Collected Articles Of LA Schwarzschild On Indo Aryan 1953 1979

Author(s): Royce Wiles
Publisher: Australian National University

Page 55

BHARATIYA VIDYA
I VolXIX
(c) Dave suggested a derivation from the Sanskrit tanaya "son', and this view was considered the least objectionable by W. N. Brown.
(d) Tessitoris suggested a derivation from amanaka 'one's own with loss of the initial vowel by aphaeresis.
(e) Modi mentioned that there is a possibility of deriving it from a pronominal form of tad".
The difficulties in the case of the postposition resi, Tesamusi are perhaps even greater and no suggestions as to its origin appear to have been made.
Both taxaya and resi, resmi are so well attested that there is little doubt as to their role and meaning. Tanaya was a postpositional adjective and was usually added to a noun or pronoun in the genitive case. Being an adjective ramaya agreed in gender and number with the noun that it described and which generally followed it, e.g. Jixindaha tandu dhammu the law of the Lord Jina' Paumasiri cariu IV, 64). It was also occasionally used to form a compound with the noun before it which was then left undeclined, and in such a ease tanaya fulfilled a more truly postpositional function, e.g. divammi tammi dittho kim sartho Rayagihatanao 'has the caravan from Rajagrha been seen on this island?! (Nanpanicamikaha IV. 84). Sometimes the use of tayaya has been further extended, particularly in later Apabhramsa, and it has reached the transitional stages bet ween a postpositional adjective and an indeclinable postposition. It could be used as Bhayanil has shown in the phrase... arena loranera 'by reason of ... and with the elision of cranega it tended to become a causal postposition in its own right, being listed as such by Hemacandra IV.425 idarthye Icehim-chim-resi. resim-tanenih, 'Kehi, tehim.resi, resim and tonna are used in a causal sense'.
In most of its earlier occurrences tanaya was used with pronouns rather than nouns. Thus it figures in the Paramātmaprakala: mahutanci 'mine', in the Sapayadhamma-doha: tasu tanaim 'his, and in the Paumacariu of Svayambhu: kaho tanan dhana 'whose wealth? In this use with a pronoun to form a possessive, tanaya resembles an even earlier attested postposition, kert, which is found in Mahl. Tastre, e.g. in maha keramine (Hila). There is even evidence that like tera, tanaya was actually used to form a possessive adjective 6. T. N. Dave, A Study of the Gujarati language in the 16th century, London,
1905 58 7. W. Norman Brown, "Some Postpositions behaving as Prepositions in the Old
Gujarati Vatavilla di Lin e s 1958 p 31 3.LAP Tester Indian Antiary p208 3. M. C. Modi, Gorje
Berada, 1956 Clay S. Tai 10. HC. Bhayani, Pemer of Kevinja Sambidere. Bombay, 1958, p. 67
Nos. 3 & 4) NOTES ON TWO POSTPOSITIONS OP INDO-ARYAN that was felt as a unity, tujjhanau (attested in the Kuvalayamála) from tujjha+tandu.2
The declensional system of Apabhramia maintained some clarity. Thus mahu in mehutanai stands for the genitive or dative-ablative singular of the pronoun and would therefore in its context indicate possession without the addition of tanai. Similarly in the case of nouns, phalai saggo-dumalo could mean the fruit of the heavenly tree' without the addition of tanaim as in the Paumacariu 3.7.1. phalaim saggo-dumaho tanim. As in the case of the history of languages outside Indo-Aryan, for example in Romance, pronouns tended to keep some case distinctions longer than nouns, and in fact they even retain a diversity of declensional forms in Modern IndoAryan. One would therefore expect fewer, not more postpositions with pronouns than with nouns. Yet the opposite state of affairs prevails and postpositions are more frequent with pronouns than with nouns, particularly in Apabhrama and to a lesser extent even in the earlier stages of the modern languages, for instance in Awadhi, as pointed out by B. Saksena. The frequency of tawaya with pronouns and its use with nouns clearly showing the genitive ending indicate that this postpositional adjective was not used simply as a substitute for the ending, and the decline of the case-system and the rise of the postpositions in the case of anaya at least cannot be dismissed just as a matter of cause and effect. If one explains tandya as an emphatic form of the possessive, then its frequent use with pronouns is quite understandable: emphasis is felt particularly necessary with pronouns and mahu-tagaya etc. would simply correspond to a more emphatic method of expression than mahu 'of me', perhaps more emphatic even than the Prakrit mala-lera "mine", Apabhramśa mera, and it would be equivalent to my very own'
This aspect of Apabhrama usage also throws some light on the etymology of tanaya. It renders improbable the suggestion by Beams that tanaya was derived from the Sanskrit suffix -tang. This suffix was used exclusively to form derivatives associated with time, e.g. cirantana, puritana 'ancient', sadatana 'everlasting' etc. As pointed out by J. Wackernagel 15 it occurs occasionally in rare and late for mations associated with words of a local rather than a temporal meaning, but it never had any strong possessive sense and there is no sign of it ever having become emphatic. Moreover Sanskrit -tana, 11. This form is quoted by A. Master, "Gleanings from the Kumalaemata-sha",
BSOS 21950. 27. However in a very recent article in the Jubilee Volume of Braced (Adyar 1951). "The Late MTA Possive Suff
Hc Bhayant has shown that forms like t hese are probably unconnected with the possessive
postposition fame 12. B. Saksena, The Bello of Awad, Allahabad, 1907, p. 214 13. J. Wackerna indische Grammatik edited by A Debrunner, Vol. 1 2
Göttingen, 1954, p. 55.
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