Collected Articles Of LA Schwarzschild On Indo Aryan 1953 1979

Author(s): Royce Wiles
Publisher: Australian National University

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SCHWARZSCHILD: Notes on some Middle Indo-Aryan Words in -11
andra. There was thus one case of a root in -d, Vud (with a number of derivatives uda (ka) etc.) forming a new adjective, ella. On this was based a new verb, ollei 'to moisten," whose past participle passive, olliga, is frequent in J. M. and M. It was probably on this pattern that Vaud (also a verb with numerous derivatives, nuda etc.) to push formed a new verb nollei 'to push. Similarly the adjective nolla and the verb sollei were formed from Vaid, "to settle, to prepare, to cook' (deriva tives of Vand being sada etc.). This derivation explains the fact that there are such similar adjective and verb forms, and it also explains the double meaning of the Prakrit verb 'to direct (olla (1) and (2)) and to cook,' and the words zolla (1-5) are thus accounted for..
As ollei followed olla, "chillei "to cut, to tear followed chilla 'torn, a hole,' and we find in J. M. a past participle of this verb, chillia torn. There are a number of parallel formations in Prakrit: on the pattern Vchid chillei, Vbhid to split formed "bhillei, with the past participle bhillia; as Vchad 'to cover formed the derivative challi 'a skin,' vi-krdd 'to make a noise' formed rihallai, and ni-kad to cut up' nicchallai.
The group of verbe in -- which was already swollen in Prakrit by the appearance of all the forms cited above-ultimately connected with dladjectives and nouns-was further increased from some quite different sources. Thus Sanskrit preryate gives pellai 'to send forward, to throw in J. M. etc., with the sound-change -ry-> that is found for instance in pallanka<paryanka a couch. Another addition was Prakrit khellai (Amg, J. M. etc.) which has been explained as A contamination between Vkrid and Veel, or perhaps from *evelyati. There was also a numher of deal words, no doubt influenced in formation by the frequency of the nominal suffixes illa, alla, ulla: e.g. gusjellai, quñjallai, gunjollai (quoted usually as equivalents of ut-las-), phavillai, tha nillaicorayati; dhundhullai, dhundhallai bhramati; dallai pibati and other words of nonAryan or unknown origin listed in the Dhätvädešas and occuring in Prakrit and more frequently in Apabhrapia. Some of these words survive into the modern vernaculars, such as Apabhramka hallei "to shake, modern Hindi Adled, Guj, halvü,
B. L. Turner, op. cit., v. Khelnu.
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Nep. halinnu, which group J. Bloch has derived from the Dravidian (B808, IV,742).
With the increase of verbs in -- there was also a tendency for verbe that had a single -J- in Sanskrit and Prakrit to double that consonant in their root in Apabhramia; hence callai <Vcal, vallai <Vval, millai <V mil, lullai <Vlul. There was then in Middle Indo-Aryan an ever-growing number of verbs in Il-, and with the -- suffixes being so popular also in nouns and adjectives it is not surprising that more and more verbe should be drawn into this group by analogy in the later Middle Indo-Aryan period.
One of the most interesting of the new forma tions is the verb 'to speak in Apabhramés. Sanakrit Vrad and Vvae 'to speak' seem to have almost coalesced in Prakrit, where they generally give say (M. JM. etc.). Some of the parts of the verb vae- however appear extremely irregular: they are the normal derivatives of the corresponding Sanskrit forms, partially assimilated to the rest of the conjugation of say- in Prakrit. Thus we find a future vocchami, infinitive rottum, passive tucca, past participle vuffs. Nollei has an old past participle nuttam in Prakrit, surviving from Vnud, as well as nollia: vuttam, say tended to be drawn into the new -- group on this same pattern and formed rollai which replaced the simple verb say in Apabhramia. In the manuscripts of the earlier of the major Apabhramás texts, the Paumacariu of Svayambhuders and the works of Puspadants the form sollal is the most usual one. In the later texts of the Digambaras and the later Svetambara Apabhramia texts bollai is the more usual form, e. g. in the Karakaodacariu of Kanakamars and in Hemscandra's works, and this accounts for the modern verbs of the type of Hindi bold to speak."
Exactly parallel to this word is the Apabhrama verb vollas to walk. This is derived from another ay- of Prakrit, from Sanskrit Veraj, which bore a certain amount of resemblance to rag-to speak in Prakrit: e. g. it formed a type of passive vucea It is clear that this verb simply followed the pattern of the verb 'to speak in forming vollai. There are in Apabhrania a number of similar cases of verbs in -l- that cannot be connected to a Sanskrit root by any ordinary phonetic means. They are yet based on Sanskrit roots, altered on account of this analogical extension of -- verbs. In some cases the connection with the Sanskrit
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SCHWARESCHILD: Notes on some Middle Indo-Argan Words in 11
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root is not very evident and cannot be taken as proven. Thus Vmue forms in Prakrit mua, infinitive mottum past participle mutta (mukka is an alternative), which were sufficiently like nua< nud, p. p. nutta and some of the other verbs cited above, for Vmuc to be drawn into this group. One therefore finds a rare Apabhramia word mullai "to leave, to free. This derivation however remains uncertain, as does the change from mullai to mellai, which is the usual Apabbraméa verb to leave,' cf. Guj, melva. This last change might be due to the influence of pellai and some of the other verbs of this group, but this leaves a further variant millas to be accounted for. Very curious and less dubious is one further derivative of Vmuc. There was in Prakrit already a variant past participle mukka from mukna, and this was in fact more usual than the etymological mutta mukta in J. M. This past participle mukka left, released, formed an adjective by means of the addition of the usual suffix -la, and we therefore find mukkala, mokkala, and mokkalla (ef. references to occurrences of these words in the Paiasaddamahanpavo). From this adjective there was created a new verb mokkallas "to release, which is found in the Bhavisayattakahä and which survives in Marathi mokalnem and Guj. mokale.
More uncertain again is the connection between Sanskrit bhrage, Prakrit bagssai (with possible labialisation of a to u> bhusai) to fall,' and Apabhramda bhullai "to fall. It may well be a derivation of the type discussed here, and one argument in favor of this is the existence of an Apabhramia adjective bhulla fallen,' which is the same in its relation to bhullai as solla is to sollei, ella to ollei ete. Uncertain also is the derivation of Apabhramda rellai 'to flood,' relli a flood. This is probably formed from Vri, Prakrit riyai by analogy with the numerous group chid- etc. discussed above. There are one or two tempting etymologies of equal uncertainty, among these one must note especially the verb vellai. This is recorded with several meanings in Prakrit:
(1) vellai 'to shake
(2) sellai'to play," 'to amuse oneself' (3) compound verbs wevellai, sevillai' to shake,
to move forward,' but also-udvestate, just as samcellai is used as equivalent of samvestate (note also nievellai, with similar meaning, quoted by Pischel).
There are two main theories to explain all those forms: (a) from a Sanskrit root vell, found in epic and classical Sanskrit, and (b) Pischel's explanation which derives this group of words, as well as the nouns velli 'a climbing plant, vella hair, distraction, amusement," from vina, past participle of a verb sil-, or from rilesti, vilyati, based on the same root.
It seems much more likely that here we have an example of the type of really widely extended analogy discussed above for the case of the Apa bhramia mellai, rellai. It is comparatively early, because the words of the group sell- are found in Maharistri and in the Prakrita of the drama, not however in the earlier language of the Jain canon. They have thence been borrowed into Sanskrit which accounts for the epic and classical verb. vellati This Prakritic verb sell- belongs to a group of verbs that have been extended by means of suffixes already in Sanskrit: vij 'to be agitated" and tip 'to tremble," vyath to be unsteady." Which form of the verbs of this group was first of all responsible for bringing in the influence of the -- verba remains uncertain. Vij and vip, sep- seem to have fallen together in J.M. and presumably also in the Prakrit of other regions (perhaps excluding Sauraseni), as the normal derivative of both in J. M. is via-, vea. This form in probably the basis of the analogy. The change of rea-via- to vell- would thus appear to be parallel. to the change of riyai to rellas noted above,"
The example of these -- verbe shows how the verbal stem went hand in hand with the nominal stems: we find the maximum number of -- verbe in Apahhramia, precisely when the illa, ulla, alla type of nominal and adjectival suffix was at its maximum extension. It is not a question of cause and effect, as only some of the -- verbs are directly derived from nouns or adjectives. It is simply that the suffixes in -, both nominal and verbal, were popular in the spoken language particularly after the beginning of the Christian era,
and were felt to be characteristic of Prakrit and
For references to the earliest occurrences of this verb in Sanskrit ef. Bahtlingk and Roth's St. Petersburg Dictionary, a. v. sell
Some of the other words in this group, velli 'a
creeper and erilite curly occuring in Pall, Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit and Sanskrit may represent a contamination between the Prakritie root rell- and Sanskrit
valli 'creeper.'
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