Collected Articles Of LA Schwarzschild On Indo Aryan 1953 1979

Author(s): Royce Wiles
Publisher: Australian National University

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BHARATIYA VIDYA
[Vol. XIX
clined e.g.: tapu-kanti-bhariya-gayan' angandi 'the beauty of whose body filled all heaven' (Kumarapalapratibodha J. 93). It thus came about that tanu was ultimately no longer considered as a -u stem. In the late Apabhramsa of the Sandesarasaka it forms a locative singular tani (vs. 187 and 189) and shows every sign of being treated exactly like the ordinary masculine-a declension whose nominative singular ended in -u, and with which it was therefore liable to be confused. There is no doubt, however, that this confusion with the masculine stems in a belongs to a late stage of Apabhramsa and it would not account entirely for the earliest occurrences of the form tanaya. It seems that several words in -u, both feminine and masculine, formed derivatives even in the Prakrit period in which this final -u did not figure: kangu 'bracelet' has a derivative kangani of similar meaning: pasu, from Sanskrit pašu 'animal' gave rise to pasaya 'a kind of animal', which is found already in the Jain canonical texts but is sometimes wrongly considered as a Desi word; teu from tejas forms a derivative teaya; etc. There is thus no morphological objection to a derivation of tanaya from the word tanu 'person', -body'. Part of the reason why the type of formation shown in the North-Western Prakrit, tanuvaka 'one's own', did not become popular over a wider area may be the existence of a homonymous word, the adjective tapu 'little', 'slight'. Tanuvaya was too liable to be associated with tapu 'little', generally lengthened to tapua, which was a widely used word and itself the basis of several other words taquei 'to weaken', tapudi 'to be weak'. The form tanaya 'one's own' on the other hand did not cause any confusion with any other adjective, it only resembled the noun tanaya 'son', too different in use to lead to any major confusions.
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Tanaya 'own' is therefore probably a derivative of tanu 'body', 'person' characteristic of the western and north-western areas of India, and it is reflected as such in Apabhramsa and Old Western Raajsthani as well as modern Gujarati, while some less certain derivatives are found over a wider area. For a period tanaya was felt as an emphatic possessive adjective 'one's own', 'personal' and even in late Apabhramsa and early Gujarati it had not yet undergone all the loss of independence that distinguishes a true postposition. In fact it appears in the Old Gujarati of the Vasantaviläsa-phagu almost as a preposition, being placed before its noun as for instance in ritu taniya-vasanta 'the season of spring'.7 Tanaya is thus a clear example of a postposition in the making, as yet little affected by the lack of independence and accentuation as well as by the rapid phonetic changes that account for modern postpositions such as ne, which may be derived from it.
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Nos. 3 & 4] NOTES ON TWO POSTPOSITIONS OF INDO-ARYAN
The postposition resi, resammi is in quite a different category from tanaya. It is known only from a much smaller range of texts and over a shorter period. It already has all the typical features of a postposition which makes the search for its origins so difficult. Resi(m), resammi appears only in comparatively late Apabhramsa and in very late Prakrit texts influenced by Apabhramsa. 25 It is usual in the older texts in Gujarati, e.g. in the Vasantavilāsa-phagu and in some of the poetry from Rajasthan, such as the Dhola-Māru ra Düha and the Beli Krisan Rukmini-ri, but it does not appear to have survived right into the modern spoken languages. The meaning of the postposition resi(m) is clear from its earliest occurrences: it is a dative postposition indicating purpose e.g. in the Kumarapalapratibodha S. 49.9, tā välivi pucchiu samaņu, sauna-parikkhana -resi 'they caused the monk to turn back and questioned him in order to test the bird'. Sometimes, as here the word preceding resi(m) is compounded with it and left uninflected, but sometimes the instrumental-locative ending is used before resi(m), as in Hemacandra IV. 425 annahi resi 'for someone else'. Resi appears in various forms: the earliest and most frequent form is resi(m), but resammi and even resimmi are occasionally found. It seems clear that resammi and resimmi simply represent resi(m) with the addition of the locative singular ending (a)immi. This locative singular ending strictly speaking belongs to Prakrit (AMg., JM., JS. and M.) but it is found also fairly frequently in Apabhramsa. Long ago Grierson26 discovered similar developments in the modern languages. Giving some tables of modern postpositions he stated: "It is an interesting fact that every dative suffix in the above two tables is identical with the (modern) locative of a genitive suffix." Resammi, resimmi probably represent the first instance of this tendency to mark dative postpositions by the addition of a locative ending. Grierson's statement further helps to elucidate the ultimate origin of resi(m), it strengthens one's suspicion that resi(n) was derived from a very usual and early attested genitive postposition, namely kera< Sanskrit karya, Resi (m) has the general appearance of a genitive plural of a pronominal form: tesim, kesim, annesim, savvesim etc. were the usual genitive plural forms of pronouns in AMg. JM. and JS, and according to Hemacandra (III. 61) they could be used for the feminine as well as the masculine of the genitive plural. Now kera < karya was not in itself a pronoun, but was used so much with pronouns, particularly in the formation of the possessive pronominal adjectives maha-kera > mera etc., that it was liable to be influenced by the pronominal type of declension. A genitive plural keresim, 25. H. C. Bhayani, "Some Interesting Features of the Prakrit of the Napapaficamlkaha", Bharatiya Vidya Vol. XII, 1951, p. 157.
26. G. A. Grierson, op. cit., p. 476.
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