Epigraphia Indica Vol 21

Author(s): Hirananda Shastri
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032575/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Volume XXI (1931-32) pratnakIrtimapAvaNa PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110001 1984

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Volume XXI. TEL PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110001 1984

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Reprinted 1984 . ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA GOVERNMENT OF INDIA Price : Rs. 95.00 Printed at Pearl Offset Press Private Limited 5/33, Kirti Nagar Indl. Area, New Delhi-110015

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PUBLISHED UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA, EPIGRAPHIA INDICA AND RECORD OF THE ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA. Vol. XXI. 1931-32. EDITED BY HIRANANDA SASTRI, M.A., M.O.L., D.LITT., GOVERNMENT EPIGRAPHIST FOR INDIA, K. N. DIKSHIT, M.A., OFFG. GOVERNMENT EPIGRAPHIST FOR INDIA AND N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A.(Cal.), PH.D.(Cantab.), GOVERNMENT EPIGRAPHIST FOR INDIA. DELHI: MANAGER OF PUBLICATIONS

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CONTENTS. The names of contributors are arranged alphabetically. PAOR. 17 ACHARYA G. V., B.A. No. 4. Chaudall grant of Harihars: Saka-Bathvat 1313 . . . . . . . ATTAR, VENKATASUBBA, V., B.A. - No. 19. The Pirapmalni inscription of Krishnadevariya: Saka 1440. . 31. The Pallavariyappottai inscription of Rajadhiraja II . . . Arn, SUBRAIDUANYA, K. V., B.A., M.R.A.B.: No. 7. Conjcoveram inscription of Rajaraja I. 17. Tiruchohondor inscription of Varaguns-Mahardja (II) . . . . . 38. Tirumukkadal inscription of Virarkjandra . . . . . . AUTAR, A. 8., M.A., D.Litt. No. 22. Surat plates of Karkkarlija Suvarnavazha of the Gujarkt Ranbtrakata branch : dated Baka year 743 . BAQCHI, P. O., M.A., D.de-lettres. : No. 33. A note on the Pratty Msamutplide-8atza . . . . . . . . BALI, R. D., B.A. No. 18. The Bhadreniyaka grant of raditya I; G.E. 299 . 23. The Chandrobo insoription of Prabodhativa: the Kalashurl your 724 . . . 36. The Josar plates of Snaditya II-the your 947 . . . . . . BASAT, RADHAGOVEDA, M.A.: No. 18. Baigram oopper-plate inscription of the Gapta)- your 128 BATDARLAR, D. R., M.A., PA.D. No. 1. Mathark piller inscription of Chandragupta II: G.E. 61 . . . . . > 14. Mauryan Brihm inscription of Mahisthan. . . . QURBAVABTI, N. P., M.A., PE.D. No. 8. Nivin oopper-plate grant of Dharmardjadevs . . : 26. Kharod inscription of Ratnadeva III-Chodi Sarhvat 933 . 32. Two Brick inscriptions from Nilandi. . . . . . DEREIT, K. N., M.A., RAO BAHADUB : No. 20. Navagrima grant of the Mahirkja Haatin (G.E.(1998). . 28. The Pllanpur plates of Chaalukya Bhimadova (V.8. 1120) . . DIKALLAS, D. B., M.A.: No. 25. A Note on Makwida plates of the time of Params Bhojadova of V.8. 1103 . . 30. Two unpublished Valabhl grants . . . . . . . . . . GATOULY, DEIREADRA CHANDBA, M.A., PH.D. No. 37. Baktepur oopper-plato of Lakshmanasena . . . . . . . . 171 157 179 HALDE, R. B. Kumbha . . 377 No. 9. Two Paremkrafnaoriptions . . . 4. The fourth slab of the Kumbhalgarh inscription of the time of Mahir karpe of Mowle; Vikrama-Samvat 1817. . . . . . NATAL B.A., RAI BAHADU No. 16. Jubbalpore Kotwali plates of King Javaathhadara : Kalachuri your 98. BANAGANO, O. R., BA No. X. The Nola feception . Podlipadh: 11th you . . . . . . .

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXI. PAGE. 25 KONOW, STEN : No. 6. Saddo rock inscription of the year 104 . . . . , 10. Mathura Brahmi inscription of the year 28. . 39. Kalawan copper-plate inscription of the year 134 . . . . MAJUMDAR, N. G., M.A.: No. 16. Nalanda inscription of VipulaarImitra . . . . . . . MIBASHI, V. V., M.A.: No. 21. Two inscriptions from Berar . . . . . . RAMDAS, G., B.A., M.R.A.S.: No. 5. Koroshanda copper-plates of Visakhavarmman RAO, LAKSHMINARAYAN, N., M.A.: - No. 3. A note on the Arjunavada inscription of Yadava Kandara 29. Haldipur plates of the Pellava Chief Gopaladeva. . , 34. Annigeri inscription of Kuttivarman (II); the sixth year . , 35. Two stone inscriptions of Krishna II; Saka 805 . 40. Kolagallu inscription of Khottiga; Saka 889 . . . 43. Gokak plates of Dejja-Maharaja. . See also SARASWATI, RANGASWAMI, A., B.A., and Rao, LAKSHMINABAYAN, N., M.A. SAHNI, DAYA RAM, M.A., RAI BAHADUB : No. 44. Six inscriptions in the Lahore Museum . . . . . . SARASWATI, RANGASWAMI, A., B.A., and RAO, LAKSHMINABAYAN, N., M.A. No. 41. Three copper-plate inscriptions of the Reddis . . . . . SASTRI, HIRANANDA, M.A., M.O.L., D.LIT. : - No. 12. The clay seals of Nalunda . . . . . . . . SASTRI, NILAKANTHA, K. A., M.A.: No. 27. The Udaiyargudi inscription of Rajakesarivarman; A.D. 988 . . SASTRI, SRIKANTHA, S., M.A.: No. 2. Arjunavida inscription of Yadava Kannars : Saka 1182 . . . . VOGEL, J. PH., Ph.D. : No. 11. Additional Prakfit inscriptions from Nagarjunikopda . . . 173 204 206 260 289 . . . . . . 303 INDEX.-By N. Lakshminarayan Rao, M.A. . . . . . . . . . . APPENDIX.-A List of the Inscriptions of Northern India written in Brahmi and ita derivative seripts from about A.C. 300. By Professor D. R. Bhandarkar, M.A., Ph.D., . Index to Appendix-Inscriptions of Northern India . . . . . . . . Title-page, Contents, List of Platos and Additions and Corrections . . . . . . . 266-296 297-320 i-ix

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LIST OF PLATES. 32 & 33 40 & 41 No. 1. Mathura pillar inscription of Chandragupta II : G.E. 61 . . . . to face page , 2. Koroshanda copper-plates of Visakhavarmman . 3. Saddo rock inscription . . . . . . . . . . 4. Conjeeveram inscription of Rajaraja I . between pages 5. Nivina copper-plate grant of Dharmarajadeva . 6. Two Paramara inscriptions : B. Arthuna inscription of the time of Vijayaraja, Vikrama-Samvat 1166 . . . . . . . . to face page 7. Additional Prakrit inscriptions from Nagarjunikonda (I) between pages . . . . to face page (III). 10. The clay seals of Nalanda (I) ." . 52 62 & 63 87 74 , 98 > 156 12. (III) . 13. Baigram copper-plate inscription of the [Gupta)-year 128 . . between pages 80 & 81 14. Mauryan Brahmi inscription of Mahasthan. . to face page 85 15. Jubbulpore Kotwali plates of King Jayasimhadeva, Kalachuri year 918 . . between pages 94 & 95 16. Nalanda inscription of Vipulasrimitra . . . . to face page 17. Tiruchchendur inscription of Varaguna-Maharija (II). . . . between pages 110 & 111 18. Navagrama grant of Hastin : G.E. [1]98 . . . . . . . to face page 126 19. Surat plates of Karkkaraja-Suvarnavarsha-$. 743 . between pages 140 & 141 20. Chandrohe inscription of Prabodhakiva-Kalachuri year 724 . . * 150 & 151 21. The Nala inscription of Podagadh . . . . . to face pago 22. Khorod inscription of Ratnadeva III-Chedi-Samvat 933 . . . . 164 23. Palanpur plates of Bhimadeva-V.S. 1120 172 24. Haldipur plates of the Pallava Chief Gopaladeva . . . . . . between pages 178 & 179 25. Inscribed Brick from Nalanda . . . . . to face page 198 26. Annigeri inscription of Kirttivarman II--6th year and Sorator inscription of Krishna II-Saka 805 . . . . . . . . . between pages 206 & 207 27. Saktipur copper-plate of Lakshman sana . . . . . . to face page 218 28. Kalawin copper-plate inscription of the year 134 259 29. Kolagallu inscription of Khottiga : Saks 889 . . . . between pages 264 & 265 30. Three copper-plate inscriptions of the Reddis: B. Pachchanitandiparru grant of Anna-Vema i b to iva . . . . . . . . . . 274 & 275 31. > . iv b to vb . . . . . . . . . . . . to face page 276 32. Gokak plates of Dejja-Maharaja . . . . . . . . between page 290 & 291 33. Inscriptions in the Lahore Museum-Plate i. . to face page 298 . between pages 298 & 299 >> .....

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. Page 8, text line 9, for kirtya[rtham- read kirtya[rtham-, , 10, f. n. 4, for Basavaraja-ragale read Basavarajadevara Ragale. ,, 11, 1. 8 from bottom, for Kavilasapura read Kavisasapura. >> 12, text line 17, for aharajadhiraja read maharajadhiraja. , 15, line 10, for Dvaravati read Dvaravati. 21, text line 47, for onforta(1) read a forma [11] 4.deg 22, text line 86, for #TH41deg read on 4.deg 23, last line, for the final form of it read the final form of t. ,, 24, text line 6, for t o read two 26, line 22, for " in the four-hundredth year " read " in the four-and-hundredth year". ., 29, line 4 from bottom, for Gondala-sahasa read Gondala-sahasa. 29, line 3 from bottom, for Ranga-mrigendra read Ranaranga-mrigendra. 32, text line 3, for Kollavi-ganda read Kollaviganda. 33, text line 42, for Gunaka-vijayitundu read Gunaka-Vijayitundu. , 34, text line 48, for paritalla read parifulla. 35, f. n. 2, for "C.f. Mr. V. Misra (J.B.O.R.S., Vol. XVI, pp. 178 ff.) and Mr. S. Rajaguru (Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. VII, pp. 165 ff.)" read "C. f. Mr. V. Misra (Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. VII, pp. 665 ff.) and Mr. S. Rajaguru (J.B.O.R.S., Vol. XVI, pp. 178 ff.)." , 35, f. n. 4 for Vol. LXIII read Vol. LXXIII. , 38, text line 2, for-manai (ne)r= read -manai (pe)r-. 43, line 12 from bottom, for Mandaladeva read Mandanadeva. . 43, line 5 from bottom, for Panachchi read Panachchi. 45, text line 12, for read more. 48, text line 25, for WYTGo read NTT. 48, text line 29, for fura go read fui yura. 43, text lire 31, for fie()oit read faen (1997) 49, text line 33, for 141644TA read TTTTTA. >> 49, text line 35, for wat(at)fare read mat(atuit)fara 49, text line 37, for quifx read elfx. 50, line 15, for frequen ly' read 'frequently'. 51, line 5, for Valabha read Valabhya. 54, text line 19, for NTT read wie TCU. , 54, text line 26, for fanfarrat read fanfrared , 71, f. n. 1, for tasasataza read vasasataya. , 77, line 2 from bottom, for "Puragupta's mother" read " Puragupta's wife". The correct name of this queen is Chandradevi (Bee An. Rep. A. 8. I., 1934-85, p. 63). 81, text line 4, for Govinda-svaminah read Govindasvaminah. 89, line 18 from bottom, for " interpretatated " read "interpreted ". , 92, line 2 from bottom, for Pamattavara read Pramattavara. , 93, line 3, for visenimadaya read visenimadaya. # 96, text lines 15-16, for frrerafad read fraafing vii

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viji EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXI. Page 95, text line 26, for at net read het. , 102, line 15, for Nedunjadaiyan read Nedunadaiyan. 104, line 18, for Parasumangalam read Paraisumangalam. 118, text line 11, for =ek-adhivasasya read =ek-adhivasasya. 120, f. n. 1,1. 4, for Mahavamsa read Mahavansa. >> 122, f. n. 1, ll. 2-3, for Arantangi read Arantangi. 132, text line 8, for ta: read otta. 135, line 18, for Mattepad read Mattepad. >> 138, f. n. 5, for Baroda plates of Dhruva II (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV, p. 197) read Bagumra plates of Dhruva II (Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 179). 141, text line 22, for e t fercicifating: read 99: fearifan # 146, f. n. 2, for Sapta-bhangi-naya read Sapta-bhangi-naya. 148, f. n. 5, for Baihayas read Haihayas. 154, line 9, for Vamsasthavila read Vamsasthavila. , 155, line 19, for Aihole read Aihole. 158, line 5, for Bhdjadeva read Bhojadeva. 160, line 8 from bottom, for Ranma read Ranma. 161, line 8 from bottom, for "Kamalaraja, son of Kokalla II " read "Kamalaraja son of Kalingaraja". , 164, text line 15, for Kasyapa read-Kasyapa. 165, text lines 26-27, for prabhatas=tavad= read prabhatas-tavad=. 167, line 13, for Kurukadi Kilan read Kurukadi Kilan. 167, f. n. 3, 1. 2, for perttandom read perttandom. , 169, text line 6, for Pallava-Muttaraiya- read Pallava-Muttaraiyan>> 170, line 14, for Pappanahcheri read Pappanachcheri. , 170, line 4 from bottom, for Tiru-Anantisvarattu read Tiru-Anantesvarattu. 174, line 11, for " iis distinguished from i" etc., read" i is distinguished from i" etc. , 175, line 9, for Varanasiyuman read Varanasiyuman. , 176, f. n. 3, 1. 7, for pind=adanvagi read pind-adanavagi. > 177, f. n. 10, for "to have ruled only for short time" read" to have ruled only for a short time" 178, text line 15, for garodam read garodam. 178, f. n. 1, for dattib read dattih. . 179, in the heading of A, for Samvat 257 read Samvat 254. 181, line 9 from bottom, for Hastavapra-ahara read Hastavapr-ahara. 182, line 1, for Khuddaka read Khuduka. 182, line 3, for Bhadasaka read Bhadasaka. 184, text line 35, for ez read fafcr. >> 184, text line 42, for a full read at . 187, f. n. 7, 11. 5-6, for Mana-Charana read Manabharana. 190, text line 18, for ullitaraik=ko ru read ulittaraik-konru. , 191, text line 28, for Jinattara[yar] read Chinattara[yar). 291, text line 29, for mugat-tukku read mugattukku. ,, 193, line 1, for "Pallavarayan of Menmalaip-palaiyanar" read "Pallavarayan of Palai yanur in Menmalaip-palaiyanur-nadu". >> 193, line 18, for Virana[mbi] read Virana mbi]. 195, f. n. 7, for C.1.1., Vol. I, read C.1.1., Vol. II. # 199, text line 8, for yathabhuta-samprative(be)dhe read yathabhuta-samprativedhe.

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Page 204, No. 34, line 8, for Hoyasalas read Hoysalas. 209, line 12 from bottom, for ghanchaka read Ghanchaka. 209, line 11 from bottom, for chatta read Chatta. 209, line 10 from bottom, for Lusanika read Lusanika. 39 29 39 33 33 33 dw "" 39 23 ,, 226, line 4, for "they have to be placed before A.D. 1062" etc. read "they have to be placed after A.D. 1062" etc. 29 33 33 33 29 39 23 39 99 39 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 209, lines 6 and 7 from bottom, for Dhoraka read Dhorika. 212, line 4, for" and r and c (ll. 4 and 11) "read" and r and ch (11. 4 and 12) ". 218, text line 23, for read af. 218, text line 31, for a read . 219, text line 53, for batAyanti read balAyanti. 225, lines 15-16, for Ashtangahridaya read Ashtangahridaya. 227, line 2, for Nanarese read Kanarese. 228, line 22 from bottom, for Gangaikondachojapuram read Gangaikondachola puram. 228, line 5 from bottom, for Alpakkam read Alppakkam. 234, text line 14, for Kulaiya-divakara- read Kuvalaiya-Divakara.. 235, text line 15, for tingalmerattar- read =tingalmerattar=. 235, text line 19, for Virasolanukku read Virasolanukku. 237, text line 29, for Tiruvengadamalai= read -Tiruvengadamalai=. 228, text line 30, for en-kalaney- read en-kalaney.. 243, line 1 from bottom, for "Manmagandayan,......Kondayan, Achchidaran" read 66 ..Kondayan, Achchidaran ". ix "Manmagandayan, ..Kamayan, .... 244, line 15 from bottom, for Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu read kshatriyasikhamani-vala .... nadu. 245, line 1, for Valavaraditta-Muvendavelar read Valavaraditta-Muvendavelar. 245, lines 17-18, for mudal silavu read mudal selavu. 264, PS. n. 2, for feftate, read fe y fruto. ,, 268, line 5, for "Timmana-Bhatta who was the son of Kameevara Bhattaraka " read "Timmana-Bhatta who was the son of Kondu-Bhattaraka and grandson of Kamesvara-Bhattaraka". 268, line 16 from bottom, for Kalin-garaya- read Kalingaraya-. 268, line 11 from bottom, for Odhra read Odra. 33 >>, 268, line 8 from bottom, for "the Narasapatam plates of Vajrahasta II" read the Narasapatam plates of Vajrahasta III". 268, line 6 from bottom, for Pan-dyaraya- read Pandyaraya-. "269, line 9, for Madhurantaka-Potappi-Chola read Madhurantaka Pottappi-Choja. 258, f. n. 3, for Mahmud read Mahmud. 263, text lines 12-13, for hama IT (yA) sanotha virguNA: read hamayaSThayA (yA) sanotpattirguNAH and omit notes 3 and 4; and in the translation of verse 5 on p. 266, for (Let people hear) the three gunas and the prowess of (that god), who possesses a yashtyasana made of gold, viz., Kapardin, etc. substitute (Let these be heard, viz.) the birth in hemayashtyasana, the qualities and the prowess of that (god) Kapardin ", etc. [I am indebted to Rao Bahadur K. N. Dikshit, M.A., for this correction and the next.] 264, text lines 49-50, for ()(f) read (a)(f); and in the translation of verse 15, for "and whose devotion (to god) resorted to none but himself" etc. substitute" and whose devotion resorted to none but Skanda " etc.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. Page 271, text line 6, for-sastrulavariki read -sastrulavariki. 272, text line 38, for dhara-purvam- read dhara-purvam. 274, text line 32, for fath (t) read foror (w) 276, text line 79, delete the figure 2 above wearer. 278, line 17, for Hadavati read Hadavati. , 279, line 9, for Sararhgapura read Saramhgapura. 283, text line 14, for vatau read pattern. 286, text line 39, for 946 read ar . 287, text line 42, for a t read a m. 292, line 3 from bottom, for Endkvirut rend Endavirut.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. VOLUME XXI. NO. 1.--MATHURA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF CHANDRAGUPTA II: G. E. 61. BY PROF. DR. BHANDARKAR, M.A., PH.D. (Hon.), CALOUTTA. This inscription, which has not been previously edited, is engraved on a pillar originally attached to a well situated in the Chandul Mandul Bagichi near Rangesvara Mahadeva temple at Muttra. It was discovered there by one Bholanath, a dealer in antiquities, in July 1928 and removed to his place. Later, it was taken possession of by the local Police authorities and was lying in their custody in the Mal godown, Muttra. Thereafter it was secured by the Director-General of Archaeology in India and transferred to the Muttra Museum on the 5th of July 1929 as a deposit from the Archeological Department. It is now lying in the Muttra Museum bearing the No. 1931. In January 1931 Dr. Hirananda Sastri, Government Epigraphist for India, visited the Museum and took some impressions of the inscription. He was BO good as to send me two excellent estampages, one plain, in one whole piece, and the other inked, in two parts. It is on these estampages that my transcript of this epigraph is based. The writing occupies five of the faces with which the pillar is adorned and is spread over & surface, about 2' 3' broad by l' 61' high. The record, on the whole, is not badly preserved. It may seem that some portion at the end is gone, as the last line contains only the first half of a verse in the Arya metre. But, as will be shown subsequently, the second half of this Arya verse could not be engraved, as there was no space available for it between the top and the base of the pillar. The case, however, is different in regard to the third of the five sides of the pillar on which the record is engraved. Almost the whole of this part of the inscription is abraded and completely destroyed. This indeed is a grievous loss, because part of the most important matter contained in this interesting record is thus irrevocably lost to the historian, as we shall see in the sequel. The language is Sanskrit. And the inscription is in prose throughout, except for an Arya verse at the close, only half of which could be engraved. In respect of orthography, the only points that call for notice are (1) the doubling, through out, of v (11.5 and 10), of y (11. 8, 12, 14, 15) and oft (ll. 3, 8), except in the word kirti, in conjunction with a preceding r, and (2) the use of the jihvamuliya in l. 12. The characters belong to the early Gupta period when they were practically identical with those of the Kushana records. This is particularly the case with our inscription which is found at Mathura from where a number of Kushana epigraphs have already come to light. In fact, it would have been well-nigh impossible to say that ours was a Gupta and not a Kushana record, had it pot contained the name of a Gupta king. The letters kh, gh, j, p, m, and v of our inscription have almost invariably flat and angular bases ; 80 also sometimes even the tops of g

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. and 6. But these characteristics are noticeable in the script not only of the Kushana but also of the early Kshatrapa or Nahapana period. Then we have to note the equalisation of the upper verticals, the constant use of the nail-head or wedge, the loop in the left limb of y, the peculiarly developed left member of bh, the slightly convex cross-bar of k and the base-line of n or bending lower down on either side. These peculiarities our epigraph has in common not only with the Kushana records but also with the Junagadh inscription of Rudradaman. The only point in which this last differs from the others is that while in the former the medial a and e are indicated invariably by horizontal side strokes, in the latter they are sometimes shown by the vertical slanting strokes placed on the tops of the letters. But there seem to be no palaeographic peculiarities of any kind which demarcate the early Gupta from the Kushana script. It is possible to argue that what is called the eastern variety of Gupta letters, such as is indicated by the peculiar forms of m, s and h, already makes its appearance in the early Gupta records even at Mathura. Thus Fleet's Gupta Inscrs. No. 4, which was found at this place and pertains tu Chandragupta II himself, has the letter m engraved throughout in the eastern variety. The same type of mis traceable in a Jaina inscription also found at Mathurai but of the time of Kumaragupta I. And further, if we consider the Meharauli pillar inscription of Chandra,' we notice not only m but also & and h of the eastern variety. Scholars are now agreed that this Chandra is either Chandragupta I or Chandragupta II of the Imperial Gupta dynasty. Where the original site of the pillar was is not definitively known. Possibly it was somewhere near Hardwar. It may be to the north of Mathura, but certainly not to the east of it. We have thus to take note of the record which refers at the latest to Chandragupta II and which presents the peculiar eastern variety of m, & and h, although it was not put up anywhere in the eastern part of the Gupta domiDiors. It may thus be argued that the eastern forms of these three letters are noticeable in epigraphs from the western part of the Gupta kingdom and also as early as the time of Chandragupta II, and that, as they are not found in any Kushana record, the existence of this eastern variety at Mathura and Meharauli (or Hardwar) is enough to differentiate clearly the Gupta from the Kushana script. This line of reasoning has no doubt an air of plausibility about it, but cannot stand any critical examination. Buhler has already shown that specimens of the eastern variety appear also in an Udayagiri cave inscription of the time of Chapdragupta II (Fleet's Gupta Inscrs. No. 6, IVA), but this he has rightly explained by the fact that it was incised during an expedition of that Gupta sovereign to Malwa at the command of his minister who was a native of Pataliputra. The existence of the eastern type of Gupta characters in the Meharauli pillar inscription may be explained exactly similarly by saying that it was engraved by the officers of Chandragupta II as they were returning from an expedition of world conquest adverted to therein. Secondly, it is a mistake to suppose that these specimens of the eastern variety are not noticeable in the Kushana records also. Nay, in Mathura itself an inscription has been discovered dated the 14th year of Kanishka's reign, which contains the typically eastern Gupta forms of the three letters m, 8 and h. This also indicates that there is no hard and fast distinction between the Kushapa and the Gupta scripts. There is another piece of evidence to show that these eastern forms of the letters sprung into existence in the pre-Gupta period. Thus we know of an inscription found at Gadha (Jasdan) in Kathiawad of the time of the Mabakshatrapa Rudrasena. It is dated 127 (or 126), and, as it is referred to the Saka era, we obtain A.D. 205 (or 204) as its English equivalent. If we carefully examine the facsimile of this record, 1 Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 210, No. 39 & Pl. Am Bhan. Res. Inst., Vol. VIII, p. 172 4. * Gupta Inacro., No. 32, Pl. mi'A. * Ep. Ind. Vol. XIX. pp. 96 L.

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No. 1.] MATHURA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF CHANDRAGUPTA II: G. E. 61. 3 published above (Vol. XVI. Plate facing p. 237), we find that the letters m and h are incised sometimes in the so-called western and sometimes also in the so-called eastern variety of the Gupta alphabet. It is thus clear, that these eastern forms of the letters were in existence as early as A.D. 205, the date of the Jasdan inscription, that is, certainly more than a century prior to the rise of the Gupta power. They cannot thus possibly be called Gupta characters at all. And it would be the height of absurdity to dub them as the eastern variety of the Gupta letters especially when the Jasdan record is not only of the pre-Gupta period but is far far removed to the south-west of Pataliputra. There are, however, some minor palaeographic peculiarities in our inscription which call for notice here. The ending m in Siddham, with wbich the inscription begins, looks, however, tike the eastern variety of the Gupta m, though in all other cases it is represented by the other earlier-form of the letter. That it is the ending mis indicated by its tiny shape. The h in maharaja in l. 1 is represented by & character which looks like u. Poseibly its right limb remained unincised inadvertently. Though n is engraved in all other cases with the base-line bending slightly lower down on either side, then in guruv-ayatane in l. 10 has a distinct loop on the left as in the later form of that character. This, however, is not unknown to the Kushana records. The way in which components of the conjunct mho are joined in sambodhanam (1. 12) is worth seeing. The rare n in visankam (1. 13) and the Kushana form of a and a in ll. 5 and 8 are also worthy of note. Similarly, the character for the numeral 60 in 1. 4 does not resemble any of the Gupta period shown by Buhler in cols. IX-X. of his Tafel IX., but comes very close to that in col. V of the Kshatrapa period ranging between the 2nd and the 3rd century A.D. The inscription refers itself to the reign of Chandragupta, son of Samudragupta, The titles coupled with each name are worth noting. They are bhatlaraka, maharaja and rajadhiraja. The first or these, namely, bhattaraka is associated pretty frequently with the names of the Gupta sovereigns. But the other title which they almost invariably assume is maharajadhiraja instead of what we have in the present record, i.e., maharaja rajadhiraja, an exact replica of maharaja rajatiraja which the Kushana kings bore. It is quite natural in Mathura which formed one of the most important districts of the Kushana kingdom and where numbers of Kushana epigraphs have been unearthed. This is but another indication of Mathura and the surrounding region being wrested from the Kushanas for the first time by Chandragupta II. The date of the inscription is 61, which, of course, has to be referred to the Gupta era. It is rather unfortunate that the important words in lines 3-5 which contain the details of the date have been effaced. The first part of it tells us to what regnal year of Chandragupta this date corresponds. It is a serious loss that this part has not been preserved. The second part tells us to what kala or era the year 61 belonged. It seems to be certain that Gupta-kala is meant. But nothing would have been better if the word Gupta had been preserved. Then again the name of the month also has been destroyed. Fortunately for us the word prathame has been preserved immediately after the specification of the month. This shows that in the year 61 there was an intercalary month. On the evidence of Jaina works Dr. K. B. Pathak has proved that expired or current Gupta years can be converted into corresponding (expired or current) Saka years by adding 241. Thus if we add 241 to 61 Gupta year of our inscription, we obtain 302 Saka=380 A.D. We do not yet know whether this Gupta year is current or expired. We leave it undecided for the time being. Now, if we refer to page 42 of Table X of the Indian Chronology by Swamikannu Pillai, we find that there was an additional month only in A.D. 380 and none in 378 or in 381-82 and that in A.D. 380 Asbadha was this Ind. Ant., 1917, p. 293.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. intercalary month. The lacuna before prathame can thus be easily filled up with Ashadhamase. We thus find that the month of our date cannot but be Ashadha. We also find that the date of our record was a current Gupta year. Because this intercalary month came only in A.D. 380 current, the Gupta 61 must therefore be also a current year. The earliest date we had so far for Chandragupta II is G.E. 82, supplied by an Udayagiri cave inscription of his reudatory chieftain of the Sanakanika family. But the date furnished by our epigraph is 61, which is thus twenty-one years earlier. It also sheds some light on the length of his reign. The latest known date for this Gupta sovereign is 93. Therefore Chandragupta II must have had a reign of at least 32 years. After the specification of the date, the inscription introduces us to a teacher who was a Mahes. vara or devotee of Siva and was called Uditacbarya. His pedigree is given. But unfortunately the name of his teacher is not clearly preserved. It is however pretty certain that it was Upamita. The latter, again, was & pupil of Kapila, and Kapila, a pupil of Paradara. We have thus a list of Mahesvara teachers extending over four generations. In fact, Uditacharya has been mentioned as chaturtha or fourth in succession from Paradara. This is intelligible and quite all right, as it is in an unbroken order. But Uditacharya has been also specifically mentioned as datama or tenth in descent from Kubika. As no names of the intervening teachers have been given and Uditacharya is specified as tenth in succession from Kusika, the only possible inference is that Kusika, though he did not originate any new doctrine or sect, must have been at least the founder of a line of teachers. We will take up this point later on for further discussion, but what we have here to note is that while the living teacher Uditacharya is called merely an Arya, all the others, namely, Upamita, Kapila, Paradara and Kusika, have received the supreme designation of Bhagavat, which is generally associated with personages who are supposed to have attained to the rank of the divinity. The object of the inscription is to record that Uditacharya, who was the Mahesvara teacher living, established two images, called Kapilesvara and Upamitesvara, in the Guruv-ayatana. The second part of these two names, i.e., isvara, shows that it was the Lingas that were installed. The first parts of these, i.e., Upamita and Kapila, are the names of the teacher and the teacher's teacher of Uditacharga. It therefore seems that the latter established two Lingas, one in the name of Upamita and the other in the name of Kapila. We have numerous instances of persons setting up idols of Vishnu or Siva either in their own or in their father's or mother's name. It is therefore no wonder that Uditacharya put up two Lingas in the names of bis teacher and teacher's teacher. What is, however, noteworthy here is that he installed the Lingas in a place called Guruv-ayatana which can only mean "the Teachers' Shrine." As none of the gurus of the line to which Uditacharya pertained was then alive, the Guruv-ayatana can only denote the place where the memorials of the gurus were established. And we know from this inscription what sort of memorials were set up by Uditacharya in the names of his gurus. They were Lingas called individually after them. The inference is reasonable that Guruv-ayatana was a place where Lingas were installed in the names of the teachers who preceded Uditacharya. This Gurvv-ayatana reminas us of the devakula mentioned in the Pratima-nasaka of Bhasa which was really " a royal gallery of portrait statues." Bharata, who is a son of Dasaratha but who does not know of bis father's death, comes to this place, mistaking it for a shrine of four deities. He meets the devakulika who was in charge of this edifice, and learn from him that it was not a place of worship but a Statue-house, the last statue erected there being that of Dala. ratha,-whereupon he concludes that his father is dead. The case is, however, somewhat different with the devakulas mentioned in the Kushana inscriptions. One devakula certainly enshrined Gupta Inscts., p. 25. . Pratima-napaka (Triv. Sk. Series, No. 13), pp. 44 f.

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No. 1.] MATHURA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF CHANDRAGUPTA II. G. E. 61. the statue of the Kushana sovereign wbo was the grand father (pitamaha) of Huvishka. Whether this devakula "was the same as the one mentioned in the inscription of Vima it is impossible to say." If they are not the same, then they are of course different. In that case, at Mat near Mathura where these Kushana inscriptions were found, we had not a gallery of royal portraits, as supposed by some, but rather a cluster of devakulas commemorating the different Kushana rulers. The case is not unlike what we see in the capital towns of the States of Rajputana. To take the Jodhpur State, for instance. Six miles north of it is a place called Mandor which is bedecked with a number of structures raised to the memory of the various kings of the Rathod family of that place. Some of these look exactly like temples and are also known locally as devlam (=devakulas). The custom prevalent among the Rajputs namely, to erect & commemorative structure to every departed king seems to have been in vogue also in the Kushana period. The case depicted in the Pratima-nataka is, however, different, because it introduces us not to an assemblage of shrine structures, each separate from the others, and each raised to the memory of a ruler that has passed away, but rather to a statue-house which contained the portraits of the dead kings. The Guruv-ayatana adverted to in our record resembles this pratima. griha more than the different memorial structures huddled together in a place, which seem to have been customary in Rajputana from the Kushana times. Guruv-ayatana is thus & shrine which comprised the Lingas set up in the name and to the memory of the gurus of that lineage to which Uditacbarya belonged. It may be contended that the resemblance here is not complete unless we could show that these Linges were or contained the portraits of the departed gurus. It has to be admitted that there is some force in this contention. For, in l. 10, immediately after Guruv-ayatane we have the two letters guru, which were originally followed by at least five letters but which have unfortunately been effaced. It may reasonably be asked why guruo is again engraved at all after Gurvv-ayatane and whether the letters destroyed cannot be restored so as to answer to this presumption. The reply is that the lacuna can without much difficulty be filled up, and I do not think we shall be very wide of the mark if we restore it to guru-pratima-yutau. The Lingas established not only were named after the gurus Upamita and Kapila but also bore their portraits. How this could be possible we shall see shortly. There is just another point to be considered. We have seen that the inscription specifically mentions Uditacharya as dasama or tenth in descent from Kusika and fourth from Parasara, While the teachers intervening between Parasara and Uditacharya are mentioned and are only two, those between Kusika and Parasara are not mentioned at all though they were no less than five. In fact, there was no need of mentioning Kusika at all unless we suppose that he was the most important personage of the line to which Uditacharya belonged. We are therefore compelled to infer that Kusika, though he may not have propounded any new religious system, must have at least originated a line of teachers to which pertained Parasara, Kapila, Upamita and Udita. Who could this Kusika be? There can be but one reply to this question. Years ago I had occasion to point out who Lakuli was. Lakuli was a great puzzle to scholars and archeologists. I first drew their attention to a paseage which is common to both the Vayu- and the Linga-Purana. On the strength of this passage I showed (1) that Lakull was the last incarnation of Mahesvara, (2) that this incarnation took place at Kiyarohana or Kayavatara which was identical with Karvan, in the Dabhoi taluk, Baroda prant, Baroda State, and (3) that he had four ascetic pupils, namely, Kukika, Garga, Mitra and Kaurushya. The same information is contained in a 13. B. A. 8., 1924, PP. 402-3. Y.B.O.R. 8., 1919, p. 99. PRA8., WC., 1906-7, p. 31, poz. 21. *J. B. B. B. 4. 8., Vol. XXII, pp. 154.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL XXI stone slab inscription, which originally belonged to a temple at Somanatha in Kathiawad but is now preserved in the Quinta of Don Joao de Castro at Cintra in Portugal. The inscription is thus known as the Cintra prasasti or the reign of the Chaulukya ruler Sarangadeva, and was last critically edited by G. Buhler in Ep. Ind., Vol. I, pp. 271 ff. This inscription corroborates practically all that has been said by the Puranas about Lakuli. The order and names of his pupils are however slightly different in this epigraphic record, being, Kusika, Gargya, Kaurusha and Maitreya. But this much is certain that in both Kusika remains unaltered in name and also stands first in the order. The Cintra prasasti however tells us one thing more, namely, that these four disciples of Lakuli were the founders of four lines amongst the Pasupatas. There can thus hardly be a doubt that the Kusika of our record must be regarded as the first pupil of Lakuli and that the four Acharyas mentioned here were of course his descendants. In the Cintra prasasti three Acharyas are mentioned, namely, Karttikarasi, Valmikirabi and Tripurantaka, the last of whom was a contemporary of Sarangadeva during whose reign it was incised. Verse 19 of this inscription distinctly tells us that these teachers belonged to the line (gotra) of Gargya. While the Cintra prasasti thus gives an account of the ascetic teachers who sprung up in the line of Gargya, the second pupil of Lakuli, our present record throws light upon the line of teachers that was founded by Kusika, the first disciple of Lakuli. It appears that while the descendants of Gargya established themselves at Somanatha in Kathiawad, those of Kusika were settled at Mathura. If the teachers mentioned in our inscription belonged to the Lakulisa sect, it clears up the two or three points of our inscription which were thought to be obscure. The first is how the Lingas, if they were installed as memorials to Upamita and Kapila, could also contain their portraits. The second point is why all the dead teachers of this line, namely, Kusika, Parabara, Upamita and Kapila, have been styled bhagavat. The third is why the living teacher Uditacharya has been called arya. These are the points which were thought to be obscure in the above discussion and were left for elucidation at the end of these our prefatory remarks, Let us now take up the first point : How could the Lingas put up in memory of Upamita and Kapila also comprise their portraits? I have alluded at to the paper on Lakulisa which I wrote for the Jour. Bomb. Br. R. As. Soc., twenty-five years ago. Not long after, I contributed another on the same subject to the Archaeol. Suru. Ind., An. Rep., 1906-7, p. 179 ff. This latter contained copious illustrations of the figure of Lakuli whether on the door jambs and friezes of shrines, on the outside walls of temples, or in separate sculptures. I have shown that wherever Lakuli appears he figures as a human being, invariably with two hands, but with his characteristic signs, namely, a labuta or staff in his left hand and a citron in his right. There are however two representations of his which are singular, and they are both found at Karvan, the place where this last incarnation of Siva came off and also passed away. Here we have two Langas with the portraits of Lakuli sculptured in front. One of these is in the temple of Naklesvar and the other, in that of Rajrajesvar, both at Karvan. It will thus be seen that the Siva Linga has been combined with the representation of Lakuli into one image. It may be asked : What could be the meaning of this ? Now, the Puranas and the inscriptions are unanimous in saying that Lakuli was the originator of certain austerities and religious practices called the Pakupata- or Mabesvarayoga which his pupils disseminated. And it is well-known that when a yogi passes away, he does not die like an ordinary mortal with his last breath going out of his earthy nostrils, but father by & yoga feat which enables him to pass it through the brahma-randhra, that is, by breaking his human skull. It is only in this manner that he is absorbed into Brahman, if he is a Vedantist, or into Siva, if he is a Puputa or Mahasvara. But as Lakuli was a worshipper of Above, Vol. 1, p. 281, vv. 16-17.

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No. 1.) MATHURA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF CHANDRACUPTA II: G. E. 61. 7 Siva, we have to suppose that the two sculptures from Karvan represent obviously the absorption of Lakuli into the divinity of Siva. It is therefore not at all unreasonable to suppose that even in the case of Upamitesvara and Kapilesvara, we had not mere Siva Lingas set up here but rather these Lingas with portraits of Upamita and Kapila carved into them, as is the case with Lakuli in the two images of Karvan. t'pamita and Kapila, being descendants of Kusika, must have been experts in the Pasupata-yoga. We have therefore to presume that they too must have passed away like the yogins by driving away their prana-vayu through the brahma-randhra. They must have thereby merged themselves into the godhead of Siva. This alone can explain why all these departed ascetics of the Lakuli sect have received the divine title of bhagavat. The teacher, Uditacharya, who is still living and who is not yet absorbed into Siva, is not, and in fact, cannot, be honoured with this supreme title. He has therefore been merely styled arya. Here it may be asked whether even this title has at all any significance of its own. In this connection my attention has been drawn by my friend, Mr. Jogendra Chandra Ghosh, to & verse in the Cintra' prasasti. It is with reference to Tripurantaka, the ascetic-teacher of the Gargya line, who has been referred to above. He was a contemporary of the Chaulukya king Sarangadeva, during whose time the inscription was engraved. The verse runs thus : Iha sakshad=Umakartah friman Ganda-Brihaspatih Aryam enam tinirmaya shashthan chakre mahattaran 11 " (Verse 34) Here the illustrious Ganda-Brihaspati, visibly the husband of Uma, having made him an Arya, appointed him sixth Mahattara." What the verse says is that Ganda-Brihaspati, who was apparently the State Officer in charge of the religious monuments, made Tripurantaka an arya and then appointed him sixth Mahattara. Buhler himself is not sure whether Arya and Mahattara referred to officers, or were mere titles - The second alternative was considered by him as more probable. Personally, however, I think that Mahattara denotes an office and frequently occurs in the list of official derignations set forth in inscriptions, especially those engraved on copper-plates. As regards arya, it is worthy of note that Hemachandra's Abhidhanachintamani gives it as a synonym of prabhu, "a master, an owner." This fits excellently not only in the Cintra prasasti but also in our record. For in the first case we know that Tripurantaka built five temples of which he legitimately could be an Arya or owner. In the second case we have seen that Uditacharya raised two memoria! structures to his gurus in the Teachers' Shrine', of which he must doubtless have been an arya or owner. There now remains only one point to be considered the date of Lakulita. Uditacharya, we know, was tenth in descent from Kusika, pupil of Lakuli. Uditacharys thus belonged to the eleventh generation from Lakuli. Uditacharya's date, that is, the date of our inscription, is G. E. 61-A.D. 380-81. If we now allot 25 years to each generation, we have to assign Lakuli to A.D. 105-130. This agrees pretty closely with the view I expressed twenty-five years ago that Lakuli has to be placed as early as the first century A.D. My conclusion was then based merely on the mention, in the Vayu-Purana, of Lakuli as the last incarnation of Siva. Evidence o this type will always remain of a somewhat conjectural nature. Epigraphic evidence, on the other hand, is more accurate. We may therefore take it now as well-nigh proved that Lakuli flourished in the first quarter of the second century A.D., about half a century later than the time so long ascribed to him. Along with the estampages on which the accompanying transcript of this epigraph is based the Government Epigraphist was kind enough to send me three photos of that part of the pillar 1 Above, Vol. I, pp. 271 f. * Martya-tanda, paryaya I. (v. 23). 1.1. B.R. 4. 8., Vol. XXII, p. 187. J. F. Fleet agress in this viow (J.R. 4. A., 1907, p. 194).

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8 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXI. which has been engraved. The inscribed portion is really the shaft which is octagonal, but four of its faces on which the record is incised being well dressed and the remaining four left rough. The top and the base of the pillar have each four sides, only one of which is well dressed. While the fine dressed surface of the top is sculptured with a trident, that of the base is carved with a standing figure, with two hands, the right of which is let down catching a staff or club and the other held akimbo but also bearing some unidentifiable object. The hair on the head is matted with some curls falling on both the shoulders. The statue bears, apparently, two garments, the upper or ultariya being made fast to the body by a band passing round between the chest and the belly and with one end flowing loose spirally at the proper left as in the case of some Gupta images in the Udayagiri caves. Although the lower part of the body is apparently clothed with a dhoti, the privates are clearly shown like the breast nipples appearing through the upper garment. The last but not the least important point that we have to notice is the third eye in the forehead. All these characteristics point to the conclusion that we have here the figure of Lakulisa. The images of Lakulisa bave no doubt been found in numbers, but they all belong to the medieval period. None has so far been found which is earlier than the seventh century. Again, Lakulisa of the medieval period is invariably in a sitting posture. It has two hands, one bear. ing a club or lakuta and the other a matulunga fruit. Another special feature of Lakulisa is the membrum virile which is shown upraised. But if he is represented in & standing posture, it is impossible to show it uplifted. It seems sufficient if his privates are exposed to view. When this feature is considered along with the fact that in the present case he wields a lakuta and buars matted hair on the head and a third eye in the forehead, there can be no reasonable doubt as to this being a standing figure of Lakulisa. This image is all the more important as it cannot but belong to the fourth century A.D. We have already seen that only four faces of the shaft and one each of the top and the base have been fine-dressed. This clearly shows that our sculpture is not a pillar but a pilaster which was originally stuck up into the wall of some edifice. And we shall not be far from right if we maintain that it was one of many which decorated the exterior of the Teachers' Shrine'men. tioned in the inscription. The pilaster was already in existence when the inscription was engraved. This may be seen from the fact that the lines of the record run irregularly and that the second balf of the Arya verse with which it should have ended could not be engraved as no space was available for it on the shaft. This is possible only when the pilaster is in situ and the engraver has to suit himself somehow to the exigencies of the case. TEXT. 1 Siddham [1] Bhattaraka-maharaja [rajadhi]raja-bri-Samudragupta-sa2 tputrasya bhattaraka-ma[haraja)-[rajadhidraja-sri-Chandragupta. 3 sya vija-rajya-samvatsa[ro]' ...[Gupta]-kal-anuvarttamana-sam4 vatsaro Ika-shashtha 60 1 .. "pra]thama sukla-divase pam6 chamyam (l) asyam purvvasyam) [bhalgasvat-Ku]sikad-dabanuena bhagava6' t-Parakarach=chatur[th]@[na] [bhagavat-Ka]pi[la)-vimala-si7 shya-sishgena bhagavad[- Upamita)- vimala-sishyena 8 aryy-Odista]charyye[na] (sva)-pu[ny-alpyayana-nimitta 9 gurunam cha kirtva[rtham=Upamitesva]ra-Kapilesvarau 1 Archaol. Sure. Ind., An. Rep., 1906-1, p. 186. [Vor the photograph wee A. 8. R., 1930-31, Epgl. Sook-Ed.) * The lacuna may be filled up with Aahadha-mdel . Read vijaya-nd ya'.

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MATHURA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF CHANDRAGUPTA II: G.E. 61. , 7 | gty=X / s 1 0 tsti 3 ga33f x 12 HIRANANDA SABTRI. SCALE: THREE-TENTHS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 2.) ARJUNAVADA INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA KANNARA: SAKA 1182. 10 Gurvv-ayatano guru . . . pratishthapito' n-ai11 tat-khyaty-artham-abhili[kh]ya[te] [atha) mahesvaranam' vi12 jnaptik-kriyate sambodhanam cha yatha-ka[le]n-acharyya13 nam parigraham-iti matva visanka[m] paja-pura14 skara[m] parigraha-paripalyam kuryyad-iti vijnaptir-iti [1] 15 Yas-cha kirty-abhidraham kuryy[a]d-yas-ch-abhilikhitam-uparyy-adho 16 vao sa parchabhir-mah[a]pata kair-upa patakais-cha samyuktas=syat[*] 17 Jayati cha bhagava[n-Dandah]' rudra-dando=gra-[na]yako nitya[m] TRANSLATION. Accomplished. (L1, 1-5). In the ..... year-of the victorious reign of the Bhaffaraka Maharaja Rajadhiraja, the illustrious Chandragupta, the good son of the Bhattaraka Maharaja Rajadhiraja, the illustrious Samudragupta-on the Afth of the bright half of the First (Ashadha) of the year 61 following the Gupta era. (L1. 5-10). On this aforesaid (tithi), (the Lingas) Upamitesvara and Kapileevara (comprising the portraits of the teachers were installed in the Teachers' Shrine, Arya Uditacharyya, tenth from the Bhagavat Kusika, fourth from the Bhagavat Parabara, & stainless disciple's disciple of the Bhagavat Upamita (and) a stainless disciple of the Bhagavat Kapila, for the commemoration of the preceptors and for the augmentation of the religious merit of self. (Ll. 10-16). (It is) not written for my own fame, but for beseeching the worshippers of Mahesvara. And it is an address to those who are) the Acharyyas for the time being. Thinking them to be their own property, they should preserve, worship, and honour (them) 88 (their oron) property. This is the request. Whosoever will do harm to these memorials or (destroy) the writing above or below, shall be possessed of the five great sins and the five minor sins. (L. 17). And may divine Danda be always victorious, whose staff is terrific and who is the foremost leader. No. 2.-ARJUNAVADA INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA KANNARA: SAKA 1189. BY 8. SRIKANTHA SASTRI, M.A., MYSORE. This inscription was first discovered by Rao Sahib P. G. Halakatti of Bijipur who kindly sent me an ink-impression of it. It is engraved on a stone-slab set up in the temple of HalsSamkaralinga at Arjunavada, a village, & mile and a half distant from Hukeri in the Belgaum district of the Bombay Presidency. The stone measures 9 ft. 10 in. by 1 ft. 8 in. The writing covers & space of 6 ft. 8 in. At the top, the figures of the linga, Nandin, and a * This may perhaps be restored to guru-pratima-yutan. * The 8 in 1 is quite clear at the back of the uninked estampage. Correct the word, however, into pratiek. thapitan, * Read maheboardparh. * Read wchchhindyat or some such word stor ed. Road bhagacdn-Dandal aa. * To express order of descent, the ablative case is employed. See the remarks of Dr. Hirananda Sustel. above, Vol XIX, p. 58. For binti (u. 9 and 15) which is distinguished from bhyati (1. 11) - J. 7. Feet's note 6 in Gupta Inscri p. 212.

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10 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [FOL. XXI. worshipper cover a space of 1 ft. 4 in.; at the bottom, a space of 1 ft. 10 in. is left blank. The language of the inscription is Kannada, except in the first verse. The virama is represented by the usual Kannada sign, viz., two vertical strokes. The average size of the letters is about in. The characters are of the regular type of the 13th century A. C., with an occasional reversion to older forms, as in the case of the aksharas a, i and na. The use of chha in place of tsa, as in samuachhara (l. 46), the employment of two kinds of anustaras, and two forms of the secondary e-symbol are to be noted. Numerous mistakes have also been committed by the scribe, as in niruvarie for niruvariye (1. 68), tapachakravarti for tapaschakravarti (1. 43), virtti for vritti (1.55), etc. The inscription records that during the rule of the Yadava king Kannara of Devagiri, his feudatories Chavunda-Setti and Nagarasa made a grant of the village Kavilasapura to Hala-Basavideva, an ascetic of the family of Sangana-Basava. The importance of the record lies in the fact that this is the first epigraph hitherto obtained which definitely mentions Basava, the restorer of Vira-saivism during the days of Bijjala Kalachurya (C. 1160 A. C.). Dr. Fleet had opined that "no epigraphic mention of Basava and Chenna-Basava had been obtained; which is really peculiar if they held the high office that is allotted to them by tradition".1 Later, while editing the Managali record, he held that the mention of the names Madiraja and Basava, son of a Chandraraja might have been the nucleus around which later Lingayat tradition clustered. But this Basava could not have been the reformer as his parents mentioned in the Manigavalli record are Chandraraja and Chandrambika of the Kabyapa-gotra, while Mahaprabhu Madiraja belonged to the Harita-gotra. In the present inscription Basava is mentioned as the son of Madiraja, the ruler of Bagavadi in the Tardavadi-thousand district; and also as Sangana-Basava- name which also occurs in the Virasaiva Puranas. He was devoted to the Puratanas, Jangamas and the Linga (1.9). His descendants had the golden bull (vrishabha) as their insignia-probably in honour of Basava or after the manner of the Kalachuryas who had also the golden bull as their dhuaja, being Saivas, not Jainas as depicted in the Bijjalaraya-charita and other late works. The founder of the Kalachurya family, according to an epigraph, was born of Siva and a Brahmana girl. The genealogy of the donee Hala-Basavideva is not clear as the record is mutilated in vital parts. It speaks of Sangana-Basava, then his eldest (agra) ... Next Devarajamunipa is mentioned; then a Sanga ; his favourite son Kalidevarasa; and his son Hala-Basavidevs. It is possible that Devarajamunipa himself was the eldest son () of Basava, though the Virabaiva works like Bhairavesvarakavyada katha-sutra-ratnakara mention that Basava had only one son Sanga, who died at an early age. Unfortunately it is difficult from the impresssion, as it is, to decide whether it was four or five generations that elapsed from the time of Basaya. In this inscription another Sanga, the son of Devaraja, is also mentioned (1.37); probably Davaraja named his son after his own father Sanga, the son of Basava, according to tradition- eustom common amongst the Hindus. The record is a Saivite one, though it can also be claimed for the particular cult of the Ingriyata as it mentions Basava's devotion to prasada (L. 42) which acquired a new significance with the rise of Basava. The reverence paid to the Puratanas, Linga and Jangamas, though emphasised by Vira-laivism, cannot be said to be particularly characteristic of it. Even 1 Dynasties of the Kantrese Districts, p. 481. *Aboro. Vol. V, 1, Ip. Oorn., Vol. XI, Dg. 42 Forsiaho Kavishenke Vol. I, p. 174. The Bascoardja-rapale, attributed to Farihans, given the name Buddha to the son of Boara and Gangadovi (X. IL. 96 ff.).

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No. 2.) ARJUNAVADA INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA KANNARA: SAKA 1182. 11 Lakuliks Pasupatas and followers of Kashmir Saivism are said to have been "jangama-lingavataras " and "maha-mahebvaras" and also "Lakulagama-samaya-samuddhara ", i.e., the upholders of the Lakula-samaya. The date of the record is Saka 1182, Siddharthi, Chaitra, bahula Amavasya, Monday, solar elipee (I1. 46-47). Putting Raudra for Siddharthi, the date tallies with 12th April 1260 A. C. on which day & solar eclipse occurred.' Incidentally, it might be mentioned that this grant provides the latest date for the Yadava king Ktishna as we know that the third regnal year of bis successor Mahadeva falls in Vaisakha of Dundubhi, s. 1185 (1262 A. C.)'. Krishna probably lived only for & short time after this grant was made. Chavunda-Setti, who is the donor of this grant, also figures in other inscriptions. In the Bebatti grant,' he is referred to as having quelled the pride of the Hossana king, and as having come to Kukkanur in Belvola division of Kuntala on a tour of conquest. Nagarasa is spoken of as the prime minister of Krishna and as the establisher of the Ratta kingdom (1. 45). It is not clear whether this re-establishment of the Rattas took place before or after Vichana had reduced them (Cir. 1238 A. C.). We know that the capital of the Rattas was transferred from Saundatti to Belgaum about the year 1208 A. C. A record of the time of Lakshmideva II, dated 1229 A. C.,' speaks of Mahapradhana Munichandra also as "Rata-rajya-pratishthacharya", perhaps because of the help he rendered to improve the fortunes of the family. After 1230 A. C. we hear no more of the Ratta ruling family-the Khundi province having finally passed into the hands of the Yadavas-though the members of the old family might have continued to be employed as ordinary officials. Nagarasa is spoken of as the son of Divakaradeva of the Vapasakula and as a devotee of Janardana. Evidently his Vaishnavite leanings did not come in the way of making a grant to Saivas-which proves that there was little of the bitter animosity between the devotees of Vishnu and of Siva as depicted in later Vira-saiva legends. He seems to have also been a patron of literature as indicated by the title Pandita-parijata (1. 34). The localities mentioned in this inscription are interesting. The province Tardavadi-1000 (1.8) evidently took its name from the small village Taddavadi on the banks of the Bhima, thirty. seven miles north of Bijapur. Bagavadi was the centre of Bage-50 as mentioned in the Honvada inscription of Somebvara I.. The district Nalenadu (1. 49) clustered round the village Nulegrama, fifteen miles to the west of Hukeri. The district Kundi (1. 61) was the territory the boundaries of which had been fixed by Ratta Kartivirya I (Cir. 1040--1070 A. 0.) Kavi. Masapura, the lordship over which was claimed by Hala-Bas&videva, is a village of the same Dame seven or eight miles from Nulegrama. In the thirteenth century it must have been in & very flourishing condition, including within its compass the modern villages of Arjunavada, Kochcharige and Mosaraguppi-the Mosaragutti of the present record (1. 69). Some of the fiscal terms mentioned in the inscription claim our attention. Kottasi (1.55) and kuruvanige are perhaps land revenues, assessed from the fields, each of which was sufficient for the maintenance of a temple (1. 74), while all the minor taxes like sumka, sada, tala, sarige, 1J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XII, pp. 34 ff. * Indian Ephemeris, Vol. IV, p. 122. * Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 527. *J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XII, pp. 42 ff. Ibid., Vol. X, pp. 384 ff. * Bombay Gazetteer, Belgaum, p. 567. "J.B.B. R. A. 8., Vol. X, pp. 260 ff. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 272. [Bage-50 took its DADIO, according to Dr. Fleet, from Tadalbagi (Ind. Ani.. Vol. XXX, p. 380) and so Bagevadi does not appear to be the contre of the division.Ed.] J. B. B. R. 4, 8., Vol. X, p. 201.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. ba![*]eya-badhe, grama-braya, anke, tanka, ane, gosane, mudre, etc., combined, were necessary to maintain the temple of Nagesvara (1.73). Perhaps they corresponded to the term siddhaya used in later Hoysala inscriptions to mean all the aggregate revenues payable to the king. Sumka usually meant a toll on things brought into the village, hejjuggil or hejjunka (1.62) being the great-toll as distinguished from taxes. Nidhi and nikshepa were two of the eight privileges (the others being jala, pashana, akshini, agami, siddha and sadhya). Other taxes se anke (a poll-tax), tanka (coinage), gosane (evidently ghoshana, a musical honour mentioned in the Behatti grant as grama-ghosha-sahitam, grama-deva-ghosha-yuktan-different from ghosha or a village of cowherds), mudre (tax on right of seal), dues from fairs (1.77) and konana meyidere (tax on buffaloes). TEXT. 1 Namas-tumza-siras-chumbi-chandra-chamara-chara. 2 ve (1*] trailokya-nagar-arambha-mula-stambhaya Sam3 bhave || [1*j* Sriyam Sri-Kallinatham kudu4 ge bhava-haram bhakta-brimdak[k*)e Gauri-jaya-kay-.5 nushamg-akalita-lasitata-prollasad-vama-bhagam sviya-sva. 6 yatta-sakti-traya-maya-mahimam deva-dayada-mi7 ya-payabhipraya-lilam pranata-jana-duramt-agha-samghatta-silam || [2*).* 8 Mattar Ta[r*]davadi-madhya-grama-Bagavadi-puravar-adhisvara Madirajana tanu9 jam Basavarajana mahimey=emt-emdade | Mangala-kirtti-puratana-jamgama-lim10 g-aika-bhakti-nirbhbhara-lila-samgam Samgana-Basavam samgatiyam.malke bhakti yolu(a)11 g=anavaratam || [3*] Yadava-bhumipalar-ileyam chatur-ad(b)dhi- pari12 teyan nisargg-odayar-alvar=ant-avarol=asva-chamu-chaya-varddhi Simhana13 .kshma-dayitam tad-agra-tanaya-prabhavam nripa-Kamnara samast-odadhi14 veleyim porage belgodeyol-nelalam nimirchchidan || [4*]deg Sale bhudeva15 rkkalg-itt-alasade go-bhumi-hema-vastr-adigalam malev-arasugalo16 ]=kombam balavanta Kamnaram pratapa-sahayam || [5*] 0 Svasti [ll] samasta17 bhuvan-asraya Sri-Prithvill vallabha aharajadhiraja parame. 18 Svara paramabhattaraks Dvaravati-puravar-adhisvara Ya. 19 dava-kula-kamala-kalika-vikasa-bhaskara yari"-raya20 jagaj-jhampe Malava-raya-Madana-Trinetra Gurjjara-raya-bhayamkara 21 Telurga-raya-sthapan-acharyya ity=adi-nam-avali-samalamkrita 18 1 [The context would show that this is a festival. The word means "the big harvest."-Ed.] *J.B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XII, pp. 44 ff. . Read -Siras. Metre : Anushfubh. 5 Metre : Sragdhara. . mga is written above the line. * Metre: Kanda. * Read aripa. Metre: Utpalamala. 2 Metre : Kanda. - Kead - Prithvia. 11 Read win. 13 Read lamkrita.

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No. 2.) ARJUNAVADA INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA KANNARA: SAKA 1182. 13 22 srimat-praudha-pratapa-chakravartti sri-Kamnaradevam Devagi23 riya nele-vidinolu sukha-samkatha-vinodadin-anavaratam ra24 jyam-geyuttum-ire tat-pada-padm-opajivi || Chikkana chikka magam vibhavakke 25 Kuberamge senasuvar rayarumam mikkam Bichugiy-au26 daryakk marim piriyan atan-amnam Mallam || [6] * Atana tanu-bhavam || 27 Chavumdari Parvvati-vallabha-charana-saroja-dvay-amoda-bbri(ri)mgam Chavum28 dan tyaga-bhog-anubhava-Bhava-sukha-fri-vadhu-nri(ri)tya-ramgam Chavundam Bams29 bheda-prabhru(ri)ti-[sa]kala-mamtr-mga-vidya-samudram Chavumda vira-vairi pra30 kara-samara-samghata(tta)-kal-agni-Rudram || [7*]* Yene negald=a Chavumdana manad-annam 31 Nagarajan-akshila-niyoganant-enippa Divakaradevana putra Vanas-anva32 y-arbara-mitram || [8*] Tyaga-gunakke tay-vane samasta-nri(ri)pala-niyoga-va33 rttani-brige nivasam=ishtara visishtara toshana-poshanamgal-ollaga34 ram=endu bamani(ni)suvud-i dhare pandita-parijatanam Naganan=a Janarddanana bha35 kti-bhara-prabhav-anuraganam || [9*}' Samgana-Basavana agra..........? kam 36 Devaraja-munipana tanayam Jamgama-parusam...... ra 37 Samgam priya-sutan=enippa Kalidevarasam | [10*jo Kalidevamuni. 38 pan=atmaja sale mujagadolage merevs ma[na]va-devam gelidam 28&(sa)na39 besanava 10 chhalar-adhika Hala-Basavideva-munisar" || [11*]" Svasti samasta40 bhuvan-asreyam 18 maha-mahesvarama Kavilasa-purava41 -adhis(f)vararum guvamrnna(varnna)-vrisabha 15.dhvajam [te]saththi-puratha-pad-arch chaka42 rum maha-limga-jamgama-prasada-niyata[ru]i sama43 ya-bhakti-sampamnna(panna) bri-Basavarajan-amn(an)vayarum=apps tapa-chakra44 (vartti 17 vira-brati Hala-Basavidevamge a mahapradhanam Ra45 ta-rajya-pratishth-acharyyanum=appa Nagarasaru 8(8)aka-varusham sasira46 da-nura-yerbhatta-yeradaneya Siddharthti(tthi) -samvachharada - Chai. 47 tra bahula amase Soma-vara suryya-grahanadalli Huli[ge] 48 reya Somanathadevara samn(nn)idhiyalli a Chaudi-Settiyar a * Metre : Kanda. * Metre : Sragdhari. * Read -akhila .Read -niyogajhans. Metre : Kanda. Metre : Utpalamala. The letters erased are probably ja Sanga . Probably the missing word is Sarapa. Metre : Kanda. 10 Read vani. 11 Read fan. 13 Metre: Kanda, 18 Read -asrayarl. 16 Read haran. Rend-usishabha, "Read -purilana. 11 Real tapas-chakravarti. Road apalarada,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. 49 ti[r*]ttha-vibeda (sha)mam besagolalu Nule-nadola[gi]na [manitanadiP] Kavi alasa-l til[rttham] 50 nalku-yugada puran-oktadim bamda ksha(a)trav=ad=ert-edade Kr(r)ita-(yu)81 gadalli Kavilasa-muni Kavilasanatha treteyali Amkaraja-muni Amka02 natha dvaparadalli Maharaja-muni Mahalimgadeva kali-yugadalli 53 Kaliraja-muni Kalideva nama[l*] i (1) munigalu muksha. samasta-ganes(t)vaB4 raru aradhisi salokya-sarupya-Bamipya-siyuji(y)avam pade58 da Mulh*ladevarige Arkanatha-vesarim amkavala tala-virtti ko56 ttasi kuruvanige i (1) halli Mamdhata-chakravartti bitta dhamr(ar)mma a 67 tirtht(tth)akk-adu (1)asanasthav=embuda Chavudi-Settiyaru keli(I)du Naga58 rasaru tavu ekasthar=agi Kavilasapurad=olage Svayambhu-Ma60 llikarjjuna Samgamesvara. Nagesvara yi muru-ligakam anga80 bhoga ramya-bhoga jir@n-[a*]dharakkam paraneya jamgam-a61 radhanega kottasi kupuvanige tala-vitti amkavala Kumdi. 62 nadolu saluvante hejjuggiya-habba vo[m]bhattu-dina sumka 63 nur-etitina parihara yimt-initumam sarvv-abidhi(a)64 Barvva-namasyavam mali Chavudi-Settilya]ru Nagarasaru 65 yatirays Hala-Basavidevamge purvva-dattav=endu 66 dhara-purvvaka madi kottaru i Chavadi-Settiyara ni. 67 yamadim Nagarasaru puradim paduvalu toreya ku68 dida halla niruvarie? merey=agi mege kalukatiga-gere 69 Basava-godi badagalu Mosaraguttie rara-vidi[du] mudalu 70 jamchi-galla kani Kuchchagadiyim bamda halla niruvarie 'terka71 lu toreya kudalu yi chatus-sim-abhyantara Kavilasapu72 radalli sumka sada tala sarige bat[t*leya-badhe gra(a)ma-braya ni73 dhi nikshepa amke tamka ane gosane mudre Nagesvarake. Mellesvara74 ke kufuvanige Samgamesvarake paraneya jamgam-ara[dha)76 nege kottasige i() dhammake [i]dn vivarav=endu Nagarasa[ru] kot[**]a 76 sagana 10 Ell] na[lkum] pattanamgalu Nule-nadolage samtegala 17 Kya-daya ipamtu konana meyidere sumka hadinen. 78 ttu samayavu apuvata 11-muvaru banaju-bhakuti bhedav=i79 Ila Kavilasa purave sasanada 18.vane Basavarajane sasanigan"=en80 du vubhaya-nanadesi murmuri-damdamgalu kot[t*}a (s(8)asapa] [*]. * Read Kavilasa. 10w is written above the line. * Read mulchya. * Read-vritli. . Read esvara. * Read Ovritti. Read oiye. * Read Tbvarao. Read dharmmakke. * Read kasana. # Boad awattau Read diagrada. 11 Read dasanig. + Read deti,

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No. 3.] ARJUNAVADA INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA KANNARA: SAKA 1182. 16 ABRIDGED TRANSLATION. Verse 1. Invocation to Siva. V. 2. Invocation to god Kallinatha. V. 3. Praise of Sangana-Basava who had unflinching faith in the Puratanas, Jangamas and Linga. V. 4. The Yadava rulers held away over the whole earth bounded by the four seas; among them was Simhana, the possessor of numerous horses. The son of his eldest son was Kannara who brought the whole earth under the shadow of his royal white umbrella. V.5. Praises of Kannsra. LI. 16-24. The refuge of the worlds, the lord of Fortune and the Earth, the king of kings, Paramesvara, Paramabhattaraka, lord of Dvaravati, the best of towns, the sun to the lotus of the Yadava family, destroyer of the world of hostile kings, a Trinetra (Siva) to the Kama, the Raja of Malava, terrifier of the ruler of the Gurjaras, the establisher of Telumgaraya-Praudhapratapa-chakravarti Kannaradeva was ruling at Devagiri in peace and wisdom; the dweller at his lotus-like feet, V. 6. Bichugi, the younger son of Chikka, was the younger brother of Malla ; Malla's son, V. 7. Chavunda, worshipper of Siva, was well versed in arta of diplomacy and war and veritable Rudra to his foes. V. 8. His dearest friend was the Niyogi Nagaraja, son of Divakaradeva of the Vanasa family. V. 9. Praises of this Naga. Vv. 10 & 11. Sangana-Basava's eldest.............., Devaraja's son, the foremost among the Jangamas........ Sanga (. His ?) favourite son was Kalidevarasa. The son of Kalideva, the lord of ascetics, is Hala-Basavideva, the best of men in the three worlds, who has overcome the pain of hunger and thirst. Ll. 39-50. The refuge of all the three worlds, Mahamahesvara, the lord of Kavilasapura, the best of towns, who had the insignia of a golden bull, was the worshipper of the feet of 63 Pura tanas, believed in Linga, Jangamas and Prasada and was the descendant of Basavaraja. Such Was Hala-Basavideva. Mahapradhana Nagarasa, the establisher of the Ratta kingdom, and Chaudi-8etti requested him for the history of Kavilaba-tirtha of Nule-nadu, on Monday, the new moon (tithi) of the dark half of Chaitra, during a solar eclipse in the year Siddharthi (corresponding to the Saka year 1182, while residing at the temple of Somanatha in Huligere. LI. 50-55. These give the history of the place during the four yugas. Ll. 55 & 56. The emperor Mandhata gave to the god under the name Ankanaths, this village (i.e., Kavilasapura), the fields and the dues from them, viz., kottasi and luruvanige. Ll. 56-66. Hearing that it had before been granted to the god, Chauda-Setti and Nagarasa together gave it to the prince of ascetics, Hala-Basavideva, along with the taxes kottasi, kuris vanige, talavritti, arhkavala in the Kundi province and tolls on one hundred cattle-loads during the festival called Hejjuggiya-habba, for renovating the temples of, and conducting worship to, the gods Svayambhu-Mallikarjuna, Sangamebvara and Nagesvars and also for the purpose of feeding Jangamas LI. 66-76. At the command of Chaudi-Setti, Nagarasa made an allotment of the dues from the village of Kavilasapura, the boundaries of which are specified. Of the dues from Kavilasapura the tolls, sada, tala, sarige, batfoya-badhe, grama-braya, amiko, farka, ane, gosong, wdre and nidk and nikahepa were assigned to Nagelvara; the lauvanige to the god. Mallakvans and battaniye to the god Sangamesvars and for feeding the Jangungs,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXI. Ll. 76-80. The four town-guilds gave the dues from fairs in Nule-nadu, the tax on buffaloes and tolls. There is no difference between the eighteen castes and the sixty-three Banaju devotees. The nanadesis and mummuridandas made this grant with the consideration that the place of the grant is Kavisasapura and the donee Basavaraja. No. 3.-A NOTE ON THE ARJUNAVADA INSCRIPTION OF YADAVA KANNARA. By N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, M.A., OOTACAMUND, In the transcript of the Arjunavada inscription published above, Mr. Srikantha Sastri's reading of the tenth verse is defective and, I think, requires correction. It is true that portions of the verse are damaged. But the impression would show that only one letter is completely lost in 1. 35 and two more letters, one of which occurs in the same line and the other in the next line (1. 36), are only partly mutilated and can be restored with certainty. Since the letters mgaikam and the i sign of the mutilated letter in l. 35 are clearly visible, the broken letter with which the i vowel is connected might be safely read as li. Oniy one more short letter will be wanting to complete the metre of the verse and that letter which is now lost must have been ja. In the next line, the bottom portion of the mutilated letter and the a sign attached to it would indicate that the letter in all probability was Ka. With this restoration the verse will be read as : 1. 35 Samgang-Basavana agrasja li]mgaikam 1.36 Devaraja-munipana tanayam [1] jamgama-parusar (Ka]vara1. 37 sathgam priya-sutan=enippa Kalidevarasam || Accordingly the translation of the stanza will be like this: "Sangana-Basava's elder brother who was absorbed in the linga was Devarajamunipa ; to his son [Ka]varasa, who was a touchstone to the Jangamas, was born the dear son Kalidevarasa." The verse, thus, becomes very important from a historical point of view, for it supplies us with the genealogy of Sangana-Basava and his descendants for three generations, This has not been properly made out by Mr. Srikantha Sastri, in his interesting article, and I should like to elucidate it here. From the next verse (i.e., v. 11) we learn that Kalideva's son was Hala-Bassvideva, the donee of the present grant; and lines 8 and 9 tell us that Sangana-Basava W&& son of Madiraja, the lord of Bagavadi. Thus, the inscription supplies us with the following genealogy - Madiraja Devarajamunipa Sangana-Basava (cir. A. D. 1160-1185), Kavarass (cit. A. D. 1186-1210). Kaliddvarass (cir. A. D. 1210-1235). Hila-Basavideva (oir. A. D. 1235-1860). As a matter of fact, it is in this genealogy that the value of the inscription chiefly lies, for it enables us to determine the period in which Sangana-Basava flourished and to identify him with the great Lingayat reformer of that name. The record tells us that Chaudi-Setti, a minister of the Yadava king Kandara (.e., Krishna), and his friend Nagarasa granted the village Kavilhas

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No. 4. ] CHAUDALA GRANT OF HARIHARA: SAKA-SAMVAT 1313. 17 para to the ascetic Hala-Basavideva in Saka 1182 (=A.D. 1260). If we suppose this to be the last year of Hala-Basavideva and allot him a period of 25 years, his date would be about A. D. 1235-1260. As we have seen above, two generations intervene between Sangana-Basava and Hala-Basavideva. Allowing roughly 25 years for each generation we get A.D. 1100-1185 as the approximate time of Sangana-Basava. According to the Basavarajadevara Ragale, the Basava-Purana and the Chenna-Basava-Puruna, the great reformer Basava, who was also known as Sangana-Basava and who was the son of Madiraja of Bagevadi, was a minister of the Kalachurya king Bijjala, who, we know, ruled from A.D. 1156 to 1167. There can be no doubt, there. fore, that the Sangana-Basava of the Arjunavada record is identical with the 'Apostle of Lingayatism' of that name. Thus we have in this record the first epigraphical confirmation of the tradition regarding the contemporaneity of Basava, the reviver of the Virasaiva faith, with king Bijjala. No. 4.-CHAUDALA GRANT OF HARIHARA : SAKA-SAMVAT 1313. By G. V. ACHARYA, B.A., BOMBAY. The plates bearing this inscription were purchased by the Superintendent, Archaological Survey, Western Circle, Poona, from Mrs. Da'Cunha of Bombay for the Prince of Wales Museum of Western India, Bombay, where they are at present exhibited. The source from which they came originally is not known. They are three in number, each plate measuring 10" by 6)". Their edges are fashioned slightly thicker than the inscribed surface to serve as rims for protecting the writing. The second plate is inscribed on both sides, while the first and the third, on one side only. All of them are in a good state of preservation. No ring or seal is attached to them. In weight they are 267 tolas. The inscription incised on these plates is written in Nagari script and Sanskrit language. The invocatory as well as the genealogical portion of it (vv. 1-10, 11. 1-36) is in verse but the rest (II. 37-91) is in prose. It opens with invocations to Siva, the boar incarnation of Vishnu and the Earth (vv. 1-3). Then the city of Vijayanagari is described (v. 4). According to verses 5 and 6, Sangama was born in the family of Yadu, his son was Bukkaraja and his son was Harihara. In the next verse we are told that king Harihara ruled the carth bounded by the northern bank of the Kpishna, the eastern ocean, the Setu and the western ocean. Verses 8 and 9 relate to the conquest of Gova, the capital of Konkana, from the Turushkas by the minister Madhava, and the re-consecration there of the images of Saptanatha and other gods. Next comes the description of Madhava, who is stated to be the son of the Brahman Chamunda of the Bharadvaj-anvaya. He was governing the province of Konkana under the orders of the king. He was the expounder of all the Upanishads, the illuminator of the Saiv-agamas, the author of Kavyas, performer of Mahadanas and the teacher of Nitisastra (v. 10 and 11. 37-40). While he was seated on the throne at Govapura, on the date specified, he made the gift of the village Paramarupa in the Varasa-janapada, forming it into an agrahara and renaming it Chaudalapura, after his father, to 21 learned Brahmans of different gotras. The object of this charter is to record this gift. The concluding portion states that the minister Naraharideva purchased two of the granted upittis from their holders and made a gift of them to VitthalaPattavardhana of the Kasyapa-gdtra. This Naraharideva, we learn, belonged to the Atri-gotra and was the son of Brahmarasa. He was a disciple of the (sage) Vidyasankara and had been installed by Madhavaraja (l. 41 to 91). The grant was issued in the Saka year 1313 expired and the cyclic year Prajapati, on the new moon tithi of Chaitra and Wednesday at the time of the solar eclipse; during Asvini- nakshatra

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. and Priti-yoga. According to L. D. Swamikannu Pillai's Ephemeris the date regularly corresponds to A.D. 1391, April 8, Wednesday, on which day there was a solar eclipse. The Madhavaraja of the present grant has to be identified with Madhava, the minister of Bukka I, who figures in the Haromuchchadi-agrahara inscription of A. D. 1368, which also describes him as the son of the Brahman Chavunda, the Upanishanmarga-pratistha-guru and a follower of the tenets of pure Saivism as taught by the Saiva teacher Kasivilasa-Kriyasakti. That the grant under publication mentions him as & scion of the Bharadvaja family (anvaya) would support the identification, for Bharadvaja is only a division of the Angirasa-gotra. This Madhavaraja also figures as a minister of Harihara II' in another grant of the same year, i.e., Saka 1313, which was published long ago. The account given there agrees with that of the present document though it omits the name of Madhava's father and gives the name of his mother, i.e., Mambambika, and of his elder brother Bhaskara. Some of the verses are common to both of these charters (vv. 5, 7,8 and 9 of the present grant). The details of the date recorded in them are practically the same, though the months are differently named. The charter that has already been published wrongly gives Vaisakha in place of Chaitra. Both the grants were issued on the same date, i.e., on the 5th of April, 1391 (A. D.). As has already been pointed out by Kielhorn, and is substantiated by the present grant, the date concerned pertains to the amanta month of Chaitra. As Rao Bahadur R. Narasimhachar has shown. Madhava flourished between A. D. 1347 and 1391deg. The conquest of Gova by Madhava mentioned in these records must have happened before Saka 1309 (=A. D. 1386) as in that year he was already known as the Lord of Gova". The copper plate alluded to above shows that Nara harideva, the minister, was sent to Goa to succeed Madhava as the governor of Jayantipura-mandala after the latter's death, which must have happened shortly after the issue of the present grant. Vidyasankara, the guru of Nara harideva, was another name of the famous Vidyatirtha, the guru of the brothers Madhavacharys and Sayana, who considered him as an incarnation of Mahesvara. The list of the donees mentioned in the charter is as follows : Gotra. Father's name. Name of the Donee. Kaayapa. . Ramadeva-Pattavardhana . . Vamana-Pattavardhana. Vasishtha. . Mahadeva-Bhatta . . . Damodara-Bhatta Narana-Bhatta . . . . Ajja-Bhatta. Kasyapa . . Ramadeva-Bhatta Hari-Bhatta. Bharadvaj8 . . . Nagadeva-Bhatta Kesava-Bhatta. 6 Vasishtha . . . Vitthala-Bhatta. . . . 1 Ep. Carn., Vol. VII, Sk. 281. * The late Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri who noted this fact (4. 8. R. 1907,08, p. 244) has not identified him with Madhava the Saiva minister of Bukks I. .J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. IV, p. 116. . Kielhorn's List of South Indian Inscriptions, No. 471. Ibid., p. 80, . 1. 6 and Ind. Ant., Vol. XXV, p. 271. Ind. Ant., Vol. XLV, Pp. 1 ff. * A. R. on 8. I. E., 1928-29, p. 82. Ind. Ant., Vol. XLV, p. 3.

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No. 4.] CHAUDALA GRANT OF HARIHARA: BAKA-SAMVAT 1313. Gotra. Father's name.. Name of the Dones. .' 7 Visishtha . Atreya Parailara . 10 | Katyapa . Bhdradvija . . . . . . . . . . Hari-Bhatta. Jinu-Bhatta Mailara-Bhatta Gangadhara-Jyotirvid. Damodara-Bhatta Mahadsva-Bhatta . .| Mahadeva-Bhatta . . Rama-Bhatta . Narana-Jyotirvid Mahadeva-Bhatta Ajjath-Bhatta . Narapa-Bhatta. Vitthala-Bhatta. Mallinatha-Bhatta Vitthala-Bhatta. Govinda-Bhatta Ajjain-Bhatta. . .. .. . . . . . . | Atreya . 18| Bharadvija | Visishtha . 18 | Bharadvajs. 10 . Sandilya . N| Bharadvaja sadasn-Bhatte. . | Nirapa-Bhatta .| Nanheri-Bhatta Ananta-Bhatta KBisra-Bhatta Jano-Bhatte. Harihara. . Pammapps . . . . . . . Bhimadeva Amkappa. . . . . . Of these vrittis, Nos. 9 and 10 were purchased from their holders and donated to KrishnaPattavardhana, son of Vitthala-Pattavardhana of the Kalyapa-gotra, by the minister Naraharideva. TEXT. [Metres : Vv. 1 and 2, Anushubh ; v. 3, 4, 6, 7 and 10 Sardalavikridita ; v. 8 Vasantatilaka; vv. 8 and 9 Indravajra.) Plate I. 1 zrogaNAdhipataye nmH| namaH zivA. 2 ya / namastuMgamiravicaMdracAmaracAra the / khokyAnamarAraMbhamu(mbhAya saMbhava [1] .. 4 yatveSa jagahIjaM socAvosa: priyatrivaH / yasa 6 daMDAMkure bhUmikA satyavAyate / [2] baMdavaM ka.. 8 maThekharaH pharipatiaulasamAdhI varSAyAM tatayo dasAvakhitusAmAna ba. 8 sa [khitAH / jilababisa isAba9 mevara sahArdibAjIcA bA ivAti from the platou vols from the Supreedom

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EPIGRAPHIA JNDICA. [VOL. XXI. 10 bhAti tadidaM ramyaM rasA(ma)[smArasaM [..] khyA11 to bhAratavarSadakSiNadale dezosya karNa12 Takastammadhye vijayAhayAsti nagarI sA13 rAtibhirdurjayA / yA tatvoparivartinI14 mapi puraM jiSNoradha[:]kherguNe [:.] sabhAmaMli15 hahaya'nirmalarucA manye isatyUjitA [s] 16 [va]ze yadorabhinavAMza ivAyutasya zrIsaM17 gamAdajani saMgararaMgabhImaH / zrobuddharA18 na iti dhikkatapatrareSa tAmadhyatiSThadatha 19 madhyamalokapAla: [*] tamUnuskhapadaM prazAsti 20 balijibidhvastavihiTadhurasta huMdAvanatatpara21 ba sumahAsena[:]zritamadaguNaiH / zrIyuktaramaha. 22 sarvamaMgala pati zropatyumAkAMtayo[yu(ya)lAtvA]23 dina lakSaNehariharAkhyAM yo vahatyuvya Plate II ; First Side 24 lA [*] pAvaNAkhyasatirottarataTAdApUrvapAthoni25 dherAsatoravanI cirAdavati satyApu(pa)cimAbhoni. 26 dheH / khyAtesinguNanAmabhirihara rAjAdhirA27 jAdibhismoMrvIpatimaujilAlitapadAMbhoje / 28 mahIvaname // [*] tasyAnjayA mAdhavamaMpivayoM dirtha 29 jigoSumaMhatA balena / govAbhidhA koMkaNarAja30 dhAnomanyena manyeruNadarNavena [*] pratiSThitAMsta31 turuSkasaMghAnukadya doNA bhuvanaikavIraH / 32 ummalitAnAmakarotiSThA zrIsaptanAthAdisu33 dhAbhujAM yaH [e*] bhAradvAjasadanvitAnvayasudhAvArA34 pitArApaticAmuMDAbhidhabhUsureMdratanayo maMtrIkharo 35 mAdhavaH / mAsatkoMkaNanohataM hariharakSoNIpaterA36 yA dharmAnaMkurayatyasajjanazikhinvAlaughadagdhA37 punaH [10] sa ca nirjitAkhilabhUpAlasArvopaniSadA vyA 38 kartA zaivAgamAnAM prakAzayitA kAvyAnAM kartA ma. . * The stroke is not noonary.

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No. 4.] CHAUDALA GRANT OF HARIHARA: SAKA-SAMVAT 1313. 39 hAdAnAnAM vidhAtA notizAstrasyopadeza sakala40 guNAlaMkato mAdhavarAjo govApuravarasiMhAsa41 namadhitiSThanmAla(nyAli)vAhanazake varSANAM trayodazo42 ttaracayodazazatyAmatItAyAM vartamAnaprajApa43 tisaMvasa (tma)re caitramAse amAvAsyAyAM saumyavAre pa44 khinInakSatragate puSthadaMte protiyoge sUryopa45 rAga puNyakAle vArasanAmajanapada paramarU46 panAmagrAma svapitunAmA cauDalApurAbhidhAna47 magrahAraM kRtvA yonigotra(zru)ta[ta] tvasaMpanne Plate II ; Second Side. 48 bhyazcaturdazavidyApariNatebhyaH SaTakarmaniratabhyaH 49 RzAkhAdhyAyibhA(bhya) ekaviMzatibAmaNe- / / 50 bhyaH sarvanamasyaM prAdAt / teSAM nAmagocavi. 51 varaNaM yathA kAzyapagotrasya rAmadevapaTTava52 dhanaputrasya vAmanapaTTavardhanasya vRttirekA 53 vAsiSThagocasya mahAdevabhaTTaputrasya dAmo54 darabhaTTasya vRttirekA / vAsiSThagotrasya nAraNa55 bhaTTapa(pu)trasya ajjabhaTTasya vRttirakA kAsya(zya)56 pagotrasya rAmadevabhaTTaputrasya haribhaTTasya 57 vRttirekA bhAradvAjagotrasya nAgadevabhaTTapu58 trasya kezavabhaTTasya vRttirekA / vAsiSTha goca59 sya viTThalabhaTTaputrasya kezavabhaTTasya vRttirekA / 60 vAsiSThagotrasya mahAdevabhaTTaputrasya haribha. 61 dRsya vRttirakA Atreyagotrasya mahAdevabhaputra. 62 sya jAnubhahasya hattirekA parAmaragocasya zrI. 63 rAmabhaTTaputrasya mailArabhaTTasya vRttirekA kAzya64 pagotrasya nAraNajyotirvitputrasya gaMgAdhara65 jyotirvido vRttirekA bhAradvAjagotrasya mahA. 66 devabhaputrasya dAmodarabhaTTasya vRttirekA bhA. 67 rahAjagA(go)cava pannabhaTTapuSasya mahAdevabha[] The stroko is not necessary.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [ VOL. XXI. 68 sya vRttirakA bhAradvAjagoSasya nAraNabhaTTa69 putrasya mahAdevabhahasya hattirakA bhAra] Plate III. 70 hAjagotrasya viThThalabhaTTaputrasya zaDaMbhA71 sya hattirekA pAtreyagotrasya malinAthabhA72 putrasya nAraNabhaTTasya vRttirekA bhArahAja73 gotrasya viTThalabhaputrasya naraharibhahasya 74 vRttirakA vAsiSThagA(go)casya goviMdamaputra75 sya panatamasya vRttirekA bhArahAjagotra76 sya prabhaputrasya ka(ke)zavabhahasya hattirekA 77 bhAradvAjagovasya paDhnaMbhaTTaputrasya jAnubhaTTa78 sva vRttirekA mAMDityagoSasya bhImadevatra(pu)trasya 79 hariharasya vRttirekA bhArahAjagoSasya paMka(ka)ruNapu80 vastra paMmaNapuSattirekA evamekaviMzatibAgha81 NAnAM nAmagopavivaraNaM / tatra mailArabhahasya hati 82 gaMgAdharajyotirvido hattiM ca pavitrAdhigoSasaM83 bhUto amarasAtmajo vidyAzaMkarajapAvaloka84 nasudhAsakena saMvardhitI mAdhavarAcina t|' 86 pratiSThaH zrImAvaraharidevanAmA maM(ma)cIna86 ro rAjasaMsadi tadagrAmINabAdhaSapauraparivA87 rajanasamacaM samyagdhanana krItvA te ha88 tI kAzyapagocAya vihalapahavardhanaputrasya 89 kaNapaTTavardhananAce vidANe bAbaNAya strIpu90 cAbanumatena hira(ra)khodakadAnadhArApUrvakaM saM. 91 prAdAt // ABRIDGED TRANSLATION. Verses 1 to 3. Invoke Siva, Vishnu in the form of the Boar, and the Earth. V. 4. The impregnable city of Vijayanegara in the Karnataka country which lies to the south of Bharatavaraha excelled the city of Indra. Vv. 5 and 6. In the family of Yadu was born Sangama ; his son Bukkarida, the conqueror of enemies, was ruling that city. To him was boa Heriban, the destroyer of his enemies. IndySaSi !The stroke no tocny

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No. 5.) KOROSHANDA COPPER-PLATES OF VISAKHAVARMMAN. 23 V 7. While this king was ruling the earth from the northern bank of the river Ktishna to the Setu and from the eastern to the western ocean, his feet were worshipped by all the kings. Vv. 8 and 9. By his command, Madhava, the chief of ministers, set out with a large army to conquer the quarters and captured Gova, the capital of Konkana. And having killed the Turushkas who were established there, he re-instated the gods Saptanatha and others who had been removed by them. V. 10. By Harihara's command this minister Madhava, the moon to the ocean of the Bharad. vaja family, the son of the Brahman Chamunda, was protecting the Konkana country and reestablishing the Dharma which had been destroyed by the wicked. Ll. 37 to 41. This Madhavaraja, the conqueror of all kings, the expounder of all the Upanishads, the illuminator of the Saiv-agamas, the author of kavyas, the performer of mahadanas, the teacher of nitisastra, being seated on the throne of Gova, the best of cities. Ll. 41 to 50. When 1313 Saka years had elapsed, on Wednesday, the new moon (tithi) of the month of Chaitra in the year Prajapati, the sun being in the constellation Asvini, the yoga being Priti, during & solar eclipse, gave to 21 Brahmans, who were of good birth and learned in the fourteen vidyas, who were devoted to the six karmas and were the students of the Rik-sakha, the village of Paramarupa in the Varasa-janapada, making it into an agrahara called Chaudalapura after his father's name. Ll. 50 to 81. Names, etc., of the donees (see list above). Ll. 81 to 91. The minister Naraharideva, son of Brahmarasa, who had been reared up by the favour of the sage) Vidyasankara, and was installed by Madhavaraja, purchased two of these orittis from Mailara-Bhatta and Gangadhara, the astrologer, and gave them in the royal court before the Brahmans and other inhabitants of the village to the learned Brahman KrishnaPattavardhana, son of Vitthala-Pattavardhana. No. 5.-KOROSHANDA COPPER-PLATES OF VISAKHAVARMMAN. By G. RAMDAS, B.A., M.R.A.S. These are three copper-plates which were discovered by a cultivator of Koroshanda, a village six miles to the south of Parlakimidi in the Ganjam district of the Madras Presidency, while he was ploughing his field. The inscription incised on them has been edited by Mr. Satyanarayana Rajaguru in the Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, but without any facsimile. Owing to certain defeets in the reading, re-editing of this record is necessary and I am thankful to the Government Epigraphist for India for giving me an opportunity of doing it in this journal. Each plate is 7" long and 2 broad and has a ring-hole about " in diameter on its left side. I found neither a ring nor & seal attached to them. The first and the third plates are inscribed only on their inner side but the second plate bears writing on both sides. The alphabet of the plates resembles that of the Peddavegi plates of the Salankayana king Nandivarman II* and of the Brihatproshtha grant of Umavarman. The inscription under notice is written in Sanskrit and is in prose throughout, except for the two imprecatory verses bahubhih etc., and shashtin elo., which come at the end. As regards orthography, the following points may be noted : (1) consonants are generally doubled after f. e.g. sarva- (1. 5), farmma (1. 6). kartta yam=(1. 8) and svargge (l. 12); (2) the upadhmaniya is used in line 4; (3) the final form of it 1 Vel. XIV, PP. 282 ff. J.A. H. R. 8., Vol. I, pp. 38 t. Above, Vol. XIL, PP. 4 f.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. occurs in line 8; and (4) the numerical symbols for 7 and 20 occur in lines 8 and 9 respectively. The symbol for the latter figure is rather noteworthy. The inscription records that Maharaja Visakhavarmman," who was & worshipper of the gods " and "devoted to the feet of (his) father", granted the village Tampoyaka in Korasodaka-Panchali to Vishnusarmman, Sreshthiearmman, Agnisarmman, Nagasarman and Sivasarmman, all of whom belonged to the Atreya-gotra and were the residents of the village Sabara hinda. The grant was made for increasing the merit of the donee's father who was in heaven. The date of the grant was the 20th day of the 7th fortnight of Hemanta in the 7th year (of the king's reign). The family to which Visakhavarmman belonged is not stated in the charter. But from the Chicacole grant of Indravarmman. we learn that the division Korasoda ka-Panchali, which is also mentioned in the present grant (1.2), formed a part of the Kalinga country. This would suggest that Visakhavarmman was a Kalingadhipati (i.e., the chief of Kalinga) like Umavarmman of the Brihatproshtha grant, Chandavarmman of the Komarti Plates and Saktivarmman of the Ragolu plates. Of the places mentioned in the charter, Sripura, where the king resided at the time of the grant, may be the Siripuram (18deg 53' N. Lat. ; 83deg 50' E. Long., Indian Atlas) which now forms part of the Zamindary of Vavilavalasa in the Vizagapatam district. It is only 3 miles south of the Nagavali river on whose northern bank Varahavartini, the well-known district of Kalinga, was situated. Siripuram is not far away from Visakhapattanam (modern Vizagapatam) which is said to have been designated after the god Visakhasvamin who was worshipped there. Possibly Visakhavarmman, the donor of this grant, built a temple in that locality and named the god enshrined in it after himself. Korasodaka-Panchali must have comprised the region round the modern village Koroshand, where the plates were found. Tampoyaka I am not able to identify. TEXT. First Plate ; Second Side. 1 a [i*] fastigatazaal:*] GHETTOH: AFTTT2 fatigui Trac#qatar atanu faaa: 3 samAjJApayati astyeSa grAmosmAbhirasmahappabhaTTArakapAdAnAM Second Plate ; First Side. 4 suralokAdaprayutAnAM bhUya puNyApyAyanAya pAcandratArAkapratibThamagrahAraM kRtvA sarvakarabharezca parihatya pAtreyasagotre6 2: T afagging17f7a () Second Plate ; Second Side. 7 bhya:] saMpradattastadevamavetva pUrvocitamaryAdAbhismopasthAnaM 8 wafafa[i*] Hifatga[:] [#] o o 9 atra ca vyAsagotI hau zlI ko divasa 200 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 122 ff. Above, Vol. IV, pp. 142 ff. * Ibid, Vol. XII, pp. 1 ff. . From the inked impressions supplied by the Government Epigraphist for India. 5 Read Creat *C. G. H. Ojha's Palaeography of India, plate LXXII (lower), Last column.

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No. 6.] SADDO ROCK INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 104. 25 Third Plate ; First Side. 10 agfrau II a aquifuu: [1] yeye 11 gel [per aerazi 069[**] [*1 afg adatafa 12 at Algfa faz[:] [*] 1997 aina ar Gena [.*] No. 6.-SADDO ROCK INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 104. BY STEN KONOW. Saddo is a village on the left or eastern bank of the Panjkora river, to the west of the Katgala pass, on the road from Swat to Chitral, where a bridge leads across the river. Cunningham discovered a stone inscription in Kharoshthi characters at this place, and his servants copied it under great difficulties, and not without danger?'. When I prepared the edition of Indian Kharoshthi inscriptions for the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum I did not succeed in my efforts to get estampages or photographs of the record, and I could therefore only reproduce Cunningham's plate, without any attempt at an explanation. I owe it to the kind assistance of Mr. Hargreaves that I can now publish a reliable reproduction. On the 29th October 1930 he sent me two estampages, prepared by Khan Bahadur Mian Wasiud Din, who had been good enough to add the following information: The inscription is situated on the rocky bank (left) of the Panjkora river, between the ruined and existing bridges, which are only a furlong apart. The inscribed boulder is quite smooth and naturally sloped like a camel-back, with no sign of dressing. It is outwardly 58' x 21' in size, of a dunbuff colour, like the rest of the bluff jutting out into the river. It is only 48 ft. upstream from the broken pier of the ruined bridge, and being on the same level, is submerged in the current for four months in the year, i.e., May to August. It is therefore at the mercy of the torrent which carries a timber trade, besides trees and other things, when inundated.' We learn from this note that more than one bridge has been constructed in this place, and we also understand why the inscription has suffered so much in the course of time. A comparison of Cunningham's plate will, however, show that not much has disappeared since his copy was made, and also that his assistants have faithfully reproduced what they could see on the rock. The characters are Kharoshthi, of the same type as in the Takht-i-Bahi inscription. Some details will be mentioned below. The inscription covers a space measuring 31 ft. by 1} ft., and contains remnants of four lines, of varying length. The height of the aksharas is 3 to 5 inches. In l. 1 Cunningham's plate has five aksharas, of which only the first and third are visible in the estampages. The first is a distinct ma in the plate, but the estampage shows that the * left bar is prolonged upwards and perhaps ends in a curve to the left. I have not met with a 14.8. R., Vol. V, pp. 62 f., and plate XVI, No. 5. *C. I. I., Vol. II, Part I, pp. 9 f.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. ma of this shape in any other Kharoshthi inscription. The nearest approach to our akshara is the mu of danamukh[o] in the Dharmarajika inscription No. 14, and it is possible that we should read mu here. The second akshara visible in the estampage can hardly be anything else than dhe. In one of my estampages the e-stroke is unmistakable, and the akshara itself is almost identical with the dha of the Mathura elephant inscription. I cannot make anything out of these letters. If the intervening akshara were ru, we might think of an old form of murunda, which must, in some way, be connected with Saka tre, gen. rrunda, king. But I should not like to suggest such an explanation. In l. 2 the first akshara which can be read stands below the dhe of l. 1, and is so like the du of Takht-i-Bahi II. 1, 6, that I have no hesitation in reading so. Then follows an akshara consisting of a damaged vertical, of which only the top and the bottom remain, continued in a horizontal, bent downwards into a shorter vertical, which is curved forwards at the bottom. So far as I can see, we can only read ta. The ensuing akshara is evidently da, cf. the da in Takht-i-Bahi l. 4 and in the Paja record. It is followed by ma. In one of my estampages the right-hand bar is bent backwards at the top, but this bend is absent in the other estampage and in Cunningham's copy, wherefore we cannot well think of an irregularly placed e-stroke. Then comes a distinct fra and two hooks, which I take to be the numerical figure for 4, twice repeated. What can be read is accordingly dusadama-sra 4 4, and, though the names of the months are not abbreviated in other Kharoshthi records, I restore, with some confidence, chadusadam[e] Sra 4 4, in the four-hundredth (year, on the) 8. (of) Sravana. It is true that other Kharoshthi inscriptions present satimaa for hundredth,' but this form is probably due to the analogy of ordinals such as satatimaa, afitimaa, and Pali has satama. What precedes (cha)dusadama cannot be read. The existing traces can, however, be reconciled with the reading sabatsarae, which we have before [t]satimae in the Takht-i-Bahi inscription. L. 3 had already almost disappeared when Cunningham's copy was made. The two first aksharas are, however, legible, being isa, very similar to the isa in l. 3 of Takht-i-Bahi. The ensuing 10-12 aksharas are quite obliterated, though the first two or three bear a certain resemblance to the unidentified letters following after isa in Takht-i-Bahi. They probably comprised some term for time, and the name of the person who had the inscription executed. Under the aksharas sada of 1.2 there are traces of a letter which is like the di ofl. 2 of Takhti-Bahi and one might think of restoring (praldi-[stavide]. Then follows a fairly distinct esha. At the beginning of l. 4 some aksharas have been lost. The first akshara of l. 3, however, runs down into the line so that not more than two or three letters can be missing. After the gap comes a distinct ye, and it is tempting to restore setuye or seduye, cf. Sanskrit setuka, causeway, bridge. It seems to me as if it were possible to trace se. We should then have the sentence pradistavide esha seduye, this bridge was set up, but the reading is highly uncertain. The next word is certainly garuheasa, but I cannot explain it. Garu is evidently the regular Prakrit form of Sanskrit guru, heavy, but he remains unexplained. Garukea may be a name, buti s more probably a noun meaning something heavy. * C.I.I., Vol. II, Part I, plate XVII, 6. * Ibid, Pl. X, L.

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No. 6.] SADDO ROCK INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 104. After sa one akshara is lost, and then follows what looks like an e. I tentatively read garuheasarthae, for the sake of the heavy... It will be seen that my reading and explanation are rather unsatisfactory. The only thing which seems to be certain is that the inscription is dated in the year 104, and it can hardly be doubted that the era is the same as e.q., in the Takht-i-Bahi inscription. In my edition of Kharoshthi inscriptions in the Corpus I have assumed that the first year of this era coincided with 84-83 B.C., in accordance with certain calculations made by the Dutch scholar Dr. van Wijk. The date of the Takht-i-Bahi inscription was identified by him with the 10 March, A.D. 19, and our record would, similarly, belong to the 16 June, A.D. 20. 27 My chronology has, however, been severely criticized, especially by Professor Rapson1, who thinks that we must make use of the Vikrama era, which was, according to him, established by Azes, as proposed by Sir John Marshall. The date of the Takht-i-Bahi inscription would then correspond to 45 A.D., and the Saddo date to 46 A.D. In the introductory remarks to my edition of the Kharoshthi Inscriptions (C. I. I., Vol. II, Part I) I have maintained that it is impossible to refer the dates in the old series of these records to the Vikrama era, if the Sodasa inscription of the year 72 is dated in it, and I agree with Professor Rapson that such is the case. But then he maintains that he has proved that the Amohini tablet is dated in the year 42 and not in 72, and his arguments have been accepted as final by Professor Charpentiers and Mr. Jayaswal. The latter scholar goes to the length of asserting that throughout the range of Indian epigraphy nowhere the symbol reads 70, and everywhere it reads 40', as if we had to do with a well-known and frequent sign. I have not been able to accept Professor Rapson's learned and ingenious deductions, for several reasons. And now the Central Asian manuscript remains collected in Berlin have brought fresh light. In a masterly articles Professor Luders has examined the decimal symbols occurring in certain old manuscript leaves written in early Kushana characters, and shown that the symbol must there mean 40, because it is found in a continuous numbering immediately after 39. The St. Andrews cross occurs at least twice in page numberings, where the symbol is used for 40, and since all the other decimal symbols, except that for 70, are used in other folios, the St. Andrews cross can only mean 70. Professor Luders has further traced the origin of the figure. It is formed from the symbol for 60, which occurs in a shape resembling a Kharoshthi ja, by adding a stroke to the left. Professor Rapson remarks that much of the perplexity which scholars have found in their attempts to arrange the chronology of the Sakas and the Kushanas seems.. to be due to the belief caused by the reading "year 72" that the Great Satrap Sodasa ruled.. so late as the second decade of the first century A.D.' And it would certainly make it impossible to refer the dates of the Amohini tablet and the Patika plate to one and the same era. Mr. Jayaswal's chronology, on the other hand, which leads to such results as that the Takhti-Bahi inscription is dated in the year 20 B.C., discards the unanimous results drawn from Chinese sources by leading sinologists such as Chavannes and Franke, and I must leave it to those who know Chinese and Chinese literature to judge about its merits. 1 J. R. A. S., 1930, pp. 186 ff. The date of the Amohini tablet of Mathura, in Indian studies in honor of Charles Rockwell Lanman, Harvard University Press, 1929, pp. 49 ff. In another paper, which will be published in the Acta Orientalia, Professor Rapson maintains the same view, against Professor Luders. Ind. Ant., lix, 1930, p. 210. J. B. O. R. S., xvi, p. 245. Acta Orientalia X, pp. 118 ff.

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28 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. After the manuscript of this paper had been sent to press, Sir John Marshall's excavations at Kalawan have brought to light a new record, which shows that Professor Rapson was right in referring the dates of the Takht-i-Bahi and some other early inscriptions to the so-called Vikrama era, and that the Saddo record accordingly belongs to A.D. 46. I have discussed the new epigraph in the October number of the J. R. A. S., and prepared a paper on it for the Epigraphia. It shows that I was wrong in explaining the word ayasa in the Taxila silver scroll as corresponding to Skr. adyasya, and that it cannot therefore be utilized for calculating the era used in a series of Kharoshthi dates. We must evidently accept Sir John's explanation, that Ayasa is the genitive of the name Aya, Azes. For reasons specified in the Corpus, I cannot, however, accept Sir John's further explanation, that Ayasa characterizes the era as instituted by Azes. It must, I think, have another meaning, viz., to distinguish it from another reckoning, with which the inhabitants of Taxila were familiar. And it seems to me that we have distinct indications to the effect that such an era existed, and was looked upon as a Saka institution. The reading of the Shahdaur inscription is uncertain and does not prove that it was designated as such. The matter would be different if Professor Thomas is right in reading sa before the ka with which the inscription on the Taxila silver vase seems to open. [VOL. XXI. Mr. Hargreaves has been good enough to let his deputy, Mr. Dikshit, make a careful examination of the original, especially with a view to find out whether any letter preceded ka. He reported that no trace could be found. A plaster cast of the initial portion of the inscription, which Mr. Hargreaves has kindly sent me, seems, however, to show traces of an obliterated sa, and it is, besides, difficult to see what ka can be unless it is the remaining portion of saka.. It was in order to distinguish the era ured in the Taxila silver scroll from this Saka reckoning that the word Ayasa was added, and it was chosen, because the inhabitants of Taxila were so well acquainted with it from the numerous Azes coins that it was looked upon as a kind of symbol of the whole Parthian dynasty. The era was not, however, instituted by Azes, but by an Indian ruler, who made an end to Saka dominion in another quarter, viz., in Malava, just as the Parthians had.done in Taxila. We must necessarily draw the inference that two different eras are used in the older series of Kharoshthi records; one old Saka reckoning, and the Vikrama era. To the former we must apparently, inter alia, refer the Maira well, the Mansehra, the Shahdaur, the Patika plate, the Taxila silver vase, and probably also the Loriyan Tangai, the Hashtnagar, and the Skarah Dherl inscriptions, to the latter, e.g., the Takht-i-Bahl, the Saddo, the Panjtar, and the Taxila silver scroll records. With every reserve I finally give the text and translation of the Saddo record: 1 mu dhe... 2 [sambatsarae cha*] dusadam[e*] sra. 4 4 3 isa 4 [sedu lye garuheasa[rtha") TEXT. [pra*]di[stavide*] esha 10.1. I., Vol. II, Part I, No. IX. Gottingische gelehris Anzeigen 1931, p. 4. C.I.I. No. XXX.

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SADDO ROCK INSCRIPTION. ANANANDA SABTRL. SCALE:ONE-SIXTH. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 7.] CONJEEVERAM INSCRIPTION OF RAJARAJA I. 29 TRANSLATION. In the 104th year, the 8. Sravana, at this [instant, by . .] was set up this bridge, for the sake of heavy No. 7.-CONJEEVERAM INSCRIPTION OF RAJARAJA I. BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYER, B.A., M.R.A.S. The late Dr. Hultzsch noticed this inscription long ago1 but did not give the text nor a critical analysis of its contents. In consideration of its historical importance I am editing it below It seems that the record is not in its original position, for the different portions of it lie in different places, though in the same sanctuary, viz., the Kailasanatha temple at Conjeeveram. One piece is found in the floor of the mukha-mandapa and the other is built in the roof of the said temple. Both these pieces, in my opinion, go to make up section I of the record though some portions of it, especially at the middle and at the end, are not forthcoming. Similarly, the third fragment is found in the floor and the other fragment marked B-1 is to be found in the roof. These fragments put together would make up section II of the record, though here too, some portions have not been secured as yet. Each of the fragments A and A-1 contain an equal number of lines incised on them. The portion of the record giving the date (1. 8) which is found on the fragment A, seems to continue on the fragment marked A-1. Of the other section, 49 lines are engraved on the fragment marked B and 30 on the slab called B-1. I think that lines 16 to 45 of B continue on B-1 for, when put together, they read continuously. The section marked I gives the genealogy of the Eastern Chalukyas. Among the kings mentioned in it we find the names of Vijayaditya-Gunakanga, i.e., Vijayaditya III, Chalukya. Bhima I, Kollaviganda, i.e., Vijayaditya IV and Chalukya-Bhima II (11. 3-4). This Bhima is compared to the Pandava Bhima and is described as a warrior distinguished in many battles. After him comes Danarnnava whose foot-stool, we are told, was made lustrous by the diadems of potentates like the Vaidumba and who was a worshipper of the God Paramesvara Params. bhattaraka Bhime vara. After this, the inscription gives the date in the following words : [Sa ka-nripa-nava-sata-samkhya-vi...... shu yateshu tribhir-adhikeshu etc. The letter vi which follows the words nava-sata and is clearly visible on the stone would indicate that the mutilated word is vimsa. This being the case, the date of the inscription must be Saka 923 expired (or 924 current) which corresponds to the year 1001-2 of the Christian era. The palaeography of the inscription would support this surmise. Section II introduces Danarnnava-Nripakama (1. 17) stating that by defeating the armies of his enemies and despatching Kamarnnava to heaven he accomplished all his desires. It then speaks of a chief called Jatachola-Bhima-nripati, giving a number of his epithets, like the following:-Samgrama-vijaya, Arasar-abharana, Sukavi-chintamani, Kirtti-Dilipa, Saty-avatara, Samar-aikavira, Paraganda-rakshasa, Dina-kalpadruma, Bhupala-Meru, Achalita-virya, Vikrama. Dhana jaya, Saujanya-dhavala, Dushta-kal-anala, Asahaya-Vikrama, Bhuvan-aikadi paka, AcharaBhagiratha, Karmuka-Rama, Apurana-Dadhichi, Vanit-abhirama, Abhinav-Antaka, Surya-kulavasa, Raja-Makaradhvaja, Vikranta-Chakrayudha, Samasta-raj-agreya, Gondala-sahasa, Manasampurnna, Ranga-mrigendra, Vira-Narasimha, Karikala-Chola, Ariraja-bhishana, Tyagamaharnnava, and Nara-loka-Rudra. Thereafter comes a mutilated passage in Telugu (11. 40 to 47) which describes some achievements of this chief, namely, Jatachola-Bhima. The 18. I. I., Vol. I, p. 139, No. 144.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXI. inscription ends by saying that "such a distinguished person was captured by king Rajaraja". It is true that only the initial letter of this name is now preserved, but there is no doubt that it should be read as Rajaraja. We know that it was Rajaraja who was ruling over these parts in the Saka year 923-4. The fact that the chief who was captured by Rajaraja is herein called Karikala-Chola and that he claims descent from the Solar dynasty (Surya-kula-vasa), would show that he was of Telugu-Chola origin and that he was in possession of the Eastern Chalukya territory during the period of confusion which followed the reign of Danarnnava. Though fragmentary, this inscription is very helpful for settling some of the doubtful points in the history of the Cholas and of the Eastern Chalukyas. We know that Rajaraja I conquered the Vengi country about the 14th year of his reign (A.D. 999) and the Kalinga country in the next year (A.D 1000). The Tiruvalangadu plates of Rajendra-Chola I report that he defeated an Andhra chtef named Bhimal. We also know that Rajaraja invaded the Vengi and Kalinga countries about A.D. 999-1000. We have to see who this Bhima, whom he had routed, was. That he was the Eastern Chalukya king Vimaladitya who bore the surname Mummudi-Bhima and Birudanka-Bhima' seems to be unlikely, for his dates do not go so far back as A.D. 999-1000 Here it may be noted that the so-called interregnum in the Vengi country had just then come to an end and that no Chola king prior to the time of Rajaraja I had anything to do with the political situation in the Vengi or Kalinga countries. Among the Eastern Chalukyas, we know of no king of the name of Bhima who came after Danarnnava and whom Rajaraja I had defeated in A.D. 999. The present inscription enables us to settle the question of his identification definitely, for while revealing his name it states that he was captured by Rajaraja I. Evidently, this chief got possession of a part of the Eastern Chalukya dominions in the confusion caused by the deposition of Danarnnava. Though Danarnnava was dispossessed of his kingdom about A.D. 973, he appears to have lived till A.D. 1000. The second poict of interest in the inscription is contained in the statement that Danardava slew or defeated king Kamarnnava, who, to judge from the name, must have been a member of the Eastern Ganga line. In this connection, it may be said, that the Vengi and the Kalinga countries were fighting each other for some generations prior to the time of Danarnnava. King Gunaga-Vijayaditya III (A.D. 844-888) claims to have conquered the Gangas and to have received a tribute of elephants from the king of Kalinga". Kollaviganda-Vijayaditya IV also claims to have conquered the ruler of Kalinga in A.D. 918 and to have ruled over the forests of Trikalinga' Vikramaditya II (A.D. 925) is said to have held sway over the countries of Vengi and Trikalinga. The fact that Danarnnava-Nripakama despatched to heaven or defeated Kamarnnava, which the inscription under notice has brought to light, is not only new to history but it also proves for certain that the Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi and the Eastern Gangas of Kalinga were inimical towards one another. That the Kamarnnava who was defeated by Danarnpava must be identified with Kamarnnava IV, i.e., the father of Vajrahasta IV, may be shown by working backward the period of rule of the Eastern Ganga kings from the date of accession of Vajrahasta V which fell in A.D. 10387. Since Madhukamarnnava, Gundama II, 18.1. 1., Vol. III. p. 421, v. 82. * Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1908, p. 68. . According to the Ranastipundi grant Vimaliditya's accension to the throne took place in A.D. 1011, May 10, Thursday. (Above, Vol. VI, p. 349). Above, Vol. IV, p. 226. Ind. ant., Vol. XX, p. 104. Thid, p. 280. *Aboro, Vol. IV, p. 195.

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No. 7.] CONJEEVERAM INSCRIPTION OF RAJARAJA I. 31 Kamarnava V and Vajrahasta IV are reported to have reigned for 19 years, 3 years, 6 months, and 35 years respectively, before the accession of Vajrahasta V, we get A.D. 980 or thereabouts for the end of the reign of Kamarnnava IV. And since that king is said to have ruled for a period of 25 or 30 years his reign must have lasted from A.D. 950 or 955 to 980. These dates fall within the rule of Danarnnava which commenced in A.D. 970. It is very likely that the Eastern Gangas made a counter invasion on Vengi which must have eventually resulted in the deposition of the aggressive Danarnnava and given occasion also to the Telugu Chola chief Bhima-npipa to acquire possession of a part of the Eastern Chalukya dominione. Perhaps Danarnnava continued to live after his deposition, for the Chellur? plates of Kulottunga-Choda II attribute to him a reign of 30 years, a period that exactly covers his actual reign of three years and the so-called interregnum of 27 years which immediately followed it, as reported in other Eastern Chalukya charters. What favoured these events seem to be the internal dissensions that were prevailing in the country for a long time as is clearly disclosed by the rule of kings Yuddhamalla, Badapa and Tala of the collateral branch of the Eastern Chalukyas. It would not be wrong, therefore, to surmise that the deposed king Danarnnava applied for help to the Cholas against his enemies. In this connection, the following facts revealed by the Chola and the Eastern Chalukya records are worthy of note. Vimaladitya's coronation is stated, in his Ranastipundi grant, dated in the 8th year of reign, to have taken place in Saka 933 (A. D. 1011). Since his predecessor Chalukya-chandra SaktiVarman is said to have reigned for 12 years before this date', his accession must be placed in A.D. 999, which is very near the date when the Chola king Rajaraja I invaded the Vengi country. The invasion of Rajaraja I resulted in placing over the Vengi country & member of the direct line of the Eastern Chalukyas, namely, Saktivarman, whose brother Vimaladitya was married to Kundava, the daughter of the invading Chola kinge. In view of these facts it may safely be surmised that the Cholas must have helped Danarnnava at the time of his difficulties. This inference is further supported by the fact that the Chola invader Rajaraja I captured Bhima-npipa, who was then in possession of the Eastern Chaluky& dominions, and proceeded straightway against the Kalinga country and subdued it. The date of the accession of Saktivarman to the Eastern Chalukya throne being A.D. 999, as shown above, the period of the so-called intenegnum of 27 years in the Vengi country and the rule of Danarnnava for 3 years before it, must fall in A.D. 972-3 to 999 and A.D. 970 to 972-3. Danarnnava's fight with Kamarnnava and his deposition will have to be placed in A.D. 972-3. It may be observed here, in passing, that the Rashtrakuta power in the Deccan became practically ruined about this time when Siyaka Harsha, the Paramara king of Malwa, pillaged their very capital, namely, Manyakheta, and Taila II, the first member of the revived Chalukya line, ousting the Rashtrakutas, extended his rule right up to the borders of the Eastern Chalukya and the Eastern Ganga kingdoms. Possibly it was about this period when there was so much of confusion in the Deocan tha the Telugu-Chola chief Bhima-ntipa, also called Karikala-Chola and Jata-Chola, of the solar race, found it possible to capture a portion of the Eastern Chalukya domi nion. 1 [See Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 272.-Ed.) * Ibil., Vol. XIV, pp. 56 ff. . Above, Vol. VI, p. 351. As copper-plates attribute only a reign of 7 years to this king the 8th your must be counted from the data of his nomination to sucosio. . Above, Vol. VI, p. 361. Ind. An., Vol. XX, p. 277.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. The Telugu portion of the inscription under publication, though very much mutilated, would inform us that this chief engaged himself in fighting the rulers of Anga as well as Kalinga, took possession of a fort which could not, perhaps, be seized by Beta-Vijayaditya and that he constructed tanks and made gifts to the temple of Bhimesvara1. 32 1 2 3 6 TEXT.' I ...janam Mahesvara-vara-pra[s]......dhan-amara-Durgga-prasad-asarita3- simha[ma]ha-lanjhananam antaka-Siv-alaya-tat-arama-pravarttana-prabhri...... ....pari(i)tanam Cholanam ku......[y]aditya-Gunakamga-Chalukya-Bhima-nripa rann'-alamkrita-Chalukya-vamsa-pradipayamana-Kollavi-ganda-pri...... 4 ......devyam Gyau(Gau)ryyam Kumara........m parakramah pravarttana-mah-ahavah dig-antam-antan-darpp-antan-jha yoga...... 5 ......Dana-par-arnnava? rajata -pithastham-aneka-sahasra-satakumbha-sambhuta-prabhri....kati-sutra-prabhriti-vichitra........nek-alamkar-alamkritam-anma-rupam-amuly anaka-ranna-dyuti-patala-virachit-andra-chipam-akri...... 7 ......lokanartham-avanim ava......[bha]kti-nammram rachit-anjali-putam Bhaga. vatah Paramesvarasya Paramabhattarakasya srimat-Bhime[sva]........ 8......kanripa-nava-sata-samkhya-vi..........shu yateshu tribhir-adhikeshu turtthanyayat-purastan-nirasta sasiti || Bhimesvarasya devasya Bhi...... rupena. janma-janm-e[ti]......[dha]ranipatih Krita-yuge Treta-yuge Ravanah Bhimah Pandu-Prith-atmajah Kurukula-dhvamsi yuge nva...... 10 ......li-yuge Sauryyadi-dharmma........rttum esha ngipati Chola11-Trinetro= ....sya bhavat 1- Bhuto-bhavan-bhavishyan-va bhupatir-ddana-safiryyatah...... 9 .....yaksh-esvara-prabhriti........m-esvaraya dadata vadatah ka Chola-Trinetra-vasudha-patina samanah 1- S[va]sti II 1 napi bhavishyati l- chintyan-chinta...... 2 le dhavan syandana-yadasi sapura...... 3 turnn-ottirnna-maharnnavan-a[pu]...... 4 patasyat Parachakra-bhima-ripav[o].... 5 traiya-visala-mandapa-visa...... 6 jeshu Bhagadatta eva turage...... tat bhri........V[ai]dumba-prabhriti-raja-rajanya-raji eva Srima-tarm (tam)-maku Bhim-apar-avatarah Bhimayatha + Read -lanchananam. Read -ratna-. Read -cha. [The reading is -paravarnnava which might stand for parayan-drnava.-Ed.) Read -rijita.. Read -atma-. 10 Can the symbol between ma" and "kri" be taken as "dhab 11 Read nripatie-Chola. 1 I am indebted to Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao, M.A., the Kanarese Assistant in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, for this information. From the ink-impressions prepared by Mr. V. Venkatasubba Ayyar, B.A. Read -asadita. cha

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No. 7.) CONJEEVERAM INSCRIPTION OF RAJARAJA I. - 33 7 tatam Satakrastu]r=api svarggan-tano..... 8 masu sthegat(d)=bhuvi yavad-arkka 9 shu bahushy-ath=asit Karikala...... 10 Baika ve Krishna-nrip88ye va[cha]...... 11 bhihatya mad-oddhatan apa...... 12 chuko[pa) sanjata-samagra-manyuh...... 13 ntyai sumukhat-prachandahnyayuyu...... 14 kchalam sva-bhagani-padam-Andhrama...... 15 nah prak samanta-many-atavika-dri...... 16 na durnnikho-dhat da-jvala-maruta-vabad......ya...... 17 Danarnnava-Nripakamo yo yudhi sat-sakala-sainyam-abhihatya-desam...... 18 m-avinot parinetum=isah chitram su-duram-api charu. tmmantam Kamar moavan-divam-ani...... 19 bhut vyaktam vyasismapatatsv=iti vaiparitya Kamar navam bhuvi nayan...... 20 vinayad=anya-bhupataih"- Tyagena Karnnam-api rupataya Manojam tejo...... 21 si samad-an(t)makam yah |- Sa Sriman-Jatachola-Bhima-nfipatih sat-Ganda Bhurisrava...... 22 tha yogatah |- Sasy-apanya chatu. aya bhushana-chayam Bhi...... 23 mandali-Sikhamanih - Gandabhurisravah |- Samgrama-vijayah l-...... 24 ga-dhavalah! Arasar-abharanah - Sukavi-chintamanih |- Sau..... 25 kirtti-Dilipah - [Salty-avatarahl- Samar-aika-virah I-Virabhata.... 26 ..ramga-mallah | Paraganda-rakshasah |- Dina-kalpadrumah ...... 27 ndrah - Bhupala-Meruh |- Achalita-viryah - Chaturanga-Ra...... 28 Vidyadharah |- Vikrama-Dhananjayah - Saujanya-dhavalah |-...... 29 nanah | Dushta-kal-analah - Asa[haya)-Vikramah - Kara...... 30 ..yug-acharah - nagevaya-Bsihaspatih - Satya-Ma...... 31 rananah |- Bhuvan-aika-dipi(pa)ka[h] - Achara-Bhagirathah l-...... 32 Karmuka-Ramah - Atithadityan !. Apurana-Dadhichih l-...... 33 nah - Vanit-abhiramah - Abhina(na)v-Antakah - Suryakula-vasah l-...... 34 Sundarah - Raja-Makaradhvajah |- Budha-janauparah - Samvyakta-Bha...... 35 Vikranta-Chakrayudhah - Samasta-raj-agreyah |- Raja-kula...... 36 rah - Gondala-Sahasah |- Mana-sampurnnah - Kshatriya-kula...... 37 [&]rah |- Chalaramga-Ramah |- Ranamga?-mrigendra) | Vira-Narasimhah l-.... 38 hadevah - Karikula-Cholah - Ariraja-bhishanah |- Su...... 39 h - Tyaga-maharnnavah - Naraloka-Rudrah [1] Sakala-bhi.... 40 sthira-sanniya-ghatanadh(y)-Angga-Kalimka-patilu nala...... 41 laralloti parikoti-Roddalair-antu marodda e...... . 42 liyure kotuku Betundu Gunaka-vijayitundu...... 43 krambu sadhinchi sodhinchi gunakoni Bhimeava...... 44 ma-ddiyalu galuktambu diggayalu kati-sutra-bahu..... 'Read svarggam tano.... *Read su-maha-prachandak. Road sua-bhaginto. 'Read bhupati. 'Read sad-gandao. "Read Budha-jan-odaras. "Read Rama-ramgao.

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34 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. 45 tropulu gulliyalun-dutti..unbulu saddulu rachi...... 46 rayillana tana rupu bhanda ni[rva]sinkim gayamabhamba...... 47 davikrayakudayya Dakarambi...... 48 paritala [1*] Ivanai sri-ko-Ra...... 49 k[o]ndar No. 8. --NIVINA COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF DHARMARAJADEVA. BY N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A., Ph.D., OOTACAMUND. The charter under examination consists of three copper-plates which were found in 1929 in a field in the Nimmina village of the Kudala taluk in the Ganjam district of the Madras Presidency. The plates were sent by the Collector of Ganjam to the Government Museum, Madras, where they are now deposited. They are held together by & ring the ends of which are fastened into a circular seal. Each plate measures 71 by 41' while the diameter of the ring is about 31' and that of the seal 11". The rims are slightly raised and the plates are rounded at the corners. Including the ring and the seal, they weigh 77 tolas, approximately. The first plate is engraved on one side only but the remaining two are incised on both the sides. The inscription which they bear consists of 52 lines of writing. The first plate has 11 lines, the second 22, each face of it having 11 lines; but the third plate has 13 lines on the obverse and 6 on the reverse side of it. Owing to corrosion, which has caused holes in the plates, the inscription is badly damaged in several places, though practically the whole of it can be made out with the help of the other known records of the Sailodbhava family to which it belongs. The seal is marked with the crescent, below which is found & couchant bull in relief. The sign-manual of the king was possibly written below the bull but the letters of the legend are much worn out and the name cannot be read with certainty. The first two letters are sri and ma and the last letter is sya. There are traces of three letters between them. The characters belong to an early type of the Nagari script and bear much regem blance to those employed in the Ganjam plates of Netribhajadeva. As Kielhorn" has already made & detailed study of the script employed in these records, I shall make here only a few additional remarks. The initial a and a are denoted in the present record by two different signs though they seem to have been mixed up; e.g., asi(si)d (1. 12), ane nye) (1.25), Alatalangha (1. 34) and asmit(smin) (1, 35). For medial u, also, there are two signs, one is the ordinary sign for u with a rounded curve to the left, as, e.g., in pantu (1. 21) and bhasvat(d)-ushnamsu- (1. 21), while the other is indistinguishable from the sign of u. The sign for Avagraha has also been used, though only once, in pratipra(paditah(to)-'smat (1. 42). The Amusvara is marked in two ways: (1) by the usual dot on the top of the letter as in bhinamannam) (1.4), or in ithvarttham) (1: 8) and (2), occasionally, with a dot and a hook below it both added to the right of the letter as in asja*]sram (1. 19) and Phasikayan (1. 31). It may be noted that the latter sign has been used only at the end of & pada or a verse. The grant is written in incorrect Sanskrit prose and verse and has been very carelessly incised, so much so that, not only have many words been wrongly spelt but letters and even words have been left out in several places. Words like veshaika (. 40) (for vaishayika), Dikhida (1. 39) (for Dikshita), Vachchha (1. 40) (for Vatsa), rishi (1. 40) (for rishi), tamuradeg (1. 42) (for tamra'), found 1 Abovo, Vol. XVIII. pp. 293 ff. * Alove, Vol. VII. pp. 101 ff.

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No. 8.) NIVINA COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF DHARMARAJADEVA. 35 in the text are evidently Prakritic. The portion showing the boundary of the gift village is written in a vernacular which appears to contain a mixture of Telugu and Oriya. As regards orthography the following points may be noted. Ba and va are not distin. guished. A consonant is usually doubled in conjunction with a superscript r, but exceptions are also found : e.g., dayalur-narapatir- (1.22), pradarpad (1. 30), kala( kale)yair-bhutao (1.18), etc. Final n is changed into m in -vaktram (1. 23), praptavam (1. 27), -bhava (1. 30), etc. ; n is used in pransu (1.6), Kalinga (1. 8), etc., side by side with m in vamse (1. 15), kalanka (1. 16), etc. Vowel ri is wrongly used for ri in samspitas-Trivaro (1. 31), tribhuvana (I. 5), dharitri (1. 15), etc. Repha has been dropped in many places and in all such cases the following consonant has invariably been left undoubled : as, e.g., komalai va(ba)ddhao (II. 1-2), and dulalita (1. 18). Visarga has been wrongly used in ivah (1.1), vyatikarah (1. 3), api(1. 11), and worngly dropped in kanika (1. 3), -va(ba)hu (1. 7), bhuvo (1. 9), aradhita (1. 10), prabhu (1. 12), -asidhara (l. 18). etc. Other errors and peculiarities have been noticed in the foot-notes accompanying the text. The grant was issued by the Paramabhattaraka-Maharajadhiraja-Paramesvara-SrimadDharmarajadeva alias Manabhita of the Sailodbhava family from the fortress (kota) of Alatalanghapura in the Kongoda-mandala. Its object is to register the gift of the vihage Nivina, situated in the Khidingahara-vishaya, to a Brahman Savarideva Dikshita of the Vachchha (Vat8a)-gotra, the Pancharshi-pravara and anupravara, Chhandogya-charana and the Kauthuma school (of the Samaveda). Lines 42-46 give in detail the boundaries of the gift village. In l. 47 an additional grant of two limpiras (of land ?) seems to have been made. The Dutaka seers to have been an akshapatalika but his name is not preserved. The seal was fixed (lanchhita) by Jayasimgha. The name of the engraver is not legible. Besides the present grant only five other complete records of the Sailodbhava kings are known.' They are (1) the Ganjam Plates 8 of the time of Sasarkaraja, (2) the Khurda Plates of Madhavaraja, (3) the Buguda Plates of Madhavavarman, (4) the Parikud Plates of Madhyamarajadeva and (5) the Kondedda Grant 7 of Dharmaraja. Of these, the first two are written completely in prose and the rest, like the present record, are composed partly in prose and partly in verse. Many of the verses found in this record also occur in the Buguda, Parikud and the Kondedda Plates. In the grant under publication, the portion containing the date (1. 47) reads : Samvat Vai). Aakha-sudi-prathama-paksha-dvitis ya). Probably we have to restore the commencement as Samvat 19*1. From an examination of the plate it becomes clear that the broken space would not allow any numerical sign to be incised before Vai", the whole space being covered by the partly The word occurs also in the Parikud Plates (1. 44) in the form timpira which Banerji read as timmira. Its meaning is not clear. The expression dvidasa-timpira-pramanal in the Parikud Plates suggests that the word refers to measurement of land. * There are also two incomplete records of this dynasty, viz., (1) Puri Second Plate of MadhavavarmanSaingabhita alias Srinivasa, (the Bengali monthly) sakitya for the year 1319 (B. S.), p. 895 and pl. and (2) Tekkali Plate of the time of Madhyamaraja (III) (J. B. O. R. 8., Vol. IV. pp. 165 ff.). The latter mentions four other rulers after Dharmaraja. I may mention here in passing that the Plate shows the reading pailivyozlaparaja in l. 19. Thus the name should be Allaparaja who was the unclo's son of Ranakshobha and rot & son of Madhya. marija (II), as understood by H. P. Shastri. cf. Yr. V. Slisra (J. B. 0. R. S., Vol. XV. g. 179 f.) and Mr. S. Rajaguro (1>>. Hist. Quart., Vol. VII, pp. 165 ff.). Here it may incidentally be re narked that Mr Rajagaru's reading of the date in the Puri Plates is incorrect. The date is evidently regnal. *Above, Vol. VI. pp. 143 ff. and Plates. J.A. 8. B., Vol. LXIII. pt. i. pp. 282 ff. Above, Vol. III. pp. 41 ff. and Vol. VII. pp. 100 ff. and Plates. * Above, Vol. XI. pp. 284 ff. and Plates. * Above, Vol. XIX. pp. 267 ff. api Platos.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (Vol. XXI. missing vowel sign in this letter. Moreover, the signs for the numerical figure 9 and the final are so much alike that it is not impossible that the scribe finding two similar signs on the document omitted one of them, either through inadvertence, or because of his not understanding its significance. If this supposition is correct, then the date of the inscription would be the second day of the bright fortnight of the 9th year of the reign of Dharmaraja. In our present state of knowledge it is not possible to determine the exact dates of all the Sailodbhava rulers. The only certain date about this dynasty is found in the Ganjam Plates of G. E. 300 (-619-20 A.D.). In the other dated inscriptions either the reading of the date is uncertain, or only the regnal year is given. According to Kielhorn, the Buguda Plates should, on palaeographic grounds, be placed in the 20th century A.D. If this scholar is right in his assumption, then the rulers mentioned in the Khurda and the Ganjam Plates are to be regarded as remote ancestors of the homonymous rulers mentioned in the Buguda and other Plates. But in that case we have to admit that no history of the dynasty is available for three centuries or more. In spite of the apparent palaeographic difficulty, can it not be possible that Madhavaraja Sainyabhita of the Ganjam and the Khurda Plates may be identical with Madhavavarman Sainyabhita of the Buguda Plates ? But to accept this view we have to assign long rules to Madhavavarman and some of his successors. There may also be another ground in dating the Buguda grant to an earlier period. Both in the Kondedda grant and the present reeord mention is made of a king Trivara,' an ally of the rebel Madhava who was probably a younger brother of Dharmaraja. Both Madhava and his ally were defeated by Dharmaraja at Phasika as a result of which Madhava is said to have died broken hearted near the Vindhyapada. We do not know of any ruler of the name of Trivara from inscriptions. But we know of one Mahasiva Tivaradeva belonging to the Somavami rulers of Mahakosala. Two of his inscriptions are known which are dated in the regnal years 7 and 9. Palmographically, these inscriptions have been assigned to the 8th century A.D." The name Trivara of the present record and the Kondedda grant may have been sangkritised from the wrongly supposed Prakrit form of Tivara and, if he is the same as the ruler of Muhakosala, the present record as well as the Kondedda grant should be assigned to the 8th century A.D. It may be possible that Madhave, when defeated at Phasika, sought the help of the neighbouring powerful king of Mahakosala, and, having been defeated for the second time, was forced to leave his own country, take shelter in that of his ally and to spend his last days somewhere near the Vindhyapada (Satpura range), which was, at that time, within the realm of Tivaradeva. In that case the Parikud grant may have to be placed towards the end of the 7th or the early part of the 8th century of the Christian era and in spite of the apparent palaeographic difficulty the Buguda and the Ganjam Plates might have to be assigned to one and the same ruler. It is to be noted that in the Ganjam Plates of Madhavaraja II, he is stated to be a feudatory of Sagaoka. In the Parikud Plates, Madhyamarajadeva bears no titles of a supreme ruler, though he is stated to have performed the Abvamedha sacrifice. This last incident shows that he claimed the rank of a Chakravartin. In the Kondedda grant the horse sacrifice is referred to (1. 43), though neither Madhyamaraja, nor his son and successor Dharmaraja, bears any titles of a paramount 1 Above, Vol. VII. pp. 100 f. * The name has been read as Strivara in the Kopdedda grant, but I would ascribe the sto sandhi. . His date will be about the middle of the 8th century if Prof. Bhandarkar is right in his assumption that Chandragupta mentioned in the Sanjan Plates of Amoghavarsha I (Above, Vol. XVIII. pp. 243 ff.) as being defeated by the Rashtrakuta Govinda III, was the ruler of Mahakosala. We know of only one Chandragupta in this family who was the son of Nannadevs and consequently a brother of Tivaradova whom Chandragupta appears to have succeeded.

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No. 8.) NIVINA COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF DHARMARAJADEVA 37 Bovereign. But in the present grant Dharmaraja is given the titles Paramabhaftaraka, Mahdmajadkiraja and Paramedvara which were borne by independent rulers alone. In our present knowledge of the history of Orissa, it is difficult to say definitely whose subordinates the Sailodbhavas were after the rule of Sabanka was at an end, but it is not impossible that sometime after the breaking up of Harsha's empire Madhyamaraja declared independence and his successor used all the titles befitting an independent ruler. I cannot, however, account for the omission of such titles in the Kondedda grant. It appears that there has been, from the beginning, & misconception regarding the names of certain Sailodbhava rulers. The name read as Yasabhita till now, should correctly be Ayasobhita. It was pointed out in the Kondedda grant that in 1. 22 the plate read narapatir-Ayasobhita. This reading is authenticated by the present grant also Banerji's correction into narapatishu Yasobhita is thus not justified. Wherever this name occurs the sandhi seems to have been overlooked. Even Dr. Hultzsch appears to have done this for, in the Ganjam Plates of the time of Sasankaraja, he changed the reading into Maharaja-Yafobhita although the inscription gave it quite correctly as Maharaj- Ayasobhita. When Professor Kielhorn first published the Buguda Plates he was under the impression that Madhavavarman was the son of Sainyabhita (II). Dr. Hultzsch pointed out that Sainyabhita was only a surname of Madhavavarman II. In the same way, there is nothing in these ingcriptions to show that Yasobhita, i.e., Ayasobhita and Madhyamaraja were different persons. Mr. R. D. Banerji in his article on the Parikud Plates, though accepting the analogy of the Buguda Plates, was of the opinion that Madhyamaraja was probably & son of Yabobhita (i.e., Ayasobhita) II. while Mr. Y. R. Gupte writing on the Kondedda grant presumed, on the same analogy, that Yabobhita was the surname of Madhyamaraja, though he was unable to prove his point. The difficulty of both the scholars was due to the misunderstanding of a passage in the text. The last pada of verse 12 in the present inscription, which occurs in other grants also, was wrongly tead by Banerji as Madhyamarajadeva-guna-dheid=rajyan pituh praptavan while the correct reading is rajye-pi tat-praptavan. The verse under reference simply means that the sages leave their homes and perform various austerities in seeking after didya-pada while Ayasabhita II got the same abode, i.e., moksha in his own kingdom. of the geographical names mentioned in the grant Kongoda has been identified by Kielhorn with Kung-yu (or gu) t'o of Yuan Chwang. Cunningham identified Kongods, the capital city of the province of the same name, with Ganjam while Fergusson placed it somewhere between Kuttack and Aska' in the Ganjam district. We find from his records that the Chinese pilgrim journeyed south west from the Ota country, through a forest, for over 1,200 li and reached Kung 1 Above, Vol. XIX. p. 268, note 2. * Above, Vol. XI. p. 285, 1. 21. On the same analogy it may be possible that the name in 1.12 should be read sa Aranabhita. In fact, the Internal evidence of the grants of this dynasty shows that the names should be Ayabobhita and Aranabhita. In Khurda Plates wo find Sri-Sainyabhitasya paitra (paudrab) prassita-vipul-amala-yakasal aatatan-ayakobhitanya trimato-Yalobhitarya etc. Similarly cf. verse 8 of the present grant and note the expression yathartha-ndma. For Aranabhita cf. verse 6 in the text of the present record where this bravery in battle is described. (It may, however, be pointed out that the Ganga king Hastivarman appears to have borne the biruda of Kanabhitar Above, Vol. XVII. p. 332.). In the case of Sainyabhita we probably have to take the name as bahuorthi oom. pound (Papini, II. ii. 23-24) meaning thereby of whom the army was afraid.' The epithet pratapa-varit-dri, sainya given to Sainyabbits in the Khurda Plates, seems to confirm this explanatiou. . Above, Vol. VI. p. 144, note l. Above, Vol. XI. p. 283. *Boe Watters, On Yuan Chang'e travel in India, Vol. II. p. 197.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. yu-t'o. As the inscriptions of the Sailodbhava dynasty mentioning Kongoda-mandala have been found at Cuttack, Khurda, and Ganjam, we may well conclude that all these places were within the province of Kongoda. In all probability the province extended from the southern bank of the Mahanadi and included within it the northern portion of Ganjam. The country outlying the northern bank of the Mahanadi was probably the Wu-t'u or Ota (Skt. Odra) of Yuan Chwang, while the southern part of Ganjam was within the Kalinga territory. According to the same pilgrim the capital city of Kung-gu-t'o was a hilly country bordering on a bay of the sea. The Ganjam Plate of Sasanka mentions that it was situated on the bank of the Salima river. I have not been able to find the name elsewhere. The trace of the ancient name may, however, be found in the small river Salia which is fed by the Chilka lake. This part of the country would answer well to the description of the Chinese pilgrim. But at present no place recalling the name of Kongoda is found on the bank of this river. The village Konkoda situated in the Ramagiri Agency of the Ganjam district, however, reminds us of the ancient name of Kongoda, though the former could not have been the site of the capital city mentioned by Yuan Chwang. Of the other place-names mentioned in the present record the name of the vishaya of Khiqingahara may be recognised in the village Khidingi in the Kudala taluk of the Ganjam district while Nivina is undoubtedly the village of Nimmina in the same taluk where the plates were found. TEXT.3 Metres: Vv. 1, 4 and 12, Sardulavikridita ; vv. 2, 10, 11 and 14, Sragdhara ; vv. 3, 6, 7, 9 and 13, Vasantatilaka ; vv. 5 and 15-17, Anushtubh.] First Plate ; Reverse. 1 Om svasti || Indror(ndor)-ddhauta-msinala-[tantubhi]or-ivah(va) Slishtah karai b*] koma lai2 [*]-va(ba)ddh-aher=arunanaih) sphurat-phani - manai(ne)[r-ddigdha)-prabha[s7 - Jubhih [1] [Parvvaltya h*] sa-kacha3 graha-vyatikarph(ra)-vyavsitta-va(ba)ndha-slatha Gang-ambhalb-pluti-bhinna-bhasma-kani) ka[h*] Saxt bhor=jjat[h*] 4 pantu vahll [11] Srimar bhina (Sriman=uchchair-nnanna)bhaste(to) gurur-Achalapati (toh) ksho[bhajid=yah) kshamasya] gambhiras-toya-ra5 ber=atha divasakara[d*]-bhasma(bhasva)d-aloka-kari(ri) i hladi sarvvasya ch=endas=tfi (tri)-bhu[va]na-bhavana-pre]rakas-ch=i(a)pi 6 vayo raja sva(sa) Sthanu-murttir-jjayati Kali-wala-kshalano Madha(vendrah II (211) Pran(m)sur-mmahebha-ka7 Ta-pivara-charu-va(ba)hu[h*] krishn-asva(sma)-sanchaya-visala-viveka-dakshoho (O' rajiva [komala-dal]-ayata-lo8 chan-antah (1) khyatah Kalinga-janitasa(janatas :) Pulindasena) || [311*] Ton= athtam(ttham) guni[n-api) sa[t*]tva-mahato(ta) na 1 See ibid., Vol. II. p. 195. See Indian Sheet Atlas, No. 74 (India and adjacent countries series). From impressions and the original plates. * Expressed by a symbol. Portions within square brackets are either broken or not clear and have beon restored on the authority of other published records belonging to the same family. * Bead sahichaya-vibheda-visala-vakshao. This mark of punctuation is superfluous.

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No. 8.) NIVINA COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF DHARMARAJADEVA. 39 9 shta bhuvvor=mmandalam (1) sakto=yam. paripalanaya(ya) jagatah ko nara [sa*] syad=i[ti l] pratyadishta-vi10 bh-utsavena bhagava(m)n=aradhita(tah) (svasvatan]* tach-chi[tt-anu]gunam vi [dhitsur=&]disa[d*]=va(va)nchba[m*] Sva(Sva)11 yambho( bhu)[r=2]pih(pi) || [4 M Sa sila-sa(sa)kal-o[dbhejdes ten=a[py alokya] dhimata [1*] [p]rikalpitah(ta) Second Plate ; Obverse. 12 sad-vamsah*) pra[bhu[h*] Sailodbhava[h*) kli[ta]b (1151) Sailodbhavasya kula [jo-Ra]nabhita [a]sid ana saksi13 t=kritabhiyam vi(dvi)shad-amgananami jyotsnya(sna)-pravaha-samaye SV& dhiy=evas sarddham-a[ka]mpito naya14 na-paksha(kshma)-jaleshu chandrah II [6 II*] Tasy-abhavad-Vivu(bu)dbapala-sama sya sanum(sunuh) sri-Sainya[bhita] iti bhumi15 patir-ggariya[n*] yam prapya naga-ghata-gbatao-lav(b)dha-prasadal-vijaya[] mum'l [de*] dharitri(tri) 1 (7|I*]Tasy=api vams[ej16 shull yatha[r*]tha-namo(ma) jato-Yasobhita iti [kshiti*]shah(sah) | [ye*]na purudhole-fpi*) bubhe(bhai)&=charitre(trair)=mpishtah kalamka[h] kali-nadala. 17 na syat13 [18*10 Jato=[tha*] tasya tanaya[b sukriti samasta*j-timantini(ni)-nayana shatpada-purindarikah(pundarikah) [l*]ori-[Sailnyabbita i18 ti bhumipatir-mmahebha-kumbhasthali(i)-dalana-dula(durlla)lit-asidharidrah) [11911*]Kala yairl4=bhita-dhatri(tri)-patibhir16-u19 pachit-anyai(ne)ka-payavataraih I nita 16 yesham katha-bhi(pi) pralayam-abhi mata kirti-ma(pa)lair-a[ja*]sram [*] 20 yajnaljnai)s-tair-Asvamedha-prabhritibhir-amara lamvitas17=triptime[urvvl]m-udript-ar atri(ti)-paksha-kshaya-kfiti-patu21 na Srinivaseni(na) penah(na) [1104*] Tasy-otkbat-akhil-areremmerur(d)-iva (ja) nan-odbhasvat(d)-ushnam[su]-teja || 18 suro ma22 ni(ni) dayalur-narapatir-Ayasobhitadevas-tanuja) 1 (1) matamgamn(gan)-yo-ti-tu [ngam]aova(ba)hala-mada-mu 1 This mark of punctuation is superfluous. * Read #rishtam bhubo mandalam. * Other inscriptions of this dynasty havo balto yah. * Read kasvatage . Read -Sakal-odbhedi. * Read asid-yeni Read -prabodha. * Road -dhiynaive. Read naika-bata-naga-ghad-vighaffa10 On the impression the last syllable looks like dam. But what looks like an anusara is only hole ta the plate. Tho Kondodda grant reads : vanitha. Read prarudhs Read Kali-darpapasya. Read Kaleyair# There are traces of another sign before pa. Either it was a mark of panotuation wrongly gat or the plate read wripati by mistake. 16 Road .pop-avatarairwild. The marks of punctuation before nila are unnecessary. 11 Read lambhitas 16 The marks of punctuation Ace VNNDONATE 16 Dapde unnecessary. * Read wide.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. Second Plate; Reverse. 23 cha(cha)e-charu-vaktram(ktran) prachanda[m]ndan) vaddh-akarshati khinam1 punar-api navate yat-kritam(tah) sampragalbha(bhah) [|| 11 ||*] 24 Kechid-vri(va)nya-mrigena sarddha [m] ramate(nte) tatam(tha) sthiti'-lilayah(ya) | kechit(ch)-chorddh[v*]a-mukha mayukha 25 kirana-jval-avali-prekshanah(nah) [*] kechit saila-guhodareshu nirata dhum-avali(i)pai(yi)na[h*] a 40 26 ne(nye) vkyu-phal-vu(bu)-bhaksha-nirata[b*] kechi[n*]-ni(ni)r-aharskih | i[t*]thath yoga-jusho vihaya vasati[*] 27 dhyayamti divyam padam pi9 tat-praptavam (van) 28 vat-sakala-sastra-visesha-vedi | Ari-Dharmmaraja trah (1) tasy-a chitran(m) Madhyamarajadeva-trigunam-dhrid rajyam [12]Tasy-abha iti sunur-adhiti(dhita)-sas 29 ti-ni(ni)rmmala-yadah parivardhamana[m*] padau Harer-it(iva) ria mayati martti-lokyah1 [13] Rajyam lavdha(bdhva) pra30 darpad aviganita-tayo12 Madhavo je(jve)shtha-bhavam (van) | tasya tasmad-apastram 13 krita-vishama-mati[r]=vigra 31 he Phasikayam yuddha-kshobhena(na) la(bha)gno nripatiparam-asau sameri (eri)tas Trivalr-akhyah pa 32 scham(echat)-ten-api sarddham punar-api vijita(to) Vindhya-padeshu jirnnat (jirppab) [14] Sau[ryath] arir-yauvanath eri-Manabhitasya nirvikar 33 rajyam ekaikya(ka)m mada-ma (ka)rakam sarvam am-upasthitah (tam) || [15||*15 Ala 34 talanghapura-kotat 35 rama-bhattarak [VOL. XXI Third Plate; Obverse. Parama-mahesvaro mata-pitri-padanudhyato(tah) PaMaharaja*]dhiraja-parameevara[b] jadeva[*] kusali || Asmit18-Kongo 1 Read baddhu-akarshaty=akhinnab. * Parikud and Kondedda grants have yan-natab sapragalbhab. Parikud grant reads: sarddham-acharams=tatha. What looks like an anusvara above ti is merely a depression on the plate. Danda unnecessary. Read sahasra-kirana- as in the Parikud grant. ari[ma*]d-Dharmmar[4] "Parikud grant has two verses (12-13) in this connection, while Kondedda grant omits one. Here we have only the first half of the previous verse and the whole of the latter, the second half of the former being omitted most probably, by oversight. [Reading given in both is wrong. One should expect something like. Ke chidvanya-mrigena bardham-achirain remus-sukhain lilay-Ed.] Parikud and Kondodda grants read siyata.. Read -deva-guna-dhrid rajye-pi. 10 Read marttya-lokah. The suggestion to read nabhas-brita in the Kondedda grant is not correct. In the Tekkali Plate the reading is na mayi na marttya-loke. It is to be noted however that the root ma (in the Div-adi group) is atmanepadi. 11 Verses 13-14 of the Kondedda grant have been omitted from the present record. 12 In the Kondedda grant also the reading is tayo which has been wrongly read as laya; taya has been used here in the sense of 'protection'. 1 Read with the Kondedda grant: debad-asmad-apastum. 14 Read Trivar-akhyam or Trideg as in the Kondedda grant. In the former case, however, the meter suffers. 15 Kondedida grant records two more verses after this, The reading of the first letter is not very certain. 17 Ja is written in a smaller letter between ra and pa. Evidently it was inserted later, on finding out the error. 18 Read Asmin

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7 C 4 10 2002 2 12 14 22 24 26 28 i 30 K. N. DIKSHIT. 32 ut rararulatA zatikA deza cAlU va AdhI karUna rikha / iti karakara (yalA naka kavaka ra b"jka mitra mUl bama malla cecaracaya iia NIVINA COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF DHARMARAJADEVA. iib l(bk lasu buddhi dyA vidvAna hai| naya kUSyagR rupala saMca (ru ca nirAzI yAlA viSTa / ca 16. brAvo kI Subhratra meM lvikenika dala 16 nAnakhAna esI ki keka jhabadhapUrI rudiino 18 tamiti (kuru liyala kAlikA va 18 gharI yAvanA Adi kA kAphilA kI mahArA -kh yaha lekha ( nikhila jndebsbhn| nltt yAna pani yuddhA hI ga e uda SCALE: TWO-THIRDS. dAna 2 ya ACC yaha prazAda ca kezika ina jhA 4 8 10 12 14 20 rA aba yUyamuTAlA mA sine na ry na badalAmA lIlI tara hAla dakSiSaka laDhatA kara taraca te ruka kara eka zi kI hai daanvH| OM basinAU pdh ghara sh| (1) i(2) zatakAtarakha da ekatAkA viSada (vIesa enatra khatAta timI yarivasa~ga jahA~ doko e unakA yachita 26 28 da pora diyA lalana sAta tAsa kA rakSaka (ka(tirI) (saMtrA va jogarAjA malA pa yA kuna 22 24 30 32 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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mia 34TAA (sarakAratacanapAntula34 ra sarakAra para eka rasadAra rAju lAjamIna 36 rasa lAvIraura ( sadA halakA kara pUlamAlA 36 rana ( (rakata ka (diyoM ko patarala padAlA hA 38 (tarupadarAba kA yaha yaha sahita ( rakAra 38 (Reks (rAbarIka na rahAra(rara 12, vanitA 40 rAya ( ( ( ( rA rA rA rA rA rA rA rA rA 40 (TOR-7/30 yA vAvaratArAvala ki ladA kAratA 421 kA nirahita janatAkata 42 7 ( NITIAThAvA taralatA (((((((TATE(udA samaya halacala MOTIOCTOta kArako tatA 4RDER CANCreate lahara hAlata rahA 445 48 52

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No. 8.] TWO PARAMARA INSCRIPTIONS. 36 da-mandale sri-saranta-ma(ma)hasamanta-ma(ma)harajanakarajakal - rajaputtrah(tr-a) [ntara* lnga-dandana37 yaka-[danda*]pasik-oparika-stakad(stad)(tadayuktaka-Ed.)-viniyuktaka-sakarana-vyavaba. rina-nanyams-cha? vra(bra)hmana38 purog-adi-veshaika-janapadam(dan) yath-arha[m*) manaye[ti*) vo(bo)dhayati jnapa yati viditam-astu 39 bhavatam Khidingahara-visha[ya*]-samamdha-Nivina-gramat(mah) 1. Savarideva dikhida (dikshita)40 bhattabhattaya) Vachchhaltsa)-gotraya pancha-risha-pravara-anupravaraya Kau. thuka(ma)-sakhaya Chhando? -charanaya 41 mata-pitror=atmanasucha puny(ny)-abhivsi[d*]dhayo ye) salila-dhara-pura[h*]sarena chandr-arka-kshiti-sama-kala[m*)=842 kari(ri)kritys tamvra(mra)-sasa(sa)tve(ne)na pratipra(pa)dita(to)'smate na kochit (kenachit) vighatita vya*]m=iti || gramasya bima kata 43 Paschima-disahi(disi) Ttikuta Jodapapadi vanarai v almika-vamika(uka) sila-vanarai[*] Utatta)ra- disahi(disi) 44 Tsikuta | Pani-sakha(?)traimanivadhaivani [*] Uta'++)ra-disahi(disi) digha-sila [1] Puvehi (Purvasyam) jadavanarai 45 vada[l*]Puva-utara-konehi somanilo Tsikuta Puva-aakhin[e]hi se..ma Trikuta! Puvs-disahi kho46 llada[i*]Puva-dakhina-konahi vagha-guhu(guha?) Ttikuta [] Dakhina-disa pavadi sila gadi savatih || Third Plate ; Reverse. 47 'paradvau timpirah11 || Samvat [9*] (Vaijsakha-sudi-prathama-paksha-dviti[ya ;*! 48 Uktan=cha dharmma-sastre[l*] Vahubhih (Bahubhir-) (vasu]dha datam(datta) raja(ja)bhih Sagar-adibhih[io] 49 rya(ya)sya yasya yada bhumi[8*]=1113 tasya tasya (tada phalam] | [16||*] Sva. dat[t*]am para-dat[t*]am=va yo ha50 reti(ta) vasundharam()*] sa vishthayam krimir-[bhutva] pitri[bhih*) saha pachyateb (te) ! [17 II*) Itiko(Dutako) 51 tra mabakshapata[la?] ....devo(vah) [pradhanatana(mah) ?] | Lanchhitam Jayasimghena 52 utkirnnam Chcha[hibhaye ?]nah(na) mitih(iti) || No. 9.-TWO PARAMARA INSCRIPTIONS. BY R. R. HALDER, RAJPUTANA MUSEUM, AJMER. About the beginning of the 10th century A.D. a branch of the Paramaras of Malwa was founded by Dambarasimha, the younger brother of Vairisimha of Malwa. The rulers of this * Read -rajanaka. Read "harinos nyars-cha. Read -vaishayikaRead-sambaddha. Danda unnecessary. * Read pancharshi-pravar-anuprawariya. These five rishis are: Aurva, Chyavana, Bhargava, Jamadagnya and Apnavana. Read Chhandogya. Read to-smabhir. Read sima krita. (Kata, desaki, rai, etc. are evidently Prakrit formations-Ed.] 10 The first syllable may be read groo. 11 The meaning of this expression is not at all clear. The sige at the commencement looks like that of an avagraha but it cannot be conected with the previous line. 11 Dandas unnecessary.

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42 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. family may be called the Paramaras of Vagada from the name of the territory over which they ruled and which comprised the present Banswara and Dungarpur States. These rulers, who were subordinate to the Paramaras of Malwa, had for a long time their seat of Government at Uthhunaka, the modern Arthana in the Bangwara State in Rajputana The two inscriptions edited below belong to the rulers of this family and were found in the Banswara State. These documents, together with the one already published, throw much light on the history of this branch of the Paramaras. A.-PANAHERA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF JAYASIMHADEVA OF MALWA: [VIKRAMA-) SAMVAT 1116. This inscription has already been noticed in the Annual Report of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, 1916-17. It is engraved on & stone slab which is built into a wall of the temple of Mandlesar (Mandalakvara) Mahadeva at Panahela in the Banswara State of Rajputana. The slab is broken into pieces and at present only the two sides, right and left, are available, the middle portion being altogether missing. The inscription is written in the Nagari characters of about the 11th century A.D. But i in iva (1.20) and i in 1 sanena (1.2) have forms which are generally found in the inscriptions of an earlier period. The inscription consists of 38 lines of writing and is written in verse with the exception of & few words in 11.1, 26, 36 and the concluding portion of 1.38 which are in prose. The language is Sanskrit throughout. In respect of orthography the following points may be noted: v and b are not distinguished as in vardhavd (1.8), valavat (1.15), etc. ; 8 is used for & in surdara (1.9), klesan (1.11), sirasi (1.16). etc. and $ for sin atr-atit (1.20), tapasvi (1.34), etc.; consonants with a superscript or subscript are usually doubled as in yair-mumukha-(1.12), darppo (1.14), -ddhattri (1.11), pa'tra (1.13), etc; anusvara is used for nasals in fasamka- (1.2), bhujanga (1.3), etc. as well as at the end of stichs and hemistichs as in mahavalan (1.26), phalan (1.33), etc. The inscription is a prasasti of the Paramara kings of Malwa and their subordinate rulers, the Paramaras of Vagada. It consists of two parts: the first part in 25 verses is given to the Paramaras of Malwa and the other part, beginning from verse 26, to those of Vagada. Its object is to record the foundation of the temple of Mandalasvara (Siva) at Pamsulakhetaka (Panahera) and various endowments in that connection, by the Paramara ruler Mandalika. After the usual praise of the god Siva in the first five verses, the inscription gives, in verse 6, the familiar legend of the origin of the Paramara family from the sacrificial fire on the Arbuda mountain. It then describes the army of some king, evidently an early Paramara ruler, and the scene of a battle (vv. 7-9). Munjadeva is then mentioned (v. 10) who is said to have won victory in a battle (v. 12). Sindhuraja is spoken of in verse 13 and his army is extolled in this as well as in the next two verses. Verse 16 states that from him sprang a king whose name is not preserved in the inscription but which was most probably Bhojaraja. The next four verses are devoted to the 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXII. p. 80 and above, Vol. XIV. pp. 297 4. . Pp. 2 f. . Abovo, Vol. IX.p. 200 and Vol. XVII. p. 96.

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No. 9.] TWO PARAMARA INSCRIPTIONS. praise of this king and his army. King Jayasimha is mentioned in verse 21 and the splendourg of his army are likewise described, while his superiority and control over other kings are spoken of in the next four verses. Here ends the first part of the inscription. The second part commences by saying that in the Paramara family was born Dhanika, who built the temple of Dhanesvara near Mahakala (at Ujjain) (vv. 26-27). After him, his brother's son Chachcha became king (v. 28). Verse 29 tells us that a ruler of the same family, whose name is lost in the present portion of the record, gave battle to Khottigadeva at Khalighatta on the bank of the Reva (Narmada) in the cause of Siyaka and went to heaven. Verse 31 introduces Satyaraja who is said to have received a fortune from king Bhoja and fought with the Gurjaras. He married Rajasri of the Chahamana family from whom was born Limbaraja (vv. 32-33). His i.e., Limbaraja's) younger brother was Mandalika, who took General Kanha prisoner and handed him over to Jayasimha (vv. 34-37). Mandalika is glorified in verse 39 and is said to have built the temple of Mandalesvara (Siva) at Pamsulakhotaka (vv. 45-47). This king Jayasimha is said to have assigned to the god, for defraving the expenses of worship, one vinsopakal on every bull (that passed) on the road and also some land at Pam ulakhetaka. Mandalika also granted to this temple, for his own spiritual welfare, some lands and a garden behind Nagna-tadaga and the temple of) Varunesvari together with some rice-fields as well as lands in the villages of Nattapataka, Panachhi and Mandaladraha (vv. 47-52). The date is given at the end as Vikrama-Samvat 1116 (A.D. 1059). The inscription was engraved by Asaraja, son of Kayastha Sridhara of Valabhi. As to the personages spoken of in the inscription, kings Siyaka, Munjadeva, Sindhuraja, Bhojadeva and Jayasimhadeva are the well known Paramara rulers of Malwa. Up till now only one copper plate inscription dated V. 1112 (A.D. 1055) of the time of Jayasimha (I) has been discovered, so this inscription carries his reign to a further period of some four years. Among the rulers of Vagada, Dhanika, Chachcha, Satyaraja, Limbaraja and Mandalika are mentioned in the inscription. The names of Kankadeva and Chandapa, the two rulers after Chachcha, which are found in the Arthuna Inscription of V. 11363 are not preserved in the present record. The battle fought against Khottigadeva at Khalighatta (v. 29) is evidently the one mentioned in the Arthuna Inscription of V. 1136 (verse 19) as being fought by Kankadeva against the Rashtrakuta king of Karnata. From verse 36 of the present record, Mandalika who is called Mandaladeva in the Arthuna Inscription, appears to have been the feudatory of King Jayasinhadeva (I) of Malwa. Many of the localities mentioned in this inscription may be easily identified. Thus Pamsulakhe taka (vv. 39, 46) is the village of Panabela where the inscription was found. Nattapa taka (v.50) is the village called Natawasa lying about two miles to the west of Pana. hera. Dzulapataka is the modern Delwasa situated about 4 miles south-west of Jagapura. Bhogyapura is the village Bhagera which stands about 3 miles to the north-west of Panabera. Panachhi is now called Panasi and is situated at a distance of about 4 miles from Panahera. Mandaladraha is Madalda of the present day and is about 4 miles to the west of Natawara. Nagna-tadaga (v. 48) is a tank called Nagelatalava and is to be seen at the foot of the temple of Mandalegvara at Panahera. Khalighatta (v. 29) was evidently the name of a ford on the bank of the Narmada. I am unable to identify the other localities mentioned in the inscription. 1 For the meaning of this word see above, Vol. I. p. 166. * Above, Vol. III. p. 46. * Above, Vol. XIV. pp. 297 ff.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL.XXI. -51, BS-8-10, 12, 17, 18,29931, 32, 39 and TEXT. IMetres:-Vv.1,2 (1) and 52, Arya; w.3-6,8, 11, 13-15,23,26,29,31,32, 39 and 60, Saraujavikridita ; vv. 7 and 16, Vasantatilaka; v. 9, 10, 12, 17, 18, 22 and 33, Sragdhara; v. 19.20.24.26, 27, 28, 30, 34, 36, 37, 44-51, 53-59 and 61, Anushtubhv.21, Maliniv. 35. Salini; v. 38, Upajati%; vv. 40-43, Totaka.] 1 'poM ghoM namaH zivAya // dhRtagagamasiMdhupahaH zailasutAmAlabhaMjikAsubhagaH / jayati jagatra(ca)yamaMDapamUlastaMbho mahAdevaH // [*] jayatiM zivo yanmU[]i . . . . .........[1]--------------[2]-- - -[-] . mAMkakalayA sadyaH prapadyAmRta vAmaH prApya surA jagAma garala grAsAdadhoraH sukhaM / gAnena samudramaMthanavidho netroktaH parago--- - - v---u--U-[ngn*]---vu-u-uuu --- - -- - 3 taimaimmIsalitAH punara dalitAcUDeMdulekhAMzabhiH / bhUyaH sphArabhujaMga bhogama(ga)rasamvAsommibhiH saMbhRtAH zaMbhoH pAtu kaThorakaMTha - ------- [ // 4 // "] --- -- - -- -U--u----vu-u-vuu te kuTuMba (4) hariH / mainAkArSA(I)dayoH khasustava ehe ko nAtha me vartate mithyAI bhavataH priyevagamutASipto haraH pAtu vaH // 5[*] patrAstyarbu (g)da -u-vuu---u--u----vu-u--- -- -[1]--- - - [vi.]. sate homakriyAprakrame kaMDAmnaH paramAra tyabhidhayA divyaH pumAnusthitaH [*] paasiidkuNtthbhundrghktthorvairikNtthaasthinihlndNturkhaadhaarH| --~v-uu-u----u-uuu-uu-u-- [ROM]---vu-u-uu maye saMtApanArthaM muhupracaMDohAmararAvAsakakubhi drAtADite duMdubhau / calu: pIlughaTAturaMgama From an impressione kapromed by a symbol. [It preferable to read the symbol m siddham.-Ed.)

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No. 9.] 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 TWO PARAMARA INSCRIPTIONS. camUsaMgha darpotkaTAH sAmantAH kaTakAgra - ~ -[ // 5 // *]--> necairvvetAleH snAtukAmai - ravi (dhi) gatatalA stasya yuddhasthalISu / dohDocaMDakhaDgAitakaraTighaTAghorakaMkAlakUlAH sadyaH kIlAlanadyaH sphuTitanaraziraH paGka --~-- - [ // e // *]----~--UUU [udya] ThapIThasphuTavigaladasRksi 211^ --0 tasaMgrAmaraMgaH | rAjA zromuMjadevaH samavani jatinAM vAM (bAMdhavo yasya korttiH kuMje kuMje girINAM prakaTitapukhakaM gIyate kinnarobhiH [ // 10 // * ] [A] kAtareNa manasA vAM( caM) catphaNAmaMDalaH / lebhe(S)naMtarameva sausthyamatulaM tucchAbhavadyannamaho tvaMgatu (tuM)gattu (tu) raMganiSThurakhuracodohataiH pAMzubhi // 11[ // *] muMDA(zuNDA)rA DAkinInAM [1]0000 parAkrama. --~-- [] takaraTighaTAH satvaraM jitvaraMga / yenyA (nA)dIyanta mUrdhni sphuradasisalilaM pAtayitvA risaindhe gTaDa (dha) strINAM raraMdhra (dhuH) zrutavahala' vasAsIdhavo yoSa (Da) kaMThAH // 12 [ // *] raMbhAvA (bA) [?] ----- / - parAkramanidhiH zrosiMdhurAjo nRpaH / bheje yasya visapikuMjaraghaTAsaMghaTTahe lAnamacAtrImaMDalabhAradhAraNapariklesaM (maM) bhujaMgezvaraH // 13[ // *] kaH sthAtuM camate -- 45 [te] proddAma vacaH te dRSyaMtu ka [baMdha] nAmaripa va: sau ( bhI ) pratispadhA dadhre yaimukha eva yasya yasa (tha)sA vicAsitaH kAlimA // 14[ // *] bhayava [zA] dubla jAtA vAgasamaMjasA 122215 daMDapoDitadhanu 2117 -^^1 [ya*]ddA gRhe yAdRsaM(zaM) / su ( kha ) tvA yamaja STaMkAramArAhUtaM gADhApArNirupAnahaH paramabhUde (de) kaiva vidveSiNAM // 15[ // *] tasmAdajAyata 1 Road sutabala.

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46 14 15 16 17 18 19 saroruhapakSanetro EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [*] vidyAni [dhiH * ] caMDapANadaMDa vyApAra kausa (za)lavidagdhabhujo nareM 122300 samabhavaM ( vaM) stepi kUpA: [VOL. XXI. sarpa tyuddAma dappatkaTa karaTighaTAmedure yasya sainye medinyAmakSamAyAmasahabha raghurAM dhartumuhartukAmaH / prANazeSastu [ze]SaH // 17 [*] yasmi vijetuM pracalati va (ba) lavattuMgamAtaMga sainya cobhacINapravAhAH pramathitamalinomaMDapoDonahaMsAH [] ---- --- 3: 124[*] 230300 karmo mavyathAbhiH samajani nibhRva: (taH) --V vairikhovA (bA) Spa pUre rughu [kha] lehyA: // [ 18 // *] yatpratApavu (bu) do darzayantrAtmano rUpaM vidyAssu (sphuritavibhramaiH / bhUtvA kA (dA) navarSI prajAsvabhUt // 18 [ # *] bhuktA si(zi) rasi zatraNAM khana :...-.. [*] ~ - riyaM // 20[ // *] tamanu vinatabhUbhRzcakracUDA ciMtAMtriH pratapa ti jaya [siM] ha: pArthivoM mAva (la) vAnAM / caTulaturagasenApAMzubhirya: prayANe kaluSayati caturNAmarNavAnAM payAMsi // 21[*] yaddA (cA) hu: sau (zauryavego 1332 [a] marayuvatibhi: -1 kIryate puSpavRSTyA / helAkaSTAsidaMDAhatasu ----- bhaTaghaTAkaMdha kaMDA 'sthikhaMDa tA: kaMDala prathapotadraktadhArApnutasamaradharApRSTha nRtyatkavaM (baM) dha: // 22 [ // *] kapolakelikaSaNatruvyatkaThora [drumA*] [*] hoINDavilAsa DaMva (ba) raraNacaMDAsidhArAjale drAgma ( ) vyaMti vi pacavAraNaghaTAH saMgrAmasImAspRzaH // 23 ["*] yasyAnau yamajihnAbhaM khaDgamAlokya viddiSaH 1 prApyAyuSaH muMcati jIvi [tam // 24 // *] kA Read khadhaka ThA. --..

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No. 9.] 20 21 22 23 24 25 TWO PARAMARA INSCRIPTIONS. 1-06-0 nivesi (zi)tA: // 25 // atrAzo (so) tparamAravaM []vitatau labdhA (bbA) nva [ya] pArthivo nAmnA zrIdhaniko dhanesma ( zva) ra pUva tyAgekakalpadrumaH 1 nindhe svakIyaM vapuH // 25 // zrImahAkAladevasya nikaTe himapAMDu [] [kha * ] pRthvIbhrataviSa muSTimadhye raM / zrIdhanezvara ityuccaiH kIrttanaM yasya rAjate // 27[ // *] caJcanAmAbhave(va)tva(tta)smAGgrAtRsnurmahAnnRpaH 1 rathe....--.. ~-~.. [ // 28 // * ] -~- khyayA vikhyAtaH karavAlaghAtadalitaddidbubhikuMbhasthalaH / yaH zro ww. khoTi (hi) ka devadattasamara: zrIsIyakArthe kRtI revAyAH khaligha[dR]nAmani taTe yudhvA (vA) pratasthe divaM // 28 // 471.. [*] 131 47 vAsitAM // 30 [ // *] pAtaH korttitaraMgiNIsa (cula (lu) kita cailokya sImAMta rastyAgI mahatAM vaMzodbhavA labhyate / rA satyaparAkramo [guNa* ]nidhiH zrIsatyarAjobhavat / yaH zrIbhojanareMdradattavibhavaH sArdhaM raNe gureH kRtvA[saM] - [ // 31 // * ] - bhAgyabhAgIrathImecaH (ttuH) kIrttiSu cAhamAna ---- -- jazrI: sahaneva yena sahajazrImanmatiH khAminA yasyAH syAdupamAnamAdipuruSa (SA) pIta [sta ]nI devakI // 32[ // *] tasyA khyAtaH zrI [ 1 *] khatpatrI bhUridAtA nayavinaya mahApaMDitastaddariSThaH 11^. liMga (ba) rAja: prakaTasubhaTatA (taH) sRSTiSu vra (brahmakalpa: 1 Correctly. The first syllable is lengthened for the sake of the metre. -- svi (sva) prAptavalitvA ka[li ] yugamadhipaddeSiNo nirhakhitvA [ // 13* ] bhogatyAgau gRhI [tvA] . 7-.: / zrImaMDa

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48 26 27 28 29 80 31 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. loka ityasya laghubhvAtAbhave (va) nRpaH // 34[*] sU(zU) rastyAgI na zolo di pavit kaMdappabhiH kAminI cittacaura: 1 sAmaMtAnAM mUrdhni dattAMhireko rAjatyubbamaMDale maMDalokaH // 34 (35) [ // * ] api ca // bhoja .~-~.. [[*] v-v.. // 35(36)[u*] yenAdAya raNe kanhaM daMDAdhIsaM (zaM) mahAva (ba) laM / apisaM jayasiMhAya sA [ khaM] [VOL. XXI. gajasamanviSaM (saM) 36 (20) [n] jayatyasau zrIparamAra vaMzo yatra prabhuH zrIjayasiMhadevaH / jAta: prasA (zA) khAsu ca yasya tuMgasAmaMtapUjya~-~-- [ // 37(38) // ] bhaktyA kAryata maMdiraM --- 1-0 smararipostatpAMzulAkheTake / yasyottu ( ttuM ) gazira: - pradezanihitairdIpotsave dIpakeIsa kajjalamaMjayaMti nayanAnyAdAya sahasriyaH // 38 (38) [ // *] suSTimupAhatavAnapi yaH f.v~~-~~-~- [1"] ~~-~~-~- bhuvi sopyavatIrya bhavebRpatiH // 38 (40) [ // *] zaradArumRdAlayamozakate kustespadha[no] dinamekamapi / divi varSasahasramupAsya si (zi) vaM punarava mahIpanataH prabhavet // 40 ( 41 ) [ // * ] (bRhadAma 512300-00. [*] kAmayatepi maheMdrapadasuranAthamapi khalayedacirAt // 41 (42) [ // *] 1221 33 yadi pakSamaheSTakayA tarubhirvvarasAraza (zi) lAghaTite ghaMTayet / nikhilAmasse (ze) kharavahanayA nivise (ze) hiMdi pRSTapadAMvu (bu) ruhaH // 42 (43) [*] biSANajaM I prAsAdamadha mASeyaM ziva evaM karoti yaH // 43 (44 ) [ // * ] rAtrA sI (zrI) jayasiMhena asmai devAya bhaktitaH / iSabhaM prati bhogArthaM mAneM piMso (bho) pakSo dataH // 44 (45) [* ]

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No. 9.] TWO PARAMARA INSCRIPTIONS. pAMsulAkheTake sthAna kacchoka .. -... [*] . . . . . * * * hitIyastu datta: zaMbhoH svabhakti naa(?)||45(46)[*] vaMdanAkhye(a)raghaTTe ca bhUma(me) rbhAgavayaM tathA / dattaM zromaMDalokena svazreyA(ya)ya(se) mahesa(za)ta: // 46 (47)[[*] pRSThe nagnataDAgasya varuNekha (kha)ryAstathaiva ca / vATikA subhagA dattA. . . . . . . . .--... // 40(48)[*] . . . . evAditaH katvA yAvaccaMdradivAkarau / bhUmihattA sakedArA vudhvA(buddhA) sAMsArikaM phalaM // 48(48)[*] nahApATakagrAma bhUranyA deulapATake / bhogyapure ca pAnAcyAmaparA maMDakhada? // 48(50)[*] evametaSu grAmeSu] . . . . . . . .. [*]citaa| bhUmiH zrImaMDalIvana dattA zrImaMDalakhare // 50(51) etacca pu raM lalanAnapurajhaMkAramukharitAbhogaM / bhoganimittaM zaMbhohattaM zrImaMDalIkena / 51(12)[1] pureca satvAdravyasta bhUraghaTTAdikasya ca [] ma . . . . . . - -. . . . . . . . . . prakalpitaH // 12(53)[*] tapakho(strI) vra(brahmacAri(rA) ya(yaH)[za]ci. dautA(to) jiteMdri 34 tenAtra sa(na)vi:(ti:) kartavyA vArikaiH saha srvdaa|[4]- bharato dhuMdhumAraca kArtavIryo ziviva(ba)li: / haricaMdra(paMndra) mAMdhAtA nalo veNurnapAda[yaH] [ // 55 // *] . . . . . . . .--- . . . . jAna:(tAH) varapUritAH / taMpyAyuSi parivINa gAtA:] katA(kArtA)tikaM puraM [ // 56 // ] matve[ta*]dasthira sarva rAjyamAyudhanaM nRpH| na lopyaM si(mi)vasaMbaMdhi vastu stoka(kama)pi yadbhavet [57 // "] yataH [*] bhavanAnAjyamantrA(kha)mAdyarikhataM karajoda[2] [*] ... . . . . .--- . . . . . . . haridhipa: [58 // ] visa(the)SataH / prasmasa (ze)tha --viSaye bho tAca yo bhavet / tasthAmAbhiH kRtAbhyarthA () si(zivadataM na cAlayet / [58 // "] pati pratyavanIsa(tha)cakramukuTaspaSTAhipIThatriyaH / yokodaMDacAbhI. - ~----~--~-[ []meyaM paTavarSapAkapaTimaprauDhaH padADaM[va(ba)] saMdRSTA sama 1 Danda is not necomacy.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. [w:]qat(at)uwa Daft: animajo [2 *v*] yAvaccAMdro kalA zaMbho?tate kUTamaMDapa / kIrtiH zrImaMDalIkasya tAvada a fa 40*) [ro] 87 fa[]# Pela... [21]*7*14eulutuarathaugantfcat (wf?)[U(U)] u B.-ARTHUNA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF VIJAYARAJA: VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1166. This record was found at Arthuna in the Banswara state in Rajputana' and is now preserved in the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer. It consists of thirty-one lines of writing, covering a space of 1' 71'x1'. Excepting a few letters, the inscription is well preserved. The characters are Nagari of a type which was common in Rajputana during the period to which the record belongs. The average size of the letters is about t". The letter i is differently written in lines 15 and 21. The language is Sanskrit throughout. With the exception of a few words at the beginning of 1.1 and at the end of verses 25, 26 and 30, the record is written in verse. In respect of orthography it may be noted that v is used for b in vahuso (1.2), vodha (1. 12), etc. in forn in niinnita (1. 7); 8 for s in sasana (1. 15), nasvara (1. 19), etc. and $ for sin salilar (1.3)). Consonants with a superscript 7 are doubled in -pater=nnidhana- (1.2), sarvu-ayurveda (1. 7), etc Anusvara is used for nasals in Mandalika (1.2), -chancharika (1. 16), etc. Rules of sandhi have been frequently violated. Jihvam uliya has been used in lines 29 and 30. The subject of the inscription is the foundation of a Jaina temple and the consecration of the image of Vpishabha atha at the town of Utthunaka during the reign of Vijayaraja, the Paramars ruler of Vagada. After paying homage to Vitaraga in verse 1, the inscription records in verse 2 that Mandalika of the Paramara lineage killed the general Kanha and Sindhuraja. It then speaks of Mandaliks's son Chamundaraja as having destroyed the army of the lord of Avanti in the Sthal country. Verse 3 speaks of his son Vijayaraja, who was a brave and famous ruler and a conqueror of his foes. The inscription then turns to the description of the Jaina family one of whose descendants caused the temple of Vtishabhanatha to be built. Verses 4-5 inform us that in the territory of Vijayaraja there was a town called Talapataka, the residence of Ambata, a learned Jaina physician and jewel of the Nagata family. H18 son was Papaka, who knew the whole of Ayurveda (v. 7). He had three sons, Alaka, Sahass and Lalluka (v. 8). Alaka was benevolent, well versed in history and & pupil of Chhatrasens of the Mathura family (vv. 9-11). He had three sons by his wife Hola. The eldest was Pahuka who was well versed in Sastras and who became & recluse (vv. 12-14). His younger brother was Bhushana, pious Jaina whose glories are described in verses 15-19. He had two wives, Lakshmi and Sili. By the latter he had three sons, Aluka, Sudharana and Santimukhya. It was Bhushana who established this Jaina temple (vv. 20-22). His younger brother was Lallaka. His elder brother Pahuka had a son named Ambata by his wife Siuka (vv. 23-24). Verses 25-26 and the prose line between them inform us that an image of Vpishabhanatha was established by Bhushana in the town of Utthunaka in the year 1166 of tha Vikrama era, while Vijayaraja was reigning in the province of Sthali and that the image was consecrated on Monday, the 3rd day of the bright P. R. A. 8. W.O., 1908-09, p. 49.

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No. 9.] TWO PARAMARA INSCRIPTIONS. half of Vaisakha of the same year which regularly corresponds to Monday, the 5th April, 1109 A.D. The next two verses inform us that 16 verses from the fourth as well as the first verse were composed by the learned Katuka while the rest was the work of Bhatuka son of the Brahman Savada who was the son of Bhailla of the Valla family. The prasasti was written by the Sandhivigrahika Vamana, on of Kayastha Rajapala of the Valabha family (v. 29). The inscription was engraved by the vijnanika Stamaka. The prasasti practically ends with line 26. The next five lines, which seem to have been added later, are herein styled atm-anusasana. As regards the personages mentioned in the inscription, much is already known about Mandaliks and Chamundarajs from other inscriptions. The inscription A says that Mandalika took general Kanha prisoner and handed him over to king Jayasinhadeva, whereas in the inscription B he is said to have killed him. Again, in the Arthuna inscription of V. 1136, Chamundaraja, son of Mandanadeva, is said to have overcome Sindhuraja, whereas in the present record Mandalika is said to have killed him which would be impossible unless the two Sindhurajas were difterent persons, or the word 'Sindhuraja' was used in the general sense of a ruler of Sindhu'. Thus the facts mentioned in inscription A and the Arthuna inscription of V. 1136 do not agree with those found in the present record. The former inscriptions are earlier and, perhaps, more reliable than the present rocord. Vijayaraja, in whose time this inscription was written, was the last known ruler of the Vagada branch. No trace has yet been found of his successors. It is known, however, that Vagada, after a few decades, went under the control of the Guhila king Samantasimha of Mewar, who established a kingdom there in about V. 1236 (A.D. 1179) and thus became the founder of the present State of Dungarpur in Rajputana." As to the places mentioned in the inscription, Utthanaka is the modern Arthuni which is about 28 miles south-west of Banswara. Talapa taka is now a village called Talavada lying about 12 miles to the south of Banswara. The genealogy of the Paramaras of Vagada &ccording to the inscriptions now available would stand thus Dambarasimha (younger brother of king Vairisimha of Malwa). 2 Dhanika 3 Chachcha 4 Kamkadeva 6 Chandapa * Satyaraja . Rajalist 7 Limbaraja 8 Maadaanden of Sandalika (V. 1116) 9 Chamundaraja (V. 1136) 10 Vijayaraja (V. 1168) 1 [Thin, 1 yderstand from Muni Punyavijaya of Patan, is some amal Digerebere-work . Above, Vol. XIV. pp. 297 ff. * Seo Dr. Barnett's remarks in the last part on page 296 of Bp. Ind. Vol. XIV-Bd. . See Inch A ., Vol. LIII. pp. 101 f.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. TEXT. [Metres :-Vv. 1, 13 and 14, Malini; vv. 2, 5, 6, 22 and 30, Sardulavikridita ; v. 3, 25, 26, 31,32 and 33,Aryav.4, ll and 17, Vasantatilaka; v.7, Sragdhara 3 vv.8,20,23,24,27-29 and 34-38. Anushtubh; vv. 9 and 10, Mandakranta; vv. 12 and 21, Upendravajra; v. 15, 16 and 39, Sikharini%; v. 18, Prithvi%; v. 19, Harini.] _1 bho // bhoM namo votarAgAya / sa jayatu jinabhAturbhavyarAjovarAjojanitavaravikAzo dattalokaprakAzaH / parasamayatamIbhirna sthitaM yatpurastAtkSaNamapi capalAsahAdikhadyotakaizca // 1 // 2 pAsokIparamAravaMzajanitaH zrImaMDalokAbhidhaH kanhasya dhvajinIpatervidhamakacchIsiMdhurAjasya ca / ganne kIrtilatAlavAlaka itacAmuMDarAjo nRpo yovaMtiprabhusAdhanAni va(bAhuzo iMti sma deza sthalo (khyAm) // 2 // zrIvijayarAjanA[mA] tasya suto jayati jagati vitatayazAH / subhago jitArivagargo guNaratapayonidhiH zUraH // 3 // deze'sya pattanavaraM talapATakAkhyaM pasyAGganAjanajitA marasuMdarokam / asti prazastasuramaMdiravaijayantIvistArakAdinanAthakarapra[cAraM // 4 // tasbiAga ravaMzazekharamaNiniHzeSazAstrAmbu(mbodhijaineMdrAgamavAsanArasasudhAvihAsthima[jo]bhavat / / zromAnava(boTasaMghaka: kaliva(ba)zito bhiSagrA (ggrA)maNorgAIkhyepi nikaMcitAkSa pa(pra)sarI dezavratAlaMkRtaH // 5 // yasyAvazyakakarmaniSThitamate[niSTA vanAMtabhava. baMtavAsivadAhitAMjalipuTA-3 caurAH kRtopAsanAH / yasyAnanyasamAnadarzanaguNairanta[camatkAritA zuzrUSAM vidadhe suteva satataM devI ca cakrezvarA(ro) // 6 // pApAkastasya sUnuH samajani janitAnakabhavya. prapo(mo)daH prAdurbha taprabhUtapravimamadhiSaNa: pAravA zrutAnA [*] sarvAyurvedavedI vihitasakala. sakAMtalokAnukaMpo / nirvI(NI)tAzeSadoSaprakatirapagadastAtokArasAraH // 7 // tasya putrAstrayobhUvanbhUriyA svavizAradAH / pAlAkaH sAhasAkhyazca sajhukAsyaH paronujaH // 8 // yastavAdyaH sahajavizadaprajayA bhAsamAnaH prAMtAdarzasphuritasakalaitidyatatvArthasAraH / saMvegAdisphuTataraguNavya * From the original inscription. * Expressed by symbol. Tho hokes are redandante *Danda unnecessary.

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No. 9.] TWO PARAMARA INSCRIPTIONS. tAsampana(ka)bhAvaH te(vasta)stainaprabhRtibhirapi khopayogIkRtazrI: en[*] AdhA[ro] yaH khakuchasamiteH sAdhuvargasya cAbhUhaH zIlaM sakalajanatAlhAdi rUpaM ca kAye / pAcau. bhUtaH katayatikRtInAM / zrutAnAM ni(tri)yAM ca sAnaMdAnAM dhuramudavahajoginAM yogino ca // 10 // yo mA tharAnvayanabhastalatigma[bhA] norvyAkhyAnaraMjitasamastasabhAjanasya / zrIcchatrasenasugurozcaraNAraviMdase . vAparobhavadananyamanAH sadaiva // 11 // tasya prazastAmalazIlavatyo holAbhidhAyAM varadharmapatnyAM / yo va(ba)bhUvastanayA nayAvyA vivekavaMto bhuvi ratabhUtAH // 12 // abhavadamala . vo(bo)dhaH pA[]kastaSa pUrva satagurujanabhaktiH satkucAgrIyavu(ba)hiH / jinavacasi yadIyapramajAle vizAla . gaNabhRdapi vimukhekaiva vArtAparasyaM (stha) // 13 // karaNacaraNarUpAneka13 zAkhamayogaH parihataviSayArtho dAnatIrthapravRttaH / zamaniyamitacitto jAtavairAgyabhAvaH kalikalilavimuktopA(vA)sakI[vo]ya prabhAbyaH // 14 // kaniSThastasyAbhUgavanavidito bhUSaNa iti zriyaH pAtra 14 - kAMta: kulagrahamumAyAzca vasatiH / sarasvatyAH kroDAgiriramazavu(bu)ratiranA(1) kSamAvazyAH kaMda: pravitatakapAyAca nilayaH 1 -sAraH saurUpyeNa prava(ba)nla[subhagatvena zazabhRt kave(be) saMpa15 tyA samadhikavivekena dhiSaNaH / mahobatyA merujalanidhiragAdhana manasA / vidagdhatvenocaiyaM raha ' varavidyAdhara dUva // 1 // jaineMdrasA(zA)sanasarovararAjahaMso maunoMdrapAdakamaladaya16 caMcarokaH / ni:zeSazAsanivahodakanAthanakaH / somaMtinInayanakairaca(va)cArucaMdraH // 17 // vidagdhajanavallabhaH sarasasArazaMgAravAnudArazca(ca)ritazca yaH subhagasaumyamUrti: sudhIH / prasAda va(na)parAnamaharavilAsinIkaMtata. vyapa(pA)stapadapaMkajahitayareNuratyuvataH // 18 // prathamadhavalapAye []tye gopi divaM punaH / kularathabharI yenaikenApyasaMcamamuddataH / gurusaravipa[Muni Panyavtjaya of Patan suggesta 5414 14:--Ed.] * Panotuation unnecessary 17

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL.XXI. pattaMbAva[I]duhatAri ca khiramatimahAkhAnA nItI vibhUtigirI: giraH 18 bhArye bhUSavasva sta: sanIzolotiSizrute / pativratatvasaMyukto cAritraguNabhUSita // 2..[1] [zI]. 19 likAthAmudapAdi puSAmanAmayogbAgguradevamAtAH / palokasAdhAraNazAMtimukhyAkhavaMdhu(bandhu)cittAma(na)vikAsabhAdUn 27 pAbusta tamahotrasAranihita stokAmbu(m)vasa(ba) 20 saMcitsya dipakaparNacaMcalatarA sAmyAca hA zitiM / zAkhA bhAsamuniyA__sthiratara nUnaM -- sau tenAkAri manohara jinama bhUmarida bhUSaNaM(gam) // 22 // bhUparakha ka. niho(:) bImA prati vizrutaH / / devapUjAparo nityaM dhAtugadezakaladA // 2 // jveho(4:) pAhunAmA ya: sou. kAyAmaNojanat / bhasacayasaMyukta puSamanva(ba)TasaMtraka(kam) 24[1] varSasAse yAte padavyuttaramatena saMyukta / visamamAnoH kArI svasi(sI)viSayamavati pati vijayarAja // 2 // vikramasaMvat 115 vaizAkha sa()di . mome pamanAvamA pratiSThA / bohaSabhanAyanAma: pratiSThitaM bhUSana viMba(viba)midaM / utyaNakanagaramiSita jagato(tvAM) vRSabhanAtha // 2 // yugalaM yahattA samArabhya hattAsye(ce)tAni boDasa / pApaDate na yutAni tavAkATako bu(bu)dhaH // 27 // bhArako vakSa (a)bhUttamaH bosAvaDo hinaH / tasUmo TukapeyaM niHzeSAvAparA tiH // 28 // vAsavAnvayakAbakharAnapAkhava saMdhivinAsaMsthena liSitA vAma[]na vai // 29 // bAvar3AvaparAmayoH saritaM bhUmau bargIyate / yAvariSapadI jasaM pravAti momabati baavaamii| sAviniyataM avavaraH vAcalyAta pabbate tApanItiriyaM cirAya jayatAsaMpyamAnA(mA) banaiH // 3 // utkhorsA vijJAnimAsUmAbaina / maMgalaM mahAbI: / bho / jInivAsanilayaM vilInakila(ba) nidhAya dibIraM / pAlAnubhAga(ba)lama va[] jAgaradhyAnA(1(2)pAdhi(bhiSi nitarAma bhivAMcasi mukhamatomadhAnan / dukhApahAri* . Dauda unnossary. * Perhaps have to read iter fald.

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No. 10.] MATHURA BRAHMI INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 28. 28 bhAramanusA(thA)si tavAnuma[sa]meva // 2(12) / yadyapi kadAcidammivipAkamadhuraM tadAtvakaTa kiMcit / tvaM tasmAnmA bhaiSo. yathAtarI bheSavAdayAt // 3() anA ghanAtha vAcAlA: susabhAH syudaMthosthitAH / dulaM. bhA aMtarAste jagadasa(sa)jihIrSavaH // 4(34) / parAyattAmukhAbaHvaM svAyattaM kevalaM baraM / anyathA sukhinAmAnakSamA[]i stapakhinaH // 5(35) // upAyakoTidUrakSe svatastata ratonyataH / sarvata: patanapAye kAye koyaM tavAya // (26) / avasa(ka) nkh(kh)rairbhiraayuHkaayaadibhirydi| sAkha (mAsa) padamAyAti sudhAyAtamavaiti te // 0(17 // gaMtamahAsani:khAsairabhyasyatveSa saMtataM / loka: prathamito' vAMchatyAtmA [namaja*]rAmaraM // 8(18) / galatyAyuH prAyaH prakaTitaghaTIyaMcaya(sa)khila khala:(:) vAyopyAyuH gatimabhipatatyeSa samataM / kimasya (pya)nyeramya IyamayamidaM movitamiha sthito bhrAMtyAnAvista(1)miva manune sthAnu maraNaM (Nam) [1] 8(28) [1] 31 No. 10.-MATHURA BRAHMI INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 28. By Sten Konow. In a field opposite the Chaurasi Jaina temple in Mathura, 200 yards due south of the Govardhan Road, is a well called Lal Kova. Some eight or nine years ago & pillar of red Mathura sandstone was found here, and left on the surface till it was deposited in the Mathura Museum, as No. 1119, on the 13th June, 1929, at the instance of the late Pandit Radhakrishna. The pillar is 6' 7" high and 11.8" broad at the bottom. Up to a height of 2' 7" it is square, above that, octangular. The pillar bears an inscription, 14" high and 11" broad, consisting of thirteen lines. The height of individual letters varies between t" and 1". The beginning of 11. 12-13 has peeled off. In other respects the inscription is in a perfect state of preservation. The characters are Brahmi of the Kushana type. In l. 1, after the word siddha, we find the crescent-like stroke with a bar in the middle, which occurs in two other Brahmi records, in the same position. Buhler explained it as a stop, of the same kind as the crescent used after 1 Read prAthamikI. Ta is written on the left hand margin with the sign of kaka-pada before it. * After my manuscript was sent to pross, the inscription was published by Mr. Jayaswal, J.B.O.R.S. XVIII, pp. 4 ff., and noticed by Mr. Harit Krishna Deb, Indian Historical Quarterly, VIII, pp. 117 ff. These papers have not brought me to modify my viows. Indian Palanogrory.538.0.5.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. VOL. XXI. the first edicts in the Kalsi version of Asoka's inscriptions. It is, however, possible that it is used to denote final m. Of numerical symbols we find those for 1, 3, 5, 8, 20, 50 and 500. The characters are well cut, but the shape of individual aksharas is not always quite the same. Thus the long a is sometimes straight, and sometimes curved ; of. anadhanam, 1. 8, where we find both forms used side by side. In sa, II. 2 and 4, it is placed about the middle of the bar, in sa, 1. 6, at the bottom. The u-matra, which also stands for u, is a straight downward stroke after n (1. 4), p (11. 1, 2, 4, 6, 9-13), m (1. 6) and h (1. 10); an upward slope after t (1. 3, 4) and 6 (1.4); a downward slope after k (1. 7) and (1.2), and a forward stroke after t (1. 11). R is straight in 11. 1, 6, 7, 12, while the bottom is curved to the left in Il. 2, 3, 5, 12, 13. The central bar of ya in dhariya, 1. 5, is bent to the left, so that the letter looks like a ye. The object was perhaps to avoid its running into the subscript ya standing above it. There are some cases of carelessness. The anusvara is frequently omitted ; cf. siddha, 1. 1, if we should not read siddham ; punya, 11. 9, 11, and several plural genitives. Short vowel is written for a long one in nivi, 1. 3 ; nivi, 1. 11; yachatra for yachchatra, 1. 9; patina side by side with patina, l. 3; pibasitanam, 1. 9, etc. Other mistakes are tulo for tato, I. 3; babhakshitana pibasitanam for bubhukshitanam pipasitanam, 1. 9; anadhanam for anathanam, 1. 8; sarvayi for sarvaye, 1. 11; visarga before t, 1. 10, etc. Some of these inconsistencies and mistakes are due to the fact that the writer attempted to write Sanskrit, but was not able to do so correctly. The language is the mixed dialect, though the Sanskrit element is exceptionally strong. Thus the ri-vowel occurs in vsiddhito, I. 3; kritena, 1. 8. The form lavrina for lavana, L. 7, may be of interest, because the origin of this word, which makes its first appearance in the Asvalayana-Srautasutra and the Chhandogya-Upanishad, is not known. It is, however, not probable that the ri is anything else than a misunderstood Sanskritization. The three s-sounds are distinguished as in Sanskrit. The word saku, 1. 7, seems to be certain, but I cannot explain it. R-compounds such as pr, br and tr are preserved throughout, and the is in samvatsare, I. 1, is also in accordance with Sanskrit phonetics. Similar cases are, however, well known from other inscriptions in the mixed dialect and from the NorthWestern Prakrit. Forms such as brahmana, l. 5, yachatra, i.e., yachchatra, 1. 9, priyah, yesha, tesham, 1. 10, are Sanskrit. There are, however, numerous Prakritisms. Compare prastho, 1. 7; deva putro, 1. 10; adhaka. 1. 6; shahisya, I. 10; salaye, I. 6; prithiviye, I. 11; the frequent shortening of the termination of the genitive plural; pronominal forms such as ayan for iyan, 1. 1; tam for tad, 1.9: etam for etad, 1. 8; dinna for datta, ll. 3, 11 ; dhariya, 1. 6; chatudisi for chaturdisi. .4. etc. The record is dated on the first day of Gurppiya in the year 28, and we learn from 11. 9f. that the Devaputra Shahi Huvishka was then on the throne. Gurppiya is the Macedonian month Gorpiaios, corresponding to the Indian Prdshthapada, and this is the only known example of the use of a Macedonian month in a Brahmi inscription. We have, on the whole, no other example of the use of the Macedonian calendar in Mathura, and it is a priori likely that the person at whose request the inscription was drawn up was a foreigner, from a country where that calendar was known and used, i.e., that he came from the North-West. This inference is also borne out by other considerations, & we shall see below. The Hidda inscription is dated in the same year as our record, viz., on the 10th Apellaios 28. According to Dr. van Wijk's calculations the corresponding Christian date ie the 24th November 158 A.D., and that of our record, the 19th August 166 A.D.

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No. 10.) MATHURA BRAHMI INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 28. 57 As set out in the introduction to my edition of Indian Kharoshthi inscriptions in the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. II, Part I, this dating is based on the assumption that the epoch of the era used in these inscriptions is the year 128-9 A.D., and I am still convinced that it cannot be put earlier, but may be later. The common opinion among scholars in India and Europe is, however, apparently that we must refer them to the historical Saka era. This theory is not based on any indication in Indian sources, but simply on the assumptions that the founder of the era was a Saka, and that this Saka must have been Kanishka, the most famous of the Kushana rulers of India. I have no doubt that the former assertion is correct. Dr. Fleet's remarks about this point are unanswerable. The only question is about the individuality of this ruler. I fail to see how it is possible to get away from Dr. Fleet's remark that the Saka era is emphatically & southern reckoning. It must have been instituted in commemoration of an event which was of importance in the history of Southern India, but was of no consequence for the development of Northern India. Else it would be difficult to account for the fact that it has not with certainty been traced in northern inscriptions before the year A.D. 862. As I have stated in the introduction to the Corpus, Vol. II, Part I, we have a tradition about its introduction in the Kalakacharyakathanaka, to the effect that it was introduced by a Saka ruler who repeated an older Saka conquest of Malava, and uprooted the dynasty of Vikramaditya, the ruler who had, in his turn, overthrown the earlier Saka conquerors. It is expressly stated that the narrative is an incident, introduced in order to explain the origin of the Saka era : @yam pasamgiya samakkhayam Sagakalajananattham. It is evident, therefore, that the author of the text knew a tradition about a Saka ruler, who effected a reconquest of that part of India, and that this second Saka conquest was commemorated through the introduction of the historical Saka era, to replace the reckoning introduced by Vikramiditya. And we know from Chinese sources that a similar tradition about a reconquest was known at a much earlier date. For the Hou Han-shu states that Yen Kao-chen, i.e., Wima Kadphises, again extinguished T'ien-chu or Shen-tu, and, according to Professor Karlgren, the Chinese word for again cannot be twisted to mean anything else than again, afresh. Now Yen Kao-chen's predecessor, K'iu-tsiu-k'io, ie, Kujula Kadphises, did not conquer T'ien-chu, and the word again must therefore bear reference to an earlier conquest by kindred tribes. The author of the Hont Han-shu had heard about this earlier conquest, and introduced a reference to it, perhaps without noticing that some confusion was, in this way, introduced into the narrative. It is, I think, unavoidable to draw the inference that two 'Saka' conquests of T'ien-chu were believed to have taken place at the time when the Hou Han-shu was compiled, i.e., in the fifth century A.D. And the author states that his narrative is based on the reports of Pan-yung towards the end of the rule of the emperor An-ti (107-125 A.D.). In other words, the story about the two conquests was known in the first half of the second century A.D., and it has evidently been the same tale which was handed down in India and made use of by the author of the Kalakacharyakathanaka. The only old traditional account of the introduction of the Saka era which we possess seems. accordingly, to indicate that it was due to Wima Kadphises. It is not necessary to assume 1 cf. especially Professor Rapson, J. R. A. S., 1930, pp. 186 ff. *J. R. A.S., 1913, pp. 987 ff. * In face of the facts drawn attention to by the late Haraprasad Sastri, Ep. Ind., XII, p. 320, I do not under. stand Professor Rapson's remark that Dr. Fleet has proved that "later research, however, has shown that there was no such King Vikramaditya, and that that story is nothing but a myth, dating from the ninth or tenth cen. tury A. D."

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58 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. that he effected the reconquest in person. That may have been done by one of his governors or generals, e.g., by Nahapana. And subsequently the Saka rulers of those reconquered districts began to date their records from this reconquest, through which their rule had been established. There are also other considerations which speak against ascribing the introduction of the historical Saka era to Kanishka. It is hardly possible to deny the justice of the remark made by M. Sylvain Levi1 about the defeat of the Yue-chi Shahi by Pan-ch'ao and about the Yue-chi ruler paying tribute to China in A.D. 90, that ' it was not Kanishka, at the apogee of his reign and power, who consented to such a humiliation'. So far as I can see, weighty reasons speak against the theory that Kanishka's era was the historical Saka era. It cannot be proved simply by being repeated, without any real reasons. We cannot definitely settle the question about its epoch, but we can confidently state that it was not A.D. 78. Traditional tales, corroborated by epigraphical evidence, lead to the conclusion that Kanishka added a large territory in Northern India to the Scythian Empire, and it is not to be wondered at that his era was introduced everywhere in the north, though an old Saka era still lingered on in the North-West, and even seems to have been occasionally used in Mathura. Our inscription brings an addition to our knowledge about the chronology of his successors, in so far as it reduces the interval between Vasishka and Huvishka to some few months. The latest recorded date of Vasishka is some day in the third month of Hemanta, i.e., of Pausha, in the year 28, and our record shows that Huvishka was on the throne less than eight months afterwards. He is designated as devaputra Shahi, and the imperial title is not applied to him in any record before the year 41. It is therefore possible that another Kushana was the real suzerain at the centre of Kushana power, in Badakshan. But it is evident that the person at whose request our record was drawn up in Mathura owed allegiance to Huvishka. The purport of the inscription is to record the endowment of a punyasala, a hall for acquiring merit through distribution of alms, with an akshaya-nivi, i.e., a permanent endowment, wherewith the capital could not be touched. On behalf of the donor, about whom I shall make some remarks below, two srenis or guilds were entrusted with the management of 550 puranas each. The name of the first sreni is written in the part of the stone which has been broken off, and I can only read the last two aksharas raka. The second was the samitakara-ereni, i.e., probably the makers of samita, wheat-flour. Out of the interest realized from month to month the expenses are to be covered for serving hundred Brahmanas in the hall, and for daily keeping some provisions at the door for the benefit of hungry and thirsty indigent people, and distributing them on the same day (supposing sadyam to be synonymous with sadyah), viz., 3 adhaka of groats, one prastha salt, one prastha saku, 3 ghataka and five mallaka harita-kalapaka. The reading saktuna, i.e., saktunam, is uncertain, the akshara ktu being apparently identical with kri in kritena, 1. 8. The meaning of the word saku is, as already remarked, unknown to me. Harita-kalapaka must be bundled fresh vegetables. The measures adhaka and prastha are known, the latter being a fourth of the former. I do not know anything about the size of the ghataka, jar, and mallaka, bowl. The punyasala is characterised as prachini, i.e., evidently eastern,' perhaps in order to distinguish it from another, western, hall It is further said to be chatudie, i.e., chaturdis, opening towards the four quarters. 1 J. A. IX, ix, 1897, p. 26, Ind. Ant., XXXII, 1903, p. 422. Cf. the Kankall Tila inscription of the year 299, if this is a genuine record.

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No. 10) MATHURA BRAHMI INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 28. = The principal donor is designated Kanasarukamanaputra Kharasalerapati Vakanapati. The first term may be compared with Kushanal putra in a Brahmi inscription on the pedestal of a statue found by Pandit Radhakrishna at Mat near Mathura and described by Professor Vogel. Mr. Jayaswal' has explained this word as 'son of Kushana', taking Kushana to be the name of Wima Kadphises' father, whom he identifies with the Maharaya Gushana of the Panjtar and the Maharaja Rajatiraja Khushana of the Taxila silver-scroll inscriptions. He finds the same name in the Kuei-shuang-wang of the Chinese Han Annals, which is said to mean, "according to the established Chinese system," King Kuei-shuang,' i.e., King Kushan', and in the last word of the coin-legend shaonano shao Kaneshki Koshano, where Koshano is explained as Kaushana meaning descendant of Kushana. I am afraid that these statements cannot well be upheld. To judge from estampages which I owe to the kind assistance of the Government Epigraphist the beginning of the Mat inscription is Maharaja Rajatiraja deva putro Kushanal putro shahi Vamata) kshamasya, essentially as read by Professor Vogel, i.e., a string of titles in the nominative, followed by a name in the genitive, a feature which is well known from other sources'. Here Kushana[m]putra follows after devaputra, i.e., '& gods' son,' and not God's son,' and similarly Kushana[m]putra might mean 'a Kushanas' son'a Kushana scion'. At all events the inscription does not in any way prove the existence of a personal name Kushana. I am not in a position to form an opinion about Chinese grammar. But Sinologists have not apparently thought of translating Kuei-shuang-wang as 'King Kuei-shuang,' no inore than of rendering Sai-wang as King Sai.' The Ts'ien Han-shu says about Ta-hia that there were five principalities : Hiu-mi, Shuang-mi, Kuei-shuang, Hi-tun and Kao-fu, each under one hi-hou. The Hou Han-shu states that the Yue-chi divided the country into five principalities, giving the same names, only correcting Kao-fu to Tu-mi. It further relates how K'iu-tsiu-k'io, the hihou of Kuei-shuang, attacked the other hi-hou and styled himself king, the name of his kingdom being Kuei-shuang. These statements can hardly be reconciled with Mr. Javaswal's new explanation. Further the form Koshano in the coin-legends cannot represent Kaushano. The legends are written in Saka," and in Saka koshano, i.e., kushanu, cannot be anything else than the gen. plur. of a base Kusha, which is rendered Kiu-sha in the Chinese translation of the Kalpanamanditika, where it is stated that Kanishka belonged to the family of the Kiu-sha." We accordingly know that the name of Kanishka's family was Kusha, and Kushana[m]putra might accordingly be two words, Kushana putra, a son, i.e., scion, of the Kushas, as proposed by Baron A. von Stadl-Holstein who reads Kushanam putro. So far as I can see, that reading is probable, but also Kushana can very well be the gen. pl. of Kusha. On the other hand, an adjective Kushana might be formed from Kusha, just as we have Saka balyeana, lordly, from balysa, lord, and the existence of this derivative is proved by the use of the inflected base gushana, khushana in the Kharoshthi inscriptions mentioned above. 14. 8. 1. 1911-12, pp. 120 ff. .J.B.O.R.S. VI, pp. 12 ff. * In the present oonnexion it is not necessary to give the Greek letters of the legend. * Wo do not know this rulor from other sources. If there was an interval between Wima Kadpbises and Kanishka, mstatod by Sir John Marshall, A. 8. 1. A. R. 1912-13, p. 8, he may have been a successor of the former, Mr. Jaymwul's attempt to show that Wima Kadphises is meant is not oon vigoing. .Z.D. M. G., 68, 1914, pp. 86 ff. * Atraghoya, Sirdlam bdra, traduit par Edouard Huber. Paris 1908, p. 168. The Sanskrit original has Llula, but the name of the family is not found in the fragment, .. Luders, Bruchaticke der Kalpandmanditii dar Kn. maraldia, Laipaig 1926, p. 67. 8. P. A.W., 1914, pp. 648 ft.

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60 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXI. I therefore think that Kushana[m putra in the Mat inscription must mean 'Kushana-scion.' And similarly I would translate Kanasarukamanaputra in our record as 'the Kanasarukamana. scion,' or, the scion of the Kanasarukamas', though it is possible that Kanasarukamana is the name of a person. It would be possible to read prachinikana Sarukamana putrena, by the scion of the eastern Sarukamas, but that would necessitate the assumption of rather many slips in one word, prachinikana in that case standing for prachinakanam, and the other alternative seems to be preferable. I am unable to offer any explanation of Kanasaru kamana, Kanasarukama, for saruka cannot well be separated out and compared with the ethnic name Saraucae, mentioned by Trogus," for which other sources have Sakarauloi, Sakaurakoi, and Sacaraucae. The other designations of the donor, Kharasalerapati and Vakanapati, i.e., the ruler of KharaBalera and Vakana, are likewise unexplained. Vakanapati is evidently the same title which occurs as Bakanapati in the Mat inscription, where the person who erected the chapel of Vamatakshama is described as Bakanapatina Hum?........... It is possible that Bakana, Vakana is the wellknown Wakhan, which occurs as Vokkana in other sources, such as the Divyavadana. But it would be unsafe to consider this identification as certain. If it should prove to be right, it would perhaps be possible to connect the incomplete Hum...... following after Bakana patina in the Mathura inscription with the old name of Wakhan represented by Chinese Hin-mi, or that of the capital, Chinese Ho-mo. As pointed out by Chavannes, Badakshan remained the stronghold of the Yue-chi down to the fifth century. After their dominion had been established in Mathura, it would be natural for chiefs from the North-West to pay occasional visits to that place, and the use of the Macedonian calendar in our inscription seems to point to a north-western origin of the donor. He was not an Indian, but came from abroad. TEXT.. L. 1 Siddhan Sarnvatsare '20 8 Gurppiya divase 1 aya punyaL. 2 sala prachini Kanasarukamana putrona KharasaleL. 3 rapatin[a] Vakanapatina akshaya-niyi dinn[a] Tu(ta)to vri[ddhi)L. 4 to mas-anumasam suddhasya chatudisi punya-sa[la)L. 5 yam brahmana-satam parivishitavyam divase divas se] L. 6 cha punya-salaye dvara-mu(u)le dhariya sudya saktuna. - L. 7 dhaka 3 lavsina-prastho 1 saku-prastho 1 harita-kalapakaL 8 ghatak[a] 3 mallak[a] 5 etam anadh[@]nam' kritena datavya[mo] L. 9 babhakshitana pibasitanam Yach[a]tra punya[*] tam devaputrasya Prol. 41, 42: Deinde quo regnante Seythicae gentes Baraucae et Asiani Baotre cooupavere et Sogdianos, Reges Thocarorum Asiani interitusque Saraucarvm. * To avoid misunderstanding I may state that I canot noept Mr. Jayaswal's explanation of these tarma, * Toung Pao II, viii, p. 187. For the facsimile se plate facing page 8, J. B. O. R. S., Vol. XVIII (1932).-Ed. Perhaps siddha. Read altund. Read and thand. Rond bubhukahilindrh pipdoland,

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No. 11.] ADDITIONAL PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA. 81 yesha[m*) cha devaputro priyah tesham api prithivive punya[m*) bhavatu akshaya-nivi. L. 10 Shahisya Huvishkasya' punya[m*] L. 11 bhavatu sarvayi: cha dinn[a] L. 12. .......... [r]aka-sren[i]ye L. 13. [ye cha*] purana-sata 500 50 Samitakara-sreni purana-sata 500 50. TRANSLATION. Success. In the year 28, on the first day of Gorpiaios, this eastern ball of merit was given & perpetual endowment by the Kanasarukamana-scion, the lord of Kharasalera, the lord of Vakana. From what is cleared off month for month from the interest therefrom hundred Brahmanas should be served in the open hall, and day for day, having kept it at the entrance to the hall, on the same day three adhaka groats, one prastha salt, one prastha saku, three ghataka and five mallaka of green-vegetable bundles, this should be given for the sake of destitute people, hungry and thirsty. And what merit is herein, may that accrue to the Davaputra Shahi Huvishka, and also to those to whom the Devaputra is dear, and may the merit accrue to the whole earth. The perpetual endowment was given to the - raka-guild, 550 purana, and to the flourmaker-guild, 550 purana. No. 11. ADDITIONAL PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA. BY PROFESSOR J. PH. VOGEL, PH. D., LEIDEN. In addition to the important inscriptions from Nagarjunikonda edited by me in this journal, Mr. Longhurst's excavations on that Buddhist site have yielded some more epigraphical documents which it is my intention to publish in the present paper. As regards the site, on which these records have been discovered, and the peculiarities in language and script noticed in them, I may refer to my previous article. Ayaka-pillar Inscriptions belonging to Stupa No. 5. At the south-eastern foot of the Nagarjunikonda Hill and about two furlongs from the Great Stupa or Mahachetiya there is a group of ruined buildings consisting of a monastery (No. 4), a stupa (No. 5), two apsidal temples and a roofless mandapa. The site of the stupa was marked by a large mound of brick debris overgrown with jungle and locally known as Itikarallabodu. A pillar inscription from this site published under the letter G in my previous paper records the foundation of a monastery by a Queen Bhat(t)ideva, who calls herself the daughter-in-law of Vasethiput(t)a Siri-Chatamula, the consort of Madhariput(t)a Siri-Virapurisadat(t)a and the mother of Siri-Ehuvula-Chatamula, who evidently was the then reigning king. The vihara, which according to this inscription was dedicated to the Masters of the Bahusut(t)iya sect, is no doubt the ruined monastery (No. 4) found on this site. In the course of Mr. Longhurst's explorations two more inscribed pillars have come to light here. They are ayaka-pillars and must, therefore, have belonged to the stupa No. 5. The information contained in these two epigraphs agrees with what is found in the pillar-inscrip Looks almost like Puvishkasya. Read sarvaye. Vol. XX, pp. 1-27. Road - ot.

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62 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. tion G. They are, however, valuable, because they settle some doubtful points in the latter inscription which has suffered much from exposure. The new inscriptions, which I call G2 and G3, also supply the full date which is the second year of the reign of King Siri-EhuvulaChatamula, the sixth fortnight of Summer, the tenth day. The inscription G2 is remarkable, because the method of spelling shows an attempt at greater accuracy than is the case in the other inscriptions. Double consonants are indicated in several instances (putta, samkappasa, Purisadattasa, bhayyaya, Bhattidevaya) and even in patti where the doubling of the consonant is wrong. In the same way we find a ligature in Virupakkha, patitthapito, Ikkhakunam, pakkham. This practice, however, is not universally followed; we find a single consonant in agithoma, savathesu, samvachharam, and in the genitive ending -sa. The final m in siddham (1. 1) is expressed by a small letter written under the line. Ayaka-pillar Inscription G2. Transcript. (L. 1) Siddham namo bhagavato Buddhasa Maharajasa (1. 2) Virupakkhapatti-Mahasenaparigahitasa agihot-[*]githoma-vajape- (1. 3) y-[*]samedha-yajisa aneka-hiramna-koti-go-satasahasa-hala-satasaha- (1. 4) [sa-padayilsa savathesu apatihata-samkappasa Vasithiputtasa Ikkhakunam] (1. 5) Siri-Chamtamulasa sunhaya maharajasa Ma[tha]riputtasa Siri-Virapuri(16) sadattasa bhayyaya mahadeviya [Bhattidevaya] deyadhamma imam savajataniyuto (1. 7) viharo achariyanam Bahusutiyana[m] patitthapito Rano Vasithiputtasa Ikkh[a]kunam (1. 8) Siri-Ehuvula-Chatamulasa sarvachharam bitiyam gimha-pakkham chhatham 6 divasam dasamam 10. TRANSLATION. Success! Adoration to the Lord Buddha. This pious gift, a monastery provided with everything, has been erected for the benefit of the Masters belonging to the Bahusut[t]iya seot by Mahadevi [Bhattideva], (who is) the daughter-in-law of Maharaja Vasi[t]thiputta SiriChamtamula of (the house of) the Ikkhakus, who is favoured (absorbed ?) by Mahasena, the lord of Virupakkhas, the offerer of Agnihotra, Agnishtoma, Vajapeya, and Aavamedha, the giver of many crores of gold, hundred thousands of kine, and hundred thousands of ploughs (of land) and who is of unimpeded purpose in all (his) aims, (and who is) the wife of Maharaja Mathariputta Siri-Virapurisadatta. In the second year of (the reign of) Raja Vasi[t]thiputta Siri-EhuvulaChatamula of (the house of) the Ikkhakus, the sixth 6 fortnight of Summer, the tenth 10 day. Ayaka-pillar Inscription G3. Transcript. (L. 1) Sidham namo bhalgavalto (1. 2) Budhasa Maharajasa Vir[u]pakhapati-Mahasena(1.5) (pa)rigahitasa agihot-[*]githoma-ykjapey-[*]amedha- (1. 4) yajisa hiraga-koti-go-satasahasa-ha- (1. 5) la-satasahasa-padayisa savathesu apa- (1. 6) tihata-samkapasa Vasethiputasa Ikhakuna[th] Si- (1. 7) ri-Chamtamulasa suphaya maharajasa (1. 8) Madhariputasa Ikhakunarh Siri-Virapu- (1. 9) risadatasa bhayaya mahadeviya Bha- (1. 10) -tidevaya deyadhamo ayah Devi-vi- (1. 11) har[o] sava-jataniyuto ajariyanam [Ba-] (1. 12) husutiy[*]na[th] patithapito Rano Siri-Ehu- (1. 13) vula-Chatamulasa sa[m]vachhara bitiya gimha-pakha (1. 14) [chhatharh] divasam dasamamm. TRANSLATION. Success! Adoration to the Lord Buddha. This pious gift, the Queen's Monastery, provided with everything, has been erected for the benefit of the Masters belonging to the Bahu

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No. 11.] ADDITIONAL PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA. suttiya sect by Mahadevi Bhatideva (who is) the daughter-in-law of Maharaja Vasethiput[t]a Siri-Chamtamula, of (the house of) the I[k]khakus, etc., (see above, sub-G 2), (and who is) the wife of Maharaja Madharlput[t]a Siri-Virapurisadat[t]a of (the house of) the I[k]khakus. In the second year of (the reign of) Raja Siri-Ehuvula-Chatamula, the [sixth] fortnight of Summer, the tenth day. 63 Inscription on carved pillar found near Stupa No. 9. Next we have an inseribed carved pillar found underground near stupa No. 9. This stupa, measuring 42 feet in diameter, is an isolated monument near a fortified hill which stands on the south-western side of the valley and not far from the river. The pillar which is rounded at the top is carved with five panels placed one above the other. The carving has suffered from exposure; but, as far as we can see, the subject of the reliefs does not appear to relate to the Buddha legend or to any of the jatakas. The uppermost panel contains a domed building. The next one shows a corpulent male person, perhaps a king, seated in the midst of four females, one of whom seems to hold a chamara. In the third panel there is apparently the same royal personage,1 attended by five women, of whom three seated on the floor seem to be making music. The fourth panel shows an elephant mounted by two persons and surrounded by four marching attendants. The man seated on the neck of the elephant must be a raja, as is evident from the parasol visible over his head and held by the attendant sitting behind him. The scene exhibited in the fifth or lowermost relief is very curious. It shows a group of eight men; most prominent among them is a bare-headed corpulent person who seems to hold a staff in his left hand. He wears sandals, but for the rest his dress is remarkably simple. Notwithstanding the plainness of his attire, he must be a king, for behind him we notice an attendant holding a parasol, the emblem of royalty, over his head. On his right there is another attendant holding a vessel in both hands. The other persons of which, the group is composed have the appearance of monks. In the midst of the group there is what looks like a heap of stones. Possibly the supposed stones are intended to be seen in perspective, so that in reality they are meant to be placed in rows on the ground. In that case, however, there is no reason why the legs of the attendant holding the vage should be partly concealed. The inscription, which we call L, is engraved immediately under the last-mentioned panel. It consists of thirteen lines of close writing. The letters are small and partly worn like the carvings above. The result is that in several places the reading is uncertain. The main purport, however, is perfectly clear. The. inscription records that the pillar was set up by the sisters, mothers and consorts of King Vasithiput(t)a Siri-Chamtamula. The names of these ladies, thirty in number, occupy lines 7-13 of the inscription. It is dated in the twentieth year of the reign of King Chamtamula's son, King Madhariput(t)a Siri-Virapurisadat(t)a. As the pillar was evidently erected in memory of the deceased king Chamtamula, perhaps on the spot of his cremation, there is some reason to suppose that the five reliefs carved on it relate to that ruler and that we may recognise him in the corpulent personage who occupies a prominent place in three of the five panels. The royal elephant-driver in the fourth panel would then likewise represent King Chamtamula. In the fifth panel he seems to be shown in the act of performing some ceremony, perhaps a donation, as may be surmised from the vessel held by one of the attendants. Pillar-inscription L. Transcript. (L. 1) Sidham Maharajasa asamedha-yajisa aneka-hirana-koti-ipadaly isa (1. 2) SiriChamtamulasa, putasa rano Ma[dha]riputasa [Ikhakunam] Siri-Virapurisadatasa (1. 3) See my remarks in 4. 8, B., 1929-30, Epigraphical Section, under Inscriptions from Nagarjanikonda. Ed. Possibly ingots or gift-money.-Ed.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. Vasasanaya samvachhara visaya[m] vasa-pakham prathama[m] divasa[m] bitiya[m] saga-gatasa (1. 4) rano agihot-[*]githoma-vajapey-[*]samedha-yajisa hirana-koti-go-satasahasa(1. 5) hala-satasahasa-padayisa savathesu apatihata-samkapasa V[asi]thiputasa (1. 6)I[Kha]kusa [sami-]Siri-Chastamulasa sahodarsa]hi m[a]tahi mah[@]devihi Sunitisiriya! (I. 7) Khardasiri[ya] Vijhathavisiriya Mi[sa]siriya Samusiriya [Na]ga-[va]susiriya (1. 3) [Na]gasiriya Khamdakotisiriya Mahisarasiriya Ratumatisiriya Malasiriya (1.9) Ayakotusiriya Maduvisiriva Nalgagiriya Ra masiriva Golasiriya (1. 10) Velisiriya [E]dhisiriya Kha[m]dasiriya Satilisiriya Parajatisiriya (1. 11) Pamaitasiriya Sivanagasiriya Samudasiriya Bapisiriya Nadisiriya (1. 12) Ayasiriya Ratusiriya Sif vanaga siriya subhatarikahi cha (1. 13) Sarasikaya Kusumalataya (ilya[m] 'tha[m]bho. TRANSLATION. Success! In the twentieth year of the reign of Rajan Madhariput[t]a Siri-Virapurisadat[t]a of the house of the Is[k]khakus, the son of Maharaja Siri-Chartamula, the offerer of an - Akvamedha, and the giver of many crores of gold, in the first fortnight of the rainy season, the second day, this pillar (has been erected by the sisters, mothers and consorts of the late ' Rajan Vasi-[t]hiput[tja Svamin Siri-Chamtamula, etc., (see above, sub-G 2), (to wit), by Sunitisiri, Khandasiri, Vijhathavisiri, Mi[sa]siri, Samusiri, [Na]galva]susiri, [Na]gasiri, Khandakotisiri, Mahisarasiri, Ratumatisiri, Muasiri, Ayakotusiri, Maduvisiri, [Na]gasiri, Ramasiri. Golasiri. Velisiri, Edbisiri, Khandasiri, Satilisiri, Parajatisiri, Parditasiri, Sivanagasiri, Samudasiri, Bapisiri, Nadisiri, Ayasiri, Ramtusiri, Si[vanaga]siri and by the subhatarikas Sarasika and Kusumalata. Fragmentary pillar inscriptions (M 1-19) belonging to the monastic hall (mandapa) of Chamtisiri. Not far from the Mahachetiya and close to the eastern side of the first apsidal temple which, according to the long inscription on the pavement, was founded by Chamtisiri, the maternal aunt of King Siri-Virapurisadata in the 18th year of his reign, Mr. Longhurst discovered the remains of a large stone-paved hall. A number of stone pillars belonging to this building are still extant, but all in a broken condition. The tops of the pillars are provided with a groove or mortice to receive the longitudinal beams of the roof which must have been of timber. The pillar-shafts are inscribed, but, owing to their mutilated condition, not a single inscription has been preserved entire. Altogether twenty fragments were recovered, two of which can be pieced together (M 4). In some cases several lines of the epigraph are partly preserved (M 1 consists of eight lines), but some of the smaller fragments contain only a single word (M 16, 18 and 19). Immediately above the inscription, the pillars were adorned with the carved figures of two recumbent animals, probably lions, turned sideways. From this we can tell that the two largest pieces (M 1 and 2), where these animals are visible over the lettering, must contain the upper portion of the inscription. One of the small fragments (M 16), too, shows & recumbent animal, perhaps a bull, so that the few aksharas preserved on it must have belonged to the first line of the inscription. By comparing these three fragmentary inscriptions, we arrive at the conclusion that the epigraphical records engraved on the pillars are not identical and do not represent a single text. On the other hand, the preserved portions show recurring passages. 1 There is antara above this letter and the akahara is more like . The reading might be Karnho-Ed. * Prakrit naggagata, Skt. Hargagala, lit. gone to heaven'. . It seems to read cha days.-Ed. . Ep. Ind., vol. XX, p. 21, First Apsidal Temple Inscription E, plate III. 5 In the same way the pillar on which the inscription G is found bears the figures of two animals (ling?) running to the left. Cf. Bp. Ind., vol. XX, plate V.

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No. 11.] ADDITIONAL PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA. which are also found in the ayaka-pillar inscriptions belonging to the Mahachetiya and in the first Apsidal Temple inscription E. This resemblance leads us to assume that the inscriptions on the pillars of the monastic hall, though somewhat different in their wording, were meant to record the same fact, namely, the foundation of the pillared hall or mandapa by the same lady Chamtisiri (or Chatisiri), who was the foundress of the adjoining Mahachetiya and the Chetiyaghara or Apsidal Temple. Like these two edifices, the pillared hail, too, was dedicated to the Masters (Achariyas) of the Buddhist sect of the Aparamahavinaseliyas. The date of the foundation is preserved in the two combined fragments (M 4); it is the 15th year of the reign of Siri-Virapurisadat(t)a, the 8th fortnight of the rainy season, the figure indicating the day being lost. 65 It would seem at first sight that the fragments which were recovered, do not indicate what kind of building it was, the foundation of which the inscriptions were meant to record. One of the fragments (M 11), however, retains the aksharas ta and -va which can easily be restored into mamtava. It should be remembered that the first Apsidal Temple inscription E refers to a stone hall, surrounded by a cloister and provided with everything at the foot of the Mahachetiya (savaniyuta[m] chatusala-parigahitam sela-mamtava[m]). There can be little doubt that this stone mandapa is the stone-paved hall with its inscribed pillars of stone which had been built three years before. No trace was found of the chatusala mentioned in the inscriptions. The inscriptions found at Nagarjunikonda enable us to draw up the following chronological list showing the order in which the various Buddhist buildings were raised. Reign of King Mathariputta Siri-Virapurisadatta. 6th year. Mahachetiya founded by Chamtisiri and dedicated to the Masters (Achariyas) of the Aparamahavinaseliya sect. 14th year. Second apsidal temple founded by the nun Bodhisiri. Pillared mandapa founded by Chamtisiri and dedicated as above. First apsidal temple founded by Chamtisiri and dedicated as above. 15th year. 18th year. 20th year. Carved pillar erected in memory of the late king Vasethiputta Siri-Chamtamula by his sisters, mothers and consorts. [20th year. Five ayaka-pillars erected near the eastern gate of the Mahachetiya at the village of Velagiri (now Jaggayyapeta) by the artisan Siddhattha.] Reign of King Vasethiputta Siri-Ehuvula-Chatamula. 2nd year.-Monastery (No. 4) founded by Bhat(t)ideva, the mother of the reigning king, and dedicated by her to the Masters (Achariyas) of the Bahus(s)utiya' sect. 11th year. Monastery (No. 5), founded by Kodabalasiri, the sister of the reigning king and consort of the king of Vanavasa, and dedicated by her to the Masters of the Mahisasaka sect. Pillar-inscriptions M1-19. Transcripts. Pillar-inscription M 1. (1.1) Maharajasa asamedha-yajisa (1.2) aneka-hiramna-koti-padayisa Siri-Chamtamulasa (1. 3) sahodara bhagini mahasenapatisa (1. 4) mahatalavara-Vasithiputasa Pukiyanam (1.5) Kamdasirisa bhari[ya] mahatalavari Chaitisiri (1. 6) [a]pano jamatukasa ramno 1 Sanskrit Apura bailiya (?). * Sanskrit Bahu erutiya, Pali Bahussuliya. 'Sanskrit Mahisasaka, Pali Mahimsasaka. # Owing to the very incomplete condition of these inscriptions we have abstained from giving translations.

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66 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. Matharipu["ta]sa Ikhaku[nam] (1. 7) (Siri)-Virapurisadatasa ayuvadhanike veja[y]i[ke) (1. 8) (*apano] cha ubhaya-loka-hita-Bukhani [*vanathanaya).... Pillar-inscription M 2. (1.1) [Apatihata-sam]kapasa (Va]si[th]iputa[sa] Pukiyanam) (1.2) [Kanda]sirisa bhariya Khamdasagaramnaka-mata (1. 3) [Siri-Virapu)risadatasa Ayuvadhanike vejayike cha (l. 4) ...... atichhitam-anagata-vatamana[ke) nikapanike cha (1.5) [mahachetiyapa]damule Aparamah[a]vinase[li]yanam pari-[gahe) (1. 6) ........[bbikhu]sarghasa patithapitam ti. Pillar-inscription M 3. (1.1) atichhistam-anagata-vatamanake] ....... (1.2) apano cha ubhaya-loka-hitasukha-nivanathanaya (1. 3) mahavihare mahachetiya-padamule pavajitanam (1. 4) (nana]des gaman-agatanam mahabhikhu-samghasa pa[rigahe] (1. 5) Siri-Virapurisadatasa Vasasanaya samvs 10 [*+] 5 va ........ (1. 6) [Aparama]havinaseliyanam parigahe sa-chatu[salla (1. 7) ...... [pa]tithapita[m]ti Pillar-inscription M 4. (1.1) [ni]yutam chatusala-parigahita .... (1.2) [Si]ri-Virapurisadatasa samva. 10 [*+] 5 va. pa. 8 [diva] .... Pillar-inscription M 5. 1) .... [Kamdasirisa] .... 2).... [-m]ata Chamtisiri apa[no jamatukasa) 3) ... [ramno Matharipu-]tasa Ikhakunam (1. 4) ... (ayu-]vadhanike vijaya-vijayike (1.5) ... [hita-su]kha-nivanathanaya bhagavato (1. 6) ..... mahachetiya-padamule .... Pillar-inscription M 6. (1.1) .... savathesu apat[ihata-sam kapasa ...] (1.2) .... Ikhakisa Siri-Chamtamulasa sa[hodari ...) (1 3) ... [ma]hatalavarasa Vasithiputasa ..... (1. 4) ... [maha]talavari ..... (1.5) .... Matha[riputasa) .... Pillar-inscription M 7. (1.1) ...... ni .... (1.2) .... Kamdasirisa. (1. 3) ..... Cha[m]tisiri apano .... Pillar-inscription M 8. ( 11) .... (asame]dhayajisa ..... (1.2) .... (sata]sahasa-hala-satasahasa-[padayisa] .. (1.3) .... apatilhata-samakapasa Vasithiputasa] .. (1. 4) ....... [bha]gini maha[senapatisa) .... 1 There are traces of another line before this. See above, Vol. XX, p. 10, line 4 of Inscription 03.-Ed.

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67 - .. (1.2) .. e bi t No. 11.]. ADDITIONAL PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA. F Pillar-inscription M 9. 1) ... agihot-[a]githoma-valjapeya-) ..... (1.2) ... padayisa savathesu ... 3) ... [Va]sithiputasa Pukisyanam) ... (1. 4) ... Ikhakunam Siri-Virapu[risadatasa] .. (1.5) ... [a]pano abhaya-kulasa ... 1 Pilar-inscription M 10. (1.1) .... na[m] nanadesa-saman-sagatanam) ... (1.2) .... api cha apano ubhaya-kulasa at[ichhita] ... (1.3) ... nikapanike parinametuna ma .... (1.4) .... parigahe savani[yutam) .... (1:5) .... patithapitam Pillar-inscription M 11. nivanathanaya tasa ........... n-agatanam (1.4) ................. (1.5) ... ........ nam (1. 6) ....... [mam]tavam Pillar-inscription M 12. (1.1) ..... -sa vas.- ... (1.2) ..... nikapa[nike) (1.3) ...... parigahe ..... (1.4) ...... va pa 8 ..... Pilar-inscription M 13. (1.1) ....... ma ....... (1.2) ..... agiho[t-a) ...... (1.8) .....neka-hiramna-koti-go[-satasahasa] .... (1. 4) .... [-pada]yi[no] ....... Pilar-inscription M 14, (1.1) .... [sa]vajatansiyutazh chatusala) .... (1.2) ..... atano ubhaya-kulasa ... (1.8).... [ke) parinametuna .... (1.4) ............. puta) ..... Pmar-inscription M 18. (1.1) .....(putasa) .... (1.2). (mahacheti]ya-(padamule) pavajistanam) .. (1, ). (mahabhi]khu-sarh[ghasa) ....... (l. 4) ..... na pari[name]tuna ..... Pillar-insoription M 16. (1.1) .... [-paer]igabitass 1 Traons of another loe are disoornible below this hou. Soe line 11 of foortption 0 8 sboro, Vol. p. 16.- d. 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. Pillar-inscription M 17. (1. 11) .... [Siri-]Vira purisadatasa] ..... (1.2) .... [ve]jayike api(cha) ..... Pillar-inscription M 18. (1.1) ... mahagenapa tisa] .... Pillar-inscription M 19.(1.1) ..... [Si]ri-Virapu[risadatasa] .... Ayaka-pillar Inscription N belonging to Stupa No. 9.. The Stupa No. 9, to which we have had occasion to refer above, must have been provided with ayaka-pillars in the same manner as the Mahachetiya. But only one inscribed pillar was recovered on this site, and the inscription engraved on it is incomplete. The preserved portion contains nothing but a string of names, so that a translation is superfluous. Transcript. (1.1) ... rinamkanam Mulasirinaka[sa] Sidhatha- (1.2) [ka]sa Pudhinakasa balika(a) (1.3) Mahatuvanika Sidhathamnika Jakhana ..... Chadamukhasa Addenda and Corrigenda to the previous article. In the First Apsidal Temple Inscription E, translation, read stone hall' instead of stone shrine' (sela-mamtava[m]) and chaitya-shrine' instead of 'chaitya-hall' (chetiya-ghara). The Second Apsidal Temple Inscription F, line 3, contains the following passage :Kamtakasele mahachetiyasa puva-dare sela-mamdavo. As explained in the 'Glossary' (p. 35) the text has Kartakasole ; but as in the Nagarjunikonda inscriptions errors with regard to vowel-marks are very common, I ventured to correct the word into Kamakasele, which would correspond to Sanskrit Kantakasaile. Cf. Puvasele (Skt. Purvasaule) in the same inscription. At the time it had escaped my notice that an inscription from Amaravatit contains the genitive singular of the noun Kamtakasolaka, meaning a resident of Ko. As here the vowelmark attached to the 8 is clearly the o-sign, we shall have to assume that, after all, the reading Kamtakasole is correct. The form with o agrees, indeed, more closely with Ptolemy's Kaytaxonouna. The entry in our Glossary of Geographical Names! 8.0. Kamakasela should be corrected accordingly. In this connection it may be pointed out that another Amaravati inscription makes men tion of a locality, probably a town, of the name of Vijayapura.' It is, of course, impossible to decide whether this place is identical with the Vijayapuri referred to in the second Apsidal Temple inscription F, line 2, in the following passage : Siripavate Vijayapuriya-puva-disabhage vihare Chula-Dharmagiriya chetiya-gharam 80-pata-samtharam sa-chetiyam savamiyuta karitam uvasikaya Bodhisiriya. It may, however, safely be inferred from this passage that the town once situated in the valley of Nagarjunikonda was named Vijayapuri. For there can be little doubt that the chatyaghara mentioned here is the Apsidal Temple, on the stone flocr of which the long inscription is engraved. All details tend to corroborate this assumption. Not only does this building enshrine a chaitya, measuring 5 feet in diameter, and is it paved with 13. Burrous, The Buddhist Shu pas of Amararati and Jaggayyapela, p. 106, No. 54. "Op. ah, p 81, No. 30, plate LVIII.

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No. 11.) ADDITIONAL PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA. 69 stone slabs; but, what is more remarkable, it is associated with a monastery (vihara) and both edifices are raised on the southern and higher end of a hill, now known by the name of Naharallabodu, which rises on the eastern side of the valley in which the town of Vijayapuri was once situated. The Glossary contains the word Aparamahavinaseliya which is the name of a Buddhist sect. It is of some interest that an Amaravati inscription mentions a locality Mahavanasala.1 The vowel-marks are not very certain and we may perhaps assume that the correct form of the name is Mahavanasela or Mahavinasela. The inscription in question does not give any clue as to the position of the place, but in all probability it was situated in the lower Krishna valley. GLOSSARY. agihot-agithoma-vajapey-asamedha-yaji (G 2, 1. 2 ; G 3, II. 3-4; L, 1 4; M 9, 1. 1; cf. M 13, 1. 2). achariya (G2, 1. 7), ajariya (G 3, 1. 11). atichhitam-anagata-vatamanaka ( M2, 1. 4; M 3, 1. 1 ex conj.). aneka-hiramina-koti-go-satasahasa hala-satasahasa-padayi (G 2, II. 3-4 ; M 8, 1. 2; of. M 9, 1.2 and M 13, 1. 3). aneka-hira rna-koti-padayi (L, 1. 1; M1, 1. 2). Aparamahavinaseliya (M 2, 1. 5; N3, 1. 6). Aya kogusiri (L, 1. 9), a personal name. Ayasiri (L, 1. 12), i.e. Ayyasiri=Skt. Aryasri. asamedha-yaji (L, 1. 1; M1, 1. 1; M 8,1. 1 ex conj.). ayuradhanike ( M1, 1. 7; M 2, 1. 3; M5, 1. 4). Ikhaku (G 2, 11. 4 and 7; G 3, 11. 6 and 8; L. 1. 2 ex conj., and l. 6; M1. 1. 6; M5, 1.3; M 6, 1.2; M 9, 1. 4). ubhaya-kula (M 9, 1. 5; M 10, 1. 2; M 14, 1. 2). ubhaya-loka-hita-sukha-nivanathanaya (M1, 1.8; M 3,1. 2; cf. M 5,1.5 and M 11, 1. 1). Edhisiri (L, 1. 10), a personal name. Kardasiri (M1, 1. 5; M 2, 1. 2 ex conj. ; M5, 1. 1 ex conj.; M 7, 1. 2). Kusumalata (L, I. 13), a personal name. Khamda kotisiri (L, 1. 8=Skt. Skandakoti sri, a personal name. Khandasagaramnaka-mata (M2, 1.2; cf. M 5, 1. 2). Khandasiri (L, 11. 7 and 10). gimha-pakkha (G 2, 1.8; G, 3, 1. 13; also G, 1. 10)=Skt. grishma-paksha' a fortnight of Summer.' Golasiri (L, 1. 9), a personal name. Cf. Gola in Bharhut inscription. Luders' List, no. 836; also no. 596. Chadamukha (N, 1. 2), i.e. Chandamu kha=Skt. Chandramukha, a personal name. chatusala-parigahita (M 4, 1. 1). Cf. sa-chatusala, and chatusala in E, 1. 2. Chartisiri ( M1, 1. 5; M 5, 1. 2; M 7, 1. 3). chhatha (G2, 1. 8; G3, 1. 14 ex conj.), i.e. chhaffha sixth.' Jakhana ..... (N, 1.3), a personal name (?). Cf. such proper names as Yalhadasi, Yakhadina, Yakhi and Yakhila. Luders' List, nos. 329, 211, 254, 500, 344, 376, 580, 546, jamatuka (M1, 1. 6; M5, 1. 2). thanbha (L, 1. 13) Skt. stambha pillar'. Cf. selathanbha in C2, 1. 8. deyadha( m)ma (G 2, 1. 6; G 3, 1. 10)=Skt. deyadharma's pious gift'. Also in footprint-slab inscription (Ep. Ind., vol. XX, p. 37). Burges, op. cit., p. 91, No. 35, plate LVIII. 08. p. 106, No. 49, plate LX.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. Devi(?)-vihara (G 3, 11. 10-11) 'the Queen's Monastery' Nadisiri (L, 1. 13), i.e. Nandisiri Skt. Nandieri, & personal name. Of the name Nandisiri in Nasik cave inscription. Luders' List, no. 1127. Nagavasusiri (?) (L, 1.7), a personal name. Nagasiri (L, 11. 7 and 9), & personal name, also found in Jaggayyapeta inscriptions. Luders' List, nos. 1202-4. nanadesa-saman-agata (M3, 1. 4; M 10, 1. 1 ex conj.). nikapanika (M 2, 1. 4; M 10, 1. 3; M 12, 1, 2), a word of uncertain meaning. Also in E, 1. 2. pati pada in footprint-slab inscription (Ep. Ind., vol. XX, p. 37). The word apparently indi cates the object on which it is found. Panditasiri (L, 1. 11)=Skt. Panditasri, & personal name. Parajatisiri (L, 1. 10), perhaps=Skt. Parijatasri, a personal name. parinametuna (M 10, 1. 3; M 14, 1.3; M 15, 1.4). pavajita (M3, 1. 3). Pudhinaka (N, 1. 2), a personal name. Pukiya (M 1, l. 4; M 9, 1. 3). Bapisiri (L, 1. 11), a personal name. Bahusutiya (G2, 1.7; G 3, 11. 11-12; cf. G, 1 8). balika (N, 1. 2) 's daughter'. bitiya or bitiya (G 2, 1. 8; G 3, 1. 13; algo G, 1. 9; L, 1. 3)=Skt. dvitiya 'second'. Ct. biya and bia (Pischel, Grammatik, $$ 82, 165, 300 and 449). Budhi in footprint-slab inscription (Ep. Ind., vol. XX, p. 37), i.e. Buddhi, a personal name. bhagini (M 1, 1. 3; M 8, 1. 4 ex conj.). In footprint-slab inscription from Nagarjunikonda (Bp. Ind., vol. XX, p. 37) we have the form bakini. Bha!(!)ideva (G2, 1. 6; G 3, 11. 9-10). bhariya (M 1, 1.5; M 2, 1. 2) and bhay(y)a (G 2, 1. 6; G 3,1. 9) - Skt. bharya. mamtava (M 11, 1. 6 ex conj.), i.e. mantava-Skt. mandapa. Mathari put(t)a or Madhariputa (G2, 1. 5; G3, 1. 8; L, 1. 2; M1, 1. 6; M5, 1.3; M6, 1.5 ex conj.). Maduvisiri (L, 1. 9), a personal name. Mahatuvanika (N, 1. 3), a personal name. mahachetiya-padamula (M2, 1. 5 ex conj.; M3, 1.3; M5, 1. 6). mahalalavara ( M1, 1.4; M 6, 1. 3). mahatalavari (M 1, 1.5; M 6,1. 4). mahadevi (G 2, 1. 6; G3, 1. 9; L, 1. 6). mahabhikhu-sangha (M3, 1. 4). mahavihara (M3, 1. 3). mahasen apati (M 1, 1.3; M 8,1. 4 ex conj.; M 18,1. 1). Mahisarasiri (L, 1. 8)=Skt. Mahesvarasri, a personal name. Misasiri (L, 1. 7)Skt. Mittari, a personal name. Cf. the name Misi, i.e. Missi in F. 1. 3. Mulasirinika (N, 1. 1), a personal name. Mulasiri (L, 1. 8)=Skt. Mulasri, a personal name. Moda in footprint-slab inscription (Ep. Ind., vol. XX, p. 37), a personal name. Ratumatisiri (L, 1. 8), a personal name. Ramuriri (L, 1. 12), a personal name. Ramasiri (L, 1. 9)=Skt. Ramasri, a personal name.

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No. 11.) ADDITIONAL PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA. 71 vasasanayat (L, 1. 3; M 3,1. 5), a term of uncertain meaning. vasa-pakha (L, 1. 3) or va. pa. (M 4, 1. 2; cf. M 3,1. 5; M 12, 1.4) Skt. varsha-paksha' a fort night of the rainy season'. Vasithi pula or Vasethi puta (G 2, 11. 4 and 7; G3, 1. 6; L, 1.5; M 1,1. 4; M 2, 1. 1; M6, 1. 3; M8, 1.3; M 9, 1. 3). Vijhathavisiri (L, 1. 7), a personal name. Cf. the name Vijha=Skt. Vindhya, Luders' List, no. 579. Virupalk) khapati-Mahasena-parigahita (G 2, 1. 2; G 3, 1. 2). vihara (G2, 1. 7). vi(m)saya (L, 1. 3) 'twentieth'. vejayike (M 1, 1.7; M 2, 1. 3; M 17, 1. 2) and vijaya-vejayike (M5, 1. 4). Saka in footprint-slab inscription (Ep. Ind., vol. XX, p. 37)=Skt. Saka 'Scythian'. sagagata (L, 1. 3), i.e. sagga-gata=Skt. svarga-gata.gone to heaven'. sa-chatusala (M3, 1. 6). Satilisiri (L, 1. 10), a personal name. Cf. the name Satila, Luders' List, no. 259. Samudasiri (L, 1. 11), i.e. Samuddasiri=Skt. Samudrasri, a personal name. Samusiri (L, 1. 7), a personal name. Sarasika (L, 1. 13), a personal name. savajataniyuta (G 2, 1. 6; G 3, l. 11; cf. M 4, 1. 1 and M 14, 1. 1). savathesu a patihata-sa mkap(p)a (G 2, 1.4; G 3, II. 5-6; L, 1. 5; M 2, 1. 1 ex conj.; M6, 1. 1 ex conj.; M8, 1. 3 er conj. ; cf. M 9, 1. 2). savaniyuta (M 10, 1. 4). salrn)vachhara (G2, 1. 8; G3, 1. 13) or sarva (M3, 1. 5; M 4, 1. 2). sahodara (L, 1. 6; M1, 1. 3; M6, 1. 2). sami (L, 1. 6 ex conj.) Skt. svamin. A royal title found associated also with the name of the Andhra king Siri-Pulumavi. Cf. Amaravati inscription no. 1, Burgess, Buddhist Stupas of Amaravati, p. 100, pl. LVI, no. 1. Sidhathaka (N, 11. 1-2), i.e. Siddhatthaka=Skt. Siddharthaka, a personal name. Sidhatha nnika (N, 1. 3), i.e. Siddhatthannika, a personal name. Siri-Ehuvula-Chatamula (G2, 1. 8) or - Ehuvula- (G 3, 11. 12-13). Siri-Chamtamula (G 2, 1. 5; G3, 1. 7; L, 11. 2, 6; M1, 1.2; M6, 1. 2), Siri-Virapurisadat(t)a (G2, 1.5; 63, 11. 8-9; L. 1. 2; M1, 1, 7; M 2, 1. 3 ex conj.; M 3, 1. 5; M 4, 1. 2; M 9, 1. 4 ex conj.; M 17, 1. 1; M 19, 1. 1 ex conj.). Sivanagasiri (L, 11. 11 and 12), a personal name. Sunitisiri (L, 1. 6), a personal name. runha (G 2, 1. 5; G 3,1. 7; cf. F, 1. 3 and G, 1. 5)=Skt. snusha' a daughter-in-law'. subhatari ka (L, 1. 12), a word of uncertain meaning. hira rina-koti-go-satasahasa-hala-satasahasu-padayi (G 3, 11. 4-5; L, II. 4-5). POSTSCRIPT. For the sake of completeness it should be mentioned that two words, apparently consist. ing of seven and two aksharas respectively, occur on an uncarved stone slab found near Stupa No. 9. A third inscription, evidently a single word of four aksharas, is cut on the base of a carved slab belonging to the same monument. The lettering of these short epigraphs is partly indistinct and I have not succeeded in making out their meaning. 1 Can it be nasasataza 1-Ed.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. No. 12.-THE CLAY SEALS OF NALANDA. BY HIRANANDA SASTRI. Some sixteen years ago the archaeological exploration of the ancient site of Nalanda was taken up by our Department and it has been continued all these years. During this period very valuable seals or sealings have been found but they have not been fully described anywhere as yet. In the memoir which I am writing on Nalanda I intend to notice them in detail but as that will take some time to come out I propose to publish here a few of them as specimens. These relics of the past, minor though they might be called, are invaluable not only for the past history of Nalanda but of Northern India as well. For the sake of convenience these seals or sealings--I shall call them seals--might be put under two main heads, namely, Religious or Ecclesiastical and Secular or Civil. Under the former head I would classify those seals which are either votive or are connected with some religious congregation, communities or monastic orders, and under the latter head I would put such of them as are personal, whether they belong to royalties, officials or private individuals or are related to offices, villages and village communities. The majority of these seals are votive and Buddhistic, a number of them only giving in Sanskrit or in Prakrit the well-known formula ye dharmA hetuprabhavA hetunteSAM tathAgato yavadat / agir fattu vaatet ARAT: which, we are told, Akvajit read to Sariputra, and is usually interpreted as Of those things conditions) which spring from a cause The cause has been told by Tathagata ; And their suppression likewise The Great Sramana has revealed.' This formula is found written usually in the northern script of about the eighth century (A.D.), and even later, not only on the seals or plaques but also on & number of images, stones and bricks, excavated at Nalanda. Some of these seals or plaques only give a Buddhist text, while others bear the figure of the Buddha, single or accompanied by the attendant Bodhisattvas, Maitreya and Avalokitesvara, with or without the above-mentioned creed formula. Some have a text or the representation of a stupa or stupas. Such seals or impressions were, evidently, meant for offerings, or for being taken as mementoes. Among the seals connected with Buddhistic Congregations or Sanghas, the majority belong to the Mahavihara of Nalandand give the legend : zrInAlandAmahAvihAroyArya bhikSusaGkAmya, meaning Of the Community of the Venerable Monks in the Mahavihara of fri-Nalanda.' The symbol they bear is practically the same as the one connected with the Preaching of the Law' ( kaa) by the Buddha. They are mostly circular in shape and the device, which occurs in the upper field above a line of dotted ornament, consists of the Wheel of the Law flanked by two gazelles, recumbent, with heads upraised, looking towards the Wheel This device is a copy of the insignia of the monastery at the "Deer Park" where the Buddha first turned the * Dharmachakra' (=Wheel of Law). It is an appropriate symbol for both the places. At Sir nath or the Deer Park the Great Teacher preached the First Sermon. At Nalanda many bhikshus were engaged in expounding or preaching the 'Law'. To forra an idea of what this devico je. Kern, Indian Buddhism, p. 25.

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No. 12.] THE CLAY SEALS OF NALANDA. reference is invited to the seal of Devapaladeva, attached to the copper-plate I excavated at Nalanda in 1921, which has already been published in this Journal. That the Pala kings of Bengal had adopted this symbol as their insignia is evidenced by their grants, a number of which have now been published. These rulers were very liberal patrons of Buddhism and the insignia was quite appropriate for them. But whether they adopted it from the symbol of the monastic order of Nalanda or whether the Arya-bhikshu-sangha' of Nalanda took it from their royal patrons I cannot say for certain. The other group, i.e., the Civic or Secular seals, is historically much more important. A few of the seals or plaques coming under this category have already been noticed by the late Dr. Spooner, Mr. Dikshit, and the late Mr. R. D. Banerji. I need not recapitulate what has been stated by them in regard to these seals including the seal of King Bhaskaravarman of Pragjyotisha. At present I want to make a special notice of the two seals of Sarvavarman Maukhari and of Harsha of Thanesar which were recovered in a much better state of preservation than the other specimens of the seals of these potentates. The original of the Asirgadh seal is not forthcoming, and the Sonpat seal, as represented by the facsimile given by Fleet, is too worn to give a clear reading. Consequently, these clay plaques are very valuable in that they help us in settling the reading of the legends and vouch for the genuineness of those two documents. 73 The seals of King Sarvavarman Maukhari. One of the two seals of Sarvavarman, which I reproduce here, is almost entire, and might well be called, rather, a replica of the Asirgadh seal. The other is cut into two parts, almost perpendicularly, but gives the whole of the legend, excepting some of the initial letters of lines 3-6 and, perhaps, of line 7 also. The transversal break about the middle has damaged all the eight lines of it though the damaged letters can be restored easily. It would appear that these two seals are the impressions taken from different moulds or dice. A close inspection of the facsimile published by Fleet would show this. For instance, if we compare the symbols for kha in the word Maukharih, occurring in the last line of the Asirgadh seal, and the seal marked A, we shall see that they are not identical. Similarly, in Al, the symbol for la in line 6 is practically clear but it it is not so in the Asirgadh specimen. There are other differences also which it is needless to dilate upon here. But it is significant that the defects in the reading of the legend noticed by Fleet in the Asirgadh specimen are to be met with in these two plaques also, as I shall show while giving the text below. The device is quite distinct in all these specimens. It shows a bull in the centre, walking to the proper right and decorated with a garland going round his body-though broken in Al. Over him there is, on the other side, an open umbrella, the staff of which is decorated with two streamers. In front we see a man leading the bull and carrying a curved double axe in the right hand and a standard with a wheel on the top in the left. Behind the bull we see another male figure having in the left hand a long handled double axe and a chowrie stick in the right hand, apparently to drive the bull on. The exact significance of the whole symbol is not clear. The bull usually stands for dharma; 8 f. The two male figures are, perhaps, the chandalas, who want to kill the 1 Vol. XVII, plate facing p. 321. A. S. R., 1922-23, plate XV(d). Annual Report of the Arch. Survey of India, Eastern Circle, for 1916-17. p. 43. Ibid., for 1917-18, pp. 446 ff. Journ. B. O. R. Soc., Vol. V (1919), pp. 302 ff. Ibid., Vol. V (1919), p. 303. C. I. I., Vol. III, plate xxxii B. T Cf. Fleet, C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 219. * Manusmriti (VIII. 16).

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74 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. animal. The idea underlying the emblem seems to be that the tampering with the seal is 88 heinous as the killing of a bull or violating the dharma. As to the text of the legend, there is hardly any difference from what was given by Fleet. One might say, it rather confirms his reading and is, practically, alike in all the three specimens. It runs as given below; the slight difference which is seen here and there is pointed out in the foot-notes. TEXT. 1 Chatus-samudr-atikkranta-kirttih pratap-anurag-panat-anya-raja(0) Varnn-asrama vyavastha2 pana-pravsitta-chakkras=Chakkradhara iva prajanam=arttihara[ b*sri - Maharaja-Hari varmma[l*] Tasya 3 puttras-tat-pad-anuddhyato Jayasvamini-bhattarika devyam(r)=utpannah sri Maharaj. Adityava4 rmma[ |*] Tasya puttras-tat-p[a?]d-anuddhyato Harshagupta-bhattarika-devyam utpannah sri-Mahara-8 5 Esvaravarmma (IM) Tasya puttras-tat-pad-anuddhyata Upagupta-bhattarika dovyam=utpanno 6 Maha(a) rajadhiraja-sri-12 Isanavarmma[ 11* Tasya puttras-tat-pad-anuddhyato Lakshmiva-13 7 ti-bhattarika-Mahadevyam"=utpannah=paramamahesvaros Ma8 harajadhiraja-sri-Sarvvavarmna Maukhari) [II] The genealogy shown in these seals up to Isanavarmma is identical with that given in the Haraha inscription which I published in this journal long ago.16 The seals of Harsha or Harshavardhana. * I may publish here only one of the seals of Harsha of Thanesar. The Sonpat seal which Fleet reproduced in 1888 must have belonged to some plate which is not forthcoming. The Nalanda specimens so far recovered seem to be the impressions taken from some independent moulds. As we see even nowadays, the originals are only the negatives which, when pressed at the time of sealing documents, give the positives. Several specimens of the seal of Harsha + Like the Asirgadh seal both these specimens give raja forrijo. * The vicarpa is left out in these seals sloo. I think it is tri in all the three documenta. c. the symbol in line 8. * The letters putera and the t of ata are lost in Al. . It is clearly devyam in both these seals. * Letters rum fanya are missing in Al. * The length mark is obliterated in both the seal . Both these seals give Mahi. * Tbo akaharasjovarava are missing in Al. u In both these seals, too, the symbol after u is more like ma than pa ; of. Fleet, C. 1. I., Vol. II, p. 220, The longth mark is not to be seen in both the sesls. The initial lotters maha(a)ra are lost in Al. Buth these soole give bi, of, the bus symbol in line 8. The histus in bri-Itana(r) is intentional, evidently. u The La symbol is clear in both these seals and the reading Lakshmivati is pretty certain. Fleet's conjeotural reading of this name is therefore correct. # A distanotly gives Mahao though the length mark is not so clear in Al. 10 mark is clear in both. Vol. XIV. pp. 110 ff. #0.1. I., . Vol. III, pp. 231 f. and plato XXXII-B.

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THE CLAY SEALS OF NALANDA (II). B SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA, HIRANANDA SARTRI. SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE.

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No. 12.) THE CLAY SEALS OF NALANDA. were excavated at Nalanda and are all broken or fragmentary. The one reproduced here, marked B on the plate, consists of two fragments which, when put together, seem to form a complete seal, excepting some letters about the middle of almost every line of the legend and the proper right portion of the upper field, containing the device together with the head of the recumbent bull. Owing to the transverse cut the specimen is broken in twain. The geal appears to have been oval in shape, the axes being about 45" and 570", measuring the surface encompassed by the first curve going round the written portion and the emblem. The legend consists of twelve lines of which the five lines at the end are written in letters smaller than those seen in the rest. Evidently, the engraver found that he would not be able to manage the whole legend in the limited space and had to reduce the size of the aksharas after writing out the first seven lines. Like the inscription on the Sonpat seal the legend in this specimen is written in the flowery script of the seals of Sarvavarmman. The Sonpat seal is larger and the legend is written in bigger letters. Possibly that also had twelve lines of writing, though they are not distinct on the facsimile given in the Corpus. According to the transcript given by Fleet they also ended like the lines in the present specimen. The legend on the seal under notice is, practically, a genealogical table of the family of Harsha or Harshavardhana, the pedigree being identical with what is given in the Madhuban' and the Banskhera copper-plates of this potentate. TEXT. 1 Symbol[Il*] Maharaja-sri-Nara varddhanas-ta]*[sya] puttrastat-pad-anudhyata[h*] Sri-Vajrina2 devyam=utpannah paramadityabha[kto Mah]oaraja-sri-Rajyavarddhanah[l!*]Tasya puttras=tat-pa3 d-anudhyatah sri-Apsarodevyam'=utpannash para)'inadityabhakto Maharaja-srimad . Aditya4 varddhanah[ll*] Tasya puttras=tat-pad-anudhyatah sri-[Ma]"[ha]senaguptadevyam: utpa*l-nnah chatuhsamu6 dr-atikkranta-kir[ttih] pratap-anurag-opa[nat-anyal-rajo varnnasrama?-vyavasthapana pravritta6 chakkra ekachakkraratha iva prajanam=arttiha[rah]" paramadityabhakta[h] parama bhattaraka7 Maharajadhiraja-sri-Prabhakaravarddhanash!*] Tasya puttras-tat-pad-anudhyatab. atisayita8 purvvaraja-charito devyam=amala-yasamatyam [Aril-Yasomatyam=utpanna[h] paraula saugatah Suga 1 See above, Vol. I, pp. 72 f. See above, Vol. IV, pp. 210-11. On or siddhih. * Such letters are taken from the Madhuban and the Banskhera copper-place inscriptione. 6 Fleet gives Mall)a(P)deryan instead, but the question marks would show that he was not sure of his reading. The name is clearly Apsarodevi. * Possibly the length mark was shown in two ways: by a stroke above the top line, and by projeoting the top line onwards and giving a small bend to its end. Fleet gives sarv[ja-varanao in his reading of the Sonpat seal. * The Madhuban and the Banakhera records show sandhi here-wibao.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXI. 9 [ta ilva parahit-anuratah paramabhatta[raka)-Maharajadhiraja-bri-Rajyavarddhana [5/1*] ta10 sy-anujas tat-pad-anudhyatah paramabha[ttalrika-Mahadevi-sri-Yasoma[tyam] de11 vyam-[ev?-5]tpannah paramamishe]svarah Mahesvara iva sarvva-sa 12 tv-anukampaka[h*) paramabhattaraka-[Maha]rajadhiraja-sri-Harshah[/I*] The text of this seal is not entirely identical with that of the Sonpat seal as deciphered by Fleet, nor with the genealogical portion of the above-mentioned copper-plate grants. The difference, however, is not material and the pedigree is practically the same. The name of the king as given in this and other specimens recovered from Nalanda is not Harshavardhana but only Harsha. The latter name is found not only in the two copper-plate inscriptions, but also in the Sign-Manual or autograph on the Banskhera plate. The facsimile of the Sonpat seal is very indistinct. A genius like Bhagwanlal Indraji or an epigraphist of the type of Fleet alone could make so much out of it. While giving the name Harshavardhana Fleet could not help remarking that the three aksharas vardhanah are rather small and cramped in the centre of the bottom of the seal. Other differences need not be pointed out here. Out of the official seals the beautiful specimen bearing the legend 1 Nagara-bhuktau kumar-amatv-adhi 2 karanasya [11*] which is written in the Gupta script of about the 6th century A.D. under the standing figure of Lakshmi, flanked by an elephant, is reproduced as C in the accompanying plate. Among the seals belonging to dignitaries or private individuals the one of Sri-Pasu. patisimha, marked D on the accompanying facsimile, looks noteworthy. On palaeographic grounds it may be relegated to about the 7th century A.D. The legend on it reads as follows: 1 Vijit-arati-ganasya nyayavato raja2 vritti-nipunasya sva-gun-abharanasya 3 sri-Pasupatisimhasya la[kshm=edam] [m] This may be rendered as * The token of the illustrious Pasupatisimha, whose excellences are his ornaments, who was just and expert in (performing) royal service and who has completely conquered the group of (his) foes. The use of the word lakshma, meaning token', is significant, for it clearly proves that such seals were used as tokens sent in support of the genuineness or authenticity of documents despatched along with them. Of the remaining two seals reproduced here one, marked E on the accompanying plate, is specially interesting in that it enables us to comprehend the import of the word "janapada'. The device we see on this seal consists of a seated male figure, nimbate, with left hand holding, probably, a ghata or mangalakalasa, the right, a rosary or akshamala (?) and flanked by a tree in & railing or enclosure and on a platform. Below this device there is a short legend of two lines reading : 1 Purika-grama-ja2 napadasya [lk] 1 Eva is und for the sake of emphasis--buth were werine brothers.

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THE CLAY SEALS OF NALANDA (III). HIRANANDA SASTRI SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE, SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA.

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THE CLAY SEALS OF NALANDA. 77 No. 12.] and means (The seal) of the Janapada or Community of the Purika-village.' Obviously, the word janapada is not used here in the sense of 'desa', which is the dictionary meaning of it, but has to be taken in the sense of community or unit or corporate body. In the collection at Nalanda I have now found several other janapada' seals which are being described in the Memoir. The other seal, marked F on the accompanying plate, belongs to the village of Padapak (or g) and the legend which it bears reads: Padapag-gramasya [*] In several cases these seals, whether they belong to royalties, offices, communities or villages, either show long, flat or rectangular grooves, or have holes drilled right through from top to bottom. Evidently, they were meant for being tied to documents by means of strings, cloth, or palm-leaves. Some of these seals appear to be sun-dried and were probably fastened when they were still fresh or wet and then dried in the sun. Others were probably burnt in some kiln and kept ready for future use. No document has yet been found at Nalanda with any of these seals and it cannot be determined how they were fastened. That such seals or tokens were tied to letters by means of a thick and strong sutra or string may be inferred, however, from the following description of the lekha-hara or courier from Krishna, the brother of Sriharsha, which Bana gives in the Harshacharitam-: atha tenAnIyamAnam, vyavacchedayA lekhamAlikayA parikalitamUrdhAnam, madrAkSot. afafafasyarafaforintaererermerpravizantaM lekhahAraka Then he beheld the messenger entering as he was brought before him, his legs tired and heavy with the long journey, with his tunic girt up rightly by a mud-stained strip of cloth, the knot hanging loose and fastened up by a rugged clout swinging behind him, and having his head wrapped with a bundle of letters, which had a deep division pressed into it by a very thick thread that bound it;............' Such seals as were found in their entirety, like the one of Pasupatisimha, were probably fastened to strings whose ends were secured on the documents themselves either by being sealed with the same seal or by another seal or token. The string might have been of hemp or of cotton. In the hole of one seal I have recently seen a piece of white khadi' cloth. In the absence of any specimenit cannot be determined whether these documents or books, etc., were written on wood, leather, palm-leaves, paper or any other material. But an idea as to how these seals must have been tied to them can be formed from the description of the remarkable documents which Sir Aurel Stein discovered at Niya and has described with good illustrations in his Ancient Khotan and Serindia. These seals were usually broken when a document was read after its receipt to avoid forgery. That is the reason why they are found more or less damaged. This is done even nowadays. In ancient India it was rather the potter's mud or clay which was generally used instead of the shellac or sealing wax, and the lekha-haraka was like the harkarah of to-day. POSTSCRIPT. My recent examination of the whole collection has led me to the valuable discovery of several seals representing the Gupta kings Narasimhagupta, his son Kumaragupta, Budhagupta and Vainyagupta, and also the kings [Bha]gavachchandra, Supratishthitavarman, and others. The Gupta seals would show among other points of historical interest that the name of Kumaragupta's mother has to be read as Mitradevi and not Srimatidevi or Lakshmidevi, and that of Puragupta's mother, as Vainyadevi not Vatsadevi. All these seals are being fully treated in my forthcoming monograph on Nalanda.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL.XXI. No. 13.-BAIGRAM COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF THE GUPTA-YEAR 128. BY RADHAGOVINDA BASAK, M.A., DACCA. This copper-plate was discovered in 1930 near & wooden structure which surrounded an old well opened by some tenants of Rai Sahib Kumudnath Das, Zamindar of Hili, while excavating a tank at Baigram (P. O. Hili) in the District of Bogra, Rajshahi Division, Bengal. One more copper-plate, which was found along with it, was taken away by the coolies and has not yet been secured. The document under publication was kept with one Ponatu Akandar till it was brought to Hili early this year by Babu Krishna Chandra Saha, Manager of the Rai Sahib's estate. Afterwards Babu Jyotirindranath Das, Advocate, High Court, Calcutta, presented it to the Gauda Research Society, Howrah, and it is now in the possession of that Society. Babu Niradabaran Mishra Chakravarti, Secretary of the Society, brought it to my notice and gave me a set of its estampages on which my reading of the inscription is based. It is very gratifying, indeed, that within the last few years we have recovered eight valuable records of the Gupta period from North Bengal itself (i.e., ancient Pundravardhana-bhukti). Out of these eight documents, seven have already been published, viz., the Dhanaidaha copper-plate inscription of the time of Kumaragupta I: the year 113, the Five Damodarpur copper-plate inscriptions and the Pahalpur copper-plate grant of the Gupta year 159. The eighth forms the subject of the present paper. Like the seven charters already published, this inscription is also a deed of sale and registers the purchase by private persons of khila (fallow) and vastu (homestead) land belonging to the State for the purpose of donation to a temple. The Faridpur copper-plate grants, marked A, B and C by Pargiter, are also of the same type. The general procedure followed in ancient Bengal for purchasing State lands by private persons as laid down in this grant is identical with that given in the Damodarpur grants or in the Pahalpur copper-plate inscription. The intending purchaser of a State land had to submit an application to the administrative authority concerned and the Government had to refer the matter to the record-keepers before giving the required sanction. The plate measures 9" x 5", approximately, and bears writing on both the sides of it; the obverse side has fifteen lines and the reverse only ten. The left side of it is somewhat protuberant in the middle and this part was circular at its end with a portion cut off and lost. The hole here would show that a seal was probably attached to the plate, though it is not now forthcoming. The writing is well executed and the document is fairly well preserved. The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets of the 5th century A.D. and are almost similar to those used in the Damodarpur plates Nos. 1 and 2, which also belong to the same period. As in the Damodarpur, the Dhanaidaha and the Paharpur copper-plates, here, too, the medial a is at times indicated by means of a hook-stroke attached to the lower right side of an akshara as, for example, in gramika (1.2). The form of ru in rupakan (11. 6 and 14) is also noteworthy. As one would ordinarily expect in the inscriptions of this period, the letter b is distinguished from v in this document also (see, for example, Brahmana l. 2 or bodhayanti I. 3). The sign for the conjunct letters hm and hy appears to be almost identical. The form of the four-lettered conjunot achchhy oocurring in the word apavinchchhya (1. 19) may be noted The form of the medial e and o in the letters m, i and requires attention (see, e.g., mekam in l. 9, 1. Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 345 ff. * Ibid., Vol. XX, pp. 59 ff. *Ibid., VoL XV, Pp. 113 11. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, pp. 1938.

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No. 13.) BAIGRAN COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF THE (GUPTA)-YEAR 128.79 mrodati in 1. 23 and pachyate in l. 22). This form of e is to be found with the letter & also, as, for example, in caset (1. 23). The sign for the lingual ! is used in nalabhyan (11. 18-19). The form of the final t and ne, often found joined with the preceding letters slightly below the top line, as, for example, in casit (I. 23), rasundharam (1. 22), is also noteworthy. The numerical svinbols for 100), 2, 8, 10 and 9 are found used in line 25 and those for 3 and 2 in line 18. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit prose excepting in the three imprecatory verses found in lines 21 to 25. As in some of the Damodarpur plates (Nos. 1 to 4) and the Faridpur plates (Nos. A, B and C) the superfluous k is found in this inscription also, as in kiristalka and Prsittika (1. +). Sandhi has been neglected in some places, as in naya acadhrin (1.10) and cha akshaya in line 17 As regards orthography the following peculiarities require attention : (1) Consonants are usually doubled before y, as in divarikkya (1. 6) (but in the same word in line 12 k seems to be single) and padanuddhyatah, (1.1). (2) The consonants k and I are doubled before the subscript r; e.g., likkrayo (11. 6 and 12) and kshetra (11. 5 and 11). (3) The consonants k, 9, 1, th, d, y and v are doubled after the superscript r; e.g., "chandrarkka (11. 5 and 11), srargge (1. 23), vartta. mana (1. 20), vajarttha (1. 12), chaturddisa (1. 19), samryaraharyya (1. 20) and pureva (1. 23) respec. tively. The inscription is dated in Samrat 128 on the nineteenth of Magha. This samrat evidently refers to the Gupta era and the record undoubtedly refers to the reign of the Gupta monarch Kumaragupta I whose dates, known from coins and inscriptions, range from 113 to 136 G.E. Consequently the year given in the inscription must correspond to the year 147-18 of the Christian era. It may be noted here that one of the Damodarpur plates of Kumaragupta I is also dated in this very year, viz., 128 of the Gupta era. The use of the Gupta samvat was current in North Bengal during this period. The name of the reigning king is omitted in this inscription as well as in the Pahalpur plate. Evidently the words Bhataraka-pada in lines 1 and 13 refer to the reigning sovereign, viz., Kumaragupta I. The object of the inscription under publication is to record the purchase of three kulyarapas of revenue-free khila (fallow) fields and two dronas of sthala-vastu (homestead) land belonging to the State and lying in two localities connected with Vayigrama, viz., Trivsita and Srigohali, by two persons named Bhoyila and Bhaskara for the purpose of making a donation, to meet the expenses of flowers, perfumes, etc., required for daily worship and occasional repairs to the temple of Govindasvamin which was founded by their father Sivanandin. The name of the place whence the charter was issued was Panchanagari, possibly the district (vishaya) headquarters. The administrative officer, who was in charge of the district court (vishay-adhikarana) and approached by the two intending purchasers of the State land, was named Kulavsiddhi and had the title of Kumaramatya. The application was granted and the land was sold to them in accordance with the decision of the Government record-keepers (pustapalas) arrived after the land was properly surveyed and measured by means of the nalas in use there. The members of the vishay-udhikarana, the other Government officers, as well as the chief householders of the villages concerned were addressed by the head of the vishaya regarding this sale of the land by the Government after having received its price at the fixed rate of 2 dinaras per kulyavapa which was in vogue in that rishaya. These persons were directed to maintain the grant as a permanent endowment according to the principles of akshaya-nivi. It is not unlikely that like the Kotivarsha of the Damodarpur grants and the Khadatajpara of the Dhanaidaha plate, the Panchanagari of the inscription under publication was one of the vishayas of the old Pundravardhana-bhukti ; but I am unable to identify it, uor am I able to locate Trivrita and Srigahali. I cannot say for certain if the village named here as Vayigrama

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80 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. is the village of the same name that is mentioned in No. 4 of the Damodarpur grants. If they are identical, the village must have been situated somewhere on the boundary line between Kotivarsha and Panchanagari. That Baigram, where this plate was unearthed, is the ancient Vayigrama mentioned in this plate (1. 2) cannot be doubted. Consequently it may reasonably be assumed that the localities mentioned in the inscription were situated somewhere near Hili in Bogra. The name Srigohali, however, reminds us of the names Vata-Gohali and Nitva-Gohali of the Pahapur inscription. A note on the relation in value between a dinara and a rupaka coin as met with in this inscription may well be added here. The name dinara is of foreign origin and is derived from the Latin denarius, as we all know. The word rupaka occurring in this inscription, I think, requires an explanation. As two dronavapas of land are priced at 8 rupakas in lines 6 and 14 of the inscription it appears certain that 8 rupakas are equivalent in value to dinara because 1 kulyavapa (=8 dronas) is explicitly priced at the rate of 2 dinaras according to the prevailing custom of sale described in the inscription. Hence 1 full dinara will be equal to 16 rupakas. We may, therefore, surmise that the term rupaka, which may ordinarily stand for a coin of any variety, refers to silver coins in this charter. In Kautilya's Arthastistra the word rupa seems to mean 8 coin which may be of silver or copper, i.e., rupya-rupa (silver coin, e.g., panas) and tamra-rupa (copper coin, e.g., mdsha). The officer who examines coins or controls currency is called Rupadarsaka in that work. As regards the different rate of price of khila and vastu land we find that in some of the Damodarpur plates the rate was three dinaras for a kulyavapa (tridinari kya-kulyavapa), but in our inscription as well as in the Pahafpur one, we have the rate of two dinaras for a kulyavapa (dvidinarikya-kulyavapa); whereas in almost all the Faridpur plates the rate is that of four dinaras for a kulyavapa (chaturdinarikya-kulyavapa). This difference may have been due to the difference of localities and also, probably, to the character of the land sold. From the Paharpur inscription it has become clear that one kulyarapa of land is equal to 8 dronavapas, for there 12 dronas are totalised as one and a half kulyavapas and the same result is also obtained even by reference to the money value proposed in the grant in accordance with the prevalent rate. The formula found in some Sanskrit lexicons for one kulyavapa being equal to 8 dronas is, therefore, established. The most striking point of historical importance that can be mentioned in this connection is that in our inscription also, as in the other North Bengal grants of the Gupta period, we find the same administrative system in force during the age, viz., that the vishayapatis, who enjoyed the use of the usual title of Kumaramatya, were appointed to be in charge of the vishay-adhikaranas by the Gupta emperors, undoubtedly on the advice and approval of the higher officer of the larger unit, the bhukti, or the uparika-maharaja. The prevalence of such a procedure of administrative relation between the different Government authorities is supported more by the other North Bengal inscriptions of the period than by the present one, as Kulavsiddhi, the vishayapati, is here described as directly meditating on the feet of His Majesty (Bhataraka-pada). But this probably alludes to the fact that the appointment of such an administrative head of a vishaya by the bhukti governor required the sanction of His Majesty, the imperial Gupta monarch. The position of Kumaramatya Kulavriddhi here must be exactly the same as that of Kumarumatya Vetravarman of Kotivarsha appointed to his responsible post by uparika Chiratadatta, who himself enjoyed the favour of the imperial ruler, paramadaivata, paramabhattaraka Maharaja. dhiraja Kumaragupta I, as mentioned in Damodarpur plates Nos. 1 and 2 of 124 and 128 G.E., respectively. Kulavriddhi and Vetravarman must, therefore, have been contemporary officers under the same sovereign in the two separate vishayas in North Bengal. De, Shammastry'n Translation, p. 46. cf. Mr. K. P. Jayaswal's remarks above, Vol. XX, p. 81.-d.

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Reg. No. 2934 E. 32. HIRANANDA SASTRI. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE. of watercolpisfyero sobre eFeSi Erell Ekebl Erstehen ku ez k file colte rok. Fokpl k rozky Gyerere altro mobiristanla crrupat OL En su proveo zoni 98 Leescort 8, 287e 22 Skl e ne Seece Green Caravalferos jueces pas Betsavetielconaty zu hater resook betrokke Qaepe se serverele e Felte tresse Megas writ QEFc Socrasfufa fer.gobe Decor Sale 2328eb reselleres y hotely $Berchtesgadetki response til sine scurte cake ble for perf oma ayroPro SL ezt felt yet rose Roy enero .821 FTE: BABELSITE Ens ferrell Pre Relercorso he mu$:99755 Solitself I'L {e 2 h nm lmHwlt `ly r b 1 mg b FIRST SIDE. BAIGRAM COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF THE (GUPTAT-YEAR 128.

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No. 13.] BAIGRAM COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF THE [GUPTA]-YEAR. Attention may be drawn to the curious fact that in this new grant we do not find any reference to the Board of Advisers mentioned in the Damodarpur grants Nos. 1, 2, 4 and 5, as having aided the vishayapatis of Kotivarsha in the administrative work of the vishay-adhikarana, the four members forming that Board being (1) the nagara-sreshthin (the President of the town-guild), (2) the prathama-sarthavaha (the representative of the merchant class), (3) the prathama-kulika (the representative of the artisan class) and (4) the prathama-kayastha (probably, the chief scribe,the head of the Government officials). The absence of such a reference in a document of the year 128 G.E. (Damodarpur grant No. 2 of Kumara-gupta I's reign being also of the same date) belonging to a different part of Pundravardhana bhukti is difficult to explain, excepting on the tentative theory that Kotivarsha (of Damodarpur grant No. 2) was perhaps a more important vishaya where Government had to keep better administrative arrangement for the vishay-adhikarana than in Panchanagari of this grant, which may have been a newly formed district at the time. It may also be noted that in this inscription we do not come across the name of the bhukti Governor known from two of the Damodarpur grants (.e., Nos. 1 and 2). 4 na 1 Svasti [*] Panchanagaryya Bhattaraka-pad-anuddhyatah vriddhir-etad-vishay-adhikaranan-cha Vayigramika-Trivrita(ta)-8rigohalyoh Brahmay-ortarin-samvyavahari-pramukhan 10 m=i[ti] [*] avadharanaya avadhrita TEXT. grama-kutumbinah kusalam-anu 3 varnya bodhayanti(ti) [*] Vijnapayatora(to)=tr=aiva-vastavya-kutumbi-Bhoyila Bhaskarav-avayoh pitra Sivanandi kari[ta]ka-Bhagavato Govinda-svaminah devakulas(am)=tad=asay=alpa(tad= ado-lpa)-vrittikah(am) [*] Iha 5 baby-ady-astamba-khila-kshettranam-akinchit-pratikaranam sasvad-achandr-arkka taraka-bhojyanamm(nam)=akshaya-nivya 6 dvi-dinarikkya-kulyavapa-vikkrayo-nuvrittas-tad-arhathavayos sakasat-shad-dinaran= ashta cha rupakan=ayi 7 [kritya Bhagavato Govindasvamino devakule [khanda-phutta1-pratisamska(ska)rakaranaya gandha-dhupa-dips 8 sumanasa[m*] pravarttanaya cha Trivritayam Bhogi(yi)lasya khila-kshettrakulyavapa-trayam Srigohalyas(A)=ch=api 9 tala-vatak-artha[m*] sthala-vastuno dronavapam=ekam Bhaskarasy=api sthalavastuno dronavapan-cha datu Yato yushman-bodhayama[h*] Pustapala-Durgadatt-Arkkadiaayor First Side. 12 nariky kulyavapa-vikkrayo-nuvrittah vikkrave cha na 13 virodha upachaya eva cha 11 m-ast-iha vishaye samudaya-bahy-ady-astamba-khila-kshettrana[m*] achandr-arkka-taraka-bhojyanam dvi-di IC kaschid-raj-artthaBhattaraka-padanain etaroh vishaye samudaya tad-diyatam=iti Bead sphutita. Phuffa is evidently a Prakrit form. Kumaramatya-Kula 81 W * Read pay-avadhrita. Evamvidh-apratikara-khila-kabettra dharmma-phala-shad-bhig-avaptism sasvad=

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. cha rupakan=ayiksitya Bha 14 Bhoyila-Bhaskarayos-saka{$a*]t=shad-dinaran=ashta gavato Govindasvamino 15 devakulasy-artthe BHoyilasya Trivsitayam tala-vatak-ady-arttham khila-kshettra-kulyavapa-travam Second Side. 16 Srigohalya[m*) sthala-vastun dronavapam Bhaskarasy=&py-atroaiva sthale(la) va(va)stuno dronavapa17 m=eva[**] kulyavapa-trayam sthala-dranavapa-dvayan=chal akshaya-nivyas(vya) tamra-pattena dattan ninna? 18 ku 3 sthala-dro 2 tes yuyah sva-karshan-avirodhi-sthane. Darvvikarmma hasten=ashtaka-navaka-nalabhya19 m=apavinchchhya chira-kala-sthayi-tush-angar-adi(di)na[*) chihnais-chaturddiso niyamya dasyath=akshaya20 nivi-dharmmena(na) cha sasvat-kalam=anupalayishyatha varttamana-bhavishyais cha samvyavaharyy-adibhir=eta21 d-dharmm-apekshayminupalayitavyam=iti [1*] Uktan-cha Bhagava[d]-Vedavyasa mahatmana [1*1 Sva-dattam para-dattam 22 vva(va) yo hareta vasundbaram [1*] sa vishthayam krimir-bhutvi pitcibhis-saha pachyate [l*i Shashtim varsha-saha23 srani svarggo modati bhumidah [1*] akshepta ch-inumanta cha tanya eva narake vaset [lt] Purvva24 dattam dvijatibhyo yatnad=raksha Yudhishthira [1*] mahi[m*] mahimatan sreshtha danach=chhreyo=nupala25 namiti( m i)ti sam 100 20 8 Magha di 10 9 TRANSLATION. [LI. 1-3] Bliss ! From Panchanagari- Kumaramatya Kulavriddhi, who meditates on the feet of the Bhattaraka (i.e., the king), informs, after enquiring about their health, the adhikarana (court) of the vishaya and the village householders, along with the Brahmanas and others and the Chief-officers (Samuyaraharins) of (the two localities named) Trivrita and Srigohali connected with the village named Vayigrama. [LI. 3--6] Bhoyila and Bhaskara, two family headmen residing in this locality, thus apply. The (building) of the temple of Lord Govindasvamin founded by Sivanandin. father of us both, is poorly endowed. In this vishaya prevails (the procedure) of sale at the rate of two dinaras for each kulyavapa of shrubless fallow fields, which do not yield any revenue (to the Skate), (the lands being purchased) in accordance with the principle of perpetual endowment, to be 1 Read ch-akshao. * This word put before the abbreviated totalisation of the amount of land purchased does not appear to me explicable. Phutta (Skt. aphufita) in line 7 would suggest that it might stand for Skt. ninna meaning low land. -Ed.) * The Paharpur plate gives tad- (. 19) which is a much better reading.--Ed. 4 This inust be the reading in the Paharpur plate also, where in the place of svakarmando (1. 19) it would be better to read svakarshanao as in this plate.) This word seems to be the name of the vishaya in charge of Kulavriddhi. It may also be suggested that it may kave been the name of the district headquarters where the court (adhikarana) of the vishaya was situated.

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No. 14.] MAURYAN BRAHMI INSCRIPTION OF MAHASTHAN. enjoyed for all time to come as long as the moon, the sun and the stars endure, and free from (the liability of payment of) any kind of taxes. 83 [LI. 6-10] So deign to make a grant to (me), Bhoyila, of three kulyavapas of khila (i.e., waste) land in Trivrita and one dronava pa of rastu (ie., homestead) land, for (dwelling) site (tala) and paths (rataka) in Srigohali, and to (me), Bhaskara, one dronarapa of homestead land for the purpose of repairs to the temple of Lord Govindasvamin when damaged or dilapidated and for the performance of the daily worship with perfumery, incense, lamp and flowers, by getting from us an income of six dinaras and eight (silver) coins. [LI. 10-13] Since we inform you that it has been determined by the record-keepers, Durgadatta and Arkkadasa (thus),-there exists in this rishaya (the procedure of) sale at the rate of two dinaras for each kulyarapa of shrubless fallow fields, which are beyond the possibility of yielding revenue (to the king), to be enjoyed for all time to come as long as the moon, the sun and the stars endure. Moreover, there can be no objection (out of fear of any loss) on the king's behalf in the matter of such sale of khila fields, free from taxes; (rather) there is (possibility. of) some income for the Bhattaraka-pada (or the king) and also of the acquisition of one-sixth of the religious merit (accruing from such an act): Hence the (land) should be given (by sale). [LI. 13-18] Thus on making an income of six dinaras and eight (silver) coins (rupakas) from Bhoyila and Bhaskara for the sake of the temple of Lord Govindasvamin, three kulyavapas of khila fields in Trivrita and one dronavapa of vastu land in Srigohali were granted (by sale) to Bhoyila and one dronarapa of vastu land in the very same place (i.e., Srigohali) to Bhaskara, by the execution of a copper-plate (charter) in accordance with the principle of perpetual endowment (akshaya-nivi), thus the total measurement of land (sold) being three kulyavapas and two sthala-dronavapas (stated in figures as ku 3 and sthaladro 2, respectively). [LI. 18-21] (So) you shall make over (to the two applicants the portion of land) by fixing their boundaries on four sides with marks of chaff and charcoal which will be permanent, after having defined (the area) by the measurement of 8x9 reeds by the hands of Darvvikarmma, in places which have no conflict with your own agricultural work, and shall preserve it for all time to come by the principle of perpetual endowment. The present and the future administrative agents and others also should preserve it out of regard for religious merit. [Ll. 21-25] (Here follow three imprecatory stanzas.) [L. 25] (Here the charter) ends. The year (sam) 128, the 19th day of Magha. No. 14.-MAURYAN BRAHMI INSCRIPTION OF MAHASTHAN. BY D. R. BHANDARKAR. This interesting inscription in Mauryan Brahmi was discovered at Mahasthan on the 30th of November 1931, by one Baru Faqir of the Mahasthangarh village in the Bogra District of Bengal. Mr. G. C. Chandra, who was then Superintendent, Archaeological Survey, Eastern Circle, acquired it for the Department, and it was for some time lying in his office at Calcutta. Under the orders of the Director-General of Archaeology, it has now been deposited in the Archaeological Section, Indian Museum, Calcutta. Soon after the discovery of this plaque, a very brief account of its contents, I am told, was printed in the columns of a Bengali daily of Calcutta, the Banga-bani, though I have not seen it at all. The account which has appeared in the Liberty, dated Friday, 22nd April, 1932, p. 4, I was able to see, but it does not touch any important detail of this epigraph. My transcript

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXI. and account of it are based upon an impression sent to me by Dr. Hirananda Sastri, Government Epigraphist for India, and a photograph forwarded later by Rai Bahadur Dava Ram Sahni, Director-General of Archaeology in India. Recently when the plaque was deposited in the Indian Museum, I was able to inspect it personally, and found, what I knew long ago, that it was impossible to exaggerate the importance of carefully examining the original whenever possible, as impressions and photographs are often not enough to enable a scholar to prepare an accurate transcript. The inscription is incised on a piece of hard limestone which measures 31" 21"}". Though it is in a fragmentary condition, yet it is possible to determine, more or less approximately, what Was its original extent. That no complete line was engraved after the last line of this fragment can reasonably be inferred from the space remaining blank at the end, which is not less than what we find between any two actual lines of this epigraph. Again a careful examination of the stone shows that the original surface of its sides is still traceable here and there and that many letters, consequently, cannot have been destroyed from the sides. Thus while etan is the last word of 1.2, dhaniyam is the first word of l. 1. It is thus clear that the sides of the inscription have not been much damaged. One or two letters at the most may have been obliterated from each line whether at the beginning or at the end. Line 1 of our fragment cannot however be really the first line of the original inscription. But even here we mar be pretty sure that more than one line could not have been so effaced. The fragment, as it is, contains six lines of writing in Brahmi character of the Mauryan period. The alphabet remarkably resembles that of the Asokan records. The only difference that is perhaps worthy of note is that the vertical part of the letters t, p, h, v and s is a bit more prolonged than is generally seen in Asokan inscriptions. Our record again has one peculiarity wbich it shares in common with the Kalsi recension of the Fourteen Rock Edicts of Asoka. It is in regard to the letter 8 which occurs also in a form resembling sh. That these two forms do not mean two different letters in our inscription, namely, s and sh, is quite certain. The word saniragiyanam occurs twice, once in l. 1 and once in l. 3: and whereas the first letter in the first case is a clear s, it has the form of sh in the second. There can however be no doubt as to survragiyarain being the word intended. The sh-looking letter must therefore be regarded as a cursive form of 8 and has consequently to be read as s, and not sh. Similarly in regard to sulakhite (l. 2) and 81-atiyayikasi (1. 5), the first letter in each one of these words is evidently su, but whereas the former character is distinctly 8, the latter looks like sh. This sh-like form is noticeable, as remarked above, in the Kalsi copy of Asokan Rock Edicts. Up till and including Rock Edict IX, the regular form of e is alone noticeable. In Rock Edict X the sh-like forin occurs side by side with the regular one. but the former is almost invariably prevalent in the subsequent Edicts. Perhaps Hultzsch is not right in reading it invariably as sh. as it seems to be but a cursive form of the regular 8. As regards the language of our inscription, it is the same as the one used in the Pillar Ediets of Asoka. It was the language of the Madhvadesa influenced by Magadhi or rather the court language of Magadha. Here we have to notice the change of r to land of the ending o to e. These are the peculiarities of Magadhi. We have, on the other hand, the dental & only as in the Pillar Edicts, and not the palatal & which is the third characteristic of Magadhism according to the Prakrit grammarians. The locative singular ends in si, and never in e. As regards Orthography, we have to note first that the doubling of consonants caused by assimilation is not gra. phically shown. We have also to note the constant use of the perpendicular stroke as a ritana or stop to mark the words and the clauses of the record. Instances of such upright virimas may be found in the Kalsi and Sahasram Edicts of Asoka though there they are sometimes inserted meaninglessly. To give one instance, Kalsi Rock Edict XIII has the following: 4tha- [ra] sha -

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MAURYAN BRAHMI INSCRIPTION OF MAHASTHAN. From an estampage. From a photograph. satoruiidesusurutaru Saldur LYNLAJNAR sanaikototonatsuteiika maibarukuntosutonosusume sasusatominashi+hababu Colo ACTUAL SIZE, SLIGHTLY LARGER THAN ACTUAL SIZE. HIRANANDA SASTRI. SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA,

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No. 14.] MAURYAN BRAHMI INSCRIPTION OF MAHASTHAN. 85 bhishita- | sha [Deranampiyasha Piyadashine lajine (Hultzsch, C.I.I., Vol. I, p. 45). In our inscription, however, it seems to have been properly employed to punctuate divisions or sentences. The transcript of our record is as follows: 1. nena Sa[m*]va[un*]giy[a]nam (Galadanasa] Dumadina-[maha*] 2. mate 1 Bulakbite Pudanagalatel eta] 3. [ni*]vahipavisati i Samva[m*]givanam [cha di*]ne (tatha*] 4. [dha*]niyam i nivahisati i da[m*]g[a*]tiyay[i*]k[e] d[eva*). 5. [tiya*Iyi]kasi su-atiyayika[si] pi l gamda[kehi*] 6. [dhani*Iyi]kehi esa kothagale kosam [bhara*] 7. [niye) We have seen that the inscription is a fragmentary one. We cannot therefore entirely do without some amount of conjecture while interpreting it. The record, however, can be treated best by considering it line by line and word by word. The fragment begins with the two letters nena. The word originally must have been either sasanena or vachanena, more probably the former. If we carefully examine l. 1, at the most one letter could have preceded nena with which our fragment opens. Thus whether this word was sasanena or vuchanena, the first letter of it could not have been engraved in the present I. l of the fragment but rather in the line preceding it which has now been lost. Similarly, the words [sasa*]nena Sa[*]va[*]giy[a]nan Galadanasal, punctuated by the virama of l. 1, make no complete sense as they stand. They surely must have been preceded by some words in the line previous which is now broken and which told us what was the exact nature of the sasana and who the ruler was that issued it. The next word is Savagiyanan, as it stands. The same word occurs in I. 3 as Samvagiyanam, where the anusvara after sa is distinct. The word may be equivalent to the Sanskrit Samvargiyanam, which, however, yields no good sense. It may stand for vargiyanam, of the class-fellows, or the clansmen', with sam prefixed to it. But this prefix sam remains meaningless and inappropriate. Besides, what is meant by saying that something was given by sasana to 'Galadana of the clansmen'? Who were these clansmen? Why is their name not specified ? It will be better to insert another anusvara this time after va, and read the whole word as Samvargiyanan, of the Samvargiya (tribe). The insertion of an anusvara after va cannot be unjustifiable in view also of the fact that in l. 2 we have Pudanagalate, which obviously stands for Pundanagalate. That Vangiya is, like the Vajjis, the name of a tribe can scarcely be doubted. And just as the confederation of the different Vajji clans is sometimes called Samvajji, it is not impossible that the various Vanga clans were similarly summed up under the name Samvargiya. We shall dilate upon this point later, but what we have here to note is that the second word in l. 1 is in all likelihood intended for Samvangiyanam which yields good sense and which can also be read As such, having regard to the fact that in old inscriptions an anusvara is not unfrequently omitted. The third word in l. 1 cannot be read with certainty as the upper part of its letters is damaged. It reads like Galadanasa=(Sk.) Galardanasya. It seems that Galadana was a leader or chief of the Sarvamgiyas, to whom something was granted by sasana. The next word, though a little damaged, is pretty certain and reads Dumadina. Then followed two letters, the first of which is partially preserved and the second completely lost. Thus first is either s orm. These two letters together with the first two, namely, mate, of the second line formed one word, which is marked by & virama. Thus the letters intervening between this and the preceding virama may be read either as Dumadina[sa] (a)mate or Dumadina-mahamate. The form r alternative is less preferable, because the force of sa after Dumadina is undetermined. Is it a genitive termination, or a part of an individual's name, wbatever that may mean? If the former is the case, it makes no

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86 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXI sense. If the latter is the case, according to the language of the record we should have expected Dumadinase=Dumadinese=Drumadinesah. Thirdly, amate cannot here be equivalent to amatyo which in this inscription would run into amatiye. All things considered, it is safer to accept the second alternative, and read the two words together as Dumadina-mahumate " the Mahamitra (called) Dumadina". The next letters of the second line placed between two viramas can be read without doubt as sula khite Pu[m]danagalate. There can similarly be no doubt as to Pu[mlanagalate standing for the Sanskrit Pundranagaratah," from Pundranagara". The change of the Sanskrit 10(=lah) into te need not puzzle us. It may be compared to U'jenite and Takhasilate of Dhauli Separate Rock Edict I (Sections AA and BB in 11. 23-4 of Hultzsch's 1soka Inscriptions). But what does sulakhite mean? Here too the ending te must be equal to totah). But what about sulakhi? Does it stand for sulakshi(n), or for sulakshmi(ka) ? Either will suit excellently. The next clause indicated by the viramas contains the two words e{talin (wi Jeahipayisati=etan nirtahayishyati, "will cause it to be accomplished ". The word etani here in all likelihood refers to the sasana or grant which must have been specified in the first original line, which has now been obliterated. What the exact nature of this grant was we do not know. But we will hazard a conjecture about it when we come to treat of the ending portion of our epigraph. The next clause is rather difficult to handle. The first word, however, can be read with certainty. It is Sanva[*]giyanam. The letter following is either r or ch. The next letter is lost, but the third is most probably ne. This last seems to have been followed by two letters which are pow loet. The last word of this clause is dhaniyain, which occurs in l. 4. No letter seems to haye preceded it in this line at least, as remarked above. Dhaniyan may thus be taken as one word and 4s equivalent to dhanyam='paddy'. The whole clause may perhaps be restored to Samva[*]giyanam (cha) (di*]ne (tatha*] dhaniyan," and likewise paddy has been granted to the Samvangiyes". The letters intervening between the next two viramas read nitahisati, which does not forn a clause but is one word, so that we have to take it along with what is placed in the next pair of viramas. This last comprises letters, some of which have been destroyed and baffle well-nigh all ingenuity at restoration. It consists of two words, the first of which is pretty certain, namely, dagatiyay[i]ke. The other word also ends with tiyayikari of which yi kasi is to be found in the next line, i.e., 1. 5. Yikasi must have been preceded by ya in the same line, though it is now effaced. The remaining ti must have been engraved in the preceding line and formed the ending letter of that line. Before this ti there must have been two letters, of which one only has been partially preserved. This last looks liked and comes immediately after the word dagatiyay[i]ke, noted above. But in the case of this letter the joining bar between the two uprights of d is very narrow and not as broad as that of d in Pu[m*]danagalate in l. 2, or in ganda[ka*) in l. 5. Possibly, what looks liked is the preserved portion of d, and this word may perhaps be restored to devatiya vikasi, The whole may thus read nivahisati da[*]g[2*Miyay[i*]X[e] d[evatiya*lwikasi(nirakishyate dramgatyayi kar dairatyayi ke), and may be translated as follows : "the excess (atiyayika) (of adversity) to the town (darga) during the excess (caused) by the superhuman agency will be tided over". It seems that there is a reference here to a dair-atyaya, that is, to a transgression or adversity caused by the gods or superhuman agents. Further, it seems that this atyaya had overtaken the divriga of the Samvamgivas. This dranga may be Pundranagara itself or some place not far removed from it where the Sarvamgivas were settled. Thirdly, it seems that one measure that was devised to combat this adversity was the doling out of dhanya or paddy. This shows that the daiv-tyaya that had befallen the Sauvargiyas must have been no other than a famine.

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No: 14.] MAURYAN BRAHMI INSORIPTION OF MAHASTHAN. 87 The next batch of interpunctuated letters is su-atiyayikasi pi. But these two words by themselves do not form a clause, and have therefore to be taken along with those that follow. Of these only ganda has been preserved in 1. 3. At least two more were otiginally incised in this line, but they have now been desttoyed. The next line, which is the last preserved one, has lost at least two letters at the beginning and three at the end, but those that have been preserved can be clearly read as [ylikehi esa kothagale kusam. The lacunse may be tentatively filled up as follows: garda[kehi*] [dhani*lyikehi esa kothagale kosur [bharuniye*). The whole may thus be rendered into English : " when there is an excess of plenty, this gtanary and the treasury may be replenished with paddy and the gamda kas". Hete two things are mentioned, (1) kothagale=koshthugirargranary, and (2) kusa=kota=treasuty. Corresponding to kosa we have the mention of gamlaka, which means "a coin of the value of four cowries". The yikehi, with which the last line begins, can thus be easily restored to [dhani*lyikehillhanya kaih, as it corresponds to kathagule and as we know it has already been mentioned as being distributed among the Saivargivas. What we have thus to undetstand hete is that as soon as the time of superabundance returned, they were to remit gandaka coins into the royal treasury and paddy into the royal granaty. LI. 3-4 refer to the doling out of paddy to these people. It is thus perfectly intelligible why at the end of the record they have been asked to return the corn. But why should there be any mention of gardaka coins at all at this place, as they have not been referred to above? Were the gandaka coins anywhere mentioned as being distributed among the Samvamgiyas, which they were expected to pay back into the treasury with the return of prosperity? We have said above that the first original line of this inscription has been lost, which told us about the nature of the sasana granted to Galadana (Galardana) of the Samvangiyas, who is mentioned in l. 1 of the preserved portion. And it is not at all unreasonable to surmise that this sasana referred to the gainda ha coins which were handed over to Galadana for disbursement among the Samvamgiyas and which ther were asked to refund as soon as the day of plenty dawned upon them. The inscription may thus be briefly summed up as follows: It appears that some ruler of the Mauryan period, if not of the Mauryan family, had issued an order to the Mahamatra stationed at Pundranagara with a view to relieve the distress caused, apparently, by famine to the people called Sanvangiyas, who were settled in and about the town. Two measures appear to have been adopted to meet this contingency. The exact nature of the first is not clear as the first original line of our record has not been preserved. But it may be surmised that this measure consisted of the advance of a loan in gamlaka coins to Galadana who, presumably, was a leader of the Sarvangiyas. The Mahamatra of Pundranagara was entrusted with the execution of this order. The second measure consisted of the distribution of dhanya or paddy from the grapary, A wish is then expressed that as soon as these measures are carried out, the Sarvamgivas will be able to tide over the calamity. With the restoration of profusion and affluence they have been asked to return the coins to the treasury and the corn to the granary, in other words, to pay the State back in kind and cash. We may therefore translate the text as follows: "To Galadana (Galardana) of the Sarvargiyas .. ... . (was gramed) by order. The Mahamatra from the highly auspicious Pundranagara will cause it to be carried out, (And likewise) paddr has been gtanted to the Samvamgivas. The outbreak (of distress) in the town during (this) outburst of superhuman agency shall be tided ovet. When there is so excess of plenty, this granary and the treasury (may be replenished) with paddy and the gandaho coins." We now turn to other matters revealed by the critical consideration of our epigraph. The inscription stone, Mr. Chandra told me, was originally picked tip niedt a tote not far rentoved

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38 - EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. from a high mound, where excavations were being conducted and which is presumed to contain the remains of a stupa. Whether any characteristic parts of a stupa were recovered in this work of exploration is not known. I am informed that no such definite resalts have been achieved. On the other hand, we have to note that the words esa kothagale occur in the last line. The word esa shows that the stone plaque was originally stuck into the granary itself from which paddy was doled out. And if our inscription stone, when it was discovered, was lying not far from its original place, the monument which is being cleared of debris at present may after all turn out to be, not a siupa, but the royal granary into which the plaque was originally fixed. Our historical gain from a critical study of this record is by no means inconsiderable. In the first place, it places beyond all doubt the identification of Pundravardhana with Mahasthan, which was proposed by Cunningham half a century ago. In his account of Bhasu Bihar, four miles to the west of Mahasthana, he remarks that the Buddhist remains at that place corresponded both in description and position with those noted by Yuan Chwang at the Po-ship-p'o monastery, which was situated just twenty li or four miles to the west of the capital of the country of Pun-na-fa-tan-na which transcribed itself into Punnavardhana but is intended for Pundravardhana. "This city" says Cunningham "the pilgrim places at 600 li, or 100 miles, to the east of the Ganges, near Rajmahal. Now, this description corresponds exactly with the relative positions of Rajmahal and Mahasthan, the latter being just 100 miles to the east of the former".. The suggestion of Cunningham was shortly thereafter confirmed by the Karatoya-mahatmya, which was first published forty years ago. This Mahatmya mentions many holy spots which are all found at present in Mahasthan. But the Mahatmya, though it calls itself Karatoya-mahatmya, purports to describe the sacred sites of Pundra or Paundravardhana-kshetra. It is thus evident from it that the present Mahasthan is identical with the old Pundravardhana. Now, Mr. Prabhas Chandra Sen, who has edited the Mahatmya for the second time and for the Varendra Research Society, rightly points out that one verse from it is cited by Sarvananda (1159 A.D.) in his Tikasarvasva on the Amara kosha and two in the Smritichandrika by Devanabhatta who is himself quoted by Hemadri (12th century). This shows that the Karataya-mahatmya is a composition which could not have been later than 1100 A.D. We may thus take it that the identity of Mahasthan with Pundravardhana was known before the twelfth century A.D. But this identity is now placed beyond all doubt by what our inscription tells us. It tells us that two remedial measures to alleviate the distress of a famine were contemplated and that the Mahamatra of Pundranagara was charged with the execution of them. One of these measures consisted in the distribution of paddy from the royal granary, which, as shown above, must have been situated in Mahasthan itself as the inscription speaks of it as esa kothagale. As the kothagale was thus in Mahasthan and as the Officer who was to dole out paddy from it to the Samvamgiyas was the Mahamatra of Pundranagara, it is quite clear that Mahasthan is identical with Pundranagara. And this identity between the two is now established by evidence not of the twelfth century A.D. to which the Mahatmya belongs, but of the fourth B.C. to which our record has to be assigned. The second point of historical interest that we have to note is the manner in which the state in Ancient India endeavoured to combat the ravages of a famine. In this connection one is reminded of what Kautilya says in his Arthasastra : 'durbhikshe raja bija-bhakt-opagraham krita unugrahan kuryat. Durga-setu-karma ra bhakt-anugrahena, bhakta-samvibhagam ra," During a famine, the king may show favour by giving gratis seeds (bija) and food (bhakta). Either he (may carry out) work in forts and on dams with the distribution of food, or he may distribute food gratis (without exacting work)". It will be seen from this passage that the state in ancient times 1 Watter's On Yuan Chuang, Vol. II, pp. 184-5. 14.8.1. R., Vol. XV, p. 110. * Varendra Res. Soc.'s Monograph, No. 2, p. 25. * IV, 3, 78.

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No. 14.] MAURYAN BRAHMI INSCRIPTION OF MAHASTHAN. 89 encountered the contingency of famine either by starting works of public utility or by a free distribution of food. Neither of these, however, seems to be adverted to in our inscription. There is absolutely no mention of any public work being started in the interest of the famine-stricken people in Pundranagara. Mention is no doubt made of the distribution of paddy, but this paddy seems to have been given neither gratis nor in lieu of any work in the fort or on an enbankment but on the distinct understanding that it shall be returned to the State District Granary as soon as the days of plenty and prosperity were restored. Here again what was given to the Samvamgiyas was not annam or boiled rice, but rather dhanyam which is unhusked rice. This paddy obviously must have been used as seed for sowing operations and, also, when husked, must have served the purpose of food. It may now be asked : Why money was at all distributed among the Samvamgiyas? In this connection we have to remember that in East Bengal where nature is so plentiful a famine can take place only through the inundation of a river. Mahasthan or Pundranagara is situated on a river, namely, the Karatoya. And when a town is settled on a river, the floods cause devastations not simply to the crops in the fields but also to the buildings and huts which are perched on its borders. To meet this contingency, a money grant has to be made to the people whose belongings have been washed away or seriously affected by the floods. This is perhaps the only explanation that can be given of the disbursement of gandaka coins among the Samvamgiyas. What again we have to note here is that this disbursement of money and this distribution of unhusked rice were made to this people without any interest. If they had been charged with any, there would have been some reference to it in our record. Ur it may be that they were tacitly understood to return the money at the usual rate of interest. Perhaps ours is not the first known inscription which relates to the putting up of a granary as & fortification against scarcity of food. Of practically the same period is a copper-plate found at Sohgaura "about fourteen miles south-east from Gorakhpur". This was first edited by Buhler in the Vienna Or. Jour., Vol. X, pp. 138 ff and Ind. Ant., Vol. XXV, pp. 261ft., afterwards by Fleet in JRAS., 1907, pp. 510 ff., and lastly by Prof. B. M. Barua in Ann. Bhand. Ori. Res. Ins., Vol. XI, pp. 32 ff A cursory glance at its contents will convince anybody that it refers not to one but two granaries. But the inscription, in spite of the fact that it has been revised thrice, has not yet been properly punctuated, read and interpretated. The last line should have been read aliyayi kaya no gahitavaya 'nothing should be taken in excess of plenty). Our record speaks of two atiyayikas, one of which is su-atiyayika. It is this aliyayika which is probably understood at the end of the Sohgaura copper-plate. Similarly, this last epigraph speaks of the granaries being stored with various provisions. In fact, if any fourth scholar makes an attempt to again revise the Sohgaura inscription in the light of our record, he may be able to show that the former also is an order to some Mahamatra, probably of Sravasti, to open the two granaries and distribute their contents when any dire contingency called for it. In fact, the idea of countracting the ravages of a famine by the erection of granaries and store houses is pretty ancient in India and it is not therefore a matter of surprise if the Mahasthan inscription also adverts to the measures commonly employed by the state to combat the devastations caused by a famine in ancient Bengal. - Let us now see what further light our record throws on the ancient history of Bengal. It is unfortunate that the first line of the inscription has not been preserved. The name of the ruler, if any was mentioned, is thus lost irretrievably. But as the alphabet and the language of our record are exactly like those of the Asokan edicts, it is not impossible that he was a prince of the Mauryan dynasty. We have already seen that the language of this epigraph is the language of Madhyadesa influenced by the Magadhi. It was really the language of tbMauryan Court 1 For a more detailed consideration of this point, see D. R. Bhandarkar's Aenka (2nd Ed). p. 200-1.

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90 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. in Magadha, which, owing to its outgrowing imperialism, had spread not only over the whole of Madhyadoba but also over parts conterminous to it. Places like Kalsi in the Dehra Dun District, Dhauli in the Puri, and Jaugada in the Ganjam District, where also the Fourteen Rock Edicts of Asoka have been found, were never included in Madhyadesa, and yet we notice that these recensions are couched in the Madhyadesa-Magadhi dialect which had become the lingua franca of almost the whole of North India. We now see definitely that this lingua franca had spread even to Bengal and was in vogue there as early as the third century B.C. as our inscription conclusively proves it. It is true that Brahmanism took a long long time to spread over Bengal. In fact, there is no evidence to show that Brahmanism had any firm hold over this province earlier than the Gupta period. The Aitareya-Brakmana, no doubt, speaks of the sage Visvamitra as having adopted Sunahsepa as his son and caused much chagrin to the first fifty of his hundred sons, who were therefore cursed by him "to live on the borders of the Aryan country", The decendants of these exiled sons of Visvamitra, we are further informed, formed the greater bulk of the Dasyus, and one of these Dasyu tribes specified in the Brahmana was the Pundras, who at that time must have been settled round about Mahasthan and can be still recognised in the Pupos, an aboriginal caste in Bengal. The utmost that this tradition mentioned in the AitariyaBrahmana indicates is that some scions of the Visvamitra family carved tiny kingdoms in the countries of the alien tribes. This does not, however, show that Aryan culture had spread to the Pundra or any other country, far less imbibed by the people there. The Aryan culture seems for the first time to have been disseminated in Ancient Bengal by the Jainas. This is clear from the fact that the Kalpasutra, an ancient scripture of the Jainas, mentions, not one, but three sakhas, of the Godasa Gana of Jaina monks, named after the three places in Ancient Bengal, namely, Tamralipti, Kotivarsha and Pundravardhana. Of these Tamralipti is the same as Tamluk in the Midnapur, Kotivarsha, the same as Bangaph in the Dinajpur, and Pundravardhana, the same as Mahasthan in the Bogra District of Bengal. It is curious to note that while Bihar and Kosala were taken up by the Buddha and his adherents, Bengal was selected by Mahavira and his followers for their proselytising activities. It is true that no traces of this original Jainism are now left in Bengal. But even as late as the middle of the seventh century A.D. the Chinese pilgrim Yuan Chwang testifies to the Nirgrantha Jainas being numerous in Pundravardhana. Very recently a copper-plate charter was discovered during excavation at Pahalpur in Bengal, which is dated G.E. 159477 A.D. and registers a grant for the worship of Arhats at a Vihara situated not far from this place and presided over by the disciples of the Nirgrantha preceptor Guhanandin. No reasonable doubt can thus be entertained as to Jainism, especially Nirgranthism, having been prevalent in Bengal up till the 7th century A.D. And it is these Jainas settled in Tamralipti, Kotivarsha and Pundravardhana, who for the first time and in the proMauryan period appear to have carried Aryan culture to ancient Bengal. This, however, at the most, may explain the employment of the Brahmi alphabet in our inscription, but the use of the court language of Pataliputra is a clear indication of Bengal, at any rate North Bengal, being included in the Mauryan dominions. The last point of historical interest that we have now to consider is : Who were the Samvamgiyas, supposing that was the name really intended ? Samvangiyas in the first place reminds us of Samvajjis. We know that to the account of Fu-li-chih(=Vriji) by Yuan Chwang & note is added by the commentator, saying that "Fu-li-chi was in North India', and the north people called it the Sam-fa-chih (or Samvajji) country". On this point Beal makes the following per 1 For a full discussion of this subject, see Ann. Bhand. Ori. Res. Inst., Vol. XII, pp. 104 ff. . It is ourious that the Pundras of even so late a period as that of the Puranas are placed in Chhota Nagpur in Cambridge His. of Ind., Vol. I, p. 317 and Map 8. *Abora, Vol. XX, pp. 61 ff. * Watter's On Yuan Chuang, Vol. II, p. 81.

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No. 15.) JUBBULPORE PLATES OF KING JAYASIMHADEVA, YEAR 918. tinent comment: "The country of the Vrijjis or Samvsijjis, i.e., united Vsijjis, was that of the confederated eight tribes of the people called the Vrijjis or Vajjis, one of which, viz., that of the Lichhavis, dwelt at Vaibali". Just as the eight confederate clans of whom the Vajjis were once the most important were called collectively the Samvajjis or the United Vajjis, it is not at all unreasonable to conjecture that there were some confederate clans in East Bengal who were similarly conglomerated under the collective term of Samvamgiyas. This shows that the most prominent of these at the beginning was the Vamgiyas, after whom the confederation was styled the Samvamgiyas or the United Vamgiyas. The second point to be noted here is that the people of East Bengal are now called Vaigas, and it may be asked where was the necessity of coining a name which is an obvious derivative from it, namely, Vamgiya. If we now turn to the Vayu and the Matsya Puranas and study the chapters dealing with Bhuvana-vinyasa, we find that they mention the two allied clans, Pravangas and Vangeyas. But be it noted that there is none which has been called Vanga. Secondly, the second of these names, namely, Vangeya comes so close to the Vamgiya of our inscription, that our inscription being earlier than any one of these Puranas and being a genuine record of its time, Vargiya must doubtless be considered to be the original name, and the reading Vangeya of the Puranas thus becomes a corrupt form of it. Again, the fact that Pravangas are coupled with Vangiyas (wrongly called VangEyas) in these early Puranas shows that they were confederated clans and fell under the Sarvamgiyas. And further the reference to the Samvamgiyas in connection with Pundranagara goes to indicate that the Pundras also belonged to the Samvamgiya confederacy. And just as in the time of the Buddha the capital of the Samvajji confederacy was Vesali which was the headquarters not of the Vajjis but of the Lichchhavis who were then prominent, it seems that in the time of our inscription the capital of the Samvamgiyas was Pundranagara, which was the headquarters, not of the Vangiyas but of the Pundras after whom it was undoubtedly called Pundranagara. No. 15.-JUBBULPORE KOTWALI PLATES OF KING JAYASIMHADEVA. KALACHURI YEAR 918 BY RAI BAHADUR HIRALAL, B.A., KATNI. While digging for the foundations of a new Kotwali building at Jubbulpore two copperplates were found in a stone box and were, in the ordinary course, sent over to the District Superintendent of Police, Mr. A. G. Scott, who gave them to me for decipherment. The letters were so thickly covered with accretions of ages that they were not visible except a few here and there. The crust had become exceedingly hard and could not be removed locally. I, therefore, sought the aid of the Archaeological Chemist through the Director General of Archeology in India with the result that Mr. Mohammad Sana Ullah, M.Sc., F.C.S., thoroughly cleaned the plates without injuring any lettere, but he could not help where the copper had corroded. Thus many letters, especially in the first plate, have been damaged, as would appear from the accompanying plate. The original plates are now deposited in the Nagpur Museum. The first plate gives the genealogy of the donor in verses many of which are common to other records of the family. The second records the grant and also gives the usual imprecatory and benedictive stanzas. The plates measure 14" x 91", each weighing 6 lbs. There are altogether 40 lines in the record, 20 on each plate, both of which are written on one side. It appears that the writer did not care Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. II, p. 77, n. 100.

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92 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. VOL. XXI. to mention the name of the engraver who in order to immortalize himself engraved 3 more lines on the back of the second plate in much bigger characters than those of the grant, the letters averaging against of the record. In fact, the engraver commenced the record with that size, but after writing 11 letters in the first line he, probably, made a calculation and came to the conclusion that the whole would not go within the two sides of the two plates, so he reduced the size. Had he not made the initial mistake his name also would have come within that space but as it did not, he apparently induced the head of the Department of religion to compose a eulogistic verse about the latter to serve as an excuse for engraving on the reverse of the second plate before he could insert his name. The characters of the record are Nagari and the language ie Sanskrit. As regards orthography there is nothing special to add to what has been noted in respect of other Kalachuri records previously found. V has invariably been used for b in single letters but where the latter forms part of a compound letter its older form has been used, see, e.g., abja (1. 1), abdhi (1.2), etc. The old form of i with two dots and a comma-like figure below them is conspicuous in the record. The object of the inscription is to record the grant of a village Agara near Akharauda at the time of a lunar eclipse on Saturday, the full-moon day of Aovina in the (Kalachuri) year 918, i.e., the 30th September 1167 AD. The donor, the P. M. P. Jayasimhadeva, the devout worshipper of Mahesvara and the lord of the three Kalingas, after bathing in the Reva (Narmada) at Tripuri, the well-known Kalachuri capital, made the grant to Pandita Delhana Sarma, son of Pandita Damodara of the Agastya-gotra, with 3 pravaras, in the presence of Self, the Queen Consort Kelhanadevi, the Heir-apparent, the Prime-minister, the Royal Preceptor Vimalasiva, the Royal Priest, the Head of the Department of religion Pandita Raghava, the Chief Scribe Thakkura Vatsaraja,. the Sandhivigrahika (Minister for Peace and War) Thakkura Purushottama, the Pratihara (Chief Warden) Kamalasimha, the Dushtasadhya (Mentor of criminals) Padmasimha, the Mahasamanta (Generalissimo), the Akshapatalika (Record Keeper(r)), the Judge, the Asvasadhanika (Equerry), the Treasurer and the inhabitants and political bodies of the giftvillage for augmenting the religious merits of self and his parents. It appears that all the village rights, including a variety of taxes, were transferred to the donee. The village is given to the extent of its limits with boundaries marked on its four sides, with pasture for cows, with lands and water, with mango and mahua trees, with salt-pits, with mines and quarries, with the right of ingress and egress, with forest and river-bank lands, with trees, groves, creeper and plant gardens and grass, etc., with the river and mountain, with revenue and taxes levied at the resting place or camping ground, with pasture dues, toddy dues and lands not available to tenants, with Ghala (river-crossing) dues, village headman's dues and tax for mending the incorrigibles and the District rates. These details give a glimpse of the revenue administration during the 12th century A.D. This record mentions some peculiar offices and taxes, which are usually not found in other records. The office of Dushtasadhya which I have translated as Mentor of Crininals may be identical with that of Dauhsadhasadhanika usually found in the inscriptions of the Palas. Pamattavara seems to be a mistake for or a corruption of Pramatri. The transfer of the river and the mountain 1 The neme suggeste that he probably belonged to the line of the Saiva Mooties of the Maftamayura clanBee Banerji, Haihayas of Tripuri and their Monuments (Mem. A. S. 1.). pp. 110 ff. * The two officials Vatearaja and Purushottama are mentioned also in the Kumbhi plates-See Banerji, Haihayas, etc. p. 29 and J. A. 8. B., Vol. VIII, pp. 481 ff. and Vol. XXXI, pp 116 ff. -Rd Acorting to R. B. Dayaram Sahni (See Aleve Vol. XIV, p. 196 or Head of the Office of Acecunts). asoording to Dr. Barnett (Ibid Vol. XII, p. 146). * It is very likely that Dubsadbyes are represented by the present day Dunidha, 4 criminal tribe, 19 suggested by De. Hirananda Sastri.

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No. 15.] JUBBULPORE PLATES OF KING JAYASIMHADEVA, YEAR 918. 93 and of the district or provincial rates appear to indicate abandonment of sovereign rights in favour of the donee. Duhsadhyadaya, which I take to be a tax for mending the incorrigibles, presents & new feature. So do the Pravanivada chari rasarati kamata visenimadaya which are the forerunners of the modern dues for occupying camping grounds, for grazing cattle, extracting toddy, and crossing rivers. Kamata was a rigid form of home-farm, which is still referred to in law books, but has become practically obsolete. On the top of the first plate is written in small letters, which apparently means TR or gift No. 2 given on the same day. The mark was probably meant for the writer's guidance. The genealogy of the donor as given in the plate starts from the beginning of the creation, that is, from Brahma born from the Lotus emanating from the navel of Vishnu. Brahma's offspring was Atri, from whose eye was born the moon. From the latter was born Bodhana, from whom sprang Pururavas, in whose family Bharata was born. In the latter's family was born that highly glorious Kartavirya, who allowed the title of King only to the moon. He was the ancestor of the Haihaya Princes, from whom sprang the Kalachuri race. In that race there was a prince named Yuvarajadeva, who purified the town of Tripuri, so that it became like Indra's city. Then came Kokalla whose son was Gangeyadeva, who died at the foot of the holy fig tree at Prayaga with his 100 wives. His son, the victorious Karnadeva, succeeded him. He founded Karnavati and married a Huna lady Avalladevi, from whom was born Yasahkarnadeva. His son was Gayakarpadeva whose consort was Albanadevi. From these were born Narasimhadeva and Jayasimhadova, the latter being the donor of this grant. He occupied the gaddi during the waning period of the Kalachuri supremacy, for the lire came to an end during his son and successor's rule. Jayasimhadeva succeeded his brother Narasimhadeva, who, we know from other records, was on the gaddi in 1159 A.D. The present record of Jayasinhadeva, of whose times three other records have been found, brings him nearer to his brother's reign by at least 8 years. The geographical names occurring in the record are the well-known Tripuri (present Tewar, 6 miles from Jubbulpore), the river Heva or Narmada near it, Karnavati, the present Karanbel, a part of Tripuri and the villages Agara and Akharauda, both of which are untraceable at present. The charter was prepared by an officer called Dasamulin or Dasamulika, named Vatsaraja, son of Dharma and grandson of Abhyuddhara and engraved by the silversmith Talhana, son of Palhana of the Kokasa family. TEXT. Metres.- Malini, verses 1, 9, 12, Aupachchhandasika, v. 2; Vasantatilaka, vv. 3, 4, 5, 7, 8. 10, 14, 15, 16; Arya, v. 6; Salini, vv. 11, 18; Indravajra, v. 13; Amushtubh, vv. 14, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, and Sardulavikyidita, vv. 17, 30.] First Plate. 1 fasu | [ *] [ Bat (I) | safe west Had - saroja jayati jayati tasmAjjAtavAnamasUtiH / atha jayati sa tasyAgan Tica[z*l gafa tarafara(a)ag: [ #] Yu vo(bo)dhanamAdi [rAjaputra grahayA(jA)mAtaramanavA(bAndhavasya / atha tanayaM janayAMva(ba) Reading seems to be de 2 which may be an abbreviation of deya 2.--Ed. See Hiralai's List of Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar (1st edition), Noe. 31, 37, 44 * Expressed by a symbol.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL.XXI. bhUva rAjA gaganAbhogataDAgarAjahaMsaH / [2 // *] putra purUravasamaurasamApa sUtuIvasya saptajalarAzirasAyanasya / pAsIdananyasamabhAgazatopabhogyA yasyorvazI ca suka[latramihorA ca / [3 // pacA[nvaye] kila [zatA]dhikasaptimadhayUpoparudayamunotavivitAkIrtiH / sa___sAdhi(bi)rabarasanAbharaNAbhirAmavizvabharAbharato bharato va(ba)bhUva / [4 // "] helA[yahIta]punarasama[ma]stazalo goce jayatyadhikamasya .. . sa kArtavIryaH / pa[va] hayabhUpAnvayapUrvapuMsi rAjeti nAma zazalabhamaNi cacame yaH / [. *] [sa] himAca]la iva kalacurivaMzamasU___ ta jagatIcA bhartA |] mutAmaNi bhi]rivAmalavRttaiH pUtaM mahIpati bhiH / [...] tapAbaye nayavatAM pravaro [narendraH] pauraMda[7]miva - purIM ki 8 purI punAnaH / pAsImadAndhavRpagandhagajAdhirAjanirmAthakesariyuvA yuvarAja devaH // [7 // *] sisane nRpatisiMhamamuthasUnu. [mAra panavanibharturamAtyamukhyA: / kokamamarmavA tuSTaya]vI[ci]saMghasaMgha[]catu [raMgacamUpracAraM // [8 Fo] marakatamaNipapraur3havacA: [smitAco nagarapari][ya] saMghayandoIyena[ / zirasi] kuliza pAto vairiNAM vIralakSIpatirabhavadapatyaM yasya gAGgeyadevaH // [ ] 11 prApti [prayAgavaTamUla[niveya[va(ba)ndhau sAI] zatena grahiNobhi] ramuSa mati / pucosya khAdalitArikarIMdrakaMbhamulAphaleH [sma] kakubhorcati 19 [va]devaH] / [10 ] pazyaM [dhAma zre[yaso] vedavidyAka [zI kandaH / svAmavasyAH] kirITaM / [bra(a) prastabho] yena [ka]batIti pratyaSThA[pi] bhAtali]ba(a)alo.. [11 ] pa [jani) kAlacurI]NAM svAminA tena iNA ayajasanidhiliyAM zrImadAvAdevyAM / [zabhadudayazahAcabdha(ba) hundhAbdhi(vi)vIcIsa " . ticyA zrI zrIya[zakAya]devaH / [12 // "] [tasyAtmajo] bhUmimatApa.] bImAyAvarSa prati pratItaH / yasyAhavetavairi 10

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JUBBULPORE KOTWALI PLATES OF KING JAYASIMHADEVA, KALACHURI YEAR 918. First Plate. 143 bAjArAta kAjatitAnapAdAta tIna jAtikamabatisa tasyA 2vanAmata rastAnasAlApAna mAnadhivana jItAta tajaTi-kAranAmAntaramAlavAvapatijanaThAjagIta SANSTHzavadAgArAtaratarAjarivAcanAhatasmAlArasAyanasAnyAlAdanamAsamA jAgatApAyAvarAnamanAhAtarAnA nAlAbAna vanApAbadAmAtIkAvAkhAlasA nismanAsarApArAvArAtarAtarAtavitAmapanarakAstarAsvAmaDAsatvavikAkaspA kI pAvana siMgaU titA maramAna simakAlavAlA catarAnA 'tAto tAmandatArApUtaTIyati mAnavAtunavAyIkalApavAdAtara sApaTa jitanAnA 4.pucI jAma bhAmAbAda nAnatAta gatimAnAta sAtAkA rAmadAsa mAnanapani sahanupAsmanu / mA avAnisa mAtA pAnA vAmanana vavAla saptama jAnana nAganarata na pADavA BapatIONSHISHESTAhArAmA manirApadanAnimmiciturAtArAgAhA 10 TimaladAra yA nagara pAlikA kI nAhI yAbAbata kAhI mAnA sAmAjika gati dina sarakArI nanitIka lATa ta pAvale pakavaDecA / mAgamA sarakAo bhI mastAnI ahile eka kAmavAsa matimAnya janAvarATIdavAra sAmADIti banAma zAjApAnIsa GETSsatasarahA mAsadAnitatala manatAlanAlalAna jAgA nilimutra tura gatAH nArasAkTara mAlikAmA SC vanapAla dAmi tanaka cAsAdAraNA niyamita vAparaNata rk| mahArAjArAparamAvaracI vAmadogAdAnAta ramatahArakAma hIrAtati rAjapatAkavalaparamAmAhuH 20 SANTA SCALE: ONE-HALF. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. HIRANANDA SASTRI. REG. No. 2943E. 32.480.

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Second Plate: FIRST SIDE. saca taka lihAvanisaMga saMcati tina ticA navAjIkAkAyamindAnAtaka die sAtAmA jalanayanA nAgurAtimA rAtAmahAna hitAmApatana patAmahopa bhanna lirizaTha bAra borAmA nirasI tAra janama jana pratIhAranI kamalasilA nAgacI hAsihakanAsAmanAka parIta pamaMtratA rAjaratmaNa mAnavata uDAgAta mAyanajanAsAlAsyamA zAmAlA (saMDanapadAranA hai dAvA mAnanitA rAnimAlApaTAvitAsaMditalasvatanatIsAsamAti namanirapatimAsAtiAlosanidina mIsAmagrI vivAdAnitatasnA vAghojadAdavasamasAno bhAga narasApaTAzA titavATAvaraNAcAtApa garAdhAjanasAmAtImArata bAppATatipadarajAtAnA tasvala sanataka salatanata bana sAnomapatarAbsaDAtalAnarapA tApAmA manAlA nevAsAdisahita sanadIparvataHlAkarapakagitAinarI satatIkAmatAtAmagijA natilAdAgada aataattaa| catiSadhikArImAdi taka nipAmAmastioTA sahayagarahanAvAcAvatArAmayapaDi hAmImAtnATAta dinamAndalANa rAmINa vATANAyAkaparvatamanatarasamA saMgharTa zAjAsAnadAritatiyavasAnimAmAci dAkSiAta dAnAyA nAvAdhAtavavAmanadA majAmA misAnapApA kAlikAlagalitagAtadivAva sira lAnA tisAvAditAsAgaMgArAvAnasanamAsastana mAjalA tAnine kAlAvalAvaNArA mahatAranus yastAramA nayAda sAnatasaMpatAtaDAgAlAmadAsAvamalavAnAlAla jAnarAnavAlApazAbArImata-34 sutAsatiSAghATa-jine nAvita nisaTamaH titAvasahita nirdayatAmA nilAmA / saMbhavatavAsattAra INSIkArazAsimapantiAgalAdarAnaM sAjana 36 hatAca nivanArAja tuhAnaDAmAkhadAda mAsa kAlamA mAnanA utAtira sAlAnA sanadAtAkAkA rAjana 38 (CHIlAmabAbadabAna- nikAlAnamakApalanavA vAmana sAdasvAcita nAmacIna sAnanAlisina natInadAzadarAmanAmanAmanAmAnalA jAta Second Plate: SECOND SIDE. / gAMbhAMjInayAsiTidevajApate rAhagAmI tapogATa gumazItamarItititA saba sitAraganiyA 42 dine svAmI sidalAyA pati kI bhUSAvRtisurAdRSTyAyaviduSIdApIya sarAva DIko kAsa / rAdhAra lasutaspakA ratAlUNinItimA

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15 No. 15. ] JUBBULPORE PLATES OF KING JAYASIMHADEVA, YEAR 918. dha]rAnuraktA [13 11 [pUrNeva kharaM / saMvedana [[ma]vecchAyAM uccairhiraNyakazi sauMdaryasAra - paM pratipAdanena prItiM parAM vivu (bu)dhasaM [ha]tiSu prakurvva[n] / vinivAritasAragarvvazcitraM tathApyayamaho narasiMhadevaH // [15 // *] tasyAnujo vijayatAM jayasiMhadevaH zauryoLvalairapi nRpaiH kriyamANasevaH / yaddAmaluptayazaseva suradrumeNa vyadrAvi bhUtala mukta tale va (ba) linA pralInaM // [ 16 // *] naSTaM gurjarabhUbhujA bhujava (ba) laM turuSkeNa ca tyaktaH kuMtalAsakena sahasA kaMda kelikramaH / zrutvA zrIjayasiMhadevanRpaterAjyAbhiSekaM nRpAH saMtrAsAdapareSyapAsya jagatIM pAraM yayuvAridheH // [17 // *] paramabhaTTAraka mahArAjAdhirAja paramezvara zrIvAmadevapAdAnudhyAta paramabhaTTAraka mahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvara paramamAhe 16 17 18 19 20 21 2 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 // *] prayatnaM suSuve sutaM asAvalhaNadevyAM sajalasthala: salavaNAkaraH sAmramadhUkaH lAnUpo vRkSArAmonidodyAnaTaNAdisahitaH sanadIparvvataH 95 || zrInarasiMhanare [14 // *] Second Plate, first side. zvara cikaliGgAdhipati nijabhujopArjjitAzvapati gajapati narapati rAjacayAdhi pati zrImajjayasiMhadeva ete vijayi naH // mahArAjJI zrI kelhaNadevI / mahArAjaputra / mahAmAtya / zrImadrAjaguru vimalaziva / mahApurohita / dharmapradhAna paM / zrIrAghava 1 sAMdhi / pramattavAra mahApradhAnArthalekhi Thakkura' zrIdazamUlika 1 vigrahika Thakkura zrIpuruSottama / pratIhAra zrIkamalasiMha // zrIpadmasiMha / mahAsAmanta akSapaTalika 1 duSTasAdhya avasAdhanika / bhAMDAgArika / ityetAnanyakha pradAsyamA - na grAmanivAsi janapadAMcAya yathArhaM mAnayanti vo (bo) dhayaMti samAjJApayeti ca / viditamastu bhavatAm / saMvat 818 Akhi ravAyAM na sudi paurNamAsyAM tithau sa (za) nidine tripuryA somagrahaNe vidhivatnAtvA zrImahAdevaM samabhyarcya mAtApitro rAtmanaca puNyayazobhiSTaye akharaudasamIpe agarA grAmaH svasomAparyaMta caturAghATavizuddaH sagopracAraH / sagarttoSaraH sanigaimapravezaH sajAGga 1 bhAgakara pravaNivADa carI rasavatI kAmata viseNimAdAya paTTakilAdAya duHsAdhyAdA 1 The name of Vatearaja seems to have been omitted here through oversight or modesty, Vatearija being bimself the writer of the charter as mentioned below, 1. 40 of the text.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. XXI. 30 33 35 36 ya viSayikAdAyAdikRta kariSyAmANAdAyaiH saha agastyagocAya tripravarAya paMDita zrIdAmodaraputrAya paMDita zrIdelhaNazANe vA brAhmaNAyodakapUrbakatvena zAsanIkRtya pradattaH // atra cAbhyarthanA dAturbhavati yathA // sarbAnatAmbhAvinaH pArthivenTrAnbhUyo bhUyo yAcate rAmabhadraH / sAmAnyoyaM dharmasetuba (nRpANAM kAle kAle pAlanIyo bhavadbhiH // [18 // *] va ba) hubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjamiH sagarAdibhiH / yasya yasya yadA[bhU]mistasya nata sya tadA phalaM // 18 // - suvarmamakaM gAmakA bhUmerapyekamaGgalaM / harabarakamApnoti yAvadAbhUtasaMplavaM // [20 // *] taDAgAnAM mahasreNa azvamedhazatena ca / gavAM koTipradAnana bhUmihartA na zudhyati // [21. // *] svadattAM paradattA vA yo. harata vasundharAM / sa viSThAyAM kamibhUtvA pitRbhiH saha majjati // [22 // "] SaSThiM varSasahasrANi svarge vasati bhUmidaH / AcchettA cAnumantA ca tAnyeva narake vaset // [23 // *] vArihIneSvaraNyeSu zuSkakoTaravAsinaH / kRSNasarpAstu jAyante devavra (brahmavahAriNaH / [24 // ] anyAyena tA bhUmiranyAyana tu hAritA // harato hAsyatazca dahatyAsaptama kukhaM / [25 *] bhUmiM yaH pratimahAti yazca bharmi prayacchati / ubhI to puNyakANI niyataM . svargagAmino // [26 // zaMkho bhadrAsanaM [ccha] varAvA varavAraNAH [*] bhUmidAnasya cihnAni phalamatatpuraMdara / [27 // "] asminvaMze parikSoNe yaH kazcivapati bhavet / tasyAhaM hastalagnosmi zAsanaM na vyatikramet // [28 // "] abhyucarasya pautreNa zrImadharmasya sUnUnA / likhitaM vatsarAjana cedozadazamUlinA / [28 // *] maGgalaM // mahAzroH // Second Plale, second side. siddhama [*] asya zrIjayasiMhadevanRpateH zreyorsavaM prINayanpUrNaH zota marIciraMcitatamairabhyarcita: sadguNaiH / vidyAH kaMdalayaMstamAMsi dalayabityaM patiyajvanAM bhUyAdbhatisukhodayAya viduSAM drAghoyase rAghavaH // [30 // *] zrIkokAsavaMzapAlhamasutarUpakAratAlhamenotkoma // 1 Expressed by symbol as in l. 1 above. 37 39 42 43

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No. 16.) NALANDA INSCRIPTION OF VIPULASRIMITRA. No. 16.-NALANDA INSCRIPTION OF VIPULASRIMITRA. By N. G. MAJUMDAR, M.A., INDIAN MUSEUM, CALCUTTA. The stone bearing this inscription, which is now in the Museum at Nalanda in the Patna District, was recovered in two fragments from the latest stratum of Monastery No. VII at Nalanda in the course of excavations carried on there in 1928-29 and 1929-30. I edit the inscription from the original stone and from a set of excellent estampages kindly furnished by Maulvi Muhammad Hamid Kuraishi, B.A., Officiating Superintendent, Archeological Survey, Central Circle. For & number of suggestions I am indebted to Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, M.A., Ph.D., Assistant Superintendent for Epigraphy at Ootacamund. The writing, which is very neatly executed, covers a space of about 197" by 84" and consists of 15 lines. The average size of letters is f". The characters are a form of Nagari that was current in North-eastern India towards the end of the Pala period. The only point that calls for notice is the way in which the superscript is indicated, namely by a short slanting stroke attached below the matra, which, in many cases, is difficult to recognize. Palaeographically the inscription should be placed between the Gaya inscriptions of the time of Nayapala (cir. 1030 A.D.) and the Bodh-Gaya inscription of Jayachchandra (cir. 1183 A.D.). The record to which it bears the greatest resemblance is the Govindapur inscription of the poet Gangadhara in the Indian Museum, dated in Saka year 1059, i.e., 1137 A.D.: The inscription, although not dated, may, therefore, be assigned to the first half of the twelfth century A.D. The language is Sanskrit. With the exception of the phrase Om namo Buddhaya at the beginning, the text is in verse throughout. There are thirteen stanzas in all, composed in a variety of metres. The inscription calls itself a prasasti (1. 15), recording the benefactions of a Buddhist ascetio named Vipulasrimitra. It opens with an obeisance to the Buddha which is followed by & hymn (V. 1) addressed to the divine Dharmachakra and Tara. Then it tells us of an ascetio named Karunasrimitra of Somapura, who went to heaven when his house was set on fire by an army of Vangala (V.2). His disciple was Maitrisrimitra (V.3).whose disciple again was Asokasrimitra (V. 4) and Asokasrimitra's (disciple) was Vipulasrimitra (V.5). Vipulasrimitra made an offering of a casket (manjusha) at a temple of the god Khasarppana, for the Prajnaparamita manuscript and four images at its alms-houses on the occasion of a festival (V. 6), carried out repairs to the monastery of Pitamaha (i.e. Buddha) at Choyandaka, and installed an image of Jina Dipankara (i.e. Dipankara Buddha) at Harshapura (V. 7). At Somapura, he built a temple of Tara, with an attached court and a tank, effected the reconstruction of cells (V. 8), and, evidently at the same place again, presented a gold ornament for the embellishment of a Buddha image (V. 9). Lastly, he erected a monastery which he made over to the Mitras (V. 10), that is the line of ascetics to which he himself belonged. Where this monastery was erected is not stated; but there is no doubt that it was at Naland, and identical with the building in whose debris the inscription has been discovered. In Verse 13 the eulogy is stated to have been manifested by Kanakari and Vasishtha, the former being apparently the composer and the latter the writer or engraver. Of the geographical terms mentioned in the record, Choyandaka and Harshapura are not known from any other sources and for the present remain unidentified. Somapura is identical 1 Mem. A. 8. B., Vol. V, No. 3, Pls. XXV and XXVI. ? Ibid., PL, XXXII and Indian Historical Quarterly. Vol. V (1929), p. 18. . Ante, Vol. II, p. 330.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. with the place of that name occurring in the inscription fri-Somapure sri-Dharmmapaladevamahavihare, etc., on certain terracotta sealingsl discovered by Mr. K. N. Dikshit in his excavations at Paharpur in the Rajshahi District of Bengal. According to the evidence of these sealings, there was a monastery named after the Pala king Dharmmapala at Somapura which has been identified by Mr. Dikshit with Paharpur. This place must have gained considerable repute as an important seat of Buddhism in Northern India during the Pala period. A BodhGaya inscription mentions the maha-vihara or 'the Great Monastery of Somapura. In Taranatha's History of Buddhism it is stated that king Devapala, the son of Dharmmapala, built a Buddhist temple at Somapura'; and, according to the Pag-sam-ion-zang, the same king built the Great Monastery of Somapuri' after his conquest of Varendri or North Bengal. It however appears probable from the information supplied by the Paharpur sealings that the monastery owed its foundation to Dharmmapala, and not to his son. Further references to the monastery at Somapura are found in the Tibetan translations of certain Buddhist Sanskrit works, e.g., the Dharmakayadipavidhi and the Madhyamakaratna pradipa. The latter was translated by the great scholar Dipankara Srijnana (11th century A.D.) with the help of Viryasimha and Jayasila at the Somapuri-vihara. The cells renovated by Vipulasrimitra at Somapura must bave belonged to the great monastery consisting of some 177 cells, which have now been laid bere -at Paharpur. Vangala, which is probably East Bengal, is mentioned in the Tirumalai inscription of Rajendrachela l' and in the Buddhist Sanskrit text Dakarnava." TEXT. Metres v. 1, 2, 8, 10, 12, Sardulavikridita ; v. 3, Mandakranta; v. 4, Sikharini; v. 5, Malini; vv. 6, 11, Vasantatilaka; v. 7, Indravajra; v. 9, Upajati; v. 13, Anushtubh.] 1 Omo namo Buddhayall Astu svastyayanaya vah sa bhagavan ri-Dharmma chakrah kiyad=yan-nama srutavan=Bhavo= 'sthira-vapur=nirjivam=uttamyati tatra Srighana-6asan-amrita-rasaih sarsichya % Bauddha pade tam dheyad=apunarbhayam bhagavati Tara jagat-tarini. [1] Srimat-Somapure vabhu]va Karupaorimitra-nami yatih karunyadguna sampado 'hita-sukh-adhanad=api prani. mith, yo Vangala-balair=upetya dahana-kshepaj=jvalaty=alaye, samlagnas charan-aravinda-yugale Buddhasya yato divam ll [2] Tasy-achchhidra-vrata parichitasy-ochita-braera-kirtteh sishyoz'dhfishyah sukrita-ghatit: buddhiman buddhimatsu Maitrifrir=ity=upari vidito mitra vatio Mitra-nams (stvasy-arthe svam=udayam=upaditsur=utsahavan yab [3] Prasishyo=py=knvishyasraya A. R., 4. 8 1., 1927-28, pp. 105-6. * Bloch, A. R., 4. 8. 1. 1908-9, p. 168; and Majamidar, Sahitya Parishat-Patrika, Caloutta, 1823 B. S. 71. Ind. A n., Vol. IV, p. 366. Ed. Sarat Ch. Das, pp. 111 and 116. [it is possible that Devapals built the monastery and named it after his father.-Bd.) A Cordier. Catalogue du Ponda Tibetas de la Bibliotheque Nationale, Part I. p. 186 and Part III, 299. * Ante, Vol. IX, p. 233. .H. P. Sestri, Descriptive Catalogi Sanakit Manuscripts in the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. I, 2014, P. 82. Expressed by a symbol. u Read - - Mima

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No. 16.) NALANDA INSCRIPTION OF VIPULASRIMITRA. 5 m-alabhamanair=iva gunair=adhitah samalishto yatir-amala-silah samabhavat 1 Asokasrimitro guna-samudaye yasya hridaye sahasrair-ashtabhih prativasati Sambuddha-jana6 ni I 14*1 Tad-anu cha Vipulasrimitra ity -avirasid=vipula-vimala-kirttih saj-jan-ananda-kandahl amsitamaya-kalabhih kshalit-asesha-doshah satatam=upa chita-srih sukla-pa7 kshe sasiva || [5*] Srimat-Khasarppana-mah-ayatane prayatnata manjushaya vihitaya janani Jinanam gena bhramaty=aviratam pratimas-chatasrah sattreshu parvvani samarppayati sma 8 yas=cha | [6*) Choyandake yas=cha Pitamahasya viharikayam nava karmma chitram Harsh-abhidhane cha pure Jinasya Dipankarasya pratimam vyadhatta || [78] Ashtau yas=cha maha-bhayani jaga9 tam nirmulam=unmulitum Tarinya bhavanam vyadhatta sukriti sala-hrad alarkritim srimat-Somapure chaturshu layaneshy-antar-vahih-khandayor-yage cheadhatte navina-karmma jagatam 10 netr-aika-visrama-bhuh [8] Adatta hem-abharanam vichitram Buddhiya bodhau janata vidhatum ity-adi-punya-kriyaya sa kalamn vas=iv& dir gham nayati sma tatra || [9*] Kritva te11 na vibarika kritavataaelankara-bhuta buvo Mitrebhyo='dbhuta-Vaijayanta jayini datt=eyamuunmilatil yanyam vismpitavan=nivasa-rasikah Sasta tri loki-patih 12 Suddhavasa-nivasam=arthi-janata-duhsanchara-prantaram || [10*] Hartum Hareb padam-iv-ajani tatra tatra kirttir=yaya vasumati krita-bhushani bhuh tavach-chiram jayati ne13 tra-sudha Sravanti yavat=samridhyati na Mamjurava-pratijna || [11*] Tat tat-kirtti-vidhau sudha-nidhir=iv=ambhodhau samunmilitam punyam yade bhuvan-antarala-tulana-patram pavitram ma14 ma! astu prastuta-vastuvat kara-tale pasyanti visvam Jina yate=&elma pade sthitasaetri-jagatam tat-praptaye tach=chiram || [12*] Tarkka-silpa-prasange yau dhavato jagatam hsidil Kanaka15 srir-Vabishtho va prasasti-vyakti-karakau || [13*] TRANSLATION. Om ! Adoration to the Buddha ! (Verse 1). May the divine and illustrious Dharmma-chakra bring you prosperity hearing whose name, even to some extent, Bhava (i.e., worldly existence), restless in body, gets exhausted and lifeless; thereafter besprinkling him with the nectar juice of the Law of Srighana (ie. Buddha), may the goddess Tara, the Deliveress of the world, place him, free from re-birth, at the foot of the Buddha. (Verse 2). In the illustrious Somapura there was the ascetic Karunasrimitra, so called on account of his compassionate disposition", abundance of merits, and his efforts towards Read prayat na namanjushaya. * For this name of Buddha see H. P. Sastri, Catalogue of Sans. M88, in A. 8. B., Vol. I (1917). p. 55. * The three qualities indicated in the three components of the name, vis.. karuna (compassion), fri (splondour) and mitratva (benevolence) are here referred to.

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100 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [ Vol. XXI. the welfare and happiness of living beings; who, when his house was burning, (being) set on fire by the approaching armies of Vangala, attached (himself) to the pair of lotus feet of the Buddha, (and) went to heaven. (Verse 3). The disciple of him, who was celebrated for his uninterrupted religious obserVances and possessed bright and appropriate fame, was known as Maitrisrimitra. He was invincible (in argument), endowed with merit and the talented amongst talented men, and possessed of energy and desirous of his own prosperity for the sake of living beings, like the Sun himself. (Verse 4). The disciple's disciple (of Karunasrimitra) was the ascetic Abokasrimitra of blemishless character. Good qualities, not finding, as it were, an abode which they sought for, had (at last) taken refuge in him and remained inseparably attached. There in his heart full of good qualities dwells the mother of the Buddhas' in eight thousand (verses). (Verse 5). After him there came Vipulasrimitra of extensive and bright fame, the very source of the delight of righteous men. He was of ever increasing beauty like the moon in the bright half of the month), wasbing away (i.e., brightening) the entire night by nectarine digits (or who wiped away all blemishes by (his knowledge of) the elegant arts). (Verse 6). With the casket, executed by him with skill, at the great temple of the illustrious Khasarppana (i.e., Avalokitesvara), the mother of the Jinas (i.e., Prajnaparamita) incessantly moves about. He also presented in the alms-houses four images on the occasion of a festival. (Verse 7). He also carried out varied repairs to the monastery of Pitamaha (i.e., Buddha) at Choyandaka, and (installed) an image of the Jina Dipankara at Harshapura. (Verse 8). In the illustrious Somapura, with a view to dispel entirely the Eight Great Fears of the people, that meritorious person built a temple of Tarini (i.e., Tara) adorned with There seems to be a pun on the words mitra and udaya. The former would mean the sun and friend and the latter rise and prosperity. * The allusion is evidently to the faot that he was thoroughly conversant with the text of the Ashtaadhaarika Prajnaparamita. Tho goddess Prajnaparamita is the mother of all the Buddhas', e.g., in Ashtashaarila (Bib. Ind.), p. 529. She is often identified with Tarde.g., in verse 2 of the Inscription of Chalukya Vikramaditya VI (Ind. A nt., Vol. X, p. 185). That is why Tara is also called the mother of the Buddhas'. * The casket offered by Vipuladimitrs at the temple of the god Kharppana (who is the husband of Tira or Prajti aparamita) must have been so nice that it never left the deity i.e., the manuscript); in other words the holy manuscript was thereafter invariably exhibited in the casket. It is not clear where the temple of Khasar Ppaps stood. For the use of attra in a Buddhist inscription see Ind. His. Quart., Vol. V, p. 29, L. 15. For other references se P. K. Acharya, Dictionary of Hindu Architecture, pp. 615 ff. The alma-houses must have been those adjoining the temple. The term Pitamaha, which is uually applied to Brahms, here stands for the Buddha and is used in this mense in an inscription of the time of Kanishka on the pedestal of a Buddha image from Mathura (Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX, p. 97) and in another Kushan inscription also engraved on the pedestal of a Buddha image noticed by Cunningham at Bhita near Allahabad (4. 8. R., Vol. III, p. 48, Pl. XVIII, C; Kern, Indian Buddhism, p. 94: Luders, List of Brahmi Inacra., No. 910). The appellation Pitamaha is suggestive of the idea of Adi. Buddha who in the Buddhist pantheon occupies & position almost analogous to that of Brahmi. * The goddess Tara is supposed to have the power to save humanity from eight kinds of fears (J. R. 4. 8., 1894, p. 67; Mem. A. 8. I., No. 20, p. 18). In Sarvajnamitra's Sragdhard-stotra eight stanzas are devoted to the description of these eight foars which are shipwrock, lightning, elephant, robber, lion, serpent, fetters and doniona. These are also enumerated, but with some difference, in two hymns to Tara in an inscription of the Chalukya king Vikramaditya VI (Ind. An., Vol. X, PP. 185, 187) and illustrated in a bas-relief in the Darbar Cayo at Kanheri (Cave Temples of India, p. 358, and P. LV, fig. 1).

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No. 16.) TIRUCHCHENDUR INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA-MAHARAJA (II). 101 a court and a tank, and further effected the renovation of the inner and outer parts of four cells",-(a work) in which alone the eyes of the world found repose. (Verse 9). He offered a charming gold ornament to the Buddha with the object of keeping men in the path of) Enlightenment, and there (i.e., at Somapura) (engaged) in such meritorious deeds, he lived like an ascetic for a long time. (Verse 10). That meritorious person having made this monastery an ornament of the world, which manifests itself, surpassing in a wonderful manner the palace of Indra, made it over to the Mitras.' The Teacher, the lord of the three worlds, who has a special taste for (good) residences, forgot while here, (even) the abode in Suddhavasa heaven, whose interior is difficult of access owing to the multitude of seekers. (Verse 11). (His) fame, by which the earth was decorated, arose in various places as if to deprive Hari of his (exalted) position. May that flowing neotar of the eye (via., his fame) remain triumphant so long as the vow of Manjurava (i.e., Manughosha or Manjukri) is not fulfilled. (Verse 12). May the pure merit, the (only) measure of comparison (with which is) the etherial space, that may accrue to me out of these famous achievements, even as the receptacle of nectar that came out of the ocean, eternally contribute to the attainment by the denizens of the three worlds of the unique place from which the Jinas (i.e., Buddhas) can visualize the whole universe (as distinctly) as an object under discussion placed on the palm. (Verse 13). Kanakasri and Vabishtha who, (respectively) in the matter of dialectics and arts, purify the hearts of men, have given expression to (this) eulogy (one by composing and the other by engraving it). [P. S.-Recent excavations at the Satyapir Bhita at Paharpur outside the great monastio quadrangle have brought to light a Buddhist shrine of about the 11th-18th century A.D. in the courtyard of which several circular sealings impressed with the effigy of eight-handed Tara and the Buddhist creed have been found. This is very likely to be the temple of Tara built by Vipulasrimitra referred to in verse 8 of the present inscription. The courtyard has a number of small votive stupas.-Ed.] No. 17.-TIRUCHCHENDUR INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA-MAHARAJA (II) BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYAR, B.A., M.R.A.S., COIMBATORE. The inscription edited below comes from Tiruchchendur in the Tinnevelly District. Only a few lines of it contained on the first face of the first slab were copied in 1903 and the inscription was registered as No. 155 of that year's collection and as being engraved on a slab, set up in the I should prefer to take chaturshu layancahu in the sense of on the four groups of cells (forming the monastery). Actually there are about 45 cells on each side of the monastic quadrangle at Paharpur and we have clear evidence of a wholesale renovation taking place about the commencement of the 12th century A.D., both in the inner and outer sides of the monastery. It is some such work carried out on a magnificent scale that must have been a singular feast to the eyes of the world' Ed] * The line of ascetics to which Vipulasrimitra belonged. In a work called the Manjusri-Buddha-kshetra-guna-vytiha, Manjukri is supposed to have taken his 'Bodhi. sattva vow': "I do not wish to become a Buddha quickly, because I wish to remain to the last in this world to save its beings."-Poussin, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics (Art. "Manjusri'), Vol. 8, p. 405 and n. 2. The idea which, therefore, the writer seems to convey in the above verse is that the donor's fame should last as long as the world endures. Cf. Karandavyuha :-Y(T)aval Avalokitesvarasya dridha pratijna na paripurita bhavati, sarva, sattvah sarva-duhkhebhyah parimokshitah yavat an uttarayath samyak-sambodhau na pratishthapita bhavanti, eto, . The speaker is evidently Vipulasrimitra himself. This is Sukhavati. Cf. Sragdhara-stotra, verse 37.

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102 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. second prakara of the Subrahmanya temple in the village. During the field season of 1912, when I happened to inspect the village, I examined this inscription carefully and found that it was an extensive record incised on two sides of two large stone-slabs. On this occasion I took the impressions of the entire record and transcribed it in situ, satisfying myself that it was complete. The inscription was again registered as No. 26 of the year's collection for 1912 and an abstract of its contents given on pages 48 and 70 of the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for that year. The written faces of the slabs measure 4'7" by 2' 6" and 4' by 2' 3". The left top corner of the first slab is broken and the commencing portion of the first three lines has suffered some damage. But for this, the record is well preserved. The inscription is engraved in the Vatteluttu alphabet of the 9th century A.D. and is in the Tamil language. The only Grantha letters found used in it are Sri (II. 1, 111, 135, 160 and 169) and sai in upasaiyar (1. 3). The following palaeographical peculiarities are worth noticing :-The rare letter aydam (equivalent to a visarga), which is indicated in modern Tamil by three dots, is represented in this record by a horizontal line with a dot marked above and below, like the division-sign (see ahgam-aga, 1. 35). Two forms of ya occur, one with an inward and the other with an outward loop: for the former see the ya's of yandu (1.1), upasaiya (1.3) and yar-adiya (1. 5); and for the latter see ya in Maraya (1.1). Long u is generally distinguished from the short u as in nu of nur (1.8), or nu of tonnurr-aru (1. 10) and nu in nurru (11. 12 and 21); but in the case of ku and ku, no such distinction is made. One and the same symbol is employed to represent po and po except in l. 43. In line 51, short po gets the length stroke. The vowel u is hardly distinguishable from na. The cross stroke of ka is generally indistinct (see muv-adukk-aga in l. 61 and palan-kasu in l. 71) and there are several instances where it is completely absent, as in dirukadug-amidu in l. 42. Na is written as a wavy horizontal line, as in nali at the beginning of 11. 25 and 93. In a large number of words found in this inscription, vowels have been used in the middle ignoring the rules of sandhi as is the case in the early epigraphs like the Velvikkudi plates of Nedunjadaiyan. In all places where the word ivargal occurs the r is elided and this elision is quite common in epigraphs from the Malabar Coast. * The document under notice contains some words of etymological interest. One of them is kayam. I think it may be derived from the Sanskrit word kshara (pungent) which becomes khara in Prakrit and karam in Tamil. As ya is often substituted for ra, karam becomes kayam ; cf. vengaram and vengayam, perungaram and perungayam. The change of ra into ya is illustrated by the Tamil adaptation of the Sanskrit words dvar and varikulya which change into vay and vaykkal in Tamil. The word kayam has hitherto been taken to mean exclusively asafoetida', but our inscription clearly says that the five spices, pepper, turmeric, cumin, small mustard, and ccriander formed the five kayamsa and thereby proves that the popular meaning of kayam as * asafoetida' does not cover the full connotation of the word. The word kanam has to be derived from karshapana through its Prakrit form kahapana. Poli is the contracted form of polisai (interest) which occurs in modern Malayalam as palisa: these words are derived from the root poli, "to increase". Another somewhat puzzling word is pollara (1. 6). It seems to me to be a compound formed from the roots po and ta and a contraction from "pogumbadi tara" meaning The three blanke to be seen in the accompanying plate (i) at the close of II. 41 to 45, (ii) at the close of 1. 96, (iii) at the commencement of II. 102-105 seem to have been accidentally caused by the falling off of small pieces of the inked estampage.-Ed.] The phrase nitta-nivanda-pala-kayattakku occurs in No. 148 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1804. Here the phrase "pala-kayattukku" shows that the word kayam was used as a general name for more than one article and not for safetida' alone. Compare the use of the word in "upp-odu ney-pa-rayir kayam peyd adisum kaipp-ard poy-chchuzgiyin-kay".

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No. 17.] TIRUCHCHENDUR INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA-MAHARAJA (II.) 103 << having given to be taken". This mode of forming compounds would seem to be rather rare in Tamil. The word ahgam (11, 35, 58, etc.) is seldom met with in inscriptions; but it may be noted that it has been correctly employed to denote the exchange value of money in grain. Another noteworthy form of a word is erri used in place of aga, "in all : together". In this sense the word is rarely used though its significance is quite clear in the common expression erri-kuraittu, "adding together or subtracting". Nuru of nurr-amidu occurring in line 64 along with the items betel leaves (verrilai) and areca-nuts (adaikkay) is another unusual word. It may be considered a disaichchol (a dialectical word ') in Tamil taken from Malayalam where it is still used in the sense of slaked lime'. A variant of this word is niru which means "powder, ash" (cf. niru-puta-neruppu, "fire covered over with ash "). Narayam is still another word of etymological interest. It is used in this and many other Tamil epigraphs in the sense of a grain measure, generally made of iron and is akin to Tamil narasam denoting an iron ail, used for stringing together leaves of palm leaf manuscripts, an iron style or an arrow made entirely of iron (cf. Sanskrit Naracha=an arrow). Another similar word is narargi, generally spelt as nadangi='the iron bolt'. The restriction of the terms narasam and narangi in Tamil to articles made of iron and a subsidiary use of narasam in the sense of 'molten lead or iron' indicate that all these words must have a common old Tamil stem nara meaning "iron " or "metal". The commentary on naracha in the Sanskrit lexicon Anara explains it as 'lohamayo banah (=an iron arrow'). Childers explaine narucha as " an iron weapon of some sort, an arrow or light, javelin". Apparently we have here one of the loan-words for which Sanskrit is indebted to the parent Dravidian tongue. The words nigadi and nisadi used in this inscription are analogous to the forms nisadam, wiyadam and nittas in other inscriptions, all of which seem to be derived from Sanskrit nityam. Still another rare word, also occurring in the Ambasamudram epigraph of Varaguna-Maharaja, is lumi of which the meaning can be ascertained from certain references in the Tamil Sangam works. In line 266 of Perumbanarruppadai occurs the phrase punnai tumittu, which has been rendered by the commentator as cutting the branch of the punnai (tree)". It also occurs in l. 72 of Mullaippattu in the same sense. As such, the phrase kari tumikkavum porikkavum (1. 26) may be taken to mean " vegetable to be cut into pieces and fried ". The object of the inscription is thus stated : in order to meet the annual requirements of the temple of Subrahmanya-Bhatara, which was the deity in the central shrine (Tirumulattanam) at Tiruchchendur, Varaguna-Maltaraja made a grant of 1,400 kasu and entrusted the amount to three cf his officers, viz. Iruppaikkudi-kilavan, Sattamperuman and Alarrurnattukkon, with the stipulation that the money should be lent out and with the interest accruing therefrom, the annual requirements of the temple should be met, the capital always remaining intact. The items of expenditure included rice for offerings to the god and for bali; plantains, sugar, vegetables (the last according to this inscription were sold by weight), kayam for seasoning articles; green gram required for the special kind of preparation called kummayam and for pori; betel leaves and areca-nuts (which were priced), and lime (not priced); ghee required for perpetual lamps, chain of lights, for seasoning curries and for the anointment of the god ; milk, curd and the water of the tender cocoanut including tender kernel which were necessary for the bathing of the god; honey, unguent and barks of certain trees and orude camphor used as incense; turnieric, pachchai-karpuram and sandal required for the smearing of the deity; cloth required for covering images and for use in the kitchen (as towels); and flowers, etc. The preparation called kummayam, for which the chief requirement is stated to he green pulse, is not in present use. On the other hand, the word is now used to denote a mixture of slaked lime and fand. 1 In some of the Tamil inscriptions, this word seems also to be employed to denoto "a channel" or "lane ci. Subrahmanya-naraatlik vadakkuih (No. 155 of the South Indian Inec iptivna, VW. II, p. 926).

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104 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. Even in literature it occurs but rarely. The early Tamil commentator Nachchinarkkipiyar annotating text-line 195 of Perumbanarruppadai states that the preparation called pulukku is " what is boiled well" and notes " that it may also mean kummayam". From this statement of the commentator as well as from the requirement of kummayam detailed in this and other inscriptions, it may be inferred that the preparation consisted of well-boiled green pulse, perhaps with the addition of a little sugar. At present it is called pulukku in Malabar. On special occasions, which are said to be three, viz. Margali-Tiruvadirai, Masi-Makham and Vaiyasi-Visakham, some of the items of expenditure have to be doubled. The inscription is highly important for determining the relative values of money, weights and measures prevalent in South India and furnishes excellent data for reconstructing the economic conditions of the period. The amount of 1,400 katu given by the king to the temple at Tiruchchendur was divided into 16 unequal portions and invested with different bodies. The attached table at the end of this paper shows how the capital was to be distributed, what amount of interest had to be paid in paddy accrued annually from each investment at the rate of 2 kalam per year and what expenses were to be met from the interest thus realised. The recipients of the amounts were (1) the urar of Alambattam included in Gangamangalam and the nagarattar of Manavirapattinam, both situated in Valudi-va!anadu; (2) the sabha of Kattaraimangalam in Srivallabhavalanada; (3) the sabhas of Tinni included in Parasumangalam, Maramangalam and Tenrakku... llur, all situated in Parantaka-valanadu; (4) as well as the sabhas of Avanipasekharamangalam, in Amitaguna-valanadu and Puliyidai, Kiranur, Sadangavikurichchi and Kadungomangalam, all situated in Kudanadu. These bodies were required to pay annually interest in grain calculated at 2 kalam for one kasu per year to be brought and measured in the premises of the temple. Further, it will be observed that among the bodies of men with whom the amounts were invested there were the nagarattar, the urar and the sabhaiyar." Nagarattar" is used only in the case of a single place, whose name ended with the termination pattinam , it is not unlikely that it represents a commercial guild in a town, as distinguished from "urar" and "sabha" which must be taken to be non-Brahmanical and Brahmanical assemblies in villages entrusted with certain powers in the administration of the country. In cases of default it was enjoined that a fine, which varied according to the amounts lent out, together with double the quantity at default should be realised (apparently by the bodies) and paid to the temple. The prohibitive rates of fine amounting in some cases to nearly 20 per cent of the capital plus the payment of double the quantity of paddy agreed upon to be given must have been intended to safeguard the regular performance of the various functions in the temple. It is expressly stated that the interest in grain should be paid in heaped measures according to a standard metal measure specially used for this purpose. This is the sense that can be given to the phrase poli niraimadi-narayam. Apparently the ordinary measures differed widely from these special measures; thus while a kuruni of interest paddy contained 6 nali and a kalam 15 kuruni, the ordinary kuruni measure had the capacity of 8 nali and a kalam of 12 kuruni. A kalam of interest paddy fell short of the ordinary kalam by 6 nali. That the measure (kal) used for measuring interest paddy had the capacity of 6 nali is made clear by another inscription which has the phrase palisai kuduppadana aru-nali-kkalal.2 Throughout the inscription, the rate of interest is stated to be two kalam of paddy per year per kafu. Since it is also stated that the purchasing power of a kasu was 10 kalam of paddy, the annual interest on money lent amounted to as much as 20 per cent which seems to indicate the 1 [These festivities occur on or about the full-moon days of the months of Margasirsha, Maghs and Vaisakha respectively, when the moon would be in conjunction with the constellations of Ardra, Magha and Visakha respectively.-Ed.] * No. 185 of the Mudras Epigraphical collection for 1895 published in 8. 1. 1., Vol. V.

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No. 17.) TIRUCHCHENDUR INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA-MAHARAJA (II). 105 scarcity of gold bullion or coin at the time of the record. It is worth noting that our inscription states that 3 measures of paddy yielded one measure of rice, while in other inscriptions it is stated that 5 measures of paddy gave 2 measures of rice. As the actual yield of rice from paddy is nearly a half, it must be considered that ample provision had been made in these epigraphs for meeting incidental charges such as wages for the different operations like husking, pounding, etc. The prices of some of the commodities are worthy of note. One kadu could fetch the following quantities of the various articles, viz. 10 kalam of paddy, 1,000 plantains, 7 tulam and 65 palam of sugar, 20 tulam of vegetables, 60 nali of kayam, 1,220 parru of betel leaves, 10,100 areca-nuts, 150 nali of flowers, 15 kalanju of karpuram or 112 nali and 1 uri of turmeric. Ancient Tamil works of the Sangam period mention kasu, kanam and pon among the coins current in South India ; but it has nowhere been stated what fraction of a kasu was represented by a pon or kanam. Nachchinarkkiniyar in his commentary on Jivakachintamani states, however, that kanam means a pon-kasu. The latter word might mean either the coin called pon or a gold kasu. As such, it is of interest to observe from this inscription that both kanam and pon were gold coins equal in value, each being one-tenth of a kasu. This ratio between a pon and & kasu is obtained from item 8, where we find that 94 kasu and 5 pon yielded an interest of 189 kalam at the rate of two kalam per kasu. Now applying this value of a pon in item 1, we find that a kalam consisted of 15 kuruni ; and from item 2 we obtain that a kuruni contained 6 nali, and that a nali was equal to 2 uri. Item 7 states that for meeting the daily requirements of ten nali of flowers, which were sold at 150 nali of flowers for one kasu, or its equivalent 10 kalam of paddy, 240 kalam of paddy were required annually, from which we gather that a year was treated as consisting of 360 days for purposes of calculation. From the expenditure detailed in items 4 and 8, it is clear that 1 uri was equal to 2 ulakku and that 1 ulakku was made up of 2 alakku. Item 9 makes a provision of 50 kalam of paddy for meeting the annual expenses of (1) rice required for bali-offerings at 2 nali per day, (2) 4 anai of cloth at 21 anai per kasu and (3) 8 anai of cloth at 2 anai per katu. For (1), 24 kalam of paddy were required, and for (2) and (3), 26 kanam were necessary and this was met from the balance of 26 kalam of paddy the money equivalent of which was 26/10 katu (10 kalam being the value of 1 kasu). Since 26/10 kasu=26 kanam, 1 kasu was equal to 10 kanam. From items 14 and 15 we learn that 1 tulam was equivalent to 100 palam and that 1 kalafiju equalled 10 kanam by weight. From this inscription we thus obtain the following tables of money, weights, measures, etc. : Money. 10 pop or 10 kanam = 1 kasu. Weight 10 kanam = 1 kalaoju. 100 palam = 1 tulam. Measure. 10 sevilu or 2 alakku = 1 ulakku. 2 ulakku = 1 uri. 2 uri = 1 nali. 6 nali = 1 kuruni. 15 kuruni = 1 kalam Number. 4 adukku = 1 partu. See lines 39 ff., 69 1., 110 f., 122 and 197 of the Text given below. .

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106 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. The inscription belongs to the reign of the Pandya king Varaguna-Maharaja (II). The date portion occurring in the second line of the record is lost, but so much of it is seen that the year opposite is found to be thirteen. In the seventh line, the day of the regnal year of the king is given as 5001 in words which yields 13 years of 365 days and 256 days. We may take the days as referring to "the year opposite " and not to the entire regnal year. Examples of similar dating are found in a few inscriptions. No. 502 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1916 is dated in the 13th year and 3090th day as well as in the 8th year opposite to the 13th. Similarly also No. 534 of the same collection is dated in the 4th year and 1745th day as well as in the 4th year opposite to the 4th. Again in No. 509, the year given at the commencement of the record is " 13th year and 1445th day" while in the body the same is indicated by " 3rd year opposite to the 13th ". These instances are sufficient to make it clear that the days given refer only to the number of years and days passed after the first mentioned year and not to the entire segnal year. The inscription is silent regarding the ancestry of the king, as stone records in the Tamil country generally are. There is nothing in the name of the king to enable us to say to which of the two Pandya sovereigns, who bore the name Varaguna, this record must be ascribed. The Vatteluttu script employed in the record shows that it must belong to the ninth century A.D. and since both the Varagunas lived in this century and were separated only by a single reign, ... palaeographical indications are not of much value. There are, however, internal indications to prove that the record belongs to Varaguna II. Among the places mentioned in the inscription and the divisions to which they belonged. occur Valudi-valanadu, Kadungomangalam, Maramangalam, Parantaka-valanadu, Varagunamangalam, and Srivallabha-valanadu which at once indicate that they must have been called after the Pandya kings Palyaga-Salai-Mudukudumi-Peru-Valudi, Kadungon, Maravarman (of which name there were more kings than one), Parantaka (also called Nedunjadaiyan and Srivara), Varaguna-Maharaja (I) and Srivallabha respectively, all of these being reputed names in the genealogy of the Pandya kings furnished by copper-plates. The inscription also mentions & village Avanipasekharamangalam which must have been called after the name or title of a king and as I have shown in the Annual Report on S. I. Epigraphy for 1929-30 (p. 72), this Avanipasekhara is identical with Srivallabha, the son and successor of Varaguna-Maharaja I. The mention of the names Srivallabha-valanadu and Avanipasekhara-mangalam precludes the possibility of the inscription being one of Varaguna I. We can, therefore, definitely assign the present inscription to the reign of Varaguna II. The Aivarmalai rock inscription places this king's accession in A.D. 862. The date of this record must be a little later than A.D, 874, that being the equivalent of the 13th year of his reign A word may now be said about Iruppaikkuli-kilavan, one of the trusted servants of king Varaguna-Maraya through whom the gift amount of 1,400 (gold) kasu was sent. His proper name appears to be Etti Sattag from a stone epigraph recently secured from Erukkangudi (No. 334 of 1929-30). He is stated to have been honoured with the title of Iruppaikkuli-kilavan by king Srivallabha. The inscription gives a long and interesting account about him, mentioning several acts of charity including the construction, repair and improvement of several palaces, temples, tanks, embankments, water-channels, sluices, etc. It is clear that he must have been a great and energetic administrator and the programme of his charities and public works testify alike to his catholicity and tolerance, as to his solicitude for the rural population in an arid tract. We know of no other Valudi in insoriptions ozoopt this king. It is, howover, possible that there was more than one king of this name, e.g., Ugra-Peru valadi.

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No. 17.] The present inscription resembles in many respects the Ambasamudram record of Varaguna-Maharaja. Both grants were made with the express object of defraying all the expenses that have to be incurred from day to day and year to year in connection with the religious services in a temple and go into minute details about these. There is a striking similarity in the phraseology of the two. Both state that the principal should remain undiminished and that only the interest should be utilised for meeting the expenses. The annual rate of interest in both cases is identical, viz. two kalam of paddy for one kasu. From the Ambasamudram inscription, just as in the Tiruchchendur epigraph, it can be gathered that a kalam of interest paddy consisted of 90 nali and a kuruni was equivalent to 6 nali. But the prices of articles varied considerably during the interval between the two grants, some of which have been noted below for easy reference. It is noteworthy that whereas the prices of certain commodities obtaining at the time of the Ambasamudram inscription had fallen by a third at the time of the Tiruchchendur record, in certain others (e.g. vegetables) there was a sharp rise of 350 per cent. And since it cannot be said that these fluctuations were due to difference of locality (the two localities not being far removed from each other) the inference is inevitable that the difference is to be attributed to the difference in time between the two records which cannot be less than 40 years. Tiruchchendur). Prices of articles (A=Ambasamudram. T 1. 1 nali of paddy for 2 plantain fruits 1,000 plantains for 10 kalam 2. 3. 4. TIRUCHCHENDUR INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA-MAHARAJA (II). 5. 6. 30 nali of paddy for 1 nali of ghee Ditto 20 3 nali of paddy for 1 nali of curd 2 Ditto 1 palam of sugar was obtained for 1 nali and 1 uri of paddy 7 tulam and 65 palam for 10 kalam 10 palam of vegetables cost 1 nali of paddy 20 tulam of vegetables cost 10 kalam of paddy 6 nali of paddy for 1 ulakku.of kayam 1 kasu (10 kalam) fetched 60 nali of kayam A T 1 Above, Vol. IX, p. 90. Sewell's List of Antiquities, Vol. I, p. 313. Schoff's edition, pp. 46 and 237-8. A T A T A T A T 107 A T We may now note a few facts concerning the geographical terms that occur in the inscription. At the outset it may be said that all the villages and divisions mentioned are situated in the Tinnevelly District. Tiruchchendur is 18 miles east-south-east of Srivaikuntham on the sea. Korkai and Maramangalam are in the Srivaikuntam taluk and Nallur and Kattaraimangalam are in the Tiruchchendur taluk. Of these, Korkai was an important place in the Pandya kingdom noted for its pearl fishery. Both the author of the Periplus and Ptolemy mention it, the former under the name of Kolchi or Korkoy. Mr. R. Sewell states that Maramangalam is the Majumdar: McCrindle's Ancient India of Ptolemy, pp. 57-8, 78. Ibid, p. 312. No. 474 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1916 agrees with this inscription in stating that Korkai was in Kuda-nadu. From an inscription at Akkasalai (No. 165 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1903) we learn that it formed part of Korkai and had in it Akkasalai-Ievaramudaiyar. It is further stated that Korkai was surnamed Madhurantakanallur and that it was in Kuda-nadu, a sub-division of Utta masola-valanadu which was a district of Rajaraja-Pandinadu.

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108 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. site of ancient Korkai and that Akkasalai is a place not far from it. From the inscriptions of the former place it is seen that it was situated in Parantaka-valanadu. As such, it must be identical with the place mentioned in our inscription as being located in the same division. The division Parantaka-valanadu itself must have been called after Maranjadaiyan alias Nedunjadaiyan Parantaka (circa A.D. 770). It is a point worthy of note that while Korkai belonged to the sub-division Kuda-nadu, Maramangalam, a place quite in the vicinity of it, belonged to a different sub-division. Both Maraneri and Maramangalam in the Tinnevelly District were called in ancient times Maramangalam. While the former was situated in Tiruvaludi-valanadu, the latter was in Parantaka-valanadu.2 Since Maramangalam of our record is stated to have been a place in Parantaka-valanadu, we have to identify it with the one near Korkai, and not with Maraneri. Valudai-valanadu in which were situated Varagunamangalam, Iranavalimangalam, Tiyambakamangalam, Gangamangalam and Manavirapattinam, was also called Tiruvaludivalanadu or Valudi-va!anadu or Valudi-nadu and had in it Alvar-Tirunagari, the birthplace of the Vaishnava saint Nammalvar, and Srivaikunthain.Varagunamangalam is one of the 18 sacred places of the Vaishnavas in the Pandya country. It is celebrated in the hymn of Nammalvars and is known from his days as Varagunamangai, that being a shortened form of Varagunamangalam. It is 18 miles north-east of Tinnevelly. We have already shown that this place must have been called after Varaguna I. Another place mentioned in the inscription is Kiranur. It was the headquarters of a division in later times. The sub-division Amitagunavalanadu occurs in another inscription of Tiruchchendurs under the name Amudaguna-valanadu. Nos. 157 to 161 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1903. These inscriptions state that Maraman. galam was called Devendravallabha-chaturvedimangalam and that it was a brahmadeya in Parantaka-valanadu, * sub-division of Mudikondasola-valanadu which was a district of Rajarija-Pandinadu. See No. 467 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1909, and Nos. 483 and 487 of the same collection for 1916. Nos. 174 of 1895 and 480 of 1909. The 18 places are :-(1) Tirumalirunjolai, i.e. Alagarmalai, 12 miles north-east of Madura : (2) Tiru. kkottiyur, 27 miles north-east of Mano Madura ; (3) Tirumayyam, 45 miles to the south of Trichinopoly in the Pudukkottai State ; (*) Tiruppullani, 6 miles to the south of Ramnad ; (5) Tiruttankal, 13 miles west of Sattur; (6) Tirukkudal, half a mile east of Madura ; (7) Srivilliputtur, 22 miles west of Nattur; (8) Tirumogur, 7 miles north-east of Madura (9) Tirukkurugur, f.e. Alvar-Tirunagari, 19 miles east of Tinnevelly; (10) Tulaivilimangalam, i.e. Irattaittiruppati, 25 miles north of Tinnevelly: (11) Srivara mangai, i.e. Vinamimalai, 18 miles south of Tinnevelly : (12) Tiruppulingudi, 7 miles east of Tinnevelly; (13) Tirupperai, 24 miles east of Tinnevelly : (14) Srivaikuntham, 16 miles east of Tinnevelly; (15) Varaguya. mangai, 18 miles north-east of Tinnevelly; (16) Tirukkulandai, i.e. Perungulam, 26 miles north-east of Tinnevelly: (17) Tirukkurungudi, 26 miles south of Tinnevelly; and (18) Tirukkolur, 26 miles east of Tinnevelly. This is the 4th stanza of the second ten of the 9th hundred commencing with the words Pulingudi-kki. dandu Varugunamanyury-bundu Vaikundam ninru, etc. The date of birth of Nammalvar as calculated by the late L. D. Swamikannu Pillai is 4th May, A.D. 798, corresponding to Pramathi, Vaigiei, eu. 15, Visakha, Friday (See his Indian Ephemeris. He must thus have been a contemporary of Varaguna I, after whom the place was named. In the case of Varagunamangai and Srivaramangai (Nos. 15 and 11 of the above list) it is cbviously out of place to take mangni as a feminino suffix like ralli and to derive them from deities bearing the names Varaguna and Srivara. Thoy are undoubtedly named after the Pandya kinge Varaguna and Srivara. * No. 470 of the same collection for the year 1916. No. 156 of the Marras Epigraphical collection for 1903.

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No 17.) TIRUCHCHENDUR INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA-MAHARAJA (II). 109 TEXT. First slab ; First face. ........ Sri Ko Varaguna-Marayapku yandu 2 ...... day-edir padin-muoru ivv-andu Tiru3 ....... Suppiraman(n)iya-Batarar-upasaiya4. ipa Tirumulattapattu-ppatsajrarkku mudal-kedamai=ppoliutti. 5 ga kondu seluttuvad-aga udaiyar-adiyar-aina! Varaguna-Marayar po6 ttara Iruppaikkudi-kilavanum Sattamperumanum Alarru[r*]-[na)7 tou-kkopum aiyairatt'-opra-nalar-kondu-vanda nirai-kuraiyappa8 lan-kasu dirattu-na-puru [ll] i-kkasir=Kuda-nattu=kKorkai-urar kaiin 9 mudal-kedamai 1ppoliugtu=kkondu seluttuvad-aga vaitta nipai10 kuraiya-ppalan-kasu tonnurr-a[ru] ponp-ettu [*] ikkagal oru-ka11 bukku anduvarai poli nirai-madi-narayattal iru-kala-nell-aga V&12 nda nellu nurru-ttonnurru-mukkalapey onbadin kuruni [1] i-n13 nellal niyadippadi iva[r*]ga! kondu-vandu selutta-kkadavana [*] nali 14 arisikku mu-nnali nell-aga=ttiruv-amidipukku aris[i] benner-rit15 tal oru-podaikkuna-paliy-aga nangu podaikku aribi seyner-ritta16 1 padin-aru-nali [*] Margali-tTiruvadiraiu Masi-Makamum Vaiyyasi17 Viyakamum padi iratti seluttuvadu [*] i-pparisu seluttadu ku18 ttukkarpadil i-ttovarkkoy irubatt-ainju kasu dandamum pa19 ttu-chcheluttadu vitta mudal-irattiyun=kuduppadu [ll] i-nnattu Na[1]20 lur-urar kaiil? merpadi "poliutt-aga vaitta nifai-kuraiya=ppala21 r-kasu nurr-arubatt-ettum pop[9=apey]-kal [1*] i-kkasal=anduvarai po[li]22 nellu nirai-madi-narayattal mu-nnufru-muppatt-elu-kalapey mu-fkku)23 runi na-nali uri [1] i-nnellal nigadippadi tiruv-amidinukku ivalr*Tgal24 kondu-vandu kelutta-kkadavana nali neyy-amidinukku irupadi25 spalli nell-aganttiruv-amidu nivedikka=ppasuvin=paru-ney oru26 podaikku lakk-agavum [1] kapi tumikkavum porikkavum oru-podaikku i 27 lakk-agavum (1") nangu-podaikku neyy-amidu nali uri [1] nali-ttair - 28 midinukku iru-nali nell-aga-ttiruv-amidu nivedikka-ttair-amidu 29 Oru-podaikku naliy-agavum kuttukku-ttair(r)-amidu oru-podaikku u30 riy-agavum nangu-podaikku=ppasuvig-roy-tair aru-nali [1] oru-kasu31 kku nirai-madi-narayattas=padig-kala-nell-ahyam-aga [i*] airam 32 valai-ppalattinukku oru-kas-agavum [1*] elu-tulatt-apubait-aimba33 la-chcharkaraikku oru-kas-agavan [*] irupadin-tulam kapi-amidinukku 34 oru-kas-agavum [*] arupadi-pali kayattinukku oru-kas-agavum 35 ahgam-iga [IT] Ettiruv-amidu nivedikka valai-ppala-amidu 036 ru-podaikkunang-aga nangu-poazikku=kkaru-valai ppala-amidu pa37 din-aru [*] Sarkarai-amidu oru-podaikku Oru-palam-aga nangu-podai38 kku=chcharkarai-amidu nar-palam [1*] kari-amidu kay-kkagi onru pu39 fin-gari opru palukku-kkagi onru pori-kkari opru errio40 kkari-amidu ninginukku oru-podaikku [placin-(palam-]gal nanRoad poliyad. * Road ayina. Read aiy-ayiratt. Read ayirattu* Read kaiyin. * Road Craiyun. Read kaiyil. . Read tayir. Road dyiram. 10 After arri, the letters kka seem to have been engraved and erased. The phrase padiw-palun-aga is a correction from kkariy-amidu.

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110 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (Vol. XXI. 41 gu-podaikku-kkari-amidu narpadin-palam [l*) kayam mila[g-amidu] 42 manjal-amidu biraka-amidu siru-kadug-amidu kottamba[ri- amidu] 43 erri-kkayam aindu [*] ivai oru-podaikku mu-chchevitt-aga na[ngu-po)44 daikkukkiyam ulakke iru-bevittu! [[*] Mar[ga]li-tTiruvadiraiu Midi-Maka45 mum Vaiyyasi-Viyakamum padi iratti beluttuvadu [1] i-p[pa)46 ribu beluttadu kuttukkarpa[di]li-ttevarkkey simbadu 47 kasu dandamum pattu-chcheluttadu vitta mudal-irattiun-ku48 duppadu [ll) innattu-chChaliyattu-uraro kaiin merpadi 49 poliugt-aga vaitta nirai-kuraiya-p[pa]lan-kasu irubattu-na30 ngu pop aindey-mukkal [*] i-kkasal oru-kasukku anduva31 rai poli nipai-madi-narayattal iru-kala-nell-aga vanda nellu Pirst slab; Second face ; 62 narpatt-opbadin-kalaney iru-kuruni nali 83 uri [1] i-nnellal niyadippadi [ti]ruv-amidinukku iva[r*lga64 le kondu-vandu belutta-kkadavana [*] naji-pparuppukku na55 li-ulakkuppayar-agavum nali=ppeyarrukku iru-nali nell-aga56 vum kummiyat tinukku=ppayarTu-pparuppu oru-podaikku - 67 riy-iga nangu-podaikku-chchiru-payarru-pparuppu iru-nali [1] 58 oru-kisukku nirai-madi-narayattar-padip-kala-nell-abgam-- 59 ga [*] iiratto -iru-nurr-irupadu parru verrilaikku oru-kad-.60 gavum (1) pa[dipairatt' -oru-nur-adaikkay-amidipukku oru-kas-igavu 61 m abgam-aga [1] ilai-amidu oru-podaikku muv-adukk-aga nap. 62 gu-podaikku velfilai-amidu muoru parru adaikkay-a[mi)63 du oru-podaikku-ppadinang-aga nangu-podaikku adaikkay. B4 amidu aimbatt-aru [l*) nura-amidu venduvad-iluvadu [1] M66 rge(a)li-tTiruvidiraiu. Masi-Makamum Vaiyya&i-Viyakamu66 m padi iratti beluttuvadu i-pparibu' selu67 ttadu kuttukkur(paldil i-tteva[r*]kkey windu kadu 68 dandamu[m] pattu-chcheluttadu vitta mudal=iratti69 un'-[kudu p[pa]du [11] Valudi-valanattu=ppiramadeyam 70 Varaguamangalattu=chchavaiyak(t)-kaun merpadi po71 liu[tt-aga vai]tta nirai-kuraiya=ppalar-kasu nurr-oru72 padu [l*] i-kkasal uru-kasukku apduvarai poli nipai-ma73 di-nariyattal (iru-kala) nell-aga vanda nellu iru-nu74 Ir-irabadin-kalam (1) i-onellal niyadippadi iva[r*} 75 gal kondu-vandu belutta-kkadavapa (1*7 nali-neykku iru76 padi-pali nell-aga=ttiru-nanda-vilakku opripukku (ni)77 ya[di] ney uriy-aga=ttiru-nand[*]-vilakku nindigukkueppa78 (Bu]vin-Daru-ney niyadi iru-nali uri [1] andiyampo[du] 79 [ti]ruv-amidu beygirru dipa-ma[lai] katte-[p]pabuvio-park-ne80 niyndi ulakku [19] ippa ribu beluttadu kuttukkarpaldi)81 i-trova]rk[koly pannirand-arai-ikasu dandamum pattu-hohelu82. [a]det vitta mudal-irattiunio-kuluppadu [Mi-nnat(tu)Rond beviath Read Oraiyum, . Read 'yun. Read kaiyin. * Road poliga-aga, Read dyinat.. Road yta. Roed "liyidge. Reed Hiya,

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No. 17.) TIRUCHCHENDUR INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA-MAHARAJA (II). 111 83 ttevadapa-ppiramadeyam Tiyambakanangalam Ira84 [na]valimangalattu=chchavaiyar kaiin merpadi po. 85 flijutt-aga vaitta nirai-kuraiyappalau-kasu mu86 ppatt-irandu i-kkatal oru-kasukku anduvarai pol[i] nirai87 madi-narayattal iru-kala-nell-aga vanda nellu apupa. 88 ttu-nar-kalam [*] i-nnellal iva[r*]ga! niyadippadi kon89 du-vandu selutta-kkadavapa [i*1 nalippalukku iru-nali ne90 11-&ga=ttirumaojapam adi-aru!a=ppasuvip-pal niya 91 di na-pali [1] nali-ttairukku iru-nali-nell-aga-tti. 92 rumanjanam adi-arula=ppasuvin-rair niyadi ng. 93 pali i-pparibu beluttadu kuttukkarpati94 1 i-ttevarkkey rindu kabu dandamum pattu=ch95 cheluttadu vitta mudal=irattiuno=kuduppadu Second slab; First face. 96 i-nnattu-kKengaimangalattu=ppadum Alainpattattu - 97 rar kaiin! merpadi poliutt-aga vaitta nirai-kuraiya=ppalan-kaku pa98 disnaru i-kka[sal] oru-kasukku anduvarai poli nirai-madi-narayattal in 99 ru-kala-nell-aga vanda nellu muppatt-iru-kalam [1*] i-onellal iva[r*1gal 100 [nivaldippadi [kondu-vandu belutta-kkadavana [*] or-ilanis rulkku nali nell-a101 gaaettirumanjanam adi-aruls ilanir valuvai utpada nyadi iru-nali 1. 102 lakku [l*] nali-ilanirukku nal-ilanir-aga niyadi idum ilanir ettu [i*] i103 pparisu keluttadu kuttukkarpatil i-ttevarkkey aindu-kabu da 104 ndamum pattu-chcheluttadu vitta mudal=irattiun -kuduppadu [11*] inn 105 [t]tu Mapavirapalttinattu nagarattar kai[i]o' [me]rpadi poliuttaga vai106 tta nirai-kuraiya=ppalan-kasu narr-irupadu i-kkaka! oru-kabuk107 ku a[n]duvarai polipirai-madi-parayattal iru-kala-nell-aga vanda ne 108 llu iru-nurru narpadin-kalam [l*] i-nnellal iva[r]gal niyadippa 109 di kondu-vandu belutta-kkadavaps (1") oru-kasykku nirai-madi-narayattar. 110 padin-kala-nell-ahgam-aga [1*] aurr-simbadi-pali narum.puvinukku oru111 kas-aga [*] Sri-pallittamattipukku niyadi a!akka-kkadave napung-pu=ppadi112 [nali] [18] i-pparibu seluttadu kuttukkarpadir? i-ttevarkkey irubat113 t-aindu-kasu da[n]damum pattu-chcheluttadu vitta mudal=irattiur(r)=kudup-. 114 [pa]du [118] Sirivallabha-valanaltu=ppiramadeyam Kattajaimangalattu-chchavaiya115 r kaiin merpadi poliutt-aga vaitta nirai-kuraiya-ppalau-kabu ton[nd]rru116 nangu pong=aindu [l*] i-kkabal oru-kasukku anduvarai poli nirai-madi-n zaratta. 17 1 iru-kala-nell-aga vanda nellu nurr-enbatt-oppadin-kalam [*] i-n(ne)118 lal iva[r*]gal kopdu-vandu selutta-kkadavaDA [I*] DV-ohohi[ru]-payartu-ppo119 rikku nali-ulakku-ppayar-agavum [*] nali-ppayarrukku iru-nali-nell120 ga=ppori ida nisadam diru-(pa]yarru-ppori niyadi [ri] [ou]kku alakkskkadava 121 diru-payapuuri-alakku oru-kasukku nirai-madi-narayattar-padin-kala-nel122 l-abgam-ags [*] oru-kanattukku=ppadi[p-o]ru-nali ulakku manjal-age=ttiry123 meni pubi-arula mer-rol siraitta Parru-manjal niyadi mulakku [1] 124 [o]viya[lu]m pavadaium or-anai oru-kasu perrana oru-murai mu-ttis Read kaiyin. . Read -ttayirukku. * Read padil. . Rond liyull-ago. . Read tayir. . Read vriyirukct. * The H of wji looks like 4. Ready . Rred yun.

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112 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI 125 galukku nal-anaiy-aga or-andu nangu-muraikku ven-kurai padin-ar-anai [*] 1. 126 pparisu beluttadu kuttukkarpadil i-ttevarkkey irupatt-aindu 127 kasu dandamum pattu=chcheluttadu vitta mudal=irattiun'-kuduppadu [ll] 128 Parantaka-valanattu-ppiramadeyam (Parai]sumangala[ttu=tte]u-kilakku Ti129 [nni)-chchavaiyar kaiin merpadi poliutt-aga vaitta nirai-kuraiya=ppala130 -kasu irubatt-aindu [*] i-kkasaloru-kasukku anduvarai poli nirai-madi-na131 rayattil iru-kala-nell-aga vanda nellu aimbadin-kalam i-nnella1321 iva[r*gal kondu-vandu selutta-kkadavana 01 nali-aribikku mu-nnalinel133 l-aga-ttiru-ppalikku niyadi arisi sennar-rittal oru-podaikku naliy-agai134 randu podaikku arisi sennar-ritgal iru-nali [*] oru-kasukku nifai-madi-narayattal 135 padin-kala-nell-ahgam-aga sri-madaippalli-kkattu merkattikku-ppudavai inai i136 rand-arai-kkanam perrapa oru-murai aru-tingalukku ir-anaiy-aga or-andu irandu-mu raik137 ku-ppudavai nal-anai [*] kal-puraikku=ppudavai inai irandu-kanam perrapa oru murai mu-ttin138 galukku ir-anaiy-aga or-andu na gu-murai[k*]ku=ppudavai ett-anai [*] i-pparisu beluttadu kut139 tukkarpadil i-ttevarkkey aindu-kasu dandamum pattu-chcheluttadu vitta muda 140 l-irattiun"-kuduppadu innattu-ppiramadeya[m*] Maramangalattu 141 chchavaiyar kajin merpadi poliutt-aga vaitta nirai-kuraiya=ppa142 lan-kasu nusr-aimbatt-irand-arai [*] i-kkasal oru-kasukku anduvarai 143 poli nirai-madi-narayattal iru-kala-nell-aga vanda nellu mu-nnur144 l-ain-kalam [*] i-nnella! iva[r*]ga! kondu-vandu belutta-kkadavapa [1*] 145 oru-kabukku nirai-madi-narayattal padip-kala-nell-ahgam-aga [*] sri-tupam 146 sidariinukku vendum uru(ppu] agil-utpada-kkafpuramun=tenu[m] ni147 yadi arai-kkanam vilai pera iduvadu [l*] Sri-karpakkira-agattu-kkattu merkat148 tikku ven-kurai inai el-arai-kkanam pertapa oru-murai acu-tingalukku 149 nal-anaiy-aga or-andu irandu muraikku ven-kurai ett-anai [*] nali-ttair-amidipuk. 150 ku iru-nali nell-aga=ttiru-ppalikku-ppasuvin-roy-tair* niyadinali [18] 151 tattali kottigalukku=kkorru nelluaettinga! [na]r-kala[ne]y padin?-ku152 suni nali uriy-aga or-andu pannirandu tingalukku vendum nellu nirai153 madi-narayattal 'aimbatt-elu-kalam Second slab; Second face. 154 i-nnattu-ppiramadeyam Tenrakku..... 155 lur-chchavaiyar kaiin merpadi 'poliutt-aga vaitta ni156 fai-kuraiya=ppalan-kasu arupadu [1*] i-kkasal oru-kabukku andu157 varai poli nirai-madi-narayattal iru-kala-nell-aga vanda nellu 158 nufr-irupadin-kalam [*] i-nnellal iva[**]ga kondu-vandu selutta159 kkadavana [18] oru-kasukku nirai-madi-narayattal "padin-kala-nell-ahgam-a160 ga [*] Sri-udaiy-adai inai munru-kasu perrana oru-murai mu-ttingalukku Read yun. * Read kaiyin. Read poliyutf-aga. * Read Siddriyirukku.. * The letters in brackets look like tu. . Read tayir. To make up the total of 67 kalam in this item the word padin ought to be padin-ort. There is some blank space in this line after elu-kalam and space for another line below, in which should have beon inoised the words i-pparib belutladu kuttukkarpadil i-Hewarkke aimbadu kau dandamwa paffus ohchelnu tadu miffa mudalerraffiyun-buduppadu.

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No. 17.] TIRUCHCHENDUR INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA-MAHARAJA (II). 161 or-anaiy-aga or-andu nangu-muraikku sri-udaiy-adai nal-anai [*] i-p162 parisu seluttadu kuttukkarpadil i-ttevarkkey panni 163 rand-arai-kkasu dandamum pattu-chcheluttadu vitta mudal-iratti164 un1-kuduppadu [*] Amitaguna-valanattu-ppiramadeyam Avani165 pasekaramangalattu-chchavaiyar kaiin merpadi poliutt-aga vaitta 166 nirai-kuraiya-ppalan-kasu arupadu [*] i-kkasal oru-kasukku anduva167 rai poli nirai-madi-narayattal iru-kala-nell-aga vanda nellu nurr-iru168 padin-kalam [*] i-nnellal iva[r*]gal kondu-vandu selutta-kka 169 davana [*] oru-kasukku nirai-madi-narayattar-padin-kala-nell-abgam-aga sri170 udaiy-adai inai munru-kasu perrana oru-murai mu-ttingalukku or-anaiy-a171 ga or-andu nangu-muraikku sri-udaiy-adai nal-anai i-pparisu seluttadu kut172 tukkarpadil i-ttevarkkey pannirand-arai-kkasu dandamum pattu-chchelutta173 du vitta mudal-irattiun-kuduppadu [*] Kuda-nattu-ppiramadeyam Puli174 dai-chchavaiyar kaiin merpadi poliutt-aga vaitta nirai-kuraiya-ppala. 175 n-kasu nurr-irupadu [*] i-kkasal oru-kasukku anduvarai poli nirai-madi-naraya. 176 ttal iru-kala-nell-aga vanda nellu iru-nurru-narpadin-kalam i-nne177 llal iva[r*]gal kondu-vandu selutta-kkadavana [*] oru-kasukku nirai-madi-naraya178 ttal padin-kala-nell-ahgam-aga sri-udaiy-adai inai mupru-kasu perrana oru179 murai mu-ttingalukku ir-anaiy-aga or-andu nangu-muraikku sri-udaiy-adai [e]180 tt-anai [*] i-pparisu seluttadu kuttukkarpadil i-ttevarkkey irubat181 t-aindu-kasu dandamum pattu-chcheluttadu vitta mudal-irattiun-kuduppa182 du [*] i-nnattu-ppiramadeyam Kiranur-chchavaiyar kaiin merpadi poli183 utt-aga vaitta nirai-kuraiya-ppalan-kasu iru-nurr-orubattu-nangu [*] i184 kkasal oru-kasukku anduvarai poli nirai-madi-narayattal iru-kala-nell-a185 ga vanda nellu na-nurr-irubatt-en-kalam i-nnellal iva[*]gal niyadi186 ppadi kondu-vandu selutta-kkadavana nali-neykku irupadi-nali-nell-aga 187 tirumanjanam adi-arula-ppasuvin-naru-ney niyadi na-nali [*] oru-kasukku 188 nirai-madi-narayattar-padin-kala-nell-ahgam-aga-ttula-chchandanattu 189 kku oru-kas-aga-ttirumeni pusum sandana-kkulambu-chchandanam niyadi 190 mu-ppalam [*] -pparisu seluttadu kuttukkarpadil i-ttevarkke191 y aimbadu-kasu dandamum pattu-chcheluttadu vitta mudal-i192 rattiun-kuduppadu [*] i-nnattu-ppiramadeyam Sadangavikkurich 193 chi-chchavaiyar kaiin merpadi poliutt-aga vaitta nirai-kuraiya-ppalan-ka 194 su tonnuru [*] i-kkasal oru-kasukku anduvarai poli nirai-madi-narayattal 195 iru-kala-nell-aga vanda nellu nurr-enbadin-kalam [*] i-nnellal niyadip196 padi iva[r*]gal kondu-vandu selutta-kkadavadu [*] oru-kasukku nirai-madi-nara!197 yattar-padin-kala-nell-ahgam-aga=ppadin-ain-kalanju karpurattukku o[ru]198 kas-aga-ttirumeni-pusun-tiruchchandanattodu kutti araikkum karpu199 ram niyadi el-arai-kkanam [*] i-pparisu seluttadu kuttukkarpadil 200 i-ttevarkkey irubatt-aindu-kasu dandamum pattu-chcheluttadu vit201 ta mudal-irattiun-kuduppadu [*] i-nnattu-ppiramadeyam Kadungoman202 galattu-chchavaiyar kaiin merpadi poliutt-aga vaitta nirai-kuraiya= 203 ppalan-kasu padin-aru [*] i-kkasal oru-kasukku anduvarai poli nirai-ma204 di-narayattal iru-kala-nell-aga vanda nellu muppatt-iru-kalam [*] i-nne205 lal ivar*]gal niyadippadi kondu-vandu selutta-kkadavana or-ilanirukku 1 Read yun. * Read iraffiyun-. Read kaiyin. 113 * Read poliyilt-aga 5 Road Pufiy".

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114 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI AMOUNT INVESTED. No. Division. Name of village. The body of persons with whom money W88 inveated. lines. Katu. Rod. 18-19 Kuda-nadu . . . Korkai Orar. . 219-48 Do. . . . Nallur . . . Do.. . 168 Do. Saliyam . Do. 4 89--82 Valudi-valanada Varagunamangalam . Sabhai 6 82-95 Do. . 6 98-104 . Iranavalimangalam in cluded in Triyambaks mangalam. Alambattam included in Gangaimangalam. Manavirapattinam Orar. . 7 104-114 Do. . Nagarattar. 8 114--127 Srivallabha-valanadu . Kattaraimangalam Sabhai 128-140 Parantaka-alanadu Tinni included in Paraiko. mangalam. Do. 10140163 Do. . Maramangalam . Do. 11 154--164 Da . . Teprakka....llur. . Do. 12 13 164-173 Amitaguna-valanidu 173--182 Kuda-ladu . . Avanipasekaramangalam Puliyidai . . . . 182--192 . Kiranur . . 16192201 Do. Sadangavikurichchi . 18 201-210 Kadudgomangalam

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No. 17 ) TIRUCHCHENDUR INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA-MAHARAJA (II). 115 INTEREST AMOUNT. Object for which the interest was utilised. Fino in case of default. Rate per ki bre. Kalam kuruni naki. uri. 2 kalam 193 9 .. .. For supplying daily 16 nali of rice on 25 kat and double the For supplying daily ordinary days and 96 nafi for 3 days in quantity at default. the year. 337 3 4 1 For supplying daily 1 nafi and 1 uri of ghee, 50 kabu and double the 6 nafi of ourd, 16 plantains, 4 palam of quantity at default. sugar, 40 palam of vegetables, 1 lakku and 2 sevidu of bayam and double this quantity for 3 days. Do. 49211 For supplying daily 2 nali of payarru-paru 5 babu and double the ppu for kummiyam, 3 parts of betel quantity at default. leaves and 56 nuts, together with double the above quantity for 3 days. For supplying daily 2 nali and 1 uri of ghee 121 babu and double the for 5 lamps and 1 ufakku of ghee for 1 quantity at default. chain of lamps. For supplying daily 4 nafi of cow's milk 5 kibu and double the and 4 nali of curd. quantity at default. | .. For supplying daily 8 tender cocoanuts. Do.. For supplying daily 10 nali of flowers. 25 kadu and double the quantity at default. For supplying daily 1 uri of pori and 3 Do. ulaklu of man-jal and 16 anai of white cloth for the year. For supplying daily 2 nafi of rice for bali, 5 kadu and double the and for four anai of pudavai at the rate quantity at dofault. of 24 karam for 1 anai and 8 anai of pudavai at the rate of 2 kanam for I anai to be supplied during the year. For supplying daily incense at 1 kanam, Omitted. for 8 anai of white cloth at 7j kanam each anai for 1 year, for curd at 2 nali of paddy per day and for drummers at 4 kalam 10 kuruni 1 nali and I uri per month or 57 kalam per year. For supplying during the year 4 anai of 121 kabu and double the udas-adai at 3 kafu per anai. quantity at default. Ditto Do. For supplying 8 arai of udai-adai at 3 25 kadu and doublo the kadu per anai. quantity at default. For supplying daily 4 nali of ghoe for an 50 kadu and double the ointment, and 3 palam of sandal at I tu quantity at default. lam of sandal for 1 kadu. For supplying daily 74 kanam of karpuram | 25 kabu and double the (1 kadu fetching 5 kalanju). quantity at default. To supply daily 8 tender 0000anuts at 5 bars and double the 1 nafi of paddy for 1 cocoanut. quantity at default.

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116 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL XXI. 206 nali-nell-agaettirumanjanam adi-arula ilanir valuvai utpada niva207 di iru-naliinukkui nali-ilanirukku nal-ilanir-aga niyadi idum ila208 nirettu [i*] i-pparigu beluttadu kuttukkarpadil i-ttevark209 key aindu-kabu dandamum pattu=chcheluttadu vitta mudal-irattiun ku210 duppadu [ll*] No. 18.-THE BHADRENIYAKA GRANT OF SILADITYA I; G.E. 292. BY THE LATE MR. R. D. BANERJI, M.A. These two copper plates were purchased along with five others by the Trustees of the Prince of Wales Museum of Western India from the widow of the late Dr. Gerson da Cunha of Bombay. The place where they were found originally is not known. These plates measure 111' by 87" and are joined together by means of a thick copper wire which passes through them. Only one side of these plates has been used for writing the record which consists of thirty-two lines, nineteen being engraved on the first and thirteen on the second plate. A copper seal which is oval in shape is affixed to the ends of the copper wire and bears the legend " Sri-Bhatakkah" which is usually found on the seals of the dynasty to which Siladitya belonged. The inscription has not been incised very carefully and consequently it contains many mistakes. Only a portion of it is incised neatly but the engraving of the rest (11. 13-19) is very thin. It is written in Sanskrit and, with the exception of the three imprecatory verses in the second plate, the whole of it is in prose. The alphabet belongs to the Western variety of the Northern script of the seventh century A.D. As regards orthography, signs for i and i have not always been distinguished, probably owing to the carelessness of the writer ; anusvara and visarga have been omitted in several places, e.g., sa[*]sakta (1. 5), samanya[**] (1. 28), ati sayana[h*1 0..6), -karyya-phala[h*] (1. 7), etc. ; n is used for anusvara in vanda-(11.3, 27) and n in ansa (1. 14) and anyans-cha (1. 18); n takes the place of min pranato (1. 4). In addition to the usual danda a dot has been used in two places to mark the punctuation, cf. 1. 29 after Vyasena and 1 33 after Vatrabhatina. The upadhmaniya occurs thrice, in 11. 10, 19 and 23, and the jihvamuliya only once, in l. 17. Usually consonants have been doubled when used in combination with the superscript T, e.g., margga- (1. 5), -sthairyya-dhairyya-gambhiryya (1. 6), etc. The numerical symbols for 2, 4, 10, 90, and 200 are to be found in the last line. The inscription refers itself to the reign of king Snaditya I, who was the son of the illustrions Dharasena, who was the son of the illustrious Guhasena, all of whom are mentioned as devout worshippers of Siva. Like other records of the later kings of Valabhi this inscription also omits the names of the four sons of the Senapati Bhatarka in the genealogical portion of it. The grant registered in these plates was issued from the victorious camp at Davisaras on the 14th day of the bright halt of Chaitra in 292% G.E. (circa 610-11 A.D.), and was written * Read na liy nukku.. * Read iraftiyui. orThe late Mr. Banerji read the date m 290 and it has been so included in the List of Northern Inscriptions No. 1337 (above, Vol. XX, App. p. 181). I, however, read it as 292. It thus becomes the last known date of Boditya I. In the interval between this and the next Valabhi grant dated 304 G.E. issued by Dharasena (INT), at least one ruler, viz., Kharagraha, Siladitya's younger brother, must have ruled. Recently a copper. plate Issued by this prince has come to light, and apparently he is the Dulaka of many of Siladitya I's grants, including the present dno.--Ed.)

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No. 18.) THE BHADRENIYAKA GRANT OF SILADITYAI; G.E. 292. 117 by the Sandhivigrahadhikrita (minister of peace and war) Divirapati Vatrabhatti. The Dutaka was Kharagraha, probably the younger brother of the king and heir-apparent, who succeeded Siladitya I. According to this grant, two hundred padavarttas of land in the village of Bhadreniyaka in the Bara-Vanasthali were given for the worship of the Sun-god established in that village. Out of these two hundred padavarttas, one hundred lay to the east of the arable land received as a gift and owned by the Brahmana Prabhandata, to the south of the arable land received as a gift and owned by & (Brahmana named) Rudra, to the north of the dandaka (chain of hills ?) called Baratika, and to the west of the junction of the boundary of the village of Goppara-vataka. Of the remaining hundred padavarttas the boundaries are not specified, but it was a pieces of land (lava) at the same village originally set apart for the purpose of charity (bhaikshaka), and now made over to the Sun temple along with the other piece of land. The land was granted for the maintenance of the worship (puja) and its other accessories, viz., bath (snapana), sandal (gandha), flowers (prushpa-malya), lamp-oil (dipa-taila), vocal and instrumental music (vadya-gita) and dances (nritya), the cost of sacrifices and offerings (bali-charu-satra), the maintenance of the servants of the god (padamula) and the cost of repairing any damages (khanda-sphutita-pratisamskara). I am unable to identify any of the localities mentioned in this grant, viz., Devisaras (1.1), Bhadreniyaka (11. 19-20, 22), Bara-Vanasthall (1. 22), Baratika-dandaka (1. 23) and Gopparavataka (1. 23). TEXT. First Plule. i Om Svasti [1*] Vijaya-skandhavarad=D7[vi]saro-vasakat prasabha-pranat: amitrana[m*] Maitrakanam=atula-bala-sampanna-mandala-(1-2) bhoga-san2 sakta-prahara-lata-labdha-pratapat=pratap-opanata-dana-man-arjjav-Oparjjit-anuragad-anu rakta-maula-bhsita-sreni-pa(ba)l-avapta3 rajya-sriyah parama-mahesvara-bri-Bhata(ta)rkkad-avyavachchhinna-raja-vansan-mata pitsi-charan-aravinda-pranati-pravidhaut-agesha-kalmashah 4 be(sai)savat=prabhsiti khadga-dvitiya-bahur=eva samada-para-gaja-ghata-sphotana. prakasita-satva-nikashas=tat-pratava'-prana(na)t-arati-chuda(da)-ra5 tna-prabha-sa[m*]sakta-pada-nakha-rasmi-samhatis=sakala-smrito(ti)-pranita-margga samyak-paripalana-praja-hsidaya-ranjan-anva[r*]ttha-raja-sabdah 6 rupa-kanti-sthairyya-dhairy ya-gambhiryya-buddhi-sashpa(mpa)dbhis-Smara-sasank-Adriraj odadhi-Tridasaguru-Dhanesan-atisayana[h*] saran-asa(ga)t-abhaya [This Vatrabhatti has also been called Vababhatti (No. 1341 of List) and Valabhata (No. 1349). Tho, readinga Vatpabhatti (No. 1337, i.e., the present grant), Chandrabhatti (No. 1338) and Chatrabhatti (No. 1945) are miarpadings. The members of the family to which Vatrabhatti belonged soom to have held obargo of the War Office under at least eight princes of the Maitraka dynasty for four generations, vie., Skandabhata (apparently the father of Vatrabhatti), Vatrabhatti, his son Skandabbata and the latter's son Anabila.-Ed.] [If the two dots after lavam are to be treated as equivalent to 2, then the two pieces of Bhaikahaka lagd together consisted of 100 padavartas.-Ed.] . [This though not so specified must have been the mandala, probably consisting of the Vanasthall twelve (1), Vanthali, an important place in Junagadh State, may be suggested as the modern equivalent of the place, al. though it was known as Vamanasthali in the medieval period.-Ed.) [The boundary of Barataka (probably a village) and the way leading to village Bhadranaka as also a well belonging to the god Aditys are referred to in the Dhank grants of G. E. 290 issued by the same king Sliditys 1. It is likely that the lands mentioned in these two granta lie in the same locality-Ed.) * The text is edited from the original plates in the Prince of Wales Museum of Western India. * Expressed by a symbol. Read prabhara.

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[VOL. XXI. 7 pradana-parataya prartthan-adhik 8 char-iva arttha-pradan-anandita-vidvat-suhrit-pranaya(yi)-hridayah padasakala-bhuvana-mandal-abhoga-pramodah parama-mahesvarah ari-Guha sanas-tasya sutas-tat-pada-nakha-mayukha-santana-visTi 9 ta-Jahnavi-jal-augha-prakshalit-asesba-kalmashah pranayi-sata-sahasr-opajivyamana-sampad-ruba(pa)-lobhad-iv-aeritah sarabhasam-a10 bhigamikair-ggunais-sahaja-sakti-siksha-visesha-vismatapit1-Akhila-bala-dhanurddharah= 11 dharmma-dayanam Sri-Sarasvatyor-ek-adhivasasya sya(sam)hat-arati-paksha-la 13 12 kshmi-ba(pa)ribhoga-daksha-vikrama(mo) vikram-opasamprapta-vimala-partthiva-srih parama-mahesvarah sri-Dharaso(se)nas-tasya sutas-tat-pad-anudhyatas sakala-di(ja)gad-anandan-aty-adbhuta-guna-samuda[ya*]-sthagita-samagra-dig(n)mandalas samara-sata-vijaya-sobha-sanatha-mandalagra 14 dyuti-bhasuratar-ansa (msa)-pith-odudha-guru-manoratha-ma(ma)habharas-sarvva-vidya-parapara-vibhag-adhigama-vimala-matir-api sarvva15 tas-subhashita-laven-api sukh-opapadaniya-peritoshas-samagra-lok-agadha-gambhiryyahridayo-pi sucharit-atisaya-su 16 vyakta-parama-kalya(lya)na-svabhavah adhigat-odagra-kirttir-ddharmm-amu(nu)parodh-ojvalata 17 rikrit-arttha-sukha-sampad-upaseva-nirudha-Dharmmaditya-dvitiya-nama mahesvarah sri-Siladityah-kusali sarvvan=e 18 v-ayuktaka-viniyuktaka-drangika-mahattara-saulkika-chauroddharanika-chata-bhata-kumaramaty-adin-anyans(ms)-cha yatha-samba 19 dhyamanakan-samajnapayaty-astu vas-samviditam yatha maya mata-pitr[0]h=punyapyayanaya Bhadro 118 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. tripavad-apast-aaesha-sva-karyya-phala[*] prathama-narapati-samatispishta[na*]m-anupalayita mapakartta1 praj-opaghata-karinam-upaplavanam khilibhuta-Krita-yuga-nripati-patha-visodhan Second Plate. satka-brahma-deya-kshetrat-purvvatah Rudra 23 satka-brahma-deya-kahetrad-dakshinatah Baratika-dandakad-uttaratah darlayita 20 piyaka-grama (ma)-nipi(vi)sht-Adityadeva-padanam puja-snapana-gandha-pushpa-malyadipa-tail-ady-upayogaya vadya-gita-nrity-a 21 dy-artthe vali-charu-satr-otsarppanaya padamula-prajiva (va)naya(ya) devakulasya cha khanda-sphutita-pratisamskarays 22 cha Bara-vanasthalyam Bhadreniyaka-grame purvva-simni brahmana-Prabhandata parama Goppara ba(va) taka-[grama-sima-sandher-aparatah padavartta-datai 24 tath-asminn-eva grame bhaikshakamh lavam-etat-padavartta-satam bhaikshakath cha sodrangarh soparikaram savata-bhuta-pratyayam sadhanya 25 kirany-adeyam sadasaparadham sotpadyamana-vishtis sarvva-rajakiyanam-ahastaprakshepapiyam purvva-pratta-brahma-deya 26 varjjitam samakalinamh dharmma-dayataya misrishtam yatah n 27 pari-likhita-sthitya bhujyaminasya na kaischid-vyladh vartti[ta*]vyam/igamibhadra-nripatibhir-apy-asmad-vansajair-anyair-vva anitya 1 Read viemapit.. *Read dharmma-dayanam apakartla. [The visarga is superfluous or it may be the numerical sign for 2.- Ed.] bhuma(mi)-chchhidra-nyayen-achandr-arkk-arppava-kshita(ti)-sarit-parvvata * Bead -vishikam

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No. 19] THE PIRANMALAI INSCRIPTION OF KRISHNADEVARAYA: SAKA 1440. 119 28 ny-aisvaryyany-asthiram manushyam samanya[m*] cha bhumi-dana-phalam-avagachchhadbhir ayam-aamad-day-onumantyavyah(vyab) paripalayi 29 tavyas-ch-ety-uktam cha bhagavata Vedavyasena Vyasena | Bahubhir-vvasudha bhukta rajabhis-Sagar-adibhih [*] yasya yasya yada 30 bhumis-ta (ta)sya tasya tada phalam || Yan-iha daridrya-bhayan-narendrair= ddhanani dharmm-ayatani(ni)-mri(kri)tani (1) nirbhbhu(bbhu)kta-malya 31 pratimani tani ko nama sadhuh punar-adadita || Shashtim varsha-sahasrani svargge modati bhumidah [*] achchhetta ch-a 32 numanta cha tany-eva narake vased-iti || Dutakas=ch=atra sri-Kharagrahah likhitah sandhivigrah&dhimri(kri)ta-Divirapati 33 Vatrabhattina | Sam 200 90 2 Chaitra-su 10 4 [*] Sva-hasto mama || No. 19. THE PIRANMALAI INSCRIPTION OF KRISHNADEVARAYA: SAKA 1440. BY V. VENKATASUBBA AIYAR, B.A., MADRAS. 6 This inscription is engraved on the south wall of the Sundara-Pandyan-mandapa' in the Mangainathe vara temple at Piranmalai in the Ramnad district. The surface of the stone containing the inscription is not specially dressed for engraving, but the record is in a good state of preservation. The language of the inscription is Tamil prose and the alphabet is Tamil with a slight admixture of Grantha letters at the beginning and the end. A few orthographical peculiarities such as the use of shcha in place of (i) ksha (1.3) and of (ii) sha (1.1); of la for la (1.9) and nonadherence to sandhi rules (11. 5, 10, 12 and 13) are worthy of note. Some of the revenue terms used in the record require explanation : Kadamai (1.11). This word is used in Tamil inscriptions and literature in the sense of a tax, mostly on land. It also seems to include any assessment levied on an industry or a profes sion; cf. the taxes Sekku-kadamai, Tonik-kadamai, Tarik-kadamai, etc. Kanikkai (1.12). This term literally means ' a free gift' or 'voluntary offering'. Kanuka in Telugu denotes a tribute paid to a superior. Compare the term Padai-kanikkai which is a contribution made for the maintenance of an army and also the terms Kanikkai-pattipon and Nattukkanikkai. Vendukol (1.12) may be explained as a fee paid along with an application or request. Viniyogam occurring in 1.12 may be rendered as a fee collected for a common purpose'; of. the terms Nattu-viniyogam, Sabha-viniyogam, Olai-eduppu-viniyogam and Vasal-viniyogam. The present record is dated in Saka 1440 in the reign of the Vijayanagara ruler Krishnadeva-Maharaya, ' who conquered all countries'. The astronomical details of date given in it viz., Mithuna, ba. amavasya, Tuesday, Vriddhi-yoga and solar eclipse, point to Tuesday, June 8, 1518 A.D., as its equivalent, when there was a solar eclipse visible in India. The object of the inscription is to register the tax-free grant of the village Molur in Solapandya-valanadu, by Ponnambalanatha-Topdaiman, the chief (arasu) of Arantangi, for offerings and worship to the god Nallamangaibagar at Tirukkodunkunram, during the early morning service instituted after his name in the temple. 1 Mark of punctuation expressed by a dot. Read vaset [*] iti || No. 201 of 1924 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. In the Annual Report on South-Indian Epigraphy for the year 1923-24, p. 59, the cyclic year is wrongly read as Saumya, but it can be read as Vegudhanya (or Babudhanya) which was current in Saka 1440.

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120 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL XXI. The importance of the record lies chiefly in the mention made in it of Ponnambalanatha" Tondaiman, the foremost of the chiefs of Arantangi. This town, now a terminus of the Tanjore District Board Railway and a taluk headquarter rose to the position of an important principality in the beginning of the 16th century, when there was a general unsettlement in the Pandya country. The rule of the Pandvas of Madura was, by this time, restricted to the extreme south of their dominions, comprising the present Tinnevelly district, the northern part of the Pandya territory having been lost originally to the Vanakovaraiyars and latterly to the Nayakas of Madura. Upon the spoils of the original Pandya kingdom rose the Nayakas of Tanjore and Madura and the Setupatis of Ramnad, all of whom gradually formed hereditary principalities wielding considerable power in the country. In the struggle of these principalities for power, Asantangi with its central position soon rose to prominence. It would not be out of place to give here a brief account of the principality of Asantangi as made out from inscriptions, of which about 25 have so far come to light, revealingethe names of a number of chiefs, whose rule covers a period of nearly a century and half. In inscriptions, the chiefs of Arantangi have the distinct appellations Arantangi-arasu' and Tondaimun'. The latter title which is the earlier of the two, means the king of Tondai' or 'Tondaimandalam ', i.e., the Pallava country, the traditional capital of which was Kanchrpuram. Several chiefs with this distinguishing title and claiming Pallava descent are met with in inscriptions dating from the 11th century A.D. When the Pallava power was eclipsed by the Cholas and the Pandyas, some chiefs claiming descent from the Pallavas and bearing the title Tondaiman seem to have served as local officers and become potentates in the extreme south. One such chief who lived towards the close of the 11th and the beginning of the 12th century A.D. was Karunakara-Tondaiman of Vanduvanjeri (i.e., modern Vandai) in the Kumbakonam taluk, the hero of the Tamil poem Kalingattupparani. A few other chiefs bearing the title * Tondaiman ' are met with in inscriptions found chiefly in and around the Pudukkottai Siate not far from the Arantangi region. It is possible that they were the ancestors or close forbears of the Arantangi Tondaiman chiefs. A Tondaiman chief by name Valattu-valvitta-Peruma!" claiming to belong to Vesinga-nadu, a district to the north-east of the Pudukkottai State figures in a record from that State, dated in 1201 A.D. A record of the Pandya king Tribhuvanachakravartin Kulasekhara' also mentions this chief and another makes provision for the Valattu-valvittansandi' (a service named after the chief) in the 19th year of Jatavarman Kulasekhara. In the Tamil poem Kapparkovai the hero is a certain Karumanikkan, a chief of Kappalur near Pudukkottai. He is there styled a Tondaiman and described as a minister and a general of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya. A record from Nandaluro in the Cuddapah district mentions 1 In Sen-Tamil, Vol. VI, p. 318, this title has been explained as "the vassal of an overlord". The earliest reference to the name Tondaiman in the Pandya country is found in an inscription dated in the 5th year of Rajondra-Chola I, 12., A.D. 1016 on the Narttamalai hill (vide. A General History of the Pudukkottai State' by Radha krishnier, p. 113). There is also a reference to Topdaimag in the Mahavamsa of Ceylon. While chronicling the war of the Pandy succession, this text says that the Pandyan king Kulasekhara on being defeated by the Sin. ghalese troops of Ceylon, who supported his rival, fled to the mountains of Tondaimana, that Kulasekhara then attacked the Singhalese forcos at Pon Amaravati (a village in the south-west of the Pudukkottai State) and was again defeated, and that with the help of the ruler of Tondaimana and some other chieftains. Kulasekhara on more opposed the forces of Ceylon and was once again defeated'. The hill where Kulasekhara-Pandya is said to have concealed himself is probably no other than the Narttimalai hill in the Pudukkottai State. 1 Vide A General History of the Pudukkottai Stale, p. 115. No. 355 of 1914 of the Madma Epigraphical collection. No. 188 of 1918 of the same collection. . Sen Tamil, Vol. VI, p. 3184. * No. 594 of 1907.

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No. 19.) THE PIRANMALAI INSCRIPTION OF KRISHNADEVARAYA: SAKA 1440. 121 Tondaimapar alias Tirunelveli-Udaiyar who was a minister of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya. This inscription is dated in the 17th year and the astronomical details given therein point to A.D. 1293, March 14, Saturday, as its English equivalent. It seems very likely that the Tondaimapar referred to in the Nandalur record is identical with the minister Karumanikkan mentioned in the Tamil poem. Though these records show that the Tondaimigs were among the potentates of the territory around Arantangi during the 13th century A.D. none of them assumed the title Arantangi-arasu' (lord of Asantangi) before the end of the 15th century A.D. Besides being the Tondaimans or Pallavas, the chiefs of Arantangi appear to have been connected in some manner with the Perumals of Tinnevelly, for we find a lithic record from Ettiyattalit in the Arantangi taluk mentioning Tirunelvelip-perumal Tondaimanar as the chief of Asantangi. This record is dated in the cyclic year Virodhin and mentions the signatory Nirambavalagiyan-Kalingarayan who figures in another epigraph in the same place dated in Saka 1364'(=A.D. 1442) and may therefore, be assigned to A.D, 1469. About this time Jatilavarman A:ikesarideva alias Parakrama-Pandya (A.D. 1420-1463) and his brother Kulasekharadeva (A. D. 1429-1473) were ruling the Tinnevelly and adjoining districts. The Arantangi chiefs subsequently came under the yoke of the Vijayanagara Empire and accepted its suzerainty as is evidenced by the present record. Ekapperuma], the father of Ponnambalanatha-Tondaimao, the donor of the present record, seems to have been & very pious ruler, for we find him in inscriptions making gifts to temples and instituting services therein called the Tondaiman. sandi' after his name. Among the titles of Ponnambalanatha, special attention may be drawn to Kanchipuravaradhisvara 'the lord of Kanchi, the best of cities' and Blu-nalaiyil Yilantirai-konda-peruma! 'the hero who levied tribute from Ceylon in seven days'. The title Kanchipuravaradhisvara assumed by him suggests that the family of Arantangi Chiefs claimed Pallava descent. The other title indicates the important part played by the chief in Ceylon on behalf of his overlord. Ponnambalanatha calls himself a devotee at the feet of Peruma! Avudaiya-Tambiranar. He was in power for over half a century (circa 1514-1569 A.D.) and acknowledged the overlordsbip of the Vijayanagara king Krishnariya at least between Saka 14367 and 1452. His territory was not confined to the limits of the present Arantangi taluk, Inscriptions mentioning him are found in the Pudukkottai State, in the present Arantangi taluk and at Pirasmalai in the Ramnad district. 1 No. 125 of 1916 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. * No. 126 of 1916 of the samo collection. In an earlier record (No. 299 of 1914 of the Madras Epigraphical collection) from Tiruvarangulam, dated in Sska 13[0]5, Rudhirodgar, three chiefs of Arantangi, viz., Alagiyamanavalap-Perumal Topdniman, Suryadovar Sundarapandya Tondaimky and Moppinra-Peruma! Kulasekhara-Topdaimk are mentioned. The Saks date in the record seems, however, to be wrongly cited for Saka 1365 for, it is only about this time that we meet with two of the above-mentioned chiefs in other inscriptions. Moreover in this inscription there is a small gap in the date portion to justify this doubt. See also Nos. 312 and 313 of 1914 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. * No. 148 of 1903 from Piranmalai is the only record that refers to the invasion of Ceylon by Krishnadevarayo. It is dated in Saka 1440 and also mentions the chief Ponnambalanatha Tondaiman. It is known that the predecessors of Krishnadevaraya were collecting tribute from Ceylon. Considering the shortness of time (i.e., seven days) within which Ponnan.balanatha is said to have achieved this feat, it is possible that the reference is only to a successful expedition to Ceylon to collect some arrears of tribate on behalf of his overlord Krishngdovariya. Probably this feat of the feudatory was transferred to his overlord in No. 146 of 1903 noted above. An actuai invasion of Ceylon during Krishpadevariya's reign is not necessarily meant. * Avudaiya-Tambiravar is the name of the god at Avadaiyarkoyil, a villago in the Arantangi taluk and sociated with the life of the saint Manikkavachaka. No. 312 of 1914 of the Madras Epigraphical collection * No. 240 of 1930 of the same collection.

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122 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. Poppambalanatha was succeeded in the Arantangi principality by Andiyappa Achyutanayaka Tondaiman son of Tyagarasar Narasa-Nayaka, who had also the titles achchamariyadan and alaivilatujadan and whose earliest date so far known is Saka 1499 (=A.D. 1577), not far removed from the latest known date of Poppambalanatha, viz., A.D. 1569. The line of Arantangi Chiefs is at present supposed to be represented by the Zaminder of Palayavanam in the Pudukkottai State.' The chiefs of Asantangi so far known from epigraphical sources are 1. Kulasekhara-Tondaimap' (1426 and 1443 A.D.), 2. Suryadevar Sundarapandya-Tondaima (1443 A.D.), 3. Malavallapperumal-Tondaiman, 4. Alagiya Manavalappermal-Tondaiman (1443 and 1453 A.D.), his son 5. Lakkanadannayaka-Tondaimar or Lakkappadannayaka-Tondaiman (1453 A.D.), 6. Tirunelvelipperuma! (1469 A.D.), 7. Ekapperumal-Tondaiman (1481 and 1499 A.D.), his three sons 8. Tiravinaitirttan-Tondaimap (1497 A.D.), 9. Avudaiya-Nayinar-Tondaiman (1499 A.D.) and 10. Popnambalanatha-Tondaiman (1514-1569 A.D.), his son 11. Varavinoda Tondaimao (1536 A.D.), 12. Andiyappa Achyutanayaka-Tondaimag, son of Tyagarasar-Narasanayaka (1577 A.D.) and 13. Arunachala Vanangamuli-TondaimaNG, son of Raghunatha Vanangamudi-Tondaiman (1713 A.D.). Of the places mentioned in the record Molur is the modern village of the same name about 16 miles north-west of Madura. Tirukkodunkupram (i.e., Piranmalai) is said to have been in Tirumalai-nadu which must have taken its name from the modern village Tirumalai in the Sivaganga taluk. The territorial name $olapandya-valanadu is significant and the division must have been formed after the establishment of the Chola viceroys in the Pandya country, who specially called themselves sola-Pandyas. TEXT. i i Svasti] [ll*] Srimap-ma[ga]mandalisuran [ariyaraya)-vibhadan bashchaikkut tappuva-rayira-gandan kanda-nadu-kondu konda-nadu-kudada, purva2 deshana-pachchima-uttara-samuddiradhispati emma]ndalamym kondu elundaru liya sri]-[Krishnad (va)-Mah[7]rayar prithivi-rachchiyam panni-arulanigra 3 sakabdam 1440 idanmel Vegu[dhaJaya-(varusha"]m uttarayanattu Mithuna-nayarru apara-pashchattu [amavabiyaiyum Mangalavaramum Viruddi4 yogamum perra irrai-nal Suriya-girana-punniya-kalattu Tirumalai-nattut- Tiruk kodunkuprattuto Nayipar Nallamangaibagarku Ara[n]tangi-arabu achchamariI No.511 of 1926 of the Madre Epigraphical collection. From the records so far available, it is not possible to say whether Varavinoda Tondaimao, the son of Pogpambalanatha succeeded his father as the chief of Aran. tangi. A General History of the Pudukkottai State, p. 84. From Nos. 299 of 1914 and 238 of 1930; Nos. 1, 2, 3 and 4 mentioned above appear to be brothers. * Known only from & copper-plate record. Vide Sen Tamil, Vol. XII, p. 441 ff. Read bhashai. * Read dakshina-. The word varusham is expressed by a symbol. Read a para-pakshattu. The nakshatra is not given. 10 Tirukkodunkupram is also known M Dakshina-Kalliam in No. 193 and 213 of 1924.

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No. 19.] THE PIRANMALAI INSCRIPTION OF KRISHNADEVARAYA : SAKA 1440. 123 5 [yada ]-peruma! lalaivilanjada-perumal mugilin-ki!-ttiriyum-Ila-Vanniyar-misura-gandaga attukku-apai-valangum-perumalelu-nalaiyil Yilan-tiraikonda-peruma6) kon pada.....[yada)-peruma! Kanchipuravar-adhisurap Avudaiya-Tambirapar sripada-bhaktan Ekapperumal-Tondaimanar puttiran Ponnambalanatha-Tondaimanar Navinar Nallamangaibagarku [u]bhaiyamaga kat tina siru-kalach-chandikku amudupadi [sattu]ppadi ullittu 8 vendum nittam-nima[ndan]galukku nam-[pera] kattina Ponnambalanatha-Tondai manar-bandiyaga amuduseyyum-padikku ku9 dutta [yi)-opayinar ... devadana ... 'namattukkaniy=aga Sola-Papdiya-valanatgu Melar peru-nang-ellaikk=u![patta)10 dum sa-hirany-o[da]ka-dhara-purvam=aga tifrunamat]tukkani-aga chandr-adityavar sellak-kuduttapadiale idukku! ulpatta 11 nidhi-nikshepa-jala-pashana-kupa-ta]takadiyum Tembiranaske urittaga kadavad agavum ivv=urku varum kadamai ka12 nikkai vendukal viniyogam marrum erperpatta vari uba(pa)dhiyum kalittuk-ku dutcapadiale chandr-adityava13 reella sarvamannyam=aga tirunamattukkani-aga? anubhavittuk-kollavum kallilum sembilum vettikko14 ndu tirunamattukkani-aga chandr-adityavapsella anubhavittuk-kollavum inda danmattukku agitam panni15 pavan Gamgaikkaraiyil kapilaiyum brammanagaiyum mata-pitavaiyum guru vaiyum konja [do]shattile po16 gakkadavan=agavum inda necile sapuvamagiyam-agapparti anubhavittuk-kollavum AsanIT tangi-kanakku Adiya[r*]kkunallan Karpurak-Kalingapayan' eluttu [1*] 1 The title 'alaivilaijadar' is not newly borne by this chief. (Vide Nos. 208 of 1924 and 173 of 1926 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.) * With the title Vanniyar-misura-gandan compare the titles Vanniyar-affan-tavilttan and Sorimuttu Vanniyan aasumed by the Setupati Chiefs (Tamil and Sanskrit Inscriptions: Burgess and Natesa Sastri, pp. 73 and 79 and Travancore Archeological Series, Vol. V, p. 13, foot-note 7). Looal tradition confirmed by one of the Mao. kenzie Manuscripts says that two feudal chiefs of the Vanniya caste, who were ruling at Tiruvidaichchuram nesc Chingleput, defied the authority of the Vijayanagara king Krishnadevsrays. Since these chiefs were turbulent und wielded considerable power, their humiliation was considered to be a real feat by their conquerors. Ante eription of Devaraya II gives him the title. the lord who took the heads of the 18 Vapniyas (Tamil and Sanskrit I waoriptions No. 11, p. 160). The Vappiyas who had migrated from India as soldiers accompanying the sucovo Tamil invaders to Ceylon and settled permanently in the island, gave frequent trouble to the Ceylonese kings as well. The titles of Devaraya, Ponnambalanatha-Topdaimag and the Setupatis of Ramnad regarding their exploita have reference to the help they rendered to the Ceylonese kings in subjugating the Vanniyas. * The title Kanchipuravaradhisvara may be interpreted as one hailing from Conjeeveram'. The obiets Pallaganda-Siddarasar (A. R. 1922, para, 144) and Vijaya Gandagopala Madhusudanadeva (4. R. on 8. I. Epi. graphy 1923, para, 9L) also, assumed this title. It may be noted here that this biruda borne by KrishnappaNayaka (Ep. Ind., Vol. IX. p. 330), indicates that the original home of the Madura Nayakas was Conjoeveram. But in the case of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya (800, 1251 A.D.) (8. I. I., Vol. V, No. 483), this biruda ww mumed to commemorate his conquest of Kanchipura and the subjugation of the original Pallava dominion. . The gaps in this lino may be filled with the letters kkut and m-tiru. Read idukkupata. * Road epperp paffa. This phrase is again repeated to emphasie the grant mado. * There is a symbol in the inscription after this word. It appears to be a contraction for some such words as inda dharmam or inda yra mam. Rend. Kulingarayap'.

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124 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI TRANSLATION. Hail! While the illustrious Mahamandalesvara Krishnadeva-Maharaya, who conquered all hostile kings, who chastised the kings that were false to their words, who took every country that he saw and who did no: give up any country that he had taken, who was the lord of the eastern, southern, western and northern oceans, who was pleased to come out (glorious) after taking all countries,-was pleased to rule the earth, in the Saka year 1440 expired, corresponding to Bahudhanya, during Uttarayana, in the month of Mithuna, on Tuesday, when the amavasya of the dark fortnight was current, at the holy time of the solar eclipse and Vsiddhi-yoga, on this day, I, Ponnambalanatha-Tondaimanar, the son of Ekapperuma!-Tondaimanar, the chief of Asantangi, who knew no fear, who was never perturbed......1 who could present an elephant in return for a lamb, who levied tribute from Ilam (Ceylon) within seven days, ........, who was the lord of Kanchi, the best of towns, and a devotee at the sacred feet of the god AvudaiyaTambiranar-having given the (land) situated within the four great boundaries of Melur in Solapandya-valanadu as tirunamattukkani with gold and libation of water to last as long as the Sun and Moon, to the god) Nayinar Nallamangaibagar at Tirukkodunkunram in Tirumalai-nadu for the daily requirements of offerings and worship during the Ponnambalanatha-Tondaimaparbandi (service) in the early morning to the god Nayinar Nallamangaibagar, instituted after my own name-(the rights over) its treasures and hidden deposits in this land), its water and stone and its wells, tanks, etc., shall be exclusively enjoyed by the Tambirapar (god). And as the taxes including kadamai, kanikkai, vendukol, viniyogam and other dues accruing from this village had been remitted, it shall be enjoyed as a tirunamattukkani (temple land) and a sarvamanya freehold) as long as the sun and the moon last. The deed shall be engraved on stone and copper and the land enjoyed as tirunamattukkani, as long as the moon and the gun last. He who obstructs this charity shall incur the sin of killing & tawny cow, a Brahmana, (his own parents and teacher on the banks of the Ganges. In the aforesaid manner the land shall be taken possession on and enjoyed as a sarvamanya. This is the writing of Adiya[r*]kkunallan Karpurak- Kalingarayan, the accountant of Arantangi. No. 20.-NAVAGRAMA GRANT OF THE MAHARAJA HASTIN (GE [1]98). By K. N. DIKSHIT, M.A., CALOUTTA. This fragmentary plate was handed over to me by the Political Agent, Baghelkhand Agency, who could not give me any definite information regarding its findspot, except that it came from some place in Nagod State. It has therefore been named after the name of the village granted. The plate measures 58" in length and 37" to 31' in breadth. It consists of the left half of the first of two plates forming the complete grant, as is clear from a comparison with other grants of Hastin and the portion of the round ring-hole preserved in the centre of the first line, through which the plate appears to have been broken. The missing portion of the plate has been conjecturally restored where possible from other published grants, particularly from the Majhgawam. copper-plate of the same prince. The average size of the letters is t". The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets. They do not present the nail-headed forms of letters as in the Majhgawam plates of Hastin. Attention may also be drawn to the form of n without the * 1 The term mugilin-kil-Ihriyum-Ila. Vanniya-midura-gandan is left untranslated. The latter part means the proud oonqueror of the Vanniyms of Ceylon'. I'mugilin could be taken as proper name like Mugalay. thphrase may be construed as "the proud oonqueror of the Vappiyas of Ceylon who wore at the book and call of Mugilan." * Fleet, C. I. I., Vol. III, pp. 106 ff.

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No. 20] NAVAGRAMA GRANT OF THE MAHARAJA HASTIN (G.E. [1398). loop at the end, and dh with an acute angle at the lower left limb as in Devadhya, 1. 2 and Yajnadhya, 1. 10, which are not found in other records of this king. 125 As regards orthography, the doubling of the v and dh following r as in pravarddha, 1.2, purvvayam, 1. 3 and degbhir-vva 1. 14 and the use of b for v in sambatsara, 1. 3 are noteworthy. The language is Sanskrit and the record is in prose. The plate records the grant of a village (?) called Navagrama1 in the rashtra of the Pulinda chief (apparently a feudatory of the nripati-Parivrajakas), by the Maharaja Hastin in the year ninety-eight (increased by hundred). The donees were several Brahmanas of the Parasara-gotra and Madhyandina-sakha (of the white Yajurveda). The year 198 of the present plate must be considered to be the last date of Hastin whose son and successor Samkshobha issued the Betul grant in the year 199. The earliest known date of Hastin being 156, the year of his Khoh copper-plate, he must have enjoyed a long reign of over 42 years. The known dates of Hastin (156, 163, 191 and 198) and Samkshobha (199, 209) are undoubtedly to be referred to the Gupta era, as the expression gupta-nriparajya-bhuktau indicates. The range of dates of the contiguous family ruling from Uchchakalpa, viz., 174 and 177 for Jayanatha and 191, 193, 197, 214 for his son Sarvanatha, is not only parallel, but the latter prince was at one time a contemporary of Hastin as recorded in the Bhumara pillar inscription. Now assuming that Jayanatha's rule extended for at least one or two years after 177, the period common to the reigns of Hastin (156 to 198) and Sarvanatha (179 to 214) is 179 to 198. The particular year to which the joint record is to be assigned is fixed by the specification of the year as Maha-Magha samvatsara of the 12-year cycle of Jupiter. Now the only Maha-Magha samvatsara, which was current during the period (179-198 G.E.), was that which began in the Gupta year 189, in July 508 A.D. and the date of the Bhumara pillar must therefore be approximately October 508 A.D. It is thus impossible to refer the dates of the Uchchakalpa kings to the Kalachuri era (which began 72 years earlier than the Gupta era), as this would entail a reign of at least 70 years for Sarvanatha (191 + 247-438 A.D. to 508 A.D.). Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar has recently upheld this view' originally proposed by Kielhorn and Fleet, chiefly owing to the difficulty of finding an intercalary Ashadha in the year 191 of the Sohawal plates of Sarvanatha, if referred to the Gupta era. The difficulty is not, however, insurmountable, as it is very probable that the succeeding month of Sravana that has been actually shown as intercalary in the tables attached to Pillai's Indian Chronology may have been antedated by a month, according to some Siddhanta followed in this locality; or, what is more probable, the month intercalated (which according to the rules of intercalations was Sravana) must have received its name from the preceding month, a conclusion to which the late Dr. Kielhorn was forced in the calculation of the date of the Betul1o plates of Samkshobha. It is thus clear that the dvir-Ashadha of the Sohawal plates must be considered to be the same as the first Sravana, which commenced 1 Possibly Navagrama was the division in which the village was situated, but the number of missing letters is too limited to admit of this alternative. The number of donees would seem to be seven, i.e., three Brahmanas and their respective sons, the last named having two sons. Above, Vol. VIII, pp. 284 ff. Fleet, C. I. I., Vol. III, pp. 43 ff. Ibid., pp. 110-1. Ibid., p. 105 of Introduction. Above, List of Northern Inscriptions, No. 1196, p. 159, n. 5. Above, Vol. XIX, pp.129 ff. According to the mean system of the first Arya Siddhanta, the intercalary month in the year 510-11 A.D. was Jevina (Sewell, The Siddhantas and the Indian Calendar, p. 388). 10 Above, Vol. VIII, pp. 288 ff.

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126 RPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. on 8th June 48 & pairpimanta month, which was apparently followed in this locality. The data of the shawal plates must thus be understood as being equivalent to 17th of June, 610 A. D. The mention of the Mahaevayuja samvatsara with the (Gupta) year 198 enables us to fx the date of the present record within a narrow compass. The year 198 G.E. commenced on 9th March, 517. A.D. and the Mahasvayuja samvatsara ended on or about the 23rd April, 517 A.D. and the present tecord must be dated within these limite. The missing month may theretore be supplied as Chaitra (in which case the fortnight must be the bright fortnight) or Vaisakha. The date of the Betul plates of Samkshobha, which has been caloulated by Kielborn to be 15th September (or October), 618 4:D. is thus about 18 months later than the date ot the present grant, and it is sometime within this period that Hastin was succeeded by his son. The reference to Pallada-raja-rilahtra in the present inscription indicates that the domail nion of the chief of the Pulindas mums be located within the territory of the nipati-Parivrajaks family, and is probably the region comprised of the northern slopes of the Vindhya range. The Palindas are first mentioned in the Aitaroya Brahmana, along with the Sabaras, with whom they have been always saociated and sometimes confounded." The locality Navagrama is too common to admit of definite identification, TEXT. 1 Namo Mahadaviya || Svatymashtanavaty-u[*ttaro-bda-hato Gupta-npipa-rajya bhuktau. sd-] mati prayanddbamang Mah-Advayoja-tamba(va)teaza [* . misa . paksha ....] 8 maayuh samba/va)taramdaa-divass-purvvayam [*cipati-parivrajaka-kulOtpannina maharija) 4 Divadhya-pradapteri maharaja-kazi-Prabhamjana-[*naptra Maharaja-Sri-Damadara stens go-se-> 0 -haara-hasty-asva-hirany-aneka-bhumi-prade[na] (guru-pitci-matci-puja-tatparena dityanta-deva-) 6 brahmana-bhaften-Ancka-samara-kata-vija[*yina V8-vams-moda-karena Mahl taja-srl.) 1 Hastina Palinda-raja-rashtra Navagramaki(ko ?)C nama gramah purvv Aghater-pariobohbada-maryadaya addra-) 8 gab parikaro-chata-bhata-pravekyo [*mata-pitror=atmanas-cha abhivriddheye) Pardara-sagotrebhyo Madhyandina-Val*jasaneya-sabrahmacharibhyo=mibhyo] 10 Brahmana-Bhatta-Yajnadhyasvimi-tat-putra-Bha[*tta .... Brahmana ....] wasyami-tait putea-Gopayajnasyimi-[*Brahmapa..... yajnasvimi tat-putra-] 12 Bhatta-Sambhuyajnasvami-Bhatt-Esana-Ya[*jna-svamibhyo putra-pautr-anyay - Opabhogyah] 18 mra-bigan nagrla)hard-tisfishtalt chaura-varjjath tad-asmat-kul-otthair mat-pada-pind-6-) 14 pajivibhir-yva kal-antareshv=api DA ["vyaghatah karaniyah evam-ajsapta yo ......) Varkhamihira, LX-29. Majumdar, Morindle's Ancient India, Pp. 168-7, 160. CatMariladgara (vide Canningham, 4. 8. B., Vol. XVII. p. 180).

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NAVAGRAMA GRANT OF HASTIN: G. E. [1] 98. Lokmatzirovi suhaza KARNAWWAR WWE sapanAmA GAWHATREsahita TATTTrermarAna STRATpavara AirimarynakA lahasa samaya MAAVARTA SCALE : ACTUAL SIZE. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. K. N. DIKSHIT. RED. No. 2919. E. 32.

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No. 21.] TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR. 127 No. 21. TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR. BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. A.-The Amrapur Stone Inscription of the reign of Singhana-Saka 1133. The inscription, which is edited here from an impression kindly sent to me by the Government Epigraphist for India, is in a temple of Siva1 called Ambikesvara at Amrapur (ancient Ambadapura), a village about 28 miles from Buldana in Berar. It is inscribed on a stone built into the wall above the lintel of the door of the garbhagriha. The whole record which consists of eight lines covers a space of 11" in breadth and 1' in height. The size of letters varies from 1.7" to 9". The characters are Nagari. The initial a occurs in amkato-pi in 11. 1-2 and Ambadapure in 11. 5-6, the initial i in Bhaideva in 1. 7 and the initial 4 in Deunayaka in 1. 5. The medial e is shown in some places by'a prishthamatra (cf. Bhaideva in 1. 7). The language is incorrect Sanskrit, The whole record is in prose, As regards orthography we may note that the letter is doubled in two places after the preceding 'r', viz., chakravartti in l. 4 and kirttane in 1. 7, The inscription states that in Saka 1133 when the cyclic year was Prajapati, Deunayaka was the governor (of the territory round Ambadapura) in the victorious reign of Srimat-Pratipachakravartti Simghanadeva. In that year a person named Mamgala, the son of Bhaideva, built a torana (?) in the temple (kirttana) constructed by Padumana (Pradyumna)sethi who was a resident of Ambadapura. The date does not admit of verification for want of details; but the cyclic year for Saka 1133 (expired) [=1211-1212 A.D.] was Prajapati as stated in the inscription. Singhanadeva, who bears the title Pratapachakravarttin in this record, is evidently the Yadava king of that name who ruled at Devagiri in the first half of the 13th century A.D. There are at least three different dates for the accession of this Yadava king, each supported by a number of regular epigraphical dates, viz., 1122, 1129, and 1132 Saka years. Saka 1133 (expired) is, however, the earliest certain date of Singhana's reign and the present record is also the earliest inscription of the Yadavas of Devagiri found in Berar. It is likely that Singhana was actually crowned in Saka 1132 although he may have been associated with government as Yuvaraja in the lifetime of his father for some seven years and succeeded him in 1129 Saka. It is also possible that the last of the accession' dates, viz., 1132 Saka, may have been calculated from some important event in his reign, such as the conquest of the Karnatak, which is alluded to in the Doni inscription. Anyway he must have won several victories before Saka 1134, the date of his Mardi stone inscription, and it is reasonable to assume that in one of these early campaigns he annexed the Berars or the country round Ambadapura where we find the present inscription. TEXT. 1 Svasti Sri [*] Sake amka 2 to-pis 1133 Prajapati samva 3 tsare svasti erimat-pratapa-chakra 4 vartti-sri-Simghanadeva-vijaya-rajye 1 The inscription is not at the temple of Bhawani as stated by B. B. Hiralal in his List of inscriptions in C. P. and Berar (Second Edn.), p. 153. The latter is on an eminence at a short distance from the temple of Siva. Fleet, Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part II, p. 522. No. 79 of the Bombay-Karnatak collection for 1927-8. G. H. Khare, Sources of the Mediaval History of the Deccan, Vol. I, p. 48. This expression which means " also in figures" is out of place here, as the date is not expressed in words

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128 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. 5 Deunayaka bhakta[rel] Ambada6 pure vastavy? Padumanasethi7 krates kirttane Bhaideva-putra-Matagala8 msishe (?) [todranam i(de)am (?) -- ta - - B.-The Barsi-Takli Inscription of the reign of Hemadrideva--Saka 1098. The inscription, which is edited here from an impression kindly supplied to me by the Government Epigraphist for India, is at the temple of Bhavani in the village of Barsi Takli, twelve miles south-east of Akola in Berar. Its existence was noticed by Mr. H. Cousens, who has also described the temple in the Progress Report of the Archeological Survey of Western India for 1902. "It (i.e., the temple) consists of a shrine and a mandapa or hall, both being freely decorated upon the exterior with bands of mouldings and figures. The mandapa is curiously arranged with regard to the shrine, being attached as it were sideways to it, the open side of the mandapa with its entrance being on one side or at right angles to the doorway of the shrine. The plan of the mandapa is rectangular, while that of the shrine is star-shaped. Four decorated pillars support the central ceiling of the hall. The principal figures around the outside of the temple, excepting Ganapati, are the females Mahakali and Mahishasuramardini, occupying important positions. The ceiling is particularly well decorated, the marginal panels being very much like those of temple No. 1 at Balsane in Khandesh ". The inscription is engraved on the wall of the mandapa facing the entrance. As in the case of the Ramtek Lakshmana Temple inscription, the surface of the wall was first rendered smooth with lime plaster before the inscription was incised in it. When Mr. Cousens saw the temple it had already been much damaged. When I visited the place in December 1931, I found it in a still more deteriorated condition as the lime plaster was gradually scaling off from the wall. The whole record covers a space of about 3' 3" broad by 11" high. The average size of letters is about ". The characters are Nagari. The language is Sanskrit and excepting the introductory Om Svasti and the particulars of the date the whole record is in verse. Originally it must have consisted at least of twenty lines; but the last six lines of the record are almost completely gone. Of the first fourteen, again, nearly half the portion on the right hand siue is destroyed owing to the peeling off of the lime plaster and though a few words and letters here and there can be read, they do not give much coherent sense. The verses are not numbered, but single and double dandas are, in some places, used to denote punctuation. The orthography calls for few remarks ; s is occasionally employed for $, e.g., in Vaisakha in l. 1; the anusvara is incorrectly used in addition to the following nasal in many places, e.g., Nimilamn in 1. 3, apatanntam in l. 4, etc. The consonant t following ris occasionally doubled as in kirtlau and varttamano in 1.5. The final dental nasal is changed to an anusvara in friman in l. 8, dasvar (1.9). As stated by Mr. Cousens, the temple is at present believed to be dedicated to Bhavani. I found, however, no image of the deity in the garbhagriha. There were, instead, three round stones (the central one being somewhat more elongated than the rest) covered with vermilion on a finely carved pedestal. There was also a stone figure of Nandin (Siva's bull) in the mandapa facing the deity which inay easily have been brought from elsewhere. The crude symbols of divinity ure in striking contrast to the rich carving on the four central pillars and the ceiling of the 1 Read Deunayake wholturi, * Read krila * Read mira-raslarva. * The last lige is very indistinct.

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No. 21.] TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR. 129 mandapa. It may, therefore, be presumed that the original image was destroyed when the place was occupied by Muhammadans and the present stones installed at a later date. It is also doubt ful if the temple was originally dedicated to the worship of Bhavani. The benedictory stanza in the beginning of the record is in praise of Hari (Vishnu). The building is referred to in l. 10 as the temple of Hari (Hari-vesma). It is noteworthy that in addition to the figures of MahishaBuramardini and Ganapati noticed by Mr. Cousens, images of Narasimha and other deities of the Vishnu cult occur on the door frame of the garbhagriha as well as on the exquisitely carved pillars of the mandapa, which support the Vaishnava origin of the shrine. It seems, therefore, certain that it came to be dedicated to Bhavani, when the original image of Vishnu had been destroyed and the people had, in course of time, lost sight of the deity in whose honour the temple had been originally erected. The fragmentary state of the inscription does not admit of a detailed and connected account of its contents. After the customary benediction, the inscription mentions the name of Ghatama who was born in the family of Danturaja. It then proceeds to describe a battle in which & young king, who is perhaps identical with Homadrideva mentioned later on in 1. 6, defeated Rajala, the son of Malugideva, who was advancing on the capital, confident of success, on account of his large forces. The king is further stated to have converted his capital Tokkall into the holy city of Benares by his virtuous deeds. The inscription then gives the genealogy of his hereditary ministers, who belonged to the Valabhya-gotra, Bhillama, his son Palama, his son Maila, and his son Gamiyaya or Gamayaja, who was apparently the donor of the present record. He is described in line 10 as having built a temple of Vishnu in this town (evidently Tekkali), of which the midday sun formed the chakra finial, the quarters the fringe and the sky the blue umbrella'. From lines 11 and 12 we know that Gamayaja excavated, for the use of the people, a deep tank, smiling with lotuses in bloom. In line 13 we are told of the building of a well (vapi). In line 14 two brothers are referred to, but their names have been lost. The inscription seems to have closed with the usual imprecatory verses as appears from a half-verse preserved in the last line. The date of the inscription is stated with full particulars as Thursday, the seventh tithi of the bright fortnight of the month Vaisakha in the Durmukha SamvatsaraSaka 1098, the Nakshatra being Pushya, the Yoga Ayushmat and the Karana Vanilja*). According to D. B. Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, the cyclic year for the Chaitradi Saka 1098 expired was Durmukha, as stated in the record. The seventh tithi of the bright fortnight of Vaisakha, however, fell on Saturday and not on Thursday as stated in the inscription. In Saks 1099 (expired) that tithi fell on a Thursday and the nakshatra was Pushya as mentioned in our record, but the cyclic year was Hemalamba and not Durmukha as required. The date would, thus, appear to be irregular, but there are so many instances of only one detail of the date being stated wrongly in epigraphs. According to the view adopted by D. B. S. K. Pillai in his Indian Ephemeris, the Saka date, as used at present, denotes expired years, but the name of the cyclic year denotes the current year. Accepting the discrepancy of one year in the number of Saka years and treating the cyclic year mentioned in the record as expired, we find that Vaibakha Sukla Saptami in Saka 1099 (Durmukha expired), (i.e. Hemalamba current), ended at 12 ghatikas (4 h. 45 m.) on Thursday after apparent sunrise and the nakshatra was Pushya which ended at 51 ghatikas (20 h. 25 m.) after apparent sunrise. This combination of a Thursday and the Pushya Nakshatra (an amrita-siddhi-yoga as it is called) is considered specially auspicious and probably represents the time when the original image of the deity was installed in the temple. The karana for the seventh tithi on Thursday was Vanija, but the yoga was sula and pot Ayushmat as stated in the inscription. This discrepancy may be explained away by taking Ayushmat

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130 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. yoga in the derivative sense of 's conjunction leading to longevity', but the insertion of the expression between the nakshatra and karana rather indicates that it was used in its technical sense of a par'icular yoga. It is also possible that the framer of the record purposely substituted Ayushmat for Suls, as the latter is not an auspicious yoga. This discrepancy in respect of yoga is not very important; for, 46 D. B. S. K. Pillai has observed, the investigation of yogas is a matter of altogether secondary importance in historical and chronological research. The date may, therefore, be considered as identical with Thursday, the 7th April 1177 A.D. The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it introduces a new line of princes that ruled at Tekkall which must be identified with modern Barsi Takli in Berar. The founder of the family was one Danturaja. The names of this prince and of Ghatama who was his descendant are not otherwise known. At the time of the inscription Hemadrideva was reigning. Three persons of this name are known to the history of the Yadava period : (1) Hemadrideva of the Nikumbha family, a feudatory of the Yadaves, who was ruling at Patna in the Chalisgaon region of Khandesh sometime after Saka 1128 (1207 A.D.)'; (2) Hemadri defeated by Kholsvara, the famous general of Bhillams, as mentioned in the stone inscription dated Saka 1150 at Ambeo ; and (3) Hemadri Pandit who was a minister of Ramadeva Yadava and is mentioned in the Thana* inscription dated Saka 1194 (1272 A.D.). Of these the first and the third are out of the question for the former was ruling in Khandesh and not in Berar, while the latter was only a minister and Aourished nearly a century later. Again prima facie it appears doubtful if our Hemadri who was ruling in Saka 1098 could be identified with the second prince named above, who was defeated by Kholesvara sometime before Saka 1150. Even if we suppose that the battle in which he was defeated was fought early in the reign of Singhans who ruled from Saka 1132 to 1169, there is a difference of at least 34 years to be accounted for between the two dates. There is, however, one circumstance which renders this identification possible in the present state of our knowledge. Our inscription mentions that H&madrideva defeated Rajala, the son of Malugideva, who invaded Tekkali with a large army. Now two princes of the name Malugi (or Mallugi) were reigning at the time-(1) Mallugi, the Kalachari prinos who, according to the Mardi stone inscription dated Saka 1134, succeeded his brother, the Kalachuri prinoe soma or Sovideva whose last date is Saka 1096, and (2) Mallugi, "the father and predecessor of the Yadava king Bhillama (Saka 1109-1113). As to the first alternative, it is clear that the Kalachuri Malugi was reigning for a short interval between Bakas 1097 to 1098 as we have a record of the second year of his reign dating from Saka 2098. From other records, we know that his younger brother Sankama also began to rule in Saka 1997 as his second and eighth years were Bakas 1098 and 1104 respectively. The only hypothesis on which this can be explained is that of joint rule by the two brothers. As the present record montions that Hemadrideva defeated Rajala, the son of Malugi, this alternative is not entirely ruled out, but it is improbable that the Kalachuris could at this period engage in offensive warfare so far away from their capital, Kalyani. As to the second alternative, we learn from the Vratakhanda of Homadri Pandit that Mallugi, the Yadava king, took a town named Perpalheta from his enemies and while residing there carried away by force the troop of slephants belonging to the king of Utkala. The early Yadave princes were ruling in . Indian Epitemoris, p. 20. * Ep. Ind., I. p. 341. .. 1. Khan, source of the Medieval History of the Deccan, Vol. I, p. 64. * Rp. Ind. XII, p. 198. "G. H. Khare, Sources of the Mediaval History of the Deccan,, Vol. I, p. 50. . Sur B. G. Bhandarker Early History of the Deccan, Third Eddition, p. 179.

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No. 21.] TWO INSCRIPTIONS FROM BERAR. 131 Seupadesa, corresponding to modern Khandesh; Parpakheta must, therefore, be situated somewhere to the east of Khandesh, possibly in Berar. We may note again that Kholesvara, a general of the Yadava Singhana, defeated one Hemadri of Parnakheta. Putting these references together it seems quite plausible that Mallugi defeated the father or some elderly relative of Hemadri of the present inscription, while the latter, when he was a mere boy, vanquished Rajala, the son of Mallugi, who was advancing on Tekkali with a large army; finally Kholesvara defeated Hemadri early in the reign of Singhana. If Hemadri was a young man in Saka 1098, as the present inscription seems to imply, he may have continued to reign as late as Saka 1132. The other persons mentioned in this record, viz., Bhillama, Palama and Maila, were ministers who served the royal family and must not be confounded with some of their namesakes in the dynasty of the Yidavas. TEXT. 1 oM' // bhI svasti zrI zakaH 1088 [durmukha saMvatsare] vaisAkha mAse zuklapakSe saptamyAM gurau dine puSyanakSatra pAyuma[di](ti) yoge [vaNijakaraNe] ....... 2 jayati' tulasiraktA[:*] zaMkito rAdhayAIvaraNanihitamU[hI vivitastabakheSu / ziva iti nakharasmi zcetitakAdazAtmA hariravihata[mUrtI]...... 3 vA (bA)[huru] dagrabhUbhRdaMzo yazobhUbhuvi" daMturAjaH / tatastataH svaprabasapratApavvara vvalacchavurabhUghaTAmaH / [1] "nimIlaMmalinArAtivanitAvadanAMbujaH / ........mApte tataH / [dhamA] ...rA vApA (?).... 4 ca [*] nivArito" maMtrigaNena bAla[:"] svalpairbhaTemmAlugidevaputra / jigAya senAbahulatvadAr3hIDAvayo rAjalamApataMnta // smAraM [smAraM..........yAva zrIkaM pA.... 6 dhikavAMchayA" raNavidhau nRtyatkabaMdhavraja: kluptakSitipAlama(maNDalakarAdAne dayA bhASaNa: [ kIrtI cAmaravarmano laghutayA [yo....khadhI[dha]reNa.....bhUmiH ka6 [dA] ca navalatvabalairupaitA" ) hemAdridevanRpateH kalitApacaya necAli zatrunicayana kadAcanApi // sopaplava cirakalaMkayutaM kSayAta] .....moditaM vi.... maNDalamasya rAjaH (1) tekka-10 1 There is a village called Patkhed about 4 miles to the south-west of Barsi Tukli, which I would identify with Parnakheta. *G. H. Khare, Sources of the Mediaval History of the Deccan, Vol I, p. 64. I roud osazla in place of arvata. [The name of also occurs in an unpublished plate from Borar.-Ed.] OI. R. B. Hiralal, List of Inscriptions in 0. P. and Berar (Second Edition), p. 148. * Expressed by a symbol. *Read vaizAkha. * Metre: Malini. - Read rAdhayAdha. * Read nakharazmi'. Metre : Upajati. 10 Read "bhuvi. "I Motce: Anushubh. Read # ferar 11 Metre: Upajati. " Read "sApatantam 14 Metre: Sardulavikridita, " Road 'prajAluma MMetre: Vasantatilakd. 1 Read 'paMtA. " Read nocAli. I Metie: Arafab.

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132 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, [Voz. XXI. 7 lI rAjadhAnI svA dharmadurga kalau yuge / vANArasI katA tena vimalaiH sucaritrakaiH / [[*j prApta' purA viracitaiH sukkataiH kathaMciddehaM vihAya niyatA ..... vajane samastAH [*] jannai rAjJAM prajJa A8 jAkadeSAM maMtrI maulau labhyavAlabhyagotraH / zUra[:] zrImA' bhIllamo nAma tasmAjAtaH putraH pAlama: puNyakIrtiH // tasmAdabhUnmAilanAmadheyastata...kSmI / 'utkRSTepi guNe [yasya.. GgatA(tAM)nA9 [pa]nIyate / atizAGNa zAGNa tataH samudapadyata:' / [*] haricaraNasaroja raktacita(tta)kSapitasamudatapAtakapracAraH tata - udayata gAmai(mi)yAyadAkhAM(khAn) raviriva ........NDatasA(saM)saktAM [medhAvinI] daridratA // mA10 dhyaMdine' dinapatI harivezmacUDAcakrIkvate vitatajhanjharitalpadikke / viSNo[ga] vyatini0 tena puratha tatra nIlAtapatramiva yatra nabho vibhAti // ..... TAraTaM(1) yasyAM dina.... 11 prasUtAH [1] cakre sa tasyAM janajIvanAeM ()mutkhAtapAtAlataka) taDAgaM / sAkSAtkSaNaM lakSitazeSarUpai) pApairapi prApyata yatra muktiH [] "prasi chima[pra].........maMtra[koSThanirvA--hara12 ti laharihastaipitAsA(zA)dazApi / hasati hasitapadmasaMpadaM sAgarANAM // jayati suktamUrtI gAmayAjantaDAgaM // "utkIrNarUpe ca sudhAsubiMba..... dirAdiSTa..... 13 .... syAmeSa pIyUSadhAmA / pratikatigatarUpaH puSTaye svasya vApI [prathita sukatarAziM nirmi(ma)me] ........ 14 ....nAmAnau tasya baMdhU babhUvatuH / guNakhAni....... 19 ["tasya dAsasya dAsohaM] mama dataH(ttiH) pratipAlya [*tAm] ...... lIyA ..... 1 Metre: Vasanlatilaka. Read TFT. * Metre : Salini. * Read maulI'labhya. * Read zrImAn bhikhamI. Metre: Indravajra. * Metre: Anushfubh. ' Roud samudapadyata. * Metre: Pushpitagra. * Read 'kalpadi. 10 Read vyatani. MMotre: Upendrarajri 19 Metre: Malini. The amended reading af art af involves a wrong sandhi in afat: : Which should have been a fact TAT. " Dandas unnecessary. 14 Metre: Indravajte "Read sAMpa "Metre: Anushtubh.

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No. 22) SURAT PLATESOF KARKKARAJA SUVARNAVARSHA; SAKA 743. 133 No, 22.-SURAT PLATES OF KARKKARAJA SUVARNAVARSHA OF THE GUJRAT RASHTRAKUTA BRANCH; DATED SAKA YEAR 743. PROF. A. S. ALTEKAR, M.A., D. LITT., BENARES. The accompanying plates of Karkka Suvarnavarsha, which are being edited here for the first time, were referred to by the late Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji in his Early History of Gujarat which he contributed to the Bombay Gazetteer, Volume 1, Part I. At page 125 of the above work he briefly refers to their contents but does not give any information about their findspot or the cir. cumstances in which or the person by whom they were discovered. He refers to them as the Surat plates and, therefore, presumably they were found in or near that city. But nothing definite is known about the findspot of the plates beyond what Dr. Bhagwanlal has said in the above book. I have, therefore, continued his nomenclature of the present record, though I can adduce no definite evidence to connect them with Surat. Dr. D, R. Bhandarkar, the Carmichael Professor of Ancient Indian History and Culture at the Calcutta University, very kindly handed over the plates to me for being edited in the Epigraphia Indica and I am accordingly editing them now. The plates are three in number. Their size, which is fairly uniform, is 13.6" by 7.6". The thickness is about 0.1". The edges of the plates have been raised into rims so as to protect the writing. The plates have been strung together by means of a ring passing through a hole which is at the centre of the proper left side, about 0-7" from the edge. The ring is about 0-4" in thickness and 3.2" in diameter and its edges have been secured by means of a circular seal about 1'11" in diameter. On its counterstruck surface there is an image of Garuda, who is in human form with wings on either side. He is sitting with folded hands and crossed legs, the soles of his feet touching each other. The seal does not bear any legend. The inscription is written on the inner side of the first and third plates and on both sides of the second. The last plate, however, has only 7 lines, whereas the fully inscribed sides have, on an average, about 18 lines. After engraving nearly half of the first plate, the engraver, it would appear, anticipated that the space at his disposal would require smaller characters and more compact lines ; in subsequent lines of the record we, therefore, find the average number of letters in each line increased from 38 to 55. This economy in space is probably responsible for the third plate having only 7 lines. The plates are in a fairly good state of preservation; the surface has been partly damaged in a few places, but the record is perfectly legible except at the beginning of 1. 45 where the first two letters are doubtful. The surface of the plates was not dressed very carefully; as a result there are depressions some of which look like anusvaras (cf. neka 1. 13) and some like medial vowel marks (cf. vsiddhaya l. 44). In a few cases the engraver has corrected his mistakes ; thus he has crossed out the medial a mark of kha in khadga in l. 40 and of ja in janmanugam in l. 55, and in addition to the correction in ka in l. 51 he has crossed out the letter ryya so as to change karyya into karaniya. In some cases he has also made up his omissions by supplying the omitted letter or letters either immediately below the preceding or succeeding letter (cf. ka of usishamka l. 27, ha of mahasamyuge 1. 32, pha of phalavapti l. 33, ryye in sauryyena and ya in sadajflaya 1. 39) or at the bottom of the plate (cf. arttartti at the bottom of the first plate, and taika sasanadata and kastena sva at that of the third). A kakapada is usually, but not invariably, written to draw attention to the corrections. But the plates were not very carefully revised, and as a result, four letters inadvertently omitted in verse 25 remained to be supplied and several wrongly repeated letters, words and groups of words remained to be crossed out. (See notes to 11. 38, 43, 45, 49

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134 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. 52, 55, etc.) The horizontal stroke of sha in shu in ranasarvarishu 1. 3 has been carelessly omitted, whereas it is wrongly introduced in pra of prasishya in l. 49. Slipshod execution is seen in parigiyate l. 24, where the short stroke to the left of the vertical stroke of ra, instead of being engraved at the centre, is relegated to the bottom and is allowed to merge in the medial i mark of the letter; in the next letter gi the engraver allowed his instrument to slip to the right of the left lower limb of the letter and this unnecessary line meets the medial i mark of gi. As a * result origi can be recognised only on the plate. The loop at the head of sthaih in samusthaih 1. 25 must again be attributed to carelessness. The characters belong to the northern class of the alphabets and are similar to the characters of the Paithan, Wani Dindori, and Radhanpur plates of Govinda III. There is no admixture of the southern forms to any extent whatsoever, except perhaps the sha in Rashtrakuta in 1.8, which shows a bend in the left limb, characteristic of the southern alphabets. The general form of the characters is similar to the Nagari of the period to which the inscription belongs. Attention may be drawn, however, to the medial a sign in the case of ta and ja which is a semicircle open upwards, attached in the latter case sometimes to the central horizontal stroke (cf. bhajo 1. 19) and sometimes to the topmost one (cf. tasy-almajo 1. 6). Medial u is usually denoted by a small stroke to the left as in the case of mu and shu ; in the case of ru, bhru 1. 4, tru l. 8, Dhru 1. 22, this stroke is transferred to the right owing to the presence of a stroke to the left in these letters; sometimes, however, a curve is attached at the end of the vertical to the left to denote the medial u, as in su. The final forms of ma, na and ta occur in the record; the first two are denoted by a short slanting stroke attached to the right of the vertical (cf. yoyam 1. 42, dharmanam I. 62, adhikarikan 1. 43), while the last one is denoted by the ordinary form of ta without, however, its small vertical and matra, but with a slanting line placed at a distance to the left (f. vaset 1. 54 and dadyat l. 57). It may be pointed out that the Rashtrakuta records of the period to which our record belongs use three different varieties of alphabets. The purely southern variety, the precursor of the modern Kanarese, is used in the extreme south and is illustrated by the Kadaba plates of Govinda III'. In the central and northern portions of the empire two varieties were being used side by side, one the successor of the Valabhi alphabet and the other, the Nagari which was gradually displacing the former. The Samangad plates of Dantidurga,' the Talegaon plates of Krishna I, and the Paithan,* Wani-Dindori,and the Radhanpur plates of Govinda III are all in the Nagari script, while the Baroda plates 7 of the present donor, Torkhede8 plates of Govinda III, and the Baroda plates of Dhruva I exhibit the successor of the Valabhi alphabet, showing the traces of both southern and northern influence. At the end of the record are engraved, nearly at the middle of the last two lines, two padachihnas which are apparently intended to symbolise the foot-prints of Mahavira, the principal object of worship at the establishment to which the grant was made. The language of the record is Sanskrit throughout. No Prakritisms are to be traced in the document except perhaps in the spelling of the proper name Mallavadin where, if that reading is correct, we have an example of an original d being changed intod. On the whole the language is correct, but a few mistakes occur. Thus there is a wrong sandhi in prathumof=suchinan I. 39 and in mukhalas-cha sobham 1. 5 we have the accusative for the nominative, due no doubt to the Anke, Vol. IV, p. 340. Ibid., Vol. XIII, p. 275. Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 157. Ibid., Vol. XII, p. 158 Nid., Vol. XIV, p. 199 * Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 111. . Ante, Vol. III, p. 105. . Ante, Vol. VI, p. 249. Ante, Vol. III, p. 54.

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No. 22.] SURAT PLATES OF KARKKARAJA SUVARNAVARSHA; SAKA 743. 136 unconscious influence of the preceding word khadgan. In II. 47-49 the object of the grant Dhashuvapi is treated sometime as masculine and sometime as feminine. With respect to orthography the following points are to be noted :-(1) Va is written throughout for ba; (2) in a conjunct of which r is the first member, the second consonant is doubled with very rare exceptions as in Stambhadibhir-bhuja-valad 1. 31, arthishu and yatharthata in 1. 33 and sartha and Prartha in l. 39; (3) a visarga before a following pa or pha is denoted by the sign for upadhmaniya in 4 cases (see ll. 1, 41, 58 and 59), but in 8 other cases the upadhmaniya mark has not been used (see 11. 11, 22, 28, 33, 37, 39, 40 and 47). (4) Whether this record uses the jihvamuliya symbol is a knotty question. Cases of a visarga followed by a ka occur in II. 7, 10, 14, 19, 23, 38, 42, 50, 57, etc. The conjunct consonant used in all these cases really looks like & mk (cf.mku 1. 38), but that combination is inexplicable. One is tempted to read it as 8k, but the normal form of sa in the present record is different; we have besides two clear cases of ska in skandhavara l. 44 and yasaskara l. 58 and this form is entirely different from the one seen in the combination of a visarga and a following k. We are, therefore, driven to the conclusion that what looks like the form of m in the combination of a visarga with a following kis & symbol for jihvamuliya. It may be pointed out that in several other records the symbol for jihvamuliya is also very much similar to the contemporary sign for the letter m. (cf. Ante Vol. XVII, p. 329, Mattepad plates, 1. 7, Vol. VI, p. 7, Aihole Inscription, l. 17, etc.). (5) The anusvara before a sa is. denoted by the guttural nasal, cf. vansaih 1. 51; in other cases it is sometimes converted to the nasal of the class to which following letter belongs and sometimes denoted by a dot. (6) The rules of sandhi are usually observed except in the portion dealing with the locality and its boundary ; see ll. 46-48. The formal part of the record is in prose, the rest of the record, excepting the introductory letter om, is in verse. The verses are not numbered, but at the end of each verse there is & punctuation mark usually consisting of two short vertical strokes, except at the end of v. 38 where we have only one stroke, probably by mistake, and at the end of v. 36 where it is altogether dropped, probably owing to the wrong repetition of a number of letters in the last pada of that verse. There are no punctuation marks to denote the end of the half verse, the only exception being v. 35, where we have the punctuation mark usually used at the verse-end. The present charter contains the grant of a field to a Jain establishment at Nagasarika or modern Nausari. LI. 42-47 inform us that when Suvarnavarsha Karkkaraja, the son of Indraraja, was encamped on the bank of the Vaikika he granted on the full moon day of Vaisakha of the Saka year 743 elapsed (corresponding to Sunday the 21st of April 821 A.D.) Hiranyayoga, which was apparently the name of a field irrigated by & well belonging to or constructed by a person named Dhashu, to the Jain teacher Aparajita, who was a disciple of the most revered Sumati who in turn was a pupil of Mall)lavadin It is a pity that the value of the fourth letter of the proper name of the last mentioned personage should be doubtful. The letter can be read as ri, di or di. It is quite clear that the engraver has proceeded to modify ri, which he had first written ; whether he has changed this letter to di or di is not clear. It is obvious that the proper name in question could not have been Malavadin, but Mallavadin; the former hardly gives any sense, and it is, therefore, quite possible that one may have been inadvertently omitted. Mallavadin, who was apparently the founder of the Jain temple and the attached Matha at Nausari, is very probably the same personage who wrote & commentary called Dharmottara-tippanaka on the Nyaya-bindu-tika of Dharmottaracharya. Dr. Satish Chandra Vidyabhushana has pointed out that this Mallavadin may have lived either in the first half of the 9th or in the second half of the 10th century A.D. Our charter 1 The reading is clearly Maladhari and not Malavadi, to judge from the facsimile-Ed. * Hidory of Indian Logic, pp. 194-8.

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136 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. shows that the first alternative is Learer the correct date. Since a disciple of Mallavadin's disciple is the recipient of a grant issued in 821 A.D. it is obvious that Mallavadin could not have flourished in the latter half of the 10th century A.D.; he must be placed in the last quarter of the 8th century A.D. This conclusion will be untenable if we accept Dr. Vidyabhushana's view that Dharmottaracharya, on whose work Mallavadin wrote his commentary, flourished in c. 847 A.D. But this view itself is wrong, since it is based upon an unproved assumption that king Vanapala was ruling in Bengal in c. 847 A.D. Mallavadin and his disciples belonged to the Sena-sangha, which is described as a branch of the Mula-sangha which constituted the main Digambara Church. According to the Pattavalis, the Mulasangha branched off into three other sub-sections known as Deva-sangha, Nandi-sangha and Sena-sangha sometime in the 1st century A.D. It is with reference to this division into four sections of the main Digambara branch that Mula-sangha is called chatushtaya in our grant. The information of the Patavalis is thus confirmed by epigraphical evidence. There is at present a Jain temple at Nausari called the Parsvanatha temple with two Mathas attached to it, one for the male and the other for the female ascetics. The present temple belongs to the Svetambara sect and its buildings, which are being renovated at present, are said, according to local tradition, to have been built by Vastupala in the 13th century A.D. Vastupala may have quite possibly provided buildings to a Sangha that was already flourishing in the locality; in that case the antiquity of the Svetambara Jain establishment may antedate the buildings in which it is now located. The Mula-sangha establishment of Nausari to which Karkka gave the present grant was most probably different from the present Jain temple since it belonged to the Digambara church, which seems to have disappeared in subsequent centuries. [VOL. XXI After the syllable om the record opens with a homage to the gospel of Jinendra in v. 1. The next 39 verses give the Rashtrakuta genealogy of the main branch up to Amoghavarsha I and of the Gujarat branch up to Karkka Suvarnavarsha. Since most of these verses recur in other published Rashtrakuta records it is unnecessary to give an abstract of their contents here. Attention will, therefore, be drawn only to a few salient points. The genealogy begins with Govinda I, the names of his father and grandfather Indra Prichchhakaraja and Dantivarman respectively, which are given in the Konnur inscription, Sanjan copper-plates of Amoghavarsha I and the Dasavatara cave record do not figure in this grant. The name of Dantidurga is not passed over in this record, nor is the credit of the overthrow of the Chalukyas given to Krishna I in preference to Dantidurga as is done in the Wani-Dindori and Radhanpur plates of Govinda III, Baroda plates of the present donor and Kapadvanj plates of Krishna II. The bravery of the next ruler Krishna I is described in the next 7 verses (12-18), but the description is all conventional; his wars with the Gangas and the Eastern Chalukyas are not even referred to, the only historical event mentioned is the overthrow of Rahappa. The record, however, does not give any clue to the identification of this opponent The successor of Krishna I, Govinda II, is not passed over as is done in the Baroda plates of the present donor, Kapadvanj plates of Krishna II and the Bagumra plates of Indra III, but the circumstances of his overthrow by his younger brother are not mentioned. The next 6 verses (20-25) describe the career of Dhruva. All these verses, with the exception of v. 25, are already known to us and contain only conventional eulogy. V. 25, however, which, so far as I am aware, does not occur in any other records so far published, is 1 Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. VII, p. 474. Ante, Vol. XVIII, p. 235. Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 157. Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 158. J. B. B. K. A. S., Vol. XVIII, p. 257. 2 Ante, Vol. VI, p. 29. A. S. W. I., Vol. V. p. 87. Ante, Vol. VI, p. 242. Ante, Vol. 1, p. 53.

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No. 22.] SURAT PLATES OF KARKKARAJA SUVARNAVARSHA; SAKA 743. 137 historically important. The expression 'Gangaugha-santati-nirodha-vivriddha-kirlih' used in this verse to describe both Siva and Dhruvs clearly refers to Dhruva's victories over the Western Gangas and possibly also over the Palas and Gurjara Pratiharas. The expression can mean One whose fame is increased by the imprisonment of a scion of the Ganga family or lineage and would thus be referring to the imprisonment of the contemporary Ganga ruler Sivamara, which is mentioned in several other records of the Rashtrakutas. It is interesting to note that some of the Ganga records also admit indirectly the truth of the Rashtrakuta claim. The Manne plates, alleged to be issued by Sivamara's son in 797 A.D., are no doubt spurious, but the statement made in them that Sivamira was entangled on all sides in difficulties seems to have been based on a genuine historic tradition. The Gattavadipur plates inform us that Sivamara put his younger brother Vijayaditys upon the throne who like Bharata, knowing the earth to be his elder brother's wife, refrained from enjoying her.' This statement, especially the Ramayana episode recalled in the simile, makes it clear that Sivamara was absent from the kingdom probably in the Rashtrakuta prison, and that his younger brother was trying to carry on the struggle against the conqueror in the absence of the de jure ruler. In the expression Gang-augha-santati-nirodhao I further see a reference to Dhruva's campaign in the Gangetic Doab, where according to the Sanjan and Baroda plates, he inflicted a crushing defeat on the Pala and Gurjara armies. To the poet's imagination, the mighty forces of the Rashtrakuta invader, crossing the Ganges, may well have appeared to have repeated Siva's feat of obstructing the flow of the river. The next 6 verses (26-31) describe the exploits of the next ruler Govinda III, but the description is all conventional. The only historical event referred to is the rebellion of Stambha ; Govinda's brilliant campaigns against the kings of Southern and Northern India are altogether passed over. A verse in the Radhanpur plates of Govinda III states that he had opposed his father's plan of abdication in his favour, pointing out that he was quite content with the Kanchika or necklace, the insignia of a Yuvaraja. The Kavi plates, however, distinctly state that Govinda obtained the kingdom from his father at a formal coronation. V. 30 of our record supports the Kavi plates, inasmuch as it refers to Govinda receiving, not his yauvarajya, but the imperial title radhiraja-param esvarata, from his father at the time of his own coronation. It is, therefore, difficult to say whether Dhruva had actually abdicated in the closing years or months of his reign. On the one hand it is possible that the expressions Rajyabhisheka-kalasuih and rajadhiraja-param esvaratam may have been used rather loosely by the Kavi and the present plates to denote yuvarajabhisheka, on the other hand, grown wiser by the treatment which he himself had given to his elder b:other Govinda II, Dhruva may have realised that installation as an heir-apparent was no guarantee against a war of succession and may, therefore, have actually abdicated in favour of his favourite son to avoid the chance of his succession being opposed. Under these circumstances it will be difficult to deoide in favour of either of the two alternatives until we get more evidence on the point. Vv. 32-40 refer to Amogbavarsha I, his uncle Indra and the latter's son Karkka, the donor of the grant. All these verses are already known to us from other records, but v. 39 of this record combined with its date gives very valuable historical information. The verse in question tells us that Amoghava:sha I was reinstated on the throne by his cousin Karkka, when a number of Rashtrakuta feudatories had rebelled against him. The rebellion in question was already known, but when it started and how long it lasted we 12.9., Wal-Dindori plates, Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 157. * Ep. Carn., Vol. IX, Nelamangala, No. 60. Ibid., Vol. XII, Nanjangud, No. 269. [I do not agree that any referenov to Dhruva's northern campaigns against the Pales and Gurjaras is also contained in the expression gang-augha.....kirti.-Ed.) . Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 147.

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16 BPKGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL XXI. could not know definitely until now. Its time could be given only vaguely as sometime between February 817 A.D. and October 838 A.D. For, the Nausic plates of the present donor issued in February 817 A.D., while referring to the suecession of Amoghavarsha I, do not refer to the rebellion; while the Baroda platest of his son Dhruva, issued in October 835 A.D., contain a Reference to the signal services rendered to his cousin by Karkka in quelling the rebellion of the proud and wilful Rashtrakutas. The date of the present record is 21st of April 821 A.D.; it closely copies the Nausari grant of the present donor, and the only information it supplies to as about the grantor is his reinstatement of his cousin Amoghavarsha I upon the imperial throne. It is therefore, clear that the rebellion broke out and was quelled completely between February 817 and April 821 A.D. When Amoghavarshe was restored to the throne he was still a boy of about 12, and the government must have been carried on in his name by some regent, probably by Karkka himself. The present record is thus an almost contemporary document with reference to the rebellion and it gives the credit of quelling it to Karkka ; later records of the Gujarat branch also concur with it in this respect. The recently published Sanjan copper-plates of Amoghavarsha I, however, tell us that it was with the help of Patalamalla that the boy emperor could regain his throne. This discrepancy can be explained in two ways: (1) Patalamalla may bave been another relative or feudatory of Amoghavarsha, who may have co-operated with Karkka in overthrowing the confederacy against the boy emperor. The Gujarat branch records would naturally ignore him and give the entire credit to Karkka who belonged to it. (2) Or. Patilamalla may be the same as Karkka, the former being an epithet of the latter. Patalamalla is obviously a biruda rather than & proper name ; Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji avers that it was a Biruda of Karkka, but cites no authority for his statement. It is not improbable that the late scholar made that statement on the authority of some unpublished Rashtrakuta record (e.g., the Baroda grant of Dhruva II of the Gujarat branch, dated 867 A.D., which is referred to by him but yet remains to see the light of the day); but so far no published Rashtrakuta record assigns to him that title. I am inclined to hold that Patalamalla was a biruda of Karkka; had Patalamalle been a different man, a relative or feudatory of Amoghavarsha, who co-operated with Karkka in restoring him to the throne, it is difficult to understand why he Sanjan plates, which describe in detail the rebellion and the consequent anarchy, should altogether ignore the services of Karkka, while eulogising those of Patalamalla. It is possible to argue that the omission of Karkka in the Sanjan plates is deliberate ; his descendants, who ruled after him in Southern Gujarat, had rebelled recently against the imperial authority of Amoghavarsha' I and therefore the latter may have naturally ignored the services rendered by Karkka in a grant issued by him, while the memory of the rebellion of the Gujarat branch was still fresh. This explanation is possible, but I prefer to believe that one day we may find a record showing that Patalamalla was a biruda of Karkka Suvarnavarsha. Most of the verses of the present record are already known to us from published records. Tv. 2-21 are identical with vv. 1-20 of the Nausari grant of the present donor ; vv. 23-24 and 26-28 are identical with vv. 21-96 of the same record. V. 39 oocurs in the Baroda plates of Dhruva, the son of the present grantor, and vv. 22 and 40 ocour in the Paithan grant of Govinda III 1J. B. B. R. A. 8., VoL XX, p. 135. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 199. Ante, Vol. XVIII, p. 48. Bombay Gazetteet, Vol. I, Part I, p. 124. The long war lasting for as many as three generations mentioned in the Baroda plates of Dhruva II (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 197) in which Dhruva I lost his life and his son and grandeon were ouated from the throne, was fought with king named Vallabbe, who could have been no other than Amoghavarahs I. I have disowned this question in detail in my forthooming book, the Rashtrakas and their Tim . .J. R. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XX, p. 138. I AM. Xa XIV, P. 109 * Anle, Vol II, 106.

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No. 22. SURAT PLATES OF KARKKARAJA SUVARNAVARSHA; SAKA 743. 189 11. 38-39 and 41-42. V. 25 alone is a new one and its historical significance has been discussed already. After recording the grant in prose the charter recites the usual imprecatory verses and con. cludes with a couple of verses in praise of Jainism. The charter claims to contain an autograph of Karkka, but it should have been in proto-Kanarese characters as is the case with his signmanuals in his Baroda and Nausari grants. It may be doubted, therefore, whether the duct of the words 'Svahastoyam mama sri-Karkkarajasya srimad-Indraraja-sunoh' really represents that of Karkka's own handwriting. The charter was drafted by Narayana, son of Kulaputraka siiDurgabhatta, who was the chief foreign minister of Karkka. He is obviously a brother of Nemaditya, who hud drafted the two other known copper-plate grants of the present donor,-the Baroda plates of 811-2 and the Nausari plates of 817 A. D.; for, the latter two documents describe Nemaditya &s a son of the foreign minister Kulaputraka Durgabhatta. The present charter shows that the career of Narayana was more successful than that of his brother Nemaditya, since he succeeded his father in the important post of the Chief Foreign Minister. Most of the copper-plate grants of old were drafted by a sandhivigrahika er foreign minister. I have not yet seen any attempt to explain the connection of the office of sandhivigrahika with the drafting of land grants. The connection is, however, established not only by copper-plates, but is also known to Smriti literature. An anonymous verse quoted by Vijnanesvara on Yajnavalkya-smriti, I, 320, says: Sandhivigrahakari tu bhaved=yas-tasys lekhakah Svayam rajna samadishtah sa likhed-rajasasana Vijnanesvara himself says, Sandhivigrahakarina (fasanan karayet) nanyena kenachit.' Yajnavalkya lays down in I, 319 that a land grant should contain an account of the genealogy of the donor. A glance at the numerous grants that have been published shows that this dictum of the sage was usually observed in practice. The genealogy had naturally to refer to the exploits of the ancestors of the donor, material for which was expected to be preserved in the archives of the foreign office, and its head was, therefore, expected to draft the charter containing the names and exploits of the donor and his ancestors. Of the localities mentioned in the plates almost all can be identified with certainty. NagaArika is modern Nausari, about 20 miles to the south of Surat. The Puravi is obviously the river Purna on the banks of which Nausari is situated. Of the two villages Ambapataka and Sambapura, the latter is untraceable, but the former is obviously the same as Amadpur, situated on the Puravi or Purna and about 5 miles from Nausari. Mr. M. K. Nadkarni, the Subha of Nausari, informs me that this village was some centuries ago called Amrapura according to the local tradition. The river Vankika, on the banks of which the army of Karkka was encamped when the gift was made, is the Vanki creek about 30 miles to the south of Nausari. The only place that thus remains to be identified is Sambapura. This village was to the north of Ambapataka or modern Amadpur and, therefore, it cannot be identified with the village of Sampur in Kamrej Taluka, since it is 35 miles from Nausari. It has now probably gone out of existence. TEXT.1 [The following metres have been used Anushtubhvv. 2, 24, 32, 41-45 and 49. Arya :-Vv. 12-15, 22, 27-29, 33, 40 and 50. Indravajra :-v. 23. Upajali :-Vv. 5 and 20. Giti -v. 8. Pushpitagra-v. 48. Vambasthavila :--v.l. Vasantatilaka vv. 3, 4, 6, 7, 9, 10, 16, 25, 26, 30, 36-38. Sardulavikridita -vv. II, 18 and 31. Sragdhari.-vv. 17, 19, 34 and 35.] From the original plates.

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140 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [ VOL. XXI. A First Plate. 1 SoM / zriya x padaM nityamazeSagocaraM nayapramANaM pratiSiduSyathaM [*] janasya bhavyatva' samAhitAtmano jayatyanugrAhi jinendrazAzana' // [1 // "] sa vI 2 vyAdhasA dhAma yabAbhikamalaM taM [*] haraca yasya kAntendukalayA kamalakataM // [2 // *] pAsIhiSattimiramudyatamaNDalAmo dhastitraya3 mabhimukho raNasarvarISu' [*] bhUpazucircidhurivAstadigantakIrtimgo mindarAja iti rAjasu rAjasikaH // [3 // *] dRSTA camUmabhi4 mukhI[1] subhaTAhAsAmudAmita sapadi yena raNeSu nityaM [1] daSTAdharaNa dadhatA bhukuTiM lalATe khA kulaM ca da[ya]5 nija[*] satvaM [14 // *] khaga[*] karAyAbhukhataca zobhA mAno mana stammamameva yasya [1] mahAhave nAma nizamya sadyastra6 ye ripUNAM vigalatyakANDe [5] tasyAmajI jagati vizrutadIrghakItte rAtatihAriharivikramadhAmadhArI [*] bhUpA1 stu"viSTapanRpAnukkati tanaH zrIkarkarAja iti govamaNi bhUva [[16 // *] tasya prabhivakaraTacyutadAnada8 tidantaprahArapacirolikhitAMsapITha: [1] mApa: kSitI capitazatrurabhUttanUjA drASTra. kUTavanakAdririvendrarAjaH // [7 // "] tasyopA9 jitamahasastanayazcaturudadhivalayamAlinyA[:.*] bholA bhuvazataka[*] zazazIdanti durgarAjobhUt / [8 // "] kAJcIzakera___10 lanarAdhipacolapANyazrImau"yavacaTavibhedavidhAnadaI [* karNATakaM vala macisyama neyamanyairbhUtyaiktiyajira1 pi yasamahasA jigAya [en"] abhUvibhaMgamarahItanizAtazastramatrAntamapratihatAna mapatayavaM [*] yo vanabhaM svapadi daNDa12 valena jitvA rAjAdhirAjaparamezvaratAmavApa [10] pAsatovipulopalAvali lasajholoHimAlAjalAdAprAnleyakaExpressed by a symbol. -Read bhavyaca. - Read zAsanam * Read "hiSa. Read wafer. * Read abhimukhI. * The central horizontal stroke of she is missing. * Read mominTa. * Read degsiMha ____ 10 Read zobhA. 11. Letters fat which were omitted while engraving this line are written at the bottom of the plate. A kakapadu above at draws attention to the correction at the bottom. HRead bhUpAstraviSTapa. 11 See introduction for the symbol of jibedmeliya. " Read bhItA. ___ Read degsahama M[maurya here is a variantorSa in other Rashtrakuta grante.-N. P.C.] MRoad bakha. "Read sapadi. WRead vana # What looks like an ansudra is a natural depression on the surface of the plate. " Rend bhUka

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No. 22.] SURAT PLATES OF KARKKARAJA SUVARNAVARSHA; SAKA 743. 141 13 laMkitAmalazilAjAlAttuSArAcalAdA'pUrvvAparavArirAzipulinaprAntaprasiGghAvadhenedaM ja gatI svavikramavalene kA - 14 tapatrIkRtA // [ 11 // * ] tasmindivaM prayAte vajJabharAje kSataprajAvA'dhaH [*] zrIkarkarAjasUnurmahIpatiSNarAjobhUt // [12 // * ] yasya svabhujapakRSNasyevA kRSNaM * ] caritaM zrIkRSNarAjasya 15 rAkramanizzeSotsAditAridikcakraM [1*] [ / 13 // *] zubhatuMgatuMgaturagapravRddhareNU hurucaravikiraNaM [ / *] grIbhepi nabho nikhitaM 16 prAvRTkAlAyate spaSTaM // [ 14 // * ] dInAnAthapraNayiSu yatheSTaceSTaM samIhI tamajasraM [1 *] tatkSaNamakAlavarSe varSati sarvvArthinirvva | pa*]NaM / [15 // *] ra[T]happamA 17 mabhujajAtava lAvalepamA "bbo vijitya nizitAsilatAprahAreH [1] pAlidhvajAvalizubhAmacireNa yo hi rAjAdhirAjaparamezvaratAM 18 tatAna // [16 // *] krodhAdutkhAtakhajra'' prasRtaripubha " yai rbhAsamAnaM samantAdAjA" dudRttaveriprakaTa gajaghaTATopa saMcobhadakSaM [1] sau "yyentyaktvAri Second Plate : First side. 19 vaggo" bhayacakitavapuGkhApi dRSTvaiva sadyo "daprNo mAtAricakra cayakaramagamadyasya do haNDarUpaM // [ 17 // *] pAtA yacaturamburAzirasanAlaMkArabhAjA" bhu20 vastraiyyA vApi taddijAmaraguruprAjyAjyapUjAdaro" [*] dAtA mAnabhRdagraNIguMsavatAM yosau zriyo me labho bhoktuM svargaphalAni bhUritapasA 21 sthAnaM jagAmAmAraM // [ 18 // * ] yena zvetAtapatraprahataravikaravrAtatApAtsalIlaM jame" nAsIradhUlIdhavalitavapuSA vallabhAkhyAdAjI [1* ) zrImahovindarAjo ji22 tajagadahitastreNavaidhavyahetustasyAsItsUnuraka te litArAti tebhakumbha : [1en*] tasyAnujaH zrIbhuvarAjanAmA mahAnubhAvaH prathitapratApaH [*] 23 prasAdhitAzeSanarendraca [kra* ] krameNa vA "lArka vapurdhva bhUva // [ 20 // ] jAte yatra ca rASTrakUTatilake sadbhU" tacUDA [ma* ]Nau gurbI tuSTirathAkhilasyajagatastusvAmini pratyahaM [*] [ satyaM " ] satyamiti prazA 1 The scribe or the composer has joined together the two words in a sandhi, without taking notice of the halfVerse end, as required by rules of prosody. * Read bAtha: * Road yeneyaM. The punctuation mark is damaged. Read farfare. * Road "balA. 11 Read samAnaM* 1 Read af, Read * Read balenekA'. * Read * Read mamohita. 11 Read gvaGgaprasRtavacicaye: 14 Read 17 Read dII', 10 Rond svayyA'. 14 Read ibhI. 34 Road jamme. Read bAlAve. bhUpa was the word probably intended by the poet, 10 Road mAjI 18 Read . . 14 Read darpA 10 Read bhAno. Read deg3;; the word being at the half-verse end, no sandhi is permitted, Read mAma * Bond rvvabhUva

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142 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [ VoL.xxI. 24 sati sati sammAsamudrAntikAmAsI pare guNAmRtanidhI satyavratAdhiSThite [21] gaNadharakiraNanikaranibhaM yasya yazapurana grAmasAnusthaiH / / parimI 25 yatenuratavidyAdharasundarInivahaH / [22 // TonvahaM yorthijanAya nityaM - sarvakhamAnanditavandhuvargaH [0] prAdAparuSTo harati ma vegAbANAnyamasthApi nitAnta28 vIryaH [2] racatA yena nizeSa caturambhodhisaMyutaM [1] rAjya dharmANa lokAnAM batA dRSTi parA hadi / [24 // "] yosau prasAdhita [samuvata sAradurmo gAMgo vasantatinirodha27 vikIrtirAtmIkatobatahaSAMka vibhUtiruccairvyaktaM tatAna paramezvaratAmihekaH / [25 // "] tasthAtmajo jagati satprathitorukIrtirgovindarAja i. 28 ti gocalalAmabhUtaH [*] tyAgI parAkramadhanaH prakaTapratApamantApitAhitajano janavamabhobhUt [26] prithvI valabha iti ca prathitaM yasyA29 paraM ja[ga]ti nAma [1"] yazcaturudadhisImAmeko vasudhA vaNe cakre / / 27 ekopyanekarUpo yo dadRze bhedavAdibhirivAtmA [1"] paravala jaladhimapAra 30 tarankhado* raNe ripubhiH // [28] eko nihetiraI sahItazastrA me pare vakako [*] yo naivaMvidhamakaroccittaM svapnepi kimutAjI // [28] rAjyAbhiSikakAlazebhi___ 31 Sica la. rAjAdhirAjaparamezaratAM svapikA [*] bhanyairmahAvRpatibhirva bhi "sametya svbhaadibhirbhujklaa"dvlupymaanaa|[30||*] ekonekanarendravandasahitA32 byastAnmamastAnaSi protsA tA]milatAbahAravipuzaM kyA mA"hAsaMyume [1] khajI madhyacalA cakAra vilAsa mahAmastrAhiNIM // " saMsIdaviprasajjanasu- * Read 'nagAya. - Read degvadhu'. . Four letters are missing; the reading given is conjectural. * The engraver's instrument has slipped to the left of the first vertical in mau. * Read kauti: cAlItatI kIrti: being at the half-verno end a sandas a not possible. * The letter , omitted while engraving, is written below the line under the letter at betweon two kika. padar. A small kaka pada above the letter ut, clear in the plate, draws attention to the omitted letter. Road * Read paravalI. 10 Read . 11 The letter is repeated by mistake. URand 'balA'. "Read degvadhurA 10 Read Art. The letter i omitted whito engraving is written below the line between and - Read deglasa 17 This punctuation mark is unnecersary. - Read "ba * Road bahavaH * Read 1

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No. 22.) SURAT PLATES OF KARKRARAJA SUVARNAVARSHA; SAKA 743. 143 33 dhUpabhogyAM bhuvi // [31 // "] tatputrotra gate nAkamAkampitAripraje [1] zrImAhArAjasAkhya[:*] khyAto rAjAbhavAhuNe : [32] arthiSu yathArthatA[] yasmamabhiSTatA phalAptilabdha'to34 SeSu [*] vRddhivinAya paramAmamoghavarSAbhidhAnasya [3] rAjAbhUttatpivyo ripubhavavibhavotyabhAvakahetukSmIvAbindrarAjo guNijanatikarAntazcamavA. 35 rakArI / rAgAdanyAnvyudasya prakaTitavinayA yaM nRpaM sevamAnA rAjavIreva cakra sakala kavijanohI yatathyakhabhAvaM [24] nirbANAvAptivAnAsahitahitajano36 pArya"mAnA sukRtaM vRttaM jitvAmbarAnAM caritamudayavAnsarbato hiMsakebhyaH // (1) ekAkI dRptavairiskhalanakSatisahaprAtirAjyazA"mATIyamaNDala 37 yastapana va nijakhAmidattaM raraca[25] yasyAMgamAcajayinaH priyasAhasasya jhApAlaveSapalameva va bhU[va] svainya"mmukhAvau va sarvabhuvanezvaramAdide Second Plate : Second side. 38 vaM nAvandatAnyamamareSvapi yo mamareSvapi yo manakhI // 36 // "] zrIkarkarAja iti rakSirA"tarAjyabhAramArabalasya tanayo nayazAlisaurya: [*] tasyA39 bhavahibha[va] nanditava"vasArthaH prArthaH sadaiva dhanuSi prathamoza cInAM [37 // ", dAnena mAnena sadAnjayA vA sauryeNa vIryeNa ca kopi bhUpaH [1] etema sAmyosti 40 na veti kIrtismakautukA bhrAmyati yasya loke / [138 // "] meM"(kha)cchAgrahIta viSayAn"] dRDhasAbhAjaH provRttadRptatarazaulki tarASTrakUTAnu khAtakhanija41 vAhuvalena jitvA yomoghavarSamacirAtsvapade vyavatta / [28 // "] tenedamamilavidyu caMcalamAlokya jIvitamasAraM [*] citidAnaparamapuNya pravartito . dha. * Read 'kampitaripupraje. - Read 'mahA' The usual spelling of this king's name is wa * Read samabhISTa. This letter sA is superfluous, . was first omitted; it was subsequently written below the line under the proceding letter at between two vertieal lines. Read more Read fucs Read f . A letter first written before fa has been subeoquently crossed out. Road 'mauta'. u Read pAstha. 11 Read THE WRead babhUba " Read saindhm| muchA. 15 Read 16 Lotter hatefut are repeated by mistake. 19 This letter is superflucus - Read 'zauryaH " Read degvadhu'. * Read pArthaH " Read prathama. 1 ay is written below the line under a which was originally written after by mistake but was subsequently crossed out. * Flead sing. The letter is written below the line between and Read 9. - Read bholkika. _ Rand TAn / satyAta. >> The engraver had first inscribed at. but the medial stroke ww submequently crossed on -Road bAkkhana

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144 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL.XXI. 42 madAyoyam [40 // *] - sa ca samadhigatAzeSamahAza'vdamahAsAmantAdhipatismuvaraNa varSathI ka*] rAjadevakAlI saniva yathAsaM vadhyamAnAbASTrapati43 viSayAyapatigrAmapatigrAmakUTayuktAniyuktavAsAvakAdhikArikA rikamahattarAdI'kAn samanudazeyatyastu vaviditaM yathA mayA zrIvaDikAtaTa44 sthAvAsitavijayaskandhAvArasthitana mAtApitrorAtmanazcaihikAmubhikapuNyayazobhivAya zrInAgasArikAkhatalasaviviSTAIcaityAla[yA*]yatanani[bada] 45 samba'purA bhyamaNDitavasatikAyAH khaNDasphuTitanavakarmAcaravalidAnapUjArtha tathA tathA tivadhyamAnacAtuSTayamUlasaMghodayAnvayasena46 sena saMghamala"vAdi"guroziSyazrIsumatipUjyapAda:16 tcchissytriimdpraajitguroH| zrInAgasArikAprativasamvApATakagrAmasya uttaradizi 47 hiraNyayogAbhidhAnA20 DhASuvApI yasyA ghATanAni pUrvataH zrIdharavApikA dakSiNato vahaH aparata: pUrAvI mahAnadI uttaratammamva pura48 vApikA [*] evamiyaM caturAghATopalakSitA sadhAnyahiraNyAdeyA pacATabhaTaprave zya"smarvarAjakIyAnAmahastaprakSepaNIyaH pAca49 ndrAvicitisarityarvatasamakAlIna ziSyaSa"ziSyAnvayanamopamo"pabhogyaH zakanRpa kAlAtItasaMvasarazateSu saptasu cicatvAriMzada50 dhikeSu tIteSu vaizAkhapaurNamAsyAM mAtvodakAtisammANa pratipAditosyI"citayA pAcAryasthityA bhuMjato bhojayatakarSataH karSayata: pratidi- Read sambadhya. * This letter at is superfluous. The letters af are wrongly repeated. IRead degdikAn. What looks like a woond slanting stroke to the left of is a natural crack on the surface of the plate. Letters are indistinct in the plate as its surface is corroded at this place, but the proposed reading is certain, ainoe Sambapura is mentioned below in 1. 47 among the boundaries. After there is a clear kakapada, but the omitted letters, it any, are nowhere supplied, neither below the line nor at the bottom of the plate. The text, as it stands, is fairly intelligible; there may have been no real omiasion, the kakapada being a mistake. * Read degbakhi. " Road pUjArthata. 11 qu i wrongly repeated. "Road nibadhya. 1. The word en is wrongly repeated." Read mo The letter fe is slightly doubtful in the impression, but fairly clear in the original. " Read pAdastaviSya " Read gurave. Read bahvAmbA. " Rond 'grAmasthI. deg Read degcAnA. // Read yasthA cAghA. "Read vahoparata:" Read madyuttarata. Read samba "Road vApikA. Read degdayAcATa'. * Road game. The word Tra is clearly in the feminine, but while mentioning its adjectives, the scribe hesitate throughout this p age between the masculine and the fominine. * Read degcauyAcandrA.. WRead degkAlInA. Road afua. * The letters and are wrongly repeated. - Read degvatIteSu. Boad bhogyA. "Rend 'paaditaa| pasA ucita " yAcArya Read 'zabda'.

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No. 22.] SURAT PLATES OF KARKKARAJA SUVARNAVARSHA; SAKA 743. 51 zato vA na kenacitparipandhanA karaNIyA' // tathAgAminRpatibhirakA' imerasthe sAmAnyaM bhUmidAnaphalamavetya vidyunolAnyanityAnye 52 yaSi cApalambaraMcasamma 'vindu'caMcalaM ca jIvitamAkalaya sadAyanimivoyamanumantavyaH paripAlayitavyaca [1] yathAjJAnatimirapaTalAta 53 'tamatirAcchinprAdAdyimAnakaM vAnumodeta sa [ca]bhicApAtake rupapAtakeca saMyuktasyAdityuktaM ca bhaga[ya]tA vedavyAsena vyAsena [a] SaSTiM varSaca 54 hasrANi ca tiSThati bhUmida [1] cAcchettA cAtumantA ca tAnyeva narake vaset // [ 414] vinyATavIcatoyAsu yaSkakoTaravAsinaH [it] jayAhayo kRSNAhayo hijAyante 55 bhUmidAnaM haranti ye // [ 42 // ] sarvveSAmeva dAnAnAmekaja' sAnugaM phalaM [1] hATakacitigaurIcA naivajanAtmakaM phalaM // [ 424] dattAM paradatta vA yajJAdra Third Plate: First side. 56 ca dAnAcchreyonupAlanaM narAdhipa [1] mahImahimatA [] zreSTha // [ 44 // *] va' [bhi* ]rvvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhimaka'rAdibhiH [*] yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya[tasya *] tadA phalaM // [ 45 // *] agnerapatyaM 57 prathamaM suvarNyaM bhUrkheNavI sUryasutAzca gAvaH [*] lokacarya [] lokacayaM tena bhaveci dattaM yAcanaM gAca mahIM dayAt // [8] yAnI dattAni purA narendrehanAni dhamA 145 58 yasa (ma)skarANi [12] nigrAyavAntapratimAni tAni ko nAma sAdhu pumarAdadIta // [ 47 // *] prati kamaladalAmbuvindu lolAM zriyamanucinya manuSyajIvitaca [*] ati yathA 59 vimalamanobhirAkAnIne" hi puruSe parakIrttayo vilopyAH // [ 48 // *] caitadevaM tathA sAmana" dAMtA lipijJastra" hastena khamatamAropayati / svahastoya mama zrI" karmarAjasva zrImadi medial areri was first engraved, but it was unnecessarily changed later into by crossing out the cA mark of kA and the following yAM and adding the letters racIyA. Read . * Road bindu. * Read. * Road jala for caMcalapra. This is superfluous. Originally was engraved, but the medial * Bond * Ready. mark was subsequently crossed out. rA 11 Road naM. [10] Read degkhAmbubindu - 11 Read zAsana. A ldkapada after evaM draws attention to the words sAdhanadAtA, omitted while engrav ing the line, but written later at the bottom of the record between two kakapadas. A kakapada above draws attention to the letters, omitted while engraving the line, bat written later at the bottom of the record after the word rear between two babapadas. ma 14 A kakapada above a draws attention to the letter, omitted while engraving the line, but written later below the line between and .

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146 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. 80 rAjasutasya / likhita cetanavA mahAsandhivigrahAdhipatinA nArAyaNena kulapuSakadhIdurgabhahasUnumA / jIyAritaviSI' mAsanaM ji61 m [1 ] Ochiurat HEA graura [8e1*] stafi fortant dharmaSyaDjIvanikAbavasamlo nisvaM / cUDAmathiriva loke"] 62 farfar referaty [4014] TRANSLATION. NOTE.Vv. 2-21, 23, 24 and 26-38 have been translated by Mr. (now Dr.) D. R. Bhandarkar in J. B. B. R. a. s., Vol. xox, pp. 142 ff., while editing the Nausari plates of the present donor. The first two lines of v. 35 which he has declared to be unintelligible continue to be so to me as well. Vy. 39 and 40 have been translated by Hultzsch in Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 201-2. V. 1. Victorious is the gracious gospel propounded by the best of Jinas, which is a perpetual abode of prosperity, which is clear in its entirety, wbich is based upon the seven) metaphysical viewpoints (Nayas), which prohibits (recourse to) evil ways and which brings about beatitude to one with a controlled mind. V. 22. Whose (Dhruva's) glory, resembling in colour a mass of lunar rays, is sung with zest by swarms of Vidyadhara damsels seated on the top of the divine (i.e. Meru) mountain. V. 25. Who (i.e. Dhruva) alone here in this world) appeared as Paramesyaza (i, supreme ruler; u, god Siva ;) since he had made his own the paraphernalis and glory of Vpishanka (i, a king Bamed Siva ; or i, who had appropriated to himself the high bull banner and ashes), since he was acoustomed to take proper care of (or furnish) his strong and towering forts; (or ii, since he was in the habit of decorating (his consore) Durg& who is the very essence of the most magnanimous ;) and since his fame had increased by the imprisonment of scion of the Ganga family or by the obstruction of the flowing current of the Ganges (by his armies) (or ii, who had increased his fame by interrupting the continuous flow of the Ganges) (when it was lost in his matted hair). LI. 42-48. And now that king sri-Karkkaraja alias Suvarpavarsha who has acquired (the right to the we of.) u tha (five musical instruments and who is the chief of great feudatories, notifies, while in good health, to all the provincial governors (Rashtrapati), district officers (Vishayapati), village land-lords (Grimapam), Village headmen (Gramakita), revende clerks and their subordinates (Yukta and Niyukta), the officers among the village elders? (who were the descendants of the original) colonisers (of the villages) (Vasavakamahattaradhikarin) and other officers concerned : - Read viSi. * This refers to the famous Sapta-bhangi-naya doctrine of Jainism which is a peculia tentare of the poslobophy. There seems to be an allusion here to the annexation of Gangavadi whose ruler's name was Sivamira. It in alao possible that this adjective may refer to the nae by the Bashtrulutus of the image of sented Siva u their folhana, but then it would not be particularly appropriate for Dhruva. These five instruments were stinga, farbha, biri, jaya-ghant and tammafa. See Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, A 96. Since both gramapalit and one mai are mentioned, it clear that one of these terms, preferably the former, is to be understood as referring the village land-lords Since the others are mentioned atter the village headmen and before the village aldon, it is likely that they may denote the village Accountant and his assistant 1 For the interpretation of Mahattara wa member of the village council, see Altekar, History of the Village Commandes in Western India, PP. 20-22. The expression vasavaka is obscure ; it oogurs again in the grant of Dentirarmes (A , Vol. VL P-2021 The meaning suggested is only tentative,

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No. 22.] SURAT PLATES OF KARKKARAJA SUVARNAVARSHA; SAKA 743. 147 Let it be known to you that for the enhancement of the fame and religious merit of myself and my parents was given by me,-while staying in the victorious camp on the bank of the holy Vankika,-(the field) called Hiranyayoga (irrigated by) the well of Dhashu, situated to the north of the village Ambapataka, attached to bri-Nagasarika whose boundaries are as follows) :-to the east (the field watered by) the well of Sridhara, to the south a stream, to the west the great river Puravi, and to the north the public) well of Sambapura ;-to the glorious preceptor Aparajita, the disciple of revered sri-Sumati, who was the disciple of Mallavadin (belonging to) Sena-sangha, a branch of the fourfold Mula-sangha, for the purpose of (daily) worship, cooked rice offerings, and the repairs and renovation of the monastery (vasatika), which is an ornament of Sambapura and is attached to the temple of Arhat, situated within the boundaries of sri-Nagasarika. Ll. 48-53. This (field), as determined by its boundaries, has thus been given by me) with the discharge of water, after having bathed, on the full moon day of Vaisakha, when seven centuries in creased by forty-three (years) had elapsed according to the era of the Saka king, to be enjoyed by successive disciples as long as the sun, the earth, the oceans, the rivers and the mountains endure, along with the right to receive the revenues in corn and gold, exempt from the exactions levied at) the entry of the irregular and regular soldiers, and interference from all the royal officers. While this field is being enjoyed or caused to be enjoyed, tilled or caused to be tilled or assigned (by the donee or his successors while) leading the life proper for a (Jain) preceptor, nobody whatsoever is to cause any hindrance. Similarly this gift should be confirmed and protected as in no way different from their own donations by future kings, whether our descendants or not, realising that prosperity is as ephemeral as the lightning and remembering that the religious merit of the gift of land is common (to all the rulers ruling for the time being) and that the life is as unstable as a drop on the edge of (a blade of) grass. Whosoever, owing to the clouding of his mind by the cover of darkness of ignorance would snatch away or consent to this grant) being snatched away would incur the five great sins as also the (five) subsidiary ones. And it has been observed by the divine Vyasa, the arranger of the Vedas : (Here follow the usual imprecatory verges.) Ll. 59-62. The donor who has seen the contents of this document writes in his own handwriting his opinion that this (engraving) is in accordance with the charter originally granted). This is my own sign-manual, of bri-Karkkaraja, son of Indraraja. This (charter) was drafted by me, Narayana, the son of Durgabhatta, of noble extraction, the principal foreign minister. V. 49. May the system of Jina, which hates evil and which is as efficacious as the thunder bolt in destroying the mountains, (in the form) of other theories, be (ever) successful. v. 50. Victorious is the Dharma preached by Jina, ever compassionate to the six classes of animate beings and which shines in this world as the crest-jewel of all other religions. 1 In Gujarat, fields are often known after the names of the wells irrigating them. The well by which this field was irrigated was apparently constructed by an individual named Dhishu. Charubali is enjoined in Hinduism, but not in Jainism. The inclusion of this phrase in the present record is due to the absentmindodness of the drafter, who, acoustomed to include this expression in Brahmanical grants where it was appropriate, allowed it to remain in the present grant also, forgetting that it was in favour of * Jain establishment This sentence is rather enigmatioul. If the reading were to be amended as Salaanada ri-lipinlab the translation would be The principal) writer (in the secretariat office) of the donor certifies that ... !

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148 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. No. 23.-THE CHANDREHE INSCRIPTION OF PRABODHASIVA : THE KALACHURI YEAR 724. BY THE LATE MR. R. D. BANERJI, M.A. The inscription which is edited below was discovered by the late Mr. Beglar, one of the Assistants of the late Sir A. Cunningham, at Chandrehi or Chandrohe,' a small village near the banks of the Sona close to its confluence with the Banks. It lies in lat. 81deg 32' E and long. 24deg 18' N (Rewah Topographical Survey Sheet No. 291 of 1877). The village is situated in the State of Rewah in Baghelkhand Agency of Central India and is noted for the existence of ancient ruins, two buildings among which are still standing, viz., & temple of Siva and a fine Saiva monastery.' The inscription which has already been noticed by Kielborns is incised on two slabs of stone of the same size which are let into the back-wall of the front verandah of the monastery, one on each side of the main door. Altogether there are twenty-seven lines of writing which are unequally divided, the first slab, marked A in the text below, bearing fourteen lines and the second, marked B, thirteen. The inscribed surface is's sunken panel with a plain border, which is on the whole in a very good state of preservation. Except for a few stray letters the writing is clearly legible. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and with the exception of the invocation at the beginning and the second half of the concluding line, which are in prose, the whole of the record is in verse. It has been carefully incised and mistakes are very few, e.g., sasvad for safvad (1. 12) and -charam-fjagati for-charan=jagati (1. 16). As regards orthography the following peculiarities may be noticed : n is used for anusvara in hansa (. 2) and dhvansa (1. 18); consonants with a superscript or subscript have not always been doubled, e.g., r-muni (1. 10), karya (1. 14), guror-guru (1. 23), satru (1. 13), mahidhre (1. 18), etc. The characters belong to the Northern variety of the Indian alphabet of the 10th century A.D. and bear great resemblance to the Bilhari Inscription of the Kalachuri Yuvarajadeva II The principal peculiarities of this alphabet are the presence of two acute-angled triangles in the lower part of kh, cf. Sikhi (1.1), the looped form of th where the loop is not yet open, cf. tatha (). 1) and the angle at the back of d ; cf. ambhode (1. 1). There is no acute angle in the lower part of p or at the bottom of v, m, and y. Two different forms of ph have been used, cf. phani (1.1) and sphari- (1.2). R is wedge-shaped and one loop of l is longer than the other. The object of the inscription is to record the erection of a monastery (matha) and the excavation of a tank and a well by & Saiva ascetic named Prabodhagiva who also repaired and re-excavated a well formerly caused to be excavated by his preceptor Prasantasiva. This inscription and the Gurgi inscription of Prabodhasiva provide us with the spiritual genealogy of the Rewah branch of the ascetics of the Mattamayura olan whose full genealogy has been discussed elsewhere. The present record throws light on the date of erection of the temple of Siva at Chandrehe which was the first specimen of its kind to be discovered. We learn from verse 17 that Prabodhakiva built a monastery close to the temple erected by his spiritual preceptor Prasantasiva (vv. 2122). Therefore the temple of Siva which stands within a few yards of the entrance to the monastery must be the temple erected by Prasantasiva. According to the date given in this inscription the Canningbam, A. 8.1. R., Vols. XIII, pp. 6 ff. and XIX, pp. 90 f. P. R. A. 8., W. C., 1921, p. 63. . Ind. A n., Vol. XX, p. 85, No. 11 and above Vol. I, p. 354, footnote l.. Above Vol. I, pp. 254 ff. and plato * The Haihayas of Tripuri and their Monuments by R. D. Banerji (Memoirs of the Arch. Suro. of India No. 23), chapter IV, pp. 110 ff.

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No. 23.) CHANDREHE INSCRIPTION OF PRABODHASIVA: KALACHURI YEAR 724. 149 monastery itself was built or completed in the Kalachuri Chedi year 724 (=972-3 A.D.). Thus Prasantasiva's temple must have been constructed in the earlier part of the tenth century. The date of another ruin near Chandrehe is also fixed by this inscription. From verse 7 we learn that Prasantabiva had built another asrama near the confluence of the Sons at the foot of the Bhramara hill. The place is still called Bhramarsen and is referred to by Beglar. The data is given in the last line as (Kalachuri] Samvat 724 Paalgupa tudi 6. For want of further partioulars it is not possible to verify the exact date but it would roughly correspond to March 973 A.D. The prasasti was composed by the poet Dhamsata, son of Jeika and grandson of Mahuka. It was written by Damodars, son of Lakshmidbars and younger brother of Vasudeva and was engraved by Nilakantha at the command of stradhara Surika. I edit this inscription from the original in the monastery at Chandrahe which I visited twice with the help of Rai Bahadur B. N. Zutahi, President, and Ral Bahadur Pandit Janki Prasad, M.A., LLB., Home Member, of the Council of Regency, Rewah State. TEXT. Metres : v. 1, 12 and 18 Sitharipi ; v. 2 Mandakranta ; v. 3, 4 and 8 Sardulavikridita ; vv. 6-7, 9-11 and 18 Prithet ; vv. 14, 16 and 19 Harini; vv. 16 and 17 Vacantatilaka ; v. 20 Anushfubl.) 1 Om namah Sivaya || Phani-svisa-byam vanad-amara-nady-ambhasi cha yaj-jata. jut-ambhode nayana-dikhi-vidyud-vilasati tatha chuda-chandra-dyuti3 nikara-dhar-dva kakubham kapalanam mala tulayat sa Sarvv vijayate || [111*] Hansa aytar hasita-mahasizh sarhatik-Sankarasys sphari-bhuta Vadanam-abhito 3 niga-charmm-avfitasya 1 kichit-kantha-chobhavi-kalushita megha-niryan-mpiganka chohhayanh svachchhinh sapadi dadhatt sampadath v dadatu || [2010] Chari-sam charana-pravina-charana-vyl4 parapa-ghurmpita-kahoni-kunda-namat-phan-Isvara-phanam vidrapa-dig-viranata i dor ddanda-bhramanidakka-chalita-brahmanda-khandazh mude bhuyid-6 nivida. 5 kvapad-damarukath Chandi-pates-tandavam (81) Sriman-Mattamayara-santatis iyath Gang=dva loka-ttrayath puyad=yattra Purandaru krita-tapa jajka gurur-bhubhujam bishyas-ta6 sy 8th divah sikhi-samo-visbi)bhrat-tapas-tejasa dipatvath vinip&tit-Andha-tamasd nirvv&pa-margge sthitab ll (410) Tato Madhumati-patah krita-maha-tapa. . 7 s-sanchayah Prabhivabiva ity=abhut-sakala-laiva-chudamanih aneka-nfipa-vanditah sa Yuvarajadovana yas-tap8-dhana-patih kritateoharapa-pata-gB-lagnikah || (611) 8 Prabkntasiva-chandramas-tad-anu tanya tiahydebhavawamabaptamnathan-odykma-pra katita-svarupah buchih Iva(ba)bhira punishu briyathe tunnuda-kalpa-haivishu yah samujvalayasah-prabha-dhavalit-Alchil-Kol-mukhah || [6|I*]84 Soma-nada-sangamo Bhramate kaila-mule-tularh priyala-vana-bankul[@] phala-mrinila-kand-Adana chaki 10 raviditath janairwmuni-sakhah prasant-asramach 1va-pada-pada-pannkoibhih pavita bhutalo yah kerit [71] Dev-8dyna-gat-Indra-sathaadi muda gandharves vidyadharaiCunningham, 1. 8. I. R., Vol. XIII, pp. 141 * Read Hanksa.

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150 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXI. 11 rAnandiya cha Dhurjjateh slathayata vady-adara Nandina | lila-lolita-maulina kara-galad-valgena yasy-ochchakair-Bhasvat-sarathina tatha 12 prati-Tapah sa(sa)svad=yaso giyate || [81] Prabodhadlva ity=abhut=sa kala-sishya vargg-agranih sa tasya Madana-dvishah Parasurama-namayatha | yasah khachita13 din-mukho guni-janaya vittam dadan(nn)-rinikrita-Vasundharo vijita-satru-Varggas= cha yah || [911*] Udagra-likhi-tarppana-pragunit-aika-panih kshanam Kumara 14 iva sarvvada parihcit-angana-sangamah samunnata-mahibhsiti prakatit-atma-lakti kramo Manobhava-mpu-priyo vihita-deva-karyag=cha yah || [1011*] B. 16 Vicharya nikhil-agaman=vidhi-samadhi-vu(buddh-Bavarah priyala-phala-mulak-amalaka baka-kaluka-bhuk | Nad-okshita-dhara-tale guru-jan-ang16 kari tapas-charamn-jagati vismayam. vyadhita va(bayla-bhaveaepi yah 11 [1111*] Mahibhrin-murddh-agra-pragunatara-padah samudayi dadhan-mittratvam yas-timira bhiduW ram karyamralatot tatha sandhy-arambhe nihila-jana-vandyah kim=aparam pratapens vyapnotetri-bhuvanam=api prapta-mahima.lt [12||Guru-grava-gram otkhana18 na-dalana-dhvansadhvamsa)-vidhina mahidhredhvanam yo vyadhita jeladhau Raghava iva sarit-brotahsv=evam vipina-gahaneshv-adbhutakara jagaty ascharyam hi pratheys19 ti mahatekarmma mahatam || [13 Jadatara-maruch-Chhonasy=ambhah-kapair-ayam asramo mpiga-pati-maha-dhvanai rattrav pratidhvanit-amv(b)arah I sikhari bikha 20 Ta-pranta-prankhad-dvirepha-payodharo janayati jang vidyuch-chharkam mah-ausha dhi-rochisha ! [1411"] Chumv(b)anti vanara-gana mriga-battru-potkn=simhi-stana pivib)ati ch= 21 ttra sibur-mpigasya | vairam nijan pariharanti virodhino-nya sarvvasya samyati mano hu tapo-vanesha || [1511*] Guru-krita-sur-agarad=arad=amum ma22 tham-unnatam svakam-rive yasab bubhr-abhz-abbath vibalam=achikarat anugiram atho Sindhu-prakhyam tadagam=aehikhanat=prachura-salilam kupam ch=attra 23 Pravo(b8)dhasivah sami 161] Srimat-Prasantaliva-karitam-attre kupam kalang sirppa-patit-akhila-daru-purain l bhaktya guror-guru-kila-rachana24 vichittram sochikarattad-enu duram=achikhanach=cha || [17||*) Va(Ba)bhuya bhuvi Dikahito vihita-kirttano Menukah sa Baj-jana-gan-agranir=ajanayatasutam 26 Jaikam 1 tataanty-Amarik-odare samabhavat-kavir Dhansatah prasastim akarod-asau vikata-varnpa-va(ba)ndham=imam [1811* Pasupatijaga-jaga-bhranta him-.86 dri-sila-tala-skhalita-salila chanchad-vichi-pavittrita-bhutala vrajati sarita natham gavad Bhagiratha-vartmana surs-baridwivat tavat=kirttih sthirazetu bhuvi sthi ta || [1911*) La27 kahmidhara-sutah khyato Vasudevanujah sudhih / imath Damodaro=lekhit-prakastiti pravar-akslarim(m) | C201109 Sutradhara-Surak-ajnay-otkirnpa Nilakanthena || Samvat 724 Phalguna-budi 5 || Road charasejagati

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No. 23.) CHANDREHE INSCRIPTION OF PRABODHASIVA: KALACHURI YEAR 724 151 TRANSLATION. Verse 1. Om! Adoration to siva! Victorious is that Siva (Sarvva) in whose piles of matted hair, (being like a cloud and in the humming waters of the divine river (Ganges), dark with the hissing of snakes (on Siva's body), flashes the lightning (in the form of the fire of his third) eye and whose garland of human skulls elevates the quarters even as the shower of the collected effulgence of the moon on (his) crest. V. 2. May the mass of lustre of the laugh of Sankara clad in an elephant skin which is as white as the geese which is spread around his face and which is slightly darkened by the reflection of his (dark or blue) neck (and) which therefore) bears the clear splendour of the moon emerging from a cloud, bring you prosperity. V. 3. May the Tandava dance of the lord of Chandi (i.e., Siva) give you pleasure, which caused the hood of the lord of the snakes (viz., Sesha) to be bent down owing to the hollow on the earth revolving on account of the movements of the feet (of Siva) skilled in practising the chari step (in dancing), which (dance) put to flight the elephants of the cardinal points on account of the revolutions of his rodlike arms, which (dance again) suddenly caused commotion in parts of the universe (and) which (was accompanied by the) deep sound of the damaru. V. 4. May the uninterrupted succession of the illustrious Mattamayura (clan) purify the three worlds, like the Ganges ; in which clan) was born Purandara, who had performed austerities (tapas) and who was the spiritual preceptor of kings. His disciple (was) Sikhasiva (who was) like the fire, (and) who through the lustre of his austerities became a lamp (lit. bore the qualities of a lamp) illuminating (lit. standing on the path of final beatitude and having destroyed the intense darkness (of ignorance). V. 5. After him (who was) lord of Madhumati came Prabhavasiva who had accumulated great aus erities (to his credit), who was worshipped by many kings, who was the crest-jewel of all Saivas (and who) was made to accept the earth, sanctified by his feet (i.e., was induced to settle in his territory by free gifts of land, etc.,) by Yuvarajadeva. V. 6. Thereafter came his disciple Prasantasiva, (who like) the moon, (was) pure, whose real self was manifested in his attempt to dispel ignorance (or darkness), who whitened all the quarters with the rays of his bright fame, and who bestowed prosperity on the meritorious Saivas, as the moon bestows splendour on the fibrous night lotuses. V. 7. He, the virtuous, whose food was fruits, the stalk of the lotus and (edible) bulbs, who had the Munis as his companions, and who had sanctified the face of earth by his footsteps, built an incomparable hermitage, well-known to the people, at the confluence of the river sona and at the foot of the Bhramara hill covered with dense forest of Priyala trees. V. 8. Whose fame was incessantly sung with delight in every month of Magha' in & high tone by Gandharvas and Vidyadharas, in the assembly of Indra in the celestial garden and by Nandin, who for the pleasure of Siva relaxed his attention to instrumental music, (to enable the God to hear his devotee's fame sung) (and by) the charioteer of the sun who lolling his head (from one side to the other) in an ecstatic mood let the reins of the horses slide from his hands. V. 9. Prabodhasiva was the foremost among all his (Prasantabiva's) disciples, just as Paragurama was of the enemy of Madana (i.e., Siva), who had conquered all enemies, who had Apparently the moon with the slight dark spot on its surface is likened to the splendour of the laugh, while the cloud in the vicinity has its counterpart in the elephant skin-Ed.] * Buchanania Latifolia. * [This month being the occasion of the five-ratri festival is particularly stored to stva-Ed.]

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182 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. placed the earth under obligation by bestowing riches on the qualified (and) who had adorned the faces of the quarters by his fame. V. 10. Who betimes, was like Kumara (i.e., Karttikeya), whose one hand was manifested in pouring libations on high tongues of fire (as Kumara's one hand was engaged in pacifying his fierce peacock), who had always abjured the company of women, who had shown the effect of his own power (or weapons) on exalted kings (or high mountains), who was devoted to (Siva), the enemy of the mind-born (i.e., Kama) (as Kumara was the favourite of Siva) and who had performed (all) the duties towards the gods (just as Kumara carried out the slaughter of the demon Taraka, a duty imposed upon him by the gods). V V. 11. Who, after investigating all the scriptures acquired the knowledge of God through meditation and performance of religious duties), who living on greens (daka), roots of water plants (taluka) and fruits such as amalaka, priyala as well as roots (mula), caused the world to wonder by practising austerities, even in (his) boyhood on the bank (lit. on the surface of land) washed by the river (Sona), imitating his spiritual preceptor. V. 12. Who, having obtained greatness acted in a friendly manner (or as the sun) setting his auspicious foot on the heads of (worshipping) kings (qust as the sun, having reached high altitude emits his powerful rays on the peaks of mountains) (and) performed the duty of dispelling ignorance (or darkness), who was worshipped by all in peaceful undertakings (just as the sun it worshipped by all at the beginning of three Sandhyas). What more to say)? He has pervaded the three worlds with his prowess (just as the sun spreads heat over the three worlds). V. 13. Who, through the expedients of excavating, breaking and ramming masses of heavy stones built a wonderful way through mountains, through rivers and streams (as also) through forest and thickets, as Rama (did) through the sea. The achievement of the great proclaims great wonder in the world, V. 14. At night, this hermitage (asrama) causes to the people the semblance of lightning on account of the phosphoresence of plants (growing near it), resembling lightning, (that) of clouds on account of the dark) bees flying at the sides of mountain peaks, (that of thunder) on account of roars of lions causing the skies to echo (and that of showers) on account of the air being cooled by the sprays of the waters of the Sona. V. 18. In this place herds of monkeys kiss the cubs of lions, the young one of a deer sucks at the breast of the lioness; 80 other (lower animals), who are (natural) enemies, take leave of their antipathy; indeed, in forests devoted to austerities the minds of all become peaceful. V. 16. Near the temple built by his preceptor, the calm Prabodhasiva caused to be built this high and big monastery (matha) (which was white) like his own fame, resembling the white clouds; he also caused to be excavated, close to the mountain, a well with copious water and a tank, called the Sindhu. V. 17. On account of his devotion for his preceptor he caused to be deeply re-excavated (and re-built) with beautiful masonry of heavy stones, the well, which was excavated by Prasantakivs, at this place, (but which) had become dilapidated on account of (the passage of time, and full of wood. V. 18. There was a Dikshita named Mehuks whose fame was known in the earth. He who was the foremost among good men, begot a son named Jeika in the womb of Amarika. To him was born the poet Dhamaata. He composed this prasasti of difficult composition. 1 [The process of road-making described here is strikingly similar to that adopted by modern engineers in metalling roads and we may thus conclude that 'macadamizing' was well-known in Hindu India. The word who must be taken to mean here' crusbing' or 'ramming' of the road metal and apparently survives in Hindi The and Bengali gore = rammer.---Ed.)

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No. 24.) THE NALA INSCRIPTION AT PODAGADH ; 12TH YEAR. 153 V. 19. Let this fame (of this work) last as long as the divine stream (i.e., Ganges) wandering through the mass of matted hair of Siva, with its waters shattering over the rocks of Himadri (the Himalayas), whose billowing waves purify the earth, proceeds to the ocean (lit. lord of rivers) along the path (shown by) Bhagiratha. V. 20. This prasasti was written, in excellent letters, by the learned and famous Damadara, who was the younger brother of Vasudeva (and) the son of Lakshmidhara. Inscribed by Nilakantha according to the orders of the (master) mason Suraka. The year 724, the 5th day of the bright half of Phalguna. No. 24-THE NALA INSCRIPTION AT PODAGADH ; 12TH YEAR. By C. R. KRISHNAMACHARLU, B.A., MADRAS. The record edited below was discovered in the spring of 1922 by the late Mr. G. Venkoba Rao, the then Assistant Archaeological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Southern Circle, Madras, and myself when we were touring in the Jeypore Agency of the Vizagapatam district, Madras Presidency. We had gone thither to examine the Telugu inscriptions at Kondakamberu in the Malkangiri Agency, brought to the notice of the Department by F. G. Butler, Esq., I.C.S., the Assistant Agency Commissioner at Koraput, and the Nagari inscription at Dodra, a village situated at a distance of about 10 miles from Podagadh, reported by Mr. Burrows, the late Forest Officer, Jeypore, in the year 1916-17. Our attention was drawn to the inscription at Podagadh by the Duffadar of the Umarkot Thana office who accompanied us as our guide. It' was no small surprise to us to be led at the end of our tedious journey to the slab bearing the inscription. leaning against the natural rock at a height of 40 feet from the ground level. This was a veritable erigraphical oasis in the deserted and barren Agency tracts. The approaches to the hill are thickly shaded by the tall teak trees of the forest. Within a furlong from the foot of the hill, as we approached it, we observed some sati stones (nearly a dozen) lying scattered in a group which gave us hopes of some useful discovery. Not far from this spot was a ruined Siva temple with fallen roof and dilapidating walls and entrance, with the Nandin (bull), Ganesa and other associate minor sculptures lying about it. There was a wellwatered pond also within a few yards of it embowered by a thick-set bamboo grove. All these human associations brought home to us the impression, suggested by the discovery of the Nagari inscription at Dodra, that the Agency tracts are now only a fallen country like the adjoining state of Bastar. The provenance has been described at some length only with a view to indicate the extent of the decadence that has come over a country, which, judging from its few known inscriptions and monuments, once enjoyed a civilised and cultured life in the early centuries of the Christian Era. The Agency tract seems well worthy of a systematic study by scholars owing to the wealth of antiquarian and ethnographical material it contains, although it has now relapsed into primeval jungle. 1 [Sewell in his List of the Antiquarian Remains in the Madras Presidency, Vol. I (p. 317) refers to an inscription on the rock in Devanagari characters at Podagada,' which is possibly the same as the present inscription though his information, derived from local sources, appears to have been rather inaccurate. The stone door-way referred to in his account as being close to the inscription is probably the ontrance to the ruined Vishnu temple referred to in verse 5 of the inseription.-Ed.] Nos. 286 and 287 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for the year 1922. No. 282 of the same Collection. No. 283 of 1922. . For the inscriptions of this state, see Epigraphiu Indica, Vol. IX, p. 160 ; Vol. 2, pp. 28 f.; Vol. XlI. p. 242; see also R. B. Hiralal's List of Inscriptions in the Central Provinces and Berar.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI, The Podagadh hill and village shown as 'Poragarh' in the Imperial Gazetteer Atlas (Vol. XXVI), Plate 42, lie on the north-western frontier of the Jeypore Agency bordering on the Bastar State. The way to the hill and the inscribed slab lie from the Nowrangpur side, through the village of Bhandariguda which is only a small cluster of insignificant huts. The inscription has been reviewed in the Madras Epigraphical Report for the year 1921-22, page 95, where a plate of the record has also been given. 154 The language of the inscription is Sanskrit verse. The epigraph consists of twelve or possibly thirteen verses of which the first is a variety of the Arya metre while the others excepting verse 9 (which is Vamsasthavila) are Anushtubh. The inscription begins with the expression "Siddham". Verse 1 contains a glorification of Hari in His aspect as the essence of victory. Verses 2 to 4 describe the recovery of the lost sovereignty by Prince [Skanda?]varman,1 son of king Bhavadatta of the Nala family, and his repopulation of (the capital) Pushkari. Verses 5 and 6 record his foundation of a [pa]damula or foot-print of Vishnu, for the worship of which he made the gift of a holding and of some money in the shape of bhuri-dakshind the proceeds of which were to be availed of for the feeding of Brahmans, ascetics and the destitute. In verse 7 the holding is made permanently tax-free in the name of the Purusha (Highest Being) and non interferable by state officials. Verses 8 and 9 give (apparently) the warning of the sinfulness involved in the violation of the charity and the promise of salvation, through the grace of (god) Vasudeva, to those that conform to the good path of kings and maintain the donation. Verse 10 gives the date of the setting up of the inscribed monument, perhaps under the personal supervision of the prince, as the 27th day of the Madhava (i.e., Vaisakha) month in the 12th year. Since we have no materials to determine the exact date of the commencement of king Bhavadatta's or his son's reign it is difficult to give the English equivalent of the date. We may, however, for the present, reasonably refer it to the 12th year from the date of accession of or the recovery of the lost crown by, prince [Skanda]varman. Verse 11, which is partly damaged, mentions the General (senapati) Pritibhagavata(?) who is described as devoted to his master. He was probably the executor of the charter like the ajnapti of the Eastern Chalukya and the sandhivigrahika of the other copper-plate records. The writer of the record is said in verse 19 to be Janturadasa, the son of Chauli, and the engraver is probably the person mentioned last, viz., Visvarupa, son of Aja. The characters of the inscription belong to the Southern type of alphabet and closely resemble those of the Talagunda pillar inscription of Kakusthavarman 3 which has been assigned by Professor Kielhorn to the first half of the 6th century A.D. and those of the Mandasor Inscription of Kumaragupta of the Malava year 493. The comparatively more developed forms of the letters ja, tha, dha, ba, ma and ye and more ornamental signs of the secondary i, ri and ya employed in the Kadamba inscription, suggest an earlier date for our record. The anusvara is marked by a small round loop in the Talagunda inscription while in our record it is denoted only by a point which also shows its earlier character. The record may therefore be assigned to the latter half of the 5th century A.D. The letter to is written without the loop which is found in na, as in the inscription referred to. The final m is denoted by a 1 The name is much blurred in the estampage and I have given here only the most probable reading. But I do not feel quite certain of the correctness of the restoration. Bhavadatta of the present record can be tentatively identified with Bhavattavarman of the Rithapur plates The suffix varman which is certainly applied to the son's name has been apparently dropped in the father's name owing to metrical difficulties. In the Rithapur plates the dropping of da of Bhavadatta is obviously a scribe's mistake. Above, Vol. VIII, p. 24 and plate opposite page 32. Ilid, p.31. 5 C. I. I., Vol. III, pl. XI.

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No. 24] THE NALA INSCRIPTION AT PODAGADH; 12TH YEAR. miniature ma written after the previous letter and near its bottom, e.g., siddham in line 1, Pushkarim in line 4, etc. The jihvamuliya is employed in one case, viz., in jananyak-kritina (1.4). The upadhmaniya is employed in the compound words pituh-pitamaha (1. 4), mah partthivadeg (1. 10) and [bhartu]h-prideg (1. 13). The consonant following the repha is, in some cases1, doubled as in almost all early records but aspirates following it are left single. The consonant preceding the repha is also doubled in a few instances (e.g., vikkrama in 1. 2; vyatikkramed-yo in 1. 10). The word mukhya is written as mukkhya (1. 2). The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it is the first stone record of the Nala dynasty hitherto discovered. The Nalas have been known directly only from the Rithapur copper-plates of Bhavattavarman and indirectly by the mention of their defeat by the early Chalukyas of the 6th and 7th centuries of the Christian Era. The Western Chalukya king Kirtivarman I (A.D. 567-597) claims to have destroyed them. He is also stated to have destroyed the residence (nilaya) of the Nalas. They are described as the traditional enemies of the Chalukyas at whose hands they suffered defeat like the Mauryas of the Konkan. Sir R. G. Bhandarkar speaking of the family of Nalas defeated by Kirtivarman I remarks over what province it ruled we do not know'. Dr. Fleet depending upon the mention of the Nalavadi-vishaya made in a copper-plate grant of the Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya I of about A.D. 657 thinks that there is a probable indication that the territory of the Nalas lay in the direction of the Bellary and Karnul districts." The mention of the Nalas in the Aihole inscription may be taken to indicate that they were the enemies of the Chalukyas on the northeast while the Mauryas of Konkan and the Kadambas of Vaijayanti were their enemies on the north-west and the south-west respectively. The provenance of this inscription and of the Rithapur plates localises them in the southern part of the Central Provinces and Berar including the Bastar State. On the extreme east the kingdom might have included the northern part of the Jeypore Agency (Vizagapatam district) from which our inscription comes. The town Pushkari mentioned in the inscription (probably the capital of the Nalas) cannot be identified. TEXT. 1 sitam hariyA jitaM jayati ma bhagavA [a] 2 jayo jetavyaM cAdhijetA [ca] [["] // [1] fir: [] 155 jeSyatI[]SA guNastutirbra[hi sA] [*] 3 nRpaterbhavadattasya satputrecAnyasaMkhitAm // [2] 4 zUnyAmAvAsya puSkaram [1] pitu pitAmahAnAcca cInasAnvaya kalpasva zrInalAnvaya mulyasya vijRmacapita bhraSTAmAzaya rAji jananyA 4 kri ( a ) tinA [tata: ] [] rajarddhim (1. 3), pajarttham (1. 6), sarvvasah (1. 8), visarjjitam (1.8). mripater-Bhavadattasya (1. 3) and dharmmarthane (1.5); but of. pujarttham in the above note, Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 100 ft. Above, Vol. VI, p. 4. Ep. Carn., Vol. XI, Davangere No. 1; Ind. Ant., Vol. VIII, p. 11. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part II, p. 181. Ibid, p. 282. From inked estampages prepared by myself. * 3b is also possible to road as satputreyAnyavasitAm

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166 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. 6 ktvA dha[]rthanebhyAyAni(mi)damAmahitaiSiNA [*] pAdamUlaM taM vico [rAnA zrI skandava6 maNA // [*] pUjAyamasya caibera sodakabhUridakSiSam ] puruSAya puraM [6] . . . 7 tArakAm] // [5] satropabhojyaM viprAzA yatInAca vizeSataH] [1] [dInAnAma pyanAthAnAM * * * 8 ca sarvazaH // [2] apravezya bhaTaizedaM sadA karavisarjitam / zrI[cakradro] Naputra[*]ya . . . yathocita[m*] // [*] sthitizceyaM puro bacA dhA sto nivezitA [0"] yacemA jhAparya[saMsthAmgrahApA[a] . . . . [-] 10 vyatikmedyo hi mahIpatI:'] sthiti[m] kulAdhamA paarthivkilvissmpibet|'] ll samanviyAdyazca [narendra satpatham sa vAsudevAca[ya]mApnuyAcira[m"] [e.] 12 hAdazabde narendreNa mAdhave mAsi cottame [saptaviMze] dine pukhthe / 13 stambhoyaM [gA]hitasvayam / [10] 'prItibhAgavata ne]vam bhartu priya[cA] . . 14 senApatinA kalpitA mAlinehAlpabudhinA // [11] . . 16 likhitaM [cau]lisUnunA bhatayA [jAturadAsana [12] 16 [A]jena vizvarUpena(Na) nirguNena guNaiiSiNA] [ // 15"] TRANSLATION. (Verse 1). Victory! The praise of (His) qualities (in) such (words) as "Hari was victorious, is victorious (and) will be victorious," is not that (i.e., appropriate). For, verily, the Divine (Hari) is himself the conquest, the object to be conquered and the conqueror.' (Vy. 2 to 4). This foot-print (or sanctuary) was made by the illustrious king (Skandalvarman, the noble son of king Bhavadatta-who was the foremost (soion) of the glorious Nala family (and) repelled his enemies by his valouron) having reclaimed the lost royal prosperity which had fallen into other hands (or was unsettled) and having repeopled the deserted (Lowon of Read T4TH (There is no room for more than three letters at the end of the sixth line. The second half of the atth verse may therefore be possibly restoredm puruSAya puraM dattamanAcandrArthatArakam / -Ed.) "[Read satvIpabhojyaM--Ed.] The Rithapur plates of Bhavattavarman have the expressions TENTOR: and a re folat: (aboro, Vol. XIX, p. 103, 11. 12-13 of the text. Cf. also above, Vol. XI, p. 2, 1. 9 of the text). * This might be restored . mahApAtakamAte. [Read [feferuara-Ed.) *[Reading is kalyAcamAli.. One pada is apparently lost at the enda of the linos 14 and 15. The existing two padas in l. 15 seem to be the second and first padas respectively of an Aushub hall-verte.-E.] __.compare this statement with the description of Viabpun"vijaya jua" given in rete 16 of the Pialpn. sahasranama. The word padamala is evidently wed here in the sense of spotuary i ho above, Vol. XI, No. 1, p. 198. -Ed.]

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THE NALA INSCRIPTION AT PODAGADH. PG Indeling SALES 20 12 16 Printed at the offices of the survey of Indis, Oulouttal, Ia. H. KRISHNA SASTRI. RALF 25.

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No. 25.] NOTE ON TILAKWADA PLATES OF PARAMARA BHOJADEVA (V. S. 1103) 157 Pushkari, with the hope of obtaining religious merit for his father, other ancestors and mother and desiring welfare for himself. (Vv. 5 and 6). And for His worship in this (temple), with (libation of) water and with abundant dakshina ........a holding (pura) for the Supreme Being (Purusha) to last as long as...... the Sun and the stars. The proceeds have to be used entirely for the (free) feeding in a satra of Brahmans, especially of ascetics, of the poor and of the destitute...... (V. 7). This (holding) (shall remain) impenetrable to State servants and permanently tax-free to the son of the noble [Chakradrona]......as may be suitable. (V. 8). This order (of the king) was composed and recorded on the pillar in front (of the temple). Whoever causes damage to this (shall incur) great sin. (V. 9). Whoever transgresses the order of the king, that low-born (one) will commit offence against the king; he who will conform to the good path followed by kings will for long find refuge in (god) Vasudeva. (V. 10). This pillar was caused to be planted by the king, personally, on the sacred twentyseventh day in the excellent month of Madhava (i.e., Vaisakha) in the twelfth year (of his reign). (V. 11). Thus was promulgated (the ordinance) on all sides (i.e., everywhere) by the General Pritibhagavata (who was) devoted to his master (and it) was composed by Malin of poor intellect (alpabuddhi). (Vv. 12 and 13). (The edict) has been written with devotion by Janturadasa, the son of [Chaulli, (and engraved ?) by Visvarapa, the son of Aja (who is) devoid of qualities (and aspires for good qualities ?). No. 25-A NOTE ON TILAKWADA PLATES OF THE TIME OF PARAMARA BHOJADEVA OF V. S. 1103. By D. B. DISKALKAR, M.A., SATARA. These plates were discovered in 1917 in Tilakwada, a peta mahal under Sankheda, in the Baroda State, in the bed of the river Narmada and are now preserved in the oriental section of the Baroda Central Library. They form the last two of the three plates which made up the complete grant. The late Mr. J. S. Kudalkar, M.A., Curator of Baroda State Libraries, exhibited them and read an article on them at the First Oriental Conference held in Poona in November 1919 which was subsequently published in its Proceedings, and again in his own Journal, now extinct, called Library Miscellany. The present note deals specially with the historical bearings of the plates. The first of the extant two plates begins with the description of a sovereign named Bhojadeva, who is said to have destroyed all the enemies by his great valour. His feudatory was sa(Sa)raditya born in the family of the Sravanabhadras and who had migrated from, Kanyakubja (modern Kanauj). Su(Su)raditya was helpful to Bhojadeva in making his rule firm by slaughtering the (enemy) warriors in the battle with Sahavahana as well as the warriors of other princes. Suraditya's son was 'Jasoraja who was enjoying Sangamakhetamandala. 1 Though the word 'pura' generally means a 'town' or a 'city', it appears in certain inscriptions to have a special reference to the tax-free lands possessed by temples or Brahmans. The latter are referred to in Kanarese inscriptions as Brahmapuri' or 'Brahmapura'; see Ep. Carn., Vol. VI, Kadur Nos. 10, 125; Vol. XI, Chitaldrug No. 12; and Ep. Ind., Vol. III, p. 47; Vol. V, pp. 18, 22, 150; and Vol. VI, p. 202, Text 1. 23. Dr. Kielhorn suggests that it might have been some establishment set up for Brahmans. This epithet as also nirgunena in the next line is prompted by modesty. [Probably Chauli of this record is the same as Chulla, the writer of the Rithapur plates of Bhavattavarman. (Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX, p. 103)-N. P .C.] Vol. II, pp. 319 . Vol. VI.

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158 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. The charter records the grant by Jasorajs of the village Vildhaja and one hundred (measures of land in the village Ghaptapalli to a Saiva ascetic Dinakara for the worship of Chantekvara (Siva). The writer of the grant was Sohika, son of the Kayastha Aiyala of the Valabhya family. The inscription being incomplete gives us no clue as to the antecedents of king Bhdjadeva, whose feudatory issued the present grant. But there can be no doubt that Bhojadova mentioned here is the famous Paramara king of the same name. The earliest date so far found for Bhoja is V. 8. 1076 from the Banswara plates and the latest is V. 8. 1099. The latest date of Vakpati Munja is V. 8. 1050. He was succeeded by Sindhuraja and the latter by Bhoja, evidently, some time before V. S. 1076, the date of the Banswara plates. For Bhoja's successor Jayasimha, we have V. 8. 1112 as the earliest date in his Mandhata plates. It is evident therefore that Bhoja died some time before V. 8. 1112 and after V. 8. 1099. If there is any truth in the popular tradition that Bhoja ruled for 18 years, we shall not be far from truth if we assign to Bhoja's reign the approximate period from V. 8. 1065 to V. 8. 1110. The Bhojadeva of the present record of V. 8. 1103 must therefore be identical with the Paramara Bhoja. The contemporary Chaulukys ruler of Northern Gujarat was Bhima I, but his rule does not seem to have extended much to the south and east of his capital. In the Lata country (Surat and Broach Districts) another Chaulukya family was ruling which did not acknowledge the power of the Chaulukyas of Anahilapitana as may be seen from the Surat plates of Kirtiraja of Saka 940 and of TribhuVanapala of Saka 972. We know also that the Paramaras were not new to the province of Gujarat in the time of Bhoja. For the two grants of the Paramara Siyaka of V. 8. 1005 recently found at Harsola in Ahmadabad District and the incomplete grant' of V. S. 1026 of the samo king found in Ahmadabad show us that that part of Gujarat at any rate was in the hands of the Paramaras during the time of Siyaka. At Kalavana in the Nasik District an undated grant of the time of Bhoja is found which leaves no doubt that Bhoja's power was at this period acknowledged there. It moreover speaks of Bhoja's defeating the kings of a number of countries including Lata and Gujarat. In the Betma plates of Bhoja of V. 8. 1076 the village granted may probably be located in Gujarat. All these indications point to the fact that the Paramaras were connected with Gujarat 10 in the early days of the rise of their family and had gained influence over a considerable tract of country under king Bhoja in Gujarat and elsewhere in its neighbourhood. No account is given of Sahav hans who was among other kings subdued by Bhojadeva with the help ot Straditya. Shavkhana no doubt stands for the word Chahamana as the change 1 Above, Vol. XI, pp. 182 . . From 18. of Rajam rigtiba. From MS. of Amitagati's Subhashitaratnasandoha. * Above, Vol. II, p. 48. * Kielhorn's List No. 354 in Ep. Ind., Vol. V, Appendix and Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 201. . Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 241 1. Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 178 f. . Abovo, Vol. XIX, pp. 71 t. See also my note on the grant publiebed in the Journal of Indian History, Vol. VII, p. 222. There is reason to believe that the date of this grant, which mentions & solar solipse in the month of Chaitra, must be confined to V. 8. 1102-1104 and was therefore Dearest to the date of the prosent grant. . Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 922 ft. 10 In taot I am led to believe that the Paramiras had no footing in Milwi before about V.8. 1027, short time before Slyoka waoked Minyakheta as is known from the Paiyalachchii-Namamala of Dhanapkla, since the Pratapgadh Inscription of Pratihara Mahindrapkls of V. 8. 1003 whow that Milwww governed by a Pratibis governor. See above, Vol. XIV, p. 177,

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No. 26.) KHAROD INSCRIPTION OF RATNADEVA III-CHEDI SAMVAT 933. 159 of sa to cha and va to ma is common. The Chahaminas of Nadol were hereditary eneties of the Paramaras of Malwa; Chahamana Sobhita, son of Lakshmana is styled lord of Dhara in an inBoription which showed that he had defeated Vakpati Munja, the king of Dhari, and become for some time the lord of the city and the surtounding country. Sobhita's son, Baliraja, again, is said to have routed the army of Munjaraja.. Chahamana Anahills of the same family is said to have slain Badha, a general of king Bhoja. To avenge this defeat and death of his dandanayaka Bhoja might have waged & war with the Chahamana king and defeated him with the help of Suraditys of our inscription. Though the actual construction in the record may be taken to denote that Suraditya of the Bravanabhadra family, whose son issued the present grant, had migrated from Kanauj, it is equally possible that the family of Suraditya had migtated from Kanauj at an earlier date We know that the Pratiharas of Kanauj were sovereign lords of Gujarat for some time as is evidenced by the Wadhwan plates of Mahipala and the Una plates of Mahendrapala. In their palmy days it is not surprising it some fortune seekers like the ancestor of Suraditya founded a principality in Gujarat. The name Sravanabhadra of his family denotes that it was probably a Kshatriya family like the Uttamabhadra family of Saka Ushavadata's Nasik inscription.' The reason why this grant, though it belongs to the time of the sovereign Bhoja, does not contain the usual relief of Garuda of the Paramara family must no doubt be that the record was issued by a feudatory of Bhoja and that the latter had nothing in fact to do with the actual issuing of the grant. The Kalavana plates also, issued by a local authority under a feudatory of Bhoja do not contain the usual Garuda and snake seal of the Paramaras.' It must at the same time be noted that more space in the record is devoted towards the praise of the sovereign family than of the family of the actual donor of the grant. The grant was issued on Monday, the Amavasya (sma-parvan) day of the month of Margasiras in the year 1103 of Vikramaditya. The Christian equivalent of the date, as kindly calculated for me by Mr. K. N Dikshit is most probably Monday, the 11th November 1045 A.D. taking the month as the Purnimanta and the year as a Southern Vikruma Year, which should be ordinarily prevalent in the locality in question. No. 96-KHAROD INSCRIPTION OF RATNADEVA III-CHEDT SAMVAT 933. BY N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. M.A.. PH.D., OUTACAMUND. This inscription is engraved on a stone slab affixed to the temple of Lakhnesvar (LakshmanBevara) in Kharod, a village in District Bilaspur, C. P., 37 miles from the district headquarters. It has been noticed 10 before but is published here for the first time. It contains 28 lines of writing covering & space of about 3' broad by 1'5" high. The size of the letters is about 1. The writing has suffered & good deal the whole way down, particularly, towards the proper left. The 1 Above, Vol. XI, p. 308. . Above, Vols. IX, p. 71 and XI, p. 67. Above, Vol. XI, p. 68. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 183. . Above, Vol. IX, p. 1. * In a number of plates found of this period the donees are said to have migrated from Madhyadada. Above, Vol. VIII, p. 78. [The recently discovered Narwal plates of Vakpati-Mufija contain references to bravagabhadra as locality from which certain Brahman dopees originated. Again, some of the names of Brahmans in the samo grant and inaditya. It is therefore not improbable that Bariditya belonged to a Brahman family originally from Sravanabhadra, that may have settled in Malwi.-Ed.) Similarly the Kalavana plates of the feudatory of Bhojadeva do not contain the Garuda relief and other peculiar features of Paramars grante. See above, Vol. XIX, Pp, 71 . Bp. Journ. Ind. Hist., Vol. VI, p. 226. * Cunnlugbam. A. 8. I. R., Vols. VII, p. 901 and XVII, p. 19) Ind. Anh, Vol. XXI, pp. 91.; PNA8. W.O., 1908-04, pp. 63 .; Hiralal's Inscriptions in the Central Provinow and Boror (tad edition), pp. 1171,

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160 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. characters are Nagari of the 12th Century A.D. The language is Sanskrit and with the exception of om namah Sivaya at the beginning and the date at the end, the whole of the inscription is in verse. The verses are all numbered, their total being 44. The orthography does not call for any special remark with the exception of the facts that avagraha has been frequently used where necessary and u and b have not been distinguished. The inscription is important as it gives a complete genealogy of the Kalachuri rulers of Ratanpur down to Ratnadeva III. It has been noticed by several scholars but owing to the damaged condition of the stone the information so far given was meagre and unsatisfactory and also contained several errors. I cannot claim to have deciphered the whole record but I have been able to make out with a fair amount of certainty all that is important in it. The inscription is divided into two parts, the first containing verses 1-19 and the second verses 20 to the end. Like several other records of this dynasty the present record is Saiva. The first two verses coutain an invocation of Siva and the third that of the Moon to whose race the Kalachuri family is said to belong. The next verse brings in the princes of the Haihaya lineage of whom Sahagrarjuna is said to have imprisoned "the overlord of Lanka." In verse 5 Kokalla and his eighteen sons are mentioned after whom comes Kalingaraja-one of the younger if not the youngest of Kokalla's sons-who by propitiating Bankesvara or Siva obtained the overlordship of Tummana. IJe was followed in regular descent by Kamala, Ratnadeva (I.) and Prithvideva (I.). Verse 6 speaks of Prithvideva's son, Jajalladeva (I.) who defeated in battle Bhujabala, the lord of Suvarnapura. In the next two verses are described the exploits of his son and successor Ratnadeva (II.) who defeated the king Cholaganga, the lord of Kalingadesa. His son was Pfithvideva (II.) who is credited with defeating the king Jatesvara (vv. 9-10). His son was Jajalladeva (II) (vv. 11-12). After his death his elder brother (?) Jagaddeva came from the Eastern countries' and became king (v. 13). The next verse (v. 14) speaks of the able rule of this king. Verse 15 gives the name of his wife as Somalladevi. Their son was Ratnadeva (III.) who is glorified in the next three verses (vv. 16-19). The second part, an imperfect account of which was given by Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar for the first time, begins with verse 20 in l. 15. It gives the pedigree of Gangadhara, a minister of Ratnadeva (III.) and also an account of his various charitable and pious deeds. There was one Devadbara belonging to Kasyapa-gotra. His son was (Rajaldova. The name of his wife occurs in l. 16 but is now not quite legible. Probably her name was Jiva. They had a son named Gangadhara who afterwards became a minister of Ratnadeva (III.). The rest of the inscription is devoted to the praise of Gangadhara's virtues and records his benefactions. It appears from verse 25 that when the kingdom of Ratnadeva was in a critical situation, most probably when the king was engaged in fighting a powerful adversary, Gangadhara, through his wonderful ability, restored the peace and prosperity of the kingdom. We also learn from verse 27 that it was through the advice of this capable minister that Ratnadeva made his kingdom free from all foes. Gangadhara had two wives named Ranma (?) and Padma. The former gave birth to two sons Prada and Jijaka while the latter had one son born to her named Khadgasimha. Verses 30-40 mention a series of charitable and pious acts performed by Gangadhara. He built a temple of Siva, which is evidently identical with the Lakhnesvar temple at Kharod where the inscription is found. To the south of this temple he constructed a matha made of well seasoned wood for the habitation of the ascetics. He also built, evidently at the same place, a beautiful mandapa for Sauri (Vishnu). On the top of a hill to the west of Ratnapura, he constructed a temple of Ekavira which resembled a Pushpaka. In the forest of Vadada (vane Vadade)' he built a mandapa for the enemy of the 1 PRAS. W.C., 1903-04, pp. 53 f. For a description of Pushpaka see P. K. Acharya, Indian Architecture, pp. 113-14. [The temple of Ekeviri still existe on a hill to the west of Ratanpur-Ed.] Bhandarkar rends Nevadade and Hiralal r'anaraude.

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No. 26.) KHAROD INSCRIPTION OF RATNADEVA III-CHEDI SAMVAT 933. 161 (three) cities ', i.e., Siva, as well as extensive temples dedicated to Siva and Ganesa. In the fortress (durga) he built a temple for the goddess Durga. He also seems to have dedicated a shrine to the Sun (Ravi) at a place the name of which is not clear and also erected a Siva temple at Poratha. To the north of Ratnapura he built a temple for Tunta(=Dhundhi ?)-Ganapati. He also had tanks excavated in the villages of Tipuraga (), Girahali (?), Uluva and Sena[da ?]ra. Besides the above-mentioned pious donations he raised a beautiful flower garden at Narayanapura and also a sarva-satri or public almshouse abounding in savoury food and drink. The prasasti was composed by Kumarapala of the Haihaya lineage who appears to have had a younger brother of the name of Jalhana (?). It was written by himself on the slab and engraved by one Natu who was clever in this art. The Kumarapala of this inscription is evidently identical with the Kalachuri Kumarapala, the composer of the Seorinarayan and Malhara inscriptions. According to the last verse it seems that a part (kala) of the inscription was composed by the Sreshthin Ralhana who was the minister in charge of religious endowments (Dharmakarm-adhikarin) in the reign of Ratnadeva (III). The date of the inscription is given in the last line as Chedi samvat 933 without any further details and would correspond to 1181-82 A.D. In most of the inscriptions of the Ratanpur rulers a reference is made to Kokalla and his 18 sons. Kielhorn seems to have taken him to be Kokalla (I),' the founder of the Kalachuri dynasty of Tripuri. We know from the Benares Plates of Karnadeva that Kokalla (I) was contemporary of Bhojadeva of Kanauj, Vallabharaja or the Rashtrakuta Kpishsaraja II and the Chandella Harsha. He would thus belong to a period between 860 and 900 A.D. as has been pointed out by Kielhorn. But according to the Amoda Plates of Prithvideva I, Kokalla whose son was the founder of the Ratanpur branch, took treasures of the Karnata, Vanga, Gurjara, Konkana and Sakambhari kings and also of those born of the Turushka and Raghu families.' The absence of any names of these kings renders the identification difficult, but the reference to Turusli kas is very significant. If this term has been used in a broad serse to refer to the Muhammadans (which is very probable) and if the exploits mentioned in this inscription are not due to a mere poetical exaggeration, then the reference cannot be to Kokalla I of the Tripuri family as he belonged to a period anterior to any Muhammadan invasion of North India. A still better clue is afforded by another reference in verse 9 of the same plates that having churned the king of Utkala with emaciated water he (i.e., Kamalaraja, son of Kokalla II) made over the goddess of wealth (Sri) to his overlord Gangeyadeva'.? This latter prince can be no other than Gang@ya Vikramaditya, the son of Kokalla II. The reference to Gangeya's defeating the Utkala king is found also in the Goharwa Plates of Karnadeva. Again, according to the present inscription Kalingaraja appears to have been a younger son of Kokalla while according to the Amoda Plates of Prithvideva I, which is the oldest known record of the Kalachuri rulers of Ratanpur, the eldest son of Kokalla became the ruler of Tripuri and the others were made petty chieftains and Kalingaraja is mentioned as the descendant of one of the younger sons of Kokalla. The latter pedigree 1 Hiralal, Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar (2nd ed.), p. 122, No. 203 and PRAS W.O., 1903-04, pp. 52 f. 2 Above, Vol. I, p. 42. * See Index to Inscriptions of Northern India, above, Vol. V, p. 107. . Above, Vol. II, pp. 305 ff. and Plates. Ibid., p. 301. . Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 78 ft. "I am unable to accept Hiralal's explanation that "Kamalaraja endeavoured to equal Gangeyadeva in prosperity.' *R. B. Hiralal has not identified the Utkala prince who was defeated by Kamalaraja. The pun on the words kshinoda and Gangeya shows that the prince referred to was probably Kamarpava, the latbar of Vajrahasta . Above, Vol. XI, pp. 142 ff.

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162 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. is found in other records of the Ratanpur kings and may therefore be accepted as correct. Suvarnnapura of verse 6 is probably identical with Sonpur on the Mahanadi, the present capital of the homonymous state now transferred to Bihar and Orissa from C. P. But we are not aware of Bhujabala the ruler of Suvarnapura from any other source. Suvarnapura is mentioned in the Sonpur platest of Kumara Somesvaradeva and the Jatesinga Dungri Plates of Mahasivagupta which show that Sonpur was at an earlier time under the suzerainty of the Somavamsi rulers of Trikalimga. Only two chiefs of Sonpur are mentioned in the Sonpur Plates, viz., Abhimanyudeva and Somesvaradeva.This as well as other inscriptions of the rulers of Ratanpur show that their relations with the Eastern Gangas, their immediate neighbours on the east, were not friendly. Chodaganga, the lord of Kalingadesa who was defeated by Ratnadeva II, is identical with the Eastern Ganga king Anantavarman Chodaganga. The king Jatasvara who was defeated in battle by Prithvideva II is no other than Kamarnava, the son of Anantavarman Chodaganga as we know from an inscription in the asthana-mandapa at the Mukhalingam temple dated Saka 1070. My reading of verse 13 in the text throws some new light on the genealogy of the Ratanpur kings after Jajalladeva II. Kielhorn and following him, Hiralal, were under the impression that Somalladevi was the wife of Jajalladeva II and that Ratnadeva III was their son. No other inscription of Jajalladeva mentions the name of his wife. But in verse 13 of the present inscription it is clearly stated that after the death of Jajalladeva II, Jagaddeva, probably his elder brother, came from the eastern countries and became king. The reading appears to be jyayan-asya and not -putro or =suto. If Jagaddeva was the son of Jajalladeva the succession would have been in quite a natural order. But if Jagaddeva was the elder brother of Jajalladeva and thus the eldest son of Prithvideva, as the reading of verse 13 appears to show, I do not understand why he did not become king after the death of his father Prithvideva II. The most plausible explanation seems to be that Jagaddeva was all the time engaged in a conflict with the Eastern Gangas and was thus obliged to be absent from the capital and that owing to his long absence Jajalladeva took the reins of government in his own hands. The verse under consideration seems to imply that Jajalladeva's death took place somewhat suddenly and that was probably the reason why Jagaddeva hastened back from the eastern countries to take charge of the government. Of the geographical places mentioned in the inscription several have already been identified by Hiralal. Thus Tummana, the original capital of the Ratanpur Kalachuris, exists under the name of Tumana in the Lapha Zamindari of Bilaspur. Suvarppapura, as has been pointed out already, may be Sonpur. Ratnapura is the present Ratanpur and Narayapapura and Poratha are still known by the same names (the latter as Portha) and are situated, respectively, about 20 miles 8. W. and 30 miles N. E. of Kharod. The name read as Vanavauda by Hiralal, I have read as vana Vadada which may be Baloda near Kharod. If the reading Sonadara is correct, it may be identified with the present-day Sendri between Bilaspur and Ratanpur. Uluva is probably the same as Ulba in Raipur District. I cannot identify the other places mentioned in the inscription. 1 Above, Vol. XII, pp. 237 f. 'J.B. O. R. 8., Vol. II, pp. 52 ff. B. O. Majumdar identifies this dome vars with the king defeated by Jajalladevs as mentioned in the Ratanpur stone inscription (above, Vol. 1, pp 32 ff.). Hiralal, however, identifies this latter Bomedvars with the Nugavamal king of Bastar. If Mr. Majumdar is correct in his identification, then Blujahala would be only a biruda of Sorosvars. .8. I. I., Vol. V, No. 1044. [Baluda, 30 miles north of Kharod, must be the Vadada of this record. Being the beadyuarters of forent range, it is aptly called vane. Balods (or Baloda Bazar, as it is called) le the headquarter of a Tabul in Raipur District, but there is no forest in its immediate vicinity.-Ed.)

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No. 26.) KHAROD INSCRIPTION OF RATNADEVA III-CHEDI SAMVAT 933. 163 In editing the Anioda Plates of Prithvideva I, Hiralal suggested that the term Vankesvara, whics is found in the present inscription also, might refer to an 'aboriginal local deity. In Sanskrit and Prakrit vanka has the san.. meaning as Skt. vakra and the latter is a name of Rudra according to the Anekarthasara of Lharanidasa. Thus Varkesvara may signify Siva and the word isvara added after Vanka would point to the same conclusion. This explanation seems quite justified as we know that the Kalachuris of Ratanpur were adherents of the Saiva faith. I edit this inscription from an impression found amongst those received from the office of the Director General of Archaeology in India by the Government Epigraphist for India. TEXT. [Metres: vv. 1, 5, 7, 9, 10, 14, 25, 26, 42, Sardulavikridita ; v. 2, Sikharini; vv. 3, 30, 41, Sragdhara; v. 4, Bhujangaprayata ; vv. 6, 8, 36, 38, 39, Arya; vv. 11, 13, 15, 17-19, 27-29, 31-35, 37, 40, 43, 44, Anushtubh ; v. 12, Malini ; v. 16, Mandakranta; v. 20, Upajati; vv. 21, 23, 24, Vasantatilaka; and v. 22, Vamasthavila.] 1 Om namah sivaya | Kalyanani karotu Parvvatasuta-pani-graha-prakra[me] devah keli-kala-nidhis-trijagata[m Daksh-adhvara-dhvamsakah yah kanthe dyuti-vasasi jana-[drisk] -- --U [Gaulri-vaktra-niriksha paya) 2 [vi]dadhe mugdh-erdu-dipa-tvisha ||1|| Kriyad=vah kalyanamh niravadhi vidhatus trijagatam samunmilan-nil-otpala-dela-ruchinam eshachari ruchih kanthasy ochchaireachala-tanaya-vaktra-kamala-prasarppat-(saurabhyo tura-madhukar-&-] 3 - [tir]-iva 12|| Jivatuh kairavanam-amrita-rasa-dhari(ras=) supakarah suranan= taranam prama-nathah kusuma-bara-katha-'dhyayinath Pithamarddah idarso dig-vadhunam (pri]thu-gagana-saro-ra[jahansas)- u - pam bringaro - U Z U 4 fral-ruchir-abhud-Atri-notrat-gudhamsuh 13|| Dharitribhujo Haihay.[sta]sya vambo vaba)bhuvuruyabah prapayosham=udaram bhuja-jyl-lati-va(ba)ddha-Lamkadhinathah Sahasrarjjuno vira -- --1141 [Sri-Kokalla-nfipas ?]-tad anvaya-bhavas-ta5 t-sunavo='shtadasa khyato [hy=e?]shu laghuh Kalinganpipatir=vVankesvar-ara dhanat | Tumman-adhipatih suto='sya Kamalah sri-Ratnarajas-tatah Prithvideva-naresva[ro]='bhavad=atah [kshon-ika)-chuda-manih 1511 (J&Jalladeva-] njipatis-ta6 t-sunur=abhut-Suvarnnapura-natham | Bhujava/ba)lam=&vaba)lar chalera nija bhuje-va(ba)latah samike yah 116|| Asit=tat-tanayo nay-ochita-matih kshon-isa-chudamani-sro(kre)ni-sancharana-spravu(bu)ddha ?]-charanah [fri-Ratnadev-ahvayah] I lok-alo7 ka-gir-indra-kandara-dari-vibranta-vidyadhari-vaktr-emdu-dyuti-jala-(pam)sa(su)la-yabo-rasih pravir-agranih 1171! Yas=Chodaganga-nfipatim Kalinga-des-adhipa[m] gaj adhikam samiti Jatosvara uvuuksitak-Akvayujo=ntikan=cha(?)--) 1811 8 Prithvidova-npipastatah samabhavad=yan-mauli-[de]g-ollasad-ratn-archchir-nichayena ranjitam=Umabharttu) pad-avja(hja)-dvayam | jitva yena Jafobvaro narapatih samkhyo va-dor-vvikra[maih] ---UUU UUU U - - - |1911 9 Gand-odbhedi-mad-arvu(bu)-ni[rjita)-kari-tya - - vyajatah kinh vachyah sa jagat-trayi-matha-kpit-avaso yasas-tapasah yasy-o[dvejlana-krona-bhuti-kanika. ja -na parte sasi ?] --dhi-Him-adri-kuta - - - 0-- 0-|10|| Soe above, Vol. XX, p. 77.

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164 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. 10 Tasmaj=Jajalladevo'bhuj-jananam janak-opamah 1 ajasram yad-guna-gramam var nayanti mahi[bhuljah ||11|1 Atha kila [halta-daivad=rajni Jajalladeve Kalachuri-kula-chamdre vra(bra)hma-sa - u - - [jaga]d=idam=a[pa-rakam) sarvvato=dy-andhakaram kali]-ka11 lita-viveka-vyasta-lokam=va(ba)bhuva |12| Jyaya[n=asya] Jagaddevas-tatah prag. delato='njasa | sametya rajy-adhipatir=vva(bba)bhuv=adbhuta-vikramah ||13|| Chaurair & U pam prayatam= U- yaih [prabhinnan] ----UU -u-uuda12 [rl]-kone='ribhih samsthitam | tasmin=baurya-[vi]lasa-dana-rasike rajya-sthite bhupa [tau] [vyaghrad=apy=adhiskam va]ne (na) kurute bhitin=janah paryatan ||14|| Lakshmir-iva Mur-arate Rativat-Pushpadhanvanah raljsah] Somalla devi[=ti] Yuxu 13 bhavat ||15|| Putras-tabhyam (tayos=) tridaba-vanita-gita-kirttih prithi[vyjam=asid=aka-ku hara-viharach-charu-kirtti-pratanah - revittikfita-sura-taruh s angar-oddama-[vai]ri ---(Bri] v upa-dayito [Ratna]dovah pravirah ||16|| xxxx 14 [mpi]g-akshi-nayan-otsavam svato="dhikam hriy=ev=asid-anango Makaradhvajah ||17|| Samskrit-adi-pada-nya[sam] vaichitr[y]a-chitra-dayina j ihva rang-ngane yasya narinacrti :) - krita () ||18|| [Rajadhani] dhara-bharttus tasya U xIvyvu-uy 16 m=abhud-atimanbharam ||19|| Chha | Gotre-'bhavat-Kasyapa-namadh@ye kala-nidhir De[va]dharo dhardyam yastha] dhar-oddhara-vidhau dhurine Haris tatha 8o=pi vipad-gatana[m] 2011 Puttrage uuumuu ratasya fri-[Rajadeva] iti-uu-pa16 yodhih sastreshu bastra-nivaheshu param pravino-nen-opamanam=iha ko=pi na samjagama 1|21|| U s am siddhi-nimistta]m=uttamam pativratanar dhuri samsthita priya vaba)bhuva (Jiv=etil] vifuddha-ki - [ksha]ma griham [sachcha]ritasya tasya ||22|| Tabhyam=aja17 yata gun-Otkara-ratna-sindhur-Gangadharo-dbhuta-matih sujan-aika-va[m](bam) dhuh | dhanyasya yat-kshanam=ap-iha paropakarad=anyat-kadachid-api na vyasanam-va(ba)bhuva ||23|| Yan-manasan Bukfita-sila-day-8[pasanti] - - (maulil] UU-UU-U--[0 yen. [!] u sara u U uuhu [10 1]18 bha-tfishp-adibhih parato(ta) eva krito nivasah ||24| Kobe nasam-upagate gaja valba)le kshine='tirine jane durbhiksh-opahatim gate janapada dinain dasam=akrite | yen=o[chchaih) padam={padam u u u -sri-Ratnadeva (prabho rajyam] mam(dava(ba)la] krita 19 punah saptanga-sampuronatam* ||25|| Dhairy-audarya-viveka-vikrama-yasah-sausilys Bistranymath sauch-achara-param ananya-sadcisim Chanakya-vidya-mati[m]| dfishtva [chasiva] nitanta-[tripta)-manasi bri-Ratnadevena yah sarvy [cha]ra-dhuri[na sha vihitah pradhany-amatye pada 20 261 Yasya mantrena sarvvatra nirjit-arati-mandalah | Sri-Ratnadevs-bhupalad chakra rajyam-akantakam |27|| Ra[pma ?)-Padm-abhidhe [cha dve] bhary bhakti-parayane va(ba)bhuvatuh sad-[chara)-pavitrita-kula-dvaye ||28|| Ek=atra Prada-Jijckau Bushuve tanay-ottamau simha(ha) 11 Tbe launa may be filled up as Ryujyam-dptd. -Ed.) A svlable at the end appears to be missing. Read alrin. 8pamy-amatya-ruh sit-kosa-alura-durpa-balani cha. These are the seven conetit pont parts of a kingdom.

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KHAROD INSCRIPTION OF RATNADEVA III--CHEDI SAMVAT 933. RAScemanAtatyAnA kAstakAta tApakagatAhAtAbAsakAyakatvAsatArUvara mApadarIlaat vivivAminamA malinAtyAyana dala samAnatA kasAbacalatanata MANIravAra ke samakAnAlApAnAmumazapakavAcAyanAvATabahAdazAdiyAnAtAga HASHAREREN CEBIOvavavayeza pApAyajAnakAyamaUzAlatAvakSikAvatAnacoka pAyAzA spinAta yAmAhA tummAlAvipatimAnAyakAlAjAsatamA ASTERTERNE bApatAdhajAvata palasAka samAkiyAAsAsAzanAyAnAvAkhamamANAzivAnIgaNa kakarapamA bayAnadi pavAvakAsa samAsa zAzapakSiAlAyAmadagamapAtakAlanadazAdAkSAzamAnahArikAmA viSamatAhAnizAlamaDatAtasalimA pasArAmajavAyanajara nasazAlAmAla sabase zAiriTAnisakAratyAgAdicA isa kamavayomaThakatAvAsATAzayasamazahamalanakA pratipAlakA napAna varimAkara khAlAbATa katAramA samaya layatrimatI mAyAmalitAravAdakamAsanAvadanapuralabhAvAsAkAra tavikatAmAnArasa rAgadArI mAratAsAzIma tApAvAvapativaravA sabakamazAvara vivi gakirANana:saMhitamAtAsAma (sakatavihita pAdayatita karatAnApAnAvatamAtAtapAtaya RAR ratnAvinamAyAdhizalatAmoDamA kahipakhAkIlatodara matapataanAzAsArayAtAmA sAnimAmivajAvAdAvikAlAryavAsAlAnAmAbhAsahavATipadayA garihAlayasAtAranAma nAvAcasATA sAnimAlAmAlagAni vadArasapatAmAkalA(navAdamAvatamAma mahArAvikiparabhaNAsApAlanamA MORAtistata" yoniziya mAnavAha pAvApAnApamAnAsakipinigAmAsAsAdAnimAmAlikhatalApusmiyAdinadeza aniAraniyaSMITsakA yatAlokasattAitamati sastedavAvamayakAmapAraparakAlAna rAvipina casane mantravAzAyA rAstAPiRAVEENAMANGESTAUNT satahamAdimiravazAnAdiyA nakAzanArAma pagAta gaDabala milApatA manApAsanAdazAmAzAtAyAtaparamAvaramazaravAravAlAbalA HD.sAtAmA hAnATodiAryavivakakimayazakSasozalsamAsAgavAnArAvI parAmalIlA mahAnatA sAlidAsyAsasahita pAkara mAranA sAlIvArasatigatimAralAzonAsvapAlaktAvamaTakala ARAR AyA karAyalA sadAlatalamArapasAbamA kAnubAnatavyAtAmAsadAra namamadyAcakhajasiMha mana unamAriyAyAlayAnalikatatitaranatalAsAratAmA zAda zApatimAkAsAsa sasasasamAvA kodatavAkanavAnasaharuTIna SHRI 100 kamajorAnAka vAmanaravaliyApAsavAsu zimimAmAnI mAravAlavAnisamA gAmastapurA patAsAjAkApamA kArasaTakatI mAyAma vimaramara bAlavayApArAtAnA mAhavAgacA kitAvAsAlAsarakAramAraha vAparatAnamantavazAlAkA akaSabhava ksatAna sAsthAnAdhA nizAgApArAsAnAkAma roSamatA mapAlikamAnapuramAtAjanagAmAsApAsabaERA namalasarAsalakAvAsarArugasamatoyAbaramavAvA yA samakAja tAvakA kapilamA santAsa pala TERTAL REAMPIREvyavATa kAmapirosanA gAyAvatInAtIyatasarasikArAsAsAmAnAravAlaparaganalamAlAviyA mahAyAnasanamAnAbhAna yAna PRESEPSMEANINGyatA ka TakAlakApAripharvikalAsAgAmArapasAtAsamakyAlAdAradhavazana kamizanalATAnasabhAlajanatAkA yAvasAtiyA kArakhAnadAlAkhakAvakAzasamakAlA zikSiAnatAlalAsamAyasavaNabhUSitAmA vimAnata-LETTEERASRHRSS ma . K. N. DIKSHIT. REG. No. 2925. E. 32-500. SCALE: ONE-FOURTH. SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA.

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No. 27.] UDAIYARGUDI INSCRIPTION OF RAJAKESARIVARMAN; A.D. 988. 165 21 vi[kra]mam-anya cha Khadgasithham-ajtjanat |29|| Alkynna vidyut-tati. taralatar-asara-tarunya-[dadhnim] Lakshmim-am-evam cha [ji]ta-mrigadrisam pritim-spy-angananam | -k-a[ptalye [tat-punar]-iha sukritair=[dri]shta - - pta-vo(bo)dhad=etach-chakre navinam sahaja-subha-ma22 tir-mmandapam Bhutabharttuh ||30|| Mathah kathora-kashth-aughair-atr=aiv= akari dhimata deva-dakshina-dig-bhage nivasarthan-tapasvinam ||31|| Karitam vistrita[m] Sauri-mandapam1 punya-karina Gangadharena [dharager-bhasham]-ev-atisundaram ||32|| Srimad-Ratnapure cha pratichyam Pushpak-opamam | akarod=fikaviraya mandapam giri-murddhani ||33|| Mandapam vane Vadade [Palr-arater-vinirmitam | Hara-Heramvayos= chakre tatr-aiva vi[sa(sa)d]-alayau ||34|| Devi-Durgga-griham durgge Raveh Paha[take(?) pure]| Porathe bhavanam Sambhor-a 24 bhramkasham-achikarat ||35|| Ratnapurasy-odichyam digi Tumta-Ganapater-asau chakre mandapam-asesha-vanchhita-phala-datur-vighna-hantus-cha ||36|| ||* Saras [Ti]puruga-[gra]me nirmmala[m] vikach-amvu(bu)jam tatha Girahali[grame] spharam pushkarinim-api ||37|| 23 ru 25 kritam-amalam sarasija-ruchiram sada jagat-sevyam tap-apaham=uru-harim=iva [U]luva-grame saras-chakre ||38|| Gunjan-munja-madhuvrata-chaya-chumvita-vikacha-pankajam-akardt | pushkarinim-a[pi tobbana-8eqa[da]r-![bhijdha-[gr] |39|| Misht-anna-pana-sampanna[m sa] 26 rvasatri[m] vyadhad-asau Narayanapure pushpa-vatikam-api sobhanam ||40|| Yaval-lilavatinam nayana-sarasija-pranta-samstho Manobhur-yavan-Mainakapaksh-avila-chatula-chalad-vichi-malah payodhih chandr-arkkau yavad=etau gagana-tala-samud[d*]yotamanau prabhatas-ta 27 vad-Gangadharasya pravara-guna-nidheh sthairyatam=etu kirttih 411 Daksho lakshana-nirnna(rnna)ye kavi-kala-sarvva[sva]-visrama-bhus-chhandah-sundara-vu(bu)ddhir adbhuta matib sahitya-Chanakyayoh | khyato Haihaya-vamsabhuh kavi-vrisha yasy-anujo Ja[lhana]s-ten-akari Kumarapala-kritina [ch=eyam ?] 28 prasastir=mmuda ||42|| Aksharair-mauktik-akarais-ten-aiv=alekhi kautukat | [Natu]namna samutkirnna silpa-vijnana-salina ||43|| Sreshthina Ralhanen=atra dharmma-karmm-adhikarina | krita kala kalapajna-jana-susruta-vu(bu)ddhina||44|| Chedi Samvat 933 [*] Mangalam=astu || No. 27. THE UDAIYARGUDI INSCRIPTION OF RAJAKESARIVARMAN; A.D. 988, BY PROFESSOR K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRI, M.A., MADRAS. This inscription is engraved, along with some other Chola inscriptions of the tenth century A.D., on the west wall of the central shrine in the Anantievarasvamin temple at Udaiyargudi, a hamlet of Kattumannarkoyil, in the Chidambaram taluk of the South Arcot District. The village is celebrated in the hagiology of South Indian Vaishnavism as the birth-place of Nathamuni and his grandson Yamunacharya, also called Alavandar, the spiritual preceptor of Ramanuja. In the inscriptions, the place is called Viranarayana-chaturvedimangalam, the same as the Viranarayanapuram of Vaishnava literature and our inscription further describes 1 Read Sauri. Probably the length is futroduced for the sake of the metre. The metre is irregular here. Here in this and the next line enough space for 3 or 4 letters is left uninscribed. No. 577 of 1920. Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1920-21, part II, paragraph 31.

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166 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. it as a brahmadeya on the Northern bank (evidently of the Coleroon). Most probably, it was an agrahara founded by Parantaka I Viranarayana (A.D. 907-53), whose inscriptions are also found in the Anantisvara temple. The inscription consists of eight lines of almost equal length, and occupies a space of about 12' by 1}'. Except for the loss of some letters at the end of the first and second lines, it is in a fair state of preservation. The size of the letters is on an average well over an inch, some of the ligatures being 2"high. The characters employed are Tamil and Grantha. The writing is of the regular type found in the Chola inscriptions of the tenth century. The chiselling of the letters is very good and hardly excelled in its beauty by any stone inscription of the period outside the Tanjore temple. In general appearance, our inscription strikingly resembles the Tamil part of the Madras Museum plates of Uttama Chola, allowance being made for the difference in the material on which the inscriptions are engraved. The loops in are fully developed ; but not so in 7. Medial a andr are clearly distinguished though not always; the first two lines contain several instances where the distinction is maintained, while r is written exactly like the subsidiary a in perappanmaridum and mamanmaridum in line 3, and in alvar in line 7. Medial i and u are sometimes, but by no means always distinguished from i and u by loops, the loop indicating length in i being placed at the end of the left arm of the curve indicating i instead of at the end of the right arm as at present. The longli is best seen in the letters Sri and Vi and in ni in tannir (line 7). The long u is sometimes indicated by the short u-sign attached to the main letter and followed by the a-sign as in malaiyanuran in line 2 and nurrorupatti in line 6; the regular sign with the loop occurs in Kottaiyar in line 4, muvaridum in line 5, and twice in Vennaiyur in line 6. Though the length of these medial vowels is not always indicated in the inscription, I have added it in my readings where necessary. The letter y is invariably written in the Grantha form as in some of the Uttaramerar inscriptions of Parantaka I and in the Museum plates of Uttama-Chola. The pulli is not marked. Ligatures are almost invariably in Grantha form; Ua is written in two forms in line 6-Palla and Malla-in the one case, a Grantha la placed over a Tamil la and in the other, two Tamil la-s placed one above the other. As regards orthography, a tendency to omit is noticed in such forms as ivaga! (lines 2 and 3 and 4). The only other features calling for notice are the insertion of y in miy-pidagai in line 5. The language of the inscription is Tamil. The construction of the second sentence (11. 1-4), the most important in the whole inscription, is much obscured by its faulty grammar. It gives a list of the names of some persons involved in treason, and of their relatives, but the first five names in the list are in the nominative case, while the remaining eight are virtually in the genitive as indicated by the possessive suffix idum attached to each of them and by the phrase summing up the whole (irvanaitar) being clearly employed in a possessive sense. Line 4 also contains a similar confusion of case endings. The object of the inscription is to record an endowment by Araiyan Bharatan alias Vyalagajamalla-Pallavaraiyan, the son of Nakkan Aravanaiyan alias Pallava-Muttaraiyan, the lord of Vennaiyur. The aim of the endowment was to provide for the supply of drinking water in a mandapa before the temple in which the inscription is engraved, and for the daily feeding of fifteen Brahmans. The endowment took the form of land, and in the narration of the 1 Annual Report on Epigraphy, 1920-21, part II, para. 24 and Appendix B, Nos. 639, 547, 540, eto. * South Indian Inscriptions , Vol III, No. 128. While in the Uttama-Caola plates, the letter for is almost a piain vertical stroke without any curve at the top as in the sign for medial long a, in the present inscription the symbols for both of these have a curve at the top, usually open on the proper right side.-0. R. K.) [The pulli is marked in a few cases : e.g., see mangalattu p-perunguri P-peruo in l. 1, though in the rest of the inscription it is not so.-C. R. K.)

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No. 27.] THE UDAIYARGUDI INSCRIPTION OF RAJAKESARIVARMAN; A.D. 988. 167 circumstances of the purchase of the land by the donor, the important historical fact is disclosed that Aditya II Karikala fell a victim to assassination at the hands of some persons who, to judge from their names and titles, must have been highly placed Brahman officials of the army. The inscription opens by stating that in the second year of Ko-Rajakesarivarman, a letter (Srimukham) was sent by the Emperor to the Great Sabha of Viranarayana-chaturvedimangalam (line 1). The letter is next reproduced (lines 1-4). It recounts that Soman........, and his younger brothers Ravidasa and Paramesvara had been found guilty of treason (drohikal-ana) for their murder of Karikala Sola who took the head of the Pandya' (11. 1-2); the properties of these three persons and their relatives specified (11. 2-3) were to be taken over by Brahma-brirajan of Kottaiyur and Chandrasekhara-bhatta of Pullamangalam (1.4); the Sabha (tangalum) were to arrange, in co-operation with these two persons, for the sale at current prices of all these lands and to remit the proceeds to the Treasury in accordance with the king's order (1. 4). The letter concludes with the statement that it was written out by Kurukadi Kilag (l. 4). In accordance with this letter, the lands of Revadasa (either the second of the traitors named above or more probably his udappirandan Malaiyanurag), Revadasa's son and his mother, situated in the western pidagai of Viranarayana-chaturvedimangalam (line 5) were bought from the sabha by Bharatan alias Vyalagajamallan. The property purchased comprised, according to an old measurement (palambadi), two (veli) and three quarters and one-twentieths, and six residential houses (line 6), and the price paid was 112 kalanju of gold (lines 6-7). In the month of Mesha in this year, on a Sunday which was a Purattadi day, Bharatan gave this land and these houses to be utilised in the Anantisvara temple for the purposes specified (lines 7-8). The astronomical details given in line 7 will be seen, from a reference to Mr. L. D. Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, to be correct for Sunday, the 15th April, A.D. 988, which would fall in the third regnal year of Rajaraja I, whose accession has been fixed by Kielhorn between 25th June and 25th July 985 A.D. The regnal year cited in our inscription is the second, and this must be understood to be, not the current, but the expired year. The chronology of the record. its reference to the murder of Karikala 'who took the head of the Pandya', i.e., Aditya II, the elder brother of Rajaraja I, and its palaeographical peculiarities alike point to the identity of the Rajakesari of this inscription with Rajaraja I who began his rule in A.D. 985. In fact there is no other Rajakesari in the period after Aditya II whom the facts recorded in the inscription suit so well. The interval between the close of the reign of Parantaka I and the beginning of that of Raja. raja I is still one of the rather obscure periods in Chola history. The order of succession of the kings who ruled in this period is far from clear, and the length of each reign does not lend itself to precise determination. There is no doubt, however, that the immediate predecessor of Rajaraja 1 [There is nothing to suggest that the officials belonged to the army.-C. R. K.] * See n. 1, p. 170 poet. * The expression perattandom makes it appear like a gift to these two persons. But in view of what follows this cannot be understood literally. (The expression has to be read as perttandom' in the sense of nominated'. cf. 8.1.1., Vol. II, p. 404, l. 128 and p. 429. If the sense intended were obtaining the original should be pepa -C. R. K.) The second of the traitors named at the beginning of line 2 is called Ravidasanana Panchavan-Brahmidhirajan. The name given in line 5 is Revadasa, a slightly different form, though it is possible that the sign of medial e preceding ra in the beginning of line 2 or at the end of line 1 has not come out in the impression. But Rovadasa is here called a Kramavitta and has the alias Malaiyanuran, facts which strengthen the doubt that ho may be different from Ravidasa of line 2. But the preceding phrase s-ari-mukhaltin mirpatio La De 1 bat the Anme man is mentioned in the letter reproducod earlier in the inscription, and this may be reference either to Ravidian or Malaiyapuran of line 2. The purame Malaiyanuranclourly proves that the referenco is to the Intter of the two persons.-C. R. K.) Above, Vol. VIII, App. 2, p. 22.

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168 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VoL, XXI. I was Madhurantaka Uttama-Chola, who had a reign of about sixteen years (A.D. 969-85). Of Aditya II, the Parakesari who took the head of the Pandya,' we have inscriptions bearing the fifth regnal year. He was the son of Parantaka II Sundara-Chela, and it is generally admitted that the period of his rule must lie between the end of Sundara-Chola's reign and the commencement of that of Uttama Chula. The latter was the son of Gandaraditya and most probably a baby at the time of his father's death! This was doubtless the reason why the succession passed to a junior branch of the family, and Arinjaya, his son Parantaka II, and his son Aditya succeeded one after another. After Aditya, we find Uttama-Chola ruling for sixteen years before the crown passed to Aditya's younger brother Rajaraja. The Tiruvalangadu plates of Rajendra-Chela I seem to furnish a clue which, when interpreted witk the aid of the present inscription, enables us to trace the probable course of events. Verses 69 and 70 of these plates state that though on the death of Aditya, the people, in their eagerness to witness the destruction of the increasing darkness of Kali, desired Arumolivarman, i.e. Rajaraja, to take up the reins of government, he, the true Kshatriya, did not desire to rule his kingdom so long as his paternal uncle coveted it, and that Arumoli was made tho Yuvaraja by Madhurantaka Uttama Chola who became king. Though the Tiruvalangadu plates and other Chola records tell us nothing of the manner of Aditya's death, the reference to the increasing darkness of Kali looks like a thinly veiled allusion to the state of anarchy that prevailed at the sudden demise of the late king. The people's wish to have Arumoli as king, Arumoli's unwillingness to accept the throne when his paternal uncle coveted it, and the recognition of Arumoli as heir-apparent, may be taken to indicate the troubles of a disputed succession ended by a political compromise by which Uttama-Chola was indeed to enjoy the fulfilment of his heart's desire, but the succession was to revert to the ruling line, viz., that of Arinjaya. A certain Madhurantakan Gandaradittar is found in the service of Rajaraja I, and it is probable that he was a son of Uttama-Chola. If this view is correct, he must be taken to have acquiesced in his exclusion from the succession which was the direct result of Arumoli having been made the Yuvaraja at the time of Uttama's accession. Apparently the choice before Arumoli after his brother's death was between & civil war with his paternal uncle and a compromise such as the one actually adopted ; Arumoli preferred the latter course, and his wisdom seems to be commended in the phrase Kshatradharmartharedi (v. 69) of the Tiruvalangadu plates. Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Malaiyanur and Kottaiyur cannot be identified without more details : Pullamangalam may be the same as Pullamangai, a village near Pasupatikoyil, about nine miles south of Tanjore. Vennaiyur-nalu may be the same as the subdivision of Vadagarai-Rajendrasimha-valanadu in the solamandalam. If tbat is so, Vennaiyur must be included in the list of villages in the nadu given by Venkayya. I edit the text from a set of estampages received from the Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras. TEXT. 1 Svasti Sri [l*] Ko-Rajakesarivarmmarkku yandu 2-avadu Vadagarai-brahmadeyam ssri Viranaraya[pa-chchaturvvedimamgalattu-pperunguri-pperumakkalukku Chakravartti-brimukham Pandiyanai-ttalai-konda Karikala-Solanai-kkooru drohika [1-a] na Soma[]................ rambi 1 South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. III, Nos. 136, 138 and 144. * South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. III, No. 204. * Ibid., p. [14). * South Indian Inscriptions, II Introduction, p. 24. The stone is damaged here but there can be no doubt about the missing letter. * There is a gap of seven or oight letters bero. They biust form the rest of the name of the first drohi followed by ivan.

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No. 27.] THE UDAIYARGUDI INSCRIPTION OF RAJAKESARIVARMAN A.D. 988. 169 2 Ravidasaprapa Panchavan-Brahmadhirajanum ivap-rambi Paramesvaran=ana Irumudi chchola-Brahmadhirajanum ivagal-udappifanda Malaiyanu ranum ivagal-tambimarum=ivagal-makkalidum ivar-brahmanim[ar]"-peralum=i........ dramattam s perappanmaridum=ivagal-makkalidum=ivagalukku=ppillai-kudutta mamagmaridum tayoda udappiranda maman m amanmaridum=ivagal-udappiranda pengalai vetaripavum=ivagal-makkalai vettaripavum=aga ivv-anaivar [muri]yum namm-anaikk-uriyavasu Ko 4 ttaiyur Brahmasrirajanum Pullamangalattu Chandrasekhara-Bhattanaiyum pera ttandam tangalum=ivagal-kankaniyodum=ivagal soppavaru n amm-anaikk=uriyavaru kudiyodu kudiperum vilaikku virru=ttalattiduga ivai Kuru[kadi)-kilan-elutt=epru i-pparisu vara i8 Srimukhattin merppatta Malaiyanuran=ana Pappanach cheri Revadasa-kramavi ttanum ivan.maganum-ivan-ray Periyanangai-chchaniyum=i-mmuvaridum=ana nilam Sri-Viranarayana-chchatu[r]vvedimamgalattu miy-padagai Devanmangalam ana pattila nilam sri-Viranarayana-chchatu[r*]-vvedi6 mamgalattu sabhaiyar-pakkal Vennaiyur-nattu Vennaiyur-udaiyan Nakkan-Ara vanaiyan=apa Pallava-Muttaraiya-magan Baratan=ana VyalagajamallaPpallavaraiyanen-i-nnilam palambadi irande-mukkaley-oru-mavum-agamanai y=ajum=aga innilamum=i-mmapaiyum nusr=ofupatt-i?. 7 ru-kalanju pop kuduttu vilai-kond-ivvur-Tiruv-Anantesvarattu Bhattarakar koyililey-ivy-attai Mesha-nayarru Nayarru-kkilamai-perra Purattadi-naru chandr-adityavat Alvar-koyil-munbu [Muva]yirattarunurruvapana nilaiyambalattu tannir-attum brahmanan=oruvanukku ni[ba) 8 dam padi-pali nellum-attaivattam=oru kabum nibadam padinaiyvar brahmanars unbadarkum=aga padinaru ivarruloyaiyvar Sivayogikal-u[n]avum vaiytten Araiyan Bharatan=ana Vyasagajamalla-Ppallavaraiyaneni-dha[r]mmam rakshikkinra maha-sabhaiyar-sri-padangal=en-talaimelana[ll*] TRANSLATION. Line 1. Hail ! Prosperity ! (In the second year of the reign of) King Rajakosarivarman, the order of the Emperor (addressed) to the members of the Great Assembly of Sri-Viranarayapachaturvedimangalam, a brahmadeya on the North bank : 1 Length is marked by the sign for secondary d. * The signs for a and r are lost just below the missing letter noticed in note 5 above. A gap of the same length as at the end of line 1. * Cancel the second ma man. . Read Kilano. . See n. 4, p. 167 ante. * The length of subsidiary i in nu is expressed by the sign for subsidiary a. The letters poru and ti som to bave been corrected from the original rinu and to.

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170 EPIGRAPHLA INDICA. (VOL. XXL. 1. 1-2. Bomag........, his younger brother Ravidasan alias Pazichavan Brakmadhirdjan, and his younger brother Paramotvaran alias Irumudichchola Brahmadhirajan have been guilty of treason as they murdered Karikalaboja who took the head of the Pandya; 1. 2-4. We have ordered that the properties ?): (of these persons), of their brother Malaiyapuran, of their younger brothers and sons, of their wives........, of the elder brothers of their father and their children, of their fathers-in-law (lit. of their uncles who have given their daughters in marriage to them), of their uncles who are brothers of their mother, of the persons who have married their sisters, and of their sons-in-law_these (properties ?) shall, in accordance with our command, be obtained' by Brahmastrijan of Kottaiyut and Chandrasekhara-Bhatta of Palla. mangalam. 11. 4-7. You shall, in the presence of these two) persons and is pursuance of what they say and in pursuance of our command, sell at the prevailing price and remit (the amoun) to the treasury. This is the writing of Kurukadi-kilan. When this (letter) was received, the lands of the three persons, viz., Malaiyapurap dias Revadasa-Kramavittan of Pappanahcheri, who is mentioned above in the letter, his son, and his mother Periyanangai-chchani, these lands in the pattu Inown as Devanmangalam in the western pidagai of Viranarayana-chaturvedimangalam and including, by the old measurement, two and three quarters and one twentieth (of a veti) and six residential houses,' these lands and these houses, were bought of the members of the Sabha of Viranarayapa-chaturvedimangalam by me, Bharatan alias Vyalagajamalla-Pallavaraiyan, son of Nakkay Aravanaiyao alias Pallava-Muttaraiyan, (a resident) of Vennaiyur in Vennaiyur-nadu, after payment of one hundred and twelve kafafiju ot gold. 11. 7-8. In the month of Mesha in this year, on the Parattadi day which was a Sunday, I, Araiyan Bharatar ahias Vyalagajamalla-Ppahavaraiyan, endowed these (lands and houses) in order that, as long as the sun and the moon endure, one Brahmin, who supplies water in the (manda pa called) Three-thousand-six hundred atias Nilaiyambalam in front of the Alvar shrine in the temple of Tiru-Anantigvarattu-Bhattaraka of this village, may get ten nati of paddy every day and one kadu in a year, and that fifteen Brahmins may be fed every day, (provided that) among these sixteen, five fivayogis shall be fed. The sacred feet of the members of the mahasabha who protect this charity (will be borne by me) on my head. 1 The gap after aga iv maior and before yum in line 3 greatly obeses the meaning. The space is just enough for two letters, and I think the first of them is most probably mu. Some word like muri in the sense of portion' or share' may be suggested. The general sense is, however, clear from what follows, and I havo followed this in filling the gap in the translation with : (properties 1). No. 112 of 1911 is another instance of the confiscation of the properties of persons found guilty of treason (drohikal) in the reign of Rajaraja III, * Literally, of those who have married their children'. [See ante, p. 167, f. n. 2-0. R. K.) Phe pronouns galam' and 'fucigalare at first portaling; but a little consideration shows that the former must refer to the members of the Sabha to what the letter is adetressed, and the latter to the two persona to whom a part of the confiscated rights was assigned by the king. What this exactly was is not clear on account of the gap noted above-n. 1. I have understood Kankani in its abstract sense. Though Kankani also means auperintendent, the meaning hardly suits the present context. [The expression means under the supervision of these people -0. R. K.) Literally, at the price which one pesant gets from another'. . That talam means "treasury will be seen from the fellowing: 'Niamam vietu pindi kutasaci-mariyar danda-talattu idnga enru krimukath vara............aka tonnuru kabum........miriyar danda-talattu vaittu' (No. 563 of 1921); and "Variyilitta pop kada var muppinru iridu purajayndu ponamatyt pogar svam pomaru pokkaruttu kaccippettu talatta vaittu teravu ketka epru maha-Babtaikka-kkadaiyida vara.! Pio. 319 ). "Aham' and 'manai' ooour in the sense of house and hono-otte respectively to the Uttaramnorus inscriptions of Parantaka I. [This number includes a leo the water Brahmin -O. R. K.) Bo South Indian Inscription, Vol. III, p. 382.

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No. 28.] THE PALANPUR PLATES OF CHAULUKYA BHIMADEVA (V. S. 1120). 171 No. 28. THE PALANPUR PLATES OF CHAULUKYA BHIMADEVA (V. S. 1120). BY K. N. DIKSHIT, M.A., CALCUTTA. These plates were received from Palanpur by Mr. Puran Chand Nahar, M.A, LL.B., of 48, Indian Mirror Street, Calcutta, who brought them to me for decipherment and for the preparation of impressions. They consist of two unusually thick (" to ") plates joined together by a ring 17" in diameter, passed through a hole " in diameter in the middle of the edge of the longer side. Only the inner side of the plates is inscribed, in all there being 15 lines of bold writing. The dimensions are 71" by 41" of which about 1" of the rim has been raised on ali sides to protect the writing. The thickness of each plate is " but there are two knobs on either side of the ring where the thickness is about half an inch. The plates weigh 106 tolas. The characters of the record are Devanagari and the language Sanskrit prose calling for no special remarks. The engraving is full of mistakes. The document refers itself to the reign of the Maharajadhiraja Bhimadeva (I) apparently of the Chaulukya (Solanki) dynasty of Gujarat, who was encamped at Ila, its object being the grant of 3 halas of land at a village named Varanavada to a Modha Brahmana named Janaka. The boundaries of the land are specified as: to the east, the way to the village Vara-Asavali; to the south, the village Padra; to the west, the way to Chhimdriyala; to the north, the field of Kesava and Valana '. The date of the grant is mentioned as the fifteenth of the bright half of Pausha in the Vikrama year 1120. It is further stated that the grant was made by Bhimadeva, on the occasion of the Uttarayana parvan or winter solstice. Now the particular coincidence of the full-moon day of Pausha and the uttarayana occurs neither in any of the possible equivalents of Samvat 1120, taking the year as northern or southern, current or expired; nor within a few years on either side. It is therefore apparent that either the details of the date are wrong or that the actual date of issuing the grant was somewhat later than the date of the donation. In the latter case, it is probable that the date of issue of the grant was 6th January 1064 A.D. while the Makarasankranti or uttarayana which occurred on 25th December 1063 A.D. was the occasion of the king's douation. The date of the grant is interesting inasmuch as it is the last recorded date of the Chaulukya Bhimadeva. According to Merutunga, in his Prabandha-chintamani, Bhimadeva's accession took place in V. S. 1078 (1022-3 A.D.), which must be regarded fairly accurate, inasmuch as we have V. S. 1076 as the last recorded date of his predecessor Durlabharaja. From the testimony of the Muhammadan chroniclers it is apparent that Bhimadeva was the ruler of Gujarat and Southern Kathiawar at the time of the well-known sack of the Somanatha temple in 1024 A.D. (circa 1080 V. S.). The first epigraphical date for Bhimadeva known from his Radhanpur1 and Mundaka grants is V. S. 1086. The next reference is in the Mount Abu Vimala temple inscription, where it is stated how in V. S. 1088 (1031-2 A.D.) Vimala, who had been appointed dandapati by Bhimadeva, founded the temple. The duration of the reign of Bhimadeva as given by Merutunga was from V. S. 1078 to V. S. 1120. but practically no records of the latter part of his long reign have survived. The date of another donation made at the Vimala Shah temple by a minister of Bhimadeva in V. S. 1119 can now be definitely accepted as made within the monarch's reign and life-time. The date of the accession of Bhimadeva's successor Karuadeva is given by Merutunga as V. S. 1120; Chaitra sudi 3 Sanau. It is clear that this date can be reconciled with 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, pp. 193 ff. J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XX, p. 49. Above, Vol. IX, pp. 48ff, Above, Vol. XIX, List of Northern Inscriptions, No. 137.

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172 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. that of the present grant, only on the supposition that the year used was the Southern Vikrama year commencing with the month of Kartika. Bhimadeva must therefore have died during the period between Pausha and Chaitra of the Southern Vikrama year 1120. On verification, however, the date of Karna's accession as given by Merutunga appears to work out regularly only for Saturday, 12th March 1065 (=Southern V. S. 1121), which is more than a year removed from the date of the present grant. The first epigraphical dates for Karna are those provided by his Navsari1 grants dated Saka 996 and V. S. 1131 (=1074 A.D.). The writer of the grant was Kokkaka, the son of the Kayastha Vatesvara, who appears to belong to a family of hereditary scribes of the Chaulukyas. Thus we know the Kayastha Vatesvara to be the writer of the Radhanpur grant of Bhimadeva and Kekkaka himself to be the writer of the Navsari1 and Sunak plates of Karna. The Dutaka was the illustrious Bhogaditya, the minister of peace and war, who also figures in the Navsari plates. Of the geographical names, Ila, the place of the king's encampment, can possibly be identified with the modern Ilol, a petty state in the Mahikantha Agency, to the south-east of Palanpur. The ending -ol of place names in North Gujarat (e.g., Halol, Kalol, Palol) is to be considered the local equivalent of pur, through ur and ul. Ilapura can thus be a good Sanskrit equivalent to Ilol. I am unable to identify the other places. TEXT. First Plate. 1 Om Vikrama-Samvat 1120 Pausha sudi 15 ady-eha kala Ila2 vasita-srimad-vijayi-katake samasta-raj-avali-viraji 3 ta-maharajadhiraja-eri-Bhimadevah svabhujyamana-Dhanada 4 hara-pathake samasta-raja-purashan janapadamhs-cha bodhaya 5 ty=astu vah samviditam yatha ady-otvaroyana-parvani Mahesva 6, ram-abhyarchya pitror-atmanas-cha punya-yaso bhivriddhaye Modha-Bra 7 hmana-Janakaya Varanavada-grane(me) Patu-satka-kshetre | Vi 8 vuka-satka-kshetre cha iti hala-trayasya halam 3 bhumi' Second Plate. 9 sasanan -odaka-purvam-asmabhih pradatta' syams-cha purva-10 10 sam(syam) Vara-Asavali-grama-margah | dakshinasyam grama-Padram | pa 11 schimayam Chhimdriyala-margah| uttarasyam Kasava11-Valapayoh 12 kshetram iti chatur-aghat-opalakshitayah bhumer-asyah pa13 ripamthana ken-api na karya | lisi(khi)tam-idam sasanam ka14 yatul-Vatesvara-suta-Kekkakena | Dutako- 'tra maha-sam15 dhivigrahika-sri-Bhogaditya iti13 sri-Bhimadeva14 || 1 J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XXVI, pp. 252 ff. Ep. Ind., Vol. I, pp. 317 ff. * Expressed by a symbol. Read purushan. Read -ottarayana. *Read -yaso. Read bhumih. Read sasanen=. Read syas-cha. 10 Va looks like da. 11 Read Kebava... 1 Read yastha.. 13 The symbol after i either stands for a punctuation mark or abbreviation of ti 14 Read Bhimadevah.

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PALANPUR PLATES OF BHIMADEVA---V. S. 1120. pitamarItapAtariyAdakAlaralA. ___2vAsinayAmaja. sirulkasamarAGAvalIvirAU2 tamahArAjAti rAzImAravaThatajusamAnakAlA ___4dvArayatAkasamma pAU-puna yAna naparAyatAtyA 4 vasutama tiditaya vAyatyA.loyA palijAdarA ___ amarAce sivAnAnanathaevayAsa lihatyAmAdaka 6 hAjAtakAyata malA vADAyAnapAsaka hAjAvA ___ tukkasakala-tidalavayasA dala mI 8 zAsa vAtATkaptatamA sidavAsAsA ____10 yArAnA savaliyAmaMmAgAratihAsAgAmAdAta 10 samAyAlI riyAlA mAgahAUsAkazatatAlalAyA _12 ( lamAnattavanAyAAya pralahitATAtAlagAyA niyatanAti tAyatakAyAAlalana sirazAsattA "yanavAdazasunAta kAlavAhata ( kAmadAsA // naviyadika cIlArAdityarUzalIma vA SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. K. N. DIKSHIT.

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No. 29.) HALDIPUR PLATES OF THE PALLAVA CHIEF GOPALADEVA. No. 29-HALDIPUR PLATES OF THE PALLAVA CHIEF GOPALADEVA. By N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, M.A., OOTACAMUND. The existence of these plates was brought to the notice of Mr. K. N. Dikshit, M.A.. Officiating Government Epigraphist for India, by Mr. S. V. Haldipur, B.A., LL.B., M.B.E., Officer Supervisor, Judge Advocate General's Department, Army Headquarters, Simla. They were discovered Beveral years ago when digging in the garden belonging to Mr. Haldipur's family in Guddehittal at Haldipur, a village in the Honavar Taluka of the North Kanara District, Bombay Presidency. I now edit the inscription engraved on them from ink-impressions as well as the origiDals kindly placed at my disposal by Mr. K. N. Dikshit who obtained the plates on loan from the owner. The plates which are in an excellent state of preservation are three in number, each measuring about 61" in length, 21" in breadth and " in thickness. The first and the third plates bear writing only on one side while the second is written on both the sides. Their rims are slightly raised in order to protect the writing from damage. They are strung together on an almost circular ring which has a diameter of about 21". The ends of the ring are soldered on to the back of the seal which is circular in shape, with a diameter of about 1". Together with the ring and the seal the plates weigh 96 tolas. On the seal is shown in bold relief the figure of a rampant lion facing the proper right. The head of the animal is erect, its mouth open, the right forep&w raised and the tail twisted over its back. The Uruvapalli' grant of the Pallava king Vishnugopavarman and the Pikira grant of Simhavarman of the same dynasty bear on their seals the figures of the same animal. In the monolithic shrine at Siyamangalam excavated by the Pallava king Mahendravarman I and the Undavalli caves, also attributed to the Pallavas, we find representations of the lion. The figure in the Undavalli caves bears a striking resemblance to that found on the seal of the present grant. Thus the emblem of a Pallava chief on the present seal confirms the view expressed by the late Mr. V. Venkayya that " along with the recumbent bull usually associated with the emblem of the Pallavas, the lion was also the Pallava crest at some period of their history." The characters of the inscription belong to the southern type which were in use in the Kanarese country during the eighth century A.D. The writing is beautifully executed and there are hardly any mistakes in engraving. The characters are round and upright unlike the longish and Blanting ones found in Early Chalukya grants. In general appearance the alphabet of our grant is certainly earlier than that of the Manne Plates? of the Rashtrakuta king Govinda III dated Saka 732, and the plates of the same king bearing the date Saka 7268. It closely resembles the characters of the Alupa inscriptions of Udiyavara' in the South Kanara District which the late Dr. Hultzsch has assigned to about A.D. 800 and those of the Kovalavettu grantio of the Wostern Above, Vol. XI, p. 338 and Ind. Ant., Vol. V, plate facing p. 50. * Above, Vol. VIII, p. 160. * 4. 8. R., 1906-07, p. 232, f. n. 6. * Longhurst: Pallava Architecture, Pt. I, p. 6. . Dubreuil, The Pallavas, p. 33; the author is, however, of the opinion that the caves wero the work of the Vishnukundins. * A. S. R., 1906-07, p. 232, f. n. 6; see also above, Vol. XI, p. 343. Journal of the Mythic Society, Vol. XIV, plato facing p. 82. * Ind. Ant., VOL. XI, plato facing p. 126. Above, Vol. IX, pp. 15 ff. and plates. 40 Mys. Arch. Report, 1927, plates facing Pp. 106 and 107.

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174 EPIGRAPHIA INDIOA. (VOL. XXI. Ganga king Sripurusha for whom we have a sure date in Saka 7101 and who began to rule, according to the Devarahalli plates', if they are accepted as genuine (and I think they can be), in A.D. 726. But the most striking resemblance the present grant bears in respect of palaeography is to the Anpigeri inscription of the 6th year of the reign of the Early Chalukya monarch Kirttivarman II (i.e., A.D. 752), the form of every letter except l being exactly alike in both the records. As zegards individual letters in the present epigraph, we have the initial vowel a in aneka (11. 3 and 4), arunuruvaru (1.7), ardharh (1. 14), arunuru and agrahara (1. 17). The initial a occurs only once in Arida (1. 8). The curves at the ends of these two letters have not yet closed completely at the top. The initial i consisting of two dots below a double curve occurs thrice in Idevetta (1. 13), in idu (l. 16) and itah-param (1. 17). Initial e occurs in line 13 and o in line 16. Among medial vowels is distinguished from 1 by a small loop in the circular i sign (of. Lakshmi with nivasa, 1.3). Medial u is marked in two ways; when it is attached to the letter r it is denoted by a hook bending downwards at the proper left of this letter but in other cases it is denoted by a U-shaped symbol at the bottom of the letter to which it is added.(cf. purusha and guna in line 3). In medial u the length is indicated by the addition of a downward curve. No distinction is made between short and longe and o. Medial ai is made up of two strokes, one attached to the serif or the talekattu of the consonant and the other to the letter itself, both placed on the proper right (e.g., Kai in Kaikeya, 1.2). Medial o is merely a combination of the e and the a strokes, the one on the proper right and the other on the proper left of the consonant. Among the consonants, the epigraph contains the letters i, j, b and l which along with kh (not found here) furnish, according to Dr. Fleet, the leading test letters in determining the approximate period of undated records. The n which occurs only once in tenkanna (1. 12) differs from ; only in the absence of the centre prong. We have , in raja (1.2), jana (1.4), rajena (1. 6), gotraja (1. 8), jamali (L 16) and as a second member of the conjunct consonant in peljavasi (1. 14). B appears twice, first in bahu (1. 5) and a second time in kombe (1. 15). All of them are of the earlier type found in records prior to the ninth century. L is used more frequently and though it is of a cursive type, the down-stroke of the letter on its proper right side is not yet prolonged up to the top of the letter on the left (e.g., vallabha and Pallava in line 1, vipula in line 4, tale in 1. 8, etc.). According to Fleet this form of I cannot be placed much before A.D. 800 in records coming from Western India. But it should be noted that this cursive form of the letter already appears in the Raygad Plates of the Early Chalukya king Vijayaditya dated Saka 625 and in the Bopgaon Plates of the same king dated Saka 640. The record includes final n (1.9) andr (u. 10, 17 and 18). Lingual d can be distinguished from the dental d by the lower part of the letter turning upwards and ending in a loop as in du of paduvanna (1. 12) and de of mude (1. 16). But the distinct form of d is not shown in nda of Chandamanasena (L. 5) and ndam of karsapindam (1. 15) and, as Fleet has remarked, " it was seldom, if ever, the early practice to use the distinct form of the d in the combination nd". The Dravidian , as well as ! are represented in the record, the former in arunarvvarum (1.7), Neydalgere (l. 13), niriraga, (1. 14), nurirpattentu (1. 15) and asunaru (1. 17) and the latter in kalani (1. 11), Peramale (1. 12), Garapali (1. 12), alivor (1. 17) and alidora (1. 18) and as the first component of the conjunct consonante in ildu (1. 10) and peljavasi (1. 14). These two letters differ considerably from their later varieties used, for instance, in the Ibid., 1918, p. 42. Np. Dar, Vol. IV. pp. 298 fl. and plates. * Below, p. 204. * Abovo, VOL. VI, p. 41. Above, Vol. X, plate between Page 16 and 17. * Brom ink-Impressions in the posscasion of Mr. K. N. Dikshit. Aboro, Vol. VII, p. 203.

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No. 29.] HALDIPUR PLATES OF THE PALLAVA CHIEF GOPALADEVA. Mantrawadi1 and Sirur inscriptions of Amoghavarsha I while they are almost exactly similar to those in the Annigeri inscriptions and the Kendur Plates of Kirttivarman II and the Hattimattur inscription of Krishna I. Thus paleographical considerations point to the middle of the 8th century A.D. as the probable period of the present record. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and Kanarese. Lines 1 to 6 are written in Sanskrit prose and the rest in Kanarese prose which may be considered among the oldest specimens of the language. Particular attention may be drawn to the following linguistic and grammatical features. The accusative termination an as in bhagaman (1. 9), -idan (1. 17) and Varanasiyuman (1. 18) is found only in early records like the Pattadakal inscription of Vikramaditya II in which we find degulaman (1.2), idan (1.8) and the Badami inscription" of Mangalesa which has ittodan (1. 3). In later records this case suffix is an or am. In masculine nouns ending in a the dative termination ge is preceded by n as in gotrajange and Panyarange (1. 8). With this we may compare the datives namorange and odeyonge found in the Udiyavara inscription of Ranasagara and Svetavahana, and madhuryyange (1. 5) in the inscription of Kappe-Arabhatta of about the 8th century at Badami. In other inscriptions of this period the nasal i takes the place of the dental n10 (cf. Dharegisange in the Udiyavara inscription of Prithvisagara). The genitive suffix is long a and not short a as found in later records (e.g., Kasampalliya in line 9 and Neydalgereya in line 13). Instances of this form of the genitive are found in the Lakshmeevar pillar inscription of the Yuvaraja Vikramaditya (II) (cf. Porigereya, sovageya, etc.), but obviously it is seldom used in records of the Later Chalukyas of Kalyani.13 The peculiar forms vadaganna (1. 11), paduvanna, tenkanna (1. 12) and mudanna (1. 13) (which denote the four points of the compass) involving a double na are, so far as I am aware, found nowhere else either in epigraphical or literary Kanarese. Characteristic of the archaic nature of the language are the verbal nouns apponge (1. 8) and alidora (1. 18), with which may be compared the words apporgge and envodu in the Lakshmesvar inscription referred to above and ulidorge and parajisidora of the Pattadakal Inscriptions of Vikramaditya II. The adverb ullappinam meaning as long as (they) exist' is another archaic formation 15. The word kalani which denotes a wet land or a rice field is not generally found in epigraphical records later than the 10th Century. With the rather rare expression bhukt-anubhuktam used in the sense of to be in continued enjoyment we may compare bhukt-anubhogam of the Lakshmesvar pillar inscription. The imprecation found in the present grant, viz., those who destroy this will go to the world of those who destroy Varanasi, etc., occurs 1 Above, Vol. VII, plate facing p. 201. Below, plate facing p. 206. Above, Vol. VI, plate facing p. 162. 175 2 Ibid., plate facing p. 204. Above, Vol. IX, plate facing p. 203. Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 161. Above, Vol. IX, pp. 18 and 19. Ibid., p. 60. Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 61. 10 According to the sutra atab-chaturthyas tritiyo-nusvara-purvah-pumsi of Nagavarma's Bhashabhushana R. Narasimhachar's edition p. 28, sutra No. 62), the earliest extant Kanarese grammar of the 12th century A.D. the dative termination ge is preceded by an anusvara. It is thus evident that the forms used in our grant had become obsolete by the time of this grammarian. 11 Above, Vol. IX, p. 20. 12 Above, Vol. XIV, p. 189. 18 It may be noted, however, that the genitive suffix long a and the accusative suffix as are allowed optionally by Nagavarma in the sutras dirgh-adebash-shasthya yatheshtam (Bhashabhushana, No. 67) and dviliy-antasya va stare (ibid, No. 68) but the examples he cites to illustrate the latter appear to be from the works of two writers who lived before him, viz., Haripala and the poet Bhuvanaikavira. 14 Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 164. 15 On this word Rao Bahadur R. Narasimhachar has kindly written to me as follows:-"Usually we have the adverb ullinam but here the form is ullappinam. May it be for ullar-appinam?".

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176 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. also in lithic records of an early period (cl. The Udiyavara Inscription of Vijayaditya). The significance of certain incomes, the halves of which were granted to the donee, viz., kolagur pe peljavasi, kanasoppu and varal is not quite clear. I may suggest, however, that kolaguppe may denote a heap (kuppe) made up of the share due to the state on every kola (a measure of capacity) of the produce. Javasi may mean a tax in kind on javasa (Skt. yavasa) meaning meadow grass; peljavasi would then be a tax levied on big (meadows of) straw. Kana or kan means forest and soppu means foliage in Kanarese. Kanasoppu may therefore be a tax on the foliage of the forest used by the cultivators for manure and other purposes. In Tamil varal means spoil'; and it is not unlikely that it had the same connotation in Kanarese. The words karsa-pindan' and kombe-garodam are obscure and do not occur in any of the Kanarese inscriptions so far published. The orthography of the record does not call for any remarks except that -entu has been engraved for-entu in line 15, that the name of the donor is written as Gopalao instead of Gopalao fn line 16, that ha has been written for ha in lines 5 and 18 and that there appears to be a superfluous anusvara at the end of the word padeyam in line 16. These mistakes are apparently due to the engraver. The donor of the grant was the Pallava chief Gopaladeva who also bore the surname Vikramaditya-Satyasraya (1.1). It is clear that he belongs to the well-known lineage of the Pallavas as he is twice described as Pallavaraja (ll. 1 and 6) and, as noted above, uses the lion-crest of the Pallavas. The phrase Kaikeya-vame-odbhav-oddhata-pradhana-purusha (1. 2) might only indicate that he was connected with the Kaikeyas probably on his mother's side. In line 5 we are told that he was the son of Chandamabasena and that he was the lord of the city Payvegundu. The record does not tell us anything more about the donor beyond bestowing some ordinary praise on him. The object of the grant was the equal share (i.e., half) of the village Kasampalli, (1.9) along with certain incomes, the details of which are given (11. 14-16), to Singitale-Panyara of the Harita-gotra (1. 8). Similar instances of the endowment of a moiety of the taxes (ardhadana) also occur in Nos. VI and VIII of the inscriptions of Udiyavara. As we learn from line 17 that the village had six hundred pieces of land the portion granted must have consisted of three hundred pieces. The grant was made in the presence of the mantri, the purohita, the frikarana the one-thousand and the six-hundred. The last two were probably the mahajanas (the Brahmanical Assembly) and either the nadu (non-Brahmanical Assembly) or the nagara of the place. As Kasampalli appears to be a village it is likely that it did not have the nagara or the merchant guild. The reference to such bodies merely by their numbers is not uncommon. 1 Above, Vol. IX, p. 23. I am indebted for this suggestion to Rao Bahadur R. Narasimhachar. * Since karsa-pindan is specified as 128 it appears to me that it denotes the gift of a lump sum (pinda). If BO, karsa may be taken to be the tadbhava of the Sanskrit word karsha -karahapana). Karsapindam would then mean the karshapanas paid in a lump unlike the taxes noted above, of which the donce was to receive a half. This explanation seems to gain strength by the use of a somewhat similar expression in an inscription, of the 11tb year of the Chalukya king Pratapachakravarti Jagadekamalla II (No. 503 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1915), the passage runs a lanna tohiya manneyavan kinikey-dya-daya sarv-dya-buddhi narahath-prati han. neradu padinama pind adanudgi od umbuffu dhard-parvoakan madi koffu. Here the twelve gadya nus (gold coin) were granted as a lump sum. . Aboru, Vol. IX, pp. 21 and 23. . An insoription of about the 7th or 8th century at Aihole (Ind. Ans., Vol. VIII, p. 287) calls the five hundred mahajanas of the place as simply the five-hundred'. The mahajanas of Chirohill in the Gadag Taluka who are stated to be fifty-six in a Rashtrakuta record of Saka 819 (No. 104 of the Bombay-Karnatak Collection for 1920-27) are referred to merely as the bfty-six in another lithio record of the same place (No. 101 of the same collection). Similarly while the one thousand mahajanas of Lokkigundi are designated as such in an inscription (No.61 of the same colleotion) of that place, another inscription (No. 52 of the same collection) describes them as the one thousand'.

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No. 29.] HALDIPUR PLATES OF THE PALLAVA CHIEF GOPALADEVA. 177 Till now no Pallava chief was known to have ruled in North Kanara or on the West Coast. Since there is little doubt that Gopaladeva was only a feudatory chief, it is not likely that he was directly related to the imperial Pallavas of Kanchi who continued to rule till the Chola King Aditya I took possession of their territory towards the close of the 9th century A.D. The only family that claimed connection with the Pallavas of Kancbi and is known to have been flourishing in the 8th century was that of the Nolamba-Pallavas. But their sway was then confined to portions of Tumkur and Chitaldroog Districts in Mysore and part of the Anantapur District in the Madras Presidency. Chandamahasena, the father of Gopaladeva figures in this record for the first time. The only Chandamahasena known to Epigraphy was a Chahavane and is referred to in an inscription of Vikrama-Samvat 898 from Dholpur. A Chandadanda of Kanchi is, however, known to have been defeated by the Kadamba king Ravivarman in the 6th century." The Kaikeyas who seem to have given a princess of their family in marriage to Chandamaha. sena of the present record are known to have contracted similar matrimonial alliances with the Iksh vakus, probably of the Teluga country, and the Early Kadambas of Banavasi. The wife of Krishnavarman I of the Kadamba dynasty was & Kaikeya princess and Msigesvaravarman, the brother of Ravivarman was married to Prabhavati who " was born in the noble Kaikeya family". On the authority of the Puranas Pargiter places the Kaikeyas in the Panjab? but no information is available as to when and how they came to the south. The record is not dated but, as shown above, it can be assigned on palaeographic grounds to the middle of the 8th century. Other internal evidence also supports this view. We know that Satyasraya was a distinctive and well-known biruda of the Chalukya kings and among the Egrly Chalukyas of Badami there were two kings of the name Vikramaditya. The surname Vikramaditya-Satyasraya of the donor of the present grant would therefore lead one to infer that either Gopaladeva himself adopted the name of his overlord the Chalukya Vikramaditya, most probably the second of that name, or that Chandamahasena who owed allegiance to the Chalukya king named his son after his suzerain. This grant might therefore either belong to the reign of Vikramaditya II who ruled from 733-34 to 746-47 ; or in the absence of mention of any paramount sovereign it may not be impossible that it was issued at a time when the central authority of the Chalukyas had become weak and, along with other feudatory chiefs, Gopaladeva also tried to assume independence. The Chalukya power had not only waned towards the end of the reign of Kirttivarman II, the latest date available for whom is A.D. 757, but a portion of their territory had also been conquered by the Rashtrakuta king Dantidurga. But it was Krishna I who dispossessed the Chalukyas of all their territory and established the Rashtrakuta supremacy by transforming into a deer the great boar' which was the emblem of the Chalukyas. Since Kfishna I must have ceased to rule sometime between 772, the date of his Bhandak plates and 775, the date of the Pimpari plates of Dharavarsha, 10 the final overthrow of the Chalukyas may be placed somewhere about 770. Thus our record may have to be allotted to a period between 735 and 770. 1 A. S. R., 1906-07, p. 239 and above, Vol. XIX, p. 84. : No. 12 of Kiolhorn's List of Inscriptions of Northern India. But we know of an earlier Chapdamahisina who was the king of Avanti and father of Vasava latti so well known to Sanskrit literaturo. * Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 29. * Ep. Carn., Vol. XI, Dg. 161. Above, Vol. VI, p. 19. * Mys. Arch. Report, 1911, p. 35. Ancient Indias Historical Tradition, pp. 264 and 299. * Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, part i, p. 391. . Above, Vol. XIV, pp. 121 ft. 1. Abovo, Vol. X, pp. 81 . Govinda IJ for whom where no dated rooorde sooms to havo ruled only for short time before 778.

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178 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. Of the places mentioned in the grant Payvegundu can be identified with Haigunda, a village about 12 miles east of Honavar, on the bank of the river Saravati. Peramale has probably to be identified with the modern village Heravali which lies at a distance of about six miles north-west of Haigunda , and Tapvalli may be the same as the present Tumbolli, also close to Haigunda. TEXT. First Plate. i Svasti [1] Vikramaditya-Satyasraya-sri-prithuvi(thvi)-vallabha Palla2 va-raja-Gopaladevasya Kaikaya-vams-odbhav-oddhata-pradhana-pu3 rushasya aneka-guna-gan-alamktita-prasevya-Lakshmi-niva4 88-vaksha-sthalsaya aneka-rana-vipula-satru-jana-prabhanjana-ka5 ri-kar-akara-bahu-dvayasy& Chandamaha(a)sena-putrasya Payve Second Plate ; First Side. 6 gundu-pur-Ekvarasya Pallava-rajena dattah (I . Mantri-purohita-brikara7 namum sasirvvarum arunarvvarum sahitam tamaa prasada-paran=88 pponge Arida (Harita)-gotrajange Simgitale-Panyarange Kasampa9 Hiya sama-bhagaman chandra-suryyar=ullappinam sarvva-viruddha-ra10 hitam Gopaladevalr*] kottar bhukt-anubhuktam salutt-i]dudu [1*] Second Plate ; Second Side. 11 Mane-danamur Palage-gantam modal-age kalaniyum vadaganna sime 12 Peramale paduvanna sime Tanvalli Garapali tenkanna sime 13 Neydalgoreya eri mudanna sime Idevettada vadaga14 pna niriraga e Kolaguppe peljavasi ardham kanasoppin=ardham 15 varal-antiam Larsa-pindam nur-irpatt-entu(ntu) kombe garodam pa Third Plate. 16 deyan mentafentu) made jamali ondu Idu Gopa(a)ladevara da17 tti itan-param=idan=alivor i aruniru bhumi agra18 ha(aramum Varanasiyuman=alidora lokakke salvar [ll] TRANSLATION. Lines 1-6. Hail! This is the gift of the Pallava chief Gopaladeva alias VikramadityaSatyasraya, who was the favourite of Fortune and Earth, the chief among the exalted personages born of the Kaikoya family, who was adorned with a multitude of virtues and whose breast was the abode of the goddess) Lakshmi, who had a pair of arms which resembled the elephant's trunk in shape and which had destroyed the hosts of enemies in several battles, who was the son of Chandamahasena and the lord of the city of Payvegundu. Ll. 6-10. Gopaladeva, attended by his minister, the purdhita (family priest), the Srikarana officer of Accounts), the one-thousand (mahajanas) and the six-hundred (tadu) granted, free from all opposition, to Simgitale-Panyara of the Harita-gotra who had earned his (Gopaladeva's) favour the equal share (i.e., half) of the village Kasampalli (to be enjoyed) as long as the sun and the moon exist. (This exdes was in (his) continued enjoyment. * Brad Pallavo-rjanya daltib.

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HALDIPUR PLATES OF THE PALLAVA CHIEF GOPALADEVA. 9 ii 3 titirti j U S (ieGti itti ge shkti 2 5 r 6 j te ge k m t t t tirsi Oty aag igi sv@ 57kit) sipi sir 3 5) keq ti1 16 sl << itre & 8 8 r b aatu 3 tnni' enisi iia. .913aurs kkki kr | 6 stteli i si kellbkkn | 78 71 anij shshikhr nib6 snigik smrstetir 10 @ztiktegeb510 - 10 iib. aagi illib@1illi6n fooodisi - 12 dr tilkli idr bhissis 12 innessd7sthti? tir). 14 iR 98 gi gi shni s s 14 @ti kepisd & 1977 SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. K. N. DIKSHIT. Rea, No. 2918632,500.

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iii. 18 z aaded 2 (c) 123 Dz le kh 539 rpaalii <Page #218
No. 30.) TWO UNPUBLISHED VALABHI GRANTS. 179 Ll. 11-14. (The portion granted was as follows) The house site and the rice-ficlds beginning from the place called?) Palage-ganta. The northern boundary (of this was) the (village) Peramale, the western boundary consisted of the villages) Tanvalli and Garapali, the southern boundary (was) the embankment of the tank called) Neydalgere and the eastern boundary (was) the lake on the north of the hill called) Idevetta. LI. 14-16. (Besides this) he was granted one half of the incomes kolaguppel and peljarasi, onehalf of kana-soppu and one-half of varal and a lump sum of one hundred and twenty eight karsa (=karshapana ?)........ .........and a pair of eight mudes. Ll. 16-18. This was the gift of Gopaladeva. He who destroys this will enter the world of those who destroy this agrahara comprising six hundred lands and Benares. No. 30.-TWO UNPUBLISHED VALABHI GRANTS. BY D. B. DISKALKAR, M.A. A.-Bantia Plates of Dharasena II (Valabhi-] Samvat 257. While examining the old records of the Watson Museum, Rajkot, I found two impressions of two plates of a Valabhi grant hitherto unpublished. On the cover of the impressions the Jate Mr. Vallabhji H. Acharya, formerly Curator of the Watson Museum, had made the remark that the impressions were given to him by a vernacular school master of the village Bantia, in the Bantwa talu ka in the south-west of Kathiawar, in 1904. It seems that the late Mr. Acharya was not successful in obtaining the original plates. My efforts to trace them have not yet been Buccessful. But considering the importance of the inscription I think it proper to publish it here with the help of the impressions only. Unfortunately the impressions were not properly taken and being kept in the files for the last 22 years the paper has become very fragile. It is clear, however, that the two plates were in a perfect state of preservation, and formed a complete grant. Each plate measures 12' by 8' and contains two holes meant for the rings. The first plate contains 17 and the second 15 lines of wfiting. The characters are those usually used in Valabhi grants. As regards orthography it is sufficient to note that the name of the grantor king is spelt as Dharsena (1. 15) instead of Dharasena As is usually found in the grants. The symbols of Jihvamuliya and Upadhaniya are used only once in l. 15 and 1. 30 respectively. The word bhukta (or datta as in some grants) is left to be engraved after bahubhir=vvasudha in l. 30. The record is however generally free from mistakes. The record opens with the name of the place, viz., Valabhi from which the grant was issued. Then as usual the genealogy of the Maitraka family from Bhatarka, the founder, to Dharasona II, the donor of the present grant is given with poetical description of each ruler, which is identical with that of all other published grants of Dharasena II. The donee is a Brahmana named Devadatta, of Sandilya-gotra and Maitrayaniya-Sakha (1. 20). The property granted consists of a village named Bhattaka- (or Bhadraka) patra (dra ?) in the northern part (uttarapatte) of Kaundinyapura in the Surashtras (11. 11, 17, 18). The purpose for which the grant was made is, as usual with grants to Brahmanas, for the maintenance of the five sacrificial rites (1, 20). The names of officers (II. 15-16) who were addressed by the grantor king as also the privileges (11. 1819) accompanying the enjoyment of the grant are the same as in the grant of Dharasena of Sam 1 For the explanation of these terms see abovo p. 176. * The meaning of lombs parodam is not clear, . The place of residence of the Brahmana la not mentioned.

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180 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 2521. The grant was written by Skandabhata, the minister for peace and war (1. 31), and the Dutaka was Chirbbira (1. 32). The date of the grant is the fifteenth day of the dark half of Vaisakha of (the Gupta-Valabhi) Samvat 254 (1. 32) when there was a solar eclipse (Suryoparaga 1. 22). Both the Dutaka and the writer in this grant are the same as in the seven grants of Dharasena II of Sam. 252. In his grant of Sam. 269 however the Dutaka was a different person. As regards the localities mentioned in the grant it is well known that Valabhi is modern Vala in Kathiawar. The village of Kaundinyapura can be identified with Kodinar in south Kathiawar. The village Bhattakapat(d)ra in the Surashtras cannot be identified. Of Dharasena II as many as twelve grants are known: seven of these are of Sam. 252, one of Sam. 269, two of Sam. 270 and the remaining two being fragmentary do not give the dates. The most interesting point about the date of the present grant is the mention of a solar eclipse on the fifteenth day of the dark half of Vaisakha in Sam. 254. Though as many as 9 grants were issued by Valabhi kings on the amavasya-day (mostly on the amavasya of Vaisakha), it is only this grant that makes mention of a solar eclipse. It is also probably the earliest mention of an eclipse in an epigraphical record. According to Mr. L. D. Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris (Vol. I, part I, pp. 220 f.) there was a solar eclipse in the month of Chaitra (i.e., Vaisakha according to the Purnimanta calculation) on 19th March 573 A.D. which may be taken to be the date of the grant. TEXT. 17 [VOL. XXI. First Plate. 1 ca khasti [] valabhItaH prasabha 15 pArthivadhIH paramamAhezvaraH zrImahArAjadharsanalI sambanivAyuzaka vAptaye surASTreSu Second Plate. 18 kauNDin ra uttarapaTTe bhAkapaca (da) grAmasodanaH 20 maicAyaNikasabrahmacArizANDityasagotrabrAhmaNadevadattAya * 4. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. I (N. S.), p. 66; Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 70. 1. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. I (N. 8.), pp. 24 and 21. aferveturforvitn tithipaMcamahAvAcikA 21 at farat gardandurazmislaufefafa(frufa)uzareita: gautur auritou: you Above, Vol. XI, p. 80. Bee n. 3. Ind. Ant., Vols. XV, p. 187; VII, p. 68; VIII, p. 301; XIII, p. 160; Ski. and Phi. Inacre. of Kathiawal, p. 35; Annals of the Bhandarkar Institute, Vol. IV, pp. 38 ff. and Above Vol. XI, p. 80. Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 9. As the text is practically identical with that of the Palitana grant of Sam. 282 (Above, Vol. XI, p. 80) only the most important portion is given here. It may be noted that the names of Bhatiska, Drinasithha, Dhruva sona, Dharapada and Guhasena, are recorded in the lines 2, 3, 5, 7, 8 and 12 respectively. * Road carasena.

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No. 30.] TWO UNPUBLISHED VALABHI GRANTS. 181 22 PH[ET] guitacit 5gmhio ameet fare: ....... 31 fefH: [*] Je Je u fa: e l arafa likhitaM sandhivigrahAdhikkataskandabhaTena // 32 svahasto mama mahArAjazrIdharasenasya // TU cibiraH saM 200 50 4 / vaizakha' ba 10 5 // B.-Bhavnagar plates of Dharasena III-Valabhi-) Samvat 304. Prof. B. K. Thakore, B.A., I.E.S. (retired), kindly gave me information of the plates edited here, which are lying with a grain merchant named Dipasang Kanaji in Bhavnagar in Kathiawad. Through the good offices of Prof. Narasimhaprasad Bhatta of the Dakshinamurti Bhavan, Bhavnagar and other friends I have been able to purchase them from the owner. The plates are two in number each measuring 12%" x 81". They contain 24 and 20 lines of writing respectively, which is in an excellent state of preservation. Each plate contains two holes as are commonly found with Valabhi plates and meant for the insertion of copper rings holding both the plates together. But both the rings, one of which must have contained the usual Valabhi seal, are missing. The characters are those usually found in Valabbi grants. They are neatly engraved though not in perfect straight lines. The writing is almost free from. mistakes. The language of the record is Sanskrit. At the beginning of the record is mentioned the military camp, Khetaka-pradvara from which the grant was issued by Dharasena III, the son of Kharagraha, who was the younger brother of Siladitya. The introductory portion containing the description of each ruler from Bhatarka, the founder of the family, to Dharasena III, the donor of the grant, is practically identical with that in the grant of Dhruvasena II of Sam. 310'. The grantor king bears only the epithet paramamahesvara. The donee is a Brahmana named Mitrayasas, son of Brahmana Vishnuyasas, of Atreya-gotra and a follower of Atharva-Veda, resident of Hastavapra. The property granted to him recorded in the grant consists of the following : (1) 100 padadarlas of land called Kolika, ploughed by Kutumbi Gomiyaka and situated in the north-west quarter in the village Amakarakupa in the Hastavapra-ahara in the Surashtra.-vishaya. The boundaries of the field are: to the south, the village cattle-track; to the west, the junction of the boundary of the village Chutika (with that of the village Amakirakupa); to the east, the rising ground of a stone quarry (and) to the north, the field called Palasika (?) of the Kutumbins Charabhataka and Chandravaka, as well as the field belonging to Kariraka in the north of the Rohidaka-mala adjoining the Arishtijjika-sthali. (2) A ploughed field of Kutumbi Kapardiyake in the north-west quarter in the village Dabhaka in the Kalapaka-pathaka. It lies to the west of the field Avakfishti (i.e., 1 The usual imprecatory verses and injunctions. . Read aure.. It is well known that in grants beginning with and later than the year 286 the names of the rulers bet wran Bhostaka and Guhmana are dropped. Soo above, Vd. XI, p. 176 and J. B. B. R. A. 8. (N. 8.), Vol. I, p. 24. The word is generally used in the masculine but in a few cases it is used in tho feminine as in the present case. Of. above Vol. XVII, p. 108. It may be seen that the boundarios are not given in the proper order.

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182 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXL. unploughable land ?), to the north of the field of Khuddaka, to the east of the field of Nannuvaka, (and) to the south of the junction of the boundary of the village Bhadasaka (with that of the village Dabhaka). (3) In the same village in its south-east quarter an irrigation well with an area of eighteen padararlas, dug by Kutumbi Kapardiys of the same village. It lies to the west of the field irrigated by (prachchiha) the Khajjuri well, to the north of the field of Sossaka and a canal, to the east of the play-ground (and) to the south of the old way by the side of Dabhaka. (4) Similarly in the village Hastihfidaka in the Siravatakaka-sthali in its southern quarter seventy superfluous (ulbana) padavartas of the field of Kutumbi Nagilaka, to the west of the temple of ?) Sankarika...(i.e., goddess Bhavani) built by the villagers, to the north of the field of Khachchabbaya, to the east of the junction of the boundary of Sauviraka, to the south of the limit of the field irrigated by (prachchiha) the well called Siridraha. The Dutaka, who executed the grant was the prince Samanta Siliditya and it was written by Vattrabhatti, the chief secretary and the minister for peace and war. The record concludes with the date the seventh day of the bright half of Magha of (Gupta-Valabhi) Samvat 304 and the sign-manual (of the king). The historical importance of the inscription lies in the fact that no date was hitherto found between Samvat 292, the latest date of Siladitya I and 310, the earliest date of Dhruvasena Il Baladitya. Although we know that two rulers (viz., Kharagraha (I) and Dharasena III) had ruled in the intervening period, no record was so far found of either of them. The present grant gives us a record and a date for one of these rulers and partly fills up the gap existing between Sam. 292 and 310. The Dutaka of the present grant, viz., Samanta Siladitya, is the same as is found in the earlier grants of Dhruvasena II-Baladitya. The writer Vattrabbatti is mentioned in the grants of Siladitya-Dharmaditya beginning with the year 286 and also in the grants of Dhruvasena IIBaladitya at least up to the year 313. From Sam. 320 to 330 his son Skandabhata succeeded him as the keeper of records and writer of grants and from 334 to 366 Anahila the son of Skandabhata. We know that another Skandabhata (probably the father of Vattrabhatti) was the writer of the later grants of Guhasena beginning with the year 246 and in all the grants of Dharasena II from 252 to 270 just before Vattrabhatti. The office was thus held by four generations in this family for at least 120 years. The following places are mentioned in the record: Surashtra mentioned as a vishaya, Hastavapra mentioned as an ahara, Kalapaka mentioned as a pathaka, Siravatakaka and Arishtijjika, mentioned as sthalis and Amakarakupa, Dabhaka, Bhadasaka, Hastihsidaka and Chutika all these mentioned as villages. Of these Surashtra is the old name of the Kathiawar peninsula. Though in later time and at the present day Soratha denotes only the southern part of Kathiawar, it appet is that eastern Kathiawar was once included in Surashtra since Hastavapra, which is modern Hathab' in Bhavnagar State is said to be in Surashtra. Kalapaka Above, pp. 117 ff. Ind. An, Vol. VI, P. 12. Vary rooontly Me. Gadre, the present Curator of the Rajkot Museum has diecovered a grant of Kharagrubs dated Samh. 247 of. Ann. Hep. Watson Mw. 1931-32, p. 7. Ind. Ant., Vol. LIV, App. p. 49.

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No. 30.] TWO UNPUBLISHED VALABHI GRANTS. 183 which is mentioned in the grants of Sam. 310 and 326 and perhaps also of 286 is modern Kalavada, 60 miles north-west of Porbandar. The other places cannot be identified. The expression Khetaka-pradvara seems to denote that the king had probably encamped just outside (pradvara) the city of Khetaka. The use of the word pradvara is also found used in connection with Valabhi itself, the capital of the dynasty, in the Dhank grant of the year 290 as vijayaskandhAvArAlabhoprahArahombavAsakAt. It is also found used in a Gurjara grants of Saka 417 as bharukacchaprahAravAsakAt. In fact, the use of pradvara in the ancient grants would appear to be analogous to that of the modern para which is added to the names of several towns in Kathia. war to indicate the precincts or suburbs in the vicinity, _ TEXT. First Plate. 1 khasti vijayaskandhAvArAkheTakaprahAravAsakAprasabhapraNatAmitrANAM maitrakANAmatulaba. lasaMpatramaNDalAbhogasaMsaktApahAra Second Plate. 25 nikhilapratipakSadaryodayaH svadhanuHprabhAvaparibhUtAstrakauzalAbhimAnaH sakalanRpatimaNDalA bhinanditazAsanaH para26 mamAhezvaraH zrIdharasena X kuzalI sarvAneva yathAsaMbadhyamAnakAnmamAjJApayatyastu vo viditaM yathA mayA mAtApitroH / 27 puNyApyAyanAya hastavapravAstavyAceyasagotrAtharvaNasabrahmacAriNe brAhmaNaviSNuyazaHputra brAhmaNamitrayazase su28 rASTrAviSaye hastavaprAhAre pramAkArakUpayAme pUrvottarasIni gomiyakakuTumbikRSTa kolikAkSetrapAdAvarttazataM yasyAghATanAni 29 dakSiNena grAmagosarapathaH aparatacUTikAgrAmasImAsandhiH pUrvataH pASANa sthalikAma staka(ka) uttareNa cArabhaTakacaMdravakakuTumbikSetra 30 pAlazikaM tathA ariSTijjikAsthalIpratyAsabarohiDakamAlAduttarataH karIrakasatkakSetra 2 tathA kAlApakapathake DabhakAme 31 uttarAMparasImAyAM kapahi(hi)yakakuTumbivaSTasItA pravakvaSikSetrAdaparataH - khuDukakSetrA duttarata: naNNuvakakSetrAtpUrvataH bhaDAsaka- .. 32 somAsandheIkSiNata: tathAtraiva grAme pUrvadakSiNasImni kuTumbikapardiyakADha(kartR) kakRSTA aSTAdazapAdAvarttaparisarA vApI-khajUri [vApI] 1Tbid., p. 18. Ibid., Vol. Ix, p. 237. *lbid., Vol. XVILI, p. 82. . For the portion 11. 2-24 omitted here as being common with other Valabhi plates, cf. above, Vel VIII, Pp. 180ff.,196 f#.

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184 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXI. praccIhAyA[:*] aparata: zosma kakSetravahAduttarata: khelapATyA-pUrvata: DabhakAGge purANa HAMIEfatua: [771]7141[*] 34 sthalyAM hastihRdakagrAme dakSiNasIni nAgilakakuTumbikSetrolbaNapAdAvarttA saptatiH watafafanefice[axa:] 35 khaccabbayakSetrAduttarata: sauvIrakasImAsandheH pUrvata: seridrahavApopaccIhAma-dAyA graua: VARE EIGE 42 narake vaset // dUtakotra rAjaputra sAmantazIlAdityaH // likhitaM cedaM sandhi vigrahAdhikRtadivirapativatra hinA // saM 300 4 43 mAgha zu . svahasto mama / No. 31.--THE PALLAVARAYANPETTAI INSCRIPTION OF RAJADHIRAJA II. BY VENKATASUBBA AYYAR, B.A., MADRAS. The inscription published below is engraved on the south wall of the mandapa in front of the central shrine - Sundaresvara temple at Pallavarayanpettai near Mayavaram in the Tanjc district. is in a fair state of preservation though the inscribed surface is broken in certain portions and especi "y in II. 9 and 10, thereby slightly obscuring the sense of the record. Some of the words lost can, vever, be restored from the context. The record is written in de Tamil language and script of the 12th century A.D. Orthographical peculiarities are very few. Some of the words used in the inscription, however, deserve to be noticed. The word Koyir-kottu (1.6) may be rendered as the palace establishment,' koyil meaning palace' and kottu a division' or establishment.'' The word agambadi-niyayam (1.6) may be explained as the body of armed men and women employed in the inner apartments of the palace. The first part of the compound implies those that are attached to the inner circle, in which sense, the word is, however, now obsolete. The significance of the term turai (1. 6) is not quite clear. From the context it seems to denote' a division' or 'a department.' In this sense it lingers to the present day in inasons' vocabulary. Mun-eval (1. 7.) may be taken to denote the class of officers who first receive the royal commands and communicate them to others for execution. The word virundanga! (1. 21), not ordinarily found in inscriptions, means & married woman.' The term uscari (1. 28) may be explained as an extract from the tax-register issued by the State to a person for the actual enjoyment of a grant.' The usvari-documents are invariably issued over the signatures of the revenue officers of the State. The inscription is dated in the eighth year of the reign of the Chola king Rajakosarivarman Rajadhirajadeva (II) and begins with the words 'kadal-culnda,' etc., which usually introduce this monarch in his inscriptions. The object of the record is the grant of an ulvari 1 The portion 11. 36-41 contains the usual privileges aocompanying the gift of a land and the improcatory verses. * Registered as No. 433 of 1924 in the Annual Report on Epigraphy for the year 1923-24: The inscription is noticed in the Journal of the Mythic Society, Vol. XIX, p. 57, but the readings and the interpretation given there require great alteration. The word means also a household' or family' see Winslow's Tamil-English Dictionary-C. R.K.)

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No. 31.) THE PALLAVARAYANPETTAI INSCRIPTION OF RAJADHIRAJA II. 185 regarding the estate of Tiruchchirrambalam-Udaiyan Perumanambi alias Pallavarayar of Karigai-Kulattur, which had been made tax-free on his death. In giving an account of this Pallavarayar, who appears to have been a trusted officer of Rajaraja II, the inscription recount: his services to the crown in connection with the Chola succession and the Singhalese invasion of South India in the latter half of the 12th century A.D. The record, which is mainly historical in character, may be divided into three sections. In the first are stated the circumstances under which Pallavarayar brought in Rajadhiraja II and placed him on the throne; in the second, the help rendered by the Chola king to the Pandya refugee Kulasekhara, Pallavarayar's victory over the Singhalese army and the restitution of Madura to Kulasekhara are detailed at length; and in the third section, are recorded the demise of Pallavarayar, the grant of tax-free lands to his relatives and their distribution among them by Vedavanam-Udaiyan Ammaiyappan alias Pallavarayan and the final grant of an ulvari for this, signed by royal officers. From the inscription, we are given to understand that the Chola king Rajaraja II having had no male issue for a long time, the question as to who should succeed him came up for considera. tion and the king himself selected Edirili-Perumal, the son of Neriyudai-Perumal and the grandson of Vikramacoladevar, residing at Gangaikondasalapuram, and appointed him as his successor by investing him with the crown. However, soon after making this selection, Rajaraja II had two sons born to himself, but before any arrangements could be made for their succession, the king passed away. At the time of the king's demise his sons (pillaigal) were aged one and two years respectively and the minister Pallavarayar escorted them to Rajarajapuram along with the haremo from the stronghold at Ayirattali. Then in accordance with the original intention of the departed king this officer placed on the throne Edirili-Peruma) under the title Rajadhiraja (11) with the consent of the udan-kuttam and the nadu in the fourth year of installation. Since the inscription is damaged at this portion, more information is not available about the prince selected. 1 The common term pillaigal is to be interpreted here as 'male children', because in this inscription daughters are clearly distinguished as pen-makka! (1. 21). [If the daughter of Pallavarayar, who is described as the wife of Rajarajadeva with her sons' (1.26) and to whom by far the largest share of his property has been allotted in this inscription (as many as 8 out of 40 veli of land), is the same as the queen who bore two sons to Rajaraja II in the last three years of his life, we can under. stand how Pallavarayar could obtain the control of the harem and household of the late king. His tactful removal of the king's infant sons (probably his own grandchildren) to a place of safety and his helping the former king's successor-designate to the throne during their minority must have been prompted aliko by his anxiety for the safety and good government of the realm as by personal considerations for his own daughter and grandchildren.-Ed. There could have been no grounds for resentment since only a member of the elder branch of the royal family was chosen for the throne. No. 337 of 1914 from Madattukoyil in the Pudukkottai Stato belonging to Rajadhiraja II gives the date 2nd year, Makara 7, Monday, Svati', corresponding to A.D. 1162, December 3, Monday. Prof. Kielhorn has fixed the date of accession of this king between 28th February and 30th March 1163 A.D. According to the present inscription, Rajadhiraja II was invested with the crown over three years earlier, i.e., in 1160-61 A. D. His second year, therefore, would be 1161-62 and the Madattukoyil grant was probably issued while Rajadhiraja wng & crown prince. A record from Punganar in the Chitoor district (No. 209 of 1931-32) gives the date 14th year which was equal to the 12th year of Rajadhirajadeva', thus counting the date from the time of his nomi. nation. There are, however, three other inscriptions (Nos. 571 of 1907, above Vol. X, p. 127, 428 of 1912 and 19 of 1913) the dates of which work regularly for the year 1166 A.D. as the first year of Rajadhiraja II's reign; on the other hand there is at least one record (No. 96 of 1920) according to which Rajaraja II was ruling till 25th December 1163 A.D., 1.c., about 8 months subsequent to the date of his successor's accession as axed by Kiellorn. The resulting confusion can possibly be cleared up by future discoveries.-Ed.)

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186 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. PE Though Rajaraja II had no sons at the time he selected Edirili-Perumal to succeed him, it is clear from the inscription that he did not die without leaving an heir-apparent to the throne. Since it is said that the princes were one and two years old respectively at the time of Rajaraja's demise, when Edirili-Perumal was crowned king as Rajadhiraja, they must have been 17 and 18 years old respectively and therefore fit to assume the reins of government in A.D. 1178, which was the last year of the reign of Rajadhiraja II and the year of accession of his successor Kulottunga-Chola III. It is, therefore, likely that Kulottunga-Chola III was one of the two sons of Rajaraja II and that during the former's minority, Rajadhiraja II was brought in to rule the Chola country. The fact that the inscriptions of Rajaraja II and those of Kulottunga-Chola III commence with the identical eulogistical expressions Pu-maruviya' and 'Puual-vayttu," etc., also lends support to this view. After crowning Edirili-Perumal under the title Rajadhiraja, the next service of Pallavarayar to the Chola kingdom was in connection with the war of the Pandya succession waged by the two rival claimants Parakrama-Pandya and Kulasekhara-Pandya for the throne of Madura. The inseription states that the forces of Ceylon entered the Pandya country in large numbers and forced its king Kulasekhara to leave his territory, whereupon this king is said to have sought the shelter of the Chela king, entreating him to get back his kingdom. Pallavarayar undertook to lead the Chala army into the Pandya country, to restore Kulasekhara to the throne, to decapitate the Singhalese commanders and nail their heads on the gates of Madura so as to inspire terror in the enemy's camp. Kulasekhara is stated to have stayed in the Chola country for some time before he started with the necessary forces to win back bis kingdom. Pallavarayar carried out all his undertakings and as a result of his invasion the Singhalese forces were driven out of India and Kulasekhara was installed on the throne of his forefathers. Only three other records of Rajadhiraja II refer to this war, viz., one from Arpakkam? in the Chingleput district, dated in the 5th year; another from Tiruvalangadu' near Madras, dated in the 12th year; and the third from Tirumayanam in the Tanjore district, dated also in the 12th year, . * Copper-plate No. 23 of 1916-17 which belongs to Rajaraja II as the ruler of the Vengi country couples the Saka year 1091 (=A.D. 1169) with the 23rd regnal year. We know that Rajaraja II was not alive in A.D. 1169 and that the Chola country was then ruled by Rajadhiraja II. The period of regenoy was probably denoted here as a continuation of Rajaraja's reign. Incidentally, however, we see from the record that the Chola hold on the Vengi country was not lost even after the death of Rajaraja II, whose very rule over this part of the country was doubted (A. R. for 1917, para. 26). 2A. R. No. 173 of 1908; also A. R. for 1909, para. 50. A. R. No. 164 of 1907. For similar commencement with the introduction of predecessors, see A. R. for 1913, para. 33, and A. R. for 1924, p. 102. This war is detailed at length in chapters 76 and 77 of the Singhalese chronicle Mahavamsa and its authenticity is borne out by inscriptional evidence. "The chronicle is one-sided in its version, inasmuch as it assigns victory to the Singhalese general, but from Tamil lithic records we find that the Singhalese general was not only routed but that the heads of this general and of his subordinates were cut off and nailed to the gates of Madura by the Chola general. The help that the Pandya king Kulasekhara received from Rajadhiraja II is mentioned at considerable length in the Mahavamsa, which fact is also corroborated by the present record. Such gruesome acts are not uncommon in the warfare of the Tamils (see 8. 1. I., Vol. III, pp. 37 and 68). . In this connection it may be noted that Kulasekhara sought help from his uncle, the Kongu king Kulottunga-Chola, who also seems to have taken an active part in the restitution of his nephew to the Pandya throne (A. R. No. 336 of 1928). The Mahavamsa also corroborates the help received by Kulasekhara from the king of Kongu. The chronicle states that 'Kulasekhara gathered together the forces of Tirinavela and those also of his mother's brethren which were at Ten-Kongu and Vada-Kongu' (Wijesinha's translation p. 245). No. 20 of 1899 of the Madras Epigraphical collection and 8. 1. 1. (Texte), Vol. VI, p. 188 ff. .No. 466 of 1905 of the same collection. No. 261 of 1925 of the same collection,

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No. 31.] THE PALLAVARAYANPETTAI INSCRIPTION OF RAJADHIRAJA II. 187 These epigraphs confirm and supplement the information given in our record and are, therefore, valuable sources for the history of this war, our knowledge of which, in the absence of any reference to it in Tamil literature, has been hitherto wholly based on the one-sided account of the Ceylonese chronicle Mahavamsa. In this war the two Chola generals that took prominent part were, Pallavarayar mentioned in our present record, and after him, Vedavanam-Udaiyan Ammaiyappan alias Annan Pallavarayan, the officer who distributed the lands among the former's relatives. After detailing the events recorded in the present inscription, the Tiruvalangadu epigraph sets forth that Vedavanam-Udaiyan Ammaiyappan alias Appan Pallavarayan counteracted the subsequent machinations of the Singhalese king. Finding that his attempts to place Vira-Pandya on the Pandya throne were frustrated by the intervention of the Chola king and that his own generals were defeated and killed, the Singhalese king Parakramabahu1 mobilised his forces in his camps at Uratturai, Pulaichcheri, Matottam, Vallikamam," Mattival and other places and was busy preparing his ships for a naval attack. Hearing of this, the Chola king summoned Srivallabha,' the nephew of the king of Ceylon and a previous claimant to the throne of Ilam, supplied him with what was necessary and helped him to enter Uratturai, Vallikamam, Mattival and other places with large forces with the result that Pulaichchori, Matottam and other villages were destroyed, the elephants stationed therein were captured, more than 20 kadam of land in extent from east to west and 30 kadam of land from south to north in Ila-mandalam was devastated, and among the Singhalese chiefs that were stationed in the region, some were killed and others taken captive. The general VedavanamUdaiyar Ammaiyappan alias Annan Pallavarajan then sent for these captives, the booty and the captured elephants and presented them to the Chola king. At this stage, the Tiruvalangadu inscription states that the Pandya king Kulasekhara, ignoring the good done to him, proved a traitor, made an alliance with the king of Ilam and conspired with him against the Cholas. In furtherance of this policy, he drove to the north of the river Vellaru the Chola generals Rajaraja-Karkudiyarayan, Rajagambhira-Anjukottinadalvan and others that were 1 Parakramabahu (A.D. 1153-1186), the greatest ruler of Ceylon, is remembered chiefly for his activities in building cities, constructing and restoring large tanks and for his imperialistic attempts to extend his authority over Southern India. There is a statue of this king, carved on a rock at Polonnaruwa. Uratturai is now known by the Dutch name Kayts and is situated on an island to the west of Jaffna. In Singhalese works the place is called Hura (or Ura)-tota and in the Mahavamsa it is referred to by the name Sukaratittha. It was an important port in the time of Parakramabahu. Pulaichcheri is the same as Pulacceri of the Mahavamsa (Ch. 83, V. 17). Matottam is the Mahatittha of the Pali chronicles. In Tamil inscriptions it is called Rajarajapuram (8. I. I. (Texts), Vol. IV, Nos. 1412 and 1414). It is now known as Mantai or Tirukkodievaram and is situated about 6 miles to the east of Mannar. There was a temple called Rajaraja-Isvarattu-Mahadeva in this village (A. R. for 1913, para. 21). Vallikamam may be identified with Valikkamam about 5 miles to the south-east of Mannar. The village is called Valikagama in the Mahavamsa (Ch. 83, V. 17). Mattival may be identified with Mattuvil, a village about 10 miles to the east of Jaffna. A sea-port of this name is mentioned in the Mahavamea (Ch. 60, V. 34). 7 The assistance rendered by Sri-Vallabha to the Chola king is not noticed in the Mahavamsa. In the Tiruvalangadu inscription it is clearly stated that Sri-Vallabha was the nephew (marumagan) of the Singhalese king. He was the son of princess Mitta, sister of Parakramabahu (see genealogical table facing page 59, Ep. Zeylonica, Vol. II). His father Manabharana was a rival of Parakramabahu for the overlordship of Ceylon, and before the latter ascended the throne, there was a protracted struggle between the two claimants for sovereignty. ManaCharana was in the end worsted, but his son does not seem to have been reconciled to the conqueror. It may be said that the Jaffna kings had been the allies of the Chola emperors and so, when help was needed, Sri-Vallabha readily embraced the opportunity. It is not certain whether Sri-Vallabha went to the assistance of the Chola king with the connivance of Parakramabahu. It cannot also be affirmed whether the treachery of Kulasekhara, which stands unexplained in the inscriptions, is in any way to be traced to Sri-Vallabha.

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188 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. Vol. XXI. stationed in the Pandya country, and also removed the heads of the Ceylonese generals that had been previously nailed to the gates of Madura by Tiruchchirrambalam-Udaiyan Perumanambi alias Pallavarayar. Some letters and presents despatched to the officers of Kulasekhara, hinting that the Singhalese king was an ally of their master, were intercepted by the Chola king. It was therefore, decided to reinstate on the Pandya throne Vira-Pandya, the son of Parakrama-Pandya, the former protege of Ceylon and a claimant to the throne of Madura. Vedavanam-Udaiyan Am. maiyappan alias Pallavarajan was directed by the Chola king to proceed with the necessary forces. When he had successfully accomplished his object, the general was granted 10 veli of land in Rajarajan-Palaiyanur, according to the Tiruvalangalu record. All the above events are also recorded in the Tirumayaham inscription which appears to be an almost exact copy of the Tiruvalangadu inscription. Both of them are dated in the 12th year and 157th day; the Tirumayanam inscription is, however, very fragmentary, but it has helped to fill in certain lacunae in the text of the Tiruvalangalu record. The reason why the same inscription should be engraved in two distant places as Tiruvalangalu (Chingleput district) and Tirumayapam (Tanjore district) is not quite clear. Of the persons figuring in the present inscription, the most important is TiruchchirtambalamUdaiyan Perumanambi alias Pallavarayar who took an active part in the coronation of Rajadhiraja II and in the war of the Pandya succession. From the Arpakkam epigraph we learn that his father was Edirilisola-Sambuvarayar. He seems to have died before 1171 A.D., the date of the present record. Next in importance to Tiruchchiframbalam-Udaiyan Perumanambi alias Pallavarayar stands Lankapuri-Dandanayaka. He was entrusted with the command of the Singhalese army by the Ceylonese king Parakramabahu, when Parakrama-Pandya,sought his assistance against Kulasekhara-Pandya. Before Lankapuri-Dandanayaka could start for India, ParakramaPandya had been murdered, but the Ceylonese general succeeded in besieging Madura, the capital of the Pandya country, and in forcing Kulasekhara to flee from his kingdom. Vedavanem Udaiyap Ammaiyappan alias Pallavarayan who effected the distribution of lands among the relations of Tiruchchiframbalam-Udaiyan Perumanambi alias Pallavarayar seems to have been an important officer and general both under Rajaraja II and his successor Rajadhiraja II. The several persons noticed in the record as the relatives of Pallavarayar are obscure and are, therefore, not easily identifiable. The signatories to the ulvari, Chadirasar, Vapadhirasar, Singa!arayar, Nilagangaraiyar and the royal secretary M qavag-Muvendavela appear to have held office even in the time of Kulottunga-Chola III, the successor of Rajadhiraja II. Among the places mentioned in the inscription Karigai-Kulattur, the native place of Pallavarayar, deserves notice. The Tamil prosodist Amudasagarar commenced and completed his work Karigai in this village, which, therefore, came to be known as Karigaikulattur. It is stated to have been in Amur-kottam which roughly comprises the eastern portion of the present Chingleput taluk. There are two villages in this taluk bearing the name Kulattur, one near Tirukkachchiyur in Kalattur-kottam and the other near Tirupporur in Amur-kottam and the village mentioned in our record may be identified with the latter. In the time of KulottungaChola I, Kandap-Madhavan,' a descendant of the chief who patronised Amudasagarar, was 1 The ohronicle describes Kulabokhara as powerful king,' cunning in the art of war,'' a terror to his enemies and a skilled in devising means such as reconciliation, eto., to prevail against the enemy.' We find that Kubiakhors was driven out of Madura by A.D. 1168 (Arpakkam inscription) and that he was reinstalled on the throne by A.D. 1171 (Pallavariyopettai record). By A.D. 1175 (Tiruvilang du inscription) he had been dethronod and Vira-Pandya crowned in his stead. It is, therefore, clear that Kulabokhars could have occupied the throne only from about 1171 to 1176 A.D. 2 Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 87. Ibid. p. 64

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No. 31.] THE PALLAVARAYANPETTAI INSCRIPTION OF RAJADHIRAJA II. 189 in charge of this village, but it is not certain if he was in any way related to the Pallavarayar of our record. Jayankondasoja-mandalam and Gangaikondasola-puram are well known to Tamil epigraphy. Ayirattali was a quarter of Niyamam, a village situated close to Palamaneri in the Tanjore district. The village is also mentioned in the Virasoliyani' of Buddhamitra and mentioned as a place of thousand temples.' Rajadhirajan-Kulattur probably formed a portion of the present village Pallavarayanpettai which is known in inscriptions as Kulattur and must have been called Pallavarayanpettai later to perpetuate the pame of the Chola general. Virudarajabhaya kara-valanadu was evidently named after the surname * Virullarajabhayankara ' of Kulottunga-Chola I. TEXT. 16.Svasti eri [*] Kadal-sulnda Par-midlarum Pu-madarun-Kalai-madarum adal-sulnda Por-madarun-Chir-madarum [amarndu-vala] 2 nar-kadal-su! puvi-elum par-kadal-pola pugal parappa adiyugamm=en[na]" sodimudi punaindaruli aru-samaiyamum 3 aim-budamum neriyil ninru parippats-Te[n*)navarun=Cheralaruno (Singala]ru-mudalaya mapsnavarga!] ti[rai] sumandu van[d-irainji sc]vippa'uli sengol elu-p[a}rum=inid= alippach-chem=po vi4 ra-simhasapattu Ulagudai-Mukkokkilanadigalodum virrirundaruliya Kov-Irajakesari panmar-una [Tribhu]vanachchakravarttiga Sri-Rajadhirajadevarkku yandu etavadu' = 5 Jayangondasala-mandalattu A murk-kottattuch=Chirukunra-nattuk-Karigaik-Kulatturk Kullattulan Tiruchchirrambalam-Udaiyan Perumanambiyar-apa Pallava6 rayar Periyadevar Rajarajadevar perttu koyir-kottum=avark-kudirai-agambadi-niyayam ullitta turaigalukkum mudaligaluin=ay mudaligal-opadi kuriyat7 tukkun-kadavarum uye[*]la varisaigalum mun-eval ullittu mudaligal perakkadava errangalum perru ninru Periyadevarlo tunji-aru?ip=pillaiga[lu]kku onrum irandum tirunakshatram=8 gaiyal Ayirattalip-padaividum vittup=podavendip=podugira-idattuttiruv=antapuramum ... 11 arangalum ull[t*]tana ellam parigarittuk-[kutti]k-kodu-pondu Raja9 [ra*]ja[pu]ra[t*]tile irunda ida[ttukku] [su]n ]da idan. ...yarn migudi-p...... [ra]ttu udan kuttatt[a]........[rajlum ellak-[kalakka] ...... [solarajyat 12 tukku.....ye iruppar] karanavarud..... 10 vendip=purattu ella adaivu kedugalum va[rada) idattu in........lum parigarittu iv...... Periyadevar elundaru[li]....' n[a]lile tiru-abhi[shegattuk]ku uriya pillaigal ipriya ... [rukki] 18. I. 1., Vol. III, p. 152. * Amainduvala is another reading for amarndu vala (No. 58 of 1906). For pol some inscriptions read sal. Other readings are adiyugam vandadena (No. 20 of 1899) and adiyugam amenna (No. 474 of 1906). . Vandu parikka is another reading (No. 20 of 1899). * No. 20 of 1899 gives in addition Konganarum Pallavarum. ' No. 465 of 1905 has vantindich-levippa. * No. 20 of 1899 has parakesarivarman; ema in panmarana is engraved 88 & conjunct letter in Grantha cha. racters. Some inscriptions have Maduraiyum Ilamam kondaruliya in addition (cf. No. 474 of ; 1806) chola in chchakravartigal is engraved as a conjunct letter in Orantha characters. 10 The letter ya is inserted between ri and de - The gap may be filled up with the lettere pariu. 11 ya is ongraved as a conjunct letter in Gronha characters. 1. The word yirunda may have boen lost hero,

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190 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. 11 rapadiyai parttu [mu]n-palile kariyam irundapadi vi..... [e]ydu Gangaiko * Ida bolapura...... daruli iru[k*]kira pillaigalai .. yanam pannu...."daiyar Vikk[i]ramasoladovar-peranar 12 Neriudaipperuma[l*]-tirumaganar Ediril[i]pperumalaip-peri......[ji]-arulina nalile mandai kavi[p]pittu.... dar-anavape ivaraittiru-abhi(shegam pannu]vikkak-kad avara[ga]...itu nalan=tirunakshatrattile Rajadhiraja devar e13 oru tiru-a(a)bhishegam pannuvittu udan-kuttamum nadu-koonruppattuch=chellumpadi panni[vitt-arulinar [*] migai seyyadapadisyum pari[ga]rittu ivargal el....10 cherap=pidittup=pani alagid-a14 gach=cheyvad-orupadiyum panni [*] flattan Pandi-nattile padaigalun=karanavar anaraiyu[m*) migudip... 1lvittu i-upadu kaikollak-kadavan=agap=pannina i...1! [P]andiyanar Kulabekharadevar 15 ta[m]mudaiya rajyam vittuch=Cholarajya[ 18t*]tile pugundu ennudaiya rajyalam nan perumpa[di=ppan]navenum=ep[ru] [O]lla ivar Udaiyar....." var perumpadi panna-kada16 var=agavum inda rajya(r)tti[le pugun]du [vancku] kaikkonda Ilarkapuri-Dandanayakan. ullitaraik=kontu Pandiya[r*]ga!=i17 ruppana Madurai-vasalile ivar[gal] talai taippikkak=kadavaragavun=cholli ippadiellam vinnappa[i*)-cheydu tiruvullam=apapadiye Pandiyapar Kulasekharadevar Solarij ya(r)ttil irunda nalil ivarkku ve18 nduvanav=ellan=kuraiv-ara-cheydu parikarittu balattalums arttattalum ursaga"(t*]talum Pandi-nadu kaikkondu tin=choppapadiye llankapuri-Dandanayakan-ullittaraik ko ru ivargal-talai 19 Madurai-vasalile taippittu Pandiyanar Kulasekharadevar Madurai(yi)le pugukaikkuch cke[y*lya-venduvanavum van... Gyat]tu seyvittu ivarai Madurai(yi)le pugavittup Pandi-nadu Ila-nad=agad &20 padi parikaritbuch=Chola-rajyam sensa-padi[kku) idagat-Tondai-nadum Pandi-nalldum bellumpadiyum panni raja -kariyan-kondu nirvagikka-kkadava ma.... ku-ttan-katt alaiittu=k[kari]yan-kondu-seluttinapadiye tamakku pi21 nbum i-kkattalaiyile kariyan=chelvadorupadi kariyan=kondu sel[va]tta[l*) nirka [*] ivar viyadi-pattu ipriye olindamaiyil ivar-virun[danga]]ukkum makkalukkum ivargalvirundangalukku[m] makkalukkam pen-makkalukkum tayarkkum uda The letters nnappan may be inserted here. * The letters till elun may be inserted here. The letters pira may be inserted here. * The letters vittu U may be inserted hero. * The letters yadevar-taji may be inserted here. * The letter ppon may be inserted here. * The letters nichchayit may be inserted here. * Engraved in Grantha characters. . The expression intended was probably nadurn-onruppattu. 10 The letters loraiyu may be inserted here. 11 The letters poda may be inserted here 1 The letters dattu may be inserted here. 13 Jya is engraved as a conjunct letter in Grantha characters. 11 The letters Kasekharade may be inserted here. 16 The letier ba is written in Grantha characters. 10 The latter ad is engraved in Grantha characters. 11 lbero la an extra secondary length after the letter nd.

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No. 31.) THE PALLAVARAYANPETTAI INSCRIPTION OF RAJADHIRAJA II. 191 22 ppirandalukkum ival-mak[kalukku]m ivargal-vargattarkkum Virudarajabhayankara valanattuk-Kurukkai-natnu ivar-kaniy=ana Cho[!]endirasinganalluril palam=peyar tavirn[du ya]pdu ettavadu-muda[l] antarayam pattam=utpada i23 raiyiliyay veru-pisinda Ra[jadhi]rajanl-Kulattu[r] nilam narpadisgu-veli [l*) in=nilam apu bavikkumpadikku Jayankondasola-mandalattu Mepmalaip-Palaiyapur-[nattu]p= Palaiyapur-udaiyan Vedavanam-udaiyan Am24 maiappanar-ana Pallavara[yan ni]chchayi(t)ttapadiyay anubavikkum virundangalil Sirralatturudaiyan-magalukku nilam mu-veli yu]m Alinadudaiyan-magalukku nila[m] mu-[veliyum ival]-makka! v[at]kaippa...ngal' muvarkku 25 peral nilam iru-veliy=aga... asu-veliyum Neskuoran-kilar Kalappalarayar-magalukku nilam mu-veliyum ival-makkalil Alagiyadevanukku nilam mu-veliyum pen-[makkalu) kku peral nilam iru-veliy=aga nilam apuveli26 yum Ambar Aruvandai Kalingarayar-magalukku nilam mu-veliyum makkalil Satta[n*]" Tirunattamadi Virana[mbi] Devan(k)gu[daiya]n-magalukkum ival-magalukkum nilam iru-veliyum Rajarajadeva[r]-virundangalukkum makkalukkum nilam en-veliyum tayar Vaippu27 rudaiyar-magalarkku nilam veliyum u[dan]-piranda pengalil Viliyurudaiyanukku pulka pennukkum iva[l]-magalukkum nilam iru-veliyum aga nislam] narpadirru-veliyum antarayam patam-utpada iraiili. 28 ittamaikkuuvarikku eluttittar Nandiyariyar ||--Amarakonar Kapakarayar 11 Muvendarayar Jinattara[yar) Visaiyarayar Puravuvari-Srikaranana[yakam)!-- Sirukudaiyapl - Kunrankilaa Kanur-kilavapl- Nariya[nu]r Udaiy[7]of 29 Puravuvari-Srikaranattu Mugave[t*]ti Ingai-Udaiyao Arur-Udaiyan Tattainallur Udaiyapy- Sirunallur-Udaiyaall- ippadikku pirasadancheyde-arallina Sri] mugat-tukku eluttittar Chedirasar|| Vanadhira? ......va]rasar 30 Ra (ja*] ra[ja*) Vilupparayar singalarayar || Nilagangarayar - Dipattarayar |||eludinam tirumandira-olai Mipavan Muve[nda]velan TRANSLATION. LI. 1-8. Hail! Prosperity! In the eighth year (of the reign) of king Rajakogarivarman alias the glorious Rajadhirajadeva, the emperor of the three worlds, when he was pleased to be seated along with (his queen) Ulagudai-Mukkokkilanadigal on the throne of heroes, made of pure gold, having been pleased to put on the lustrous crown (80 that) the Goddess of the Earth surrounded by the sea, the goddess (residing in the flower (i.e., Lakshmi), the Goddess of Learning, the Goddess of War endowed with power and the Goddess of Prosperity all lived in amity as in the first yuga, (his) fame, white as the milky ocean, spread in the seven worlds surrounded by the four oceans, the six systems of philosophy (flourished), the five elements stood in their respective positions protecting the people, such kings as the Tendavar (Pandyas), Seralar (Choxas), Singalar (Singhalese) came carrying (with them) tribute and made their obeisance (to him), and his hoary sceptre well protected the seven worlds; 1 The word Rajadhiraja is engraved in Grantha. * The gap may be filled with the letters ffa pe. * The word nilam may be lost here. * The word intended was perhaps Sendan. The letters Rajaraja sre engraved in Granth a. * The letter sa is engraved in Grantha characters, The letters dhi and rd are engraved in Grantha characters.

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192 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. When Kulattulan Tiruchchirrambalamudaiyan Perumanambi alias Pallavarayar, (a resident) of Karigai-Kusattur in Sigukupra-nadu, which was a subdivision of Amur-kottam, a district of Jayangondasola-mandalam, who had received all honours (varisai) (such as) the position of the Palace-Comptroller of the big household of Periyadevar (i.e., the senior king) Rajarajadeva the headship of the several departments (turaiga!) of the body of armed cavalry, retinue, etc., and was managing such of the affairs as had been allotted to the chiefs, receiving all (high) dignities attainable by the officers such as mum-eval, Periyadevar (ie., Rajaraja) passed away. His (Rajaraja's) sons (pillaiga!) (being then) aged one and two years, it became obligatory for them to leave the citadel of Ayirattali. And while they were moving, he (Pallavariyar) safely escorted the harem including all their retinue and conducted them to Rajarajapuram. L. 9. Damaged. Ll. 10-13. . . . . . . protected them warding off all possible danger from outside. Even in earlier years, when the senior king was alive, it having been seen that there were no sons fit for anointment, the (exact) state of affairs, as it (then) stood, (was intimated to the king) . . . . . . and having brought) the princes residing at Gangaikondasolapuram, and at the time of Periyadevar's demise, he (Pallavarayar)had Edirilipperumal, son of Neriyudaipperuma! and the grandson of Udaiyar Vikramasiladovar, who had already been invested with a crown and was, therefore, bound to be installed on the throne, anointed (king) under the title of Rajadhirajadeva in the fourth year (of his installation) and made the udan-kuttam (assembly) and the radu (chamber) follow him without any dissensions. Thus, (he) brought all (parties) together so that there might be no transgression. (In this way he creditably discharged one of his commissions. LI. 14-24. While the king of Ceylon sent a large contingent of forces along with many chiets into the Pandya country so as to effect the capture of this kingdom, the Pandya (king) Kulasekhara left his dominions and entering the Chola country requested (the king) to get him (back) his territory ; (whereupon Pallavarayar) represented to the Chola king): that Udaiyar (Kulasekharaldeva should be made to get back the kingdom, that Larkapuri-Dandanayaka and others who had entered and taken possession of this (Pandya) kingdon should be killed and (that) their heads should be nailed on to the gates of Madura, the capital of the Pandyas. When the royal sanction was obtained (thereto), he (Pallavarayar) unsparingly did all that was necessary for the Pandya king) Kulasekhara and guarded (him) during his stay in the Chola kingdom ; captured the l'andya country with the aid of his army, resources and zeal; and, as promised, killed LankupuriDandanayaka and others and nailed their heads on to the gates of Madura ; (he) made all necessary arrangements for the entry of the Pandya king Kulasekhara into Madura ; and by making him (Kulasekhara) enter (his capital) Madura, prevented the Pandya kingdom from becoming a Singhalese possession; and made the Tondai-nadu and the Pandi-nadu subject to him (i.e., the Chola), as was his own (Chole) country. When (Pallavarayar) was thus in the height of power, having taken upon himself the management of the country and having appointed persons capable of bearing the burden of the administration even after him (i.e., after his death) in the same manner as it used to be done (during his lifetime) through his orders issued to capable officers administering the kingdom, he fell ill and died. (Thereupon), his estate, 40 veli in extent, in Rajadhirajap-Kulattur situated in Kurukkai-nidu, a division of Virudarajabhayankara-valanadu, which was separated in the 8th year of the king, from Cholendrasinganallur after discarding its old name, and being exempted from all taxes includ. ing antarayam and pattam, (was distributed among) his wives, sons, their wives and children, (his) daughters and mother, (his) uterine sister, her children and their relations, by Palaiyanur-Udaiyan 1 It is noteworthy that in this distribution of lands, all the near relatives of the deceased are provided for.

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No. 31.] THE PALLAVARAYANPETTAI INSCRIPTION OF RAJADHIRAJA II. Vedavanam-Udaiyan Ammaiyappan alias Pallavarayan of Menmalaip-Palaiyanur in Jayangonda-sola-mandalam for enjoyment (as follows) : Ll. 24-28. Among (Pallavarayar's) wives (a), (b), (c) and (d). To the three married daughters of (b) above. Among the sons of (c) above. To the (three) daughters of (c) above To the daughter of the son of (d) above, Se[t]ta[n] Tirunattamadi Virana[mbi Devangudaiyan and her daughter. To the wife of Rajarajadevar (who must have been another daughter of Pallavarayar from (d) above) and her sons. To his mother. * (a) to the Idaughter three veli (of) land. (b) to the daughter of Alinad- three veli (of) land. Udaiyan. of Sirralattur-Udaiyan. 193 (c) to the daughter of Ner- three veli (of) land. kungan-kilar Kalappalarayar. to Alagiyadevan (d) to the daughter of Ambar Aruvandai Kalingarayar. six veli (of) land at two veli per head. three veli (of) land. six veli (of) land at two veli per head. three veli (of) land. two veli (of) land. eight veli (of) land. the daughter of Vaippur- one veli (of) land. Udaiyar. to the wife of Valiyur-Udaiyan two veli (of) land. and her daughter. Among his sisters On the whole 40 veli of land was thus distributed, free of taxes, including antarayam and pattam. Ll. 28-30. The signatories to the ulvari (are) : Nandiyarayar Amarakonar Kapakarayar Muvendarayar Chinattara[yar]||Visaiyarayar The Puravu-vari Srikarana-nayakam are:-Sirukudaiyan Kunrankilan-- Kanur-kilavan Nariyanur-Udaiyan The puravuvari Srikaranattu Mugavett are:Ingai-Udaiyan Arur-Udaiyan Tattainallur-Udaiyan Sirunallur-Udaiyan For the royal order that was issued, (the attestors are):-Chedirasar Vanadhira [va]rasar Ra[ja*]ra[ja*]vilupparaiyar Singalarayar Nilagangarayari || Dipattarayar|||(This royal order) is the draft of the royal secretary Minavan Muve[nda]velan ||| No. 32. TWO BRICK INSCRIPTIONS FROM NALANDA. By N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A., PH.D., OOTACAMUND. The Buddhist sutra forming the subject of this article is found in duplicate on two incised bricks which were discovered in 1924 by Mr. J. A. Page, the then Superintendent of the Central Circle, in small votive stupas near the main stupa at Nalanda. The inscription on Brick A begins on the top surface and is continued on three sides, the right hand side and the bottom 1 See A. 8. I. Am. Rep., 1923-24, p. 74.

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194 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. surface being left uninscribed. The writing on the top surface covers a space of 11t" in length and 89" in breadth while the breadth of the inscribed sides ranges from 1" to 11". The inscription consists altogether of thirty-one lines of writing of which twenty-two lines are incised on the top surface and three on each of the three other sides. Brick B, which contains twenty-three lines of writing, is inscribed only on the top surface, the inscription covering a space which measures 141" X 8". In A, the portions of writing coming in the middle of the top and the left hand side are damaged while the inscription on B is in a fair state of preservation. The letters in both A and B are not uniformly executed, their average size being from to of an inch approximately. Before proceeding with the discussion of palaeography, I may point out that the two documents under discussion hold a peculiar position as epigraphs. It appears that the letters have not been inscribed in the same way as inscriptions on stone or copper-plates. It is clear from the shape of the letters that the scribe has engraved the text on the brick with a stylus or similar sharp instrument. Thus we have to consider the documents more in the nature of manuscripts than inscriptions and, as one would expect in such records, the writing is in a much more cursive hand than one would ordinarily find in inscriptions. The characters found on these records belong to the Gupta script of a comparatively later period, more strictly to the period of transition from the Gupta to the acute-angled stage and may be ascribed to the sixth century of the Christian era. As to their palaeography the following points may be noticed : of the initial vowels the lower portion of a and a shows a curve open to the left and the sign for the length of a is expressed by a hook attached to the foot of the right vertical. I is denoted by three dots and in e the apex of the triangle is pointed downwards. Of the consonants, single k is written in the same way as in the Gupta period and does not yet show a loop on the left but such loops are noticed in places in ligatures (cf. samskara in l. 3, skandha in l. 11, etc.). The triangle of kh stands at the right of the vertical and not to its left as found in the acute-angled alphabet, but in common with the latter the third as well as the central horizontal line of i are slanting downwards and a has a serif in the lower end. In n the right stroke has not yet become vertical as we find from the 7th century onwards, though a loop has been attached to its left. Bh is as in the Gupta periodi and has not yet formed the triangle on the left. Y is tripartite with a hook to the left which led up to the later bipartite y. Dis rounded at the top of the middle vertical touching the right and the left limbs. Lingual | occurs twice in the document (cf. khula-khula, B 1. 19), a peculiarity not found in later documents. The Virama is denoted by a stroke above the consonant (cf. katamat, ll, 10, 11, 15) and the superscript is denoted by an angular stroke on top evidently owing to cursive forms of letters. The language of both the documents is Sanskrit which is on the whole correct. Rules of sandhi have not been strictly adhered to. As regards orthography, attention may be drawn to the following points. Consonants with a superscript or subscript , have at times been doubled, e.g., vahirddha (B 1. 6), purvvakam (A 1. 14), avakkrantir= (A 1. 21). Sk is frequently written as ks in A, e.g., samksara for samskara (A 1.3, etc.). V and b have not been distinguished except in kubja (B I. 19; A I. 23). Two different marks of punctuation have been used, one, the ordinary mark represented by a small curve (n) like a comma written horizontally, and the other, a rare one, denoted by two vertical lines (cf. B 1. 15 after cha and AI. 30 after iti). The former has been shown in the transcript below, with a danda. The text of the sidd as found in both the bricks is substantially the same. I have given below only the text of B, which is the better preserved of the two documents, while the slight differences in reading, oocurring in A, have been noticed in the foot-notes. They contain the text of the well-known Pratityasamutpada or Nidonosutia as well as its rbhanga or division. Cf. the inscription of Toramapa, C. I. 1, Vol. III, L'I. XXILA.

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No. 32.] TWO BRICK INSCRIPTIONS FROM NALANDA. The sutra portion is found in Buddhist literature both in Pali and Sanskrit, while the vibhanga portion is closely connected with the vibhanga found in the Nidana Samyutta.3 B does not give any colophon while at the end of A we find only Pratityasamutpadah samaptah. 195 In addition to these records, several other bricks and terracotta slabs containing the Nidanasutra have been found at Nalanda. But none of them is complete and they. contain only a fragment of the sutra and sometimes that of the nirodhat portion as well, but none contains the vibhanga as found in the two records under discussion. All are written in a cursive hand (No. S. 3, Reg. 237 of the Central Circle, being the most cursive), just as the two documents dealt with here. Of these, No S. 3, Reg. 237 contains seven fragmentary lines of the sutra and Brick C seven such lines of the nirodha only. No. S. 3, Reg. 242 is inscribed on both sides (of which portions of five lines only remain on each side) and contains fragments of the sutra with its nirodha. No. S. 3, Reg. 236 originally contained the sutra with its nirodha which was repeated thrice. Only at the end of the nirodha portion we find an additional sentence which reads iyak samyak-prakritir-asatiakriti niyam-avakkra[nter-iti], Inscriptions containing the text of the Nidana Sutra have also been found in places other than Nalanda. Bricks with this sutra inscribed on them have been discovered at Gopalpur in the Gorakhpur District of the United Provinces. Besides these we find the text inscribed on the Kasia copper-plate and the Kurram casket. Of these the first two are written in the Gupta script and Sanskrit language while the third is written in the Kharoshthi script and a Prakrit dialect. Palaeographically all the three appear to belong to a period earlier than that of the two Nalanda bricks under discussion, the Kurram casket being the earliest in date. The text in Pali is not also unknown. A manuscript with leaves of gold but resembling in every way a palm-leaf manuscript, has been discovered within a relic chamber unearthed at Hmawza in Prome District of Lower Burma. The writing is in the South Indian Script of the 6th or 7th century A.D. then in common use in Burma and the language is Pali. The manuscript contains, among other extracts from the Pitakas, the text of the Patichcha Samuppada Sutta. The text of the sutra on the Gopalpur bricks and the Kasia copper-plate is on the whole identical. Both contain the positive and the negative arrangements of the Propositions of the Theory of Causes', here technically termed as the achaya (i.e., collection) and the apachaya (the loss) of Dharma, the latter corresponding to the nirodha portion of the sutra as found in Pali and Sanskrit texts. The text of the Kurram Casket contains only the positive arrangements of the sutra and is termed Patichasamupade (Skt. Pratityasamutpada). The interest of the present 1 This has been shown in the text in italics for facility of reference while the rest is the vibhanga. See Vinaya Pitaka (ed. Oldenburg), I, pp. 1 ff.; Samyutta-Nikaya, II, pp. 1 ff., etc.; Majjhima-Nikaya, I. pp. 190, 257; Divyavadana, pp. 300, 547; Mahavastu, I, p. 1; Lalita Vistara (ed. Lefmann), p. 347. In most of these texts we find the positive as well as the negative (nirodha) arrangement of the Pratityasamutpada. 3 Samyutta-Nikaya, Vol. II, pp. 2 f. The twelve-fold Pratityasamutpada or the propositions of the Buddhist Theory of Causation are often found in their positive and negative' arrangement. It is essential for a Buddhist to study and learn the respective links in this chain of causation and to understand it in its positive and negative arrangements, both forward and backward (Pali, anuloma and patiloma). For an explanation of this theory ef. Oldenburg, Buddha (English translation), pp. 223 ff.; Rhys Davids, Buddhism, pp. 155 ff.; Kern, Manual of Indian Buddhism, pp. 47 ff.; Th. Stcherbatsky, The Doctrine of the Buddha, in Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, Vol. VI, pp. 876 ff., etc. Proc. A. 8. B., 1896, p. 99. A. 8. I. Annual Report, 1910-11, pp. 76 ff. 7 Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 17, and C. I. I., Vol. I, Pt. i, p. 155. A. 8. I. Annual Report, 1926-27, p. 200.

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196 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. records, however, lies in the fact that they contain the positive arrangement of the sutra and also a vibhanga or division which is not met with in other records so far discovered. Besides this the present text has an interest of its own. As has been pointed out by Dr. Bagchi in his notes appended below, it was the same text which was translated by Yuan Chwang in 661 A.D., i.e., three years before his death. Recently Prof. G. Tucci has published the fragments of the Pratitya-samutpada-vyakhya, a commentary on the Pratitya-samutpada-sutra by Vasubandhu (circa 4th or 5th century), a work which was already known through its Tibetan translation. But it will be of great interest to observe that the text on which Vagubandhu, himself a teacher at Nalanda for some time, wrote a commentary, must have been the same as that now published. Thus the Nalanda text of the Pratitya-samutpada-sutra reveals to us the original Sanskrit text of a sutra of great importance which was so far known only through translations. It is to be noted that all these documents containing the text of the Pratitya-samutpada were found imbedded in stupas. Of these the Kasia copper-plate and the Kurram Casket contain the names of donors. The former was the gift of one Haribala who deposited it in the (Pari)nirvana-chaitya while the inscription on the latter informs us that the casket contained the corporeal relics of the Buddha and the Pratitya-samutpada was written for the honouring of all beings'. The present records and the Gopalpur brick inscriptions contain no names of the donors. Now the question that naturally arises is this: what was the object of writing down the Nidana Sutra and depositing it in the stupas ? It was done obviously for the sake of gaining merit, but why was the Nidana Sutra selected above all others? We know that among the Buddhists there are four classes of objects of worship-(i) the corporeal remains of the Buddha, (ii) objects used by the Buddha himself such as staffs, bowls, pieces of articles forming his robes, etc., (iii) objects indirectly connected with the Buddha and thus regarded as holy such as the bodhi-tree, chaitya, etc., and (iv) Dhamma as preached by the Buddha. I-tsing also gives us some interesting information on this point. "The priests and laymen in India," says the Chinese pilgrim, "make Chaltyas or images with earth, or impress the Buddha's image on silk or paper, and worship it with offerings wherever they go. Sometimes they build Stupas of the Buddha by making a pile surrounding it with bricks. They sometimes form these Stupas in lonely fields, and leave them to fall in ruins. Anyone may thus employ himself in making the objects for worship. Again when the people make images and Chaityas which consist of gold, silver, copper, iron, earth, lacquer, bricks and stone, or when they heap up the snowy sand (lit. sand-snow), they put in the images or Chaityas two kinds of Sariras. 1. The relics of the Great Teacher. 2. The Gatha of the Chain of Causation.". The gatha referred to by I-tsing is the well-known Buddhist formula ye dhamma etc. supposed to have been spoken by Asvajit to Sariputra. Prof. Oldenburg and Rhys Davids pointed out long ago that this stanza alludes, undoubtedly, to the Nidanasutra, which explains the origination and cessation of what are called here dhamma hetu-ppabhava '. The Sanskrit version of this stanza is extensively found on Buddhist votive gifts such as images, 1 J. R. A. 8., 1930, pp. 613 8. Prof. Tucci in the text published by him has underlined the portion quoted from the outra, but on comparison with the Nalanda text it will be observed that his division of the original text and the commentary is not everywhere correct. Moreover, I do not agree with him that in Vasubandhu's work vibhanga was the name of the various chapters each corresponding to a particular nidana' (ibid, p. 612, m. l). The text commented on by Vasubandhu is identical with that obtained at Nalanda and contained at the beginning the Nidana Sutra followed by the vibhanga in connection with each nidana. Thus he is not right in giving the title Avidyd-vibhanga to the first section of the work which deale only with the sitra portion, * I-tsing, A Record of the Buddhist Religion (translated by J. Takakusu), p. 160. * See The Vinaya Pitaka (ed. Oldenburg), I, p. 40. See 8. B. A., Vol. XIII.

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No. 32.] TWO BRICK INSCRIPTIONS FROM NALANDA. 197 tablets, plaques, etc., throughout the Buddhist world. The blessings derived from putting in the images or chaityas the sariras mentioned above are abundant. The authentic relics of the Buddha were always scarce and must have been more so after the early centuries of the Christian era. That is why we find in the stupas at Nalanda and other places only tablets containing the Nidanasutra, which was part of the Dhamma preached by the Buddha himself. To a Buddhist this sutra is next in sacredness only to the four venerable truths (arya-satyani) and is very important since a proper understanding of this leads to the way of Nirvana. Nagarjuna said in his Suhrillekha, "Even though fire should be burning above our head,... ......we ought to waste no time in putting it out, but should keep in view perpetually our Final Liberation (Moksha), reflecting on the truths of the Chain of Causality'." It is no wonder, therefore, that this sutra is considered as of paramount importance and has so frequently been found deposited in the votive stupas raised by the Buddhist monks as well as laymen. The following text is transcribed from impressions and photographs kindly supplied by the Superintendent, Central Circle. As the Chinese translation, an English rendering of which has been appended below by Dr. Bagchi, followed the Sanskrit original quite closely, I have not given a separate translation of the Sanskrit text but have noticed the slight differences found in places in the foot-notes to Dr. Bagchi's translation. TEXT. 1 Siddham (*) Evam maya erutam=ekasmin-samaye Bhagavan=chChravastyan viharati ema Jetavane Anathapindadasy-arameo mahata bhikshu-samghena sardham=arddha-trayoda?sabhir-bhikshu-sataih {1*] Tatra Bhagavan bhikshu nam=a[ma*]ntra2 yate sma Pratitya-samutpadasya vo bhikshavah adi[m*) VO desayishyami vibhangam cha tach=chhpis nu*]talo sadhu cha sushthu cha manasi kuruta bhashishye Pratitya-samutpadasy=adih katamah [l*] yad=ut=asmin=sat=[i]dan bhavaty=asy=otpada(da)" d=ida 3 m=utpadyates yad=ut=avidya-pratyayak vijnana-pratyayan namarupa[m] ayatana-pratyayah sparsih (rah) sanskarah 13 samskara-pratyayam vijnanant namarupa-pratyayam shad-ayatanam shadsparsa-pratyaya vedana vedana. 4 pratyaya trishna trishna-pratyaya ya)m="upadanam upadhina-pratyayo bhavah bhava-pratyaya jatih jati-pratyaya jara-marana-soka-paridevd-duhkha-daurmannsyOpayasah sambha(mbha)vanty-evam-asya kevala 1 [The latest finds of this kind are from Nalandi and Pabarpur excavations, where thousands of tiny clay votivo stops have been discovered in the relie chamber of small stups, each encasing little clay seals inscribed with the Buddhist creed.-Ed.) * I-tsing. A Record etc., p. 151. Translated by I-tsing in his Record, p. 161. *Expressed by a symbol. *The record A has & mark of punctuation here. A reads ardha. There is a small stroke above tra in both which may be accidental. A reads correctly amantrao. A has ganacha. 16 A reads chhrinuta correctly. 112rends da correatly. 11 Hore sed in several other places A reads sankado. Aho correotly pukah. NA bas pratyayam. 16 A reads sambhavanty

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198 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXI. 5 sya mahato duhkha-skandhasya samudayo [bha]vatil [*] Ayam=uchyate Pratyaya samutpadasy-adih [1] Vibhangah katamah [*] Avidya-pratyayah samskarah [*] Avidya katama Yat=purvvante: ajnana aparante: ajna6 nam purvant-apurinte ajnanam adhyatmam-ajnanam va(ba)hirddha ajnanam addhyatma-va(ba)hi[rddha) ajnana karmany-ajnanam vipake ajnanam karma-vipake ajnanam Vu(Bu)ddhe ajnanam Dharme ajnanam Samghe ajnanam duhkhe 7 ajnanam1 samudaye ajnanam nirodhe ajnanam marge ajnanam hetav= ajnanam hetu-samutpanneshu dharmeshv=ajnanam' kusal-akusaleshu savady. anavadyeshu sevitavy-asevi. 8 tavyeshu hina-pranita-krishna-sukla-sapratibhaga-Pratitya-samutpanneshu dhar. meshv=ajnanam shatsu va punah spars-ayataneshu yathabhuta-samprative. (be)dhe iti 1 Yat-tatra tatra yathabhu9 tasy=ajnanam-adarsanam=anabhisamayah tamah sammohahavidy-andhakaram= iyam-uchyate avidya Avidya-pratyayah samskara iti (6] Sanskarab katame [l*] Trayah samskarah [1*] 10 Kaya-saskarah vak-sarskarah manah-samskara iti | Samskara-pratyayan rijn nam=iti Vijnanam katamat [1*] Shad-vijnana-kaya) [1] Chakshu [r-vi]jnanai Brotra-ghrana-jihva-kay-mano-vijuanara (* 11 Vijnana-pratyayan nama-rupam=iti | Nama katamat [in] Chatvarah arupi. Dah skandhah 1*] Katamo chatvarah [1] Vedana-skandhah samjil. s[k]andhah samskara-skandhah vijnana-skandhah (*) Rupam katamat [*] 12 Yat-kinchid=rupam sarvvam tach=chatvari mahabhutani | Chatvari cha maha bhutany-upadaya it-idam cha rupam purvaka cha nama tad-aikadhyam-abhisarkshipya nama-rupam=ity=uchayte [1]' Nama-rupa-pratyayam shad aya13 tanam=iti Shad-ayatanam katamat [1*] Shad=adhyatmikany=ayatanani [1*] Chakshur-adhyatmikam=ayatanam krotra-ghrana-jihva-kaya-mana[b*]o-adhyatmikam-ayatanam 1 Shad-ayatana-pratyayah 14 sparsah iti [1] Sparsah katamah [*] Shat=sparsakayah [1] Chakshuh-sam sparsah Srotra-ghrana-jihva-kaya-manah-samsparsah [1] Sparsa'-pratyaya vedaneti Vedana katama | Tisro vedanah [*] Sukha 18 duhkha [1*) cha aduhkh-asukha cha | Vedand-pratyaya trishn=eti | Trishna katama Tisral *]o-trishnah [] Kama-trishna rupa-trishna arupya-trishna Trishna-pratyayam-upadanam=iti Upadanam katamat [*] 1 A has a mark of punctuation here * A reads ityvavidyd. A reada purvudril and aparatid here and in the next lino. * A reads wrongly m-ati. . A has a punctuation mark boro. * A reads manah.. 'A roade wrongly sparindah. * A has the correct reading Tierdie

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No. 33.] A NOTE ON THE PRATITYA SAMUTPADA SUTRA. 199 16 Chatvary=upadanani [*] Kam-opadanam' dfishty-upadanam sila-vrat-opadanam atma-vad-opadanam' Upadana-pratyay[0] bhava iti [*] Bhavah katamah [*] Trayo bhava) 1.*] Kama-bhavah rupa-bhavah aru. 17 pya-bhavah [18] Bhava-pratyaya jatir=iti Jatih katama | Ya tesat teshar Gatvanam tasmimss-tasmimn(smin)=satva-nikaye jatih samjatir-avakramtir-abhinirvsittih pradurbhavah skandha-pratilambho dhatu prati18 lambhah ayatana-pratilambhah skandhanam=abhinirvsittih jivit-endriyasya [pradu] rbhavah [*] Jati-pratyayan jara-maranam iti [1] Jari katami Yat tat-[khjalatyam palityam vali-prachurata 19 jirnata bhugnata kubja?-gopanasi-vankata tila-kalaka-chita-gatrata 1 khula khula-prasvasa-kayata puratah prag-bhara-kayata 1. danda-vishkambhanata 1" dhandhatvam mandatvam hanih parisha*]yih 20 indriyanam paripakah paribhedah samskaranam puranibhavah jarjaribhavah iyam uchyate jara Maranam katamat [1*1 Ya tesham tesham satva nam tasmattasmat=sastva)-nika. 21 yat chyutis-chyavanatah bhedo=ntara-hanih Ayusho hanih ushmano hanih jivit-endriyasya nirodhah skandhanam nikshepo maranam kala-kriya idam uchyate maranam=iti [*] 22 Idam cha maranam pu[r]vika cha jara tad-ubhayam-aikadhyam-abhisam kshipya jara-maranam=ity-uchyate l Ayam=uchyate Pratitya-samutpadasya vibhangah [*] Pratitya-samutpadasya adi[m] vo 23 desayishyami vibhangan=cha iti vo yad=uktam=idam=etat-pratyuktam [i*] Idam avochad=Bhagavan=[atta]manasah 10 ste bhikshavo Bhagavato bhashitam-abhyanandam ti (dann iti) 11 No. 33.-A NOTE ON THE PRATITYA SAMUTPADA SUTRA. By P. C. Bagchi, M.A., D. es-lettres ; CALCUTTA. . The small Sanskrit Buddhist text here published by Dr. Chakravarti is of considerable interest for the student of Buddhism. The colophon of the text contained in one of the bricks runs thus-Pratityasamutpadah samaptah. The text contains an enumeration of the causes of "dependent production," their definition and division (vibhanga). The complete title of the text was apparently, either Pralityasamutpada-sutra or Prattitya-samutpada-sutra-vibhanga. Though the original text was unknown till now we were acquainted with it through the fragment of a commentary of Vasubandhu discovered from Nepal and published by Prof. Tucci. 12 Only six leaves of the complete manuscript were found in the admirable collection of His Holiness the Rajaguru Hemaraja Sarma. They contain fragments of Vasubandhu's commentary on the five vibhangas : avidya, vedana, trishna, upadana and bhava. This commentary is preserved 1 A has a punctuation mark here. A has ta min tanninn.. A reads wrongly drisht-upa'. A gives kkrantirs, SA reads cha after this. A also gives lubja. * A reads arupya * Mark of punctuation unnecessary. A reads parihanik. 10 Rond manatasett. 11 A reads at the end -abhyanandannati | Pratityasamu[tpidab) sama peab. 12A fragment from the Pratilya-samutpada-vyakhya of Varubandhu, J. R. A. 8., 1930, pp. 611-623.

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200 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. in its entirety in the Tibetan collection (Cordier, Catalogue p. 365). A gloss on the commentary of Vasubandhu made by Gunamati is also preserved in Tibetan in the same volume of the Bstan hgyur. The title of Vasubandhu's work as preserved in Tibetan is Pratitya-samutpada-vibhanganirdesa but it was also commonly known as Pratitya-samutpada-vyakhya (see the fragment published by Tucci). The Nalanda text is also preserved in a Chinese translation. It is No. 628 Yuan ki king of Nanjio's Catalogue in which Nanjio has inaccurately restored the title as Nidana-sutra. The translation has been published in Taisho Edition of the Tripitaka, Vol. II (Agama), pp. 547-548 (No. 124). The translation was prepared by Hiuan Tsang on the 9th day of the 7th month of the year 661 A.D. The K'ai yuan she kiao lu (Tokio Ed. p. 706 11) mentions this translation on the authority of an unknown source called Fan king tu and says that it is a different translation of the 46th chapter of the Ekottaragama. The text is found in the Taisho Tripitaka Vol. II, p. 794 Fang niu king. The Ekottaragama was translated into Chinese by Gautama Sanghadeva in 383 A.D. A separate translation of the same text was made by Kumarajiva a few years later -viz. the Fang niu king. The same text is also found in another translation in the Chinese Samyukta-Agama (Taisho II, p. 342, Ch. 47, Nos. 1248-1249). An examination of the texts shows that Samyukta 1248 is identical with the Chullagopalaka-suttanta and Samyukta 1249 with the Mahagopalaka-suttanta of the Pali Majjhima (Nos. 34 and 33). To this latter correspond also the text translated by Kumarajiva and that of the Ekottara. But I fail to understand why the Chinese sources, and after them the Japanese editors, think that the Chinese version of the Gopalaka-sutta is a different translation of the Pratityasamutpada-sutra. Even a superficial examination of this text will show that it has no fundamental relation with the Pratityaspada-utra. Dr. Chakravarti has suggested a relation of the Nalanda text with the Desana and Vibhanga of the Pali Samyutta, II, pp. 1 ff. The Desana consists of two parts, Pratitya-samutpada and its nirodha. The first part of the Desana which deals with the Pratitya-samutpada is almost identical with the corresponding part of the Nalanda text but the portion dealing with the nirodha is not found in the Nalanda text. Besides, though the Vibhanga portion is fundamentally the same in both the texts, in the Samyutta text it is given in an inverse order beginning with the jara-marana. Moreover the Vibhanga portion in the Samyutta is much more amplified than that in the Nalanda text. The Samyutta text (including the Pratitya-samutpada, its nirodha and its vibhanga) really corresponds with section 298 of the Chinese Samyukta (Taisho Ed. II, pp. 85 ff.) which was translated by Gunabhadra in the beginning of the 5th century A.D. The original text of the Samyukta had been brought to China from India by Fa Hien in 414 A.D." The Sanskrit original of the Desana (the Pratitya-samutpada and Nirodha portions only) was discovered by Dr. Hirananda Sastri in a copper plate inscription found at Kasia (ancient Kusinagara). It was published by Mr. F. E. Pargiter in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey 1910-1911, pp. 71 ff. A comparison of the Pali, Sanskrit and Chinese versions of the Desana shows that the Sanskrit text was the original on which the Chinese translation was based. The formula, yad-ut-asmin-sat-idam bhavaty=asy-otpadad=idam-utpadyate, which occurs in the Kasia and Nalanda text is not found in the Pali Desana but occurs in the Chinese translation. The Chinese text of the Samyukta has on the whole greater affinities with the Nalanda and Kasia texts of the Pratitya-samutpada and its Vibhanga than with the Samyutta text of Desana and Vibhanga. 1 Nanjio 627, Taisho Ed. II, p. 546; Bagchi, Le Canon Bouddhique I, p. 196" Sutra on a pastor". See Bagchi, Le Canon Bouddhique, pp. 347 and 382.

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No. 33.] A NOTE ON THE PRATITYA SAMUTPADA SUTRA. 201 It is however clear that the Nalanda text did not exactly belong either to the Samyukta or to any other Agama. Though the translation of Hiuan Tsang is included in the Agama volume of the Chinese Tripitaka, it does not precisely form part of any of the Agamas there. It is printed there at the end of the Samyuktagama. It probably shows that Hiuan Tsang himself as well as the later Chinese writers on the Tripitaka had some doubts about the canonical character of the text. As Vasubandhu in all probability flourished towards the beginning of the 5th Century A.D. and commented on the text, it must have been in existence before that time. The Pratityasamutpada formula is mentioned in very ancient texts. The Sutralamkara of Asvaghosha, now preserved only in a Chinese translation made by Kumarajiva, narrates the story of the conversion of the Brahman Kausika of Pataliputra. This Brahman while searching sacred texts in the house of his relative came upon a Buddhist text called the "Sutra of the twelve Nidanas," a study of which impressed him so much that he adopted the Buddhist faith. The chronology of the texts therefore stands thus : Kurram text (Pratitya-samutpada) . . . . . Circa 100 A.D. Sutralamkara Text (Pralityasamutpada and Nirodha) . . Circa 100 A.D. Chinese Samyukta text (Pratio and Vibhanga) translated by Gunabhadra in . . . . . . . 414 A.D. kasia text (Pratityasamutpada and Nirodha). . . . Circa 450-475 A.D. Nalanda text (Pratio and Vibhanga) . . . . . Circa 500 A.D. This analysis, it seems to me, throws some light on the formation of the Canon. It shows that the Agamas were still in the process of formation, even shortly before the time of Vasubandhu (fifth century A. D.). In that case we must assume that the formation of the Pali Nikayas had not then been completed, as the Samyutta text of Desana and Vibhanga not only embodies all the elements of the texts just analysed (viz. Pratityao, Nirodha and Vibhanga) but its Vibhanga is much more developed than in the Sanskrit text. The late date of at least parts of the Pali canon, as established in this case, has also been hinted by other scholars. I give below an English rendering of the Chinese text (No. 628 Yuan ki king of Nanjio's catalogue) which closely corresponds to the Sanskrit text recovered from Nalanda. The discourse on the chain of Dependent Production, Thus have I heard. Once upon a time the Lord was staying at Sravasti and residing in the garden of Anathapindada in the Jeta forest with innumerable. Sravakas, Bodhisattvas, gods and men. At that time the Lord said to the assembly of monks, I will (Oh monks) promulgate to 1 The text ran thus--" The ignorance produces the samskaras, the samskaras produce the knowledge, the knowledge produces namarupa, the latter produce the six senses, tho six senses contact, contact thirst, thirst attachment, attachment existence, existence birth, birth old age, death, suffering and sorrow. I ignorance is suppressed, the sathskaras are suppressed, the samsbaras suppressed the knowledge is suppressed, the knowledge suppressed the namarupa is suppressed, the ndmarupa suppressed the six senses are suppressed, the six sensee suppressed contact is suppressed, contact suppressed thirst is suppressed, thirst suppressed attachment is suppressed, the attachment suppressed the existence is suppressed, the existence suppressed the birth is suppressed, birth, death, suffering and sorrow, all are suppressed" (E. Huber, Satralan kara, Paris, 1908). * For Prakrit text Inscribed on the Kurram Casket, see Sten Konow, Kharoshthi Inscriptions, C. I. I., VOL. I, pt. 1, No. LXXX. ! [Tho Skt, text refers to 860 mtonka, bat not to sravakas, Bodhisattvas, gods and men.'-Ed.)

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202 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. you the meaning of the fundamentals of the Pratitya-bamutpada and its different derivatives. You ought to listen to it and bear it in mind perfectly well. I will explain it to you to-day. The assembly of the monks expressed its willingness saying-We shall all be happy to hear it. Buddha said-How many are the fundamentals of the Pratitya-samutpada ? This being, it becomes ; this producing, it is produced. Nescience is the cause of constituents (samskara), constituents are the cause of consciousness (vijnana), consciousness is the cause of individuality (namarupa), individuality is the cause of six sense-organs (shadayatana), the six sense-organs are the cause of contact (sparsa), the contact is the cause of sensation (vedana), sensation is the cause of thirst (trishna), thirst is the cause of attachment (upadana), attachment is the cause of existence (bhava), existence is the cause of birth (jati), birth is the cause of old age and death (jara-marana). They produce sorrow, lamentation, pain, troubles and anxieties. This is called the origin (sam daya) of all that is suffering (duhkha-skandha)? Such is the import of the fundamentals of the chain of dependent production. How many are the derivatives of the chain of dependent production ? We have said that nescience is the cause of constituents. How manifold is the nescience? It is nescience in the past, nescience in the future and nescience in both the past and the future ; it is nescience inside, nescience outside and nescience both in and out; it is nescience in action, nescience in its maturation (vipaka) and nescience both in action and its maturation, it is nescience in the Buddha, nescience in Dharma and nescience in Sangha. It is nescience in pain, nescience in its origin, nescience in its annihilation, and nescience in the path (marga). It is nescience in cause and nescience in its fruit (phala). It is nescience in all dharmas that are produced from causes. It is nescience in what is good and what is not good. It is nescience in what is offensive and what is not offensive. It is nescience in what ought to be practised and what ought not to be practised. It is nescience in what is low and bad and what is noble10 and good. It is nescience in what is black and what is white. It is nescience in different parts. It is nescience either in 1 In Chinese we have a word which literally means "origin","commencement", etc., which is regularly need for adi. Adi is here used in the sense of "primaries" and vibhanga in the sense of " secondaries". Vibhanga is translated in Chinese by" division", "classification ", ec. It is here used in the sense of " secon. daries ". So I have translated the two words as "fundamentals" and " derivatives " respectively. Vasubandhu in his commentary already referred to explains adi as uddela and vibhanga as nirdzka. The Kasia text has apachaya instead of vibhanga as in that text the nirodha is described instead of vibhanga. * Chinese ki shen. 'ki' means "to the highest point ", " with perfection ", etc., and shen means " well ". "good". The expression evidently translates Skt. sadhu cha rushthu cha. Before sadhu the Kasia text has apa. chayam cha instead of vibhangan. * Chinese has literally-" To-day by making distinction I will tell you ". * [This does not occur in the Skt. text from Nalanda.-Ed.) This formula does not occur in the Pali text of Samyutta. The Chinese literally means: "(It) relies on its becoming, therefore it becomes. It produces, therefore it is produced ". The Kasia text has got the formula in the same form as it is found in the Nalanda text. Tucci (J. R. A. 8., 1930, p. 614) has collected a number of references to this passage. Salistamba ap. de la Vallee Poussin, Theorie des douze causes, p. 71 ; Prasannapada, p. 9 (and note 7 by the editor); Mahavastu, Vol. II, p. 285. * The Nalands text: soka-parideva-duh kha-daurmanasy-Opayasdh. Skandha is used here in & collective sense, meaning "all that is comprised under duhkha, i.e., suffering ". The phrase kevalassa dukkhakhanda sa samudaya with reference to the Pafichcha-samuppada is very common in Pali. See Pali Dictionary (Stede and Rbys Davids), sub. verb. The compilers translate the phrase as "origin of all that is suffering ". * The Kasii text has naturally dharmanamh apachaya imtead of vibhanga as what follows in that text lo ant the derivatives of the chain but means of their destruction (miodha). [This is not found in the present Sutro.-N. P. C.J ** [This pair of words stand for hina sud prania rospectively.-N. P. 0.]

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No. 33.) A NOTE ON THE PRATITYA SAMUTPADA SUTRA. 203 what is produced from causes (pratityasamutpanna) or in the six sense-organs. It is nescience in the insight into real nature of things. Similarly wherever there is nescience in the real nature of things, wherever there is not observation and no introspection and wherever there is doubt, nescience and obscurity it is called avidya. How many are the constituents? The constituents are of three kinds of body (kaya-samskara), speech (vak) and mind manah). These are called the constituents. How many are the elements of consciousness (vijnana)? The collection of consciousness consists of six :-(i) eye consciousness (chakshur-vijnana), (ii) ear consciousness (frotrao), (iii) nose consciousness (ghrana), (iv) tongue consciousness (jihvao), (v) body consciousness (kayao), (vi) mind consciousness (mano"). Such are the consciousnesses. The consciousness is the cause of individuality (lit. name and form). How many are the names? They are four, having no aggregate of form (rupa-skandha) (i) aggregate of sensation (vedana-skandha), (ii) aggregate of perception (samina-skandha), (iii) aggregate of constituents (samskara-skandha), (iv) aggregate of consciousness (vijnana-skandha). How many are the forms (rupa)? All that has form is so called all the four great elements (maha-bhuta) and all that is created by the four elements. The latter are the forms and, the former, the names which are pnt together, abridged into one and called nama-rupa. Such is the individuality or nana-rupa. Nama-rupa is the cause of the six sense organs (shad-ayatanas). What are the six sense organs? The six internal (adhyatma) sense organs are :-(i) the internal organ of the eye, (ii) the internal organ of the ear, (iii) the internal organ of the smell, (iv) the internal organ of the tongue, (v) the internal organ of the body, (vi) the internal organ of the mind. Such are the six sense organs. The six sense organs are the cause of contact (sparsa). How many are the contacts ? The collection of contacts (sparsa-kaya) consists of six (i) the contact through the eye, (ii) the contact through the ear, (iii) the contact through the nose, (iv) the contact through the tongue, (v) the contact through the body, (vi) the contact through the mind. Such are the contacts. Contact is the cause of sensation (vedana). How many are the sensations? They are of three kinds :-Pleasant sensation, painful sensation and indifferent sensation (litt not-painful and not-pleasant). Sensation is the cause of thirst (trishna). How many are the thirsts? They are of three kinds sensual thirst (kama-tsiskna), thirst relating to form (rupa) and thirst not relating to form (arupa). Such are the thirsts. Thirst is the cause of attachment (upadana). How many are the attachments? There are four attachments (i) attachment arising from the sense desires, (ii) attachment arising from the visual sense, (iii) attachments arising from belief in rites ', (iv) attachment arising from "belief in soul-theory ". Attachment is the cause of existence (bhava). How many are the existences? They are of three kinds : sensual existence (kama-bhava), corporal existence (rupa) and incorporal existence (arupa). Such are the existences. Existence is the cause of birth (jati). How many are the births ? When in particular classes of beings there is birth of particular beings, there is becoming and production, there is becoming of the skandhas, there is acquisition of dhatu, ayatana and skandha and there is becoming of the faculty of life it is birth (jati). 1 [This is more or less a free translation of the Sanskrit text.-N. P. C.] . Literally all arising from righteous conduct and religious observances. (Note the four words samjati, avakranti, abhinirusitti, and pradurbhava in the Sanskrit text, cf. with this the inscription Bhagavato okranti,' the descent of Bhagavat, on the Bherhut pillar, Ind. An., Vol. XXI, p. 326, No. 98-N. P.C.)

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204 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. Birth is the cause of old age and death (jara-marana). Of what nature is the old age? It is the baldheadedness and decay, shrinking of the skin, gradual (physical) diminution and ruin, hunchbackedness, crookedress, spread of black spots on the body, quick respiration, body stooping on the front, leaning on sticks, mental trouble, mental debility, loss and diminution, decay ct the sense of organs and their dissolution, rotting of the sarskaras, and demolition of the body organs. Such is old age. What is death? It is the falling off of particular beings in their respective groups. Death is complete dissolution and cessation from existence, it is the abandonment of life and (vital) fire, complete extinction of the faculty of life, dissolution of the skandhas. Death is the arresting of the product of time. The latter is death and the former is old age both abridged together is called jara-marana. Such is the meaning of the derivatives of the chain of dependent production." No. 34.-ANNIGERI INSCRIPTION OF KIRTTIVARMAN (II.); THE SIXTH YEAR. By N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, M.A., OOTACAMUND. The stone inscription forming the subject of this paper was copied by me during the field season of the year 1928-29 at Annigeri (or more correctly Annigere) & village in the Navalgund Taluka of Dharwar District, Bombay Presidency and a Railway station on the Hubli-Guntakal section of the M. & S. M. Railway. Though at present a small village, Annigeri appears to have been an important town from early Chalukya times down to the Muhammadan period. In the 9th century it was the chief town of the Belvola three-hundred district administered by Devannayya, an officer of the Rashtrakuta king Amoghavarsha I.' Under the Chalukyas of Kalyani and the Hoyasalas it continued to be known as the rajadhani-pattana or the capital town. 'Several other inscriptions of successive periods prove the importance of the place down to the time of Sultan Muhammad Shah of Bijapur in Saka 1567. In Sanskrit records the place is called Anyatataka, obviously a Sanskritized form of the Kanarese name Annigere. The present inscription which is the earliest record at the place is engraved on three faces of a small pillar set up in front of the Banasarkari temple. As it refers to the construction of a chediya (Skt. chaitya) it may be surmised that this pillar does not belong to the Banasankari temple. The record is fairly well preserved except for the first two lines on its first face. But the king's name can be read in l. 1 as Kirttivarmma and the rest, being the usual preamble can be supplied from other inscriptions. The alphabet is Kanarese of the 8th century A.D. written in a neat upright hand. Among initial vowels, the record contains a in araneya (1. 5), i in idara (1. 10) and o in ond- (1. 4). Medial i is distinguished from i by & small loop in the circle denoting the i sign (cf. geyd=i in line 8 with chediya in line 9). Medial u is a hook on the right in ku (cf. Kuppa in line 11) while it is & U-shaped stroke at the bottom in other letters (cf. Jebulageri in l. 7). The length in u is marked by the addition of a downward curve to the u sign as in ndu of gamundu (1. 8). The e sign is marked as in older inscriptions by a stroke to the left added to the talekatlu as in ne of araneya (1. 5). Among consonants the inscription has four of the test letters kh, , 6 and 1, (ni alone being absent) all of which present early forms. D 1 [The concluding portion of the Sanskrit text is not evidently found in the Chinese translation.-N. P. O.) 1 Above, Vol. VI, p. 100 and Vol. VII, p. 204. Sen, for inntanco, Bombay-Karnatak collection for 1928-29. Nos. 187 and 180. Saine collection No. 202.

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No. 34.) ANNIGERI INSCRIPTION OF KIRTTIVARMAN (II.); THE SIXTH YEAR. 205 is distinguished from d both when it occurs singly and when it forms a ligature with >> (cf. di of madisidon, 1. 9 and adu of gamundu, 1. 8.) The Dravidian r is found thrice, in ra of araneya (1.5) and idara (1. 10) and in ri of nirisida (1. 12); and final n is found in onaman (1. 14). The language of the record is archaic Kanarese. Attention may be drawn to the accusative suffix an (e.g., chediyaman-, 1. 9) and the genitive suffix a (araneya, 1. 5) and the form of the verb madisidon (1. 9). The orthography is free from any faults except for the use of long u for the short in gamundu. There is no distinction between short and long e and o. The object of the inscription is to record the construction of a chediya, i.e., (chaitya or Jaina temple) by Kaliyamma who was holding the office of the headman of Jebulageri and the erection in front of it of a sculpture by & certain Kondisulara-Kuppa whose other name was Kirtti. varmma-Gosasi. The latter is clearly the name of his master (prabhunaman) as stated in the last line. The writer was one Disapala. The record is dated in the sixth year of king Kirttivarmma-Satyasraya. The title Satyasraya affords enough proof to show that the king belonged to the early Chalukya dynasty of Badami and as the epigraph is on palaeographic grounds assigned to the 8th century A.D. Kirttivarmma of our record must be the second king of that name. Since his initial year has been fixed by the late Dr. Fleet as 746-47 the date of our record would be 751-52 A.D. Only two stone inscriptions and two copper-plates of this king have so far been published. Of them the Pattadakal pillar inscription and the copper plates are throughout in Sanskrit and the damaged Adur inscription is partly in Sanskrit and partly in Kanarese. The present inscription is thus the first complete Kanarese record of this king. Attention may be drawn to the rare Kanarese expression ond-uttaram (increasing by one) occurring in this inscription. So far as I know this word is found only in two other Rashtrakuta records, viz., the Nidagundi inscription of Amoghavarsha I and the Venkatapur inscription of Krishna II. Fleet, while editing the former inscription has remarked that this expression denoted an elliptical system of reckoning the regnal year of a king in which there was an omission of some kind or the other whether intentional or accidental'. This supposed omission was in his opinion the word aruvattaneya (i.e., sixtieth); for "with a cycle of sixty years actually in use an elliptical method of designating years in excess of the number of sixty'in such a case as this one is perfectly intelligible and admissible," but it was difficult to recognise anything rational in an elliptical expression being used for the years eleven, twenty-first, thirty-first, etc. According to Fleet, the full expression as it ought to be was, therefore, ond-uttaran aruvattaneya varshan meaning the sixtieth year increased by one or the sixty-first year of the reign of the king to whom it belonged. The learned scholar's conclusion was apparently influenced by the fact that the only record containing the expression known to him was an undated record of a king who reigned for over 60 years. But the present inscription and the Venkatapur record referred to above belong to kings whose reigns did not last so long and can be referred respectively to the 6th year of Kirttivarman (II) and to Saka 828 (which was the 29th regnal year of Krishna II). The explanation offered by Fleet is thus entirely out of place and ond-uttaram most there fore be interpreted in some other way. The context in which it occurs in the three records would show that it is an exact counterpart of the widely used expression uttar-ottaram, viz., in 1 Above, Vol. III, pp. 1 ff. Ind. Ant. Vol. XI, p. 69. . Above, Vol. VII, p. 212. No. 82 of the Bombay-Karnatak collection for 1926-27. The name of the bag Lowrongly giroa 14 Amoghavarsha for Akalavarsha (Krishna II).

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306 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. conjunction with the word, rajyan or rajyabhivriddhi.! Ond-uttaram can therefore be understood as an idiomatic expression synonymous of uttar-Ottaram, denoting progressively'. Jebulageri mentioned in the inscription appears to be a part of the town of Annigere. TEXT. First Face. 1 Svasti [11] Kirtti(va]rmma-(Satya]sraya 2 sri-prithv[vi-vallabha) maharaja3 dhiraja paramesvara bhatarara 4 rajyam ond-uttaram-abhivriddhi 885 le araneya varsham prava Second Face. 6 rddamanam-age Je7 bulagerige Kali8 yamma gamundu(u)- geyd-I 9 chodiyaman-madisidon 10 idara munde Kondi Third Face. 11 bulara-Kuppa Kirttivarmma12 gosasiya nirisida 13 kirttana Disapalasya li14 khitar Prabhunaman No. 35.--TWO STONE INSCRIPTIONS OF KRISHNA II; SAKA 805. BY N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, M.A., OOTACAMUND. These two inscriptions were copied by me in the year 1926-27 in the villages of Soratur and Sirumja both in the Gadag Taluka of the Dharwar District, Bombay Presidency. Soratur (ancient Saratavura), where a battle was fought between the Hoysala king Ballala II and the Yadava king Bhillama has already been fully described by the late Dr. Fleet on p. 176, Vol. XIII of this journal. Sirurja which is three miles north of Soratur does not seem to have enjoyed any importance. The inscription at Soratur, which I shall call A, is incised on a slab set up in front of the Venkatesa temple and is in an excellent state of preservation. The Sirumja record, which is called B in the sequel, is on a hero-stone near the village school and is damaged to some extent, particularly in lines 3 and 4. The alphabet is Kanareve quite regular for the period to which the records refer themselves. Attention may be drawn to the following features which present themselves in this transitional period when the script underwent some radical changes the earlier form of initial i consisting This will become clear by comparison of the three records using ond-uttaram with some inscriptions where wtar Ottarais cours :-(1) Appigere Inscription : (rajyam ond uttaram-abhivriddhi sale); (2) Nidagundi inscription: (ond-uttaran rajyam-geyyutt-ire); (3) Venkatapur Inscription : (rajyabhivriddhiy-ond-uttaran sale); (1) Mahakuta pillar inscription of Mangaleka (Ind. Ant Vol. XIX, p. 18): (uttar-ottara-pravarddhamana-rajya. Pachama-sri-varshe); 121 Birur Lecription of Amoghavarsha I (above, Vol. VII, p. 206): (prevarddhamana samvatsaramgal ayvatt-eradum-uttar-taran rajy-abhivriddhi salutt-iro); (3) Ron Inscription of the same king (ibid., Vol. XIII, p. 186) (rajyadauttar-tentaram-abhivriddhiyo!). No. 73 and 59 of the Bombay-Karnatak collection for 1926-27.

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ANNIGERI INSCRIPTION OF KIRTTIVARMMAN II 6th YEAR. SECOND FACE. FIRST FACE. . . VI. THIRD FACE. Rza. No. 2923. E. 32. SCALE: ONE.FOURTH.

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SORATUR INSCRIPTION OF KRISHNA II-SAKA 805. BACIU OF LIS risus SCALE: ONE-THIRD. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. K. N. DIKSHIT. Rzo. No. 2923. E. 32.

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No. 35.] TWO STONE INSCRIPTIONS OF KRISHNA II; SAKA 805. 207 of two curves with two dots below still persists (see Indapayya 1.4 of A); medial e is expredsed in two different ways (i) by the addition of a downward stroke at the left of the talekattu as in earlier records (cf. me of paramesvara in l. 2 of A) and (ii) by a superscript mark as in ge of Purigere (1.5 of A) and ile of Pulide (1. 4 of B). As in older records no distinction is made between medial e and e and o and 0. While in A, the later cursive form of is used throughout, only the earlier form is found in B (cf. ja in raja I. l of A with raja l. 1 of B). The letter 1 is of the later cursive type with the miniature of the earlier type in the centre. Both the special Dravidian consonants I and I are much more developed than in records of the eighth century (e.g., Purigere and ifdu in 1. 5 of A and nirisido and Pulide in 1. 4 of B). The lingual d cannot be distinguished from the dental d in both the records. The language of the inscriptions is Kanarese prose. Attention may be drawn to the nominal verb nadayisu (assemble) from the noun nadu which is a rare formation. Another interesting and still unexplained word is gosasa occurring in l. 7 of A. Dr. Fleet has suggested that it might be a corruption of the Sanskrit word goshtha. That the word is connected with Sanskrit go (eow) has already been pointed out by him. In the Soratur record (A) the occurrence of the expression stan-abhirriddhi (prosperity of the udders) immediately after the mention of the gift of gosasa confirms this view. But Fleet's suggestion that the word may mean a cow-shed is not correct for, it is not possible to derive gasasa from goshtha ; it is more probable that the word is an abbreviation or Kanarese rendering of go-sahasra. This is strengthened by the fact that a certain Kosigara Koteyamma who is described as a gosasi in one of the inscriptions of Belagi in the Mysore State is described in another record of the same place as gosahasram-aldam (i.e., who was the manager or the keeper of gosahasra). The mention first of a gift of go-sahasra and then of a go-sasa is not found in the Chinchli inscription as supposed by Fleet. In other epigraphs from the Bombay-Karnatak we have similar references to the gifts of gosahasra. As regards orthography, B is free from any errors except the use of s for 6 in saka (1.2), but A is full of mistakes. Unnecessary lengthening of letters such as Paramesvara for Paramesvara (1.2) and Indapayya for Indapayya (1. 4) is very common in the record. R is used for the vowel Ti, in prithuvi, (1. 1) and vriddhi (1.2). The inscription A records the gift of a gasasa by a certain Chidanna made in the presence of the Fitty (maha-janas) of Saratavura who had assembled together when Indapayya was governing the nadu district). As we are told that Saratavura was situated in the Purigerenanu the district which Indapayya was administering was evidently Purigere. From other inscriptions we know that this was a three-hundred district or a district comprising 300 villages. Indapayya who was in charge of this district is introduced to us here for the first time. B is a hero-stone recording the death of a certain Ereyamma in a cattle-raid at Nivudi and the setting up of the stone by Gurevamma, the younger brother of Pulide-gavunda. Both the epigraphs refer themselves to the reign of Akalavarsha and are dated in the Saka year 805 and A gives, in addition, Sobhaksit as the corresponding cyclic year. Thus tho English equivalent of the date is A.D. 883-84. Akalavarsha of the records whose proper name Kanpara-bhatara is also given in A is no other than the Rashtrakuta king Krishna II tho Buocessor of Amoghevarsha I for whom the latest date known so far is A.D 877-78. The eartiest 1 Above, Vol. VI, p. 255. Mye. Arch. Rep. 1920, p. 159, No. 79. * Ibid. p. 151, No. 78. . Abovo, Vol. VI, p. 285, f. 2. 2. Hoe, for instanoo, No. 148 of the Bombay Karnatak collection for 1926-27 and Na JI of the main olleoklon for 1928-29,

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208 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. date hitherto available for Krishna II was A.D. 888. The present records thus furnish the earliest date for this monarch leaving only a gap of six years after the last known year of Amoghavarsha. Of the places mentioned Saratavura is the modern Soratur where inscription A was found. Nivudi has probably to be identified with Nigadi, a village about 8 miles south-west of Dharwar. TEXT. 1 0 Svasti Sri[ll *] Akalavarisha(varsha) prithuvi(prithvi)-vallava(vallabha) marajadi(maharajadhi)ra[ja] 2 paramesvara(a) Srimat-Kannara-bhat[a]rara rajy-abhivri(vpi)ddhi saluttum=i3 re Saka-npipa-kal-atita-sarba(va)tsarangal-entu-nur-ayda(ayda)ne[ya*] So(so)4 bhaksit embha(ba) sambha(va)tsaram pra[va']rttise Indapayyam(Indapayyam)nadan alutt-i8 re Purigoro-nada Saratavurad=a(alyvadimbarum=ildu nadayise Mana6 sigara-Chida(da)nna[m*] gosa7 sam=ildo[m] 8 stan-abhivriddhi[l*] 9 nama[h] 1 Svasty-Akalavarsha Sri-prithuvi(prithvi)-vallabha maharajadhiraja paramesvara bhatarar[a] 2 [88]kala-rajy-abhivriddhige aluttum=ire Sa(Sa)ka-varshamren tu-nura 3 aydaneya varsham pravarttisutt-ire [Kadalekadhi]panna Ereyammam Nivudi turugo!ol=ka. 4 di sattom. I kalla Pulide-gavunda[na*) tamma Gufeyamma nirisido ll No. 36.-THE JESAR PLATES OF SILADITYA III-THE YEAR 347. BY THE LATE MR. R. D. BANERJI, M.A. These plates were discovered, along with the plates of Siladitya IV of the year 387, at Jesar, a village in the Bhavnagar State of Kathiawar. They were sent for inspection to Mr. (now Dr.) D. R. Bhandarkar, then Superintendent of the Western Circle of the Archeological Survey in 1915 and his summary of the inscription will be found in his Annual Report for the year.' The record is incised on two plates, of copper of equal size, the rims of which are slightly raised. There are two holes in each plate, through one of which is passed a long thick wire of copper. The ends of the wire are joined together by the seal of the Maitrakas of Valabhi bearing the bull couchant and the ancient legend Sri-Bhatakkah. The second ring is missing. The plates measure 15' x 11t' and are now preserved in the Barton Museum, Bhavnagar. As the impressions taken in Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar's time were not legible, these plates were obtained on loan 1 Above, Vol. XIII, p. 182. This letter a which is much smaller than the most was omitted first and inaertod later on. .P.R.A. 8. W.C., 1916-18, p. 66, para, 10,

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No. 36.] JESAR PLATES OF SILADITYA III-THE YEAR 347. from the Bhavnagar State through the Honourable Agent to the Governor of Bombay in Kathia war. 209 There are altogether sixty-two lines of writing on these plates which are evenly distributed. The average height of letters is ". The language of the inscription is Sanskrit prose, with the exception of the three imprecatory verses in the second plate. The characters of the inscription show unmistakable influence of the south, especially in the forms of h and l. Two forms of I have been used side by side: (1) the northern angular form with the base line and (2) the round southern form in which the base line is no longer existent. The base line of h also has disappeared. The text is almost an exact copy of the usual text used in other later Valabhi grants such as the Alina Plates of Siladitya VII, without any variation and does not contain any additional historical information. Like other later Valabhi grants this record also mentions Bhatarka but passes over his sons. The next descendant of Bhatarka, mentioned in the text, is Guhasena, the son of Bhatarka's fourth son Dharapatta. Then comes Guhasena's son Dharasena II, his sons Siladitya I and Kharagraha I. The latter was succeeded by his son Dharasena IV. The succession then devolved upon Dhruvasena III, the son of Derabhata who was one of the younger sons of Siladitya I. Dhruvasena III was succeeded by his elder brother Kharagraha II. This prince was succeeded by bis elder brother's (Siladitya II's) son Siladitya III, the donor of the present grant. The genealogical portion occupies the first forty-six lines. Unlike the text of the Jesar plates of Siladitya IV, the text of this inscription is almost free from mistakes. The object of the inscription is to record the grant by the king himself, of one hundred padavarttas of land in the village of Kukkapadra in the pathaka of Kalapaka in (the country) of Surashtra to a Brahmana, with two names Saggala and Prakasa, who was a Dikshita, an inhabitant of Valabhi and an imigrant from Pushyasambapura. He was the son of Sambadatta, belonged to the Kausika-gotra and was a follower of the Yajurveda. The land granted consisted of three pieces of which the first was the largest measuring seventy-three padavarttas. The piece lay towards the western boundary of the village and its boundaries were:-On the east the Brahmadeya field of the Upadhyaya or preceptor, on the south the three royal wells, on the west a field named or belonging to Bhasiyaka and on the north the Vansatika river. A new word prachchiha which is also met with in other Valabhi plates occurs in connection with the above mentioned three wells, and apparently denoted a field irrigated by a well'. The boundaries of the second piece, known as Bappula which consisted of twelve padavarttas of land and which was situated on the south western (boundary of the village), were:-On the east the field of the Brahmana ghanchaka, on the south the field of the Brahmana Tatta, on the west the field of the Brahmana chatta, and on the north the rivulet (Sarini). The third piece was called Lusanika. It was situated on the eastern boundary (of the village) and consisted of fifteen padavartta measures of land. Its boundaries were :-On the east the boundary of the village of Kappasomaka, to the south the prachchiha of the well called Siradandaka, on the west the prachchiha of the well called Dhoraka, and on the north the river Vansatika. The grant also contained the well called Dhoraka extending over twentyfive padavarttas. The boundaries of this well were:-To the east the piece of land called Lusanika, to the south the prachchiha of the well called Siradandaka, to the west the prachchiha of the well called the Pippala and on the east the crest (sikhara) of the village (i.e., the mound on which the village was situated). The Dutaka of the grant was the prince (Rajaputra) Dhruvasena. It was written by the chief scribe (Divirapati) Anahila son of the chief scribe, the Sandhi 10. I. I., Vol. III, pp. 173 ff. Cf. the unpublished Jesar plates of Siladitya IV and J. B, B. R. A. 8. (N.S.), Vol. I, p. 74, 1. 49, and above, p. 184.

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210 [VOL. XXI. vigrahadhikrita the illustrious Skandabhata. The date of the grant is the (Gupta) year 347, the fifteenth day of the dark half of Vaisakha corresponding to 666-67 A.D. The donor Siladitya III is the brother's son of his predecessor Kharagraha II. With the exception of Valabhi and Surashtra, which are represented by modern Wala and Sorath in Kathiawar, I am unable to identify any other locality mentioned in the inscription. The inscription is edited from the original plates. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 47 1 Om1 Svasti[*] Vijaya-skandhavara[t*] Pundhikanaka-vasaka[t*] prasabha-prapatamitranam Maitrakanam.. * TEXT. Second Plate. mushpann-abhimukhanam-ayunshi dvishatam Paramamahesvarah sri-Siladityah-kusali sarvvan=eva samajnapayaty=astu vas-samviditam maya mata-pitroh puny-apyayanaya Pashyasambapura-vininggatta-tach chaturvvidya-samanya-sri-Valabhi-vastavya-Kausika-sagotra-Adhvaryyu-sabrahmachari 48 yatha 49 Brahmana-Sambadatta-putra-Brahmana-Saggala-Prakasa-dvinama-Dikshitaya Surashtreshu Ka()lapaka-pathake Kukkapadra-grume bhu-padavartta-eata-parimagam 50 tri-khand-avasthitam kshetram yatra prathama-khandam apara-simni tri-saptatibhu-padavartta-parimanam yasy=aghatanani parvata upadhyaya-brahmadeya-kshetram dakshinatah 51 rajakiya-vapi-traya-prachohiha aparatab [Bhasiyaka]-kshetram uttaratah Vansa tika nadi tatha dvitiya-khandam apara-dakshina-simni Bappula-samjnitam dvadasa-bhu-padavartta-parimapam First Plate. 52 yasya purvvatah Brahmana-Ghanchaka-satka-kshetram Tatta-kshetram aparatah deya-rahitam sama-kalinam pu dakshinatab Brahmanauttaratah sarini Brahmana-Chatta-satka-kshettram tatha purvva-simni 63 tri(t)tiya-khandam Lusapika-samjnitam palichadafa-bhu-padivartta-parimana yaaya purvvatah Kannasomaka-grama-sima dakshinatah Siradandaka-samjnita-vapina prachchiha 54 aparatah Dhorika-samjnita-vapi-prachchiha uttaratah Vansatika nadi tatha tat-may-va Dhirika-sahjaita pancha-vineati-bhu-pidavartta-parisari vipt 55 yasyah parvvatal Lusanika-samjaita-kahetra-khandam dakshinatah Siradandaka. samjnita-vapina prachchiha aparatah Pippala-vapi prachchiha uttaratah 56 grama-sikhara evam-idam-aghatana-visuddham vapi-kshetram sodrangam aoparikarash sa-bhuta-vata-pratyayam sa-dhanya-hirany-adayam sa-dasaparadhan sotpadya mana-vi57 shtikam sarvva-rajakiyanam-ahasta-praksheya(pa)niyam purvva-pratta-deva-brahma bhumi-chehhidra-nyayenachandr-arkk-arppava-kshiti-sarit-parvvata 1 Expressed by a symbol. The portion of the text (lines 1 to 47) omitted hero is in common with other grants of Suaditya III, cf., for example, Lunsadi plates, above, Vol. IV, pp. 76 ff. [The termination na after vapi may either be taken as a corruption of Sanskrit nam, in which case Stri and Dandaka may be two separate wells; or more likely a precursor of the modern Gujarati genesive termi. nation-Ed.]

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No. 37.) SAKTIPUR COPPER-PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA. 211 B8 tra-pautr-invaya-bhogyam-udak-atisaggena dharmme-dayo niwsishtah yato-sy chitaya brahmadaya-athitya bhuojatah krishatah ka shaystah pratididato va na kaisohid+vyauddha 89 varttitavyam-Agami-bhadtauntipatibhir-apy-asmad-vankajait anyair=yva anityanya sikvaryany=asthiram manushyath samanyag=cha bhumi-dana-phalam-avagach chhadbhir-ayam-asmad-dayo=numantyavyah patipalayitavya60 -chedy-uktai-chal Bahubhit=vvasudha bhukta rajabhi(s)-Sagar-Idibhi(h*1 yasya yasya yada bhamis-tasya tasya tada phalam|| Yan=tha daridrya-bhayan-narendraitddhanani d harmm-ayatani-kritani [1] nirbbhuktas milya-pratimani tani ko na. 61 ma sadhuh-punar=adadita | Shashti[m] vatsha-sahasrani svargge tishthati bhumidah ( I c hchhetta ch=anumanta cha tany=eva narake vasset? [118] Dutako=tra Rajaputra-Dhruvasenah|| 62 Likhitam-idam Sandhivigrah-adhikrita-Divirapati-sri-Skandabhafa-putra-Divirapati Srimad-Anahilen=eti || Sarn 0040 7 Vaisakha-va 15 Sva-hasto mama | No. 37.-SAKTIPUR COPPER-PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA. BY DEIRENDRA CHANDRA GANGULY, M.A., Ph.D., BENABES. The subjoined inscription belongs to the reign of Lakshmanasena, the fourth king of the Sens dynasty, who held sway over Bengal during the latter part of the 19th and the early part of the 13th century A.D. The othet grants of this king, already known to us, are the Anulis copper-plate, the Govindapur copper-plate, the Tarpandighi copper-plate, and the Madhainagar copper-plate, all of which have been included by Mr. N. G. Majudat, in his book entitled "Inscriptions of Bengal ", Vol. III. The same book also refers to a short inscription of Lakshmanasena's reign, engraved on the pedestal of an image of Chandi, in the city of Dnos. The new copper-plate was lying in the house of late Mr. Siva Chandra Chatterjee, in the village of Baktipur, in the Sadar-Subdivision of the Murshidabad District, Bengal, where it is said to have been worshipped for a long time by a widow, now dead. It is now lying in the Museum of the Bangiya Sahitys-Parishat who obtained it through Mr. Satkari Chatterjee. The inscription was first edited by Mr. Ramesh Basu in the Bengali magazine conducted by the Sahitya-parishat (Vol. XXXVII, pp. 216 ff.). Mr. Basu's papet embodies, the transcript of the inscription with some introductory totes. As there are some gross errors in his reading, I reedit this inscription with the kind permission of the authorities of the Baigtya Sahitya-Patishat." This is a single plate inscribed on both sides, and measures 1'61' long and l' 2 broad. A seal representing an effigy of Sadabiva is attached on the top of it with nails. The plate contains altogether 68 lines, 29 on each side. The letters are quite distinct and hardly offer any difficulty in reading. There is some vacant space in line 26 after yatha, and in line 55 after vishthayam, each of which can provide a letter. There is also some vacant space in line 54 after vrajet, which can accommodate two letters. The first three letters of the word vinimayeng in line 46 are indistinct. 1 Real -atisarggena. * Read vaset. I acknowledge my gratibade to Mr. N. K. Bhattaealt, M.A., and Mr. R. G. Bai, M.A., for the way they have rendered me in writing this article.

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212 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. The characters are proto-Bengali of the type found in Lakshmanasena's grants, K, , n, m, y, v and sh have already assumed the forms of the modern Bengali characters. The forms of some individual letters call for special remarks. V is not always uniformly written (cf. 11. 7 and 9). Sometimes p and y (11.5 and 7), v and (11.7 and 9), and r and c (11. 4 and 11) are indistinguishable. The forms of the letters in this inscription and that on the Anulia plate are not always identical. Special attention is drawn to the conjunct letters nd, and tth. The language is Sanskrit. The inscription is written both in verse and in prose. Lines from 1 to 17 and from 50 to 58 are in verse, with the exception of om namo, etc., at the commencement, the date at the end and the lines 17 to 50 which are in prose. As regards orthography, the letter u denotes both vand b. The word duhkha is written as dukha (1. 3) as in the Anulia plate. Tripurarinatha is written as Tripurarinaha (1. 57-58). The consonant following the superscript ris doubled, as for example, svargga, or=vasudha (1). 51, 52, 54), etc. The words buddhva and dattva are respectively written as buddha (1. 56) and datta (1. 12). The inscription records a grant of Lakshmanasena, the son of Vallalasena, grand-son of Vijayasena, and the great-grand-son of Hemantasena. The Deopara inscription of Vijayasena tells us that Samantasena was the father of Hemantasena. Hemantasena was the first king of the family. The same inscription* mentions Hemantasena's wife as Maharajni (the great queen). The Barrackpur inscription of the same king designates Hemanta as Maharajadhiraja. Nothing is known from our inscription regarding the military achievements of Lakshmanasena. But the Madhainagar copper-plate of the king records that when he was a crown-prince, he seized the fortune of the King of Gauda, defeated the Kings of Kalinga, and Kasi and subdued Kamarupe. The object of the inscription is to record that King Lakshmanasena, on the occasion of & solar eclipse, granted to a Brahman named Kuvera 89 dronas of land, comprising a part of Nimapataka, and the whole of the five patakas of Raghavahatta, Varahakona, Vallihita, Vijaharapura, and Damaravada, all situated in the Kumarapura-chaturaka, in the Madhugirimandala, attached to Kumbhinagara, in the Dakshinavithi of Uttara-Radha, in the Kankagramabhukti. The lands comprising Varahakona, Vallihita, Raghavahatta, and part of Nimapataka were contiguous, and were bounded in the east by the extensive lands of Malikunda along with Aparajoli; in the south by Bhagadikhandakshetra, in the west by the cow-track of Achchhama and in the north by the Mora river. The two palakas of Vijaharapura and Damaravada which were off from the above lands, were again contiguous. They were bounded on the east by Chakaligajoli; on the south by Vipravaddhajali, on the west by Langalajoli, and on the north by the cow-track of Parajana. The income of all the lands granted was five hundred (Kapardala-puranas). The inscription tells us that the above grant was made in exchange of Kshetrapotaka, which yielded five hundred (Kapardaka-puranas), and which had been given by King Vallalasena to the Gayalo Brahman Haridasa on a previous occasion. It appears from this that on the aforesaid day of the solar eclipse the king, through mistake, gave Kuvers the Kshetrapataka. But shortly after, when it was brought to his notice that the latter had already been given by his father to Haridasa, he annexed to Government (koshthikritya) the above-mentioned six patakas, which were of equal value with the previous grant and made them over to Kuvera in exchange of the Kshetrapataka. 1 Above, Vol. I, pp. 305 ff. and Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 50. * Toid., p. 62. * Ibid., p. 62, L. 23. * Ibid., p. 114. Though not specified, this unit of money may be supplied from other Inscriptions of the period, * The pronta at Gayi are still known by the name of Gayal or Gayaval Brihmane-Ed.]

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No. 37.) SAKTIPUR COPPER-PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA. 213 The inscription furnishes us with the names of some hitherto unknown territorial divisions in Bengal. In the early times, modern Bengal was divided under four geographical units, viz., Varendri, Radha, Vanga, and Samatata. Varendri represented North Bengal or the modern Rajshahi Division and Radha comprised South-west Bengal. Radha or Radha was further divided into Northern and Southern Radha. The former was bounded by the Ajays in the south, the Bhagirathi in the east and the north, and the Santal Parganas in the west. This comprised the whole of the present Birbhum District, and part of the Murshidabad District. The highest administrative unit was a bhukti, which was divided between mandalas and vishayas. The exact relation between a mandala and a vishaya cannot be fixed, the evidence on the subject being of a conflicting nature, most of the inscriptions from Bengal, however, refer to mandala as a subdivision of vishaya. The divisions of a mandala were khandalasi and vithis. The Nalanda plate of Devapala states that Kumudasutra-vithi was within the Gaya-vishaya. The Naihati plate of Vallalasena refers to & vithi which was within the jurisdiction of a mandala. This suggests that vithi was a division of a mandala and a subdivision of a vishaya. The relation between khandala and vithi is not known. The division of vithi seems to have been & khatika. The Khalimpur plates of Dharmapala mentions & khatika named Vesanika. The Govindapur plate of Lakshmanasena refers to a khatika. Between khatika and chaturaka was a unit called vritta. Vritta was divided into chaturaka,' chaturaka into gramas and grama into pataku. From the records of the early Sena kings, we know of only two bhuktis in Bengal, vit., Paundravardhana and Vardhamana. During the period of the Guptas and the Palas the Paundravardhana-bhukti comprised only the Rajshahi Division, 10 but during the Sena period it included a number of other territories within its jurisdiction such as Vanga (approximately the Dacca Division), and the Presidency Division 11 east of the Bhagirathi. The Vardhamana-bhukti originally comprised parts of the District of Murshidabad west of the Bhagirathi and the whole of the Districts of Birbhum, Burdwan, Bankura, Hughli, and Howrah." The Naihati plate of Vallalasena, 13 issued in the 11th year of the king's reign (circa 1171 A.D.), states that UttaraRadha formed a mandala within the Vardhamana-bhukti. But the present grant of Lakshmana, sena, issued in the 6th year (circa 1183 A.D.) of his reign, refers to Uttara-Radha as situated within the Karkagrama-bhukti. This suggests that some territorial re-arrangements must have been effected during the intervening period, probably early during Lakshmanasena's reign. The Kankagrama-bhukti which is known for the first time from this inscription, must have been of recent formation and it is probable that the conquests of Lakshmanasena in the direction of Bihar must have made this an administrative necessity. It seems to have taken over the Northern Radha tract from Vardhamana-bhukti, although we know from the Govindapur gront, that the 1 Ibid., p. 24. : The Devipurana describes Mathuri as a vithi (Chapt. LXVI, V.73% . Above, Vol. XVII, p. 321. * Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 74, 1. 38. Above, Vol. IV, p. 253. * Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 96,-1. 84. * Ibid., p. 112, 1. 40; p. 146, 11. 48-49. Ibid., p. 170-171. . Gauda Lakha mala, p. 135, V. 29. 10 Above, Vol. XV, p. 140; ibid., vol. IV, p.253. 11 Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, pp. 62, 137. 11 Ibid., PP. 74, 07. 11 Ibid., pp. 71 8.

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214 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (Vol. XXI. latter bhuki was in existence in the 2nd year of Lakshmanasena. The Ajaya which was the boundary between northern and southern Radha must then have been the boundary between the two bhuktis. The Kankagrama-bhuki appears to have extended into the Santal parganas and Bhagalpur on the north-west of Uttara-Radha. On the north-cost it could have extended very little beyond the river Ganges. [The place Kankagrama from which the bhukti took its name can be identified with Kankjol (24deg 48' N. Lat. 87deg 48' E. Long.) just beyond the northern limits of the Murshidabad and Birbhum Districts of Bengal. Cunningham calls it an old town, which was once the headquarters of an extensive province, including the whole of the present district of Rajmahal and a large tract of country which is now on the east of the Ganges, but which in former days was on its west bank.' Its situation on a jutting point of the old high bank of the Ganges' must have given it & strategic importance. According to Cunningham, 'the province in which it is situated was called Radha by the Hindus'. But as northern Radha formed part of the southern subdivision (vilhi) of the Kankagrama territory (bhukti), the latter appears to have overlapped Radha. Besides the antiquities noticed by Cunningham, there are other important antiquities at Kendua in the neighbourhood of Kankjol, which indicate that the place was of considerable importance in the pre-Muhammadan period. There can therefore be little doubt about the proposed identification. The name of the ancient Madhugiri-mandala may be recognised in the present Mahuagadhi, an isolated hill, in Santal Parganas rising to a height of 1,657 feet above sea level and situated About 22 miles to the south-west of Kankjol and 20 miley north-west of Kumhira.-Ed.] Of the other localities mentioned in the inscription, Kumbhinagara may be identified with the modern Kumhira, in the Rampurhat P. S. of the Birbhum District. The river More is the modern Mor (also known as Mayurakshi) which flows through the Birbhum District. Kumarapura still retains its ancient name and is situated in P. S. Maureswar about 31 miles north of the Mor. Varahakopa is the modern Barkunda in P. S. Suri, about a mile north of the Mor and 11 mile from the Sainthia railway station of the E. 1. R. Loop line. The words kona and kunda are changeable according to the usage in the Birbhum District. The modern village of Baharpur in the Labpur P. S. of Birbhum District probably represents the ancient Vijaharapura. Mr. N. K. Bhattasali identifies Nima and Vallihita with the modern villages of Nima and Baluti in P. S. Maureawar, on the north bank of the Mor, 4 miles north-east from Sainthia and 5% miles west of Kumarapur. He also identifies Achchhama with the modern village of Ammo in P. S. Suri, a mile north of Sainthis and Parajapa with that of Palijana a village on both sides of the Mor, in P. S. Labpur and P. S. Maureswar, about 5 miles northwest of Baharpur. The villages of Barkunda, Nima and Baluti are now on the north bank of the Mor when the inscription tells us that they were to the south of this river. This shows that the Mor, which is a restless river constantly shifting its sandy bed, has since changed its course. The dried-up bed of the modern Kana river, passing north of Nima and Baluti, wae most probably the ancient course of the Mor during the Sena period. [Barkon would be a better equivalent of Varahakani and a well-known ancient locality exists ander this name close to Panchthupi in the Kandi Subdivision of Murshidabad. In the vicinity are also to be found Nima and Baluti, and the river Mor drags on its courge at some distance to the south.--Ed.] A. S. R., Vol. XV, pp 37-39.

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No. 37.] From the other records The Saktipur inscription refers to the land measurement of drona. of the Sena kings we know that several dronas made one pataka. Drona was again divided into adhaka or adhavapa, adhaka into unmana, and unmana into kaka or kakinika. Drona is still used as a land measure in Bengal. All these measurements were governed by a linear standard known as "nala". The standard of the measurement of nala was not uniform all over Bengal, and differed according to the custom and practice of a particular locality. The present grant makes mention of Vrishabhasankara-nala. Vrishabhasankara being an appellation of Vijayasena,' the nala used in this inscription might have been introduced by and named after him. The Barrackpur grant of Vijayasena refers to Samatatiya-nala. The Govindapur copper-plates of Lakshmanasena which records the grant of a village in the Vardhamana-bhukti, refers to a standard of nala consisting of 56 cubits, prevalent in that region. SAKTIPUR COPPER-PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA. 215 The donee Kubera was the son of Ananta, grand-son of Prithvidhara and great-grand-son of Aniruddha. From an early dynastic calendar used by the ghatakas (match-makers), we gather that there were in the time of Lakshmanasena three brothers' named Devala, Vamana and Kuvera, sons of Dharmamsu, grand-sons of Pitho and great-grand-sons of Aniruddha. If Pitho is a contraction of Prithvidhara (as is very likely) and Ananta is taken to be another name of Dharmamsu, the Kubera of the present record may be identical with the youngest of the three brothers. The other two, Devala and Vamana are said to have received honor as "Kulin" (High class Brahmans) from Lakshmanasena but Kuvera is said to have forfeited this privilege, owing to his marriage with the daughter of Hasya Ganguli, a degraded "Kulin" who had accepted the gift of a golden cow from Vallalasena. The loss of 'Kulinism' does not however seem to have prevented the Brahman from receiving gifts at the hands of the king. The date of the inscription was read by Mr. Basu as Sam 3, the 2nd day of Sraavana. Mr. Bhattasali (with whom I concur) corrects it as Sam 6, the 7th day of Sravana. 10 [The supposition that the king first granted by mistake some land already in the enjoyment, of another donee, on the occasion of the solar eclipse, and subsequently exchanged it for another seems to be corroborated by the fact that except in 1163 A.D. (which is too early for Lakshmanasena) there was no solar eclipse on the 7th day of (solar) Sravana, throughout the latter half of the twelfth century A.D. In 1183 A.D. the seventh day of Sravana fell on Sunday the 3rd July, while a solar eclipse occurred on Monday the 23rd May. The intervening period of about six weeks can be explained by the supposition that the mistake took some time to be detected, reported to the authorities concerned and rectified. In 1185 A.D. a solar eclipse occurred about two months before the 7th day of Sravana and in 1180 A.D. over three weeks after the date. The year 1183 is thus the most plausible equivalent of the present date, which corroborates the conclusion [Drona is the same as dronavapa of the Gupta period plates in Bengal, cf. above, Vol. XX, p. 61. The pataka of the Sena period was however a larger unit than the kulyavapa of earlier plates, as the former equalled at least 10 dronas, while the latter was made up of 8 dronavapas.-Ed.] Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, pp. 78, 90, 104, Ibid., p. 136, 1. 32, Ibid., p. 66. Ibid., pp. 96, 97; tad-desiya-samvyavahara-shatpancha bata(t)-hasta-parimita-nalena. * Banger Jatiya Itihasa, by N. N. Basu, Brahmanakhanda, p. 140. Ibid., p. 155. [Cf. Pithora for Prithviraja.-Ed.] Ibid., p. 182. I am indebted to Mr. Subodh Chandra Banerjee, M.A., of the Manuscript department, Dacca University, for drawing my attention to this passage, contained in an early match-makers calendar, 10 Cf. the numeral "3" in the Anulia plate, 1. 56, and in Sahitya-parishat copper-plate of Visvarupasens, 1. 55, and the numeral '6' in the latter 1. 50.

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216 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. that the date of Lakshmanasena's accession was 1178 A. D. arrived at from the date of Sridhara's Sadukti-Karnamrita, which is stated to be Saka 1127 and the 27th year of Lakshmanasena's reign.-Ed.] The data of the grant was the Sandhivigrahika Tripurarinatha. The Govindapur plate,1 dated Sari 2, the 28th day of Bhadra, the Anulis plate, dated Sam 3, the 9th day of Bhadra, all belonging to Lakshmanasena state that the Sandhivigrahika Narayanadatta was the executor of these grants. Apparently he was succeeded in that office by Tripurarinatha between the 3rd and 6th years of Lakshmanasena's reign. TEXT. Obverse. 1 sicam [1*] OM namo nArAyaNAya // vidyu[dya]tra bhaNidyutiH phaNipatervvA (ba)lendurindrAyudhaM vAri khataraGginI si 2 taziromAlA va(ba)lAkAvaliH [*] dhyAnAbhyAsa[sa*]mIraNopanihita (taH) zreyoGgurodbhUtaye bhUyAdaH sa bhavArttitApabhidu 3 raH zambhoH zamI kapambu (mbu) da:' [ 1 // *] cAnandombu (mbu) nidhI cakoranikare duIcchidAtyanta (nti) ko kanAre hatamo 4 hatA ratipatAve kohameveti dhIH [*] yasyAmI amRtAtmanaH samudayantyAzu prakAzA jagatya 5 vidhyAnaparamparApariNataM rocira 7 bhinAya // [2] jyotistadAstAmmude // [2 // *] jyotistadAstAmude 6 mbu (mbU) satpadanakhadyutivazarIbhi / ] tejoviSabvaramuSo divatAmabhUvan bhUmIbhuja (a.) sphuTamayoSa bhAkaumAravikasvarerhizi dizi prasyandibhirhoryaza: 8 nAnI' samunmIlayan [2] hemanta: sphuTameva senajananaceva puSyAvalopANizrAvyavipAkapIka prAleyairarirAja' vaktanali 1 Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 103. slbid, pp. 172 and 91. * Expressed by a symbol. * Metro : Sardalavikridita. * Metry : Sardalavikridita. // [2] sevAvanamyanRpakoTi kiroTa Metre: Vasantatilaka. Ripuraja in Anulia and Govindapur plates. * Read nalina-mlanth. Kshetr-augha. in Anulia and Tarpandighi plates, sva

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No. 37.] SAKTIPUR COPPER-PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA. 217 9 raguNasteSAmabhUiMzajaH [4 // "] yadIyairadyApi pracitabhujaH sphuTa sahacarairyazobhiH zobhante paridhi 10 pariNaDDA iva dizaH [*] tataH kAJcIlIlAcaturacaturAmbhodhilaharIparItojhaibhartA' jani vijal yasenAH ] sa vijayI // [5 // "] pratyUhaH kalisampadAmanalaso vedAyanaikAdhvagaH saMgrAmaH zritajaGgamA12 kvatirabhUhalAlasenastataH [*] yazcetomayameva zauryavijayI dattauSadhaM tatkSaNA dakSINA racayAJca13 vAra vazagAH khasmin pareSAM zriyaH [*] saMbhuktAnyadigaGganAgaNaguNAbhogapralobhAdi zAmIzairaMza14 samarpaNena ghaTitastattatprabhAvasphuTaH [*] dorumakSapitArisaGgararaso' rAjanyadhamAzrayaH zrIma16 saNasenabhUpatirataH saujanyasImAjani' [7 // "] zakhaha()ndhabhayAhimuktaviSayAsta mAnaniSThIkkata18 svAntA yAntu kathaM na nAma ripavastasya prayogAmayam [1] yairAtmaprativimbi (bimbitepi nipatatpavepi caJcatta17 aipyadaitena yatastatopi saparo devaH paraM vIcyate // [8 // *] sa khalu zrIvikramapura samAvAsitazrIma18 jayaskandhAvArAt / mahArAjAdhirAjazrIvajJAlasenadevapAdAnudhyAta" / paramezvarapara19 mabhaTTArakaparamavaiSNavamahArAjAdhirAjazrImanamaNasenadevaH kuzalI / samupa20 gatAzeSarAjarAjanyakarAjIrANakarAjaputrarAjAmAtyamahApurohitama21 hAdhamAdhyacamahAsAndhivigrahikamahAsenApatimahAmudrAdhiktamataraNa22 (ha)duparikamahAcapaTalikamahApratIhAramahAbhogikamahApIlupatimahA 1 Metre : sardulavikridita. * Road bhuja-tejah- as in other inscriptions * Read chatur-ambhodhi. Metro: Sikharipi. Road datto au ahadhan. Mstre: Sardalavikridita. Kshayitari in the Govindapur plato. OMotre: Sardialavikridita.. Mr. Basu remarks that the word ripalat-paintapi is missing. But the word is clearly engnared, 10 Metre : Sardalavikridita. Danda umneommary: road-dhyala-Para'. 1 Road kit Anta.

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218 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. XXI. 23 gAsvadauHsAdhikacaurIparaNikanauvalahastyazvagomahiSAjAvikAdivyApRtakagaulmi24 kadaNDapAzikadaNDanAyakaviSa[ya]patyAdIn bhanyAMzca sakalarAjapAdopajIvinodhyakSa pracAro25 lAnihAkIrttitAn caTabhaTTajAtIyAn kSetrakarAMzca vA(brAhmaNAn vA(bA)praNottarAn yathAI mAna28 yati bodhayati samAdizati ca matamastu bhavatAm yathA zrImadhugirimaNDalA vacchinakumbhInagara 27 pratibaddhaH kAgrAmabhuktyantaHpAtidakSiNavIbhyAmuttararAr3hAyAM' kumArapuracaturake pUrve apa* 28 rAjolIsametamAlikuNkhAparisarabhUH sImA dakSiNa vra(a)grasthalIyabhAgar3IkhaNDa kSetra sImA . 29 pazcime macchamAgopathaH sImA uttara moranadIsImA patyaM catuHsImAvacchivaH patriMza[]droNAtmaka[:*] Reverse. 30 samvatsareNa sAIzatahayotpattikaH vArahakoNAvAlihitAnimApATakasamba (mbandhibhUdro31 zacatuSTayopetapATakajhyasametarAghavahaddapATakastathAcaturake pUrva cAkaliyAjo32 lIsImA dakSiNe vipravacAjolIsImA / pazcime khAnAlajolIsImA / uttare parajANa33 gopathaH sImA ratyaM catuHsImAvacchinakhipaJcAzadroNAtmakaH samvatsaraNa sAIza34 taiyotpattiko dAmaravaDAsametavijahArapurapATaka evametadda(ha)yavilikhita36 nAmasIma khasImAdhavacchi devavA(bA)hANAdibhUva(ba)hi[:]gopathAdyabhU vAstubhU sahitaM vRSabhaza36 ranalena u(U)nanavatibhUdroNAtmakaM samvatsareNa paJcazatotpattika rAghavahaha vAraha37 koNAnimAvasthitakhaNDaveSabhUdroNacatuSTayAtmakavAnihitApATakadAmaravaDA38 pATakasametavijahArapurapATakametat SaTpATakaM sajhATaviTapaM sajalasthalaM saga 38auSaraM saguvAkanArikelaM sAdazAparAdhaM parihatasarbapIr3e acadhmapraveza40 makizcitpragAcaM tRNapUtigocaraparyanta / aniruddhadevazarmaNaH prapautrAya 41 pRthvIdharadevadharmaNaH pautrAya panantadevazarmaNaH putrAya zANDilyasagotrAya zA [Cf. Dakshindabaka-ultheya- in the Paharpur plate, above Vol. XX, p. 61.-Ed.) IProbably we have to read gopath-ady-andra-bha-bahitwcha. EOf-1.38 of Tarpandighi ooppor-plate.lnuorip fone of Bengat II, P. 102,-Ed.]

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SAKTIPUR COPPER-PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA. REVERSE. PPRPHANTrtha pcmanamAnasazAicatargAtAnirikAtimA sthAnikAsA 30 gAyarAnAAmazAnatAzAsAta nizAnA yAtrInAgAmilAmA zAligrAmAtImatrAtAnALErAjastAna 32 HTINARHIrianAnahAsAgAta sAyanAzA zAzanAhaaERInavamAsAnanAjalazAnAia. . nAnArAmAsanAtanavAnnamAthilatArAtArUtAlAravAla 36 HamasaanAmasAgasavastrAgArAta, syAhAtAtapAta 38 IFTMaalaaENigsAmAgatasAtAmA vivAzAMnAaazam TIZmarakAmayAtanAsAnA tirAsasalI 38 dAyarAmAtAntriAvanasatapAsAlA nikaaytmaanaa| 40nimitakaganimAkoThAtimAgAyalAghAnA, 40 dAlanAsanasanI gausaprAzanAnapatrAgamanAyariyAnArAmA 42 yAtrAlayasanAsaMhitAmAyA rAnAgAchanAtitAajT 2 tasamajhImrAgAnanisinitra lAnA gAtArA kimAmAkAzAtAmAkAjadhAnamAliza mAtrAdhAraafaai # zAlatAnAnA trizahimAlayAmanikitAyA 46-tanAnatAvisAratasyAvAtazatitasitArAmapAna, 46 maTazAnizAnAmAnanInAzapAtAnatAlatAnAzAlAgAsa 48cAnakhAnanikAlaMgAnagariyAmApAsatAnAhAyaka 48 nachAAkirahatAnAnAnAnanAzakAtiisualkatAtatata zAha 500lagAtAnAasImonAsamnaizikatadimAnavazAlatA 50 sAkastAiyAnAsAkaDAmAThiAgAvAta DAIti ki nItAlAbAkisakAlAkAmAtainAnyAyAdi.1432 .51prAtamAThiAalanAgarika savAsAkInAikart smAsiniyatimAtrAvAlagAtAta . 25 272z61sAlatiyAzI"iriadAzikAvAdichita 56zalAzriAvasyAnAsAnAtilanisAmAnamAra prAmAnilimA pilijApAnatistinAtasUtI 58 AERAalhafelyzinaaspaataa|jinibhaanaalaa 58 52 SCALE: TWO-FIFTHS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. K. N. DIKSHIT. RER.No. 2924... 32.

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No, 87.) SAKTIPUR COPPER-PLATE OF LAKSHMANASENA. 5 NicAsitadevalapravarAya sAmavedakauthumazAkhAcaraNAnuSThAyine pAcAryatrI49 khabaradevazammeNa puNye pani vidhivadudavapUrvakaM bhagavantaM zrImanArAyaNabhaTTA" rakamuhikha mAtApicorAtmanaba puNyayagobhiye / zrIvalAlasenadevapradatta 46 gayAlabA(brA)cavAridAmana pratigrahItapaJcazatotpattikaca(je)capATakAbhidhAnayAsa46 no(na)[vinimayena etadrAghavAhAdiSaTpATakamAlekamuparilikhitapramANaM paJcAyato47 to'tyattiyoba (3)napATaka koThIjasva pasI punarvA()aNAya zrIkuverAbhidhAnAya sUryapI 48 etanmusajyAcandrA citisamakAlaM yAvamicidnyAyana tAvazAsanIkatya datta49 mamAbhistavaniH sarverevAnumantavyam [] bhAvibhirapi patibhirapAraNe narakapAta50 bhayAt pAkhane bharyagauravAt pAlanIya [0] bhavanti cAna dhamAnuzaMsinaH cokA: / bhUmi / 61 yaH pratipAti yaba bhUmi prayaccati [1] ubhI to pukhyakamANo niyataM vargagAminI [] 62 ba(ba)bhivadhA dattA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiH [1] yasya yasya yadA bhUmisvasta [takha] tadA phara(lam) [10 // "] pAsphoTa63 yanti pitaro basAyanti pitaamhaaH|"] bhUmidAtA kule jAtaH sa nakhAtA bhaviSati / [19] barSi varSasahasAvi kham tiSThati bhUmidaH [*] pAyetA cAnumantA ca tAnyeva naraka brajet // [12 // *] khadattA 65 paradattAgvA yo harata vasundharA [*] sa viDAyAM krimibhUtvA piDhabhiH saha - pacate // [12] iti kamala58 dalAmbu()pindulolAM biyamanuciva manucajIvitaca [1] sakalamidamudA bataca duSa' na hi ..puruSaH parakIrtayo vilopyAH / [14] zrImanamaNasenacovIndraH sAdhiviki kam [1] pipusa58 rilAha(ba)makarot saverakana zAsane dUdham // 1u'] saM . cAvadine 7 // . bInimahAsAni [] . iThis to is redundant, Most Amalfube Read buddha. MPumds. Matest Anmalfobi Motro i Amalfuble * Metro Puebpillyn 11 Bar ronde *Motast Amalnbi Metre : 4 m bl Motes Ugagiti.

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220 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. No. 38. THE TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA. By K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AYYAR, B.A., COIMBATORE. Of the collection of over twenty thousand inscriptions made by the Epigraphical Department in the Madras Presidency, the inscription edited here is unique in several respects. It is one of the biggest inscriptions known so far; it registers certain historical facts not known or noticed till now; it gives an insight into the details of the working of the official machinery and shows how the king's birth-day, the days of the natal star of persons of note, and festivals of public rejoicing were celebrated; it records provisions made for the maintenance of an educational institution and a hostel; above all, it furnishes detailed information, such as is available from no other source, regarding the upkeep of a hospital, the medicines stocked therein, the number of beds provided for in-patients, the endowment for a staff of nurses, physician, surgeon and compounder, and the provision for inferior servants such as the washerman, the potter and others that attended to the needs of the patients. In presenting the record, I have strictly confined myself to offering such remarks and suggestions as are required to elucidate the text. The inscription is engraved on the east wall of the first prakara of the Vishnu temple of Venkatesa-Perumal at Tirumukkudal in the Madhurantakam taluk of the Chingleput district. It was discovered and copied by me during the field season of 1915-16.1 There is a notice of it in the Annual Report on Epigraphy for that year. The village of Tirumukkudal derives its name from its situation at the confluence of the Palar with two of its tributaries, the Vegavati and the Cheyyar. The word 'tirumukkudal' means 'the confluence of three sacred (streams)'. The temple of Venkatesa-Perumal is picturesquely situated on a prominence on the bank of the combined river which at this place is naturally very broad. The spot is an ideal one for the erection of a temple, college, hostel and hospital. At the time of the record, all these were actually combined in one building with separate apartments for each section and located here as the inscription gives us to understand. Tirumukkudal is about two miles from Palaiya-Sivaram, a small station next to Walajabad in the Conjeeveram-Chingleput section of the South Indian Railway, and has to be reached by crossing the river. On the opposite side of the river is a small hillock on which stands another Vishnu temple which is sometimes frequented by pilgrims visiting Conjeeveram and about which there is a reference in our inscription under the name Tiruvenkatamalai. The temple of Venkatesa-Perumal is an ancient one. It has been in existence from the time of the Pallava king Vijaya-Nripatunga-vikramavarman of the ninth century A.D. as evidenced by a record of the 24th year of his reign found on a slab supporting a beam in the inner enclosure." According to this inscription, the god is called Vishnu-Bhatara. It was known by the name of Tirumukkudal-Alvar and Maha-Vishnu during Chola times, while a later epigraph calls it by the name Venkatesvara-svamin.5 The inscription under publication consists of 55 lines of writing and is engraved in two sections. In the first section the lines are very long and run to a distance of 55 feet. The entire space covered by the inscription is 540 square feet. The record is written in the Tamil language and alphabet, and the characters belong to the latter half of the eleventh century A.D. A few Grantha letters are used mostly in words of Sanskrit origin. The inscription is fairly well preserved, though in some places a few letters are badly damaged. One or two small inscribed slabs have fallen off Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1916, para. 4 on page 4. 2 Ibid, pp. 118f. No. 179 of the Madras epigraphical collection for 1915. 4 Nos. 169 and 182 of the same collection. No. 187 of the same collection.

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No. 38.) TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA. 221 and their places are filled up by plain ones. In the second section, a few pillars have been inserted in later times close to the inscribed wall and these obstruct a part of the inscription. Though the letters so obstructed have not come out in the impression, yet they have been read from the stone. Regarding the orthography of the record the following peculiaritiez deserve to be noted. The letters n and n have been quite indifferently used. The wrong employment of the former not only before n and r but also at the end of words is noticeable in many places, e.g., yannanrannai (1.4), Vimayanrannai (1. 4), magan and marravan (1.1). Similarly we find the incorrect use of ?! before t and at the commencement of words, e.g., samanta (l. 2), maindarum (1. 2) and Nulamba (1 4). There are several instances where the sandhi rules have not been observed : e.g., Irugaiyandevi (1. 1), porir-Dandao (1.4), tanmir-tio (1. 4), Kesavan- Dao (1.2) and Suuukkallirajaya (1.9). In the first three cases here cited, the t and d should have been changed into r, in the fourth, !! should have been omitted and in the fifth r should have been replaced by l. A few mistakes of spelling also occur, e.g., nintum for ninrun= (1.1), naltinai for natidai (1. 1) and punar for punar (1.1) The use of certain words and phrases deserves notice, e.g. Putpagappidi the name of a royal elephant' (1.3), kettini, (1. 6), kachchana (i.e., gadyana) (1.11), cholliya pokki, (1. 6), mudal tavirndu, mudal eduttu, (1. 11), viraselai and dasabandum (1. 11). The inscription opens with the historical introduction commencing with the words tiru-valar, etc., in which are chronicled, in greater detail than hitherto known, the political events that took place in the reign of the Chola king Rajakasarivarman alias Virarajendradeva up to the sixth year, the date of the record. It states that the king, while he was seated on the throne called Rajendrasola-Mavalivanarajan in his palace named Solakera!an-tirumaligai at Gangaikon.' dasolapuram, was pleased to order that the amount of 75 kalanju of gold which the residents of the devadana village of Vayalaikkavur had been paying towards the maintenance of a feeding house (sala)-together with certain customary dues raised from the same village which had been assigned as a salabhoga to the temple of Maha-Vishnu at Tirumukkudal in the second year of the king's predecessor Parakesarivarman Rajendradeva 'who took Rattapani 7 lakhs, and defeated Ahavamalla twice on the battle field '-should be entered in the accounts from the current year as a tax-free devadana to be utilised for the expenses (nimanda) of the god. This royal order (kelvi) of the king was committed to writing by an official whose designation was tirumandiravalai (Royal Secretary) and attested to by three others designated tirumandiravolai-nayayam (Chief Royal Secretary). When this royal mandate was received, certain officials who may be called the authorising officers (eval) gave the command and this was seconded by thirty-eight persons belonging to three sections or departments of the state, viz., six of udan kutam (Royal attendants or aide-de camps), twenty-eight of vidaiyil, i.e., those who issue permits, and four of the naduvirukkai (arbitrators). Thereafter thirty-two officers of the Accounts Department belonging to ten! different sections assembled together, of whom four persons authorised the entry, one read the order, another made the entry and still another issued the revised account. The entry made by the officers was to the following effect : The gift to the temple of Maha-Vishnu at Tirumukkudal consisted of (1) 75 kalanju of gold which the residents of Vayalaikkavur were paying for the sala, (2) certain specified dues on the said devadana village, and (3) 72 kalanju' and 9 manjadi of gold which formed a prior devadana 1 Theue ten sections are i) puravusvaritinaikkalam, (2) darippottagam, (3) puravutari-tinaikkala-kaykani, (4) mugavetti, (5) terippu, (6) taravu-sattu, (7) palaniyayam,(8) variyilidu, (9) varippottaga-kanakku and(10) prutfolai. Of these, the first may be taken to mean General Accounts,' the second 'Tax-Register,' the third Examiner of General Revenuen,' the fourth Index Keeper,' the fifth Receipta,' the sixth 'Opening and Cloring Accounts,' the seventh Old Artears, the eighth 'Entry in Tax-Register,' the ninth 'Accountant of Tax Register,' and the tenth 'Keeper of the Royal Orders'. :) kalauju - 20 manjadi ; 1 manjidi-2 luni 10 ma,

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222 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI, gift. Of these, items (1) and (3) amounted to 147 kalasju and 9 manjadi. The income on this, at the rate of 16 kalam of paddy by the rajakesari measure, per kalanju, amounted to 2359 kalam, 1 padakku, 3 nali, 1 alakku and 3 sevidul. This when converted into arumolidevan measure gave an excess of 884 kalan, 2 tani, 3 nali and 1 alakku after providing for kalvati, kalalavu-kuli and korralavu-vasi, calculated at the rate of 1 kalam, 1 tuni and 4 nali of arumolidevan for each rajakesari kalam. Thus, the paddy income in favour of the temple on these two items alone came to 3243 kalam, 2 tuni, 1 padakku, 6 nali, 1 ulakku and 3 sevidu. The third item (No. 2) amounted to 2161 kasu and 2 ma. It was made up of 364 kasu obtained by converting 11 kalanju of gold derived from the taxes or fees ur-kalanju (=1 kalanju), kumara-kachchanam (=1 kalanju), min-pattam (=37 kalanju) and kilirai-paltam (=54 kalanju) together with the incomes of 281 kasu and 4 ma from dasavandam, 254 kafu and 3 ma from madaikkuli, 3 kaiu from mudal-selavu, 14 kasu from vannakkakkuli, i kasu from tarippudavai, it kabu from tingalmera and 118 kafu from velikkasu, Then are detailed the items of expenditure to be defrayed from this income of 3243 and odd kalam of paddy and 2161 kasu and 2 ma of money. The table appended hereto will indicate how the incomes of paddy and money were expended annually in the temple and the institutions attached thereto. It may be stated here that the provision made in this inscription is (1) for meeting the various expenses connected with the temple, (2) for the maintenance of a Vedio school with a hostel and (3) for the upkeep of a hospital. As regards the first, the record provides for offerings to be made to the god Alvar, three times daily-morning, noon and night, for offerings to be made to the deity Sri-Raghavachakravartin, i.e., Rama at noon (nearly 601 kalams); for sandal-paste and its ingredients karpura and kurkuma and for lamps (68 kasu); for special offerings to be made on the occasion of the festivals in the months of Aippasi, Masi, Karttigai 14 well as for the hunting festival and Jayantyashtami (the birth-day of Ksishna) (28 kalam, 1 kuruni and 51 nali); for a grand offering to be made on the occasion of the king's birth-day anniversary falling on the asterism Aslesha in the month Avani (6 kalam, 5 kuruni and 2 nali); for purchasing cloth to cover the images of gods and for offerings to be made on the birth-day asterism (Puradam in the month of Karttigai) of the Vaisya Madavan Damayan, who built the Jananatha mandapa in the temple (6 kalan, 5 kuruni and 2 nali); for the expenses to be met on the pecesion of taking the deity Vennaikkutta]van, i.e., Ksishna in procession on the day of Tiruvonam in the month of Purattasi of every year (5 kalam); for meeting the expenses of feeding Sri-Vaishnavas on various festive occasions (88 kalam, 11 kuruni and 4 nali); for payments to be made to an astrologer for announcing festivals, the songster for reciting the tiruvaymoli hymns, the cultivators that looked after the flower-garden of Virabolap, the Vaikhanasa-devakanmis (priests worshipping the deity according to the Vaikhanasa mode), accountant, potter and washerman attached to the temple (382 kalam and 6 kuruni); for repairs to be executed annually in the tiruchchurrumaligai, j.e., the inner enclosure (40 kalam) and for purchasing cloth for various servants (131 kasu). Then follow provisions made for the maintenance of a Vidic college in this temple. One teacher taught the Rig-Veda and received annually 60 kalam of paddy and 4 kafu ; another tought the Yajur Veda and was paid a similar fee. A Bhatta expounded Vyakarane and Rupavatis !! he got annually 120 kalam of paddy and 10 kabu, i.e., little more then the combined honorarium paid to the two Vedic teachers. The hostel attached to the college fed daily 60 persons consisting of 10 Brahmans who studied the Rig Veda, 10 Brahmans who studied the Yajur-Vada, 20 Brahmans and students who studied the Vyakarana and the Rupavatara and 10 Maha-panchartre, 1 The following are the relative capacities of the measures mentioned horo - balan - 19 kuusi or 314 or 6 padakku : 1 kurumi8 nali ; 1 naji - 2 uri; 1 uri-2 Jakku ; ! Jakku-2 Jakku and i dlaktum ferida # Soe p. 229 I, below. On Rupdrafdra, so my remarks, abovo Vol. XVIII, p. 66.

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No. 38.] TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA. 223 Siva-Brahmanas, 5 Vaikhanasas and 2 of another class the name of which is lost in the inscription. The feeding expenses, inclusive of the cost of mats and oil for lamps and for bathing on 51 Satur days of the year, and wages of cooks and maid-servants who served the students and the teachers, came to 1642 kalam and 6 kuruni of paddy and 37 kadu. From the fact that the hostel fed not only the students studying the Rig-Veda, the Yajur Veda, the Vyakarana and the Rupavatara but also a certain number of Maha-Panchratras, Siva-Brahmanas and Vaikhanasas, it may be inferred that the agamas and tantras-such as the Pancharitra, Saiva and Vaikhn48&-were also taught. The word Siva-Brahmana occurs very frequently in South Indian inscriptions and it has been generally taken to mean those belonging to the Saiva religion; but our inscription seems to indicate that it has the special significance of one studying the Baiv-Agama' referring as it does to a class of students of the school. It is interesting to find that the students in the hostel were provided with mats to lie on and lights for night study and were given oil for bath once a week throughout the year. The appointment of the maid-servants was meant for keeping the premises clean. As the education imparted was mostly religious in character, it is but natural that the temple was the principal centre of education, as we know from this and other inscriptions. One of the epigraphs of Uttaramellur belonging to the reign of the Chol, king Rajendra-Chola I (A.D. 1013 to 1045) registers & gift of land as Paviliya-kidaippuram and stipulates that the men who enjoyed the income from it should live in the village and teach the Veda. Another inscription of the same time registers a similar gift of land as Taittiriya-kidaipe puram, i.e., for teaching the students of the Taittiriya-Sakha. In the temple at Tiruvorriyur near Madras, there was built & pavilion known as the Vyakarana-dana-mandapa wherein was expounded Panini's Grammar. Besides the provision made for the study of the Vedas, Grammar and the Agamas (Veda-vritti, adhyayana-vritti and Bhatta-vritti), there are numerous inscriptions in the Madras Epigrapbical collection which refer to gifts made for the maintenance of persons expounding the Mahabharata, Somasiddhanta, Prabhakara and the Mimamhsa (Apurvas). By far the biggest college established for the study of the Vedas and grammar and known to us from inscriptions, existed in the 11th century A.D. at a place called Ennayiram in the South Arcot District, which contained as many as 370 students studying the various subjects. The last item of expenditure was for the maintenance of a hospital wherein were treated students living in the hostel, and temple servants that were sick. This hospital was provided with 15 beds, and was in charge of a physloian who was paid annually 90 kalans of paddy and 8 kadu in addition to a grant of land, for prescribing medicines to the patients lying in the hospital of Virabolap, the servants attached to the institutions and the teachers and students of the Vedio college. Besides the phyeician, there was one surgeon who received 80 kalam of paddy, two persons for fetching medicinal herbs who were paid 60 kalam of paddy and 2 kasu-these persons also supplied fire-wood and attended to the preparation of medicines,-two nurses who received 30 kalam of paddy and 1 katu, and attended on the patients and administered medicines, and & 1 The Panchratra was so called becauso it had five Samhitas, viz., Paramosvara, Sattvata, Vishvakana, Khagodvara and Sri-Paushkara. According to the Varaha-Purana the persons eligible to study pajichandera are the first three classes and it was one of the four means of realising God, the other three boing Veda, bakit and yajila, Steadvija and gurukkaare terms employed ayon now to denote persons conducting worship in Siva temples. * Soul-Ind. I neers., VI, VI, No. 812. Kidai in Tamil means teacher and paviliya, term that is not explained in dietjonaries, is connectod phonetically with Bahoricha. As such, the provision made my bo for tonohing the Rig Veda .Iwd., No. 316,

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224 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXI. barber who received 15 kalam of paddy probably for performing minor operations in addition to his professional duties. The sick ration consisted of 1 nali of rice per head per day. Besides the above, a provision of 27 kasu for a lamp to be kept burning in the hospital during nights, 15 kalam of paddy for the water-man and 40 kasu for stocking medicines was also made. The medicines stored in the hospital were : (1) Brahmyam-kadumburi, (2) Vasa-haritaki, (3) Go-mutra-haritaki, (4) Daba-mula. haritaki, (5) Bhallataka-haritaki, (6) Gandira, (7) Balakeranda-taila, (8) Panchakataila, (9) Lagunady-eranda-taila, (10) Uttama-karnadi-taila, (11) Sukla . . . sa-ghiita, (12) Bilvadi-ghrita, (13) Mandukara-vatika, (14) Dravatti, (15) Vimala, (16) Sunetri, (17) Tamradi, (18) Vajrakalpa, (19) Kalyanaka-lavana and (20) Purana ghrita. Of these medicines, No. (1), if it refers to Brahmya-rasayana, is described in verses 38 to 54 of Charaka-Samhita, chapter I, and Ashtangahridaya, chapter XXXIX, verses 15 to 23. The ingredients that enter into the composition of this medicine are 44 in number. The preparation is as follows:-1,000 chebulic myrobulans and 3,000 fresh embellic myrobalans together with 250 palas of the five panchamulas (i.e., of 25 roots) are boiled in 10 times, the quantity of water till the whole is reduced to one-tanth. The liquid is then strained and the decoction taken. In it the powder of myrobalans without the nuts is thrown. To the mixture is added the pulve of 4 palas each of manduka-parna, pippali, sankhapushpi, etc., and 1,000 palas of sugar-candy together with 2 adhakas of oil and 3 adhakas of ghee and the whole boiled in slow fire until it reaches the consistency of an electuary. 320 palas of honey are then added and the whole well churned. This medicine, says the author, sharpens the intellect, removes fatigue, improves memory and gives longevity and strength. As these are the essential requirements of a student, it naturally heads the list of medicines intended mostly for them. No. (3) of the medicines is noticed in the 67th verse of chapter IX of Charaka- and in chapter Vi of Sufruta-Samhita. From the text we gather that Go-mutra-haritaki is simply chebulic myrobalans soaked in cow's urine for one night. Susruta states that if it is taken with honey in the morning, it will cure internal piles. It may also be noted that in the treatment of Pandu-roga, Vagbhata (chapter XVI) says that haritaki taken with cow's urine removes jaundice. The text giving this information is adopted from Charaka. No. (4) is described in the Ashlangahridaya, chapter XVII, verges 14 to 16, which state that the medicine is prepared by taking the decoction of the dasamula (ten roots), putting in it 100 chebulic myrobalans and one tula of jaggery and boiling the whole into a l@hya and mixing with it the powder of trijata, trikatu, and a little of yava-sukaja and when cooled adding half a prastha of honey. This medicine is said to be capable of curing dropsy, fever, diseases of urinary organs, tubercules, rheumatism, haemorrhages, colour in the urine, wind, sperm disease, lung disease, distaste for food and enlargement of the spleen. It by No. (6) is meant Gandiradyarishtha, it is described in verses 27 to 29 of Charaka-Samhita, chapter XVII. The ingredients that enter into the preparation of this medicine are (1) gandira (solanum verbasifolium), (2) bhallataka (semicarpus anacardium), (3) chitraka (plumbago zeylanica), (4) vyosha (pepper, piper longum and dry ginger), (5) brihati-dvaya (solanum indicum and solanum canthocarpum), and (6) vedanga. Two measures of each of these are taken and cooked with 8 measures of kurchika-mastu, i.e., water taken by straining curdled milk in the fire of cakes of cow. dung. When reduced to a third and cooled, the liquid has to be strained and mixed with 8 mearures of prakrita-mastu and 100 palas of sugar-candy, plumbago zeylanica and piper longum for some of the references to chapter and verres relating to Indian medicine, which are incorporated in the pote, I am indebled to Mr. P. S. Ramaswami Aiyor of Glopighettipalatyam,

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No. 38.) TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA. 326 and then to be used after keeping it for ten days. This medicine is said to cure dropsy, fistula, haemorrhoids, krimi (worms), skin disease, disease of urinary organs, different forms of leanness, wind and hiccough. Panchaka-taila (No. 8) may be identical with Taula-panchaka described in Charaka under gulmas. The five ingredients of this medicine are gingely oil, liquor, cow's urine, viniger and yavagraja. By the last is perhaps meant the liquid strained from green barley shoots reduced to ashes mixed with four times the quantity of water. This medicine is said to be capable of curing tubercules. Bilvadi-ghrita (No. 12) is dealt with in the chapter on Grahani-chikitsa-prakarana of Yogaralnakara. The drugs that enter into the medicine are (1) bilva (aegle marmelos), (2) agni (plumbago zeylanica), (3) chavya (poper chaba), (4) ardraka (ginger), (5) bringa-bera (a variety of double ginger), (6) ghee and (7) chhaga-dugdha (goat's milk). The first five are subject to the process of kwatha and kalka and mixed with (6) and (7) and cooked. This medicine cures dropsy, distaste and grahani. Verses 70 to 75 of chapter XX of Charaka and verses 15 to 20 of chapter XVI of Ashtangahridaya deal with Mandukara-vatika (No. 13). The drugs that compose the medicine are triphala triyushana musta, vedanga, chavya, chitraka, darvi, tvang, makshika, granthika and dewa-datu. Two palas each of these substances are powdered and cooked in eight times the quantity of cow's urine and then the fine powder of mandura equal to double the quantity of the other churnas are added and pills made of the size of udumbara (ficus glomerata) and taken with butter-milk. This medicine cures anaemia, skin disease, dropsy, phlegm, piles or haemorrhoids, jaundice, spleen and diseases connected with urinary organs and spleen. According to one authority, the ingredients that compose Vimala (No. 15) are sankha, priyangu, nepali, the trikafu and the triphalas. Another gives the ingredients as madhuka, maricha, pippali, lodhra, taru-rajans and the triphala. This medicine is said to remove from the eyes timira, patala, kacha and kandu. The preparation of the vartti known as Suneri (No. 16) is described in the Sahasrayoga under netrar Ogaprakarana. A large number of drugs such as the three acrids, the three fruits, plumbago zeylanica, almus integrefolia, embelia ribes, white lotus, liquorice, rock salt, camphor, conch, achorus calamus, gairika, the two kinds of sandal, laksha, lodhra, copper sulphate, pitarohini, enter into the composition of this medicine. It is said to be capable of curing all kinds of eye diseases such as kacha, pushpa, palala, urana, daha, raga, kandu, timira, kukkima, and adhimamsa. The preparation of kalyanaka-lavana (No. 19) is given in verses 29 and 30 of the chapter on Arsa roga in the Vrindamadhava. The ingredients are the Bhallataka group, the three fruits, danti and chitraka, i.e., plumbago zeylanica, in equal parts with twice the quantity of Saindhava Balt. The historical importance of the present record lies in the valuable information it gives regarding the king's exploits in the island of Ceylon, besides the facts known from other inscriptions!. The historical introduction of Virarajendra's inscriptions begins in three different ways. In two sets of records it commences with the words tiru valar, etc., and furnishes complete information regarding his military exploits, while one set of inscriptions begins with the words virame tunai in which these heroic deeds are referred to in brief. A few records of the former type supply us with a list of appointments made and honours conferred by the king on his relations. In some places the smaller historical introductions supplement the information given in the longer ones. A study of all the records of Virarajendra so far known would 18.1. I., Vol. III, pp. 32 ff. and 193 ff. whore Dr. Haltuoh has exhiustively dealt with the historioul Inote of Vtrarijendra's reign.

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226 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. show that he was crowned king immediately after his victorious return from the battle field of Kudal-Sangama. Since the three campaigns against the Western Chalukyas in the regions of Gangavadi, Vengi and Kudal-Sangama find mention even in a second year record of the king, they have to be placed before A.D. 1062 which was the year of his accession to throne as calculated by Professor Kiel horn. It is therefore fairly certain that in this very year his elder brother Parakesarivarman Rajendradeva died which gave the occasion for Virarajendra to proceed straight from the last campaign to the capital and have his coronation ceremony celebrated along with his queen Ulagamulududaiyal as stated in his epigraphs. It is plain that the series of campaigns against the Western Chalukyas must have been begun by Rajendradeva and completed by Virarajendra after the former's death. King Virarajendra started his career, it may be noted, by making his position secure by conferring honours on his relations." Virarajendra's dealings with Pottappi, an un-named Kerala king, as well as the younger brother of Jananatha and Virakesari,' the son of the Pandya king Srivallabha are mentioned in a record of his fourth year, and as such might have taken place in about A.D. 1065. About the same time the Chola king being invited to fight a combat by Ahavamalla through a war messenger, advanced against him and defeated him a second time in the very field appointed by himself. Then taking a vow that he would not return before he re. covered possession of the Vengi country, he directed his arms to that quarter, accomplished his object and thus fulfilled his elder brother's desire, and then had his anointment of victory vvjay-abhisheka) performed. 7 The Vergi country was first invaded by Rajaraja I (9851013 A.D.) and was again overrun by Rajendra-Chola 18, but it appears that his successors Rajadhiraja I and Rajendradeva did not assert their right over it. This neglect on their part to hold the reins tight in the Vangi country gave room to the Eastern Chalukyas to throw off the Chola yoke. Rajendradeva seems to have realised the necessity of bringing this tract back under the Cholas but he died without effecting it. The Kanyakumario inscription clearly refers to this neglected patrimony of the Cholas, won back by Virarajendra. It says :bhAvabhyAM samupaikSitaM janapadaM vaMzakramAbhyAgataM krAntaM vairimahezvarairasibalenonkaliGgAnapi / jitvA patra paraMparAmatibalA hitvA ca bhotAnbahalchImAnbajanitipasiH kSemeNa taM sonvazAt / Before 1067 A.D., the Chola sovereign burnt the city of Kampili, set up a pillar of victory at & place called Karadikal (which must be different from another pillar set up on the banks of the Tungabhadra as reported in our inscription), gained victories at Bezwada, got back Kannakuchchi (Kanyakubja), took the head of the Pandya, levied tribute from the Chera, defeated Vijayabahu and brought Ceylon under subjection. Proceeding again to the north, he defeated & number of chiefs who were fighting under the banner of the Chalukyas, set up a third pillar of victory at Sattukkal, gained victories at Chakkarakottam and Kavi and destroyed the Kalioga country.lo 1 Bee for instance South-Ind. I nars., Vol. V, No. 976. * South-Ind. Inacra., Vol. III, p. 33 and also No. 976 of 8. 1. 1., Vol. V. Jananatha has been taken to be the king of Dhara for which there is no warrant. * Ply considering Virakesari as the son of Srivallabha, I differ from De. Hultzach. The achievemente noted in this paragraph were accomplished by the end of Rajendradova's reigo. (See No. 20 of 8. I, I., VOL. III.) .Toid., No. 20. * Ibid., Vol. IV, No. 839. These additional facts are recorded in No. 82 of the Madras epigraphical collection for 1892. See also No. 30 of South Ind. Iner 8., Vol. III, and Nos. 98 of 1892 and 132 of 1902. * That this king himself was engaged in subduing the countries of the U Hardpatha is recorded in an insorip. tion of Rajadbirija I found at Eppayiram (Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1918, p. 145.). . Travancore Aschaological Series, Vol III, p. 148, v. 77. 4 Thou achievements are noticed in inporiptions of the 6th year of the king's reiga. Sne for instance the present cord and No. 83 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1898,

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No. 38.1 TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA.. 327 Regarding the location of Virarajendra's pillars of victory in the Chalukya country, Karadikal is referred to in a Nanarese inscription from Uchchangidrug in the Bellary district as Karadi. kal-nadu of which the village of Kandavadige is said to be the face. Nandavadige and Karadikal may, therefore, be identified with Nandavadige and Karadi, two villages in the Hungund Taluka of the Bijapur district on the border of the Nizam's Dominions situated to the south of the Kpishna river. They are only at a distance within 5 miles of each other. As noted above, the most important historical facts gathered from our inscription relate to the war with Ceylon. It is stated that 'Virarajendra despatched a number of vessels to Ceylon, commenced a war in that island which was protected by the sea, routed the Singhalese army; and as there arose a great tumult, when it was reported that Kurukulattaraiyan and other feudatories fell in the field, king Vijayabahu ran away and the Chola king got possession of his queen and crown along with his family treasures and gems and made Lanka his own.' This event, which, as we have pointed out above, happened in A.D. 1066, is of importance for the synchronism it affords to the Singhalese chronicle Mahavamsa, where the causes that led to the war and further details connected with it are narrated at great length. According to the chronicle, the name Vijayabahu was assumed by Kitti' when he became sub-king. Almost in the first year of his reign he was defeated by a Chola sovereign and forced to take refuge in a fortress on the hills. He is then said to have obtained help from the ruler of the Ramanna country and to have dwelt at Tamalagama. About the 11th year of his reign the Singhalese scornfully set at naught the authority of the Cholas and vexed the Chola officers of revenue. And when the Chola king heard of it, he was greatly provoked and sent a large army under his general against Ceylon. The general landed at Mahatittha, slaughtered the people of the various parts of the country and brought them under subjection. Vijayabahu now built a fortress at Pulatthapabbata, fought with and killed the Chola general and proceeded to Pulatthi with a large army. When the Chola king was informed of these tidings, he desired to take Vijayabahu captive, went to the sea-port himself and sent a larger army than before to the island. The lord of Lanka, hearing this, sent his general who encountered them at Anuradhapura and fought a great battle. But many of Vijayabahu's men fell in the field and the people went over to the Chola side. Thereupon Vijayabahu left the city of Pulatthi and fled away to Villikahana. When he was told that the governor of the Cholas pursued him even there, he went away to Vatagiri, built a fortress at its toot, made war for three months and drove back the Tamils. Of the two wars noted above as having been waged by Vijayabahu with the Cholas, it is fairly certain that the latter is the one alluded to in the extract given from our inscription of Virarajendra as having been fought with him in about A.D. 1066. Of the other war which took place 11 years previously, we have also epigraphical confirmation in Tamil records. It is the one recorded as having been waged by Parakesarivarman Rajendradeva, the predecessor of Virarajendra, in A.D. 1055. Rajendradeva's inscriptions state that he despatched a war-like army into the southern region, seized on the battle-field the two sons of Manabharana and captured Lanka. Thus our inscription enables us to say that Vijayabahu's accession took place in about A.D. 1055, that he fought with Rajendradeva in that very year and that in A.D. 1066 he had to meet Virarajendra's forces. From the Singhalese account we learn the cause of the war and the different places which witnessed the scene of action. Except these two wars, Vijayabahu had no further encounter with the Cholas till late in his reiga, 1.e., in the 30th year corresponding to A.D. 1085 when Kulottunga was the Chola ruler. 18. 1. I., Vol. VI, p. 197. He is said to be the sidest son of Magalana. It is stated that the latter we well verned in the ways of the world and was known to all mon as "the great lord ". Ho greatly loved the order of priosthood and was the habitation of many loating virtuen. * Wifeanhn'translation, Ch. LVIII, pp. 97 t. .Ibid., p. 68

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228 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. From this inscription it is further learnt that while most of the articles of daily use were obtained by exchange of paddy, there were some which could be had only for cash. A few articles were sold both for grain and money. Among the articles that were obtained exclusively for money may be mentioned sandal-paste, karpuram, kurkumam, honey and turmeric. The purchasing power of one kadu was 8 palams of sandal, 576 palams of sugar, 1 a kalanju of kunkumam, 2 nali of honey or 200 palams of turmeric. The price of cloth varied according to the size. Oil and sugar were obtained both for money and paddy. The price of oil was 20 nali per kasu ; 10 palams of sugar were obtained in exchange for 16 nali of paddy; and 1 kasu fetched 576 palams. Cereals and vegetables were generally obtained by exchanging paddy. It is seen that milk, curds and salt had the same value and could be had by giving twice the quantity of paddy. Ghee, pepper and cumin were highly prized and they required 32 times their measure of paddy. Unhusked green pulse exchanged with twice the quantity of paddy, while clean pounded pulse required 4 times the quantity of paddy. To get a certain measure of rice, 21 times the quantity of paddy is provided for. This seems to include wages for husking and cleaning. Betel-leaves, areca-nuts, plantain fruits and cocoanuts were sold by number. A bundle of 80 betel-leaves formed a katlu or parru and its price was 2 nali of paddy. A nali of paddy had the purchasing power of 5 areca-nuts or 2 plantain fruits; and 1 kuruni of paddy was exchanged for 3 cocoanuts. The geographical names that occur in this inscription are easy of identification. Gargapali (1.1) is the Western Ganga territory comprising 96,000 villages with its capital at Talakkad or Talakadu. Vengai-nadu (1.1) is the East coast littoral ruled over by the Eastern Chalukya kings. Tusgapattirai (1.1), on whose bank a pillar of victory was set up, is the Tungabhadra. Kulal Sangama (1.1) or Kudal (1.4), where more than one battle was fought between the Cholas and the Chalukyas, is a place at the confluence of the rivers Klishna and the Pancha-Ganga. Kosalai (1.2) is the ancient territorial division of Kosala. Gangaimanagar (1.4), Gangapuri (1.7) or Gangaikondacholapuram (1. 10) is identical with the last-mentionud place in the Udaiyarpalaiyam Taluk of the Trichinopoly District. It was founded by Rajendra-Chola I (A.D. 1010-1015) and made the capital of the Chola dominions. The temple here is of the model of the great Pagoda at Tanjore built by Rajaraja I (A.D. 985-1013). Irattapali (1.5) or Rattapadi, 7 lakhs, is the country of the Rattas. Karandai (1. 5) has been identified with Inchal-Karanji, in the neighbourhood of Kudal-Sangama. Kuntala (1.5) is certainly the Western Chalukya territory. Visaiyavadai (1. 6) is undoubtedly the modern Bezwada. The seven Kalingas (1.6) form the territorial division on the East coast, north of Vengi, ruled by the Eastern Gaigas. Ilam (1.7) or Ilangai is Ceylon. Chakkarakkottam (1.9) has been identified with Chakrakotta in the Bastar State. I am not able to trace sonaiyanagar (1.9) and Kavi (1. 10). Imaiyam (1. 10) is another name for the Himalayas and Setu (1. 10) is the southernmost point of India near Ramesvaram. Madurantaka-chaturvedimangalam is no other than Madhurantakam, A station in the S. I. Railway and the Headquarters of a Taluk in the Chingleput District. Tirumukkulal, though 10 miles away from it, was included in it in ancient times perhaps for administrative purposes. Jayangondachola-mandalam is the name given to the ancient Pallava territory of Tondai-mandalam during the days of Rajaraja I, who bore the designation of Jayangonda-Chola. Kasattar-kottam is one of the 24 districts of it. The village of Vayalalkkavur (1. 11) and Alpakkam (1.43) are very near Tirumukkudal. Minarkudi in Idaigala-nadu, a sub-division of Vijayarajendra-valanalu in sola-mandalam (1.52) Ayandampakkam in Agudi-nadu, & sab-division of Pular-kottam in Jayangondachola mandalam (1.53 f.), Rajasundari-chaturvedimangalam in another sub-division of the same province, are other geographical names that occur in this epigraph. 1 Above, XII, p. 298. * Ibid. * Ibid.

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No. 38.) TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA. Details of Expenses. No. Item. Rate. Total expenses for the year. Kal ka na al Kal ka na al bo Daily expenses. Sirukalai-sandi . Akkaradalai . Night, Pal-popagam For Sri-Raghavachakravartin .. 600 4 0 0 0 9 8 0 0 8 10 0 1 6 0 -On . 5 6 Special occasions and festivals. Aippa i festival Mai festival Hunting festival . Jayantyashtami Karttigai-Karttigai. King's Birtbday Birth-day of Vaisya Madavap Damayap Purattasi-Tiruvonam Feeding Sri-Vaishnavas on Amavasya days. Do. during Procession to Tiruvengadamalai. Do. during Procession from Tiruvengadamalai Do. during Purattasi Tiruvopam Do. during Aippaki festival Do. during Margali festival Do. during Maki-Makham. 0 000 Ravn CO CO COMO RAFO-oo aw + C A ORO 8 17 8 8 4 8 0 0 1788 134 11 6 2 0 Services. 0 6 1 Tiru Tiruvaymoli Songeter Gardeners . . Special Tiru . Vaikhanasa Devakanmis Accountant . . Potter . . . Washerman . . Tiramukkudal Perayan ooooooooo 1 0 : : 382 6 0 0 0 80 OOOO Repairs School Rig-Voda teacher . Yajur Veda teacher. Vyakarana teacher 2 0 0 240 8 10 60 Hostel Expenses of 60 Students Hospital . . . Waterman . . . Ilamachoham and cardamom Dakshini, botel-loaves, sto. 90 1,402 6 0 866 74 0 0 15 0 0 0 0 86 o 8.848 8 6 1 :

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930 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. Details of Expenses-contd. No. Item. Rate. Total expenses for the Vsar. kalku na ul kalku na o 88 :: : :: : Tiru . : Money Expenses. Sugar for Akkaradalai Sandal-paste and its iagredients Oil Karttigai : : King's Birthday Damayan's Birthday Songster Devakanmi Accountant . Perayan. Rig.Veda teacher Yajur Veda teacher. Vyakarana Bhatta. Cook .. . Maid-servant. Oil (for students) :: :: : : :: 63 : Hospital: . . . 8 kafu Physician Fuel and herbs Nurses . . . Medicines . 40 Oil (hospital). Madavan Damayan. 17 ma An item of 7 kasu is lost in the original. With this, 2167 kasu and two mi are made up. 2 NOTE.-The quantity of sugar required daily for akkarudalai is 32 palam. Hence the requirement for a year of 360 days comes to 11,520 palam. Since 1 kafu fetched 576 palam of sugar, the amount of money required for sugar is 20 kasu. The requirement of sandal-paste for a year at palam per clay is 180 palam. This at the rate of 8 palam per kabu amounted to 221 kasu. The requirement of karpura n for the same item is 114 ka laaju: and this at the rate of ka langu per la bu comes to 22) kab. Another ingredient for this item is kunku mam which cost 1 kafu. Thus the total for this item amounts to 46 kasu. TEXT. Svasti Sril * Tiru-valar-tiral-puyatt-iru-nila-valaiyan=tan mani-ppun-ena=tta[ngi)-ppan mani-kkorra-venrkudai-nilali kuvalaiyatt=uyingalai=pperta tayi[num] peni martulav=arai-kalal-araibar tanp-afdi-nila]l--odunga urai-pilatt=udai-Kaliyodunga murai beydu virai-malar-tberiyal Vikkalan-rappoclu vari-bilai-ttada-kkaim .-samentaraik[Kangapdi-[k*]kalattidai-nin tu]n=1 Tun[ga]pattirat puga=tturatti (ar]g-avar Ve[n]gai-[nan]nattinai' mittum=avan vitta tang-ar[um-peru)-vali-ttandu [keda=tjtakki madanda-nayakan Samandarajanei=chcberr=avan si[ra]ttinaiy=aguttu [ma]m-VARgru-[magal-Agiya] Irugayan-davi Nagalaiy-ennu{n}=t[o]gaiy-an-chayalai mugattodu mukku ver-a]kki pagaitt-edir munram visaiyilum (Jemmar poruvan-en-kkarudi ppar pupapladnlsangamatt-Abavamallan makkal-agiya Vikkalap SingapaReed nipah * There is some correstion here in the original. Read ninune * Bonda Read venar.

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No. 38.) TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA. 331 2 epx-ivar tammo[du] enn-il samantarai veniada-tubi mun vituttan-runai maialdarulo tapum pign-adutt-irundu vada-kadal-ena vaguttav!=d-ttanaiyai=kkada-kalir-opra[1]= kkalakki adal-puri-Kosalai-Singanai=kkodi-ppadai tan mun tubi-ven-kalirrodun= tunittu=kKesavan-Dandanayakan Kettaraiban tindiral-Marayan tiral Pottaraiban Irechchayan igal-sey-por-Kodai Muvendi eprar tand-adu-tuppil-anega samantaraichchinna-pinpan=cheydu pinnai-mudaliy=agiya Muduvanan oda viritta talaiyodu Vikkalan oda seru-ttolil-a[lindu Singa]naq oda annal mudaligal=anaiva[ru]m ma-por-ppannina pagad=iland-oda nannina Ahavamallanum=avapku munnroda-[ttlan vega-ven-kalirrinai vigakka vagai-kond=ang-avar taramum=avar-kula-danamun= changun=tongalun=taraiyum periyum megadamba3 ramum ven-chamaraiyun=chukara-kkodiyum makara-toranamum=ottaga-niraiyumm-ulok asanamum (put)page-ppiliyum poru-kalirr-ittamum pay-pari-ttogaiyodum parittu= chchey-oli-virasinhasana[m plar tolav=eri elil-taru-Ulagamulududaiyarum visaimani-makutam eyndu kusai-kol tattu-ma-puravi-pPottappi-vendanai varana-valaikalar-Keralanrannai-[t]tar-Sa[na]nadan-rambiyai-ppor-kalatt-alangal-sal-pasuntalaiy=arindu pulan-kalar-Rennavan Srivallaban magan siruvanai min-navil-manimudi-Virakesariyai [ma]da-varaiy-onral=udaippittu=ttan kaiyil Seralar tammodu bengiraiyar kulam ver-pasind=adi mel-kadal vila varana-por-adanir=chelutti Variyil-enn-arun-kalirrin 'Irattarai=kkavarnda kanniyar kalirrodun=katti-ppanna ppidiyodum=ang-avar=idu? tirai tanta vela-[ni]rai kondu suli-punal-kond-[a]r-kuru . 4 mir-kufitta vem-porir=Dandanayakar tammir10-tindiral Vill 11 iyannanaiyum Vanjippayanaila . . . 18lgu mada-kalimru. . . . . . 14ndar Asokaiyan tanpaiyum tindirar-Chattiyannanaiyun=Chanduvigraha-pPat[tiyan]nan(rannaiyu]m [a]-ttagu tem-aru-teriyav-Vima ya*]n-rannai se-nadi-Vangaranaiyum nama-ver-Kanganai Nulambanai-kKadavar-konai vamb-uyarls-mada-sanai1o-Vaiydum. barasapaiy=iru[n]-17talaiy=arindu perum-punar-ra[n]adu-Gangaimanagar taiyttapin tingalil vali-varu-Salukki i-ppaliyodum valva[di]l savade sala-pant-enfu evamurr=unniya sindaiyan-agi munnam pudalvarun=tanu[m*] mudugu-kodutt-udaindu Kudale kalam-ena-kkurittu=kKudalil-va[ra]d=anjinar mannavar-allarga! por-pperumpali-ppirattar-agav=enr=iy 1 The letter va may also be read a. ? vilakki is the reading in Nos. 20 and 30 of South-Ind. Inact 8., Vol. III. * Delete the ra. * The letter vi looks like mi in the original. * Udagaiyil is the reading in the Takkolam inscription, while No. 30 of South-Ind. Inscr 8., Vol. III, has Ula gaiyil * This letter is badly formed and looks like mi in the original. * Vidu is the reading in the South-Ind. Inacrs., Vol. III, No. 30. * Kondar-kuru mir is replaced by kond-arr-uravir in No. 30 of South-Ind. Inscr., Vol. III. . Read either poril or porir. Ra. 10 Correct it into lammil or tammir-rindi. 11 South-Ind. Inscr 8., Vol. III, No. 30, has Malli. 11 Vanji is replaced by Manji in No. 30 of South-Ind. Inacre., Vol. IIL ** Some letters are completely worn out here. The gap may be filled up with the syllablos yum pi, 14 Road pira maderanaiyum la in the gap. 15 Vamb-uyar is replaced by mangu in No. 30 of South-Ind. Inact 8., Vol. III, 14 Read yanai. 17 Between ta and las there is some empty space. 18 Min is another reading.

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EPIGRAFHIA INDICA. 5 avarum-ariyav=eludiya sapadame varum-olai vidaiyodun-kuduttu Irattapadi-1pipirattaril me-tagu Gang[a]-kKe[t]tanaiy=eva ang-avan vand-adi vanangiy-a-vvachakamum= mugamun-tiru-ppuyam-irandum end-elil-ugaviyor1-irumadangu poliya-ppond-ap-por-kalam pu[gu]ndu Karandaiyil Vallavar-[k]onai [va]ravu kanad-avan solliya nalin-melum-oru-tinga! patt-inid-irunda-pinnai pertt-avan ka[l] kedav=odi mel-kadalil-olittalun-Devanadanun-Chittiyun-Kesiyum muvarum tani-ttan mudugida=ppav-arum Irattappadi el-arai ilakkamum mura-ttolil-adakki mulangeri [mu]tti ven-kada-ppuliy=eri viyandu vilaiyada-tTungapattirai-kkarai Jayabattirattun nanila[m para[sa] natti menal vandav-a-ppirattanai Vallavan-akki-[ch]chundarakkandigai suttis a-kKuntala[t*]t-araisanu[m*] makkalum ai-mmadi anji-ttan 6 puraikai-yaiyir-pulai-kkaiyir-pilaitt=ivv-ulag-elam=ariya odiya-paris-oru-palagaiyir= palud-arav-eludi-chehatti[na]v-uraiyun-Chalukki padamam-erra puttala-mavodu pputtil perttun-tan-kai-kkonda [V]eng[ai]-nan-[n]adu 'mittukkond-alal milgilan= kettini vallan-agil vandu kakk-enru soll-ena-chcholliya pokki ellaiy-ang-aduttav-attanai elil Vijayavadaiyod-adutta per-arr-ivandu arri-ttadutta Jananadapaiyu[m Tippa raisanaiyu[m*] mudalagav-udaiyav-a-pperun-chenaiyai adaviyir-pachchikKodavi[riyi]r-ran podaga nir-unna-kKalingam-elun-kadand-a-ppuli-valam-porittaimaiya-Mahendiratt-alavu[m] me-varun-tanai-ttavadi selutti-ttan pun-kalark= adaikkalam pugunda padaikkala-ttada-kkaiy Vijaiyadittark-aruli visaiyodu mindu vitta kaliyum 232 uraittaluchindaiyu[m] 7 puoda jaya-ttiruvodun-Gangapuri puguad-aruli sige Rajadhirajan Rajarajan-ea ttarapadiyar-aga=ttamaniyatt-iyarri a-ppadi-mannar-adi tolud-ena ina-mani-ppidatt= irutti mu[naiyidai Vengai-pan-nattidai-[k]konda iru-nedi-ppirakkam varisaiyir= katti aliyu-nigalamun-kalarri ang=avar valiya viradamum-angi Ila-ttalai kadal-adaiyadu pala-kalan-che[lutti*] ma-pperun-tapaiy-erra-kkappudai-kka[da]l. valaiy-aranattu vel-saman-tudangiy-a-chChingala-chchenai manga-ppain-kalar-Kurukulattaraiyanum-urum-ena-pporu-sinattu-ta[r]-samantanum pattu-vila-kkett-udaind= arrad-or-osai-ttaraiyin-oda-ttarapadi Vijaiyabahuvun-tisai-kedav-oda [ma]rr-avan deviyai=pparri ve[n]ru . . . mudalagiya ala-pperun-kula-dana-mani-inam mudiyodum vari-ttini-madil-Ilangaiyun-tanadey=akki 8 Tengagan=tandi-kKondaiyil mindum-a-chChalukki pandaiyil iratti pagattodum vidu . taduttu kandaril madi-Nagaiyan Marayan Manumakkandayan kkurru kavadigai-kKamayan Kondayan kattan-gila Achchidaran parkollu.. muyatti-kko yan mudalinar mada-malai[y]-pporum-idi mudukittu vasiy-oda-kKo. ottumadaiyan mudalinar pada-samantarod=aiyn-kalir= iland-oda adar-purav-ilan-kariyum-arivaiyar-kulattodum-agappada-ppidittu-ppandu pola-pparaniyun-kondu tandal-amaiya Tunnamarayan-ranum-a-ppagana Kesavan yodaiyum padagin-idan-tangu Singanan chalukki tan visa . . n dandanayakar arasi Soliyavaraiyan-euru el-pari-yapai mikkurum-andara-pusa Sagananil silai=ttind-eri purakki . 9gal Puli-suttukkallir-jayastamba natti-tte ch[ Ch]akkara[ko]ttattu ta.. tan mudal [VOL. XXI. 'Read -ppi. Read parit.. katti is another reading The passage from a kKuntalat to tan is omitted in No. 30 of South-Ind. Inscrs., Vol. III. The letter mi is so formed as to be mistaken for the Grantha ki. samantarai sanai-kKalingam-idaiya 2 yod-iru is the reading in No. 30 of South-Ind. Inscrs., Vol. III. No. 30 of South-Ind. Inscrs., Vol. III, reads kadir

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No. 38.] TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA. 233 padai-kkadal-evi vada-tisai-ch Chakkarakottattu mikk-udapt=elunda Chalukkiyanapaiyai--kkana[l-eri) puri=ch Chonay[ya]nagar bilai-chChomayan Eriyaman vimavel-Adittapanman-ram-ivar k urai-ttalai-kkulattodun-kunippa-ttaraippa. . adachcha pa .Maliyum Sagaiyan . num vachchira-ppaim-pun-Manumanum (Vai]dumbanun-Devanadanun=Deviko. . . . . .... nnagadam-ettum pagudiyum ottaga-ttogudiyum . Srigala-pparisandi Ppagudiyum varisaiyir=kollaiyil ku . patt=u10 Jalind=adu- .... nadan-devi Kaviyil vali-man-nadungan Kaliyappaiyun=tambiyu . vichchada .. .. mudal tumbayavadikulun=togaiyar-ittamum ma-kkalatt-agappada-ppidittu ti . kufra lamayan makkalaiy=odukki ellai kadandu nilaiy-ittu=kkalaga-ppiliy-irudar-kidanda vadatisaiy-Imaiyattodun-kidanda Setu varambaga=chchengol selutti? . . . . . . .. .. veda-nidiyai vilakki mid-uyar vira-ttani-kkodi tiyaga-kkodiyodum= erpavar varug-enru nirpa=kkottolil-urimaiyin-eydi araibu virr-irundu me-varu-Manu neri vilakkiya kov-Irajakesarivanmar-ana m[u]daiyar sri-Virarajendradevarkku yandu anjavadu Cangaikondasolapurattu-chCholakeralan-tirumaligaiyil Rajandrasola-Mavalivanarajanil elundaruliy-irundu Jayangondaso. 11 Ja-mandalattu=kKalattur-kkottattu=ttani yu]r Sri-Madurantaka-chaturvediman. galattu=tTirumukkudal Mahavishnukkal devadanama[y] varuginya Kaliyurkkottattu-tterodu-Paruvurnattu Vayalailkav-uragagal salaikk=iruttu-varuginya ponn-elupatt-ain-kalanjum i-chchalaikku=chchalabegamay varuginra[pa]di Irattappadiy-el-araiy-ilakkamus-kondu Ahavamallapaiy-irumadi ven-kandu Ulagu[ylvakkond-arulinadevark-iyand-irandavadu mudal tavirndu vellan vagaiyil mudal-eduttu i-ppong=elupatt-ain-kalanjum ivv-ural vandav=urkkalanjun-kumarakkachchanamum vannarapparai[yulm min(pa]ttamun=tattarappattamum=ullitta kilirai-ppattamum velikkasun=tingal-meramum muttavaranamum tapippudavaiyum valangaiy=idangai maga[n]maiyun-dasabandamu[m] madaikkuliyum viraselaiyum 10=ullitta patta12 ngal-utpada=tTirumukkudal Mahavishnukka[lu]kku vendu[m] nimandangalukk-iruppa. daga yand-ain[javadu devad]ana mudal devadapa iraiy-iliyaga variyil-idattiruvaymolind-arulinar-enru Tiru[ma]ndiravolai Kshatriliyi[6]ikhamani-valanattua pPapaiyur-nattu Nervayil!* Nervayil-udaiyan Tali Tiruppanangadudaiyan-apa Vapavan Vallavaraiyan-eluttinalun-Tirumantravolai-nayagam Pandiyaparum Rajaraja-Brahmamarayarum Virarajentra13-Gangaiyarajan=oppinalum pugunda * kolvi variyil-ittu-kkolgav-enru Villavarajarun=Kalingattaraiyarum Vidaiyil Rajentrall. vayiragarachcholarum Pandiyanarum i vvorgal=evinapadiyey-Udankuttattu adigarigal Virarajentra 13-Brahmadhirajarun-Chola-Brahmamarayarun-Chembiyan Sittirajarum Atisayasola-Muvendavelarun-Jayangondasola-Vilupparaiyarum Utta masola-pPallavaraiyarum Vidaiyil1 Read tagai. . Here is an unwritten space which cannot be filled up. . Between the second ma and num there is some unaccountable space in the original, Here also there is some vacant space. . The dot may be replaced by the letter pa. * The unwritten space at the beginning of this line cannot be filled up *Space for about 8 letters are left blank. . For w road . . Read varargal. 10 Read tahai. 11 Read Kshatriya 11 This word is written below the line. 18 Read mdra.

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234 [VOL. XXI. Kadavarajarun-Kaverivallaba-Muvendavelarum Ilattarai ya]run-CholaMuvendavejarum Virarajendra-Malavarajarum Valavan-Muvendavelarum RajaRajaraja-kka[di*]gairajarun-Jayangondasola-Muvenda uttama-Muvendavelarum 13 adigarigal velarum Rajentrasola1-Apukka-pPallavaraiyarun-Chembiyan-BrahmamarayarunChundarasola-pPallavaraiyarun = Jayangondasola - Vayanattaraiyarun-JayangondasolachChelmuga-Muvandavejarun-Chola-Vilupparaiyarun-Jayatinga-kulakala-Vilupparaiyarum Virarajentra1-tTiruvindalur-nattu-Muvendavelarum 16 ti EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. Vilupparaiya-Virarajentra-Varagunarajarum 15 vapum Uttamasola-Muvendavelarum Parmannu-kuladipa-Muvendavelarum kulakala-Muvendavelarum Uttama-Pandiya-Muvendavela 14 rum Virasola-pPallavaraiyarun.. pa.. ri... Muvendavelarum Mudi kondasola-Muvendavelarum Valavaraditta-Muvendavelarun-Gangaikondasola-pPallavaraiyarun-Naduvirukkum Urappattur Yajna-battarun-Sivyana-Siva[aijatbattarun-Karippurattu-chCholadeva-battarun-Karippurattu Anantanarayana-battarum Kulaiya-divakara-Muvendavelarum eva-pPuravuvari-tipaikkalattu-kkangani Arindaman Purangarambai-nattu-Muvendavelanum Rajaraja-chChenni-nadukilavanum Virasinga-Muvendavelanum Alagiyasola-Vilupparaiyanum3 Puravuvari. tipaikkalan-Chalukki-kulakala-Muvendavelanum Vanavan-Vilupparaiyanum Vala varaja-Muvendavelanum Avaninarayana-Muvendavelanun-Jingalantaka-Muvenda velanum Varippottagam Palaiyun*-kila Mugavetti Jayangondasola-dDamanur-nattu-Vilupparaiyanum Alamangalamudaiyanum Atirajentra-pPallavaraiyanun-Kundal-kilanun-Terippu Ingaikkudaiyanum Matturudaiyanum Valavasulamani-Muvendavelanun-Taravusattu Soladivakara-Muvendavelanum Pulikilanum Palaniyayam Pattalemudaiyanum Sembiyan-Milalaivelanum Araiyamanum Variyilidu Avani[p]ala-Muvendavelanum Arindaman-Vilupparaiyanum Varippottaga-kanakku-chChangattimangalamudaiyanum Valavan-Vilupparaiyanu[m] Pattolai Sirupakkilanum Manarpakkilanun-Kelvivariyil-iduvitta Puravuvari-tipaikkalan-Chalukki-kulakala-Muvendavelanum Singalantaka-Muvenda velanum MugavetSolama[r]ttanda-Muvendavelanun-Kundalkilanum Vasittan-varippottaga-kkanakku= Soja-mandalattu-pPuravuvari-tigal ehChangattimangalamudaiyanum Variyilittan kkalattu-kkanakku-chCholamanikka-Muvendavelanum Pattolai-eludinan VirasolaNenmali-nattu-Muvendavelanum irundu yand-ainjavadu na munnurru-narpattettinal variyilitta pon elubatt-ain-kalanjum (m)=i[v]v-ur-adangalukkum vandav-i-ppattangalum munbu i-ttevar devadanamay varuginra pon elubatt-iru-kalanjey-onbadumajadiyum ga-ppon-pro-irpatt-elu-kalanjey-onbadu-manjadikku-ppon kalanjinukku Rajakesariyal pellu-ppadin-aru-kalam-aga vanda nellu irand-ayirattu munnar-aimbatt-onbadin-kalane padakku munnaliy-alakke17 mu-chchevidum ivaiyirrukku Arumolidevan-marakkal-akki-kkal-vasiyun-kal-alavu-kuliyu-korralava-vidiyum pada Rajakesariyar kalam Arumolidevan-marakkalal kalape tuni pa-naliy-aga vasiy-erun-nellu eppurr-enbattu-par-kalaney-iru-tupi mu-nnaliy-alakkum aga vasiy-erriy-Arumolidevan-marakkalal pellu muv-ayirattirupurru-parpattu-mukkalane iru-tuni-ppadakk-aru-naliy-ulakke mu-chchevidum ivv-ural vandav-ur-kkalanju pon kalanjun-kumara-[k]kachchanam pon kalanjum Rajaraja Iratta Kshatriyasinga-Muvendavelarum Read ndra. This word is engraved below the line. This word may also be read Pada. Read-baffarum, Read ur. This word is engraved below the line.

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No. 38.] TIRUMUKKUDAL INSORIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA. 235 min-pattam pon mu-kkalaoje-kalun=kilirai-ppatam pon ain-kalazje-mukkalum aga=ppon padin-oru-kalanjinalmadai padin-ettey-elu-mavinarzkasu muppatt araraiyun-dasavandan-kasu irubatt-ettaraiye nal-mavum*] madaikkuli kasu irubatt ainje mu18 kkale munu-mavum mudale-selavu kanakkinpadi kusu munrum vannakka-kkulikkuu kkasu onr-araiyun-tari-ppudavaiyar=kabumukkalu[ m m u]ttavaranattar-kasu mukkalun=tingalmerattar=kasu onr-araiyum veli-kkasukku=kkasu murn-orubattettum aga=kkasu irunurr-orubatt-ar-araiye irandu-mavukku i-ttevarku venduna nimandan-cheydapadi [i*] Alvasku-chchirukalai-chchandiy-onrukku-pparuppu-ppopagattukku arisi kurunikku ainj-irand-akki neHu=ppadakku na-naliyum paruppu nanalikku=ppayaru kusunikku nellu=ppadakkum pulukku-kkariy-amud-onrukku nellu paliy-uriyum pori-kkariy-amud-onsukku nellu na liy-uriyun=tayir-amud-urikku nellu na-naliyun=peyy-amud-alakkukku nel naliyum upp-alakkukku nell-ulakkum adaikkay-amudu verunkay-anjukku nel maliyum ve19 krilaiy-irubadukku nell-uriyum aga=chchandiy-onrukku nelain-kuruni ain-nali mulakkum [1*1 uchchiyampodu sandikku akkaradalai-ponagam Virasalanukku arisi na-nalikku nel kuruniy-iru-palivum paruppu na-nalikku=ppayaru kurunikku nel padakkuppal=aru-nalikku nel kuruni na-naliyun=ney nalikku nel tuniyum valuippalam ettukku nel na-palivum adaikkay-amudu vefunka[y*] ainjukku pel naliyun verrilaiyrirubadukku pellaurivumaga akkaradalai-pponagattukku nell-iru-tuni kuruni mu=nnaliy-urivum [i*) idukku nal onrukku=chcharkarai muppatt-iru-palamaga nul muln* nurr-arupadakku-chcharkarai padin-or-uyiratt-ainnurr-irubadin-palattukku=kkas-onrukku=chcharkarai ainnarr-elubatt-aru-palamaga=kkasu irubadum [lo] iravai-sandikku=ppal-ponagattukku arisina-palikku nel kuruniy-iru-naliyum pal na-nalikku pel kuruniyum porikkatiy-amud-onpukki 20 pels naliy-uriyum porikkariy-amidukkum ponagattukkun-peyy=alakkukku nel n& paJiyum adaikkay-amudu vetunkay-aojukku pel paliyum verfilaiy-irubadukku nelluriyum aga iravai-sandikku gel mu-kkufuniyo [elu] -naliyun=[l*]Ji(Sri)-Ragavachcha krava[r*]tikku uchchiyampodai Sandi onrukku arisina-palikku nel kuruniyiru-naliyunneyy-amudun-kariyamudum a daikkay-amudum ullittinavaiyirrukku nellu na-valiyum=aga nel kuruniy-asu-naliyum Alvarku-chchandapakkappukkuchchandanan=nal-onrukku arai-ppalam-aga nal munpurr-arubadukku=chchandanam nurr-enbadin-palattukku kas-onsukku=chchandanam e[ttu-ppalam-a]ga=kkas=irubattirand-araiyum merpadikku=kkarpura-ppottarasu na!-onrukku anju-mav-aga nal munpust-arubadukku=kkarpuram padin-oru-kalanje-kalukku=kkas-onsukku=kkar puram=arai-kkalanj-aga kas-iru21 batt-irand-araiyur=kungumattuk[ku]=kkas-onfum [l*) Alvalku=ttiru-nundavilakk-irandukku nal-onrukk=ennaiy-uriyum ira-ttiruchchurru-maligaiyile vidiyum-alavum=eriyum vilakku munrukk=ennaiy=ulakk-alakku merpadiyil eriyum sandi-vilakku=ppattukku vilakk-ontinukk=ennai oru-Sevide-kal-aga ennai ulakkey-iru-sevid-araiyumaga nal-onfukku ennai paliy-alakkey-iru-sevid-araiy-aga nal munnurr-arubadukkennai na-parr-aimbatt-iru-paliy-urikku=kkas-oncukk=ennaiy-irubadinaliy-aga=kkas irubatt-irand-araiy@y-araikkalum [l*] Aippasi-ttirunalil tiruvilav-elund-a[ru*]lum Alagiyamanavalar . . . . . palelill=amudu-seyya=ppod-oprukku arisi padakkukku nellu air-kuruniyun parupp=urikku=ppayaru nalikku pell-iru-naliyum porikkariy-amud-oncukku nel paliyum pulukku-kkagi onruk. 1 This word is engraved below the line. * Read nukku. .The e sign of ze is in the previous line. kuruniy-oru is what is required.

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236 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. 22 ku pel naliyum milagu-kari onrukku nel paliyum milag-iru-bevid-araikku pell=iru-naliyup neyyealakkukku nel na-paliyun=tayir nalikku nell=iru-naliyum upp-ulakkukku nell=uriyum adaikkay-amudu verunkay=an[ju]kku nel naliyum verrilaiy=irubadukku pell-uriyum-aga=ppod-ongukku pelelu-kuruniy-agauttiruvilav-elundarulu-pal elil e]undaru[lu*]m podu panpirandukku nell=elu-kala[m] [l*) munney Masi-ttirunal-elundaru[}u*]m podu panpirandukku merpadiy-akki nell=elu-kalamum [lo] i-ttirunalirandilum Virabolan tiru-pandavanattir-tiruvottaiy-elundarulu[m] nal-oncukkupperun-tiruv-amud-ariki kalattukku pell=firu-kalane tu]pi-ppadakkum parupp-amuda iru-nalikku=ppayapu pa-nalikku nel kuruniyum porikkariy-amud=onrukku pel kufuniy um pulukku-kkariy-amud-onrukku nel kuruniyum milagu-kariy-amud-onsukku nel kuru23 piyum milag=alakkukku nel na-paliyum upp=iru-nalikku nel na-naliyum ney nalikku nel tuniyum tayir kurunikku nel padakkum adaikkay-amudu verunka[y] nappadukku nel kuruniyum verrilaippart-irandukku nel na-paliyum aral nalonsukku Del mu-kkalane tuni-ppadakku na-naliy-aga-ttiruvettaiy-elundarulu-pal irandukku nell-elu-kalane kurupiyum [1] Jayantyashtami-nal Vennai-kkuttalvapukku perun-tiruv-amudukku arisi tuni-ppadakkukku nel kalane mu-kkuruniyum paruppiru-nalikku=ppayaru na-palikku nel kuruniyum porikkariy-amud-onrukku nel na-paliyum pulukku-kkariy-amud-oncukku nel na-naliyum milagu-kariy-amudukku nel na-naliyum (milag=iru-se]'vid-araikku nell-iru-naliyum upprurikku nel naliyun =tayir-amudu Da-nalikku nel kuruniyum neyy-amud=ulakkukku nel kuruniyum adaikkay-amudu verunkay-irubadukku nel na-naliyum verrilai-ppart-on24 rukku nell-iru-naliyum aga=pperun-tiruv-amudukku nel kalane iru-tuni ain-naliyum [1] artai-nalal=&mudu-leyd-arula appattukk-arisi kuruniy-iru-nalikku nel mu-kkuruni oru-nalisyum] paruppu nalikku=ppayar-iru-nalikku nel na-naliyun=peyy-urikku nel padakkum bagkaraiy-irubadin-palattukku nal. tuniyum milagajakkukku nel na-naliyun-chiragam-iru-bevid-araikku nelleiru-naliyum upp=ulakkukku nelle uriyun-terkayrapukku nel padakku[m] apaikkay-amudu verunkay=irubadukku nel na-paliyum verrilai-pparr-onrukku nell-iru-naliyum aga appav-amudu[kku*] nel kalane kuruni oru-naliy-uriyum [*] i-tteruvil=e]undarulinal=amudu-seydarula valaippale[m*] muppatt-irandukku nel padakkun=tayir-amudu na-nalikku nel kuruniyum aga Jayantyashtamikku nel mu-kkalaney=&su-naliy-uriyum' [1] Karttigai-kKarttigainal perun-tiruv-amudukkaribi kalattukku nelleiru-kalane tuni-ppadakku=pparupp iru-nalikku=ppayaru pa-na25 Jikku nel kufuniyum porikkariy-amud-onsukku nel kuruniyum pulukku-kkariy-amud ontukku nel kuruniyum milagu-kariy-amud-onrukku nel kuruniyum pulin-kariyamudukkuettayir kurunikku nel padakkun=charkarai padin-palattukku nel padakkum valaippalam=irubadukku nel kuruniy-iru-naliyum milag=alakkukku nel pa-naliyum uppu naliy-urikku nel mu-nnaliyun=neyy-amudu nalikku nel tuniyuntayir-amudu kurunikku nel padakkum adaikkay-smudu verunkay simbadukku. nel kuraniy-iru-naliyum verrilai-Pparr-irapdukku nel pa-naliyum aga nel mukkalan&yiru-tuni mu-kkuruniy-elu-naliyum [l*] i-nalil viliyum-alavunetiruvunpaligaiyilun-tiruchchurrumaligaiyilum eriyum vilakk-iru-nurrukku vilakk onrukk. OBRIY-Elakkaga ennaiy-irubatt-ai-nnalikku=kkas=onre-kalum [1] Udaiyar-sai-VirariJantradevart Attai-ttiruna! Avapi-ttingal tiruv-Ayileyattil Alvarkku=ttirumanja * Read aga. Rond win. * This portion is badly damaged. .Read Ondra.

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No. 38.] 26 nattukku=ttirumulaiy-atta-ppayaru nalik[ku] nell-iru-naliyun-tirumulai-kki]=atta nel padakkun-kalasam nurr-ettu-chchula pul-oru-palattukku nel kuruniyum adikkil atta nel tuni-[ppa]dakkun-tiruchchuppattukk-arisiy-iru-nalikku nel na-naliyun= ney na-palikku nel kalaney tuniyun-tayir [na]-nalikku nel kuruniyum pal nanalikku nel kuruniyum [*] arrai-nal perun-tiruv-amudukku arisi kalattukku nellu iru-kalane tuni-ppadakkum paruppu na-nalikku-ppayaru [kuru*]pikku nel padakkum pulukku-kkariy-amud-onrukku nel kuruniyum pori-kkariy-amud-onrukku nel kuruniyum milagu-kariy-amud-onrukku nel kuruniyum milag-alakkukku nel na-naliyum uppu nalikku nell-iru-naliyum pulin-kariy-amudukku-ttayir kurunikku nel padakkum ney nalikku nel tuniyum adaikkay-amudu ve[r]unkay muppadakku nel kuruniy-iru-naliyum verrilai-kkattu munrukku nell-aru-nali[yu*]m pulin-karikku-chcharkarai padin-palattukku nel pa 27 dakkum valaippalam-irubadukku nel kuruniy-iru-naliyum aga nell-aru-kalane ainkuruniy-iru-naliyum [*] i-ttirunalaikku-ttirumulaiy-atta-ppaligai-sula-ppudavaiy= onrun-kalattin-meladi-ppudavaiy-onrum tirumanjanam1-pannum-achari[ya]nukku TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA. 237 udukkavum uttari[ya]mum-ida=ppudavaiy-irandum-aga=ppudavai nalukku=kkas= onrun-tirumanjanam1-adiy-arula-tten na-nalikku-kkas-araiyum kulakundan manjal= aimbadin-palattakku-kkasu kalum snapana-dravyangal kolla-kka-araiyum tirumanjanam1-adinal satta parisattam-onrukku-kkas-onrum snapanam-pannuvikkum achariyanukku dakshinai kas-onrum arrai-nalar-tiruvolakkan-chevikka vanda Sri-Vayishnavarkkun-tiruv[aymoli vi]nnappan-cheyvarkun-kudukkum parisattav= uru-ppattukku-ttaniy-onru kadu kal-iga-kka-irand-araiyum [1] issirun[]*] Solluntiruvukku-pparisattattukku-kka-araiyum [*] ittanmamun-tiruchchurrumaligaiyun= Jananadan-mandapamun-cheyvi 28 ytta Vaisyan Madavan, Damayan piranda Karttigai-ttingal-pPuradatti-nal=ttirumanjunattukkum perun-tiruv-amudukkun-nell-aru-kalaney sin-kuruniyiru-naliyum ippadikku-ttirumanjupattukku venduvana kollavum parilattam peruvarkku-pparisattan-kudukkavum merpadiy-aga-kkas-are-kalum [*] Purattadi-tTiruvonatti-nal Vennaikkuttalvan Janapadan-mandapatt-elund-arulinal appa-amudukk-ariki kurunikku nel kalane [na]-naliyun-charkarai mu-nnurru-ppalattukku nell=iru-kalane tuni-ppadakkum ney mu-nnalikku nel kalamum milagukkun-chagattukkum uppukkum nel mu-kkuruniyum adaikk[ay-a]mud-enbadukku nel-ppadakkum verzilai-kkatt-irandukku nel na-naliyum [4]ga nel aiya-kalamum [1] amavasyaiyil Alvan tirttham prasadittal tirtham-ada-vandar purambil Jananadan-mandapatt= unnum Sri-Vaishnavar irupadinmarku-pperal-arisi paliy-uriy-aga arisi mukkuruni 1 Read janam. ain 29 y-aru-nalikku nell-iru-tuni kuruni mu-nnaliyum pulukku-kkariy-onrukku nel ainaliyum milagu-kariy-onrukku nel ai-naliyum pulitta-kariy-onrukku-ppuliy-utpada nel-kkurupiy-oru-naliyum ilai-kkatikku nell-iru-naliyum milag-jakkukku na-naliyum upp-iru-nalikku nel na-naliyum neyy-ulakkukku nel-kkuruniyum mor padakkukku nel-kkuruniy-iru-najiyun-charkarai nir-palattukka nel-kkurupiyum verunkay narpadukku nel-kkuruniyum verrilai=pparr-irandukku nel na naliyum aduvan-oruvanukku nel-kkuruniyum aga amavasyai onrukku, nelkkalaney=elu-kuruni mu-nnaliy-aga amavasyai pannirandukku nel-ppattonbadinkalane tuni na-naliyun-Tiruvengadamalai=(t`tirttham-ada-pperun-kuttamay vandu Jananadan-mandapatt-uppum Sri-Vaishnavar nurruvarkku-pparal arisi naliy * Read-najal. Read tirumaiana?.

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238 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. uriy-aga arisi kalane tunippadakk-agu-nalikku nel mu-kkalaney=iru-tuni=ppa dakk=elu-naliyum payaru kufunikku nel=ppadakkum pulukku-kkariy=onrukku 30 nel mu-kkuruniyum milagu-kariy=onrukku nel mu-kkuruniyum pulitta-kariy onrukkuae ppuliy=utpada nel=ttuniyum ilai-kkapiy=onrukku nel=kkuruniyum milagu mulakkukku nel mu-kkuruniyum uppurkkurunikku nel=ppadakkum neyyriru-nalikku nell-iru-tuniyum mor kalattukku nel tuni=ppadakkum pulin-kapikku morukku nel tuni=ppadakkum sakarai irubatt-iru-palattukku nel tuniyum verunikayiru-nurrukku nelain-kufuniyum verrilai=pparr-ettukku nel=ppadakkum aduvar= iruvarkku nel tuniyum sunnam bukku nel nanaliyum virag-iduvan=oruvanukku nel=ppadakkum ilai-kkariy-iduvan=oruvanukku nel=ppadakkum aga nelenkalaney-iru-tuni mu-nnaliyum [l*) ivarga! tirttham-adi mindu vandal Sri-Vaishnavar nurruvarkku merpadiy-akki nell=en-kalaney=iru-tuni mu-nnaliyum [l*]Purattadia tTiruvonatti-nal tirttham=ada vanda Sri-Vaishnavar parruvarkku mespadiy=akki nell=en-kalaney=iru-tuni mu-ngaliyum Aippasi=ttirunalil-ttiruvilav-elundaru[!u*]=nal= Aril nal ontil=unnum Sri-Vai31 shnava(r)r=irubatt-ainj-aga nal-acil=unnum Sri-Vaishnavar nusr-aimbadum tirttham adum-anr=unnum Sri-[Vaishnavar=ai]nbadum a ga .....nejlukalane tuniy=aru-naliyum (I*] Margali@ttiruv-ekadasiyilun=dvadasiyilun-Tiruvaymoli ketka vanda Sri-Vaishoavarkk=i ....... nell=en-kalanEy=iru-tuni mu-nnaliyum [l*] Ma32 bi-Maga-ttirunalil i-mmandapattil=unnum Sri-Vaishnavar-iru-nurruvarkku mogpadiy akki nel padi[n-elu-kalane tuni]yl=aru-naliyum (*) tiru . . . . . . . . . $vanukku nal=onfukku nell-asu-naliyum kas=onsum Tiruvaymoli vinnappancheyvar=iruvarku=pperal nellu=kku ... ... nukku nel mu-kkuruniyum perar=kas=irand-a33 ga=kkasu nalum Viraso!an-tiruna davanam ulappar naivarkku=pperal nel=kkuruniy aga nal-onfukku nel tuni . . . . . . . . .. ='ttiruvutsavangalukkuntirumanjunangalukkum nat-cholli nal-olai tukkun tiruvukku nal=onrukku nel kuruni ... "rildayir=erri=kkadamai tandi nimandan chelutti 34 nirkum Vaikhanasa devakanmily-oru]vanukku nal=onrukku nel kuruniyun-kasu nalun kanakk-eludi niskun=ka . .. . . !=onfukku nel kuruniyun=kasu nilure Alvarkuaettirumanjunangalukku vendun-kalasamun tirumadaippallikkun=Janana. dan-man ... .. . kidaigalukkun=Sastrarkum Atula-salaikku ve35 pdur=kalam-idun-kusavanukku nal-onrukku nel kuruniyum Alvarku=pparisattamun= Jananadan-mandapattilodu.. . . "ottu-kketparkkum a tulaykum olikkum=irankollikku[m*] Dal-onrukku nel na-naliyum Jananadan-mandapamuin Atula-balaiyum nimanda.. kuntirumeykavale Tirumukkudar Peraiyanukku 86 nal=onrukku nel na-naliyun=kas=opfum tiruchchurrumaligai pudukkuppurattukku nel nappadin-kalamun=ja .... 6-mandapattil Ri(Ri)g-vedam=oduvippan= 1 The letters in bracketa have been filled up by referring to the stone. They are obstructed by a pillar and have not oome out in the impression, * The portion of the wall before this, represented by dots, is replaced by an uninsoribed slab. Read tiru marijana, .The portion before this is obstructed by a pillar. "The letters bave pealed off. Tur dota cand audiha.

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No. 38.] TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA. 233 oruvanukku nal=onrukku nel padakkum Yajur-vedamzoduvippa n=oruvanukku nal-onruk[ku nel] padakkum ivargal=iruvarkum perarkasu nal-aga=kka37 s=ettum Vyakaranamum Rupavatsaram]um vakkanikkum Bhattan-oruvanukku nala onrukku nel tuniyum kasu pattum Ri[g-vedam o]"dum Brahmanar padinmarum Yajur-vvedam odum Brab manar padinmaru[m] Vyakaranamuin Rupavataramun=ketkum Brahmanaru[m*1 chattirar-irupadinmarum Maha-Pax [charattirar=oru) padinmarum Siva-Brahmanar muvarum Vaikhanasar aivarum 38 ti ... mar-iruvarum aga oduv[arum] ottu-kkelparu m=aga arupadinmarkku ppiral=arisinaliy-uriy-age nal=onrukk=arissi tul'ni mu-kkuruniy-iru-nalikku nell=iru-kalane tunir-oru-nalivum payasu na-nalikku nel kuruniyum pulukku kkarikku nell=aru-naliyum ilai-kka39 rikku nel mu-nnaliyu[m] milagu-kapikku nel kufunivum pulitta-kari[k*]ku puliy-utpada nel kuruniyum milag-ulakk-alakkukku nesl na-nali]yum uppu nalikku pel kuruniyum ney nalikku nel tunivum mor tuni-ppadakkukku nel mu-kkuruniyum verunkay-arubadukku nel kuru[ni na-na]liyum verfilai parr-iranlukku nel na-nalivum 40 Vavalaikkivur-ninru arifi koduvandu viragum=ilaiyum-ittuaettannir-attiy-adu-madaivar muvarkku-pperal kuruniv-aga [nal-on]'rukku nel mu-kkuruniyum perar=kas. irand-aga=kkas=igum i-mmandapatt-unnuo-chattirarkkun-kidaigalukkum pani servum penduga[l-iruvark](r)ku=pperal nellu na-naliv-aga nal-onrukku 41 nel kuruniyum pera;=kas=onr-aga=kkas-irandum chattirarkkun-kidaigalukkumatular kkum kidakka=ppay=elupatstaindu]kkurkkas=irandum kidaigalukkun=chattiraikkun=talaikkuatta=chchaniy-onrukk=ennaiy-iru-naliy-aga and-onsir chapi aimbatt onrukk-fennaiji murr-iru-nalikkum Jananadan-mandapatt-ottu42 kketparkku iray-eriyum vilakk-onsukkrennai ulakk-aga and-onrukk-ennai tonnurtu naliyum ivv-el'npai n urru-tonnarr-iru-nalikku=kkas-onfukkrennaiy=irupadi. naliy-aga=kkas=onbad-araiy@y-araikkalun=Jananadan-mandapat(tukku] -ppuduk kuppu rattukku nel nafpadin-ka[lamu]m [1*] atu43 [la]r-salai Virasolanil vyadippattu=kkidappar padinaiyvarkku=pperal=arisi naliy-ags arisi kuruniy-elu-nalikku nel (tuni ai]onnaliy-uriyum vyadippattu=kkidapparkkum pala-pani-nimandakkararkkum kidaigalukkun=chattirarkkum vaidyan-cholla=kkaniy aga=ttanakkun=tan (varggat]otarkkum perrudaiya Alappakkattu Savarnnan 44 Kodandaraman Asvatthama-Bhattanukku nal-onjukku nel mu-kkufuniyum kas= ettun=challiyakkiriyai-pannuva[poruva]'nukku nal-onrukku nel kuruniyum atularkku marundugalukku vendu[m] marundu parittum virag-ittum pariyaram. pannuvar=ir u{varu]kku=p[peral] s nal=onrukku nel kuruniy-aya nel padakkum pera. 45 kas onraga kkas-irandum itularkku vendum pariyaram panni marund-adum pendu. gal-iruvarkku=pperal-a[risi na] -naliy-aga nal-onfukku nel kuruniyum pararakan1 The letters in brackets are obstructed by a pillar. They have been Alled up by referring to the stone. * This is filled up by calculation. * Here is an obstruction by pillar. Read from stone. Here is an uninscribed slab: The inscribed slab should have contained the letters in brackets. The letters in brackets are obstructed by a pillar and they have been filled up in it from stope. * The syllables in brackets have been filled up as the inacribed stone is here replaced by a plaid ou. Lost in the original and have been supplied by calculation.

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240 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. araiy-aga-kkas=onrum atularkkun=kidaigalukkun=chattirarkkum vondum pani beylyum na]visan=oruvanukku nal-onrukku nel na-nali 46 yum [l*) aturasalai Virasolanil and-onfill=idu[m*] marundu Brahmyam-ka[dumburi]y= onrum karungay ninga ippadi . . dum Vasa-haritaki=ppadiy= irandum Dasamula-haritaki padiy=onsum Bhallataka-haritaki padiy=onfum Gandiram (padilyl-onsum Balakeranda-tailam tuniyum Pancha47 ka-tailan=tuniyum Lasunadys-eranda-tailan=tuniyum-Uttamakarnadi-tailan=tuniyum=U . . . . . . . . '(pa]dakkun=Suk . . . . . . . "Si-ghritam padakku[m*] Bilvadi-ghritam padakkum Mandu[ka]ra-vatakam irand-ayiramum Dravatti naliyum Vimalai irand-ayiramum Sunetriyb=irand-ayiramun=Tamradiy-irand-ayira mum Vajrakalpan=tuni-ppa 48 dakkum Kalyana-lavanan=tuni-ppadakkum ivaiy=adugaikku vendum marun[du*]galu kkum ne . . . . . . . . . '[raiyum te. . . 'yum ullittana kollavum andu-tofum Puranasarppi pudaikka=ppasuvi[n*] ney padakkun=kollavum (k)kasu narpadum (atura]"Salaiyill-iray=eriyum vilakk=onrukk=ennaiy=alakk-a49 ga na! mu-ngusr-agupadukk=ennai narpatt-ai-nnalikku kas=irando-kalum Jananadan-ma . . . .. 'nbil tan ..... 'yanukku=pPanguniy-uttiran= tudangi-pPurattadi=tTiruvonatt-alavum parambal=ura=ttannir koduvandu vaisttu= chchayloppan oruvanukku nal-onrukku nel kuruniy-a50 ga nal purr-enbadukku nel padinain-kalamum elattukkum i lamachchattukkum nell-iru. ....... ... padakkunata . .... nyaham pannina Brahmanarkku 10-tdakshinaikkum verrilaiverunkaykkum nel kalane tuniy iru-nali mulak{ke mu]11-chchevidum Vayalaikkavur kaniyudaiya Madhavan Dama51 yan varggattarkku=pPurattadi=tTiruvonatti-na! Varggattarkku P kudukkum (pa]risattam irandukkukkas=onfey=elu-ma . . . . . . . . . muv-ayiratt-irunarru-narpattu-mukkalaney-iru-tuni-ppadakkapu-naliy=ulakke mu-chchevittukkum kas-iru-nusr-oru batt-ar-araiyey-iran du-ma]ovukkum [I*] ikkas=udavavilil kas=oncukkuaetTandavaniyo52 d-okkum pon kasu-nirai-kkal iduvad-agavum[[*] ippadi yandu aravadu nimandan=cheyda padi in . . . . . . . . "umidattu chaftti]ra-kkankaniyodum kidaikkankaniyodum Sellakkadavad-aga nivandam bedapadikku kallu vettuvittari n[nadu kuru]"seyda adigarigal Sola-mandalattu Vijaiyarajantra13-va53 Janactu Idaiyala-nattu (Mina]"4rkudaiyan Pabuvati Tiruvarangadevanar=ana Rajentral-Muvendavelar Pana ... 15eva-kkallu vettuvittan Jayangonda 1 The letters in brackets have been read in situ. * The letter ka was supplied by examining the original stone. *The syllables funddyera have been read in situ. . Here and in the following an inscribed slab is replaced by a plain one. The syllables nitriyi have been restored by reading on the spot. Read Tamo * The letters atura are entered below the line. * The letters in brackets are obstructed by a pillar and have been read from stone. * The syllablesl ost here must be padin kalaney-iru-tuni. 10 Read dda 11 A pillar obstructe these two letters. 1. The syllables in brackets are obstructed by a pillar. Restored from stono. 11 Read Ondra 14 The two syllables are lost in the original. The syllables Era-kka have been filled up from the stone, though obstructed by a pillar.

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No. 38.] TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA. 241 bola-mandalattu pPular-kottatt-Agudi-nattu Ayandampakkattu Iraivettin Kumara-Pasur=kkattan=anal Virarajentra-chChembiyadaraya [1*] Inda danma[m*] beyvitta Damayanar 54 maga[n] Damayan Gangaikondasalan-ana Senapatiga! Gangaikondasola-Danmapalackkum ivar tambiyar Da.. .. . n-ana Senapatiga! Virarajentra 2-Danmapalarkkumay idu kallu vettuvittan Jayangondasala-mandalattu Pulal-kottattu ... Inatnu [$],. turvedimanga[la*]ttu Brahmanan Mangalur Namassi vayadevan magan 55 Taluvakkulaindan-ana Abhimanameru-Brahmamarayan [i*] I-dharmam(m) sri-Madhuran taka-chchaturvedimanga]'lattu Mahasabhaiyar rakshai [l*] Sri [ || ] Abstract of Contents. Hail ! Prosperity! (With the aid of his strong shoulders, (wherein the goddess of) Prosperity resided, (the king) bore the circle of the wide earth as (lightly as) his jewel of gems; under the shade of (his) victorious white parasol (set with) numerous gems, (he) protected the living beings of the earth more (tenderly) than the mother who bore (them); (he) conducted (his) rule (80 as to cause) other kings (wearing) ankle-rings to seek shelter under the shadow of his feet and forced) the rent Kali (age) to retire to (its) abysmal abode. (He) drove from the battle-field of Gangapadi the great feudatory chiefs (samantas) whose strong bands (carried) tightly-bound bows, (and forced them) along with Vikkalan (who wore) a garland of fragrant flowers to enter the Tungabhadra. (He made such an) attack (as to cause) the destruction of the irresistably great and powerful army which the Vallabhan had again despatched into the fine country of Vengi ; and fought with Mahadandanayaka Chamundaraja and cut off his head and severed the nose from the face of his i.e., Chamundaraja's) incomparable daughter called Nagalai (who was the queen of Irugaiyan and (who) resembled a peacock in beauty. Himself and his sons, who assisted him, remaining behind in close quarters, he sent forth an army, which victoriously fought against countless samantas along with the (two) sons of Ahavamalla called Vikkalan and Singanan at Kudal-Sangama on the great waters, whither they had rushed forth enraged, resolving to advance forward and fight for a third time, and with (his) rut elephant, he agitated that army (of the enemy) which was arrayed in battle like the Northern ocean; he cut to pieces in front of his banner-troop Singan of Kosalai who was fighting with his furious elephants and vanguard; he (also) cut to pieces Kesavadandanayaka and Kettaraisan, Marayan of great strength, the powerful Pottaraisan and Rechchayan, Poskodai and Muvendi who were fighting (fiercely), and many other) unknown samantas who offered (him) battle. Then Muduvanan, who was the commander,'fled; Vikkalan fled with his hair dishevelled ; Singanan fled leaving off the field-work; all the other chiefs of the elder brothers dismounted from the male elephants on which they were fighting the great battle and fled ; and Ahavamalla, who was thus put to shame, ran before them (all). He then separated his swift-footed and fierce elephant, put on a garland of victory and seized the (enemies') wives, their family treasurer, 1 The letters ttan-ana are obstructed by a pillar. . Read Ondra. The letters in brackets are obstructed by a pillar and have been restored by reading from the stone. * Prof. Hultzsch has translated the introductory portion on pp. 36ff. of the South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. III. & The word derravan is a compound of berru and avan. . May be taken to mean also the only daughter.' The word may be rendered also who was the father of his wife'. . Annal may also mean the king'. The word naupina moans also who was in close quarters'.

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242 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXI. conches, parasols, trumpets (tarai), big drums, canopies (moghadambara), white fly-whisks (chamaras), the boar banner, the ornamental arch (makara-torana), a herd of camels, the metal throne, the female elephant called Pushpaka, a herd of war-elephants together with a collection of prancing horses ; (he then) ascended the powerful lion-throne of great splendour, being bowed to by all the world, and along with his beautiful queen Ulagamulududaiyal, put on the victorious crown set with gems. He cut off in battle field the beautiful heads, wearing flower-garlands, of the king of Pottapi whose horse was unsteady under the bridle (kusai), and of the Kerala (king) wearing anklerings and powerful on account of his) elephants as well as of the younger brother of Jananatha adorned with wreaths ; (and he also) trampled under the feet of a single rut elephant Virakosari who wore a crown (set with) lustrous gems and who was the young son of the Pandya king Srivallabha wearing gold ankle-rings. He put forth his elephant (force) in the field and uprooted with his hands the family of the Cheras along with their infants, and caused them to run and plunge into the Western ocean. At Vari, he tied up the Rattas, who had numberless elephants, along with the elephants belonging to their ladies who coveted (them); and received also a herd of elephants which they paid as tribute together with female elephants and trappings. In a hot battle pitched on the bank of a river of whirling water he cut off the heads of the following Dandanayakas :-Villiyannan of great valour, Vanjippayan, who possessed a rutting elephant, Asokayan (who wore a cool) garland, Sattiyannan of brilliant valour, Pattiyannan (the minister of) peace and war, Vimayan, who wore a honey-dribbling garland, Vangaran of great wisdom, the Ganga (king) of dreadful lance, the Nulamba (king) and the king of the Kadavas as well as the Vaidumba (king) who owned highly furious and rutting elephants. After he had reached the great city (called after) the great river Ganga, the Chalukya (king) who came from the race of the moon, felt the sting and thought it is better to die than live with such disgrace' and choosing as battle-field the very Kudal, where his sons and himself had been inade to retreat, wrote, so that all might know, a letter embodying (his) vow-" those who do not come to Kudal through fear are no kings but are disgraceful liars in war," handed it over with an oral message to the Ganga chief Kettan renowned among the liars of Rattappadi and asked him to take it ; and when he came, bowed at the feet of, and delivered the message to the Chola king), his (i.e., the latter's) mind, face and glorious two arms began to glow doubly on account of the increasing joy and he advanced forth and entered the field, and not finding the approach of the king of the Vallabhas at Karandai, stayed there delightfully for one month more after the appointed day, and then he found him run away until his legs became sore and hid himself in the western ocean, and each of the three (chiefs) Dovanathan, Siddhi and Kesi turned their backs. (The Chola king) subdued the powerful activity of Rattappadi 7 lakhs, hard (eren for bards) to sing and set crackling fire on it; and set up a pillar of victory (jayabhadra-tun) on the bank of the Tungabhadra so that the world' praised him and the fierce and angry tiger (the crest of his race) mounted on it and aported joyfully. 1 Varangi is the reading in No. 20 of 8. I. I., Vol. III, and it has been taken as a proper name. The reading varana is better since the Cheras are noted for their elephant forces. cf. palyanai-ko-kKandan.' . Instead of Dhara, it is preferable to read for.' Ste note 6 on page 37 of the South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. III. * Hultzech has rendered the passage thus :-"tied up in stables the Rattas, whose elephants were number. less, along with the elephants of the Kanniyan which he had seized." * This rendering somewhat differs from that given in the 8. I. ., Vol. III, p. 68. * Malliyannav and Mangippayay are the readings in No. 30 of the same Volume. Nunilan means 'four kinds of lande, i.e., kusunji, mullai, pilai and neydal--grassy, forest, sandy and coast tracts and hence the world'.

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No. 38.] TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA. 243 He made the liar, who had advanced against him on a previous occasion, a Vallabha and fastened on him a kanthika. He caused to be depicted beautifully on a board how the Kuntala king and (his) sons ran five times to the full knowledge of the world mounted on an elephant which had & cord (round its neck) and a hole-bearing hand. Vowing not to return until he fulfilled the word that he formerly uttered, viz.-that he would destroy the state of the Chalukyan (lordship), and their stables wherein was locked up the flower of his horse troops (?) and recover the Vergi country which the Chalukya had taken, -he sent (the following) word to be announced "Hear this and if you have any) power, come and protect yourself ". When the array of his army which was advancing towards the enemies') boundary had reached the great river close to the beautiful city of Vijayavadai (i.e., Bezwada), he (the Chola) drove into the forest the great battalion which had at its head Jananadan and Tipparaisan ;-caused his elephants (podakam) to drink the water of the Godavari; crossed the seven Kalingas, and led his gwelling elephant forces (tanai-tavadi) as far as the snow-covered Mahendra (mountain) on whose right side was carved the tiger mark and bestowed that country) on Vijayaditya of broad arms wearing weapons of war who sought shelter at his feet (which were adorned with flowery anklets. Returning fast, he graciously entered the city of) Gangapuri leaving off the Kali and bringing the goddess of victory which had attached (itself) to him. There, he assumed the damaniga as the lord of the earth (under the titles) Rajadhiraja and Rajaraja. The kings of the earth bowing at his feet, he sat on a pedestal set with choicest gems; exhibited in order the immense wealth, which he had brought from the fine country of Vengi, removed the ali and nigala! and fulfilled his vow. (Putting forth) a number of ships (laden with) excessively large forces on the ever swelling and highly protected sea, and without attempting to ford it, he (the Chola king) began to wage a war in Ilam (i.e., Ceylon) which cast a gloom on that army of the Singhalese wherein Kurukulattaraiyan who wore a golden anklet and another feudatory whose anger in war was that of thunder, fell down and were slain. A great tumult then arose and spread through the land which was not able to bear the charge of the Cholas) with the result that Vijayababu, the king of the island) took to flight without knowing even the directions and the Chola ling) took his queen captive, conquered . . . . . . . . . . carried away immeasurably large family gems along with fine crowns and made Lanka with its impregnable walls his own. Crossing back the southern region. (the Chola king) .....obstructed at Kondai where the Chalukyan king again sent against him double the number of elephants which he had put forth on a former occasion. Among those that were seen (there) were the intelligent Nagaiyan, Marayan, Manmagandayan,..... Kondayan, Achchidaran .... and others. These ran away showing their backs and making such an uproar (in their flight) that resembled the noise of thunder during heavy rains. Ko.ottumadaiyan and others lost their ele phants and ran along with the commanders of infantry (pada-samantas). The Chola king caught hold of prancing horses and young elephants as well as a galaxy of women that were seen in the field) and received as before a parani. Tuy namarayan, . . . . . . , Kesavan, . . . , who were subdued by his forces. . . the sound . . . . .. ., Singanan, who was resting under a flag, . . . . . . . and (he) planted & pillar of victory at Puli-Suttukkal, where, getting up a hill . . . . . . . . . . and mounted on a vehicle (yanai) drawn by seven horses, the chief known (by the name) Boliyavaraiyan,. .... .-dandanayaka.. ..... fought. He sent 1 The word nigala is phonetically connected with the skt. nigada' fetters or shackles': and this may be construed to convey the idea of armour.!

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244 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. forth a (very) sea of army. . . . . in Kalingam . . . . . . . his chief feudatories at Chakkarakottam and destroyed by heavy fire the elephant (forces) of the Chalukya king which appeared in great numbers at Chakkarakoctam in the North. The bowman Somayan of sopaiyanagar, Eriyaman, Adityavarman of fearful trident,--these with clusters of heads that were cut off, - . . . . . . . Malli, Sogaiya.. n, who wore ornaments set with diamonds, Vaidumba, Devanatha, Deviko... along with herds of camels. . . . . . . . . . . and the reward of ornaments were looted in order . .. . . . ... and ran with broken hearts. The wife of . . . . . . nathan trembling with fear, Kaliyappai, his younger brother ....... and others together with crowds of their ladies wearing tumbai garlands, fell in his hands in the great field of Kavi and were caught. Removing the sons of .. .. lamayan, (the Chola king) crossed the boundary and fixed the limit, wielded his sceptre from the Himalayas in the northern quarter, where the tiger ever lies in ambush, up to the Setu (in the south); propagated the Vedic lore, assumed possession of kingly duties, invited suppliants and raising aloft the banner of heroism and the banner of liberty, sat in Royal state and exemplified the path of the great Manu. (He), i.e., king Rajakosarivarman alias Udaiyar the glorious Virarajendradeva, in the fifth year of his reign was pleased to be seated on the seat called) Rajendrasola-Mavalivanarajag in the Royal palace of Solakeralan at Gangaikondasolapuram. Vayalaikkavur in Terodu-Paruvur-nadu, (a sub division) of Kaliyur-kottam was a devadana of the temple of) Mahav ishnu at Tirumukkudal in the prosperous Madhurantakachaturvedimangalam (which was a free village in Kalattur-kottam, (a district) of Jayangondacholamandalam. The residents of this village were paying 75 kalanju of gold for the feeding house (salai). This amount of 75 kala iju of gold was deducted from the accounts and assigned to the temple in the second year of the reign of Ulaguyyakkondarulinadeva who took Rattappaoi 7 lakhs and who twice saw the back of (i.e., defeated) Ahavamalla. This (amount) together with the taxes accruing from the village, viz., Ur-kalanju, kumarakkachchanan, vannarapparai, minpattam, tattara patam, etc., forming the kilisaippaxtam, velikkasu, tingalmera, muttavaranam, tarippudarai, valangai and idangci- maganmai, dasabandam, madakkuli, virageskai, etc., forming the pattam-were ordered by the king to be entered in the accounts, in the fifth year of (his) reign, as a tax-free devadana gift to meet the requirements of the (god) Mahavishnu at Tirumukkudal. This Royal mandate (kifei) was written by Tirumandiravolai Tali Tiruppanangadudaiyan alias Vanavan Vallavaraiyan of Nervayil, in Panaiyur-nadu, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu and signed by Tirumandiravolai-nayagam Pandiyanari RajarajaBrahmamarayar and Virarajendra-Gangaiyarajan. That it may be so entered in the account was ordered by Villavarajar, Kalingattaraiyar, Vidaiyil Rajendravayiragarachcholan and Pandiyanar; and further endorsed by (1) the Udan kuttam officers Virarajendra-Brahmadhirajar, (2) Sola-Brahmamarayar, (3) Sembiyan Sittirajar, (4) Atisayasola-Muvendavelar, (5) Jayangondabola-Vilupparaiyar, (6) Uttama sola-Pallavaraiyar, (7) the Vidaiyil officers Kadavarajar. (8) Kaverivallabha-Muvendavelar, (9) Ilattaraiyar, (10) Sola-Muvendavelar, (11) VirarajendraMalavarajar, (12) Valavan-Muvendavelar, (13) Raja-uttama-Muvendavelar, (14) RajarajaKadigairajar, (15) Jayangondasola-Muvendavelar, (16) Rajendrasola-Anukkappallavaraiyar, (17) Sembiyan-Brahmamarayar, (18) Sundarasola-Pallavaraiyar, (19) JayangondasolaVayanattaraiyar, (20) Jayangondabola-Senamuga-Muvendavelar, (21) Solavilupparaiyar, (22) Jayasinga-kulakala-Vilupparaiyar, (23) Virarajendra-Tiruvindalurpattu-Muvendavelar, (24) Rajaraja-Vilupparaiya-Virarajendra-Varagunarajar, (25) Kshatriyasinga-Muvendavelar, (26) Uttamakola-Muvendavelar, (27) Parmannu-kuladipa-Muvendavelar, (28) RattakulakalaMuvondavejar, (29) Uttamapandiya-Muvendavelar, (30 Virabola-Pallavaraiyar, (31)

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No. 38.] TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA. 245 . . . . . . . -Muvendavelar, (32) Mudikondabola-Muvandavejar, (33) Valavariditta Muvendavelar, (34) Gangaikondasola-Pallavaraiyar, (35) Naduvirukkum UrupputturYajna-Bhatta, (36) Savyana-Sivalajjadi-Bhatta, (37) Karippurattu-Soladeva-Bhatta and (38) Karippurattu-Anantanarayana-Bhatta. Then the following persons being present viz., Puravuvaritinaikka?attu-kankani Kuvalaiyadivakara-Muvendavelar, Arindaman-Purangarambainattu-MuvendavelaNG, Rajaraja-Seuninadukilavan, Virasinga-Muvendavelap, Alagiyasala-Vilupparaiyan, Puravuvaritinaikkalam Salukkikulakala-Muvendavelan, Vanavan-Vilupparaiyan, Valavaraja-Muvendavelan, AvaninarayanaMuvendavelan, Singalantaka-Muvendavelan, Varippottagam Palaiyur-kilavan, Mugavetti Jayangondasola-Damanurnattu-Viluppapaiyan, Adamangalamudaiyan, Atirajendra-Pallavaraiyan, Kundalkilan, Terippu Ingaikkudaiyan, Matturudaiyan, Valavasulamani-Muvendavelan, Taravu sattu soladivakara-Muvendavelan, Pulikilan, Palaniyayam Pattalamudaiyan, SembiyanMilalaivelan, Araiyaman, Variyilidu Avanipala-Muvendavelan, Arindaman-Vilupparaiyan, Varippottaga-kanakku Sangattimangalamudaiyan, Valavan-Viluppapaiyan, Patolai Sirupakkisan, Manarpakkilan, Kalvi-variyiliduvitta Puravuvaritinaikkalam Salukki-kulakala-Muvendavelap, Singalantaka-Muvendavelan, Mugavetti solamartanda-Muvendavelap, Kundalkilan, Vafittan varippottaga-kanakku Sangattimangalamudaiyap, Variyiliyan PuravuvaritinaikkalattuKanakku Solamanikka-Muvendavelan of Solamandalam, Patolai-eludinan Virasola-NenmaIl-nattu-Muvendavelan.--all these being present, in the fifth year and three hundred and fortyeighth day of the king's reign), it was entered in the accounts, that for the 75 kalanju of gold, the abovementioned patlams accruing from the village, the 72 kalanju and 9 manjadi of gold previously granted as devadana to this god, making a total of 147 kalanju and 9 manjadi, the income in paddy by the rajakesari measure at 16 kalam per kalanju was 2359 kalam, 1 padakku, 3 nali, 1 alakku and 3 sevidu. This when converted into arumolidevan measure, at the rate of 1 kalam, 1 tuni, and 4 nali of arumolidevan for a kalam of rajakesari, became, inclusive of kalvasi, kalalavu kuli and korralavuvasi, 884 kalam, 2 tuni, 3 nali, and 1 alakku of paddy in excess, thus making a total of 3243 kalam, 2 tuni, 1 padakku, 6 nali, 1 ulakku and 3 sevidu of arumolidevan. The taxes accruing from this village, viz., 1 kalanju of gold by urkalanju, 1 kalanju of gold by kumarakachchanam, 37 kalafiju of gold by min pattam, 57 kalanju of gold by kilitaippattam, in all 11 kalanju of gold, equivalent to 18 madai and 7 ma, or 364 kasu, together with 284 kasu and 4 ma by dasabandam, 25% kasu and 3 ma by madaikkuli, 3 kasu by the account of mudalsilavu, 11 kasu by vannakkakuli, kasu by muttavaranam, 14 kabu by tinga!mera, 118 kasu by velik katu, made a total of 2167 kadu and 2 ma. Here are detailed the following expenses to be met in the temple from the above said income of paddy and kasu. For one siru kalai-tandi offering to the Alvar : (L. 18). One padakku and four nali of paddy for one kuruni of rice, 1 padakku of paddy for 4 nali of paruppu (broken green pulse) or 1 kuruni of payaru, 1 nali and 1 uri of paddy for 1 pulukku kari (boiled curry), 1 nali and 1 uri of paddy for 1 porikkari(fried curry), 4 nali of paddy for 1 uri of curd, 1 nafi of paddy for 1 alakku of ghee, 1 ulakku of paddy for 1 alakku of salt, 1 nali of paddy for 5 areca-nuts and 1 uri of paddy for 20 betel-leaves, thus making a total of 5 kuruni, 5 nali and 3 vlakku of paddy for one sandi. For the akkaradalai offering at the Virabolan (L. 19). 1 kuruni and 2 nali of paddy for 4 nali of rice, 1 padakku of paddy for 4 nali of paruppu or 1 kuruni of payaru, 1 kuruni and 4 nali of paddy for 6 nali of milk, 1 tini of paddy for 1 nali of ghee, 4 nali of paddy for 8 plantain fruits, 1 nafi of paddy for 5 areca-nuts and 1 uri of paddy for 20 betel-leaves, thus making a total of 2 tuni, 1 kuruni, 3 nali and 1 uri of paddy for the akkanadalai offering. The sugar required for this for a year of 360 days, at 32 palam per day is 11,520 palam, which at the rate of 576 palam of sugar for 1 kabu cost 20 kitu.

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246 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. For the offering of Palponagam at night : (L. 19.) 1 kuruni and 2 nali of paddy for 4 nali of rice, 1 kuruni of paddy for 4 nali of milk, 1 nali and 1 uri of paddy for 1 porikkari, 4 nali of paddy for 1 alakku of ghee for ponagam and porikkari, 1 nali of paddy for 5 areca-nuts and 1 uri of paddy for 20 betel-leaves, thus making a total of 3 kuruni and 1 nali of paddy for the night offering. (L. 20). For the offering at noon to Sri-Raghavachakravarti : 1 kuruni and 2 nali of paddy for 4 nali of rice, and 4 nali of paddy for ghee, curry and arecanuts, thus making a total of 1 kurumi and 6 nali of paddy. For sandal-paste to the Alvar : 180 palam of sandal are required for a year of 360 days at & palam per day and this quantity at 8 palam of sandal for 1 katu, costs 224 katu. 117 kalanju of karpura are required for a year of 360 days at 5 ma per day and this costs 221 kafu ata kalanju of karpuram for 1 kasu. And 1 kadu is required for kurkumam. (L. 21.) For lamps 1 uri of oil for 2 perpetual lamps to the Alvar, 1 ulakku and 1 afakku of oil for 3 lamps to burn in the inner circuit of the temple till dawn; 1 ulakku and 24 sevidu of oil for 10 twilight lamps, at 17 sevidu of oil for 1 lamp, thus making a total of 1 nali, 1 alakku and 21 bevidu of oil per day. The oil required for a year of 360 days is 452 naji and 1 uri', which, at 20 nali per kasu, cost 224 kasu. (L. 21.) For Aippasi festival to Alagiyamanavalar 5 kuruni of paddy for 1 padakku of rice, 2 nali of paddy for 1 uri of paruppu, 1 nali of paddy for 1 porikkari, 1 nali of paddy for 1 pulukku-kari, 1 nali of paddy for 1 pepper curry, 2 nall of paddy for 2 devidu of pepper, 4 nali of paddy for 1 Klakku of ghee, 2 nali of paddy for I nali of curd, 1 uri of paddy for 1 ulakku of salt, 1 nali of paddy for 5 areca-nuts and 1 uri of paddy for 20 betel-leaves, making a total of 7 kuruni. Thus, for the 12 occasions of the seven days of the festival the paddy required is 7 kalam. (Ll. 22-23). For the Masi festival at the same rate as above is 7 kalam of paddy. For offerings during the hunting festival in the garden of Virasolan: 2 kalam, 1 tuni and 1 padakku of paddy for 1 kalam of rice, 1 kuruni of paddy for 2 nali of paruppu, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 porikkari, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 pulukku-kari, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 pepper curry, 4 nali of paddy for 1 alakku of pepper, 4 nali of paddy for 2 nali of salt, 1 tuni of paddy for 1 nali of ghee, 1 padakku of paddy for 1 kuruns of curd, 1 kuruni of paddy. for 40 areca-nuts, and 4 nali of paddy for 2 parru of betel-leaves, thus making a total of 3 kalam, 1 tuni, 1 padakku and 4 nali of paddy for an occasion. Hence for the 2 hunting festivals, the paddy required for offering is 7 kalam and 1 kurumi. (LI. 23-24). For offerings during Jayantyashtami to Vennaikkutta var, i.e., Krishna. 1 kalam and 3 kuruni of paddy for 6 kuruni of rice, 1 kuruni of paddy for 2 nafi of paruppu, 4 nali of paddy for 1 porikkari, 4 nali of paddy for 1 pulukku-kari, 4 nali of paddy for I pepper curry, 2 nali of paddy for 21 sevidu of pepper, 1 nali of paddy for 1 uri of salt, 1 kuruni of paddy for 4 nali of curd, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 ulakku of ghee, 4 nali of paddy for 20 arecanuts, and 2 nali of paddy for 1 parru of betel leaves, thus making a tatal of 1 kalam, 2 tuni, and 5 nali of paddy. For appa-amudu to be offered on the same occasion 3 kuruni and 1 nali of paddy for 1 kuruni and 2 nali of rice, 4 nali of paddy for l nali of paruppu, 1 padakku of paddy for 1 uri of ghee, 1 tuni of paddy for 20 palain of sugar, 4 nali of paddy far 1 afakku of pepper, 2 naki 1 By calculation, the roquirement for the your in only 197 nd li and 1 wri. It is not understood how the Lascription gives an oxoons of 25 wih.

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No. 38.] of paddy for 2 sevidu of cumin, 1 uri of paddy for 1 ulakku of salt, 1 padakku of paddy for 6 cocoanuts, 4 nali of paddy for 20 areca-nuts and 2 nali of paddy for 1 parru of betel-leaves, thus making a total of 1 kalam, 1 kuruni, 1 nali and 1 uri of paddy. For offering to be made when the deity is taken on procession in the street, 1 padakku of paddy for 32 plantain fruits and 1 kuruni of paddy for 4 nali of curd. In all, the provision made for the Jayantyashtami was 3 kalam, 6 nali and 1 uri of paddy. (Ll. 24-25). For offerings to be made on the day of Karttigai in the month of Karttigai : 2 kalam, 1 tuni and 1 padakku of paddy for 1 kalam of rice, 1 kuruni of paddy for 2 nali of paruppu, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 porikkari, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 pulukku-kari, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 pepper curry, 1 padakku of paddy for 1 kuruni of curd required for 1 pulingari, 1 padakku of paddy for 10 palam of sugar, 1 kuruni and 2 nali of paddy for 20 plantain fruits, 4 nali of paddy for 1 alakku of pepper, 3 nali of paddy for 1 nali and 1 uri of salt, 1 tuni of paddy for 1 nali of ghee, 1 padakku of paddy for 1 kuruni of curd, 1 kuruni and 2 nali of paddy for 50 areca-nuts, and 4 nali of paddy for 2 parru of betel-leaves, thus making a total of 3 kalam, 2 tuni, 3 kuruni and 7 nali of paddy. 1 kasu was provided for obtaining 25 nali of oil for burning 200 lamps in the central shrine and in the inner circuit, at the rate of 1 alakku for a lamp. TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA. 247 (Ll. 25-26). Expenses to be met on the birth-day asterism Ayileya (Aslesha) in the month Avani, of king Virarajendra, are as follows: 2 nali of paddy for 1 nali of green pulse required for sprouting at the tirumanjanam, 1 padakku of paddy to be placed below the sprouts, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 palam of thread to wrap round 108 kalasas (pots), 1 tuni and 1 padakku of paddy to be placed under the kalasas, 4 nali of paddy for 2 nali of rice required for powder, 1 kalam and 1 tuni of paddy for 4 nali of ghee, 1 kuruni of paddy for 4 nali of curd, 1 kuruni of paddy for 4 nali of milk, 2 kalam, 1 tuni and 1 padakku af paddy for 1 kalam of rice required for an offering to be made on that day, 1 padakku of paddy for 4 nali of paruppu, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 pulukkukari, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 porikkari, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 pepper curry, 4 nali of paddy for 1 alakku of pepper, 2 nali of paddy for 1 nali of salt, 1 padakku of paddy for 1 kuruni of curd required for 1 pulingari, 1 tuni of paddy for 1 nali of ghee, 1 kuruni and 2 nali of paddy for 30 areca-nuts, 6 nali of paddy for 3 kattu of betel-leaves, I padakku of paddy for 10 palam of sugar required for pulingari and 1 kuruni and 2 nali of paddy for 20 plantain fruits, thus making a total of 6 kalam, 5 kuruni and 2 nali of paddy. (L. 27). For this festival are required one pudavai (cloth) for covering the paligai kept for sprouting, one pudavai for being placed above the kalam, two pudavai-consisting of one loin cloth and one upper cloth-for the acharya who performs the bathing ceremony of the god, thus making in all four cloths which cost one kasu. A provision of half a kasu for 4 nali of honey, quarter kasu for 50 palam of turmeric, half a kasu for purchasing snapana-dravyas, one katu for one parisattam to be used after bathing, one kasu for the dakshina of the acharya performing the bathing ceremony of the god, two and a half kasu for purchasing 10 parisattam at the rate of quarter kasu for one parisattam, to be presented to the Sri Vaishnavas that served in the Tiruvolakkam and those who recited the Tiruvaymoli hymns on the occasion, half a kabu for one parisattam to be presented to the astrologer (tiru) who announced the festivals, thus making a total of seven and a quarter katu. (L. 28). For the bathing of the god and for the great offering to be made on the day of Puradam in the month of Karttigai which was the birth-day of the Vaidya Madavan Damyan,

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248 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. who built the inner enclosure of the temple and the Jananatha-mandapa, a provision of 6 kalam, 5 kuruni and 2 nali of paddy was made together with 67 kasu for purchasing the necessary things for the tirumanjana and for presenting cloths to those that should get them. (L. 28). For Purattasi-Tiruvonam when Vennaikkuttalvar is taken in procession to the Jananatha-mandapa 1 kalam and 4 nali of paddy for 5 kuruni of rice, 2 kalam, 1 tuni and, 1 padakku of paddy for 300 palam of sugar, 1 kalam of paddy for 3 nali of ghee, 3 kuruni of paddy for pepper, sakhas and salt, 1 padakku of paddy for 80 areca-nuts and 4 nali of paddy for 2 kaffu of betel-leaves thus making a total of 5 kalam of paddy. For feeding Sri-Vaishnavas in the Jananatha-mandapa on amavasya days when the god presented tirtha: (Ll. 28-29). 2 tuni, 1 kuruni and 3 nali of paddy for 3 kuruni and 6 nafi of rice, for 20 persons at 1 nali and 1 uri each, 5 nali of paddy for 1 pulukku-kari, 5 nali of paddy for 1 pepper curry, 1 kuruni and 1 nali of paddy for 1 pulitta-kari inclusive of tamarind, 2 nafi of paddy for 1 slai-- kari (leaves), 4 nali of paddy for 1 alakku of pepper, 4 nafi of paddy for 2 nali of salt, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 ulakku of ghee, 1 kuruni and 2 nali of paddy for 1 padakku of butter-milk, 1 kuruni of paddy for 4 palam of sugar, 1 kuruni of paddy for 40 areca-nuts, 4 nali of paddy for 2 parru of betel-leaves, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 cook, thus making a total of 1 kalam, 7 kuruni and 3 nali of paddy for each amavasya. For 12 amavasyas, the provision made was 19 kalam, 1 tuni and 4 nali of paddy. (LI, 29-30). For feeding 100 Srt-Vaishnavas in the Jananatha-mandapa on the occasion of the tirtham at Tiruvengadamalai - 3 kalam, 2 tuni, 1 padakku and 7 nali of paddy for 1 kalam, 1 tuni, 1 padakku and 6 nali of rice at 1 nali and 1 uri each, 1 padakku of paddy for 1 kuruni of green pulse, 3 kuruni of paddy for 1 pulukku-kari, 3 kuruni of paddy for 1 pepper curry, 1 tuni of paddy for 1 pulillakari inclusive of tamarind, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 ilai-kari, 3 kuruni of paddy for 3 vlakku of pepper, 1 padakku of paddy for 1 kuruni of salt, 2 tuni of paddy for 2 nali of ghee, 1 tuni and 1 padakku of paddy for 1 kalam of butter-milk, 1 tuni and 1 padakku of paddy for buttermilk to the pulingari, 1 tuni of paddy for 22 palam of sugar, 5 kuruni of paddy for 200 arecanuts, 1 padakku of paddy for 8 parru of betel-leaves, 1 tuni of paddy for 2 cooks, 4 nali of paddy for lime, 1 padakku of paddy for one that supplied fire-wood, and 1 padakku of paddy for one that supplied ilai-kagi thus making a total of 8 kalam, 2 tuni and 3 nali. When the party returned from Tiruvengadamalai after tirtham, 100 Sri-Vaishnavas had to be fed at a cost of 8 kalam, 2 tuni and 3 nali of paddy. (LL. 30-32). For feeding Sri-Vaishnavas that came on the occasion of Purattasi-Tiruvam. A provision of 8 kalam, 2 tun, and 3 nali, calculated at the above rate, was made. 17 kalam, 1 tuni and 6 nali of paddy were provided for feeding 150 Sri-Vaishnavas on the 6 days of the Aippal festival, at 25 persons for each day and for feeding 50 Sri-Vaishnavas on the day of the tirtham. A quantity of 8 kalam, 2 tuni and 3 nali of paddy for the Sri-Vaishnavas that came to hear the Tiruvaymoli hymns on the days of the ekadasi and dvadasi in the month of Margali and 17 kalam, 1 tuni and 6 nali, calculated at the above rate, for feeding 200 SriVaishnavas in the mandapa on the oocasion of Maki-Makha, were also provided. An itom of expenditure amounting to B nali is omitted.

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No. 38.] TIRUMUKKUDAL INSCRIPTION OF VIRARAJENDRA. (Ll. 32 to 43). 6 nali of paddy and 1 kasu per day for 1 tiru, 3 kuruni of paddy and 4 kasu per day, at 1 kuruni and 4 nali and 2 kasu each, for 2 persons who recited the Tiruvaymoli hymns, 1 tuni of paddy for 4 persons who cultivated the flower-garden of Virasolan at 1 kuruni each per day, 1 kuruni and. of paddy per day to 1 tiru who brought the calendar and announced the sacred festivals and bathing days, 1 kuruni of paddy and 4 kasu per day to 1 Vaikhanasa-devakanmi who demanded from the appointed persons their dues and had the expenses met, 1 kuruni of paddy and 4 kasu to 1 accountant who entered the accounts, 1 kuruni of paddy per day to 1 potter who supplied the necessary pots to the temple kitchen, Jananathamandapa, the teachers and students, to the hospital as well as the kalasas to the Alvar, 4 nali of paddy per day to one washerman who washed the parisattam of the gods and the cloths of the Vedic teachers and students as well as of the persons in the hospital, 4 nali of paddy and 1 kasu per day to Tirumukkudal-Peraiyan who kept watch in the Jananatha-mandapa and the hospital, 40 kalam of paddy for the repairs to be executed in the tiruchchurrumaligai, i.e., the inner enclosure of the temple, 1 padakku of paddy per day to one who taught the Rig-Veda in the Jananatha-mandapa, 1 padakku of paddy per day to one who taught the Yajur-Veda, and 8 kasu to these two at 4 kasu each, 1 tuni of paddy and 10 kasu per day to one Bhatta who expounded the Vyakarana and the Rupavatara, 2 kalam, 1 tuni and 1 nali of paddy per day for feeding 60 persons in all-consisting of 10 persons who studied the Rig-Veda, 10 Brahmans who studied the Yajur-Veda, 20 Brahmans and Chhatras who heard the expounding of the Vyakarana and Rupavatara, 10 Mahapancharatras, 3 Siva-Brahmanas, 5 Vaikhanasas and 2 at the rate of 1 nali of rice to each person amounting in the aggregate to 11 kuruni, and 2 nali of rice per day, 1 kuruni of paddy for 4 nali of payaru, 6 nali of paddy for 1 pulukku-kari, 3 nali of paddy for 1 ilai-kari, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 pepper curry, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 pulitta-kari including tamarind, 4 nali of paddy for 1 ulakku and 1 alakku of pepper, 1 kuruni of paddy for 1 nali of salt, 1 tuni of paddy for 1 nali of ghee, 3 kuruni of paddy for 1 tuni and 1 padakku of butter-milk, 1 kuruni and 4 nali of paddy for 60 areca-nuts, and 4 nali of paddy for 2 parru of betel-leaves, 3 kuruni of paddy per day and 6 kasu to 3 assistant cooks, at 1 kuruni of paddy and 2 kasu each, who brought rice from Vayalaikkavur and supplied daily fuel, leaves and water, 1 kuruni of paddy and 2 kasu per day to 2 maid-servants-at 4 nali of paddy and 1 kasu each-who attended on the Chhatras and kidai that were fed in the mandapa, 2 kasu for purchasing 75 mats for the Chhatras, kidai and the atulas (i.e., the sick), to lie on, 9g kasu for purchasing 192 nali of oil, at the rate of 20 nali of oil per kasu, to meet the requirement of 102 nali of oil to the Chhatras and kidai for their oil baths during the 51 Saturdays of the year at 2 nali of oil per Saturday and 90 nali of oil for lamps to students at 1 ulakku of oil per night and 40 kalam of paddy for the repairs to be executed to the Jananatha-mandapa, were provided. 249 (Ll. 43-45). The expenses for the hospital of Virasolan are: 1 tuni, 5 nali and 1 uri of paddy for 1 kuruni and 7 nali of rice for feeding 15 in-patients at the rate of 1 nali each, 3 kuruni of paddy and 8 kasu per day to Savarnan Kodandaraman Asvatthama-Bhattan of Alappakkam, who had obtained land to be enjoyed by himself and his descendants, for prescribing medicines to the patients lying in the hospital, to the several nimandakkaras, i.e., the persons bound to the temple for supplying daily requirements, and to the teachers and students (attached to the temple), 1 kuruni of paddy per day to one who performed surgical operations, 2 kuruni of paddy and 2 kasu per day to 2 persons, at 1 kuruni and 1 kasu each, that gathered medical herbs, supplied fuel and attended to the preparation of medicines, 1 kuruni of paddy and 1 kasu per day to 2 nurses, at 4 nali of paddy and kasu each, that attended on the patients and administered medicines, 4 nali of paddy per day to one barber who served the patients, teachers and students, were provided.

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250 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (Vol. XXI. (L. 46.) The medicines to be stocked in the hospital of Virasolan for the year are : 1 measure of Brahmyam Kadumburi, ...... of..... exclusive of karungay (nut), 2 measures of Vasa-haritaki, 1 measure of Dasamula-haritaki, 1 measure of Bhallataka-haritaki, 1 measure of Gandiram, 1 tuni of Balakeranda-taila, 1 tuni of Panchakataila, 1 tuni of Labunadyeranda-taila, 1 tuni of Uttamakarnadi-taila, 1 padakku of .... .., 1 padakku of Su.. .. sa-ghfita, 1 padakku of Bilvadi-ghrita, 2000 Mandukaravatakas, 1 nali of Dravatti, 2000 Vimala, 2000 Sunetri, 2000 Tamradi, 1 tuni and 1 padakku of Vajrakalpa and 1 tuni and 1 padakku of Kalyana-lavana. An amount of 40 kasu (is provided) for purchasing these, (procuring the) medicinal herbs, purchasing . ... . and for 1 padakku of bovine ghee required to be kept under the earth annually for Puranasarpi. (L. 48.) (There had been provided) 27 kasu for purchasing 45 nali of oil which was required for a year of 360 days for a lamp, at 1alakku per night, to be kept burning during night in the hospital, 15 kalam of paddy for 180 days from Panguni-Uttiram to Purattasi-Tiruvonam at 1 kuruni of paddy per day, to one who brought water and poured it .. to be stocked in front of Jananatha-mandapa ; 20 kalam, [2 tuni) and 1 padakku of paddy for cardamom and artemisia ; 1 kalam, 1 tuni, 2 nali, 3 ulakku and 3 sevidu of paddy for the dakshina to be paid to one Brahman that performed punyaha (i.e., purification ceremony) and for betel-leaves and areca-nuts; and 1 kadu and 7 ma for purchasing) 2 parisatlam (cloths) to be presented on the day of Tiruvonam in the month of Purattasi to Madavan Damayan of Vayalaikkavur and his descendants. (L, 51.) (This is the account of ecpenses) for the paddy income of 3243 kalam, 2 tuni, 1 padakku, 6 nali, 1 ulakku and 3 sevidu and the amount of 2164 kabu and 2 ma. If this (amount of) kadu were not available owing to any default), for every kabu (of default) there shall be paid gold weighing one quarter by the Dandavani. (L. 52.) Thus in accordance with the nimanda laid down in the sixth year of the king), it (i.e., the inscription) was engraved so that the stipulated expenses might be met under the supervision of the chhatras and teachers. Pasupati Tiruvarangadevanar alias Rajendra-Muvendavelar of Minafkudi in Idaiyala-nadu, (a sub-division) of Vijayarajendra-valanadu, (which was a district) of Chola-mandalam, the adhikari (officer) who conducted the settlement of this nadu, having commanded, Iraivettin Kumara-Pasurkattan alias Virarajendra-Sembiyadaraiyan of Ayandampakkam in Agudi-nadu, (a sub-division) of Pular-kottam, (which was a district) of Jayangondasola-mandalam, had it engraved. On behalf of Damayan Gangaikondasolan alias Senapati Gangaikondabola-Danmapala, the son of Damaya who made this charity, the former's younger brother Dama .... alias Senapati Virarajendra-Danmapala, Taluvakkulaindan alias Abhimanameru Brahmamarayan, the son of the Brahman Mangalur Namassivaya. deva of . . .. [-cha]turvedimangalam in . . . . . -nadu, (a sub-division) of Pular-kottam of Jayangondasola-mandalam, had (the order) engraved on stone. This charity shall be under the protection of the members) of the great assembly (mahasabha) of SriMadurantaka-chaturvedi- mangalam. Prosperity.

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No. 39.] KALAWAN COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 134. 251 No. 39.-KALAWAN COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 134. BY STEN KONOW. Kalawan is the name of a site near ancient Takshasila where Sir John Marshall has been oonducting excavations during the winter 1931-32. It is situated about three miles to the southeast of Sirkap, on one of the many flat-topped eminences jutting out on the north side of the Margalla hills. Sir John there found remains of a monastery and a stupa-chapel with Gandhara sculptures in good style. The stupa was eight-sided and stood in the eight-sided apse of the chapel, which was originally roofed over, like the apsidal chapels at the Chir Tope and in Sirkap, but its plan differs somewhat from the ordinary apsidal temples. Under the foundations of the stupa was found & copper-plate, which can confidently be stated to have been deposited at the time of its erection. It proved to contain a Kharoshthi inscription in five lines, and Sir John has, with his usual skill, succeeded in cleaning it, so that every detail is clearly visible in the excellent photographs which he was good enough to give me when I met him in London in May, 1932. The inscription is of considerable importance, and Sir John therefore allowed me to publish a preliminary account in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1932, pp. 949 and ff. The letters are of the same kind and type as in the Taxila silver scroll of the year 136. They consist of dots punched into the plate, and the execution is comparatively careful. There is, however, a superfluous dot in the upper right-hand corner of thu, the last akshara of l. 2, and, on the other hand, the loop denoting ante-consonantic is incomplete in sarvasti, 1. 4, only three dots having been punched in, while the wrong subscript u in -svatvana instead of -satvana, 1. 5, may be due to & slip in the original draft. The alphabet is Kharoshthi, of the same type as in the silver scroll, cf. inter alia the short projection of the vertical bar of sa. Of individual characters we may note the rare akshara chha in Chhadafilae, 1.2, the very distinct tea in samvatsaraye, 1. 1, and the superscript line which we know from the Dutreuil de Rhins manuscript and the Kharoshthi documents from Central Asia, and which is also found above sha in the word tasha, Skr. trishna, in the Kurram casket inscription, while the Kanhiara record uses a dot in the word Krishayasa, Skr. Krishnayasas. In the Corpus I have rendered this line or dot with a dash, writing tash'a, Krish'ayasa, respectively. In our inscription the line occurs in the word sh'ushaehi, Skr. snushakabhyam. Professor Rapson has shown that sha with the superscribed line stands for shna in Central Asian documents, and it is possible that the was actually sounded. I shall therefore write shnushaehi, but I am by no means certain that this writing is a correct rendering of the sound. Of numerical symbols we find those for 1, 3, 4, 10, 20 and 100. With regard to the shape of individual letters, it will be seen that the bottom of ha is angular in graha, gaha, 1. 2; putrehi, 1. 3 ; shnushaehi, l. 4; hotu, 1. 5, but rounded in graha, 1. 3. We may further note the upward bend of the bottom of ta in the compounds tva, 1.5, and tea, 1.1; cf, the tva of the silver scroll and the tea of the Patika, Paja, and Sue Vihar inscriptions. The post-consonantic r is usually more or less rounded ; cf. gra, 11. 2, 3; tra, ll. 1, 3; dra, ll. 2, 4; dhra, 11. 2, 4; pra, 11. 2,5; bra, 1. 1. It is, however, angular in gra, 1.5; bhra, 1. 3. Ante-conso 1 [Sir John Marshall while sonding me the photographs for preparing the facsimile tells me that the oppor. plato measuros 8.85 by 2-85 inches and weighs 879 grains.--Ed.) .Kharopthi Inscription, discovered by Sir Aurel Stein in Ohinne Turkestan, p. 321.

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952 EPIGRAPHIA INDIOA. [VOL. XXI. nantic r is denoted by a loop in sarua, I. 5, while the incomplete akshara in sa[r]va, 1.4, is more like the old form, with a curved cross-bar instead of the loop. The anusvara is noted in the usual way in santvat saraye, Chandrabhi, 1.1; Nardivadhanena, 1. 3 , Jivanardina, 1. 4, but omitted in Idroe, I. 4. A redundant anusvara is found in Dhranimaisa, 1. 2, while l. 4 has Dhramae. The language is the North-Western Prakrit which we know from other Kharoshthi inscriptions and from the Dutreuil de Rhins manuscript. The phonetical system is broadly the same. The vowel ri is represented by ra in grahavati, Skr. grihapati, 11. 2, 3, but by a in gahathubami, Skr. grhastupe, 1. 2. Intervocalic k has disappeared in uasia, Skr, upasika, I. 1; shuushaehi, Skrenusha kabhyam, 1. 4, and pratiae, Skr. prapti kayai, 1. 5, but is represented by y in samvatsaraye, Skr. samvatsarake, I. 1. Intervocalic g appears as k, i.e., probably & voiced guttural fricative, in-nikamo, Skr. -nigamam, 1. 5. Instead of -ch- we find y in ayariena, 1. 4, and, similarly, also twice ya for the enclitic cha, 1.4, but cha, 1. 3. If Saita represents Skr. Sachitta this ya has regularly disappeared before i. Intervocalic ja becomes ya in puyae, Skr. pujayai; puyaita, Skr. pujayitva, 1. 5, but remains in the name Raja, l. 4, which I cannot explain. In ajasa, 1.1, - - denotes the voiced 8, i.e., 2. Intervocalict is usually preserved, but was probably pronounced as d'; cf. grahavati, Skr. grihapati, II. 2, 3; dhita, Skr. duhita, 1. 2; dhituna, Skr. duhitra, 1. 3 ; hotu, Skr. bhavatu, l. 5, but bhraduna, Skr. bhratra, I. 3. In the unaccented prefix prati it has been dropped, evidently in consequence of the absence of stress, in praiskuveli, Skr. pratishthapayati, 1. 2; cf. prethavetiye in the Taxila gold plate; prehavide in the Jamalgashi inscription. Intervocalic d disappears, probably after having become a fricative, in sarvastiraana, Skr. sarudstivadanam, 1. 4. Intervocalic p regularly appears as o, which is dropped after u; cf. uasia, Skr. wpasika, 1. 1 ; grahavati, Skr. grihapati, 11. 2, 3, but becomes b as in some other Khardanthi records in thuba, Skr. stopa. I. 2. As in the silver scroll, the dental n has throughout been replaced by n. The compound ry becomes ria in ayariena, Skr. acharyena, l. 4, and y in bhaya, Skr. bharya, 1. 2. The same double treatment is also found in other Kharoshthi records. Similarly we have privana for Skr. nirvana, 1. 5, but sarva, 1I. 4, 5, as in the silver scroll. The transposition of r in Dhrama, Skr. Dharma, 11. 2, 4, is also known from other sources, but has not been met with in other Kharoahthi inscriptions. New is also the assimilation of a(n) to the ensuing sh in shoushacki, Slar. mushabibham, 1. 4. Of inflexional forms I shall only mention the peculiar instrumentals fem. dhituna, Skr. duhitra, 1. 3, and shnushachi, Skr. snusha kabhyam, 1. 4. They seem to be coined after the pattern of masculine nouns, but we have no right to characterize them as simple mistakes. They were evidently used in the dialect, and Pischel's valuation of the stray Prakrit examples of fem. instr. plur. in ehil should be modified. After the date, with which I shall deal below, the inscription goes on to record that the female worshipper (upasi ka) Chandrabhi (Skr. Chandrabhi), the daughter of the householder (grihapati) Dhramma (Skr. Dharma), the wife of Bhadravala (Skr. Bhadrapala) puts up relica in the house- stupa' (grihastupa) at Chhadasila. The term gahathuba (Skr. grihastupa) is new, but evidently means a stupa standing in a griha, 1.0., & roofed building. For we have already seen that our stupa was situated within a chapel that had been roofed over, Chhadasila, on the other hand, must be the name of the district, or of an old village or town in the immediate vicinity of the monastery to which our stupa belonged. It cannot well be a synonym of Takshasila, though the last part of the two names, sila, is evidently the same. Por, in the first place, the new site does not seein to belong to ancient Takshasila. Chhadasil. * Graminatik der Polbril-Sprachen, $376,

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No. 39.) KALAWAN COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 134. 253 is designated as rathanikama, Skr. rasktrarigama, which seems to mean a country-town or market town, and can hardly denote the capital. According to the Ramayana, Takshasila was founded by Bharata as the residence of his son Taksha, but Buddhist sources show that the first part of the name was felt to be derived from the base taksk, to chop, cut off. According to the 22nd avadana of the Divyavadana the town was formerly called Bhadrasila, and in one of his jatis the Buddha was born as Chandraprabha, king of Bhadrasala, and as such cut off his own head and gave it to a needy Brahman. In the Aramaic inscription found at Taxila the name has been translated with naggaruga, i.e., according to the late Professor Andreas, " carpenter's craft," as if the roal form were Takshafila. A prior it is quite possible that Takshasela means " carpenter's rock", or "chop rock", "a detached rock". And the new name Chhadasila seems to support the latter explanation. For its first part, chhada, can very well correspond to Sanskrit chhata, mass, lump, a continuous streak. The Margalla hills, on which Chhadasila was situated, form a continuous range, while the Takshasila ridge consists of several more or less detached hills. Chhadasila can accordingly mean a place situated on a massy ridge, and Taksbasila a town on or below a detached hill. The name occurs as Ch'o-to-she-lo in v. 33 of Sanghavarman's Chinese translation of the Mahamayuri (A.D. 516), which Professor Levi' wants to restore as Chhardasaila. In establishing the relics Chandrabhi was associated with her brother Nandivardhana, her sons Sama and Saita (i.e., perhaps Sanskrit Sachitta), her daughter Dharma, her daughters-inlaw Raja and Indri, her grandson Jivanandin, and her teacher. We may note that Dharma's granddaughter was called Dharma, and that the element nandin is found both in the name of Nandivardhana and in that of his sister's grandson Jivanandin. The text has in 1. 4. avariena ya, which can only mean and (with) her acharya'. It is. however, possible that the original draft had ayariana sarcastivaana parigrahe, in the acceptance of the Sarvastivada teachers; cf. acharyana sarvastivadana parigrahammi on the Kurram, and acharyana sarvastivatina pratigrahe on the Kanishka casket. But also the Lion Capital has sarvastivat(r)ana parigrahe, without ayariana, and the text as it stands gives good sense. The final portion of the record contains a blessing on the rathani kama, Sanskrit rashtranigama, evidently Chhadasila, and on all beings, terminating in the wish for Nirvana, as in the silver scroll. The inscription is dated samvatsaraye 134 ajasa Sravanasa masasa divase trevise-23, in the year 134... on the twenty-third-23 , day of the month Sravana, i.e., it is about two years older than the silver scroll of the year 136, for the shape of the letters clearly shows that the same era is used in both records. The crucial word in this date is the genitive ajasa preceding the name of the month, and it is clear that this ajasa is identical with the genitive ayasa preceding ashadasa in the silver scroll. In my edition of the latter in the Corpus, I have discussed the various explanations given of this word, and proposed to explain it as corresponding to Sanskrit adyasya and as characterizing the month as the "first" Asbadha because there was, in that particular year, a second, interealary, Ashadha. This being the only inscription of the older series of Kharoshthi records containing any clue to a scientific calculation of the era, I sought the co-operation of the well-known Dutoh soholar Dr. van Wijk, who was good enough to investigate the matter, whereafter I made his ealoulations the basis of the chronological system proposed as a working hypothesis in the introduotion. 1 VII, 101, 10 f., cf. Raghuvamba, xv, 89. * Nachrichten von der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften su aoningen, Philologisch Historische Klasse, 1931. p. 13. J.A., XI, v, 1015, p. 39.

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254 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. The chief importance of the Kalawan epigraph is that it enables us to test this explanation and other attempts at translating the crucial word. If my explanation were right, we should have to assume that there was an intercalated Sravana in the year 134 and an intercalated Ashadha in the year 136, and this double indication would make it possible to arrive at almost certain results with regard to the epoch of the era, if the system of the Siddhantas had already come into being. Dr. van Wijk has again been good enough to come to my assistance. He has pointed out that such a state of things is impossible, unless we were to assume that the year 134 were reckoned as current and 136 as elapsed, so that the interval between the two dates could be about three years. It seems to me that we have no right to make such an assumption. In such circumstances it becomes necessary to admit that my attempt at arriving at a dating of the older series of Kharoshthi records through astronomical calculations was a failure, and the meaning of the word ayasa, ajasa remains just as doubtful as when the Taxila silver scroll was discovered. The Kalawan inscription helps us, however, to eliminate certain possibilities. Since the consonant of the base word aya, aja can be written both y and j, it cannot correspond to Sanskrit y or ry, because -y- remains &s y or is dropped, and ry appears as ry, riy, or, occasionally, as y in the North-Western Prakrit. We cannot, therefore, think of ayasya, an irregular genitive of the pronominal base in ayam, this, or of aryasya. It is also impossible to derive the word from adya, belonging to to-day (adya). It is conceivable that adya, first, might become aja and further aya, because the connected words adi and udika would tend to preserve the long a and prevent the regular change of adya to ajja. But no such counteracting influence would be at work in the case of adya from adya. Even the development of adya, first, to aja, and further to aya, is a priori very doubtful. And now that we know that there cannot be any question of "first " Sravana or Ashadha, as opposed to a "second", intercalated one, the explanation becomes extremely unlikely, the more so because no reasonable sense can be made out of suoh an addition. The use of side by side with y in one and the same word seems to show that we have to do either with an old single intervocalic, or with a voiced 8-sound, a z. In other words, ayasa, ajasa must be the genitive of aja (aja) or aza (aza). I am unable to find any possible word aja, aja which could suit the case, and, so far as I can see, we must return to the explanation originally proposed by Sir John Marshall, that ayasa, ajasa means " of Azes," the double writing aya, aja being parallel to the doublets kuyula, kujula of the name of the first Kadphises king. Sir John took the word ayasa in the silver scroll to characterize the era used in the record as instituted by Azes. "The absence of any titles attached to the name of Azes," he said, "is exceptional, but will hardly occasion surprise when it is borne in mind that his era had been in use for more than a century, and that his dynasty had been supplanted by that of the Kushang." Professor Rapsons took the same view, and added that " Azes could scarcely have been furnished with his wonted title, Great King of Kings' in this inscription without prejudice to the house then actually reigning ". The late Dr. Fleet has, 80 far as I can see, definitely proved that the addition ayasa cannot be explained in this way: "From the vast mass of inscriptional material which is now avail. able I cannot quote a single record in which the name of a real king (I mean, of course, excluding 1 cf. Corpus, PP. ov, cvil. *J. R. A. 8., 1914, pp. 973 ff. The Cambridge History of India, 1, p. 582 J. R. A. 8, 1914, pp. 097, 995.

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No. 39.) KALAWAN COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 134. 255 the fictitious Vikramaditya and Salivahana), whether living or dead at the time of the record or even of any official-is mentioned in such a connection without some title or another. And for this reason, if for no other, I am of opinion that the word ayasa does not give a proper name." "Even if the word ayasa stood before the statement of the years, so that the translation would actually be '(in) the year 136 of Aya,' this record would still, on the analogy of every known early Indian record, place Aya in the year 136 of some era not founded by him." If therefore the word ayasa, ajasa in the silver scroll and the Kalawan records means "of Azes," as I believe it does, it must be explained in a different way, and I believe that a clue can be found in another Taxila inscription. During the excavations at Sirkap in the winter 1926-27, Sir John Marshall found a worn silver vase of duck shape, bearing a Kharoshthi inscription round the neck. Photographs and impressions were sent to me after the manuscript of my edition of Kharoshthi inscriptions in the Corpus had been sent to press, and I could not do more than give a short account of the record. In my reading it begins ka 191, and I was not able to give a satisfactory account of the initial ka. In his review of my edition Professor Thomas proposed to read saka 191, because "we seem to detect before the ka a sign which presents a great resemblance to sa." Mr. Hargreaves Was good enough to ask his deputy, Mr. Dikshit, to make a careful examination of the original, und he reported that no trace of any letter can be found. A plaster cast was prepared for my use, and this cast shows distinct traces of a sa, in the same way as the photograph reproduced on Plate XVI d of the Corpus, and I have no doubt that here mechanical reproductions are more reliable than our eye, and that we must actually read saka 191. Professor Thomas is certainly right in maintaining that saka 191 is a clear reference to an era designated as a Saka institution, and if we substitute the fuller form samvatsaraye 191 sa kasa, in the year 191 of Saka, we would have an exact parallel to samvat saraye 134 ajasa. Saka in the silver vase inscription is not the name of an individual ruler, but a dynastic designation, characterizing the era as connected with Saka rule, and the parallelism points to the eonclusion that ayasa, ajasa should be explained in a similar way. The word has been added in order to show that the era was different from another reckoning, that connected with Saka rule, and itself introduced or adopted by another, non-Saka, dynasty. The successors of the Sakas in Taxila were the Pahlavas, and among them the Azes kings must have been better known than the rest. The Azes coins are more numerous than all other coins found at the ancient site, and they seem to have been "struck and restruck for the best part of a hundred years," as Sir John Marshall has been good enough to tell me. To the Takshabila people, therefore, the name of Azes would naturally be well known, and become almost tantemount to a designation of the whole dynasty, especially after the Pahlavas had been ousted by the Kushanas. If it was found necessary to characterize the era used under Parthian rule, it would therefore be natural to do so by adding the word "of Azes", without thinking of any individual king, but only of the late dynasty : " in the year 80-and-so, Azes style". If this explanation is right, it follows that the addition ayasa, ajasa, does not characterize the era as instituted by Azes, but simply as connected with Parthian rulers. And as a matter of fact there are no indications to show that the Parthians introduced an era of their own, or any feature in the dates of records issued under Parthian rule which makes us think of the era as Partnian, The Parthians brought Greek institutions and notions with thein, and in a Parthian ers we should expect to find traces of the Greek calendar. It is, however, noteworthy that in India 1 Corpus, pp. 81 f. * Gottingische gelehrte Anzeigen, 1931, p. 4.

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256 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. the Macedonian month-names have only been traced in records connected with the Sakas and the Kanishka dynasty, and in no inscription of the Parthian period. We have, on the other hand, an Indian tradition to the effect that an Indian era, the so-called Vikrama era, was instituted by an Indian king of the name or biruda Vikramaditya, to commemorate his victory over the Sakas in Malava, and I am unable to see why it should not be accepted. The Vikrama era would, in other words, start from the overthrow of Saka rule in Central India. This event would naturally lead to a Saka exodus, and if the Sakas subsequently invaded Mathura, it would be natural for them in later times to start their chronology from the time when they became masters there, in which case their reckoning must coincide with the new national Indian era which was gradually established in Malava. And this era would have great chances of being adopted by the Parthian rulers, who supplanted the Sakas in the north-west, just as Vikramaditya had done in Malava. The Taxila silver vase inscription of the year [sa]ka 191 shows, it is true, that an older, Saka, era remained in use, also during the Parthian period. For Jihonika-Zeionises, during whose reign the vase was manufactured, belongs to that period. It is even probable that he was himself a Parthian and not a Saka, if the last part of his father's name Manigula is Iranian varda, for Iranian v does not seem to become g in old Saka. But the Takht-i-Bahi inscription of the year 103 shows that the other reckoning was soon introduced side by side with the old one, and, to judge from other records, such as the Panjtar and the Taxila silver-scroll inscriptions, it gradually became the usual one. It might be objected that the Parthians would, a priori, be more likely to adopt a Saka than an Indian era. For they were foreign invaders, of Iranian stock, just as the Sakas. And it has often been maintained that they were so closely associated with the Sakas that the two can hardly be distinguished. I have never been able to accept that view. We know that Sakas and Parthians had constantly been at war with each other before any of them founded an Indian empire. The Sakas were hardly pressed by Mithradates I. They reasserted themselves under his successors, but were again reduced by Mithradates II. And shortly afterwards Parthian rulers replaced the Sakas in north-western India. These Parthian rulers came to north-western India at a time when the Sakas of the Parthian kingdom had been brought to subjection. The conquest of the Saka realm in India was a consequence of the supremacy they had already acquired, and there was no occasion for commemorating it by establishing a new era. The old Saka era therefore continued to be used. But at about the same time, or probably a little later than Azes' accession, the new reckoning, which coincided with the national Indian Vikrama era, gradually spread northwards and westwards, also to Parthian India. Sakas of course continued to live in India under Parthian rule. But we have no indications to show that they identified themselves with the Parthians. When later on the Kushanas entered on the stage, they took up again the Saka tradition, and they were probably themselves Sakas. Their conquest, beginning with an attack on the Parthians and culminating in the sack of Sirkap, shows that they did not look on the Parthians as their associates and kinsmen. But just because the era current under Parthian rule was not a Parthian institution, it was left alone under the new rulers. So far as I can see, we must therefore refer the dates not only of the Takht-i-Bahi inscription of the year 103, but also of the Panjtar record of the year 122, the Kalawan plate of the year 134, and the Taxila scroll of the year 136 to the Vikrama era, and if we reckon with elapsed Karttikadi years, these dates would then roughly correspond to A.D. 46, 65, 77 and 79, respectively

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No. 39.] KALAWAN COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 134. 257 With regard to the reckoning used in the Jihomika inscription, it is evident that it is the bame as that of the Patika plate, and it is probable that also some other records should be referred to it. Such is the case with the Maira well inscription of the year 58, if it actually contains tlo name Moa, i.e. Moga ; with the Mansehra inscription, which seems to be dated in the year 68, and which mentions a certain Lia, who may have something to do with the Kshatrapa Liaka of the Patika plate ; with the Shahdaur inscription of the rajan Damijada, whose name reminda us of that of the Western Kshatrapa Damaysada, and perhaps with the Fatehjang, Loriyan Tangai, Jamalgarhi, Hashtnagar, and Skarah Dheri inscriptions of the years 68, 318, 359, 381 and 399, respectively. With regard to the epoch of this old Saks era, various dates have been suggested. Sir John Marshall, 1 once thought of ca. 95 B.C., but is now inclined to go back to the middle of the second century; the late Mr. Banerji' suggested ca. 100 B.C., Mr. Jayaswal' ca. 123, and Professor Rapson ca. 150. It seems to me that the last mentioned scholar cannot have been far from being right. The Jihonika inscription was found on a silver vase, which was much worn when it was buried at the sack of Sirkap. It may have been about twenty-five years old at that date. The Kushana conquest of Taksha sila, which led to the destruction of Sirkep, can roughly be dated ca. A.D. 65. At the time of the Takht-i-Bahi inscription of the year 103, i.e. A. D. 46, the ruler was the Parthian Gondophernes. And we know that other Parthian rulers intervened between him and the Kushanas. Moreover, I cannot accept Professor Rapson's6 criticism of my reading and interpretation of l. 5 of the Takht-i-Bahi inscription erjhuna Kapasa puyae, in honour of Prince Kapa, i.e. Kujula Kadphises. On the stone I could not see traces of letters between Kapa and sa. If I am right, Kvjula's career of conquest had not begun in A. D. 46. At the time of the Panjtar inscription of the year 122, i.e., A. D. 65, on the other hand, the Kushana power had become established, and at the date of the silver-scroll inscription of the year 136, i.e. A. D. 79, the sack of Sirkap seems to have been an event of the past. If we assume that the Jihonika vase was made about A. D. 40, the epoch of the era would be 191- 40, i.e. about 150 B.C. In that case the Patika plate would be dated in the year 150-78, i.e. about 72 B.C. Patika was then evidently a young man, without any official position or title. If he were then about twenty years old and about sixty-five when he appears as Mahakshatrapa on the Lion Capital, the date of the latter would be about 25 B.C. At that time there was another Mahakshatrapa in Mathura, vis. Rajula, who had a son, the Kshatrapa Sodasa. The latter may have been about twenty-five years old, and it would be reasonable to assume that he was about sixty-five at the time when he appears as Mahakshatrapa in the Amohini tablet of the Vikrama year 72,"ie. A. D. 15. Such calculations are, of course, not decisive. But they raise a certain presumption in favour of an epoch about 150 B. C. 1J.R.A. 8., 1914, p. 986, Ind, Ant., XIxvil, 1908, p. 67. J. B.O.R.S., xvi, p. 240. * The Cambridge History of India, i, p. 570. J. R. A. 8., 1930, p. 189. As seen by Professor Thomas, Goltingische gelehrte Anzeigen, 1931, p. 6, the final sentonoo of the plata must be read mamahadanapati Patika saja wajhae[na] Rohinimitrera ya imam sanngharame narakamika, the great gift-lord Patiks together with the wpadhyaya Rohinimitrs, who is overseer of works in this Samgharama There is, aocordingly, no mention of the title jadra as proposed by me, Corpus, p. ovii f. "I cannot agree with Professor Rapson, Acta Orientalia, xi, pp. 260 ff., that the St. Andrew's Oromo aymbol in the tablet stands for 40. It seems to me that Professor Luders, Acla Orientalia, x, pp. 118 ff., has proved that it must be read a 70. The manuscript fragments where the symbol is used in that way osme from North. Western India, and I do not quite undertaed Profesor Rapeon when he says that they are "pomowlut dietantly removed in place, if not in time, from tho Mathuri inscriptions."

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258 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. And it would seem to be quite intelligible if the Sakas had introduced an era of their own about that time. We know from Chinese sources that their southward march and invasion of Ki-pin coincided with the Yue-chi conquest of the Ta-hia country, which is stated to have been effected ca. 160 B. C. The Sakas must then have come into contact with the Greek and with the Parthians, whose King Mithradates I (ca. 171-138 B. C.) is stated to have extended his empire to the Indus and to have brought force to bear on the Scythians. This would naturally lead to the Sakas trying to consolidate their power and to their introducing an era of their own, in imitation of the Greek, who used the Seleucidan era. Under Mithradates' successors they were more than able to hold their own, until Mithradates II (123-88 B. C.) succeeded in establishing his suzerainty over them. The pressure thus exercised on the Sakas seems to have led to their invasion of the Indus country. In the Saka year 58, i.e. about 92 B.C., we apparently find the Saka king Moga mentioned in the Maira well inscription, and ten years later perhaps a Saka chief Lia in Mansehra, while Moga again appears in the Taxila copper-plate of the year 78, i.e. about 72 B.C. How long he remained in power, we do not know, but he seems to have had a fairly long reign. The Saka empire, however, soon broke up. In Malava it was, according to an Indian tradition, brought to an end by an Indian ruler, known as Vikramaditya, and in the NorthWest we soon find the Parthian ruler Azes, who may have risen to power about the middle of the first century B.C. The Kushanas, who made an end to the empire founded by Azes, are known to us from Chinese sources. We there learn about their gradual rise to power. At first we hear about them as forming a principality, Kuei-shuang, near or within the Ta-hia country conquered by the Great Yue-chi. We are told about five such principalities, each under a hi-hou, viz. Hiu-mi, the present Wakhan; Shuang-mi, the present Chitral; Kuei-shuang, apparently immediately to the north of Gandhara, or Gandhara itself; Hi-tun, the present Parwan on the Panjshir, and Kao-fu, i.e. Kabul.. The hi-hou of Kuei-shuang, K'iu-taiu-k'io (Kujula Kadphises), attacked the four other hi-hou and styled himself king, the name of his kingdom being Kuei-shuang (i.e. he assumed the title "Kushana-king"). He further invaded An-si (i.e. the neighbouring Parthian realm) and seized Kao-fu. Moreover he triumphed over P'u-ta (unidentified)' and Ki-pin and entirely possessed those kingdoms. He died more than eighty years old. His son Yen-kaochen (i.e. Wima Kadphises) became king in his stead. He again (anew) extinguished (conquered) Tien-chu (i.e. the Indus country) and appointed a general there for the administration. We are distinctly told that these events belong to the period Kien-wu (A. D. 25-55) and later, and that they had been related by Pan-yung at the end of the reign of the emperor Ngan (A. D. 107-125). Kujula Kadphises cannot, therefore, have started on his career before A. D. 26, and the whole development narrated in the Annals, including Wima Kadphises' reconquest of T'ien-chu, had been concluded in A.D. 125. 1 Otherwise Rapson, The Cambridge History of India, i, p. 568. ol. Marquart, Iringahr, pp. 242 ff. According to the Hou Han-shu Kao-fu should be replaced by Tu-mi. The Tang pronunciation of the name was, acoording to Karlgren, Nos. 760 and 956 Buk-d&t. Ten miles ont of Kabul we find the small village Batthak, at the place where the two routes to Kabul from the east moet. It is mentioned by Baber, Iransl. by John Leyden and William Erskine, II, p. 130, and the name is said to moan " idol-dast," with reference to the legend that Mahmud of Ghazni here broke up the idola he brought from Hin. dustan. That sounds like a popular etymology, and if the place is old, Butkhak might be a corruption of an old Bukda. But it is more likely that Piu-te was some part of Arachosis. .of. Chavanno, Toung Pao, II, viii, p. 168.

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KALAWAN COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 134. HIRANANDA SASTRI poppers huarukusutorara mameraido18 SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE 217722222 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. 2

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No. 39.) KALAWAN COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 134. 259 The Kalawan inscription has, as we have seen, shown that the era used in the Kharoshthi inscriptions connected with these events must be the so-called Vikrama era. We can, accordingly, state that Kujula Kadphises' attack on An-si and conquest of Kao-fu cannot be placed before some time after A. D. 46, because then Gondophernes, who was not the last Parthian king, was still ruling. Less than twenty years later, in the year 122, i.e. A. D. 65, we find a maharaya Gushana, a title which recalls the Hou Han-shu statement about Kujula Kadphises styling himself Kushana King, mentioned in the Panjtar inscription. If this ruler was, as some scholars think, Wima Kadphises, we should have to draw the inference that his father, who was more than eighty years old at his death, was no more alive, and that he had, consequently, achieved his chief result, the victory over the Parthians, when he was & septuagenarian. That is, so far as I can see, an impossibility, and the chronology which the new inscription allows us to draw up seems to clear up the disputed question about the identity of the Kushana ruler mentioned in the Panjtar and silver-scroll records. He can only be identified with Kujula Kadphises. And if he was still alive in A. D. 79, Kanishka, the successor, or one of the successors, of his Bon Wima Kadphises, cannot have founded the historical Saka era. The Kalawan inscription is also of importance for the chronology of Gandhara art. The sculptures found in the chapel, which cannot be older than A, D. 77, are stated to be of good style, and it is not a priori likely that they are older than the chapel itself. We can, accordingly, in this case approximately date some specimens of good Gandhara art. If the Loriyan Tangai, Hashtnagar and Skarah Dheri image inscriptions of the years 318, 384 and 399, are referred to the old Saka era and roughly correspond to A. D. 168, 234 and 249 A. D., respectively, we should be able to survey the development of Gandhara sculpture for more than 150 years. The Mamana Dheri pedestal of the Kanishka year 89 would then be only slightly older than the Hashtnagar image, because it seems impossible, in view of the chronological result indicated above, to assume an earlier epoch of the Kanishka era than towards A. D. 130. TEXT. (L. 1). Samvatsaraye 1 100 20 10 4 ajasa bravanasa masasa divase trevise 20111 imena kshunena Chamdrabhi uasia (1. 2) Dhrammasa grahavatisa dhita Bhadravalasa bhaya Chhadabilae sarira praistaveti gahathu- (1. 3) bami sadha bhraduna Nardivadhanena grahavatina sadha putrehi Samena Saitena cha dhituna cha (1. 4) Dhramae sadha shnushaehi Rajae Idrae ya sadha Jivanamdina Samaputrena syariena ya sa[[ ]vasti- (1.5) vaana parigrahe rathanikamo puyaita Barvas(v)atvana puyae nivanasa pratiae hotu. TRANSLATION. In the year 134 of Azes, on the twenty-third-23. day of the month Sravana, at this term the female worshipper (upasi ka) Chandrabhi, daughter of the householder (griha pati) Dharma, wife of Bhadrapala, establishes relics in Chhadabila, in the chapel-stupa, together with her brother, the householder Nandivardhana, with her sons Sama and Sachitta and her daughter Dbarma, with her daughters-in-law Raja and Indra, with Jivanandin, the son of Sama, and the teacher, in acceptance of the Sarvastivadas, having venerated the country-town, for the veneration of all beings; may it be for the obtainment of Nirvana. That does not, however, preolude that Kabul might already have been associated with the Kusbinas at An earlier stage, before the attack on the Parthians. Such a previous connection may be reflected in the Kujala-Hermaeus coins and in the notice in the older Han Annals about Kao-fu being one of the five Ta-ha principalities. But the Parthian conquest of Kabul made an end to that state of things.

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260 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. No. 40.--KOLAGALLU INSCRIPTION OF KHOTTIGA; SAKA 889. By N. LAKSMINARAYAN RAO, MA., OOTACAMUND. The stone which bears this inscription was found at Kolagallu, which is a railway station on the Guntakal-Hubli section of the Madras and Southern Mahratta Railway. A very brief note on its contents has appeared in the Annual Report on Epigraphy, Madras, for the year 1913-14. This is the earliest record of the Rashtrakuta king Khottiga so far discovered and I edit it below from the estampages kindly placed at my disposal by the Government Epigraphist for India. The inscription is written in ordinary Sanskrit and in Nagari characters closely resembling those of the Debli and the Karhadi plates of Ktishna III. The average size of the letters varies from * to 1". The e sign is written in two ways--(1) by a slanting stroke at the top of the letter and (2) by a stroke beginning at the top of the letter and running down to its bottom on the left side. With the exception of lines 1 to 3, which give the date, the whole of the record is in verse. It may be remarked here that the syntax of verse 5 is faulty. The word hemayashtyasano stands by itself without any connection with the rest of the verse and the verse has no predicate. The form sik-samaih (1. 29) is grammatically wrong. The rules of sandhi are not observed in purusho kumaro (1. 31) and grame abhishiktah (1. 33). Apparently this is due to the requirements of the metre. The scanning of the first pada of verse 21 is not in conformity with the rules of prosody for it has one syllable in excess of the actual number required. The text of the inscription contains some technical expressions like dandasana and lohasani (1. 35), the exact import of which is not quite clear. Neither lohasana nor dandasana finds place in the verse which enumerates the five yogic asanas, viz., padmAsanaM svastikAkhyaM bhadraM vacAsanaM tathA / vIrAsanamiti proktaM kramAdAsanapaJcakam // The word Kapardin which generally means Siva is here possibly used for Karttikeya. Verse 18 would show that this epithet was applied to the sage Gadadhara also. In respect of orthography,' the following points may be noted : (1) A superfluous anusvara is sometimes used before double n or before n followed by a consonant(e.g., tasmimn-adhipatyam in l. 20, vidvain in 1. 38, kamny-eva in l. 42, anannyassita in l. 50 and samamnyo in l. 68); (2) the dental sibilant is used for the palatal in saravane (1.23); (3) the letter v is used in place of b in Ativala (1.72) and vrahmacharibhih (1. 79); (4) the consonant ri is used for the vowel si as in rik-samair (1. 29) and vice versa as in anamnyassita (1. 50) and devapriya (1. 52); (5) the letter sh is used for the jihvamuliya as well as for the upadhmaniya as is seen in mallashukurute (1. 63), pritish-kapardinah (1.77), chakshush-Purusho (1. 31) and vapyash-Parcati (1. 55); (6) the corrupt or Prakrit form somuachhans is used instead of samvatsara in lines 1 and 2. The record is dated Saka 889 expired, the year Kshaya, Sunday, the Sixth (tithe) of the bright halt of Phalguna, when king Ktishna had died and Khottigadeva was 'ruling. This Khottiga is no other than the homonymous Rashtrakata king of Malkhed, the half brother and successor of Krishna III. The object of the inscription is to record the installation of the images of Karttikeya and other gods at the village of Kolagala by the Brahmacharin Gadadhara. Verses 2 to 8 glorify * No. 236 of 1913 of the Madras Ephigraphical Collection * Part II, para. 36. Above, Vol. V, pp. 188 ff. Above, Vol. IV, pp. 281 f. Bee Subda kalpadruma under deana.

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No. 40.) KOLAGALLU INSCRIPTION OF KHOTTIGA: SAKA 889. 261 the god Karttikadeva (Skanda) and his asana made of gold. His prowess in destroying the demon Taraka and his brilliant form are then extolled (vv. 9 to 12). Verse 13 describes the ascotic Gadadhara as a lohasani belonging to the Sandilya-gotra and as a crest-jewel of the Gauda country. The next verse tells us that he was born in the village Tada and that he was the illuminator of the Varendri country. Verse 16 is devoted to the praise of his learning and devotion. We learn from verse 16 that he set up the images of the Sun, Brahma, Vishnu, Mahesvara, Parvati and Vinayaka and that he constructed a tank, a monastery and some wells. According to the following verse, these acts of charity established his fame in heaven. Verse 19 states that he was conducting the administration of the realm of the god Karttikeya.) Verse 22 gives the ancestry of the poet Madhusudana who composed this prasasti. In the last verse Gadadhara beseeches future Brahmacharins to have the same love as himself for the god Kapardin. The importance of this epigraph chiefly lies in its date which corresponds regularly to A.D. 967 February 17, Sunday, the tithi commencing at .66 of the day. The earliest correct date hitherto found for Khottiga is Saka 890, Vibhava, Jyeshtha suddha 1, Thursday! (A. D. 968 April 30, Thursday). Our record is thus earlier than this by one year. It is also important in another way for, as Khottiga was the successor of Krishna III, it helps us to ascertain Krishna's last date. But before proceeding to determine the date of Krishna's death, I think it is necessary to discuss the date of his accession which has not yet been properly fixed. The Karhad grant of A.D. 959 describes at length the conquests of Koishna III which were achieved by him after he was crowned king; but the Debli plates: whose date is approximately 30th April A.D. 940 makes no mention of any of them. On the other hand the account given in them ends with his coronation. It is very likely, therefore, that Krishna came to the throne shortly before the date of the Debli plates. And the earliest known regular date of this monarch is Saka 861, Vikarin, Uttarayanasamkranti, Vyatipata, Monday (A.D. 939 December 23, Monday). But the Isamudra inscription of his father Baddega Amoghavarsha III is also dated in Saka 861, Vikarin, Uttarayanasamkramana. It has to be noted, however, that this latter date does not admit of verification as neither the week day nor the nakshatra is cited. Now, only one of the following two inferences can be drawn from these dates viz., (1) that Amoghavarsha III and his son Krishna III were ruling jointly or (2) that the date which does not admit of being tested is not correct. That Krishna III became king only after his father's death is stated in unequivocal terms in the Deoli and the Karhad plates. And Ktishna's record of 23rd December 939 gives him such titles as Maharajadhiraja which are indicative of paramount authority. It follows, therefore, that Baddega must have died before this date, which, as stated above, is the earliest available for Ktishna III Hence the first alternative viz., that Krishna and his father were joint rulers has to be rejected and the date of the Isamudra inscription has to be regarded as incorrect. But as has been shown by Kielhorn long ago there are several instances where Uttarayana-sankaramana is wrongly quoted while other details are given correctly. We may not be wrong, therefore, if we leave out of account the Uttarayana-sankramana of the Isamudra inscription and take as correct the only other detail contained in it, viz., the cyclic year Vikarin. Then, Baddega would still be on the throne in the 1 Ep. Carn., Vol. XI, Cd. 50. An inscription of this king found at Hunavalli (Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Sb. 631) is dated saka 890, Prabhave, Chaitra, suddha punname, Aditya vara, Sankranti. But the details of the date given here do not work out correctly. Above, Vol. IV, pp. 281 ff. Above, Vol. V, PP. 188 ff. and Bombay Gazetteer, Toids Pt. ii, p. 420. * Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Sb. 476. *** Ibid. Vol. XI, Cd. 77. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XXV p. 293 ; see also the dates of the Madras Epigraphical Collection Noe. 114 of 1913, 113 of 1913, 118 of 1913, 476 of 1914, 478 of 1914 and 291 of 1918 caloulated by the late Dewan Bahadur Swamikannu Pillai in his Indian Ephemeris, Vol. I, pt. ii, pp. 36 ft.

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262 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. year Vikarin which began on 23rd February A.D. 939. In all probability, therefore, Krishna succeeded his father after this date. Thus the initial year of the reign of Krishna III would fall between 23rd February and 23rd December A.D. 939. Now let us ascertain the last date of Krishna. Our inscription tells us that Khottiga was holding the reins of government on 17th February A.D. 967, after Krishna's death. Consequently, the latter ruler must have died before this date. And the latest date that we now have for Krishna is 6th March A.D. 965'. Several inscriptions in the Tamil country are dated in the 28th year of his reign and thus prove that his rule lasted for not less than 28 years. Since, as shown above, he ascended the throne after 23rd February A.D. 939 he must have occupied the throne till some time after 23rd February A.D. 966, when his 28th year began. The wording of the present record, viz., paralokaM gate tasminAmnA kRSNanRpe nidhau rAjye khohigadevasya (II. 4-5 ) would indicate that Krishna's death had occurred not long before the date cited in it (i.e., A.D. 967 February 17). This surmise is further strengthened by the fact that another record of Khottiga which is later by 4 years does not contain any reference to Krishna's death, because it was by that time an event which had taken place long ago. The passage in it which introduces the king runs as: uraufa afa fi ufa aff. We may, therefore, conclude that Krishna III ruled from A.D. 939 to 966-67. From what has been said above, it also becomes clear that the last year of Krishna's reign was the 28th year." Gadadhara who installed the images mentioned above appears to have been an ascetic of great repute as can be seen from the high praise bestowed upon him in the record. As stated above, the realm of god Karttikeya was under his administrative charge. In another inscription of Kolagallu of A. D. 964, this tract of territory is called Karttikaya-tapovana and we are told that he had full control over it and that he was ruling it from Kolgallu. We learn from an inscription at Kudatini that this person set up in that village an image of Skanda. It thus appears that he was an ardent devotee of this god. We do not know when this celebrity came from Varendri to the Kanarese country but this much is clear that he rose to this eminence on account of his learning and other qualities. It is possible, however, that Krishna III met and brought him to the south during the second northern expedition which, as I have shown elsewhere, took place in A.D. 963-64. All that we know about Madhusudana, the author of this inscription, is that he was the son of Atibala and grandson of Risht, that he was a dvija of the Karmara-kula and that his ancestors emigrated from Tarkari. As the preserved portion of the last verse of the Kudatini epigraph, referred to above, is an exact copy of the 22nd verse of our record, the former also appears to have been composed by this same Madhusudana. I am not able to identify him with any of the poets of this name who flourished in this period. Of the geographical names occurring in the inscription, Varendr! "is identified with that part of Bengal which is now called Rajashahi". As to Tarkari, there seem to be a number of places of this name but the Tarkari of the present inscription is, I think, the famous 1 Bombay-Karnatak Collection No. 113 of 1929-30. See, for instance, Madras Epigraphical Collection Nos. 364 of 1902, 125 of 1906 and 159 of 1921. Same collection No. 44 of 1904. The date of the Kilur record which has been wrongly read as the [3]0th year (Madras Epigraphical Colleotion No. 232 of 1902) was after re-examination found to be the 20th year. Madras Epigraphical Report, 1914, Pt. II, para. 36; No. 234 of 1913. * Madras Epigraphical Collection No. 44 of 1904. Abovo, Vol. XIX, p. 289. Above, Vol. I, page 305 f. n. 2. See Ind. Ant., Vol. LX, pp. 16-17.

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No. 40. KOLAGALLU INSCRIPTION OF KHOTTIGA; SAKA 889. 263 . Takiri. 16 miles north-west of Gaya. Tada, where Gadidhara was born, has perhaps to be identified with the modern village Tara lying at a distance of about 12 miles south-east of Dinajpur in Bengal. Kolagala is, doubtless, Kolagallu where the inscription was discovered. TEXT.1 [Metres : vv. I to 15, 16 to 21 and 23, Anushtubh ; 15 and 22, Sardulavikriditam.] First Face. 1 vasti zrI [*] zakatRpakAlAtItasaMvacha (tma)[ga]2 8(e)yatAzItinavAdhikakSayasaMvacha(sa)re phAlA3 NazabaSaSThyAkadine pratiSThA katA // pa4 ralokaM gate tasmivAnA kRSNanRpe ni[dhau] [*] .. 5 rAjye khoTigadevasya dharmasetuH kalau yu6 ge // [1] trailokyavyaktarUpAya vikhyAtAya 7 [yazakhine [1] svAmikArtikadevAya sarvajJA8 ya namonamaH(namaH) [2] jJAnazaktidharaM devaM zrIma9 drAtmajaM zubhaM [1] sarvalokahitaM zAMta 10 namAmi paramezvaraM // [3] surasenAdhipatre 11 Thasta(syA)sya satvaM mahAtmanaH [*] khantu vipu12 lA kIrti sarvapApavinAzanI // [4] hemaya13 SvyA(TyA)sanotha' nirguNAH zaurya kapardinaH / 14 [hijazreSThagadApANe: zAzvataM dharmakI16 rtanaM // [5] utpAditaM prayanena ratnAnaka18 viMzobhitaM [*] tejasA zudhamatyaMtamiMdrAdyai17 vaiditaM suraiH // [*] divyarUpAsanaM ramyaM 18 pUrNenduriva nirmalaM [*] pApaghnaM vedhasA sa19 TaM kAmarUpi sukhAvaha [7] sthitvA daMDA20 sane tasmi(smi)bAdhipatyaM divaukasAM [*] 21 kRtaM hAdazanetreNa soyaM devekha22 rAMgabhUH // [*] hemasya nalinIgarne SaNmu23 kho hAdarIkSaNa: [*] jAtasma(zazoravaNe bA From inked estampages. The letter is engraved below the line. *Possibly this has to becorrooted into mayadhyAsanassa. * Read cauguNAna.

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264 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. . [VoL.XXI. 24 lo vizvAtmA paramezvaraH [] .padrava(ja)25 prAyavadhyo yastArakAsurAdhipaH [] 26 krIDayA nihatonena hAdayAca]27 pena saH // [10] bhuvi boraka(bavyeka) evArya [deva 1]. 28 tejomayaH katI / hijArasamyakkaTha[tve | Second Faos. 294 riksAmaivedapAra30 gA: [11] viNatayA31 puruSo kumAro vi32 satomukhaH [*] zrIma33. kholagalagrAma - 34 bhiSiktaH zubha dine] [12] 35 lohAsanI ca pANi-.. 36 svamutapakhI gadAdha 37 ra [*] vijanAtrayo 38 vihAM(hA)ggauucUDAma 39 nirguNI // [13] svargavAsa* 40 nimittArtha taDApA[mo] 41 ma(ja)vena tu [1] sthApito 42 divyamantreNa varenchA43 botakAriNA [14] - 44 jIryaskha parabhya eva bha45 vane karakonyeva dAtuM khi 48 tA vidyA yasya samasta47 jahitavAdIpapra48 mevAmalA [1] bhaliyaMsa pativrateva vanitA ba60 mAina(mondhAna(triotA ta51 sati gadAdharA[ya] Audipura mArI. to the regulando one of tho Vodio sapma farting front get front anyaga frente situat worfen pAyAlA butI banavan deva evaH

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KOLAGALLU INSCRIPTION OF KHOTTIGA: SAKA 889. FIRST FACE. ON SECOND FACE. * kala pakAlAhI 2PM vArSika usa daladAna liyA maidAna 730 samakAlA 65 sAcAlakAlA ma va 32 REATRE pAyA nAlAsa 81 bAlArAma bho hAmajIdAsa 10. tulAvaccha lAmAlapAThIladA, 36 mAda kA vedAra vAra 38 . 14 ko vidhavA milA hai| hara dAna 16 zukatAbarAva 18 napAmA pasAramA dAda sAdara jAyamAna kara 20 mAlasAmro mAlayI ko kadApi pAlavAdabAva viMDAyanAsana kA / 5 maraganali kI havA hAkAla ke rAma TopAla valava vAmilAkara 48 24 vAlA rAiTa matapaya va ke rAyamAraka AjArakA lakAra 500 26 laDakavArasAkara memasAyanI siTasA kAsyAcA pArada pAyA 52 28 diyaakaakaak| SCALE: TWO-NINTHS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. WASANDA SASTRI. . 2005.E.32.

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THIRD FACE. 54 kI lAla nAva pulAva 56 58 FOURTH FACE. kAkA gAvAmanAnA pramukha kAryAnasana 60 .mAyAkA ) tAmA va yAnAvakopAla 64 jAgAjAvara cAra bama yA bhArata ( 1080 66 Raza kAsyanikasA bayA kyA 68 kA AkathAma bhA.jIvana 70 yAtule yo meM A piladhA sAvadhAna ra baTAlA ravivAra

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No. 40.) KOLAGALLU INSCRIPTION OF KHOTTIGA; SAKA 889. 265 52 [vasudhAdevapa(pri)yAyA53 [ni] [15] Third Face. 54 [] hopara(ri) tathaivArko vaidhA vidharma55 varastaDAgamaThikAvApyaSpArvatI 56 ca vinAyakaH // [15] [sa] pRSThe sthApitA: ] kIrti57 viditA khargavAsinA [0] yasyAbatiSThA 58 devAnAM batA pAmena dhImatA [17] sure59 bhuvane kIrti gAyasthasarasasma80 dA [*] jayatyaso kapardI ca mRgAMkava61 dano muniH / [18] rAjyaM zrIkhAmina[:] khA 62 ne viDiyopakAraka [*] durbhicamajha63 kuvata yathA vairocano baliH // [18] khA 84 mimahArakAsvAyaM varAmacira66 tamaH [*] bAto] na dattA vasudhA patha60 vRtvA vizeSataH [20] mahItvA parimi67 tA(pramitA) dattA bhUmiryA satikhodakA [1] vipre68 bhyasmA nahartavyA sAmA(mA)nyo dharmasA- . 69 garaH [21] zrIkarmArakulAdhyahija70 varapAmastu(pAmAtu) tarkArito niSkrAmya kA. 71 manirmalasamabhavattanivRSicca72 DitastattvaprathitaH citAvativa(ba)73 sastasmAdabhUdaya(gha)sutastena bIma74 dhusUdanAkhyakavinA zastA praya- . 75 stiH latA // [22] Fourth Face 78 gadAdharaNa sahita 77 bacA prItiSkapardi78 naH [*] tathAnyerapi ka79 tavyA bhaviSana(ba)80 cAribhiH / [21]

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266 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [ VOL. XXI. TRANSLATION. (Lines 1 to 3.) Hail! Prosperity! On Sunday the sixth tithi of the bright half of the (month) of Phalguna in the (cyclic) year Kshaya, when eight hundred years increased by eighty nine had elapsed since the time of the Saka King, the installation (ceremony) was performed. (Verse 1.) During the reign of Khottigadeva--the king named Krishna of excellent qualities having gone to heaven-(this) bridge of religious merit (was erected) in the Kali age. (V. 2.) Adoration to the omniscient god Karttikadeva who has a form which is manifest in the three worlds, who has obtained great fame and is glorious. (V. 3.) I bow to that Supreme Lord who bears the (weapon called) Jnanasakti, who is the son of the celebrated Rudra, is the auspicious and the peaceful One and the benefactor of the whole universe. (V. 4.) The chief of the commanders of the army of the gods-let people hear the valour of the high-souled One and his wide fame which is capable of destroying all sins. (V. 5.) (Let people hear) the three gunas and the prowess of that god), who possesses & yashtyasana made of gold, viz., Kapardin, (otherwise of the ascetic with the matted hair) who holds in his hands the best of birds and the gada and the meritorious act (of the best of Brahmans Gadadhara) which is eternal. (Vv. 6 and 7.) His seat of heavenly forme, created with special effort, decked with many gems, extremely pure in its lustre, worshipped by Indra and other gods, which is capable of destroying sins, which was created by (god) Brahma and which can assume the desired form is comfortable. (V. 8.) Seated in that dandasana was wielded the generalship of the army of the gods by the twelve eyed (god). Such is the issue of the lord of gods (i.e., Siva). (V. 9.) This six faced, twelve-eyed boy, the soul of the universe, the supreme lord was born in the womb of the lotus of gold in the saravana grass. (V. 10.) That Taraka, the lord of demons, who could not be slain by Rudra, Brahma and other (gods) was destroyed in sport by this (god) who has the twelve suns as his eyes. (V. 11.) He is the only (god) on earth and in heaven who is eternal, who is full of brilliance and who has accomplished his purpose. Thus do the twice-born who are well-versed in the Vedas praise him well by Riks and Samans. (V. 12.) This Kumara, the eye and the face of the universe (i.e., who has eyes and faces pervading the whole universe), the Purusha was anointed at the illustrious village Kolagala on the auspicious day. (V. 13.) The learned and virtuous Gadadhara, the crest-jewel of the Gauda country, who is a lohasani (ascetic), who is a Bandilya and who has practised great austerities is the refuge of learned men. (V. 14.) By him who was born in the village of Tada and was the illuminator of the country of) Varendri was the god Kumara) consecrated with divine hymn with a view to attain an abode in heaven. (V. 15.) Prosperity be ever to that Gadadhara, who is dear to Brahmans, whose wealth resides in his house only to be bestowed on others like an unmarried girl, whose learning is pure and beneficial to all beings like the glow of a lamp and whose devotion (to god) resorted to none but himself like a chaste wife. There seems to be a bleska here upon the worde Kapardin, dvija-breshtha and gada-pari describing the greatnos both of god Karttikeya and of the ascetio Gadadhara.

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No. 41.1 THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDIS. 267 (Vv. 16 and 17.) And besides (the god named above) the Sun, Brahma, Vishnu, Mahesvara, Parvati and Vinayaka (all these gods) were installed on beautiful pedestals and a tank, a monastery and wells were constructed. Since the consecration of the gods was performed in this village by this learned man, his fame became well known to the dwellers in heaven. (V. 18.) This sage who has the face of the moon is victorious and has matted hair (Kapardin) the heavenly nymphs ever sing his praises in the abode of Indra. (V. 19.) This Durbhikshamalla (i.e., the destroyer of famine) conducts in the realm of the illustrious SvAmin (Skanda) the administration, which is beneficial to the learned and the Brahmans, like Bali, the son of Virochana. (V. 20.) This excellent and ancient village is the property of the worshipful Svamin. It is especially on this account that no land (here) is parcelled out and given. (V. 21.) The land which is taken possession of, measured and granted with sesame and water to Brahmans should not be snatched away : (this is) the common (rule of the) ocean of Dharma. (V. 29.) A family immigrated from Tarkari, the village of the excellent twice born Karmara community and became pure in successive generations. In it (neas born) the scholar Rishi; his son was Atibala renowned in the world; by the poet Madhusudana the son born to him, i.e., Atibala) was this excellent prasasti composed. (V. 23.) Just as love was entertained by Gadadharal towards (god) Kapardin, so also should it be done by all the future Brahmacharins. No. 41.--THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDIS. BY A RANGASWAMI SARASWATI, B.A., AND N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, M.A. A CHIMAKURTI PLATE OF VEMA. This plate was secured on a loan from the Karnam of Chimakurti in the Ongole Taluk of the Guntur District in the year 1920. It is a single oopper plate with no rim, oblong in shape and little broken at the bottom. It is, 103" in length and 61' in breadth. There is a very small hole at the top of the plate to allow a string to pass through. Only one side of the plate bears the writing. At the top of the plate are engraved the figure of a linga and a bull facing it. The weight of the plate is 37 tolas. The inscription on the plate is written in Telugu characters and language except the two imprecatory verses at the end which are in Sanskrit. The alphabet and orthography of the dooument bear close resemblance to those of the Tottaramudi plates of Kataya-Vema' and the Phirangipuram inscription of Komati-Vema* thou h these two are later in point of time. It is therefore likely that the present document is a later copy of the original, though it is nowhere statod 80. There seems to be no objection, however, to take the historical facts contained The word eft sooms to be superfluous. No. 8 of App. A to the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for the year 1919-20. Aboro, Vol. IV, Pp. 318 ft. Ibid, VOL. XI, pp. 818 t.

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268 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXI. in it as correct, for the birudas of king Vema found here, which give all the historical information, are almost similar to those found in his Amaravati inscription The inscription records the grant of the village Ramatirtham situated in the Srisailabhumi and the Ammanambrdlu-sima as & sart-agrahara to Chittamuri TimmanaBhatta who was the son of Kamesvara-Bhattaraka and who belonged to the Kaundinya-gotra, Yajus-sakha and Apastamba-sutra. Besides this the donee was granted a fourth portion of the produce of the wet lands, betel-leaf gardens and sugar cane fields, of each of the five villages Chimakurti, Bhimobvaram, Pulikonda, Mailavaram and Kumarapuri and a sixteenth portion of the produce of the remaining three-fourths. A fifth part of the money income (suvarn-adaya) (of these villages) and the water of the Pedda-cheruvu (big tank) were to be given to him. Over and above these the donee was to receive one-tenth of the produce of the other villages (in the division ?) and land at the rate of 200 kunta measured by a pole of 16 baru in big villages and 100 kunla in small villages. It is interesting to note that the present Karnam of the village Chimakurti who is now in possession of this copper-plate claims to be a lineal descendant of the donee and is still enjoying some of the gifts registered in the plate. The date of the document is Salivahana Saka year 1257, Yuva Karttika su. 12, Thursday, Manvadi. This is the earliest record of the king being earlier by 10 years than the Madras Museum plates of the same king. If the cyclic year Dhatu is substituted for Yuva the details of the date would correspond to A.D. 1336 October 31, Thursday. The importance of the document lies chiefly in the fact that some of the king's birudas mentioned in it would, if they are properly interpreted, yield new information about the history of the Reddi chiefs. For instance, Charchumala-churakara, or Cherjimala-churakara as given in the Amaravati inscription, means "one who reduced the hill fort of Chemji or Gingi." How Vema could reduce this fort will be shown below. Another biruda Rachuridurgavibhala means "the destroyer of the fort of Rachuru " i.e., Raichur in the Nizam's Dominions. A third title in the list Kalin- garaya-mana-mardana means "one who destroyed the pride of the King of Kalinga." The title Manniyaraya-mriga-rentakara means "one who hunted like deer the chiefs of Manniya hilly country". The term Manne is generally applied in later Telugu literature to the hilly tracts near the eastern ghats in the Godavari, Vizagapatam and Ganjam districts. Similarly the titles Voddiyaraya-nirdhuma-dhama and Jantu rnataraya-halla-kallola signify victories over the kings of the Voddiya (Odhra) country, the modern Orissa, and the Janturnadu which is perhaps the modern name of Dantapura-nadu. Dantapura was an early capital of the Gangas of Kalinga, from which, for instance, the Narasapatam plates of Vajrahasta II were issued. The title Pan- dyaraya-gaja-simha means "one who was a lion to the elephant in the form of the Pandya King" suggesting thereby that the king probably routed the Pandyas. The title Appaya-Gopaya-disapatta seems to signify some victory won by the king or his immediate ancestors over the chiefs called respectively Appaya and Gopaya. The Tiruvendipuram inscription of the Chola king Rajaraja III dated in his 15th year records the victories of two Hoysala generals Jaganobbaganda Appama-Dandanayaka and Samudra-GopayaDannayaka over the Pallava chief KOpperunjinga who overcame the Chola sovereign Rajaraja III and had for a time kept him prisoner at Sendamangalam. The chiefs that are referred to 18.1.1.. Vol. VI, No. 248. Above. Vol. VIII, pp. 9 A. * Some of these titles are explained in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for the year 1900, page 22. * Above, Vol. VII, pp. 180 ff.

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No. 41.] THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDIS. in the title Appaya-Gopaya-disapatta of Vema seem to be identical with the Hoysala generals of the Tiruvendipuram inscription. 269 The exploits referred to in the titles of Vema must have been achieved by him or by his ancestors while they were the subordinates of the Kakatiyas. During the days of the decline of the Cholas all the neighbouring powers attempted to capture as much of the territory as possible. The Pallava general Kopperunjinga who endeavoured to establish for a time an independent kingdom extended his conquests over the territories of the Cholas of Nellore and other chieftains as far north as Draksharama where an inscription of his is found. The Cholas of the Nellore District who had the titles Madhurantaka-Potappi-Chola and Gandagopala extended their kingdom to the south and, for a time, occupied Kanchipuram and Tondaimandalam. Against these Sundara-Pandya led an expedition from the South and celebrated the anointment of heroes at Vikramasimhapuram (Nellore). The Kakatiya sovereign Ganapati led an expedition first in aid of one of the Telugu Chola chiefs of Nellore and later on to Conjeevaram, where his inscriptions are found. After Ganapati his daughter Rudramba and later her grandson Prataparudra continued the campaign on Conjeevaram. The triumph claimed in these birudas over the Pandya king and the Hoysala generals Appaya and Gopaya should also have been won during this period of constant warfare. Similarly, the victories over Kalingaraya, Oddiyaraya, the Janturnataraya as well as the reduction of the fort of Rachuru should have been achieved in the wars of the Kakatiyas against the surrounding countries. The inscription also says that Vema founded many agraharas on the banks of the rivers Brahmakundi (the Gundlakamma), the Krishnaveni, i.e., Krishna, the Godavari and the Mahanadi, and laid out gardens in the vicinity of various towns. We are further informed that he gave food in charity houses (satt ras) in many holy places and built steps to the famous shrines of Sriparvata and Ahobala. Vema is called in this inscription the lord of the Eastern Sea, the establisher of the sole sovereign (eka-raya-sthapan-dcharya) and the only ornament to the throne (eka-simhasan-alamkara). B PACHCHANI-TANDIPARRU GRANT OF ANNA-VEMA. Next in chronological order comes the Pachchani-Tapdiparru grant of Anna-Vema. It is registered as copper-plate No. 6 of Appendix A to the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for the year 1919-20. The set of plates on which the grant is engraved was borrowed from M. R. Ry. Devi Hanumacharlu of Koditadiparru, in the Tenali Taluk of the Guntur District, in the year 1919. This grant is written on five oblong copper-plates which have slightly raised rims but no ring or seal attached to them, though holes for passing a ring are to be seen in them. The plates measure 93" in length and a little over 4" in breadth and weigh 88 tolas. The inscription is written in Telugu script and Sanskrit language. The portion giving the boundaries of the village (11, 47-72) is, however, in the Telugu language. Plates iib, iiib, ivb, and vb are marked with the numerical symbols 2, 3, 4 and 5. As to the palaeography of this grant only one feature may be noticed specially: The letters of this grant as well as of the following one (C) appear more archaic than those of A although the latter professes to be much earlier than either B or C. The donor of the grant is Anna-Voma who is here called the son of Prolaya-Vema, i.e., Vama of the previous grant. The record opens with an invocation to the boar incarnation of Vishnu. The second verse is devoted to the praise of the Sun and Moon, The next verse says that a caste was born from the lotus feet of Vishnu which evidently means the Sudra caste

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270 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. padbhyann Sudro-bhijayata. In it was born Prolaya-Vema who constructed the flight of steps leading to Srisaila and made all the gifts enumerated by Hemadri (v.4). He performed various meritorious deeds and defeated several hostile Kings (vv. 5 to 8). To him were born two valorous Bons namely Anna-yota and Anna-Vema (v. 9). Anna-Vota, the elder, is said to have exhibited great prowess on the battlefield and to have ruled the Andhra country extending from the eastern portion of Srinaga (i.e., Srisaila) to the eastern ocean (vv. 10 and 11). The Telugu work Vishnu-puranam tells us that this Annavota defeated a chief called Ravutu Kata near the river Kfishnaveni before the very eyes of god Amaresvara. The work also says that king Pota had some literary works written by poets of the Vennalaganti family and got them dedicated to him. Surana, the author of this Telugu work belonged to this family. AnnaVota's younger brother Anna-Vema who was a great warrior ruled over his father's kingdom after the death of his elder brother (vv. 12 to 15). The genealogy of the donee is then given. In the gotra of Harita there was a pious Brahman named Nrisimha who was a lion to the elephants, viz., the disputants (v. 16). His son was Bhimesvara-Somayajin who had performed many Vedic sacrifices (v. 17). His son was Potibhatta ; to him was born Gundayaryys whose son was Peddi-Vidvan, the crest jewel among astronomers (v. 18). To this PeddiVidvan king Anna-Vema granted, on the date specified, the village Pachchani-Tamdiparru (v. 19). Then follows a description of the boundaries of the village (II. 47 to 73). After three imprecatory verses, the concluding verse of the grant tells us that this edict was composed by Bala-Sarasvati, the court poet of Anna-Vema. The inscription ends with the king's signature Pallava-Trinetra. The details of the date recorded in the inscription are the Saka year counted by rasa (6), ratna (9) and Bhaskara (12), i.e., 1296, Nabhasya (Bhadrapada), full moon, Tuesday, lunar eclipse. According to Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, the English equivalent of this date is A.D. 1374 August 22, Tuesday, when there was a lunar eclipse. The grant under publication does not say anything new about the donor king Anna-Vema. The donee Peddi-Vidvan seems to have been a great scholar in astronomy. He seems to have been patronised by the kings of the Reddi family even after Anna-Vems for we learn from two copper-plate grants of Pedda-Komati-Vema that this Peddi was the recipient of the village Kalvavamulu in Saka 1329 and of Nandamuru in Saka 1333. In both these records he is des cribed as having mastered the quintessence of Siddhantas like those of Brahmi and Sarya.. One of them says that he had knowledge of the present, past and future on account of his learning in Jyautisha-tastra. Nothing is known from other sources about Balasarasvati who composed the record and who calls himself a poet of the court of Anna-Vema. It may be pated, however, that he was the author of another inscription of the same king at Srisailam Another poet in this king's court, viz., Trilochanacharya is already known to us. He composed the Vanapalli copper-plate inscription of this king. s PINAPADU GRANT OF KOMATI-VEMA. This is the last of a set of copper-plates whose other plates are lost. It measures 12 in length and 54' in breadth, and weighs 47 tolas. In the middle of its proper right margin there is a hole for passing a ring through. It bears writing only on one side. Though it is a little damaged the writing is in good state of preservation. It was secured in the year 1920 from Mr. * 4. R. on South Indian Epigraphy 1919-20, Nos. 13 and 14. I fee 4. R. on South Indian Epigraphy for 1916, Part II, para. 69. Aboro, Vol. II, pp. 60 4.

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No. 41. ) THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDIS. 271 Ponukapati Ramayya who discovered it buried underground at Pinapadu near Tenali and has been registered as No. 8 of Appendix A in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy for that year. The portion of the inscription preserved on this plate is in Telugu characters and contains a description in Telugu of the gift village Pinapadu and five verses in Sanskrit. The first verse gays : "The donor is king Komati-Vema, the recipient of the grant is the preceptor Sankara, the village granted is Pinapalu, the composer is the poet Srinatha-Bhattaraka, the time of the grant is the occasion of the holy Sivaratri and the witness the great Srigiri. Why should not poets extol the gifts under these circumstances ?" The other four verses are imprecations. The inscription ends with the king's signature" Sri-Viranarayapasya". From the above verse it is apparent that king Komati-Vema, the donee Sankara and the poet Srinatha were at Srisaila on the Sivaratri day. According to the Siva ratri-mahatmya of this roet, which is dedicated to a scholar named Santayya, a disciple of Banta-Bhikshavritti, Brinatha once visited the sacred shrine of Srisaila during the Sivaratri festival and paid his respects to Santa-Bhikshavritti. While the poet was seated in the mukha-mandapa of the temple Banta-Bhikshavsitti, the head of the Virasaiva matha on the hill asked him to write a Saiva poem and dedi. cate it to one of his disciples. This Santa-Bhikshavsitti Appears to have been a patron of Telugu literature. The Telugu poet Gaurana dedicated his Navandtha-charita to this pontift. His successors seem to have been treated with great respect even by the Vijayanagara kings, Siddha-Bhikshaviftti, who was the donee of the Srisailam grant of the Vijayanagara emperor Virupaksha, was one of the gurus of the Virasaiva matha on Srlparvata. The descendants of the donee of the grant under publioation, viz., Sankara, are found even today in the village Pinapadu. Though they are Brahmans they officiate as Acharyas to several Saives who are not Brahmana. A TEXT. 1 Sri-Tripurantakekvara [*] 2 Svasti Sri [11] Vijay-abhyudaya-Salivahana-saka-varshambulu 1257agun eti Yuva3 nama samvatsara Karttika-buddha 12 Guru-vasara manyadi mahapunya kalamunan4 du Yaju[$*]-sakh-adhyayan-Apastaba-sutra-Kaundinya-gotr-odbhavalumnnu (lunnu) Srimad-yajao n-adi-shatkarma-niratal-agu Kamesvara-bhattarakuni-vari pautfi(tru)lurnnu(lunnu) Kondu-bhattarakuni6 vari-putri(ru)lunn-agu Chittamuri Tirhmmana(Timmana)-bhattu-bastrulavarili svasti [le] sakala-guna-gan-alamkara Chamchumala-churakara Visva-visvarbhar-abharana-vahana-daksha-dakshapa (kshina)-bhuja-damdda 8 Jaganobba-gamda Iniya(anya)-mandalikara-ganda raya-chekolu-gamda raya misara-gamda 9 arthi-pratyarthi-Hemadri-dana-nirate praja-paripalana-chatura harana-bharana rupa10 Narayana Vira-Narayana bhuja-bala-Bhima Kodanda-Riina Aparimite-bhu-dana Parafu. 11 tima - anka-nagar-opakamtha-pratishthapita-bahu-vidh-drama sa tuggadi-rakaha-pt laka jaga-ja

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272 12 kaha-palaka mana-Karavala 13 Rachuri-durga-vibhala Halayu 14 dha samgra jagada-Gopalaka Gujjari-dhatta-vibhala kum EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. anaverata-purohita-krita-soma-pana dhih(dik)[kah] 15 tta-manohara kirti-kusum-amoda Kumdiprabha-Samhya(Sahya)ja-Gautami16 jala-krida-vinoda Kalimga-raya-mana-mada-marddana mamniya-raya-mriga 17 vemtakara Voddiya-raya-nirdhuma-dhama Jamtur-nata-raya-halla-kallola 18 ri-raya-basava-Samkkara virodhi-nripa-danava-Narasimhva(ha) Pandya-raya-gaja-sib19 hva(ha) prajna-chatur-vidh-opaya keladi-raya nitya-paripalita-satya Pallv-adi20 tys ripu-narapati-godhuma-ghattana-gharatta Appaya-Gopaya-diaa-paffapa(pasja) 21 ma-samuddamda-chandda-bhuj-isi-vikhamddita-krita-kilala plavamana-Bramhhma(ahms) 22 dl-Krishnaveni-Godavari-Mahanadi-tati-dvayan(ya)-madhya-desa-anek-agraha 23 ra 30. 40. jala-durga-jaladhi-badabanala br(mr)jya aganya-punya-kshetra-satra-bahu-vidh-ahara 24 eka-raya-sthapan-acharya Parva-samudradhisvara aka-sithhva(ha)san-alarbkara Arima[*]-Tripuratakada25 va-divya-art-pada-padma-Aradhakul-aina erimatu-Vemaya-Reddigaru Viayimchi yi26 chohina bhu-dana-dharma-sasanam || 27 m-amdu Srisaila-bhumini Ammma(Amma)nambroli (1)malo Ramatirtham sarv Agraharamum 28 nnu(munnu) Chimakurti-Bhimavara-Pulikordda-Mailavaram-Komarapuri-gramaveli-polash-onunu charvula krimda 29 mulu [VOL. XXI. gham-bhuja-virkja. sthala-durga-havana ayidittiyadunnu Sriparvata-Ahobala-nirmita-sopana phala 32 dulakunna(anu) ahoja-ha arheamunnu mad-bhuja-darbdda-paripalanam-aina mga 30 pi-lonunnu Aku-tortalu-cheruku-tomtala-lonu bhumi chathurth-Amheamh 31 sarva-manyam-ganumnnu(nnu) migilina muppatika bhamini padina nana ma meranu suvarp-dynaku parhcham 38 pedda-chervu nillanu y! gramalu gaka yitara gramala pathddina dhanyanaku dalam-ar 34 samunnu ai(si)ma-mulam prati-gramamularbdushnau(anu) padaharu-barala ghadanu 35 pedda vurki innaru kuchtalunnu(anu) ohinna variki gumttala kshetramu 36 nnu sarva-manyamulumhnnu(nnu) 1-lagu nirgayah chai Ramatirthath modal-aina A 87 4 grim-dulayahuanu ashta-bhoga-svamya-svatashiramulunnu chaturvi38 dha-yogya-g sa-hiragy-odaka-dna-dhar-purvah-g yippithatimi ganuka tra-paramparyyamunau addula vachchina phalat d-cha ... duvaru dana-palanayor-madhy danich-chhre naru

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No. 41. J 41 42 THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDIS. padar || ek-ai[va] First Plate, Second Side. 1 zrImAdha (tha) sva varAhadivyavapuvo vaH pAtu daMdA ciraM syUtozrIta2 mahItaloparitaTInirkhAtarmRgAMkurA / yAmAtmIyajalI 3 ditAM zazikakrAmAzaMkA jAta: [ca)caM sohAna vijRMbhamANasali4 lAraMbho mahAMbhonidhiH // [ 1 * // ] tamo haratAM tava puSpavaMttau rAkA6 supUrvvAparamelabA (bhA) jI / rathAMgalIcAmivadarzayattau purA purAreH " 6 pRdhivI(vI) rathastra [2* // ] pAdAraviMdAdaraviMdranAbheggeva puNyA gha 7 najIvanazrIH / jAtAbhijAtA ghatathA (VI) vibhinnA jAticaturthI jagato 8 hitAya // [ 3 ] tasyAmabhUprolayavemanAmA zrIlasopAnavidhA9 nazAlI // ( 1 ) hemAdrika spoditadAnadaco nissImabhUdAnanirUDhakIrttiH / vema achyutam vipra-datta Second Plate, First Side. 10 citIzo hathamamekapAdaM saMcapracAraM kalikAladoSAt / dattA11 prahArahi javedazaktyA padakramairaskhalitaM cakAra // [4* // ] dharmAtmajo dA12 zaradhi (thi): pRthukhetyudIryamANAni yugAMttareSu / vitarkaye vema13 narezvarasya puNyAni nAmAni purAtanAni // [5* // ] yatkIrttilolamanasA14 suragAMganAnAmAlIkituM ca sukharAgamanaMgamUlaM / 15 zrotuM ca gItaracanAM yugapadmadaco nAgAdhipo na sahate nayana16 zrutitva' ''[G*n] saMgrAmapArthasya zarairvibhinnA yasyAricUDAmaNayo 17 vicetuH / cAkrAmatassaMyati rAjavaMzAn pratApavakreriva visphuliM 1 Metre : Sardalavikriditam. The visarga is written in the next line. * Metre : Upendravajrt. * Metre: Indravajra. B TEXT. Second Plate, Second Side. 18 gAH // " [7* // ] tasmAcca vemannRpaterudayAdivAdrerjAtau pratApavarakAMtinidhI 19 mArau / sUryyo dutusya mahasAvanavItabhUpa [:] zrIyanavema * Metre : Indravajrd. * Metre : Indravajrd, Metre : Upaitti. The anusvara is written in the next line. Metre: Vasantatilaka. 10 Metre: Upendravajra. 273

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274 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL.XXI. 20 nRpatirjagarakSapAlaH // '[8*1] vIrazrIyanavotabhUtalapategIbI(bhI)ramerI21 ravaiH / zavaNAM dayeSu saMggaramukhe bhiveSu pUveM ra22 saM / yahIraM nirakAsayajayaraso vegAtkutopyA23 gato [*] yuktaMprAktanamaMbu nirgamayati pratyagramatyUrjitaM' 24 // [9*] zazAsa yaH zrInagapUrvabA(bhA)gAdApUrvaranAkaramadhade25 zaM / pAmekhalaM mekhalabhUdharasya jitAhitazrIyanavotabhUpaH // [10*n] Third Plate, First Side. 28 tasyAnujastAmarasAyatAca[*] zrIyanavemaH kSitipAlaratvaM / 27 zUrAgragaNyaH kSurikAsahAyo vibA(bhA)ti vIrAhavakelilola: // [llu] zrIya28 bavemanRpata:(tiH) sugi(ri)kAsahAyo vIrArivakSasi vilekhanakelidakSaH / so29 yaM karamubhagatUlikayA vicitra kAttAkapolamakarIkaraNe sa30 kaMpaH // [12*1] zrIyanavemanRpaterjayinA kareNa pratyarthinAM yudhi 31 balAdavaropitAni // (1) AropayatyupagamAcaraNaM tadIyaM koTI32 racAmarasitAtapavAraNAni // [13*1] soyaM brA(dhAturanaMttaraM nijamAhI33 bA(bhA)ra vahan paiTakaM rAjyavIramaNIsvayaMvarapati[:"] zrIyanave Third Platc, Second Side. 34 maprabhuH [1] prAmAn pUrvanRpAlakaica guruNA prA(bhrA)vA ca viprAptiAna 35 sarvAnapyanupAlayabapi dizan jAgartti lokottaraH // [14*n] atha pratigraho36 vaMzAvaLI // AsIdaMbujasaMbhavAnvayabhuvAM gaNyo vareNyasma37 tAM vikhyAto haritAhayo munivaraH kartA smRtavedavit / ta33 hone paravAdikuMjaraghaTAsiMho nRsiMhobhavadyasyo39 dAharaNaM caritramanacaM vedojAsatkarmaNAM // [15*1] tasthAtmajo yA40 gavidhAnathAlI babhUva bhImezvarasomayAjI / yadIyahomAnala41 dhUmarekhA digamganApannavakarna(Na)pUrAH // "[16*1] putrastadIyaH kila poti42 bhaho guNI tatojAyata gaMDayAyaH / tanUbhavastasya ca pahivihAn] 1 Metre : Vasantatilaki. The anwara is written in the next line. * Motre : * Sardulavikriditam. Metre: Upajati. Metire: Upajati. Getze: Fasantatlaba. Motreer-Fasantatilaba, Makes Sardalavikriditam. Motre : Sardalavikriditam, 10 Money Opindravajnd.

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THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDIS: B. PACHCHANITANDIPARRU GRANT OF ANNA-VEMA. | paaddi vdpukommnaalNpraadrsN . 2 mdi) hri niyaaNgaaNkuryoomaaru jm 2 rNbhmunNdi mNddpN pnulubbaarNgmiNcddupu sNgmNdrNjniNgugl sNpu! 6 | mm subddilynm naamaavlsin 8 atddiklu atddini addugudnN dun - iid. |- coacjvrN jgpddutuNdNj aayn oNttlugaaNtNpurN 12 srspu naanmu puraatn yNglnu | muNbmurgunNg || 14 muNbNtyugmunugaa ansuuy 16 | vNdnNtyugNcuNdumu..| 16 - mtsNyulu sNprdaay pdimN ii. 18 grudd pNcdaarpdrkuNd 18 raamyuNdduru duddu sduNcu pniNdnu || 20 | pricrpdulu eNddiyndaaNbuuNdi kNgaaru sunNdudduddu sNpuddu pNpNg || 22 yddrNrku smyN sNpN 22 muNdsmu lugduyy mu 24 | pglu pbaadaa ru | 24 mukuNdr mNdu BCALE: TWO-THIRDS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA, HIRANANDA BASTRI." Reo. No. 2983 E. 33-480.

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iiia. 26 sumul 26 ii sNdrgttN shaayaalu vraahskl 28 | emun prpti shyN raaNpddu sdrkhskdd 28 suNkr subhgmyuuevitrNgaa hilprikrN 30 10 aaysmunpNjyinukrnn ptNgulu - 30 | pynN pgmNcrnnN kddiyN 32 | caamrsvNtmugmN rNtrN plu 32 | nv prdNgaa musyluNdrN iiib. graampNpddaalguru raat elaagN 34 | plu smy pdv guruNglN | 0gaavki nNdu sNbhmymupuNgrNgN | 86 | vNsN srpyaamunpN kssttNgaa prNpryulu sNpN sNtkN 40 daanmuu mnNddiyunu | 40 surNgN kupNgaa prsNgN 42 gurubymun npupunku 42 - iva. rN 44 .NcddN mupu sNp44 rvpr subddulu musv mNdi sNpdNtN 46 jn smuuddu rmmtN aa prm spNdn | 46 plu sNdddi kuNduNddi pddi npuNsulu 48 mmu nNdu muddtlNpu blpurN aNduvul pNdduvNdlupulu 50yuddu kNpN

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No. 41.] THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDIS. 275 Fourth Plate, First Side. 43 daivAcUDAmaNireSa bA(bhA)ti // [170"] zAkAbde rasarababA(bhA)skaramite mAse [nabha]44 sthe tithauM rAkAyAM dharaNImatastra divase pukhkhe zazAMkagrahe / prAdA45 tyAvatamAva perividuSe zrIyanavemAdhipo grAma paJcanitAMDi 46 paliTamasamASTaizvaryabhogAnvitaM // [181"] pastha prAmasya sImAcihAni // 47 jari IzAnyaM vaDaMgikaMTanaMDi pradakSiNamugAnu amRtalU48 ri polamusaMdhuna nAmneyadakSiNaM sAgi balusuMbaSTala mI49 Rs baDamalici dakSiNamai nagaMTa moci cAlupula mI50 da nAgneyadakSiNamai tumiDi polamu moci paDumaliMci bl pehapuTamuMDi dakSiName amRtalUri DaoNka dATi janmipuSTa Fourth Plate, Second Side. 52 mIMda nera(R)tipazcimame jamipuTa mIda dakSiNamai kocapuDa mIMdaM baDu63 ma jamipuSTa moci dakSiNamai uppipula mIMda mUlavaMpyupuSTa moci 54 paDuma bIravaka uppipuTala mIMda naira()tipacimamai dakSiNamici paDuma sAgi 55 caukla moci puddala mIMdaM baDuma dakSiNamici miDimropaTiti58 polamusaMdhu cauDu moci pArsadi cAlupuddala mIMda ne(Ta)tipazcimamai goMgu 57 Ta iTikAvamu dakSiNAnaMgAnu paDuma tokapolasu tUrpaga58 hu uttaraM muhina maDuka jammiputra moci dakSiNamai gArakaMTa tUpa 59 gaha moci paDuma kaMdepipolamu moci pAsaMdinuttaramai pravunavu60 lugukla mIda vAyavyottaramai kaMdepitarupula mIMda uttarapu jaM81 minaMdi ti mIda navupomu paDumaTaMgAnu kapuDa mI82 da baDumaliMci uttaramai pAlakoTi mIMda mautukari pAlapATi saM Fifth Plate, First Side. 63 du pahanidikabhaM moci pAla]pATi saMdhyu(ca)naMdUrSe puTTa avulagaMTa mIda] 84 dakSiNa[mici tUrye pravugaMTala mIdaM gorcapahalu moci uta(tta)ramici 66 tUrye jambhipula mIMda nabuLIhipuSTa mIci uttaramai mUlapuSTamuMDi tUrye jandhi 68 mIda mUlapuranuMDi jaTalammapATi tUrpake uttara sAgi jammi mIMda mU Motro : Sardulavikriditam. IMotre Upindrava/rd: The aswedra is written in the next line.

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276 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA." [Vol. XXI. 67 lapuSTa moci jaMmula mIMdaMgA dUrye dakSiNamici tUrpasAgi nalaMja68 Ta tippa pehapuTavohi jammi moci uttaramai gArapuTTala mIMdaMgA buluvuDaM- . . 69 buTa moci tRrya agaMTala mIMdaMgA bedapUMDi pAlapATi saMdu 70 cavuTagaMTa paDumaTa neDagalagonapuTa moci jammi mIMda dakSiNaM sAgi jammi71 puTTa moci tUrSe [pa]da Di pAlapATi saMdu cauDu moci dakSiNamici gola72 kuMTa tUryunatuMDi cAlupuTala mIMdaM dUrgha sAgi vaDaMgiguTa mo73 cenu // eteSAM madhyavartitraM // sadatvAdiguiNaM evaM padAlAnupA Fifth Plate, Second Site. 74 lanaM paradattApahAraNa khadAta niSpA bhavan [*191] svadatAM varadattAM 75 vA yo hareta vasuMdha(dhorAM / SaSTi varSasahasrANi vichAyA~ 76 jAyate krimiH // [200"] ekaiva bhaginI loka sarveSAmapi samujAM' 77 na bI(bhI)myA na karapAyA vipradattA vasaMgha(dha)rA 1[1*211] anavamanareM78 Trasya vihAn bAlasarakhatI / prakarodAkaro vAcA vimala] 79 dharmavAsana ["] maMgaLamahAvI[:] bI zrI 80 zrIpazavatriNena [] TEXT. 1 dAMkAM boyi maguDi uttarapamukhamai aDugulakara bahi vacci remaMbaDiya 2 dApuna mUla muttalanuDi dezasuDauMbaku vaJci kuni paDamaTiki digi baMdu3 dApuna maguDi uttarAnakuM boyi dezamukuTa tUrpuna maguDi tUpuM4 mukhamai kuni paJcAvalapalapu nela tirigi dakSiNAnaku naDaci kuni tammaGi vaha dadhi6 NAna vorasi uttarAbhimukhamai poyi kuni tUrpamukhamai naDaci garuvu yeki tUpa 6 naDaci kuni dakSiNamukhamai kuni tUrpamukhamai IdupaDuva naDumuvaSTi naDaci ga7 ruvuna maguDi dakSiNamukhame vacci yathAsthAnAna gUDanu // dAtA komaTivema8 nAma nRpatiH pAvaM guruH maMkaraH svAnaM cetpinapADuratra tu kaviH zrInAtha bhahArakaH / 0 kAlavecchivarAvipukhyasamayaH sAkSI mahAn zrIgiriH zreyaH kiM na tu varyate suka10 vibhiH sakhaMta tacchAsanaM ."[11"] sarvamAnyavatadharmazAsanaM pAlayatu bhavi bhAvipArthi11 vAH / apahAraparirakSaNAdRte nAsti nAsti hi yazo mahIpata fun'] adattAvi(hi)guNaM JMetre: AnwakjubA. * Metre Sardalavikriditam, * The anuaire is written to the next line * Metre Rathoddhad.

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THREE COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE REDDIS: B. PACHCHANITANDIPARRU GRANT OF ANNA-VEMA. ivb. PRESS 5200daaNtpn bNduvulu putt uN muNduNddddmu, uppu vlvRti vaipu 54 1 peeprvNkddupulgNddi pshcimNduddu komiNpumul kRp spurN cNddNbddu puNddu eNptulu mNjmuNpulu, 56 cusNdubodduvblsNddbaalupurNdN sRpNd dhukhNgaa AceckaamuddikNgaa spddumul aNkmuNduNcuNdugaa 58 uttrN musghuddu prjlu puddi mNdi mgaarkuNddaa tion vipddusudnNddi. epulumaalaasNdi nuNgvuddu sNt 60 rupmNddvaayvyNgmu kNddruvpuNgNdd pustkN aNdinNddiyuNddvvnnuplmunvuddu puNpu gNvNpulu 62 bvumNci upsmuNddnNdmuNduNdi ! va. 64 dNtmNdi urgmuNdi gNddN jnpdNypddmnbddlN pddnuNdi sNpn 66 mNgmuNpu muNbNpudaaNkupurNgu muNdstu uru jmuNttuNddNgaaNduddu mNdipupusugN 68 134ppuddu uttru gaarpu jlmNddNgaaNbulu | bhuNdu appulu gNddNbNdhNgNpd puNddunaa vuddi guN updduppu uNddglni sNjmuNddaa jnNddduNp nuNci tuutt pddipuNddlvaaddipNdduddu pNcddN mNcigaa 720 uppursuNddvaattu pulmNdu sNpNgiguN CCORD pritpsuNdNttuNdni pripddaa 76 mn prbhuvu - sjaagNnkr pdi vddloo suNdraaNgN ndi vrku rN pN pr ku muN aNduku spNcaaddu. aa mhaaly 80 Case mr 78 80 SCALE : TWO-THIRDS. HIRANANDA SASTRI RED. No. 2983 E. 33-480. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 42] FOURTH SLAB OF KUMBHALGARH INSCRIPTION; VIKRAMA-S. 1517. 277 12 gel Tigurer I TOT E foarte rara n'[311*] vaa 13 fat ata ta ta for a 1 fauen aT [44*] 14 dattAM paradatto vA yo hareta vasaMdharI / SaSTivarSasahasrANi viSThAyAM - 15. Fira AA: *[51*]Qualquran # # Tan te [n*] No. 42. THE FOURTH SLAB OF THE KUMBHALGARH INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF MAHARANA KUMBHAKARNA OF MEWAR; VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1617. : By R. R. HALDER, RAJPUTANA MUSEUM, AJMER. This inscription found in a Vishnu temple, originally called Kumbhasvami temple but now known as that of Mamadeva at Kumbhalgarh in Mewar territory, is engraved on one of the five big slabs likewise inscribed and placed by the Maharana Kumbhakarna in the said temple. Of these, the first, third, fourth and a small piece of the second slab have been discovered up to now and are now preserved in the Udaipur Museum. All are in a mutilated condition except the fourth, the text of which I edit from an ink-impression kindly placed at my disposal by Rai Bahadur Gaurishankar H. Ojha of Ajmer, who has given a brief notice of it in the Annual Report of the Raj putana Museum, Ajmer, for the year 1925-26. Each one of the slabs contains the same date, which reads as below - *saMkta 1517 varSe zAke 1382 pravartamAna mAmgazIrSa vadi 5 soma prazastiH, i.e., Monday, the 5th day of the dark half of Margasirsha of the Samvat year 1517 and Saka year 1382, which corresponds to 3rd November 1460 A.D. The present slab contains ninety-one (180-270) verses written in fifty-one lines with a portion of a prose line at the end. The character is Nagari of the 17th century A.D., common in Rajputana during that period. The letters are on the average about of an inch and the speee covered by the writing is about 3' 9" X 3' 1'. The language is Sanskrit and the composition is excellent with the exception of a few wrong grammatical formations, e.g., Vivasat (1. 9), udavivahad (1. 43). As regards orthography, the following points may be noted -o is usually distinguished from b except in a few places, e.g., in vibheda (1.2), -vabhuva (1. 10), -pivat (1. 11), Vali- (1. 16), vrahmanim (1.18), parabadhi (1. 33) and bikhyatah (1. 38), etc.; consonants are doubled with a superscript r as in Erddivam (1. 1), -varnnanam (1.2), -rddarda (1. 8), arnnodhe- (1. 22), durggan (1. 49), etc. ; sa is used for sa in sita (1. 16). Anusvara is used for nasals, as in bhujango- (1.2), chamcha- (1. 3), etc., and at the end of stichs and hemistichs, as in, -rddivaris (1.1).- nabhari (1. 3), -trishnam (1. 10), etc. Visarga is omitted in' sutavarais-lai, sastra-putai (1. 1), while it is redundant in dhamah 1. 42). The inscription formed a prasasti of the Guhila rulers of Mewar and the present slab continues their account from Lakshmasimha down to the Maharana Kumbhakarna. The ninety verses found on the present slab are distributed as follows:-Vv. 180-181 are devoted to Lakshmasimha, vy. 182-184 to Arisimha, vv. 185-190 to Hammira, vv. 191-203 to Kshetrasimha, vv. 204-215 BULLLLLLLLLLLLS * Metro: Anushubh. . The anuscdra is written in the next line.

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278 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [ VOL. XXI. to Lakshasena, vv. 216-232 to Mokala and vv. 233-270 to the Maharana Kumbhakarna. After this is found the date, which is partly effaced on this slab. The contents of these verses may be thus summarised. Verse 180 continues the account of Lakshmasimha from the previous slab and states that he died in battle) with his seven sons. He is also said to have won a victory over the Malwa king Gogadeva (v. 181). The next three verses are devoted to a description of the valour and benevolence of Arisimha who was born in Lakshmasimha's family and contains nothing of historical importance. Vv. 185-187 describe in general terms the qualities of Hammira. This king, who belonged to Raghu's race and was known as Vishamadhali Panchanana, conquered the fort of Chalavata (v. 188). He was a pious, charitable and brave king and died leaving his son Kshetrasimha as heir (vv. 189-190) The latter destroyed an army of the Muhammadans near Chitrakuta (Chitor) and imprisoned the brave king Ranamalla of Gurjaramandala, who had humbled the pride of the Saka (i.e., Muhammadan) king (vv. 191-193). He took Delavata and Sodhyapura and his enemy fled towards the sea at his approach (vv. 194-195). The next verse says that the valiant Ranamalla who had suppressed Dafara Khana, the lord of Pattana, and had killed many Muhammadans, could not even get a bed to sleep in the prison-house of Kshetrasimha. He drank up the ocean in the form of Amisaha (v. 197), conquered the rulers of Halavati, brought their country under his sway and laid waste Mandalakara (v. 198). The next verse says that the kings Sadala and others took fright at his approach and fled from their country. He struck terror in the mind of the Muhammadan ruler of Malava and humbled his pride and also imprisoned the ruler of Gujarat (vv. 199-201). The next verse repeats how he captured Amisaha. He was succeeded by his son the Maharana Lakshasena (v. 204). This ruler liberated tristhali (viz. Gaya, Prayaga and Kasi) from the Sakas (i.e., Muhammadans) and in addition to various other gifts distributed his weight in gold and built temples at Gaya (vv. 205-211). He conquered the hill Vardhana, burnt down his enemies and subjugated the Medas (Mers) (v. 212). The next two verses inform us that he was a devotee of Siva and made numerous land-grants. Verse 216 begins with the reign of the Maharajadhiraja Maharana Mokala. He is said to have made Brahmans to give up husbandry and devote themselves to the study of the Vedas (v. 217). He also distributed his weight in gold and liberated Gaya (vv. 218-219). He conquered the whole of Sapa dalaksha and made Jalandhara tremble with fear, while having taken Sakambhari, he made Delhi a doubtful possession to its sovereign. He also defeated Piroja and Mahammada (v. 221). He was devoted to the god Samadhisvara (Siva) whose temple at Chitor he repaired and added a gateway to it. He built a reservoir of water with a bridge and two tirthas (bathing ghats) called Rinamochana and Papamochana, respectively (v. 223). He set up a lion cast of all metals as a vehicle of Devi and presented a gold Garuda to Vishnu (vv. 224-225). The next seven verses only give a poetic description of the power and majesty of this ruler. With verse 233 begins a description of the reign of his son the Maharajadhiraja Rayaraya Raneraya Maharana Kumbhakarnadeva. In verse 235 his mother's name is given as Saubhagyadevi. He was devoted to the god Ekalinga, restored his ruined temple, adding a gold danda and kalasa to it, built a high torana and set up a beautiful flag having the emblem of the sun (vv. 239-241). He was nihsanka (fearless) in composing poems and nirbhaya (undaunted) in battles, hence he was known as nih sanka-nirbhaya (v. 242). He was a jewel of the family of the kings Guhadatta, Khumana, Salivahana, Ajaya and others and adorned the throne of Kshetra, Laksha and Mokala (v. 245). He conquered Yoginipura, subdued the ruler of Sodhya and destroyed his energies at Mapdovara (vv. 247-249). He also captured Ranavira after ravaging Hammirapura, destroyed Dhanyanagara, conquered Yagapura and the mount Vardhamana and humbled the pride of the Medas (vv. 250-254) According to the next two verses he seems to have resisted the ruler of Malava. He also built tanks at Jayavardhana. He took Janakachala,

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No. 42] FOURTH SLAB OF KUMBHALGARH INSCRIPTION; VIKRAMA-S. 1517. 279 distressed Champavati, burnt the city of Vrindavati and caused trembling to the hill fort of Gargarata theagh levalour (vv. 257-259). He burnt Mallaranyapura, upheld (?) Simhapuri by scattering the enemies, desolated Ratnapura and imprisoned many kings (v. 260). He conquered Ranastambha in Sapadalaksha, devastated Amradadri, got the best of his quarrel with Kotara and laid waste Bambavado (vv. 261-262). He took the fort of Mandalakara, won with ease Hadavati, fortified by numerous forts and made its rulers his feudatories and raised pillars of victory. Besides he conquered Gopura, Shatpura, Vrindavati and Mandaladurga, desolated Visalanagara and attacked Giripura whose ruler Gaipala fled in terror (vv. 263-267). He defeated Mahammada at Saramgapura and brought as captives numerous women of the lord of Parasikas (vv. 268-269). The last verse states that he drank up the ocean in the form of the army of the Malava king. Then follows the date which is, as already mentioned, partly damaged in this inscription. As regards the personages mentioned in this inscription, Lakshmasimha (v. 180) was the ruler of an estate called Sisoda belonging to the Rana (junior branch) of the Guhila family of Mewar. He was killed along with his seven sons while fighting against 'Alau-d-din Khalji of Delhi in the siege of Chitor in A.D. 1303, during the reign of Rawal Ratnasimha of Mewar. His victory over the Malava king Gogadeva mentioned in v. 181 is also corroborated by the Ranapura inscription. The battle which he seems to have fought with the Malava king appears to have taken place during the reign of Ratnasimha's father Samarasimha. Arisimha was killed in the battle of Chitor as said above. Only the youngest son of Lakshmasimha, namely Ajayasimha survived to become the ruler of Sisoda. Hammira (v. 185) was the son of Arisimha and succeeded to the throne of Sisoda after his uncle Ajayasimha. He was very brave and gradually made himself master of the throne of Chitor. Kshetrasimha (v. 191) was the eldest son of Hammira. The Muhammadan army which he destroyed near Chitor (v. 192) was that of Ami Shah, as appears from verses 197, 200 and 202. The brave Ranamalla, who had humbled the Muhammadan king and killed many Muhammadans (vv. 193 and 196), was the ruler of Idar and was the son of Jaitkaran, who was defeated by the Maharana Hammira. Dafar Khan, the ruler of Pattan (v. 196), was probably Zafar Khan (II), the governor of Gujarat. He was a descendant of a converted Rajput and fought twice with Rao Ranamalla of Idar.? He afterwards assumed the name of Muzaffar Shah, after making himself independent of the king of Delhi. Ami Saha (vv. 197 and 202) was evidently the Sultan Dilavar Khan Ghuri of Malwa, whose defeat by Kshetrasimba is mentioned in verses 197, 201 and 202.10 The ruler Sadal and others referred to in v. 199 cannot be identified with certainty. Sadal, however, appears to be the ruler Satal of Toda in Jaipur state. 1 As appears from v. 180 of this record. . He is called Koka and was defeated by 'Alaud-din's chieftain in A.D. 1304 (Briggs' Ferishta, Vol. I, p. 361.) Bhavnagar Inscriptions, p. 114. Also Ann. Rep. Arch. Sur. of India, 1907-08, p. 216. The present inscription does not mention this relationship. It is found only in bardio poems. Soo Cambridge History of India, Vol. III, p. 626-Ed.). Ind. Ant., Vol. 55, p. 11. Ibid, p. 12. Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. i, pp. 232-33. * Duff's Chronology. p. 234. * Memoirs of Jehangir by Alexander Rodgers, Vol. I, p. 407, Elliot's History of India, Vol. IV, p. 552, 10 See also Bhar. Ins., p. 119, verse 29, and Rajputana Museum Report, 1924-26, p. 3.

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280 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [ Vol. XXI. Maharana Lakshasona (v. 204) was the son of Kshetrasimha. He was extremely charitable and liberated Gaya from the taxes of the Muhammadans by paying them off in gold, as is also known from another inscription. Mokala (v. 216) was a son and successor of the Maharana Lakshasimha. He carried his victorious arms far and wide as appears from verses 221, 231, etc. Pirdja or Firoz (v. 221) was the ruler of Nagaur and was the son of Shams Khan, brother of the sultan Muzaffar Shah (originally Zafar Khan referred to in verse 196 of this inscription) of Gujarat. His defeat by Mokala is also mentioned in other inscriptions. Mahammad (v. 221) cannot be identified definitely. Perhaps he stands for Ahmad (Ahmad Shah) of Gujarat, who was the grandson of Muzaffar Shah, I, and was contemporary with the Maharana Mokala. Kumbhakarna (v. 233) popularly known as Kumbha was the eldest son of Mokala and succeeded his father to the throne of Chitor in V. S. 1490 (A.D. 1433). Guhadatta, Salivahana, Khumana and others referred to in v. 245 were the early predecessors of Kumbhakarna. Guhadatta was the founder of the Guhila dynasty of Mewar. Ajaya or Ajayasimha evidently belonged to the Sisoda branch and was the brother of Arisimha referred to in v. 182. The lord of the Parasikas referred to v. 268 was Sultan Mahmud Khalji I. of Malava, who was defeated by the Maharana Kumbha at Sarangpur-a fact also mentioned in the Ranapur inscription. Maharana Kumbha had to undergo a series of engagements with the result that he completely broke the power of the Malwa king, as is evident from v. 270 of this record. Gayapala (Gaiba or Gopala) of v. 267 was the ruler of Dungarpur State. As to the places mentioned in the inseription, Cholavata (v. 188) is now called Jilwara in Mewar. Delavata (v. 194) from Sans. Devakulapataka is the modern town of Dolwara about 15 miles from Udaipur. Hadavati (v. 198) is the territory now called Harauti, which at one time comprised the whole of the present Kotah and Bundi States. It is under the Hacas, a branch of the Chauhans descended from the Chauhans of Nadol in Marwar. Mandalakara (v. 198) now called Mandalgach, is a fort in the Udaipur State. The conquest of this place by Kshetrasimha is also mentioned in the Spingi Rishi inscription.' Vardhana (v. 212) or Vardhamana is now called Badnor, a town in Mewar. Jalandhara (v. 221) really a district or town in the Punjab is probably meant here for Jalor (Javalipur) in Marwar. Sapadalaksha (v. 221) was the name of the territory that was under the Chauhans. It roughly included parts of the modern Jodhpur, Jaipur, Kotah, Bundi and Kishan. garh states and the eastern part of Mewar including Mandalgaph. Sakambhari (v. 221) once the capital of the early Chauhans is now called Sambhar. The temple of Samadhigvara (v. 222) is now called Advadji or Mokalji's temple. It was originally built by the Paramara king Bhoja of Malw, when he resided at Chitor and was called Tribhuvananarayana after his surname 'Tribhuvananarayana'. It was also known as Bhojasvamidevajagati. 1 Bhav. Ing., p. 119, verse 38. * Bhar. Ins., p. 120, kloka 44. Tod's supposition that he was the grandson of Firoz Tugblak of Delbi is wrong. (Tod's Rajasthan. Vol. I. p. 331). (Probably the reference here is to Muhammad Tughluq. See Cambridge History of India, Vol. III, pp. 627 1.-Ed.] See Briggs' Ferishta, Vol. IV, pp. 208-24. * J.A.S.B. (New Series), Vol. XXVII, p. 160. Rajputana Museum Report, 1924-25, p. 3. Ibid, 1920-21, p. 4. Ibid., p. 4.

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No. 42] FOURTH SLAB OF KUMBHALGARH INSCRIPTION; VIKRAMA-S. 1517. 281 Yoginipura (v. 247) is the town of Javar in Mewar. Mandivara (v.249) is the ruined town of Mandor in Jodhpur State. Yagapura (v. 253) is the town of Jahazpur in Udaipur State. Vrindavati (v. 264) is now the town of Bundi in Rajputana. Gargarala (v. 259) is the town of Gagraun in Kotah State. Simhapuri (v.260) is the town Sihor in Central India, Ranastambha (v. 261) is the fortress of Ranthambhor in Jaipur State. Amradadri (v. 262) is Amber, the old capital of the Jaipur State. Bambavada or Bombaoda (v. 262) lies in the eastern part of Mewar. Shatpura (v.-264) is the town of Khatakar in Bandi State. Visalanagara (v. 265) is called Visalanagar in Gujarat. Giripura (v. 266) is the town of Dungarpur in Rajputana. Sarangapura (v. 268)-is an ancient town in Central India. Kotara is modern Kotra, now a military station in Mewar. I am unable to identify the other localities mentioned in the inscription. TEXT. [Metres : vv. 180, 186, 192, 193, 197, 201, 205, 209, 216, 217,218, 219, 221, 229, 233,241, 260,263,264 and 270,Sardalavikridita; vv. 181 and 280,Sikharimms vv. 182, 191,204,214 and 234, Upendravajra vv. 183 and 244 Arya3v. 184, Harini; vv. 185, 190, 194, 198,203,207, 220, 222,235,240,248,250, 267, 269,Upajati, v. 187, Vamsastha; vv. 188 and 243 Malinivv. 189, 206 and 213, Indravajrd%3 vv. 196,239,245,246,254,269 and 266, Vasantantabi vv. 196, 199, 200,228,231,237,238 and 252, Sragdhara; vv. 202 and 255, Bhujangaprayata; v. 208, Vaitaliya; vv. 211 and 215, Ruchird, vv. 223,224,225,247,262, Rathoddhata: vv. 226 and 227, Drutavilambrita; vv. 210, 236 and 267, prihvi, vv. 242, 240, 288, 281 and 206, Anushfubh ; vv. 256 and 258, Viyogini; vv. 212, 282, 251 and 268, Salini.) . - 1 arcibhiH kimu saptabhiH parivataH satArivAgata: kiSA satabhiSa saptibhiri [hAyAmatasaptidiva (1) ityaM satabhiranvitaH mutavaraH ] zastrapUtai:"] saha prApte budhirabhUtsuparvanRpateH zrIlamasiMha pe // 180[*] asiryasyArAtarbha maratilakhaM(ka) zIrSakamale sa rADa [gogAdevo2 pi hi samadhibhUrmAlavabhuvaH // (1) vijigye yenAjI nijabhujabhujaMgogaralaprasArAt siMhAMtaH samabhavadasau lakSmanRpatiH // 181[*] iti mahArANAzrIlaSa(kha)masIvarNanaM // // atha parisiMhavarNanaM // prabhUnnRsiMhapratimorisiMhastadanvaye bhavyaparaMparAvye // (1) vi(bi)bheda yo vairigajeMdrakuMbhasthalI3 manunA nakhakhAghAtaiH // 182[*] pItavairidhirAdhipulAMgAduchatAdyadasikkaNabhujaMgAt / / aGkataM samabhavatsakalAzAmaMDanaM navayathastuhinAbhaM // 183[ // "] zazidhavalayA kI]tIva pratApadivAkaradyutimilitayA manye pratyAyayaciva bhAsate // () rajatanicayaM dAsye caMcamahArajata sayA 4 tyajatu vipulAM citte ciMtA vanIpakamaMDalI / 184 // *] iti parisiMha vahIna // // atha mahArANAbIhamIravarNanaM // hammIravIro raNaraMgadhIro vAnAdhurItanitakekikIra (1) dharAdhavAlaMkaraNakahIrasvattaddanI bhUSitasiMdhutIH // 185[*] manyebhUsuragauragIH samabhavakalpadnumaH kalpa

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282 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. 6 nAtoto rohaNaparvatopi sudhiyAM no mAnasaM rohati // ( 1 ) ciMtAzmApi jane rja (ja) DAJcajaDatAM dhattedhikAM bhUdhave dAnapronnatacArupANikamale karNAdayaH ke punaH // 186[ // *] yadarpitairarthijanasturaMgamairanarghya hemAMgadahArakuMDaleH // (i) alaMkRta: kalpatarau kRtAzrayaM surAdhirAjaM hasatIva 6 vaibhavAt // 187[ // *] kaTakaturagaheSAvizrute stya (tya) ktadhairye vrajati ca raghubhUpe kAMdizIke palAyye (yya) (i) ahaha viSamadhATIprauDhapaMcAnanosAvaripurama [bhidugeM] celavATaM vijigye // 188 [ // * ] IzvarArAdhane dAne vIrazrIvaraNe raNe // (i) kadAcicaiva vizrAMta karo hammIrabhUpateH // 188 [] sa kSetrasiMha tana 7 ye nidhAya tejaH svakIyaM tridivaM jagAma // (i) vahnau yathAstamayaM hi bhAvo mahAtmanAmatra nisargasiddhaH // 180 [ // *] iti mahArANA zrIhamIravarNanaM // // atha mahArANAzrIkSetrasiMhavarNanaM // tatoribhUmIzamahebhasiMhaH svanAdavitrAsitamattasiMhaH / (1) saMbhAvanAmoditabhRtyasiMha: zazAsa 8 bhUmiM kila kSetrasiMhaH // 181 [ // * ] yenAnargalabhaGgadI hRdayA zrIcitrakUTAMtike tattatsainikaghoravIraninadapradhvastadhairyodayA // ( 1 ) manye yAvanavAhinI nijaparitrANasya hetoralaM bhUnikSepamiSeNa bhIparavazA pAtAlamUlaM yayau // 182 [ // * ] saMgrAmAjarasImtri zauryavilasahoIMDahelona 9 saccApaprogatabApaSThaSTizamitArAtipratApAnalaH // ( 1 ) vIrazrIraNamajJamUrcchitazakacmApAla gavatakaM spU (sphUrjahU (hu) jaMramaMDalezvaramasau kArAgRhevIvasat // 18.3 vyartho nu nUnaM mahadudyamo yaditthaM vacastattaphalaM kariSNuH // ( 1 ) zodhyAM purImAtalamUladhAraM svaM delavATaM puramAninAya // 184 // // ( 1 ) dRSTvA 10 vIrasya yasya samaradhi karaM jJapANImutkaM cukAmaribhaTAnilabacaTaSNAM bhujaMgayuvatImiva vairivargAstrAsAtsamudramapi goH padatAmanaiSuH mAdyanmAdyanmahebhaprakharakarahatikSiptarAjanyayUtho SA (khA) na: // 185[u*] pattanezo yaM daphara iti samAsAdya kuMThIva ( ba ) bhUva // soyaM mano raNAdiH 11 zakakulavanitAdattavaidhavyadIcaH kArAgAre yadIye nRpatizatayute saMstaraM nApi leme // 186[ // *] mabhyacaMcalavAjivIcitaralaM sacchasvatimyAkulaM mAdyatkuMbhisapacakheladacalaM satpattimIlanjalaM // ( 1 ) rathyAgrAhacalAcalaM sphuradamIsAhAMbunAthobala yo zeSAdapiva (ba) t zakAvamaga cAmavazIcakAra // (i) babhaMja // 198 [ // " ] 12 stya taM samUhekhilaM // 197 [ // *] hADAvaTIdezapatIn sa jitvA tamaMDala tadatra citraM khalu yatkarAMtaM tadeva teSAmiha yo yAtrottuMgaturaMgacaMcalakhurAdhAtocci (cchritai reNubhiH sehe 1 [Grammatically vyavAsayat

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No. 42.] FOURTH SLAB OF KUMBHALGAR INSCRIPTION ; VIKRAMA- S. 1517. taccitra' kimu sAdalAdi yasya na luptarazmipaTalavyAjApratApaM raviH // ( 1 ) kanRpA yatprAkka [tA * ] statrasu zastrAzastriha tyaktvA svAni purANi kastu balinAM sUkSmo gururvA puraH // 186 tAjilaMpaTabhaTavrAtocchalacchoNitacchannraprodvatapAMzupuMjavisaratprAdurbhavatkardamaH // (i) trastaH sAmi hato raNe zakapatiryasmAttathA mAlavakSmApodyApi yathA bhayena cakita: svapnepi taM pazyati // 200 [ // * ] vAraMvArama 14 nekavAraNaghaTAsaMghaTTaviSAsitAnekakSmApativIramAlavazakAdhIzaikagavatakaH 13 283 // (i) saMgrA mAjirasaMgatArinagarIluMTAkabAhurnRpaH // ' kArAgAranivAsino vyacara ( raca) yat yo gU(gu)rvvarAn bhUmipAn // 201 [ // * ] amIsAhiragrAhi yenAhineca (va) ekAMgavIrabratena // (i) jagatrA (vA) ekadyasya pA sphuraGgeka 15 Nau kRpANaH prasiddhobhavadbhUpatiH Se (khe) tarANaH // 202 [ // *] guroH prasAdAdadhigamya vidyAmaSTAMgayogasthiracittavRttiH // ( 1 ) brahmekatAnaH paramAtmabhUyaM jagAma saMsAranivRtta (bu) ddhi: // // iti mahArANAzrIkSetrasiMhavarNanaM // 203 mahArANAzrIlakSasenavarNanaM // sahasranetrAdiva vaijayaMto ma atha 16 samudrAdiva sI (zI) tarazmiH // (i) muneH pulastyAdiva vittanAtho babhUva tasmAdiha lakSasenaH // 204 yakSezaH kimayaM na kiM sonyavazaga: dharmasUrnAnujaH sphIta: soyamayaM va (ba) likhipadikAmAtrapradaH kiM na saH // ( 1 ) itthaM tulyasuvarNadAnasamaye ya: pArizeSyAnmito viddadbhiH svabhujArjitAdhi 17 kadhanaH zrIlakSa' siMho nRpaH // 205 [ // * ] jaMbUdravaH kiM pariloDya rAjJAnItaH sumerurnu samAhato vA // (i) ityUhire tulyasuvarNarAzimucairavekSyAsya vanIpakaughAH // 206 [] kInAzapAzAn sakalAnapAsthat yastristhalImocanataH zakebhyaH // (i) bhu (tu) lAdidAnAtiMbhara (ro) vyatArIlla cyAkhyabhUpo nihatapratIpaH // 207 [ // *] 18 raviriva nalinIM nizAtuSArAt vidhuriva yAmavatIM mahAMdhakArA[t] (i) pavana va ghanAnnavArkabhAsaM yavanakarAjJca gayAmamocayadyaH // 208 [ // *] saMlopAdiva vipravRttimacalAM dAsyAdiva brA (brA) hmaNIM gAM paMkAdiva mocayan khalu gayAM vaM(ba)dhAnmahIvallabhaH // (1) AgopAlakabhUmipAlamasaktaccakrekhilAn yAcakAn da18 tvA muktimahAmRtaM pitRgaNAnAnaMdayazcAparaM // 208 [ // *] na kAMcanatulAmasau va (ba) huvidhAya maMdAdaro na kAMcana tulAM paraiH samamavAptumaicchat kvacit // (i) gayAmapi vimocca tAM turagayAnahemAdibhizvakAra pRthivIzvaraH kimu gayAM svakIrttiM punaH // 210 [n] amocayadyavanakarAgayAmayaM tulA vyadhAdami 1 Dandas unnecessary. is written on the margin.

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284 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [ VoL.XXI. 20 taparAkramomitAH // (1) apUjayatkanakabharairmahIsurAnakArayansuranilayAmahobratAn / 211 [*] maidAnArAjajasAdullasattajherIdhIradhvAnavidhvastadhairyAn // () kAraMkAraM yograhIdugratejA dagdhArAtirvaInAkhyaM girIdraM // 212 [ // "] haryacya(kSa)valakSanarezvarasya vRtti[:]pravRtti(ttiH) svabhujArjitaiva // (1) ye bhuMjate cAnyabalopa21 pana grAsaM zRgAlA iva bhUmipAlA: // 213 [ // "] yadarpiterarthigaNo mahadbhiAmaira- . naMtairabhajabRpatva[m*] (1) tadaMkitaiH zAsanapatrapUgairanArataM pustakavAnivAsIt // 214 [ // *] vimocitAn bahuvidhaghorasaMmRtervilokituM jananicayAnivAgamat // (1) zivAMtika zivacaritta:(ta:) zivAdhavakramAbujArcanaparihINa22 kalpa(lma)SaH // 215 [*] iti mahArANAzrIlakSasenavarNanaM // // atha mahArAjAdhirAjamahArANAcImRgAMkamokaleMdravarNanaM // podheriva pArijAtakataruthaMDadyuteiMda(Da)bhRdyahatsarvasuparvaNAmadhipaterAsIjayaMto yathA (1) Izasyeva SaDAnano raghupateryahat kuzo bhUpaterasyAsIdatulapratApatapanaH 23 zrImokaleMdroMgajaH // 216 [*] yo viprAma(na)mitAn haliM kalayataH kAryena vRtteralaM vedaM sAMgamapAThayat kaligalagraste dharicItale // (1) daityAmIna vAparaH zrutavatAmAnaMdakaMdaH kalAkauzalyavratatInavInajalado bhUmaMDalAkhaMDalaH / 217 [ // *] dRSTena racayatamajutatulAhanaH sadA saMpatadyAgAjyA24 hutitarpito vyacarayat manye tulopAyanaM // (1) tatpUrye kanakAcalaM karamahArajjU ca celopamo sUryAcaMdramasau himAdrimakaroiMDaM suragrAmaNIH // 218 [1"] etanmatAgayAvimuktapiDhabhiH projaMdhyamAnA haThAiSTA saMyaminIM likhatyanuzayAditthaM ta bhUmiM yamaH // (1) kiM sAmarthyamapohitaM khalu kaleryAtAH kka 23 kAmAdayo yukta yAti na kodhikAraviratau vakredhikAM kAlatAM // 21 nalaH kimelaH kimu manmatho vA kimAkhinayahitayAdihakaH // (0) kalaMkamuktaH kimu yAminIzasvitthajano yatra vitarkameti // 220 [ // *] pAlocAza sapAdalacamakhilaM jAlaMdharAn kaMpayan DhilIM zaMkitanAyako vyacara(raca)yabAdAya zAkaMbharIM // (1) pIroja samaI mahaMmadaM zaraNarApAtya ya:) pronasana tAkatavAtanipAtaTIkha hRdayAstasyAvadhIiMtinaH // 221 [1] nRpaH samAdhIvarasidhatejAH samAdhibhAnAM paramaM rahasya (1) pArAdhya tasyAlayamuddadhAra zrIcitrakUTa maNitoraNAMka 222 [1] tIrthamaca RNamocanaM mahatyApamocanamapi 'citIbara (0) cAra+ Read bujArcAparihIya*Read vyaracayan * These two syllables are redundant.

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No. 42.] FOURTH SLAB OF KUMBHALGAR INSCRIPTION; VIKRAMA-S. 1517. 285 27 kaMDamapi setumaMDanaM maMDanaM trijagatAmapi vyadhAt // 223 [[*] yaH sudhAMzamukuTa priyAMgaNe vAhanaM mRgapatiM manoramaM // ) nirmitaM sakaladhAtubhaktibhiH pITharakSaNavidhAviva vyadhAt // 224 [*] pakSirAjamapi cakrapANaye hemanirmita masau dadhau nRpaH // (1) yena nIlajaladacchavivibhuzcaMcalAyuta ivAdhika babhau // 2. 28 25 [*] jagati vizrutimApa sa mokala: pratibhaTakSitipairasamokalaH // (0) ravisurA dhipazeSasamoka' la: pratinidhi vanapi sa mokalaH // 226 [*] sa nRvaro nRvarocitaveSa[t][pava*]nabhRtpavanoditavaibhavaH (1) avanatovanatopi mahattara(ra.) sakalamokalamokalamokalaH // 227 [*] daMDa: chatreSu bhItIvahitavihati29 to baMdhanaM sAraNISa prAyaH sArISa hiMsA ratitatiSa kaTAkSAMgalItarjanAyaM 100 bhedaH kozeMbujAnA hatirapimanasacArugeheSu nityaM yasmin zAsatyanardhabhavadiza vasudhArAjirAjanvatIyaM // 228 [*] vyastairAjananaM dina(na) dinamadhiprattairdadhIcyAdi bhinaiirebhiralaMkatAnukRtikavyApArapAraMgamaiH // (0) 30 matvetIva nirAkkatodya vasudhAnAthorudAnakramaH zrImAnatra samastadAnanilayaM va(ba)hmAMDadAna(na) vyadhAt // 228 [*] amuSmAdudbhUtaH satatamanubhUtArthanigamaH kSamaH prauDhacoNIparibaDhaDhonmAdahatiSu // (1) caritraNa svIyAM(yA)nvayarmA pavitreNa kalayan kalau dhArmA)dhAro gurugarimabhUrmokalavibhuH // 230 [ // *] - 31 gAH saMprAptabhaMgA: smRtavanaviTapA: kAmarUpA virUpA vaMgA gaMgaikasaMgA gatavi rudamadA jAtasAdA niSAdAH // cInAH saMgrAmadInAH sUkhaladasidhanuSo bhItizuSkAsturakvA:(turuSkAH) bhUmIpRSTe gariSThe sphurati mahimani mApatauMkalasya // 231 [1] tApaM tApaM bAhuzauryAmninAsau kSepaM kSepaM vairiralo dakaudhe // (1) nAyaM nAyaM dA82 mavaM kapANI bhedaM bhedaM bhAnubiMba vivetha // 232 [*] ti mahArAjAdhirAja mahArANAzrImRgAMkamIkaleMdravarNanaM // // atha mahArAjAdhirAjarAyarAyArANerAyamahArANAtrIkuMbhakarNavarNanaM // mUlaM dharmataroH phalaM zrutavatA puNyasya gehaM ciyAmAdhAraH suguNotkarastha janibhUH satyasya dhAmaujasaH // (1) dhairyasyA- . 1 "pratibhaTacitipairasamIkavaH" or pravimaTacitipaH samaH pakava, that it mAti kalA khasI yasya "ravisurAdhipazeSasamIkasa or ravisurAdhipaziSasamaH pakSaH : pavitaH tasya kalA yabhim iti viSIraMzAvatAra varSaH / ."bacamIkAlImakanIkaya" mI mubhijAti cAdadAti maba taba mamI tayIH kA paMthI yaSi ra cArI mIvaraceti / (ma: viSu: and : bhivaH)

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286 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [ VoL. XXI. 33 pi parAba(va)dhiH pratinidhiH kalpadrumasyAkhilA vIrastattanayaH prazAsti jagatI(tI) zrIkuMbhako nRpaH // 233 [ // *] samastadicaMDalalabdhavarNa : sphuratpratApAdharitAvarNaH // (1) khadAnabhUnA jitabhojakarNastato mahIM rakSati kaMbhakaraNa: // 234 [*] upAsya janmatritaye gajAsya kanIyaso mAtaramekazoH // (1) zrIkuMbhakoyama 34 laMbhi sAdhyA saubhAgyadevyA tanayakhizaktiH // 235 // *] ata: kSitibhujA maNenijakulasya cUDAmaNiH prasiddhaguNasaMdhamo jagati kuMbhanAmA nRpaH // () pravIramadabhaMjanaH pramuditaH prajAraMjanAdajAyata nijAyatekSaNajiteMdirAmaMdiraH / 236 // *] vedAnuvRtya pazcAavamapi bhujayostAM bibharti kSiNoti kSudrAn baDhA 35 balihiDbalamahitatarakSatramucchAdya hatvA // (1) rakSorUpArimUrvIbharanRpazamana: sukSamI mlecchaghAtI jIyAt zrIkabhakarNo dazavidhakkatiktat zrIpatiH kopi mavyaH / 237 // *] lakSmIzAnaMdakatvAt tribhuvanaramaNIcittasaMmohakatvAlAvaNyAvAsabhUtvAhapuramalatayA kaMbhako mahIMdraH // (1) kAmaM kAmostu sokhIkuruta iha para 38 khIjanaM jaitukAmaH saMgrAmenana sAkSAtkriyata iti navaM khIjanokhIjanopi / 238 // *] bi(vi)bhrAjate sakalabhUvalayakavIraH zrImadapATavasudhoraNakadhIraH // (0) yasyaikaliMganijasevaka ityudArA kIrtiprazastiracalA surabhIkaroti // 238 // ekaliMganilayaM ca khaMDitaM proccatoraNalasanmaNicakra (0) bhAnubiMba 37 militocapatAkaM suMdaraM punarakAraya nR(yavRpaH // 24 // *] mA bhUttubhyadatuccha dugdhajaladhisvacchocchalahIcikatana(H)zatkRtapUrvapUruSayazastatsaMkuca[da*]battimat // (1) ityaM cAra vicAyeM kuMbhanRpatistAnakaliMga vyadhAt ramyAn maMDapahemadaMDa kalazAstrailokyazobhAtigAn // 241 // *] niHzaMkaH kAvyasaMdarbhe raNAraMma ca nirbha38 yaH // ) bi(vi)khyAtaH kuMbhakarNoyamiti niHzaMkanirbhayaH // 242 // ] vrajati vijayayAtrAM yatra vivastazatrau hayakhuraSa(kha)raghAtItkhAtadhUlInilInaM // gaganatalamayeSaM vIca(cya)saMjAtamoho nayati ravirathAvAn sArathiH sAhasikyAt // 243 zrIcitrakUTavibhurayamubatataravArizAtitArAti: 10 girijAcaraNasarIruharo 39 laMbaH kuMbhabhUpatirjayati // 244 // "] vikhyAta[kIrtigurudattakhumANazAlivAhAlaya prabhRtibhapativaMzara (0) zrIkSetralapamokalamamipAlasiMhAsana saphalayatyaya

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No. 42.] FOURTH SLAB OF KUMBHALGAR INSCRIPTION; VIKRAMA-S. 1517. 287 kuMbhakarNaH // 245 // *] yA nAradIyanagarAvaninAyakasya nAryA niraMtaramacokaradanadAsyaM // (I) tAM kuMbhakarNanRpateriha kaH saheta bANAvalImasama40 saMgarasaMcariSNoH // 246 // * ] yoginIpuramajeyamapyasau yoginIcaraNakiMkaro nRpaH // (i) kuMtalAkalitavairisuMdarIvibhramairamitavikramograhIt // 247 // *] ariMdamaH vAMhisarIjalagnaM vizodhya zodhyAdhipatipratIpaM // ( 1 ) araMtudaM kaMTakamiddatejA bhaktAcipaDUmitalesazicyA // 248 // *] yena vairikulaM hatvA 41 maMDovarapuragTahe // (i) anAyi zAMti (ti) ' roSA [gni] nagarInayanAMbubhiH // 248 // *] vigTahya hamIrapuraM zarotkarairnigTahya tasmin raNavIravikramaM // ( 1 ) paryagrahIdaMvu(bu)jamaMjulocanA mahImaheMdro narapAlakanyakAH // 250 // * ] nAnAdibhyo (gbhyo) rAjakanyAH sametya kSoNIpAlaM kuMbhakarNa zraryate // (1) satyaM ratnaM jAyate sAgarAdau 42 yuktaM viSNorvaca evAsya dhAma : (ma ) // 251 // * ] AttAH kAciddaThena pratinRpatibhaTAn daMDayitvA ca kAcit kAzcidrAjanyavaryairddhanagajaturagaiH sAImAnIya dattAH // (i) anyAH procAvidhATIbalakkataharaNAH pratyahaM rAjakanyA navyA navyA mahIbhRtsuvidhi pariNayatyeSa kAmo navInaH // 252 // * ] sa dhA dhAnyanaga 43 ramAmUlAdudamUlayat // (i) purArivikramo yAgapuraM puramivAjayat // 253 // *] jvAlAvalIvalayitAM vyatanodyavAlIM manrIravIramudavIvahadeSa nIraM // ( 1 ) yo varSamAnagirimAtu (zu) vijitya tasminbhedAnama (maM) damadabaddavidhInadhAkSIn (t) // 254 // *] javAlI davAlIzikhAvacchikhAlIsamAlIDhabhAlIkarAlIpratAlI // (1) ga44 bhIrAMdhakAraM kSaNAdyasya saMkhyecipara cepyamanyairnayadbhUpadIpaiH // 255 // *] janakAcalamuccazeSa (kha) raM balavammAlavanAthamastake // ( 1 ) pravaraM giridurgamucatacaraNaM vAmamiva nyadhAdayaM // 256 // *] mahoJcajanakAcale nikhilamAlavakSmApatergale padamiva nyadhAdamitavikramo bhUpatiH // ( 1 ) sarAMsi jayavardhanekRta purepi yo mahAmahimazekharaM vipulavapramugradyutiH // 257 // *] janakAcalamagrahIdalaM mahatI caMpavatImatItapat // ( 1 ) girisuMdarakholakhaMDanAvanivaccAyudha eSa bhUpatiH // 258 // *] pratyarthipArthivaparAjayajanma hetuvRMdAvatIpuramadIdahadeSavIraH // (i) rAdagiridurgamapi varNana saMcobhamApa yadapAraparAkrame tajJa 45 vardhane This however spoils the metre. * Wrongly used for udavahayat?

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283 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI 46 Na // 258 [ // *] mallAraNyapuraM da(va)reNyamanalajvAlAvalIDhaM vyadhAhIraH siMhapurIma bIbharada'sipradhvastavairivajaiH // (1) yatna ratnapuraprabhaMjanavidhAvAdhAya dhImAnato nAyaM nAyamanakarAjanikarAn kArAgRhevIvasat // 26. [*] padAtInAM pAdalaI sapAdalakSanIvataM // (1) kRtvA mallAraNavIro raNastaMbhaM tathAjayat // 47 261 [*] AmadAdridalanena dAruNaH koTaDAkalahakelikesarI // (1) kuMbhakarNanRpati baM(ba)bAvadodhUlanotta(ta)bhujo virAjate // 262 [ // *] namAnekanRpAlamaulinikarapratyuptahIrAMkurazreNIrazmimilanakhadyutibharaH zatrUn raNaprAMgaNe // (1) dIghAdolitabAhudaMDa vilasatkodaMDadaMDola[sa*]hANAstAn 48 vi[racayya maMDalakaraM durga kSaNenAjayat // 263 [*] jitvA dezamanekadurgaviSama hADAvaTI helayA tabAthAn karadAnvidhAya ca jayastaMbhAnudastaMbhayat // (1) dugaM gopuramatra SaTpuramapi prauDhAM ca dhuMdAvatIM zrImanmaMDaladurgamuccavilasacchAlA vizAlA purIM // 264 [*] utkhAtamUlaM salileH prabhaMjana iva drumaM // (1) 49 vizAlanagaraM rAjA samUlamudamUlayat // 265 [*] tavAgarInayana(na)nIrataraMgiNI nAmaMgIkRtaM kimu samuttaraNaM turaMgaH // () zrIkuMbhakarmanRpatiH pravitIsaMjhapairAloDayahiripuraM yadamIbhirugraH // 266 [*] yadIyagarlsahajatUryaghoSasiMhastranAkamananaSTazauryaH // (1) vihAya durga sahasA palAyAMcakAra 60 gaipAlazRgAlabAlaH // 267 [*] tvanA dInA dInadInAdhinAthA dInA bar3A yena sAraMgapuryA (0) yoSAH prauDhAH pArasIkAdhipAnAM tA: saMkhyAtuM naiva zaknoti kopi // 268 [ // "] mahomado yuktAtaro na caiSaH svasvAmighAtena dhanArjanatve // (1) itIva sAraMgapura vilodha mahaMmadaM tyAjitavAnmahaMmadaM // 268 [*] gajanme[gha] bl timigilAkulataraM raMgatturaMgImimamAtaMgocatanakracakramamitaM prAkAravelAcalaM 10 etahagdhapurAmnivADavamasau yamAlavAMbhonidhi kSoNIzaH pibati sa khAlukastasmAdagatyaH sphuTaM // 270 // saMvat [1517 varSe zA......] Correctly vyabharat. IRoad grihs-vdaayata

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No. 43.] GOKAK PLATES OF DEJJA-MAHARAJA No. 43.-GOKAK PLATES OF DEJJA-MAHARAJA. By N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, M.A., OOTACAMUND. These copper-plates were found in the year 1926 in the house of Mr. Govinda Rao Mutalik Desai of Gokak in the Belgaum District of the Bombay Presidency and are now in the possession of the Karnatak Historical Research Society, Dharwar. The inscription which they bear has been edited in the Karnatak Historical Review but owing to certain inaccuracies which have crept in the reading of the text as given in the Review, in the interpretation of certain passages and in the drawing of inferences in certain cases, I consider it necessary to re-edit the document and I am thankful to the Government Epigraphist for India for giving me an opportunity of doing it in the Epigraphia Indica. The plates are three in number each measuring about 6" in length and 21" in breadth. The first and the last plate bear writing on the inner face only; the second plate has both the faces engraved. They are all strung together by a circular ring measuring 23" in diameter and having an oval seal attached to it. Together with the ring and the seal they weigh 421 tolas and are very well preserved. The seal bears in relief the figure of some horned animal which looks like an antelope whose head is bent forward and one of the horns is turned towards the back. The animal is in a moving pose with its right forefoot raised. The donor of the grant which these plates record was a Sendraka and the crest of the Sendrakas was probably an elephant. It is, therefore, difficult to account for the horned animal engraved on the seal unless it is supposed that though the crest was an elephant, the device on the banner of the family was some horned animal like the one represented on the seal. It is not a Rashtrakuta symbol either, though the document was issued in the reign of a king of that dynasty; for the emblem of that family was either Garuda or lion. Cannot this horned animal be taken as a cognisance of a Tirthamkara in view of the fact that the document is a Jaina record? Santinatha, we know, has an antelope for his lanchchhana. 289 The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. Except the invocatory and the imprecatory verses the whole record is in prose. It is written in a Southern script which was in use in the Dekkan during the sixth and the seventh centuries of the Christian era. The record is neatly written and resembles the Badami cave inscription of Kirttivarman I which is dated in the Saka year 500, the Mahakuta pillar inscription of Mangalesa (602 A. D.), the Kopparam plates and the Aihole inscription of Pulakesin II. The inscription gives us two forms of long a. In one the top is closed and in the other it is left open (compare achchhetta in line 20 and Aryyanandyacharyya in 1. 10). Initial u is found in unta(kta)-cha (1. 16) and e in Endavirut (1. 13). Among the consonants the letter k is always closed when it is not a conjunct akshara but when it is in combination with some other letters it is open; r is always open. The letters t and n are not looped; the former, however, has a loop when combined with n (e.g., in paryyantam, 1. 13). The letter kh is found in Jambukhanda (1. 9) and in Jalara (1.9). Final t is found in line 20 and final m in lines 2 and 18. As regards orthography it may be noted that consonants are sometimes doubled when preceded by r (see Varddhamana in lines 1 and 3) but sometimes not (e.g., see chatur-vimsati in line 3). The omission of s in bhumi tasya in 1. 17 is probably 1 Vol. I, No. ii, pp. 43 ff. Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, part ii, p. 292. Sendraka ohief Pogilli (Ind. Ant., Vol. Ibid, p. 386. Ibid, Vol. XIX, plate facing p. 18. Above, Vol. VI, plate facing p. 6. The figure of an elephant is found engraved on the inscription of the XIX, p. 143). Ind. Ant., Vol. X, plate facing p. 58. Above, Vol. XVIII, plate facing p. 259.

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290 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. a mistake of the engraver for the correct word should be bhumis-tasya. A.noteworthy mistake of spelling is to be seen in untan-cha for uktan-cha in line 16. The object of the record is to register the grant of fifty nivarttanas of land in the Jalaragrama village situated in the Kashmandi-vishaya to acharyya Aryyanandin of the Jambukhandagana for the worship of the divine Arhat and for other purposes specified in lines 11 and 12. The donor was the Adhiraja Indrananda, the son of Vijayananda -Madhyamaraja of the Sendraka family. Indrananda is further etated to have been the favourite of the Rashtrakuta king Dejja-Maharaja. The grant registered in the charter was made when 845 years of the Aguptayika kings had expired. This date is specially noteworthy for we do not know anything of the Aguptayika kings with whom it is connected. This is the first inscription known to us making mention of these kings. No details about them are, however, recorded in this document except that they belonged to the spiritual lineage of Varddhamana, the 24th Jaina Tirthamkara. The name of the era started by these personages namely the Aguptayikas or the reckoning to which it belonged are questions which can be decided only by future. researches. Palaeographically the document may be ascribed to about the 6th or 7th century of the Christian era. No reckoning is known at present which would give for 845 an equivalent in the sixth or seventh century of that era. If, however, we follow the Jaina tradition and place the commencement of the reign of the Mauryya emperor Chandragupta in B. C. 312-131 for this appears to be the correct date of his accession and consider it to be the starting point of the Aguptayika era we get A. D. 532-33 as the date of our record. But, considering the paleography of the record this date appears to be somewhat too early; and I am unable to suggest any other era which can give us a date that would suit the writing of the document even approximately. Indrananda, the donor of the grant, figures in this record for the first time. The epithet adhiraja applied to him here would indicate that he was a chief of some importance. After the late Dr. Fleet wrote the account of the Sendrakas only four more inscriptions of the family have come to our notice. The Kalwan plates of Jayasakti furnish the following pedigree : Bhanusakti I Adityasakti Nikumbhallasakti I Jayasakti carrying the line one generation further than the Bagumras grant of Nikumbhallasakti mentioned by Dr. Fleet. The two others are stone inscriptions found at Badami in the Bijapur District and mention the prince Bhimasatti(kti) who was, according to one of them, a devotee at the feet of Satyasraya, i.e., a feudatory of the Chalukyas. Excepting the Bagumra and the Kalwan plates the records of the Sendrakas so far known mention different members of the family whose relationship to one another is not known. But the names Vijayananda and Indrananda found in the record under publication bear a striking resemblance to the name Senananda borne by the maternal uncle of Pulakesin II'. 1 Kalparitra of Bhadrabahu edited by Dr. H. Jacobi, p. 7. See J. R. A. 8., 1932, pp. 273 ff. Bom. Gas., Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 292. Journal of the Bharata Itihasa Sambodhaka Mandala for Saks 1834, pp. 169 ff. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 265 ff. Nos. 125 and 127 of Bombay-Karnatak collection for 1928-29. "Above, Vol. III, p. 51.

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GOKAK PLATES OF DEJJA-MAHARAJA. -0. ngaam) dwyway 60 1 smyss 3 nii aa sp 14338mm 3 km. "al) 364 360 `ngsaa kr 6w 8 5 6 7 8 957 rathamaerng - ii-d. 68) ngaaa 343 : (U23) 8 `aa hhaa + " ethasangmaa 3 1 4 58 en m aa ra`aa saam sngkhmraam (waay - m.psak 2 10 -b. 1 852 9 5 3 334 pr cchaak 83 218 8 3 maa 4 kh `3) 6081563:31 | 224 2533 13332drb: 14 3 ) 8) J32 6 8./ 32 SCALE: ACTUAL SIZE SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. HIRANANDA SASTRI. Rea. No. 2959 E33-480.

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-d. 16 tee 5 2 0 hai p83075 fn tooN b r nuuN kooii 18 9 paartt0 tooN 6 ttn , 11 - 15219 221) Jnn nuuN 100 tooN 3 - 118 88 2 nee 35 eek44gekh 1 2 1 2 202 nee 33 ttmaad khrraa hoor, 20 SEA OF THE GOKAK PLATES. From a photograph SCALE: FOUR TIMES THE ACTUAL SIZE.

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No. 43.] GOKAK PLATES OF DEJJA-MAHARAJA. Dejja-Maharaja who was the overlord of Indrananda is also a hitherto unknown king of the Rashtrakuta family. So far, the earliest inscription of the Rashtrakutas found in the Dekkan was the Samangad grant of Dantidurga dated Saka 675. But its genuineness has been questioned by some scholars. Next come the Poona plates of Krishnaraja of Saka 680.3 The present grant is, thus, the earliest Rashtrakuta inscription in the Dekkan. We do not know, however, whether Dejja-Maharaja belonged to the Malkhed branch of the Rashtrakutas. Another interesting question that arises is whether Dejja was an independent ruler. He could not have been so after the Chalukyas became masters of the Dekkan in the beginning of the 7th century. But since he is called a Maharaja, the document might have been issued when he was as a ruling king before the rise of the Chalukyas or when they were just beginning to establish their power. If this conjecture should prove correct we shall have to accept as accurate the account of the Kauthem plates and other inscriptions of the 10th and 11th centuries that there existed a family of Rashtrakutas in the Dekkan whom the Chalukyas defeated before coming to power, though the truth of this statement has been doubted by some scholars. Of the geographical places mentioned in the record I am unable to identify Kashmandivishaya, Jalara-grama and Purvvina-grama which are not known from other inscriptions. Jambukhanda after which the Jaina gana took its name is identical with Jamkhandi", not far away from Gokak. TEXT. First Plate: Second Side. 1 Svasti || Varddhatam Varddhaman-endor-Varddhamana-gan-odadheh nasita 2 ripor-bhasuram moha-sasanam || [ 1* ||] 3 karanam chaturvimsatitamasya sanmateh tirttha-santatav-Aguptayikanam 4 nayam 5 shu 291 sasanam Ih-asyam-avasarpinyan-Tirtthasri-Varddhamanasya varddhama rajnam-ashtasu varsha-sate pamcha-chatvarimead-agreshu gateshu Rashtrakut-anvaya-jata-sri-DeSecond Plate: First Side. sri-Sendrak-amala-kul-arnbar-odita-di 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 111. See above, Vol. XIV, p. 121 f. n. 5 and Vol. XVIII, p. 238. Journal of the Bharata Itihasa Sambodhaka Mandala, Vol. VIII, p. 166. 6 jja-maharajasy-abhimatah 7 pra-divakaro Vijayananda-Maddhyama1oraj-atmajah sriman-Indranand-adhi8 rajah sva-vamsyanam-atmanas-cha dharmma-vriddhaye Kashmandi-vishaye It is not certain whether Avidheya of the Pandarangapalli grant (Mys. Arch. Rep., 1929, pp. 197 ff.) was a Rashtrakuta king. The Tiwarkhed plates of Nannaraja (above, Vol. XI, p. 276) and the Undikavatika grant of Abhimanyu (above, Vol. VIII, p. 163), the one discovered in Central Provinces and the other recording a grant in Central India, belong to about the same period as our grant. The na me Dejja has been wrongly read as Ojja (Gojja) and Gojja identified with Govinda IV in the Karnatak Historical Review. The letter De is clear and paleography militates against placing the record in the reign of Govinda IV, i.e., 10th century A. D. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 21. See, for instance, the Miraj plates of Jayasimha II (above, Vol. XII, pp. 303 ff.) and the Nilgunda plates of Vikramaditya VI. (ibid, pp. 142 ff.). See Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. ii, pp. 342 and 343. See Karnatak Historical Review, Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 43. 10 The letter ma is inserted below the line.

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292 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 9 parvvata-pratyasanna-Jalara-grame Jambukhanda-ganasthaya 10 darsana-tapas-sampannaya Aryyanandyacharyyaya Bhagavad-Arha [VOL. XXI. Second Plate: Second Side. 11 t-pratim-anavarata-puj-artham sikshaka-glana-vriddhanam 12 yaprity-artham gramasy-ottaratah Purvvina-grama-vireya-simakam 13 kshinena Munja-jalamargga-paryyantam aparato(a)h Endavirut-sa14 hita-valmikam tasmad=uttaratah pushkara(i)ni tatas-cha yavat-purvva-vireya15 kam raja-manena pamchasan-nivartana-pramana-kshetran-da 16 ttavan-etad-yo harati sa cha 17 Bahubhir-vasudha bhukta 18 [ta](s=ta)sya tasya tada yo hareta vasundharam 19 shashtim varsha-sahasrani jnana Third Plate First Side. pamcha-mahapataka-samyukto bhavati || Un(k)tan= rajabhis-Sagar-dibhih yasya yasya yada bhumi phalam [2] Sva-dattam para-dattam va vishthayam jayate krimih [113 *] Shashtim TRANSLATION. cha tapasvinam vai da1 varsha-sahasrani 20 svarge nandati bhumidah achchhetta ch-anumanta cha tany-eva vaset*] narake (Verse 1). Hail! May the bright and delusion-destroying charter of Varddhamana, who is the moon to the ocean of the Varddhamana-gana and who has driven away his foes, prosper! (Lines 2-16). When forty-five after eight hundred of the years of the Aguptayika kings in (i.e., belonging to) this ever flowing and prosperous spiritual lineage of the wise Varddhamana, the Twenty-Fourth of the Tirthamkaras, had elapsed, the illustrious adhiraja Indrapanda, the son of Vijayananda-Maddhyamaraja, the bright sun who had risen in the firmament of the illustrious and pure Sendraka family and who was the favourite of the illustrious Dejja-Maharaja, born of the Rashtrakuta dynasty, gave, in order to increase the merit of his ancestors as well as of himself, land measuring fifty nivartanas by the royal measure in the village of Jalara situated near the mountain in the division of Kashmandi to Aryyanandyacharyya, who belonged to the Jambukhanda-gana and was well versed in sacred knowledge, systems of philosophy and penance, for offering worship incessantly to the idol of the divine Arhat, for the (maintenance of) teachers, the sick and the old and for the service of ascetics. (The boundaries of the land are) :-to the north of the village the boundary is the vireya of the Purvvina village; to the south, up to the Munja canal; to the west, the ant-hill including Endavirut; to its north, the tank and from there up to the eastern vireyaka. (L. 16). He who takes this away incurs the five great sins. Further it is said :(Vv. 2-4). (The usual imprecatory verses). 1 The letter da seems to have been corrected from de.

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No. 44.] SIX INSCRIPTIONS IN THE LAHORE MUSEUM. 293 No. 44.-SIX INSCRIPTIONS IN THE LAHORE MUSEUM. BY RAI BAHADUR DAYA RAM SAHNI, C.I.E., M.A. The Central Museum at Lahore possesses a large number of stone inscriptions the bulk of which were collected in the early nineties of the last century by Major H. A. Deane, C.S.I., then Deputy Commissioner of Peshawar, on the northern borders of the Peshawar District and in the independent territory beyond it. The majority of these are in an unknown script which have so far remained undeciphered. A few of the others are short Sanskrit epigraphs in Sarada characters which were also found in the same region and the remainder in the Nagari characters. Some of the inscriptions in the unknown script were first dealt with by M. Senart in a paper read by him before the Tenth International Congress of Orientalists in 1894. The whole collection was subsequently exhaustively treated by Dr. (now Sir) Aurel Stein with illustrative plates in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Part I, 1898, pages 1 to 19. M. Senart recognized three distinct types of writing among these documents and these he connected with well defined territorial divisions. The first type which is designated as the Spankharra variety has characters consisting of irregular, scrawly lines resembling Sgraffiti or monograms. The second group, associated with Boner and the adjoining areas, is characterized by complicated and elaborate signs and these documents are engraved in regular lines on larger stones than those of the first type and have a decidedly monumental look. The third class of documents, known as the Mahaban collection, are also engraved on small stones and show a bewildering variety of signs. Sir Aurel was able to distinguish among these inscriptions a fourth variety of writing to which he gave the name of Nurizai group. These inscriptions are engraved on longish slabs of slate stone, and unlike the inscriptions of the first three groups, these documents are in most cases surrounded by straight engraved lines. The characters in this variety are formed of curves, angles and other simple strokes differing from the linear arrangement exhibited by the signs in the other three groups. Nothing definite is known of the origin and date of these puzzling epigraphs. M. Senart and Prof. Buhler had noticed a curious similarity between them and the alphabet of the Turkish inscriptions from the bank of the Orkhon, which are assigned to about the first half of the 8th century A.D., i.e., about the period of Ou-Kong's sojourn in Peshawar. As far as I can make out no further progress has been made with the examination of these records and the mystery is not likely to be solved until, as hinted by Stein, a bilingual inscription is brought to light. Six of the Sarada epigraphs in the Lahore Museum will be found included in a comprehensive list of all the known Sarada inscriptions appended to Dr. Vogel's Antiquities of Chamba State. Among the remaining inscriptions the earliest one is written in characters of the 5th or 6th century A. D. Others are in Nagari characters. All the inscriptions with the exception of those in the unknown alphabet are incomplete, the extant portions being defaced and in several cases completely obliterated. It is probably for this reason that they have hitherto remained unedited." In view, however, of the comparatively small number of inscriptions from the Punjab and the North-West Frontier which have survived in good condition and been published, I edit them in this article. I. Sirsa Inscription of circa 6th century A.D. This inscription is engraved on & rectangular block of red sandstone similar to that of which the Mathura sculptures are generally made. The stone was discovered by Sir A. Cunningham and presented to the Central Museum, Lahore. The stone measures 2' 3" in width by 51" in beight 1 Part I, Appendix I, p. 259. These have been noticed by me in P.R.A.S., N.C., 1918-19 pp. 18-20 and Appendix C.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. and is 8" thick. The inscribed surface is disfigured by two round holes cut near the right end and there is moreover a large piece broken off below these holes. For the rest, the stone is complete. It is, however, obvious that the inscription was engraved on a series of stones fitted together into & wall and that this stone is only one of them. Portions of three lines of the inscription have survived and these contain portions of verses 13, 14, 16 and 17. The first line contains the last seven aksharas of the third foot and the whole of the last or fourth foot of verse 13, thus showing that more than 12 stanzas are missing at the commencement of the inscription. The characters belong to the northern variety of script of about the 5th or 6th century A. D. The inscription was composed in elegant metrical Sanskrit but unfortunately its value is much marred by its fragmentary nature and neither the name of the ruler of the time nor the purpose of the document can be ascertained. TEXT. ...... [Fa]ufmat yuriu ICT Tea Tree (5)& Wat [**] [**] Tatsutafafa'.. ... . 2 ......... [url] *188 (Ta:] Ruet Rafaza Twith Fra FIT fa[:*]' ....... ......... [want = sta:] foryanthareswalifar: [1] [u*] 4thta[fa]helle' ..... TRANSLATION. (Verse 13)........who by diligent veneration of those worthy of respect is constantly res plendent............ (Verse 14)........who had attained the highest limit of prosperity and in the fire of whose anger (his) enemies were frequently consumed like moths.. (Verse 16)........who had covered the three worlds with his fame white like the Moon...... II. Sirsa Stone Inscription of the time of Bhojadova. According to No. 23 of the list of inscriptions maintained in the Lahore Museum, this inscription was found in a mound near the town of Sirsa in the Hissar District of the Punjab and presented to the Central Museum, Labore, by the then Deputy Commissioner. The stone is broken irregularly on all sides. The maximum dimensions of the extant portion are-width 2' 7", height 1' 7" and thickness 1' 1". The loss which each line has suffered will be apparent from the subjoined text. Suffice it to say that more than 10 verses are lost at the commencement of the inscription while the last stanza which has survived in part in line 16 is numbered 32. The existing portion of the inscription is in good Sanskrit poetry and few mistakes occur. The characters belong to the 9th century A. D. and the Bhojadeva whose name is found in the third line, I take to be identical with the Bhoja of Kanauj, inscriptions of whose time are found at Deogarh, Gwalior and Peoha.! No connected translation of the document is possible and I can only record here such fragmentary information as can be gathered from the portions of the stanzas that have sur. vived. 1 Metre : Sardalavikridita. -- Metre: Malint: * Kielhorn, List of the Inscriptions of Northern India, Nos. 14, 15, 16, 546, eto.; Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 33, 88, 26. 1412.

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No. 44.] Verse 11, which is the first existing stanza eulogizes the continence of some one. The next verse indicates that the king at the time was the illustrious Bhojadeva. 1 2 3 The next verse (V. 13) tells us that there was a leader of the Pasupata sect named Ratnarasi, who was intensely devoted (V. 15), had conquered Kama, was spotless like a multitude of the rays of the Moon, purified by the current of the celestial river (the Ganges) and [resplendent] like Siva himself. Of verse 16 only the last foot has survived and appears to indicate that this saint did something like the husband of the daughter of the mountain Himalaya, i.e., Siva. The next verse (V. 17 ) relates something of the summit of the snowy mountain (Himalaya ) and of the mountain Malaya. Verse 18 continues the praise of the saint mentioned above or of one of his successors, who is extolled as the Moon of the earth, who had come down to show the way leading to Sankara, which is free from the dangers of mundane existence and which has destroyed the cause of birth and death. His disciple was another whose name is missing (V. 19), whose mind had been purified by his having acquired the knowledge of all that is worth knowing. This saint had a disciple (V. 20), whose name is also missing. The next two verses (Vv. 21 and 22 ) state that considering the worldly happiness to be of no use, youth to be worthless and life itself to be unstable like the ripple of the sea, he did something the nature of which cannot be ascertained. His commands were carried out (V. 23) with devotion by the multitude of kings with folded hands. (His disciple) was Nilakantha (V. 24), who was the lord of the rulers of the earth, an orator among speakers, who, though one, assumed various aspects of Siva. He made (Vv. 25 and 26) & magnificent temple (bhavana) of Yogisvara or Siva with burnt bricks and thick slabs of stone. This temple (V. 29) was as high as the sky and attained the height of the summit of the Kailasa mountain. Verses 30 and 31' appear to state that this temple was adorned with (images) of Krishna, the enemy of Mura, united with Lakshmi and with the images of other gods, demons, gandharvas, yakshas, kinnaras, siddhas and thus emulated, as it were, the universal form of the lord of Lakshmi. 5 SIX INSCRIPTIONS IN THE LAHORE MUSEUM. 6 TEXT. . turaGga caJcatpattivrajaH bhuvanaM yena / paramahelayA / cetasApi na yacakre / saGgaM paramalayA // [ 990 // zrIbhojadeve guNa ] ' [12] ya sitAMzagracaH kalavamuktaH parabhAgabhAgI . 113. . 295 bhuvi ratnarAzista [po] maya pAzupatAgraNIca . / babhUva nAnnA . [ca] yekaniSTho jitamanmathastathA mamAGalekhA karajAlanitaH / surasravantIvahanAtizobhitassvayaM pinAkova virA[jamAnaH ] [ // 15 // *]. himazailasutApativacasadA [ // 16 // ] himavacchikhare malaye ca [ga]rau kanakAbhavizAlazilAnicaye / sarasopsarasAM [ // 17 // *] 5 [1] Metre: Anushtubh. * Metre: Indravamsa [The metre of this verse has been taken as Indravamia but the reading is Bhojadeva which would show that possibly the metre was Vasantatilaka.-Ed.] Metre: Upendravajra. * Metre Varisastha. Metre: Totaka.

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296 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. XXI. . . . . . . . sArameyAbhidheyaM / bhavabhayaparimuktaM sAM(zA)tasaMsArahetukathayitumiha mArga zAGkaraM sovanInduH // 18 // ziSyastasya sa(za)mAnvita . . . . . . . . . paricayo nirdagdhasarvAzubho jJAtajJeyatayAtinirmalamanA yoge kaniSThAniva // 18 // tasyApi ziSyasma babhUva zAnto] . . . . . [ // 2..] ... . . . . . vibhaGgalola / saMsArasaukhyaM sakalaM viditvA / jJAtvA tathA yauvanamapya[sAraM] / payodhi[vIcau]capalaM ca jIva // 21 // yenA . .. . . . . . . . ce // 22 // pAjAmakArSImuvi yasya bhaktyA / tAlibhUpagaNassamagraH / zazAGkalekhAkalito[ruma ] . . . . . . [ // 23 // ** . . . . . . . . zrInIlakaNThastathA / IzAna pRthivIbhujA samabhava... dAgIzvaro vAdinAmityekopi cakAra rUpamanizaM zaMbhoraneka ni[i] . . . . . . // [24 // *] ....... zAnye yogIzvarasya bhavanaM mahato mahIyaH // 2 // pakkeSTakAracitamatadudagramAsautsaMmR(jha)tya yahanazilAmayameva yattu (1) [1] [socIkaraccarama] . . . . . . . . . [ // 26 // "] . . . . . . . . titatabhUmivizeSaramyaM / snukAzcane(?) gaganatuNatayA nitAnta kailAsazailazikhara(zriyamAdadhAnaM // 28 // lakSmIyutaM(ta)mmuraripo ... . . [ // 30 // *] . . . . . . . devadaityagandha yakSagaNakivarasiharUpaM / lakSmIpaterivavapu[Ska]tavizvarUpaM mA . . . . . . . . . . . . [ // 31 // *] . . . . . . . . . . bhavanaM ramaNIyatAyAM nizeSazilpavibhava . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . rAzirava // 12 // 14 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Metre: Malini. * Metre: Sardalavikridita. * Metre : Indravajra. .Metre: Upajati. Matre: Vasantatilaka.

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8 10 127 14 16 18 N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Reg. No. 1455 E'37-480. SIX INSCRIPTIONS IN THE LAHORE MUSEUM (I). A AUST RS MAY No. 1. BUT YEA AMENTUJE 4348 dIvAra demy HITA ader No. 2. SCALE: ONE-FOURTH. Quant MENGG 433 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 44.] SIX INSCRIPTIONS IN THE LAHORE MUSEUM. 297 III. Bhatinda Stone Inscription of about the 10th Century A.D. The stone on which this inscription is engraved was found lying at the tomb of Haji Ratan Baba at Bhatinda and was removed and presented by Sardar Atar Singh, Chief of Bhadaur to the Lahore Museum (No. 8 of the list of inscriptions). It is a fragmentary slab of dark grey colour and Was surrounded with an engraved rim ornamented with a pattern of flower petals. The existing portion measures 1' 5%" in width by 1' 69' in height. The stone is complete on three sides but a portion is broken off on the left side carrying away about 8 to 10 syllables of each line. A small triangular portion is also broken off at the lower left corner. A considerable portion of the writing is also badly defaced in the middle of the slab and in some other parts the letters are quite illegible. The characters are Nagari of about the end of the 10th century A. D. and the whole of the extant portion is in Sanskrit verse. The first stanza contains an invocation of KTishna (Hari), who with his four hands armed with a mace, the spotless panchajanya conch, (etc.) with ease supports the whole of the three worlds and who is ever-lasting. The second verse praises Raja Satrughnadeva who equalled Lakshmana and Bharata, whose feet were bowed to by the whole world and the dust of whose feet.......... The third verse informs us that at Tribhandanapura there was (some one) resplendent with gems of virtues, whose glory was spotless like jewels, who was the ornament of a noble Kshatriya family and who had acquired fame throughout the world by his brilliant. .....(His son) (V. 4) was named........because he was the destroyer of the impurity of the Kali age, who was purified by his devotion to ascetics........and who by the constant flow of his liberality resembled the current of the Ganges. The next verse (V. 5) contained the name of his wife which appears to have been Indulekha. In the remaining portion of the inscription only stray words or syllables can be made out in each line. Line 14 appears to contain the word mahakavi and in line 16 there is a portion of a foot of a verse in the Vasantatilaka metre which means 'devotion to Hari or Vishnu dispels'. I am unable to identify the Raja Satrughnadeva who was ruling over the region, where the inscription had been found, at the time this epigraph was engraved. Tribhandanapura' mentioned in verse 3 is undoubtedly the original ancient name of Bhatinda where the inscription was discovered. The ruler Satrughnadeva in whose time the inscription was recorded is, as far as I can make out, not known from another inscription. He must have belonged to a local family of Bhatinda. Raverty, quoted by Smith in his Early History of India, 3rd Edition, p. 382, was wrong in making Bhatinda the capital of Jayapala of the Hindu Shahi dynasty. TEXT. 1....--U-UUTETHYnatate foarte Staf: xfi: 2 u-uu-u---- vefafa Haitu ? [Ru] jayati jagabatacaraNazcaraNarajaH za8 ......:[ THGUAHT ( w eatery p [RI*] reilfa HTTP[azye Tu4 [taurat*] --u-u fraca Hait: [1] [w]frufeur Alwa pufaga: fafa6 [aw*) Vu-u-- [Rus] [et*]: faharaTAT [TETA] x2u9afatafanya: ["] auf 1 Metre: Vasantatilaka. * Metre : Arya. * Ono syllable seems to be missing in this pdda.

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298 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. -uuuuu-u-- paig a Frigralata:) / khyAtatriyo] jagati [cArukanAma pAsI ....[**]far ... a.. ---R FT vafraie .....159..... .... T IYA ......... 977 .... . . . ...... ...................... .... ......... ...... ... ............. I mare ..... OTH .... ( afa) .....( HT] ..... AYO.... ........... FAKATafa .....:1 w as fat av fe ... ... ferue ............ .... ES 19 The remaining Insoriptionis dealt with in this article are all inscribed in the Sarada script. The origih, history and development of this script will be found discussed in great detail in Dr. Vogel's monumental work Antiquities of Chamba State. Dr. Vogel disagreed with Buhler and Hoernle's view that Sarada was a direct descendant of the western variety of the Gupta script, on the ground that an intermediate variety assignable to about the beginning of the 8th century A. D. had intervened between the Gupta and the Nagari scripts Sarada proper continued in nge in the Chamba valley and the other hill tracts adjoining the Punjab up to about A. D. 1300. The later variety of Sarada, which in the Chamba valley is known by the name of Devasesha continued to be used in that area till about A.D. 1700 and a cognate form of it continues to be tised to this day, in certain hill States of the Punjab and particularly in Kashmir where Nagari did not come into use until the second quarter of the 19th century A. D. The later variety differs from Sarada proper in the absence of nail-heads or wedges at the tops of the letters, which are mach prominent feature of the cather variety. The inscriptions treated of here are all engraved in the earlier variety. TY. Dewai Stone Inscription of the Shahi King Bhimadova. This inscription is engraved on a small rectangular slab of stone which is badly broken and cracked in two pieces on the front or inscribed face. It was found by Major Deane at Dewai, Quan teattory. The stone is complete on three sides, but broken at the top and consists of four lines in Stral characters and in the Sanskrit languace. The extant portion of the inscription is well preserved except for the loss of one letter in the middle of the first line. * Matre Parantatilake.

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SIX INSCRIPTIONS IN THE LAHORE MUSEUM (II). No. 3. buphnii baanr, shnibaar 2ngaal'sumor' ? | TaqX95abkhaash' 4 kyw4:15448m : 5 | aa kh 1 4 . tazs.es. 6 shr { {{{ 2,16 y'bhc 18 e pri SCALE: THREE-EIGHTH8. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALOUTTA. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, Ra. No. 1465 E*97-440.

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6 8 10 2 2 kRpa kAra hig No. 4. padamakala sarUpara S No. 5. No. 6. phalaka SCALE: ONE-HALF. - 4 pUrva 2 4 6 8 10

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No. 44.] 1 2 3 4 SIX INSCRIPTIONS IN THE LAHORE MUSEUM. cokala [ka] layarmova gadAhasta paramabhaTAra * * TEXT. kamahArAjAdhirAjapara memvarasAhizrobhomade[va] [*] 299 TRANSLATION. "The supreme sovereign, superior king of great kings and supreme lord the Shahi, the illustrious Bhimadeva, who holds the mace in his hand and is sprung from the illustrious Kala[kama] lavarman." The king Bhimadeva mentioned in this inscription is no doubt the same as the fourth king of the dynasty of the Shahi kings of Kabul and the Punjab who reigned, according to C. V. Vaidya (History of Mediaeval Hindu India, Vol. I, page 201) from A. D. 940 to 960. This Bhimadeva was the grandfather of Didda, the wife and successor of Kshemagupta, king of Kashmir, and the daughter of the Lohara king named Simha Raja, king of one of the feudatory States of Kashmir till A. D. 958. Alberuni describes the Shahi kings of Kabul and the Punjab as Brahmanas. Sir A. Cunningham held that though the four kings, whose names end in, i.e., Venkadeva, Kallar or Spalapatideva, Samantadeva, and Bhimadeva must indeed have been Brahmanas, the last four kings, Jayapala, Anandapala, Trilochanapala and Bhimapala were Rajput Kshatriyas. This view appears to me to be only partially correct. Kshemagupta to whom the grand-daughter of Bhimadeva was married is believed to have been a Kshatriya and as there could be no matrimonial connection between a Brahmana and a Kshatriya, it is obvious that Bhimadeva must also have been a Kshatriya. The present inscription provides epigraphical proof of this identification, inasmuch as the name of the father of Bhimadeva ends in varman, a definitely Kshatriya title. V. Ranigat Inscription. The fragmentary white marble slab on which this inscription is engraved was discovered by Major Deane in November, 1894 at a place called Ranigst and is now preserved in the Lahore Museum (No. 25-A). The inscription consists of four lines in which portions of four Sanskrit verses have survived. The first verse which is in the Vasantatilaka metre has lost the last seven syllables of the second foot, the whole of the third foot and the first two syllables of the last foot, i.e., 23 aksharas in all. The loss between lines 2 and 3 amounts to as many as 65 syllables, consisting of the last five aksharas of the first foot and the whole of the next three feet of a verse in the Sardulavikridita metre and the first three syllables of the next verse which was in the Vasantatilaka metre. The loss between lines 3 and 4 again amounts to only 30 syllables, showing that the lines were of very unequal lengths. 1 For two very rare coins of Bhimadeva, see Cunningham, Coins of Mediaeval India, plate VII, 17 and 18. [It is quite possible that a whole verse has been lost in addition between iines 1 and 2 and another between lines 3 and 4.-Ed.]

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300 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. The first verse embodies an invocation of a deity, the pair of whose feet was variegated by the lustre of the brilliant jewels in the crowns of the multitude of gods. .. The next verse of which only the last 12 syllables remain, constitutes a eulogy of a king whose name is broken off, but whose prowess was well known like that of Arjuna. [The son of this ruler) was devoted to, and diligent in the carrying out of the commands of, his lord. The rest of the verse is broken off. Of the next verse less than the first half exists and it refers to some one, the hair of whose head, which resembled the sacred cord of munja grass was besmeared with the mass of the pollen of the lotus flowers in the shape of the feet of Siva....... The last existing verse, of which less than one half is preserved, tells us that the worldly ties of some one had been burnt in the fire of (true) knowledge. This inscription at present adds little to our knowledge of the history of the territory in which it has been found. Perhaps it may be found useful at a later stage in filling gaps in future discoveries of such inscriptions. TEXT. . (efe] gIrvANavRndamukuTasphuTarabakAntifanalfaia (fay[] vu-u--- [1*] --U-UUU-UU-U-- afugan0[*] * Hant [w]Aigarnega getu-cu---UU-U-UUU---u--U- [*] ---UU-U-UUU--- -- - ---vu-u-uuu---u--U-[*]* -- Turaifenteue ce far asaT[] [1"] --u-uuu-uu-u-- --u-vuu-uu-u-- [w*] -- na AFATI: eta a: au --- [*] ---UUUUU ---vuvu-u-u-- [*]* ILI IT The feminine gender as well as the word * 1 [The reading seems to be bhakta [bhartri)-mano-quvritti-chalura. Lharti shows that the reference is to his wife.-Ed.] 2 Metre: Vasantatilaka. * Metre : Sardulavikridita. * Metre: Praharehini.

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No. 44.] SIX INSCRIPTIONS IN THE LAHORE MUSEUM. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 VI. Bari Kot Inscription of the Reign of Jayapaladova. The original of this inscription is a rectangular slab, 10" wide by 9" high of dark grey slate stone, which was found on a hill to the north of Bari Kot in Upper Swat and is now preserved in the Lahore Museum (No. 119). The whole of the inscription is very badly obliterated and the only portions that can be read with certainty are the first two lines of the document. Elsewhere only stray words or syllables can be made out. The inscription begins with om svasti 100, followed by the words meaning " in the reign of the supreme sovereign, the superior king of great king and the supreme lord, the illustrious Jayapaladeva". We then gather that in the illustrious Vajirasthana (Waziristan) three individuals, whose names are completely rubbed off, founded something, the nature of which cannot be determined. This inscription is the first epigraphical document which mentions the name of the Shahi king Jayapaladeva, who was the successor of Bhimadeva and contemporary of Amir Sabuktigin and Mahmud of Ghazni. The existing portion contains no date. OM svasti 100 mevarathIjayapAla devarAjye covajorasyAne bharapuSa zropoSya (?) micadevakulaprabhaprArthita pabhikhibhi[:] karma tasya ebhistribhi [:] . * TEXT. paramabhaTTAraka mahArAjAdhirAjapara * " * ratha pratiSThita karma prabhava uda pratiSThA * ka ---- 301 rApitaH

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INDEX. BY N. LAKSHMINARAYAN RAO, M.A. * 122 a, initial, . . . 34, 127, 174, 194 a, initial, . . . 34, 174, 194, 204 a, genitive suffix in Kannada, . 175 a, meclial, . . . . . 56, 134 a, medial, not distinguished from t, . . . 166 a, two forms of, . . . . . . 289 Abhidhanachintamani, lericon, Abhimanameru-Brahmamarayan, sur. of Talu. vakkulaindap, . . . . 241, 250 Abhimanyudeva, Sonpur ch., . . . . 162 Abhinav antuka, biruda of Jatachola-Bhima,. 29,33 Abhyuddhara, M., . . . . . . . . 93, 96 93, 96 Achalita-virya, biruda of Jatachola-Bhima, 29, 33 Achara-Bhagiratha, do.. . 29, 33 achuya, . . Achchamariyadan, biruda, Achchhama, .. a. Ammo, . . . 212, 214, 218 Achchidaran, m., . . . . Adamangalamudaiyan, m... 234, 245 adhaka or adhavapa, measure, 58, 60, 61, 215, 224 adhikarika, . . 144 adhiraja, title, . . 290, 291, 292 Adi-Buddha, . 100n. Adittapan man, m., 233, 244 Aditya, god, . . . . 1177. Aditya I, Chola k., . Aditya II, do... 167, 168 Adityabakti, Sendraka ch., . 290 Adityavarddhana, k. of Thanesar, 75 Adityavarmman, Maukhari k., 74 Adiyarkkunallan, sur, of Karparak-Kalingarayan. . . . . 123, 124 adukku, . : . . . . 105 Adur inscription of Kirttiyarman II, , , 205 Advadji or Mokalji, te... . . . . 280 ugambadi-riyayam, . . . 184, 189 Agari, pi... , . . 92, 98, 95 Agastya, rishi, ; . . 288 agihof-Agithoma-pajapeysamedha-yaji, epithet of Siri:Chama tamula, . , . 62, 64, 69 Agnihotra, sacrifice, . . . . . 62, 180 PAGE Agnisarman, m... Agnishtoma, sacrifice, . 62 agrahara. . . . . 168, 269, 273, 276 Agudi-nadu, di.,. . . . . 228, 241, 250 Aguptayika, family,. . . . . 290, 291, 292 aham, a house, . . . * 170n. ahara, a territorial division, . . . . 182 Ahavamalla, sur. of W. Chalukya Somesvara I, 221, 226, 230, 231, 233, 241, 244 ahgan, an exchange value of money in grain, 103, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113 Ahmad or Ahmad Shah, k. of Gujarat, , 280 Ahmadabad, vi.. . . . . . . 1.58 Ahobala, tirtha, . . . . . . 269, 272 di, medial, . . . . . . . 174 Aihole, vi.,. . . 176n. Aihole inscription of Polakabin II, 135, 155, 289 Aila, mythical k., . . . . 284 Aftariya-Brahmana, work, . . 90, 126 Aivarmalai rock inscription,. . . 106 Aiyala, m.,. . . 158 Aja or Aya, 8. a. Azes, . 258, 254, 255 Aja, .. . . . 154, 156, 157 Ajaya, Ti., . . . 213, 214 Ajaya or Ajayasimha, Guhila k., . . . 278, 279, 280, 286 Ajja-Bhatta, m.,. . . 18, 21 Aijarn-Bhatta, m., . . . 19, 21, 22 ajaabhogika, official, . ajnapti, do., . . 154 Akalavarsha, sur. of Krishna I, . 141 Akalavarsha, sur. of Krishna II, 205n., 207, 208 Akharauda, vi.. . . . . . 92, 93, 95 Akkasalai, vi.. . Akkasalai-Isvaramudaiyar, te., . . . 107n. akshapafalika, official, . . . . 35, 41, 92, 95 akshaya-nsvi, a permanent endowment, 58, 60, 61, 79, 81, 82 Alagiyadovan, M., . . . . 191, 193 Alagiya- Manavalar, deity. . . . 235, 246 Alagiyamanavalapperumal-Tondaiman, Ayan tangi ch., . . . . . . 1211., 192 . 24 The figures refer to pages: 1, after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch. chief; co.-country di district of division; do. ditto i dy. -dynasty Eastern f.female; k=king i m.Emale ; mampuntain; ri, river ; 8. d. samo 28; surnama f. temple; vi.= village or town; W.Western. (303)

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304 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. 281 55 ..:: PAGE PAGE Alagiyasola-Vilupparaiyar, m., . . 234, 245 Amarika, 1.. . . 150, 152 alaivilanljadan, biruda,. . . 122, 123. Ambada pura, 8. a. Amrapur, . . 127, 128 Alaka 1, m., . . 50, 52 Ambapataka, 8. a. Amadpur,. . .130, 144, 147 Alaka II, m.. . . 50, 54 and add. | Ambar Aruvandai Kalingarayar, m.. . 191, 193 ajakku, measure, 105, 109, 111, 222 and n., 234 235, Ambasamudram record of Varaguna-Maharaja 107 236, 239, 245, 246, 247, 249 Ambata I. m., . . 50, 52 Alambattam, mi., . . . . 104, 111, 111 Ambata II, m., . 50, 5+ Alapadu, vi.. . . . . . 275, 276Amber, ri. . . . . . Alappakkam, vi., . . 228 and add., Ambikestara, te., . . . 127 Amir Sa buktigin, k. of Ghazni, . 301 Alarrurnattukkon, ch., . . . . 103, 109 Amisaha (or sahi), 8. a. Sultan Dilawar Khan Alatalanghapura, vi.. . . Ghuri, . . 35, 40 . . . . . . .278, 279, 283 *Alau-d-din Khalji, k. of Delhi, Amitagati, anthologist, . . . 279 and . . . " 158n. , N. of Delhi, . . Alavandar, sur. of Yamunacharya, . Amitaguna-valanadu, di., 165 . . 104, 108, 113, 114 * Alberuni, Arab writer,. * Amkanatha, dcity, 299 . . . . . . 14, 15 Alhanadevi, queen of Gaya karnadeva, 93, 94 Ankanna, m., . . . . . . . 19, 22 Alinadudaiyan, m., Ankaraja-muni, ascetic, . 191, 193 . . . Alina plates of Siladitya VII, . arkavala, . . . . . . 14, 15 209 Allahabad, vi., Ammanambrolu-sima, di.. . . . 208, 272 . 100n. Allaparaja, Sailodbhara prince, * 35n. Ammo, ri., . . . . . . . 214 alphabets : Amoda plates of Prithvidera I, . . 101, 163 Brahmi (Kushana), . Amoghavarsha I., Rashtrukula k., . 136, 137, 138 and . . . Brahmi (Mauryan), . . . . . . 83, 84 n., 143, 204, 2051., 207, 208 . . Devagesha, 201 Amoghavarsha III, do.. . . . . . . 298 Early Gupta, Amohini tablet of the Vikrama year 72, . 257 and >>. . 1,2 Grantha,. . . Amradadri, 8. a. Amber, . . . 279, 281, 288 102, 119, 166, 189n., 190n., Amrapur, vi.. 191n. . . . . . . 127 Gupta, . . . . , Amritaluru, ti.. . 275 . 2, 76, 194, 298 . . . . Kannada (Kanarese), amrita-siddhi-yoga, 129 . . .134, 204, 206 Amudaguna-valanadu, 8. a. Amitaguna-valanadu, 108 Kharoshthi, . .25, 28, 195, 251, 252, 254, 255, Annudasagarar, Tamil prosodist, . . . 259 188 Nagari or Devanagari, Amur-kottam, di... 17, 34, 42, 50, 92, 97, . . . . . 188, 189, 192 127, 128, 134, 160, 171, 280, 277, 293, 297, 298 an, accusative termination in Kannada, . . 173 Anahila, 7., nail-headed, * 117., 182, 209, 211 . 124 . . . Proto-Bengali, . Anahilapatana, vi.. . 212 . . . . . . . 158 Sarada, Anahilla, Chahamana k., . . 159 . 293, 298 . anai, measure, . . . 105, 111, 112, 113, 113 Tamil, . 119, 166, 184, 220 Telugu, . . Ananda pala, Shahi k. of Kabul and the Punjab, 299 . . 267, 269, 271 Ananta, m., . . Valabhi,. . . 215, 218 .. 134 Vatteluttu, Ananta-Bhatta, m., . . . . 102 . . 10,22 . Anantanarayanabhatta, m., . . . 234, 245 Alupa, dy.. . . . 173 Anantavarman Chodaganga, E. Ganga k.. . Alvar, a Vaishnava saint 162 169, 170, 222, 235, 236, Anantisvara, te... 237, 238, 245, 249 * 166, 167, 169, 170 Alvar-Tirunagari, vi., Anathapindada, m.. . 197, 201 . . . . . 108 Andhra, co., Amadpur, vi., . . . 270, 274 . . 139 Andhra, dy.. Amakarakupa, vi.. 71 . . . . 181, 182, 183 . Amarakonar, m., . 191, 193 Andiyappa Achyutanayaka-Tondaimao, Ayan. tangi ch., . Amarakosha, lexicon, . . 88 ane, tax (?), . . 12, 14, 15 Amaravati, Buddhist site, . . . 68 Anekarthasara, lexicon,. . . 163 Amaravati inscription of Vema, 268 aneka-hirarna-koti-go-sala-sahasa-hala-sala-sahasa. Amaresvara, deity. . . . 270 padayi, epithet of Siri-Chantamula, 62, 64, 66, 69 * . 192 The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch.chief; co.country: di district or division; do.-ditto; dy.dynasty: 2.Eastern ; f.-female; k.king: m.=male; mo. mountain; ri.=river, 8. a. same as ; sur, surname; to.temple; vi=village or town; W.-Western.

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INDEX. 305 . . . 122 217 . . 204 . RAav PAGE aneka-kirana-koti-padayi, epithet of Siri-Chamta- Arthuna inscription of V. 1136, . , 43, 51 mala . . . . 63, 65 Arumoli or Arumolivarman, sur. of Rajaraja I, Arumoli or Arumplir 168 Anga, co., . . . . 32, 33, 285 arumolidevan, standard measure, . 222, 234, 245 Aniruddha, m., . . Arunachala Vanangamudi Tondaiman. Apananke, lax (?), . . . . 12, 14, 15 tangi ch., . . . Anna. Vema, Reddi k... . 269, 270, 273, 274, 275, 276 Arur-udaivan m.. . . . . 191, 193 Anna-Vota or Ana-Vota, do., . , .270, 273, 274 Arya-Siddhanta, astronomical toork, . . 125n. Annigeri (or Aanigere), vi.. . 204, 206 Aryyanandin or Aryyanandyacharya, Jaina Annigere inscription of the 6th year of Kirtti teacher, . . . . . . 289, 290, 292 Varman 11, . . . . . 174, 175 An-si, CQ., . . , 258, 259 Asaraja, m., . . . . 43, 50 antaranga, official, Asahaya-Vikrama, biruda of Jatachols-Bhima,. 29, 33 antarangabsihaduparika, . Ashtangahridaya, work on medicine, 224, 225 antarayam, tax, . . . 191, 192, 193 Ashtasahasrika Prajnaparamita, sacred work of Anulia copper-plate of Lakshmanasena, 211, 212, 216 the Buddhists, . Anuradhapura, vi.. . . . . . 227 Asirgadh seal, . . . . 73 anusvara, 10, 34, 66, 116, 133, 135, 154, 175n., 252 Aboka, Maurya k.. . . . 84 anusvara, used for nasal, Asokasrimitra, Buddhist ascetic, . . 97, 99, 100 Anyatataka, 8. a. Annigeri, . Asokayap, m. . . . . . 231, 242 apachaya, . . 195 . Asvaghosha, author, . . . . 597., 201 Aparajita, Jaina teacher, . . 135, 144, 147 Asvajit, Buddhist teacher, . . . . 72, 196 Aparajoli, vi.. . . . 212, 218 Asvalayana-Srautasutra, work, . * 68 Aparamahavinayasellya, Buddhist sect, . 65, 66, 69 Afvamedha, sacrifice, . . 36, 39, 62, 64, 98 Apastamba, sutra, . . . . 268, 271 Advapati, biruda, . . . . . . 96 Appana-Dandanayaka, Hoysala general, . . 268afuasadhanika, official, . . . . 92, 98 Appaya, 8. a. Appana-Dandanayaka, 268, 269 Asvineyas, the twin gods, . . . 284 Appaya-Gopaya-didapatta, biruda of Voma, 268, Atibala, m., . . . . . 260, 262, 266, 267 269, 272 Atirajendra-pPallavaraiyan, m., . . 234, 245 Apsarodevi, queen of Rajyavardhana, . 75 and n. Atibayabola-Mavendavelar, m.. . . 233, 244 Apurana-Dadhichi, biruda of Jatachoja-Bhima,. 29, 33 Atithaditya, biruda of Jatachola-Bhima, Araiyaman, m., . . . . 234, 245 Atmanu deana, Digambara Jaina work, . * 51, 54 Aranabhita, Sailodbhara k.,. . 37n., 39 Atri, rishi, . . . . 93, 163, 216 Aranta ngi, vi., 119, 120, 121, 122 and 1., 123, 124 Au-ti, Chinese k., . . Arasar-abharana, epithet of Jatachola-Bhima, 29, 33 avagraha, symbol, . 34, 180 Arbuda, mountain, . Avakrishti, field,. 181, 183 Arhat, . . . . 90, 290, 292 Avalladevi, queen of Karnadeva, * 93, 94 Arindaman Purangarambainatnu-Muvendavelar, Avalokitesvara, Bodhisattva, . .72, 100, 101n. * 234, 245 Avaninarayana-Muvendavelap, m.. . 234, 245 Arindaman-Vilupparaiyan, m., Avanipala-Mavendavelan, m., . , 234, 245 Arifjaya, Chola k., . . * 168 Avanipabekhara, 8. a. Srlvallabha, . . . 106 Ariraja Bhishana, biruda of Jatachola-Bhima,. 20, 33 Avanipabokharamangalam, vi., 104, 106, 113, 114 ari-raya-jagaj-jhampe, biruda of the Yadava k. Avanti, co., . . . . . 50, 52, 1777. Kannara, . . . . . . 12 Avidhiya, Rashtrakufa k. . . . . 29111. Arishtijjika-sthall, locality, . . 181, 182, 183 | Avudaiya-Tambirapar, deity, 121 and n., 123, 124 Arisimha, Guhila k., . , 277, 278, 279, 280, 281 Avudaiya-Nayinar-Tondaiman, Agantangi ch., . 122 Arjuna, epic hero, . 300 ayaka-pillar, . . . . Arjunavada, vi... 9, 11, 18 Ayakotusiri, Ikhaku princess, . . 64, 69 Arkkadasa, m.. . . 81, 83 Ayandampakkam, vi., . . .228, 241, 250 Arpakkam, vi. 186 aydam, the Tamil letter corresponding to visarga, 102 Arpakkam epigraph of Rajadhiraja II,.. 188 Aya (Azea), . . . Arthafastra, work. . . 80 . Ayasiri, Ikhaku princess, . * 64, 69 Arthana, vi.. . . . . . . 42, 60, 61 Ayabobhita, Sailodbhava k.. . . . . 39 * 33 . 87 234, 245 ti, co r akuto wity, . . . . 61, 68 * 28 The figures refer to pages: 1. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used ch. chief; co.=country: di.-district or division; do. ditto; dy.dynasty; E. Eastern ; f. female; k.kingm.=male; mo.=mountain; ri.river; , d. mo ns; sur, surname; te. temple; vi village or town; W. Western.

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306 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXI. 17 78 PAGE RAav Ayasobbfta, sut. of Madhyamaraja, . 37, 39 | Baratika or Baratika-dandaka, locality, 117, 118 Ayirsttali, vi., . . . 185, 189, 192 Bara-vanasthali, di.. . 117, 118 ayuktaka, official, . . . . . . 118 Bari Kot, vi.. . . . . . . 301 Ayurveda, the Indian medical science, . . 50, 52 Barkona, vi., . . . . 214 Azes, Parthian k., . . 27, 28, 254, 255, 256, Barkunda, vi., . . * 214 258 Baroda platos of Dhruva I, . . 134, 138 Baroda plates of Karkkaraja, . . 134, 136, 139 Barrackpur inscription of Vijayasena, 212, 215 b, used for . . . 125 Barsi Takli, vi.. . . . . . 128, 130, 131n. Baber, Mughul k., . . . . Barton Museum, Bhavnagar, . . 208 Bidimi, vi, . .177, 205, 290 baru, measure, . . 268, 272 Badami cave inscription of Kirttivarman I, . 289 Basava, or Basavaraja, Lingayat reformer, 10, 12, Badami inscription of Kappe-Arabhatta. . 175 13, 14, 15, 16, 17 Badami inscription of Mangalesa,. . . 175 Basava, M.,. . . 10 Badapa, E. Chalukya k., . . . . 31 Basav.-godi, locality, . . . . . Baddega, sur. of Amoghavarsha III . 261 Basavapurana, Virasaiva work, . . . 17 Badnor, vi., . . 280 Basavaraja, 8. a. Hala-Basavideva, . . 14, 16 Bagavadi or Bigovadi, vi.. . 10, 11 and n., 12, 16, Basavarajadevara Ragale, Kannada work, . 10n. add., 17 baffeya-badhe, lax (). . . . 12, 14, 15 Bage fifty, ds. . . . . 11 and .. Behatti grant, . . 11 Bagumra grant of Nikumbhallacakti, . . 290 Belgaum, vi. . . Bagumra plates of Dhruva II, . . 138n. add. Bel vola or Belvola three-hundred, di.. . . 11, 204 Bagumra plates of Indra III, . . . 136 Benares, vi.. . . . . . 129, 179 Bahusutiya, Buddhist sect, . . 61, 62, 65, 70 Benares plates of Karnadeva, . . Baigram, vi, Beta, &. a. Beta-Vijayaditya,. . . Bakanapati, 8. a. Vakanapati, 60 Beta-Vijayaditya, E. Chalukya k., . . Baladitya, our. of Dhruvasena II, 182 Betma plates of Bhoja of V. S. 1076, . 158 balakeranda-taila, medicine, etul plates of Samkshobha, . . 126, 126 Balasarasvati, poet,. . . . . 270, 276 Bezwada, vi. . . . . 226 Bali, demon k., . . 182 and add., 183 . bali, . . . . 103, 105, Bhadrababu, Jaina saint, . 116, 117, 118, 180 Bhadranaka, ti.. . . . 117R. Baliraja, Chahamana k.. Bhadrasili, d. a. Takahasila, . . . 253 Ballala II, Hoysala k... . . 206 Bhadravala (Skt. Bhadrapala), m., . . 252, 259 Baloda, vi.. . . . . . 162 and n. Bhadreniyaka, vi.. . . . . 117, 118 Baluda, vi.. . . . . . . Bhagadatta, mythical k., 162n. Baluti, vi., . . . . . . 214 Bhagadikhandakshetra, field (1), . . 212, 218 Bambavado or Bombaoda, vi., . . 279, 281, 288 Bhagavachchandra, k., . . . . . 77 Bana, author, . . . Bhagavat, . . . 4, 7, 8, 9, 32, 81, 82, 219 Banaju, merchants, . . . . . 14, 16 Bhagavat, 8. a. Buddha, . . . 197, 203r. Banks, ri., . . . . Bhagiratha, mythical k., . . 150, 153 Banssahkarl, te.,. . . 204 Bhagirathi, .. a. Ganges, . . . Bansiyasi, vi., . . Bhagori, vi.. . . . . . 43 Bangarh, vi.. . Bhaideva, m., . . . 127, 128 Bankesvars, or Vankesvara, 8. a Siva , 160, 163 bhaikahaka, a land set apart for charity, 117 and n., Banskhera.copper-plate, . . . 75 and n., 76 118 Banswara plates, . . . . . . 158 Bhailla, m., . . . . . . . . 51, 54 Bantia, vi., . . . . . . 179 Bhairavekvarakavyada Kathasutraratna kara, Bapasiri, Ikhaku princess, . . . . 64, 70 Kannada work, . . . . . . 10 Bappula, field, . . 209, 210 Bhallataka-haritaki, medicine, . . 224, 240, 250 Barataka, vi.. . . . . 117n. Bhandak plates of Ktishia I, . . . . 159 77 148 177 90 The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :ch.= chief; co.= country: di. listrict or division; do.=ditto; dy.=dynasty; .-Eastern; f. female; k. king; m.-male; mo. mouatain; ri.river; 6. a. same as; sur.=surname: le=temple ; vi. village or town; W.Western.

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Bhanusakti, Sendraka ch., Bharakuchchha-pradvara, locality, Bharata, epic hero, Bharata, mythical k., Bharatan or Araiyan Bharatan, m., Bharatavarsha, co., Bhasa, dramatist, . Bhashabhushana, Kannada grammar, Bhasiyaka, m... Bhaskara, m., Bhaskara, m., Bhaskaravarman, k. of Pragjyotisha, bhata,. bhatara, title, Bhatarka, Maitraka k. of Valabhi, Bhatinda, vi., bhatta, Bhavnagar, vi., bhikshu, a Buddhist monk, Bhillama, Yadava k., Bhattakapatra or Bhadrakapadra, vi., bhattaraka, title, bhattarika, title, Bhatideva, or Bhattidova, queen of Siri-Virapuri sadata, Bhatuka, m., Bhavadatta, Nala k., Bhavani, s. a. Parvati, Bhavani or Bhawani, te., Bhavattavarman, s. a. Bhavadatta, PAGE 290 183 4, 137, 253, 297 49, 93, 94 166, 167, 169, 170 20, 22 4 175m. 209, 210 18 79, 81, 82, 83 73 118 208 116, 179, 180n. 181 and n., 209 297 218 * Bhimapala, do., Bhimasatti, Sendraka ch., INDEX. Bhimesvara, deity, Bhimesvaram, vi., 179, 180 3, 8, 9 74 181 Bhillama, m., 72 130, 206 129, 131, 132 29, 32 158, 171, 172 Bhima, mythical prince, Bhima I, Chaulukya k., . Bhima or Jatachola-Bhima, Telugu-Chola ch.,. 29, 30, 31, 33 61, 62, 65, 70 51, 54 154 and n., 155, 156 129, 182 127n., 128 154n. 11 19, 22 Bhoyila, M., Bhramara, hill, Bhramarsen, vi., Bhujabala, k., bhukti, a territorial division Bhumara pillar inscription, Bhupala-Meru, biruda of Jatachola-Bhima, Bhushana, m., Bichugi, s. a. Vichana, Bijjala, Kalachurya k., Bhuvan-aiku-dipaka, biruda of Jatachola-Bhima, Bhuvanaikavira, Kanarese poet, bilvadi-ghrita, medicine, . Biravamka, stream, Bijjalarayacharita, Kannada work, Bilhari inscription of the Kalachuri Yuvaraja. deva II, . Brahmakundi, s. a. Gundla kamma, Bhima, ri., Bhimadeva, m., Bhimadeva, Shahi k. of Kabul and the Punjab,. 299 and ., 301 299 290 Budhi (Buddhi), f., 29, 32, 33 Buguda plates of Madhavavarman, Bukka I, Vijayanagara k., Bukkaraja, s. a. Bukka I, Bandi, vi., 268, 272 270, 274 100n. 172 43, 49 Birudanka-Bhima, sur. of Vimaladitya, Bodhana, mythical k., Bodh Gaya inscription of Jayachandra, Bodhisattva, Bodhisiri, Buddhist nun, bodhi-tree, Bodudeva, m., Bopgaon plates of Vijayaditya dated Saka640, Brahma, god, brahmadiya, brahmanda, dana,. brahmapuri or brahmapura, Brahmarasa, m., Brahmaerirajan, m., brahmyam-kadumburi, medicine, do.. brahmya-rasayana, Brihatproshtha grant of Umavarman, Buddha, PAGE 79, 81, 82, 83 149, 151 149 160, 162, 163 . 80, 213 125 29, 33 53, 54 29, 33 175n. Bhimesvara-Somayajin, m., Bhita, vi., Bhogaditya, m., Bhogyapura, 8. a. Bhagora, Bhoja, Bhojadeva or Bhojaraja, Paramara k. of Malava, 42, 43, 47, 157, 158, 159, 280 Ceylon, island, Bhojadeva, Pratihara k. of Kanauj,. 161, 294, 295 and n. 50, C 196 24. 174 93, 100m., 261, 264, 266, 267 118, 166, 168, 169, 209, 210 269, 272 284 157n. 22, 23 167, 169, 170 224, 240, 250 224 23, 24 62, 63, 72, 90, 91, 97, 98, 99, 100 and n., 101, 196, 197, 198, 202, 253 189 196, 197 77 29, 33 and . 70 35, 36, 37 18 and n. 17, 20, 22 281 307 148 224, 225, 240, 250 275 . Buddhamitra, author, Buddhist, Budhagupta, Gupta k., Budha-jan-odara, biruda of Jatachola-Bhima, 13, 15 10, 17 10 97 72, 201 and n. 65, 68 30 93 186, 187, and n., 192, 225, 226, 227, 228 The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used-ch.-chief; co.country; di.-district or division; do.=ditto; dy.dynasty; E.-Eastern; f.female; k.-king; m.male; mo.mountain; ri.-river; s. a. same as; aur. surname te.temple; vi. village or town; W.-Western.

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308 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXI. PAGE Para Chachcha, Paramura prince,. . . 43, 47, 51 Charabhataka, m., . 181, 183 Chadamukha, M., . . . . 68, 69 Charaka, author, * 224 Chahamana, family, . . . 43, 47, 158, 159 Charakasamhita, work on medicine, 224, 225 Chahavana, co., . . 177 chari, tax, . . . . . 93, 95 Chakaliyajoli, vi., . . 212, 218 charu, . . . 117, 118, 180 Chakradrona, m... . 156, 157 chata, . . . . 118 Chakrakotta, vi., . . . 228 Chatrabhatti, misreading for Vatrabhatti, . 117n. Chakrakottam, 8. a. Chakrakotta, 226, 228, 232, Chatta, m.,. . 209, 210 233, 244 chatta, . . . * 218 chakravartin, lille, . . . . . 36 Chattiyannai), m., 231, 242 Chilaranga-Rama, biruda of Jatachola-Bhima. 29, 33 chaturaka, . . . 213 Chalisgaon, vi., . . . . 130 Chaudalapura, 8. a. Paramarupa, . 17, 21, 23 Chalukki or Salukki, 8. a. Chalukya, . 231, 232, Chaudi (or Chavudi)-Setti, m., . . 13, 14, 16 233, 242, 243, 245 Chauhan, family, . . . . . 280 Chalukkikulakala-Mavendavelan, m., 234, 245 Chauli, m., . . . . . 154, 156, 157 and . Chalukya, family, . . . . 32, 100n. Chaulukya, dy. . 158, 171 Chalukya, Eastern, dy.. . 29, 30, 31, 136, 154, chauroddharanika, official, . 118, 218 226, 228 Chavunda, m., . . . . 18 Chalukya or Chalukya, Western, dy., . 136, 155, 173, Chavunda or Chivunda-Setti 8. a. Chauli-Setti, 10, 11, . 175, 176n., 177, 204, 226, 227, 290, 291 13, 15 Chalukya-Bhima I, E. Chalukya k., . * 29, 32 Chedi, co., . . . . . . 96 Chalukya-Bhima II, do., . . . 29 Chedirasar, ch., . . . . . 188, 191, 193 Chalukya-Chandra, sur. of Saktivarman 1, . 31 Chelavata, 8. a. Jilwara, . . 278, 280, 281 Chanchumala- (or Chemjimala)-churakara, biruda Chellur plates of Kulottunga-Choda II, . 31 of Verna, . . . .. . . 268, 271 Chembiyan-Brahmamarayar, m., . . 234, 244 Champavati, vi., . . 279, 287 Chenna-Basava, Lingayat teacher, . . . 10 Chamtisiri, queen of Kamdasiri, . 64, 65, 66, 69 Chenna-Basava-Purana, Kannada work, . . 17 Chamunda, 8. a. Chavunda,. . . 17, 20, 23 Chera, co.,. .191, 226, 231, 242 and 1. Chamundaraja, Paramara prince, . . 50, 51, 52 Cherala, 8. a. Chera, . 189, 191 Chamundaraja, ch.. . . 230, 241 Cheyyar, ri.,. . . 220 Chanakya, m., . . chha, Kharoshthi, . . 251 Chandadanda, k. of Kanchi,. . 177 chha, used for loa, . . . 10 Chandala, caste, . . . Chhadasila, vi., . . 251, 252, 253, 259 Chandamahasena, Pallava ch., 174, 176, 177, 178 Chhandogya-Upanishad, * . . 56 Chandamahasena, Chahavana k.,. 177 Chhatrasens, m.,. . . 50, 53 Chandamahasena, k. of Avanti, 177n. Chhimdriyala, vi., . . . 171, 172 Chandapa, Paramara prince, . . . . 43, 51 Chicacole grant of Indravarman, . . 24 Chandavarman, k. of Kalinga, Chidanna, m., . 207, 208 Chandi, goddess, . . . . 151, 211 Chikka, m., . . . . . 13, 15 Chandipati, 8. a. Siva, . , . . 149 Chilka lake, . . . . 38 Chandrabhatti, misreading for Vatrabhatti, 117n. Chimakurti, vi.. . . 267, 268, 272 Chandrabhi, f.,. . . . 252, 253, 259 Chimchili, vi., . . . . 176n. Chandragupta, Mauryya k., . . . 290 China, co., . . . . . 285 Chandragupta, Somavansi k. of Mahakosala, 36n. Chipattarayar, m.. . 191 and add., 193 Chandragupta I, Gupta k., . Chiratadatta, m.,. . . . . 89 Chandragupta II, do.,. . . . 2, 3, 4, 8, 9 Chirbbira, m., . . . . . 180, 181 Chandrainbika, f. . . . . . 10 Chirukunra-nadu, di., . . . 189, 192 Chandraprabha, k., . . . 253 Chitor, vi., . . . . . 278, 279, 280 Chandraraja, m.,. 10 Chitrakuta, 8. a. Chitor, . 278, 282, 284, 286 Chandrasekhara-Bhatta, m.,. . .167, 169, 170 Chittamuru, vi., . . 268, 271 Chandravaka, m., . . . . . 181, 183 Chodaganga, 8. a. Anantavarman Chodaganga, 160, Chandrehi or Chandrebe, vi,. . . . 148, 149 162, 163 73 . . . van , k. OJ Aalinga, 24 The figures refer to pages: 1. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :ch. chief; co.=country: di. -district or division; do.. ditto; dy.--dynasty : E.-Eastern; f. female; k.=king: m.male ; mo.=mountain ; ri.=river, 8. d.-same as ; our.surname; te=temple; vi.=yillage or town; W. Western.

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INDEX. 309 90 2nd, . . . . 212, 277 days, lunar : PAGE PAGE Chola, dy., , 30, 31, 32, 120, 122, 140, 165, 166, 167, dandapati, official,. . . 171 168, 177, 184, 185, 186 and n., 187 and n., 188, 189, dandasana, ... 261, 264, 288 190, 192, 220, 221, 226, 227, 228, 242, 243, 244, 268, Dandavani, standard weight, . . . 240, 250 269 Dantidurga, Rashtrakuta k.,. . 136, 140, 177 Chola-Brahmamaraya, m., . . 233, 244 Dantivarman, Rashtrakuta k... Dantivarmen. Ras . . . 136 Choladevabhatta, m., . , . . 234, 245 Dantivarman, Gujarat Rashfrakuta ch., 148 n. Cholamanikka-Muvendavelan, m.,. 234, 245 Danturaja, ch.. . . 129, 130, 131 Cholamarttanda-Muvendavelan, m., 234, 245 darvikarmma, . . . . 82, 83 Chola-Muvendavelar, M., . . 234, 244 | dafabandha,. . 221, 222, 233, 235, 244, 245 Chola-Trinetra, sur. of Jatachola-Bhima, 32 dabamula-haritaki, medicine,. . 224, 240, 250 Chola-Vilupparaiyar, m., 234, 244 dalamulin or dalamalika, official, . . 93, 95, 96 Cholendrasinganallur, vi., 191, 192 Dabaratha, mythical k., . . . Choyandaka, vi., . . . . 97, 99, 100 Dabarathi, 3.a. Rama,. . . . . 273 Chula-Dhammagiri, mo., 68 Dabavatars cave record, . . 136 Chulla, 8. a. Chauli, . 1579. Dasyu, tribe. . . . . Chullagopala ka-sultanta, 200 daubsadhika, official, . . 218 Chatika, vi.. . . . 181, 182, 183 daubsadhasadhanika, do... Cintra prasasti, . . days of the fortnight Coleroon, Ti., . . . 166 64 Conjeeveram, vi., . . 29, 269 8th, . . . . . . 26, 28, 29 consonants, doubled before y. . 79 10th, . . . . . . . 62, 63 consonants, doubling of, 84, 116, 135, 156, 194, bright fortnight, couchant bull, emblem on seal, . . . 34, 208 1st, . . . . . 261 2nd, . . . . . . . 36, 41 . . . . . 60, 54, 171 . . 8, 9, 149, 150, 153 6th, . . . . . 260, 263, 266 Dabhaka, vi.. . . * 181, 182, 183, 184 7th, . 129, 131, 182, 184 Dafara Khana, a. Zafar Khan II, 278, 279, 282 12th, . . . . 268, 271 Dakarambi, 8.a. Draksharama (+), vi.. . . 14th, . . . 116, 119 Dakarnava, Buddhist work, . . . . 98 18th, . . . . . . 108n. 171, 172 Daksha, god, 163 full-moon (paurnamasi), 92, 95, 135, 144, 147, Dakshinavithi, di.. . . . . 212, 218 171, 172, 270, 275 Damaravada, vi., . . . . . 212, 218 dark fortnight, Damayan, 8.a. Madavan Damayaq, 230, 241, 250 bth, . . . . . . . 277 Damayan Gangaikondabola, m., . . 241, 250 15th, . . . . . 180, 181, 210, 211 Damaysada, Kshatrapa ch., . . . . 257 new-moon (amavasya), 11, 13, 15, 21, 23, 119, 122, Dambarasimha, Paramara ch., . . 41, 51 124, 150, 180 Damadara, Parivrajaka k.. . . . 126 days of the month :Damodara, m., . . 149, 150, 153 . . . . . . . . 66 Damodara, m., . . . . . . 92, 96 10th, . . . . . . . 66 Damodara-Bhatta, m.,. . 18, 19, 21 19th, . . . . . . 79, 82, 83 Damodarpur copper-plate inscriptions, 78, 79, 80, 81 20th, . . . . . . . 24 Damodarpur grant of Kumaragupta I's reign, 81 23rd, 253, 259 Danarmnava or Danarnava-Nripakama, E. 27th, 164, 158, 167 Chalukya k., . . . 29, 30, 31, 33 days of the reignDanda, god, . . . 9 and n. 1445th, . . dandaka (= chain of hills 1), . . . . 117 1745th, . . . 106 . dandanayaka, official, . . . 41, 218, 231, 242 3090th, . . 108 dandapatika, or dandapafika, do.. . 41, 218 500let, . . . . . 106 5th, 34 let, ::: . . 100 .:. The figures refer to pages : n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch. chief; co. country d . dlatriot of division; do..ditto: dy.dynasty ; E.-Eastern; f.=female; k.king; m.=male mo.mountains. river; 8. d. same as our.-surname; te.=temple; vi.=village or town; W.-Western. .

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310 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. PAGE . 172 212 209 200 PAGE days, solar : Dhamma, s.a. Dharma, . . 196, 197 7th, . . . . . 185n., 215, 219 Dhamsata, poel, . . . 149, 150, 153 . . . . . . . 216 Dhanadahara-pathaka, di. . . 28th,. . . . . . 216 Dhanaidaha copper-plate inscription of the days of the week : time of Kumaragupta I: the year 113, . 78 Sunday (Arka, Nayar), 167, 169, 170, 260, 263, 288 1 Dhanapala, lexicographer, * 158n. Monday (Soma), 11, 13, 15, 50, 51, 150, 201, 277 Dhanoka, 8.a. Kubora,. . . 117 Tuesday (Mangala),. 119, 122, 124, 270, 275 Dbanosvara, te... . * 43, 47 Wednesday (Saumya), . , 17, 21, 23 Dhanika, Paramara prince, 43, 47, 51 Thursday (Guru), 129, 131, 261, 268, 271 Dhank grants of G. E. 290, 117n., 183 Friday, . . . . . . . 108n. Dhanyanagara, vi.. . . 278, 287 Saturday, . . . 92, 95, 171, 172 Dhara, vi., . . . 159, 226n. Dber park, 8.. Sarnath,. . . . . 72 Dharanidasa, lexicographer, . 163 Djja or Dejja-Mabaraja, Rashtrabaja *., 290, 291 and Dharapatta or Dharapada, Maitraka k. of .., 292 Valabhi, . . . . 180n. Delavata (Skt. Devakulapataka), s.a. Dalwira, 278, Dharasena II, Mauraka k. of Valabhi . 116, 118, 280, 282 179, 180, 181, 182, 209 Delhana Sarma, m., . . 92, 96 Dharasona III, do.. . 116n., 181, 182, 183 Dolwari, vi., . . 280 Dharasena IV, do.. . 209 Deogarh, vi.. . 294 Dharma, one of the three jewels of the Buddhist Dasli plates of Krishna III, 260, 261 faith, . . . 198, 202 Deopara inscription of Vijayasina, . Dharma, ., . . . . . . 93, 96 Derabhata, Maitraka prince, Dharma, J... : . . . . 253, 259 Desana, exposition of the Buddhist Dhe mma, . Dharmachakra, Buddhist wheel of Law, 72, 97, 98, 99 Diulapataka, vi.. Dharmaditya or Dharmmaditya, eur. of Deunayaka, M., . . . 127, 128 and n. Srladitya I, . . . . . 118, 182 danadana, . . . 221, 233, 234, 244, 245 dharmakarmadhikarin, official, . 161, 165 Devadatta, m.. . . 179, 180 Dharmakaryadipavidhi, Buddhist work, . . 98 Devadhara, M.. . . 160, 164 Dharmamsu, 8.a. Ananta, . . . 215 Dovadhya, Parivrajaka k., . . 125, 126 Dharmaraja, Sailodbhava k., . , 35, 36, 37, 40 Davagiri, vi.. . 10, 13, 16, 127 Dharmarajika inscription No. 1, . . 28 devakula, a royal gallery of portrait statues, Dharmatmaja, or Dharmasunu 8.. Yudhishthira, 273,283 Dovala, m., * 215 Dharmmapala, Pala k., . . 98 . Davanabhatta, author,. . dharmmapradhana, official, . . Devanampiya, epithet of Asoka, 85 Dharmottaracharya, Jaina author, 135, 136 Dovanathap or Devanadad, m., 232, 242 Dharmottara-fippanaka, commentary on NyayaDovanatban, or Devanadag m., 238, 244 bindu-tika, . . . . . . 135 Davapmangalam, i. . . . 169, 170 Dharsena, mistake for Dharasena, . 179, 180 Devatrdayyo, m., . . * 204 Dhishu, m., . . . 135, 147 and n. Devapala, Pala k., 73, 98 and n. Dhaahutapl, well . . . . 135, 144 Detaputra, title of Kushana kings. 56, 58, 59, 60 - 284 Devarahalli plates of Sripurusha,. Dhorika, well, . . . . 209 and add., 210 Devarajamunipa, m., . . . 10, 13, 15, 16 Dhramma, m., . . . . 252, 209 Devaraya II, Vijayanagara k., 193n. Dhruva, Rashifrakufa k. . 136, 137 and 7., 141, Deva-sangha, achool of Jaina teachers, . . 136 146 and n. Devendravallabha-chaturvedimangalam,. .. Dhruva I, Gujardt Rashfrakuta ch., * 138n. Maramangalam. . . 108n. Dhruvasna, Maitraka prince, . . 209, 211 Davipurina, . , 213n. Dhruvesena I, Maitraka k. of Valabhi * 180n. Devisaras, vi. . . 116, 117 Dhruvas na II, do., 181, 182 devlam (=devalcula), Dhruvasona III, do., 209 Dewai, .,. . 298 Dhundhumara, mythical k.,. . . 88 95 174 5 The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are need ch.= chief; c0.oountry: di.=district or division; do.=ditto: dy dynasty; 2. Rastern; f.-female; k.-king: m.=male ; mo.-mountain ri.=river ; 8. a.=same 48 ; our.surname; te. temple; vi village or town: W. Western.

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INDEX. 311 du, abbreviation for duta ka, . . . 181 PAGE PAGE Didda, queen of Kashmir, . 299 Ekalinga, deity, . . 278, 286 Digambara, sed of Jainas, 136 Bkapperumal or Ekapperumal Tondaimio. ch. dinara, coin, * 79, 80, 81, 82, 83 of Anantangi, . . . 121, 122, 123, 124 Dina-kal padruma, biruda of Jatichola-Bhima, 29, 33 Ekavira, te., . . . 160 and Th, 165 Dinakara, Saiva ascetic, . . . 158 Rkollarigama, Buddhist work, . . . 200 Dipankara, 8.4. Dipankara Buddha, . 97, 99, 100 blu-nalaiyil Yilam-tigai-konda perumal, biruda Dipankara Buddha, . . 97 of Ponnambalanatha-Tondaimin, . 121, 123 Dipankara Srijnana, author, . 98 Endavirut, locality (1), . . . . Dipattarayar, m., . . 191, 193 Ennayiram, vi, . . . . , 223, 226n. Disapala, m., . . 205, 206 er88:Divakaradeva, m., . 11, 13, 15 Aguptayika, . . 290 divirapati, official, 184, 209, 211 Gupta, . . 3, 8, 9, 36, 79, 81, 90, 125, 126 Divyavadana, Buddhist work, .. 60, 1967., 253 Gupta.Valabhi, . . . . 116, 180, 182 Doni inscription, 127 Kalachuri or Chedi, 92, 125, 149, 161, 165 Draksbarama, vi., 269 Saka, . . . . 28, 255, 257, 259 drangika, official, 118 Saka, .2, 29, 57, 58, 119 and n., 121, 122, 127, dravatti, medicine, * 224, 240, 250 129, 130, 135, 144, 147, 162, 207, 208, 259, 260, 263, drona, measure, . . . 79, 212, 215 and n., 218 266 Dronasimha, Maitraka k. of Valabhi, . . 180n. Selucidan, . . . 288 dronavapa, land measure, 80, 81, 82, 83, 215n. Vikrama, 27, 28, 43, 50, 54, 171, 172, 177, 256, du, abbreviation for dutaka, 269 Duhsadh, criminal tribe, . . . . 92n. Eroyamma, M., . . . . . 207, 208 Duhaadhyn, 3.a. Dubsidh, . . . 92n.. Eriyaman, m.. . . . . . 233, 244 duhaadhyad ya, tat, . . . 93, 95 Erukkangudi, vb., . . . . . . 106 Dumadina, m., . . . . . . . . 85, 86erri (in all), 103, 109 Dungarpur, ti.. . . . . 281 Etti Sattan, 8.2. Iruppaikkudi-kilavan, Durbhikshamalla, sur. of Gadadhara, . 266, 267 Durgga, goddess, . . . 32, 146, 161, 165 Durga bhatta, m., . . . 139, 146, 147 Fa Hien, Chinese pilgrim, . Durgadatta, m., . . . . 81, 83 Fang niu king, Chinese work, . . . 200 Durlabharaja, Chaulukya k., . . . . 171 Fan king tu d o. . . 200 Dushta-kal-anala, biruda of Jatachola-Bhima,. 29, 33 Faridpur oopper-plate grants, . . . 78, 79 dushtasadhya, official, . . . . . 92, 95 Firoz, ch. of Nagaur, . duta ordutaka, do., 35, 41, 116n., 117, 119, 172, Firoz Tughlak, k. of Delhi, 280n. 180, 182, 184, 209, 211, 216, 219 fortnights Dva para, age, . . .. . 14 Dvaravati, vi.. . . . . . . 12, 15 . . . . . . . 62, 63 7th, 8th, . . . . . . 65, 66 Fu-li-chih (Vriji), co.,. . . 90 initial, . . . . . 174, 194, 289 EUR, medial, . . . . . . 207 ?, medial, . Gada, the club of Vishnu, . 297 eclipses : Gadadhara, ascetic, 260, 261, 262, 283, 284, 285, lunar, . . . 95, 270, 275 266 and n., 287 solar, 11, 13, 15, 17, 21, 23, 119, 122, 124, 180, Gadhi inscription of the time of the Mahl 181, 212, 219 kshatrapa Rudrasena, . Edhisiri, Ikhaku princess, . . . . . 64, 69 gadyana, coin, . . . . Edirili-Peruma], sur. of Rajadhiraja II, 176n. 185, 186, 190, Gagraun, vi.. . . . . . . 281 Gaipala or Gayapala (Gaiba or Gopala), ch., 279, 280, Edirilikola-Sambuvariyar, ch., . 188 288 * 106 . 200 1st, . . * 64 192 The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used ch.-chief; co.= country; di district or division; do..ditto; dy.dynasty: E.-Easteru. f.femalo: k.king: m.male; mo. mountain ; mi.rivor ; 8.0. = Same as sur, surname; te=temple; vi.=village or town; W..Western.

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312 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. . . 95 PAGE PAGE Gajapati, biruda, . . Gaya, vi., . . . 212n., 278, 280, 283 Galadana (=Skt. Galardana), 1 * 85, 87 Gaya inscriptions of the time of Nayapala,, 97 gandaka, coin, . . . * 87, 89 Gayakarnadeva, Kalachuri k. of Tripuri, 93, 94 Gamiyaya or Gamayaja, m., . 129, 132 Gayal or Gayaval, Brahman sect,. 212 and 1., 219 Ganapati or Ganesa, god, 128, 129, 153, 161 Gaya-vishaya, di., . . . . . 213 Ganapati, Kakatiya k... 269 Ghanchaka, m., . . . . . 209, 210 Gandabhurisrava, biruda of Jatachola-Bhima, . . . 158 Ganda-Brihaspati, m.,. . 7 Ghaptesvara, deity, Gandagopala, eur. of the Telugu Cholas of ghafa or mangalakalaka, emblem on seal, . . Nellore, . . 269 ghafa, tax, . . . . 92 Gandaraditya, Chola k., . 168 ghataka, measure,. . 58, 60, 61 Gandhara, co., . . . . 258, 259 Ghatama, ch., . . . . Gandharva, demigods, . . 149, 151, 295, 296 Ghazni. vi.. Ghazni, vi.. . . . . . 258n., 303 gandira, medicine, . 224, 240, 250Girahali, vi., . . 161, 165 gandiradyarishtha, medicine, . . Giripura, 8. a. Dungarpur, 279, 281, 288 Ganga, Eastern, dy., . 30, 31, 371., 162, 228 Goa, vi., . . 18 Ganga or Ganga, Western, dy., 136, 137, 142, 146, 228, Godasa-gana, school of Jaina teachers, 90 231, 232, 242 Godavari or Kodaviri, ri., 232, 243, 269, 272 Ganga or Gangai, ... Ganges, 38, 123, 149, 242, Gogadeva, k., . . . . 278, 279, 281 273, 298 Goharwa plates of Karnadeva, . . . 161 Gangadevi, f. . . . . 10n. Gojja, 8. a. Govinda IV, . . . . 291n. Gangadhara, m., . . . 160, 164, 165 Gokak, vi.. . . . . 289 Gangadhara-Jyotirvid, m., . 19, 21, 22 Golasiri, Ikhaku princess. . . . . 64, 69 Gangaikondasolapuram, Di., 185, 189, 190, 192, 221, Gomiyaka, m., . . . . . 181, 183 228, 233, 244 go-mutra-haritaki, medicine, . . 224 Gangaikondaadla-Danmapala, sur. of Dama. Gondala-sahasa, biru da of Jatachola-Bhima, 29 and add.33 yan Gangaikondaabla, . . . 241, 250 Gondophernes, Parthian k... . . 257, 259 Gangaikondasola-pPallavaraiyar, m., . 234, 245 Gopaladeva, Pallava ch., . 176, 177, 178, 179 Gangaimanagar or Gangapuri, 8. a. Gangai- Gopalpur brick inscriptions, . . 196 kondasolapuram, 228, 231, 232, 243 Gopaya, 8. a. Samudra-Gopaya-Dannayaka, 268, 269 Gangamangalam or Kengaimangalam, vi., 104, 108, Gopayajnasvamin, m.,. . 126 Tu, 114 Goppara-vataka, vi.. . . . . Gangavadi or Gangapadi, co.. . 146n., 226, 228, Gopura, vi.. . . . . . . 279, 288 230, 241 gosane, tax (1), 12, 14, 15 Ganges, ri.. . 124, 146, 151, 153, 214, 295, 297 gosasa, . . . 207, 208 Gangeyadeva, Kalachuri k. of Tripuri, 93, 94, 161 and n. gotras - Ganjam plates of Netribhanjadeva, . . 34 Agastya, . . 92, 96 Ganjam plates of the time of Sabinkaraja, 35, 36, 37, Angiras, . . 18 Attri or Atrega, . 17, 19, 21, 22, 24, 181, 183 Garapali, vi. 174, 178, 179 Bharadvaja, . . . 18, 19, 21, 22 Garga or Gargya, Saiva teacher, . Garggya, Gargarata, .. a. Gagraun, . . 279, 281, 287 Harita or Harita, . 10, 176, 178, 270 Garuda, . . . . . . Kasya pa, 10, 17, 18, 19, 21, 22, 160, 164 Garuda, emblem, . . . 133, 159 and n., 289 Kaundinya, . . . 268, 271 Gattavadipur plates, . . 137 Kausika, . . . . 209, 210 Gauda, co., * 212, 261, 264, 266 Parabara,. . . 19, 21, 125, 126 gaulmika, official, 218 Bandilya,. . . 19, 22, 179, 180, 218, 261, 264, Gaurans, Telugu poet, 271 266 Gaurl, 8. a. Parvati, . . . 12, 32, 163 Vachchha (Vatsa), . . . . . Gautama Sanghadeva, author, . . 200 Valabhya, . . 129, 132 Gautami, ri., . . . . : 272 Vasishtha, . 18, 19, 21, 22 The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :-chochief; co.=country: di. district or division; do.ditto; dy.=dynasty; E. Eastern ; f.=female; k.king; m.=male; mo.=mountain; r-river; 6. d.=same as our.surname; te.temple; vi. village or towa; W. Western. . 5, 6 . 278 199

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INDEX 313 140 74 . . 196 18 PAGE PAGE Gova s. a. Goa, . * 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 Hala-Basavideva, ascetic, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, Govinda or Govindaraja I, Rashtrakuta k., 136, 140 Govinda II, do. . . . 136, 141, 177n. Hala-Sankaralinga, te., . . . . . Govinda III, do. . . 36n., 134, 137, 142 Haldipur, vi.. . . . . . Govinda IV, do. . . . . . 291n. Hammira or Hamira, Guhila k. . 277, 278, 279, Govinda-Bhatta, m., . . . . 19, 22 281, 282 Govindapur copper-plate of Lakshmanasena, 211, Hammirapura, vi.. . . . . 278, 287 213, 215, 216 Hara, 8. a. Siva,. . . . Govindapur inscription of the poet Gangadhara, 97 Haraha inscription, . . . Govindasvamin, te., 79, 81, 82, 83 Harauti, di., . 280 grama-braya, tax (?), . 12, 14, 15 Hari, 8. a. Vishnu, 40, 99, 101, 129, 131, 132, gramakuta, official, * 144, 146 and n. 155, 156, 164, 297, 298 gramapati, do. 144, 146 and n. Haribala, m., . . . . . grant of Kharagraha dated Sam 297, . 182n. Hari-Bhatta, m., . . . . 18, 19, 21 Guhadatta, Guhila k.,. . . 278, 280, 286 Haridasa, m., . . . . . 212, 219 Guhanandin, Jaina teacher, . . 90 Harihara, m., . . . . . . 19, 22 Guhasena, Maitraka k. of Valabhi, . 116, 118, 180n., Harihara, author, . . * 10n. 181n., 209 Harihara, 8. a. Harihara II,, . 17, 20, 22, 23 Guhila, dy., . . . 51, 277, 279, 280 Harihara II, Vijayanagara k.. . . 18 Gujarat, co., . 278, 279, 280 Haripala, author, . . . . . 175n. Gujjari-dhatta-vibhala, biruda of Vema, . , 272 Harischandra, mythical k., . . . . 49 Gunabhadra, author, . . . . 200 Harita, rishi, . . . . . . 274 Gunaka-Vijayita, 8. a. Vijayaditya III, 33 and add. harita-kalapaka,. . . . . . 58, 60 Gunamati, author, . . . . 200 Harivarmman, Maukhari k., 74 Gundama II, E. Ganga k. . Harumuchchadi-agrahara inscription, . . Gundayaryya, m.. . . , 270, 274 Harsha or Harshapura, vi.. . . . 97, 99, 100 Gundlakamma, ri.. . 269 Harsha, or Harshavardhana, Kanauj k., . 37, 73, 74, Gupta, dy. . 1, 2, 3, 8, 77, 80, 90, 125, 126, 213, 75, 76, 140n. 215n. Harsha, Chandella k.. . . 181 Gureyamma, m., . . . . . . 207, 208 Harshacharitam, work,, . 77 Gurgi inscription of Prabodhasiva, . . . 148 Harshagupta, queen of Adityavarmman, . 74 . Gorjara or Gurjara Pratihara, dy., . 137 and n. Harsola, vi.. . . 158 Gurjara grant of Saka 417, . . . . 183 Hashtnagar image inscription, . . 28, 259 Gorjaramandala, co., . . . . , 278, 282 Hastavapra, 8. a. Hathab, Gurjjara, tribe, 15, 43, 47, 95, 160, 281 Hastavapr-ahara, di.,. . . 181, 182, 183 Gurjjararaya-bhayankara, biruda of Yadava Hastihridaka, vi.. . . k. Kannara, . . 182, 184 . . . . . . . 12 124, 125, 126 Hastin, Parivrajaka k., gurvv-ayatana, . . . 4, 5, 9 Hastivarman, E. Ganga k., Gushana, 8. a. Kushana, . . . Gwalior, vi.. 294 Hasya Gangull, m., . . . . , 215 Hathab, vi.. . . . 182 Hattimattur inscription of Krishna I, hejjuggi, feast, . 12 and n., 14, 15 hejjunka, toll, Hada, family, . . . . 280 Hemachandra, author, Hadavati, 8. a. Harauti, . 278, 279, 280, 282, Hemadri, 8. a. Hemadri Pandit, . 88, 270, 273 288 Hemadri or Hemadrideva, ch. of Parnakheta, 129, 130, Haigunda, vi., . . . 178 131 Haihaya, ancestor of the Kalchuri kings, Hemadrideva, Nikumbha ch.. Haihaya, family, . . . . 93, 94, 161, 165 Hemadri Pandit, minister of Yadava Ramadeva 130 Haihaya, 8. a. Kalachuri, . . . 160 Hemanta or Hemantasena, Sena k.. . 212, 216 hala, measure . . . , 171, 172 Heramba, 4. a. Ganesa, . . . . . 165 . 182 . . 37n. . . . 59, 259 12 . 130 The figures refer to pages: 1. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :ch.schief; co.=country: di.=district or division; do.=ditto: dy.-dynasty : E.-Eastern; f.mfomale; k.king: m.=male; mo.=mountain; ri.=river; 6. 4. same as wur. name; te. tomple; vi.=villago or town; W.-Western.

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314 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. PAGE 297 126 PAGE Heravali, vi.. . . . . 178 Indra Prichchhakaraja, Rashtrakula k.,. . 136 Hidda inscription, . . 56 Indulekha, queen, . Himadri, &. a. Himalaya, . . 150, 153, 163, 284 Indus, ri., . . . . . . . 258 Himalaya, mo., . 153, 228, 244, 295 Ingaikkugaiyan, m., . . . . 234, 245 Himasaila, 3.a. Himalaya, . . . . 295 Ingai-Udaiyap, m. . . . 191, 193 hiranina-koti-go-sala-sahasa-hala-sala-sahasa. Iraivettin Kumara-Pasarkattan, eur. of Virapadayi, epithet of Siri-Chamtamula . 62, 64, 71 rajendra Sembiyadaraiyan. . . 241, 250 Hiranyakasipu, demon k., . . 95 and add. Iranavalimangalam, vi.. . . 108, 111, 114 Hiranyayoga, field . . . 135, 144, 147 Irattakulakala-Muvendavelar, m., . 234, 244 Hiuan Tsang, 8. a. Yuan Chwang. . . 200, 201 Irugayan, ch., . . . . . 230, 241 Hiu-mi (Wakhan), principality, . . . 59, 258 Irumadichola-Brahmadhirajan, sur. of Para. Hiu-tun (Parwan), do.. . . 59, 258 mesvaran, . . . . . 169, 170 Hola, f. . . . . 50, 53 . Iruppaikkudi-kilavan, ch., . . 103, 106, 109 Hon Han-shu, Chinese work, 57, 59, 258n., 259 Isamudra inscription of Baddega AmoghaHonavar, vi... . . 178 varsha III, . . . . . . 261 Honvida inscription of Somegvars I. . . 11 Isanavarmman, Maukhari k., . . . 74 horned animal, emblem on seal, . . . 289 Isanayajnasvamin, m., . . . . . Hossana, 4. a. Hoysala, . . . . . 11 Isvaravarmman, Maukhari k., . . . Hoysala, dy.. . . 12, 204, 206, 268, 269 | Itikaralabodu, mound, . . . . . 61 Huligere, vi.. . . 13, 15 I-tsing, Chinese pilgrim, . . . 196, 197n. Huna, tribe, . . . . . . 93, 94 Hura(or Ora)-tota, 8. a. Oratturai, . . 1877. Huvishka, Kushana k., . . 5, 56, 58, 61 j, corsive, . . . . . . 207 Jaffna, vi... . . . . 187n. Jagaddeva, Kalachuri k. of Ratnapura, 160, 162 Jagadekamalla II, W. Chalukya ke. of Kalyani, 176n. 1, initial, . 127, 174, 194, 204, 206 Jaganobbaganda, biruda of Appana-Dandanii, medial, . . . 204 yaka, . . . . 268, 271 i, mediol, not distinguished from i, . . 116, 166 Jaggayyapeta, vi.. . 65 i, old form of, 92 Jahazpur, vi.. * 281 Ichal-karanji, vi., . . 228 Jahnavi, 8. a. Ganges,. . Idaiyala-nadu, di., . 228, 240, 250 Jain or Jaina, 3, 10, 50, 90, 135, 136, 147, 289, Idevetta, hill. . 174, 178, 179 290, 291 Idra (Skt. Indra), f., . . 252, 253, 259 | Jaitkaran, ch. of Idar,. . . 279 idum, possessive suffic in Tamil, . 166 Jajalladeva I, Kalachuri k. of Ratnapura, 100, 163 Ikhaku or Ikkhaku, dy.. 62, 63, 64, 66, 67, 69 Jajalladeva II, do, 160, 162, 164 Ikahviku, family, . . . . 177|Jalandhara, 8. a. Jalor, . 278, 280, 284 Fla or Ilapura, 8. a. Ilol, . . . 171, 172 Jalara or Jalara-graina, ti.. 289, 290, 291, 292 Ilam or 1da-mandalam, 8. a. Ceylon, 124, 187, 189, Jalhana, m., . . . 161, 165 190, 228, 232, 243 Jalor (Javalipur), vi.. . . . . 280 Tattaraiyar, ch., . . . . 234, 244 | Jamalgashi inscription, . . . 252 Jlol, vi.. . . . . . 172 | Jambukhanda, 8. 4. Jamkhandi, . 291 Ila-Vanyar-midura-ganda, biruda of Ponnam- Jambokhanda-gana, school of Jainas, 200, 292 balanatha-Tondaiman, . . . 123 | Jamkhandi, vi., Imaiyam, 8. a. Himalaya, . 228, 233 Janaka, ., . 171, 172 Indapayya, m., . . . . 207, 208 Janakachala, hill, 278, 287 Indra, god,. . . 22, 93, 101, 151, 263, 266 Jananatha, ch., . 226 and 1., 231, 232, 242, 243 Indra or Indraraja, Gujarit Rashtrakufa ch., . 135, 137, janapada, . . . 41, 95, 172 139, 143, 146, 147 janapada, corporate body, . Indra II, Rashtrakufa k., . 140 Janardana, 8. a. Vishnu, . . . 11, 13 Indrananda, Sendraka ch., . , 290, 291, 292 Jangama, . . . . 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16 * 118 * 291 The figures refor to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch.=chief; co.country i di.-district or division; do..ditto; dy, dynasty: E. Eastern : .female: k.king: m.=male; mo. mountain ririver; 6. 4. same as; PT. Arnamo; t'temple; vi. village or town; W.Western.

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INDEX. 315 123R. 187 228 PAGE PAGE Janturadasa, m... .. 154, 156, 157 Jiva, f. . 160, 164 Janturanataraya-halla-kallola, biruda of Vema, 268, 272 Jinakachintamani, Tamil work, 105 Janu-Bhatta, m... . . . 19, 21, 22 Jivanandi (Skt. Jivanandin), m... 252, 253, 259 Jasdan inscription, . . . . . 3 janasakti, weapon of Skanda, 263, 266 Jasoraja, Sravanabhadra ch., . . . 157, 158 joda papadi, . . . . 41 Jatalampadu, vi.. . . . . , 275 Jubbulpore, vi.. . . . 91, 93 Jatavarman Kulabekhara, Pandya k., . . 120 Junagadh inscription of Rudradaman, . . 2 Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya, Pandya k., 120, 121, k Jatesinga Dungri plates of Mahasivagupta, 162 Jatesvara, 8. a. Kamarnava VII, 160, 162, 163 kachchana, 8. d. gadyana, 221, 233 Jatilavarman Arikesarideva, Pandya k., . . 121 Kadaba plates of Govinda III, . 134 Javar, ri., . . . . 281 kadam, measure, . . Jayanatha, Uchchakalpa k.,. 125 kadamai, a tax, . . . 119, 123, 124 Jayangonda-Chola, sur. of Rajaraja I, Kadamba, dy. . . . . 154, 155, 177 Jayangondasoja - chChenamuga-Muvendavelar, Kadava, 8. a., Pallava, 231, 242 234, 244 Kadavarajar, ch... 234, 244 Jayangondasola-aDamapurnattu-Viluppa Kadphises, family, . . 254 raiyan, m., . . . . . 234, 245 Kadungomangalam, vi.. * 104, 106, 113, 114 Jayangondasola-Mavondavejar, m., . . 234, 244 Kadungon, Pandya k... . . 106 Jayangondosola-Vayanattaraiyar, m.,. . 234, 244 Kaikeya, family,. . . * 174, 176, 177, 178 Jayangondasola-Vilupparaiyar, m., 233, 244 Kailasa, mo.. . 295, 298 Jayankonda (or gonda) EUR5la-mandalam, di., 189, 191, Kailasanatha, le., . . 29 192, 193, 228, 233, 240, 241, 244, 250 Kai yuan she leiao lu, Chinese work, 200 Jayanta, son of Indra, . . . . . 284 kaka or kakinika, measure, . 215 Jayantipura-mandala, di., 18 kakapada,. . .133, 140n., 142n., 144n., 145n. Jayantyashtami, festival, 222, 229, 236, 246, 247 Kakatiya, dy.. . . . . . . 269 Jayapila or Jayapaladeva, Shahi k. of Kabul and kal, grain measure, . 104 the Punjab. . . . . . 297, 299, 301 Kalachuri, dy.. 92, 93, 94, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164 Jayalakti, Sendraka ch., Kalachuri, 8. a., Kalachurya, . . . . 130 Jayaktla, author, . . . . . 98 Kalachurya, dy. . . . . . 10, 17 Jayasimgha, m.,. . . . 35, 41 Kalakacharyakathanaka, work, . . . 57 Jayasimha, Paramara k. of Malava, 43, 48, 51, kalalaun-kuli, . . . . . 222, 234, 245 158 kalam, grain measure, 104, 105, 107, 109, 110, 111, 112 Jayasim hadeva, Kalachuri k. of Tripuri. 92, 93, 95, and n., 113, 115, 222 and n., 223, 224, 234, 236, 237, 96 238, 239, 240, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250 Jayasingakulakala-Vilupparaiyar, m., . 234, 244 kafani, a wet land, . . . 175, 178 Jayasvamini, queen of Harivarmman, kafanju, weight, 105, 113, 115, 169, 170, 221 and n., Jayavardhana, vi., . 278, 287 222, 228, 230, 233, 234, 244, 245, 246 Jebulageri, locality, 205, 206 Kalapaka, s. a. Kalavada, . . . 182 Jeika, m.. . . . 149 Kalapaka-pathaka, di., . . 181, 183, 209, 210 Jesar, vi., . . . . 208 Kalappalarayar, m., . . . 191, 193 Jesar plates of Srladitya IV, . . 209n. Kalattur-kottam, di.,. . . 188, 225, 233, 244 Jetavana, park, . . . 197, 201 | Kalavida, vi.. . . Jihonika-Zeionises, Kshatrapa ch... . . 256 Kalavana, vi.. - 158 jikvamuliya, use of, 1, 50, 116, 135, 155, 179 Kalavana plates of the feudatory of Bhojadeva, 159n. JIjaka, M.,. . . . . . 160, 164 Kalawan, ancient Buddhist site, . . 28, 251, 254 Jilwara, vi... . . . . . 280 Kali, age, . 14, 38, 132, 168, 230, 232, 241, 243, 263, Jina, 146, 147 266, 297 Jina (=a Buddha), 99, 100, 101 Kalideva, deity, . . . . . 14 Jinendra, 8. a. Jina, . . 136, 140 Kalidevarasa, m., . . . 10, 13, 15, 16 . . . 183 The figures refer to pages: 1. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are tied :-chchief; co.=country: di.district or division; do.-ditto; dy.-dynasty; E.-Eastern; f.=female; k. king; m.=male : mo.=mountain; ri.=river ; 8. a.=same as; sur.surname; te.sa temple; vi.= village or town; W.=Western.

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316 PAGE 33 24, 30, 31, 32, 38, 92, 160, 162, 163, 212, 226, 232, 245, 268 228, 232, 243 Kalimka, s. a. Kalinga,. Kalinga, co., Kalingas (seven), co., Kalingaraja or Kalinganripati, Kalachuri k. of Ratnapura, 160, 161 and Kalingaraya-mana-mardana, biruda of Vema Kalingattaraiyar, ch., Kalingattupparani, Tamil work, Kaliraja-muni, ascetic, Kaliyamma, m., Kaliyappai, m., Kaliyur-kkottam, di., Kallar, s.a. Spalapatideva, Kallinatha, deity, . Kalpanamanditika, work, Kalpasutra, Jaina work, Kalsi version of Asoka's inscriptions, kalvasi, Kalvavamulu, vi., Kalwan plates of Jayasakti, kalyana-lavana, medicine, Kalyanamalin, m., Kalyani, vi., Kama, s. a. Manmatha, Kamalasimha, m., Kamarnava, E. Ganga k., Kamarnnava, 8. a. Kamarnnava IV, Kamarnnava IV, E. Ganga k., Kamarnnava V, do., Kamarnnava VII, do., Kamarupa, co., kamata, a home-farm, kamata, tax, Kamayan, m., Kamdasiri, Pakiya ch... Kamesvara-Bhattaraka, m., Kampili, vi... EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. Kamala or Kamalaraja, Kalachuri k. of Ratna pura, Kamtakasela, mistake for Kamtakasola, Kamtakasola, locality, Kana, ri., Kanakarayar, m.,. Kanakaari, m., . add., 163 268, 272 233, 244 120 14 kanam, coin, Kanasarukamana, tribe (1), 205, 206 233, 244 233, 244 299 12, 15 59 and n. 90, 290. 56, 84 222, 234, 245 270 Kanniyan, ch., Kapur-kilavan, m., 290 224, 225, 240, 250 Kanyakubja, s. a. Kanauj, Kanyakumari inscription of Virarajendra, Kao-fu (Kabul), principality, . Kapa, 8. a. Kujala Kadphises, Kapadvanj plates of Krishna II, kapardaka-purana, coin, Kapardin, s. a. Skanda, 15, 152, 295 Kapardiya, m., 156n. 130, 175 Kapardiyaka, m.,. 160, 161 and n., 163 Kapila, Saiva teacher, Kapileevara, deity, Kappalur, vi., 92, 95 161n. * 29, 30, 33 30, 31 31 * 162 212, 285 93 93, 95 232 65, 66, 69 268, 271 226 68 PAGE 188 Kanday-Madhavan, ch., Kanha, general, Kanheri, vi... 43, 47, 50, 51, 52 100n. kanikkai, a voluntary offering, 119, 123, 124 Kanishka, Kushana k., 2, 57, 58, 59 and n., 100n., 256, 259 . 43, 51 214 212, 213, 214, 218 Kankali Tila inscription of the year 299,. Kankjol, vi... Kankadeva, Paramara prince, Kankagrama, s. a. Kankjol, Kankagrama-bhukti, di., 58 214 Kannakuchchi, 8. a. Kanyakubja, 326 Kannara or Krishna, Yadava k., 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16 Kannara-Bhatara, s. a. Krishna II, Kannasomaka, vi., 207, 208 209, 210 Kapparkovai, Tamil poem, [VOL. XXI. Karadi, vi., . Karadikal, s. a. Karadi, Karadikal-nadu, di., karana, official, karanas :Vanija, Karanbel, vi., Karandai, s. a. Ichal-Karanji, Karandavyuha, quoted, Karatoya, ri., 242n. 191, 193 157, 226 226 258 and n., 259 and n. 257 136 212 260, 263, 266 and n., 267 182, 183 181, 183 .4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 4, 7, 8, 9 120 120 227 226, 227 227 41 68 214 191, 193 97, 99, 101 102, 105, 111, 112, 113, 115 59, 60, 61 kanasoppu,. 176, 178, 179 Karikala-Chola, sur. of Jatachola-Bhima, 29, 30, 31, 33 Kanauj, vi.,. 157, 295 234, 245 Kanchi or Kanchipuram, s. a. Conjeeveram, 120, 123n., 181, 183 140, 141 140, 177, 269 121, 123 and n. 129, 131 93 Karatoya-mahatmya, work, Karhad plates of Krishna III, Karigai, work on Tamil prosody, Karigai-Kulattur, vi., 228, 232, 242 101 n. 89 88 260, 261 188 185, 188, 189, 192 Karikala or Karikala-Sola, sur. of Aditya II, 167, 168, 170 Karippuram, vi., Kariraka, m., Karkkaraja, Rashtrakuta k., Kanchipuravaradhisvara, biruda, The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used:-ch.-chief; co.-country; di.-district or division; do.ditto; dy.dynasty; E.Eastern; f.female; k.king; m.male; mo.mountain; ri.-river, s. a.msame as; ur.surname ; fe.temple; vi,village or town; W.-Western.

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INDEX. 317 262 PAGE PAGE Karkka or Karkkarija, Gujarat Rashtrakata ch., 133, Kayastha, caste,. . . 43, 50, 51, 54, 158, 172 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147 Kayts, vi.. . . . . . 187n. Karmara, community, . . . . 262, 265, 267 Kekkaka, m., . . . . . . 172 Karmuka-Rama, biruda of Jatachola-Bhima, 29, 33 Kelhanadevi, queen of Jayasimhadeva, 92, 95 Karna or Karnadeva, Chaulukya k., . 171, 172 ke[vivariyiliduvitta puravuvari-tinaikkalam, offi. Karnadeva, Kalachuri k. of Tripuri, . . 93, 94 cial, . . . . . . 234, 245 Karnata or Karnataka, co... 20, 22, 43, 140, 161 Kendur plates of Kirttivarman II,. . . 175 Karnavati, 8. a. Karanbel, . . . 93, 94 Kerala, co., . Karnna, epic hero, . . . 149, 226, 231, 242 . . . . 33, 281 . . Kosa, ch., . . . 270 Karpurak-Kalingarayan, m., 123 and n., 124 Kesava, m., . . karsa-pindan, . . 171, 172 and 1. . . 176 and n., 178 . karshapana, coin, . . . . 176n., 179 Kesave, m., . . . 231, 241 Karttavirya, mythical k., . . . 49, 93, 94 Kesava-Bhatta, M., 18, 19, 21, 22 Karttavirya I, Ratta ch., . Kesavan, m. . 232, 243 Karttikarasi, Saiva teacher, Kesi, m., . . 232, 242 Karttikeya, 8. a. Skanda, 260, 261, 262, 266n. Kettan, ch., . . 232, 242 Karttikeya-tapovana, locality, Kettaraisan, ch... 231, 241 Karumanikkan, ch., . . . 120, 121 kelfini, . . . 221, 232 Karunakara-Tondaiman, ch., . 120 Khachchabbaya, m., . 182, 184 Karunasrimitra, Buddhist ascetic,. 97, 98, 99, 100 Khada(ta)para, di.. . * 79 Karvan, vi., . . . . 5, 6, 7 Khadgasimha, m., 160, 165 Kasampalli, vi.. . . . . . 175, 176, 178 Khagesvara, one of the Samhit is of Pancharatra, 223n. Kashmandi-vishaya, di., . . 290, 291 Khajjuri, well, . . . . . 182, 183 Kasi, co., . . . . 212 Khalighatta, ford, . . . 43, 47 Kasivilasa-Kriyasakti, Saiva teacher, 1 teacher, . . 18 Khalimpur plate of Dharmapala, . . . 213 Kasia copper-plate, 195, 196 Khandakotisiri, Ikhaku princess, . 64, 69 kaku, coin, 103, 104, 105, 107, 109, 110, 111, 112 and R., | Khamdasagararanaka, Pakiya cha, . . 66, 69 113, 114, 115, 116, 169, 170, 222, 223, 228, 230, 234, Khandasiri, Ikhaku princess, . . 64, 69 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, khandala, . . . . 250 Khandesh, di.. . . . 131 Kathasaritsagara, work, . . 1287. Kharagraha 1, Maitraka k. of Valabhi uon., 117, 119. Kattaraimangalam, vi.. . . . 104, 107, 111, 114 181, 182, 209 kattu, . . . . . .228, 236, 247, 248 Kharagraha II, do.. .209, 210 Kattuman narkoyil, vi.,. . 165 Kharasalerapati, title, . . 59, 60 Katuka, m., . . . 52, 54 Kharod, vi.. . . . 159, 160 Kaundinyapura, 8. a. Kodinar, Khasarppana, 8. 4. Avalokitesvara, 97, 99, 100 and n. Kaurusha, Saiva teacher, Khatakar, vi.. . . . 281 Kaurushya, do. . . khatika, . . . . . . 213 Kausika, m., . . Khetaka, vi.. . . . . . . 183 Kauthem plates of Vikramaditya V, . . Khetaka-pradvara, locality, . . . 181, 183 Kautilya, author, . . . 80 Khetarana, 8. a. Kshetrasinha, . . 283 Kavarasa, m., . . 16 Khidingahara-vishaya, di.. . . . 35, 38, 41 Kaverivallabha-Muvendavelar, m.. . 234, 244 khila, a fallow land, . . 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83 Kivi, vi., . . , 226, 228, 233, 244 Kholeavara, general, . . . , 130, 131 Kavi plates, . . 137 Khottiga or Khottigadeva, Rashfrakuta k., 43, 47, 260, Kavilasa-muni, ascetic, . . . 14 261, 262, 263, 266 Kavi|Asanatha, deity, . . . 14 Khuduka, m., . . . . 182 and add., 183 Kavilasapura or "tirtha, vi., 10, 11, 13, 14 and n., 15, 16 Khumana, Guhila k., . . . . 278, 280, 286 Kayarohana or Kayavatara, 8. k. Karvan, 5 Khundi, 8. c. Kundi, . . . . . 11 kayam, one of the five spices, 102 and n., 103, 105, 107, Khurda plates of Madhavaraja, . . 35, 36 110, 115 kisirai-pattam, fee, . 222, 233, 235, 244, 245 . 213 201 291 The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :ch.=chief; co.=country; di.=district or division; do.=ditto; dy.dynasty ; E.=Eastern ; f.female; k=king; m.Emale ; mo.=mountain; ri.=river ; 8. d.- me was mur. - surname; te.=temple; vi. village or town; W.Western.

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318 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. PAGE RAav Kinnaras, demigode, . . . 295, 296 Kotivarsha, di.,. . 79, 80, 81 Ki-pin, co... . * 258 Kotivarsha, 8. a. Bangarh, . Kirayur, vi.. . 104, 108, 113, 114 Kotri, vi., . . . . . . . 281 Kirtti-Dilipa, biruda of Jatachola-Bhima, 29, 33 Kottaiyur, vi.. . . 186, 167, 168, 169, 170 Kirttivarman I, W. Chalukya k.. . . . 155 kottasi, . . . . . 11, 14, 15 Kirttivarman II, do. . . 177, 204 Kovalavettu grant of the Western Ganga king Kirttivarmma-Gosisi, sur. of Kondisulara-Kuppa, 205, Sripurusha, . . . . 173 206 koyir-kottu . . . . . 184 and 1., 189 Kitti, sur. of Vijayabahu, . . . . 227 Krishna, god, . . 141, 295, 297 K'iu-tsiu-k'io s. a. Kujala Kadphises, . . 57, 258 Krishna, prince,. . . Kiu-sha, family . . . . 69 Krishna or Krishnaveni, ri., 17, 20, 23, 227, 228, 269, Kochcharige, vi., . . . 270, 272 Kodabalisiri, I khaku princess, 65 Krishna I, Rashtrakuta k., . . 136, 141, 177 Kodandaraman Asvatthama-Bhatta, m., 239, 249 Krishna or Krishnaraja II, do... 161, 205 n., 207, 208 Kodinar, vi.. . . . . 180 Krishna III, do., 260, 261, 262, 263, 266 Koditadiparru, vi.. . . . . 269 Krishna-nripa, k., . . . * . 33 Koki, 8. a. Gogadeva, . . 279n. Krishna-Pattavardhana, 7.,. . . 19, 22, 23 Kokalla, Kalachuri k.,. . . . 160, 161, 163 Krishnappa Nayaka, Madura Nayaka, . . 123n. Kokalla I. Kalashuri k. of Tripuri.. 161 Krishnariya or Krishnadeva-Mahariya, VijayaKokalla II, do.. , 93, 94, 161 nagara k., . . . . . . 119, 122, 124 Kokisa, family, . . . . 93, 96 Krishnavarman I, Kadamba k., . . 177 Kolagala, . a. Kolagallu, 260, 263, 264, 266 Ksita, age,. . . . 14, 32, 118 Kolagallu, vi, . . . . 260, 262, 263 Kshatrapa, dy. . . . . . . 2, 3 kolaguppe, . . . . 176, 178, 179 Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, di.,. . 233, 244 Kolchi, 3. a. Korkai, . 107 Kshatriyasinga-Mavendavejar, m., . . 234, 244 Kolgallu, . a. Kolagallu, . . . 262 Kshemagupta, k. of Kashmir, . . 299 Kolika, field, . . . . . 181, 183 Kshetrapataka, vi.. . . . 212, 219 Kollaviganda, 8. a. Vijayaditya IV, 29, 32Kshetrasimha or Kshetra, Guhila k., 277, 278, 279, 280, Komarti plates, 282, 283, 286 Komati-Voma, . a. Pedda Komati-Vema, 271, 276 Kubera, demigod, . . . . 13, 53 korbe-parodam, . . . . 176, 178, 179n. Kuchcha-godi, . . Kondai, vi... . . 232, 243 Kudal or Kadal Sangama, battle field, 226, 228, 230, 231, Kondayan, m., . . . 232, 243 241, 242 Kondodda grant of Dharmmaraja, 35, 36 and 7., 37, Kudanidu, di.. . 104, 10770., 108, 109, 113, 114 39r., 40n. Kondibulara-Kuppa, Mh., Kuei-shnang, principality, . . 205, 206 . . 59, 258 . . Kujala-Hermaeus, k., . . Kondu-Bhattaraka, . . . . . . 268 add., 271 . . 259n. Kukkanur, vi, Kongoda, di., . . . 35, 38 . . 11 . . . Kukkapadra, vi, . . . . . Kongoda, vi.. 209, 210 . . . . 37, 38 Konga, co., . . . Kulaiyadivakara-Muvendavelar, m., . . . . 186n. 234, 245 kulaputraka, . . . . . 139, 146 Konkana, Co., . . 17, 20, 23, 161, 1897. Konkodi, vi.. . . . . Kulasekhara or Kulabekhara-Pandya, Pandya . . Konnor inscription, . . . . . 136 k., 120n., 185, 186 and 1., 187 and 1., 188 and n., Kopparam plates of Pulakosin II, . . . 289 190 and n., 192 Kopperunjinga, Pallava ch., . . . * 268, 269 288, 289 Kolabekharadeva, Pandya k.. . . . 121 Koriadaka-Parchalt, di.. . Kulabokhara Tondaiman, Apantangi ch., . . 122 Korkai, os., . . . 107 and 7., 108, 109, 114 Kulattar, vi. . . . . . . 188, 189 Korkoy, .. a. Korkai,. . . . 107 Kulavsiddhi, m.,. . , 79, 80, 81, 82 and 1. Koroshanda, vi... . . . . . 23, 24 Kulottunga-Chola I, Chola k.,. . . 188, 189, 227 lorrajavu-udki, . . . . .222, 234, 246 Kulottunga-Chola III, do., . . . 186, 188 Kosala, or Kosalai, co., . . . 90, 228, 230, 241 Kulothunga-Chola, Kongu Chola ch.. . . 1881. Kotari or Kotada, . a. Kotr, 279, 281, 288kulyaudpa, measure of land, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 216 . 38 The figures refer to pages : A. after figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used ch=chief; co.=country: di.district or division; do. ditto; dy. -dynasty: E.-Eastern; f. -female; k.=king; m.=male; mo. mountain; ri-river; 8. d. same as ; our surname : le temple; vi village or town; W.Western,

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INDEX. 319 PAGE PAGE: Kumara, 8. a. Skanda, 293, 294, 297, 299, 301 Kumarajiva, author, . . . , 200, 201 Lakhnesvar (Lakshmanesvara), te.. . 159, 160 kumara-kachchanam, tax, . .222, 234, 244, 245 Lakkape (or Lakkappa) daanayaka Tondaiman, leumaramatya, official, . . * 79, 80, 81, 82, 118 Apantangi ch., . . . . . . . . 122 kumar-amaty-adhikaranz, do.. . . 76 Laksha, Lakshasena or Lakshasimha, Guhila k., 277, 280, Kumaragupta I, Gupta k. . . 2, 79, 80 283, 284, 286 Kumaragupta II, do.. . . . . 77 Lakshmana, epic hero,. . . 297 Kumarapala, m., . . . . . 161, 165 Lakshmana, Chahamana k., . . . . 159 Kumarapura-chaturaka, di... . 212, 214, 218 Lakshmanagena, Sena k., 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, Kumarapuri or Komarapuri, vi., . . 268, 272 217, 219 Kumbha, 8. a. Kumbhakarna, . * 280 Lakshmasimha, Guhila k., 277, 278, 279, 281 Kumbhakarna, Guhila k. of Mewar, 277, 278, 285, 286, Lakshmesvar pillar inscription of the Yuvaraja 287, 288 Vikramaditya II, . Kumbhalgarh, vi... . . . 175 . 277 Lakshmi, goddess, 76, 164, 165, 174, 178, 191, 264, Kumbhaavami, te.. . 277 205, 996 Kumbhi plates, . . 92n. Lakshmi, f., . . . . . . 50, 54 Kumbhinagara, 8. a. Kumhira, . . 212, 214, 218 Lakshmideva II, Ratta ch., . . . . 11 Kumhira, ti., . . 214 Lakshmidevi, wrong reading for Mitradevi, . 77 kummayam, dish, . . 103, 104, 110, 115 Lakshmidhara, m., . . . 149, 150, 153 Kumudasutra-vithi, di., . . . 213 Lakshmivati, queen of Isanavarmman, . . 74 Kundal-kilan, m.. . 234, 245 Lakuli or Lakulisa, last incarnation of Mahadvara, 5, 6, Kundavi, queen of the E. Chalukya k. Vimala 7,8 ditya, . . . . . . . 31 Lakulika-Pasupata, sect, . . . . 11 Kundi, di... . . . . 11, 14, 15 Lalita-Vistara, quoted, . . . . 195 T. Kundiprabha, ri... . . . . 272 Lallaka, m., . Kung- or-gu)-t'o, 8. a. Kongoda, . . 37, 38 Lalluka, m.. . . . . 50, 52 Kuprankilan, m... . . . 191, 193 Langalajoli, vi.. . . . . 212, 218 luari, weight, . . 221n. languages kunta, land measure, 268, 272 Chinese, . . . . . 200 Kuntals, co., . . 11, 95, 228, 232, 243 Kannada (Kanarese), . . .. 10, 175, 205, 207 Kurram casket inscription, 195, 196, 2019., 251, 253 Magadhi, . . . . . . 84, 89 Kurukadi-kilan, m., . . . . 169, 170 Oriya, . . . . . 35 Kurukkai-nadu, di., . . 191, 192 Pali,. . . . . . 26, 195, 200, 201 Kurukulattaraiyap, ch.. . .227, 232, 243 Prakrit, . . . . . 56, 72, 195, 252 kurupi, measure, 104, 105, 107, 109, 110, 112, 115, Saka, . . . 59 222 and >>., 223, 228, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240, 246, Sanskrit, 1, 17, 23, 34, 42, 50, 72, 78, 92, 97, 116, 247, 248, 249, 250 125, 127, 128, 134, 148, 154, 160, 171, 175, 181, 194, kuruvarige, . . . . 11, 14, 15 195, 200, 205, 208, 212, 260, 267, 269, 271, 277, 289, Kusa, epic hero, . 284 293, 297, 298, 299 Kushan or Kushana, dy., 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 27, 58, 59, 100n., Tamil. . . . 102, 119, 180, 184, 1867. 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259 and n. Telugu, . . . . Kusika, Saiva teacher,. . . 35, 267, 271 . 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 Tibetan,. . . . . . . 200 Kusumalata, s.. . . . 64, 69 kufumbin, Lanka, or Dangai,.. a. Ceylon, 100, 227, 232, 243 . 81, 181, 182, 183, 184 . Kuvera, m., . . . . 188, 190, 192 . 212, 215, 219 Lankapuri-Dandanayaka, general,. Kayula, Kujula or Kujula Kadphises, k.. . 254 Lasha(kha)masl, 8. a. Lakshmasimha, . . 281 lafunady-eranda laila, medicine, 224, 240, 250 Lata, co., . . 158 Latiya-mandala, co., 143 1, cursive type of, . . . . 174, 207 Lekha-hara, . . . . . . . 77 1, two forms of, . . * 209 Lia, ch., . . . 257, 258 Ja, used for la. . 119 Liaka, Kshatrapa ch.. . . 257 The figuree rofer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are bad :- .-chief; .country: di.diatrict or division; do..ditto; dy.dynasty: B. Eastern ; f.fomale; k. king; m.=male; mo. mountain; ri.river; 8. 4.- samo mi nur. Buname; te.=temple; vi.=village or town; W.-Western.

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320 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. . . . 43 . . 14 PAGE PAGE Lichchavi, clan, . . 91 | Madurantaka-chaturvedimangalam, 8. a. Madhu. 91 Limbaraja, Paramara prince, 43, 47, 51 rentakam rantakam, . . .228, 233, 241, 244, 250 linga, . . . . 10, 12, 13, 15, 16 Maduvisiri, Ikhaku princess, . . . 64, 70 Linga-Purana, . . Magadha, co., . . . . . 84 Ha, two forms of, . . 166 Magalana, Ceylon k., . . . . . 227n. Lohara, vi. . . * 299 Mahabharata, epic, lohasana, . . . . 261 mahabhagika, official, . . . . 217 Lokkigundi (Lakkundi), vi., . 176. mahadandanayaka, do., . . . . 230, 241 Loriyan Tangai image inscription,. . 259 Mahadeva, 8. a. Siva. . . . . . 95 Lunsadi plates, . . 210n. Mahadeva, Yadava k.. . . 11 Lusanika, field, . . * 209 and add., 210 Mahadeva-Bhatta, m., . 18, 19, 21, 22 mahadevi, title, . . . . 62, 63, 64, 74, 76 Mahadevi, wrong reading for Apsarodevi, . . 75n. mahadharmmadhyaksha, official, . . . 217 m, final, . . . . 134mahaganastha, do. . . . . . 218 ma, money. . 222, 235, 240, 245, 250 Mahagopalaka-sultanta, . . . . . 200 ma, weight, . . 221n., 235, 246 mahajana, . . . 176 and n., 207 madai, coin, . . 235, 245 Mahakala, te., . . . . . . 43, 47 madaikkuli, * 222, 233, 235, 244, 245 Madalda, vi., Mahakosala, co.,. . . . 36 and 7. Madana, 8. a. Manmatha, . . 151 mahakshapatalika, official, . . 217 Midavan Damayap, m., 222, 229, 237, 240, Mahakshatrapa, 257 247, 250 Mahakuta pillar inscription of Mangalesa, 206n., 289 Madhainagar copper-plate of Lakshmanasena, 211, 212 per plate of Lakshmanagins. 211, 212 Mahalingadeva, deity, . Madhari(or Mathari)putta, sur. of Siri-Virapuri- Maha Magha, year, . . 125 Badata. . . . . . 61, 62, 63, 66, 70 Mahamahesvara, epithet, 15 Madhava, Sailodbhava prince, . . 36, 40mahamandalesvara, title, . . 122, 124 Madhavacharya, Advaita teacher, . . . 18 mahamatra, official, . 86, 87, 88, 89 Madhava or Madhavaraja, m., 17, 18 and n., 20, mahamatya, do., . . . . 95 21, 22, 23 Mahamayuri work, . . 253 Madhavaraja or Madhavavarman II, Sailod. Mahammada, ch., . , 278, 279, 280 and 1., 284, bhava k., . . . . . . . 36, 37 288 Madhuban copper-plate of Harshavardhana, 75 and n.mahamudradhikrita, official, . . . . 217 Madhugiri-mandala, 8. a. Mahungadhi, 212, 214, 218 Mahanadi, ri.. . . . . 38, 163, 269, 272 Madhukamarnnava, E. Ganga k., . . 30 Maha-Pancharatra, Vaishnava secl, . 222, 223, 239, 249 Madhumati, vi... . . . . 149, 151 mahapilupati, official, . . 217 Madhurantaka, sur. of Uttama Chola, . . 168 mahaprabhu, title, . . . 10 Madhurantakam, vi.. . . . . . 228 mahapradhana, do., . . 11, 13, 15 Madhurantakan Gandaradittap, m., . . 168 mahapratihara, official, 217 Madhurantakanallar, .. a. Korkai, . . * 107n. mahapurohita, do.. . 95, 217 Madhurantaka-Pottappi-Chola, eur. of the maharaja, title, . . 3, 8, 9, 62, 63, 65, 74, 75, 125, Telugu Cholas of Nellore,. . 269 126, 180, 291 Madhusudana, poet, . 261, 262, 265, 267 maharaja, 8. a. maharaja, . . . . 59 Madhyadesa, co., . . . 84, 89, 90, 159n. maharajadhiraja, title,. 3, 37, 40, 74, 75, 76, 80, 171, Madhyadesa-Magadhi, dialect of Magadhi, . 90 172, 206n., 208, 212, 217, 261, 278, 284, 285, 299, 301 Madhyamakaratnapradipa, Buddhist work, . 98 Maharaja-muni, ascetic, . . 14 Madhyamaraja, Sailodbhava k., . 36, 37, 40 maharajanaka, . Madiraja, m., . . . . 10, 12, 16, 17 maharajni, title, . . . . . 212 Madras Museum platos of Uttama Chola, 166 Maharaja-Sarva, sur. of Amoghavarsha I, . 143 Madura, vi... 185, 186 and n., 188, 189 and n., maharana, title, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 190, 192 284, 285 * The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch. chief; co.=country: di district or division; do. ditto; dy.dynasty, E.-Eastem; f..female; k.-king: m.=male ; mom mountain ri.river ; 8. a.=samo 16 sur.=surname; t.temple; w.=village or town; W.-Western.

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INDEX. 321 75 PAGE PAGE maharaya, title, . . 59 Malava, co. 15, 28, 57, 258, 258, 278, 279, 280, 283, mahasamanta, do.. 287, 288 41, 92, 95 . mahasamantadhipati, do., . Malavadin or Mallavadin, wrong reading for . mahasandhivigrahadhipati, official, . . Maladharin 146 134, 135 and n., 136, 144 and n., 147 mahasandhivigrahika, do.. Malavallapperuma! Tondaiman, Arantangi ch., 172, 217 122 . Mahasena, 8. a. Skanda, * 62, 71 Malavaraya-Madana-Trinetra, biruda of Ya. Mahasenaguptadevi, queen of Adityavar. dava k. Kannara, . . . . . 12 ddhana,. . Malaya, mo.. . . . . . 295 . . . mahasenapati, official, . . 65, 66, 68, 70, 217 Malikunda, vi., . . . . 212, 218 Mahasiva Tivaradeva, Somavansi k. of Maha Malin, mistake for Kalyanamalin, * 156 and n., 157 kosala, . . . . 36 and n. Malkhed, vi.. . . . . . 260, 291 Mahasthan, vi., . . 83, 88, 89, 90 | Malla, m., . . . . . . . 13, 15 Mahasvayuja, year, . . . 126 mallaka, measure, . mallaka. . . . . 58, 60, 61 mahatalavara, tille, * 65, 66, 70 Mallaranyapura, vi.... 279, 288 mahatalavari, do., . . 65, 66, 70 Malla vadin, Jaina commentator, . . 135, 136 Mahatittha, vi.. . . . 227 Mallinatha-Bhatta, m.,. . . . . 19, 22 mahattara, official, . 7, 118, 144, 146n. Malliyannan, m., . . . Mahatuvanika, m., . . . 68, 70 Mallugi or Mallugideva, Yadara k., 129, 130, 131 Mahavamsa, work, . 120n., 186n., 187n., 227 | Mallugi, Kalachurya k. of Kalyani, . . . 130 Mahavanasela or Mabavinasela, hill, . . 69 Malwa, 8. a. Malava, . . 2, 31, 41, 158n., 159 Mahavastu, quoted, . . * 1951., 202n. Mamadeva, 8. a. Kumbhasvami, , . . 277 Mahavira, Jaina Tirthamkara, . . 90 Mamana Dheri pedestal of the Kanishka year Mahavishnu, deity, , , 220, 221, 233, 244 89, . . . . . . . . Mahendra, mo., . . . . 232, 243 Mambam bika, ... . . . . . 18 Mahendravarman I, Pallava k. Mangala, m., . . . . . 127, 128 Mahonvara, 8. a. Siva, 18, 32, 76, 92, 172, 261, 265, Manabharana, Ceylon k., . 187n., 227 267 Manabhita, sur. of Dharmaraja, . . . 35, 40 Mahesvara, Saiva sect, . . . . 4, 6, 9n. manai, a house-site, . . . . 169, 170n. Mahesvara-yoga, . . . . . . 6,7 Managoli record, . . . . . . 10 Mahisarasiri, Ikhaku princess, '. . 64, 70 Manarpakkilan, m., . . 234, 245 Mahisasaka, Buddhist school. 65 Mana-sampunna, biruda of Jatachola-Bhima, 29, 33 Mahishasuramardini, goddess, 128, 129 Manavirapattinam, vi., . 104, 108, 111, 114 Mahmud, k. of Ghazni,. . . . 258n., 301 Mandaladraha, 8. a. Madalda, . . 43, 49 Mahmud Khalji I, k. of Malwa, 280 mandala, a division, . . . . 117n., 213 Mahuagadhi, di... . Mandaladurga, vi., . Maila, m.. .. . 279, 288 . . 129, 131, 132 . . . Mandalakara, 8. a. Mandalgarh, 278, 279, 280, 288 Mailara-Bhatta, m., . , . 19, 21, 22, 23 Mandalgarh, fort, . . . 280 Mailavaram, vi... . . 268, 272 Mandalesvara, deity, : . Mainaka, mythical mo., 42, 43, 49 . . : . 165 Maira well inscription, Mandalika, Paramara prince of Vagada, . 42, 43, 48, . 28, 257, 258 49, 50, 51 Maitraka, dy.. . . 117 and R., 179, 183, 208, 210 Mandanadeva, 8. a. Mandalika, . . 43, 51 Maitrayabas, m.,. . . . . 181 Maitriya, Bodhisattva,. Mandasor inscription of Kumaragupta of the . . 72 Malava year 493, . . . . . Maitreya, Saiva teacher, 154 . 6,7 Mandhata plates of Jayasimha, . . . Maitrisrimitra, Buddhist ascetic, 158 . . 97, 98, 100 Mandhatri, mythical k., . . 124 . . 14, 15, 49 Majhgawam plates of Hastin, . Mandlesar (Mandalosvara) Mahadeva, los Majjhima-Nikaya, sacred work of the Buddhists, . 42 Mandor, vi.. : . . . 8, 281 Maladbarin, Jaina teacher, . Mandovara, 8. a. Mandor, Malaiyapur, vi.. . . . . . 168 mandikara-vatika, medicine, 224, 226, 240, 250 Malaiyanuran, sur. of Revadasa, 167 and 1., 169, Mangainathekvara, te., . . . . . 119 Mangafur, vi., . . . . . 241, 250 214 . . 135n. 170 The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The 'following other abbreviations are used :ch.m chief; co.=country: di district or division; do.ditto; dy.=dynasty: E.Eastern; f.femalo: k.=king; m.=male; mo. mountain; ri.river ; 8. a. same as; sur.surname; te.=temple; vi.=village or town; W.-Western.

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322 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXI. of PAGE PAGE Mangiyappan, M., . . . . . 242 Mauryya, dy. . . . . . . 290 Manigavalli, vi... . 10 Mauryya, family, . . . . . 140 Manigula, Kshatrapa ch.. 256 Mauryas of Konkan,. 155 Manikkavachaka, Saiva saint. . . . 121n. Meda, people, . . . . 278, 283, 287 manjadi, weight,. .. 221 and n., 222, 234, 245 Medapata (Mewar), co... . . . . 286 Manjughosha or Manjusri, Bodhisattva, 101 and n. Meharauli pillar inscription,. . . 2 Manjurava, 8. a. Manjughosha, . . . 99, 101 Mehuka, m., . . . . . 149, 150, 152 Manjuari-Buddha-kshetra-guna-vyuha, Buddhist Melur, vi... . . 119, 122, 123, 124 work, . . . 101n. Menmalaip-Palaiyagur-nadu, di... 191, 192, 193 Manmatha, god,. . 284, 295 and add. Mannar, vi.. 187n. Meunipra-Peruma! Kulasekhara-Tondaiman, manne, a hill tract, 268 Arantangi, ch., . . . . . . 121n. Manne plates of A. D. 797, . 137 Meru or Sumeru, mythical mo., . . 53, 146, 283 Manne plates of the Rashtrakuta king Govinda Merutunga, author, . . . , 171, 172 173 metres :Manniyaraya-mriga-ventakara, biruda Anushtubh, 12n., 38, 44, 93, 131n., 132n., Vema, . . . . 268, 272 139, 149, 164, 163, 219n., 276n., 277n., 281, 295n. Manoja, 8. a. Manmatha, . 33 Arya, ' .1, 44, 93, 139, 154, 163, 281, 297n. Mansehra inscription, . . * 28, 257 Aupachchhandasika, . . . 93 Mantai, vi., . . * 187n. Bhujanga prayata, . . . . 163, 281 Mantrawadi inscription of Amoghavarsha I, 175 Drutavilambita, mantrin, official, . . 176, 178 Giti, . . . . 139 Manu, sage, . . . 233, 244 Harini, . . . . 149, 281 Manumagandayan, m., . . 232, 243 Indravajra, 93, 132n., 139, 273n., 281, 296n. Manusmriti, work, . . . 73n. Indravam.a, . . . . . 205n. Manyakheta, 8. a. Malkhed . 31, 158n. Kanda, . . . . 12n. Maramangalam, vi., 104, 106, 107, 108, and n., Malint, 44, 93, 131n., 132n., 163, 281, 294n., 290n. 112, 114 Mandakranta, . . . . . 149, 163 Maraneri, vi.. . . 108 Pralarshini, . . . 300n. Maranjadaiyan, 8. a. Nedunijadaiyay, . . 108 Prithvi, . 149, 281 Maravarman, Pandya k., . 106 Pushpitagra, . . . 132n., 139, 219n. Marayan, m., . . 231, 241 Rathoddhata, . . . . 276n., 281 Marayan, m., . . 243 Ruchira,. . . . . 281 Mardi stone inscription dated Saka 1134, 127, 130 Salint, . . . . . 44, 93, 132n., 281 Margali-Tiruvadirai, festival, , 104, 109, 110 Sardulavikridita, 38, 44, 93, 131n., 139, 149, Matsya-Purana, . . . . . 163, 216n., 217n., 273n., 274n., 276n., 281, masha, coin, 80 294n., 296n., 299, 300n. Masi-Makham, festival, . 104, 109, 110, 229, 238, 248 Sikharini,. . . . 149, 163, 217n., 281 Mat, vi., . . . . . . Sragdhara, 12r., 38, 44, 139, 163, 281 Mathura, vi.. . 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 55, 56, 58, 100n., 2131., Totaka, . . . . . . 44, 295n. 256, 257 . . Upagiti,. . . 219n. Mathura, family, . . . . 50, 53 Upajati, . . . 44, 131n., 139, 163, 273n., Mathura elephant inscription, . . . 26 274n., 281, 2967. (or Muttra) museum, . . . 1. 55 Mat inscription, . . . . 60 Upendravajra, 132n., 273n., 274n., 281, 295n., Utpalamala, Matottam or Mahatittha, 8. a. Mantai,. 187 and n. . . . 12n. Vaitaliya, Mattamayura, line of ascetics, 92n., 148, 149, 151 . . 281 Mattepad plates, . 281, 295n. . . . . . . Vamgastha, .135 . . Mattival, 8. a. Mattavil, . . 187 and . Vamsasthavila, . 139, 154, 163 . Matturudaiyan, m., . . . . 234, 245 Vasantatilaka,. 139, 149, 154, 163, 216n., 273n. Mattuvil, vi.. . . . . 187n. 274n., 281, 295n., 2967., 297n., 2987., 299, 300n. Mankhari, dy., . . 73, 74, 87, 89, 90 Viyogint, . . . . . . . 281 The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abhreviations are used :ch. chief; co, country: di district or division; do.-ditto; dy. dynasty ; E.Enter; f. female; k. king; *.=male; mo. mountain; ri.river; 8.4.msame ; sur.=surname; te.temple; vi.-village or town; W.-Wester, 91

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Mimamsa, system of Indian philosophy, Minarkudi, vi., Minavan-Muvendavelan, ., . min-pattam, fee, . Miraj plates of Jayasimha II, Misasiri, Ikhaku princess, Mithradates I, k. of Parthia, Mithradates II, do., Mitra, line of Buddhist ascetics, Mitra, Saiva teacher, Modha, sect of Brahmans, Moga, k., Mokala, Guhila k., months, lunar: Mitradevi, queen of Narasimhagupta, Mitta, Ceylon princess, Moa, s. a. Moga, Moda, m., Ashadha, Aevina, Jyeshtha,. Karttika, Magha, . Margasiras, Pausha, Phalguna, Sravana, Vaisakha (Madhava), Bhadrapada (Proshthapada, Nabhasya), Chaitra,. Appellaios, Guruppiya (Gorpiaios), months, solar : Aippasi, Avani, Bhadra, Mesha, Mithuna, . PAGE 223 228, 240, 250 188, 191, 193 222, 233, 235, 244, 245 291n. 64, 70 Karttigai, Magha (Madi), Makara, Margasirsha (Margali), 56, 270, 275 11, 13, 15, 17, 18, 21, 23, 116, 119, 126, 171, 172 261 Purattasi. Sravana,. Vaigasi (Vaisakha), Mora, s. a. Mor, Mor (Mayurakshi), ri., Mosaraguppi, vi.,. INDEX. . 97, 99, 100 5 77 187n. 257 70 171, 172 257, 258 277, 280, 284, 285, 286 * 256, 258 256, 258 26, 29, 125, 253, 254, 259 11, 18, 41, 51, 54, 126, 129, 131, 135, 144, 147, 154, 156, 157, 180, 181, 210, 211 months, Macedonian : 3, 4, 9, 125, 253, 254 92, 95, 125n. 172, 268, 271 182, 184 159, 277 58, 171, 172 149, 150, 153, 260, 263, 266 222, 229, 235, 238, 246, 248 222, 236, 247 216 222, 236, 237, 247 79, 82, 83, 104n., 222, 229, 236, 246 56 56, 60 185n. 104n., 229, 238, 248 167, 169, 170 119, 122, 124 222, 229, 237, 238, 250 215, 219 104n., 108n. 212, 218 214 11 Mosaragutti, s. a. Mosaraguppi, Mount Abu Vimala temple inscription, Mriganka, biruda of Mokala, . Mrigeevaravarman, Kadamba k., Mrompariti, vi., Mrontukuru, vi.,. mudal-belavu, mude, . Mummudi-Bhima, sur. of Vimaladitya, mummuri-danda, Mudikondasola-Muvendavelar, m., Mudikondaeola-valanadu, di., mudre, tax (?), Muduvanan, m., 12, 14, 16 231, 241 221n., 234, 245 mugavetti, official, Muhammadan, 128, 161, 171, 204, 278, 279, 280 Muhammad Tughlak, k. of Delhi, Mukhalingam, vi.,. Mula-sangha, school of Jaina teachers, Mulasiri, Ikhaku princess, Mulasirinaka, m.,. 280n. 162 136, 144, 147 64, 70 68, 70 30 14, 16 171 184, 189 . Mundaka grant of Bhimadeva, mun-eval, official, . Munichandra, m.,. Munja, canal, Munjadeva, Paramara k. of Malava, Mura, demon, Murari, a. a. Vishnu, muttavaranam, tax, Muvendarayar, m., Muvendi, m., Muzaffar Shah, sur. of Zafar Khan II, N n, final, n, used for anusvara, n, used for anusvara, n, used for n , incorrect use of, *, Kharoshthi, Nachchinarkkipiyar, commentator, nadayisu, Nadisiri, Ikhaku princess, Nadol, vi, nadu, assembly, * PAGE . 11, 14 171 284, 285 177 275 275 222, 245 178, 179 234, 245 108n. naduvirukkai or naduvirukkum, official, Nagadeva-Bhatta, m., Nagaiyan, m., Nagalai, J., 323 * 164 233, 235, 244, 245 191, 193 231, 241 279, 280 11 292 42, 45 295 35, 134, 174, 205 * 148 116 50, 116 221 251 104, 105 207 64, 70 159, 280 176, 185, 190, 192, 207, 208 240, 250 221, 234, 245 18, 21 232, 243 230, 241 . The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the Additions and Corrections The following other abbreviations are used:-ch-chief; co.country; di-district or division; do.=ditto: dy.-dynasty; E.-Eastern; f.-female; k.king: m.male; mo. mountain; river: s. 4.=same as; sur.surname; le.temple; vi.-village or town; W.-Western.

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$24 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. 69 PAGE PAGE nagara, commercial guild, . 104, 111, 114, 176 nanadesi, . . . . . 14 and n., 16 Nagara, family, . . . . 50, 52 Nandamuru, vi., . . . . 270 Nagara-bhukti, di.. . . . 76 Nandavadige, vi., . . . . 227 Nagaraja, 8. a. Nagarasa, . . . 13, 15 Nandin, . . . . 9, 128, 150, 151, 153 Nagarasa, m., . 10, 11, 13, 14, 16 Nandi-sangha, achool of Jaina teachers, . 138 nagara-Sreshthin, official, . . . 81 Nandiyarayar, m., . . . . 191, 193 Nagarjuna, Buddhist monk, . . . 197 Nannadeva, Somavansi k. of Mahakosala, 36n. Nagarjunikonda, Buddhist site, 61, 65 annavaka, m., . . . . . 182, 183 Nagasarika, 8. a. Nausari, . 135, 139, 144, 147 Naradiya-nagara, vi.. . . . . . 287 Nagasarman, m., . . . . 24 Narahari-Bhatta, m., . . . . . 19, 22 Nagasiri, Ikhaku princess, . . . 64, 70 Naraharideva, m., . . . 17, 18, 19, 22, 23 Nagavali, ri., . . . 24 Naraloka-Rudra, biruda of Jatachola-Bhima, 29, 33 Nagavarma, Kannada grammarian, . 175n. Narana-Bhatta, m.. . . . 18, 19, 21, 22 Naga vasusiri, Ikhaku princess, * 64, 70 Narana-Jyotirvid, m.,. . . . . 19, 21 Nagesvara, te., . . 12, 14, 15 Narapati, biruda, . . . . . . 95 Nagilaka, m., . . . . 182, 184 Narasimha or Nrisimha, god, . . . 129, 281 Nagna-tadaga, tank, . . 43, 49 Narasimha, Kalachuri k. of Tripuri, . 93, 95 Nagpur Museum, . . . 91 Narasimhagupta, Gupta k.. . . . . 77 Nahapana, Kshatrapa ch., . . . 2, 58 Naravarddhana, k. of Thanesar, . . 75 Naharallaboda, hill, . . narayam, a grain measure, . . 103, 112, 113 Naihati plate of Vallalasena, . . 213 Narayana, 4. a. Vishnu, . . . 216, 219 Nakkan Aravanaiyan, m., 166, 169, 170 Narayana, m., . . . . 139, 146, 147 Naklesvar, te.. Narayanadatta, m., . . . . . 216 nakshatras: Narayanapura, vi.. . . 161, 162, 165 Ardra, . . . . . . 104n. Nariyapur-Udaiyan, m., , 191, 193 Aslesha (Ayileya), . . . 222, 236, 247 Narmada, ri., . . . . . . 43, 93 Abvini, . . . . . . 17, 21, 23 Narwal plates of Vakpati-Munja,. . . 159n. Krittika (Kartigai), 236, 247 Nattapataka, s. a. Natawara, 43, 49 and add. Magha, . . . 104n. Natawara, vi. . . . . . . 43 Puradam (Purvishadha),. . 222, 237, 247 Nathamuni, Vaishnava saint, . . . . 165 Purattadi (Purva-Bhadrapada), 167, 169, 170 Natu, m., . . . . . . 161, 165 Pushya,. . . . 129, 131 Nausari, vi.. . . 135, 136, 139 Svati, . . . . 185n. Nausarl plates of Karkka, . 138, 139 Tiruvanam (Sravana), 222, 229, 237, 238, 250 Navagrama, di.,. . Visakha, . . 104n., 108n. Navagrama, vi.,. . 125, 126 nala, measure, . .. . 79, 82, 215 and n. Navanathacharita, Telugu work, 271 Nala, mythical k., . . . 49, 284 Navsari grant of Karna dated Saka 996, Nala, dy., . . 154, 155, 156 Navgari grant of Karna dated V. S. 1131, Nalanda, vi., 72, 73, 77, 97, 193, 195, 196 and n., Naykas of Madura, family, . . . 120, 123n. 197 and n., 200, 201, 202 Nayakas of Tanjore, do.. . . . 120 Nalanda plate of Devapaladeva, . . . 213 Nedunjadaiyan, Pandya k., . . . 106, 108 Nalavadi-vishaya, di.,. . . 155 Nellore, vi., . . . . . . . 269 pali, measure, . . 104, 105, 107, 109, 110, 111, Nemaditya, m., . . . 139 112, 113, 115, 169, 170, 222 and n., 224, 228, 234, Neriyudai-Perumal, Chola prince,. 185, 190, 192 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240, 245, 246 and n., 247, Nerkumran-kilar, sur. of Kalappalarayar, 191, 193 248 and n., 249 Nervayil, vi., . . . . . 233, 244 Nallamangaibagar, deity, . . 119, 122, 123, 124 Neydalgere, tank, . . . . 174, 175, 178, 179 Nallur, vi.. . . . . . 107, 109, 114 | Ngan, k., . . . . . 258 Namahliviyadevan, m., . . . 241, 250 Nidagundi inscription of Amoghavarsha I. 205, 206 Namdivadhana (Skt. Nandivardhana), m., 252, 259 Nigadi, vi.,. . . . . . 208 Nammalvar, Vaishnava saint, . . . 108 Nihtanka-nirbhaya, biruda of Kumbhakarna, 286 . 125n. 172 172 The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch.-chief; co.country; di.district or division; do.ditto; dy. -dynasty : E. Eastern; f. female: k.king: m.-male; mo-mountain; ri.=river; 8. d.-same 48; our, surname; te=temple; vi village or town; W.-Western,

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INDEX. 325 . . . 255 PAGE Rlakh Nikumbha, family. . . . 130 Orkhon, ri., . . 293 Nikumbhallasakti, Sendraka ch., . 290 Ou-Kong, Chinese pilgrim, . . . . 293 Nilagangaraiyar, m., . . . 188, 191, 193 Nilakantha, m., . . . . 149, 150, 153 Nilakantha, Saiva saint, . 295, 296 Nilgunda plates of Vikramaditya VI, . * 291n. Nima, vi.. . . . . . 212, 214, 218 Pachchani-Tandiparru, vi.. . . . 269, 270, 275 Nimmina, vi., . . . 34, 38 padakku, measure, 222 and n., 234, 235, 236, 237, Nirambavalagiyan-Kalingariyan, m., 238, 239, 240, 245, 247, 248, 249, 250 Nirgrantha Jainas, . 90 padamula, a sanctuary, . . . 164, 158 and n. viroda, * * . 195, 200, 201, 202 Pada pak or Padapag, vi.. . . . . 77 nirvana, . . 253, 259 padavartta, land measure, 117, 118, 181, 182, 183, Nishada, tribe. . . . 285 184, 209, 210 Nitva-Gohali, locality . . 80 padi, measure, . . . . . . 240 nipartiana, land measure, Padma, f. . . . . . . 160, 164 Nivina, 8. a. Nimmina, . 35, 38, 41 Padmasimha, m., . . . . . * 92, 95 Nivudi, 8. a. Nigadi, . Padra, vi... . . . . . 171, 172 Niyamam, ti.. . 189 Padumana(Pradyumna )sethi, m., . . 127, 128 niyukta, official, . . 144, 146 Pag-sam-jon-zang, Tibetan work, * 98 Nolamba-Pallave, dy. 177 Paharpur, vi.. . . . . 98, 101, 1977. Nrisimha, m., . . 270, 274 Paharpur copper-plate grant of the Gupta Nulamba, 8. a. Nolamba-Pallava, 231, 242 year 159, . . . 78, 218n. Nule-grama, vi., . . . 11 Pahataka, vi.. .. 165 Nule-nadu, di.. . . . . 11, 14, 15, 16 Pahlava, tribe, numerical symbols : Pahuka, m., . 50, 53 1, . . . 56, 251 Paithan plates of Govinda III, . . 134, 138 . 79, 116, 1181., 119 Paiyalachchi-Namamala, Prakril lexicon, . 158n. . 56, 79, 251 Paja inscription,. . . . . . 251 . 116, 251 Pala, dy. . . 73, 92, 98, 137 and 1., 213 , 24 pala, weight, . . 224, 235 . 58, 79 Palage-ganta, locality (?), 178, 179 . 36, 79 Palaiyanur, vi.. . . 191, 192 . 79, 116, 251 Palaiya-Sivaram, vi.. . . 220 24. 58, 79, 251 Palaiyur-kilavay, m. . 234, 245 40, Palakoti, vi., . . 275 . 56 palam, weight, 105, 107, 109, 113, 115, 228, 230, 70, . . . 27 235, 236, 237, 246, 247, 248 116 Palama, m., . . . . . . 129, 131, 132 100, . . 79, 251 palaniyayan, official, . . 221n., 234, 245 200, 116 Palanpur, vi., . 171, 172 500, Palar, ri., . . . . 220 Buru (=slaked lime), . . 103, 110 Palasika, field, . 181, 183 Nyayabindufika, Jaina work, Palayavanam, vi.. Palhana, m., . * 93, 96 palidhja, banner, . . . O Palijana, vi.. . o, changed to e, . . . . . . 84 Palitana grant of Sarh 252, . 180n. o, initial, . . Pallava, dy. 120, 123n., 173, 189n., 228, 268, . . Ours, co., . . . . 38, 268 add. 269 ol, ending of place names, .. . . 172 Pallava, family, . 173, 174, 176, 177, 178 ond-ultaram-progressively), . . . 205, 206 Pallavaditya, biruda of Vema, . . . 272 50,. . 56 135 * 122 The figures refer to pages : 1. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used ch.=cbief; co.=country; di.district or division; do.ritto, dy.=dynasty: E. Eastern; f. female; k=king: m.=male; mo.=mountain; ri.=river; . G.=sme INT.surnamo; 16.temple; vi, village or town; W.-Western.

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326 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. PAGE Pallava-Muttaraiyan, sur. of Nakkap Aravanaiyan, . . . . . 166, 169, 170 Pallavarayappettai, . . . . 184,189 Pallavarayar, sur. of TiruchehirrambalamUdaiyan Perumanambi, 185 and n., 186, 188, 189, 192, 193 Pallavarayar or Annan Pallavariyar, out of Vedavanam-Udaiyap Ammaiyappan, 185, 187, 188, 191, 193 Pallava-Trinetra, sur. of Anna-Vema, . 270, 276 Palyaga-salai-Mudukudumi-Peru-Valadi, Pan. dya k.. . . . . . . . 106 pam, abbreviation for pandita, . . . pandita, . . . . . . . Panditasiri, Ikhaku princess, . . . * . 64, 70 Parmanna, m., . . Pamau(or su)lakhetaka, 8. a. Panabera, 43 pana, coin,. . . Panachchhl, 8. a: Panast, . PEnahera, vi., 42, 43 Papaiyur-nadu, di., . 233, 244 Panael, vi.. . Panchaganga, ri., . 228 Pafchajanya, the conch of Vishnu, 297 panchaka-taila, medicine, .224, 225, 240, 250 panchamahasabda, panchamahayajna, . . . 180 Panchanagarl, ti.. . 79, 80, 81, 82 Pan-ch'ao, k., . . . 58 Pancharatra, agama, . . 223 and n. Panchavan Brahmadhirajan, sur. of Ravidasa, 167n.. 169, 170 Pandarangapalli grant, . . . . . 291n. Pandita-parijata, biruda of Nagarasa, . 11, 13 Pandiyanar, m.,. . 233, 244 Pandu, mythical k., . 32 Pandya, dy.. . 106, 107, 108 and n., 120 and n., 122, 140, 167, 168, 170, 185, 186 and n., 187, 188, 190, 191, 192, 220, 242, 268, 269 Pandyaraya-gaja-sitha, biruda of Vema, 268, 272 Panguniy-uttaram, festival, . . . 240, 250 Panjtar inscription of the year 122,. 28, 256, 257, 259 Pan-yung, Chinese writer, . . . .57, 258 Papaka, m., . . . . . . . 50, 52 Papamochana, tirtha, . . . 278, 284 Pappanachcheri, vi.. . . . 169, 170 para, a suburb, . . . . 183 Paraganda-Rakshasa, biruda of JatacholaBhima, . . . 29, 33 Paratsumangalam, ti... 104 and ada., 112, 114 Parajana, 8. a. Palijana, . . 212, 214, 218 PAGE Parajatisiri, Ikhaku princess, . . . . 64, 70 Parakesarivarman, sur. of Chola kings, 168, 221, 226, 227 Parikramabahu, Ceylon k., . . 187 and n., 188 Parakrama-Pandya, Pandya k., . . 186, 188 Parakrame-Pandya, aut. of Jatila kesarideva, . . . . 121 . paramabhaffaraka, title, . 37, 40, 75, 76, 80, 95, 217, 299, 301 paramadaivala, do. . . . . . 80 paramadityabhakta, epithet, . . . . 75 paramamahlkvara, title,. 40, 76, 95, 117, 118, 180, 181, 183, 210 Paramara, eponymous ancestor of the Paramaras, 44 Paramara, dy., . 31, 41, 42, 43, 47, 48, 52, 158 and 2., 159 and 1., 280 Paramaras of Vagada, . . . . 42, 50 Paramarupa, vi., . . . . 17, 21, 23 paramasaugata, epithet of Rajyavarddhana, . 75 paramavaishnaux, epithet, . . . 217 paramesvara, title, . 37, 40, 95, 146, 206, 208, 217, 299, 301 Paramesvara, m., . . . . . 167, 169, 170 Paramesvara, one of the Sanhitis of Pancharatra, 223n. Parantaka, sur. of Nedunjadaiyan,. . 106, 108 Parantaka I, Chola k., . . . . 166, 167 Parantaka II, do., . . . . . 168 Parantaka-valanadu, di., 104, 106, 108 and n., 112, 114 Parasara, Saiva teacher, . . 4, 5, 6, 8, 9 Parasika, people, . . . . . 279, 280, 288 Parasurama, rishi, . 150, 151 Parikud plates of Madhyamarajadeva, . 35 and n., 36, 40n. Parinirvana-chaitya, monastery, . . . 196 Parivrajaka, family, , . . . 125, 126 Parmannukuladipa-Mavendavejar, 1., 234, 244 Parnakheta, 8. a. Patkhed, . . 130, 131 and n. Parnikheta, vi., . . . . 131n. parru, 105, 110, 115, 228, 236, 237, 238, 239, 246, 247, 248 Parsvanatha, te.,. . . . 136 Parthian, . . 255, 256, 257, 258, 259 and s. Parvati, goddess, . . . . 38, 261, 265, 267 Pabupata, Saiva sect, . . . . . 6, 295 Pasupata-yoga, . . . . . . 6,7 Pabupatisimha, m., . . . . . 76, 77 Pasupati Tiruvarangadeva, sur. of Rajendra Muvendavejar, . . 240, 250 pataka, . . . 212, 213, 215 and 1., 218, 219 Patalamalla, mur. of Karkka, . . . 188 Pataliputra, vi.. . . . . 2, 90, 201 pathaka, a district, . . . 182 The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes ; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are usedch.= chief; co.=country; di.district or division; do.-ditto; dy.-dynasty; 2.-Eastern; f.female; k. king; m.-male; mo. mountain; ri.river; 4. a.=same ; our.surname; te.templo; vi. village or town; W.Westora.

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INDEX. 327 PAGE 73 PAOB Patiks, Kshatrapa ch,. . . . 257 and Ponnambalanatha or Poynambalanatha-TonPatika plate, daimap, ch. of Arantangi, 119, 120, 121, 122 and Patkhed, 'vi.. . . . . 131n. 7., 123 and n., 124 Patna, vi., . . . . 130 Poona plates of Krishnaraja of Saka 680, 291 Pattadakal inscription of Vikramaditya II, . 175 Poratha, vi.. . . . . . 161, 162, 165 Pattadakal pillar inscription of Kirttivarman II, 205 pori, . . . . . . . 103, 111, 115 paffakiladaya, laz, . 95 Porigere (Lakshmesvar), vl., . . . . 175 Pattalamudaiyan, m... 234, 245 Poskodai, m., . . . . 231, 241 paffam, lar, . . . . . 191, 192, 193 Pota, . . Annavota, . . . 270 Pattana or Pattan, vi., . . 278, 279, 282 Potibhatta, M., . . 270, 274 Pattiyannan, m... . . 231, 242 Pottappi, ch., . . . . . 226, 231, 242 paffolai, official. . . 2211., 234, 245 potlara, . . . . . 102, 109 PaC/a-satka, field, . . 172 Pottaraiban, ch., . . . . . 231, 241 Paviliya ( Bahvricha), . 223 and n. Prabandhachintamani, work, . . 171 Payvegundu, 8. a. Haigunda, . . . 176, 178 Prabhakara, school of Indian philosophy, 223 Peda pumdi, vi.. . m . . . . . Prabhakaravarddhana Prabhakaravarddhana, k. of Thanesar, 276 75 Peddacheruvu, tank, * 268, 272 Prabhamjana, Pariurajaka k... . . 126 Pedda Komati-Vema, Reddi k., 270 Prabhandata, m., . . . . . 117, 118 Peddavegi plates of the Salankayana king Prabhavakiva, Mattamayira ascetic, 149, 151 Nandivarman II, . Prabhivatl, queen of Mrigesvaravarman, . 177 Peddi-Vidvan, m., . . 270, 274, 275 Prabodhakiva, Matlamayira ascetic, 148, 150, 151, 152 peljava.si, . . 174, 176, 178, 179 prachchiha,. . . . . . 209, 210 Peoha, vi... . . 294 Prada, m.. . . . . . 160, 164 Peramale, s. a. Heravali, . 174, 178, 179 pradvara, 8. a. pard, . . . 183 Peraiyan, m.. . 238, 249 Pragjyotisha, co.. Perayan, m.. . 229, 230 Prajnaparamita, Buddhist goddess, . . 100 and n. Periplus, work. . . Prajrid paramita, 8. a. Ashtasahasrike Prajna. Periyanangaichchani, J., 169, 170 paramita, . . . 97 Perumal, family,. . 121 Praktia, &. a. Saggala, . . 209, 210 Perumbanarruppadai, Tamil work, 104 pramatri, official,. Peshawar, vi.. . . . 293 pramattavara, mistake for pramatri, . . . 92, 95 Phasika, vi.. . * 36, 40 prasada, . . . . . . 10, 13, 16 Phirangipuram inscription of Komati Vema, 267 Prasantasiva, Matlamayura ascetic, 148, 149, 150, Pikira grant of Simhavarman, 173 151, 152 Pimpari plates of Dharavarsha, . . 177 prastha, measure,. . . . 58, 60, 61, 224 Prata pachakravartin, biruda of Jagadekamalla II, Pinapadu, vi.. . 271, 276 Pirapmalai, vi.. . . 176n. . . 119 Pratapachakravartin, biruda of Yadava Simghana, 127 Piroja, 8. a. Firoz, 278, 280, 284 Pratapgadh inscription of Pratihara MahendraPifaka or Tripitaka, Buddhist canonical works, 195, pals of V. S. 1003, . . . . 158n. 200, 201 Prataparudra, Kakatiya k., . . 269 Pitamaha, 8. a. Buddha, 97, 99, 100 and n. prathama-kayastha, official, . . 81 Pitho, 8. a. Prithvidhara, . . . . 215 prathama-kulika, do.. . Pithori, abbreviation for Prithviraja, . . 215n. prathama-sarthavaha, do. . Piyadashin, epithet of Asoka,. . . . i pratihara, do. . . . 92, 95 Podagadh, ti.. . . . 153, 154 Pratihara, family, . 158n., 159 Pogilli, Sandraka ch., 289 Pratima-najaka, work, . poli, abbreviation for polisai (-interest), 102, 110, 111, Pratityasamutpada or Nidanasutra, Buddhist 112, 113 formula, 194, 195 and n., 196 and n., 197, 199 Polonnaruwa, vi.. . . . . . 187 . and 1., 200, 201, 202 pop, money . . . . 105, 109, 110, 111, 114 Pratitya-samulpada-vibhanga-nirdeba, .. a. Pra. Pon-Amaravati, vi., . . . . 120n. titya-samutpada-vyakhya. . . . . 200 107 . 92 81 81 The figure refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used ch. chief; 00. country; di district or division; do..ditto; dy.dynasty: E.-Eastern ; f. female; k.king: m. male; mo. mountain; ri.-river; ... samo ; ww. prpamo; to.templo; vi.=village or town; W.Western

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328 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. 91 . . 127 Purika, vi.,. . . 76 PAGE Ravi Pratitya-samutpada-vyakhya, commentary, purana, coin, . * 58, 61 199n., 200 purana-ghrita or purana-sarppi, medicine, 224, 240, Pravanga, clan, . . 250 pravanivada, tax, . . . . 93, 95 Purandara, 8. a. Indra, . . . . . 96 pravaras - Purandara, Mattamayura ascetic, . 149, 151 Asita, . . ! 219 Puratana, . . . . . . 10, 12, 15 Devala, . . 219 Purattadi-tiruvanam, festival, 237, 240, 248, 250 Sandilya,. . 219 Puravi, 8. a. Parna, . . . . 139, 144, 147 Prayaga, tirtha, . . 93, 94 puravu vari-Srikarana-nayakam, official, 191, 193 Prince of Wales Museum of Western India, .17, 116, puravuvari-Srikaranattu-mugavetti, do., 191, 193 117n. puravuvari tipaikkalam, office, . 221n., 234, 245 prishthamatra, . puravuvari-tinaikkalu-kankani, official, . 221n., 234, Pritha (=Kunti), mythical queen, . . . 32 245 Prithu, mythical k., 273 Puri second plate of Madhavavarman-Sainya. Prithvideva I, Kalachuri k. of Ratnapura, 160, 163 bhita alias Srinivasa, . . . 35n. Prithvideva II, do. . . . . 160, 162, 166 Purigere-nadu, di. . . . . 207, 208 Prithvidhara, m., . . . . . 215, 218 215, 218 Purika, vl., . . . . . . . Prithviraja, k.. . . . . 215n. Parna, ri., . . . . . 139 prithvivallabha, biruda,. . . . . 142 purohita, a family priest, , . 176, 178 Pritibhagavata, wrony reading for sthitir Puros, 8. a. Pundra, . . 90 bhugavuta, . . . 154, 156 and n., 157 Pururavas, mythical k., . . . . . 93, 94 Prolaya Vema, 8. a. Vema, . . . 269, 270, 273 l'urusha, the Supreme Being, 154, 156 and n., 157 Ptolemy, Greek geographer, . . . 107 Purushottama, m., . . . 92 and n., 95 Pudhinaka, m. . . . . 68, 70 Purvvina-grama, vi.. . . . . 291, 292 Pukiya, clan, . . 65, 66, 67, 70 Pushkari, vi.. . . . . . 154, 155, 157 Pulaichcheri or Pulacoori, vi., . . 187 and n. Pushpachanvan, 8. a. Manmatha, . . 164 Pulakesin II, W. Chalukya k., Pushpaka, the aerial car of Kubera, 160 and n., 166 Pular-kottam, di., . . . .228, 241, 250 l'ushyakimbapura, vi, . . . . 209, 210 Pulastya, rishi, . . . 283 pustupalit, official, . . . . . . 79, 81 Pulatthapabbata, hill, . 227 Pu-ta, co., . . . . . 258 Pulatthi, vi.. . . 227 l'utpagu or l'ushpaka, elephant of Virarajondra, 221, Pulide-Gavunda, m., . 207, 208 231, 242 Pulikijan, m., . . 234, 245 l'uvascla (Skt. Purvasnila), hill, . . . 68 Pulikonda, vi., . . . 268, 272 Pulinda, tribe, . . 125, 126 R Pulindasena, ch., . . Puliyidai, vi., . . 104, 113 and n., 114 , changed to l, . . Pullaganda-Siddarasar, ch., . . . 123n. 1, clision of, 102 Pullamangai, vi., . . . . . . 168 T, final, . . . 174 Pullamangalam, 8. a. Pullamangai,. 167, 168, 169, 170 r, wodgo-shaped,. 1.48 pulli, Rachuridurga-vibhal, biruda of Vonn, . 268, 272 pufukku, dish, . . 104, 109 Richuru, 8. a. Raichur, 268, 269 Pundanagala (=Skt. Pundranagara), .. a. Ridha or Radhi, co.. . 213, 214 Mahasthan, . . . 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91 Radhanpur grant of Bhimarlova, . . 171, 172 Pundhikanaka, vi., . . . . . 210 Radhanpur platos of Govinda III, 134, 136, 137 Pundra or Pundravardhana, 8. a. Mahathin, 88, 90 Raghava, 8. a. Rama, M. 150 Pandra, tribe. . . . . . . 90 Raghavn, m., . . . . . 92, 95 Pundravardhana-bhukti or Paundravardhana Raghavnhattakn, vi.. . . . 212, 218, 219 bhukti, co., . . . . . . 78, 213 Raghu, mythical k.. . . 101, 278, 283 Pun-na-fa-ta-na, 6. a. Pundravardhana, . 88 Raghunatha Vanangumudi-Tondniman, AmenPuragupta, Gupta k., . . 77 tungi ch., . . . . . . . 122 The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corroctions. The following other abbreviations are used :ch.=chief; co.=country; di.=district or division; do.=ditto; dy.=dynasty ; E.-Eastern; f.=female; k.=king: m.=malo; mo.=mountain; ri.=river, 3. a. Baino as; sur.=surname: te.=temple; vi.=village or town; W.=Western.

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INDEX. 329 . 5 RAav PAGE Raghuvamba, quoted, . 253R. Rajondra-Movendavelar, m.. . 240, 250 Ragblu plates, 24 Rajondrabola-Anukka-pPallavaraiyar, ch., 234, 244 Rahappo, ch., 136, 141 Rajondrabble-Mivalivanarajan, throne, 221, 233, 244 Raichur, vi.. 268 Rajendra-Vayiragarachchojar, M... 233, 244 Raja, J. . . .253, 259 Rajput, clan, . . . . Rajadeva, m., . 160, 164 . 257 Rajula, Kshatrapa, ch... , rajadhiraja, title,. . . 3, 8, 9, 20, 137 Rajyavarddhana, k. of Thanesar, . . 75, 76 Rajadhiraja I, Chola k., . . 226 and . Ralhana, m., . . 161, 165 Rajadhiraja II, do., 184, 185 and n., 186 Rama or Ramabhadra, mythical k., . 54, 96, 152 and n., 188, 189, 190, 191, 192 Rama-Bhatta, m., . . . * 19, 21 Rajadhirajan-Kulattur, vi., . Ramadeva-Bhatte, m.,. .189, 191, 192 * 18, 21 . . Rajadhiraja, sur. of Virarajendra,. . 232, 243 Ramadeva-Pattavardhana, m., * 18, 21 . Rajagambhira-Anjukottinadalvap, . . Ramanna, co. . . 227 . 187 ndjaguru, title, * 165 Ramanuja, Vaishnava teacher, . . . 95 . . rajak sari, standard measure,. . .222, 234, 245 Ramasiri, Ikhaku princess, . . 64, 70 Rajakesarivarman, sur. of Chila kings, Ramatirtham, vi., 167, 168, . 268, 272 . 169, 184, 189, 191, 221, 233, 244 Ramayana, epic, . . 137, 253 Rajala, Yadava prince, . . rampant lion, emblem on seal, . 129, 130, 131 173 . . Raja Makaradhvaja, biruda of Jatachola-Bhims, 29, 23 Ramtok Lakshmana templo inscription,. . 128 rdjamatya, official, . Ramtusiri, Ikhaku princess, . . 217 . . 64 and 11., . Rajamriganka, work, . . . . . 158n. rajan, title,. . . . . 297 Ranabhita, sur. of Hastivarman, . . . 37n. rajanaka, . . . . 41 ranaka, title, . . . 217 Rajapals, m., . . . . Ranakshobha, Sailodbhava prince,. . . 35n. rdjaputra, . . . . . 41, 209, 211, 217 Ranamalla, ch., . . . . . 278, 279, 282 Rajarija, sur. of Virarajendr, . . 232, 243 Rapapura inscription, . . . . 279, 280 Rajarija I, Chola k.. . 30, 31, 167, 169, 226, 229 Ranaranga-mrigandra, biruda of JaticholaRajaraja II, do.,. 185 and n., 186 and n., 188, 189, Bhima, . . . . 29 add., 33 and 1. 191, 192 Ranastambha, 8. a. Ranthambhor, . . 279, 281, 288 Rajaraja III, do., . . . . 268 Ranastipandi grant, . . . . 30., 31 Rajarija-Brahmamarayar, m., . . 233, 244 ranindya, title, . . . . . 278 Rajaraja-chChenninadu-kilavan, m., 234, 245 Rangovara Mahadeva, te.. . Rajaraja-Isvarattu-Mahadeva, te., . . Ranigat, vi, Rajaraja-Karkudiyarayan, m.. . . 187 Ranma, ... . . .160, 164 Rajaraja-kKadigairajar, ch., . . 234, 244 Ranthambhor, vi, * 281 Rajarajan-Palaiyanur, vi., . . 188 rasavati, taz,. . . 93, 95 Rajaraja-Pandinadu, di.. . . . 207n., 108n. Rashtrakata, dy... 31, 36n., 43, 134, 136, 137, 138, Rajarajapuram, vi.. . . . . 185, 189, 192 140n., 141, 143, 1467., 176n., 177, 204, 205, 207, 260 Rajarajapuram, sur. of Matottam, . . . 187n. Rashtrakuta, family, . 289, 290, 281 and n., 292 Rajaraja Vilupparayar, m... 191, 193 rashtrapati, official, . . . 144, 146 Rajarija-Vilupparsiya-Virarajendra-Varaguna. Ratanpur, si., . . . : 160 and 1., 161, 162 rajar, m., . . 234, 244 Rati, goddess, . . . 164 Rajarijesvar, te., . . . Ratnadeva I, Kalachuri k. of Ratnapura, 160, 163 Rajasrt, Chahamana princess, . 43, 47, 51 Ratnadeva II, do.. . . . . 160, 162 163 Rajasundari-chaturvedimangalam, vi. . . 228 Ratnadeva III, do., 160, 161, 162, 164 rajatiraja, title, . . . 59 Ratnapura, 6. a. Ratanpur, 160, 161, 162, 16K Raja-uttama-Muvendavelar, m., . . 234, 244 Ratnapura, vi.. . . . . . 279, 288 Bajandra-Chola I, Chola k., . . 120n., 223, 226, Ratnarasi, Saiva saint, . . . . . 395 228 Ratnasimha, Guhila k., . . . . . 279 Bajendradeva, do.. . 221, 226 and 1.., 227, Ratta, 8. a. Rashtrakuta, 228, 231, 242 and 244 | Ratta, dy... . . . . . . 11, 16 * 299 The figures refer to pages: 1. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch.=chief; co.=country; di.=district or division; do.-ditto; dy.-dynianty: B.Easterf. -female; k.king; m.Emale; mo. mountain; ri.river; 6. d. samo ; our.surname; te=templo; v.=village or town; W.Wostorn.

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330 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. 28 174 34, 35, 38 Sainyabhita Situmors ancestor of Sailo ., 39 PAGE RAav Rattapadi or Rattapadi 77 lakhe, co. 221, 228, Sadangavikurichohi, vi... . . . 104, 113, 114 282, 283, 243, 244 Sadasiva, emblem on seal 211 Rafta-rdjya-pratishth-acharya, biruda of Muni Saddo, vi.. . . . . . . . chandra,. Sadha, m., . . . . . . . 159 Raffa-rajya-pratishth-acharyya, biruda of Naga- Sadharapa, m., . . * 60, 54 rasa, 13 Saduktikarnamrita, work, . . . 216 Rathod, family,. . . . . . Sagara, mythical k.. . 41, 96, 119, 211, 219, 292 Ratumatisiri, Ikhaku princess, . 64, 70 Saggala, .. . . . . 209, 210 refra, a province, . . . 125 Sahasa, m., . . . . . 50, 52 Ravapa, demon k., . . . . . 32, 54 Sahasram edict of Asoka, . . . . 84 Ravidass, m., . . . 167 and th, 169, 170 Sahasrayoga, work on medicine, . . 225 Ravivarman, Kadamba k., . . 177 Sahasrarjuna, mythical k., . . . 160, 163 ruutu, title,. . Sahavahans, 8. a. Chahamana, . . 157, 158 dwal, do., . . . 279 Sani, title, . . . . . . . 299 Rayngad plates of Vijayaditya datod Saks 625, Sahitya-parishat copper-plate of Visvardpadyardys, title, . . . 278 sens, . . . . . . 2157. Rochchayap, ., . . . . 231, 241 Sahyaja, ri., . . . . . 272 Reddi, dy., . . . . . . . 268 Sailodbhava, dy., . . . . 34, 35, 38 Rollat badiya, ia 226 Sailodbhava, eponymous ancestor of Salonas Nipha, . . . . . . . 35 Sainyabhita, Sailodbhava k... . . . 39 Reva o. a. Narmada, . 43, 47, 92, 93, 95 Sainyabhita, sur. of Madhavavarman II, 36, 37 and Ravadisa or Revadiss-Kramavitta, h, 167 and ... 169, 170 Saita, m., 253, 259 ri, wrongly used for ri,. . Saiva, 10, 11, 92n., 148, 151, 158, 160, 163, 223, 271 . . . 35 Ripamochana, tirtha, . Saka, 8. a. Suka,. 278, 284 . . . . . . 67, 58, 255 Saka ( -Skt. Saka), a Scythian, Riahi, M., . . . 262, 265, 267 . . Rithapur oopper-plates of Bhavattavarman, Saka, tribe. . 104n.. . . . . 156, 157n. Saka (-Muhammadan), . . 278, 282, 283 Rshidaka-mala, field, Sakambhart, .. a. Sambhar,. . 181, 183 161, 278, 280, 284 . Rohinimitra, m.,. . . Sakarauloi, Sakaurakoi or Sakaraucae, 8. G. . . . 2577. Ron inscription of Amoghavarsha I, . * 206n. Saraucae, . . Saka Ushavad&ta's Nasik inscription, Radra, 8. a. Siva. . 13, 15, 163, 263, 264, 268 . . * Radna, m., Saktipur, v., . . 117 Radrimba, Kakatiya queen, 269 Saktivarman, Kalinga k., . . Spa, a coin, Saktivarman, E. Chalukya k., . ripadarsaka, official, 80 balu, . . . 58, 60, 61 mipaka, coin, . . 80, 81, 82, 83 salabhoga, . 221, 233 Salia, ri., . . . . Apdvaldra, work, . 222 and .., 223, 239, 249 38 Salima, s. a. Salia (), 38 Salivahans, k., . 255 Salivahana or Salivaha, Guhila k., . 278, 280, 286 ., Mesembling ah,. . 84 Saliyam, vi.. . 110, 114 4, ted ford, . . . 42, 50, 128, 207, 277 Sams, m . 253, 250 4, tisod for , . . . . . 42, 50 Samidhtkvara, deity. . . Babata, tribe, . 278, 280, 284 . . . 128 Samangad plates of Dantidurga, Samanged plater of Dentido . 134, 291 Babarbhanda, ti . 24 and add Bamantadeva, Shahi k. of Kabul and the Punjab, 299 abha or sabhai, village assembly, 104, 110, 111, Samantasena, Sena k., . . . 212 112, 113, 114, 167, 169 | Samantasitha, whila k. of Metodr, . . $1 Krita, tar(1),. . . 11, 14, 15 Samar-aikavira, epithet of Jatachola-Bhima, 29, 33 Ridala, . a. Satal . 278, 279, 283 Samarasibe, Gulila k. of Mewar, . . . 270 Baduth-Bhatta, .. . 19, 22 | Samasta-rajagriya, epithet of Jatachola-Bhima, 29, 33 wey . . . 71 27 211 24 80 3) The figure refer to pages: n. after a Aguro, to footnotes and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations am wad :- .-chief; bountry: di district or division; soditto; y.dynnityE.-Eastern; f. -femalo; k. king: m. maslo, momoontain: n.river; ... ; Wi-Papamo ; 6.-templo; vi. village or towa; W, Western

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Samatata, co., Samatatiya-nala, measure, Sambadatta, m., Sambapura, vi., Sambhar, vi., Sambhu, s. a. Siva, Sambhuyajnasvamin, m., Sambuddha, Sam-fa-chih (Samvajji), s. a. Fu-li-chih, samgha, a school of Jainas Samgrama-rijaya, biruda of Jatachola-Bhima, sami (-Skt. sramin), title, Samudasiri, Ikhaku princess, . Samudra-Gopaya-Dannayaka, Hoysala general, Samudragupta, Gupta k., Samusiri, Ikhaku princess, Samragiya or Samvamgiya, confederate clan, 86, 87, 88, Samvajji (or Samvrijjl), do., Samyukta-Agama, Buddhist work, Samyutta-Nikaya, do., Sanakanika, family, sandhi, sandhi, not observed, sandhivigraha, official, sandhivigrahadhikrita, do., sandhirigrahakarin, do., . sandhivigrahika or sandhivigrahika, do.. PAGE 213 215 209, 210 139, 144, 147 280 38, 165, 216 126 99 Sanga, m., Sangama, Vijayanagara k., Sangamakhetamandala, di., Sangamesvara, deity, Sangana-Basava, s. a. Basava, Sangattimangalamudaiyan, m., Sangha, Buddhist congregation, Sanghavarman, author, . Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsha I, Sankama, Kalachurya k. of Kalyani, Sankara, s. a. Siva, 268 3, 8, 9 64, 71 84, 85, 89, 90, 91 85, 90, 91 200, 201 195 and n., 200 4 134 50, 79, 102, 119, 194, 221, 260 54 117, 119, 181, 184, 209, 211 139 51, 92, 95, 139, 154, 216, 219 10, 13, 13 17, 20, 22 137 14, 15 .10, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17 234, 245 . 72, 198, 202 Sankara, m.,. Sankarika, s. a. Bhavani, sankrantis: makara or uttarayana, Samkshobha, Parierajaka k., Santa-Bhikshavritti, Saira pontiff, . INDEX. . 90 136 29, 33 64, 71 64, 71 253 36., 136, 138 130 149, 151, 295 271, 276 182, 184 171, 172 125 271 Santimukhya, m., 50, 54 289 Santinatha, Jaina Tirthankara, 278, 279, 280, 284, 288 Sapadalaksha, co., Bapta-bhangi-naya, doctrine of Jainism, 146n. Saptanatha, deity, saptanga, Sarangadeva, Chalukya k., Sarangapura, vi., Sarasika, f.,. Sarasvati, goddess,. Saratavura, 8. a. Soratur, Saraucae, tribe, Saravati, ri., sarige, tax (?), Sariputra, Buddhist teacher, sarira, Sarnath, vi., earragrahara, Sarvajnamitra, author, sarvamanya, Sarvananda, author, Sarvanatha, Uchchakalpa k., Sarvastivada, school of Buddhist doctrine, Sarvavarman, Maukhari k., Sasanka, k. of Gauda, Sasta, 8. a. Buddha, Satal, ch., Satila, n., Satilisiri, Ikhaku princess, sati-stone, | satra, Satrughnadeva, k., Sattapperuman, M., Sattrata, one of the samhitas of Pancharatra Satyapir Bhita, ancient site, Satyaraja, Paramara prince, Satyasraya, sur. of W. Chalukya kings, Sauri, s. a. Vishnu, Sauviraka, vi., Savada, ., . Savarideva Dikshita, m., Savyana-Sivalajjatibhatta, m., Sayana, Vedic commentator Scythian, PAGE 17, 20, 23 164 6,7 279, 280, 281, 288 seasons Gimha (summer), Hemanta, Vasa (rainy), 64, 71 53, 118 206, 207, 208 60 178 Saty-avatara, biruda of Jatachola-Bhima, Saubhagyadevi, Guhila queen,. Saujanya-Dhavala, biruda of Jatachola-Bhima, Saulkika, tribe (?), saulkika, official, Saundatti, vi., 11, 14, 15 72, 196 196, 197 . 72 268, 272 100n. 123, 124 88 125 253, 259 73, 74, 75 36, 37 99 279 71 64, 71 153 117, 118. 297 103, 109 223. 101 43, 47, 51 177, 205, 206, 290 . . * * . 331 278, 286 29, 33 143 118 11 160, 165 and n. " 182, 184 51, 54 35, 41 234, 245 18 238 . . 29, 331 * 62 24, 58 64, 65, 66 The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used:-ch.-chief; co.country; di.-district or division; do.ditto; dy.dynasty; E.-Eastern; f.-female; k.-king; m.male; mo.mountain; ri.river; s. 9.=same as; eur.surname; te.-temple; vi.village or town; W.-Western.

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332 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. RAav PAGE fekku-kadamai, tax, . . . . . Sindhu, tank, . . . . . 150, 152 Sembiyan-Milalaivelan, m. . . 234, 245 Sindhuraja, Paramara k. of Malava, 42, 45, 158 Sembiyan Sittirajar, ch., . . 233, 244 Sindhuraja, ch., . . . . . 50, 51, 52 Sena, dy... , 211, 213, 214, 215 and n., 216 Singalantaka-Mavendavel), m., . . 234, 245 Senadari, s. a. Sendri,. . . 161, 162, 165 Singalar, 8. a. Singhalese. . . . 189, 191 Senananda, Sendraka ch., . . . . 290 Singalarayar, m., . . . . . 188, 191, 193 anapati, official,. . 116, 154, 156, 241, 250 Singan, Kosala ch., . . . . 231, 241 Sena-sangha, school of Jaina teachers, 136, 144, 147 Singana, s. a. W. Chalukya Jayasimha, . 230, 231, 241 Sendamangalam, vi.. . . . . 268 Singanan, m., . . . . 232, 243 Sendraka, family, . . 289 and n., 290, 291 Singhalese, 185, 186 and n., 187, 188, 191, 227 Sendri, vi... Singitale-Panyara, m., . . . . 176, 178 Seravatakaka-sthall, locality, . . . 182, 184 Siradandaka, well, . . . 209, 210 and 1. Sesha, the lord of serpents, . 151 Siri-Chata(or-Charta)mula, Ikhaku k., 61, 63, 64, Settan Tirunattamadi Viranambi Devangudai 65, 66, 71 yan, m., . . . . . 191, 193 Siridraha, well, . . . . . . 182, 184 add. Setu (Ramesvaram), 17, 18, 20, 23, 140, 228, 233, Siri-Ehuvula-Chatamula, Ikhaku k., 61, 62, 63, 71 244 Siripavata, Mo., . . . . . . 68 setupati, family, . . . . 120, 123n. Siri-Pulumavi, Andhra k., . . . . 71 Seunadesa, . a. Khandesh, . . . 131 Siripuram, vi.. . . . 24 bevidu, measure, 110 and n., 116, 222 and 11., 234, Siri-Virapurisadatta (or 'data), Ikhaku k.,61, 62, 63, 64, . 235, 236, 240, 245, 246, 247, 250 65, 66, 67, 68, 71 Shahadaur inscription of the rajan Damijada, 257 Sirkap, vi... . . . . . 251, 256, 257 Shahi, litle,. . . . . . 56, 58, 61 Sirralattur-Udaiya, m., . . . 191, 193 Shahi or Hindu Shahi, dy., . 297, 299, 301, Sirsa, vi.. . . . . . . 294 Shamas Khan, prince,. . . 280 Sirukudaiyan, m., . . . 191, 193 Shatpura, 8. a. Khatakar, . . 279, 281, 288 Sirunallar-Udaiyap, m., . . 191, 193 shcha, used for sha, . . Sirurja, vi.. . . . . . * 206 shcha, used for ksha, . . . 119 Sirupakkilan, m., . . . . 234, 245 Shuang-mi (Chitral), principality, . . . 59, 258 Sirur inscription of Amoghavarsha I, 175, 206n. Sibi, mythical k.,. . 49 Sisoda, estate, . . . . 279, 280 Siddha, demigods, . 295, 296 Siuka, . . . . 50, 54 Siddha-Bhikshavfitti, Saiva pontiff, * 271 Siva, god, Siya, god . 6, 10, 11, 15, 17, 22, 32, 42, 44, 49, 116, Biddharass, m.. . . 10n. 127, 137, 146 and n., 148, 149, 151, 152, 153, 158, Siddhattha, M., . 65 160, 163, 260, 266, 284, 295, 300 Siddhi, 16., 232, 242 Siva, s. a. Sivamars, . . . 148 Sidhathaka, M.. . . . 68, 71 | Siva-Brahmana, . . . . 223, 239, 249 Sidhathamnika, . . 58, 71 Sivamara, W. Ganga k.. . . . 137, 146n. Sihor, vi., . . * 281 Sivanagasiri, Ikhaku princess, . . 64, 71 Sikhasiva, Mattamayura ascetic, . . 149, 151 Sivanandin, m., . . . . . 79, 81, 82 Siladitya, Maitraka prince, . 182, 184 Sivaratri, festival, . . . . . . . 151, 271, 276 Stladitya I. Maitraka k. of Valabl, 116, and 1., 117 Sivaratri-mahatmya, Telugu work,. . . 211 and n., 118, 181, 182, 209 | Sivakarmman, m., . . . . Staditya II, Maitraka prince, . Sivayogin, . . . . . . 169, 170 Srliditya III, Maitraka k. of Valabhi, . . 209, Siyaka, 4. a. Siyaks Harsha, 43, 47, 158 and 1. 210 and n. Siyaka Harsha, Paramara k. of Malaua,. . Siladitya iv, do., . . . 209 Skanda, god,. . . . 261, 262, 267 SIL, f., . . . . . . . 50, 54 Skandabhata I, minister, 117n., 180, 181, 182 Simhapa or Simghana, Yadava k., . 12, 15, 127, 130, Skandabhata II, do. . . 1177., 182, 210, 211 Skandavarman, Nala k., . . .154, 155, 156 Bimhapurl, 8. a. Sihor,. 279, 281, 288 Skarah Dheri image inscription, . . . 259 Simharaja, k. of Lohara . . . . 301 Smara, 8. a. Manmatha, . . . . 117 . . . 119 . . 209 131 The figures refer to pages: 1. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used ch.=chief; co.=country; di.=district or division; do.=ditto; dy.dynssty, E.Esatem ; f.female; k.=king; m.=male; mo.=mountain; ri.=river, 8. G.Esame a mur.= surname; ke. temple ; v.village or town; W.=Western.

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Smritichandrika, work, Sobhita, Chahamana k., Sodasa, Kshatrapa ch., Sodasa inscription of the year 72, Sodhyapura, vi., Sohawal plates of Sarvanatha, Sohgaura copper-plate,. Sohika, m., Soladivakara-Muvendavelan, m., Solakeralan, palace, Solamandalam, di., Solanki, s. a. Chaulukya, Sola-Pandya, dy.,. Solapandya-valanadu, di., Soliyavaraiyan, m., Soma or Sovideva, Kalachurya k. of Kalyani, Somalladevi, queen of Jagaddeva, Somanatha, te., Somanathadeva, deity, Somanatha, vi., Somapura, vi., Somapuri-vihara, Buddhist monastery, Somasiddhanta, work, Somavamsa, family, Somayan, m., Somesvara, k., Somesvara, Nagavamsi k. of Bastar, Someevaradeva, Sonpur ch., Sona, ri., Sopaiyanagar, vi., Sonpat seal, Sonpur, vi.,. Sonpur plates of Kumara Someevaradeva, Soratha, s. a. Surashtra, Soratur, vi.,. Sorimuttu-Vannigan, biruda, Sossaka, m., Sragdhara-stotra, Buddhist work, Sravanabhadra, family name,. Sravanabhadra, locality,. 171 13, 15 6 97, 98, 99, 100 98 223 162 233, 244 162n. 162n. 162 148, 149, 150, 151, 152 228, 233, 244 73, 74, 75, 76 162 162 Subhashitaratnasandoha, anthology,. 182 206, 208 123n. 182, 184 Spalapatideva, Shahi, k. of Kabul and the Punjab, 299 100n., 101n. 157, 159 and n. 159n. 197, 201 58, 60, 61 161, 165 24 Sravasti, vi... breni, a guild, breshthin, Srigiri, a. a. Sriparvata, Srigohall, locality,. PAGE 271, 276 79, 81, 82, 83 Sriharsha, s. a. Harsha of Kanauj, brikarana, official,. Srimatidevi, wrong reading for Mitradevi, Srinaga, 8. a. Sriparvata, Srinatha-Bhattaraka, poet, Sringi Rishi inscription, 77 176, 178 77 274 271, 276 280 39 171 24 122 222, 229, 235, 246 Srinivasa, sur. of Madhavavarman II, 221, 233, 244 Sriparvata or Srisaila, hill, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273 168, 228, 240, 245, 250 Sri-Paushkara, one of the Samhitas of Pancharatra, 223n. Sripura, s. a. Siripuram, Sri-Raghavachakravartin, deity, bri-samanta, official, Srisaila-bhumi, di., Srivaikuntham, vi., Sri-Vaishnava, Srivallabha, sur. of Pandya kings, 106, 226 and n., 231, 119, 122, 123, 124 232 130 41 268, 272 107, 108 and n. 222, 229, 237, 238, 247, 248 160, 162, 164 242 Sreshthisarman, m., Sri, 8. a. Lakshmi,. Sri-Bhatakkah, legend on seal, Sridhara, author, Sridhara, m., Sridhara, m., Brighana, s. a. Buddha, * 27 278, 282, 287 125 89 158 234, 245 . . INDEX. . PAGE 88 159 27, 257 . * * 118 Sumati, Jaina teacher, 116, 208 Sunftisiri, Ikhaku princess, sumka, a toll, 216 43, 50 144, 147 98, 99 Srivallabha, Ceylon prince, Srivallabha-valanadu, di., Srivara, sur. of Nedunjadaiyan, . Sivaramangai (Vanamamalai), one of the eighteen sacred places of the Vaishnavas, Srivilliputtur, do., 108n. 108n. Sri-Viranarayana, signature of Komati Vema, 271, 276 Stamaka, m., 51, 54 add. Stambha, Rashtrakuta prince, 135, 137, 142 St. Andrews Cross, Kharoshthi numerical symbol, 257m. Sthali, co., 50, 52 36n. 193, 196, 197, 251 Strivara, wrong reading for Trivara,. stupa, 158n. 64, 71 102 103, 109 .99, 101 251 subhatarika,. Subrahmanya, te., Subrahmanya-Bhatara, deity, Suddhavasa, Buddhist heaven,. Sue Vihar inscription, Sugata, s. a. Buddha, Suhrillekha, Buddhist work, Sukaratittha, s. a. Uratturai, Sukavi-Chintamani, biruda of Jatachola-Bhima, Sukhavati, Buddhist heaven, . Sultan Dilawar Khan Ghuri, ch. of Malwa, Sultan Muhammad Shah, Bijapur k., 187 and n. 104, 106, 111, 114 106, 108n. Sunahsepa, sage, Sanak plates of Karna,. Sundara-Chola, eur. of Parantaka II, 333 * . 75 197 187. 29, 33 101n. 279 204 135, 144, 147 64, 71 11, 12, 14 90 172 168 The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used:-ch.-chief; co. country; di.-district or division; do.=ditto; dy.dynasty; E.-Eastern; f.-female; k.=king; m. male; mo. mountain; ri. river; s. a. same as; sur.surname; le.mtemple; vi. village or town; W.-Western.

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334 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. 00 33 224 t PAGE PAGE Sundara-Pandya, Pandya k., . 269 Talhana, m., . . . . . . 93, 98 Sundarasola-pPallavaraiyar, ch., . , 234, 244 Tali Tiruppanangadudaiyan, sur, of Vapavan runetri, medicine,. . 224, 223, 240, 250 Valla varaiyan, . . . . 233, 214 Supratishthitavarman, k., . 77 Taluvakkulainday, m., . . . . 241, 250 Suraditya, Sravanabhadra ch... , 157, 158, 150 Tamalagima, vi., . . Suraka, m.,. . 149, 150, 133 Tamluk, vi.. . . Surana, author, . . . . . . 270 Tampoyaka, vi., . . 24 Surashtra or Surashtra, the Kathiawir peninsula, 179, tamradi, medicine, . . , 224, 240, 230 180, 181, 182, 183, 209, 210 Tamralipti, .. a. Tamluk, . Surat plates of Kirtiraja of Saka 940, . 138 tandava, Siva's dance,. . . 149, 151 Surat plates of Tribhuvanapala of Saka 972, 158 funka, tax (), . . . 12, 14, 13 Suryadovar Sundarapandya Tondaimi), Aran. tangi ch., . . Tanvalli, 3. a. Tumbolli, . . 178, 179 1211., 122 Saryakula-vasa, biruda of Jatachola-Bhima, Tara, vi.. . 29, 30, . . . . . 203 Tari, Buddhist goddess, . 97, 98, 99, 100n., 101 Susruta, author,.. TAraka, demon, . . . 152, 261, 251, 266 . . . . Busruta-samhita, work on medicine, . . taravu-sattu, official, oltradhara, oficial, . Tarddavadi one thousand, di. . . 10, 11, 12 . . Sutralam kara, Buddhist work, tapik-kadamai, tax, . . . . . 119 Battukkal or Puli-Sattukkal, vi... . 226, 232, 243 Tarini, 8. 4. Tara, . . . . . 99, 100 Suvarnapura, 8. a. Sonpur, . 222, 233, 233, 214 . 160, 162, 163 tarippudavai; . . Suvarnavarsha, sut. of Karkkardja,. 133, 135, 136, 262, 263, 287 138, 144, 146 Tarpandighi copper-plate of Lakshmanasona, 211, 218%. Svayambha, 8. a. Brahma,. Tathagata, s.a. Buddha, Svayambhu-Malikarjuna, dasty, . . .14, 15 Tatta, m., . . . . . . 209, 210 Svetambara, sect of Jaings,. . 136 Tattainallar-Udalyan, m., . . . 191, 198 Taxila Aramaio inscription, Taxila copper-plate of the year 78, , 288 Taxila gold plate inscription, . . . .. 282 4, doubling of, . Taxila silver soroll inscription, 28, 59, 251, 254, 1, final, . . . . 29 and add. 36. 134 256, 257 Tada, s.. Tara,. . 261, 263, 264, 266 Taxila silver vase inscription, . . 28, 238 Tadalbagi, vi.. . . Iln. Tekkali, &, a. Barst Takli, . 220, 130, 131 todayuktala, official, Tekkali plate of the time of Madhyamarija (III), 351.. Taddavadi, vi.. . . . 40n. Ta hia, co. . 258 Telugu-Chola, family, . . 30, 31, 269 Taila UI, W. Chalukya k. . 31 Telumgaraya, k... . 15 taila-panchaka, medicine, 226 Telungarayo-ethapan-acharyya, Takari, vi.. . . 283 Yadava k. Kannara,. Takhasila, 8. a. Takshakila, Tep-kongu, di., . . . 186n. Takht-i-Bahl inscription, . . 25, 236, 257 Tennavar, . a. Pandyas, 189, 191 Takaha, mythical prince, 253 Terodu-Paruvar-nadu, di., 239, 244 Takshasila (Taxila), vi.. . 251, 252, 253, 235, 357 Tewar, vi., . . . Naja, tax (1), . . . . 11, 14, 15th, looped form of, . . . . . 149 Tila, E. Chalukya k.. . 31 thakkura, . . . . . 82, 86 Talagunda pillar inscription of KAkusthavarninn, 154 | Thinesar, ri., . . . 73, 74 Talakkad or Talakadu, vi. . . 228 T'ien-chu or Shen-tu, co. . . 57, 258 falam, a treneury, . . 169, 170 and n. Ttkasarvas, commentary on the A maradana. 88 Talapataka, .. Talavada, . 50, 81,52 Tilakwada, ut.. . . . . . . 164 Talavida, ul. . . . . . . Timmana-Bhatta, m.,. . 268, 871 tala-vritti, tax (1), . . * 14, 15 tingalmera, 222, 233, 236, 244, 448 Talegagn plates of Krishna I, . 134 Tinni, vi.. . . . 104, 112, 114 folebatfu, . . . . 174, 904, 207 Tipparaissy, #.. . . . . 232, 249 The figures refer to pages: #. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations ano paedch.chief co,country i Wf district of division; do..ditto; dy.dynasty: 2.-Eastern; f.female; k.king: n.male; mo, mountain ri.rtveri. a mmet ut. surname ; 1o. temple; vi. village pe town W.-Western. doubung 01, . . . . . . 41 dirudia of 12 99

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INDEX. 336 do., do. . . 15 PAOX PAGE . . Tiwarkhed plates of Nannaraja. Tipuraga, vi.. . . . . 161, 106 . 2014. . Ttravinnitfrttap-Topdaiman, Ayantangi ch. 122 Tiyambaka(or Triyambaka)mangalam, vi., 108, 111, 114 Tirinavela, vi.. . . . . . . 186n. Tirtharkara or Tirthakara, a Jaina saint, 289, 290 Tondai, Tondai-nadu or Tondai-mandalam, co., 120, Tiruchchendur, vi.. . . 190, 192, 228, 269 101, 103, 104, 107 Tondaiman or Tondaimana, title,. Perumanambi, Tiruchchirrambalam-Udaiyan 120 and n., 121 Chola general, . . Tondaiman, title of Agantangi chiefs, 120, 191 and they 185, 188, 189, 192 123 Tirukkachchiyur, vi.. . . . . . 188 Tirukkedisvaram, sur. of Mantai,. . . 1877. tonikkadamai, taz, . . 119 . Tirukkodunkunram, 8. a. Pirasmalai, 119, 122, 124 Torkhede plates of Govinda III, . 134 . Tirukkolor, one of the eighteen sacred places of the 267 Tottaramadi plates of Kataya-Vema, Treta, age, 108n. . . . . Vaishnavas, 32 . . Tribhandanapura, 3.a. Bhatinds,. 108n. . Tirukkottiyur, 297 Tribhuvanachakravartin, biruda, 189 Tirukkudal, 108n. Tribhuvanachakravartin Kulasekhara, Pandya k., 120 Tirukkulandai (Perungulam), do., 108n. Tribhuvananarayana, sur. of Bhoje, Tirukkurugur (Alvar-Tirunagari), do. 108n. Tridasaguru, 8. a. Brihaspati, . . 117 Tirukkurungudi, do., 108. Trikalinga, co., . . . . . 30, 162 Tirumalal inscription of Rajendra-Chola 1, Trikalingudhipati, title,. 98 . . . . 96 Tirumalai-nadu, di., . tributa, 41 . 122, 124 . . . . . Tirumalirunjolai (Alagarmalai), vi.. 270 . Trilochanacharya, poet, . 108n. Trilochanapala, Shahi King of Kabul and the Punjab, 299 tirumandira-olai, official, 191, 221, 233, 244 Trinetra, 8. a. Siva, 221, 233, 244 . tirumandiravolai-nayagam, do., Tripurantaka, Saive teacher, 6,7 Tirumayanam, vi., . Triparantakadeva, ., 4, Tripurantakasvara, Tirumayanam inscription of Rajadhiraja II, 188 272 Triparantakesvara, deity, Tirumayyam, one of the eighteen sacred places of . . . 271 . Tripuririnatha, m., the Valahnavas,. . . 212, 216, 219 108n. . . . . . Tripurl, a. a. Tewar, 108n. ... Tirumogur, 92, 93, 94, 95, 181 do.. Tirumukkadal, vi.. . 220, 221, 228, 233, 238, 244, triathali(Gaya, Prayaga and Kasi), . 278, 283 249 Trivara or Trivara, 8. a. Mahasiva TivaraTirumukkadal-Alvar, te., devs, . . , . . 96, 40 and . 220 Trivrita, locality,. . tirunamattukkani, . . . . . 123, 194 . 79, 81, 82, 83 Trogus, author, . . Tirunelveli-pperunal Tondaimapar, ch., . . 121 tea, Kharoshthi,, . . . 251 Tirunelveli-Udaiyar, ch., . . . 121 Ts'ien Han-shu, Chinese work, . . 59 Tirupperai, one of the eighteen sacred places of tulam, weight, . . 105, 107, 109, 113, 115 the Vaishnavas, . . . Tulaivilimangalam (Irattaitirapati), one of the Tirupporor, vi.. . . 188 eighteen sacred places of the Vaishgavas, 108n. Tiruppulingudi, one of the eighteen sacred places Tumana, vi.. . . 162 of the Vaishnavas, . . . . . 108n. Tambolli, vi. . . 178, 179 Tiruppullani, do.. . 108n. tumi (=to cut), Tiruttankal, do., 108n. Tu-mi, principality, . . * 258n. Tiruvalangadu, vi.. . . . . 186, 188 Tummana, 8. a. Tumans, . 160, 162, 163 Tungabhadra, ri., . Tiruvalangadu inscript:on of Rajadhiraja II, 187 226, 228, 241, 242 Tungapattirai, . a. Tungabhadra, 228, 230, 282 and n., 188 and n. tuni, measure, 222 and 1., 234, 236, 237, 288, 289, Tiruvalangadu plates of Rajendra-Chola I, 80, 168 240, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250 Tiruvaludi-valanadu, di.. . . . 108 Tugnamarayan, m., . . 232, 243 Tiruvaymoli, poem, 228, 229, 236, 238, 247, 248, 249 Tunta ( Dhundhi 1)-Ganapati, deity, 161, 165 Tiruvondipuram inscription of the Chola king . . . . 184, 189, 192 Rajaraja III, . , 268, 269 Turumindi, vi.. . . , 275 Tiravengadamalai (Tirupati), hill, 229, 237, 248 | Turushka,. . . 17, 20, 33, 98, 181, 288 turas, The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes ; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are ned :ch.chief : co.= country; di.district or division; do.=ditto; dy.dynasty E.-Easter; f.=female; k.king ; *.=male; mo-mountain; ri.=river; 4. 4, same ; mut,= umama, 16.-templo; vf. village or town; W.Western,

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336 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXI. 94 PAGE PAGB Tydga-maharanava, biruda of Jatachola. Orattruai, 8. a. Kayts, . . . . 187 and n. Bhima, . . . . . 29, 33 . uri, measure, 105, 107, 109, 110, 111, 112, 115, Tyagarasar Narasi-Nayaka, ch. . . . 122 222n., 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 245, 246 and 7., 247, 248 ur-kalariju, tax, . . 222, 234, 244, 245 Uruppaftur, vi... . . . 234, 245 , initial, . . . . . 127, 289 Uruvapalli grant of the Pallava king Vishnu. W, medial, . . . . 56, 134, 174, 204 gopavarman, . . R, medial, . . . 102, 166, 174 Orvall, celestial damsel, . . . . Uchchakalpa vi. 125 Uthhanaka, . a. Arthuna, 42, 50, 51, 54 Uchchangidrag, vi., . . 227 Utkala, co., . . . . . 130, 161 and n. Idaipur, vi.. . . . . 280 Uttamabhadra, family, . . . * . 159 Udaipur Museum, 277 Uttama Chola, Chola k, . . . 166 and 1., 168 Udaiyargudi, vi.. 165 uttama-karnadi-taila, medicine, 224, 240, 250 udan-kuffam, royal attendants, 185, 190, 192, 221, 233, Uttamapandiya-Muvendavelar, m.. . 234, 244 244 Uttamalla-Muvendavelar, m., . . 234, 244 Udayagiri cave inscription, . . . . Uttamakola-pPallavaraiyar, ch., . . 233, 244 Uditacharya, Saiva teacher, . . 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 Uttamasola-valanadu, di.. . . 107n. Udiyavara inscription of Prithvisagara,. . 175 Uttaramallar, vi., . . . . . . 223 Udiyavara inscription of Ranasagara and Uttaramertir inscription of Parantaka I,. . 166 Svetavahana, . . . . 175 Uttaripatha, co.,. . . . . 226n. Udiyavara inscription of Vijayaditya, . . 176 Uttara-Radha, di., . . 212, 213, 214, 218 Odugulakara, vi.. . . . . . 276 uttarayana, . . . . . . 122, 124 Ugra-Peruvaludi, k., . * 106n. Ujeni (Ujjain), vi.. . 86 Ulagamulududaiyal, queen of Virarajendra, 226, 231, 242 o, doubling of, . . Ulagadai-Mukkokkilanadigal, queen of Raja. v, not distinguished from b,. . 42, 160, 194, 212 dhiraja II, . . . . . . . . . . . . 189, 1911), used for b. 50, 92, 135, 260 . . 108 Vadada, a. a. Baluda, . 160 and 1., 162 and n., 185 Ulaguyyakondarulinadeva, diruda of Virari Vadagarai-Rajendrasimha-valanadu, di., . 168 jendra, . . . . . . 233, 244 Vada-Kongu, di.. . . . . . 186n. wakku, measure, 105, 107, 109, 110, 111, 115, 222 and Vagada, vi.. . . . . . 42, 43, 51 ., 235, 236, 239, 240, 245, 246, 247, 248 Vagbhata, author, . . . . 224 Ulba, vi., . . . . . 162 Vaidumba, dy... 29, 32, 231, 233, 242, 244 Uluva, 8. a. Ulba, . 161, 162, 165 Vaijayanta, the palace of Indra, . . . 99 wlvari, . . . . 184, 185, 188, 191, 193 Vaijayanti (Banavasi), vi. . Uma, 8. a. Parvati, 53 Vaikhanasa, agama, . 223, 223, 238, 239 Umavarman, Kalinga k.. . 24 Vaikhanasa, Vaishnava sect, . . 223, 239, 249 ummana, measure, * 215 Vainyadevi, queen of Puragupta, . . Ona plates of Mahendra pala, . 159 Vainyagupta, Guptuz k., . 77 Undiksvatika grant of Abhimanyu, Vaippur-Udaiyar, m., . . . 191, 193 wpadhmaniya, use of, . 23, 116, 136, 155, 179 Vairisitha, Paramara k. of Malava, . 41, 61 Upagupta, queen of Ikvaravarmman, . . 74 Vaikali or Vesili, ul., . . Upamita, Saiva teacher, . . 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 Vaishnava, . Vaishnava, . . . . . 108, 129, 165 Upamitesvara, deity, . . . 4, 7, 8, 9 Vaibadeva,. . . . . . 180 Upanishanmarga-pratishtha-guru, biruda of Vaiyasi-vida(or ya)kham, festival, 104, 109, 110 Midhava, . . 18 vajapeya, adcrifice, . . 82 wparika, official, . . 41, 80 Vajirasthana, .. a. Waziristan, 301 uparika-maharaja, do.. . 80 Vajj or Vrijj, tribe. . . . . . 85, 91 Ar, village assembly, * 104, 109, 110, 111, 114 Vajrahasta, E. Ganga k., . 1617. . 155 77 91 The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes, and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch.-chief; co. country di.district or division; do.=ditto; dy.dynasty; E.-Eastem; f.female; k.king: m.=male; mo. mountain; ri-river; a. a.Esaine as; our, surname; e.temple; vi village or town; W.Westorn.

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INDEX. 337 PAGE Vajrahasta IV, E. Ganga k.,. 30, 31 Vajrahasta V, do.. . 30, 31 vajrakalpa, medicine, . , 224, 240, 230 Vajrata, k.. . . . . 140 Vajrinidevi, queen of Naravardhana, . . 75 Vakanapati, title,. . . * 59, 60 Vakpnti Munja, 8. a. Mujadeva, 158, 159 Vala or Wala, vi., 180, 210 Valabhi 8. a. Vala, 43, 116, 179, 180, 181, 183, 183n., 208, 209, 210 Valabhi-pradvara, locality, . . . . 183 Valabhya, family name, . . . , 51, 54, 158 Valana, m., : . . 171, 172 Valattu-valvitta-Perumal, ch., . . . 120 Valavan-Muvendavelar, m.,. . . 234, 244 Valavan-Vilupparaiyan, m.,. . . 234, 245 Valavariditta-Muvendavelar, m.,. . 234, 245 Valavaraja-Muvendavelan, m., . . 234, 245 Valavasulamani-Muvendavelan, m.. . 234, 245 Valikagama, 8. a. Valikamam, . . * 1871. Valikkamam, vi., . . . . . * 187n. Valla, family, . . . . . * 51, 54 Vallabha, 8. a. Amoghavargha I, . . . 138n. Vallabha or Vallava sur. of Chalukya kings, 140, 232, 241, 242, 243 Vallabha, sur. of Rashtrakuta kings, . . 141 Vallabharija, 8. a. Rashtrakuta Krishna II, 161 Vallalasena, Sena k.. . 212, 215, 217, 219 Vallihita, 8. a. Baluti, . . . 212, 214, 218 Vallikamam, 8. a. Valikkamam, . 187 and n. Valmikirasi, Saiva teacher, . Valudai (or Valudi)-valanadu, di., 104, 106, 108, 110, 114 Valudi-nadu, 8. a. Valudi-valanadu, Vamana, m.. . * 51, 54 Vamana, m., . . . 215 Vamana-Pattavardhana, m., . Vamanasthall, 8. a. Vanthali, . . . Vamatakshama, Kushana k., . . . Vanadhirasar, ch., . 189, 191, 193 Vanakheta, wrong reading for Parnakheta, 131n. Vanakovaraiyar, family, Vanapala, k., . . . . . 136 Vanapalli copper-plate inscription, . . vanarii, . . . 41 Vanarasi or Varanasi, 8. a. Benares, 132, 175, 178 Vansa, family, . . . 11, 13, 15 Vanasthali, 8. a. Vanthali (1),. . 117n. Vanavan Vallavaraiyan, ch., . 233, 244 Vanavan-Vilupparaiyan, m., . 234, 245 Vanavasa, co., 65 Vandai, vi., . . * 120 Vanduru, vi.. . * 276 PAGE Vanduvanjeri, 8. a. Vandai,. . . . 120 Vanga, co.,. . 85, 161, 213, 285 Vangala, co., . . . . . . 97, 98, 100 Vangaran, m., . . 231, 249 Vangeya, 8. a. Vangiya, . . 91 Vangiya, tribe, . * 85, 91 Vanit-abhirama, biruda of Jatichola-Bhima, 29, 33 Panjippayan, m., . . . . . Vanki, ri.,. . . 139 Vankika, 8. a. Vanki,. . 135, 139, 144, 147 vannakkakkuli, . . . . . 222, 235, 245 Vappiya, caste, . . . . . 1231. Vanniyar-aftan-lavilttan, biruda, . . . 123n. Vansatika, ri.. . . . . . 209, 210 Vanthali, vi.. . . . . . . . 1171. Vara-Asavali, vi., . . . . . 171, 172 Varaguna, Pandya k. .. Varaguna or Varguna-Maharaja I, do., 106, 108 and 1. Varaguna, Varaguna-Maraya or Varaguna Maharaja II, do. . . . 103, 106, 109 Varagunamangai, 8. a. Varagunamangalam, 108 and 1. Varagunamangalam, vi., 106, 108, 110, 114 Varahakona, 8. a. Barakona, . 212, 214, 218 Varaha-Purana, . . . . . . 223n. Varahavartini, di.. . . . . . 24 varal, . . . . . . 176, 178, 179 . , 171, 172 Varasa, di., . . 17, 21, 23 Varavinoda-Tondaiman, Arantangi ch., . . 122 Varddhamana, Jaina Tirtham kara, 289, 290, 291, 292 Varddhamana-gana, school of Jainas, 291, 292 Vardhamana-bhukli, di.. . . . 213, 215 Vardhana or Vardhamana, 8. a. Badnor, 278, 280, 284, 287 Varendri, co., . . 98, 213, 261, 262, 264, 266 Vari, vi.. . . . . . . 231, 242 varippottagam, office, ... 221n., 234, 245 Varippottaga-kanakku, official, . 221n. 234, 245 variyilidu, do., . . 221n., 234, 245 Varunesvari, te., . . . 43, 49 Vasabhatti or Vasabhata, 8. a. Vatrabhatti, 117n. vasa-haritaki, medicine, . 224, 240, 250 Vasavadatta, princess, . . . . . 177. vasavaka, aka, . . . . . . . 144, 146n. Vasethi (orositht)puta, epithet of Siri-Chitamula, 61, 63, 64, 65, 71 Vasishka, Kushana k., . . . . . 58 Vasishtha, m., . . . . 97, 99, 101 Vasithiputa, epithet of Kardasiri, . . . 65, 66 vadtuan-tarippottaga-kkanakku, official, 234, 245 Vasudova, 8. a. Krishna, . . 164, 166, 167 108 . : 59, 60 . .- 120 The figuros refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch.=chief; co.-country; di.=district or division; do. ditto; dy, dynasty: E. Eastern; f.=female; k=king; m.=male ; mo.=mountain; ri, river ; *. d.-same as sur.=surdame; te=temple; vi.=village or town; 1.=Western.

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338 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. IXI. O 00 Page vastu or sthala viatu. a homestead land, 78, 79, 80, 81. 82, 83 Vastupala, m., Vasubandhu, Buddhist teacher, 196 and X., 109 and ..., 200, 201 Vasudeva, m., . . . . 149, 150, 153 Vatagiri, ill. . . . . . . 227 Vata-Gohall, locality, . 80 Vatesvara, M., . 172 Vatpabhatti, trong reading for Vatra bhatti, . 1177. Vatrabhatti, ml., . . 116, 117 and n., 119, 182, 80 11 184 PAGE Vennaiyur, ti., . . 163, 168, 169, 170 Vennaiyur-widu, 8. a. Vadagarai. Rajendrasitha ralanadu, . . . . 188, 169, 170 Vennalaganti, family name,. . . . 270 Vesanika, di., . . . . 213 Vesinga-nadu, di., . . 120 Vetravarman, m., vibhanga, 194, 195, 196 and n., 197, 198, 199, 200, 201 Vichana, general, . . . . vidaiyil, official, . . . . 221, 233, 244 Vidyadhara, demi.gods, . 53, 142, 146, 149, 151 Vidyasankara, 8. a. Vidyatirtha, 17, 18, 22, 23 Vijahirapura, 8. a. Baharpur, , 212, 214, 213 Vidyatirtha, Advaita teacher, . . . . 18 Vijaya or Vijaynagarl, 8. a. Vijayanagara, 17, 20 Vijayababu, Ceylon k.. . 226, 227, 232, 243 Vijayaditya, W. Ganga k., . . . . . 137 Vijayaditya III, E. Chalukya k.. . Vijayaditya IV, do.,' . . . 29, 30 Vijayaditya VII, do.. . , 232, 243 Vijayaditya-Gunakanga, 8. a. Vijayaditya III, 29, 32 Vijaya Gandagopala Madhusadanadeva, ch... 123n. Vijayanagara, vi. . 22, 119, 121, 123R., 271 Vijayananda-Madhyamaraja, Sendraka ch., 290, 291, 292 * . 223 125 Vatsadevi, urong reading for Vainyadevi, . 77 Vatsaraja, m.. . . 92 and n., 93, 95n. Vayalaikkavur, vi., 221, 228, 233, 239, 240, 244, 249, 250 Vayigrama, 8. a. Baigram, . 79, 80, 81, 82 Vayu Purana, . . . . . 5, 7, 91 Vedas and Sakhas : Atharvan, . . . . . 181, 183 Rik, 222, 223 and 1., 229, 230, 238, 239, 249 Bahvrichs, * 223n. Siman, . . . 35, 219, 264, 266 Chhandogya, . 35, 41 and 1. Kauthuma, . . . 33, 41, 219 Yajus, . . 209, 222, 223, 268, 271 Maitrayaniya, 179, 180 Taittirfya, White Yajus,.. . Madhyandina, 125, 126 Vedavanam Uldaiyan Ammaiyappan, Chola general, . . . 185, 187, 188, 191, 193 Vedavyasa or Vyasa, sage, 82, 116, 119, 145, 147 Tegarati, ri.. . . . . . . 220 Velagiri, 8. a. Jaggayyapeta, . peli, land measure, 170, 188, 191, 192, 193 pelikkabu, . . 222, 233, 235, 244, 245 Velisiri, Ikhaku princess, . . . . . 64 Vellara, ri. . . . . . . . . 187 Velvikkudi plates of Nedunjadaiyan. . . 102 Vema or Vemays, Reddi k., 268, 269, 272, 273 indukol, . . . . 119, 123, 124 Vongi or Vengai-nadu, co., 30, 31, 1861., 226, 228, 230, 232, 241, 243 Venkadeva, Shahi k. of Kabul and the Punjab, . . 299 . Venkatapur inscription of Krishna II, 205, 206. Venkatesa, te.. . . . . . 206 Venkateka-Perumal, te., . . . . 220 Vennaikkattavan, 8. a. Krishna, 222, 236, 237, 246, 248 6.5 Vijayapura, vi.. . . . . . 68 Vijayapurt, vi.. . . . Vijayaraja, Para mara prince, 50, 51, 52, 34 Vijayarajendra-ralanadu, di.. . 228, 240, 250 Vijayasena, Sena k., . . 212, 215, 217 Vijhathavisiri, Ikhaku princess, . . 64, 71 Vijnanesvara, author, . . . 139 Vikkalan, 8. a. Vikramaditya VI., 230, 231, 241 Vikrama-Dhananjaya, biruda of Jatachola Bhima, . . . . . . . 29, 33 Vikramaditya, k. of Malaua, . 57 and 1., 255, 258, 258 Vikramaditya, sur. of Gangeyadera, . . 161 Vikramaditya, name of w. Chalukya kinga, . 177 Virkramiditya I, W. Chalukya k... 155 Vikramaditya II, do. . . . 177 Vikramaditya II, E. Chalukya k.,. 30 Vikramaditya VI, W. Chalukya k. of Kalyani, 100%, Vikramaditya-Styasraya, sur. of Gopaladeva, 176, 177, 178 Vikramapura, vi., . . Vikramasithapura, &. a. Nellore,. . 269 Vikramasole, Chola k., . . . 185, 190, 192 Vikranta-Chakrayudha, epithet of JatacholaBhima, . . . . . 29, 33 Viliyur-Udaiyan, m., . . . . 191, 193 . . 217 4. Nellore. The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes and add to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch. chief; co.= country: di.=district or division; do.Editto; dy.dynasty: B. Eastern f. femalo; k.king; m.-male: mo.-mountain ri, river; 8. .- same as : OUT. sumame; te.temple; v.-village or town; W. Westeru.

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INDEX 339 271 . . . 191, 193 6 PAGE Rdor Villavarajar, ch., . . 233, 244 Virupaksha, Vijayanagara k., Villikahana, vi.. . . 227 Viryasimha, author, . . . . 98 Villiyannan, ... . . 231, 242 Visaiyarayar, m., . . Vilahaja, vi., . Visaiyavadai or Vijayavadai, 8. a. Bezwada, 228, 232, Vima, Kushana k., 243 Vimala, 11., . . 171 Visakhapattanam (Vizagapatan), vi., . . 24 vimala, medicine,. . Visakhasvamin, deity,. . . 24 Vimaladitya, E. Chalukya k., . 30 and 1., 31 Visakhavarman, Kalinga k.,. . Vimalasiva, Saiva teacher, Vikalanagara, 8. a. Visalanagar, 279, 281, 288 Vimayan, m.. . 231, 242 Visalanagar, vi.. Visalanagar, vi., . . timeopaka,. . 43, 48 and add. visarga, . . . 116, 1187., 135, 277 Vinaya-Pitaka, Buddhist canonical work, . 195n., 1969. Vinayaka, &. a. Ganesa, ot, . 261, 265, 267 . . . . 35 visinimadaya, taz, . . . 93 and add., 95 Vindhya, mo.. . . . 145 Vishamadhafi-Panchanana, biruda of HamVindhyapada, locality, . . 36, 40 viniyogam, . 119, 123, 124 mira, . . . . . . 278, 282 . ciniyuktaka, official, . 41, 118 vishaya, a territorial division, 79, 80, 81, 82 and 1., 83, Vipravaddhajoll, vi.. . 212, 218 182, 213 Vipulasrimitra, Buddhist ascetic, 97, 98, 99, 100 and 1., | vishay-adhikarana, a district court, . . 79, 80, 81 101 and 1. vishayapati, official, . . . 80, 81, 144, 146, Virakesari, Pandya prince, 226 and n., 231, 242 218 tirama, . . 10, 84, 194 Vishnu, god, 11, 17, 22, 93, 129, 132, 1631., 154, Vira-Narasimha, biruda of Jatachola-Bhima, 29, 33 1567., 220, 261, 265, 267, 277, 278, Viranarayana, sur. of Vems, . . , 271 287, 297 Viranarayana, sur. of Parantaka I,. . . 166 Viranarayanachaturvedimangalam or Vishpukundin, dy. Vira . . . . 173n. . Vishnu Puranam, Telugu work, . . . 270 nirayanapuram, 8. a. Udaiyargudi, . 165, 167, 168, 169, 170 Vishnushahasranama, quoted, . . . . 158n. Vira-Pandya, Pandya prince, . 187, 188 and n. Vishnusarman, M., . . . . . 24 Virarajendra, Chola k., 221, 226 and n., 227, 233, 236, Vishnuyasas, m.,. . 181,183 244, 247 Vishvakaena, one of the Samhitas of Pancharatra, 2237. Vtrarijendra-Brahmadhiraja, ch... . 233, 244 Visvamitra, rishi, . . Virar jendra-Danma pala, m., . . 241, 250 Visvarupa, m., . . . . . 154, 156, 157 Virarajendra-Gangaiyarajan, ch., . . 233, 244 Vitariga, 8. a. Jina, . . . . 50, 62 Virarajendra-Malavarajar, m., . 234, 244 ehi, a diymsion, . . * 213 and 1. Virarajendra-Sembiyadaraiyan, m., 241, 250 Vitthala-Bhatta, ., . . 19, 21, 22 Virarajendra-Tiruvendalarnastu-Muvandavejar, Vitthala-Bhatta, 11., . 18, 21, 22, 23 . 234, 24. Vitthala Pattavardhana, m., . . . 17, 19, 22 Virasaiva, sect, . 11, 2711 . Voddiya, 8. a. Odra, 221, 233 . . . . 288 mirabilai . Virakinga-Muvendavelar, m., . Voddiyaraya-nirdhuma-dhama, biruda of Vema, 268, 272 234, 245 Vokkana, 8. a. Wakhan, Virabolan, name of hospital, 223, 239, 249 . . . . 60 Virabola-Nenmalinattu-Muvendavelag, m., 130 234, 245 Vratakhanda, section of Chaturvargachintamani, Virabola-pPallavaraiyar, M.,. . 234, 244 Vrindavati, 8. a. Bundi, . , 279, 281, 287,288 Virasoliyam, Tamil work, . . Vrishabhanatha, Jaina Tirthamkara, 50, 54 Virochana, demon k., . . . Vriahabhasankara, sur. of Vijayasina, 215 Virudarajabhayankara, sur, of Kulottunga Vrishabhasankara-nala, measure, . . 215, 218 Chola I,. . . 189 writta, . . . . . . . 213 Virudarijabhayankara-valanadu, di, 189, 191, 192 Vyalag-jamalla, 8. 4. Vyalagajamalla-Palla. Viruka-satka, field, . . . . . . . . . 172 varaiyey, . varaiyay, . . . . . . . 187 virundangal, a married woman, . 184, 190 Vydlagajamalla-Pallavaraiyan, sur. of Araiyan Virupakhapati, epithet of Mahisona . . 62, 71 Bharatap. . . . . 166, 169, 170 90 189 267 The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the Additions and Correetiors. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch. chief; co.= country: di.-district or division; do. ditto; dy.-dynasty : .-Eastern; f.fomale; k.king: m=male; mo. mountain; ri.river; 6. 4.same : aur, surnamo; te.templevi, village or town; W.-Western.

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340 W Wadhwan plates of Mahipala Wakhan, co., y, bipartite, y, doubling of, y, tripartite, ya, two forms of, Yadava, dy., Wani-Dindori plates of Govinda III, Waziristan, di., Wima Kadphises, Kushana k., 57, 59 and n., 258,259 Wu-t'u or Ota (Skt. Odra), co., 37, 38 Y Yadu, mythical k., Yagapura, s. a. Jahazpur, Yajnabhatta, m., Yajnadhya, m., Yajnavalkya, sage, Yajnavalkya-smriti, Yakhadasi, f., Yakhadina, m., Yakhi, f., Yakhila, m., Yaksha, demigods, Yama, god, years of the cycle: Yamunacharya, Vaishnava teacher,. Yasahkarnadeva, Kalachuri k. of Tripuri, Yasobhita, mistake for Ayasobhita, Yaeomati, queen of Prabhakaravarddhana, Yavana (m) Muhammadan), . Bahudhanya (Vegudanya) Dhatu, Dundubhi, Durmukha, Hemalamba, EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. Kshaya, Prajapati, Pramathin, Raudra, Rudhirodgarin, Siddharthin, Sobhakrit, Vibhava, . Vikarin, Virodhin, Yuva, PAGE 159 60, 258 134, 136 301 . 194 102 10, 11, 12, 15, 16, 127, 130, 131, 206 17, 20, 22 278, 281, 287 234, 245 125, 126 139 139 69 69 69 194 1 69 295, 296 142, 284 119n., 122, 124 268 11 .129, 131 129 260, 263, 266 17, 21, 23, 127 108n. 11 . 121n. 11, 13, 15 207, 208 261 261, 262 years of the reign:2nd, * 3rd,. 4th,. 5th,. 6th,. 7th,. 8th, 9th, 11th, 12th 13th, 14th, 15th, 17th, 18th, 19th, 20th, 23rd, 25th, 28th, 29th, 30th, 35th, 41st, 165 93, 94 Yen-kao-chen, 8. a. Wima Kadphises, 37 75, 76 282, 283 yogas:Ayushmat, Priti, Sula, Vriddhi, Yoginfpura, 8. a. Javar, Yogisvara, deity, 62, 65, 185n., 214, 216 31, 106, 216 106, 185 120n., 233, 234, 244, 245 64, 65 24, 36 Yue-chi, tribe, yukta, official, yuvaraja, title, 31n., 106, 184, 189, 191, 192 35, 36, 41 65, 205, 206, 215, 219, 221, 240, 250 154, 156, 157, 186, 188 . . Yuan Chwang, Chinese pilgrim, Yuddhamalla, E. Chalukya k., Yudhishthira, mythical k., [VOL. XXI. Z 121 288, 271 Zafar Khan II, governor of Gujarat, . PAGE . 106 2, 30, 65 65, 66 121 . 64, 65 24, 36 63, 64, 65 186n. 31 56, 58, 60, 262 205 278, 281, 287 295 37, 38, 88, 90, 196 31 82 58, 59, 258 144, 146 137, 168 Yuvarajadeva, Kalachuri k. of Tripuri, 93, 94, 149, 151 . 31 31 58 57,258 129, 130, 131 21, 23 129, 130 119, 122, 124 279, 280 The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the Additions and Corrections. The following other abbreviations are used:-ch.chief co.country; di. district or division; do. ditto; dy.dynasty; E.-Eastern; f.-female; k.-king; m. male; mo.-mountain; ri.river; s. a. same as; aur, surname; te. temple; vi. village or town. W.-Western.

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