 40. The first Vasudeva called Triprstha was born from a nanati (?)26. (73) 41. Mahavira visited non-aryan regions27. (74) 42. Mahavira preached to the mlecchas even in the fourth time period. (74) 43. There is no fault if a person who is fasting takes medicine. (74) 44. A cakravarti can have sixty-four thousand wives. (74) 45. The nudity of a Jina in the samavasarana remains invisible. (75) 46. The sky-cladness (i.e., nudity of a muni) is a cause for producing passions. (75) 47. A yati may keep a [walking] stick. (75) 48. A yati may have ear ornaments (doubtful reading). (75) 49. Marudevi (the mother of Jina Rsabha) attained moksa while riding on an elephant28. (75) 50. There is no fault if a weak muni takes food other than at the fixed times. (75) 51. A householder may attain kevalajnana without undergoing the formal act of renunciation. (76) 52. A person born as a candala may become a muni and attain moksa. (76) 53. It is acceptable to worship an ornamented image of the Jina.(76) 54. Moksa is possible without giving up clothes and ornaments. (77) 55. The sun and moon in their original form came to greet Mahavira. (77) 56. The Digambara list of the eighteen faults from which a Jina is free is changed into a different list. (For example : They do not consider a kevalin to be free from hunger and thirst.) (78)

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380 Padmanabh S. Jaini Jambu-jyoti 57. They also make changes in the list of thirty-four atisayas of a Tirthankara. (78) 58. Camara, the king of the Vyantaras, went to conquer the king of the Saudharma heaven29 (79) 59. Seeing his adamantine stick, Camara then came to take refuge at the feet of Mahavira. (79) 50. When a Jina attains nirvana, his body does not evaporate entirely like a lightning (contrary to the Digambara belief). (80) 61. If a householder sees a muni who is suffering from lust, he may offer a woman to him so that he does not abandon his mendicant life. (80) 62. Even the body of a kevalin can cause destruction of beings. (80) 63. When Mahavira died, the gods gathered together and worshipped his jawbone30. (81) 64. At the janma-kalyanaka of Mahavira, he shook Mount Meru (with his toe). (81) 65. There are only fourteen dreams, not sixteen (as the Digambaras hold), that foretell the birth of a Tirthankara31. (81) 66. Gangadevi lived for fifty-five thousand years. (82) 67. Cakravarti Bharata merely followed the ways of the world (i.e., he was unattached like a monk while still ruling his kingdom). (82) 68. There are not ninety-six bhogabhumis. (83) 69. There is no fault in taking water from a leather bag. (83) 70. There is no fault in taking a meal prepared with ghee kept in a leather bag. (83) 71. There is no fault in eating food that has become stale. (83) 72. There is no fault in eating a whole (sare ?) fruit. (83) 73. The goddess Nilanjana did not dance in front of Rsabha to make him renounce the world (doubtful reading). (84) 74. Vardhamana resolved while still in the womb of his mother that he would not renounce the world as long as his parents were alive32. (84)

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Hemaraj Pande's Caurasi Bol 75. Bahubali was born as a twin (yugala) (doubtful reading of lines 4 and 5). (84) 381 76. Nabhi and Marudevi were twins (yugala) and Rsabha was born to them. (85) 77. All yugalas have impurities in their bodies. (85) 78. All salaka-purusas (included in the list of sixty-three) have nihara (they respond to the calls of nature). (85) 79. There are not one hundred Indras, but only sixty-four Indras. (86) 80. There are only twelve abodes of heaven, and not more. (86) 81. The Yadavas, although they followed the path of the Jinas, partook of meat. (86) 82. A human being can go beyond the mountain called Manusottara. (86) 83. There are not twenty-four kamadevas. (86) 84. In the nine uppermost heavens, there is no minimum age limit (i.e., they all have the same age ?) [The last line of verse 87 is missing. The meaning of the third line is not clear.] (87) Concluding verses : These are the eighty-four points [corresponding, that is, leading to rebirth in] eighty-four hundred thousand yonis. Those who believe in these indeed are sporting in the ocean of samsara. (88) In the city of Agra, there lives the wise and learned Kaurapal. For his sake Kavi Hema composed this poem. (89) I have not composed this work with any grudge [against the Svetambaras] nor have I done this just to support my own view. This is a preaching consisting of truth. May it make good people happy. (90) May these words of mine, which reveal the truth, illuminate the hearts of all. May they tear the cover of darkness in the form of doubt. Let there be an increase of knowledge and happiness. (91) Thus ends the Caurasi Bol, the Eighty-Four Points of Controversy.

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382 Padmanabh S. Jaini Jambu-jyoti I give below a list of the items found in Upadhyaya Yasovijayji's [Dikpata] Caurasi Bol (Pratyukti] based on the headlines appearing in the Gurjara Sahitya Sangraha, vol. 1, pp. 572-597. (Numbers at the end refer to verses.) Introductory verses give an account of the origin of the Digambara sect in Vira-nirvana samvat 609, as narrated in the story of a muni called Sahasamalla, a disciple of acarya Krsna. (1-17). 1. The [Svetambarallist of the eighteen defects (dosa) that are not found in a Kevalin differs from that of the Digambaras. (18-19) 2. The Kevalin does eat food by morsel (kevali-bhukti). (20-23) 3. The Tirthankara's body has the same seven components (sapta-dhatus) as any other human being. (20-23) 4. The Kevalin is subject to 11 kinds of hardships (parisahas). (24-33) 5. The Kevalin's speech consists of articulated words. (34) 6. All salaka-purusas have nihara. (35-37) 7. Human beings may go outside the boundary of the Manusottara Mountain. (38-39) 8. Cakravarti Bharata attained kevalajnana while still in the state of a householder. (40-42) 9. Moksa is possible even of those possessing non-Jain mendicant insignia (anyalinga-mukti). (43) 10. It is possible for a woman, for example Malli-kumari, to attain moksa (strimukti). (44-47) 11. Even after becoming a kevalin, Bahubali greeted respectfully (vinaya) Jina Rsabha. (48) 12. Tirthankaras do indeed give gifts of wealth for an entire year prior to their renunciation. (48) 13. Kapila, a kevalin, danced (in order to convert five hundred thieves to the holy path of mendicancy as narrated in his story, and hence there is no fault in it]. (48)

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Hemaraj Pande's Caurasi Bol 14. Malli and Nemi were the only two Jinas who did not marry. (49) 15. Draupadi did marry all the five Pandava brothers. (50) 16. A muni should collect alms by going from house to house (and not take his meal standing in one house as is the custom among the Digambaras). (50) 383 17. It is proper to worship an image of a Jina with items such as musk (kasturi), etc. (51) 18. A naked image of a Jina is not auspicious; it is proper to worship an image of a Jina with ornaments. (52-53) 19. A Jina's nudity is not visible to anyone as Indra places an ambara (a piece of cloth) on his shoulder. (54) 20. The ganadhara Gautama did honor a parivrajaka, a mendicant of a non-Jaina order, for the sake of dharma. (55) 21. It is proper to make a sthapana of a Jaina monk (guru) in his absence similar to the image of a Jina. (56-57) 22. Satrunjaya is a holy place (tirtha). [This item is missing in the Digambara list.](58) 23. A Jain monk may give initiation (diksa) and even preach a sermon (both of which are auspicious activities) while still maintaining the suddha-upayoga. (59-63) 24. Vasudeva (father of Krsna) had seventy-two thousands wives (i.e., more than a cakravarti. This is similar to Bahubali being stronger than Bharata). (64-65) 25. Jamali was the son-in-law of Jina Mahavira and he did start a wrong view (kumata, i.e., a nihnava). (66) 26. A disciple of Candarudracarya attained kevalajnana (while he was carrying his sick teacher on his shoulders). (67) 27. The vyavahara naya is as important as the niscaya naya. (68-76) 28. The dravyarthika and the paryayarthika nayas are equally important. (77-87)

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384 Padmanabh S. Jaini Jambu-jyoti 29. Time (kala) is not a dravya. (88-92) 30. Mahavira shook Mount Meru (with his toe) at the time of his janmakalyanaka. (93-94) 31. The ganadhara of Jina Munisuvrata was not a horse, contrary to what the Digambaras have alleged. (The true story is that a horse, a friend of the Jina in a former life, at the time of his death, received the teachings from him. He was reborn in heaven and he established an image of that Jina at Bhrgukaccha. That place came to be called Asvaavabodha). (95 102) 32. The panca namaskara mantra consists of sixty-eight syllables. (This item is not found in the Digambara list.] (103-107) 33. The Tirthankara teaches in Ardhamagadhi. (108-109) 34. In the heavens the gods worship the jawbone of the Tirthankaras. (110) 35. One can attain moksa even if born in low families. (111-114) 36. There was the transfer of the embryo of Mahavira. (115) 37. The transfer of embryo does not result in Mahavira having two fathers. (116-121) 38. Bahubali having attained kevalajnana performed circumambulation (pradaksina) to the Jina Rsabha, a proper thing to do. (122-123) 39. Mahavira sneezed. (124) 40. The bringing of the yugaliyas to Mathura from Harivarsa to establish the Harivamsa is a form of achera. Such things do happen once in a while in the infinite time cycle. (125-129) 41. Camara arrived in the heavenly abode called Saudharma. (130) 42. Mahavira did wander in the non-aryan regions. (131) 43. Gods may have sexual relations with human females. (131) 44. The first preaching of Mahavira took place soon after his attaining kevalajnana--and not after a silence of sixty-six days as believed by the Digambaras. (132-136)

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Hemaraj Pande's Caurasi Bol 385 45. The mother of a Tirthankara witnesses only fourteen dreams-not sixteen as believed by the Digambaras. (137) 46. The thirty-four atisayas of a Tirthankara are correct as they are listed by the Svetambaras. (The Digambaras are wrong in including "absence of hunger" as an atisaya.) (138) 47. There is nothing wrong with taking water stored in a leather bag. (139) 48. It is not improper for a monk to receive food prepared from ghee that has been stored in a leather bag. (139) 49. Marudevi and Nabhi were twin brother and sister from whom Jina Rsabha was born. There is nothing improper in this considering the time when it took place. (140-141) 50. It is proper for a sadhu to keep patras for collecting food and water, clothes, and other requisites (upakaranas). (142-155) 51. The Jaina Agamas are indeed still in existence (a fact disputed by the Digambaras). (156-157) Concluding verses : Hemaraj Pande has composed Eighty-four Points (Caurasi Bol). Accordingly, we also have refuted them in this spoken language (bhasa). There are in the words of Digambaras a hundred more faults, but why waste time on them ? (158-159) A learned person has faith in that which is truthful, while a fool delights in falsehood. But if he were to trust only the true words and keep the company of saints, he would surely enjoy unbroken happiness. Thus says the Vacaka (i.e., Upadhyaya) Jasa (i.e., Yasovijaya). (160-161) I give below a copy of the manuscript of Caurasi Bol (by Hemaraja Pande) described above without any emendations as only a single manuscript was available for this edition. Doubtful readings are indicated by (?).

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386 Padmanabh S. Jaini Jambu-jyoti caurAsI bola (1) OM namaH siddhebhyaH / chappaya chanda sunaya poSa hata doSa mokSa mukha ziva pada dAyaka guNa maNi koSa sughoSa roSahara toSa vidhaayk| eka anaMta sarUpa santa vandita abhinandita nija subhAva parabhAva bhAva bhAsei amaMdita / / avidita caritra vilasita amita sarva milita avilipta tana / avicalita kalita nija rasa lalita jaya jina vidalita kalilaghana // 1 // ikatIsA savaiyA nAtha hima bhUdhara se nikasi ganeza citta bhUpari utArI ziva sAgara lau dhAI hai| paramata vAda marayAda kUla unmUli anukUla mAraga subhAya Dhari AI hai| budha haMsa sei pApamala kauM vidhvaMsa karai suravaMza sumati vikAsi varadAI hai| sapata abhaMga bhaMga uThai hai taraMga jAmaiM aisI vAnI gaMga saravaMga aMga gAI hai||2|| dohA setaMbara mata kI sunI jinate hai marajAda / milahi digaMbara syoM nahIM je caurAsI bAda // 3 // tinha kI kachu saMchepatA kahie Agama jaani| paDhata sunata jinike miTai saMsai mata pahicAni // 4 // saMsaya mata maiM aura hai aganita kalapita baat| kauna kathA tinha kI kahai kahie jagatavikhyAta / / 5 / / caupAI jagata rIti sauje na milAhI, kahe achere jinamatamAhI / jAmai kathA kahI bahuterI, saMsaya upajAvana bhava berI // 6 // tA setaMbara mata cAle, saMsayamatI jAni nirabale bhadrabAhu svAmI ke bArai, bAraha varasa kAla huvasArai / / 7 / /

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Hemaraj Pande's Caurasi Bol doharA - tahAM bhayo inako aMkurau, krama krama baDhata baDhata huvapUrau / kahavati kauM yaha jaina kahAvai, bhojana savisa nAma jyauM pAvai // 8 // jo nara nAMhi vastu kA khojI, so na sumata amRtarasa bhojI / aMtaradRSTi hoi ghaTa jAkai, bhedabuddhi parakAsai tAkai // 9 // AkadumdhU ara godugdha, inameM baDau viveka / eka ghaTAvai diSTi kau, teja baDhAvai eka // 10 // kahA bhayau jau pIta hai, pItala kanaka na hoi / paragaTa karai nidagdha lakhi, mugadha na jAnai soi // 11 // kahata yathAratha so lakhai, jAkai hoi sudiSTi / kahA lakhai ravi kai udaya, jo nara aMdha nikiSTi // 12 // sunai kachu hota nahi, jAkai ghaTa parakAsa / soi nara nija akSa sauM, lakhai sulakSa vilAsa // 13 // jauM kaThora pASAna pari, varasai mUsaladhAra / tau bhI megha na kari sakai, komalatA gunasAra || 14 || tAvata jyauM pragaTa karai, agani sudarba kudarvva / tyahI budha sata asata kA, bheda karatu hai sarva // 15 // bhUsi uThatu svAna jyauM, durjana suni suni bAta / tabhI satyAratha kahai sudhI sadA avadAta // 16 // kahA karai savitA pitA, sabahI kauM sukha dei / AdhAsIsI yukta nara, so dukha sahaja lahei // 17 // yathAratha kalpita hai, je nara aMdha kubuddhi / baMdhana kari bhava vana bhamahi, lahahi na kabahu na suddhi // 18 // vItarAga dUSanarahita, bhUSana bhUkula (?) jaas| jisa jaga bhUSana deva kai, kahahi ahAra garAsa ||19|| savayA ikatIsA - kevalI AhAra karai mAnata hI lAgatu hai dUSana aThArai mahApramAda mohiyai / mohakarma nAsa kAri bIraja anaMta dhArI tAhi bhUkha lage aise kahatana sohiyai // bhuMjata anaMta sukha bhojana sau kauna kA 387

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388 Padmanabh S. Jaini Jambu-jyoti Aditake vaMde kahIM kahA dIpa vohiyai / kAhU parakAra Isa kauna kabala AhAra je kahe hai tinhakai jagyo hai pA[pa] kahiye / / 20 / / mohanI karama nAsai vedanI ko bala nAsai visa ke vinAsai jyauM bhujaMgama kI hInatA / iMdrini ke gyAna sau na sukha dukha vedai jahA~ vedanI ko svAda vedai iMdrIyI adhInatA / / AtamIka aMtara anaMta sukha vedai jahA~ bAhira niraMtara hai sAtA kI achInatA / tahAM bhUkha Adika asAtA kahA bala karai visa kaNikA na karai sAgara malInatA // 21 // deva mAnasI kahI ahAra se tRpati hoi nArakIka jIvani kauM karma kauM ahAra hai| nara tiryaMca kaiM pragaTa kavalA AhAra eka iMdrI dhAraka ke lepa ko AdhAra hai / / aMDe kI viradhi hoi ojAhAra sevana tai paMkhI ura USamA tai tAkI baDhavAra hai| nokarmavarganA ko kevalI kai hai AhAra thitikAraka hai jo na savikAra hai / / 22 / / doharA aura jIva ko lagata nahi, tanapoSaka sukhdaai| samaya samaya jagadIpa kauM, lageM varaganA Ai // 23 // chapaya kSudhA triSA bhaya doSa roga jara maraNajanama mada moha kheda paraseda nIda vismaya ciMtA gada rati viSAda / e doSa nahi aSTadaza jAkai kevalagyAna anaMta darasana sukha vIraja tAkai nahi sapata dhAtu / / saba mala rahita paramaudArika tana sahita aMtara anaMta sukha rasa sarasa so jinesa munipati sahita / / 24 // doharA jihAM AhAra banai nahIM, tahAM kayauM hoi nihAra / paragaTa dUSana dekhi yai, isamai kauna vicAra // 25 // kalapi vikalapI kahatu hai, aura doSa vikarAla / nirmala kevalinAtha ke. hai nihAra malajAla // 26 / /

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Hemaraj Pande's Caurasi Bol 389 caupai jau muni tapavI riddhi ke dhArI, gahata ahAra te na nIhArI / kyauM kari sakala jagata ke svAmI, karai nihAra amalapadagAmI / / 27|| doharA jAkai dekhi miTai vikaTa ghora upadrava vrg| doSa hoi tAkauM kahai roga aura upasarga / / 28 / / savaiyA ikatIsA kahai kou krodha sAlA (?) huvau hai gosAlA muni tinitejojvAlamAlA choDI prjltii| vIrake samosaraNi dAhe jina doi muni tAkI jhAla svAmIhU ko pahucI uchalatI // tahAM bhayo upasarga nAhI uSamA tai phiri udara kI vyAdhi lai Amalo prajvalatI / paragaTa doSa jAMni tajai ausau saradhAna jJAnavAna jinikai sujoti jagI balatI / / 29 / / doharA janamata hI mati zruti avadhi, tIna gyAna ghaTa jAsa / kahai paDhyau vaTa sAla soM, vardhamAna gunavAsa // 30 // kahai aura sitavAsa saba (?) jaba jina hoi virAga / eka varasa lau dAna de, aMta karai gharatyAga // 31 // jina vairAga dasA dharata, tyAga saba para bhAva / kahA jAni Apanau karoM, pAchai dAna batAva // 32 / / dharai digaMbara dasA jina, pAchai aMbara Ani / iMdra dharai jinakaMdhapari, yaha saMsayamati mAni // 33 / / caupai ganadhara vinA vIra kI dhanI niphala, khirI na kAhU maanii| samakitavrata kA bhayA na dhArI, kou tahAM kahai savikArI // 34|| doharA kai na khirai jau khira, tau hoi saphala thkiik| khirai phalavinA je kahai, tinakI vAta alIka // 35 / / aDilla lokanAtha so jinavara jAkauM pUta hai, tisa mAtA syau kahai aura parasUta hai| adinAtha ko pragaTa kahatu hai jugalIyA, tinahIMkauM phiri kahai bhae te patitiyA // 36 / /

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390 Padmanabh S. Jaini Jambu-jyoti caupai kahai jugalIyA kou muMvau tAkI tiyana raMDApau huvau / soI riSabhadeva ghari AnI, bhaI sunaMdA dUjI rAnI // 37 // soraThA karai na niMdita kAja jo samAnika hoi jana / kyauM kari zrI jinarAja karai akAraja vidhikarana // 38 // kahai kou kahai kou riSabha thau vipra tisUM devAnanda tiya tA gabhi jina vIra utaryo / dina asI tinila (?) basyau tihAM taba iMdra samaryo hIna jAti duja kula viSai mahApuruSa avatAra jogi nAMhi tAtai karauM aura garabha saMcAra // 39 // soraThA kIyau indra Adesa hiranagaveSI devko| kIdhau tAsa paravesa trisalA ke tini garbhameM // 40 // caupai pahilai garbha kyoM na hari lInau, AsI dina bItai kyoM kiinau| pahilai kahA jAnai hau nAhI, kahau vicAri dhAri manamAMhIM // 41 // aDila dija gharavAsi siddhAratha ghara jaba sNcriu| garabha kalyAnaka kahau kahAM jina ko karyo / / jau duja ghari tau haui hInatA isakI siddhAratha ghari kIyA na banai hadIsa kI // 42 / / jau donau ghari tau kalyAnaka chaha ganau / jau donau kai nAhi tucha pau~ hIlanau / sIlabhaMga tau hoi jinezvaramAta kA jAtai vIraja nAMhi siddhAratha tAta kA // 43 // caupai jahAM bAta kA nAMhi niberI(rA), tahAM kalapi kari kahai acheraa| aisI bAnI mUDha bakhAnai, darasana mohe lIna saradyAnai // 44 / / doharA paMca kumAra jinesa hai satyAratha mata mAMhi / malli nemi ei kumara kahai doi aru nAMhi // 45|| tIrthakara jina kauM namai sAmAnika jina hoi / kahai bAhubali kevalI nayau(myau) riSabha ke pAi // 46 / /

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Hemaraj Pande's Caurasi Bol 391 savaiyA ikatIsA arihaMta pada vaMdi vaMdaka sarUpa merau, aise bhAva paramAda gunatAi bahe hai| sAtamI dharAtai Agai AtamIka rasa jAgai, tahAM vaMdyavaMdaka vibhAva nAMhI rahe hai| sAdhakadasA mai jahAM bAdhaka hai aise bhAva, tahAM jina jina vaMdai maMda kaisai kahai hai| pUrana sarUpadhArI vItarAga avikArI, vaMdanIka ekai mAMnI gyAnI saradahai hai // 47 // savaiyA teIsA kevalagyAnaviSai jinavIra kahai anajAna acAnaka chiiNkyau| so na banai taba chIMka uThai jaba vAta kaphAmaya pitta jIkau / / dhAtu vivarjita nirmala i(I) sa sarIraviSai nahI roga ratI ko| chIka kalaMka aDaMkita aMkita suddha dasA tahi doSa nahIM kau // 48 // aDilla tiradaMDI tApasI kulaMgI bhesa racai Avata suni jina vIranAtha upadesayau(?) / gautama svAmI ganadhara vrata dharai jaina kauM vAkI sanamukha gayau bhavAti sauM lenakau // 49 / / doharA avirata samyakadarasanI, karai na kumatI mana / kyoM kari ganadhara pUjya pada, karai subha gati vidhAna / / 50 / / jAkI solahasvarga teM Agai nAhI gamya / tisa nArI ko yau kahai ramyai(?) mokSapada ramya // 5 // savaiyA ikatIsA jAkai saba maladvAra dhAre hai nigoda bhA(?)ra kabahUM na avikAra hiMsA tai rahatu hai| sithila subhAva lie parapaMca saba kie lAja kau samAja(?) dharai aMbara bahuta hai / chaTThA gunathAMna nAMhi thiratA na dhyAna mAhi mAsa mAsa ritu tAhi saMkatA lahatu hai| jagata vilaMbinI kauM hInadasA laMbinI kau yAta hI nitaMbinI ko mokha na kahatu hai // 52 / /

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392 doharA -- caupar3a doharA - caupar3a doharA - Padmanabh S. Jaini mukati kAminI kau ramai na kAmini x x x x x x hoi (?) paragaTa hI dekha // 53 // samayavirodhI dekhIyai paragaTa cita na vicAra / mallinAtha jina kau kahai mallikumAri nAri // 54 // aDilla - svargabhUmi pAtAlaloka mai dekhiyau, nArI nAyaka sunau kahUM na viseSiyai / jagatabaMdhu arihaMta devapada kau dherai, para adhIna jo hIna niMda pada Acarai // 55 // jauM nArI kauM janapada mAnau tau tAkI pratimA kari jAnau / puruSa AkAra eka hI baMdau, nArIrUpa kyauM na abhinaMdau // 56 // jau nitaMbinI bana sohai, kucarUpAdika maMDita ho hai / tau lajjA kari kAminI rUpI, kyauM kari jinavara hohi anUkhI // 57 // jAke darasata parasata rAgAdika miTi jAi / tisa nararUpI Isa kauM vaMdau sIsa navAi // 58 // kahai yugala harikheta nivAsI, kAhU deva hayauM savilAsI / pUraba baira jAni dukha dInau, avagAhana kari chAyau kInau // 59 // soi bharatakhaMDa phiri Anyau, mathurAnagara rAja de mAnyau / pApI kari tini mAMsa khavAyau, naraka nagara ke paMtha calAyau // 60 // tisake kuli harivaMsa bakhAnai, satyAratha upadesa na mAnai / jugala sarva hI suragatigAmI, naraka na sevahi tiriyu (?) pariNAmI // 61 // doi kosa kI tisakI kAyA, sura kyauM kari laghu rUpa bnaayaa| jau tuma Isahi acherA mAnau tau bhI nAhi banai mani Anau // 62 // kAla anaMta anaMta gae tai, eka eka hI yugala gahe tai / saba harikheta bhUmi kA khAlI, vhaikai miTai jugala paranAlI ||63 // saba gaNatI ke yugala hai ghaTe baDhai nahIM koi / maraNakAla hI jugala kaiM Ai yugalIyA hoI // 64 // rAkhata caudaha upakaraNa muni kau nAhI doSa / parigrahatyAgadasA viSai karihi parigraha poSa // 65 // Jambu-jyoti

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Hemaraj Pande's Caurasi Bol 393 jahiM paramANu samAna nahi parigraha graha ko sNc| tahAM kahau kyoM kari banai vastrAdika parapaMca // 66 // savaiyA ikatIsA kAla pAya maile hoi AsA hoi dhovana kI dhoyeM nAsai saMsaya meM aura bhavisa tAre(?) hai| nAsa bhaye mAMgane ko trAsa hoi nAsane ke DarateM sudhyAna viSai thiratA visAre hai| deha duti maMDana hai brahmacarya khaMDana hai jinaliMga laMDana hai tAtai paTa DArai hai| saMvara dharanahAra aMbara se avikAra hoi ko niraMbara digaMbara hI dhArai hai // 67 / / doharA samayAdika parajAya kau kAla haraSaM(?) samujhAhi / kAla aNU jANai nahI te asaMkhya jagamAhi // 68 / / chappaya kAla aNU jau nAhi samaya tau hoi kaho te suthira / vastuvina nAMhi nAsa utapatti tahAtai asana(?) janama / / jai hoiho uSara(?) -zrama jagata meM vRddhi hou paradhAna(?) / aura kSaNabhaMguramata mai nahi sadhai vastu sImA citra(?) / prala[ya] janama nAsa thirabhAva binA thiratA nimitta / samayAdi kI kAla aNa jagi kahahi jina // 69 // savaiyA ikatIsA mAnai jo munisuvrata kau ganadhara ghaurau bhayau kAhU kAja ke nimitta mAMsa muni gahe hai| ghari ghari vihari anna mAMgi mAMgi kahai muni thAna Ani bhojana ko lahai hai| nijamataniMdaka kau Thaura mArai pApa nahI nirdaya subhAva dhari kAhU kI na sahai hai| sAcI vAta jhUThI kahai vastu ko na bheda lahai haTha rIti gahai rahai mithyA vAta kahe hai // 70 // bharata nai brAhmI bahani kahai nArI kInI mahAsatI doSa lAi bhavavAsa cahai hai| grahavAsa vasatai hI kevalI bharata bhayau ArasIkai maMdira meM mAni niravahe hai /

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394 Padmanabh S. Jaini Jambu-jyoti draupadI satI kau kahai bhai paMca bharatArI aMdhabaMdha bhArIkari saMkaTa mai phahai hai / / sAcI vAta jhUThI kahai vastu ko na bheda lahai haTha rIti gahi rahai mithyAvAta kahai hai // 71 / / kou muni kaMdha pari paMtha mai guru kau lie caleM jAta kevalI bhayo hai sarahai hai| kahai hai jamAi vIranAtha ko jamAlI nAmA vIra hai kumArau suni larane kau khahai hai / / kabaka dhravaka kari kevalI kapila nAcau mUrakha rijhAvane ko aisI mAni rahai hai| sAMcI vAta jhUThI kahai vastu ko na [bheda] lahai haTha rIti gahi rahai mithyAvAta kahai hai // 72 // chapaya kahai bahuttari sahasa bhai vasudeva badhUgana dhanuSa paMca sai ucca bAhubali kahihi dharyo tana / sUdrajAti ghari asana karata muni doSa na pAvai devamanuSyaNI bhoga bhogavai hi surata vadhAvai(?) // eka garabha mAMhi sulasA dharai suta battIsa bane nahi(?) pahilai tripiSTa vasudeva kI nAnati(?) utapati mAnahi // 73 / / mAnai vIra vihAra anAraja desa bhUmi para kahihi malecha caturthakAla sAre huye(?) bhari(?) / devaloka tai cAri kosa kau kahi avadhArai prANa jAta vratabhaMga karata nahi pApa vicArai / / upavAsa mAMhi oSadha labhata vratI na dhArai doSa mala causaThi hajAra nArI rAkhai cakravati dhari tana navala(?) ||74 // samosaraNa jina nagana nAMhi dIsai paravAnaiM(?) avikra tana(?) nabhavastra rAga kArana srdhaanhi| lAThI rAkha jatI kahe aru karNa vadhAvahi(?) jaga(gaja) upari hI mugati gai marudevi batAvahi / / nArI agamya duradhara kaThina paMca mahAvrata paga dhrhi| na hi lahahi doSabalahIna muni vAravAra bhojana karahi / / 75 / / gItA chanda daravitta ki kriyA bina bhAvaliMga gRhastha kevala pada dhare / caMDAlAdika jAti tahi muni mukati tanava(?) basi krai|| AbharNa sahita jinesapratimA rAgakAraNa maante| anamila bakhAnahi aura mAnahi kalapanA saradhAna te // 76 / /

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Hemaraj Pande's Caurasi Bol dohA - aDilla sAbharaNa basana mugati cAhai mAni parigraha haTha ghai| ravi caMda maMDala mUla AyA vIra vaMdana kau kahai // sAsutI gati marajAda mehi sUra sasi kI jAnate / anamila bakhAnahi aura mAnahi kalapanA saradhAna tai // 77 // dUSana aThAraha mAhi badalai kahai aura savArikai / cautIsa atisaya badala keI gahahi aura vicArikai // jinima (?) tai vinAsI sauM (?) larahi muni doSa raMca na bAnatai (?) anamila bakhAnahi aura mAnahi kalapanA saradhAna tai // 78 // sodharama surapati jItane kau camara vitarapati gayau / tasu vajradaNDa vilAsa paMDita kahihi vIra sarani bhayau // kara pUSata(?) mari gayai na khirai yugala tanu paravAna tai| anamila bakhAnahi aura mAnahi kalapanA saradhAna hai // 79 // nirabAna hota jinesa kAyA khirai dAmini bata hI / vara nAri de thira karai zrAvaka dekhi kAmI muni kahI // kevalI tanu tai jIvabadha hai kahai mata madapAna tai| anamila bakhAnahi aura mAnahi kalapanA saradhAna tai // 80 // sura mile jina dADha pUjahi iMdra jina jaba siva gamai / jina vIra meru acala calayauM janama kalyAnaka samai // jinajanama sUcaka supana caudaha aura nahI mana Ana taiM I anamila bakhAnahi aura mAnai kalapanA saradhAna tai // 81 // gaMgA debI syau hai pacapanna varSa hajjAra / cakravarti bharatesa nai kiyo loga vyavahAra // 82 // bhogabhUmi chAnavai na ganahi uchedi kai, carma nIra mai doSa na lAgai vedi kai / ghRta kari sAdhita vAsI bhojana letu hai, sAre phala kau bhuMjata doSa na detu hai // 83 // savayA ikatIsA - riSabha virAgatA nimitta nIlaMjanA nRtya mAnai nahI deva devI kI (?) kInI vidhAna kI / mAtA pitA jIvataiM virAgatA kauM nAhi dharai vIra vardhamAna ausI garbhavAsa Ana kI // bAhUbala kau kahai ki yugala sarUpadhArI hADa pUjai kauDe (?) thApi kahai parivAna kI ( ? ) / nAbhi marudevI kaiM jugala dharama mAnatu hai / tinahItai jina utapatti saradhAna kI // 84 // 395

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396 Padmanabh S. Jaini Jambu-jyoti caupai hohi jugalIyA saba maladhArI, kahai salAkA puruSa nihaarii| causaThi indra na adhike jAne, bAraha devaloka hI mAnai / / 85 / / je jAdau (=yAdava) jina mAraga pakSI, tinako kahai mAMsa ke bhkssii| manuja mAnuSottara ke Agai, jAhai kahai na dUSana lAgai // 86 / / roDaka kahai nAhI nAhI kAma cauvIsa aru navai navottare laghu samudra mAMna naahii| airApati nara taji kheta eka soM sAThi mAMhI [one line missing?- -[87] / / caurAsI lakha joni hai e caurAsI bol| jai mAnai te mAni hai bhavasAgara kallola // 88 / / dohA nagara-AgarA maiM vasai kaurapAla sagyAna / tisa nimitta kavi haima nai kiryai kavitta paravAMna / / 89 / / doSa bhAva dhari nahiM kiyo, kiyo na nija mata poss| satyAratha upadesa yaha, karyo sujana saMtoSa / / 90 // satyAratha vAnI pragaTa, ghaTaghaTa karau udot| saMyama(saMsaya) timira paTa[la] phaTau, baDhyau gyAna sukha hota // 11 // iti caturAsItirvAdaH sarva pAkhaMDa... iti caurAsI bola samAptaH / / / likhataM svAmI veNIdAsa avaraMgAvAda mahi saMvat 1723 posa sudi paMcamI / yaha pothI kA patra 9 aMka patra nava chai| yA pothI sAha jo x x x x x x vAkI chai / / graMthAgraMtha saMkhyA ||....||mukaam sAMgAnaira mdhye|| Annotations : 1. Jain Satya Prakasa, vol. 21. I would like to thank Dr. John Cort for providing me with a copy of this article. 2. Kasturchand Kasliwal, ed., Rajasthan ke Jain Sastra Bhandarom ki Grantha-suci, ___Jaipur 1957, part 2, entry # 320. 3. Pravacanasara of Kundakunda, ed. A. N. Upadhye, Rajacandra Jaina Sastramala, Agas 1964, pp. 105-106.

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Hemaraj Pande's Caurasu Bol 397 4. Kasturchand Kasliwal, Kavivar Bulakhichand Bulakidas, evam Hemaraj, Sri Mahavira Grantha Akadami, Jaipur 1983, pp. 205-228. 5. Strinirvana-Kevalibhuktiprakarane of Sakatayana, ed. Muni Jambuvijayji, Jaina Atmananda Sabha, Bhavnagar 1974. * 6. Paul Dundas, "Food and Freedom : The Jaina Sectarian Debate on the Nature of the Kevalin." Religion, vol. 15, London 1985, pp. 161-198. See also P. S. Jaini, "Kevalibhuktivicara of Bhavasena : Text and Translation," Researches in Indian and Buddhist Philosophy : Essays in Honour of Professor Alex Wayman, ed. R. K. Sharma, Delhi 1993, pp. 163-178. 7. P. S. Jaini, Gender and Salvation : Jaina Debates on the Spiritual Liberation of Women, Berkeley 1991. 8. It may be noted here that Upadhyaya Meghavijaya (of the Tapagaccha, c. 1653 1704), a contemporary of Upadhyaya Yasovijaya, in his Sanskrit Yuktiprabodha Svopajna-vytti has also responded to the eighty-four points raised against the Svetambaras by Hemaraj. This work appears not to have come to the attention of Professor Hiralal Kapadia. Hiralal Kapadiya, Gurjara Sahitya Sangraha, part 1, 1936, pp. 572-597. An earlier edition of this appears in Sri Prakarana-ratnakara, Nirnayasagara Press 1903, part 1, pp. 566-574. navyAzAmbarA vArANasIyAH zvetAmbaragItArthebhyo vyAkhyAnaM zrRNvanto'nyajanasya tacchAsanazraddhAvibhaMgAya caturazItiM jalpAn...cakuH, tanibandho'pi kavitvarItyA hemarAjapaNDitena nibaddhaH / (p. 172 ff., published by Rishabhadeva Kesharimal Svetambara Samstha, Ratlam, 1928). 9. Helen M. Johnson, trans., Trisastisalakapurusacaritra, 6 vols., Oriental Institute of Baroda 1931-1962, vol. 6, p. 227. Henceforth TSPC. 10. TSPC, vol. 6, p. 33. In fact, however, according to Hemacandra, the Jina teaches grammar to Indra. 11. TSPC, vol. 6, p. 37. 12. TSPC, vol. 6, p. 38. 13. TSPC, vol. 6, p. 125. 14. TSPC, vol. 6, p. 127. 15. TSPC, vol. 6, p. 25. 16. TSPC, vol. 6, p. 38-40. 17. TSPC, vol. 6, p. 26.

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398 30. TSPC, vol. 6, p. 352. 31. TSPC, vol. 6, p. 29. 32. TSPC, vol. 6, p. 28. Padmanabh S. Jaini 18. TSPC, vol. 1, p. 326. 19. For the Digambara version of this story, see Harivamsa Purana of Jinasena, ed. Pannalal Jain, Delhi 1962, sarga 15, pp. 230-235. 20. TSPC, vol. 4, p. 86. 21. TSPC, vol. 1, pp. 376-378. 22. TSPC, vol. 6, pp. 34-36. 23. TSPC, vol. 6. pp. 193-195. 24. TSPC, vol. 6, p. 299. 25. TSPC, vol. 6, pp. 142-143. 26. TSPC, vol. 6, p. 10. He was born to an incestuous marriage of a king to his daughter. 27. TSPC, vol. 6, p. 84. 28. TSPC, vol. 1, p. 197. 29. TSPC, vol. 6, pp. 106-109. mmm Jambu-jyoti

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How Jains Know What They Know : A Lay Jain Curriculum John E. Cort In a fieldwork entry dating from 1985, the late Kendall W. Folkert gave a list of what he called "lay readings' according to Muniji." At the time Folkert was researching the Svetambara Jain scriptural canon with an eye to understanding it from a performative perspective. He sought to understand the Svetambara canon as it is shaped or vectored by actual ritual performance (in this case pratikramana), rather than by any abstract theoretical framework'. Folkert had obviously asked Muni Jambuvijayji, with whom he was studying as part of this research, what Muniji thought would make up a lay Svetambara Murtipujaka Jain canon. The lay canon listed by Muni Jambuvijayji is not shaped exclusively by ritual performance, but rather is a reading list that would tell a lay Jain what he or she needs to know, both to perform a number of key Jain rituals and to understand the cosmological, theological, and philosophical assumptions that underlie those rituals. What is immediately noticeable about this list is that it does not include many of the texts one might expect, texts found in most introductory accounts of the Jains, such as the 11 Svetambara angas. The texts on this list are not the "original canon" of early Jainism, but rather medieval textbooks designed for the systematic study of Jain doctrines and practices in their developed and mature forms. Most of the texts on this list are missing from almost all overviews of Jainism in any language, even the excellent recent English ones of Jaini (1979) and Dundas (1992). The list is as follows: 1. Panca Pratikramana (= vernacular for avasyaka) II. Nine Smaranas (poems used as mantras)

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400 III. Four Prakaranas John E. Cort 1. Jivavicara of Santisuri 2. Navatattva 3. Dandaka (24 kinds of jivas) 4. Sangrahani (slokas by Haribhadra on geography and astronomy) IV. Tribhasyas by Devendrasuri 1. Caityavandana 2. Guruvandana 3. Paccakkhana (fasting, vows, not sallekhana) V. Six Karmagranthas VI. Two Brhadsangrahanis 1. Maladhari Candrasuri (most read) 2. Jinabhadra Jambu-jyoti VII. Two Brhadsetrasamasas (different authors) VIII. Tattvarthadhigamasutra There is no evidence that Folkert followed up on this list, except for his unfinished research on pratikramana. In this essay I will fill in that gap, by surveying why it is that a respected Jain monk-intellectual might present this as a curriculum for lay Jain study. This list forms what in another. context I have termed a "Canon-near", in contrast to the usual sets of texts studied by scholars of Jainism, which in some ways form "Canons-far." As I defined these two concepts, "In a Canon-near text, primacy and authority are defined by praxis and the resultant contextualized understanding, whereas in a Canon-far text primacy and authority are located in some intrinsic ontological value of the texts themselves" (Cort 1992 175). While I doubt if any but a very small number of Jain laity actually study these texts, for the list is really much closer to what one. would expect of a curriculum for either mendicants or lay pandits, it nonetheless provides us with a textual entree into Jainism that is an alternative to the usual ones of the 45 Svetambara Agamas or other such lists.

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How Jains Know What They Know: A Lay Jain Curriculum Panca Pratikramana In its narrowest form, pratikramana refers to a specific ritual in which the individual dissociates him or herself from any intention behind all karmacreating actions, and thereby seeks to minimize the karmic bondage resulting from actions. It is performed as a requirement by all mendicants twice daily, and laity are expected to perform it at least once annually, on the occasion of Paryusana (Folkert 1993: 189-211). There are five slightly varied liturgies, for use daily in the morning and evening, every fortnight, every four months, and every year. But the term also has a wider meaning, covering what is otherwise denoted by the six avasyakas or six daily rituals obligatory for all mendicants (Williams 1963 184-215, Balbir 1993). In terms of lay Jainism, this wider meaning is quite nicely summarized by Folkert (1993: 92): The Pratikramana Sutras is essentially a manual for Jain daily religious ritual, and consists of excerpts from canonical texts, rearranged into patterns for ritual recitation, plus devotional poetry and chants. This material is usually in Prakrit, the Jain classical language, but it is commonly translitered into Gujarati script [in Gujarati] so that laypeople can read and pronounce the older material. This literature is accompanied by Gujarati [or other vernacular] explanations and detailed instructions for the ritual actions that are to be performed as the Prakrit passages are read or sung. The Pratikramana material forms the major part of all the religious literature, or scripture, that the Jain layperson knows. This form of transmission is the dominant mode, and has been for the last 500 years, of "scriptural" use by Jains. 401 Printed texts of the pratikramana are readily available, and found in the houses of most Jains, as well as in large numbers in the collections of local congregations. There are both shorter editions containing the two daily pratikramana liturgies (devasia and raia), and longer editions containing all five liturgies. In addition to the pratikramana liturgies, these manuals contain the liturgies for paccakhana (Sanskrit pratyakhyana), in which one resolves to perform certain austerities in order to wear away accumulated karma and to avoid karmic influx; guruvandana, in which laity venerate mendicants; caityavandana, in which the person venerates a Jina image; samayika, a vow of meditative equanimity for a restricted

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402 John E. Cort Jambu-jyoti period; posadha, a vow of temporary mendicancy; and other ascetic rites. Some manuals also contain the texts of the Nine Smaranas (discussed below), and other hymns in Sanskrit, Prakrit and vernacular languages. Thus, like a book of common prayer or missal in orthodox Christian contexts, these manuals provide a pious Jain with all the hymns and liturgies needed for an orthoprax religious life. The Nine Smaranas The nine "remembrances" are a set of Prakrit and Sanskrit hymns in which the individual eulogizes the Jinas and the cardinal teachings of Jainism. The first of these is the Navakara Mantara (Namokkara Mangala), the nine-line universal Jain mantra in which the individual pays homage to the spiritual hierarchy of the Jinas, other liberated souls, mendicant leaders, mendicant teachers, and all other mendicants. The other eight texts are longer hymns, several with a distinctly Tantric flavor, in which the individual pays homage to a specific Jina, and thereby actualizes the salvific and world-enhancing virtues symbolized by that Jina. The five-verse Prakrit Uvasaggaharam Stotra is attributed to Bhadrabahu (5th-4th c. B. C. E.)*, who composed it to remove (hara) the obstacle (uvasagga) of plague from the Jain congregation of Ujjain by praising Parsvanatha. The 14-verse Prakrit santikaram Stotra was composed by the Tapa Gaccha Acarya Somasundarasuri (1380-1447) to remove plague from a local congregation in Mewar by praising Santinatha. The 14-verse Prakrit Tijayapahutta Stotra is attributed to Manadevasuri (c. 4th c.)+, who composed it to prevent hostile vyantara gods from causing problems for the Jain congregation in Takshashila; in it he invokes the 16 Tantric vidyadevis (see Cort 1987 : 237-40). The 24-verse Prakrit Namiuna Stotra, also known as the Bhayahara Stotra, is attributed to Manatungasuri (c. 4th c.)*; the recitation of this hymn to Parsvanatha is said to cure many kinds of disease. The 40-verse Prakrit Ajitasanti Stotra alternates verses to Ajitanatha and Santinatha; it is attributed to Nandisena Acarya, who is * c. B. C. 325-297 - Editors. + Either by Manadeva I (c. 9th cent. A. D.) or by Manadeva II (c. latter half of the 11th cent. A. D.) -- Editors. xc. 6th-7th cent. A. D. - Editors.

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How Jains Know What They Know : A Lay Jain Curriculum 403 said to have been contemporaneous with Mahavira3. The 44-verse Sanskrit Bhaktamara Stotra devoted to Adinatha is attributed to Manatungasuri, who composed it in the royal court at Banaras to win a contest of the powers of mantra-poetry to free the poet from oppression. The 44-verse Sanskrit Kalyanamandira Stotra dedicated to Parsvanatha is attributed to Siddhasena Divakara, who is said to have composed it in the first century B. C. E. in Ujjain; by reciting it he caused an image of Parsvanatha to burst forth from a siva linga, by which means he converted King Vikramaditya to Jainism*. The ninth Smarana is the Sanskrit (with some Prakrit) mixed prose and verse Brhacchanti Stotra attributed by Vadivetala Santisuri (d. 1039); it is chiefly addressed to santinatha, and invokes peace upon all beings in the cosmos. Some collections add other similar hymns to this group. These include the Atmaraksa Navakara Mantra, an 8-verse Tantric version of the Navakara Mantra in which the reciter extends it onto his own body for protection; the 19-verse Sanskrit Laghu santi Stava, attributed to Manadevasuri, who composed this hymn to santinatha to remove a cholera epidemic; and the 102-verse Sanskrit Rsimandala Stotra, attributed to Mahavira's first disciple Gautama Svami, which describes a complex Tantric mandala for invoking a large array of Jain deities in order to protect the worshippert. Many of these hymns are recited daily by Jains, both lay and mendicant. Some of them, such as the Bhaktamara Stotra, have been among the most popular of all Jain texts for centuries. Several also find a place in the pratikramana and other liturgies. Neither bhakti nor tantra have been adequately studied in their Jain contexts; we see here that both play important roles in everyday Jain practice. In most of these hymns the two * The hymn in question was composed by the Digambara poet and dialectician Kumudacandra in c. A. D. 1100-1125 - Editors. (However, see clarification on the issue of dates' by Cort in this paper under his annotation 2.) + It is a medieval composition --Editors. N. B. What John Cort described are the Navasmaranas as incorporated in the tradition of the Tapa-gaccha. Those of the Kharatara-gaccha is the Saptasmarana or seven hymnal compositions which include those by their own medieval hymnists, namely Jinavallabha suri (c. A.D. 1060-1119) and his successor Jinadatta suri.-Editors

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404 John E. Cort Jambu-jyoti are intertwined: the author's and singer's devotion to the Jina, based on samyagdarsana or correct faith in the basics of the Jain worldview, is what makes these hymns efficacious; and the Tantric power of the words themselves in these hymns, each of which is understood to be in its entirety a mantra, is what generates the worldly results. We also see in these hymns a concern not for liberation (moksa) from the rounds of rebirth, but rather a concern for improving one's wellbeing within rebirth. Four Prakaranas The four medieval Prakrit textbooks give the basic Jain teachings on metaphysics, ontology, and cosmology. They have served as the introductory texts for studying these subjects for hundreds of years. Only the more ambitious Jain intellectuals move on from these textbooks to tackle the more difficult earlier texts, both those in the Svetambara "canon" and the systematic treatments of the early Jain philosophers. The commonlyavailable editions of them are sarth or "including explanation": in addition to the Prakrit root text, they provide word-by-word Prakrit-to-vernacular glosses, Sanskrit trots, and extensive vernacular explanations, for ease of comprehension. These scholarly aids are the modern reflections of the copious medieval commentaries on many of these texts. The 51-verse Jivavicara is attributed to the same 11th century Vadivetala santisuri mentioned above, but there is not a scholarly consensus in support of this attribution (Mehta and Kapadiya 1968: 166). It provides an extensive catalogue of Jaina ontology, in particular the various forms in which unenlightened souls can embody : from single-sensed through five-sensed bodies, and in the four realms of possible rebirth of humans, heavenly beings, hellish beings, and plants and animals. Neither the author nor the date of the 30-verse Navatattva are known. This text provides a basic overview of the nine verities (tattva) that are the building blocks of Jain metaphysics : (1) sentient soul (jiva); (2) insentient nonsoul or matter (ajiva); (3) influx of karma into contact with the soul (asrava); (4) bondage of the soul by karma (bandha); (5) meritorious forms of karma (punya); (6) demeritorious forms of karma (papa); (7) blockage of this karmic influx (samvara); (8) dissociation of the soul from karma (nirjara); and (9) liberation (moksa, nirvana). There are hundreds of copies of the Navatattva in Jain manuscript libraries, and

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How Jains Know What They Know: A Lay Jain Curriculum more than half-a-dozen commentaries written between the 14th and 17th centuries (Mehta and Kapadiya 1968: 182). The Dandaka Prakarana, also known as the Vicarachattisiyasutta and the Laghusangrahani, is a 44-verse Prakrit text authored in the 16th century by Gajasara Muni (Mehta and Kapadiya 1968: 173-74), that partly overlaps in subject material with the Jivavicara. In it the author details the physical and mental qualities and abilities of living beings in the 24 possible life forms (dandaka): (1) hellish beings, (2-11) ten forms of heavenly beings, (12-16) five forms of single-sensed beings (with bodies of earth, water, fire, wind, and plant), (17-19) two-, three-, and four-sensed beings, (20) wombborn animals, (21) womb-born humans, and (22-24) vyantara, jyotisi and vaimanika deities. 405 The fourth Prakarana is the 29-verse Jambudvipa Sangrahani, also known as the Laghu Sangrahani, attributed to Haribhadrasuri, although quite likely this is not the same as the one (or two) famous Haribhadras who lived in the formative years of Svetambara philosophy. It provides an introduction to Jain geography, discussing the features and dimensions of the various lands, mountains, rivers, and other features in the middle, human-inhabited section universe. These four texts together provide the reader with a detailed portrait of the physical universe as understood according to the Jain worldview. Much of the subject matter here is rather abstruse, consisting of long lists of categories and sub-categories that can make for tiresome reading. But without a firm grasp of these aspects of the Jain physical universe, the Jain moral universe and its expression in Jain praxis cannot be adequately understood. Tribhasyas The subject of Jain praxis is the next one treated in this reading list. The Tribhasyas, also known as the Bhasyatraya, are Prakrit commentaries by Devendrasuri on three of the avasyakas, the daily rituals obligatory for all mendicants and recommended by many Jain intellectuals for the laity as well. Devendrasuri (d. 1271) was the disciple of Jagaccandrasuri, the founder of the Tapa Gaccha. It was Devendrasuri who established the intellectual foundations of the gaccha, and his texts remain central to

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406 John E. Cort Jambu-jyoti the Tapa Gaccha intellectual tradition today?. In the 63-verse Caityavandanabhasya, he explains the rite of veneration of the Jinas; in the 41-verse Guruvandanabhasya, he explains the rite of veneration of the mendicant gurus; and in the 48-verse Pratyakhtanabhasya, he explains the rite of stating one's intention to perform austerities, as well as many of the details of Jain ascetic and dietary practice. Six Karmagranthas These textbooks on Jain Karma theory are also largely the work of Devendrasuri. In a total of 304 Prakrit verses, he wrote revised versions of five of the six classical Karmagranthas. His set was therefore known also as the Navya Karmagranthas. The titles of these five, which were the same as the titles of the classical texts, are Karmavipaka, Karmastava, Bandhasvamitva, Sadasiti, and Sataka. While Devendrasuri himself wrote Sanskrit commentaries on these five texts, most modern popular editions are accompanied instead by a vernacular commentary. Most editions are also completed by the 91-verse Prakrit Saptati, the sixth of the classical Karmagranthas, attributed by Candrarsi Mahattara(r). Together these texts provide a thorough, albeit often dense, treatment of the Jain karma doctrine. Two Brhadsangrahanis These are two more texts on Jain cosmology. One is a 318-verse Prakrit text by the 12th century Candrasuri, disciple of the great commentator Hemacandrasuri Maladhari (not to be confused with his contemporary namesake Acarya Hemacandra (1089-1172], known as Kalikalasarvajna or "the omniscient one of the dark age"). The other is a 367-verse Prakrit text by Jinabhadragani Ksamasramana (c. 6th c.). Folkert's notes indicate that, according to Muni Jambuvijayji, the former is more widely read. It is certainly more widely available, as several popular editions of it have been published, whereas the latter exists only in out-of-print editions from early in the century. Two Brhadksetrasamasas These are still further cosmological texts. One is in 637 or 655 verses, and composed by the same Jinabhadragani Ksamasramana mentioned above (Mehta and Kapadiya 1968: 168-69). Folkert's notes do not indicate who the author of the second of these texts might be; Mehta and Kapadiya

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How Jains Know What They Know: A Lay Jain Curriculum (1968: 167-70) list several other texts by the same name, none of which is very widely known. Tattvarthasutra (Tattvarthadhigamasutra) The 350-verse Sanskrit Tattvarthasutra by Umasvati (c. 4th century) is the most famous of the texts on this list, and the one that clearly would be included in anybody's reading list of essential Jain texts1o. This was the first systematic presentation of Jain doctrine (and in fact went a long way toward creating this systematization) for a pan-Indian audience in the pan-Indian scholarly language of Sanskrit and the pan-Indian genre of sastra, and so provides a suitable summary of the basics of that doctrine. Starting out with a definition of Jainism as the path to liberation (moksamarga) consisting of correct faith, knowledge, and conduct (samyagdarsana, samyagjnana, and samyakcaritra), Umasvati then proceeds to outline the Jain understandings of cosmology, ontology, karmic bondage, and liberation. The text itself consists of short, cryptic aphorisms, and so is nearly unintelligible without a commentatory. Dozens of them have been composed over the centuries, starting with one that the Svetambara tradition ascribes to Umasvati himself. Almost every edition of the text will contain one or more commentaries, some of them older, well-known commentaries in Sanskrit, others more recent vernacular commentaries. Each commentator has leaned heavily on the preceding commentaries, and so any given edition essentially comprises over one thousand years of accumulated tradition. Concluding Comments 407 This curriculum provides the reader with everything he or she needs to be both an orthodox Jain, who has both samyagdarsana or correct faith in the verity of the Jain worldview, and samyagjnana or a correct intellectual understanding of the technical specifics of that worldview. It also provides everything needed to be an orthoprax Jain, who is engaged in samyakcaritra and so performs correct ritual conduct in response to that worldview. By reading the Tattvarthasutra and the Navatattva, one will gain an understanding of Jain metaphysics. By reading the various Sangrahani and Ksetrasamasa texts, in addition to the Tattvarthasutra, one will learn the complex Jain theories of cosmology; this Jain vision of a vast universe of souls in bondage underlies the urgency with which Jain teachers urge

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408 John E. Cort Jambu-jyoti the individual to seek liberation. This vision is further explained by reading the texts that explain Jain theories of ontology, the Jivavicara, Dandaka, Tattvarthasutra, and the Karmagranthas. These last two also provide one with an analysis of the causes and mechanisms of karmic bondage, in other words, the Jain explanation for the imperfect and unsatisfactory human condition. Finally, the other texts in this curriculum provide one with a practical way to respond to this growing understanding of human ndage and suffering. The Panca Pratikramana Sutras explain the avasyakas, those rituals encumbent upon mendicants as daily practice to advance along the path to liberation. The Tribhasyas also explain the daily practice, as oriented in three directions: devotion to the Jir the exemplars of the possibility of perfecting and liberating the soul, devotion to the gurus as those who are travelling the path of liberation, and the various forms of asceticism that coupled with devotion make up the Jain path. The Navasmarana hymns are not explanatory texts, but rather ritual actualizations of the powers inherent in the Jain path, the performance of which both advance one along the path and provide the mundane protection needed to sustain the Jain community. This curriculum is specifically a Svetambara Murtipujak one. A similar curriculum for a Digambara, Sthanakavasi, or Svetambara Terapanthi layperson would consist of different texts. The topics covered in such a curriculum would be broadly the same, although there would some difference in both specific doctrines and practices and in the overall tenor of the curriculum. This curriculum is in some ways even more specifically Tapa Gaccha, and so a curriculum for a layperson in the Kharatara, Ancala, Tristuti, Parsvacandra, or other gacchas would also include some different texts. This very specificity indicates that the careful study of the intellectual history of Jainism needs to pay attention to issues of sectarian affiliation. The portrayal of Jainism as a single set of teachings that is the same regardless of time, place, or sect results in the portrayal of a reified entity that exists more in the scholar's study than it ever has on the ground in India. I noted at the outset of this essay that this curriculum provided at Folkert by Muni Jambuvijayji has a distinctively mendicant cast to it. While many of these are texts that most Murtipujaka mendicants study, it is only the most committed layperson who would have much familiarity with any

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How Jains Know What They Know : A Lay Jain Curriculum 409 of these texts except for the Navasmaranas. Nonetheless, one will find copies of some of these texts in a large number of Jain households, and these are the texts to which a Jain interested in learning more about the intellectual foundations of his or her religious tradition would turn. With the exception of the Tattvarthasutra, this curriculum contains none of the scriptural canon of "original" Jain texts with which Jainologists usually begin their explications of Jainism. But, as Kendall Folkert (1993 : 35-94) so clearly demonstrated, the scholarly predilection to focus exclusively upon "original" texts when studying a religious tradition itself betrays one of the origins of the academic study of religion in Protestant Biblical Studies, a tendency inherited by many scholars who themselves are not Protestant Christians'l. But it is not these original texts to which Jains turn when they want to learn about their own tradition, and so it behooves scholars to pay attention more to what Jains might actually read if they want to understand how Jains know what they know. Annotations : This essay is dedicated to the memory of Kendall W. Folkert, through whom I was first introduced to Muni Jambuvijayji. 1. See Folkert 1993 : 41-94, especially 91-94. 2. Information on the Smarana texts is derived from a variety of popular sources, in particular the introductions found in Navab and the unattributed 1972 Ahmedabad edition. Traditional dates and attributions of authorship for several of these hymns are clearly improbable. My discussion reflects a Jain self-understanding of the history of these texts and authors, what I have elsewhere (Cort 1995) called a "localized history", not the voice of text-critical historicist scholarship. 3. Another tradition says he was a contemporary of Neminatha. (His real date seems c. late 5th early 6th cent. A. D.)* 4. For introductions to these topics, see Cort forthcoming-a, Dundas 1998, and Jain 1997. 5. The dynamic tension and interplay between the ideology of the path to liberation (moksamarga) and the religious value of wellbeing is the subject of Cort forthcoming -b. * See Dhaky, "The Date of Ajita-santi-stava," in which

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410 John E. Cort Jambu-jyoti 6. Mehta and Kapadiya 1968 : 170-71. On the theory that there were two principal Haribhadras, in addition to later authors by the same name, see Williams 1965. (There are no two early Haribhadra-s as was envisaged by Williams. This point is now becoming increasingly clear. The problem is being discussed elsewhere - Editors.) 7. In addition to the Tribhasyas and the Karmagranthas discussed herein, Devendrasuri was the author of a commentary on the Pratikramana Sutras, the Vandaruvrtti; a manual of lay conduct, the Sraddhadinakrtya; as well as several books on various topics in Jain metaphysics, praxis, and mytho-history such as the Siddhapancasika, Siddhadandika, Danadikulaka, Dharmaratnatika, and Sudarsanacaritra (Mehta and Kapadiya 1968 : 129 and 185). A thorough study of this giant of medieval Svetambara intellectual history is needed. (He also had composed a few fine hymns in Sanskrit.) - Editors. 8. Some scholars are of the opinion that its author was Sivasarmasuri; see Mehta and Kapadiya 1968: 128. The length of the text also varies; the edition in the bibliography has 91 verses, Mehta and Kapadiya (112) say it has 75 verses, and von Glasenapp (1942 : xiii) mentions manuscripts containing 70, 75, 77, 89, and 93 verses. ("Sivasarma' could be Vacaka Sivanandi (c. 5th cent. A. D.] who had commented on the Jyotisakarandaka of Padalipta suri I of the mid Kusana period.) -- Editors 9. Mehta and Kapadiya (1968: 172-3) refer to a 273-verse version. 10. There has been extensive scholarly discussion of the date of the author and whether the author was Svetambara or Digambara. See Dhaky 1995 and Johnson 1995 : 46-7, and the references therein. (In reality, Umasvati was never Svetambara or Digambara, nor Botika- Ksapanaka or Yapaniya. He belonged to the main Northern Indian Nirgranth stream in which mendicants maintained nudity but kept minimum possession a piece of cloth in hand, a single bowl, and the broom. As such, he recognized and respected the agamas, the doctrines, and the dogmas.)- Editors 11. See also Cort 1990.

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How Jains Know What They Know: A Lay Jain Curriculum SOURCES CITED SANSKRIT AND PRAKRIT TEXTS I have given readily-accessible modern Gujarati editions of the texts whenever possible, rather than more scholarly critical editions, since the former are what a lay reader is likely to encounter. Dates reflect the copies in my personal collection; most of these texts are regularly reprinted. 411 Bhasyatraya of Devendrasuri. Mehsana : Srimad Yasovijayji Jain Samskrt Pathsala ane Sri Jain Sreyaskar Mandal, 1977 (4th printing). Brhatsangrahani of Maladhari Candrasuri. With Gujarati translation by Pandit Amrtlal Purusottamdas, Ahmedabad: Sri Jain Prakasan mandir n.d. Brhatsangrahani of Jinabhadragani Ksamasramana. With Vivrti of Malayagiri. Bhavnagar, 1917. With Vivrti of Malayagiri and Gujarati translation by Kunvarji Anandji. Jain Dharm Prasarak Sabha, 1935. Dandaka Prakarana of Gajasara Muni. Mehsana : Srimad Yasovijayji Jain Samskrt Pathsala ane Sri Jain Sreyaskar Mandal, 1981 (5th printing). Devasia-Raia Pratikramana Sutro. Mehsana : Srimad Yasovijayji Jain Samskrt Pathsala ane Sri Jain Sreyaskar Mandal, 1976 (10th printing). Jambudvipa Sangrahani (Laghusangrahani) of Haribhadrasuri. Mehsana : Srimad Yasovijayji Jain Samskrt Pathsala ane Sri Jain Sreyaskar Mandal, 1981 (5th printing). Jivavicara of Vadivetala Santisuri. Mehsana Srimad Yasovijayji Jain Samskrt Pathsala ane Sri Jain Sreyaskar Mandal, 1985 (10th printing). Karmagrantha of Devendrasuri. With Stubakarth of Muni Jinavijay. 3 volumes. Mehsana : Srimad Yasovijayji Jain Samskrt Pathsala ane Sri Jain Sreyaskar Mandal, 1977 (4th printing). Ksetrasamasa of Jinabhadragani Ksamasramana. Edited by Nityanandvijaygani. 2 volumes. Cambay : Sanghvi Ambalal Ratnacand Jain Dharmik Trust, 1978-79. Mahaprabhavika Navasmaranadi Stotra Sangraha. Ahmedabad Jain Prakasan Mandir, n.d.

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412 John E. Cort Jambu-jyoti Mahaprabhavika Navasmarana. Edited by Sarabhai Manilal Navab. Ahmedabad : Sarabhai Manilal Navab, 1961. Shree Jain Prachina Sahityoddhar Granthavali Series 6. Navasmarana Mulapatha. Ahmedabad : Sri Rajendrasuri Sahitya Prakasan Mandir, 1972. Navatattva Prakarana. Mehsana : srimad Yasovijayji Jain Samskrt Pathasala ane Sri Jain Sreyaskar Mandal, 1993 (15th printing). Panca Pratikramanadi Sutro : Mehsana : srimad Yasovijayji Jain Samskrt Pathsala ane Sri Jain Sreyaskar Mandal, 1983 (15th printing). Tattvarthasutra of Umasvati. With Gujarati Vivecana by Muni Rajsekharvijay. Edited by Pandit Pukhraj Amicand Kothari. Mehsana : srimad Yasovijayji Jain Samskrt Pathsala ane Sri Jain Sreyaskar Mandal, 1976. MODERN WORKS Nalini Balbir, 1993. Avasyaka-Studien : Introduction generale et Traductions. Stuttgart : Franz Steiner. Alt-und Neu-Indische Studien 45, 1. John E. Cort, 1987. "Medieval Jaina Goddess Traditions," Numen 34, 235-55. 1990. "Models of and for the Study of the Jains," Method and Theory in the Study of Religion 2:1, 42-71. 1992. "Svetambara Murtipujak Jain Scripture in a Performative Context," Jeffrey R. Timm (ed.), Texts in Context : Traditional Hermeneutics in South Asia, 171-94. Albany: State University of New York Press. 1995. "Genres of Jain History," Journal of Indian Philosophy 23, 469506. Forthcoming-a. "Bhakti in the Early Jain Tradition : Understanding Devotional Religion in South Asia," History of Religions. Forthcoming-b. Liberation and Wellbeing in Jainism : Ritual, Ideology, and Religious Values. New York: Oxford University Press. M. A. Dhaky, 1995. "Umasvati in Epigraphical and Literary Tradition," L. K. Srinivasan and S. Nagaraju (eds.), Sri Nagabhinandanam : Dr. M. S. Nagaraja Rao Festschrift, 505-22. Bangalore : Dr. M. S. Nagaraja Rao Felicitation Committee.

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How Jains Know What They Know: A Lay Jain Curriculum Paul Dundas, 1992. The Jains. London: Routledge. 1998. "Becoming Gautama: Mantra and History in Svetambara Jainism," John E. Cort (ed.), Open Boundaries: Jain Communities and Cultures in Indian History, 31-52. Albany: State University of New York Press. Kendall W. Folkert, 1993. Scripture and Community: Collected Essays on the Jains. Edited by John E. Cort. Atlanta: Scholars Press. 413 Helmuth von. Glasenapp, 1942. The Doctrine of Karman in Jain Philosophy. Translated by G. Barry Gifford. Bombay Bai Vijibai jivanlal Panalal Charity Fund. Sagarmal Jain, 1997. Jaindharm aur Tantrik Sadhana. Varanasi : Parsvanath Vidyapith. Padmanabh S. Jaini, 1979. The Jaina Path of Purification. Berkeley: University of California Press. W. J. Johnson, 1995. Harmless Souls: Karmic bondage and Religious Change in Early Jainism with Special Reference to Umasvati and Kundakunda. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. Mohanlal Mehta and Hiralal Ra. Kapadiya. 1968. Jain Sahitya ka Brhad Itihas, bhag 4: Karma-Sahitya va Agamik Prakaran. Varanasi : Parsvanath Vidyasram Sodh Samsthan. R. Williams, 1963. Jaina Yoga. London: Oxford University Press. 1965. Haribhadra. Journal of the School of Oriental and African Studies 28, 101-11. 000

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Two Unpublished Caitya Paripatis on Citod-tirtha Jitendra Shah The tirthamalas and the caitya-paripatis are the two distinctive types of metrical compositions in Jaina medieval literature. Of the two, the caityaparipatis concern with the pilgrimages undertaken to the Jaina holy places, the routes followed, and what was noticed at the tirtha-sites by the authors. These refer to the then existing caityas, their enshrined Jinas, and other concomitant information besides the numerical count of the caityas and in some cases the connected notable events and other details such as the names of the founders and the dates of foundations. Although the brief descriptions given--these usually are not important from literary viewpoint--they are invaluable as historical records of the Jaina places of Worship in medieval times. By editing such unpublished works preserved in the Jaina libraries of manuscripts, the scholars in the past like Vijayadharma suri, Pandit Bechardas Doshi, Hiralal Rasikdas Kapadia, Mohanlal Dalichand Deshai, Sarabhai Nawab, Munivara Kalyanavijayji, Agarchand Nahata, Vidyadhara Johrapurkar, and Madhusudan Dhamki (M. A. Dhaky) have attracted attention to them. A large number of those compositions describe the most revered holy places such as Satrunjaya with Palitana, Girnara with Junagadh, also Amdavad (Ahmedabad, medieval Asapalli-Karnavati), Patan (Anahillapatana), and Khambhat (Stambhatirtha) besides many, many other sites. Several of such works also refer to such other holy places like Idar, Abu, Serisa, et cetera, these psalms were composed mostly in Old Gujarati. It is possible that several such works, hitherto unpublished, are still lying in the Jaina manuscripts libraries. An attempt here is made to publish two such paripatis which so far were unpublished. These relate to the 'Citod' or 'Citradurga-tirtha' in the Mevad area of south-western Rajasthan. For the purpose of comparison, I also include here the earlier published "Citod Paripati," composed by the disciple of one Jayahemal.

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Two Unpiblished Chaitya Pariptis on Citod-tirtha 415 The subjects of tirthamalas and caitya-paripatis The tirthamalas, as a class of literature, originated in time before the caitya-paripati class. They continued to be composed in later centuries as well. The earliest can be traced from c. mid 11th century A. D. These compositions fill in the gaps in the knowledge of history regarding the Jaina tirthas, their temples, the Jinas to which they were sacred, and sometimes also give small but significant bits of information, otherwise unknown from other sources. Generally speaking, the other class of Jaina literature rarely informs us on rulers and the holy places. But the tirthmalas exclusively concentrate on Jaina holy places and often are fairly informative on them. Even from the viewpoint of deciding the true geographical location of a place, antiquity of a notable caitya, history of the language, history in general, also the trade routes, the prosperity of the towns and cities that lied on the route, etc. This class of literature provides a valuable source for knowing the status of Jainism in the particular centuries and regions. Besides this, these tirthmalas are often the only source of information on Jaina holy places and the temples that subsequently were destroyed by the invaders and sometimes abandoned after the migration of the Jainas from the concerned places. They, at times, also give information about the Jina images that were moved from their original sites to other sites in a particular period. Afterwards, another class of such compositions, the caitya-paripatis, as aforenoted, developed in old Gujarati (also called Maru-Gurjara-bhasa). Earlier, the languages employed in composing the tirthmalas were Sanskrit and Prakrit. The two paripatis edited here are in old Gujarati language. Two Citod-tirtha Caitya-paripatis As explained in the foregoing, a caitya-paripati describes the travels of a congregation proceeding on a pilgrimage to a holy place or places from a certain town or city. It describes the route they followed for their destination, and also the towns or villages, or any other holy place or Jaina temples they visited on the way. The two Citrakuta-caitya-paripatis presented here describe the path taken for reaching Citod, the visit on the way to the Jaina temples and the Jinalayas and the Jina images enshrined therein. The First Caitya-paripati The author of the first work is the disciple of Bhavsagara suri. He has not mentioned his own name, the last line reads as this follows:

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416 J. B. Shah Jambu-jyoti "E Vidhai paksa ganadhara Bhavsagarasuri anucara im Bhanai" Meaning : The disciple of Bhavsagara suri who is the leader of the Vidhipaksa, has composed this (paripati). We have no other information about the author. Only a single manuscript of this work is available and is preserved in the Lalbhai Dalpatbhai Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad, (numbered 16682). It was obtained originally from the collection of the Nagarseth of Ahmedabad. The date of the manuscript is c. 17th century. It has two pages, each containing 15 lines. Each line has about 42 letters. The date of composition is Samvat 1562 (A. D. 1506). The language employed is simple and hence easy to follow. This composition briefly describes the path from Patan to Citrakuta / Citod, and the caityas and villages they visited on the way pilgrimage route. Second Citrakuta paripati : We find no mention of the name of the author of this Paripati, nor do we find the designation of his gaccha or his guru's name in the colophon. Besides, the initial 35 stanzas are missing. Some years ago, Prof. Dhaky hac procured its transcript from the Oriental Institute, Baroda, and given it to me for editing. No information was recorded on the transcript about the particulars of the manuscript. However, from the language and description, its date of composition may be placed at the end of 16th or the beginning of 17th century. Citod As one of the main townships of Mevad, Citod was, and is, a famous site. It has a reputation as the land of heroes since the medieval times. Its hill-fort rises from the ground to about 500 feet, and is known as Citodgadh. It is of ancient founding. Citrangada (a later Maurya king), according to the tradition, renovated it and so it came to be known after him as Citrakuta. According to Triputi Maharaja, this fort-town was settled by Amarsimha Rana in Samvat 902 (A. D. 846). (Jaina Tirthono Itihasa, pt., p. 385). In the late Prabandhas, we notice that Siddhasena Divakara (c. earlier half of the 5th cent. A. D.) was also connected with Citod. Besides, Citod was the place of birth as well as of literary activity of the famous Haribhadra suri (c. A.D. 700-784), Hemchandra (active c. 1130-1172) has included this holy place in a hymn, the Sakalarhat-stotra :

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Two Unpiblished Chaitya Pariptis on Citod-tirtha 417 Vaibhara Kanakacalo-rbudgiri sri Citrakutadaya | Tatra sri Rishabhadayo jinavara kurvantu vo mangalam Inc. A.D. 1110, at the instance of Jinavallabha suri, two Jaina temples belonging to the Vidhipaksa were founded. These likewise were consecrated by him. Here Visala Sravaka had performed the setting up ceremonies for the holy images in Samvat 1439/A. D. 1383. Then, in Samvat 1444/A. D. 1388, for the Adinatha image of the local temple, consecration rites were performed by Jinaraja suri and in Samvat 1489/A. D. 1433, the Pancatirtha rites were performed in Citod by Somsundara suri. Saranavalja, the Prime Minister of Maharana Mokala, also had several jinalayas constructed. About three centuries before all of these happenings, in the medieval times proper (c. first decade of the 12th cent. A. D.), Acarya Jinvallabha suri had got constructed two Vidhicaityas at Citod. The famous Manastambha and the Jinamandira beside it are of the late last quarter of 13th century A. D. Both of these belong to the Digambara sect. All other extant Jaina temples are of the Svetambara sect. Karma Sah Osvala (early 16th cent.), who reestablished the prestige of Satrunjaya-tirtha, was also a resident of Citod. Thus, Citod at one time was one of the main Jaina religious centres as also a Jaina place of pilgrimage. Several Jaina Sanghas had visited this place from western Indian cities and towns. From the two paripatis annexed here, we get descriptions of two such congregations. In the first paripati, as earlier noted, the disciple of Bhavasagara has given a brief but fine description of the journey from Patan to Citod. The paripati thus begins : Pranamasium pahilun Pasa Jinanda, caitya-pravadi karis anandi | Sri Citod tani Jinayatra, kariya karuniya nirmala gatra ||1|| Meaning : At the outset, I offer obeisance to Parsva Jinesvara (and next) I shall, with delight, undertake the pilgrimage to Citod and shall cleanse my body (by this pilgrimage). Thus, we find, in this poem, the description of the pilgrimage from Patan to Citod. The Second paripati describes the pilgrimage to Citod from Urandi. The villages on the route from Urandi to Citrakuta are mentioned in it. Thus, the theme of both the works is the description of pilgrimage of a large congregation of devotees--Sangha-to Citrakuta. In this paripati, too, we get the description about the route to Citod and the villages, towns, as well as the prosperity of some of these as the pilgrims saw while they passed through these on the way to their destination.

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418 J. B. Shah Jambu-jyoti pATaNa kutigma pura Ilama pura rUpapuri cANasmA dhINuri pATi mahesANA vAlaMba lodrA kAsa visali nagara, vIsanagara vaDanagara uDake IDara nagara pAli DuMgarapura AtarI vaDudri baMbhorisTaMga mANArI citrakUTa kAkarivADI/karaDA. delavADA nAgadrahI pallAsaNa palANa sAdaDI jItavADa navUlAI dhANaraha kuMbhaNa mera vasudipurI UMgatapurI rANakapura muhAraNa varANA vAhANI pAMca jinAlaya eka jinAlaya eka jinAlaya eka jinAlaya be jinAlaya eka jinAlaya ATha jinAlaya eka jinAlaya eka jinAlaya be jinAlaya be jinAlaya be jinAlaya be jinAlaya traNa jinAlaya be jinAlaya cAra jinAlaya eka jinAlaya eka jinAlaya eka jinAlaya eka jinAlaya batrIsa jinAlaya eka jinAlaya dasa jinAlaya pAMca jinAlaya eka jinAlaya eka jinAlaya eka jinAlaya eka jinAlaya sAta jinAlaya eka jinAlaya ogaNIsa jinAlaya rAhabarI UthamaNI pAlaDI kolarI sIrohI capaTa cAra jinAlaya eka jinAlaya vIravADI be jinAlaya jhADUbI eka jinAlaya brAhmaNavADI eka jinAlaya nAdIyA eka jinAlaya loTANA eka jinAlaya telapura eka jinAlaya nANA eka jinAlaya bAladA eka jinAlaya sIrohI eka jinAlaya sIghaludri eka jinAlaya hammIrapura eka jinAlaya TokarI eka jinAlaya arbudagiri eka jinAlaya DhelavADA be jinAlaya acalagaDha traNa jinAlaya huDAdri eka jinAlaya DAkapura eka jinAlaya bhayaNI. eka jinAlaya pIpalithalI eka jinAlaya ghaNerI eka jinAlaya detI avADi (dAMtivADA) eka jinAlaya jIrAulA eka jinAlaya vaDagAma eka jinAlaya pAlaNapura eka jinAlaya sIdapura eka jinAlaya lAlapura eka jinAlaya vAmAM maMgalapura vADI duvaMtapura eka jinAlaya eka jinAlaya eka jinAlaya eka jinAlaya

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Two Unpiblished Chaitya Pariptis on Citoq-tirtha 419 (1) ajJAta kartaka citrakoTa caityapravADI DaI gAmi, Adi jiNaMdanI toDae namI bihutiri svAmi 36ll saMbhava jina mAkroDaI e pratimA baMdII bAramI ! geliI java pahuvai bhalaI maMDANi vistAri I37thI Adi jisesara vAMdIi pahalaI varaprasAdi ! pAMcasaI aThasaThi jinavaru pUjo tijIya pramAda II38|| bIjai sumati jinesvaru, trIjaI zAMti niNaMda ! bAhUe pratimAuM vAdIe navaya anopama vaMda //3lA cauthaI zrIpadama prabhU dosaI bANU deva jehataNI bhagati karI sAraI suranara seva //40nI uraDIi AdIzvaru vaMdU ATha niNaMda devAlaI doi jinavaru vidhipUjA ANaMda l41aaaaN AMgIya kIjai e abhinava dIjai dAna apAra ! gIta gAI mAgata jana nAcaI bhagata uddhAra II4rA evuM kAraI jinavaru navasaya ekohAtira ! svAmi zrIcitrakoTi jAvA bhaNI gahagahII sahu tAm 43 kolari pahucIe haraSa sikaM doi jinabhavana uttaga | vIra jinezvara vAMdI pratimA caUdamuM raMga //44o. bIjai bhuvani AdIzvara pratimA triNi visAlA cIra uthamaNi jinavara namIi trikAla //4pI. raDakyuri zrIpAsajI pratimA namIi bAvIsaha. mIrapuri sAMtIzvaru pratimA niU jagadIsa 46ll goDhANaI e ajita namU pratimA sArasuvIsa vAdhosaNi, zrI nemijI dasajina nAm sIsa ! bIjaI kolari vIrajI pratimA vaM(rUB) diya bAra, bIjApuri saMbhava jinapratimA pAMca ji sAra 4zA

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420 J. B. Shah Jambu-jyoti vIra niNaMda saNavADII jina vyAsI yazukAMti ! lAlalAII trevIsa jinU mUlanAyaka zrI zAMti 48 sUDANaI e zAMtIsvaru jinavara namII caupannamA | daDIi jina trevIsamA, namIi eka sujijJa //49o. rANagapuri havaI jAIe baMde vIra saphesa kalasa dhajAdaMDa dekhIA dhana dhana tehari desa //pavA "DhAla cUlabhadra kerI" rANigapuramajhAri pahutA harSasiuM cauMmukha dITho dIpato e baMdI Adi jiNaMda vihupaSi baiThA e ! sAmosaraNi jima abhinava e UMcA maMDapa caMga iMgati aDu cihu bhUmi kari vAhIda maMDapa zrImeghanAda pahelo sohaI e bIjo siMghanAda bhaloe //pagI vijayanAda te sAra pUrvadisi balI bhramaranAda dakSiNivarU e I ailekadIpaka nAma nava cukI bhalI cyAraI bhadra te suMdaru e ApaNA nadIzvara avatAra aSTApada giri setuja kerI te namU e.. sametazikhara vicAra sAra ziromaNi jinahi namI pAtaka gamU e parA evaM kArai devasaI chavvIsa naI pratimA bAra sohAmaNI | bIjai maMdiri sAra pAkiNesara sittari sau pratimA namI e //pa3/ trIjai risaha niNaMda ekaso chavIsa pratimA vaMduM dvipatI cauthaI nemi niNaMda tarottara su e pratimA sasikara jIpattI e / maMdiri zAMti niNaMda aThatrIsa jinavaru jUnaI jinahara bAMdII e aThThAvana jinaviMda pAsajisesara praNamI mani ANaMdIi //pa4o mora nAga jasa pAsi sevaI ahanisi risaha namU te mana relIyA evaM kArai triNi sahasa paMcihutiri namIi jinavara sahu milI e. AMgI atihi jhamAla nATika nAvaI guNa gAi vara magatA e ! naravara - sanmAna lAbhArvalI dAnadayAlu sudeatA //5pA.

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Two Unpiblished Chaitya Pariptis on Citou-tirtha 421 dhana dhana te naranAri sakala janama tasa paMciMdrI eNuM saphalIi e jeNaI dITho ! eha maMdira jiNa taNe garbhavAmi anya achAM || Ima bhAvaMtA jatre AvyA bAdaDI prabhAti AdhA cAliie choDaI pAsaniNaMda sittari pratimAu vaMdI pAtaka TAlIi //pI "DhAla: darzArSabhidra vArAhayanI" nAradapurII AvIA dIThalAya sAta prAsAda prathama prAsAdi AdIzvara e ekaso ekAsI deva //paNI. deva ajita niNaMda bIjai biMba satatAlIsa namU | cahueI dIpatA praNamIi supArzva jinU AMgIe kArIi ati suvistara dhajAropaNa sArIi nATika nAcI dAna dei sakala pAtaka vArIi /pA. pratimA pAMca sohAmaNI vRMgara kaDaNi prasAda ke nemi niNaMdasu vaMdIi e ekasupannara biMba ke //palA pAvamaibhavani supAsasvAmI namU satasaThi jiNavaru zrIpAsa tIrthaMkara chaThaI nam trAsI prabhuvaru (kaMraDIi ?) bAramo jinavara biMbacara paMcavIsa jasa pAya seve sayala suravara tathA sakala muNIsA //6Oii triNi devAlA rUaDA e prathama kera sImaMdhara svAmi ke vidhi karInaI pUjIe e pAsaniNaMda ke II61. trIjai ruaDaI vara devAlaI zAMti jiNa juhArI vidhi-pUjA karI khapa dhaNurI devI manisA dhArIi zrI pavitra koTijA yava sevako taNA mana ulhasaI pachaI somesara jaIne sAtha sahu vAso vasaI darA tihAMkaNi zAMti jiNasara e pratimA pagaTa Thera keNIlavADaI caMdaprabhu e biMba namU ekatAla keti //6al jiPsaru a palAsalII doI namI harSisiluM koTa dethI dIpalsa suhako taNuM mana ulhAsiluM

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422 J. B. Shah Jambu-jyoti dhina dina Aja susaphala velA dhina ghaDI dhina disa havai jainiI pAsa pAe namesiluM nija sIsa 64o. DhAla- sAtamI mRjana sahuya milI nure navaraMgI caDI Upari jami aitya pravADI cAlIi tu navA devAji nAma che pahalu pAsa jiNesa, tupana vaMdIjai jinacaMda //6pI. bIjaI Adizvara namIi kupana, rAjA sIha dUri | mANavIi mana ulhasai supana vasai bAvIsa jina sAra pachai [5 A] zAMti jiNesara tapana 5UMcai pIThi. nivesa caumukhi bhagati vAMdI nupana triNiya doi jinesa //66l namIe ajita jiNesara tapanapAcasai biMba jisA trIjai sotmasamo jina tapana devai gyArasaI sola 6thI caumukha bIjo abhinavo supana namIe zAMti niNaMda caupana pratimA aDI na e vAMdajaI anodi II68 adabuda mUrati Adi jinna supana pratimA sattara teha jimaNAM pAsai vaMda prabhu tapana uMgaNa lIsa deva sItalasvAmI praNamII kupana biba bisaI chaI taLe jamalya munisuvrata jina tapano vIsA su deva dayAlA //68 UMco maMdira ati ghaNuM supana vIrajinesara mAhi bisaI chaitAlIsa jina namU tapanA bAMThA puNya pravAhi jamaNA pAsa supAsa namU supana kAma gIA ati caMga vyAsI biMba tihAM kaNi tupana vAi ANI raMga pAkiNesara pUjI supanA pratimA pAcasaI bAra namII zAMtIzvarajI tupana pAMcavi pratimA sAra | sumati jiNiMda juhArIi supana e biMba aThyAsI jANi mAragi caMdra prabhu namu kupana panara jinavara maNi II7. sumati jiNaMda sudhavIi supana e tIrthakara tetrIsa pAsa devaliI abhinavai kupana e mUrati chaibdAlIsa vaharamAna sImaMdharu tapana e ugiNIsa biMbasi6 tAma paMcama cakravarti suMdarI tupana khyAlIsa biMba praNAma II71)

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Two Unpiblished Chaitya Pariptis on Citod-tirtha 423 sumati niNaMda suhyavI supana e tIrthaMkara tetrIsa pAsa devaliI abhinava tupana e mUrati chaULyAlIsa vaharamAna sImaMdhara supana e ugiNIsa biMba sivuM tAma paMcama cakravarti suMdarI supana thyAlIsa biMba praNAma II71// sumati jirNosara vaMdII tapana. ekAdasa jinarAja paMcama jina solasa namU tapanapUjaya kIjai kAja tu. trIjo cumukha caMda prabhu tupanA ekaso biMba ciUAla saMbhavasvAmi sohaI bhalA tupana. sattarabiMba kRpAla tIrthaMkara trevIsamo supana tetrIsa namII svAmi bAsaTha jina AdIsvaru tupanapAtaka nAsaI nAmi ! zreyAMsa jina kuhArI che e tu biMba asInaI sumani nAthanAM deharaI tupanA trAMsaTha mUrati sAra //73 solasamo zAMtIsvaru tapanA biMba aThyAsI- so- vRda maMdiri | bIjAM zAMtisvaru tapana bAsaThi jinavara caMdaskuNaI saMbhava jina tapa e kupana pratima | ugaNatrIsa evuM ekatrIsa jina bhavane tu bhagati nAma sIsa //74ll evaM kArai jinaharU supana ekatrIsa gaNIya apAra biMba paMcAvana sai bhalA ! tupanapaMcAvana ati sAra pahalIya pUjA sattarabheda kupana caumukhi karIi caMga bIjI pAsakiNesara tupanA kukama ghasI suraMga I7pI. eNI pari prAsAde saghale tapano praNamIya pUjaya jANa nuM gIta gAna nATika hoI tupanA bAjai vara nIsAe Ima pUjI tribhuvana guru tupana jAI che jina maMdiri caupaTi cahutaI cArtA tapana vAjai nu gala bhera I76ll vINA maddala vaMza taNA tupana, suNIya naI pravara susAda ghari ghari hoI vadhAmaNA tupanA iMDIya sakala pramAda iNI e jinazAsanataNI kupana karIya prabhAva navAnu heThA kuttarIi e paththaI tu lAbhIya rAya nA mAnatu //7thI krama palAsali namI tupano jIha lAvADaI gAmi tu somesari zAMtizvara tupanA noDalAI iMdasa ThAmi nADoli pacavana jina tapana solasamI jinarAja vara (vara) kANAdika tIrtha namI tupanA bhAvi karII kAja 78

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424 J. B. Shah Jambu-jyoti DhAlakuMbhalameri vAMdIIe e mAla hAMtaDe jinahara satara saha ta Adi jiNaMda bhuvani namIe mahaMta; chattIsa biMba mahaMta | Rsaha jisesaru e mA biMba pannarasaya eka pratima IgyAri ji suMdaru e maya jina namuM bAramo cheka ||78. prauDha pratimA- Rsaphesaru e mA sola tihAM jina rAja jamalaI bhuvani AdIsaru e ma. pUjIya sArIi kAja satarottara subiMba bhalA mA uraDIi zrI zAMti ekaso pratimA pUjIi emapaI sohamAM niramala kAMti /TavA uttari dasi tri@i jinaharu e mahAla teDa AdIsvaranA sAra biMba aThatrIsa chihutiru e mA ekaso dasa jinarAja zItalasvAmI uraDII ma. paMcANuM jinatAya !!81) vardhamAna jina pekhII e ma paMcasaya uMgaNIsa deva pratima ekAvana namU e mazAMti jiNesara sevA sAmala banna zrIpAsanIya ma karahaDA taNI susAra ekaso bAvana jina namU e mA pAkhali guNa-bhaMDA !!8rA zAMti jeNesara nirakhIi e ma. chappana pratimA vaMda bisaiyA trIsa jiPsaruM e mavaMdIe nemi niNaMda pItalamaya AdIsvaru e ma. tihAM pratimA bisai pAMtrIsa evuM kArai aDhArasaya mahA jina pratimA paMcavIsa snAtra mAhA stava vara karIya dhaja-AropaNa raMgI AMgIye chIya suabhinavIya ma deI dha dAna mudaMga nArada puri valI AvII ema vidhisivuM karI sujAtta prabhAti pAchA cAlIi ema hauM niramala nija gAjU II84o. IDhAlo. choI pAsa niNaMda suDANa zAMtisvaru e lAla lAI siNa vADi vijApurinaI kolara rADacchari zrIpAsaudhamaNi kolari navaI sIrohI jina rAja, mohili gAmi gayA havaiil8pA bAvIsamo jinirAja jinathAlI satihA namU e, pADalI ikuM dhanArAgha nava jina namI pAtaka gayuM e, kolaDI jinavIra pratimA asa surdI dai / e rAmasiNi AdinAtha jinavara chappana bhAvIi e //8dA.

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Two Unpiblished Chaitya Pariptis on Cito"-tirtha 425 maMdira doI | bhInamAli pahalaI maMdiri vIrajinabiMba paMcAvana sAla bIjai solasamo nipuNa pratimA sittari caMga doi kAsagIA praNamIi e AMgI racI udari dAna dayAla sudIjII e II87thI sAcori zrI mahAvIra jinavara che nita vAdII e, bIjai pratimA paMca risaha namI ANaMdI e, tharAdi Adi jiNaMda murati pAMca sohAmaNI e vidhi pUjASa pasAra ! tihA kaNi dIsa ati ghaNI ell88I taI khADazI zrI zAMti namIi trizmi tIrthaMkara evaDalIi pAsaniNaMda bIjA zAMti jisesara e navapratimA uddhAra AnA vADai pAsa jina praNamI ! amani AnaMdiyA traI bhAvi uMmalma mana 89thI evaM jina prasAda ekasociuMAlIsa vara, 2, aDhAra sahasa ya sAta tereUNA jina parava /90nI. bhAhavaI patta nipAuM dhArII e sAhAmAM samoha tAsa, sAtamInaI samavAya loka AvAM gahagahatA vAjai, paMcasabada nAda napharIya bhUgala ghari ghari dITha vadhAmANA e valI gAI maMgala ll91/ vIjai dAna apAra sAra mAgata saMtoSa durya dInanaI duSIloka tasa dhanano peSi vaMdhA pAsaniNaMda valI ANImani harSa nirapI nathae sAMtadeva UpanU sukha //9ro yAtrA karatAM avadhi karI Aza tana bahulI micchedu kvaDamalma teha valI meM bhAlIi iNI pari zrIcitrakoTa taNI yAtrA vara kIjai, sAva yaskula mANaso janma valI ima saphalI jaI 93 iya caitya pravADI pavara rohADI mana AnaMdi nIpajaI je vayaNe bhaNasaI zravaNe suNasi tasa yAtraphala saMpajai 94ll iti zrI citrakoTa caitya pravADi samApta .zrI Transcript of the ms. Ac. No 4766 Name trilodityapravAhI Folios 3-7 First two folios of the ms. are of some other Jaina work (not included in the transcript.) Language-old Gujarati, Script Devanagari. Transcript-pp. 1-15.

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426 J. B. Shah Jambu-jyoti (2) bhAvasAgara sUriziSya viracita citrakUTa-caitya paripATI praNamasivuM pahilU pAsa niNaMda citya pravADi karisa a[AjNaMdi zrI cItroDa taNI jina yAtrA karIya karU niya niramala gAtra 15 pATaNa thakI majha ichA isI bhAva bhagati havi haIDi vasI kutignapuri deharA chi paMca praNamatA navi karIi paMca //rA Ilamapuri anopama eka jiNahara pUjIji saviveka rUpapuri zrI pArzvanAtha dIThi draSTi huI sanAtha lal cANasami jiNahara cAhIi tava mujha heja na mAI haIi dhaNaji prAsAdaha doI eka pAgruTi jiNahara joI jA, zrImahisANe mahimA ghaNu ATha caitya ahi uThI tha[thaNa eka vAlaMbi Ika kAse kahU jotA janma taNA phala lahuM pANI visalinagari jinamaMdira doI amara vimAna navi ehavA hoi vaDanagari zrI prathama niNaMda caramanAha dITha ANaMda 6ll. trIju deha giruuM cAhi biMba asaMkhya achi teha mAhi u(ka?)De jiNahara javA doi dITha tava nIya nayaNe amIya paITha IchA

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Two Unpiblished Chaitya Pariptis on Citod-tirtha 427 bhASA IDaranagari pahUta tava traNi dIThA jiNabhavaNa vAMghA biMba bahUta pAli doi prAsAda bhaNuM ITI DuMgaripuri puri prAsAda Ari caturapaNi aracII e bherIya dudabhi nAda vAjitra vAji atighaNA e che AtarIi ataraMga raMga sahita sari zAMtija(ji) pUja racIji caMga jaMga jugati kari joIi e //1nA vaDudri jiNa geha iMga iga goli bhaMbhorinTaMga mANAri navaneha deharAsari ega pUjaI e II11aaaa. havi java zrI citrakUTa nayanayaNe kari nirapIi e pohatA puhavi akhUTa amIA rasAyaNa kuMDa tava II1rA garivara (giravara ?) keru rAya puNavatala nayana Iga bIjA locana kAji japa tapa kari vasuMdharA e /13 batrIsa jina prAsAda batrIsabadha nATaka tihAM gayaNa sarIsI vAda karatAM karatithaMbha jaga // 14o. zAlIvazAlA apAra trapati na pAmi nareSatA e

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428 J. B. Shah Jambu-jyoti dhana dhana naranAri cItroDi je yAtrA kari e 1pa bhASA vi kArivADie karahaDAnuM ati prauDha prAsAda te joI jUnu Iga thAsa gAmi zivasuha dekhADi eka dasa [jijNahara delavADi 16ll nAgadrahi pAMca prAsAda paDyA pallAsaNi eka devI haraNyA aho eka anopama jiNa palANi eka mohIya mAnasi moda ANi /17 navImA[sA]daDI gAmi eka devagaDha jIlavADae vAdhae navalaneha naDUlAIe nAradapurIya nAma tihAM sAta prAsAdana karu praNAma 18ll ghaNI bhagati ghANurahi pUja kIji. Ika jaNahara namIya bhava si] phala kIji sASi sohali kuMbhalamera dITha tava mani bhava hUu atihi mIThI /1 AbAla gopAla loka boli nahI avara gari avaniya eha toli ati UlaTi aracIi ugaNIsa prAsAda jinna pUravi jagIsa 20nA ati bhali bhAvasya bheTIi vIra deva vasuTipuri sAra e amara sevA mahA mA[sA]daDII mahAna pUri sadA sevII eka UgaMtapUri 21 bhASA dhana dhana mAnu janama jeya leSi rANagapuri jo locana peSi teha hoisa jasavAda railokyadIpaka nAma dharaMtu

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Two Unpiblished Chaitya Pariptis on Citod-tirtha kalpa koTi laliMga jajiMga jayavaMtu cuma[camukha] suSira prAsAda // 22 // ko vi bhUtila eha sarIyu jeha niyaNe e navi narapu garbhavAsi hajI teya eka jIbha guNa kima bol e samavihU kiThina tophUM kalikalpa eha / / 23 / avara jike chi je prAsAda te vaMdI TAlU viSavAda biMbasaMSya navi pAra mUhANi jiNa vaMdU zAMti varakANi majha lAgI paMti kIji pAsa jIhAra // 24 // vAhAlII vAhalu jaganAtha pherui pUjI hUA sanAtha rAhabari zrIpAsa eka UtharmANa eka pAlaDIi kolari doi jiNahira java caDIi tava pUgI vi Asa // 25 // puhatA vi java sIrohI tava rahIu majha mAnasa mohI a(ma)rapurI avatAra cupaTa cyAri jaNAlaya cAhu te vaMdI ni liu bhava lAhu bharu sukRta bhaMDAra rahyA lodrIi ika doi vIravADi jhAjhU()lI ni bAbhaNavADi ika ika eka nAdI(yA)i loTANi ni telapura gAmi nANinirupama jIvatasvAmi bAlida eka vAMdIi e // 28 // 429 bhASA valI sIrohI AvIA e haIDa haraSa anaMta tu sIdhazuddhi pachi, pUjIi e jagadIsa2 jayavaMtu // 29 //

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430 J. B. Shah Jambu-jyoti hammIrapuri tiNi jiNabhavaNa nami Tokari naminAha tu tihA abdagari pelIu e uchava hui abAha tu H30 delavADi vasahI jUali anopama amara nivAsa tu naraSatA navi ceIi e bhUSa tarasa tini mAsa tu 31// satarabheda pUjA karIya saphala karu saMsAra tu avaradoINi zAharaNa nita nitu karuM praNAma tu ||3rA saMbapajUna samosariyA e kA(u)sagIyA tiNajI ThAmi tu pUjI praNamI cAlIA e caDyA acalagaDha gAmi U ||33ii tihA triNi jaNahara pUjIe e jima pUji mana Asa tu eNI pari je jAtrA kari e te nahi (ga?)rbhavAsi U //34 hiva hUDAdri DAkapure bhabhiyaNi gAmi tu pIpalithalihi ghaNerIi e ika ika (ka)ruM praNa[NAma tu rUpA bhASA AvIA e detIavADi pADi nahI koI teha taNi e pUjIA e pArasanAtha jIrAulau jagi jagi ghaNu e dall sevaI e suranara svAmi kAmika kaliyuga savi phali e dIki e dukuta dUri tuDhi saMkaTa savi Tali e //3zA

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Two Unpiblished Chaitya Pariptis on Citod-tirtha 431 vaMdIi e vaDavasagAmi sAmi malyA zrI zAMtijiNa pAlaNapurie pAla(Na)vihAra sIdapuri taNi jiNabhavaNa /38ll lAlapuri e vAmaIA gAmi pAmi maMgalapuri vari hariSa vADIi e duvaMtapuri eka jiNa devI jAi duSa ll39ll ekasa e sattari sATha vAta kari jiNahara bhalA e tihAM vAMdhA e biMba pyAlIsa barisa biMbahu AgalA e //4 eNI pari e tIratha sarava pUrava puNa pasAuli e saMghavI e ThAkarasiMha saMgha sAthi bheTA bhalI e II415 hiva aNahala e pattananayari ghari AvyA ANaMda bharI e jihA jiNahara paMcatAlIsa dasa UgatA jAharII e jarA vaMchita e dAnAM samaratha tIrathabhAla vivAre ema karI e niramala jItta saMvata panara bAsaDhi vare Il43 e va[vidhapakSa gaNahara bhAvasAgarasUri anucara ina bhaNaI e naranAri je nitu bhAva bhAvi U bhagati saMjAtta eha yuNisi teha huI padi padi saMyela saMpada vipada savi dUri Tali kalyANa[mA]llA kari kelI valiya manavaMchita phala ll44. iti caityaparipATI samApta .. lA. da. 16682 (nagarazeTha. 1726) citrakUTa-caitya paripATIe patra 2. ka, bhAvasAgarasUriziSya. 2. saM1562. ka. 44 paMkti.15 akSara. 42 leka anu17muM za0 26, 6 X 11. se. mi

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432 J. B. Shah Jambu-jyoti (3) jayahemaziSyakRta citoDa caityaparipATI 2 goama gaNahararAya pAyapaMkaya paNamevI, haMsagamaNi mRgalocaNI e sarasati samarevI, pAe lAgInaI vInavu e diu majha mati mADI, citrakoTa nayaraha taNI e racauM cetrapavADI. mAlava gUjara mArUADi dakSiNa nai lADa, desa save mAhe mUlagu e maMDaNa mevADa, eka locana pRthivI taNuM e citrakoTa bhaNIjaI, avara na bIjuM jagaha mAhi ima vayaNa suNIjai. gaDha maDha maMdira mAliA e uMcA ati sohaI, sAta poli oleiM bhalI e dekhI mana mohaiM, caupaTa cihuM disi cyAri poli dIsaIM aticaMga, utsava raMga vaddhAMmaNAM e nitu vAjaI mRdaMga. drAkhapAnanA maMDavA e selaDI vADI vana, vApI kUpa khaDokalI, e dIsaI rAjabhavana, kalasa sovanamaya jhagamagaI e kosIsAM-oli, koraNimaMDita thaMbhazreNi ghaDIAlA poli nayarasiromaNi citrakUTa uMcau suvizAla, dhaNa kaNa kaMcaNa bharia bhUri cauTAM causAla, ziva jina zAsana deharA e munivara-posAla, zrAvaka zrAvI puNya karaI mana raMgi rasAla. tiNi nayari sIsodiAM e kulamaMDaNa jANa, gaDhapati gajapati chatrapati sahu mAnai ANa, baMdI jaya ja ucaraI e vAjaiM nIsANa, rAja karai rAyamalla rANa teji jisiu bhANa.

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Two Unpiblished Chaitya Pariptis on Citod-tirtha 433 vastu goyama gaNahara goyama gaNahara samari sarasatti, sugurU pasAya lahI karI racisu cetrapravADi sArIa, citrakoTa nayaraha taNA guNa thuNaiM bahu naraha nArIya, gaDha maDha maMdira jhagamagaiM vAjaiM Dhola nIsANa, rAja karaI rAyamalla rANa tejiM dIpai bhANa. bhASA svargapurI laMkA avatAra, vyavahAriA taNA nahI pAra, sArasiMgAra karaMti tu jayu jayu, rAjaI rAjakulI chatrIsa, vAsi vasaIM varNa chatrIsa, batrIsa jiNa pUjaMti. cAlau cetrapravADi karIjaI, mANasajanma taNauM phala lIjai, kIjai niramala kAya, raMgi sahia samANI Avu, cAula akSita cuka pUrAvu, gAvu zrI jinarAu. 9 pahiluM zrI zreyaMsa namIjaI, triNi kAla jiNabhagati karIjai, asI biMba pUjaMti tu jayu jayu, Agali soma ciMtAmaNi pAsa, sumati sahita triNi saI paMcAsa, Asa pUrai ekaMti 10 thaMbhaNi thApyA vIra jiNaMda, paya sevaI naranArIvRMda, daMda save TAlaMti tu, caupanna biba-siuM Adi jiNesara, harakhiiM thApyA saMghapati isari, kesari pUja karaMti tu. 11. mugati-bhagatidAyaka baIThA prabhu, ekasau trIsa-siuM caMdraprabha, caumukha bhuvaNa majhAri, nAbhirAya-kula-kamala-diNaMda, dasa mUrati-siuM Adi jiNiMda, vaMdaI bahu naranAri. 12 saMkaTa pAsa jiNesara cUrai, Aku-sAmI pratyA pUrai, paMtrIsA subiMba, bhavaNa dekhI UpannI sumati, tera biMba-syuM bheviM]dyA sumati, kumati harai avilaMba. 13 vastu saMgha cauviha malI manaraMgi, catra-pravADi cAliA Adi deva vaMdauM zreyAMsa, caMdraprabha Adila jANIi, ciMtAmaNi pUravai Asa, pAsa jiNesara jAgatu, AkA-bhuvaNa majhAri, sumatinAtha pUjI karI, rAsa ramaI naranAri. 14 vIra-vihAra puhutta jAma pAvaDiAM sAThi, caDatAM karama viSama taNIa tihAM chUTaI gAMThi, kosIsAM koraNia bAri mUlai nahI mAThi, dIThe mAgauM sAmi pAsi sevAnI pAThi. bAlaI sAhiM Udhariu e vijayamaMdira prAsAda, uMcapaNai dIsai siu e niramAlaDI e ravi-siMuM maMDai vAda; maNora hIe. 15

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434 J. B. Shah paharIya pIta paTUlaDIa khIrodaka sAra, kastUrI caMdana ghasIa kesara ghanasAra, caMdana marUu mAlatIya bahu mUla apAra, dhAmI dhAmiNi bhAva - siuMa pUjai savicAra, usavaMsa - kula-maMDaNau e bAlAgara suvicAra; trisalAnaMdana thApiu e nira0 bharaI sukRtabhaMDAra. triNi saI aTThAvIsa biMba, te TAlaI zoka, toraNa zikharaha daMDakalasa koraNi ati roka, dhaja-patAka e ima kahai, saMbhalajyo loka, vIra jiNaMda na bheTasihaM, teha jIviuM phoka, jimaNai pAsai pokhiA e, sAmI pAsa supAsa; ratanAgari raMgi thApIA e, ni0 pUravai mananI Asa. khelAmaMDapi pUtalIa nAcaMtI sohaI, raMbhA apsara sArakhIa kAmImana mohaiM, huMbaDa pUnA taNI dhua tiNi e mati maMDIa, kIratithaMbha karAvi jAta mAharI sUkhaDIa, sAta bhuMhi sohAmaNIi biMba sahasa doi dekhi, pekhI pAchA saMcariA e ni0 vaMdI vIra vizeSa. pAsa jidi digaMbaraI tihAM nava saI biMba, caMdraprabha cyAlIsa - siuMa pUjaI avalaMba, panara biMba - syuM nAbhirAya - suta arbuda - sAmia. maladhAraI zrI caMdraprabha pUraiM mana kAmI, panara biMba pUjI karI e surANaIM sama caMda; satara biMba sohAmaNai ni0 sAmI sumati jiNida. varahaDIi zrI sumati deva uguNapaMcAsa, saMghavIiM dhanarAje jeha pUrI mani Asa, ekasau cautrIsa biMba- siuM pUjIjai saMti, DAgaliI jiNadatta sAhi pUrI niya khaMti, lolA- bhavaNi pekhIyA e saMti jiNesara pA[rA]ya, aTAvanna mUrati bhalI e, ni0 sevuM anudina pAya. Jambu-jyoti ma0 16 ma0 17 ma0 18 ma0 19 ma0 20 vastu vIra bhavaNi vIra bhavaNi karI mahApUji, sahasakoTi pekhI karI digaMbarai bahu biMba pAmIya,

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Two Unpiblished Chaitya Pariptis on Citod-tirtha 435 caMdraprabha doi ati bhalA, Adideva arbudasAmIa, sUrANai pUjA karI samariA sumati jiNaMda, pArevu jiNi rAkhiu, zaraNai zAMti jiNida. 21 bhASA hiva nAgorai deharai tu, bhamairUlI zrI munisuvrata sAmi tu, ekasa paMcavIsa pUjIjai tu, bha0 navanidhi lIdhaI nAmi tu. 22 zItala-sAmI aMcalII tu, bha0 triNi saI biMba aTThatIsa tu, nANAvAlai aThtIsa tu, bha0 munisuvrata jagadIsa tu. 23 cauvIsa biMba pallIvAlai, bha0 sImaMdhara jayavaMta tu, citrAvAlaI cyAlIsai tu, bha0 pAsa jiNaMda dayavaMta tu. 24 kumatiharaNa zrI sumati jiNa tu, bha0 pUnamIi bAvIsa tu, kharatara vasahI zAMti jiNa tu, bha0 mUrati paMcatAlIsa tu. pAsa jiNesara sAmala tu, bha0 sattarisA doi sAra tu, paMca sai panarottara biMba tu, bha0 zattuMjaya giranAra tu. Adi jiNaMda ArAhII tu, bha0 mAlavII prAsAda tuM, deharI dIsaiM dIpatI tu, bha0 ghaMTA paDaha ninAdi tu. caumukha cyAri mUrati bhalI tu, aSTApada avatAra tu, ATha saIM satahuttari biMba tu, bha0 pUjIjai savicAra tu. munisuvrata mahimA ghaNau bha0 sukosala guphA majhAri tu, kIratidhara bAdhiNi sahIi tu, bha0 girUA iNi saMsAri tu. 29 Agali gomukha vAghamukha tu, bha0 vAri jharai anivAra tu, kuMbhaI kuMbhigi thApII tu, bha0 kIratithaMbha udAra tu. 30 nava bhuI caDIi nihAlIi tu, bha0 sarovara vana abhirAma tu, keli khajUrI nibUi tu, bha0 caMpaka ketaki nAma tu. 31 vastu Adi jiNavara Adi jiNavara munisuvrata, zItala sImaMdhara sumati zAMti deva solamu anudina, kAmita tIratha dIpatu, pAsa sAmi vAmAnaMdana, munisuvrata mahimA ghaNau, sukkosala ati sAra, vADI vana pekhI karI, hIyaDai harakha apAra. 32.

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436 J. B. Shah Jambu-jyoti bhASA hiva tihAMthI pAchA valyA e mAlhaMtaDe, kuMbhesara tava dITha, suNi suMdare, kuMbhe0 caupaTa cauhaTai cAhatAM e mA0 nayaNaDe ami paiTha. suNi0 kharatara sAha velA taNu e mA0 caumukha bhavaNa vaMdesa, su0 poDhI pratimA pekhIi mA0 caMdani pUja racesu. su0 zAMti jiNesara zItalu e mA0 caumukha bhavaNa vaMdesa, su0 sapataphaNA maNi pAsa jiNa mA0 biMba doi sai paNavIsa. su0 sAhaNaiM sAhiM thApiA e, mA0 ajita jiNesara rAya, su0 paMcai saI paMcAsI0 e mA0 sevaI suranara pAya. su0 DuMgari thApyA zAMti jiNa mA0 sattari su paNi paMca. su0 nava saI nauAnaI namu e mA0 vAravAra viNa paM[khaM]ca. su0 vasahI biMba pAMtrIsa su e mA0 saMbhava samaratha sAra, su0 je nara vaMdaI te lahaiM e mA0 sAsaya sukhabhaMDAra. su0 batrIsaI jiNahara thuNiA e mA0 ATha sahasa satitAla, su0 doI saI saMkha maI karI e mA0 te vaMdauM triNi kAla. su0 praha UThI je bhAva-siuM e naresUA, karasiuM caitra-paripATi, tehanuM janma saphala sahI e naresUA, mugati pradhAna[....]. caitra-paravADi paDhaI guNaI e naresUA, anaI je nisuNaMti, te doi tIsa tIratha taNuM e na0 nizcaI phala pArmiti. siri tavagachanAyaka sivasukhadAyaka hemavimala sUriMdavarA, tasu sIsa sukhAkara guNamaNiAgara labadhimUrati paMDita pravarA, jayahema paMDitavara vidyA suragurU, sevIjai anudina caraNa, sevakajana bolaI amiaha tolai, harakhiiM harakha suhaMkaraNa. -Iti zrI citrauDa caitya paripATI stavanaM samAptaM mahopAdhyAya zrI AgamamaMDanagaNiziSyeNa likhitaM zrA0 kapUrade paThanArtham. zrI. (pa. saM. 3-12, dA. 24 sImadhara svAmI bhaMDAra, surata) (jaina yuga, bhAdrapada-Azvina 1983, pR. 54-57) 43

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2 Brie 315 BEN Jain Education Intemational www.airtelbrary.org