Collected Articles Of LA Schwarzschild On Indo Aryan 1953 1979

Author(s): Royce Wiles
Publisher: Australian National University

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SCHWARZSCHILD: Some Forms of the Absolutive in Middle Indo-Argan
pratha back which occurs in Apabhrania as pitki (Sanatkumaracarita 695.6). In Sanskrit preku could have the meaning of "surface," and confusion between pitthi<pratha and "piffhic priket earth was therefore inevitable. In its development into the Modern Indo-Aryan languages pratha has given forms with eh, e. g. Hindi pick, either under the influence of Sanskrit piccka ("tail-festher, lex. "tail") or of paid, as ex
plained by Professor Turner. This influence also accounts for the form picchi in Hemacandra.
More uncertain is the case of oscara cafeara a place where four roads meet. This word occurs in the Ardha-Magadht of the canon, in Jain Mahäräştri and Mähärästri and also in Pali (and in Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit), while the numeral catetri appears in these languages as calldri. The change of fe to or is therefore almost certainly not purely phonetic in this case. The presence of the or might be explained by the influence of the root car to walk and its derivatives, such as asmears
road." Purther examples of this type of "palatalisa tion" are:
jari to be grieved (et. Hindi karsa). This Prakrit and Apahhramia verb has been asso ciated by Professor Jacobi in his glossary to the Sanatkumarscarita with the Sanskrit root dkar,
Alsdorf explains it more convincingly as a derivative of Vedic jaryafi," with the not at all infre quent aspiration of j
Prakrit and Apabhrapia sajjhana fear. He macandra's explanation of this word (II. 26) from
Sanskrit dhasa is a little doubtful. It seems
difficult to dissociate sajjhass from the Nepali jkaskenu, to be startled, jhankai timidity, fright, and the associated words, which Professor Turner traces back to u Prakrit "jhasa, jhassa audden movement, cognate with Prakrit jhasia thrown up (Desinämamälä III. 62). This Prakrit word is perhaps connected with the Baddhist Sanskrit jhayati discussed by Professor Edgerton (Sict. Lex V jhas, jay: Pali Les. jhas, Vedio jasate, jasagati). It seems therefore that the Prakrit and Apabhramsa sajjhase is derived from -, which was still very sual as a prefix in
L. Albort, Der Kundraplapratibha (Hamburg, 1028), 43.
F. Egerton, Buddhist Hybrid Sesskrit Dictionary (New Haven, 1953), p. 246.
Prakrit and Apabbramsa, plus the Prakrit jhans, rather than from Sanskrit sidhsasa, which sur vived na seddhasa in Prakrit
as
Prakrit jkaga <dkeaja. This can be dismissed a case of assimilation: dhraja>jkeajajaja jhaya. In its development into the modern languages this word has been combined with danda stick, pole, hence Hindi jhanda etc.
Apabhramis jhuni noise," is derived by Hemarandra in his grammar 1. 68 and IV. 439 from
dhrani, Jhups occurs only in very late Jaina Prakrit and Apabhrampán texta. Hemacandra's explanation is not inevitably correct: dhani has normally given dhupi in the Prakrits and this may have survived into the modern languages as dhuni (Hindi: Nepali dhuni etc.), although the dental
in P. 8. G. M. renders this difficult (Turner, loc. rit. under dhuni). In Apabhramán one finds a verb jkunai which is equated with jugups by the grammarians and generally translated to scold. The phonetic development from jugupe- to jhunis not satisfactory, and it is much more probable that both this verb and the noun jauni are of a similar Desi derivation. Whether Hindi wards of
the type jhunjhuna rattle are connected remains very doubtful. In any case words of this whole group, including jhusi, which are perhape onomatopoeie, cannot be adduced as important examples
of a sound-change.
rijjam<ridein is found in Ardhamigadhi, eg. in the Sayagadangasutta 126, 306. This word
may be derived from rijda (ef. ahijja<abhijña) and was in any case in close semantic association
with sijja<ridget wisdom.
the cognate verb bujjhui<budbytte.
Ardhangadh bujjka<buddhya is based on
There is therefore no regular sound change of dental plus e to palstal, and the explanation of the absolutives in co, colsa (gs), in Ardhamägadhi, Jain Mähäräetri and Jain Saurasent, such as bicol (V kr), from Sanskrit -ful, feina (m) cannot be correct. One must therefore go back to the ex
*The way in which this sound change should have
takan plass has never been satisfactorily explained Pischel, followed half-heartedly by Chatage, Introduction to Ardha Magadh (Kollapur, 1946), had believed in a substitution of y for Tugare's saggestion (for. cit.) te>ce is evidently impossible. Doubts on this subjest are also expressed by F. Edgerton, Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit fremmar (New Hares, 1950), 36: 39.
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SCHWARZ CHILD: Some Forms of the Absolutice in Middle Indo-Aryan
113
The change of te to tu by Samprasarana was only to some extent regional; it was also a learned feature, and is found particularly in words borrowed from Sanskrit right up to the modern 2. The most frequent type of absolutive in the period. V tear to hasten, appears already in Southern Asokan with a s, filandiya and fulige, Prakrits ends in (1) ga. It is the normal form found in the Dhauli and Jangads Edicts respecin Mähäräştri. It is found already in the Bhabru tively; Apabhramia has furai; the Hindi furant edict of Asoka (Hultzsch's reading: abhinddet is associated with this. The second person pronam); it is found in Ardhamagadbl as well as in noun is similar in development to the absolutive: Mähärästi, also in Jain Sauraseni se-dina. dans team> tuman. Here the w forms are spread even even occurs in some of the Saurssent passages of further than in the case of the absolutive and are the Sanskrit and Prakrit plays, though of the by no means characteristic of the south alone, grammarians only Hemacandra admits this ending This is due to the influence of the Vedic team for Sauraseni. Thus the Karpüramañjarī of Ra and other declensional forms of the second person, jasekhara has ghettina (1.12.2 in Konow's edi-e. g. Sanskrit fubkyam, which have the radical fa tion) side by side with the more usual gephia (IV. The forms developed according to sound change 19. 18 etc.). -tana further occurs in Gatha Pali. (2) were particularly favoured in this case because Professor Gray claims that the ending (1) sound change (3) led to confusion with tags of the represents a contamination of the Vedio -fedna (m) third person, while sound change (4) led to con with the infinitive in tam and that the existence fusion with the derivatives of atman. Although of the suffix -gles helped in this evolution. He there is little doubt that on the whole the change concludes: JS vaftidana <vartitine <ertfina of tu to tu was southern, the absolutives in -na vartitum, but there does not seem to be sufficient appear to have died out even in the south by the reason for rejecting the theory offered by Pischel Apabhramán period, and their survival into Modin this case. Pischel gives the intermediate form een Marathi has been definitely disproved by -taasa (m), attested only by the grammarians, and Bloch (Marathi -an, older ini, anni etc.).
he thinks therefore that the change to -(e)ana is 3. The change of te to it is found in tta, of a phonetic rather than analogical nature. Exactly parallel to fudna are the well-attested abso-na(m) from -fua -foonam. This is the moet lutives gadus and kadua of the verbs gam and kr also in Jain Mähärästri and Jain Saurasen in usual absolutive in Ardhamigadhi, but it occurs in Saurasent, Migadhi and Dhakki, in both the texts and the works of the grammarians. It is passages that are under the influence of the Svetambara Jain canon. There are no survivals of this Samprasarana that explains these endings much ending in Apabhramia; the so-called Eastern Aparather than the influence of the infinitive in fum. bhramia of the Dohakose and the Dakarpava only Because of the presence of a long syllable in tudna has. There have however been theories, not genthe long & in fans is to be expected. The absolu- erally accepted, that -tnam spread towards the tive in-fasa is frequent not only in the literary south and has survived in the modern Marathi Prakrits, but also in the inscriptions, particularly am. The reason for the absence of the absoluin the south. This absolutive obviously had a certain amount of popular currency, but it was fact that they tended to coincide with the Eastern tives in fta, tapam in Apabhramia may be the especially a feature of stylized Mähäräştri poetry form of the suffixes -fed, fedina of the abstract only to be replaced by popular formations accord nouns. In any case the fact that -a, -tanam is ing to sound changes (3) and (4), and finally by derivatives of ys. The literary nature of the abso lutives in -ina accounts for their survival in passages of Apabbrumis poetry that are meant to be archaizing, and are modelled on Maharastri poetry.
planation rejected by Pischel, but still maintained by Gray that the derivation is from the Vedie -ty, tylna which had survived in popular speech.
te is also found in Pall, Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit and the Prakrit grammarians.
Derivatives of atman tended to undergo apheresis, for in instance in Kashmiri pés, Gaj. pote ete, and po
sibly also in Nepali pill, unless the latter is to be derived
directly from the Sanskrit tad.
J. Bloch, op. cit., paragraph 204.
I. H. Gray, "Observations on Middle Indian Mor phology," BO VIII (1988-7), pp. 574-6 J. Bloch, op. cit., paragraph 202, and Rājvāde M. A. Mehendale, Historical Grammar of Inscrip Futkaran," p. 100, and S. G. Telpule, Fédali tional Prolite (Poma, 1148).
Marathi Badal (Bombay, 1982).
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